PRINCETON, N. J. cndcdus eratadolcfcens,M^- J^fJ^'J^; chael Viquerim nominatus, quern propter cetatem quo minus crcma- tion. .-left,-. rent,pudore mpediebatur. Turn vcro carnijiccs/os nonjecus atque agnos facrificio dcflinatos alli gar tint . Quoniam autcm i] quibuj hi- Facsimile (reduced) of a page in Crespin's " Actiones et Monimenta Martynim." [Quarto, 1560] An account of the earliest " Reformed Church " withhi France proper, organized on the Strasburg model by Ei^titnne Mangin and Pierre Le.Clerc ; who, luith ticelve other persona, sujered death by fire on the seventh of October, 1546. From Crespin's "Actiones et Monimenta Martyrum" (1560) and variotis other authorities ; loith historical notes and introduction. By Herbert M. Bower, M.A., Barrister at Law. 3^iTtrrrtfitfti0it» To E. A. Mangin, Esq., Aldjield, Ripon. My Dear Mangin, When you shewed me among your curiosities the old silver cup to which your family attaches an interesting tradition, and the copy of "Actiones et Monimenta Martyrum — Joannes Crispinus, MDLX," we neither of us knew the full interest of the event you related to me. The translation which I then undertook of the passage on folio 121 of that work, describing the steadfast conduct of fitienne Mangin and his companions under terrible trials, would have seemed to your friends incomplete, without a rendering of the whole chapter. This I have tried to carry out with equal respect for accuracy and for English idioms. But even that chapter appeared far from exhausting the subject ; and a larger enquiry not only supported Crespin's account by the corroboration of other and even hostile historians, but soon indicated for Etienne Mangin and Pierre LeClerc a more important position in the startling events of the sixteenth century than I had dreamt of. These two leaders of the Meaux movement, at its culmin- ation in 1546, were certainly among the first men, if not them- selves indeed the first, to plant a root of the " Reformed Church" in France proper. It is true that the long- sufife ring Vaudois community, on the uncertain and troubled French frontier, had a historic church of their own, which may well 2 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. have influenced the Franco-Swiss protestants of the Reforma- tion. The Vaudois souglit, and accepted, doctrinal assistance from that vigorous young school of thought, and rejected the Roman Communion. Tl\ey suffered a dreadful massacre, (under some authority of the recently constituted " Parlement " of Aix and the French government;, in 1545. Again, several towns even in the heart of France had doubtless furnished, as Meaux herself had already done, many individuals, and even some congregations, favourable to the ,new ideas. Whether before 1546, any of these last had advanced so far as Meaux towards a stable constitution, is perhaps impossible to find out. Be this as it may, one thing seems almost certain: namely that, as implied by a marginal note to the Histoire Ecclesiastique des ^glises reformees (l^dition nouvelle 1883, Vol. T, p. 67), and by other authorities, Meaux produced strictly the first " Eglise Reforinee" , in the accepted sense, in France proper.* A visit to the town of Meaux, recently undertaken, had the result of furnishing me with considerable confirma- tion and elucidation of Crespin's really classical narrative ; for I was there able to obtain a copy of the now rare, and happily unprejudiced, " Histoire de Meaux" published in 1865 by A. Carro, bite official Libarian of that town ; also to copy out two passages, used by him, in reference to these events, from an interesting MS. by Rochard, dated 1721, and preserved in the Town Library. These writers used some much older but inedited manuscripts,j- which any one of antiquarian taste may perhaps find interesting. I also obtained at that town a copy of the " Histoire de V Eglise de Meaux," 1731, by Dom Toussaints du Plessis, a worthy representative of the learned Benedictines of S. Maur.;}: The " Hifftoire Ecclesiastique d.es Eglises Reformees" attributed to Theodore de Beze, and first published in 1580, gives an account of this tragedy, which is said by the editors of the modern reprint to be drawn from Crespin's work. [See the Paris edition of 1883. Vol. I. page 70, note ; referring the reader also to Toussaints du Plessis]. Sismondi, in the 17th volume of his " Histoire des Frangais" follows Theodore de Beze and other writers. In main features Crespin and Beze agree. Some variation will be remarked on in my notes. It would be useless to repeat the history in Beze's words also. * See notes 3, 25a, and 29, hereafter. fMSS. by L'Enfant and by Janvier. + The " Memoires de Lenfant,'' cited by Toussaints du Plessis, are no doubt the inedited MSS. of that writer. Cf : Hist: de I'Egl : de Meaux, Tome I, p. 348 ; and Carro, Hist: de Meaux, pp. Ill, IV, V. INTRODUCTION. 6 A^ain, Carro's account of the affair appears to be merely a modern resume from Rochard and Toussaints du Plessis ; so I have been content to add to Crespin's narrative separate trans- lations from these two writers. They seem to give independent histories of the tragedy from a point of view hostile to the reformers. They, however, singularly corroborate Crespin as to main facts and many details. The official judgment in the case is still extant among the Archives at Paris ; and, considering that the versions printed in different histories somewhat vary, I thought it well to make, and add here, a careful translation of the whole judg- ment as copied out for me from the original. As you, and some other friends, have suggested that a wider public than your own family might like to see the present account, and the Huguenot Society of London has kindly taken the same view, some justification becomes due perhaps to readers unknown to me, for the bulk of the notes I have appended. While all of these may, I hope, be useful, there are very special grounds for several of them. The note on fitienne Mangin and his family is, I think, a fresh and important contri- bution to Huguenot information. The position, too, of his house, is now brought to light, by the admirable exertions of M. Mousse, of the Hospice general de Meaux, whose efforts in this matter deserve the heartiest thanks ; and the note thereon needs probably no apology whatever. Again, some of those families which may be concerned with the event of 1546, (when sixty named persons were apprehended,) or are otherwise interested in Meaux, would find great difficulty in obtaining the history of that town. The note on that subject is chiefly drawn from Carro's Work. The note on Crespin speaks for itself. That on the celebration of the Lord's Supper by the Meaux Gospellers will, though a long one, be excused by any one who bears in mind the difficulties under which these people laboured, and reads the judgment against them. The shorter notes on the organization and discipline which they found at Strasburg, and on the Psalm tune sung at Meaux, will, I hope, justify them- selves. Those on Brigonnet's work and contests, and on King Francis I, could hardly have been shortened or left out, in justice either to the former himself, to the subjects of the latter, or to the historical import of the Meaux movement. In any notice of a religious struggle it is inevitable that doctrine be mentioned, or even made the subject of some remark. But I have avoided disputation on warmly contested questions of Divinity. The occasion does not seem in the 4 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. least suitable, even should one wish to discuss these matters. The subject is approached from a point of view essentially memorial and historical. It ma}^ be asked what accounts there are already in English of the appalling execution of these prisoners. There is a slight mention of it in " Fox's Book of Martyrs." (See the edition of ]!S46, Vol. II, p. 134.) But there seems to be some confusion in that book as to the exact identity of the Fourteen, nor does the story itself agree in every detail with these French authori- ties. Recce's " Compendious Martyrology " (1813, Vol. II, p. 75), gives an account almost identical with that in the " Book of Martyrs," but names only Mangin and " Peter Clerk." I have never been able to see the alleged English translation of the "Histoire des 3Iartyrs," (see Note 1, hereafter). Maddock's " Popish Tyranny " (1780) is an abridgement. Laval's " History of the Reformation in France," (1737, vol. I, pp. 61, 62), gives some short account of the event. Baird, in his excellent " History of the Rise of the Huguenots " (1880), gives to this particular movement and martyrdom a very important place and a concise narration. It may well be mentioned in various other books unknown to me. My hearty thanks, for kind assistance given in various ways, are due to M. Andrieux,- Librarian to the Town of Meaux, ani to the authorities of several other Libraries ; to M. Mousse, Econome Secretaire a V Hospice General de Meaux ; to M. Weiss, Secretary to the French Societj'" for Protestant History in Paris ; and to various other persons, including Miss Mangin of West Knoyle near Bath, and yourself. In order that members of your family, and others interested, who have not the time or opportunity to examine the various necessar}' books, may still have the events of those days brought readily to mind, I have ventured to write the following in- troductory paragraphs, on the Fourteen of Meaux ; and attempted, after consulting the pages of good historians, to illustrate, however imperfectly, that dark but pregnant age.* It has been said that the Reformation had a double aspect, disciplinary and doctrinal. It should not however be thought * The authorities chiefly used have been : — Actiones et Monimenta Martyrum (Crispinus, 15C0. ) Histoire des ISIartj'rs (1582, 1SS5, etc.) Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris sous le regne de Francois Premier 1515- 1536: public par Ludovic Lalanne (Paris, 1854.) Liturgia Sacra ArgeatiucU (Valerandus Polla, 1551. Preserved in the British Museum. ) INTRODUCTION. that a single party, in or out of the Church, was sole champion of both these tendencies, or of either. Perhaps a still more profound idea, or principle, underlay and dictated the two. The earlier part of the sixteenth century, as exhibited in the pages of E-anke and other historians, is lively with new or restored ideas. The middle age was passing away, and, with it, waned the dubious political influence of the Latin Church. Corruption, common perhaps among temporal principalities, was by no means excluded from that wide temporal and spiritual dynasty. The ill-conduct also, and ignorance, of many priests, impaired the Church's credit; and the western world, long indeed her submissive pupil, was now seeking further instruction, and making up, for good or ill, a mind of its own. It is plain that the Latin Church needed at least administrative Arret de Meaux (1546) [A MS. copy, furnished throucrh the kind offices of M. Weiss, from the original " Registres Criniinels du Parlement de Paris." ] Pseaumes de Dauid mis en Rime (appended to " La Bible," printed by laquy, Dandeau, and Bourgeois, 1560.) Les Pseaumes mis en Rime (Lyons, De Tournes, 1563.) Histoire ecclesiastique des Eglisos reformees (a new annotated edition, 1883, of that book, which was published in 1580.) Histoire gen6alogique de la Maison des Bri9onets (Tluy Bretonneau, Paris, 1621.) Historic of the Councell of Trent (Paolo Sarpi Venetiano [Pietro Soaue Polano], Brent's Translation, London, 1629). Summa Conciliorum Omnium Ordinata etc. (Bail, Paris, 1675.) Monumentorum Ad Historiam Concilii Tridentini .... etc. :(Le Plat, 1782.) Histoire du Calvinisme (Maimbourg, Paris, 1682.) Antiqvitez de la ville de Meaux (Rochard, MS ., preserved at Meaux, and dated 1721.) Histoire de I'Eglise de Meaux (Doni Toussaints du Plessis, 1731.) Histoire de Meaux (Carro, 1865.) Petit guide dans la ville de Meaux (Le Blondel, 1888.) A French MS. book of tlie Mangin family, containing pedigree from Estienne Mangin nearly to the present generation, and short accounts of him and others. La France Protestante (Haag, 1846, etc.) Correspondance des Reformateurs (Herminjard 1866, etc.) Joannis Calvini opera etc. (Bauni & Cunitz, 1867, being the XXXIVth volume of the " Corpus Reformatorum. ") Histoire des Francjais (Sismondi, vols. XVI, XVII, 1833.) Histoire de France (Michelet, 1857.) View of the state of Europe during the Middle Ages. (Hallam, New Edition, 1872.) History of the Popes (Ranke, translation by Foster 1866.) Church History (Hard wick, Edited by Stubbs. ) History of the Reformation (D'Aubigne, Translation, by H. White.) History of the Rise of the Huguenots (Baird 1880.) Der Kirchengesang in Basel seifc der Reformation (Riggenbach, 1870.) Clement Marot et le Psautier Huguenot ( Douen, 1878.) History of the Waldenses of Italy (Comba, Translation 1889.) Encyclopedie (Diderot & D'Alembert, 1765.) Encyclopjedia Britannica. Besides other works, and books of reference. 6 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. and moral, if not intellectual, reform, when we find that even a Pope of that day* was considered quite remarkable for being " not proud, no trafficker in church property, not avaricious, "not given to pleasure, moderate in food, frugal in dress, " religious and devout." The existence of abuses was indeed so well-known as to be practically acknowledged, and the serious proposal for a Council, about 1523, is said to have lowered considerably the price of the saleable offices at the Court. The Concordat between the Pope and the French King, officially read at the Fifth Lateran Council in 1516, unpopular though it was, had been a plain example to Western Christ- endom, that money might be the price of spiritual prerogatives. For Leo X, thereby, in consideration of receiving first years' profits, leased to the King, though subject to Papal approval, appointments to most bishoprics and abbeys in France, which had formerly been supposed elective. The Lateran Councils contain distinct and frequent injunct- ions as to discipline. Lapses towards simony seem to have been prevalent, and are a suggestive indication of the views of their office, then common among the clergy. Even the cele- bration, or sacrifice, of the Mass, accepted at the same time as an extremely solemn sacerdotal or Divine ceremony, was bought by laymen, and sold by priests, with such boldness, that the Franciscans of Meaux, to protect the traffic, brought the matter to an issue in a distinct charge. This comprised a series of articles, wherein the Franciscans imputed certain teachings to Martial Mazurier, alleging that he had, inter alia, condemned as impious the sale of a Mass for five farthings. So thoroughly was this system established, that the theologian, thus charged, repudiated the propositions complained of.f About four centuries had already passed since the First Lateran Council, which by its Xlth Canon awards remission of their sins to those who visit Jerusalem, and give efficacious assistance in defending the christian people, and destroying the tyranny of the infidels. This offer, made by the loftiest spiritual leaders to the fighting public, was in the thirteenth century, under the Fourth Lateran Council, even extended (with certain limiting words) to exterminators of heretics.^ Such an adjustment of Divine claims on man is a vivid mark of the supernatural powers claimed, doubtless still earlier, by priests. As ages wore on, they were willing to sell to man some minor though kindred indulgences, even for money when this was intended for pious uses. Pope Leo X countenanced * Clement VII. Cf. Ranke, Vol. I, p. 75 and note. t See note 8, hereafter. ;{;See : — Summa Conciliorum Oinniuin Ordinata. [Bail, Paris, 1675.] INTRODUCTION. 7 such a trade to raise funds for St. Peter's. Opposition to it was notoriously the occasion of Luther's first appearance in 1517. That period was a crisis for the power of Rome. Learning had sprung again into life. The different books of the New Testament were read and translated into various languages. The art of printing had recently been developed, and men's minds, seldom vigorous without some speculation, had begun again to question, not only the conduct of careless and greedy priests, but the doctrines which they and their brethren were supposed to teach. Hardly anj^thing can be more certainly affirmed of mankind, than that perpetual absenteeism of officers and inefficiency of subordinates, must sap the discipline of any organization, and also put in question the principles supposed to be associated with it. Nor could a reader of general history have expected to find even a zealous priesthood successful in maintaining, against human temptations, any large system of traditional doctrine uncorrupted, through fifteen centuries. He would perforce further suspect its purity, when the hierarchy in question was found to have amassed for itself fabulous wealth and enjoyed unheard of worldly power. We are accordingly told that not only were doubts abroad, but that even among Italian priests themselves might then be found some countenance for doctrine akin to that of the northern protestants, while the highest in the Roman system knew that discipline needed amendment. Pope Adrian VI, in his day, made an unsuccessful effort towards reform in the matter of indulgences and sale of preferments. His successors, Clement VII, and Paul III, were perhaps too anxious in political affairs to be thoroughly active in reform. The last named, however, exercising a liberal discretion in his appoint- ments, elevated Gaspar Contarini to the College of Cardinals, who soon protested against abuses profitable to the Curia, and, slighting the notion that what former Popes had done was necessarilly to shut up the mouths of those who would mend matters, pointed out that the true dominion of the Papacy was a dominion of reason not of individual will.* Whether or not Contarini brought about the Papal com- mission for reform, at any rate the Pope appointed this thoughtful man his legate to the Ratisbon Conference in 1541 ; who perhaps reached the limits of his commission, in the endeavour to promote at that conference a unity of doctrine. He, however, maintained the authority of the Pope and the *See Contarini's two Epistles to Paul III, 1538; printed by Le Plat, " Monumentorum etc :" 1782, Vol. II, pp. 605 etc. Also the Keport of the Council of Select Cardinals and others in 1538 ; printed by Le Plat, ibid. pp. 596 etc. See also Ranke. 8 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. Apostolic See, and no reconciliation was confirmed. Contarini's attitude was evil spoken of at Rome, as if he were tainted with Lutheranism, but he satisfied the Pope, at Lucca, upon rendering account of his legation. A complication of the diflSculty was the distinction between two systems of Clergy : namely, the Regulars who professed Religion according to the rules of certain societies, and the Secular Clergy who generally had cure of souls. Though the monks in very early days had not been deemed eligible to the priesthood, yet they had soon been admitted to those orders. The Benedictines presently became the missionaries of Friesland and Germany ; they furnishsd indeed the literati, and many of the highest officers in the Church. The later rise of the Franciscan and Dominican friars, (each rule dictated by a fresh though perhaps untempered enthusiasm), had further much increased the number of Non-parochial Clergy. The existence of so many Religious rules, societies, and houses, notwithstanding the divers aids so rendered to the Church of Rome and the Papal ascendency, had often caused local anxiety, if not jealousy, from their insubordination to Bishops, their competition with the Parochial Clergy, lapses from strict rule, and perhaps from those risks of exaggeration to which the monastic idea is obviously exposed. From the fourteenth century, diF:cipline within these societies seems to have fallen very low. Historians have charged them, variously and perhaps too sweepingly, with waste, idle- ness, frauds, mummeries, false miracles relics and superstitious trifles employed for gain, scandals, and immorality. Even the most cautious reader of poets and satirists is compelled to see some indication of misconduct, in the tales of Chaucer and the cynical allusions of Rabelais. In 1538, (some time after Bishop Bri(^'onnet's dispute with the Franciscans of Meaux), a strong Committee of Cardinals and others was formed. Its Report is profoundly interesting, as an official criticism of Rome, and the Church, at that time. Not Protestants, but very high Dig- nitaries of the Church here boldly sketch a system of sordid, and extremely unspiritual, greed. Among other matters, too, they report to Pope Paul III that the orders of Religiosi have so deteriorated as to be a grave scandal to Seculars.* This Committee, among whom were Contarini, Sadolet, and Pole, went so far as to recommend measures for the abolition of all those existing bodies. The dispute between the Regulars and the Prelates ran high at the Council of Trent. Paolo Sarpi, in his history of that Council, tells us that about readings and preachings there were terrible controversies ; the Regulars * See the Document in Le Plat, cited above. INTRODUCTION. 9 being already in possession of them as well by the Pope's privileges as by the practice of 300 years ; while the Prelates alleged that they were usurped, and claimed restitution.* The learned modern historian Hardwick seems, however, to give to the Parochial and Secular Clergy themselves almost a worse character than to the Regulars, in the matters of ignor- ance, sloth, and misconduct, where he deals with the period 1305 to 1520. Probably there were, in both departments, various degrees of discreditj*. The wish for reform and better discipline had, however, appeared in the \-ery region of the societies themselves. New associations were formed at this time : for instance, the Theatines, founded in 1524, not as a monkish house, but as an aristocratic seminary, with the rigid clerical duties of preach- ing, administration of the sacraments, and care of the sick ; while among the Franciscans arose, in 1525, a real revival of • • • 1 selfdenial, or discipline, represented by the austere, devout, and courageous Capuchins. But later still had been discovered one of the most sagacious plans for attaining disciplinary sternness in the Church at large, which the world has seen. The soldierlike but visionary Loyola, so long a student in the severe school of his own asceti- cism, gradually thought out, and at last founded, the famous " Society of Jesus," which was fully sanctioned by the Church in 1543. The conventual idea, of filling up time with devotional exercises, was abandoned for the strict rule of the three virtues thought to be more essential : namely obedience, chastity, and poverty. The duties were chiefly those of preaching, confession, and education of youth. The organization was practical : an extreme obedience its distinguishing mark. There was, then, about this time, a decided movement towards discipline within the church, together even with some faint hint of the possibility of fresh light in matters of doctrine. This last was a delicate subject for so absolute and determined a power as the Latin Church. One of the most crucial doctrines which we find agitating the Protestants of the sixteenth century, that of Transubstantiation, had, along with the Apostolical succession of priests, been distinctly affirmed already, by the Fourth Lateran Council, which assembled in 1215. It must, however, have seemed desirable to ecclesiastics to confirm and extend doctrine by removing doubts, that now existed even * Historie of the Councell of Trent, pp. 161 and 167. t It must be remembered that (leaving out of account the drastic reformers WyclifFe and Huss) the Church during this period could boast of such men as Thomas a Kempis and Dean Colet. Probably many monasteries, and many parishes, sliowed real devotion. 10 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. in the south ; while the northern situation was very serious. Luther, excommunicated in 1520, had suffered in 1521 the Ban of the Empire. But Emperors, or their servants, do not always stick to one side in a religious quarrel. An army of adventurers soon after assembled in Italy. This force con- sisted of reckless Italians, together with Spanish and Lutheran soldiers, accustomed to war, to penury, and to pillage. In 1526-7, they sacked the Eternal City herself. Michelet says that the Emperor, though he disavowed, yet approved this event.* The leagfue of Schraalkald in 1530 bound the evangelical or protestant districts of Germany into a new organization. The Swiss had shown a very independent attitude in matters of doctrine ; and, representated by Zwingli, had even held a discussion with Luther, in 1529, on the vexed question of the Eucharist, in spite of the Lateran Council before mentioned. In France, counting perhaps on the support of the French King, if not even on that of advanced Italian thinkers, Bishop Bri9onnet had at Meaux carried his zeal for reform beyond the usual measures of the prelacy at that time, and appointed to his readerships, about 1521, men of liberal learning. He checked the Franciscans or Cordeliers, used other disciplinary methods, and, soon after, opened the way for even doctrinal discussion, by permitting copies of the gospels in French to be circulated in his diocese : thus encourag- ing a new and uncalculated movement in France also. On the frontiers of that country the old connnunity of the Vaudois had shewn a fresh activity, and, by successive conferences, a real desire for union with the German and Swiss dissenters. Again, though the days of Wycliffe were past, yet the English, (whose character was generally independent though conserva- tive), were increasingly impatient of Roman interference. They were headed by a king, called Defender of the Faith, but wilful and wayward still, whose fancy or policy had led to a difference with Rome, and might make him a bitter enemy. This nation was also indignant at the supposed murder of Hunne in London, and was encouraged in reformatory ideas by students at Cambridge and at Oxford. Parliament had made inoperative the Roman licenses for pluralities which the clergy might purchase : and, in 1584, the Act of Supremacy contradicted the assumed jurisdiction of the Pope over English- men, by declaring the King head of the Church of England. * Gibbon declares that the ravages of the barbarous Goths, under Alaric, in 410, were less destructive than the hostilities exercised bj' the troops of this Catholic prince, Charles the Fifth, eleven centuries later. [See History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Edition 1828, Vol. IV, p. 118.] INTRODUCTION. 11 The Danish King, Frederick I, early adopted a really modern policy of toleration ; while Gustavus Vasa, the liberator King of Sweden, boldly undertook, in 1527, to reorganize the Church in that country. Upon the doubtful ocean of European orthodoxy the cosmopolitan Erasmus, representative of shrewd learning, hung, like some undeclared ally, to windward of the two fleets. Death overtook him in 1536. It must not be thought that, in these early days of the Reformation, any fresh and detailed confession had been adopted by any Universal Body called " Protestants." Each nation may almost be said to have had its own school of reformers : some of them, perhaps, survivals of old attempts obscured to the modern world by the thick smoke of persecution. But the main grounds of protest against the alleged abuses of Rome were now everywhere nearly the same. They were : criticism of priestly conduct and claims, and study of the four Gospels. While well to do and educated people were increasingly impatient of ignorance and pedantry, the poor and the simple felt a need of religious consolation, which the Clei-gy of that day could not, or would not, regard. The exact conclusions reached by persons far divided geographically and socially were various indeed. The Mass was attacked here, tolerated there ; while the dogma of " Transubstantiation " was vigorously discussed by two diver- gent parties of ardent reformers, a via media '' Consubstantia- tion " being suggested by one of them. The whole movement had to encounter difficulties of an extraordinary kind. No new religion was aimed at, but a restoration of primitive doctrine ; and, in face of a priesthood whose remarkable historic career seemed to glorify the attitude of an existing trades- union, the extreme sections of the reform party would have to use all their scholarship, all their zeal, and all their powers of conciliation among themselves, to reach any coherent exposition of doctrine. The "Protestant " princes of Germany undertook, in 1530, to put forth the most moderate statement of their views ; and the Augsburg Confession, accordingly drawn up by Melancthon, was free enough from intolerant aggressiveness. This was, however, only a sign of a general effort, which aimed at a direct worship of God, and opposed the continued adoration of saints, use of images, number of sacraments, traffic in Masses, monastic vows, celibacy of the clergy, the detailed enumeration of sins to priests, indulgences, satisfaction by ceremonies or by works, and papal or episcopal power over kingdoms and laws. Many reformers, as above suggested, saw in the dogma of " Transubstantiation " an irreconcileable 12 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. quarrel between the existing Church and themselves. And all kinds of Protestants were, whether each individual realized it or not, joining in a great revolt against the claims of the Sacerdotal corps, to Supernatural powers, Heavenly knowledge, and Terrestrial domination. A line passage in Neander's " General History of the Chris- tian Religion and Church,"* dealing with an earlier period, indicates the terrific social force of such engines as ecclesiasti- cal Excommunication, Anathema, and Interdict. Is it not permissible, (or inevitable), to suppose that, throughout the Middle Ages, hundreds or thousands of even devoted Church- men saw in such measures the " losses irreparable," which the later Benedictine Dom Toussaints du Plessisf perceived in the startling tragedy of the Fourteen ? Certainly the intellectual and moral movement of the sixteenth century would find multitudes of people, both devout and indifferent worshippers, who had no ardent love for the priesthood of that day ; and the persistent incursion of ecclesiastics into legal, social, and political affairs, had created a terrible dangei- of even social and political revolution, when the nations should realize that fact. Luther's Reformation is sometimes regarded as the strenuous revival of sacred family life and happiness. It is not indeed sur- prising to find the Religious Reformation closely connected with mundane events, if we remember the pretentions of the Hierarchy. The Pope, then, would, under all these circumstances, be well advised to hold a Council, whether he personally wished it or not. Assured of adherence from friendly princes, he took a favourable occasion to call one himself, and the Council of Trent was opened in 1545, whose sessions extended over several years. There were various decrees for the ordering of Church ceremony and amendment of Church discipline. The protestant doctrine of " Justification " was by this Council rejected. Revelation was discussed ; and it was settled that certain unwritten Tradition must be accepted as reverentially as Scripture. " Transubstantiation" was again affirmed. The doctrinal result of the Council was to thwart the new reliance on the Scriptures as complete authorities, and, by practically retaining in seven authorized Sacraments^ *Torrey's Translation 1889, Vol. VI, pp. 153, 154. See also Hallam's Middle Ages, Chapter VII. tHistoire de I'Eglise de Meaux, 1731. Tome I, p. 348. X Though the seven Sacraments were already recognized as early as the ninth century, when the custom of priestly unction was definitely sanctioned, yet the name had been applied to other religious usages that were excluded later. (See Neander, Vol. VI, p. 146.) INTRODUCTION. 13 a strong control of the hierarcliy over the life of man, to assist the uncertain discipline of the churches. If an ordinary observer of mankind be asked what would probably happen under the conditions which preceded this tardy Council, will he not suggest that the growing disciplinary vigour would seek to exercise itself, in some form or other, upon the doctrinal dissidents ? Such in fact was the case. The guardians of discipline, with all their wish to support their orders, to do their official work, to restore strict observance of religious duties, or to keep their own places, properties, and influence, found themselves face to face, not merely with careless incumbents and ill-behaved friars, but also with the many extreme advocates of reform for both hierarchy and doctrine. These might possibly, on their side, not have gone so far in their doctrinal dissent, had the Church's disciplinar}'- reformation shown more reality, with less bigotry and desperation. Indeed, in England and Germany, where the Reformation succeeded more easily than in the South of Europe, the Churches so re-cast seem less bitterly hostile to Latin opinion, than were the dissenters of France and the South. The protestants generally were so zealous, however, for what they considered vital doctrines, and so frequent in their attacks on the abuses of the priesthood, that the Roman Church, weakened as she was, found her disciplinary powers needed to crush these people. This, in an age which little regarded human suffering, easilyled to her employment of the Inquisition, her punitive alliance with the still jealous Civil Power, and the nett results of torture and death to the protestants. Ages before the time we are particularly concerned with, the Church had used means for enquiring into heresies, and punishment of heretics. The system took definite form in the establishment of the Dominican Inquisition in the 13th century. That institution had fallen into decay, though protestants against the clergy and their teachings still suffered from time to time, and a supreme tribunal for Spain had been established. After the abortive termination of the Ratisbon Conference, Cardinal CarafFa, to solve the difficulty, had spoken for a searching Inquisition. He was supported by Toledo of Burgos. The policy adopted was : to suppress and uproot " errors," and let no vestige of them remain. The plan was a supreme tribunal of Inquisition at Rome, on which the others should depend. Loyola supported the proposition. The bull was published in 1542. Ranke says : " a fearful state of things, and then more especially so, when 14 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. " opinions were not well fixed or fully develop3d, and many " were seeking to conciliate the more profound doctrines of " Christianity with the institutions of the existing church."* The startling fact of its establishment, during that time of intellectual revival, indicates the attitude of a threatened, or even desperate, hierarchy. No doubt the sad events that happened at Paris, and at Meaux, were part of the general policy, so far as the French King, and his advisers, concurred in it.t Men do not, however, speak only by the mouth. You might even destroy the hand, while the work of the pen it had held escaped you. The Church made no such blunder. Custom- house officers and booksellers were enjoined to notify writings and printed books to the Inquisitors. There arose, soon after 1543, an index of prohibited books. The example was set outside Italy, Louvain and Paris taking the lead. Other places followed ; and in 1559 a formal publication was made at Rome. It would be childish, indeed, to cry over the loss to literature. The loss is to man himself, who has suffered spiritual guides to obliterate the vivid thoughts of his own ancestors. It was even made a matter of conscience for private persons to denounce forbidden books, and do their best towards their destruction. One instance of successful suppression, notwithstanding the new power of the printing press, seems to have been that of a very remarkable book. It may have been both theologically unorthodox and argumentatively wrong. No man can judge. For Ranke tells us, that not one copy among many thousands, of the work " On the Benefits bestowed by Christ," survived its proscription and can now be found. One is appalled to think what knowledge and what ideas, in earlier ages, may have been summarily destroyed in manuscript, before the development of printing required an Index. A notable example of the Church's condition, in both general and particular features, during this period, is furnished by the Diocese of Meaux. At no great distance eastward from Paris, nor very far from Lorraine and the Low Countries, that district seemed marked out for all the troubles of war, for easy interchange of European ideas, and for a chequered history. The town, again, cut in two by a great bend of the river Marne, was divided against itself: no bad type of what might occur there in any dispute — civil, militaiy, or religious. The southern portion, named after the great mai'ket there * History of the Popes. Vol. I, p. 159. t Compare notes 17, 24, hereafter. INTRODUCTION. 15 situated, was a fortress in itself; had been defended by the nobles in the peasant war, when the Jacquerie held the town ; was now a nursery of Gospellers ; and, some time after the terrible death of the Fourteen, we find the Grand Marche a stronghold of Pieds Bus or Huguenots. It was subsequently the scene of various episodes in the religious war. The elements of discord were, however, at Meaux as else- where, deeper than any geographical features. Considerably before the Huguenot League, Meaux was the arena of a bitter and too memorable religious contest. That double movement of doctrine and discipline, which, in the churches under Roman influence, led to persecution, was early astir at Meaux. Indeed, one of the most interesting traits of that sad period is the way in which the double movement caused, as time went on, an apparent change in the policy of Guillaume Bri^onnet, the reforming Bishop of Meaux. After a short absence on duty at Rome, he entered, in 1518, very actively on his episcopal work. This was only the next year after Luther's Wittenberg propositions against Indulgences. The bishop early showed himself both a firm disciplinarian, and a favourer of the new religious learning represented by Lefevre. The condition of the Church at Meaux, as related by the studious Benedictine Dom Toussaints du Plessis, and by Carro, was doubtless a type of the general laxity and abuse, and might well have staggered a more obstinate reformer than Briyonnet ; though M. Jules Zeller is able to say, that, under that bishop, the Diocese was an oasis of piety in the midst of the general corruption.* It is recorded that ecclesiastical discipline had been almost ignored at Meaux. The cures hardly worked at all in their parishes, and we are told that the bishop could scarcely find resident, in the whole of his diocese, fourteen priests really capable of instructing the people and of administering the sacraments. Towards such neo-lect, Bri9onnet, himself an apostle of duty as well as of education, showed an indignant sternness, while displaying some power of organization. Among other measures, he promptly and repeatedly admonished his clergj' to reside, attaching penalties to disobedience, and thus anticipating, in his own diocese, the restoration of disciplinary canons, to be, after great opposition, solemnly and prudently adopted many years later by the Council of Trent. He also provided for the better instruction of the people, by arranging thirty-two preachers' stations in the diocese : an institution which, *Fran9ois I. Paris, I8S2, p. 142. 16 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX, Toussaints tlu Plessis says, remained, with some modifications, to his own day, two centuries later. One man, and that a Bishop, was not perhaps likely to clearly illustrate the tendency to form still further societies of Religieux. Yet we learn from Lon^perier's " Notice heraldique sur Us ^veqiies de Meaux," (1876, p. 78.), that a house of the Canons regular of the order of the Holy Trinity was founded in 1533, that is, within Bri(;onnet's episcopacy. I know not whether he may have encouraged this fresh brotherhood, perhaps with a view to counteract the unworthy representatives of the old Franciscan rule. But, apart from new monastic institutions, it is not perhaps too fanciful, for a modern visitor to Meaux, to people for a moment that noble vaulted college in the episcopal palace, with earlier and less pretentious classes of scholars,* taught by the learned Lefevre and his colleagues, animated by the zealous and accomplished Briyonnet, vigorous with that exercise of their talents which he expected of them, and proud of their mission to a neglected people. For Brigonnet tried to use at Meaux the learning which had lately been revived in Europe; which, indeed, moving hand in hand with a generous zeal for reform, might become its guide and moderator. The strange position this learning was itself to bring about could be, perhaps, at first as little realized by the bishop, as the future influence on the Swiss Church, and on Europe, of Farel, one of his own earlier preachers and Erasmus's future enemy, who soon became too vehement or extreme for Meaux, and had to leave. A more important, nay, probably the greatest representative of scholar- ship at Meaux, or in France, was Faber, [or Lefevre,] of Etaples. A very famous teacher at Paris, he enjoyed the favour of Bri<;onnet and the King. A sentence of his, written so early as 1517, quoted in Whitaker's " Disputation,"! is gently suggestive of the young religious movement, so soon to powei'fully engage Europe, and offend the priesthood. He says: " The greatest part of the world now, when they pray, I know " not whether they pray with the spirit, but they certainly do "not with the understanding; for they pray in a tongue " which they do not understand. Yet Paul approves most that " the faithful should pray both with the spirit and the under- "standing; and those who pray so, as is the general practice, *Crespin, in opening his account of Pavannes, says : " Bri^onnetus ille episcopus Mddensis, initio quiclem in sua dioecesi scholam aperucrat Euangelio. . . " [Actiones, 1560, fol. 52, verso.] f Parker Society, \Yhitaker,"' p. 273. INTRODUCTION 17 " edify themselves but little by the prayer, and cannot edify " others at all by their speech." His views were not agreeable to the Sorbonne. That theological college, so famous through- out Europe, was disposed to burn Lefevre, who had differed with it on the curious question of Mary Magdalene and the three Marys. The Bishop drew him to Meaux, showed great confidence in him, and seems to have distributed within that diocese, the French translations of the Gospels and other parts of the New Testament and the Psalms, which Lefevre published from 1520 to 1525. In this year he was included in the notable proceedings against the bishop and others : and though protected by a letter from the King, he quitted Meaux. Bricjonnet however did not content himself with disciplinary advice to his cures, and the use of more modern instruction. The people, untaught in religion, were yet not likely to entirely neglect the ancient consecrated days. They were usually accustomed to certain public dances on Sundays and the feasts of the Virgin, which entertainments seem to have been thought not conducive to morality. The people were also familar with a somewhat debased form of the mystery plays : that curious and popular kind of drama, which, based on man's liking for supernatural or divine subjects, has the widest possible stage, and the most varied opportunities. In our day the religious drama still survives in strange and divers forms, embracing the grotesque, the intellectual, and the impressive : showing such different specimens, as perhaps the children's Punch and Judy show, certainly Goethe's dramatic poem of Faust, and the solemn though doubtless painful, Oberammergau performances. Bri^onnet found the phase of mystery pla}^ then favoured at Meaux far from edifying, and took measures at different times to stop these and the dances respectively. Was there, however, no sort of religious ministration at Meaux apart from the Bishop's importations of men and ideas, and the fourteen qualified pastors for two hundred parishes ? Here, again, Meaux is an admirable example of the European Churches at large : for there were several societies of regulars ; and especially active in asserting their claims were the Religieux of the order of St. Francis, called the Cordeliers. They had a house at Meaux from which they issued, not only to beg, but to claim some at least of the many pulpits neglected by the parochial clergy. The stern Franciscan rule of poverty had degenerated here into a method that would have made St. Francis weep. It had become a mean peddling B 18 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. of Church Services, together with systematic quests at holy- periods, and from the richer congregations. The Franciscans seem at once to earn the displeasure of Bishop Brigonnet, the historian Crespin, and the Benedictine Dom Toussaints du Plessis. It is perhaps unfortunate that Crespin, generally so well corroborated in this story, has given us no details of the Meaux Franciscans, contenting himself with very general though severe allusion to them and their important action. For he attributes it, perhaps rather by surmise than by knowledge, to Satan himself. But we ought to remember that Crespin lived at a time of real and startling events, when thoughtful men of various opinions boldly introduced theology and demonology into the actual interpretation of life. It seems true enough, however, that these poor Religieux did preach in their own way, sufficiently to lay claim to the right ; though their conduct was disfavoured by the bishop, their view of life, like that of so many disciples, a mockery of their founder's idea, and their teaching we may fairly suppose on a par with their church discipline. There prevailed, then, between the bishop and the Francis- cans of Meaux, that long contest mentioned by Crespin, and related with so much more detail by Toussaints du Plessis. It well illustrates the great and general quarrel between regular and secular clergy. The Bishop forbade these men to preach, though not to beg, and prohibited the representation of their Saint with the Stigmata; while they persisted in their claim to preach without the episcopal licence. The dis- pute reached its acme in the year 1525 to 1526 ; when, in the king's absence from France, the bishop and several other persons were made the subjects of legal proceedings before the Parlement de Paris on charges akin to heresy. Some of his important subordinates left Meaux, and Bri(;onnet himself was remitted for interrogation before certain counsellors. Whethei his aristocratic and ecclesiastical position, the royal favour, his doctrinal orthodoxy, his fidelity to discipline, or any concession to the force onajeiire, saved him from the modified retirement of Lefevre and of Roussel, he at any rate did remain at Meaux to continue his reformatory work, and to see arise a fresh and dismal phase of discipline in which the bishop would now and then have some incidental duty whether nominal or official. Upon a story of this kind it is easy to found a charge of inconstancy, especially where a great name is concerned. Crespin, D'Aubigne, and Baird comment unfavour- ably on the bishop's change of position, the last named allowing ■_'Jj /irf'H.net,- 'J lu^u^li c-f ■- ■Uenua-. 1516-153/,. ( Fac^iinilc rrrm i'trctiotitiau's 'Histcnn .-tcL-s Di:\:'nds:"l62l.) INTRODUCTION. 19 himself some sarcastic words. Is it not true however that the position itself of the various gospellers and doctrinal reformers underwent a change or at least a surprising development becoming all over Europe a serious and increasing menace to Rome, and indeed to Bri^onnet's own Church? Little liking as we of the nineteenth century are supposed to have for bigotry in power, may we not feel some sympathy for a man who, at first seizing on the four gospels as a fresh and ancient exposition of Christianity, found later that this authoi-ity was taken by many to justify doctrines and actions that he could by no means approve ? Who will cast blame on him for holding rightly or wrongly to the church of which he had so long been an enthusiastic and dutiful pastor ? We may be sure that this man's influence would be on the side of mercy. Bri(;onnet illustrates in himself many varied aspects of the early reformation. He was the advocate of contemporary learning while firmly adherent to discipline ; the purifier of manners and the respecter of ceremony ; the free employer of printing, distributor of the gospels, and organizer of preaching stations ; but the opposer alike of parasitical and degenerate brotherhoods, of parochial negligence, of aggressive dissent, and apparently of Lutheran doctrines. Under Bri(^onnet (at that time one of the most conspicuous ecclesiastics in France) the reform movement reached a critical point. And it is unfortunate for him that the stream divided in his lifetime, forcing him to choose between the new antisacerdotal consequences of the gospel movement and his continuance as an exact officer of his own hierarchy. The fact remains that in Briconnet's diocese, both during and after his lifetime, there is an example of discipline, needed within, being turned by the Church's sons against those fresh minds that boldly enquired into doctrine. From about this time the progress of the French reformers, though itself of necessity obscure, is marked by conspicuous martyrdoms well established in history. Divergent opinions so nearly crystallized throughout Europe, were speedily hardened and hostility embittered in France by destruction of images on one side, and of men on the other. Jean LeClerc, a devoted propagandist from Meaux, who died at Metz a victim to his own consistent enthusiasm, is considered by the French protestants as their first martyr in this period of history, though Metz at that time was not actually part of France.* His death was soon followed by many * Michelet says however that Chastellain was the first, who was burnt 12 Jan., 1525; and that his death animated LeClerc. As to Pavanes see Crespin and notes hereafter. 20 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. others especially at Paris, including that very noted case of De Berquin an accomplished gentleman of Artois. Here we must for one moment pause to consider how a degraded ecclesiastical discipline realized itself in France. King Francis I, autocratic, profuse and favourable to learning, was if popular yet an untrustworthy king. We cannot attempt to follow him among the intrigues of parties and of court ladies, or into his negotiations with Pope and princes : matters which in this or that way affected his treatment of French reformers. His impetuous career may have been marked by a dashing kind of bravery and by his active encouragement of taste and intellect, but was defaced by self-indulgence and irregular attention to business, as well as by an extravagant personal jealousy of the Emperor Charles V. Lost in the maze of sixteenth century politics and war, he at one time even seized for a clue some secret understanding with the Turkish invader of Europe. A character masterful, pleasure-loving and vain, not balanced by any fine sense of honour, was open perhaps to the inlluence of liberal ideas, certainly to that of distinguished flatterers ; and it is not wonderful to find this versatile friend of Brigonnet, and brother of Marguerite, receiving also the very different political instructions of Louise his mother, and of Duprat. Bibbiena, an acute legate of the Pope, who arrived at the French Court in 1518, noticed how far the young King's conceit of power left the real guidance of affairs in the hands of Louise.* An important inffuence in France was that of the chan- cellor Duprat, who, after the loss of his wife, took orders, becoming later both cardinal, and Pope's legate. He constantly set himself to increase beyond measure the arbit- rary power of the Court, and joined with Louise in flattering the tastes and passions of the King. This oppressive chancellor, immense pluralist, and creator of venal offices, had an overbearing disposition. It is said to have been Duprat who originated the idea that heresies were attended with blasphemy and came within the jurisdiction of the Farler)ient. At the same time he would weaken even that constitu- tional jurisdiction by the use of special commissions. The historian Martin attributes to Duprat the rejection by Louise of Marguerite's influence, and even the activity of the Sorbonne and the Galilean Church. Duprat presided over the Provincial Council of Sens held at Paris in 1528, and perhaps * See Sismondi Vol. XVI, 67, 68. INTRODUCTION. 21 then aided the adoption of certain disciplinary reforms required among the clergy, and also of various severe decrees against heretics. His personal interests were hostile to the protestant movement. He amassed great treasure, which is said to have been, by his own admission, designed for attaining the tiara. The calm " Bourgeois de Paris," who seldom if ever awards praise or blame, speaks wnth admiration of Duprat's talents, and mentions the regard he had for Francis. The Cardinal died on the 9th of July, 1535, Francis seizing a large part of his enormous property at that moment.* It would have been vain for the Gospellers to count with confidence on help from any institution, high officials, or class of men in France during this reign. The king was more a man of taste than of religion, and his friends among reformers were more mystical than protestant. Again the Parlement de Paris, which had no doubt some tradition of independence, was no longer independent. Though at first perhaps disposed to resent papal legislation, it seems to have had little liking for new ideas and unaccustomed theology. This judicial body and the University were after obstinate resistance coerced to register and accept the Concordat, that unpopular result of Duprat's negotiation. Not only was this most telling victory for the king accompanied by the abasement of two venerable institu- tions, it was also a triumph for the Court of Rome over a third, namely the Galilean Church. Another di.saster to the already impaired character and credit of the Parlement occurred in 1522. Copying perhaps Pope Leo X, who had created thirty cardinals at once, King Francis suddenly instituted twenty new counsellorships for sale. The King denied that they would be sold, but Louise the Queen Mother replied cynically to the remonstrant deputies, that the new appointments did not particularly matter, if the Parlement would only find the money in some difierent way. Other offices were similarly corrupted and the springs of justice further fouled.f Again the Concordat placed so many benefices in the hands of the King that, notwithstanding the higher qualifications also now imposed, the University theologians became too dependent on the minister, to whom they looked for * The " Journal " pp. 425, 460, 461. Sismondi, Vol. XVI, p. 439. Martin, Histoire de France (1878), Vol. VIII, pp. 157, 158. Bayle, Dictionary His- torical etc: 2nd Edition, Englisli (1737), article "Prat (Antony du)" and footnote. Biographic Universelle, Paris (1855), article " Duprat." f Compare Michelet, Vol. VIII, pp. 67, 68 ; also ".Journal d'un Bourgeois d: P:" pp. 58, 122 to 127 ; and Hismondi, Vol. XVI, pp. 136, 137, 138. 22 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. preferment. Useful servants or the nominees of women were among the recipients. The natural odium however, in which a theological College like the Sorbonne held the reformers, needed no stimulus. Indeed the University partizans received some check from Francis in their rancorous but at tirst un- successful persecution of Lefevre.* Furthermore the interest of many nobles told for the clerical party. Laymen claimed lucrative rights within the Church and, entertaining no disposition to forego them, would not wish her to be over- reformed. The populace itself which could, like the King, tolerate or even enjoy amusing disparagement of living monks and priests, might yet be counted on to frantically resent attacks on images or contempt of the Mass. The timid were also disturbed by perpetual wars, the incursion of soi-disants Lutheran Germans into Lorraine, (condemned by Luther,) and lawless visits from numerous bodies of Italian and French soldiers and vagabonds. The social condition of that time in France, and the world, favoured a general feeling of unrest and su.spicion. We must bear in mind that nervous but strong preservative instinct which, though it often saves a nation, yet sometimes roused into a frenzy promotes mis- fortune. f The varying treatment of the French reformers depended then on the divers combinations of these several elements, on the ever-changing posture of external politics, on the activity of the reformers themselves, and on the complexion which all those circumstances wore in the view of Francis, the Queen Mother, and their advisers. This thirty years' reign may be divided into three nearly equal parts. During the first, 1515 to 1525, little or no severity was used by the government. The second was marked by some executions, but the legal machine seems to have been not then in full working order. The third began with the terrible year of the placards (1534-5), saw the gradual arrangement of procedure, and concluded with the massacre of the Vaudois, the execution of the Fourteen of Meaux, and others. * Compare Crowe's History of France (1860), Vol. II, pp. 574, 578, etc. Michelet, Vol. VIII, pp. 215, 216. Baird, Rise of the Huguenots, Vol. I, pp. 71, 72. Toussaints du Plessis, Vol. II, p. 282. Compare also Note 18, hereafter. tSee Haag: preface. Sismondi, Vol. XVI, pp. 197, 235, 236, 345, 359, 425. The "Journal," pp. 176 etc., 201, 2.32, 244, 245, 249, 280. Alichelet, Vol. VIII, p. 26 'j. Compare also Note 24 hereafter. INTRODUCTION. 23 During the first of these tliree periods, the French Court seems not to have apprehended any great danger to the Church. No doubt the King himself was a great promoter of the Renaissance in France, and favoured that heterogeneous party of mental illumination which, opposing fanatical ignorance as such, promised then to shed a glittering lustre on the reign. So little anxiety did he feel for the Church's position, that in 1524 he even allowed in his presence the acting of some mystery play, wherein the Pope and monks were treated with derision. However, the disastrous battle of Pavia, the King's short captivity, and troubles in Suabia and Lorraine, put the country in panic. Louise, now Regent, consulted with the Sorbonne, the Parlement and the Pope. This spirited woman sought to divide the enemies of France, obtaining in 1525 a defensive alliance with England. But she saw also in a papal alliance a chance of deliverance for her son and support for France. The Church at that time, though no absolute arbiter of Europe's fate, could powerfully assist either Francis I or his great rival the Emperor Charles. The odium theologicum was let loose, not to be easily chained again. Thus began the second period of the reign. The Parlement, sensitive as to its own authority, agreed to the appointment of a special mixed commission against heretics ; and Louise ordered the publica- tion of Clement VII's bull in that business, wdiich Michelet condemns as not less cruel than the Roman Inquisition. Another historian ejaculates: — " Triste emulation entre Rome et le gallicanisme." Francis I was himself indeed no certain ally for the Pope ; but later on in this second period the outward submission of a proud nation to the Roman See was exemplified at the Marseilles conference. For in 1533 King Francis, his sons and his nobles, there greeted Pope Clement VII with a pompous servility that would surprise or amuse the most exacting of barbarous tyrants.* In such a state of things there suddenly appeared the placards of 1534. This event acted like a brusque declaration of war in the religious world of France. The document, printed at Neufchatel and distributed about the streets and cross- roads of Paris, plainly attacks the priesthood with the Mass as idolatrous and vicious, and expounds a distinct doctrine of the Lord's Supper. Whereas Bri9onnet had directed men's eyes to certain ancient authorities, the present propagandist * Cf : generally, Note 17, hereafter ; also Haag, preface, and pieces justi- ficatives ; Michelet, Vol. VIII, p. 371 ; Martin, Histoirf de France, (1878), Vol. VIII, pp. 151, 152 ; Sisniondi, Vol. XVI, pp. 230 etc., 404, 4C5. 24 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. ventures some striking conclusions therefrom. One copy is said to have been affixed to the King's own door. Indignant and no doubt startled, he at once reverted to or reindorsed the policy for some time active, and but lately moderated within his kingdom. The pomp at Marseilles was now followed in 1535 by a more gloomy state procession in Paris. King Francis set an example of devotion to the sacrament of the altar by attending the Host, head bare and torch in hand, on a day when six heretics suffered death. Sismondi's assertion that the king witnessed their actual execution is doubted by Michelet.* That point is of less historical importance than the extravagant injunctions to inform and to destroy, which he delivered after dinner. Henceforward a suc- cession of edicts deal severely with the heretics, though with divers degrees of leniency and oppression. The accom- plished DuBellay, the mystical Marguerite and the German protestant princes no doubt from time to time inclined the King to mercy ; while the increasingly powerful Spanish party, grouped around Montmorency and the Dauphin, were on the side of an inflamed clergy little restrained by a now corrupted Parlement. The Parlenient did however refuse to register an extraordinary edict of the King, (after the Placards), in suppression of printing, for which the Sorbonne had even before petitioned. To allay distrust of the Church, or to attain the success of a punitive policy, it was needful to enlist the full co-operation of the French Courts of Justice. Eventually in 1540 the noted edict of Fontainebleau, contain- ing a formal recital that the king wishes to satisfy his duty and title of " tres chrestien," established a course of procedure for the Roj^al courts in set terms. Unwilling officials were exhorted to prosecute zealously, and were threatened with penalties. Heresy was declared to contain within itself High Treason " divine et humaine," and sedition. Thus a grotesque ecclesiastical discipline was regularly enforced on laymen by the French courts of law. Yet it is something to the credit of the invalid King that, notwithstanding all the tragedies of his reign, his death in 1547 is said to have caused five thousand persons to seek safety at Geneva. The celebrated chamber known as the " Gkambre Ardente " does not seem to have been organized till 1547-8.-|- * Sismondi, XVI, 424-426 ; Michelet, VIII, 411-413 ; The "Journal" pp. 442- 444. f Compare Weiss, La Chambre Ardente, (1889,) LXXIl, footnote. See also note 105 a. hereafter. INTRODUCTION. 25 But what was the course of events at Meaux in particular which in 1546 brought that congregation under the harsh dis- cipline of torture and death ? It seems that, whether Bri(;onnet would approve it or not, a school of thought had eai'ly arisen at Meaux, of which, about twelve years after his death, this church was the result. Even in Bri^onnet's and Lefevre's time there were held colloquies of wool-carders and other supposed ignorant people in the very cathedral itself after Roussel's discourses or readings there. We can hardly think that such an assembly survived the proceedings of 1525, at any rate in that building. Indeed the " Histoire ecclesiastiqiie des Eglises reformiees" dates the early dissipa,tion of that body at 1523. But the effect of the preachings of Roussel and others at Meaux was that very shortly, according to Haag, " elles " convertirent la -plv/part des owvriers des nombreasesfabriques " de Meaux." One cannot lay down for certain the exact form of doctrine to which these were converted. Some gfuide is found in the general religious movement then overspreading Europe, which took so special and distinct a form at Geneva and Strasburg. With this latter place at least Meaux was in some correspondence, and a letter of 1525, written by Roussel at Strasburg to Le Sueur at Meaux, gives an important indication of the sacramental opinions then probably engaging both communities. We have also the contemporary case of the young scholar Pa vanes, who suffered death for some specific doctrine of the Lord's Supper, probably the same. The cases of Denis de Rieux and of Jean LeClerc give further indications. Again, the " Bourgeois de Partis," while speaking of the year 1526, comments on the great spread of Lutheran heresy at Meaux and gives some slight detail. He mentions also a native of Meaux who died for repudiating the worship of the Virgin in 1528. Upon a review of the evidence we find that about this time there were persons at Meaux who accepted, at least, views so characteristic of the Protestant or Evangelical movement as : — one Divine Sacrifice, repudiation of the mass and of transubstantiation, as well as of purgatory, indulgences, prayers for the departed or to the Virgin Mary, images, holy water, and the Pope's authority.* History says that, later on, congregations of reformers were in existence at different places. The Meaux Gospellers had apparently a sort of preeminent fame ; and the so-called " lutheriens de Meaux " might soon become not onlj'' proverb- ial as such in France, but possibly known to the world as * " Jourual'" pp. 277, 375. See also Notes 21, 29, hereafter. 26 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. organizers of a metropolitan church. The aspirations noticed by Crespin in his account of the Meaux reformers imply that that town was looked on as the centre from whence a light should spread over all France. These Gospellers, who came occasionally upon the stage of history as sufferers for protesting against Mass or Pope, whose own various meetings were held here and there, but in secret or by the favour of some rich or great man,* these Gospellers were I suppose without any real organization, and, while condemning the decay and abuse of the church's ministry, had as yet no set scheme of discipline among themselves. Can we not easily picture the state of things at Meaux itself, among men whose ideas were, with all their enthusiasm, still perhaps unsettled in some points of doctrine, who also, when met together for worship, would choose on each occasion for their minister him who seemed to know most scripture ? A congregation so incoherent and irregular was, unless composed of very sober minds, obviously open to all the risks of anarchy, disintegration and ruin. We know not at what time Jiltienne Mangin the Lorrainer went to Meaux. Lorraine was an early field of religious persecution, Meaux an early centre of religious activity. Mangin was probably related to a former cure at Meaux of that name, one of Bri(j'onnet's readers, and to Faron Mangin of Meaux whom Crespin praises for his work at Orleans. He is described by Toussaints du Plessis as " Cardeur de laine"; and, since the family history attributes to him property at Meaux, and is corroborated by the fact now very well ascertained that he had a house at the Grand Mdrche, with a long garden abutting on the ramparts, we must suppose that he was either retired from business, or else a master employing some of that heretical trade of wool-carders. He may well have been a type of those well instructed men of business, who, combining an ardent energy with tirm opinions and practical sense, have at different periods of history moulded its course. It is clear that in a large upper room at his house was in 154(j collected a congregation from town and country, freshly organized on the model of the Strasburg Refugee Church, to attend the ministrations of Pierre LeClerc. This Pierre, brother of Jean LeClerc, was well-read in French books of theology, and was, after fasting and prayer, solemnly appointed to the permanent superintend- ence of this little Church's worship. The discipline necessary ■" Compare the recitals to the Edict of Fontainebleau, 1540, Haag, La France protestante, (pieces justificatives). INTRODUCTION. 27 to any successful association for a common purpose was thus introduced among the Meaux Gospellers by these two men, who were doubtless fully acquainted witli the wretched details of many executions for heresy, and with the horrors of the Vaudois massacre of 1545. There can be little doubt that the definite organization of a " Reformed " Church at JMeaux was approved at Strasburg, and was part of that general forward movement after 1541 in the protestant system of the South, noticed by Maimbourg, who attributes it to Calvin. It would be highly interesting to find out what were, if any, the rela- tions between Calvin and the Meldensian leaders ; and whether LeClerc was by him in any sense either nominated for the sufirages of the congregation or else confirmed in his office. The genius of these particular churches appears however to have been rather representative than dynastic. The organ- ization was itself presbyterian. To compare the early work of Bri9onnet at Meaux with that of the later Mangin and LeClerc is both interesting and touching. Each attributed a high importance to the study of the gospels, but they reached or accepted difierent doctrines. Each introduced or restored discipline ; and each, though very difiei-ently, suffered for doing so. When the sixty are apprehended in 1546 at Mangin's house, so soon after this perilous venture of a " Reformed Church " within France, do we find any signs of rebellion, sedition, iconoclasm ? On the contrary, there is no sign of any offence, apart from religious dissent, either visible in their own demeanour, or reflected in the very judgment of the court that dealt with them. Even if they or their friends sang with enthusiasm on the way to prison a psalm, wherein they figuratively condemned this violence and claimed to be sufferers in the cause of God ; even if Pierre LeClerc, when pestered later with hostile injunctions, indignantly quoted some words recorded of a more ancient encounter, surely it would need a pedantic martinet of silence to attach any blame whatever there.* Of the death of the Fourteen the reader will find in Crespin's and Rochard's accounts sufficient details. Could Mangin now speak to us, perhaps he would rejoice more in the quiet behaviour of the congregation and the self-possessed constancy of his fellow sufferers than in any other feature of the story. The willing devotion of these reformers themselves need not however prevent us from * See the translations heieafter, and notes. 28 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. deploring the savage view of life and religion which inflicted such punishments upon them ; which indeed so darkened those pages of history with blood, that the important tragedy of the Fourteen of Meaux is hardly conspicuous among many martyrdoms and wholesale massacres. What were the various degrees of conviction, of constancy, or of supposed guilt, among the sixty prisoners, we do not know. The judgment, outspoken and even opprobrious in its general condemnation of their " Lutheran " doctrines, is yet far more detailed as to punishment than it is as to crime.* Fourteen of them were evidently regarded as chief offenders. After enduring those inquisitorial tortures called the Question extraordinaire, and firmly refusing to name their brethren in religion, the Fourteen were burnt. Seven or eight of these, including Mangin and LeClerc, first suffered the mutilation of their tongues. The others may have either promised not to address the crowd, or, at last overpowered by bodily and mental exhaustion, conceded some point of doctrine.f This is certainly not the place to discuss the ground and sanction of those tenets for which the Fourteen died. The tenets themselves may be gathered from the old Geneva and Strasburg liturgy, edited and re-printed in 1867 by Baum and Cunitz among Calvin's works. The presbyterian organ- ization and discipline at Strasburg, and (by necessary inference) at Meaux, will be found in Valerandus Folia's interesting pamphlet of 1551.^ We must doubtless allow for the neces- sai-y modifications at Meaux, where as yet no other sister churches existed. Such chief points in theii- teaching or actions as were odious to the current opinion of that time may, I think, be gathered from the various authorities, and set down broadly as follows. Most of them appear more or less clearly in the narrative of Crespin. (i). They relied on the scriptures as an exposition of religion, (ii). They rejected transubstantiation, the adoration of the elements, the sacrificial use of the Mass, the worship of the Virgin Mary, confession to Roman priests, supremacy of the Pope. * See the translation and note 49 hereafter, t Compare Crespin and Rochard hereafter, and note 66. See also a postscript or rider to the judgment. X Particularly referred to in one of the notes hereafter. INTRODUCTION. 29 (iii). They held that the gospel religion was more spiritual than that taught by the priests. (iv). It must be inferred that these Meaux reformers held the usual protestant views of justification, use of only two sacraments, and so on. (v). Rejecting the Mass as corrupt, they believed in the spiritual benefit of the Lord's Supper, and accounted this, as celebrated then at Geneva and Strasburg, a restoration of the ancient Christian ordinance. (vi). They thought it valuable or dutiful to hold assemblies for reading and expounding the gospels, for prayer to God, and for use of the Lord's Supper. And, whereas the toleration of their views seemed at last hopeless under the Roman system, they regarded it as right or dutiful, under these circum- stances, to solemnly and independently appoint a pastor for their edification, and for administering the Lord's Supper *; and also to adopt a presby terian organization for the permanent control of their congregation. (vii). They believed that theirs was the true cause of God, and had His support. Also that their pastor, LeClerc, had some gift from Him.j- The above sketch merely represents the salient points of difference. An elaborate scheme of the theology of the Meaux Gospellers or reformers, though it might be hazardously con- jectured from the various influences of Briyonnet, Lefevre, * The reader, though he may dislike the words, will certainly accept the intimation of Crespin, that this particular boldness mightily inflamed the clergy. These, whatever their own character, conduct, and attainments might be, would by a claim of apostolical succession profess a mysterious and exclusive power, and seek to support an exclusive right, to discharge all such offices both instructional and ministerial. That claim, in connection with the dogma of "Transubstantiation," and their supjjosed power over the lienefits of religion, and salvation, was the final secret of the great awe in which they were held in the middleages. The views of Augustine, an orthodox opponent of heretics in the Fifth Century, and perhaps the declarations of Paul in the First, were now being restored to comfort the afflicted with some doctrine of (Tod's supremacy. For Calvin, more than a thousand years after the controversy between Augustine and Pelagius, preached, again. Divine predestination to salvation. We may wonder whether Augustine, had he seen the Middle Ages, wouhl have applauded the solemn establishment of this eccleslola, or condemned it as schismatic. In the present case the Judgment contains indications that the independent action of the defendants in 1546 was considered one of their most serious offences. [See Crespin, Toussaints du Plessis, the Judgment, and Notes hereafter.] t See at least a phrase of Crespin's hereafter. 30 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. Calvin, and tlie Strasburg churches, or indeed from other sources also, cannot be exhaustively laid down liere, nor ever perhaps in complete detail. So far indeed as it was then elaborated, it probably differed little from that of Calvin and the French Refugee Church at Strasburg.* However the reader may be inclined to view the tenets and discipline, we are obliged to conclude that the enterprising and firm conduct of these men encouraged the timid, and eventually helped towards the establishment in France of a strong party for independent opinion. That party soon became numerous indeed at Meaux and in France, receiving the support of noble and simple adherents. Churches soon sprang up in many places and the first Synod of the " Reformed " Churches in France was held in 1559. A deplorable though perhaps inevitable civil war however broke out. The French protestants were eventually almost exterminated by the desperate massacre of S. Bartholomew's day 1572. But their resolute devotion was part of a profoundly remarkable, less troubled, and more rapidly successful movement in Europe at large. It should be perhaps noted that the leaders at Meaux in 1546 were, through Strasburg and Calvin, connected with the reformers of Geneva, who, during severe civil and religious struggles, to some extent borrowed and used in their turn the policy of compulsion or punishment, under which the French protestants were themselves so bitterly suffering. There is no sign that their co-religionists of the Meaux congregation under Mangin and LeClerc desired any such weapon, justified or excused as it might then appear to be by very formidable precedents. France along with the rest of Europe truly furnished types of fortitude, enterprise and moderation, worthy to pioneer and to die for that intellectual liberty at least, whose principles were for a time ignorantly thwarted by those in power, and were according to Guizotf not then properly understood by the reformers themselves. Seeing the many desperate expedients to which ignorance, selfishness and fear have perpetually led mankind, we ought to observe great moderation when we apply even obvious * The most specific feature of their liturgy, the substitution of the Lord's Supper for the Mass, is dealt with in one of the notes appended to the translations. t"Histoire de la civilisation en Europe" Paris, Edition 1856, Douzi^me Le^on, pp. 345, 346. Compare with this Michelet's empliatic estimate of the service rendered to intellect by that "Contraction supreme de la Reforme sur le i-oc de Geneve ". Histoire de France, Vol. VIII, p. 15, INTRODUCTION. 31 principles to the criticism of past times. But no apologist for mediaeval opinions and manners will convince thoughtful persons that adherence to the religious views of the day ought to be a condition for peaceable life and protection. Boisterous offences against various forms of religion, and insults to doctrine established and not established, may indeed be moderately punished as dangerous to peace and hurtful to good conduct or social discipline ; while every really healthy state may and ought to protect itself against the undue power of spiritual leaders. For they are not always spiritually minded, devout and wise ; not always examples of patriotism and behaviour ; nor always content with even that ghostly influence to which mankind so readily bows. But to punish with torture and death either the leaders or the followers of a religious cause that does not imply any wrongdoing, cannot be excused even plausibly except by a superhuman allowance of wisdom and virtue, or indeed by an abject lack of them. No doubt these propositions seem to-day to be platitudes too mild and commonplace to insist on. They were far from being so considered in Eui'ope considerably after the dawn of the modern era. But their acceptance now will probably lead people of any persuasion to regard with admiration the conduct, and with compassion the cruel sufferings, of these Meaux Gospellers, whose actions and professions seem to modern minds quite free from punishable offence. Those who talk lightly of the suffering reformer:; should bear in mind that it was not to them a qu3stion of mere speculation or of casual interest. There was, in very acute form, an extreme and inhuman discipline arrayed against their doc- trines. It was plainly a question not only of torture and capital punishment, but of judicial reproach, and also of probable ruin to their families. This grave fact entii'ely removes their enterprise from all comparison with the licensed freedom of our modern quill, or with our sleek and indifferent indulgence of any devout or even fantastic idea. We need not and will not discuss how far Mangin, LeClerc, and the other twelve, had attained exact theological or metaphysical truth : the grand ambition of innumerable and opposed philo.sophers and theologians throughout time. We need not discuss the claims of these (or any martyrs in the universe) to the title " Martyr " in its absolute or transcendental sense. Its strict and its careless use seem often to depend more on the opinions of those who lightly read, than of those who have painfully made history. The thoughtful reader however 32 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. will certainly deem the Fourteen well worthy of such poor crown as man can award to his devoted brother. And the friends of the Fourteen themselves, who sought not worldly happiness, but truth, and the glory of Another, must be content if we rank with them many also whose thoughts were not as theirs. The Strasburg and Geneva liturgy of that time, (whereof complete monuments remain, which also Meaux almost certainly used), was simple, elevated, severe, and agreeable to good conduct. We need not laboriously ascertain how far these thinkers were accomplished in primitive, orthodox according to mediasval, or prophetic of modern theology ; whether they reasoned correctly as to Substance and Appearance; Spiritual Presence; Free Will, Predestina- tion, or Causation ; Justification, Faith, Grace, Works, and Sacrifice; the episcopal Laying on of hands; or as to the critical problems of Revelation, Tradition, Inspiration, and Writing. Their aim we must perceive to have been, in most black times, a moral and a spiritual aim ; their worship aspiring and reflective ; their conduct blameless and heroic. The firm constancy to their faith and friends, fitting sequel to the cour-age they showed in organizing this church, must be commended by any one that reads their story. These last are some of the prime virtues, then illustrated at the rack and stake in many countries, and, though not of course approved in every period of history, yet generally admired by humane persons. There is some danger of that brave conduct being minimized and disparaged by our own ungrateful age, which, so fully benefiting by it, has itself had no pressing need to practise it. We meanly regard even devoted men of action with an eye askance, pretend to analyse their aims, and almost demand that a hero of the past should be also a philosopher of to-day. Let it be that the long-silent " Fourteen " died for religious faith. We have to seek about in their strong hearts for a sentiment easy of comprehension to the uncontrolled minds of the nineteenth century. As, then, the intent fixing of the eyes on some spot in the heavens seems to bring an unseen and lesser star into the edge of our view, so those men of Meaux, in the strenuous pursuit of their convictions, may have dimly perceived that pale illumination, wherein we wantonly exult to-day, as if we had ourselves discovered, not inherited, intellectual and religious liberty. To you, for whom the following accounts have been collated, the fate of fitienne Mangin nmst be particularly touching. INTRODUCTION. 33 He was cut off in the pursuit of that " Reformed Religion " for which he is said to have gone to Meaux. Of its definite establishment there he was a regulator or moderator, exhibit- ing, if we may judge from consequences, such discretion only as would agree with firm principles and with courage. We will hope that his and his companions' conduct, doubtless honoured by generous opponents and by any that learn this history, may far in the future be remembered, as an example of lofty fortitude, by the posterity of your own little fitienne. I am greatly obliged to you for having pointed out a short passage in an old book, which has opened to me a view of so much interest ; and reniain, Your sincere friend, Herbert M. Bower. Elmcrofts, Ripon, 1894. 34 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. ^ran^lati0tT!^. Translation of a Chapter from Jean Crespin's (^) Actiones et Monimenta Martyrum (mdlx) (Folio 117, verso, etc.) THE PERSECUTION OF THE MELDENSES. The remarkable confession of Gospel doctrine, and persecution of the faithful among the Meldenses, of whom fourteen suffered the extreme punish- ment of burning. Meaux illu- Among the many cities of the kingdom of France, which minated by were by the word of God made sharers and partakers in the Gospel, j^^avenly grace, the town of Meaux {^) should be given the first place.(^) It is situated in Brie on the river Marne at a distance of ten leagues from Paris. Very few communities will be found in which, though under the unholy tyranny of Antichrist, so great faith was shown in proclaiming the truth of God's word ; such zeal and fervour in its acceptance ; such vigour in its growth ; and where, after a very rapid expansion, it was established and defended with so much firmness. Now the mode by which the Lord enlightened this city, whither hardly any other (■*) kind of men resort save artisans and mechanics, was of this nature. Guillaume Bri9onnet (^) was Brigonnet, Bishop there, a man of the highest literary training. At that Meaux °^ ^i™^ ^® '^^^ ^^^^ indeed with a praiseworthy zeal both for learning the truth and for imparting it to others. When he was first made Bishop he duly visited the churches of his diocese and discharged the duties of inspection as a true pastor should.(^) He thus found that the people were quite without the knowledge of God,(^) for their teaching by the Franciscans and other mendicant friars consisted solely of matters pertinent to their cloister and to the filling of the TRANSLATIONS. 35 belly.(*') On discovering the impostures and tricks of these, The Fran- the Bishop's heart was deeply moved with a holy zeal. He ^kkien to°'' withdrew from them the right to preach anywhere in his preach, diocese, (^) and replaced them by calling in other men, whose probity of life was as thoroughly established as their learning and understanding in holy things. Among these were : Jaques Lefevre of Etaples,(^") Michel d'Arande, (^i) Martial, (i-) and Gerard Roussel.(^^) The faith and diligence of these men assisted the extraordinary zeal and fervour of the Bishop, who was himself at that time actively spreading the truth of God, and indeed spared no expense in the preparation of books that might be conducive to this end.(^'*) The knowledge of the Gospel was thus propagated far and wide. The brilliant fame of this great and comfortable work of God sounded through all France.(^^) To some it came as the sweet breath of life, while others found it instead a stumbling block and ofFence.(^'') However, in this church the seed sown began to flourish daily more and more. It yielded the richest fruit to the consolation and well-being of the elect. But at last Satan, prince of darkness, and the greatest foe to this wholesome light, perceiving that the ruin of his kingdom was imminent, called to action his familiar slaves. These were certainly the Franciscans. They summoned Bishop Bri^onnet to judgment before the supreme Court (^") on a charge of he)-esy.(^*^) The doctors of the Sorbonne and other enemies of the truth readily joined their party. With such instruments to his hand Satan quickly conquered the Bri§onnet's faith of the Bishop ; and, after attaining his defection, defection attacked the rest with all the more power. These however Qos^^ww) he found more firm and constant in the faith. Some of them were burnt, and among their number that man of whom we treated at the end of the first book. This Jaques Pavanes (-") ^ began to teach the truth with such fervency of soul that he pavanes. was the first to suffer death by fire in Paris. The chief ground for this punishment was his advocacy of that doctrine concerning the Supper which but few then recognized. Others were scourged, exposed with ifijnominy in a public place, „ or sent into exile, and cast out of the kingdom itself. ("^) In a of thepeople word the enemies of the Gospel would never cease their work till of Meaux. all liberty to preach the truth should be taken away, till that wholesome understanding should be crushed, that lately risen light extinguished. Indeed no sooner had the Francis- cans succeeded by persistent effort and bold scheming in the re-establishment of their accustomed assemblies, than they 36 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. Secret assemblies of the faith ful. began over again to thrust on the people their familiar false- hoods. Nevertheless, thorough and complete as were their attempts, they did not so far succeed as to eradicate the truth from those many hearts wherein its knowledge was fixed and imprinted ; they could not wipe it out. Pious men in whose souls the fear of God along with that knowledge had found a home, saw clearly enough that the truth was banished from public places, as well as liberty to worship God in a sitaple wor- ship.(^"^) They therefore began to hold among themselves secret assemblies, following the example of the prophets under Ahab's rule, and of those Christians who in the infant days of the church were forced by horrible persecutions to seek out hidden places of worship. So these men acting in the fear of God would meet together, sometimes at a house, again in some retired valley or cave, or indeed in the very thickets and forests, as the means and opportunity offered. At any such meeting or assemblage, that one among them who, they thought, had most knowledge and training in the holy Scripture, would comfort the others, giving them in- struction and exhortation from the Divine word. When this office was performed they would then all join in cordial and fervent prayer to God. And there was continually nourished and fostered among them the hope that all France (^^) would soon receive the Gospel and throw off" the impious and wicked tyranny of Anti-christ. However, after long waiting, they came to see that the time was still far distant ('^^) when religion should be again cleansed of her impurities, and that on the other hand the foul superstitions and abominations introduced by the Pope daily grew and were more confirmed in the Church. Therefore very many of the more fervent in spirit, who, from their first reception of the doctrine, had kept themselves quite pure and undefiled from all idolatry of Masses, resolved in the year 1546 to establish among themselves a small and dutiful church on a certain model. They were impelled to this course mainly by the example of a French church which had been excellently established at Strasburg,(2^) and was at that time famous far and wide for its religion. Some of them therefore visited this church, and carefully enquired into it. (^^^) The chief authors and regulators of this Mangin and Undertaking were : Estienne Mangin, (^6) a very good man Le Clerc. of advanced years ; and Pierre LeClerc, (^'^) by skill and profession a carder, but exceedingly well versed in sacred literature, at least so far as it was treated in the French lan- guage. These men with some forty or fifty others took A small church founded at Meaux. TRANSLATIONS. S7 counsel together as to electing a minister from among them, who should preach to them the word of God and administer the sacraments. They did this in no spirit of rashness or levity ; for they all with one consent first devoted several days to fasting and prayer ; after which they proceeded to elect their minister, and Pierre LeClerc was chosen by their unanimous voice. (^''=^) This man showed the greatest diligence in supporting the office so undertaken. He collected the people together to the house of Mangin ('^) on the Lord's days and festivals. In such assemblies he would expound to them the scripture as God had imparted to him grace and power. At these meetings they united in prayer and supplication to God, and sang psalms and spiritual songs. They testified there that they never would give adherence to Papistical idolatries, after which they celebrated once or twice "^^^ ^.™® the holy Supper C''^) as it had been established by Christ the ^jjg supper. Lord. So in a short time this small church increased to such degree that three hundred or four hundred of both sexes and of all ages were found flocking to it ; and that not from the city only, but also from country districts to a circuit of five or six leagues.(^'^) This caused them to be forthwith discovered and watched by some mischievous persons They were indeed warned by certain friends and kind people to be on their guard against the crafty devices in preparation for them. Their reply was, that even the hairs of their head were numbered and that would occur which to God might seem fit.(^^) In the year 1546 then (^^) on the eighth of September, a day consecrated by the Papists for celebrating the nativity of the virgin Mary, there came to the magistrate at the seventh hour of the morning an informer, who declared that the con- gregation had already begun to collect. On receiving this information the magistrate (^^) of the city came to the house of Mangin aforesaid. The Provost (^^) also came with his escort and officials, as well as that officer whose duty is to super- intend the apprehension and punishment of robbers throughout that district.('^^) He also was encompassed by a strong band of attendants.(^*^) At this moment ('^^) Pierre LeClerc was in the midst of the congregation expounding a certain passage of Paul's first epistle to the Corinthians. The whole were gathered together in an upper room. The officers' attendants, who entered here, stood for some time in a silent group as if thunderstruck. At length the Examiner (^*) put the question, what brought so many persons there and kept them from attending their own parishes. Merely that which thou seest, 88 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. The iiidc pendent A sight to , move the wonder wonder of angels and men. said LeClerc ; But wait with patience until we bring these duties to a close. Then said the other officers of the Magistracy: Nay, but you must go to prison. Let us go, said he, if God has thought fit. At the same moment he suffered himself to be bound and tied. His gentleness was imitated bj'' all the rest, both men and women, sixty two (*-^) in number. Among these was a girl, as yet too young to understand the degree of animosity and oppression with which the truth of God's word was met. When she perceived that she was led away in bonds for being found at a meeting so good and holy, she said to the magistrate: If you had seized me in a disorderly speech of a j^Q^^ge or in some shameful place, you would never have cared ^^^ ' to constrain me with these bonds. The magistrate used his authority to silence her, and ordered the whole multitude to be brought into the city jail.(*°) This was indeed a sight to at, when so many persons of each sex were led away by so few, and shewed therein so much docility and willingness. For had they shown any will to resist, they could easily have been freed by their kinsfolk and neighbours who were in that city. So far were these, however, from meditating any violence or rebellion, that on the other hand their progress through the streets was blithe and cheerful. They sang psalms, and especially with uplifted voices the 79th : O God, the heathen are come. (^^) As soon as they were shut up in the prison an en(|uiry was instituted into their impious meetings (^^) and conventicles, for, by such invidious and slanderous names, was designated their most sacred assemblage. Among other accusations this was brought as the gravest charge against them : that they had ventured to perform the Supper of the Lord. (*^) And as to this matter it would be vain indeed to ask what offence and exasperation C^*) the mere phrase would have aroused in the whole order of monks and priests. They saw here that their estimation was being destroyed ; and further that their authority, hitherto inviolate and long guarded with such anxious care, was now slipping away into the hands of the unskilled. They saw also that the rich sacrifice, which among themselves was less a celebration of the memory of Christ than a careful preparation for the satisfaction of mere appetite, C*^) was already vanishing away in smoke. As soon as they had carefully enquired into every circum- People of stance tending to overwhelm their defence, ('**^) they placed Meaux them bound on carriages without so much as straw litter to Paris!*'''^^ to give them a chance of repose ; and brought them with TRANSLATIONS. 89 every care for speedy journey to Paris, no interruption or relaxation thereof being permitted. Notwithstanding that very many of them were already worn out by age and toil, as well as weakened by the exertion of the journey and motion of the vehicles, yet they ceased not to exhort and encourage each other by the way. On entering the city of Paris they still sang psalms on their way to the prison of the Palace, ('*^) where they were received only to be further harassed by piteous torments. These inflictions were indeed heavy and unremitted ; nay, they were most carefully selected for their severity, especially in the case of fourteen defendants who were condemned to death by the supreme court in Paris. (^*^) This is amply established from the decision of the judges, which was then published in Paris to perpetuate "^fVl^^p"*! the memory of the afFair.('*''') Indeed that sentence compre- ment de hends the greatest judicial severity, especially against the Paris. fourteen men, who, being the most steadfast of all in the con- fession of their faith and of their holy doctrine, were there- fore subject to the gi-avest accusations. These were {^'^) Pierre Namesofthe LeClerc, Estienne Mangin, Jaques Bouchebec, Jean Brissebarre, fourteen Henry Hutinot, Thomas Honnore, Jean Baudouin, Jean Flesche, burnt. Jean Piquery, Pierre Piquery, Jean Matheflon, Philippe Petit, Michel Caillon, and Francois LeClerc, who were all condemned to be first drawn on a hurdle to the place of execution (^^) and then burnt alive in the great market place at Meaux close to the house of Mangin. Punishments of less severity, but still various in degree, were ordained for the rest, who were less conspicuous for their firmness and constancy in the pious doctrine they had adopted. These cases included both sexes. Some were beaten with rods and sent into exile ; and it was ordained that others should be spectators of the bitter punish- ment suffered by those fourteen we have named, being themselves stationed in the greatest ignominy. One among them was ordered to be hung up by the armpits, his neck in a noose, and in that posture made a spectator of their extreme punishment. (^^) Indeed some women were con- demned to look on in disgrace while the execution of the men was carried out. (^^) Finally it was decreed and ordained by the same court that the house of the aforesaid Mangin, which it was said had been used for their meetings, should be en- Barbarous tirely razed to the ground, for a perpetual mark of their bu^^diu'^s"^* impiety, as it was pronounced to be. On that spot a chapel ° ' was to be reared, wherein the Mass should be celebrated on each Thursday, (^*) a service instituted for the adoration of 40 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. that chief god of the Papists which they falsely pretend is in the sacrament. Tlie necessary supplies for this were to he furnished (^^) from the property and fortunes of those men whom they would cruelly spoil of everything, even life itself. Such are the glorious monuments of a Parisian Areopagitic Council, the injustice of which will be easily estimated by any one that has tolerably sound judgment. But let us see what was the subsequent management of the business after this decree was made. The counsellors of that chamber then having pronounced the sentence, Satan was not content with The witnes- ^^^® blood of the innocent. He perceived that in fact nothing ses of Christ had been done of real benefit to his kingdom, nay, that he was are in their vanquished and confounded should these remain steady in bora over^^^' ^^^^ir confession of the truth they had adopted. He therefore satan, tried by every argument to lead them away from their deter- mined opinion, seeking to pervert their constancy which force could not break. At that time the Premier President of the Court was Pierre Liset, originator and contriver of all ill. (^'') He strove to persuade the rest of the senatorial judges that the fourteen who were condennied to death should be separated from one another and distributed among the monasteries, and that so the faith and constancy of each might be examined apart from the others. At last, having tried" them by all methods and found their attempts powerless to weaken their resolution, and that it was impossible by any means to lead them from the opinions they had adopted, they handed them overtoGilles Bertelot,(^'') who at that time was Provost Marshal, to be brought back to Meaux for punishment. The fourteen aforesaid were placed in a vehicle by themselves ; and, by way of molesting them in every way, and depriving them of all solace, two of the Sorbonne doctors(^*^), Maillard and Picard(^''^), Maillard mounted on mules, rode close to their carriages, and ceased not and Picard to bellow into their deafened ears such hateful words as might ofUie*3riest- ■'^s'^^^ce them from the truth. This went so far that Pierre Le hood. Clerc was moved with indignation, and said to Picard : Get thee from us Satan, and hinder us not from remembering and pondering on the benefits our God has given us. In the course of this journey, full as it was of all annoyance, an event by God's providence occurred which is assuredly memorable. It cheered and confirmed these unfortunate people, so wearied with every hardship both in soul and body, and their strength nearly worn out. As they passed through the forest of Livry, which is three leagues from Paris, a comfort. certain man, a master weaver, came out from the neighbouring TRANSLATIONS. 41 village of Couberon to meet them. (®^^) He followed their carriages and began exhorting them to hold fast the con- Christian fession of the truth, saying : Be strong and of good courage, encourage- brethren and friends, and be not weary in that faithful ^^JJ^Jy*^^^^ testimony you owe to the Gospel. However, the carriages were moving forward at such a high speed that he conld not be easily heard by those who were in front. So, raising his hand to heaven, he cried out : Brethren, remember him that is in heaven above. Then the escort and other attendants in the train of the Provost Marshal, deeming the man a Lutheran, (^^) bound him fast, without any enquiry, and so cast him into the carriage where the fourteen were already in bonds. Such are God's won- the wonderful ways of the Lord, understood by none but ^^''^"^ P^'°^i' those who make trial of his good will and providence. He*^*^"^^" ever relieves them in their infirmities and in their saddest tribulation. This man, who so ajDpeared by God's goodness to them on their road, not only renewed their strength with his vigorous and zealous ardour, but also restored confirmed and refreshed their hearts by this latest proclamation of God's promises. Some of them avowed that new strength came to God knows them by the unlooked for meeting with this man as if he had l^'o^^ *n des Brigonets." Bretonneau, Paris, 1621, p. 139]. He was indeed in 1516 appointed Bishop of Meaux, and again accredited to Home as Ambassador of Kino- Francis I. Crespin's account evidently commences with NOTES. 67 Bri(;'onnet's return to Meaiix in 1518, when he at once took up. the duties of his diocese. The Bishop's famous correspondence with Marguerite, sister to the king, though clothed with a mystical, or at least meta- phorical, mannerism, is thought to show a mind or heart of high aspiration. Bretonneau's " Histoire genealogigtie," above cited, has a title page illustrated with portraits. That of Guillaume Bri^onnet, bishop of Meaux, is striking. The face is well proportioned, distinct, and distinguished. The nose is aquiline ; the mouth well formed and expressive ; the eyes large ; forehead not remarkably high ; the eyebrows high and firm ; cheek bones rather pronounced ; chin firm but delicate. There is great distance from eye to ear. The expression is anxious and careworn. Note 6. Bri^onnet, upon his return from Rome in 1518, immediately took measures to restore the ancient discipline of the church. See "Histoire genealogique de la Maison des Bricohets." (Bretonneau, above cited, pp. 132, etc.), and "Histoire de r£glise de Meaux " (Dom Toussaints du Plessis, 1731, Tome I, pp. 326 etc.). He found that his parochial clergy were generally absent, and indeed that barely fourteen in the whole diocese were capable of duly teaching the people and administering the sacraments. From note XLV in Toussaints Du Plessis' first volume, we gather that the diocese included about two hundred parishes. The Bishop's first determination, accord- ingly, was to enjoin on his cures the duty of residence ; which he did, with and without penalties attached, at several Synods held : on 13th October, 1518, 7th January and 27th October, 1520, and again in 1526. Toussaints du Plessis, usually so careful in detail, is not quite distinct as to the actual extent of the Visitations also held by the Bishop. A passage on pages 328, 329, of Tome 1, seems to refer to two Visitations, namely in 1518 and 1524. More detail still will be found in Breton- neau's history above mentioned. He specially alludes, at p. 164, etc., to Visitations of 1518, 1519, 1520, 1524 ; and to Synods of 1523, and 1526. Note 7 :— Bri^onnet in the interest of good conduct, prohibited in 1520 certain public dances, cu.stomary on Sundays and Feasts of the Virgin : a prohibition supported by Royal letters patent 68 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. published at Meaux in 1521. (Compare Brotonnean p. 191 ; and Toussaints du Plessis. Tome I. 327.) Again, finding that the Mystery Plays had lost any quality they formerly possessed of edification, and now exhibited a multitude of gross and unworthy ideas, he forbade in 1527 that any should be given except with the approval of himself or his Grand Vicars. Carro makes some curious remarks on the later career of certain actors in those plays. [Hist. r/. Meaux, p. 212, 213.] Note 8 : — The Cordeliers or Franciscans had a monastery close to the town wall. Their church alone remains, as S. Nicolas. Their representation, whether there or elsewhere, of St. Francis with the Stigmata, was forbidden by Bishop Bri(,'onnet, and by the Parlenient, in 1521. The Benedictine Dom Toussaints Du Plessis says that they used to preach wherever they pleased, as much for a living as to save souls, and that with or without the license of the Bishop. Though they had no cure of souls, they did not scruple to administer Confession and Easter Communion. The same historian gives in his "pieces justijicatives" a very quaint example of controversy. The Franciscans of Meaux exhibited, in the later litigation, a series of articles which they imputed to their foe Martial Mazurier. These articles condemn the saying Mass for money ; state that taking five farthings {six hlancs) for a Mass was a sale of God, and therefore greater Simony than merely selling such a thing as a Canonry or office of the Church ; that it would be better to give away five farthings for God's sake than to hand them over to the priest ; that money was better thrown into the river than given at certain Church collections ; that obits were inventions of the devil, and their foundation the ruin of souls; that simple folk might collect together on Feast days, and at other times, to discuss the Bible and the Catholic Faith. That it was laudable and useful that the .simple should have the Psalter in the tongue understood by them ; and several other propositions. It is equally inter- esting to read, that Mazurier denied having advanced any such views, and then authorized the Superior of the Cordeliers to preach the exact contrary in his name in the Church of St. Martin. [Toussaints du Plessis Tome II. 278 : Tome I. 331, 332. See also hereafter, Notes 12, and 18.] NOTES. 69 Note 9 :— According to Toussaints du Plessis, Bri(;onnet had not actually stopped the preaching of the Franciscans before the eventful year 1525. In that year, however, we find them appealing to the Parleiiient de Paris against some prohibitory order, which the Bishop had obtained from the Civil Judges. The Farlement compromised the question, by ordering that the Franciscans should not preach in the town of Meaux on any morning, or any afternoon, when the Bishop either preached himself or heard a sermon. A breach of this qualifiec' order being presently charged against them, they entered as pleas : — Want of notice ; that the Bishop vexatiously mounted the pulpit ; and that their Superior did stop the conventual preacher as soon as he was notified. In August the Bishop appeared before the Parlenieat to seek judgment in this matter. However in October the Franciscans obtained a more serious order in the case of several persons and the Bishop. (8ee Text, and Note 18.) Note 10 :— Jacobus Faber Stafulensis : — Jacques Lefevre ; or Fabri ; of Etaples in Picardy, has been accounted the father of the Reformation in France, if not even the herald of Luther. He was a teacher in the University of Paris, and famous for his learning. Among his most important performances were the publication in 1512 of a commentary on St. Paul's Epistles, in 1523 a commentary on the Four Evangelists, and in 1522 or 1523 a translation, in parts, of the New Testament into French. He published in 1530 a translation of the whole Bible. He took refuge at Meaux, about 1521, from the perse- cutions of Beda and the Sorbonne. Faber had a con.siderable influence over Bri(;onnet ; also over Farel, the fierj^ propao-an- dist at Meaux, and founder of the Swiss school of theology. Parts, at least, of the Bible, (doubtless in his translations,) were read by artizans, and. were for a time fashionable at Court. His Commentary on the Gospels* is said to have been seized ; and the Parlenient to have ordered, in 1525, the sup- pression of his publication of the fifty-two epistles and gospels for the year for use at Meaux, Bishop Bri(^onnet made Lefevre his Grand Vicaire in 1523, but the episcopal protection did not entirely avail him. He * A copy of his Commentary is in Ripon IMiaster Library. Probably many were abroad before tlie seizure. See, coucerning these publications, "La France Prottstuiitt." 70 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. was included in the important prosecutions at Meaux in 1525, and retired thence to Strasburg, but was recalled first to Blois and afterward to Nerac ; where, sheltered by Marguerite, the King's sister and Queen of Navarre, he spent his last years; dying almost a centenarian, in 1536 or 1537. He never quitted the established Church. There is a touching story that this aged scholar, shortly before his death, burst into tears at the Queen's table, for grief that, having taught persons who had sealed their faith with their blood, he had himself used a place of refuge. (Cf. Biographical Dictionary, London, 1784 ; " Faber [Jacobus.]") This incident, long held in doubt, has latterly been supported by further research. (Cf. Baird, Vol. I, pp. 95, 96, and note.) Note 11 : — Michael Arandensis : — Michel d'Arande ; was a pupil of Lefevre. Like Briyonnet, he inclined to a sort of mystic- ism. He had formerly been a hermit, and at one time gave Scripture readings to the Queen Mother. He subsequently preached at Alenron and Bourges. Marguerite of Navarre took him into her service as Aumonier. Note 12 : — Martialis : — Martial Mazurier ; a famous preacher, and principal of the College of St. Michael at Paris ; was appointed cure of S. Martin at the Grand Marche of Meaux apparently about 1523. In this or the following year, the Bishop, after revoking the powers of certain of his own preachei's, who he thought went too far, seems to have repudiated Luther's doc- trine, and insisted on certain principles of the Catholic Church. [See Toussaints du Plessis, Tome I, 328; also Bretonneau: p. 198; and, differing as to date and circumstance, Baird's Rise of the Huguenots : Vol. I. 81.] Martial ventured to throw down the image of St. Francis outside the Convent Gate, and was im- prisoned at Paris on suspicion of heresy, but cleared himself. His argument with the dejected Pavannes indicates that the orator entertained a somewhat mystical attitude of mind, (see note 20.) He was included in the heresy-prosecutions by the Franciscans in 1525. [See notes 8 and 18.] Note 13 : — Gerardus Rufus : — Girard Rufii ; Gerard Roussel ; and the Bishop's Readers: — Gerard Roussel, a Doctor in Theology, one of Bri9onnet's first party of preachers, was appointed, by the NOTES. 71 Bishop, to S. Saintin ; and afterwards to be Canon and Treasurer of the Cathedral. He is counted b}^ Doni Toussaints du Plessis, along with Guillaume Farel, Jaques Lefevre, and Franyois Vatable, as among that body of very accomplished Greek and Hebrew Scholars, whom the Bishop, in accordance with the desire of the King to favour learning, attracted to his diocese. The Benedictine historian, while rejoicing that all of these four, except Farel, held to the Catholic religion, and while indicating that heresy had also some further source, yet observes that the Bishop was the innocent cause of opinions growing up in his diocese which he afterwards combated with all his might. As a matter of fact Gerard Roussel was in 1524, under the Bishop's authority, giving frequent ex- positions, rather than orations, from the epistles of St. Paul, in the vulgar tongue, as we learn by a famous letter from Lefevre to Farel, published in Herminjard's " Corresj^ondance des Reformateurs." The subject of Brigonnet's missioners and readers cannot be left here. The same letter adds that the Bishop had also ordered the other principal places in his diocese to be furnished with "purer readers." Lefevre mentions by name Jean Gadon, Nicolas Mangin (whom we tind Cure de Saint Saintin in the proceedings of 1525, who is said also by Herminjard to have been related to the Mangins of 1546), Nicolas de Neufchasteau, and Jean Mesnil. Toussaints du Plessis includes in the Bishop's second series of preachers in 1523, Michel Roussel, Arnaud Roussel, and Pierre Caroli ; who, according to him, seemed, together with Martial Mazurier and many others, at first to combat the evil of the new opinions, but several of whom, including Caroli, fell themselves under suspicion. The same historian tells us that Bri^'onnet early divided his diocese into thirty-two preaching stations, which he specifies in a note. Gerard Roussel was comprehended in the legal proceedings of 1525, joined Lefevre in his retreat from Meaux, and was afterwards appointed by the Queen of Navarre to the Bishopric of Oleron. There is a remarkable passage in Maimboui'g's " Hlstoire da Calviiiisme," [Paris, 1682, pp. 19, 20.] ; where Roussel's doctrines, especially of the sacrament, as preached at Beam, are noticed. He died in 1549. (See also notes 18 and 29). Note 14 : — BRigoNNET's DISTRIBUTION OF THE GosPELS: — We may easily agree with Herminjard that the King himself probably 72 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. protected, at least till 1524, the free preaching of the gospels, from the intolerance of the Sorbonne, and the jurisdiction of the Parlement. Even in 1525 while the King was in captivity, we find a letter in the nature of a prohibition, or arrest of proceedings, addressed by him from Madrid to the Parlement on behalf of Lefevre, dated 12th November. (See note 18). Whether or not the Bishop, counting on this support, went at first further than he would without it, at an}' rate he intro- duced into the diocese of Meaux public readings of the Gospels in the vulgar tongue, enjoining the vicars themselves, in the absence of the preachers, to read to their parishioners the Epistle and Gospel of the day. Lefevre, in his letter to Farel of 1524 above mentioned [Cf : Note 13, above,] states that this reading was being done in that year. Besides this the Bishop is said by Herminjard to have distributed gratis among the poorer people Lefevre's translation of the Gospels ; and indeed a main charge preferred by the Cordeliers against the Bishop was, according to Toussaints du Plessis, that he had distributed to the poor many copies of the New Testament and of the Psalms of David translated into the vulgar tongue by the King's order. [Cf : Herminjard, Oorresp. rf : Ref: text and notes. Also Toussaints d. PI. Tome I, p. 331.] Note 15 : — The spread of this teaching through France: — Herminjard says that so soon as 1524, Grenoble, Lyons, Alen(j'on, Bourges, Paris, and Meaux had already heard the Gospel preached. He also prints a letter (Farel to Schefi'er, 2 April, 1524) wherein the writer places Meaux first in his list of French towns concerned in the gospel movement. D'Aubigne furnishes from some old records at Landouzy-la- ville, in the department of Aisne, a picturesque account of the labourers from Thierache visiting the harvests at Meaux, conversing with the inhabitants, and then returning home with ideas which led to the foundation of one of the oldest evangelical churches in the kingdom. [See History of the Reformation, White's translation, Vol. Ill, 379 and footnotes. Compare also above. Note 3.] Note 16 : — " alijs verb contra in offensionem " : — Perhaps the most firm and powerful opposition offered was that of the Sorbonne, a Theological College in Paris : a Society of such authority iu the Clerical world, that its opinion in hard matters of NOTES. 73 Divinity had weight beyond the frontiers of France ; nay, the Roman Garia itself consulted the Sorbonne, giving it the title of "■■ Concilium in Gallia stohsisteud." Though properly a Society of theological scholars and pupils, it followed the crude example set by man}" priesthoods, and invaded the reoion of politics. The Sorbonne in the sixteenth century seriously imperilled its credit as a learned body, by the active part which it took in the persecutions of the unorthodox. Though it inclined to suppress the art of printing in J 538, we must not however forget that it had materially assisted the introduction of that art into France in 1469. [Compare also Introduction above.] Note 17 :— " ad summam Curia " :— That is, the Court of Faiieiuent : an ancient Sovereign Court composed of clerical as well as lay judges. It had a great tradition of ecclesiastical, baronial, and knightly membership, which seems to have been extended to inferior ranks not much before 1484. The Parleiiient, hitherto somewhat jealous of independent Episcopal process, agreed in 1525 to the appointment of a mixed counnission, consisting of two of their own members to act with two doctors of the Sorbonne in heresy cases. Very full powers were conferred, including secret inquiry against Lutherans, bodily arrest, seizure of goods, and other matters. Pope Clement VII, in May 1525, issued a bull, and addressed a brief to the Farleinent, approving this measure, instilling fresh zeal, and adding full powers even against Archbishops, as well as permission to occupy lands, castles, etc. The Queen Reo-ent, by letters patent ordered the execution of this bull. [Cf. notes 24, 105a, and the Introduction above.] Note 18 : — Proceedings against Brivonnet: — The extended litigation between Briyonnet and the Franciscans came to a climax on the 3rd of October, 1525, almost exactly twenty-one years before the death of the Fourteen of Meaux. The Bishop was, on the information of the Franciscan Society, and of the King's Attorney, included in a decree of the Court of Parlement ; which ordered, by name, the Apprehension of seven or eight inhabitants of the town; Summons to Nicole Dupre an advocate ; Transfer of certain prisoners charged with heresy, from the Bishop's prison to the Conciergerie at Paris ; Summons to the Bishop to attend "74 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. for examination, by two Counsellors of the King, concerning the contents of the informations laid before the Court ; Sub- mission of these informations to the Judges delegate of the Holy Apostolic See on the matter of heresies for the determina- tion of the proceedings in the cases of Pierre Caroli, Martial Mazurier, doctors in theology, Gerard, treasurer of Meaux Cathedral, Nicole Mangin, Cure of St. Saintin, Brother Jean Prevost, a Cordelier, and Jaques Fabri also named in those informations ; Power to the aforesaid Judges delegate to apprehend Caroli, Gerard, and Prevost, and to summon Fabri and Mangin ; and Re([uest to the Queen Regent to be pleased to send a certain Michel before the Judges delegate, since his evidence was alleged to be material. (Compare notes 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, also Toussaints du Plessis, Tome II, pp. 280, 281.) By way of appeal against this order, the Bishop of Meaux in person petitioned the Court on Oct. 20th, so far as his case was concerned, to hear it in open court and not by commission. This was refused, and his interrogation by Jacques Menager and Andre Verjus, Counsellors of thai court, ordered. [An interesting, and perhaps signiticant, incident is related by Bretonneau ; who says at p. 198 that the Bishop condemned the doctrines of Luther in 1524, at his visitation. Amonf Briqonnet's hearers at the church of S. Christophe in the town, April 1, were the Premier President of the Parlement de Paris, and Andre Veruist, Counsellor of that Court.] On 12th November, 1525, there was despatched to the "Parlement de Paris" a letter from the King at Madrid in favour of Fabri, Caroli, and Gerard ; reciting that he understood that among the theologians of the University there was considerable malevolence especially against Fabri; and enjoining the Court to suspend these proceedings till the King's return. (See notes 10 and 14) On the last day of November 1525, the Parlement, after recitino- that they had received the report on heresies from the Judo-es delegate of the Pope, and from the commissioners of the Court appointed to interrogate those suspected of Lutheran heresy, orders payment by the Bishop of two hundred livres, costs in these proceedings ; which sum was paid by the Bishop on the 4th of December. On the 15th of December the Parlement records its receipt of letters from the King and from the Queen Regent, in arrest of proceedings against the three above named defendants ; but nevertheless allows the Judges delegate and the Commissioners to proceed in the case of these and other suspects. NOTES. 75 On the lOtli of December the PaHemeid orders the Bishop to be examined by Verjus and Menager on a certain book, " Contenant les Evangiles en frangois, et s'il a fait faire les exhortations et annotations apposees an dit livre." On the 29th December the Court of Parlement issues a kind of Mandamus to certain officials to proceed with diligence in certain cases, and especially to seek discovery of the authorship of certain songs, and to the Bishop to assist them in this last duty. (See T. du Plessis, Tome II, 280 to 284, for these proceedings.) Note 19 : — (Marginal) " Bri9onetus ab Euangelio deficit ": — These notes are not intended for the discussion of theological doctrine ; but it is necessary here to remark that the Bishop's private opinions have been severally claimed by historians of opposite parties, on behalf of their own different ways of thinking. A fair explanation of his action seems to be, that the Bishop was all along most keenly alive to the Church's impaired discipline ; and, observing some decay of old doctrine, hoped a great rejuvenescence from those ancient wells called the Gospels ; and that he at first hardly appreciated the various doctrinal effects of such study, while devoting himself both to the instruction of the people from these important books, and to disciplinary reform. Perhaps the firmness of his resolution, or of his views, did not equal the fervour of his zeal. Certain quotations, used by Baird to show inconsistency in the Bishop's expressions concerning the clergy, will hardly support that charge. His consistent policy at Meaux was to instil into the negligent parish priests his own view of their high instructional responsibility. He himself, a distinguished ecclesiastic, doubtless felt a keen esprit de corps, and heartily condemned its general degradation by the clergy, [Cf : however, Baird, Vol I, 80, 81]. He was, in tins respect, singularly like the English Dean Colet. Toussaints du Plessis, who insists on the Catholicity of the Bishop's views, notes his Synod of 1523, when the Bishop expressed himself strongly against the opinions of Luther, and supported the doctrine of Purgatory, and the invocation of saints, [Compare note 12]. Similar views were vigorously repeated by him in several pulpits, at his visitation in 1524. (T. d. PL, Tome I, 328, 329 ; Cf: also Bretonneau p. 198). If the careful Benedictine be here correct, then the inclination of Baird to assign a later date for Bri9onnet's " pusillanimous 76 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. defection " can hardly succeed. (Cf: Rise of the Huguenots, lcS80, Vol. I, p. 81). I do not know what was the heresy of the "notorious" shoemaker, excommunicated by Bri(;onnet in 1525. [Cf: Note 21, hereafter.] The boldness, or desperation, of the dissidents at Meaux, who about this time tore down the Pope's bull of indulgence (ordering a fast and participation in the Sacrament) from the Cathedral door, and replaced it by a proclamation that the Pope was Antichrist, very probably caused the Bishop equal distress and indignation. His public censure of this act was slighted by a fresh offence. This time were destroyed, with some sliarp instrument, certain forms of prayei- attached to the Cathedral walls, or to small wooden tablets, for the use of worshippers. Toussaints du Plessis professes to see here a presage of the later religious war, and charges the perpetra- tors with meditating some carnage of the Catholics. He gives, however, not the slightest further evidence in support of this theory : which his great assiduity in matters of fact and of detail, together with his fidelity, would certainly have placed on record, had there been any. Perhaps he bases his surmise on the fact, that the Pope's Bull, above named, was to obtain, from God, Peace among Christian Princes. But the event itself must have been bitterly painful to a pastor like Bri(;onnet. [Compare also the Introduction above.] We ought not surely to hold the Bishop personal!}^ responsible for the punishments of flogging, branding, and banishment, inflicted by the Farleinent in the case of the proclamation against the Pope ; nor for the ultimate result of the process against a certain Pauvant for heresy, wherein Brieonnet had (March 1525) appointed by order of the Farleinent, two theological Commissioners. (See notes 20, 21.) But, painful as were some proceedings with which even he may have been officially connected, we must, in the light of all these events, and with the deepest regard for Crespin's important and practically contemporaneous opinion, yet hesitate to endorse the bald charge of " defection." The Protestant historian, D'Aubigne, though he attributes to Briyonnet a mystic quietism, seems in another place to claim for Protestantism that Bishop's doctrinal convictions ; and even deplores that he did not die in the contest. [Compare D'Aub. Hist. Reformation. Translation, Vol. Ill, pp. 372, 459.] But cannot we rejoice, rather, that this active Bishop, so zealous a reformer of manners and of discipline, did not perish in the intestine wars of dogma ? D'Aubigne suggests further NOTES. 77 (Vol. Ill of Translation, p. 454) that both Bri(;onnet and Le Fevre were themselves official iconoclasts, though he is constrained to somewhat discount in a footnote the value of the authority he uses. Here is the translation of a .short passage from Carro's judicious " Histoire de Meaux," where he says in reference to Brir-onnet and other persons affected by the famous legal proceedings which marked the end of the year 1525 : — " However he was successful or fortunate in sustaining the " test of examination. Nor does it appear that any very " disastrous consequences to the prisoners resulted from the " proceedings, which had connected their case with his. The " King, and indeed the Queen Regent, had intervened in " favour of Fabri, Caroli, and Gerard : but the majority of the " defendants left the diocese ; and Mazurier, among others, " after being admitted into the diocese of Paris, distinguished " himself in the sef[uel by preaching violently against the " Lutherans." (Carro. Hist. d. Meaux, p. 195). Note 20 :— lacobus Pauaneus : — Jaques Pa vanes, or Pavannes ; Jacques Pauvant. The passage referred to relates that Jaques Pavanes of the Boulogne district on the English Channel, was one of the pious and learned men encouraged by Bishop Bri^onnet of Meaux, and was imprisoned in 1524. (Compare Note 19). Baird indicates among the declared opinions of Pauvant : the denial of purgatory, the assertion that God had no vicar, repudiation of excessive reliance on doctors of the Church, rejection of the customary salutation " Hail Queen, Mother of Mercy !". He is said to have denied the propriety of offering candles to the saints, and to have maintained that baptism was only a sign, holy water nothing, papal bulls and indulgences an imposture of the devil, the Mass of no avail for remission of sins but unprofitable to the hearer, and that the Word of God was all sufficient. [Baird, Vol. I, pp. 89, 90.] In prison he was visited by various disputants. Among others, D^ictor Martial en- deavoured to change his views (Cf. Note 12), and said '■■ Thou art wrong, Jacques, in thinking only of the waves on " the surface of the sea, while ufiglecting its depths." And it is related that this phrase, " Thou art wrong, Jacques ", {" erras Jacohe'') became proverbial in Meaux. [Cf : Actiones et Monimenfa Marfyruin, (1560), leaf 52, verso.] Pavanes was persuaded to adopt the amrnde honorable {emend at ionem honorariam) ; but the memory of that conces- 78 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. sion causehop had claimed jurisdiction. His fate is uncertain, but he did not return to Meaux. The bishop appointed two counsellors of the Parlement his vicars in this case. [Carro 197 ; Toussaints du Plessis Tome L 338 ; II. 284] In 1535, a year especially marked by cruel bloodshed in several countries, a man of the Meaux district, named Antoine Poille, suffered at Paris. [H'M. Eccl. d. Egl. Ref., Edn. 1883, Vol. 1. pp. 34, 35.] The death of Pierre Bonpain, of Meaux, which seems in some text of the " Hlstoire EccleKiastique" to have been assigned to the year 1544, most probably took place after the dispersal of the Meaux assembly in 1546. [See Crespin, translation p. 43. above ; and Flist. Eccles. d. Egl. Ref., Edn. 1883, Tome I, p. 51, footnote ; also Note 85 hereafter.] NOTES. 81 Sismondi mentions two Meldensian sufferers in some con- nection with the early movement at Meaux. (Hi.^K des Fr. XVI, 114.) Apparently he alludes to Jean LeClerc and Jacques Pavanes. These cases are immediately followed in the Histoire Eccl. des ^glises Reforrtiees by that of the Hermit of Livry on the Paris-Meaux road. (Edn. 1883, Vol. I, pp. 14, 15.) Beyond the several cases above enumerated I am not acquainted with the detail of any religious prosecutions, at Meaux or upon Meldenses, in the period of twenty-two years from 1523 to 1545. It appears from Toussaints du Plessis (Tome 1, p. 338) that Bishop Bri9onnet shortly after the Ecclesiastical case of Papillon, that is about 1529 or 1530, made over to Martin Kuze, a councillor of the Court, and " Grand Chantre," or Precentor, at Paris, certain wide powers. These comprised episcopal jurisdiction against heretics in town, suburb, and Marche. Here the reader will bear in mind that the episcopal jurisdiction was at that time in France somewhat limited ; and, had been with papal encourage- ment commuted, at least in part, for the enormous powers which the Parlement transferred, or allotted, to special joint commissioners lay and clerical. I do not know how long those powers were exercised. [Compare notes 17, lOoa.] Though Toussaints du Plessis (Tome I, p. 330) credits the Bishop with zealous prosecution of Sectaries in 1525, we may perhaps entertain the hope that he used, up to his death in 1534, some influence to modify that sanguinary policy he could not arrest. However, there were other sufferers in France, and the style of punishment mentioned in the text is quite agree- able to the penalties of those days. It is worth while to remind the reader, that the sentence of exile said to have been passed on some, could claim sympathetic mention from Jean Crespin himself, who was banished from Artois in 1545. [Hist. d. Mart Toulouse Edition, p. IX.] Note 22 : — The Doctrinal Movement checked at Meaux : — The Franciscans had doubtless obtained in 1525 a tactical success. The best known of the readers and preachers left Meaux. (See Notes, 13, 18, and 19). The Bishop however, remaining, showed his continued zeal for reform and instruction. At his Synod of 1526, the Cures were again urged by him to reside. In reply they pressed upon him the need for preachers, and the shortcomings and avarice of the Franciscans. Bri^onnet did F 82 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. consent to a compromise whereby the latter should fill certain pulpits in the diocese, while the Bishop assisted the other pi-eaching stations out of his own pocket. But at the same time he vigorously admonished the Cures to regard preaching as an essential part of their own duties, reiterated the injunctions of his former Synods, and ordered them to appoint vicars in case of necessary absence. He applied himself diligently to reforming the manners of the people, showing full regard also for authorised ceremonial, and insisting on the parochial organization for Confession and Easter Communion. (See also Notes, 6, 7, and 8. Histoire Eccles: des J^glises Reforniees, Edition 1883, Vol. I, p. 11, note. And Toussaints du Plessis, Histoire de U^glise de Meaux, Vol. I. p. 335, 336, 337 ; also Bretonneau, Hist : de la maison des Brigonets, pp: 164, 189, 197, etc:) The more bold, or more desperate, of the doctrinal reformers however betook themselves to an unhappy policy of turbulent lampoons. (Cf. Notes 19 and 21). No Bishop, mystic, false, or faithful, was likely to extremely favour a party whose prominent, though perhaps unauthorised, exponents insulted authority ; and Briqonnet's notions of episcopal duty would naturally bring him into some antagonism with these methods. Brigonnet died in January 1534, leaving a memory famous at Meaux, and at S. Germain des Prez, for his liberal benefac- tions ; and, while doubtful in the judgment of partisans, interesting at least to any one that considers that lowering and electric period of history. [Compare Toussaints du Plessis, Tome 1, p. 338 ; Hist. Bed. d. Eglise ref: Ed. 1883, Tome I, p. 11, and footnote.] Note 23 :— (See Notes 3 and 24). Note 24 : — Prospects for the Gospellers under Francis I of France : — There can be little doubt that Francis was willing at first to show a certain royal favour to the new learning : a disposition fostered by his sister Marguerite, and encouraged by such men as Bri^onnet and the brothers DuBellay. The fortunes of war threw the King for a time into a Spanish prison. An omen of his country's future appears in the circumstances of his liberation. In January, 1526, the King- had, to gain his liberty, concluded the discreditable treaty of NOTES. 83 Madrid, comprising the cession of much territory to the Emperor, Charles V, and the yielding of his two sons as hostages. However, the Notables in Council repudiated the cession of Burgundy ; and the King, refusing to return to his captivity, at once sought to strengthen himself by alliance with various powers, including the Pope. For this, no doubt, the Queen Mother had prepared the way already. Upon this followed the sack of Rome by an army of adventurers, supposed Imperial ; and eventually the peace of Cambrai, which released the King's sons from captivity in 1529. About this time, then, there were several causes inclining the King to quit his grand monarchic liberalism, for the party of repression. In that direction pointed his own alliance with the Pope, and the rivalry of the Emperor Charles. Again Francis needed money, and, on that account, an assembly of Notables in 1527 was able to extort from him an actual promise to extirpate heresy. [Compare also Notes 15 to 18, as well as the Introduction above.] In whatever degree the King's policy was affected by the personal influences of his mother Louise, and his gloomy son Henry, a certain force was the potent Chancellor Du Prat, who perceived a close connection between heresy and blas- phemy. For connecting their views with disorder some of the reformers unwisely afforded a handle; by songs perliaps then current at Meaux, which are said by Toussaints du Plessis to have insulted the Parlement ; by an irritating destruction, elsewhere, of images; and by that intrusive use of dogmatic pla- cards which became the occasion for the " bloody year " 1534-5. The '■' Bourgeois de Paris" records a great number of executions in that year ; and mentions a rumour (uncorroborated accord- ing to the editor of that book) that Pope Paul* addressed a remonstrance to Francis. [See that " Journal," pp. 458-9 and footnote, also preface, p. iv]. The historian of the French Reformed Churches specially names among those many victims one Antoine Poille, a poor mason of the Meaux district, who he says was worthy of the prize among martyrs for the cruelty of his sufferings. [Cf: Hist: Eccles: des ^gl: ref: — Edition 1883, Vol: I, pp. 34, 35]. (Cf. Note 21). Pope Clement VII is supposed to have gone so far in 1533 as to invite Francis I to combine with the Emperor and German Princes, in war against the followers of Luther and Zwingli. The King however refused to do so, desiring on the contrary for himself the friendship of the Elector of * Paul III became Pope in 1534. 84 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. Saxony and the Landgrave o£ Hesse. And it has been remarked that though Francis burned heretics in his own dominions, he supported the league of Schmalkald abroad; his protean policy, throughout, being unduly and irregularly swayed by personal jealousy, and hostility to the Emperor. From time to time he abated, or intermitted, the punishment of '• heretics," as his foreign policy seemed to require. In 1535 a so-called " edict of tolerance " was a partial concession to the indignant German protestants, and possibly to that rumoured remonstrance above mentioned. This paradoxical state of things becomes more interesting still if Ranke is correct in a conclusion drawn from his researches. That historian advances the opinion, that even Pope Clement himself knew of, if he did not actually approve the campaign, whereby the Landgrave of Hesse restored the Duke of Wirtemburg to his estates then held by Austria. This rapidly successful campaign is thought to have led, in the end, to the firm establishment of the Reformation in Germany, and was assisted by Francis, if not even countenanced by a political Pope. The King was, however, so offended by the " placards ", that in 1535 he sent an edict to the Parlement, forbidding the art of printing to be exercised. This the Parlement successfully refused to register, and it was soon suspended. In 1540 we see the King promulgating the Edict of Fontainebleau to formulate proceedings against heretics, and this was followed up by a Decree of the Parlement of 1st July, 1542, establishing the censorship of the Sorbonne over the printing of books. On the 21st of July, 1542, Pope Paul III issued his bull: establishing the Supreme Inquisition at Rome, clothed with enormous powers, animated by the austere CarafFa,and supported by the Founder of the Jesuits. Though this Papal Inquisition could not, perhaps, actually claim incorporation with the Law of France, yet in the next year a French Royal Ordinance distinctly declared that Heresy was to be punished as Sedition, and almost contemporaneously the twenty -five articles of faith, promulgated by the Sorbonne, were by letters patent given the force of law. In 1544 the wars of Charles V and Francis I came to an end at the Peace of Crespy. And in 1545, (may we hope without the actual personal concurrence of the invalid Francis?) an inhuman massacre of the Vaudois took place. As regards the special situation at Meaux we must note that Bri9onnet had tieen succeeded in 1534 by the Chancellor Du Prat. He was followed in 1 535 by Jean de Buz, whom Carro NOTES. 85 in his Histoire de Meaux condemns as " Prelat scandaleux," a term corroborated by the short account there given of him. Neither of these Bishops was likely to protect the Gospellers, even if he could. Therefore, when we are independently told that fitienne Mangin came from Lorraine to Meaux "pour einhrassfiv la religion ref or mee' (See note 26) , we surmise : — either that he had been attracted by Bri(;onnet's shelter, and by Nicole Mangin's official readership, before the proceedings of 1525 ; or else, perhaps, that those of advanced view had so fifi'own in numbers and strength at Meaux, that, though compelled to secrecy as mentioned in the text, they could yet otter some religious advantages to a Lorrainer, [Of. note 13.] Toussaints du Plessis in recording the dangerous progress made by " the heretics " at Meaux, prior to the affair of 1546, states that they held public assemblies for the exercise of their religion. This may generally refer either to earlier years; or to a fresh and iDolder policy, possibly Mangin's own; or, further, some of those meetings, supposed secret by Crespin, were perhaps known to the great party of the priesthood. Upon the whole, prospects were certainly dubious for the Gospellers of Meaux at this time ; and their anxiety, which we see through Crespin's medium, had a very solid found- ation in hard facts. [Compare Notes 105a, 113, also the Intro- duction above.] Note 25 :— Argentinse : at Strasburg. The Senate or Council of Strasburg had in 1538 opened a Church there for the benefit of French refugees. Jean Calvin held the post of preacher, and was succeeded by Pierre Brully. While at Strasburg Calvin wrote his tract on the Lord's Supper, which appeared in French in 1540. Note 25a :— Constitution and Discipline of the French Refugee Church at Strasburg: — A Latin pamphlet of 1551, entitled " Liturgia sacra sev Ritus minister ii in Ecclesla peregrinoruni " profugorum propter Eaangelium Ghristi Argentinw," by Valerandus PoUa, 12^*, preserved in the British Museum, gives some account of this. The work is specially interesting to Englishmen as it is dedicated to Edward VI of England ; and was probably written by that Poullain who superintended in that reign the Strangers' Reformed Church at Glastonbury. The qualification of the writer to describe the methods of the 86 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. Strasburg Church, so early as 1546 or before, may be con- cluded from a statement in the dedicatory preface, that he had, eight years before writing the pamphlet, gone to the Church at strasburg, and for some years ministered there as a Presbyter. He claims for this Church, that none are purer or come nearer to that of Apostolic times ; though he praises others, including that of Geneva, saying that this last was for many years presided over by Jean Calvin the original founder of the Refugee Church at Strasburg. [As to Poullain, compare Schickler, " Les Eglises du Refuge en Angleterre, (1892), Tome I, pp. 59-72]. The chapter of this pamphlet, headed " De ordinatione ministrorum, et eormn instil idione, ac de disciplina ecclesias- tica," opens with the statement : " Primitin ejpiscopus seu pastor totius ecclesiae sujf'ragiis des-ignatur." The writer then describes a method of official nomination, election, examination, approval, and imposition of hands. The elders of the church, together with the pastors of other churches of the city, act in some capacity of moderators to the popular choice ; and the election is safe-guarded by repetition and other precautions. Another section of the chapter speaks of the presbyters or elders, as joined with the pastor for consultation and church management. There are twelve of them if so many suitable can be found. A less elaborate system than that used in the case of the pastor (but with several safeguards) is adopted ; the object throughout being, evidentl}^ to obtain men suitable to the office and to their brethren, as well as approved by the people. The person finally chosen receives his office by laying on of hands from the pastor. The same chapter further on speaks of the deacons. There are four of them ; and their duty is to look after charities and the poor. This office is annual, though that of the presbyters is perpetual ; but the method of choice and con- firmation is the same. The pastor chooses a fifth deacon to help him in the sacraments ; and, seemingly, there is an official musician, for "Choraules etiam dPastore & Senioribusjubetur." Again, the elders choose two of their number to compose disputes ; which, if too difficult, come before the whole of the elders. Throughout, no one is allowed to give a vote who has not first professed the faith. There is a section of this chapter on discipline and excommunication. In the case of public or open offences, public repentance (poenitentia) is en- joined for the obstinate, who, if still persistent, are liable to NOTES. 87 excommunication. In private or hidden offences, private admonition is generally given in the council of the elders, and persistence would then be openly denounced by the pastor. If this fails, then, after several admonitions and due space of time, excommunication from the church services follows. The friends of the culprit are, however, still to admonish him to repent. If they are successful he may be formally re-ad- mitted to the services. Profession of the faith is necessary to membership of the church. The chapter closes with a prayer for God's blessing on the Senate of Strasburg for harbouring, and favouring, a Refugee Church tliere. The reader will doubtless imagine that some modifications in detail would be necessary in starting a fresh organization at Meaux, where, notwithstanding the vigour of the congregation from town and country, no '■ Reformed " churches as yet existed. It would be idle to speculate at length on the different offices or positions, held in the new organization at Meaux by each of the fourteeen who suffei'ed. LeClerc was seemingl}^ the " Pastor." Beyond that we cannot speak with any certainty. That the constituted officials, all or most of them, suffered, seems likely. [Cf. note 3.] Note 26 :— Stephanus Manginus: Estienne or fitienne Mangin, or Mengin : — A short account of him is given in an old French manuscript book of the Mangin family, now in the possession of Miss Mangin, of West Knoyle, near Bath. It is thei-e stated that Estienne Mangin originally came from S. Nicolas in Lorraine. He left that place to embrace the Reformed Religion, withdrawing to the town of Meaux en Brie, at ten leagues distance from Paris. He was well acquainted with Meaux, having houses and other property there. [It may be noted by the way, that his christian name was that of the titular Saint of the Meaux cathedral.] He took thither Marguerite his wife, of which marriage were born three children, namely : — Francois Mangin, born 1531, married Claudina Censier; Perette Mangin; and Marion Mangin. The said Estienne Manoin died at Meaux the 7th October, 1546, a martyr for the Reformed Religion. After putting him to the question ordinaire and extraordinaire, they cut out his tongue, and burned him alive with thirteen others at the Marcke of Meaux, in pursuance of the judgment of the Parle- 7)ient of Paris, for having caused to be preached in his house at Meaux the Word of God. Marguerite his wife was con- 88 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. demned to be present at the execution of the fourteen martyrs who were all burnt alive for having made profession of the Reformed Religion, and to make amende honorable barefoot and holding a lighted wax torch of two pounds weight, to be present at a general procession and ask pardon, etc. And the said Perette and Marion Mangin were ordered to be discharged from prison. The MS. adds that this appears from the history of the Martyrs written by Jean Crespin in the year 1570, dedicated to the faithful of Jesus Christ, book 3, page 162 ; and that Fran9ois Mangin was absent from Meaux, and with- drew to Metz. The memory of Estienne Mangin is preserved by his direct descendants, of that name, in England to-day. Appended is the genealogy of this family. It is furnished by Mr. E. A. Mangin, now living at Aldfield, near Ripon, Yorkshire. Haag's account of this family in " La France protestante " (Paris 1846, etc.,) under the article " Mangin" is tentative and incomplete ; while his reference to Mangin of Meaux, under the heading " Le Glerc," indicates a slip of the pen in the christian name. A modern, though undated, letter, in the possession of Mr. E. A. Mangin, gives some colour for the supposition that Estienne Mangin (or Mengin) of 1546 may have been descended from the ancient family of that name, represented by Henry de Mengin in 1180 one of the Barons de Mengin, of Menghen on the Sarre in Lorraine. I leave the suggestion for others to test or work out from the French genealogical authorities. There is said to be a village in Lorraine called Mangienne. Note 27 :— Petrus Clericus : Pieri-e LeClerc : — was the younger brother of Jean LeClerc, who was executed at Metz in 1524-5. Their mother seems to have been devoted to the Gospellers' tenets, but their father to the contrary view. (See Note 21 ; Crespin Actiones et M: Martyr iim, 46. ; also Hist, des Martyrs, Toulouse Ed : 1885, pp. 244, and 494, Note.) The Latin text uses a curious circumlocution to define the theologi- cal learning of Pierre LeClerc : — " eo quidem genere sernionis, qui Gallorum proprius est," (118, verso.) I know not whether this is intended to include the Proven9al or Waldensian literature. Note 28 .— Mangin's House : — This was at the Grand Marche, as we learn from the text. It was also near to the ramparts, accord- itlnngin pctigrrt. , , 16. IB3I : '''™T 111 janJB „,.M„,. «,...,.„ ..a "'• « n..,,.. ,1 ■=•'"' "•* M.L » "■■'■ •'-'■ -"•'• »•-'■ ;Sd~i.ci A,mA„ :yp ".'!? °'" -— " Anni. "Ih .«. SuL.. C^,Tc^um. D ^:l^si :i S15 ii'x ES 'vaiT „„ *„..w. NOTES. 89 ing to certain details given by Rochard. (See translation above, and Note 93 below). Note 29 :— Celebration of the Lord's Supper by the Gospellers, OR " Reformed " Church, at Meaux : — The reader will most likely tolerate the exclusion of doctrinal argument from these notes. But the posture of the Gospellers, as well as that of their opponents, had speedily become so instinct with doctrinal energy, and so closely associated with the several ways of observing this rite, that some enquiry into the new liturt»-y is almost indespensable. The action of the Gospellers in this matter was treated as a most grievous offence ; and, since the judgment condemns their liturgy without mercy, it will be just to ask what it was. In the chapter of Crespin here translated it is said that Jaques Pa vanes had been earlier burned at Paris " nomine •'' eius ijotissimum doctrintu quarii de Cmna pauci turn " cognoiierant." {^qq" A ctiones", 11^. Cf, Note 20). Doubt- less this was a doctrine opposed to the then accepted Transub- stantiation. This opposition comes out clearly in the case of the Fourteen, where Crespin alludes to the disputation with the Sorbonne doctors. Calvin's treatise on the Body arid Blood of Christ appeared in 1540. He was preachei" at Strasburg till about that date. And it was but five or six years after, that the deputation from Meaux souo-ht in the French Refugee Church at Strasburg a model for their own congregation. (See text : also Notes 8, 25). The intimate con- nection between Calvin, the Swiss Church, a Church at Stras- burg, and Farel who formerly preached at Meaux, is matter of history. Dom Toussaints du Plessis, when he refers to the next period (i.e. about 1550 to 1560), calls the heresy " Ccdvinisme." (T. du PI. Tome I, 350.) On the whole, there- fore, it may be taken as almost certain that the sacramental doctrine of the Meaux Gospellers in 1546 was akin to that of Calvin. It appears quite plain that their great tenacity in this contest of doctrine was far from being a merely negative attitude. They performed in their own way the actual cere- mony "once or twice" before they were apprehended. Many of those who assisted to found this church had lono- abjured the Mass, (see text), which no doubt increased their wish for what they considered a much purer and better authenticated form of spiritual comfort. The proper observance of this rite 90 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. is also mentioned in the text as one of the great objects to be attained by those solemn proceedings taken in constituting their minister. They therefore considered it a matter of high importance. There was a great deal of courage needed for such an undertaking as this. The bread, consecrated by a priest claiming apostolical succession, was to their neighbours an object of adoration; and heresy was held to be a capital offence. The Meaux reformers do not appear to have claimed that actual priestly succession, and, in the absence of such traditional authority, this congregation was open to sacerdotal attack. For the reformers, in celebrating the Supper, ran the serious risk not only of being supposed to profane some service they could not perform, but also of being held to account as holy elements that could not, by their minister, undergo Transub- stantiation. The entire stoiy, however, plainly contradicts any idea of, or wish for, actual worship of the elements. [See also Note 107c.] An interesting contribution, bearing on the history of the Meaux liturgy, is furnished in Herminjard's collection: "Corres- pondance des Reformateit'rs." The method of partaking in the Supper at a Church at Strasburg, so early as 1525, is detailed in a letter there printed. This letter has a special interest, as it was written by Gerard Roussel, at Strasburg, to Nicolas Le Sueur, in Meaux itself. (See Gorresp. d. Ref. I, 410.) The passage in question, which is in Latin, may be thus translated : — " There is a table standing forward in an open " part of the church, so as to bo visible to all ; they do not " call it an altar, since it is considered to be of that nature " by those only who have changed the Supper of Christ into a " sacrifice ; but it does not differ at all from what are commonly " known as altars. The minister draws near to this table, so, " however, that his face is turned towards the people, and not " his back ; which latter custom was hitherto observed by " those sacrificial priests, who, as if they bore before them " some species* of God, so esteemed this service, as to think " that tlieir backs, and not their faces, should be in view of " the people. Seated at the table,-|- with his face turned to " the people, so that all eyes may look towards him, he first " utters certain prayers drawn from scripture, and that in few "words; then they all sing some psalm, which done, and " some further prayers having been uttered by tiie minister " (2yer ministruDij, " he ascends the chair, and first reads in the * or "form " ; [Latin: speciem.] for "Stationing himself before [or "at"] the table" ; [Latin: Assidens meusa;.] NOTES. 91 " understanding of all, the scripture that he intends to expound. " He proceeds to expound it at some length, citing other " passages of scripture which bear on the matter, but so, " however, as to observe the proportion of faith,* and to " convey no idea that does not point to faith and its attendant " charity. When the discourse is finished he returns to the "table; the symbol " (symbolum, i.e. the Apostles' creed) "is "sung by all ; after which done, he explains to the community " the use for which Christ left to us the ordinance of His "supper" (in qnein iisum Christus siiam nobis reliquerit Coenam) ; " disclosing in a few words the benefit of Christ's " death and of his blood, which was shed on the cross ; then " he recounts the words of Christ, as they were written by " the evangelists or by Paul. Then, with those M^ho wish to "draw near (for no one is compelled though all are invited), " he shares the bread and the wine, true symbols of the body " and blood of Christ, left by him to his apostles for remem- " brance of his death. While the communion is performed " and each receives his portion of the supper, Kyrie Eleeson is "sung by all, and they seem thus to give thanks in a hymn " for the benefit received. The connnunion is performed in " such manner that the minister receives last, and indeed that " which remains over. When this is done each withdraws to " his own home, to return after luncheon " {a prandio) " to " the greater church, wherein about the twelfth hour a " discourse to the people is made by one of the ministers." Another authority, Rohrich, tells us in his " Geschichte der Reformation im Elsass," (Strasburg, 1830, Theil I, 202,) that the chief service, including apparently the Lord's Supper, took place each Sunday, at seven in summer, and eight in winter, and lasted about two hours. The same book mentions the form of words with which the bread was handed to the communi- cants : — " Gedenket, glcmbet, verkilndet dass Christus der Herr filr etich gestorben ist" : ("Remember, believe, proclaim that Christ the Lord died for you.") (Cf. Rohrich , ibid, p. 210.) It will be borne in mind that a French refugee Church at Strasburg was established in 1538. (See Note 25). And further evidence of very high value as to the nature of the Meaux celebration is furnished by the ancient Geneva and Strasburg Communion Service ; which itself would seem to have been an attempt to establish an authoritative use for the *This phrase was used to denote the proportion which tlie gospel doctrines have been hehl to bear to one another. Compare Romans XII, 6 ; and Hook's Church Dictionary, " Analogy of Faith." 92 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. French-speaking protestants. [The Paris Church of 1555 was also formed on the model of Strasburg, Cf : Note 3, above.] The Vlth Volume of Baum and Cunitz' " Joannis Calvini opera" (Brunswick, 1867) contains a reprint of "Za Forme cles " Prieres et chantz ecclesiastiqiies avec la m an iere tVadrnfiin- " istrer les Sacreinens etc,'' MDXLII. This ancient and extremely rare prayer-book, [which itself I have never seen,] was reprinted by the above-named editors, with an introduction, and references to further editions or books : viz., 1545 (Stras- burg), 1547, etc. At the grave risk of unduly swelling these notes, an abstract of that Communion Service ought I think to be given here. It is drawn from the above-named Brunswick publication. The order of sei'vice opens with directions as to notice on the previous Sunday, exclusion of children until taught and professed, instruction of ignorant strangers. On the day itself tlie minister must allude in his sermon to the signihcation and proper reception of this service. The 1545 edition contains a long exposition, enforcing the need of prayer, confession, and praise, and of deep reverence ; the con- venience of the vulgar tongue ; and the principal doctrine that the partakers should live in Christ, and Clirist in them. Then are to follow prayers, and the confession of faith, as a testimony that all will live and die in the doctrine and religion of Christianity : [perhaps the profession mentioned by Crespin, (see above, p 37.), unless that was more distinctly directed against the casuistry of the Nicodemites ; Cf : Hist: I III il fti! MM IIIL« III U s III III l III Ml « 1 1 cq ill a 01 II >l II lOv^- III III lOI lo: First verse of the seventy-ninth P?ahn. fSee Note 41, p. 90 above.] N. 1>. — The Hifitoire des Martyrs (ed. 1885) says, in a footnote, that the Psahn in Marot's verses was " Souvent chaiite paries hinjiienots." [I find there, how<-;ver, no assistance as to the tune.] NOTES. 99 paratnm." Referring perhaps to the sale of tlie Church's comforts by the begging friars, or others, to their own material gain. (Cf. Note 8 ; and also Toussaints du Plessis, Tome I, 331, 335, 336; and II, 278.) Perhaps, however, this is Crespin's comment on the sacrifice by priestly manducation, or consumption of the elements at Mass. Compare the bitter remarks in Hook's Church Dictionary (1852), pp: 400, 401. Note 46 : — " Postqua omnia, qufB ad causam innocetijxmque eorum premendam pertinebant, diligenter essent expiscati." The text of the " Histoire cles Martyrs," in the Toulouse edition of 1885 etc., says: — "Or, apres qw'on eut inalicieusement inuente contre eitx tout ce qui seruoit a les gener et charger, Us furent iiiienez " The examination, or even trial, of all the prisoners would probably be needed, before sending them for judgment to the " Parlenient de Paris." The pro- ceedings would, no doubt, in this striking case, be very full, and might comprise several alternative or cumulative charges. If quite fairly conducted, they would still seem long and vexatious. Ten years before, it had been thought necessary to reduce by law the great number of lawyers at Meaux. [Cf. Carro, p. 190.] (Compare Note 105a. Also Note 107c.) Note 47 : — " Ad Palatinum carcerem ": — Conciergerie [or Gonsiergerie] du Palais. (See the Judgment, translation, p. 51.) Note 48 : — " A Summa Curia Parisiensi." That is, the " Parlement de Paris," in this case acting by its Vacation representatives. The King annually issued his letters patent nominating a court for the autumn vacation. The oldest court of this nature in France was that of the "Chartihre des Vacations" of the " Parlement de Paris," which had a complete criminal jurisdiction. [See also Notes 105a, and 106.] Note 49 : — This judgment, or decree, the "Arret dc Meaux" is in the present volume translated at length, from the best authority ; see p. 50. [Compare also the slightly varyino- versions given in Histoire d. Martyrs, 1582; Toussaints du Plessis, Tome II, 292 ; Carro, p. 510, etc. ; and La France 100 THE FOURTEEN OF MEAUX. Protestante, "pieces justificative^."] The " memory of the affd,ir " would, however, in the absence of collateral evidence, remain rather puzzling to anyone that enquired into the heresy. No detail thereof appears on this Record, which may follow some contemporary custom, of either stating each offence in the most general terms that fit the law, or of deliberately suppress- ing the details of what was thought a dangerous belief. This judgment at any rate refers to the legal process, instead of itself setting out the detail of the offences. Sismondi remarks, in reference to a provincial Council held at Bourges in 1528: — " Sous le presidence du Cardinal de Tournon, qui condamna " toutes les croyances des Lutheriens, sans les rapporter, de " peur de contrihuer a les repandre." [Histoire des Frangais, Paris, 1833, Vol. 16, p. 361.] Compare also Baird, I, 217, as to destruction of the official record of trials ; and a case men- tioned on page 450 of the " Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris." See, further, the Introduction, above, pp. 13,14, 28, 29 ; and Notes, 66, 25a, 29, 46, 107c. Note 50 : — The following are the Latin forms of the names in Crespin's text, 1560, used for translation : — Petrus Clericus, Stephanus Manginus, lacobus Bouchebecus, loa. Brisebar', Henricus Hutinot', Thomas Honoratus, loan. Baudouinus, loa. Fleschus loan. Piquerius, Petr' Piquerius, loa. Mateflonus, Philipp' Paru', Michael Caillous, & Franciscus Clericus. Compare, however, the French forms in the Judgment, pages 51, 52, above ; and the slightly different spellings in " Histoire des Martyrs ", [1582.]' Note 51 : — The judgment mentions the hurdle for two defendants only: LeClerc and Mangin. The others were to be placed in carts. This agrees with the narrative of the execution given later on in the text (see translation, p. 42; See also Rochard, transla- tion, p. 46 ; and the Judgment, translation, p. 51.) Note 52:— In the "Hist. d. Mart." 1582, there seems to be some con- fusion between Louys Piquery named in the decree, and Michel Piquery mentioned in relating the execution. Toussaints du Plessis in his account of the execution speaks of " Un jeune " enfant, nomme Louis Pigiiery." (See translation, p. 48.) It appears, however, from a rider to the judgment itself, that the lad would have suffered death, had he been "obstinate or pertinacious." (See translation, p. 56). NOTES. 101 Note 53 : — Crespin's Latin text does not mention that a few prisoners were ordered to be set free : among- them Perette and Marion Mano-in. (See translation, p. 53.) These were children of Estienne. (See Note 26). One of the women condemned to look on was Marguerite, wife of Estienne Mangin. (See trans- lation, p. 52, and Note 26 ; however, as to the widow's name, some possible doubt may be raised by the proceedings men- tioned in Note 93.) Rochard's MS. in the Town Library at Meaux has a curious mistake on page 382, where the wife of Mangin is counted among ten excepted from punishment. She is in the judgment distinctly sentenced. Note 54 : — The 7th October, 1546, was a Thursday. Dr. Downing, Superintendent of the Nautical Almanac, has kindly answered this question. (See also pp. 42, 45, 49, 54 ; and Note 64.) Note 55 : — This was not done, for lack of money. Carro says : — "Mais " soit qibils f'lissent tous 'p&n 'poiirviLs de biens, soit que la " confiscation dejd precedonment declaree ait profit dii roi did "passer avant celle qui concernaitla piense fondation, celle-ci " n'eiit pas lieiv faiite d'argent." (Hist: d: Meaux, p: 208). This subject is dealt with by Rochard ; see his MS., p. 382. [Cf: also Note 93, referring to Mangin's house ; and an interesting rider to the judgment, translation, p. 56.] Note 56: — " Petrus Lisetus primus tu curias prseses." Pierre Lizet, born in 1482, was appointed Premier President in 1529. To him has been attributed the institution of the " Chavibre particit- liere," for trying heretics, in 1547-8. [See Hist: eccles: edition 1883, Tome. I, p. 50, Note ; Weiss '• La chamhre ardente ", pp. LXXI, LXXVII, etc. Cf: the judgment, translation, p. 56 ; also "Hist: d: Mart:" 1885, etc., a marginal note to the judgment as there given]. Note 57 : — " Aegidio Bertheloto, qui latrunculatoris tum oiflcio f unge- batur." Strictly ; the judge in larceny or in robbeiy cases. " Preuost des Mareschaux " Hist. d. Mart. 1582. [Cf. Rochard, translation, p. 45 ; and see Note 35.] 102 the fourteen of meaux. Note 58:— " Duo Sorbonici Doctores." Note 59: — Maillard and Picard : — Maillard is said to have been the person that recommended, after the execution of Jean Chapot, that the obstinate should have their tongues cut out, because all Avould be lost if the condemned were allowed to speak. An iron ball in the mouth was sometimes used instead, as a gag. (Cf: Hist: eccles: des egl; ref: Ed" 1883, Vol. I, p. 71, 72; and Bainl, Hist: of the Rise of the Huguenots, I, 257.) Maillard and Picard were nominated together as disputants or theological officials. (Cf: Hist: eccles: d: e — f-iki t\i- ! 1/ "*""'""™"' «^..,. u^ J^^l^ **'^'Pf¥*^ !*■**"»-, " ''^ 9 /5S/ ^ BW5958.M4B7 The fourteen of Meaux : an account of Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library 1 1012 00034 9029