tihrary of t:he theological ^tminary 
 
 PRINCETON . NEW JERSEY 
 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 
 Mr, S^Tiuel As-new 
 of Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 BV-6^^-T«7 1796 
 Graham, William, 1737-1801 
 A review of ecclesiastical 
 establishments in Europe 
 
 -see 
 
R E V I E ^^m^^^ 
 
 '"' -*' ?:irwnT>„:L_"'*5 
 
 ECCLESIASTICAL ESTAJ^.ISHME^^re'OXi 
 EURO F-^^,M^.^...Jr 
 
 CONTAINING *»•.,».** 
 
 Their Hiftory ; with a Candid Examination of their Advan* 
 tages and Diradvantages, both Civil and Religious : 
 
 An Attempt to define the Extent of Civil Lcgiflation, refpedling 
 Eccleliaftical Objects ; with 
 
 A DifcufTion of the Queftion, " Should religious tests be 
 made a Rule of Law, in conferring Civil Rewards, or in 
 infiifting Civil Punifliments ?" 
 
 AND 
 
 An ESSAY tending to fliew both the Political and Moral 
 Neccflity of Abolifiiing exclulive Eflablifliments, with Anfvverj 
 to fome principal Objections. 
 
 » ■ I.I. I « 
 
 — — — — — — ■ — ■■- . , ■ . I ■■ — . — - ■ -li^ 
 
 By the E.EV. Mr. WILLIAM GRAHAM, 
 
 NEWCASTLE. 
 
 Thg Second Edition, n.vith ^Alterations and Amendments^, 
 
 lonDon: 
 
 Printed for. G. G. and J. ROBINSON, Paternoster-Row* 
 V£R.NOR. A^^D HOOD, BiRchin-Lane -, J. GRAY, Glasshouss- 
 ■ SrKSET ; J. COOKE, Oxford ; J. OGLE, Edinburg k ; 
 AND D. NIVEN, Glasgow. 
 
 W. DCC. XCYI, 
 
m 
 
 TO THE 
 
 PUBLIC. 
 
 HEN any literary work makes its 
 fir ft appearance, readers juftly ex- 
 pe6l to be made acquainted with the reafons 
 why it is ventured into the world. The wri- 
 ter of the following thoughts is aware, that 
 they ly open not only to all that prepoiTefrion 
 which commonly attends new publications ; 
 but, befides, that they are expofed to all 
 thofe prejudices which ever haunt the 
 minds of fome readers againft the works of 
 thofe who dare to draw afide the myfterious 
 veil, and attempt to expofe to view the gro- 
 tefque figure of certain idols. An apology 
 is therefore neceffary. Whether the fol- 
 lowing 
 
[ iv ] 
 
 lowing be fufficient or not, is the province 
 of the reader to decide. 
 
 A Controverfy, agitated fome years ago, 
 concerning fublcription to certain articles, 
 gave occafion to the writer to turn his 
 thoughts to the nature and effential charac- 
 ters of chriftian churches. He was led into 
 a train of fentiments v»diich pleafed him- 
 felf : — he committed his thoughts to writing 
 — and, upon a fixteen-years review, he flat- 
 ters himfelf, that they are not altogether 
 unworthy the attention of thofe, who, in 
 different denominations, intereft themfelves 
 in the profperity of thofe facred focieties. 
 
 The evidence attending the writer's fenti- 
 ments is not the only reafon of their publi- 
 cation. The principles, commonly received 
 npon the fubje<5t of the legal eftablifliments 
 of chriftian churches, appear to have been 
 admitted without that degree of caution, 
 which the ferioufnefs of the confequences 
 feems to demand. On that account, they 
 call aloud for a careful review. 
 
[ V ] 
 
 Distinguished as this age is by a libe- 
 rality of fentiment, unknown in any former 
 period of the Britifli hiftory, it is not yet 
 wholly free from fome remains of that 
 fpirit of bigotry and perfecution, which has 
 ever been the difgrace of learning, and 
 the poifon of religion. Some, accuftom- 
 ed to afTociate the ideas of a chriftian 
 church and of a civil exclufive eftablifh- 
 ment, cannot imagine that the firft can 
 exift without the laft ; and fagely conclude, 
 that all who feparate from fuch churches, 
 however corrupted and tyrannical, are aliens 
 from the common-wealth of Ifrael, and not 
 many renioves from a fhate of damnation. 
 Others, emancipated in fome deo;ree from 
 
 ' J- o 
 
 fuch uncharitable prejudices, are yet much 
 embarraffed, when certain occafions offer' 
 to reduce their more generous principles 
 into pra6lice. Their good fenfe will not 
 fufFer them to deny the name of a chriftian 
 church to any fociety which holds the Di- 
 vine Head, though it never was, and never 
 made any efforts to become, the object of a 
 civil eftabliihment. But, even thefe too oft- 
 l?n forget to treat the members of fuch chrif- 
 tian 
 
C vi ] 
 
 tian focieties according to their acknow- 
 ledged character, when the church, eftab- 
 lilhed by law, requu'es a decifive proof of 
 their filial' attachment to her fecular and 
 feparate interefts. The intention, there- 
 fore, of the writer, is, to fnggeft fome 
 thoughts, which, by the bleffing of God, 
 may affift the human mind to throw off 
 its fetters ; may enable chriftians to trir 
 umph over the perfecuting fpirit of bigo- 
 try ; and may render even the boafted mo- 
 deration of the eighteenth century ftUj. 
 inore moderate, 
 
 Though thefe reafons may feem fuffi? 
 cient to fecure the writer of the following 
 thoughts from the charge of arrogance in 
 expofing them to public view, they would, 
 probably, have been buried in everlailing 
 filence, had not fome of his friends, to 
 whofe judgment he thinks himfelf bound 
 to pay the greateft deference, fuggefted a 
 more forcible argument for their publica- 
 tion. It is the peculiar feafonablenefs of 
 fuch a work. The prefent age is become 
 remarkable for flrange revolutions in the 
 
 ■ fentiment^ 
 
C vil ■] 
 
 fentiments of chriftians, as well as in the 
 political fyftems of all nations. Mankind 
 begin to know liberty, to tafte her fweets, 
 and to afpire after a full enjoyment of that 
 treafure which fhe alone can beftow. Li- 
 berality of fentiment feems, in fpight of 
 every obltruftion, to force its way into par- 
 liaments and cabinets, into convocations 
 and even conclaves. Hail, thou aufpicious 
 age ! To every fon of liberty, the writer 
 begs leave 4;o infcribe the following 
 thou2:hts ; and flatters himfelf, that thev 
 will -fuggeft fufficient reafons for corre6ling 
 and enlarging former plans of ecclefiaftical 
 reformation. 
 
 Though the writer be chiefly folici- 
 tous about the fuccefs of that caufe, which 
 this performance is intended to fupport ; yet 
 he dares not diflTemble his anxiety about the 
 fate of the work itfelf. If it meet with the 
 approbation of fome, it muft be expe6ted 
 that it will receive the fevereft wounds of 
 cenfure from others. It muft meet its def- 
 tiny. However, he hopes that it will be 
 read with the fame candour and good-na- 
 ture v/ith which it was vvritten. His fole 
 
 intention 
 
[ viii ] 
 
 intention of giving it to the public is, to 
 affift the chriftian in forming juft ideas of 
 the kingdom ofChrift; to confirm him in 
 the principles, and to dire6t him in the ufe 
 of that liberty, with which the Divine Au-- 
 thor of the chriftian religion has ennobled 
 all his followers ; and to infpire him with a 
 refolution to unite in his own charadler, 
 the zealous and fincere difciple of Jefus, 
 with the peaceable and induftrious citi- 
 xen, .. * 
 
PEI,NGETON 
 
 ii il l"! i '|1U 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 .OGlOAIi 
 
 A Spirit of enquiry the charaEieristic of the age. Efforts 
 to regain civil and religious liberty. Sentiments of 
 parties concerning these laudable attempts. National 
 churches have prevented their success. Jhe question^ 
 with regard to the justice and good policy of the estab- 
 lishment of national churches^ stated ; and the signifi- 
 cation of the terms distin^ly ascertained, 
 
 A Spirit of difquifition is an undoubted cliarac- 
 teriftic of this enlightened age. The many 
 bold infractions and tyrannical depredations, which 
 had been made on the rights of confcience, from the 
 commencement of imperial and national churches, 
 at laft roufed the indignation of Europe ; taught 
 chriftians to fet a proper value upon the vrights of hu- 
 man nature j and inlpired both princes and their 
 fubjeds with the noble'refolution to break that chain, 
 which, fo long, had ignominioufly bound them to 
 the papal chair. Emancipated from the yoke of 
 popifh bigotry, as well as from the heavy fetters of 
 feudal defpotifm ; this age is become tenacious of 
 thofe rights which diftinguifli the fubjed from the 
 flave, and of that liberty which raifes the believer 
 fo much above the bigot, 
 
 A The 
 
C 2 ] 
 
 The confequences are no other than were forefeen 
 from the earlieft date of the reformation. Thofe 
 whofe fecular interefl has engaged them in the de- 
 fence of the throne of ignorance and impofition have 
 always declared themfelves hoftile to the liberties of 
 their fellow chriftians. Roufed into adlion by their 
 common danger, they have often founded an alarm ; 
 and confcious of the want of better arguments to 
 prop their falling caufe, they have ever availed them- 
 felves of the fecular power, the powerful avenger of 
 national churches, to filence, to perfecute, and to 
 crufh the friends of truth and freedom. 
 
 While thefe champions have engaged on fo un- 
 equal terms, it is not furprifing that the fuccefs hath 
 borne no proportion to the merits of their rerpe61:ive 
 pleas. The friends of freedom, depending on the 
 juftice of their caufe, have reafonably entertained 
 modeft hopes that viclory at lad would have crowned 
 their wifhes and rewarded their pains. But their 
 enemies, armed with every weapon that; the well- 
 ftored arfenal of a national eftablifhment ordinarily 
 furnifhes, and deeply intrenched in the complex po- 
 litical conflitution of church and (late, have hitherto 
 given bold defiance even to thofe to whom all the 
 world have repeatedly adjudged the vidlory. 
 
 Nor has the manner in which the conteft has 
 been managed, been lefs prepofterous. Thofe who 
 have expofed every fcheme of ecclefiaftical tyranny 
 with the greatefl force of argument, and with the 
 greateft feeming fuccefs, have rarely failed to ad: 
 over again the fame tragic fcenes, as foon as ever a 
 proper opportunity has offered ofavaiHng themfelves 
 of penal ftatutes. On the other hand, as foon as 
 even the moft violent perfecutors have felt the weight 
 of thofe burthens, which they had unmercifully laid 
 on the fhoulders of others, they have at length be- 
 come fenfible of the juftice and propriety of thofe 
 
 very 
 
C 3 ] 
 
 very arguments, which, in the hour of profperity, 
 they were wont to defpife. They even have been 
 champions in that very caufe, for which they once 
 imagined none but fanatics could diftinguiOi them- 
 felves with decency of chara6ler. 
 
 While thefe obfervations expofe the caprice of 
 human nature, and prove the irrefiftible influence, 
 which fecular intereft hath over the underftandings 
 of men ; they no lefs demonftrate the importance 
 of that noble caufe for which all parties become 
 ftrenuous advocates, when they are fcen fucceflively 
 in fuch circumftances as ordinarily bring men to 
 their fenfes, and oblige them to fpeak out the real 
 feelings of the human heart. The great God, who 
 dignified human nature with all its gifts and rights, 
 is ever jealous of them, and hath, in this manner, 
 extorted an undifguifed confefhon of their inherent: 
 worth and confequential importance. 
 
 Though all religious denominations have thus 
 become partifans in the caufe of liberty, they have 
 not all fpoken the fame language concerning the 
 degree in which chriftians ought to be indulged by 
 their civil fuperiors with the enjoyment of that im- 
 portant bleffing. 
 
 Thofe who balk under the warm fun of a national 
 eftablifhment, affc6t to think that the caufe of liberty 
 is fufhciently guarded, and her bleflings abundantly 
 extended, when, after the public teachers of the na- 
 tional creed are fecured in the polfefTion of afHu' 
 ent livings, a partial toleration is granted to diifenr 
 ters. But a toleration incumbered with limitations, 
 and infringements on the rights of confcience, is an 
 inlult to human nature, and to him who made it. 
 It is built upon abfurdityand injuilice. It fuppofes 
 that all men have not an equal right to think for 
 themfelves, and to worfhip their common Creator 
 and Redeemer, according to the light of their own 
 A 2 underftandings 
 
C 4 ] 
 
 underflandings, and the dicflates of their own con- 
 fciences : thatif fome men worfliip God at all, they- 
 mud buy their liberty to do fo, at the expence of 
 many things, to the pofTeflion of which their ap- 
 proved loyalty, their elevated ftations, their confum- 
 mate learning, and their political abilities give them 
 the juflefl: title in focial life : and that, as the limi- 
 tations of toleration are arbitrary and lludiuating, 
 the rights of confcience muft depend wholly on the 
 caprice of government. 
 
 Though legiilature have as good a right to deprive 
 the deferving fubjedt of the whole as of any part of 
 his natural and religious rights, yet thefe gentlemen 
 profefs the mofl perfed acquiefcence in that ftate of 
 things. Guided by early prejudices, and hullied to 
 iilence by rich emoluments, they feel no check, 
 when they fabicribe a Calviniftic creed in an Armi- 
 nian fenfe, and when" they addrefs the Supreme 
 Being by forms, which, without a bluQi, they pro- 
 nounce unintellio-ible and abfurd ! At the fame time, 
 they are panegyrifts on the conftitution, fo favour- 
 able to liberty and the rights of confcience ; and 
 they even affed: to Vv^onder, that any fliould com- 
 plain, when they muft fee every day the rights of 
 confcience redeemed at whatever exorbitant and 
 flu6luating price adminftration is pleafed to fet upon 
 them. 
 
 The infatuation hath feized even difTenters them^ 
 felves. Many of thefe, comparing the degree of 
 liberty they now enjoy, with the hardfhips which 
 their anceftors endured, are difpofed to fubmit 
 tam.ely to every abridgement of religious liberty, 
 which a moderate adminiftration may judge proper. 
 They feem to think, that occafional conformity to 
 rites, which their confciences condemn, is no confi- 
 derable hardlhip, as long as a conftant violation of 
 the rights of confcience is not made indifpenfable to 
 
 their 
 
[ 5 ] 
 
 their filling certain lucrative or honorary flations : 
 and that all wiflies that the rights of mankind were 
 fet on more advantageous ground are fanatical and 
 abfurd. Men of fuch eafy principles, keep one an-' 
 other from blufhing at their abfurd ity, and from 
 remorfe at their impiety. Such principles are un- 
 worthy of any above the rank of flaves and fyco- 
 phants. As long as a favourite denomination enjoys 
 alone all thofe privileges, which ought to be enjoyed 
 in common by all deferving fubjedls, and confcien- 
 cious diffenters are either robbed of their civil rights, 
 or are obliged to redeem them at the price of daring 
 to violate rights infinitely more precious; who, with-^ 
 out bluihing, can reckon it unreafonable to wilhthat 
 liberty and right were more diffufively extended, 
 and more firmly eftablifned ? 
 
 It is plain from thefe and limilar fadls, that na- 
 tional churches have ever been at war, not only 
 with the rights of mankind, but even with the fpirit 
 of chriflianity itfelf. Juflice and mercy are the 
 foundations of her throne; equity and righteoufnefs 
 are the pillars of her empire. National eftablilh- 
 ments therefore, are not that full, and impartial 
 patronage of chrifliianity, which fhe, by the bleflings 
 (he pours down on fociety, ever and exclufively 
 deferves, and which every legiflature in the chriftian 
 v/orld owes her. 
 
 The proof of this affertion is intended in this 
 work. That it may be more full and fatisfadory, 
 the queftion concerning the juftice and propriety of 
 national eftablifhments muft be diftindly dated; and 
 the fignification of the terms which are to be ufed 
 muft be clearly afcertained. 
 
 I. The queftion is not — Ought leglflatures to 
 intereft themfelves in the public profeHion of reli- 
 gion ? 
 
 Some 
 
C 6 ] 
 
 Some deifts In this, following fome fanatics of 
 the laft age, have maintained the negative. Yet, 
 the wildom of government in all countries, and in 
 all ages, has uniformly fupported the affirmative. 
 Convinced both by reafon and experience, that the 
 fear of God, and the love of juftice are the pillars 
 of focietyj legiilatures have ever wifely and anxioully 
 cheriQied religion, or what was accounted fuch, 
 among thefeveral clafTes of their f.ibjefe. 
 
 II. Nor is the queflion — Should chriftian legiila- 
 tures give a legal eftabliiliment to religion, both na- 
 tural and revealed ? 
 
 The affirmative is not only granted, but it is the 
 defign of this work to prove it, and that national 
 eftabliihments are not that adequate eftablKhment 
 which Icgifiatures owe to religion, both natural and 
 revealed. 
 
 The term, establishment, Is not without ambiguity. 
 When it is applied to natural religion, it conveys 
 an idea very different from what it means when it is 
 applied to revealed religion. In order to remove 
 ambiguity in the ufe and application of the term, 
 and to difembarrafs the fl:ate of the queflion, the 
 following things deferve conlideration. 
 
 Objedts of civil legiilation may be faid to have 
 received a proper eftabliiliment, when they are 
 made, and are capable of becoming the very pillars 
 of the political conftitution; — when the native pur- 
 pofes of government cannot be gained, without 
 making them the uniform and indilpenfable rule of 
 all, political management; — and when they and the 
 conftitution are fo intimately combined, in the na- 
 ture of things themfelves, that they mutually eda- 
 blilli one another, and mud ftand or fall together. 
 Natural religion, in all its branches, belongs to this 
 clafs of objeds. But whether revealed religion is 
 
 naturally 
 
[ 7 ] 
 
 naturally capable of such an eflabllfhment, may be 
 queftioned on the bed grounds. Neverthelefs, the 
 pubhc profeilion of it is capable of an eftablifliment, 
 in a fenfe, though d liferent from the former, yet 
 not lefs real and determinate* 
 
 Many objeds may receive a proper eHablirnmcnt, 
 as far as the nature of the things themfelves, and the 
 native ends of civil government can allow, evea 
 when the objedls themfelvcs cannot be confolid;:ted 
 with the political conilitution, made the bafis of 
 government, and conftituted the indifpenfable rule 
 of adm.iniftration. This defcription of objeds ob- 
 tains a proper political eftabliHimenr, when the fub- 
 jedlis, to whom tliefe things are of importance, are 
 legally proteded and impartially rewarded, "accord- 
 ing to the degree of their political merit. 
 
 To this rank of things may be referred all branches 
 of trade and manufadure. Thef^ are, in this man- 
 ner, fully eflabliflied in every nation of Europe. 
 Legiflatures, taught by the blunders of feudal ages, 
 no more embroil themfelves, and difcourage na- 
 tional induftry and enterprize, by granting preclud- 
 ing eftablifhments and partial mooopolies in thofe 
 branches of trade, which juitice and public utility 
 require fliould ly open to all. To give as ample an 
 eftablidiment to any of thefe branches, as their na- 
 tures admit, no wife government ever combined a 
 fyflem of the precepts of any art with the political 
 conftitution, in fuch a manner as to preclude every 
 artifan from the common privileges of a fubjed, un- 
 lefs he brought proof of his ftrid attention to all the 
 eftablillied precepts of that art. 
 
 Literature and the learned profeflions are efla- 
 blifhed in every civilized nation. How is this 
 done? Is a fyftem of the art of hesling, for exam- 
 ple, fo incorporated with the political conftitution, 
 that every phyfician who does not prefcribe accord- 
 ing 
 
[ S ] 
 
 ing to the national diipenfatory, fliall not only be 
 ftigmatized as a quack, but preclu'ded from the 
 common rights of a citizen and a fubjedt? Rather 
 is not the profeffion of phyfic properly eftabliflied, 
 when the profeiTors of that art are protc6led, patro- 
 nized and rewarded according to their eminence? 
 
 Nor does the nature of the thing require a diffe- 
 rent kind of eftabliihment to the profeiTion of chrifti- 
 anity. Any legiilature may confer on the profeffion 
 cf chriflianity a perfe6t and impartial eftablifhment, 
 without blending a partial, imperfed:, and often an 
 erroneous fyftem of its peculiar doctrines with the 
 civil conflitution. What legiilature ever attempted 
 to do fo, even with natural religion itfelf ? Neceffary 
 as it is to the very being of civil fociety, did ever 
 any government, ancient or modern, adopt and 
 blend v/ith the political conflitution any of thofe 
 fyftems of moral phiiofophy, which have been in- 
 cefTantly pouring upon the world from the pens of 
 the learned? Did they ever make Ariftotle's ethics, 
 or Puffendorf s law of nature and nations, the pub- 
 lic creed and ftandard of faith concerning moral 
 fubjefts? Did they ever make the doctrines of any 
 of thefe often difcordant writers the public rule of 
 national m.anners? Did they at any time make a 
 profeffion of attachment to a certain fyftem of mo- 
 rals the public badge of moral orthodoxy, and the 
 public rule of law for the difcribution of rewards 
 and punilhments? Yet who, that is tolerably ac- 
 quainted with the nature, genius and defign of 
 chriflianity, fees not, that any form the profeffion 
 of it may be thrown into, in any particular creed, 
 is incomparably lefs fit to be thus eflablilhed, than 
 any fyftem of moral phiiofophy whatever? Let the 
 chriftian fubject be proteded: let him be rewarded 
 according to the degree of his political merit : let 
 him be patronized and encouraged according to the 
 
 degree 
 
[ 9 ] 
 
 degree of his eminence in his chriftlan profeffion 
 and deportment : and, when all this is done, the 
 profeffion of chriftianity is univerfally patronized, 
 and impartially eflabliflied. 
 
 III. The queftion is not — ^Whether leglilatnre, 
 by granting a precluding patronage to one denomi- 
 nation of chriftians, does too much? But whether, 
 by doing so much for one defcription of chriftians, 
 civil government does not fall fliort of its own ori- 
 ginal purpofes ; and inftead of eftablifliing the 
 church with the full and adequate profeffion of chrif- 
 tianity, in her, does not in a great meafure over- 
 throw both? 
 
 There is nothing more contrary to reafon as v/ell 
 as revelation, than to fuppofe that the chi:rch of 
 Chrift is confined to any one fed or defcription of 
 chriftians. She is catholic. She comprehends, 
 within her extenfive pale, all focleties, whofe found- 
 nefs in the faith, and whofe confcientious fubjedlion 
 to the inftitutions of Chrift, entitle them to the ho- 
 nour of being juftly reckoned parts of that facred 
 body. When any government, therefore, grants a 
 precluding patronage to any particular part of that 
 body, appointing lubfcription to its creed the legal 
 condition of enjoying the common rights of citizens 
 and fubjeds; neither is the church, according to 
 the full import of the term, eftabliihed — nor does 
 government itfelf ad up to its original ends. It 
 fufpends the duties it owes to fociety, protedion, 
 patronage and encouragement, on conditions which 
 are foreign to civil fociety. A particular fed alone 
 is proteded and patronized; and other fubjeds — 
 other chriftians, equally deferving of civil fociety, 
 are robbed of their property to enrich it. Such an 
 eftablifhment conftirutes its objeds a fchifmatical 
 body. It puts it in their power by law, to ered a 
 B feparatc 
 
feparate intereft from their brethren, and to purfue 
 defigns, foreign, yea, often oppofite to our common 
 chriftianity. It authorizes them to infult, to perfe- 
 cute, and to kill their fellow-chriftians of other de- 
 nominations and of other churches, belonging to 
 the fame catholic body. It patronizes them in 
 proudly arrogating to themfelves, after the ac- 
 cufhomed manner of all who are aduated by a 
 fchifmatical fpirit, the high-founding appellation 
 
 of THE CHURCH. 
 
 IV. The ftate of the inquiry, therefore, is — 
 " Whether the flate of civil fociety, the marked cha- 
 ra6ler of Chrifh's kingdom, the law of equity, and the 
 rights of confcience — admit that any legiflature 
 fhould incorporate any difiindt defcription of chrif- 
 tians; fhould dignify it with the pompous title of 
 THE church; and fhould ally it to the political 
 conftitution, in fuch a degree of intimacy, that 
 communion with that incorporated fed, in all the 
 offices of religion, fhall be as indifpenfably necefTary 
 to entitle any fubjed to the legal enjoyment of the 
 common rights of men, of citizens and of chriftians, 
 as his approved obedience to the common and fta- 
 tute law of his country ?'* 
 
 In fewer words, the queflion is — " Whether 
 COMMUNION with the national church 
 OUGHT to be a rule of law, in the political 
 conftitution, for conferring civil rewards, and in- 
 fliding civil punishments ? 
 
 The defign of the work is to fhew the abfurdity 
 and injuftice of that condition or rule of law; and 
 to attempt a proof, that in fo far as it appears to be 
 built on a fuppofition that the natural and civil 
 rights of fubjeds depend on their religious opi- 
 nions — or that according to their faith, fo are their 
 perfons and their rights, in this world, as well as 
 
 in 
 
[ " . ] 
 
 in that which is to come ; — it is more than fufEcient 
 to tear the bed compared fociety to pieces, and to 
 throw all the affairs of mankind into a ftate of the 
 moft deplorable confufion. 
 
 To preclude all ambiguity in the ufe of terms and 
 phrafes, and that we may profecute the defign with 
 all poflible clearnefs and precifion, the ideas affixed 
 to the feveral terms, which are ufed in the ftate of 
 the queftion, and to thofe fynonymous phrafes which 
 occur in the body of the work, mud be diftindly 
 afcertained, 
 
 I. By communion with any church is meant — ^^The 
 profeflion of an acquiefcence in her peculiar creed, 
 the public ufe of her ritual, fubjedion to her canons, 
 and refponfibility to her tribunals." 
 
 II. By the national church is underflood — " A 
 certain denomination of profcffed chriftians^ diflin- 
 guifhed by its peculiar creed and ritual, dignified by 
 the legiflature with the fuperb title of the church, 
 and fo clofely allied unto, and incorporated with 
 the political conftitution of the nation, that obedi- 
 ence to the common and ftatute law of the realm, 
 is not a more indifpenfable condition, to every 
 fubjed, of his fully enjoying the common rights of 
 men, citizens and fubjedls, then his being a member 
 of, and his holding communion with, that fociety, 
 in all the offices of religion." 
 
 The phrafes, allied church, incorporated churchy and 
 established church, convey the fame idea. 
 
 III. The terms, incorporation, alliance, and estab- 
 lishment, mean—** That a6l of legiflature by which 
 it jumbles and confounds the conftitution of the na- 
 tional church with the political frame of the nation 
 ilfelf, in fuch a way as to make it a rule of law^ 
 B 2 th»t 
 
. [ 12 ] 
 
 that communion with her (hall be Indlfpenfably ne- 
 ceiTary to qualify the fubjed for, and non-commu- 
 nion fliall legally difqualify and preclude him from, 
 the full and undifturbed pofieffion of his juft rights 
 and liberties, though in every civil and political re- 
 fpe6t, he be a loyal fubjedl, and an ufeful member 
 of fociety." 
 
 IV. By a rule of law^ in general is meant — " A 
 legal ftandard, ferving to regulate and dired: the 
 executive powers, in their difpenfing civil rewards 
 and punifliments :" but by that term, in this work, 
 is fpecially underftood, " The legal requifitivin of 
 communion with the national church, as the qualify- 
 ing condition of fully enjoying the common rights of 
 men and fubjedls." 
 
 The phrafes, qualifying condition^ rule of preclusion, 
 precluding rule^ and standard of rewards and punish- 
 ments^ convey the fame idea. 
 
 V. By civil rewards is uniformly meant — '^ The 
 legal, full, and undifturbed enjoyment of all that 
 a good fubjedV merits by his obedience to the civil 
 and municipal laws of his country, particularly the 
 protedion of his perfon and rights, together with 
 a right to his juft (hare of all honorary and lucra- 
 tive employments, proportionate to his political de- 
 fert, and his focial qualifications/' 
 
 VI. By civil punifl^ments is underftood — ^' All 
 that a bad fubjedt deferves, according to the com- 
 mon and ftatute law of his country." 
 
 CHAP. 
 
C 13 ] 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 The Origin and gradual Advances of Ecclesiastical 
 
 Incorporations, 
 
 REASONING from fadls and experiments 
 is the fureft and fhorteft road to found know- 
 ledge. The philofopher, jealous of the fafcination 
 of an heated imagination, trufts not to any hypo- 
 thefis, even though it fliould appear in all the 
 charms of the higheft probability. Stri6lly cauti- 
 ous, nothing is received for truth, but what is fup- 
 ported by well-attefted fadls, and confirmed by re- 
 peated cfxperiments. The qualities of vegetables, 
 metals and minerals are not taken on truft. Nature 
 herfelf is put to the torture, nothing is negle6led, 
 in the mod tedious and expenfive proceiTes, to oblige 
 her to confefs her fecrets and to difclofe her myfte- 
 ries. 
 
 It is no fmall difadvantage to fociety, that the 
 natiiralifl is feen almoft alone in this fafe path. The 
 experience of ages, relating to objeds which nearly 
 concern the happinefs or the mifery of mankind, is 
 too often negleded. Every new generation adopts 
 fchemes of policy as if it were the firft. Surely, the 
 world has not exifted fo many ages in vain. Were 
 the leffons of experience attended to, as recorded 
 in the hiftorian's page, and written in the fate of 
 focieties, they would be of the fame ufe to the poli- 
 tician, as the regular fuccefTion of celeftial pheno- 
 mena is to the aftronomer. Many plans of politics, 
 now celebrated, and almoft adored, as the nobleft 
 efforts of human wifdom, would be reprobated as 
 the greateft proofs of human folly. 
 
 Such 
 
C 14 ] 
 Such are all ecclefiaflical incorporations. But 
 before we enter on the proof of this affertion, wc 
 will inquire into their origin and gradual advances, 
 in the nations of Europe; and make fome general 
 refledions upon their hiilory, both ancient a^d 
 modern. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 The Origin of Ecclesiastical Incorporations. 
 
 NONE will expe61:, that we fliould gravely 
 open the bible, in order to find the origin 
 of incorporations among the inftitutions. of the 
 chriftian Lawgiver. Even thofe, who have been 
 the moft furious advocates for popery, or the grand 
 alliance of church and flate; and who, after their 
 manner, have demonftrated the chriftian inftitution 
 of many things which never entered into the mind of 
 Chrift himfelf — have never adventured to refer poli- 
 tico-ecclefiaftical incorporations to a New Tefla- 
 ment original. 
 
 Notwithstanding, the patrons of thefe alUances 
 are loth to lofe fo refpedlabie an authority as that 
 of the infpired oracles. Though Chrift and his 
 apoftles deny their fuffrage, they would perfuade 
 the world that Mofes is more tractable and complai- 
 fant. The Jewifli lawgiver — The Jewifh polity—* 
 The Jewifli nation, are ever in their mouths — ever 
 at the points of their pens. 
 
 As a prefumption of the lawfulnefs, and even 
 neceflity of forming chriftian churches on the plan 
 of the Jewifli ecclefiaftical nation, is one reafon of 
 that ftrong attachment which many have to national 
 
 churches. 
 
[ 15 3 
 
 cluiFches, we fhall remove this flumbling-block, 
 induftrioufly laid in the way of many plain and 
 pious chriilians. 
 
 Thofe writers, who afcend fo high as the age of 
 Mofes to find the model of the chriflian church, fly 
 higher than even human faith can follow. They 
 are antiquarians to a dangerous excefs. They are 
 not aware, that they hurt their caufe as much as the 
 blundering Hibernian funk the credibility of his 
 evidence, when he fwore that the duke of- -^s 
 anceftors were the proprietors of an eftate, then 
 litigated, before the deluge. The principle cannot 
 be admitted, till it be firft demonftrated, that any 
 thing may exift a thoufand years before its own be- 
 ginning. The chrillian church, founded on the 
 refurred:ion of her own Lawgiver, was modelled by 
 his wifdoin, and eftabiifhed by his authority alone : 
 were it otherwife, why are Mofes and Jefus Chrifl fo 
 often oppofed ? Why is the houfe, in which Mofes 
 was faithful, only as a fervant, oppofed to that houfe, 
 over which Chrifh, as the Lord and firft-begotten 
 among many brethren, prelideth for ever? 
 
 Though fome protefbint writers of reputation, 
 inadvertently copying from the champions of the 
 popifh caufe, have admitted and maintained the 
 prefumption, yet it feems capable of demonftration, 
 that no one ordinance, much lefs the whole pattern, 
 of the New Teftament church-ftate, was borrowed 
 from Mofes. It is impoflible. The fyftem of ordi- 
 nances, in the Old Teftament, including even that 
 which refpecled the incorporation of the church 
 with the political ftate of the Jewifh nation, was 
 calculated to affift the faith, and to cherifh the hope 
 of a people, who, as the defcendants of Abraham, 
 were bound to live in a ftate of expectation of the 
 MefTiah, promifed to defcend from that diftinguifhed 
 patriarch. Now, the inftitutions of the gofpei 
 
 church- 
 
r i6 ] 
 
 church-ftate, inftead of holding expeftation on the 
 rack, are formed to lead np the mind to the moil 
 perfed: repofe on the truth of thofe events and fadls, 
 fo long prefigured and expedVed. It is therefore 
 impofiible that He who is wifdom itfelf, fhould bor- 
 row the model of his church from the Jewifh law- 
 giver, and thus, by perpetuating a typical ordinance, 
 betray chriftians, in every age, into a vain expecta- 
 tion of a kingdom, which hitherto has exifted in its 
 figure only.* 
 
 None ever doubted, that the fupreme authority 
 among the Jews, fignified by Judah's fceptre, was 
 typical, equally as the priefthood of Aaron. When 
 their prefiguring purpofes were accomplifhed in the 
 perfon of Chrift, who is now the " Priefl: upon his 
 throne," the fceptre departed from Judah, and the 
 mitre from Aaron at one and the fame time. The 
 political ftate of the nation and the peculiar frame 
 of the church, fo long typically incorporated, were 
 deftroyed together. The princes of the ho'ufe of 
 David did not derive their authority from the fame 
 fources, from which other monarchs inherit the pur- 
 ple. They held the fceptre, as the viceroys of the 
 
 ■^ We mean not to aflert, that thefe Old Tellament ordi- 
 nances were merely fliadows. No : they only became fu.ch, when 
 the suhita7uc^ which they adumbrated, had actually come. Till 
 that cera, they feemed to hold up to the church a profpective 
 view of Meiliah. Hence, the Old Tellament church-Hate, 
 which was made up of the feveral ordinances belonging to the 
 Mofaic fyflem, was indeed typical^ but not merely fuch, or a 
 lliadow only without any fubitance. It was real becaufe it was 
 typical. It was calculated to affill the faith of the church to 
 contemplate good things to come, which it could not have done, 
 had it not been typical, Notwithflanding there never was fuch 
 an objedl in exiftence as a typical churchy as fome have inconfi- 
 derately affirmed. There is an infinite difference between the 
 church and her ecclesiastical state. She is the fiime invariably, 
 while htr church-state mult vary according as the obie(^ of her 
 fai:li is Q.\\.\it\' present ov future, 
 
 God 
 
[ 17 ] 
 
 God of Ifrael. They were heirs to it by that typical 
 covenant which firft aggrandiled the tribe of Judah, 
 and which was afterwards appropriated to the family 
 of David. What has been always reckoned iuffi- 
 cient tojuftify the claims of ordinary fovereigns, had 
 no place among the Jews. None were permitted to 
 afliime judicial or regal authority, but thole only 
 whom the Supreme MoNx^rch of Ifrael honoured 
 with a fpecial defignation, either by extraordinary in- 
 Tpiration, as in the cafe of the Judges ; or by federal 
 appointment, as in the cafe of the David ic family.* 
 
 * This furnifhes us with an obvious reafon, why God was fo 
 difplealed with the tribes, in the days of Samuel^ when they 
 requeued a king, who might ju^ge them^ like all the nations^ 
 Was he difpleafed, that they aiked a prince to judge them ? No ! 
 when the ions ot Scunuel, who were their ordinary magiflrates, 
 \\-jidi turned afich after lucre ^ had taken -hribcsy and h'\A per^vcrtcd 
 judgment ; the requeft was not more reafonable in iticlf, than we 
 have reafon to believe it was acceptable to God, vv ho holds fuch 
 magiflrates in eternal abhorrence. The tiue j-e;'fon feeins to be, 
 that the demand included in it a defire to be fet on the fame 
 bottom, with regard to their magiilracv, with other nations. 
 Eegardlefs of the covenarit of royalty^ or regency^ cilablifned with 
 the tribe of Judah, and blind to the ijnportant iutcnt'ioH of that 
 covenant ; they obftinatcly demanded a liberty to act upon the 
 foot of the law of nature alone, like all other nations ; and to 
 chufe a prince out of any tribe, without paying any regard to 
 the \.x\\iQ.Qi Judah ^ or to the typical fceptre^ with which it was 
 honoured. This accounts for God's addrefs to Sa?niu'L 1 hey 
 have not reje^cd thce^ but they hai-e. rejedlcd me^ that IfhouJd not 
 reign over them, " Impatient of that peculiar form of typical 
 «« government, which I have iiiftitured among them, and by 
 *' which I have appropriated the regency of the nation to myfelf, 
 *' as their king ; they are obilinatelv bent upon throwin;'- it oft', 
 *' and to become like the reft of the nations in their government ; 
 ** as they have already become too like them in their worfliip," 
 On the whole, it is plain, that the regal office amoug the [ews 
 was a typical ordinance, which belonged to that fyftem of fieu- 
 rative inflitutions, in which their church-ftate confiiled, and by 
 which their faith was inftrurted to look forward to the inc ■;! n.i- 
 tion of iMciliah, and to the eftabldliment of his kingdom, not 
 lefs diiVmguiflicd from the former in f];irituality, than in glory 
 and extent. 
 
 c It 
 
[ i8 ] 
 
 It is therefore plain, that the advocates of eccle- 
 fiaftic incorporations have not Moles for their pa- 
 tron. To eftablilli their wild hypothefis, they miift 
 prove, — That chriftian princes fucceed to the throne 
 of David : — That chriftian nations are not under a 
 civil government, but are cheiiflied, like ancient 
 Ifrael, under the wings of a theocracy : — That the 
 fceptre hath not yet departed from Judah : — That 
 chriftian princes are lawgivers from between his feet : 
 — And, in fliort, that the Meffiah is not come in 
 the flefli ! * 
 
 * Though to attempt a proof of thefe propolitions is a talk, 
 which will be allowed to be too hard for any chriftian: the 
 abetters of exclufive charters, without giving themfelves any 
 trouble about thefe confequeticcs, build their whole fabric upon 
 an hypothefis^ which as plainly includes them, as the number four 
 implies twice two. To be convinced of this, one need only 
 to peep into the controverfies of the laft century between the 
 ch impions for the royal caufe, and the parliamentary writers. 
 It feems to have been a received principle, on both iides, that 
 chriftian princes have as ample powers as ever Solomon^ Afa or 
 Jofiah had, to reform and model the church, according to what 
 they judge to be moft agreeable to the will of heaven. The 
 principal queftion, which was agitated between them, was, how 
 tar the royal authority of the Jewifli kings extended ? and it is 
 plain, that thofe, who moft ftrenuouily del^nded the noble caufe 
 of liberty againft the encroachments of the court and ftar- 
 chambcr, led away by the common prefampticn, even ilrained 
 the point beyond the truth, when they attempted to prove, that 
 the Jevvifti princes extended their authority no farther than to 
 thele limits which they were willing to fet, and which rcafon 
 requires to be '^k-x to chriftian princes, in things which are without 
 the verge of their prerogative. Notwithftanding, fliould we for 
 a moment grant the truth of that hypothejis which feems to have 
 been inadvertently admitted by both fides ; one or the other of the 
 following conclulions muft be equally true. Either that chriftian 
 princes are invefted with their authority, in virtue of the covenant 
 of regency among the Jews : or that there was no fuch covenant 
 among that diftinguiftied j^eople ; aird that their princes governed 
 them upon the foot of the law of nature alone, after the manner 
 of all other natioiis. Than either of thele plain deductions, 
 nothing can be imagined njore abfurd, antichriftian and profane. 
 
 it 
 
[ 19 ] 
 
 It cannot be objedVed, that as the congregation of 
 Ifrael was a church, as well as a nation, combined, 
 by the authority of God, in one mixed conftitution, 
 an alliance between the political and eccleiiaflical 
 ftates in chriftian nations can imply nothing abfurd 
 and unjuft. 
 
 The analogy Is fo diftant that it cannot fupport 
 the inference. The political fcate of Ifrael w^as quite 
 different from, and onpofed to, that of other and ordi- 
 nary nations. That people was an " holy nation" and 
 " a kingdom of priefls.'' It was the figure, if not 
 the very image of the kingdom of Chrift, which, like 
 that of the Jews, is not of this world. It was no fo- 
 cial combination, founded on the law of nature, and 
 governed by the law of nations: It was made up of 
 a peculiar people feparated from the nations. Their 
 fecial connection depended on their common rela- 
 tion to Abraham. Their conftitution and their laws 
 were all announced from the terrific mount of divine 
 legiflation. No argument, therefore, can be drawn 
 from the authority which the kings of Judah claim.- 
 ed, and by divine right pofiefTed. The argument 
 can be of no force, till it be proved, that the defign 
 of God in the eredion of the New Teftament church, 
 is the fame with that which was in view in deliver- 
 ing the plan of the Jewifli church to the Ifraelitilh 
 lawgiver :— that the throne of David was fimilar in 
 all refpeds to that of Nebuchadnezzar, or Alexander 
 the Great, and that the nation of the Jews was purely 
 civil, and differed in nothing from the kingdom of 
 J^abylon, Egypt or England. * 
 
 It 
 
 * It follows by the jufteft confequence, that though thofe, 
 who firft laid the plan of ecclefiaftical charters under the gofpel, 
 feem to have borrowed it from the JewiAi polity ; and though 
 thofe, who have aiTerted their lavvfulnefs and divine warrant, 
 h;ive derived all their arguments from the famefource; that 
 
 boaftcd 
 
 C 2 
 
[ 20 ] 
 
 It is granted, that the Jewifli religion was incor- 
 porated in the political conllitution of the nation. 
 But it is refufed, that it was fettled there on the bafis 
 of civil authorirv. It leaned to a divine inftitution 
 alone. Bcndes, the acfl of incorporation was not 
 preclufive. It rolobed no defcription of Jews, in 
 order to enrich others. It was not artfully procured 
 by dclii^ning men at the court of David, or of Solo- 
 mon, for the purpofe of depredation. It was a fpecial 
 effedl of that authoiity, which the God of Ifrael 
 himlelf exercifed about a nation, which never had, 
 and never will have, an equal upon earth. In fine, 
 it was an immediate confequencc of that unexampled 
 THEOCRACY, to v/hich tlie feed, of Abraham were 
 lubjected^ and which was defigned to be a facred 
 
 "boafted e.^^^mple, as it was never intended to be an example, faps 
 the cnorincLiS fabric, which it was intended tolupport. As the 
 congregation of Ifrael was a peculiar people, feparated by their 
 laws as well a? bv their worfiiip from all the nations of the world ; 
 the pcHty of thcfc nations was, under the fevereft penalties, pro- 
 hibited adniiliion into the facred fyftcm of their extraordinary 
 government. When that diilin^uiilied people only wiflied the 
 removal of the political difcriir.inating- badge, in the age of 
 Samuel^ they fevL rely fmarted ior xhen sacrilegious arrogance: 
 and when they attempted Ir, in the days of the latter kings, they 
 were levciHy piiniihtJi with dcvalia*-ions. notlefs inll:ru6live than 
 terrible. 7 he inference is clear. As that people, in their dil- 
 tinguifliing tvpical circumftances were an inllituied emblem 
 and hiiro^i'ypbic of the fpiriti;al kingdom of Chriil, which is 
 loundcd, 'ui the kingdom cf Ifrael was, on politive inftitution ; 
 nothing which belongs to iyitems of civil policy in the king- 
 doms of this world, ought to obtain in the kingdom of Chrifl, 
 Koris it an unintcrelling obfervation, that chriflian churches, 
 having abfurdly fuliered their conilitutions to be blended with 
 the civil p.,iity of the European nation?, and the authority of 
 Chrifl to be fupplanted by thefceptres of the princes, who have 
 governed tliefe kingdoms ; have been feverely puniflied, like the 
 nation of 7/7-<^^/, by a captivity not lefs tremendous than theirs^ 
 and of a much longer duration, from which God hath only begun 
 to deliver them. 
 
 fieurQ 
 
C 21 3 
 
 figure of that mod glorious christocracy, under 
 which the nations are, and without exception, (hall 
 be bleiTed. 
 
 B}^ this time, it is hoped the unprejudiced arc 
 fatisfied, that the alliance owes its exiftence, not to 
 divine inflitiition, but to fonie other caufes, which, 
 we are now to enumerate. 
 
 I. Inadequate ideas of the nature, genius and 
 ends of Chrift's kingdom, were an early occafion of 
 a ftrong defire of the incorporation of that fociety 
 in the political conftitution of earthly kingdoms. 
 
 It is plain, from the writers of the New Tefta- 
 ment, that the Jews, to whom were firfl committed 
 the defcriptions of the Meffiah^s kingdom, had very 
 grofs and falfe ideas of that kingdom. They always 
 aflbciated with it the idea of an earthly monarchy. 
 Had Herod not been perfuaded by the popular be- 
 lief of the nation, that the Mefliah was to appear in 
 the charader of a great earthly prince, and might 
 one day dethrone him, — could he have ufcd the 
 cruel precaution to murder the infants of Beth- 
 lehem ? Or, can we imagine a motive lefs fhrong 
 than the fear of meeting a common enemy and 
 fupplanter, in the perfon of the Chrift, could have 
 induced Herod and Pontius Pilate, interefted ene- 
 mies to one another, to quench the flames of their 
 mutual animofity in the blood of that divine perfon ? 
 
 The difciples of Chrift were not at firft more 
 happy in their notions. Educated among their 
 ignorant countrymen, they could not efcape the 
 common infedion. The firft occafion ot their 
 fliewing a ftrong propenlion to an incorporation is 
 exadly marked, and the perfon who adventured to 
 propofe it, is particularly named. To the reproach 
 of the fcheme, an am^bitious old woman walks at 
 
 the 
 
L 22 : 
 
 the head of all its votaries.* Fafcinated with the 
 common prejudices of an age, in which the typical 
 fignification of the Davidic covenant, throne and 
 Iceptre was in a great meafnre loft, — the difciples 
 imagined ; that as their mafter was to fill the throne 
 of his father David, he would fway the fceptre of 
 that vi6corioiis monarch, with a degree of fplendour 
 and earthly glory as far fuperior to that of David as 
 David's Lord was exalted in dignity above Jefie's 
 fon. And no doubt, they felicitated themfelves in 
 contemplating the iliining figure they would make 
 in his court, or at the head of his armies, fwim- 
 ming to univerfal conqueft in the blood of all their 
 enemies. 
 
 Even after the refurredion of Chrift, the apoftles 
 feem to have been adluated with the fame fpirit. 
 This may be juftly inferred from that queftion, which 
 "with much anxiety they put to their divine Mafter, 
 at a time when no objedis but thofe of the laft import- 
 ance in their view, could have employed their 
 thoughts. Taking their leave of him, they did not 
 judge it to be impertinent trifling to aik, — Wilt thou 
 at this time reftorethe kingdom to Ifrael ? -f 
 
 Though after the eiFafion of the Spirit at Pente- 
 coft, the firft public teachers were better inftru(5ted, 
 the body of the Jevvifli converts were not fo foon 
 difengaged from their national prejudices. They 
 continued long to think that chriftianity ought to 
 be incorporated in the conftitution of their nation, 
 and wholly confined to her members. The queftion 
 concerning circumcifion, joined to the extraordinary 
 acrimony with which it was long debated, fully 
 cftablifties the truth of this obfervation. There was 
 no extraordinary lanctity in that ordinance to con- 
 ciliate a fuperior refped to it. But it had been 
 
 * Matth. XX. 20, t A6ts i, 6, 
 
 always 
 
[ 23 3 
 
 aUvavs the gate, by which profely tes had entered Into 
 political as well as religious connections with them. 
 Theie converts were therefore aware, that if that 
 ordinance were fuperfeded, the whole political frame 
 of their nation would inftantly tumble down. To 
 prevent fo dreadful an event, they infifted, that nil 
 Gentile chriftians fhould become members of the 
 JewiHj nation by fubmitting to the difcriminating 
 rite of circumcifion; and that chrifbianicy being 
 thus allied to their nation, it might be wholly con- 
 fined to it. Thus, they entertained fanguine hopes, 
 that as chriftianity promiled to become univerfal 
 among all people, their nation would fwallow up all 
 nations on the earth, and fuddcnly become, in a 
 fenfe agreeable to the pride of their nation, that 
 mountain monarchy, fpoken of by Daniel * the 
 prophet. From his throne in heaven, the Lord 
 beheld the rifino- Babel: v/iih an indip-nant look, he 
 overthrew it; and that it m.ight become a. pillar of 
 fait, expreflive, to all nations and to all ages, of his 
 juft difpleafure at all attempts to blend his kingdom 
 with thofc of this world, and to make chriftianity a 
 tool to luft of empire, he, by one unexampled ilroke 
 of deferved vengeance, put a final period to their 
 cxiftence as a people; and difperfed them among all 
 nations to tell the tidings and to proclaim the caufes 
 of the cataPxrophe. 
 
 Notwithftanding this example, ever pref^nt to the 
 eyes of all chriftian nations, the lame caufe has ever 
 been teeming with the lame or fimilar eflccls. 
 Efpecially lince the age of Conftantine, the fame 
 confufion of ideas has betrayed men, otherwiie 
 learned and pious, into the fame hopelefs enter- 
 prize. We fay hopelefs, becaufe it is impofTible to 
 cany it into execution. ObjcLls, naiurally mcapabic 
 
 '^ Dan. ii. 44. 
 
 . , of 
 
[ 24 3 
 
 of mixture, cannot be incorporated. Extended and 
 thinking fubftances cannot be blended. Yet, flrange 
 to behold 1 The enterprize is not abandoned; and 
 in order to fucceed, men plunge into practices, not 
 only inconfiftcnt with the genius and ends of chrifti- 
 anity, but fhocking to the feelings of humanity. 
 Church hlftory exhibits little bcfides the violent 
 ilruggles of chriftian feds to obtain, or maintain, 
 by the bafefl: arts, and the mofh brutifh cruelties, 
 tlie incorporation of their refpeclive creeds. Their 
 pious pretences of gilded zeal could never difguife 
 the idols of their hearts. Their violent animofities, 
 cruel perfecutions and inhuman maffacres acquit 
 chriftianity of all blame, and fhew that thefe zealots 
 had no juil ideas of that holy religion, 
 
 II. Impatience of perfecution, an Immoderate 
 delire to provide againft it, and a violent thirft of 
 retaliation, are one united and powerful reafon, why 
 chriftians have availed themfelves of national efta- 
 bliihmentf:, as (afe afylums to themfelves, and en- 
 sines of revenue ao;ain(l their enemies. 
 
 It was in the fourth century, that chrlftlans firfl: 
 entertained the idea of allying the profefTion of 
 chriftianity with the conftitution of the Roman 
 eaiplre. They viewed it as an excellent expedient, 
 r.ot only to entail peace on the church; but to 
 oblige the votaries of Jupiter to become the wor- 
 Ihippers of Jefus, on pain of having all their former 
 cruelties returned on themfelves ! How delufory ! — 
 From that moment, tiie church's greatek woes take 
 date. Thofe furies, which aduated the dr-^gon, 
 during the heathen perfecutions, took full poirellion 
 of chrikians. They plunged their Iwords into the 
 breaks of their brethien, who, at any time, hap- 
 pened to diflike any article of the incorporated 
 creed. Athanafians and Arians by turns bcaft of 
 
 the 
 
C 25 ] 
 
 the alliance. Chrlft was fuppofed to prefide in the 
 court, and to govern his church by the decrees of 
 Ca^far. The emperor's nod Was fufficient to v/ar- 
 rant them to proceed to mutual extermination. And 
 the clergy, thofe minifters of the God of peace, 
 lured by the poffeflion, or the profpedt of wealth and 
 honours, blew the martial trumpet, and gave the 
 iignal to battle ! 
 
 III. Pride may be afilgned as another reafon 
 why chrifhians have fought to (helcer themfelves un- 
 der the wings of a preciuding eftablifliment. 
 
 Pride, naturally impatient of contradiftion, leaves 
 no ftratagem unatcempted to elude ic. The man 
 who ventures to think differently from the great 
 and the many^ tacitly arraigns the foundnefs of their 
 underftandings. Their pride is alarmed. Their 
 jealoufy fuggefts that the arrogant man is happy in 
 thinking himfelf a wifer man^ They are flung into 
 refentmenr. They call up every angry and intole- 
 rant paffion to their affiftance againft the imagined, 
 adverfary, whom they ever view as a haughty dida- 
 tor of his own opinions, and a juflly hated cenfor 
 of theirs. They fly to incorporations and penal 
 laws, as the only m.eans of accompliihing what they 
 had attempted in vain by other methods of refuta- 
 tion. Like the lonely owl, they retire from the 
 light, and feek, under the thick fiiade of a national 
 eflablilliment, a fan6luary for their pride and pre- 
 judices, which even the facred feet of truth are 
 forbid to approach. 
 
 But why fo urgent to opprefs the unfortunate 
 diffenter ? Why fo forward to anfwer all his argu- 
 ments in this fummary way ? Afk not a reafon. Ic 
 is PRIDE, which knows no reafon. Nay, they re- 
 ply, '' Perfuaded that our creed is the efience of 
 orthodoxy, godly zeal prompts us." Weill But is 
 
 D not 
 
[ 26 ] 
 
 not the diffenter equally politive concerning the 
 Ibundnefs of his faith ? And is it not the ftrength of 
 his arguments in its defence, which lays him open 
 to this mode of refutation ? If confidence of ortho- 
 doxy be a luliicient reafon to juftify penal laws and 
 perfccution, then there never was an iniquitous per- 
 fecution fince chriftianity fliot her gladdening beams 
 on this benighted world. Zealots and cut-throats 
 are mofh confident of their own faith, and are per- 
 fectly orthodox in their belief of, at lead, the firfb 
 and leading article of the perfecutor's creed,- — ''That 
 to murder the diflenter is to do God a meritorious 
 fervice." Such devils, with human faces, ftand 
 acquitted of guilt, and are entitled to the character 
 of the beft chriftians ! 
 
 Let not the advocate for incorporations conceal 
 that tyrant of the human breaft under the pretence, 
 *' that chriflianity needs the interpofition of civil 
 authority for its defence." Let him be explicit 
 Does he mean chriftians f It is granted. They 
 often need it ; and, adling up to their character, 
 they always deferve it. But do they need a power 
 of legally invading the rights and liberties of their 
 fellow- chriftians, and of ufurping the authority of 
 the Almighty over the confciences of their fellow- 
 creatures ? Does he mean the profejjion of chrifli- 
 anity ? That alfo is granted. But incorporations tie 
 up the hands of civil authority from executing that 
 kind office to any profeflion, be fides that which, 
 being incorporated, legally devours and damns every 
 differing profeflion of it in the world ! Does he mean 
 chriflianitv itfelf ? It is denied. To affirm it would 
 betray the caufe of that holy religion to its enemies* 
 Whether it be affirmed or denied, the neceffity of 
 incorporations is overturned. Is it affirmed? — then 
 chriitianity defervcs no patronage, much lefs an 
 incorporation. If it want evidence to eflablifli itfelf, 
 
 it 
 
[ 27 ] 
 
 it deferves none from any leglflature. It wonid be 
 tyranny to impofe, under civil pains, the belief of 
 a creed without evidence. The human underftand- 
 ing is not more capable of affenting to inevident 
 truths than to the mod undifputed abfurdities. — Is 
 it denied ? — Then why (hould government thrufl 
 forward its tremendous hand, and grafp that fword, 
 which has been fo ofcen bathed in the blood of the 
 beft chriftians, in order to give an eftablidiment to 
 the felf-eftabl idled religion of Jefus, Let pretences 
 be laid afide. They are difhonourable. Impartial 
 hiflory vouches, that the creed which has been ge- 
 nerally moil courtly, and mofh popular has been 
 leaft allied to Chriftianity. Yet, the priefthood 
 faid it was Chriftianity : the ftaring multitude be- 
 lieved it on their ghoftly teftimony. Legiilature 
 found its own account in the delufion: and, as 
 feme have always been ready to afk puzzling quef- 
 tions, impatience of contradiction has ever diredted 
 the eyes of all parties to incorporations and to pe- 
 nal laws, as the moil popular and powerful, if not 
 the moft convincing, arguments to filcnce all men, 
 to confound dilTenters, to refute heretics, and to 
 cftabhfh the multitude in their mofi: implicit faith. 
 
 IV. What has been juft now obferved ferves to 
 illuflrate the truth of our laft affertion, — ^^ That ^ 
 coincidence of the fecular interefts and views of 
 ambitious princes and afpiring priefls has been one 
 chief caufe of incorporations, and of their continu- 
 ance in Europe." — Princes who modelled the feveral 
 political conflitutions of modern Europe ; and 
 church-men, who found ways and means to intereft 
 themfelves in a bufinefs fo foreign to their religious 
 charadler, have always found them very fubfervient 
 to their refpedlive corrupt defigns. 
 
 D 2 Though 
 
[ 28 ] 
 
 Though pruices may juflly curfe the contrivers of 
 incorporations, yet they dill continue to act upon 
 that abfurci ryflem. All the convulfions, the rebel- 
 lions, and the revolutions which it has cccafioned 
 have not yet opened their eyes to its inconliftence, 
 injuftice and fatal confequences. Preffed by the 
 hard law of neceffity, they jog on in the fame thorny 
 ■paths which their Gothic anceftors marked out for 
 them, while under the ghoftly direclion of the court 
 of Rome. The rights of the incorporated fed; muft 
 be always the hrfl: objed: of royal providence : and 
 if, at any time, they be negledied, the prince, w^ho 
 does it, or dares to cad a flivourable look up>on 
 diiTenters, fooner or later has reafon to repent his 
 imprudence* 
 
 It is thus that political obje6ls miud continue as 
 Ions; as national churches continue accordino; to 
 their prefent coniiitution ; and as long as the check- 
 ered adir.inittration of church and ftate, confolidated 
 by incorporations, is in the hands of perions of fuch 
 oppofite characters, and attached to fach incom- 
 patible interefts. If the civil branch in the mixed 
 adminiftration orevail, it drag's the church after its 
 triumphal chariot, and degrades her to the humble 
 flate of an hand-maid to princely ambition. If the 
 fpiritual directors, on any lucky revolution, extend 
 their influence over the whole, the event mud be 
 fimilar to thofe of the fame kind, in the age of 
 Hildebrand. The intrigues of churchmen will once 
 more engage the -attention of all : prleds will found 
 the clarion, and fummon the nations to croifades : 
 prieds will lead armies under the banner of the 
 crofs to exteriTJnate heretics, and mailacre whole 
 nations : and Europe once more will fee her em- 
 perors and her kings in the habiliments of penitents, 
 foliciting' foreivenefs of their political fins at the 
 
 V.J »_ 1 
 
 levees of popes, or receiving their forfeited crowns 
 
 from 
 
[ 29 ] 
 
 from his hands. An exadl equipoife never was, 
 and never will be fixed between the prerogative of 
 princes and the claims of dignified priefts, when 
 their ever-jarring interefts are blended by incorpora- 
 tions. V ifionaries have written about it : politicians 
 have laloured in it; but it is all in vain. The 
 prince or the pried mud govern the whole. 
 
 SECT. II, 
 
 ^he Gradual Advances of Incorporations, 
 
 TO fet any political objed in the ftrongefl point 
 of view, it is neceifary to mark its gradual 
 advances, and to examine the various methods by 
 which it has euabliflied itfelf in fociety. With this 
 view, it is propofed to point out the more remark- 
 able jeras of ecclefiaflical incorporations in the Eu- 
 ropean nadons, and to mark the confequences which 
 have attended them. 
 
 The fourth century is famous for the birth of 
 antichrifl; and incorporations. But the model of 
 both exiflied many ages before that celebrated ^ra. 
 
 All, who are acquainted with the Roman hiftory, 
 know, that from the earlieft date of Roman gran- 
 deur, certain religious rights, venerated on account 
 of their imagined antiquity, and efteemed facred be- 
 caufe of their pretended myfteries, were, by autho- 
 lity, made the incorporated religion of the Roman 
 republic. The gods, whom they, and their favage 
 anceflors had worQiipped, obtained a public ratifica- 
 tion of their fancied rights to national adoration. 
 Thefe rights were fenced by penal laws. It was 
 declared to be criminal, to acknowledge any new 
 deity, till the fenate had exan:iined his pretenfions, 
 
 had 
 
[ 30 ] 
 
 had approved his credentials, and had voted huii to 
 his feat among the gods. A certain hierarchy of 
 priefts were arranged to attend in the faf.es of thefe 
 deities ; to officiate at their akars ; and to pay them 
 thofe honours j in the name of the Roman people, 
 which the fupreme authority of the republic had 
 decreed to them. Feftivals were appointed. Mag- 
 nificent temples were built. In ihort^ the whole 
 fyftem of paganifm was incorporated : and the re- 
 public had no fooner put off its ancient form, and 
 had fubmitted to the government of one perion, 
 than the emperor became the head of the Roman 
 pagan church — fupreme head over all perfons, and 
 in all caufes, ecclefiaftical as well as civil. 
 
 From this Ihort iketch, it is eafy to fee the model 
 of incorporations ; and, at tlie fame time, the mo- 
 TiVEs, which prompted the chriftian clergy to ioli- 
 cit, — and the chriftian emperors to grant a fimilar 
 alliance to chriftianity, in the fourth century. 
 
 Long had the children of pride, in the chriftian 
 churches, beheld with wifliful eyes, the diftinguilhed 
 honours, the immenfe riches, and the unreftrained 
 pleafures, which the heathen hierarchy enjoyed by 
 the incorporation of Roman fuperftition. Fafticliotis 
 ambition and luft of domination had been working 
 in the breafts of many among the minifters of Jefus, 
 long before the celebrated triumph of the crofs at 
 the converfion of Conftantine. Some of thefe fons 
 of Diotrephes had obtained the dcfignation of bishop, 
 «is a title of pre-eminence and domination over their 
 brethren. They had begun to ufurp on the rights, 
 not only of their own clergy, but of the neighbour- 
 ing bifhops in lefs opulent cities. When the day at 
 lalt dawned, which prcfcnted an opportunity of fup- 
 planting the heathen hierarchs, is it to be imagined, 
 that clergymen of fuch a fpirit, and of fuch a charac- 
 ter, would fufFcr the golden feafon to pafsaway without 
 
 every 
 
C 31 ] 
 
 every effort which the luft of vveakh could infplre, or 
 tiie reftleilhefs of ambition fhimulate tiieir afpiring 
 minds unto ? No : the objects were fubftantial, im- 
 portant, irrefiftible. 
 
 Nor had Conftantine lefs powerful temptations. 
 Ignorant in a great degree of the chriftian religion ; 
 luperftitionily attached to the perfons of thofe, who 
 had obtained the diredlion of his confcience ; and 
 furrounded at all times with flatterers, who were 
 filiincr his ears with ledures on the meritorious fer- 
 vices he would do God and his church by beftowing 
 the fpoils of the mercilefs Egyptians on the opprefTed 
 Ifraelites : he would have been more than a man^ 
 had he not fallen into the fnare, which was fo art- 
 fully laid for fecularizing chriftianity. More ac- 
 cuftomed to hear the clang of arms, than to attend 
 to the cries which violence forces from the injured; 
 he had no time nor inclination to refle6t, that even 
 when he was laudably exerting his authority in pro- 
 tecting chriftians from perfecution, and chriftianity 
 from the infults of iginorance and malice ; he him- 
 ielf would be guilty of the moft flagrant violation of 
 the laws of chriftianity, as well as of natural juftice, if 
 he fhould deprive the votaries even of a falfe religion 
 of thofe rights to which they were entitled as fub- 
 jects of the empire. A novice in chriftianity, he 
 was not aware, that Vv'hile he was allying it to the 
 conftitution of the empire, and fecularizing its pub- 
 lic teachers, he was laying a broad foundation for 
 its fophiftication and utter ruin. Could he have 
 forefeen the fcenes which opened on the European 
 ftage, during the middle ages^ in confequence of his 
 politics, fo pious a charadter would have fhuddered 
 at them, and fo wife a prince would have been firft 
 in reprobating them. 
 
 But Conftantine was no prophet. In his clrcum- 
 ftancesj he could only reafon from analogy. " Did 
 
 a A ftem 
 
C 5^ ] 
 
 at fyftem of impiety, fuperilition and abfurdity, flip* 
 ported only by its incorporation, not only ^o long 
 triumph over the efforts of philofophy, but even 
 refift chriftianity itfelf ; Ihall not that heavenly re- 
 ligion, leaning hitherto to its own evidence only, 
 become greatly triumphant, by pofleffing the throne, 
 fvvayingthe fceptre, and brandifliing the fword of its 
 unworthy rival ?" 
 
 This was the goodly model of chriftian incorpo- 
 rations ! And now, chriftianity muft change her 
 attire, that, with dignity, Ibe may fill the throne of 
 her difcarded rival. The minifters of the churches 
 raife their heads ; extend their views ; and becomic 
 lords not only over the heritage of their ma^fer in 
 heaven, but alfo over the dominions of their fove- 
 reign on earth. A fpirit of innovation rages. Su- 
 perftition opens all her tinfel treafures. Ignorance 
 ereds her ebon throne. The do6lrines of chriftiani- 
 ty are adulterated. Its inftitutions are fophifticated. 
 Ofnces, hitherto unknown in the church, are in- 
 vented. And thefe are executed by clergymen, un- 
 der characters not lefs foreign to chriftian inftitution 
 than thofe of magician or foothfayer. Such a fud- 
 den revolution could not, indeed, have been effedled 
 but upon the plan of an incorporation already vene- 
 rable and familiar to the m.ultitude. 
 
 The political arrangement of parts in the empire 
 was indeed another branch of the model. The 
 emperors, that they might the more firmly rivet the 
 chains, with which they had bound the Roman 
 world, divided it into certain diftridts, and thefe into 
 more minute parts, over which certain civil and 
 military officers were appointed to prefide, account- 
 able ta the political head of the empire. When 
 chriftianity was incorporated with the conftitution 
 of the empire, the chriftian church became catholic 
 by a cathoiicifm, limiled by the number and extent 
 
 of 
 
C 33 ] 
 
 of the Roman provinces. This catholic church be- 
 came as unwieldy as the empire, with which (lie 
 was incorporated. It, therefore, became neceflary to 
 divide and fubdivide her into parts, analogous and 
 adjufted to the artificial divifions of the empire. 
 Thefe partitions, according to the extent of territo- 
 ry, and the quality of the cities in them, were to be 
 governed by patriarchs, metropolitans, biihops, with 
 other orders of fubfidiary clergy. Thefe, like the 
 civil and military officers prefiding in the provinces, 
 were accountable to the emperor, in their clerical 
 as well as in their civil characler. He governed the 
 ecclefiaftical branch of the empire, as really, by the 
 empty fliadows of general councils, as he ruled the 
 civil and military departments by the image of the 
 ancient fenate. By thefe means, to whatever fyftem 
 of religious opinions the emperor inclined, he 
 dragged the church in imperial chains to profefs an 
 attachment to the fame courtly articles, and to ana- 
 thematize all the chriftian world befidc. 
 
 Such was the beginning of imperial and national 
 churches. Bat their incorporation was not yet 
 compleat. Their advances to perfedlion were, per- 
 haps, lefs owing to human policy than to thofe 
 powerful caufcs, which, during many ages, agitated 
 the empire and the church, incorporated with it, 
 till they wholly coalited into an aliquod tertium, a 
 SOMETHING, which Johu calls *' a beast, with 
 feven heads and ten horns." * 
 
 Thefe caufes may be referred to four clafles,— 
 The HERKsiEs which abounded from the moment 
 incorporations commenced. — The schisms, which 
 thefe wild opinions occafioned. — The persecutions 
 which followed both. — And the political revo- 
 lutions, or apocalyptic earthquakes which march- 
 ed on, in folemn pace, in the rear. 
 
 ■^ Rev. xvii, 3, 
 
 E I. The 
 
t 34 ] 
 
 I. The HERESIES, joined to the part which the 
 feveral emperors adled in thefe religious controver- 
 fies, tended very much to effe6l a coalition. 
 
 Before the date of the firft incorporation, the 
 churches, though they had been often plagued with 
 the abfurd reveries of fome lunatics, diftinguifhed 
 in after ages by the more refpe6lable name of here- 
 tics, yet they had always gained an eafy vi6tory over 
 them, by the due ufe of chriftian inftitutions. So 
 long as civil authority did not officially intcreft itfelf 
 in the fentiments of peaceable chriftians, that infa- 
 mous generation had no opportunity to alTume airs 
 of importance; to difturb fociety; and by ingra- 
 tiating themfelves with the eunuchs and the ladies 
 at court, to afpire after an incorporation of their 
 opinions. Were their opinions unfupported by 
 evidence, they were treated as they deferved. They 
 could not engage and engrofs the attention of the 
 whole world, by procuring an imperial mandate to 
 fiifpend the judgment of their own church, and to 
 refer their opinions for judgment to a council of 
 foreign clergy, called forth to gratify female ambi- 
 tion, or the infufferable pride of fome dreaming 
 theologians. 
 
 How great was the change, when civil authority 
 was proftituted to cherifh, or to blaft theological 
 opinions ! From that moment, there was fcarcely an 
 heretic of parts and popularity, who had it not in 
 his power to dilTeminata his dreams in every pro- 
 vince of the empire. The fecular views of ecclefi- 
 aftics and of flate grandees were fo blended, in 
 confequence of the high ftation, which the incor- 
 porated fed and falhionable fyftem had in the 
 Conftitution, that no religious controverfy could 
 fall out among the firft, without affecting the inte- 
 refts of the laft, and obliging them to draw their 
 fvvords againft one another. Nor could any revo- 
 lution 
 
[ 35 ] 
 
 lution in political matters befal the (late, witliouc 
 nearly affediing the incorporated fe6t, and giving 
 their ecclefiaftics an occafion of ringing an alarm j 
 "The church is in danger!" 
 
 Thus, the herefies, which like noxious weeds, 
 fprung up in the luxuriant foil of an imperial 
 church ; the impolitic intromiffions of civil autho- 
 rity with them ; and the convulfions in both church 
 and ftate, which they occalioned during a long 
 period of three hundred years, after the date of 
 incorporations, fo thoroughly blended the intercfts 
 of church-men and feculars, and of the ecclefiaftic 
 and civil branches of the empire, that they became 
 abfolutely one in the age of Charles the Great. 
 
 11. The SCHISMS which were their infeparable at- 
 tendants, confpired in producing the fame effcd:. 
 
 Divifions had fometimes happened in the primitive 
 churches; but they were either prudently cured, by 
 the application of inftituted remedies, — or the 
 churches fubmitted to them, as public trials of 
 their faith and charity, in a chriftian manner. 
 Thefe churches had not yet learned to reckon num- 
 bers a chief mark of their being true churches ; or 
 that their glory confided in their multitudes. When 
 therefore any went away, in a fchifmatical manner, 
 from their communion; and when all divine means 
 had been ufed, in vain, to reclaim them: they 
 quietly refted in the fatisfaftory axiom of an 
 apofde, — '' They went out from us, but they were 
 not of us." But when church dignitaries faw the 
 fword ready to be drawn, to tame the peevifli fchif- 
 matic, they naturally thought, that there was no 
 reafon to put up fo eafily with that perverfe genera- 
 tion. Whether, therefore, the feparatift was ever 
 of the communion of the imperial church, or not,—* 
 it was all equal j — He was a fubjed of the empire, 
 
 E % and 
 
[ 36 3 
 
 and an inhabitant in the diocefs of fome imperial 
 bifhop. He was fufpecled of derogating from the 
 grandeur, and rending the unity of the imperial, 
 holy, catholic church. In cafe, therefore, that he 
 could not be reduced by ecclefiaftical cenfures, the 
 whole empire was alarmed. The emperor, fagely 
 judging that the peace of the empire was in danger, 
 ordinarily called the parties, heard the caufe, and 
 decided in it. If the poor fchifmatic remained un- 
 convinced, and confcientioufly chufed to obey God 
 rather than man, imprifonment or banilliment, tor- 
 ture or death were the the lad arguments to perfuade 
 him to return to communion with the holy caiholic 
 church. While, in this manner, fchifms were the 
 occafion of confounding the authority of the chief 
 magiftrate with that of the church; — fiibje^ls, in 
 fuch cafes, could not difl-inguifh the objects of their 
 obedience. They were taught, by the fevereft dif- 
 cipllne, to blend the church and the ftate in their 
 ideas; and to believe, that there were no longer 
 diftindl objedls, claiming their diflindl regard. 
 
 III. While hercfies and fchifms diftradled the 
 empire, persecution, with all its defolating train, 
 behoved to follow : and thefe contributed greatly to 
 effedl a perfeft coalition of church and ftate. Exile, 
 torture and death are terrible objects. To elude 
 them, men of every character looked up to incor- 
 porations, as their only refuge and protedion. The 
 dignitaries of the church, apprifed of the danger, 
 to which their opinions, and their ftations expofed 
 them, upon every new commotion, always endea- 
 voured to fecure the favour of the court. The laic 
 grandees, on the other hand, knew the neceOity of 
 being; well with the diftinguiihed ecciefiaftics, in 
 order to fucceed in their Intereiled and finiiter de- 
 fjgns. Thcfc two ranks of men, (landing equally 
 
 in 
 
f 37 ] 
 
 in fear ^ and in need of one another, were obliged 
 to blend their interefts, to confpire in their fchemes, 
 and unite their authority, in laying the inferior 
 clalies of the clergy under a neceflity to teach, and 
 the inferior ranks of the laity to profefs the incor- 
 porated creed. Thefe laft, pitiable fouls ! unfup- 
 ported by any, and opprclTed by all, were obliged 
 always to profefs the njoft hearty attachment to the 
 allied creed, to echo the anathemas of councils, and 
 to execute the penal flatutes of the court againft all 
 who dared to afic queftions concerning any of its 
 articles : and after all, to change their own belief 
 upon the firfl: hint from their fuperiors. It was no 
 rare praftice among them, in thefe ages^ to procure 
 the creed of the laft council, as we do the almanack 
 of the commencing year, that they might fave their 
 lives, by fliaping their faith, according to thefe fleet- 
 ing fugitive models. Such management could not 
 fail to deftroy all diftin6lion of charader among 
 men, as well as between the church of Chrift and 
 the empire of Rome. 
 
 IV. The violent CONCUSSIONS, or the apocalyp- 
 tic EARTHQUAKES, which convulfcd the Roman 
 empire, and fhook it to pieces, tended greatly to per- 
 fedt the coalition of church and ftate. 
 
 Hiftorians defcribe thefe concuffions. It is our 
 province to obferve that they concurred with other 
 caufes to accelerate a perfed: union of church and 
 Hate in one huge antichriftian kingdom. What the 
 empire loft in territory by the inundation of the 
 Gothic nations, tne catholic church gained in 
 ftrength and worldly grandeur. The contending 
 princes, with hands reeking with the blood of 
 chriftians, fupplicated chriftian hierarchs for their 
 affiftance to butcher chriftians. Knowing the in- 
 fluence, which the dignitaries had obiained over 
 
 every 
 
[ 3S ] 
 
 every rank of men, thefe royal murderers follcitcd 
 them to fet the martini trumpet to their mouths, 
 and to pronounce the curfe of Meros againft all 
 who came not forth to the help of thefe Gothic 
 deftroyers of the human fpecies. Ecclefiaftics, on 
 the other hand, lying in wait for every opportunity 
 to enlarge their power and to increafe their influ- 
 ence, readily alTifted every Gothic invader, from 
 whom they expeded to be rewarded with the grati- 
 fication of their wifhes. By fuch hopeful politics, 
 the fecular interefls of ecclefiaftics w^ere blended 
 with thofe of Europe's new mafters. 
 
 Nor was this all. The imperial church herfelf 
 was incorporated with the conllitutions of the Go- 
 thic kingdoms. Though the empire was torn into 
 pieces, the alliance continued, and was compleated 
 in the feveral parts, by the fame fanclified methods 
 by which it had been effecled with the whole. 
 Though the empire feemed to have been almoft 
 totally annihilated, yet it remained abfolutely en- 
 tire, under one ecclefiaftical h^ad, who, notwith- 
 ftanding his clerical character, adually exercifed 
 a mixed authority in, and over all its difi^^^mbered 
 parts. 
 
 But it was not till horrid night, attended with 
 all her train, had filled Europe with the blacknefs 
 of darknefs, that antichrift and incorporations arrived 
 to abfolute perfe(5tion. Though, while the Roman 
 empire remained, the church and the political ftate 
 were incorporated, yet the joint authority over the 
 whole, was not exercifed by one and the fayjje per- 
 fouy nor by perfons of one and the fa?7ie charaBer, 
 But in thefe dark ages, afovereign pontiff^' oppofed 
 and exalted himfelf above all that is called God, or 
 is worfliipped." He allumed a mixed authority in, 
 and over all the deranged parts of the ancient em- 
 pire, both in the Eail and Weft. While his papal 
 
 influence, 
 
C 39 ] 
 
 influence, in every court, bound all the parts toge- 
 ther, in one huge antichriflian empire ; his ponti- 
 fical fanftion, or at lead his tacit concurrence, was 
 held to be indifpenfably necefTary to every law in 
 the political, and to every canon in the ecclefiaflical 
 ftate of every nation, belonging to that papal em- 
 pire. 
 
 Church and Rate being thus incorporated, the 
 coalition continued, without any alteration, till the 
 glorious asra of the reformation. Then day 
 poured down her golden beams on benighted Eu- 
 rope. The powerful charm was broken. Learning 
 began to raife her reclining head, to throw oft her 
 monkifh attire, and to extend her walks beyond the 
 narrow confines of the cloifler. Men of all ranks 
 and of all characters, inftrudted by her grave lectures, 
 became fenfible of their former delufion, of their 
 prefent duty, and of their future interefts. Princes, 
 opening their eyes on the liberties of civil fociety, as 
 well as on the rights of fovereigns, became weary 
 of that yoke, which had not lefs galled their own 
 necks than thofe of their fubjecls. They refolved 
 to aflert the independence of their crowns and king- 
 doms, and to humble that abfurd authority, which 
 the Roman pontiff had fo long claimed and exercifed, 
 with a high hand, over the combined ftate of church 
 and commonwealth in their refpeclive dominions. 
 Their lay fubjedis, from the powerful baron to the 
 valTal boor, feeling the cruel exadions, and illegal 
 ufurpationsof the court of Rome, readily feconded 
 the enterprize, and magnanimouily rifqued their all 
 to effe6b a reformation. The clergy themfelves, 
 who, for fo many ages, had found their account in 
 feconding the efforts of Rome to extend her defporic 
 fway, began at laft to feel the enormous weight of 
 papal tyranny. 1 he prophetic beall, unnaturally 
 cruel, devoured its own fltfli. The pope had 
 
 aif'.nucd 
 
[ 40 J 
 
 afllimed a diclatorlal authority over all the churches. 
 Their peculiar cailoms, privileges and immunities 
 had been treated with lovereign contempt. Even 
 the canons of general councils, which had been held 
 facred had been fet afide by his difpenfmg power. 
 The whole adminiftration of the churches centered 
 in the court of Rome. All preferments ran of 
 courfe in the Hime fanclified channel. The fecular 
 clergy, therefore, felt that there was a neceflity of 
 limiting thefe exorbitant pretenfions. From the 
 primate to the parifli pried, they were convinced, 
 that in order to effed: it, it was ncceflFary to concur 
 with their refpective foveieigns in promoting a re- 
 formation. 
 
 But alas ! the incorporation ilill continued. The 
 papal power was at lead virtually alTumed by the pro- 
 tedant princes. The deadly wound, which the beaft 
 had received in Peter's chair, was healed up in all 
 the protedant thrones. Countlefs indeed were the 
 advantages arifing from the Reformation to both 
 church and date in every protedant nation : yet in 
 (o far as they continued incorporated, and the firit 
 received its form and mould from the legiHative 
 powers of the lad, a foundation was laid, and a pre- 
 cedent was fixed for the exercife; of the fame dlBa- 
 torial powers, in a6ls equally derogatory to the au- 
 thority of Chrid, on every future occaHon. The 
 hidory of the Teveral revolutions which have hap- 
 pened in all the protedant churches, ferve to illuf- 
 trate this obfcrvation. Incorporated with the politic 
 dare of the nation, no church has ever been capable 
 of ede^Slino- the fmalleit reformation, even in the 
 mod palpable abfurdity, without the fanclion of ci- 
 vil legiflature. This alone can give motion to the 
 enormous, incorporated machine. Convocations, af- 
 lemblies, and fynods have been convened : but their 
 decrees never have been more authentic and obliga- 
 tory. 
 
C 41 ] 
 
 tory, without the fan^llon of proteftant legiflatnre, 
 than the canons of popifli fynods were binding with- 
 out the approbation of his Holinefs. All the differ- 
 ent revoiurions and modifications which have befal- 
 len proteflant churches, fince the Reformation, have 
 been only fo many different forms, into which they 
 have been violently forced to writhe themfelves, in 
 order to fuit the high or the low principles of thofe, 
 who governed the whole allied fyifem. 
 
 No proteflant doubts the right of princes, at the 
 Reformation, to refume the prerogatives of their 
 crowns ; nor doubts their title to hold them, indepen- 
 dent of their proteftant clergy. Happy had it been 
 for princes, as well as for the churches in their do- 
 minions, if they had ftopt at this point i But it can- 
 not be diilembled, that all the reformation which 
 many of them ever intended, was, to model the ec- 
 clefiadical department, in the incorporated confl:i- 
 tution, into a political fitnefs and convenient ftate of 
 fubordination and iubferviency to a proteftant go- 
 vernment. Finding their own crowns confolidated 
 wdth the mitre, and placed on the head of the Ro- 
 man pontiff, they pulled both from his brow at once ; 
 and, without giving themfelves the trouble to fever 
 the untightly mafs, they proceeded to plant it upon 
 their own heads. Had proteftant fovereigns imitated 
 the policy of Cyrus ; had they proclaimed liberty to 
 their fubjeAs, who had been too long the captives of 
 ghoftly invallon, and the flaves of prieftly tyranny ; 
 had they reftored to them the pofTeilion of their un- 
 queftionable rights, and allowed the ufe of them, in 
 building the temple of God, according to apoftolic 
 pattern, without putting a political model into their 
 hands, and obliging them, in fpite of their confcien- 
 tious fcruples, to conform to it ;■— They would have 
 at once provided for the peace and profperity of their 
 kingdoms, and for the advancement of true religioj^ 
 
 F among 
 
C 4^ 1 
 
 among every clafs of their fubjects. Ignorance and' 
 bigotry, no longer encouraged by the finifter politics 
 of courts, muft have attended the contemptible in- 
 habitants of the cloifter, in their precipitant retreat. 
 SuperltitLon, with all her gaudy train, muft have re- 
 tired to fome more hofpitable clime. Truth, greatly 
 triumphant, in the fteady light of her own evidence,, 
 like the fun, would, have diflipated every gloom. 
 And chriftianity, no longer disfigured by the finical!, 
 drefles, with which the daring hands of capricious 
 policy, or fportive fuperftition, have hid her native 
 charms, would have '^ looked forth as the morning^, 
 fair as the moon, clear as the fun, and terrible, to 
 all her enemies, as an army with banners."' 
 
 It is of fmall confequence to the interefts of chri- 
 ftianity and of chriftian churches, what charadier the- 
 man fuftains, who dares ufurp the authority of Chrifi, 
 and invade the ri2:hts of chriftians. If either an ar- 
 rogant pontiff, or a protefuant prince, — a Hilde- 
 brand, or a Henry, fhall dare to mould the kingdom. 
 of Chrift into a ftate of political fitnefs and fubfer- 
 viency to their refpedive ends ; it is vain to define, 
 whether the authority by which it is done, is civil or 
 ecclefiaftical ; or which of the two has a preferable 
 right. The pope, no doubt, — yea ; the devil him- 
 feif has as indifputable a right, as any proteftanit 
 prince, or any reformed convocation, to convert the 
 kin2;dom of Chrift into a kinedom of this world, to 
 rule it with defpotic f^vvay, and to tyrannize over the 
 underftandings and confciences of chriftians. 
 
 Though it would be ungenerous in the extreme to. 
 expofe, with wanton leer, the almoft unavoidable 
 miftakes, either of pfoteftant princes, or or the ce- 
 lebrated reformers, yet it is a wife man's part to re- 
 ceive inftrudion from them. We ought to know, 
 and to avoid the rock, which has proved fo fatal to 
 the reformed churches. Soon as they were incor-. 
 
 porated 
 
I 43 3 
 
 •pDrated with the proteftant ftate of European na- 
 tions, thofe venerable perfons, who had nobly effeded 
 a feceflion from the antichriftian church, forfook the 
 path of reformation. They put an almofl infupera- 
 ble bar in the way of fucceeding generations to per- 
 ■fed what they had fo nobly begun. Though it hath 
 been often proved, and often confeffed, that none 
 •of thofe religious fyftems, which were incorporated 
 with the political conftitutions of the proteftant na- 
 tions, were altogether conformable to the fimple, a- 
 poftolic pattern ; yea, that fome of them are, in the 
 articles of worfliip and difcipline, only a very few 
 temoves from the old popifli model; yet- arguments 
 :havebeen ufed in vain, either to perfuade profefled 
 proteflants to alter and reform them.; or to engage 
 iproteftant legiflatures to diflodge them from their 
 ipohtical faflnefs in the incorporated conftitution of 
 church and ftate, AH future efforts to perfedl the Re- 
 iformation will be equally uilfuccefsful as the paft,— 
 ^till proteftant princes (hall entirely difengage the 
 kingdom of Chrift from its political alliance with the 
 conftitutions of their kingdoms^ — till they fuffer the 
 church to ftand on that foundation alone, which God 
 hath laid in Zion;— and till they con fen t to her be- 
 ing governed by the authority of Chrifl alone, whofe 
 ''^'fcdptre is a fceptre of righteoufnefs, and whofe 
 •throne endureth :for .ever and -.ever.'* 
 
 ^S E C T. 
 
 F-2 
 
[ 44 ] 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Reflexions oh the Origin and Gradual Progress of 
 Ecclesiastical Incorporations, 
 
 TTAVING attempted a (ketch of the early rife 
 -*- -*- and gradual advances of ecclefiaftical incor- 
 porations; we will conclude the chapter with a few 
 reiledions on the preceding detail of fads. 
 
 I. It IS plain that ecclefiaftical alliances have no 
 foundation in any pofitive infhitution of revelation. 
 It cannot be pretended, that the peculiar polity of 
 the Jewifh nation was ever intended to be a model, 
 or a warrant for them : and the New Teilament is 
 quite filent on the fubjedt. Had fuch a heterogene- 
 ous fyftem been conformable to the divine will, 
 would the apoftles, who were under an infallible 
 impulfe to declare the whole counfel of God, been 
 wholly filent about an objedt of fo much importance 
 both to civil and to religious fociety ? Could they 
 who inftru6led the public teachers of chrifcianity 
 how to behave towards the churches; — who taught 
 fathers and mafters the rules of domeftic oecono- 
 my ; — who even condeicended to addrefs widows, — 
 wives, — virgins on the article of drefs : could they, 
 we fay, have omitted thofe inftrudions which were 
 to direct Conftantine and his fuccelfors how to ally 
 the imperial church with the empire; — how to con- 
 vocace councils ; — how to alter creeds \ — how to 
 reform books of common prayer;— and, above all, 
 how to perlecute and kill dili'enters for confclencc 
 fake ? 
 
 It is with pleafure allowed, that there are manf 
 predidions in the writings of the prophets, which 
 
 refpedt 
 
[ 45 1 
 
 rerpe6l the advantages which the churches fhall 
 reap under the protecting and cherifhing wings of> 
 chriftian princes : but where is the text, which 
 warrants any legiflature, either to alTume a power, 
 or to inveft others with authority, to incorporate 
 the churches of Chrift with the kingdoms of this 
 world ', to dictate defpotically articles of faith, and 
 forms of worfliip to the confciences of chriftians ; 
 and to make all obligatory by fanguinary laws and 
 penal ftatutes } Let none reproach the oracles of 
 Heaven, and blafpheme their Author,^ by daring to 
 quote and to wrefl: any pailage to fupport fuch an 
 impious hypothecs. Jefus Chrift, when his difciples 
 gave an early fpecimen of that ambition, whofe 
 thirft the blood of m.iliions has not yet quenched, 
 flruck a deadly blow at the root of all luch impious 
 fchemes of policy. " Ye know^ that the princes of 
 the Gentiles exercife dominion — and they who are 
 called sreat exercife authority — but it ihall kot be 
 fo among you." * 
 
 Notwithftanding fo cxprefs and fo fevere an in- 
 terdict, there is one text which popes and patri- 
 archs, prelates and prefbyterians, have feverally 
 chimed over in the ears of princes, when they 
 hoped to gain their refpedive defigns, by the help 
 of their authority, ''Kings fliall be thy nurfing 
 fathers, and queens thy nurfing mothers: they fliall 
 bow down unto thee with their faces to the earth, 
 and lick up the duft of thy feet."-!- 
 
 It is admitted, that the churches of Chrift, from 
 this and fimilar prophetic paiiages, may warranrably 
 expect all thofe bleffings which civil government 
 can confer. Their minifters have a juft claim to 
 public countenance as well as prote^ftion, from the 
 iegiHative and executive powers in fociety, while, 
 
 enforcing, 
 
 * Matth. XX. as, 26. t Ifa. xlix. 23. 
 
[ 46 ] 
 
 enforcing, among other duties of the chrlftian life, 
 loyalty to civil government, they approve themfelves 
 to be among the moft valuable members of fociety. 
 Their membei's have a juft title to the full and 
 iindifti^rbed polleffion of all their rights, natural, 
 civil and religious j wliile they fupport the character 
 of good fubjeds. No other idea can be formed of 
 that nutriment, which the breafts of fovereigns can 
 furnilii. Paul had no other idea of that royal milk. 
 He funis up the full fenfe of that abufed pallage in 
 liberty; '^ Liberty,'* founded in the law of 
 equity, "• to lead a quiet and peaceable life in all 
 godlinefs and honefty." * Ifaiah himfelf, whofe 
 prophefies are all delivered in the figurative ftyle^ 
 drops the fearing pinion, and refolves the fenfe of 
 the text into that lefs poetical, though equally 
 comfortable promife, '^ I will make thine officers, 
 peace ; and thine exactors, righteoufnefs." -}- 
 
 It is impoffible to fix a more extenfive lenfe on 
 that predidion, unlefs, intoxicated with carnal op- 
 prehenfions of Chrift^s kingdom, men fliall fancy 
 that it is the indifpenfable duty of chriftian princes 
 to expofe chriltianity to contempt and execration, 
 by incorporating one fe^ of chriftians, and giving 
 them authority to violate the confciences, kill the 
 bodies, and riffle the treafures of all other chriftians, 
 v/ho may be obliged conicientiouHy to difter from 
 the incorporated creed. This is an authority com- 
 petent to no monarch, to no mortal. It is an 
 authority which Conftantine and his fucceffors 
 aflumcd ; which, from the fourth to t*he feventh 
 century, they tyrannically exercifed ; and which 
 they at laft yielded to the prophetic whore that 
 iuteth on many waters, j' It is a Ipecies of autho- 
 rity, which the proteltant princes have rcfumcd, 
 
 by 
 
 "^ 2 Tim. ii. 1, •}■ Ifa. Ix. 17. i Rev. xvii, i.^ 
 
I 47 ] 
 
 by the exerclfe of which, many of them have 
 " given life to the image of the beaft, and have 
 caiifed as many as would not vvorQiip the image 
 of the beaft to be killed.'* * It is a kind of aflumed 
 power, which, inftead of nouriQiing the churches, 
 ftands charged with the guilt of having (bed the 
 blood of millions of their children in the nations 
 of Europe 5 and againft which their fouls are crying 
 for adequate vengeance fi^m beneath the altar, la 
 one word, it is a fpecies of power, from whofe vio- 
 lence, if the church had not fled into the wildernefs, 
 where flie has been nouriibed at other breafts, the 
 pame of a chriftian church had long ago ceafed to, 
 be mentioned on the earth ! 
 
 In the name of common fincerity ! let the age be 
 named, in which the churches have been fuckled 
 by fuch a wolf. The bellies of affuming priefts 
 have been, we own, gorged with its milk. Amjji- 
 tious ecclefiaftics have grown corpulent by its dain- 
 ties. The interefted, the haughty and the cruel, 
 adiuated by the fame fpirit of rapacity, have learned 
 to fmite their fellow-fervants; to eat the ilefh of their 
 fellow-chriftians ; and to drink with thofe, who have 
 been drunken with the blood of the faints. 
 
 Should it be granted to the votary of incorpora- 
 tions, that the authority, jufl: now mentioned, is of 
 divine inftitution, and warranted by fuch Old Tef- 
 tament predictions; then let him abide by the con- 
 fequences. Princes, and all w4iom they authorize, 
 as nurnng fathers, have a right to prefcribe the 
 articles ot the church's faith, the form of her wor- 
 Ibip, and the- canons of her chriltian conduct — 
 That is, by divine inftitution, they have a divine 
 right to fupercede the divine authority in and over 
 the confciences of chriftians ! Befides, as the church 
 is the objed of this fuppofed authority; princes, 
 
 as 
 * Rev, xiii. 13— I r. 
 
C 48 ] 
 
 as inverted with ir, mud be a particular order of 
 church-ofHcerS. Is it not wonderful then, that the 
 apoilles have been fo dilrefpeclful, as well as negli- 
 gent, to omit this royal corps, in the lift of church 
 orders and offices? — One pious confequence more! 
 Si'ch detefted objects as the pope, antichrift and 
 the mother of harlots never exifted ! Are princes 
 invefted with this fuppofed anthority, and Hiall 
 they not have right to exercife it in that manner, 
 and by thofe inftruments which they judge moft 
 proper? May they not depute proper perfons for 
 their affiftance in ufing it to the greateft poffible 
 advantage? Who are more proper than ecclefiaftics? 
 And what was all that authority which the Roman 
 pontiff boafted of for fo many ages but that which 
 the emperors had arrogated to themfelves; had ex* 
 ercifedwith an high hand; and had at laft, together 
 with their feat, beftovyed on the beaft? 
 
 II. We may adventure, from the foregoing de- 
 tail, to fix the date of the commencement of the 
 ANTicHRisTiAN kino^dom. 
 
 From the fatal moment, in which Conftantine the 
 Great lead the way to the cuftom of authorizing 
 cabals of ecclefiaftics, called councils, to forge 
 fetters for the confcience, by the impofition of 
 creeds and canons, under civil as well as ecclefi- 
 aftic penalties, we may date the beginning of po- 
 pery. Should the term be taken in its greateft 
 latitude of modern fignification, as comprehending 
 the whole mystery of iniquity, the obfervation is 
 not ftriclly juft. But if it be taken ftridiy, for " a 
 fovereign, dictatorial authority, alfumed over the 
 confcience,'* it commenced in the fourth century ^ 
 and more! It is infeparable from the idea of all 
 ecclefiaftical incorporations, and now exifts in thie 
 eighteenth century as certainly as it did in the eighth. 
 
 Ilie 
 
[ 49 ] 
 
 The aiTertion may probably appear ftrange to 
 fome. Inured to bear the yoke of proteftant in- 
 corporations, at the fame time that they flirink 
 with horror from the idea of pontifical tyranny; 
 they imagine that as popery began in the refcript of 
 Phocas, in the feventh century, it ended in pro- 
 teftant nations, when their feveral princes were 
 ieen under the proteftant banner. How great, yea, 
 how hurtful the miftake ! the quality of the cha- 
 radler who impofes, alters not the kind, though it 
 may greatly affedt the degree and the confequences 
 of the impofition. It is of little confequence to a 
 perfon who has been robbed, whether the perfon, 
 who took his money, was drefted in lace or in lawn. 
 Erajlianifm and popery are but two names for one 
 objed. Ecclefiaftical incorporation is the fource of 
 both. 
 
 There is indeed a vaft gradual difference between 
 them. Yet we have reafon to inlift, that incorpo- 
 rating eftablifliments, even when the executive part 
 of government is in the hands of the wifeft and beft 
 prince on earth, teems with impofition, with ty- 
 ranny, with popery ! Yes : the beft of adminiftra- 
 tions acknowledge it. How ? By granting a tole- 
 ration to proteftant diftenters ! Toleration implies, 
 that government is fenlible of the injuftice of the 
 penal laws, which guard the incorporated church, 
 and of their incompatibility with the rights of fub- 
 jeds and of chriftians. 
 
 III. It appears, that incorporating eftablifhments 
 have been the teeming fources of innovation, corrup- 
 tion and degeneracy in the chriftian world. 
 
 How ftriking is the contraft between the primi- 
 tive churches, and that church, which the imperial 
 edid rendered catholic! Let it be viewed in a few 
 inftances. 
 
 p T.Thc 
 
[ 50 ] 
 
 I. The hiflory of the firft and pureft ages of 
 chriftianitv farniihcs accounts of churches, which 
 were not only ccnliituted according to the plain 
 and fimple ri;les of the gofpel, but were governed 
 by the laws of Chrift alone. The authority of even 
 the mofl venerable perfons found no place in them. 
 The apoftles themfelves were not lords over the 
 faith of their members. They were only hejf-.r^ 
 of their joy. Stridl regard to the laws of Chrift 
 was then equally the charadleriftic of the mjnifrer 
 and the chriftian of every rank. There were indeed 
 rulers and ruled. But the firft were no lefs governed 
 by the authority of their common mafter, in all 
 their adminifrrations, than the laft, in all their or- 
 dinary a6ts of rehgion. It was then accounted 
 neceliary that the to ^hov, the divine charader of 
 every office and of every inftitution fliould be af- 
 certained and acknowledged. Without this, mi- 
 nifters could not confcientiouily be invefted with 
 the firft, nor chriftians regulate their actions by the 
 laft. Holy mother church had then no blind 
 devotees. 
 
 How oppofite to this happy ftate was the condi- 
 tion of the church, as foon as fhe became, by an 
 incorporation, a political branch of the Roman 
 empire ! She then in a great meafure ceafed to de- 
 pend on the authority of Chrift alone. Conftantine and 
 his fucceflbrs, equally weak, and more wicked, gave 
 laws to the kingdom of Chriit. How great was the 
 change in the whole fyftem of divine inftitutions ! 
 Their divine charaLier was no longer refpeded. The 
 TO 9hov of every ordinance was obliged to give place to 
 the TO vrpsTiov of imperial appointment. A rage for de- 
 cency and external pomp corrupted every thing. 
 The churches which had been one, by the fcriptural 
 unity of one faith, one baptirm,and the joint confeffion 
 of one Lord Jefus, were conftituted one imperial, orga- 
 nized 
 
c 51 ] 
 
 hized church, by a fpecies of unity as foreign to the na- 
 ture of Chrill's kingdom, as to the articulation of 
 bones in the body of an animal is to the nature of 
 an angel. This huge body, co-extended with the 
 empire, Roman pride pronounced catholic, and 
 Roman policy adjufted to the greater or lefs divi- 
 fions of that unwieldy communiny. Every fuch 
 divifion was condituted a church, fupreme or fub- 
 ordinate, according to the temporal dignity and 
 precedence of the exarchate, colony, or province. 
 Churchmen were appointed to preiide in thefe 
 artificial churches ; were invefred with new in- 
 vented offices, for that end ; and were diftinguifhed 
 by names as foreign to chriflian inilitution as the 
 Perfian appellations of Bahaman or Bainmadu. The 
 example of the celebrated Bereans was exaudio- 
 rated. Particular churches were prohibited from 
 receiving a fingle article of faith, however plainly 
 revealed, till a general or particular council, con- 
 Vocated by the emperor's authority, and directed 
 by his influence, fhould ftamp it with the imperial 
 fignet, and warrant its authority. 
 
 During the firft years of Coiiftantine's reign, it 
 was his fovereign will and pleafure, that the whole 
 catholic church (liould believe that Jefus Chrill is 
 God fupreme. In the latter part of his reign, it 
 is the fovereign Vv'ill of the imperial court that the 
 catholic church fhould anathematize her former 
 faith, and curfe her former creeds. Councils were 
 fuccefuvely called to gratify the whim of the day. 
 Thus, the relation of the church to her divine 
 Head was in a great meafure diffolved. " Ail the 
 world woriliipped the beaft or his image." That 
 fpecies of idolatry commenced with the incorpora- 
 tion of the church with the empire, and exifted 
 fome aees before the blefTcd Viro-in had a lino;le 
 ftatue, image or devotee. 
 
 G 2 2. Thefe 
 
C 5^ 3 
 
 2. Theie are not the only confequences. The 
 primitive unity of the churches was alfo difTolved. 
 During the three firfl centuries, that had been their 
 Jlrengtl: and their beauty. They were equally igno- 
 rant of a forced union, depending on the rigorous 
 execution of penal laws; and of a Catholicism^ mea- 
 fured by the extent of a kingdom, or even of the 
 empire. They were not chained together, in one 
 cathoUcy organized, imperial body, by the cumber- 
 fome links of a graduated hierarchy, terminating 
 in one visible head, whether imperial or pontifical. 
 No! They were indeed one catholic church: but 
 they feverally maintained an immediate dependence 
 on the authority of Chrift alone. Their union 
 confiflied in their being all animated by one spirit 
 to make profeflion of one faith; to fubmit to one 
 baptism; and to confefs one God and Father, and 
 one Lord Jesus. '^ Speaking the truth in love, 
 they grew up in Chirst in all things, who is the 
 head ; from whom the whole body, fitly joined 
 together, and compacfted by that, which every joint 
 fupplieth, according to the effedlual working in the 
 meafure of every part, maketh increafe of the body 
 to the edifying of itfelf in love."* 
 
 The incorporation diflblved that facred band ! a 
 mere political union fupplicd its place. Inftead of 
 mutually and willingly co-operating for their joint 
 edification, the churches were braced together 
 by a political chain of many hnks, the highefh of 
 which was firft affixed to the imperial throne, and, 
 in fome ages afterward, was rivetted to the papal 
 chair. Co-extended, with the empire in their li- 
 mits, and blended with it in their conftitutions, it 
 became a matter of necefhty that their union fhould 
 be analogous to that of the flate, in order that both 
 might be governed by one uniform exertion of au- 
 thority, 
 * Eph. ir. 15, 16, 17. 
 
[ 53 ] 
 
 thorlty. Thus, they formed one unwieldy fociety, 
 which, as it was neither purely civil nor purely 
 ecclefiafticaU merited a new name, "mystery, 
 Babylon the great, the mother of harlots, and abo- 
 minations of the earth/' * 
 
 Though the imperial alliance was burled in the 
 ruins of the empire; yet its unhallowed afhes became 
 a teeming caufe of infinite divifions, and of the mod 
 Irreconcilable fa6lions, in fucceeding ages. When 
 the empire was divided into that of the Eaft and 
 the Weft, the church was divided too, and its parts 
 naturally aded their parts in all the bloody fcenes 
 which followed. The minds of chrifllans, in both 
 imperial churches, were artfully whetted againfl: one 
 another, chiefly for the unpardonable crime of being 
 the fubjecls of another monarch. Even the mod 
 trifling objects were made the means of begetting, 
 or of perpetuating religious differences, which 
 continue even to this day. — When that period 
 arrived, famous for the divifion of the Weftera 
 empire into the " ten kingdoms;'* the church, 
 which had been fo long incorporated with that 
 huge mafs, out of which the modern nations of 
 Europe v;here formed, was again artfully allied with 
 their Gothic conftitutions. The confequences are 
 fuch as the nature of the thing might have war- 
 ranted any to predld. Every national church 
 muft a(5l a deep part in every fanguinary fcene that 
 opens. Chriftians muft approve their loyalty, in 
 their folemn church aflemblies, by flnging te Deum, 
 becaufe ten thoufands of their fellow-chriftians are 
 weltering in their own gore, probably in the defence 
 of their own natural, civil and religious rights. 
 Chriftian princes never go to war with one another, 
 but after having called on the churches in their 
 
 * Rer. xvH. f. 
 
 refpcclive 
 
[ 54 ) 
 
 refpecStive dominions, under the pain of forfeiting 
 their incorporations., to appear in the van of war; 
 to commence hoftilities at the throne of mercy and 
 peace; and to infult ALmiglity God with contra- 
 dictory addreiles, for fuccefs to the arms of their 
 refpeClive fovereigns, in murdering one anothers* 
 fubje6ls. 
 
 In this manner, churghes have been divided in 
 their mod important interefts, — in the very objedt 
 and a els of their vvoilhip. Divided! The term is 
 not fuHiciently expreffive. '' AUar hath been fet 
 up againft altar." The God of peace hath been 
 infuked. The throne of reconciUation hath been 
 profaned. His attributes, mercy andjuftice, have 
 been violated, while one church has been loyally 
 imprecating vengeance on the fame objects, for 
 whom a fifter church has been legally calling for 
 mercy. His m.ofh facred inftitutions have been 
 proftituted legally to the luft of defpotifm. The 
 kingdom of heaven hath been made ^ tool to 
 advance the trade of war and murder. Did the 
 apoftles teach the churches, of their planting, to 
 interfeie with the wars of princes, and to proftitute 
 divine ordinances to ferve the ambitious views of 
 proud men ? Did any of the primitive churches 
 leave behind them the fmalleft trace of their ever 
 having done fo ? 
 
 Some may exclaim, Quakerifm! There is, how- 
 ever, no caufe of ^larrn. Chriftians are men and 
 members of civil iociety. As fjch, it is incumbent 
 on them, to defend themfelves, and to fight under 
 the banners of their own princes. Nor is it doubt- 
 ed, that they ought to addrefs God for fuccefs in 
 their lasvfi;! and neceflarv enterorize. But when 
 all this is done, it is, or ought to be by Ibciety as 
 civil, — as iniureil; and as appealing to Heaven, and 
 iiiQ ways of. Heaven's prelcription for redrefs.— Be 
 
 it 
 
[ Si ] 
 
 It fo, that the aggreflbrs may have iihimately aimed 
 at the invafion of rehpjous rights. What, then? 
 Their defign cannot f.iccced but by firft invading 
 the facred inclofures of natural and civil right. Let 
 thefe be properly defended by civil fociety, and the 
 relic-ions rights of chrifliians and chriftian churches 
 will be in perfeA fafe- guard. 
 
 It is therefore plain, that there is a vaft difference 
 between a necefiary defence of life and property, 
 and the pradlice of abufmg the peculiar ordinances 
 of the church to ferve the fecular defigns of fociety, 
 whether good or bad: of changing the ordinance 
 of preaching peace to finners into profane declama- 
 tion on the neceflity of war and flaughter: of con- 
 verting the inftitution of folemn prayer, which the 
 Saviour of finners hath appointed to be offered up 
 for all men, even for enemies, into an angry im- 
 precation of death, of deftnidion, on brethren: of 
 perverting the mod folemn myfteries of the chriftian 
 religion to the ufe of tests to government; of 
 CONDITIONS on which civil and military offices mufh 
 be enjoyed ; and of obligations to deal devaftation 
 and death, among all the nation's enemies, real or 
 imaginary. 
 
 3. Thefe confequences could not have followed, 
 without being attended with a great corruption of 
 manners among both the clergy and the laity. 
 
 Scarcely had the alliance palfed the imperial feals, 
 when churchmen, weary of that primitive fimplicity, 
 which had been long the glory of their ordetj 
 plunged themfelves into all the exceffes of ambition, 
 luxury and grofs ignorance. Foffelied of riches 
 formerly untafted, and of honoius foreign to their 
 character, they vied with one another only for iii- 
 premacy, precedency, and a lordly dominion over 
 their clerical as well as their lay bretluen. The 
 example of the meek and humble Jefus became 
 
 obiolcte. 
 
[ 56 ] 
 
 obfolete. It was too low to be followed by men 
 who afpired to outlhine princes, and to make even 
 emperors bend to their ambition. The fimple 
 inftitutions of the gofpel were not fufficiently gay 
 for gentlemen of their refined tafte. No: churches 
 muft be ornamented with the ancient garniture of 
 pagan temples. The votaries of Jove or of Woden, 
 having become political converts to chriftianity, 
 were not to be (liocked with the fight of unadorned 
 temples. Statues, images and bufts of faints, of 
 apoftles, of the virgin, of angels, of Jefus Chrift, 
 and of the Eternal Father ! were introduced to line 
 the walls, to decorate the windows, and to adorn 
 the roofs of the chriftian fanes. 
 
 Vice and fuperftition were not peculiar to the 
 clergy. The laity, having no longer the living 
 examples of humility, felf-denial and godlinefs be- 
 fore their eyes; and beholding the church of Chrift 
 converted into a worldly kingdom, gradually de- 
 clined from fpirituality in their worfliip, and from 
 purity in their manners. The church, fecularized 
 by incorporations, became the prophetic ''court, 
 without the temple— left out — not meafured — but 
 given to the Gentiles, who fliould tread under foot 
 the holy city forty and two months*." 
 
 Befides, at this fatal ^ra, the pagans, lured by 
 the alliance of chriftianity to the empire, rulhed by 
 thoufands and ten thoufands into the church, and 
 were baptized at once in rivers. Her doors were 
 thrown open to all; yea, her very walls were pulled 
 down to give the more ready admiflion to thofe, 
 whofe cumberfome load of vices and impurities 
 would not fuifcr them to enter any other way. 
 Converts of this charadler fcarcely exchanged more 
 than the names of their gods. The good bifhops, 
 that they might invite them with fuccefs into the 
 
 * Rev, xi. 2. 
 
 communion 
 
[ 57 3 
 
 communion of their churches, put themfelves to 
 incredible pains, to model the chriftian rehgion 
 after the fafhion of difcarded pagan ifm. Superfti- 
 tion only threw away her old trmkets, that they 
 might cram all her cabinets with new ones. Even 
 no lefs a perfonage than the emperor's mother, 
 moved with pious zeal to fecond the painful labours 
 of the clergy, afpired to the honour of a long and 
 dangerous voyage to the land of relidls and holy 
 trinkets, in order that by importing a large cargo 
 of cioffes, putrid bones, and rufhy nails, together 
 with other allbrtments of fuch precious implements 
 of fuperfcition, nothing might be wanting either in 
 the furniture of the temple, or in the devotional 
 garniture of the clofet. — Thus the worlliip of the 
 church grew to be fuperftitious and carnal ; and, of 
 courfe, the manners of her members became corrupt 
 and prophane. 
 
 CHAP. 11. 
 
 The Impropriety oj Incorporating Establishments, 
 
 WHEN any fubje6V, claiming the reputation 
 of being the perfedlion of political wifdom, 
 falls under a review, its propriety or impropriety 
 principally deferves a careful examination. To ac- 
 complilli this, it is neceflary to inquire, " Whether 
 the natures, charadlers and circumftances of thofe 
 objedts to which fuch a political arrangement bears 
 an immediate refpecl, do admit of that mode of 
 management which its authors propofe; and whether 
 it be competent to them to take clticial cognizance 
 of fuch objeds?" Thefe are the inquiries, applied 
 to the fubjedt of incorporated church-eftablifh- 
 ments, which we intend to make, in the following 
 feci ions. 
 
 H SECT. 
 
[ 58 ] 
 
 S E C T, I. 
 
 A Proof attempted^ " That those OhjeBs^ to ivhicb 
 an Incorporating Establishment bears an immediate 
 RespeBy are naturally incapable of being inforced by 
 Civil Authority J ^ 
 
 THOUGH the protedllon of church -members, 
 in the full and undifturbed poffelTion of ali 
 their rights, natural, civil and religious, be compe- 
 tent to civil authority : yet incorporations extend to 
 a variety of other objeds, which are not, cannot be 
 objedbs of civil legillation. Some of thefe we (liall 
 enumerate. 
 
 I. The firft thing which is incorporated, is the na- 
 tional creed; or that fyftem of dodrinal tenets, true 
 or falfe, which all the fubjedts in the realm are bound, 
 under certain penalties, to believe and profefs. 
 
 Politicians, who ordinarily know but one way to 
 attain their ends, muft be at a lofs to conceive how 
 the uniform profeflion of faith in any fyftem can be 
 eftablifhed among ten or twelve millions of reafon- 
 ing beings, without the adiftance of penal ftatutes. 
 Though thcfe means have not entirely difappointed 
 the cxpe<5^ations of legiflators, yet they contribute as 
 little to the reputation of their wifdom, as they have 
 done to the glory of the chriflian profeffion. When 
 the charadtcrs of revealed truth are confidered, the 
 midake of thefe ecclefiaftical politicians immediately 
 appears. 
 
 The mod obvious charadler of every doftrine con- 
 tained in revelation is, ** the nature of iis evidence/^ 
 Wholly fupernatural, its intiiniic evidence depends 
 i^ntirely 6n iifclf, and is apprehended by thofe only, 
 
 who 
 
t 59 ] 
 
 who are fupernaturally enlightened, and have learned 
 of the Father. The eftabiilhment, therefore, of thefe 
 dodrines cannot depend on civil authority, penal 
 ftatutes and fanguinary laws. The Father of lights 
 alone can (hoot convidtion into the min4, and make 
 the underftanding to fee, and the confcience to feel 
 their evidence in their importance. This convidion 
 is their eftablifliment. Should this be wanting, they 
 can no more be eftabliflied in any country by the ut- 
 moft exertions of civil authority, than light can be 
 arrefted on the frozen mountains around the pole, 
 when the fun is in the fouthern ligns. Gibbets and 
 flakes have no fhare in it. The fpirit of truth hath 
 challenged it as his incommunicable prerogative/'^ 
 
 II. The fyftem of facred inftitutions, peculiar to 
 the chrifhian religion, is alfo pretended to be eftablifli- 
 ed by incorporation, 
 
 The fate of chriftian inftitutions, ever fince the 
 date of incorporations, is enough to make indigna- 
 tion boil in the bofom of every pious chriftian. Since 
 that aira, no age has pafted, in which legiftators have 
 not become fick of the religious obfervances of their 
 fathers ; have not convocated councils to new-model 
 the inftitutions of heaven, in order that they might 
 fuit the reigning tafte ; and have not framed new laws 
 to eftablilh their new drefs.— After all, the inftitu- 
 tions of the chriftian church are as incapable of be- 
 ing eftabliflied by incorporations, as the marble 
 column is of being propt up by the circumambient 
 air ; or the lofty rock of being fupported by the bil- 
 low which fwells and breaks alonp- irs foundation. 
 Can an authority, ever capricious, ever variable, 
 ever fick of its exertions, give an eftabliflimeot to the 
 unalterable ordinances of the unchang-eable God ? 
 
 o 
 * John xvi. 13, 14. 
 
 H 2 BeHdes, 
 
C 60 ] 
 
 Befides, due fubje6lion to thefe inftitutions is not, 
 cannot be founded on human authority. It is im- 
 poffible it fhould be fo. Its formal reafon is the di- 
 vine authority alone. Why fliould human authority, 
 therefore, interfere ? Let it be fuppofed, that any 
 man is a moft exaft conformifh to the rites of his 
 church, not becaufe of the authority of God ap- 
 pointing them, but becaufe they are the eftabHfhed 
 mode of worfliip in the fociety — He is an idolater. 
 Worfhip confifts not io properly in external hc?nagey 
 as in the devotion of the mind to the will and autho- 
 rity of its objeft. He therefore divides his worlhip 
 between his Maker in heaven, and his majier on earth i 
 and the latter feems to have the better (hare ! 
 
 Of this deteilable idolatry, unavoidable in incor- 
 porated churches, the alliance is the principal caufe. 
 In a nation coniilling offome miiiions of fuhjedls, 
 there muft be many thoufands, who are incapable of 
 a juft fenfe of the divine authority in the pofitlve in- 
 llitutions of the gofpel ; who are ftill lefs able to fee 
 a divine w^arrant for rites that have none ; and vv^ho 
 at the fame time, chufe not to incur the fevere pe- 
 nalties againft non-conformity. What fliallfuch do ? 
 Conform, no doubt ! yes ; and '' commit fornica- 
 tion with the kings of the earth/' Obliged, inde- 
 pendent of any conviction of their duty, to pay a 
 forced worQrip to God, they perform a real devotion 
 to their fellow-creatures. 
 
 What has been jufb now obferved, weakens not 
 the risht of leo-iflature to inforce, under civil penal- 
 ties, the mofh exad: obedience to the moral inilitu- 
 tions of God. The moral law is that fceptreof righ- 
 teoufnefs, by v/hich the Father of the univerfe con- 
 ducleth his moral government among all nations ; 
 and as all civil policy is fubordinate to it, it muft be 
 founded on, and rei2:ulated bv the fame eternal lav^r. 
 As " the work of the law is written in the heart of 
 
 every 
 
[ 6i ] 
 
 every man, his confcience alfo bearing wltnefs,*" there 
 can be no confcientious non-conformift to that law. 
 Nor is it to be forgotten, that civil legillatiire, when 
 it exads obedience to that law, does not require it 
 as an aB of worjjjip, due to God ; but as a debt of 
 Jocial duty, owing to fociety. The overt a6l only can 
 be commanded, and is cognizable by human autho- 
 rity, as far as it (lands connected with the profit or 
 lofs of fociety. The heart Is cognizable by the fearch- 
 cr of hearts alone. Hence, a man may deferve the 
 charader of a good fubjedt, while in the fight of God, 
 his irreproachable obedience to the divine law, by 
 which he (lands high in the efleem of fociety, can- 
 not exempt him from being accounted a very bad 
 man. Mean while, as legiflature doth not require 
 that man's obedience as a debt due to God, but for- 
 mally as due to fociety, which protedls him, it (hares 
 not in his guilt before God. It is infinitely other- 
 wife, when government afifumes an authority to com- 
 mand obedience to the pofitive inftitutions of go- 
 fpel vvorfhip, which were never appointed to be the 
 law of civil fociety. She, as fuch, owes no obedi- 
 ence to them, by any law of God, natural or reveal- 
 ed. It is therefore plain, that as no legifiature can 
 make that to be a rule of focial duty, which the 
 fupreme Lawgiver hath not appointed and fitted to 
 that end ; both the legldature commanding, and the 
 fubje6l obe)'ing muft confider that obedience, which 
 the ftatute law ordains to the pofitive inftitutions of 
 the gofpel, to be only a proof of devotion to God. 
 Hence it follows, that when any obferve thefe infti- 
 tutions, if they do it without any regard to civil au- 
 thority enjoinmg it, they contemn it, and are re- 
 bels; if they do it with a regard to civil authority 
 enjoining it, they vvorlhip it, and are idolaters. And, 
 if civil authority is neither to be regarded as the 
 
 * Rom, ii, 15. 
 
 reafon. 
 
" [ 62 ] 
 
 reafon, nor worfhlpped as the objedl of the fubjedl's 
 devotion, why fliould it be interpofed at all ? 
 
 Indeed, it is not competent to civil legiilature to 
 interpofe. Is not a right of legiflation common to 
 all nations ? And mufl not this be founded on the 
 fuppofition that the rule and (landard of civil legiila- 
 tion is, or may be known by all men. But the in- 
 flitutions of chriftianity are not, like the law of na- 
 ture, engraved on the heart of every man, but are 
 pecul ar to only a very fmall part of the fpecies. It 
 is therefore plain, that they can neither be the ob- 
 jects nor the rule of political arrangements. The 
 contrary hypothecs neceflarily implies, either that, 
 though the greater part of mankind, yea, all men 
 are naturally incapable of knowing the peculiar ra- 
 tio and fpiritual defign of gofpel inftitutions ; they 
 arc, notwithftanding, a6lually known and approved 
 by all, who are capable of fuftaining any chara6ler 
 in focial life ! Or, that though they be foreign to 
 civil fociety, they may be, neverthelefs, incorporat- 
 ed in the political conftitution, and may be made 
 the rule of dilpenfing civil rewards and punilhments ! 
 Than either of thefe conclufions, nothing can be 
 imagined more contradidlory and abfurd. 
 
 After all, prejudice will ftill maintain, *' that the 
 church is not only capable of an eftablifhment by inr 
 corporation ; but is adlually fo eftabliQied, in all the 
 nations of chriftendom." 
 
 It is readily admitted, that ever fmce the cour^ 
 without the temple was left out of the prophetic 
 mealure, that which commonly is known by the 
 name of the churchy has been, in one form or ano- 
 ther, fo eftablifhed. But let the myfterious idea, 
 conveyed by that name, be carefully examined and 
 analyzed. As many ideas are affixed to it as there are 
 interefts among the champions ot the incorporating 
 alliance. Someumes it fignifies the papal domina- 
 tion. 
 
[ 63 3 
 
 lion, and the pretended rights of the Romlfli fee. 
 At other times, it means an epifcopal hieratLhy, op-^ 
 pofed to pre(byterian parity. In fome a;^^es, it con- 
 veys the idea of a diftinguiihed feci of pretended 
 chriftians, empowered by authority to perfec ite 
 their fellow-chriftians, to devour the property of 
 their fellovv-fubjedts, and to enjoy exclufively all the 
 offices of honour and protit of a whole nation. But 
 if it be underftood to mean fuch a fociety as was 
 planted, in the apoilolic age, at Jerufalem, Antioch 
 or Rome, we deny that it is "tapable of an incorpo- 
 rating eftablifliment. It has been proved already, 
 that neither the dodrines nor the inftitutions of fuch 
 a fociety can be fo eftabllfhed. What therefore, be- 
 fidcs her credenda and her agenda^ can be imagined ? 
 Her fcriptural architype cannot be fo allied. That is 
 a pofitive inftitution of the gofpel, and can no more 
 be incorporated and made a rule of difpenfmg re- 
 wards and punifliments than any other pofitive in- 
 ftitution of gofpel worfhip. The hand of civil au- 
 thority cannot plant her, by obHging, under civil 
 pains, the fubjeds of a nation to arrange themfelves 
 within her pale, and to approve her incorporated 
 platform. It was not thus, that the firft churches 
 were planted. It is not thus, that chriftians are to 
 be compelled to come in. They are a '^ willing 
 people in the day," not of the magiftrate's officious 
 interference, but " of the Mediator's almighty 
 power."* 
 
 The members of chrlftian churches ought indeed 
 to be proteded, and their profeffion of chriftianity 
 ought to have every poffible encouragement. But 
 the members of no one chriftian church, though they 
 may have a fuperior^ can have no exclujive claim 
 upon government for thefe bleffings. They can 
 have no right to an incorporation, precluding other 
 
 * Pfalm ex. 3. 
 
 churches. 
 
[ 64 ] 
 
 churches, and their members, from the benefits of ib- 
 ciety, merely becaufe they cannot aifent to every 
 article of their creed» When government carries its 
 indulgence to any one church fo far, it overthrows 
 its own original defign. While it pours an overplus 
 of favours on her members, it does it at the expence 
 of that jufhice which it owes others, who perhaps 
 are equally or more deferving of fociety. Nay more ! 
 The penal laws, elTentially neceifary to every pre- 
 cluding incorporation, are weapons put into the 
 hands of her members againft the perfons and rights 
 of all thofe whom it unjuftly leaves unprotected, 
 and every moment at their mercy. 
 
 The bigot may now afk widi emotion, '' What ! 
 Is nothing belonging to the kingdom of Chrift ca- 
 pable of an incorporating eftablifhment ?" 
 
 We anfwer ; nothing : Yet we admit, that a va- 
 riety of things, foreign indeed to the nature of the 
 church, is eitablilhed in incorporated churches* We 
 (hall adventure afhort enumeration. 
 
 1. A fpecies of right, which tears up the founda- 
 tions of equity, is eftabliQied. Equity cries aloud, 
 '^ Whatfoever ye would that men fliould do unto 
 you, do ye alfo unto them." But that incorporations 
 tread this maxim under their feet, has been proclaim- 
 ed to the world by the many perfecutions, murders 
 and maffacres, that have ever walked in their fuit. 
 Who would chufe to be hanged, burnt or broken on 
 the wheel ! — efpeciaily v/hen they are confcious, that 
 they have not ti-anlgrefled the laws, nor offended 
 againft any of the original ends of fociety ? 
 
 2. Incorporations eftablifh a rule of law, and a 
 flandard for the executive powers of government, in 
 difpenfing civil rewards and puniihments, which 
 oblige them to commit ads of cruel oppreflion, de- 
 itioy the primary defign of civil government, and 
 
 render 
 
[ 65 ] 
 
 render all the rights and liberties of fociety preca- 
 rious and uniecure. 
 
 It feems to be plain, that neither the do(5lrines 
 nor the infcirutions of chriftianity can interfere with 
 the order, laws, or fundamental rights of fociety: 
 that they leave it as they found it, fettled on the 
 immutable law of righteoufnefs : and that men may 
 be non-conformlfts and worthy members of fociety, 
 at the fame time. Such was our blelTed Lord. Such 
 were his apoftles. Such were thoufands fince. As 
 foon, therefore, as any government ceafes to con- 
 fine itfelf to equity as the only rule of its adminiftra- 
 tions, and adopts what it fuppofes to be the dodrines 
 and'inftitutions of chriilianity as the flandard of dif- 
 penfmg rewards and puniihments, the executive 
 powers are legally authorized, 3'ea, officially obliged 
 to proceed to ads of flagrant injuftice toward all 
 fuch worthy chara6Vers; thefe mufl be deprived of 
 their rights; and, thus government, inftead of an- 
 fwering its primary defign, is converted into a pub- 
 lic robber of thofe whom it ought to proted. If 
 this be not the cafe, chriftians injure not a little the 
 charadlers of thofe zuorthy migiftrates, Herod, Pon- 
 tius Pilate, Nero, and thoufands of their brethren of 
 pious memory, on account of what they did againfl 
 the Lord of glory, his apoftles and the martyrs of 
 all ages and all churches. Their profecutions, what- 
 ever might be pretended, were not founded on any 
 crimes committed againft the laws of civil fociety, 
 but proceeded wholly on a charge of non-conformity 
 to what they imagined to be the pofitive iriftitutions 
 of the Deity, incorporated in the political conftitu- 
 tion and made the rule of difpenfing civil rewards 
 and punifhments. 
 
 3. Incorporations, by allying one fedt of chri* 
 ftians to the political conftitution, eftablifh a pre- 
 
 t tended 
 
r 66 ] 
 
 tended right in it, to affiime the name of the national 
 church; and to claim the fole polTefiion of all the 
 revenues which law has annexed to it. Aided by 
 thefe, and authorized by the penal laws by which 
 fhe is guarded and made formidable to all her ene- 
 mies, Ihe may legally extend herfclf by every me- 
 thod that ci att can contrive, or cruelty can execute. 
 —How far fuch a fed may belong to the chriftian 
 church, muft be determined by comparing it with 
 the authentic defcrintions of particular churches in 
 the age of the apoftles. One thing, however, is 
 certain, that thofe objecls, which fuch incorporated 
 fedts believe and pracliie, in common with all the 
 churches of Chrift, are abfolutely incapable of an 
 incorporating eftablifliment. 
 
 SECT. 11. 
 
 'The known CharaBcrs of human Authority make it in- 
 competent to Legislatures to take ofjiiial Cognizance 
 of those Objecls, which are si^pposed to he established 
 in national Churches, 
 
 WHEN human authority is contemplated in the 
 glafs of hiftory, it appears uniformly in all 
 ages and in all countries to have been — fallible, 
 
 FICKLE, FAITHLESS, and tOO oftcn UN FRIENDLY tO 
 
 the interefts of true rehgion. 
 
 I. Fallibility is one of the mod obvious cha- 
 rafters of human authority. God alone is at an 
 infinite remove from error. It is therefore no indig- 
 nity offered to civil authority to affert, that it is 
 infinitely unfit to give law to the confciences of mil- 
 lions about objeds, to which infallible authority a^ 
 
 lone 
 
[ 67 ] 
 
 lone can warrant the accountable creature to pay the 
 fmalleft regard. About objects of fuch a nature, what 
 can human, what can fallible authoiity avail? Can 
 the wifeft, can even the mod pious legiflature con- 
 vince the underftanding without evidence ? Or can 
 it bind the confcience with the cords of its own au- 
 thority ? 
 
 It is vain to ailed ge, that as fome men, through 
 inattention or prejudice, do not perceive the proper 
 evidence of truth, legillature interpofes to procure 
 the concurrence of fuch perfons with the national 
 fyftem. Can any coolly imagine that civil authority 
 can do what God himfelf, in the peculiar circum- 
 flances fuppofed, cannot efiedl? Such perfons may 
 be made conformiflis; but they are made hypocrites 
 too, at the fame time. They ceafe to be, as well as 
 to a61: up to the chara61:er of men. They are made 
 objects of abhorrence to heaven; an unfupportable 
 load on religious fociety on earth; and juftly fuf- 
 pedled members of the body politic, in every poffi- 
 ble ftation and relation. 
 
 Meanwhile, the oueftion of right remains to be 
 decided. — '' Is it competent to any legiflature, ac- 
 cording to the law of equity, to punifh any member 
 of fociety, who, though he cannot aifent to the creed 
 of the chief magiftrate, aCls up in every refpedt to 
 the chandler of a good and ufeful lubjed:? Senfible 
 perfons would bluQi for the bigot who would affirm 
 it. Yet on this hinge all the controVerfy turns. What 
 avails a precluding eftabliihment, unlefs it be armed 
 with penal ftatutes? Is not even the preclufion itfelf 
 a punifhment on the diflenter? 
 
 But whence does civil legiflature derive this au- 
 thority?-— From God, or from men? From neicher. 
 God will not give his glory to another, by relin- 
 quKhing his fovereign dominion over the confcience : 
 and fociety has no right to make the furrender to 
 
 I % their 
 
[ 68 ] 
 
 their governors. It muft therefore be aflbmed. And 
 if To, it is high time that all the nations of Europe 
 ftiould agree to affert a riglit to a general resump- 
 tion. 
 
 II. When civil authority hath been ftretcheci, at 
 any time, beyond its proper limits, it hath always 
 become capricious, fickle, and often inconfiftent 
 with itfelf. Reafon affirms, and experience confirms 
 this obfervation. It is therefore plain, that an au- 
 thority which is fickle as well as fallible is very unfit, 
 and very daring to pretend to give eftablifliment to 
 *■' a kingdom which cannot be moved." Revealed, 
 truth, like its author is without variablenefs or flia- 
 dow of change : and like the fun, its natural em- 
 blem, eftablilhes the belief of its own exlftence by the 
 ^lendour of its own evidence. Incorporations ferve 
 only to ecllpfe it. Precluding alliances, make it like 
 the moon, ever changing. In one age, civil autho- 
 rity declares one creed to be the ftandard of faith. 
 In the next, the fame authority, eilablidies another, 
 which curfes all that believe in the former. What 
 man, having a thoufand inftances of this before his 
 dye, can perfuade himfelf that the kingdom of 
 Chrlft can receive an eftablinimcnt from that autho- 
 rity, which often finks into the vortex of its own 
 ihconliflencies? 
 
 III. Civil leglflatures have often proved faith- 
 less as well as fickle toward thofe obje6ts which they 
 have pretended to eftablifl}. To what caufe can the 
 many revok-itlons which happen in the church as 
 well as in the ftate be afiigned? Is it caprice alone? 
 No : it becomes politically neceffary to leglflatures, 
 to be faithieis to creeds and rituals which they had, 
 with every degree of folemnlty, incorporated, with 
 the political conftitudon, and had faid and fwora 
 
 they 
 
C 69 3 
 
 they would never reltnquiih. A change in the poli- 
 tical ftate of a nation, an alteration in the poli- 
 tical principles of the court, — the acceflion of a 
 new fovereign, his family or marriage -conne6tions, 
 — and a thoufand fuch things may appear, and often 
 have appeared fufficient reafons to the legiflativc 
 powers to turn their backs on the allied religious 
 fyflem ; to dillodge it from its political faftnefs in the 
 conftitution; and to introduce, with all the requi* 
 fite folemnity of oaths, tefis and penal laws, a new 
 ecclefiaftical arrangement, more faitabie to the ftate 
 of the nation, or to the ever variable tafte of the fub- 
 je6ls. The hiftory of Great Britain, and of the fe- 
 veral European nations affords a too numerous lift 
 of examples. — Having thefe before our eyes, may 
 we not appeal to common fenfe on the queftion con- 
 cerning the fitnefs of human authority to give an 
 eftabliHiment to the kingdom of Chriil ? 
 
 ■ IV. But had legiflatures always approved them* 
 felves the friends of invariable truth, in thefe revo^ 
 lutions, we would have been tempted to have afcrib^ 
 ed fome right to human authority to pretend to the 
 edablilhment of the church. But alas ! too many 
 examples furnifli inconteftable proof that, even in 
 thefe vain attempts, or pretences to eftablifh the 
 church, it hath often aded in open hofcility againft 
 the truth. How often hath it devoted all its influ- 
 ence to the old ferpent, the devil, and to the old 
 Roman friar, the pope, for the purpofe of eftablidi- 
 incr their united king-dom ? And if fo, we mud feek 
 for fomething more ftable, more trufhy and more 
 confillent wtih itfelf and with truth, to make the 
 church of Chrift that kino;dom, '* againft which 
 the gates of hell fliall not prevail." 
 
 In line. It is not foreign to the argument to ob- 
 ferve, that ihofe perfons, with v/hom fociety lodges. 
 
 legiflativc 
 
C 70 ] 
 
 legiflative powers, are of all men leafl: qualified for 
 the high prerogative of chufing a creed for millions 
 of accountable beings, and of obliging them tamely 
 to acquiefce in it. 
 
 It is vain to ftate a comparifon betv;een the abili- 
 ties of civil magiftrates, and of others, to did:ate ar- 
 ticles of faith, and to prefcribe modes and forms of 
 worfliip for any befides themfelves. It is denied that 
 it is, or can be, the prerogative of any man, or any 
 clafs of men whatever, unlefs they could produce a 
 commidion from the Supreme Lawgiver to af- 
 fume a lordly dominion over the underftandings and 
 confciences of his amenable creatures ; and could 
 fatisfy the many millions concerned that their cha- 
 racter is raifed above the poffibiiity of miftake in the 
 execution of their high tt uft. To drop all fuch ex- 
 travagant fuppofitions, all men know, that princes, 
 courtiers and legiilators are commonly at as great a 
 lofs, as any other clafs of men whatever, to m.akc, 
 even for themfelves, a wife choice in the important 
 objedts of religion. Such are their peculiar avoca- 
 tions, temptations and embarrairments, that were 
 any clafs of men permitted to fatisfy themfelves with 
 an implicit faith, they, of all mxn, have the beft 
 claim to that indulgence. 
 
 It cannot be objected, that '^ legidature does not 
 make the national creed : that an ecclefiaftical con- 
 vocation or council, reprelenting the national church, 
 frame and arrange it : and that the only province 
 which the ruling powers claim, is, to honour it with 
 their ianction, and to inforce a general acquiefcence 
 in its orthodoxy, by penal laws againlt all who may 
 diffent." 
 
 It may be afl^ed, in what happy age were councils 
 the proper reprefentatives of the church ? Did ever 
 her members elect them, infiruct them, and inveft 
 theii^ with powers of reprefentation ? Let the creed 
 
 Of 
 
[ 71 1 
 
 or liturgy be named that has not been compiled by 
 fynods, convened, a6tuated and directed by coiirt 
 influence. But whoever are the compilers of the 
 creed, legiflature both chufe and prefcribe it. It is 
 the creed of government, chofen for, and enjoined 
 on the whole nation. A ftatute is not lefs an act of 
 parhament becaufe it was prepared by a counfellor, 
 or firfl: framed by a feled: committee. Could a creed 
 be named, which was compiled by proper repre- 
 fentatives of rhe major part of the nation, and which 
 met with their unanimous approbation ; it is the 
 creed of thofe only, who have confented to it, and 
 approve of it in their confciences. Neither a majo- 
 rity, nor its rulers have a right to enforce it by penal 
 laws, on thofe, who, to avoid being hypocrites, 
 mufi; be diifenters. 
 
 H^WM^V^ 
 
 CHAP. IIL 
 
 ^he Absurdity of Ecclesiastical Incorporations, 
 
 NOTHING is more injurious to truth, than 
 thofe falfe and abfurd ideas, which are inad- 
 vertently admitted in early years. Wifdom's moil 
 difficult tafk is, to throw off all early prepoffeffions ; 
 to rectify tivil fentiments ; and to unlearn what has 
 been acquired by much fruitlefs ftudy, during many 
 mifpent years. 
 
 The truth of this obfervation appears in every 
 clafs of objects, about which the human underftand- 
 ing exercifes its powers ; and about none more than 
 thofe which refpecl the original defign, the nature, 
 and the diitinguifbing charaders of the New Tefta- 
 nient church. The greateft part of chridians, ac- 
 
 cuilomed 
 
[ 7^ ] 
 
 cudomed from their youth, to fee one fed of chrif- 
 tians, in a nation, exclufively aifuming the name 
 of THE CHURCH, crowing over all other denomi- 
 nations, and incorporated with the political confti- 
 tution J are taught to imagine, that a church can- 
 not exifl: without an incorporating eftablilhment. 
 Every defcription of chriftians have betrayed fuch a 
 fentiment, efpecially when they have had it in their 
 power to enrich themfelves with the fpolls, and to 
 flain their hands with the blood of confcientious 
 diifenters. \ 
 
 Wife men ought to enquire into the caufe of fo 
 cruel and fo general an infatuation. Should it be 
 found that incorporating efiabliihments produce it, 
 by turns, among all parties ; the laws of humanity, 
 as well as the fpirit of chriflianity, call aloud for 
 wifer meafures. After what manner, and to vvdiat 
 degree thefe eftabliQiments interefl the felfifli paffions 
 to commit thefe excelfes, will be {l:ievvn in fome fub- 
 fequent chapters. In this their absurdity (hall 
 be held up to view. To this end, a proof iliall be 
 attempted ^^ that the Kingdom of Chrift cannot be 
 incorporated, in one conllitution, with civil fociety ; 
 and that it betrays abfurdity and folly to attempt it ; 
 becaufe it is diftindl in kind from all political foci- 
 ety ; and becaufe it even differs from thoie incorpo- 
 rated feds themfelves^ who alTume the nam^e of na^ 
 tional churches/' 
 
 SECT, 
 
[ 73 ] 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 A Proof at tempted J " that the Kingdom of Chrlji can- 
 not be incorporated with Civil Societies, because it 
 differs in tli^J) from all political Associations what- 
 ever. 
 
 THE truth, " that the kingdom of Chrift differs 
 in KIND from all political alTociation/' is fo 
 glaring, that even the moft violent advocates for 
 their incorporation have not yet dared to deny it, 
 though it ilabs their idol of the alliance to the 
 heart. We (liall therefore be the more brief in its 
 ijluflration. 
 
 All know that the kingdom of Chrift continued 
 diftindt in its conftitution, laws and ordinances 
 from the kingdoms of this world, during the fpace 
 of three hundred years, immediately after its erec- 
 tion among the nations. And ever fince, notwith- 
 ftanding all attempts to incorporate it with thefe 
 nations, in one political conftitution, it remains 
 diftindl ftill. Jefus Chrift, who is the truth, hath 
 afcertained its nature, when he faid, '' My king- 
 dom is not of this world." He hath put it out of the 
 power of all earthly authority to change its essen- 
 tial charader. Can civil authority, though vefted 
 in the perfons of the moft potent monarchs, alter 
 the nature of things ? Can it change the word of 
 God, or the eftentiai properties of his works ? Can 
 it tranfmute a body into a fpirit, or pebbles into 
 pearls. No more is it capable of changing the 
 nature of Chrift's kingdom ; or of blending its 
 conftitution with the political frame of any empire 
 or nation* They differ abfolutely i and formally 
 
 K agree 
 
f 74 ] 
 
 agree in nothing, imlefs in the general abn:ra(5t idea 
 of fociety. This will appear by an enumeration of 
 particulars. 
 
 I. The original defign of civil focieties was fug- 
 gefted to mankind by their own neceffities. In a 
 ftate of folitude, the individual cannot be happy. 
 ** It is not good for man to be alone." His rights 
 cannot be fecured, nor his property defended. The 
 law of neceiiity, therefore, obliges men, who dwell 
 within convenient precin6ts, or who are otherwife 
 related, to throw all their civil rights into one com- 
 mon flock ; to reduce the dictates of reafon and of 
 confcience into laws ; and to appoint qualified per- 
 fons to execute thefe maxims of equity and conveni- 
 ency for the common advantage of the whole. 
 
 Qi^iite foreign to this was God's defign, in eredling ^ 
 the New Teftament church. It was not that all 
 men might fafely enjoy their rights, much lefs that 
 some men might dictate to all, rule all, and enrich 
 themfeives by robbing the treafures of honeft in- 
 duftry. He had fufiiciently provided for the firft, 
 and armed mankind againft the laft, by his having 
 inftituted public order, and civil government for its 
 proted:ion. His defign was, that *' all thofe whom 
 he had predeftinated to the adoption of fons by 
 Jefus Chrift,'' * might enjoy the means of obtaining 
 '' the inheritance, which is referved in heaven for 
 them."-f' It was, that ^' all men might fee what 
 is the fellow fliip of the myftery, which, from the 
 beginning of the world, hath been hid in God, who 
 created ail diings by Jefus Chrift : and that now 
 unto the principalities and powers in heavenly 
 places, might be known by the church, the mani- 
 fold wifdom of God." I In fine, it was " for the 
 
 * Eph. 1.5. f I Pet. I, 4. J Eph. iii. 9, 10. 
 
 perfecting 
 
r 75 ] 
 
 perfedlng of the fiilnts, for the edifying of the body 
 of Chrift, till they all come into the unity of the faith, 
 and the knowledge of the Son of God, unto a per- 
 fed man, unto the meafure of the flature of the ful- 
 nefs of Chrift."* 
 
 II. The kingdoms of this world, founded on the 
 •laws of neceffity, are governed by the law of nature 
 alone. The laws of every well-governed ftate, are 
 only the modifications of that law, whi'ch is written 
 on the hearts of ail men. They are the applications 
 of nature's general law of right to the particular 
 exigencies, and the varying circumftances of civil 
 fociety. Were it otherwife, civil government could' 
 not be the common privilege of mankind. 
 
 In full contraft ftands the church of Chrift. 
 Founded on the decrees of Heaven, by which " the 
 heathen are given to the Meffiah for his inheritance, 
 and the utmoft ends of the earth for his pofteiTion," 
 flie is governed by the laws and inftitutions of her 
 own divine head. Thefe, though they be not con- 
 trary to the law of nature, are quite diftin(5l from 
 it. This is known and underftood by all men ; but 
 thofe being pofitive inftitutions, are found only in 
 the fcriptures, and are properly underft.ood by thofe 
 alone, upon whofe renewed hearts God hath engra- 
 ven his law. They are the wafdom of God in a 
 myfteryj even the hidden wifdom which God or- 
 dained before the world.'' -j- 
 
 Beiides, civil legillature, as long as it regulates 
 the exercife of its authority by reafon's univerfal 
 law, may frame as great a number of ftatutes as it 
 may judge to be conducive to general good. But 
 the church acknowledges but one Lawgiver, even 
 Chrift. Having furnilhed her with a compleat body 
 
 * Eph.'iv. 12, 13. t I Cor. ii, 7. 
 
 K 2. of 
 
C 76 ] 
 
 of laws, he hath left no room either for the pride 
 of princes, or the petulance of popes. No man, 
 no number of men, whether in councils or in con- 
 claves, in convocations, or in fynods, have authority 
 to add one new ordinance, or to frame one new 
 law. 
 
 III. A reciprocal obligation on the authors and 
 objedls of all civil legislation arifes from their mutual 
 relation. Government owes to the fubjedt protedion. 
 The fubjed; owes obedience to the laws. In cafq of 
 failure, there is a forfeit of life or property, ac- 
 cording to the demerit of the crime. 
 
 But in the kingdom of Chrift, men's lives, limbs, 
 and property, are all under the protedlion of the 
 laws of the country. The falvation of men's fouls, 
 being one end of eredting that kingdom, none but 
 madmen and perfecutors will adventure to fay that 
 the deftrudtion of men's bodies, or the feizure of 
 their property was ordained of God to accomplifh 
 that important defign. Chrifl never commanded 
 church-members to pledge their lives or their for- 
 tunes to their ecclefiaflical governors for their good 
 behaviour in church fociety. Thefe therefore, have 
 no right to deliver their flocks to what was called 
 in the days of yore, the stcular arm ! No : the 
 kingdom of Chrift indeed is not adminiftered without 
 penal laws ; but thefe are of a very different nature, 
 and the execution of them is committed to no mor- 
 tal. '^ Fear hirq, who, after he hath killed, hath 
 power to caft into hell : yea, I fay unto you, fear 
 him/'* 
 
 IV. In civil fociety, a due refpedt ought to e 
 paid to that fcale of fecular pre-eminence, which 
 providence hath fixed among its members. The 
 
 * Luke xii. 5. 
 
 laws 
 
[ 77 ] 
 
 laws of nature and of chriftianity require, that every 
 man, of every ftation, and defcription in focieiy, 
 fliould " render to all their dues ; tribute to whom 
 tribute is due ; cuftoai to whom cuftom ; fear to 
 whom fear ; honour to whom honour.'* * 
 
 But at the fame time that Chrifl approves and 
 eftablilhes this order in civil fociety, he exprefsly pro- 
 hibits all worldly pre-eminence, or even the affedta- 
 tion of it in his church. " The princes of the Gen- 
 tiles exercife dominion, — but it (hall not be fo among 
 you.*'>j- Chrift himfelf is king alone upon his holy- 
 hill of Zion. Chriftians of every fliation in civil, 
 and of every defcription in ecclefiaftical fociety are 
 equally bound to attend, in every thing that concerns 
 the confcience, to the authority of Chrift alone. 
 Ecclefiaftical rulers cannot govern as they ought, but 
 by following their inftrudions, with a critical, — • 
 a confcientious accuracy. Even in their higheft a6ls 
 of government, they obey the fame authority, which 
 the loweft are bound to acknowledge. None muft 
 prefcribe to others; much lefs prefume to impofe 
 their fentiments by violence. The underftanding 
 and the confcience in all are facred to the fceptre -of 
 Chrift alone. Thofe who forget their immediate de- 
 pendence on the Head of the Church ; who overlook 
 their obligations, arifing from their character, to be 
 fervants of all ; and who, intoxicated with a vain 
 opinion of their pre-eminence, '' begin to fmite their 
 fellow-fervants," ouo;ht to tremble at his certifica- 
 tion, which is dreadful, — and as its confequencc^ 
 which is certain. Yes : *' the Lord of thefe fervants 
 fliall come, in a day they look not for him, and in an 
 hour they are not aware of; and (hall cut them afun- 
 der, and appoint them their portion with hypocrites : 
 there fhall be weeping, and wailing, and gruiiliing of 
 teeth." :|: 
 
 *Rom. xiii. 7. f Matth. xx. 25, 26. J Matth, xxv, 50, ?i. 
 
 V. In 
 
C 78 ] 
 
 V. In cafe of cither foreign invafion or civil in- 
 furredion, ii is neceirary that the kingdoms of this 
 world fhould defend themfelves by all the ways 
 which the law of equity has pointed out to eveiy 
 civil fociety, when it is injured. 'Violence mufl: be 
 repelled by force. The injured muft appeal to the 
 God of battles. Every fociety is certainly bound to 
 do to others, as it wills them to condu6t themfelves 
 toward it; and is underftood to have pledged the 
 lives and property of its members to live in peace 
 with every other independent fociety, as long as the 
 fame duty is difcharged toward it. It is therefore 
 equitable, that any government, in cafe any neigh- 
 bouring fociety forfeit its pledge, iliould feize the 
 forfeiture, and redrefs its own injuries as tar as the 
 laws of war allow. 
 
 The defence of the church is otherwife fettled. 
 It muft be efieclcd by methods, foreign to blood and 
 carnage. *' The weapons of her warfare are not 
 carnal, but fpiritual ; and mighty, through God, to 
 the pulling down of every ftrong hold," in which 
 it is polTible that her adverfaries {hould either fortify 
 themfelves, or annoy her. No war can be carried 
 on againft that facred fociety, as the church, which 
 (hould make carnal weapoiis either necelTary or 
 ufeful. 
 
 It is true, (he may be perfecuted. Her members 
 may be grievouily injured. They may be fpoiled 
 of their property, deprived of their rights, and even 
 their lives may become a prey to violence. All this 
 has been but too often realized. But it oioht to 
 be confidcred, that as all thefe injuries refpedl the 
 civil, not the religious character of church-members^ 
 their redrefs is not the objecl of ecciefiaftical, but 
 of civil adminiftration. Church members are sub^ 
 Je^s too; and, as fuch, deferve both protedtion and 
 redrefs. If government therefore^ fliall refufe pro- 
 
 tedioa 
 
C 79 ] 
 
 tc61:Ion or redrefs to them ; or if it invade, or autho- 
 rize others to invade their natural, civil or religious 
 rights; the laws of nature, reafon, neceflity and 
 even chriflianity warrant them, either to withdraw 
 from fuch hoards of puhlic robbers, or to feek their 
 redrefs, in thofe ways which the God of nature hath 
 made expedient and juft, in all fuch cafes. Injured 
 as men, and as deferving citizens, they may ad: 
 ^yithout blame^ in the fame charaders, in their owa 
 defence. 
 
 VI. In fine, provided that the purpofes of civil 
 fociety be gained, it is of no importance into what 
 form legiilatures may throw the kingdoms of this 
 world. That mode of government which is excel- 
 lent in one country, or m one age, may be fcarcely 
 tolerable in another. The God of nature, ever fince 
 the Jewidi theocracy ceafed, hath tied no nation to 
 any one particular form of government. The laws 
 of reafon oblige every nation to mould itfelf into 
 that form, which has the greatefl: probability, in its 
 circumftances, to promote public happinefs. 
 
 But neither the fidelity of Chrift, nor the propen- 
 sity in human nature to innovation, will fuffer us to 
 think, that the conftitution, order and adminiflra- 
 tion of the church is left in the fame precarious 
 fituation. Political wifdom finds no fcope in the 
 kingdom of Chrift. The wifdom of this world 
 ought to be confined to the kingdoms of this world. 
 The conftitution of chriftian churches, together with 
 their order and government, is planned by the un- 
 erring wifdom, and invariably fixed by the authority 
 of their Sovereign Lord, who is '^ Jefus Chrift, the 
 fame yefterday, and to-day, and for ever." * 
 
 On a review, it appears, that it is abfurd beyond 
 defcription to attempt to incorporate focieties fo 
 
 * Heb. xili. 8. 
 
 elTentially 
 
[ 8o ] 
 
 eflentially diftind:. They agree in nothing but in the 
 moil general idea of fociety. Who was ever fo mad 
 as to fay, that becaufe body and spirit agree in the 
 general, metaphyfical, ab(lra6t notion of substance, 
 therefore the dimenfions of a foul may be afcertained 
 by the application of a foot-rule, or the height of 
 an angel, like that of a pyramid, may be taken by a 
 quadrant ? Or, who ever imagined that their eifences 
 may be fo blended and mutually incorporated, that 
 fome aliquod tertiumy — fome (Irange hyperphylical 
 compound fliould arife from their alliance ! All 
 efforts, which human wifdom, joined to the greatefl: 
 authority on earth, to incorporate the church of 
 Chriil with the political conftitutions of the king- 
 doms of this world, are equally ridiculous. They 
 expofe their authors to the cenfures of common 
 fenfe. One whofe inftrudtions went no higher, de? 
 fcribes their folly in glowing colours. 
 
 Htmano caplti cervicem piBor equinam 
 jfmigere si ve/it, et varias inducers plumaSy 
 JJndique collatis membris, ut turpiter atrtim 
 Desinat in piscem, mulier formosa superne : 
 Spe^atum admissi, risiim teneatis amiciP 
 
 HoR. Art. Poet, 
 
 SECT. 
 
[ 8i ] 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 A Proof attempted that, '' the Kingdom of Christ 
 CANNOT be incorporated zvith Civil Societies^ be- 
 cause it differs from all incorporated Sects themselves, 
 ivho assume the Name of national Churches ^ 
 
 BEFORE we proceed to the proof of the pro- 
 pofition, '^ that the church of Chriil differs 
 from all incorporated feds affuming the name of 
 national churches/' we readily premife one concef- 
 fion, — " That the kingdom of Chrifthath always fub- 
 lifted in national churches, ever fince the age of the 
 firft incorporation." Meanwhile, by this concefTion, 
 it is only meant, that the church of Chrift hath fub- 
 fifted in thefe political churches, as a mafs of oil re- 
 mains in water, altogether unmixed and unincorpo- 
 rated with their mixed conflitutions. The gofpel of 
 Chrift hath been fuccefsfully preached, and the facra- 
 ments, with other inftitutions, have been edifyingly 
 difpenfed, in national churches. But let it be re- 
 membered, that the divine Spirit, on whofe bleffing 
 alone depends the fuccefs of all ordinances, knows 
 well how to diftinguifh the things of Chrift from 
 the inventions of men ; and that while he blefteth 
 the former in the experience of the faints, he ana- 
 thematizes the latter in the fcriptures of truth which 
 are daily read in their aflemblies. Thefe ordinances 
 are bleffed and made the vehicles of heavenly in- 
 fluence, not as they are difpenfed in incorporated 
 churches, in virtue of a political appointment, by 
 civil legiflature; but in confequence of their bemg 
 viewed by chriftians as the inftitutions of Chrift, 
 claimina; the attention of their minds, the iubjedtion 
 
 L of 
 
 / 
 
[ 82 ] 
 
 of their confclences, and the affedlion of their 
 hearts, on the ground of divine authority alone. 
 The facraments of the New Teftament are bleffed 
 for the edification of good men, in national 
 churches; but their eftablilhment by law, and their 
 legal proftitution to the ufe of political tefts, do not 
 entitle them to that honour ! 
 
 Notwithflanding this conceflion, the proposition 
 continues inviolate. The following confiderations 
 will illuftrate its evidence. 
 
 I. The conftitution of the kingdom of heaven is 
 a grand effed of the wifdom of God, and a glorious 
 proof of his love to men. The plan of that king- 
 dom was " hid in God" among the other treafures 
 of his eternal wifdom, till it was brought to view 
 by Jefus Chrift, who is " exalted to be Head over 
 all things to the church, which is his body," and 
 who " as a fon over his own houfe, was faithful to 
 him that appointed him" in founding his kingdom 
 according to the eternal model in the divine mind. 
 
 But the conftitution of national churches depends 
 wholly on human policy, and the wifdom of this 
 world, which is fooliilmefs with God. Like the 
 wifdom which plans thefe incorporated churches, 
 they are always changing their conftitutions and 
 altering their forms. In fome countries, and in 
 fome ages, worldly wifdom, confulting with ambi- 
 tion and avarice, eftablilhes an hierarchical church, 
 whofe fpire " exaketh itfelf above all that is called 
 God." In other parts of the earth, the fame wif- 
 dom eftablilhes a limilar hierarchical fociety, whofc 
 top only reaches to the monarch's throne, whom 
 all muft acknowledge as '' fupreme head over all 
 perfons, and in all caufes civil and ecclefiaftical." 
 In fome kingdoms, more happy in their ideas of 
 liberty, the fame political wifdom brings the confti- 
 tution 
 
[ 83 ] 
 
 (ution of the incorporated church as near the fcrip- 
 tural model, as is confident with the conftitution of 
 the nation and the genius of its civil government. 
 Whence all this endlefs variety ? Is it from a variety 
 of original plans? Rather, is it not evidently owing 
 to the policy of legiflatures, who, by all this diver- 
 fity, provide that the conftitutions and adminiftra- 
 tions, in both departments of the incorporated 
 fyftem, may be confiftent, and mutually fubfervient 
 to one another; and may both fervc the purpofes of 
 thofe, whether princes or priefts, who fit at the 
 helm. The truth here cannot be diflembled. Now 
 the church is Orthodox; then Arian: now PopiQi, 
 then Proteftant: now Epifcopalian, then Prelbyte- 
 rian : Why ? She is a tool to ambition, avarice and 
 political finefTe, and muft put on that form which 
 will moft conduce to the purpofes of government, 
 whether good or bad. If government be friendly 
 to liberty and the rights of mankind ; the national 
 church naturally puts on a prefbyterian, or a mode- 
 rate epifcopalian form: but as foon as the nation 
 is curfed with an afpiring or prieft- ridden prince, 
 the national church is carried to the anvil, and is 
 hammered into an ufeful engine to advance the 
 power and prerogative of the crown, or to gratify 
 the ambition and avarice of the hierarchy. 
 
 II. It is at leafl in words agreed, that the church 
 of Chrift " is built on the foundation of the apoftles 
 and prophets, Jefus Chrift himfelf being the chief 
 corncr-ftone.*' The facred writings contain the 
 plan of all her doctrines, worfhip and order, with a 
 degree of precilion proportionate to the importance 
 of God's gracious defign in her erection. 
 
 But national churches, as fuch, are built on a 
 very different foundation. In Italy, the church, 
 reprefented as a great whore, fitteth upon a fcarlet- 
 
 L 2 coloured 
 
[ 84 ] 
 
 coloured bead, full of names of blafphemy, having 
 feven heads and ten horns. In England, the na- 
 tional church is built on the foundation of the lords 
 and commons, affembled in parliament; his majefty 
 the fupreme head, being the chief corner-ftonc. 
 The truth cannot be difguifed. Why is epifcopacy 
 the order of the church of England? Is it becaufe 
 that order is built on the foundation of the apoftles? 
 Pretences afide. — Is it not becaufe it is thought to 
 be mofl: conducive to the political defigns of go- 
 vernment, in England? If any demur, we ailc, why 
 the fame Britiih parliament declares it to be their 
 fovereign will and pleafure that the national church 
 on the North fide of Tweed fhould be of the prefby- 
 terian form? Did Chrift, or any of his apoftles 
 leave it on record, that the fafliion of the church 
 in South-Britain (hould be epifcopalian, and that 
 the model of the Scotch church fhould be prefby- 
 terian? Has Chrift appointed a diftind: model for 
 every country and for every clime, for every age 
 and for every political revolution in the fame age r — 
 From the whole, it feems plain, that if different 
 foundations infer a diverfity of fuperftrudures, the 
 kingdom of Chrift is different from all national 
 churches, under that formal confideration. 
 
 III. Nor is the difference lefs remarkable in regard 
 of the distin£i f^^sr^^^r^ which belong to their refpec- 
 tive members. Much more is necelfary to form the 
 refpedable chara6ler of a member of Chrift's church, 
 than is required to conftitute that of a mere man 
 of the world; who, in order to qualify himfelf 
 for fome ofhce, in the army, navy, or excife, muft 
 become a member of the national church, muft 
 approach her moft facred myfteries, and may pro- 
 fecute any miniiler who attempts to preclude him 
 
 on 
 
[ 85 ] 
 
 on account of his being guilty of the trifling fins of 
 whoredom, drankennefs and profane fwcaring. 
 
 The conftituent members of Chrift's church arc 
 credible chrifdans : Nor is the appellation applied 
 to them in the fame latitude in which it has been 
 ufed fmce the commencement of national churches. 
 They profefs their faith in Chrift, and their obedi- 
 ence to him by works as well as by words. They 
 are *' faithful in Chrift Jefus."* The infpired vo- 
 lume charaderizes them — as " living ftones which 
 are built up a fpiritual houfe ;" — as " an holy prieft- 
 hood, who offer up fpiritual facrifices to God, by 
 Jefus Chrift ;" and as '' a chofen generation, a 
 royal priefthood, an holy nation, a peculiar people, 
 to fhew forth the praifes of him, who hath called 
 them out of darknefs into his marvellous light." -j- 
 
 There is no hlftorical fad more certain than that 
 evangelical churches were originally conftitutcd of 
 fuch charaders. It is therefore plain, that the 
 charader fhould continue the fame, while we profefs 
 to adopt the fame fyftem of revelation, to acknow- 
 ledge the fame lawgiver, and to regulate our fenti- 
 ments and condud by the fame laws. 
 
 But alas, how ftriking is the contraft betweeci 
 that charader, and that of the generality of thofe 
 who are m.embers of incorporated churches ! Inftead 
 of being *' called out of the world," they become 
 members of fuch churches, in order that they may 
 be of the uorid, and may enjoy thofe emoluments 
 in church or ftate, which minifter to their avarice, 
 luxury or luft. All the fubjeds of the nation, pious 
 and profane, are legal members of the national 
 church. Should any confcientious dilTentcr fcruple 
 communion ; and fhould he plead, in order to be 
 .exempted from the civil penalties and ecclefiaftical 
 
 * Eph. i. I. j I Pet. ii. ^, 9. 
 
 cenfures. 
 
Z 86 ] 
 
 cenfures, which hang over his obnoxious head, that 
 he is no member of the incorporated fed, becaufe 
 he never gave his confent to become fuch ; — his 
 plea avails nothing. Though it be logical, it is not 
 legal. It cannot divert the thunder of excommuni- 
 cation. He is folemnly cafh out of a fociety, of 
 which he never was a member-, and he is fined, 
 confined, and at laft ruined, for the unpardonable 
 iin of being a man, and afferting the rights of hu- 
 man nature. 
 
 Nor ought it to be overlooked in this place, that 
 the members of national churches fuflain that cha- 
 racter formally as they are members of civil fociety. 
 The reafon of the afTertion is obvious. In the eye 
 of legiflature, the formal reafon of their memberlhip 
 in the national church is, its own authority ordain- 
 ing and appointing them members, under civil 
 pains. Communion, in confequence of fuch mem- 
 berfhip, is purely civil. It is the legal condition of 
 enjoying the common rights of citizens in their full 
 extent. 
 
 On a review, it is plain, that incorporated 
 churches are not according to the fcriptural model 
 of the churches of Chrift. Notwithftanding their 
 ecclefiaftical character, they are civil and political 
 focieties, as far as their conftitutions, the deligns of 
 their erection, and the formal charader of their 
 members are all confounded with thofe of civiJ 
 fociety. 
 
 CHAP- 
 
[ 87 ] 
 
 CHAP. 11. 
 
 A Proof attempted^ ' ' That Incorporations arc hurtful 
 to the Churchy 
 
 ASTONISHING is the power of prepofTefTion ! 
 It is probable that European legiilatures have 
 piouily imagined that they were doing the church 
 very important fervice, when they were moulding 
 her into an earthly kingdom, incorporating her 
 with the political conftitution, and authorizing one 
 fed of chriftians to fatten upon the fpoils of all 
 others. Nor have the bulk of chriftians been of a 
 different fentiment. Even in this age, notvvith- 
 ftanding the progrefs of liberal fentiment, an in- 
 corporation is reckoned fo eifential to the being of 
 that fociety, which would aiTume the name of a 
 church, that the hiftorian would write in a ftyle 
 abfolutely unintelligible, were he to defcribe any 
 religious fociety by that defignation, which had 
 not been, at leaft at that time, allied to the poli- 
 tical ftate of the nation. It is commonly thought, 
 that the advantages, refulting from an incorpora- 
 tion, are numerous and important. The clergy are 
 put in a ftate of independence on their ftocks ; 
 and, at the fame time, are fixed in a ftate of useful 
 dependence on government. The people are taught 
 by the fame methods to obey their fpiritual guides, 
 by which they are obliged to honour their civil 
 governors. An effectual bar is put in the way of 
 ^ all diverfity of fentiment on the fubjed: of the na- 
 tional creed, and of all diverfity of worfliip, in 
 regard to the public hturgy. In cafe of any reli- 
 gious controverfies with peeviQi diifenters, the in- 
 corporated fed is ever fure to gain the palm, even 
 
 though 
 
[-88 ] 
 
 though it fliould lofe the vidtory. And fhould 
 diirenters at any time become fonnidable, either 
 on account of their arguments^ or becaufe of their 
 numbers, the national church is always ready pre- 
 pared, and legally authorized to anlwer all their 
 arguments, and to leffen their numbers, by the ex- 
 ecution of the penal flatutes, 
 
 Notwithflanding thefe fuppofed conveniencies, a 
 proof may be attempted of the following propor- 
 tions. — " That an incorporation deftroys the effen- 
 tial chara6lers of the chriftian church :'* — " It fup- 
 plants the authority of Chrift over her :" — *' It fpoils 
 her members of their peculiar privileges :" — and 
 *' it tends to difappoint the very important defigns 
 of her ered:ion/* 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Incorporations destroy the Essential CbaraEiers of the 
 Christian Church, 
 
 A SHORT review of fome characterizing pro- 
 perties of Chrift's kingdom will fet this propo« 
 fition inajuft point of view. 
 
 I. The characler, to which the adored Redeemer 
 Jiimfelf bare witnefs befofe the Roman governor, 
 deferves to be firft confidered ; — '^ Niy kingdom is 
 NOT of this world/' * 
 
 Though this charadler be negative, it conveys as 
 pofitive an idea of that kingdom as the characters 
 of immenfity, immutability, infinity do of the Deity 
 himfelf. It is fuch a defcription as fcrves to check 
 all carnal notions concerning its objed. That it 
 
 * John xviii, 36. 
 
 differs 
 
[ 89 ] 
 
 differs in kind from every fpecies of civil fociety, 
 mixed or unmixed, is the lead that feems to be im- 
 ported by the terms. It mud therefore follow, that 
 incorporations deftroy one of the moft efTential qua- 
 lities of that kingdom. While they conflitute the 
 national church a department of the mixed political 
 fyftem, they make her what Chrift teftifies his 
 church is not. In fo far as fhe is incorporated with 
 the conftitution of civil fociety, and obtains a legal 
 monopoly of orthodoxy, tythes and titles, (he is not 
 the church of Chrift. Should even her dodirines 
 and rites be never fo pure and primitive, they be- 
 long not formally to the church of Chrift. Finis 
 dat formam. They are the dodrines and rites of 
 the ftate. When legiilature grants an incorporation, 
 it a6ls with defign, and with fuch a defign as is 
 congruous to its own nature and ends. It therefore 
 follows, that, as its ends are and can be only civil 
 and political, the religious fyftem, as the incorpo- 
 rated fyftem, can be viewed in no other light than 
 as an engine of civil policy ; and the fociety, as in- 
 corporated, can be viewed in no other point of light 
 befides that of a fociety, incorporated for civil and 
 political purpofes. 
 
 Some may be difpofed to obje6t to the propriety 
 of this reafoning; and may pleafe themfelves with 
 the thought, that notwithftanding all that hath been 
 adduced, ^* incorporations deftroy not the eflential 
 character of Chrift's kingdom, fince the kingdom 
 which is not of this world may, and does fubfift in 
 incorporated churches.*' 
 
 Though it be admitted that the true church of 
 Chrift may fublift in national churches, this docs 
 not prove that thefe, as fuch, are true churches. 
 If a nation or an empire forms itfelf into a pecu- 
 liar, mixed fpecies of fociety; governs itfelf by a 
 peculiar body of laws, adapted to the peculiarity 
 - M of 
 
C 90 ] 
 
 of its conftitution; and purfues defigns quite fo- 
 teign, or fometimes oppofite to the noble purpofes 
 for which the kingdom of Chrifl was ereded; it 
 cannot be called, without a grofs abufe of language, 
 the kingdom, which is not of this world. If the 
 deficrns of its ereLtion, the manner of its admini- 
 ftration, and the purpofes which it purfues, — be 
 political, it is fo far a civil fociety to all intents and 
 purpofes. And fuch is every national church. The 
 incorporating charter, on which fhe flands, fup- 
 pofes it. And the penal laws, annexed to it, are 
 dire6lly aimed at the true and g;enuine ^chuxch. of 
 Chrifl fecretly lurking in the nation, or perhaps in 
 her communion. Yes: they mean nothing, unlefs 
 they import, that no other church of Chrift subshtSy 
 and ought to subsist in the nation, befides that fociety 
 which is eftabl idled by law for attaining the po- 
 litical ends of civil government: and that no autho- 
 rity, human or divine, is, or ought to be acknow- 
 ledged, as obligatory on the confcience, befide 
 that which hath beftowed the incorporated charter. 
 
 Thus are men cheated out of their religion.- Re- 
 ligion confifteth not fo much in paying a regard to 
 the dodrines and laws of chriftianity, as in paying 
 that refped: formally on account of the authority of 
 Chrift alone, enjoining that refpedt as a proof of 
 cordial fubjedtion to him, as the only King of Zion, 
 who hath, or ought to have authority in his own 
 kingdom. But in all national churches, political 
 authority walks forth with folemn, awful pace, and 
 demands faith in Chrift and obedience to him, as a 
 debt due to it, as a proof of the fubjedion of the 
 confcience to its commands, and as a legal condition 
 of enjoying the common rights of men and citizens. 
 Its language is, '' To you it is commanded, O na- 
 tions, people and languages, that at what time ye 
 hear the found of the ftate mufic, and the thunder 
 
 of 
 
[ 91 ] 
 
 of the executive powers, ye fall down and worQiip 
 the golden image which legiflature hath fet npf* 
 
 Mean time, what the chriftian church gains of 
 worldly grandeur, by incorporations, (he lofeth of 
 fpiritual glory. Though the mofl exadl uniformity 
 fliould prevail; though the mod pundual obedience 
 fhould be yielded to the eftabUQied fyftem ; yea, 
 though // were altogether unadulterated; yet there 
 is no visible test, by which it can be known to men, 
 whether the authority of Chrift, or of legiflature 
 contributes moil to this uniformity; — whether fuch 
 an ecclefiaftical nation is a fociety of idolaters and 
 hypocrites, or of chritlians and faints. True chrif- 
 tians, in fuch a fociety, are like the feven thoufand. 
 in the days of Elijah. They pay an invisible ^ though, 
 lincere regard to the authority of Chrift, amidfi: a 
 countlefs crowd of idolaters, who, while profeffing 
 the fame faith, and pradlifing the fame modes of 
 worfhip, are vifibly bowing the knee to civil autho- 
 rity alone. 
 
 II Spirituality is another effential property of 
 Chriil's kingdom. This property m.ay be juftly in- 
 ferred from the former. As it is not of this v/orld, 
 it muft be spiritual and heavenly. 
 
 That the proof may be full, that this charadter 
 of the chriftian church is overthrown by incorpo- 
 rations, we mud lay it down in various points of 
 view. The church may be confidered, — in her re- 
 lation to her divine Head and Lawgiver;— ^n regard 
 of her conftituent members; — as Qie is governed by 
 her own peculiar laws;— And as (he is conflituted to 
 anfwer ends, wholly foreign to thefe of civil fociety. 
 
 I. As the chriftian church ftands related to the 
 Mediatorial character of Chrift, which is wholly 
 fpiritual, Ihe alfo muft be charaderized by the fame 
 property. It requires no extraordinary degree of 
 
 M 2 penetration, 
 
C 9^ ] 
 
 penetration, to perceive from the nature of Ch rift's 
 charadler, that he is not invefted with it, that he 
 may be qualified to govern an earthly kingdom, 
 either by the exertion of his own authority, or by 
 that of his fubftitutes. 
 
 It hath been proved already, that chriftian 
 churches are formally diftindl from incorporated 
 churches ; and that thefe laft, however they may be 
 denominated, through the abufe of language, are, as 
 fuch, focieties purely political. It follows therefore, 
 that, if Chrift have no other kingdom, he mud ei- 
 ther renounce his spiritual character, or abdicate his 
 political kingdom. There is no medium. His Medi- 
 atorial offices, calculated for fpiritual and heavenly 
 purpofes only, are infinitely dilproportionate to 
 the nature and purpofes of incorporated churches, 
 viewed as political focieties. Were it true what 
 incorporations fuppofe, that Chrift hath no other 
 church in the nation, befide the incorporated fociety, 
 the confequences would be (hocking. The wifdom 
 of God in invefting Chrift with royal, fpiritual titles 
 muft be accounted folly : as the Mediator's offices 
 have no vifible correlates, they muft be abfolutely 
 unneceflary : and as every government makes it cri- 
 minal by the penal laws, conneded with the aft of 
 incorporation, to acknowledge any other church, as 
 a true church of Chrift, befides the national church, 
 which, by its incorporation, becomes a political 
 fociety; Chrift is robbed of his kingdom, in every 
 nation where incorporations takes place; and at the 
 fame time, and by the fame rafh interference of 
 civil authority, his kingdom is divefted of one of its 
 chief excellencies. 
 
 2. The fpiritual charadter of all Chrift's fubje61:s 
 infers the fpirituality of his kingdom. They, as 
 fubjecls of that kingdom, are " not of the world.'* 
 It is true, they are members of civil fociety : but in 
 
 their 
 
C 93 ] 
 
 their religious charadler, and as related to the church 
 of Chrift, they are not to be viewed as combining 
 in civil affociation, and as profecuting its peculiar 
 deligns. They are viewed as credible saints, called 
 to fellowfliip with Chrift, and with one another in 
 a peculiar kind of fociety, wholly diftind from civil 
 alfociation. Whatever fome eminent perfons may 
 have written in fivour of promifcuoiis admiflion to 
 communion, it feems plain that this is the charader 
 of all fuch as ought to be admitted to the chriftian 
 myfteries. Can any indeed be accounted members 
 of any free fociety, who refufe to obey its laws, and 
 conform to its maxims? Can thofe be accounted the 
 fubjeds of Chrift, who vihbly contemn his authority; 
 openly bid defiance to his laws; and pra6lically de- 
 clare, that they neither know the Lord, nor will 
 obey his voice ? 
 
 Incorporations deftroy the fpirituality of Chrift's 
 kingdom, while they fecularize the charader of its 
 fubjeds. The members of national churches, in- 
 flead of being called out of the world, are no other 
 than the men of the world. Every national church 
 confiders all the fubjeds of the prince as her mem- 
 bers de jure':, and, on that principle, claims a civil 
 right to excommunicate thofe, who, de fuFto, were 
 never of her communion. The fame law of necefiity, 
 which obliges them to be members of the common- 
 wealth, conftitutes them members of the church. 
 Thus, their religious charader is fwallowed up in 
 their political relation to civil authority. They have 
 but one charader. They are, in every reiped, fub- 
 jed to political authority, prefiding over both de- 
 partments of the heterogeneous conftitution. How 
 different is the charader of Chrift's fubje^ts ! They 
 are " called to be faints;'* They are not born fuch. 
 They are " a willing people ;"" not prefled into 
 Chrift's feryice. They are " redeemed out of every 
 
 kindred, 
 
[ 94 1 
 
 kindred^ tribe and nation-;" not every one of every 
 nation. 
 
 From this contrail, it appears, that as far as 
 incorporated churches fecularize the charader of 
 their members, thev are not thefe focieties to which 
 as fuch, the fpiritnal charadler of the Redeemer 
 bears the moft diftant analogy. 
 
 Nor is this the only branch of the chriftian's cha- 
 ra6ler v.-hich incorporations tend to annihilate. 
 The fubjedls of Chrift's kingdom, having dedicated 
 themfelves, to their divine Lawgiver, profefs a refolu- 
 tion to facrifice every earthly intereft to their 
 loyalty. " Raifed up together with Chrift/' they 
 profefs '^ to feek thofe things which are above/* 
 where He fits enthroned on the rio;ht-hand of God. 
 Renewed in the fpirit of their minds, they *' fet 
 their afre(fi:ion on things above," and not on earthly 
 objedls. How ruining to this temper are incorpo- 
 rations! By them, eveiy man is entitled to the 
 character of a good fubjecl, and of a good chriftian, 
 (churchman) in proportion as he falls out with his 
 own confcience, by contemning the authority of 
 Chrift in thofe dodrines and inftitutions, which 
 legifxature may have thought proper to difcard, or 
 to adulterate in the incorporated fyftem. lliey are 
 legally accounted good chriftians, in proportion as 
 their hearts are warmly engaged in the purfuits of 
 ambition, and are refolved to facrifice every object 
 that is facredj at the flirines of conformity and pre- 
 ferment. 
 
 There is notlnng more obvious from experfence 
 than that incorporations tend to make this character 
 Univerfal. Should it even be fuppoit^d that the 
 national fyfcem is agreeable to the lentiments of 
 conforuiifts; yet thele, exempted from the crofs, 
 tempted by the charnis of eafe and affluence, and 
 feduv.ed from the difagree able paths of mortification 
 
 and 
 
C 95 ] 
 
 and animated piety; become carnal, fenfual, and a 
 reproach to the chrifcian profeffion. On the other 
 hand, the baits of riches, honours and preferments^ 
 and the horrois of difgrace, poverty and ruin, are 
 held up to allure, or to affright the fcrupulous to 
 purchcife the faQiionable and lucrative charader of 
 good churchmen at the ex pence of their chriftianity. 
 When national churches are generally conftituted of 
 fuch members, are they not carnal and worldly ? Is 
 not their fpiritual character, as parts of Chrifl's fpi- 
 ritual kingdom, in a great meafure annihilated? If 
 the chriftian church were made up of fuch focieties 
 only, as her component parts, no man could believe 
 her to be that fociety which our Lord intended to 
 defcribe, when he faid, '' My kingdom is not of 
 this world." Yet incorporations make it penal to 
 acknowledge any other churches on earth ! 
 
 3. The nature of thofe laws by which the king- 
 dom of Chrift is governed ferves to demonftrate the 
 fpiritual ity of that kingdom. Such as the laws of 
 any fociety are, fuch are the nature and charader 
 of that fociety. Laws cannot anfvver their end, if 
 there be no political fitnefs in them to the nature of 
 the fociety, to the general character of its memcers, 
 and to the peculiar defigns of its inlticution. But 
 who knows not that the laws of Chrift's kingdom 
 are entirely fpiritual? To fuppofe, therefore, that 
 the church is capable of being governed by civil or 
 ftatute law, would at once impeach the wifdom of 
 her Lawgiver, and annihilate one of her effential 
 charadters. 
 
 All this is more than fuppofed in national 
 churches. A certain feci obtains a precluding in- 
 corporation. A peculiar creed is authorized. A 
 certain liturgy is canonized. By what authority ? 
 Is it not by that of legiilature? Muft not then thofe 
 doclrines and modes of worfhip, whicli receive the 
 
 form 
 
[ 96 ] 
 
 form and force of law from the national leglflature, 
 be viewed by them, and all the world, as statute 
 laivf And fincc civil leo-iHnture cannot leo^jflate for 
 any fociety but what is civil, and of which it is the 
 proper reprefenrative ; does it not follow, that legi- 
 slature, when legiilatlng for the national church, 
 in legitimating her creed and ritual, confiders her 
 merely as a civil fociety, and as a fociety of which 
 it is the proper reprefentative, and in which, on that 
 account, it has a right of civil legiflation ? If all 
 thisbejuft, is it not plain, that the inftitutions of 
 chriftianity, as they are bound upon incorporated 
 churches, by civil authority, arc no longer fpiritual, 
 but are ftatute law ; that thefe churches are conii- 
 dered by legillature in no other point of view than 
 in that of civil focieties ; and that if Chrift have 
 no other kingdom on earth befides thefe, he hath 
 none at all, whidi anfwers to his own defcription 
 of it? 
 
 It is in vain to reply, " that though the inftitu- 
 tions of chriftianity, as they are enforced by civil 
 authority, may be viewed as ftatute law ; yet, being 
 ftill divine inftitutions, they may, and ought to bind 
 the confciences of all chriftians, as the inftitutions 
 of the chriftian lawgiver. True! but the objection 
 implies an acknowledgment of the juftice and pro- 
 priety of the above reafoning. And if fo, then 
 Chrift can have no kingdom at all that correfponds 
 to the defcription which he himfclf gives of it. Not 
 that which is the obje(51: of civil legiflation, becaufe 
 it is conceded, that this is civil and of thh world. 
 Nor any other, in the eye of the law; both becaufe 
 government refufes to acknowledge any other befides 
 that which it eftablilhes by a precluding incorpora- 
 tion; and becaufe the penal ftatutes, annexed to 
 the a(^ of incorporation, neceffarily imply a denial 
 that there /V, or ought to be an acknowledgment of 
 
 any 
 
[ 97 ] 
 
 any other church of Chrift in exiflence, within the 
 limits of the legiilature*s influence and authority. 
 
 Befides, it is denied, that the pecuhar doctrines 
 and inftitutions of Chrift can become the matter of 
 flatute law to any fociety whatever, over which civil 
 legiflature hath a right of legillation. They have 
 no affinity with, the law of nature, which, being 
 alone univerfal, is, according to its various appli- 
 cations, the only ftandard of civil a6lions, and the 
 only univerfal rule in the difpenfing of civil rewards 
 and punilhments. As thefe doftrines and inftitutions 
 have an immediate and primary refpecft to the un- 
 derftanding and the confcience, which arc necelTarily 
 exempted from all human, not to fay civil jurif- 
 di6tion, and are fubjed: to God only ; they cannot 
 become matter of ftatute law, nor be enforced by 
 civil authority, appearing with even all its attend- 
 ing lures and chains. The confcience is naturally 
 incapable of feeling the force of human, authority, 
 or even the pains of penal ftatutes. 
 
 4. The fpiritual purpofes for which the king- 
 dom of Chrift was erected, ferve to demonftrate its 
 fpirituality. If the defigns of ere6ling incorporated 
 churches be foreign and oppofite to thofe for which 
 Chrift eredled his kingdom, it will follow, that in- 
 corporations, in fo far as they fubvert the ends of 
 the erection of Chrift's kingdom, dcftroy its fpiri- 
 tuality. A contraft of thefe deligns will fet the 
 fubjed: in a proper point of view. 
 
 I'he purpofe of Chrift in the erection of his church 
 was, that in and by ordinances of his ow^n inftitution 
 only, in her, the adored perfons and perfections of 
 the Godhead might be illuftrioufly difplayed, and 
 for ever glorified in the final falvation of all, who, by 
 a divine faith, approve, receive and fubmit to him as 
 their compleat Saviour. 
 
 But is this^ or any thing analogous to this, the 
 
 N delign 
 
[ 98 J 
 
 defign of ereding incorporated churches? Is it not 
 rather, that the incorporated feet may legally arro- 
 gate to itlelf the pompous title of the church ; that 
 its public teachers may enjoy all thofe dignities, pre- 
 ferments and riches, which legiflature hath pinned to 
 the national profeffion ; and that its laity alone may 
 legally poflefs an exclufive title to every ftation of 
 honour, profit and eafe in the civil branch of the 
 mixed adminiftration ? Whatever may have been, in 
 fome ages, the pious defign of fome legiflatures, the 
 uniform hiftory of incorporations proves, that this 
 has been their ultimate aim and conftant refult. It 
 follows, therefore, that as the fpiritual defign of that 
 foclety is exchanged for thofe which are entirely at 
 war with chriftianity, and plainly inconfiftent with 
 the laws of judlce and natural equity ; if the pre- 
 cluding incorporation imply that the national church 
 is the only church to be acknowledged in the nation, 
 it imports, at the fame time, that Chrifl hath no 
 church at all within its boundaries. 
 
 III. Another efTential quality of Chrift's kingdom, 
 to which incorporations are hoftile, is, its immediate 
 PEPENDENCE on the authority of Chrift alone. Chri- 
 flian churches are built on his perfon, as their only 
 foundation; are related to him, as their fpiritual So- 
 vereign; and are accountable to him, as their final 
 Judge. They fing, '' The Lord is our Judge, the 
 Lord is our Lawgiver, the Lord is our King, he will 
 fave us." * 
 
 Though this principle be generally acknowledged, 
 yet incorporations overthrow it. They create a civil 
 relation between legiflature and the members of 
 national churches, as luch, which fubverts the rela- 
 tion between Chrift and them, as members of his 
 church. Let it be fuppofed that the national church 
 
 * Ifa. xxxiii. 32* 
 
 is 
 
[ 99 1- 
 
 is the moil orthodox on earth ; yet the penal laws, 
 infeparahle from the a6t of incorporation, fup plant 
 the authority of Chrift, and make the conformity of 
 church-members to the national fyflem, visibly to 
 hang on the authority of leglilature. I fay, visibly^ 
 for though charity may fuppofe that they are fmcerely 
 attached, their conformity is no proof that they are 
 fo. It does not glorify God. It only glorifies the 
 mighty power of legiflature. True chriftians aft, 
 in all religious concerns, folely from a fenfe of the 
 divine authority. And if this be the cafe, where is 
 the neceflity of legiilatire's interference ? Could any 
 human law, armed with tortures and all the terrors 
 of death, have made the apoftle Paul a more ortho- 
 dox behever of the dodrines he taught ? All truth 
 mud ftand upon evidence ; not upon httman autho- 
 rity. And, if evidence has already procured the 
 aflent of the underilanding, the authority of all the 
 leg-iflatures on earth cannot add a g;riin to its effe6t 
 OQ the mind. Would an ad of parliament have made 
 Sir Ifaac Newton a more confirmed believer of his 
 own demonftrations ? It will be anfwered, no : " But 
 fuch laws influence the conformity of ihofe who have 
 no fenfe of Chrift's authority." But we may afk — 
 May not thefe laws alio greatly injure thofe, who, 
 becaufe they have the mofh tender fenfe of Chrifh's 
 authority, dare not conform ? Befides, are thefe po- 
 litical conformlfts made chriftians? Are they not 
 made vile hypocrites ? Such policy is a mod wonderful 
 effort to make every man's religion independent of 
 his underfianding, of his will, of his confcience, of 
 himfelf, and as convenient to him as his cloak. It 
 is an attempt to put the human fpecies on a level 
 with baboons; and to increafe the number of their 
 
 more irrational and mifchievous brethren, the 
 
 atheifts ! 
 
 N 2 IV. Once 
 
[ 100 ] 
 
 IV. Once more; incorporations tend to deftroy 
 the unity of the church, to circumfcribe her catho- 
 licism, and to hurt her identity, 
 
 I . Scripture bears ample teftimony to the unity 
 of the church : and experience bears no lefs ample 
 witnefs, that incorporations are very hoftile to it. 
 This will fully appear, when it is conlidered in what 
 her unity conlifteth. 
 
 The unanimous concurrence of church-members, 
 in the profeflion of their faith, enters into the idea 
 of her unity. 
 
 Though the chriftian faith hath been fixed in fcrip- 
 ture, with a degree of precifion, which fhould have 
 exempted it from corruption, yet how is it varied, 
 diftorted, mangled and adulterated in almoft all 
 national churches ! and how much more among them 
 all ! Chrifllans, according to the country in which 
 they were born, and the nature of its political con- 
 flitution, are forcibly divided into political, fchifma- 
 tical iecls, every one of which has a faith, ftamped 
 like the coin of the country, with the image of that 
 authority, which gives it its national currency. Their 
 faith is not the faith of the church catholic. To 
 every national creed, legiflature ever finds it poli- 
 tically neceflary to add, or caufe to be added, fome 
 diicriminating Ihibboleth, from which the incorpo- 
 rated faith derives a charaEieristical speciality^ by 
 which it is not only politically differenced from the 
 ONE common faith of the univerfal church, but alfo, 
 in like manner, from fimilar differencing notas in 
 other incorporated churches. Thus, the dialedt of 
 the firft fchifmatics is revived and perpetuated. One 
 faith, I am of the church of England ; another, I am 
 of the church of Scotland; another, I am of the 
 
 church of France, &c. If you afk, why? It is 
 
 anfwered, they breathe in thefe countries ; and unlefs 
 they were willing to forfeit their civil rights, perhaps 
 
 their 
 
[ loi ] 
 
 their lives, they mufl profefs themfelves members of 
 thefe churches. 
 
 Farther, the unity of the church confifts in a 
 voluntary and harmonious regard among their mem- 
 bers to the inflitutions of Chrift. Inftead of being 
 made the fubjedts of Chrift by the iron hand of 
 lecular authority, they are drawn by the filken 
 cords of gratitude. Actuated by the fame principle, 
 governed by the fame laws, and prompted by the 
 fame motives, they purfue the fame fpiritual defigns, 
 with a degree of unanimity which ihevvs that they 
 are under the influence of one Spirit. 
 
 No room feems left for any part of this defcription 
 in incorporated churches. At the time when the 
 incorporation is to be made, legiflature calls a fynod ; 
 commands it to fit till it Ihall have framed a number 
 of canons, fufficient to anfwer the ends of the 
 interefted, and to cramp the liberty and enflave the 
 confciences of chriftians ; and finally appoints the 
 ghoftly alTembly to prefer this their book of canons 
 for a parliamentary revifal. It is correded and ap- 
 proved. And now it is the only ftandard of religious 
 uniformity. Thus, inftead of an unity and unifor- 
 mity founded on a joint fenfe of Chrift's fupreme 
 authority, a political likenefs, unallied to union, is 
 eftabliflied and enforced by the fear of the magi- 
 ftrate's fvvord, which, concerning objedls of this kind, 
 he feldom bears in vain. 
 
 Nor is it lefs plain that incorporations deftroy the 
 union of churches. This muft be the cafe, while 
 there are more national churches than one on the 
 earth. The rule of uniformity differs in every nation 
 from that of all others. It becomes therefore impol- 
 fible, that the union of churches can fubfift. The 
 minifters of the church of Scodand are no minifters 
 in the eye of the church of England, becaufe their 
 ordination is not epifcopal, agreeable to the incor- 
 porated 
 
C 102 ] 
 
 porated canons of that church. Nay the Scotch arc 
 no '.hriftiap'^ ii; !^ngland, becaufe, happening to 
 hav.. be-vii baptized by nTpiltess, who are no nnni- 
 flers in ile eye of the Engliih bo k c^' canons, 
 their baptiim is not Cfnonical^ and confequen'ly not 
 valid ! 
 
 We muil" nor fo rp-et the true fnrinor of confent in 
 the faiih, and hariLony of vvorlliip- It is the '' unity- 
 of the Spirit."* Endi cd with the fame holy diipoli- 
 tions, " chriftians walk by the fame rule, and they- 
 mmd the fame things '*'f* 
 
 But incorporations fuperfede the unity of the 
 Spirit. A conftrained conjun6tion of men, actuated 
 by the rnofl: oppofue fprings of action, is accounted 
 ecclef]ai1:ical unity. It is of no importance to legi- 
 flature, whether they be adtuated by the Spirit of 
 God, or influenced by die devib Hence, in fuch 
 focieties, it is not lefs common than fnocking to fee 
 whoremongers, drunkards, extortioners and — faints 
 — all good, legal chriftians, approaching the awful 
 myfteries, and profeiiing, at that facred table, that 
 they are one body^ and one bread! Can that be 
 accounted the ^'' unity of the Spirit" where the fons 
 of God and the children of Belial are violently driven 
 together, by the fv/ord of the magiftrate, into church 
 communion, and are legally authorized to prophane 
 the moft trem.endoi.s myfteries 1 
 
 2. The CATHOLICISM of the church is not in lefs 
 danger from incorporations than her unity. 
 
 Whatever caufe is capable of crumbling the 
 church into independent pieces, militates againft that 
 article of the ancient creed, " I believe the holy 
 catholic church." Incorporations, by authorizing 
 national fhibboleths, make every national church an 
 independent part, which can have no communion 
 with other parts of the fame body. Incorporations 
 * I Cor, xii. 13. f Philip iii. 16. 
 
 imply 
 
[ 103 ] 
 
 imply that no other chnrch is, or ought to he 
 acknowlegded hy its members. GolcU the moment 
 it receives the (lamp of any country upon it, is no 
 more of univerfal currency. In other countries, it 
 is eftimated only at its intrinfic worth. Had the Ju- 
 d?-izing teachers fucceeded in their defign of makmg 
 circumciiion the test to Gentile converts of their 
 becoming members of their commonwealth, the 
 chriftian church, however extenfive flie might have 
 been, infhtad of being catholic, muft have been 
 entirely national and particular. The cafe is fimilar 
 in all national chuixhes. They ceafe to be parts of 
 the one catholic church, fmce their incorporations, 
 eftablifliing their refpedive fliibboleths, oblige the 
 members of all, refpedively, to renounce the com- 
 munion of each other, and to hold their own church 
 as the only church of Chrift with which they legally 
 can have communion on earth. It follows, therefore, 
 bv the juftefh confequence, that fmce this is the cafe 
 of all incorporated churches, if thefe be the only 
 churches of Chrift, there is no fuch fociety as the one 
 catholic church upon earth. 
 
 Some may alledge, *' that feeing different 
 churches, even in the primitive ages, had different 
 ufages, the chriilian church was never univerfal in 
 the above fenfe." We anfwer, they had different 
 cuftoms, and even different fentiments about fome 
 things ; but did any of thefe primitive focieties make 
 their peculiar cuftoms and fentiments dividing tests 
 of fchifmatical parties? If any did, they ftood re- 
 proved, — '* Who art thou that judgeft another man's 
 fervant ? To his own Mafler he ftandeth or falleth. 
 Let us not judge one another; but judge this rather 
 that no man put a (lumbling block in his brother's 
 way.*' * Chriftians, in thefe early ages, had no 
 temptation to incur that reproof to which incorpo- 
 
 * Rom. xiv. 4, 13. 
 
 rations 
 
[ 104 ] 
 
 rations have expofed their intereded and fchifmatical 
 votaries. — Laudable, efpecially inftituted cuftoms 
 are to be maintained; truth, at all hazards, muft 
 be avowed; but neither is it to be impofed. Sepa- 
 ration from any church is never lawful till fhe 
 becomes an impofmg fociety, with whom commu- 
 nion cannot be maintained without falling out with 
 confcience. And in this cafe, the feparatifl: is no 
 fchifmatic. He only feparates from a fociety, become 
 fchifmatical by tyrannic inipofition, that he may 
 cleave to fuch churches, as keep the unity of the 
 Spirit in the bond of peace, and hold themfelves 
 parts of the catholic church, by frankly and faith- 
 fully avowing what they believe to be truth, without 
 daring to impofe their creed, or ritual, on other 
 churches, or any new dodirine, or rite, on their own 
 members. Were incorporations annihilated, im- 
 pofitions would in a great meafure ceafe; fchifni 
 would be much more rare; and lawful feparation, 
 of courfe, could fcarce ever exift. Chriftians would 
 then fee the propriety and univerfal applicability of 
 that infpired canon, " Whereunto we have already 
 attained, let us walk by the fame rule, let us mind 
 the fame things : and if in any thing ye be othervvife 
 minded, God (hall reveal even this unro you." * 
 
 3. Incorporations are not lefs hurtful to the 
 IDENTITY of the church than to her unity and 
 catholicifm. 
 
 It is plain from the fcriptures, that the gofpel 
 church-ftate is abfolutely invariable. It is " a king- 
 dom which cannot be moved." It is fuperior to the 
 influence of fublunary caufes. It leans " on the 
 Rock of ages," and its " foundations are in the holy 
 mountains." Its order and mode of adminiftration 
 are immutable as the Divine Perfon who has fixed 
 them, and on whofe (boulder the government is 
 * Philip, iii, 15, 16. 
 
 laid. 
 
[ 105 ] 
 
 laid. Men have in vain drained every nerve to 
 change them. They are fo congenial to the nature 
 of the church, that no other order and mode of 
 government can fuit it. When any other have been 
 attempted, a correfponding change on the charai^ers 
 of the members of the church behoved to be intro- 
 duced, in order that they might become^/ objeds 
 for them. The church behoved to be fecularized ; 
 and her members confidered upon a level with thofe 
 of fociety, purely civil. It is impoflible that the 
 church can fubmit unto any other mode of govern- 
 ment, in her own real charadcr. She muft borrow 
 one. She mud become a civil and fecular fociety in 
 order to be governed by regulations which originate 
 only from civil legiflature. 
 
 It is hence eafy to fee how incorporations hurt the 
 famenefsof the church. From the moment a church 
 is allied and blended with the conftitution of a 
 nation, (he becomes fubjecl to all the confufions and 
 convulfions of that nation. Every alteration in the 
 mode of civil government introduces a proportion- 
 able change in the mode of governing the church 
 incorporated with the conftitution. What ftrange 
 alterations has the kingdom of Chrift, or what is 
 prefumed to be fuch, undergone from the policy or 
 caprice of princes ! May we not make afhrewd guefs 
 concerning the fyftem of politics, or the peculiar 
 humour of any prince, from the mode of woilhip, 
 or the form of ecclefiaftical government, which he 
 chufed to introduce into the incorporated church ? 
 Who fees not the gay^ the haughty and the politic 
 queen in the hierarchy and the liturgy of queen 
 Elizabeth P Who, at firft view, is not fenfible of the 
 weaknefs and caprice of James I. in the religious 
 changes which he attempted in his guck kingdom of 
 Scotland ? Who can be ignorant of the reigning 
 politics in Charles the I. court, when he confi^ers 
 
 O the 
 
[ io6 ] 
 
 the ecclefiaflical alterations which he intended > 
 Even in one fliiort reign, the contrary humours of 
 one prince have been expofed to view in the incor- 
 porated church. In the fir ft years of queen Jmi's 
 reign, every thing in the Britifli churches wore the 
 face of liberty ; but in the latter part of the fame 
 reign, all know how much the complex conftitution 
 of church and flate was changed. And had not 
 divine providence, ever watchful over the intereils 
 of Great Britain, put a furprifing ftop to the exe- 
 cution of fome defigns, none can tell how far the 
 proteftant interefh might have been hurt, and the 
 proteftant fucceffion, in the prefent illuftrious royal 
 family, been prevented, by the folly and caprice of 
 one woman. 
 
 Can it be imagined, that focieties, necefTarily 
 fubjedt to fuch conftant change, are that kingdom 
 which cannot be moved ? It is impofiible. The mo- 
 del of that kingdom is fixed for ever, and fuperior 
 to change. Ihe defpifed few, both within and 
 without the pale of national churches, who, in 
 every age, and in every nation, without regard to 
 the refcripts of emperors, and the fovereign man- 
 dates of mighty monarchs, have realized the autho- 
 rity of Chrift in the important dodlrines and plain 
 inllitutions of chriftianity, and have walked together 
 in a voluntary and harmonious regard to them, in 
 their feveral churches; — are juftly intitled to the 
 exclufive character of fubjcds in Chrift's kingdom ; 
 and conftitute that church againft which the gates 
 of hell (hall never finally prevail. 
 
 SECT. 
 
[ ^07 ] 
 
 SECT. IL 
 
 In corpora I io72s tend to supplant the Authority of Christy 
 in National Churches. 
 
 T T cannot be confidently controverted among 
 proteflants, *' that Chrifl is the only Sovereign 
 in his own kingdom.'* The Father hath fet him 
 on his holy hill of Zion ; and all her daughters fhout 
 their cordial Amen — " The Lord is our Judge, the 
 Lord is our Lawgiver, the Lord is our King ; he 
 will fave us.'* 
 
 Meanwhile, incorporations are hoftile to the regal 
 office of Chrift, while they fupplant this authority in 
 his own kingdoQi. In incorporated churches, civil 
 authority boldly fteps forth and alTumes the defpotic 
 control and direction of the underftandinors and 
 confciences of their members. This cannot be at- 
 tempted without a dired: invafion of the Redeemer's 
 prerogatives. Why have proteflants applied the 
 title of antichrift to the Bifliop of Rome ? Is it not 
 becaufe, by his affaming the dlredlion of the con- 
 fcience, he, as God, fitceth in the temple of God, 
 fhewing himfelf that he is God ? Is not confcience 
 the proper feat of Go4's authority ? And can any 
 legiilature, whether at Rome or at London, alTume 
 the diredlion and control of that power, facred to 
 God alone, without ufurping upon the prerogative 
 of the Almighty, and entailing on itfelf the guilt of 
 *' oppofmg and exalting itfelf above all that is called 
 God, or is worfhipped." 
 
 When legiilature incorporates any creed, making 
 It criminal, and of confequence punifhable in any 
 fubjecl not to profefs it before both God and man, 
 as his creed ; it mud view itfelf either as fallible, 
 
 O 2 or 
 
[ loS ] 
 
 or as infallible. Though all dominion over the 
 confcience muft be founded on a fuppofition that 
 he who claims it is infallible ; yet no civil legillature 
 has ever direEily arrogated that extraordinary gift ; 
 and every proteftant legiflature, from a juft abhor- 
 rence of popiQi arrogance, openly difclaims it. How 
 inconfiftent, therefore, muft it be, for any proteftant 
 legiflature, difclaiming infallibility, to dictate to the 
 underftandings and control the confciences of all its 
 fubjefts ? 1 hefe powers are the eyes of human na- 
 ture. Incorporations are an attempt to extinguifh 
 them. They cannot be controuled by fallible autho- 
 rity. The arrogant claims of a Roman pontiif are 
 not fo inconfiftent as thefe of a civil legislature, own- 
 ing itfelf to be fallible, yet adting as if it were infal- 
 lible, by didating articles of faith, to millions of their 
 fellow creatures. The pretended vicar of Chrift, af- 
 firms that he hath both an authentic commiffion, and 
 proper qualifications for an univerfal di6lator. He 
 is the vicegerent of Chrift, and altogether infallible. 
 But proteftant legiflatures frankly acknowledge, that 
 they are neither ; and yet they arrogate a right toa6V, 
 as if thev were both ! 
 
 If civil legiflatures can pretend to no commlflion, 
 nor any qualifications front Chrift, to legiftate for 
 the underftandings and confciences of his fubjedls; 
 it does not appear, that ever civil fociety could in- 
 veft them with any fuch pcfwers. By what original 
 contract, explicit or virtual, did civil fociety confer 
 them ? Is it to be imagined that rational and ac- 
 countable creatures, uniting in fociety for the ex- 
 prefs purpofe of more efTeclunlly fecuring their rights 
 and liberties, could, without the moft grofs im.pietjr, 
 make a prcfent of their underftandings and con- 
 id en ces to their civil gov-ernors ; could put off, at 
 ple.ifure, and with impunity, the chief charadte- 
 riftics of human nature; and, renouncing thofe very 
 
 rights 
 
[ 109 ] 
 
 rights and liberties, which they had propofed to put 
 under a guard, by entering into fociety, affociate 
 themielves with the browfing herds, by giving up 
 their moral nature, with all of man but the human 
 fliape ? If not ; what right hath civil government to 
 aliume what never was, and never could be, ceded 
 
 to it ? Is it not hence plain, that incorporations 
 
 lupercede the authority of Chrift in the confcience; 
 and are founded on an ailumption of power, neither 
 granted by God, nor ceded by fociety ? 
 
 There is no room to object, " that this reafoning, 
 by proving too much, proves nothing : that it im- 
 plies, that legiilatures ought not to inforce, by civil 
 pains, the obfervation of moral precepts, letl the 
 authority of God in them fhould befupplanted : and 
 that, therefore, it is hoilile to all order and equity in 
 fociety." 
 
 It is anfwered, that none of thefe confequences 
 follow. There is a vaft difference between the moral 
 government of God in the world, and the mediatorial 
 government of Chrift in his peculiar kingdom. As 
 the moral law, written in the hearts of all men, is 
 the rule of that moral government which God main- 
 tains amongr the nations, fo ma2:irl:rates are God's 
 vicegerents to execute that law. The authority or 
 every lawful magiftrate is no other befide the autho- 
 rity of the Supreme Legiflator himfelf. " Whoever 
 refifteth the power, rcfiileth the ordinance of God.'^^^ 
 But in the mediatorial kingdom, Chrift hath ap- 
 pointed no vicegerent, hath fiibftituted no vicar, 
 hath committed the reins to no creature. He is the 
 only Sovereign, and the fole legiflator in his own 
 kingdom. No magiftrate can produce letters of 
 deputation from Chrift. As he never gave a com- 
 miflion to any without grlving, at the fame time, 
 adequate qualifications for the diicharge of it ; had 
 
 * Rom. :dir. 3* 
 
 he 
 
C no ] 
 
 he beftowed any fiich deputation on earthly princes, 
 to fee and to think for his fubjeds, he would have 
 beftowed on them a gem infinitely more brilliant 
 than any that (hone in the crown of Conftantine or 
 Charlemagne. The nature of their truft would have 
 made it necellary, that most infallible (hould 
 have ftood before most potent y in the lift of royal 
 titles. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Incorporations tend to roh Church-memhers of their 
 peculiar Privileges^ 
 
 RELIGIOUS freedom is as much an unaliena- 
 ble privilege of every church-member in the 
 kingdom of Chrift, as civil liberty is the birth-right 
 of every fubject in a free ftate. Liberty to ferve 
 God, with a reasonable and willing fervice, is, in- 
 deed, the capital privilege of that fociety. To pur- 
 chafe it, her Redeemer died ; and to fecure it, he 
 took and maintains his flation '' on the right-hand 
 of the Majelly on high." All the names by which 
 the church is characterized fugged the idea of li- 
 berty, and prove that it is the rightful inheritance 
 of every perfon who has the honour of memberfliip 
 in her. She is a family; and liberty conftitutes the 
 difference between fons and slaves. She is a city, — 
 the New Jerufilem, in which every credible pro- 
 fcllbr is " a fellow citizen with the iaints." She is a 
 kingdom, the idea of which is inconfiftent with that 
 of dependence on a foreign yoke. In fine, llie is 
 the kingdom of heaven, which, as it is not of this 
 world, muft be independent of the kingdoms of it. 
 
 Let 
 
[ "I ] 
 
 Let none furmife, that chriftlan liberty is incon- 
 (iftent with loyalty. There is nothing more friendly 
 to civil fociety, to the authority of legiflatures, and 
 to all the juft rights of princes. It implies " a 
 powef to chufe jadicioufly and to obferve confcien- 
 tioufly the articles of the chriftian faith, and the 
 inftitutions of gofpel worfhip, according as they are 
 produced to view, in the holy fcriptures." A power 
 this, which is not only founded in reafon, and ne- 
 ceflarily connedted with every other diftinguifhing 
 excellence of human nature; but is eflentially oe- 
 cellary to qualify mankind for the right difcharge of 
 every duty in focial life. As the Supreme Father 
 of men has beftowed reafon and the power of moral 
 perception on them, it is abfurd to fuppofe that 
 thefe important gifts difqualify them from difcharg- 
 ing the duties of fociety; and that he hath prohibited 
 their ufe, or authorized their fellow-creatures to de- 
 bar them from exercifmg them, under pretence that 
 they are inimical to the prerogatives of princes. 
 
 Though the attempt be impiouHy rafh, yet incor- 
 porations annul that right of human nature. By a 
 legal anticipation of rational choice, every man is 
 obliged under fevere penalties, to difmifs his reafon, 
 in regard to thofe very objefts, for the inveftigation 
 and choice of which, reafon was principally given ; 
 and to acquiefce tamely in the political choice of 
 his fuperiors. This fhall be illuftrated by a few 
 inftances. 
 
 I. Incorporations preclude freedom of choice in 
 regard of church-memberlhip and communion. No- 
 thing is more plain than that churches are, or ought 
 to be free focieties. Spontaneous confent is ne- 
 cefTary to conftitute any a member in fuch focieties. 
 But church-memberfhip in national churches is in- 
 dependent of any rational and free choice. Every 
 
 fubjedt 
 
[ 112 ] 
 
 fubje6t of the flate must be a member of the national 
 church, unlefs he refolve to forego many of the 
 common privileges of fociety, and incur the penal- 
 ties annexed to the ad of incorporation. Churches, 
 fo conftituted, lofe the nature of free focieties;' and, 
 were it not for the abufe of language, — would lofe 
 the very name of churches. It is certain, that they 
 are very different from the churches of Chrift, whofe 
 members are *' a willing people in the day of the 
 Redeemer's power." 
 
 The primitive churches were fuch. No compul- 
 five means were ufed, either to drive men into their 
 communion, or to keep them in blind fubjedlion to 
 their fpiritual guides. The gofpel alone was the 
 approved mean. It was then, and ought to be 
 reckoned ftill **^ the power of God unto falvation." 
 The apoftles knew not the more expeditious arts of 
 founding churches. They did not attempt to per- 
 fuade the Romans to incorporate the chriftian re- 
 legion with the conftitution of the empire. Nay; 
 when the Jews violently fet themfelves to attempt 
 fuch an incorporation with their commonwealth, 
 the apoftles unanimoully oppofed the fcheme. Had 
 laborious Paul been as fagacious as fome of his pre- 
 tended fucceffors, how had he faved himfelf much 
 fatigue, danger and perfecution! By one slight ma- 
 noeuvre of human policy, he might have filled the 
 world with chriftian churches. No more was ne- 
 cefiary, than to have humoured his countrymen in 
 incorporating chriftianity with the political ftate of 
 the JewiQi nation, by allowing circumcifion, or 
 fome fuch rite, to be the door of admiflion to Gen- 
 tile converts, and the teft of their being one with 
 the Jewiih people. But he had not ib learned 
 Chrilt; and he knew the nature of the gofpel 
 church>ftate better than to attempt any fuch fchemes 
 of flefnly wifdom ! 
 
 II, Incorpo- 
 
[ 113 ] 
 
 IL Incorporations preclude church-members the 
 liberty of chufing the articles of their own faith and 
 the manner of their own worQiip. Though poiTefTed 
 of thinking and reflecting powers, they mud not 
 think for themfelves. Though accountable to God 
 for what they believe, as well as for what they do, 
 they are not permitted to examine the national faith, 
 for themfelves, and to rejedi thofe articles, which, 
 for want of evidence, they dare not profefs to 
 believe. Though they have the oracles of God 
 among their hands, they muft not ufe them but to 
 vouch the articles of the allied creed. They muft 
 not imitate the noble example of the Bereans, who 
 fearched the fcriptures for themfelves, and even 
 dared to try the dodrines of apoftles by them. 
 
 III. It IS not lefs plain, that incorporations deprive 
 chriftians, in national churches, of a right to chufe 
 their own teachers. A privilege this, of the greateft 
 importance to the edification of the church, and 
 nearly conneded with the honour of her divine 
 Head. If churches be free focieties, they have an 
 undoubted right to chufe their own ofiicers. To 
 deprive them, therefore, of this privilege. Is to fix 
 a mark of llavery upon them ; and to commit one 
 of the greateft ads of injuftice towards their mem- 
 bers. 
 
 But incorporations make this politically necefTary ! 
 Yes ; as foon as a church is incorporated, (lie be- 
 comes a branch of the one conftitution of church 
 and ftate. Government cannot be faithful to its 
 rruft, if it do not extend its legiflative power and 
 its political adminiftration to both branches of the 
 conftitution, if it be necefiary that government 
 fhould appoint its own officers and agents in the 
 feveral departments of the ftate, it may nominate^ 
 prefent^ and infta!, or caufe to be inftalled. If, at 
 
 P any 
 
[ 114 ] 
 
 any time. It hath yielded the reins of ecclefiaftlcal 
 adminiftration into the hands of others, it hath al- 
 ways had reafon to repent its impolitic indulgence. 
 Ever fmce the commencement of incorporations, 
 when princes permitted national chvirches to be 
 governed by men, who afpired to be independent 
 of their lawful foverelgns, under a pretence of 
 fandlity of chara(5\:er, their kingdoms have been 
 theatres of confufion, rebellion, and the mod unna- 
 tural wars. The recovery of the right of nomina- 
 tion and prefentation to ecclefiaftical benefices, and 
 of invefture, has coil the feveral fovereigns in 
 Europe, in certain periods, more blood and treafure 
 than was ever expended for the fafety of all their 
 other prerogatives. As long as incorporations fubfifl, 
 were government to remit of its vigilance about the 
 eccleliaftical branch cf the mixed conftitution, a 
 repetition of the fame tragic fcencs would foon en- 
 fue. The allurements of honour and rich emolu- 
 ments would foon draw forth Guelphs and Gibbe- 
 lines in abundance upon the European flage, and 
 Chrlftendom would once more fee their Henrys and 
 their Johns at the feet of proud ecclefiaflics. But 
 modern policy, become wife by the lelTons which 
 the twelfth and thirteenth centuries abundantly 
 afforded, is not like to fall into that error foon. 
 Government, authorized by incorporations to af- 
 certain what the church is to believe, as well as to 
 fix what taxes the fubjedt is to pay, will, in every 
 nation, conficler itfelf as equally intitled to appoint 
 the teachers of the national faiih, as well as the 
 coll': dors of the national treafure. 
 
 Thus, though Chrift hath appointed churches to 
 chufe their own officers ; though this is an efTential 
 privilege of every free fociety ; and notwithftanding 
 this privilege was claimed and enjoyed by the pri- 
 mitive churches, during near fix centuries; — it is 
 
 a pri- 
 
r 115 ] 
 
 a privilege which national churches cannot pofTcfs, 
 without throwing civil fociety into confuHon and 
 blood ; without bringing once more the dignity of 
 princes into a ftate of the mod abjed dependence 
 on the arrogance of an ambitious priefthood ; and 
 without unhinging the whole fyftem of modern po-'' 
 Jicy, in the feveral nations of Europe. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Incorporations tend to fnijlrate the Designs of God, in 
 the Ere^ion of the Christian Church. 
 
 HAVING difcourfed already, in the firft kc- 
 tion, concerning fome of thofe important 
 defigns of God, in the eredlion of his church ; we 
 fhall be more brief in the illuftration of this title. 
 Two ends only fliall be mentioned, which incorpo- 
 rations in a great degree eminently frullrate. 
 
 I. The chriftian church was ere6led, in order to 
 difplay the tranfcendent glory of Chrift^s mediato- 
 rial character, as her prophet, prieft and king ; that 
 all the ends of tl^ earth, beholding it in the glafs 
 of her dodtrines arid inftitutions, might believe on 
 it, and be faved by it. For this end flie has been 
 furprizingly preferved, as the bufn, unconfumed in 
 the midft of devouring flames. The church is '^ a 
 peculiar people, who fhew forth the virtues of him 
 who hath called them." 
 
 But when fubmiflion to the laws and inftitutions 
 C)f\Phrift is efFeded by coadion, violence, and penal- 
 laws, the divine virtues of the Redeemer's character 
 and grace are obfcured, and the rod of the Media- 
 tor's power is evidently declared to be inefFedual 
 
 V 2 for 
 
[ n6 ] 
 
 for accompli (hing its own ends. That the Mahu- 
 medan impofture could not obtain in the world by 
 its own evidence, but that it behoved to be propa- 
 gated by violence and fupported by force, is an 
 unanfwerable argument, that it is a vile lie ! and 
 that its prophet neither had a divine commiflion, 
 nor fupernatural powers to effedt its eftablifhment. 
 In full contraft fbands the chriftian religion. Sup- 
 ported by its own evidence, and recommended by 
 its own excellence, it not only gained an entrance, 
 but it maintained its ground againfl: all the fury of 
 the draeon, and a2;aintt all the united force of the 
 Roman empire. This is juftly accounted as ilrong 
 a proof of the truth of ih'c phrillian religion, as the 
 manner m which the Eaflern impofture was propa- 
 gated is of its falfhood. 
 
 But fmce the date of incorporations, when the 
 maxims of chrillian fe6\:s have been propagated for 
 chriftianity, by the fame means by which the Turkilli 
 fuperfcition triumphed, we may afk, Where is the 
 glorv of that fupernatural evidence, by which 
 chrifcianity once conquered the nations ? Where is 
 the glory of that fceptre, under which kingdoms 
 bowed vvith willino- fubmiflion ? Ichabod! It is de- 
 parted, chriftians are now fent to church by the 
 fame rough hand, which fends the muiililman to the 
 mofque. 
 
 II. Another important defign of eredling the 
 church was, that the thick fhades of mental dark- 
 nefs mighi be difpelled, by the triumphant entrance 
 of the '' day-fpring from on high." On this ac- 
 count flie is charaderized '' the pillar and ground 
 of truth ;" and her m.embers are faid to be " brought 
 out of darkncfs into his marvellous light.'* As 
 long as the chriftian fyftem continued free from the 
 fetters of an incorporation, this end was rapidly 
 gained. The (iarkaefs palled in thefe firft and 
 
 bright eft 
 
[ 117 ] 
 
 brighteft days of chrlftianity, and the true light 
 flione our in all its divine fplendour. Then, truth 
 proved its own excellep.ce, by its own evidence and 
 enrapturing beauty; and even now, fhe afks no more 
 but the removal of political obftrudlions, to procure 
 her a triumph over the darkeft regions of error and 
 fuperftition. 
 
 I fay, truth aflcs no more to procure her a tri* 
 Timph, but the removal of poHtical obfl:rud:ions; 
 and incorporations are a principal ob{lru(fVion! As 
 foon as legiflature, finding the religious fyftem of 
 fome fe6l conducive to the political defigns of go- 
 vernment, gives it an incorporation; every abfurdity, 
 every foolery, every miftake in that fyflem, obtains 
 a fafe and permanent lodgement behind the rampart 
 of the conftitution. Being part of that incorporated 
 fyftem, by which the national clergy enjoy their 
 honours and wealth, thefe errors will never want 
 zealous, becaufe interefted, advocates. Every way, 
 by which the truth and common fenfe may enter, 
 will be induftrioufly blocked up. Truth fhines in 
 ail her native charms; but it is as light fhines upon 
 a dungeon, where thick walls and iron gates pre- 
 clude its entrance. Day pours down his gladdening 
 beams ; but midnight darknefs ftill maintains her 
 fway, and fills her ebon throne. The confequences 
 are direful. Chriftians muft either ftain their con- 
 fciences with the guilt of hypocrify, while they 
 profefs to believe articles againft which their under- 
 ftandings revolt ; or they muft incur the imputation 
 of difatiedlion to government, to the conftitution, 
 and to chriftianity itfelf, together with its numerous 
 train of confequences on their perfons, eftates and 
 families. In fuch a cafe, to what ftraits muft men 
 of underftanding, integrity and fpirit, be reduced! 
 Incorporations anfwer no ends fo effectually as to 
 aifgrd a fafe retreat for error and fuperftition; to 
 
 preclude 
 
[ "8 ] 
 
 preclude the influence of truth; and to banlfli reh'- 
 gion, honefiy and every virtue out of the world. 
 Atheifts and hypocrites have the only chance to rife 
 in the church as well as in the ftate. To v/hat a 
 miferable condition muft a nation, muft a church be 
 reduced, when men of fuch a charader, or even 
 fufpe(5ted of fuch a charafter, are called forth to 
 take the helm, and to fill the chief places in the 
 temple of the living God ! 
 
 Would the European governments difengsge 
 their refpeclive political conftitutions from all im- 
 proper connections with ecclefiaftical feds; — would 
 they put it out of the power of one religious deno- 
 mination to ride down their fellow fubjedls; to fat- 
 ten upon the fpoils of their fellow -chriftians; and to 
 perfecute all who queftion their right todofo:— 
 would they clear the ftage of all political lumber, 
 that divine truth might once more look her antago- 
 nift in the face on equal terms: — would they im- 
 partially keep the peace among thofe who differ in 
 their religious fentiments: — would they religiously 
 guard every man's iife^ liberty and property, as 
 long as by his innocence, ufefulnefs and loyalty 
 he deferves it : — and would they, judging only for 
 themfelves, countenance and encourage that pro- 
 feffion of chriftianity chiefly, which appears to them 
 moft agreeable to the holy fcripturcs, and confe- 
 quently moft conducive to the welfare of fociety, 
 without allowing even thofe of that profeflion to 
 injure others, by claiming any part of their pro- 
 perty, as a reward of their own orthodoxy: — would 
 they take fuch fteps as thefe, to reform their re- 
 fpeclive conftitutions, chriftianity would appear 
 once more in all its original beauty and excellence; 
 a laudable ambition would warm every heart and 
 prompt every endeavour to excel in religion, loyalty 
 and public fpirit, and contentment would regale 
 every mind^ and fmile in every countenance. 
 
 CHAP» 
 
[ 119 ] 
 
 C H A P. V, 
 
 A brief Flew of the absurd Principles on zvhich ex" 
 elusive Establishments of Churches appear to be 
 founded, 
 
 AMONGST all the various methods of rea- 
 foning concerning political fyflems, there 
 feems to be none more fafe, than that, which conlifls 
 in an impartial and accurate inquiry into the prin- - 
 ciples on which they are founded. They are 
 ordinarily advantageous or hurtful to religious as 
 well as to civil fociety, in an exaft proportion to the 
 quantum of good or evil, of truth or falfehood, m 
 the political foundations, on which they are built. 
 Their effedls bear a good or an evil afped on the 
 rights and liberties of all ranks of men concerned 
 in them, according as the materials of thefe political 
 ftruclures are naturally more or lefs proper, to be 
 intimately combined with one another and with the 
 -foundation. 
 
 God's moral government is excellent beyond all 
 pofTible defcription. The reafon is obvious. It refts 
 on principles, which are not only congruous to the 
 feveral parts of the fyftem itfelf, but befides, are 
 naturally fit to promote, in an infallible manner, the 
 wife defigns, for which it is eftabliflied. 
 
 In like manner, fyftems of political government 
 are more or lefs perfed:, according as the principles 
 on which they reft are more or lefs agreeable to the 
 nature and defigns of civil policy. While the prin- 
 ciples and maxims of eternal equity are religiouHy 
 attended to and fuppofed in any plan of political 
 government, it is in^.poflible to luppofe that it can 
 be wrong, or that any bad confequence can relult 
 froQ:i it. On the other hand, when any fyftem of 
 
 civil 
 
[ 120 ] 
 
 Civil policy is eftablifhed, in which thefe maxims are 
 difregarded ; — in which government is not confli- 
 tuted an equal debtor to every equally well-defervmg 
 member of civil fociety; — in which the lives and 
 properties of fubjcdls are fufpended on iniquitous or 
 impossible conditions; — in which legillature puts it 
 in the power of one part of civil fociety to rob the 
 other part of their rights and liberties; — ^.it is 
 morally impofhble that it can be attended with any 
 confequences, but fuch as are, in the higheft de- 
 gree baneful to civil as well as to religious fociety. 
 Such a political fyftem is that, in which the con- 
 ftitution of the church is blended with the political 
 frame of earthly kingdoms. We have already 
 fhewn, that it is baneful to religious fociety. We 
 intend to fhew, that it is no lefs hurtful to civil 
 fociety. But before we proceed, we (hall offer to 
 view fomeof the erroneous and pernicious principles 
 on which it is founded, from which it may appear, 
 with the greater evidence, that none but the moft 
 fatal confequences can attend it. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Exclusive Establishments of Churches are built on the 
 the Principle, that the Kingdom of Christ is a So- 
 ciety of the sa^ie NATURE and PROPERTIES With' 
 the Kingdoms of this ff'^orld, 
 
 THOUGH this propofition mud appear abfurd, 
 in the higheft degree, to thofe, who have 
 confidered, without prepofleffion, the teftimony of 
 the FAITHFUL WITNESS Concerning his own 
 kingdom; it appears to be the original founda- 
 tion, on which the grand alliance between 
 
 church 
 
 ^.^- 
 
[ 12, ] 
 
 cbnrch ?.nd ftate hp.th been always built. How 
 is it polTible to conceive, that men, endued with 
 reafon and difcernment, could ever have made an 
 attempt to blend the conftitutions of focietles fo 
 infinitely diftincl, unlefs they had firft admitted its 
 truth in its fulled extent? Mixtures of every kind 
 muft be made up of diverfe ingredients, which, 
 though they may differ in fome particular qualities, 
 muft agree in fome common eflential property. No 
 abftrad:, metaphyiical notion can become a foun- 
 dation of an alliance, or of an union between 
 oppofite extremes. Though body and spirit agree in 
 the ab[tra6t generical notion of exiftence; poiielTed 
 of properties not only diftind:, but infinitely op- 
 pofite, they are intirely incapable of being blended 
 in one compounded medley. 
 
 The cafe is exadlly fimilar in regard of the king- 
 dom of Chrift, and the nations of this world. 
 Though they agree in the common and abftradt 
 ■notion of society, a mixture is impoITible, on ac- 
 count of the oppofition between their real, fpecific 
 properties. The firft is heavenly, spiritual and nn- 
 changing. The latter are earthly, secular, and 
 fubjedied to constant vicissitude. 
 
 Notwithftandino; the obvious diftindion between 
 thefe focieties, the original projedlors of the milcel- 
 laneous fyftem, not attending to the incompatibility 
 of their refpeftive charaders, muft have admitted 
 the principle of an antecedent polTibility of mixture, 
 before they could have entertained the thought, that 
 it was in their power to accompliih it. Nor have its 
 advocates in every age, founded their plea on a 
 d liferent hypothesis. Blind, or at leaft afFeding to be 
 blind, to the fpiritual charader of Chrift's kingdom; 
 the obvious foundation on which their mighty piles 
 have been built, is, that the church is {q fimilar, 
 and naturally fo nearly allied to the ftate, that it is 
 
 Q^ abfurd 
 
[ 122 ] 
 
 abfurd and fanatical to fuppofe, that Hie is capable 
 of being governed by a fyftem of laws, foreign to 
 thofe of civil fociety; — that Ihe is fubjedl to the 
 legiflative power of Chrift alone; — and that (he is 
 wholly exempted from all humanjurifdidlion. 
 
 In reafoning concerning objeAs of this kind, it 
 is fafefl to appeal to fadis. The faithful annals of 
 the church bear witnefs to the following truth, viz. 
 That the zeal of thofe, who have, in every age, 
 approved themfelves willing advocates for the al- 
 liance of church and ftate, hath flamed and blazed, 
 in exadl proportion as ignorance concerning the 
 nature of Chrift's kingdom, and inattention to the 
 civil and religious rights of mankind have taken 
 pofTeflion of their minds. 
 
 Who, and of what character, were the firft pro- 
 jedtors of the grand alliance between the catholic 
 church and the Roman empire ? Were they men, 
 who were mortified to the world, with all its pomp, 
 profits and pleafures ? Were they governed by the 
 fame fpirit, which a6luated chriftians in the firll and 
 fecond ages of chriftianity? Did they live in an age, 
 when the rights of human nature, civil and religi- 
 ous, vverejuftly underftood ? Their charader was, 
 indeed, the ftrongefl: contraft to every thing con- 
 nected with liberal fentiment, and the unalienable 
 rights of human nature. As they had loft juft 
 apprehenfions concerning the capital charader of 
 ChrilVs kingdom, they devoted their attention to 
 the vindication of their own fecular honour, and to 
 the fecurity of their temporal grandeur. PrepoiTeflcd 
 in favour of their own religious ufages, efpecially 
 on account of the intimate connexion between them 
 and the fmile of the court, they became impatient 
 of contradidion; intolerant of every different reli- 
 gious practice, however indifferent or innocent; and 
 viptrous peifccutors of all, who dared to think for 
 
 themfelves. 
 
[ 123 ] 
 
 ihemfelves, or to worfhip God according to his 
 own laws and inllitutions. 
 
 Nor were thofe, who during the middle ages, 
 have been the moft celebrated patrons of the mif- 
 cellaneous fyftem, of a different charadler. Were 
 they fuch as prophesied in sackcloth^ during the apo^ 
 calyptic period of one thousand tzvo hundred and sixty 
 years P * Were they thofe, who maintained the purity 
 of the chriftian faith, in the wildernefs, while all 
 the world wondered after and worfliipped the bead ? 
 No! It cannot be denied, that the moft celebrated 
 champions for the infernal claims of the Romifh 
 See, have ever (hewn the greateft zeal, and have 
 always acquitted themfelves with greateft care, con- 
 fiftency and decency in the important caufe. They 
 have lufficiently proved their attachment to it, by 
 all the murders and maflacres, with which the 
 church of Rome ftands fo juftly charged. 
 
 The reformed churches furnifli not an exception 
 to the general maxim. It cannot be diffembled, 
 that thofe in their communion who have fhewn the 
 greateft warmnefs for exclufive eftablifliments, and 
 the execution of penal laws againft diiTenters, 
 inftead of having being bleffed with clear and juft 
 ideas concernins; the nature and rip;hts of the chrif- 
 tian church, have demonftrated themfelves to have 
 been ignorant of human nature, and of its unquef- 
 tionable rights and facrcd liberties. The pompous 
 liturgies, together with the books of canons, which 
 they introduced, clearly ftiew, with what fpirit they 
 were adtuated. Thefe trammels, which they made 
 for themfelves and others, fufficiently prove, that 
 they neither confulted the happinefs and profperity 
 of civil fociety, nor cared to provide for the pro- 
 tection of that liberty, with which Chrift hath 
 made all his fervants free. It is a truth wholly 
 
 * Rev. xi. 3, 
 
 Q^ 2. unquef- 
 
[ 124 ] 
 
 unqueftlonable, that thofe princes, of infamous 
 memory, who were the greatefl zealots for a violent 
 uniformity, for confoundmg every ecclefiaflical 
 object with the affairs of the (late, and for fufpend- 
 inp- every man's focial rights on his creed and 
 mode of religious worfliip — were the avowed 
 enemies of human nature, pubHc robbers of their 
 own fubjeds, and fupplanters of Chrift's authority 
 in the confciences of upright and confcientious 
 chriftians. Nor is itlefs notorious, that the dignified 
 hierarchs, who were moft a6tive, during thefe 
 reigns, for perfecting the alliance between church 
 and ftate, were not only blind, in a great degree, 
 to objedts of eternal importance, but attended to 
 nothing fo much as the hoarding of wealth,' and 
 accumulating honours, till they became an offence 
 to every fenlible man, even of their own principles. 
 
 We are, meanwhile, far from affirming that no 
 good man ever abetted the alliance between the 
 church and ftate. We frankly own, that the bed 
 of men may, through miftake, engage in a bad 
 caufe. Periods can be mentioned, in which the 
 zeal of the moft upright champions for reformation 
 and religious liberty, hath taken a wrong diredion, 
 and hath flamed out for an exclufive eftablifhment, 
 with fr. ch extravagance, as to throw the ifland of 
 Great Britain into much confufion and blood-Hied. 
 But when ? — It cannot be denied, that it hath fallen 
 out only at fuch times as have been immediately 
 preceded by the triumphs of cruelty, tyranny, and 
 wanton barbarity. It hath only happened, when 
 the courfes of a contrarv party, fierce for domina- 
 tion, have forced them on meafures, which their 
 peculiar circumftances only can excufe or extenu- 
 ate ; and which tliey themfelves, on cool reflection, 
 have geuerouily condemned. As their natural and 
 religious rights had been wrefted from them by 
 
 the 
 
r 125 ] 
 
 the mercilefs grafp of gigantic tyranny, maddened 
 and enraged by clerical inflnence, they bravely en- 
 gaged in the vindication of thefe objects, to which 
 God hath given every man an indifputable title. 
 Their only miftake confided, in their not duly 
 confidering, that a juft and effedtual vindication of 
 their natural rights, as men, and of their civil 
 liberties as citizens, was a fufficient fecurity and 
 guard to their religious rights, as chriftians, without 
 their impofmg, in their turn, a contrary fyftem of 
 religion on the authors of their former mifer}\ The 
 infernal intrigues of their mercilefs perfecutors had 
 forced them to admit it as a maxim, that the moil 
 eife(flual method to fecure to themfelves the inva- 
 luable poiTellion of their natural rights and rehgious 
 liberties, was to fupercede the claims, and to make 
 reprifals on the natural rights of thofe, whom their 
 cruelties had declared to be unworthy of fuch fa- 
 vours. This was their miftake. A very pardonable 
 one ! Every one muft fee, that there is an intinite 
 difference between what thefe worthy men did, only 
 for a fhort time, and in the hurry of the juftell 
 refentment for the vileft encroachment, not only on 
 the natural and religious rights of mankind, but on 
 the authority of Jefus Chrift, their divine Sovereign, 
 — and what princes, popes and politicians have 
 done, in all ages, againfl the liberties of mankind 
 and the peculiar privileges of the church. Their 
 invafions have been cooly contrived and wantonly 
 executed. Inftead of meeting with any juft provo- 
 cation, they have never attempted thefe lacred 
 inclofures of eternal right, but with a deliberate 
 delign to fwell the prerogative of the prince, and to 
 c[lut the avarice and ambition of the hierarchy at the 
 expence of every thing dear to human nature. 
 
 Though we have admitted the fact, that the mod 
 worthy charaders may have, in fome periods, and 
 
 in 
 
[ 126 ] 
 
 hi peculiar circiimftances, become flaming advocates 
 for fome favourite eftahlifliment, this militates no- 
 thino; a2:ainfl: the truth of our maxim. We hefitate 
 not to affirm, that even thefe worthy perfons, in 
 common with all other abettors of the unnatural 
 alliance, were inattentive to the fpirituality of 
 Chrift's kingdom, when they attempted to give it 
 an exclufive eftabliihment in the political conftitu- 
 tion of the fliate. Every advocate for that alliance, 
 mud firft have fuppofed a near likenefs between the 
 church and flate before he could reconcile his rea- 
 fon to the idea of their alliance in one political 
 fyflem. We have already attempted a proof from 
 the tcftimony of Chrifh himfelf, concerning his 
 kingdom, that it cannct be blended with the con- 
 Hitution of any kingdom on earth. It muft, there- 
 fore, follow, that it muft be something besides the 
 kingdom of Chrift, that is the objed of mens 
 attention. In the political frame of earthly kingdoms, 
 under the defignation of the eftabliflied church. It 
 muft be fomething diftincl from the kingdom of 
 Chrift. It muft be fomething earthly and secular 
 in its nature, and difpofed by the policy of men into 
 a due fubordination to the earthly and fecular pur- 
 pofes of civil government. On examination, this 
 will be found to be the jufteft notion of every 
 eftablifhed church, as fuch, on earth. A few con- 
 fiderations will make this aflercion abundantly 
 evident. 
 
 I. God, having appointed men to foclal happi- 
 nefs in this world, hath inftituted civil government, 
 as the mean of conferring it. Careful, as the in- 
 dulgent parent of mankind, of the means as well as 
 of the end, he hath wifely provided for both in the 
 frame of human nature. While every man is urged 
 on toward focial happinefs, by deftre; he is made 
 
 capable 
 
C 127 ] 
 
 capable of fecuring the means of attaining it, by 
 the principles of natural religion, which conftitute 
 him a fubje^t of civil, as well as of moral govern- 
 ment. Every human form is as capable of civii 
 government as he is of focial happinefs. As thefe 
 principles of natural religion are fufficiently efta- 
 bHQied in the hearts of all men, all that the Sove- 
 reign Rector of the unlverfe hath appointed his 
 deputies to do, is, to cultivate thefe natural princi- 
 ples implanted in the hearts of their fubjedis, and 
 to govern them according to their genuine import. 
 It is not the province of any civil legiflature, becaufe 
 it is beyond their power, to fuperinduce other prin- 
 ciples into the bofoms of their fubjefts, — principles 
 foreign to the light and law of reafon, and to at- 
 tempt to govern them by laws, which have no rela- 
 tion to the original principles of human nature. 
 
 II. Notwithftanding this obvious truth, civil k- 
 giflators have feldom been content, in any age, with 
 the foundation of God's moral government for the 
 bails of their deputed regency. Too often intent on 
 the profecution of fchemes wholly inconfiftent v^^ith 
 the original defigns of civil government, they have 
 either added to, or have diminiihed from the prin- 
 ciples of natural religion, according as they have 
 found the objects of their policy to fuit with their 
 abfurd, dehgns. This is one of the principal fources 
 of the political encouragement, which fuperRitioii 
 has ever received from the courts of princes, and 
 accounts for its eftabliiliment in the political con- 
 ftitution of almofl: every nation in the world. Am- 
 bitious princes have always found, that the more 
 eifedtually the fpark of natural religion could be 
 raked up among the ailies of fuperftidon, the more 
 it was in their power to fway an abfolute Iceptre, 
 and to facrifice all that is valuable in human nature 
 
 10 
 
[ I2S ] 
 
 to their pride and hi ft of arbitrary power. It was 
 thus, in all the monarchies, kingdoms and repub- 
 lics which are famous in ancient hiftoiy. Their 
 fuperftitions and vile idolatories were introduced, 
 under the notion of their being improvements on the 
 law of nature, and new revelations of what was well- 
 pleafing in the fight of God. 
 
 III. Accordingly, when the true revelatioit 
 dawned among the nations, and became not lefs 
 popular than univerfal, it was eagerly feized and 
 forcibly treated in the fame manner. It was fup- 
 pofed to be an addition to the law of nature, and a 
 mere improvement on natural religion. It was 
 deemed capable of becoming, after a few political 
 improvements on it, a powerful engine to keep 
 people in all due fubjeclion to their political op- 
 preliors. With this view, all pains were taken, in 
 a fuccefiion of feveral ages, to model it, by a thou- 
 fand additions and adulterations, into an exadl 
 fubferviency to the political purpofes of governors ; 
 and to combine it, in that corrupt ftate, with the 
 conftitutions of their refpeclive nations. 
 
 Meanwhile, it is obvious, that neither chrifidanity, 
 nor the church of Chrift were, in any proper fenfe, 
 eftablifhed. The object of thefe exclufive patents 
 was, and continues to be fomething fubordinate to 
 the political defigns of civil government. A priefl- 
 hood is eftablilhed, which hath fome diftant like- 
 nefs, in their dellgnations to the minifters of Jesus. 
 An hierarchy, adjufted to a political fcale of lub- 
 ordination to the fupreme civil magiftrate, is fup- 
 ported at an immenle expence, to afhlt in putting out 
 the eye of reafon, and in plunging people mto an 
 abyfs of luperftition and idolatry. Religious fyftems 
 have alfo received a political and exclufive eltablilli- 
 ment, which vary, in every age, according to the 
 
 exigencies 
 
[ 129 ] 
 
 exigencies of civil government.— Sydems thefe, 
 which, as they depend on civil authority, as their 
 basis and bond of obligation, muft be accounted ^or- 
 mally civil and political. In one word, whatever 
 is eftabliOied, it is fomething miflaken for the 
 church of Chrift : — fomething homogeneous with 
 thefe kingdoms, with whofe conftitutions it is in- 
 duftrioufly blended, which frequently lies in dire(^ 
 fubordination to the worft defigns of political admi- 
 niftration in them. 
 
 A political fyftem, thus founded, muft be of the 
 moft pernicious tendency, efpecially to the caufe of 
 chriftianity. It has been, and it muft continue to 
 be fatal to its interefts, in the feveral nations qf Eu- 
 rope. Princes, and dignified priefts will always be 
 tempted to do as they have done. They will always 
 be tempted to furcharge the chriftian religion with 
 additions and fuperftitious obfervances, in order to 
 make the favourite fyftcm more palatable to the 
 vitiated tafte of men, and more ftupifying to their 
 fenfes, that they may rule over them in the moft 
 arbitrary manner with applaufe, or at leaft with 
 impunity. Heathenifm itfelf was overcharged with 
 fooleries. Nor would the original proje(5lors of the 
 popilh fyftem have been without furpnfe, had they 
 lived to fee the glorious improvements, which were 
 afterwards made on their plan, by the politicians of 
 after ages, for the purpofes of civil,-— rather tyrannical 
 government in the European nations. 
 
 While the (incere friends of the chriftian religion 
 mourn over this execrable abufe, infidels triumph, 
 as if they had fully eftablift^ed their hypothesis^ A 
 little acquaintance with the writings of thefe modern 
 Porphyries will convince any, that the political abufes 
 that have been made of the chriftian fyftem, have 
 furnilhed them with their moft plaufible arguments 
 againft that divine fcheme. Thev take it for grant- 
 
[ I^a ] 
 
 cd; and law fupports their hypothecs, that thefe 
 are the only churches of Chrift which arc eftabHlhed 
 by law; and that national creeds and liturgies, 
 blended with the political ftates of Europe, and 
 made engines of civil government in them, furnifli 
 the only authentic scheme of the chriftian religion. 
 The confequence, which men of that complexion 
 ordinarily draw, is too well known to need expli- 
 cation ; and too (hocking to pious ears to be men- 
 tioned. Having {^tn. heathenifm ufed in the fame 
 manner, and for the fame purpofes, for which they 
 daily behold the chriftian religion abufed ; and being 
 afcertained from hiftory, that civil policy hath been 
 brought to as great perfediion under the influence 
 of the firft, as of the laft ; they are tempted to be- 
 lieve, or at leaft to feign a perfuafion, that the 
 former is as conducive to all the purpofes of poli- 
 tical government as the latter; and that it is an 
 objecl of abfolute indifference, which of the two is 
 blended with the conftitutions of civil focieties. To 
 be (hort, what can they, who are willingly blind to 
 the internal and fupernatural evidence of the chrif- 
 tian religion, imagine that divine fcheme to be, 
 when they behold it fupplying the place of pagan or 
 of popilh fuperftition in the European fyllems of 
 policy } Can they — will they pronounce it to be any 
 thing but a political insiitutiony or a system of priest- 
 craft ^ 
 
 Nor will the more daring ftop at this goal. The 
 abfurd principle on v.'hich the political alliance be- 
 tween church and ftate is founded, will tempt tiieni 
 to carry the matter one ftep higher. While the 
 dcift, for the reafon already fuggefted, pronounces 
 the chriillan religion a political fable ; the more in- 
 trepid, blind to the diftinftion between natural re- 
 ligion, the only basis oi civil government, and thofe 
 
 suppUfnents 
 
C 131 ] 
 
 supplements which princes and priefls have made to 
 it from revealed reUgion, whether real or feigned, — 
 will daringly pronounce even natural religion 
 itfelf — a fyftem founded only in the political 
 FITNESS of things ? 
 
 SECT. 11. 
 
 Exclusive Establishments of Churches are founded on the 
 no less pernicious than absurd Principle^ — that the 
 Legislative y as well as the Executive Power of Go- 
 vernment^ with whomsoever it is intrusted, is 
 founded on, and derived froniy the Authority of 
 Christ, as He is the divine Mediator and Head of 
 the Church : or that civil Government, instead of 
 being founded in the Law of Nature, is entirely 
 derived from grace. 
 
 THOUGH this hypothesis muft appear to be 
 extravagantly wild to all, who have acquainted 
 themfelves with the origin, the nature, and the ends 
 of civil government, — the mod curfory refledlion on 
 the fubjeS mud convince every unprejudiced perfon, 
 that it is a principal part of that foundation, on 
 which the combination of church and ftate, in one 
 mixed fyftem, has been, and continues to be built. 
 During feveral ages, it was an orthodox article in 
 the creed of all chriftian nations. Nor is it proba- 
 ble, that it v/ould have fo foon fallen into difcredit, 
 any more than fome articles, yet in vogue, though 
 not lefs abfurd, had not the court of Rome, ima- 
 gining that it was a folid foundation for their mod 
 R 2 extravagant 
 
[ ^r- ] 
 
 extravagant claims, to the prejudice of royalty, — 
 carried their arrogance a little too far, in attempting 
 to dethrone princes, and to difpofe of kingdoms, at 
 their fovereign pleafure. 
 
 Notvvithftanding it hath been almofl unlverfally 
 difcarded in theory ; as long as the alliance between 
 church and ftate, in one mixed conftitution, re- 
 mains approved, itmufl ht pradically adopted by all 
 the abettors of that fyftem, as one of the chief pil- 
 lars to which it leans. It is an obvious truth, that 
 in the political adminiftration of fuch a combined 
 fyftem, the fupreme authority muft be lodged with 
 the officers, either of the spiritual or of the civil 
 department. As it is abfolutely impoffible, that it 
 can eminently relide in both, at one and the fame 
 time ; it muft be exercifed moft confpicuoufly, either 
 by him, who, claiming the honour of an immediate 
 deputation from Chrift, fills the papal chair ; or by 
 thofe, who, though anciently doomed by fovereign 
 pontiffs, of infamous memory, to the drudgery of 
 blindly executing papal decrees, now hold the fecu-^ 
 lar fcepters of the European nations, in juil con- 
 tempt of papal arrogance. 
 
 Should we fuppcle tht first ; the fecidar powers 
 muft be wholly under papal controul, efpecially in 
 all bufmefs belonging to the ecclefiailical branch of 
 the alliance. \i the papal court defines ; royal 
 authority muft add the civil fan6lion to its ghoftly 
 definitions : if the former makes canons, the latter 
 muft ratify them : if holy mother ftiall excommu- 
 nicate her children ; princes, that they may not fall 
 under her difpieafure, muft fay, An:ien ; and if Ihe 
 fnall condemn haplefs heretics to the flames ; her 
 royal Ions muft furnlQi faggots and an executioner. 
 !Now, as, in all thele inft:ances, the church is the 
 objeft of magiftiatical authority ; unlefs the exercife 
 of it fl^all be accounted a violent intromilTion, it 
 
 mufl 
 
[ 133 ] 
 
 nuifl: be derived, one way or another, from him, 
 whom all chriftians compliment with the honour of 
 fovcreignty in his own kingdom. And as that 
 authority is exercifed, under fpiritual dirciflors, 
 who challenge the honour of dn immediate depu- 
 tation from Chrifl, it mud be confidered, in no 
 other point of view, than as derived through them 
 from that divine perfon. The authority of princes 
 is immediately in the arrogant prieft, who ftruts 
 under the triple crown. As Heaven's vicegerent, 
 he derives it primarily from Jcsiis Christ ; and it is 
 only exercifed by the fecular powers, in the fame 
 manner, as the executive power of the British 
 SOVEREIGN is excrcifed by the sheriffs of the feveral 
 counties. 
 
 On the other hand, fhould we fuppofe the lafl, 
 as is happily the cafe, in all proteftant countries ; 
 as civil authority is exercifed in no other manner, 
 in enforcing articles of faith on the underftandings 
 and the confciences of the fubjefts, than in laying 
 taxes on their eftates ; it muft follow, that the 
 cxercife of that authority either is a prophane impo- 
 iition on the confcience, or is derived from the 
 Lord of the confcience. It avails nothing to fay, 
 that it is only in fo far as the civil magiftrate inter- 
 feres with the affairs of the church, that his autho- 
 rity is derived from the Head of the church. We 
 are bold to affirm, that, on the prefent hypothesis^ 
 all his authority, even about fecular objefiis, myll 
 be conve^^ed to him from the fame fource. Is it 
 not the same kingly authority which ratifies a creed ov 
 a liturgy^ that confirms a tnoney-bill in parliament, 
 or authorizes a levy on the fubje(fl? The prince 
 does both, as the fovereign over, not one branch, 
 but the whole complex iyflem. If he is deputed 
 at all by Chrift, as his authority is one^ and of one 
 kind^ his deputation muit refped his -whole cha- 
 
 nidery 
 
[ '34 ] 
 
 raBer, and the whole of his office-power over one 
 branch, as well as the other of the pohtical alliance. 
 Should it even be allowed, that it is only in fo far 
 as the prince interpofes in ecclefiaftical bufinefs, 
 that his authority is conveyed to him by the Sove- 
 reign of the church; may it not be aficed with 
 propriety, of wbat kind is that authority, which is 
 fo conveyed ? Is it civile or is it ecclesiastical;^ It the 
 firft; Christ muft be a civil Sovereign^, his church 
 muft be a civil society; and mankind are impofed 
 on, when they are told, that his kingdom is not of 
 ibis world. If thclafr; — the fupreme magiftrate is 
 the primate of all his dominions by chriflian infti- 
 tution : his ecclefiaftical authority extends to every 
 capital objed in the kingdom of Chrilt : he fove- 
 reignly prefcribes to the underftandings of the whole 
 nation: he binds the church to worlhip God ac- 
 cording to the precife method which he, by his 
 epifcopal wifdom, thinks proper : he obliges her to 
 acknowledge fuch offices, and fuch officers over her, 
 as he judges to be moft fubfervicnt to political pur- 
 pofes, in civil adminiftration : and he, as fupreme 
 dignitary, meafures out the diftricl for every in- 
 ferior hierarch, faying to him, Hitherto shalt thou 
 come and no farther^ and here shall thy haughty rul^ 
 be stayed. 
 
 It is a diverfion, fenfelefs as it is groundlefs, 
 which fome have attempted, by diftingui(hing be- 
 tween civil authority as it is converfant circa sacra^ and 
 as it is exercifed in sacris. The laft they pretend 
 to refufe to the princes of the world. The clergy, 
 poiTefTed of fpiritual authority, muft approach holy 
 things. But the firft, they compliment to the 
 prince, alledging that it is no more, than what is 
 competent to him, as a christian magiftrate. We 
 believe, that this hackneyed diftindion had fome 
 important meaning, at the tinie it v^as firft luckily 
 
 thought 
 
C 135 
 
 -» 
 
 thought of — when fcarcely any more was permitted 
 to even the moH: adlive monarchs, than to execute 
 implichly the fentences of holy mother -church. 
 Bat it is wholly oblolete, and without any meaning 
 now, at lead, in proteftant nations. In all coun- 
 tries where the alliance fubfifls, and where the bal- 
 ance of authority over the complex medley inclines 
 to the officers of the civil department, the fupreme 
 council, or the fupreme magiftrate employs his 
 authority no lefs in sacris^ than he does circa 
 sacra. Though the prince afcends not the pulpit, 
 nor difpenfes the lacred myfteries at the altar, thofe 
 who do both derive all their authority from him. 
 Notwithftanding they are ordained by the Bishops or 
 by the Presbytery, it is by virtue of civil authority, 
 beftowing its fandlion on fuch a particular mode of 
 creating church-officers, that they are made and 
 reputed to be the officers of the church. If this is 
 not ajuft account of the derivation of office-power 
 to the minifters of chartered churches, we would 
 aik, why thofe who are ordained by the 'Presbytery 
 cannot be reputed minifters of the clxartered church 
 in South Britain \ and why thofe who are ordained 
 by the Bishop cannot be efteemed minifters in the 
 religious department of North Britain P Muft not 
 their office power, in their refpedlive churches, de- 
 pend wholly on the political conftitution and parti- 
 cular laws of the countries in which they officiate ? 
 If this is a juft account, then it will not only un- 
 avoidably follow, that the authority of the^ civil 
 magiftrate is converfant in sacrls, as much as if 
 he difpenfed the chriftian myfteries with his own 
 hands ; but that every ecclefiaftical officer, from 
 tke primate to the parson, derives his Ipiritual 
 powers from his authority. If therefore the church- 
 power of miniiters in chartered churches be from 
 Chrift, as the Head of the church, the power of 
 
 the 
 
f 136 ] 
 
 the civil maglflrate muft flow from the fame facred 
 fource, feeing al] the power of the former, is de- 
 rived to them through the channel of that power, 
 which the latter immediately claims. 
 
 Though every fober chriRian muft fhudder at 
 this plain dedudiion, it is not only the real founda- 
 tion, on which the famous combination of church 
 and ftate is built, but it has been acknowledged 
 to be fuch, ever lince the commencement of that 
 alliance. 
 
 CoNSTANTiNE the Great received it as the moft 
 indifputable axiom, when he eftabliflied the church 
 imperial. He was made to believe, that he was 
 polfeiled of the moft ample, delegated authority to 
 model the kingdom of Chrift according to the plaa 
 of political government in the empire. This he 
 accomplifhed with the loudeft acclamations of the 
 clergy, who were his ghoftly diredlors, and with 
 the ftrained panegyrics of all their fuccelibrs. It 
 was from a perfualion of his being honoured with 
 ihefe powers, that he, exulting in his new authority, 
 addrelTed the dignitaries of the church — vos estote 
 ep'isccpi intra eccksiam ; ego ero foras> A fentence 
 highly applauded, as well as carefully retailed by all 
 church hiftorians, fmce Eusehins wrote. 
 
 When the civil authority devolved, in a great 
 meafure, on the blfliop of Rome ; did he not pre- 
 tend, that he had derived his whole authority, from 
 Chrift, his pretended conftituent ? Did he not openly 
 declare, that government is founded in grace ; and 
 that the kings of the earth held their crowns of him, 
 as the delegated head of the church ? Was not that 
 principle, the very foundation on which he adven- 
 tured to dethrone princes, and to difpofe of king- 
 doms? Could politicians, in thefe dark ages, judge, 
 that the foundation of civil government was laid on 
 any other bypotbaisy when a mere contravening the fo- 
 
 vereign 
 
[ 137 ] 
 
 J vereign pleafure of holy mother church, in even the 
 moft contemptible trifles, was the only alledged rea- 
 fon for fnch audacious impertinence ? 
 
 Since the glorious ^r^ of Reformation, the fame 
 hypothesis is invariably maintained, even in proteflant 
 countries, and by protefliant churches. It mud 
 make every fenfible perfon both merry and fad, to 
 behold how even the moft pious and learned writers 
 of the proteftant denomination are puzzled to re- 
 move, with decency, this foundation, and, in the 
 mean time, to fupport the important alliance. How 
 are their tongues divided ! Into what confufion and 
 abfurdity have they been caft ! All agree that the 
 hypothesis is grofiy abfurd ; but they have found 
 that it is impoffible to remove it effedually without 
 pulling down the whole fabric of confusion. 
 
 But why fhould we fpeak of particular writers ? 
 The principle is accounted an axiom in the proteftant 
 political conftitution of Great Britain. In England, 
 his majefty is supreme over all perfons, and in all 
 CAUSES, ecclefiaftical as well as civil. The very 
 being ^ as well as the peculiar mould of the Englifl^ 
 church, hangs on the supremacy. The hierarchy 
 grows out of the princely primacy of the fovereign. 
 Whence have their graces their oj^c^, together with 
 their right to exercife it ? Does not his majefty be- 
 ftovv, or, at leaft, authorize jthe collation of both ? 
 Whence have the thirty -nine articles their fanftion ? 
 Do they derive it from their intrinlic evidence ? for 
 the fame reafon, they ought to be the articles of the 
 catholic church ? Rather, is it not from the civil 
 authority of legillature ? Whence is this authority 
 over the church, and over the underftandings and 
 confciences of fo many millions of chriftians in the 
 Britifti. dominions ? No one who attends to what 
 he fays, can aflert, that it is derived from, or is 
 founded on the law of nature, which fets all men on 
 
 S a level, 
 
C I3S ] 
 
 a level, as to the objedls of pure underftandlng and 
 confclence. It muft therefore be fufipored, that it 
 is immediately derived from Chriffc, as the Head of 
 the church; that every crowned head is his vice- 
 gerent ; and that, as chriftians are bound to give up 
 the direction of their confciences to him, with im- 
 plicit acquiefcence in his infallible orarles, his royal 
 vicegerent may lawfully claim the fame devotion 
 from them. 
 
 The like is not only exa«fled, but is tamely yielded 
 in Scodand. Whence is it, that the IVestminster 
 Confeinon of Faith is the eftablifned creed, in that 
 country ? Is it on account of the excellence of its 
 compofition, and of the divine character of thefe 
 do6trines, v^iich are methodized in it ? No ! Though 
 it feems to deferve, that it lliould be received on 
 thefe accounts, before any compcfition of the kind, 
 its national profession depends wholly on the autho- 
 rity of the parliament, and of the prince. 
 
 It is a trifling evafion, to ailed ge, it became the 
 confeiiion of the Scorch ch rch, not as it was au- 
 thorized by king William III. and the Scotch par- 
 liament, or as it was made fundamental in the union 
 of the two nations ; bat as it was found agreeable 
 to the fcriptares by the chi^rch herfelf, in her gene- 
 ral alTemblies. We would afk whence had the 
 General Aflembly ihat power to make it the creed 
 of all congregations, and of all perfons, only on 
 the nort^ of the Tweed P Was it not from the national 
 legiflaturcy who gave the church a presbyterian 
 mould ; who conferred legal powers on her judica- 
 tories ; and who afngned, with minute exadlnefs, 
 the extent and boundaries of their ecclefiafticaj au- 
 thority i Ingcnioufly ! Would the acl of the General 
 Aflemblv, without the civil fanftion annexed, have 
 been fuihcient to have conftituted it, the ftandard 
 creed of the ellabiilhed church of Scotland, as fuch ? 
 
 No! 
 
[139 ] 
 
 No! The changes which have been introduced by 
 civil authority, without aiking, at leafr, without 
 waiting the confent of her judicatories, are a fuffi- 
 cient proof, that her intrinfic power, as an efcabhQied 
 church, is a mere hawble inlaw: and that eovern- 
 ment hath always conhdered itfelf, as fully im- 
 powered to introduce fuch changes in the church. — 
 And by whom impoweredP Not by the nation. She, 
 as fuch, has no right to interpole her authority 
 about ecclefiaftical objeds: ,and. to impower agents 
 for a fociety elTentially diftind: from herfeif. Not by 
 the church. A parliament, or a fovereign prince 
 can be no reprefentative of the kingdom of Chritl. 
 The church can confer no powers on princes, unlefs 
 her fupremacy over kings once more becomes ortho- 
 dox dodirine. It remains then, that government 
 mufl poliefs the power of moulding the church by 
 an inherent and original title. If fo, this title muft 
 have been originally conferred, either by the God 
 of nature, on the foundation of the law of nature; 
 or by the Mediator, on the footing of grace. Was 
 \\\t first fuppofed, it would unavoidably follow, that 
 Chrifh hath no proper kingdom : that the church 
 muft be elientially one with civil fociety : and muft 
 be fubjed: to the deputies of the God of nature alone : 
 and that the li^scRipTiON on the Mediator's 
 vesture and thigh ftiould be entirely without a mean- 
 ing — King of kings, and Lord of lords. The lasty 
 therefore, can only be fuppofed with decency and 
 propriety. Sovereign princes muft poifefs an ori- 
 ginal right from Chrijft as his fubftitutes, on the 
 foundation of grace, to turn his kingdom upfide 
 down, at their fovereign pleafure. 
 
 The pernicious conlbquences, which attend this, 
 and the foregoing baneful principle, ftjall be confi- 
 dcred in the following chapter. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 S2 
 
 •••gl^ 
 
 V^ 
 
[ 140 ] 
 
 C H A P. VI. 
 
 A concise View of the pernicious effects, which 
 teem from an alliance between Church and 
 State y in one political Constitution, as it is found- 
 ed on the baneful principles already con- 
 sidered' 
 
 THAT a political fyllem, founded in midake, 
 error and abfurdity, muft be fraught with the 
 worft confequences, and muft produce the worft 
 effc6ts on every perfon, and on every thing con- 
 cerned in it, can be denied by none, Such is a 
 political combination of church and ftate, in one 
 mifcellaneous fyftem. Its elfeds on the thrones of 
 princes, on social happiness, and on the charaBers 
 of men in every rank of life, muft have a degree of 
 malignity in them, proportionate to the abfurdity 
 and impiety of thofe principles, on which we have 
 Ihevvn it to be founded. This we ftiall attempt to 
 prove, in the enfuing fedions. 
 
 % 
 
 SECT, I. 
 
 An AL-liance betzveen the Church and State y s& 
 founded, is ruinous /<? /i"^ sovereignty of Princes ^ 
 and to the stability of their Thrones, 
 
 ACCORDING to fuch a political fyftem, the^ 
 thrones of princes, removed from their true'^ 
 foundation, are fettled on a mere quick-sand. It is 
 fuppofed, that the law of nature and of necefllty is 
 
 not 
 
[ '41 ] 
 
 not a foundation fufficlently broad, on which civil 
 governaient might reft; but that, in fo far as the 
 church, incorporated with the ftate, is the object of 
 adminiftration, it is founded on the Mediatorial 
 authority of Chrift. Tlirones, fo eftabhfhed have 
 not only been miferably ihaken, but have often 
 tumbled down, and buried the fovereignty of the 
 monarchs who filled them, in their extendve rains. 
 
 The experience of Chriftendom, during thefe lad 
 thirteen hundred years, confirms the obfervation, 
 that there hath not been a revolution of any im- 
 portance in Europe, but has apifen in a great meafurc 
 from thofe abfurd maxims, on which princes have 
 judged it good policy to build their thrones. Not 
 content with the law of nature, as the original 
 foundation, and as the only rule of civil policy ; and 
 attempting to extend their royal authority to the 
 kingdom of Chrift ; they have uniformly built their 
 title to this laft branch of their prerogative, either 
 on the impious maxim, that the kingdom of Christ is 
 homogeneal with their own ; or on the abfurd hypo- 
 thesis, that, if the church differs in any rcspeEl from 
 the kingdoms of this world, they are -possessed of a 
 deputation from Christ, to take the burthen of its govern- 
 nient on their own shoulders. What hath been the 
 uniform confequence ? Their thrones have loft of 
 ftability, what they feemed to gain of grandeur ; and 
 have tumbled down from beneath them. The part 
 of the political edifice, which had been conftrudied 
 on the folid bafe, connected with that which leaned 
 to the abfurd foundation, hath always fhared in the 
 common ruin. The alliance between the church and 
 ftate in one mixed conftitution, hath always pro- 
 duced an alliance between the rightful sovereign and 
 the usurper, in one mixed character ; and hath fre- 
 quently precipitated the unhappy monarch to his 
 ruin. 
 
 T^ 
 
[ 142 J 
 
 To what caufe fliall w€ afcribe the final ruin of 
 the Roman empire. Though the Augustan splendour 
 of that monarchy had greatly declined before the 
 date of the imperial alliance , it muR: be confelTed, 
 that had the Roman emperor continued to govern 
 according to the original laws of fociety; had he not 
 extended civil adminiftration to a manifell: vicege- 
 rency under Christy the King of Zion ; and had he 
 not admitted priefls to his council, the imperial 
 throne had probably remained poiTelTed of a confi- 
 derable degree of eclat to this day. Bur, alas ! as 
 foon as the Roman emperor became Chrifi's vicege- 
 rent, it was very natural, and it became higljly 
 nec^iTary, to admit the dignitaries of the church to 
 court, as prime minifters in the ecclefiaftic depart- 
 ment of government, as the Roman fathers bad 
 been, in the civil allotment, from the commence- 
 ment of the Roman grandeur. Thefe, after fome 
 centuries, having views and interefts to purfue, 
 which were not only foreign to, but were inconfifcent 
 with the rights of fovereigns, and the privileges of 
 civil fociety, found ways and means to engrofs the 
 "vvhole adminiftration. The emperor, reduced to 
 the necellity of providing for hiB own fafety, was 
 obliged to trim to ecclefiaftical faclions, till at 
 laft, like a charioteer thrown from his feat, he 
 refigned the reins. The Roman pontiff inftantly 
 afcended ; and, feizing the golden opportunity, 
 tranflated the empire to his faithful ally, charles 
 
 the GREAT. 
 
 Let us look back to the revolutions, which have 
 fallen out in our own illand, efpecially fince the 
 Reformation. They have neither been few, nor of 
 obfcure birth. The impolitic alliance between the 
 British churches^ and the civil conftitutions of the 
 British nations^ wdll be found, on an impartial review, 
 to have been the fatal fource, and the only adequate 
 caufe. What 
 
r H3 1 
 
 What made the throne of Mar Y, queen of Scots, 
 to (hake, during the whole time flie inglorioufly 
 filled it? The infirm foundation, on which it Rood, 
 is, without doubt, the only caufe, which can be 
 affigned with juftice and propriety. 
 
 The queen, born the rightful fovereign of Scot- 
 land; educated in all the errors, abfurdities and 
 fuperflitions of popery; and finding, that the frame 
 of the RomiQi church, of which Ihe was a zealous 
 member, had been long allied to, and blended with 
 the political conflitution of her kingdom; judged, 
 as other fovereigns before and lince have done, that 
 her royal authority extended to the whole complex 
 fyftem of church and ftate: that, in her circum- 
 ftances, flie could neither anfwer it to her under- 
 ftanding, to her confcience, nor to the mifcellaneous 
 conftitution of the church and nation, to permit the 
 fworn enemies of that very church, which was, 
 during fo many ages, engroiied in the political con- 
 ftitution, to tear her from her ancient ally: and 
 that, though her barons, zealous for new-modelling 
 the conftitution, poftefTed a large fliare in the legi- 
 flative power of the nation, they had no right, 
 without her confent, to overthrow the ancient con- 
 ftitution; miuch lefs to force her into their meafures 
 againft the maxims of her underftanding, the dictates 
 of her confcience, and her obligations to the church 
 of Rome, 
 
 On the other hand, a large majority of the lords, 
 together with the commons of all clafies, juftly jea- 
 lous for the natural rights of free-born fubjecls — in- 
 ftru(5led in the reformed religion, and legally poiTeiicd 
 of an important fhare in legillature; — judged, on the 
 fame common prepofTeilion concerning the necefhty 
 of a charter of exclufive, civil privilege, or of an 
 alliance of fome religious fyftem with the political 
 conftitution, — -that truth hath always a preferable 
 
 right 
 
[ 144 ] 
 
 right to error and abfurdity : that they could not be 
 refponlible to God, who had beftowed on them fo 
 great a (hare of the tiomothetic power, to fuffer a fyftem 
 of error and fuperftition to fill the throne of truth, in 
 the conftitution : and that the queen, a fingle woman, 
 weak as well as young, infeparably attached to the 
 execrable houfe of Guise, and zealoufly devoted to 
 popery, had no right to force, not only the com- 
 mons, but even the body of the nobility, to lend 
 their authority for the fupport of a religon, which 
 they were rationally convinced was falfe, and for 
 the overthrow of a fyftem, which they were fure 
 was according to gcdlinefs. 
 
 In this manner, the queen and her barons, equally 
 perfuaded that the conilitution of the church be- 
 hoved to be blended with that of the nation, and 
 that thofe who hold the reins of government cannot 
 difcharge their duty to God, to the Head of the 
 church, or to the mixed conftitution, without 
 making every effort in their power, to have the 
 ecclefiafiiical, as well as the civil branch of the con- 
 ftitution thrown into the mould, that is moft agree- 
 able to their ovv^n underitandings and their own 
 Gonfciences, went confcientioufly by the ears; de- 
 luged the nation in blood : and entailed on the Scots 
 Reformation the reproach of diibrder, cruelty and 
 rebellion. In vain have partial hiftorians endeavoured 
 to throw the odium on the obftinacy of the queen, 
 or on the intemperate zeal of the barons, while, 
 according to the principle, on which both a61ed, 
 neither the queen could have been confiflently lefs 
 firm in defence of the old religion, nor the nobility 
 leis {l:renuous in defence of the new. If the maxim 
 was juft, they were both in the right. As the 
 diclaces of even an erring confcicnce are obligatory 
 on the unhappy being, who is under its government 
 they attempted nothing but what thofc;, who have 
 
 been 
 
[ 145 3 
 
 been accounted the befl men, have done with ap- 
 plaufe. Though they were fo unfortunate as to 
 oppofe one another, in all the horrors of a civil 
 war, they only endeavoured to eftablilh that religi- 
 ous fyflcm in the conftitution, which was mod 
 agreeable to their jarring underilandings, and to 
 their diverily perfuaded confciences. — But if the 
 principle is falfe, it accounts for every improper 
 thing which thefe famous litigants attempted againft 
 one another, and which the advocates of either party 
 produce, as a ground of accufation againft the caufe, 
 which they have refolvcd to condemn. The necef- 
 fity of an alliance between church and ftate, which 
 both injudicioully allowed, together with the abfurd 
 foundations on which we have fhewed the common 
 prejudice to be founded, introduced all that confu- 
 fion, blood-died and murder, with which the enemies 
 of the Scotch Reformation have endeavoured to ftain 
 its glory. Had both parties dehberately confidered 
 the abfurdity of the alliance, together with the 
 impiety of thefe principles to which it leans ; had 
 they liftened with an unbiafled ear to the plaineft of 
 declarations, -^ Mv' kingdom is j?ot of this world; had 
 they feen the glaring inconfiftency of attempting to 
 give the authority of Christ an additional force in the 
 confcience by statute law; had they amicably agieed 
 to allow the kingdom of Chrift to ftand on iis own 
 bafe, and to be governed by him on whofe shoulder 
 the goverr.ment is laid; and had they both concurred 
 in what both in general agreed to be their intereft, 
 as well as their duty, — in afierting the rights of her 
 majefty's crown againft all foreign powers and claims, 
 and in fecuring the rights and liberties of every clals 
 of fubjeds; — the church wov.ld have been reformed 
 without any noife ; the Romish as well as the French 
 yoke would have been wholly (haken off; the barons 
 would have had their rights fecured to them : the 
 T queen 
 
L 146 ] 
 
 queen would have enjoyed her crown, her preroga- 
 tive and her Hfe ; nor would fhe have left to her 
 royal defendants an example of prejudice, of ob- 
 ftinacy and of bigotry, which, as it has proved fatal 
 to the whole race, was copied, with a fcrupulous 
 cxadnefs, by king Charles I. to his own deflruc- 
 tion, and the ruin of many thoufands of his innocent 
 fubje(5ls. 
 
 That unfortunate prince, having been trained up 
 by his royal father of fage memory ! in the moft 
 extravagant notions of prerogative, and of the- 
 matchlefs utility of the ecclefiaftical dignitaries to 
 fupport its moft exhorbitant claims ; having afcended 
 the British thrones in a critical moment, when am- 
 bition and bigotry confpired to call him to the 
 execution of fchemes for making the British fceptre 
 to vie with that of France in tyranny and oppreflion, 
 —fchemes, which, though long meditated, the 
 timidity and caprice of his royal parent had hitherto 
 rendered abortive ; and finding himfelf to be consti- 
 tutionally the HEAD of the church as well as of the 
 state, by virtue of the conftitutional alliance, and 
 ready to be fupported by her clergy in his moft 
 extraordinary claims, in return for his royal indul- 
 gence ; — refolved to reign without his parliaments ; 
 to eredt courts of high-commiffion and of ftar-cham^ 
 ber in their room ; and to extend the prerogative to 
 every objed, by laying intolerable and countlefs 
 burdens both on the purfes and on the confciences 
 of his fubjeds, in the moft arbitrary manner. In 
 this way, he, with a degree of fagacity equal to that 
 which governed all the adions of his father, judged 
 that he had a divine right to extend his royal care 
 to both branches in the combined conftitution, as 
 the supreme head over all perfons, and in all causes^ 
 ecclesiastical as well as civil. 
 
 The nations beheld, with infinite concern, the 
 
 hafty 
 
[ '47 J 
 
 hafty fteps which his majefty was taking to eaftern 
 defpotifm. They Taw prerogative extending its claims 
 to the whole of the legiflative power in both nations, 
 in which parhaments, according to the moft ancient 
 records, and even according to the gemus of the 
 feudal fyflem, had ever claimed and polTefled a large 
 fliare. They were juflly alarmed ; they loudly com- 
 plained ; they humbly petitioned his majefty ; they 
 boldly remonftrated againft the minifters and the 
 meafures of government; and they ftrenuoully re- 
 fufed to comply with the royal exadtions ; till they 
 fliould once more fee their fupreme afTemblies con- 
 vened by royal authority. His majefty, though he 
 had been long deaf to the cries of his injured fub- 
 jedis, was at laft roufed to anxious concern about 
 his own interefts, by the hollow found of his empty 
 coffers, and by its faithful echo among his hungry 
 courtiers. The parliaments were fummoned. Thefe 
 auguft afTemblies, conftitutionally entitled to their 
 proportion in the legiflative power over church and 
 ftate in one mixed conftitution, — refolved to affert 
 their own privileges, together with the rights of the 
 injured kingdoms which they legally reprefented ; 
 to fet boundaries to the prerogative ; and, as they 
 had found that the frame of the church, in her 
 courts, and in her hierarchy, had been a fatal en- 
 gine for the crown againft the interefts of^both 
 nations, to exert their authoritv in her reformation. 
 Charles, foon apprized of the defigns, which his par- 
 liaments had formed, openly ftruck out againft their 
 authority; declared war againft his own fubjeds; 
 and fhed their blood by an army of Irifh banditti; 
 which he inglorioufly hired for that cruel purpofe. 
 The forces, however, which the parliaments raifed 
 for the defence of thefe rights, which they had deter- 
 mined to aliert, prevailed; and the tragedy ended in 
 the ignominious and untimely.^ieath of the monarch. 
 
 T 2 From 
 
[ 143 ] 
 
 From this review of a reign fo inaufpicious, we 
 fliali make the following oblervations. 
 
 I. The genius of the political fyftem fully acquits 
 the unfortunate monarch, who fovereignly prefided 
 in its adminiftration, of evc:ry charge which has 
 been brought againll him. Perfuadcd that the epif- 
 copal model of the church was of apoftolical infti- 
 tution; finding himfelf a rightful fovereign over 
 nations, in which church and ftate were allowed 
 by all parties to be (Iridly allied, and in which his 
 supremacy over all perlons, and in all causes, civil 
 and ecclefiaftical, was allowed in law; and bound by 
 the ties of his coronation oaths, as well as by the 
 fetters of his own prejudices, to exert the fovereign 
 authority with which he was invefted for both 
 branches of the mixed conftirution, according to the 
 befh of his royal wifdom,- — and not to betray either 
 into the hands of any, nor even of thofe who (liared 
 the legillative power with him; — in what manner, dif- 
 ferent from that in which he acled^ could he have 
 acquitted himfelf, in his peculiar circumftances ? 
 The church, in her epifcopal drefs, incorporated 
 with the conititutions of the Britifli nations, was the 
 peculiar objedl of his royal care. Who, on the 
 hypothesis — that the alliance is lawful and nccelTary, 
 can impute it to him as a crime, that he, who, 
 according to the principles on which the alHance is 
 founded, and according to the laws of his own 
 realms, accounted himfelf Chriit*s vicegerent and 
 the head of the church, fliould ftep forth a zealous 
 patron of that focieiy; that he, who, as the patron 
 and the head of Chrifl's kingdom, was only ac- 
 countable to his heavenly conftituent, fhould follow 
 the didtates of his own princely underftanding, in 
 all his fovereign adminiftration about ecclefialtical 
 objt(fts; and that he, who, though he (hared the 
 legiflative authority of his kingdoms with his parlia- 
 ments^ 
 
[ H9 ] 
 
 ments, enjoyed alone the honour of being supreme 
 JN ALL CAUSES-ECCLESIASTICAL, fliould not per- 
 mit thefe affembliesto encroach on his divine and 
 incommunicable prerogative, and to pull down that 
 church, which his coronation oaths, his fidelity to 
 Chrift, and his attachment to the objects of his own 
 ambition, bound him to fupport ? 
 
 IL Nor does it appear to have been poflible, on 
 the fame principles, that the parliaments could have 
 conducted themfelves towards his majeily, in any 
 other manner than they did. The alliance, toge-^ 
 ther with the principles, on which it was founded, 
 feems to have forcibly hurried them along, in every 
 ftep which they took. The members of both up- 
 per and lower houfes, in thefe affemblies had been 
 long the mournful fpe(ftators of the arbitrary mea- 
 fures, and of the defpotic defigns of the court, in 
 all things which concerned the civil and religious 
 parts of the united fyftem. Conftitutionally con- 
 vened in parliament, they well knew, that, notwlth- 
 ftanding they had no (hare in the idol of the prince, 
 —the abused prerogative y they poffefled an important 
 allotment in legiflature ; and that, notwithftanding 
 the church, in her hierarchical form, was blended 
 with the political conflitution, they, as legillators, 
 had a right, no lefs devine than that of his majefty, 
 to reform the conftitution,--~at lead, to purge it 
 from the innovations, which an ambitious monarch, 
 by the baneful advice of a crafty arch- prelate, had 
 illegally introduced. They were very fenfible, that, 
 though his majefly intended that the nations ihould 
 be the ilaves of prerogative, the vid:ims of his idol, 
 and the dupes of fuperftition, they (hould be wanting 
 no lefs to themfelves, than to thofe whom they 
 reprefented, (liould they permit even the chief pilot 
 himfelf, when drunk witl^ enthufiafm, ambition and 
 
 wliiin^ 
 
whim, to fleer diredly on a rock fo trehiendous 
 and fatal. They found, that he was not only re- 
 folutely averfe to their meafures, but was determined 
 to purfue his own, with a firmnefs not to be fhaken 
 by petitions, by remonftrances, or even by any other 
 fubmiflive method of application to the throne; and 
 to force thern into a tame acquiefcence, by all the 
 terrors of the high-commiffion, malTacre and civil 
 war. In thefe circumftances, .would it have been 
 either prudent, or pious, to have refigned the reins 
 of government entirely into his hands ? Would they 
 not have betrayed the truft repofed in them, anti 
 have a6Ved in a perfidious manner, not only towards 
 their conftituents on earth, but to the prejudice of 
 Chrifl's kingdom, and to the difhonour of its divine 
 Sovereign, who, according to the maxim, on which 
 the alliance is built, had invefted them with legi- 
 flative authority in and over his church, blended 
 with the conllitutions of the British nations ? 
 
 III. When the unhappy contefls, between his 
 majefty and his parliaments, had come to all the 
 extremities of a civil war, it was an event, which 
 any might have forefeen, without the help of pro- 
 phetic impulfe, that the weighty not to fay the right 
 pf government, would devolve on the party, or on 
 the mod eminent perfon of the party, who had the 
 longefl: fword, or the greateft imereft in the parlia- 
 ment's army. This was the cafe. OliverCromwell, 
 havinp had the addrefs to fecure to himfelt the lead- 
 ing ot the army, muftered under the banner of the 
 EngliQi parliament ; and finding himfelf in pofieflion 
 of the executive authority of that aliembly, yea, of 
 a power to rnodel it according to his own ideas of 
 rights or of political fitnefs ; refolved to employ his { 
 intereft for the good of the whole, accordinr^ to the 
 dictates of his own cloudy underflanding. — But he 
 
 was 
 
C '51 ] 
 
 was an usurper ! Be it fo — notwithflanding, on the 
 (uppofition that a political combination of church 
 and (late is lawful and necefTary, we aflert, that, in 
 fo far, at lead, as the kingdom of Chrift was con* 
 cerned in -his admin iftraiion, he was a lawful ma- 
 gistrate^ as well as a i^^kvy. manl Did not the 
 parliament of England invell him with his military 
 charadler, and put it in hh power to a6t in that 
 character, in fo far at leaft as religion was con- 
 cerned, according to the beft dictates of his own 
 underftanding ? and as every man is to do all in the 
 caufe of religion he can ; and to follow no man's 
 direction againft the maxims of his own reafon and 
 confcience, in any part of his conduct, which re- 
 lates to objedls fo momentous; was not the gene- 
 ralissimo of the Englifh forces, and the lord 
 PROTECTOR of the nation bound in confcience, to 
 do all that was in his power for the kingdom of 
 Chrift, incorporated with the conftitution of thac 
 lociety, which his oaths had bound him to protedt, 
 according to his own religious maxims ? This was 
 no more than what king Charles claimed a right to 
 do, in his turn; what the parliaments aflerted a 
 title to do, in their turn ; and what every man, 
 unlefs he (hall a6t in a manner unworthy of an 
 accountable being, muft do on the prefent hypothesis f 
 when the Supreme Difpofer of all events puts it in 
 the power of his hand. 
 
 IV. Nor need any to account it cither a paradox 
 or an abfurdity, ihould we afTert, that, fuppoling 
 the legitimacy of the political alliance fo often 
 mentioned, together with the abfurd maxims, on 
 which it is built,--there is no crime either in the 
 moft cruel perfecution, or in the mod unnatural 
 rebellion on account of religion, fmce the com^ 
 mencement of that political fyllem. 
 
 F^rsccutlou^ 
 
[ 15^ ] 
 
 Persecution, for confcience fake, is no obje6t of 
 blame in any country, in which the church is blended 
 in one conflitution with the flate political. The 
 prince, who fills the throne and prefides over the 
 conflitution, as its guardian, has as good a rightjj 
 in virtue of his primacy and ijicegerericy, over both 
 departments of the united fyftem, to punifh the 
 confcientious dilTenter as the mutinous rebel. They 
 are equally enemies to the conftituiion, which his 
 coronation oaths bind him to protect inviolable : 
 and his more facred obligations to Chrift as his 
 vicegerent, and the head of his chruch, make it ne- 
 ceflarily incumbent on him to mark the former 
 with a brand of greater infamy than the latter. He 
 cannot anfwer it to his divine conflituent, to fuifer 
 one rebel to Him in his dominions ; and unlefs he 
 fliall give himfelf up implicitly to the directions of 
 a pope, or a ghoftly council, and obfequioufly burn 
 all whom they may brand with herefy, he muft 
 depend on the maxims of his own judgment in the 
 determination of the important queftion,-^who are, 
 or who are not rebels to Chrift's authority. Having 
 fatisfied his princely confcience in that important 
 bufinefs, he mufl perfecute, even unto death, the 
 unhappy objeds of his religious fury. 
 
 Nor is rebellion^ on account of religion, a crime^ 
 fince the date of Const ant in e''^ famous edift. It is 
 fuppofed, as above, that the fovereign, though he 
 inay be accountable to fociety in all things which 
 refped: its civil interefts, is refponfible to Chrift 
 alone for his princely adminiftration of his king-^ 
 dom, and governs according to his own royal 
 fentiments, without any regard to the confciences 
 of his fubjeds. But fhould it fall out, that thefe 
 laft fhould judge, that the religious commands of 
 their fovereign on earth are contrary to the more 
 facred inftitutions of the Sovereigns in heaven; 
 
 as 
 
t 153 ] 
 
 p.s they arfe likewife unaccountable to Christ,*— 
 nothing is left to them but to rebel; and, as it is 
 always better to obey God than men, in fuch circum- 
 ftances, their rebellion is fo far from being a crime, 
 that it is a virtue, and an iiidispensible duty! Yea, 
 if it is in their power, it becomes neceflary to 
 tumble the monarch from his throne. Though 
 according to the didates of his own mind, he is 
 zealouily difcharging the duties of Christ's vice- 
 gerent; according to their fentiments, he is abufing 
 his deputation, and is prefenting them with an 
 opportunity of approving their affectionate loyalty 
 to that fame divine perfon, by driving even the 
 lawful monarch from his throne, and by fetting up 
 the kingdom of Christ, in the political conftitu- 
 tion, according to the plan, which is mod agreeable 
 to their own confciences, and which, whether right 
 or wrong, they muft judge to be according to the 
 fyflem of its heavenly Lawgiver. In this manner, 
 the political alliance f under, confideration, will juftify 
 all the perfecutions, rebellions, aflaffinations, mur- 
 ders, maflacres, confpiracies, plots and treafons, 
 which have been perpetrated in the caufe of religion 
 fince its fatal commencement. 
 
 SECT. li. 
 
 The Alliance between Church and State is the Bane 
 of social Happiness, 
 
 EVER fince a political combination of the 
 church with the kingdom.s of this world pre- 
 fented princes with an opportunity, and species of 
 RIGHT, to model the kingdom of Chrift at pleafure, 
 and to claim the diredion of their fubjeds confci- 
 
 U eaces. 
 
t 154 ] 
 
 ences, as an eflential branch of prerogative,-*-' 
 lamentation^ mourning and zvoe have filled the nations 
 of Europe. If thrones, eftablifhed on that founda- 
 tion, have tumbled down, ruins fo enormous cpuld 
 not but pour deftrudion on the unhappy nations, 
 which dwelt under their fliadow. If, on the other 
 hand, fome princes have fuccefsfully reigned in the 
 genuine fpirit of that fydem, and have finally tri- 
 umphed over the laudable ftruggles of the opprelTed, 
 their populous and opulent kingdoms have been 
 converted into deferts, and climes v/here liberty 
 guarded every cottage, as well as every caflle, and 
 gladdened every countenance, have been changed 
 into the regions of haggart tyranny and of horrid 
 Havery. Thofe fons of liberty, who, having fled to 
 the wildernefles of America, as an asylum from op- 
 preflion, firfb peopled thefe inhofpitable deferts, 
 could have well told, hov/ fuch a fyflem, under the 
 adminifliration of ambitious, arbitrary or prieft- 
 ridden princes, fuits with the facred rights and 
 liberties of mankind. But we (liall attempt a more 
 particular proof of the aiTertion. 
 
 It hath been fhewn already, that the objecls of 
 pure underftanding and confcience are foreign to 
 the cognizance of thofe who prefide in civil fociety: 
 that no man can pledge more to civil fociety than 
 what is capable of protedlion and of forfeiture : and 
 that as the moral arbiter in the bofom, is fubjedt to 
 God only; and cannot be put under the controul 
 of any other, without throwing o^ all moral depen- 
 dence on the Deity; government can neither 
 lawfully abridge its liberty, in any thing, in which 
 the genuine interefls of civil fociety are not con- 
 cerned; norjuftly inflidl punifhments on thofe, who, 
 while they ufe that liberty in its fulled extent, 
 approve themfelves peaceable members of civil 
 Ibcietv, 
 
 Though 
 
L 155 ] 
 
 Thouah thefe are axioms of eternal truth and 
 justice; the political fyftem under review, eftabliflies 
 a plan of political adminiftration, which lies in di- 
 red: contradidion to them, and introduces fcenes 
 of perfecution and mifery into every country where 
 it is adopted. According to the true fpirit of alliance^ 
 every defle6tion from the chartered flandard of 
 thinking and of worQiipping God mufh be reckoned, 
 by government, to be a plain and dangerous infrac- 
 tion on the conftitution. Should adminiftration 
 overlook it, they muft be unfaithful not only to the 
 political fyftem, of which it is the guardian, but 
 even to Jefus Chrift, who hath conftituted it the 
 patron of his kingdom. Should government punifh 
 it; — they inftantly ufurp on the incommunicable 
 prerogative of God, who claims an exclulive right 
 to didlate to, and to controul the confcience; they 
 let loofe perfecution on mankind, with all her in- 
 fernal train; they feize on the lives and properties 
 of the beft members of fociety, before they are 
 forfeited by any crime, which falls under the cog- 
 nizance of civil judicature ; and they make a booty 
 of all, which the eternal law of equity binds them 
 to protect. Thus, civil government, which God 
 appointed as a blessing to fociety, becomes its heavieft 
 curse; and the fecurity, which men have, by that 
 inftitution of the Deity, of their lives, rights and 
 liberties, is entirely unhinged. 
 
 Administration, conduced according to the true 
 fpirit of the alliance, muft be in the hands of thofe, 
 who are either the dupes of designing ecclesiastics, or 
 the slaves of their own boundless ambition. They 
 muft be actuated either by the luft of fpiritual 
 domination, or by a wild defire of fecular defpotifm. 
 — The fyftem is, indeed, equally fubfervient to 
 both defigns. 
 
 Should we fuppofe iht first 5 the dignitary governs 
 
 U z all, 
 
C 156 ] ■ 
 
 all, even rhe prince himfelf. He dictates in the 
 cabinet and controuls at the council- table. The 
 lovereign thus tutored, claims a civil fupremacy 
 over the confciences of his fubjeds, and deprives 
 them of their natural right to think, to believe, 
 and to worfhip God according to thofe inftitutions, 
 which they are afiured are of divine appointment. 
 As he fupercedes the authority of God over their 
 moral powers, and annuls their moral obligations 
 as accountable beings, he converts them into beafts, 
 which have no understandings or, at lead, no right- 
 to ufe it, even in their mofl important interefts. 
 Do they refufe fubmit? — And who, unlefs he is 
 either an atheist or an ideot^ can fubmit over the 
 belly of his own underftanding and confcience? — 
 Civil liberty, property and life itfelf ly at (take. In 
 this manner, civil authority, by extending itfelf 
 beyond its own boundaries, becomes a public robber : 
 It ilezes with equal degrees of violence and injuflice, 
 thefe very objedls, which, according to the original 
 reafon of focial combination, it is bound to prote6t : 
 robbery, rapine and murder are eftabiiflied and per- 
 petrated by law : civil fociety degenerates into a den 
 of thieves : civil authority is changed into a licence, 
 to break down all the inclofures of eternal equity : 
 and magiftrates, whom God hath appointed to be 
 as the light of a morning , zvithout clouds^ to fociety^ 
 become Hcensced pillagers^ and authorized murderers: 
 It is eafy to guels what muft be the fatal confe- 
 quences in fociety. Government is drowned in 
 confufion; thrones are caftdown; peace and focial 
 happinefs take wings to thcmfelves, and fly to fome 
 more happy climes, where the rights of mankind 
 and of fociety are better underftood and preferved : 
 fociety is diflblved : and the land of peace is turned 
 
 into ACELDAMA. 
 
 If we fhali fuppofe the last ;— as afpiring princes 
 
 commonly 
 
[ 157 ] 
 
 commonly find it necefTary to hire the ecclefiaftlcal 
 dignitaries to fecond their ambitious defigns, by 
 putting it in the power of the eflabhlhed clergy to 
 enilave the confciences of their fellow-fubjeds, the 
 fituation of ibciety differs very little from that, 
 which has been already fupppfed. Only, in the 
 former cafe fubjecls ly at the mercy of the fuper- 
 ftitious prince ; but, in this latter ftate of things, 
 ecclefiaftics are hired with the wages of unrighteouf- 
 nefs, to afliftthe prince in robbing and in plundering 
 at difcretion, even when there is not the fmalleft 
 "appearance of a fault againft the laws of civil fociety. 
 Though all this is (hocking in the laft degree, to 
 common fenfe and to common equity, it becomes 
 legal on the footing of the political fyflem under 
 confideration. The fovereign, who prefides over 
 it, is bound to proted and to cherifh the church 
 blended with the ftate in one political conftitution, 
 according to his own ideas of her intcrefts ; and, 
 as her champion, to crown her with victory over all 
 hex enemies. — How ready muft he be to atchieve all 
 this, when it fo much befriends his lust oi despotism ! 
 
 But, is human nature capable to fubmit to fuch 
 a yoke ? Impofiible ! It cannot furvive its moral 
 obligations to the author of its being. Subjed:s, 
 unlefs they fhall tamely confent to lole all of man 
 but the human figure, muft rebel. Rebel, did we 
 fay? A juft vindication of thefe rights and dignities, 
 by which men arc diftinguiQied from the brutal 
 tribes, cannot be called by that hated name. Mean- 
 while, even this cannot be done without deluging 
 fociety in confufion and blood. 
 
 But, whether the former or i\\t latter cafe obtains, 
 civil gavernment, proftituted to the vile defigns of 
 ambitious princes and of afpiring priefts, cannot 
 anfwer the important ends qf its inftitution in foci- 
 (pty. Can profperity fpread her cheriiliing wing ; or 
 '' ' peace. 
 
C '58 ] 
 
 peace, with her lovely train, dwell in that nation, 
 in which one half of the wretched inhabitants tranf- 
 form themfelves into devils, that they may efiedluaily 
 metamorphofe the other half into beasts f Can life, 
 liberty, or property, be reliQied in iociety, when 
 they can only be enjoyed in their full extent at the 
 cxpence of throwing off all dependence on the moral 
 government of God, and all regard to the authority 
 of our Lord Jesus Christ ? No ! men, when de- 
 prived of all that is dear in focial life, will rather 
 choofe to adventure their lives, in a jufl: and laud- 
 able attempt to regain the pofle-flion of bleffmgs fo 
 valuable, than to live in flavery without them. 
 
 Nor are the cafes, Vv'hich we have fuppofed, to 
 be reckoned uncommon. What nation in Europe 
 has not, at fome time or another, been a wretched 
 example of both ? Fatal alliance I Thou teeming 
 iource of impofition, defolation, and woe ! How haft 
 thou destroyed empires and kingdoms! Their memorials 
 are perished with them ! IVhen shall destru^ionsy 
 effeduated by thy baneful influence, come to a per- 
 petual end I — Britain ! Thou canft too well atteft 
 the difmal truth. Thy annals are one uninterrupted 
 hiftory of the terrible effecls, which that fyftetn 
 hath had on the eftates and the lives of thy fons. 
 The blood of thy saints and of thy heroes, which 
 hath been flied in the defence of their obli9;ations 
 to God and to fociety, loudly calls for vengeance 
 on that pohtical inftitution, which, till the glorious 
 sera of the laft revolution, which it occafioned, made 
 it to run, like water, in the ftreets of thy cities 
 and in thy folitary deferts ! Nor art thou alone. 
 Every nation in Europe hath anfwered thee with 
 jigh for figh, and with groan for groan, ever (ince 
 that common pest flied its pernicious efieds on civil, 
 fis well as religious fociety ! 
 
 SECT, 
 
SECT. IIL 
 
 The Political Svstem, wherein the Chufch anl 
 State are blended in one Constitution, tends to 
 TARNISH //l7^ CHARACTERS of Mcu^ in evcTy Rank 
 of Life, from the august monarch to the bumblt 
 
 PEASANT. 
 
 T will be readily allowed, that whatever injures 
 the religious character, mud fully the civil re- 
 putation. Regard to the Deity is granted by. all 
 men, to be the foundation of morality, and of every 
 focial duty. An atheist and an hypocrite^ a tyrant 
 and a rebel are characters detefted even among 
 heathens. What law can reft rain the monfter, 
 whether he be the monarch or the m.eaneft of his 
 fubjeds, who hath renounced his allegiance to his 
 Maker, and hath acquired an habit of trifling with 
 his confcience ? 
 
 Neverthelefs, the political fyfhem -under confide - 
 ration forcibly plunges men into the guilt of both. 
 It throws men into the afPii6ling dilemma, either to 
 renounce all regard to the fovereign didlates of con- 
 fcience, and to every moral obligation, or to main- 
 tain the rights o^^ human nature at the expence of 
 beconiino; firebrands in fociety. It is true, that, in 
 this lukewarm age, notwithilanding the political 
 fyflem is adopted in all the European nations, there 
 is no perfecution in any proteftant country. So- 
 vereigns and fubjeds, bleiled be God ! enjoy pro- 
 found peace, in fo far as religious objeds are 
 concerned. Why ! — This ftrange phccnomenon can- 
 not be rationally accounted for on any other ground, 
 than the furprizing prevalence of infidelity and ot 
 practical atheism. Men of all degrees, attached to 
 
 their 
 
[ i6o ] 
 
 ttieir fecular interefts, cultivate focial tranqulllit}'^ 
 even while, according to the genius of the confti- 
 tution of every European nation, they are rebels to 
 the authority of their own Gonfciences, and to God 
 who is greater than their confciences. During^'many 
 ages, while men afted up to the spirit of the fyftem, 
 and fo long as princes and people made their oaths 
 of fidelity to it, a point both of honour and of con- 
 fcience ; nothing could be heard in courts but the 
 fanguinary laws of inhuman tyrants; and in the 
 moft thinly inhabited countries, as well as in thfe 
 moft populace cities — nothing but the mournful 
 dies and the dying groans of the opprefTed, perfe* 
 cuted and murdered. But in this age, not fo famous 
 for liberal fentiment, as for licentious manners, 
 lincerity feems to be banifhed, in a great meafure^ 
 from the focietlcs of men, by their equally flrong 
 attachment to a fyftem of perfecution, and to the 
 praftice of moderation. Is there any thing more 
 common, than to fee men of every rank binding 
 their confciences, by oaths and vows of eternal attach* 
 9}ienty to church and (late combined in one fyftem, 
 while, notwithftanding, they are of the moft mode- 
 rate principles towards dillenters; or while proba- 
 bly, they are dillenters themfelves? Need we fay 
 more? Though the man, who by profaning oaths, 
 facramiCnts and every folemn tie, can thus fet his 
 God and his confcience at defiance, deferves no 
 regard, much Icfs any trust in fociety ; he who would 
 a6t up to the genuine spirit of that execrable alliance, 
 which he fweais to maintain, deferves to be put 
 from the fociety of the human fpecies, as an animal 
 more noxious than tlie lion or the iyger. 
 
 How hath this chequered iyflem, tarnished the 
 cha?'ci^fers, vitiated the principles ^ and branded the 
 reigyis of even the best princes ! Their adminiftrations 
 have been one feiies either of tyranny or of deceit ; 
 
 and 
 
[ i6t ] 
 
 ^nd their othervvife amiable charaders have been 
 blackened in the records of time, with the guilt 
 either of inhuman barbarity, or of deteftable pre- 
 varication. 
 
 During that long and uninterrupted fpace of a 
 thoiifand years, preceding the date of the glorious 
 Reformation, when fu perdition, attended with all 
 her gaudy train, had enthroned herfelf in the con- 
 fciences of princes, as well as of priefts, what fove- 
 reign is not in the roll of tyrants ? Was it, that they 
 had natures lefs tractable, or difi')oritions lefs happy 
 than thofe, who have worn the purple fmce that 
 dreary period? No! Man v of them were the greatefb 
 of men, and the mod amiable of princes. But their 
 coronation oaths, by which they were folemnly 
 bound to be the patrons of the church edablifhed 
 by law, to tyrannize over the confciences of their 
 fubjeds, and to revenge holy mother on all her 
 difobedient children, by the blind execution of penal 
 ftatutes, made them to exceed all the tyrants of 
 antiquity, even a Procrustes himfelf, in execrable 
 cruelty. 
 
 Nor were thefe ages, famous for the reign of 
 ignorance, the only period which teemed with fuch 
 monfters. The fame caufe mud always produce 
 fimilar effeds, when government attends to thefe 
 obligations, which naturally arife out of the alliance, 
 between the church and the date in one chequered 
 conditution. Even fince the date of Reformation, the 
 bed of protedant princes have been metamorphosed^ 
 by these ties, into formidable enemies to the real 
 happinefs of the nations, which these same oaths 
 bound them to cherifli under their royal wings. 
 Shall we mention queen Elizabeth of England? 
 Making neceilary allowances for fome few defeds, 
 — was there ever a greater princefs ? Neverthelefs, 
 how cruel was her adminidration, in fo far as reli- 
 
 X gioa 
 
C i6a ] 
 
 gion was concerned ! How were the natural rights, 
 together with the civil property of her bell prote- 
 ftant fubjecls invaded, becaufe they would not put 
 out their own eyes, offer violence to their own con- 
 fciences, and renounce their allegiance to God, by 
 complying with, the popifli rites, which (he judged 
 proper to retain and to eftablilh in the Englifh con- 
 ftitution ! The ghosts of thofe, who periflied in their 
 precipitant Jiight to the wildernefles, , of America^ 
 from the cruel execution of penal laws, bear awful 
 witnefs, from beneath the altar! Who, or what was 
 to be blamed Not fo much the illuftrious princefs, 
 as the genius of the alliance. It conftituted her the 
 HEAD and the patroness of the church; and that 
 chara5ier, together with her oaths, to defend and to 
 profecute the ends of that unnatural combination, 
 bound her to do all that was in her power, accord- 
 ing to her own underftanding, for that fociety, even 
 though it had been at the expence of all that was 
 dear, both to herfelf and to her fubjeds. 
 
 Though, in thefe happier days, the rights of 
 human nature and of civil fociety, have been both 
 better underftood, and more attended to by princes, 
 the remarkable contrast between their laudable at- 
 tachment to the maxims of moderation, and their 
 coronation vows to maintain the conftitution, or the 
 alliance of church and ftate, by the execution of 
 thefe laws, by which it is fenced, — brands their 
 charaElers with prevarication, and their reigns with 
 a prophane negle^ - of the moft facred obligations. 
 Since the Revolution, the British monarchs have been 
 renowned for thofe god-like excellences — modera- 
 tion, clemency, and love to majikind. But how much 
 is the luftre of thefe royal virtues tarnilhed, when, 
 according to the genuine spirit of the alliance in the 
 Bntifh conftitution, which our fovercicrns are bound 
 to maintam, they mult be regarded by poftcnty 
 
 as 
 
C 163 ] 
 
 as a flagrant violation of public faith ! Let us in- 
 llance king William Illd. of precious memory. 
 PoilelTed of every virtue in an eminent degree, ge- 
 nerouHy atrached to the caufe of liberty, and nobly 
 bent on promoting the happinefs of every denomi- 
 nation of proteftants in the British empire ; he re- 
 prelTed the infolent fury of high-church ; he exer- 
 cifcd the utmoft clemency to proteftant dilTenters ; 
 and, with courage that defied danger, refolutely 
 tied up the hands of thefe, who gladly would have 
 cut the throats of thofe men, to whom, a little be- 
 fore, they had made the mod humble fuit. Mean- 
 while, ail this was a virtual violation of his corona- 
 tion oaths. Having fworn to maintain epifcopacy 
 in England againd prefbyterians, and prefbytery in 
 Scotland againd the fury of epifcoparians, he bound 
 his confcience to exercife the royal authority both 
 according to, and againd the fentiments of his own 
 underdanding, and the didates of his confcience ! 
 Churches, which differed fo very widely, that a 
 minider in one of them could not be reckoned a 
 minider at all by the other, on account of the 
 manner in which he was ordained to the office, 
 could not both be condituted according to the 
 infallible rule, or even according to his Majesty's 
 ideas of that rule. Mud we condemn that excellent 
 prince, as a profane and determined violator of the 
 mod facred ties ? No : rather let us deted the policy 
 which obliged him fird to afcend the British thrones 
 by fettering himfelf with thefe contradictory obli- 
 gations, and then to break through them, that he 
 might not be guilty of cutting the throats of one half 
 of his protedant fubjecbs. Let us abhor a fydem, 
 which neceffitates the British monarchs either to 
 prevaricate, or to perfecute : which fubjeds them 
 to the abfurdity of prodituting their royal authority 
 to maintain and to fupport two churches in their 
 
 X 2 dominions. 
 
[164] 
 
 clomlnions, as both agreeab'e to one divine rule, 
 even while they ftand in hoftile array againft one 
 another : and which as it fixes them in a condition 
 infinitely worfe than that of any clafs of their Tub- 
 jeds, makes them pitiable examples and proofs of 
 the TRUTH, which Sophocles fings in the perfon of 
 Jlgamemnon * — Princes ivill always find it to be a 
 difficulty almost insurmountable^ to sway the sceptre of 
 the monarch, and at the same time, to approve them- 
 selves religiously obedient to the sceptre of the King of the 
 Monarchs.-^ 
 
 Inferior magistrates, together with officers, in the 
 army and in the navy, in the cuftoms and in the 
 e.xcife, are in the fame uneafy circumftinces. It is 
 impofhble, according to the genius of the alii mce, 
 that any magiftrate \ or any officer whatever, in the 
 executive department of government, whofe fenti- 
 ments differ from the chartered creed, can be in- 
 vefted with his office, without virtually renouncing 
 the characfter of an honeft man. He muft profefs, 
 by partaking of the molt facred myfceries, th it he 
 is one body and one bread with the chartered church, 
 notwithitanding he has openly renounced all mem- 
 berfhip with her, and is a ftated member in fome 
 other religions fociety. Can fincerity and truth 
 dwell in iuch, as tamper, in this manner, with 
 God, as well as with their own confciences ? Is it 
 reafonable to expect, that the magistrate will rule 
 justly, or that the officer will ad faithfidly, who 
 
 dares 
 
 % 
 
 f How pernicious to the morals of a nation mufj: fuch exani- 
 ples prove ! 
 
 Componiiur orhis 
 Rf^is ad cxeuipium ; nee sic iuJleBere sensus 
 Hu?ua.'ios edicta 'vatcnty ut 'vita regentis, 
 
 Claudian* 
 
[ i65 ] 
 
 dares to play witli oaths, facrainents and teds ? Ab- 
 furd policy 1 Heathens and the votaries of Mahumed 
 fear an oath, and even tremble to falfify their word, 
 while the fyilem of policy adopted among chriftian 
 nations obliges chriflian magiftrates, either to violate 
 the moft folemn pledges, or to forfeit thofe offices 
 oftrudand honour, to which they are entitled by 
 their birth and ftation. 
 
 Nor are thofe, who ought to be poffeiTed of the 
 moft irreproachable chara(5ters, exempted from (bar- 
 ing in the pernicious effedis of that fyftem. Wc 
 mean the ministers of the chartered church. Thefe, 
 though convinced that the patent creed and liturgy 
 are blended with revery and fuperftition, muft fub- 
 fcribe thefe fyftems of abfurdity, as a condition of 
 inveftiture In facred offices. — It is true, that none 
 are forced into holy functions by pecuniary muldis^ 
 or by any pofitive pains. But it is as true, that 
 the provision which government makes for the pa- 
 tent public teachers, in the chartered fociety, arc 
 lureSy equally powerful and irreliftible, as any ob- 
 jedts whatever, by which government may work on 
 the paffion of fear. It feems to be a matter of pure 
 indifference, by what paffion men are aftiiated, 
 when they are powerfully dragged along to lacrifice 
 the maxims of their own underftandings about re- 
 ligious objedls, to their own temporal interell and 
 emolument. Nor is that policy lefs blameable, 
 which prefents to view the objecis of desire, than 
 that w^hich menaces by the objeBs of aversion^ in or- 
 der to draw men into abfurd or finful meafures. 
 Whatever fummons expectation, and calls forth 
 hope, forceth, with as much propriety of expreffion, 
 every agent, who is capable of being actuated by 
 thefe paffions, to defile his confcience, for gain, as 
 the flattering lips of the harlot forceth the young 
 man to pollute his body, for the enjoyment of ani- 
 mal 
 
[ 166 ] 
 
 iiial gratification. Experience proves It. Nor does 
 it weaken the argument, whether men are led or 
 driven to proftitute their confciences, and to pollute 
 their charad:ers. It is done. Clergymen, led or 
 driven, fubfcribe, even though they have probably 
 written volumes againll the tenets, which they fub- 
 fcribe. All the world fee, deteit and execrate the 
 infincerity of the practice, contemn thofe who are 
 guilty of it, and curie thofe who defend it. This 
 is indeed one of the principal fources of that con- 
 tempt of the clerical chara^er^ which has become 
 almoft. univerfal, and from which minifters of the 
 moil unexceptionable deportment are fcarcely ex- 
 empted. Who mufl: bear the blame? — The bold 
 men, who dare their God, mock the church, and 
 flight their own confciences ! — But, is it not fom.e 
 alleviation of their crime, that they were tempted, 
 yea, even farced by the genius of the political con- 
 ftitution ? 
 
 Men in public charadlers are not the only fuffer- 
 ers. Every clafs of men labour under embarrailments 
 equally grievous. Should any differ, in their reli- 
 gious fentiments, from the eftabhllied flandard of 
 thinking ; it feems impoffible, that they can preferve 
 both on untarnished charatier and the possession of 
 their civil property. Every man is bound to make 
 profeffion of his faith, efpecially when he is com- 
 manded to go contrary to the maxims of his own 
 underflanding and confcience. As foon as he ap- 
 proves himfelf fo faithful to God, and to his own 
 confcience, he muft become obnoxious to govern- 
 ment, as a perfon difaffedled to the chequered con- 
 ftitution ; he commences a rebel in the eye of the 
 executive powers ; and he forfeits all the civil pri- 
 vileges, to which his birth, flation and loyalty had 
 entitled him. But Ihould thefe powerful objects, 
 which government holds forth to the hopes and 
 
 fears 
 
[ i67 ] 
 
 fears of men, in order to allure or to affright them 
 into compliance with the chartered fyftem, prevail 
 with any to difTemble their religious fentlments ; they 
 purchafe the enjoyment of their civil privileges with 
 the lofs of their natural rights, of a good confcience, 
 and of the integrity of their charaders^ as honefl 
 and good men. 
 
 The time has been, when men refufed, with 
 generous difdain, to buy their civil privileges at 
 fuch a dear market. Animated by a courage fupe- 
 rior to the terrors, as well as the allurements of 
 every earthlj'- objed:, they confidered themfelves 
 under indiflbluble obligations, by the very law of 
 nature, to vindicate their natural rights, at the 
 expence of every object, that was dear to them in 
 focial life. Hard cafe! — But now, alas, few, very 
 few hefitate one moment to facrifice loyalty to their 
 God, the peace of their confciences, and the inte- 
 grity of their characters at the altars of feculaf 
 intereft; while the fm all number, who account it an 
 object worthy of their attention, to maintain a con- 
 science void of offence toward God, and toward all 
 men, are hooted at, as men of narrow principles and 
 of unfadiionable practices ! In this manner, men, 
 in every fphere of life, gradually fmk into infidelity 
 as well as into a base negleB of every thing that is 
 valuable in human nature, and fbould be dear to 
 the humian fpecies. The multitudes who conform 
 notwithftanding their declared fentiments, keep one 
 another in countenance and make example to be- 
 come irrefiftible. In vain is the irreligion of the 
 age lamented, while thofe who affecl to do it, in 
 the moft pathetic ftrains, fliut their eyes on the 
 teeming caufe. 
 
 During the inaufpicious reigns of the Stuarts, 
 the Puritans, thofe venerable pillars of British li- 
 berty, were willing to fell all, in order to purchafe 
 
 a Sfood 
 
.[ i68 ] 
 
 a good confcience, more valuable than the sapphire 
 or the onyx. But fince the important arcanum of 
 occasional conformity was luckily found out, pure 
 religion and tindefiled, which confiftedi in keeping the 
 conscience unspotted from the world, hath bidden 
 adieu to the British iHand, in a degree that hath 
 alarmed all men of ferious reflection. Proteftant 
 diffcnters in England, and Scotch prefbyterians, 
 refiding in that part of the iiland, feldom refufe to 
 conform to the mod idle fuperftitions, and boldly 
 bid defiance to their own declared religious maxims. 
 It is true, that they ought not to do fo; but legifla- 
 ture, ever attentive to the honour of the chartered 
 faith, and of the patent fuperftitions, obliges them 
 under the penalty of being expofed to hardlhips, 
 which thofe only, who are pofTeffed of the moft un- 
 common virtue will fubmit to undergo. Befides 
 the countlefs injuries, to which men in peculiar 
 ftations are laid open, we Ihall adduce a few in- 
 ftances, under which fubjeds in every rank of life 
 Lave too juft rcafon to be uncafy. 
 
 Notwithftanding a young gentleman fliall have 
 given all reafonable fatisfaclion to government of 
 his loyalty, and of his inviolable attachment to the 
 interefls of his country, by taking all the neceffary 
 oaths of fidelity ? and notwithftanding he has given 
 away his whole fortune to purchaie a commiiTion 
 under the crown ; government, in (compliance with 
 the genius of the political fyflem under confldera- 
 tion, obliges him to throw away his confcience, after 
 his patrimony, annually, by taking the sacramental 
 test. This is an infufferable hardihip on all, who 
 underfland the nature of the hordes supper, and 
 who are, indeed, the only fit perlbns to receive the 
 communion of the body and blood of Christ, 
 1 hey mufi either foffeit their comnuilions, or pol- 
 lute their cuQiciences, by concurring in the profli- 
 
 tution 
 
L 169 ] 
 
 tiition of the mofi: auorufl: ordinance of the chriftlan 
 church, and by conforming to all the mor.kiUi rites, 
 which are added to that lacred inftitution. What 
 young gentleman can be expelled, in thefe circum- 
 ftances, to withftand the powerful temptation ! 
 Though the mifcellaneous conftitvition cannot wholly 
 excufe fach profane facrifices; that, however, toge- 
 ther with I he famous test aiid corporation a3s^ are the 
 teeming fources of fuch infernal profanation. The 
 LorcTs supper is ordained for thofe, who are faints by 
 profeflion and by pra6lice. But even charity herfelf, 
 that believeth all things^ will not eafily be perfuaded 
 that all the commifiioned gentlemen, in the Britifli 
 army, and navy, and in his majefty's cuftom-houfcs 
 are of that holy fraternity. If we rniftake, we ihall 
 gladly hail the arrival of the Millennium! Notwith- 
 ftanding his prefent majefty, as well as his two royal 
 predecelTors of the fame ilhiilrious family, difpenfes 
 with the feverity of the law towards fome, the ar- 
 gument is not weakened by this neceflary exercife 
 of clemency. It declares that he is not blind to the 
 abfurdity of that political fyflem, which required 
 that legillature fhould eftablifh fuch a teft; and pro- 
 claims as loudly his royal mercy, as that law betrays 
 plainly the perfecuting principles of thofe, who were 
 mofh a6tive in forging that chain. 
 
 Nor are civil and military offices the only objects 
 about which fubjeds find themfelves wretchedly 
 embarraifed, in confequence of the political jumble 
 under confideration. No dilfenter can enjoy the 
 common privileges of nature, without going over 
 the belly of his religious profeffion, by conforming 
 to the moft ludicrous rites of that church, Ironi 
 which he has feparated. Though, for inftance, the 
 God of nature hath ordained the inftitution of mar- 
 riage to be a common bleffing to mankind, without 
 exception ; legiflature, the watchful guardian of the 
 
 Y alliance,^ 
 
[ 170 ] 
 
 alliance, hath wholly confined that bleffing, in Eng- 
 land, to the members of the chartered church in 
 that part of the Britijh Ifle, or, at lead, to thofe 
 who conform to her rites, as if these only (fakers 
 excepted) had a right to enter into wedlock. 
 Every proteftant difienter muft pollute his con- 
 fcience, before he can enjoy the means of avoid ing 
 fornication : he muft receive his bride, through a 
 consecrated rin^^^ from the hand of the established 
 patentee of holy offices : he muft be betrothed to her 
 by nearly the fame bastard sacrament^ which unites the 
 sons of holy mother with their fpoufes : he muft be 
 received into the holy ftate of matrimony, in almoft 
 the fame form of words, by which the chriftian Law- 
 giver hath appointed the ordinance of admission to 
 communion in his body to be adminiftered : and he 
 muft be made one fieJJ:> with his wife, in the name 
 of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy 
 Ghoft ! Thus, he muft either fit down with the lofs 
 of his natural right to the happinefs of the married 
 ftate; or he muft pollute his confcience by conform- 
 ing to thele very fuperftitlons, on account of which 
 he had found it ne&eflery to feparate from the com- 
 munion of the chartered church. It avails nothino; 
 to alledge, that as marriage is a civil tranfaclion, and 
 on that account, is wholly under the cognizance of 
 the'magiftrate, government may lawfully appoint it 
 to be celebrated with fuch ceremonies as it judges 
 to be proper. We deny that marriage is either a 
 civil or a christian inftitution. All civil appoint- 
 iTients prefuppofe the adual exiftence of fociety, 
 and chiefly the connexion of the fexes, as one of 
 the principal cements of civil fociety. Though 
 civil legiilature hath always found it neceflary to 
 make proper regulations concerning that inftitution, 
 it never carried its claims fo high, as to arrogate 
 the honour of its appointment* It is an inftitution 
 
 which 
 
[ 17' 3 
 
 which originally belongs to the law of nature, and 
 cannot be the obje6t of any civil regulations, but 
 fuch as evidently tend to promote, and effe61:ually 
 to fecure its original defign. All regulations, there- 
 fore, which fuppofe it to be either a civil or an 
 ecclesiastical inftitution, and tend to deprive any 
 clafs of men whatever of the benefit of that appoint- 
 ment, on any civil or religious pretence, are bold 
 attempts to fuperfede the very laws of nature, are 
 mifchievous efforts againft the happinefs of civil 
 fociety, and are cruel violations of the rights of 
 human nature. We own, that among the political 
 regulations, which legiflature may lawfully make 
 about that ancient inftitution, it may appoint cer- 
 tain rites to be ufed in its celebration. But let them 
 be fuch as are of divine appointment, or are, at 
 lead, merely indifferent, prior to their becoming 
 obligatory by civil authority. They mull neither 
 be abfurd imitations of pagan superstitions, nor the 
 profane mimicry of christian institutions. Govern- 
 ment defeats its own defign, when it authorizes 
 rites, which are evidently calculated to make one 
 half of a nation either bachelors or hypocrites. 
 
 We fhall only add another inftance of thofe in- 
 tolerable hardfliips, which the poHtical alliance lays 
 on the (boulders of all proteftant diffenters. — A 
 grievance which mufl plunge every diffenter either 
 in guilt or in ruin. It is the mode of swearing, 
 ivhich is eftabliflied in all courts of judicature, whe- 
 ther civil or ecclefiallical, on the fouth fide of the 
 Tzveed. 
 
 It was in the darkefl hour of that long night, 
 during which popery overwhelmed all the European 
 nations, in profound ignorance and wretched fuper- 
 ftition, that the idolatrous mode of kissing the gof- 
 pels was introduced into their conftitutions, and 
 was made the only canonical and legal method of 
 
 y 2 appealing- 
 
t 172 ] 
 
 appealing to the Deity, by oath, in every court, 
 Cnstoniy which gives authenticity to every thing, 
 which wants a better foundation, gave it fuch credit 
 in England, that it maintained its feat in the political 
 fyftem at the Reformation : and even to this day, 
 the civil as well as the ecclefiaftic department of 
 government infift peremptorily on the ufe of the fame 
 wode of appeal to heaven. Hence, it becomes 
 abfoluLely uiipofTible, that any protestant disse: ter, 
 or any ScoUb presbyterian, who profeiTes to believe, 
 that the second precept of the decalQ^ue prohibits 
 him from attempting to worfliip God in methods, 
 which are not authenticated by his word; who con- 
 demns the ufe of the crofs in baptifm; and who 
 refufes to kneel at the communion-table; — can carry 
 on any branch of lawful bufinefs; recover a juft 
 debt; or can enjoy any place in the army or navy, 
 in the cuflom or excife, with a safe conscience and 
 with a consistent charavlerj^^' 
 
 Few fcruple to comply !^ — So much the more pity, 
 as impofition hath made men to bury thefe fcruples 
 and their confciences together in a hopelefs defpon- 
 dency of redrefs, a general compliance, inflead of 
 renderine the erievance more tolerable, makes it 
 more (hocking. Neither the authority, nor the in- 
 attention of men diminiflies from the abfurdity of 
 profeffing and praclifing contraries. It only iliew^s, 
 that the fyftem, which forceth them, to adventure 
 on f ich abfurdity, is iniinitelv banefolto their morals, 
 as well as to the integrity of their characters. From 
 the peer to the pea^aiit, none can fuftain and adc 
 their part in civil iociety, unlefs he iliall commit a 
 
 fpecies 
 
 * As the mode of iVcaring by kissing the gofpcls is dcnyed 
 from the lame lource, from which every other idle fuperftition 
 has eVer teemed, — the wild imaginations of daring cnthufialis ; 
 it feems to be a fpecies of prevarication too grofs, famely and for 
 worldly adva'irages to comply with xhc forme)-, while they con- 
 tinue to exclaim with juilice againll the latter. 
 
[ 173 ] 
 
 fpecies of idolatr3S ^milar to that of Jeroboam, the 
 Ton )f ^\fibaf, w" o mxdc Israel to fin. This poHtical 
 inftitution tends to deftroy all juft sense of an oath 
 from theii c^iifciences, feeing their confciences mufl 
 be debauchr !, before thjy can fubnilt to the mode 
 of its .^dmi liftration. We are bold to fay, that the 
 proteftant dilTenter, together with the Scotch pref- 
 byterian, who (hall tamely fubmit to that idolatrous, 
 mode of folemn appeal, ought to be accounted le- 
 gally incapable of feeling the obligation of an oath. 
 E'lher he muft be grofsly ignorant of his own reli- 
 gious principles, or his confcience muft be miferably 
 deoauched. In either cafe, he ought not to be allow- 
 ed to make an appeal to heaven, while heaven s 
 vicegerent^ in his own bofoni, has him fo little un- 
 der its check. 
 
 Should any afk, in what the idolatry of that mode 
 confifteth ? — The putting fuch a queftion (hews, that 
 will-worlhip, once tampered with, ftupifies the un- 
 derftanding, as well as all the moral feelings in the 
 human breaft. Why are the fign of the crofs, and 
 kneeling at t^ie communion accounted unlawful and 
 fuperftitious by every denomination of proteftant 
 diffenrers? ^bese are not commanded in the gofpell 
 Neither is kissing x.\\t gofpels. — But these owe their 
 original to that forge of modern idolatry, — the 
 church of i^owf/— From the fame fource is this de- 
 rived. But kneeling at the altar fmells ftrong of 
 iransiibstantiation, and of the corporal presence!'^ 
 And is not kilTing the gofpels too like to the wor- 
 fhip oi Jeroboam's cherubim; or to the worfhip of 
 the fun and moon, which Job has mentioned with 
 religious contempt? The latter are as capable of 
 being the objeEl, or the means of divine worfhip as 
 the former. As the Deity hath revealed his perfec- 
 tions by both, he is as really in the last as in 
 the/n/. If there is therefore any appeal to God 
 
 in 
 
[ 174 ] 
 
 in the adlion of kissing the holy gofpels, it mnfl: be 
 addreffed to him, as fpeaking, and as revealing 
 himlelf by thcfe infpired books. And, pray, does not 
 he as really, though not lo explicitly, fpcak to man- 
 kind by the the sun when he shinethy and by the moon 
 when she walkeih in her brightness? The whole dif- 
 ference confifteth in the deo;ree and manner cf reve- 
 lation. Wherefore, if it would be, without queftion, 
 accounted idolatry, to worfhip the Maker of heaven 
 and earth, by kissing the hand to thefe natural em- 
 blems of Deity, which prefide over day and night ; 
 it mufl: be reckoned impious and daring fuperftition 
 to appear before the Judge of all the earthy and to 
 appeal to his dread tribunal, not only in a manner 
 not authorized by himfelf, but in the ufe of rites, 
 which are marked with igyiominy and divine contempt 
 in these very books ^ which are thus profaned. 
 
 On the whole, as this piece of fuperftitious wor- 
 fhip was imported into our ifland, in confequence 
 of the execrable alliance, between the EnoUsh con- 
 ftitution and the Romish church, to which it owes 
 its detefted birth ; as it is dill retained by the force 
 of inveterate cuftom, as a branch of the chartered 
 fyftem of religion, now blended with the fame con- 
 flitution ; and as no proteftant diffenter, without 
 becoming Felo de se, can comply with it : — The un- 
 prejudiced rnuft account it intolerably grievous and 
 unjuft, efpecially fmce the p:i2ion, by which a free 
 communication in commerce was opened between 
 the soiith and jwrth divifions of Great Britain, that 
 compliance w^ith that deteftable rite Ihould be made 
 an indispens^ible condition, on which all fubjedts, 
 Quakers only excepted, can have liberty to buy or 
 sell, to recover a debt, to enjoy an office, or even to 
 bear witness to the truth, in order to fave the inno- 
 cent from an halter. It feems to have a driking re- 
 femblance to the conditio me qua non of the apoca- 
 lyptic 
 
C 175 ] 
 
 lyptk writings, called the mark in the right-hands^ 
 or in the foreheads of those^ who worship the image 
 of the beast, without which no man could become 
 a denizen and free trader in the apocalyptical Babylon. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 An At temp t to evince ^Z?^ reasonableness to urge the 
 NECESSITY, and to shew ihe possibility of abo^ 
 lishing Ecclesiastical Patents, 
 
 TH E arguments, which have been difcufled iti 
 the preceding chapters of this work, may per 
 haps be confidered by the intelligent reader, in no 
 other point of view, than as fo many fubftantial 
 reafons for the total annihilation of that fcheme of 
 policy, according to which, the kingdom of Christ 
 is confolidated with the kingdoms of this world. 
 They at lead fcem, to plead ftrongly, for bringing 
 that political system under a {qv'iou^ reviezv\ for pro- 
 viding effe6lually againft its pernicious confequences ; 
 and for adjufting it to the original, unadulterated 
 deligns of fociety, civil and religious. That this can- 
 not be effc(5luated without a total abolition of religi- 
 ous patents, Ihall be Ihevvn in the enfuing fections. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 The TOTAL ANNIHILATION of rcligiotis Monopolies 
 is proved to be reasonable. 
 
 WERE not charters of exclufive civil privi- 
 lege, fovereignly conferred on one religious 
 denomination of chriftians, to the manifeft prejudice 
 
 01 
 
[ 176 ] 
 
 of all others, familiar to mankind, the very recital 
 of fuch grants would throw them into aftonifhment 
 at their abfurdity and injuftice. Should an hiftorian 
 gravely inform his readers, that in a nation, celebrated 
 for wifdom and good policy, a royal patent paffed 
 the feals, in favour of all men, who were six feet 
 high, impowering them, by an exclusive grant, to 
 poiTefs all the rights of free-men, and to treat every 
 man of a more diminutive ftature, as unworthy to 
 enjoy the common privileges offociety; would not 
 the abiurdity of the fa6t juftly bring the veracity of 
 the trifler into queftion, and his flory into contempt? 
 Notwithftanding, religious monopolies, granted on 
 account of qualifications, which are as foreign 
 to the advantage or to the hurt of civil fociety, and 
 are as little under the direElion of their wills, as the 
 gauge 0^ their ftature, are equally abfurd, and were 
 they not common and familiar, are equally incredi- 
 ble. Reafon, religion and the maxims of true policy, 
 confpire to demand the abolition of the latter, with 
 equal propriety, as they would have perfuaded the 
 annihilation of the for?ner, were it poffible that fuch 
 flagrant injuftice had ever found place among civi- 
 lized nations. Thejuftice of this aifertion will ap- 
 pear, with convincing evidence from the following 
 obfervations. 
 
 I. It feems to be not only an universal maxim 
 with mankind, but one of the first and moft genuine 
 shoots of reafon, that religioniils who attempt to 
 eftablifli their creed on the ruin of focial happinefs, 
 or on manifeft violations of juftice toward indivi- 
 duals, whom fociety is. bound to proted, are un- 
 reafonable; thgj: fociety is bound to ufe all lawful 
 means to baulk the defigns of fuch madmen ; and 
 that, fhould they perfevere in their abfurd dellgns, 
 
 government 
 
t 177 ] 
 
 government is under obligations to treit them as 
 the enemies of mankind. 
 
 From this plain maxim, the reader, awake to re- 
 lledion, will fee the absurdity of every religious 
 monopoly^ and the propriety of abolishing every charter 
 of exclusive privilege -^ founded on objedls foreign to 
 the nature of civil fociety. If it is realbnable to 
 prevent monopolies which would be prejudicial to 
 fociety; if it is incumbent on government to defend 
 the rights of individuals againft the furious efforts 
 of enthufiafts, who would eftablidi their creed by 
 violence and injuftice ; and if all men, in all ages, 
 have agreed in their declared fentiments, and have 
 confpired in their uniform practice, to reckon it 
 agreeable to eternal reafon, that the creed which 
 teaches its votaries rebellion, injuftice and murder, 
 deferves no place in any political conftitution; then^ 
 as no religious fyftem whatever can be advanced to 
 that throne, or can be maintained in it, without the 
 moft flagrant violations of juftice, and intolerable 
 encroachments on the natural and religious rights 
 of mankind, it is lefs impolitical to fuffer any creed 
 to enjoy a civil patent, than it is unreafonable to 
 allow the votaries of a religious fyftem, to aspire 
 after its eftablilhment on the ruins of a former. The 
 malignant infiuence of creeds, on the lives and liber- 
 ties of mankind, arifes not from their heterodoxy ^ 
 but from their exclusive establis,:me it, and from tie 
 penal laws, by which they are made objecls of terror, 
 and engines of cruelty againft every man, wno 
 dares to ufe his own underftanding. Nor are their 
 effe(5ls lefs baneful, when they have reached the me- 
 ridian of an exclusive settlement, than during the 
 shock of competition with rival fyftems for the legal 
 pre-eminence* 
 
 Notwithftanding aBual possession feems to plead in 
 favour of a chartered creed, the queftion is, by 
 
 Z what 
 
[ 178 ] 
 
 what means did it attain it, and by what jufl: claim 
 doth it hold that favour? No religious fyftem ever 
 travelled up to the honour of a feat, in the consti* 
 Uition of any empire or of any nation, but in red 
 apparel, and with garments died in blood* Nor has 
 any creed maintained its throne, but either by the 
 iron rod of the opprefTor, by the dagger of the af- 
 fafTin, or by the fword of the perfecutor. An unjuft 
 polTelTor ought to be ejeded. The law of equity, 
 which warrants any man to repel an unjufl: attempt 
 to feize his property, makes it his duty to wrefl: from 
 the villain the poileflion of the feizure. 
 
 There is no ftrength in the popular objeclion, 
 which has been ufed indifferently againft every 
 effort for reformation, and as an unanfwerable ar- 
 gument for every creed, when it had the honour 
 of being eftabliihed by law — *' The chartered fyftenr 
 is $0 good, so orthodox, so apoftolical, so feraphi- 
 cal, — so every thhig that is a topic for panegyric, 
 that no man can reasonably diffent from it, and there- 
 by expofe himfelf to the civil pains, which law pro- 
 vides againft heretics and non-conformifls." The 
 abfurdity of fuch declamations will appear from the 
 following remarks. 
 
 I. Though we readily grant that some creeds are 
 infinitely fuperior to others; all, neither are, nor 
 can be super e>:cellent. Yet all, in their turns, havt 
 been such, when they were in 3. i\2iie of political al- 
 liaKce with the conftitution of the lociety, which had 
 fucceffively adopted them. Every eftablifhed creed 
 is orthodox in the judgment of the impofers. It is 
 fo in Spain and Portugal, as well as in England and 
 the United Provinces, In the /or?9ier, the Pop'ijh 
 system is fo orthodox, that no man can become ob- 
 noxious to the Inquifition, with any greater degree 
 of reafon, than difienters in the laiter are accounted 
 schismatics^ and are expofed to all the difadvantages. 
 
 of 
 
[ 179 3 
 
 of nonconformity. Should a creed be as abfurd as the 
 Musselmans Cor an, it muft be orthodox in the eyes 
 of thofe who beheve it ; and it muft be fomething 
 more excellent in the enlightened underftandings of 
 thofe, who, inflamed with zeal againft all that op- 
 pofe any of its articles, teach them to believe by the 
 iirefiftible logic of the holy office. 
 
 2. Even stub syllogisms will be loft on fome. There 
 have been always not a few, who have been either 
 fo stupid, or fo wise, that they could not believe 
 fome articles of the chartered fyftem. Though it 
 was pure, as the folar beam, the jiatural man cannot 
 receive the things of the spirit,*. They are the ob- 
 jeds of fpi ritual difcernment alone. Muft therefore 
 all, who are in the ftate of corrupt nature, be ftript 
 of their natural rights, and be deprived of their 
 civil liberties P Muft none but saints pofTefs their civil 
 property ? Did any of the apostles drop a fingle (Qn- 
 tence againft the natural and civil rights of even the 
 moft wicked men ? Abfurd ! 
 
 3. But it is of no confequence in the argument, 
 whether the patent creed is orthodox, or the reverse. 
 It is not the religious fyftem, as fuch, that can ei- 
 ther advantage or injure the rights of mankind in 
 lociety ; but it is the exclusive establishment of the 
 (yftem in the political conftitution. The popifh 
 fyftem itfelf is as harmlefs as a vulture which hath 
 loft its be:ak and talons, when it is not enthroned. 
 Civil legiflature, by beftowing on it an exclufive 
 patent, gives it life arJ. power, that it both can speak, 
 and can cause as many as zvill not worship the image of 
 the beast to be killed.-]'- And even the moft unexcep- 
 tionable creed under heaven, as foon as it is exclu- 
 fively eftabliftied, becomes an enemy to the rights 
 of mankind. The penal laws, which like its life- 
 
 * I Cor. XI, 14. f Rp-.;cili. 14, 15. 
 
 Z 2 g^iard^ 
 
[ i8o ] 
 
 guard, incircle its awful throne in the political con- 
 ititution, devour the fielh and eat up the fubftance 
 of the innocent. 
 
 11. It will add no fmall force to the former rea» 
 foning, if it is confidered that the eternal law of 
 €,(j^\j\\.y,'whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, 
 do ye also to theni^^ calls aloud for the annihilation of 
 religious monopolies. 
 
 This comprehcnfive maxim doubtlefs implies, that 
 no man, of any charader whatever, ought to do that 
 towards others, which, placing himfelf in their cir- 
 cumftances, he would not wifli they Ihould do tq 
 him, were they in his circumftances. It muft there- 
 fore follow, that as thofe, who fit at the helm in 
 government, would pot chufe that any thing fliould 
 be blended with the civil conftitution, which bears 
 hard on any part of their charader, whether as men 
 or as christians, as members or as managers in civil 
 fociety ; they ought not to permit any objeds, (efpe- 
 cially fuch as are foreign to the nature and defigns 
 of civil fociety) which affect the charafter and con- 
 fciences of their inferiors, to be confolidated with 
 the conftitution. No ft^tion whatever can fet men 
 above the divine law. As God hath made of one blood 
 ell nations of men that dwell on the earth ; -j^ as all 
 men are equally under moral obligations to the Au- 
 thor of their exiftence ; and as every man is bound 
 to love his neighbour as himself; | every individual of 
 the fpecies is under mdilloluble ties to effectuate that 
 for his brother, which self-love, under the regu- 
 lations of reafon and of confcience, dictates, that 
 this lafb ought to do for him, on the fuppofition of 
 an mtcrchange in their circumftances. Let thofe, 
 therefore, who have the modelling of the political con; 
 
 * Luke vi, 31, f Ada xvii, 26. J Matth. xix. 19. 
 
 ilitutions 
 
[ i8i ] 
 
 ftitutlons of kingdoms in their power, place them- 
 (elves in the circumflances, in which many good 
 men have been, and continue to be fituated : let 
 them fuppofe then.felves under obligations, by that 
 authoritv which ought to protecfl their rights and 
 liberties, to fubfcribc articles of faith, which they 
 cannot believe ; to aiient to canons, which they are 
 perfuaded are fubverfive of that liberty with which 
 -Chrift hath dignified his fpiriti.ial kingdom; and to 
 worfhip God by rites, which they are fure were ne- 
 ver inltitutcd by Him, whofe authority is both the 
 reason ^nd the rule of all divine worlhip: and let 
 them confider themfelves as branded with the odious 
 appellation of heretics, ftigmatized for schismatics 
 ^nd ruined by the execution of penal laws enacted 
 againft fuch ugly charadlers; and all becaufe they 
 cannot believe and fubfcribe two contradidlory 
 fyftems of faith at one and the fame time. — What 
 would they think of their circumftances? Could they 
 be happy or even easy in them ? Woujd thay not 
 think themfelves entided to fpeedy and efFe6tual 
 redrefs? — ^Let their own feelings di(^ate to them 
 their duty toward their brethren of mankind. Hu- 
 man nature, in all fituations, is endued with moral 
 as well as with natural sensibility. Even thofe, who 
 move in the lovveft fpheres of civil life, are at leaR 
 as capable of feeling the rigours and miferies of re- 
 ligious impofition, as thofe, who, being educated in 
 all the foftnefs, diflipation and thoughtlefs gaiety of 
 courts, are moft forward to a6t in the character of 
 rehgious dilators. Meanwhile, it is reafonable, that 
 fuch as are fo fond to turn their fellow chriflians, 
 into the community of cattle, by depriving them of 
 all that is human, but the ere^ figure, fliould feri- 
 oully think how uneafily the faddle would fit on 
 their backs, and how ill they would take it, to be 
 whipped and /purred along by penal laws, through 
 
 all 
 
C »82 ] 
 
 all the filth nnd mire of oaths, subscriptions and 
 every other a6l of conformity to no one knows what, 
 till their humane riders (hall have accompliilied the 
 tour to the temple of relentlefs tyranny ! 
 
 Some may pofTibly reply, that thofe who manage 
 the reins of adminiftration cannot alter any thing in 
 the political conftitution : that their province is, to 
 govern according to the eftablilhed laws : that though 
 the divine precepts certainly reach them in their 
 private character, they are anfvverable to fociety for 
 their public deportment ; and mud a(5l according to 
 the ftatutes and eftabliflied cuftoms of the realm ; 
 and that, on this account, they are under obliga- 
 tions to do many things toward others, which they 
 would no: wifh any to have in their power to do to- 
 ward them. 
 
 But is not this objection a plain acknowledgment, 
 that the political conllitution stands in need of a 
 fpeedy reformation, when it fliuts up thofe, who are 
 legally employed in adminiftration to adis of con- 
 feifed violence and injuftice ; and that their moral 
 principles are very bad, who affume a character, 
 which obliges them to perpetrate adlions, which are 
 acknowledged violations of the laws of nature, as 
 well as of chriftianity ? Aftonilliing ! Does not the 
 Jaw of the fupreme Lord of the univerfe reach men 
 in every fphere ? Are the moral precepts made only 
 for thofe, whofe private charadler incapacitates them 
 for the perpetration of public injuries ? Are these 
 iuperior to even divine contronl, who have it in their 
 power to injure innocence under colour of law ? Ra- 
 ther, does not the fupreme Lawgiver bind up every 
 man, not only from all acts of injuftice, but even 
 from affuming any character, on any confideration 
 whatever, by which he may be laid under a necef^- 
 fity, to treat the divine law with contempt, or his 
 fellow-chriftianswith injury and infult ? 
 
 Though 
 
[183] 
 
 Though it be happily true, that political admini:" 
 ilrution cannot overthrow the national conftitution 
 at pleaftire, the legiilatnre can rectify every thing 
 that is wrong in it as foon as it is pointed out to 
 them. Every fociety is not only warranted, but is 
 even bound by the law of felf-prefervation, to re- 
 move the known caufes of its own woe ; and its ma- 
 giftrates ought not only to point out the prolific 
 fources, but to excite and dired: it how to remove 
 them in a legal and effedlual manner. Though al- 
 terations, in the political fyftem of any fociety, 
 ought not to be attempted on account of irlfling 
 inconveniencies, which may befal fome individuals of 
 fociety; it has been (hewn, that the difadvantages 
 attending exclufive eftablidiments are neither few, 
 noroffmall importance to religious as well as civil 
 fociety. Nor are there any evil confequences to at- 
 tend the annihilation i^fthefe fprings of fecial mifery, 
 which can counterbalance the benefit, that would 
 arife from that prudent meafure. The only evil,, 
 which the mod foreboding imagination can fup- 
 pofe to arife from it, is depriving a few men of ani 
 opportunity to fucceed in fome o£Eces, and to enjoy 
 the enormiOus wealth annexed to them, to which 
 they can pretend no antecedent right. Though 
 fome may afFecl to rank this among the crimes, 
 which Heaven itfelf cannot forgive, one thing is 
 clear as the meridian beam, that, was this meafure 
 to be purfued in Great Britain^ it would annually 
 add at leaft one million to her revenue. This will 
 appear with brighter evidence, when it is confidercd, 
 that — 
 
 III. The ADVANTAGES, which would refult from 
 a total difengagement of church and ftate, are great y 
 miversal and lasting,- 
 
 1. Should 
 
[ iS4 ] 
 
 I. Should that meafn re be approved, the advaii-' 
 rages arifingfrom it would be great. Were no other 
 good confequenccs to attend it, befides the removal 
 of fo many baneful eifefts which have been demon- 
 ftrated to flow from the political alliance of the 
 church and ftate in one mixed constitution, our af- 
 fertion would be fufficiently juft : But a brief enu- 
 meration of the pofitive bleflings, which would 
 acrue to fociety by it, will fet this part of the pro- 
 poficion in a clearer point of light. 
 
 The natural and religious rights of mankind 
 would be effedtually rescued from sacrilegious violas 
 tioru Rational creatures would then dare to avow 
 their moral dependence on God 5 ^nd chriflians, no 
 longer bound down by penal laws to believe con- 
 tradidions, would enjoy that liberty in its full ex- 
 tent, by the ufe of which they approve their fiibjec- 
 tion and irreproachable loyalty to the King of kings ^ 
 Their underdandings would anfwer fome more im- 
 portant purpoie beiides that, to which inere instin^ 
 might have direBed them. Raifed to the rank of 
 confcious and accountable beings ; and elevated 
 above the beftial tribes, to an equality with which the 
 political alliance had forcibly deprelfed human na- 
 ture ; their elective powers would become of im- 
 portant fervice to them, in offering up iviUirig and 
 living sacrifices to God j and the ufe of their confci- 
 ences, in the regulation of their worlhip and de- 
 portment, would no more be iuperfeded by the ar- 
 bitrary decifions of thofe, whom law hath fo long 
 authorized to ulurp the fovereign direction of the 
 moral arbiter in the human bofom. 
 
 The civil rights of citizens, redeemed from unjuft 
 forfeiture, would alfo be enjoyed in their full extent, 
 and with perfect fecui ity. Every good fubjed hath 
 a title to enjoy unmolefted his life, liberty and pro- 
 perty. His ri^ht to thcic is founded ia his having 
 
 dilchargcd 
 
dirch:^rged bis debt to government with fleady fide- 
 lity. Should his obedience to the commands of 
 government become inconfiflent with his more fa- 
 cred obligations to God, through fome defedV, in the 
 conftitution, or through any fault in adminiftration; 
 as it is better to obey God than man, his difobe- 
 dience, in that inftance, is not only excufable, but 
 becomes laudable and indifpenfably necelTary. Nor 
 hath he forfeited a full fecurity of life, liberty and 
 property, as a debt due from fociecy, for his fteadi- 
 nefs and loyalty in every inftance wherein obedience 
 is due, according to the law of God, and the ori- 
 ginal laws of fociety. Having fulfilled his part of the 
 virtual contraB between fociery arid him, it would 
 be infinitely unjuft to fuppofe him to be in debt, 
 while nothing remains due. As civil government is 
 not founded on the ruin of God's moral govern- 
 ment in the world, and on the fuperfedure of his 
 abfolute and incommunicable dominion over the 
 confcience; it has no claim on any fubjedt for more 
 than is due to <:/z;z7 fociety, nor has it any right to 
 demand faith without, or contrary to evidence, and 
 to command obedience in any inftance wherein Hea- 
 ven hath revealed its prohibitions. 
 
 Notwithftanding thefe plain maxims; as every 
 fubiedt, according to the genius of the alliance, is 
 legally and de jure reckoned a member of the char- 
 tered church; thefe, whofe underftandings and con- 
 fciences are not of the fame fize and complexion 
 with thofe of adminiftration, and who have fortitude 
 and honefty to avow their fuperior obligations to 
 God, are ipso fa^o deprived of their civil right, and 
 incur a forfeiture of every thing which fociety is 
 bound to prote(^. The laws, which fliould be their 
 guardians, become the inexorable authors of their 
 ruin. How often have the worthieft fubjedls in Brl- 
 taitiy been driven from their faniilies, their property 
 
 A a and 
 
[ i86 3 
 
 and their country, for no other crime, but becaufe 
 they refufed to pay a debt to civil authority, which 
 they reither owed, nor could owe, unlefs they had 
 commenced atheifts, and had renounced their moral 
 dependence on God, in order to become flanch par- 
 liamentary chriflians ! Even in this age of compara- 
 tive liberty, and on the fame account, how many of 
 his majelly's beft fubjeds, who would cheerfully 
 fpend their lafl drop of blood for the proteftant caufe, 
 and for our excellent civil conftitution, are marked 
 out as fchifmatics, as heretics, and as enemies to 
 the political conftitution, and, we are forry to add, 
 are treated accordingly ! — The ftifF dignitary deigns 
 to reply, — They should comply^ as in duty bourd. — In 
 the name of common fenfe ! For what reafon ? Mufk 
 theypurchafe the character and privileges of con- 
 formifts at the expence of their iincerity, their reli- 
 gion, and their allegiance to the eternal Go-d ? Are 
 they in duty bound to pay a debt, which govern- 
 ment hath no right to demand ? — But the creed and 
 ritual, which are blended with the confkitution, are 
 orthodox and pious! — To whom ? To government, 
 which impofes them. — And is that a fufficient reafon 
 for demanding conformity ? Then it muft be as fuf- 
 ficient in every quarter of the world. It muft be an 
 unanfwcrable argument in Spain, in Italy, at Peters- 
 burgh and at Constantinople, as well as in the British 
 dominions! — ^On the whole, if the civil rights of 
 mankind are valuable ; if the fecurity of thefe, in 
 civil life, is juftly accounted one of the greateft blef- 
 fings of providence ; and if it is matter of fadl, that 
 the genius of exclufive eftabliftiments, unhinges that 
 fecurity ; — then a reformation of the pohtical con- 
 ftitution, by a total annihilation of Ecclefiaftical pa- 
 tents, would be one of the most valuable blessings, that- 
 the patriotic heart of a true Briton could defire. 
 
 Nor 
 
[ i87 ] 
 
 Nor would Individuals be the only gainers, a door 
 being opened for every fubjed indifc^iminately to 
 ufe tlie endowments of his nature, fuciety in general 
 would reap infinite advantages from an annihilation 
 of religious monopolies. 
 
 It hath been fliewn already how much the natural 
 rights of mankind have been fup planted by patent 
 creeds and eflabhlhed liturgies. Though it cannot 
 be denied, that many dilTenters are polTeired of valu- 
 able talents, and that they might be of the greateft 
 ufe to fociety ; the fevere ftacutes, made againft them, 
 put them under a ban, and oblige them to continue 
 cyphers in fociety, in order to preferve a conscience 
 "void of offence towards God, and towards all men. Nor 
 muft they be blamed for their retreat. No man can 
 hinder the evidence of truth to fliine on his under- 
 ftanding; and no good man will ever wiQi to do it. 
 Having weighed temporal and eternal objects in a jufb 
 balance, he will never put out the eyes of his un- 
 derftanding, ftop the mouth of his confcience, and 
 pierce himfelf through with many forrows,-— for the 
 uncertain and perifhing advantages, which might arife 
 from the exercife of his natural endowments in the 
 guilty service of fociety. He firmly believes, on the 
 befh grounds, that God will never hold him a debtor 
 to his fcheme of providence in thofe cafes, wherein 
 he cannot a(5t, without overleaping the mounds of 
 morality and religion. And he is no lefs allured that 
 his temporal lofs is more than compenfated by consci- 
 ous honour, — an inheritance which the fmiles of the 
 mighty cannot beftow, and of which the frowns even 
 of princes cannot rob him. 
 
 This has indeed been the deplorable flate of fociety 
 ever fince the ara of the famous alliance. The bed 
 of men, rather than that they fliould plunge their 
 confciences in guilt, and their charaders in infamy, 
 have chofen to bury their talents in the obfcure 
 
 Aaz walks 
 
[ i88 ] 
 
 walks of private life; and they have quietly beheld^ 
 with the grief, of which great minds only are fuf- 
 ceptible, atheists, hypocrites and notices raifed to 
 the highefh fpheres of a(ftion, and facrificing the 
 peace ot tlK."ir confciences for an opportunity to prey, 
 like vultures, on the beft intereft of both civil and 
 religious fociety. But are individuals the only fuf* 
 ferers ? No; fociety is the principal lofer. The nation 
 is injured, while individuals, ignorant of the ade- 
 quate caufe of national mifery, ficken under the poli- 
 tical difcafe. The (late of Great Britain, during the 
 reign of Charles I. together with that of his two 
 royal defcendents, is a fufficient comment on the 
 allertion. 
 
 Ought not fuch a grievance to be redrefled? — a 
 grievance, which unhmges fociety, and difappoints 
 its moft valuable deiigns among mankind. Is not 
 eveiy political body bound by the law of felf-prefer- 
 vation to attend to its own interefts, and efpecially 
 to take care that none of its ufeful members either 
 be cut off, or be bound up from exercifmg the func- 
 tions, for wh.ich the God of nature has qualified 
 them.? Shall a nation, which hath hazarded innu- 
 merable v/ars in the vindication of her own honour, 
 and for retrieving or fecuring the property of a few 
 individuals, refuie to heal a known defedt in her 
 own political iydem, in confequence of which, not 
 only are tndividuais fpoiled of their undoubted 
 rights, but even the rohole body politic is left to lan- 
 guifh, through the Icfs of their important fervices. 
 T he cruel law which authorized the murder of ill- 
 formed infants, and of old men, no longer ferviceable 
 to the community, is jullly evecraied in Britain and 
 in every other chriftian nation. Notwirnltanding, 
 bad not fociety fome pretext for fuch a law, while 
 both, had they been fuffercd to live, muft have 
 been burthens on the commonwealth^ But is there 
 
 the 
 
C 189 ] 
 
 tiie leail (liadow of reafon for a political fyftem, 
 which ruis off one half of fociety, yea, the mofl va- 
 luable part too, from ferving their God and their 
 ge;?eration, according to the extent of their talents? 
 Thole, whom it thus dooms to drag out life in ob- 
 fcuriiy, when the Author of their beings hath qua- 
 lified them to fliine out in the mod important 
 ftations, are cruelly numbered among the dead. 
 Life, to a great mind, is only another name for 
 (death, when all that is permitted to him to do with 
 a fafe confcience and with untarnifned honour, is 
 only to breathe, 
 
 2. The advantages would be universal as well 
 as emhtent. All perfons, in all fpheres, would reap 
 the fruits of fuch a reformation in civil policy. Sub- 
 je6ts, without diftindion, vvould reap a plentiful 
 harveft of civil fecurity, of true honour, and of 
 iinallayed felicity ; while the prince, beloved of his 
 fubjeds and dreaded by his enemies, would till, with 
 unrivalled greatnefs, a throne eftabliihed in righte- 
 oulnefsj — would be happy in the abundant peace of 
 his dominions, and would derive unmixed pleafure 
 from the increafmg profperity of every quarter of his 
 empire : atheius and hypocrites could not then have 
 the only chance to thrive in fociety, to affume the 
 reins of government, or to fill the mpft important 
 pofts in adminiftrations : men of probity and worth, 
 emancipated from all the embarraffments, by which 
 they are forcibly detained in the walks of private 
 life, would be encouraged to ftep forth for the fafety 
 of their country in the time of her diitrefs, would 
 eagerly embrace every opportunity to render the 
 reign of their fovereign illuftiious in the annals of 
 time; and would become the authors of countlefs 
 bleinngs to their relations, friends and neighbours : 
 as the various clafTes of fubjeds could have no jar- 
 ring interefts, nor any teinptation to thwart one 
 
 anotherj 
 
C J90 ] 
 
 another, in order to a6l in concert with the ever 
 jarring parts of an impolitical, inconlilTent fcheme 
 of police ; the important pillars of locial happinefs 
 would remain unfhaken : the confl^itutiGn, always 
 confiftent with itfeif, uniform in its feveral branches, 
 and equally aufpicioiis to the civil interefts of good 
 si/bjeEls indifcriminatively, would immoveably fix 
 itfeif in the affeclions of all, and would make itfeif 
 unalterable through the united endeavours of all 
 its willing and interefted votaries : no longer would 
 the peace of nations be liable to be fliaken, either by 
 the peevish clamour of church -men, who, as their fe- 
 cular intereft lies in oppofition to that of other claiTes 
 in fociety, are ever under the dominion of caprici- 
 ous jealoufy; or by the infurre6lion of thofe, who, 
 taught at the ex pence of the former generations^ 
 have learned to dread the intereft of an eftablidied 
 and dignified clergy, which hath never failed to be 
 at the devotion of an ambitious prince: and as jea- 
 loufy would naturally fnbfide ; and all thefe party 
 names, which have been the difgrace of Great Bri- 
 tain, would be buried in everlafting forgetfulnefs 5 
 fubjecls, united in one common defign, and enjoy- 
 ing comjmon fecurity, would become happy in mu- 
 tual and lading confidence. The envy of Ephraim 
 should depart^ and the adversaries of Judah should 
 he cut off; Ephraim should not envy Judah, ^W Judal) 
 should not vex Ephraim, * 
 
 But among all the feveral ranks of mankind, who 
 would have reafon to reckon the annihilation of ex- 
 clufive eftablifhments one of the greateft of human 
 blefTmgs, there is no one which hath greater reafon 
 to wifh it, than that clafs, which we are afraid, 
 would oppofe that falutary meafure with the mofl 
 unrelenting obftinacy. We mean the established^ 
 pljpecially the dignified clergy. Our apprehenfions 
 
 * Ifa. xi. 13. 
 
 are 
 
[ i9t J 
 
 are founded on fome late difcovenes which their 
 GRACES, belonging to this class,, have made of their 
 spirit, in parliament, when a bill^ reckoned, by the 
 almoft unanimous lliffrageof not only the commons, 
 but of the whole nation, one of the moil reafonable 
 that was ever brought up to the House of Lords, was 
 rejected by the unanimous vote of the epifcopal 
 bench, one only excepted, whofe name deferves to 
 be inrolled in the records of time with our Tillotsons^ 
 our Hoadlys, and a very few more ecclefiaftical cham- 
 pions for British liberty. An eftabliflied clergy, in 
 all ages, feem to have acquired an habit of thinking 
 (and plain reafons might be given why fuch an 
 habit may be eafily at ained) that the church cannot 
 "^ubfifl in the world vv^ithout an exclufive patent. 
 Hence, they have aUvays acquitted rhemfelves for 
 the church, ianquam pro aris et fods, when they 
 thought (he was in danger. They meant, v/orthy 
 men! their bilhoprics, their revenues and their 
 honours. But in this age, that refpedable body 
 begin to open their eyes, to have more refined {^n.- 
 timents, and to give place to more exalted views. 
 Their duty, their honour and their intereft confpire 
 to make them the mod felicitous advocates for the 
 breaking of that yoke, which has galled their necks, 
 beyond what it has done to any other clafs of men 
 whatever. Has it not obliged them to overlook all 
 the points of true honour, in order to obtain a liveli- 
 hood? Can any thing be more difgraceful, than that 
 perfons of fo facred a charader fliould trample down 
 common fincerity and every maxim of undifgui fed 
 honefty, in fubfcribing articles of faith, which they 
 boldly contradict every time they aicend the pulpit, 
 and in fwearing to canons, which they know in their 
 confciences, to be unfcriptural, ablurd and tyran- 
 nical? How fhameful, not even to be agreed among 
 thenifelves^ whether the articles, which they fub- 
 
 fcribe. 
 
[ 192 1 
 
 fcrlbe, are to be underftood in an Arminian^ or in a 
 Calvinistical fenfe ! Where is the honour ot the christian 
 ministry!' Is it any wonder, that their sacred charac- 
 ter ihould be turned into jest among the profane? 
 Can it be furprizing to any, that deism (hould pre- 
 vail, and that infidels fliould dare to arraign the 
 chriftian fyftem in To bold a manner, when the public 
 teachers of that holy religion have agreed in nothing 
 fo much, as in finking its credit^ as well as their 
 ewn reputation, by fuch open contempt of common, 
 fincerity, facred even among pagans? Would cler- 
 gymen, therefore, retrieve the honour due to the 
 character of chriflian teachers ? Let them confpire 
 \^'ith their fellow-fubje6ls, in /t-^^/ efforts, to abolith 
 that fyftem of policy, which muft continue to tarnifti 
 their reputation, fo long as the frailty of human 
 nature is apt to lay open the honour of the beft men 
 to temptation from its baneful influence. 
 
 The vindication of their honour ought not to be 
 their only motive. A creed and liturgy eftablifhed 
 with civil penalties, cramp the miniflers of Jesus in 
 the difcharge of their duty, and force them on 
 meafures which they cannot but condemn in their 
 confeiences. How many are the difagreeable hard- 
 fbips, to which a chartered clergy are expoled ! 
 Hov/ great ! They muft, in one divifion of Great 
 Britain, take the childrens bread, and give it to the 
 dogs,* by adminiftering the moft (acred myfteries to 
 all who demand the ficrament of the fupper, as a 
 qualification for a poft in the army or navy, in the 
 cviftoms or excife. They muft dilpenfe pardon and 
 abfolution authoritatively to all, who barely fay, in 
 their laft moments, that they repent. They muft 
 declare, at the funeral of every perfoa vvithin the 
 pale of the church, that '' it hath pleafed God of 
 
 * Match, vii. 6. xv. 26. 
 
 his 
 
[ 193 3 
 
 his GREAT MERCY to take to hhnfclf the foul of the 
 deceafed, and that, therefore, they commit the body- 
 to the ground in sure and certain hopes of the 
 refurredtion to eternal life,*' — even though the per- 
 fon has perhaps died for the moft enormous crimes, 
 and has ufed his laft breath in bold defiance of all 
 that is facred! W'mt good man would not only wish, 
 but vigour ously struggle to be freed from fuch hard- 
 ihips! 
 
 Nor ought the duties of their facred funcftion to 
 be overlooked in the prefent argument. Set for the 
 defence of the gospel, they are bound to approve them- 
 felves champions for truth together with the original 
 fimplicity of evangelical inlb'tutions. As it hath been 
 proved already, that exclufive eftablifhments are the 
 fort-royal of error, abfurdity and fuperftition ; they 
 cannot difcharge that part of their duty which they 
 owe to the integrity and purity of the christian system^ 
 without ufing their utmoft efforts to annihilate thac 
 fyftem of pohcy, which, fo long as it remains, mud 
 render all their other laudable attempts againfl; infi- 
 delity, error and idolatry abfolutely fruitlefs. Vain 
 are their pretenfions to a laudable zeal for the doc- 
 trines and precepts of chriilianity, while they are 
 at the fame time advocates for a political alliance, 
 in confequence of which, the greateft abfurdities and 
 the moft idle fuperftitions may bid bold defiance to all 
 the weapons, which either reafon or revelation can 
 furnifh. 
 
 Wherefore, in fine, if to be freed from legal em- 
 barraflments in the difcharge of duty, — fuch duty 
 as nearly concerns the eternal intereft of both 
 pastors ^nd people, can be reckoned an advantage:-— 
 If to behold truth greatly tritmpbivg over error : — 
 if to fee the honour of the gospel ministry retrieved, 
 and the bold contemners of their facred miniftrations 
 put to everhfting filence-, — If to be the much- 
 
 B b honoured 
 
[ 194 ] 
 
 honoured inflruments of compleating a reformation 
 in the church, and of reftoring chriftianity to its 
 original fiiTiplicity, and to its primitive fplendour : — > 
 If all thefe can give any pleafure to the minifters of 
 Jesus, no rank of men whatever can have more rea- 
 fon to wifli, and to attempt the total annihilation of 
 all religious monopolies. 
 
 3. We (hall only add, that the advantages, which 
 would refult from a total fubtradion of ecclefiaflical 
 affairs from the conftitutions of civil focieties would 
 
 be LASTING. 
 
 That the moft hopeful irformatiGns of national 
 churches have not long survived their authors^ hath 
 always been a fubje(5t of complaint. Hence Great 
 Britain^ always reforming, yet never reformed, has 
 been fo often a field of confufion and blood. Thar 
 enterprize hath been like the reformations attempted 
 by the kings of Judah, which feldom outlived one 
 generation, because the high places, which were 
 the temptations to a relapfe, mere not taken away. 
 The caufes of Britain^ relapfes have not been at- 
 tended to with fufficient accuracy. Our reformers, 
 not content to have the juft objedis of their pious 
 refentment removed, have always been ambitious, 
 to obtain an exclulive eftablifhment of their peculiar 
 articles of faith and modes of woriliip. The re- 
 formed fyftem, notwithdanding we Ihould fuppofe, 
 that it was entirely apostolical^ could not long con- 
 tinue in that flate, because it zvas established. This 
 aflertion can appear flrange to none, when it is con- 
 Hd'ered, that the more evangelical any religious 
 fyftem is, fo foon as it commences the privileged 
 iyftem, it has the lefs chance to be permanent. The 
 reafon is obvious. It is lefs fuitable to the earthly 
 designs of political gc>vernment. And as the princi- 
 pal defign of legiflature, in blending it with the 
 political conftitution, was, that it might become 
 
 fubiervient 
 
C 195 1 
 
 lubfervient to thefe ends, methods will ever be taken 
 to make it that, which it was intended to be. It will 
 be gradually modelled, by fucceflive adulterations, 
 into a political fitness to ferve the purpofes of the 
 ambitious and afpiring both in church and state. 
 This is no merely probable theory. It hath been con- 
 firmed by an uniform feries of examples, in every 
 chriflian nation, ever fince the commencement of 
 the grand alliance. Let us view the prefent ftate of 
 the eftabliQied church in North Britain. The laft re- 
 formation, which that church underwent, was at the 
 ever memorable Revolution, when her clergy were 
 commanded to exchange the surplice for the cloak* 
 The religious fyftem, which was then blended with 
 the political conftitution of the Scotch nation, is, by 
 the fuffrage of all the proteftant churches, not be- 
 hind any m apostolical purity. And .the clergy who 
 then filled her pulpits were a venerable, othodox 
 and pious body. But to what deplorable circum- 
 Hances is that fame church reduced in this age! How 
 is her gold become dim, and her most fine gold chang- 
 ed! * What hath been the caufe of this wonderful 
 falling off? Have the British monarchs, fince that 
 golden tera, done to her as Jeroboam the son of 
 Neb AT, who made Israel to sinP Have they, like 
 thcfe inglorious monarchs, who fwayed the British 
 fceptre before them, and who converted it into the 
 rod of the opprefTor, forced her into the prefent 
 plunge of defeAion? She dares not affirm it. Except 
 in the cafe of lay-patronages, which queen Ann's 
 Jacobitish parliament reftored, they ftand acquitted 
 of the charge. What then is the myderious caufe? 
 It is no longer a myftery. It is the exclufive eflabliQi- 
 ment, which fhe obtained at that famous period. 
 I-.ike Reuben, though fhe was the first in dignity 
 
 * Lament, iv, i. 
 
 Bb 2 amono: 
 
[ '96 ] 
 
 among the reformed churches, yet fhe hath been un- 
 stable as uater, and bath not been able to excel, because 
 she went up, in the daim of ri^ht, and took her place 
 an the constitutional couch ^^ tOv>:ether with her fiflier, 
 the church of En^^land, and commit ted s/intual for- 
 nication with the kings of the earth.-f Being eftabl idl- 
 ed by civil authority, a defpotic ecclefiaftical admi- 
 niftration, fecure under the wing of an indulgent 
 government, and pufhed forward by an eager defire 
 to merit at the hands of men of influence and power, 
 has brought her to the prefent ftate of enormous 
 apoftacy. 
 
 Sublcription to articles of faith is but a feeble 
 defence againft innovations, corruptions and fpiri- 
 tual tyranny. It is like the fpider's web, which 
 may intangle the feeble fly, but is eafily broken and 
 demolifhed by the robuuer infect. Clergymen of 
 spirit and resolution have often fliewn, that they 
 fagely judge a bishopric, a deanery, a re^ory, or 
 even a presbyterian stipend, a cheap ac qui fit ion, at 
 the expence of fubfcribing articles, which they no 
 more believe than they do the chapters of the Alco- 
 ran, and of promifing that which they never in- 
 tended to perform. And a celebrated writer hath 
 fhewn, that fuch 2;entlemen are never at a lofs for 
 fomething to juftify their condudi, or at leafl, to 
 extenuate its enormous guilt, j 
 
 IV. We fliall only add to the former reafoning^ 
 concerning the propriety of abolifhing ecclefiaftical 
 monopolies, that government, by granting toleration 
 to th^ pro test ant dissenters cannot be confident with it- 
 self, or witji the principles, on which it proceeds, in 
 granting that favour, unlefs it fhall entirely abolish 
 exclufive eftablilliments. 
 
 * Gen.xlix. 4, f Rev. xvii. a. J The author of the Co»/essioua!, 
 
 A toleration. 
 
C ^97 1 
 
 A toleration,* whether it; be unlimited or more 
 confined, is a plain and pofitive recognizaufe of the 
 dilfenter's r/^>7:?/ to the enjoyment of his life, liberty 
 and property, notwithstanding his diffent from the 
 privileged creed. It is a legal and authoritative de- 
 claration, that the exclulive patent is unreafonable ; 
 that the penal (latutes, by which it is fenced, are 
 unjuft and cruel; and that no man's life or property 
 ought to be fufpended on the quality of his faith, or 
 on the modes of his worfliip. 
 
 On thefe principles, toleration is not reafonable 
 or confident with the grounds on which government 
 grants it, unlefs it be compleat. For if it is juft and 
 equitable to permit proteilant dilTenters to enjoy any 
 fart of their civil rights and property ; why (hould 
 they not be allowed to pofTefs thefe objects in their 
 fidl extent ? If it is reafonable to fpare their lives ; 
 can any good reafon be affigned, why their property, 
 to which they have as indifputable a claim, fliould 
 not be proteded ? An imperfeB toleration is a twin- 
 fifter to noH'toleration^ which always baptizes its 
 votaries in blood. No government can reafonably 
 flop fhort. That any good fubjed (hould be de- 
 prived of his property, on account of the peculiari- 
 ties in his religious perfuafion, by the fame autho- 
 rity, which protects his life, when his title to both 
 is founded on the farr^e eternal law of equity, — is 
 
 * When we fpeak favourably of toleration^ we are to be un« 
 derftood as meaning that, which is commonly deiigned a 7iegatlv& 
 toleration. As a positive toleration of any fe6t amounts to a 
 legal exclusive establishment of that fed in contradidlion from 
 all others ; it is befides, one of the greatCilyf^/rm/v/x, which can 
 be committed in politics as well as in morals. While govern- 
 ment, by refufmg to grant dilfenters a for?nal eftablilhment, 
 plainly declares, that ft does not approve of their tenets, it not- 
 withitanding eftabliflies them by a law, and condemns itfelf as 
 authorizing a creed, which it has prejudged to be heterodox. 
 
 abfurd 
 
C 198 ] 
 
 abfurd as well as iniquitous, if the harmlefs pecu- 
 liarities of his creed are a good reafon for cafliiering 
 the eternal law of equity, by throwing him out of 
 his property, why are they not as fufficient a reafon 
 for difcarding the fame law, by expelling him from 
 the land of the living ? 
 
 Seeing, therefore, that government, as it vouch- 
 fafes a toleration on proteftant dilfenters, muft ac- 
 count it reafonable ; and feeing it has been proved, 
 that the fame unchangeable law of equity, which 
 makes it reafonable and juft, calls upon government 
 to make it compkat ; — We have all in the prefent 
 argument at once, that we defire. While we plead 
 for the reafonablenefs and propriety of abolIQiing 
 ecclefiaftical patents, we plead for no more than a 
 perfe^ and wicojifined toleration of all his majefty's 
 good fubjeds. Were all laws fraught with the 
 negative as well as the positive puniihment of pro- 
 teftant diffenters, finally revoked charters of ex- 
 clufive civil privilege would, in the nature of the 
 thing, become entirely void; fociety would flouridi 
 under the falutary influence of an equitable admini^ 
 ftration ; and government, propitious to all, accord- 
 ing to the meafure of their civil defert, would no 
 longer beftow public encouragemient according to 
 any other rule. Indeed, no civil admlnillration can 
 fay as that Divine Perfon in the golpel Is it not law- 
 fnl for me to do zvhat I zvill with my ozvn P Public 
 encouragements and rewards are not the independent 
 property of any adminiftration, which it may dif- 
 penfe at pleafurc 1 They are in the hands of magi- 
 ilrates as trustees for fociety. Thefe are ftewards 
 and according to the nature of the thing, ought to 
 be (economists. Their commiflion implies an obliga- 
 tion, to divide to every man his (hare of public re- 
 wards, when ever he {[\?A\ n\^t it his property, by 
 deserving it of civil fociety. The rewards, which 
 
 focietv 
 
[ '99 ] 
 
 iockty hath lodged in their hands, are not transfer- 
 able to any, on any account, which is foreign to the 
 civil interefts of fociety. If the contrary was fiip- 
 pofed, they would be guilty of purloining, of rob- 
 bing fociety of its property, and of fquandering away 
 the ftock, with which they are intruded. As no 
 member of fociety can be entitled to more than he 
 deferves ; were the trullees of fociety to confer 
 more, on any private confideration whatever, they 
 would become unfaithful in their trufl; would hurt 
 civil fociety; and would efpecially injure thofe, who, 
 on account of their equal or superior delert, have 
 similar or more extensive demands on fociety. 
 
 It is clear, as the meridian light, that was go- 
 vernment to adl confidently with its own approved 
 principles in granting a limited toleration, by mak- 
 ing it compleat; were none laid under difcourage- 
 ment by penal laws, on any account, that \s foreign 
 to the real interefts of civil fociety; and were public 
 rewards impartially conferred, according to the de- 
 gree of civil merit, and without any regard to reli- 
 gious perfuafions, v/hich affc6t not the civil interefts 
 ot mankind; an inconceivable addition would be 
 made to the happinefs, profperity and peace of the 
 Britifli empire. — In the age of peace, — induftry 
 called forth to aftion by public encouragement; 
 animated with the pleafmg hopes of fucceeding in 
 every enterprize, according to her adlivity; and 
 guarded by impartial public juftice, as well as cheer- 
 ed by the gentle whifpers of a good confcience, her 
 infeparable companion ; would walk abroad with 
 courage ; would make every city and even every 
 hamlet the place of her aufpicious abode ; and would 
 fill the trealures of all with her richeft ftores. No 
 longer fliould flie be obliged, to retire and languiQi 
 in the dreary waftes of a deferted country, or a- 
 mons; the frio;htful ruins of depopulated cities. Her 
 
 greatei 
 
 r^ 
 
[ 200 ] ' 
 
 greateft enemy, voracions avarice, attended by her 
 faithful mate, fupple conformity, whofe maw, like 
 that of the oftrich, can digeft iron, fliould be no 
 more feen ftalking abroad, and robbing the hives of 
 the laborious, to fill the treafures of her ever hungry 
 and flothful votaries. 
 
 And in the day of war, — how formidable fhould 
 Great Briiam appear to all her enemies ! No more 
 fliould one half of the British fubjedts be legally au^ 
 thorized to tread the other half, equally deferving, 
 under their feet ; to difable them from advantaging 
 their country in peace ; or to prevent them from 
 ftepping forth for her fafety in war, by fettering 
 them with facramental tefts, and by obliging them to 
 renounce their m.oral dependance on the God of 
 battles, before they can be allowed to draw a fword 
 in the day of battle. Riches, which are the (inews of 
 war, could never be v/anting. As nothing in the 
 political conftitution could either alarm the fears of 
 any domination of loyal fubjetl?, or throw fetters on 
 their hands, by intangling their confciences , and 
 as every thing in the political fyilem v/ould confpire 
 to defend their rights, to fccure their property, and 
 to cherilli a modeft, enterprihng hope ; every fubject, 
 without diflindion, would be ready, either to bleed 
 till he could bleed no more in his country's caul'e 
 and his own, or to return from war crowned with 
 vidtory, to fit with fifety and pleafure 7wder bis ozvn 
 vine and under his own fig-tree. 
 
 SECT, 
 
• C 2101 ] 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 fbe Abolition of Incorporations is necessary. 
 
 THOUGH in proving the reafonablenefs of 
 abolifhing incorporations, the neceffity of that 
 cneafure, was in part (hewn, yet a few confiderations 
 ijill remain, which will fet this matjter in a more 
 diftin6t point of view, 
 
 I. The neceility of annihilating incorporations will 
 appear, if it can be (hewn, that the meafure would 
 greatly contribute to remove thofe difficulties, by 
 which Great Britain is prefently embarraffed, and 
 in danger of being precipitated into the greateft ca- 
 lamities. This will appear from an enumeration of 
 fome of thefe menacing difficulties, and a proof that 
 ^hey originate in ecclefiaftical alliances. 
 
 I. Great Britain is bowing beneath an enormous 
 load of national guilt, This obfervation is unquef- 
 tionably juft ; and among other caufes, incorporar 
 tions cljallenge a chief place. Some inflances will 
 make this plain. 
 
 It .cannot be diflembled that immoralities, pre- 
 vailing among every rank, have fignalized Great 
 Bi"iiain as a nation not inferior to any in crimes. 
 Nor can it be refufed that the incorporations of the 
 Britifh national churches have added very confider- 
 ably to the fcore. It is plain from a very long tra6t 
 of experience, that in proportion as thefe have been 
 ^ compleat, and of longer duration in any country, 
 ignorance and impiety, a dreadful pair ! have pre- 
 vailed, and have gradually obtained the fandtion of 
 cuftom — a fandion far ftronger than that, which 
 any human laws tan give the pureft fyftem of reli- 
 
 C c gipn* 
 
[ 202 ] 
 
 gion. The reafon is plain, as the fa(5t is notorious. 
 When the pubhc teachers of religion find, that they 
 are abfolutely independent of the flocks, which they 
 pretend to feed ; that riches and honors, tithes and 
 titles are fecured to them by law; and that a fpecies 
 of authority are lodged with them, by the civil legi- 
 flature, to maltreat '^ their fellow fervants" of other 
 religious denominations, " and to eat and drink with 
 the dr inken," * they plunge rhemfelves, and their 
 flocks, by their example, into all the deeps of the 
 moft flagitious behaviour. 
 
 Nor have incorporaiions been lefs inftrumental in 
 loading Great Britain with the guilt of atrocious 
 perjuries. As they muft be fortified with oaths and 
 tefts, and as they are, like all fublunary things, in 
 a flate of conflant vicifTitude from the caprice of 
 human natuie; that fyflem, which gains the afcen- 
 dent to-day, and to which authority commands all 
 fubjedls to hyear an unalterable attachment, mi.fl be 
 anathematized to-morrow, with the fame facred for- 
 malities. Need we, for infliance, mention the fhort 
 period of twenty years, from 1640 to 1660? Did 
 not the Englifh parliament, difpenle with all the 
 oaths which clergymen and others had fvvorn to e- 
 pifcopacy under the reign of Charles I ? Did they 
 not prevail with almofl all ranks of fubjefts to bind 
 themfelves by the Solemn League and Covenant, to 
 be zealous abettors of another religious fyftem ? Did 
 the) not oblige the whole nation to renounce this 
 lafl, and to fvvear allegiance to a republic, and to a 
 jumble of religious inconfiftencies incorporated with 
 itr And, in the end, did they not difpenfe with all 
 oaths to this laft, and command the whole nation to 
 fvvear inviolable attachment to monarchy, and to 
 renew their homage to old, wrinkled epifcopacy, 
 
 * Matt. xxiv. 49, 
 
 once 
 
[ 203 '] 
 
 once more become young and charming in the eyes 
 of thefe Britifli demagogues? 
 
 During the pubHc confufions of that (and Indeed 
 of every other) period, Incorporations ftand juftly 
 charged with having drenched Great Britain in the 
 2uilt of all the murders, mafTacres and inhuman 
 barbarities, which were perpetrated upon the bed 
 proteftants and moft eminent friends of religion, 
 {landing in the defence of their natural, civil and 
 religious rights. Yes ; at their altars thefe precious 
 vi6tims bled ! Let the bloody annals of the lad age, 
 not to mention the feas oF blood, which, on a reli- 
 gious account, flowed before that barbarous period, 
 atteft the difeial tale ! 
 
 Incorporations themfelves are fcandalouily im- 
 moral ! yes; they muft plunge that government ia 
 guilt that grants them; and that nation in rebellion 
 againfl: the God of heaven which fubmits to them. 
 They trample down the immutable law of equity ; 
 they fuperlede the authority of God in the confci- 
 ences of his creatures, and they fufpend the right 
 of dominion, which the Redeemer has purchafed 
 with his blood, over his own fpiritual, free and inde- 
 pendent kingdom. 
 
 Would Great Britain, therefore, prevent her own 
 ruin, the neceflary attendant of accumulated guilt, 
 let her rem.ove the teeming caufe of both. Though 
 the abolition of incorporations cannot atone for past 
 crimes, it would prevent the filling up of her cup. 
 Were legiflature fenflble of the national guilt, which 
 hath been contracted by the many tragedies that 
 have been adled on the Britilli (lage, in the true spi^ 
 rit of incorporations, and would abolifh them ; the 
 prudent meafure would be, in Heaven's eye, the beft 
 evidence of a genuine, national repentance. And 
 who knows what a national deteftation of fuch hor- 
 Tid fcenes, and of one of their prolific caufes, 
 
 C c 2 approved 
 
[ 204 ] 
 
 approved by this meafure, may effe(ft towards turn- 
 ing away the Lord's righteous refentment, which 
 feems to hang in doubtful fufpence over the Britifli 
 empire? 
 
 2. Great Britain is finking beneath an enormous 
 load of national debt. None will helitate about the 
 neceflity of leffening, and if poflible, of annihilating 
 a fum of more than two hundred millions. It is now 
 become an obje£t of government's utmoft fohcitude. 
 Schemes to this effedt, without number, have been 
 offered. One is now publicly adopted. And were the 
 abolition of incorporations adopted too, it would 
 greatly accelerate the execution of fo necelTary a mea- 
 fure. A great part of thoie enormous revenues which 
 the nation annually beftows, in furniiliing the means of 
 extravagance, in feeding ambition, and in pampering 
 luxury among eccleliaftical dignitaries might not only 
 be faved, but might be employed in refcuing national 
 credit,, and in gradually expunging the national fcore. 
 Belid6s, it is notorious, that the belt lands in England, 
 are in the hands of bifhops, deans and chapters, a ge- 
 neration of men who have been frequently compared 
 to the drones in the induftrious hive. Were even thefe 
 alone (at the death of the prefent incumbents) pro- 
 perly drfpofed of, they would greatly facilitate the 
 execution of the parliamentary fcheme of redudlion. 
 
 But the tithes are the great fource of ecclefiafti- 
 cal wealth. Thefe are fuch an obftrudtion to agri- 
 culture and rural improvements, that many wife men 
 have thought, that miniftry would have more effec- 
 tually confuked the intereft of the treafury, had 
 they even compounded with incumbents and allowed 
 them an equivalent. By that abfurd mode of paying 
 the national clergy, the landed gentlemen are dif- 
 cou raged from improving their eftates; are kept 
 back trum cultivatinp the commons; and are there- 
 by held tad in the chains of comparative poverty. 
 
 Wh® 
 
 -^ 
 
C 205 ] 
 
 Who will expend fome thoufands in improvements, 
 when as foon as the lands produce, the redtor claims 
 the tithe, which is often more than one half of his 
 profits arifing from his induftry and expenditure ? 
 Is not one tenth of many counties lying wade on 
 this account ? What an incredible lofs muft this be 
 both to private fortunes and public funds! The 
 treafury is virtually robbed of millions, which, were 
 it not for decimation, might be annually collected 
 from rural improvements, without burdening the 
 induftrious. As the jus divinum of tithes is now 
 generally laughed at ; the neceffities of the ftate call 
 aloud upon legiflature to revoke its own too indul- 
 gent largefs : and that his majefhy may not \o{q the 
 benefit of the refumption; nor his fubje(5ls be op- 
 prefTed by fo pernicious a mode of taxation, the 
 wifdom of Parliament ought to fubftirute an equiva- 
 lent levy, which would neither difcourage agricul- 
 ture, nor any other means of national opulence. 
 By thefe and fimilar means, the parliamentary 
 fcheme might be rapidly carried into execution; 
 his majefty's revenue would foon rife above national 
 demands; and his fubjecls would, in a few years, 
 be freed from many heavy taxes, under which they 
 groan, trade languilhes, and the nation is ready to 
 fink into a flate of infolvency, 
 
 II. All thofe reafons which, in the fixteenth 
 century, made the Reformation neceffary, concur 
 to make it neceffary to perfect that Reformation, by 
 the abolition of incorporations. 
 
 Were we to defcend to an enumeration of thefe 
 reafons, we might (hew that they are equally urgent 
 in both cafes. Two (hall onty be mentioned as a 
 proof of the general afTertion. 
 
 I. The arrogant ufurpations of the Roman See 
 afford one fufficient reafon. As the Roman pontiff 
 
 had 
 
[ 206 3 
 
 had long " (itten in the temple of God, and exalted 
 his throne above the thrones of every monarch,'* 
 it was high time to wreft both the fceptre of Chrifl 
 and the fword of the monarch out of his impious 
 and daring hands. The reformers rightly judged, 
 that as the authority of Chrift is abfolutely incom- 
 municable, they had right to difpoffefs him of a 
 claim to which he had no title. 
 
 Meanwhile, it defcrves recoUeclion, that all the 
 authority which that proud prieft claimed, and which 
 kindled the indignation of reforming princes, was 
 no other than that fame fovereignty which their 
 own predeceflbrs once exercifed, and yielded to him; 
 an authority to tyrannife over the confciences of 
 princes and their fabjeds; an authority to prefcribe 
 the articles of their faith, the rules of their ignorant 
 devotion, and the canons of their Havifli fuperfti- 
 tion : and that it was the very fame authority, which 
 the European princes refumed when they renounced 
 the Roman pontiff, and fubjeded their people to a 
 premunire, in cafe they continued their former con- 
 nections with him. 
 
 Wherefore, as the vindication of Chrifl's incom- 
 municable authority was a principle motive with 
 our pious reformers, princes as well as people ; the 
 fame generous and pious argument ought to prevail 
 with every proteftant prince to drop all his claims 
 to that ^ceptre, which without pious emotion, he 
 cannot behold in the hand of the Italian billiop. 
 The precept is no lefs binding on them than on their 
 fubjecls — *' Render unto Csefar the things which 
 are C^efar's ; and unto God the things which are 
 God's." * They have done themfelves judice; let 
 them do Chrift juftice too. It will not be eafy to 
 juiVify royal pretenfions to didlate to the faith of chrif- 
 
 * Luke XX, 35. 
 
 tians. 
 
[ 207 J 
 
 tians, when pontifical pretenfions are exploded with 
 fo much juftice and propriety. 
 
 2. The corrupt (late, in which our worthy re- 
 formers beheld the chriftian fyftem, was another 
 povverfiil fpring of laudable entcrprize. 
 
 It hath been already fhewn, we hope with confi- 
 derable evidence that the adulterated (late of the 
 chriftian profeffion, from the fixth, to the lixteenth 
 century, was owing to incorporations. If there- 
 fore, in this age, the reformation of thefe corrup- 
 tions be reckoned an object not below the attention 
 and pious zeal of the wifeft and bed men, in that 
 age ;'--then the abolition of the acknowledged caufe 
 of the continuation of thefe and (imilar adulterations 
 of the chriftian religion, and of a too general cor- 
 ruption of manners cannot be beneath the notice 
 and mod ferious deliberation of the Britifh Parlia- 
 ment. While the fame caufe continues, it mull 
 ever produce fimilar efFeds Reformation attempt- 
 ed, without an abolition of ecclefiaftical incorpora- 
 tions, is no more than a well intended, but fruitlefs 
 effort, to lop off fome branches, while the root and 
 trunk remain untouched. 
 
 III. When the great influence, which incorpora- 
 tions have on the increafe of infidelity is maturely 
 confidered, the necessity of their abolition will appear 
 in a ftriking light. 
 
 All who are friends to chrifbianlty lament, that 
 deifm is a prevailing evil in this age. Such will 
 acknowledge, that every caufe of fo great a cala- 
 mity ought to be removed. A fliort derail of fome 
 things, which take their rife from incorporationsj 
 will (hew how hurtful they are to all thofe, whofe 
 prejudices and vices have prepared them to liften to 
 the deiftical firen, 
 
 I. Thofe 
 
 4 
 
[ 208 ] 
 
 1. Thofe abfurd ceremonies and fuperftitioiis rites, 
 which afibciated with chriftian inftitutions, compofe 
 the incorporated rituals of Europe, are a ftumbHng 
 block to many. They wear fuch a face of abfurdity 
 that every fenfible deifl muft laugh at them, and at 
 the devotion which the ignorant and the defigning 
 pretend to offer up to the Deity by them. Such, 
 men having been accuftomed from their earlieft 
 years to view thefe idle rites, as chriftian inftitu- 
 tions, and unwilling to give themfelyes the trouble 
 to feparate the chaff from the wheat, in their own 
 ideas, rejedt the whole in grofs, as if all was abfur- 
 dity, riieat and impolition. It is not to be expedied 
 that fuch men can fee, or will readily acknowledge 
 the excellence of thofe divine inftitutions, which 
 are mixed with, and \yhofe glory is obfcured by hu- 
 man inventions. Natural reafon, efpecially wheu 
 ?t is under a bias, cannot fee the firft, aud it con- 
 temns the laft. * 
 
 2. Nor lefs hurtful to fuch men is the horrid abufe 
 of chriftian inftitutions in national churches. Tq 
 iiiftanc^ ojnly in one c^fe,^ — what muft the deift — what 
 muft even the unprincipled chriftian thipk, when he 
 beholds the moft facred myfteries of the chriftian re- 
 ligion, converted by the higheft national authority, 
 and .even at the felicitation, or with the concurring 
 fciffrage, of thofe, who preterjd to be the fucceftbrs 
 of the holy apoftles, into a test of loyalty to govern- 
 ment ; and, as fuch, appointed to be difpcnfed to every 
 young gentleman, however profane, who hath got 
 a cockade m his hat, and an enfign's commifiion ia 
 his pocket? Muft he not conclude, that the nation, 
 which authorizes fuch profanation of chriftian in- 
 ftitutions, 
 
 * In the fpace of only a few years, and fince the above Para- 
 graph was written, the whole world has been an aftoniflicd Spec- 
 tator ot this melancholy truth, in the extraordinary Tranfad;- 
 ons of the French nation ! Audiat qui aucfire vclit / 
 
[ 209 1 
 
 jflitntions, believes the chriftian fyftem no more than 
 he? Will he not be tempted to look down with 
 fovereign contempt on fuch chriftians as the worft 
 of hypocrites? And will he not naturally flatter 
 himfelf and his infidel brethren as deferving the 
 chara<^er of honeft men, who dare not profefs to 
 believe, what pretended believers dare fo openly to 
 profane. 
 
 3. Promifcous admifTion to the facraments, un- 
 avoidable in all incorporated churches, ferves to 
 confirm deifts in their prejudices. Every fubje6t. 
 Jet his chriftian character be ever fo exceptionable, 
 provided he offend not againft the laws of the ftate, 
 is a good conflitutional chriftian ; and, as fuch, the 
 national clergy are legally authorized, yea even 
 bound to admit him to the moft augufl myfleries. 
 Infidels demand proofs of the exclufive title of the 
 chriftian religion to infpiration and a divine origia 
 from the fuperior fanftity of its profelTors. Yet it 
 is notorious, that in national churches, which are 
 the only churches allowed by law, and in which a 
 public exhibition is made of the power of the chrif- 
 tian religion, their legal members generally are not 
 tobeeafily diftinguifhed, either in piety or in the 
 xiifcharge of the focial duties, from the votaries of 
 Zoroafter, of Confucius, or of Mahumed. Mud 
 not, therefore, the deift felicitate himfelf in the 
 impious inference, "that the claims of the chriftian 
 religion, by being carried fo high, defeat themfelves, 
 feeing the lies of thefe impoftors feem to have an 
 equal claim, if the morals of London, Paris or 
 Peterfburgh be compared with thofe of Perfia, 
 Pekin, or Conftantinople ?" 
 
 It is true, in 110 age hath God left the chriftian 
 religion without a great cloud of witneffes to its 
 exclufive claims ! But where muft they be looked 
 for ? Do not incorporations ordinarily Ihut them up 
 
 Pd in 
 
[ 210 ] 
 
 incomers? Are they not ordinarily driven Into fe^ 
 parate communions; and reprefented, even to the 
 enemies of chrifiianity, as the worft of men ? Thws, 
 their praftical teftimony to the truth and power of 
 chriftianity is defeated, and even turned againft it. 
 I: they have continued in the communion of the 
 allied chiTch, like the feven thoufand, in Elijah's 
 age, they have been chafed into the obfcure aver 
 nues of private life; apd have there remained invi- 
 fible to the friends, and unknown to the enemies of 
 the chriftian religion. 
 
 4. All know that inconfiftencies, real or ima- 
 gined, in the clerical chara6ter, furnifh a delicious 
 morfel to every deift. Incorporations are one pro- 
 lific caufe of thefe fcandaious inconfiftencies. They 
 hold out riches and preferments to the incorporated 
 clergy, as powerful lures to contradidl by their 
 prafiice thofe rules of chriftian behaviour, which 
 their official charader obliges them to teach their 
 flocks. Deifts fee as well as others the national 
 clergy breaking over all the laws of chriftianity. In 
 order to become the public teachers of it: and they, 
 who catch at every thing to confirm their prejur 
 dices naturally throw the odium of a practice, fo 
 impious, upon revelation itfelf. All know and lar 
 ment the triumph of deifm, during the flagitious 
 reign of Charles II. And the judicious afcribe it to 
 the fudden leaps, and the fcandaious compliances 
 which the national clergy made at and after his ac- 
 ceflion to the throne. Livings, preferments and 
 riches were only to be obtained by taking and break- 
 ing alternately the moft folemn engagements ! 
 
 5. Incorporations confirm delfts in a perfuafion 
 that the profelTion of the chriftian religion is no- 
 thing more than a political engine. Delfts ca?x 
 prove frop fads, that all the national churches, and 
 
[ 211 ] 
 
 all their feveral creeds and liturgies have been in- 
 corporated with an exprefs and avowed intention to 
 lerve the good or the bad purpofes of government* 
 If hiftory can vouch any thing, it authenticates this 
 fadl. How natu al, though very unjuft, is the con- 
 clufion which infidels draw I 
 
 To all that has been aliedged on this head, fonie 
 may objedt '' that fince deifni is only of a modern 
 date, incorporations, which have exifled thefe thir- 
 teen centuries, cannot be ranked among its caufes. 
 Why did they not produce it looner > Why not all 
 alongr ? " 
 
 We anfwer; Deifm, like fome weeds, cannot 
 grow in the fliade. In order to form and finiili the 
 charader of an infidel knowledge and common 
 fenfe mufi: have firfl: broken in upon his underfland- 
 ing, and put an end to the reign of grofs ignorance 
 and fportive fuperftition. Before the invention of 
 printing and the Reformation which followed, many 
 circumfhances confpired to keep men in the impe- 
 netrable thickets of ignorance. The public exhibi- 
 tion of chriftianity, in the national churches, was 
 exadly fuited to that (late of things. Gaudy cere- 
 monies were invented to amufe the ignorant, great 
 and fmall. Unmeaning meanings were affixed to 
 them, to catch the attention of the fuperftitious. 
 The gloomy dodrine of purgatory was invented to 
 alarm their fears ; while the fenfelefs tales of all- 
 powerful merit foothed their ignorant expectations. 
 In fhort, in theie dreary ages, men were thrown 
 headlong into the deeps of ignorance, fuperftition 
 and profanenefs; and they long continued the fet- 
 tered flaves and willing votaries of thefe gloomy 
 deities, in confequence of the incorporation of a 
 fyftem, which was admirably well adjufted to pro- 
 long their reign, and to procure them a fuccefiion 
 of wordiippers. At length, however, light and 
 
 Dd z liberty 
 
[ 212 ] 
 
 liberty brake in upon their kingdom at once ! What 
 was the confequence ? — Men faw that there is no- 
 thing in fuperflition but what is only calculated to 
 give fuperficial pleafure or real pain to a warm and 
 ungoverned fancy; and to alarm or footh the paf- 
 fions, ordinarily under the immediate influence of 
 that faculty. They therefore, either have attempted 
 to feparate the chaff from the wheat, by reftoring 
 chriftianity to its Original purity, as was the cafe 
 with the venerable reformers ; or, having formed 
 their ideas of chriftianity from the fuperftitions and 
 abfurdities, formerly or at prefent, mixed with the 
 profeflion of it in national churches, they have been 
 prejudiced againft it, and have raflily enlifred them- 
 felves under the proud banners of deifm. The 
 hiftory of infidelity fhews, that the tranfition from 
 the groflefc fuperftition to the wildeft fcepticifm is 
 {hort and eafy. No more is requifite to ripen the 
 credulous dunce into the fuiart deift, but only a 
 few beams of intellediual light, burfting in upon 
 the unfandified mind of a pcrfon who is a Have to 
 the corrupt paflions of his heart. During the long 
 winter of popilh darknefs, the feeds of deifm lay 
 only under the clod, fecure from harm, in the dry 
 liuik of monkifh devotions, efiabliihed by law. The 
 approach of the fun of fcience, the diftufion of in- 
 telledual light, and the warmth accompanying the 
 return of civil liberty, burft the brittle hufk, and 
 infidelity, like a tree, began to grow and flourifli in 
 the luxuriant foil of corrupt human affedions. 
 
 IV. Incorporations, having fuch powerful influ- 
 ence on the increafe of deifm in chriftian nations^ 
 m-Jift be of very great obftruction to the propagation 
 of chriftianity in Pagan countries. If this be true, 
 it is another powerful argument for their abolition. 
 It isfuperfiuous to prove that the ruling powers of 
 
 chriftiaB 
 
[ 213 ] 
 
 chriftian nations ought to make every lawful effort 
 to propagate the gofpel among the nations which 
 know not '' the true God and Jefus Chrift whom 
 he hath fent." The proof, therefore, of the aflertiori 
 will be attempted and comprifed in the two follow- 
 ing obfervations. 
 
 1. Incorporations have been one of the chief 
 reafons, why chnftianity has been lofing ground, 
 during thefe lift twelve hundred years, in all coun- 
 tries and in all climes, to which the 'good hand of 
 God, by the zealous efforts of the firft chriftians, 
 had triumphantly carried it. 
 
 This is a mournful fadl, which, when the hiftory 
 of the fixth, feventh and eighth centuries is duly 
 confidered, cannot be denied. The author of the 
 Revelations* proclaims it loudly. To what was 
 the revolt of Alia and Africa from the chriftian 
 faith owing ? AVas it not to the incorporation of 
 chriftianity with the conftitutions cf the Eaftern and 
 Weftern empires ? Did not the extindion of chrifti* 
 anity attend or foon follow the revolt of the pro-* 
 vinces, and the difmembermentof thefe empires? 
 
 2. Incorporations have been a principal reafon 
 why chriftianity has gained fo little ground, among 
 the Pagan nations, during thefe thirteen centuries. 
 
 It is in virtue of incorporations that European and 
 Christian are words of the fame fignification with 
 Africans, Afiatics and Americans. Now, fuch are 
 the exhibitions of chriftianity by Europeans to thefe 
 nations, that, incapable of knowing its fpirit any 
 other way, they naturally both curfe them, and ex- 
 ecrate their reii2:ion. How can it be otherwife .^ 
 Can ever robbery, peculation, murder and every 
 abomination recommend chriftianity to the appro- 
 bation of even the moft favage nations? Until the 
 
 * Rev. xi, and xii. 
 
 lives 
 
. [ 214 ] 
 
 lives of chriftians preach to the eyes of infidels, the^r . 
 will have no patience to lend their ears to the moft 
 forcible arguments, that may be offered in defence 
 of ctiriilianity. • Nor is this ever to be cxpedted till 
 incorporations ceafe, and chriftianity be exhibited 
 in the lives of its profeiTors fuch as it is in the holy 
 oracles of the living God. It is no proper recom- 
 mendation of that holy religion to Indians and 
 others to perpetrate the greatelt cruelties upon them 
 in order to bring them over to worfhip two crofs- 
 fticks, a rufty nail, or the putrified bones of fome 
 animal which they call a faint. 
 
 Nor are jnfidels ignorant, that the eftablifhed 
 fyftems of chriftianity are adjufted for extending em- 
 pire. E::perience has taught them, that the zeal of 
 thofe charitable nations, who fend millions among 
 them, and pretend to pant for their falvation, is in- 
 flamed chiefly by a defire of peculation and fubjed;- 
 ing them to a foreign yoke. The fugacious Chinefe 
 well knew, that thefe were the pious defigns of the 
 Romiih mifiions amono; them. The Afiatics know 
 the disinter est cdness ot our vihts to their country- 
 Nor have Africans and Americans lefs reafon to 
 tremble at the nam.e of chriftiaR. Were incorpora- 
 tions aboliilied, Pagans might then feel, that they 
 might take Chi ift's yoke upon them, without having 
 their necks galled with the yoke of any foreign po- 
 tentate. But in the prefent flate of things, this is 
 impoffible i 
 
 In fine, we cannot help thinking, that ever fmce 
 the chrifiiian religion was corrupted by incorpora- 
 tions, and blended with the political, conftitutions 
 of nations, in th-at corrupt ftate, divine providence 
 hath wifely provided, that it (hall not be propagated 
 among the refidue of the nations in a condition fo 
 much adulterated. We believe on the beft grounds, 
 ^lat ** all the ends of the earth (Imll fee the falvation 
 
 of 
 
of God ;'^ but having referved his befc bleflings for 
 the lafc ages of the chriftian church ; and forefeeing 
 what the experience of Europe can too well atteft, 
 " that it is much eafier to efiabUfli the chriftian re- 
 ligion in the moil uncultivated nations, than to fup* 
 plant an adulterated ftate of that religion when it 
 hath been incorporated ; he hath hitherto rendered 
 abortive thofe efforts, which fome of the proteftant 
 nations, with even the moft difintereRed inteniions, 
 have made, and are dill making for the couverfioii 
 of the favage nations, 
 
 V. With all, who (incerely pray for the conver* 
 fion of the Jev/s, it will be a weighty reafon for 
 aboliihing incorporations, " that they are a princi^ 
 pal obftrucftion to that much-delired event." 
 
 Should this be the truth, it is dangerous for any 
 chriftian legillature to permit their continuance, oq 
 any political confideration whatever, left they fhould 
 incur the punifhment of Edom by " ftanding in the 
 crofsway," and preventing their return to David 
 their prince. The following confiderations will 
 fet this allertion in a juft light. 
 
 I. The Jews, in common with all other infidels, 
 baptized, unbaptized or circumcifed, having thofe 
 grounds of prejudice, enumerated above, are not 
 likely to join the chriftian ftandard, as long as in- 
 corporations, which have been (hewn to be the 
 caufes of thefe prejudices, continue in chriftian na- 
 tions. Befides, through their itinerant ftate of life, 
 and by their general acquaintance with all nations, 
 they behold, with growing contempt and hatred, the 
 many hurtful confequences of pohtical alliances be- 
 tween church and ftate. Nor are the lives of chrif- 
 tians in national churches formed to confute their 
 rooted prepoffeffions. 
 
 Th^y behpld idolatry incorporated with^ the 
 
 political 
 
 <¥* 
 
[ 2l6 ] 
 
 political conftitutions of many European nations ; 
 efpecially in thofe which arrogate the names catholic 
 and chrijlian. Idolatry is their juft abhorence : 
 ■wherefore, as that is efleemed by all thofe nations^ 
 in which it is incorporated, to be the very marrow 
 and essence of the chriftian religion, their infidelity 
 is lefs wonderful than the obftinate attachment of 
 pretended chriftians to that which they muft know 
 to be the caufe of their infidelity. And as thofe 
 churches, in which idolatry is eilabliflied, are of the 
 greateil eclat^ and pretend to be the only churches 
 of Chrift upon earth ; it is no v/onder that they en- 
 tertain unconquerable prejudices againfl the chriftian 
 fyftem, according to the exhibition which is made 
 of it in thefe focieties. 
 
 Befides, they have felt the fiery breath of incor- 
 porated feds and fyfiiems. The auto de fes of Spain 
 and Portugal are not calculated to cure them of 
 their infidelity. If there were no other chriftianity 
 befides that which is profefTed and breathes in in- 
 corporated churches, they would have too good 
 reafon obftinately to maintain, that the perfecuting 
 fpirit of incorporated feds is the true fpirit of chrifti- 
 anity. 
 
 3. It is in confequence of incorporations, that 
 the national Shibboleths are kept up with much fcan- 
 dalous animofity among thofe kingdoms which are 
 refpedtively attached to thofe political engines of 
 national malevolence. The Jews difperfed over 
 the chriftian world, are fagacious enough to obferve 
 this ; and they afk \yith a Jewifti grin, to what 
 fcheme of the chriftian religion they ought to attach 
 fhemfelves, while the chriftians of every nation and 
 of every incorporated fed are anathematizing one 
 another without mercy, in every corner of the 
 earth } 
 
 Bcfides, they know that, were th^y to defert Mo- 
 
 fps^ 
 
[ 217 ] 
 
 fes, and Co acknowledge the advent of the Mefliah, 
 incorporations would oblige them in every country 
 where they might chance to refide, to profefs the 
 national creed and ufe the eftabiilhed liturgy. Thus 
 the Jews in Ruflia would be obliged by law to curfe 
 the chriilian Hebrews in Italy ; and both would be 
 obliged to anathematize the chriftian defcendants of 
 Abraham in England ! The Jews are too ftridly 
 connedted, ever to embrace chriftianity on thefe 
 terms •, and are too fagacious not to fee, that it 
 would be morally impollible for them to continue 
 any longer a feparate people. 
 
 Were they indeed, to embrace chriftianity, ac- 
 cording to its prefcnt corrupt ftate, in the many 
 jarring fyftems of Europe, over which they are 
 fcattered, they would not only become aliens and 
 enemies to one another, as the feveral chriftian na- 
 tions have been, and ftlU continue to be ; but they 
 would be obliged to incorporate themfelves with 
 the feveral nations, in the political conftltutions of 
 which thofe religious fyftems which they are fup- 
 pofed to embrace, are effedually blended. Thus, 
 they would be under a neceftity of renouncing all 
 national expeSIations, as a peculiar people, whom 
 God, for fome wife purpofe, for fo many ages, and 
 under fo many temptations, has miraculoufiy pre- 
 fer ved from mingling with the nations ; and they 
 would confent unto their final diftblution ; — an event 
 this, which is not to be expeded ; yea> we know 
 not if it ought to be defired. 
 
 Were incorporations abolifhed ; and were the 
 kingdom of Chrift to ftand on its own balls, de- 
 tached from all political connection with the na- 
 tions of Europe ;• — -the infuperable hinderances in 
 the w'ay of the converfion of the Jews would be re- 
 moved at once ; and with them, whatever obftrufts 
 many other grand events, which prophecy warrants 
 
 E e us 
 
t 2I8 ] 
 
 us to expeA. But as long as thefe continue the 
 idols of chriftian nations, and an engine of policy to 
 their rulers, it is hypocrify and folemn mockery of 
 the Majefty of heaven, when they pray for the con- 
 verfion of that extraordinary people. It is an event, 
 which, in fuch circumftances, is not an objedt of 
 rational expedation ; and therefore ought never to 
 be made the matter of devout fupplication at the 
 throne of grace. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 ^he AhoUtlcn of IncorpGratlons is both possible and safe. 
 
 THOUGH the reader fliould acknowledge that 
 the two preceding feclions amount to a proof 
 of the propriety and the necefftty of abolifliing incor- 
 porations ; yet he will hefitate (lill, unlefs the mea- 
 lure can be (hewn to be both praEiicable and safe-. 
 This fhall be attempted in this fed ion. 
 
 I. The abolition of incorporations is praBicahk. 
 
 The proof of this proportion fhall be attempted, 
 by ftating a comparifon between the fituation of 
 affairs in Europe, both in church and ftate, at the 
 Reformation, and the condition in which they ap- 
 pear at prefent. A juit contrail w^lll ihew, that the 
 Reformation in the fixteenth century was an under- 
 taking much lefs hopeful than an abolition ot mcor- 
 porations can be in the eighteenth. An enumeration 
 will fet this matter in the bed light. 
 
 I. As the propofed abolition, were it attempted, 
 would ftrike at the pecuniary intereft of the national 
 clergy, it is no more than reafonable to fear, that 
 they would exert ail their influence, both to mar its 
 
 fuccefsa 
 
C 219 ] 
 
 fuecefs, and to make Its authors to repent the rafh- 
 nefs of their enterprize. 
 
 But did not the fame difconragement prefent itfelf, 
 wlrh additional circumftances cf difmay, to the firfl 
 reformers. Clerg5^men, then, had much more to 
 lofe than now. The reformers knew the extent of 
 their riches; and how much the fear of lofing them 
 tends to roufe all the other paffions. But church- 
 men now, have not the sovereignty and the riches 
 of a whole country to lofe by fo neceflary a reform- 
 ation. 
 
 Befides, in the fixteenth century, the canonical 
 obedience, which churchmen fwore to the See of 
 Rome, and the fuperftitious attachment they had 
 to its religion, made them enemies to the fove- 
 reignty of their lawful princes. It became there- 
 fore neceifary to degrade them, as well as to feize 
 their enormous benefices. This ftung them to the 
 quick. This kindled their indignation. This fug- 
 gefted to them all thofe refentful meafures which 
 threw whole nations into confufion, rebellion and 
 civil wars. But this is not the cafe now. Were 
 government to abolilh incorporations, there is no 
 reafon why it (hould degrade the prefent incorpo- 
 rated clergy, or deprive them of their revenues 
 during their lives. 
 
 Nor ought it to be forgotten, that churchmen, 
 in this age, pretend not to an equal degree of aur 
 thority and influence, either in courts or among 
 the populace, as at the Reformation. They cannot 
 now lead their princes, nor controul their confciences. 
 They cannot didtate to them at their council tables. 
 The church then confidercd herfelf, as fuperior to 
 the ftate, and wholly independent of the fecular 
 power. Now, flie is become a fubordinate branch 
 in the political conftitution, in the fame manner as 
 any of hi? majelly's courts. On account of the 
 
 E e ar clamours 
 
[ 220 ] 
 
 clamours of a few interefted individuals, fliall the 
 fupreme authority of the nation not dare to amend 
 any part of the political conftitution, when it is 
 found inconfiftent with other parts, and hurtful to 
 the rights and liberties of the fubjed ? Was not the 
 Star Chamber once a branch of the EngliCh conftitu- 
 tion? Did not the Supreme power wifely and juiliy 
 abolifh it, becaufe it was inconfiftent with the rights 
 and liberties of Britifti fubjeds ? Were the clamours 
 of a few interefted lawyers, the noife of fome dig- 
 nified clergymen, or even the ftrong reludlance of 
 majefty itfelf againft fo falutary a meafure, regarded 
 in the fmalleft degree? juft as little ought the voci- 
 ferations of a few dignified clergymen be dreaded in 
 the abolition of ecclefiaftical incorporations. 
 
 2. It is probable that the annihilation of incor- 
 porations would be attended with a confiderable 
 degree of diftatisfaction among thofe, who, being 
 zealous of ancient traditions and of the high claims 
 of church-authority, would lofe the power of tram- 
 pling upon better chriftians than themfelves. Thofe 
 alfo who make religion an engine to monopolize 
 places of honour and profit, would be certainly dif- 
 appoinied ; and would as certainly grumble, that 
 fuch fources of wealth ftiould be laid open to thofe 
 aliens of the Britifti commonwealth, the diflenters. 
 
 But the fame difcouraging objects prefented them- 
 felves to our reformers with aggravating circum- 
 fiances. Incorporations are not fo clofe and compa6l, 
 as when the proleftion of popery was the only way 
 to preferment both in church and ftate; and when 
 no man could literally either buy or fell unlefs he 
 had the mark of a beaft in his forehead. Then, 
 fuperftition and ignorance had made men brutal, 
 cruel and ferocious. Now, true religion and found 
 learning have taught them to fee objeds in a very 
 diffeient Ught. Tlien, the incorporated fyftem, be-? 
 
 incs" 
 
C 121 } 
 
 ing properly a carnal fcheme of wild fuperflition, 
 and a mere political contrivance, was well adj lifted 
 to the political conftitucions of the European na- 
 tions. Now, the reformed fyftems arc not fo. Being 
 much more agreeable to revelation, the connexions 
 which they have with political conftitutions are 
 forced, unnatural, and with the flighteft touch dif- 
 foluble. In fine, the popifli fyftem taught its blind 
 votaries to perpetrate the moft inhuman cruelties on 
 all, who Ihould dare to attempt the fmialleft: inno- 
 vation, however neceflary. Thefe our worthy re- 
 formers had good reafon to dread ; — yet they at- 
 tempted, perfevered and profpered. Now, perfe- 
 cution is juftly fallen into difcredit in all proteftant 
 and even in fome popifli countries. All afFed: to hold 
 it as a firft principle, that perfecution is irreconcil- 
 able with the fpirit and maxims of the chriftian re- 
 ligion. Reformation, therefore, in fo necelTary an 
 affair as that of incorporations, the never failing 
 fources of perfecution, hatii nothing to fear frorri 
 that difcouraging object. 
 
 II. The abolition of incorporations is fafe. 
 
 The truth of this proportion will beft appear by 
 ftating a contraft between the inviting advantages 
 which proteftants now enjoy, and the forbidding 
 difficulties, with which the reformers bravely ftrug^- 
 gled and at laft overcame. 
 
 I. The advances which learning hath made, fmce 
 the fixteenth century, deferve to be firft confidered, 
 Intelle6lual light hath now chafed away that grofs 
 darknefs, which during the middle ages, held all 
 Europe in fleep and Havery. Religious objeds aire 
 now feen in a very different light from that in which 
 pohticians beheld them, when all ufeful learning 
 was fhut up with the gloomy fons of darknefs in the 
 ploifters and their cells. Our reformers were not 
 
 only 
 
[ 222 ] 
 
 only obliged to undergo the labour of cleaniing the 
 Angsen ftable ; bur, at the iame time, were expofed 
 to all the inconveniences an/i dangers which necef- 
 farily attend an attack upon cloiftered ignorance and 
 interefted bigotry. In this age, we enjoy what thefe 
 men only beheld in idea, and in hope; and that for 
 which they ftruggled hard, that we, their children, 
 might inherit. We now have entered into their la- 
 bours. Sitting under our vine, the rights of human 
 nature are both underflood and efteemed. The 
 right of private judgment is now no longer afTerted 
 only in corners. The immediate dependence of the 
 human underflanding and confcience on God alone 
 is generally confefTed. The diftindlion between the 
 Ivingdom of Chrift, and the nations of this world, is 
 almofl univerfally acknowledged. And the defence 
 of perfecution is abandoned by all ; a few only 
 excepted, who, permitted of God, through the 
 force of ignorance, prejudice or intereft, to employ 
 their mouths and pens in the fervice of the old mur- 
 derer, ferve to (hew the neceflity of removing from 
 political conftitutions every thing, which men of 
 fuch a temper might lay hold of, in any future 
 period, for kindling the flames of perfecution iu 
 the European kingdoms. 
 
 2. At the Reformation, the incorporated fyflem 
 Vv'as fo clofely connected with the titles, which 
 chriftian princes had to their crowns, that the cham- 
 pions of reformation had too good reafon to fear 
 that their refpe(5live fovereigns w'ould view their at' 
 tempt in the light of a rebellion. Fafts afterward 
 fhewed that they were not miftakcn. But, in this 
 age, no fuch object of difcouragement can prefent 
 itfelf to any European legiilature. Every fovereign 
 knows, that his royal titles are not fo clofely con- 
 ne6ted with any religious fyftcm, that he (houid 
 have any thing to fear from the legal abolition of 
 
 incorporations, 
 
[ 223 ] 
 
 incorporations. Happy is it for Great Britain, that 
 her monarchs, continuing proteftants, are not be- 
 holden to any religious fyHem, for their right to fvvay 
 the Britifli Iceptre. 
 
 3. Nor is the fad experience which all nations, 
 at one time or other, have had of the pernicious con- 
 fequences of incorporations, a lefs encouraging mo- 
 tive to proreftant legillatures to attempt their aboli- 
 tion. Though, before the Reformation, the nations 
 of Europe had been grievoully galled with that 
 yoke; yet, being accuilomed to llavery, they were 
 infenfible of the grievance, and couched down with 
 fo much filly patience between the two burdens of 
 civil and ecclefiaftical tyranny, that it became a hard 
 taik to convince them that they were flaves. But 
 nov/, liberal fentiment fiouriflies in every nation, 
 popifh as well as protefbnt. Civil liberty hath had a 
 rapid progrefs. Men of all ranks and of ail deno- 
 minations have tailed its delicious fweets; and 
 therefore has their eyes open on every objed: which 
 has even the remoteft tendency either to enlarge or 
 abridge it. It has been fhewn, that aboliihing in- 
 corporations is a meafure both just and necessary; 
 and therefore, as mankind are now awake to their 
 own intereft, it is more than probable, that, would 
 legiilatures fet about it in good earncft, it would be 
 crowned with every degree of fuccefs. 
 
 4. We fhall only add, that liberty to think, fpeak 
 and write is now the acknowledged privilege of 
 chriflians ; a privilege denied at the reformation. 
 Then, to have fpoken againft the mod abfurd trick 
 of wild fuperftition was ordinarily punifhed with a 
 flake. To have heard, even the nearell relation do 
 it, and not immediately to become informer was 
 the fure way to (hare the fame cruel fate. To have 
 given houfe-room to the oracles of God was the 
 unpardonable Hn. Now, men are allowed to fpeak 
 
 and 
 
[ 224 ] 
 
 and write. Freed from the galling yoke of arbitrary 
 power in the flare, and from the no lefs grievous 
 burden of prieftly impofition, in the church, they 
 may fafely fuffer themfelves to be inftruded, may 
 yield to the evidence of truth, and 7nay liften to the 
 didtates of their own confciences, without any to 
 make them afraid. 
 
 If this be a jufl: ftate of affairs throughout Europe, 
 and efpecially in Great Britain; a neglect to attempt 
 the abolition of incorporations, and thereby to per- 
 fe6t the reformation, will betray a coolnefs in the 
 caufe of religion, only equalled by its own ingrati- 
 tude. This age fcems to be marked out by the pro- 
 vidence of God as mod proper for annihilating every. 
 reli6l of antichriftian flavery, efpecially in proteftani 
 countries. That work was ever reasonable, and 
 always necessary i now, it appears to be pr amicable 
 and altogether expedient. 
 
 At the Reformation, all things could not be ac- 
 compliflied at once. The Lord did not fee it proper 
 to finifli it in one 2;eneration. He is the God of 
 order and not of confufioni As he made the worlc} 
 in the fucceffion of fix davs. and even '^ worketh 
 hitherto;" fo he reftores his church to her primitive 
 purity by flow degrees, and in the courfe of ages* 
 Like a Vv'ife ceconomift, he hath afTigned work for 
 all his fervants; and he ** opens a great door and 
 effedlual" for fome eminent pieces of fervice, which 
 he expecls they (liould accomplilh, in thofe ages, in 
 which he calls them into being by his power, and 
 unto aclion by his providence. Such a door was 
 opened to the reformers; and they bravely did 
 their work, even in the. heat of the day. They were 
 not warranted to attempt the work of fucceeding 
 generations. While an unerring providence fet 
 them their tafk, it Hint the door againft their inter- 
 fering with that v/hich was rderved for their fons 
 
 unborn. 
 
[ 225 ] 
 
 tinborn, and for their childrens children. The po- 
 litical ftate of Europe forbad their enterprizing the 
 abolition of incorporations. She was not ripe for 
 it, without the interpofition of a miracle. The 
 minds of mankind were fo much under the influence 
 of prejudice in favour of the old channel, in which 
 things both facred and civil had run, during more 
 than a thoufand years, that they could not, in one 
 age, be fully difengaged from the objed:s of their 
 miftaken attachment. The miftrefs experience 
 behoved firft to have performed her tafk, before 
 they could either think juftly or ^d: wifely in re- 
 gard of incorporations. 
 
 But in this age, fhe feems to have finifhed all her 
 lectures upon that fubjed. Thofe centuries, which 
 have elapfed fince the reformation, have exlaibited 
 fuch fcenes, as ferve to demonftrate the noxious 
 nature and fatal confequences of incorporations. 
 The fame infinitely wife God, who called our an- 
 ceftors to attack the papal supremacy^ is now di- 
 re6ting and encouraging men of authority, by fimi- 
 lar providential incidents, to alTerc the spiritualityy 
 freedom and independence of Chrift's kingdom ; to 
 bear witnefs to his title to fvvay his own fceptre ; and 
 to endeavour, in their feveral fpheres of adion, to 
 fettle the church on her own foundations. 
 
 May God, who hath already laid the foundation 
 of the glorious Reformation, fpeedily animate thofe 
 inftruments for whom the honour is referved, to 
 bring forth the copftone in triumph, crying, Grace \ 
 Grace I unto it : Amen ; 
 
 Ff G H A P. 
 
[ 2Z6 ) 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 AnsiJoeTS to the most consider able Obje5lions against the 
 Abolition of Incorporations. 
 
 THE imperfedt flate of human knowledge, and 
 of the means of communicating it, render it 
 impoffible to lay down any fubjedl in fuch a manner 
 as to anticipate all objedions againft it. Befides, 
 it is with the human mind in reafoning, as it is with 
 the natural eye in the a6l of vifion. An objedt may 
 appear regular and beautiful from one flation, while 
 to another, yea even to the fame eye, placed in a 
 different point, it may fecm to be an unfhapen 
 block. In like manner, any objed; of knowledge 
 may feem to be cono;ruobs to reafon, at the fame 
 time that others, contemplating the fame object in 
 a difadvantageous fituation, may imagine that it is 
 inconililent with reafon. In the preient cafe, it is 
 not doubted but fome, prepolfeffed in favour of in- 
 corporations, have piled up an heap of objedions 
 againfl their abolition. The author, however, after 
 having viewed the fubjedt in every poffible light ; 
 after having fuppofed himlelf to be — a defigning 
 politician, — a church dignitary,— a beneficed cler- 
 gyman, — a furious bigot, — a zealot for uniformity, 
 ' — an advocate for the tradition of the elders,— and 
 fifty other characters of fimilar importance; and 
 after having felt his pulfe in each of them; — is more 
 confirmed concerning the utility^ necessity and prac- 
 ticability of the mecifure. Some flight inconveni- 
 ences n.ight follow. Ihis is no more than what 
 necellarily attends the prefent imperfed: flate of 
 things But if thefe fhould be lefs and fewer than 
 fuch as attend incorporations ordmarily; and ihould 
 
 the 
 
[ 227 ] 
 
 the advantages to the church and foclety counter- 
 balance them (both which have been proved) no 
 cowardly apprehenfions ought to ftand one moment 
 in the way of executing fo neceflary, — fo falutary 
 a fcheme. But that nothing may appear to be de- 
 fignedly wanting, we fliall attempt anfwers to the 
 mod plaufible objedions againft it. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 ^' That the Abolition of Incorporations would abridge 
 Royal Prerogative y and endanger the Safety of Reli^ 
 gion^'—Answered^ 
 
 ^TPHOSE who imagine;, in the fpirit of falfe 
 -■• patriotifm, that the conftitutional prerogatives 
 of the prince are unfriendly to the liberty of the 
 fubjed, deferve contempt. Thofe who attempt to 
 perfuade mankind that it is fo, merit the refentment 
 of both the prince and his people. Juft prerogative 
 is efTentially neceflary for the protedion of right, 
 and the execution of juftice. The rights of the 
 fovereign and of the fubjed muft rife or fall together. 
 We may therefore fuppofe, that not only the de- 
 voted flaves of prerogative, but even the fober 
 friends of the rights, both of princes and their people 
 will be jealous of the meafure propofed, as tending 
 to abridge that power, circa sacra, which the Eu- 
 ropean nations, ever fmce their eredlion, have tamely 
 yielded to their fovereigns. Such will objed " that 
 the abolition of incorporations would leflTen that 
 power and influence which princes have always 
 claimed over eccleflaftical perfons; and that, be- 
 
 Ff2 fides. 
 
[ 228 ] 
 
 fides, it would abridge, if not annihilate their autho-^ 
 rity in all ecclefiaftical caufes." 
 
 Nor are thofe deferving of lefs contempt, who in 
 the fpirit of deifm and modern latitudinarianifm 
 affect to think that all princes ought to be the fons 
 of Gallio ; that the legillative and executive powers 
 ought to a6t with the moft perfed indifference to- 
 wards all religion, true as well as falfe ; and that 
 they ought to give no preference, even to that pro- 
 fefTion of religion, which, according to their bed 
 lights, they approve for themfelves, and account 
 to be mod deferving the choice of every good man. 
 Perfons who efteem religion, and account it of the 
 lafl importance to themfelves ; who have ftudied 
 and known the exclufive right which chriftanity 
 has to be accounted, received, and profeiTed as the 
 only true rehgion ; and who are alarmed at the 
 growth of deifm in Europe ; — may fear, that the 
 abolition propofed would gratify the wiflies of a 
 certain defcription of men, who, if the tendency of 
 their writings be a jufl commentary on the penchant 
 of their hearts, give reafon to think that the redo- 
 ration of Paganifm and the revival of the JuHan age 
 would be very agreeable to them. Such pious cha- 
 radlers may objedt *' that the abolition of incorpo- 
 rations would put chrillianity, which alone has a 
 right to be profefled and patronized, on a level with 
 every falfe religion ; that it would tie up the hands 
 of both the legiflative and executive powers, in 
 chriftian nations, from pofitively patronizing the 
 caufe of chriftian iiy ; and that it would contradid: 
 the dodrine of all the proteltant churches, in their 
 aYiicles and confeffions concerning the authority of 
 the ruling powers about ecclefiaftical objeds/' 
 
 As a fatisf idory anfwer to thefe feveral objedions 
 cannot be made without afcertaining the natur^i of 
 ihat cftabiiftiment of chriftain churcnes for whrch 
 
C 229 ] 
 
 the writet has declared himfelf an advocate, he begs 
 the candour as well as the patience of the reader, 
 while he lays open his thoughts upon the fubject at 
 fome length. 
 
 I. While the abolition of incorporations would 
 both fully make, and peaceably leave, every prince 
 the common father and guardian angel of all his fub- 
 jeds, according to the degree of their political and 
 civil merit, *' there is no branch of prerogative'* 
 which any prince ought to claim, which could fuifer 
 by that neceffary meafure. That influence which 
 princes claim, and ever fmce the Reformation, have 
 claimed over the clergy, beyond what they have a 
 juft right unto over all other clalTes of fubjedls, is 
 no other befides what the court of Rome claimed, 
 in the ages of papal tyranny and triumph over the 
 nations of Europe. It is that power, which the 
 chriftian emperors claimed before papal ufurpations 
 had come to their heio-ht. It is that fame influ- 
 ence, which the bishop of Rome appropriated, upon 
 the difTolution of the empire, and its divifion among 
 the ten kings. It is, in fine, that fame papal power, 
 which the proteftant princes feverally refumed, v/hea 
 they vvrefted their Iceptres out of the hands of 
 Rome's proud pontiff, at the Reformation. Seeing 
 the ufes he had put it unto, and falfely imagining 
 that it would be of the fame advantage to them, 
 they claimed it as a prerogative of their refpedive 
 crowns. During the dreary ages of pontifical en- 
 croachments, the pall and the crofier were the gift 
 of Rome. The right of inveflitures was claimed 
 by the popes, and yielded by many of the princes. 
 In confequence, tiie mitred clergy were dependent 
 on the pope, and, at any time were ready to abet 
 his caufe againft their own fovereigns. At the 
 Reformation, therefore, the princes, v>'ho had long, 
 
 with 
 
C 230 ] 
 
 with indignation, beheld this foreign dependence^ 
 and its uses, made the mitred clergy immediately 
 dependent on themfelves, by referving to the crown 
 the nomination to bifhoprics; and made the infe- 
 rior ecclefiaftics mediately their dependents, by re- 
 taining and confirming the right of patronage to 
 bifhops, chapters and lay patrons* 
 
 But though fome princes have availed themfelves 
 of this univerfal and fervile dependence of the in- 
 corporated clergy upon themfelves, to carry forward 
 meafures^ hoftile to the peace and profperity of the 
 nation, fubverfive of public liberty, and eventually 
 ruinous, as well as fcandalous to the church ; yet 
 no wife, no virtuous prince ever ufed fo mif- 
 chievous a tool of government. He who has ever 
 dared to do it, has always made himfelf fufpeded 
 to hisfubjeds; rendered his meafures contemptible; 
 and haftened the decline, and fometimes the fall^ of 
 his own greatnefs. 
 
 No wonder ! Such a dependence is founded on 
 injuftice; and every fabric, fo founded, will fooner 
 or later fall upon, and bury in its ruins the man 
 who imprudently feeks for flielter under it. No 
 monarch can have a right to bribe one part of his 
 fubjeds, by beftowing upon them the fpoils of pri- 
 vate or public property, to become the tools of 
 court intrigue. Yet, this is done in all incorpo- 
 rated churches. Their revenues are often paid their 
 clergy by thofe who never employed them, and 
 againft whofe liberties they fell themfelves, in order 
 to purchafe that reward of unrighteoufnefs. It fol- 
 lows, therefore, that were incorporations abohfhed, 
 princes would only lofe what never was of any real 
 ufe and advantage to them. Yea, they would be gain- 
 ers. While the undue influence of the crown would 
 ceafe, they would be no more tempted by that ob* 
 jed, to hurt themfelves, tarnifh the glory of their 
 
 crowns. 
 
[ 231 J 
 
 crowns, and injure their fubjedls, by employing the 
 pretended miniders of heaven to enflave their fub- 
 jed.s on earth. 
 
 Bur it does not hence follow that they would lofe 
 ^ny degree of due influence over the minifters of 
 Chriil: in their dominions. No: they would reap 
 fervices from them much more important than ever 
 were, or could be performed by an incorporated 
 clergy. Thefe being bound to abet indifferently 
 the tyrannic intrigues, as well as the patriotic plans 
 of the court, and being feldom needed or employed, 
 but in the former ; are, when called upon, always 
 juftly fut'peded by all the other defcription of fub- 
 jeds, in the nation. The public takes the alarm ; 
 and the confeq.ience ordinarily is, — even the bed 
 fchemes, inftead of being promoted, are retarded, 
 and often ruined, through their interference. But 
 were incorporations at an end, minifters, being 
 wholly independent of undue influence, and being 
 bound by all the ties of patriotifm, loyalty and reli- 
 gion, would a^t with vigour, and without fufpicion, 
 in the caufe of their prince and of their country. 
 Being the minifters of peace and the public teachers 
 of chriftianity, they would pray for the peace of 
 their country; they would preach peace and pracftife 
 it. They would demonftrate by their lives, as well 
 as by their do6trine, that chriftianity infpires loyalty, 
 and that the honour due to the image of God's 
 authority, on earth, is ftri6tly connected with the 
 fear of God himfelf, in heaven, and with an entire 
 and confcientious fubjedion to the authority of the 
 Redeemer at his right-hand. They would be al- 
 ways true patriots. Aduated by the love of God, 
 they could not but love his vicegerent, and zealoufly 
 abet all his a6ls of government for the good of their 
 fellow fubjedls, and for the intereft of thofe flocks 
 f' over which the Holy Ghoft/' not the civil ma- 
 
 giftrate, 
 
[ 23 2 1 
 
 giftrate, " hath made them bifhops.'* Devoted to 
 their fervice, they would be confcientloufly attached 
 to every meafure of political adminiftration, which 
 has a tendency to make them fecure, eafy and prof- 
 peroiis in fociety, in order that, without diftraAion, 
 they may attend to the important concerns of reli- 
 gion. No more would the clergy of one fe6t only 
 be the devoted friends of the prince. As every 
 defcription of chriftians would have their natural, 
 civil and religious rights fully fecured to them; and 
 further, would meet with public encouragement, in 
 proportion as they Ihould excel, in realizing chrifti- 
 anity, by performing all the fubftantial duties of 
 religion and patriotifm ; their minifters would vie 
 with one another in adis of public, as well as of 
 private utility; and, by their inftrudions and ex- 
 ample, w^ould excite and animate their flocks to do 
 the fame. 
 
 In the prefent flate of things, the cafe is far other- 
 v/ife. The rewards of rapacity and uniighteoufnefs 
 are rigidly exadVed of the fubjed: without diftindion, 
 and paid to the clergy of the incorporated feci, in or- 
 der that they may infultingly crow over every other 
 religious denomination. Is it in the power of hu- 
 man nature to be fmcerely attached to the fervice of 
 a government, whofe adminiftration is fo marked 
 with partiality? Thank God! Even in thefe circum- 
 fiances, proteftant dilTenters have always approved 
 thelufelves faithful, — often, the mod faithful to vir- 
 tuous adminiftrations, even in the motl: trying cafes. 
 But what would thefe fons of liberty and righteous 
 zeal not do,— what indeed w^ould not all do, were 
 liberty and right properly fecured to them, without 
 thefe provoking difcrirnmations! 
 
 IL By the abolifhing of incorporations, the 
 " SUPREMACY of the prjnce, over all caufes eccle- 
 fiaflical," would indeed ceaie. But what then? 
 
 1. Would 
 
t ^33 ] 
 
 1. Would he lofe any dignity which he, of right, 
 ought to claim } in this age of liberty and common- 
 fenfe, it cannot be faid. No potentate has a right 
 to diftate to the underflanding and to controiil the 
 confcience of one man, in things of pure revelation. 
 How much lefs of a whole nation, or of a whole 
 empire ! can he anfwer for his fubje6ts at the dread 
 tribunal of God ? Can he endure eternal p^.nifnment 
 for them, in cafe he di6tate falfehood fo^ truth, and 
 force them into the paths of rebellion agnrnfl: their 
 Maker and their Redeemer ? Can he find fecurity 
 to ten or twelve millions of fouls, that they (hall 
 be indemnified, and kept altogether without harm, 
 in cafe he abufe his high claim ? has he a right to 
 conlider himfelf as the only rational and accountable 
 creature in his dominions ; and to treat all mankind, 
 within the reach of his fceptre, as beaits, which, 
 have no underflanding ? 
 
 2. Would he lofe any thing which he may ho- 
 Tiourably claim ? This can be afHrmed with as little 
 confiflency and refpedt for majefty. The pope 
 claims to be fupreme head over all caufes ecclefi- 
 aflical, or to have all fuch caufes ultimately referred 
 to him for decifion, as fupreme judge. This very 
 claim is allowed, by all proteftants, to mark him 
 out as the " man of fin," who, while claiming a 
 right to controul the confciences of Chriftendom, 
 *' fitteth in the temple of God, and exalteth himfelf 
 above all that is called God, or is worfliipped/* 
 Now, fhall it be reckoned a prerogative, worthy of 
 proteflant princes, — of BritiHi princes, to fucceed 
 that old friar in all the arrogance of his pride, and 
 in all the blafphemy of his faftidious claims ? Do 
 their intereRed flatterers confult their honour or 
 their fafety, when they confer upon them one of 
 the incommunicable prerogatives of the Deity him- 
 felf ? Do they know what they are doing, when they 
 
 G g make 
 
[ 234 ] 
 
 make their own princes, whom God has mercifully 
 delivered from papal ufurpations, (liarers with the 
 court of Rome, in the guilt of fimilar ufurpations ? 
 Can they be ignorant, that for fuch incroachments 
 on the prerogative of the Mod High, Heaven's 
 heavy wrath hath already fallen on the church of 
 Rome, and will never ceafe to purfue her, till all 
 the earth hear the angelic voice crying, — " Baby- 
 lon the Great is fallen, is fallen, and is become the 
 habitation of devils 1 * 
 
 3. Would majefty lofe any thing which it may 
 ivisely claim ? Hiflory forbids thisalfo to be affirmed. 
 Ever lince that prerogative was rafhly alFumed by 
 Henry VIII. no Britifh prince ever claimed it, and 
 availed himfelf of it, without fixing an indelible 
 ftain upon his memory, which even his beft and 
 wifeft adions could never efface. What is blame- 
 worthy in the long, aufpicious reign of the cele- 
 brated Elizabeth, befides her claiming this branch 
 of prerogative ; and her ading, too much like her 
 royal father, up unto the tyrannic fpirit of it ? Did 
 it not make Jam.es I. ridiculous to foreigners, and 
 the Merry- Andrew of his own fubjeds ? Did it not 
 bring Charles L to the block ? did it not render 
 the reien of the fccond Charles diflionourabie to 
 himfelf, and fuperlitively inaufpicious to the wor- 
 thiefl part of all his fubjeds ? Did it not chace the 
 fecond James from the throne, and fend the royal 
 family of Stuart into ignominious exile ? And, in 
 fine, has the iliuftrious race of princes which now 
 fo aufpicioufly fways the Britifh fceptre, and has 
 been always too much attached to the honour of 
 God, and too attentive to the welfare of their fub- 
 jeds, ever to avail themfelves of that claim, been, 
 on that account, lefs iliuftrious, lefs fove reign 
 princes than thofe of the former tyrannic race ? 
 
 '* Rev, xviii. ?. 
 
 Werr 
 
[ 235 ] 
 
 Were incorporations juft now abollflied, the pro- 
 teflant fovereigns in t'.iirope would flill inherit every 
 thing that is fubflantial and worthy of their royalty, 
 in that branch of their prerogative. That coftly 
 gem, freed from an inglorious fpeck, would fhine 
 with much more radiance and true beauty. At the 
 Reformation, they found it necelTary, to aiTert their 
 right to be the fovereigns of ecclefiaftics as well as 
 of every other defcription of their fubje6ls ; and as 
 thefe had very often greatly difturbed fociety, by 
 appealing ecclefiafhical caufes to Rome, they lauda- 
 bly put a flop to that abfird and rebellious pradiice, 
 by providing that thefe caufes fhould in future be 
 finally decided at home. Now, rhe abolition of 
 incorporations flill leaves that right with princes. 
 Though fovereigns cannot, without ufurping upon 
 the authority of God and the rights of confcience, 
 be the ultimate judges in things purely ecclefiaflical, 
 or bring them for decifion to their tribunals ; yet 
 they can do every thing which wife, political and 
 pious princes will do, and ought to do. They will 
 provide that thefe caufes be finally determined 
 among the parties concerned in them. They will 
 prevent diforders, tumults and every a6l of injuftice 
 among the parties. And they will, with an impar- 
 tial hand, punlfh every a6l of delinquency againfl 
 the order and laws of fociety. 
 
 Indeed, were incorporations removed, ecclefiafli- 
 cal caufes, however important they may be in 
 themfelves, and to the parties concerned in them, 
 in regard to another world, would become per- 
 fectly innocent, as far as civil fociety is connected 
 with them. On that account, they would become 
 as unworthy of royal interference as any of thofe 
 harmlefs controverfies, which are daily darting up, 
 and with much decency agitated among the different 
 feds of the literati in the philofophical world. Nor 
 
 G g s would 
 
[ 236 ] 
 
 would majefty fuffer any more from its ceafing to 
 adl as fovereign umpire in the former, than it does 
 in the latter cafe- Incorporations alone, making 
 thefe caufes firft dangerous to fociety, and formida- 
 ble to its civil ruleis, by engaging the fecular in- 
 terefts and the iiiflamed palTions of mankind in 
 them, Iwells them into that degree of importance, 
 which ranks them with objects, worthy the mo- 
 narch's attention and officious interference. How 
 impolitic in the extreme mufl it be, to make evea 
 the mofl innocent and harmlcfs rhmgs, the mod 
 hurtful, merely that the executive part of govern- 
 ment may find employment! How abfurd to raife a 
 political fcorm, only that royalty may difplay its au- 
 thority in vainly attempting to fmooth thole fwelling 
 billows, which its own improper interference had 
 railed? And how unreafonable to objedl to the abo- 
 lition oi" that which has been proved to be fo emi- 
 nently hurtf 1, both to civil and religious fociety^ 
 merely becaufe it would eafe fovereigns of the 
 trouble of extin2;uifliin2: thofe flames which it ne- 
 cefTarily kindles among their fubjeds ! 
 
 III. The ferioiis chriftian, whofe heart iympathe- 
 tically trembles for the ark of God, has no reafon 
 to be alarmed for the fafety of chriftianity. He 
 need not fear, that, were incorporations aboliflied, 
 infidelity would triumph, and deifls obtain theii: 
 wilhes. There is no reafon to objedt, " that chrif- 
 tianity, which alone, on account of its divine cha- 
 racter, has a right to political patronage, would be 
 put, or left on a level with impofture and fuper- 
 flition/' 
 
 No ! Chriftianity can never be on a level with any 
 falfe religion. Her own intrinfic worth raifcs her 
 infinitel) above all, — even the mod fpecious and 
 the belt guaided iyflem of impofture. The High- 
 est 
 
C 237 ] 
 
 EST himfelf has always guarded her rich treafures, 
 and ever will prcferve her Tiered foundations. Le- 
 gions of devils, pouring fro:n the gates of hell, cannot 
 prevail againft her. Craft, aided by cruelty, cannot 
 move her fro.n her foundation; nor detach a fingle 
 ftone from her fuperfiruclure. Her weapons, it is 
 true, are not car.>al, but fpiritual; but they are 
 always, and in every conflict, greatly triumphant. 
 No daring foe could ever pluck the laurel from 
 her brow; or fnatch the palm from her hand. Her 
 greateft enemies cannot endure the effulgence of 
 her fhield; nor ceafe from trembling at the fhaking 
 of her fpear. She beholds them flying her ap- 
 proaches with precipitate fl:eps; and, at a fafe 
 diflance coUefling their fcattered remains. Thefe 
 her friends always find, either deeply entrenched 
 in the howling defert of ignorance and error, behind 
 a ftrong breafl:-work of political arrangements and 
 penal fhatutes ; or fneaking away into the fortrefs of 
 prejudice, which, with unavailing pains, they labour 
 to render impregnable by all the contemptible arts of 
 fophiflry, and by all the mock artillery of profane 
 wit and farcaflic ^ailler}^ 
 
 But the anxious friends of incorporations will 
 think that they have ftill reafon to objed:, '' that if 
 thefe were abolilhed, chriftianity would be left upon 
 a level with every falfe religion that might dare to 
 fhew its hideous form among the ambitious dema- 
 gogues, or the mad enthufiafts of a nation." 
 
 We anfvver, — No : and the reafons will be afligned, 
 with more propriety under the next article. 
 
 Meanwhile, there is, it is prefumed, reafon to 
 alledge, that incorporations are the only things that 
 link, or can fmk chriftianity to a level with any 
 falfe religion. 
 
 Impoilure is deflitute of a firm foundation of its 
 pvjn to ftand upon. However fpecious it may ap- 
 pear 
 
C »38 3 
 
 pear to be, it cannot abide the eye of the examiner. 
 Reafon revolts at it; and revelation conden.ns it. 
 Its only dependence, therefore, is upon fomething 
 adventitious. It naturally turns its eye to political 
 authority, and the power of the fword. Deftitute 
 of arguments, it can only force its way by Gnguinary 
 laws. Thefe it procures, by all its own arts of fal- 
 lacy and fraud, to be enaded againft recufants and 
 dilicnters. Cruel laws and prepofterous meafures 
 are t ver in its fuit. Inj'. (lice is the foundation of 
 its throne. Ruthlefs tyranny is its fceptre. Inca- 
 pable of fubfifting but by plunder and rapine, it 
 robs mankind of all their rights. At its tribunals, 
 even the rights of confcience cannot be redeemed at 
 a lefs ranlom than that of mens lives. 
 
 In all thefe refpeds incorporations level chriftia- 
 iiity with bafe impoflure. Though the religion of 
 Jesus be the only revealed religion on earth, and 
 is entitled to build her throne on the ruins of im- 
 poflure in every poflible lliape ; yet let it not be 
 once faid, that flie ever claimed, or ever permitted 
 any of her friends to claim, to build her kingdom on 
 the ruins of natural ji;ftice, and the wreck of man- 
 kind's inviolable rights ! Let none of either her 
 mifiaken friends or her defigning foes dare to 
 affirm, that (lie authorises any defcription of chrifli- 
 ans to build even their pureil profcffion of attach- 
 ment to her dodlrines and inftitutions, on the fu- 
 periedure of the rights of one individual, whether 
 he be her devoted friend, or her determined foe ! 
 GEMINI KocEAS is her dcvicc amiorial. "Thou 
 (halt not kill."—'' Thou fhatt not ileal."—*' Thou 
 flialt not even covet" are her laws. But wherever 
 chriftianity is incorporated with the political confti- 
 tution uf any nation, and the national profefTion of 
 the edabliHied fyftem is enforced by penal laws, 
 \vhich provide that every fubject, whether he be 
 
 convinced 
 
[ 239 ] 
 
 Convinced or not of its orthodoxy, fliall profefs 
 himfelf a believer in ir, under pain of forfciring life, 
 or even the lead confiderable part of his property; 
 — (he is inftantly meramorphofed into a public rob- 
 ber, and, as fuch, is expofed to the hatred of hea- 
 thens and the e::ecrations of all their enemies. She 
 is no more that laft and befl: gift of God to Man ; — 
 that true chriftianity, which in the fcriptures, her 
 only glafs, fn:iiles with benignity upon all the rights 
 of mimkind. No ! 'Tis a dragon, called by her 
 facred name. Let it even be admitted, that the 
 incorporated fyftem is the mofl orthodox exhibition 
 of chridianity ; yet, being thus incorporated, it 
 ceafes, ipfofiSo^ to beany longer pure and unadul- 
 terated. Yes ; genuine chriftianity lifteth up her 
 voice, and crieth — Do not kill, — do not rob, — do 
 not even covet. But incorporated chriftianity, if 
 the avowed principles and pradices of its votaries 
 can afcertain its nature, allows them to profefs be- 
 fore the world, and to write it with the blood of all 
 its enemies, that it authorizes them to commit every 
 a61: of injuftice and cruelty in order to propagate its 
 tenets, perpetuate its reign, and enrich its friends ! 
 
 But, after all, may we not afk, When and where, 
 fmce the famous edi6l of Conftantine, VN^as chrifti- 
 anity eftablillifd in any of the European nations? 
 That holy religion is not confined to any one fed: 
 of chriftians, nor exhaufted by its creed. Yet that 
 which has been the objed of all the European in- 
 corporations, thefe thoufand years, has been the 
 peculiar creed only, of one particular defcription of 
 chriftians. Now, thefe pretended incorporations of 
 chriftianity have not only authorized chriftians to 
 commxit violence upon the rights of mankind, who 
 were enemies to, or ignorant of chriftianity, but 
 alfo upon the lives or liberties of even its beft friends, 
 who, though they diiiented from the incorporated 
 
 creed 
 
[ 240 ] 
 
 creed in fome of its articles, were notwithflanding, 
 much nearer the true, fcriptural idea of that divine 
 religion than their privileged perfecutors. Thus, 
 chriftianity is funk even belozv the level of the very 
 worft religions, v/hich ever difgraced mankind. 
 What falfe religion ever turned about and devoured 
 its own children? Did even the many-headed mon- 
 fters of ancient Paganifm devour its own offspring? 
 Did it command the votaries of Jove to murder the 
 worfhippers of Apollo? Did ever any of the heathen 
 themfelves fo far forget the reverence they had for 
 it, as to affirm that it did ? But incorporations 
 make chriftianity turn indifcriminately upon her 
 beft friends and her worft enemies ; yea, to commit 
 violence upon herfelf, as profelied and exhibited 
 by her beft friends, and to devour them, together 
 with the flelh of her own arm ! 
 
 But we confefs, that we have fpoken improperly^ 
 when, in compliance with vulgar prejudice, we have 
 talked of the eftabliihment of Christianity, That 
 holy religion is naturally incapable of any eftabllfli- 
 ment, befide that which the Divine Spirit always 
 gives it by the irrefiftible force of its own evidence, 
 both external and internal, in the underftandings 
 and confciences of cbrillians. It is the profession 
 of chriftianity alone, which is capable of an in- 
 corporation. Now, the profeffion of the chriftian 
 religion may either be general or particular. It is 
 general when chriflians make profeilion of it, as it 
 is exhibited in the holy fcriptures, without any re- 
 gard to the particular creed of any particular church, 
 or defcription of chriftlans. It is particular, when 
 any church makes profeiTion of chriftianity, accord- 
 ing to their own idea of it, as that is exhibited in 
 their own particular and characterizing fymbol, or 
 confeliion of faith. — This neceffary diftmdion being 
 
 premifed. 
 
[ 241 ] 
 
 premlfed, we fliall join the two following obfer- 
 vations. 
 
 I. The general profefTlon of chriftianit}' never 
 v/as incorporated in any empire or nation fince the 
 firfl edids of Conftantine. The edids in the latter 
 years of his reign, and in the reigns of his fons and 
 fucceirors were not general, b'J.t particular incorpo- 
 rations of certain fcdls, who difputed by turns for 
 them, in order to kill and devour one another. 
 
 Wherefore, had Conftantine's general ediciis not 
 b^en precluiive, and armed with penal fandions 
 againft the perfons and juil rights of thofe, who 
 could not at firft, v/ith the concurrence of their un- 
 derftandings and confciences, become converts to 
 chriftianity, they would have been unqueftionably 
 right. Much was in his power to do for the pro- 
 felfion and the profellbrs of that holy religion, with- 
 out difgraclng it, by making them robbers of others 
 rights. Much he might have done for rendering 
 the profeilion of it both fafe and even honourable, 
 without converting it into a falfe and lying profef- 
 lion, importing that chriftianity licences its friends 
 to fatten on the fpoils of its enemies. 
 
 Chriftianity indeed, on account of its divine 
 original, has an exclu(ive right to be both profefted 
 and patronized ? But by whom ? By none furely but 
 thofe who know and acknowledge that right. With 
 contempt, that holy religion rejeds the fiditious 
 right, for which fome of its pretended friends fo 
 warmly contend, to be profefied and openly avowed 
 by thofe who are blind to its evidence. It pro- 
 nounces all fuch profeftbrs, hypocrites ; and all who 
 forcibly extort fuch a profeffion, perfecutors and 
 murderers. Conftantine, therefore, aded Imdably, 
 both when, from convidion, he embraced and pro- 
 fefied chriftianity himfelf; and when he patronized 
 the profeffion of it by others, by every poffible en- 
 
 H h encouragement. 
 
r 242 ] 
 
 couragement, which he could hold up, confident 
 with private right, the laws of civil fociety, and 
 the genius of the chriftian religion itfelf. But that 
 fame religion bound his hand from alTerting and 
 fupporting a right which it reprobates, — a right to 
 be profefied by thofe, who faw not its evidence, and 
 could only be dragged to its altars by the chains of 
 violence. 
 
 It is no lefs true, that no falfe religion can have 
 
 a right to be profelTed or patronized. No lie can 
 
 have a right to be patronized by the delegated 
 
 powers of the God of eternal truth. A religion 
 
 muft be right, before it can have a right to be pro- 
 
 feffed or encouraged. Conftantine, therefore, acled 
 
 virtuouily, when he renounced the profellion of 
 
 paganifm himfelf ; and when he availed himfelf of 
 
 every mean, which the gofpel allows, and which 
 
 truth andjuftice confecrate, to perfuade others to 
 
 abandon it. But if he proceeded to violence ; if 
 
 he invaded the rights of human nature in the cafe 
 
 of any, who did not fee the evidence of chriftianity,. 
 
 and were, on that account, morally incapable of 
 
 making a profeflion of it, as true, and the only true 
 
 religion, without lying to both God and man ; or 
 
 if he invaded private right, by penal laws, fufpend- 
 
 ing the enjoyment of civil property and privileges 
 
 upon the condition of embracing chriftianity ; — if 
 
 he did any, or all of thefe, he went beyond the line 
 
 which chriftianity had marked out to him ; and his 
 
 profeflion of it became a lie upon it. It nowhere 
 
 authorizes fallible mortals, ot any rank whatever, 
 
 and however much convinced in their own minds, 
 
 to intrude upon the feat of God's moral government 
 
 in the bofoms of other men ; to fnatch tiie reins of 
 
 moral controul out of his hands; and by fanguinary 
 
 laws, to force accountable beings to lie to the Holy 
 
 Ghoft. It no where warrants anv to violate the laws 
 
 of 
 
C 243 ] 
 
 of juftice, by depriving any of the fons of Adam 
 of their property or their lives, merely becaufe, 
 not having yet perceived the wifdom of chriftianity, 
 they are morally incapable of making a true pro- 
 feflion of her right to univerfal empire ; and, yet, 
 are too honed to make a fahe one. But all perfe- 
 ciitors fay, that chriftianity allows all this ; and that 
 it is their godly zeal for its rights, which prompts 
 them to perpetrate all this. They lie. Their pro- 
 feffion of chriftianity is therefore a lie againft it. 
 
 2. All the incorporations of modern Europe are 
 particular cftabliftiments. — It is not the profeflion 
 of chriftianity, according to the idea given of it in 
 the New Teftament, which is incorporated with 
 the political conftitution in any country of Europe; 
 but it is the profeftion of that holy religion, accord- 
 ing to the view given of it in fome particular fyftcm, 
 fymbol, or confeftion of faith. 
 
 Upon the flighteft view of thefe, it is plain, that 
 tiie exhibition of that holy religion in fome fymbols, 
 differs eftentially, in fome articles, from that in 
 others. Is chriftianity, therefore, vague and various ? 
 God forbid ! All this variety and contrariety arifc 
 from the different views, which different men, under 
 the influence of different prejudices and paffions 
 (chiefly, indeed, occafioncd by incorporations) have 
 gotten of it. It is, therefore, certain, that no one 
 profeffion of chriftianity, in the eyes of thofe ©f 
 other profeflions, is compleat ; and that no one 
 profeffional fymbol fo far monopolizes the whole of 
 chriftianity, fo as to leave no fhare of it to others. 
 
 It is hence plain, that a particular incorporation 
 is not an eftabliftiment of chriftianity. It is only 
 g,n incorporation of a particular creed, which is re- 
 puted by all other defcriptions of chriftians, adhering^ 
 to oppofite fymbols, to be a defedive exhibition of 
 chriftianity. Behdes, admitting the compleatnefs 
 
 Hh2 of 
 
[ 244 ] 
 
 of the exhibition ; one defcriptlon of chrlflians can 
 never exclufively poffefs themfelves of all the chx-if- 
 tianity in the world, leaving no (hare of that trea- 
 fure to other denominations. They alfo, doubtlefs, 
 poffefs lefs or more of it, proportlonably as their 
 profeflional creeds are more or lefs conformable to 
 the idea of it in revelation. If this be juft, it fol- 
 lows, that the incorporation of one creed, however 
 Gompleat, is no eftablitliment of chriflianiry, or of 
 the profeffion of it. Not of chriftianity, becaufe, 
 though it were allowed that the religion of the in- 
 corporated {^cct is eftabliflied, the very a6l of incor- 
 poration puts chriftianity under a public, parlia- 
 mentary interdidion, as (he is foiand in the creeds 
 of other denominations. — Not of the profeffion of 
 it, becaufe, notwithflanding one particular profef- 
 fion be patronized, every other profeffion, even of 
 the fame articles, becaufe they are prefented in a 
 different form, is put under the ban of national au- 
 thority, and prohibited under certain penalties. 
 Befides, the fuppofed conr^pleat exhibition of chrif- 
 tianity, which is honoured with an incorporation, 
 by that very incorporation ceafes to be compleat ! 
 Yes ; it lies againfl: chriftianity, by avowing that 
 {he allows her friends to turn their backs, even 
 upon herfelf, if (lie be in anyinftance profeffed de- 
 fectively by others, and to murder their perfons or 
 TQb their treafures, becaufe they confcientioully do 
 fo ! 
 
 IV. The abolition of incorporations by no means 
 infers the annihilation of all civil eftabiifliments and 
 legal fecurities in favour of religious profeffions. 
 None have any reafon to object, '* that the meaiure 
 propofed would bind up the hands of the Icgiflative 
 and executive powers, in chnftian nations, from 
 
 publicly 
 
[ 245 ] 
 
 publicly and pofitively patronizing the profefTion of 
 chrila:.nuy among their chriflian liibje-Qs." 
 
 The very reverie is the cafe. We avow, ^' That 
 chiifdanity being the only and true religion of re- 
 velation on earth, hath an inherent and exclufive 
 right to be profelied by all the fons of Adam; that 
 every profefiion of it ought to be patronized and 
 eftablifhed by the ruling povv^ers of every chriflian 
 nation, in exa,6l proportion, as thefe powers, 
 judging for thcmfelves only, view thefe profeflions 
 more or lefs perfed: and agreeable to the idea of it, -^ 
 given in the oracles of revelation ; and that were ^ ^ 
 incorporations aboiiflied, the civil powers, inftead 
 of having their authority and influence abridged, 
 would find themfelves more at liberty to ferve the 
 intereils of religion effedlually, than ever they have 
 done fince the age of Conftantine.'* 
 
 T. " Chrifiianity being the only true religion of 
 revelation, hath an inherent and exclufive right to 
 be profefied by every fon of Adam." 
 
 The truth of this propofition cannot be doubtea 
 by any, who without prejudice, and an unworthy 
 sttaclimeni: to fome fpeculative fcheme, or pra6tical 
 courfe of libertinifm, has read and duly confidered 
 the many judicious productions of this age, in de- 
 fence of cKrifhianity, againft the repeated illiberal 
 attacks of pretended freethinkers and infidels. No 
 religion, falfely boafting of a revelation from the 
 Father of lights, can have a right to be profefied. 
 Who ever dared to affirm that a lie hath a right to 
 be told and avowed? The teller had indeed a right 
 to have examined into the truth or falfehood of it, 
 before he told it; but having affirmed it, he hath 
 tranfgrefTed the laws of juflice as well as truth. His 
 ignorance and precipitation could never confer a 
 right to lie; and his fin is proportioned to the 
 means he had of being afgertained of the truth, and 
 
 his 
 
C 246 ] 
 
 Ills diligence in the uCe of thefe means. As truth 
 alone hath an inherent right to be told ; fo the true 
 religion alone pofTelleth an exclufive title to be pro- 
 feffed and publicly avowed. 
 
 But ought every fon of Adam to profefs chrifli- 
 anity, whether he apprehend its evidence, or not ? 
 We anfwer, — The queftion implies an abfurdity. 
 What is it for any to profefs the chrifflan religion ? 
 Is it not to avow that he believes that it is true upon 
 evidence ? And can he do fo, in conllftency with 
 ^ V veracity, before he perceive its evidence ? Can any 
 ^'. man be in duty bound to make a lie? Yet every 
 man is bound, by the open and avowed pretenfions, 
 which chriftianity itfelf makes of its being the only 
 true religion, to examine with attention, candour 
 and impartiality, its evidence and the grounds of 
 its high claim. If, after examination, he embrace 
 and make profeflion of it, he acls in a manner wor- 
 thy of that religion which he now believes. It is 
 all light, — all evidence; and condemns the man 
 who profefles himfelf its votary upon grounds infe- 
 rior to full convidlion. If he be blind to its evi- 
 dence ; and if, reje(5ling that holy religion, he em» 
 brace and make profeflion of one, falfely profefling 
 itfelf to be divine^ he avows a coiiplet of lies. He 
 fays, that chriftianity, after examination of its evi^ 
 dence is fali'e ; and a falfe religion is true. His 
 guilt therefore, before the God of truth, is propor- 
 tionate to the means he had of difcovering truth 
 and avoiding miftakes; and to the degree ot his own 
 diligence in the due ufe of thefe means, He may 
 be lincere ; but as the matter of his profeflion is 
 falfehood ; and the reafons of his making it are ig- 
 norance, prejudice and precipitation; the fincerity 
 of his heart cannot wholly excufe his crime, much 
 lefs juftify his profeflfion, and entitle him to aflirm 
 falfehoods in the prefence of the God of truth. 
 
 2. '* Every 
 
C ^47 ] 
 
 2. ^^ Every profeflion of chriflianity ought to be 
 patronized and eftablillied by the ruHng powers of 
 every chrifthin nation, in exa6l proportion as thefe 
 powerSj ji^iging for themfelves only, view thefe 
 profeflions more or lefs perfect, and agreeable to 
 the idea given of it in the oracles of revelation.*' 
 
 Were it not for prejudice, arifing from early 
 ideas, and early attachments to incorporated feds 
 and fyflem?, this propolrdon would appear evident 
 at fir(t view. It is even capable of proof from th-e 
 only principle, upon which the advocates of incor- 
 porations dare to (land forth in their defence. 
 " The incorporated fyflem, fay they, is a true and 
 genuine exhibition of chrillianity. The ruling" 
 powers therefore, ought to do every thing, con- 
 liftent with juftice, for the truth; but nothing 
 againfl her." Perfectly jufl: ! But is truth wholly 
 contined to the incorporated exhibition of chrlfti- 
 anity ? Is there no particle of truth, no beam of that 
 foul-cheering luminary to be found in the avowed 
 creeds of other denominations ? Can the ruling 
 powers difcharge their duty to truth, by cheriOiing 
 her only in one creed, tind crulliingher in all others? 
 Is this to do every thing for the truth and nothing 
 againfl her? Or, is llie only truth when Ihe figures 
 in national articles, is enthroned in an act of incor- 
 poration, and is furrounded by a body-guard of 
 penal laws ? No I She is not a creature of law ! She 
 is not conjured into exiftence by votes and eftabllfhed 
 by flatutes! She is immutable ; and claims, in her 
 own right, the honour of being both generally 
 profelied and publicly patronized. As therefore 
 every profeffion of chriflianity is truth, as far as 
 the W/3//<?r of it agrees with its fcriptural architype ; 
 it has an indifputable claim upon the ruling and in- 
 fluencing powers, for protection and patronage, as 
 far as the coincidence of its matter with the original 
 idea of chriflianity extends. And as even thofe 
 
 profeflions. 
 
[ 248 ] 
 
 profefTions, wliich in their matter^ are defedive, 
 are^^ notwithflanding, declarations of the truth of 
 chriftianity in general ; and avowals, that the deno- 
 minations, who make thefe profeii'ons, believe 
 chriftianity to be the only true religion, they are, 
 in that refped, true ; and as fuch, they claim protec- 
 tion and patronage. 
 
 It therefore follows, that if truth have an intrin- 
 lie worth, and on that account, an inherent rio-ht 
 to be told and avowed ; and if men, in every cha- 
 racler, are bound to abet, and to the utir.cit of 
 their power to patronize truth ; the legillative, exe- 
 cutive and influencing powers of every chriliian 
 nation, as far as they apprehend that the Bible idea 
 of chriftianity is maintained and profefted by any 
 fociety, are under the ftricteft obligations to en- 
 courage and eftablifli that fociety, and to protect 
 and patronize its profeffion. Inftead of eftabliihing 
 one defcription of chriftians by an incorporation 
 of it with the political conftitution of the nation, 
 thereby giving it horns to pufli, and talons to tear 
 all other religious focicties of fellow-chriftians, by 
 disfranchifements, diiqualiiicadons, and other en- 
 gines of injuftice, to the utter ruin of a chriftian 
 profeflion in them ; truth, juftice, obligations to the 
 chriftian religion, and love to the fouls of mankind, 
 call upon them to chcrifti that portion of truth, 
 which, upon examination, they find to belong unto, 
 and to conftitute the feveral difcind: profeffions of 
 the chriftian relio;ion in die nation. 
 
 It IS true, the iame powerful advocates call upon 
 them, not to patronize, but to difcourage that por- 
 tion of falfeh<jod or miftake, which we fuppofe to 
 be, in thefe feveral profeiTions. But how ? Not, 
 furely, by acls of cruelty «ind injuftice ; for no 
 powers whatever have right in any cafe to commit 
 them. Not by dldating to the confciences of man^ 
 kind, jyid flinging themfeives into the throne of 
 
 God! 
 
[ 249 ] 
 
 God! Civil rulers can only fir on civil tribunals. 
 They fuftain no ofFicial charader in the kingdom Oi 
 Chrift, nor in the court of the confcience. Not by 
 arming the reputed ordiodox to kill and devour all 
 whom"^ prejudice, ignorance or intereft may dare to 
 pronounce heretics. Would the virtuous and found 
 profeffion of the ruling powers themfelves,* be no 
 check upon error in the profeffions of others? 
 Would the public countenance and patronage given 
 to truth be no check to falfehood? Would the pub- 
 lic encouragemeni given to learned defences of the 
 truth be of fmall ufe in redifying miftakes, fup- 
 preffing error, and recovering even heretics from 
 the error of their way ? 
 
 But, will fome fay, Does not this cham of rea- 
 foning tend to make the ruling powers in civd fo- 
 ciety the public judges of orthodoxy; and to eftabhOi 
 it as a rule, that foundnefs in the faith, as judged 
 of by them, is a rule of difpenfmg civil rewards 
 and punifhments. . 
 
 We anfwer. No, not in the lead degree 1 The civil 
 powers, like all other men, muft judge for them- 
 felves what is truth, and what is falfehood, in order 
 to reo-ulate their own profeffion of chriftianity; and 
 like all other men of public charader and influence, 
 they muft examine what their charader, both as 
 chriftians and as men of influence, binds them to 
 proted and patronize in the profeffions of others. 
 But this does not infer, that reputed orthodoxy is 
 the rule of difpenfmg civil rewards and punifli- 
 ments. Orthodoxy, as judged of by them, for 
 themfelves, is indeed that which is to regulate their 
 condud toward the profeffions of others. But in 
 doing fo, they confider themfelves only as men ot 
 hifluence, in common with all other men of influ- 
 
 * Mohik ?nutatur se?npercumprincipe'vulgus, Claudian. 
 
 I J cnce; 
 
[ 250 ] 
 
 encc; not as men of office. In the latter charaf^er 
 alone, they difpenfe civil rewards and punifhments; 
 and their rule is one. li'is not orthodoxy^ but the 
 unchangeable law of equity, more or lefs diflindlly 
 engraved on the hearts of all men. In the former 
 charafter alone, they, in common with all other 
 perfons of influence, whether great or fmall, judge 
 of, patronize or difcountenance the religious pro- 
 feflions of other men. They have a right to reward 
 the pious chriftian, the laborious minifler, or the 
 leained defenders of chriftianity with all the liberality 
 of the generous patron; but the patron has no right 
 to put the /)n;z^^'j hand into the pockets of thofe, 
 whofe profeflion he even juflly difcountenanccs, in 
 order to furnifli the reward. 
 
 Analogy ferves to illuftrate abilrufe points. — 
 Learning in no country was ever made a rule of dii- 
 penfing civil rewards and puniOiments. To be 
 ignorant of mathematics was never reckoned a crime, 
 and m.ade matter of an indidment in any of his 
 majefty's courts of law. To encourage learning and 
 to reward learned men, legislature never dreamed 
 that it was necefiary, to incorporate the Ariflotelian, 
 Cartefian, or Newtonian philofophy, w^ith the poli- 
 tical conftitution of Great Britain; to make it 
 criminal to teach or believe but according to the 
 incorporated f^/ftem y and to give all its teachers 
 revenues and livings out of the eilates ol thofe, who 
 believe in other iVftems. Such a wild fcheme of 
 policy, inftcad of chcriihing literature, would recal 
 sU the darknefs of the twelfth century. By encourag- 
 ing the literati of every fyftem, or of no fyftem, ac- 
 cording to their different degrees of literary merits 
 learning is fully patronized; and none have reafon 
 to arraign the ruling powers of tyranny, in dictating 
 to the underftandings of philolophers ; or of in- 
 jufticc; in amercing other uiembers of fociety, in' 
 
 order 
 
C 251 ] 
 
 Older to reward thofe, who believe and write ac- 
 cording to the eftablifhed tafte. Sir Ifaac Newton 
 was juilly rewarded for his great learning and ufe- 
 ful difcoveries. Bat though he tailed the royal 
 bounty, it was the hand of the patron^ not of the 
 prince, which conferred the reward. 
 
 3. " Were incorporations abolifhed, the civil 
 powers, inftead of having their authority and in- 
 fluence abridged, would find themfelves more at 
 liberty to ferve effedually the intereds of true reli- 
 gion, than ever they have done fince the days of 
 Conftantine.'* 
 
 The truth of this propofition, from what has 
 been already faid, is almoft felf-evident. All the 
 just authority, which the ruling powers ever had, 
 would continue with them; and a great acceflion of 
 lawful power and influence would reward them for 
 the lofs of a power only to injure and tyrannize over 
 the heritage of the Lord. Yes; the only thing they 
 would lofe is a legal right to injure chrillians of other 
 defcriptions, by aiding, abetting and authorizing 
 the incorporated fed: to devour, like Egypt's lean 
 kine, all the better fed and more fightly of their 
 kind in the paftures of the church. A happy lofs, 
 this ! Good princes and patriotic legiflatures would 
 account it a chief blefling. Pious and confcientious 
 magiflrates, now excufed from the intolerable hard- 
 fhip of abetting injuftice, by punifhingthe beftmen 
 and the mofl induftrious citizens, and of patroniz- 
 ing abfurdity and fuperfbition, by heaping national 
 wealth on the pampered clergy of the incorpornted 
 fyflem ; would ever have it in their power to ad; 
 uitroneoufly and confcientioufly in the difcharge of 
 their duty, by cherifliing or difcouraging religious 
 profeflions, according to their conformity or diicon- 
 formity to the original idea of chriftianiry in the 
 
 1 i 2 infpired 
 
[ 252 ] 
 
 infpired oracles; and according to their benign or 
 malign afpedt toward the interefts of fociety. 
 
 Of what power would the abolition of incorpo- 
 rations deprive the ruling powers ?— Is It of a power 
 to cherifli ufeful learning ? This cannot be alledged. 
 Indeed the reverfe is the cafe. In England, in the 
 prefent ftate of things, one half of his majefty's fub- 
 je6ls are Qiut out from thefe fources of learning, the 
 univerfities. Incorporations have poifoned them ; 
 and, at the fame time, fliut their doors againft all 
 of every liberal profelTion, unlefs they firft pollute 
 their confciences by fwearing thefe abfurd oaths re- 
 quired at matriculation, and declare themfelves 
 members of the incorporated CeS:, 
 
 Is it of a power to patronize true piety? — Their 
 power and influence would be greatly enlarged. 
 Now, the executive powers are often, againft their 
 confciences, legally obliged to cheriQi impiety and 
 fcandalous wickednefs. For example ; a profane 
 wretch has friends. They procure him a living, 
 levied out of the eftates of thofe who never employed 
 him. He drinks to excefs, w — res, games, &c. yet 
 the ruling powers protect him officially in thefe edi- 
 fying practices, and patronize him with the wages 
 of unrighteoufnefs. But were incorporations abo- 
 llfhed, they would proted: the pious man, and make 
 the impious wretch to feel the effects of their virtu- 
 ous difpleafare. For example ; a minifter has the 
 chari::;e of a flock bv their own choice and confent, 
 from whom he receives a legal fecurity for a com- 
 petent maintenance, during his good behaviour. He 
 is guilty of fome grofs immorality, fcandalous to 
 his flock, and unworthy of his own charafler. His 
 flock refufe to fupport him. He fues his bond. The 
 caufe is civil, and is tried in a count of law. The 
 jury finds the fact proved and the bond forfeiteci. 
 Thus, the guilty is liunmarily punifhed ; and fociety 
 
 is 
 
.[ 253 ] 
 
 is delivered at once from a pecuniary burden and a 
 polfonons example. 
 
 Is It of a power to propagate the knowledge and 
 profefiion of chriftianity ? — A great accefTion alfo 
 would be made to this power, were incorporations 
 abolidied. In the prefent ftate of things, the ruling 
 powers have their hands bound up from propagating 
 chriftianity, or any profefTion of it but that of the 
 incorporated fedl. Perhaps, this is a defedive exhi- 
 bition of chriftianity; and accounted fuch by the 
 ruling powers themfelves. Yet, in fpite of their 
 convictions, they are legally bound to propagate it, 
 or none at all. But more frequently it happens, 
 that perfons of hiflnence in a nation, who are pioufly 
 difpofed to propagate chriftianity, pure and unadul- 
 terated, are greatly difcouraged by incorporations. 
 Subjects, themfelves, of a certain nation, they muft 
 propagate, under pain of being fufpedled of herefy 
 and rebellion, the incorporated exhibition of chrif- 
 tianity in that nation, even while they are perfuaded, 
 on the beft grounds, of its falfehood and abfurdity. 
 Suppofe a fubjedl of France, a gentleman of pro- 
 perty, and ferioufly devoted to religion, to refide 
 in China. He wifties to do all he can to propagate 
 the knowledge of the true God, and of the only 
 Saviour among the idolatrous votaries of Confucius. 
 But he wiflies in vain ! The incorporation of the 
 popifh fyftem in France precludes him. For, if he 
 attempt to teach the popifli exhibition of chriftiani- 
 ty, and talk of the pope being the univerfal father 
 and head of all chriftians, he rifks expulfion or 
 death. If he prefume to tell them, agreeably to the 
 proteftant fyftem, that they may be good chriftians, 
 and may be faved, even though they never be within 
 the pale of the Roman- catholic church, he Is both a 
 heretic and a rebel in the eyes of his own country, 
 
 and 
 
[ 254 ] 
 
 and mufl never return to It, left he fliould be treated 
 as fuch. 
 
 In fine, is it of a power to confer peculiar marks 
 of royal favour on that profeflion of chriftianity, 
 which they themfelves mod approve; and which 
 they feel themfelves obliged both to profefs and to 
 patronize? — Of this very power incorporations de- 
 prive them! They make princes mere fiate puppets, 
 who mufl; ad a part in fociety, refpeding the moft 
 important of all things, religion, without confi- 
 dering themfelves to be moral agents, who aA 
 ultroneouily; or to be accountable beings, who muft 
 be judged for all their adlions, public and official as 
 well as private and perfonal. King William III. no 
 doubt gave the fyftem of preibytery and of Calvin 
 the preference in his own judgment. Yet, if at any 
 time, he threw but one favourable glance at thofe 
 who approved tliat fyftem, all England was inflantly 
 alarmed; every pulpit refounded — The church is in 
 danger! King George III. it is probable, moft ap- 
 proves the fvflem of epifcopacy. Yet the friends of 
 that mode of ecclefiaftical government, in his domi- 
 nions, on the north fide of the Tweed, are under a 
 ban ; and royalty itfelf cannot relieve them. — The 
 truth is, were incorporations removed, good princes, 
 who will always give the preference to the beft profef- 
 lion of chriftianity, would always have it in their 
 power to give it all that patronage, which is competent 
 even to royalty itfelf, without encroaching upon the 
 rights of peaceable dillenters from it: and bad 
 princes, who naturally hate religion, would have 
 their hands bound up from either greatly tempting, 
 or forcibly obliging any to foliovy their example. 
 
 V. After what has been faid, it is plain, *' That 
 in fo far as the doclrine of the reformed churches, 
 (concerning the civil magiftrate's power etna sacra 
 
 is 
 
is con fi (lent with fcrlpture, reafon, and the princi- 
 ples of civil and religious liberty, the abolition of 
 incorporations would be, in no refpedl hoftile to it.'* 
 
 It has been Ihewn, that the meafure propofed 
 would cancel no one right of any prince. It would 
 deprive him of no power to do good ; — of no power 
 at all, but that of encroaching upon the religious 
 rights and liberties of his fub'iedts. If therefore any 
 ot the proteftant churches, in ages when the princi- 
 ples of liberty v/ere not duly ftudied, nor fully un- 
 derwood by any, taught, in their articles, that chrif- 
 tian princes are invefted with, and may lawfully 
 exercife fuch a power; who will (land forth in their 
 defence ? Who now of all the proteftant churches 
 themfelves v/ill openly avow the confiftency of fuch 
 a power ? 
 
 It cannot be diffembled indeed that some of thefe 
 churches, at the Reformation, afcribed to their 
 princes very extravagant powers — powers of ulti- 
 mately judging in all ecclefiafttcal caufes ; — powers 
 as extenfive as thofe of the typical fceptre of Da- 
 vid ! But what can be inferred from hence -^ No- 
 thing! But that incorporated churches very naturally 
 affign to their fovereigns all that power, which is 
 neceffary to maintain, defend and render effeclual 
 the worldly defigns of their incorporations. To in- 
 corporations alone it is owing that fuch articles, 
 were at firft inferred in the creeds of fome reformed 
 churches ; and to them alone we owe it, that they 
 cannot be altered, even when proteftants have been 
 generally convinced of their futility. Yes : had it 
 not been that they belong to the poHtical conftitu- 
 tion, which political prudence forbids any rafhly to 
 touch, the dodrine of liberty, as taught by a Locke 
 and others, would have long fince produced a change 
 of fuch articles, as it has already effecled a total 
 
 cln^.ngc 
 
C 256 1 
 
 change of feitiment concerning them, in all the na- 
 tions of Europe. 
 
 But when we faid some of the protefbant churches 
 flattered their princes with extravagant powers circa 
 sacra ; we meant to except others. The church 
 of France afcribes no undue powers to chriftian 
 princes. She only alTerts that they are the guar- 
 dians of the Jirst, as well as of the fecond table of 
 the divine law. The churches of Bohemia and 
 Saxony, in their confeflions prefented at the council 
 of Trent, afcribe to princes no Erallian powers. 
 And the Helvetic and Auguftan confeffions affign, 
 even to imperial dignity, no more than the patron- 
 age of the church in the pofeflion of her own un- 
 alienable rights. 
 
 Upon the whole, let incorporations be aboliflied, 
 which give national churches, and the European 
 princes at their heads, a power of violating the 
 rights of confcience, and of rifling the treafures 
 of private property, in order to fupport an incor- 
 porated clergy, and no chrifllan prince can ever ex- 
 ceed in his interference with religion and the public 
 profeffion of chriflianity. 
 
 SECT. 
 
I 257 1 
 
 S E C T. II. 
 
 The AhoUtlon of Incorporations would supersede the Use of^ 
 Articles, or Confessions of Faith in Churches. — Answered' 
 
 THE nature of the prefent dlfquifition, together 
 with the nolle which is ftill made, concerning 
 subscription^ makes it necefTary to return an anfwer 
 to another objeclion which the friends of truth will 
 readil}^ make to the abolition of incorporations. 
 *' As all obligation ariling from public authority to 
 fubfcribe articles of faith would ceafe, all fuch ar- 
 ticles would be rendered ulelefs ; all terms of mi- 
 nifterial connexions would be aboliflied ; every 
 thing refpedling chriftian communion would be 
 thrown loofe ; and as teachers might diffeminate the 
 greateft abfurdities, people would be at liberty with 
 put any check, to make open profeflion of them.'* 
 
 It is not doubted, that this objedion will appear 
 fo formidable to many, that they would rather wifli 
 incorporations to continue, notwithftanding their 
 incoiiyeniencies, than that the purity to which the 
 reformed churches have attained in their refpe<5live 
 confeffions, (hould run any rifk by their annihila- 
 tion. But fliould w^e even grant that thcfe confc- 
 quences might follow, rnay we not modeftly afk— 
 Do not thefe evils already exifl in national churches, 
 notwithftanding their incorporations? Is not the 
 Jefuitical trick of fubfcribing Calvinian articles in 
 an Arminian fenfe openly avowed ? Are there no 
 Socinians in the churches of Britain ? In fuch a 
 (cafe, what avail articles, as terms of either minif- 
 terial or of chriftian communion ? 
 
 Kk But 
 
But we hope to fhew, that though the abolition 
 we plead for would fupeiTede all obligations to 
 fubfcription arifing from penal disfranchifements 
 and difqualifications, neither would the ufe nor 
 even the necefiity of confefTions ccafe ; nor would 
 the moral obligations to fubfcription be diiTolved ; 
 nor, in fine, would thefe confequences, enumerated 
 in the objediion follow. — In order to this, a proof 
 of the following proportion {hall be attempted. 
 
 I. The true principle, on which the neceffity and 
 ufe of articles of faith are built, would ftill remain, 
 notvvithflanding the propofed abolition of incorpo- 
 rations. 
 
 II. That incorporations furnifli matter for all thofe 
 objedions againfl confeflions of faith, by which they 
 have fallen into contempt. And, 
 
 III. That all the valuable ends of articles, would 
 be more effedlually gained without the interpofition 
 of penalties enforcing fubfcriptions, than ever they 
 have been, even by the moft rigorous execution of 
 penal ftatutes. 
 
 I. The true principle on which the neceffity and 
 ufe of confeffions are built would flill remain. That 
 principle is no other befide that right which all 
 the churches of Chrift, as free focieties, have, to 
 demand both from their public teachers, and from 
 candidates for memberfliip, an explicit declaration 
 of their faith, in order that the labours of the for- 
 mer, and the communion of the latter may anfwer 
 their feveral defigns.— The evidence of this will 
 appear from the following confiderations. 
 
 I. Liberty is the unqueftionable birth-right of all 
 mankind. Wherefore, any number of perlbn, pro- 
 vided 
 
r 259 3 
 
 vided their deflgn hurt not others, may \inite them- 
 (elves in fociety, for fuch purpofes, and under fuch 
 regulations as appear to themfelves to be moft ufeful. 
 No flranger can pretend a right to ufurp the ma- 
 nagement of its affairs ; or to thruft himfelf upon 
 it, as a member. To do fo, would violate the law of 
 equity, and overthrow the liberty of others, inde- 
 pendent of him. 
 
 2. It has been proved already, that the churches 
 of Chrift are fuch focieties. They are founded on 
 the free coofent of their members. Thefe, united 
 in one faith, join in their refpedtive alTemblies, for 
 the purpofes of worlliipping their one Lord, and 
 maintaining commnnion with one another as his 
 people. That fjch focieties (hould exift, even the 
 light of nature gives its futfrage. It tcftifieth that 
 religion is the glory of human nature ; that it is the 
 moft important bullnefs of every reafonable creature ; 
 and that as men are accountable as well as facial 
 creatures, it is equally inconfiftent with the confti- 
 tutlon of human nature to live without foclal wor- 
 (hip, as it is to live alone. But it is revelation only, 
 which inftitutes thefe focieties ; prefents their divine 
 plan ; and furnifhes that body of lavs, by which 
 they mud be governed. From it we are taught, to 
 form exalted ideas of that union, which fubfifts 
 among all chriftians ; and to have enlarged views of 
 that communion, which ought to be cultivated 
 among all Chriftian churches. Animated by one 
 fpirit, governed by the fame laws, and confpiring 
 in the fame important purfuirs, they, though dii- 
 perfed over the whole world, compofe but one body, 
 one catholic church, vifibly united to Chrift, their 
 one common Lord. 
 
 3. As every man hath a natural right of private 
 judgment ; fo any number of men, united in church 
 fociety, muft be allowed to enjoy the fame privilege. 
 
 Kk 2 livery 
 
r 260 3 
 
 Every church, as a free fociety^ hath a right to 
 judge for herfelf, what articles of £iith (he ought to 
 profefs, what rites of worlhip flie Ihould obferve 5 
 and what do6lrine (he chufes to be preached in her 
 affembUes, in order to her advancing in the know- 
 ledge of Chrift, None can lawfully alTume an au- 
 thority over her, to oblige her to hear doctrines 
 which flie cannot believe, or to receive members, 
 with whom (lie can have no communion. 
 
 4. As the moft plain and momentous truths of 
 revelation are too often denied by thofe, who own 
 the fcriptures to be the word of God ; any church, 
 as a free fociety, and bound to take care of her 
 own interefts, may demand from thofe who afk 
 admifiion, either in a public or private character, 
 an explicit declaration of their religious fentimerts, 
 in fuch words as have the greateft poflible tendency 
 to facisfy her members of the famenefs of their faith 
 Vv ith that of the church, in order that they may have 
 communion together as brethren ; or, which is the 
 fame thing, ^i\z may require a fubfcription to her 
 public articles, which are fuppofed to contain thofe 
 expreflions, which are beft adapted to give her mem- 
 bers that fatisfadlion. 
 
 Nor is this inconfiftent with the leading principle 
 of the Reformation, "that the fcriptures are a///// 
 and clea^ revelation of the will of God." They 
 are, indeed, made up of phrafes, well chofen for 
 the purpofe of a levelation ; and without ambiguity 
 in the mouth of the God of truth; but who knows 
 not that they may have, yea, that they often have a 
 very doubtful meaning in the mouths of fome men ? 
 The queflion is not, — Are fuch phrafes a plain 
 revelation of the mind, of God to men? — But are 
 fuch phrafes a determinate (ignification of men's 
 minds concerning the matter of God's revelation ? 
 Is a repeating over and over again thefe phrafes, 
 a fufHcicnt anfwer to the queilion — What are yoar 
 
 fenciments 
 
[ ^6i ] 
 
 fentlments concerning the meaning of thefe phrafes? 
 Articles of faith are not intended to give an account 
 of what the Spirit of God says. He hath done this 
 himfelf in the fcriptures, But they are defigned 
 to ascertain what a fociety believes to be the meaning 
 of what God hath already faid, many ages ago. 
 Hence they ought to be conceived in fuch words 
 and phrafes, as are bed calculated to anfwer that end 
 in fociety. 
 
 Some may probably exclaim — Is any church in- 
 fallible ? Is the creed of any fallible fociety to be 
 reckoned a ftandard of truth? We anfwer, — No! 
 The Bible, the Bible alone is the religion of pro- 
 teftants — of chriftians! Yet, the public confefTion of 
 any church is the pubHc ftandard to her own mem- 
 bers, of that sense in which (he underftands the 
 fcriptures. Her articles declare, that fhe believes 
 the Icriptures to be the infallible ftandard of revealed 
 truth; at the fame time, that they afcertain in vvhat 
 precile (tii^Q^ ftie underftands that infallible ftandard. 
 True, flie is fallible! what then ? Muft ftie profefs a 
 moral certainty in nothing, becaufe infallibility in 
 every thing, is the incommunicable excellency of 
 God alone? Muft proteftants become fceptics to 
 avoid being papifts? If a church err, ftie errs for 
 herfelf ; and ftie muft follow her own light. It is 
 abfurd to fuppofe, that her members, after having 
 informed their own underftandinsis from the word 
 of God, concerning any article of the chriftian faith, 
 fliould forfake their own judgment, becaufe it is fal- 
 lible, and follow that of others, which is at no 
 greater remove from a poffibility of erring than their 
 own. 
 
 5. As there is nothing in reafon or in revelation 
 th'at determines the numbers who may unite in fa- 
 c red fociety; there feems to be a^ little in either to 
 forbid any number of lefs focicues, to form tKem- 
 
 felves 
 
[ 262 ] 
 
 felves into a larger body, for their common advan- 
 tage. Nay — every thing in both declares it to be a 
 reafonable fervice to their common Lord and emi- 
 nently conducive to their common interefls. Chrifl 
 commands them " to fpeak the fame things, and 
 that there be no divifion among them."* The au- 
 thority of God, their intimate union, and their joint 
 interefts confpire to oblige them to cultivate com- 
 munion. If, therefore, the greateft part of profelfed 
 chriilians in a province, in a nation, or a conti- 
 nent, or even in the whole world, were fo happy as 
 to agree in the fame articles of faith and mode of 
 vvorfliip ; would it not be highly reafonable that 
 fuch a fociety (hould make public profeffion of her 
 faith ; and (hould take care, in the admiffion of 
 candidates either for office or memberfliip, that her 
 faith remain with herfelf unadulterated ? 
 
 In fuch a cafe, no perfon, when denied admiffion 
 for refufing to profefs, by his fubfcription, the fame 
 faith with the fociety, could, with rcafon, complain 
 of injury. It can be no injury to any to Ihut the 
 gates of a city againft a declared enemy. It is the 
 unqueftionabledefign of fuch fuppofed candidates to 
 overthrow the faith, or to corrupt the worfhip of 
 the fociety. Indeed, they have no right to aik ad- 
 miffion. Their demand implies prevarication. It fup- 
 pofes a defire to be built up in the faith of the 
 fociety, while they refufe their aflent to it ; and 
 fhews, that, being deceitful workers, they can have 
 no fellowlhip vath the children of fmceriry and 
 truth. 
 
 1 hefe are a few of the plain and eafy maxims of 
 common fenfe. They are principles, fufficient to 
 bear the weight of a pra6lice, to which all religions 
 focieties in all ages, have uniformly given their fuf- 
 frage and their landion. They are principles, which 
 
 * I Cor. i. 10. 
 
 derive 
 
derive not tlieir ftrength from feature or canon law* 
 They have no dependence upon, or relation to, in- 
 corporations. They are reafon! When, therefore, all 
 that authority which articles of faith have received 
 from the kingdoms of this world, and by which 
 they have been cruelly crammed down the throats 
 of confcientious chriftians, ihall be removed; — that 
 foundation which God himfelf hath laid in Zion 
 will remain unfhaken. As long as there is a church 
 of Chrift upon earth, flie will find herfelf under a 
 neceflity of having recourfe to articles of faith ; and 
 fhe will never find herfelf at a lofs for a firm ground 
 to build her pra6lice upon, while thefe principles 
 remain. 
 
 11. ^' Incorporations have furnifhed matter for all 
 thofe prejudices againft confeflions of faith, in con- 
 fequence of which they have fallen into difgrace with 
 many, in all the proteftant churches.*' 
 
 It cannot be denied, that there are many fpecious 
 arguments againft the ufe of public creeds ; argu- 
 ments which recommend themfelves to many, by 
 that fpirit of liberty which feems to glow in them. 
 Yet upon due examination, it will be found, that 
 they are not hoftile to thofe principles on which we 
 have built the due ufe of articles. Thefe are the 
 firft principles of liberty, which can never be incon- 
 fiftent with themfelves. Thefe arguments, and the 
 prejudices arifing from them, are founded wholly 
 on the ABUSE of confefiions. Having been armed 
 with force by incorporations, they have been con- 
 verted into political engines, for overturning the 
 liberties of mankind, for violating the rights of pri- 
 vate judgment and confcience, and for fupplanting 
 the authority of the holy fcriptures. Thefe objec- 
 tions, therefore, are not fo much againft confeflions 
 of faith, as againft engines of injuftice and cruel- 
 
( 264 1 
 
 ty; and thofe who make them, inadverrentiyky tbd 
 churches of Chrift open to every inconvenience, 
 while, bccaufe an ordinance of God for prefei ving 
 their purity is abufed, they attempt to lay it afide, 
 not only as ufelefs, but as hurtful to their liberty. 
 
 The objedlion againft articles of faith, which ap- 
 pears to have the greatefl: force, and which, indeed, 
 is a fummary of all that can be alledged againft 
 them, is, '' that they are an arbitrary invafion of 
 the rights of mankind j while they fuperfede the 
 title which every chriftian has to judge for himfelf, 
 concerning religious objeds : and that they are 
 founded on the maxims of popery ; maxims, diredly 
 oppofite to the fpirit of the gofpel, to chriflian li- 
 berty, and to the leading principle of the Refor- 
 mation, — *' That the fcriptures are the only rule, by 
 which we are to try opinions and to determine con- 
 troverfies." 
 
 Upon a review of the principles already laid 
 down, it appears, that the objeclion, though too 
 jufl: when applied to the tyrannic abufe of articles, 
 is wholly inadequate to overturn the due ufe of 
 them. 
 
 Creeds are not ^' an invafion on the rights of 
 mankind." NoJ. They are themfelves the necessary 
 exertions of thefe very rights. Every free fociety hath 
 a right to ufe their own underftandings, in chufing 
 what they Ihall believe and profefs for themfelves. 
 They impofe not upon others, independent of the 
 fociety; no, nor even on their own members. Every 
 member retains his natural right to leave it, wdien- 
 ever he cannot confcientioufly concur with the 
 fociety, either in its faith, its worfliip, or its prac- 
 tice, without incurring the lofs of any thing to which 
 he hath a title independent of the fociety. Were 
 free focieties precluded the right of declaring what 
 they reckon worthy of all acceptation j and of taking 
 '"'.•• ■ care 
 
[ 265 T 
 
 care that their public teachers and members be of 
 one and the fame faith, in order to anfvver the pur- 
 pofes of communion, they would ceafe to be free. 
 They themfelves, witliout invading the rights of 
 any, would become the prey of the word kind of 
 invrifion Every heretic, every novice, every en- 
 thufiaft might demand accefs to their commiinion; 
 and uiiirp upon their unqneftionable right to chufc 
 by whom, and in what they fhall be in{lr'.i6led. 
 
 Nor is the due ufe of creeds *' contrary to the 
 leading principle of the Reformation !" They are 
 not standards of truth. But they contain thofe 
 articles by which free focieties exprefs their sense of 
 the only ilandard of truth. Inftead of being engines 
 to thruft the fcriptures down from the honour of 
 being the fupreme judge in all religious controverfies, 
 they diYQ formal appeals to the tribunal of truth in the 
 facred oracles ; and are explicit declarations of that 
 fenfe in which every church, for herfelf, underftands 
 them. 
 
 ill. ^' That all the valuable ends of articles would 
 be more effe6lually gained without the interpofition 
 of civil authority enforcing fubfcriptions, than ever 
 rhey have been, even by the moft rigorous execu- 
 tion of penal laws." 
 
 We cannot proceed to a proof of this aflertion, 
 without enumerating the chief defigns, which 
 churches have lawfully had in their view, in publifli- 
 ing their feveral creeds, or confelTions of faith. 
 
 I. One of the firft occallons of creeds has been 
 the ncceffity, which churches are ever under, of 
 giving a fair and candid account of the do6trines 
 they maintain. They reckon themfelves debtors to 
 the world, to lifter churches, and to themfelves, to 
 give a juft idea of their tenets. This was one of the 
 •principal defigns of the firft creeds, and of all the 
 
 L 1 feveral 
 
[ 266 ] 
 
 feveral confefTions publlQied at the time of the Re^ 
 formation. None can queftion the lawfulnefs of 
 this defign. Every religious fociety is under obhga- 
 tions to religion, to truth, and to honour, to put 
 defamation to the blulh, by a plain declaration of 
 its faith, when its foundnefs is fufpcded or ar- 
 raigned. 
 
 And may not all this be done, without employing 
 penal laws againft, and violating the confciences of 
 others ? Befides, incorporated creeds are not fair 
 and true declarations to the world of the faith of 
 the incorporated church. Compofed under the inr 
 fluence of fecular authority, they niay ferve to af- 
 certain the faith of the court, or of the convocation 
 who compofed them : but they are not the faith of 
 thofe who were never confiilted about the bufinefs. 
 They, pofiibly may contain the faith of thefe focie- 
 ties ; but they do not afcertain the fa(5l. Being im= 
 pofed under the laQi of certain penalties, they afcer- 
 tain only one fa6c, that fhefe churches are treated 
 as if they were literally folds of (heep. It is, there- 
 fore, plain, that incorporations overthrow the pri- 
 mary dellgn of creeds. The enemies of churches, 
 notwithftandJng fuch creeds, may fhill alledge, and 
 even prove, that the faith of fuch focietics is diame- 
 trically oppofed to the articles of their confefTions, 
 Some churches might be named, whofe incorporated 
 articles are fliricllv Calvinian : yet, the man who 
 would fay, that either the body of the laity, or even 
 the majority of the public teachers are Calvinifts, 
 would expofe himfelf to general laughter. Had the 
 apologies and creeds of the ancient churches, or of 
 the reformed churches at the a^ra of the Reforma- 
 tion, been as far from expreilii^g their real religious 
 principles, they would have been defervedly treated 
 as nefts of prevarication and hypocrify. 
 
 2. A 
 
C 267 ] 
 
 2. A church-ftate is an inftltntlon of God, for 
 the exprefs purpofe of exhibiting chriftianity, in all 
 its branches, both to its friends and its enemies. 
 Every particular church is a '' pillar and ground 
 (buttrefs) of truth." A confeffion of faith there- 
 fore, is eflential to the idea of a chriftian church. 
 Churches have ever underftood it fo ; and accord* 
 ingly, have always, in proportion to their zeal for 
 the truth, avowed with a firm tone, their attach- 
 ment to it. By their confeffions, they have fhewed^ 
 that inflead of being afliamed of the gofpel, op- 
 pofed by many, and defpifed by the mod of man- 
 kind, they gloried in it, as the dearefl: ofheaven^'s 
 gifts to them, and their richeft poffeffion on earth. 
 
 And why may not chriflians flill glory in a reli- 
 gion, hated and defpifed, without bei no; hired to it 
 bythofe rich emoluments, arifing from incorpora- 
 tions, which are often, in their ufe, not lefs fcan- 
 dalous to that holy religion, than they are barden- 
 fome and injurious to fociety ? Belidcs the glory 
 and credit of their teftimony are much abated* 
 Courted by riches and honours ; or frightened by 
 difqualifications and disfranchirements ; are they not 
 expofed to fufpicion in their profeflion of atachment 
 to the incorporated fyftem ? It may be (incere before 
 God, who knoweth the heart; bat it can neither 
 edify the friends, nor convince the enemies of chrif- 
 tianity. 
 
 3. Articles of faith ferveto iliew to other churches 
 how far, and in how many momentous things the 
 members of that fociety, which publicly and volun- 
 tarily homologates them, are agreed both with one 
 another, and with other churches on the common 
 faith of chridians. Upon this ground, chriftian 
 churches maintain a profitable correfpondence with 
 other churches, cultivate mutual love, and feverally 
 
 LI 2 con- 
 
[ 268 } 
 
 contribute to build up one another in their moft 
 holv fiith. 
 
 Biit it is plain, that this end may be gained much 
 more effedtually without, than with incorporations. 
 Cieeds alhed to the pohtical conftitution of a nation, 
 and enforced by civil pains, are incapable of afcer- 
 taining what is the faith of the national church. 
 Should a chriftian of Geneva read the do6lrinal 
 articles of the church of England, and compare 
 them with the modern fermons of the bifliops, and 
 the greater part of eccleiiaftics in that church, would 
 he not be tempted to form fcntiments very difad-' 
 vanrageous to their honefty and uprightnefs ? — We' 
 fliall only add, 
 
 4. Another defign of confefiions. It is their fub- 
 ferviency to the maintenance of the purity of chrif- 
 tianity. They ferve to diftinguifh thofe who are in- 
 fe(5led with herefy from thofe who perfevere in the 
 uncorrupted faith of the gofpeL They difcover who 
 ought to be admitted to communion with the 
 churches ; and who, with fafety may be ordained 
 unto, or continued in the office of the holy miniftry. 
 That articles of faith may be, yea, ought to be ufed 
 for this important end, we have already fhewn ; nor 
 do churches need the aid of penal laws in order to 
 obtain it. 
 
 While churches are protected by authority, in 
 the exercife of their own proper rights, in common 
 with any other voluntary alTociation, it is impoffible 
 that they can fuffer any injury from the admiffion of 
 either infected members or heretical teachers ; un- 
 lefs they be wanting to themlelves, in the exercife 
 of thofe rights, which are competent to every free 
 foclety. But churches lofe their freedom, when they 
 are incorporated ; and their confeffions ceafe to be 
 any longer difcriminating tefts. Though they fliould 
 be unexceptionably found, thefe churches cannot 
 
 ufe 
 
[ 2^9 ] 
 
 life them any farther than government permits them. 
 It is therefore natural to fuppo'e, what indeed has 
 always taken place, that every member of the body 
 pollrical, Arians, Socinians, Aiminiaas, Calvinians; 
 ptohine fwearers, fabbath contemners, Sec. will be 
 legally aiithoiized to claim the communion of faints; 
 and rhar whoe^-er hath intereft enough to obtain a 
 conge felire, or a prefenration, will be confecrated x 
 bilhop or mitituted a public teacher in thefe churches* 
 
 Besides, though a church Ihould be convinced of 
 the f ili^thood of ;my dodlrine, or of the fuperflition 
 of any rice, in the mcorporated fyftem, ihe cannot 
 reform either, without the confent of the legillature. 
 This cannot be granted, without unfettling the 
 mixed, political conftitution. Hence flie muft con- 
 tinue in the practice of the vileft prevarication in 
 her f^bfcriptions, and in the daily ufe of modes and 
 forms of worfhip, which the confciences of her mi* 
 nifters and members loudly condemn. 
 
 From the whole, it is plain, that incorporated 
 creeds fall infinitely fliort of the laudable ends for 
 which they are intended and ought to be ufed. They 
 are infufficient to keep the Heatnen and the Chriflian, 
 the Socinian and the Calvinift, the openly profane 
 and the devo.itly pious from jointly profaning the 
 moil facred inflitutions of the chriftian religion. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 The Abolition of Incorporations would overthrow 
 Uniformity, — Anszvered, 
 
 A MONGST all, who, in order to gain and 
 
 profecute their ov>'n defigns, elTecl a flaming 
 
 zeal for public decorum, the objedion againft the 
 
 abolition 
 
t 270 ] 
 
 abolition of incorporations will be of great weighty 
 «— '' That as good order in fociety is of the lad im- 
 portance to its happinefs; no government can main- 
 tain it, unlefs uniformity of religious fentiment and 
 practices be enforced by an incorporation of ore 
 creed and liturgy, as the fixed ftandards of thinking 
 and of worfhipping for all in the nation.*' 
 
 As this objection appears plaufible to fome, we 
 fliall attempt a particular anfwer to it^ 
 
 Though uniformity in religious fentiment and 
 worfhip hath been much defired, and vigoroully 
 attempted, in almoft every age; yet even its greateft 
 advocates have not been uniform in their ideas of 
 it. Few of them have taken that uniformity, which 
 is defcribed and enjoined, in the infpired books, 
 for that model. Should any fear that the meafure 
 propofed would prevent primitive uniformity frorn 
 reluming her throne in chriftian churches; we hope, 
 in the fubfequent fedlion, to prove that the reverfe 
 would be the cafe. Meanwhile, that fpecies of 
 uniformity, after which partifans in all ages,- have 
 fo vehemently thirfled, is very different from that 
 voluntary, unconflrained agreement of churches, 
 *^ to walk by the fame rule, and to mind the fame 
 things," which w^as their primitive glory, *' It is a 
 forced concurrence of a whole nation or empire, in 
 the profelTcd belief of that creed, which the legifla- 
 ture pronounces orthodox and national; and in the 
 ufe of thofe religious rites, which government lays, 
 as a yoke, on the necks of all to whom it extends 
 the fan6lion of its authority." Concerning this 
 fpecies of uniformity, which we fliall diftinguifh by 
 the epithet poliiical^ as oppofed to that which is apo- 
 stolical, we beg leave to make the following obler- 
 vation§. . 
 
 L Unlef^ 
 
[ 271 ] 
 
 I. Unlefs violence be offered to human natnre, 
 political uniformity is impoffible. As men are fo 
 different from one another in the complexion of their 
 imaginations, in the clearnefs or cloudinefs of their 
 underftandings, in the modes of their education, in 
 the ffrength and kinds of their prejudices, and in a 
 thoufand other circumflances; it is abfurd to expect 
 that a whole nation, or a whole great empire, con- 
 fiding of many millions of rational creatures, can 
 ever be brought to this fpecies of -uniformity, as 
 long as they are allowed the ufe of theix own un* 
 derftandings and the liberty of a rational choice. 
 As long as human nature and human imperfedtion 
 are fo clofely united, it never can obtain in any na- 
 tion whatever. Violence muft be ufed. Political 
 uniformity always eftablifhes her throne on blood, 
 or on the fuperfedure of all that is huma.i in man. 
 Her votaries have always treated human nature, as 
 the cruel Philiftines handled the Herculean Ifraelite, 
 Tliey have put out her eyes. They have found it 
 neceffary to take away the key of knowledge from 
 mankind ; and to throw them into a ffate of pro- 
 found ignorance of God, of themfelves, and of all 
 their moral relations. They have not only denied 
 them the ufe of revelation j but have made fhrange 
 efforts (in many inflances, too fuccefsful !) to un- 
 teach them all that even natural religion teacheth 
 the favage of the wildernefs. Thefe are the only 
 meafures by which political uniformity hath eila- 
 blilhed her throne, and maintained her dominion 
 in all ages; — meafures, equally rational and humane 
 as thofe of the celebrated prince, who ufed the ax 
 and the rack to reduce all his good fubjects to an 
 uniformity of ftature. No doubt, that merciful and 
 wise prince intended this ftroke of policy, as a great 
 bleffing to fociety, without which he could neither 
 maintain order in the ffate, nor preferve peace 
 
 among 
 
[ ^7^ ] 
 
 among its members ! At any rate, he prevented them 
 from diflL.rbing public tranquillity, by wilting fa- 
 tires againfl: one another, on account of any crimi- 
 nal diverfity in their fize! 
 
 II. Harmony and peace are never promoted by 
 political uniformity. Can violence, cruelty and 
 injuflice ever produce harmony? Is it among free- 
 men, or among Haves that this fpecies of uniformity 
 obtains? When did it mod prevail in Europe? Was 
 it not in thofe barbarous ages, when human nature 
 was mod inglorioufly debafed by blood-thirfly popes, 
 and by royal bigots ? It is indeed, the fhortefl: road 
 to one kind of tranquilHty,— that which is effedled 
 among galley-flaves, who, condemned to the oar, 
 exert the remains of a miferable life, in profound 
 filence, under the la(h of their brutilh mafter ! 
 
 III. Harmony, peace and focial happinefs arc 
 deftroyed by political uniformity. Can harmony, 
 with her amiable attendants, refide in that fociety, 
 which denies equal fecurity to the rights and liber- 
 ties of ail its deferving rnembers ? No ; when men 
 are put in a date, wherein ttiey hourly ly at the 
 mercy of their fellow-creatures, interefted in their 
 ruin, only becaufe they claim to fee with their own 
 eyes ; human nature will roufe itfdf in them to 
 a vindication of their moral dignity, and will irre- 
 fiftibly prompt them, to appeal from tlie tribunal of 
 the tyrar t to the throne of the Lord of hofls. Mu- 
 tual corlidence, which is the foundation of harmony 
 in fociety, is defl:ro5xd by political uniformity. It 
 converts the moft populous nation into a wildernefs, 
 fruitful in nothing but the entangling briar, and the 
 injurious thorn. 
 
 IV. It 
 
IV. It IS no prefumption to affirm, that public 
 tranquillity, inftead of depending on political uni- 
 formity, can never be enjoyed in its perfc6tion, but 
 in confeqiience of its utter abolition. Yes ; it is 
 wiflied for in Vain, as long as every member of fo- 
 ciety, approving him.felf (Iriclly obedient to the laws 
 of fociety, enjoys not the unmolefted poffeffion of 
 his life, liberty, and property. Fadis are unanfwer- 
 able proofs. In nations where civil merit is the 
 flandard of civil adniiniftraticn, public peace and 
 mutual confidence reign ; and thefe nations thereby 
 become objects of terror and of envy to their lefs 
 happy neighbours. But as foon as any nation hath 
 departed from rhat maxim, and hath fufpended the 
 lives or property of peaceful fubjecls, on conditions 
 foreign to the genius and ends of civil fociety, her 
 peace and profperiry have been inftanrly eclipfed, 
 and have given place to difcord^ dcfolation, and pub- 
 lic v^oe. 
 
 V. The very means by v/hich political uniformity 
 muft be effected are infiniteb, repugnant to the idea 
 of religion. Their very nanes g'ate the ear and 
 (hock the imaoination. Prifons and chains, racks 
 and flakes, gibbets and gallics, make a ftrange ap- 
 paratus for promoting uniformity in the profefiion. 
 of a religion, whole Author came not to defhroy 
 men's lives but to h'Ve them ! 
 
 The ideas of coercion and violence are incon- 
 fiftent with religious fentiment and devotion. 
 
 Sentiment, in general, mud be the refnlt of a 
 man's own convict ion and choice. F,.eligious fen- 
 timent is the effed of faith, apprehending the fenfe 
 of revelation, and captivating the undentanding to 
 a perfedt acquiefcence in the infallible teftimony of 
 God in it. It is therefore plain, that political 
 
 compuKioa 
 Mm 
 
[ 274 ] 
 
 compDlfion and religious fentiment are incompa- 
 tible. 
 
 Nor is coercion more confiilent with devotion. 
 Religious vvorQiip is that homage, which the rational 
 creature performs to God, and which ariles from a 
 full perfnalion of, and a willing compliance with, 
 his authority, at once afcertaining its matter, and 
 prefcribing its manner to the confcience. If this be 
 a juft account ot religious devotion, the means 
 ncceirary to effedt pohtical uniformity deftroy its 
 very effence. Befides, that worlliip which is prompt- 
 ed by thefe means, though it be externally ad- 
 d relied to God, is really offered up to that autho- 
 rity, which the enflaved devotee formally acknow- 
 ledged to be fiipreme in this cafe; and thus, it be- 
 comes a Ipecies of idolatry, no lefs diflionouring to 
 God than that of Jeroboam s too fupple and com- 
 plaifant fubjedis. 
 
 Upon the whole, it is plain, that uniformity, 
 founded on penal laws, tends to banidi religious 
 fentiment, and acceptable worQiip out of the chrif- 
 lian world; and introduces, in their place, three of 
 the greateft plagues with which it can be curfed ! 
 Yes ; it introduces hypocrify, rebellion, and perfe- 
 cution. Cowards, whofe lervile meannefs unfits 
 them from attempting any enterprize, worthy of 
 their erecb figure, will always wear the maik of the 
 vile hypocrite : the brave whofe fouls are always 
 luperlor to bale fubmiffions, will bid defiance to 
 opprefTion, and nobly rebel againft the arrogant pre- 
 tenfions of its authors : and the fons of violence, 
 whofe fecular interefts, or tyrannical difpofitions en- 
 gage them on the llde of political uniformity, will 
 be, a? they have always been, like fo many tigers, 
 let loofe by authority, on confcientious difTenters, 
 to fill whok nations with murder, mafTacre, and 
 every defolating calamity. 
 
 SECT, 
 
[ ^75 I 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 'The AhoJUlon of Incorporations would introduce 
 Anarch)\ — Answered, 
 
 ^TPHOSE, who are acquainted with the fources 
 of thcfe prejudices, which govern the greateft 
 part of mankind, can fee, that the influence of cus- 
 tom is univerfal and almoft irrefiftible. While it 
 reconciles many to the moft palpable abfurdities; it 
 prepoirefTes them, at the fame time, againR the plain- 
 eft maxims of common fenfe. If the objeds of 
 human policy have run for fome ages in even the 
 moft abfurd channel ; mankind contradl an habit of 
 thinking, that they could glide along in no other. 
 This is true in the cafe of incorporations. Many are 
 at a lofs to conceive how order fliould be maintained 
 in chriftian nations, were thefe aboliflied ; and 
 many, who are fmcerely attached to the interefts of 
 true religion, will, perhaps, find themfelves under 
 the powerful influence of this prejudice, in regard to 
 national churches. 
 
 We may conceive their obje^flion ftated in the 
 following manner. " Were incorporations abolifli- 
 ed, churches would be thrown into a ftatc of anar- 
 chy: every rehgious party would then perk up, and 
 aflume airs of importance: there would be no end 
 of se^aries and siibdivisi< ns amono; chriftians : and, 
 amidft all thefe religious differences there would 
 be no umpire, to whom they could be referred, and 
 who fliould have authority to bind the wrangling 
 parties to an acquiefcenvce in his decifl ^n." We beg 
 leave to make the following obfervatwns on the fe- 
 yeral articles oi" the o^ icdi m. 
 * M lii 2 h That 
 
C 276 ] 
 
 I. That the aboHtion of incorporations would 
 throw churches into anarchy is a f rmife, without 
 any foundation ; is contrary to fads ; and implies 
 a rafli impeachment of the vviidom and i^ood.iets of 
 God in the inltitution of the chriltian huich 
 
 I. It is without any foundation. — Kat'ier, we-e 
 incorporations annihilated, rehgious f ry would !•' - 
 fide; and religious controverfies wouid be !>. .'a 
 fewer in number, and would be concluded w r i 
 more moderation. Ever fince that fatU aL:;e. which 
 connedled fecular interefl with creeds and li urgie^^ 
 the zeal of religious partilans hith beenonen no^ 
 thing but a complicated paffion, mide up of hatred, 
 malice a;d envy, inii-imed by am^nrion, pride, and 
 covetoi-fnefs. Defiguing men.' finding, or hoping 
 to find their account in the eftabliihied hftem, have 
 fv^'orn and drunk, or have prayed and tafted, ac- 
 cording to the prevailing humour of the incorpo- 
 rated fed; and, in the end, have plunged whole 
 nations, as well as churches into a ftate" ot anarchy 
 indeed ! Wny is the chriftian zeal of the eighteenth 
 century fo different in its charader from that of 
 the firft century ? Alas, good fouls! The primitive 
 chridians had nothing to prompt their zeal, but 
 what ferved equally to enflame their love to God 
 and their neighbour. There were no modern bilhop- 
 rics, no ecclefiaftical revenues of a thoufand per an- 
 num, much lefs twenty thoufand ! no tithes, and even 
 no titles to blow the flame of ambition, pride ar.d 
 emulation. Let thefe be removed by the aboti- ion of 
 incorporations ; and the tide of zeal will fubfide, and 
 iiow in its firil: channel, purged from all thole muddy 
 impurities, which have kept that celeilial flream in 
 fuch a turbid ftate, during a fpace of more than a 
 thoufand years. 
 
 1 hefe pafiions are the true fprings of dreaded 
 anarchy 3 and thefe would foon languiih and expire, 
 
 werf 
 
[ ^77 ] 
 
 were TOCorpor,ations, which inflame them, aboliflied 
 in the nations of Europe. Were worldly advan- 
 tages, thofe inliammatory caufes of the bafed paf- 
 fions, removed in common from all chriftian feds ; 
 or were they indifcrimmatively, moderately, and 
 judicioiifly befiowed upon all who deferve them ; it 
 would quickly appear, that dhsenilon, that infau.ous 
 brand, which prechiding eftablifliments have fixed 
 on the forehead of chriftianity, would foon ceafe ; 
 that the religion of Jefus, ever fupremely benevo- 
 lent and peaceabl'^, w^ould retrieve its honour and 
 fliine out in all its native beauties ; and that it would 
 become fupcrlatively amiable in the eyes of even 
 thole, whom the barbarous confequences of incor- 
 porations have tempted to def[-;ife and biafpheme it. 
 
 2. Notorious facls prove that the objedion is 
 groundiefs. How could the meafure propofed in- 
 troduce anarchy, when it has been proved that in- 
 corporations have been the caufe, or guilty occa- 
 iion of the moil: dangerous and hurtful controverfies 
 by vyhich chriftianity has been difgraced ? The at- 
 tention which government, in confequence of in- 
 corporations, muft pay to religious opinions gives 
 them all their importance and ail their malignity. 
 Belides, many conrroverlies, of the mofl rueful 
 confequences, would never have been heard of, had 
 iiot precluding eO-ablilhments found a place in Euro- 
 pean policy. — E camples are the befl illuftrations. 
 
 A controverfy hath long fubfiiled between the 
 church on the louth and that on the north of Tweed. 
 The luperiority of a bifliop above a preaching pref- 
 byter hath been fiercely alTerted by the former; and 
 hath beeh as firmly denied by the latter. In vain 
 hath political authority attempted to end it. The 
 quefiion is fiill undecided, and will remain fo till 
 incorporations are aboiilhed. They alone give 
 occafion for it. ' Take away from the diocefan 
 
 biiliop 
 
[ 278 3 
 
 bifhop all that incorporations give him, — his title, 
 his extravagant revenue, his fecular authority, and 
 his confequence as a peer of the realm, none of all 
 which the chriftian religion gives him ; and he will 
 be left fo naked, fo Hke one of his own prefbyters, 
 that even the mod fnarling advocate for parity will 
 not bark at him. It is civil authority only, which 
 beftows upon him all that raifes him above the 
 apoftolical bidiop, whom Paul alio calls by the lefs 
 dignified title of prefbyter.* 
 
 Another queftion hath been long .agitated among 
 even the advocates for equality of order and office 
 among the teachers of chriftianity. It is-^Whe- 
 ther courts of appeal in the church pofTefs a jurif- 
 didlional, or only a confultative power of decifion ?** 
 — A queftion this, which hath fixed party names 
 on men who have been always great ornaments to 
 the chriftian profeffion in Britain ; hath divided them 
 into diftin6l communions ; and hath made too many, 
 on both fides, unattentive to the laws of chriftian 
 charity towards one another.— But were incorpora- 
 tions abolift^ed, together with that fecular authority 
 which fynods derive from them, the controverfy 
 would be inftantly decided. As that authority, by 
 which incorporated courts of appeal enforce their 
 decifions, is purely civil ; as the exercife of that au- 
 thority has given many of their decrees the appear- 
 ance of fecular jurifdidion; and as fome imprudent 
 men have gloried in that authority as the chief ex- 
 cellency of prefbytery ; — it has become a ftumbling- 
 block to Independents ; it has converted the regular 
 gradation of ecclefiaftical courts into an engine of 
 tyranny ; and hath often tempted chriftians of every 
 defcription to contemn that fpiritual authority, with 
 which Chrift has invefted thofe fynods which are re- 
 gularly convened in his name. 
 
 * AcU x:f, 17 — 23. I Tim. iii. Philip, i. i. 
 
 Such 
 
[ ^79 1 
 
 Such fynods poffefs author'ny indeed ; — but it is 
 wholly fpiritua]. It feenis to confifl: in iheir diii- 
 gently fearching into the nature and cncumitances 
 of thofe caufes, which are referred or appealed for 
 decifion ; in their harmonious agreement concerning 
 the quality of thefe caufes ; and in their declaring, 
 in the name and by the authority of the lupreme 
 Lawgiver and Judge, the final refult of their delibe- 
 rations. Synods are certainly authorized to act, in 
 this manner, in virtue of their inftitution ; they are 
 qual'ficd to ad thus, in confequence of the gifts 
 beftowed on their members, and the oiBce-power 
 with which they are invefled ; and they arc encou- 
 raged to a6t in this svay by the promife of the divine 
 prcfence with them, in ail their deliberations and 
 judicial decifions. 
 
 From this fliort account of fynodical authority, 
 it is plain, that in fo far as it is the authority of 
 Chrift himfelf, exercifed in the way of his own 
 inftitution, it is i}.ncWY Juridical; but when it is 
 viewed as office-power, committed to creatures, in- 
 vefted with iacred offices, it is wholly ministeriaL 
 Were due attention paid to this obvious diftindion,. 
 the controverfy would be at an end. Preibyterians 
 cannot reafonably claim any other authority befides 
 a power of deliberating concerning what judgment 
 Chrift himfelf, in his oracles, hath already palled 
 upon the caufe, under judicial difcuffion ; and a 
 right of announcing that fentence, with all the fo- 
 lemnity, which the nature of the thing makes necef- 
 fary. They will not pretend to an authority to oblige 
 perfons to acquiefce in their decifions, whether they 
 apprehend them to be agreeable to the fentence of 
 Chrift in the fcriptures or not. On the other hand, 
 Independents cannot modeftly put the queftion,— Is 
 Chrift's authority, in his own fpiritual kingdom, a 
 iuridical power? Seeing all power in heaven and 
 -^ in 
 
[ 280 ] 
 
 in earth is given to b'm ; and fince the Father judges 
 no man, hot hath commifted all judgment to the 
 Son. And no man who has deHbeiaicly confidered 
 the nature of the piefent ccconomy of Chrifl's king* 
 dom, will doubt, that he exercifes that juridical 
 authority, in the prcfent flate ot that kingdom, by 
 the inftituted miniftrations of his fervants, as a pre- 
 lude to the more fplendid exercile of that authority, 
 in the future and final judgment. 
 
 3. The objediion imphes a rafli impeachment of 
 the wifdom and 2;oodnels of God in his drawing; the 
 plan of the chriftian church. Had her incorporation 
 with the kingdoms of this world been fo elientially 
 neceflary to pi event anarchy, the wifdom and good- 
 nefs of an infinitely lefs prudent and kind Lawgiver 
 would not have been lo far wanting to her, as to 
 have negle<!^cd its pofitive and exprefs inftitution. 
 Yet, he, who is all wifdom and goodnefs, hath not 
 once mentioned it, in the roll of divine inflitutions. 
 Was Lhis an overiioht ? Is it true, that, were it not 
 lor the exertions of human policy, rectifying divine 
 plans, the church, whole model divine wifdom con- 
 trived, would fall into anarchy! Let arrogance 
 fpeak and not blulh — Canll thou mend what God 
 hath made? Canft thou perfec!lhis plans? Canfh thou 
 add to the number of Chrift's inflitutions, and not 
 fm ? Was not Uzzah's ralli attempt feverely puniflied 
 as an affront to the power, wifdom, and goodnefs of 
 God, v/hoever challenges the undivided honour of 
 protccling the fymbols of his own prefence ? 
 
 n. The want of an umpire can alarm none but 
 thofe who know no other means of terminating reli- 
 gious ccntroverlies but the halter or the flake. All 
 who think like protefliants will affign to truth that 
 honour. Yes ; great is truth ; and when permitted 
 to fi^ht her own battles fairly, fhe Vvill always 
 
 merit 
 
[ 28i ] ■< 
 
 merit the palm. She is the effulgence of the Father 
 of lights. Who, on the quellion, does the fun fhine ? 
 afivs an umpire ? Does noT the Father of day him- 
 felf decide the controverfy by his own natural ra- 
 diance ? Yet, (liouid the difputants be fliut up in a 
 dark cell, they might fit an age over the queftion, 
 and at lafl; leave it undecided. In like manner, as 
 long as incorporations guard the ebon throne of in- 
 tellectual night, men may difpute away all the ages 
 of old time about truth, without becoming one 
 whit wifer men, or better chriftians. The truth of 
 this obfervation appears from the prefent ftate of 
 theological controverfies, even after the decifions 
 and counterdeciiions of more than one thoufand years. 
 Is the world one whit wifer or better for them ? All 
 men know, that the tenet which was condemned 
 and curfed with every requifite folemnity, eight, ten, 
 or twelve centuries ago, is as impudent and as or- 
 thodox as ever it was, as foon as ic gets footing at 
 court, and obtains an incorporation. 
 
 In fine, truth mud always decide for herfelf, in 
 the human underdanding: No human decifion can 
 beget convivftion in the minds of others. Councils 
 may deliberate, and may decree; but it is the evi- 
 dence alone, which they hold up, as the foundation 
 of their decrees, that can determine the mind to an 
 acquiefcence. Were incorporations therefore abolifh- 
 ed ; were none authorized to impofe their decifions 
 upon whole nations; truth would not only retrieve 
 the honour of being her own evidence ; but would 
 be acknowledged by all parties, as the univerfal 
 •umpire in all controverlles. No longer fhould we 
 behold ignorance, error, and fuperilition, (landing 
 behind the ramparts of an incorporation, and fe- 
 curely laughing at the (leaking of truth's vidorious 
 fpear. 
 
 Nj> sect. 
 
[ 2S2 ] 
 
 SECT, V. 
 
 ^hat the Annihilation of Exclusive Incorporations zvovM 
 deprive the Public Teachers of a legal 
 Mainte7iance-^A}iswered, 
 
 OBVIOUS reafons mjght be affigned why fome 
 gentlemen of the mofl revered charafter will 
 objed: to the meafure, *' That, was legillature to exe- 
 cute fuch a fcheme, the pubhc teachers of chriftianity 
 would be deprived of a legal maintenance : that men 
 of learning, difcouraged by the profpecl of indi- 
 gence and dependence, would refufe to enter upon 
 the work of the holy miniftry : and that therefore 
 the people would be in danger of being again plung- 
 ed into ignorance and barbarifm." 
 
 To the feveral branches of this objeftion, we fhall 
 attempt as concife, and as fatisfa6tory an anfwcr as 
 the nature of the thing may admit. 
 
 I. Though the prefent ftate of incorporations- 
 fecure the public teachers of a particular se5l in a 
 legal, and often in an affluent living, 3^et it deprives 
 ma?iy of the public teachers- of Christianity, and fome- 
 times even thofe who are mod deferving, of a legal 
 provifion adequate to their Hterary and official de- 
 fert. How many thoufand of proteftant dilfenting 
 minifters are thus deprived in the dominions of the 
 Biitifli monarch 1 Thefe, though the tried and ap- 
 proved friends of the proteftant caufe, and of the il- 
 iuftrious prince who fways the Britifh fceptre, arc 
 contented to live on the voluntary contributions 
 of their refpedlive congregations. Were exclufive 
 eftablifhments abolilhed^ and were the objedion 
 
 admitted 
 
[ 283 3 
 
 admitted In Its iitmoft extent ;-r^the teachers of chrif- 
 tianity in general, and as such, would not be in a 
 7vorse condition than that in which many are fixed by 
 t-he abfurd policy of Europe. Though cuOom, joined 
 to the fplendour of enormo^js revenues, has fixed the 
 eyes of the undifcerning multitude on the eftablidied 
 clergy; they are not the only teachers of chrifiianity. 
 They are only the demagogues of the eflabhlhed 
 fedl, viewed as the national clergy. Thefe livings, 
 therefore, if they be a debt due to the public mini- 
 fters of chrifi:ianity, belong not to them alone, but 
 are due, on the foundations of eternal right, to others, 
 who merit equally of the' chriftian religion, and of 
 their fellow iubjeds, by a diligent difcharge of their 
 duty, under all the difcouragements anfing fro^n 
 the want of civil patronage. 
 
 II. There is no conne6cion between the aholition of 
 preclufive eftablifhrnents, and the denial oi ^. legal right 
 'to a competent maintenance, voluntarily (lipulated 
 by the Church, and accepted by the Paftor. Where 
 is the inconfiiiency between renouncing all parlia- 
 mentary partiality to one ^tdi of chriflians, and at- 
 pointings or at lead enabling the legality of a falary, not 
 below the acceptance of men of learning, provided 
 it be nltroneously given by the Flock, and' voluntarily 
 accepted by the minifter, and provided no levy be 
 made upon the property of others, unconcerned in 
 the mutual agreement ? Though government pays 
 not the wages of fervants belonging to one de- 
 nomination of fubjeds, and much iefs levies their 
 hire on other mailers, yet it follows not, that 
 it hath made no provifion for fervants. It gives 
 them a right to their wages, and to fue for them, 
 by an adion againft their employers, when they are 
 injurioufly withheld. The cafe is fimilar with relped" 
 to a gofpel miniftry. That '' the labourer is worthy 
 
 Nn 2 of 
 
[ ^84 '] 
 
 of his hire," Is a maxim in the law of nature, wh'ch 
 is the foundation of all civil policy, as well as a 
 first principle which the writers of the New Tellii- 
 ment have laid down refpecl.ing tl ofe who h-ve fe- 
 queftered themfelves to the fervice of the church. 
 All miniflers, therefore, have a right to a Cv;mpe« 
 tent provifion; a right founded in the liw of na° 
 ture, *and recognized by the authority of the chnf- 
 tian Lawgiver himieif. Government, fonnded in 
 the law of nature and bound to e ecu'e its fjvereio^n 
 dilates, by applying it to particulat cafes, is under 
 the ftridleft obligation to make their maintenance 
 legal, by recognizing their natural right to it, in 
 the laws of their country. 
 
 III. We fhall only add, thar» by this regula- 
 tion, an ordinance of divine inftitution, which, 
 during many centuries hath gone into delTuetiide, 
 would be revived in the chnfiian world. To 
 CHusE and to maintain fuch ecclcilaftical offi- 
 cers as Chrift hath appointed and approved, feems 
 to be as much an ordinance of the chriflian 
 church as bapiism or the Lord's supp:r. There is 
 an cxprefs, unequivocal inftitution of it. *' Who 
 goeth a warfare at any time on his own chargeSj 
 &c. ? Do ye not knov/, that they who mmifter about 
 holy things, live of the things of the temple? And 
 they who wait at the altar are partakers with the 
 
 aitari* i:.vEN so hath the Lord ordained, that thcv 
 
 ^ 'J 
 
 who preach the gofpcl Ihould live of the gofpel."-}^ 
 This laft exprefhon evidently implies, that minifters 
 have a right, founded both on natural equity, and 
 upon chrulian inftitution, to be reipedably main- 
 tained, as a fruit of love to the Grlat Shepherd, 
 apd of gratitude for his paftoral c.u-e. But how 
 abfurd is it to pretend a right to eat the milk of 
 
 * Bhickflone's Commentaries, Vol. II. p. 25. Pub. Edit. 
 
 t Cor. ix. ;-i4. 'OTTa y,<yA K:p; AlETA HE. 
 
 thofe 
 
C 285 ] 
 
 .thdfe whom they never fed! This Is not to live of 
 the gofpel as the Lord hath ordained; but to live, 
 like tlie vulture, on the vitals of common fenfe and 
 eternal equity, as the civil magiftrate hath or- 
 dained. 
 
 And here we cannot help animadverting on the 
 inconfiftency of many profelfed zealots for chriftiaa 
 liberty. They are loud in their clamours for, and 
 pofitive afiercers of, a divine right to chuse their 
 own paftors, while there is not a whifper heard from 
 them of their divine right to maintain them. In 
 both cafes, the right is indeed divine, and in both 
 equal. To fuffer either to be violated is bafe pufii- 
 ianimity; and to permit either to be done by proxy 
 is a flagrant violation of the divine law. The duty 
 is the fame in both. *' It is a demonftration of love 
 to the Divine Author of the chriftian difpenfation, 
 exerting itfelf m aclive care about the interefts of 
 his fpintual kingdom; efpecially, about having 
 and honourably maintaining a gofpel miniftry in 
 the chuich, in order to gain the important dellgns 
 of her erection in the world." 
 
 IV. From what hath been faid, it appears, that 
 the last part of the objection is entirely groundlefs. 
 Though gentleip.en fliould not have the profped of 
 biQ:ioprics, and of ten, fifteen or twenty thoufand 
 pounds per annum to quicken their zeal for the holy 
 miniftry; no man of true piety,- probity and learn- 
 ing, could meet with any difcouragement from the 
 abolition of an exclufive incorporation of a particu- 
 lar fed. The reverfe would inftantly obtain. Gen- 
 tlemen of character would meet widi encourage- 
 ment, proportioned to their worth. A bieding 
 this, rarely feen in eftabliQied churches! How often 
 may the man of learning and of acknowledged me- 
 rit be found flarving in a curacy on twenty or 
 thirty pounds per annum, while the diffipated fop 
 
 or 
 
I 286 ] 
 
 or the half-learned pedant has had the addrefs to 
 .obtain a plurality or a deanery— perhaps, a bifhop- 
 ric! Comparifons are ever odious; yet, it can give 
 no jufl offence to obferve, that if fonie incorporated 
 churches can juftly glory in the name of a Tillotfon, 
 a Sherlock, or a Seeker, diilenters are at no lofs to 
 mention others of their communion, who have not 
 been lefs learned, and lefs ufefui to the interefts of 
 real religion and chriftian morality. 
 
 Should any be charitably afraid that the abolition 
 of an exclufive incorporation of one feci would in- 
 troduce a cloud of ignorance among the common 
 people, — we would only beg fuch to inform them- 
 ielves from thofe to v/hom they are difpofed to ,g,ive 
 the greateft credit, — Whether the lower clafles of 
 his majefty's fubjedts, in the communions of the 
 Britifh eftablilhed churches, — or thofe in the com- 
 munion of proteftant diffenters, are generally beft 
 inftru(5ted in the principles of the chriftian religion, 
 and are m.oft capable of defending them againit the 
 cavils of heretics and infidels ? 
 
 Thus, an anfwer has been attempted to the prin- 
 cipal objed:ions againfl the annihilation of exclufive 
 eftablifhments. — • 
 
 May God, in whofe hands are the hearts of all 
 men, fpeedily remove their prejudices in favour of 
 that baneful fource of focial woe; and effedually 
 incline them, in their different fpheres, to concuf 
 in its final extermination. Amen. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 '/ 
 
Pnncelon Theologic.1l Seminary-Speer Librjry 
 
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