Oi* □: 03 o^ .^^ i;^. "^:2r
(If TUK
I'RIXCETON, N. J.
i> o :v .^ "jr I c» >.- c* v
SAMUEL AONEM^,
or Pnil. ADELPHIA, PA.
;<*«^? e<^^39<^^9^
I CV/*v, Diviu
Booho
VQ'
f
'^'
AN IN Q^U I R Y
INTO THE
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION
TO THE
THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES.
Wherein it is propofed to examine,
t. HOW FAR SUBSCRIPTION IS CONSISTENT WITH THE NA-
TURAL RIGHTS OF MANKIND.
Hi HOW FAR IT IS CONSISTENT WITH THE POWERS OF
THE HUMAN MIND.
311. HOW FAR IT IS CONSISTENT WITH THE PRINCIPLES
OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION.
IV. HOW FAR IT IS CONSISTENT WITH THE DOCTRINES
AND- PRECEPTS OF CHRISTIANITY.
SECOND EDITION,
CORRECTED, ALTERED, AND MUCH ENLARCEDJ
WITH A PREFACE, AND INDEX.
Hy GEORGE'^DrER, A. B.
LATE OF EMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
flaw?, Ti»v J* ire^i t>jj a\r,Sim(. Athenac. de mort. refurredt. f. i.
Vifla jacet pietas. Ovid. Metamorph. 1. I.
— — Manus hac inimica tyrarinis
f ■- petit placidam fub libertate quietem. Algernon Sidney's Motto.
LONDON:
PAINTED FOR J. JOHNSON, N» 72, ST, PAU'L'S CHURCH y.\RD.
TO
ROBERT TYRWHITT, A.M.
WHO FIRST ATTEMPTED TO RESTORE RELIGIOUS LIBERTY
TQ THE
MEMBERS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE,
BY PROPOSING A GRACE,
FOR THE REMOVAL OF SUBSCRIPTION
TO THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES,
AT THE TIME OF TAKING DEGREES j
THE FOLLOWING
1 N CtU I R Y
INTO THE NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION^
IS INSCRIBED,
WITH GRATITUDP AND RESPECT^
BY THE AUTHOR.
a 2
PREFACE.
As an Inquiry into the nature of Subfcription, under
the form in which I difcufled it in the year 17B9, was
of no fmall variety, and of no inconfiderable extent,
fome inaccuracies may be expefted to have attended
its difcuflion. Such as have occurred to mej whether
of my own or the printer's, I have corredled in this
edition. Many, however, (and more probably than
I am aware of) will, no doubt, ftill remain. I ex-
pert alfo, that inaccuracies will attend the additions
that I have made. May I hope they are fuch only,
as may be entitled to candour? Or rather, muft I
yield to my fortune j and as one who has made fo
free with public errors, lay no claim to the public
indulgence ?
As to the pains which I have taken, or my mo-
tives in writing, it may be prudent to be lilent. For
how often docs toil and labour produce nothing!
And what is faid of love, is more true of feif-love,
it is blind.
But as fome gentlemen, to whofe judgment I
have been accuftomed to pay deference, were
pleafed to exprefs a favourable opinion of my In-
quiry, and a wifh to fee a more corre6t edition
of it, I am conftrained to explain the reafons of my*
delay, connefted with reflexions, whicii, on other
accounts, I wifh to make.
a 3 The
VI PREFACE.
The firft edition, then, was only chxulated among
' a few friends. It came forth under great difadvan-
tages. I liad no expedation of a fecond edition be-
ing called fori and began to amufe myfelf with lighter
ftiidies, unconne(fled with the prefent fubjedt.
Since the idea of republication was fuggefted, a
variety of confiderations caufcd delay. The prin-
cipal I will lay before the reader.
The firft is political. The reader will picafe to
keep in mind, that the prefent work profeffes only
to be an Inquiry: and inquiiry is at once both a6live
and flow; active in difcovering miftakes, flow m
afcertaining truth. In a courie of reading and re-
flexion new convi(5tions arifc, and new opinions are
formed. Nor can they, if the charader of an in-
quirer be uniformly preferved, be taken up lighdy,
or digefted at random.
The alterations and additions tn the prefent form
of the work are confiderable : and, if my authorities
are not taken at fecond hand (which, with two or
three exceptions, I can uprightly fay is not the cafe).,
the refult of fome reading and refledlion. The cor-
rcflions and additions in the two ftrft divifions will
be found to proceed from fome inquiry. But I al-
lude more particularly to the hiftorical parts of the
third divifion, and the laft chapter of the fame di-
vifion, which is entirely new. In thefe will be found
fome additional refearches into britifli antiquity, and
the principles and forms of modern governments.
To thofe, alfo, who give me credit for my at-
tachment
PREFACE, VU
tachment to civil and religious liberty, it may appear
a degree of felf-denial in me never once to have
alluded in the former edition to what was then tranf-
a61:ing in France. The truth is, when I was en-
gaged in publilhing my Inquiry, the affliirs of that
country were, as yet, fufpended on the edge of con-
tingencies. Without looking abroad^ I had fufficient
materials to fix my attention at liome. I feldom
converfed with perfons engaged in French politics.
I lived in 'the retirement of a village, " converfmg
moflly with books and trees."
But as the affairs of France began to draw to a
crifis, it was impoflible to help giving a glance at
them. They gave rife to debates in England im-
mediately connefted with the fubjeft of this Inquiry,
on natural rights, civil liberty, the genius of the
bridfh government, the charafler of our clergy an4
ecclefiaflical eftabiifnment. Among the writers who
diftinguilhed themfelves on this occafion was Mr.
Burke. From the charafter which I had learnecj
to entertain of this gentleman, I expeded to receive
information, tending to correft fome of my own
miftakes. But 1 foon found Mr. Burke was ca-
pable of throwing no light on thefe fubjefts ; and
that, notwithftanding the confidence with which he
wrote, he was on fome fubjefts extremely ill-inform-
ed, or guilty of mifreprefentation; and that, in fome
cafes, he was even confuted by writers on his own
fide of the queftion. I therefore propofed making
(Copious remarks on this writer, at lealt with thofe
a 4 parts
VUl PREFACE.
parts of his " Refledlions" connefled with the fub-
jed of my book; and of introducing them into the
body of the work. But recollecfling again, that I
had attempted to anfwer fimilar objeftions of writers
more judicious and better informed than Mr. Burke,
and that as he had been fufficiendy confuted on the
fubjed of french pohdcs by Mr. Paine, and fince
by Mr. Chriftie and Mr. Mackintoih, he had alfo
been ably replied to on thofe matters which took
my attention, by Dr. Prieftley and others; I thought
on the one hand, I was laying out for myfelf unne-
ceiTary work, and on the other, might appear to be
intruding into a province already occupied. I there-
fore dropped my original defign, after having been
detained in forming it. All I have done in this way
has been to make two or three curfory remarks on
Mr. Burke, a writer whofe fiafhy, rather than correft
flyle, has gained him feme admirers ; but whofe
principles are approved by fev/, who have no intereft
in being deceived.
It was, alfo, my intention to have clofed the laft
chapter of the third part of my work, with a fhort
delineation of the chara6lers of fome of thofe englifh
writers, ancient and modern, wlio have made politics
their principal ftudy; wilhing to dire6t the attention
of fome of our englifh youth to perufe them, or at
leaft to form ajuft eftimate of their writings. This
plan, however, was too extenfive for the place that
I had afllgncd it; 1 therefore only obferve, that in
cftimating the value of political wrinngs with re-
fped
PREFACE. IX
Ipect to ourfelves, we Ihould not examine them by
the charader of the times in which the authors lived,
but by the theories and pradices of more enlight-
ened periods. My references, therefore, to political
writers mufl frequendy be confidered as illuftrations
or confirmations of my own remarks, not as ex-
prelTive of my approbation of whole fyftems. My
applaufe, too, (for I believe it is not my cuftom
to under-rate any writer) muft be eftimated by the
fame rule. As to my own judgment, it. is formed
by a ftandard (as nearly as I can afcertain it) of po-
litical merit. Rehgious opinion makes no part of
the eftimate. Why Ihould I (top to examine a po-
lidcian's theological creed ? Does a writer eftabliih
one principle, the tendency of which is to blefs man ?
I will call him friend.
As the worth of political writers is to be rated by
the prefent more improved ftate of political fcience,
every effort for improvement is to be valued by the
prefent wants of civil fociety. Different talents con-
Ipired to bring about an important reformation.
And as candour fliould be indulged towards former
writers, patience and moderation are required even
in purfuit of a juft claim. Political reformers fhould
remember, " no effort is loit." The bold republican
pioneer, the more moderate reformer of abufes, the
advocate for a qualified eftablifliment, the protefting
nonconformifl, and the peaceful quaker, may each,
in their refpediive flations, humanize the order of
fociety. And while fome bolder fpirits are formed
to
X PREFACE.
to abarti venal flatefmen, and to ftartle unfeeling
OPPRESSORS, others may think themfelves not ufe-
lefsly employed in aiming to give political knowledge
to the outcafts of political fociety, the common
PEOPLE \ Where fhall I rank the flatefman, who,
to prevent a revolution, encourages a generous re-
formation ? Among the band of patriots. Where the
man, who oppofes public exertions, who obftrudls
national reformation? Among the founders of a
REVOLUTION. But lliall any portion of that fame,
that fometimes attends a generous and daring fpirit,
be the portion of the ariftocratic revolutionift ? Con-
tempt and infignificance will be his lot; and enlight-
ened pofterity will curfe his name. Such a man,
WHOsoEv'jR HE BE, lliould be taught, that every at-
tempt to oppofe reforms will but hallen them. He
Ihould be taught, that though ignorance and mean-
nefs will bear contempt, when a nation is en-
lightened, it will not be insulted. — Thefe fpe-
culations caufed delay.
The fecond reafon of my delay is of a theological
nature. Some friends have exprelTed a concern^
that in a quefiion, which, they think, ought to have
been confined to liberty, I have introduced religious
controverfy; conceiving, if I had direfted my atten-
tion to a fmgle view of the queftion, or at lead, if I
had not wandered into the province of theology, my
Inquiry might probably have been better received. I
» Set p. 35(3, of this Inqviiry. I think it not impvohablc, I (\iM attempt my-
felf ftiordy a courfe of AJdrflTcs to the poor peoi-le of Lngland.
3 give
PREFACE. XI
give thefe gentlemen credit for their generous inten-
tions; but beg leave to obferve, that thofe writers
who have attended to the political fide of the queftion
only, can have prefented but a partial view of the
fubjeft. They cannot have exhibited the whole ^
grievance of fubfcription. And how could I have
examined the quellion with refpedt to chriilianityy
without inquiring into the chriilian do6lrines? How-
undertake to expofe error, without endeavouring to
exhibit the truth ? I recolIe6led, too, that the chrif-
tian who aflerts his liberty has yet done but half his
duty; the chriftian rule being,- not merely to exa-^
mine all things, but to hold fall that which is good'.
Befides (why lliould I conceal it ?) I had a nobler end
in view than merely to oppofe human authority in mat-
ters of religion. Friendfhip and efleem had no fmall
fhare in my regards : and being infltienced by ferious-
and ftrong convidlions myfelf, I wifhed to call the
attention- of thofe who I had reafon to believe hady
On othef accounts, a prejudice in my favour, to in-
quiiies, which appeared to me to concern chriftian-
ky. Bad meA may, I ov/n,- fhelter themfelves un-
der die pirreft forms of religion; they may keep aloof
from forms, and be bad men ftill; they may everf
pafs through all forms, and be knaves all the while.
Can the ^Ethiopian change his fkin, or the leopard
his fpots? This is matter of ferious concern to every
upright heart": it, IrowevCr, affedts not a general
truth; that the pureft notions of the Deity and of
chriftianity, muft draw after them better confe-
quences
xli PREFACE.
quences in favour of morality, than fuch as are par-
tial or corrupt: for though individuals may receive
no benefit from them, thoufands, as they advance in
knowledge, will improve in goodnefs. But as to any
expedations, that the prefent work will be popular, I
was never vain enough to indulge them. Works far
fuperior to this have gained but little on the public
ear. And indeed, from a convidion, that the public
ear has been damaged by the candidates for popular
applaufe, I have not even ftudied its humour. If I
had, I fliould have attempted a fofter ftrain. I have
placed myfelf, as it were, in the prefence of the great
Being, and the difciples of truth j with whom truth
only is harmony. I fhall be rewarded, if my attempt
is in any meafure approved by a few thinking menj
and if it convey any degree of information to inge-
nuous youth.
Here opened a large field of inquiry. On taking
a view of this part of my fubjed, it was natural to
revert to the facred fcripturesj to compare with
them, (as far as my limits and abilities allowed) the
39 articles; to confider how far thefe articles were
connedted with the received tranflation of the fcrip-
tures; and as thefe inquiries led me, in the former
edidon, to obferve a real connexion, and to join
ifiiie with diofe who acknowledged the expediency
of an improved tranflation; ib alfo, as a new tranf-
lation ^ has been fince entered on by two learned
* Dr. Gcdcks's new Trarvflation of thx holy bible, and Mr Wakefield's Tranf-
lation of zVx new tellanicnt.
men.
PREFACE. XIU
men, and in part completed, to make fome addi-
tional remarks. Thefe alfo caiifed delay. Nor fhall
I conceive myfelf wandering out of my province in
making the following obfervations.
It is too late, then, in the day to be alarmed at
fhaking the public confidence. It fhould be fhaken,
if it has been mifled. The hebrew and greek ve-
rity have both been fufEciendy confuted * : and truth
has gained by it. As to tranflations, if our ances-
tors had experienced fuch iUiberal fears as now agi-
tate many, it would have fared but ill with the pre-
fent times. Miles Coverdale, who, in connexion
with Tyndal, gave the firfb complete englifli verfion
of the bible, was fo far from thinking it perfedb, that
he puts up a prayer, that God would move the hearts
of others to engage in the fame province: and with
refped: to different tranflations he remarks, that there
Cometh more knowledge and underftanding of the
fcriptures from different tranflations, than from all
the glofles of fophiftical doctors ^. The judgment,
alfo, of his fucceffors may be colle6ted, by conlider-
ing, that in a lefs time than has elapfed fmce the
lafl tranflation under king James, no lefs than four
englilh ^ verfions were put forth (three of which
came
* Dr. Kennicott's Introduction to the printed Hebrew Text of the old tefta-
mcnt, and the learned Mr. Porfon's Letters to Archdeacon Travis, p. 45, 46, 58.
59. 60. 61. 226.
^ See his Prologue to the Reader.
^ That called Cranmer's great bible, (which was a more improved copy of
Tyndal's and Coverduk's) Bcza's, or the Geneva edition, publi/hed in Mary's
reigii.
XIV PREFACE.
came out under the fanftion of public authority.)
In the prefaces of the two laft is a liberality of con-
.ceffionj to which modern chriftians would do well
to attend.
At the fam.e time, the alarm fhould not be greater
than the neceffity of the cafe requires. For notwith-
ftanding the imperfections of the prefent tranflation,
it anfwers, and indeed more than anfwers, every
expectation that could have been formed of it from
the times in which it was made: and thofe who have
even feen the expediency of undertaking a new tranf-
lation admit, that the prefent hath in the main fide-
lity, fimplicity, and eafe ^. But, Are not evils and
benefits to be afcertained by the realities of poflef-
fion, and poffibilities of improvement ? When there
was no englifh verfion, the want of it was an evil.
But if forgeries are palmed on us as parts of facred
writ, or if the tranflation ftand in need q{ amend-
ment, the tranflation itfeif becomes an evil, till thofe
forgeries are removed, and till thofe amendments
are made. "
As to the ftyle of the common verfion of the new
teftament, it is not without juftice, that a modern ju-
dicious critic remarks, there is frequently in it great
want of perfpicuity; ambiguities arifing from not
connecting the relatives with their antecedents; from
an indeterminate ufe of prepofidons; that fome paf-
retgn by englilh refugees at Geneva; Parker's, or the bi(hops bible, in Eliza-
beth's; and the laft (now in ufe) publiflicJ in James's reign, in 1611,
e Dr. Gcddcs's ProfpcfVus of a new Tranflation of the holy bible, aiid MrA\"ak.c-
SelJ's Preface to his Tranflation of the new tcftament.
fages
PREFACE. ^
fages are ungrammatical; that fome expreflions arc
piean, obfolete, vulgar, and harfh ^. Of all thefe im-
perfections of ityle. Dr. Sv- jnds has given accurate
examples. It may alfo be very fafely allowed, that
fimilar .complaints may be brought againft the re-
ceived tranflation of the old teftament. And fubfe-
quent tranflators muft, indeed, have been idly em-
ployed, if, poffeffed of purer originals, a more ac-
cuiate acquaintance with the oriental languages^
more complete rules of tranflation, and in the pre-
fent more improved ftate of the englifh language,
they muft, I fay, have been idly employed, if with
all thefe advantages, they do not prefent us with a
franflation more agreeable to the Ipirit of the facred
Jiext, and to the idiom of the englilh language.
But the imperfections of king James's tranflation
are trifling, confidered merely as ambiguous phrafes,
grammatical inaccuracies, inelegant or obfolete dic-
tion. Their importance confifts in their being mif-
jnterpretations (though undefignedly) of many in-
terefting paflTagesj in their retaining interpolations
(though not acknowledged fuch at the time). Some
paflfages, as qow tranflated, not only deviate from
the true meaning of the original, but are the direct
contrary to it^j others give countenance to the
claims of high church authority *• j terms expreflive
' Obfervations upon the expediency of Revifing the prefent englilh verfion of the
four gofpelt. By John Symonds, LL.D.
* Ex. grat. John ii. 4.
•> One of the rules of tranflation l^id 4own by king TaHies, was, You /hall
^retain (he old ecclefiaiUcal words,
3 «J
XVI PREFACE.
in the original of jewifli feftivals, exprefs in our
tranflation the fuperftitions of chriftians '. Otliers,
defcriptive of conditional privileges, or of the cha-
rafters of pcrfons difpofed, or called to embrace
chriftianity, are fo interpreted, as to convey a partial
chara<5ler of the Father of mankind ^ And,
finally, exprefiTions are found inconliftent with the
title and attributes of the one god. In fliort, the
mifreprefentations regard the theology and philofo-
phy of revelation, the reafon and benevolence of
man i and, trifling as they may appear, draw after
them ferious confequences.
Following the courfe of my inquiry, I aflerted,
that the compilers of our articles were doftrinal
calvinifts, and my proofs will, I believe, be found
unexceptionable. I intended in this edition to have
produced examples (tending to eftablifh the fame
point), from the arguments and notes in Cranmer's
great bible. But this is fufficiently known to thofe,
who have turned their attention to thefe fubjefts.
I therefore wave my defign. As to king James's
tranflation, it was fafhioned more after the Geneva
edition than any other ' : and, indeed, an ordinary
reader, acquainted with the fyftem of Calvin, will
be capable of forming a judgment of its charafter
by a bare perufal of the tranflation.
On Dr. Geddes's new tranflation of the old teg-
ument (a fmall part of which only is yet publiflied,)
' Ails xii. 4. dr flourilh, dik".
186, i,_/brjoyal, rffli^ joyful.
196, 14, _/or free, rwi/ freed.
215, 3, from bottom, yor Runningmede, rM^ Ruaingmedb
a 1 6, 13, ybr ditto, read ditto.
217,- 3, from bottom, ybr figned, rM See appendix. As the diflenters have certainly no resfon to be prejudiced in
uvotir of tLe prefent go'.frnuiciu:, after their cruel profcriptioR? and the fij-cs 4t
Birniineham.
PREFACE, 2acW
cannot move with any party, that difcard my fa^
Vourite fentiments. Nor can thqr be refponfible
for my political creed. Jt would be injuftice to
fliorten my periods through partial attachments ; to
entail an odium on any men, under which they choofc
not to lie -, or appear to venerate forms, which, to fay
the leaft, appear to me difcretional. My efteem for
diffenters is unfophjfticated, proceeding not merely
from obligations or partial attachments, but from a
convidion of their weight in the balance of public
liberty, of their importance to die interefts ofchrif-
tianity j and while an eftablifhment exifts, can I ever
blufh at being thought a diffenter? May an en-
lightened legiflature foon find it their intereft to
put diffenters in poffeffion of their juft privileges I
But my political prayer would favour of impiety,
jif it did not embrace man.
In connexion with thefe views, it was my inten-
tion to have added in my preface a few reflcdlions
on the praftice of chriftian churches, and a learned
and interefting work, entided, the Hiflory of bap-
tifm. Thefe remarks I have thrown into a poft-
fcript. And thefe alfo produced delay.
Do I mean then to avow a fentiment unfavour-
able to religious focjety ? Do I mean to affert tliat «
public worfhip is inconfiflent with the genius of
JSirmingham ; (See Dr. Prieflley's fpirited and excellent Addrefs on the late riots
there, and what Mr. Lindfej- fays, in a candid and judicious work, entitled, Con-
verfations on chriftian idolatry, dial, i.) fo I have reafon to think, the prejudice
in favour of a certain EXCELLEWr coiiftitution, will foon be^-in lo fubfide.
3 chriftianity ?
XXVI PREFACE.
chriftianity ? This I have not aflerted. Acknow-
ledge I do, tliat forms may exift v/ichout the fpirit
of devotion ; that unhallowed palTjons may mix
with forms i that the approbation and the reward
of men, rather than of Him, who feeth in fecret,
may be fought under thofe forms : conftrufted they
may be, fo as to weary the attention of the wor-
ftiippers J to diftate too freely to the being, who
changes not, who loves his creatures, and to whom
from every part of his empire fliould afcend the
prayer, Tliy will be done : by an art called
" preaching in prayer," minifters may addrefs to
the people what ought to be offered only to God.,
Acknowledge too I do, that the elTence of chriftian
worfliip confifls not in the exteriors of temple fer-
vice, but in devout affedionsj that the heart of
man is the temple of the living God. All this I
acknowledge. Acknowledge too I mud, that a love
cf gain, or a degree of vanity, feeking diftinflions,
and amidft oracular folemnities, expecting deference
and homage; or a conftitutional or artificial en-
thufiafm, unallicd to the generous philanthropic paf-
fion ; or even hypocrify^ concealing amid the cre-
dulity of pictifts felfiflinefs, crimes which the world
abhors: I fay, I acknowledge, that every thing that
is little, and bafe, will frequently chara6lerize the pritft
or the preacher. I will alio acknowledge, focieties
called chriftian, may be worldly fandluaries of the
worft defcription -, that the difcipline of them may
be partial, cruel, unjuft; but he, v/ho infers I draw
a general
PREFACE. XXVU
a general conclufion againft religious fociety, would
do me injuftice. He too, who becaufe 1 draw no
general conclufion againft religious fociety, infers,
that I believe focial worfhip to be abfolutely obli-
gatory, or that the teacher has laid down any-
thing, making it of divine authority under the new
covenant, would do me injuftice. He would be
cruel who, from any thing I have dropped, Ihouid
infer, that I mean to deal in general cenfures : that
I feel private difgufts : that I indulge unkind emo-
tions on contempladng mere forms. How ain
I ? I who believe the fupreme Being difapproves
only pride and hypocrify; but loves virtue, his
own image, under all forms ? That even in mere
political inftitutions are found fmcere worfliippers,
judicious inftrudtors, truths mixed with errors, vir-
tues with imperfeftions ?
A writer, whom I hold in efteem, has lately con-
tended, that focial worftiip is incompatible with the
religion of Jefus *. The writer admits, that prayer,
proceeding from the occafion, is proper; improper,
at ftated times, and by ftated forms; that in fociety
for exhortadon, reading, and expounding the fcrip-
tures, there is propriety, though not for focial
worftiip. Accede I do to, and much admire many
of the remarks of this writer, admire I do his
own plan of worlhip f. In faying his argument ap-
pears to me inconclufive againft focial worfhip, I
deliver only my opinion. Excellent confequences,
may, I own, follow, if this treatife lead m.en, dif-
* Mr. Wakefield's Entjuiry into the propriety and expediency of fuciul worfhip.
"f- Ibid, zd edit.
approving
5JXV1U PREFACE,
approving foclal worfhip, to aft from a fixed
principle; and if it lead others, diffatisfied only
widi received forms, to pradife a worfhip, in their
judgment, more rational and evangelical. As to
myfelf, I only drop hints falling in the way of
inquiiy. On what relates to churches I decide no-
thing. How fhould I, who believe tl\a,t die Teacher
fent from God decides nothing * ?
Speculations of this threefold dcfeription feD in-
fenfibiy before me. I mention them among the
reafons of my delay. The procefs purfued by me
in forming my prcfent plan, I will alfo lay before the
reader. I make no apology. But my obligations
fliould be acknowledged.
The firfl flvetch of a fimiiar work came in the
courfe of a litde fyftem of fpeculative theology, (a
term I am not very fond of, favouring, as it does, of
ariftocracy) formed feveral years ago in college, in
1777. Being on a vifit to an ingenious friend among the
diifenters, I enlarged my plan j which fome friends
approving, wifhed me to publifh. But being not
fatisfied with it, I on my return to college burnt it.
In confequence of a hint dropped to a judicious
friend in the Univerfity of Cambridge, in the year
■"' Thel'e rtrtci\ioiis, (one or two fmall infertions cxcepteil,) and the 2d appen-
dix, I wrote prior to a late controvcrfy. As the iubjeA is important, and hac
called forth rcfpcil^ble talents, 1 will put down tlic pamphlets, in the order, in
wl'.ich they were pui>lilhtd. Mr. W.'s Enquiry. A Serm. in reply, by Dr.
Difiuy. A Defence of foclal worlViip, by Mr. Wilfon. Curfoiy Remarks -.ni
Mr. w.'s Enquiry, by Eufebia. Arguments .igainft and for the Sabbatical O'o-
fervancc of Sunday, by Mr. Evar.f>n. Sec. edit, of Mr. W.'s Eng. 2(1 edit, of
Eufcbia's Remarks. Dr. Prieftley's Letters to a young man on Mr. W.'s Effay,
Zivi Mr. l.'s objcdiofls. Strit
abroad. But having, as yet, not above half
finifhed my defign, I threw my work into almoJft
a new form, and very much enlarged it. Some
part of it was compofed haftily, at the printing,
office, while other parts were in the prefs. In this
form it had not the advantage of a friend to over-
look it, and with two or three exceptions, even
the corredlion of all the proof flieets lay entirely
between me and the printer, I mention thele
eircumllances, as an apology for the many errata of
the firfl edition.
. To a hint dropt by a fenfible friend, I am In-
debted for the idea of dividing the two middle parts
into chapters; which made a confiderable improve-
ment in the form of my v/ork : thoagh the idea never
occurred to' me till the firft part was printed off.
' Dr. Edwards by propofing a grace for tlut purpofe, and Mr, Frend by his-
EfTav, entitled, Thoughts on fubfcription.
To
XXX PREFACE.
To another friend, v/ell acquainted with the englifh
law, the line of his profeflion, I am indebted for my
acquaintance with one or two judicious writers on
the englifh government; and to a refpeftable quaker,
for the perufal of feveral ingenious treatifes of
William Penn'ss a writer whom I here mention
with relpe6l, as one who brought me acquainted with
a valuable writer on britifh antiquities; and to a
learned friend in the vicinity of the printer's, for a
fi'equent ufe of books in his valuable library.
To the fame judicious gentleman, through whofe
liberality I was principally enabled to engage in
the firft edition of my Inquiry, I was alfo indebted
for the difcovery of feveral of the errors that ap-
peared in the table of errata. And to the other
friend, who overlooked the rough draught of the
former edition, for overlooking the two firft parts
of this. I reckon it a misfortune, that the two
laft, and the preface, have been fubmitted to the ex-
amination of no one; a misfortune fo much the
greater, as thefe are the more delicate parts of
my fubjefl:. I was brought into thefe circumftances
partly through neceffity, partly through delicacy.
Several gentlemen of cftabliflied character in the
literary world, and whofe names, if I allowed myfelf
to mention them, might refle6l fome honour on the
prefent undertaking (which, therefore, to avoid the
?.ppearance of vanity, I conceal), v;cre pleafed to ex-
prefs themfelves fomewhat favourably of my work,
■under all its inaccuracies. In reliance on their
friendfliip.
PREFACE. XXXI
friendfiiip, and in deference to their judgment, I ex-
preffed a defire that they would point out to me any
errors that fhould ftrike them : and they accordingly
promifed me to read my work with that view. But
the alterations and additions in the two laft parts of
it were fo material, that it would have been impof-
fible for them to have pointed out the m.illakes of
this edition by the perufal of the former i often m^ade,
too, in fo incoherent a manner, that they could not
have formed a fair judgment; and fo much in a
courfe of reading, that I could not, in confiflency
with my plan, have palTed the book from my own
hands. After completing my defign, fo much
time had elapfed, that the publication of the work
admitted of no delay; and in paffing ic from one
friend to another, I knew not when the buiinefs
would have clofed. Here, too, I had brought my-
feif into a fituation of fome delicacy. If 1 had fub -
initted the parts, to which I allude, to one friend and
not to another, who had alfo promifed to overlook
tliem, I might have appeared guilty of neglect,
where great lefpecl was due; or, on paffing them
into the hands of feverai, I might have appeared to
fufpeft, though unintentionally, th<; judgment of
the laft. Thus partly througii necelTity, partly
through my own weaknefs, and partly through de-
licacy, I was obliged at length to take the prefcnt
flep, and to throw my work on the public to an
evident difadvantage. If my peculiar fituation may,
probably, have forced me to ufe greater diligence,
and to have proceeded with greater circumfpedion,
5 tliefe
XXXll PREFACE/
thefe difadvantages may, perhaps, be in fome degree
alleviated, though they cannot be wholly removed.
For my fentiments, therefore, and my miftakes, as
I only am refponfible, fo I muft be content to fub-
mit to the lafh of critics difpofed to be fcvere. And
to real critics I iutn with deferelice and humility.
But from triflers and bigots, from the malicious or
the, vain of any party, I aflc no favour, I fear no cen-
fures. To the ftep which I have taken, I -Was led
neither by felf- confidence nor pride, but from an em-
barrafled fituation, out of which I knew not how,
otherwile, to extricate myfelf.
Amidll my many obligations, I feel myfelf happy
to acknowledge myfelf much indebted to feveral re-
fpe6lable friends in the univerfity of Cambridge, for
my free ufe of the books in the public library,
and in feveral private colleges: an advantage, which
I reckon an indulgence^ my degree not entiding me
to it. I am alfo happy in acknowledging other fa-
vours fhewn me, for a courfc of years, by the inge-
nious matter * of the fociety to which I have flood
more immediately related, as well as to the fociety
at large; to other members of the univerfity, and
feveral gentlemen among the diflenters in and about
Cambridge. For the ufe of the indulgences fhewn
me by the univerfity, I fhould be forry to lie under
imputations unwarranted by my fituation. He, how-
ever, who perufes this work, and afcribcs to me any
thing mean, unmanly, or ungenerous, enters not into
my defign. During mf ftay in London, I have beers
•'* Dr. Farmer, author of the juftly admired Efliy on the learning of Shakefpear.
indebted
AN IN Q^U I R Y
INTO THE
.VATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION, &c.
PART I.
HOW FAR SUBSCRIPTION IS CONSISTENT WITH THE NATt*
RAL RIGHTS OF MANKIND,
CHAP. I.
THE PRESENT TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
JciVERY man, who has judgment enough to form a reli-
gious opinion, fhould have the uprightnefs to avow and
fupport it; Mofl: men, indeed, have the policy to profefs
an attachment to truth. It is faid, She is of divine origi-
nal. The native dignity, which flie wears, and the ufe-
ful talents, which fhe pofleffes, give her a charadler of
importance. When, therefore, fhe claims our attention,
we allow the juftice of her claim ; we rife up with, at
leaft, a profeffion of refpedt, and fcruple not to pay her a
few compliments. Stet Veritas, mat mundus, becomes the
general cry.
\ B Further,
2 AN TKQUIP.Y INTO 7112
Further, all men, who live in fociety, and enjoy Its- ad-
vantages, ought to feel an intereft rn its happinefs. It is
the claim of )uflice ?nd of benevolence. A perfon- unir
flucnced by the focial feeling, is properly an unique, ami
deferves to be cloomeJ to- foiituifc. But folitary exiftcnce
is conceived, by the generality of mankind, to be infiipp6rt-
able.. Men, .thercfoye, either muft j^fTcfs, or at leaft,
though if were only on feffifli confiderations, affe£^ to pof-
fefs, the focial feeling, benevolence. How happy would-
it be for fociety, if thefe profefTions were always finccre '
Man would then rclemble the great Being, in whofe like-
nefs he was originally formed, and, hy confulting the pub-
he good, anfwcr the generous purixjfes of his creation ^.
Arc men then not fincere, when they profefs an attach-
ment to truth, and benevolence? I did- not fay fo. But
this, I thir>k, will be granted, that fmcerity is as forward
to pra6iife, as to profefs. We have daily intcrcourfe v/ith
focial beings, like ourfelves : and- there are a6lions, by
which individuals- in common life muft every day give proof
of the fmcerity of their profeffions. Thefe a6lions become'
the.groimd of nmtual confidence, the bafis of civil fociety.-
With men, moving in colledti^c bodies, fuch proofs, indeed,
cannot be fo frequent. Periods^ how^evcr, occur, when a-
teft is demanded. For public bodies have their days of
trial, as Vv'cll as individuals, and fhoufd on thofe days maiiv
tain a confiftcncy of profelTion and praftice, if tliey would^
obtain genci'al confidence, and feeure a lafting refpcdt.
Such periods are thofe, when appHcations are made for
the removal of public grievances^: amt all human formu-
laries of faith are entitled to that appellation. What pro-
foilions arc more common in tlic mouths of the learned,
^ wheft
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION* ^
when difcourfing on the fubjed of fubfcription, than thefe ?
Our articles, we allow, arc capable of amendment ; fub-
fcription, we acknowledge, might, at leaft, be alleviated as
to its terms, if not wholly removed ; our church formsj
We cannot deny, would admit improvement. Now an
application for redrefs is but fairly putting the queftion,
Have your profeffions any meaning ?
Such applications have been made to the fupreme autho-
rity in this nation. Such applications have been alfo made
to the univerfity cf Cambridge '\ I wifh I could add, that
they had been attended with a fuccefs, equal to their im-
portance. In the years 1772, and 1773, *^^^ proteilant dil-
, fenters prefented petitions to the houfe of commons to be
relieved from fubfcribing to the articles of the church*^*
At that time every licenfed minifler was obliged to profefs
his belief of 36 articles and an half. They have fmce been \
relieved from that grievance, and novv"^ profefs their belief of
the fcriptures only. About the fame time many clergymen'
of the eflabli {lied church prefented a fimilar addrefs ; but this
gained no relief ''. It refleils, indeed, honour on the uni-
^ The firft grace for this purpofe was propofed by Mr. Tyrwhitt of Jefus col-^
lege in 177 1. Jtbb's Works, vol. i. p. 207. Letters on the fubje£t of fub-
fcription. The laft by Dr. Edwards iti 1787 : both were rejeifled by the caputs
Mr, FrenJ's Thoughts oti Subfcription, p. 2. 2d edit.
*•■ Arcann, or the Principles of the diffenting petitioners, &c. by Mr. Robinfon.
^ Vindicix Pricftleianae by Mr. Lindfcy. How well the diiTenters caufe was
managed, I Ihall have occafion to remark pi-cfently. Mr. Lindfey obferves of
the eftablilhed clergy's petition, " Their caufe was fo well defended in the com-
mons houfe of parliartient by fome of its moft illulhious members, and fo many
appeared for it, that though unfuccefsful, by the majority of the votes againft it.
it was truly triumphant." p. 47. Firft addrefs. There were two afTembJies of the
t lergy, who met for this purpofe ; one at the Feather's tavern, Fleet-ftreet ; the
other at Tennifoi>'s library. No Icfs than five of them have fince attained th«
epifcop;il dignity ! — Other petitioning clergymen will fufely arife, fince bilhops
b^ve fet the esample.
B 2 verflty
4 AN INQUIRY INTO THSi
verfity of Cambridge to have attempted a removal oi tUr.
grievance. At our fiftcr univerfity no generous effort hat;
been yet made for Hberty. Even at matriculation the
- young men fliill fubfcribe to the 39 articles, and have not
even the ihelterof a bona fide fubfcription'^.
The following very ferious refle£lions are made by l\Tr,
Archdeacon Paley, " Though fome purpofes of order and
tranquillity may be anfwered by the eftablifliment of creeds
and confefllons, yet are they at all times attended with very
ferious coirfequences. They check inquiry, they violate
liberty, they enfi?are the clergy, by holding out tempta-
tions to prevarication. However they may exprefs the per-
fuafion, or be accommodated to the controverfies or the
fears of tlie age, in which they are compofed, in procefs of
time, and by reafon of the changes, which are wont to
take place in the judgment of mankind upon religious fub-
je6ls, they come at length to contradi6i: the actual judg-
ment of the church, whofe do6trines they profefs to contain,
and they perpetuate the profcription of fe6ls and tenets, from
which any danger has long ceafed to be apprehended ^"
The prcfent Inquiry proceeds from a well wiflicr to
mankind. Conlcious of no ungenerous motives in vmder-
taking it, but urged by tjie love of truth, and the llrong
' By the Oxforrd ftatutes, whoever go to be matriculated, having attained theif
lixtcenth year, muit fubfcribc the 39 articles of religion, take the oaths of alle-
giance and fiipremacy, and of olicdicnce to the univerfity ftatutes. If within their
Sixteenth j'ear, and above their twelfth, they muft then only jubjcnbe to the art'tclct.
If they have not patTcd their twelfth year, they may be matricvilatcd ; but whcit
of proper age, mull go through all the forms. Corp. Statut. Univ. Oxon. tit. 2.
S 3. The Ion I fide fubfcrintion now required of bachelors of arts at Cambridge
is as follows. I A. B. do declare, that I am bona fide a member of the church oi
I England as by law ellablifhed. Statuta Acad. Cantab. Senatus confulta liva
Gratiae, p. 436.
f Princ)i)les of moral and politic:il pliilofophy, c. lo.
feelliigS
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 5
feelings of benevolence, he makes no apology for the free-
tlom of his remarks. If the eflablifliment of creeds and
Gonfeffions be connefled with the deareft interefts of fo-
ciety, and with the mod facred engagements of religion,
to apologize would be mean, and even impolitic. ProfefT-
ing, as he does, an attachment to truth, and benevolence,
if he prove that fubfcription violates both, however imper-
fect the Avork may be, the defign, at lead, will nec4
no apology.
CHAP. II.
SHORT HJSTORY OF CONFESSIONS OF FAITH, AND OF
THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES.
j'^RioR to the golden era of the reformation, the roman
pontiff held Europe in ignominious fubjedtion. Reafon
yva$ confined to very liniited exertions : philofophy being
curbed by theological reftraints, and theology itfelf circum-
fcribed by ecclefiaftical law. For as faith, once fuppofed
to confifl in a belief of divine revelation, and to relate only
to religion, was now made to confift in an implicit confent
to the papal dodlrines, the church thought itfelf autho-
rized to give boundaries to human fcience. And while
the pontiff thought himfeif infallible, the church held the
perpetuity of the catholic faith.
It is true, there were, even in the darkeft times, many
enlightened chriftians ; who, detedling the fbphilhy of
ih.efe claims, dared to confuit their own underftandings,
B 3 But,
6 AN INQUIRY IKTO THE
But, in general, the tide of opinion flowed the oppofitc
way. It was reckoned abfurd to fuppofe, that he, who
pofTefTed the prerogatives of deity, and was even llyled God
in the canon law % could poffiblv think wrong ; and it was
deemed impertinent, to accufe a church of errors, that
would reply, " We are the true church, and the true
*' church cannot err •"."
The pretenfions of the clergy kept pace with the en-
croachments of their ecclefiaftical fovereign. They, in
general, were in poffeflion of all tlie little learning of the
times ; they, principally, held the great offices of ftate, and
occupied an exorbitant fhare in the property of Europe.
Robertfon remarks '^, that the Scotch clergy paid one half •
of the taxes, laid on land : and in England, at a time when
there were more than fixty thoufand feuds, t\venty-eight
thoufand vvere held by the clergy''. The power, which
" they had gained over the property of mankind flrengthened
their authority over the underftanding. Men, who in a
civil capacity had been accaflomcd to view thofe beneath
them as their vaffals, or their fubie<5ls, were not difpofcd,
when they appeared in a religious characler, to over-rate
human reafon. The powers of the mind being thus held
» Qyem longe fuperiorem memoravimus deiun appellatum cum nee pofle deum
ab horainibus judicari manifei^um fit. Decret. prima pars, diftinfl. 96.
Raynoldus fays, that at the coronation of Alexander the 6ta therQ might be fccn
ip different parts of the ftreets of Rome the following epigram,
Ccefare magna fuit, nuric Roma eft maxima, fextus
Rt^at Ale:i2nder, ille vir, if^e Dens.
Claude's Defence o(the Reformation, p. i. c. 2.
*Ut fupra- p. I. c. 6.
5 Hift. of Scotland, vol. i. p. 14a. 5th edit.
* Spelman. Gloffar. feudum. H'^^me's Hiil. of England, vol. 2. append. 2.
in
NATCRp OF SUBSCiUPHON. ^
in ilavery, contradi6tions wore the air of confifteney, ^nd
falkhood paffed current for truth.
But, as literature revived in Europe in the i6th centur)',
men began to feel their own importance, and reafon grew
impatient of religious refuaints. It became, therefore,
abfolutely neceffary, that the ftate of religion (liould un-
dergo an alteration. Previous, however, to this under-
taking, a moft important queflion was to be fettled, which
was, whether in religion men have a right to follow their
private determinations, or fliouid fubmit to public autho-
rit)^ The roman pontiff continued to enforce fubje(9:lon:
but a fpirit of reforni was gone forth, and the men, whom
it pervaded, were no longer dilp3fe4 to acquiefce in the
iClaims of an ecclefiajl:ical fovereign,
Thofe who led the way in the great work of reforma-
tion, were little aware of the extent of their own prlnci"
pies. Other men foon arofe of ditFeient fentiments, who
ventured alfo to claim the fame privilege. Such were
thofe well informed, refpeclable, and forely injured afiert-
ors of the unit\^ of God, who formed affemblics through
Poland, Hungary, and Tranfylvania, and the german
baptifts, thofe warm affertors of the civil and religious liber-
ties of mankind. Some made an immediate feparatioa
from the reformed churches, fo called, while others, at
^rft, united with their orthodox brethren. But, at length,
the latter glowing with religious zeal, began to view them
as heretics, and were unwilling to let them fhare with thena
the benefit of public worfiiip. This is particularly true c^
thofe unitarians, wl^o formed the firft church at Cracow,
in Poland ^. Having exercifed this grand prerogative of
rational beings, to think for diemfelves, they alfo fet up
feparate places of worHiip.
I Prxfat. ad Op. Crellii apud Frat. Polgix. vol. 2. Sub fin.
B 4 In
5 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
In proportion to the different judgments, and the dif-
ferent interefts of mankind, difputation grew violent, and
various diforders enfued. The catholics charged thefe dif-
orders on the principles of the " pretended reformed."
The leaders of the reformation thought it expedient to
wipe off the afperfion. They formed the defign, there-
fore, of making a public declaration of their principles, they
impofed civil and ecclefiaftical reftraints on private judg-
ment, and, while lying under a charge of herefy them-
felves, wiflied to make it appear, that they alfo held no
/ communion with heretics. But how was this to be done ?
Public confeffions were foon drawn up, and a profeffion of
uniformity was fubfcribed by all the teachers. In 1563,
the decrees of the council of Trent were confirmed by
pope Pius the fourth, ^nd the year following ecclefiaftics
•were fworn to obey the pope, to abide by the decifions of
councils, particularly thofe of Trent, and to receive the
dodlrines of the church ; of which fome were lefs circum-
llantlal than even thofe contained in the confeffions of the
reformed.
The proteftant princes of Germany had already fet an
example. A diet was held at Augfburg in 1530, under
■^ Charles the 5th, and there an explicit confeffion, con-
firmed by the leaders of the feveral churches, received its
birth ^. This effort, however, was not lufficient, for uni-
formity was a flippery thing, and proteftants could not fo
cafdy fecure it. To give, however, public proof, that
if other churches were heretical, the belgic, and gallicaa
churches, at leaft, were orthodox fifters, they drew up a
HARMONY, the faith of eleven protertant churches! On
]f|}e fame principles proceeded the *' book of concord''
f Popfpllional, c. i. page 5. 2d edit,
among .
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 9
among the remonftrants !n Holland, and in 16 12 the
** corpus confefTionum" at Geneva s.
In England, the cafe ftands as follows. After Henry the
8th had taken the fupremacy of the church from the triple
crown, and had placed it on his own, by virtue of his
newly acquired authority, he appointed fix articles, ordain-
ing among other things, " That all bifhops, and miniflcrg
were to believe the whole bible, the three creeds, the
apoftles, the nicene and athanafian, and interpret all things
according to them, and in the fame words." In the pre-
face it is faid ** " They are to maintain unity, and f oncord
in opinion." In Edward the 6ths reign, Cranmer and
others, remonftrated againft thefe articles, (" That mon-
ftrous hydra with fix heads," as Mr. Fox ' calls them) and
they were repealed ; but 42 articles were publifhed " for
ihe avoiding diverfity of opinion, and gaining true confent,
tAiching true religion." In queen Elizabeth's reign 11
articles were fet out by order of the metropolitans, and the
reft of the bifhops, " For the unity of do£trine, to be
holdcn by all parfons, vicars, and curates, as well in tefti-
iication of their common confent in the faid do6lrine, as to
the flopping of the mouths of them, that go about to flandcr
the minifters of the church for diverfity of judgment'^."
Some time after the whole were furveyed, and at length
comprized within a compact little fyftem of 39 articles.
It muft not be faid, that articles will admit a latitude of
interpretation, which were framed to teftify common con-
feat ; we may not tal.k. of a private interpretation of articles,
« Confeflional, c. i. p. 9, 10, 11, 12, 2d edit.
^ Burnet's Hift. of the Reform, p. I- b. 3. p. 217. 2d edit.
^ Burnet's Hijft. of the Rcforroi.
which
.10 AN IKQUIRY INTO THE
which were dcrigncd to prevent a diverfity of judgment.
By thofe, indeed, wlio are acquainted with the hiflory of
the times under confideration, it mufl, I think, be allowed,
that the notion of diverfity of judgment never entered
fhe minds of the englifli reformers. They fuppofed,
lightly enough, " that fcripture had but one meaning,'*
yet were rather too confident, that they, were in poffeflfion
of the truth. And in confirmation of this, let it be recol-
lefted, that when the " harmony of confcfTions" was
publiflied, among thofe of otlier reformed churches, ap-
peared that of the church of England K So that bifliop
Burnet, though difpofed on other occafions to a liberality
of interpretation, ingenuouily confefTes in his " hiftory of
fhe reformation," tliat the 39 articles were fometliing more
than articles of peace, and adds, " That the men who
ful.fcribcd did either believe them to be true, or elfe they
did grofsly prevaricate "."
Did not the royal declaration too afterwards prefixed to
them, and never invalidated by any a6l of the legiflature,
further "* preclude a latitude of fubfcription ? The articles
Avere to be fubfcribcd " Ex animo, in the literal and gram-
matical fenfe," and as this declaration has been continued
in every fiibfequcnt reign, doth it not imply that unifor-
mity is fiill demanded? Without fuch fubfcription,. no
perfon is ftill admitted to exercife the office of teacher in
the church.
This fubfcription is demanded by the canons. For it
has been obferved, that by the 13th Eliz. c. 12. Sub-
fqription is enjoined to thofe articles, " Which only con-
'ConfcfTional, p. l^.■^dcdif.
" Burnet. See fuither a cafe thqt was rcfolvcd by ail the judges of England
\n Coke 4 inft. 324.
ceru
STATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 11
cern the confeffion of the true chriftian faith, and the docr
trine of the facrament :" and that by 14 Car. II. the arti-.
cles *' to be fubfcribed" are the articles " mentioned" in
the preceding ftatute : the limiting claufe, therefore, being
ft'ill in force, there is no a6t of the legiflature, impofmg
fubfcription to all the 39 ". Obfei-vations of this kind do
not indeed fall in the way of this part of my Inquiry. It
fufficcs to remark here, that the origin of the aft of unifor-
mity, imder Charles the fecond, and various claufes in the
a6l itfelf ", fuppofe the reception of the difciplinarir.n, as
well as the dodlrlnal, and facramental articles, and that the
canons of the church do a6lually impcfe them all.
By fuch condu6l did the reformers betray their ovva
caufe, undermining the grand principle, which fupported
the fabric of proteftantifm. By framing creeds, and con-
feflions, by drawing up articles, and canons, they furnifhed
the romifn difputants with arguments, which were ufed
with dextrous management to invalidate the reformation.
For the fentiments of the reformers did not, unfortunately,
allow them to lay claim to an infallible head. So that,
after all their pretenfions to harmonizing,' their advcrfa-
ries ftill afked, " What reafon can be given for this 10
great difference, but their want of that leader and gover-
nor who alone can, and ought, to confirm all the brethren
in the faith, and retain the whole church in unity."
Thus triumphs Bellarmine p, who had before affirmed,
^' That there was never one general council among the
preformed, in which they agreed in any one article." The
■:> Archdeacon Blackburne and Mr. Seldcn w?rc of this judgment (Confeflional,
Pref. p. 10, &c. 2d edit.), though i confcfs, after having weighed together the
af^s referred to above, I differ from them.
" Burro's Ecckf. Law, vol. 1. articles, p. 74,
t Op. BellariR. vol. i. Dc Roinano Pontificc, Prsefst.
celpbratccj
r2 AK IKQUIRY INTO THE
celebrated Boffaet in France too managed this argument
xvith the moft plaufible fophiftry, againft the learned pro-
tcflant reformer, Claude. The fuccefs is well known.
1'he caufe of truth was overpowered by tlie champion
for error '^ !
CHAP. 111.
ON NATURAL RIGHTS.
Several very interefting queftions may be alked on tht?
iub)e6t. I propofe four.
I. How far is the eftablifliment of fubfeription confiftent
with the natural rights of mankind ?
H. How far is it confiftcnt with the powers of the hu-
man mind?
III. How far is it confillent with the principles of the
britifli conftitution ?
IV. How far is it confiftent with the do61:rines and pre-
cepts of chriftianity ?
I. I afk, then, firft, How far is the eftablifliment of
fubfcriptioni confident with the natural rights of mankind ?
jiicaning by natural rights, thofe, with which I am in-
vetled by the Author of my exiftence.
.. The preceding chapter relates more immediately to the
church. But this part of my Inquiry propofcs co confider
j'nl)fcription in rcfereiicc to academical inflitutions. I am
Jbrry it becomes necefiary to make this twofold arrangement.
1 Robinfon's Life of Monfitur Claudc; prefixed to h'n Eluy on tlic Lonipofiti'yD
gjajermpn, v. i. p- jS»
I nevcf
>fATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. J 1J'
t never feel myfelf more difpofed to love mv fellow crea-
tures, and to hold their juft claims facred, than when i
hear this qucftion afked, Have we not all one Father?
' Great Parent ! I immediately fay. Should we not all then
be united by the tendcrcft ties, and become mutual guar-
dians of our common privileges r By confidering the rela-
tion, which ail men bear to the comrtion Parent, I imme-*
diately fee the relation, which fubfifts among all manldnJ,
iis a family. Many reafons might be given from fcri})ture
to prove, that the authority, exercifed by the patriarciis,
could be no other than what is properly called paternal *,
In this infant (late of fociety, though each, according to
liis different talents, would move in different departments,
yet there would be no oppofitlon of interefts ; no exclufive
privileges would be enjoyed ; no invidious dlflinflions kept
vip. In proportion to the fmalnefs of thefe focieties, and
the narrownefs of their territories, the fraternal fpirit would
exert itfelf in all its fimplicity and glory. Primitive fo-
cieties would naturally put this queflion, Are we not all,
bretlrren?
In procefs of time, as the family multiplied, the boun-
daries of their habitation would be neceffarily enlarged.
What then? Travel which way they would, eaft, we&f
north, or fouth, Had they not all one Father? Each had
to other the fame relation, all were in poffeffion of certain
original rights, of which no one could juftly deprive them,
the rights of men.
I obfcrve further; that as the wants of mankind are the
foundation of fociety, and as fociety gives birth to govern-
* I fpcak here in oppofitlon to the regal abfulute power contended for by Sir
Robert Filmer, in his Patriarchs, Sidney's difc. on gov. b, x. c. i. Locke on
gov. b. I.
ment,
J4 an mciUIRV INTO THfi
mcnt, government is di6lated by nature : that as the pcrvvci"
of iiKlividuals would form a |:)ohticai ftate, comprehending
tlie union of leveral families, fo far as thofc political unions
were conformable to nature, tlicy became the guardians of
thofe tights'*.
Is it afked, What thofe rights arc? Survey the foil
where ye received your origin. On that foil grow your
rights. Are ye born among the nmerican tribes? Strangers
to the refinements of literature, and the luxuries of wcaltli,
nature hath, however, furnifhcd yOu with the means of fub-
liflence, and tlie materials of happinefs. The Great
k>pirit, ye might lay, gives no one a right to deprive us
of them.
Are ye born among the Gentoos? Ye might fay. The
fupreme Being, who is beft pleafed when his children live
in love, and promote good works, gives no one a riglit to
opprefs us. The wifdom of Brahma left us good laws, and
a pure religion. We all alike claim juflice to be admlnif-
tercd to us. The wifdom of Brahma made divifion of our
people into four tribes. Let not one tribe opprefs the
other, nor Idt any individual in either encroach on the
common privileges. Ye Soubahs, aftd Nabobs, fons of
cruelty and cppvcfTion, W^hy have ye levelled cruel taxes,
and difordered our government ? W^hy have ye plundered
CIS of our property, beggared our fdmilies, and murdered
our people ?
Arc ye natives of China ? Ye might fay, We worflilp^
and adore Tien. We love om' prince, he is the good fa-
ther of his people, and we arc his children : obedience is
liis due . exclude us not from the pleafure of ferving him,
1» Montef-iuicu Dc L'Efprit Jcs loiii, 1. i. e. i, 2, j.
nor
XATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION-. t^
tior deprive ns of the reward : let us till our lands In peace :
lee us enjoy the fruits of our labour without interruption,
and without lofs : we boaft of a government, which
breatlics a fpirit of domeftic oeconomy. Will ye by unna-
tural encroachments deflroy the harmony of our family?
If 1 live in a republic, the chara61;er of which is com-
mercial, like that of Holland, I have a right to my propor-
tion of influence in the public concerns, and to the ad-
vantages of commerce ; if under the government of a mixt
monarchy, like that of Britain, I have a natural right to ^
partake, according to my rank and abilities, of all the ad-
Vantages, preferments, and rewards, incident to that form
of government.
Yes ! if I were born under a government, favoured with
fhe peculiar fmiles of heaven ; where the arts and fciences
flourifh; where commerce and agriculture have attained a
high degree of improvement ; where a wife and free polity
is the national boaft ; where morality and religion reft on
tire furcft bafls ; where all the elegancies and refinements of
life abound, where every thing, that can ennoble the mind,
humanize the heart, and enrich a ftate, find a friendly foil,
and, at fome future period, may, perhaps, gain perfec-
tion ? My natural rights then grow in Britain : and each
individual, according to our different ages, and flations in
fociety, ihould in juftice reap them.
Yes ! I repeat it again, by the fame relation, that I lay
claim to the privileges of an Indian, if I am born among
the american tribes, or of a Gentoo, Chinefe, or Hoi'
lander, if I am horn among them, I am entitled to the ad-
vantages of more polillied life, if I receive my birth in Bri-
tain. We are focial beings, united togetlier from a con- --
vidtion of our mutual wants, and for the attainment of
mutual advantages. All miCn of virtue, and ofinfluencci
have
t^ AN INQUIRY INTO THi
have a common right to be confidered as the obje£ls of puo^
lie truft, and to be employed for the public utility ; I fay 2
common right, making, however, a proper allowance for the
different talents of men, and for different departments of
ofHce. Each ought to be allowed to educate his children
according to their rank : if literary advantages are to be
dtsrived from any national endowment, they fhould be
fafFered to flow in bountiful ftreams to the nation at
large ; and not be guarded like pitiful waters, for the ex-
elufive benefit of a few. Are we rational beings, capable
of thought, and refleflion ? We have a right to the free
cxercifc of our reafon ; to embrace any fpeculatrve opinions
on the vaft variety of moral and literary fubjedh. Are we
able to exprefs our thoughts by words, and our words by
jQgns, or letters ? We fliould have the liberty of fpeaking
our fentiments, and of publifhing them to the world.
There is a Being who created us ; he has commanded U3
to worfhip him. He has made a i evelation of hi? will. It
becomes the leading duty of life, and one of our moft im-
portant natural rights, to confult that revelation, and to'
choofe our religion. There fliould be no impediments ta
obflru6l our choice, nor penalties, after we have made it '^.
Thefe, and others like them, I call natural rights;
v/hich fhould be as free as the air, that we breathe, or the
light, which enlivens creation, the gift of heaven. They
are claims, ariling out of our prefent fituation, our mu-
tual relation, and our common equality. They are
therefore juft claims. Whoever attempts to violate them,
• Gradus autem plures funt focietatis hominum : ut enim ab infinita ilia difce-
datur, propior eft ejufdcm gcntis, nationis, lingvix, qua maxime homines con-
junguntur. Multa enim funt civibus inter fc communis, forum, fana, porticu?,
Vix, leges, jura, judicia, fuffragia, confuetudines prxterea ct familiaritates, mul-
;ifnue cum raultis res rationeftiuc contraitae. Cicero dc offic. 1. i. 17.
encroaches
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. If
fcricroaches on the common privileges, and fupports the
caufe of tyranny : no confideration being a fufficient plea
for an exclufive enjoyment, but fuch condu6t, as injures
government, and dilbrders fociety; or fuch circumftances,
as carry with them the molt undeniable evidence of natural
incapacity in the excluded party.
" A free ftate, as a good political writer remarks, at
the fame time it Is free itfelf, makes all its members free,
by excluding licentioufnefs, and guarding their perfons
and names againft infult. It is the end of all juft govern- \
ment, at the fame time it fecures the liberty of the public
againft foreign injury, to fecure the liberty of individuals
againft private injury. I do not, therefore^ think it ftri6tly
juft, to fay, it belongs to the nature of government to en-
croach on private liberty. It ought never to do this, ex-
cept fo far as the exerclfe of private liberty encroaches on
the liberty of others ; that is, it is licentioufnefs it re-
ftrains, and liberty only, when it deftroys liberty''." A
juft government, therefore, by forming a barrier againft
tyranny, preferves facred thofe valuable rights before-men-
tioned. But does not the eftabliftiment of teft laws, and
fubfcription violate them all ?
^ Price on civil liberty, part i. f. 2.
CHAP.
t? AN INQIIIRY INTO tUE
CHAP. IV.
Mow SUBSCRIPTION AFFECTS NATURAL RIGHTS*
It is well known, that places of public truft, extenfive
influence, and general utility are fliut againft many perfons
in England by a facramental teft. Catholics, proteftant
diflenters, jevvs, and deifls, are all afFe6led by it : among
whom will be found men, who are of equal confideratioa
with churchmen. But the doors, by which they iliould
enter to the enjoyment of their natural rights, are, 1 fay,
fliut againfl them by religious tefts, improperly fo called,
the ne plus ultra to many a brave man. The tefl aft
was originally directed againft catholics, who, at the
time, were fald to be incapable of giving fecurity to go-
vernment ; but was applied too fuccefsfully to nien, who
molt confcientioully could. The people to whom I al-
lude, were neither favagcs, idolaters, outlaws, nor aliens ;
but men, whofe origin is as rcfpe6lable, whofe com-*
plexion as fair, whofe abilities as diftingulflied, whofe reli-
gion as pure, whofe pretenfions in every refpecl as juft, as
thofe of the reigning party. The teft laws affedl all {)ar-
ties in England ; and in the latter inftance, violate the
rights of thofe, who by the ties of nature, the correfpond-
ence of chara6ter, the bonds of fociety, and the engage-
ments of religion, are our brethren, who are in the moft
refpe£lable fenfe our equals. They are men, chriftians,
Britons, and proteftants. Now as every form of fubfcrip-
tion is a teft, fo is every teft a virtual fubfcription. A
compliance with thefe requifitions admits a man into thofe
places of truft, influence, arid advantage, to which he had
a previous
NATUR.E OF SUBSCRIPTION. I9
a previous title. A teft, therefore, does but admit him to his
proper rank, while a non-compliance is a difqualification,
and thrufts him from public notice. ( And, V/hat doth it
argue, whether I be a pupil of Spinoza, or of Jefus?
Whether I embrace the creed of Arius, of Athanafms, or
of Socinus? Homo fum et civis. A teft, which admits
me to the enjoyment of a natural or civil right, doth irt
iadl deprive me of it. For it implies, that previous to the
tefl:, I have no claim. So that the law of exclufion not
only injures thofe, to whom it denies its protedlion, but
thofe alio, whom it receives to its favour "*. ,
But fubfcription itfelf, is the fubjedt of the prefent In-
quiry. And, What ample materials are here afforded for
difcuffion ! Was it natural in the men, who in the i6th
century receded from the flavery of popery, to fubje6l their
fchools and univerfities to confeffions of taith and church
difcipline? Whether the policy was agreeable to nature,
or no, fuch was the pra6lice of all the proteflant churches
in France, that reformed themfelves after the platform of
Geneva ^. Does not England, too, expofe herfelf to cen-
fure from this quarter ? v
» The corporation and tell: afts were both pafTc-J in C!ia. the 2ds reig;n : the former
in 1661 ; the latter received the royal alTenr March 20, 1673. Both were origi-
Rally aimed againft the reman catholics, thovigh afterwards applied to protcftant
dilTenters. See a Sermon on facramental tefts by Mr. Robinfon, preached at a
meeting of delegates from the diiTenting congregations in Cambridgefhire. Since
this part of my fubjeft vVas finiflied, a work has been publiihed, entitled, the
Right of the diflenters to a complete toleration, by a layman ; a performance,
which deferves the fcrious attention of the Icgiflaturc : wherein not only an accvi-
rate hiftoiy of the facramental teft is gis'cn, but its injullice, inexpediency, and
impolicy are fully fnewn. The firft aiticle of the french conftitution ought to he
written in letters of gold ; viz. ^li citizens are adniifTible to places and cmploy-
Ittents, without any diftindion but tisat of ability and virtue.
fc Quick's Synijdicon, vol. i. ch. 2. p. 26, 27, Introd.
C z ^ It
46 An inquiry into the
It IS well known, that the liberty of educating youtti
m England was in the year 1603 confined to perfons of a
particular defcription ; and further, that thofe people, who,
by not fubfcrihing to all the 39 articles, were exclude b So Voltaire calls the quakcrs.
' Mr. Barclay's Apology for the quakers. The ad^rcfs to the king. See slin
Fr^p. 14.
abr.cr
26 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
^hor oaths ; but we do homage to truth, We attend to
no ceremonies ; but we pracSlifc vijtuc. We arc in want
of no priefls; but we hfl:en to tlie voice of inftru6tion.
Excellent men ! Yet ye cannot he admitted into our uni-
verfities. Bona fide ye are not of the church.
In refi)e£l of the other fe6ts, what is true of the qua-
kers, will alfo, with fome allowances, be found true of
them. In their religious fentiments, indeed, they vary ;
and mofi of them, different in this refpedl from the qua-
kers, hold the right of refiftance. But there are fome
principles, in which they all agree, favourable to civil go-
vernment, and charadleriftic of the fundamental principles
of the britifh conflitution''. Their public condu6l has been
confiftent with their principles ; and to the truth of this,
affertion, the houfe of conimons, on many memorable
occafions, have borne upright teftimonies.
The baptills have been reprcfented as the moil: violent
and ungovernable of mankind : and many of our college
flatutes, as well as our churcli canons^ guard exprefsly
againft them. The " anabaptifl;ical errors," indeed, have
been cried down all over Europe : and yet, by thofe who
are bell capable of fpeaking on this fubjecl, it is affirmed,
to be no eafy matter to afcertain, what thefe " anabap-
tiflical errors" have been: the baptiils, of all feels in
chriftendom, having profeffcd the greatefl: ciiverfity of poli-
tical, as well a^pf religious fentiments^. This is particu-
larly true of. the gcrman baptifts. When, therefore, bifliop
Warburton fays, the " germ.an anabaptill, who holds
capital punifliment to be finful, ought to be debarred fome
ofHceS of magifa-acy''," he fays jufl iK)thing; for he, who
<* Vid. a Political catechifm by Mr. Robinfon.
<• Robinfon's ilift. of baptifm, p. 465. &c.
f Alliance bcf.Vvtn Church and btate, 1. 3. {>. 214.
holds
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. ZJ
holds this fentiment, would neceffarily exclude himfelf
from thofe offices, which could not be adminiftered with-
out infli6ling death. And if a few germ^n baptifts held,
this fentiment, Would it follow, that the " german ana-
baptift" in general did? Not however to djfpute this, What
/liall we fay of the englifli baptift, who holds no fuch fenti-
ment? Muft we exclude him, too, from offices of magif-
tracy, and our feats of literature ^ ? Upon an impartial in- I
quiry it vyill be fomid, that two of the grand " anabap-
tiftical errors," in England have been thofe very fenti-
ments, which have rendered Sidney, Milton, Locke, and
Montefquieu, famous through Europe, To the fun-
damental principles of our conftitution they have ever
felt a zealous attachment. Their learned advocate thus
pleads their caufe. jShe is fenfible (he is fpeaking of queen
Anne,) " That we are as hearty as any of her fubje61:s,
and as ready, with the utmoft hazard of our lives and
fortunes, to fupport the crown ai-jd dignity fhe juflly en-
joys, and fo highly adorns. And if I know the anti-
paedobaptifts, as I think I do, I fpeak from my coufcience,
and in God's prefence, I am fatisfy'd, there are not truer
friends to the government, that will dp more for it accord-
ing to their abilities, in the three kingdoms •>." Ljke the
quakers, the baptifts are men, Britons, chrifljans, and
proteftants. But, What doth alma mater fay of baptifls?
No entrance for fchifmatics : and ihe turns the keys of all
the college gates on them.
N
s The baptifts have been an injured people. In our college ftatutes " liberUiies
and anabkptifts" are reckoned as one; Stat. Reginal. coll. 20. De hxrcfibus noi\
defendendis : and at a time w hen an aft of indemnity paffcd, ftatc criminals and
anabaptifts have been excepted. Burnet's Hilt, of the Reformation, This {eA
4ifavow the name anabaptift, and cail themfelves baptifts. ^ ,
>> Dr. Clio's ReHea. on Wall's Hill, of Inf. Bap. Let. i. p. 9.
Thus
j8 an inquiry into the
Thus we treat fohifmatics. What do we fay to here-
tics ? I mean to arians, and focinians. We do not, they
fay, admit that Jefus Chrifl is the fupreme God. We
cannot grant, that in the unity of the Godhead there are
three perfons of one fubftance. But we honour govern-
ment. Wt are thankful for the gift of reafon. We re-
vere the facred fcriptures. We hold the rights of all man-
kind facred. Lardner and Leland, En:lyn and Taylor
would not fubfcribe to the 39 articles. They were here-
I tics. What doth alma mater fay of Newton, Locke,
Whiflon, and Clarke? Yet deny it who will, they were
^ all heretics. In the early part, indeed, of life they Tub-
fcribed to the 39 articles. But w^ould they have done it .:■.
- the clofe ? They difbclieved, it is acknowleda;ed, our doc-
trinal articles. But having reflecled fuch honour on our
univerfities, Ought they, on account of religious fpecula-
tions, to have been refufcd its privileges? What flrarigc
words would thefe have appeared, when uttered by alma
mater againft thefe oracles of learning ! Bona fide ye are
not ot the church : rebels and heretics, ye are difaifeclcd
to " king James's three darling articles'." That trulv
upright and apoftolical man, Mr. Whifton, did, howaver,
receive tliis treatment.
It will, perhaps, appear an afFe6led catholicifm, to place
jews and deifls on the fame feat with orthodox chriftians.
Let it appear fo. I fmiled, on reading fome years ago a»
article in one of the London papers, which rcfpe6led the
admiffion of jews to the freedom of the city of London.
• One obic(ftion, it (bcms, brovight againft Dr. FiKvariU's Grace was, that the
umrariant, were fiippofcd to tc its patrons. Mr. Frtnd on Subftription, p. 12.
2d. eii. Were, rhofc who rtarted this objctftion aware' of the honour, which theyr
iidthc unitarians ? Are vinitari.ins the only men at Cambridge, who dare toplca4
tiic caufe of mankiwil ?
The
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. I9
*rhe recorder gave his opinion to a cafe, laid before him by
Mr. Sohcitor, that a jew renouncing judaifm, and being
baptized according to the rites and forms of the church,
{hoiild be admitted to the freedom of the city. To admit
a jew to the freedom of the city, where he was born, and
in which he refidcd, was certainly agreeable to natural juf-
tice. But, V/liy was baptifm to be urged as a plea ? The
voice of juftice fpeaks, hear, all ye inhabitants of the
world I Ye difciples of Brahma, of Mohammed, of Mofes,
and of Jefus ! In whatever country ye are borii, whatever
ceremonies ye pra6life, into whatever doftrine ye are in-
ftru^led, the law of nature is one, the rights of nature are
invariable. The lav/s of baptifm, and of circumcifion give
no title, and offer no bar, to my impartial regard. Let
tne hold the fcale, and remove rogues and fools, and all
men weigh alike^
I affirm, and feel indignation, that the jews have been
cruelly treated by chriftian ftates ^. Three hundred and
four years they were baniflied from England ; but were,
at length, recalled by Oliver Croinwell '. The forefathers
of the prefent generation were, confequentiv, aliens, and
received into this country, as foreigners. But, Ought not
our modern jews to be treated as the natural born fabjedls
of Britain? Are they /not men? Are they not our bre-
thren ? And, living with us in a Aate of civil fccietv, Are
they not entitled to the common privileges of citizens ?
They will be found, perhaps, equally qualified with tlic
mofl devout chriflians, to prefide in a corporation, to repre-
fent a borough, and to difpute in the fchools. If the
k Hume's Hift. of Eng. v. 2, 3, 4. p. 136, 19S, 225, 236, 237, nevv
tdk. 17S6.
* Stow's Survey of London, p. 282, 289. edit. 1633.
principles
3© AN INQUIRY INTO THE
principles laid down be true> Have they not as juft n
title'"?
Should jews then be admitted to our univerfitics ? I fc?
no reafon for excluding them. Are thefc good arguments
in fupport of our exclufive privile8;e ? The fons of Ifrael
killed Jefus: the juftice of heaven is purfuing their chil-
dren : they are baniflied from their beloved Canaan : they
icje6l the chriftian doftrinc. Let all this be granted.
What then ? (The jcvvs viewed Je-fus as an impoftor ; and
nailed him to a crofs: but the jews are men. " Tliat
Chrift fliould have been God before the world, and that
he fhould fubmit to be made a man hath appeared to their
pofterity not only impoffible, but even abfurd " : yet the
jews are men. ) The jews are cireumcifed : but the jews
are men, and equally capable, as chriftians, of underftand-
ing this maxim, " What ye would, that men {hould do
unto you, do ye even fo to them." Some years ago two
eminent jews refided in a univerfity town, and it is flill
reckoned no difgrace, to read the hebrew grammar of the
father, and the book of fluxions of the fon. But, ye fons
of the cireumcifed ! Ye could not fubfcribe James's three
darling articles.
And, Why fliould deifls, living among chrillians, be treated
like inhabitants of another world r The Author of nature
endues them with reafon, and prefcnts tliem with revela-
tion : and to him they are accountable for the ufe of both.
A citizen of Geneva " loved the morality of Jefus, but
held doubts concerning the chriftian doi5\rincs. Perhaps^,
"" Lady Montague, when at Adri.-inople remarks, that the jews have piivilej^
above the natural Turks themfclves, and have formed a very confiderablc coni-
nionwcalth, being judged by their own laws. Letters, vol. i. p. 200.
" Jurtyn. Martyr. Op. Dial, cum Trj'phon. jud. p. 267. edit. P.iris.
" Roviflcau's Eniiliuf and Sophia, vol. J.. The Profcinon of a Savoyard curate.
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 3I
he did not underftand them. He was exercifcd with per-
petual fufpicions : he thought every chrilTiian his enemy :
but, at length, found a peaceful afylum from the perfecu-
tions of bigots. Why do we throw impediments in the
Way of deilb ? Thofe impediments will but increafe their
power, and even give them a licenfe, to do mifchief. Is
a deiil: a member of civil fociety, a man of humane fenti-
ments, and a iovei" of the polite arts ? Why then fhould
wc refufe him a pisce at our univerfities, though not
choofing to attend our ch^ipels, or fubfcribe to our articles ?
But I afk again. Are not even the members of the efta-
bliflied church injured bV fubfcription ? It I have made a
fair ftatement of natural rights, nobody, I think, will be
difpofcd to difpute the juftice of their claim ; though many
will fcruple to allow theiti any prior or exclufive title ; for,
that would deftroy the notion of a birthright ; a natural,
or birthright, being a common right. However, the peo-
jple, of whom I fpeak, have this to fay, They were born
within the bofom of the church, noviriflied at her breads,
and educated under her immediate care. Their parents,
their tutors, their friends, were all her dutiful fons ; nor
have their afFedtions, fo far as we know, been alienated
from her intereft. They tell us, that they were baptized,
and have been confirmed into her do6trine ; that they have
continued to repeat her catechifm, and to attend herworfliip.
** We beg, faid fome petitioning undergraduates of the
univerfity of Cambridge in 1771, that our fubfcription to
the articles may be difpenfc^ with, not becaufc we object
to any of them,1:h3t becaufe we have not had an opportu-
nity to fludy them p."" ' If literary advantages are to be de-
rived at our univerfities ; if the conferring of a degree be
? Jebb's Worksj ■ vof. i. p. a 10. Letters oix the fubjeft of fubfcription.
the
32 AN if^TQtJIRY INTO THE
i
the public fan6lion to academical merit, a recommendatiort
at the entrance on public life, and an introdu6tion to many
of the benefits of civil fociety, Why fhould thev not be fuf-
fered to enjoy themj without being perplexed with fub-
fcription ? Why not be allowed, in proportion to their
merit, and according to their refpedlive claims, to advance
in order to every academical privilege ? In rhany eaf^s, they
are not clerical men, and will in future life move in de-
partments tinconftedled with theology. Why muft fub-
fcription, then, give them a title to privileges, to which they
had a right before? Aftiong the important leflbr.s that a
neighbouring country is now teaching the nations, that is
Jiot among the leaft, which refpe6ls public instruction*
-M^iMiMB
CHAP. Vi.
FtjRTHER REMARkS ON THE ENGLISH UNIVERSITIE!:.
■Pis the preceding queflions relate more immediately to
fubfcription at our univerfities, I will juft obferve, tliat
there are three forts of inftitutions, from which univerfities
appear to differ.
L They differ ffbm public fchools. Public fchools may
be confidered, as nurferies for our univerfities, and univer-
fities flioiild be the patrons of all public fchools. Both
princes, and private perfons, may certainly, at their plea-
fure, difpofe of their own property ; and from many bene-
volent confiderations may choofe to efe^ public fchools,
and other eleemofynary inftitutions, with ,certain reftric-
tions ;
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTIOKT. 33
tions; like that of Edvvafd the 6th for orphans, :incl that
df Mr. Sutton for decayed merchants. There may be aifo
juft reafons for appropriating fome colleges to particular
fchools ; or fome pfeculiar emoluments in a college to per-
fons particularly fpecified. Thus King's college in Cam-
bridge is confined wholly to the fcholars of Eton ; in Ema-
nuel college fome fcllowfliips are afligned to particular coun-
ties, and a fellovvfhip was founded iri Queen's, with the con-
dition, that the perfon poltelling it, fliould preach two fer-
mons every year at Over. But a univerfity is a coIle6lioii
of colleges : and, if there be graces ot flatutes, excludinir
many perfons from all colleges alike, and depriving them
of all univeffity expedlations * **, Will not the cafe be mate-^
rially altered ? The province of public fchools is limply the
education of youth, and confines its attention to the rudi-
liients of fcience. But the views of univerfitles are far
more extenfive. Their defign is, to lift youth into man-
Hood, to lay o|)en the more abftrufe parts of fcience, to
prote6l the polite arts in general, to promote new difcove-
fies, to enlighten, improve, and enrich a nation at large.
While, therefore, public fchools rife out of fmall beginnings,
and will bear but a flight fuperflrudlure, univerfities are
founded originally, as it were, on a broad bafis. Should
they not, tlien, be built of folid materials, difplay a princely
munificence, invite and even allure all, difcountenance
none, and fo be direfted to the public utility ? Let fuch
inftitutions refemble the wide fea. Into which all neigh-
bouring rivers flow. Mare fit liberum.
II. Univerfities fhould alfo be diftinguifhed from eccle-
fiaftical corporations. They are now allowed to be civil
a Corp. Stat. Univ. Ox. tit. 2. § 3. 6.
'^ Stat. Acad. Cant. Senat. Dccrct. de Oppugn. Ecdef. An^licanae.
D corporations.
34 AN IKQUIRY INTO TllJi
corporations *=. Let the clmrcli, while it retains its pre-
fent form, be fubjedl to ecclcliaflical reftraints. Let, No
entrance for heretics, be written on the church porch.
But fhould focieties, united for civil purpi:)rcs, be con-
/ fined by ecclefiaflical ordinances? We may as well force
rradc and theology under- the fame yoke, as literature and
theology. And if fome literary inflitutions are thus limit-
ed, Why are not all ? 1 he royal focicty was founded for
t];c adva.ncement of natural knowledge; the antiquarian
for the elucidation of antiquities ; the college of phyiicians,
for the encouragement of phyfic. But, Would it not be
amufing, to have none admitted members, and to allow
none to enjoy the benefit of thofe inflitutions, but fub-
fcribers of 39 old fafliioned articles ? There is no greater
propriety in a univerhty's requiring fuch a tell. As the
former corporations fhould be acceffible to members of the
fame political community, fo alfo fhould the latter.
III. Further, the purfuits of literature differ alfo from
the concerns of civil government. There are certain prin-
ciples effential to the fupport of a good government i and
all engaging in its fcrvice ought undoubtedly to pofTefs
them. Otherwife, the very men, whofe duty it becomes-
to protect government, and to adminifier to its v>ants,
would direft all their influence to fubvert it. It would
certainly be impolitic in the king of gieat Britain, to ad-
vance nien to his privy council, or in a corporation to
choofe a mayor, or in a borough to appoint a reprefenta-
• tive, who would defeat the very end of their appointment.
Yet, whenever it fnall clearly appear, that the political
fentiuients of a people have been mifreprefented, as in the
cafe of the proteftant diffcnters, or, that if tliey once held
•= Blackftonc's Comment. 1. i. c. 18.
maxims.
NATURE OF SUESCRIPTION. 3^^!
maxims, cloflruflive to a particular ftate, they have fmce
rclinquillied them, as in the cale of the catholics, the way
to civil employment (]\ould immediately be left cpen ''.
But the true obje6t of univerfities, is the promotion of lite-
rature. It might, therefore, even happen, tliat men, un-
qualitied for feveral departments in the flatc, might, with
the greateft fafety, be admitted to academical employments. ^
The quaker, for example, will not bear arms. He unfits
himfclf, therefore, for milittiry honours ; his religion not
fuU'ering him to receive them. Here government need not
interpofe. Suppofe another to hold, that a foreign power
hath a right to the crown of England. Here government
might juftly interfere for its own fafetv. The various
parties, which I have introduced, ar6 capable of giving go-
vernment, what ought to be deemed a proper fecurity;
and what every juft government would' efteem fuch;
(though if there be fome fore parts in our confiitution,
which can hardly bear touching, and fome corrupt parts in
adminiflration, which are mere putref-idtion, the complaints
of the difienters are to be charged to the account of thofe
evils, from whence they proceed) : the fcate may, therefore,
fafely tolerate tlielr religion, and ought in juflice to admit
them to thofe civil employments, which they can confcien-
tioufly hold. But, fuppofing the word, that they can
give the civil magiflrate no fecunty: this conhderatiou
need not afledl univerfities. For while the civil magi-
ftrate is the executor of laws, which have a relation to
the nature, and principle of our government^, he hath a
permanent fecurity in his own hands. The difalTtclion of
academics, therefore, could introduce no diforder. Plato's
* Paley's Principles of mor. nnd polit. p!H!of("|liy, 1. G, c. 8.
= Monte.'auieU; Dc I'efp. -'es loix, 1. i. 2,
D 2 famous
^6 A?7 IKC^HRY INTO tHE^
famous remark will not only apply to his ideal republic ; if
is applicalile to every good government in the world:
" Nothing fhould be appropriated to individuals further^
than the public nccclTity requires- ^" Pbfo, indeed, dire6ts
the remark to privaitc property, tvhere the application of it
will be liable to innumerable obje(5\ions ; but when applied
to tlie common privileges of citizens, it may be received as
a general maxim.
I'he more ferioufly, then, I confider tlie origin of thofe
lights, ItHich afe incident to our nature, Sie proper end
of civil fociety, and the liberal fp'irit, whicli, in confor-
mity to that end, fliould pervade a univcrfity, and the
more difpaffionately 1 propofe the queftion, How far is
the eflablifhment of creeds at our univerfities conhftent
with the jufl pretenfions of our nature, the more clearly I
perceive on which fide the anfwer fhould fall.
I rnuft call it an infringement of Our juft rights : and at
Cambridge, I woukl remark, that it took its rile from
a quarter,- which makes it look with an unfavourable
/ afpedl. James the lirft was an enemy to civil and re-
ligious liberty. Natural liberty too w'as feverely taxed
by his arbitrary hand. According to him " A king was
God's vicegerent ; monarchy was a partaker of the unity,
an imitation of the Deity ; a king at his coronation be-
came by natural right the father of his fubjetts ; and man
had no rights, till he received them from royal hand^.
He was to obey the juft commands of majefty with
alacrity; but againfl thofe which were unjuft, he had no
refource, but in fighs, and prayers, and tears, according to
an adacTc of tiie primitive church, when under oppreffion,
f rTfVTov fxiv tfff-uy xEx'ti/.iEvoy uhf/m jmiJev* (Jiay, ijv ixi vaj-a ayuynn- Plato
:1p Rep. 1. 3.
Prayers,
NATUKE OF SUBSCB-IPTION. 3^
fVayers, and tears are tlie arms of the church?." Thefc
are his majelly's words. Agreeably to thefe principles
James treated his fubjeds. Sometimes they are his poor
Haves, and fbmetimes his little fchool-boys ; while he him-
felf is the abfolute monarch, or tlie fchool-mafler of his
realms. It was but in the laft century, that the univerfity
of Cambridge impofed fubfcription on taking degrees ••;
when a grace was pafled at the command of that limple
monarch, a man, whom unflattering pofterity has long
fmce ftripped of his glorious title, Solomon, and formed
one more fuited to his charader, James the tyrant; and a
i^an, who could give his fon Charles fuch advice as this,
when fpeaking of a large body of men, moft juflly deferves
it. " Do not fufFer thefe men, faid he, if you refolve to '^
live in peace, to enjoy the fame country with yourfelf,
unlefs for the fake of trjung your patience, as Socrates did
his wife '. "
It is not foreign to this Inquiry to alk, Shall we hold
graces facred, which were paiTed to humour the private
piques, and interefted views of a pedantic tyrant ? We had
iiatural rights before James the firft left Scotland ; and whj
have they not been rellored to us ?
I make fio remarks on the inconyeniesce into which
theological inquirers betray th?mfeives by an attachment to
eflablilhed fyftems; on the awkwardnefs with which a
young mathematician, v.,npra(5lifed in divinity, furveys
39 articles ; on the little connedlion between the materia v
fn-edica, and church difeipiine, or on the relation of crotchets
* Preces et lachrymae funt arma Ecdcfiae. Jacobi op. Jus liberjs monarchix.
•< Stat. Acad. Cantab. Litcrae rcgiae.
• Ncc patere, fi pacate viverc decreveris, ut hi eaJem tecum patria fruarrfur,
^i(i forte cxperientiae ergo, ut Socrates vixit cum Xantippc. Jacobi op. Aa^joy
D 3 ^n4
38 A>: INQUIRY INTO THE
and quavers to the five points '', Some flirewd queftions
have, however, been frequently alked on thefc fubjects.
But this Inquiry leads me to put a. plain queftion : Why ia
fuch a yoke, originallv impofed by fuch a man, as James
the ftrft, flill fubmitted to by a learned body ? Is not fub-
fcription on -fuch terms an invafion of a natural right ? It
argues nothing, whether I be a difciple of Eoerhaave, of
Coke, or of Handel ; whether I refgn myfelf to mathema-
tical inveftigation, or mctaphyfical refinements. To ad-
mit men to public encouragement on fuch terms, is, in-
deed, Aa>5^o» ix.^i}£ov to deprive thofe of it, v;ho will not fub-
fcribe, is to debar them of the rights of men, and of citi-
zens. Why arc our natural rights invaded ?
^ When I fpeak all along of fubfci ibing to the 39 articles, let it be obfervcd, that
the three darling articles of James, (that is,' the three articles mentioned in the 35th
canon) which aie fubfcri'oed at Cambridge for a bachelor of divinity's degree, and
for a doSor's in any faculty, divinity, law, or phyfic, include all the 39 articles.
The three articles are as follow.
I. That the king's majefty, under God, is the only fupreme governor of the
realm, and all other his Highnefs's doniinions and countries, as well in fpiritual,
or ecclefiariical things or caufes, as temporal, and that no foreign prince, perfon,
prelate, or potentate hath, or ought to have, any jurifdi£lion, ecclefiaftical or
fpiritual, within his majefty's faid realms, dominions and countries.
II. That the book, of common prayer, and of ordering of bilhops, priefls, and
deacons, containcth nothing in it contrary to the word of God ; and that it may
lawfully be ufed ; and th.it he himftlf will ufe the form in the faid book prefcribt;d
in public prayer, and adminiAration of the facraments, and no other.
III. That he allowet'h the book of articles, agreed upon by the archbifhop", and
bifhops of both provinces, and the whole clergy in the convocation, holden at
London in the year 1562; and that he acknowledgeth all, and every the articles
therein cont;Jncd (being in nunibcr 39, befidts the ratification) to be agreeable to
the word of God.
We whofc names are underwritten do willingly, and ex animo fubfcribc to the
three articles before-mentioned, and to all things in them contained. Excerp.
C Stat. Acad. Cantab, p. 25.
CHAP.
1>IATURE OF SUESCRIPTION. 39
C II A P. VIL
OBjF.CTIOXS ANSWERED.
Some, I know, will be forwarcl enough to objeft, tliat
thcfe rights are imaginary ; that, all we can claim of civil
fociety, as a matter of right, is protection ; that every
thing bevond tliis is to be received as a reu'ard ^ I have
already provided againft this 6bje£lion ; but will jufl add,
tliat " every good citizen is capable of reward:" and, that
it is repugnant to natural juilice, to difqualify any indivi-
dual, of that charafter, for receiving it. Tliofe ftates
were always held in admiration by the fages of antiquity,
in which public encouragement was wont to be impartially
befi:owed on the ufeful virtues^. As to thofe who acknow^
ledge, that the rights here affcrted are not imaginary ; but
who notwithitanding think, that fome fentiments,. though
juft, may yet be too refined for the prefent ftatc of fociety,
tbey will recolleft tlie faying of an elegant philofopher;
*' There are certain fpeculative truths in politics, which
the world is not yet old enough to have the knowledge
of^" It is to be lamented, that one, fo confiilent with
natural juflice, and fo connedlcd with public happinefs,
fliould have been thought of this kind, in fo enlightened a
CDuntr}', as Britain. Some flates have here got the ftart
of us. As we grow older, we too Iliall grow wifer.
» ^\'arblrrton's Alliance, 1. 2. c. 3.
Thncid. in Epitaph,
c H'lmje's LiTavs.
D 4 But
40 AV INQUIRY INTO THE
But it is alfo faid, that fociety muft fubmlt to prudent
reflraints, and political regulations ; that a fubordination it;
government muft be fteadily maintained ; and, confe-
quently, that a ftate fliouM have a juft and permanent
' fecurity. To this I reply, that a government founded oa
the immutable principles of impartial juftice and equal
liberty, will find fecurity in its very conftitution : but. Is
fwearing to the truth of the 39 articles either a natural, a
juft, or a permanent fecurity ? Let a ftate make its own
Jaws ; let the laws, and not men, govern ; let government
be made its own fecurity, by becoming the guardian of the
' fbcial compa£b ^ ; by prefenting, with an unfufpicious
hand, its juft privileges to the whole fociety ; in a word,
to accommodate the maxim of Plato's to our prefent fub-
jedl. Let no exclufive privileges, be enjoyed further, thari
the public ncceiTity requires ; let this, I fay, be done, and
it will be found a general truth, that the fafety of a ftate,
and the profperity of a univerfity, have no dependance on
religious tells.
As to civil government, fliould I acknowledge, that
thofe, who engage in its fervice, fliould be capable of giv-
ing a civil tell for fecurity ; I fhould ftill contend that a
civil will fuperfede a religious tell. But even here the
truth feems to be, that a government whofe legiflative and
<* Some excellent political writers have refined too much (it has been faid) on
this " compadl." However, all government ou^ht to be regulated by fuch prin-
ciples, as a mvitual confent would certainly cftablifti. Mr. Locke has given fevc-
ral examples of people, who fct up a government over themfeives by their owa
confent. On Gov. b. i. c. 8. and juftly obfervcs, that " this, and this only did,
or could give beginning to any lawful government in the world." The englifli
government was thus fittled at the revolivtion : though the parliament by faith-
fully fubmifting themfeives, th<-ir HEIRS, and POSTERITIES for ever, di4
certainly exceed their powers. This claufe of the declaration, tjierefore, is bindjnij
r.c Icnger than th» nation choofcs^
executive
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 4|
^executive powers are properly organized, whofe principles
are accurately defined, and whofe laws are wifely dire6ted,
would require none of thofe teds, which perplex modera
governments. However, focieties united for the advance-
ment of literature, certainly require none, either religious
pr civil. If any be neceffary, they fhould, in fa6l, be of
a literary nature, like that over Plato's fchool*. *< Let
nobody enter, who does not \mderfland geometry." When
I contemplate the evil of religious tefts, I feel horror!
When oaths are taken to ferve a prefent intereft, and falfe-
hood receives the compliment of truth, our natural fenti-
ments muft be oppofed, and we fhall difcover in the iflue,
probably, that we have been doing wrong. What will
Jje the confequence ? The moft facred engagements will lofe
their force. We may, indeed, have fubfcribed, and ratified
pur pabfcription-by an oath. But beginning to perceive,
that fubfcription was an impcfition, our oath will pafs for
a matter of form, a trick of prieftcraft, a political ma-
noeuvre, a bugbear, a notliing. We break our fliackles,
and we are free.
What the incomparable Beccaria fays of oadis, ** admi-
niftercd to a criminaj, to force him to fpeak the truth,'*
\vill apply to oaths, which allure people to profcfs falfc-
hood. " Such laws are like a dike, oppofed dire6tly to
the courfe of a torrent : it is either immediately over-
'Whelmed, or by a whirlpool, formed by itfelf, it is gra-
dually undermined and deftroyed ^" But a civil tefl,
where neceflary, has nothing unnatural in it. It will l«
given without fear, and may be relied on without hazard.
But even here let us be (paring of paths. Voltaire remarks
of the cjelebrated patriot, who planted[ Penfylvania, that
* Oi/Jei? aylaifxsr^nroi; tiyiTw.
f EiXnj: or. Crimes aod Punishments, c. iS.
" his
•24 AN IXQIMRY INTO THE
*' his firft care was to make an alliance with his american
neighbours ; and this is the only treaty, continues he, be-
tween tliofe people, and the chriftians,* that was not rati-
fied by an oath, and was never infringed ?." I am alfo
perfuaded, that there are no fincerer friends to govern-
ment ; none more ready to give every proper fecurity for
its fupport ; none who experience a warmer attachment to
polite literature ; none who feel thcmfelvcs more intereited
to promote the true honour of our univerfitles, than thofe,
who wifh to have fpbicription abolifhed ''.
But it will be further obje6led, that a univerfity is a
corporation, and of courfc invefled with certain rights and
capacities, neceffarily and infeparably incident to e-.erv
corporation ; that with thefe claims natural rights liave no
connedtion ; and that the power of a corporate focietv to
make terms of admiffion is indifi^utable, by virtue of its
power to make by-laws for its government.
I have already remarked from Blackflonc, tliat our uni-
\erfities are not ecclefiaflical, but civil corporations, and
that the right of vifitation does not arife from any princi-
ple of the canon law, but was of neceiTity created by the
common law'. It is granted, that a univerfity mav, as
well as other corporations, make by-laws, but thofe laws
« Voltaire's Workj, v. 17, Hift. of the quakers.
'' ffbb's Works pafTiin, and Frend's Thoi'ghts on fubfcription.
Of the Diffenters I would juft obfervc, that in the year 1772, ^vhen the bill
•vras brought into the houfc of commons, for their relief, it paffed without a divi-
fion : though nffci wards rejcd^td in tlie upper houl'e Many juft and fjueral f>;n-
thuents were delivered by the commons, in favour of the claim ; it v.ns main-
tained " that the cnglilh hiftory abounded \\\th examples, which iK-w them to
liave b have been as loyal, and dutiful under good
kings, as they were firm in their oppofition to thofe tyrants, who w.inted to over-
turn the conftitution." An. Reg. vol. 15. c. S. Other teflinionics no Icfs
honourable have been fincc bornj t > the piiuciplcs of the diifcntcrs,
» Elackftoac's Comment, b. i. c. 18.
fliould
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 43
fhonkl not be repugnant to the fpirit of the common law,
and to the nature and principle of our government. By- ■■
laws of any particular community are to be meafured by
the law of tlie land, in the fame manner, as human ap-
pointments fhould be conformable to the law of nature,
the principle of every particular government'^, and the
pofitive laws of fcripture'. Now in every inftance, wherein
the canons of the church, or the graces of our univerfities,
invade the rights of mankind, they oppofe the defign of
the common law, which is to guard them.
A theologian, I am aware, will be ready to obje(51:, that
it is necelTary to guard and fecure the true faith. And, Can
there, he will fay, be a more probable way of gaining it
rcfpe6l, and enfuring its fuccefs, than to force it, as It
were, gently on the public notice ? To make it the intereft
of men to receive it, and a difadvantage to reje6t it ? If na-
tural, or focial rights are in a fraall degree encroached on,
and fome individuals become fufferers, may not the benefit
of fociety at large, involved in the intereft of truth, de-
mand fuch a facrifice ? Will not the importance of chrif-
tianity juftify the fupprefiion of herefy ? Is not more gained
on the fide of religion, than is loft on that of liberty? ^
And, What ferious man will grieve to fee the ftandard of
orthodoxy placed in an inviting fituation ?
Alas! Ye learned do6lors™, I tremble for divinity!
This cautious mode of propagating truth, this anxious con-
cern in guarding the faith, create in my mind fome un-
lucky fufpicions. What kind of truth muft that be, in
^ Montefquieu, 1. i, 2.'
' Hooker's Ecclef. Pol. b. 3. 9.
"> Rutl'.crforth and \^'aterland.
c the
^ AN- INQUIRY INTO THE
the proaiotion of which fuch caution is required ? And, Can
faith be fecurcd, by fupprefling the exertions of reafon?
Father f ulgentio was once pr-eaching on Pilate's quefticMi,
«'' What is truth !" he told his hearers, " that, after
many fearches, he had found it :" and held out a new
teftament. He then put it in hit; pocket with this fly
lemark — " But the book is proliibited ^." The Japonefe,
and the inhabitants of Siam will not difpute about reiigion^
Do not they a6l more rationally than fome chriftians?
We difpute, indeed, but we mult draw no conclufiom.
The true fai;th muft be " fecured°.^'
When Dr. Rutherforth was regius profefTor of divinity
sn the univerfity of Cambridge, Mr. Tyrwhitt of Jefus
college propofed four queflions for difcufiion in the divinity
fcbool. The grave profeffor was much alarmed, aii'd
aSually refufed to let the quefHons have a public hearing p.
Whence did this proceed ? Douhtlefs, the doftor thought
hirafelf, in the divimty fchool, one of thofc fuperlntend-
ants and governors, who to ufe his own words, " are to
iccuie and promote, as far as they are able, the true faith
arid do6triues of the gofpel i."
But, the queftion of orthodoxy I leave, for the prefent,
Ifi the hands of divines ; julT; hinting what I have fometimes
heard whifpercd. It argues little, what you propofe to
men ; whether the koran, the fliafter, or the gofpel. Is
it nccefTary for the eflablifhing of your fcheme, to deprive
men of any of the benefits of civil focietv ? We will un-
dertake to prove, that your dpginas cannot be true, nof
" R')binfo;i's Arcana, let. 3,
" Ruthitfurth and Watcrljnd.
P Jclib's works, vol. 1. p. 31. notes.
I Conttffio«;>l Prof, to zikI cd. p. 31.
3 " QnWQ
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTIOls. 4^
come from the common parent. This I think juftly faid.
For as there is a primitive reafon % from whence proceed
thofe relations, which conllitute law ; there are alfo rights,
prior to any form of religion, which are the foimdation of
liberty. Chriftianity, we might fay, does not violate thofc ^
rights, and this is one argument in favour of that religion:
but, as fome called chriftians do, whatever we think of
chriflianity at large, we draw conclufions againfl: their
fyflems.
But, it feeras, diflenters of all denominations would
flock to alma mater, if we removed fubfcriptioii. This is
what I contend ought to be : and this it feems, is, with
fome, the grand objedtion'. Pitiful and ill-judged policy !
Charadleriftic of priefts and monks, rather than of men of
the world. From the time of king James, non-con-
formifts have been treated in England, as the Lydians were
by Cyrus. Herodotus tells us, that the Lydians firfl turned
gold and filver into coin'. With this gold they corrupted
the Perfians. Cyrus, it is true, aimed to humble them,
by confining them to fervile employments. In like man-
ner, the high church party thought to fmk the confequeuce ^
of diflenters, by keeping them ignorant. But Cyrus, and
the high-church party were both alike miflaken. The
Lydians corrupted the Perfians with their gold ; dilTenters,
too, by being forced into a fituation, more favourable to free
inquir)^ are now taking the lead in literature ; and have »
got pofTefTion of thofe principles of liberty, and civil go-
vernment, which muft, in a revolution of years, under-
mine the fabric of oppreflion.
r Hooker's Ecdef. Pel. b, i.
* Trend on Subi'.rip. ' Herod, lib. i.
Sed
46 AN INQT-HRY INTO THE
■ Sed Cantaber unde
Stoicus ?
Nunc totus graias noftrafque habet orbis Athenas,
De conducendo loquitur jam rhetoie Thule ".
1 cannot help obferving here, that tlie laws, which re-
late to education, are alfo extremely oppreflive to catholic
diffenters. I have grieved, that while a legal toleration hath
afforded relief to fome proteftant diffenters, no fuch relief has
yet been afforded to englifli catholics : that the laws, which
relate to catholics, fhouid in a free country be diredled to
perpetuate ignorance on their children'': that our laws
fhouid refufe catholics thofe privileges, v/hich many catho-
lic flates now allow britifli proteflants. Yet have I feen
with pleafure, that the jufiice of mankind indulges them
in privileges, denied them by the laws. I have alfo been
taught, from the examples of proteflant diffenters, and of
catholics, that univerfities are not effential to literature,
and that the exertions of induflry have a vigour, which
will not be borne down by unjufl power.
In anfwer, however, to this formidable objedlion, the
hiflory of mankind tells us, that while public jufticc and
liberality give health to nations, the hand of oppreflion
weakens and deftroys them. The Romans were con-
" I mean not to intimate, that the charge of ignorance, brought againft diffen-
tf n, was ever juftly founded. Among the ancient puritans were many as good
fi-holars as England could boaft ; and when the moft circumfcribed in regard to
literature, diflliiters always had amonp; them many diftinguifhcd men.
* The being debarred our univerfities, is a triile, compared with other afts of
injultice, which afFedl catholic diffenters. 23 Eliz. cap. I. i lac. I. c. 4.
3 Jac. I. c. 5. 3 Car. II. c. 2. In the eighteenth year of his prefent majcfty,
one law was repealed, which had precluded them from the enjoyment of landed
property, but they are ftill left by our laws under a cruel prcfcription in regard to
education. — Since the publication of the firft edition of this book; the catholics have
been placed in the fame condition as the protellant diffenters.
querors.
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 47
t]iierors, and frequently admitted the vanquiflicd to tlic
liberty of frcehorn citizens, and they became one people ''.
The government of the chinefe provinces, as baron Mon-
tefquieu hath alfo remarked, is equally divided among tlic
Chinefe and Tartars. The fame ceconomy prevails in
their courts of juftice. Tliis liberality was true policy.
It removed fafpicion ; it diffufed confidence ; it promoted
benevolence. The Tartais thus fectired their conquc'fl;
and China, by its very defeat, gained an addition of
ilrcngth.
And Ihall we treat Britons as aliens in their own-
country? Chriftians, let us not blufh to receive forae
juit maxims from pagan heroes ! Their profperlty was a
comment on their policy. Let us too from more modern
examples learn, that an appropriating fpirit hath an incon-
ceivably bad influence on the intereft of civil fociety. Tlic
condu6t of the opprelTed manufacturers in the Netherlands,
and of the Kuguonots in France, who enriched rival na-
tions with their manufactures, white they impoverifhed
their ovv^i, the meafures alfo adopted by the englifli non-
conformifts, together with their fubfequent fortunes in
America, have a warning voice, which fays, Injuflice is
not political v/ifdom.
The tnatli is, that the diforders of individuals will be
redlified in a future ftate. But empires are not immortal.
Their fortunes, therefore, are weighed out to them in the
prefent world. The common Father holds the fcale o£
jullice with impartial hands, and appoints, that political
llrength fiiall be weighed out to nations, in propor-
tion to their political re6litude. In the rife and fall
of empires the philofophic eye traces this ti'utli. They
y Livii hlft.
were
4$ AN INqyiRY INTO THE
were golden days with Rome, when it could be faid
of her,
Quos domuit, nexuque pio longinqua revinxit.
But when, under her emperors, by her proconfuls fhc plun-
d.cred her provinces, and by an abandoned foldiery flie ha-
rafled her own citizens, her glory fled, and fhe haflened
to ruin.
I further reply to this objection, that our prefent reftric-
tions not only afFe(5l the polltv of a flate, but the progrefs
' of the polite arts. If we wi/h literature to appear with
true dignity and eafe at our public Academies, Why do we
confine her walks, and load her with fhacklcs ' What a:
ftrange decifion was this of the fynod of Aries in France !
*' ProfefTors of philofophy in handling phyfical or meta-
phyfical queflions, which have a correfpondence with divi-
nity, fliall take care, that they fb do it, as not to injure in
the leaft the principles of our true religion, which principles
flione forth in the writings of thofe famous divines, whom
the Lord raifed up to kindle' in the lafl: century the flam-
beau of the gofpel in thefe arid the neighbour nations^.'*
That is, our profeffors fhall keep within the circle of cal-
viniftic orthodoxy.
Is our Oxford ftatute lefs exceptionable ? Item, it is or-
dained, " that no profelTor, or public ledurer, dire6lly or
indire£lly teach, or in laying down pofitions alTert any
thing, which in any meafure oppofes the catholic faith ^.**
That is, they fhall fay nothing, which in the leafl contra-
dicts the articles of 1562.
Other examples, befide thofe of Galileo, and two frcnch
editors of Sir Ifaac Newton's works, prove, that eftabliflied
« Quick's Syiiodicon, vol. 2. 23J Synod, c. 15.
^ Corpus ftatut, Oxon. t. 4. f. 2.
formularies
NA,TURE OF SUBSCRIPTION*. 49
formularies of faith have fupprefTed the difcoveries of hu-
man fcience ; and innumerable inftances might be pro-
duced of their evil influence on rational theolog)*. As a
fpecimen of this tendency, I will lay before the reader
Mr. Tyrwhitt's queftions *^, referred to page 44, fufpefting
with Dr. Difney, " that the rejeflion of them rather ar-
gued fome diftruft of certain opinions gaining converts by
an open difeuflion of them."
And further dill, if we wifh to fee learning fpread re-
finement and humanity through a nation, Why do we make
her wear a partial appearance ? I have, indeed, already
been led to remark, that the exertions of induflry have
proved too ftrong for the arm of oppreflion. But, while
fuch exertions refie£t honour on the injured parties, Do
they not jufkify complaints, which proceed from men, ex-
periencing the feverity of thefe impolitic reftriftions ? Do
we conceive, that liberality is profufion, or, that even to
do juflice to individuals would injure a community ? Surely
examples might be produced, to flaew, that an impartial
diftribution of literary advantages neither tarnifh the luftre
cf fcience, nor debafe political wifdom.
But we Hand too near to fee ourfelves : and I am forry,
to be forced to look beyond the banks of Ills, and Cam,
for fuch laudable examples.
Among the ancient Romans, then, after their youth had
been prepared by a domeftic education, and had put on the
c I. Preces chriftiaRorum ai Deura foUim, patrcm Jefu Chrifti dirigencbe funt-
II. In coEtum chriftianum recipiendi funt, qui Jefum pro vero Meffia ae-
nofcunt, etfi ilium vel Deo longe inferiorera, vel etiam merum homineia
effe credunt.
III. Lex chriftiana aeternis pxnis non fancitur.
IV. Nullum fidci chriftiaiia: dogma in facris fcripturis traditum, eft reflae
ratloni diircntaneum. Memoirs of the life of Dr. Jebb^ prefixed to his works,
p. 31, by Dr. Difney.
K " maul
^tS ^N INQUIRY fNTO THE
" manly gown," tlicy were introduced into the forini?*
and entered on the pra6tice of pleading. This was done at
the age of feventcen, and with all imaginabi'e folemnitv,
' but without either oaths or fubfcriptions ^. The atheniaa
youth, indeed, took an oath of obedience to the govern-
ment, and the religion of their country *, but the oath
was vftry different in its nature from that adminiHered
among us, nor was it taken' at their places of literature.
Among the ancient Perfians, none were excluded bylaw
from honours and civil offices : all might kndr their childreit
ro the public fchook of juftice, and all might advance
through the different orders of cliiidren — of youth — of men
— and of old men, — Such was their civil oeconomV) adds
Xenophon, in the pra6lice of which the Perfians think
they have the greateft excitement to become eminently-
good ^. This polity was attended with no inconvenience
So ttiefe governments, nor did it weaken the authority of
JiteraUure.
Fas eft et ab lioflre docerr.
.Let \js take a comparative view of this affair in new and"
/ old Ei>gland. " In new England, where the legiflativc'
bodies are ahnofl to a man d'iffenters from the church of
England, 1. There is no teft to prevent churchmen from-
holding offices. II. The fons of churclu-nen have the full
benctit of the univerfities. III. The taxes fos^the fupport
of P'Ublic worfliip, when pciiu by churchmen, are given to-
•' Cicero Jc oratorlKis.
c Johannis Stobsei fentfnt. Sermo. 41, page 243, cd. Lugden. Warburtan-
has quoted this oath with an air of great triumph; but I Ihall fhew elfewhere,
that it was not a cafc in pgir.t, and that the doughty champion lliouted vji^ory'
too foon.
f Xenophont. Kv?/ Tfaih a. p, i;^. Hutchinfon, eJ. 4^
the;
NATURE or SUBSCRIPTION, Bp. Watfon's Preface to his thcol. trails.
c Remarks upon the prefent mode of education in t]ie \inivcrrity 01' Cambri;vigc^
tvith a Propofal for its improvement. Jcbb's Works, vol. 2. p. 260.
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 57
luight be afligned to profeflbrflilps (fome of which are mere
fine-cures, though others, I acknowledge, find refpe£lable
ejnployment) , fo that our youth might not be obhged to be
hurried to inns of court, (where there are no afllftances
for dire6ling the apphcation of fludents) or to refide in
foreign or fcotch univerllties ''. To fay nothing of that
appearance of ancient monkery, which thefe appointments
now wear, and of their tendency to fupprefs exertions,
which render men ufeful and confpicuous on the theatre
of pubhc hfe.
It is obviou5, indeed, that as univerfities originated in the
times of popery, and were formed out of fchools, which
were under the immediate patronage of raonafUc inflitu-
lions'^, they will retain fome veftiges of ancient fuper-
flition ; and that as they >vere afterwards incorporated, they
will ftiil carry the remains of afiftocratic partiality ; defe£ls,
which, when the time of complete reformation arrives
(and fuch a reformation fooner or later pur univerfitics
muft undergo) will receive, no doubt, ^ radical cure. I
have alfo heard it queftioned, whether the making of chrif-
tianity a ^'fputatious fcience tends not to weaken its autho-
rity, and has not produced the fame eiFedls in chrilKan
<1 There are now no ledurcs given, and no public exercifes performed at our
inns of court. I fay now, becaufc formerly they were kind of academies for
educating the nobility and gentry. But as the rivaldiip which once fubfifted be-
tween the univerfities, and inns of court, have fubfided, and the animofities
arifing from their different regards to the civil and municipal law no longer exifl,
our inns of court have ftrangely degenerated. *'■ The whole care of education," as
a judicious writer obferves, " fecms to be devolved on the CQqk, and the only
remaining part of the ancient regulationi is, that the ftudent fhall eat his commons
for a ceirain number of term^." Millar's Hift. View of the Eng. government,
p. 466. It (hould be noted, that though till the time of Mr. Viner no encou-
f agement was given to the ftudy of the common law in either univerfity, yet now
ti^erc are profefforfTiips in both,
P Millar'i Hill, view of the Eng. govcrnracnt.
flates,
^ A'N IKQUIRY INTO THE
ftates, by transforming chriftianity into philofophv, as it
did in the firft chriftian academy in Alexandria*".
But it does not fall within my province to intermeddle
with defeats in difciplinc, or to propofc fchcmes of refor-
mation. Yet to plead the caufe of impartial juftice, and
of equal liberty is the duty of all. And whether degrees,
beftowed as they now are, be confidcred as neceflary dif-
tInQmc, indeed, ingenuoufly give the articles up, as irra-
tional and indefenfible ; while others are indebted to low
lophlllrv ; to make them wear any tolerable appearance. A
rurkiih efFcndi, who had no objc6lion to drinking winc
with philofophers and great perfonages, once faid to the
lady of an englifh ambaflador, " The prohibition of winc
3 ^'-^
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 63
•tvas good policy, and defigned for the common people ^,"
*I'lius engliih effendis treat articles and creeds, they fub-
fcribe them, indeed, but leave the people to believe them.
The prefent quellion does not depend on any phyhcal
opinion concerning the human underftanding. I fhall
have occai'ion, indeed, to make many free remarks on fpi-
rit, &c. in the courfe of my Inquiry, but fhall at prefent
decline fpeculations of this kind. For whether what wc
call mind be any ways connected with our bodies, or be the
mere efiecfl: of a refined organization of matter '', or whc-
-ther it be a fpiritual agent, that can move wholly inde-
pendant of the body ; and whether ideas be the necefiary
confequeuce of fenfations often repeated, and by their repe-
tition making changes on the medullary fubflance of the
brain through vibrations on the nerves, according to
^Ir. Hartley % or be colledled by the voluntary exertions oi'
an immaterial iubftance, according to the popular no^
tion : whatever I fay, we determine concerning the na-
ture of the human mind, and the immediate inftrument
of its motions, its powers and faculties will continue
the fame.
But it is of importance to obferve, that all knowledge
confifts in the view, which the mind hath of its own ideas ^
^ Lady Montague's Letters.
•> See both fides of this queftion ftated by the learned editor of Chambers' Ency-
clopocdia, Dr. Rces, under the article foul. As I have taken a decided opinion
on this fubjeft elfe where, May I beg leave to propofe here, whether by fpeaking 01
the mind or foul, as the cffeit or the refult of organized matter, the objeiflion of
Dr. Clarke, direft^d againft the opinion of the foul's being a material fubftance is
hot removed ? For on the fyflem of materialifm the foul is not properly an exift-
ence, but an efFcifl. Thought being to the organized matter what found or mufic
to a clock or miifical inftrument.
' Obf. on man, p. i, f. j. prop. 4, 5.
' Locke's Effay on the human underibuding, b. 2. o» i.
agreeing
64 An inquiry into the
agreeing or difagreeing, and that all our ideas mufl citTict
proceed through the medium of the fenfes, or from the
exercife of refleilibn : thefe being the original grounc^
' work, of all our future kno\7ledge. Mr. Locke's manner
of ftating the matter will anfwci evtry purpofe of this In-
quiry; though I thirik with Mr. Hartley, that the ideas of
refledlion are but complex ideas of fenfation, the latter
being the elements of which the former are compofed^.
It is alfo of importance to note the various operations
of the underftanding, which are four. I. Perception.
11. Judgment. III. Rcafoning. IV. Method. Ther6
are alfo exercifes diftinguifhed by different names, fuch as
remembering, abftra6ling, &:c. which, however, will al!
fall under one or other of thefe divifions.
It will follow, that where we have no ideas, or perceive
not wherein they agree or differ, we have no knov/lcdgc,
and that to attain knowledge, we mufl have a capacity
for it.
What, if it fhall appear, that many things contained in
the 39 articles lie out of the road of the human underfland-
ing? We may indeed multiply words, and indulge our
fancies, but we can have no ideas. H^ive we diflindl ideas
tinder the term trinity? School -divinity, indeed, is freq,uently
nothing but dufl thrown in the eyes of the underllanding,
which keeps out real knowledge. I think it, therefore,
well remarked by a learned writer, " W'here too much
divinity mixes with our logic, it is much if it hath any
meaning *^." This remark will appear more true, in pro-
portion as our divinity is more myflerioui. Can I un-
dcrfland what is incomprehenfible, or believe what h
contradi(5lory ?
* Hartley's Otf. on man, p. i. c. i. f. ■:.
f Baker's Rcfle£l. on karning, p. 6 j. 3d edit.
From
iJATURE OF SU6SCftlPTI0K. 65
' From hence, too, it will follow, that, there is a kind of
©rder, which the mind purfues, where we attain real
knowledge ; that, as there are different operations of the
underftanding, their places are alfo diflinft, and their ex-
ercifes fucceffive, depending on e:xth other ; and, that an
operation, the laft in rank, cannot take place of the firft.
Thus we cannot form an accurate judgment, till we
have a clear perception of ideas ; we cannot rcafon with
effedt, till we have judged with precifion : and till thefe
previous fteps be gone over, there is no place for method.
From the do6lrine of the trinity men reafon to other
dodlrines: but firft, it fliould be afked, Do they under-
ftand that do6lrine ?
It is evident, alfo, that the progrefs of truth may be
quickened or retarded in the underftanding according to
the medium, through which we view it. The heavenly
bodies appear larger through a telefcope, than when viewed
throvigh the bare atmofphere, by the naked eye of the oh-
ferver. Some glafles magnify, others diminifli objeits.
And bodies may even appear of a colour dire6lly oppofite
to their real one, according to the medium through which
they are examined. Are the 39 articles a proper medium,
through which to view the chriftian doctrines ?
1 obferve, further, that every propofition is either true
or falfe. If any number of propofitions be true, and ca-
pable of almoft mathematical demonftration ; yet if they
confiil of metaphyseal diftin<5lions, and rehned fubtle-
ties, without fupcrior abilities, we cannot underftand
them ; and, How tlien can we fubfcribe to their truth ?
For if truth in the underftanding be called the agreement
onr difagreement of the ideas in our minds with the reality
of things 5, w'here fuch perception is not, truth is not.
« Locke, \it fup. vol. 2. b. 4. c. 5.
F for
66 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
For however true a propofition be, and however clear a
perception others may have of it, yet in regard to an under-
ftanding, where no fuch perception is, it forms no truth ;
' and where we cannot connect the ideas, of which a propo-
fition is compofed, it is impoflible to beheve it. I fpeak
not of theological myfleries.
Now that the contents of the 39 articles are of this
kind, will be evident to every accurate inquirer, and is
apparent by the practice of many young men of eminent
learning. Before they thought themfelves qualified to fub-
fcribe,. Have they not found it neceflary to adjuft many
metaphyfical niceties, to fettle many difficult points in po-
lemical divinity, to afcertain many difputed particulars in
the hiflory of their own country? And fometimes, in
order to determine the *' rights of the church," Have
they not been known to inquire into the nature, and pre-
cife differences of epifcopal conventions, provincial convo-
cations, dlocefan fynods, and provincial councils ** ? Such
is frequently the pra6lice of candidates for orders, of fuch,
at leaft, who are perfons of ferious thought and of upright
confciences, andj ofcourfe, not difpofed to fubfcribe " in
the grofs," which latter pra6tice, however, I am forry
to fay is too often the cafe.
Let us, for example, take that article, which aflerts,
•' The church has pov/er to decree rites and ceremonies,
and authority in controverfies of faith." Should we not
inquire, whom we are to underftand by the church ? A
queftion not very eafily fettled h Should we not alfo af-
certain whether there be any rites and ceremonies, impofcd
by the Founder of our religion, of an invariable nature ;
• >« Wake's State ©f the cl. and ch. of England.
* RoMnfon's Trann..tioi\ of Claude's Eflliy on the eompofition of a fermon,
vol. z. p. Z62. notes,
and
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 67
and whether there be any, of themfelves indifFel-ent, left
to the difcretion of the chriftian church ? Should not, too,
the preciife meaning of thefe judicial terms " power to
decree, and authority" be fettled? And finally, Should
we not inquire, how far fuch power and authority may
be exercifed confiftently with the precepts of fcripture, and
the laws of the land ?
So again the nineteenth article afferts, *' That the
churches of Jerufalem, of Alexandria, of Antioch, and
of Rome, have erred in the manner of ceremonies, and in
matters of faith."
Before we can believe that propofition, Mufl we not
be acquainted with all the ceremonies, and all the doc-
trines of all thofe churches, and compare them with the
rule of truth, the facred fcriptures ? Otherwife, How can
we affirm, with fincerity, that all thofe churches have
erred *' in manner of ceremonies, and in matters of faith r"
What a great compafs of knowledge is neceffary to the
belief of this propofition, *' general councils have erred!"
*' The eaftern general councils were fix in number; the
weftern clergy were obliged to meet twelve times, before
they could fettle a fyftem of faith to their minds. The
hiftory of thefe councils is abridged in about as many
folios, which it will be neceffary for us to read over, to-
gether with the fathers they refer to ''," and I will add,
with the ftandard of truth, by which they mull be com-
pared, ere we can believe the propofition. — The petition
of the undergraduates in the univerfity of Cambridge, to-
gether with four letters of Dr. Jebb's to the candidates
for the degree of bachelor of arts, will exemplify my
meaning.
* Jebb's Works, vol. i. p. 195. Let, on the fub, of fubf.
F 2 Now,
68 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
Now, if we be unacquainted with the ideas, contained'
within any number of propofitions, we mult be in a fitua-
tion, in regard to what thofe propofitions lay down, fimilar
to what a blind man is in refpe6l of colours, or a deaf man
is in refpedl of founds. For, though we may have rational
faculties to a certain degree, yet if we are not capable of
attaining the knowledge neceffary to the belief of thofe-
proportions, we (hall be in nearly the fame fituation.
Admitting the articles to be true, yet a weak man cannot
with propriety fubfcribe to their truth.
Thefe examples of hiftorical proportions will (hew
what knowledge is neceflTary for the belief of metaphyseal
and do6binal articles. I fhall not, therefore, enlarge
here: but cannot help noting, ftill further to illuftrate
this matter, the curious ftrufture of the human mind, and
how admirably language accommodates itfelf to all its
wants. Hence it is, that as many colleftions of ideas may
coincide, and appear a fmgle idea, fo a fmgle term may
exprcfs numerous ideas, and a fmgle propofition may con-
tain a great variety of truths '. But this concifenefs, and if
I may fo fpeak, pliablenefs of language, is not only favour-
able to that particular procefs of the mind called abftracl-
ing, but to the fimplicity and copioufnefs of truth in ge-
neral. From the vafl: ocean of human opinions we colle£l
but few invariable truths : and thefe reduced to their proper
' fize, would occupy but little room. Hence the propriety
of the ancient faying, Mcya jSiiSA.oc //.t^a k«xo/ a great book
is a great evil.
1 o thofe, who have been in the habit of inquiry it will
appear, that thefe remarks apply more readily to religious
' Introdudory Eflays to Hartley's Theory of the human mind. EiTay 3. hy'
K>J. Prieftlcy.
and
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPrjOZs'» 69
arvJ metaphyfical truths, than to any other. Were we tv>
analyze the 39 articles, were we to trace all the propo-
fitions to their original principles, and to fee where they all
bottom, in the " method of invention," as logicians call
it, were we to review the ideas, of which they are com-
pofed, and to make a fair eftimate of the knowledge, which
the articles contain, if true, it would be found prodigious. ^
Let me ferloufly afk. Is it poflible for a perfon of flender
capacity to gain a knowledge eflential to the belief of the
39 articles, fuppofmg them true ? I do not flop to lay much
ftrefs on this queftion, " Whether while men's attention
be thus called to things beyond their reach, they are not
prevented from attaining what is within their power "" ?"
Thefe queflions may be afked, even if w^e admit the
truth of the articles. But, How will the cafe ftand, if they
happen to be falfe ? Clearly thus. There is a fymmetry
and proportion in truth, by which it recommends itfelf to
the human underftanding, and coalefces with its operations;
and thefe operations are the only proper judges of it. Rays
of truth, beaming from that eternal fun, which enlightens
all rational beings, have a natural reception in the hu-
man mind, which is formed to receive them ; and if the
mind be not difordered by low paflions, in proportion to tlie
flrength of its faculties, and the perfpicuity arjd order in
which objeils are prefented to it, truth will always ap-
pear beautiful, and error deformed. But, if the articles
are falfe. Will they not become thofe obrtru6ling mediums,
of which I fpoke before, which, inflead of conveying to
the underftanding juft notions of truth, will break its force,
and diminifli its brightnefs? And, while the native luftre of
truth is thus tarniflied, the falfe images drawn on th?
■" Epiifleti Enchirid. c. 59,
F 3 mi lid,
)0 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
mind, will occupy the room, which ought to be kept facred
to real fcience. How many prejudices may fubfcription
lay the foundation of, which may ftint the human facul-
ties, and keep rcafon in leading firings till it even grows
grey ! It is natural to fuppofe, that fuch articles will have
the fame efFe£l on the human underftanding from twenty-
three even to fourfcore, that our nurfes' fiories, and cate-
' chifms have had till twenty-three. They will become
ftandards, to which we fliall appeal as oracles of truth,
rather than guides to help us in our inquiries after it.
Some years hence I fufpe6t, it will be found, that falfe-
hoods, equal to any impofed on the world by the romifh
church, have pafled current among us for evangelical
truths; and that men, formed by nature with fuperior
talents, and who have made folid acquifitions in human
fcience, have, neverthelefs, had their underftandings en-
{laved by trifling prejudices and theological abfurdities.
I have afls.ed, Whether fubfcription may not lay the
foundation for fome unhappy prejudices ? Let me be al-
lowed to aflwed not, I liope, inform the rcaJer, tl.at I never ufc this word in ih-
invidious fcnfe, in which it is commonly uie4-
» Pr, Hey, ut Jvip.
ien?«d
^8 AN INQUIRY IKTO THE
lenged by the Greeks, Neftorians, Abaflines, Latins, ana
Armlnians. According to ibme, baptifm is to be adminif-
tered by trine immerllon, and leavened bread to be ufed in
the eucharifl: : all varying in their pra6i:ice in infinitum,
yet all uniformly pleading tradition ^."
The reformers afferted, that this difagreement deftroyed
the authority of tradition. Had they lived now, they
xvould have reafoned, perhaps, equally well on uni-
formity. In a country like Britain, amid fo many
contending parties, they would fcarcely have aimed at
eftablifliing one creed. Some writers have chofen to
compare the underftandings of men to different foils of
earth ; and the truths, which are propofed to them, to
different forts of grain '. All foils are not equally favour-
able to every kind of grain : fome grains requiring a richer
foil, while others will thrive on a more barren. But
how often is Plato the divine at variance with Plato the
philofopher !
The truth is, that in the allotment of human happinefs,
or, at leaft, of means for obtaining it, and in the appoint-
ment of motives to goednefs, a juft balance is preferved :
and, on an accurate furvey, it will be found, that all
ranks and ftations are, irt this refpedt, much nearer to a
ftate of equality, than may be imagined. But an exten-
five knowledge being neither effential to happinefs or vir-
tue, a capacity for obtaining it, is not univerfal. Our
minds too are as differently formed, as our bodies ; and
our fentiments, often as unlike as our features.
But go, candidate for holy orders ! furvey the extent of
our eftabliflied formulary; ffudy the nature of truth, of
knowledge, and of faitli, look into tliine underffanding,
•< Claude's Hifr. Def. of the Reform, part 2. p. 257.
^ Plutarch, dc Educatione libcroruni liber, p. 3. Ed, Edwards.
and
NATURE OF' SIJBSCRIPTION% ^Q
and form an accurate acquaintance with thyfelf ; and fay,
if (o it feem to thee, The public confeffion is incompre-
henfible, I cannot underftand it; it is contradi6lory, I
cannot believe it; it Is extenfive, my capacity will not
enclofe it. — What then? There is-an aft of uniformity. —
What can be done in this cafe ?
Poor Urbanus ! I knew him, and I loved him. He
was a youth of polite manners, of calm paiTions, and of
a benevolent heart ; but his rational pov/ers were weak,
and his literary attainments very inconfiderable. I al-
'vvays thought him virtuous: he had, too, his favourite no-
tions, and, among his equals, he would often fay, '< There
I mufl beg leave to differ." I met Urbanus one day in a
dejedled frame of mind : I afked him, Whence it pro-
ceeded ? Urbanus replied, " I was defigned in early life for
the church, and I am preparing for orders." Thou haft
read, faid I, the 39 articles. I faw he was alarmed ; and
he anfwered with a figh, " I do not comprehend them."
We parted. He next day waited on Patronus, and dif-
clofed to him all his fcruples, and all his fears. Patronus,
who was ambitious for the future advancement of Urba-
nus, replied. Be not righteous over much, bifhops will
not {land for particulars. Canft thou fear to fubfcribe ^
thofe articles as true, which were fealed by the blood of
martyrs, and which, though not underilood by thee,
were certainly underftood by them ? Patronus was a poli-
tician, as well as a friend to Urbanus, and knew this to
be the only evidence, fuited to the capacity of his amia-
ble friend.
I add, that Urbanus nfed to read Sterne; was a gre^
admirer of uncle Toby ; and could never rife above fome
benevolentfentiments, derived from him. Alas! to reconcile i
fhefe with the articles and canons of the cliurch was above
the
8a A\' INQUIRY INTO TH£
theikill of Uibanus. He was the laft pcrfon in the world
to difputc a point with his fuperiors. All he ufed to fay
was, — "■ Uncle Toby would never have thought fo."
But you are a rational being of a fuperior rank ; a ge-
jiius, and a philofopher. Condefcend then to read the
following chapter.
CHAP. IV.
THE PRINCIPLES OF THE PRECEDING CHAPTERS IL-
LUSTRATED IN THE EXAMPLE OF ACADEMICUS.
AcADEMicus formed an acquaintance at one of our uni-
verfities with the writings of Des Cartes, Sir Ifaac New-
ton, and Mr. Locke. He faw one, by a refined fcepticifm,
preparing the way for an inveftigation of abftrufe fcience :
he faw the fecond, by analogical reafoning, arriving at
folid demonftration : and the laft, by a rejedlion of anti-
quated fyftems, and a review of the powers of his own
mind, attaining, by flow advances, important truth.
Our young philofopher, having gone through his courfe
pf mathematical ftudies, meant to refign himfelf, in future
life, to the ftudy of the fcrlpturcs. He was one day fitting
in his room, and furvcying our eflablifhed creeds. He
alked himfelf a plain queflion, " Where would have been
the difcoveries of thefe great men in the regions of fcience,
if, as foon as they began to think to any purpofe, their
minds had been confined by a literary creed ? Alas, for our
Newtons and our Lockcs, if this had been the cafe !
Ihefe
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 8l
'irhefe fuperior geniufes muft, then, have left the field of
inquiry, and fubjedled their und^rftartdings to men inferior
to themfelves."
Academlcus was a young man of reading. He was not
unacquainted with the writings of Mofes, the koran of Mo-
hammed, or the gofpel of Jefus. He obferved one pen-
tatcuch, but numerous comments of learned rabbies ; one
koran, but numerous expofitions of mohammedan dodlors ;
one gofpel, but jarring fyftems of chriftian cafuifts. Sa-
bellians, and arians, athanafians, and focinians, jefuits
and janfenifts, lutherans and calvinifts, each, he faw, had
their favourite fyftem, and he was aware with what evil
tempers they had been maintained. Critics and philofo-
phers, he knev/, had alfo xhs'ir favourite controverfies, and
now and then, to fnew their literary dexterity, were wont
to rap the fingers of their fumbling opponents, calling
them, perhaps, " dunces, drones, or fools ^," &c. But
thefe terms have not been founding enough for divines.
They mufl contend " fharply" (-ar.K^w,') for the faith.
Their bpponents have, accordingly, been " heretics,
knaves, beafts, dogs, and devils'"." Now and then they
have throv/n them into a dungeon, to give them time to
■ Homines quidem non acuti naris, ingenii tardioris, ftolidi, ftulti, &c. Vid.
Criticos et Hypercriticos pafTim.
b Heretici, nebulones, beAiae, canes, and diaboli, occur throughout Calvin's
Inftitutes, Sec particularly his fine corfipliments to that learned phyfician, Mi- *
chael Servetus. Even when writing Commentaries on the fcriptures, he calls
him " canis hifpanus, ffanifh dog." In his Inltitutcs he calls his fentiments
" diabolicam imaginationem, a devililh conceit," and then fpcaks of the " latra-
tus impuri illius canis, the barkings of that impure dog." 1. 2. c. 9, 3. The other
reformers of Germany and Switzerland ufe the fame theological ftyle towards this
injured gentleman. Need one be furprifed that Calvin, who held fuch frightful
doflrineri about devils, 1. I. c. 4. f. 13, fhould be for burning one, when he got
him in his clutches * For with Calvin htietic was another aamc fpr devil.
G recollect
Si AN iNQ^'IRy INTO THE
rccolle6l thcmfelves, or kindled a fire to throw light on
the trutli.
*' Amldft fuch diverfity of opinion, and fuch feverity of
temper," faid Academicus, " tliere mufl be fome egregious
mifrakcs." I'he quellion with him was, On which fide
did tile truth lie ?
Our youth was always fuppofed to be ingenuous, and to
love truth : but having been accuftomed to philofophical
accuracy, not over-hafly to become a believer.
** The moft probable way," faid he, one day, *' of find-
ing truth is to trace her, as it were,- from the cradle. I
will then confider my mind, as a llieet of white paper, on
which the firft fketches of truth have not yet been drawn.
Every principle, which I have received from education,
colle6led from books, t)r confirmed by argument, I will
lay afide, as the fruit of early pi-ejudice, of partial reading,
or of immature judgment'."
In religion, then, he became, for a feafon, a fceptic; hop-
ing, that whatever fentiments, in future life, he admitted
as truej might flow from a convi6lion, founded on reafon,
and end in a faith, depending on evidence. *' I exift" was
his only firll: principle.
In a fair courfe of reafonlng, he inferred the exiftence of
a firft caufe, an eternal, original, independent, and necef-^
farily exifling Being, pofiefled of infinite power, wifdom,
and goodnefs, the Creator of all worlds, and the Father of all
beings '^." " Towards fuch a Being," faid he, " can I help
feeling refpeft the moft fincere?" Here he laid a foun-
dation for religion, which confifts in the love and worfhip
of God.
* Locke's Conduft of the underft.mding, f. 12.
• A Clarke on the Being and .Attributes of God, prop, i, i, 3. Grotius de vit.'
Klig. Chrift, 1. I.
It
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 8^
It may be thought, perhaps, that Academlcus went a
long way to find a little truth. This I know was fre-
quently bbjedled to him. But he ufed to reply, " I will
take nothing for granted, I will not allow myfelf to fay,
I believe what I have not thofoughly examined, but by a
fteady procefs of inquiry, I wifli to know, Which of all
the religions in the world is moft correfpondetit to the cha-
radter of God, and the nature of man ?"
He weighed them all like a philofopher and an hiflorian,
and after having long held the fcale with an impartial
hand, the balance turned in favour of chriflianity. I faw
AcademicuS embrace the nevv testament, and heard
him exclaim, *' Thou art an irieftimable treafure !"
" I find," continued he, " different theologians from this
one book have extraded different fyftems. I will lay them
all afide, and from the new testament itfelf colle6l>
as far as I am able, the do6trines of truth." A true ge-
nius, if he follow the diredlion of his own luperior. talents,
"will admit few reftraints, and of all chara6lers in the world
is the moil unmanageable and unfubmiffive. — Academicus,
then, was fomewhat detained by a notion, that " where
we have no ideas, and perceive not their agreement, or
difagreement, whatever fancies we may indlilge, we have
no knowledge, and whatever affent we may yield, we have
no faith." Agreeably to thefe notions he wifhed to exa-
mine all the chriftian do6lrines '^.
Unfortunate young philofopher ! moft fmcerely did I
pity thee. Thy mind was but on the edge of inquiry,
thou waft but juft beginning to afk, '* What is truth?'*
■ Kai f^a^eu Maj-a
Hvty/iy yvan^Dv ^rig-ai «a0i;w£{9ev fl{t?->iy.
Pytliag. XfVff-* fTTK. V. 68, 6^.
G 2 And
84 AN Inquiry into thu
And behold ! Thou waft prefented, when called on to take
orders, with an ancient fyftem of 39 articles, containing i
prodigious number of metaphyfical, theological, political,
and hiftorical propofitions, to be fubfcribed in the " literal
and grammatical fenfe;" in which fyftem almoft every
chriftian dodlrine was fettled, or pretended to be fettled ;
with 141 cruel canons to fupprefs inquiry, to bring con-
fclence under difcipline, and to corre6l it, if unruly; three
creeds, orthodox, and heterodox, antiquated, unintelli-
gtMe, and contradi6lory, and with a routine of prayers,
the remains of the romifli miflal, after which thou, a pro-
teftant divine, wert to addrefs thy Maker ! Thou waft pre-
fented, Academicus, with all thefe ; for whoever fubfcribes
the 39 articles does, in fadi, fubfcribe them all.
Moft unfortunate young philofopher, moft iincerely did
T pity tliee ! Nor am I here merely indulging my fancy or
fpeaking the language of fcorn. Many have I known,
who have groaned under the mifery of their fituation, for
whom I have, in fecret, droi>ped the tear of the moft un-
affected concern. Some have fighcd and fubfcribed ;
others who have had inclinations to the miniftry, have
been forced to relinquifti them ; fome, of eafy circum-
ftances, have dechned every employment in the church;
while others have refigned their preferments, antl betaken
themfelves to civil employments.
Do you aik, reader. Whether Academicus was afte Ibid.
' Hartley's Obf. on Min, vol. i. p. 500. On tlio*MechanUm of the Kuinan mind.
Goo»l
fJATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. ^^
Good men are not always aware of the tendency of their
own principles. For it is obvious to remark, that myfte-
rious do£lrines, and precepts, are too often conne6led with
myllerious pradtice ''. Hence, at the Reformation, arofc
the gofpellers, a kind of antinomians, who turned the
graCe of God to wantonnefs'. Myflics are often good
men; but " myftery" has been too often the parent of
knavery.
Remarks of this kind, however, do not properly belong
;to this part of my fubjedl. — But I ftill afk, What is a fub-
fcriber to do, in the cafe of " mylteries?'* Should he
lillen to Patronus, who, perhaps, would tell him, that in
the fame manner, as he might fafely believe an article to
be true, becaufe the reformers believed it, he may alfo
fuppofe himfelf to be under the guidance of the " Spirit,"
becaufe the reformers thought they were ? Or fhould he
rather adopt the language of the holy faint Therefa, (fo
much admired by good Abbe de la Trappe) who to a girl,
that faid, flie would bring her Bible to the convent, replied,
** We want neither you nor your Bible, we are poor ig-
norant fotils, who know only how to fpin and obey"."
Such faints are in poffeflion of the fhorteft anfwer to
the queflion,
Can we beUeve Myfleries ?
^ Fofter's Sermons.
1 Bumet's Hift. of the Reformation, p. 2,
• Abauzit's Mifcel. Letter to a lady at Dij«ni
CHAP.
^ AN INQUIRY TKTO Ttit
CHAl'. VI.
ON THE IMPERFECTIONS OF THE PRESENT ESTA-
BLISHMENT.
Perhaps an attention to the circumftances of our eccle-
liaftical eftablifliment may lead to fome juft fentiments ori
the prefent queftlon.
The great Author of nature, we are ready to allow, is
abfolutely perfe61:, we allow alfo, that, infinite wifdom and
power conrtituting an effcntial part of his chara6ter, affedt
all his anions. His works, therefore, are all pcrfedt, that
is, they fully Snfwer the original intention of their Author^
in the tefpeitive ranks, which they hold, and tlic Various
ufes, which they anfwer, in the ilitelledlua} and mate-
rial world : and not being derived from gradual improve-
ment, but carried at once to the fummit of perfc£lion, they
required no fubfequent revifal. Gcd faid, *' Let there be
light, and there was light, and God faw every thing, that
he had made, and, behold ! it was very good." But human
nature being prone to imperfe6tion, all its fchemes and
contrivances are comparatively inefFe6live, and it arrives
at abfolute perfection in nothing. All its little excellencies
it gains by partial difcoveries, and fucceffive improvements *.
It was natural, we will fay, when the polite arts revived
in Europe, two hundred years ago, that the popular reli-
gion (hould alfo undergo a public examination. The im-
perfe6tion of former fyftems of church policy becoming
notorious, it was alfo natural, to inquire after a fyflem,
»Sc; Hooker's Ecclef.Poit
divefted
NA:rURE OF SUBSCRIPTION". ^7
diveftec! 3S nmch as might be of ancient errors, and adapted
to that more enlightened period. This was all natural.
Yet, if the minds of men had even been pre-occupied
by no ancient corruptions of the chriftian do6lrines, if our
reformers had fat down to the fcriptures pure and uncor-
rupted, and had formed a plan of church difcipline origi-
nal and new, if they had been men of the greateft capacity
and condu6l, poffefTed of all the powers of criticifm, and
dire6ted by all the ingenuoufnefs of chriftian fimplicity ; in
a word, if they had been as unprejudiced and unfophifticated,
as fincere and learned as we can poffibly conceive, and as I
am ready to believe they were, yet, Was it natural, even
then, I fay, to fuppofe, that a tranflation of the fcriptures,
and a fcheme of church polity, would have been exhibited
to mankind, incapable of future corre6lions? This may
not be fuppofed; perfe6lion was not made for man.
But, in the prefent cafe, where the niinds of men had
'been pre-poflefled by deep-rooted prejudices, and grofs er-
rors ; where ignorance, fuperftition, bigotry^ prieft-craft,
and worldly policy, had been tyrannizing over the con-
fcicnces of men for ages ; v/here the hands, that reformed,
were under the immediate dire6lion of other, ftill ftron^er
than their own ; where the whole work of refcrmation was
made to carry an appearance, beft fuited to the views of
princes, and humouring the darling prejudices of the na-
tion ^ ; and where even reformers themfelves were but juft
emerging from popifli darknefs; in fuch circumftances»
What condu6l can be more irrational than that, which im-
plies, the reformation was a finifhed draught? The arts '
and fciences have not laboured under thoie difficulties,
which have retarded the cultivation of fcriptural theology ;
'' See Burnet's Hift. of the Reign of Eliz.
H and
98 AK IKqyiRY INTO THE
and yet, Have they not received confiderable improvemenf, .
and, Have not the moft important difcoveries been made,
fmce the era of the reformation ?
It has been obferved, that there is a circulation of opi-
nions, in a couife of years'^. In the 13th century the pro-
dudtions of that fage, who had given laws to men of litera-
ture for ages, were burnt at Pari^ and fifty years after,
they were revived by Thomas Aquinas. Ariflotle*s meta--
phyfics and politics have been once more difcarded. A
found philofophy has taken its feat in our fchools of litera-
ture, and liberal fyftems of civil government have en-
lightened many European ftates. Andreas Cifalpinus,
Paulus Sarpius, and Servetus, were acquainted with the
circulation of the blood, and a book was written in its de-
fence many years ago by an Engliiliman. The opiniorr
was, however, buried in oblivion, till revived by the fa-
mous Harvey. Years ago, there was a Pythagoras, a
Thales, a Homer, and a Longinus, But the gravity of
philofophy, tlie charms of poefy, and the refinements of
criticlfm lay negle£ted and difgraced, during the fuper^
ftition of the dark ages.
But, ftnce the reformcition, we have h:.d Bacons, Boyles,
Newtons, Loekes, and Hartleys ; Miltons, and Bcntleys, and
Clarkes; we have had Boerhaaves, and Linnseufes, and
even Shakefpears, and Garricks — Men of genius have been
fufFered to walk at large through the fields of human
fcience, unfhackled by fubfcrlptions, and unavved by oaths.
But hear it, ye fons of fcienee ! Our eflablifhed fyften^
of theology continues unrefonjied, unimproved, and ex-
cept for the worfe, unaltered **. I called it our eftabliflied
• Baker's Reflsa. mi Learning.
' Alludes to the a\f the hiftory of the royal declaration, prefixed to tlie arti-
cles °. But 1 cannot help remarking, that king William,
was well aware of the narrownefs of our cftablilhment ; that
* Pricilley's Hift. of the corruptions of chriftianity, vol. 2. p. 348.
'' Burnet's Hift. of the reform, part 2. p. 376. id cd.
_ • Confeflional. Toplady's hiftovic proof of the Cdlvinifm of (he ch. of Eagl.inJ.
ecclefiaftical
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. I03
icCdefiaftical commifTioioers were adlually appointed to re-
view the articles, and to widen the doors of the church.
There is reafon, alfo, to believe, that George the firft, and
George the fecond, both Taw the defedl^ of the prefcnt churdi
forms, and were well inclined to a reformation ^
To the bill, the obje6l of which was to keep the civil
ofRces flill guarded by a facramental teft, (for the aboli-
tion of which fo many confideratlons, drawn from the
truefl: policy loudly call,} king William, and feveral mem-
bers of parliament were by no means favourably difpofcd,
and there k extant a remarkable proteft of feveral noble
lords, exprefled in the ftrongeft terms of difapprobation.
In the reign of Elizabeth, feveral bills were brought intp
the houfe of commons for improving the form, and in
€harles the fecond's, fchemes were purfued by them, for
ibftening the fpirit of the church.
I have already hinted, that the reformation was unfi-
niflied, even in the judgment of the reformers. I add,
•that they all exprefled a difapprpbation of cert;iiii ceremo-
nies and habits. This is true, not only of Hooper, Ro«
gers, Lati^mer, Farrar, Martyr, and Bucer, but even of
Cranmer and Ridley themfelves, before their death s. Fojf
alfi>
. « •' As tLefe ^reat pcrfonages had thoughts of advancing Dr. Clarke to the
/liijhcft dignity in the church, it is probable, that of thenilehe;, they would hav^
had r.o objeiftion to fujrh alterations in the liturgy, as he was eanxeft, and folicitowa
to introduce." Liudfey's Vindiciae Prieflleianje, p. 44. Burnet's Hift. of the
veform. Dedication. Clarke icfufed the archbifliopric of Canterbury, rather than
(ubmit to the talk of impofin^; fubicription, according to tan. 36.
t Hooper was fufpended, and even imprifoncd for refufing the habits. Latimer
on their pulling off his furplice at his degradation, faid ludicrouny, '• Now I can
■ make no more holy water." Fox. The reft alfo confidered the habits " mere relics
of popery," and cxerclfed their drollery on thein. Cranmer on their taking oft"
his ccdefiaftical habit at his degradation, faid, <' All this necdeth not : I had
nivfelf done with this years ago." See Pierce after Fo:^. Vindication of the dii-
H 4 fenters,
104 AN INQUIRY INTO THE '
alfo was of the fame judgment: and the objcilions of the
puritans, properly fo called, are too confidcrable to pafs
unnoticed. For they occurred to them prior to any edu-
cational prejudices, or to their fettling at Geneva, while
indeed, they were within the bofom of the church. Mr.
George Cranmer, a churchman, obfervcs, that, " at the
firft, the greateft: part of the learned of the land were either
eagerly affe6led, or favourably inclined that way ''." And
there have been no lefs than feven conferences entered into
for the purpofe of reformation.
Since the revolution very loud complaints, in which the
diffenters have had little fhare, have been made by eccle-
fiaftics themfelves, many of whom groan under fubfcrip-
tion, as an intolerable yoke. Tillotfon, Burnet, Patrick,
Tcnnifon, Hoadley, and no lefs than five, who are now
on the bench, have endeavoured to have defe£ls remedied,
and I cannot help remarking the fad dilemma, into which
a certain bifhop was brought, when the fame hand, which
•wrote the " hiftory of the reformation," and of his *' own
times," was forced into the fervice of writing an " expo-
fition of the 39 articles '." Several of our firfl literary
chara6lcrs have openly avowed their difbelief of the doc-
trinal articles; we have alfo had " proteftant reconcilers,"
and " confeflionals;" *' free and candid difquifitions,
drawn up by perfons of diftinguifhed learning, both from
among the laity, and the clergy, addrefled to the governing
powers both in church and ftate," and in fuccelTion to
fentcrs, p. 32, 2d. td. This ingenious and learned writer has preferred a curious
fpeeth, made in the convocation, which fat May 23, 1604, by the bp. ot faint
David's, againft the ufe of the crofs. Pierce ut fup. part i. p. 158. Thcfc may
appear trifling circumftances : I mention them, to Ihcw the fpirit of thcfc times.
^ Letter to Mr. Hooiitr, prefixed to his Kcclcf. polity, by Mr. George Cranmer.
♦ Coofcffional, c, 4.
them,
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION, IO5
them, we have had otlaer learned church-men petitioning
the legiflature. Moreover, attempts have been made by
very refpe£Vable characters for the abohtion of fubfcription
in one of our univeriltles ; the chancellor, it is well known,
has written to fliew the expediency of a revifal of the
liturgy ^, and a difbclief of many of the articles is almoft
univerfal among the inferior clergy : even the partv,
ftrongly attached to the do6lrines of the church, has fhewn
a hearty difaffe6t:ion to its difcipline ; and a more unma-
nageable circumftance dill, the very men, who have been
for healing the breaches of our Zion, by their apologies
for fubfcription, whatever they thought of the difcipline of
the church, difbelievcd many of its do6lrines '.
Of late years too the voice of unitarians has founded ia
the land, and is likely to grow flronger and flronger. The
weight alfo which the number, the learning, and virtue
of the diffenters, throw into the fcale, is very confiderable,
which I fliall examine more at large in another place. But
the fa6ls already alleged prove, that there is " a fecret
fomething" in the church, wherever the defedt lie, which
is {hocking to the *' general fpirit" of the times.
" Chriftianity ought not to perifli for want of minifters,
churches, and inftruftion ■"." — Would this happen, if
obfolete laws were repealed, and if a provifion, more
agreeable to the tafte of the age, were made for the clergy?
Tithes,^ firft eitabliflied by Charlemagne in the ninth
^ See a pamphlet, entitled, Hints fubmitted to the feiioiis attention of the
clergy, nobility, and gentry, newly affociated. By a Layman.
' I here fuppofe, what I think very eafy to prove, that the articles are calvi-
niftic. Hooker, Rogers, and Beveridge, were, indeed, of this judgment, and
fince them, Toplady and fome of thofc called Methodilh. But the writers, who
at prefcnt rule the tafte of the clergy, were of a contrary perfuafion. Nicliols,
Calamy, Burnet, W.itcrland, Warburton, &c, were all arnunians.
!" Montef^juievi.
century,
X06 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
centur)', were with great difficulty admitted by the cede*
fiaftical law, and have, ever fmce, been a heavy burden
on chriftendom. " The common people are hardly ca-
pable of being induced by examples to give up their own
intereft:" and, amid the fufpicions of the people, can
you enfure the comfort of the priefl: ? To fee the grievance
of tithes, I do not fend you to liflen to the complaints of
that part of the flock, who have leaped the fence, and
are feeding, ye will fay, in forbidden paftures. What
confufion do they not caufe, between Ihepherd and flock,
who, furely, ought to live in peace within the fame fold" !
My prefent argument does not lead me to inquire into
the expediency of an eftabliflii"nent ; or how far the legif-
lature had any original pretenfions to interfere in matters
of religion ; nor yet, whether the next ftep in reformation
may lead to a total demolition of our eftablilhment ; or
whether, like what is related of that fabulous bird °, a new
eftablifhment fhall arife out of the ruins of the prefent, as
that did from one preceding it.
All religious eftablifliments, I am perfuaded, have within
them the feeds of death ; they are compofed of tlie jarring
elements of human paflTions, they have traded in human
fouls, they have invaded the liberties of nations p. But
paflTmg confederations of this kind, I maintain, that they
are the work of the legiflature, and thofe evils, which the
laws have introduced, it is the bufmefs of the laws to re-
medy. It is true, indeed, that the natural juftice of man,
and prerogative, may remove fome inconveniencies, and
fupply fome defedls. But erroneous opinions, long efta-
■ See a fenfible hint on the abolition of tithes in Frond's Thouglits or fubfcrip?
^on, p. i6< 2d cd.
• Clement. Epift. ad Cor. Intrr patr. Apoft,
f Hartley's Obf. ufi Man, vol. z. i. z. c. 4.
bliihed
•NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. I07
blifhed by law, and ruinous maxims, under the fhelter of
law, formed into precedents and cuftoms, and bound on
the confcience by the folemn obligation of oaths, require
the correfting hand of tlie legiflature, and from that quar-
ter only can obtain a fafe and complete cure.
As thefe hints, therefore, relate to the alteration of an
cftablifhed religion, I beg the reader to keep in mind, that
I fpeak not of the pra6lice of an individual, whether a ty-
rant or a reformer, who is for engrafting new laws on an
ancient religion, nor yet of the pradlicc of many indivi-
duals, for thirty may be tyrants, as well as one. I fpeak
of corre£ling the fpirit of ancient laws, which the voice
of a nation declares burdenfome, oppreflive, unnatural.
In the former cafe, the intereft of individuals may be only-
concerned, whofe exclufive pretenfions are always ill-
founded; in the latter, that of the community, whofe
will is thameafure of law.
Plato thought " Rhadamanthus to be admired for that
courfe in the adminiftration of juftice, which he efla-
blifhed. He faw that the men of thofe times clearly be-
lieved the exiftence of gods, many of that age proceeding
from them, of which number, according to report, he
was one. He, therefore, thought it neceflary to oommit
the decifion of juftice to the gods, which he did, by put-
ting both parties to their oath : a quick and fafe way^
when an oath was reckoned a facred thing. But now,
continues Plato, when we acknowledge, that one part of
mankind do not fuppofe, that there are any gods; others
imagine, that they pay no regard to us, and the moft and
the vilefl entertain an opinion, that they can procure their
favour by a few offerings, and ferviccs, and may there-
fore commit any crimes with impunity, Rhadamanthus's
method of adminiflcring juftice would not be proper.
4 For
loS AN INQUIRY IKTO THE
For men's opinions concerning the gods changing, the
laws alfo fhould change''." Montefquicu has many fimi-
lar remarks,
A pra6tice, indeed, not correfponding to this ma^iim,
and operating to a great extent, would ruin the beft go-
vernment in the world. For a nation, then, muft either
admit thefe dangerous pofitions, that its laws reft ultimately
on fome ancient deciiions, allowing no improvement, and
that they take thtir weight, not from a people now united in
Ibciety ; or otherwife, the imperfe6lion of the laws muft
introduce vaguenefs, and the judge muft determine their
meaning. The excellent Beccaria remarks, " There is
nothing more dangerous than this common maxim, * The
fpirit of the laws is to be confldered^" So far as there is
a neceflity to explain away the letter of the law, govern-
ment has no fecurity. This muft happen, where obfoletc
laws continue unrepealed,
Thefe remarks, perhaps, may feem to l)eIong more pro-
perly to the next part of this work. But from what fol-
lows, it will appear to be immediately connciflcd with this.
For, the policy of our ftate is interwoven with religious
opinions. Admitting, then, for the fake of argument, that
human laws Ihould interfere in religion, or at leaft, ar-
guing from the fail, that they have interfered, 1 contend,
that laws, proper 200 years ago, or fuppoling them pro-
per, can have no propriety in 1792, becaufe, in the leifure
of 200 years, confulerable defecfls have been detected in
' our prefent church forms ; becaufe, the ecclefiaftical rule
for governing the human underftanding by fubfcription
lias proved deficient ; becaufe, great advances have been
^ M(Ta$iS\mviik>'j ovv TStfV •07E;i 6stf; o;^rv £v to;; av?-j.v7roi;, y,£'a.taX>.iil ait
nat yu; vtfjLH-. Plato de Leg. 1. I2.-
' Effay on ciiinti anJ punilhracnts, c. 4.
made
KATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. lOQ
made in religious knowledge; in a word, becaufe an in-
creafe of light in the nation has damaged the whole
fyftem, fupported by fubfcription : and legiflators, politi-
cians, and phllofophers, all .agree, " That a bad practice
ihould be aboliflied'." What mufi: otherwife be the
confequence? I blufh to utter it, but, if I had a power
equal to mv wiflies, I would proclaim it to the whole
world : popular errors, flill remaining eflabliflaed by law,
will continue to receive public encouragement, and truth
be reckoned a difgrace. Weak men, who think they can
govern mankind, bad men, Avho will dare to deceive them,
and good men, flill in bondage to little prejudices, or not
being capable from the drowfmefs of falfe devotion, to
ftrike into the lefs trodden path of free inquiry, will have
the public fmile, and receive the compliment of orthodoxy.
— But who, think ye, will be the heretics and fchif-
matics? Here again I blufh for orthodoxy.
Te Sidneys, Miltons, Newtons, Lockes, and ' Clarkes.
Ye Biddies, Whiflons, and Hartleys! Ye Fofters, and
Lardncrs, and Lelands, and Emlyns, and Taylors ! Ye
all ihall be among orthodox englifli churches', what thofe
illuftrious
' Malus ufus abolendus eft, is an eftablifhed maxim of the law, fays Black-
ftonc. Commentaries, &c. introd. p. 76. 4to ed.
' Thefe eminent men were all, except Milton, either arians or focinians. At
the clofe of life, indeed, Milton feems to have altered his dodrinal fentiments ;
from being a calvinift, he not only became an arminian, but, not improbably,
an arian. Tobnd's Life of Milton. Whifton was a baptift ; he alfo informs us, ^
that Sir Ifaac Newton, and Dr. Clarke, were of the fame judgment. Whifton's
Memoirs, written by himfelf, p. 178, Milton was dread.''ully heterodox in difci-
pline. He left high chuich and low church, and worfhipped God in fpirit and in
truth : whether it was that he was wearied with the bickerings and contentions of
party, or thought that ail churches had fomc remains of fuperftition, and affedled
a dominion inconfiftent with his love of liberty, or that he thought no religious
rite was obl.gatory on chriftians : See Toland's Life of Milton.— AJgernon Sidney
alfo
no AN INQUIRY INTO THE
illuftrious foreigners Socinus, Crellius, and Abauzit, wehe
abroad. — Ye fhall be heretics and fchlfmatics ! Ye dared to
difdaim the do6trine, or the difciphne of orthodox churches;
Whence did this happen ? Ye were poffeffcd of fui)crior
talents ; ye had enriched your underftandings with all the
treafures of human fcience; and with pious difpofitions,
difinterefted views, and philofophical accuracy, ye had
fludied the facred fcriptures : yet ye all departed from our
ftandards of orthodoxy ; I maintain, on the principles of
our eftablifliraent, that ye were all fchifmatlcs, or damna-
ble heretics. Whence did this happen ? — Let uniformity-
be eftabUflied in a nation at large, or profefled in a mecting-
houfe : — let men be invited to believe what they do not
underfland : — ^let men of unequal capacities be forced to
the fame exertions : — let genius be curbed, and dulnefs
over-driven : — let a nation advance in knowledge, yet not
alter its pra6lice : — let men ftill repeat the fame creeds^
pra6tice tJie fame ceremonies, fubfcribe the fume articles,
and utter the fame anatliemas : — let defeils be acknow-
ledged, but never remedied ; let them in private be ridi-
culed, and even lamented, but in public ftill treated as fa-
alfo was alike averfe to all religious eftablllhtnents, and kept aloof from all chrlf-
tian focicties. See his Memoirs prefixed to his difc. on gov. Of Locke, I have
heard an eminent divine in the church fay, he thought himfelf wife, and *'oul(i
needs leave the bleatings of the flock ; when a thoufand filly fliccp leaped the fence
to run after him. It fcems, (though Locke never aftually fcparated from tbp
church) that when he lived at Oatcs, he ufed frequently to attend the preaching of
a difTcnting miuifter, in order to bear teftimony to his principles of liberty. The
editors Prsf. to Letters on Toleration, 1765. That he had no predileftion
for the church of England, is apparent from fome wurds in his Isil illncfs. Bio-
graph. Britan. Locke. Dr. Watts (who certainly ranks among the greatcft fcho*
lars of this country) invoked " fair charity" (fee his lytic poems) to find Locke
in the heavenly regions. Some have fmce invoked fair charity to find the do(£lor ;
and more charitable ftill, fay, the learned doftor was touched in his head, before
his death.
cied :
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. lit
cred: let maxims of church policy thus oppofe the firfc
principles of common fenfe, and the cuftoms of a nation,
formed by thofe maxims, be at variance with the improve-
ments of reafon : — let this, I fay, be done, and a confe-
quence will foon follow : parfons may preach, and the
people may believe -, but men of genius will get the ilart of
divines, philofophers will not ftay for reformers, — This,
firs, is herefy. — Priefts have not always been the wifeft
men in nations ; but they have ufually retarded thofe im-
provemeftts, which the tunes have called for ".
I cannot allow rayfelf to proceed to the next chapter
without remarking, that Plato, Montefquieu, and Bec-
caria, appear to me to fpeak more agreeably to the nature
of things, than the learned archdeacon of Cariille. *' In \
religion," fays Mr. Paley, *' as in other truth, if different
religions be profefled in the fame country, and the minds
of men be unfettered, and unawed by intimidations of
law, that religion, which is founded in maxims of rea-
fon, and credibility, will gradually gain over the other to
it. I do not mean, that men will formally renounce their
ancient religion, but that they will adopt more rational
dodlrines, the improvements, and difcoveries of neigh-
bouring fedts, by which means, the worfe religion, with-
out the ceremony of a reformation, will infenfibly afil-
milate itfelf to the better*." Let thefe remarks be com-
pared with what Mr. Paley fays on relaxing the terms of
fubfcription, according to the varying circumflances of the
times, and that gentleman's fentiments on a very intereft-
ing fubjeiSt may be collefled, with which alfo a great part
» Lord Bacon well remarks, fomcwhere in his £ffays, that nothinj leads men
fcto more fatal errors, than miftaking cunning men for wife.
* Paley'j Principla of morai and political ph'.lofophy, b. 6, c. lo.
of
112 AN INf^UIRY INTO THE
of the more informed clergy have long agreed. Divines
do not always fpeak out their whole meaning. I will,
therefore, take the liberty of giving, what appears to mc,
the full import of Mr. Palcy's concelTions. We plead for
an eftabli(hment, but acknov.'Jedgc the grofs imperfe6lions
of our own ; we confefs the grievous errors of our religi-
ous fyftem, but are incapable of reforming them : we live
in a land of liberty, where the light of truth fliines : and
neighbouring fe.a. m itja, «J' EfxaT^Xfi-jij roy -arajaf^tTnv, oral ay
C9ix;ntrci, AMTNnAE TIiEP lEPflN, Kat uttsj oriav, kbj fxi>v(^, mti fxirn
«tPoXX»iv rnv •arflTfiJa Se un fXas-a-n, wajaj'i»ya •aj-Xets; Js xai aoiiw, oa-w xv wa-
vrlio-o/xat, xai eg T»»a? av aXXtfj to irX)j8©j i^^vtrirai ofA.o
'Toland's Life of Milton, p. 62.
• Apol. £ot!«is.
fuff«ring
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 123
fufFering death for religion. But, Do we read of any a6l for
uniformity of fentiment ? Any ordinances, fubjedling to im-
prifonment and the pains of death, for a crime fimilar to that
of thinking awry on a trinity in unity ?
I will not detract from the character of the *' divine
Socrates," furpafled by none, perhaps, but the great
** Exemplar of morals"." He was enlightened beyond
any man of the ancient world. But in his admired apo-
logy he adjured the public gods °, and at his death did ho-
mage to the religion of his country p. He thought freely,
but, perhaps, did not fufFer death merely for thinking.—
Remarks fimilar to thefe will apply to the republic of
Italy.
Oh ! man, I venerate thy nature. I will admire the
noble, the fublime, the majellic human form, though un-
der the complexion of the footy African : and I will liften
to the voice of reafon, the prerogative of man, among
Chinefe and Tartars.
*' There are certain ideas of uniformity," fays Montef-
quieu, " which fometimes flrike great geniufes (for they
even afFe6led Charlemagne), but they infallibly make an
impreffion on little fouls. They difcover therein a kind of
perfedlion, becaufe it is impoflible for them not to difcover
it. The fame weights in the police, the fame meafures ia
commerce, the fame laws in the ftate, the fame religion in
all its parts. But is this always right and without excep-
tion ? Is the evil of changing always worfe than that of
fufFering? And does not a greatnefs of genius confift in
diftinguiftiing between cafes, in which uniformity is re-
" Bp. Law's Life and Character of Chrift, 5th ed.
" Apol. Soc. p. 81. & paflim. edit Forfttr.
fPlat. Dial, -ereft 4,vx»^, page 313. Edit. Forfter. This I think the moft
grobablc inference from his reqviiring a cxk to be offered to /Efculapius.
quifitc,
124 AN TKQUIRY INTO THE
quifite, and thofc, in which there is a neceflity for dif-
ferences ? In China the Chinefe are governed by the chi-
nefe ceremonial, and the Tartars by theirs, and yet there
is no nation in the world, that aims fo much at tranquil-
lity. If the people obferve the laws, What fignifies it, whe-
ther thefe laws are the fame "i ?"
And if people are difpofed to think, What fignifies it,
whether they all think alike ?
CHAP. X.
OBJECTIONS ANSWERED.
I. But it has been obje£led, that fubfcription is found ne-
ceffary to prevent error from entering the church.
I introduce this objed^ion again, (which hath, in fa6l,
already been replied to,) for the fake of Dr. Waterland'i^
remark. *' More regard is to be had," he fays, " to a fele6l
liumber of wife men, than to a few conceited opiniators." ^
Dr. Clarke was one of thefe " conceited opiniators =* :" —
and the conceited opiniators, who have objedled to the
Price on Civil Liberty.
c Magiftratus quze vifa funt occultant, quxque ei'e ex ufu judicaveiint, mulr
tjtudini produnt. De republica nifi per concilium loqui non concedicur, fays
Casfar of the Gauls, de bel. gal. 1. 6. Convocatis corum principibus, quoruTU
magnam copiam in caftris habcbat, in his Divitiaco, et Lifco, qui fummo magi-
(Iratui praeernt, (quern Vergobreiam appellant sdiu), qui crcatur annuus, &c.
1. I. The college of Drviids was regulated Qt\ \\i.c fame principles. If any perfon
was poffeffed of fuperior dignity, he fuacceded, 0/ coutfe, to the principal rule.
K 4 At
136 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
fuch aflemblies were not peculiar to the Germans, they
were poffefled by the Gauls ^ and Britons % prior to the
' fetthng of the Francs and Germans among them. The
French were in pofleflion of a real, long before they were
forced to change it for a mock parliament ^ ; the more nor-
thern nations s, who were the immediate anceftors of the
free ftates of Europe, I mean the Goths and Vandals, felt
the mofl generous attachment to liberty, and among its
warmeft aflertors, are ranked the Britons.
To thofe who compare the account which Caefar gives
of the government of the Gauls, with that which Tacitus
gives of the ancient Germans, the refemblance will appear
At fi funt plures pares, fufFragio Driiidum adlegitur. 1. i. DeBritannis, vide Tacit,
in vit. Agvic. c. 2. Caefar de bcl. gal. 1.-5. The ancient Germans, in time of
peace, had no fuprerae magiftrate, NuUus communis eft magiftratus, fays Caefar,
but the princes, who formed a kind of parliament, adminiftered juftice in their
own diftridls. In time of war, magiftrates were chofen, who had power of life
and death. The ancient Germans had among them fomething like our houfe of
lords, and commons, De minoribus principes confultant, de majoribus omnes ;
ita tamen, ut ea quoque, quorum penes plebem arbitrium eft, apud principes per-
traflentur. Tacitus de moribus Germanorum, c. 2.
In the Saxon times, all who had a fliare in the leglflaturc, fat in their Wit-
tenagemote, or Parliament, perfonally, not, as afterwards, by reprefentatives.
Spelman's Gloff. Tit. Parliamentum. Many writers I know, contend, that the
Saxons fat in the Wittenagemote by reprefentatives. Macpheifon's Hift. of the
Anglo-faxons, arid an EfTay on the Eng. conftitution, afcribed to Mrs. Macauley.
This, however, I take not to have been the cafe according to the modern idea ;
nor yet was it ftriftly by an appointment by popular cleftion. See this matter
difcuffcd with great accuracy, in Clark's conneiflion of roman, faxon, and
cnglifh coins, chap. 5. The utraoft I venture to fay, in a fubfequent place,
h, tliat there was a virtual reprefentation, thoi^gh many I am aware will fay,
this was no reprefentation at all.
♦' Caefar ut fup.
«= Tacitus in vit. Agricolae, c. 2. 12.
f See General view of governments in Europe, affixed to Mr, Sidn-y'i Pifc. -..t,
government, f. 4. 4to edit.
* Tacitus de mor. Germ,
6 ilrikiiig.
KATURE OF SUBSCRIPT lOK. 13^
ftrlking ''. Nor is this furprifing, fince many nations emi-
grated originally from Germany into Gaul, as the latter
hiftorian informs us. And Csefar fpeaks in ftill more ge-
neral terms. Several parts of Britain alfo, from the appear-r
ance of the inhabitants, Tacitus fuppofes were peopled from
Germany, as other parts were from GauP. We may there-
fore naturally enough expe^l to trace among them funilaij
forms of government. The fame author, indeed, informs us,
that the Britons formerly obeyed kings. But Tacitus and
Csfar unite in declaring, that the Britons were in pollef-
fion of a free government, that love of liberty was the pro-
minent feature of their chara61:er. We may not, there-
fore, though the hlftory of the Britons is loft: in remote
antiquity, confound their kingdoms with monarchies, that
is, governments by one man. It is natural, indeed, to
fuppofe they refembled thofe of the Goths and Vandals,
the german tribes, who were, as obferved before, their
immediate anceftors. Thefe had kings, and the crown
was hereditary in certain families ''j but without any detri-
ment to public liberty '.
Let me be pardoned if I fay, that many learned writers
have certainly miflaken the meaning of Tacitus, in a paf-
*> Principes ex nobilitate, duces ex virtute fumunt. Nee regjbus infinita aut
libera poteftas. Tacit, de mor. Germ. 7. . . Eliguntur in iifdem conciliis et prin-
cipes, qui jura per pagos vicofque rcddunt. Infignis nobilitas, aut magna patrum
memoria principis dignationem etiam adolefcentulis adfignant. Id. 12. See the
preceding note <^.
' Rutilae Caledoniam habitantiym corns, magni artus, germanicam origineni
adfeverant. Proximi Galjis ct fimiles funt. Eorum facra dcprehcndas. Sermo
baud multum diffimilis. Id. Quod Britannorom olim vidVis cvenit; cseteri
pianent, quales Galli fuerunt. De vit. Agric.
^ Reges habent ex genere antique. Adam Brem. from Macpherfon's introd.
fo the hift. of the Anglo-faxons, &c.
i fJuntlum tamen fupra libertatem. Tacitus dc mor. Germ.
fagc
S^Z AN INQUIRY INTO THE
fage reckoned of fome importance to this queflion". For-
merly, fays Tacitus, they (the Britons) obeyed kings. Now
they are drawn into different faftions and interefts by their
princes. Nor is any thing more advantageous for us
againft their moffc powerful flates, than their not confult-
ing the common intereft. Tacitus is not fpeaking (as Sir
H. Spelman's obje6lion implies he was) , of feparate com-
munities having no public council, but of different ftates
"uniting againft the public danger for the common good.
Tacitus adds, there is rarely an affembly of two or three
ftates to keep off the common danger ". Thus, while
they arc fighting in finglc tribes, all are conquered.
An improper ufe alfo appears to me to have been made of
a paffage in Csefar. The fupreme power, fays he, of
dire6ling the government and the war was given, in
council, to Cafllvellaunus ". It has been afked. What
this military council has to do with our civil p ? Clearly
tliis, I conceive. The civil jurifdi6lion of the Britons
was united with their military power : a neceffary policy,
»s Mr. Hume judicioufly remarks, in ftates unacquainted
•" Spelman's Gloff. Parliamentum.
" Olim rcgibus parebant. Nunc per principcs fadlionibus et ftudiis trahuntur.
Ncc aliud advcrfus validiffimas gentcs iitiliiis quam quoii in commune non conjulant.
Rarus duabus tribufve civitatibus ad propulfandum commune periculum conven-
tus. Ita dum finguli pugnant, univcifi vincuntiir. Dc vit. Agric. That the
meaning of Tacitus is as I have ftatcd it above, is clear from what lie fays of the
fubfcqwent conduft of the Britons. Nam Britanni, nihil fra£ti pu;,n3e prioris
eventu, tandemquc dodti, commune periculum fo«fc/-(/w, propulfandum, kgationibus
et fadcr'ihui omnium ciwtatim vires exciverunt. lb. 29. This account is con-
firmed by Cxfar. Huic (Caflivellauno) fuperiori tempore cum rcliqviis civita-
libus contincntia bella interccfferant. Sed noftro adventu pcrmoti, Britaiini hunc
toti bello imperioque prxfecerant. De bel. Gal. 1. 5.
" Summa imperii belliquc adminiftrandi communi concilia permifla eft Caifi,-
vellauno. lb. '
r Spelman's Gloff. Parliamentum,
with
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. I35
with the arts of refinement '^. Hence it was, that among
the barbarous nations of the north, the fame form of hberty
which fhewed itfelf in their councils in time of war reigned
in the general aflemblies of the people, and, indeed, tlic
fame perfon prefided in both. That fuch was the policy
of the Britons, appears from this very appointment of their
leaders. For though Caffivellaunus, CaradlaCus, Arvi- 1
ragus, &c. were but temporary officers fet over all the
tribes for prefent emergencies, as among the ancient
Germans and Gauls, yet they not only directed them ia
war, but held the reins of government, fumma IMPERII
bellique adminiftrandi communi concilio permiffa ell Caf-
fivellauno. In the time of C^efar too, their powers were
of the fame kind, and proceeded from the fame fource
as among the Gauls, with whom the people had no lefs
authority over their leaders, than their leaders over the
people''. And Csefar obferves, in general, that the people
enjoyed more liberty among the Britons than among the
Gauls, So that, without infilling on what I have already
obferved, if the Britons were fo eminently free, they mufl:
have made their own laws ; for, independent of this idea,
political liberty has no meaning. They mull of courfe
have affemblcd for this purpofe, and it fignifies little by
what name they called their aflemblies ^ Among the
Goths
t Hift. of Eng. V. 2. app. 2.
' Ambiorix fays to ambaffadors fent by Caefar, Neque id quod feceric de 00-
pugnatione caftrorum, de judicio ant voluntate fecilTe fed coa£Vu ci-vitalh: and adds,
fuaqvie effe ejus modi imperii, ut non minus haberet juris in fe multitudo, quam
jpfe in multitudinem. De bel. Gal. 1. 5. 18.
* In the former edition, (p 191.) I faid, the Britons called their aflemblies
kyfr y thens, and I quoted Spelman's britifh councils, I took this on trulh I
have read the more popular parts of that work, which relate to my fubjeft, but
cannot find that terra. I think, therefore, the author, whom I followed, was
miftakci\ ;
14© AN INQUIRY INTO THE
Goths and Vandals, the people confuhed and approved in
common, and the king's part was to confirm their refolu-
tions'. And here, moft probably, we view an exa6l form
of the ancient britifli government. Vortigern, the laft
of the britifh kings, was a tyrant over his own people ; the
petty princes of the neighbouring tribes were alfo forced
vinder his' authority ". But in a council of his nobles, it
vras unanimoufly agreed to call in the Angles and Saxons ;
and Vortigern himfelf was at length forced from the
government.
It has not been in a mere fit of enthufiafm that high en-
comiums have been paffed on the free character of the
faxon governments. That fpirit of equality, and ardent
love of independence, which diflinguiflied the ancient ger-
man tribes in their own countries, did not forfake them
when called to form governments in diftant nations. To
fecure their acquifitions, and to confirm their authority, a
regular fubordination was eftablifhed tlarough the different
departments of government. But the fpirit of liberty did
not wholly fubfide. It went with tliem from partnerfhip in
conqueft, and was feen in their regard to public liberty, and
in their adminiflration of public jufiiice. Hence their go-
vernments became of a mixed kind, in which the prince
could not corrupt by influence, or enflave by power,
niiftak.cn: particularly as Sir H. Spclman, in his Gloffary, fub voce parliamenturn ;
and in a trcatife on parliaments, (p. 63, Rdiq. Spelnian.) has written profeffcdly
againft the iuca.
' Quod in commune laiidavcrint omnes, ilium confirmare oportct. Adam.
Brem. From Macpherfon's introd. to the hift. of the Anglo-faxons.
" Omi\es reguli An;.;li3e Vortigerni ftcrnebantur monarchix. Will. Malmibur.
Pc gcft. rcg. ang. 1. I. Super ftatu publico in medium confulit fentcntias mag-
natum fuorum cxplorajis. Placuit omnibus Anglos et Saxoncs e Germanij
CV'uCAndos. Id.
Excellent
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTIO^^ l^f
Excellent in many rcfpe£ls was their policy in Britain,
Though it muiT: be confefled, while it was their pra6lice ta
reduce their prifoners of war to flavery, and to aflign their
lands to their own foldiers, and when the acquifition of
landed property proceeded to advance particular families,
the government was highly ariftocratical. Though we
muft not enter on the fubjeft here. Suffice it to admit,
that in the faxon times they had their Wittenagemotes, that
through their counties, hundreds and tythings, a fpirit of
love, liberty, and juftice prevailed ^, that the legiflative
power directed the executive, and held it accountable for
mal-adminiitration : and that the britifh laws were inter-
woven with the faxon ^. And though William the con-
queror (fo called) at a time when feudal manners had
affumed a charadler of opprefiion unknown to the Saxons^,
introduced a policy, injurious in many inftances, to public
liberty, yet even he did not root out englifli law. On the
contrary, it was ordained by law, that peace, fecurity, and
juftice, fliould be preferved between the Englifli and Nor-
mans ^. So that britifli law prote6led britifh liberty and
property, and all were fecured by a fupreme council ''. So
untrue is it that the Englifh received law from the Normans.
And, indeed, though I do not hold it neceflary to pafe
encomiums on a barbarous fyftem tending to flatter the
" Mirrour, c. i. f. 3. Thefe, and fimilar euloglums, muft be qualified by
confiderations occafionally interfperfed.
y Spelman. Coiicil. Brit. p. 398. vol. i.
^ Deinceps vero refonarunt omnia feudorura gravaminibus, faxonum aevo nc
auditis quidem. Spelman. GlolT. Feodum.
» Inviolatam cuftodiri pacesn et fccuritatcm, concordiam, judicium et juftitiani
Inter Anglos et Normannos, &c. Tit. ad. LI. Gul. Wilkins.
^ Poft acquifitionem Angliae Guliel. concilio baronum fuorum fecit fummoniri
per univerfos An^liae confulatus, angles nobilcs fapientes, et fua lege erudites, uC
eorum leges, et jura, et confuetudines, ab ipfis audiret.
high
i0 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
high titles of princes, to recommend ariftocratic mariners,
and to perpetuate cufloms injurious to public liberty, yet
the feudal inftitution itfelf, amidft all its imperfe6lions and
tyranny, preferved fome good qualities, and had within it-
felf the means of becoming better '^.
Yet I would not be thought to infmuate in my zeal for
liberty, that the houfe of commons took its prefent form
cither from the Germans, Gauls, or Britons ; or even the
Anglo-faxons or Normans. It was, however, an enlarge-
ment or improvement of the later feudal fyllem. The
king's barons, and thofe who held under him by knights'
fee, always held a place in the king's council. The latter,
at length, fat by reprefentatlves, (two for each county^)
and form what we now call knights of the flrire. The
reprefentatlves of cities and trading towns took their rife
afterwards from an increafe of property, and fome varying
circumflances in the feudal tenures.
On the other hand I cannot forbear obferving here,
that many learned writers in dating thp rife of the houfe
of commons in its prefent form, have gone wider from the
popular fide of the queftion than their own fyftems required,
or than was confiftent with their own conceffions^. It is
of little importance, I own, to this queftion concerning
the liberty of the ancient Britons, the prefent form of our
government, and the more interefting inquiry into the
rights of men, which governments, properly organized,
t II avoit cet inconvenience, que le bas peuple y etoit efclave. C'etoit un boa
gouvernment, qui avoit en foi la capacite de devenir mcilleur. Montefq. 1. 2 c. 8.
•■ Sir H. Spelman thinks tliat thofe did not rcprefcnt originally all the freemen
in a county, though afterwards they were confounded in them, but the king's
.Icffer barons.
* Spclinan on parliaments fub fin. inter Spelman. Reliq. ct Gloff. fub voce
parlianicntum. Hume's hift. of England, v. 2, app. 2.
aim
NATURE OF SUBSCRTPTIQ-N'. 14^
aim to fecure, and to whofe claims all governments fooner
or later muft unqueftionably yield ; it is of little import-
ance, I fay, to thefe queftions, whether the commons, fo
c*alled, in fome periods, had a ihare in the government, or
were wholly excluded from it ; feeing as Mr. Sidney well
obferves, " that the fame power which inftituted a parlia-
ment without them, might, when they thought fit, re-
ceive them into it, or, if they who had the government in
their hands, did, for reafons known to themfelves, recede
from the exercife of it, they might refume it when they
pleafed ^. Still, however, I repeat it, many learned wri-
ters have gone wider from the popular fide of the queftion,
than was confiftent with their own fyftems and concef-
fions. For, even admitting the late rife of the houfe of
commons, yet conclufions unfavourable to the fpirit of
britifh liberty may not be drawn too haftily or received
too generally. It fhould be recolle6led, that among the
northern nations nobility was corine6led with official cha-
ra6ler or military valour. So that the ancient britifh no-
bles were men ennobled by their virtues, and fitted by
their talents for the moil: honourable ftations °. And in
fome governments an order of nobles might exift, as an
ufeful poize between prince and people '', without admit-
ting the idea of feudal diftindlions. Among the magnates,
fapientes, nobiles, feniores, and fenatorcs, of the Anglo-
faxons, were many fuch, whom we fliould now call com-
f Difc. on gov. c. 3. f. z8. ■ « Ibid. b. i. c. 7.
f, la the eaftern tyrannies, and particularly among the Turks, there is no order
of nobles, and it is by the mere pleafure of the prince that any man is raifed above
the common people. Such governments are in want of a nobility. In free go-
vernments (as in America and France) no order of nobility is wanted, the reafon
is, there are no oppofite powers to balance. The NATION is SOVEREIGN.
See the Declaration of rights in France, and the american Conftitutions.
mons,
144 AW INQUIRY INTO THE
tnons, gentlemen of free landed property, of good birth,
judicial vvlfdom, military prowefs, and ardent in tlie caufe
of liberty : except (which can never be proved) thefe emi-
nent qualities were conne6led with the grants of patents,
or the emblazonry of coronets : and, indeed, it is lanquef-
tionable, that the prefent order of nobles made no part of
the ancient government of England. " Thofe who were
truly noblemen, are now driven into the fame intereft and
name with the commons, and by that means increafe a
party, which never was, and never can be, united to the
court *." For in thofe early ages the elder fons had no
neceflary fuperiority over the Younger"^,' and at the fame
time, offices were not held as fiefs', titles and dignities
were not hereditary, being appropriated not to perfons but
' employments. Thus, for example, an earl was one, who
had the jurifdiilion of a county, and obliged to be well
fkilled in the laws ; fo that Alfred, upon a certain occa-
fion, impofed on the earls to apply to the fludy of wifdom,
or to rehnquifla their offices "*, and when there became a
departure from this rule, it was an abufe. It was alfo,
fays the author of the Mirrour of Juftices, aflented to,
that every free tenant fliould meet together in the coun-
ties, hundreds, and lord's courts, if they were not excepted,
to do fuit and to judge their neighbours, and though
they fat there more immediately in a judicial capacity, yet
their authority extended to all trials, whether civil or cri-
' Sidney on gov. c. 3. f. 57.
* Spelman on feuds and tenures.
'There was, however, land called allodial, which was terra hereditaria, de-
fcendablc by will : called alfo bolkland, gavelliind, or thanelaiid, that is property,
in the ftridlcll fcnfe, free of all fervices; alloJium. This fpccie* of property was
fjivourablc to liberty. Reliq. Spelman, p. 12, 13.
* Ibid. p. 13.
minal,
NA.TURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. T45
iminal, and within their own diflrifts they pofleffed the
power of leglflation, (each court, however, being hable to
be controlled by the higher), and, in fa6t, the earl repre-
fented a whole county in the fupreme council of the legif-
lature °. And yet fome learned writers have fo exprefTed
themfelves as to confound, at leafl in appearance, the bri-
tifli and anglo-faxon nobles with the handful of men who
now compofe our titled nobility, (whereas thofe who i
formed the Wittanagemote, were a far more numerous
company p) : and though thefe writers made the diftin6liori
in their own mindsj yet they have certainly mifled fome
partial or interefted readers, not unwilling to be deceived.
For tliefe were undoubtedly very different charaflers of men,
and held their lands under very difTerent conditions. And
this ftatement of the matter, as it depends upon authentic
records, fo does it keep clear of thofe erroneous extremes
into which writers on both fides of the quelVion have
fallen : remarks which alfo apply to the fubfequent part
of this paragraph. But to proceed. 1'he power of Wil-
liam was, in many refpedls, of a more abfolute kind than
that of the anglo-faxon kings, and the fpirit of arlftocracy "
far more predominant. Feuds, though made more fecure
throughout the kingdom by being made hereditary, were
liable to feverer conditions ; offices and dignities, as well
as land, were held by fucceffion ; the right of primogeni-
ture, the fource of domeftic feuds, was completely efta-
blifhed ; and at length great men were ennobled by patent ;
° Hence Andrew Home fays, " rliat it is an abufion of the common law rtiat
parliaments * (hoiild be called for fubfidies and colleJUon of treafure, not for ordi-
nances by the kings and earls ;" and adds, " coiinfels are not covenable for the
common people without calling the counties," c. 5. f, i.
f Millar's Hi!f. view of the en^l. gov. p, 144, 145.
* riii; word however I'libfequcnt to t'.ie fa.xon tim»s,
h all
146 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
all tending to advance prerogative, and to extend the
power of the few over the many. Neverthelefs, it was ther
nature of the feudal inftitutions not only to admit of, but
even to give birth to, thofe vigorous ftruggles, which ftilf
kept alive the fpirit of liberty, and only waited a more
equal diftribution of property, and a more general attentiors
to commerce, to become more uniform and fuccefsfuL
So that though at firfl fight the people may appear of little
political confideration in the contentions between tlie
prince and baron, yet they at length affumed a charafter,
and rofe into importance. And even in the worfl: of times
it was the nature of the feudal tenures to create a ftrong
reciprocal attachment between lord and vaffal. Thus
while all the peers of a barony experienced the prote6lion,
and became the companions, of their lord through their
refpeftive diftrifts, it was the concern of the baron to con-
fult their intereft in the great affembly ; where the whole
land of the barony was in reality reprefented by the baron
himfelf^. Moreover, that fplendour, which in abfolute
inonarchies is wont to be thrown round the perfon of
princes was confiderably broken by being refledled on the
rich baron. And though through the increafed influence
of the crown, and for want of regularity in the public
adminiftrations, majefty might put forth very exorbitant
claims ; yet while there was a public law the monarchy
could never be ftriftly abfolute. Prerogative did not con-
ftitute legiflative authority, and the claims of liberty were
avowed to be paramount to the arbitrary pretenfions of
one man'.
1 This circumflance Is noticed incidentally both by Spclman and Hume; but in-
the queftion relative to the commons, they have not fufficiently noted thefe dif-
tinftions. Sec further, Millar ut fup. I. i.e. i. p. 25. 147, 148.
' LI, Anglo-fax. Sic. Wilkins.
I:
KATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. I47
It hath, however, not been thought eafy to reconcile
certain occurrences in our own hiftory with this obferva-
tion. From the \inion of the two houfes of York and
Lancafter, and during tlie reigns of the Tudors and Stuarts,
a certain monopoly of authority had been challenged by
the crown, which, by long poffeflion, feemed the inherit-
ance of majefty, and, at length, afpired fo high, as to
overfhadow the claims of the people. For a century, at
leafl, prerogative preferved, in many inftances, an arbitrary
appearance. Britiili liberty was frequently loft fight of,
vvliile fome, and even impartial men have thought, that our
high pretenfions to liberty had no foundation in the original
conftitution of the country, that every popular exertion was
an encroachment upon the rights of the crown, not to be
juftified on the principles of our government : our civil
liberties being, according to them, bounties derived from
the benevolence of our princes. For many years, the peo-
ple's reprefentatives in parliament, the opinions of many
learned judges, the fermons of the clerg)^, the tone of our
princes, in fliort, the public voice, gave ftrength to this
fentiment, elevating the claims of the prerogative, and pro-
portionably degrading the rights of the people. The moft ^
authentic hiftories of Britain are alfo imperfe6i:, and per-
plexed: and fome of the moft ancient records were not
only defignedly obfcured, but, during the wars of the ba-
rons, by different prevailing parties, were invidiouily
burnt. At the fame time were not, in fubfequent periods,
many venal pens dipped in the gall of malice and of falfe-
hood ? Have they not been employed in traducing every
good government, ancient and modern, to make defpotifni
wear a gracious popularity, and affume a divine form in
England'? While there have been fuch unprincipled
' Particularly Sir Robert Filjner and Steylin.
L 2 writers,
148 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
writers, many have lamented, that our moft elegant hif-
torian fhould not have given a different reprefentation o(^
our corLftitution '.
CHAP. 11.
THE SAME SUBJECT CONTINUED.
It is always fafe to admit, that power is of God, that is,
that civil government is of divine original. But fliall we
fay, that any particular form is eftabliflied, as a model for
nations, by the laws of Mofes, or the precepts of Jefus?
Let us not aflert this. Laws are rules for public order,
and muft vary according to the wants of different nations.
Many which are proper in Turky, would be ridiculous in
Holland ; and many, which have free courfe in Holland,
could not exert themfelves in Turky. All government Is
juft, where the people are controlled only by thofe laws,
which themfelves have made. The origin, however, or right
of -government, muft certainly be traced to the fountain of
all power, the peoj^le ; though it may not be fo cafy to
afcertain the origin of any particular government. As to
'Hume, it has been fnid, began his hiftor)' where he ought to have left off:
and, inftcad of examining the Stuarts' conduct by the principles of the conftitu-
tion, mifreprefcntcd the conftitution to juftify the conduifl of the Stuarts. Hence
fiiihop Hurd remarks, He has " confounded adminlftration with conftitution."
Dial. 5. on the britifh conftitution. Sec Tome remarks on Hume's hiftory in
Millar's view of the cng. gov. b. 2. c. 1 1. Though I think Mr. Millar has by mo
means proved tlwt LUz,iib\;Ui did uot tscrcifc Icjfiilativc authority, ai maintained
by Hume
the
NATURE or Sl}BSCRIPTIO>f.
149
the right, which proceeds from conqueft, it ceafes the mo-
ment a nation can help itfelf.
Many circumftances tend to make the origin of the
engUni governmep.t a matter of difpute. In the early-
part of our hiftory, the government paffcd four times into
the hands of foreign mafters, each introducing fomething
of their own pecuhar laws and cufloms. Since the refor-
mation, the inhabitants have divided into different fedls
and parties, each having its favourite prejudices and
maxims ; and the britifli government itfelf, fince its boun-
daries have been more clearly marked out at the revolution,
is acknowledged to have fome ftriking hngularitles, not to
fay material defefts. Many difficulties, therefore, are
thrown in the way of an inquiry into britifli liberty. And
it muft be confefTed if the abettors of defpotifm have fre-
quently obfcured the fubjedt, the dulcis amor patriae has
led others to find beauties, where they ought to have ac-
knowledged blemifhes. However, long before our famous
Charter, as I have already fliewn, the Britons were a free
people*. Indeed, fome of the prefent forms of our govern-
ment, as before obferved, were derived from the feudal fyf-
tem. The hlgli title of our prince, certain prerogatives ftill
claimed by the crown, many ancient privileges of the bri-
tifh nobles, the peculiarities of eflates and tenures, abo-
liflied in Charles the 2d's reign, many circumfl:anccs vvhicli
affe6l the clergy '', together with many national and local
culloms, are to be traced to that barbarous fyftem. The
* When I fpcak of the freedom of nations, whether of the ancient ivpubljcs, or
of the noithein communities, many grains of allowance muft be made. For
they were all dcfe£live, in fome inflances, nn political liberty. This obfervatioi^
will alfo extend itf.lf to Britain.
" To pafs by other badges of feudal vaffahge, to this day tlie clsrg}' Jo homage
to the king for their tsmporaJitiet.
L 2 mofl.
150 AN INQUIRY IKTO THE
mofl: ungracious parts of our body politic were derived
I from the conquelt. The parts moft to be admired for
beauty and flrcngth from the fimpler ages of the Saxons.
A corruption of their government, fays Montefquicu,
created the beft government in the w^orld. A remark this,
however, that will by no means apply to the prefent flate
of the world. " This beautiful fyftcm," fays the fame;
writer, " was firfl: framed in the woods !"
It has, however, been pbferved of this beautiful fyftem,
that it hath all the dclufions of a mere theory. And wc
fhall certainly err if we fuppofe that our prefent govern-
ment was at any period formed by the colledled wifdom of
the nation, or on any regular fcientitic principles of poli-
tical liberty. From a variety of internal commotions,
ftruggles, and exertions, of three differing powers, pro-
ceeded the prefent form of our limited monarchy. But I
muft flill be allowed to fay, that our conftitution (if the
arrangements, which have proceeded from thofe exertions
. may indeed be called by that name), hath, in different pe-
riods of our hiftory, fpokcn out its meaning, and it was
always on the fide of liberty. This was its language at the
delivery of magna charta '^, at the declaration of rights,
under Charles the fecond, and particularly at the revolu-
tion. This alfo was its language at the acceflion of the
prefent family, and continues to be its language at every
coronation. At thofe times it is feen, that as the common
law, or the lex non fcripta, and the ftatute law, or the lex
fcripta, are the bafis of our government, fo is civil liberty
the obje6l of our conftitution ''.
• Monficur Voltaire wrote too fiiil when he (".t'kI, that the very title of the rcreat
charter fcts it beyond all doubt that the king thiught himtelf abfoUite de jure. V'ui,
tairc's Works on the Englilh conftitution. Vid. the note of the Engli(h editors.
* Blackixone's Commentaries, v. i. f. 3. of the laws o( England.
. . I h.uc
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. I5I
I have propofed to inquire, How far fubfcription is
confiftent with the principles of the britirti conftitution ?
It will be, therefore, proper to furvey its moft flriking
features.
There are three forms of government, a monarchy, an
ariftocracy, and a democracy; but, ftriftly fpeaking, tlie
britifh is neither the one, nor the other. It is a peculiar
government, we are told, arifmg from a mixture of all
the three, dropping the defefl, and prefei-ving what is va-
luable of each fyftem. The excellence of a monarchical
government, like that lately in France, is faid to be
power ; but power, if it be not watched with a jealous eye,
and guarded by a hand ftronger than its own, will be ad-
vancing on liberty. In an abfolute monarchy, therefore,
where the Vv^hole power is lodged in one man, his intereft
alone is regarded. The excellence of an oligarchy, like
that of Venice or Geneva, is faid to be wifdom, but it is
feeble, and partial. Venice is indebted to a " lion's
mouth" for fecret Information. And the council of two
hundred at Geneva never refted, till a power, only vefted
in them for a time, fwallowed up the democracy. The
•excellence of a democracy is faid to be goodnefs, and at
the fame time, to be defe6live in power and wifdom. But
let not flavery be called the ultimum of liberty. For of liberty
there can be no excefs, any more than of virtue and happi-
nefs. A people may, indeed, lofe their political as well as
their moral charafter, through corruption or violence. In
that cafe, licentioufnefs will fucceed to tyranny, but liberty
has loft its name — it is no more. Hence it is that people
once thought to have been the moft free became the moft
abje6l flaves : I mean the Romans ''. It was not through
' Nulla unquam refpublica m?tjor, &c. Nuper divitix avaritiam et abundantej
roluptates defiderium per luxum atque libidincm percundi perdendique omnia in-
vexere. Liv. Hift. prxfat.
L 4 liberty,
1^2 AN IKQL'IRY INTO THE
liberty, but for the want of it, that the Roman glory
periflied.
I have fpoken on the nature of the three governments
agreeably to the prevailing theory. Without cenfuring
others, let mc corredl a prejudice of my own, — The ex-
cellence of ir.onarchy is laid to be power. This is com-
monly, but I believe not juftly, faid. None of the an-
cient governments were fo firm and well dire£ted as the
republics of Greece and Italy, and they overrun the mod
powerful monarchies in the world. On the otlier hand,
as they inclined more to monarchy, they were proportion-
ably weak and feeble, and became in their turns a prey to
people more free and more powerful than themfelves.
The power which has been ' claimed for monarchy de-
pends on obedience to orders, on numlter of armed forces,
on rperccnary troops, or other external caufcs. Here is
their Itrength. Bat there is no permanency in thefc.
Like grcfs and difordered bodies, therefore, they either
i^ll afunder of themfelves, or yield to fmaller bodies more
vigorous than thcm.felves. Interr^al flrength is perfevering
and permanent. Hence it is, that a handful of men of
pcrfonal courage have oppofed millions of mercenaries and
Haves. Tluce hundred brave Spartans rellfled the whole
weight of the perfian monarcliy.
It fliould be further noted, that all monarcliies, pro-
/ pcrly fo called, originated in violence or corruption, and
tlieir continuance depends on the fame principle which
gave tlicm cxiftcncc. But all corruption tends to dilTolu-
tion, it cannot endure ; yea, the ftronger the corruption,
the more certain the dlflblution. Political principles have
a kind of analogy with moral. A fcnfe of dignity forms
the {lability of human adlion, and arrangements formed
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 1 53
by men confcious of the rights of human natvne are the
nerves of government.'
The earheft accounts of ibme ancient ftatcs dcfcribc
them as kingdoms formed by the appointment of the people.
But power prefuming on courtefy, and unrcftrained by
Jaw, grew oppreflive ; hence the ftruggles of freedom.
Some of the commonwealths of Greece were formed by
the fpur of necefllty, out of more oppreflive governments.
There is a people in modern Europe who have demon-
ftrated that the power of abfolute monarchs depends on the
ignorance of the people, Let a nation be enlightened, let
it will its own fbvereignty, a^d the power of monarchy
is no more ^.
An ariftocracy is faid to excel in wifdom. But is this
likely to be the cafe in an hereditary ariftocracy ? Docs the
hiftory of the human mind prove that wifdom flows in
blood, or that hereditary claims, by generating fecurity,
does not enfeeble reafon ? Is there wifdom in political or-
ganizations fo formed that actions muft precede experience,
and youth exerclfe the deliberative powers of dge ? I admire
the policy of the early Saxons, who afiigiied rank to office.
The united ftates of America admit none into the fenate
till the age of thirty. It happens to ftates as to individuals :
formality may pafs for wifdom, and felf-love for policy.
But the truth feems to be, that ariftocracy, in its very
nature, inclines to opprefllon, and all its contrivances fpend
their ftrength on itfelf. If there be a government wliere
the united force of a nation can be fo concentrated as to
exert itfelf for the benefit of the communitv, in that nation
will rciide political wifdom. ' If a few are more capable of
f Illud ex libertate vitium qviod non fimul ncc lit jus convcniunt fed ct allfr ct
unus dies cundatione coevintium abfuiuitur. Tacit, dc mor. [;crm.
deliberation
154 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
deliberation than the many, reprefentatlon hath all the
advantage of Aiiftocracy without its partiality.
A democracy is faid to be defective in wifdom. But if
any fuch ever exifted, a pure democracy can only he formed
in very fmall ftates ; as in ancient Argos °. The inconve-
nience arifing from delays is not found to exift in republics.
They are of a mixed nature ; and capable of as much pre-
cifion in the times of aflembling for public bufmefs, as ei-
ther monarchies or ariflocracies. In America a confede-
racy of republics falls as eafily into a national congrefs as
the ftates of France were afTemblcd by the grand monarque,
when even in the height of his power. France hath at pre-
fcnt more of republicanifm in its government than the
other monarchies of Europe : and yet I will venture to
fay, it is likely to fufFer lefs than even England, in its
forms of afiembling and proroguing the legillature. It
was once thought that the american ftates when they
aimed to form a federal union on the moft extenfive, and
yet the moft comprehenfive plan, on a plan unknown to
the ancient republics, would find it, in proportion more
difficult to aflfemble, and be irregular in their movements.
And yet nothing has been more admirably provided for.
jExperiment has confuted theory ; and nations have been
taught that mankind are as yet but little advanced in poli-
tical fcience.
A government is complete, in proportion as it partakes
of the three properties of power, wifdom, and goodnefs.
Some of the ancients thought, that a chara£ler fo l-)eautiful
in theory, was, however, too perfc(fl to be exhibited in
real life. But there is an Ifland, where this beautiful
theory, we are told, is reduced to pradtice. What alter-
» This was more ftriAly democratic than any of the grecian ftates. Herod. hiiK
6 ations
•NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. I^^
alions the hand of time may efFe6l on the conftltution of
England, whether it fliall make ufe of the goodnefs of it,
to bring about a popular form, or of its power, to create
an abfolute monarchy '', or whether its prefent genius is
fo great, and wife, and good, as enghfhmen are wil-
ling to believe, I fhall not ftay to inquire. But happy
England, if her citizens afpired at a dignity of charadler
proportionable to the excellence of her own pretenfions;
happier ftill if her government was indeed admin iftered
agreeably to her own avowed principles ; but happieft of all,
if fuperior to national pride, fhe was enlightened enough
to perceive her own defe6ls, and virtuous enough to re-
form them. Then would England, indeed, be a " lan4
of heroes !"
In this nation the fupreme power is lodged in the three
different branches of the conftitution in union, and this
ipower alone can make laws. The king, in his fingle
'' Mr. Hume thought it would terminate ia an abfolute government, effay gt^,
on the britifh government. But it may be queftioned whether politics, as a.
fcience, has not been better underftood within a few years paft, than when Hume
wrote. Governments are fometimes repaired by the very means from -whence
their diforders proceed. The influence of the crown now gives the monarchical part
of our political arrangement the preponderating bias. Influence affecfls taxation :
and taxation is in proportion to the wants and extravagancies of government. If
the legiflaturc becomes corrupt, its corruption muft be effefted by the executive
power. But corruption and taxation have tlieir limits : and a period will arrive
in England, when the people muft be enllaved, or influence be ftopj)ed. An en-
lightened nation will not allow the firft. France and America owe their prefent
liberties to taxation. Moiitefouieu fays, the englifh conftitution will perilh, when
the legiflative is more corrupt than the executive power. Montcfquieu's conclu-
fion, therefore, muft be the fame as Hume's. But the idea of Montefquieu is
inaccurate. For though the people may be the obje I fpcak thus cautioufly, bccaufc, unfortunately, INFLUENCE enables the
crown lo give a confiJcration in IcsiiOation, which LAW deniLi it.
' Yet ftridtly fpcahing, the bllliajib are not peers of the realm, but only loiJs
•f paillairc-nt.
4 fundamentAl
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 1^-7
fundamental maxims prevail) correfponds with the defign of
government, which is the prefervation of property.
And if the alarming influence of the crown was leffened,
wliich it hath acquired by that immoderate fliare of pro-
perty at its difpofal, by that numerous company of new
officers ^, and the military eftablifliment ", which depends
on tlie pleafure, or are at the abfolute difpofal of the fupreme
magillrate ; if our houfe of reprefentatives was, indeed, an
equal reprefentation of the people ; were they clear of that
character of corruption from the other two branches of the
legillature, which fome fay ° is effential to our conftitution ;
were our eleilors inacceffible to bribery ; were thofe rotten
appendages to influence removed, which were originally
formed merely to increafe the weight of the crown, and
have never fcrved any other purpofc p ; and were a fepara-
tion
" They are excellent provifions for the american ftates, according to which, no
member of congrefs can hold any office under the united ftates, during his conti-
nuance in congrefs ; and no fcnator or reprefentative holding office of trull and
profit, can be appointed an eleftor of the prefident. Conftitutions, &c. Art. I.
f. 6. Art. 2. f. I. a fimilar regulation is made in Poland : nobody who hath any
fhare in the executive power can have any adtive votes in the diet. Art. 6. Confti-
tutions of Poland.
" For the origin, the ufe, the number, and the expence of our ftanding army,
fee Hift. of ftanding army, 1698.
, " Perhaps with juftice of our prcfent form. Hume's Effays.
P The royal boroughs were originally formed into corporations by an increafe of
commerce, which proceeded from the alienated pofTeffions of the overgrown barons.
But though they were an addition to popular liberty, yet the monarch could make
them ferve too eafily his own intereft, and the more needy the boroughs, the more
dependent and neceflary. Each of thcfe boroughs (whether fmall or great) fent twa
reprefentatives. Hence an unequal reprefentation. But the principal evil was not
forefeen. For through the changeable nature of commerce, many towns, once
populous, are now defolate, and fome which formerly were villages, are become
commercial and populous. Thefe may, in f.vf-A, be confidered as a kind of ap-
pcodage to the crvwn. So that while Hen. vii. anJ fucceeding princes, by augment- '
in^
358 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
tion of ccclefiaftical concerns from the civil magUhate to
take place, (a ftate of things, to which whatever deferves
the name of reformation points, and in which T am pcr-
fuaded it will terminate;) were this, I fay, the cafe, we
Hiould then a6lually poffefs liberty, we fliould enjoy what
all good writers fay fhould be the invariable purfuit of po-
litical arrangements, national happinefs ; every true Britort ,
jnight view thofe arrangements as forming a conftitvuion of
natural rights, civil privileges, and common blelTmgs, and
might hope, we fhould ere long, arrive at that ftate of
things, refpedting which he might put up the ardent
prayer, Efto perpetua.
It alfo falls in with my defign to remark one peculiarity
in the hiftory of our country ; which hath not only been
the mean of bringing our government into its prefent form,
but of giving it a degree of ilrength. It is this, that the
lex terrse, or common law, hath invariably ruled our
higher courts of judicature. The prefervation of this has
been the caufe of various ftruggles in the more early part of
our hiflory.
It is well known, that in the 12th century the civil or
Caefarean law eflabliflied itfelf in almoft every part of Eu-
/ rope. This had been framed into a fyftem under the em-
peror Jullinian by Tribonian, at a time when Rome had
loft its liberty ; at a time, when flie even courted fervi-
tude : for though the roman government had not as yet
degenerated into an abfolute military defpotifm, yet its
liberties had been a6lually overturned. This law, I fay,
ing the boroughs, fccmcd to be raifing the intercft of the commons, they were, in
fadl, ftrcngthening royal inflvience. See Millar's hift. view of the Eng. gov.
p. 505.
enflaved
NATURE OF EUBSCRIPTIOlSr, l^g
enflaved almoft all Europe i. But it could never eflablifh
itielf in England. For, though in four of our courts, the
courts of Admiralty, the military courts, the Univerfrty
courts, and the fpiritual courts, the civil and canon law
maintain their authority, vet they wholly depend on the
fanflion of the common law ; nor have they any binding
force further, than as they agree with the lex terras, or
receive fupport from adls of parliament ^ The common
law retains a controlling force over them ^ In our higher
courts of judicature, the common law alone prevails, the •
juftinian code has no power whatever. The watchful affi-
duity of the barons to guard this fort of britifh liberty,
againft the open attacks of the crown, the intrigues of
lawyers, and the more infidious attempts of the clergy, is
well known ; that too at a time, when an introdu6lion of
the civil law would have been produ6live of fome tempo-
rary convenience to themfelves^ They always withftood
its encroachments. And to this circumftance, while the
other nations of Europe were enflaved, v/e are indebted for
the prefervation of our liberties, and in one word, " church
government is no eflential part of the whole englifli go- ^
vernment "." Of which more hereafter. Nor fhould it
be pafled unnoticed, that, though amid the triumphs of
arbitrary power, the greater part of our lawyers bafely
"- It has, however, according to Mr. Millar, been mifinterpreted aiid mifapplied.
Hift. View of the cng. gov.
' Blackftone's Comment. Introd. c. 3.
» The civil and canon laws, tlierefore, are faid to be leges fub graviori lege.
' Omnes comites et barones una voce rcfponderunt, quod nolunt leges Angliac
inutare. See the Introdudlion to Magna Charta. Blackftone's Law Tradls,
p. 334, 335. 3d edit. Mr. Millar has formed a different opinion, relative to th.;
mstives of the barons in this affair. Hift. View, &c. p. 463.
" England's Prefent Interell confidered, by Mr. Pen.
proftituted
t60 AN INQUIRY INTO TTIE
proftituted themfelves in its fervice (though at the time
others flood forth as the apologlfls for our hbcrties*,) that
all, whether ancient or modern, whom we confider as tlie
oracles of our laws, have invariably borne teftimony to
the free government of England ". Though, at the
fame time, it muft be acknowledged, they have fometimes
been too much captivated with her excellencies, feme of
which are imaginary, too fparing in expofmg her imperfec-
tions, many of which are real. Affuredly we are far be*
low the point of perfedtion ; and Britons have much yet
to learn.
Having, however, premifed thus much on the britifh
conflitution, excellent in coniparifon of moft modern go-
vernments, many a true B-riton will anticipate what fol"
lows, and ealUy find an anfwer to this queftion. How far
is Subfcription confident with the principles of the Britifh
Conflitution ? But I proceed.
■«• Mr. St. John, and Mr. Hide.
» Bra(flon, Sir John Fortefcuc, Sir Tho. Smith, Sir Edw. Coke, Judge
Blatkftonc.
CHAP.
•NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. l6l
CHAP. n.
IS S'JESCRIPTION CONSISTENT WITH RELIGIOUS
LIBERTY ?
I ASK then, whether to lubfcribe the 39 articles be not
bona fide to refign rehgious hberty ?
By rehgious hberty I mean a freedom of choice, un-
controlled by human a»;thority, in every thing that con-
cerns religion.
In this definition, I include, the idea of a right to
range within the limits of natural and revealed religion to
the full extent of my own intelle6lual powers ; to adopt,
without any reftraint from human authority, that fyfi:em of
fpeculative opinions, and to follow that mode of public
vvorfliip, which appear to me moft confident. I mean \
alfo to convey the idea of a right to con"e6l and improve
my religious notions, according to the growth of my
rational powers, and my future advances in natural and
revealed knowledge : fo as not to expofe myfelf, for fo
doing, to the fmalleft civil penalty or political incapacity;
nor be forced, through any change in my fentiments (pro-
vided I do not interrupt the harmony of the fociety, with
which I am conne61;ed), to feek ihelter in any other com-
munity except I choofe it.
From this view of religious liberty, it will follow, that
fo far as fubfcription to articles and creeds is made a term
of adiniffion into a fociety, and fo far as a difbelief of them
is confidercd as a reafon for expulfion, that fociety enjoys
no religious liberty. If civil penalties, and incapacities are
M annexed,
l62 A?? INQUIRY INTO THE •
annexed, the attack made on religious liberty is fo much
the greater.
With as little propriety can a perfon be faid to enjoy
religious liberty within the limits of a fociety, to which he
binds himfelf by 39 articles. Where we have no will, we
have no liberty : liberty, aS Mr. Locke juftly obferves,
being an idea, that belongs not to volition or preferring,
but to the perfon having the power of doing, or forbearing
to" do, according as the mind fhall choofe, or drrecl :
which power, a perfon fubfcribing either to fpecxilative
opinions, or to prefcribed modes of worfhip' under the
prefent reftraints, has not. I a:ik, then. Are not thofe arti-
cles the limits of his thoughts ? And fo far as his thoughts
are confined, has he any liberty of thought? But the 39
articles profefs, at leaft, to lay down a whole fyftem of
chrilliian divinity, to contain every thing, that is important
in chriftianity. I eafily fee, then, how far his liberty of
thought extends, and if he has no liberty of thought, I ihall
hold him a fmgular genius, who proves, that he pofrcifes
religious libcrt)-.
It is true, 1 mav fubfcribe thcfe articles, without giving
tliem a ferious examination, or I /may fubfcribe them,
with tolerable facility in the grofs, or, perhaps, fome of.
the fentiments may happen to correfpond with mv own ;
fo that I may prefer that fyftem to any other (and while
preferments and 39 articles go hand in hand. Who can be
furprized, that preference fliould be given to the moft pro-
dudive fcheme ?) But what then ? Afpafio is confined in a
room ; he prefers flaying there for the fake of the company,
in which he finds himfelf, and the advantages, which he
derives from it, yet he 1» not able to alter his condition,
though he ever fo much defired it: he might, indeed,
flutter about hke the poor llarling, and fay, *' I can-
*iot
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 163
hot get out, I cannot get out^." — Would Philander
be free?"
And can any thing, Britons, be more fervile and inglo-
rious? Any thing more unbecoming the fpirlt and the
dignity of our chara6lers? We boaft of a civil government
which puts a high value, we fay, on our lives, and holds
our liberty, and our property, facred? But, furely, with
little propriety, while we are confined by an ecclefiaftical
conflitution, which leaves us free in fcarce one religious
fentiment. Do we, as Britons, efteem civil liberty as an
invaluable bleffing? And fhall religious liberty appear to
be of no importance? Should they not like a well polled
arch, though rifmg from different foundations, yet ineet
in the center? And, can I in flriftnefs of fpeech be faid to
poffefs one, while I remain a flranger to the other ? A writer,
from whom on the fubje6l of the prefent queftion I widely
differ, has well remarked, " that the human faculties can
never long remain in fo violent and unnatural a ftate, as to
have their operations perpetually checking, and defeating
one another, by the contrary adlions of two fuch oppofite
principles, as love of freedom, and acquiefcence in flavery.
The one or the other muff in a little time prevail. Either
the foul fpirit of tyranny will defile the purity of religion^
and introduce that bl Warburton's Alliance, 1. 2. c. 4.
M 2 dom
164 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
dom to think, as I have obfcrved before, is, to a rational crea-
/ ture, the fame, as hberty to breathe; The voice which fays,
Sir, you fliall not enjoy rehgious hberty, does in fa6l fay,
Sir, I will trample on your property. For, What can I
call property, if a right to think be not ? Hence it was,
that the reformation, wherever it went, was favourable to
civil liberty, and, again, thofe countries, which were
bleffed with civil liberty, were heft prepared to receive the
reformation. The celebrated little republic of Geneva
illuftrates the former remark, and the hiftory of Britain
the latter ^
But, it may be faid, I confefs, that a man ne-sd not put
the chain on, except he choofe. Philander did not choofe.
He was what you would, perhaps, call a poor creature.
He knew a little greek and latin, but, unpra(5lifed in the
Ways of men, was near experiencing the laft of the two al-
ternatives, " fubfcribe or ftarve." Poor Eugenius, in-
deed, put the chain on, but it forely galled him, and he
chofe to have it taken off. Unhappy fufferer ! I wept over
his hard lot. He could not dig, to beg he was afliamed,
and the hardy Briton died in a workhoufc.
Aut die, aut accipe calcem — Under tliefe clrcumftances,
will any body alk. Who injures religious iibevtv ?
* When the Genevefe firft caught the fire of proteftantifm, they were in fub-
jeflien to art ecclcfiaftical fovereign. The father thought it expedient to leave tlie
city, and aft4i"wards by a dccred of the people, and of the fenate, vas legaHy ba-
nilhed. Charles, duke of Savoy, wilhed to reirvftate him, and took up arms ia
Ms defence. Bi>t the banifheJ fovereign was never reftored. See D'lvernois' Hilt.
of the Confthution and Revolutions in Geneva, tffecfls fimiUr to what were pro-
duced in England, v.ould, moll probably, have followed in the republic of Venice,
and the Svvifs Cantons, but for their vicinity to the refidrnce of the pope. Com-
inercc, as it is favourable to liberty, fo did it alfift the Dutch provinces, and many
of the independent towns of Germany, tu renounce the popifli religion. See Mil-
lar's Hilt, view of the Eng. gov.
CHAP.
KATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 1 65
CHAP. IIL
WHETHER OUR ECCLESIASTICAL GORRESfOND WITH
THE AVOWED PRINCIPLES OF OUR CIVIL GOVERN-
MENT.
As fubfcription is concerned with an irrational and nar-
row fyftem of what is called divinity, and fo deprives thofe
who fubmit to it of religious liberty, Is it not alfo with a
form of church polity, whofe principles are contradictory
to the avowed principles of the englifh government ?
It was with a view to this remark that, in a preceding
chapter, I took a view of what are called, the principles of
our conftitution, Nov/, Britons, furvey the contrail. In
the government of which I am fpeaking, Do we behold
any of that agreeable mixture of the three fyfteins, which
is fuppofed to compofe the fpirit of your limited monarchy ?
When we furvey a bench of bifhops, we may, perhaps,
choofe to call it an ariftocratical appearance ; when we
contemplate the lower houfe of convocation, we may think
the church wears a democratical form ; and when we view
the archbilhop, we may imagine we view the mon^irchical.
This, I know, has frecjuently been faid by very emi-
nent writers *. But the refemblance is all imaginary.
The edifice, of which we are fpeaking, received its being
at firft, and afterwards its peculiar fliape, from the breath
of kings : and, if we approach the building nearly, and
examine the difcipline, praiSlifed within its walls, Shall
* Hooker and Blackftonc.
M 3 we
l66 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
we not find, that the will of the monarch retahied tho
force of law ? And, wherever this is, indeed, the cafe,
however foothing a voice a government may borrow, how-
ever gracious and popular an air it may feem to carry, it is
all deception ; the mere form, without the fpirit, of liberty.
Wherever the will of the monarch is law, whether in
China, in Conftantinople, or in England, that govern-
ment is defpotical.
In regard then to our ecclefiaflical conflitution, whether
it does not expofe itfelf to the charge of defpotifm, accord-
ing to tlie definition of it by political writers, let us pro-
ceed to inquire.
I. Was not then the legifiative power claimed by the
king ? The church has power to decree rites and ceremo-
nies, fays the 20th article. This claufe is a forgery.
However, paffing by that confideraticn ; I aHs., who the
church is ? I am foon given to underfland. For notwith-
flanding the jufl definition of a chriflian church ^ (Art. 9.)
viz. *' that it is a congregation of faithful men," this
power was exercifed by the civil magiflrate at the reforma-
tion. When did the people decree one rite, or exercife of
relio-ion ? When did a body of ecclefiaflical reprefentatives
appointed by the people ? When did a bench of bifliops,
or the clergy in convocation ? Or when the metropolitans,
unlefs commiflioncd by the fupreme head r This is un-
heard of in our hiftory. By going back to the time, when
rites and ceremonies and articles v/ere decreed, we fliall
foon find who decreed them, (I except here the parliament
in the time of the con:;mon wealth, when it alfo exercifed
the executive power.) The bifhops and clergy oppofed
b " Societas libera" hominum fpontc fua cocuntium, uC Dcum publico cobnt
CO modo^ quern crcJunt numini acceptuni fore, &:c. Locke, Epift. Uc Tol.
tll^
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 167
the firfl exercife of ecclefiaftical fupremacy, and the prefent
form of the eftabliflied church '=. Cranmer, it is well
known, objecled ftrongly againfl the fix articles in Henry
the Sth's reign. They were objedled to aifo by bifhop La-
timer, who, for his oppofition, with 500 more, was fent
to jail ''. l^id not many of the bifliops proteft againft the
liturgy in Edward the 6th's reign r And againft the fupre-
macy in Elizabeth's, fome of them being defignedly out of
the houfe " ? Yet were they not all decreed maugre all the
oppofition of churchmen ?
Our Tudors, and Stuarts, well underftood the extent of
fupremacy. They managed it more arbitrarily, than any
other branch of their power, and, under its fhadow, be-
came the creators of all our injundlions and church laws
fmce the reformation. And when we recolleil, that prior ^
to the renunciation of the pope's authority, the kings of
England claimed a power in ecclefiaftical matters, equal to
that of the roman emperors after Conftantine the great,
we need not wonder, that the crown being, at length, in
polTefTion of this jewel, fhould defend it fo warmly, and
difplay it fo proudly. Queen Elizabeth, as head of the
church, knew ihe had her bifhops under awful difcipline,
and could " unfrock them" at her royal pleafure, and
king James made no more of clapping fuch facred things,
as bifhops, in the tower, than a juftice of peace would of
having half a dozen poor rogues hurried away to the round
houfe for oppofmg legal authority. " They were the
breath of his majefty's noftrils." What could not a " king v
with a pope in his belly do*^?"
= Bumet's Hift. of the Reform, part i. p. iia. 2d ed.
* Burner, ut fup. p. 266.
« Burpet, ut fup. part 2. p. 387, 388.
f An expreffioa applied to Hen. viii.
M 4 But,
l68 AN INQITIRY INTO THE
But, perhaps, it may be faid that the khig and parlia-.
ment have power to decree. Let that be granted. But
even then, Do we not ftill remove the power from the
church ? — Except we choofe to fay, the church is repre-
fented in the houfe of commons, which, however, I /hall
fhew is not the cafe. But the truth is, the firft proceed-
ings at the reformation, under the authority of proclama-
tions, royal patents, and commiffions, had the force of
law, before they received the fandlion of parliament. It
was, alfo, the policy of our princes to retain the old eccle-
fiaflical canons, which were fo friendly to the high claims
of fupremacy, rather than hazard the introducftion of a
new code, which might have been formed more to the
genius of our government. The fame policy directed the
affection of our more arbitrary princes to the civil lawyers,
as the mofl: loyal interpreters of the canon law °. And as to
the canons put forth by order of James the firft, they
never received the ratification of parliament *'.
The power of legiflation, if traced to its true fource, will
be found to have proceeded from an arbitrary claim of
Hen. viii. For though I deny not, that the laws of the
realm did anciently bind the jurifui6lion of the ecclefiaftical
courts, and that the kings of England had a degree of au-
thority among themS yet the proud title, and fplendid
powers of fupremacy, were gathered trom another quarter.
Thefe came through the medium of the roman pontiff,
and were dripped by violence from the triple crown. How
far the procedure of Henry was to be juftified from the ne-
ceflity of the cafe, or from the advantages derived from it,
I flay not to inquire. It received, I confefs, the fandion
« Hurd's Dial, on the Cor.ftitution of the eng. gov.
*> Blackftone, therefore, concludes they do not bind the Lit)-.
• Cckf.
cf
NAtURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. i6g,
of parliament, yet was it at a time, when the parliament
itfelf was fubje£l to an unconflitutional controul from the
crown, when it could even fo far degrade jtfelf, as to pafs
an a£t, giving the king's proclamations the force of law.
Yes, It mufl be acknowledged, indeed, that the fupre-
macy was fettled by an a6l of the legiflaturc '', which»
while it threw over the royal claim the ftrength of law,
was received by the monarch, perhaps, as a mere matter
of form. It will, alfo, be allowed, that the legiflature
aimed to guard this high title by a conftitutional condi-
tion, " That nothing be contrary to the law of the realm.'*
But the charadler was already too far advanced, and foon
thought itfelf too facred, to be bounded by legal reflralnts.
The power of fupremacy foon created " a high commilTion
court," which brought whatever related to religion under
its own jurifdi61:ion, and to keep the royal balance even,
it was found expedient to enlarge the powers of the " ftar-
chamber," in matters of a civil nature. Till, at length,
from this fi-uitful fupremacy, there fprung a natural branch,
full of ilrength and vigour, I mean a " difpenfmg power,"
which was but a revival of the claims of papacy, and
placed majefty above law ; fo that one of our kings made
no fcruple to fay, *' That general laws, made publicly in
parliament, may upon known refpefts to the king, by his
authority, be mitigated, and fufpended upon caufes known
only to him '." And even flill, when the flar-chamber and
Jiigh commiffion court no longer exift, having been abolifhed
in Cha. ill's reign, and when by a flatute in William's'",
it is declared, that the fufpending or difpenfmg with laws,
\)y regal authority, without confcnt of parliament, is ille-
''35 Hen. 8. c. 3,
' Jus liberae Monarchic, Jacobi Opeia.
f Sta^ 2. c, 2.
z4>
I^.O AN INQUIRY INTO THE
gal, ftill, I fay, the weight of the crown, in the ecclefiafliical
' fcale, is far more confiderable, than it will be ever allowed
to throw in the civil.
2. As the Icgiflative power in a ftate is that, v/hich
gives birth to the laws, the executive is that, which puts
them in force. The union of thefe two in the Sultan at
Conftantinople makes him an abfolute monarch. In the
wife feparation of thefe, it is faid, confifts the efTence of
britifli liberty,
There is a certain fcnfe, in which it is commonly faid,
tlie king is the only executive magiflrate in Britain. For
from liiai, as the " fource of power" an extenfive com-
miflion proceeds, giving birth to different offices of execu-
tive truft, as well as dignity and cffetl to all their pro-
ceedings. Under flielter of this commiffion, his minifters
rnanage treaties, fettle peace, and proclaim war. The
navy, army, mint, and courts of judicature, are, like-
wife, all filled with their I'efpeiSlive officers, who are to be
confidered as the king's proxies. And pray, What are the
clergy? When performing divine fervice, or occupying
ccdefiaftical courts, they retain the fame character in the
/ church, which the other officers do in the fiate. They are
•adminiflering, in their feparate departments, what it is
impoffible for the king to adminifler in his own perfon,
yet all holding their places dife6tly, or indiredly, of
the king.
By a famous a61: in Henry the 8th 's reign, the king was
vtikd witji the extenfive authority, " To exercife all
manner of eCclcfiaflical jurifdi6^ion, and archbidiops, bi-
fhops, archdeacons, and other ecclcfiaftical perfons, have
no manner of ecclefiaflical jurifdi6tion, but by and under
the king's majefty, who has full power and authority to
ticar and determine all manner of ecclelialHcal caufes, and,
to
N4.TURK OF SUBSCRIPTION. J^I
to reform and correal all vice, fin, errors, herefies, enor-
mities, and abufes whatfoever, which, by any manner of
fpiritual authority or jvirifdiclion, ought or may be lawfully^
reformed." Accordingly, at the reformation, commiflions
were taken out by the birtiops for the exercife of fpiritual
jurifdidlion, and thofe commiflions were to be held only
during the king's pleafure". In thefe commiflions, all
jurifdiclion, ecclefiaflical as well as civil, is acknowledged
to flow originally from the royal power of its fupreme
head, the fountain of ail power within his own kingdom.
Even the power of ordination is nothing but a grant, and
was held only during the king's pleafure °. And as all the
diflerent branches of the miniflerial office are trufls derived
from the king, all the power is revertible to him as its ori-
ginal fourceP, He may infl:ru6t ^ and prefcribe to the
clergy : he may fufpend them from oflice, and he may
deprive them of it ; he may even excommunicate from the
bofom of the church, and re-admit excommunicated per-
fons, independent of ecclefiaftical courts, and even in op-
pofition to the bifliops and clergy. And what is flill more -
remarkable, this extraordinary authority was held bv dele-
gation ; one ftrange title, which lord Cromwell fufl:ained,
being that of lord vicegerent in ecclefiaftical matters. By
virtue of this title, he had the principal management of
ecclefiaftical proceedings, and took place of the archbiihop
of Canterbury '. Our moft eminent churchmen and law-r
yers have, therefore, hardly done juftice to this fubje(5l.
" Burnet's Hift. of the Reform, part 2. n. 2. records.
° Edw. fextus, &c. Tibi vices noftras fub modo et firma inferiiis defcriptis coin-
mittendes pretique licentiend. effe decernimus ad ordinandum, &c. ut fup.
P Towgoods. Diffent. from the church of eng. juftified, 5th edit. p. 24.
< See the Injunftions of Hen. 8th, Edw, 6th, and Queen Eliz. &c.
f Burnet's Hift. of the Refonn. part. 2. ,
Mr.
172 AN* I^fQUIRY IXTO TI{E
Mr. Hooker fays, " It has been taken, as if we did hold^
tliat kings may prefcribe what themfelves think proper in
the fervice of God, how the word may be taught, how the
facraments admjniftered:" (and this they certainly have
done.) He adds *' finally, that kings may do whatever is
incident unto the office and duty of an ecclefiaftical judge.
Which opinions," fays he, " we count abfurd."
Bifhop Burnet, always well affefted to the intereft of
civil and religious liberty, takes every opportunity of qua-
lifying the fupremacy. Having previoufly fpoken of the
extent of the king's power in Henry the 8th's reign, he re-
fpiirks, " They acknowledged the ecclefiaftical jurifdiclion
in the difcharge of the paftoral office committed to the paf-
tors of the church of Chrift and his apoftles, and that the
fupremacy then pretended to, was no fuch extravagant
power as fome pretend to'." When fpeaking of the bi-
ihops, made by letters patent in Edward the 6th's reign,
** It is clear," he fays, " that the epifcopal fundlion wa§
acknowledged to be of divine appointment, and that the per-
ion was no otherwife named by the king, than as lay pa-
trons prcfent to livings '." Similar remarks he makes on
the fupremacy in queen Elizabeth's reign.
" We muft be careful," fays bifliop Warburton, " how
wc think the magiitrate by virtue of this branch of the
Supremacy can make or confer the character of prieft, or
ininiller, or even himfclf exercife tjpt office;" and again,
*' The exercife only of that office, when made, being
pnder the maglftrate's direction"." Similar remarks are;
piade by Blackftone.
' Hooker's Ecckf. Pol. book. S. p. 430. 1723.
* Burnet's Hift. of the Reform.
" Allunce, &c.
One
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. j-j^
One of the articles, it muft be acknowledged, gives
Countenance to thefe notions. *' We give not to oiif
princes the miniftering of God's word and the facraments;"
which claufe is further explained in the injundlions of
queen Elizabeth. But, let me be pardoned, if I fay, the
claufe, and the injundlions are both fophiftical. Let us
confult matters of fa6t after the zOl of fupremacy was pad.
Queen Elizabeth's firft archbifliop was Parker. The
mode of his appointment was as follows. A conge d'eiire
was fent to Canterbury, authorizing the dean and preben-
daries to proceed to an ele6lion. In the queen's letter
Parker is mentioned, as the perfon to be appointed. The
great feal was afterwards put to a warrant, authorizing four
bifliops to confecrate him. This mode of chcofing ha?
been retained ever fince. It is no uncommon thing to
make dllVm6lions, where there is no real difference, but:
with thofe, who will not fuffer themfelves to be impofed
on by words, the difference between a proclamation, let-
ters patent, and 2i conge d'elire will vanifh. The chapter
have leave to choofe, but the queen has the power to ap-
point or nominate. The bifhops confecrate, but whofe
is the image and fuperfcription on the feal ? Judge Black-
ftone, fpeaking of the manner of choofmg bifliops under the
emperor Charlemagne, remarks, " The mere form of
ele6lion appeared to the people to be a matter of little con-
fequence, while the crown was in poffeffion of an abfolute
negative." But in the prefent cafe the crown poffeffes "
much more. All is done in the name, and by the autho-
rity of the king : whofe pleafure, therefore, is both ** ring '
and paftoral ftaff."
Confidcr again the clergy in the a6lual exercife of their
office, or in the important bufmefs of jurifdi6lion : the
whole was adminillered privilegio reginje, vice regis. In
their
i74 AW J-iJQVlRY INTO TUt
their aclilrefs to majefly they entreat the queen to aid their
wifhes by her royal authority ; they affure her, that fo far
from being influenced by felfwill, in comparifon of her,
they were but " dead dogs and fleas ^ ;" very humbhng
words for the facred order ! In the commiffions, iffued by
virtue of the a(5t of fupremacy, lay and ecclefiaftical officers
are deputed to " fupply her room, to bear her name, and
to a£t by her authority "." It is true we cannot call her
niajefty a bifllwp, a priefl, or a deacon, nor could we call
her the lord chancellor, a fecretary of flate, or a juftice of
the peace. But do we not know, that he who adminifters
an office by another, adminifters it himfelf ?
What was queen Elizabeth's meaning, when flie faid,
file could *' unfrock" her bi.fhops? Certainly this, that
{he could fufjjend and even deprive them. Her majefty
did accordingly deprive fifteen popifh prelates, who refufed
the oath of fupremacy^. Charles the firft fufpended arch-
bifhop Abbot for refufmg to licence a fernion, and the bi-
jfliop of Glocefter for refufmg to fwear he would never con-
fent to an alteration in the church. Seven bifliops were
imprifoned by James the fecond ; he alfo fufpended the
bifliop of London, for refufmg to fufpend Dr. Sharp. A
clergyman, who has been deprived, may be reinflated by
the civil magiftrate. A paifon was deprived of his bene-
fice, for crim. con. ; a general pardon came, which par-
doned the adultery : and the divine was adjudged to be
ipfo fa6lo reftored to his benefice ^. Now if the civil ma-
giftrate advances to office, if he can deprive, and if he can
fufpend, and if after deprivation he can reinftate a perfon to
* Canes mortui et peulices. An Addrefs againft the ufe of images.
* Vice, nomine, et autlioritate noftris.
7 Burnet.
■ Coke 6. Rep. 1 3. See Towgood.
office,
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. i7_^
office, Where is the executive power lodged, but in the
civil magirtrate ?
The truth then is, that the kings of England are by the
aft of fupremacy vefled with the enormous power, which
was exercifed by the roman emperors after the days of
Julius Caefar, who laid the foundation of the roman mo-
narchy. They are not, indeed, confecrated into all kinds
of priefthood, but all kinds of prieflhood are confecrated
by their authority, and fupply their place. The diredlion
of facrifices and ceremonies which fall to the department of
priefts, the authority of the tribunes, who, in the times
of the commonwealth, a6led for the people, and all the
dignitv and power of the ancient diftators, made up the
chcirafter of a roman emperor. Thus, the kings of Eng-
land overfee the ceremonies, which is the province of
priells, they choofe to office, which is the right of the peo-
ple, and they have the government of the whole, which
(I fpeak in ecclefiaftical language) is the proper office of
the biihop. The whole executive power, then, is here \
lodged in the civil magiflrate.
Now in our. civil government, (confidered apart fronS
the ecclefiaftical) if the legiflative power is, as it is faid to be,
in tlie hands of the people, and the executive, of the fu-
premc magiftrate, public liberty will be proportionably
fecure, and general happinefs diffufed. But, if the legifla-
tive and executive power are entrufted to the fame hands,
public liberty has no fecurity, and national happinefs will
be proportionably retarded. Agreeably, therefore, to the
fuppofed principles of englifh polity, we fay, that fuch
power, (though by the mode of adminiftration, it may
efcape common obfei"vatlon, ) by whatever hands, and what-
ever means, it has been introduced into our government,
whether by kings or by prielis, whether by arbitrary vio-
lence,
57^ AN INQUIRY INTO Th*E
lence, unconflitutlonal influence, or clerical intrigue,
fuch power is, I fay, unconftitutional, and muft, by its
infniuation, ami fecret influence in our government, have
produced many of thofe evils in our political fyftem, againft
wliich the genuine fpirit, and the original principles ol
liberty in our civil eftablifliment have in part made provi-
fion. " We fee the fummits of buildings, their foundations
lie out of lights" B\it the liiftory of nations demonftratcs
this political truth, that where any power in a flate can
do harm, it fometimes will. Hence the p'rudence of this.
maxim, " Nothing wants fo much watching, as power."
Nor is it fuflicient to fay, (as I have already hinted,)
that the church has received the fanftion of englifh law,
and makes a part of legal adminiflration. For as no law
is juft, which is not made by the people, and does not
ferve the public interen:, fo neither is it flricUy conftitu-
tional, if it goes contrary to the original principles, and ge-
neral tendency of our conflitution. And, on this confidei'-
ation, I will take on me to fay, that priellhood is no na-
tural part of our body politic, but, like an unfeemly ex-
crefcence, mars its proportion, and exhaufts its ftrength.
The trial of criminals is a moft important branch of the
executive power: and it is now reckoned among us an
effential part of political prudence, that the king, in his
own perfon, ftiould poffefs no judicial capacity. Even in
king James's time, when his majefty would needs diftin-
guilh himfelf in a court of judicature, he was informed,
that *' he could give no opinion there." It has been
remarked, that if this was not the cafe, the king muft
cither pofTcfs the ridiculous capacity of vmmaking his own
laws, or lofe the great attribute of fovereignty, that of
^ Opcrum faftigia cernuntur, fundamcnta latent. Quintil'un.
3 granting
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. I77
granting pardon. Befides, What fecurity would the fub-
je6l have againft oppreflion ? Where the judge is aUo prin-
cipal executive magiftrate, he may give an unjuft decifion,
in order to inflidb a cruel punilhment ''.
The government, of w^hich I am fpeaking, admits prac-
tices, not to be reconciled with thefe favourite maxims. I
have already remarked the caution, with which the Bri-
tons guarded again ft the imperial or roman law. This cau-
tion has been faid to have preferved the freedom of our
civil conftitution. But thofe very laws, by which the Ro-
mans were enflaved to their emperors, and which after-
wards enflaved almoft all Europe, in union with others,
which made the roman pontiff fovereign judge of chriften-
dom, being formed into a body, govern our ecclefiaftical
courts. The common law, that guardian of englifh liberty, ^
is a ftranger in our " courts of chriftianity." Thefe laws
received their origin, and tlieir chara6lers, not from the
voice of a free people, but from the authority of popes,
and councils, of letters patent, and royal declarations.
Henry the 8th, in the 35th year of his reign, formed a
defign of framing a new body of ecclefiaftical laws, and it
was enabled in parliament, that a review •= of them fhould
be made. It was, however, never completed, the moft
probable reafon for which I have already given. The fame
delign was formed by the lower houfe of convocation in the
reign of Edward the 6th, though it did not fucceed. Some
canons, indeed, were publiftied by queen Elizabeth, and a
larger colle6lion introduced by the clergy under Jam?s the i ft,
but, as v^^as obferved before, they were not authorized by
parliament, but impofed by the king's declaration. Eccle-
b The adminiftration, however, of juftice, was anciently in the crown, and
kings rode circuit themfelves every fcven years. Pref. to tlie Mirrour of Juft.
* Bura'i Ecclef, Law. Pref.
N fiaftical
178 AN INQUIRY INTO T'HE
fialUcal courts are held by laymen, and the clergy, as the
king's minifters ; and the king can difannul their decifions,
and ftop all their proceedings. Bilhop Hoadley and
Dr. Doddridge were preferved by majefty from the bafe
defigns of a convocation.
But the following cafe is well worthy of obfervation.
In queen • Anne's reign the lower houfe of convocation
judged Mr. Whifton guilty of herefy. He had written
againft the do6lrine of the holy trinity. His judges, after-
wards waited on her majefty, to receive her inftructions,
and flie cleared Whifton of a damnable herefy **. The
part, which her majefty took in this affair, was not that of
a fovereign, difpenfing a pardon to a criminal (as in the
cafe of the parfon convifled of adultery,) but that of a
judge, clearing the defendant of a crime. In a court of
common law would fuch a pra£lice be admitted * ? But
what fhall we fay, to fee our princes fit as judges, and
pafs fentence of death for the grime of herefy? Yet this
did Henry the 8th.
In a word, in this government the people are fuhje6\
to laws, in the framing of which they had no fhare ; they
have been liable to troublefome proceffes, without the
benefit of a jure parium ; the clergy are bound by flavifh
canons, quite foreign to the genius of our common law ;
minifters are placed in parifhes without the appointment
of the people, and a vaft tax is raifed to pay them without
the people's confent.
Britons, Do ye admire the form of magna charta?
See then, whether ye can trace any feature of refemblance
* See Towgood's Diffent juftified, 5th edit. p. a-.
« The cafe alluded to was, that of Lambert, who was tried in Wcftminftcr Hall,
and burnt for denying the corporal prefencc. Burnet's Hift. of the Reform, p. 2.
to
NATURE OF saBSCRIPTION. Ijg
to it, in the canons of the church : were our civil con-
cerns adminiftered by the fame plan of policy, as our eccle-
fiaftical, the government would in fa6l be diffolved, and
we fhould be placed in thofe circumftances, in which a
people may juftly make their appeal to heaven *^.
If then for no other reafon, than beeaufe I am an
englifliman, I would not fubfcribe the 39 articles. For ^
the clergy are in a ftate of abjefl dependence on the civil
magiftrate, and of miferable fubjedtion to unconftitutional
canons. Yet pitiable as this fubjection is, as it concerns
the clergy, a plan, giving them relief, if it flopped there,
might produce infinite evil on the community. " While
the civil magiftrate," as Bifliop Warburton remarks, " en-
dows the clergy, and beftows on them a jurifdidlion with
coa6live powers, thefe privileges create one fupreme go-
vernment vvithm another, if the civil magiftrate have not
in return, the fupremacy of the church. And nothing is
fo much to be dreaded, as an ecclefiaftical government, not
under the controul of the civil magiftrate. It is ever en-
croaching on his province, and can never be fatisfied. In
the roman church, when fpiritual men had got influence
enough to be exempted from civil courts, and to fet up a fe-
parate jurifdidlion, popes became by degrees the fovereigns of
emperors and kings. Cardinals, the beloved children of
thofe popes, became princes ; and bifhops, as their bro-
thers, became at once fecular and fpiritual lords. And on
the other hand, the preftDyterian government, during the
little time it prevailed in England, gave no favourable
proofs of its defigns, when its progrefs was retarded by
Oliver, and his independents. A religious eftablilhment,
free of many of thofe political evils, which are wont to
f See Locke on Gov. b, t. 19.
N 2 attend
l8o AN INQUIRY INTO THE
attend a ftate of religion, might, I own, be framed, but the
true pohcy is, to let religion, and civil government exift
apart, and to encourage each to attend to its own province.
Both then will flourifli."
Left I fhould be fufpe£led, in fpeaking of the fupre-
macy, to have followed the freaks of fancy, or the bias of
party, I clofe with the refleftion of an elegant writer, now
a prelate of the church^. The fequel of his (Hen. the 8th's)
reign, fhews, that he took himfelf to be inverted with the
whole eccleliaftical power, legiflative as well as executive :
nay, that he was willing to extend his acknowledged
RIGHT of fupremacy even to the ancient papal infallibility,
as appears from his fovereign decifions in all matters of faith
and do6brine. It is true, the parliament was ready enough
to go before, or at leaft to follow the head of the church,
in all thefe decifions. But the reafon is obvious, and I
need not repeat to you, in what light the king regarded
their compliance with him. — Thefe words are put into
the mouth of one who had well examined into the extent
of the fupremacy, and had an accurate acquaintance with
the HISTORY of the reformation ''.
• Kurd's Dial, on the conftit. of the eng. gov. p. 283. 3d ed.
I* Bp. Burnet.
CHAP.
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. l8l
CHAP. IV.
THE PERSECUTING SPIRIT OF THE CHURCH OF
ENGLAND.
But I cannot help remarking the fpirit of perfecutioi),
which chara6terizes this fyftem.
A nation, afTerting its own freedom, is a " nation of
heroes :" and never a6ls more in charadler, than by becom-
ing the guardian of neighbouring ftates, and protecting
their liberties. What a fevere, but juft rebuke was this
of the roman conquerors ! Liberty was at their centre, but
tyranny in tlieir extreme parts. Nothing reflefts higher
honour on Britain, than the place, which ilie holds in the
fyftem of Europe, and the influence, which fhe has had in
preferving the balance of power. What preferves that
fuppreffes tyranny.
A church, alfo, the bafis of which is laid in freedom,
is favourable to the higheft exertions of virtue, and the
members, that compofe it, never a6l more in charadter,
than when they aim to procure religious liberty for other
communities. It hath, however, been often remarked,
that people, the moft violent in procuring liberty for them-
felves, have not been always, in their turn, the mofl:
ready to beftow it on others. The unitarians in Poland %
the quakers in Penfylvania, and the baptifts in Rhode
Ifland, reduced the amiable do6lrine of moderation to prac-
' [o. Crellii f. vindiciae pro libertate religiofa, inter frat. pol. Penn's fele£l
Works, and Ramfay's Hift. of the American revolution, vol. i. p. iz, zi.
N 3 tice,
iSl AN INQUIRY INTO THK
tice, (for one or two deviations from this policy afFeft noi;
the general remark) . But mofl: of thofe, called reformed
churches, neither allowed it amongft themfelves, nor fuf-
; fered others to enjoy it. The french protellants, who fa-
crificed every thing, to obtain religious liberty, knew not
how to pra£life it *> ; and the Genevefe, who freed them-
felves from one religious tyrant, were forced into an oli-
garchical fyflem, which countenanced perfecution "=.
I have fhewn, that the church of England allows no
liberty to its own miniflers. Doth it not alfo violate the
lijerty of others, who lie out of her community ?
England, as well as other chriftian ftates, having learnt
the art of perfecution, had been accull:omed, in ancient
times, to " deliver heretics to the fecular power." This
pious ardour feems, however, not to have been congenial
to the englifli character. For the execution of the laws
againfl heretics had been rarely known till the days of
Wickliffe. The firfl bill paffed for the purpofe of giving
them full force, was in the fifth year of Rich, the 3d. I
call it a bill, for having never been fent to the houfe of
commons, it cannot be deemed a law ''.
Henry the 8th was not over anxious, it is faid, to per-
fecute for herefy. Many, indeed, were facrificed either to
his pleafure, or his ambition. Such were fome of his
queens, the bifhop of Rocheller, and Sir Thomas More.
The cruel treatment of the family of cardinal Pool will
alfo be recollefted : but others fell beneath the hand of
religious oppreflion. Lambert was burnt for denying the
'^ corporal prefence. In 1538, 500 were thrown into jai|
^ Quick's Syiiodicon.
* Preface to Hooker's Ecclcf. pol.
«• Sec an account of this pious fraud in Burnet's Hift. of the reform, part x.
p, zj. 2d cd.
for
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 183
for oppofing the fix articles, and when Gardiner and Bon-
ner came into power, Barnes, Gerard, and Jerome, were
. burnt. I take no notice of thofe who fufFered, before his
majefty became fupreme head of the church.
The gentle Edward, too, to humour his divines, and
to guard againft herefy, was conftrained, though againft
his inclination, to make two human facrifices, Joan of
Kent, and George Van Pare=, Some experiments were
alfo made on Mr. Humphrey Middieton *". He was fea-
foned in Edward's, but not effe6lualiy cured till Mary's
reign. Nor fhould it be forgotten, that the liturgy, au-
thorized in 1548, was eftablifhed under fevere penalties,
and that popifh bifhops were imprifoned by a proteftant
king *.
The " golden reign of the virgin queen" was inter-
rupted by fchifmatics, and thefe (the puritans, I mean)
found work for the bifiiops. Many lingered, and fome
died in jail, and others were burnt, — men who were
friends to civil government, and felt a loyal attachment to
her majefty. " Thou waft prefent at the death of Mr.
Barrow," faid queen Elizabeth to the earl of Cumberland.
*' I was, and pleafe your majefty," replied his lordfhip.
*' What end did he make?" continued the queen. " A
very godly end," anfwered the earl, " and prayed for your
majefty *" and the ftate." This injured Gentleman (Mr.
Barrow) in his account of the high commifTion court,
eredled in this reign, juftly remarks, " That it was pre-
e Burnet's Hilt, of the Reform, vol. 2.
f Pierce's Vindication, &c. p, 35. 2d ed. From Fox.
* Bonner was confined in the marfhalfea, Tonftal in the tower, as was alfj
Gardiner, where, as Fox expreffes it, ♦• he kept his Chriftmas three years toge-
ther." Fox's A(£ls and Mon.
Tierce's Vindication, &c. part 1. p. 147. 2d ed.
N 4 judicial
184 AN IKQUIRY INTO THE
judicial to the prerogative of the prince, the jurifdi6lion of
the royal courts, to the liberty of the free fubjeft, and to
the great charter of England \" Queen Elizabeth alfo
burned fome baptifls, who fled from the fpanifh perfecu-
tions in Flanders,
James and the two Charlefes were too true to the prin-
ciples of the church of England ^, finding perfecution the
fliortell; manner of proof, that " The church hath power
to decree rites and ceremonies." In Charles the 2d's reign
the a6l of uniformity pafTed; in confequence of which,
two thoufand clergymen were eje6led from their livings,
/ and eight thoufand puritans periflied in jail: a greater
number than what perifhed in the reign of that princefs,
whom all proteflant parties in England agree to call the
bloody Mary.
Puritanifm, though in rags, ftill continued to gain
ground. Accordingly, church policy required, that fome
vigorous efforts fliould be made. Prifons, therefore, were
made trials of againft puritanifm, and as prifons could not
produce converfions, a defign was formed to ftarve it to
death. The conventicle, and Oxford a6ts, it was thought,
would do the bufinefs completely. Cruel mother was that
church, who firft caff her children from her own bofom,
and then deprived them of the compaffion of flrangers !
Wl;ofe difcipline forced them from confecrated walls,
' Barrow's Brief difcovery of falfe churches.
^ I do not fpcak. at random, when I call perfecution a princ'ple of the church
of England. To underftand in what fenfe it is fo, it may be recollefted, that the
very James, who wrote a letter to queen Elizabeth in behalf of the puritans, when
in Scotland, was the firft to perfecutc them, when he became head of the churcl\
of England. See James's Letter to queen Eliz.abeth, in Udal's trial, p. 43- Dr.
Heylyn, as Mr. Pierce hath obferved, gives an jmperfcd copy of this letter. Hift.
I'rc(byt. p. 516, i'ierce's Vindication, &c.
and
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. xSc
and whofe authority aimed to prevent them from wor-
fhipping God at all' !
Let it be recolle6led here, that while ecclefiaftics were
fporting with the confciences of their chriftian bre-
thren, the flate made feveral efforts to give them eafe.
The parliament, during this period, wifhed to repair a
fuperftitious church, and to mollify a cruel clergy. But
fawning priefts rendered every attempt fruitlefs. There
was no meannefs, to which they did not fubmit. They
appealed to foreign divines, and fupprefled their genuine
' By the latter of thefe cruel a£ts, every parfon, vicar, curate, lefturer, or other
perfon in holy orders, or pretended holy orders, was to take an oath, or not come
within any city or town corporate, or borough, wherein they liad preached before,
under the penalty of forty pounds, or being committed to prifon for fix months
without bail or mainprize. The oath was as follows :
" I, A. B. do fwear, that it is not lawful, upon any pretence whatever, to take
arms againft the king, and that I do abhor that traiterous pofition of taking
arms by his authority againft his perfon, or againft thofe, that arc commif-
fionated by him, in purfuance of fuch commiflions ; and that I will not at any
time endeavour any alteration of government, either in church or ftate,"
And to cut off the only hope that remained for many of them, they were prevented
from teaching in any public or private fchool, or taking boarders in their families.
17 C. II. c. 2.
By the Conventicle a£l, if five perfons, or more, affembled together, beflde*
thofe of the fame houfehold, either in a houfe, or a place, where there was no
family inhabiting, the penalty for the firft offence was five fhillings, for the fecond
ten. Thofe who preached in a conventicle, for the firft offence forfeited twenty-
pounds, for the fecond forty. Thofe who fuffered conventicles in their houfe,
forfeited twenty. Thefe fines wf re to be levied by diftrefs and fale of the perfon 's
goods or chattels : but in cafe of poverty, on any perfon convi£led in the fame
manner in the fame conventicle. Conftables might break open doors, and Lieu-
tenants, &c. might difperfe conventicles, either with foot or horfe, &c. Our
learned Commentator on the laws of England, therefore, one would hope, was
fcarce in earneft, when he dates " the complete reftitution of Englilh liberty,
from after the reftoration of Charles the fecond." Moreover a ftanding army was
introduced at this period.
teflimonies.
l86 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
teftimonles. Even the prayers of thefe reverend politicians
was the breath of intolerance, and fanned the flame of per-
fecution. The hiftory of the quakers too in Charles the
ad's reign exhibits inftances of the moft grievous opprcf-
fion, and of the moft unexampled patience "*.
That was a joyal era to diffenters, which gave them a
legal character in England ! Before the revolution, non-
conformity was treated as a crime by our law, and expofcd
to fevere penalties. By the a6l of toleration thofe penal-
ties are not barely fufpended ; but diflenters are cleared of
the crime itfelf, and provided they come within the limits
of the toleration a6l, are legally exempt from punifhment".
The a(St of toleration, it js confeiTed, ftill wants the revifing
hand of the legiflature. " It is not given with that lati-
tude, which true chriftians, without ambition, or party
views, could wi£h. But it is fomething to go thus far:
for by thefe beginnings, thofe foundations of liberty and
peace are, I hope, laid, on which the church of Chrift
will come in fome future time to be eftablifhed '." But fo
far as it goes, it was an aft of the ftate, in which the
church, as an ecclefiaftical body, had no fhare. The laft
aft of reformation was the framing of canons ! Mr. Robin-
fon's diftin6lion is certainly juft. The ftate tolerates, the
church does not f.
Jews, and catholics, prefbyterians, and independents,
viuakers and baptifts, and even churchmen themfelves, are
injured by epifcopacy. To preferve the church, it be-
■* Sc« Pen's Works paffim. It was in Newgate that Mr. Pen wrote his cxcel-
knt didei tation, entitled. The great Caufe of Liberty of Coiifcience debated and de-
ff, nJed by the authority of reafon, fcripture, and antiquity, Seledl Works, vol. 3.
» Dr. Furncaux's admirable Letters to Judge Blatkflone, let. i.
•> Mr. Locke's Letter to Mr. Limborch.
E A Pl.in of Lc^urcj on the principles of nonconformity. Pref. p. 5. 5th ed.
3 comes
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. igy
comes neceflary to deprive Englifhmen of their rights. I,
therefore, call it unconilitutional : and have taken this flaort
view of its conduft, in order to exhibit its true charader.
For, it v/ns not as fathers of a free people, governed by
their own laws, tliat the kings of England embrued their
hands in blood, and fported with the liberties of their fub-
jedls, but as heads of a church, which cannot exift with-
out perfecution in fome form or other ; and as rulers of
that church, fpiritual lords, eje6led, perfecuted, impri-
foned, and burnt.
When the englifli church perfecuted, it will be faid,
they did but follow the current of the times, and kept pace
with other reformed churches. Perfecution, it will be
allowed, originated in partial difcoveries of truth, and im-
perfedl notions of the interefl of civil fociety. When re-
formers held, that focieties of lieretics were unlawful, be-
caufe the errors, which they believed, were wicked ; that
fome religious fentiments were not only dishonourable to
religion, but injurious to fociety, — that it was the province
of the civil magiftrate, to prote6l the faithful, and to guard
the truth — men, I fay, who had adopted thefe fentiments
into their creeds "i, had but to determine firft, who were
heretics, and then to leave the fword in the hands of civil
rulers, with pious diredtions, to ufe it for the glory of God !
Strange piety, exclaim deifts, that makes perfecution an
affeir of confcience !
It is natural, however, to remark, that the people, who
in England expofed themfelves to the cenfure of the civil
magiftrate, would be of two defcriptions ; thofe, who ob-
je6led to matters of difcipline, but were orthodox as to
do6lrine, and thofe, who were heretical in do6lrine, but;
orthodox in difcipline.
^ Claude's HiH. Def. of the Reform,
The
1 88 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
The faithful have ufually acknowledged the former to
be of the true church. They were divided, indeed, from
the hody, but they were flill confidered as members. But
the latter, who taught falfe do6lrine, that is, fentiments,
contrary to vi^hat the church believed, were not confidered
merely as divided from the body, but as never having been
members. Such were the arians reckoned by the ortho-
dox. Now, the rigours, exercifed in England, were
ufually againfl: men, who, according to the 39 articles,
were found in the faith, and objedled only to the difcipline
/ of the church'', a prefumption, at leaft, that pcrfecution
in England has been not fo much a matter of confcience,
as of policy. Bafe policy, chara6leriftic of priefts, not
of Britons!
' The reafon, however, of our having fo few examples of fufferers for doftrinal
hcrcfy, was not a fcarcity of church laws and ftatutcs for that purpofe. But the
truth is, the rage of orthodoxy had fo inflamed all parties, as fcarcely to have lett
room for arians and focinians to put the folcs of their feet, and few thought of
purfuing religious inquiry but within the circle of orthodoxy. V\'c have a re-
markable inftance of this in the life of Mr. Biddle. This excellent perfon, of
•whom Mr. Anthony Wood fays, " that, except his opinions, there was little or
nothing blame-worthy in him," received the iron rod of perfccution from the
hands both of prefbyterians, and epifcopalians. At the folicitation of the former,
the parliament paffed a cruel ordinance, than which, as the author of his life jufily
remarks, " No decree of any councils, no bull of any popes, could be more dog-
matical, few, if any, more fanguinary." The fcntcnce was not executed, owing to
a caufe, in which preftjyterian mercy had no (hare. He, however, fuffercd afterwards
feven years' imprifonment ; and was again, through the mercy of Cromwell, to
preferve him from a harder fate, banilhed for three years to the ifle of Scylly.
After the fettlcment of Charles 2. he fell into the hands of epifcopalians, who'
once more threw him into jail, where, in five weeks, through the noifomenefs of.
the place, he caught a difeafe, which foon put an end to his exiftence. Toulmin's
Review of the Life, Charafter, and Writings of the Rev. John Biddle, M. A.
The fame obfervation will apply to the fufFerings of Mr. Emlyn. See Memoirs of
Mr. Emlyn's Life, pref. to his works, vol. i. Of which learned, difmtcrefted,
and truly good men, it may be faid, " It was noble to ftafld upright, when tl^e
world declined :"
I have
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 189
I have already exceeded the limits of a chapter : but I
muft beg the reader's patience a minute or two longer.
I. I have fliewn, that the terms of minifterial confor-
mity are not a little perplexing. If I fubfcribe, I refign
my religious liberty; if I refufe to fubfcribe, perhaps, I
am ruined. Let me take leave to add another v^^ord on this
fubje6l. Philander, w^hofe unfortunate cafe I ftated above,
called on me the other day. He was telling me the fad tale
of his fufFerings, but before he got half through, he, who is
by nature as gentle as a lamb, loft all patience. He faid
fome bitter things againft the a6l of fupremacy, the 39 ar-
ticles, and the liturgy, and growing warmer at every new
period, he, at length, went fo far, (for I will conceal
nothing from thee, courteous reader,) as to call the church
of England " the feat of the beaft." Thou, reader, who
haft perhaps fabfcribed, and enjoyeft a comfortable warm
place within the bofom of the church, mayeft blame the
afperity of poor Philander. For my part, I cannot find it
in my heart to cenfure the afBifted. However, in few
words I thus addrefled my friend. " Philander," faid I,
pointing to the ftatutes at large, and the book of canons,
which lay open on the table, " know, that thou art now
liable to fuffer imprifonment for one whole year, without
bail or mainprize, and by repeating thy offence a third
time, of being imprifoned for life '. Know further, that
thou alfo ftandeft excommunicated by the canons % and
that
' I Elir. c. 2.
• See the eight firft canons of the church of England. By the three canons next
following, Philander alfo is deprived of fetting up a feparale place of worfhip,
without expofing himfelf to the fame dreadful fentence, of being ipfo fafto excom-
municated. It may not be amifs for the reader to recoiled the 38th article-
" Of Excommunicate perfons, how they are to be avoided."
There
tgO AN INQUIRY INTO TUt
that if human nature had not fomething of foftnefs in it,
which flows with too brilk a current to be overtaken
by the laws of the church, thou hadft been beyond the
reach of pity.'*
In eftimating the ftate of religious liberty witliin
the church of England, I have always accuftomed my"
felf not barely to weigh the articles by themfelves,
but to throw into the fcale all concomitant evils, all
the religious fences, and human terrors, which fur-
round them.
2. I have quoted the a6l of fupremacy, as paffed in
Henry the 8th's reign. I will therefore juft add, that an
a£t, pajGTed in Edward the 6th's, was of the fame import",
and, particularly, that in Elizabeth's; for though the
queen made fome obje6lion to the title, fhe did not fcruple
to ufe the whole power of the fupreme head.
There are f\vo kinds of excommunication, the greater and the lefs. By the
former, a perfon is pronounced accurfcd, configned to the devil, and cut off from
Chrift, and from fellowlhip with his church. The latter only excludes him
from receiving the facraments : but where the nature of the excommunication is
not fpecified, the greater is always underftood, Excommunicatio fimpliclter prolata,
intelligitur de majori. The following inftrudVions given to the clergy will explain
the church's fenfe of the greater excommunication.
Populum condocefaciant, excommunicatioais fulmine perftritfiam perfonam,
kx ecclefia, quafi cadaver, ejici debere, nee Csenae Domini participem, nee divi-
norum officiorum, nee chriftianas focietatis, fed a finu communis chriftianouim
matris ecclefije revulfam, et abruptara a corpore chriftiano fimul et terra effe ex-
turbatam, diabolo, et ejus confceleratis ininiftris mancipatam, et fempiternis
flammarum cruciatibus: addiflam. Reformatio Legum. Edit. Lend. 1640.
p. 163. The ipfo fadlo excommunication commences from the camminion of
the fay legacies. Millar's Hill, view of
the eng. gov. p. 94.
* SpelnMUi's Feuds and Ten. c. lo.
It
KATURL OF SUBSCRIPTION. I97
It is, therefore, obvious, that the fuppHes of the prince
would depend on the beck of the pope, and would, fome-
timcs, be forced to yield to the humours and caprices of
the clergy. They would, of courfc, be precarious. A
more permanent and produ6live method was, therefore,
to be found out : and Edward the firft adopted the follow-
ing meafure.
When he fummoned a parliament, the greater clergy
were alfo ordered to attend, by the cuftomary method of
jfTuing a writ. A new claufe was, therefore, inferted in
it, called the praemunientes claufe, requiring him, to cite
Ibme of the inferior clergy to attend him in parliament,
*' to grant him aids in the name of the whole body of the
clergy'." They accordingly ufed, from this time, to'
attend parliament, had a fliare in the legiflature, and
formed a feparate eftate, though in civil matters their con-
fent was frequently not aiked, and even their diffent was
frequently fuperfeded, " The exercife of their negative,
otherwife than in ecclefiaftical matters, is not fo clearly
handed down to us." Of the inefficacy of their diflent in
civil affairs, there is a remarkable inftance in the parlia>
mentary rolls, in the third year of Richard the 2d ^, and
even in affalr§, which related more immediately to the
church, if they interfered with the intereil of the ftaic,
their remonftrances were overruled by the king and parlia-
ment. Indeed, they were not always fummoned even to
attend tl^e great council, which circumfiance, though It
may, in part, be accounted tor, by confidering thefe, as
<' the irregular feafgns of the conftitution," when it was
jio unufual thing to omit many of the names of the ba-
' Wake's State of the cl. and ch. of tng. ch. i. f. 3.
fc Ro{. Pari. 3 Rich. II. No. 38. Wake, ut fup. ch. i. fe ^
the original and fundamental principles of any particular
conftitution, and thofe laws, which arc accidental and
•• Warburtua.
• Wake's State of the cl. and ch. of er>g. c. i. f. i?..
circumftantial.
208 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
circumftantlal. By the former are meant fuch principles,
as compofe the effencc of the conftitution ; which, there-
fore, cannot be changed without deftroying it. The latter,
depending on contingencies, may alter, without affecting
the conftitution, varying with times and feafons, and fol-
lowing the wants of fociety. Fundamental principles,
therefore, are the original bafis of a government ; the other
the materials, which compofe the edifice ; and are fo far
fafe, and fo far only, as they are fupported by the bafis :
the former are the root, the latter the branches, which are
then only natural, when they receive ftrength and nou-
rifhment from the parent root. Thefe fundamental laws
are to give a direction to the other laws ; they form the
civil conflitution ; and by their general pervading influence
refemble, though by their unalterable nature they even
furpafs the written laws of our ancient ufages, which, by
being given to all in common, has been called the com-
mon law"^.
The following, then, are received as the fundamental
maxims of the englifli law, which though mentioned before,
' it may not be amifs to repeat here, i . The people have a
right to a free enjoyment of life, liberty, and property. 2. A
right to make thofe laws, by wiiich they are governed.
3. A right to fliare in that power, which puts the laws in
execution. To thefe I may be allowed to add the excel-
lent maxim of good king Edward, which hath ever becii
deemed a fundamental in our law. That if any law or
cuflom be contrary to the law of God, of nature, or of
reafon, it ought to be looked upon as null and void. And
k Mirrowr, ch. i. f. i. Firft called fo by Edw. the ConfclTor, who aboliftied
the three particular names of Weft Saxon law, the Mercian law, and the D.me
law, and governed the whole kingdom by one law, called the common law. SpcU
man, on the anc. gov. of England.
though
ijAtURE OF SUBSCft.tPTION. 2O9
though, in order to guard againft the frowardnefs of pri-
vate reafon, our law is called " legal reafon" (quod eft
fumma ratio,) " becaufe by many ages it has been fined
and refined by an infinite number of grave and learned
men, as Sir Edward Coke fpeaks ' : yet thefe fundamentals
are always fuppofed to make part of this legal reafon ; fo
that we may apply to thefe fundamentals what the tranlla-
tor of the Mirrour fays of the common law, *' That when
the laws of God and reafon came into England, then
came we"',"
Thefe principles may be afcertained and eftabliHied by
an hiftorical inveftigation. From whence it will appear,
that the conftitution of England is of a genius very dif-
ferent from what fome would have us believe ; that a king of
England is one that rules by law ", and that the laws of
England are direfled to the public intereffc, encouraged,
and fecured by thefe fundamentals.
The features of llbertv, which marked the more ad-
vanced age of our conftitution, difcover themfelves, fome
think, with greater fimplicity, and greater ftrength in its
infancy. Chriftianity, ancient writers ° inform us, was
preached in this ifland during the apoftolic age, and, if we
may credit them, by the apoftles themfelves. The maxims
and manners of the firft preachers were copied from the
TEACHER of TRUTH, the great EXEMPLAR of MORALS;
they had no wealth to purchafe difciples, no fecular autho-
' Coke upon Littleton, i. 2. f. 138.
"' Prcf. to the Mirrour.
" Debet cnim rex omnia facere, et per judicium procerum regn;. Debet enim
jub et jultitia magis in regno regnare, quam voluntas prava. Leg. Edw. Gonf.
V.'ilkins.
o Gildas Badonicvis, Gildas Albaniciis, and WLIL Malmcfbur. Sec. Vid. Concii.
Brit. Spelnianno cdita. Dc Exordio chriftianae relig. in Britanniis.
P rity.
210 AS IKQl'IRY ISTO THE
rity, to enforce their infl:ru6tions ; but wholly intent on
inaking men wife and good, they had neitlicr power nor in-
clination, to deface their liberties.
We are, however, told, that the light of truth almoft went
out, after the death of thofe, who firft kindled it. But
Lucius, king of Britain, having received an honourable
account of the chriilians at Rome, and in other countries,
wrote to Elcutlicrius, (then bi/liop of Rome) requeuing,
tliat teachers might be fent into this ifland, to inflru6t his
people in the cliriftian faith. Accordingly, two preachers
came into Britain ; the king himfelf was baptized, and the
people followed his example. How far chriftianity inter-
wove itfclf v/ith the civil government, I Ihall not inquire,
nor can it, perhaps, be accurately afcertained. It is fuffi-
cient to obferve, that from the time of Conftantine, chrif-
tianity was taken under the protection of the magiftrate,
/ and obtained a fettlement in Britain. At length the Saxons
got poflefilon of the ifland, and dellroyed many chriflian
churches. The havock, however, was by no means (ij
general, or fo violent, as fome have fuppofed, tliough the
greater part of the britifli chriflians retired into the moun-
tainous parts of Wales and Cornw^all ?.
^ In the fifth century, Auftin the monk appeared in Bri-
tain, being fent here by pope Gregory the great. The
rclision of this monk was of a domineerins characler.
lie had a commifTion *' to bring all the prieils into fub-
jeftion ^." The bifliops and clergy who retired on the
P T'eci. i ft occlcf. b. I. 2. See further, Millar's hill, view of the eng. gov.
b. I. c. 5.
i Tua ergo fratcrnitas non folum eos epifcopos, quos ordinavcrit, ncqvic eos tan-
tunimoiio, qui per Ebotaccnlcm tpifcopum fuerint ordiiiati, fed ctiam " omncs
Britannise facerdotcs habcat, Dommo Deo noftro Jcfu Clirillo audtore, fubjeclos."
Grcjjorius Auguftmo Epifcopo Anglorum. Speliuaiini Concil. Brit. p. 90, torn. r.
«1. 1639. ■■
approacii
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 211
approach of the Saxons, oppofcd his pretenfions. But,
being at length metropolitan of Britain, he affemWed a fy-
nod on the confines of their country. They refufed to
obey the roman pontiff, on Auftin's demand, and twelve
hundred britifli monks were flaughtered, through his in-
ftrumcntality'. However, Athelbert, king of Kent, in
the fixth century, having become his coavert, monkery
infuiuated itfelf into the government: ordinances were
made, " that men fhould worfliip their Creator, accord-
ing to the points of the chriHian faith %" and temporal
lords and bilhops became judges in the fame court \
But " 300 years before Auflin fat his foot on englifh
ground," Britons had among them the principles of libeity ;
and thefe fundamentals of the englifli government were
alfo preferved, among the Saxons. In a famous council
held by Athelrtan, the faxon king thus pleads with the
people, " Seeing I liberally allow you all things, that are
your's by your law, that you in like manner may grant to
ine what is mine, &:c "." From which words, as Mr. Pen
juflly remarks, three things are obfervable; firft, that
fomething was " theirs,"- which nobody elfe could difpofe
of: fecondly, that they had " property" by their own
law, therefore had a fhare in making their own laws :
thirdly, that the law was " umpire" between king and
people '^. And the faxon kings took an oath at their en-
trance upon the government, " to maintain and rule ac-
cording to the laws of the land."
' Synodus Wigornienfis, In Coiicil. Brit. p. 106. torn. i.
* Minour, ch. i. f. 3.
' Rcliq. Spclman. p. 53, 54.
" Concil.'celcbre.Gratel. Sec. Concil. Brit. p. 318. torn. i.
" Pen's fele.fl works, vol, 3. Entiland's prelent Inrcrcrt co;U:dcrcd.
P 2 A toidcr
212 A!n' IM^^IRV r-NTO THR
A tender and facred regard was prefervid towards what-
ever related to life, liberty, and property. The Saxons
had juries". Alficd put one of his judges to death, for
pronouncing fentcncc, on a verdicl, (corruptly procured)
three ^^f tVic jury being in the negative. Anot! er of his
judges fu fibred death, for palling fentenee on a man upon
an ignoramus returned by the jurv : and a third alfo was
condemned to die, for having pafled fentcnce upon an in-
tjueft taken ex ofHcio. Andrew Home, indeed, tells us,
that Aihed caufcd no lefs than forty-four juflices to be
hanged in one year, as murderous, for their falfe judg-
ment y.
It was a law of Alfred's, " That if a man fliouid iirt-
prifm his vafTal or bondman, his purgation fhould not bo
lefs than the payment of tert fliillings ;" a fum exceeding
ten pounds' of modern money. Indeed, imprifonmcnt was
pra61:ifed very little among the faxons. " In a common
prifon," fays Andrew Home, " none ought to be put,
if he be not attainted of an offence, that requireth death''."'
And the fame author tells us, that all unjulT: imprifonment
was reckoned manflarghter : he alfo adds, " Into the
offence of manflaughter fall all thofe, by whom a man
tlveth in prifon, aivl that may be, either by the judge,
who delayeth to do juflicc, or by durenefs of the keepers,
or bv other unjuftifiable methods ''." Debts, and damages,
were recovered by receiving their equal value in goods, or
clfe in money ; and if payment was not then made, the
land alfo was extended; and lafl: of all, if full fatisfa6lion
» Nicholfon. Praf. ad le^^es anglo-Ux. Wilkin":, p. o, lo, ii. Spclnian.
Gloir. Jcvuata.
)" Their iiamis anJ crimes arc i>rcfervcil irj iIk Mirrovir, th. 5. f. I.
• CVl. I. f. I,, p. 21).
'*■ p. 30. ut I'up.
was
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 213
was not made, the defendant's arms were feized, and he
himfeif was thrown on the benevolence of his friends for
fupport. But no perfon could be Imprifoned for debt ''.
The fame tender regard was maintained towards property ;
and, indeed, '* from the conllitutions of the ancient kings"
preferved in the aforefald autlior of the Mirrour, a book
written in Edward the firft's reign, it is manifefl, that they
were dire6led to an impartial adminiflration of juftice, and
a free enjoyment of property ; and though fome allow-
ances will be made for the harfh terms of the tenures of
thjofe times'^, yet the great fundamentals of the englifti
government were preferved.
Nor were thole grounds and rules of britifh liberty de-
iftroyed by the norman duke ; of whom it may be faid, that
as he rather altered, than created the military tenures, fo
he rather made fome additions to the edifice, than removed
the bafis of our couftitution. Indeed, the ftrength of the
nation was not fo exhaufted at the battle of HaflingSj that the
people fhould have been eager to receive a conqueror on his
own terms. They chofe, as Milton expreiles it, to accept
of a king, rather than to be under a conqueror and ty-
raat. They accordingly fwore to him to be his liegemen,
and he fwore to them at the altar, to carry himfeif towards
them as a " good king ought to do, in ail refpecls." He
afterwards broke his word ; when the englifli, tenacious of
'' Mirrcur, ch. 5. f. z.
« Sir Heiiry Spelman, indeed, has written an elaborate treatifc- to Ihew, loat
feudal tenures were unknovsTi in England till the conqueft. Ou Feuds and Ten.
Keliq. Spelman. It is, however, to be noted, that not only the term fees, qr
feuds, but the fervices alfo peculiar to tenures, occur throughout the Mirrour,
c. I. f. 3. And it is remarkable that Spelman never once takes notice of th-
Mirrour. What hf. fays on this fubjctt, is, I think, to be taken, as a IcanvJ
antiquarian hath obfcrved, cum fali.; granulo. Nichoifoni Praef. <»d leges ^nglj-
fax. Wilkins, p. 6.
P ^ chcir
214 AX INQUIRY IKTO THE
their chara6ler, flew to arms : and the king was obliged to
renew his oath on the holy evangelifls, that he would go-
vern them according to the ancient laws of England. If
he, therefore, opprefied the nation afterwards, he did it,
as Mihon cxpreffcs it, by right of perjury, not of conqucft.
And, that he himfelf admitted this claim of englifh liberty,
' js apparent from thefe words at his death ; "I appoint no
man," faid he, " to inherit the kingdom of England''."
And, indeed, that very learned antiquarian, Sir H. Spelman,
gives us a very different account of that proud title, con-
queftor, from what has been given us by many writers.
'* William the firft," fays he^ " was not called the con-
queror, (conqueror) from fubduing, but from acquiring
England*"." Nor fhould it be pafTed unnoticed, that Wil-
liam himfelf did not claim the crown by right of conquefl,
but by teftamentary fucceffion : though conqueft, aided
by the countenance of the pope, and the fupport of the
englifli clergy, enabled him to confider his claim as better
founded, and more firmly fecured. The people were,
therefore, left in pofTelTion of their ancient laws, and a
right of trial by juries; and in regard to property, in one
of the firft laws made in his reign, after holding forth, that
*' the lands of the inhabitants of this kingdom were
granted to them in inheritance of the king, and by the
common council of the whole kingdom," it is added.
That they fliall hold their lands and tenements well or
quietly, and in peace, from all unjufl tax or talliage •".
'^ At Caen in Normandy. Miltoni Def. pi-o pop. ang. Sidney's difc. on gov.
ch. 3. f. 10.
* Guliclmus I. qui a conquircndo, hoc efl, acquirenJo Angliani, non a fuhi-
gcnJo, ut plcriquc ccnfcnt, didus eft Con^uellor, &i;. ClolT. Aich. Parlia-
mentum, p. 450.
i LI, Gulitlm. 55. Wilkins.
So
KATURK OK SUBSCRIPTION. 21^
So that thcfe fundamental maxims of englifh law were
provided for, in the norman fettlement.
Notwithibnding, however, what I have faid above, cer-
tain it is, t'nat many grofs particles were at this period
forced into tlie political fabric. And though William
might relinqullli the claim of conqucft, for one more
fafe and more honourable, and though the englifh law was
certainly interwoven with the porman, and made a con-
dition of fovereignty, yet fome original notion of con-
qucft feems to have been implied under it. William
it was, who made 'feudal tenures general, and, agree-
ably to feudal language, became the proprietary, the
LORD paramount of all the property in England °. The
whole nation held under him by fervices, which implied
fome original claim in him, and the forms of legal proce-
dure, fome of which ilill remain, breathe a language, in-
confiftent with tlie full claims of libeity. If it be faid,
they are mere forms, it mufl: alfo be faid, that forms imply
principles. The moft material point to be confidered, is,
that the ertablilTiment of the faxon laws was made a condi-
tion in the government, though in terms, it muft be con-
feffed, fome what degrading''. Milton, and other political
writers, have been too backward in making thefe ac-
knowledgments.
The title and character of lord paramount were not a little
flattering to king John ; who, prefuming on them, ventured
to concede the wh.ole kingdom to the pope. He was,
however, forced from his encroachment by his barons, and
brought back to the ancient ftandard at the famous con-
grels at Runningmedc. On the articles of agreement there "
formed, the great charter of England was founded ; which
was amended in the infancy of Henry the third, and, after
t Spelmanni GlofT. h LI. Anglo-fax. Wilkins.
P 4 having
2l6 AX IKQUIRY INTO THE
having efcaped many dangers, received the fapport of his
maturer age : till, at length it found a final eftabliJhment
in the reign of Edward the firft. And fo expreflive of the
genuine principles of the englifli conftitution, and fo eflcn-
tial to the happinefs of their pofterity, was this venerable
charter deemed by our anceftors, that it has been ratified by
no lefs than thirty-two acSts of parliament '.
Thefe fundamentals are the bafis of the great charter it-
felf : and in the fame manner, as the latter exified, prior
to ** the declaration of rights," fo thefe grounds of britiih
law were laid, antecedent to the eftablifhment of magna
charta itfelf. And of thefe fundamentals and their fubfe-
quent enlargement at Runningmede, it may, without of-
fering violence to truth, be faid, that they refpe61: not
articles of faith, nor forms of worfliip, but civil privi-
/ leges only; and that the liberties of the church are no
further concerned in either than as they refpedl their
temporalities'^.
From what has been faid, it will follow, that thefe fun^
damentals of englifh law cannot conftitutionally be removed.
Not by the king in his fingle capacity : for, as he receives
his crown under a (lipulation, to rule by the laws of the
land, fo, neither can he, individually, ena6l a new law.
Not by the clergy, in their ecclefiaftical capacity ; for, as
they a6l by delegation from the crown, their power cannot
exceed their commiffion ; and a power which the crown
polTefles not itfelf, it cannot give in truft: to others. And
further flill, not even by the parliament, in their legiflative
capacity : for, notwithftanding what is faid of the tran-
fcendcnt and abfolute powers, of the " omnipotence" of
parliament, " of its making and unmaking law," and the
like, yet a conflitution is even here fuppofcd. For though
' Blackftonc's Inrrod. to m.ig. char. Law Tradls.
'' Fiogland's prefeni inrcrell confiJcred. Pcn'i fclctft works, vol. 3.
fubfcqucnt
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 217
fubfequent ftatutes may repeal preceding ftatutes, yet
where a conftitutioii really exifts, though a nation may
deftroy it, yet a parliament cannot '. The powers of par-
liament are but a truft. But, the rights, about which
thefe fundamentals are concerned, are, in their very na-
ture, abfolute and inalienable. For, as the fupreme power
can take no part of the people's property, without their
confent, fo there are fome parts "', which even the peo-
ple themfclves cannot give in truft to a certain degree.
Life, and liberty, if I may fo fpeak, are nature's great
property, which the being, under whom we hold, gives
\is not leave to aliene. Indeed, the real defigns of con-
ftitutions have the fame relation to fubfequent declarations
by legiflative a6ls, which the fundamental maxims of the
law of nature have to laws in general, that is, they arc
their rules and grounds. I here fuppofe we have a
conflitution.
Judge Blackftone, certainly, appears to me to have
fpoken too generally in faying, the parliament can change
and create anew, the conflitution of the kingdom. It may
do many things, indeed, which are "beyond the ufual
courfe of the law, it may regulate and new model the
fucceflion to the crown ; it may alter the eftablifhcd reli-
gion ; it may change the prefent forms of adminiftration ;
it may, I venture to fay, deftroy monarchy : but for
the reafons figned above, it cannot remove thofe funda-
mental maxims, or firft principles, and, therefor^, what
he adds afterwards, is liable to objc6lion. " It can, in
^ See Mr. Painc's Rights of Man, Part fccond.
"> By the term property here, and in foinc other places, the reader will ob-
ferve, I do not mean fimply cflatc, but apply it in the njore general fcnie.
For property will refpeft life, reputation, dlite, liberty, and confcience ; in
jhort, whatever is juftly and properly my own. In thii fcnfe Mr. Locke fre-
quently ufes the term.
3 Hiort,
128 AN INQTJIRY INTO THE
IhoTt, do every thing," fays he, " that is not naturally
JmpciTihlc." It is jiaturally polTible for it to eflabliih
ilavery into law : and fuppofe the legiflature itfclf to be fo
corrupt (and what hath happened may happen again) as to
ena6l aiiy thing contrary to the firfl principles of liberty.
The learned writer tells us, that wliat they do, " no
power on earth can undo "." Here then appears the great
aiTed in the
13th year of the reign of queen Elizabeth, of famous me-
mory, entitled, an ad for the minifters of the church of
I'Lngland to be of foui^d religion ; and alfo another ad
rnade in the 13th year of the late king Charles the fecond,
entitled an ad for the uniformity of public prayers and ad-
miniftration of facraments, and other rites and ceremonies,
ar.d tor eftablilliing tlic form of making, ordaining, and
confccrating biihops, priclts, and deacons, in the church
•> Elackllonc's Comment, vol. i. p. 98. 410 edic
of
HAttkt OF SUBSCklPTTON. i^f
•f England, (other than fuch claufes in the faid a£ls, or
either of them, as have been repealed by any fubfequent
adl or adls of parliament, ) and all and fmgular other a£ts
of parliament now in force, for the eftablifhment and pre-
fervation of the church of England, and the dodtrine, wor-
ihip, difcipline, and government thereof fhall remain, and-
be in full force for ever." And every king of Great Bri-
tain, on his acceflion to the crown, takes an oath at his
coronation " to maintain and prcferve inviolably the aforc-
faid fettlement both in Scotland and England."
Now as the two a6ls, infetted in the a6l of union are
two feparate a;5ls, made in favour of the two focieties, be-
fore the union ; and as the origin of them proceeded from
dangers which one church apprehended from the encroach-
ments of the Other, it is evident, they are recited to re-
move thofe apprehenlions, and as a fecurity againft mu-
tual encroachments. So that the two churches, at the
time of uniting were irt a ftate of independence on each
other, already in pofleffion of mutual privileges. Their
end, therefore, in uniting, was not on the one hand to
form a *' foedus inasquale," that is, to give one a pre-emi-
nence over the other, nor, on the other, to make an incor-
porate union; this would have made the two churches
eoalefce into one. It was fl;ri6lly " foedus sequale," that
is, an equal alliance, by which each church or nation
retained its peculiar privileges, but guarded againft the
others encroachments.
Now as the learned commentator on the laws of England
has frequently admitted, that the parliament may alter the^
eftabliflied religion, the forms and doftrines of either
church may be changed, with its own confent, without
endangering the union. For the parliament, in the pre-
fent cafe, is agent or guardian for tlie two churches.
0,2 The
228 AN IKQUIRV- INTO THE
The two nations, therefore, and not the two parlia-
ments, being the contra£ling parties, and the parhament
executing either an exprefs or an implied truil: ', either
nation might alter its own church, without trefpafling
on the liberties of the other: being capable, eonftitution-
ally, of receding from that part of the ftipulation made
in its own favour, (agreeably to the nature of all ]xi(5la
conventiJ, or treaty unions j) though even proclaimed to
he immutable ''.
And, indeed, fmce the union, two a6^s of tlie fcotch
parliament, have been either altered or repealed, by an
a6l of parliament in England, and yet the union itfelf
not afi"e6led. The a6ts alluded to, were, one which ex-
pofed perfons excommunicated by the church judicato-
ries in Scotland to civil pains and difabilities ; the other,
entitled, " an a£t againll irregular baptifms, and marri-
ages:" in confequence of which engliih a6l of parlia-
ment, the epifcopal diffenters received a complete tole-
ration in Scotland, and were admitted to a free participa-
tion of all civil and military offices.
And further ftill, the ai£l of union hath a6i:ually been
violated, and yet the union not thereby diffolvcd. 1 al-
lude to the act of patronage, which took the right of
prefentation from the " heretors and elders of the refpcc-
tive pariflies," and aflually reftored them to the j^a-
troiis of the livings; which 1 will be free to call a moll
confidcrable infringement on the atSt of union, and an
important advance on the province of a churcli. lor a
right of patronage to livings appears to me next in import-
ance to that of making miniilers to occupy them. Now»
1 fay, this act muft be conhdercd as a violation of the a»5l
' S«c ^'^Jrn►•au.\'3 I.ftteri to Judge Blackllyie, let. v p. 149. ;J f Jit.
^ij Aniic, i.;'p. 7.
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 229
of union"; for it is well known the adt of patronage pafTed
againft the prevailing wifhes of the fcotcli nation'. Yet
even this adl has not endangered the union.
Reafonings, fimilar to thefe, may he applied even to the
coronation oath itfelf ; by which every king of great Bri-
tain, on his accefljon to the crown, is bound to maintain
and preferve inviolably, the eftabliihed religion.
And, as the prefent forms and do6lrines of our efta-
blifliment, fo, alfo, its very genius, might be altered,
witliout any encroachment on the union, or injury to the
conftitution. Indeed, an alteration or removal of the efta-
blirtiment, would tend to remove fome grofs defedls from
our civil inftitutioas. On the ground of political expe-
dience, it is, certainly, a very defe(9;ive and partial fyftem :
and it mufl be a flrange degree of prejudice, which could
incline a chriflian and an Englifliman to call it, the moft
perfedt of all chriflian efrablifliments "'. Nay, I will ven-
ture to add, that the alliance betw^een church and ftate of
England, might be entirely dilTolved, and yet the union
between England and Scotland kept facred and inviolate :
the laws which relate to the church are fo many a6i:s of
parliament, which are not derogatory from the power of
fubfequent parliaments.
And, however diftant the period, and however fafliion-
able it may be to treat thofe, as vifionaries, who are look-
ing towards it ; fully perfuaded I am, tl\at fuch a diflblu-
tion muft take place. For though I am not fo blind, on
the one liand, as not to perceive, that our prefent efta-
blifhment is a bleffmg, as a deliverance from papal tyranny,
neither am I, on the other, fo inattentive to its evils, as
not to believe, there is a flrength in the britifli confti-
' Se« Furncaux, ut fup. " Alliance, b. a. ch. 4.
0^3 tution,
230 AN INQTTIRY INTO THE
tution, which, when colle;it. p. 7.^.
frOiH
N'ATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. l^J
from obfcurity, to give it place and rank in the political
fyftem. ^
Nor do I think it improbable, that chriflianity exifted
\uientanglcd with civil government, even in that part of
this ifland, that was over-run with faxon faperftitions.
For it is not likely, that a religion of fo penetrating a na-
ture, on its retreat to the weft, fhould have left no trace
behind. Nor need the partial teftimonies of the monkifh
hiftorians furprife us, ever zealous to exaggerate the im-
portant fervices of the roman pontiff, and to give authority
to the miffiorj of the apoftle of England. Beda tells us,
that Bertha, the wife of king Ethelbert, was a chriftian.
_It is not improbable, therefore, that there were others of
the fame perfuafion^, even before Auftin arrived, who
came, indeed, foon after this period.
Such, too, was the fituation of thofe chriftians, who re-
tired into the weftern parts of the ifland from the faxon in-
vafions, and the nortliern parts, where the Saxon$ never
entered.
The following is tranflated from an ancient britifh ma-
nufcript by Sir Henry Spelman. It is the anfwer of the
brave abbot of Bangor to the haughty demand of the apoftle
of England,
< Erat autcm prope jpf.im civitatcm ad orientem ecclefia in honorcni fan£li
Martini anticjuituo fadla, dum adhuc Romanl Britanniam incolfrent, in q\ia regina,
^uam Chriilianam fuilTe praediximus, orare confuevcrat. Beda. lib. I. cap. 26.
Speaking before of Ethelbert, the fame hiftorian adds : Nam et antea fema ad
cum Chriftianae religlonis pervenerat, utpote quod et uxorem habebat Chriftianam
dc gente Franconim rcgia, nomine Bertham, quara ea condiiione a parentibiis
3ccepcrat, ut rituum fidei ac rcligionis fuac cum Epifcopo, qucm ci adivitorem fidei
di-dcrant nomine Luidharduni, inviolatam fervare liccntiam haberet. 1. i.e. 26.
See further on this fubjefl, Millar's hill, view of the eiv^. gov., p. 1. c. 5.
p. 105, J06. kc,
Q.4 *' Be
232 AN IKQIHRY INTO THE
»
*' Be it known, and without doubt unto you> that wc
all are, and every one of us, obedient and fubje£l to the
church of God, and to the pope of Rome, and to every
godly chriftian, to love every one in his degree, in per-
fe6l charity ; and to help every one of them by word and
deed to be children of God. And other obedience than
this I do not know, due to him, whom you name to be
pope, nor to be the father of fathers, to be claimed, and
to be demanded ; and this obedience, we are ready to give
and to pay to him and to every chriftian continually. Bcr
ildes, we are under the government of the bifhop of
Caerleon upon us, who is to overfee, under God, over us%
to caufe us to keep the way fpiritual."
Sir H. Spelman, after informing his reader, from what
ancient manufcript this was tranflated (which manufcript
he adds, was undoubtedly an imitation of one more ancient)
makes the following refle6lions.
" The abbot of Bangor, who gave tins anfwer to Auftin,
was, v/ithout doubt, that very famous Dionuthus, of
whom we nia4e mention in the laft notes. It is alfo ma-
nifpft, both from t]iis anfwer of liis, and from what was
related before by Beda himfelf, that the britifli church
ackn6wledged at this time r««H I. * ic. p. ly. JT^Ji
draining
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 235
draining force from the quality of thofc, who devlfe them,
but from that power, which doth give them the ftrength
of law*^." And that, wherever it is lodged, is the fu-
premc power. It is, therefore, part of this fyftem, that '•
the fupreme power may eflablifh fpeculative opinions of
relig-ion, forms of public worfhip, and plans of ecclc-
fiaftical difcipline ; and, as laws imply a conftraining force,
religion, confequently, is enforced by civil penalties. I
have nothing to do here, with rites and ceremonies, or
even chriftianity. But I affirm, that Mr. Hooker's fyftem
oppofes this fundamental maxim of all government, ^
'* Laws are the neceflary relations refulting from the na-
ture of things."
BilTiop Warburton has ftepped into the fupport of this
fyftem, by acknowledging, indeed, that the province of
the civil magiftrate is not properly the care of fouls, but
of bodies ; and, confequently, that he has no right to in-
terfere with religion, (with an exception to the three fun-
damental maxims of natural religion) as a matter of truth,
but of utility; and that if it concern itfclf with truth,
it is only incidentally, by virtue of the alliance. This
was an ingenious device. The only misfortune was, that
bifhop Warburton's fyftem went one way, and fact$
went another. For, Who does not know, that trutH
was the great point, towards which the genius of legifla-
tors was directed in the fixteenth century, and encourage4
chriftian ftates to unite in harmonies, and confessions
of faith ? Equally ingenious was the diftinilion, between
punishments and restraints. It is, as if the law
ftiould fay, I do not harrafs you, as one, who hathj,
actually, committed murder ; but as one, who may, prq-
{ Ut fup.
3 bably,
^^6 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
bably, pull down the fteeple. Will a fufleicr pcrccivo
the diflindion ?
Fa6ls, too, are not much more favourable to the notioa
of the learned archdeacon of Carlifle, who t; lis us, the
intention of the legiflature in inipofing fubfcnption to ar-
ticles, was merely to exclude from the government the
PAPIST, the ANABAPTIST, and the puritan s„ Why,
tlien, were free-willers haraffed? And why were arian§
and focinians put to death ?
Mr. Hooker's fyftem, which allows civil magiftracy the
power " of making laws, yea laws concerning the moil
' spiritual affairs of the church^," leaves the objedlion,
which I have flarted, in all its force.
This fundamental error in the " ecclefiaftical polity"
fonfifls in confounding the nature of law. The next i^
conncded with this, and relates to the adminiftration of
law; aflfigning to thofe called "the laity" ecclefwflical
. jurifdidtion, and to thofe called " fpirituql men," a jurif-
di6\ion properly civil.
Were this the proper place, I would obfcrve, that Air.
Hooker in marking out the limits of the fpiritual jurifdic-
tion of the church, hath afligned it, I think, too extcnfive
and awful a province. I /liculd hold myfelf bound to
ftand aloof from every fociety in the univprfe, fooner than
■' how to a spiritual tr^buna;. ' ; I would humble myfelf
in folitude and filcnce before the great being; I would
feek forgivenefs and conflation from my Maker in the
pathlefs wade. But I muft not enter on remarks of this
kind.
» Set Paley's Principles gf moral .-uid political Fh'lofopliy, b. 3. di. zz. p. 219.
7tli ccjit. On Subfcription fo Articles.
•> Book tlic Sth. Ci'the Authority of making Law;., p. 42S. 1723.
But,
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 23*^
But, Does there not arife a ftrange confufion of cha-
hiclers, on fuppofing a prifoner put to the bar, and on
hearing a civil judge gravely afk, Are there three hypoftafes
HI the divine nature, or one ? And on hearing a spiritual
man fay. Let the prifoner be taken to Newgate ?
Mr. Hooker has paflTed high encomiums on thofe ** re-
verend, religious, and facred confultations. Which are
termed general councils." But Hooker Was too good
i man, not to dirtinguifh the times and pradlices of the
primitive chriflians, from thofe, *' when pride, ambition,
and tyranny began, by fatlious and vile endeavours, to
abufe that divine intention unto the furtherance of wicked
pra6liccs ''."
This diftin<5lion was not made without reafoil. For,
were I difpofed to exhibit all the human paffions of the
vicious kind, in their full growth; were I inclined to
riFord infidels a fmile ; to cover with fhame the face of
the chriftian world, and to ftamp eternal infamy on the
chriflian name, I would only wifh the attention of na-
tions called to the proceedings of the four firft general coun-
cils : I would only wiih to have read aloud to mankind his
epiftle to the churches, who firft eftablifhed chriftianity by
law ; beginning with a determination " to prcferve one \
faith, and fuicere charity in the catholic church," and
ending with an order, " that if any perfons fhould be
found to conceal any book written by Arius, and fhould
not burn it, he himfelf fliould be put to death'."
From what fource have the moft violent evils flowed in
upon chriftendom? From a perverfion of this text, '* If
^ Book I. 10.
' Epift. Couftantini Magni, dc iinaninii Paftiutis Obfervatione. Ex Nicopher.
lib. 8. c. 25. Spelman.
he
!23$ AN INQUIRY INTO THfe
he neglc6l to hear the church, let him be unto thcc, ds
an heathen man and publican." Hence, i'aints got into
the judgment feat, but princes were firft to determine who
were faints. Jefus taught good politics, as well as good
morality . Who made me a ruler or a judge ?
Hitherto I have conlidered the nature, and the
ADMINISTRATION of laws. It remains, to confider the
AUTHORITY, that makes them-.
All free ftates are governed by their own laws. Mr.
Hooker, than whom few better underftood the nature of
civil government, necefiarily admitting this fundamental
maxim, was, therefore, obliged to maintain, " that the
church and commonwealth are not too independent focic-
lies ; that tlie church of England, and the people of Eng-
land, are the fame body ; tliere not being any man of tlie
church of England, but the fame man is alfo a member of
the commonwealth; nor any member of the common-
wealth, which is not alfo of the church of England"".'*
Thefe remarks 'prepare the way for what he fays after-
wards, " Our laws made concerning religion, do take origi-
nally their eflence from the power of the whole realm and
church of England."
That the church and commonwealth are not two inde-
pendent focieties, is certainly true, notwithftanding all the
flourifliing affertions of bilhop Warburton : and yet, that
the church, properly fo called, makes no part of the legif-
lative, I have already ihewn.
But if this pofxtion, " the church of England, and the
/ people of England" are the fame people, is accurate, rae-
thinks it was fomewhat curious to fee one, or two biihops at
mol\, ading under the authority of a good and fenliblc little
"> Eci-lrC Pol. W. 8. p. 407.
boy,
NATWRB OF StBSCRl'StlOK. 239
hoy ", ** devisimg" at hsaft, what was to bind the whole
nation; and king James, aftually " giving his caaions
the FORCE of LAW."
But is the pofition itfelf accurate ? "It may be remem-
bered, then, that at firfl:, the greateft part of the learned
in the land were either eagerly affefted, or favourably in-
clined the other way °." And were the judgment of the
moft learned rnen in the land to be now taken, refpe<9:ing
the forms, the dcftrine, and the dlfcipline of the church,
what would be their judgment ? I fuppofe preferments out
of the queftion. It would not be for *' the discipline."
True. But, Would it be for the prefent forms, and doc-
trines, and difcipline of the church ?
But further, no fooner was our prefent regimen deno-
minated the church of England, than fome of the people
of England diflented from it. The pofition, therefore,
was far from being ftriftly true, when Mr. Hooker wrote.
And it is, certainly, lefe fo now. If this were the cafe,
there fhould not be a jew, a catholic, or a diflenter in the
land. But, happily for the britifh government, there arc-
many of all defcriptions. Diflenters are very numerous ;
and, as they now have a title in law p, it would not be
accurate to fay, the church of England and the people of
England are the fame people. Making, however, fomc '
allowances for the too high powers, which Mr. Hooker
afllgns to the fupremacy, this fyftem maintains, " the par-«.
llament of England hath competent authority to define
and determine the churches affairs "i.'*
■ Edward the 6tli.
" George Cranmer's I,e?tcr to Mr, Hooker, affixed to Hooker's Life.
P Furneaux's Letters to Judge BJacklbne. Lcfter I, And Lord M;>nsfield'j
Speech in the houfc of lords, at the end.
< EccleC Pol. b. 8.
To
240 A^f INQUIRY INTO THE '
To which I think it fufficient to reply, the legiflatur(?>
whofe laws prote6l all men in their religious liberties, has
done its duty, and confulted its own fafety.
But the laws, which the legiflature have framed relative
to religion, are about matters indifferent'. This reflec-
tion is not quite confident with what Mr, Hooker fays
elfewhere. But not to infifl: on this, I reply, Let thefe
matters then be left indifferent; dont make laws about
tliem.
But wise men are more likely to place indifferent mat-
ters in their proper place. Perhaps not. And for this rea-
fon, Becaufe they are wife men. For wife men err, when
they make their own capacities a ftandard for the people*
The people are then over-rated. Wife men alfo err, when
they treat the people as the vulgar* They are fure then to
be under-rated.
But, How are the people thein capable of adjufting thefe
indifferent things? Since Mr. Hooker wrote, at the very
time I am writing, the people have given proof, that they
are capable of doing it. Shew me a fociety, aflembled
under this convidlion, that the deity ought to be worshipped,
and I will fhew you one capable of finding out, how he
ought to be vv'orfhipped.
I have nothing to do liere with the queftions rcfpc6ling
laws changeable, and unchangeable % lay-elders, and bi-
ihops% the fubordinate headfliip of the kings of England,
and the fupreme lieadlhip of the chrillian legiflator ", I
only fearch for what is conformable to the welfare of fo-
ciety, and of the englifh government.
Thefe remarks, therefore, relate to the principles, on
which the fyftem of eccleliaftical polity is raifcd : and from
' Book 3. ■ b. 6. « b. 7. " b. 8.
the
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 24!
the following confideratlons I incline to think, I am not
Very wide of the truth. Mr. Locke was a great admirer of ''
Hooker : and thofe who have read the Effays on ecclefia-
ftical polity, and civil government, will recolle6l, that
many liberal maxims of Mr. Hooker's are adopted by
Mr, Locke, and are, indeed, interwoven in the texture
of his argument. The judicious churchman is frequently
quoted, as authority, by the incomparable politician. And
the latter has given us one of the bell treatifes on civil go-
vernment, that had then been prefented to the world.
But confider the fame Locke on a fubjedl nearly akin to
the ecclefiaftical polity ; I allude to his lettei"3 on tolera-
tion. Did ever two performances differ more in their con- •*
cluflons than thefe celebrated produ6lions ? One confounds
things, which ought to have been kept diftinft : the other
keeps the diftin6lion accurate and clear. Hooker was an
excellent man, but engaged in the fervice of a fyftem,
which he defended, I doubt not, from convidion. The ^
immortal Locke had no fyflem. He was not a divine ; but
an inquirer after truth ^.
Mr. Hooker was both a divine and a politician : bifhop ^
Warburton was a mere politician : and if felf-fufficiency
and arrogance tarnifli the luflre of charadlers, the latter is
not entitled to that rcfpe£l, which candour delights to pay
the former amidft all his miftakes. This praife, however,
is due to the fyftem of alliance, that, in laying claim
to the principles of liberty, it. impeaches the credit of
ECCLESIASTICAL POLITY. I, alfo, am, hetc, a mere
* Primo homines, ut tuto ac libcre fine vi atque injuriis vitam agcrent, con-
venere in civitatem, ut fanile et religiofe, "in ecclesiam : ilia leges, haec
difciplinam habet fuam, plane djvebsam. Hinc toto orbe Chriftiano per tot
annos bellura ex bello feritur, quod magistratus et ecclesia inter fc
OFFiciA confundvnt. Miltoni Def. pro pop. Angl. Picf.
R politician ;
242 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
politician ; and as two politicians feldom agree, T fhall ex-
pofe a few of the manceiivres of my brother of the craft,
without any ceremony.
I SAY then, that the notion of the church's indepen-
dence is built on a weak foundation, and that the alli-
ance is a " mere fidtion." That " chrlftianity is per-
fedlly free, and independent of the llate "," is granted.
But that the church of England hath, or ought to have,
fuch an independence, as the author of the alliance con-
tends for, will be denied.
For, let it be obfei'ved, that at the very time the roman
pontiff exercifcd fupremacy over England, the flate had a
right to authority over all perfons, a claim antecedent to any
ecclcfinflical conceffions ; a claim rifmg out of that prin-
ciple by which all civil Lnftitutions were originally ce-
mented. And as to the church's refigni ng " the firfi:
great bsanch" of her independence, " that no ecclefiaftic
of the eflabliflied church fhould exercife his fun6lion with-
out the magifcrate's approbation and allowance >'," this
was, furely, no fuch inftance of chriftian humility. For,
What was it, but to give the ftate, what it had a right to
before ? The revenues of the church were originally the.
flate's donation: the ftate, therefore, had an indifputablc
ripht to the appointment of church offices, prior to the
era from whence our author dates his alliance, viz. the
reformation ^. The church, confequently, had no right
to
4
" Book ■Z. eh. 4. p. 145.
>' B. 2. ch. 3. p. 1 31. I obferve once for all, that the edition of the Alliance,
that 1 quote, is that of bifhop Hurd's, in the fourth vol. of Warburton's works.
2 35 Edw. I. 25 Edw. III. St:it\ite of Provifors. To fay, as Mr. Burke, that
the edatcs of the clergy arc " private property," (Rcflc(f\ions on the french revo-
lution, p. 150. ift cJ.) is to confound the tha»a There had been in the early part of our hiftory warm difputes between the
papacy and the kings of England concerning their refpeilive privileges. The en-
croachments of the former had been enormovis. From the days of Edward the Ift,
therefore, many ftatutcs had been made, to confine its exadlions within fome rea-
fonable bounds. Thefe ftatutes related to inveftitures, receiving appeals to Rome,
and fending legates to England : and by 16 Rich. 2. cap. 5. it was enadted, " that
if any did purchafe tranflations, bulls, or other inftruments from the court of
Rome, againft the king, or his crown, or whofoever brought them to Englar>d,
or did revive, or execute them, they were out of the king's prote(5lion, and that
they fliould forfeit their goods and chatties to the king, and their perfons fhould
be imprifoncd." The proceedings being on a writ, the principal words of which
were praemunire fades, the aforefaid ftatute was called the ftatute of praemunire.
Thefe ftatutcs, though in force, had been frequently fufFered to lie dormant.
Henry the Sth refolved to have them put in execution, and brought all the clergy
under a praemunire. But the king on " a reafonable compofition, and full fub-
jeftion," agreed to pardon them.
Accordingly in a convocation held at Canterbury (anno 1531.) it was agreed to
acknowledge the king protcftor and fuprcme head of the church of England. And
in the petition, " the clergy prayed the king to accept ioo,oool. in lieu of all
punifhments, which they had incurred, by going againft the ftatutes of provifors,
and did promife for the future neither to make, nor execute any conftitution with-
out the king's licence; upon which he granted them a general pardon : and the
convocation of the province of York offering 1S84CI. with another fubmiflion of
the fame nature afterwards, though that met with more oppofition, they were
pardoned." Burnet's Hift. of the Reformation, part i. b. 2. p. 1 1 3. 2d edit. Under
rhefc humbling circvimftances, then, the clergy took the oath of fupremacy ;
though the fupremacy itfclf was not fettled till three years afterwards, viz. anno
1534. To ffcak of the c!erg\' now as an independent clergy, as Mr. Burke has
done,
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 245
Befides, confidei-ing the church of England as a chriflian
church, fhe had not the powers, of which her " inde-
pendence was the confequencc," even on the principles of
our church-ftatefman himfelf. For though he admits with
Hooker, that church discipline is changeable, this mufl
be underftood with fome degree of limitation, his fyftem
obliging him to adinit, that baptifm and the Lord's fupper
are fixed. He alfa grants that the doctrine of Chrift is
" unalterable =." On the .principles of Warburton, there-
fore, the church had not the powers of forming " a free
convention." She could not part with her independence.
Lord Bolingbroke, indeed, has fomewhat miilated War-
burton's argument ; he has, however, forced out this
acknowledgment from the bifhop, " that a chriflian
church is debarred from entering into any fuch alliance
with the ftate, as may admit any legiflator in Chrift's
kingdom but himfelf, (that is, a power in the magiftrate
to ALTER doctrines) but no fuch power, adds he, is
granted or ufurped by the fupremacy of the ftate (which
extends only to discipline ''), tlie unalterable part of the
law of Chrift being its do6lrine." Whether die dodrines \
have not been altered, will be the fubjedl of a future in-
quiry ; if they have, both parties have exceeded their
powers, by *' the compa6l."
To the queftion. Where this charter, or treaty of con-
vention for the union of the two focieties is to be found?
The bifhop thought it fufficientto anfwer, " In the fume
archive with the famous original contradl between mar^if-
done, (Refleaions on the french revolution,) is lefs confiftent with truth, than even
the notion of bilhop Warburton. Indeed Warburton himfelf has confuted this
notion of Mr. Burke.
• c Poftfcript to the 4th edit. p. 300.
* Vt fup.
R 3 trate
246 AN IKQtTIRY INTO THK
trate and people, fo mucli infifted on in the common rights
of mankind''." But I am not fatisHed with this anfwer.
For the " original compadl is the only legitimate founda-
tion of civil fociety." Nor is it ncceflary to infill: on the
conftitutions of the american ftates, or on the declarations
of rights in France ; as though no other examples of a con-
trail could be produced. There was an exprefs contra6t
between the Gileadites and Jephthah before the Lord, and
all Ifrael followed them. The grecian ftates had a con-
tract : and even the officer among the Romans, whofe
power was the moft extenfivc, I mean the didlator, was
bound by a condition, ne quid detrimenti refpublica capiat,
that the commonwealth fliould receive no injury. Livii hift.
In the coronation oath, as Blackftone accurately obferves,
there is a fundaniental and exprefs contraft, the principal
articles of which appear to be at.leaft as ancient as *' the
Mirrour of Juftices, and even as the time of Bradlon."
Blackftone's Comment, vol. i. p. 228, 229. 410 edit.
Mirrour of Juft. c. i. Bradlon, 1. i. tr. i. c. g. He
might have produced his examples from the firft faxon
kings, and even, as I have already fhewn, from the duke
of Normandy. See Cone. Brit. Spelman. So that it is
the bafis of the britifh government, and the very language
of our conftitution fpeaks out, what the do6trine of an
original contrafl implies. " Something like it," fays the
bilhop, " we fay of our alliance." Things that appear
very much alike at a diftance, are fometimes widely dif-
ferent, as wq approach them. Now this I fay of our al-
liance. It has not only never been formed, it is not
even implied; the very notion is unnatural ; it is not only
i\ mere fiCllon, but attempts to realize it, have pro-
» Book 2. p. 140,
tiuced
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 247
duceci pra»5lices unjull: and unconflitutlonal. For let it
be noted.
That the ftate ftipulaied, as an article of the alliance,
that the adniiniflration of public offices fliould be appro-
priated to the church, to the exclufion of the reft of the
community ^ " Thefe, it feems, were to be confidcred
as a rew?.rd for her fervices," and as a " protedlion againft
her enemies." Now this I fay is difgraceful, unjuft, un-
conftitutional ; moreover, what is worfe ftill for this poli-
tical fvftem, trifling and inefTeitive : and, to borrow a little
warburtonian felf-fufficiency, the do6lrine itfelf is falfe.
For this was no condition in the original alliance, as he
calls it, it was hedged in a century after the famous alliance
was formed ; even when the teft law was framed ; of
which more hereafter.
" Reward," fays bifliop Warburton, " is not one of the
functions of civil fociety^." This pofition is defigned to
prepare the way for the expediency ot a teft law, excluding
difienters from places and offices. But I obferve a little ma-
nagernent with the word " reward." I diftinguifli betweea
reward and a capacity for receiving it. Every good citizen
is capable of this : a good government alfo is capable of
enforcing it, becaufe it can diflinguifli the obje6ts of its
favour. The law ought not to fay, " Are you a good
man?" Are you a good chriftian? Here I acknowledge
the " motive" fhould be known. The queftion, there-
fore, belongs to a higher tribunal. But civil government
can determine this queftion, Are you a good citizen ? For
the " motive" need not be known. A " judicial" deter-
mination, therefore, is not neceffary ^. Nor is civil fociety
difcharged of its debt, when it hath afforded mere protec-
^ Jec b. 3. ch. 2. * B. i. cii. 3, '■ B. i. p, 31, 32.
R 4 {ioq,
248 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
tion. For while one party poffeffes all public offices, and
the reft are excluded from adminiftration, the fervices of
the former muft be paid out of a tax levelled on the latter.
All parties contribute to raife the fund, and one only re-
ceives out of it. Society, therefore, is in arrears w^ith the
diiTehters.
I obferve a little management, alfo, with the word
SOCIETY. It was expedient for the bifliop to prepare his
reader for this whimfical difcovery, that chriftianity formed
a political fociety. It was, therefore, neceffary to lay
down this previous maxim, *' That religion conftitutes a
fociety:" he, accordingly, attacks with vigour the notion,
^' that religion is a kind of divine philofophy in the mind,'*
and goes fword in hand equally among " the philofophers,"
and the " fc6laries'." We allow great geniufes to a61:,
now and then, the knight of la Mancha, as doth here our
renowned church-ftatefman. For moft of the philofophers
have been advocates for what he calls policied focieties, for
the vulgar; though averfe to their ihackles themfelves,
from a convi6lion that " they are founded in error and
lies." And fome think, that the fecaaries have been zea-
lous for religious focieties, even to the extreme. Even
that " wife fc6l" (as the fneering Warburton calls the
quakers) admit fociety into their religion, as our author
himfclf hath exemplified in the cafe of Mr. Pen, and
Mr. Barclay : I alfo add, that they are a living example of
' the fairhood of his aflertion, *' That the quaker aboliflies
the very being of a church"^," for I admit Mr, Locke's
definition of a church, in preference to any thing, that the
author of the alliance lays down, viz. " It is a free fociety
pf men afTembling of their own accord, to pay public
'B. I, 2. I'B. 1. p. 36.
woriliip
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 24^
worfhip to God, in that manner, which they believe to be
acceptable to the deity, and tending to promote their fal-
vation." But the fedlaries are not " proper focieties,"
that is, as he elfewhere fpeaks, *' policied focieties," or
*' political focieties." This, I confefs, is true. And no
remark is more true, than that of Rouffeau's, " The
chriftian religion is, at bottom, more hurtful than bene-
iicial, to the firm conftitution of the ftate ;" fubflituting
only for the chriftian religion, the chriftian priefthoo^,
jthat is, political religion.
CHAP. VIII.
OTHER OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. REMARKS OK
MR. PALEY, AND OTHERS.
Being one of the " fanatic rabl^le ^" who with coolnefs
enough to examine our eftablifliment, have heat enough to
defpife it, I am forry my limits do not allow me to confider
more at large the arguments of this polite writer. I proceed
to colle£l together as concifely as poflible other reafons for
our prefent eftablifhment, and fome reafons againft it.
It is faid, then, that the ftate of fociety is weak, and
folicits the fupport of religion ; that religion is expofed to
injury, and requires the prote6lion of the ftate ^ : hence is
inferred the neceflity of an union : civil and ecclefiaftical
polity too, though rifmg from different foundations, are
» Pollfcript to the 4tli edit, of the Alliance.
'' Alliance, b. i. ch. 3.
fai4
250 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
faid to meet in a center, and to form the ftrong arch of
government '^ : that the civil magiftrate may choofc his reli-
gion, as well as Individuals : that the ftate hath a right of
private judgment : that all religions are conflitutional and
le"^al, that are appointed by the ftate *• : that chriftian em-
perors over-ruled religion : that the kings of England had
an ancient claim on the fupremacy " : and that the jewifh
polity illuib-ates the propriety, and confinps the excellency
of our ecclefiallical conftitution ; it being " by pattern of
that example, that ccclefiaftical caufes are by our laws an-
nexed to the crown *^;" and that the excellence of our
englifli cftablilhment is, that while it confines civil offices
and employments to its own members for fecurity, it gives
a free toleration to the reft ; allowing liberty of confcicnce,
yet prote6ling the eftabllfliment by a tell: law s.
As a teft law is fuppofed to be the fupport of an ella-
blifliment, and an eftabliiliment an effential part of civil
polity, teft laws and an eftablifliment are faid to have a
mutual influence on each other, fo that the removal of the
/ former would haften the deftrudion of the latter. And
wh^t would be gained? Have not thofe who have made
obje61ions to eflablifliments and teft laws, given proof,
that they are in purfult of an Utopia, a fcheme contrary
to the common fentimcnts, and the univerfal pradlice of
mankind? Have not thofe who liave oppofed eftablifh-
ments and teft laws in one form, been obliged to adopt
them in another? Tlie puritans in queen Elizabeth's
reign made great outcries againft epifcopacy , but took the
■^ Reliq. Spclman.
•i Rotheram's EfTay on eftablifhmcnts.
• Burnet's Hift. of the reformation, part i. p. 106. 2d Cvtit.
t Ecclef, Pol. b. 8. p. 407.
t Alliance, b. 3.
firft
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION'. 25I
firfl: opportunity of eftablifliing prefbyterianlfm : they fled
in the reign of James from an eftablifliment in England,
and were for eftablifhing uniformity in AmOTca ^ : even ^
Mr. Pen, it has been faid, when lie advanced to legiflation,
found a teft law abfolutely neceflary for the purpofes of
civil government'. Envy of the ruling party, therefore,
is faid to be the ground of oppolition, rather than a regard
to the interefts of any particular government.
I would juft obferve, that the quefcion relative to efla-
bliihments (though queftions of this kind do not properly
fall under this divifion) does not turn upon the iffue of this
principle, " that man is by his conftitution a religious ani-
mal, and not an atheift," but on this, whether this reli-
gious animal, in conformity to his reafon and inftindls,
will not provide better for himfelf, than the ftate, or, to
keep to Mr. Burke's idea, his keepers, will provide for him ;
nor on this principle, " whether we would uncover our
nakednefs, and throw off the chriffcian religion;" but on
thefe, whether we fliould not be better clothed with the
pure veftment of chriftianity, than the flimfy decorations
of human folly ; lefs ftill will it depend on this principle,
that without fuch provifions as eflablifhments, <' temporary
poflTeflbrs and life-renters in commonwealths, that is, the
legiflative and executive powers, would a6l as if they were
their mafters, and that therefore a church eftablifliment is
eflTential to the ftate ;" and leaft of all on this, " that fociety
is a partnerfliip in all virtue, and' in all perfedion''.'*
Thefe objedlions of Mr. Burke are only mentioned cur-
sorily, for as moft of them do not properly belong to this
•• Ramfay's Hift. of the amer. revolution, vol, i. p. 9.
' Alliance, p. 233.
I" Rcfled. cm the revolution in France,
place,
252 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
place, fo do none of them appear to me to carr^' much
weight.
There is, however, an objeftion, which Ihould be taken
in, though neither does this properly afFedl this part of my
fubjeft. Some writers then have been afhamed to confider
religious eftabliftiments, under the chara6ler of alliances
with civil maglftracy, conceiving that fuch a notion debafes
religion, and difhonours government. Without an efla-
blifhment, however, they fuppofe, fufficient provifion is
not made for the interefl: of religion : and the light, in
which they view fuch an inflitution, is that of a " fcheme
of inftru£lion '." This, it is acknowledged, is the moft
refpedlable view of cftablifliments, and may appear, per-
haps, the capital objection againft an entire removal of
them.
Tothefe objedlions I reply, that as the flate of fociety
is weak, and wants the fupport of religion, every indivi-
dual fhould be encouraged to choofe his religion, and feel
no inconvenience from his choice : the religion, which
people choofe for themfelvcs, will be perfonal ; and that
' will give flrength to fociety ; all beyond, will weaken it.
■ — Is ,religion expofed to injury? It is the duty of\the civil
maglftrate to protedl it ; it is alfo his intereft ; if the civil
raagiilrate prote6l all parties, all parties will have an in-
tereft in fupporting the magiftrate ; this reciprocal obliga-
tion will create a firm and lafting union ; and there will be
no occafion to make terms, or ftrlke an unrighteous bar-
gain. Let the balance of religious opinions be preferved,
and a poize will at the fame time be thrown into the fcale
of TOVcrnment. Let the civil mao;iftrate choofe his reli-
gion : but let him not prefume to choofe a religion for me.
'Palcy's mor. and pol. philof. vol. 2. p. 305. 7th edit.
But
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 253
But if, after all, a ftate mufl; have a religion, let us not be
furprifed if it partake of ftate intrigue, and worldly policy ;
and if it be buried in the ruins, which mufl, in the iffue,
overwhelm all corrupt governments.
The authority of chriflian emperors, and the claims of
englifli kings, mull not be pleaded as argument, unlefs it
can be proved, that chriflian emperors, and englifh kings,
always did right, and that their pra6lice is a rule for us.
But the reverfe of this will be found true ; and, in this
period of the world, weak indeed is that politician, who
wafles his time, and dilTipates his talents, in admiring the
follies, and imitating the vices of his anceflors. In the
queflion relative to eflabhfhments, impartial inquiry will
find arguments, that demonllrate their impolicy. It would
fhew us, that men the leall eminent for Vv'ifdom, have
been the mofl ambitious of power ; and that the moll arbi-
trary governors have not unufually been the moll zealous
faints. As to the jewlfli polity, it was of a genius peculiar
to itfelf ; controlled by a divine, though invilible fovereign,
it was diredled to a particular objedl ; fmgular in its ex-
ternal regimen, it was not to have its likenefs in the vaft
fyflem of human affairs ; local as to its principles, it could
not fuit itfelf to the general wants of civil government.
Nor^ indeed, had the civil magiflrate among the jews the
authority, Imce afTumed by chrifiian kings. They were,
indeed, to keep the law, but they might not alter the
DOCTRINES. But, Where is the divine command autho-
rizing, or encouraging an imitation of a jcwifh original?
And, where is the people, who have, indeed, copied it?
The mofl fplendid imitations have been gorgeous daubinos,
or folemn caricatures. And our artiils have been too often
the very reverfe of thofe mailers, whom they profefTed to
copy. As to the general policy of nations, thougii it
8 could
fi^4 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
could be fTicwn, tliat all flates had exhibited fome efla-
bliflied forms, and public tefts, it would only fliew us,
what had been the cuftoms of antiquity ; bxit if cuftoms
' have proceeded on miftakes, Why are they to be continued
as laws to pofterity ? There have been always cunning
men and dupes. ( But politics arc capable of unknown de-
grees of improvement. Political wifdom is not wont to
fliew itfelf in imitation, but in gaining experience from
tlie errors of pafl ages, in following the order of improve-
ments, in refcuing truth from the rubbifli of gothic anti-
- quity, and political knavery. Standing on a fuperior emi-
nence, Hie fees not the fabrics of fuperftition, or the babels
of ignorance ; (he hears not the tumults of ambition, the
fliouts of conquefl, or the noife of fa6lion. The object in
' her eye is man. Him fhe invites, undeceives, inftrudls,
humanizes, bleffes : and in correfpondence to the wants
and capacities of exifting nations, and not to the imperfect
conceptions of ancient legiflators, or the rude impertinence
of departed tyrants, fhe forms her councils, and diredls her
meafures. And as prefent times come forward to her fur-
vey, and engage her attention, flie fees liberty in the train,
while antiquity retires from her eye, and vanifhes in a
point . Too well inftrudled to admire defefts, for their an-
tiquity ; or to overlook improvements becaufe incomplete,
Ihe advances with prudence, yet with intrepidity ; with hu-
mility, yet with perfeverance ; with modefty, yet witli
fuccefs. Happy to fend out miftakes, as well as to ^urfue
difcoveries, (he yields without meannefs, and conquers
without infolence; and thus never rells, till flie gains per-
fedlion: This, this is political wifdom.) The puritans in
the moft violent times adted more agreeably to the princi-
ples of the britifli conftitution, than their opprcflive adver-
faries ; and the quakers in Penfylvania exhibited the fairefi:
model
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 2CC
model of a free toleration, that had as yet been exhibited to
the chriftian world. But the puritans had not the moft en-
larged views of religious liberty ; and Mr. Pen, when he
framed a teft law, the mildelT:, that had, as yet, been pro-
pofed, did yet claim too much. The Americans in their
new conftitution have improved on their ancient plan "".
Admitting, for a moment, the neceffity of an eftablifh- ,
ment, a teft law, confidered as a reftraint on diflenters, is
eflential neither to its exiftence, or ftrength. Holland,
Germany, RufTia, and, of late years, even France afford
proofs to the contrary ". Scotland and Ireland too throw a
confiderable weight into the fcale. We have been told by
a prelate of Ireland, that the prefervation of the eftablifhed
church was owing to the condu6l of diffenters. In Eng- ^
land, alfo, we had an eftabliihment before we had a teft
law, and fmcc a teft law has been framed, it has been
proved, that an eftablifliment collects ftrength, in propor-
tion as the toleration is enlarged ". There are periods,
when truth is feen by contraft, and reformation follows
clofe upon corruption.
But admitting, that the removal of a teft law hath a
remote tendency to weaken an eftablifliment, and even
fuppofmg an eftablifliment altogether removed ; ftill I
think, all our fears for religion are ill founded: and all
other fears proceed from felfiftmefs or ambition. When
was chriftianity taught with tb.e greateft zeal, and received
in the greateft fimplicity? Before the eftablifliment of it
by Conftantine the great. I am alfo foiced to admit, that ^
religion refts on a ftrongcr bafis, where it is not eftabliOied,
than where it is. Survey the different parties without the
™ See the end of this cliapter, notes.
" Right of pioteftant diffenters to a complete toleration, part 2. ch. 6.
• Ibid, part z. cb. 6.
church;
f.^6 AN INQUIRy INTO THE
church ; they ftand firm, though not eftablinied ; ttiey
are even opprefled by the eftabhfhment, yet they ftand
firm, — Nor are they either " atheifts" or " infidels,'*
whatever fome miftaken men, or fome hirelings of the day
may infinuate. Would they lofe ground, if thofe oppref-
fions were taken awny by the removal of our eftablifh-
ment ? Very far from it. As to thofe, who now compofe
the eftablifhed church, if the legiflature had not made pro-
vifion for them, they would naturally fink into one or
other of the fe6ls, or form focieties more agreeable to their
tafle : and real religion, fo far from lofing any thing,
would, I am perfuaded, be a confiderable gainer. Thofe,
who felt no intereft in religion, would do, as they do now.
They would either, from confiderations of decency, or
worldly intereft, frequent, on the firft day, fome place of
worfliip, or elfe fmoke their pipes, talk politics, vifit their
coufins, and take their pleafure, as they do now : and
virtue, ti'uth, and piety, would compofe tlie *' confecra-
tlonof theftateP."
The ftate of thofe diflenters, who have academies more
profefTedly appropriated to the ftudy of facred literature,
than either of our univerfities, as well as " a clafs of men,
fet apart to the teaching of religion, and to the condudling
of public worfliip, and for thefe purpofes fecluded from
other employments i," affords, I think, a fufficient reply
to Mr. Paley's firft queftion on eftablifliments : for they
differ as well from the quakers, " who have no feparate
clergy," as from the eftablifticd clergy, in not being " fct
apart by public authority." This fyftem entirely fets afide
Mr. Paley's remark, " that it would be found impoffible
P See Burke's reflcflions, &:c.
< i'alcy's mor. and poljt, philof. vol. z, p. 306, 7th edit.
to
ilAtURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 257
to engage men of worth and ability in the facred profef-
fion." For have not this order of men, even in the judg-
ment of many of the moll refpedtable of the eftabUflied
clergy, produced fome of the ableft defences of chriftia-
nity ? And, Shall we entertain that opinion of many learned
men within tlie church, as to fuppofe, they would have
been lefs indubious in their refearches, or lefs communi-
cative of their labours, if they had not been excited '* by
thofe allurements, which invite men of talents to enter
the church' r"
I acknowledge, indeed, that thofe who engage in the
minifterial profeffion, when fupported by voluntary contri-
butions, may be expofed to difficulties, and even warped
by temptations; I acknowledge, "that a polemical and
profclvting Ipirit, mixed with views of private gain, may
fometimes generate ftrifes and indecent jealoufies'." Yet
trifling are thefe evils, when compared with the alarming
confequences of the oppofite fyfi:em. In the one cafe, it
is the popular preacher, availing himfelf of what he con-
ceives the fimplicity of the vulgar, ftudying the arts of
inhnuation, fowing a few errors, and mifleading a handful
of people : in the other, it is the afpiring prelate, inftruft-
ing mankind to do homage to the power, that enflaves
them; concealing truth behind the fplendid apparatus of
office ; flattering the magiftrate to perpetuate error, and
debafmg the policy of nations \
' P.iley's mor. and pclit. philof. vol. 2. p. 323.
» Ibid. p. 319.
' That Mr. Burke's fears from a mode of ecclefiaftical canvafs, are groundlefi,
may be feen by the praflice adopted in America, and now alfo in France : that
they are poiindlcfs in regard to the dilTenters in England, fee well maintained by
one of Mr. Burke's anfwerers. Letter to Mr, Burke, from a diflenting country
ittorney, p. 10:, lOJ.
S Bui
'2^ AN" INQUIRY irCTO THE
But flic abufcs of individuals afFord no plea againft infti-
tutions, jufi: in tlieir principles, and benevolent in their
tendencies. — Let the two fyflems be examined by this cri-
terion, and I fliall not be lojig in determining where the
truth lies ; let them alfo be conlidered on another groiind,
and the advantage Hill is evidently in favour of the kfs
exalted party, 7'hc tender attachments, and ftrong frientl-
ihips, which exift between paftor and flock, vmited toge-
ther Iry mutual obligations, afford a ftrong prcfumption»
that the fyftcm which leaves the maintenance of miniflcrs
To the free and voluntary exertions of the people, is pre-
' ferable " to a legal provifion, compulfoiy on thofe who
contribute to it ''." To fav.the leall of one fvlteui, it is
evidently founded in juflicc. Whereas the other, that
leaves the paftor independent of the flock, has contrary
tendencies. The atfeiSbion and refpc6l, which ought t*^
be equally divided among a focicty of friends, (and fucli
inen luiitihg in fociat worfliip ought ever to be) retires to
^ the hall of a great patron. As to the flock, the paftor feels
his independence, aftedls a fuperiority, mutual attachment
is not known, and a compulfory provifion is paid with re-
lucftance, and received with fufpicion.
With aroT.unents derived from the nature of chriftianity,
and the propliecies of the holy fcriptures, let the friend to
truth attack religious eftabliftiments. Whatever ftrength
they challenge for themfelves from the cuftoms of anti-
quity, or the praf.ice of exifting nations, they are found-
ed on the l;\nd. The touch of philofophy will fliake
' them, the foot of time will deftroy them, if cluiftianity
had been left to its own inherent force, the difficulties,
arifing from the exteiit of parifties, and the maintenance
" Pjlcy's Mor. and pol. pliilof. vol. 2. p. 314.
of
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION 259'
cf Ininiflers, would, ere now, not have exifted *. But I
rnufl not enter on this queftion here.
The do6lrine of" general expedience," the bafis of Mr.
Paley's phllofophy, has been lately examined by a judicious
writer" : the evil tendency of the principle he has, I think,
fully fhewn; and with a candour, liberality, and good
fenfe, for which, I am perfuaded, he will receive the
thanks of Mr. Paley. So far as relates to eftablifhments,
the tendency of this principle is mod: pernicious. Under
its flielter, the tyrant and politician deluge the World in
blood, and the philofopher converts articles of faith into
articles of peace !
I conclude this chapter with a reflexion of an excellent
writer. " And if this be our opinion concerning efta-
bliihments, that they are not ftridlly vindicable on prin-
ciples of liberty, we fliall eafily perceive, that an efta-
blifhment without a toleration is deteflable ; and that in
an eftablifhment with a toleration, it is the toleration,
which is the mofl facred part of the conftitution : that,
being the affertion of religious liberty, which is a natural
right; whereas an eflablifliment is always, more or lefs,
an invafion or infringement of it: and fhould any of
thofe, who acquiefce in religious eftablifhments, happen
to embrace fuch fentiments concerning them, I can
fee no worfe confequence likely to arife, than that
they would be more zealous for reducing them to as
near a conformity as pofTible with chriflian liberty, and
chriftian fimplicity ; whereas high notions of the au-
thority of eccleiiaflical governors, or of the civil magi-
" See Paley.
^ The principles of moral philofophy inveftigated, and briefly applied to the
conftitvition of civil fociery, by Mr. Gifborne.
S 2 ftrate
'l6o AN INQUIRY INTO THE
flratc in matters of religion, are apt to teach that " pa-
tient refignation of private condudl to public judgment,"
which, thougli •' many ingenious authors" fecm to
think very commendable, 1 am glad it is not m"y talk
to defend ^.
y Furneau.x's Leftcrs to judge Blackftone, p. 49. Notei. I cannot fuffer my.
felftopafs uiuioticed here the difingeiuious conduct of bifliop Warburton, who,
in giving us the fentiments, as he would have us believe, of king William, both
before, and after he came to the crown, fays, " his condnft was uniformly the
fame. He gave them, that is, the proteftant diflentcrs, a ioleratiok, but
would not confent to aboli(h the tcft." The only fault I find with this account,
fays Dr. Furneaux, is, that it is not hiftoiy, but fable. He has, accordingly,
given a fair Hatement of th;s matter from hiftorlans of credit, from the fpecch
of his majefty, and from the journals of the two houfes. Furncanx's Letter?,
p. 178. notes.
N. B. To illuftrate p. 255, I add this article of the new eonllitution in Ame-
rica, " The Senators and Reprefcntatlves, and the members of the feveral ftate
Icgiftatures, and all executive and iudicial officers, both of the united ftatcs, and
of the feveral fiates, fhall be bound by oath, or affirmation, to fupport this new
V conftitution, but no religious teft Ihall ever be required, as a qualification to any
office, or pxiblic truft, under the \inited fiates." Art. 6. Nine of the ftates ac-
ceded to the new conllitutiori, in 1787. In 1786 the ftate of Virginia pafTed an
/ ♦* adi for religious freedom," by which the maintenance of minillers is left at tlif
option of the people. The policy of thcle Hates, and the profperity of religion in
Virginia, confirm my remarks on thcfe fubjetls, and afford an additional anfwer
to many things advanced by bilhop Warburtu.i, and Mr. Paky.
CHAP.
KATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 26l
CHAP. IX.
GENERAL REMARKS ON GOVERNMENT, THE BALANCE
OF OPINIONS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION.
1 HE reader will keep In mind, that the queflion on fub-
fcription is neceffarily conne6ted with another on the prin-
ciples of the britilli conftitution. In this chapter, there-
fore, I propofe to take the balance of opinions, and to hold
it with an impartial hand. An Inquirer jfhoiild be a kind
of infulated man. So let me be confidered here, neither
churchman nor diflenter, one for whofe follies and mif-
takes no party is refponfible. Here and there a church-
man or a diflenter may happen to coincide with me in {en-
timent, but for no other reafons, than a deift or a jew
may: but In all fe61:s and parties I fhali have a decided
majority againft me. The reader therefore muft confider me
as moving with none. I afFe£l not to defpife any party ; I
refpeiSl worth i\\ all : but I will involve none in imputa-
tions, which proceed from the delivery of invidious truths.
In giving an opinion, I will neither be dogmatical, nor cen-
forious : but I will have no referves.
What virtue is to individuals, that government is to a
community, its dignity and ftrcngth.
A government has wifdom, when it exprefles not the
will of the few, but the reafon of the luany ; juflice,
wheue it is fuited to their wants. Where provifion is not
made for thefe, there is no wifdom, no juflice; and in
proportion as thefe provifions are precarious or defeftive,
S 3 government
a6l AN INQUIRY INTO THE '
government Is unflable, is incomplete, and fooner or later
inufl: yield.
Where a nation governs, forms of government are arbi-
trary, tranfient , they depend on the will of that nation.
Principles there may be, which enter into that government,
which vary not ; they may be effential to the happinefs of
man, to the happinefs of a nation: and as individuals, fo
nations cannot will their ow^n mifery, except through
millake.
Whatever, therefore, is found to be inconfiftent with
. he happinefs of a nation, cannot exprefs its will ; it can
never be a fundamental in government. Is it a law ? It
jnay, it ought to be repealed.
The more the foundations of government are looke4
into, it will appear, there are certain claims, which are
flrong, but they are flrong only bv prejudice or by cuftom.
When the true claim comes, they give way. Nothing
can refill: this. The true claim is that, which is better
founded, the more it is examined, it is the will of the
COMMUNITY. Where the true claim has not been made,
a nation never was ftri6llv free ; it was never fovereign ; the
public mind was never known.
I have laid down what are fuppofed to be the principles
of the britifh conflitution. Thcfe, (the fundamentals I
mean, I here fpeak only of thefe) go into all good govern-
ments : none are good, which do not, in fome form or
other, provide for them. Principles are not formed from
the cuftoms of antiquity, the caprices of party, or the
expedients, contrivances, Ihifts, and ftruggles of fedlion.
They are the refult of thought and experience ; they im-
ply legidative intelle6l ; they form fcience, the reverfe
of prejudice ; the reverfe too frequently of thofe rules,
by which nations are governed. So far as -thcfe funda-
mentals
NA.TURE OF SUB-SCRIPT ION. 2.63
mentals extend, England hath a good conftitution ; prove
that they do not cxiit, and you prove that England has no
Gonflitution at all, or you reduce it to a theory : or prove
there is a force that over-rules thefc principles, and you
reduce it to a theory. Whether England has a conftitution
in the ftrid fenfe laid down in the declaration of rights in
France^, or whether it is a " form of government without
a conftitution," I fhall not here determine''.
The reader, however, will perceive, that in fpeaking
of the englifli conftitution, I have already yielded to the
opinion that there is too much of tlieory in it. But con-
ftitutions are for ufe, kinds of diredlories to legiflatures ;.
and one excellent in theory may be defeftive in pra6lice.
In England and fome other European ftates the fupreme
maglllrate is flyled king ; a title under which different
nations have had very different ideas. There is no charm,
Ro evil in names. . Some of the grecian maglllrates had the
name of king without the majefty, tlie roman emperors
the majefty without the name. In the old teftament, Abi-
melech is called king, who yet could be only a general. The
lame might be faid of monarchs, if in ftrihfe- renter of
property, valued in the rolls. of contribution. It may be
thought by fome that even here reprefentation is not com-
plete, and that the qualification is contradi6lory to the de-
claration of the rights of man.
True it is, that none fhould be taxed, who are not re-
prefented. But the idea is not fufficiently extenfive. It
implies, that fome are not taxed. But who are they?
They are taxed the moft, wlio feem of fo fmall account,
as not to be taxed at all. Should it not rather be faid, all
fliould have a fhare in making the laws, who are refponfi-
hie to them ; that is, all but children, idiots, and madmen ?
By the french conftitution, men in a menial capacity, or
fervants receiving wages, are excluded. The reafon, I
fuppofe, is, they are liable to be controlled.
The aim of reprefentation ihould be to create an equa-
lity in ftates : I mean a political equality: for in alcertain-
ing the rule of equality, leglflators have fometimes miftaken
the end of commonwealths : as did Ilato "^ and Lycurgus.
They were for eftablldilvig a community of children, of
fervants^ of cattle, of poifeffions. The reafon affigned
bv Xenophon is not fufficient. For by deftroying money,
and making property promlfcuous, you deftroy commerce.
Plato and Lycurgus required for their commonwealths
fomething like partnerfliip in trade, when they ought to
have required equality of civil rights, proteclion, jullice,
and a fliarc in making laws. It is curious enough to ob-
c PLato de leg. Xen^'phon. De Lacedcmon. Rep.
ferve.
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 275
ferve, that the very ftate who carried their idea of equality
beyond any of the grecian ftates, had lefs political liberty
than either. The Athenians, who made lower pretenfions
to equality in political liberty, furpafled them.
We boaft of reprefentation in England. Certainly it Is
an excellence. But, Are we not fomewhat deluded by the
name of it in England ? A fenfxble writer obferves : that the
walls of St. Stephen's chapel have not been vifited by fix
members in any parliament, ele6led, appointed, or dele-
gated by their conftituents "^ : and another obferves, that
not one in five thoufand is reprefented '^. The faxon infti-
tutions were in many refpe£ls excellent ; yet after all they
terminated in a feudal ariftocracy, as thofe of the Normans
did in a feudal monarchy. And at prefent the houfe of
commons is fo conftru6led as to form _an ariftocracy, whe-
ther we confider the eleftors or reprefentatives. None
being qualified to be eleiftors but freeholders, or repre-
fentatives but men of confiderable landed property.
This partial reprefentation proceeds from fome original
defedts in our government, from fubfequent deviations
from ancient pradlice, from the changeable nature of pro-
perty and trading towns, and particularly from that in-
fluence, of which it has been faid, it has increafed, it is
increafing, and wants diminiiliing.
1 afk a queftion, that has confounded politicians. How
is a reform in the englifli parhament to be attained? No
common writer *^ obferves, The people when the legifla-
ture is once confiituted, having, in fuch a government as
we have been fpeaking of, no power to a6l as long as the
•^ Lcftures on poht. principles. By the Rev. David Williams, p. 178.
' Hifl. elTay on the eng. conAitution, 1771.
f See Locke on governmenu
T 2 government
276 AN INqi'IRY INTO THE
government (lands, this inconvenience is thought inca-
pable oi' remedy. For the honour of my country, I hope
this remark not f^riftly true. If it be, what fhort of a na-
' tlonal convention can remedy the evil ? Heaven crown the
wiflies of conlHtutional reformers with fuccefs ! But I fear
the power of ariftocracy is likely to procraftinate their
hopes, as, on the other hand, a reform in reprefentaliion
would deflroy the arlftocracy.
In England, as none are qualified to be eled^ors hut
freeholders-^ or to be reprefentatives of counties without a
landed eftate of 600I. per annum ; or of boroughs without
a landed eftate of 300I. per annum ; what might be ex-
pected comes to pafs. Legiflators have a different intereft
from the community, and form an interefl by themfelves.
In this inftance, therefore, we impoverifli the induflrious,
and enflave the poor. The prefent fyftem of reprefen-
tation affedts taxation in a way that efcapes common obfcr-
vation. Legiflators will eafe themfelves, by laying bur-
' dens on indufrry and commerce. Land is moderately
taxed, and the neceffaries of life fupply the deficiencies.
Here too we are mifled by theory. For though the tax on
land is faid to amount to four fhillings in the pound, the
average amount is inconceivably lefs, and uniformly defici-
ent. While «n the other hand, the neceffaries of life are
clearer, and the taxes more burdenfome than in any nation
of Europe : the latter iare nearly 17,000,0001. per annum ;
even the poor rates rife higher than the land tax. Hence
proceed thofe trifling game laws, fo wifely abolilTied in
trance, by which great land-holders appropriate to them-
felves the common bounties of providence. Evils thefe
which proceed from the conllrudion of the houfe of com-
mons; v.'hich, as V.' ell by its ffrucluro, as the corruption
that
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTIOM. 27?
that pervades it, inftcad of being the palladium of our
liberties, is one of the corin'ihian capitals of the ariftocracy :
and of which Mr. Burke, juftly, though injudicioufly for his
fyftem, remarks, it is a more fubtle, and artificial combi-
nation of powers, than people are generally aware of.
In fhort, a government cpnlifling of checks, implies 'an
exiil:ence of enmity, and a defedl of wifdom ; or termi-
nating in " inaftion and repofe," it fuppofes feeblenefs,
or it means nothing.
To keep a ftanding army, (that is, a body of men,
whofe only profefifion is arms, at the diretflion of the
prince,) to keep, I fay, a ftanding army in time of peace,
forms a prefent part of britifh policy. In governments
flridtly defpotical, an armed force is neceflary, not merely
to oppofe foreign enemies, but to fupprefs that impulfe,
which is wont tcv difobey orders. The wifdom of moderate
governments confilts in making foldiers of citizens : it was
the general praflice of the free ftates of antiquity.
It was provided by Lycurgus, that people fhould be
continued in military exercifes, not only to puberty, but
even till they were capable of the highefl civil offices''.
They were, indeed, nothing but foldiers (tliis was the
defe(5l) ; but they formed the mofc determined foldiers in
the world. The other grecian ftates ordered their citizens
to war, but beyond a certain age did not keep them in
regular exercife. Arms was a leading article in the edu-
cation of a Roman. Men unacquainted with the art of
war were not qualified for civil offices'. Among the Saxons
all freemen, and all who poflefled allodial eftates in France,
even before the feudal tenures made fuch progrefs, were
I* Xcnophon de Lacedxmon. rep.
•Ibid. c. 4.
T 3 obliged
378 AN IKQUIRY INTO THE
obliged to defend their country in the ufe of arms ''. In
America, their foldiers are citizens, who in time of
peace return to the raafs of citizens. In France none are
dehors who are not on the lift of the national guards. All
inhabitants are confidered in Poland as natural defenders of
their country ; they have, indeed, an army, an extract,
fo their conftitution calls it, of defenfive regular force,
from the general mafs of national ftrength.
To iliew what citizens, taught the ufe of arms, will
do, I cannot forbear taking notice, that tiie Americans in
the beginning of their llruggle had no ftanding army ;
their military regulations being carried on by their militia,
They had been accuftomed from their earlieft infancy to
be enrolled in companies, and taught the art of war.
They were not in poffeffion of even a fmgle rtiip of war,
nor one armed ^floop \ A handful of citizen foldiers with-
flood the whole weight of the pcrfian monarchy. A body
of unarmed citizens, though furrounded with 30,000 fol-
diers, deftroyed the baftile.
The evils, connected with a ftanding army in time of
peace, are many. It augments the power of tlie crown ;
taxes are impofed on the community to pay foldiers ; addi-
tional burdens fall on thofe towns where they are quar-
tered ; the armed force nxay be called to affift the will of
the prince, fometimes the fan6tions of the legiilaturc.
Accuflx)med to idlenefs, a foldier by profeflion grows bafe
in his morals, and corrupts others. He fights for hire,
I^is fpirit is that of a mercenary and a flave, not the iui-
pulfe of freedom, or humanity.
It was necefi'ary for William the Norman to have a
flanding army. Why? To keep the fpirit of the nation
^ Ciarke on t!ie connc(£lion on roman, faxon, and cnglilh coins, p. 440.
' R.in>faj'*5 iiift. otthe amcrican revolution, vol. j. p. 191. 197.
from
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 279
from nfrng'". But from the time of Richard II. to that
of Charles II. there was no regular {landing army. In the "■
moil: illuftrious eras of our hiftory, exploits the moft re-
nowned were condudled when England had no {landing
army. A military eftabliihment was formed into a regular
fy{lem, after various {Iruggles and artifices almoft infinite,
by one of our mo{l arbitrary princes, and in a thoufand
inllances hath opprefTed the nation".
To the queftion, What renders a {landing army necef-
fary? It is replied, other nations have {landing armies.
True. And yet at a time when it was believed great part
of Europe was combining again{l France, frenchmen con-
fided principally in national guards, in citizens. On the
other hand, Britain's chief alarms have hitherto proceeded
from France. But, Have we now any apprehenfion of an
invallon from France ? Of a combination of pov/ers agalnft
the proteftants abroad? Of vafl armies to fupport the
claims of a pretender to the englifli crown ° r On the
prefent fy{lem of french politics, thofe alarms are over.
Domeflic diforders frequently require the afliflance of
arms. True. And who fo intere{led in fupprefling them
as citizens? Who fo capable, as citizens pra6lifed in arms,
and taught obedience to the laws. Are we not moreover,
as an ifland, guarded, as it were, by the ocean ? have
we not the beft navy in Europe? What then renders i \
(landing army neceffary in England? Cuftom, the ty-
ranny of cu{lom. We make a parade with our {landing-
army, and yet fo wretched, in many in{lances, is our in-
ternal police, that a lawlefs rabble ihall burn down our
houfes without interruption.
"> Hume's hift. of England, vol. 2.
" Sbort liift. of Handing armies, publifljcd.
" See a reply to Ibort hift. of ftanding armies.
T 4 Socuitcs
28o AN INQUIRY INTO THE
Socrates obferved, that pleafure and pain hang from
the fame branch. Thus in governments not impartially
formed, nor fcientifically organized: Evils follow clofe
upon improvements ; and the ftruggles for freedom may
produce oppreflion. So it fared with the free ftates of anti-
tjuity, — thrown together as they were by contingencies, or
at random, rather than raifed on a bafis of political know-
leige. Such too has been the fortune of european govern-
ments, part of whofe liberties at lead, on the principles
by which they now hold them, proceeded from the libe-
rality of princes or military chiefs, rather than from the
unadulterated claims of a fover.eign people, the invariable
rights of human nature, and the exercife of legiflative
intelle61:, exprefiing the public mind.
With refpect to England, at the conquefl fo called,
the people rife into confideration, yet give an additional
weight to the crown. At the union of the two rofes, the
fplendour of ariftocracy is fullicd, but the monarch be-
comes more confpicuous. Even religion has been made
fubfervient to oppreflion. At the reformation the pope is
dethroned, but the prince appears as defender of the faith,
and the ray§ of majefty become more awful. In Charles 11.
reign, many feudal claims are abolifhed, but a military
ell:ablifhment is formed into a fyftt m. Even at that com-
plete era of britifh liberty, the revolution, the elective
powers of the people are rcftraincd by the legiflature itfelf.
A fyflem is formed for accumulating a national debt, and
pofierity brought under contribution to fupply prefent
emergencies. In queen Anne's reign follows the quali-
fying aiSl, then fucceeds the law for triennial parliaments,
and in George the hrfl's reign for ieptennial. So that libertv,
while (he fcemed to be advancing on us with a full oib,
hath, in fomc jnllan>:es, been thrown under an cdipfc,
•Jintl
•NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 2S1
and even obfcured by a6ls of parliament, fo as to have
given rife to a fear in fome, that the englifli conftitutioii
may die at laft of an z&. of parliament p.
The original oftenfible reafon for the continuance of the
fame parliament might be fuch, perhaps, as to excite no
apprehenfion at firft. The fear of granting too long a '
period between one parliament and another, or of fufFering
the prince to govern without any, might appear plaufible
^pretexts for fuch a provifion '^, but the evil conne6led with
it is now too obvious to efcape the notice of politicians.
For not only has the influence of the crown been thereby
increafed directly, but by fufpending the eledlive powers of
the people, delegates have been placed at too great a remove
from their conftituents, and acquire independence. Nor
are we to confider merely the duration of a fmgle parlia-
ment, fufficient of itfelf to produce infinite mifchiefs, buc
that infljience, which r-eprefentatives are enabled thereby
to acquire, fo as tei get re-elected : by which means *' the
national aflembly becomes a kind of Handing fenate, and
their reprefentative chara(5i;er, if not wholly dellroyed, is
greatly impaired %"
When we fpeak of the independence of the houfe of
commons, it is fpoken in reference to the crown, and the
houfe of hereditary legiflators. And here an unlimited
independence fhould be afferted and maintained. But it
exifts, I fear, only in theory. For a government by par-
ties (fuch as England is at prefent) infenfibly compofes one
body, and forms at length one interefl. But if reprefenta-
tives are independent of their conftituents, if there is no
legal mean of making a reprefentative character refponfible,
P Hiftorical Effay on the eng. conftitution.
s Montefquieu, 1. 2. c, 6.
' Millar's Hjft. vievr of the eng. gov. p. 5 si,
if
282 AN IKQUIRY INTO THE
if conftituents have no other remedy, except that of not
choofing the fame men again to office ; the independence
of parhamcnt may enflave the nation ; and the remedy can
not be apphed, till the evil is paft ^
Some ftates have endeavoured to provide againft this evil
in their political inftitutions. The ftate of Penfylvania
have their council of cenfors, appointed every feven years,
who are to examine whether the conftitution has been
preferved, and the reprefentatives preferved due limits'.
One of the fundamental inftitutions of Maryland is thus
cxpreffed, that for redrefs of grievances, and for amending,
ftrengthcning, and preferving the laws, the legiflaturc
ought to be frequently convened. The general council of
Geneva, the council of the people, once had their extra-
ordinary council, which met every five years, for the fame
purpofe. The fenate and grand council knew it impof-
iible to deftroy the liberties of the Genevefe, till this
council was aboliftied. They accordingly got it abolifhed".
There are not wanting writers who have propofed reme-
dies againft our political difordcrs. The principal have
been the revival of annual parliaments, and the eftablifli-
jnent of a fair and equal reprefcntation '", which has been
called eftablifliing the conftltution upon its old foundation •
with what juftice 1 fliall not ftay to inquire. A govern-
pient, however, thus formed, could never I)e very corrupt.
" If the laws of Latium, and feudal manners, are not fit
for Europe ; if from one extremity of Europe to the other
a voice is heard," bearing this important teftimony, England
» See Lec'>ures on political principles, &:c. by the Rev. David Williams.
' Ramfayi Hift. of JVmerica, vol. i. p. 352.
■ D'lverrwis' Hift. of the conftitutloii and revolutions of Geneva, p. 5^'.
V Sec an hift. ElTay on the cng. conftltution, ch. 8. printed in 1771.
ihould
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 283
{hould be taught, that fhe alfo hath an intereft in this
warning voice. She fhould be taught that her very liberty
is yet precarious, and fufpended on the edge of contin-
gencies. Yes, fhe fliould be taught, that flie is not in
pofTeflion of political liberty. While other natior^ have
been experiencing an entire regeneration, M^ho can deny
that England raufl: fooner or later undergo, at leaft, a po-
litical reformation? Can I poflibly doubt it? My inquiry
neceflarily brings me to this conclufion. I fee grofs parti-
cles in our political fabric, which an inquiring nation mull
foon perceive. I fee fophillry in adminiftration, to which.
an ENLIGHTENED NATION never will fubmit.
It is an unfortunate circumftance, perhaps, that many
of our a6ls of parliament are fo exprefled as to have le4
many to conclude, that our civil inftitutions admit of no
jrnprovement. This, I fay, is a misfortune. It is alfo a
deception. One, who generally fpeaks like a wif^ man,
well remarks, " If it be faid, that every nation ought ta
follow their own conftitutions, we are at an end of our
controverfy; for they ought not to be followed, if they
be not rightly made ".'' Thofe ftates, that have lately
felt the impulfe of liberty, and whofe affairs are now
brought to a criiis, would, after all, have left their fyflem^
lefs complete, if they had been milled by ^ belief, that they
had gained perfedlion : but they adled on that wife rnaxini
of a late able minifter of France, that a good government
is a chain of improvements. Accordingly, at the clofe of
three legiflatures, France hath an affembly of revifion ^ ;
Poland an extraordinary conftitutional diet every twenty-five
years ^. All the flates of America are 1? ft open to im~
» Sidney on government.
y French conftitukion. Title 7.
» New conllitution of the goverivment of Poland, art. 6.
provement \
S.^4 AN INQLTIRY INTO THL
provement ; and in conformity to their orir!,inal provifion,
in their new conflitution, at the clofe of the war mate-
rial alterations took place ^. England has no provifion of
this kind,
I c?fnnot avoid obferving here, that in order to guard
againft fentiments, which incline to what has been called
the exeefs of liberty, it is common to produce inftances of
the diforders incident to republics. But I mufl beg leave
to reply, that the examples produced are of governments
never formed on a fyflem, by which alone the public
mind is taken, and it is of the excellence of fuch a fyflem
only I ara fpeaking. None of the grecian ftates, not Rome
in its zenith of liberty, was ftriftly free. And with their
cabals, and the ruin, which at length overwhelmed them,
I have no concern. Nor did our faxon anceflors enjoy
PUBLIC liberty. Their villeins could poffcfs no property,
and the characSler of their Haves was that of the fpartan
helots. Even their feuds were derived from the, policy of
the Romans, at the time v.hen they had left that portion
of liberty, which thev once enjoyed*'.
Speaking of the petty republics of Italy, Montefquieu
exclaims ; In what a fituation mull the poor fubjecl be ia
fuch republics ' ! and then he enumerates their grievances.
But all thefe republics fo called, were, in fa6l, ariflo-
cracies: even at ^'^enice, fo frequently fpoken of as " a
moll en^inent republic'^," all their different tribunals are
compofed of magiflrates belonging to the fame body of
hereditary nobles. The body of the people are not citi-
zens, but inhabitants. There was, indeed, a time when
Genc\^u was a complete republic, or more properly, a pure
» Ranifny':- hift. of the nnieikarv revolution, vol. j. p. 341.
* D»» Canj^c fub voce i-eudurn. Clarke's Coniieiflioii of rowan, grcti.ia, ar.J
fjxon coini, p. 445 •
' ri;). des Loij, b. i. c. 6. * M.Uar.
dcmocracv ;
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 2S5
Kennicot's Introdudion to the ftate of the printed hebrew text of the olJ
teftamcnt confidered, vol. 2.
I» Kcnnicot, Lowth, Symonds, Wakefield, &c,
U 3 only
294 AN INQlLTIRY INTO THE
cnly a man ^. This alfo was the opinion of thofe called
Alogi by Epiphanius **, that is, thefirft gentile converts.
There is reafon alfo to believe that this was likewife
the opinion of thofe religious perfons and philofophers
(after
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 295
after, ftate the opinions of a few of the more early fathers
concerning Chrifl: and the holy fpirit, and endeavour to
iliew how they came to be deified, I fhall only obferve
liere, that the proper orthodox do(5lrine, contained in this
article, of the co-equality and co-eternity of three divine
perfons, was not fettled till after the council of Nice, u\
the middle of the fourth century. The truth of which
■remark is acknowledged by the moft zealous advocates for
the trinity, who have been converfant with the writings of
the fathers of the three firft centuries^.
And when the do6trine began to fprea-d, there were al-
ways men, on whom it eould not fit eafy. Notwitliftand-
ing the decifions of four general councils, the trinity
was the knotty dodlrine at which heretics flood aghaftl
Two more councils were found neceffary to eflablifli it ;
but being at length enforced by human authcffity, it
became fufEcient to let ehriftian people know, it was a
jnyftery !
Without entering into the controv^rfy about numerical,
and individual unity, and feparate^ and diftin6l perfonality,
0/A080-1®-, and o/Aoioao-i©-, which divided the firfl chriflians, I
have fometimes paufed ; and .dropping the fubtle diftindions
of fchoolmen, and the metaphyfical refinements of divines,
I have called in the alTiftance of common fenfe. Commoa
fenfe made nothing more of one perfon, than one thinking
intelligent agent, as Paul ; nor of three perfons, than
three fuch intelligent perfons, as Paul, James, Peter.
Common fenfe being filent refpe6ling fuch an extraordi-
nary union, as makes three perfons one being, except a
union of defign, of fentiment, or of affedlion, I have been
iinwilling to put it to the rack ; and retired ; only aflj-ing
•the queftion, How can thefe things be ?
* See ihcir conf<;^on^ at larec is Mr. Whirton'i ietcer to the earl of Kotringhaas.
U 4 Wher^
29^ AN INQUIRY IKTO THE
Where common fenfe is filent, theology is frequently
> loquacious. Theology fays, that we know not the eiTence
of any thing, and leaft of all, of God ; that the afore-
faid reafoning, though inapplicable to men, may, for aught
we know, apply to God. Indeed, ancient fathers, and
mo4ern divines fay, The notion may be colle6led from
nature. The fun, the ocean, and trees, have preached
the doiflrine of a trinity in unity. In fculpture, in paint-
ing, and in mufic, wonderful harmonies have been found
to illuflrate a trinity in unity.
Theology fays, that flie finds fomething analogous to
this do6lrine in the hiftory of mankind. The divine Plato
had his bonum, a boni filius, and an anima mundi, as
had many of his difciples, going even beyond their mafler.
Orpheus had his Phanes, Uranus ; Chronus his Tp/:xojj(po»
Geov*. The Magi among the Perfians, had their Oro-
mafdes, their Mithras, and their Arimanes, Mithras or
Oromafdes T^Tr^ac-ios ^.
Tlu»ri yap ev y.orij.u Xa.ix'Trii Tota^, 19? Mova; BCf^ei-
h were furely an endlefs labour to fearch for a trinity in
■unity, in the pagan mythology. A learned writer hath
endeavoured to (hew, and I think has made it appear very
probable, that the moft ancient idolaters worlliipped one
God, the fun, the God of firej known among them by
different names K As to Plato, what an air of myllery is
confpicuous in his writings is well known. If he collecSlcd
3ny new idea, in foreign countries, it was natural for him
to accommodate it to his favourite notions. This, how-
ever, will not fatisfy theology. We are told, that the
Jews having been in captivity in Egypt, left behind them
•■* Suidns has it CaXijv, fai^, ^ainv. Orplu'us.
•> Vid. Alfttcl. E.^cyclop. Pars Pneumatic, i. c. 5. r. 9. Cudworth's intellect
tt£tua) ryflem, 1. i.e. iv. 288, &c.
^Kryijit's Mythology, vol. 1. Radicals. Titles ' th* deity.
3 the
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 297
the (lo6lrine of a trinity * : that the Egyptians treafnred it
up among their facred myfteries, deUvering it cut only on
extraordinary occafions : that, however, at length, it flole
out from among them, and enlightened, by degrees, the
Perfians, and, in ftiort, the whole eaftern world. Plato,
travelling into Egypt, and being initiated into the myfte-
ries of that country, brought this rara avis, it is faid, into
Greece, and blefled his countrymen with it. . Theology
triumphs in the difcovery, and fays, common fenfe haa
nothing to do in the inquiry. It is a notion to be colle6ted
from revelation, being firft revealed to the jews, who af-
terwards enlightened the gentiles. — Before a doilrine, fo
far above the cominpn fenfe of mankind, is admitted on
the authority of revelation, an inquirer fliould afl-i, Whe-
ther, indeed, it be a do6lrine of revelation at all ?
The hebrew names for God are all expreflive of the
higheft reverence for him, or of fome perfe6lion of his
chara£ber ^. Some fuppofe they contain the dodlrine of a tri-
nity in unity. But of thefe two fchemes of derivation, it is
to be obferved, that the firft naturally flows from roots,
acrreeably to the hebrew idiom ; the laft from letters, which
depend on fancy. The former is allowed by jews, who
had no intereft in the inquiry ; the latter made by chriftians,
who had a fyftem to ferve.
Is it not extraordinary, that if a trinity in unit:y w^ere to
be found in the jewifh fcriptures, that Jofephus in his
hiftory of the jews, and particularly in the account of the
creation, as defcribed by Mofes, fhould fay nothing about
it ? Yet he certainly does not. Philo judaeus alfo preferves
the fame profound filence. The feptuagint verfion of the
* Cudworth'slntelkftual fyftem, 1. i. c. 4.
^Every thing that can be advanced in favour of a trinity in unitj', from Elohim,
fee fully anfwcred in Mr. Coulthurft's blunders expofcd, No. 4. By Mr. Frend :
a book rough as to its title, but folid as to its contents ; and Mr. Wakefield's En-
cuiry into the opiniont of tiie early tliriltiau writers. lntrodu(nion, p. 7, 8.
old
198 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
old teftament, made by jews, has no term expreflive of
a trinity in unity. Can we fuppofe, that thcfe eminent
jews did not underftand their own fcriptures ' ?
'< God faid, let us make man" — is the language of ma-
jeflry, deliberating on the creation of man, the laft and
nobleft of the produ6lions of creative wifdom '". " The
man is become as one of us, knowing good and evil," was
fuppofed by Philo, Maimonides, and the Jews in general,
to be fpoken to the angels ". The learned and excellent
Abauzit
* Jofephus's term for God, is, « ©*^, or ®E^. Remarkable are thefe words of
J ofephus. nflf' B/xiV ye.^ v-rt W£ji tb 0e« Xoywf a.n.ug-ira,i tic aXXtiXot; icttTEvavTiaf
— Eic Se Xsyi^ ofxu avy.'^Diiv'^ wiji ©ea— Ei? va®* iv©' &£a. Contra Appion. 1. 2.
Philo's words are no lefs remarkable ; recapitulating the fubftance of his book
«re^» Mi»j. Ko0-f^o7soi, be clofes thus, on re s^i, nai U7ra.^yti ©6©^, Km ot< EIZ
ONTIiZ eri, itai OTi vfenoinKS tov xcfl-|Uov, xai oriwomnsvai ENA, ai: eX£;^9)i, tiar»
Tiiv MONmiN E^oftojaie-ac EAYTfl. When God had it in contemplation to create
the xifible world, in conformity to that incorporeal exemplar which he had formed
in his own mind, (I here fpeak according to the ideas of Philo) he took no coun-
fellor, he fays, but himfelf alone, for what other was there ? Ti( yap m ntfti; :
Philonis op. p. 4, 5. ed. Mangey. He obfcrves, indeed, in another place, p. 16.
that when God faid. Let \is make man, he took others to afhft him. He thought
by this mean to account for the introduilion of moral evil. But then to avoid
the appearance of contradi(ftiou, he had guarded againft objcftions by fpcaking of
the fupreme being, as the Demiourgus, and his many afliftants, as Detniourgoi, only
in a certain fcnfe, (xaoMu wXsios-iv. He aftenvards fpcaks of God, as 0 wavraiv lytixxt
andof the angels, (weave wE^yoi;, his afliftants in a certain fcnfe) asthetTEpci i;w»xjei,
ihe others who were fubjeft to him, p. 16. ut fup. VVhen the fathers fuppofed,
that God addrcffed Chrift, when he fays, Let us make man, they oppofed the
common fcntimcnts of the Jews. For as Philo and Maimonides made it refer to
angels, others fuppofed that God only ufcd the ftyle of majcfty.
" Several of the early chrilHan writers, Barnabas, Juftin Martyr, Irenzus,
EufcbiuE, and others, have quoted this palfage as if addreflcd to Chrift ; but Cle-
ment, whofe authority weigh* down all theirs, in his Epift. to the Corinthians,
refers it to the Supreme Being. Ovtot yap co. Sec other examples in Mr. Porfon's fccond letter to
}^h. Archdcaiun Travis. » John v. 7.
fuffioientlv
KATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. ^'ot
fuf!iciently known to have had no place in the genuine
epiftle of the apoftle John. It is in no ancient greek manu-
fcript, nor in any of the ancient verfions ". The former
part of the firft article, therefore, There is one living and
true God, is a truth which I think I perceive in the gofpel ;
as to the unity of the godhead in three perfons, I leave it ;
it is a myfbery. I know nothing about it
CHAP. III.
Article ii. of the word, or son of god that
was made very man.
1 HE Son, which is the word of God, the Father, be-
gotten from everlafting of the Father, tlie very and eternal
God, of one fubftance with the Father, took man's nature
in the womb of the bleffed virgin, of her fubftance ; fo
that two whole, and perfedl natures, that is, the Godhead
and the manhood were joined together in one perfon, never
to be divided, whereof is one Clirift, very God and very
man, who truly fuffered, was dead, and buried, to recon-
cile his Father to us, and to be a facrifice not only for ori-
ginal guilt, but alfo for the aftual fms of mankind." Is it
not enough to create fufpicions in the moft credulous
breafl:, to hear, that it was the current opinion for the
* Sir Ilaac Newton's Letter on this fubje£l, and Mr. Capel Loft's Obfervatioas
on the firft part of Dr. Knowles's tcftimonies from the writers of the four firft
centuries. — Addiderunt integrum verficulum 7 non ex au£loritate alicujus codicis
graeci, fed pfeudo. — Hieronymi et Thomae Aquinatis. Wetfteinii Prolegomena,
p. 119. The inauthenticity of this text has bfen lately eftablilhed on an hirtorical
dcduiflion of fads, never, I apprehend, to be confuted. Sec Mr. Porfon's Lctteti
to Mr. Archdeacon Travis.
firft
302 AN INQUIRY INTO THE
firft 300 years of the chriftian era, that the Father alone
was without a beginning ! The prefent article contains
what we now call athanafian do6lrine, which maintains,
tliat Chrift was co-equal, and co-eternal with the Father.
Waving all nice diftin6^ions, 1 afli three plain queftions.
I. Are not God and Chrift defcribed in the gofpel,
as two perfons ? By perfon, I mean what people do in
common converfation, a thinking confcious being. I
then proceed to alk. What conftitutes me now, while in
a room at Cambridge, the fame perfon I was, when in
London ? A confcioufnefs of my own exiftence ; a con-
fcioufnefs of certain thoughts, and a6lions, which I at that
time purfued. In this way then I afk. Whether God and
Chrift are not two perfons? Now, confcioufnefs being
evidence of exiftence only to ourfelves, by ourfelves only
could this qucftion be anfwercd. But Chrift never telling
me that he is the fame being as God, Why fhould I con-
clude, he is ?
Our Lord's aflertlon, *' Before Abraham was, I am,'*
has been, fometimes, produced in proof, that Chrift is
God. Yet the expreflion occurs frequently in the new
teftament, where it cannot have that fenfe. Befides, by
examining the context, it appears, that Chrift is fpeaking
of the dodlrine, which he taught, and that Abraham, and
the prophets, are fet in oppofition to him. Our Lord's
meaning, therefore is, before Abraham exifted, the Mef-
fiah was promifed, and his ceconomy foretold ^. The
expreflion relates moft probably to what our Lord had faid,
vet. 12. I am iHe light of the world, tyu n^\, to (p«; ra Koa-ixa^.
The expreflion, tyu ei|m,», I am, is an elliptical expreflion,
for I am he, that is, the Mefliah, or the fon of God, and
■ John viii. 58.
bScc Ml", LJndfcy 's fee. adJrcfs to the ftudcntsof Oxford and Cambridge, Sec p. 7 »•
always
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION, 303
always relates to feme fubje6l: under difcuffion. See
John c. iv. 25, 26. The woman faith to him, ** We
know that the meffias will come, who is called the
Chrift," &:c. Jefus faith to her, " I who fpeak to thee,
am he," Eyu n/^i 0 >.x>.uv. So again, chap. viii. 24. *' If
ye beBeve not, that I am Oyu ei/ai,) where our tranflators
turn it as it ought to have been tranflated here, *' I am he."
See aifo chap. ix. 9. But he (the blind man) fr.id, I am
he, eya Ek^», exactly the fame form of expreffion, and many
fimilar expreffions will occur to an attentive reader of thiS'
gofpel. The " I am," then, has no reference whatever
to Exod. iii. 14, The phrafe of Paul, I am what I am^
ufAi 0 £t,u», approaches it more nearly, i Cor. xv. 10. Buf
here I cannot deny myfelf the pleafure of tranfcribing the
following judicious remark of the very learned and inde-
fatigable Mr. Wakefield. No text of fcripture was ever
more perverted by a wrong tranflation, than this in Exo-
dus. The original hebrew ftands thus, I will be, who I
will be ' ; or perhaps, more properly, I will be what I-
am, a form of words expreffive of the eternal exiftence,
and unalterable nature of Jehovah. The LXX db net
reprefent the phrafe amifs by, *' I am" the exifting or he
who exifts ^, that is, I am— Jehovah, the living Godv
And afterwards they have not — I am '^ — but the exifting ^
hath fent me. — To make, therefore, the I am of the evaii-
gelift, a reference to this paflage of the pentateuch, is a-
moft idle fancy, unfupported by the original, and, what is
more to the purpofe, by the Septuagints." I am, then,
is, by no means a name even of Jehovah''."
• n^HN ">ti»X riMN. " Hy* »/*< 0 t^f- ' E>i' ei,M<. f 0 m.
« An Enquiry into the opinions of the three firll centuries concerning Chrift.
" Dr. GedJes turns it, I vill be what I will be~ and afterwards, he that will be
Jtath &nt me.
Similar
3ei4 An IKQtJIRY INTO THE
. Similar conclufions have been drawn from our Lord's
aflertion, I and the Father are one '. But does not our
Lord explain thefe words himfclf ? that they (his difciples)
may be one, even as we arc one. The apoftles were not
of the fame fubftance with Chrift. Indeed the word ex-
plains itfelf: for it is not one being (ei?,) but (£►)'' one
thing, that is of one judgment, a form of expreffion, com-
mon to moft languages. And thus the ancient fathers un-
derftood it.
As confcioufncfs is proof only to a perfon's felf of iden-
tity, other proofs mull: give evidence to different people,
fuch as famenefs of name, of property, of figure, &c.
Jefus Chriil appeals to God by name ; but never calls him-
felf by the fame name. He prays to God ; but does he
ever pray to himfelf ? It is the property of God to be om-
nifcient ; not fo of Chrift. God is invifible : no man hath
fecn God at any time. But Chrift was a vifiblc being —
was feen at Bethlehem — at Nazareth, at Capernaum.
Ciod is an uncreated being; but Chrift was born at Beth-
lehem. \Mut fays common fenfe ?
i John X. 30. compared with J^^hn xvli. 11, &c.
k The foUowinii exprtflions will explain our Lord's meaning. That they n-ia7
all fpeak the fame thing * : that there be no divifion amorrg them ; that they be
perfe£lly ioined together in the fame mind, and the fame judgment. Elfcwhere,
we read of their being of one fpirit, and one mind f. Chriftians are faid to be,
one body, one fpirit, one body in Chrift J. Two are one, I'.iys Pfeudo-Clcment,
when one fpcaks truth to the other, and when in two bodies, there is without d^f-
fcmbling one foul. 2d Epift. ad Corinth. — He that pkmtcth, and he that wa-
tcreth, ure oRe (tv,") an expreffion cxaiflly par.allcl to the above §. I quote the
fecond Epilllc afcribcd by fomc to Clement, merely by way of illurtr.ation, not «s
authority. It is clearly fpurious. Kufcbius, in his firrt book, fpcaks only of
one Epiftle of Clement, and though he fiicaks elfcwhere, from report, of anotlier,
he does not fpcak of it, .as having fecn it.
• I Cor. i. 10. i ri.il. i. 17. t Roi" •"'• S- ^ ' ^°'- '"■ ^■
Nothinjr
'NATtJRE OF SUBSCRlPtlor?.
Nothing proves this point to me more clearly, than the
/)airages brought to prove the contrary. Chrift is called
an image of the invifible God, an expreffion of his per-
feftions'. I fay, therefore, he is not the fame perfon.
God made man in his image, after his likenefs, therefore
Adam could not be the fame perfon as God. Chriflians
are faid to be conformed to the image of Chrift "", to bear
the image of the earthy and the heavenly man. Being in
the form, therefore, means, being in the refemb lance of;
and this is its meaning in Philo Judasus, and Clemens
Romanus ''. Being in the form of God cannot mean be-
ing really God, except being in the form of a fervant
means being a real fervant, v?hich Chrift was not, though
by his condefcenfion he appeared under that charadler",
making himfelf the fervant of all. That Chrift, there-
fore, in the fenfe of Our article is one fubftance vi'ith the
Father, or that the Godhead and manhood are one perfon,
I cannot admit.
2. Of thefe tv/o different beings, Is not one fuperiof
to the other ? My Father, fays Chrift, is greater than I.
And whatever fon may mean, common fenfe fays, that
the Father is greater than the fon. And, indeed. Does it
' Col. i. 15. Heb. i. 3.
"^ Rom. viii. 29. I Cor. xv. 48.
" Solent Grasci diftinguere ta xar' ifx^ag-iv, xat ra Kar vrtii^ag-iy, ut fcriptof
4c Mundo. Sic Philo in ejvifdem tituli libro, avyn Je xa9' eauTnv vvog-ag-iy a*
(X^h "°" l^o"^ nuUam habeat Vnaf^tv, fed quod principalitas et origo ejus fit in
fole. Sic in dnnulo figura eft xafl' wofaa-ir in cera xar' Sfjt.fae hath a name above every
name, and all principalities and powers, in the revolu-
tion oi years, muft fubmit to his dominion, yet the time
is coming, when having brought the nations to fubjec-
tion, agreeably to the end of his exaltation, he muft, after
his mediatorial kingdom, become fubje6l to his Father, and
God be all in all ".
Whatever high opinions the ancient fathers entertained
of Chrift, and whr\tevcr fenfe thev might put on the ^oycj,
the word of God, it ihould be noted, that tliey bear a uni-
form teftimonv, from the earliell of them to the time of
Eufcbius, (and few fpeak of it more highly than Eu-
febius himfelf*) that the Father alone was uncreated:
the moft orthodox held the woid to be the firft begotten of
God. At the council of Nice he was only called ©£©- tv. ©£«,
God of God, not ayrJE©-, very God. As the term fon
is expreflive of Inferiority^, fo alio it fhould be further ob-
ferved, that " in the jewiftii ftyle, and the language of
r Gen. i. Lvike i. ^ Mat. xxiv. 36. ' 19. 17, • — 26.
' 1 Cor. XV. 24. " John xiv. 10.
*' Sec two Difcourfes on the creation of .ill things, by Jefus Chrift, and th« re-
furr£.Bytiv trt "aj^c'C'Tra^^ay ©toy ovra rarjo raiv ataitttv tktcv tov Xpi^ov, tna.
jEvniSnvai otS^asTTOv ytniJii-joV viro/xltVAi, xai on ux_ ayS^ai7t&' ff a:9fxva, u
(xoiiov ma^aio^ov Joxti fx,ot ejvai, aWa xai fxxsiv. Jiilliu Martyr. Dial, cum Try-
plion. Jud. On this ground the jew often: puzzles the chriftian philofophcr, with
Vfi^om zeal fupplies the place of argument : though he only fuppofed Chrill: to be
God in a fi^bordinete fenfc.
* Article 2.
^ I here adopt Mr, WakcHeld's cranflation, w hich I think an improvement.
logy
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. ^0^
logy firft devlles one figure of fpeech, by which two dif-
tin6l natures make one God ; and afterwards another,
which applies to the human nature,' what belongs to the
divine, and to the divine, what belongs to the human''.
This article appears to me to contain the grand error,
which has fpread an evil influence over the whole fyftem
of chriftianity. But " feeing it has been adopted by fuch
great numbers of mankind, it is to be conlidered, as any
other fac9: in hiftory. Dr. Prieftley has, therefore, traced
its origin and its growth with great fkill in his Hiftory of
the corruptions of chriftianity ^.
I add a word or two more. A.daiitting that Chrift is
called God, in the new teftament, it can only refer to the
important character, fuftained by him, as the creator of a
new difpenfation. Thus if oXoyo^ the word (John t.) be
made to relate to the MefTiah, it will by no means follow
that Oeo? fliould be tranflated the fupreme God. The paf-
fage, if we apply the >^oyo<; to the meftiah, will apply to the
gofpel difpenfation, and fiso? to the important chara6ler,
which Chrift fuftained in it : and from various parts of
John's gofpel, (though I would fpeak with great deference
where fo many learned men think differently) I cannqt'
help referring this introdu6lion of John's gofpel to the'
miffion of Jefus. However this be, every body knows,
that Elohcim (God) in the old teftaaient is applied pro-
mifcupufly to Jehovah, to angels, to idols, and to magif-
trates, &c. ; and that deus among tlie Romans, and fis'Si- '
among the Greeks, had a fnnilar fignitication : thus Virgil,
(ieus nobis haec otia fecit — crit ille mihi femper deus;
•* Atque iftam quidem (kplicis nature conjuntlLmem, quse in Chrifto fule^,
tanta religione cxprimvmt, u£ e:\s qviandoquc inter fc conr.nuiniccnt. Qui tivp'.;?
iJiajiUttTav xQivoivta dii/i*a!v Itia-av
X^irv- Wetfteinii Prolegomena ad Nov. Tcft. vol. i. p. 119.
h If, however, the >^oyo;, the word, in John be made to refer to Chrift, it may
be faid that the creation of the material world does relate to Chrift : for it is there
faid he was in the world, and tlie world 0 Hoa-/xof was rnade by him. But the
force of Jja may be here confidered, which may have the fame meaning applied
to Kocr/jioq, as it has when prefixed to aiuva; explained above. The force of this
prepofition, and many prepofitions, and phrafes, admitting a fimilar conftru££xX>iTa( to mofxa ^a ew' ai/raf, LXX — Ou; to ovofxa /xu
jzri/£itXtjTai £7r'. Alex, fo Ifa, xliii. 7. *CI2\D'^ H'^.p^n /D- Uavnai; otrot
tiriKixXtivrat Toi ovojttarj fxa. — LXX. Gen. iv. 26. And he called his name
Eiios : then began people to call on the name of the Lord, which Dr. Gcddes
turns. This man afpired to be called by the name of the Lord God. N"1p7
mn^ r'~>'r*1 — ETrucaXEio-Saj to ovo/i** Ttf Kyfta LXX. Aquila, Tote »Ij;^9') t«
x«iX£ia-9a« cv ovofjutTi ru Kufia — Then began people to be called, in, after, or by,'
the name of the Lord. Thus again in the new Teft^ment, Aifls ix. 14. ru( im~
na^ufxevouf to 9Vo/ua a-ov, who call themfelves by thy name : ottw cvx. tmyofjiair^n, &c.
Rom. xv.zo. zTim.ii. 19. Ja. ii.7. Some, ingcnioufly enough interpret ETriKaXeojwat
to ivofjix, See. appealing to the name, &c. Thus Katcrnpa iTTMaX'jfx.at, I appeal
to Cifar, Adls xxv. v. it, 12. — xxvi. 32 — 28. 19. Vid. Mr, Capel Loft's
Obfervations, &c. — So A
indeed, to all languages, but peculiarly conformable to the
genius of the holy fcriptures. T cannot poffibly under-
ftand our Lord's temptation without perfonifying the prin'-
ciple of evil, (0 ^»«^oA(^.) Ye cannot ferve God and mam-
mon is a fimilar perfonification.
This is the deceiver and the anlichrift (0 iffXaii©- kch 0
ttvTix^ir©^, Jo. ii. 7. is a fimilar perfonification.) In the:
epifi:le to the Romans civil government (not the civil
governor,) is called a minifl:er of God. It holdeth not the
fword in vain, &c. Rom. xiii. All along civil magillracv
is fpoken of, and yet, the E|«5-»«, or power, is no perfon,
but a mere perfonification.
Here then we have the divine infl^uence, or power, firft
perfonified, then advanced to tlie place of a God ; and at
length comes out tliat profound myfi:ery, God the holy
ghofi: co-equal and co-eternal with God the Father ! To
V§ THERE IS ONE GOD THE FATHER.
CHAP.
3'i
AN INqiTIRY fl^TO THU
CHAP. y.
ARTICLE IV. VIU. or THli GOI^G DOWN OF CHRIST
INTO hell: — THE THREE CREEDS.
What could Jefus do in that difmal placfe? The articles
of 1552 tell us, " that while his body lay in the fepulchre
till the refurreftion, his ghofl: departed from him ; that
it was with the ghofts, that were in prifon, of in hell,
and did preach the fame." Now the term cch^ as it occurs
in the feptuagint, and new teftament, and Sheol in the
old, mean the grave, or to fpeak more generally, the
place where good and bad men were rerhoved at death.
But the reformers, it is well known, put a very difFcrent
fenfe on thefe words. Their opinion, together with that
of the various commentators on the articles, are ftated at
large by Mr. Wilton (a very candid writer among the
diflfcnters) in his Review of feme of the articles of tlie
church. However, luckily for fubfcribers, this article has
lyi any literal and grammatical fenfes^. Neverthelefs, be-
fore the dodtrine of the reformers is admitted, it fliould be
proved, that there exifls an immaterial fubftance, called
the foul, which thinks, and moves independent of the
body. Agreeably to a hint dropt in a former part of this
work, 1 meant to have written here an efTay on the foul-
But my limits will not allow me to enter on this fubjeil.
1, therefore, content myfelf with obferving, that the he-
brew word nephefh, in the old teftament, and the greek,
* Sec Burnet on the 39 article?, intiod.
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 319
ij/f^n In the new, mean the principle of life : " and the
Lord God formed man out of the duft of the ground^
and breathed into his noftrils the breath of life," (heb.
Nitmath Hajjeim, breath of lives, or vital breath) and
man became a living foul, (heb. Lenephefh Hajjah) a
living perfon. Dr Geddes, Gen. ii. 7, The fame words
exprefs the life of animals, c. i. 20. (and throughout
the chapter) moving creatures that have life, living foul,
Sherefh nephefh hajjah, reptile of living foul, that is,
living reptiles, ep'TnTo. -^vx^v ^uavv LXX. So in the new
teftament, Ads xiv. 26. Men who have devoted their
lives, ^I'xac, 20 — 24. Nor do I count even my life dear,
T'/if ^vxrif i^n, and paffim. In Rev. xi. 11. there is a llmilar
phrafe, wvEywa mc (uyk;, which Mr. Wakefield properly
turns, breath of life, improperly in our tranllation the
fpirit of life. •4'''x:"'°^ fvfifWTro?. i Cor. ii. 14. which we
tranllate the natural man, more properly the animal man,
is fynonymous with o-afxiKoc, carnal, as crw/xa '^v^mov, i Cor.
XV. 44. is oppofed to tthviaoctikov. Alan is one fubftance.
When the principle of life departs, the body refls in the
grave till the morning of the refurre£tion. The reader
may fee every thing I wifh to fay on this fubje^t
1 Cor. XV.
The eighth article afferts, that the three creeds, the
nicene, athanafian, and the apoftles, ought thoroughly to
be received and believed, for they may be proved by moll
certain warrants of holy fcripture.
Some think it llrange to fubfciibe as the apoftles' creed,
what the apoftles never thought of: to fubfcribe as the
creed of Athanafius, what was written feveral hundred
years after his death ; and for the creed of Nice, a fymbol,
great part of which was framed at Conftantinople. Com-
mentators, indeed, treat thefe miftakes as trifles.
The
32b AN INQUIRY INTO' THE
The name, at leaft, of Athanafius, gives fanilion to
the creed. An inquirer, tlierefore, may alk, Who was
this Athanafius ?
Ttiere are few characters, about which men have been
more divided : one party deftribing him as a faint of thfe
£rll: rank ; the moft dilbnguiilied champion of the truth,
ftandirig upright and firm, when all chriftendom declined,
the whole world being againft Athanafius, and Athanafius
againft the whole world ; while the faint exhibited in his
condu6l towards his opponents all the prudence of the phi-
iofopher, and all the patience of thfe martyr ''. Thofe who
confider the athanafian creed as the ftandard of chriftian
truth, and Athanafius as the author of it, throw Arius
the heretic into fliadc, to render Athanafius the faint
confpicuous.
The other party defcribe Athanafius, as a yofung petu-
lant deacon of Alexandria, who raifing a cry about herefy,
made it a ground for the moft cruel barbarity, and the
moft reftlefs ambition ; procuring the banifhment of Arius
by artifice, and forcing himfelf into his feat by violence.
Immorality, they fay, was the caufe of his ejc6tment ; but,
•' through feas of blood," lie procured his re-eftablifh-
ment ! A learned prelate, whofe character exempts hinfi
from every fufpicion of partiality, having taken his picture,
held it up in a great afiembly as exhibiting one of the
monfters of mankind '^. If Athanafius had penned the
creed, lie would have left behind him no favourable fpc-
cimen of his character.
A perfon, admiring Athanafius, approving the creed,
and thinking the happinefs of heaven will be increafcd by
'' Hooker's Ecclcf. pol. 1. 5. 42.
« Bilhop of Cloglier's Sj>ecch, made in- the Hottfc of lords, In Irclarid, Fe-
Vrttary 2, i756»
3 the
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTrON, 32t
the endlefs tot"ments of heretics, will relilh its damnatory
part. And when he is prepared to fubfcribe, what nobody
underftands, what the fenfihle part of the nation laugh at,
and what lome merciful people cannot read, he will then
be prepared to read fourteen times a year this deteflable
creed. *' He tliat would be faved muft thus think of
the Trinity ! This is the true faith, which unlefs a man
keep whole and undefiled, without doubt he iliall perifh
cverlallingly !"
If I were called on to fubfcribe this article, felf-love
would incline me to refufe it. For 1 fhould recolle6t,
that I have the nicene creed alfo to fubfcribe. And if
I had no mercy on others, I fliould wifh to have mercy
on myfelf
The nicerle creed, (at leaft part of it,) was framed at
Nice, A. D. ,325, to confirm the do6lrines of Athanafius,
and to exclude thofe of Arius. But the good fathers were
not cool enough to lay down their own fentiments; and
we are prefented with an athanafian creed, expreflive of
arian herefy '' ! This creed was accordingly fubfcribed by
the difciples of Arius, and alfo by Eufebius, and Arius
himfelf might have been reftored to favour, but for the
oppofition of Athanafius, The athanafian do6lrine was,
that Chrifk was very God (o-wtoSe^,) co-eternal, co-equal,
uncreated ; that the perfons were not to be confounded,
nor the fubftance divided, and all were to be damned,
who believed the contrary. The nicene creed affirms, \
that Chrift is God of God, ©eo? (k Qm, light of light, very
God of very God, and does abfolutely both confound the
perfons, and divide the fubftance. The genuine creed,
alfo, clofed with a gentle fentence of damnation, (though
* Sec Wilton's Review of foms of the articles.
Y now
^22 A?^ INQUIRY INTO THE
now omitted) agaiiift thofe, who (hould fay, that Chrift
was of another Hypoftafis, which is the language of the
athanafian creed. Thus by the two creeds, we are brought
into an awkward fituation, out of which I know not how
we can dehver ourfelves, but by throwing away both the
creeds, and by following Jefus our mafter, who came not
to deftroy men's lives, but to fave theni.
CHAP. VI.
REMARKS ON ORIGINAL, OR BIRTH SIN; SACRIFICK
OF CHRIST; FREEWILL; GOOD WORKS; PREDESTI-
NATION.
Original fin (Art. 9.) is the fault and corruption
of every man, who is gendered of the offspring of Adam ;
fo that every perfon, born into the world, defcrveth God'^s
wrath and damnation !"
This definition is Calvin's % who, among other curi-
ous particulars, adds, " that infants bring their own con-
demnation with them from their mother's womb, being
charged, not with another's, but their own perfonal vice."
Let us take another word. " Before we beheld the light,^*
fays he, " we are filthy and defiled in the fight of God."
In the hiftory of the tranfgreifion of our firft parents,
which was a yielding to the felicitation of picafure, (in
oppofition to the command ot God) allegorized under the
» Peccatum originalc, fays he, haereditaria naturx noflrx pravitas et corruptio
eft. Inllitut. L a. c. i. f. 8.
charadler
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION.'
3^-3
chara£ler-of a ferpent'', we have no fuch dreadful account
of original fin : it need not furprife us, therefore, that Jo-
fephus, PhiloS and the reputed Barnabas '', take no notice
of it, and tliat tlie early chrilHan writers were wholly
unacquainted with it.
The puni/hment denounced againfl our firft parents
feeir.s to have been lofs of natural exiflence, of an imme-
diate, violent, and total death. In the day thou eateft
thereof, thou flialt furely or utterly die, is the fentence of
a judge denouncing the penalty annexed to a crime" ; and
wherever the expreffion. Thou fhalt die, occurs in the
old teftameiU, it always relates to violent death. On
the repentance of Adam and Eve, according to fome, the
fentence of total death was commuted to one lefs fevere,
and, at the fame time, fuited to a flate of imperfeflion.
To the woman God faid, I will greatiy multiply thy for-
row, &e. To Adam, Curfed is the ground, for thy
fake, &c. Or, as Dr. Ged^ies more properly turns it,
curfed is the ground with refpedl to thee.
As great ftrefs is laid on the words, thou fliaih die, in
^the controverfy about original fm, I will produce fome pa-
rallel texts, as quoted by Abauzit. " When God com-
manded Abimeleeh to rellore Sarah to Abraham, If thou
do not rePiore her, faid he to him, know that thou fliak
die." Another Abimeleeh iffuod a law in favour of Ifaac
and Rebecca; " Whofoever ihall touch this man or his
wife, {liall die." Saul publiflied an edidl ; "He who
fhall have committed this fm, were he my fon Jonathan,
•" Philo de mundi opifitio, inter op. p. 38. edit. Man^cy.
<^ Ut fup.
i What a fine opportunity had Barn:ib.-t» of mentioning it, when fpeakinjj. of
cur corruption, bffore we believe in God ' i-^€t. xvi.
* Thou ftialc incur certaiii death. Dr. GcdJes.
Y 2 h3
3?4 ^'^ INQT'IRY INTO TIIF.
he (\v,\\\ dlo." It is ulual with MolVs to oonclinlc his huV?
with this thrratcning ; " \\ holocvc r lliall ilo luch or Inch
A thing, (hall ilic." Thus aUo the piophrt I'^liflxa lays to
thr nnfrrngcr, lent to him troin ihc kiiigol Syria; (io,
fay to luin, iluni (halt (.trtainlv vcotnt-r tioin this dlfcafc .'
Iiovvhcit, the Lonl Iiaih ihcwi-ti nu-. In- fhall finely die'."
MtMo natural death could hardly he intended; tijr by
the conllitiition of Adam, his body tondeil to dillblution :
(though the fupicme Ueiivg might have jMevented the natu-
ral tendenev ot this eonllitution, of whieh the tree of lite
might have been cmMematieal) inatnuieh as thou art but
dull, laid Cicnl t(^ him, and thou (halt one day return unto
duH, that is, hei\cefor\vaid thy eonllitution Ihall yield to its
natural tendeneies. v^o far as the pollerity o( Adam wa*
aflev'^led by his punilhment, tbey became the objei^ls of
coittpailion, eert;uMly not oi Man\e. As to everlalling
torments, or (in the language of the reformers) God's
wrath and damnation, we may find them, I grant, in the
glolTes of divines, but thall fcaivh for tbcm, in v;un, in
the faered text : aiul wliat is more, endlels fulferings, for
the n\oll wieked ot niaiiknul, aie no where taught in the
feriptures, nor were they known in the primilivi' chureh.
Snne i>f the earliell eiirillian writers held, that the wicked,
altera courte i4 pvmillunent, would beeome extindl*.
In inrmediate conne^^lion with the intrixhu^ion of death
by the tirll Adam, our mortal pareirt, is a title to an eter-
nal exirtenee by Chrill, who, ihimgh a uKMtal, like Adam,
yet being feat on an impiMiaiU errand to the luuiiaa raee,
is called " the Iccond Adam, the Loid fnnu heaveir."
As 1 cannot infer the natural inunortality of man fronv
his prelent condition, fo neither am 1 taught it in the iii-
f Al-iii/u's M'l.illiiiici. • Sec llcmijs, iMliiin.
fpircJ
NATl'RK OF SUD8CRIPTIOK. 32^
Ipircil writings. 'J'lu- cxiftnicc of in.m ikivmU*! .>iii',i-
nally on tlu- jiuio i)l.m ;" by dying he ahohlhed de.ith, he took aw;iy fni,
I* The iiKomp^iriiblc Mr. H.iiticy fuppol'cj from llic gcnciftl Ixlicf of a fut\ii«
fliitc in all A^vi, that men wcic not In! ii\io it merely from general rcafons anj
aii.ilo(;ias, l)ut that it dcfcentlci liotn 1 lie common fathers of mankinii, and w.ii
the current «ipinioii among the jews. Obfcrvations on M.in, vol. a. o. j8o.
That the jews had amoivg them lium- notion of .1 future (hue, ai well a& other
nations, I think, very piobahlc, by whatever meant, they got It; and that jjoocl
jew;i, as well at; other j;o..(l mei», rninht be fupportcd by the belief of it, I think,
not improbable. Hut thai the covenant n>!«lc with the jcwii, thiuugh Mofct, rc-
^.iid^'J temporal bledun;, merely, h, I think, intontiflable.
Y 3 or
326 AN INQUIRY INTO THt
or the punifhment annexed to fin, death; and having
been rewarded with immortality for his obedience unto
death, he is become the author of eternal salvat
TioN to all thofe who obey him. His blood was fhed for
the remiffion of fins. Hence the apoftle fpeaks of God's
fending his own Son in the likenefs of a sinful body, on
ACCOUNT OF sin, and of condemning fin by that body,
as Mr. "Wakefield ingenioufly, and, I think, juftly, tranf-
lates Rom. viii. 3. And of Chrift as giving himfcif for
our fins, that he might deliver us from the prefent evil
world, according to the will of our God, and Father.
Hence too fuch expreflions, as Chrifi: dying for our fins, as
our receiving remiffion of fms through his blood, as our
obtaining redemption through his blood, even the remif-
fion of fins, of his bearing our fins in his body on the tree,
and the like. The gofpel is therefore called a Juftihcation
of life, or a right to life (^ixatuaiv rr,? ^i.>v><;,) and the obe-
dience of Ghrift is faid to flow to the fame extent as the
difobedience of Adam, and to have a contrary effedl : as
by the difobedience of one the many', all mankind,
were made, treated as, or put down as finners, by lofing a
right to exiftence ; fo by the obedience of one fjiall the
iT)any, all mankind, be made, treated as, or conflituted
righteous, that is, have a right to life. The peculiar
flrcfs laid on the obedience of Chrif\, and on his death, as
the higheft cxprefTion of it, are circumftances, I think, pe-
culiarly to be attended to.
So again, as Mr. Wakefield very properly tranflates
Rom. V. 18, as by one sin or transgression all men
came into condemnation; fo alfo by one kindness or
GRACIOUS DECREE Will all men come into a juftification
' c, oreXXBi. ^ec Roni. v. 15. to tht end of the chapter.
f «OTI«-TttCl»^B.i.
of
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. Z^J
of life. On the fame principle Paul calls the gofpel the
fpiritual law of life in oppofition to the mofaic law, which
he calls the law of fin and death, the adminlftration of
death, and the adminiftration of condemnation.
This fyftem therefore fuppofes, that the obedience of
Chrift has a higher place in the chriftian fcheme, than that
of mere example, though it, by no means, fuppofes it was
a facrifice for fin, according to the fenfe of the reformers : for
they maintained, that Chrift was a facrifice (in the {iri€t
fenfe of the word) to take away the wrath of God ' : but ^
infinite benevolence requires no foreign motive to difpofe it
to love its creatures : neither can a finite creature commit
an infinite offence ; nor can a finite creature make an infi-
nite fatisfae
born among that people a deliverer, whofe commifTion
was to extend to all mankind. 1 hey, who for this pur-
pofe were made a fcparate people, are called, without any
regard to a future ftate, his elefl ; fometimes, in confe-
quence of the deliverances, which they experienced from
God, they are called his faved, his redeemed; and, at
other times, being fet apart to anfvver the purpofes of hear-
ven, they are called fan6lified 1
Jefus Chrill:, and the apollles, were jews : being accufr-
tomed to the jewiili fcriptures, they adopt jewifh forms of
fpeech. The jewiih nation had beer^ called God's ele£L
But there was a great niyftery, which had not been made
knov/n to the fons of men, as it was afterwards revealed to
the apoftles and prophets by his fpirit, that the gentiles
jQiould be fellow-heirs, and of the fame body, by the
the Rev. Herman Andrew Piftorius. I beg leave to refer the reader to a note of
Piftorius's on the final happinefs of mankind, p. 744..
» See Taylor's Key to the Romans.
gofpel,
33^ AN INQUIRY INTO THE
gofpel, being prcdcftinatcd to the adoption of children,
according to the good pleafure of him, who worketh all
things after the fccret purpofe of his will, Eph. i. The
jews, being caft ofF for their unbelief, the gentiles, by
the mere favour of God, were entrufled witli the gofpel
— this was the gift of God — they are faid to be faved by
grace, and are called the elc6l. Thofe, alfo, who were
appointed to any office in this difpenfation, fuch as par-
taking of the miniflry with our Lord, while on earth, or
publifliing the gofpel more at large to the nations, arc faid
to be chofen, appointed, or eledled thereto.
Yet people, thus privileged, might be cut oft". Rom.
■xi. Paul was a chofen vefTcl, yet he ufed caution, left
he alfo (hould be a cafl-away ; and even Judas was one of
the chofen, and vet Judas was an apoftate. Moreover, as
the end, which God had in view in this gracious difpenfa-
tion, was the holinefs of thofe, who were under it, hence
they were faid to be chofen in Chrift before the founda-
tion of the world, Eph. i. and to be chofen through fanc-
tification, and belief of the truth- But is the notion of
diftinguilhing a few individuals, by peculiar bleflings, and
reprobating the reft to endk fs mifery, a dod\rine of Chrif-
tianity ? 1 would then fay of chriftianity, thou art not thQ-
/ religion for me. Let me ratlier be a benevolent fceptic,
than a felfifti chriftian. But abfoliUe prcdeftination lia^
not been agreeable to the tafte of modern divines. Learned
pens, therefore, have endeavoured to ftiew, that tlie article
will bear a milder interpretation ; fome afi'ert, that what
is now called the arnviuian, is the true fcnfc ; and others,
that the article was defignedly left open ; fo that a difciple
of C.ilvin, or Arminius, mav fubfcribe it with equal fafety.
Let it, however, be obferved, that the reformers were
lllpdlriaal calvinifts. Without multiplyinc; quotations, I
4 think
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 333
think it fufficient to refer to the celebrated catechifm of
decin Poiict, publinied in Edward the 6th's reign, to
which Cranmer and Ridley fct their feal, and to tlic fermoiis
of billiop Latimer. And, that cailvinifm continued to be
the do6trine of Elizabetli's reign, is clear from the latin
edition of tlie afbrefaid catechifm, publiflied by dean
Nowel, approved by the clergy in convocation, and dedi-
cated to the archbifliops and bifliops, and al'fo from thn the
blood of Chrift, and fee how precious his blood was to
God, which being (hed for our falvation, procured the
grace of repentance for the whole world''." Mr. ToplatJy
ver>' prudently fupprelTed this pafllige. Clement's appli-
cation of feveral palTages of fcripture to the fituation of the
Corinthians, and what he fays of juftification, is totally in-
confiflent with Mr. Toplady's notion of predeflination : it
being exadlly the fame, as that laid down by Mr. Taylor
ia his key to the Romans. Remarks fnnilar to thefe will
""■ Toplady's Hiftoric proof of the doctrinal calvinifm of the chui'ch of England,
vol. >. p. 1 1 8.
y Ssft. 6, 7. Co.-aparc tose-thcr fc^ioni 19, 30, 4cc. to the 56 Edit. Ruffcl,
apply
NATURE OF SUESCRIfTlON'. 33"^
apply to Polvcarp and Ignatius. As to tlie latter, he ad-
drefles whole churches, as prcdeftinated before all ages,
eleft, and the like ; people advanced in holinefs, and emi-
nently ufcful in the chriftian profcflion, he calls eledt, ia
the fame manner as tlie apoflles. The Ephefians, in the
cpiftle to whom Mr. loplady would have us believe there is
fo much of his dear do6lrine, are thus addrefTed by Ignatius ;
*' Let us reverence and fear the long-fujffering of God, that
we may not come into condemnation. Let us fear his
future wrath, or love his prefent grace ^." It is a very eafy
matter to prove, that the primitive church held abfolutc
predeftination, if we bring our own interpretation of the
term predeftination, and apply it to the fame term, where-
ever it occurs ; a pras. And if he has
been too hafty in his aiTertions, it will follow, that church-
and flate have exceeded their powers as chriftians, by
the mutual contrail i on fo precarious a thread hangs the
famous alliance !
^ KaQttTTf J j/ttg Ev Xfj-a fAia, Jiacfo^oi /uEv ai v£u^2i, [Ma Js w ofa fxiv ra Ttr^os-itrra, fxia Se n J'lJac-xaXia.
Chryfoflomi in S. Ignatium Homilia.
• s Alliance. Poftfcript to the fowrth edit. p. 30c. Sec p. 244, of th;»
Lrc^uiry.
CHAP.
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 339
CHAP. vir.
WHETHER SUBSCRIPTION BE CONSISTENT WITH THE
CHARACTER OF A CHRISTIAN. SOME SERIOUS RE-
FLECTIONS ON ITS EVIL TENDENCY,
Ijut I afk again, Is fubfcription confiflent with the cha-
ratSter of Chrift's difciples, or with the precepts of chriftia-
nity ? By a difciple of Chrift, I mean one, who is con-
vinced of Chrift's divine miffion, and devotes himfelf to
the ftudy of his do6trine. The reafon, and confcience of
of fuch an one muft fubmit to the teacher of truth,
the great exemplar of morals. With refpedl to his
fellow-chriftians, he may become a teacher, but he muft
advance no higher. Be not ye called rabbi, for one is
your guide, even the Chrift, and all ye are brethren.
Now, as Chrift was his difciples' guide in nothing but
religion, it will follow, that our Lord in fuch a com-
mand as this, muft have his eye on religious dominion :
and, indeed, the term, rabbi, proves this ; which related
to a character, that raifed men by office, and diftin-
guiftied them by titles, above their fellow-creatures ; and
which, in confequence, had advanced them to an unwar-
rantable influence over the underftandings of their bre-
thren. But Chrift charges his difciples to betray no love
of dominion, nor even to be like thofe religious guides,
the rabbis.
Z 2 Such,
340 AN IS'Q^nRY INTO TM£
Such, inclec-d, k the genius of chriflianity, tliat the
teacher's is ratlier an office of fervice, tlian of dominion :
with this view it was our Lord performed towards his dif-
/ ciplcs the niofl: menial employments, faying, If I then
vour lord and teacher, wafli your feet, ye ought alfo to
wafli one another's feet ; and the apoflles exercifed no
dommion over their hrethren's faith, but were helpers of
their joy.
But let me alk the chrilllan world : Are our laws of
cliurch difciplinc, our habits of magiflierial diftin6Vion^
our forms of ccclcfiaftical aggrandizement, our addreffes
of rcfigious honlags, agreeable to the genius of chriftia--
nity ? What difciple of Chrill hath a right to frame reli-
gious laws, or to demand a fubicriptlon to them ? To
alFccSl titles of religious fuperiority, or to fpeak to the
chriftian world with the tone of authority ^ ?
Indeed, the turning point in the controverfy with all
cftabliihments, as the judicious author of tlie ConfefTional
Ifath oblerved, is this : Is there any lawgiver, any mafler,
Inat he who fpcaks by the authority of God ? Some very
thinking men have been converted to the church of Rome,
by confidering the neceflity of an infallible head of contro-
verfy ; which is but a different expreiTion for the authority
of the church in matters of religion.
2. If the 'ncads and leaders of chrlflian churchdrs exercife
an anticlirlllian authority, in demanding fubfcriptiort, he"
who fubfcribcs yields a fubjcclion no iefs inconfillcnt with
the chara6lel' of a chrlflian. He binds himfelf to believe
not the holy fcripfures, hut the church's interpretation of
uir«Ttt Sec p. 3, 4. of this Intjuiry. Of the bona fide fubfcription, Mr. FrenJ juftly
remarks, Idem moiiachus, fed lAio tucuilo indutut ! Thouijhls on fubfcription^
zd edit.
Z 4 rlod,
344 AJiJ INQUIRY INTO THE
riod, when reafon, philofophy, and a knowledge of the
facred fcriptures have proved many of them, at leaft, falfc.
When church rulers have themfelves acknowledged them
abfurd — and when this is now- become the fentiment of
the mod fenfible part of the nation. What will be the
confequence?
Men of timorous minds will fupprefs inquiry, left con-
vi<5^ion fhould endanger their comforts ; they will continue
indolent, and ignorant, inflead of labouring to know the
truth ; they will laugh away their time in trifles and im-
pertinence, or fmk into voluptuoufnefs and eafe : or they
will afiedl a kind of clerical flate, that flimfy veil, be-
hind which, ignorance is wont to conceal itfelf, and to
challenge a character of wifdom. And thefe miniflers of
Chrifl: become public nuifances !
Happy would it be for the church of England, if the
diflipated part of her clergy only were injured by fub-
fcription ! But, alas ! men of the beft difpofitions, and of
the mofl: upright intentions, will feel its malignant in-
fluence. Their honeft hearts will be kept in fuhjeclion
to ancient prejudices ! They will too' eafily acquiefce in
pubjic authority ! And, thinking it prefumptuous to pur-
fue inquiry out of that circle, which has been drawn by
their religious fuperiors, they will receive trifles as matters
pf importance, and the miftakes of mortals for the realities
cf TRUTH !
Men of fuperior talents and fpeculative difpofitions will,
perhaps, indulge themfelves in religious invefligation —
but, will their pradtice correfpond v/ith their fpeculations ?
If men believe one thing, and pvofefs another, what (liall
we fay. Yet, aids ! how often will this be the cafe !
The enlightened and gracious clergy, (fo fome choofe
to compliment each other) have been fometlmes known to
3 have
N4-TURL OF SUBSCRIPTION. 34^
bave had light thrown into their minds on fubfcription,
and ferious impreff.ons have been made. Thofe articles,
particularly, which relate to church government, they
have, many of them, been fecretly difaffefted to. But
what a profpefl: of ufefulncfs in the church ! They love
the ferious diffenters — but a diflenting mceting-houfe has
little that is friendly to minifterial importance — All ! —
heart of man ! How often will cant, and grimace, fupply
the place of love of truth ! And the defire of popularity
furnifli cogent arguments againft the dodlrine of the crofsj
Subfcription tends to make the moll facred things mat-
ters of form, the moft awful things trifling and unimportant.
What made heathens tremble"^, chriftians *' pra6life with
«i figh, or a fmile." And what evils may not be expe6l:ed,
when truth becomes a play-thing, and an oath an affair of
fport. Allured by a prefent intereft, or in profpecl of
want, do the laws of religion operate, will the obligation
of oaths bind ? Dreadful then was the day when an oath
was firft applied to the prefent purpofe ! — " Oaths dire6ted
againft the natural fentiments of mankind, never bind''.'*
— Ah ! what fhall I fay ? — read the writings of divines,
they plead for oaths ; they plead alfo for the violation of
them !
Subfcription to any articles would endanger virtue. Let
them be ever fo true, they v.ill become the foundation of
prevarication and hypocrify. For in purfuit of prefent
gain, men do not ufually afk, " What is true, but what
js conveiiient?" But what fhall we fay, if the fyftem itfelf
^ Oe-Ttq ^C Taroiy (i. e. ogxajv) a-yvotJiv £s.vr-ji) tpajtj/uEXuJca;?, tutov u wot' av
sya) euSatf^ovicraifxi, Tcv ya{ ^mv -nrcXE/ciov, oix oiJa an arro ttroia av tovs iftyyivy
TK a7ro
whether a fingle queflion in favour of this oppreffed nation can be carried without
His confcnt?— And whether any mcafine, however inimical, may not, through
ii 1 s influence, be effefted ?
In this flatc of .ibjedl flavery, no hope remains for us, but in the fincerc aniJ
hearty union of all the people, for a complete and radical reform of parliament ;
fcccaufc it is obvious, that one party alone ha\'e been ever wnablc to obtain a finglc-
blelTmg for their country; and the policy of our rulers has been always fuch, as
to keep the different ftfts ac variance, in which they have been but too well fe-
conded by our folly.
For
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION^ Jj^
As fonie of the preceding remarks are made with great
freedom, and may appear to fome to favour of illiberality,
juftice
For the attainment, then, of this great and important objef, part 1. ch. 2, By Mrs. Mary Wollftonccraft. Mr, Robinfon's judi-
cious Plan of Lefture: on the principles of non-conformity, \voul4 \vell employ
4;fl'enting miniftcrs,
A a 3 aged,
358 AN INQUIRY I^^TO THE
aged, in fhort, the whole compafs of human mifery, is
but preparatory to, and, perhaps, neceflary for, a more
complete and durable happinefs ; and in the fame manner,
all the errors that have been fown in the world, and all the
obric[uities of human conduci:, together with their conco-
mitant evils, and punifliments, are preparing the way for
a perfect exhibition of truth, and a firm, permanent,
eternal virtue. It v/as expedient jdoubtlefs) in the divine
osconomy, (for whatfoever is done upon earth, God doeth
it,) that the gold and fdver of divine truth fliould be de-
bafed, that its partial bleffings might be accommodated to
the imperfedl conceptions of the nations ; and it may be
neceflary, that fome of the bafe coin fhould yet be current.
But the time will come, when every thing that is falfe
will difappear, and pure, unadulterated chriftianity be more
clearly underflood, and more highly prized, after a tem-
porai-y debafement : it being the prerogative of the great
Being, to bring good out of evil. Yes ! the ancient pro-
phecies muft be yet fulfilled, every tumult be filenced, and
every diforder of fociety redlified by the glorious gofpel.
The peaceful reign of the King of truth is yet to come.
The nations muft learn war no more. The man of fm
muft be wholly confumed and deftroyed. The kingdoms
ot the world muft become the kingdoms of our God and
his Chrift. In fhort, we look for a new heaven, and new
earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness.
Thefe confiderations make me at perfc6l eafe in regard
to the conduft of iny fellow creatures ; and where I may,
in an inveftigation on the nature of fubfcription, feem to
afl inconfiftcntly with this profeflion, 1 would be confi-
idered as expreffing a juft indignation againft the evils necef-
farily attendant on an erroneous conftitution of things,
father thai) as trifling with tlic impcrfeiftions of individuals.
8 Fof
NATUR."E OF SUBSCRIPTION. 359
For the fame reafon, while I exprefs my indignation
againft our prefent government, I feel no refentment
againft the pcrfons of our governors. They are adling
the part affigned them by the harmonizer of nations : and
the means they are taking to promote difcord, fliall ter-
minate in peace. I too; am moving In the fphere affigned
me by my Maker. As to my treatment of sacred inftltu-
tions, fuch as churches and governments, Does any one think
me acSting out of the line of chriftian duty, warn me to fub-
mit to the ruling powers, and either exprefi indignation, or
feel compaffion at a rebellious fpirit ? I would urge, Yes, I
will fubmlt, but againft the power that opprefles I will yet
bear my teftimony. Oh ! man, thy cenfure, thy praife,
and thy pity, may be alike mifplaced. Leave me to his
mercy, whojudgeth righteous judgment.
At the fame time, while I make every conceffion to im-
perfedl conceptions, to the weak refolutions of man, of man
in whom God worketh all things, after the fecret purpofes
of his own will, yet furveylng the degeneracies that have
overfpread the proteftant v/orld with ftrong feelings, and
entirely agreeing with Mr. Hartley in his judgment of the
corruptions of all religious cftablifhments, I can, by no
means, accede to the following fentiment of that great
man. *' It follows," faith he, '* that good men fliould
fubmit to the ecclefiaftical powers, that be, for confcience
fake, as well as to civil ones '." For, if all religious efta-
blifliments are the contrivance of human folly, and if their
deftru6lion is foretold by divine prefcience; if the flxme
vvlfdom, that permits them for a time, is, however, by
means, preparing the way for their total demolition ; and
further, if what unites gives ftrengtli and perpetuity to a
building, and if a feparation only weakens and diffolves it,
' Hartley's Obfervations on man, vol. 2. p. 372. ift edit.
A a 4 then,
360 AN INQUIRY, &C.
then, ought this language to be received by chriflians;
*' Come out from among them, and be ye feparate, and
TOUCH not the unclean thing." While candour
yirould do juftice to the talents and even the intentions of
Hoadleys, Clarke§, and Sykefes, truth would fay,
YET SHEW I UNTO YOU A MORE EXCELLENT WAY * :
a way on which real difficulties mufl be engaged, but on
which true honours attend.
» See a valuable work, entitled, Memoirs of the life and writings of Arthur
Aihley Sykcs, by Dr. Difney, Pref. p. 4. and p. 56. and p. lao. to laX.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.
The following fhort remarks are made to ckar myfelf of
a fufpicion of partiality in my references to the apoflolical
Fathers, in fpeaking on the divinity of Chrift. I was not
ignorant, then, that in the firft of thefe writers, Barnabas,
jhere are many pafTages, which favour the do6lrines of the
pre-exiftence, and divinity of Chrift. But the authority
pf the reputed Barnabas had little weight with me, con-
vinced as I was from internal marks, as well as the tefti-
mony of Eufeblus, (who feems to fpeak of it, not only
as a fpurious fcrlpture, but as written alfo by an uncertair;
author), that the " catholic epiftle," afcribed to Barna-
bas, could not have been written by the apoflle of that
name. Of this judgment were Archblfliop Laud, Uftier,
Cotelerius % and others, whofe fyftem this epiftle favours,
as well as Dr. Prieftley, Mr. Wakefield, and other writ-
ers, whofe fyftem might feem to require fuch an expe-
(dient. And even admitting, that the epiftle was written
by the apoftle Barnabas, yet feveral of the paffages brought
into this controverfy, to prove the divinity of Chrift, have,
indifputably, been interpolated, as is apparent from the
latin verfion. This writing was compofed, moft probably,
jn the middle of the fecond century. And even if the
f TeAixQonia dc Barnaba.
apoftle
362 APPENDIX.
apoflle of that name wrote it, we have the "autliority of a
greater apoflle for faying, Though we or an angel from »
heaven preach any other gofpel, let him be anathema!
Unus Paulus ante mille Barnabas.
When I read Hcrmas, or Hermes, the next writer,
called apoftolical, I was of opinion, tliat he believed the
tlodtrine of Chrift's pre-exiftence. But I paid little regard
to his authority, from a perfuafion, that neither could " the
ihcpherd" be the produ6tion of an apoftolical man; feme
parts of it being inconfiflent with that purity, to be ex-
pe6lcd of fuch a cliaradtcr: which led Tertullian, and
many others to rejeft it, at leaft as canonical, ^mce I
have read Mr. Wakefield's remarks on that pafiagc in
Hcrmas, which has been thought fo clearly to favour the
divinity of Chrill:, I am convinced it is quite confiftent
with his mere humanity, whatever be determined of the
authenticity of the writing. I ihall not repeat what
Mr. Wakefield has faid, but refer to his perform. ance''. I
only add, that in thfrthird book of " the ihepherd," which
has been thought to favour the creation of the world by
Jefus Chrift, creation is exprefsly afiigned to the Father *.
And where the Lord, or the Father, is faid to take coun-
fel with the Son, yet Chrift is fpoken of as a fervant : and
though he is called the " Lord of his people," yet all his
power is faid to be received from the Father. It is alfo
added, that the holy fpirit was firft of all infufed into his
body, (Chrift's) in which God might dwell : for he placed
underftanding in him, as feemed to him good''. It is clear,
I think,
I* An Enqviry into the opinions of the chrillian writers of the three firft centu-
ries, concerning the perfon of Jefus Chrift, p. 318.
« Dominus autcm fundi Jemonltratur eflc is, qui crcavit cunita, 1- 3. Sim. w 5.
«■ This is moft probably the meaning of the paffagc, confidcrcd in its connciftion;
it has evidently been corrupted, and, as it lies, is quite unintelligible. Quia
nuBcius
APPENDIX.
363
I think, that Hermas believed the pre-exiftence of Chrifl:,
though not what is improperly called his true and proper
divinity.
I was clearly of opinion, when I read Clement's admired
epiftle, that there was nothing in it, which favoured the
pre-exiftence of Chrift, much lefs his equality with Jeho-
vah. Since what I wrote on that fubje6l was printed off,
I have read bifliop Horfley's charge to his clergy, when
archdeacon of St. Alban's. And that writer's interpreta-
tion of the following paffage, as applied toChrill, (whom he
fuppofed the fecond perfon in the Trinity) has further con-
vinced me, I was not miftaken in my fenfe of the paffage.
Clement fpeaks, as follows. " The fceptre of the majefty
of God, our Lord Jefus ChriP, came not in the pomp of
pride, and arrogance^, though he had it in his power."
Now to fay, the fupreme Being could have come in arro-
gance and pride, is not only grofs anthromorphitifm, but
approaches to blafphemy. This confideration led Jerom
to tranflate it, cum omnia poflit, y-aivt^ m-anoi. ^wxi^.tv'^ ; and
one of Clement's expofitors obferves, that vuvra. feems to be
wanted here ; for if hvaixiv^, he had it in his power, be
read alone, it fhould feem to imply, that he could have
come in the pomp of pride, which is not true. How
very true is this remark, if we imagine Chrift the fupreme
Being ! But fuppofmg Chrift to have been a mere man,
(and I am clear the conne6tion of the paffage implies he
was no more,) and every thing is natural, nor will 7!-«irT*
be wanted to make the place feafible, being exadlly pa-
rallel to what is faid of our Lord in the new Teftament :
nimcius audit ilium fpiritum fanflum, qui infufus eft omnium primus in cor-
poi-Cj in quo habitaret Deus. CoIIocavit enim eum inteUedlus jn coipore, ut c»
yidebatur.
«= Bifliop Horflfv'i chargC; Sec, j>. 15,
The
364 APPENDIX.
The fceptre of the majefly of God being evidently an allu-
fion to the apoftle ; Concerning the Son, he fays, God is
thy throne for ever and ever, a fceptre of rlghteoufnefs is a
fceptre of thy'kingdom, as the latter part is to Phil. ii. 6^.
When it is faid of Chrifl, He came not in the boaftlng of
arrogance, &cc. it alludes not, I conceive, to a pre-exift-
cnce, but to his miffion, as it is faid of John, He came
not eating and drinking, Matt. xi. 18. Paul fays of
himfelf. And I, brethren, when I came to you, came
not with excellency of fpecch, or vvifdom. In fhort, this
expreflion occurs frequently in the new tellament, and is
applied to the pretenfions xDf true and falfe prophets, and
teachers indifferently, in the fame fenfe as being fent ;
which latter phrafe ufed in the gofpels relates evidently to
our Lord's raifilon, as explained by himfelf, John xvii. 18.
As thou hafh fent me, aTrsrstAa? into the world, that is, on
a miffion to mankind ; even fo have I fent them, ocTrirn^oc,
into the world. Thus the fam.e evangelill. There was a
man fent from God, aTTfraA/xEiof, and fo throughout Jolin :
hence «7roroAo?, an apoftle, one who had a divine commif-
fion ; 'niu.'irui by Sophocles, and tTiivsuvu by Plato, are ufed
in the fame fenfc, in which they occur throughout the
gofpel of John : i^i(x°(^"-^' to go fortli, is ufed in the fame
fcnfe in the new teflament, and applied to the pretenfions
of true and falfe prophets indifferently. So that Clement's
phrafe is evidently derived from the phrafeology of the new
teftamcnt, and means nothing more than that the miffTion
t>f Chrift was not attended with eircumftances of pride and
ollentation. If Chrifl: was a man in all things like unto
us, the fuperior llation, in which he was placed as a pro-
plict, jufiifies this exprefTion of Clement's, and many
f Sec Wakefield's Euquiry, &c. p. 198.
fimllay
APPENDIX. 365
finiilar paffages in Paul's writings, refen^ed to Chrift: tor
he had great temptations to vanity and pride, yet was meek
and lowly of heart.
I gave my reafons for not quoting Ignatius* in this quef-
tion. Every body knows, that his epiPiles have pafled
through the hands of roguifli faints. However, they fpeak
the language of orthodo.\v ; and bifhop Horfley thinks that
enough. He has produced a very difputed paffage in Tgna-
tius's epiftlcs s, in proof of the eternal exiltence of Chrift,
in the ftridl and abfolute fenfe ; when yet it is not fuffi-
ciently clear, that the perfon, againft whom the paflage is
fuppofed to have been diredled, lived at the time, and, in-
deed, by comparing the place, as it lies in the genuine
epiftles, with the interpolated, it appears very probable,
that the former was corrupted after the latter, by a mark
fimilar to what Mr. Wakefield has obferved of other paf-
fages. Befides, neither does «(^kS>', any more than aia^j®-,
as applied to the Aoy©^ by ancient writers, relate to abfo-
lute eternity, as is manifeft from Philo, Eufebius, and
others, who fpeak of tJie Aoy<^ as a.ih'^, yet neither of
them in the fenfe, for which Bifliop Horfley contends ^.
A circuinftancc which I am fnrprifed fhould have efcaped
fo " competent a grecian, and one fo well acquainted with
ancient writers." Tliere is a paffage in Polycarp's epiftlc
to the Philippians, in the explanation of which our bifliop
triumphs not a little. It is tins. Every one who fhall
deny, that Jefus Chriil: has come in the flefli, (or more
properly in flefh, tv c^«pi,) is antichrift ; and whofoever fhall
deny the teftimony of the crofs is of the devil; and who-
ever fhall pervert the oracles of the Lord to his own lufts,
° See this matter difcuffEd in Mr. VVhirton's Letter to the Earl of Nottingham.
and
366 APPENDIX.
and fay there is neither n refurrciSlion nor a judgment (not
any rcfurrcclion, for they iuppofed the refuire6lion was
pafi:) he is the firft-born of Satan '. In oppofition to Dr.
Prieftiey, who has aflerted very properly, I think, that
Polycarp was here only defcribing one fe£l, bifliop Horflcy
maintains he is defcribing three : viz. thofe who denied our
Lord's coming in the flefli, thofe who denied his fuffer-
ings, and thofe who denied a general refurredlion and a
future judgment''. But furely the learned do6lor is mif-
taken. It is liighly probable, I may fay certain, that Po-
lycarp is here defcribing the fame people as Ignatius in his
epiftle to the Smyrnaeans. " AH thefe things," fays the
latter, " hefuff'ered for us, that we might be faved; and he
tinaly fufFered, as he alfo truly raifed himfelf, not as thofe
faithlefs men fay, he only fufFered in appearance '" (hence
called docetse). Let it be obferved, that Ignatius in the
laft claufe only fpeaks of thofe who denied his fufFerings,
and yet he is fpeaking of the fame men, who denied alfo
his refurre6lion. Nor is this all. Ignatius, fpeaking of the
■fame men, (whom however he had not fpoken of under
that term before) fays, " they blafpheme my Lord, deny-
ing that he bore fiefli, jw.i o.aoAoyii? avTov aafKv(po(cii ■"," which,
if I am not miftaken, means exa6lly the fame as Polycarp's
denying, that Jefus Chrill: is come in flefli ; and as thefe
palfages lie in Ignatius's fhorter epiftlcs, which this man of
learning fays are " fuppofed to contain the genuine text,"
and are " every where analogous to the chriflian faith,"
the fmgle expreflions of Ignatius may be received as expla-
natory of Polycarp's, that is, they both refer to one fc6l, the
docetaj. Further: It is a queftion, fays billiop Horfley,
'*■ Ep. ad Phil. 7. ^ Birtiop Horfley's firft Difquifit.
^ Eplft. ad Smyrn. § 2. |* Seft. 6.
whether
APPENDIX. 367
whether the rtioiter epiftles are from the abridged, or the
longer from interpolated copies : adi-nltted. To fay how-
ever the leafl:, the interpolated mav be fometimes received
as explanatory of the genuine , they contain what is implied
in them here, and in terms too peric6lly correfponding to
the whole paffage in Polycarp's epiftlc ". They at leaft take
in the three ideas; and all the flourifhes of the learned
doclor about his three fe6ls conle to nothing. However,
fhould it even be admitted, that Polycarp is there defcrlb-
ing three fe61:s, ftill the exprefiion of Chrift's coming in
fiefh does not amount to what our critic afHrms; not even
m its natural fenfe: nor is there any other fmgle expreffion
throughout the epiftle, that can juftify bifliop Horfley's
notion of Chrift's pre-exiftence, much lefs of his divinity :
As to his St. Barnabas, in whom he finds evidence fo " di-
rect and full" on this phrafe of Chrifl's coming in flefli, as
to call it " pofitive evidence," it will be his v/ifdom to
make the moft of it. But, till I find fome better authority
proving it to be the produilion (I do not fay of an apoftle*
hut) of the apoftolic age, than I have yet found, I fhall
place it among the nugse aniles of antiquity, and fay of its
authority what he improperly fays of Dr. Prieftley's " v/holc
mafs of evidence,"
——it is light as air, and kicks the beam ■>.
After all, pure unadulterated fcripture is the bafis on
which this do6trine refts. There is one God, and one Me-
diator between God and man, the man Chrifi: Jefus.
" In the interpolated, in the 6th feflion, it reads thus : Let no man be: de-
ceived. For if he fhall not believe, that Jefus Clirift appeared in flelh, and con-
icfs his crofs, and his fufFerings, &c. Sec Sedt. 2. interpol.
• See bilhop Horfley's 8th let. to Dr. PrielUey, and firil Difquifit.
^68 APPENDIX.
El; Tail; a>>r,0s(ai5-in ei{ £r» ©££>.;>
Of Hfxvov rsrev^t, v.on yonav /x.a;;pai'>
IIoeTov T£ ■/a.^.oirov, o^'iy.ot, x' ia:i/su,fciy, tiai; P-
And here I cannot avoid departing from my original in-
tention to exprefs my fufpicions alfo of the learned dodlor's
competency in fcripture cri*"iclfm. Thus on the phrafe
of Chrift's coming in flefh. On the fuppofition that
Chrift was only a man, was it polTible for him, he afks, to
come otherwife''? Yes, moft learned doftor, he might have
come in fpirit; i.e. he might have been extraordinarily
gifted and come as a prophet, as he did ; he that cometh af-
ter me, &c. : and, in the fame connexion, on whomfoever
thou fceft the Spirit of God defcending and abiding, this is
he; and I faw and bare teftimony, that this maa was the
fon of God : or he might have come fimply in the cha-
radler of thofe, who are faid to be born not of the will of
flefh, nor of the will of man, but of God, John 1. 15. Or,
confidering him as a prophet, the particular circumflances
of his coming might have been fpecified, he might have
come eating and drinking; i. e. 1 fuppofe without the ap-
pearance of a rigid auflrerlty. He might alfo have come
by water, &c. (See i John v. 6.) The phrafe to come,
therciore, in connediilon with another term, relates only to
Tome public appearance or fome particular circumflances in
a miffion, without any reference to a prior ll:ate. When
John fays, I came baptizing in water, John 1. 31. it ftands
oppofed to Clirifl's coming to baptize with the holy ghoft
in the fame connexion. As to the otlier term, in flefh,
that which is born of the fielh is fielli, and relates to mere
P Afciibcd by fome of the ancient fathers, and on their authority by ancient
Jivincs, to Sophocles, but proved not to be his by Dr. Beatley, as was hinted to mc
by Mr. Wakefield.
« Fourth k:. to Dr. Pritftley.
manhood.
APPENDIX. 369
ihanhood. Jews after the flcfli and Ifrael after die flefii are
natural-born jews. The obvious and natural meaning,
therefore, of coming in flefh, is mere manhood, and it would
be offering violence to the idiom of the new teftament to
make it have any other reference.' It is not neceffary even
to admit (as bi/hop Horfley intimates), before we can fup-
pofe he would have ufed fuch language, that John was an
unitarian ; for, as a trinitarian, he might have ufed it with-
out referring to a pre-exiftence. As to the whole expreffion,
.** coming in flelli," that it has fomething more fpecific in
It, than being partaker of flefli and blood, may be admitted
(though it is not neceffary, nor does it add any thing to
bifhop Horfley's argument), fmre it had a reference to a.
people, who faid he came in flefh only in appearance.
Speaking of this expreffion, Forafmuch then as the chil-
dren were partakers of flefh and blood, he alfo himfelf like-
wife took part of the fame, Heb. ii, 14, our critic remarks,
in the original, man's connexion with flefla and blood and
Chrift's connexion are expreffed by different words, H£y.oiw ,
s^v-E, and ,w.£TE~;s^ and to fliew that x&u-wvsw means more than
pi£TE;)(^ii, he refers to Jamblichus de myfteriis -^gvptiorum.
Jamblichus is no proper authority in this cafe. Hov.^ever I
have turned to him, and unfortunately his fcnfe of Koivuvim
rather weakens the bifliop's argument, than ogives anv
ftrength to it. I have alfo turned to Paul, and, if I am not
flrangely miflaken, Paul ufes the term s^irox,^'; as applicable
to Chrift in common with thofe, wjiofe nature he took,
which would have been inconfiftcnt, if there had been anv
weight in bifhop Horfley's criticifm. But to ihew the ut-
ter futility of it, the fame apcftle ufes both terms in the
fame fenfe, and in the fame connexion ; the cup of bleff.ng,
which weblcfs, is it not a communion [y.oivuivix^ a partaking
in common) of the blood of CbriR ? ,the bread winch we
B b break,
370 A P P E N I> 1 X.
break, is it not a communion of the blood of Chrift ? for
we, being ."nany, are one bread and one body, for we arc all
partakers of that one bread, fx.ircx,oiJ.iv. i Cor. x. 1 6. So again,
ver. 20 — 30. In parallelifms nothing. is more common than
to vife dificrent tcnivs where no difference of fenfe is im-
plied ; as in 2 Cor. vi. 14, For what fellowfliip (f^erox*)) hath
righteoufnefs with unrighteoufnefs ? or what communion
^Koivuna) hath light with darknefs? I might alfo have ob-
fcrved, which feems however to have efcaped the penetra-
tion of this grecian, that our tranflation here is wrong: for
It fliouid not be likewifc took part of the fame ; but in like
manner, in the fame manner, -ErapawXwiwf, (as it is faid
clfewhcre, He was a man in all things like unto us, except
fin,) and thus conneils with ver. 17, Wherefore it became
him to be like his brethren, a^£^ L. I. vif. 3. f. 7. L. 3. Sim. i.x. 16.
^Tertulliau de Baptifroo, p. 264. edit. Lvitet.
' See this fubje<£t further difcuffcd with gicat learning, in Robinfon's Hift. of
jbaptifm, c. 19.
» On the Pentateuch. Gen. xvii. 12.
* Annot. on Matt. iii. i.
formed
APPENDIX. 38 Z
formed by immerfion. 2. That it was not performed upon
infants. 3. That it was not intended for the children of*
chriftian parents ".
In oppofition to the notion of profelyte baptifm, two
very learned writers among the baptifts, Dr. Gill and Dr.
Gale, have endeavoured to fliew, tliat the pradlice of ad-
mitting profelytes into their church by an initiatory rite of
baptifm was unknown to the ancient jews. The former
has purfued this inquiry through the writings of the
Old Teftament, the Apocrypha, the New Teftament,
Philo, Jofephus, the Targums, or Chaldee Paraphrafes,
the Targum of the Megillot, the Book of jewilli Tradi-
tions, called the Mifnah, the chriftian fathers of the firfi:
three or four centuries, down to the times of the jewilh
Talmuds, and, he adds, upon inquiry it will be found,
that the firll: mention of it, for aught as yet appears, is in
the jewifh Talmuds "'.
Dr. Gale contends, that the jews were fo far from hav-
ing an initiatory baptifm among them before, or at the
time of Chrift, that even in the talmuds there is no ap-ree-
meju about it, that the baptifms Ipoken oi in thofe writ-
ings may only be the baptifms for puriiicatioii ; and that
the jews even ridicule the baptifm of chrlftians, as an un-
meaning ceremony. It is no where, fa^s the author of
the aacienteft N-ii^zachon, quoted by Dr. Gale, com-
manded' to plunge perfons, or profelytes into water. Why
therefore does Jefus command to do fo ? And again, fpeaking
in the language of chriftlans, he fays, that Chriil came to
renew the law, and that he Iiad laid afide or abolifhed cir-
cumcifion, and inftitutcd baptifm *. From thefe circum-
" Wikefield oi\ Matthffw, and a Plain and (hort account of the nature of baptifm.
* A Diffcrtation.concerning the baptifm of jewifh profelytes, c. 3.
'^ Reflexions on Wall's Hift. of infant baptifm, Letters 9, 10.
fiances
382 APPENDI3t.
rtanccs Dr. Gill, Dr. Gale, and the baptifts corrteiK^, that
the baptifm of chriftians was not derived from the jews ;
that it is a divine inftitution, that it ought not to be ad-
miniftered to the children of chriftians ; though it is of
perpetual obhgation on all, who take on them the chriflian
profeflion.
Whatever were my judgment, refpefting the origin, the
form, and the obhgation of baptifm, I muft poflefs a large
portion of faith to fubfcribe the 25th and 27th articles.
Our reformers, it is clear, fuppofed, that grace accompa-
nied baptifm. *' It is a fure witnefs and effeflual fign of
grace." " Faith is confirmed, and grace increafed, by vir-
tue of prayer to God." But I hope it is too late in the
day to fuppofe, that, from being children of wrath, we
} can, by any form of baptifm, become children of grace,
and members of the kingdom of heaven ^:
The rite, now called the lord's supper, received its
origin from the laft paflbver fupper, which our Lord eat
with his difciples : at which time, agreeably to the curtom
of the jews, at their ordinary meals, he took bread and
blefled, or gave thanks, and afterwards, gave thanks for
the wine. At the paflbver fupper, it was ufual for the
mafter of the houfe to break the bread into morfels, and
to deliver it to the guefts, in commemoration of the deli-
verance of the jews out of Egypt, faying, " this is the bread
of affliftion, which your fathers eat in Egypt ^." In allu-
fion to this cuftom, our Lord faid; This do in remcm-
y This was the opinion of Auflin ; anJ even TcrtulIIan fuppofcdy that feme
extraordinary blelTing attended baptifm. Hie quoque, quoniam tanta fimpli-
citate, fine pompa, fine apparatu novo aliquo, deniquc fine fumptu, homo in aqui
(kmifTus, et inter pauca verba rin£tus, nan nnulto, vel nihilo inelior icfurgic, eo
incrcdibilis cxiftimctur confccutio acternitati?. Dc bapt. p. 214. inter op.
edit. Luich. ^ Ab»uiic on the Cvich^rli^.
brance
APPENDIX. 383
brance of me, and In diftin6lion from the body of the pafT-
over, as the lamb was called, faid, Take, eat, this is my
body ^. At the folemn treaties of the jews it was ufual
to flay a victim : hence the old covenant was ratified with
the blood of beads, which was therefore called ♦' the
blood of the covenant," Exod. xxiv, 8. In allufion to
this, our Lord after fupper took the cup, faying, This
cup is the new covenant by my blood. Tliis do ye, as
oft as ye drink it, in remembrance of n)e. And Paul
adds. As oft as ye eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye do
fhew the Lord's death, till he come.
When the firft chriftians broke bread together, it is clear
to me, it was a real, though a temperate meal. The Co-
rinthians could never have abufed the prefent rite to pur-
pofes of intemperance , and the apoflle does not blame
them for making it a meal, but becaufe fome took it apart
trom, and before the reft, ezaro? yap to i^iov ^mmov Mr. Liadlcy.
C c 2 an
3S"8" A f P E N D r 55r.
an impartial ftranger ! Ye have long given inftru(5tion t<>'
chriftians : and may ye ftill continue witnefles againft: the
ravages and diforders of lociety ! Ye were among the firft,
who bore generous rcftimony againft the abominable traffic
in human blood ; and in like manner, above afl the fedls"-
in chriftendomv ye have teftified againft an antichriftian
priefthood, and the unrighteous hnpoiition of tithes '.
The FRIENDS afl^ (and with juftice) why fhouW chriftian-
ftates reckon their diays and months affer heathen deities ^ I
' — If the reformers and legiflators of cliriftcndom had ye€\\-
fied their calendars inftead of altering tlie chriftian doc-
trines, they had kept- within their own province. The
friends have certai-nly reformed many things, whicli tlic
governments of chriftendom have never touched.
The quakers, like the difciples of Confucius, Iiave no
friefts: or, more properly fpeaking, thev are among thcin--
ielves " a kingdom of priefts." Even the women are per-
mitted to teaich in their public affcmblies, in common witl>
tke men. — The fword is-with them; an unrighteous M'ca-'
pon. And 1 rife up with- refpefl to the children of peace.
When the son of man fliall fit on the throne of his fatlier
David, peace ftiall be eftabliflied on the earth.— Like the
ancient Phrygians, the friends neither fwear themfelves,
nor impofc an oath on others. And, truly, at a time,
when the means of evading oaths are as numerous, as the
reafons for multiplying them, the pratlice of this people,
whofe honeft affirmation fujperfedcs the neceffity of an oatli,
is entitled to the attention of the Icgiflature.
Quakerifm confulered as a fcheme of civil politv hath it?
excellencies. It hath alfo its excellencies^ as a fcheme of
chriftian difclpline. But excellent as the difciplinc is in
♦^St* P«arfon on Titk«6^ H Vid. BcJa, 1. i.
fomc
APPENDIX. 389
•fome points of view, it has been thotiglit dcfedtive in
others : and admirably adapted as it is to one particular ftheme
of religion, it has been thought by no means formed tor the
general reception of chriftians.
In oppofition to femalk teaching, fome critics have
faid, that praying and prophefying, i Cor. xi. 5. relate to
joining in linging and prayer., But this I think not fuffi-
ciently clear. Thaugh it muil: be confeffed tliat the term
■prophetcfs hath a great latitude of meaning, both in the old
and new teftament, as well as in claffical writers. See
Gen. XX. 7.. Exod. xv. 20. However, it is well knowa
•that prophefying both in facred and profane writers means
teaching'-; and Locke, Poole, and Biftiop Pearce, have
.admitted, that after the day of pentecoft, and during the
continuance ot miraculous powers, women might pro-
phefy, that is, teach, while under a divine impulfe, Bi-
ihop Pearce reconciles i Cor. xi. 5. with xiv. 34, 35. and
3 Tim. iL 12, 13. hy fuppofing that the former text relates
to women under a divine impulfe, the latter to thofe who
were ordinarily gifted. But neither am I fatisfied with this
^account. For it does not appear, that the women even
wh^n ui^der a divine impulfe taught m the church, that
•is, an afTembly compofed of men and wcaiien. Paul fays.
Let your women keep filence in tlie church ; for it is not
permitted unto them to fpeak: as alfo faith the law, i Cor.
xiv. 34, 35. which certainly refers to public fpeaking: as
he had faid before in another cafe : If there be no interpreter,
let him keep filence in the church, v. 28. Verfe 35. per-
liaps relates to a cuftoni for manv years known in the pri-
mitive church of flopping the fpeaker, and afking him to
' Gen. XX. 7. Exod. iv. i6. Prov. xxx. i, xxxi. 1, Sec. Diod, Sic. Arjrtutic,
f lato, Jofephus. Pcarce% Comment. Aftsxv. 32.
C c 3 explain
39© APPENDIX.
explain himfelf. But even this was not allowed the wo-
men. Let them alk their hufbands at home, fays Paul.
I, therefore, think with Dr. Taylor, that i Cor. xiv. 34,
35. relates to the church, where men and women were
affembled promifcuoully ; and xi. 5, to focleties wholly
compofed of females, agreeably to the manners of the
Grecians ; where the females had their feparate apartments,
(called yyvaiyurt^aci;,) Potter's Grecian Antiq. vol. 2. Is it
then unlawful for a female to teach in a public aflembly,
agreeably to the pratSlice of the quakcrs? I have not faid fo.
But the proper anfwcr to this queftion, I conceive is, not
that which Mr. Penn and Mr. Barclay give, but this, that
the mode of regulating chriflian worfliip is wholly diicre-
tional. Paul, indeed, faid, we have no fuch cuflom.
But (except it can be fliewn, that Paul's rules for regu-
lating worfliip are binding on all ages) the quakers are at
liberty, I conceive, to fay. What then ? Wc have. The
mode of ordering churches in the times of the apollolical
fathers was by a bifliop, that is, the fenior preflDyter, pref-
byters, and deacons. Prefbyterefles, were wives of tlie
prefbyters, as the dcaconelTes were of the deacons, or elfs
women profcfledly fet apart for the fervice of the church.
And Grotius hath obfervcd they were ordained till tlie
council of Laodicea, by the impofition of hands, and that
they inflru6led the females: but they were not public
teachers. Taylor and Grotius, on Rom. xvi. Thcfe
officers (fee Robinfon's hift. of baptifm, p. 64.) continued
in the roman and qreek churches, till the eleventh ccn-
tury ; longer in the oriental, and among the ncfiorian
churches continue ftill.
Whether it be lawful for a chriflian to take an OATti
when offered by the maglilrate, hath been much diiputcd.
'I"hc befl thing, that the wjfcll: men can fay for oatlis, is,
that
APPENDIX. 391
that they are evils, which the depravity of mankind render
necefTary. But they are not neceffary for a good man.
He loves truth, ai'id his folemn aficveratlons will have the
force of oaths. Neither are they the cords, which bind a
bad man. In both cafes, perhaps, a foleran affeveratloa
before the civil magiilrate, with a fevcre fine, or corporal
punifliment, in cafe of a violation, would better anfwer
every purpofe of civil focietv. I am not fure that the
depravity of mankind, which may feem to render oaths
neceiTary, may not fi^rnilli an- argument againll the ufe
of them.
The apoflolical fathers, fo called, fay nothing either for
or againfl: oaths. Polycarp is referred to by Mr. Barclay ^^
as againft them. He alludes, I fuppofe, to his martyrdom:
(for, in his epiftle to the Phiiippians, there is nothing
about them,) at which time he was called on to fwear by
the genius of Ca;far. He replied. If you vainly fuppofe,
that 1 will fwear by the fortune of Csefar, as you fpeak,
you affedt not to know, who I am. Freely hear me, 1
am a chriftian^ : the ufual reply of the primitive chrii-
tians, when called upon to fwear by the genius or fortune
of the emperor. Which applies not to the prefent times ;
when the "magiftrate acknowledges Jehovah, the God of
chrlflians. Nor does Juftin Martyr's application of Matt.
V. 34. 37 °. For he clearly refers it to Ipeaking truth :
as Mr. Wakefield hath before obferved p. Ut^i rov ixn of*»t>a4
o>.u;, T ccX-zi^Ti h Xijiiy «£», Sec. Thele writers are alfo re-
ferred to by Mr. Penn '^. I think it, however, probable,
that moft:. If not all the primitive chriftlans, for nearly the
.three firfl centuries, fuppofcd all oaths unlawful. Their
"' Apol. prop. XV. ■» Epift. Circul. de Polycarpi Mart. f. x.
" Apol. ii. p. 63. edit. Lutet. p On Matt. v.
■« Treatilc on ojths, vol. 2. Scl(--yiih
APPENDIX. 393
With a view to forfwear. And, indeed, it may be juftly
argued, that Chrift is here fpeaking of voluntary, or pro-
fniflary oaths, or vows, by whicli the Jews devoted any-
thing to Jeliovah, but avoided uttering his name; ufmg
Come inferior i'oyin of words, to evade tlie force of the obh^
gation. But our Lord fays, Let your communication,
your word, (Aoyo?) yea, be yea ; your word, nay, be nay,
(fo it (hould be tranflated,) tliat is, let ypur performances
correfpond with your promifes. However, I am not fure,
that any example can be produced, from the new tefta-.
ment, fufTiciently decifive, to fet afule the interpretatioii
of tie quakers. Swear not at all. The folemn decla-
rations-of Paul amount not to an oath, adminiftered by a
magiflrate ex officio. And though our Lord when ad^
jured by the living God by the high priefl, replied di-
reclly. Thou haft faid ; or as Mark has it, T am ; it may
be doubted, whether tliis was the form of adminifiering aii
oath among the jews, though it was by the grecians '.
No man is worthy to be a member of a chriftian fo-
ciety, whofe affirmation would not bind like an oath. And
though I am not fufficiently convinced, that all oaths are
abfolutely unlawful, yet devoutly do I wifli, (and on no
account whatever would I take an oath myfelf) that every
chriftian fociety in England, (in tlie primitive churcii,
the eucharifl was a kind of facrament or oath,) might
receive the fame indulgence as the quaker. Every com-
municant fhould be allowed this privilege ', In the ex-
ceptions, or fele6l Colle6lions of Egbert, Archbiihop of
' Leigh's Crit. Sacra. Sub voce i^c^m^u.
' Mr. Robinfon (Hift. of bap. p. 325.) obferves that the cng. government Jid
adlually adoiit fuch a teft froni three or four members of a uilTeiiting congivga-
Jion, and obferves, from the fame natural fjurce, perhaps, came certificates froi.i
a niiniiter of a parilh, and the churcliwarJcns.
4 York,
394 APPENDIX'.
York, it was appointed, " that no priefi: vvhatfoevet, may
fvvear an oath :" and about the year 750, at the council of
Bergliamfled, " that a bifliop's, or a king's word, or
affirmation, without an oath, is irrefragable ;" and to this
day, in Germany, the Elc6loral Archbifliops of Cologn,
Mentz, and Friers, and many other noblemen, in their fta-
tion, fpeak without an oath, upon their honour, &c"."
The queftion, which relates to war, muft be afccr-
tained on fimilar principles. Private redrefs for fmall in-
juries are certainly forbidden tlie chriftian ; he fliould
rather fufler the wrong, than avenge himfclf. But will
this, it may be ^Iked, fuperfede the prote6lion of the chrif-
tian magiftrate, or a legal redrefs ot wrongs ? To propa-
gate chriftianity by the fword, or to engage in offenfive
WA2., are unlawful for chriflian ftates. But it may be
a£ked, May they not defend their civil and religious rights^
zod oppofe the affaults of an enemy? By admitting the
contrary principle, do we not leave the pofTeffions of the
virtuous a prey to the wicked? Do we not incapacitate the
chriflian magiftrate from proteiling the fubjecT:? Is not the
protedlion of innocence as much his duty, as the punilh-
mcnt of vice ? And can the magiftrate protedl, without the
fubj,c6l's affiftance ? If ill war be unlawful, from Matt. v.
Will not going to law be liable to the fame prohibition?
To fpeak, however, fmcerely, I feel great cfteem for
a fe• Ch. ii. 8,
, claimed
APPENDIX. 403
claimvd tlie \vot*l. Ami during the continuance of mira-
culous powers, all miolit teacli ', At firfl the apoflles, lb
to fpenk, were both elders and deacons. Indeed, the word
deacon, or minifter ( 'i^'-icoiS') was applied both to the nii-
niftry of tables, and of tlie word''. Afterwards, fome mi-
nifters or deacons were appointed for fecular affairs, and
others for religious inftru6lion, according to the exigencies
of the people. Perhaps, (for this I take to be difcretional)
confidering, that the fcriptures were written in a foreign
language, at a diftant period of the world, and by people of
different manners and cuftoms, from our own : confidering
too, that the enemies of our religion avail themfelves of
ancient and modern literature, and that chriftian focieties,
not being in pofleffion of miraculous powers, may reafon-
ably wifh to have the fcriptuiv, explained and elucidated;
perhaps, I fay, it may be iifcfui tur fome focieties to engage
men wholly for the mlniflry. And common juftice would
require, and the fcriptures authorize, that a reafonable com-
penfation fliould be made them '. However, occafional
meetings might be ufeful for the fociety at large ; and
one of the members might be pref.J.ent for the time. It
might be his office, to propolc a portion of fcripture, foms
doftrine of chriftianity, or fome point in facred or eccle-
fiaftical hiftory, to be difcuffed at the next meeting. Eacli
member might here, in fucceflion, propole quefiions^
doubts, folutions; and, either -by a liturgy, or extempore
exercifes, unite in prayer and praife '"". In focieties wjiere
a liturgy
' Ch. viii. 14. 1 Cor. xiv. "^ Ch. vi. 2, 4. — xt. 24.
' The ciders among the (andimanians follow fecular employments, as do the
rcachcrs among the qOakcrs. I couW point o'..t m. ny judicious minifters among
other dificaters, who h.r
children. Mr. Lindf-.y's catcchift is a work for men. Tlicquakers have a catechifm.
I Many think frripture liillory the proper fubjeiA for catcchifms, or that the anfwers
ftiould be in fcripture words. Mr. BidJlc and Dr. W.itts afford examples of thcfe.
A pri^it c 'jf Wturinjj by clafTcs, adopted by Dr. PrieiUcy, may have excellent ufcs.
curb,
APPENDIX. 407
curb, If he aimetl to domineer: at the fame time the ope-
ration would be too flow to weaken the attachment or to
diflipate the principles of tlie focicty ; for the regular la-
bours of a fettled judicious inftrui5lor would always pre-
ponderate over the tranfient exercifes of an occafional
fj)eaker. At the fynagogue, after reading the law and tlie
prophets, any perfon might read the fcriptures, and exhort
the people. Is there a church, where a preacher cannot
Ipeak with freedom, or where he fpeaks with the tone of a
didlator r In the former cafe, the preacher is enflaved. In the
latter, the focicty is prieftridden. Such locietics are not free.
I mean to fay, tlien, in conformity to the nature of man,
the dlreiflions ot tl^e old and new teflament, the genius of
chriftianity, and the examples of all ages, that focial reli-
gion is beautiful, honourable, and ufeful '. I mean alfo to
fay, that man is by nature free, and " that cliriftianity lb
the law of liberty." How far, therefore, any particular
order of focial worfliip has divine appointment, I affcrt
not. Inclining to the opinion, that tlie mode of regulating
public fervice is arbitrary, I have fpoken in conformity to
the views of cxifting chriftians, though it has been long rrty
opinion, that long prayers and hymns are neither confiftent
with reafon, nor the precepts and example of the teacher
of TRUTH. Indeed, the reader will perceive with what
extreme caution I have proceeded in every tiling that relates
to the condudl of churches. My reafon is, the great difficult^'
I firid In fixing any data from whence to fpeak with prscilion.
Ao? ao» iiw TToia aa; for the fame reafon, in connedtion with
my convidion of the importance of revelation, and die facred
rights of confcience, I have been aiming to fecure what is
fo rarely found in chriftian churches, liberty in union
• See a Compendium of Social Religion, by Daniel Turner, A. M, of Abingdon.
Introd. Prefa' e.
D d 4 with
408 APPENDIX.
} with TRUTH. Nor will I aflcrt that individuals mav not
from the mod: upright motives keep aloof from all chriflian
churches, and even help forward the general intereft of
truth and liberty more extenfively in certain cafes: or how
far any particular day is of divine appointment under the
new difpenfation I afTert not. Ch-rift was a jew, and, thougli
not with jewifli rigour, conformed to jewifh cuftoms, and
would go to the fynagogue on the fabbath day. Chrift, how-
ever, the creator of the new difpenfation, left no command
on this fubje(St; and it may indeed, without prefumption, be
affirmed, that the generality of chriftians entertain a notion
of the chriftian fabbath, not congenial to the fpirit of chrif-
tianity, and -unknown to the firft ages of the church'. It
may not therefore be fafe to cenfure thofe who pay no re-
gard to forms, and whofe conduft with refpedl to worrtiip
may not correfpond to our expc(5lations. In fliort, chrif-
tian churches may retain in themfelves reafons of fepara-
tion, and not only bigots, but liberal and benevolent chrif-
tians, may condemn thofe, who will be able to give a good
account of their condudl to the *' Mafter of aflemblies."
So far as the pra6tice (probably the univerfal practice) of
the times of the apoftles, and of the firfl chriftian writers
be confidered as authority and precedent, the baptifls, as to
the mode and fabje£l of baptifm, appear to me iinanfwcr-
.ably right. The unitarians of all parties alone retain the
fcriptural object of divine worlhip. The quakers are to
be admired for their amiable fimplicity of manners. The
people whofe order of worfhip comes the ncareft to that
pradlifed in the time of Juftin Martyr ", appear to me the
followers of Mr. Glaffe and Mr. Sandiman. But the
church of England, both in the mode and fubjeft of bap-
• M>txiT» raCfaTi^cvTBc aXXa Kara xypiaxiff ^anv ^aivre,". Ignatius.
" Apol. ii, fub. fin.
tifm,
APPENDIX. 409
tifm, the jewiHi notion of fahbatizing, their regard to days,
and feafts, and fafts, the objcft of divine worrtiip, and, in
Ihort, the whole of their difcJpline, are abhorrent from the
firft chriftians.
And am I then become a painter ^} Chrlftian reader,
I afFe6t no fuch charadler. I am an inquirer, not a Re-
former. But I mean to afTert, that the eflence of church
difcipline is comprifed in, " Serve one another in love."
But PAINT who will, if there be in the piece, a civil ma-
giftrate with punifhments, or reftraints, the breath of
God will deflroy it.
No, I am no artift. I ere6l nothing in oppofition to the
gootlly fabric of ecclefiaftical polity. No, I am not a
PAINTER. And even could I paint, I am not fure I would
even wifh to embellifli the inward parts of a chriftian hie-
rarchy. Ye hierarchies of chriftendom ! Ye fhould all
Hand unaltered for me ; a partial reformation might procra-
ftinate the great revolution. May your removal
be COMPLETE.
And till the happy period arrives, when the old fabrics
of religious eftablifhments are taken down ; till idolatry,
fuperftition, prieftcraft and worldly policy are fwept by the
befom of deftruflion from chriftian churches, and together
with their kindred, ariftocracy and monarchy, totally ex-
pire; till reafon has fupplanted enthufiafm, till truth tri-
umphs over error, and till mercy arrefts the arm of oppref-
fion, may the difciples of the Son of God prove themfelves
by their public condudl the benefatSlors of mankind, and
by their private virtues the fteady and confiflent friends to
truth ! And thus fupported by a good confcience, and a
pleafing profpcdl of futurity, may they live undaunted by
the frowns of the great, the fneers of the fclfilli, or the
* Sec, p. 253.
contempt
410 APPENDIX.
contempt of the profane r but looking forward to that dav,
when the I'ecrets of all hearts rtiall be opened, may they
poircf> the unity of the Spirit by a bond of peace, and in
patiencC' pofftfs tlicir fouls !
POSTSCRIPT.
ADDITIONAL REMARKS ON BAPTISM.
J\ s the note on baptifm and the lord's fupper in the fc-
cond appendix run out to an immoderate length, 1 have
here tranfpofcd them, with fome additions by way of poft-
fcript. — I add a word on the perpetuity of baptiHn : and
ihall give every opinion its due weight to promote inquiry,
and to excite candour. The baptifls date its origin from
the miffion of John, contending, that a new rite would
Icarcely have been inllituted, which was meant to ceafe
with the death of Chrifl, or tlie age of the apoAIcs. It can-
not be denied, that the time to come and the latter days,
mentioned in the jcwifh prophets, refer to the age of the
McfTiah. Ifaiah calls Chrift the " father of the age." By
evvTtXnu ra mmoi;, therefore in Mat. xxviii. 20, many un-
derftand the end of the age, which is at Chrift's fecond
coming, or as we tranflate it, the end of the world. This
fenfe of a'<^N they think probable, from many paiTages of
the new telkment. Sec Mat. xii. 32. xiii. 22. Mark iv.
J 9. In the lafl: paiTage the Camb. MS. and the latin MSS.
for aiutoi^ read f»of, of lite, and for 'aXovm, xotr/y.ov^ of the
world. Aiuv iix°i^"'°U the time to come, Mark x. 30, fet in
oppofitioii to o:;to; xui-o-, this timc : {o alfo Luke xvi. 8 —
xviii.
APPENDIX.
411
xvlil. 30, and other places. rvvT£>,£ia ra uiuvo^ only occurs in
Mat. xiii. 39, 40 — 49. xxiv. 3. xxviii. 20, and a paffagc
fomevvhat fimilar in the epiftle to Heb. ix. 26, awTtXtict rut,
aiuvuiv^ the end of the ages. The Camb. MS. for eauvc^
(Mat. xiii. 49) reads xoo-^m, of the world. Other com-
mentators by c-vvTiXiix rn' ccmvor, iindcrRand the end of the
jewifli age or oeconomy, which they date at the de(lru<5lion
of Jcrufalem : though an ingenious perfon liath undertaken
to fhew, that the religion of the jews never was abrogated,
nor defigned to be : on the contrary, that Chrift and his
apoftlcs conformed to it at and after the deftrudlion of the
temple; that it was the uniform declaration of the pro-
phets, and the general belief of the jewifli nation, that their
ritual was of perpetual obligation ; that the jews are ftill
bound by their religion, and will continue in the practice
of it at their reftoration. See Theolog. Rcpofitory, vol. 5, 6,
On the perpetuity of the jewifh ritual. In the iirft chrif-
tian writers o-uktj^.ei* ra aiuyac, and rut cciuvov, mean the end
of time, as well as confummatio feculi *. Thus alfo So-
cinus, who rejected water baptifm. Confiammatio fsculi,
cum ipfe veniet, nos e terra pulverlbus excitaturus. De
Caen. Dom. When, therefore (as in Matthew), Chrift
gave the commiffion to his apoflles, they contend, and they
think with great appearance of probability, that the mean-
ing of Chrift was, that baptifm was to continue, and that
fuccefs fhould attend his dodlrine to the end of time.
Again, it feems probable, they think, that all who pro-
feffed chriftianitv in the apoftolic age were baptized. Paul,
indeed, thanked God, that he baptized none of the Co-
rinthians, except Crifpus and Gaius. The people, how-
* Biihop Pearcc diftinguifties thcfe exprciTums ; the latter he refers to the laft of
the three jtwifh ages, the former to the end of the laft age, in which he who wrote
lived ; in our tranflation the end of the worldj on i Cor. x. 1 1.
ever.
412 APPENDIX.
ever, had been baptized, i Cor. i , 13; and as the chcrcIvcB
planted by the apoftles are addreffed, as baptized, and yet
were not all baptized by them, baptifm, they think, mud
have been adminiftered by their direction. If it be doubted,
on the one hand, whether there be any command for bap-
tifm, yet on the other, if the command be admitted, there
is no intimation, they contend, that the pracSlice was to
ceafe. And, indeed, thofe who are difpofed to lay any ftrefs
on the baptifmal form (fo called) in Matthew, and even
admitting that the rcc «9c>j relates to the gentiles, may fUll
contend, that the form, though apparently referring to
gentiles, was however to be explained by its parallel paf-
fages in Mark and Luke, Go ye into all the world, and
preach the gofpel to the whole creation, i!ruay) t« xIkj-ji, jews
as well as gentiles, as Mr. Wakefield alfo has, though not
in reference to this view of baptifm. See a plain and fhort
Account of Baptifm, p. 49. And as in the fcriptures there
is no intimation that baptifm was to ceafe, there is alfo no-
thing in the apoftolical fathers, of whatever weight their
authority is fuppofed to be, to invalidate it. Irenaeus fpeaks
of the gnoftics as reje£iing the baptifm of the apparent
Jefus for the remifTion of fms, 1. i. c. 21. § 3, 4''. But
thefe heretics had a baptifm expreflivc of their own fenti-
ments. Indeed, Juftin Martyr fpeaks againll the wafliings,
and other ritual performances of the jews, and in favour
of a figurative baptifm : yet he believed the. baptifm of chrif-
tians. Ov ruvrtiv, fays he, T'nv y.ctra. aa,fy.tic wtx,fi>.aSeoiJ.ii> wtpro/xiii',
«Wa w^Ei'^aTWJiK, yiv Ev^iiK v.ai ot ofioiot (^vXa.^uv'^t Hfi£»? ot ova. m
C*»CTtcrfi«T(;? airw, iTrnSv a.f/.oc.DTuj'hoi iyiyc»iivfi.ivt oix to tXso:, to Tra^-o.
Ta 6s», t^afo/x£^, xai IIAi^lN e^eTov oiAOiUi; ^afx£a^£l^. A Writer
among the baptifls makes the following obfervation, with
which I fhall clofe this paragraph. Not only, fays he,
*• L. I. c. 21. §5,4. * Dial. c\im Tryjhon.
pagans,
APPENDIX. 413
pagans, who were turned from cUimb idols, but jews, who
had been worfliippers of the true God, by the fame a6l de-
clared their faith in God. Devout gentiles, as well as ido-
latrous gentiles ; the inhabitants of Judea and Samaria ; the
pious eunuch, and the Corintliians, who had been guilty of
all crimes; Crifpus the ruler of the fynagogue, and the
Tinners of Jerufalem, by one and the fame a6l declared their
faith in Chrifi: ; and, in fhort, adds he, there is nothing of
a ritual nature fo often mentioned in the new teAament, i:i
which there are fo many precedents and inftances, and on
which fo many pra(5lical arguments and exhortations are
founded ''.
On the other hand, the perpetuity of baptifm is liable tt>
obje61ions. It may be doubted, perhaps, by fome, whether
the paflfages produced by Mr. Toulmin (p. 14, Short Ef.
&;c.) from Clemens, Hernias, and Juftin Martyr, include;
the children of believing parents. That from Clement of
Alexandria apjicars more favourable to Mr. Toulmin's fen-
timents. But, independent of the previous queftion, ftatt d
by the excellent Mr. Emlyn, viz. Whether there be any
necefiity for the continual ufe of baptifm among the pollc-
rity of baptized chrlftians ; and lately. In a plain and fhort
Account of the Nature of Baptifm, according to the Ncw
Teftament, by Mr. Wakefield : and a different interpre-
tation of t>fvT£^ei« aciutot;, which many learned commentators
and critics make to refer, as before obferved, to the deftruc-
tion of Jerufalem; as they alfo do many otlier paflages of
the new teftament, ufually referred to tlut period (though
J do not think the perpetuity or non-perpetuity of baptifm
depends materially on the meaning of tlut expreflion. For
if. we tranflate it, the end of the world, it would not ne-
cefTarily follow, tljat therefore water baptifm was to ceafe -.
* A Shore Effay on Baptifm, hy J. TculiJiiu, M. A.
5 and
414
A P I* E K D I X,
and if wc trniifl;ite it, tlic end of the jewilli age, wlicn mi-
raculous powers ceafed, it would not nccL-fiaiily follow that
water baptifm was to ccafe :) yet independent, I fay, of thcfc
tjueftions, the perpetuity of baptifm is liable to objcdlion.
Should it be granted Dr. Gale, and Dr.Gill, that the ancient
jews had not a proper initiatory baptifm for their profclytes ;
they certainly had their wafhings for legal uncleannefs and
folemn appearances before God (as Dr. Gale hath himfelf ad-
mitted*"}, and particularly after the uncleannefs of circum-
cifion: and it appears to mc, when John calls his baptifm a
baptifm of repentance for the remiffion of fins, that he evi-
dently alludes to prior wafliings ; and it is clear the jews ex-
preffed no furprife at baptifm fimply confidered, but at John's
baptizing, Why baptizeft thou, if thou be not, &c.
It might therefore, perhaps, flill be afked, Whether the
baptifm of John might not fuit that period, though it ceafed
with the times of the apoftles? Among the Jews indeed,
and in the eaft in general, public wafhings were congenial
to national manners. Frequent wafliings were reckoned
among the convenicncics, the enjoyments, the elegancies,
and even the neceffarics of life '. They were alfo agree-
able to the manners of the Romans ^. But rtill it may be
allied, Whether it is probable, that Chrift, who fays. My
yoke is eafv, would charge his religion with a ceremony,
in fome cafes and in fome climates, fo hazardous, fo foreign
to the cuftoms of many nations, and fo trying particularly
to female delicacy? Whether a commlflion to the apoflles
to bapti/e into the name or profelTion of the Father, of the
Son, and of the Holy Spirit, relates to water. It cannot
be denied, that baptize and baptifm are uf>.d figuratively.
L-uke xii. 50. 1 Pet. iil. 21. Luke iii. 16, is allb to be fo
i Dr. Oak's Rcflefti-ns on Wall's Kift. of Inr.int Baptilm.
» Sw-e Rybinfrn's Ilift of Bapiii'm, ch. v. ix. * lb. ch. x.
ufcd.
A P P E K D I X. 41^
ufed, and relates moil probnbly to the dot^rine of Chrift.
Some, I know, refer it to the defcent of the Holy Spirit on
the apofllcs on the day of pentecoft ; but it lliould be ob-
ferved, that John addreflls the multitude : and here, per-
haps, an ingenious criticifm of Mr. Wakefield's alfo >vi!l
occur to the learned reader '. I am therefore far from
thinking, that the notion that ChrilVs baptifm does not re-
late to water is hafty. I acknowledge that many fanciful
things have been faid on this fubjefl. But, if water was to
be fo confiderable an object in the gofpel difpenfation. How
was it the great teacher fays nothing of it through the
whole courfe of his minKtry? Many texts produced by So-
cinus and Barclay, need not, I confefs, be interpreted figu-
ratively. As A6ts xix. 3, brought by Socinus, which is
but a heb. form of fpeech, common alfo to claflical writers,
to which I Tim vi. 12, is parallel, and Rom. vi. 3, 4.
Gal. iii. 27, produced by Air. Barclay. Were I much dif-
pofed to criticife Mat. xxviii. 29, yet Ifhould not admit
the latter writer's interpretation of it. Though 1 do nor
deny, with Dr. Gill and others, that the apoi^les could
baptize with the Holy Spirit: for they could communicate
miraculous powers, which is baptizing with tlie Holy Spi-
rit. Socinus refers this palTage to the do<5lrine into wliich
the apoftles inilruckd their difciples'': an argument in fa-
vour of this k-nfe might be, liiat the apoftles never baptized
in the name of tlie Father, of the Son, and of the Holy
Spirit, but into the name of Jcfus, continuing a practice to
which they liad been accuftomed before, in the {)arallel
paflage, Luke xxiv. 47, . baptifm is not mentioned, but
repentance, and remiflion of lins. Again: it is not certain
' Silva crir. vol.1, p. 65. Vcntus fauilu";, eo quod interpres Dei fvicri: l)z
pnphcta cr miniik'rium facrurti gdTcrlt. See the 'Aholc fcft.
* De bapt. c. 2.
that
4l6 APPENDIX.
that all believers were bapti/cd in the time of Chrifi: ; we
have no account of the baptifm of the apoftles, except Paul ;
though, as they baptized themfelves, and many of them we
know had been the difciples of John, it is probable they
had all been baptized by him '. It may, however, feem
flrange, that Paul, who confidcred himfelf the apoftle of
the gentiles, fliould not confider himfelf commiflioned to
baptize them ; fince baptifm, according to fome, related
more immediately to gentiles "*, and, according to others ",
was of the fame extent with preaching the word. It can-
not, I own, be inferred, as Mr. Robinfon well obferves,
that Paul baptized none elfewhere bccaufe he only baptized
a few at Corinth ; but if baptifm was to be commenfurate
with teaching, as Mr. Robinfon contends, agreeably to the
baptifmal form, would it not follow, as Socinus obferves,
tliat if Paul was fcnt to preach the gofpel, he was alfo fent
to baptize; whereas he fays, he was not fent to baptize, but
to preach : and, perhaps, what Mr. Toulmin fays may be
thought to want proof, that Paul meant baptifm was not
the principal thing he was called to perform. In the pri-
mitive church, too, there would at Icafl be among thofe
who were afterwards called audientcs, many, who, either
from convi6lion or other motives, were not baptized, who
yet were real chriflians. Perhaps what Mr. louhnin fiys
may be difputed, that the reafonings and exliortations in the
cpiftles to the Romans and Coloffians, fuppofe tliat all to
whom they were addreflcd were baptized. For, from Rom.
vi. 3, fome, perhaps, may be led to tliink that all were not
baptized, Know ye not that fo many of you as were bap-
tized, &c. ; and Col. ii. 12, may alfo, pcrliapc, be intcr-
' Tcrtullian dc Bapt. p. 229. Op. s.i. Luict.
"■ Soi inv.s, WakcfitU's Shoit ElTiy on Bapt.
■ Robinfoa's Hift of Bapt. p. 46.
prctcd
APPENDIX; 417
prcted by them figuratively, as the 13th verfe certainly
jnull: he. When our Lord fays, thus it becometh us to
fulfil all righteoufnefs ; it may be doubted, perhaps, whe-
ther " baptifm forms a part of that righteoufnefs that be-
came all the men of that age;" or, whether, as another fen-
fible baptifi: obferves, Chrift himfelf fubmitted to this rite as
adminiftered by John, though not with the fame views as
others ; yet as pointing out by his example, the duty of
chriftians in general ". For our Lord only, as it feems to
me, fpeaks of his- example of being baptized, as a rule of
obligation, applicable to human conduct in general: and,
Indeed, it could not apply to chriflians as it did to Chrift,
who was not baptized into a baptifm of repentance, or into
. his own name, but to bear teftimony to the miflion of
John P. Irenaeus obferves of the gnoftics, that they fay
that Paul hath exprefsly fliewn in many places that re-
demption which was in Chrift ; and that it is the fame as
that delivered by them, with fome variety and difagree-
ment. Contra Hseres. Hence I infer, fome might baptize
without receiving all the gnoftic herefy. Irenxus often
reckons among heretics, thofe who were not fo, particu-
larly the ebionites '^. It has been difputed v/hether the ca-
ians rejedled baptifm : but Quintilla, the " quasdam de cai-
ana haerefi vipera;" and her followers certainly did. Ter-
tullian fpeaks of her as reje'. In a writer poITcfiing fo
many excellencies, and who hath oppofed fo many errors
as Dr. Prieftley, candour and efteem, and even juftice,
would not over-rate a few miftakes on baptifm *. Indeed
the dodlor himfelf has made ingenuous conccffions : and in-
genuoufnefs is more refpe6lable than even talents.
With refpeft to Mr. Toulmin's Efiay, the arguments
in favour of the perpetuity have been ftated fenfibly and
candidly ; but though many of them will be allov/ed to
have confiderable weight, yet one who doubts the validity
of baptifin, will, probably, think many difficulties are not
removed, and many objedlions not anfwered in this elTay.
As Mr. Robinfon's hiftory is allowed to be the completeft:
defence of the opinion of the baptifts, and to contain much
curious matter not formed into argument before, for adult
baptifm, I fliall not quit this fubjedl without making a few
remarks on it. Independent then of the evidence brought ia
favour of the main objed of his book, Mr. R. hath alfo, in
part at leafl, removed an obje6lion brought againft adult
baptifm from an indelicacy in the form of adminiftratiOn, as
" Body of Divinity, b. 3. c, i.
* Retleilions on Wall's Hiitory of Infant Baptifm, p. 381.
y Apology for the Baptifts, and Pedobaptifm examined, &c.
* Hift. of the corrupt, of chii llJanity, vol. 2. InSroJuftion, compared with the
Hift. of the chrilHan church, vol. I. The above remark on Dr. P. properly be«
longs to another place.
E e 2 pradifed
420' A ? P E N' D 1 X.
pra£lifed by the bnptifts. For 1 rliink he has made it liighly
probable, that tlie pnmitive mode was for the adininiilrr,tor
to jfland in tlie water, puttuig his hand to the back pa:t of
the candidate's head, who alfo ftood in the water, and was-
bowed forward, till he w'as wholly immerfed^; though
demiffus does not, I own, neccfTarily correfpond to demiffo-
vultu, demilTo capite, 6ce. for demifflis will apply to a
perfon placed in, or let down into the water in any way.
However, confulered in its conneclion in Tertullian, Mr.
Robinfon's account is, I think, moft probable. For if the
fupine poflure had been the mode, Tertullian ought rather
to have faid refurgitur, or attollitur. This account alfo»
I think, correfponds moft naturally with the ftyle of the
new tertament. The circumftance of '* being buried with
Chrift," determines nothing as to the mode ; for it is well
known that the perfonS; whom the apoftle addreffed, burnt,
and did not bury their dead, as we do.
What 1 have hitherto faid all goes on the fuppoCition,.
that the baptifmal form in Matthew is authentic. But in
propofing both fides of this q,u2ilion, I will conceal nothing
that hath occurred to me. It is far then from being ad-
mitted by many learned men, that the baptiimal form is
authentic. Indeed, the whole gofpcl of Matthew has been
thought by fomc learned men, in the form wc now h^avc
it, to be fpurious. And a perfon of confidcr.able abilities'
and' unfufpciled integrity, from confiderations too minute:
to enter on here, has not fcrupled to fay, tliat fome parts,
of Matthew it is impoffible to reconcile with Luke, and
that he could produce fuch internal marks of fpurioufnefsy
as it would be impofiiblc to confute' : and it is much to be
I Hift. of Bap.
» Sec a Letter to biiliop Hurd, wherein the importance of the prophecies of the
new teftament, and the nature of the grand apoftacy prcdivfted in them are parti-
cularly nnd inj-nrtially confidcrcd, by E. Evaiilbn, M. A.
defired,
APPENDIX. 421
■clefired, that he would bring forward his objxiillons before
-the pubhc, that they might either be admitted or confuted.
However this be, it is certainly too hafty, to fay, (as Mr.
Robinfon has",) that the authenticity of the baptifmal form
is allowed by all chriflians, though this hath alfo been faid
by many eminent men. For though it is admitted, that it is
found in all the printed copies, and MSS. as well as the
ancient verfions, yet tothofe who are difpofed to doubt its
authenticity, the following circumflances mull have weight.
I have already noted this lingular circumftance, viz. ihait
-the apoftles never baptized in the name of the Father, Son,
and Holy Ghofl, and that the phrafe is no where elfe ufed
in the new tejflament. Nor is this all, it is not once mcn-
•tioned in any of the writers called apoftolical fathers, (and
I have examined every pafiage where baptifm occurs) ex-
cept in the interpolated epillle of Ignatius to the Philadel-
phians '^ ; but as it does not appear in thofe called genuine,
and it appears again in one acknowledged by all parties to be
fpurious,viz. to the Philippians.this circumflance proves more
againrt it, than if it never made its appearance at all. It is
acknowledged that it appears in Irenaeus and Juftin Martyr,
but fo do many appendages, foreign to baptifm, and many
doctrines inconfiftent wit^i truth. It may alfo be thought
by fome very much to refemble the grofs interpolation of
the three witneffes, and to have been made in fubfervience
to fome falfe fcheme of dodrine. If to this circum-
flavic.e be added that in Mark 16. the corrcfponding verfe,
where baptifm is mentioned, is not found in tlie moffc an-
,cient and beft manufcripts, and in the other two gofpels it
is not mentioned ; it may be thought by fome an additional
argument, that Socinus and Mr. R. Barclay were not ralh
^ Hift. of infant bap. p. 43. c ^q^_ x.
E e 3 5u
422 APPENDIX.
in faying that the apoftles baptized wltli water without any
command from Chrift, though thefe writers did not dil-
pute the authenticity of this text, but only gave it a figu-
rative meaning. A writer, indeed, quoted by Mr. Ro-
binfon, afTerts roundly enough, Petrus apoftolus formam
baptifmi a Chrlfto traditam in iftam mutabat. Ego te bap-
tizo in nomine dominl nodri Jcfu Chrifli ''. This is mak-
ing Peter deny his mafler four times. It may be thought,
perhaps, by fome, more probable, that John baptized in
the name of the Mefliah, and that the apoftles' baptifm
was nothing but a continuation of that ; this was the
opinion of Tertulllan *.
As to the perpetuity of this ceremony, the learned hifto-
uan has certainly brought many cogent arguments in its
favour. At the fame time many powerful reafons will
prefent themfelves, incidentally, and unintentionally, yet
ingenuoufly introduced, that wear no favourable afpe6t on
baptifm. I have referred to a few of them in the courfe
of thefe remarks : and if arguments derived from certain
indelicacies *^, inconveniencies, and dangers, that fome-
times attend infant baptifm, are acknowledged to have
weight, (and, as ftated by Mr. Robinfon, they have con-
fiderable) fomc will alfo think, mutatis mutandis, they ex-
tend alfo to adult baptifm, and in certain cafes with greater
force.
With refpeft to Tertullian's treatife on baptifm, I can-
not avoid making a few remarks on it, as it Is frequently
referred to on the fubjeft of baptifm. Mr. R. fays,
Qiiintilla pleads for the baptifm of infants on condition
'' Hift. of bap. p. 48. « Dc bap. p. 229.
f Inians in fontem fi ftercorat, ejice fontcm.
Si dimittit in hunc urinam, qucftio non eft.
. Sec liifL of i ap. p. 119.
they
APPENDIX. 423
they afls. for baptifin, and produce fponfors^. And elfe-
■where he fays, the firft book in defence of the efficacy of
'baptifm, and againft the baptlfin of little ones, is direded
both againfl Cainites in Egypt, and Quintilia of Greece.
But I differ from this late efteemed friend, who intimates,
that thefe were the only objefls of Tertullian's book.
His treatife appears to me to comprehend the whole of the
fubjeft of baptifm ; and that Quintilia and the Cainites
reje6led baptifm in toto. When Tertullian wrote this
treatife fhe belonged to that party. Ncgabat omnino bap-
tifmum, antequam ad Montani partes accederit, nam Mon-
tano addi6la ilium ut Montani admifit ''. When there-
fore he fpeaks of her as deftruens baptifmum, it relates, I
think, not to the efficacy of baptifm, but to the water
itfelf, as he fpeaks afterwards of thofe, qui adimunt etiam
Johannis baptifmum ut deftruant aquse facramentum \ I
acknowledge the part produced in the hillory of baptifm is
againfl: the baptifm of minors, but then it is but a part of
the treatife, and a fmall part too. Supereft, fays he, ad
•concludendam materiolam de obfervatione etiam dandi &
accipiendi baptifmum commonefacere ; and under this
divifion fails that part, which Mr. Robinfon quotes. The
other parts are taken up in eflablifliing the obligation of
water baptifm, the baptifm of heretics, and remarks fubfe-
quent to baptifm.
I the rather make thefe remarks on Tertullian, becaufe
I think it highly probable, that the numbers who wholly
rejefted baptifm at this time were not inconfiderable. For
he labours the queftion relative to baptifm with great care ;
and meets mofl of the objeif^ions fmce brought by Socinus
I Ibid. c. 2 1. a Not. Le pr.
•Dc bap. p. 229. opera.
E € 4 and
424 APPENDIX.
and Barclay ; and he exprefsly fays of Quintilla, plerofquc
rapuit.
As for the argument taken for the perpetuity of baptifm
from our Lord's condu6l after his refurredlion, when he
appeared to 500 brethren at once, inflrufting them into
the tilings pertaining to the kingdom of God ; of which
the hiftorian tells us baptifm was one ; this may fairly be
queftioned. There is, at leaft, no accoimt of this ; for to
fay, that baptifm was one of thofe things, is the point
to be proved ^.
With rcfpcifl to the difficulty of accounting for the uni-
verfality of bnptifm, it may, perhaps, be thought by fome,
this fadl alio remains to be proved, or how extenfivc foever
it may be thought, they might, perhaps, ftill urge tliat
the firft teachers of chriftianity were jews, and that not
only were the churches full of judaizing teachers, but that
even the pureft of them were not wholly diverted of jewifh
manners, and jewifli prejudices.
As to the queftions, What is there in the inofFenfive ordi-
nance of baptifm, that fhould tempt a wife and good man
to lay it afide ? What line of feparation do you make be-
tween the world and church ? Why take away the power-
ful motives to holinefs, which are taken from a voluntary
putting on ChriH by baptifm ' ? Though each of thefc
confiderations be allowed to have weight, and to have been
of great importance in the eyes of many upright and con-
fcientious men, yet, perhaps, fome will reply, all cere-
monies are in themfelves inofFenfive, though liable to
abufe, but that from their inoffenfivenefs we may not rea-
fon to their oblio;ation j that no fe6l has drawn a ftrifler
line of feparation from the world, than that which has
> {lift, of bap. p. 40, * Ibid, p. 48,
whoUv
APPENDIX.
425
wholly reje6led baptifm ; and that further, the great
teacher was in habits of intimacy with jews and gentiles,
eating and drinking with publicans and finners, or hea-
thens ; that he copies Chrift befl: who imitates his exam-
ple, and that the pleafare of profeflion is connected with
an abhorrence of immorality : that thofe who have wholly
rejected baptifm have y6t retained very powerful motives to
holinefs, and have afforded the pared examples of domellic
virtue, of public mercy, of univerlal benevolence, and
even of church fellowfhip.
Having propofed to myfelf to ftate both fides of the quef-
tion, relative to baptifm, and having previoufly fpoken
in high terms of the expedlation to be formed of Mr.
Robinfon's hiflory; juftice to the fubjetSt feemed to re-
quire, that I fhould attend to the force of his argument on
the fide of the perpetuity of this ceremony. Thefe re-
marks take nothing from the general excellencies of that
performance, which, to thofe who examine it, will be
found to contain many curious refearches into antiquity,
ingenious illuflrations of fcripture, many articles in a high,
degree entertaining, and the noblefl; principles of modera-
tion and liberty, and to be no ordinary produ(9:ion. And
this tribute of vefpedt I pay to the abilities of Mr. Robin-
fon, not from the partiality of friendfliip, but as juftly due
to the labours of a truly ingenious and learned man. But
as to the queflion relative to the perpetuity of baptifm, I fay
with Socinus, He that baptizeth children, to the Lord he
baptizeth them, andgiveth God thanks ; he that baptizeth
adults, to the Lord he baptizeth them, and giveth God
thanks ; he that from eonfcience refufeth to be baptized,
to the Lord he refufeth, and giveth God thanks '".
^ De bap. c. xvii.
Before
426 APPENDIX.
Before I clofe this poftfcrlpt I will juft obfervc, that as
I have read the new tcftament on the fubjedl of baptlfm,
without any regard to a favourite author or a favourite
fyftem, fo have I read in different periods of my hfe, the
various baptift writers, whom I have referred to with the
utraoft: candour and Impartiahty. To avoid mifleading
the reader, I alfo jufl obferve, that in enumerating the
writings of the baptifts, Socinus and Wakefield are not to
be put into the accovint. Mr. Wakefield hath it in con-
templation to write on the other fide of the qaeftion
fhortly. Mr. Robinfon, in his hiftory, fpeaks of Socinus
as a baptift. This, however, he was not. It was his be-
lief, indeed, that infant baptifm had no foundation in the
new teftament ; that adult baptifm alone was pra6lifed in
the firft ages, but that there was no propriety in baptizing
any one, except converts from another religion, though
there was no command to baptize with water at all ^
This too I take to have been the fentiment of Sir Ifaac
Newton ; of whom I have elfewhere fpoken on the autho-
rity of Whifton as a baptift".
ADDITIONAL REMARKS ON THE LORD S SUPPER.
With refpeft to the perpetuity of this rite, that Mat-
thew, Mark, and Luke, in their accounts of the paffover,
ore very circumftantial, is certain. I admit with Mr. Bar-
clay, that fuch expreffions of our Lord's, as. The Father
giveth the true bread from heaven ; I am the bread from
heaven; I am the living bread which came down from
"Ibid.
heaven ;
APPENDIX.
4*7
heaven ; My flefh is meat indeed, and my blood is drink
indeed, have no reference whatever to this rite, (Apol.
Prop, xiii.) but are applied, figuratively, to his do6lrine ;
and, the expreflion, This is my body, has alfo fomething
figurative in it, yet the rite itfelf is adlual and external. I
think it alfo inconteftable, that the firft chriftians com-
memorated the death of Chrift, and I think it equally cer-
tain, that the bread, and the cup (i Cor. x. i6.) do not
relate to fpiritual food and wine, as Mr. Barclay under-
fiands them, but to outward elements, by which the firft
chriflians commemorated the death of Chrifl:, and by which
they profeffed themfelves " one body and one bread."
Nor could rite Apoflle, by the Lord's coming, underfland
*' his inward coming and appearance." Apol. p. 417.
8th edit.
[t may be further obferved when our Lord fays. This
do in remembrance of me (ek rr.v euvf av:z//,n5criO ; and Paul,
Ye do fliew forth the Lord's death, the only objetl in
contemplation was the death of Chrift. Thefe expreflions
allude to the jewifh facrifices, in which there was a remem-
brance made of fins every year, Heb. x. 3. The word
avujAvr.a-i^ (remembrance) only occurs in the evangelift's
account of the pafchal fupper, (Luke xxii. 19.) in Paul's
account of the fame folemnity, and in the pafTage of the
Epill. to the Hebrews, already quoted. All that can be
faid, then, on this fubjeit, is contained in this pafTage of
Luke ; This is my body, the true facrifice, which was
given for yon ; this do in remembrance of me : and in
what the Apofi:le fays, As oft as ye eat this bread and drink
this cup, ye do fliew (fome read it, fiiew, which fenfe the
word will bear) the Lord's death, till he come. See Soci-
nus de Coena Dom.
But though fome of Mr. Barclay's explanations of fcrip-
turc
4X8 APPENDIX.
turc cannot be admitted, the perpetuity of the Lord's
Supper is flill liable to fome obje6lions. It is a lament-
able truth, though I confefs no argument, " that there have
been more animofities and heats about this one particular,
and more blood(hcd and contention, than y.bout any other."
Barclay's Apol. p. 456. For chriftianity itielf hatli been
perverted to the purpofes of priellcraft and fuperftitlon, of
minifterial pride, and a moft unrighteous opprefTion. But,
it may ftlU be afived, whether it be agreeable to the geniui;
of chriflianity, to introduce a new rite, as fomc fay, the
cucharilt is? If it be faid the eucharill: is no new rite, but
confecrated to a new pru'pofc, it may he afked, whether it
is probable, that a local peculiarity would have been en-
tailed and perpetuated on an univerfal religion? Befides,
it cannot, I think, be fairly denied, that the breaking of
bread, fo often mentioned in the new teftament, was ex-
preffive of an ordinary rcpafl: : com-parc our Lord's mira-
cles, recorded in Matt. xlv. xx. — 15. Luke ix. John vi.
where he breaks bread with his difciples after his refurrec-
tion. A6ls ii. 42. where the difciples are defcribed as hav-
ing all things in common, &:c. This is alfo clear, from
what is faid of the difciples coming together at Troas to
break bread. A£ls xx. where it is clear, as Mr. Barclay
juftly obferves, it was a fupper i the uthverfe places it,
I think, beyond difpute: When he, therefore, was come
Tip again, and had broken bread, and eaten, and talked a
long while, even till break of day, fo he departed. A6ts
:xxYii. 35. And when he had thus fpoken, he took bread,
and gave thanks to God (as our Lord at the paflbvcr) in
the prefence of them all ; and when he had broken it, he
began to eat; then they were all of good cheer, and took
refrefliment, or nouriflament, r^otpr,^. And when they hail
tATEN ENOUGH they ligb.teued the fliip, &c.
But,
APPENDIX.
m
Sur, if the coming of Chrift, fo frequently mentioned
in the gofpel (compare Matt. xvi. — xxvii. Matt. xxiv.
Mark xiii. Luke xxi. John xxi. 22, 23), relate to the de-
llrudiion of Jerufalem, which is the judgement of fome
very judicious commentators, and critics " : and if various
parts of the epiflles relate to the fame event, 2 Theff. ii.
I, 8. James v. 8, 9. — 2 Pet. i. 16, &c. it may apj^ear to
fome, that the perpetuity of the Lord's fupper, fo far as
relates to its ahfolute obligation, may be afFe£led by it.
Putting Chrift to death, was the laft ftage of national de-
pravity, by which the jews filled up the ncieafare of their
wickednefs, and haflened the deftrudlion of their city and
temple ; a deflru6tion more complete, tlian all the annals
of human mifery can fhew, or ever will. Our Lord,
therefore, it has been faid, foretold its dellru6lion in the
ftrong figurative language of the ancient prophets ; com-
pare If. xiii. 10. Ez. xxxii, 7. Joel ii. with Matt, xxiv.
And chriftians were in poffeflion of the figns, which were
to precede this defl;ru£lion, fo as to efcape the ruin, which
involved their unhappy countrymen. It is, then, natural to
fuppofe, that this event would make part of their private;
converfation, and be frequently alluded to in the epiflles to
the churches. And, if the coming of the gofpels relates
wholly to the cleil:ru(Stion of Jerufalem -", the exprcjGTioa ia
the Corinthians may fo too. Nor need v/e wonder that
the writers of the epiltlcs fliould ipeak in fuch cautious lan-
guage, (well enough underilood by chrifiians;) for by
fpeaking out they might have cxpofed themfelves, flill more,
to the refentment of the pcrfecuting jews. See furtlier, an
' Pearce, Hammond, Grorius, Harwood, Wakefield, Jcc.
P Grotius and Dr. Hammond fuppofe there were tUvce conung: of Clirht. S^s
fjithcr Hiud on Piophefy, vol. 2.
Attempt
430 APPENDIX.
Attempt to illuftrate various important paffages in the new
teftament, by N. Nifbett, M. A.
If it be afked, what relation the deftrudtion of Jerufalem
had to the chriftians at Corinth? It may be rephcd, ex-
nclly the fame, as it had to thofe of Theffalonica ; for if it
be fufficicnt to fay, that the jews had a fynagogue at Thef-
falonica; and though they were diftant from Jerufalem, yet
that by going there at the great feflival they would be in-
volved in the mifery of their countrymen, and the chrif-
tians be delivered from their perfecutions : all this will
spply exadlly to the Corinthians : the jews had a fyna-
gogue alfo at Corinth, A6ts xviii. and were alfo fore perfc-
cutors of the chriftians. Paul's expreffion, therefore, of
fhewing forth the Lord's death till he come, may have, on
thefe principles, a local reference. He fays, indeed, i Cor. i.
II, with all, that in every place are called by the name
of Jefus Chrift ; but the epiftle is addrefied to the church
at Corinth, a city of Achaia ; every where, therefore, only
means, every where in the regions of Achaia, as bifliop
Pearce hath juftly remarked, in loco.
There is another interpretation of the coming of Chrift,
adopted by a very learned writer, who is alfo not fmgular
in his opinion. See a Sermon on the predictions of the
apoftles concerning the end of the world, preached by
Dr. Edwards, at St. Mary's Church, Cambridge. Ac-
cording to him, the phrafe ftood for the end of the world,
which he fuppofes the apoftlc imagined would take place
in that age, with the deftrudion of Jerufalem ; and that
though they were right in their expe61ation of the latter
event, they were miftakcn as to the former.
What the apoftlc fays, i Cor. xi. 23, has been reckoned
by feme to eftablifti the divine authority of this rite: For
I received
APPENDIX. 431
I received of the Lord, that which alfo I delivered uiitvj
you : though I do not think it necefiary to admit, that the
apoftle meant, he received this account from an extraordi-
nary ilhimination ; he might have had the account from
others ; as he elfewhere Gys, 1 received that which I deli-
vered to you, I Cor, xv. 3. which does not feem to relate
to any fupernatural information. As to the expreffion, from
the Lord, even admitting he never ufes it but when a divine
interference is implied, as in i Cor. xi. 31, 32. If we judge
or condemn ourfelves — and then alluding to a former re-
mark, he fays; but being judged or condemned of the
Lord : for in our tranflation the laft claufe is wrongly
Aoppcd, and wrongly tranflated : yet to fay the mofl, the
apofile's account is but a fimple relation of what happened
at the time. If, however, it be admitted that this diltindi
part of the gofpel hiflory, as well as the gofpel itlcif, and
his commiffion to teach it, was received by divine illumi-
nation by Paul, agreeably to Gal i. 11, 12, 13, flill he is
only giving an account of what happened at a particular
time, and it may llill be doubted whether any thing he
there lays amounts to a pofitive precept ; or that if he even -
conceived the rite obligatory, whether his conceptions
were not too hafty, rather agreeable to the imperfecl views
of a man, juH emerging from judaifm, than of one leav-
ing firfl principles, and going on to perfeilions.
The trcatifes of thofe writers, who have vrritten inoft
profefTcdly on the Lord's fupper (Bp. Hoadlev, Dr. Tay-
lor, and Dr. Bell), 1 have not now at hand, but I have
read t)jem ; and, if I recolkil, fome of thefe objeclions
they have not attended to, and fome of their arguments,
probably, I have not taken in here. Mr. Glaflb of Scotland,
lias written elabonte'v on this fubjeil ; but though a man
cf confiderable abiUties, he has treated it fancifully. See his
5 treat>fe
43i APPENDIX.
treatift; on the Lord's Supper. And with him the klfs of
charltv, and wafliing the faints' feet, reft on the fame
authority, and have equal obligation with the eucharifl.
But it the coming of Chrift be interpreted in connec-
tion with the fcheme propofed by Anglo Scotus in the
Theological Repofitory "J, every thing here objedled will
pafs for nothing. For, I confefs, if that writer ^ can efla-
bllfh his fyllerrt, an unanfwerable argument will be formed
in favour of the perpetuity of the eucharifl, fo far as an
apoftle's opinion may be received as divine authority \
I fhouid have obferved, in another place, that the fcheme
propofed by Anglo Scotus in the Theological repofitory
fuppofes, that there were two queflions put by the difciplcs
to our Lord : When fhall thefe things be ? And what fhall
be the fign of thy coming ? According to him, therefore,
the coming of Chrift always means the glorious appear-
ance of Chrift to reign on this earth. Dr. Taylor, in his
paraphrafe on the Romans, fuppofes, that day, the end of
all things, the appearance, and the coming of Chrifl, &c.
fo frequently mentioned in the epiftles, coincide with a
pcrfon's death, and with him Mr. Wakefield agrees, (on
Matt, xxiv.) though he does not admit, that two queflions
were put to our Lord. The latter writer fuppofes, that
from fpcaking of the dcfirudtion of Jcrufalera, our Lord
paffes (from vcr. 41.) to tliat more general event, that was
to take place among mankind. That many of the paflages,
£t leaft, produced by Dr. Taylor, relate to death, is, I think,
xmqueftionable. For, it fliould be obferved, that chriftianj
are never exhorted to prepare for death — Either of tliefc
H Thfol. Rep. vol 6. ' Mr. F.ilmcr of Dundee.
* TcLTo TToisiTE eif T)!y 5|U»;v aya/*vrriv, do this in rcmcmbrnnce of mc, is not in
the Cam. MS. or the Lat. MSS ; tkiough it is quoted by Jiiftin Martyr, (Apol. 2.)
fiuin Luke.
fchemes
NATURE OF SUBSCRIPTION. 433
fchemes affords a prefumption in favour of the Eucharift.
And not to infift that Chrift abfolutely appointed it, in
fome focieties, no provifion can have more benevolent
tendencies. Nor do I think it neceflary to be convinced
of its abfoiute obUgation to receive it, in remembrance of
Chrift, and in token of union with a chriftian fociety.
Eating and drinking together, both among the ancient
jews and gentiles, was not only a fymbol of making a co-
venant with their deities, but of friendfliip among men.
Whether Chrift has made it abfolutely obligatory, I leave
others to decide.
F f PART
( 434 )
PART OF A LETTER
LEFT WITH
ROBERT HALL, ^- M.
MINISTER OF THE DISSENTING CON G R E O AT rON MEETING
JN ST. Andrew's parish, Cambridge,
And read to the Society.
DEAR FRIENDS,
Having it in contemplation to leave this part of tlie
world fhortly, moft probably never to return, at lead for
a continuance, 1 think it incumbent on me to thank you
for many civilities ihevvn me, and to take an affectionate
/ and refpcdlful leave of you. Confidcring too I fland at
prefent a member of this fociety, though for feveral years
paft I have not regularly filled up my place, I wifh to leave
behind me the following declaration.
Without detaining you then with a ncedlefs introduc-
tion, I mean to acquaint you, that I no longer confider
myfelf a member, and fhall be obliged to the gentleman,
V who keeps the church book, to take my name out of it.
You will not, however, I flatter myfelf, be liafly in form-
ing your opinions on the motives of my condu6l.
1. 1 am influenced by no prejudice againfl the members
of this fociety. I came to you through a dilapprobation of
our religious cftabliihmcnt : and 1 found many among you,
vvhofe
( 435 )
whofe views of it were congenial with my own : men too
whole friendihip I nsver had reafon to queftion ; to whom
I foon became attached by confiderations of gratitude ; and
towards whom, as poffefiTcd of inquiring minds, and 1 am
perfuaded, of upright intentions, as lovers of liberty and
of tlie word of God, I could feel no fubfequent diflike;
l)Ut ftill retain the mod fmcere efteem ; and with whom,
if I do not in future life retain the moll cordial friendfliip,
it fliall be owing to no defe6l in me.
II. Nor am I influenced by any prejudice againfl: your
minifter. It is true, I did not, at any time, give my voice '
to his appointment, and I have only attended his preaching
occafionally. My condu6l did not proceed from caprice,
but was dire6led by reafons ; by none, however, which
imply any opinion of your minifcer either with refpecl to his
abilities, or his integrity, but what is honourable, and whom,
in future life, I hope ever to find reafon to efteem and
fefpe6l.
III. I have, it is true, preached occafionally, and in your ^
pulpit, and perfons unacquainted with me, may think I
Wifti to retire from the fociety, as having no opportunity
to preach. But the truth is, I have been for fome years
paft fo engaged, as to have had no leifure to preach, no
inclination : happy to fee this department occupied by per-
fons better qualified for it by their ftudies and habits;
happy alfo in the purfuit of fubje£ls more agreeable to my
own inclinations.
IV. Nor, finally, have I been prevailed on to take the
prefent ftep througli the perfuafion of others. Indeed my
refolution was formed, and my declaration drawn up, with-
out the advice, and even witlwut the knowledge of a fingle
perfon; nor from an expe6tation of finding perfons with
whom I hope to be more affeftionately united, than I have
been witli you ; nor, 1 fpeak in the fear of God, trom any
F f 2 worldly
( 43^ )
^vorldy confideration whatever. Though I fliall occafionally'
unite in worfliip with rcKgious focieties, yet I am not furc
I fhall henceforth be diredlly connefted with any. As tc
mv future connedlions, tliough I am not infenfible to the
fvmpathies, that unite human beings, and difpofe men of
kindred minds to mutual attentions, yet the great being
has fo formed me, as to put me uncfer the neceflity of feek-
mg independence, and I will truft to nothing but my own?
exertions, and the divine blefling, for my future fupport,
I mean to go to London, but how to be employed, any
"^ further than in overlooking the printing of my book, f
know not.
The world is all before me where to choofe
My place of reft, and Providence my guide.
In fliort, in the hour of refle6lion, I can fay, I am in-
fluenced by no motive, but what is juft and honourable.
Two reafons there are, which operate with me very power-
Jully. I will, in few words, lay them before you.
1. The firft is of a religious nature. It is my opinion,
and has long been, that Jefus Chrift is not the propef
' obje^l of divine worflil.p ; that Jehovah alorre is. I do not
hold it neceffary to go into the fubjeft in the way of argu-
ment. It is well known, that many of Dr. Watts's
hymns, repeatedly fung in this place, afcribe divine hc-
Hours to Chrift. I judge no man. Alany, I am aware,
believe Jefus Chriit to be God, and in worlliipping hinj,
they follow the natural order of their faith. Some unita-
rians have alfo thought, Socinus himfelf did, that divine
wor/laip flrould' be paid to Jefus Chrift ; and fome may be
prefent at the fmging of hymns, in which they do not
choofe to join. But as thefe hymns now appear to me
(and I fpeak only for myfelf) to militate in a high degree
againft the obje 178, 244, 328,
333, 398 — on the 39 articles,
299' 3'8» 333» ;3^i-
Burke, iVlr, his Rcficdlions on
the french revolution, 242,
243, 244, 245, 251, 256,
270,272,277, 28 7 — pref.viii.
c.
Cambdcn, his Britannia, 230.
Caput, at the univerfity of Cam-
bridge, an arillocratical body,
pref. xxxiv.
Csfar, de bel. gal. 135, 136.
Caians, 417, 423.
Calvin, his Inftitutes, 3.09, :?3j,
398 — his definition of original
fm, 322 — his treatment of
Servetus, 81 — calling on the
name of Chrift, 311.
Catechifms, 406.
Catholics, englifh, vindicated,
2;, 24.
Cambridge, petition of under-
graduates there, 31 — Reflec-
tions on the contentions and
diforders of the borough of,59.
Celeftius, 335.
Chrillianity forbids love of re-
ligious dominion, 239, 240 —
its doclrines have been mif-
reprefented, 2Q2 — its excel-
]ency,242 — violates no rights,
43-
Chri/landGod twoperfons,302.
Chriltians (hould imitate Chrift,
CnrJlHan fociety, 2^2 — 'plans of,
396, 403 — pref. xxvii.
Church difcipline, 374 — difcre-
tional, 387.
Chryfoltom, 338.
Cicero de offic. 16 — de oratori-
bu?, 51 — de natura dcorum,
122.
Civil law cnflaved Europe, 1 59.
Citizen
INDEX.
Citizen foldiers, 289.
Circalacion of opinions, 98.
Chriilie, Mr. his delineaiion of
the French conftitution, 381;.
Clemens Romanus, his Epiih
to the Corinthians, 18-,, 29S,
305, 315-, '328, 363— fecond
Epill. fpurious, 304, 342.
Claude, iVIonf. his defence of
the reformat. 6, 78, 187, 590
— Effiy' on the compofuiou
of a fermon, 6t).
Clement, pope, 100.
Ciergy, their meeting at Ten-
nifon's library, and Feathers
tavern, 3 — the king's miniliers
170 — petition parliament, 3
< — fubjeft to canons, 179 — not
proprietors, 243 — their Ad-
drefs to queen t lizabeth, i - 2 .
Clarke, Dr. S. on the Being and
attributes of God, 82 re-
fafed the archbilhoprick of
Canterbury, 103 — was an a-
rian, log — his reply to Dr.
Waterland, 103.
Clarke, Mr. his connexion of
the roman, faxon, and eng-
lilh coins, 278, 284.
Clogher, biftiop of, his fpeech,
320.
Cloyne, bp. of, his Remark on
the irilh diflenters, 51.
Conquell rendered the engli(h
government more abfolute,
H)- . . ,
Conllitution, britim, prmciples
of, 134, 220 — difficulty in
afcertaining its original prin-
ciples, 147, 149 — how far
favourable to liberty, 150 —
dtfedivc in political liberty,
149, 195, 218, 2iO, 283, 284
• — its fundamental principles,
aoS, 217, 2ig — their excel-
lency admitted, 29: — cannot
be changed by parliament.
217 — balance of opinions on,
261 — inclines to defpotifm,
2''6, 267, 2' 8, 269, 270 —
fophiftical, 269 — church not
efiential to, 20 — bad con-
ftitutions ftould be altered,
283 — free, want no nobles,
143 — hirtorical EfTay on the
englifh conftitution, 136, 275,
281, 282 — french coniliiu-
tion, 19, 154, 264, 269,272,
2-4, 283, z8j — polilh, 157,
204, 266, 269, 283.
Corruption eflcntial to the eng-
lifh government, 157,
Courts, ecclefiailical, 177.
Community, will of, the foun-
dation of government, 282.
Coke, chief jullice, 10, 174,
198, 200, 202, 209.
Conltantine, 403.
Confeffions of faith obftruft
truth, 7r.
Coptic verfion, 311.
Complutenfian editors, their
inaccuracy, 310.
Conventicle, and Oxford ads,
184, 185.
Convocation, 19s;.
Contrafl, 24*7.
Confubiiantiation, 89.
Corporation and teft laws, ig.
Coverdale, Miles, preface, xiii,
xxi.
Crellius, 7, I 16, 181.
Cudv/orth, his Intellectual fyf-
tem, 296, 297, 300.
Cranmer, abp. 398.
Creeds, the three, 319.
D.
Decretum horrendum, 333.
Decretals, 6.
Atinrorvc, 310.
Debt, national, 286.
De Launc, his Plea for the non-
conformills, 99.
Democracy, 273.
Deus,
INDEX.
peas, 309.
Peifts vindicated, 30,
JDiffenters, 225 — their charac-
ter vindicated, 287 — -their
petition to parliament, 3 —
praiied by the Houfe of Com-
mons, 42~r-a vvifh for their
true dignity, 1 3 ?— their mode
of chooAng minillers, 37- —
a Letter to a fociety of dif-
fenters, 434. — how confidered
by the law, 1 86.
I>lvernois, his ililL of Geneva,
164, z-'z, 273, 282, 285.
Difney, Dr. his opinion of the
rejedion of Mr, Tyrwhitt's
queitions, 49 — his Life of
Pr. Jebb, 31, 34,36,44,49/
^7» 352 — Life of Dr. Sykes,
350, 360 — on focial worfhip,
pref. xxviii,
Difcufiio Brevis, ^598.
Pialogues, political, 356.
£!iCiy.o)ior, 403.
Poddridge. Dr. 300 — his ortho-
doxy fiifpicious, 91.
Docetic, 383.
Draco, a law of, i 21.
Druids, 139.
Dublin univerfity requires no
fubfcription, 52-
Duncan, Dr. his Elements of
logic, 71.
pu Cange, his Gloffary, 200,
201, -84.
E.
Ebionites, 293.
^dwards. Dr. his Grace at
Cambridge, 3 — pref. xxix—
his Serm. at St Mary's, 430
— his edition of Plqtarch de
Educatione libc^'-orurn, -8.
pftcndi, turkiih, 62.
ploheim, 30;.
iimlvn, Mr. 188,413.
Enfield, Dr. his Hiit. of philo-
iophy, 294, 323.
England, a land of feds, 76
— ftate of fubitJrIption in
9 — church of, her dodlrine
myfterious, go — its perfecut-
ing fpirit, 18 1 — defeftive in
dodrine and difcipline.
Epidletus, his Enchiridion, 39 j.
Eflenes, 393.
Eflex-ftreet chapel, 387.
ElUblilhment, 430 — ecclefiafli-
cal, its imperfeftion, 96 — its
impolicy, 249, 250, 251-^
(hould be altered, 106.
Eugenius, 164.
Eu(ebia on Social worfhip, pref.
xxviii.
Eufebius, 294, 298. 306.
Excommunication, 190.
Evanfon, his Letter to bp. Hurd,
420 — pref. 20 — his arguments
for and againft the fabbatical
obfervance of Sunday, pref.
xxviii.
Eternal life, how procured by
Chrill, 325.
F.
Faith, j unification by, 337.
Fenelon, abp. 7^.
fox, Mr. the martyrologill, 103,
183.
Feudal fyflem barbarous, a^g,
Filmcr, Sir R.?bort, 147.
Franklin, Dr. his Mifcellancous
works, 5 f , 2^9.
Francifcus Davides, 399.
Fofler, Dr. his Sermons, 86.,
9J. 117-
Frend, Mr. his Grace at Cam-
bridge, pref. xxxiv — his
Thoughts on iubfcription. 3,
21,42, 45 — his illiberal tre.it-
ment, 59, 39?— Mr. Coul-
thurll's blunders expofed,297,
311.
Free-will, 329, 330,
Furneaux, Dr. nis Letter tq
judge Blackftone, j86, 22S,
^^9.' 239, 260.
Gale,
1 N D E :t.
Gsle, Dr. on Baptifm, 380, 415,
419.
Geddes, Dr. lifs Profpedus of a
new tranflation of the bible,
prcf. xiv — new tranflation of
the old teftanient, 299, 39^,
303, 312, 310, 323— remarks
on, pref. xii. x\''i. xvii. xxi.
Gauden, bp. 391 .
GiI!,DT. 383,419.
Gilpin, Mr. his Life of bp.
Latimer, lOo.
Geneva, republic of, 272, 282,
285.
Germany, golden bull of, 735.
Gifborne, Mr. his Reply to
Mr. Paley, 259.
Good Works, 322.
Glaflc, Mr.hi6Works,386,43i,
432.
Gnoftics, 417.
Government, general remarks
on, 261 — 'ancient and mo-
dern defedive in political
liberty, 149, 280 — englifh
form of, 1 5; I — englifh eccle-
fiaftical, its evil, 173 — elec-
tive, excellencies of, '265 —
what elTendal to good, 260,
zft8 — bad qualities in the
englifli, 260, 2S0 — reform of,
3 53' 3 5<^- ,,
Goths and Vandals, 140.
Grotius, 390, 429 — his Letter
to Crellius, 1 16.
Grecian Hates, their citizens
foldiers, 277.
TivoiiKUTt^ii;, 390.
H.
Hackney new College, 61, 133,
preface xxxvi, xxxvii.
Hammond, Dr. 305, 312, 380,
429.
Hammond, Mr. 43 S.
Hartley, his obfervations on
man, 63, 64, 94, 32:, 329,
39-
Hall, Mr. his anfwer to Mr.
Clayton, 437.
Harwood, Dr. his Life of Monf.
Abaazit, 86.
Hell Chrifls going down into, 18,
Heathens had their sup re Me
BEING, 3C0.
Herman, 305, 312, 314, 362,
375, 380.
Hey, Dr. his Heads of a courfe
of Icdures, 77, 128, 129.
Herodotus, his Remarks on
the Lydians, 45 — on Argos,
154-
Heylin, Dr. 147.
Hereditary governments, their
evil, 264, 265, 266.
Hints, to the clergy affociateJ,
105.
Hiftory of ConfeGions of faiths
Flooker, Mr. his Ecclefiafticai
polity, 43, 45, 96, 100, 112,
1S2, 25c, 172, 320, 333.
S"^?' 376, 387 — remarks on
his ecclefiafticai polity, 233.
Hoadley, bp. on the Lord's
fupper, 431.
Hooper, hp. i6t,.
Hume, Mr. his Hiftory of Eng-
land, and Effays, 6, 138, 139,-
142.
Horflev, bp his Charge to his
clergy, 363— his incompe-
tency in fcripture cricicifra,
365, 366, 367, Sec.
Hurd, bp. on Prophec)>, 429 — •
Dialogues on the eng. confti-
tution, 14'"!, 168, 180.
Houfe of Commons, 273 — a
houfe of corruption, 3-2 —
an arillocratical body, 278 —
does not fpeak the fenfe of
the nation, 289.
Holy Gholt, 314.
Hurrion, Mr. his Sermons on
the holy fpirit, 314.
Huguonots, french, 47.
INDEX.
T.
1 am, menning of, 302.
Jamblichus, 369.
Jdolatry, oiiginal, zrG — chrif-
tian, caufe of, ^13.
Influence of the crown, 156,
267.
Ireland, the teft ai5l repealed
there, 51.
Infallibility, 340.
Infidelity, caufe of, 350.
Ignatius's epiflles, 315, 365,
, 383, 375.
jfocrates ad demonicum, 348.
Inns of court, their defeats, 5-.
James, king, impofes fubfcrip-
tion at Cambridge, 37 — his
three darling articles, 38 — his
works, 37, i6q, 263.
Jebb, Dr. his works, 3, 16, 31,
34, 49, 67, 352 — his favou-
rite maxim, pref. xxxviii.
Jews cruelly treated, 27 — vin-
dicated, 27.
Jewel, bilhop, 383.
Jofephus's hiltory, 297, 298,
323.
Johnfon, Dr. his life of Dr.
Watts, 316.
John, king, 215.
Juvenal, 46.
Juftin Martyr, 294, 298, 308,
31J, 391, 408, 41^.
K.
'Xctforona, 377.
Kennicott, his introduftion to
the printed liebrew text, 203
— pref. xiii.
King, no charm in the name of,
bo, 263 — llridUy fpeaking,
the only executive magillratc
in England, 171.
Kneeling, 404.
Koii'«*fa), 360.
L.
Lardner, Dr. his letter on the
Myo^, 3 ' ^'
Latimer, billiop, his fermons,
33:, 346 — his opinion on the
reformation, !OC — his faying
at his degradation, 103.
Law, bifhop, his ingenuoufnefs,
92 — his life of Chrilt, 123.
Leigh, his critica facra, 393.
Liberty, civil, 39S, 401, 402 —
religious, 161, 396, -,97.
Lindfey, Mr. 387 — his Vindiciae
PrielUeianas, 3, 91, 108—
convcrfations on chriflian ido-
latry, pref— fecond addrefs
to the lludents of Oxford and
Cambridge, 302 — his cate-
chifm, 406.
Littleton, judge, 200.
Livy, his roman hiilory, 134,
,157.
Limborch, 375.
Locke, Mr. on government,
40, 113, 179, 275 — his trea-
tife on education, 73, 357 —
letter on toleration, 166, 241
— effay on the human under-
flanding, 63, 6^, 218 — con-
dud of the hum.an underlland-
'"^S' 3^ — ^'^ illiberal treat-
ment at Oxford — hi> view of
religious liberty, 162 — at-
tended a diflenting meeting,
no.
Lord's fupper, 382, 426, Sec. to
430, &c.
Loft, Mr. Capel, his obferva-
tions on Dr. Knowlcs's tefti-
moni"'">, 301, 312.
Luther, his charadlcr of a chrif-
tian n)lnifter, 85.
Lycurgus, 277.
M.
Mackintofh, Mr. his Vindiciac
Galiica:, 2851 400.
Maimonides,
INDEX.
Maimonid'js, 315, 3 16.
iVianichecs, 41 8,
Mansrield, lord, a fpeech of,
Macplierfon, his hiiiory of the
Anglo-Saxons, 136, 140.
IVlagiitratvii, civil, true incereft
of, 25 3.
IVIagna chirta, 159, 200.
IVlagi, iqb.
Maryland, ftate of, 382.
Ivlaterialifm, 63.
IVl.ixim, an important political
one, 303.
Mete;^w, 569.
JVlicrocolm, 74.
Mind, operations of, 62 — 'its
improvement, 73.
Milton, Mr. his religious cha-
radler, 109 — his defence of
the people of England, 193,
204.
Mirrour of juftices, 141, 145,
193, S08, 209, 21 r, 212, 231,
241, 246 — tranflator of, 191,
2 1 3.
Method, 70.
Moravians, 386,
Modus tenendi parliamenta,l93.
Mechanifm of the human mind.
Monarchy, ariilocracy , and efta-
blilhments, will perifh, 409.
Montanus, 423.
Monarchy defective in power,
152 — tledtive, fuppofed evils
of, whence they proceed, 264.
Millar, Mr. his hifrorical view
of the englilh government, 57,
59, 14), 146, 148, 15:.^ 159,
164, 196, 281.
Montefquieu, baron, his fpirit
of laws, 14, 20, 37, 43, ici ,
IOC, 106, izt, 142, 233, 234,
20-, 281, 284 — his opinion
of Mr Penn, 117 — 'wliat he
thought eilcntial to dcfpotifm.
264, 267 — a friend to mo-
narchy, yet expofed it, 271 —
thought the englifn govern-
ment would terminate in an
abfolute monarchy, 155.
Montague, lady, her letters^ 30,
63.
Mvlteries, 86.
N.
Nation, call of, 218, 290, 401
— England's true remedy,
276.
Nephefh, 31S,
Netherlands, oppreffed manu-
facturers tliere, 47.
Newton, Sir Ifaac, 226 — not of
the orthodox faith, 109 — a
letter of his, 301.
Nicholfon, billiop, his preface to
the anglo-faxon laws, 213.
Nifbet, Mr. his attempt to il-
lullrate feme important pa{^
fages of fcripture, 430.
Nobles, ancient engliih, differ-
ent from modern, 143, 271,
Nobility, evils of, 271, 272.
Nowel, dean, his edition of dean
Ponet's catechifm, 333.
O.
Oaths, fcrious nature of, 345',
^49»390^39i-
O'Leary, his mifcellaneous
trafls, 24.
Original fin, 322.
Orpheus, 296.
Ordinances, 384.
Ordination, 376.
Oxford, liate of fubfcription at
the univerfity, 4 — a ftdtute
at, 48 — their condudt relative
to the {lave trade, pref.
Of ovvxTn'j, 370.
Owen, Dr. 399.
P.
Paine, Mr. his rights of mnn,
217, 263, 2/2, 286,348, 35O,
406, pref. viii,
Palcy.
Index.
raiey, archdeacon, principles of
moral and political philofo-
phy, 37, III, 127, 236— re-
marks on, 249, 2 52.
Palmer, Mr. his notes to Di*.
Johnfon's life of Dr. Watts,
91, 316, 404.
Parliaments, 193, 21 6' — long,
iBJurious, 281 — annual, revi-
val of, 2S2 — no right to re-
JhrmitCelfiZyG — independence
of, 281.
Pearce, bilhop, 3?9, 392,4ir,
Peirce, Mr. his vindication of
the nonconformifts, 103, 154,
183, 184, 349.
Pelagius, 335. ^ .
Petitioners againft fubfcription,
their addrefs to the houfe of
commons, 371.
Peerage, trials by, 201.
Peers, houfe of, abolifhcd by the
houfe of commons, 199.
Pen, Mr. the quaker, his poli-
tical tracts, 117, 139, 181,
211, 216, 219.
Penfylvania, (late of, 282.
Perfonification, 317.
Perfeftion of government, 154,
Perfians, 30.
Philo de mundi opificio, 294,
205, 298, 323, 328.
Phavorinus, 371.
Piftorius, his edition of Hartley,
325- ^. ^.
Plato de leg. 108, 274 — his dia-
logues, I 23 — de republica,
36 — a defed in his republic,
274 — -motto over his fchool,
Plutarch de educatione libero-
rum, 78.
Police, englilh, bad, 279.
Polilh unitarians, 116, 4C0
Folycarp, his epillle, 315,366,
39'»
Ponet, dean, his catecliifm, 333*
Pool, Mr. 389.
Political wifdom, 334.
Pope, Mr. 311.
Porfon, Mr. his letters to Mr.
Travis, 300, 301, pref. xiii.
Potter, his Greek antiquities,
390.
PredefHnation, 331, 332.
Prieftcraft, 351.
PrieiHey, Dr. his hiftory of the
corruptions of chriftianity, 90,
loi, 294, 509, 418 — of the
chrillian church, 419 — letters
to bifhop Horfley, 374 — to a
young man, 28 — introdudtory
effays to Hartley's theory of
the human mind, 68.
Prelacy, its crimes, 350.
Price, Dr. on civil liberty, 17,
134 — his opinion of our uni-
verfities, 59 — fermon on the
new inftitution, 61.
Principles, 262.
Prerogative, evils of, 269.
Primogeniture, right of, com-
pletely eftablifhed at the con-
queft, 145.
Proteftant dilfenter's Letters to
Mr. Clayton, 437.
Prynne, Mr. 194.
Puniihmcnt,endlefs, not founded
on fcripture, 325, 328, 329.
Pythagoras, his golden verfes»
82, 121.
Q^ .
Quick, Mr. his fynodicon, 19,
48, 142.
Qaintilian, 176.
Quintilla, 417,422,423.
Quakers, 386, 387, 388— a re-
fpeftable fe£t, 387 — vindicat-
ed, 25 — remarks on their opi-
nions, 388, 389, 390, &c.
R.
Ramfay, Mr. his hiftory of the
americaa
INDEX.
american war, 181,251,265,
269, 278, 282, 284.
Raynoldus, 6.
Rees, Dr. his edition of Cham-
bers's encyclopaedia, 63.
Reformers laboured under dif-
advantages, 97.
RejTcfentative government, its
advantages, 1^4, 73, 274.
Reprcfencacion, equal, 282, 401
— incomplete in England,
279, 2 7?
Remiffion of fins on repentance,
the refurreftion of the body,
and eternal life, the leading
dodrines of the gofpel, 335,
Rtfpedl, terms of, 325, 337.
Republican government, its ex-
cellencies, 1 54, 284.
Republics, italian, are ariftocra-
cies, 249, 284.
Reply to fhort hiftory of fcaad-
ing armies, 289.
Right of diffenters to a complete
toleration, j2, 2^9 — declara-
tion of rights in France, 143.
Rights, natural, 1 3 — violated by
lubi'cription, 18.
Robertfon, Dr. his hiflory of
Scotland, 6.
Robinfon, Mr. Robert, his ar-
cana, 3, 44 — political cate-
chifm, 26, 22^ — tranflation
cf Monf. Claude's efTiy, 66 —
plan of le<^ures on noncon-
formity, i8'>, 230. 357' — ec-
clefialtical refenrches, 26 • —
became an unitarian, 91 — hif-
tory cf baptilm, 26, 58, igi;,
337.3'/9' 3 o 39'2-393'^H.
416 — remarks on the hiftoiy
of baptifm, 4 19, &c.
Romans, their regard to educa-
tion, it — to arms, 277.
Rotheram, his efi'ay on eiUblilh-
ments, 250.
Roufl',;au, his EmIIius, 30,
Ruach, 315.
Rutherforth, Dr. guards the
f;ith, 4;.
Runnimede, coiigrefi at, 215.
S.
Sabbath, 408.
Sacrifice of Chrift, 326,327.
Sandim-m, Mr. his letters, 3 '^'6.
Sandimanians, remarks on, 386,
3S7, 403.
Saxons, their free government,
140 — affigned rank t» ofHce,
1 53 — feme good Inwi of, 2 i 2,
270 — their regard to arms,
277.
Scriptures, our verfion of inac-
curate, and the caufes of it,
292,
Scriptures, canonical, fo called,
336 — authenticity of feme
doubted, 336.
Scapula, the lexicographer, 379.
Scotland, no fncramental teft
there, and no fabfcription for
degrees, 51.
Servetus, 81, 399.
Shaw, Dr. his travels, 264.
Sheol, 318.
Sidney, JMr. Algernon, his dif-
couifes on government, 60,
36, 142, 144, J93, 264, 272,
400, 401, pref. xxiv — liis ac-
count of the ancient ncbility
of England. 193— difapprov-
ed eftablilhments, and kept
aloof from all religious focie-
ties, 400, 401.
Singing, 40,'.
Social worfnip,407 — pref. x'xiii,
xxiv, &c,
Socinus, Fauftus, 1 16, 384, 399,
415,416,417,421, 426,4:7,
428.
Solomon, fong of, a love fong,
337-
Socrates, his apology, 122, iz\.
G 2 Soul,
INDEX.
Soul no immaterial fubftance,
3'8, 330.
Sparta, ancient government of,
268 — defeftive, 279.
Spelman, Sir Henry, his glofia-
rium, 6, 136, 19S, 14O; 145,
146, 200, 202, 203, 204, 211,
250 — his concilia brittn. 141,
201, 209,51c, 21 1, 231, 237,
246 — mifapplies a paffage in
Tacitus, 137 — and Cajfar,
J38— his remains, 140, 144,
193, 194, 196, 213.
Statutes, englifh, ^6j 169, 185,
1.89, 214, 219, 242, 2.14.
Statutes, Cambridge, 4, 33, 37,
38 — their obftruftion to aca-
demical improvement, 53,54
t— no ftatute at Cambridge en-
joins fubfcription for a mailer
of arts degree, 21.
Statutes, Oxford, 4, 33, 48—
iingular one at Aries in France,
48— "at queen's college, Cam-
biide, 27, 54 — remarks on
college and univerfity llatutes,
Sterne, 163.
Stobaeus, Johannes, his fentent.
&c. 50, 1 19, 121.
Stuart family ruined by falfe no-
tions of royalty, 263.
^uidas, 296.
Supremacy derived from popery,
168 — its great power, 175.
^tow, his furvey of London, 37,
236.
Subllance, 318, 3T9.
Subfcriptioninconfillentwith the
doctrines and precepts of chrif-
tianity, 29 1.
Subfcribeis brought into diffi-
culty, 84 — into a dilemma,
223.
Syriac verfion, 311.
Symonds, Pr. his obfervations
on the expediency of rcvifing
the prcfcrit en^liih vcrfion,
pref. XV.
Synods, 19c.
T.
Taxes, 276.
Taylor, Dr. his key to the Ro-
mans, 328, 331, C90, 432—
on the Lord's fupper, 431.
Tacitus de mor. germ-anorum,
136, 137, 152, 272 — de vita
Agricolae, 136.
Tertullian de baptifmo, 377,
380, 382, 416, 417 — Re-
marks on, 420, Sec.
Theodoric, 400,
Gtor„ 309.
Tithes, 105, 106.
Teacher, no office of dominion,
338.
Theological Pvcpofitory, 41 1.
Thucydides in epitaphio, 39,
Tindal, pref. xiii.
Tillotfon, his letter to bifliop
Burnet, 91.
Toland, his life of Milton, 109,
122,
Toplady, his hilloric proof, 76
-—remarks on, 334, &c.
Toulmin, Mr. his life of Biddle,
99, 18S — of Fauftiis Socinu-j,
116 — eiTay on baptifm, 419,
413,419.
Tradition, 77.
Tranfubflantiation, yy, 89.
Tranflation, new, of the fcrip-
tures, its expediency,
Towgood, his diflent from the
church of England jaltified,
174' 178-
Trinity, 293, Sec.
Trinitarians, remarks on, 398.
Turner, Mr. Daniel, his com-
pendium of focial religion,
321.417. r
Tyrwhitr, Mr, his grace at
Cambridge, 3 — his queilions
propo^d in the divinity
fchools, 44, 49 — his two fer-
mons, 306, 313.
U.
Unity of God, 297, Sec.
Unitarians,
i
INDEX.
UnUanr.n.s, remarks on, 397.
Uniformity, 76,
Union between England and
Scotland, 226.
Univerfities, 23, 30, &c.
Urbanus, 79.
\ •
Varro, 121.
Variety of fentiment, 76.
Verfion, common, of the fcrip-
tures imperfeft, 14, &c.
Venice, an ariflocracy, 234.
Villeins, 284.
Vibrations, 330.
Viner, Mr. 57.
Voltaire, opinion of the quakers,
25 — his opinion of the great
charter, 5, 150.
W.
Wake, archbifliop, his ftate of
the clergy and church of Eng-
land, 66, 197, 199, 207.
Wakefield, Mr. his new tranf-
lation of Matthew's gofpel,
316, 381, 39 [, 392— his fyl-
labus of a new tranflation, 18
—new tranflation of the whole
new teflament, 306, 308, 3 1 1 ,
312, 326, 316, 371, 405—
remarks on, pref xii, xviii
— plain and fhort account of
baptifm, 4' 2, 413, 426 — on
focial worfhip, pref. xxvi —
filva critica, 415.
\A"arburton, bifhop, his alliance
between church and ftate, 27,
3?), I ig, 163, 172, 19S, 202,
^03, 229,235, 336 — remarks
on, 118, 242, 251.
Waterland, 44 — his cafe ofarian
fubfcription, 124.
Wall, Mr. his hiftoiy of infant
baptifm, 418.
Wation, bifliop, his theological
tradls, 56, 117.
WattSi Dr. remarks onhis hymn
book, 404 — gave up the or-
thodox doftrine of the trinity,
91, ;i6.
Wetftein, his prolegomena to
the^new teflament, 292, 301,
311,319.
Whifton, Mr. his treatment at
Cambridge, 59 — his memoirs,
9 1 — his religious fociety, 403
— his letter to the earl of Noi^
tingham, 395 — cleared pf he-
refy by Q^ Anne, 178.
Williams, Mr.David, his ledlurcs
on political priaciples, 234,
268, 275, 282.
William the conqueror injured
public liberty, 141 — new mo-
delled the englifh tenures,
141;, 146, 201 — did not re-
move the grounds of englifli
law, 2 1 3 — why called the con-
queror, 214.
Wilfon, Mr. his defence of fo-
cial worfhip, pref. xxviii.
Wilton, Mr. his review of the
articles, 318, 321 .
Wittanagemote, 14J.
Wilkins, his edition of the anglo
faxon laws, 141, J46, 209,
214,216.
Women ihould fludy religion for
themfclves, 405, 406.
WoUltonecraft, Mrs. her rights
of woman, 405, 357.
Word of God, or Aoy«?, 301,
3°9- . . ,
Wolton, Sir Henry, his charap-
ter of an ambaiiador, 130.
X.
Xenophon de inlHt. Cyri, 50 — •
de expcditione Cyri, 345 — de
Spart. republica, 208, 274,
277 — de Athen. 277— fa-
voured ariftocracy, 270.
Z.
Zaieucus, his laws, 12;,
THE END.
ADVERTISEMENT.
Several friends, having repeatedly expreffcd a defire of feeing a volume o:
Poems which I have by me, I take this opportunity of acquainting them, that a
fmall volume will be publilhed in a (hort time by Mr. Johnfon, St. Paul's Church
Yard. I beg pardon for an apparent inattention to the requefts, which my friends
clid me the honour to make ; but after repeated attempts, I found the attention
requifne to correft poetry inconfiftent with that courle of reflexion neceffary for
finiihing the prefcnt work. If thefe ppems meet with acceptance, I have it in
contemplation to print a larger colledlion at a future period, having feveral by me
in the fame ftrain. As nearly as I can guefs, they w'ill make two fmall volumes.
They will be accompanied with rsvo differtations; one containing remarks on feme
of the principal greek and roman poets, particularly with a view to lliew the efTeft
of their mythology on their poetry : the other, remarks on our principal englifh
poets, in order to (hew how far they have been fuccefsful in imitating the ancients.
I alfo beg leave to acquaint my friends, that I have another work in contem-
plation, (for which I have confiderable materials by me) and for my competency
to which they will judge from the pr fent work. My aim will be in this, to
imitate, as nearly as can be, the plan of the fpeftator, though the work will have
V a political tendency. In the courfe of it, the charafters of fome of our principal
political writers will be given from the time of Q^Elizabeth to the beginning of tl«
prefent century: Sir Henry Spelman, Sidney, Harrington, Hobbes, Milton,
pen, and Locke; thofe whom a modern writer * calls the reformers of England;
and fome modern writers of a character, fomewhat different from them. As my
aim will be to produce as original a work as I can, the paffages wl-.ich I fhall in-
fcrt from thefe writers will feldom be in a way of long and formal quotations, but
Jliort and beautiful paffagcs, with fome remarks on the times in which the authors
lived, as throwing light on their characters. To give, however, an air of variety to
this work, claffical fubjefts will be occafionally introduced, and one paper, in feven,
in imitation of the Speflator, will be of a ferious and religious nature, though
■^ never theological. Points of religious difference will never be introduced in thefe
volumes. As a work of this extent (and it will be entirely m^ own produftion)
cannot be purfucd without uniform attention, and, as I know by experience, that
the education of youth, and the public inftruftion of men, arc not fuited to my
talents, I leave it to the coniideration of my friends, how far they may think
I proper to encourage it. I do not mean that this work ftiall exceed three fmall
volumes; and (hall not publilh any part, till I have finilhed one: which I intend
to print as a monthly pamphlet, containing four numbers for each week. The(e
works, I apprehend, will not be completed in lefs than three years.
» Mr. Wyvill in his Defence of D;. Fticc, and tit refoimers of Englanit
f