ΩΣ ne SPER) SSS, ἘΣ Sora ἘΣ LIBRARY OF PRINCETON τ SEEN bes THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY THE Ea AN Desk ee oe ke Ss pel. PAS wes. VOL. II. fa * THE ie eee IN) EP PS Tia ES OF rt eae alee: BY THOMAS LEWIN, ESQ, MA., F.S.A, OF TRINITY COLLEGE, OXFORD, AND OF LINCOLN’S INN, BARRISTER-AT-LAW ; AUTHOR OF ‘TREATISE ON TRUSTS,’ ‘ FASTI SACRI,’ ‘SIEGE OF JERUSALEM,’ AND ‘ CAESAR’S INVASION.” ΠΕΒΑΒΥ OF PRINCETON | ΘΙ Er | THE \OGICAL SEMINARY NEW YORK: SCRIBNER, WELFORD AND ARMSTRONG. 1875. [The right of translation is reserved.] LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARTING CROSS. CONTENTS OF VOL. II. CHAPTER I. PAGE Paul sails from Ephesus to Troas, and thence to Macedonia, where he makes a collection for the poor Hebrews, and writes the Second Epistle to the Corinthians oc: ee ἘΣ 1 CHAPTER 11. Paul sails to Corinth, where he winters, and writes the Epistle to the Romans—He travels by land to Philippi, and sails thence to Ephesus and Acre, whence he proceeds by land to Jerusalem... ἣν a cs os be ἐς ee a ae rs ἐν 58 CHAPTER III. . Review of Jewish History, from the Death of Agrippa A.p. 44 to A.p. 58—Sketch of Jerusalem, and of the Leading Public Characters at the time of Paul’s arrival .. ES Ke -- 109 CHAPTER IV. Paul is set upon by the Jews in the Temple—He is carried by Lysias into Antonia, and is then sent to Cxesarea—Paul is heard before Felix,and afterwards before Festus, and Agrippa and Bernice ἐξ ae os Ὁ oc wa οἱ εἴ ἐν τ 139 CHAPTER V. Paul is sent to Rome—His shipwreck by the way .. ne S54 τ: - Ε πὰς C.Eski Stamboul «(Ὁ ὐ υίαυ, στ ψάφυδιε \ London. Bell & Sons μι Ἢ ἮΝ ΠΝ ea} = ὃν ͵ γ" a ἊΨ ᾿ Cuar. 1.7 ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [a.p. 57] 3 writes, “our flesh had no rest, but we were troubled on every side; without were fightings, within were fears.”’ He was also disappointed by not meeting with Titus, as to whose success at Corinth he was filled more than ever with the most gloomy apprehensions. He was comforted, however, by rejoining, at Philippi, his beloved physician and fellow-labourer in the Gospel, the accomplished Luke. The last personage has not been mentioned lately, and this, perhaps, may be accounted for on the supposition that during the Apostle’s protracted stay at Ephesus, Luke was engaged in the composition of his Gospel, which he shortly afterwards published in Macedonia.* Paul had not been long in Macedonia, when Titus and Trophimus, with Timothy also,’ made their appearance, and the intelligence they brought at once relieved him from all his fears, and more than made amends for the troubles by which he was beset. Titus himself had entertained doubts as to the result of his mission, and had approached the Corinthians with some distrust. No sooner, however, had he delivered his credentials, and announced the purpose of his embassy, than the church exhibited a Christian-like conduct, which at once surprised and delighted him. Recalled to a sense of duty, they were covered with shame, and repented of their ways, and at the same time honoured the envoy by whom the rebuke was transmitted. Various were the feelings by which they were actuated—now fearful of the wrath of Heaven, either directly or by the instrumentality of the Apostle—now yearning for his presence amongst them to assist in healing their disorders—now touched with sorrow to haye occasioned him so much pain—and now fired with indignation against those who would have undermined his authority. One step was plainly before them, the expulsion of the brother who was living in adulterous and incestuous intercourse with his father’s wife. The church met and the offender was excommunicated, and he ceased to be a member of the Christian society. To his credit be it spoken that thus overtaken by punishment he did not, as a hardened sinner, persist in his guilt, but became a sincere penitent, and we shall see presently how tenderly the Apostle dealt with his contrition. The object of excommunication had been answered, “ For to this end also did I write, that I might know the proof of you, whether ye be obedient in all things.”"” The emotions which Titus’s arrival had excited at Corinth, their earnest repentance, the gratification of Titus at his reception, and the consolation which their conduct afforded to Paul on the report brought to him in Macedonia, are so beautifully and touchingly described in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, that we cannot refrain from transcribing the whole passage. After referring to the troubles which had over- whelmed him at Ephesus, and had still clung to him at Troas, and had followed him into Macedonia, he proceeds—* Nevertheless God, that comforteth those that are cast 7 2 Cor. vii. 5. sent with Timothy from Ephesus, had probably 8 See ante, Vol. I. p. 221, remained at Corinth, as being his home. 9 Atleast, Timothy is found with Paul shortly 10 2 Cor. ii. 9. afterwards, 2 Cor. 1. 1. Erastus, who had been 4 [a.p. 57] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [Cuap. I. down, comforted us by the coming of Titus; and not by his coming only, but also by the comfort wherewith he was comforted in you, when he told us your earnest desire, your mourning, your zeal for me; so that I rejoiced the more. For though I made you sorry with a letter, I do not repent (though I was ready to repent); for I perceive that that Epistle made you sorry—but only for a season. Now I rejoice, not that ye were made sorry, but that ye sorrowed to repentance ; for ye were made sorry according to God, that ye might receive damage by us in nothing; for sorrow, according to God, worketh repentance not to be repented of; but the sorrow of the world worketh death. For behold this selfsame thing, that ye sorrowed according to God—what carefulness it wrought in you! yea, what clearing of yourselves! yea, what indignation! yea, what fear! yea, what vehement desire! yea, what zeal! yea, what revenge! in all things ye have approved yourselves to be clear in this matter. Wherefore, though I wrote unto you, I did it not for his cause that had done the wrong, nor for his cause that suffered wrong, but that our care for you in the sight of God might appear to youward. Therefore we were comforted in your comfort ; yea, and exceedingly the more joyed we for the joy of Titus, because his spirit was refreshed by you all. For if I have boasted anything to him of you, I am not ashamed, but as we spake all things to you in truth, even so our boasting, which I made before Titus, was found a truth. And his inward affection is more abundant toward you, whilst he remembereth the obedience of you all, how with fear and trembling ye received him. I rejoice that I have confidence in you in all things.””’ The disposi- tion of the vast majority of the Corinthian church was such as that described by the Apostle, but a few amongst them (and a very few) resisted his authority, and still wallowed in their sins; and indeed the whole community was not brought into complete subjection to Christ until Paul, after again threatening the adverse faction in a second epistle, proceeded to Corinth himself, and effectually overcame their obstinacy. Paul, in Macedonia, being now relieved from the greater part of his anxiety on account of the Corinthian church, applied himself, with a comparatively easy mind, to the collection of the alms for the poor Hebrews, to which he had pledged himself on his last visit to Jerusalem. The system he adopted was that which had been pursued in Galatia, and recommended to the Corinthians, viz. that the disciples throughout Macedonia should, on every first day of the week, put aside such a sum as each could afford, that the accumulations might be ready against the departure of those charged with the transmission of it. The first day of the week, called in the Revelation the Lord’s day,!? and now Sunday, was particularly fixed upon for the purpose, as being set apart, even at that time, for religious worship.’ The Jewish 1 9 Cor. vii. 6-16. of alms on that day (1 Cor. xvi. 2), we find the 2 Reve ἢ: 10. chureh of Troas meeting for divine worship on * Besides the mention of the Lord’s day in the first day of the week. Actsxx.7. Soin the the Apocalypse (Rey. i. 10), and the collection Epistle of Barnabas (¢. 15) we read : διὸ καὶ dyo- Cuar. 1.7 ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [a.p. 57] 5 Christians, indeed, continued to observe the Sabbath, or seventh day (for Christianity had not prohibited the Mosaic ritual, though it rendered it inoperative); but the Gentiles were forbidden to adopt the Jewish dispensation, as it would be only a snare to them, and it was a charge against the Galatians, as Gentiles, that they had dis- tinguished the Jewish days, by which, no doubt, Sabbaths were meant. It was necessary that the church should meet for holy exercises at stated intervals, and as the day on which Christ rose from the dead had from the first been commemorated by the early Christians, it gradually acquired the sanctity of the Sabbath, and super- seded it, and was eventually observed by Jewish and Gentile Christians indifferently. Subscriptions for the poor Hebrews were now made at Philippi, Thessalonica, and Bercea, and in the other Macedonian churches; but Paul was careful to guard himself μεν τὴν ἡμέραν τὴν ὀγδοὴν εἰς εὐφροσύνην, ἐν 7) καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἀνέστη ἐκ νεκρῶν καὶ φανερωθεὶς ἀνέβη εἰς τοὺς οὐρανούς. So Ignatius ad Magnes. ὁ. 9: μηκέτι σαββατίζοντες, ἀλλὰ κατὰ κυριακὴν ζωὴν ζῶν- τες, ἐν 7 καὶ ἡ ζωὴ ὑμῶν ἀνέτειλεν δι᾽ αὐτοῦ. The Younger Pliny also alludes to the assembling of the Christians on a stated day (stato die, Hp. x. 27), which could only have been on the first day of the week; and Justin Martyr (4.p. 140) dis- tinctly mentions the observance of that day. Apolog.i.87. Tertullian (A.p. 200) refers to the same practice (De Orat. 5. 23, and De Idol. s. 14); and so does Dionysius of Corinth. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. iv. 23. The first day of the week is now commonly called Sunday, and it had this name even in the Apostolic age. At least such is the inference from a remarkable passage in Tacitus. The Jews, he says, in their exodus from Egypt wandered six days in the desert, and reached the Promised Land on the seventh day, and on this account they keep the seventh day holy. Others, how- ever, he continues, are of opinion that they ob- serve the seventh day in honour of Saturn (hono- rem eum Saturno haberi, Tac. Hist. v. 4); and this implies that the seventh day of the Jewish week was known as the day of Saturn or Satur- day. But if the seventh day was Saturday the Jirst day would be Sunday, for unquestionably even in that early age the seven days of the week were named after the sun and moon and the five planets in precisely the same order in which we now arrange them. Thus on the walls of a house in Herculaneum we meet with a regular series of the days of the week as represented by the presiding deities (fig. 183). Here we have succes- Fig. 183.—Vays of the week. From Barve’s Hei culaneum, Saturn. Sol. Dies Saturni, Dies Solis, Saturday. Sunday. Dies Lune, Monday. sively Saturn as Saturday, Apollo or the Sun as Sunday, Diana or the Moon as Monday, Mars as Tuesday (Mardi), Mercury as Wednes- day (Mercredi), Jupiter as Thursday (Jeudi) and Venus as Friday (Vendredi). It is worthy of notice that in the above sequence Saturn ranks first, and this is not an inadvertence of the artist, for Dion Cassius, in attempting an explanation how the days of the week came to be known as Saturday, Sunday, Monday, «e., offers two speculative theories which in them- Diana. Mars. Dies Martis, Tuesday. Venus. Dies Veneris, Friday. Jupiter Dies Jovis, Thursday. Mercury. Ties Mercorii, Wednesday. selves are more’ ingenious than sound, but curiously enough each theory assumes for its basis that Saturday was not the Jast but the first day of the week. Dion, xxxviii. 18. We can only suppose, therefore, that while both Jews and Romans called the days of the week by the same names, the Jews began their week with the Sunday and the Romans their week with the Saturday. M4 Gal. iv. 10. 6 [4.D. 57] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. (Cuap. I. throughout against the imputation of worldly motives. It was to be a perfectly voluntary act on the part of all, as he tells the Corinthians, “I speak not by command- ment, but by occasion of the forwardness of others, and to prove the sincerity of your love. For ye know the free gift of our Lord Jesus Christ, that, though he was rich, yet for your sakes he became poor, that ye through his poverty might be rich; and herein I give my advice; for this is expedient for you, who began before, not only to do, but also to will a year ago.”!® But though the Apostle laid no injunction upon his converts, he earnestly exhorted them to the exercise of so Christian a duty as charity, and perhaps the stirring addresses he made on this occasion are partly intended by St. Luke’s expression, ‘“ When he had gone over those parts (viz. Mace- donia) and given them much exhortation.”’* One of the main grounds upon which he rested his appeal was, that as the author and preachers of the Gospel were Jews, the Gentiles were under a kind of obligation which they ought gratefully to repay, by forwarding relief to the necessities of their benefactors—“ They (the Macedonians and Acheans) have been pleased verily, and their debtors they are; for if the Gentiles have been made partakers of their spiritual things, they ought also to minister unto them in carnal things.”’’ Those who had little were asked to give of that little, but not to their own distress. ‘For if,’ he writes to the Corinthians, “there be first a willing mind, it is accepted according to that a man hath, not according to that he hath not. For I mean not that there should be ease to others, and distress to you; but by an equality, that now at this time your abundance may be a supply for their want, that their abundance also may be a supply for your want, that there may be equality.”’* The wealthy amongst the Macedonians were, of course, called upon to subscribe more generously. “ But this I say, he who soweth sparingly shall reap also sparingly; and he who soweth bountifully shall reap also bountifully. Every man according as he purposeth in his heart, so let him give, not grudgingly, or of necessity, for God loveth a cheerful giver.” “ἢ The readiness of the Corinthian church touching the contribution was also held up to the Macedonians for their imitation ; for, although at Corinth no actual gather- ing had yet been completed, they had been laying by during the last year in preparation, The acute and elegant Paley thus comments upon the circumstance: “The Second Epistle to the Corinthians speaks of them as having begun this eleemosynary business a year before. ‘This is expedient for you who have begun before not only to do, but also to be forward a year ago.’ (viii. 10.) ‘I boast of you 2 Cor. vii. 8-10. The preparation of the and to pass through Macedonia before going to Corinthian church so long before that of Mace- Corinth. See note post, 2 Cor. xiii. 1. donia is accounted for by the fact that Paul had 16 παρακαλέσας αὐτοὺς λύγῳ πολλῷ. Acts Xx. 2. originally intended to visit Corinth before Mace- 17 Rom. xv. 27. donia, and had forwarded a message to the 8 2 Cor. viii. 12-14. Corinthians to make ready, but circumstances 1852 Connie One had afterwards obliged him to alter his plans, Cnar. 1] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [4.0.57] - to them of Macedonia, that Achaia was ready a year ago.’ (ix. 5.) From these texts it is evident that something had been done in the business a year before. It appears, however, from other texts in the Epistle that the contribution was not yet collected or paid, for brethren were sent from St. Paul to Corinth ‘to make up their bounty.’ (ix. 5.) They are urged ‘to perform the doing of it’ (viii. 11), and every man was exhorted to give ‘as he purposed in his heart.’ (ix. 7.) The contribution, therefore, was in readiness, yet not received from the contributors, was begun, was forward long before, yet not hitherto collected. Now this representation agrees with one, and only one, supposition, namely, that every man had laid by in store, had already provided the fund from which he was afterwards to contribute, the very case which the First Epistle authorizes us to suppose to have existed, for in that Epistle St. Paul had charged the Corinthians ‘upon the first day of the week every one of them to lay by in store, as God had prospered him.’ (1 Cor. xvi. ἌΣ The Macedonians, as compared with the Corinthians, were not in affluent cireum- stances; for, not to mention the greater wealth of the Corinthians, from their extensive trade, the brethren of Macedonia had from the first been exposed to persecution, and had smarted under fines levied and goods distrained. Yet the Macedonians were so attached to the Apostle, so anxious to further his wishes, so actuated by a sincerely charitable feeling, that they at once placed themselves and all their substance at the disposal of the Apostle, so that he had some difficulty in declining the excessive bounty thus proffered to his acceptance. Paul, in writing to the Corinthians, alludes to this zeal of the Macedonians, and stimulates the Corinthian church to the imitation of so laudable an example. ‘“ Moreover, brethren, we do you to wit of the free gift of God which hath been given in the churches of Macedonia, how that in a great trial of affliction the abundance of their joy and their deep poverty hath abounded unto the riches of their liberality; for to their power I bear record, yea, and beyond their power, they were willing of themselves, praying us with much intreaty that we would receive the gift, and the contribution of the ministering to the saints; and this they did, not as we looked for, but first gave their own selves to the Lord, and unto us by the will of God.” *° Paul had been two or three months in Macedonia, and had successively visited Philippi, Thessalonica and Bercea, the scenes of his former labours, and had now brought the collection of the churches to a conclusion, All that remained was the appointment of one or more persons by whom the alms should be conveyed to Jerusalem. Paul himself would on no account take charge of the fund, or super- intend the distribution of it, lest his disinterestedness in preaching the Gospel might be open to suspicion. The churches therefore met to elect deputies for the purpose. One upon whom this honour was conferred was Luke. He had accompanied the Apostle on his first visit to Macedonia (4.p. 51), and at Paul’s departure had remained 20 2 Cor. vii. 1-5. 8 [4.Ὁ. 57] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. (Cuar. 1. at Philippi, and had much ingratiated himself amongst the inhabitants. It is even probable that Luke had resided at Philippi from Paul’s first visit in 4.p. 51 to his return thither in a.p. 57. As the Philippians were liberal to an excess, they were probably the largest contributors towards the bounty, and had therefore an influential voice in the choice of the enyoys. Another circumstance that fixed the attention of the church upon Luke at the present time was, that he had just published his Gospel in Macedonia for the instruction of the Greeks. That Luke was one of those dispatched to Jerusalem is plainly enough communicated to us by the language of the Apostle in speaking of the mission of Titus and Luke to Corinth: ‘“ We have sent with him (Titus), the brother (Luke) whose prazse is in the Giospel throughout all the churches, and not that only, but who hath also been chosen of the churches to travel with us with this free gift, which is administered by us to the glory of the Lord himself, and declaration of your ready mind; avoiding this, that no man should blame us in this abundance which is administered by us, providing for honest things, not only in the sight of the Lord, but also in the sight of men.”?! The colleague who was selected by the churches to assist Luke in carrying the bounty to Jerusalem was Trophimus, as we may infer from the terms in which the Apostle alludes to Luke and Trophimus in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians. After mentioning the election of Luke to that office, he proceeds, “Whether any do enquire of Titus, he is my partner and fellow-helper concerning you; or our brethren (Luke and Trophimus) be enquired of, they are the messengers of the churches, and the glory of Christ ;”” where “messengers of the churches” as applicable to Luke must intend his deputa- tion to Jerusalem as the representative of the Macedonian churches, and if so, the same signification would attach to the expression in respect of the other, and Trophimus, as we know, did in fact go to Jerusalem with Paul, and was in part the innocent cause of the Apostle’s arrest there. The eleemosynary collection in Macedonia concluded, Paul was now at liberty to continue his progress. It might be thought that without more delay he would pursue the direct route to Corinth, but there were reasons why he should still suspend his journey for a brief interval. The Corinthian church as a whole had expressed contrition for their faults, had excommunicated the offender, and submitted in all things to Apostolic authority. There was however amongst them a particular faction which still held out, and to whom Paul, averse to using the rod, was anxious to give one more warning. To understand the aims of this party, we must take a retrospective view. We have seen that when Paul was last at Jerusalem, the impression made by Christianity on the Gentile world being now an established fact, some of the Jewish converts (called by the Apostle, false brethren) had stoutly maintained the doctrine that Gentiles could not participate in the benefits of the Gospel without adopting the “1 2 Cor. viii. 18-21. #2 2 Cor. vill. 23. Cuapr. I.] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [a.p. 57] 9 law of Moses, and had insisted, accordingly, that Titus, who Was a Greek, should be circumcised. Paul, however, had firmly maintained his ground, and his narrow- minded opponents had been defeated in their object. Shortly afterwards these Judaizing Christians followed the Apostle down to Antioch, and there broached the same tenets, and succeeded in misleading Peter, and with him Barnabas also : but Paul again boldly stood forth as the champion of Christian liberty, and openly rebuked even Peter himself. The same Judaizing sect had since taken a wider circuit, and had penetrated into.many of the churches which the Apostle had planted. After Paul’s departure from Galatia, they insinuated themselves among his con- verts there, and so far prevailed as to produce a temporary defection of that church from the orthodox faith. They had since endeavoured to cireumyent the Corinthians, and by flattering their vanity and indulging their prejudices had under- mined no inconsiderable part of the Apostle’s fabric. Even when Paul was at Ephesus and wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians, the leaven was beginning to work, for although there may be no direct mention in the letter of the growing mischief, yet several passages were levelled against it obliquely. When Paul charges them with saying, “1 am of Paul, and I of Apollos, and I of Cephas,” there can be little doubt that in the latter words he refers to the Judaizing sect,—not that Peter had or could have taught contrary to the truth, but designing men abused his name ; and because the Christians of Jerusalem, where Peter had resided, obseryed the law of Moses, they advanced this as a proof that the Mosaic dispensation was a radical part of Christianity. Again, when the Apostle writes, “Is any man called being circumcised ? let him not become uncircumcised. Is any called in uncireumceision ? let him not be circumcised. Ctrewmeision is nothing, and uncircumeision is nothing, but the keeping the commandments of God;”* the remark, though introduced ἱποὶ- dentally, has a peculiar force, as aimed against the doctrines of the Judaizers. Again, when Paul writes, ‘““ Am I not an Apostle? am I not free? Haye I not seen Jesus Christ our Lord? are not ye my work in the Lord? If I be not an Apostle unto others, yet, doubtless, I am to you; for the seal of mine apostleship are ye in the Lord,” ** though ostensibly the Apostle is exhorting his converts “ not to seek their own, but every man another’s weal,”*° and so bids them copy the example of himself, who, though an Apostle, and privileged as one, waived his rights, and would receive no remuneration ; yet, at the same time, from the way in which he handles the subject, it is evident that a party at Corinth had questioned the authority of Paul, as not being, like Peter, one of the Twelve, and had imputed the absence of any pecuniary support not to want of will, but to the want of title to it. The mission of Titus, and the First Epistle to the Corinthian church, had produced a suitable effect upon the rest of the community, but this Judaizing party had still set the Apostle at defiance, and it was feared that nothing but extreme 5. 1'Cor. vile 18; 19: TI {Cleine yes ht 3) Cor x Bi VOL. Il. σ 10 [4.0. 57] ST, PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [Cuapr. 1. placed themselves under a ringleader, who, from the severity of the Apostle’s expres- sions, must have been a character of the utmost depravity. The name of the heresiarch has not transpired, but the Satanic form is darkly shadowed forth in almost every page of the Second Epistle to the Corinthians. He was not a native of Corinth, but had climbed like a wolf over the fold, to worry the flock. He had crept in amongst them as the serpent into Paradise, to corrupt innocence. “TI fear, lest by any means, as the serpent beguiled Eve through his subtilty, so your minds should be corrupted from the simplicity that is in Christ; for if he that cometh preacheth another Jesus, whom we have not preached, or if ye receive another spirit, which ye have not received, or another Gospel, which ye have not accepted, ye might well bear with him.”?° He was evidently a Jew, and boasted of his extraction, and, perhaps, had insinuated of Paul that, being born at Tarsus, he was a mere Hellenist, and not of the true stock of Israel. All this is implied in the Apostle’s examination of the impostor’s pretensions—‘“ Are they Hebrews? so am I. Are they Israelites? so am I. Are they the seed of Abraham? so am I.”*? The Apostle continues, “ Are they ministers of Christ (I speak as a fool)? I am more ;” from which we may presume that the false teacher alleged himself to have received ordination, at least to the office of deacon; and if there was a Judas amongst the Apostles, we need not be surprised that a heretic should be found eyen amongst the pastors of the church. It is most likely that the Judaizing sect at Jerusalem, whom the Apostle stigmatizes as false brethren, had dispatched this emissary, called a false apostle, to propagate their mischievous doctrines at Corinth. He had come with letters of introduction, or why should the Apostle ask the Corinthians, ‘“ Need we, as some others, epistles of com- mendation to you?”* This propagandist was admirably adapted to the mission upon which he had been sent. He was of prepossessing appearance, and fluent of speech, and conscious of these advantages he would fain seduce the church from their alle- giance to the great champion of Gentile freedom, by at one time deriding the undignified appearance of Paul from a diminutive figure and impaired eyesight, and at another by turning into ridicule his unpolished periods and uncouthness of speech. All this must be understood, or we lose the force of the Apostle’s opening address to the Judaizing party. ‘Now I Paul myself beseech you by the meekness and gentleness of Christ, who in presence am base among you, but being absent am bold toward you—but I beseech you, that I may not be bold when I am present with that confidence, wherewith I think to be bold against some, which think of us as if we walked according to the flesh.”*! And again, “ His letters, say they, are weighty and powerful, but his bodily presence is weak, and his speech contemptible. Let such an A719) (Clore ἘΠ 8. 2. 9 ψευδαπόστολοι. 2 Cor: xi. 12. 7 2 Cor. xi. 22. 80. 9 Cor. iii. 1. 28 ψευδαδέλφους. Gal. ii. 4. st 2 Cor. x. 1, 2. Cuap. I.] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONTA, (A.D. 57] 11 one think this, that, such as we are in word by letter when we are absent, such will we be also in deed when we are present.” ἢ This artful schismatic made professions of the utmost disinterestedness, and did not publicly receive any stipend from his congregation, but in private he plundered the brethren by extorting largesses under various pretences. He would gladly have found some handle for questioning the purity of the Apostle’s conduct, but Paul had carefully guarded himself against imputations of this kind, by refusing every pecuniary offer from the Corinthians himself, and by laying an injunction upon his followers to observe the same rule. The Apostle, in allusion to these his gratuitous services at Corinth, and the artful profession of the same disinterestedness by the false teacher, though rapacious enough under the garb of sanctity, writes thus to the Corinthians—“ As the truth of Christ is in me, this boasting shall not be stopped in me in the region of Achaia. Wherefore? Because I love you not? God knoweth, But what I do, that I will do, that I may cut off occasion from them which desire oceasion, that wherein they glory, they may be found even as we.”* “For such (meaning the false teacher and his partisans) are false Apostles, doubtful workers, transforming themselves into the Apostles of Christ; and no marvel, for Satan himself is transformed into an Angel of light; therefore it is no great thing if his ministers also be transformed as the ministers of righteousness, whose end shall be according to their works.” * The last feature we shall mention in the character of the impostor is his extreme insolence toward a church to which he did not belong. He seems to have lorded it over his followers as if he had planted the church himself, and had a right to direct their faith. Paul had called them to Christian freedom, the intruder was now, by blustering and intimidation, bringing them into bondage to the law. How keen is the irony of the Apostle in touching upon the folly of the Corinthians in putting such a yoke upon their own necks—‘ Seeing that many glory after the flesh, I will glory also. For ye suffer fools gladly, seeing ye yourselves are wise! For ye suffer, if a man bring you into bondage! if a man devour you! if a man take of you! if a man exalt himself! if a man smite you on the face!” * Such was the state of affairs at Corinth, and with so malignant a faction opposed to him, the Apostle, had he proceeded thither at once, must necessarily have had recourse to the severest measures; but such a step was most repugnant to his feelings, and he wished to give them one more chance of repentance. The mission of Titus, and the First Epistle to the Corinthians from Ephesus, had produced a most salutary effect, and he now proposed to send Titus a second time with another expostulatory letter from himself, in the hope of reducing the rebellious to a sense of duty without the infliction of condign punishment. Another reason why the Apostle should send brethren before him to Corinth was δ COR Xe LO: 3 2 Cor. xi. 10-12. % 9 Cor. xi. 13-15. $2 Cor. xi. 18, 20. ; ᾿ o 2 12 [4.Ὁ. 57] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [Cuap. I. connected with the collection for the poor Hebrews. A year ago the Corinthians had expressed their utmost readiness to forward the contribution, and when Titus was amongst them they had actually commenced it by laying by a weekly sum in store. Paul in promoting the same object in Macedonia, had stimulated the zeal of the Macedonians by boasting of the alacrity of the Corinthians, and he was now anxious that the Corinthians should act up to their profession, that they as well as himself might not be put to shame. Some of the Macedonians would no doubt accompany him to Corinth, and it would be painful enough, if after the Apostle’s laudation of the Corinthians, they were found unprepared. ‘Titus, there- fore, was commissioned to guard against this miscarriage, and to bring the contri- bution at Corinth to completion before the Apostle’s arrival. This motive Paul, with great candour, opens to us himself: “I know the forwardness of your mind, for which I boast of you to them of Macedonia, that Achaia was ready a year ago, and your zeal hath provoked very many. Yet have I sent the brethren, lest our boasting of you should be in vain in this behalf; that, as I said, ye may be ready ; lest haply if they of Macedonia come with me, and find you unprepared, we (that we say not, ye) should be ashamed in this same confident boasting. There- fore I thought it necessary to exhort the brethren, that they should go before unto you, and make up beforehand your bounty, whereof ye had notice before, that the same might be ready as a bounty, and not as an exaction.”*° There was yet a third reason which may have actuated Paul in not sailing directly for Corinth. In his former circuit he had intended to evangelize the whole of Macedonia, and with that view had preached in Philippi the capital of Macedonia Prima, in Thessalonica the capital of Macedonia Secunda, and in Bercea a city of Macedonia Tertia, but here the machinations of the Jews had interrupted his progress, and he had been obliged to fly to the sea, instead of penetrating into Macedonia Quarta, which lay next Ilyricum. His present purpose therefore was, after having dispatched the eleemosynary business amongst the churches planted by him on his former yisit, to make a supplemental circuit for a few weeks, and preach the Gospel in Macedonia Quarta. Paul having thus laid his plans, communicated his wishes to Titus, and urged him to return to Corinth; and as that disciple before, when he distrusted the Corinthian church, had from a sense of duty entered upon an office not very agree- able to his natural feelings, he now, having witnessed the unaffected contrition of the majority, was as ready to undertake, as Paul was to impose the charge. ‘“ Thanks be to God,” writes the Apostle, “ who putteth the same earnest care into the heart of Titus for you: for indeed he accepted the exhortation, and being more forward of his own accord, he went unto you.” 7 To give greater authority to the mission, and to impress the Corinthian church BE (Corsi 25: 87 2, Cor ville Lo; Wf παρ. 1 ST. PAUL IN MACEDONIA. [a.v. 57] 13 with the Apostle’s anxiety for their welfare, he associated with Titus the Evan- gelist Luke, now in high estimation for the Gospel which he had published, and also one of the chosen delegates of the Macedonians for conveying their alms to Jerusalem. Trophimus also, who had been the companion of Titus on the former oceasion,** and since elected as the colleague of Luke to carry the Macedonian contribution to Jerusalem, was requested to lend his services a second time, an invitation which from increased confidence in the good intentions of the Corinthians he joyfully accepted. “ And we have sent with them (Titus and Luke), our brother (Trophimus), whom we have oftentimes proved diligent in many things, but now much more diligent from the great confidence which he hath in you.” * Paul now sat down to indite the proposed letter to the Corinthian church. It consists of two parts, so distinct and independent, that they might almost be, and have by some been, regarded as two separate epistles. The first part is addressed to the sober contrite portion of the Corinthian church, and the Apostle throughout opens his mind with the most unreserved confidence; expatiates on his own trials and tribulations, his triumphs and consolations; explains the secret springs of conduct which might have appeared unaccountable; and, in short, writes with all the warmth of feeling which an earnest Apostle would bear towards a beloved and now reconciled church. In the second part of the Epistle he defends himself with spirited irony against the assaults of his enemies at Corinth; yindicates his apo- stolical authority, even to the overthrow of all strongholds arrayed against him ; threatens to use the rod against the hardened sinner; and beseeches them not to put his power in Christ to the test, but to repent of their wickedness during the short interval that still remained before the Apostle’s arrival. But to explain the Epistle fully, we must descend into a particular analysis. After joining Timothy with himself in the usual salutation, he (i. 3) takes up his own history from the date of his former Epistle, and enters at once upon a subject which had most deeply affected him, and had imbued his mind with a more than usual solemnity of thought—his hairbreadth escape at Ephesus; and he invites the Corinthians to unite with him in a public thanksgiving to Almighty God for the deliverance. He then (i. 12) proceeds to open the reasons which had governed him in deferring his promised visit to Corinth, namely, that it was from no fickleness or infirmity of purpose in himself, but to give the Corinthians an opportunity of cor- recting the disorderly state of their church—“TI call Godas a witness upon my soul, that to spare you I came not as yet unto Corinth.”"' Their meeting would otherwise have been attended not with comfort to each other, but mutual pain—‘ I determined this with myself, that I would not come again to you in sorrow; for if I make you sorry, who is he, then, that maketh me glad, but the same which is made sorry % See Vol. I. p. 404. 89. See Vol. I. p. 869." Ὁ δ᾽ Cor. viii. 22. tS Cor, 125! 14 [a.p. 57] ST. PAUL IN MACEDONTA, (Cuap. 1. by me?”* It may be remarked, by the way, that this full discovery of his motive comes very naturally from the Apostle when he had seen the success of his scheme, but would not have been a seasonable communication while the matter was yet in suspense. Next (1. 6), as the Corinthians generally, and the incestuous person in particular, had now repented, he exhorts that the excommunication should be recalled, and the offender again received into the bosom of the church. “Sufficient to such a man is this punishment, which hath been inflicted of many ; so that, contrariwise, ye ought rather to forgive him and comfort him, lest perhaps such a one should be swallowed up with overmuch sorrow.” ** He then (ii. 12) carries the Corinthians with him to Troas, and tells them his bitter disappointment there at not meeting with Titus; but that notwithstanding these troubles upon troubles, he had triumphed in the Gospel, and had preached with great success; and then, through several chapters, he lays open his whole breast and gives expression to the various feelings which recent occurrences had inspired. He discourses with the Corinthians without reserve, and lets his mind lead him through a labyrinth of noble thoughts and consolatory reflections dictated by surrounding circumstances ; and in expatiating upon the persecutions to which he was subjected in the world, and the scene of glory that opened to his view in the horizon, he uses a beautiful illustration from his own trade of a tent-maker: “We know that if our earthly house of this tabernacle be dissolved, we have a building of God, a house not made with hands eternal in the heavens.”** At length, after a long series of reflections springing from a heart full of kindly warmth towards his Corinthian converts, he (vi. 11) apologizes for the freedom with which his tongue had been running, and beseeches them to return his affection. “Ὁ ye Corinthians, our mouth hath been opened unto you, our heart hath been enlarged! But by way of like return (I speak as unto my children), be ye also enlarged.” * He next (vii. 2) carries the thread of his history into Macedonia, and tells the Corinthians how tribulation had still followed him, for “ without were fightings, and within were fears,” but that he had been inexpressibly comforted by the arrival of Titus from Corinth ; and the Apostle then luxuriates in a graphic description of the workings of Corinthian contrition. He next (viii. 1) adverts to the collection for the poor saints at Jerusalem, and exhorts them to complete liberally what they had begun with so much alacrity. Here closes the first part of the Epistle addressed to the sober part of the Corinthian church. He now turns to the faction headed by the false teacher, and, changing his tone, levels against them the shafts of bitter irony, or threatens to pour out the vials of wrath if they did not repent. He commences (x. 1) by saying, that humble as he © 2 Cor. ii. 1, 2. 48 2 Cor. ii. 6, 7. 42 Cor. v. 1. 4 2 Cor. vi. 11, 13. Cuap. 1.} SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. [a.D. 57] 15 was in person, and feeble in speech, he was yet armed with power enough from Christ to bring down all spiritual pride in such as arrayed themselves against the truth. ‘For the weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty through God to the pulling down of strongholds; casting down imaginations, and every high thing that exalteth itself against the knowledge of God, and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ, and haying in readiness to revenge all dis- obedience, until your obedience be fulfilled.” *° He then (xi. 1) with many apologies for such unseemly boasting, shows that he was no whit inferior to “the very chiefest Apostles, though he was nothing ;” that (xi. 18) he was at least equal to the vain boasters among the Corinthians, in extrac- tion and purity of Hebrew blood, and he was pre-eminent beyond all (xi. 25) in sufferings for the cause of the Gospel, and (xii. 1) in revelations made to him from heaven, and (xii. 12) in the working of miracles. He then (xiii. 1) declares solemnly that on his arrival at Corinth he would try the offenders judicially, and would proceed to punishment. “This is the third time I am coming to you. ‘In the mouth of two or three witnesses shall every word be established.’ I told you before, and foretell you, as if I were present, the secont time; and being absent now I write to them which heretofore have sinned, and to all other, that, if I come again, I will not spare ;’*" he accordingly exhorts them to repent in time, that they may escape the apostolic rod. He concludes (xiii. 11) with some admonitory sentences, and subjoins the usual salutations and benediction. The Epistle ran thus: 4. [The italics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, thus [ 7, are not eawpressed, but only implied, in the Greek.] Cu. 1. “Pau, ΑΝ ApostLe or Jesus Curis? BY THE WILL oF Gop, AND ΤΊΜΟΤΗΥ OUR BROTHER, UNTO THE CHURCH OF GOD WHICH Is AT CORINTH, WITH ALL THE 15. 9. Cor. x. 4-6. tion amongst the Corinthians, and prepare them 47 9: Cor. xiii. 1, 2. # The date of the Epistle may be thus ascer- tained. It was written after the riot of Deme- trius the silversmith at Ephesus, which occurred in May, A.D. 57, for Paul thus alludes to it, τῆς θλίψεως τῆς γενομένης ἡμῖν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ. 2 Cor. i. 8. And he then traces his passage from Ephesus through Troas (ii. 12) to Macedonia (ii. 18; vii. 5); where he was engaged in making a collection for the poor Hebrews (viii. 1); and the collection was still proceeding at the date of the Epistle, for the Apostle writes in the present tense “1 am buasting,” &e. ow ὅτι ᾿Αχαΐα παρεσκεύασται ἀπὸ πέρυσι, 1X. 1; and this second Epistle, like the first, was sent by the hands of Titus, who was to continue the collec- καυχῶμαι Μακεδό- for the reception of Paul himself. viii. 6; viii. 17; ix.3-5. Furthermore the Epistle was written in anticipation of a second visit to Corinth. wa δευτέραν χάριν ἔχητε, i. 15; ὡς παρὼν τὸ δεύτερον, xiii. 3. Though it was his third attempt. ἑτοίμως ἔχω ἐλθεῖν, xii. 14; τρίτον τοῦτο ἔρχομαι, xiii. 1. And the Apostle alludes in the Epistle to τρίτον - a revelation made to him fourteen years before : πρὸ ἐτῶν δεκατεσσάρων, xii. 2. This expression means the fourteenth year current (see Fasti Sacri, p. 264, No. 1581; p. 279, No. 1672), and as the vision occurred when he was at Jerusalem at the Passover of a.p. 44, the date of the Epistle must be referred to a.p. 57. There can be no doubt under all the circumstances that it was written in the latter half of that year. 16 2 συ “I 10 19 * The Jabours of the Apostle therefore had τ been extended far beyond the walls of Corinth. [A.p. 57] SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. (Cuap. 1. SAINTS WHICH ARE IN ALL AcHarA:*® GRACE BE TO YOU, AND PEACE FRom Gop our FarHEr, AND FRoM THE Lorp JEsus Curist. “Blessed be God, even the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of mercies, and the God of all comfort, who comforteth us in all our tribulation, that we may be able to comfort them which are in any trouble by the comfort, wherewith we ourselves are comforted of God; for as the sufferings of Christ abound to usward, so our comfort also aboundeth by Christ. But whether we be afflicted, it is for your comfort and salvation, which is effectual in the enduring of the same sufferings which we also suffer: or whether we be comforted, it is for your comfort and salvation (and our hope of you is stedfast) knowing, that as ye are partakers of the sufferings, so shall ye be of the comfort. For we would not, brethren, have you ignorant of our distress which came to us in Asia,°® that we were pressed out of measure above strength, insomuch that we despaired even of life: nay, we had the sentence of death in ourselves, that we should not trust in ourselves, but in God which raiseth the dead, who delivered us from so great a death, and doth deliver, in whom we trust that he will yet deliver us, you also helping together by prayer for us, that for the merey shown to us by the means of many persons. thanks may be given by many on our behalf.° “ For our boast is this,—the testimony of our conscience, that in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with fleshly wisdom, but by the grace of God, we have had our conyersation in the world, and more abundantly to youward. For we write none other things unto you, than what ye read or even know ;°? and I trust ye shall /now eyen to the end, as also ye have known us in part, that we are your boast, even as ye also are ours, in the day of the Lord Jesus. Andin this confidence 1 was minded to come unto you before, that ye might have a second benefit ; and to pass by you into Macedonia, and to come again out of Macedonia unto you, and of you to be set forward** on my way toward Judea.** προπεμφθῆναι. In Eng. ver. “ brought.” kal ταύτῃ TH πεποιθήσει ἐβουλόμην πρὸς ὑμᾶς °° The Apostle here alludes to the trials he had gone through at Ephesus, and which in his former letter he had designated as fighting with wild beasts (1 Cor, xv. 32), to which was now to be added the tumult at the instance of Deme- trius, the silversmith, which had nearly cost him his life. *' The Apostle here asks the Corinthians to offer up a thanksgiving on his behalf for his recent deliverance. * ἐπιγινώσκετε. In Eng. ver. “ acknowledge,” i.e. What ye read of as regards what passed amongst others; and what ye know as regards what passed amongst yourselves. ἐλθεῖν πρότερον, iva δευτέραν χάριν ἔχητε" καὶ δι᾿ ὑμῶν διελθεῖν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, καὶ πάλιν ἀπὸ Μακε- δονίας ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, καὶ ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν προπεμφθῆναι εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιουδαίαν. Those who maintain the hypo- thesis that Paul had been at Corinth twice before the date of this Epistle would render the pas- sage thus: “I was minded to come unto you first, and thence to go to Macedonia, and thence back again to you, so that you might thus have the benefit of my presence among you twice in the course of this circuit.” Such, however, is not the Apostle’s meaning. He had in fact been at Corinth but once before, and he was now intending to confer on them asecond benefit. See infra, xiii. 1. Cuap. I.] SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. [a.D. 57] 17 When I therefore was thus minded, did I use lightness? or the things that I purpose, do I purpose according to the flesh, that with me there should be 18,19 Yea Yea, and Nay Nay?* But as God is true, our word®® toward you was not Yea and Nay. For the Son of God, Jesus Christ, who was preached 20 among you by us (by me and Silvanus and Timothy), was not Yea and Nay, but in him was Yea;*" for whatever are the promises of God, in him is Yea 21 and in him Amen, unto the glory of God by us; but he which stablisheth us 22 with you in Christ, and hath anointed us, is God, who hath also sealed us, and 23 given the earnest®* of the Spirit in our hearts. But I call God as a witness 24 upon my soul, that to spare you I came not as yet unto Corinth,—not that we lord it over your faith, but are helpers of your joy (for by faith ye stand) ; Cu. Π. but I determined this with myself, that I would not come again to you in 2 grief.’ For if I grieve you, who is he then that maketh me glad, but the 3 same which is grieved by me? And I wrote that very thing unto you,” lest when I came, I should have grief from them of whom I ought to rejoice, 4 having confidence in you all that my joy is the joy of you all. For out of much aftliction and anguish of heart I wrote unto you with many tears ;—not that ye should be grieved, but that ye might know the love which I have more 5 abundantly unto you. But if one" hath caused grief, he hath not grieved me, but (that I lay not the burden on all from [the offence of | a part) yourselves.” 6,7 Sufficient to such a man is this punishment, which hath been inflicted of the more part ; so that contrariwise ye ought rather to forgive, and comfort him, 8 lest perhaps such a one be swallowed up with overmuch grief. Wherefore I 9 beseech you éo confirm your love toward him ; for to this end also did I write, 10 that I might know the proof of you, whether ye be obedient in all things. But to whom ye forgive anything, I forgive also: for if I have forgiven any- 11 thing, to whom I forgave it, for your sakes I forgave it in the person of Christ, lest we should be overreached™ by Satan, for we are not ignorant of his devices. 12 “ Furthermore, when I came to Troas to [preach] Christ’s Gospel,®° and a 55 Viz. “That I should first say Yes,and then, But observe the tenderness of the Apostle in not without any reason for the change, say No.” naming the offender. In both Epistles, the name 66 By “our word” he means his promise to [5 studiously suppressed, that the finger of scorn visit Corinth, which, on account of the state of might not be pointed at him in his repentance. the Corinthian church, he had been obliged to °° He must by his conduct have pained not postpone for a time. only me, but yourselves also; that is, assuming 57 “ Not sometimes one thing and sometimes that ye are not all guilty because one is guilty, another, but always the same.” or in other words, assuming that ye did not ell 58 τὸν ἀῤῥαβῶνα, pay, ‘pignus. For in- connive at his crime, and so became participators stances of the use of the word by Greeks and _ in it. Romans, see Wetstein on 2 Cor. i. 22. 8 τῶν πλειόνων. In Eng. ver. “ many.” 8 λύπῃ. In Eng. ver. “ heaviness.” δε (va μὴ πλεονεκτηθῶμεν. In Eng. ver. “ lest 60 Viz. that you should excommunicate the Satan get an advantage over us.” incestuous person. ® eis τὸ εὐαγγέλιον. The word “ preach” is δι Paul here refers to the incestuous person. ποῦ in the Greek. VOL. I. D 14 15 16 17 Cu, ΠῚ. 9) 4 oe) co 10 [Cuap. 1. found not Titus my brother; but taking my leave of them, I went from thence into Macedonia. Now thanks be unto God, which always causeth us to triumph” in Christ, and maketh manifest the savour of his knowledge by us in eyery place; for we are unto God a sweet savour of Christ, in them that are sayed, and in them that perish: to the one the savour of death unto death, and to the other the savour of life unto life. And who is sufficient for these things? For we are not as the many which corrupt the word of God, but as of sincerity, but as of God, in the sight of God speak we in Christ. Do we begin again" to commend ourselves ? or need we, as some," letters of commendation to you, or letters of commendation from you? Ye are our letter written in our hearts, known and read of all men ; [forasmuch as ye are] manifested to be a letter of Christ ministered by us, written not with ink,” but with the spirit of the living God ; not on tables of stone,’ but on fleshy tables of the heart. Now we have such confidence™ through Christ to Godward —not that we are sufficient of ourselves to think anything as of ourselves, but our sufficiency is of God; who also hath made us sufficient for being ministers of the New Déspensation—not of the letter, but of the spirit ; for the letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life. But if the ministration of death, engraven in letters on stones, was glorious, so that the children of Israel could not stedfastly /ook on the face of Moses for the glory of his countenance, which [glory] was to be done away, how shall not the ministration of the spirit be more in glory? For if the ministration of condemnation be glory, much more doth the ministration of justification exceed in glory. For even that which was made glorious ἐς not glorious in this respect, by reason of the glory that °° See ante, Vol. IT. p. 2. 67 To against God, and, becoming reprobates, draw understand the figurative language of down upon themselves the wrath of heaven in this and the following verses, the reader must carry in mind the nature of a Roman triumph. The procession consisted of the victors and the vanquished; the former crowned with laurel, and looking forward to the recompense of their toils and dangers in a grant of public lands on which they might end their days in peace; the latter reserved only to grace the pageant, and at the conclusion of the ceremony to be consigned to chains or death. The streets meanwhile were lined with altars smoking with incense, a savour of joy to the victorious host, and of woe to the defeated. So, as the preacher of the Gospel marches through the world, he is a savour of life unto life (here and hereafter) to those who enlist themselyes under the banner of the eross and become his fellow-soldiers; but a savour of death unto death to those who fight this world and eternal perdition in the next. 58. οἱ πολλοί. In Eng. ver. “many.” ® He refers to his former boast in i. 12. Apollos had gone to Cormth with letters of commendation, Acts xviii. 27, and no doubt the heretical teachers at Corinth had also brought letters of commendation. See ante, p. 10. 7 μέλανι. We may conclude from this that the Apostle’s writing materials were a reed pen and paper or parchment, and were not the Roman stylus and waxen tablet. Soin 2 John v. 12 we have, διὰ χάρτου καὶ μέλανος καὶ καλάμου : and see 2 Tim. iv. 13 = As was the Law of Moses. τ) In Eng. ver. “ trust.” In Eng. πεποίθησιν. ἐν γράμμασιν ἐντυπωμένη. “written and engrayen.” τι ver. Cuap. I.] SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. [a.p. 57] 19 11,12 excelleth. For if that which 7s done away was glorious, much more that which remaineth is glorious. Seeing then that we have such hope, we use 13 great plainness of speech; and not as Moses, [who] put a veil over his face that the children of Israel could not stedfastly look to the end of that which is 14 abolished ; but their understandings were blinded ; for until this day remaineth the same veil untaken away in the reading of the Old Testament (which [veil] 15, 16 is done away in Christ); but even unto this day, when Moses is read, the veil lieth wpon their heart. Nevertheless when it shall turn to the Lord, the veil 17 shall be taken away. Now the Lord is the Spirit; and where the Spirit of 18 the Lord is, there is liberty. “But we all, with open face beholding as in a mirror” the glory of the Lord, are transformed™ into the same image from glory to glory, as by the Lord the Spirit.* Therefore, seeing we have this 2 ministry, as we have received mercy, we faint not; but have renounced the hidden things of shame,’* not walking in craftiness, nor adulterating® the word of God; but by manifestation of the truth commending ourselves to 3 every man’s conscience in the sight of God. But if our Gospel be veiled, it is 4 veiled to them that are lost; in whom the god of this world hath blinded the understandings of them which believe not, that the enlightenment of the Gospel of the glory of Christ, who is the image of God, should not shine unto them ; 5 for we preach not ourselves, but Christ Jesus the Lord, and ourselves your 6 servants for Jesus’ sake. For God, who commanded the light to shine out of darkness (Gen. 1. 4), hath shined in our hearts, to give the light of the know- 7 ledge of the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ. But we have this 8 treasure in earthen vessels, that the excellency of the power may be of God, and not of us. We are troubled on every side, yet not distressed ; perplexed, but not in despair; persecuted, but not forsaken; cast down, but not destroyed ; always bearing about in the body the dying of“ Jesus, that the 11 life also of Jesus might be made manifest in our body. For we which live are alway delivered unto death for Jesus’ sake, that the life also of Jesus may be made manifest in our mortal flesh ; so that death worketh in us, but life in you. But having the same spirit of faith, according as it is written, ‘I 14 believed, and therefore I spake,’ (Ps. exvi. 10),** we also believe, and there- 12, 13 τ The spirit as opposed to the letter. See ver. 6. 76 78 καθάπερ ἀπὸ Κυρίου Πνεύματος. In Eng. ver. “even as by the Spirit of the Lord.” τϑ τῆς αἰσχύνης. In Eng. ver. “ dishonestly.” % Sododvres. In Eng. ver. “handling deceit- fully.” κατοπτριζόμενοι. In Eng. ver. “ beholding as in a glass,” but the ancients used polished metal, and not glass, for mirrors. ™ μεταμορφούμεθα. In Eng. ver. “are changed,” i.e. we see the image of God in the mirror, and by steadfastly fixing our eyes upon the image, we grow into the likeness of it, and so become sons of God. δι The word Κυρίου, ‘the Lord,’ is omitted by , all the best critics, as Griesbach, Scholtz, Lach- mann, Tischendorf, and Alford. * Verbatim from the LXX. bo D 2 20 [a.p. 57] SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. (Cuae. 1: Cu. V. fore speak ; knowing that he which raised up the Lord Jesus shall raise up us also by™ Jesus, and shall present us with you; for all things are for your sakes, that grace being multiplied through the thanksgiving of many may redound to the glory of God.** For which cause we faint not; but though our 17 outward man be wasted,** yet the inward man is renewed day by day ; for our 18 present light affliction worketh for us an exceedingly excessive** eternal weight of glory, while we look not at the things which are seen, but at the things which are not seen; for the things which are seen are temporal, but the things which are not seen are eternal. For we know that if our earthly house of this tabernacle *’ be dissolved, we have a building of God, a house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens. For in this we groan, earnestly desiring to be clothed upon with our house which is from heaven; if so be that being clothed we shall not be found naked.** For we that are in this tabernacle do groan, being burdened, not that we would be unclothed, but clothed upon, that mortality may be swallowed up of life. Now he that hath wrought us for the self-same thing is God, who also hath given unto us the earnest of the Spirit. Therefore, being always confident, and knowing that, whilst we are at home in the body, we are absent from the Lord (for we walk by faith, not by sight), we are confident, I say, and think it well® rather to be absent from the body, and to be present with the Lord. Wherefore, also, we are ambitious that whether present or absent, we be well pleasing to* him. For we must all be made manifest®’ before the judgment-seat of Christ, that every one may receive the things in the body, according to that he hath done, whether it be good or bad. Knowing, therefore, the terror of the Lord, we persuade men,‘” but we are made manifest unto God; and I hope, also, are made manifest in your consciences ; for we commend not ourselves again unto you, but give you occasion to glory on our behalf, that ye may have somewhat against them which glory in appearance, and not in heart. For whether we are beside 15 16 11 12 19 * Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford read σὺν Ἰησοῦ, “ with Jesus, instead of διὰ, “ by Jesus.’ ἵνα ἡ χάρις πλεονάσασα διὰ τῶν πλειόνων τὴν εὐχαριστίαν περισσεύῃ εἰς τὴν δόξαν τοῦ Θεοῦ. The word χάρις here seems to mean the same thing as the word χάρισμα ini. 11, viz. the gracious de- liverance of Paul at Ephesus, which redounded to the glory of God by calling forth the hearty thanksgiving of the churches? Observe the play upon the words χάρις and εὐχαριστίαν. In Eng. ver. “that the abundant grace might through the thanksgiving of many redound to the glory of God.” Ὁ διαφθείρεται. In Eng, ver. “ perish.” “καθ᾽ ὑπερβολὴν εἰς ὑπερβολὴν αἰώνιον, κιτιλ. τ This figure of the earthly tabernacle was, of course, familiar to the mind of Paul, who was himself a tent-maker. 8° «Tf so be that when the time comes for us to be clothed upon, we shall not be found naked,’ that is, without the robe of Christian purity, without the “ wedding garment,” which, accord- ing to our Lord’s parable, will be the only pass- port to the great marriage feast. ὅθ εὐδοκοῦμεν. In Eng. ver. “ we are willing.” In Eng. ver. “ accepted by.” Ἵ φανερωθῆναι —i.e. we must all be laid oper. The same word is used in this sense in the next verse. In Eng. ver. “ we must all appear.” *” We justify our conduct to men, but in the sight of God, the uprightness of our conduct is manifest. % εὐάρεστοι. Cuar. 1.] 21 SECOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. [a.D. 57] 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Cu, VI. Hy 09 1 ourselves,’ it is for God; or whether we are sober, it is for you. For the love of Christ constraineth us, who have judged this, that if one died for all, then were all dead, and he died for all, that they who live should not henceforth live unto themselves, but unto him who died for them, and rose again. Where- fore, henceforth know we no man after the flesh; yea, though we have known Christ after the flesh, yet now henceforth know we him no more.** Therefore, if any man be in Christ [he is] a new creature ; old things are passed away ; behold, all things are become new. And all things are from God, who hath reconciled us to himself by Jesus Christ, and hath given to us the ministry of reconciliation, to wit, that God was reconciling the world unto himself in Christ, not imputing their trespasses unto them, and hath committed unto us the word of reconciliation. We are ambassadors, then, for Christ, as though God did beseech you by us; we pray you in Christ’s stead, Be ye reconciled to God; for he hath made him who knew no sin, to be sin for us,*° that we might be made the righteousness of God in him. We then, as workers together with him, beseech you also that ye receive not the grace of God in vain; (for he saith, ‘I have heard thee in a time accepted, and in a day of salvation have I succoured thee ’ (Js. xlix. 8).°° Behold, now is the well-accepted time! Behold, now is the day of salvation!) giving no offence in anything that the ministry be not blamed,” but in every thing approving ourselves the ministers of God, in much patience, in afflictions, in necessities, distresses, in stripes,’ in imprisonments,”? watchings,’” in fastings,'? 7 pureness, iz knowledge, in long-suffering, in kindness, in the Holy Ghost, in love unfeigned, zm the word of truth, in the power of God, by the armour of righteousness on the right hand and on the as in in tumults,'°? in labours,’ in % ἐξέστημεν. The zeal of Paul laid him open to this charge, but there was no more reason for it than when Festus exclaimed, “ Paul, thou art beside thyself.” Acts xxvi. 24, This seems to harmonise better with the context than to sup- pose the Apostle to allude to his hairbreadth escape at Ephesus, when at the moment he was so much beside himself that he would have rushed into the theatre, but the disciples held him back. See Acts xix. 30. % «Though we have known Christ in his human character, it avails us nothing. We must henceforth know him only in his divine and spiritual character’ The Apostle may be referring here to some unaccredited teachers in the Corinthian church, who grounded their pre- tensions on the fact of their haying seen Christ in the flesh. 95 God made him a “ sin-offering for us,” i.e. he suffered the penalty of our sin. * Cited verbatim from the LXX. ὅτ These words and the sequel refer, not to the Corinthians, but to the Apostle himself, and in this description we have in a general way tho lights and shadows of his life. * As at Philippi, Acts xvi. 23. *® As at Philippi, Acts xvi. 23. Clemens Romanus speaks of Paul as ἑπτάκις δέσμα φορέσας, 1 Epist. Cor. 0 As at Ephesus, at the riot stirred up by Demetrius the silversmith. 11 Tn labouring with his own hands, as at Thessalonica, 2 Thess. iii. 8; at Corinth, 1 Cor. iv. 12; at Ephesus, Acts xx. 34. 2 Tn pursuing his mission during the night, instead of taking rest, as when he preached until midnight at Troas. Acts xx. 7. “8 Tn the pangs of hunger which must often have occurred in the course of his missionary labours. 22 [A.p. 57] SHCOND EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS. (Cuar. 1: left,"°* by glory and dishonour,'® by evil report and good report ;'°° as 9 deceivers, and [yet] true ;'°’ as unknown, and [yet] well known;’” as dying, 10 and, behold, we live;'°® as chastened, and not killed ;™° as sorrowful, yet alway rejoicing ;'' as poor, yet making many rich, as having nothing, and [yet] possessing all things.’ 11, 12 “O Corinthians, our mouth is opened unto you, our heart is enlarged. Ye 13 are not straitened in us ; but ye are straitened in your own bowels; but by way 14 of like return 113 (I speak as unto my children), be ye also enlarged. Be not unequally yoked with unbelievers; for what fellowship hath righteousness 15 with unrighteousness? and what communion hath light with darkness? and 16 what concord hath Christ with Belial ? or what part hath he that believeth with an unbeliever ? and what agreement hath the temple of God with idols ὃ for ye are the temple of the living God; as God hath said, ‘I will dwell in them, and walk in them, and I will be their God, and they shall be my 17 people.’ (Lev. xxvi. 11, 12.)"* Wherefore, ‘come out from among them, and 18 be ye separate, saith the Lord, and touch not the unclean [thing].’ (Js. li. 11.)"° And ‘I will receive you, and will be a father unto you, and ye shall be my Cu. VIL sons and daughters, saith the Lord Almighty.’ (2 Sam. vu. 14.)"° Having, therefore, these promises, beloved, let us cleanse ourselves from all pollution of the flesh and spirit, perfecting holiness in the fear of God. ὯΙ Tn a complete panoply of righteousness, so as to be unassailable on eyery side. 1 By dishonour, as when he suffered the in- sult of being beaten with rods at Philippi, Acts xvi. 23; and the like on two other occasions, 2 Cor. xi. 25; besides five whippings at the hands of the Jews, 2 Cor. xi. 4. 05 By evil report, from the calumnies spread against him, more particularly amongst his own countrymen, Rom. iii. 8; so that when he claimed a good conscience, Ananias gave an order to smite him on the mouth, Acts xxiii, 24. 07 πλάνοι, ‘deceivers, was the word in com- mon use amongst the Jews for the impostors that were continually springing up, and the same opprobrious epithet was no doubt applied to Paul by his unbelieving countrymen. 08 Defamed as contemptible ; but rightly ap- preciated by true believers. ™ Continually exposed to the risk of our lives, yet ever escaping. "N° Chastened as by the thorn in the flesh, but divinely supported against the chastisement. 2 Cor. xii. 7. Ἧ As when he was disappointed at the non- coming of Titus at Troas, 2 Cor. ii. 12; but m™ As having nothing in a worldly sense, and yet bestowing what in value surpassed the ereatest wealth. We may gather from this that Paul, if ever endowed with worldly goods, had given up all for the sake of the Gospel. 118 τὴν αὐτὴν ἀντιμισθίαν. In Eng. ver. “for a recompense in the same.” πὸ "Ενοικήσω ἐν αὐτοῖς, κατιλ. In the LXX.: Θήσω τὴν σκηνήν μου ἐν ὑμῖν, κιτιλ., and through- out the Apostle changes the second person plural to the third. No "EEN ere ἐκ μέσου αὐτῶν καὶ ἀφορίσθητε, λέγει Κύριος, καὶ ἀκαθάρτου μὴ ἅπτεσθε. In the ΤΙ ΧΧ, the words are: ᾿Δκαθάρτου μὴ ἅψησθε, ἐξέλθετε ἐκ μέσου αὐτῆς, ἀφορίσθητε. US Καγὼ εἰσδέξομαι ὑμᾶς, καὶ ἔσομαι ὑμῖν εἰς πατέρα, καὶ ὑμεῖς ἔσεσθέ μοι εἰς υἱοὺς καὶ θυγατέρας, λέγει Κύριος παντοκράτωρ. The Apostle seems to cite the following passage in the LXX.: Ἐγὼ ἔσομαι αὐτῷ εἰς πατέρα, καὶ αὐτὸς ἔσται μοι εἰς viov . . . λέγει Κύριος παντοκράτωρ. 2 Sam. vii. 14, 8. u7 * Be favourably disposed towards us, as we are to youward.’ Cuar, 1.7 23 SECOND EPISTLE ΤῸ THE CORINTHIANS. [a.v. 57] 3 4 5 have defrauded no man. I speak not this to condemn you," for I have said before, that ye are in our hearts to die and ¢o live with you. Great is my boldness of speech towards you; great is my boasting of you. I am filled with comfort; I overflow with joy in all our affliction. For, when we were come into Macedonia, our flesh had no rest, but we were troubled on every side,—without [were] fightings, within [were] fears." Nevertheless, God that comforteth those that are cast down, comforted us by the coming of Titus; and not by his coming only, but also by the comfort wherewith he was comforted in you, when he told us your earnest desire, your mourning, your zeal™ for me: so that I rejoiced the more; for though I made you sorry by the letter," I do not repent, though I was repenting ; * for I perceive that that letter made you sorry, but only for an hour. Now I rejoice, not that ye were made sorry, but that ye sorrowed to repentance, for ye were made sorry 10 according to God that ye might receive damage by us in nothing ; for sorrow, 11 12 19 14͵ 15 16 Cu. VIII, according to God, worketh repentance to salvation not to be repented of; but the sorrow of the world worketh death.’%° For, behold, this self-same thing, that ye sorrowed according to God! what carefulness it wrought in you! yea, what clearing of yourselves! yea, what indignation! yea, what fear! yea, what vehement desire! yea, what zeal! yea, what revenge! In every thing ye have approved yourselves to be clear in this matter. Wherefore, though I wrote unto you, [I did it] not for his cause that had done the wrong, nor for his cause that suffered wrong, but that our care for you in the sight of God might appear to youward. Therefore, we were comforted in your comfort ; yea, and exceedingly the more joyed we for the joy of Titus, because his spirit was refreshed by you all; for if I have boasted any thing to him of you, I am not ashamed, but as we spake all things to you in truth, even so our boasting, before Titus, was found a truth; and his bowels yearn more abundantly toward you, while he remembereth the obedience of you all, how with fear and trem- bling ye received him. I rejoice that I have confidence in you in every thing. “Moreover, brethren, we do you to wit of the free gift’ of God which us «T speak not in censure of any want of 129 ¢T had no sooner sent it, than my mind affection for the time past, but I beseech you only to be kindly affectioned towards me for the time to come.’ no OT -: fore if the uncireumcision keep the righteousness of the Law, shall not his uncireumcision be counted for circumcision? and shall not uncircumcision which is by nature, if it fulfil the Law, judge thee, who through the letter and circumcision dost transgress the Law? For he is not a Jew, which is one outwardly, neither is that circumcision, which is outward in the flesh: but he is a Jew, which is one inwardly, and circumcision is that of the heart, in the spirit and not in the letter; whose praise is not of men, but of God. “What then 18 the prerogative of the Jew? or what the use™ of cireum- cision ? Much every way. or firstly because unto them were committed the oracles of God. For what if some were unfaithful, shall their wnfaithfulness undo” the faithfulness of God? Far be it! yea, let God be true, but every man a liar; as it is written, ‘That thou mightest be justified in thy sayings, and mightest overcome when thou art judged.’ (Ps. 11. 4.) ” « But if our unrighteousness commend the righteousness of God, what shall we say? Is God unrighteous who beareth wrath? (I speak asa man.) Fur be it! 5. Hlse how shall God judge the world? For if the truth of God hath abounded through my le unto his glory, why yet am I also judged as a sinner? and not rather, (as we are slanderously reported, and as some affirm that we say) ‘ Let us do evil, that good may come ?’** whose condemnation is just. “What then? are we better than they ? No, in no wise, for we have before proved both Jews and Greeks, that they are all under sin; as it is written, ‘There is none righteous, no, not one: there 15 none that understandeth, there is none that seeketh after God; they have all gone out of the way, they have together become unprofitable; there is none that doeth good, no not one; their throat is an open sepulchre; with their tongues they have used deceit ; the poison of asps is under their lips ; whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness; their feet are swift to shed blood; destruction and misery are in their ways; and the way of peace have they not known there is no fear of God; before their eyes.’. (Ps. xiv. 3.) Now we know that what things soever the Law saith, it speaketh τ᾽ to them who are under the Law: that every mouth may be stopped, and all the world may become guilty before God. Wherefore by the deeds of the Law ‘there shall be no flesh justified in his sight:’™" for by the Law is the knowledge of sin. δ» τὸ περισσόν. In Eng. ver. “advantage.” against himself personally. The latter is the “Ὁ ὠφέλεια. In Eng. ver. “ profit.” more probable, as from the nature of the case ” καταργήσει. the Judaizers must have charged him with im- τι See Vol. I. p. 348. piously breaking the Law of Moses in order to ™ Cited verbatim from the LXX. make the Gospel palatable to the Gentiles. ® See Vol. 1. p. 348. : *® Cited verbatim from the LXX. ™ The Apostle may here be alluding to a Τὸ λαλεῖ, In Eng. ver. “ saith.” charge brought against Christians generally or 7 ἐξ ἔργων νόμου ov δικαιωθήσεται πᾶσα σὰρξ Cu. IV. EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [av 58] 51 21 “ But now the justification of God hath been manifested without the Law, 22 being witnessed by the Law and the prophets, even the justification of God which is by Faith of Jesus Christ unto all and upon all them that believe : for 23 there is no difference, for all have sinned and come short of the glory of God ; 24 being justified freely by his grace through the redemption that is in Christ 25 Jesus, whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through Faith in his blood, to declare his justéfication through the remission of past sins through 26 the forbearance of God—to declare, [I say] at this time his justification, that 27 he might be just, and the justifier of him that is of Faith in Jesus. Where is boasting then? It is excluded. By what law? Of works? Nay, but by the 28 law of Faith. Therefore we conclude that a man is justified by Faith without 29 the deeds of the Law. Is he the God of the Jews only? is he not also of the 30 Gentiles? Yes, of the Gentiles also, seeing that God is one which shall justify 31 the circumcision by Faith, and the uncireumcision by Faith.”* Do we then make void the Law through Faith? Far be it! 7 yea, we establish the Law. “What shall we, then, say, that Abraham, our father, according to the 2 flesh,*° hath found ? for if Abraham was justified by works, he hath whereof 3 to boast (but not before God); for what saith the Scripture? ‘And Abraham believed God, and it was imputed unto him for righteousness’ (Gen. xy. 6) ;*! 4 now to him that worketh is the reward not imputed of grace, but of debt; 5 but to him that worketh not, but believeth on him that justifieth the ungodly, 6 his faith is imputed for righteousness ; as David also describeth the blessedness of the man, unto whom God imputeth righteousness without works, [saying, ] 7 ‘Blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven, and whose sins are covered: 8, 9 blessed is the man to whom the Lord will not ¢mpute sin.’ (Ps. xxxii. 1.)™ [Cometh] this blessedness then upon the circumcision only, or upon the uncir- 10 cumcision also? for we say that Faith was imputed to Abraham for righteous- ness. How was it, then, imputed? when he was in circumcision, or in uncircum- 11 cision? Not in circumcision, but in uncireumcision ; and he received the sign of circumcision, a seal of the justification of the Faith which was in unctreumeision,* that he might be the father of all them that believe [that are] in uncireum- 12 cision, that righteousness might be imputed unto them also, and the father of ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ. Ὁ κατὰ σάρκα. In Eng. ver. “as pertaining to the flesh.” In the LXX. (Ps. exliii. 2) the words are: ov δικαιωθήσεται ἐνώπιόν σου πᾶς ζῶν. The same text is quoted in Galat. ii. 16, but in a different order: οὐ δικαιωθήσεται ἐξ ἔργων νόμου πᾶσα σάρξ. 78 The expression διὰ τῆς πίστεως is here sub- stituted for the ἐκ τῆς πίστεως just before, but no contrast appears to be intended between the ἐκ and the διά. See note, Vol. 1. p. 348. Ἢ Cited verbatim from the LXX., except that the Apostle changes the καὶ of the LXX. into δέ, (Gen. xv. 6.) ® Cited verbatim from the LXX., Ps. xxxii. 1. 88. τῆς ἐν τῇ ἀκροβυστίᾳ. In Eng. ver. “ which he had yet being uncircumcised.” δὲ. δι᾽ ἀκροβυστίας. In Eng. ver. “though they be not cireumcised.” H 2 17 18 [a.D. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuap. IT. circumcision to them who are not of the circumcision, but who also walk in the steps of that Faith of our father Abraham which was in unetreumeision. For the promise that he should be the heir of the world, was not to Abraham, or to his seed, through the Law, but through the justdfication of Faith ; for if they which are of the Law be heirs, Faith is made void, and the promise 18 done away, because the Law worketh wrath; for where no law is, there is no transgression. Therefore, it is of Faith, that it might be by grace, to the end that the promise might be sure to all the seed, not to that only which is of the Law, but to that also which is of the Faith of Abraham, who is the father of us all, (as it is written, ‘I have made thee a father of many nations,’ Gen. xvii. 5) in the sight of*° him whom he believed, even God who quickeneth the dead and calleth the things which are not as though they were—who against hope believed in hope, that he might become the father of many nations, according to that which was spoken, ‘So shall thy seed be.’ (Gen. xv. δ.) And being not weak in Faith, he considered not his own body now dead, (being about an hundred years old) and the deadness of Sarah’s womb. He staggered not at the promise of God through unbelief, but was strong in Faith, giving glory to God, and being fully persuaded that what he had promised he was also able to perform; wherefore, also, it was imputed to him for righteousness. Now it was not written for his sake alone, that it was imputed to him, but for us also, to whom it shall be imputed, if we believe on him that raised up Jesus our Lord from the dead, who was betrayed* for our offences, and was raised again for our justification. “ Therefore, being justified by Faith, we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ, by whom also we have access by Faith wnto this grace wherein we stand, and rejoice in hope of the glory of God; and not only so, but we glory in tribulations also, knowing that tribulation worketh patience, and patience experience, and experience hope ; and hope maketh not ashamed, because the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Ghost which Ὁ is given unto us. For when we were yet without strength, in due time Christ died for the ungodly ; for scarcely for a righteous man will one die—yet per- adventure for a good man*® one would even dare to die—but God commendeth his love toward us, in that, while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us. Much more, then, being now justified by his blood, we shall be saved from wrath through him ; for if when we were enemies we were reconciled to God ®° Cited verbatim from the LXX. will be understood by turning to Gen. xv. 5. κατέναντι οὗ. In Eng. ver. “ before.” 88 παρεδόθη. In Eng. ver. “ delivered.” ‘7 Viz. “as the stars of heaven, so shall thy 89. There is no antithesis between “a righteous seed be.” The words of the Apostle are not man” and “a good man,” but they are equivalent meant to be a citation verbatim, but are a refer- expressions. ence only to the passage in a general way. This 86 Cuap. IT.) 11 12 19 14 10 17 [A.D. 58] δὲ EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. by the death of his Son, much more, being reconciled, we shall be saved by his life, and not only so, but also boastiny® in God through our Lord Jesus Christ, by whom we have now received the atonement. “Wherefore, as by one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin, and so death passed upon all men, for that all have sinned,” for before the Law sin was in the world, but sin is not imputed when there is no law ;? neverthe- less, death reigned from Adam to Moses, even over them that had not sinned after the similitude of Adam’s transgression,’* who is the figure of him that was to come; but not as the offence, so also is the free gift ; for if through the offence of one many died, much more the grace of God, and the gift by grace, which is by one man, Jesus Christ, hath abounded unto many; and not as it was by one that sinned, so is the gift; for the judgment was by one to con- demnation, but the free gift is of many offences unto justification ; for if by one man’s offence death reigned by one, much more they which receive the abundance of the grace and of the gift of justification shall reign in life by one, Jesus Christ. Therefore as by one offence [judgment came] upon all men to condemnation, even so by one justification [the free gift came] upon all men unto justification of life. For as by one man’s disobedience many were made sinners, so by the obedience of one shall many be made righteous. Now the Law supervened™ that the offence might abound; but where sin abounded grace did much more abound, that as sin had reigned im death, ** even so might grace reign through justification unto eternal life by Jesus Christ our Lord. “What shall we say then? Shall we continue in sin, that grace may abound? Har be it!** How shall we, that are dead to sin, live any longer therein? or know ye not, that so many of us as are baptized into Jesus Christ are baptized into his death? Therefore we are buried with him by baptism into death ; that like as Christ was raised up from the dead by the glory of the Father, even so we also should walk in newness of life; for if we have been planted together in the likeness of his death, we shall be also in the like- ness of his resurrection; knowing this, that our old man hath been crucified with him, that the body of sin might be destroyed, that henceforth we should 90 καυχώμενοι. In Eng. ver. “ we joy.” he violated it, and the sin was imputed. In the *! All, as the posterity of Adam, were affected by his transgression, and born of a sinful nature, and so subject to death. * Acts which by the Law of Moses were de- clared to be sinful were done by mankind in the interval between Adam and Moses, but were not imputed as sin, because as yet men had only the light of nature and not the Law of Moses, and therefore what was not contrary to the light of nature was excused. 38. Adam received an express command, and interval between Adam and Moses, there was no express command, and therefore the sinful acts (where not forbidden by the light of nature) were not imputed. Nevertheless death reigned from the sin committed by Adam. ** παρεισῆλθεν. Literally, ‘entered besides’ or ‘by the way.’ In Eng. ver. “ entered.” ἡ ἐν τῷ θανάτῳ. Sin had exercised its do- minion in causing the death of mankind. 56. See Vol. I. p. 348. [a.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. (Cuap. 11. Cu. VIL 2 3 4 5 not serve sin; for he that is dead is freed from sin. But if we be dead with Christ, we believe that we shall also live with him, knowing that Christ being raised from the dead dieth no more—death hath no more dominion over him ; for in that he died, he died unto sin once, but in that he liveth, he liveth unto God. Likewise reckon ye also yourselves to be dead indeed unto sin, but alive unto God through Jesus Christ.’ Let not sin therefore reign in your mortal body, that ye should obey** the lust thereof; neither yield ye your members as instruments of unrighteousness unto sin; but yield yourselves unto God, as those that are alive from the dead, and your members as instruments of righteousness unto God. For sin shall not have dominion over you, for ye are not under the Law, but under Grace. “What then? shall we sin, because we are not under the Law, but under Grace? Fur be it!* Know ye not, that to whom ye yield yourselves ser- vants unto obedience, his servants ye are to whom ye obey, whether of sin unto death, or of obedience unto justification? But thanks be to God that ye were the servants of sin, but ye have obeyed from the heart that form of doctrine which was delivered you.’ Being then made free from sin, ye became the servants of righteousness ; (I speak after the manner of men, because of the infirmity of your flesh): for as ye yielded your members servants to unclean- ness, and to iniquity unto iniquity, even so now yield your members servants to righteousness unto holiness. For when ye were the servants of sin, ye were free from righteousness. What fruit therefore had ye then in those things whereof ye are now ashamed? for the end of those things is death. But now being made free from sin, and become servants to God, ye have your fruit unto holiness, and the end everlasting life. For the wages of sin is death; but the gift of God is eternal life through Jesus Christ our Lord. “Or know ye not, brethren, (for I speak to them that know the Law,) how that the Law hath dominion over a man as long as he liveth? For the woman which hath a husband is bound by the law to her husband so long as he liveth; but if the husband be dead, she is loosed from the law of her husband. So then if, while her husband liveth, she be joined to another man, she shall be called an adulteress ; but if her husband be dead, she is free from that law, so that she is no adulteress, though she be jotned to another man. Wherefore, my brethren, ye also are become dead to the Law by the body of Christ, that ye should be married to another, even to him who was raised from the dead, that we should bring forth fruit unto God. For when we were in % The words τῷ Κυρίῳ ἡμῶν---“ our Lord’—_ Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. have been rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lach- 99. See Vol. I. p. 348. mann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 10 More literally, ‘unto which ye were de- 38. In Eng. ver. “ obey { in the lusts thereof;” —_livered.’ but the words αὐτῇ év— it in’—are rejected by Cuap. II.] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [4.Ὁ. 58] 55 the flesh, the motions of sins, which were by the Law, did work in our members to bring forth fruit unto death. But now we are set free from the Law, that being dead wherein we were held: that we should serve in newness of spirit, and not in the oldness of the letter. 7 “What shall we say then? Is the Law sin? Far be it!!" Nay, I had not known sin, but by the Law:"” for I had not known concupiscence except 8 the Law had said, ‘Thou shalt not covet.’ (Hx. xx. 17.)'!% But sin, taking occasion by the commandment, wrought in me all manner of concupiscence ; 9 for without the Law sin was dead. For I was alive without the Law once, 10 but when the commandment came, sin revived, and I died; and the command- 11 ment, which was [ordained] to life, this unto me was found unto death; for for) sin, taking occasion by the commandment, deceived me, and by it slew me. 12 Wherefore the Law is holy, and the commandment holy, and just, and good. 13 Did then that which is good become death unto me? Far be it! But sin, that it might appear sin, [was] working death in me by that which is good, 14 that sin by the commandment might become exceeding sinful.’ For we know 15 that the Law is spiritual, but I am carnal, sold wato sin: for that which I do 16 I know not; for what I would, that do I not, but what I hate, that do 1. But if I do that which I would not, I consent unto the law that it is good. Now 17, 18 then it is no more I that do it, but sin that dwelleth in me; for I know that in me (that is, in my flesh,) dwelleth no good thing; for to will is present 19 with me, but how to perform that which is good I find not; for the good, 20 that I would,I do not; but the evil which I would not, that Ido. But if I do 21 that I would not, it is no more I that do it, but sin that dwelleth in me. I 22 find then a law, that, when I would do good, evil is present with me. For I 23 delight in the law of God after the inward man; but I see another law in my members, warring against the law of my mind, and bringing me into captivity 24 to the law of sin which is in my members. O wretched man that Iam! who 25 shall deliver me from the body of this death? I thank God,’ Through Jesus Christ our Lord. So then with the mind I myself serve the law of God; but with the flesh the law of sin. Cu. vu. “There is therefore now no condemnation to them which are in Christ 2 Jesus, who walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit. For the law of the Spirit of life in Christ Jesus hath made me free from the law of sin and 3 death; for what the Law could not do, in that it was weak through the flesh, 1 See Vol. I. p. 348. > Το, It was not the Law, but sin, that caused 12 ‘The law must be the perfection of holiness, my death—not the Law, which is good, but sin, for it, and it only, enables me to distinguish what which became more sinful through the Law, is sinful. which expressly prohibited it. 0 Cited verbatim from the LXX. 1 Viz. that I am delivered. 104 See Vol. I. p. 348. [4.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. (Cuap. II. 4 δ co ὍΝ “ὦ & God sending his own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh, and for sin,’ con- demned sin in the flesh, that the justification of the Law might be fulfilled in us, who walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit. For they that are after the flesh do mind the things of the flesh ; but they that are after the Spirit, the things of the Spirit. For the carnal mind is death; but the spiritual mind is life and peace. Because the carnal mind is enmity against God; for it is not subject to the law of God, neither indeed can be; for they that are in the flesh cannot please God. But ye are not in the flesh, but in the Spirit, if so be that the Spirit of God dwell in you. But if any man have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his. But if Christ be in you, the body indeed is dead because of sin; but the Spirit is life because of righteous- ness. But if the Spirit of him that raised up Jesus from the dead dwell in you, he that raised up Christ from the dead shall also quicken your mortal bodies by his Spirit that dwelleth in you. Therefore, brethren, we are debtors, not to the flesh, to live after the flesh; for if ye live after the flesh, ye shall die: but if ye through the Spirit do mortify the deeds of the body, ye shall live. For as many as are led by the Spirit of God, they are the sons of God; for ye have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear, but ye have received the spirit of adoption, whereby we ery, ‘ Abba Father !’1° The Spirit itself beareth witness with our spirit, that we are the children of God, and if children, then heirs, heirs of God and joint heirs with Christ, if so be that we suffer with him, that we may be also glorified together; for I reckon that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us; for the earnest expectation of the creation waiteth for the revelation of the sons of God, for the creation was made subject to vanity,’ not willingly, but by reason of him who subjected the same, in the hope, that the creation itself also shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption into the glorious liberty of the children of God. For we know that the whole creation groaneth and trayaileth in pain together until now; and not only so, but ourselves also,"° which have the first-fruits of the Spirit, even we ourselves groan within ourselves, waiting for the adoption, [to wit] the redemption of our body; for im hope!!! we are saved, but hope that is seen is not hope; for what a man seeth, how also can he hope for ? but if we hope for that we see not, then do we with patience wait for it. And likewise the Spirit also helpeth our infirmities, for we know not what we should pray for as we ought; but the Spirit itself maketh 10 7 περὶ ἁμαρτίας. On account of sin, and for tion. the purpose of destroying it. πο We Christians as opposed to the world at “8 The Apostle here alludes apparently tothe large. commencement of the Lord’s Prayer. nl τῇ yap ἐλπίδι. In Eng. ver. “ by hope.” 109 τῇ ματαιότητι--- emptiness, the want of frui- Cnar. 1] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [a.p. 58] 57 27 28 29 30 51 32 99 94 Cua. EX. intercession for us with speechless 113 groanings; and he that searcheth the hearts knoweth what is the mind of the Spirit, because he maketh inter- cession for the saints according to [the will of | God."* And we know that all things work together for good to them that love God, to them who are called according to his purpose ; for whom he did foreknow, he did also predestinate to be conformed to the image of his Son, that he might be the firstborn among many brethren; but whom he did predestinate, them he also called ; and whom he called, them he also justified; and whom he justified, them he also glorified."* What shall we, then, say to these things? If God be for us, who can be against us? He that spared not his own Son, but delivered him up for us all, how shall he not with him also freely give us all things ? Who shall lay anything to the charge of God’s elect? It is God that justifieth; who is he that condemneth? It is Christ that died, yea rather, that is risen again, who is even at the right hand of God, who also maketh intercession for us. Who shall separate us from the love of Christ? Shall tribulation, or distress, or persecution, or famine, or nakedness, or peril, or sword ? as it is written, ‘For thy sake we are killed all the day long; we are accounted as sheep for the slaughter.’ (Ps. xliy. 22.)"% Nay, in all these things we are more than conquerors through him that loved us; for I am persuaded that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature, shall be able to separate us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord. “T say the truth in Christ, I lie not, my conscience also bearing me witness in the Holy Ghost, that I have great pain and continual sorrow in my heart; for I could wish™® that myself were accursed from Christ for my brethren, my kinsmen according to the flesh, who are Israelites,""* whose és the adoption, and the glory, and the covenants, and the giving of the law, and the service [of God], and the promises; whose are the fathers, and of whom M2 ἀλαλήτοις. In Eng. ver. “ which cannot be for excommunication from the pale of the Church. uttered.” NS The great Searcher of hearts knoweth what the Spirit prompts on our behalf, for it is by the will of God that the Spirit thus operates. m4 The Apostle is regarding the Gospel scheme as a whole, and assumes the final consummation of all things as already come to pass; for “in hope we are already saved,” ver. 24. τὸ Cited verbatim from the LXX., Ps. xliv. 22. US ηὐχόμην, the imperfect, not the perfect tense —‘I was ready, if it were possible, to wish.’ NT ἀνάθεμα ἀπὸ τοῦ Χριστοῦ. Anathema, or Anathema Maranatha, was the expression used VOL, 11. 1 Cor. xvi. 22; Galat.i.9. But because a person was excommunicated, it does not follow that he might not be saved on repentance. Thus, in the case of the incestuous person at Corinth, who was excommunicated (1 Cor. y. 4), he was again, on his repentance, admitted into the Christian community. 2 Cor. ii. 8. The Apostle, there- fore, in the passage under consideration, seems to say, ‘I could wish that even I myself were excommunicated and ejected from the church, if thereby my beloved fellow-countrymen could find their admission into it.’ us See note ante, 2 Cor. xi. 22. σι [a.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuap. IT. συ 21 22 as concerning the flesh Christ came, who is over all, God blessed for ever, Amen. “Not as though the word of God hath fallen away, for they are not all Israel which are of Israel; neither because they are the seed of Abraham are they all children; but, ‘In Isaac shall thy seed be called’ (Gen. xxi. 12) ae that is, they which are the children of the flesh, these are not the children of God, but the children of the promise are counted for the seed. For this is the word of promise, ‘At that time will I come, and Sarah shall have a son.’ (Gen. xviii. 10.) And not only this, but when Rebecca also had conceived by one, even by our father Isaac (for the children being not yet born, neither having done any good or evil, that the purpose of God according to election might stand, not of works, but of him that calleth), it was said unto her, ‘The elder shall serve the younger’ (Gen. xxv. 3) ; 5 as it is written, ‘ Jacob have I loved, but Esau have I hated.’ (Mad. i. 2.) What shall we say then ? Is there unrighteousness with God? Far be it!’ For he saith to Moses, I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy, and I will have compassion on whom I will have compassion.’ (Ez. xxxiii. 19.)'* So then it is not of him that willeth, nor of him that runneth, but of God that sheweth mercy ; for the Scripture saith unto Pharaoh, ‘ For this very purpose have I raised thee up, that I might show my power in thee, and that my name might be declared throughout all the earth.’ (Hz. ix. 16.) Therefore hath he mercy on whom he will have merey, and whom he will he hardeneth. Thou wilt say then unto me, Why doth he yet find fault? for who hath resisted his will? Nay, but, O man, who art thou that repliest against God? ‘Shall the _thing formed say to him that formed it, Why hast thou made me thus?’ (Is. xxix. 16.)!° Or hath not the potter (fig. 184) power over the clay, of the same lump to make one vessel unto honour, and another unto dishonour ?™ And what if God, willing to show his wrath, and to make his power known, 09 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Gen. xxi. 12. 1 Kara τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἐλεύσομαι, καὶ ἔσται τῇ Sdppa vids. Here the Apostle apparently quotes from memory, or the LXX. text has suf- fered, as the words are varied. In the LXX. the passage is: Ἐπαναστρέφων ἥξω πρὸς σὲ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον τῆς ὥρας, καὶ ἕξει υἱὸν Σάῤῥα ἡ γυνή σου. Gen. xviii. 10. ; 121 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Gen. xxv. 28. ™ Cited verbatim from the LXX., save that in the Septuagint τὸν Ἰακὼβ follows ἠγάπησα. 128 See ante, Vol. I. p. 343. 14 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Ex. xxxiii 19. 13 "Oru εἰς αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐξήγειρά σε, ὅπως ἐνδείξω- μαι ἐν σοὶ τὴν δύναμίν μου, κατιλ. Here the Apostle varies from the LXX. version, which is: Kai ἕνεκεν τούτου διετηρήθης iva ἐνδείξωμαι ἐν σοὶ τὴν ἰσχύν μου, κιτιλ. Ex. ix. 16. In the rest of the passage, the citation agrees with the original. 126 Τῇ the LXX. the passage is: Μὴ ἐρεῖ τὸ πλάσμα τῷ πλάσαντι αὐτὸ, Οὐ σύ pe ἔπλασας; ἢ τὸ ποίημα τῷ ποιήσαντι, Οὐ συνετῶς με ἐποίησας ; Is. xxix. 16. The first six words are cited verbatim ; the sense only of the latter part is given. 127 The Apostle here is still referring to the same part of Isaiah, for the words cited above are preceded by the following : οὐχ ὡς πηλὸς τοῦ κεραμέως λογισθήσεσθε; The like figure is also found in Is. xly. 9. μὴ ἐρεῖ ὁ πηλὸς τῷ κεραμεῖ, Τί ποιεῖς ; Cuap. 11.} EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [a.D. 58] 59 endured with much long-suffering the vessels of wrath fitted to destruction, 23 and that he might make known the riches of his glory on the vessels of mercy 24 which he had afore prepared unto glory, even us whom he hath called, not of 25 the Jews only, but also of the Gentiles ? As he saith also in Hosea, ‘I will call them my people, which were not my people; and her beloved which was 26 not beloved.’ (Hos. ii. 23.) And it shall come to pass, that in the place Fig. 184.—A Potter at Work. From C. W. King’s ‘Antique Gems.’ The potter is turning the wheel with his foot while he is moulding the vessel with his bands. where it was said unto them, Ye are not my people; there shall they be called 27 the children of the living God.’ (Hos. i. 10.) 159 Isaiah also crieth concerning Israel, ‘'Though the number of the children of Israel be as the sand of the 28 sea, the remnant shall be saved; for he is making up the account, and cutting it short in justification ; because a short account will the Lord make upon the 29 earth.’ (Is. x. 22, 23.)'° And as Isaiah said before, ‘ Except the Lord of Sabaoth had left us a seed, we had been as Sodom, and been made like unto Gomorrha.’ 30 (Is. i. 9.) What shall we say then ?—that the Gentiles, which follow not justification, have attained to justification, even the justification which is of 31 Faith; but Israel, which followeth the Law of justification, hath not attained 32 to the Law of justification. Wherefore? Because they sought it not by Faith, but as it were by the works of the Law; for they stumbled at that stumbling- 33 stone, as it is written, ‘ Behold, I lay in Sion a stumbling-stone and rock of offence: and whosoever believeth on him shall not be ashamed.’ (Js. xxvii. 16.) 1° Cu. X. “ Brethren, my heart’s desire and prayer to God for Israel is, for [their] 28 Καλέσω τὸν ov λαόν μου, Nady μου" Kal τὴν οὐκ ἠγαπημένην, ἤγαπημένην. Here also the Apostle varies slightly from the words of the LXX. which run thus: ᾿Αγαπήσω τὴν οὐκ ἠγαπημένην, καὶ ἐρῶ τῷ οὐ λαῷ μου, Aads μου εἶ σύ. Hos. ii. 23. 29 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Hos. i. 10; except that for κληθήσονται καὶ αὐτοὶ in the latter, the Apostle writes, ἐκεῖ κληθήσονται. 1899 The Apostle substitutes ᾽Εὰν ἢ ὁ ἀριθμὸς τῶν υἱῶν Ἰσραὴλ instead of ᾽Εὰν γένηται ὁ λαὸς Ἰσραὴλ in the LXX.; and again he substitutes ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς for ἐν τῇ οἰκουμένῃ ὅλῃ, the expression in the LXX. Is. x. 22,23. In other respects the cita- tion is verbatim. 181 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Is. i. 9. 2 Ἰδοὺ τίθημι ev Σιὼν λίθον προσκόμματος καὶ πέτραν σκανδάλου, καὶ πᾶς ὁ πιστεύων ἐπ᾽ αὐτῳ οὐ καταισχυνθήσεται.ι. In the LXX. the pas- sage runs somewhat differently, viz.: Ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ ἐμβάλλω εἰς τὰ θεμέλια Σιὼν λίθον πολυτελῆ, ἐκλεκτὸν, ἀκρογωνιαῖον, ἔντιμον, εἰς τὰ θεμέλια αὐτῆς, καὶ ὁ πιστεύων οὐ μὴ καταισχυνθῇ. Is. xxviii. 16. The expressions λίθον προσκόμματος καὶ πέτραν σκανδάλου are probably drawn from Is. viii. 14, where we read: Οὐχ ὡς λίθου προσκόμματι συναν- τήσεσθε οὐδὲ ὡς πέτρας πτώματι. 1 a 60 [a.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuap. 11. 2 9 4 5 19 14 15 16 117. 18 19 20 salvation; for I bear them witness that they have a zeal of God, but not according to knowledge; for they being ignorant of God’s justification, and going about to establish their own justification, have not submitted themselves unto the justification of God; for Christ is the end of the Law for justéfication to every one that believeth. For Moses describeth the justification which is of the Law, that ‘The man which doeth these things shall live by them’ (Lev. xviii. 5) ;1°* but the justification which is of Faith speaketh on this wise, Say not in thine heart, ‘Who shall ascend into heaven ?’ (Deut. xxx. 12)’* (that is, to bring Christ down); or, ‘Who shall descend into the deep? (Deut. xxx. 13)" (that is, to bring up Christ again from the dead); but what saith it? ‘The word is nigh thee, even in thy mouth, and in thy heart’ (Deut. xxx. 14): 5 that is, the word of Faith, which we preach— that if thou wilt confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus, and wilt believe in thine heart that God hath raised him from the dead, thou shalt be saved ; for with the heart man believeth unto justification, and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation ; for the Scripture saith, ‘Whosoever believeth on him shall not be ashamed’ (Js. xxviii. 16);'*" for there is no difference between the Jew and the Greek, for the same Lord over all is rich unto all that call upon him; for ‘Whosoever shall call upon the name of the Lord shall be saved.’ (Joel 11. 32.)'°* How then shall they call on him in whom they have not believed ? and how shall they believe in him of whom they have not heard? and how shall they hear without a preacher? and how shall they preach, except they be sent? as it is written, ‘How beautiful are the feet of them that bring glad tidings of peace, and bring glad tidings of good things "Ὁ (15. lii. 7.) 8° But they have not all obeyed the glad tidings ; for Isaiah saith, ‘Lord, who hath believed what he hath heard of us? (Is. liii. 1.) So then Faith cometh by hearing, and hearing by the word of God. But I say, Have they not heard? Yes, verily, ‘Their speech hath gone unto all the earth, and their words unto the ends of the world.’ (Ps. xix. 4.)"" But I say, Hath not Israel known? First Moses saith, ‘I will provoke you to jealousy by them that are no nation, by a foolish nation I will anger you.’ (Deut. xxxii. 21.) But Isatah is very bold, and saith, ‘I was found of them 138 Cited verbatim trom the LXX., Lev. xviii. 5. 186. Cited verbatim from the LXX., Deut. xxx. 12, except that the Apostle omits the word ἡμῖν. 18 Τῇ the LXX. the corresponding expression is, Tis διαπεράσει ἡμῖν εἰς TO πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης; Deut. xxx. 1. ‘85 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Deut. xxx. 14, except that Paul writes: "Eyyis σου τὸ ῥῆμά ἐστιν, for Ἐγγύς oov ἐστὶ τὸ Ojpa σφόδρα. ST Tlas ὁ πιστεύων ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ οὐ μὴ αἰσχυνθήσεται. The LXX. runs: Ὁ πιστεύων οὐ μὴ καταισχύνθῃ. Is. xxvii. 16. 188 Cited verbatim from the LXX. Joel, ii. 82. 89 “Os ὡραῖοι of πόδες τῶν εὐαγγελιζομένων εἰρήνην, τῶν εὐαγγελιζομένων τὰ ἀγαθά. In the LXX. the words are: ‘Qs ὥρα ἐπὶ τῶν ὀρέων, ὡς πόδες εὐαγγελιζομένου ἀκοὴν εἰρήνης, ὡς εὐαγγελιζό- μενος ἀγαθά. Is. li. 7. 0 74 ἀκοῇ ἡμῶν ---ἰ.6. ‘what he hath heard from us. Is. liii. 1. The citation from the LXX. is verbatim. 141 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Ps. xix. 4. 1 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Deut. xxxii. 21. Cuap., 11.] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [a.p. 58] 6L that sought me not; I was made manifest unto them that asked not after 21 me’ (Js. Ixx. 1);** but to Israel he saith, ‘All day long I have stretched forth my hands unto a disobedient and gainsaying people.’ (18. Ixy. 2.)'* Cu. ΧΙ. “T say then, Hath God cast away his people? ar be it! for I also 2 am an Israelite,'*® of the seed of Abraham,’ of the tribe of Benjamin:™* God hath not cast away his people which he foreknew. Or wot ye not what the Scripture saith of Elyah? how he intercedeth to God against Israel, saying, ‘Lord, they have killed thy prophets, and digged down thine altars; and I 4 alone am left, and they seek my life.’ (1 Kings xix. 10.)"° But what saith the answer of God unto him? ‘I have reserved to myself seven thousand men, who have not bowed the knee to the image of Baal.’ (1 Kings xix. 18.) 1°" 5 Even so then at this present time also there is a remnant according to the 6 election of grace ; but if by grace, then is it no more of works, otherwise grace is no more grace; [but if it be of works, it ¢s no more grace, otherwise work is no more work.]" What then? Israel hath not obtained that which he seeketh for; but the election hath obtained it, and the rest are blinded (ac- § cording as it is written, ‘God hath given them the spirit of slumber, eyes that they should not see, and ears that they should not hear’ (Is. xxix. 10); 5) 9 unto this very day. And David saith, ‘ Let their table be made a snare, and 10 a trap, and a stumbling-block, and a recompense unto them; let their eyes be darkened, that they may not see, and bow down their back alway.’ (Ps. 11 Ixix. 22, 23.)"* Isay then, have they stumbled that they should fall? Fur be τέ 115. but rather through their fall salvation is come unto the Gentiles, for 12 to provoke them to jealousy. But if the fall of them be the riches of the world, and the diminishing of them the riches of the Gentiles, how much 13 more their fulness? «(For I speak to you Gentiles, inasmuch as I am the oo πεῖ M8 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Is. Ιχχ.ἕ 1, except that the Apostle has reversed the order of the two parts of the passage. In the LXX. the words “ I was made manifest,” &ec., come first. ™ Cited verbatim from the LXX., Is. Ixy. 2, with a slight change in the position of the words. 4% See ante, Vol. I. Ὁ. 348. 46 See ante, Vol. 11. p. 28. 147 See note ante, 2 Cor. xi. 22. MS Every Benjamite was proud of his tribe, from Saul, the first king of Israel, having be- longed to it. 19. Cited verbatim from the LXX., 1 Kings xix. 10, except that here again the Apostle has reversed the order of the two first sentences. In the LXX.,‘they have digged down thine altars’ precedes ‘ they have killed thy prophets.’ 150 Κατέλιπον ἐμαυτῷ ἑπτακισχιλίους ἄνδρας, οἴτι- ves οὐκ ἔκαμψαν γόνυ τῇ Βάαλ. In the LXX. the passage is: Καὶ καταλείψεις ἐν Ἰσραὴλ ἑπτὰ χιλιάδας ἀνδρῶν, πάντα γόνατα ἃ οὐκ ἔκλασαν γόνυ τῷ Βάαλ. 1 Kings xix. 18. 11 ‘The words in brackets are omitted by Gries- bach, Scholtz, and Lachmann. 2 "Edwxev αὐτοῖς 6 Θεὸς πνεῦμα κατανύξεως, ὀφθαλμοὺς τοῦ μὴ βλέπειν, καὶ. ὦτα τοῦ μὴ ἀκούειν. This passage appears to be taken, with some variation, from Is. xxix. 10: Πεπότικεν ὑμᾶς Κύριος πνεύματι κατανύξεως, καὶ καμμύσει τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτῶν. 8 Cited from the LXX., Ps. Ixix. 22, 23, ex- cept that the Apostle writes Γενηθήτω ἡ τράπεζα αὐτῶν εἰς παγίδα καὶ εἰς θήραν, καὶ εἰς σκάνδαλον καὶ εἰς ἀνταπόδομα αὐτοῖς, instead οἵ γενηθήτω ἡ τράπεζα αὐτῶν ἐνώπιον αὐτῶν εἰς παγίδα, καὶ εἰς ἀνταπόδοσιν καὶ εἰς σκάνδαλον. 1δ4 See Vol. I. p. 248. 62 [a.D. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuap. 11. Apostle of the Gentiles. I magnify mine office, if by any means I may provoke to emulation them which are my flesh, and may save some of them.) For if the casting away of them be the reconciling of the world, what shall the ἡ receiving of them be, but life from the dead? But if the first-fruit be holy, the lump is also holy; and if the root be holy, so are the branches. But if some of the branches be broken off, and thou, being a wild olive tree, hast been grafted in among them, and aré with them a joint partaker of the root and fatness of the olive tree, boast not against the branches; but if thou boast, thou bearest not the root, but the root thee. Thou wilt say then, ‘The branches were broken off, that I might be grafted in.’ Well; because of unbelief they were broken off, and thou standest by Faith. Be not high- minded, but fear; for if God spared not the natural branches, take heed lest he also spare not thee. Behold, therefore, the goodness and severity of God ! on them which fell severity, but toward thee, goodness, if thou continue in 8 his goodness; otherwise thou also shalt be cut off. And they also, if they abide not in unbelief shall be grafted in; for God is able to graft them in again; for if thou wert cut out of the olive tree which is wild by nature, and wert grafted contrary to nature into a good olive tree, how much more shall these, which are the natural branches, be grafted into their own olive tree ὃ 5 For I would not, brethren, that ye should be ignorant of this mystery, lest ye be wise in your own conceits, that blindness in part hath happened to Israel, until the fulness of the Gentiles be come in; and so all Israel shall be saved, as it is written, ‘There shall come out of Sion the Deliverer, and shall turn away ungodliness from Jacob; and this is my covenant unto them’ (Js. lix. 20), Ὁ “when I shall take away their sins.’ (Is. xxvii. 9.)° As concerning the Gospel, they are enemies for your sakes; but as touching the election, they are ) beloved for the fathers’ sakes ; for the gifts and calling of God are not repented of." For as ye in times past did not believe God, but have now obtained mercy through their unbelief; even so have these also now not believed that through your mercy they also may obtain mercy; for God hath concluded all 3 in unbelief, that he might have mercy upon all. O the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and knowledge of God! how unsearchable are his judg- ments, and his ways past finding out! For ‘who hath known the mind of the Lord? or who hath been his counsellor ?’ (Js. x]. 13)!* or who hath first given ἡ to him, and it shall be recompensed unto him again? for of him, and through him, and to him, are all things—To him be glory for ever. Amen. Cu. XII. “TI beseech you therefore, brethren, by the mercies of God, that ye © Cited verbatim from the LXX., Is. lix. 20, 7 ἀμεταμέλητα --ἴ.6. are not uncertain and 21, except that the Apostle substitutes ἐκ Σιὼν revocable. for ἕνεκεν Σιών. 108. Cited verbatim from the LXX., Is. xl. 18, ® Cited verbatim from the LXX.,Is.xxvii.9, except that καὶ is changed into 7. except that the Apostle writes αὐτῶν for αὐτοῦ. Cuar, II.] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [a.p. 58] 63 σι { 8 14,15 21 present your bodies a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable unto God, which is your reasonable service; and be not conformed to this world, but be ye transformed by the renewing of your mind, that ye may prove what is that good, and acceptable, and perfect, will of God. For I say, through the grace given unto me, to every man that is among you, not to think of himself more highly than he ought to think ; but to think soberly, according as God hath dealt to every man the measure of faith; for as we have many members in one body, but all members have not the same office, so we, being many, are one body in Christ, and severally members one of another. Having then gifts differing according to the grace that is given to us, whether prophecy [let us prophesy] according to the proportion of faith; or ministry [let us wait] on our ministry; or he that teacheth, on fontheh oe or he that exhorteth, on exhortation: he that giveth [let him do it] with liberality ; 159. he that ruleth, with diligence; he that showeth mercy, with cheerfulness. Let love be without dissimulation. Abhor that which is evil; cleave to that which is good. Be kindly affectioned one to another with brotherly love; in honour preferring one another; not slothful in business; fervent in spirit ; serving the Lord; rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation ; continuing instant in prayer; communicating to the necessities of saints; pursuing hospitality. Bless them which persecute you; bless, and curse not. Rejoice with them that do rejoice, and weep with them that weep; be of the same mind one toward another. Minding not high things, but having a fellow-feeling with men of low estate. Be not wise in your own conceits. Recompense to no man evil for evil. ‘Provide things honest in the sight of all men.’ (Prov. ui. 4.) If it be possible, as much as lieth in you, live peaceably with all men. Dearly beloved, avenge not yourselves, but give place unto wrath, for it is written, ‘Vengeance is mine; I will repay, saith the Lord’ (Deut. xxxil. 35);"° therefore ‘If thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he thirst, give him drink: for this doing thou shalt heap coals of fire on his head.’ (Prov. xxy. 21.)* Be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with good. Cx. xu. “Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers; for there is no 2 power except of God, but the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever 169. ἐν ddoTnTt— with liberality —as in 2 Cor. xxxii. 35. The same words are again cited by vill. 2; ix. 11, 13. In Eng. ver. “with sim- the Apostle, Heb. x. 80, and yet the words vary plicity.” 16° διώκοντες. In Eng. ver. “ given to.” συναπαγόμενοι. In Eng. ver. “ condescend words are ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ἐκδικήσεως ἀνταποδώσω. 161 to.” ᾿ , Ἀπ 182 προνοούμενοι καλὰ ἐνώπιον πάντων ἀνθρώπων. very considerably from the LXX., and are not much nearer to the Hebrew. In the LXX. the 1 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Proy. xxv. 21. The meaning is, By returning good for evil, In the LXX. the words are: προνοοῦ καλὰ ἐνώπιον {ποῖ wilt create in him a feeling of remorse, and Κυρίου καὶ ἀνθρώπων. Proy. iii. 4. so lead him to repentance. 163 “Euolt ἐκδίκησις, ἐγὼ ἀνταποδώσω. Deut. 64 σι -ἢ ῷ Οὐ 10 i — 12 13 14 [a.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuap. IT. setteth himself wp against the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves condemnation ἢ for rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same, for he is the minister of God to thee for good; but if thou do that which is evil, be afraid, for he beareth not the sword in vain, for he is the minister of God, an avenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. For for this cause pay ye tribute also ; for they are God’s ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. Lender therefore to all their dues; tribute to whom tribute is due; custom to whom custom;’® fear to whom fear; honour to whom honour. Owe no man any thing, save to love one another; for he that loveth another hath fulfilled the law. For this, ‘Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou shalt not kill, Thou shalt not steal, Thou shalt not bear false witness, Thou shalt not covet;’'*’ and if there be any commandment, it is swmmed up*** in this saying, namely, ‘Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.’ (Lev. xix. 18.)"*° Love worketh no ill to his neighbour, therefore love is the fulfilling of the law. And this, knowing the time, that now ἐξ 7s the hour *" to awake out of sleep, for now is our salvation nearer than when we believed. The night is far spent, and the day is at hand; let us therefore cast off the works of darkness, and let us put on the armour of light; let us walk becomingly, as in the day ; not in rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and envying; but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make not provision for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts thereof. Cu. Xtv. “Now him that is weak in the faith receive ye, [but] not to deter- 2 minations of disputations.'"* One believeth that he may eat all things; 3 another who is weak, eateth herbs. Let not him that eateth despise him that eateth not; and let not him, that eateth not, judge him that eateth, for God 4 hath received him. Who art thou that judgest another’s servant? To his own master he standeth or falleth; but he shall be made to stand,‘™ for God is 5 able to make him stand. One man esteemeth one day above another; another esteemeth every day alike. Let every man be fully persuaded in his own mind. 6 He that regardeth the day regardeth it unto the Lord ; and he that regardeth not the day, to the Lord he doth not regard it. He that eateth, eateth to the 18° Make themselves lable to punishment 1 ὥρα. In Eng. ver. “ high time.” both in this world and in the next. ™ Not to the discussion of doubtful points. 166 +é\os—custom in the sense of ‘ toll.’ ™ Tf a man eat with a clear conscience, God 7 Cited verbatim, but in a different order, accepteth him (that is, finds no fault), and do and with omissions, from Exod. xx. 18. not thou, therefore, reject him. 165. ἀνακεφαλαιοῦται. In Eng. ver. “it is briefly 18 σταθήσεται δέ. In Eng. ver. “he shall be comprehended.” holden up.” 1 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Lev. xix. 18. Cuap. 11.} ioe) Cr. XV [a.p. 58] 65 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. Lord, for he giveth God thanks; and he that eateth not, to the Lord he eateth not, and giveth God thanks ; 175 for none of us liveth to himself, and none dieth to himself; for whether we live, we live unto the Lord, and whether we die, we die unto the Lord. Whether we live, therefore or whether we die, we are the Lord’s; for to this end Christ both died, and lived,'"° that he might be Lord both of the dead and living. But why dost thou judge thy brother? or why dost thou set at nought thy brother ? for we shall all stand before the judgment seat of Christ ; for it is written, ‘As I live,’ saith the Lord, ‘every knee shall bow to me, and every tongue shall confess to God.’! So, then, every one of us shall give account of himself to God. Let us not, therefore, judge one another any more; but judge ye this rather, that no man put a stumbling- block, or an occasion to fall, in his brother’s way. I know, and am persuaded in the Lord Jesus, that there is nothing unclean of itself; save that to him that 5 esteemeth anything to be unclean, to him it is unclean. But if thy brother be grieved by thy meat, thou walkest no longer according to love; destroy not him by thy meat, for whom Christ died. Let not, then, your good be evil spoken of; for the kingdom of God is not meat and drink, but righteousness, and peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost; for he that in these things serveth Christ is acceptable to God, and approved of men. Let us, therefore, follow the things of peace, and the things of edification toward one another; for meat destroy not the work of God. All things, indeed, are clean ; 118 but it is evil fo that man who eateth with offence. It is good neither to eat flesh, nor to drink wine, nor any thing whereby thy brother stumbleth, or is offended, or is weak. Hast thou faith? Haveit to thyself before God. Happy is he that condemneth not himself in that thing which he approveth.“ But he that doubteth is self- condemned it he eat, because ἐξ is not of faith; for whatsoever is not of faith is sin, “We then that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and not to please ourselves. Let every one of us please his neighbour for his good to edification ; for Christ also pleased not himself: but, as it is written, ‘The reproaches of them that reproached thee, fell on me.’ (Ps. lxix.9.)*° For whatsoever things were written aforetime were written for our teaching that ™ This shows how ancient the practice is of saying grace at meals. therefore been adopted by Griesbach, Scholtz. Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. τὸ One eateth meat and another herbs, but he that eateth meat giveth thanks, and he that re- fraineth from meat and confineth himself to herbs, also giveth thanks. Both he that eateth and he that eateth not therefore do it with a pious heart. M6 ἔξησεν. The words ἀνέστη καὶ ἀνέζησεν are not found in the most ancient MSS., but the word ἔζησεν only, and the latter reading has VOL, I. "7 Ζῷ ἐγὼ, λέγει Κύριος: ὅτι ἐμοὶ κάμψει πᾶν γόνυ, καὶ πᾶσα γλῶσσα ἐξομολογήσεται τῷ Θεῷ. In the LXX. the words are: Ἐγὼ ὁ Θεός. ὅτι ἐμοὶ κάμψει πᾶν γόνυ, καὶ ὁμεῖται πᾶσα γλῶσσα τὸν Θεόν. Is. xlv. 21, 24. "8 καθαρά. In Eng. ver. “ pure.” ™® δοκιμάζει. In Eng. ver. “ alloweth.” *° Cited verbatim from the LXX., Ps. Ixix. 9. K 66 15 14 15 16 i 18 19 20 [a.D. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. (Cuap. IT. we, through patience and comfort of the Scriptures, might have hope. Now the God of patience and consolation grant you to be like-minded one toward another according to Christ Jesus, that ye may with one mind and one mouth glorify God, even the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ! Wherefore, receive ye one an- other, as Christ also received you’ to the glory of God. For,'**I say, that Jesus Christ was a minister of the circumcision, for the truth of God to confirm the promises made unto the fathers ;*** and that the Gentiles might glorify God for his mercy ;*** as it is written, ‘ For this cause I will confess to thee among the Gentiles, and sing unto thy name.’ (Ps. xvi. 49.)'*° And again he saith ‘Rejoice, ye Gentiles, with his people’ (Deut. xxxii. 43),"*° and again, ‘ Praise the Lord, all ye Gentiles, and laud him, all ye people ’ (Ps. exvii. 1),'*7 and again, Isaiah saith, ‘There shall be a root of Jesse, and he that riseth wp to reign over the Gentiles, in him shall the Gentiles hope’ (Is. xi. 10.)'** Now the God of hope fill you with all joy and peace in believing, that ye may abound in hope, through the power of the Holy Ghost! And I myself also am persuaded of you, my brethren, that ye also are full of goodness, filled with all knowledge, able also to admonish one another. But 1 have written the more boldly unto you, brethren, in some sort, as putting you in mind through the grace that is given to me of God, that I should be the minister of Jesus Christ to the Gentiles, ministering the Gospel of God, that the offering up of the Gentiles might be acceptable, being sanctified by the Holy Ghost. things which pertain to God; for I will not dare to speak of any of those things which Christ hath not wrought by me; to make the Gentiles obedient, by word and deed, in the power of signs and wonders,‘ in the power of the spirit of God; "°° so that from Jerusalem, and round about unto Ilyricum,!! I have fully preached the Gospel of Christ; yea, so have I striven to preach the Gospel, where Christ hath not been named, that I might not build upon another I have, therefore, whereof [ may boast in Jesus Christ in those 1 In Text. recept. and Eng. yer. ἡμᾶς, but Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford all adopt the reading ὑμᾶς. 182 The true reading, according to Lachmann, Alford, and Tischendorf, is yap not δέ. 8 Christ came to the Jews on account of the truth of God, for the purpose of fulfilling the promise made to Abraham and the fathers. 18. Christ came to the Gentiles, not to fulfil the promises (which were made exclusively to the Jews) but out of the merey of God; and the Gentiles, therefore, who receive the Gospel, not by promise but by mercy, ought the more on that account to glorify God. i 18 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Ps. xviii. 49, with the omission of the word Κύριε. 186 Cited verbatim from the LXX., Deut. xxx. 49. 87 Tn the LXX. the passage runs with the omission of the copulative. Ps. exvii. 1. 88 Cited verbatim from the LXX., with the omission of the words ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείνῃ. Is. xi. 10. By the working of external miracles. 1 By the inward operation of the Spirit, which has enabled me to preach with power. 1 κύκλῳ μέχρι τυῦ Ἰλλυρικοῦ. The Apostle views Jerusalem as the centre, and says that he had preached in concentric circles westward up to Illyricum, that is, throughout Macedonia up to the borders of Illyricum. See ante, p.36. He had still two concentric circles further in view, viz. first Rome and then Spain. The one he lived to accomplish certainly, the other probably. [4.p. 58] 67 Cuavp. II.) EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. 21 man’s foundation ; but as it is written, ‘To whom /¢ was not reported concerning him, they shall see ; and they that have not heard, shall understand.’ (Is. ]ii.15.)'* 22 For which cause also 1 have been much hindered from coming to you; but 23 now, having no more place in these parts,’ and having a yearning these many 24 years to come unto you, whensoever I take my journey into Spain ᾿"ἢ [I will come to you]’*° for I trust to see you on my journey and to be for- warded on my way thitherward by you, if first I be somewhat filled with your company. But now I go unto Jerusalem to minister unto the saints ;!° for Macedonia and Achaia have been pleased to make a certain contribution for the 27 poor of the saints which are at Jerusalem—they have been pleased verily, and their debtors they are, for if the Gentiles have been made partakers of their 28 spiritual things, they ought also to minister unto them in carnal things. When, therefore, I haye performed this, and have sealed to them this fruit, I will 29 go away’** by you into Spain; and I am sure that, when I come unto you, I 30 shall come in the fulness of the blessing ’* of Christ. But I beseech you, brethren, by our Lord Jesus Christ and by the love of the Spirit, that ye strive 31 together with me in your prayers to God for me, that I may be delivered from them that do not believe in Judea," and that my ministration 2° at Jerusa- 32 lem may be accepted of the saints, that I may come unto you with joy by the 33 will of God, aud may with you be refreshed. Now the God of peace be with you all. Amen. Cu. XVI. “JT commend unto you Phebe our sister, who is a deaconess*” of the 2 church which is at Cenchrea,*” that ye receive her in the Lord, as becometh ® Cited verbatim from the LXX., Is. lii. 15. 195. Having exhausted all Macedonia. See ante, p. 36. ™® Paul at this time (a.p. 58) was intending a visit to Spain, and he may have visited it for a short time after his release from imprisonment at Rome in a.p. 63. But his imprisonment for four years from a.p. 59-63 disturbed all his plans, and he could only make a brief circuit in Spain, and was then obliged to make again the circuit of the churches which he had previously planted. In a.p. 66 he suffered martyrdom. See Fasti Sacri, p. 841, No. 1999. 195 The words in brackets, ἐλεύσομαι πρὸς tpas—“T will come to you”—are rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, and Alford. 6 Te. to take up the alms collected for the relief of the poor Hebrews. 7 ἀπελεύσομαι. In Eng. ver. “I will come.” 198 The words ‘ of the Gospel’ (τοῦ εὐαγγελίου) are omitted by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. % From his asking the prayers of the Ro- mans that he might be delivered from the Jews who did nct believe, we may collect that he was under no apprehension from those who did be- lieve; more particularly as he was charged with a liberal contribution from Macedonia and Achaia for the relief of the poor Hebrews of the church. 200 διακονίας The Apostle alludes of course to the alms with which he was charged for the relief of the poor Hebrews of the church at Jerusalem. *01 Tn all ages the church has availed itself largely of the services of the female sex; and especially in the early ages of the church. The women thus employed were anciently known as ‘deaconesses ᾿--διάκοναι, or in Latin ‘ ministre.’ Thus Pliny: “ Ancillis, que ministre dice- bantur.” Ep. x. 96,8. Their duties resembled in some measure those of the sisters of charity of the present day. *2 This was the eastern port of Corinth, in the Saronic Bay. See Vol. I. p. 299. K 2 08 [4.}. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuapr. II. oo saints, and that ye assist her in whatsoever business she hath need of you, for she hath been a succourer of many, and of myself also, Salute Priscilla and Aquila, my work-fellows in Christ Jesus (who have for my life laid down their own neck," unto whom not only I give thanks, but also all the churches 5 of the Gentiles ;) and salute the church that is in their house.” Salute my 6 well-beloved Epenetus, who is the first-fruits of As¢a* unto Christ. Salute 7 Mary, who hath bestowed much labour on us. Junias,° my kinsmen,””" and my fellow-prisoners, 8 the Apostles, who also were in Christ before me. Salute Andronicus and who are of note among 210 my 208 309. Salute Amphas, 9 beloved in the Lord. Salute Urbanus,? our work-fellow in Christ, and 10 11 Stachys, my beloved. 308. Paul probably alludes to the way in which Aquila and Priscilla had endeavoured to shield him from his enemies during the riot of Deme- trius at Ephesus. See Vol. I. p. 409. 30. In the earliest stage of Christianity, the disciples used to meet in the private houses of the wealthiest converts. 0° Ασίας and not ᾿Αχαΐας is now admitted to be the true reading, by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf,and Alford. The house of Fortunatus was the firstfruits of Achaia. 1 Cor. xvi. 15. 6 Ἰουνίαν, Which might no doubt be rendered as in Eng. ver. “Junia,” a woman. But Junias, a man, must have been intended, as Andronicus and Junias are said to have been of note among the Apostles—i.e. to have been Apostles of dis- tinguished rank. They were amongst the earliest converts, their conversion preceding that of Paul himself, as he here tells us; and they were per- haps the “apostles” or missionaries who first propagated the Gospel at Rome. Some, how- ever, would render the words “ of note amongst the Apostles,’ as meaning only that they were highly thought of by the Apostles, and were not classed as Apostles themselves. But this is not likely. *7 rods συγγενεῖς pou— my fellow-country- men,’ viz. Jews. See Jos. Bell. ii. 18, 4. 8 συναιχμαλώτους pov. See note to Philem, v. 23. 208 Andronicus and Junias were therefore con- verts before the spring of A.D. 37, when Paul was converted. See Fasti Sacri, p. 253, No. 1515. As they were Jews, they may have been amongst the pilgrims from Rome who heard and were converted by St. Peter on the Day of Salute Apelles,** the approved in Christ. them which are of Aristobulus’ household. Salute 213° Salute Herodion, my kinsman. Pentecost, A.D. 88. Acts ii. 10. 210 The abbreviation of Ampliatus. 2 Οὐρβανόν. In Eng. ver. “ Urbane,” the Old English form of writing Urban. But many English readers, not being aware of this, take Urbane to mean a woman, and read it as a trisyllable. 22 A well-known Jewish name; as in Horace: « .. . Credat Judeus Apella.” Sat. i. 5, 100. 23 One Aristobulus was the son of Herod of Chaleis, and, like his cousin Agrippa the younger, had been kept as a kind of hostage about the court at Rome. Jos. Bell. 11. 11, 6. Nero succeeded Claudius on the 13th of October, A.D. 54; and in the course of the first year of his reign, Aristobulus was made prefect of Lesser Armenia. Jos. Ant. xx. 8,4; Tac. Ann. xiii. 7. Fasti Sacri, p. 305, No. 1823. It is un- likely therefore that this Aristobulus would be residing or have a permanent establishment at Rome in A.p. 58, the date of the Epistle. Another Aristobulus was the brother of Agrippa L., and was living A.D. 39, Ant. xviii. 8, 4: see Fasti Sacri, p. 262, No. 1569. Agrippa 1. died a.p. 44 at the age of 54, Ant. xiv. 8, 2 (see Fasti Sacri, p. 280, No. 1678), and there- fore in A.D. 58 would have been sixty-eight. Aristobulus was a younger brother, and would not be so old, and might therefore very well be still living. As the household of Aristobulus, and not Aristobulus himself are saluted, we may con- jecture that Aristobulus was not a convert, though his household were. J. B. Lightfoot has pointed out another and very plausible meaning of the Apostle’s re- Cuap. II] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [a.p. 58] 69 Sulute them that be of the household of Narcissus,”* which are in the Lord. 12 Salute Tryphena and Tryphosa,”* who labour in the Lord. 13 beloved Persis, who hath laboured much in the Lord. 14 chosen in the Lord, and his mother and mine.*"" Salute the Salute Rufus,”® the Salute Asyncritus, Phlegon, 15 Hermas,”!* Patrobas, Hermes, and the brethren which are with them. Salute Philologus, and Julia,?® Nereus, and his sister, and Olympas, and all the 16 saints which are with them. Salute one another with a holy kiss.**° 17 All*' the churches*”’ of Christ salute you. Now I beseech you, brethren, mark them which cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine which 18 ye have learned,”** and avoid them; for they that are such serve not our Lord Jesus Christ, but their own belly, and by good words and fair speeches 19 deceive the hearts of the simple; for your obedience is come abroad unto all markable expression, τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αριστοβούλου. ‘ When” (he writes) “ the slaves of a household passed into the hands of a new master by cession, or inheritance, or confiscation, they continued to be designated by the name of their former proprietor. Thus a slave whom the Emperor had inherited by the will of the Galatian king Amyntas is described as Casuris Ser, Amyntu- nus. Gruter, p. 577, 5. In the same way in the imperial household we meet with Meecena- tiani, Agrippiani, Germaniciani, &c., where in like manner the names preserve the memory of their earlier masters. Now it seems not im- probable, considering the intimate relations be- tween Claudius and Aristobulus, that at the death of the latter his servants wholly or in part should be transferred to the palace. In this case they would be designated Aristohudiani, for which I suppose St. Paul’s οἱ ἐκ τῶν ᾿Ἄριστο- βούλου to be an equivalent.” J. B. Lightfoot on Philippians, p. 173. The like remark would be applicable to the expression that follows: τοὺς ἐκ τῶν Ναρκίσσου. 214 Supposed to be the household of the cele- brated freedman who was Secretary of Letters (ab Epistolis) to Claudius. He was put to death in the course of the first year of Nero, who began his reign the 13th of October, a.p. 54. Tac. Ann. xiii. 1; Dion Cass. lx. 34. Seneca confirms this, for in the ‘ Vision of Judgment’ (AzvoxoX.) written by him, Narcissus is described as having glided down the back way to weleome his master’s arrival in Tartarus. The ‘ house- hold of Narcissus’ would not imply that Nar- cissus himself was living, but the expression τοὺς ἐκ τῶν Napxiooov would receive the like interpretation as the phrase τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ᾽᾿Αριστο- βούλου mentioned just before. See note “ἢ supra. The Apostle, therefore, would refer to the Nar- cissiani, or those who had been servants of Narcissus, and since transferred to another master. One of these Narcissiani is actually mentioned in an inscription: “ Ti. Claudio Sp. F. Narcissiano.” Muratori, p. 1150, 4. The Narcissus put to death by Galba (Dion Cass. lxiv. 3) was a different person, though he also was an imperial freedman and had attained great notoriety, but he was of a base character. 415 Probably sisters. 216 Probably Rufus, the son of Simon of Cyrene mentioned by Mark, xy. 21. As Mark wrote his Gospel at Rome, and identifies Simon as being the father of Alexander and Rufus, the Roman church must have been well acquainted with Rufus, and there is, therefore, strong ground for believing that this Rufus is the one alluded to by Paul. 27 The Apostle, in calling her his mother, means that he had the same respect for her as if she were really his mother. 18 Supposed to be the author of the work called ‘ The Shepherd.’ 29 Probably man and wife. 220 See note on 1 Thess. v. 25. 21 The word πᾶσαι is adopted as the true read- ing by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischen- dorf, and Alford. 222 Te. the churches of Achaia, whence the Apostle was writing at the time. 23 The Apostle here warns the Romans against the Judaizers who for their own carnal ends had caused so much dissension in the Corinthian church (see ante, p. 42); and might at any time enter, and perhaps had already entered, into the fold of the Roman church. 70 [4.p. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuap. II. men. I rejoice, therefore, on your behalf. But I would have you wise unto 20 that which is good, and simple concerning evil; and the God of peace shall bruise Satan under your feet shortly. Tue Grace or our Lorp Jusus Curisr BE WITH you. AMEN.7*4 24 The Apostle here concludes his letter with the usual benediction in his own hand, by which the genuineness of the letter was authen- ticated. See Vol. I. p. 284. What follows is a postscript. The preceding catalogue of salutations gives rise to the following remarks :— 1. St. Paul here greets no fewer than twenty- six persons, all of them apparently known to him, besides the entire households of Aristo- bulus and Narcissus, and the church in the house of Aquila and Priscilla, and the brethren with Asyncritus and others (xvi. 14). How could Paul, whose ministry had been confined to Asia, Macedonia, and Achaia, have made so many acquaintances at the capital? We answer that wherever Paul preached he was still within the Roman Empire; and from Rome, the centre, radiated out in all directions channels of com- munication by sea and land, so that a constant flux and reflux was maintained between the capital and the provinces. Paul in his earliest days, and while under Gamaliel at Jerusalem, must have been familiar with Rufus, one of those now saluted, for Rufus and Alexander were the sons of Simon of Cyrene, who in A.p. 33 had borne the cross of Christ. Mark xy. 21. If we follow the Apostle to Tarsus, his native city, it was the university from which were selected the tutors of the imperial family, and of the principal magnates of Rome. Strabo makes the striking remark “Rome is full of Tarsians ””— Ταρσέων (Ῥώμη) ἐστὶ μεστή. Strabo xiv. 5 (Ὁ. 231 Tauchn.). Paul also resided for some time at Antioch, and here the Roman Prefect of Syria heid his state surrounded by his council and friends, with a Roman guard. At Ephesus, again, where the Apostle laboured for three years, the Proconsul of Asia gathered about him a host of Roman officials, not to mention that Ephesus was the great commercial port through which passed the trade between Rome and the East. It was no doubt at Ephesus that Paul was introduced to Epenetus, described as the first-fruits of Asia. At Corinth, again, the Apostle was stationary for more than a year and six months, and Corinth was the gate through which, especially in winter, travellers to and from Rome made their way to avoid the dan- gerous circumnavigation of the Morea. When Claudius issued his decree in the midwinter of A.p. 51-52 for all Jews to depart from Rome, they would flock in vast numbers to Corinth, which lay in the direct winter route from Rome to the East, and here Paul would make their acquaintance. It was here that Paul formed an intimacy with two at least of those saluted, viz. Aquila and Priscilla. 2. The nationalities of those saluted are also very suggestive. The Roman names are only three, Urbanus, Amplias, and Julia, and the last is not brought forward independently, but as the wife of Philologus a Greek. Of the others some are evidently Jews, as Mary (Μαριάμ) and Andronicus, and Junias, whom the Apostle calls his kinsmen, and Herodion, connected, perhaps, with the Herod family, and Apelles, a common Jewish name. The rest are neither Romans nor Jews, but Greeks. If, therefore, we may take the whole group as a fair sample of the con- stitution of the Roman church at this period, it results that two-thirds of them were Greeks, and the remainder Jews, with a few Romans. This view tallies with other facts. Mark, who composed his gospel for the Roman church, wrote in Greek. Clement, bishop of Rome, wrote his Epistle to the Corinthians in Greek. Indeed all the primitive fathers of the Roman church used the same language, and the earliest bishops, with but few exceptions, were Greeks. 3. When we examine more closely into the names saluted we are struck by the coincidence that almost all these names are found on inscrip- tions and columbaria, or sepulchral dovecots in connection with the household of the Czsars at this period. And as the Apostle in his letter to the Philippians sends a greeting from the house- hold of Czesar (Philipp. iv. 22), we are led to con- jecture that Paul’s acquaintances lay chiefly in that direction. This is natural, as the household was mainly composed of Greeks and Syrians, Jews and Samaritans. J. B. Lightfoot, to whom the author is indebted for the substance of this note, has given (on Philippians, p. 172) a curious analysis of the several names as follows :— Cuap. 11} EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [A.D. 58] 71 21 « Timothy my work-fellow and Lucius,’ and Jason and Sosipater*? my 22 kinsmen, salute you. (I, Tertius, who wrote this Epistle,’ 21 salute you in the 23 Lord.) Caius, mine host and of the whole church, saluteth you. Erastus, AmpLias or AmpLIATus.—This name occurs often in connection with the household. Thus AMPLIATUS HILARI AUGUSTOR. LIBERTI SER. vinicus. Gruter, 62, 10. And so Murat. p. 1249, 14 (comp. p. 1150, 7) and Accadem. di Archeolog. xi pp. 359, 374. Urpanus.—A name equally common in the household. Thus ΤΙ. CLAUDI. URBANI SER. MEN- SORIS HDIFICIORUM. Murat. p. 924, 8. CLAUDLE PHILETI AUG. L. LIBERT! HEURESI URBANUS ET SURUS FRATRES SORORI PHssIMH. Murat. p. 996, 5. URBANUS LYDES AUG. L. DISPENS. IMMUNIS DAT. HERMEZ ῬΑΤΕΙ. Murat. p. 920, 1. Τ΄ FLAVIUS AUG. LIB. URBANUS. Gruter, p. 589. 10. StacHys.—A person so called held an im- portant office in the household near the time when St. Paul wrote. sTACHYS MARCELL ME- picus. Corrisp. Archeol. 1856, p. 15, No. 44. APELLES.—One Cl. Apelles was a member of the household. Orell. 2892. TrypH#NA.—Found in the imperial household about the time when Paul wrote. Db. M. TRY- PHEZNH VALERIA TRYPHENA MATRI B. M. F. ET VALERIUS FUTIANUS. Accadem. di Archeol. xi. p. 375. And again, Q. VALERIO SALUTARI AUG. PUTEOLIS ET CUMIS ET VALERIE TRYFENE HE- ΒΟΡΕΒ. Gruter, p. 481, 3. And again, chAUDTA TRYPHENA FECIT ΑΒΙΑΤΙΟΖΕ FILIZ 501. Murat. p. 1150, 3. TryPHosA.—Not so common, but also found in the household. AGria TRYPHOSE VESTIFIO® LIVIUS THEONA AB EPISTOLIS GRHC. SCRIBA A. LIB PONTIFICALIBUS CONJUGI SANCTISSIMH B. D. 8. M. Gruter, p. 578, 6. Comp. ib. p. 446, 6. And again, DIS MANIBUS JULLE TRYPHOSE T. FLAVIUS FORTUNATUS CoNJUGI. Gruter, p. 796, 3. Comp. 10. p. 1133, 1. And again, VALERI PRIMI ET JUN. TRYPHOSH VIVA FEC. Gruter, p. 893, 2. Rourvus.—Constantly recurring in the house- hold. 335 Thought by some to be Luke, who was now,or at least had been lately, with the Apostle at Corinth, whence the Apostle was writing (pp. 13 and 38). But according to others, Lucas is the contraction of Lucanus, which could scarcely pass into the form of Lucius. If so, then the Lucius here mentioned may be the Lucius of Cyrene, who was a colleague of St. Paul in the Hermues.—A score of them could be counted up in the household about the time of Paul. Hermas.—A contraction of Hermagoras, Her- meros, Hermodorus, Hermogenes, &e., and almost as common as Hermes. Patropas.—An abbreviation of Patrobius. A freedman of Nero by this name was put to death by Galba. Tac. Hist. 1.40; 1. 95. The name also appears in the inscription TI. CL. AUG. L. PATRO- BIus (not Patronus). Gruter, p. 610, 3. See ib. Ῥ. 1829, 3. PuitoLtogus.—The name occurs more than once in the household. ¢. JULIO C. L. PHILOLOGO, Murat. p. 1586, 3. DAMA LIVIE L. CAS. PHOEBUS PHILOLOGI. Mon. Livy. p. 168. τι. cLAUDIUS AU- GUSTI LIB. PHILOLOGUS AB EPISTOLIS. Murat. p. 2043, 2. TI. CLAUDIUS AUGUSTI LIB. PHILO- LOGUS LIBERALIS. Gruter, p. 630, 1. Nerevs.—Found in the household on a monu- ment at Ancyra. EUTYCHUS NEREI CSARIS AUG. SER. VIL. FILIO. Murat. $99, 7. These inscriptions show how extensive the Domus Augusta, or imperial household, must have been, and J. B. Lightfoot has made out a partial but curious list of the various officials. Pedagogus puerorum, dispensator rationis pri- vate, exactor tributorum, preepositus velariorum, procurator pregustatorum, prapositus auri es- earii, procurator balnei, villicus hortorum, «&e. : a lapidicinis, a pendice cedri, a frumentis, a com- mentariis equorum, a veste regia, a cura catelle, ab argento potorio, a supellectile castrensi, a veste forensi, a libellis, a studiis, ab epistolis, a rationibus, a bibliotheca Greci Palatina, &e.: architectus, tabellarius, castellarius, chirurgus, ocularius, dizetarchus, nomenclator, tesserarius, designator, vicarius, symphonizus, musicarius, pedissequus, lecticarius, cocus, argentarius, sutor, cubicularius, triclinarius, ostiarius, ornator, unc- tor, &e.: tonstrix, sarcinatrix, obstetrix, &e. church of Antioch. Acts xiii. 1. See Vol. I. p.115. 226 No doubt Jason of Thessalonica and Sopater of Bercea, who were now with Paul at Corinth. See ante, p. 88. The words ‘my kinsmen’ apply to these two, but not necessarily to Lucius. 27 At this period there were two modes of writing. One in general use amongst the Ro- mans was this: small tablets of the shape of a [4.0. 58] EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [Cuap. IT. 24 the chamberlain of the city,”* saluteth you, and Quartus, ow brother. Tur GRACE OF ouR Lorp Jesus CHRIST BE WITH you ALL. ΑΜῈΝ. ΝΟΥ͂ ΤῸ HIM THAT IS OF POWER TO ESTABLISH YOU ACCORDING TO MY GosPEL”® AND THE PREACHING OF JESUS CHRIST, ACCORDING TO THE REVELATION OF THE MYSTERY 26 WHICH WAS KEPT SECRET FROM time eternal, BUT NOW IS MADR MANIFEST, AND BY THE SCRIPTURES OF THE PROPHETS ACCORDING TO THE COMMANDMENT OF THE EVERLASTING GOD IS MADE KNOWN TO ALL NATIONS unto OBEDIENCE OF FAITE— 27 TO THE ONLY WISE ΟΡ Ὁ BE GLORY THROUGH JESUS CHRIST FOR EVER. Amen.” The whole Epistle was dictated to Tertius, the amanuensis, with the exception of the benediction, which, as usual, was written with the Apostle’s own hand.?* 4. We conclude with the remark that amongst the numerous names mentioned by St. Paul that of Peter does not occur. It is plain, therefore, that he was not at this time (A.D. 58) at Rome, nor is there any allusion to him in the Epistles written by the Apostle from Rome during his first captivity (Ephesians, Colossians, Philip- pians, and Philemon), Α.Ὁ. 62-63; so that neither was Peter then at Rome. Nor is he mentioned schoolboy’s slate, and one-fourth of the size, and strung together at the corner, were overlaid with wax in the hollow part within the frame. The writer then employed a stylus or metallic pen pointed at one end and flattened at the other, and with the point he wrote the word upon the wax, and if he wished to correct it, he turned the stylus and again flattened the wax (Sepe stylum vertas, &c.). The other mode of writing was with pen and ink, as at the present day, except that the pen was not a quill or of metal, but a calamus or reed, and the paper was not a composition from rags but from the papyrus of the Nile whence paper takes its name (fig. 189). The ink was prepared from various materials, and amongst others from the black liquid emit- ted by the cuttle fish. St. John wrote with pen and ink upon paper (διὰ χάρτου καὶ μέλανος, 2 John ν. 12; διὰ μέλανος καὶ καλάμου, 3 John τ. 13), and St. Paul in like manner employed pen and ink, as is evident from his address to the Corinthians: “ Ye are manifestly declared to be the epistle of Christ ministered by us, written not with ink, but with the Spirit of the living God.” 2 Cor. iii. 3. But from the reference in 2 Tim. iv. 18 to parchments (μεμβράνας) it 15 likely that the more important documents, such as the Epistles, were written upon parchment, as the more durable material. (See figs. 185, 186, 187, 188.) in the Epistle written during the second cap- tivity, viz. the second to Timothy, about a.p. 66; so that either Peter was not then living, or was not at Rome. In short there is no trace of Peter having visited Rome, or of his having gone west- ward at all, except that he was martyred there, and was probably, like Paul, sent thither as a prisoner. 8 «The city,’ 1.6. of Corinth, whence the Apostle was writing. Phoebe was spoken of as the deaconess of Cenchrea, and not of “ the city,” as Paul was not at Cenchrea at the time of writing, but at Corinth. The word οἰκόνομος would more correctly have been rendered * Questor’ than ‘ Chamberlain.’ Corinth was a Roman colony governed by two Duumviri (see Vol. I. p. 271), but besides these ordinary magistrates, there was another officer called in- differently Queestor, or Censor, or Quinquennalis (from the renewal of the office every fifth year), who exercised powers and discharged duties corresponding to those of the Questor and Censor at Rome, It would seem that Erastus, at the date of the Epistle, had the honour of holding this office. 28 See note , ante, p. 49. 20 In the Greek is the word ᾧ, ‘to whom,’ which is superfluous. The grammatical blemish may either be owing to the copyist or to the looseness of Paul’s style. 281 Who was the bearer of the Epistle is un- certain. It is generally considered that Phcebe, the deaconess of the church of Cenchrea, took charge of it. But if so, Paul would most likely have noticed it at the mention of her name. “T commend unto you Phebe our sister,” ἄορ. It is evident, however, that she was either the bearer herself or accompanied the bearer, and Herculaneum. Fig. 186.—A youth reading a papyrus roll. From Rarre’s | Fig. 187.—A papyrus roll open, and written in columns. From Barré's Herculuneum. the left are a pen and inkstand with a roll. closed when the writing hus been finished. Fig. 188.— Writing materials From Barrés Herculanenm. On In the middle, a wax tablet with a stylus ready fer writing. On the right, a tablet as Fig. 189 —The Papyrus (or Paper-reed) of the Nile. From Cassell’s Bible Dictionary. 74 [a.p. 58] ST, PAUL AT CORINTH. [Cuap. II. Paul was now ready to pass from Corinth to Cenchrea, the place for embarkation for Jerusalem. A prospect of peril was before him! If the Jews so persecuted him from place to place even in strange lands, what was he to expect at Jerusalem, the fountain-head of Judaism, where the report of his preaching against the law of Moses among the Gentiles was now rife, and resolute enemies had banded themselves together to take his life? He was fully apprised of the danger, and in his Epistle to the Romans he had solemnly implored their aid at the throne of grace: “TI beseech you, brethren, for the Lord Jesus Christ’s sake, and for the love of the Spirit, that ye strive together with me in your prayers to God for me, that I may he delivered from them that do not believe in Judea, and that my ministration at Jerusalem may be ”232 He had once hesitated as to the propriety of visiting accepted of the saints. Jerusalem,2*? but the vow made after his providential escape at Ephesus was to be completed there, and Macedonia and Achaia had requested him to superintend the distribution of their alms, and after the liberality with which they had responded to his call he could scarcely refuse. He was just on the point of starting from Corinth, when all his plans were deranged by the discoyery of another conspiracy against his life. The Jews of Corinth on his former visit had attempted to procure his conviction before Gallio, the Proconsul, but instead of redress they had seen their own chief of the synagogue beaten before their eyes. Despairing of their object by legitimate means, they now had recourse to the work of assassins. What was the precise plot does not appear— whether to waylay the Apostle on his road to Cenchrea, or to fall upon him at sea in the course of his, voyage. Paul eluded his adversaries by a change of route. He determined, instead of crossing the sea direct, to go round by Macedonia. The better to escape a watchful foe, Paul and his friends divided *** themselves into two companies, and it was arranged that Timothy, Sopater of Bercea, Aristarchus, Secundus, Gaius of Derbe, Tychicus, and Trophimus should sail for Troas, the common resting-place, and there await the Apostle’s arrival, and that Paul himself, and Luke and Titus with Jason, should make a forced march by land up to and through Macedonia,”* and rejoin the others at Troas. Both companies were then the main object of her journey was the despatch 385. Tn some MSS. it is Sopater Πύῤῥου, or son of some urgent business that required her pre- sence at Rome, for the Apostle requests the Roman church to lend her their services in ac- complishing what she had in view, “that ye assist her in whatsoever business she hath need of you.” Rom. xvi. 2. 558. Cor. xvi. 4. 24 He had now about hima numerous retinue, as Luke, Titus, Jason, Timothy, Sopater of Bercea, Aristarchus, Secundus, Gaius of Derbe, Tychicus, and Trophimus. of Pyrrhus; and this reading is adopted by Griesbach, Scholz, Lachmann, and Tischendorf. Acts xx. 4. 386. The words συνείπετο δὲ αὐτῷ, ἄο., Acts xx. 4, have been taken by some to imply that Paul and his company set out together, and continued together as far as Philippi, where they separated, some of them starting first for Troas by land, and the others following by sea. However, if all were at Philippi, why did not all stay there during the Feast? It cannot be because they were Gentiles; for Luke, who stayed, was a or Cuap. 11] ST. PAUL AT CORINTH. [A.D. 58] 7 to proceed together as far as Asia (Ephesus or Miletus), and were then to separate. Paul bade farewell to Corinth, the church he so affectionately loved and for which he had lately suffered so much mental anxiety, and at the beginning of March, a.p. 58,°*" set forth upon his journey. Jason probably stopped by the way at Thessalonica, his native place, but Paul, Luke and Titus arrived at Philippi just before the Passover, which this year was celebrated on the 27th of March.?* The feast lasted eight days, and Paul, who himself observed the Jewish law, though he forbade the Gentiles to do so, remained at Philippi during the solemnity. The festival closed on the 3rd of April, which fell on a Monday.’*** On Tuesday the 4th of April (for we can now trace the Apostle day by day) he started for Neapolis, the Port of Philippi, not perhaps without some warning of the troubles to be expected at Jerusalem—at least in the course of his voyage he tells the Ephesians, “ The Holy Ghost witnesseth in every city that bonds and afflictions abide me.”**° At Neapolis he was detained by contrary winds, or perhaps no yessel was ready to sail at the moment of his arrival.* At all events, he did not reach Troas until the fifth day after leaving Philippi, the day of starting included,** which brings us to Saturday the 8th of April. Gentile, and Timothy, who went, was a Jew. From the words οὗτοι προελθόντες ἔμενον ἡμᾶς ἐν Τρωάδι, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐξεπλεύσαμεν, Acts xx. 5, it has been argued that Luke never quitted Philippi from the time when he arrived there in a.D. 51 (see Vol. I. p. 221), until he sailed from Troas in a.p. 58; but we have seen that Paul sent him in a.p. 57 from Philippi to Corinth (see ante, p. 13); and in fact, the above passage shows it, for the word ἡμᾶς has relation to the προελθόντες, and assumes that Luke was himself at the place from which those who went before set out first on their journey—i.e. at Corinth. Luke, however, may have remained at Philippi from A.D. 51 to a.p. 57, when he was dispatched to Corinth. It is further argued that the word προελθόντες has reference to Philippi, and is placed in opposition to ἐξεπλεύσομεν, and so de- notes that Paul’s companions generally jour- neyed from Philippi to Troas by land (with the exception of the Hellespont), while Paul himseif and Luke sailed from Philippi to Troas. But this construction appears forced and fanciful. *87 For the proofs that the voyage was in this year, see Fasti Sacri, p. 1xxii. *8 See Fasti Sacri, p. 313, No. 1856. 2 See De Morgan’s Book of Almanacks. 40 Acts xx. 23. 41 Tt has been supposed, and is not unlikely, that from Neapolis, or at least from Troas, to Patara, Paul and his company chartered a vessel of their own, for it waited for him at Assos, Acts xx. 13; and sailed by Ephesus without touching, for Paul’s convenience, Acts xx. 16; and again waited at Miletus till the members of the Ephesian church arrived. Acts xx. 17. At Patara he found a merchant vessel bound for Tyre, and embarked in it. Acts xxi. 2. 22 ἄχρις ἡμερῶν πέντε. Acts xx. 6. The word ἄχρις denotes the full completion of five days, but they may be either inclusive or exclusive οἵ the day of starting; and the question, whether it was inclusive or exclusive must depend, as we shall see, upon the further inquiry whether Luke, by the statement of the sojourn at Troas (οὗ διετρίψαμεν ἡμέρας ἑπτά. σαββάτων, Acts xx. 6) means that the first day of the week was one of the seven, or was a dis- tinct day, making altogether eight days. ‘Thus Paul quitted Philippi at the close of the Pass- over on Tuesday, the 4th of April, and if the five days be inclusive, he would arrive at Troas on Saturday the 8th of April, and the seven days at Troas would expire on Saturday the 15th of April; and as this would be the /ast and not the jirst day of the week, it is clear that on this hypothesis we must assume that under the words ἐν δὲ τῇ μιᾷ τῶν σαββάτων, Luke means LZ Ἐν δὲ τῇ μιᾷ τῶν 76 [a.p. 58] ST, PAUL AT TROAS. [Cuapr. 11. At Troas (fig. 190, 191) he rejoined Timothy and the brethren, from whom he had separated at Corinth. Paul remained here a week ὁ“ and a day, that is, until Sunday, Fig. 190.—The Gymnasium of Alexandria Troas, The spectator is looking in a westerly direction, and opposite is seen the island of Tenedos. Fiom Choiseul Gouffier. The Gymnasium (sometimes called the Baths) is the most extensive aud striking relic of the ancient city. the 16th of April, the Christian sabbath,”* a sojourn the more remarkable, as we know that the Apostle was pressed for time. He had been obliged through the plot of the another day, the ninth. This appears to us the more probable supposition, and similar instances of Luke’s computation by fragments of time in this cumulative way will be found Vol. I. p. 296. If the five days be reckoned erclusive of the day of starting, then the case will stand thus: Paul set forth from Philippi on Tuesday, the 4th of April, and the five days exclusive would end on Sunday the 9th of April, and the seven days at Troas would expire on Sunday the 16th of April. On this theory, therefore, the words ev δὲ τῇ μιᾷ τῶν σαββάτων, must denote not a separate day, but the last of the seven days. It is an objection to this view that it makes the passage from Neapolis to Troas five complete days, a voyage accomplished by Paul on a former occasion in two days, viz., from Troas to Samo- thrace in one day and on the next to Neapolis. Acts xvi. 11. On the present occasion the winds must have been contrary or four days could not have been consumed. But how can we believe that the voyage occupied so much as five days? As we here commence the long sea voyage of Paul from Neapolis to Czsarea, it may be proper to notice briefly the rate of sailing amongst the ancients. Scylax allows 500 stades for a day’s voyage, and the like fora night’s voyage, making 1000 stades for the twenty-four hours, ἀντὶ τῶν φ΄ σταδίων ἡμεραῖον τὸν πλοῦν. Scyl. ad finem Descript. Europ. And so the old geographers, as recorded by Ptolemy: τοῦ Θεοφίλου τὸν TOU νυχθημέρου φόρον πλοῦν χιλίων ὑποτιθεμένον σταδίων οἷς καὶ αὐτὸς ἠκολούθησεν, ἄο. Ptolemy, 1. 9. 1000 stades are equal to 125 miles Roman or somewhat more than 100 miles English, which would therefore be the rate for the νυχθημέρον, or night and day of twenty-four hours. This general statement will be found fully borne out by a number of instances col- lected by Greswell in his Dissertations, vol. iii. p. 809, Ist ed. 48 οὗ διετρίψαμεν ἡμέρας ἑπτά. Acts xx. 6. OM ey δὲ τῇ μιᾷ Tov σαββάτων. Acts xx. 7. Cuap. II.] ST. PAUL AT TROAS. [a.p. 58] ae Jews to adopt a circuitous route, and he was now making all haste upon his road, so as “if possible” to reach Jerusalem before the feast of Pentecost, which would fall on the 17th of May. Perhaps the church planted at Troas on his former visit, when he was flying from Ephesus, might now from some peculiar circumstances imperatively require his presence. The delay, however, may have arisen from the mere necessity of attending upon the movements of the vessel. Troas was a city of considerable consequence, and the ship may either have unloaded there or taken a cargo on board, or adverse winds may have prevented her from sailing. Fig. 191.—Remains of the theatre of Alerandria Troas. From Choiseul Gouff er. In what manner the Christian sabbath was observed by the early disciples, is not very accurately known; but perhaps the most valuable hint upon the subject is derived not from any sacred writer, but from a Pagan, namely, the younger Pliny who, in his famous letter addressed to Trajan from Bithynia, an adjoining proyince to Troas, about fifty years after this period, acquaints him that the Christians “ were wont to meet together on a stated day (stato die) before ἐξ was light, and sing among themselves alternately a hymn to Christ as God, and bind themselves by an oath (sacramento) not to the commission of any wickedness, but on the contrary, not to be guilty of theft, or robbery, or adultery, never to falsify their word, nor to deny a pledge committed to them; and when these things were ended, it was their custom to separate, and then to come together again to a meal which they ate in common without any disorder.”*° From this account we may infer that the 45 “Quod essent soliti stato die ante lucem πὸ adulteria committerent, ne fidem fallerent, ne convenire, carmenque Christo quasi Deo dicere depositum appellati abnegarent; quibus per- secum invicem ; seque sacramento, non in scelus actis, morem sibi discedendi fuisse rursusque aliquid obstringere, sed ne furta, ne latrocinia, coeundi ad capiendum cibum, promiscuum ta- ST. PAUL AT TROAS. κὶ ο [a.p. 58] [Cuar. IT. Christians met at break of day to celebrate our Lord’s resurrection, and again in the evening in commemoration of the last Supper.**° Fig. 192.—Bacchus visiting Icarus. From a sculpture in the British Museum. A Greek house with open windows and broad window-sills, affording ample room for sitting. It was from some such window-sill in the upper story of the house at Troas that Eutychus fell. The words of Luke are, ‘“ Upon the first day of the week when the disciples were come together*’ to break bread.” They were, therefore, not convoked by Paul, but had assembled in ordinary course, and that for the celebration either of And this was in the evening, for “there were many lights,”’*4* a remark introduced either to distinguish the open, undisguised and sober banquet of the Christians from the impure, nocturnal rites of the heathen gatherings, or to exclude any suspicion in the reader’s mind, that a deception or imposition could be practised with respect to the Eucharist, or the meal then commonly known as the Love Feast. the miraculous occurrence that followed.** The Trojan church was only a year old, and all the circumstances indicate an infant society. The place of meeting was a large upper room or attic on the third floor: light and air were admitted through windows, which were not glazed, and the shutters or casements were now remoyed for better ventilation (fig. 192, 193). Paul intending to take leave on the morrow, made an earnest and impassioned address, and, carried away by his feelings, dilated upon each topic that rose to his view, and, arguing, admonishing, comforting, and instructing, was little aware how men et innoxium.” Plin. Ep.x.96. In the above passage the writer seems to allude to the recita- tion of the ten commandments, which forbid stealing (furtum), murder (latrocinium), adul- tery (adulterium), false witness (ne fidem faller- ent), and coveting our neighbour’s goods (ne depositum appellati abnegarent). “45 That the Sunday was observed by the early Christians is well attested. See ante, Vol. II. p. 4. ΞΕ συνηγμένων τῶν μαθητῶν. Acts xx.7. This is the formal expression for a solemn conyvoca- tion, whence the word συναγωγή. 248 Acts xx. 8. 919. Kuinoel suggests also that many lamps were lighted in honour of the day, as candles are now lit in churches, and more particularly amongst Roman Catholics, to give the effect of greater solemnity. On the subject of lights, see Renan’s St. Paul, p. 263. Cuap. 117 ᾿ ST. PAUL AT TROAS. [a.p. 58] 79 the precious moments flew. The hour of midnight arrived, and still the preacher instant in season and out of season was impressing upon his hearers the vast and paramount importance of the great cause he was advocating. In one of the window- sills was seated Eutychus,” a youthful convert, unaccustomed to so late an hour, and not perhaps of a sufficiently matured understanding to follow the masterly but sometimes difficult reasoning of the Apostle! The room was hot and suffocating, and nature was exhausted, when amid the profound silence of the audience as they listened to the preacher, Eutychus overcome by sleep, and losing all consciousness, SSS Fig. 193.—A Roman house with window. From T. H. Dyer's Pompeii. fell from the window and was precipitated from the third floor to the ground, and “was taken up dead.”2 A scene of confusion followed, and Paul, overflowing with emotion, and ever actuated by the warmest feelings, “ went down, and fell on him, and embraced him.”*** The mental suffering of the Apostle drew compassion from the skies, and he felt himself invested with supernatural power. ‘Trouble not yourselves,” he said, “for his life is in him. And they brought the young man alive, and were not a little comforted.” 35: Paul returned to the upper room, and as soon as the excitement produced by so startling an incident had been allayed, and order was restored, the Apostle “ broke 2995 bread,’ that is, administered the holy communion, and afterwards made a frugal ** A common name for a domestic; and per- SST Acts xx. 10). haps Eutychus was a lad attendant upon some 4: Acts xx. 10519) one of the congregation. * κλάσας τὸν ἄρτον. Acts xx. 11. The article, *! Luke (Acts xx. 12) describes Eutychus as as observed by Wordsworth, is emphatic, and παῖδα, and therefore quite a boy. indicates the bread—i.e. the bread or loaf of the 252 Acts xxvi. 9. sacrament. ST. PAUL AT TROAS. 80 [a.p. 58] (Car. II. repast”°® to strengthen him for his intended journey (for the Eucharist and the Love Feast not unusually accompanied each other), and then arrangements were made for the departure. The vessel was to touch at Assos, otherwise Apollonia,” a town to the south-east of Troas, and was obliged to take the circuitous route of doubling the promontory of Lectum (fig. 196), which lay between Troas and Assos. The journey overland from Troas to Assos was considerably shorter, and there was a high road all the way, and as Paul was anxious not to part from his converts until the last moment, it was agreed that his fellow-travellers should embark at once, but that Paul himself should tarry a little longer, and then cross the country to Assos (fig. 194). The Apostle’s companions now took their way to the ship, while Paul continued amongst his friends, discharging to the last the duties of the high 259 office committed to him, The morning broke on Monday the 17th of April, when Tm τας Fig 194.—Car in common use in the Troad. From Clarke's Travels. the Apostle bestowing a parting benediction, and receiving perhaps in return some prophetic intimation of approaching peril at Jerusalem, bade them farewell, and pursued the road to Assos.7°° I *°5 γευσάμενος. Acts x. 11. This word is not to be connected with κλάσας τὸν ἄρτον, which is a formula for the sacrament, but is perfect in itself, and indicates a separate ordinary meal. Thus καθεζόμενός τε ἐγεύσατο. Appian, Bell. Civ. 11. 98. συνηνάγκασεν [Saulum ] ἡ γυνὴ γεύσασθαι. Jos. Ant. vi. i4,3. Others, as Kuinoel, suggest that the words κλάσας τὸν ἄρτον καὶ γευσάμενος are to be taken together as indicating, not the eucharist or a love feast, but merely an ordi- nary meal taken by Paul before starting on his journey to Assos on foot. Kuinoel, Acts xx. 11. Certainly Paul only is expressly mentioned as breaking bread—«ddoas τὸν tprov—but this he would do as the officiating minister. *7 Assos eadem Apollonia. Plin. N. H. v. 82. *°8 Tt has also been suggested that it was to avoid any ambush of the Jews which might have been laid for him had he started with the rest. 259 ἐφ᾽ ἱκανόν τε ὁμιλήσας ἄχρις αὐγῆς. 380 The word in Greek is πεζεύειν, Acts xx. 13, which many have taken literally, and suppose that Paul walked all the way from Troas to Assos, which, though possible, is not very likely, as thus he would save no time. The word πεζεύειν is “to go or travel by land, as opposed to going by seu,” (Liddell and Scott ;) and clearly this is the sense here, for the contrast is between ἡμεῖς προελθόντες ἐπὶ TO πλοῖον, and Paul μέλλων αὐτὸς πεζεύειν. Cuap. IL] VOYAGE TO JUDEBA. [a.p. 58] 81 This was distant about nineteen miles ** (fig. 195), and Paul would reach it easily in the course of the day. The city (now in a ruinous state, but then populous and splendid, as the remains of it amply testify) was perched upon a high rock, which somewhat resembled the Acropolis at Athens (figs. 198, 199, 200). There was a ALEXANDRIA. i) aS Ch OFFI [gene las \wavessou (rake Tt ae / δῇ QO Ζρεεσιυν Meda €@ τὰ aa δὰ τι κε ses, eran Yi, - a Bridjek “κει FB yn —“ Y 2 "eas i 1 : or Poty Μεοιυμε, eee TRS Fig. 195.—Map of the country between Alexandria Troas and Assos, with the principal roads. From Choiseul Gouffier. 262 sharp descent down to the sea where was the port,” protected by an excellent pier, but the slope from the town to the beach, more than a mile long, was so steep that it was a common proverb, “Go to Assos and break your neck.” If the unfortunate 21 Peutinger Tables. From Alexandria Troas front of the hill a wilderness of ruined temples, to Smynthium iiii.; Assos xv.; making 19 miles. baths, and theatres, all of the best workman- 22 In following the footsteps of the Apostle ship, but all of the same grey stone as the neigh- from Assos to the shore, Fellowes observes: “I bouring rock.” Fellowes’ Lycia. descended toward the sea, and found the whole 23 Ἔστι δὲ ἡ “Agoos ἐρυμνὴ καὶ εὐτειχὴς, ἀπὸ VoL. IU. M Fig. 196.— View of the Promontory of Lectum, the cape between Alexandria Troas and Assos, and which a ship would have to round in passing from Troas to Assos. Pig. 197.—Gateway in the outer wall of Assos, and through which is seen the acropolis or citadel. It was under this gateway that Paul passed. From Cassell’s Bible Dictionary. Crap. 11.] VOYAGE TO JUDEA, [a.p. 58] 83 traveller chanced to verify the proverb there was conveniently found in the neigh- bourhood the famous stone called Sarcophagus, which was reported to possess the Fig. 193—Coin of Assos. From the British Museum. Obv. Head of Pallas.—Rev. Head of an ox with the legend Ασσιον (of the Assians). incredible property of consuming the whole body entombed in it, except the teeth, in less than forty days.** Assos was about halfway between Troas and Mitylene, Fig. 199.— View of Assos from the sea, i.e. froin the south. From a sketch in passing. and was a convenient resting-place in the track of the coasting trade. Paul entered Assos by the gateway which still remains (fig. 197), on Monday the 17th of April, θαλάττης καὶ τοῦ λιμένος ὀρθίαν Kai μακρὰν ἀνάβασιν of a warrior’s bragging speech to his advyer- Ἔ gO Yeon te ae ~ Ae ἔχουσα, ὥστ᾽ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῆς οἰκείως εἰρῆσθαι δοκεῖ τὸ τοῦ sary: ͵ = = Στρατονίκου τοῦ κιθαριστοῦ, ἄσσον ἴθ᾽, ὥς κεν θᾶσσον ὀλέθρου πείραθ' ἴκηαι. ἼΑσσον ἴθ᾽, ὥς κεν θᾶσσον ὀλέθρου πείραθ᾽ ἵκηαι. il. vi. 143. ὁ δὲ λιμὴν χώματι κατεσκεύασται μεγάλῳ. Strabo, “Come near (ἄσσον), that thou mayest the sooner reach the waa aya = = ee cl borders of death.” xi. 1 (p. 126, Tauchnitz). The line of Strato- nicus is a piece of wit of the ancients, and a (Weare reminded of the similar boastful threats specimen of their punning. The verse is taken of Goliath: “Come to me, and I will give thy from the Iliad, in which it forms the conclusion flesh unto the fowls of the air and the beasts of ‘ ast Plin. No ἘΠ᾿ ΣΧΣΥΣ δ]. ΕΞ j Village of \Bairam τι πεν ᾿ \ ΠΥ : 2 ? mal ΤΣ sy ly aaieae eos) \ VLurkish > 88 eer eat p CVHELETY CA 3 Cyn | ἊΣ a YyQr | 4 Three HUAN ip HN AN Fig. 200.—Plan of Assos. From Choiseul Gouffier, Cuap. 1.1} VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [a.p. 58] 85 and, the vessel which carried his companions having sailed round the promontory and entered the port, the Apostle embarked. Fig. 202.—Plan of Mitylene with its two ports. From Admiralty Chart, They sailed the same day to Mitylene (figs. 201, 202, 203), a free city,?®* and the capital of Lesbos, the native country of Aleeus and Sappho (one the inventor of the the field.” 1 Sam. xvii. 44.) But Stratonicus ac- cents the word ἴΑσσον, and so applies it to the city. Assos is now Beahrahm. With respect to the present state of Assos, Leake tells us that there is a theatre in perfect pre- servation, with the remains of several temples, some of them dedicated to Augustus, and there- fore standing in the time of Paul. On the western side of the city, by which Paul ap- proached, are walls and towers, with a gate in complete preservation, and without the walls a cemetery with numerous sarcophagi, and some of gigantic dimensions. ‘“ The whole, perhaps,” he continues, “gives the most perfect idea of a Greek city that anywhere exists.” Leake’s Asia Minor, p. 129. The architectural details are given by Choiseul Gouftier, from whom the accompanying plan is taken; and he adds that the port is 150 toises deep, and protected from the south winds by a massive mole. Voyage Pittoresque, ii. 87. 26° Et libera Mitylene. Plin. N. H. v. 39. VOYAGE TO JUDEA. (Cuap. II. 86 [a.v. 58] Aleaic, and the other of the Sapphic metre), and also of Pittacus, one of the seven wise men of Greece. The city lay on the eastern side of the island, and was situate on a neck of land running out eastwards, and on each side of the peninsula was a port, the northern protected by a mole, and of convenient anchorage for ships of the largest burden.?** The town was handsomely built, but unhealthy. 267 Mitylene, under the form of Mytilni,”* is still the name of the island and of the town. Fig. 203.—Coin of Mitylene. From the British Museum. Obv. Head of Apollo.—Rev. A lyre with the legend Murc (of the Mitylenians). On Tuesday, the 18th of April,*® they sailed from Mitylene and reached the eastern side of the Isle of Chios (figs. 204-209). On Wednesday, the 19th of April,”° they Fig. 204.— The Eastern coast of Chios. From a sketch by W. Simpson. 266 ἔχει ἡ κλειστὸς τριηρικὸς ναυσὶ πεντήκοντα, ὁ δὲ βύρειος μέγας καὶ βαθὺς, χώματι σκεπαζόμενος. Strabo, xiii. 2 (Ὁ. 187, Tauchnitz). At the present day the southern port is small and shallow, but the northern spacious and deep. The view in the annexed woodeut is of the northern port. See Laborde’s Voyage Pittoresque. *** Oppidum Mitylene magnificenter est sedifi- Μιτυλήνη λιμένας δύο, ὧν ὁ νότιος catum et eleganter, sed positum non prudenter. Auster cum flat, homines «grotant; cum Eurus, tussiunt; cum Septentrio, restituuntur in sanitatem, sed in angiportis et plateis non pos- sunt consistere propter vehementiam frigoris. 268 The older travellers call it Castro. 269 τῇ ἐπιούσῃ. Acts xx. 15. 210 τῇ δὲ ἑτέρᾳ. Acts xx. 15, Cuar. ID] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [a.p. 58] 87 crossed the bay of Ephesus and, steering in a south-easterly direction, put in at Samos *” (figs. 210, 211, 212). What must have been Paul’s emotions as the wind watted him in front of Ephesus! There, about the same season last year had occurred the uproar of the silyersmiths, when he had so narrowly escaped with his life. He must have yearned, as he passed, to visit the flourishing church which he Fig. 205.—Coin of Chios. From the British Museum, Obv. Head of sphinx with the legend Τρία ἀσσαρια (three asses, or the threepenny piece)—Rev, An amphora with the legend Ἐπι Ap. Ko. Ουλ. Πρειμου Xwov (under the archonship of Ὁ. Valer. Primus. Of the Chians). See 2 Eckhel, 566. Fig. 206.—Coin of Chios. From Pellerin. Fig. 207.—Coin of Chivs. From J. ¥. Akerman, Obv. Ασσαρια duw (two asses, or the twopenny piece). Obv. Χίων (of the Chians).—Rev. Ασσαριον (the as or penny). ‘—Rev. Xtwy (of the Chians). Fig. 203.—Coin of Chios. From Pellerin. Fig. 209.—Coin of Chios.—From Pellerin, Obv. Head of sphinx. Rev. Διχαλκων (two farthings, or Obv. Head of sphinx.—Rev. Xwos. Acoxerms (Chios. the halfpenny). ZEschines). As the preceding coin was the δίχαλκων or rans or farthing, containing two hersd. "Ste note: Vol p. 336. had planted and watered with so much labour and anxiety, but Ephesus had almost lost her port, and the vessel did not touch there, but was bound for Miletus, whither trade was gradually shifting. Samos, where the vessel put in, was the capital of the island of that name. The port of Samos is now known as port Tigani, and had the same relation to the town of Samos (which lay chiefly inland on the site of the modern Chora) that the Pireus had to Athens. There was also another resemblance between Samos and Athens, viz. that as there was a sacred way from Athens to Eleusis, so there was a sacred way (which - ςς- “1 παρεβάλομεν. Acts xx. 15. So ὦ ὄπ, word may mean equally well ‘we crossed over. παραβαλοῦ. Aristoph. Rane, 180,269. But the τ ' t TL: Gemeente Ὁ Fig. 210.— View of the Port of Samos, now Tigani. The spectator is looking west. From Admiralty Chart. PORT ΠΕ ἘΊΙΟΑΝΙ. ΧΟ pate ἢ > Wi Yu The antient HARBOUR OF SAMOS “πῇ ταῦ ( " Rin ΚΕ 2 WS me ἢ) iN ΠΝ ANY Ft τὰ bik rigs Wy iy Τρ > “iui leet ἘᾺ WTR ΞΊ Middle ugh Ξμέωείπτιν»" ΞΕ : Fig. 212.—Coin of Samos. From the British Museum. Obv. Head of a lion—Rev. The head and shoulders of an ox with the legend Hynotavaé Sa. (Hegesianax, of the Samians). Cuar. II.) VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [a.p, 58] 80 can still be traced) from Samos to Hereeum, or the Temple of Juno, the great goddess of the island which lay about two miles to the west, on the headland now called Cape Colonna, from the single column of the temple, which still remains. As Samos at this time was a celebrated port, the calling there may have been for landing passengers or merchandise, but the ship made no stay, and the business dispatched, she steered across the strait,”’’ between the island and the mainland, to the opposite promontory of Trogilium (fig. 213). Just off the promontory was a small island, with a port, of the same name, and here they cast anchor. Theopori1$ Anc! PstTon ἢ Fig. 213—Plan of Port Trogilium and the adjacent ports. From Admiralty chart. The three islands lying about Trogilium are referred to by Pliny by the names of Sandalion, Psilon, and Argennon. Nat. Hist. v.37. The port where Paul anchored is generally considered to be that sheltered by Sandalion, but the port now known as the port of St. Paul is that protected by the island of Nero, the ancient Argennon. The Apostle might no doubt have been landed somewhere on the coast and have found his way to Ephesus, or he might now travel thither from Trogilium, as he had done from Troas to Assos, but should he by any accident have been detained at Ephesus, or on the road, he might fail in reaching Miletus before the vessel again sailed, and so, losing his passage, might be disappointed of his great object —that of arriving at Jerusalem by Pentecost, the 17th of May. Paul therefore determined on Γ *2 This strait is about a mile wide. ὅσον ἑπταστάδιον πορθμόν. Strabo, xiv. 1 (p. 168, Tanchnitz). VOL. I. N 90 [a.p. 58] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. (Cap. 11. remaining on board, and continuing his voyage to Miletus, with the intention, as soon as he arrived there, of dispatching a messenger across the country to invite the Ephesian church to an interyiew.”™ On Thursday, the 20th of April, the ship weighed anchor from Trogilium and reached Miletus in the course of the afternoon (figs. 216,217). Miletus was originally a Carian city, but on the Ionic emigration was occupied by Neleus and his fellow- countrymen, and from that time it rose rapidly to great importance, trading with all the world and sending forth numerous colonies. It was the mother of no less than eighty cities on various coasts, more particularly in the Enxine and the straits leading to it. Miletus once the capital of Ionia, had previously borne several names, as Libyeis, Pityusa, and Anactoria, a proof of its great antiquity.” In 8.0. 494 it was captured by the Persians; and-again, in B.c. 334, by Alexander the Great, and never afterwards attained. to its pristine celebrity.”° But in the time of the Apostle it was still a considerable emporium of trade, with four ports, or docks, well filled with shipping. A little in front of it was a group of islands that served to harbour smugglers and pirates. Miletus stood on the south-western side of the Latmian Gulf; and opposite to it, in a direction due east, was the mouth of the Meander (fig. 214). Four miles up the river was Myus, anciently on the sea margin, but the soil poured down by the turbid stream had gradually extended the continent for many miles beyond.*" The Meander, indeed, was a common thief, and was indictable in the law courts for undermining and carrying away the land upon its banks, and the fines imposed were leyied upon the ferries. Miletus was at that time some miles from the 278 mouth of the Meander.** But what a change has occurred! The continued depor- tation of soil has since filled up the entire gulf, and not only so, but has pushed the land forward for several miles into the deep sea, so that Miletus, instead of being some miles in advance, is now eight miles in the rear of the embouchure of the Meander. The cluster of islands that lay off the city are now distinguishable only as gentle elevations rising out of the vast plain*’® (fig. 215). Thus, in the words of an old writer, the Meander has wrested the sea from the navigator and given it to the husbandman ; ridges of furrows have succeeded to the waves, and the kid disports where the dolphin gambolled. The same phenomenon still proceeds, and perhaps *3 The want of time is assigned by St. Luke as the motive. Acts xx. 16. But De Wette sug- gests that it was policy to avoid trouble from his enemies at Ephesus. Apostg. 153. ὅτε τῇ ἐχομένῃ. Acts xx. 15. * Miletus Ioniz caput, Lelegeis ante, et Pity- usa, et Anactoria nominata, super octoginta urbium per cuncta maria genetrix. Plin. N. H. v. dl. "τὸ See Dr. W. Smith's Geog. Dict. now a desolation (fig. 215). Ἐπ Tn the sketch, given at p. 92, and taken from Miletus is the Voyage Pittoresque, the reader will see de- picted the line of shore at six successive periods : 1. At the time of the Ionic emigration; 2. In the time of Strabo; 3. In the time of Paul; 4. In the time of Pausanias; 5. In an. 866; and 6. At the publication of Choiseul Gouffier's work, A.p. 1782. ἜΣ Strabo xiv. 1 (Ὁ. 167, Tauchnitz). *” 6 γὰρ Μαίανδρος διὰ τῆς Φρυγῶν καὶ Καρῶν ἀρουμένης ὅσα ἔτη ῥέων, τὴν μεταξὺ Πριήνης καὶ Μιλήτου θάλασσαν ἐν οὐ πολλῷ χρόνῳ πεποίηκεν ἤπειρον. Pausan. Aread. viii, 24, 5. Cuar, II.] VOYAGE TO JUDEA, [4.Ὁ. 58] 91 some traveller in the next millennium may record the fact, that a natural bridge has been thrown across the sea from the mainland to the island of Samos. Paul, as soon as he arrived at Miletus, dispatched an envoy to Ephesus, a distance of thirty-six miles, to summon the elders of the church. He could not proceed thither himself without endangering his voyage to Judea; but he could not pass the coast without meeting (if it were possible) his Ephesian flock. He foresaw that trials awaited them, and he was anxious to warn them of the approaching danger. It was but too probable that the heretical doctrines disseminated by the Judaizers in Galatia and Corinth, would soon find, if they had not already found, their way into Ephesus. The Jews, whether believing or unbelieving, had through his whole life been his great antagonists. In the capital of Asia, as in all other quarters, he had been daily exposed to their insidious designs, but nothing had deterred him from preaching the great fruths, however unpalatable, that justification was not by the works of the Law, but by Faith in Jesus Christ, and was not confined to the Jews, but embraced the Gentiles also. “ Ye know,” he afterwards tells the Ephesians, “ how from the first day I came into Asia I served the Lord with many tears and temptations which befell me, by the lying in wait of the Jews. How I kept back nothing that was profitable unto you, testifying both to the Jews and also to the Greeks repentance towards God, and Faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ.”*** He was now going up to Jerusalem to bondage, and perhaps to death, a martyr to the same cause, but this did not discourage him from publishing the tidings of salvation, not by the Law, but by the Grace of God. ‘None of these things,” he says, ‘move me, neither count I my life dear unto myself, so that I may finish my course with joy, and the ministry which I have received of the Lord Jesus to testify the Gospel of the Grace of God.”**! He felt a strong impression that he should neyer see his Ephesian brethren again. Dangers awaited him at Jerusalem, and if he escaped them, his plan, now that he had evangelized Asia Minor and Greece, was, after visiting Jerusalem, to sail for Italy and then for Spain,*? and, with the prospect of a long ministry in those remote parts, he could scarcely hope to revisit the church of Ephesus. True that a tedious imprisonment of nearly five years deranged all his preconceived plans, and eventually brought him back to the Eastern churches, but this he could not foresee, and the fact that the presentiment which he now felt was not verified by the event, derogates nothing from the apostolic character. He had no foreknowledge of the future, beyond the discernment of a sound judgment, as he tells us himself, “I go unto Jerusalem, not knowing the things that shall befall me there. 22283 It was only on certain occasions, 280 Acts xx. 18-21. (1 Tim. i. 3), Paul himself was not at Ephesus, 81 Acts xx. 24. and did not there deliver the injunction, but 282 Rom. xv. 28. sailed by Ephesus, and sent for Timothy to meet 8 Wordsworth suggests that Paul never did him; just as, when Paul was sailing from Mace- visit Ephesus again; for that, when, on his way donia, before his first imprisonment, he passed from Crete to Macedonia after his first imprison- by Ephesus and sent for the elders to Miletus. ment, he charged Timothy to remain at Ephesus Acts xx. 17. Even, however, if this be admitted, n 2 92 [a.. 58] VOYAGE ΤῸ JUDEA. [Cnae. II. and for adequate purposes, that he was divinely illuminated, as in predicting to the Thessalonians the coming of Antichrist. He was new to part from the Ephesians for many years, perhaps for ever, and his conscience did not reproach him, for he had fearlessly unfolded the catholic character of the Gospel. “ Wherefore I take you to record this day,” he tells the Ephesians, “that I am pure from the blood of all men ; for I haye not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of God.”*** Paul felt assured that the Judaizing principles which were abroad would penetrate into the Tro gilimn Prom elt Thyabria* S” Vicits Cariz rp Yes Fig. 214.—Jap of Miletus and the parts adjacent. In the time of Paul the sea had free entrance into the bay of Latmus, from which it is now completely excluded by many miles of intervening land. The gradual changes ‘rom the earliest to the latest period are seen distinguished in the above plan, from Choiseul Gouffier. Ephesian church when he should not be present to meet the advancing tide, and his mind could not be at rest until he had solemnly impressed upon the pastors of the church the awful responsibility they had undertaken of guarding the flock against the ravages of the marauder. ‘I know,” he says, “that after my departure*® shall grievous wolves enter in among you; take heed, therefore, unto yourselves, and to all the flock over the which the Holy Ghost hath made you overseers, to feed the church it is clear that Onesiphorus afterwards visited 284 Acts xx. 26; 27. him, and probably in prison at Ephesus itself 385. After his departure from them (ἄφιξιν), and (2 Tim. i.18); for the consolation thus adminis- ποῦ after his death. Meyer, Apostg. p 368. Paul tered by Onesiphorus cannot with any reason be was not then expecting his own end (ἀνάλυσιν, 2 referred to a period prior to the Apostle’s first Tim. iv. 6), but believed that he was now parting captivity. from them not to return. Cuap. 111 VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [a.D. 58] 93 of God. which he hath purchased with his own blood.”**’ This warning was not given without reason, as we learn from the melancholy announcement contained in the Apostle’s last letter, written shortly, and perhaps a few days only, before his death. ‘This thou knowest, that all they which are in Asia be turned away from me.” **? Another reason for the Apostle’s anxiety to see the Ephesian elders may have been that they had parted from him at a moment of peril, when Paul, from the disturbed state of Ephesus consequent on the riot of Demetrius the silversmith, had been prevented from delivering to them a solemn admonition upon the duties of their office. 15.— View of the plain of the Meander in its present state. The spectator is looking west. From Choiseul Goufiier. The remains in the front ground on the left are those of Miletus, and beyond is the present Turkish village. In the plain are seen the wandering channels (some of them abandoned) of the Meander. ‘The eminence at the farther end of the plain is what anciently was the island of lade, and between that and the ruins on the le/t was the port in which Paul’s vessel east anchor. On the right is seen the Promontory of Mycale, and beyond it is the Isle of Samos. Fig. 216.—Coin of Miletus. From the British Museum νυ. Head of Apollo—Rev. A lion with a monogram of Miletus and the name of Alcon the chief magistrate. Paul had forwarded his message to them on Thursday, the 20th of April, and on the following Sunday, the 23rd of April, they arrived at Miletus. They now gathered round the venerable champion, and listened with deep attention to his impressive and 786 Acts xx. 25-28. 287 LMNs LO: 94 [4.p. 58] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [Cuap. IT. affecting charge. Luke was present, and fortunately has preserved to us the sub- stance of his address. “Ye know,” he said, “from the first day that I came into Asia, after what manner I was with you the whole time,?** serving the Lord with all humility of mind, and with *® tears and temptations which befel me by the lyings in wait of the Jews, how I kept back nothing that was profitable unto you, but showed you and taught yon publicly from house to house, testifying both to Jews and also to Greeks, repentance toward God, and faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ. in the spirit unto Jerusalem, not knowing the things that shall befal me there, save that the Holy Ghost witnesseth in every city, saying, that bonds and aftlictions abide And now, behold, I go bound me. But I take account of nothing,”® neither count I my life dear unto myself, so 291 that I may finish my course with joy,*! and the ministry, which I have received of the Lord Jesus, to testify the Gospel of the grace of God. And now, behold! I know that ye shall not all of you, among whom I have gone preaching the kingdom of God, 292 see my face again. Wherefore I take you to witness this day, that Iam pure from the blood of all men; for I have not shunned to declare unto you all the counsel of God. Take heed, therefore, unto yourselves, and to all the flock, oyer the which the Holy Ghost hath made you bishops to feed the church of God which he purchased with his own blood; for this I know, that after my departing * shall grievous wolves enter in among you, not sparing the flock. Also of your own selves shall men arise, speaking perverse things, to draw away the disciples after them. Therefore, watch and remember, that for the space of three years “ἢ I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears. And now, brethren, I commend you to God, and to the word of his grace, which is able to build you up, and to give you an inheritance among 288 τὸν πάντα χρόνον. Acts xx. 18. *° The word πολλῶν, ‘many,’ is rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. *80 οὐδενὸς λόγον ποιοῦμαι. Acts xx. 94. “! The words μετὰ χαρᾶς are rejected by Lach- manu, Tischendorf, and Alford. ἊΣ καὶ viv ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ οἶδα, ὅτι οὐκέτι ὄψεσθε τὸ πρόσωπόν μου ὑμεῖς πάντες. Acts xx. 25. The strict literal interpretation is “and now behold I know that ye shall not all of you see my face again,” and some interpret this, that as his ab- sence would be long, it could not be expected that all of the presbyters whom he addressed would live to see him again; others that none of the presbyters would see him again, or in other words, that he should never return to Ephesus. From the dangers that awaited him at Jerusa- lem, and from the plans he had formed of visiting Italy and Spain, he might be fully persuaded that he should not return (as he did not for more than five years); but this presentiment would be the result of private judgment only, for he said himself that he did not know what should befall him. Acts xx. 22. That he did in fact revisit Ephesus cannot with reason be doubted. In the First Epistle to Timothy he tells him to stay on at Ephesus as Paul on his way to Mace- donia had charged him (1 Tim. i. 30), and to stay on until Paul arrived himself (1 Tim. iv. 18), which he hoped to do shortly (1 Tim. iii. 14); and these words cannot by any possibility be referred to any part of Paul’s life before his imprisonment at Rome. We shall see hereafter that Paul not only revisited Ephesus, but was imprisoned there; and during his captivity re- ceived great attentions from Onesiphorus (2 Tim. i. 18), and was afterwards sent away from Ephesus to his martyrdom at Rome. #93 See note, p. 285. 29: See Vol. I. p. 296. Cuap. Π.] VOYAGE ΤΟ JUDEA. [a.p. 58] 95 all them which are sanctified. I have coveted no man’s silver, or gold, or apparel ; yea, ye yourselves know that these hands have ministered unto my necessities, and to them that were with me. I have showed you all things how that so labouring ye ought to support the weak,” and to remember the words of the Lord Jesus, how he said, ‘It is more blessed to give than to receive.’ ”?°° We cannot better describe the touching scene that followed than in the simple language of the sacred historian. ‘“And when he had thus spoken he kneeled down and prayed with them all; and they all wept sore, and fell on Paul’s neck, and kissed him ; sorrowing most of all for the words which he spake, that ‘they should see his face no more.’ And they accompanied him unto the ship.”2%7 Fig. 217.— View of the theatre, the principal ruin of ancient Miletus. The spectator is looking in a south-eastern direction. The charge of the apostle was, perhaps, extended at Miletus, as before at Troas, deep into the night of the Sunday. On Monday, the 24th of April, the vessel sailed, and Paul tore himself from his beloved Ephesian flock. Many also of the faithful friends, who had come with him all the way from Corinth, could not accompany τῶν ἀσθενούντων --- the poor.’ *5 Acts xx. 18-35. This quotation of the words of our Saviour is not found in any of the Gos- pels. The crucifixion of our Lord had occurred only a quarter of a century before, and there must have been hundreds, or rather thousands, of his hearers still alive, who would fondly cherish his sayings and pass them on from mouth to mouth. This incidental notice of our Lord’s remarks falling so naturally from the Apostle’s lips, carries with it a strong argument, if any were needed, for the reality of the Gospel narrative. Paul was preaching at a period when multitudes could have confuted any misstate- ment. See a list of other sayings of our Lord not mentioned in the Gospels, in B. F. Westcott’s Introduction to the Study of the Gospels, p. 424. “7 Acts xx. 36. The harbour where the ship lay was probably at some little distance from the scene of the Apostle’s last charge. 96 [a.p. 58] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [Cuap. IL him beyond the coast of Asia,*** and here taking their leave and receiving his last embrace, returned to their different homes. Amongst those, who here left Paul, was probably Timothy, who returned with the elders of Ephesus to that city—at least, he is Vig. 218 — View af Cos, the spectator looking south-west. From Admiralty Chart. not mentioned as in Paul’s company at Jerusalem, and Ephesus appears to have been Σ , Ρ entrusted peculiarly to the care of Timothy. It is an ancient tradition that he was Bishop of it, and certainly, in Paul’s last circuit we find him stationed there, with an TOWN AND ROAD KOS (CALLED BY THE TURKS STANKO) kala or a “Landing Place ese ὡς Fig. 219.—Plan of Cos. From Admiralty Chart. injunction to remain,” and during Paul’s second imprisonment, and just before his death, Timothy was still either at Ephesus itself or in the immediate neighbour- hood.” Paul, and Luke, and Trophimus, the bearers of the alms from Macedonia 395. συνείπετο δὲ αὐτῷ ἄχρι τῆς ᾿Ασίας, κιτιλ. Acts xx. 4. By Asia is here meant Lydian Asia, and the Apostle’s companions therefore did not part from him at Troas, but at Miletus. 590. ΠΕ χη. ey 8 See post. ὕπαρ. 117] VOYAGE ΤΟ JUDE4.- [a.v. 58] 97 and Achaia, and such others as were bound for the Jewish capital, now proceeded on their voyage. —————— -- Fig. 220.—Coin of Cos. From the British Museum. δε, Head of Hercules with lion's -kin.—Rev. A crab with the legend Kwroy Mooxwy (of the Coians. Moschion tle chief magistrate) The wind was favourable, and the vessel the same day reached Cos, the garden of the Egean (fig. 218, 219, 220). The chief town,*"’ which was of the same name, lay on the eastern shore. Fig. 221.— View of Rhodes. From a sketch taken by the author from the high ground on the north-west of the city ed by vessels of any considerable burden. The harbour The harbour with the shipping on the left is that now commonly 6 nehored. The famous Colossus stood at the with the shipping on the rieht is the ancient harbour in which Paul’ l entrance to this harbour on the spectator’s left, where is now the high tower or Pharos. The mainland of Asia Minor is seen in the distance, On Tuesday, the 25th of April,*°? they arrived at Rhodes (fig. 221, 222, 223). This city was delightfully situate at the western extremity of the island, on an οἱ Now Stanchio, from “Es τὴν Κῶ, as Stamboul (Constantinople) from “Es τὴν Πόλιν. δ τῇ ἑξῆς. Acts xxi. 1. VOL. I. ο 98 [a.p. 58] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. (Cuar. 11. eminence oyerlooking the famous port.*"* As Paul entered the harbour he must have gazed with curiosity on the greatest of the seven wonders of the world, the huge Colonna, Rock Cemetery. Mosques δ Ca ~O THE MONIC! 5 SeEOSED THIS" +) ponT BY A CHAIN j \ A - 5 ΕΙΣ Af Γξξεεξ αὶ = / τ Πα, Ἢ ) Ἐβὴ χτα re of ὩΣ “Ποελα } “γν)}" Fig 222.—Plan of Rhodes. From Admiralty Chart. Fig. 223.—Coin of Rhodes. From the British Museum. Obv. Head of Apollo as the sun, —Rev. A rose with the legend Podwoy (of the Rhodians), and (Awecveas) the name of the chief magistrate. Colossus, the mighty effort of Chares the Lindian, once towering 105 feet into the air, then prostrate in the dust.*’* It was of brass, and had been erected in the third century B.c., and, after having stood for fifty years, the astonishment of the approach- 508. There is another haven, more to the west, πὸ foundation. It was, however, long believed, which is also now used. The principal port is and Blount, in his Voyage to the Levant, men- fast fillmg up from neglect. tions “that the rocks where his footing was are 80 Tt stood on the right of the port as the wide enough for two great ships to pass to- vessels entered. The fiction of after ages, that gether.” it strided across the mouth of the port, rests on Cuap. II.] VOYAGE TO JUDE4A., [A.p. 48] 99 ing mariner, was thrown to the ground by an earthquake. The legs only as high as eigantic o°D the knees retained their upright posture, while the rest of the mass lay extended along the margin of the port.** It is a singular circumstance that for nearly nine hundred years superstition, or a better feeling, protected this wondrous monument of Rhodian art from the hand of the destroyer; but at length, in the seventh century, the barbarous Saracens, on becoming masters of the city, spared not a work which the world could not replace. They broke the mass into pieces, and In the city itself the Apostle might have gazed on the beautiful Pythium, or Temple of Apollo; and had he transported the materials on 900 camels to Egypt.*" inquired at whose expense so noble a structure was reared, the answer would haye been, at the sole cost of a Jew—one of his own countrymen—Herod the Great.” A Jew erecting a temple to an idol ! ΓΞΞ Fig. 224.— View of Patara. From Ionian Antiquities. The spectator is looking 10 the south-west. In the centre and to the right are the ancient ports, now marshes. Beyond the right-hand port is the sandy beach thrown. up by the sea, and blocking up the entrance to the harbour. Beyond the sand beach is the Mediterranean, bounded only by the horizon. The kiver Nanthus flows into the ancient port on the extreme right. The following day, Wednesday, the 26th of April, Paul and his company sailed to Patara, the port of Xanthus, the capital of Lycia** (fig. 224, 225, 226). Patara τὸν ἐν Ῥόδῳ Κολοσσὸν ὀκτάκις δέκα *05 See Plin. N. H. xxxiv. 18; Strabo, xiv. 2 (p. 194, Tauchnitz); and Fellowes’ Lycia, &e. £05 Λάχης ᾿ποίησε πήχεων ὁ Λίνδιος. Cedrenus, Hist. p. 431. Κολοσσὸν, μετὰ até (1365) ἔτη τῆς αὐτοῦ ἱδρύσεως" Ras ν ; , sin ὃν ὠνησάμενος ἔμπορος ἐννακόσια Kap Ava ἐφόρτωσε τὸν χαλκόν: καὶ γὰρ οἱ ἹῬόδιοι θαλασσοκρατήσαντες Seb ase AKoy TG Sri = (S() ἀνέστησαν ἀνδριάντα χαλκοῦν τῷ ἡλίῳ πηχῶν 7 (80), ς , Rie etna ἡ ὡς λέγει TO ἐν αὐτῷ ἐπίγραμμα Μαβίας καταλαβὼν τὴν Ῥόδον καθεῖλε τὸν £07 Jos. Ant. xvi. 5, 3. 8 Βροῦτος δὲ ἐς Πάταρα ἀπὸ Ξάνθου κατήει, App. 8.σ. iv. 81. Liv. xxxvii. 15. ἔθνους ὁ πόλιν ἐοικυῖαν ἐπινείῳ Ξανθίων. Patara caput gentis. τῆς μητροπόλεως τοῦ Λυκίων Boeckh, 4280, 4281, 4283. Πατάρων .- Onpos. o 2 100 [a.D. 58] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [Cuar. II stood seven or eight miles* to the east of the mouth of the Xanthus or Yellow river, and at the south-eastern extremity of the delta or triangular plain, irrigated by the muddy waters from which the stream took its name. Toward the east the city was Fig. 225.—Plan of Patara. From Ionian Antiquities. A. Theatre. 1. Horreum. B. Arch. G. Acropolis. C. Buildings (bath-?) H. Citadel. D. Column. ΠΟΙ temple. 1, Pharos. ΕΞ Tomb of Mr. Bedford. Fig. 226.—Coin of Patava. From the British Museum, Obv. Head of Apollo.—Rev. Πα. Avxwwy (Patara of the Lycians). overlooked by a commanding hill, which, running southward, divided the bay of Xanthus from the bay of Calamatia, two miles to the east. Patara had a convenient haven, frequented by the ships of all nations.*° At present Patara is a ruin. There ἊΝ Sixty stades. Stadiasm. Mar. Mag. But δι᾿ οὗ ἀνάπλους eis Πάταρα πόλιν. Scylax, Syria. Seylax places it on the Xanthus: ποταμὸς Ξάνθος 30 εἰς Πάταρα πόλιν" καὶ λιμένα ἔχει. Scylax, Cuar. II.] VOYAGE TO JUDEA., [a.D. 58] 101 are still the remains of a theatre, and some massive walls and arches, and one of the gates of the city with three arches nearly perfect, and numerous sarcophagi scattered around. Near the theatre is a deep circular pit of singular appearance. A flight of steps leads to the bottom, and from the centre a square pillar rises above the surface of the ground. It is possible that this was the seat of the Oracle of Patareus Apollo. The insulated pillar may have supported the statue of the deity, and the pit may have afforded some secret means of communication for the priest. The town walls encompassed an area of considerable extent, and may be easily traced, as well as the site of a castle which commanded the harbour, and of several towers which flanked the walls. At the northern extremity, and facing the theatre, one of the gates is still erect"! The port is completely filled with sand, and is now ἃ pes- tiferous swamp. All communication with the sea is cut off by a straight beach, through which there is no opening, and the sand has not only filled up the harbour, but rises to a considerable height between the ruins and the river Xanthus on the west, lying in ridges, and the surface wrinkled like a sea-beach.* At Patara, fortunately, Paul and his company found a merchantman bound direct for Tyre, and thence to Acre. The ship in which he had arrived either stopped at Patara, or intended sailing along the coast of Pamphylia and Cilicia. The good luck of meeting with a passage at once to Tyre would not only enable him to reach Jeru- salem in time for the feast on the 17th of May, but would even place several surplus days at his disposal. On Thursday, the 27th of April, they set sail from Patara, and stretching across the open sea for Tyre passed Cyprus on their left. The distance was about 450 Roman miles, and at the rate of 125 Roman miles for each day and night of twenty- four hours (the average of ancient navigation), they would arrive at Tyre (fig. 227, 228, 229) on Sunday, the 30th of April. This city it is difficult to describe, or not to describe, for it is too famous to te passed over in silence, and it is not easy to say little. It had originally stood on the mainland, but the siege of Nebuchadnezzar drove them into the small island lying opposite. Here it attained a wonderful prosperity, and was the proudest of all the daughters of commerce till the time of Alexander the Great. Tyre made a manful resistance against the Macedonian, and he could only capture it at last by throwing a vast mound (which still remains) from the continent across the channel to the island.** Alexander showed his littleness of soul by destroying his gallant enemy, but such were the natural advantages of the spot that Tyre rose again into importance ; and at the time of the Apostle’s visit it competed with Sidon for the Lycia. μετὰ δὲ τὸν Ξάνθον Πάταρα, καὶ αὕτη μεγάλη tend rei, Samum reducit naves. Livy. xxxvii. πόλις, λιμένα ἔχουσα καὶ ἱερὰ πολλὰ, κτίσμα Πατά- Te pov. Strabo, xiv. 3 (p. 215, Tauchnitz). But 3 Karamania, by Capt. Beaufort, p. ὃ. the port was not very capacious, for, quum per- 2 Allen’s Dead Sea, i. 125. eunctatus esset [4imilius] utrumnam Pataris 18 Karamania, by Capt. Beaufort, p. 5. universa classis in portu stare posset, quum SIS ῬΊΟΝ Ἐν: respondissent non posse, causam nactus omit- 102 [a.p. 53] VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [Cuap. Il. supremacy of Phcenicia, and indeed was the principal resort of the Levantine trade. It was allowed by the Romans to retain its freedom. It was famous for its manu- facture of purple,?° and being a mercantile town, was full of Jews.°% The city stood on what had once been the island, but was then a peninsula, jutting into the sea for the length of a mile, narrow at the neck and widening towards the end, and of the average breadth of about one-third of a mile. The cirewit of the town itself was not quite three miles.*!8 The harbour was on the north, between the penin- sula and the mainland, and was protected by a mole, of which some remains have survived the buffeting of the waves. The vessel was here to unload and take in a fresh cargo, so that a week would elapse before the Apostle could resume his voyage. This was not Paul’s first visit to Tyre. Shortly after his conversion he had been conducted by the brethren from Jerusalem to Caesarea, whence he proceeded to Tarsus. Even if he embarked at Caesarea he might well have touched at Tyre; but as he tells us himself, that upon receiving his Apostleship he had preached successively at Damascus and at Jerusalem, and throughout all the country of the Jews,* he may have travelled from Caesarea to Tarsus by land, which would carry him through Tyre and then through Sidon, where we shall see presently that he also had friends.*” This, too, would exactly tally with the statement that upon his conversion he had gone to the parts of Syria and Cilicia,?** for such would be the order in which he would then visit those countries. Whether his route was by sea or land, Tyre lay in Fig. 227.—Coin of Tyre. From Pellerin. Obv. Lanreated head with the legend Tup[ov ] [M]ntpotoAews (of Tyre the metropolis)— Fev. Kowvou τῆς φοινίκὴς (com- munity of Phoenicia), with the date AKT (321) of the era of the Seleucide, answering to A.D, 10, and in the centre is tue Temple of Hercules, the deity most venerated at Tyre. the beaten track, and Paul may haye first planted that church. He must also have halted at Tyre on other occasions, for twice, as ambassador of the church of Antioch, he had gone to Jerusalem and back, and at the close of his second cirewit he had again proceeded from Jerusalem to Antioch. Luke, im relating the present voyage, 22322 mentions only that they “found the disciples,’*°’ but the expression clearly implhes a previous acquaintance. 3 Strabo, xvi. 2 (p. 857, Tauch.); Jos. Ant. 319 Acts xxvi. 20. xy. 4, 1. $20 Acts xxvii. 3. 516. ΡΊ Τὴ INE Εἰ’ ν᾿ If, abe, (5h); 84 τῆς Συρίας καὶ Κιλικίας. Gal. i. 21. 3:1 Jos. Bell. 11. 18, 5. 822 καὶ ἀνευρόντες τοὺς μαθητάς. Acts xxi. 4. 28 Oppidum ipsum xxii. stadia obtinet. Plin. The translation “and finding disciples” is in- ΝΈΕΣ ΝΣ accurate. Fig, 228,— View of Tyre from the land. The spectator is looking south-west. The city of Tyre is seen on the little peninsula which runs out to sea. From Cassas, The city was originally on an island, but Alexander the Great carried a dam across the narrow strait and so captured the city, whicu has ever since been peninsular. The aqueduct runs from the adjacent high ground on the east aloug the dam τὸ the ity. Numerous Columns « PROBABLE 5 ο aT reese 2 Springs endoted ty ὍΘΙ 6) soled masonry 1 Sandhill f | fi | Nj δ ¢ ῷ τὸ UNCULTIVATED PILAIN oSakieh WWumerous\, Sarcophag: PLAIN PARTIALLY oHoure is qa ten Hirams ToT = J Brite CULTIVATED ἢ — Plan of Tyre From Admiralty Chart. 104 [a.p. 58} VOYAGE TO JUDEA. [παρ᾿ IL, Paul and his comrades remained at Tyre a week,** and at the end of that time he had so established himself in the affections of the brethren, whether his own conyerts or not, that with their wives and children they accompanied him out of the city down to the beach. They might never see him again, for here also it was announced to the Apostle that Jerusalem would be the scene of danger. Paul and the brethren knelt down together upon the sea shore and offered upa fervent prayer, and then, with a warm embrace, parted from each other. Paul embarked on board the vessel, and the Tyrians returned to their homes. The ship sailed on Monday the 8th of May, and the same day arrived at Ptolemais, or Acre (fig. 230, 231, 232). Here closed the sea voyage of the Apostle—either the ; Fig. 230.—} The spectator is looking north-west. The ancient port (not now used) is seen on the left, to the south of the city. iew of Acre. From Vandevelde. vessel did not sail any farther, or a land journey to Jerusalem from this point was more conyenient. Acre must be familiar to most readers. Here fought Richard Coeur de Lion; here Sir Sidney Smith first rolled back the tide of conquest on the French invader; and here, still more recently, the gallantry and skill of our fleet silenced in an hour the fortress which had defied Napoleon. Acre was a city of Pheenicia,** and was invested by the Romans with the privileges of a colony.* It 28 ἡμέρας ἑπτά. Acts xxi. 4. It is implied coast, and is said to have extended sometimes to that it was a full week from the expression: Mount Carmel (Jos. Bell. iii. 3, 1), and some- ὅτε δὲ ἐγένετο ἡμᾶς ἐξαρτίσαι τὰς ἡμέρας. Acts times to Dora (Jos. Vit. 8), and sometimes even XX1. 0. to Ceesarea (Ant. xx. 9, 6). “4 Phoenicia was a narrow slip along the s5' Plin: Nat. Hist. v. 17. ξ NS δι s y ΠῚ ᾿ Ba rracks@ ~ de ζω μὴ - Road to Abilin Fig. 231.—Plan of Acre. From Admiralty Chart. Fig. 232.—Coin of Ptolemais or Acre. From Pellerin. Obv. Head of Claudius with the legend [Claudius] Cw. P. Max. Cos. iv. Imp. xiii, and therefore struck in A.p. 47, when Claudius was both Consul iv. and Imperator xiii. See Fasti δὶ p. 286. Rev. Two oxen striking the boundary line of the colony, with four standards bearing the numbers of the legions to which they belonged, viz., 6, 9,10, and 11. The colony was planted by the veterans of these four legions. Round the margin are the words Divos [ClJuujdius], the divine Claudius, shewing that divine honours were paid to the emperors even in their lifetime. At the foot of the reverse is the wore IIroA. (Ptolemais or Acre), and in the centre are the itizens saved). letters Col. C. C. S., Colonia Claudia cives servati (Claudian colony. VOL. I. ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA. 106 [a.v. 58] [Cuap. 11. stood on a promontory, the north-western horn of the crescent-like bay, of which the projecting rock of Mount Carmel formed the south-western horn. At the north of the bay, but to the south of the city, was a roadstead protected by a mole, now in ruins, running out from the south-western point of the promontory toward the coast.“ At the present day the sea at this part is not of sufficient depth for vessels of large tonnage, but on the south of the bay, under the shelter of Carmel, is anchorage for ships of the heaviest burden, which is the modern anchorage. At Acre was a numerous colony of Jews, as may be inferred from the fact that at the outbreak of the Jewish war 2000 were slain, besides those that were imprisoned,°* A church also had been planted at Acre, and Paul and his companions were evidently acquainted with the members of it, for Luke remarks that “we saluted the brethren and abode with them one day.” ἢ Czesarea was forty-four miles, or two days journey from Acre,*” and on Wednesday the 10th of May they reached Caesarea. Here also a Christian society had been formed, and was under the happiest auspices, as Philip the Evangelist, who had been one of the seven deacons, was residing there with his family. Meyer suggests that Philip must before this have resigned his office of deacon.*** But the fact is that, on the persecution in the time of Stephen, all the disciples were dispersed from Jerusalem with the exception of the Apostles.**! The deacons themselves therefore were amongst the fugitives, and indeed had they remained, their office would have been a sinecure on the breaking up of the church at Jerusalem. On their office becoming nugatory the deacons went about preaching the Gospel, not in the character of apostles, which they did not assume to be, but by the name of Evangelists. Philip, one of the seven, was long occupied in spreading the Gospel throughout Samaria,*” but eventually fixed his residence at Caesarea. 333 Philip had four daughters, who were virgins,’ and, touched with the zeal of their father, were prophetesses,* or ex- pounders of the sacred yolume. Paul took up his abode with him, and the communi- cation between them must have yielded the highest gratification, as they were both impressed with the same enlarged views of Christianity, Philip being the Evangelist of the Samaritans, and Paul the apostle of the Gentiles. The distance of Cxsarea from Jerusalem was, according to Josephus, six hundred seal or seventy-five miles,*” or according to Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum pee “6 See Robinson’s Palestine, 1856, p. 91. 327 Jos. Bell. ii. 18, 5. B20 NCTE EXCL ie “8 The distance from Ptolemais or Acre in Anton. Itin. 1s Sycamina xxiiii, Cesarea xx., making together xliv. But in Itin. Hierosol. the distance is, MutatioCalamon ....... xii MansioSicamenos . ..... ~. ii. Mutatio Certa .. .. AG ἘΠῚ Civitas Czesarea Palestina, Gal ἘΠ Judea viii. XXX1. In the Peutinger Table, the distance is, Thora xx. Cresarea xxviii., making together xlviii. “0 Apostg. 376. $31 Acts viii. 3. $32 Acts vill. 5, *8 Philip had foilowed the advice of the Apostle, 1 Cor, vii. 87. 84 See note ante, 1 Cor. xi. 5. 8% Jos. Ant. xiii. 11,2; Bell. i. 3, 5. Cuap. II.] ST. PAUL AT C4iSAREA. [a.p. 88] 107 eight miles, and was about a three days journey ; and as the feast of Pentecost was to occur on the 17th of May at 6p.a., Paul had several days to spare, which he might either pass at Jerusalem or at Cesarea. He preferred the latter,**° and this with a view to his own safety, for though it was his fixed resolution to be present at the feast at Jerusalem, he could not but be conscious that a sojourn there of any long continu- ance might lead to some popular commotion, and he proposed to reach it only just in time for the celebration of the Feast. While the Apostle was thus lingering at Caesarea, Agabus, a prophet of the Hebrew church, who had some years before predicted at Antioch the famine which occurred in the reign of Claudius,**’ came down from Jerusalem to Cesarea, and, with the symbolical action of the East, took Paul’s girdle and binding with it his own hands and feet exclaimed,*** “Thus saith the Holy Ghost, so shall the Jews at Jerusalem bind the man that owneth this girdle, and shall deliver him into the hands of the Gentiles.” Ὁ Such was the gloomy announcement, and Luke and his other companions, and even the brethren of Caesarea, alarmed for his safety, used the most earnest entreaties that he would forego his visit to Jerusalem. But Paul, though warned of danger, had not been prohibited from the journey. Indeed, his sufferings at Jerusalem were eventually to be the means of transferring his labours to Rome, which for so many years he had been desirous of visiting. It pained an affectionate heart to refuse compliance with the wishes of dear friends, but Paul was resolute in the path of duty. ‘“ What mean ye,” he said, “to weep and to break mine heart, for I am ready not to be bound only, but also to die at Jerusalem, for the name of the Lord Jesus?” Upon this the disciples resigned themselves into the hands of Providence, saying, ‘‘ The will of the Lord be done.” **° On Monday the 15th of May, Paul and his friends, having packed up their baggage **! 88 ἐπιμενόντων δὲ ἡμῶν ἡμέρας πλείους. Acts power of resistance into the outer or lower court. xxi. 10. $7 Acts xi. 28. *8 Symbolic action of this kind was a common usage with the prophets. See similar instances, Is. xxii. 2; Jer. xiii. 1; xxvii. 2; Ezek. iv. 1; ΚΤ τὸν OSs 1: ὦ. δῦ This may mean in a general sense that the Jews should be the cause of Paul’s imprisonment by the Romans, who should bind him hand and foot, which they did at all events when Paul was about to be put to the rack. However, the literal prophecy is that the Jews should bind Paul both hand and foot at Jerusalem before he was delivered to the Gentiles, and though the fulfilment of this prediction has not been re- corded by St. Luke, it may be surmised that when the Jews set upon Paulin the court of the women (a place deemed too sacred to be the scene of assassination), they at once bound him hand and foot in order to drag him without the It is said expressly that they laid violent hands on him: ἐπέβαλον τὰς χεῖρας ἐπὶ αὐτὸν, Acts xxi. 27 ; and proceeded to drag him along: ἐπίλα- βόμενοι τοῦ Παύλου εἷλκον, Xxi. 80, and the Rab- binical instruction was to tie the hands and feet first. Thus: Postquam ad lapidationem con- demnatus est... veniunt testes; manus ac pedes ips‘us liyant ; ipsumque in locum lapida- tionis deducant. Tanchuma, fol. 39, 3, cited Schoettgen’s Hore Hebraic, i, 441. When Lysias came down he would naturally order the temporary bands of the Jews to be un- loosed, and direct Paul to be secured by two chains in the Roman fashion—de@nvar ἁλύσεσι δυσὶ (Acts xxi. 83)—viz. one from each wrist to the wrist of a soldier. *° An allusion perhaps to the words of the Lord’s prayer—* Thy will be done.” * Τὴ the Text. recept. the word is ἀποσκευα- σάμενοι (Acts xxi. 15), which the Eng. ver. Ρ 2 108 [a.b. 58] ARRIVAL AT JERUSALEM. [Cuap. II. and taking with them the contributions of Macedonia and Achaia for the poor saints at Jerusalem, set out upon their ominous journey. The company of brethren must have been almost as numerous as a caravan, for Paul was not only attended by Luke, Trophimus, and others, but many of the brethren of Caesarea also accompanied him to the feast. They arrived at Jerusalem on Wednesday the 17th of May, when Paul was con- ducted by his Cesarean companions to the house of their acquaintances Mnason, a Cyprian,” and an ancient disciple,“ with whom the Apostle was to lodge.*** The Pentecost was to begin at six o'clock the same evening. Having thus traced Paul to Jerusalem, we must resume our sketch of the civil state of Judea, as the interesting occurrences we are about to relate have a close connec- tion with political events and historical personages. That Paul, however long on his journey, had not come to Jerusalem before the very day of the festival, is evident from his afterwards reminding Felix that only twelve days had elapsed since his arrival, as Felix, he continues, who was familiar with the time of the Feast, must be aware,**? and of course Felix could only judge of the duration of Paul’s sojourn on The Feast of Pentecost lasted one day only, that is, from 6 p.m. one day to 6 p.m. the next day, as 346 the supposition that he came to Jerusalem on the day of the Feast. appears from Josephus. renders: ‘ we took up our carriages,’ or things to he earried, i.e. ‘our baggage.” But ἀποσκευασά- μενοι is rather ‘we unpacked our luggage’; and some take Luke to mean that they disencum- bered themselves of their heavy baggage and left it at Ceesarea. However, there is a great variety of readings ; as besides ἀποσκευασάμενοι we meet with ἀποταξάμενοι and ἐπισκευασάμενοι. The last appears the best, aud is adopted by Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, and then the proper meaning is, ‘having packed up our baggage and put it upon the beasts of burden.’ See Kuinoel, Acts xxi. 15. ‘2 And therefore a fellow-countryman of Barnabas, and perhaps converted by Pauli and Barnabas on their first circuit. But as he is called an old disciple, be may have been one of those residents at Jerusalem who were dispersed from Jerusalem more than twenty years before, on the persecution by Saul. Acts xi. 19. 38 ἀρχαίῳ μαθητῇ. Acts xxi.16. Perhaps an original disciple, but certainly an old disciple, as opposed to a neophyte. See 1 Tim. iii. 6. Ἢ There are two interpretations of Acts xxi. 16: one that Mnason was at Czesarea and went up with them to be their host at Jerusalem ; the other, that he was at Jerusalem, and that Paul was conducted to his house by his fellow- travellers from Cresarea. See Kuinoel, Acts xxi. 16. The latter view is adopted in the text. #5) Acts xxiv. 11. 46 Jos. Ant. xiii. 8,4. See p. 142, post. 109 CHAPTER ΤΙ. Review of Jewish History, from the Death of Agrippa sv. 44 to ap. 58—Sketeh of Jerusalem, and of the Leading Public Characters at the time of Paul's arrival. Bitter is bondage to the freeborn mind, Evyn where the lord would fain make service light. But, oh! how bitter where the cords that bind Are drawn the tightest! Where the oppressor’s might, Spurning at law and trampling upon right, Rushes, like wolf, on its defenceless prey. Such, land of Judah, thy unhappy plight! The crafty freedman who has fawned his way From servitude to power, now rules with ruthless sway. Anon. We parted from the thread of Jewish history at the death of Agrippa the Great, who, in a.v. 44, after a reign of seven years, expired in agony at Caesarea, while celebrating the games there in honour of the Emperor Claudius, on his return from the conquest of Britain. He left four children, Agrippa the younger, his only son, and: three daughters, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla. Agrippa was at that time seventeen years of age, and was in detention as a kind of hostage at Rome, at the court of Claudius, who took charge of his education. Bernice was sixteen, and a little before had married her paternal uncle, Herod of Chalcis. Mariamne at her father’s death was only ten years of age, and Drusilla was six. The latter grew up to be one of the most celebrated beauties of the day. The young Agrippa had learnt the vices of the age at the Imperial Court, but profligacy is the only charge that history has recorded against him. He is described by Josephus as a man of extraordinary accomplish- ments.! His three sisters were all of them but indifferent characters, and, indeed, the single favourable trait mentioned of any one of them is, that at the commence- ment of the Jewish war Bernice, as the representative of her family, in the absence of her brother Agrippa, had the courage and patriotism to present herself barefooted as a suppliant before the tribunal of Gessius Florus, the tyrannical Procurator, to inter- cede for the lives of her countrymen, whose blood he was then recklessly shedding." Agrippa, the late king, had received a solemn promise from the Emperor Claudius that Agrippa, his son, should inherit his crown, and the Emperor, who, with many %* Jos. Bell. ii. 15, 1. 1 “Ἢ θαυμασιώτατος Βασιλεὺς “Aypinras. Jos. ¢. Apion. i. 9. 110 [a.p. 44] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [Curap. I]. faults, had much kindness of heart, was now desirous of redeeming his pledge. How- ever, he had neither decision of character nor talents for business, and was entirely under the government of his wife Agrippina, and some favourite freedmen. They represented, and not without some plausibility, that the feeble hands of a stripling like Agrippa were little capable of swaying the sceptre of such a rebellious province as Judea; that the wisest course, at least for the present, would be to appoint a Pro- curator, whose experience and known talents would furnish some security for the maintenance of tranquillity. Claudius succumbed to the advice (calculated no doubt to answer the private ends of the counsellors), and Agrippa was retained about the court for the amusement of the Emperor who had a partiality for him, atid the kingdom of Judea again became a Roman province, annexed, as before, to Syria, but governed by a separate Procurator. Cuspius Fadus was the first to fill the office, and during the short continuance of his administration, the wisdom of his rule justified the appointment. Amongst other beneficial acts, he captured and put to death Tholomeus, the notorious captain of banditti, who had infested the south-western parts of Judea for many years. Throughout the province also, by the prudent measures that were taken, the marauders were dragged from their hiding-places, and public security was for a time restored.” The next matter that engaged the Procurator’s attention may appear trifling at first sight, but had a strange importance in the eyes of the Jews. The pontifical robes worn on the great festivals had originally been kept in a vestry built on the mount a little to the north of the Temple, afterwards the site of Fort Antonia. When the vestry was fortified by Herod, the robes were still preserved in the garrison, and upon the banishment of Archelaus, and the reduction of Judea to a Roman province (a.v. 6), they came under the custody of the military Governor of Antonia, by whom, the day before a feast,’ they were delivered out to the High Priest, and on the con- clusion of the ceremony were again restored to their repository, and laid up under the seal of the treasurers of the Temple. Thirty-one years after the banishment of Archelaus, Vitellius the Prefect of Syria, being present at Jerusalem at the Pass- over, A.D. 97,3. and pleased with his welcome, granted the Jews the boon of taking the robes under their own charge, and so it continued until the death of Agrippa the elder. Cuspius Fadus, on being appointed to the province (a.p. 44), had received orders from the Emperor to withdraw the pontifical robes, and also the crown of Agrippa, from the custody of the Jews and keep them in Fort Antonia, under the surveillance 2 ἐκαθάρθη τε λῃστηρίων a ὑντεῦθεν ἡ θωμά νων τῷ €6 ύτῳ διὰ τῆς ἄρθη ηστηρίων ἅπασα τοὐντεῦθεν ἡ κατορθωμάτων γινομένων τῷ ἔθνει TOUTE ὰ τῆ Ἰουδαία φροντίδι καὶ προνοίᾳ τῇ Φάδου. Jos. Ant. σῆς προνοίας πάντῃ τε καὶ πανταχοῦ. Acts xx. 1,1. Felix also cleared the country of rob- xxiv. ὃ. bers; and Tertullus’s compliment to him upon 3 Tn another place, Josephus says “seven days the occasion is conveyed in nearly similar lan- before.” Cf. Ant. xviii. 4, 3, and Ant. xy. 11, 4. guage: Πολλῆς εἰρήνης τυγχάνοντες διὰ σοῦ, καὶ 8. See Fasti Sacri, p. 248, No. 1495. παρ. IIT.] HISTORY OF JUDEA, [a.p. 45] 111 of the Romans. As the execution of the injunction would, as was foreseen, throw all Jerusalem into a ferment, the Procurator took no steps until Longinus, the Prefect of Syria, had arrived with an overwhelming force. Fadus then issued the command, and the utmost consternation followed. To resist by arms was hopeless, but by the most earnest importunities, the Jews at length prevailed that on giving their children as hostages, they might be permitted to send ambassadors to Rome, to lay the case before the Emperor. Young Agrippa, who was still at the Imperial Court, was of great service in introducing his countrymen, and obtaining for them a favour- able hearing. The request was granted, and as the rescript of Claudius does honour to Roman liberality, and shows the friendly feeling entertained by Claudius towards the Jews generally, and the family of Agrippa in particular, we shall transcribe it entire. “ Crauprus Cxsar Grermantcus, TripuNE OF THE PEOPLE THE FIFTH TIME, ConsUL ELECT THE FOURTH TIME, IMPERATOR THE TENTH TIME, THE FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY—TO THE MaGistRavTEs OF JERUSALEM, THE SENATE, THE PEOPLE, AND ALL THE NATION OF THE JEWS, GREETING. “ My Agrippa (whom I have educated, and retain with me as most dutiful) haying introduced to me your ambassadors who came to thank me for the care I had taken of your nation, and earnestly and anxiously entreated that the holy vest and the crown might be in your custody, I grant it, as was done by the most noble and excellent Vitellius, and I am of this mind, first from my own sense of religion, and my desire that all men should live according to the customs of their fathers, and next, because I know that in so doing I shall highly gratify King Herod himself, and Aris- tobulus the younger,* with whose loyalty to myself and zeal for your interests I am well acquainted, with whom I have the greatest friendship, as they are most worthy and esteemed by me. I have also written about these matters to Cuspius Fadus, my Procurator. “ The bearers of the letter are Cornelius, son of Keron, Typhon son of Theudion, Dorotheus son of Nathaniel, John son of John. Dated the 4th before the kalends of July, in the Consulship of Rufus and Pompeius Sylvanus ” (28th June, a.p. 45).° The Herod and Aristobulus referred to in the rescript, were Herod, King of Chalcis, and Aristobulus his son. As Claudius was in this good humour, Herod of Chalcis now preferred a request of his own, which also was complied with, viz., that he, as representative of the royal family during the minority of young Agrippa, might have (1) the appointment of the High Priests, (2) the superintendence of the Temple, and (3) the regulation of the Corban, or sacred treasure. This triple favour was one of no little magnitude, especially the last, as may be conceived from the fact that every Jew, both in and out of Judea, paid annually to the Temple a poll- 4 Aristobulus, the son of Herod of Chalcis, 5 Ant. xx. 1,2. See Fasti Sacri, p. 283, No. and called the younger to distinguish him from 1691. Aristobulus the brother of Herod of Chalcis. 112 [a.p. 46] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [Cuar. ILI. tax of two drachmas, about seventeen pence, so that a continual stream of contributions was pouring into Jerusalem from all quarters of the globe.’ This wealth, as it flowed in, was expended for the present on the repairs of the Temple, according to the magnificent design projected by Herod the Great. That monarch had commenced the undertaking after a year’s preparations, about the eighteenth year before the Christian era, and it was proceeding when our Saviour visited it with His disciples in a.p. 29. “ Forty and six years,” said the Jews, “ has this temple been building, and wilt thou rear it up in three days?”? Though eighteen thousand men were constantly employed upon the work, the fabric was not fully completed until a.p. 65, only five years before its destruction by the army of Titus.* Herod of Chalcis, being invested with these honours, lost no time in exercising his prerogative, for he forthwith deposed Elonzus, called Cantheras, who had been left in the high priesthood by Agrippa the Great, and appointed Joseph, the son of Cami, in his stead ;° and not long after, being displeased with the latter, deprived him of the office to make room for Ananias, of whom we shall hear more presently.” Cuspius Fadus, having governed Judea for two years, was succeeded in a.p. 46 by Tiberius Alexander, the son of Alexander the Alabarch of Alexandria, and the nephew of Philo, the celebrated philosopher.’ Tiberius was a renegade, and had abandoned the religion of his fathers to further his worldly interests." He was now rewarded for his subserviency by being appointed to the province of Judea. Unprin- cipled as he was, he seems to have retained some of his better feelings, for during the whole period of his administration he committed no gross or flagrant violation of the Jewish constitution. At the end of two years he was recalled, but still continued on the road to preferment, for he afterwards succeeded to the Prefecture of Egypt,’* and in the Jewish war was the generalissimo of the forces under Titus at the destruction of Jerusalem.’ His conscience must have smitten him as he witnessed, partly by his own instrumentality, the conflagration of that Temple, which he had been taught in his childhood to regard as the Holy of Holies. On the fall of Jerusalem, he was com- pensated for his services by the erection of a triumphal statue in his honour at Rome, much to the disgust of the public, as we learn from the Satirist :— “ Atque triumphales, inter quas ausus habere Nescio quis titulos Hgyptius atque Alabarches.” Juv. Sat. 1. 129. Oh! shame amongst the Roman great, to mark That mountebank, th’ Egyptian Alabarch. 5 See Vol. I. p. 31. 1 Jos. Ant. xviii. 8,1. See Fasti Sacri, p. 285, 7 John ii. 20. See Fasti Sacri, p. 94, No. 745. Νο. 1701. 5 Jos. Ant. xx. 9,7. See Fasti Sacri, p. 336, BeOS PAM te eXX. ὦ, ὧι No. 1978. 18 Tac. Hist. i.11; ii. 74,79. Jos. Bell. 11. 15,1. 2 Joss Anta xx. 15,9. Fasti Sacri, p. 348, No. 2004. 10 Jos. Ant. xx. 5, 2. M4 Jos. Bell. iv. 10, 6; vi. 4, 3. Cuap. IIT.) HISTORY OF JUDEA, Ta.p. 48] 113 The united administrations of Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius Alexander, the two first Procurators of Judea, occupied a period of four years, and during that interval (a.p. 44-48) prevailed the great famine,’® which, in the words of Luke, “ came to pass in the days of Claudius Casar.”* It was foretold by Agabus, as we have seen, and Paul and Barnabas, in anticipation of it, had carried up to Jerusalem the collection of the Antiochian church for the relief of the Hebrew Christians. The successor of Tiberius Alexander was Ventidius Cumanus, who was appointed in A.D. 48,7 a man cold and unfeeling, regardless of human suffering, a rigid exacter of vengeance where it endangered not his power, and shamelessly blind to the violation of law where the accused had the means of influencing the scales of justice by the offer of a bribe. Cumanus had no sooner arrived in his province than Herod, the brother of Agrippa the elder and King of Chalcis, died, leaving three children, Aristobulus by a former wife, and Bernicianus and Hyreanus by Bernice.'* Aristobulus had attained to manhood, and a few years after (a.p. 55) was promoted to the government of the lesser Armenia.!? The two others were infants, as Bernice their mother was still only twenty. Agrippa the younger, who, at the death of his uncle, had reached the age of twenty-one, was now invested with the kingdom of Chalcis, a high-sounding title, but conferring little extent of territory, and a very moderate income. Agrippa, therefore, still remained at the imperial court, and Bernice his sister, the widow of Herod of Chalcis, seems to haye joined him at Rome, and to have resided at his house. Indeed, scandal was very busy with her character, and we learn from the Satirist that the fashionable world in the capital had shrewd suspicions of too great a familiarity between her and Agrippa— “ Adamas notissimus et Berenices In digito factus pretiosior : hune dedit olim Barbarus inceste, dedit hune Agrippa sorori.” Juy. Sat. vi. 156. See what a brilliant doth Bernice wear ! Sparkling itself—more sparkling on the fair! This to his sister young Agrippa gave, Of men a monarch, but to lust a slave! 18 ἐπὶ τούτοις δὴ καὶ τὸν μέγαν λιμὸν κατὰ THY γὰρ ἐκείνους περιβεβλημένους ὠκεανὸν, καὶ τῆς καθ᾽ Ἰουδαίαν συνέβη γενέσθαι. Jos. Ant. xx.5,2. The ἡμᾶς οἰκουμένης οὐκ ἐλάσσονα νῆσον οἰκοῦντας, words of Luke are nearly the same: ἐσήμανε διὰ πλεύσαντες ἐδουλώσαντο Ῥωμαῖοι. Bell. ii. 16, 4. . τοῦ Πνεύματος, λιμὸν μέγαν μέλλειν ἔσεσθαι ἐφ᾽ ὅλην Cf. Ant. viii. 13, 4; and see Fasti Sacri, p. 109, THY οἰκουμένην. Acts xi. 28. τὴν οἰκουμένην here No, 835. means, not the world, but Judea, as in Luke xxi. 16 Acts xi. 28. 26; Acts xi. 28. Josephus also occasionally ap- ‘7 Fasti Sacri, p. 287, No. 1719. plies ἡ οἰκουμένη to Judea only; thus Agrippa the 18. Jos. Ant. xx. 5,2. See Fasti Sacri, p. 287, younger, who honours us with the mention of No. 1720. Britain, dissuades the Jews from rebellion by the 9. Jos. Ant. xx. 8,4. See Fasti Sacri, p. 305, following argument: σκέψασθε δὲ kai τὸ Βρεττανῶν ΝΟ. 1825. τεῖχος οἱ τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμων τείχεσι πεποιθότες" καὶ VOL. I. Q 114 [a.v. 48] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [Cuar, III. At the same time that Agrippa was installed in the kingdom of Chalcis, he was also invested with the prerogative of appointing the High Priests and with the wardenship of the Temple and the disposition of the Corban. As Josephus expressly mentions the exercise of these powers by Agrippa from this period, it must have been an oversight when he wrote that the same privileges continued till the end of the war with the descendants of Herod of Chalcis—he must have meant with his family in the collateral line.” The Procuratorship of Cumanus was from beginning to end (from a.p. 48 to λον, 52)?! one continued scene of bloodshed. The first occurrence of the kind threw At the great Jewish festivals, namely, the Passover, Pentecost and Tabernacles, there were wont to be congregated at Jerusalem vast half Jerusalem into mourning. multitudes of people from all quarters, amounting, it is said, to the almost incredible number of nearly 3,000,000 males.** These, in the course of their devotions, were daily streaming into the Temple,a square area, measuring a furlong on each side, and encompassed by a high wall, with an open colonnade round the interior. Upon the roof of the cloister, on the western side, a body of Roman soldiers was usually stationed at the festivals, and was kept under arms to repress, at the instant, any outbreak amongst thé turbulent mass below, and whom the guard, from their elevation, could narrowly watch. At the Passover of a.p. 49," when Cumanus had been not a year in office, one of the Roman soldiery upon the portico offered a gross insult by his indecency to the worshippers in the Temple, and the dense multitude was at once thrown into a ferment, and bitter invectives were uttered against Cumanus, who was accused of haying prompted the affront. The Jews, despairing of redress from the Procurator, were for taking vengeance themselves. Stones began to be thrown at the soldiers, as heavy drops of rain betoken the impending storm. Cumanus saw that a conflict was at hand, and doubting the sutliciency of the force posted on the cloister and at Antonia, with which the porticoes communicated, marched down his whole #0 Jos. Ant. xx. 1,3: τὴν πληθὺν ἐξαριθμήσασθαι. Οἱ δ᾽ ἐνστάσης τῆς +l See Fasti Sacri, p. 296, No. 1775. ἑορτῆς (πάσχα καλεῖται) Kal? ἣν θύουσι μὲν ἀπὸ 32 In the time of Nero, Cestius ordered the priests to calculate the population from the number of sacrifices at the Passover. It was found that the sacrifices were 256,500; and allowing ten persons (there were sometimes twenty) to join together in offering each sacri- fice, the worshippers alone would exceed two millions and a half. To these would be added such as were excluded from participating—as the Jews that were unclean and the Gentiles. The passage in Josephus is so curious that we transcribe it: °Os (Κέστιος), τὴν ἀκμὴν τῆς πόλεως διαδηλῶσαι Νέρωνι βουλόμενος καταφρονοῦντι τοῦ ἔθνους, παρεκάλεσε τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς, εἴ πως δυνατὸν εἴη, ap a , 5 ἢ “ ὃ ; ἐννάτης ὥρας μέχρι ἐνδεκάτης, ὥσπερ δὲ φρατρία περὶ ἑκάστην γίνεται θυσίαν οὐκ ἔλαττον ἀνδρῶν δέκα (μόνον γὰρ οὐκ ἔξεστι δαίνυσθαι, πολλοὶ δὲ σὺν εἴκοσιν ἀθροίζονται), τῶν μὲν οὖν θυμάτων εἴκοσι Ε ; sip : πέντε μυριάδας ἠρίθμησαν, πρὸς δὲ ἑξακισχίλια καὶ πεντακόσια. Τίνονται δ᾽ ἀνδρῶν, ἵνα ἑκάστου δέκα δαιτυμόνας θῶμεν, μυριάδες ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ διακόσιαι καθαρῶν ἁπάντων καὶ ἁγίων, οὔτε γὰρ λεπροῖς, οὔτε > P yovoppotois, οὔτε γυναιξὶν ἐπαμμήνοις, οὔτε τοῖς τ , Vas Ξ ; ἄλλως μεμιασμένοις, eEnv τῆςδε τῆς θυσίας μεταλαμ- βάνειν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τοῖς ἀλλοφύλοις ὅσοι κατὰ θρησκείαν παρῆσαν. Bell. vi. 9, 3. *8 See Fasti Sacri, p. 290; No. 1736. Cuap. IIL] HISTORY OF JUDEA, [a.p. 51] 115 army from the barracks round the Preetorium in the Upper City. No sooner did his troops appear in sight than a sudden panic seized the defenceless multitude, and fearing an instantaneous onslaught, the cry was “Fly, Fly.” They struggled to extricate themselves from the crowded court of the Temple, but in vain. Such was the throng, and so narrow the outlets, that in their efforts to escape they only trampled down each other, and in one fatal hour there perished within the four walls of the Temple more than ten thousand, or according to another account as many as twenty thousand, persons. Thus a day of rejoicing was converted into one of lamentation and woe. This disaster was followed by another of much less magnitude in its actual conse- quences, but which nearly involyed the nation in a general insurrection. Jerusalem being the Jewish, as Caesarea was the Roman, capital of the province, couriers of the Emperor and the Procurator were continually passing along the high road, connecting the two. It ran through Bethoron, which was a few miles from Jerusalem. One of the Imperial messengers was travelling with property of considerable value under his charge, when at Bethoron he was suddenly set upon by some banditti, and plundered of the treasure. Cumanus was in a fury at such an outrage against the meanest servant of the divine Cesar, and the miscreants having escaped, he commanded his troops to lay waste the adjoining villages, and bring the principal inhabitants in chains before him. In the execution of this tyrannical order, one of the soldiers in ransacking a village came upon a copy of the Holy Scriptures, when, in the face of the people, he tore it to pieces, and with much blasphemous language committed it to the flames. The whole nation was in a tumult, and pouring down to Cesarea, and throwing themselves at the feet of the Procurator, implored him to avenge the insult offered to the God of Israel. Cumanus was staggered at their state of excitement, and fearing an instantaneous rebellion, called his council together, and, fortunately for the nation, determined on sacrificing one life for the general safety. The soldier was put under arrest, and hurried to execution.” The next event possesses unusual interest, as it led to the expulsion of the Jews from Rome by Claudius, and the appointment of Felix in the room of Cumanus. Samaria lay between Galilee and Judea, and at the principal feasts the Galilean worshippers, on their road to Jerusalem,** were wont to pass through the hostile country, and were, of course, on their route exposed to all kinds of insult, and, not unfrequently, were waylaid and assassinated. It will be remembered that a village of the Samaritans would not receive our blessed Saviour, “‘ because his face was as though he would go to Jerusalem,”*’ and that Jesus in consequence turned to the % Jos. Ant. xx. 5, 3; Bell. ii. 12, 1. ἀπὸ Ταλιλαίας ἔνεστιν οὕτως eis Ἱεροσόλυμα κατα- 35 Jos. Ant. xx. ὅ, 4; Bell. ii. 12, 2. λῦσαι. Jos. Vit. lii. 35. From Galilee to Jerusalem through Samaria ὅτ Luke ix. 53. was only a three days’ journey: τρισὶ yap ἡμέραις δ ys J Y= τρισὶ y lho Q 116 [a.p. 51] HISTORY OF JUDEA, (Chap. IIT. east, along the borders of Samaria,” and crossing the Jordan, descended the left bank till he reached the confines of Judea. At the time of which we are speaking, under the administration of Cumanus (4.D. 51), some Galileans were going up to the feast of Tabernacles, through Samaria, and had reached the village of Ginwa, when a skirmish ensued, and several of the Galileans were slain. The Jews rushed open- mouthed to Cumanus and demanded the instant punishment of the offenders. The Samaritans, however, were no less active on their side, and, anticipating an appeal to the Procurator, had secured impunity at his hands by an adequate bribe. The complaint of the Jews was slighted, and it was evident that a false weight had been furtively placed in the balance. The tumultuous assemblage no sooner received the intimation that the Procurator was deaf to their cries, than they resolved on taking reprisals into their own hands, and the rising passions of the people were fomented by many high-spirited but short- sighted patriots, who sought an opportunity of trying the fortune of war against the Roman power. The wiser part of the community saw how hopeless would be the struggle, and exerted their utmost to withstand the force of the rising tide; but Ananias, the High Priest, and his son, Ananus, then captain of the Temple, were injudicious enough to lend their secret countenance to the movement, and they shortly afterwards paid the penalty of their imprudence. The congregated multitudes of Jerusalem, without leaders, and following only a blind fury, now streamed down into Samaria, and there united themselves to a numerous band of robbers, under the command of Eleazar, a bandit, who had for the last eighteen years been the terror of the neighbourhood.** The blended mass began devastating the villages of Samaria, burning all before them, and sparing neither age nor sex in their promiscuous slaughter. Cumanus regarded this (and not without some reason) as an open revolt against the Imperial Government, and with all haste marched from Czsarea with four legions and the Augustan horse to the relief of the Samaritans. He soon came up with the disorderly host, and gave them battle, when the discipline of the regular troops pre- vailed, and many of the insurgentswere slain and more were taken prisoners. Cumanus forwarded a dispatch to Rome (and doubtless with much exaggeration) that the whole province was in a state of revolt, but that for the present he had achieved a victory. Claudius, an excitable and timid character, was, upon the receipt of the intelli- gence, at the very beginning of a.p. 52,*° thrown into a panic, and apprehensive that the many thousands of Jews who were domiciled in his capital might, from sympathy with their countrymen, be led to some act of treason, issued an edict that all of the > Luke (xvii. 11) writes: διήρχετο διὰ μέσον in early life to the ‘Christian Remembrancer, Σαμαρείας καὶ Ταλιλαίας, which must mean διὰ and signed B. B P. pecopiov, through the borders of Samaria and *9 See Fasti Sacri, p. 247, No. 1491. Galilee or the parts lying between them. See an © See Fasti Sacri, p. 295, No. 1774. article on this subject contributed by the author Cuap. III.) HISTORY OF JUDEA. [a.D. 52] 117 Jewish race should depart from Rome.*' It was in consequence of this proclamation that Aquila and Priscilla, who were of the proscribed class, set sail for Corinth, where, as we have seen, they encountered the Apostle Paul. In the meantime the magnates of Jerusalem were appalled at the threatening aspect of the horizon. Romans and Jews had met on the field of battle, and un- less every effort were strained a general war would ensue, which must terminate in the destruction of their country. With this dread before their eyes they hastened, regardless of their own safety, to the scene of action, and in sackcloth and ashes, implored their misguided countrymen not to pursue the gratification of their revenge for the death of a few Galileans, at the imminent risk of laying their holy city, and still hoher Temple, in the dust This earnest expostulation prevailed, the more readily, perhaps, from the insurgents haying already sustained a check, and most of the disorganized multitude returned to their own homes. The ringleaders, however, and such as had compromised themselves too deeply to hope for mercy, retired with the banditti to the fastnesses in the mountains, and from that time the adjoining country was constantly overrun by their ravages. The violence of the storm had passed, but the serenity of the heavens was not to be restored in a moment. Quadratus, the Prefect of Syria, and to whom the Procurator of Judea was amenable, had, on the first intelligence of the revolt, moved with his forces from Antioch, and was already arrived at Tyre, on the high road to Judea. The leading Samaritans now presented themselyes before him, and charged the Jews with treason against the Emperor, in having levied war against the friendly state of Samaria. The Jews, on the other hand, retorted the murder of the Galileans, and the corruption of the Roman Procurator. Their cause was ably advocated by Jonathan, the son of Annas, a powerful speaker, who had formerly been High Priest, and was in the utmost credit both from his political abilities and private virtues. Quadratus adjourned the hearing until he should reach the neighbourhood of the conflict. He then marched to Cesarea, where he crucified the prisoners who had been taken by Cumanus. At the opening of the next year (a.p. 52) he pursued the high road to Jerusalem, as far as Lydda, where the trial was resumed. Being satisfied upon a full and appa- rently an impartial investigation, that Ananias, the High Priest, and his son, Ananus, the captain of the Temple, were implicated, he placed them both under arrest. Eighteen Jews of the inferior sort were beheaded. Cumanus was convicted of haying taken a bribe, and Celer, his tribune, was found equally guilty. Quadratus resolved, therefore, on sending Ananias and Ananus, and Cumanus and Celer (the two first in fetters) to Rome, to be dealt with at the Emperor’s pleasure. He at the same time 3 The expulsion of the disaffected from Rome xii. 52, xiii, 25; Suet. Tib. 36, Claud. 25, 23, or from Italy was a common practice. See Dion Vitell. 14. XXxvii. 9, lvi. 23, lvii. 21; Tac. Amn. ii. 85, iv. 15, 118 [a.v. 52] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [παρ᾿ III. dispatched thither some of the most influential men amongst the Jews, including Jonathan, their adyocate, and also the chiefs of the Samaritans, to settle their dis- putes with each other at the Imperial tribunal. He then proceeded himself to Jerusalem, but finding the people in perfect repose, and engaged in celebrating the feast of the Passover, he returned to Antioch.” We must now transfer the scene to Rome, where the controversy between the contending parties was to be finally decided. The Emperor Claudius was a man little adapted to the exercise of any judicial functions. He was still in the vigour of age, being in his sixty-second year, but was dull of intellect, and from his very infancy had been the butt of the court. He was entirely governed by his wife for the time being (and he had married four in succession), and by his favourite freedmen. Of the latter no one was more prominent or influential than Pallas. He and his brother Felix had been imported as slaves, perhaps from Arcadia, and had been purchased by Antonia, the mother of Claudius. Pallas was evidently gifted by nature with an excellent understanding, and soon became the most useful and confidential of Antonia’s domestics, and was employed by her upon all matters of unusual importance.** He and his brother were afterwards rewarded for their services by manumission, and on the death of Antonia, in a.p. 37, they attached themselves to Claudius, and of course they did not desert him on his elevation to the Imperial purple. Pallas was now set over the accounts, or was comptroller of the household, an office not very different from our First Lord of the Treasury; and Felix (who had adopted the prenomen of Antonius,” in honour of his late mistress, and recently the name of Claudius,** out of compliment to the Emperor) was advanced in the army; but to avoid giving unnecessary offence to the Roman pride, he was made colonel, not of a legion, but of one of the cohorts of auxihary foot, and afterwards, by way of promotion, of a troop of auxiliary horse.*’ Pallas and Felix were at this time (the beginning of a.p. 52) basking in the full sunshine of royal favour. On the death of Messalina, the late wife of the Emperor, in a.p, 48, Claudius had announced his intention of marrying Jos. Ant. xx. 6,2; Bell. ii. 12,5. As some Antiquities. | Wars. have attempted to impugn the truth of the 20s- τ Many ‘Peal iba are” killed | One Galilean a8 killed; Cu- Sanete Ξ Ξ . Cumanus refuses to interfere | manus refuses to interfere, from pels by pointing out apparent discrepancies 1 from having recetved a bribe. | having more weighty business minute particulars between the diferent Eyan- | on hand. gelists, it may be useful to see how the same — Cumanus takes from Cesarea | Cumanus takes a troop of historian, Josephus, who professes the greatest Sa og cre Mpa Hiei plots ober exactness, and is considered, and justly, a high ‘He comes to Samaria, where The same scene is laid at authority, is occasionally at variance even with he Ree ae naa (03: ea. ΔῈΝ himself. In his two accounts of the outbreak ἜΣΕΙ as lathes yr ihe wasaeeeae in Samaria (and this may be taken as a sample) there are the following diversities within the compass of two short chapters. Se ΤΠ λο. Ann. xii. 53. * Josephus calls him ὁ mordétatos τῶν δούλων. Ant. xviii. 6, 6. Antiquities. | Wars. δ é 35 das, KA 2 The village where the out- It is called Gema. ἘΣ Bee Suidas, αὔδιος. break began is called Ginwa. | See Tac. Hist. v. 9. It is said tu be on the confines It is suid to be in the Great 37 Suet. Claud. xxviii. of Sumaria and the Great Plain. Plain. Cuap, 111. HISTORY OF JUDEA, [a.D. 52] 119 again, and, several Roman ladies contesting the honour, Pallas had fortunately advocated the pretensions of Agrippina, the successful candidate.” The most important personage in the civilised world at this time (a.p. 52) was Agrippina, and next to her was Pallas, and if Jonathan and the Jewish party could only wind themselves into the good graces of these two, their cause was won. They had opportunely the means of doing this by the instrumentality of young Agrippa, who now of the age of twenty-five, and recently invested with the petty kingdom of Chaleis, was still lingering about the Imperial Court, in the hope (which was shortly afterwards gratified) of attaining to some higher dignity. Agrippa, ever ready to assist his countrymen, introduced Jonathan to Pallas, and though history has not preserved the particulars, it is evident from what followed that a kind of compact was entered into between the Jewish advocate and the pampered freedman. Pallas was to use his influence with Agrippina and the Emperor in behalf of the Jews, and in return Jonathan, as the representative of his nation, was to petition the Emperor to confer on Felix, the brother of Pallas, the Procuratorship of Judea. Cumanus and the Samaritans, on the other side, were equally active in endeavour- ing to bias the mind of the Emperor, through the instrumentality of his freedmen, and as Cumanus was a Roman and well connected, he had peculiar facilities for pushing his interests. The machinery, however, which he put in motion, was not, as we shall see, attended with success. Claudius sat on such occasions in the Temple of Apollo, within the Palace, on the Palatine Hill, or in some neighbouring Temple, as of Hercules * or Mars. The stupi- dity of the man was proverbial, and yet he seems to have prided himself on his legal abilities—at least no Emperor was more laborious in this department of the Imperial duties.“° In external appearance, indeed, as he sat on the tribunal he commanded the respect of the by-standers, for he was tall of stature and of portly person, with regular features and a profusion of hair, bleached by the hand of time. He had, however, a tremulous motion of the head, was rather hard of hearing,’ and when he opened his lips, though gifted with a tolerable command of words, he betrayed a thick and faltering speech, and the oracles that fell from him were not always prompted by the god of wisdom.” He once gravely pronounced that he “ gave it in favour of those who were in the right.”** At another time it is said that, as he was sitting on the tribunal near the Temple of Mars, the savoury fumes of a banquet just served up for the priests of the god of war were so irresistible an attraction to the Imperial appe- $8 Pac. Ann: xii: 1: Senee. "AvoxoA. Even in the hot months of July 8° Ego eram qui tibi [Herculi] ante templum and August. See preceding note. tuum jus dicebam totis diebus mense Julio et ‘1 Ut etiam Claudius audire posset. Senec. Augusto, Seneca, ᾿Αποκολ. ᾿Αποκολ. 40 Suet. Claud. xiv.; Senec. ᾿ΑἌποκολ. He was #2 Suet. Claud. xxx.; Senec. ᾿Ἄποκολ. said to sit all the year round without any holi- 4 Suet. Claud. xy. days. Quis nunc judex toto lites audiet anno ? 120 [a.p. 52] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [Cuap. III. tite, that he hastily quitted the bench, and to the astonishment of the court which he left, and the company which he joined, took his seat at the repast.** He did not always, however, escape so easily, for the gentlemen of the long robe are reported to have taken strange liberties with him, sometimes keeping him at his post by holding the skirts of his vest, or even seizing him by the leg.*° He was, no doubt, utterly devoid of pride, and never cared to maintain his dignity, but this must have been one of the jokes of the Bar. The Emperor, while on the bench, was assisted by a panel of judices or jurymen, ranged on either side of the tribunal, and who, at the con- clusion of the case, delivered their written opinions; Claudius, however, paid but little attention either to the verdicts of the assessors or to the law itself, but regu- lated his sentence according to his own notions of right and wrong, softening the penalty where it appeared too severe, and straining it where it did not reach what he considered the standard.‘ This, of course, was only when his wife or his freedmen left him at large, without prescribing the judgment beforehand. His natural dispo- sition was compassionate, and yet he often practised great cruelties. He was kind- hearted eyen to visiting his sick friends,” yet such was the hardening effect of the eladiatorial fights of which he was dotingly fond, that he took pleasure in human suffering, and was the delighted spectator of the execution of a criminal.** Such was Claudius, before whom the great cause of The Jews v. The Samaritans was now to be tried. The day was fixed, and the Emperor took his seat on the tribunal, and the learned counsel on both sides opened the case for their clients, and all legal forms were duly observed. The picture of a Roman trial has been drawn by the pen of Philo: “The judge,” he says, ‘takes his seat with the assessors. The litigants, with their counsel, stand one on one side and the other on the other. The indictment and the defence are heard by turns, for the time allowed by the hour glass. The judge deliberates with the assessors, and then delivers the verdict.”** But what a solemn mockery was all this display of legal procedure! Claudius had entered the court with a foregone conclusion. Agrippina (who sometimes even sat by his side on the tribunal) had dictated the sentence to be pronounced. The Samaritans were cast, and three of the most influential condemned to death. Cumanus was found guilty of corruption, and was banished. Celer, the tribune, as a person of inferior note, was made the principal seapegoat, for he was delivered over to the Jews, to be carried to Jerusalem, and there dragged round the city and then beheaded.*® Ananias and his son Ananus, as their party was triumphant, returned to Jerusalem, and the proud High Priest Ananias * Snet. Claud. xxxiii. στῆναι τοὺς ἀντιδίκους μετὰ τῶν συναγορευόντων, ἐν τῷ Suet. Claud. xv. μέρει μὲν ἀκοῦσαι τῆς κατηγορίας, ἐν μέρει δὲ τῆς τὸ Suet. Claud, xiv. ἀπολογίας πρὸς μεμετρημένον ὕδωρ, ἀναστάντα Bou- 47 Dion Cass. lx. 12. λεύσασθαι μετὰ τῶν συνέδρων, TL χρὴ φανερῶς 15. Suet. Claud. xxxiv. ἀποφήνασθαι γνώμῃ τῇ δικαιοτάτῃ. Phil. Leg. ad 19. Δικαστοῦ μὲν γὰρ ἔργα ταῦτα ἦν, καθίσαι μετὰ Caium, 5. 44. συνέδρων ἀριστίνδην ἐπιλεγομένων . . . ἑκατέρωθεν 0. Jos. Ant. xx. 6, 8; Bell. ii. 12, 7. Cua. IIL] NISTORY OF JUDEA. [a.p. 52] 121 resumed again the exercise of his office, and became a greater potentate than he had been before, Jonathan now, in accordance with the previous arrangement, petitioned the Emperor to confer on his nation the favour of sending a Procurator of their own choice, Felix, the brother of Pallas, a request which was graciously conceded!*! At the same time, if not earlier, Claudius recalled the edict for the expulsion of the Jews from Rome. It was not in force for any long period, and as the intelligence of the outbreak in Samaria had caused it to be issued, it is likely that when the fears of the Emperor were found to be groundless the prohibition was removed, or was no longer enforced. These proceedings before the Emperor at Rome occurred about the middle of A.D. 52. Judea had now for many months, during the absence of Cumanus, been without a Procurator, and Felix (fig. 233) hastened to his province, not a little anxious, perhaps, to dazzle the eyes of the multitude by a display of his newly-acquired honours. Tacitus, in his usual pithy language, has summed up the prefecture of Felix in the compen- dious sentence, ‘“‘ He wielded the sceptre of a monarch with the soul of a slave.” ™ He was not a Roman by birth, and he had none of the Roman qualities; artful and perfidious, and stirred by revenge, even to the use of the assassin’s knife, a votary of pleasure, and regardless of the feelings he wounded in the pursuit of it, osten- tatious and extravagant, and feeding his wasteful indulgences by peculation and extortion. Fig. 233.—Coin of Feliz. From Sir Ε΄ Madden. Obv.—A palm branch with the legend Καίσαρος L. ε. (of Cesar in year 5), 1.6., in the 5th year of Nero, and there- fore struck by Felix some time between 13th October, a D. 58 and 13th October, A.p. 59.—Hev. The legeud Νέρωνος (of Nerv) within a wreath. At the beginning of his career he put himself under some restraint, and even bid for popularity by promoting the public security. He was a soldier, and took the field with his forces against the numerous banditti that now infested the country. Eleazar, the arch-robber, who had headed the disorderly rabble of the Jews in the late Samaritan disturbance, for the present eluded his search, but great numbers of the predatory bands were captured or slain, and the peaceful inhabitants once more began to feel the protecting arm of the law. It was no idle compliment which Tertullus afterwards paid to him, “Seeing that by thee we enjoy profound peace, and that very worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence.” ** Felix had been about a year in office, when Agrippa the younger, who had continued at Rome, and was now about twenty-six, received from the Emperor, δι See Fasti Sacri, p. 297, No. 1777. dinem jus regium servili ingenio exercuit. Tac. ® Antonius Felix per omnem sievitiam ac libi- Hist. τ. 9. 8 Acts xxiv. 2. VOL, I. R 122 [a.p. 53] HISTORY OF JUDEA. (Cuap. III. A.p. 53, an accession of dignity. He was removed from the Kingdom of Chalcis, which he had held for four years, and was promoted to the Tetrarchy of Herod Philip, comprising Trachonitis, Gaulanitis, Batanea, and Iturea, with the addition of Abilene.®? These yielded him an income of one hundred talents, or about £25,000 per annum,°* a moderate sum for royalty, but not so contemptible if we take into account the high value of money at that day. Agrippa now took leave of the Emperor, and embarked for his kingdom. He fixed his ordinary residence at Cesarea Philippi, the capital, but he had also a palace, the patrimony of his family, at Jerusalem, on the brow of Sion, opposite the Temple, and frequently made his abode there, particularly at the celebration of the principal festivals. It seems that Bernice also accompanied her brother Agrippa from Rome, and scandal, whether justly or not, still followed her into her own country. To put an end to these injurious reports, she made an offer of marriage to Polemo II. (fig. 234) king of an outlying part of Cilicia, provided he would submit to circumcision ; and that poten- tate, attracted by her great wealth, was induced to comply. However, their union was Fig. 234.—Coin of Polemo 11. Krom Pellerin. Obv. Head with legend, βασιλεως ἸΤολεμωνος (of King Polemo.)—Rev. Head of Agrippina with legend ce (or 15, ie. in the 15th year of his reign). Polemo IT. was made king of Pontus in A-p. 38 (see Fusti Sacri, p. 250, No. 1533), and in A.p. 41 and therelore in A.D. 62 when Haul was at Gortsth with Aquila acd Prisedign, "as mck |” the 251R year τ very short-lived, for Bernice soon eloped from him to pursue more agreeable amours, and Polemo, deserted by his wife, renounced the religion he had adopted for her sake.’ Bernice, many years afterwards, won the heart of Titus, and became an inmate of his palace at Rome; and report said that the handsome Jewess was to be Empress, and no doubt Titus was much infatuated with her, but the jealousy of the Roman public was roused, and Titus was obliged to send her away énvitus invitam, as much against his own will as hers. This, however, occurred many -years afterwards. About the time of which we are speaking (a.v. 53), Agrippa gave his two youngest sisters in marriage, viz., Mariamne to Archelaus, son of Helcias, and Drusilla to Azizus, King of Emesa, now Hems, a city of importance, a little to the north of Damascus. Agrippa had occupied the throne of Trachonitis about a year and a half, when on the 13th of October, a.p. 54, his patron Claudius died, and it is said by poison 5 Fasti Sacri, Ὁ. 299, No. 1788. Ὁ OS AME xX: AIO: Jos. Ant. xx.7,1; Bell. 11,19, 8. Fasti Sacri, 8 Suet. Tit. vii.; Dion Ixvi. 15 and 18; Tac. p. 299, No. 1788. Hist. ii. 2. ὅδ Jos. Ant. xvii. 11, 4. Cuap. III.] Tap, 54] 123 HISTORY OF JUDEA. administered by the wife on whom he had doted. The youthful Nero now mounted with alacrity the throne of the Caesars, and little did the world dream what a monster had been nurtured under the auspices of the moral philosopher Seneca. Agrippa, who had so long resided at the Roman court, was familiarly acquainted with the young Emperor, and no doubt transmitted or carried personally his congra- tulations on the occasion, and this mark of attention was soon followed by a reward, not, perhaps, wholly unexpected, viz., the extension of Agrippa’s dominions by the annexation of the four important cities of Abila and Julias in Perea, and Tarichea and Tiberias in Galilee (fig. 235).*% Fig. 235.—Coin of Herod Agrippa II, Fiom Sir FP. Madden. Obv. Head of Nero, laureated, with the legend Νέρων Και. (Nero Casar).—Rev. Within an olive crown is the legend emt βασιλε. γριππ. Νερωνιε (under King Agrippa Neronias, ie. Cwsarea Philippi. called Neronias in honour of the Emperor Nero). from that Emperor. See Fasti Sacri, p. 305, No. 1823. The coin, therefore, was probably struck in a.D. 55, when Agrippa II. received an accession of territory Agrippa and Felix had known each other at Rome, and in Judea their acquaintance was renewed. As Agrippa’s sisters were not unfrequent visitors at their brother’s to} palace, it was not long before Felix was introduced to these attractive ladies. The unprincipled Procurator became an ardent admirer of the beautiful Drusilla, the Queen of Emesa, and looked anxiously about him for the means of gratifying his passion. Simon the Magian was his ready instrument. Some sixteen years before, this impious wretch, a Cypriot" by birth, had settled in one of the cities of Samaria, 5 Jos. Ant. xx. 8,4; Bell. ii. 13,2; iii. 9,7; Vit. 9. Ὁ Κύπριον δὲ γένος. Ant. xx. 7,2. Justin Martyr (Apol. i. 16) calls him Σαμαρέα τὸν ἀπὸ κώμης λεγομένης Τιττῶν (Apol. i. 34), and see Winer’s Bibl. Real. ‘Simon’ It is, however, conjectured that this ancient father has con- founded Τιττῶν with Citium in Cyprus. This Simon, the father of heretics, was a phenomenon of the age in which he lived, and put forward pretensions which, if we had not witnessed an Agapemone in our own day, would have sur- passed belief. He gave himself out as the Supreme Being, clothed with humanity for a time for certain mysterious purposes. He called himself the Almighty, the Christ, the Paraclete. Hieron. Opera iv. 14 in Matt. Tertull. adversus Heres. c 1; de anima. c. 34. At Tyre he met with a courtesan called Helena, and he carried her about with him and exhibited her as an Emanation, according to the Gnostic phantasies, from his own godship. Justin Mart. Apol. ο. 34; Tertull. de Anima, c. 34; Irenzus, i. 20. His familiarity with Felix the Procurator we have noticed in the text. Afterwards, in the reign of Claudius, he passed to Rome, where he continued to practise his sorceries until, according to the traditions of the Church, he was encountered by Peter, and came to an untimely end by the mira- culous intervention of that Apostle. Euseb. H. EB. ii. 14, 15; Acta Petri et Pauli. Justin Martyr goes so far as to say that Simon was worshipped as a divinity at Rome, and that he (Justin) him- self had seen a statue erected to him in the island of the Tiber, with the inscription “ Sruont DEO SANCTO. ὃς ἀνδριὰς ἀνεγήγερται ἐν τῷ Τίβερι ποταμῷ μεταξὺ τῶν δύο γεφυρῶν, ἔχων Ῥωμαϊκὴν ἐπιγραφὴν ταύτην ΣΙΜΩΝΙ AEQ: ΣΆΓΚΤΩι." Just. Apol. xxxiv. However, it is now commonly thought, and appears likely, that the good father in this has fallen into a mistake; for in recent times, on this very island of the Tiber, which anciently communicated with two bridges, a block of marble has been found, with the inscrip- tion ‘‘Semoni Sanco Deo”—viz. to the Sabine god of contracts, called Sancus, derived from R 2 124: [a pv. 54] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [Cuap. III. and bewitched them with his sorceries, and when Philip the Evangelist proclaimed the tidings of the Gospel in that quarter, Simon heard him, and, amazed at the mighty miracles wrought by his hand, attached himself closely to Philip, and received the rite of baptism. Peter afterwards came down and confirmed the disciples, and laying his hands upon them imparted many spiritual gifts, and Simon’s offer of a bribe to the Apostle on this occasion, as if the power of communicating the Holy Spirit could be purchased like a magician’s secret, is too well known to be here repeated. Simon, as a clever impostor, continued to push his fortunes, and was now (a.p. 54) the bosom friend of Felix, par nobile fratrum! The intelligent heathen were perfectly conscious that their whole mythology was a baseless fabric, and often when in the journey of life they encountered a Jew possessing the knowledge of the true God, they detained him by the way to amuse their understandings, though not to correct their lives, by the light of revelation. Thus Sergius Paulus, the Pro- consul of Cyprus, retained about his court Barjesus, called Elymas, or the sorcerer, and now Felix, a man of good natural capacity, was entertaining at his palace Simon the Magian, an instrument the more useful to him, as the Jew, though versed not only in Mosaic, but even in Christian truth, had so seared his conscience, that he was ready at any moment to pander to the pleasures of his profligate master. Such was Simon, whom Felix set to work for the seduction of Drusilla. The artful Magian, by soothing flatteries, and the most unbounded promises, soon wrought upon the credulity of the youthful bride, and Drusilla eloped from a king, to throw herself into the arms of aslave."’ Azizus did not long survive his loss, but died the following year, perhaps of a broken heart. Another act of baseness will brand the name of Felix with eternal infamy. He had been warring for many years, and not unsuccessfully, against the numerous bands of robbers by which the country was overrun; but Eleazar, who in the late disturbances under Cumanus, in Samaria, had taken the command of the Jewish marauders, had eluded the utmost vigilance of the Procurator, and still maintained himself in his fastnesses, to the great terror of the neighbourhood, and more particularly of the Romans and their partisans, to whom Eleazar was a deadly enemy. Felix, having failed to capture the bandit by open war or legitimate artifice, now had recourse to the most atrocious perfidy. He pretended to abandon the pursuit, and as if honouring the valour and skill which he could not subdue, invited Eleazar to become his guest, on the most solemn pledges for his personal safety. The frank-hearted robber confided on the word of a Roman Procurator, and ‘sanciendo.’ Justin had no knowledge of the here was a statue to his honour. See further on Sabine divinities, and perhaps was not too well the subject, Burton’s Heresies of the Apostolic acquainted with the Latin language; and the Age, Van Dale de Oraculis, and Salmasius ad inference certainly is that, with his mind full of | Spartianum. Simon Magus and his successful sorceries at CEOS PAM ty OX. ἡ Kome, he at once jumped to the conclusion that 8 Jos. Ant xx. 8, 4. Cuap. IIL] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [a.p. 57] 125 accepted the proffered hospitality, but no sooner was Eleazar within the grasp of his enemy, than Felix put him in chains and sent him a captive to Rome." Felix had now been about five years in office, and the firmer he felt himself in his seat, the more indifferent he became to the character of his administration ; his exactions grew daily more exorbitant, and his peculations and sale of justice more flagrant. Jonathan, the ex-High Priest, who, as the representative of his nation, had petitioned the Emperor for the appointment of Felix, being stung to the quick by the reproaches of his fellow-countrymen for having subjected them to such a tyrant, ventured to approach Felix and urge upon him the adoption of more prudent measures. The admonition was of course slighted, and served only to irritate the Procurator against the unwelcome monitor. Felix pursued his wonted career, and the expostulation was renewed, when Felix, to rid himself of so trouble- some an interruption to his vices and pleasures, resolved (a.p. 57) on the death of the ex-High Priest. He corrupted Doras, a friend of Jonathan, and by the promise of a large bribe, induced him to undertake the removal of the officious meddler out of his way. Doras upon this employed some of the bandits for the purpose, and at one of the annual festivals they entered Jerusalem in the garb of inoffensive worshippers, but secretly armed with poniards or sica (whence the name of Sicarii, afterwards so infamous), and mingling with the crowd, gathered round Jonathan, and at a con- venient moment gave the fatal stab. The blow was so dexterously struck that it was impossible to say who was the ruffian. By the connivance of Felix no inquiry was instituted, and the crime passed unpunished ; and from this time the Sicarii were a word of terror to all at Jerusalem, for in the streets of the city, and even in the Temple itself, numerous assassinations followed, some from hire, and some for the gratification of private pique.® The last event we shall mention, and which immediately preceded the arrival of Paul at Jerusalem, was the overthrow of the Egyptian false prophet. This man, though a native of Egypt, was probably a Jew, and had come to Jerusalem at the passover A.D. 58, and on announcing himself as commissioned by the Most High to restore the kingdom of Israel, had deluded four thousand of the meanest rabble to accompany him into the wilderness.®° Still as he advanced the multitude was swelled from the adjoining villages, till he found himself at the head of thirty thousand followers. With this incongruous multitude he returned to Mount Olivet and proclaimed that now they should see the walls of Jerusalem fall down before him, when he would make his triumphant entry into the holy city, expel the Romans, and re-establish the dominion of God’s chosen people. All Jerusalem was in a state of alarm at the approaching onslaught, but Felix (who at least acted with spirit) sallied forth at the head of his disciplined troops, both horse and foot, with the assistance 6&3 Jus, Ant. xx. 8, 5. st Jos. Ant. xx. 8,5; Bell. ii. 18. 3. ® Acts xxi. 38. 126 [a.p. 58] HISTORY OF JUDEA. [Cuap. III. of the Jews themselves, who had no sympathy with the invader, and making a furious attack upon the disorderly mass, soon put them to the rout, slaying four hundred of them and capturing others. The Egyptian himself contrived to escape, and the whole city was prosecuting a diligent search after him, at the very time when Paul was beset in the Temple, and Lysias, seeing the fury of the people against their defenceless prisoner, might well fall into the mistake, “Art not thou that Egyptian 2” Felix was still exulting in this success, when Tertullus so happily opened his accusation against Paul before the Procurator by the pleasing flattery, “ Seeing that very worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence.” ἢ We would now gladly return to the history of the Apostle himself, but as the scene of his persecution will be laid at Jerusalem, we must still detain the reader a few minutes by a brief sketch of the principal localities,” with some particulars of the living personages at this interesting period. The site of Jerusalem must, in its general outline, be familiar to all. The city, which was four miles round, stood on two twin hills, descending from the north in a parallel direction, and divided from each other by a depression or hollow, the western hill terminating in a mount or elevation of a quadrilateral form, and the eastern hill tapering down like a wedge, and ending in a point at the Pool of Siloam. The most ancient part of Jerusalem was that which occupied the southern ex- tremity of the Western Hill, and was anciently called Jebus, then the Castle, and afterwards the High Town or Upper Market. It was a parallelogram in shape, and was, so to speak, the aristocratic quarter, and contained the mansions of the great. It was fenced on all four sides by precipices, and was encompassed by a strong wall. Within the circuit, at the angle formed by the northern and western walls of this the High Town, stood the magnificent palace erected by Herod the Great, and afterwards called the Pratorium, the residence of the Roman Procurator. Τί was a vast rectangular space, defended on the north and west by the city walls, and on the east and south by a wall of its own, crowned with towers at regular intervals. The most wonderful part of the whole was the cluster of three fortresses or towers in the wall at the north of the palace, namely, Hippicus, Phasaelus and Mariamne, all of them of immense strength and of the finest workmanship, and Mariamne so beautifully fitted up, that it rather resembled a separate and independent palace than a military station. As to the interior of the Pretorium, on the north side and next the wall connecting Hippicus, Phasaelus, and Mariamne, was the royal palace, consisting of two distinct wings, the Casareum and Agrippeum."* These were the 66 κατορθωμάτων ywopevav τῷ ἔθνει τούτῳ διὰ τῆς σῆς προνοίας. Acts xxiv. 3. ὅτ For a fuller description of ancient Jcerusa- lem see the author’s Siege of Jerusalem by Titus. 88 αὐλὴ 6 ἐστι πραιτώριον. Mark xv. 16. So Philo tells us expressly that Herod’s palace, Ἡρώδου βασίλεια (Leg. ad Caium, ὃ 38), was the house of the Procurators—oikia τῶν ἐπιτρόπων (Leg. ad Caium, § 39), and by the Procurator here he means Pontius Pilate. It is therefore clear to demonstration that what is now called the House of Pilate has no just claim to that name, but occupies the site of Fort Antonia. 89. 05. Bell. 1.2]. Wives "OBL 'F I OA 22ufor “Twas ΑἸ 10 ary Jo < 10 τον “OPV WY UIING apvy Ik Of popnasaag ‘no, SOP S,4OUIND IY} Ut 7: ἬΜΠΟΒ FHL WO WATVSoNar Cuap. IIT] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [4.0. 58] 127 private apartments, and in magnificence of architecture and costliness of furniture, exceeded the Temple itself. Round the other three sides of the quadrangle of the Pratorium were ranged the barracks of the soldiers, for the Pretorium was not only a palatial residence, but also an impregnable citadel, and here was quartered the numerous garrison by which Jerusalem was overawed. Round the interior of the quadrangle was a handsome colonnade, and to the south of the palace were the gardens laid out in plantations and walks, and fountains and running streams, from which some idea may be gathered of the extent of the whole precincts.” The entrance to the Pretorium was on the east toward the Temple,” and in front of the Pretorium was the Gabbatha, or raised tesselated pavement, on which, when the Procurator sat in judgment, the tribunal was erected”? The Pretorium cannot fail to possess an interest to every Christian, for here was enacted the trial of our Saviour before Pontius Pilate. It was at the gate of the Preetorium (translated the Judgment Hall) that the chief priests, and elders, and scribes, when they first brought Jesus in bonds to the Governor, stood clamouring for his death. They would not enter in, “lest they should be defiled, but that they might eat the Passover,”’* 7.e., keep the feast, which had begun at six o’clock the preceding evening, for they could not join in the celebration of the festival if guilty of pollution, by entering the house of a Gentile. It was the idle soldiery quartered in the barracks of the Pretorium who amused themselves by mocking Jesus when led within, by crowning him with thorns, and putting on him a purple robe, and bending the knee before him, saying, “ Hail, King of the Jews!” It was on the tribunal called Gabbatha before the Pretorium that Pilate, when reluctantly pre- vailed upon to try Jesus, went through the forms of legal procedure, and haying found, on examination, that he had done “ nothing worthy of death,” condemned him to die! At the eastern extremity of the northern wall of the High Town or the upper market, was the Xyst, on reaching which the principal wall deflected to the south and ran round the High Town; but at the Xyst, where the principal wall made this elbow, a branch wall was carried across the ravine to the opposite eastern mount,” and after passing the Council Chamber (which lay to the south of the branch wall. on the site of the present Mehkimeh or Town Hall) joined the western cloister of the Temple.” It was in the Council Chamber that the senate of Jerusalem met, while in the Xyst were held the assemblies of the people. The whole nation, indeed, were in subjection to the Romans, but when Judea was conquered, the © Jos. Bell. v. 4,4. The gardens are still used xxxvi. 60, 64. as such, and belong to the Armenian convent. τὸ John xviii. 28. ™ ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἑσπερίοις μερέσι τοῦ περιβόλου [ Viz. ™ Jos. Bell. vi. 6,2; vi. 3, 2: ii. 16, 3. of the Temple] πύλαι τέσσαρες ἐφέστασαν, ἡ μὲν τὸ Jos. Bell. v. 4, 2. εἰς Ta βασίλεια τείνουσα. Jos. Ant. xy. 11, 5. 76 Jos. Bell. ii. 16,3; iv. 8, 10. @ Jos. Bell. ii. 14,8; John xix. 13; Plin. N. H. 128 [a.p. 58] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [Cuap. IIT. victors shaped the constitution after the pattern of their own; and thus in imita- tion of the well-known “:Senatus Populusque Romanus,” the Jewish polity was made to consist of a Senate and the People.*? However, the Jews were allowed to legislate in municipal matters only, and any attempt at the exercise of political power to the prejudice of their masters, would, of course, be immediately resented. To the west of the Xyst, on a commanding site within the High Town, stood the palace of Agrippa,”® and near it was the house cf Ananias." They were both burnt at the commencement of the Jewish war. The Eastern Hill, which, as we have said, was of a wedge-like shape, the point of the wedge tapering to the south, was of a lower level than the western hill, and the quarter of the city which stood upon it was called the Low Town, or (as it was after- wards known) the Acra, from the Aera or fortress built upon it by the Macedonians, but which had been long since demolished by the Maccabees. The southern part of the wedge was called Ophel, and the northern part, the Temple plateau, was Mount Moriah, on which Abraham had sacrificed, and on which the Temple was afterwards erected. This Temple plateau was an enclosure nearly rectangular, about 1500 feet long from north to south, and 900 feet from east to west, and at the south-west corner stood the Temple itself, a square of 600 feet.*° To the west of the Temple Tt ΤΟΝ: PAM te exes Ὡς 78 Jos, Ant.-xx: 8, ΠΠ- τὸ Jos. Bell. ii. 17, 6. *© Tt has been much disputed what parts of this area (1500 ft. by 900 ft.) now called the Haram were covered by the Temple and Fort Antonia and the Acra, and how the remaining space was oecupied The following conclusions appear to be now established. The outer temple was a square of 600 ft. at the south-west corner of the Haram. For the proofs of this the reader is referred to the author’s ‘Siege of Jerusalem by Titus, where the argu- ments are stated at length. Fort Antonia stood, as is generally admitted, at the north-west corner of the Haram, and was connected with the Temple by two cloisters, parallel to each other, and running north and south, called the legs or limbs, one of them continuing the western cloister of the Temple northward to the fort, and the other starting, not far from it, from the northern cloister of the Temple, and also running north to the fort. An- tonia, as thus incorporated with the Temple, was said to stand at the north-west corner of it, and the Temple, including Antonia, with the space between the two connecting cloisters, was double the original dimensions, i.e double the square of 600 ft. To the east of these connecting cloisters was an inner raised platform 550 ft. from north to south by 450 ft. from east to west, on which now stands the Mosque of Omar; and of this platform (re- ligiously avoided by the Jews, but regarded as a vantage ground by both Greeks and Romans) we shall speak more particularly presently. The Temple and Antonia, and the cloisters running between them, occupied all the western side of the Haram, and the inner platform oc- cupied the centre, and the remaining vacant space along the eastern side of the Haram was, in the time of Josephus, known as “the so- called Cedron ravine.” When Josephus speaks of the great valley of Cedron, which was without the city, he simply styles it “the Cedron.” Ant. ὙΠ. 1,5; ix. 7,3; Bell.v. 2,3; 7,3; 12,2; but in describing the slip of ground within the city, between the Temple and Antonia on the west and the city wall on the east, he invariably refers to it as the “so-called Cedron ravine.” Thus, in the siege by Titus, he tells us that, while Simon was in possession of the upper city, John held the Temple and the parts about it, both Ophla and “the so-called Cedron ravine.” Bell. v. 6, 1; and see Bell. v. 4, 2; vi. 8, 2. The raised platform in the centre of the Haram, as being the highest point of the whole area, has attracted to it much more importance than is due to it. The Temple stood at the south- west corner, and Antonia at the north-west Caap. III.] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [a.p. 58] 129 enclosure had been anciently a deep ravine, but in the time of the Maccabees it was filled up or nearly so, and a suburb, which had grown up to the west of the Temple and to the north of the High Town, was added to Acra on the eastern hill, and passed as part of it. This accretion to Acra was protected by a wall known as the second corner, and the central platform was little es- teemed by the Jews, and how this came to pass we proceed to explain. The Haram, enclosed by prodigious walls on three sides, and shut in on the fourth by the broad fosse called the Pool of Bethesda, was the gigantic work of Solomon, and was called by him Millo, or the Embankment. It was the vast expense incurred by this undertaking that led to a rebellion of his subjects. 1 Kings xi. 27. The palace of Solomon, called Bethmillo, stood immediately south of Millo, and just below that part of Millo which was occupied by the Temple, viz. the square at the south-west corner. The rec- tangular terrace on which the palace was erected still exists. To the east of Bethmillo were the stables of Solomon, partly below Millo to the south, and partly in Millo itself at the south- east corner, where are now the substructions built by Justinian. Hence the city gate on the east was called the Horse-gate, and the adjacent prison was called the Hippodrome, or Race- course. Within Millo itself (mow the Haram) the Temple, as we have said, was at the south- west corner, and the stables at the south-east corner; and the northern part—or at least a large portion of it—was laid out in gardens; for Solomon was almost as great a gardener as builder. The king’s gardens were, as is well known, at the south of Siloam, and watered from that fountain. But the home garden—if we may so call it—in the Haram was quite dis- tinct, and known as the garden of Uzza,a person of consequence in the time of David (2 Sam. v. 3; 1 Chron. xiii. 7), and at that time probably the proprietor. A garden in the Eastern countries implies the presence of water, and accordingly the Haram is found by recent exploration to be studded with underground tanks. The central portion of Millo—viz. the part north of the Temple, now the inner platform—was a high rock, and not cultivable as a garden; but no spot was more eligible for the excavation of a tomb. However, a dead body was so great a pollution that no Jew with any respect for the Temple would excavate a sepulchre in its im- mediate vicinity. But Manasseh and his suc- cessor Amon were godless princes, and Manasseh was buried in the garden of his own house VOL. II. (i.e. the private garden of the palace, as distinct from the garden of the kings) in the garden of Uzza (2 Kings xxi.18; 2 Chron. xxxiii. 20); and afterwards his son Amon was also interred in the same garden of Uzza. 2 Kings xxi. 26. These interments are referred to by Ezekiel where he speaks of the indignation of Jehoyah at the de- filement of his holy Temple by the juxtaposition of “ the carcases of their kings in their hiyh places.” Ezek. xliii.7. As the south and east and west sides of the Temple were a rapid descent, these “high places” could only have been the elevated rock on the north of the Temple. On the return from the captivity, the Jews became subject to the successors of Alexander, and Antiochus Epiphanes, who had no regard for Jewish prejudices, selected the central rock of the Haram as the most suitable site for a fortress to overawe the Temple, and erected upon it the tower so well known as the Acra, or citadel. This Acra commanded the lower city as the castle of David did the upper city, and so gave the name of Acra to the whole eastern hill, i.e., to the lower city. In the time of the Maccabees the Acra was often besieged, and eventually taken by Simon. But what was to be done with it; as, defiled by burials, it could not be built upon, and, if left standing, it might again fall into the hands of an enemy? Simon therefore razed the fortress, and even the rock itself, leaving only so much of it as served to cover the sepulechres—the remnant of rock now known as the Sakhra. The spoil from cutting down the rock was cast into the valley on the west, so as to unite the Temple area with that part of the city on the western hill which was enclosed within the second wall, and which thenceforth was also counted as part of the Acra, or lower city. The earlier Maccabees were high priests only, and were buried at Modin. Aristobulus during bis short reign assumed the title of king, and was perhaps also buried at Modin. But Alex- ander, his successor, ruled long, and restored the splendour of the ancient kings, and on his death was not buried as a private person at Modin, but was interred with great splendour (Ant. xiii. 16, 1) in the royal mausoleum in the centre of the Haram; and the rock from this 5 130 SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [Cuar. III. wall, which, starting from about the middle of the north wall of the High Town, bent round the Pool of Hezekiah and then ran in a curvilinear form to the east until it joined Fort Antonia at the north-west corner of the Temple plateau. This Acra, or the Low Town, consisted of three distinct parts, viz., 1. Ophel to the south; 2. The Temple plateau, now the Haram, above it; and 3. The quarter to the west of the Temple enclosure comprised within the second wall. To the north of the city as described above (viz. as comprising the High Town and the Low Town, with its accretion) lay a populous suburb reaching the whole way from the Palace of Herod on the west to the north-east corner of the Temple platform on the east, and which suburb Agrippa the elder had, in a.p. 43, attempted to encompass by a wall of prodigious strength, but was prohibited by the Romans. This part which (4.p. 58) was still unwalled was called Bezetha, or the new town. The area of the Temple itself (of which we must speak more particularly) was a grand square at the south-west corner of the Temple plateau, with other smaller time was known as “the Tombs of King Alex- ander.” Bell. v. 7, 3. Herod rebuilt the Temple; but as it was abso- lutely necessary to hold it in check by a strong garrison, he would gladly have restored the Acra, the fortress of the Macedonians, which overhung the Temple on the north. But the superstition of his countrymen would not suffer such a pro- fanation, and he was therefore obliged to enlarge Fort Antonia at the north-west corner of the Haram, and to connect it with the Temple by cloisters, along the roofs of which the soldiery could reach the Temple; and thus he had as complete mastery of the Temple as if Antonia had actually touched it. When Jerusalem was besieged by Titus, the partisans of John, who were in possession of the Haram,assailed the enemy with their engines from Fort Antonia, and from the northern cloister of the Temple, and from the tombs of King Aleaander (Bell. v. 7, 3); and itis evident from this that the tombs of King Alexander, like Antonia and the Temple, were an eminence or vantage ground. But throughout the whole Haram no other raised platform can be thought of than the Sakhra in the centre, which must, therefore, be the tombs of King Alexander. It must not escape notice that Josephus speaks of the tombs of King Alex- ander (μνημείων, Bell. v. 7,3) in the plural number. When he refers to a single sepulchre, he invari- ably calls it μνημεῖον in the singular number, as the μνημεῖον of the high priest (Bell. v. 6,2; v.7, 8; v.9, 2; v.11, 4; vi. 2,10,) but when he refers to family vaults he uses the plural μνημεῖα, as in the sepulchres of Helena, now called the Tombs of the Kings. Bell. v.38, 3; v.4, 2. The tombs of King Alexander were, therefore, aseries of vaults ; and if the cave now shown under the Sakhra were the only vault, it would be an argument against the identity of the Sakhra with the tombs of King Alexander. But, in fact, on the north side of the present cave the wall, on being struck, sounds hollow; and it has long ago been assumed that there are other vaults beyond. The cave occupies only a small portion of the south-east corner of the rock; and as the Sakhra was ap- parently left to cover the excavations, we cannot doubt that the vaults below are co-extensive with the rock above. After the capture of Jerusalem by Titus the Jews again rebelled in the time of Hadrian, and on the second capture of the city Hadrian erected over the Sakhra, as the highest point of the Haram, an open temple, sub dio, to Jupiter Capitolinus. As Christianity advanced heathenism fell into disrepute. But Diocletian was induced to persecute the Christians and resuscitate idolatry, and either he or his succes- sor in the East, Maximin Daza, erected, over the image of Jupiter set up by Hadrian upon the Sakhra, the splendid temple to Jupiter Capi- tolinus now known as the Mosque of Omar (see two papers read by the author to the Society of Antiquarics, Archeeol. vols. xli. and xliv.). This fabric, built either by Diocletian or Maximin, is the exact counterpart of the temple erected to Jupiter by Diocletian at Spalatro. Both are octagonal, and both have a cave under them for the convenience of the Temple apparatus. Cuap. III. ] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [a.D. 58] 131 squares rising out of it in successive terraces. The first and outer square was 600 feet on each side, or half a mile in circumference, and was surrounded by a wall of amazing strength, carried up from the base of the mountain, and constructed of stones of immense size, some of them forty cubits long. There were four gates on the western side, and one of them led over a bridge to the Xyst. On the south was a double gateway, now known as the Huldah Gate, consisting of two parallel subterranean arched passages, with a vestibule, being the ascent by which Solomon in all his glory went up from his palace below to the temple above, and the splendour of This was a double subterranean passage, commencing from the site on which ancient immediately south of the Temple. The ascent was gradual from the palace tu one of th the court above. It was this ascent by which Solomon “ went up into the } f the Lor ι 1 of Sheba saw “‘ithete was no more spirit in her.” 2 Chron. ix. 4. This 15 a genuine relic of the Jewish Temple. which so astonished the Queen of Sheba, his guest (fig. 236). On the north, as also on the east, was only one gate, and that on the east was called the Royal gate, the eastern wall having been the work of King Solomon.*' As a stranger entered the outer square or court, a scene of the utmost grandeur opened to the view. Round the interior of 81 The reader must bear in mind that the the Royal cloister to the south was distinct from Royal gate, which was to the east, was not 1 the Solomon's porch or cloister, which was to the Royal cloister, which was to the south; and that — east. 132 [a.d. 58] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [Caap. IIT. the wall ran a magnificent colonnade, of the Corinthian order, haying a double row of columns on the north and east and west sides, and on the south was the Royal cloister comprising four rows of columns, of which the innermost row was half built into the wall. Each pillar was a single stone of whitest marble, thirty-seven feet and a half high, and of such girth that three men, with extended arms, could but just clasp it. The flat roof of the porticoes was cedar. The beauty of the whole lay in the costliness of the materials, and the fineness of the workmanship, for neither sculpture nor painting was to be seen. The floor of the square was laid with tesselated pavement, of yarious hues. Such was the first court, called the court of the Gentiles, as not being confined to Jews only but open to the public, Here were the money changers surrounded by groups of pilgrims in yarious garbs, seeking to convert the coins of distant provinces into Jewish currency, that they might not desecrate the Corban or Sacred Treasure by casting in offerings defiled by the head of Cesar, or other forbidden image. Here were the cattle dealers driving their bargains with the priest and Nazarite, or other worshippers, for supplying the beasts of sacrifice. The scene more resembled a busy market-place, than the Lord’s sanctuary. Well might our Saviour make a scourge of cords and expel the profane worldlings with the rebuke, “Take these things hence—make not my father’s house a house of merchandise,” and ‘“‘a den of thieves.” ** The second or inner square of the Temple commenced with a stone fence, four feet and a half high, with small obelisks at regular distances, bearing inscriptions in Greek and Latin (see fig. 237) that no Gentile might enter under the penalty of death.“ Passing within the stone fence you mounted a flight of fourteen steps, when you landed on a platform, which, so far as regards the western portion of it, was only fifteen feet wide, and you then ascended another flight of five steps into the third or inmost temple, which was encompassed by a wall thirty-seven feet and a half high on the interior. There were three gates up to the inmost or third temple on the north, and the same number on the south, but on the west, which was the back of the Temple, was no entrance, but the wall was continuous without an opening.” The eastern portion of the platform, being in front of the third or inmost Temple, was not confined to the breadth of fifteen feet, but enlarged itself into a quadrangular space, containing the Court of the Women, a name given it, not as exclusively devoted to the women, for it was the general place of resort of all worshippers, but because the women were allowed to approach thus far only, and might not ascend into the higher and holier parts of the Temple. The court of the women was enclosed by a wall of its own, and at the four corners, in the interior, were apartments appropriated to various purposes, but the only one we need refer to was that at the south-eastern angle, where the Nazarites performed their vows.*° There were four gates into the court of the women, one on each of the ἘΣ John ii. 16. 8° Tt was a blank perpendicular wall. Bell. v. 88. Matt. xxi. 13. 158. 8. Jos. Bell. v. 5,2; vi. ὦ, 4; Ant. xv. 11 5. 8° Lightfoot, i. 1092. Cuap. III.) SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [a.D. 58] 133 four sides, and that on the east was the famous Corinthian or Brazen gate, being made of Corinthian brass. It was also called the Beautiful gate. The doors were sixty feet high, and when they were closed at night it required twenty men for the task." On the west of the court of the women a flight of fifteen steps led up to the third andinmost temple. It has been stated that from the western portion of the platform ee Facsimile of Greek inscription on one of the obelisks which stood round the Temple in the time of our Lord and his Apostles. Fig. 237.—The literal interpretation of the inscription is “ No alien to pass within the balustrade round the Temple and the inclosure. Whoever shall be caught (so doing) must blame himself for the death that will ensue.” This stone is unquestionably one of the most remarkable discoveries made at Jerusalem; it presents to us the very letters which must have been often read by our Lord and his Apostles as day after day they frequented the Temple. The inscription also brings out in the strongest light the extreme accuracy of the Jewish historian Josephus. He tells us that “on advancing to the second temple (ἱερὸν) a stone balustrade (Spvdaxros) was thrown round it four feet and a balf high, and withal beautifully wrought, and in it stood pillars at equal distances proclaiming the law of Purity (some in Greek and some in Roman letters), ‘that no alien (ἀλλόφυλον). might pass within the sanctuary.’” Bell. v. 5, And again, “Such was the first inclosure (περίβολος), and not far from it, in the middle, was the second, ascended by ἃ tew Steps and encompassed by a stone balustrade (Spupaxrov) for a partition, which prohibited by inscription any allen (ἀλλοεθνῆν from entering (eiovévac) under penalty of death” (θανατικῆς ζημίας). Ant. xy. 11, 5. Here, then, we have, in the stone and in Josephus, not only the leading feature that the intrusion of an alien would be visited by capital punisbment; but we find the historian expressing himself in the very terms employed by the inscription, Thus in both we have the word δρύφακτος for the * balustrade,’ with the ve ariation that on the pillar it is writien τρυφακτος, thereby confirming another statement of Josephus, that a Jew could never pronounce Greek correctly. Ant. xx. 12. So in both we have περίβολος for the inclosure, aud for ἀλλογενῆ on the stone we bave the corresponding expressions. ἀλλοεθνῇ and ἀλλόφυλον in Josephus; and for εἰσπορεύεσθαι we have εἰσιέναι : and for θανατὸς we have θανατικὴ ζημία. The The stone was detected by Mr. Ganneau, by the side of the Via Dolorosa, one corner projecting above ground. appearance of letters attracted his attention, and his active mind, seizing the occasion, was rewarded by this singular discovery. to the third and inmost temple, were only five steps, but though the court of the women was on the same level with the western portion of the platform, the number of steps from the court of the women up to the third or inmost temple was increased, for the common entrance to the temple being on the east, the steps to render the approach easier were made lower, and were consequently multiplied. Round the interior of the wall of the third or inmost temple were various rooms, and the last on the south side, toward the east, was Gazith,in which, at one time, sat the Sanhedrim, the great judicial court of the Jews.*? Round the front of these rooms ran a single * Jos. Bell. vi. 5, 3 88. Jos, Bell. v. 5, 3. *® Lightfoot, i. 2005. See plan 1049. 134 [a.p. 58] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [Cuap. III. colonnade, the pillars of which were equal in size and beauty to those in the court below. In the middle of the area enclosed by the wail of the third or inmost temple, and on a plateau ascended by twelve steps, stood the holy edifice itself, facing the east. In front it was 150 feet high, and with its two projecting wings was 150 feet wide, and the length extended backwards 165 feet. The width in the rear, as there were no wings, was only 90 feet. The open Vestibule, looking toward the east, was 75 feet long and 30 wide, and 135 high. The doorway (for there were no doors) was all plated with gold, with clustering vines and bunches of grapes of the same metal. At the end of the Vestibule hung the first veil, and behind the veil were the doors leading into the Sanctuary, or the Holy. The dimensions of the Sanctuary were 60 feet by 30, and 90 feet high. In this were kept the candlestick and the table of shew bread, and the altar of incense. At the end of the Sanctuary was the second veil, and behind the veil the Holy of Holies, into which the High Priest only might enter once a year upon the great day of Atonement. Let us now, at the expense of some iteration, enter the Temple by the Royal gate on the east. We are now in the outer court, and right and left run the magnificent colonnades, or cloisters, called Solomon’s Porch, under which our Saviour walked,°° and where afterwards the Apostles were wont to address the people.®’ Crossing the court we pass the stone fence and ascend to the second temple by a flight of steps leading to the Corinthian or Beautiful gate, at which, as the most frequented by all, and by which alone the more compassionate sex might enter,°’ was laid the poor cripple who was healed by Peter, when he and John were advancing up the steps to the Court of the women, at the ninth hour, or three o’clock, one of the usual times of prayer. Crossing the court of the women (but which is the usual place of worship for all) we mount a flight of fifteen steps, leading up to the gate of the third temple. We enter, and a little further on ascend a flight of twelve steps. The altar is now before us, 75 feet square and 22 feet anda half high, with stairs up to it from the left, or south side; and beyond the altar is the Temple itself, first the Vestibule, then the Sanctuary, and then the Holy of Holies. The surveillance of the Temple was entrusted to a body of police, of whom the chief was called the Captain of the Temple.’ Thus at the time of the disorders under Cumanus, Ananus the son of Ananias was captain,®* and at the commencement of the last Jewish war, Eleazar, another son of Ananias, held the office.” It was the duty of the police to preserve order and prevent the ingress of improper persons, and on the occasion of any émeute they cleared the Temple and closed the gates. % John x. 23. 52, we have στρατηγοὺς τοῦ ἱεροῦ mentioned in 2 Acts v. 12. the plural number. % Jos. Bell. v. 5, 2. *! τὸν στρατηγὸν "Ἄνανον. Jos. Ant. xx. 6, 2. * δραμόντες δ᾽ of τοῦ ἱεροῦ φύλακες, ἤγγειλαν TO "5 στρατηγῶν τότε. Jos. Bell. ii. 17, 2. στρατηγῷ. Jos. Bell. vi. 5,3. In Luke xxii. 4, To face Vol. 2 PLAN OF Grotto of Jeremiah 2650 ACCORDING To JOSEPHUS. \| ᾿Ξ, Ξ \ ἂν κει Ξ er 7 oO < Ῥω GHA MK τ ‘ Z oo ἢ i Swe s - < Second Wa = SA ΞΞΞ ee ὃ φ10 2570 10. αν 9 ΜΟΣΉ ΟΠ 10, “ἢ ENN ὶ I 0 a Ga L Tower of Psephinus Camp of Assyrians Ῥω, ο ὶ oO) 4, li TTIH GNOOdS Tirst or Uriginal Wan Palace of ἢ Agrippa {2 PHETL PART OF ΠΡ ΡῈ RS ΓΑ ΒΤ RT (Now Sion) PTE Si ὙΓῚ ἘΝ |) 3 Note. 5 Ki ngs SS This plan shows the natural | τ“; Ze vl Gardens <= face of the ground as ascertained i) . OF GT) A ING ΝΟ: by recent excavation. The figures denote-the number of feet above the level of the Sea. Hill of Evil Counsel Caap. 111. SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [a.p. 58] 135 At the north-western corner of the Temple enclosure, now the Haram, measuring 1500 feet by 900 feet, was the Castle of Antonia. It stood on a circular mount 75 feet high, the sides of which had been artificially smoothed and faced with a coating of stone. The castle itself was square, 60 feet high, and at the four corners were four towers, of which the south-eastern, for the purpose of commanding a full view of the Temple and its worshippers, was carried to the height of 105 feet, being 30 feet beyond the other three, which were only 75 feet high. Antonia was connected with the western and northern cloisters of the outer temple by two colonnades, called the limbs or legs, one running from Antonia to the northern extremity of the western cloister of the Temple, and the other running to about the middle of the northern cloister of the Temple. Where the two colonnades abutted on Fort Antonia, stairs led down from the castle to the roof of the cloisters,*® and, of course, other stairs from the cloisters into the outer court of the Temple. At the time of any feast a strong body of soldiers from Antonia stood always under arms upon the roof of the western cloister, to watch the proceedings below. Now a few words as to the living actors upon the stage at Jerusalem at the period of Paul’s arrival. Felix was resident sometimes in Herod’s palace and sometimes in the Preetorium at Cesarea, the Roman capital; at present he was at Cesarea, and the chief officer in command at Jerusalem was Claudius Lysias. The latter was not a Roman by birth, but had acquired the citizenship by purchase. He, however, had many excellent qualities, and the blood that flowed in his veins would not have disgraced a Roman descent. He was probably, what was called, the Legate of the Procurator, that is, was his chief military officer, and exercised in his absence nearly as ample powers. He had jurisdiction to try minor offences, but in matters of high moment was bound to remit the case to the cognizance of the Procurator.*’ At the Feast of the Pentecost, which was now at hand, it was his duty to have a strong force in Antonia ready at an instant, while the rest of the troops lay at a convenient dis- tance in the barracks of the Pretorium in the Upper City. As for King Agrippa at this period, neither Josephus nor the Acts of the Apostles make any mention of him as present at Jerusalem, though the occurrences which took place would necessarily have called for his interference. He had for some time past been engaged at a distance from Jerusalem in attending, with an auxiliary force, upon the Roman army in their war against the Parthians.” The principal personages amongst the Jews may be arrayed under the two rival sects of the Pharisees and the Sadducees. The most powerful amongst the former was undoubtedly Ananias, the High Priest, a man exemplifying the worst traits of the Pharisaical character. Artful and designing, ostentatious of piety amongst the 95 Jos. Bell. v. 5, 8. neque enim animadvertendi, coercendi, vel % Si quid erit quod majorem animadversionem atrociter verberandi jus habet. Dig. i. 16, 11. exigat, rejicere Legatus apud Proconsulem debet; * Fasti Sacri, p. 312, No. 1845. 136 [a.p. 58] (Crap. IIT. common people, yet guilty of the vilest practices, possessed of unbounded wealth dishonestly acquired, and by constantly pandering to the base avarice of the Roman Procurator, Felix, contriving to screen his iniquity from the arm of the law.*? The means employed by him for his aggrandisement are almost incredible for their enor- mity. He had in his pay a band of ruffians, who, when the harvest was ready, seized by force the tithes devoted to the use of the inferior priests, and if any resistance was made, the obstinacy of the tithe-payer was punished by blows. This impious example was soon copied by others in the priesthood, and the Jewish historian relates that many of God’s holy ministers died of actual starvation, from their accustomed provision being thus violently intercepted.’ Ananias meanwhile was living in the midst of luxury in his princely palace in the Upper City, and the ery of justice was raised in yain at the gates of the Pretorium. He had several sons, as Ananus who had been Captain of the Temple, and had been sent with him a prisoner to Rome ; Eleazar, who was also subsequently Captain of the Temple, and was the active pro- moter of the fatal Jewish war; and John,’ and Simon, who also took a distin- guished part in the last conflict with the Romans. Gamaliel, the celebrated Pharisee, at whose feet Paul had been educated, had died only six years before,‘ but the aged patriarch left two sons, with whom Paul must have been personally well acquainted, and who were also not a little famous in their day, Symeon,'”® or Simon,’”° who is reported to have succeeded his father as President of the Sanhedrim,'” and Jesus, who afterwards attained to the high priesthood.” Amongst the Pharisees we may not omit the name of Josephus, the Priest, the Warrior, and the Historian, whose writings are so familiar to every reader, and to whom Christianity is so much indebted for the singular light he has thrown upon many passages in the New Testament, which would otherwise have been inexplicable. He was at this time (a.p. 58) in his twenty-first year,’ and from his precocious talents was already much consulted by the learned doctors, and possessed of consider- able authority."° He had taken up his residence at Jerusalem the preceding year, and it is not improbable that Paul and Josephus, both of them Pharisees, may have met and conversed together in the religious circles of Jerusalem. Nay, Josephus, as an influential person amongst his countrymen, may haye taken part in the subsequent legal proceedings against the Apostle. It is certain that Josephus, a curious observer of the times in which he lived, was well acquainted with the progress of Christianity. Indeed, the name of Christ must have been as familiar to Josephus as that of Martin Luther to an Italian half a century after the Reformation; yet on this subject his #9 Jos, Ant. xx. Ὁ. Ὁ, and 4, 106 Jos. Vit. Ix. This incidentally illustrates 10 Jos. Ant. xx. 9, 2. the circumstance of Peter being called in the 101 Jos. Bell.-ii. 17, 2. New Testament indifferently Simon and Symeou. 102 Jos. Bell. ii. 20, 4. 17 Biscoe on Acts, ὁ. 5, 5. 5. 108 Jos. Bell. ii. 17, 4. 108 Jos. Bell. xx. 9; 4. 0 Biscoe on Acts, ο. 5. 109 See Fasti Sacri, p. 258, No. 1541. 7 Jos. Bell. iv. 3, 9. n° Jos. Vit. ii. παρ, IIL] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [a.p. 58] 137 silence, or at least reserve, is very remarkable. Not once in the Wars of the Jews has he made any allusion to Christianity ; and perhaps, as this work was originally penned by him in Hebrew for the benefit of his own countrymen, to whom the name of Christ was an abomination, he had not the courage to hazard his popularity by lending any countenance to the new religion. In the Antiquities, which were written long afterwards for the world at large, he has only twice glanced at the Christian sect. One of the two passages refers to the death of James the Just, described as “the brother of Jesus, who is called Christ.”'"' The other is a brief testimony to the miraculous powers of our blessed Saviour.” The genuineness of the first reference cannot be reasonably questioned, but the latter has been not uncommonly supposed to be an interpolation. It certainly wears an air of awkwardness, and interrupts the narrative. But we must also remember that the ancients did not make use of foot- notes, so that they often incorporated into the body of the work matter which, as somewhat foreign to the main subject, would now be found in a notes We may add that Josephus is known to have revised his writings from time to time, and in the latter part of his life, when more secure from danger, he may have introduced a paragraph which the fear of his enemies and a due regard to his own safety had previously excluded. We turn next to the Sadducees, amongst whom the family of the highest conse- quence was undoubtedly that of Annas, who had been High Priest with Caiaphas, his son-in-law, at the time of our Saviour’s crucifixion. Annas himself had been consigned to the tomb of his fathers, and was buried without the city on the south-west ;° but he left five sons, who, it is very singular, were all of them, at one time or other, advanced to the Pontifical dignity. The most distinguished of the illustrious brotherhood was Jonathan, whose well- merited rebuke of Felix had lately led to his own death by the dagger of the Sicarii. Theophilus, another son, was High Priest in a.p. 57, when Saul, afterwards Paul, applied to him for letters to Damascus against the Christians of that city. Eleazar and Matthias, two other sons of Annas, require no particular mention. The fifth and youngest scion of this noble stock was Ananus, a man formed by nature to exercise an ascendency over all amongst whom his lot was cast. He, like his brother Jonathan, had great rhetorical power, and could bend the multitude to his will by the magic influence of the tongue. In moral qualities he was a strange contrast to the ostentatious and hypocritical Ananias. Descended of the proudest line, he affected no superiority, but was courteous and affable to all. Possessed of power that might have tempted to oppression, he was just and exact in all his dealings. Actuated by true patriotism, he ever sought the welfare of his country ; but informed by his judg- ment that the Romans were irresistible, he did not, like Ananias, lend any encourage- ment to a collision where success was hopeless. It was no feeling of fear, for daring iW Jos. Ant. xx. 9) 1. τ Jos. Ant. xviii. 3, 3. us Jos. Bell. ν. 19. VOL. Il. a 138 [a.p. 58] SKETCH OF JERUSALEM. [Cuar. IIT. was the marked feature of his character. His only fault was one that pervaded the whole sect of the Sadducees—an implacable spirit of revenge against his enemies. The Christians were unhappily regarded in that light, and we shall see with what avidity Ananus, when High Priest, availed himself of a favourable opportunity to accomplish the death of James the Just. However, he no doubt verified the prophetic words of our Saviour, and thought “he was doing God service.” He was afterwards himself slain at the commencement of the Jewish war; and Josephus pays to his memory the high compliment, that had the life of Ananus been spared, the city had not been destroyed.'? m4 John xvi. 2. 05 Jos. Bell. iv. 5, 2. 139 CHAPTER ΤΥ. Paul is set upon by the Jews in the Temple—He is carried by Lysias into Antonia, and as then sent to Cxsarea—Paul is heard before Feliz, and afterwards before Festus and Agrippa and Bernice. Is this the Temple where Jehovah deigns On Judah’s tribe to shed a light divine ? Are these the courts that echo with the strains, Of prayer and praise? And in this holy shrine Can FPelial’s sons for darkest deeds combine ὃ “ Shall I not visit for these things, saith God ἢ And shall I not uproot this cankered vine ? Mercy no more shall stay the chastening rod— Henceforth shall Sion’s mount by Gentile feet be trod.” Anon. WE now once more return to the great Apostle. When we last parted from him, he had just arrived at Jerusalem on the 17th of May, a.p. 58, the day of Pentecost, accompanied, amongst other fellow-travellers, by Luke and Trophimus, the deputies to whom had been committed the collection from the Macedonian and Achaian churches. They took up their abode with Mnason, and Luke adds, that “the brethren received us gladly,”' as well they might from the labours and sufferings of Paul in the common cause, and for his earnest zeal in raising a contribution amongst the heathen converts for the relief of the poor Hebrews. “The day following” (the 18th of May), continues the sacred historian, “ Paul, entered in with us (the deputies charged with the alms) unto James, and all the elders (or presbyters) were present.”* James, the Bishop of Jerusalem, was perma- nently residing there, and was assisted in his duties by the presbytery or conclave of ordained ministers. The other Apostles had finally quitted the holy city, and were carrying the tidings of the Gospel to the four quarters of the globe.* Paul now affectionately greeted his comrades in the Christian warfare, and the deputies delivered up officially the alms collected in the Macedonian and Achaian churches. Paul then proceeded to recount the trying scenes through which he had passed since their last interview, and would naturally in his narrative refer to his 1 Acts xxi. 17. 5 See Euseb. Hist. v.18; Clem. Alex. Strom. 2 Acts xxi. 18. vi. 5, 43. 7 2 140 [a.D. 58] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [Cuap. IV. hairbreadth escape at Ephesus, which had led him to take the vow of the Nazarite, which he was now come to Jerusalem to complete by the necessary offerings.* To understand the address of James that followed, we must advert to the materials of which the Church of Jerusalem was composed. The Apostles and Presbyters, as men of enlightened minds, fully comprehended the nature of Paul’s doctrines, and recognized them as fundamental principles of the Christian scheme. James, and Peter, and John, the chiefs of the Apostles, had long since given him the right hand of fellowship, and encouraged him in the prosecution of his Gentile mission. To many, however, amongst the laity of the Hebrew church, the Gospel ot Paul was still a hard saying. ‘Trained from earliest infancy to abhor the heathen, and to regard them as entirely out of the pale of God’s favour, the Hebrew converts had naturally enough at first conceived Christianity to be the peculiar inheritance of the Jews. The miraculous conversion of Cornelius had removed that error, though Peter on his return to Jerusalem seems to have had no little difficulty in bringing conviction to their minds. Some busybodies amongst them had then contended that at least the Gentiles must observe the law of Moses, but the decree of the Council of Jerusalem had determined the controversy against them. However, old prejudices were not easily to be eradicated, and amongst the Hebrew laity was still the mischievous Judaizing party, who were continually disturbing the serenity of the church. On the Apostle’s last visit, they had stirred up the brethren to demand the circumcision of Titus, who was a Greek, and they had since sent their emissaries abroad, as to Galatia and Corinth. Their animosity was principally directed against Paul, as the champion of Gentile freedom, and now that he was come to Jerusalem, James and the presbytery entertained a well-grounded fear that the Judaizers, as on the last occasion, would assail the Apostle’s doctrines. The Gospel which he really taught was innocent enough in itself, viz., that Gentile converts (as the Apostles had decided) were not bound by the law of Moses, but that Jewish Christians might, and where the breach would give offence must, continue the customs of their fathers. Paul himself was a Jew, and carefully acted upon this principle. The Judaizers, however, to gain their ends, had propagated the false and malicious report that Paul had taught everywhere that Jews on becoming Christians must no longer practise circumcision, or pay any regard to their divine law-giver. This was the error that James and the presbyters, consulting for the credit and character, and even for the safety of the Apostle, aimed at eradicating, and a favourable opportunity which now presented itself for the purpose was not to be lost. Paul as a Jew had taken the vow of the Nazarite (so common amongst his * Acts xxiv. 17; and compare xxi.26. Bernice Ἱεροσολύμοις εὐχὴν ἐπιτελοῦσα τῷ θεῷ. Jos. Bell. came to Jerusalem in like manner for the pur- 1]. 15, 1. pose of completing her vow. ἐπεδήμει δὲ ἐν τοῖς Cnap. IV.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [4.D. 58] 141 countrymen), and was about to give it accomplishment by purifying himself seven . days in the Temple, and there making the accustomed oblations.° Amongst the Hebrew disciples at this time were four men who were also Nazarites. The period of their separation had expired, and they were waiting to shave their heads, the consummation of the vow, but had not the means of defraying the charges of the requisite sacrifices. There was not a more charitable act in the estimation of the Jews, or one more calculated to acquire popularity, than to assist the poor Nazarites by supplying the necessary funds. Josephus remarks it as an instance of singular piety in King Agrippa the elder, that when he returned to Jerusalem a erowned monarch, after many narrow escapes of his life, he ordered a great number of Nazarites to be shaved at his own cost.® James and the presbyters therefore now recommended Paul to soothe the wounded feelings of the Hebrew converts, and to remoye the unfounded prejudices which the Judaizers had excited against him by a similar exhibition of good will towards the Jewish church. Luke was present in the convocation, and has recorded with minuteness the advice that was given. ‘‘ When they heard it,” viz., the report of Paul’s apostolical labours on his last cireuit, “they glorified the Lord, and said unto him, ‘Thou seest, brother, how many thousands’ of Jews there are which believe, and they are all zealous of the law; and they have been adyised concerning thee, that thou teachest all the Jews which are among the Gentiles to forsake Moses, and sayest that they ought not to circumcise their children, neither to walk after the customs. What is it therefore? the multitude* must needs come together, for they will hear that thou art come. Do therefore this that we say to thee—we have four men which have a vow on them; them take, and purify thyself with them, and pay their charges, that they may shave their heads, and all may know that those things whereof they have been advised concerning thee are nothing; but that thou thyself also walkest orderly, and keepest the law. As touching the Gentiles which believe, we have written and concluded that they observe no such thing, save only that they keep themselves from things offered to idols, and from blood, and from strangled, and from fornication.’ ”® Paul at once acquiesced in a proposal which strictly accorded with all his previous practice, and the following day (the 19th of May), Paul taking the four Nazarites with him, went up to the Temple, and entering by the Corinthian or Beautiful Gate © See post, p. 142. ὁ διὸ καὶ Ναζιραίων ξυρᾶσθαι συχνούς. Jos. Ant. xix. 6, 1. frequency of the vow. 7 πόσαι μυριάδες ---- how many tens of thousands. The expression shows forcibly what great pro- gress the Gospel had already made at Jerusalem. 8 τὸ πλῆθος. This may mean the multitude, in the sense of the whole body of the Hebrew διέταξε μάλα This shows the church, as in καὶ συναγαγόντες τὸ πλῆθος, Acts xv. 30 (and see xv. 12); προσκαλεσάμενοι Se οἱ δώδεκα τὸ πλῆθος τῶν μαθητῶν, Acts vi. 2; ἐνώ- mov παντὸς τοῦ πλήθους, ib. 5; and see Luke xxiii. 1. * Acts xxi. 20 to 25. But even this decree was meant to be local and temporary only. See Vol. I. p. 804. 142 [a.p. 58] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM, [Cuap. IV, into the court of the women, where was the apartment appropriated for the Nazarites, announced to the priest that himself and his companions intended to observe the seven days’ purification! with the accustomed offerings, and then to shave the head. It was part of the ceremonial that each Nazarite during the seven days should attend daily in the Temple after having first purified himself." This Paul and the four Nazarites proceeded to do, and as Paul mixed in the throng that filled the court 1 See Numb. vi. 9; Jos. Ant. xviii. 2, 3; xviii. 4, 8. Wieseler understands the seven days to be the Pentecost and the six days pre- ceding, which he thinks were regarded as part of the Feast. But the Pentecost was a feast for one day only, as the name—‘ the fiftieth day’— implies, and is evident from the fact mentioned by Josephus, that on one occasion Hyreanus rested on his march two days, from the accident that the Day of Pentecost was followed that year by a Sabbath—so that two sacred days fell together. Ant. xiii. 8, 4. The ai ἑπτὰ ἡμέραι, Acts xxi. 27, must refer to the τῶν ἡμερῶν τοῦ ayvcpov—the days of purification—in the pre- ceding verse. Paul and his four colleagues had to purify themselves before making their offer- ings in discharge of the vow; and in the case of a Nazarite, the purification required by the Law was for seven days. Numb. vi. 19. Again, Wieseler argues that the ἁγνισμὸς of Paul was merely the ordinary purification for the Feast of Pentecost; but if so, what had Paul's “ purification ” to do with that of the four Nazarites ? and yet the injunction to him parti- eularly was, ἁγνίσθητι σὺν αὐτοῖς, xxi, 24; so that Paul and the four Nazarites were to undergo a joint purification, and no doubt for a similar purpose—viz. the discharge of the vow. Wieseler assumes further that διαγγέλλων τὴν ἐκπλήρωσιν τῶν ἡμερῶν τοῦ ἁγνισμοῦ, Acts xxi. 26, shows that the days of purification were at an end. But if so, how could it be said in the next verse, ὡς δὲ ἔμελλον ai ἑπτὰ ἡμέραι συντελεῖσθαι, unless, as he is obliged to argue, the seven days had no relation to the days of purification men- tioned just before? The meaning of the passage really is, that Paul, taking the four men with him, gave notice to the priests of the day on which the purification would end, and ordered the necessary sacrifices accordingly. Wieseler urges that a period of seven days was not a usual one for a Nazarite’s vow, and that Paul did not apparently take a vow at all after his arrival at Jerusalem. But this is fighting with a shadow, for it is not contended that the vow was for seven days, or that Paul took any vow at Jerusalem. The seven days were not the days of the vow, but of the purification before discharging the vow by making the accustomed offerings—the ‘ sacrificia purificationis’ (Origen, Rom. ii. 13). When Paul was arrested before Gallio at Corinth in a.p. 53, he made a vow for which he sheared (but not shaved) his head (see Vol. I. p. 294) at Cenchrea (Acts xviii. 18), and afterwards went up to Jerusalem to shave the head and offer the usual sacrifices; and though it is not expressly mentioned by Luke that Paul when pressed by the far greater danger at Ephesus, in A.D. 57 made any vow, yet from the frequency of the custom and the certainty of its observance by Paul, we may infer that such was the case. Nor is it impossible that he made a vow when he was waylaid by the Jews on his de- parture from Corinth, and escaped the ambush by changing his route. Acts xx. 3. In either case, he could only complete the vow by shaving the head and sacrificing at Jerusalem, as we have already seen in the case of Bernice, who having made a vow in a foreign country, came up to Jerusalem to perfect it. See ante, p. 140, note *. It is no objection that Luke omits to mention the vow, for he equally omits mention- ing that Paul was bringing to Jerusalem a col- lection for the poor Hebrews from Macedonia and Achaia, but he assumes both facts when he makes Paul say to Felix that he came to bring up alms and to make offerings (προσφορὰς), Acts xxiv. 17; and he certainly assumes the vow when James and the elders recommend Paul not, as Wieseler supposes, to take a vow, but to perfect his own vow, and at the same time to perfect. the vows of others also by paying their charges. For the peculiar views of Wieseler upon this subject, see Chronol. Apost. 105, et seq. N As to purification, before entering the Temple, see Jos. Bell. iv. 9, 12 and 14; v. 3,1; v. 5,6; Ant. xiv. 11,5; xvii.6,4. The purifi- cation consisted chiefly of ablutions. See Jos. Vit. 11. Cuar. IV.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [a.p. 58] 143 of the Gentiles and the court of the women, he was careful to shun all religious discussion. On his first conversion to the faith, he had attempted to herald Christianity in Jerusalem itself, but the Lord had forbidden him and sent him to the Gentiles; and on his present visit he tells us himself, that to avoid provocation he neither addressed the worshippers in the Temple, nor preached in any of their numerous synagogues, nor harangued in the public streets'*—an admirable lesson to all such as fired by enthusiasm, or ambitious of martyrdom, cannot walk by the sober light of the Gospel, but must needs be active in courting persecution when it will not approach uninvited! The week of this attendance in the Temple was drawing towards a close, when the storm burst upon the Apostle’s head from an unexpected quarter. On the fifth day (being May the 23rd), Paul, as usual, was in the court of the women, when some Jews of Ephesus (where Paul had so trinmphantly preached the Gospel) caught sight of the renegade who had so often foiled them in Asia, and laying violent hands on the Apostle, shouted to the people, ‘Men of Israel, help! This is the man that teacheth all men everywhere against the people, and the law, and this place; and further, hath brought Greeks also into the Temple, and hath polluted this holy place!”’* As to the charge of having brought Greeks into the Temple, they had merely seen him walking in the city with Trophimus, an Ephesian, and thence inferred, without the least foundation, that Paul had brought him into the Temple also. The contagion spread like wildfire amongst the dense crowd, and boiling with indignation at the man’s supposed impiety, the living mass was immediately thrown into commotion. Paul would have been killed on the spot, but the sanctity of the Temple did not allow of bloodshed within the sacred precincts.‘ They, therefore, bound him hand and foot’® and dragged him down the steps from the court of the women into the outer court, and the police of the Temple shut the Beautiful Gate.!® The mob had no arms in their hands, or Paul would have been dispatched at once, but they began beating Paul to take his life. Fortunately, the few minutes delay which occurred in forcing him from the inner down into the outer court, was the means of averting his fate. The Roman guard on the western cloister were, as usual, under arms during the festival, and ready at a moment’s call. At the very commencement of the uproar the signal was given, and down came Lysias, the captain,’ with his 2 Acts xxiv. 12. 3 Acts xxi. 28. Any heathen that entered the Temple might be put to death. Jos. Bell. v. 5, 2; Philo, Leg, xxxi. ply it. See note, ante, p. 107. © Acts xxi. 30. yXiapyos τῆς σπείρης. Acts xxi. 31. The word χιλίαρχος frequently occurs in Josephus, 1% Jos. Bell. iv. 3,12; vi. 2, 4. 15. This is not expressly mentioned by Luke, but is what would naturally be done, and the prophecy of Agabus that Paul should be thus bound by the Jews (Acts xxi. 11) seems to im- who thus gives the successive ranks in the Ro- man legion or raywa:—The lowest officer was the dexadapyns or ‘ corporal,’ who hada section of 10 men under him; the next above him was the ἑκατοντάρχης, the ‘centurion,’ or ‘captain,’ who 144 [4.Ὁ. 58] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [0Η45. 1V. centurions and soldiers. At sight of the military the people fled, and Lysias coming up laid hold of Paul, so nearly the victim of the popular rage, and commanded him to be bound by two chains, one from each wrist to the wrists of two soldiers.’ What could be the meaning of all this tumult! some another. The Ephesian Jews, who had begun the uproar, very wisely kept out of sight. In such a scene of confusion, it was impossible to arrive at the truth ; but Lysias concluded in his own mind that Paul must be the Egyptian impostor whom Felix had alittle before defeated on Mount Olivet, and who had hitherto escaped detection. lLysias, therefore, gaye orders that Paul should be carried into the Castle of Antonia. No sooner did the soldiers begin to retreat with their prisoner along the outer court to the stairs leading from the outer court to the roof of the Some shouted one thing, and cloister which communicated with the Castle of Antonia, than the people pressed after them with yells and exeerations, ‘Away with him, away with him!” At had a company of 100 men under him; and next above him was the χιλίαρχος (translated ‘captain, but answering to our ‘ colonel’), who commanded a battalion of 1000 men. This bat- talion was called in Latin ‘ cohors, and in Greek A number of battalions (as, say, 10) formed the ‘ legion’ or ‘ regiment ’—rdya—com- manded by the ταξιάρχης. Jos. Bell. iii. 5, 3; iv. 8,1; vi. 4, 8. Biscoe indeed (c. 9, p. 216, note, ed. 1840) suggests that the legion was commanded by the six tribunes of the legions viz. two and two in turns. But this was not so with the army of Judea, as Josephus speaks dis- tinctly of one only as in permanent command : Σέξτου Κερεαλίου τὸ πέμπτον ἄγοντος τάγμα, k.Td. Bell. vi. 4,8. When two legions were brigaded together, the commander was called στρατοπεὺ- apxns, YS στρατοπεδάρχης τῶν am ᾿Αλεξανδρείας σπεῖρα. δύο ταγμάτων. Ib. Beside the /egions or regulars there were auxiliary cohorts or σπεῖραι, consisting each, like the Roman cohorts, of 1000 men; and in these the grades of rank, from the dexaddpyns or “ cor- poral’ to the χιλιάρχης or ‘colonel’ were the same as in the legion, but the χιλίαρχος had no higher officer above him except the commander- in-chief. As Lysias forwarded his despatch to Felix himself, the Procurator, and not to any in- tervening officer, we should infer that the cohort commanded by Lysias was not a legionary cohort, but was one of the auxiliary cohorts. From the numerous gradations of rank, both in the regular and the auxiliary troops, the cen- turion of Capernaum might well say that he was himself under authority, and had soldiers under him. Matt. viii. 9. 8 ἐκέλευσε δεθῆναι ἁλύσεσι δυσί. Acts χχὶ. 33. Had Lysias known that Paul was ἃ Roman he would have secured him by a single chain, but Lysias took him for the Egyptian impostor. But how, it may be asked, did the two chains happen to be at hand? Josephus, the contem- porary of Paul, has forestalled the question by telling us that every Roman soldier carried with him, amongst other things, a chain and also a thong: πρὸς vis πρίονα καὶ κόφινον ἄμην τε Kai πέλεκυν, πρὸς δὲ ἱμάντα καὶ δρέπανον καὶ ἅλυσιν (the very word used in the Acts). Bell. iii. 5, 5. The two soldiers, therefore, would have two chains with them, and also thongs. Acts xxi. 36. The usual out- ery of an infuriate mob, and the same as that used against our Lord himself. *Apov, ἄρον, σταύρωσον αὐτόν. John xix, 15. Aipe τοῦτον. Luke xxiii. 18. As to the stairs in question, we must remember that the Temple stood at the south-west corner of the Haram, and Anto- nia at the north-west corner, and they were con- nected together by two parallel cloisters which ran from the north-west corner of the Temple, the most western of the two parallel cloisters being a continuation of the western cloister of the Temple. There were flights of stairs, first, from the castle to the roof of each of the connecting cloisters, and secondly, there were stairs from the cloisters of the Temple down to the outer court. It is obvious from the account that Paul stood on the stairs first approached, i.e. on the stairs leading from the outer court to the roof of the cloister of the Temple. 19. Aipe αὐτόν. [a.p. 58] 145 Cuar. 11 ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. the foot of the stairs the pressure was so great, that the two soldiers to whom Paul was bound were obliged to take him in their arms and carry him up. Paul had thus ascended a good way, when he turned to Lysias, and addressire him in Greek, said, “ May I speak unto thee?” Lysias, who heard his own language with surprise, said, “Art thou not that Egyptian which before these days made an uproar, and led out into the wilderness four thousand men that were assassins 2” 2° Paul answered, “I ama man which am a Jew of Tarsus, a city in Cilicia, a citizen of no mean city;*' and, I beseech thee, suffer me to speak unto the people.”” The noble Lysias at once acceded to the request, when Paul, standing on the steps, waved his hand** to the multitude below, and a deep silence being observed, he thus addressed them in the Hebrew tongue :- “Men, brethren, and fathers, hear ye my defence which I make now unto you!” On recognizing the familiar sound of their native Hebrew, they were the more attentive, when he thus continued: “TI am verily a man which am ἃ Jew, born in Tarsus, of Cilicia, but brought up in this city at the feet of Gamaliel, and taught according to the strictness of the law of the fathers, and was zealous toward God, as ye all are this day; and I persecuted this way unto the death, binding and delivering into prison both men and women; as also the High Priest doth bear me witness, and 39 τῶν σικαρίων. Acts xxi. 38. The sicarii were the notable assassins of that day, and de- rived their name from the Latin ‘sica’ (from “seco’). Σικάριοι᾽ λῃστῶν γένος" σίκας δὲ τὰ ἐπικαμπὴ ξίφη Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν, οἷς οἱ χρώμενοι λέγονται Σικάριοι. Suidas. See ante, p. 125. +l τῆς Κιλικίας οὐκ ἀσήμου πόλεως πολίτης. So, Achill. Tat. lib. viii. Ἔστιν Eurip. Ion, 8. πόλεως οὐκ ἀσήμου. γὰρ οὐκ ἄσημος Ἑλλήνων πόλις. 2 Acts xxi. 98, 89. 3 κατέσεισε τῇ χειρί. Acts xxi. 40. Words- worth cites Persius, iv. 7: Fert animus calide fecisse silentia turba Majestate mantis. It was a motion of the hand to keep down the tumult, and opposed to the ἐκτείνας τὴν χεῖρα, Acts xxvi. l—outstretching the hand in the fervour of speaking. 4 τῇ ἝἙ βραΐδι διαλέκτῳ. Acts xxi. 40. That is, in Syro-Chaldaic, the language of the native population. Josephus addressed his country- men in the same language, Εβραίζων. Bell. vi. 2,1; v. 9, 2. The Aramaic spoken in Meso- potamia, and the Canaanitish of Palestine, and the Arabic, Phcenician, and Syriac were all cognate branches of the one great Semitic tongue. Amongst some of them there was so close an aflinity that the peoples who used them were mutually intelligible. See Bell. iv. 1, 5. VOL. Il. Abraham, as a native of Mesopotamia, spoke Aramaic, but after his migration to Canaan he and his descendants gradually glided into the Canaanitish dialect, the speech of all about them. In the course of four hundred years from the migration to the Exodus, the language of the Israelites, the Canaanitish grafted on the Aramaic, assumed a character of its own, and so became distinct from the ordinary dialect of Canaan, and is now commonly known as Hebrew, the language in which the books of the Old ‘Testament (with some exceptions) are composed. When the tribes were carried away captive into Babylon the pure Hebrew of the Old Testament beeame corrupt from an admixture of Chaldaic, and after the return of the Jews from Babylon the tongue spoken by them, though substan- tially the same as the old Hebrew, presented many points of difference, and is known amongst the leaned as Syro-Chaldaie, but by the writers of the New Testament, as also by Josephus and the Maccabees, it is still called Hebrew. It was the tongue spoken by our Lord and his disciples, and by the general population of Judea. One peculiarity of the Syro-Chaldaic was the use of the long termination N—as in Γολγοθᾶ, Ταλιθᾶ, ᾿Αββᾶς, Κηφᾶς. The letters or characters em- ployed for writing before the captivity were the same as the Samaritan; but after the captivity U 146 [a.v. 58] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [Cuap. IV: all the estate of the elders; from whom” also I received letters unto the brethren, and went to Damascus, to bring them which were there bound unto Jerusalem, to be punished. And it came to pass, that as I made my journey, and was come nigh unto Damascus, about noon, suddenly there shone from heaven a great light round about me; and I fell unto the ground, and heard a voice saying unto me, ἡ Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me 2” And I answered, ‘ Who art thou, Lord ?’** and he said unto me, ‘Lam Jesus of Nazareth, whom thou persecutest.’ And they that were with me saw indeed the light, and were afraid ; but they heard not the voice of him that spake to me.” And I said, ‘What shall I do, Lord?’ And the Lord said unto me, ‘ Arise, and go into Damascus, and there it shall be told thee of all things which ave appointed for thee to do.’ And when I could not see for the glory of that light, being led by the hand of them that were with me, I came into Damascus. And one Ananias, a devout man according to the law,’* having a good report of all the Jews which dwelt there, came unto me, and stood, and said unto me, ‘ Brother Saul, receive thy sight;’ and the same hour I looked up upon him; and he said, ‘The God of our fathers hath chosen thee, that thou shouldest know his will, and see that Just One, and shouldest hear the voice of his mouth; for thou shalt be his witness unto all men of what thou hast seen and heard. And now why tarriest thou ? arise, and be baptized, and wash away thy sins, calling on his name.” And it came to pass, that when I was come again to Jerusalem, and while I was praying in the Temple,” I was in a trance ; and saw him saying unto me, ‘Make haste, and get thee quickly out of Jerusalem, for they will not receive thy testimony concerning me, And I said, ‘ Lord, they know that I imprisoned and beat in every synagogue them that believe on thee. And when the blood of thy martyr Stephen was shed, I also was standing by, and consenting,” and kept the raiment of them that slew him. And he said unto me, ‘Depart, for I will send thee far hence unto the Gentiles’—” * No sooner had he uttered the words, “I will send thee far hence unto the Gentiles,” than the mob were thrown into a new ferment, and rent the air with the Jews dropped the old Hebrew alphabet, and accused? The Apostle therefore lays a stress substituted the square form of the Chaldees. See Winer’s Bibl. Realw. “ Sprache.” 356 παρ᾽ ὧν. Acts xxi.5. From Theophilus, who was then the high priest, and from the Presby- tery generally. Some would render it Sir! But though Paul did not know the person of Jesus, he must have known that the speaker was more than human. 27 See comment, Vol. I. p. 50. 28 Tf Ananias, who strictly observed the law, could thus visit Paul, how could Paul himself be a transgressor of the law, of which he was now 26 κύριε. on this circumstance as likely to justify him in the eyes of the Jews. 2’ Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford all read atrot— his ’—instead of τοῦ Κυρίου --- of the Lord.’ 8° This again would convince the Jews that Paul, who thus prayed in the Temple, could not now have profaned it. 3. The words τῇ ἀναιρέσει αὐτοῦ--- to his death’ —are rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. ® Acts xxii. 3-21. Ciav. 10. ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [Α.Ὁ. 58] 147 their cries, “ Away with such a fellow from the earth, for it is not fit that he should live,” and at the same time tore** their garments, and threw the dust into the air from ungovernable passion. Lysias, who as a Greek had not understood one word of Paul’s address in Hebrew, could only conclude from the fury of the people that Paul, if not the Egyptian, must at least be some notable malefactor. He therefore ordered him to be conveyed into the castle, and according to the practice of the day for the truth, commanded him to be put to the rack. The mildest form of of examination was by scourging. A wooden post was erected in a slanting position, and the feet and hands of the prisoner were made fast to it with thongs. extracting this mode Lysias, not caring to see the torture applied, retired apart. Presently Paul was stripped and lashed to the post,** and the executioner was now ready to lay on, when Paul, though probably despairing of a successful appeal, asserted his privilege as a Roman citizen. “May a Roman,” he said to the centurion, who superintended the torture, “and before he is condemned, be scourged by law ?”* S ῥιπτούντων τὰ ἱμάτια---ποῦ literally tearing them, but tossing them about with violent ges- ticulations; as in Josephus: περιῤῥήγνυνταί τε τὴν στολήν. Ant, xviii. 8,4. According to Meyer, they threw off their garments as if to stone Paul, and threw dust into the air ws 7f they were casting stones at him—a mock stoning. ἘΝ Martin, in his Notes on the Four Gospeis and Acts, observes: “Sir J. Chardin says that when complaint is made to a governor, the Orientals get as many friends as they can together before his house, with piercing cries, tearing their gar- ments and throwing up dust. Conf. 2 Sam. xvi. 13, and Capt. Light’s Nubia in Walpole’s Turkey, 407, ed. 1817. The authorised version renders it as a preparation for stoning (see vii. 58); but thus it is difficult to explain the ‘dust,’ unless this was a usual practice of ferocity, impatient till the regular signal was made for stoning. Ἔπηήδων καὶ ἐβόων καὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἀπεῤῥίπτουν is said of a displeased audience, Lucian, de Saltat. Ixxxiil. Et date jactatis undique signa tosis. Ovid, Amor, iii, 2, 74.” ὍΣ: ὡς δὲ mpoerewev αὐτὸν τοῖς ἱμᾶσιν. Acts xxii. 25. The Eng. ver. is, “as they bound him with thongs ;” and ἱμὰς, in the only places where it is used in the New Testament, signifies a ligature; as, ἱμάντα τῶν ὑποδημάτων, Mark i. 7, Luke iii. 16, John i. 27. But here the expression is not simply ἱμᾶσιν, but rots ἱμᾶσιν, and the more correct in- terpretation would seem to be, “as they stretched him out on the whipping-post for the thongs— 1.6. in order to apply the lash, Thus ἱμάντα τις φερέτω, Demosth. f. leg. p. 402, cited by Kuinoel ; ῥάβδοις καὶ ἱμᾶσιν μαστιγοῦται. Athenzus, iv. 38, (p. 153, Tauchnitz). % The law of P. Valerius Poplicola, called the lex Valeria (A.v.c. 254), enacted, ne quis magis- tratus civem Romanum adyersus provocationem verberare aut necare vellet. Val. Max. iv, 1, 1. See Dionys. v. 19; Plut. Val. Public. ο. 11; Liv. ii. 8. This was confirmed under heavy penalties by the law of M. Porcius Laeca called the lex Porcia (a.v.c. 506), which, grayi poena, si quis verberasset necassetque civem Romanum, sanxit. Liy. x. 9. An edict of Augustus prohibited the application of torture generally, except under special cireumstances. Quastiones neque semper in omni causa et persona desiderari debere arbi- tror; et cum capitalia et atrociora maleficia non aliter explorari et investigari possunt, quam per seryorum quiestiones, efficacissimas eas esse ad requirendam veritatem existimo et habendas censeo. Digest xlviii. 18,8. In eriminibus eru- endis questio adhiberi solet, sed quando vel quatenus id faciendum sit yideamus; et non esse a tormentis incipiendum et divus Augustus constituit, neque adeo fidem questioni adhi- bendam. Dig. xlviii. 18,1. See Jos. Ant. ii. 14, 9. In the ease of a Roman it was not even allow- able to put him in fetters or to manacle him; and to submit him to the rack was an enormous offence. acinus est vincire civem Romanum; scelus verberare; prope parricidium necare: quid dicam in erucem tollere? Cie. in Verr. act. II, y. 66, 170. The safe custody of a Roman citizen before trial might be provided for in two ways: 1. He might have apartments assigned to him in the magistrate’s own house, or be liberated on υ ὁ 148 [a.D. 58] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [Cuar. 1V The officer was alarmed, and hastening to Lysias for further orders, said, “ Take heed what thou doest, for this man is a Roman!” Lysias, who having himself purchased his freedom at a high price, was the more alive to the value of the right, immediately came to Paul and said, “Tell me, art thou a Roman?” Paul replied in the affirmative; but Lysias, who had just before seen his prisoner in humble garb, and besmeared, perhaps, with blood and dust from the murderous attack upon him in the Temple, was half disposed to be incredulous. “ With a great sum,” said Lysias, “obtained I this freedom!”** “But I,” said. Paul, “was free born.”*? It was high treason in any one to feign himself a Roman citizen, and Lysias at length convinced that Paul really possessed the right asserted by him, ordered him to be released from the rack, and was not a little apprehensive that he might himself some day rue the consequences of his indiscreet haste.” Paul was now treated with becoming respect, but was still secured by a chain from the right hand to a soldier’s left.“ Thus closed this eventful day, and Paul, harassed by the trying scenes through which he had passed, and with a conscience void of offence, slept soundly in the castle by the side of his military keeper. The morning dawned, and how was Lysias to dispose of his prisoner? As yet he was ignorant even of the nature of the crime charged against him. The mob had shouted some one thing and some another, and Paul, as a Roman, could not be examined by the rack. As the offence, whatever its nature, was evidently an infraction or supposed infraction of Jewish law, Lysias determined on summoning the Jewish Sanhedrim (for which, as the delegate of the Procurator, he had full authority,”) that in their presence and with their assistance the cause of the uproar might do:u of Rome, took the name of Claudius. 8: See Vol. I. p. 2. ἐδ Suet. Claud. xxv. © ἐφοβήθη, ἐπιγνοὺς ὅτι Pwpatos ἐστι, καὶ ὅτι ἦν αὐτὸν δεδεκώς. Acts xxii. 29. Some think that bail, which was called ‘libera custodia; or 2. He might be held by a chain from his right hand to a soldier’s left, which was called ‘militaris cus- todia.” See the notes of Kuinoel upon this subject, Acts xvi. 87, xxii. 29; and Wieseler, Apostg. 3880, et seq. Paul on his first arrest had been secured by two cbains, but on his being recognised as a Roman, he was saved from the torture and from manacles, and was secured by one chain only from the wrist of the right hand to the wrist of a soldier’s left. The militaris custodia during his imprisonment is implied in the fact that he was consigned to a centurion. Acts xxiv. 28. The custody of Paul very much resembled that of Agrippa in the time of Tiberius. Agrippa had comparative liberty, but was bound by a single chain to a soldier —ovdypa ἁλύσει, Jos. Ant. xviii. 6, 10. “ That the citizenship of Rome was com- monly sold about this time, see Dion Cass. Ix. 17. Lysias, from his name, was no doubt a Greek, and on obtaining by purchase the free- Lysias was alarmed because he had bound Paul at all. But if this were so, Lysias would have immediately released Paul from his bonds, which he did not do, for he only took them off tem- porarily the next day on bringing him before the council, and then bound him again. Acts xxiii. 18. The fear of Lysias, therefore, was not for having bound Paul for safe custody, but for having bound him with two chains instead of one; and more particularly for having afterwards lashed him to the post, as a preliminary to the torture. * For he is still called δέσμιος. Acts xxiii. 18. 4 This is evident from the language of Luke, for Lysias commanded (ἐκέλευσεν) the Sanhedrim to meet. Acts xxii. 30. Cuar. 1V.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [a.p. 58] 149 be solemnly investigated. The Sanhedrim was the Judicial body of seventy-two (commonly called the seventy), consisting first of twenty-four Chief Priests, being the heads of the twenty-four courses, and of twenty-four Elders, the representatives of the Jewish laity, and lastly of twenty-four Scribes or Doctors, the advisers of the assembly on questions of law. The Sanhedrim had originally sat in Gazith, an apartment in the inner temple, but as the Roman Emperors had granted the boon that whatever heathen passed the sacred limits might be instantly put to death, it was afterwards found unsafe to permit deliberations where the Romans themselves could not exercise a surveillance. According to tradition, the Sanhedrim ceased to hold their sessions in the Temple about twenty-eight years before the period of which we are speaking.*” They then moved down to the council-room, just without the Temple, and adjoining the western cloister on the site of the present Mehkimeh or Town Hall. Hither, on the 24th of May, the Chief Priests and Elders and Scribes were eonvoked. The arrogant Ananias, the High Priest, took upon himself to occupy the chair, though the Presidency of the council, if we may believe the Jewish accounts, was at this time properly vested in Rabbi Symeon, the son of the famous Gamaliel. As Ananias figures so conspicuously in the scene that followed, we cannot help pausing for a moment to relate the tragical end of this hypocritical Pharisee. At the commencement of the Jewish war, he and his party, beg overpowered by the opposite faction, retreated to the Upper City. The enemy followed, and the palace of Ananias was burnt over his head. He fled into the Pretorium, the palace of Herod, to which siege was laid, and in a few days it was stormed. Ananias concealed himself in an aqueduct in the pleasure-grounds of the Preetorium, where the Sicarii or assassins soon discovered him, and dragging him forth from his lurking place, dispatched him with their poniards.'* But to return. Ananias, now High Priest and in the height of his power, claimed, rightly or not, to preside over the deliberations of the Sanhedrim. On one side of him were ranged the Pharisees, and on the other side the Sadducees—the two rival sects, Amongst the former none were more eminent than the two sons of Gamaliel, Symeon and Jesus, who probably inherited and still cherished the generous sentiments of their father, who, when the Apostles had been brought before the Sanhedrim twenty- four years before (4.p. 34), had the courage to advise—‘“ Refrain from these men, and let them alone, for if this counsel or this work be of men, it will come to nought; but if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it, lest haply ye be found even to fight against God.”** On the side of the Sadducees were the sons of Annas, that Annas who, with Caiaphas, his son-in-law, and their bloodthirsty followers, had just a *” Forty years before the destruction of Jeru- 3 Jos. Bell. v. 4, 2. salem. See Biscoe. Had the Sanhedrim still cat * Jos. Bell. ii. 17, 9. in Gazith, Lysias and his soldiers could not have © Acts v. 38, 39. been present. 150 [Δ.0. 58] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [Cuar. 1V quarter of a century before, delivered our blessed Saviour into the hands of the Romans to be crucified. The family had not degenerated from the same implacable spirit, for Theophilus, who at that time was High Priest, had fostered the persecution against Stephen, and Ananus a few years after the present period caused the mar- tyrdom of James the Just. There was this distinction between the Pharisees and Sadducees, that the former hated Christianity as an innovation upon the traditional religion, but were generally content with scourging and excommunication ; while the Sadducees gave free rein to their passions, and sought the utter extirpation of their enemies, even by shedding their blood. The Sanhedrim being assembled, Lysias released Paul for the time from his chain, and brought him down free, but under an escort, to the council chamber. What must have been Paul’s feelings as he entered the hall—the very hall where, more than twenty years before, he had helped to consign the martyr Stephen to his fate! What, too, must have been the feelings of the aggressors as they looked upon that wonderful man, formerly a zealot for the law of Moses and a member of their body, now the ringleader of the Nazarenes, whose name was familiar as a household word, not only in Judea, but throughout the civilised world! At the upper end of the hall sat the haughty Ananias, in the white vest of the High Priesthood.*® Paul and Ananias, as of the same sect, must have been well acquainted, and the penetration of the Apostle must long since have detected the pride and avarice and injustice that lurked under the thin veil of sanctity. There were the two sons of Gamaliel, who, in early years, had been fellow-students with Paul at the feet of the great Rabbi, and if they were men, they must have felt the chord of affection vibrate at their hearts, towards a youthful associate who, at least, had made the noblest sacrifice in the supposed path of duty. There, too, was the aged Caiaphas, the ex-High Priest, who had procured the crucifixion of the Saviour, and there was Theophilus, another ex-High Priest, from whose hands Paul, yet unconverted, and running his mad career against the Christian heresy, had received his commission to persecute at Damascus as he had done at Jerusalem. How was the scene changed since their last interview! Paul was placed at the bar, and casting around him a steadfast look, said, “ Men and brethren!*’ I have lived in all good conscience before God until this day ”—The haughty Ananias at once lost his temper at the prisoner calling the council his brethren and claiming a good conscience, and exclaimed to the officers of the court, “Smite him on the mouth!’ Paul too could feel as a man, and he retorted in those prophetic words soon to be accomplished by the assassin’s poniard: “ God shall smite thee thou whited wall,** for sittest thou to judge me after the law, and commandest me “© A high priest, even after the termination of νοὸς τῶν σεβασμίων ὀνομάτων. Bell. iy. 3, 10. his office, still retaied the title of high priest, 47 Paul was or had been himself a member of and wore the white robe. Thus Ananias the the Sanhedrim, and had a right to address them ex-high priest speaks of himself as περικείμενος in these terms. τὴν ἀρχιερατικὴν ἐσθῆτα, καὶ TO τιμιώτατον καλούμε- Ὁ The words ‘thou whited wall’ may be an Cuar. 1V.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [a.p. 58] 151 to be smitten contrary to the law?” Ananias was abashed, but his fawning parasites came to the rescue, and said, “ Revilest thou God’s High Priest?” Paul had heard the reckless order, “Smite him on the mouth!” but it came from the upper end of the hall, and in the confusion of a crowded assembly, he had not distinguished the speaker’s features, but whoever it was, the injunction proceeded from one sitting asa judge. On being informed that the words had fallen from no less a person than the High Priest himself, Paul at once apologized for this trespass against public de- corum. “Twist not, brethren,” he said, “that it was the High Priest, for it is written, ‘Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people.’ * Lysias now cut the matter short by demanding of what the prisoner was accused. Upon this Paul was charged, not as Lysias had anticipated, with any crime at all, but with holding and propagating certain religious doctrines, which were considered subversive of the law of Moses.** The Apostle confessed his creed to be that Jesus of allusion to the white pontifical vest of Ananias. A white robe was the badge of honour amongst the Jews, as a purple one was amongst the Romans. Thus, when Herod Antipas mocked our Saviour, he put on him ἐσθῆτα λαμπρὰν--ἃ white robe, Luke xxiii. 11; but the Roman sol- diers of the pretorium put on him a purple robe. Matt. xxv. 11, 27; Mark xv. 17; John xix. 1. Δ “Apxovra τοῦ λαοῦ σου οὐκ ἐρεῖς κακῶς. Acts xxiii. 5. In the LXX., Exod. xxii. 28: ἔΆρχοντα τοῦ λαοῦ σου οὐ κακῶς ἐρεῖς. Kuinoel (Acts xxiii. 4, 5) suggests the following various interpreta- tions of the text. 1. “I could not have supposed from his conduct that he was the high priest ;” and that this was said ironically. 2. That Paul was really ignorant who at this time was high priest. 3. That Paul had been carried away by a hasty temper, and apologised: “I did not sufficiently reflect that he was the high priest.” 4. That the office of high priest was vacant, and that Paul therefore denied the high priesthood of Ananias, 5. hat Paul had heard the words, but had not distinguished the speaker, The three first interpretations are very im- probable. With respect to the two last, those who adopt the fuurth would render the words thus, “I wist not, brethren, that there was a high priest,” and they insist that Ananias had been removed by Cumanus at the time of the Jewish émeute in .p. 52 (see Fasti Sacri, p. 296. No. 1775), and that no successor had been ap- pointed, or else that Jonathan had been appointed in his place and had since been assassinated, so that there was now a vacancy of the office. See Fasti Sacri, p. 808, No. 1834. But the fifth interpretation is the more natural one, viz., “I wist not, brethren, that it was the high priest,” in the sense of the actual high priest. The bystanders do not say “ revilest thou « high priest, or ove of the high priests,” but “the high priest of God” (τὸν ᾿Αρχιερέα τοῦ Θεοῦ. Acts xxiii. 4); words so emphatic that they can scarcely be taken to mean a mere titular high priest (that is, one who had been re- moved from the high priesthood, but still retained the title coupled with his name, as “ High priest Ananias,”) but must refer to the actual high priest, and the answer of Paul confirms this, for, admitting his fault, he adds, “Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people,” &e. This explanation assumes that Ananias had not been deposed in a.p. 52, but was still high priest, and that such was the fact appears from Josephus, for he reckons the high priests from the reign of Herod to the fall of Jerusalem, at twenty-eight, and if Ananias continued high priest from a.p. 47, when he was first appointed, to A.p. 59, when Ishmael was appointed (Jos. Ant. xx. 8, 8), this would be the exact number. See Fasti Sacri, p. 348, No. 2060. But if Ananias was high priest, how, it awill be said, could Paul have been ignorant of the fact 2 Paul knew well enough that Ananias was high priest, but in a erowded assembly he had only heard the words “Smite him on the mouth,” and had not seen who was the speaker. Paul had ever since his conversion been suffering from the * thorn inthe flesh,”an impaired eyesight amount- ing occasionally almost to blindness. See further on the subject of the interpretation of the pas- sage in question, Fasti Saeri, p. 315, No. 1862. Acts xxiii. 29, 152 [a.D. 58] ST, PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [Cnap. 1V. Nazareth, whom the Sadducees had crucified, had risen from the dead, and was now alive, and he again recounted the particulars of his own miraculous conyersion, how on his way to Damascus he had seen Jesus of Nazareth, and had been called to the apostolate by a voice from heaven, but he denied that such tenets contravened the Mosaic dispensation, for did not the Pharisees, who were amongst his judges, believe themselves in a resurrection? “1, exclaimed the Apostle, ‘‘am a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee.*' Of the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in question. A violent altercation now ensued between the rival sects, the Pharisees maiitaining the possible truth of Paul’s story, while the infidel Sadducees, holding neither angel nor devil nor a life to come, treated the whole as a base fabrication. The learned 2952 doctors, the interpreters of the law (of which number once had been Paul himself), were appealed to, and the scribes on the side of the Pharisees, so far as their voices could be heard in such a scene of confusion, declared their sentiments: “ We find no evil in this man, but if a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him, let us not fight against God.” The Sadducees were more furious than ever, and regarded their old enemies, the Pharisees, as standing betwixt them and their victim. A conflict was evidently at hand, and Lysias, who, as a man, felt an interest about Paul, and as a magistrate was bound to protect him from violence, was afraid lest he should be torn to pieces. He therefore ordered down a strong detachment from Fort Antonia, and snatched him from the midst of the disputants, leaving the Pharisees and Sadducees to settle their unintelligible differences amongst themselves, by logical argument or manual violence, as might be most agreeable. Paul was once more chained to his warder, and so ended that day. Paul passed the night in the castle, and during his slumbers the Lord stood by him and said, “ Be of good cheer, Paul, for as thou hast testified of me at Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness also at Rome.” *? There was nothing at present to indicate a voyage to the great capital, and yet the events that actually occurred led at no distant period to the accomplishment of the vision. The following day (May the 25th), the Jewish zealots resolved on a short method of removing Paul out of their path. Above forty of them banded themselves together, and bound themselves under a curse, “that they would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul.”** Such villany may appear almost incredible, and yet it was in accordance with the spirit of the people. From their obstinate adherence to the law of Moses, they were not unfrequently engaged in the foulest crimes, under the cloak of doing God service. Their own historian records, that under Herod the Great, a similar vow was taken by ten men for assassinating the king, whom they regarded as an apostate,®® and certainly no improved morality prevailed under the Prefecture of the iniquitous and unprincipled Felix. The conspirators haying determined upon 4 That is, ‘I hold, as my father held before ® Acts xxiii. 6. δὲ Acts xxiii. 12. me, the doctrine of the Pharisees, that there 53 Acts xxiii. 11. ὅδ Jos. Ant. xv. 8, 3. shall be a resurrection of the dead’ Cuap. LY.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [a.p. 58] 153 the end, now deliberated on the best means of executing their purpose. With this view they communicated their designs to some of the chief priests and elders,*® but not it seems to the scribes, who, as the interpreters of the law, had probably a greater regard for the observance of its obligations, and might also fayour Paul as trained up to be one of their own body, and once, if not still, a member of the Sanhe- drim in that capacity. They had the hardihood thus to unfold their designs. ‘‘ We have bound curselves,” they said to the chief priests and elders, “ under a great curse, that we will taste nothing until we have slain Paul. Now therefore ye with the council signify to the chief captain (Lysias) that he bring him down unto you to-morrow, as though ye would inquire something more perfectly concerning him, and we, or ever he come near, are ready to kill him.”* It proclaims loudly the utter demoralization of the Jewish people, when even the chief priests and elders, who should have been examples to others, not only connived at, but viewed com- placently, and even lent their ready aid to the perpetration of so dreadful a crime. The ambush had certainly succeeded, but for the watchfulness and courage of an affectionate relative. A nephew of Paul, his sister’s son (whose name, from the danger perhaps of publishing it, has not transpired), was at this time a resident at Jerusalem, and well acquainted with the different parties, their feelings and aims. The young man was well connected, and moved in high life, and a plot which embraced so large a number could not remain long concealed from an intelligent observer. There was no time to be lost, and regardless of personal risk he hastened to Fort Antonia. The generous Lysias had given orders for the free admission of Panl’s friends, and the young man had no difficulty in obtaining an interview with his uncle. He communi- cated what he had heard, and Paul, who was never, like an enthusiast, a martyr for martyrdom’s sake, called to him one of the centurions, and said, “ Bring this young 58 man unto the chief captain, for he hath a certain thing to tell him.”** The centurion immediately conducted the youth to Lysias, and thus introduced him, “ Paul, the prisoner, called me unto him, and prayed me to bring this man unto thee, who hath something to say unto thee.”°’ lLiysias, who seems to haye been gentle and accessible to all, took him kindly by the hand, and went with him aside privately, and asked him, “ What is it that thou hast to tell me?” And he said, “ The Jews have agreed to desire that thou wouldest bring down Paul to-morrow into the Council, as though: they would enquire somewhat of him more perfectly. But do not thou yield unto them; for there lie in wait for him of them more than forty men, which haye bound themselves with an oath, that they will neither eat nor drink till they have killed him, and now are they ready, looking for a promise from thee.” ® It may well be imagined with what emotions of virtuous indignation Lysias 6 Acts xxiii. 14. ὅτ Acts xxiii. 14, 15. ὅδ Acts xxiii. 17, δ. Acts xxiii. 18. ® Acts xxiii. 19-21. VOL. I. x 154 [a.p. 58] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [Cuap. 1V. heard the disclosure, and dismissing the young man with a strict charge to tell no one, he called two" of the centurions, and bade them have in readiness to start for Cesarea by the third hour, or nine at night, 200 foot or legionaries, 70 heavy eavalry, and 200 lancers, or light cavalry,’ and horses™ to carry Paul and his warder.°* While this was in preparation, Lysias penned a dispatch to Felix, the Procurator, couched in the following terms: “Ciauprus Lystas® unto THE most This man was taken of the Jews, and was about to be killed by them, when I came with the soldiery and rescued him, having And wishing to know the cause wherefore they accused him, I brought him down before their Sanhedrim, when I found him to be accused of questions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds. EXCELLENT GOVERNOR FELIX GREETING. understood that he was a Roman. And an ambush by the Jews against the man being disclosed to me as impending, I straightway sent him to thee, and have given commandment to his accusers also to say before thee what they have against him. Farewex.”* As we are about to take leave of the worthy Lysias, we cannot forbear pausing for a moment to point out the admirable manner in which he discharged the duties of commandant of the garrison at Jerusalem. At the first uproar in the Temple he was immediately on the spot, and so saved the life of an innocent man from the rage of an infuriate populace. He may be thought to have acted harshly in proposing to employ the rack, but it was the common practice of the times, and he adopted the mildest form, and was no sooner informed that Paul was a Roman, than he instantly desisted, and from that moment treated him with becoming respect. He allowed him to plead before the Sanhedrim without his bonds, and showed great spirit in snatching ‘ Why two? Because one of them was to conduct Paul all the way to Cesarea, and the other, with two hundred legionaries, was to secure a safe convoy as far as Antipatris, and then, when all danger would cease, was to march his men back. Acts xxiii. 51. Accordingly, on Paul’s arrival at Ceesarea, only one centurion is spoken of: διαταξάμενός τε τῷ ἑκατοντάρχῃ τηρεῖ- σθαι τὸ: Παῦλον. Acts xxiv. 28. See Blunt’s Coincidences. 62 See a similar escort by night. Jos. Vit. xxiv. As to the δεξιολάβους, it does not appear what they were; but, as opposed to στρατιῶται, they may have been mounted, and, as opposed to ἱππεῖς or heavy horse, they may have been light horse. Meyer conjectures them to have been spearmen or slingers. Meyer, Apostg. 404. Others interpret δεξιολάβους to be the body- enard of a prisoner, as taking the right side, from the prisoner’s right hand being chained to the guard’s left. See Kuinoel, Acts xxiii, 22: The only other passage in which the word δεξιολάβους occurs is one cited by Wordsworth (on Acts xxiii. 38) from the treatise of Constan- tin. Porphyr. on the quartering of troops, where he says that the τουρμάρχης has under him στρατιώτας τοξοφύρους πεντακυσίους, καὶ πελταστὰς τριακοσίους, καὶ δεξιολάβους ἑκατόν. Const. Por- phyr. Themet. 1. 1. This passage also tends to show that the δεξιολάβοι were some kind of light troops. °S κτήνη Means only ‘jumenta, and may refer either to horses or mules or asses. '! Wa ἐπιβιβάσαντες τὸν Παῦλον διασώσωσι. How could Paul require κτήνη in the plural ? Hither the name of Paul is intended to com- prise his keeper, so that two horses would be necessarily wanted, or, as it was a long journey, two horses were provided for Paul himself by way of relay. ὅδ Lysias was probably his Greek name, and Claudius the name assumed by him as a Roman when he purchased his Roman citizenship. % Acts xxiii. 26-30. The last word,” Eppoco, was the common termination of a Greek letter. See Achill. Tat. v.; Jos. Vit. 44, 65; &e. ; Cuap. LV.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [a.D. 58} 155 his prisoner from the bar, when the judges were more like rioters themselves than men summoned together to investigate the truth with a calm temper. On receiving intelligence of the conspiracy, Lysias’s conduct was most judicious—what before had been a sudden ebullition of popular violence, had now, by the accession of the High Priests and Elders, assumed a serious aspect, and Lysias, very wisely, at the same time provided for Paul’s safety and relieved himself from all further responsibility, by remitting a case of moment (which, as delegate, he was bound to 4057) to the higher tribunal of the Procurator. But, in the name of Christianity, we have chiefly to thank Lysias for the favourable light in which he represented Paul’s case by his letter. Had he sought to conciliate the Jews at the expense of veracity, he would have sent Paul as a malefactor to Felix. Instead of that he informs him that Paul was not in custody as a convict, but had been rescued from a mob; that he had been since examined before the Sanhedrim, but was accused of no crime or misdemeanour, but merely as holding heterodox opinions; and lastly, that Paul was a Roman, and as such entitled to full protection from the representative of the Roman Emperor. Much of the kind treatment that Paul afterwards experienced may haye. been owing to this considerate report. Claudius Lysias, as already remarked, was a Roman by purchase, but had he traced: his lineage from the illustrious line of the Claudii, he could not have inherited more generous or noble qualities. At the third hour, or nine o’clock, under the shades of night, the escort were ready at the gates of Fort Antonia with horses for Paul and the soldier to whom he was linked. Lysias delivered the letter, and Paul mounted, and the cavalcade set forward on the road to Cesarea. The Roman capital lay at the distance of sixty-eight miles," or, according to Josephus, seventy-five miles.** They travelled all night, and passing through Lydda, they the next day (the 26th of May) reached Antipatris, a plea- sant city twenty-six miles from Cesarea. Here the foot soldiers,’ no danger being now apprehended, retraced their steps, under the command of one of the two centurions, to Jerusalem. The horsemen, ἢ. e., both the heavy and light horse, under the command ὅτ Si quid erit,quod majorem animadversionem Cepharsaba, or Saba Town. Herod, when he exigat, rejicere legatus apud proconsulem debet, neque enim animadvertendi, coércendi, vel atro- citer verberandi jus habet. Dig. i. 16, 11. 68 Τῇ the Itiner. Hieros. the distances are as follows: Millia passuum Jerusalem to Nicopolis ~ ἘΣΤΙ NicopolistoLydda ..... x Lydda to Antipatris ..... x Antipatris to Bethar . . ... x Bethar to Cesarea. . . . . - XVi Ixvili © Ant. xiii. 11, 2; Bell. i. 3, 5. τὸ Jos. Ant. xvi. 5,2. It was originally called enlarged and beautified it, called it Antipatris. It has now resumed its ancient name, and is called Kefr-Saba. Robinson’s Palestine, p. 188, ed. 1856. τι The escort consisted of—1. στρατιῶται, or legionaries; 2. ἱππεῖς, or heavy horse; 3. de&o- λάβοι, or light horse. Acts xxiii. 23. The στρατιῶται, having gone as far as Antipatris, returned, and the ἱππεῖς proceeded to Czesarea. Acts xxiii. 31 and 82, But were the δεξιολάβοι included under the στρατιῶται who returned, or under the ἱππεῖς who went on? Probably the latter, as the δεξιολάβοι were a mounted force, and light-armed. See note ante, p. 154. x 2 51. PAUL 41' CASAREA. 156 [Cuap, IV. [a.p. 58] of the other centurion, pressed on with Paul to Caesarea. On arriving they proceeded to the palace of Herod, or the Pretorium, the residence of Felix, the Governor, and there delivered the dispatch and presented their prisoner. Felix broke the seal, and haying read the letter, asked Paul of what province he was, and being informed of Cilicia, which had, not long before, been under the Propretorship of Cossutianus Capito,” a great favourite at Nero’s court, and a friend of Felix, but who had just been conyicted of maladministration, the Procurator gave his attention, and said, T will hear thee** when thine accusers are also come ;” and committing him to the custody of the centurion,” directed that he should be kept in the guard-room of the Preetorium.”” Lysias meanwhile had communicated to the Sanhedrim that the case was remitted to the Procurator, and that they must make their accusation before Felix at Caesarea. The wise precautionary measures of Lysias were, no doubt, a bitter disappointment to the persecuting faction; however, Paul had been removed, and to Cesarea they must follow him. Ananias, with reyenge rankling at his heart for the affront he had received in the presence of the Sanhedrim, set out from the Roman capital, accompanied by the elders. The arrogant High Priest was no spokesman, or at least not in any other language than his native Hebrew; and he, therefore, took with him an eminent advocate at Jerusalem, called Tertullus, who could speak Greek with fluency and was well acquainted with the forms of Roman procedure. The name of this man is Roman, being the diminutive of Tertius,”* and it has hence been inferred that Tertullus was a Roman, and that the proceedings before Felix were conducted Certainly, in ancient times the in Latin. This, however, is not very probable.” Romans had attempted to enforce the use of Latin in all law courts, and interpreters were employed, but the experiment failed; and under the Emperors trials were permitted in Greek, even in Rome itself, as well in the senate as in the forum,” ? Tac. Ann. xiii. 33. τὸ διακούσομαί cov. Acts xxiii. 35. The strict meaning is, ‘I will hear thee out, or ‘ give thee a full hearing’ ™ τῷ éxarovrapyn—not ἃ centurion, as in Eng. ver. See note ante, Ὁ. 154. τὸ The Preetorium was originally the tent of the Roman commander-in-chief, and hence the palace of the emperor, the military head of the empire, was so called By force of imitation, and to increase their dignity, the provincial governors applied the name of Preetorium to their head-quarters, more particularly where they occupied the palace of some previous king. Thus, the palace of Herod at Jerusalem, where the procurator lived, was called the Praetorium (Mark xv. 16), and the palace of Herod at Czesarea wus known by the same name. Paul, therefore, was kept as a prisoner in the Palace of Herod at Ceesarea, or at least in one of the guard-rooms attached to it. 7 We meet with Tertullus in Plin. Ep. v. 15, as also with Tertulla in Suet. Jul. 50, Octav. 69; Plin. N. H. vii. 50. Tertullus is the dimi- nutive of Tertius, as Lucullus of Lucius, Catul- lus of Catus, Marcellus of Marcus, Tibullus of Tiberius. It has been suggested, but without any sufficient ground, that this Tertullus may have been the Cornutus Tertullus who was the colleague of Pliny the Younger in the consul- ship, A.D. 100. 7 See on this question, Kuinoel, xxiv. 1. 7 Val. Max. 11. 2. 19. Cie. Ep. Fam. xiii. 54. 80 πολλὰς μὲν δίκας ἐν τῇ διαλέκτῳ ταύτῃ [VizZ. Greek] καὶ ἐκεῖ [in senatu] λεγομένας ἀκούων, Cuar, IV] ST, PAUL AT C4iSAREA., [A.p. 58] 1: and it is unlikely that greater strictness should have been observed in a dis- tant province. The name Tertullus proves little, as the Greeks, and eyen the Jews, very commonly adopted Roman names, Besides, Tertullus in the course of his address, speaks of “our law,”*’ which identifies him as a member of the Jewish community. One part of Ananias’s proceedings may be regarded with suspicion. He did not think it necessary to secure the presence of the most material witnesses. The Ephesian Jews, who had begun the uproar in the Temple, and should have been forthcoming, were studiously kept out of the way. On the fifth day after Paul’s arrival, or May the 30th, (an interval of twelve clear days having elapsed since the Pentecost), Ananias and his party being ready with their indictment, took their station in the Procurator’s Court, or Judgment Hall, of the Pretorium. Felix entered, and having occupied his tribunal on the Gabbatha or raised platform, commanded the prisoner to be brought, and Paul was conducted into court. Tertullus now rose and opened the case, and certainly managed 16 with admirable dexterity. He began by complimenting Felix, not in coarse panegyric, but by delicate allusion to the only meritorious actions the Procurator had ever performed, viz., the clearance of the country from freebooters, and the suppression of seditious fanatics. Of course the recent overthrow of the Egyptian impostor on Mount Olivet Was in every one’s thoughts, and the least hint would be sufficient. He then rested his charge upon three counts; first, That Paul was a turbulent fellow ; secondly, That he was the ringleader of a heresy called the Nazarenes ; and, lastly, That he had attempted the profanation of the Temple. In case these matters should not be satisfactorily proved, Tertullus hinted that the presence of Lysias only was required, who would satisfy the Governor of the truth of the whole story. But Tertullus shall speak for himself— “Seeing,” he began, “that by thee we enjoy profound peace, and that very worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence, we accept it always, and in all places, most noble Felix, with all thankfulness. Notwithstanding, that I be not further tedious unto thee, I pray thee that thou wouldest hear us of thy clemency afew words. For we have found this man a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world: and a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes: who hath also gone about to profane the temple." Whom we took [and would have judged according to our law, but the chief captain Lysias came upon us, and with great violence took him away out of our hands, commanding his accusers to πολλὰς δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπερωτῶν. Dion Cass, lvii. Temple, though he were a Roman, he incurred 15. See Ix. 8, 16, 17; Suet. Tib. 71 ; Nero, 7. the penalty of death. οὐχ ἡμεῖς δὲ τοὺς ὑπερβάντας Ἢ τὸν ἡμέτερον νόμον. Acts xxiv. 6. ὑμῖν ἀναιρεῖν ἐπετρέψαμεν, καὶ ἐὰν Ῥωμαῖός τις ἢ ΣΤΡ any one violated the sanctity of the Jos. Bell. vi. 2, 4. 158 [a.p. 58] ST, PAUL AT C4ISAREA. [Cuae. IV. come unto thee ;]** by examining of whom (Lysias)* thyself mayest take knowledge of all these things, whereof we accuse him.” In this statement, as the reader will not fail to observe, the orator was not over- scrupulous as to truth. To describe the murderous attack upon Paul in the Temple as the apprehension of a man with a view to a legal trial, was as gross a fabrication as could well be invented; however, the Jews that stood by vouched for the accuracy of all that was said.*® Felix listened with attentive silence, and when the accusation was concluded, beckoned haughtily to Paul for his defence. The case upon the opening was so futile, that Felix ought to have dismissed the complaint at once, and should, like Gallio, have driven the Jews from the judgment seat; but the nobleness of soul that distinguished the brother of Seneca, was not to be found in the dastardly bosom of the Emperor’s freedman. The Apostle now, in a plain unvarnished tale, replied to the several charges against him. 1. That as to turbulence, he had always conducted himself quietly, and that in particular since he had been at Jerusalem he had not opened his mouth in public, either in the Temple, or in the synagogue, or in the streets of the city. 2, That as to the count of heresy, he believed in the resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth, but such a faith was not contrary to law, for the doctrine of the resurrection was held by the Pharisees themselves, of whose sect was Ananias, the present prosecutor. 3. That as to the profanation of the Temple, no offence of the kind was particularised, ~ The part in brackets is omitted in many MSS., and the omission has been adopted by Lachmann and Tischendorf, and is thought pro- bable by Griesbach, but is retained by Alford. 8 παρ᾽ οὗ, καιλ. It has been much disputed whether the οὗ refers to Lysias or to Paul. The natural inference is that it refers to Lysias, and then the drift of the Jews is that knowing their inability to prove their charges, they aimed at adjourning the trial sine die, under pretence that Lysias ought to be examined (dvaxpivas—see the like use of the word by the same writer, Luke xxiii. 14; and by Josephus, Vit. 57). In this case they would take care by their influence, as they did, that Lysias should never appear. It may be thought an objection to this view, that Felix it is said would by the examination in question “take knowledge of all these things,” whereas Lysias, though he might depose to some of the transactions mentioned, could know nothing of the criminal charges themselves. On the other hand it strongly supports this inter- pretation that Felix replies, “ When Lysius the chief cuptuin shall come down, I will determine between you.” Acts xxiv. 22. This looks asif he had assented to ‘the proposition of Tertullus, that Lysias was a necessary witness. The other aspect is that παρ᾽ οὗ refers to αὐτοῦ just before—i.e. to Paul: κελεύσας τοὺς κατηγόρους αὐτοῦ ἔρχεσθαι ἐπὶ σέ: παρ᾽ οὗ, «.r.A..—and if the part in brackets be omitted (see preceding note) the οὗ would necessarily refer to Paul. On this hypothesis the design was that as the Jews could not verify their unjust allegations, they suggested that Paul should be put to the rack (avaxpivas), hoping that, as was often the case, the prisoner would rather admit the alleged facts than suffer the excruciation of further torture; and at all events they would have the satisfaction of seeing their enemy subjected to dreadful torments. But Paul was a Roman citizen, and so exempted from torture, and he had been expressly described as a Roman in the letter of Lysias to Felix; and it can scarcely be supposed that Paul’s Jewish adversaries were ignorant of so notable a matter as that of his Roman citizenship. The first of these two views has been adopted in the text as the more probable. % Acts xxiv. 3-8. ® Acts xxiv. 9. Cuap. IV] ST. PAUL AT CESARE4. [a.v. 58] 159 and if any had been committed, the Jews of Ephesus should have been produced to prove it. The Apostle’s argument, however, though containing some home truths, was conciliatory towards Felix and respectful towards his accusers.*® He expressed himself thus : “Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been for many years“ a judge* unto this nation, I do the more cheerfully answer for myself, because that thou mayest under- stand that there are yet but twelve days since I went up to Jerusalem to worship.*° And they neither found me in the Temple disputing with any man, neither raising up the people, neither in the synagogues nor in the city, nor can they prove the * The following is a table of the chronology from Paul’s arrival at Jerusalem to his trial before Felix :— A.D. 58. May 17. Arrived at Jerusalem. Pentecost be- gins at 6 p.m. » 18. Presbytery held: τῇ ἐπιούσῃ. 18. Paul goes to the Temple with the four Nazarites: τῇ ἐχομένη. Acts xxi. 26. This was probably before 6 p.a.; so that the second of the seven days began at 6 p.m. of May the 19th. 23. At the close of the fifth, or at the be- ginning (at 6 p.m.) of the sixth day of the Nazarites’ week, Paul is appre- hended in the Temple: ὡς ἔμελλον ai ἑπτὰ ἡμέραι συντελεῖσθαι. Acts xxi. 27. 24. Before the Sanhedrim: τῇ ἐπαύριον. Acts xxii. 80. 25. The conspiracy against Paul’s life: γενομένης ἡμέρας. Acts xii. 9. At nine at night, Paul is dispatched to Ceesarea: ἀπὸ τρίτης ὥρας τῆς νυκτύς. Acts xxiii. 24. 26. Paul reaches Cxesarea: τῇ ἐπαύριον. Acts xxiii. 32. » 90. Ananias comes to Cxesarea: μετὰ πέντε ἡμέρας. Acts xxiv. 1. This would be on the fifth day, both inclusive. For this meaning of the word pera see Fasti Sacri, Ixvi.; p. 264, No. 1581; and p. 340, No. 1996. This fifth day or 30th of May was at an interval of twelve days complete from Paul’s arrival at Jerusalem on the 17th of May. The words in Acts xxiv. 11, οὐ πλείους εἰσί μοι ἡμέραι ἣ δεκαδύο, ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἀνέβην προσκυνήσων must refer to the day of Pentecost, for Felix, however great his experience, could have no means of knowing when Paul actually arrived, but only on what Acts xxi. cs Al). 2 day was the feast. ὅτ Viz. from A.D, 52 to a.p. 58, the time when the Apostle was speaking. See Fasti Sacri, p. 297, No. 1777. The usual duration of a procurator- ship was two or three years, but Felix, from his influence at Rome, had already been six years in office, and was not recalled until a.p. 60. See Fasti Sacri, p. 319, No. 1893. According ta Tacitus, Felix had even held rule in Palestine previously to 4.p. 52, and jointly with Cumanus. Ita divisis ut huic [Cumano] Galileorum natio, Felici Samarite parerent. Tac. Ann. xii. 54 “ The governors of provinces exercised the judicial office personally. “ The Apostle states three reasons for having come to Jerusalem :—(1.) To keep the feast— προσκυνήσων, Acts xxiv.11; (2.) To bring alms, Actsxxiv. 17; (3.) To makeoblations—zpoogopas, Acts xxiv. 17, the word before used to express the offerings of the Nazarites, Acts xxi. 26, from which, with other circumstances, it may be in- ferred that Paul had made a vow after the narrow escape at Ephesus, or on escaping the ambush of the Jews on his departure from Corinth. In the course of performing the ceremonies at Jerusalem (ἐν ois) the Jews found him purified as a Nazarite (ἡγνισμένον, Acts xxiv. 18) in the Temple. Paul could not mean that the feast had taken him to the Temple, for the Pentecost, which lasted only one day, had been celebrated some time before. It may appear singular that. if Paul had undertaken the vow, Luke should not have mentioned it, but the answer is, that Luke not unfrequently omits what is afterwards im- plied. Thus, in this very verse, Paul is intro- duced as saying—“I come to bring alms to my nation,” and yet Luke had not previously al- luded to the collection in Macedonia and Achaia, though we have the full particulars of it in the Epistles. 160 [4.Ὁ. 58] ST. PAUL AT C4iSARLEA. [Cuar. IV. things whereof they now accuse me. But this I confess unto thee, that after the way which they call Heresy, so worship I the God of my fathers, beheving all things which are written in the Law and in the Prophets; and have hope toward God, which they themselves also allow, that there shall be a resurrection of the dead, both of the just and unjust; and herein do I exercise myself to have always a conscience void of offence toward God and toward men. Now, after many years, I came to bring alms to my nation, and offerings, in the course of which certain Jews from Asia found me, purified,’ in the Temple, neither with multitude, nor with tumult, who ought to have been here before thee, and accuse, if they had aught against me; or else. let these same here say, if they found any evil doing in me, while I stood before the council, except for this one voice that I cried standing among them, ‘Touching the resurrec- tion of the dead, I am called in question by you this day.’ δ᾽ Both sides having been heard, Felix, in the absence of all evidence against the prisoner, should have pronounced an acquittal, and set him at liberty. Such would have been the Procurator’s course, had he followed his own judgment, unbiassed by other considerations. He was well enough acquainted with the general features of Christianity, for Simon Magus (who professed himself a believer), was his familiar friend, and perhaps was present at this trial, and the innocence of Paul in respect of the crimes alleged against him, was too plain to leave a doubt on the dullest understanding ; indeed, the charges of sedition and profanation of the Temple had been mere subterfuges to cover the gist of the accusation, which was the profession of Christianity, and the publication of it to the Gentiles, and that without the observance of the Law. However, the wily Felix had no desire to offend the most influential men amongst the Jews, for the sake of a humble commoner, however meritorious. He therefore escaped from his perplexity by adjourning the cause: “ When Lysias the chief captain,” said he, “shall come down,*’ I will determine between you.”*? The Jews took care by their interest with Felix, that Lysias, whose honest testimony would haye entirely exculpated the prisoner, should neyer make his appearance. Paul meanwhile was detained in custody. The centurion, however, who had charge of him, was commanded not to place him in close confinement, but to give him as much liberty as was consistent with safety,’ and not to interdict him from “ Great stress is to be laid on the statement that he was ‘purified,’ for even a Jew might not, under penalty of death, enter the Temple, unless he had first purified himself. Thus, Antiochus made a proclamation in favour of the Jews: μηδενὶ ἐξὸν εἶναι ἀλλοφύλῳ εἰς τὸν περί- βολον εἰσιέναι τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸν ἀπηγορευμένον τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις εἰ μὴ οἷς ἂν ἁγνισθεῖσίν ἐστιν ἔθιμον κατὰ Jos. Ant. xii. 8, 4. 7 Acts xxiv. 19-21. * Felix therefore lent himself to the views of the Jews, who bemg unable to prove their τὸν πάτριον νόμον. charges, had suggested that Lysias was a neces- sary witness, m the hope of detaining him at Jerusalem. Acts xxiv. 8. ® Acts xxiv. 32. διαγνώσομαι---“1 will give my final decision.’ It does not follow that there was to be any further hearing of the parties, but Felix may have reserved his judgment until he had seen Lysias, and he resolved not to see him. 94 oy €XelY TE ἄνεσιν. The word ἄνεσιν is similarly applied by Jcsephus to the military custody of Agrippa: μετὰ ἀνέσεως τῆς εἰς τὴν δίαιταν. Jos. Cua. 1V.] ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA. [a.D. 58] 161 seeing his friends, or receiving their attentions. Meanwhile the forty Jews who had bound themselves by a curse not to eat or drink till they had slain Paul, must by breaking their yow have brought the curse upon their own heads.*° Felix shortly after this left Caesarea himself, and when he returned, was accom- panied by his wife Drusilla**—the beautiful Drusilla, the daughter of Agrippa, the She had married Azizus, King of Emesa, but, as we have seen, had been prevailed upon late King of Judea, and the sister of Agrippa, the present King of Trachonitis. by the artifices of Simon Magus to elope from her husband, and become the wife of the dissolute Felix. The Procurator had not long arrived, when he expressed a desire to hear Paul again. The Apostle’s earnest and eloquent defence had left apparently .a strong impression upon the mind of Felix, who was at least shrewd enough to appreciate talent. He had also for many years been acquainted with the leading features of Christianity through subordinate channels, and now he had the opportunity of hearing it advocated by one of its ablest champions. There may besides have been, on the part of Drusilla, a natural curiosity to see the man whose name from her infancy had been so rife amongst her countrymen. Felix, at all events, sent for his prisoner, not, it seems, into the judgment hall, but into the private apartments of the palace, and desired from him an exposition of the Christian faith. A storm of conflicting feelings must have swept across the Apostle’s breast at the scene before him. There sat Felix, old enough in years but older by his vices, a monarch without and arrayed in purple, a slave within and actuated by the vilest and basest motives. At his side was Drusilla, the fairest of the daughters of Israel, and now in the height of her charms, at the age of twenty, the scion of a royal line and yet living the spouse of a fortunate freedman. The oppressive exactions of the Procurator, his private debauchery, his utter disregard of the laws, his cold-hearted unfeeling abduction of another’s wife, were thoughts that forced themselves upon the Apostle’s mind as he discoursed upon Christianity, and, unawed by the exalted station of his auditors, he expatiated freely upon Justice and Continence and the Judgment to come—“ Felix trembled.”*’ “The truths struck home, and the despot, lost in the reverie of the moment, saw himself in the gulf of perdition; he could bear no more, Ant. xviii. 6,10. Like Paul, Agrippa, bound — tania, by Selene, the daughter of Antony and by a chain to a soldier, was allowed to see his friends, &e. Ib. One reason for the permission given to Paul to receive visitors, was no doubt to enable him to use his influence with his friends for raising the sam which Felix was looking for as a bribe. ® See Stiers Reden der Apost. p. 267. % Felix married successively three royal personages or princesses: trium reginarum maritum. Suet. Claud. 28. These were :—(1.) Drusilla, the daughter of Juba, king of Mauri- VOL. ΤΠ. Cleopatra. Tac. Hist. v. 9,7. (2.) Drusilla referred to in the text, the daughter of Agrippa I. and sister of Agrippa the younger. (3.) A princess not mentioned in history. See Kuinoel, Acts xxiii. 24. * Acts xxiv. 25. It is well known that in the indictment against Warren Hastings the great Edmund Burke, in one of his finest apostrophes, and intending to cite this passage, exclaimed, “ Judge Festus trembled.” 162 [a.p. 58] ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA. [Cuar. IV. and commanded Paul from his presence, exclaiming, ‘Go thy way for this time, when I have a convenient season I will call for thee.” ** It might be supposed that Felix, abashed by this rebuke, would never haye sought to repeat the interview. Notso. The sermon of the preacher had passed across the conscience of the hardened sinner, as the keel of the vessel over the waste of waters, without leaving a track behind. Paul was of gentle birth, and by education a scholar, and perhaps the Procurator found in Paul’s society a means of beguiling the weary hours. But there was another and more unworthy motive that actuated Felix in sending, from time to time, for his prisoner, and conversing with him on easy terms. He knew that Paul’s kinsmen were moving in an elevated sphere, and that the Apostle was revered and beloved by the sect of the Nazarenes, and that he had brought with him at the Pentecost a treasure of large amount, which his influence had collected in Macedonia and Achaia, and that he had many followers of sufficient means in Czesarea itself. He wished him, therefore, to understand that freedom was not hopeless, provided it were purchased with a suitable recompense.*? Such an offer was of course a flagrant violation of the Roman law, but Felix would pay little regard to such considerations.’ Paul, however, who was suffering duress for crimes he had never committed, was little likely to make himself a criminal by corrupting the fountains of justice to procure his liberation. He paid the penalty of a pure conscience by wearing his chain. Paul had a hollow friend in Felix within the Pretorium, but he experienced no lack of faithful service from without. Luke and Aristarchus were in attendance upon the Apostle at the time of his embarcation for Rome, and they had probably been so from his arrival at Jerusalem. The affection also of his other attached followers must have burnt with a brighter flame in the night of persecution. Philip, the Evangelist, and his family were resident at Czesarea, and Cornelius, the Centurion, was perhaps, as a soldier, quartered in the barracks. Paul writes to the Hebrews, according to the authorized translation, “ Ye had compassion of me in my bonds,” (τοῖς δέσμοις pov), and if so it would prove the zeal of the Hebrew converts generally on his behalf; but the reading, though commonly received, cannot be supported, for the persecution alluded to in this passage is laid at the very commencement of the Gospel (φωτισ- θέντες), viz. in the time of Stephen, and the text should be corrected, upon the authority of the best MS., “Ye had compassion upon those in bonds” (τοῖς δεσμίοις).᾽ We may rest assured, however, whether the circumstance be expressly mentioned or 88. Acts xxiv. 25. conjiciendum, vinciendum, vincirive jubendum, * Albinus, who was another Felix, acted in a similar way. The only prisoners were those who had nothing to pay. μόνος ὁ μὴ δοὺς τοῖς δεσμω- τηρίοις ὡς πονηρὸς ἐγκατελείπετο. JOS. Bell. ii. 14, 1. 1 The Julian law on this subject enacted: Ne quis... ob hominem in vinecula publica exyve vinculis dimittendum, neve quis ob homi- nem condemnandum, absolvendumyve .. . ali- quid acceperit. Dig. xlviii. 11, 7, 101 Heb. x. 84. 12 This is the reading adopted by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, Crap. 1.1 ST. PAUL AT CH&ISAREA, [a.p. 58] 163 not, that the Hebrew Christians (though some of the humbler sort may have had their minds poisoned against him by the malice of the Judaizers) were not wanting in fervent charity towards one who had suffered so much for the cross of Christ, and who had so recently exhibited his good will towards themselves by bringing them relief from foreign churches. As the early Christians were liable at any moment to be dragged to prison or mulcted in heavy fines, the warmth of their zeal in rendering aid to one in distress was the admiration of the heathen themselves. Lucian, the scoffing Atheist, who lived shortly after the Apostolic era, has sketched a ludicrous picture of Christian commiseration for a brother in bonds. Peregrinus, a literary mountebank of the day, and called also Proteus, had, amongst other metamorphoses, professed himself a Christian. He was soon idolized by the sect, and became a prophet and high priest among them. “For this reason,” says Lucian, “he was taken up and cast into prison.” (And the place of his confinement was certainly in Syria, perhaps in Cxsarea itself.) “ But when,” continues Lucian, “he was in bonds, the Christians taking the matter to heart moved heaven and earth, first endeavouring to rescue him, and when that was found impracticable they did him all sorts of kind offices, and that not in a careless manner, but with the greatest assiduity, for even betimes in the morning there would be waiting about at the prison little old women and widows and orphans ; and the chief men amongst them, by bribing the gaolers, would get into the prison and there pass the night with him. There was then a good supper brought in, and their religious discourses began, and the most excellent Peregrinus (for he was still so called) was pronounced by them to be another Socrates. Even from the cities in Asia some Christians came to him, by an order from the body, to relieve, encourage, and comfort him; for it is incredible what expedition they use when any of their friends are known to be in trouble, for in a word they spare nothing.” One might almost imagine that- Lucian was drawing this caricature from the very case of Paul himself. ἢ It has been thought singular, that during his residence at Cesarea the Apostle should not have addressed a single Epistle to any of the numerous churches planted by him. But why, it may be asked, should he have written a letter? There was no post for the transmission of correspondence, and Paul usually maintained a com- munication with his converts by employing trusty messengers. Thus Timothy, Titus, Luke, Sylvanus, Tychicus, Trophimus, Mark, Clement, Artemas, Erastus, Epaphroditus, Crescens, Erastus, Gaius, Aristarchus, Crescens, Secundus, Sopater, and numerous others, were continually passing to and fro between the Apostle and his churches, and it was only on some extraordinary occasion that Paul, to whom penmanship was an effort and dictation often inconvenient, forwarded by his envoy a written dispatch. During the thirty years of his ministry there emanated from him but fourteen 18 Tuucian, Pereg. xii. 164 [a.p, 58] ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA, [Cuap. IV. Epistles, and for the first fifteen years he did not compose one. However, it is more probable that the Jews, who had influence enough with Felix to keep Paul a prisoner for two years, had prevailed upon the mercenary Prefect not to allow him the use of pen and ink, on the ground that he would thus spread the heresy and sedition with which they charged him. No such restriction was afterwards imposed upon him at Rome, but there he was living in a private lodging hired by himself. and the Jewish party had not the like facilities for petty oppression. While Paul is lying bound in the Preetorium at Cxsarea, let us sketch an outline of Cxsarea itself! (fig. 238). It was originally a Greek fishing town, known as Straton’s Tower, but as there was no harbour of refuge between Dora and Joppa, and the west- erly winds beat against the coast with tremendous violence, Herod the Great con- ceived the magnificent design of forming a grand artificial port (fig. 239), and erecting about it a capital city. For this purpose he threw out a semicircular mole, from south to north,'®’ enclosing a space as large as the Pirzeus at Athens.'’° The entrance — (fx = = =) S δ > Fig. 238,— View of Cesarea-on-sea from the south. From a photograph of the Palestine Exploration. The projecting promontory on the spectator’s left is the rocky eminence on which stood the Temple of Roma and Augustus. Fragments of columns are strewn about it on all sides. for vessels was on the north.’ The stones cast into the sea, which was 60 feet deep, were 50 feet long. When the mole at length rose aboye the waters, it was 200 feet broad. A margin of 100 feet on the west acted as a breakwater to meet the violence of the waves, and the inner or eastern margin, being also 100 feet wide, was laid out as a walk, with moorings for the vessels, and bristled with towers, one of which was “4 For Josephus’s description of Czesarea, see Wars, ὁ βασιλεὺς... μείζονα μὲν τοῦ Πειραιέως Beil i. 21,5; Ant. xv. 9, 6. λιμένα κατεσκεύασεν. Bell. i. 21, 5. 109 περιέγραψε τὸν κύκλον τοῦ λιμένος. Jos. Ant. 17 ὁ δὲ εἴσπλους καὶ τὸ στύμα πεποίηται πρὸς ριέγρ μ rn ται πρ ἘΝ Ὡ; (Os βορρᾶν. Jos. Ant. xv. 9,6. ὁ δὲ εἴσπλους βύρειος. 105 μέγεθος μὲν κατὰ τὸν Πειραιᾶ. Ib. Inthe Bell. i. 21, 7. Cuar. ΤΥ] ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA. [a.p. 58] 165 of imposing appearance, and called Drusion, after Drusus, one of the imperial family of Rome. The port itself was named Sebastus, the Greek for Augustus, in honour of the Emperor. The town was built of handsome stone, with streets running down to Fig. 239.—-A brass medal struck in the time of Nero, representing on the obverse the Port of Ostia. From the British Museum. ‘This medal give- a good idea of a Roman port in the apostolic age, and serves very much to illustrate that of Cesarea. The legend at the foot is “S Por. Ost. C.,” ie., Portus Ostiensis Senatus consulto (Port of Ostia. By decree of the senate). On the right is a semicircular pier or jetty carried on open arches, admitting but breaking the fires of the sea, and at the end of the pier is a strong post to support the chain, which, in case of danger, was drawn across the mouth of the port. On the left in the lower part are the warehouses tor Storing merchandise, and above them, at the end of the pier, isa temple shewing in the interior the image of the god. Jn front of it is an altar with the figure of a man offering sacrifice, Just as at Cxesarea there was a temple to Kome and Augustus. Within the port at the mouth is the colossal statue of the emperor supported on open piers, which reminds us of the Port of Cenchrea, in the middle of which stood the statue of Neptune (see Vol. J. pp. 299, 300). At the foot of the medal is the recumbent figure of Portumnus, the god of Ports, or perhaps the river god Tiber, at the embouchure of which river the Port of Ostia was constructed. In the area of the medal are represented the various vessels and boats of the day. On the left is seen entering the port a vessel under full sail, with the strengthening cords crossing each other at right angles distinctly marked. On the tight a trireme enters at full speed, with nine oars on the one side, and the rudder at the stern. Below are several vessels lying at anchor with thetr sails reefed, and lower still is a jolly boat. It will not escape notice that all the vessels as they were then rigged have only one mast and one great sail. the port, and others crossing at right angles, and the subterraneous constructions for Sewage were as wonderful as the works above. As you entered the port, the most conspicuous object facing you, and on a commanding eminence, was a splendid Temple, the Sebasteum, dedicated to Sebastus, or Augustus, in compliment to whom the city itself was named Cxesarea. Within the temple was a colossal statue of Augustus, equalling that of Jupiter at Olympia, and another of the Goddess of Rome, equalling that of Juno at Argos."> It was to this temple that the famous shields, the dedication «8 Jos. Bell. i. 21,7. The site of the Temple polished stone, and in the middle of the port was at the western extremity of the rocky penin- sula on which are now the shattered remains of the Crusaders’ tower. This is evidenced by the following facts: 1. The temple stood on an eminence—eri γηλόφου, Jos. Bell. i. 21,7; κολω- vos τις, Ant. xv. 9, 6; in loco edito ubi olim ab Herode in honorem Augusti Ceesaris miro opere dicitur fabricatum templum. William of Tyre, x. 15, p. 784. And such is the character of this peninsula, which rises to a considerable height above the sca level and the land adjacent. 2. Josephus describes the whole city as of ex- cellent materials and workmanship (καλῆς τε ὕλης καὶ κατασκευῆς, Ant. xv. 9, 6); but tells us that round the port itself all the houses were of was the temple: περίκεινται δ᾽ ἐν κύκλῳ τὸν λιμένα λειοτάτου λίθου κατασκευῇ συνεχεῖς οἰκήσεις, καὶ ἐν τῷ μέσῳ κολωνός τις, ἐφ᾽ οὗ νεὼς Καίσαρος. Ib. It is not clear whether Josephus means the middle of the coast-line enclosed by the port or the middle of the basin of the port itself; but either view could agree with the peninsula, which is nearly in the middle of the coast-line, and also runs cut into what must have been nearly the middle of the basin itself. 3. The mouth of the port was on the north, and the temple was right in the face of persons sailing in. τοῦ στόματος ἄντικρυς ναὸς Καίσαρος ἐπὶ γηλόφου. Bell. i. 21, 7. ἄποπτος τοῖς εἰσπλέουσι. Ant. xv. 9, 6. A temple at the end of the peninsula would exactly 166 [a.p. 58] ST. PAUL AT CH4SAREA. [Cuap. ΤΥ. of which at Jerusalem threw the nation into such a ferment in the time of Pontius Pilate, were by command of Tiberius remoyed.'” There was also the amphitheatre in which Agrippa the Elder was celebrating the games when he was smitten by the hand of God," and a theatre and stadium, and market-place, and a gorgeous palace,’ in which Herod the Great during his latter days had resided, but which was now the Pretorium, and oceupied by the freedman, Felix, and in the guard-room of which was confined the Apostle Paul. The city and port were completed by Herod after twelve years of incessant labour, in B.c. 10," and to commemorate the event Herod answer this description. 4. The temple would, asa matter of course, be surrounded by a colon- nade; and a great part of the Crusaders’ edifice now standing on the site is made of broken columns which no doubt belonged to the temple of Augustus. In the first volume of Traill’s Josephus, p. 287, the reader will find a repre- sentation of the Crusaders’ work, and will see what a number of broken columns are inter- spersed in the masonry. At the foot of the northern mole are also some broken columns (see the view in Bartlett’s Jerusalem, p. 7), but they could not mark the site of the Temple, for they are not on an eminence. Either they formed part of a colonnade leading to the northern mole or (which is more probable) have been washed up from the Temple on the penin- sula, for they lie exactly on the spot where the prevailing south-west wind (against which the harbour itself was constructed) would carry them from the peninsula. 109 Philo, Leg. ad Caium, c. 38. no Josephus (Ant. xix. 8, 2) calls the scene of Agrippa’s seizure θέατρον, but as it was the time of a festival (ἑορτὴ, ib.), on the second day of the celebration of the games (θεωριῶν, ib.), the amphitheatre is probably meant. The amphi- theatre was on the south of the city behind the port (πρὸς τῷ νοτίῳ, τοῦ λιμένος ὄπισθεν ἀμφι- θέατρον, Ant. xv. 9, 6), and may be placed where in the accompanying chart is read “ probable site of theatre.” Indeed, recent exploration has established, that what on the plan is called a theatre was in fact an amphitheatre. See note 1, post. 1 The site of the Palace possesses an interest as being the Preetorium in which St. Paul for two years was kept a prisoner. It probably stood on the commanding eminence near the middle of the city to the north-east of the port, where was afterwards erected the fortress of the Crusaders. (See chart.) The Palace of Herod at Jerusalem was the strongest fortification, now called the Castle of David, and the same policy would induce him to select the most im- pregnable post for his palace at Czesarea, and that it was placed on high ground is implied by Josephus’s statement that Agrippa shed tears on looking down on the spectators below. ἐν ὑψηλῷ δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς δωματίῳ κατακείμενος καὶ κάτω βλέπων αὐτοὺς, κιτιλ. Jos, Ant. xix. 8, 2. 15 See Fasti Sacri, p. 103, No. 805. It was at Cesarea that Flavius Vespasianus was first proclaimed Emperor; he therefore became its patron and made it a colony, with immunity from the poll-tax, and called it Flavia after his own name. Stratonis Turris, eadem Crsarea, ab rege Herode condita, nune colonia Prima Flavia a Vespasiano imperatore deducta. Plin. N. H. y. 14. And Titus gave it immunity from the land tax. Digest. lib. 1. tit. 15, ο. ὃ, 5. ἡ. However it soon resumed its more ancient nomenclature, and long flourished as Czxesarea. It early attained the dignity of an episcopate of the Christian church, and Eusebius, the celebrated historian, who was born there, was one of its bishops. It was taken by the Crusaders, and was fortified by them, but their walls were very confined, and far within the circuit of the magnificent city built by Herod. Even at that day the port had been utterly ruined ; for William of Tyre writes: Est autem locus (Caesarea) .. . portu carens, quamvis de Herode legatur, quod multis sumptibus et cura diligentiore (invidebatur tamen) elaborayverit, ut tutam ibi aliquam navibus preberet sta- tionem. William of Tyre, x. 15, p.784. At the present day the site is still known as Kaisaryeh, but not a creature resides within many miles of the place. For a general description of the ruins, see Pococke, Buckingham’s Palestine, Clarke’s Travels, D’Arvieux, &e. The veracity of Josephus has been often im- pugned for stating that the port of Caesarea was equal in size to the Pireus at Athens. But Josephus is correct. The supposition of the small dimensions of the port rested on the as- Cuap. 1,1 167 instituted certain quinquennial games called the Cwsarean in honour of ST, PAUL AT CHSAREA. [a.p. 58] Augustus. When Judea became a Roman proyince, Cxsarea was the Roman, as Jerusalem was the Jewish capital of the country.!™ sumption that it comprised only the bay or inlet on one side or other of the little rocky penin- sula on which the Crusaders’ tower stands. But until the survey of the coast by the Admiralty the greatest ignorance prevailed both as to land and sea. By looking at the accompanying chart (fig. 240) we can form a tolerably accurate notion of the port. It will be observed that the course \ 5 ANCIENT MOLE © ANCIIENT CITY OF ἘΣ aoe of one of the moles has been traced for a consider- able distance to a depth of twenty fathoms water, and from its curving round to the south this was evidently the northern limb. The extent ns Discessere Mucianus Antiochiam, Vespasianus Cesaream. Tac. Hist. ii, 79. Fig. 240.—Plan of ruins of Cesarea-on-sea. Grounded on the Admiralty Chart. and direction of it make it probable that the southern mole commenced a good way to the south and bent round to the north in the track of the dotted line drawn on the chart, and if so, Illa Syrie, hee Jude caput est. 168 [a.D. 59] ST. PAUL AT CHISAREA. [Cuar. ΤΥ. At the very time of Paul’s peaceful incarceration within the walls of the Preto- rium at Czesarea, a furious storm was raging without.'* The population consisted of Jews and Greeks, between whom a constant feud had for some time past been The Jews asserted their right to precedence, on the ground that The Greeks adyanced equal preten- carried on. Herod, their countryman, had erected the city. sions, because long before Herod the site had been occupied by Straton, a Greek, after whom it was called Straton’s Tower. The Jews had somewhat the preponder- ance in numbers, and were decidedly the more wealthy. The Greeks, on the other hand, were supported by the Roman cohorts quartered at Caesarea, composed of native Greeks and Samaritans, both of them the sworn enemies of the Hebrew race. time to time open insults had been exchanged, and, as high words led to blows, From frequent skirmishes ensued. The magistrates had occasionally made an example of the ringleaders by whipping and imprisonment, but nothing could extinguish the deadly animosity between the rival parties, and Caesarea became the arena of a syste- matic warfare. of Felix, the contest attained its climax. Towards the close of Paul’s confinement, and just before the recall The Jews and Greeks met in the market- it enclosed a space just about equal to that of the Pireeus. That in fact the southern mole was such as we haye suggested may be further evinced by the following considerations :— 1. The walls of Herod’s city are laid down on the chart, and it will be seen that the northern wall terminates exactly at the foot of the northern mole. The inference is that the southern wall would in like manner terminate at the foot of the southern mole, and if we follow the southern wall we find it carried to the point from which we assume the southern mole to have started, and there the wall of the city ends. Unless the southern wall joined on to the southern mole, the interval between the terminus of the south wall and the terminus of the north wall of the city would have been utterly defenceless toward the sea, which is inconceivable. But evidently the moles themselves, which were 200 feet wide, and sustained a solid wall with high towers, were the ramparts of the city on this side. 2. Josephus, in describing the port, assigns to it one remarkable feature which has hitherto escaped notice, viz. that the general basin, which equalled the dimensions of the Pireus, had within it two (if not more) subordinate bays or inlets for the convenience of loading and unloading (ἔνδον ἔχοντι δευτέρους ὑφόρμους, Ant. xv. 9, 6; ἐν δὲ τοῖς μυχοῖς αὐτοῦ βαθεῖς ὅρμους ἑτέρους, Bell. i. 25); and in the port as we have drawn it, this is exactly the case; for the little rocky peninsula which supports the Crusaders’ tower does actually divide the basin into two smaller havens, and possibly the projecting rocks seen more to the south may be the remains of a pier which formed a further division. 3. Josephus tells us that Herod erected an amphitheatre at Caesarea, and gives us two marks by which to discover the site; viz. that it stood on the south part of the city—mpos τῷ νοτίῳ, Ant. xv. 9,6; and commanded a good view of the sea—keijevov ἐπιτηδείως ἀποπτεύειν εἰς τὴν θάλατταν. Ib. On the accompanying chart the southern wall is traced, and close to it is placed the probable site of the theatre excavated on the hillside, and looking down upon the sea without any obstacle to interrupt the view. Now as- suming the identity of the theatre referred to by Josephus with that which still exists. we can at once prove that the port reached as far south as this; for Josephus adds that the amphi- theatre was in the rear of the port: τοῦ λιμένος ὄπισθεν ἀμφιθέατρον. Ant. xv. 9,6. But even without assuming the identity, we can arrive at much the same result, for as the amphitheatre was in the south part of the city, and was also at the rear of the port, it follows that the port reached as far down as the south part of the city, and if it descended as far as the southern wall, or nearly so, it would embrace as large a cireuit as the Pirzeus, which is all we have to show. ut Jos. Ant. xx.8,7; Bell. ii. 13,7. See Fasti Sacri, p. 318, No. 1879. Onar. 1V.] ST. PAUL AT CAISAREA. [4.Ὁ. 60] 169 place; stones and missiles flew, and a furious engagement began. The Jews were winning the day, when intelligence was carried to Felix in the Pretorium, and marching down with a strong force, he ordered the Jews to their homes. They hesi- tated to obey, when Felix fell upon them in the most merciless manner, slaughtered a vast number, and made more prisoners; not only so, but the houses of the most opulent Jews were delivered up to the soldiery to be plundered, The Jews may haye been quarrelsome; but were not the Greeks equally so? How could Felix justify the carnage of the Jews only, and still more, what defence could be offered for the spoliation of their property? Paul had many friends then residing at Czesarea on his account, and as he listened to the roar of the tempest without, he must have felt the utmost anxiety for the safety of his dear companions. However, the tranquil tenor of their lives had provoked no hatred amongst the Gentiles, and the poverty of their dwellings was a sufficient protection against mere rapacity. The cold-blooded and heartless conduct of the Procurator on this dreadful day, drew upon him more than ever the execrations cf a nation upon whose liberties he had trampled now for a period of eight years. Paul had been two years a prisoner 115 [A.p. 60], when a dispatch arrived from Rome that Felix was superseded. His Procuratorship had been of unusual dura- tion, for the poliey of the Roman Emperors did not commonly permit a Prefect to remain long enough in office to gain a dangerous ascendency. The Jews now rejoiced at the prospect of escaping from a tyrant, and Felix was alarmed lest he should be called to account at Rome for his iniquitous administration. His brother Pallas, notwithstanding the death of Agrippina, the mother of Nero, the Emperor, had still considerable influence at the imperial court, and Felix could not have had much real ground for apprehension. He, however, at the eleventh hour made some attempts at conciliating the Jews, and one favour, which cost him nothing, and would be most acceptable to them, he freely bestowed—he left Paul a prisoner. But, a long series of oppression was not to escape its punishment in this summary way, and when Felix sailed for Rome, accompanied by his bosom friend Simon Magus, the Jews, at the same time, sent a deputation to accuse him before the Emperor. The interest of Pallas, however, was too powerful; and Felix, notwithstanding the long satalogue of his crimes, from the assassination of the ex-High Priest Jonathan, to the unjust detention of the Apostle Paul, could never be brought to condign punish- ment, though Felix was under the necessity of disgorging much of his ill-gotten NS Διετίας δὲ πληρωθείσης ἔλαβε διάδοχον ὁ καὶ ἐπὶ διετίαν τριβομένου τοῦ πράγματος ἀπειρηκώς. Φηλιξ Πόρκιον Φῆστον. Acts xxiv. 27. Wehave Ὑπερθέσεις γὰρ καὶ ἀναβολὰς ὁ δικαστὴς ἐσκήπτετο, an analogous case of protracted imprisonment βουλόμενος καὶ ἂν ἀποφύγῃ τὸ ἔγκλημα, τὸν γοῦν by the prefect of a province in Lampon αὖ περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἄδηλον φόβον πρὸς μήκιστον Alexandria, when Flaccus was governor. Λάμπων χρόνον ἐπικρεμάσας αὐτῷ, ζωὴν ὀδυνηροτέραν θανάτου μὲν ἀσεβείας τῆς εἰς Τιβέριον Καίσαρα δίκην σχὼν, παρασχεῖν. Philo in Flaccum, xvi. VOL. I. Z ST. PAUL AT CAiSAREA. [Cuap. IV. 170 [a.v. 60] wealth, and Pallas was obliged to exert all his energies at court to screen him from the storm."* The successor to Felix was Portius Festus,"7 a name which carries a Roman sound, and yet he, too, was probably one of the Emperor’s freedmen.’* ‘The new Procurator had a straightforward honesty about him, which forms a strong contrast to the mean raseality of his predecessor. He certainly did not do all the justice which he might have done; but allowing somewhat for a natural desire to ingra- tiate himself with the most influential men of the nation subject to his govern- ment, his conduct, on the whole, was exemplary, and his firmness on many trying occasions cannot fail to elicit our highest admiration. The Procurator landed at Ceesarea, the Roman capital, when he took possession of the Preetorium, and was proclaimed with the usual ceremonies. At the expiration of three days he paid the Jews the compliment of going up to Jerusalem. His first interview was, of course, with the High Priest. Agrippa had by this time superseded Ananias in the High Priesthood, and ap- pointed Ishmael, the son of Fabei."® We have no particulars of Ishmael’s history, but he evidently entertained an acrimonious spirit against the Christian sect, for no sooner had Festus arrived at Jerusalem than Ishmael, and some of the most powerful of his countrymen, represented to the Procurator that a malefactor by the name of Paul had been left in bonds by Felix, and requested, as a personal favour, that he would issue an order for his execution. The answer of Festus was such as became an imperial Prefect, and worthy of being written in letters of gold. “ Ir IS NOT THE MANNER OF THE ROMANS TO DELIVER ANY MAN ΤῸ DIE BEFORE THE AC- CUSED HAS HAD HIS ACCUSERS FACE TO FACE AND HAS HAD OPPORTUNITY TO ANSWER FOR HIMSELF CONCERNING THE CRIME LAID AGAINST ΗΙΜ. /”° The Jews were foiled, and they now petitioned that if legal forms must be com- 3 Β, t=) plied with, the prisoner might be sent for to Jerusalem, and be put upon his trial πὸ Jos. Ant. xx. 8, 9. events in the time of Festus were few, and would M7 Jos, Bell. 11. 14, 1. This was two full years after the first imprisonment of Paul. διετίας πληρωθείσης. Acts xxiv. 27. As Paui was put in bonds at the end of May a.p. 58, Festus probably arrived about midsummer (24th June), A.p. 60, and this harmonises with the Roman law, by which all prefects of provinces were obliged to leave Rome by the 15th of April, and the yoyage from Rome to Syria would occupy two or three months. liz was certainly ap- pointed in a.p 52, and it is equally clear that Albinus arrived in the province as successor to Festus in ap. 62. The portion, therefore, of this interval of ten years not occupied by Vestus will represent the procuratorship of #dix. The not require so much as two years. Festus died at the close of A.p. 51 (see Fasti Sacri, p. 325, No. 1915), and as prefects left Rome for their provinces on the 15th of April, the arrival of Festus in Judea as successor to Felix may be placed about midsummer, 4.p. 60. Thus, the procuratorship of Felix lasted from a.p. 52 to A.D. 60, a period of eight years, a tenure of office unusually long. See Fasti Sacri, p. 319, No. 1893. 18 Festus was not an uncommon name fora freedman. See Herodian, iv. 8. nov Jos. Ant. xx. 8,8. See Fasti Sacri, p. 318, No. 1880. 20 Acts xxv. 16. Cuap. IV.] ST. PAUL AT CESAREA. [a.D. 60] 171 without delay. Their secret object in this was to wreak their vengeance upon Paul, by employing the Sicarii to assassinate him on the road. Whether Festus, from their over-anxiety upon the subject, suspected a sinister motive, or whether, like Lysias, he had received express intelligence of the conspiracy, he answered with proper spirit, that Paul was a prisoner at Cesarea, and that he himself was going thither directly. ‘Let the chief among you,’ therefore,” said he, “go down with me and accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him.” ’” At the expiration of ten days Festus returned to Czesarea, and at the same time the Jews sent a deputation thither to prosecute the indictment against Paul. Festus, agreeably to his promise, appointed the very next day for the trial; and on the morrow, haying taken his seat on the tribunal in the judgment hall, with the asses- sors (answering to our jurymen) at his side, commanded the prisoner to be brought into court. The Jews now, as they had done before Felix, charged Paul with Heresy in being a Nazarene, with profanation of the Temple, and with violation of the laws of Cesar by turbulence and sedition. The Apostle again replied, ‘‘ Neither against the Law of the Jews, neither against the Temple, nor yet against Cxsar have I offended any- thing at 411. 55. He admitted his belief in the resurrection of Jesus, but insisted that he had not thereby transgressed any law.’** No evidence was adduced in support of the accusation, and the charges of profanation of the Temple, and breach of the peace, were manifestly frivolous.’° Festus, therefore, was disposed to pro- nounce an acquittal; but no sooner had he intimated the inclination of his opinion, than the Jews were in an uproar,'*® and insisted that the strength of their case lay in the count of Heresy, and that he ought to be tried before the High Priest and the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem ; and they cited, perhaps, the edict of Julius Cesar, “ That if at any time thereafter there should arise any question touching the Jewish law, the matter should be tried before Hyrcanus and his heirs,” that is, before the High Priest for the time being, and the Sanhedrim.’*’ Festus’s own account, and which is highly probable, is that the charge brought against Paul was of a perfectly different character from what he had anticipated,—that Paul was accused, not of treason or any 21 οἱ ἐν ὑμῖν δυνατοί. In the Authorized trans- 23 Acts xxv. 8. lation the words are, “let them which among 2 Acts xxv. 19. you are able” and the word δυνατοὶ can be used 2 Acts xxv. 25. in this sense. See James iii. 2; Rom. xiv. 4; 26 Acts xxviii. 19. 2 Cor. ix. 8; Heb. xi. 19; and the passage from av δὲ μεταξὺ γένηταί τις ζήτησις περὶ τῆς Numerius, cited infra on 2 Tim. iii. 8. But οἱ Ἰουδαίων ἀγωγῆς, ἀρέσκει μοι κρίσιν γίνεσθαι a0 δυνατοὶ is generally used by Josephus in the sense αὐτοῖς, Viz. Ὑρκανῷ καὶ τοῖς τέκνοις. Jos. Ant. which we have given to it in the text. Thus: xiv. 10, 2. ‘he Sanhedrim, however, had no Ἰουδαίων ot τε ἀρχιερεῖς ἅμα τοῖς δυνατοῖς καὶ ἡ power of trying capital causes, or at least their βουλὴ παρῆν. Bell. 1.10, 3. καὶ τῶν Σαμαρέων ot verdict could not be carried into effeet without δύνατοι. Bell. ii. 12, 5. οἱ δυνατοὶ τῶν Ἰουδαίων. the sanction of the Procurator. See Jos. Ant. Bell. ii. 14, 4. οἱ δυνατοί. Bell. ii. 14, 1, Ke. xx OF 1c 22 Acts XXY. 9. Zio 172 [A.p. 60] [Cuar. IV. ST. PAUL AT CHESAREA. crime, but only of an offence against ‘“‘ their own superstition,” and that ‘“ because he doubted of such manner of questions he had asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters.”'** In the same spirit, Gallio on the judgment-seat at Corinth had said, “If it were a matter of wrong or wicked lewdness, O ye Jews, reason would that I should bear with you; but if it be a question of words and names, and of your law, look ye to it, for I will be no judge of such matters.”'* Festus, then, was puzzled by the nature of the charge; but he was no doubt also desirous, if he could with decency, of gratifying the Jews; and he therefore proposed, though at the expense of some personal trouble to himself, that Paul should be tried upon the count of Heresy before the Sanhedrim, but that Festus himself should pre- side. By these means impartiality would be secured, and the sentence when passed “Wilt thou,” 12° go up to Jerusalem and there be judged of would be final, as the joint act of the council and the Procurator. (13 said Festus, turning to the prisoner, these things before me?" the tribunal before whick the prisoner should be tried.” Not only this, but Paul saw It was neither fair nor legal that the accuser should name his evident destruction in such a course; for in the first place, he might be waylaid and murdered on the road (for which, indeed, a plot had already been formed); and in the next place, if he lived to stand before the Sanhedrim, there was no doubt that, notwithstanding the wish of Festus to do justice in general, he would be overpowered by the Jewish council, and a conviction be recorded. Festus had already shown his leaning in favour of the Jews, and the voice of the populace at the capital would be brought to bear against Festus as before against Pontius Pilate. There was only one mode by which he could escape the toils that beset him. As a Roman citizen, though a Jew, he had been put upon his trial before the Roman Tribunal, the proper jurisdiction, and nothing had been proved against him. Festus had proposed to remit the case to the Jewish Sanhedrim. But the Jews, while they had the privilege of trying offences against their own peculiar law in their own courts, could not thus proceed against a Roman citizen, and Paul, though a Jew, was a Roman. He, therefore, exercised the privilege accorded to him, and appealed to the Emperor.1%* “1 stand,” said Paul, “at Cxsar’s judgment seat,'** where I ought 28 Acts xxv. 20. 29 Acts xvill. 14. 130 θέλεις. For as Paul was a Roman, and the case had been taken wp by the Roman governor, C. Gracchus legem tulit, ne de capite civium Romanorum injussu populi judicaretur. Cic. pro Rab. iv. So we read in Pliny’s famous letter: Fuerunt alii similis amentiz, quos, quia it could not lawfully, without the prisoner’s consent, be remitted to the Jewish judicature. Meyer, Apostg. 429. 11 Acts xxv. 9. 82 Observandum est, ne is judex detur, quem altera pars nominatim petat (id enim iniqui exempli esse divus Hadrianus rescripsit) nisi hoe specialiter a principe ad verecundiara petiti judicis respiciente permittetur. Diy. v. 1, 47. 158. Porcia lex libertatem civium lictori eripuit. cives Romani erant, annotavi in urbem remitten- dos. x. 97. Persons of consular dignity, one for each province, were annually appointed by the emperors, to hear such appeals. Appella- tiones quotannis urbanorum quidem litigatorum pretori delegavit urbano; at provincialium consularibus viris quos singulos cujusque pro- vinci negotis preposuisset. Suet. Octav. 35. And see Dion 111]. 33. 4 Judea was one of the emperor’s provinces, Cuar. 1V.] ST, PAUL AT CHSAREA. [a.p. 60] 17 C2 to be judged. To the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest ; for if I be an offender, or haye committed anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die - 190 but if there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver me unto them. I appear unro Cxsar” (tig. 241).!% A Roman citizen had a right of appeal; but to allow it in all cases without distinction, would only retard the administration of Justice, and would often lead to great public inconyenience. It was, therefore, put under certain restrictions, and the judge exercised a discretion whether, under the particular circumstances, the claim ought to be conceded." Festus now deliberated with his council 155 upon the propriety of admitting the appeal, and as there could be no valid reason for refusing it, they decided in the affirmative, and Festus declared the result: “Hast thou appealed unto Czesar? unto Cesar shalt thou go.” There is something of petulance and governed by a procurator, and the maxim was, que acta gestaque sunt a procuratore Cesaris, sic ab eo comprobantur, atque si a Cesare ipso gesta sunt. Ulpian, Digest i. 19, 1. With regard to the senate’s or people's pro- vinces, the tribunal was different, for Nero at the commencement of his reign issued an edict that consulum tribunalibus Jtalia et publice provinci assisterent. Tac. Ann. xiii. 4. 9 εἰ μὲν yap ἀδικῷ, καὶ ἄξιον θανάτου πέπραχά τι, οὐ παραιτοῦμαι τὸ ἀποθανεῖν. Acts xxy. 1]. How like to this are the words of Josephus: θανεῖν μὲν, εἰ δίκαιόν ἐστιν, οὐ παραιτοῦμαι. Vit. xxix. In reading the autobiography of Josephus, one is almost tempted to suppose that Josephus was not only acquainted with Christianity in general, but had even perused the Acts of the Apostles. His dream, Vit. 5. 42, strongly reminds us of the vision, Acts xvi. 9; and his discovery of the plot against his life, Vit. s. 41, of the dis- closure to Paul, Acts xxiii. 16; and the escape of Josephus from the assembly at Tiberias is parallel to the similar escape of Paul from the council at Jerusalem, Acts xxiii.6; and the shipwreck of Josephus in a vessel with six hun- dred persons on board, κατὰ μέσον τὸν ᾿Αδρίαν, Vit. 5. 8, on his way to Rome, when he was “a night and a day in the deep,” closely resembles the account of the similar calamity of Paul’s shipwreck in the Acts. % Acts xxv. 10, 11. A written appeal was quite unnecessary, as even a verbal appeal would suffice. Sed si apud acta quis appellaverit, satis erit si dicat, Appello, Dig. xlix. 1,2. Paul appealed at once and before sentence, but in certain cases at least an appeal would lie even within a short time after sentence. Biduum vel triduum (according to the nature of the case) appellationis ex die sententie computandum erit. Dig. xlix. tit. 4. τ Si res dilationem non recipiat, non per- mittitur appellare. Dig. xlix. 5,7. Consti- tutiones que de recipiendis, necnon, appella- tionibus loquuntur, ut nihil novi fiat, locum non habent in eorum persona quos damnatos statim puniri publici interest, ut sunt insignes latrones, vel seditionum concitatores, vel duces factionum. Dig. xlix. 1, 16. It was also re- quired; at least in civil causes, that the ap- pellant should deposit a certain sum to abide the result. Ut quia privatis judicibus ad sena- tum provocavissent, ejusdem pecuni facerent cum iis qui imperatorem appellavere. ‘Tac. Ann. xiv. 28. That Festus had a diseretion is evident from the deliberation, Acts xxv. 12, and from his deciding to allow the appeal (ἔκρινα). Acts χχν. 25. Seeon the subject οἵ appeals, Cod. Lib. vii. tit. 62. WS συλλαλήσας μετὰ τοῦ συμβουλίου. Acts xxv. 12. With his council or board of adviee— his amici curie. The prefects of provinces were attended by counsellors or wdpedpor, chosen by themselves. τοὺς δὲ δὴ παρέδρους αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ αἱρεῖται, ἄς. Dion, liii. 14. These were some- times called their ‘friends’ (φίλων), sometimes ὁ captains’ (ἡγεμόνων), sometimes ‘assessors,’ as in Philo, Leg. s. 33, pera τῶν συνέδρων ἐβου- λεύετο, and sometimes ‘ the council.’ Tlud negare possis, aut nune negabis, te, consilio tuo demisso, viris primariis, qui in consilio C. Sacerdotis fuerant, tibique esse solebant, remotis, de re judicata judicasse? Cie. in Very. act ii. lib, ii. ec. 32, s. 81; Suet. Tib. 33: and see Lardner, Cred. Ὁ. i. ο. 2, 5. 16; Kuinoel, Acts xxv: 12, 174 [a.p. 60] ST. PAUL AT CHISAREA. [Cuap. IV. in the answer of Festus, and, perhaps, as an honest man, and intending to act honestly himself, he felt the appeal of his prisoner to a higher tribunal as something like a personal affront. Paul was now remitted to safe custody, but by the Roman law was not to be treated ag guilty pending the appeal, the infliction of any punishment being strictly prohibited until the final sentence of the Emperor.’ Fig. 241.—Coin of Porcius Laca, Fiom Pembroke collection. Obv. Head of Pallas with the legend P. Laca Roma, and X denoting a denarius of ten arses. Porcius Laca was the author of the Porcian law, by which the right of appeal trom a magistrate to the people was conceded, and severe penalti(s were inflicted on the breach of it. On the overthrow of the Republic to make way for the Empire, the appeal was made to the emperor as representing the people. See ante, p. 147. Rev. In the centre is the magistrate who had pronounced sentence, and on the right is the lictor with the fasces preparing to carry out the sentence. On the left is the Roman citizen found guilty, with the bands clasped under the toga, in the attitude of a suppliant, with the legend below Provoco (I appeal). See Pighius, vol. ii, p. 256. The Apostle had for many years desired to visit the great capital of the world, and the vision in Fort Antonia two years before had warned him that as he had testified at Jerusalem, so he should at Rome. The anxious wish of Paul was now to be gratified, and the prophetic announcement was to receive its accomplishment. The Procurator waited only for a favourable opportunity of forwarding his prisoner. During this brief interval Paul was called upon to plead the cause of Christianity in the presence of a most august assembly. At the period of Festus’s arrival, King Agrippa, who had now attained his thirty-third year, and his sister Bernice, who was thirty-two, were residing together at Caesarea Philippi, the capital of Agrippa’s kingdom, and as the Herodian family never missed an occasion of paying court to a Roman of rank, the news no sooner reached Agrippa and his sister that Festus had landed at Caesarea, than they set out with all the state they could command to visit the Procurator and offer their con- gratulations.“° Festus received them very graciously, and mutual hospitalities soon established an intimacy. In the course of conversation, Festus alluded to a subject which he rightly conceived would not be uninteresting to his guests. “There is a certain man,” said Festus, “left in bonds by Felix, about whom, when I was at 189 The maxim was, Integer status esse videtur, ὑπαντῆσαι βουλόμενοι Τεσσίῳ. Jos. Vit. s. 11. So provocatione interposité. Dig. xlix. tit. 7, sect.8. when Tiberius Alexander was appointed (a.p. 40 So Agrippa and Bernice made, a.p. 64,a 66) Prefect of Egypt, Agrippa proceeded from similar visit of ceremony to Gessius Florus, the Judea to Egypt to congratulate him on the newly-appointed Procurator of Judea, αὐτοὶ yap event. Jos. Bell. ii. 15, 1. {Agrippa and Bernice] εἰς Βηρυτὸν ἀφικνοῦντο, παρ. 1V.] ST. PAUL AT CAESAREA. [a.p, 60] 175 Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, desiring to ‘have judgment against him. To whom I answered, ‘It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die before the accused has had his accusers face to face, and has had an opportunity to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him.’ Therefore, when they were come hither, without any delay, on the morrow I sat on the judgment-seat, and commanded the man to be brought forth, against whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusation of such things as I supposed,’ but had certain questions against him of their own super- stition, and of one Jesus which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive; and because I doubted of such manner of questions, I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters. But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might send him to Cesar.” “ἢ Agrippa and Bernice * listened with profound attention, though no doubt already acquainted with the leading features of the case, and expressed a desire to know the full particulars. “1 would also,” said Agrippa, “hear the man myself.”™"* Festus gladly acceded to the request, not only to afford gratification to his friends, but as he had been not a little perplexed about the question of Heresy, he might hope to derive some assistance from Agrippa in penning a proper dispatch to the Emperor. “To-morrow,” said he, “ thou shalt hear him.” τ Accordingly, the following day Agrippa and Bernice arrived at the Praetorium or palace with great pomp, and were ushered into the judgment-hall. Festus took his seat on the tribunal, and to do the more honour to his royal guests he commanded the attendance of the principal officers of the troops quartered at Caesarea, and of the most influential of the civil magistrates. The 5th, 10th, and 15th Legions or regiments of the line, besides five cohorts or auxiliary corps, with accompanying 4° and the gleaming armour squadrons of cavalry, were usually stationed at Cesarea, and gay attire of the great captains of the Roman army of Judea with the furred gowns and flowing robes of the municipal authorities must have presented a most imposing spectacle, and well calculated to stimulate the energies of the Christian advocate. Festus now gave the order for the prisoner to be produced, and Paul, wearing his fetter,!*7 was ushered into court. The Procurator now opened the day’s proceedings with the following address :-— “King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us! Ye see this man, 41 Fyom Paul’s long imprisonment, and the after deserted him. Jos. Ant. xx. 7, 3. utter detestation of him by the Jews, Festus 14 Acts xxv. 22. may well have assumed that he had been guilty 15. ΠῚ οἵ some heinous crime. Meyer, Apostg. 426. 46 See Jos. Bell. iii. 4,2; Ant. xix. 9,2; Tac. 142 Acts xxv. 14-21. Hist. v. 1, 10 πὶ ὍΣ 76. M43 Particularly perhaps Bernice, who four 47 That prisoners sometimes pleaded i: their years before had married Polemo, king of chains, see Tac. Ann. iy. 28. part of Cilicia, Paul’s native country, but soon 176 [4.p. 60] ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA. (Cuap. IV. ahout whom all the multitude of the Jews have pressed upon me, both at Jerusalem and also here, crying, that he ought not to live any longer. But having found that he hath committed nothing worthy of death, and he himself having appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him; of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my Lord.'8 Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, Ὁ King Agrippa, that, after examination had, I may have somewhat to write; for it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him.” Upon this, Agrippa, turning to Paul, said, “Thou art permitted to speak for thyself.” Paul, then stretching forth his hand,!*° and addressing himself? to King Agrippa, thus opened his defence. “T think myself happy, King Agrippa, that I am to answer for myself this day before thee touching all the things whereof I am accused by the Jews, especially as thou art expert in all customs and questions which are among the Jews; wherefore I beseech thee to hear me patiently. “My manner of life from my youth, which was from the first *’ among mine own nation at Jerusalem, know all the Jews who have known me from the beginning, if they would testify, that after the straitest sect of our religion I lived a Pharisee.’°* And now I stand and am judged for the hope of the promise made of God unto our fathers ; unto which promise our twelve tribes,’ fervently serving God day and night, hope to come; for which hope’s sake, King Agrippa, I am accused of the Jews. “Why should it be thought a thing incredible with you, that God should raise the dead? I verily thought with myself, that I ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth; which thing I also did in Jerusalem, and many of the saints did I shut up in prison, haying received authority from the chief priests, 48 τῷ κυρίῳ. Augustus disclaimed the title of ‘dominus.’ Suet. Oct. 11|. So Tiberius. Suet. ΤΊ. xxvii. But Caligula was greedy of it, and it seems to have been assumed by his successors till, in the reign of Domitian, it was assigned to the emperors by law. Suet. Domit. xiii. Kuinoel, Acts xxv. 26. M9 Acts xxv. 24-97. 1 ἐκτείνας THY χεῖρα. Acts xxvi. 1. Some sug- gest that it was the left hand, as his right was linked by a chain to a soldier. But there is no necessity for this, as, though the right wrist was fastened to a soldier’s left, it was by a chain of light workmanship, and of sufficient length to allow the wearer the free use of the hand. Had it been the left hand, Luke would have so stated it, as the right hand was the one usually ex- tended by orators. Porrigit dextram, et ad instar oratorum conformat articulum, duo- busque infimis conclusis digitis, cateros emi- nentes porrigit, et infesto pollice leniter subri- dens infit. Apul. Metamor. Met. ii. p.54 (Delphin. ed. 1688). 11 Paul must have spoken in Greek. See ante, p. 156. 12 τὴν βίωσίν μου τὴν ἐκ νεύτητος, THY ἀπ᾿ ἀρχῆς γενομένην. Acts χχν], 4. Paul therefore had come to Jerusalem when he was very young. 18 That the Pharisees were the straitest sect is abundantly testified by Josephus. of δοκοῦντες μετὰ ἀκριβείας ἐξηγεῖσθαι τὰ νόμιμα. Bell. ii. 8, 14. καὶ ἦν γὰρ μόριόν τι Ἰουδαϊκῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπ᾽ ἐξακριβώσει μέγα φρονοῦν τοῦ πατρίου νόμου... Φαρισαῖοι καλοῦνται. Ant. xvii. 2, 4, Φαρισαῖοι σύνταγμά τι ᾿Ιουδαίων δοκοῦν εὐσεβέστερον εἶναι τῶν ἄλλων καὶ τοὺς νόμους ἀκριβέστερον ἀφηγεῖσθαι. Bell. i. 5, 2, &e. 1 The twelve tribes still existed, though two only, with a sprinkling from the other ten, re- turned from the Babylonish captivity. St. James also speaks of ταῖς δώδεκα φυλαῖς. Epist. i. 1. Cuar. 1V.] ST. PAUL AT CHSAREA. [a.p. 60] ‘ii and when they were put to death’? I gave my vote against them,’ and I punished them oft in every synagogue,’ and compelled them'* to blaspheme, and being exceedingly mad against them, I persecuted them even unto strange cities. “Whereupon as I went to Damascus with authority and commission from the chief priests, at mid-day, O king, I saw in the way a light from heayen, above the brightness of the sun, shining round about me and them which journeyed with me. And when we were all fallen to the earth, I heard a voice speaking unto me, and saying in the Hebrew tongue,’ ‘Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? It is hard for thee to kick against the pricks.’ And TI said, ‘Who art thou, Lord ?’ And he said, ‘I am Jesus whom thou persecutest—but rise and stand upon thy feet, for I have appeared unto thee for this purpose, to make thee a minister and a witness both of these things which thou hast seen, and of those things in the which I willappear unto thee; deliyering thee from the people and from the Gentiles, unto whom now I send thee, to open their eyes, that they may turn them from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God, that they may receive forgiveness of sins, and inheritance among them which are sanctified by faith that is In me.’ “ Whereupon, O King Agrippa, I was not disobedient unto the heavenly vision, but showed first unto them of Damascus, and at Jerusalem, and throughout all the coasts of Judea,!! and to the Gentiles, that they should repent and turn to God, and 199 ‘The plural number is here used, but it evidently speaking Greek, which also may be does not appear from the Acts that any one but inferred from Acts xxi. 40. Stephen was put to death, and hence the phrase 160 See Vol. L, p. 51. is thought to be rhetorical, the plural, as is 161 This passage has always been a puzzle to common enough, being substituted for the sin- me. At what time did he preach “ throughout gular. See Kuinoel, Acts xxvi. 10. But others all the coasts of Judea Ἢ may have been put to death, and the case of 1. Was it on his way from Damascus to Jeru- Stephen only may have been recorded, because salem? But if so, he would naturally have he was a deacon, and so the most prominent placed Judea before Jerusalem, and have said, character. “and throughout all the coasts of Judea, and at 158 κατήνεγκα ψῆφον. Acts xxvi. 10. If Paul Jerusalem.” ὲ had a vote, the death of Stephen must have 2. Was it on his quitting Jerusalem at the been by judicial process, and Paul must have close of his first visit in A.D. 39? But then how been a member of the Sanhedrim. could it be said that “the brethren conducted 167 As our Lord had foretold to his disciples. him as far as Ceesarea, and sent him away to Matt. x. 17. Tarsus ?” Acts ix. 30. 3. Was it during the year spent by Paul and Barnabas at Antioch, when Barnabas fetched him from Tarsus to Antioch? But this is τ This accounts for the following words, scarcely consistent with the statement that Σαοὺλ, Σαοὺλ, the Hebrew name, instead of the during this year they “ assembled themselves Greek Σαῦλε, Σαῦλε. Our Lord spake in the with the church there and taught.” Acts xi. 26. language which he had used on earth. By the 4. Was it in the course of his journey to and ‘Hebrew’ is meant the Syro-Chaldaic, the ew- from Jerusalem in A.p. 44, when Paul and Bar- rent language of the day. From this allusion nabas took up the alms of the Antiochian church? to the Hebrew tongue, Paul himself was now 5. Was it in the course of the journey to and 2a 158. ἠνάγκαζον, not ἠνάγκασα--- 1 strove to com- pel them,’ without reference to the success of the attempt. VOL. 11. 178° [a.p. 60] ST, PAUL AT CHISAREA. [Cuap. IV. do works meet for repentance. For these causes the Jews caught me in the Temple, and went about to kill me. Having therefore obtained help from God, I continue unto this day, witnessing both to small and great, saying none other things than those which the prophets and Moses did say should come—that™’ Christ should suffer ;!* that being the first to rise from the dead, he should show light unto the people and to the Gentiles”—"™* Thus far Festus had listened with mute attention. He could not but admire the impressive address of one so eloquent and evidently so sincere. But the hearing of a voice from heaven, and the resurrection from the dead of one who had been crucified, appeared to him the baseless dream of a visionary, and unable to refrain himself longer he burst forth with the exclamation, “ Paul, thou art beside thyself, much learning doth make thee mad!”’* Paul replied calmly, “I am not mad, most noble Festus,° but speak forth the words of truth and soberness, for the king knoweth of these things; before whom also I speak freely, for I am persuaded that none of these things are hidden from him, for this thing was not done in a corner ;”*" and then, turning to Agrippa, he said, ‘‘ King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets ? I know that thou believest.” Agrippa was deeply moved, and the confession fell unbidden from his lips, “‘ Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian!”* Then from Jerusalem in a.p. 48, when Paul and Bar- nabas went up to Jerusalem to take the opinion of the council there ? But to the two last hypotheses, and also to the three preceding, there is the following common objection. Paul, in writing to the Galatians, states that, after his visit to Jerusalem on his return from Damascus in A.D. 39, he “ came into the regions of Syria and Cilicia, and was wn- known by fuce unto the churches of Judea, which were in Christ.” Galat. 1. 21. How long, then, did this absence and estrangement from the churches of Judea continue? The Apostle leads us in the Epistle to suppose that it was at least until his next visit to Jerusalem: “ Then, fourteen years after, I went up again to Jerusa- lem” (Galat. ii. 1); and this visit was im A.D. 58. And if so, the churches of Judea could not have heard his preaching in a.p. 44 or A.D. 48. 6. Can the preaching of Paul throughout the coasts of Judea be referred to this visit of A.D. 53, when he sailed from Corinth to Jerusalem, and then went down to Antioch? The last ob- jection will not apply to this theory; and although the silence of Luke upon the subject rather negatives the supposition, I am not aware of any positive argument against the hypothesis. As the Apostle mentions the fact of his haying preached throughout Judea in his address to King Agrippa in A.D. 60, at the close of his two years’ imprisonment at Czesarea, it is not impos- sible that he may have referred to his further- ance of the Gospel throughout Judea during his incarceration; for though he could not person- ally make a cireuit of the cities, he may well have employed his faithful attendants on mis- sions for that purpose; and his asking, while at Rome, for the prayers of the Hebrews, that he might the sooner be restored to them, implies that his labours in Judea had endeared him to the Christian community. Heb. xiii. 18. 162. εἰ that, as a little before in Acts xxvi. 8. 168 The Greek word is παθητὸς, ‘ patibilis,’ the subject of suffering. 164 Acts xxyvi. 2-23. 169 Festus evidently understood Paul, who was therefore speaking Greek. Festus, as a Roman, would understand Greek, but not He- brew. 165 Οὐ μαίνομαί, φησι, Kpatute Pyote. So Philo: Οὐ μέμηνα, ὦ οὗτος, οὐδὲ ἠλίθιός Tis εἰμι. In Flaccum, 5. 2. 167 Acts xxvi. 25, 26. 8 ἐν ὀλίγῳ pe πείθεις. Acts xxvi. 28. words have been variously rendered. Some suppose them spoken ironically : Think- These Cuar. LV.) ST. PAUL AT CHiSAREA. [a.D. 60] 179 Paul, holding up his chain, uttered the solemn ejaculation, “I would to God that not only thou, but also all that hear me this day, were both almost and altogether! such as I am,—except these bonds!” a masterstroke of true eloquence that the finest orators of Greece and Rome haye never excelled! The effect was electrical, and Agrippa felt that if Paul proceeded he must not almost but altogether ἄγον himself a Christian. He could not sever himself from his countrymen to whom the name of Christ was an abomination—he could not encounter the scorn of the Procurator, who had pronounced Paul a madman—and unable to cope with the Apostle’s arguments, he deemed it the wisest course to withdraw from the con- troversy. He, therefore, rose from his seat, and at the signal Festus and Bernice and the other magnates rose also. They retired aside, and agreed unanimously, “This man doeth nothing worthy of death or of bonds.”'! Agrippa, though he could not bring himself to hazard the petty kingdom of Trachonitis for an ever- lasting crown, had at least the magnanimity to declare, ‘This man might have been set at liberty if he had not appealed unto Cesar. 2172 An appeal to Rome was necessarily accompanied with a statement of the case! under the hand of the judge, called the Liter dimissoriz, or Libelli appellatorii or est thou in so few words, or in so short a time, to persuade me to be a Christian? See Meyer, Apostg. 488; Jos. Bell. vi 2,6. It must be ad- mitted that ἐν ὀλίγῳ is not the sane as παρ᾽ ὀλίγον, and therefore does not signify literally ‘almost.’ But the English version may be thought to represent well enough the sense of the original. ’Ev ὀλίγῳ is strictly, ‘in a little thou persuadest me,’ or ‘you go ἃ little way toward persuading me,’ ‘ you somewhat persuade me.’ Another interpretation is this: ἐν ὀλίγῳ, as the expression is used by the Apostle himself in another place, Ephes. iii. 3, may mean ‘ in short.’ Thus Paul had been recounting the scene of his conversion, and was proceeding to argue in favour of Christianity generally by an appeal to prophecy, when he was interrupted by Festus’s exclamation, “Paul, thou art beside thyself.” Paul then turning to Agrippa, began to interro- gate him: “King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets? I know that thou believest.” Agrippa had been a patient hearer while Paul was de- fending himself or was arguing generally; but now that the Apostle made a personal appeal to Agrippa, and was about to urge the Christian faith upon his acceptance, the bigoted prince, at once repudiating the idea, exclaims, “In short, you are now for persuading me, the most zealous of Moses’ followers, to be a Christian!” But this interpretation is not consistent with Paul’s reply, “I would to God that both almost (ἐν ὀλίγῳ) and altogether (ἐν modd@),” Ke.; for evi- dently Paul does not here use the expression ἐν ὀλίγῳ in the sense of ‘in short,’ but in the sense of ‘in a small degree,’ as opposed to ἐν πολλῷ ‘in a great degree” At the same time, it is not impossible that Agrippa should have used the phrase in one sense, and Paul in another. 39 ἐν πολλῷ. Acts xxvi. 29. Lachmann, Tisch- endorf, and Alford read ἐν μεγάλῳ. πὸ τῶν δεσμῶν τούτων. Acts xxvi. 29. The word δεσμοὶ implies bondage merely, and not necessarily more than one chain. Thus Paul at Rome was allowed to live in his own hired lodg- ing, with his right hand linked to a soldier's left, and yet he speaks of ‘his bonds ’—rév δεσμῶν. Philipp. iv. 28. mM Acts xxvi. 31. 1 Acts xxvi. 32. "8 © Libelli dimissorii’ or ‘apostoli.’ Dig. xlix. tit. 6. Libelli qui dantur appellatorii ita sunt concipiendi ut habeant scriptum, et a quo dati sint, hoe est, qui appellet, et adversus quem, et a qua sententia. Dig. xlix. 1,4. In the case of Paul, Festus had not pronounced any final decision; but an appeal was allowed in special cases, ante sententiam. Appellari potest, si questionem in civili negotio habendam judex interlocutus sit, vel in criminali si contra leges hoe faciat. Dig. xlix. 5, 2. 2 A Ὁ 180 [a.p. 60] ST. PAUL AT CHISAREA. [Cuar. IV. apostoli. As Festus himself was ignorant of the Jewish law, and Agrippa, on the other hand, wes perfectly familiar with it, one object which Festus had proposed in ordering the hearing of Paul in the presence of Agrippa was that he might know what to write; and now the opinion expressed by Agrippa in favour of Paul’s entire innocence (though extra-judicial) had an important influence on Festus’s statement to the Emperor; and the result was that the prisoner, though after a tedious deten- tion in the imperial city, was at length set at liberty even by the greatest tyrant that the world had ever seen. CHAPTER Υ. Paul is sent to Rome—His Shipwreck by the way. And now, lashed on by destiny severe, With horror fraught the dreadful scene drew near. The ship hangs hovering on the verge of death; Hell yawns, rocks rise, and breakers roar beneath, Uplifted on the surge to heaven she flies, Her shattered top half-buried in the skies, Then, headlong plunging, thunders on the ground, Earth groans, air trembles, and the deeps resound. Falconer. THERE were other prisoners to be sent to Rome besides Paul, and it was not long before a convenient opportunity presented itself. A merchantman’ of Adramyttium, a city of Mysia, opposite the isle of Lesbos (fig. 242), was making her homeward yoyage from Egypt and touched at Caesarea. The intention at this time was that Paul and his party Fig. 242.—Coin of Adramyttium. From the British Museum. Obv. Head of Antinous, who was deified in the reign of Hadrian, with the legend Avtwoos Iaxyos (Antinous Bacchus), Antinous from hix beauty being called the young Bacchus. ᾿ Rev. Figure of Ceres with the legend Ἐγέσιος ανεθηκε (Kgesius dedicated). Αδραμντηνῶν (of the Adramyttians). should take their passage for Adramyttium, and then pursue the overland route to Italy by the great Via Egnatia from Neapolis through Philippi, Thessalonica, and the Macedonian towns to Dyrrhachium, the port for Brundisium.”. This was the road by which, some years after, the martyr Ignatius was conveyed from Antioch to Rome under similar circumstances; and such a route would be particularly eligible 1 πλοίῳ. Acts xxvii. 2. here Lydian Asia, which the vessel would have 2 This route is implied in μέλλοντες πλεῖν τοὺς to pass on its way to Adramyttium, a city of κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν τόπους. Acts xxvii.2. Asia means Mysia, just north of Lydian Asia. 182 [a.D. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuap. V. on the present occasion, as it was now late in the year and the seas would soon be closed. Festus committed Paul and his fellow-trayellers to the charge of Julius, a cen- turion (fig. 245) of the Augustan cohort,’ a very humane officer, and kindly disposed Fig. 243.—A Roman centurion. This figure is the effigy of M. Favonius Pollio Facilis, a centurion of the twentieth legion, who was quartered at Camulo- dunum, now Colchester, and died there, and was buried in the Roman cemetery just without the Roman walls on the south of the road leading from Headgate to Lexden. In honour of his memory his two freedmen (fur he was a persen of some con- sequence) erected over his remains a sepulchral monument, on which was sculptured in basso-relievo a full-length portrait of the deceased. It was brought to light two or three years ago by Mr. George Joslin, who, in prosecuting his antiquarian researches, discovered it at the depth of about three feet from the surface, in two pieces. The above engraving is from a pho- tograph which was kindly presented to the author by Mr. Joslin himself. We have here, therefore, a faithful likeness taken from life of a Roman centurion, such as might have been seen marching at the head of his cohort through the streets of Camulodunum eighteen hundred years ago, in the days of the apostle Paul. The height of the canopy in which the figure stands, including the base, is 6 feet, and the width 2 ft. 4in, ‘The inscrip- tion at the foot when filled up is, M. Favonius M. F. Pollio Facilis centurio Legionis xx.: Verecundus et Novicius Liberti posuerunt. Hic situs est. That is, “Marcus Favonius (son of Marcus) Pollio Facilis, centurion of the 20th Legion. Erected hy Verecundus and Novicius, the freedmen. Here he lies.” The accoutrements of the centurion consist of a breastplate with a girdle and greaves, and shoes or sandals, and attached to the left shoulder is the sagum, or military cloak. In the right hand he holds the vitis or vine-stick, the badge of a centu- rion, and with which he was privileged to chastise the soldiers and maintain discipline. ‘lhe vitis was so peculiarly the mark of a centurion, that in inscriptions this rank was for brevity denoted by the initial letter V, but to distinguish it from the ordinary letter it was inclined sideways > as in the present instance. In the left band he grasps a sword attached to a belt, which passes over the right shoulder. On the right side is seen a short sword or dagger, which remarkably illustrates the statement of Josephus that the Roman legionaries carried two swords, a long one on the right hand and a short one on the left. Bell. iii.5, 5, A latere pugionem, Tac. Hist. iii. 68. This position of the sword is reversed in the monument, the case of a centurion being an exception to the general rule, from his holding the vitis in his right. σπείρης Σεβαστῆς. Acts xxvii. 1. The word to a Roman legion. There were five cohorts σπεῖρα signifies an auxiliary cohort as opposed usually stationed at Caesarea. Jos. Bell. iii. 4, 2; Cuap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.p. 60] 183 towards Paul, A company of Roman soldiers was added as a military escort, and (as Ignatius alone was guarded by ten, whom he calls his ten leopards,*) there could scarcely have been asmaller number, though precaution might have required more, for Paul, be it remembered, was not the only prisoner, but others also were forwarded to the capital of Italy at the same time.® By the courtesy of the Proeurator, Luke and Aristarchus,* who had arrived with Paul at Jerusalem, and seem to have remained in constant attendance upon him during his imprisonment, were allowed to accom- pany him on his voyage, Luke as far as Rome itself, and Aristarchus as far as Thes- salonica, his native city. The faithful Timothy was at Ephesus, and other attached followers may have been absent on errands to different Christian communities, The vessel sailed from Port Sebastus in the month of August, a.p. 60,’ and as the Ant. xix. 9,2, The σπεῖρα Σεβαστὴ was probably one of the five cohorts, and was distinct from the σπεῖρα ᾿Ιταλικὴ, Acts xi. 1, and from the Σηβαστηνοὶ (the mounted troops of Sebaste or Samaria) mentioned by Josephus, Ant. xx. 6, 1; xix. 9,2; Bell. ii. 12,5. As, however, the Se- basteni, or people of Sebaste (the then name of Samaria), were numerous in the army—emt τῷ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίους ἐκεῖσε στρατευο- μένων Καισαρεῖς εἶναι καὶ Σεβαστηνοὺς, Ant. xx. 8, 7 ;—and as there was a troop of horse called the Sebastene or Augustan—iAnv ἱππέων καλουμένην Σεβαστηνῶν, Bell. ii. 12,5; Ant, xx. 6,1; xix. 9, 2—it is not unlikely that there was a correspond- ing foot regiment or cohort called σπεῖρα Σεβαστή. There may even have been several σπεῖραι Σεβασ- ταὶ, as levied from Sebaste or Samaria, of which this was one; for observe that the expression of Luke is, that Julian was a centurion, not τῆς σπείρης Σεβαστῆς ---' the Augustan band,’ but σπείρης Σεβαστῆς - an Augustan band.’ It has been supposed by others that the σπεῖρα Σεβαστὴ Was a company of the Augustani—the bodyguard at Rome. Tac. Ann. xiv, 15; Suet. Nero, 25; Dion xiii. 8. See Meyer, Apostg. 442; Wieseler, Apostg. 359. Others, again, contend that by the Augustan band is meant a company of the Preetorian guards, and that Julius is the same person as Julius Priscus, the centurion who in a.p. 70 was appointed by Vitellius one of the two Prefects of the Pretorium, Tac. Hist. 11. 92,and on the over- throw of the Vitellian party killed himself from shame and vexation. Tac. Hist. iv. 11. If this be so, Julius had perhaps been the military escort of Festus on his appointment to Judea, and in that capacity had accompanied him from Rome to Cesarea, and was now returning. The favour of Julius, if one of the Praetorian guard, would also account for the wonderful impres- sion made by Paul's ministry at Rome amongst the Praetorian troops. Phil. i. 18. That a Pree- torian officer, with a company of Pretorians, was often sent out of Italy on some imperial mission appears from Plin. N. H. vi. 35, who speaks of, missi ab eo [Nerone] milites Przetoriani cum tribuno. It is noteworthy that while Julius, a centurion of the Augustan cohort, was at Cesarea, it is not said that the Augustan cohort itself was there. * Ten. Ep. Rom. v. ° καί τινας ἑτέρους δεσμώτας. Acts xxvii. 1. ὁ It has been suggested by J. B. Lightfoot (Philipp. p. 34), and is not improbable, that Avistarchus did not intend to accompany Paul farther on his way to Rome than to Thessaloniea, the native city of Aristarchus. Acts xx. 4. The ship in which Paul embarked was from Adra- myttium (πλοίῳ ᾿Αδραμυττηνῷ, Acts xxvii. 2), and they meant to sail along the coasts of Asia (μέλλοντες πλεῖν τοὺς κατὰ THY ᾿Ασίαν τύπους, Lb.), “ Ayistarchus, a Macedonian οἵ Thessalonica,” it is added, “ being with them.” Ib. Why the mention of Aristarchus in this way in connec- tion with an intended voyage towards Macedonia, except on the tacit assumption that he was going home, and was not bound for Rome ? 7 The date of the embarkation may be thus fixed. The arrival of Festus in Judea was about midsummer, or the 24th of June, A.p, 60, Fasti Sacri, p. 819, No. 1893. We have, then, to allow three days for his sojourn at Cesarea (“after three days,” Acts xxv. 1), and then two days for his going up from Czsarea to Jerusalem ; and ten days and upwards (say twelve days) for the stay at Jerusalem (“more than ten days,” Acts xxy. 6); and then two days for the return to Ceesarea; and one day more for the hearing See 184 [Δ.Ὁ. 60] [Cuap. V. VOYAGE TO ROME. westerly winds generally prevail at that period of the year, they had a favourable breeze, and the next day ran into Sidon, a distance of about sixty-seven geographical miles (fig. 244, 245, 246).* This maritime seat of commerce Paul had visited before, From Cassas. Fig. 244.—View of Sidon from the north. and must have preached the Gospel there more than once. He had therefore many friends in the town, and as the vessel was not to sail immediately, the centurion Julius, from the dictates of a naturally kind heart, and also, perhaps, from the in- structions of Festus to treat Paul with liberality, permitted him, chained by the wrist to a soldier, to call upon his Christian brethren, and receive from them those hospi- talities which respect for the Apostle could not fail to elicit. The mercantile business transacted, they again weighed anchor, and as the ship was to touch next at Myra, in Lycia, they would fain have stretched across and taken the direct course by keeping Cyprus on their right hand,’ but the wind, which had veered somewhat to the north, was now contrary, and they stood for the promon- tory of Pedalium, the south-eastern horn of Cyprus, and then sailed under the lee of ” of Paul (“the next day,” Acts xxv. 6); and then has derived the most valuable assistance from a good many days, say ten (“after certain days,” Acts xxv. 13); and then several days—say seven (“many days,” Acts xxv. 14); and then another day (“on the morrow,” Acts xxv. 23); and then an interval—say twenty days—spent in prepara- tions for the voyage and finding a ship, making in all fifty-eight days from the 24th of June, A.p. 60, which brings us to the 21st of August, A.D. 60. In describing the voyage, the author the Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, by the late James Smith, of Jordan Hill, who has at least settled one moot question, viz. whether the scene of the shipwreck was at Malta or Meleda. 8 Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 22. * Thus following the direction of Paul’s pre- vious voyage, when he sailed direct from Patara in Lycia to Tyre, and kept Cyprus on the left hand. Acts xxi. 2. ' Nebhi Shamcoon a —_ ; Dabagha /Zennery = 4 Σ ἐξ Olja ---τττίτειστο \ ἡ ΦΒυαδοέ εἴ Dake sd \ eo Sa Gardens "|. ‘Cemetery Sn ee cu bel el Fouka \ Fig. 246.—Coin of Sidon. From the British Museum. Obv. Head laureated with a star—Rev. Female figure on back of a bull, with the legend Σιδωνος (of Sidon). VOL. IT. 186 VOYAGE TO ROME. [CHap. V. the island in a northward direction.” On clearing the island, they came within the influence of the land-breezes, which about this time blow off the southern coast of Asia Minor, and had also the benefit of the current which during the later months sets in strongly to the west." With wind and tide in their favour, they made good way through the sea of Cilicia, and then of Pamphyha, and having reached the embouchure of the river Andriacus, now Andraki (fig. 247), they entered it and cast anchor in the port of Myra. Fig. 247.—Entrance to the River Andviacus, on τὶ hich, at a distance of two miles and a half from the sea, was the City of Myra. From Ionian Antiquities. This emporium of trade lay two miles and a half up the stream on the left bank as you ascended, and was situate on an eminence overlooking the plain.” The broad channel of the river below the city had been formed into a port, and the entrance to it in case of danger was protected bya heavy chain, drawn when necessary across the stream. Myra at one time was the metropolis of Lycia, and Scewulph, an Anglo- 0 ὑπεπλεύσαμεν τὴν Κύπρον. Acts xxvii.4. As the ancients, like the moderns, constructed their maps with the north at the top, it has been sup- posed by some that to sail under a place was to sail south of it. But ὑποπλεῦσαι is a nautical phrase, and means to sail along that coast, whether north or south, which is sheltered from the wind. In this case, as the wind was N.W., they sailed along the south-east of the island. See Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 24. τι Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 28. Bs ES as : thea , © εἶτα Mupa ἐν εἴκοσι σταδίοις ὑπὲρ τῆς θαλάττης ἐπὶ μετεώρου λόφου. εἶθ᾽ ἡ ἐκβολὴ τοῦ Διμύρου ποταμοῦ. Strabo xiv. 3,7 (p. 246, Tauch.). See Fellowes’s Travels in Lycia; Spratt and Forbes’s Lycia; Texier’s Asie-Mineure. Capt. Beaufort (p. 29) thinks the distance from the sea three miles. 18. Λέντλος ἐπιπεμφθεὶς ᾿Ανδριάκῃ Μυρέων ἐπινείῳ, τήν τε ἅλυσιν ἔῤῥηξε τοῦ λιμένος καὶ ἐς Μύρα ἀνήει. App. B. C. iv. 82. 4 untpdmodts τῆς Λυκίας Mupa. Hier. Synecd. δοὺς δίκαιον μητροπόλεως καὶ ἄρχοντα τῇ λεγομένῃ πόλει Μύρᾳ. Malala xiv. Cuar. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. Fa.D. 60] 187 Saxon pilgrim of the twelfth century, speaks of it as still the port of the Adriatic, as Constantinople was of the figean.’? But commerce is fickle, and Myra has been deserted, and is now a desolation (fig. 248). The traveller, however, still wonders at the vast theatre excavated from the mountain on the we st, and surveys with interest the silent Heiss of generations passed away, and the broken arches of the aqueduct that once conveyed the pure mountain stream to a dense multitude, of whom even the bones have long since crumbled to dust.!® At Myra the centurion most unluckily, as it turned out, changed his plan. Egypt, as is well known, was one of the granaries of Rome, and vessels laden with corn were during the navigable months continually passing from Alexandria to Italy. The shortest route lay along the coast of Africa, but as the north-w esterly wind invariably blows at this season, they not unfrequently sailed by way of Syria te the coast « Fig. 248.— View of the theatre and other remains of Myra. From C. Texier. Asia Minor, and then shaped their course westward amongst the islands of the Algean, and so passed between Crete and the Peloponnesus.’* By this means they avoided the Syrtis of Africa, and supplied the want of a compass by keeping in sight the successive landmarks.!* © Early Travels in Palestine, by Wright. from Egypt, as appears from an ancient inserip- 16 See Fellcwes's Lycia. tion: “ Horrea Imp. Cesaris Divi Trajani Par- 17 See Wetstein on Acts xxvii. 6. thici F. Divi Nerve Nepotis Trajani Adriani 8 Myra was a storehouse of the corn brought Augusti Cos. iii.” Karamania, by Capt. Beaufort, Ὁ Β Ὁ [a.p. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuar. V. One of these Alexandrian corn-ships was now lying at Myra, and ready to sail for Italy, and Julius, availing himself of a circumstance so fortunate, as he conceived, abandoned the design of sailing along the coast of Asia with the view of taking the Via Egnatia, and transferred his prisoners from the Adramyttian to the Alexandrian vessel. It was late in the year, and severe weather might be expected, but the craft in which they embarked was of the largest burden, and capable of encountering the violence of a heavy sea. We have curiously enough a description of one of these Alexandrian corn-ships in Lucian, who lived next after the apostolic age. The vessel, the Isis, like that in which Paul sailed, had gone round by Syria, and along the coast of Asia Minor, and then encountering adverse winds, had been driven into the Pireeus. It was an unusual sight in the Port of Athens, and soon attracted a crowd of idlers from the city. Lucian introduces a dialogue amongst a party who had just examined the Isis; and one of them is made to say, ‘But what a ship it was! The car- penter said it was 180 feet long, and 45 wide, and from the deck down to the pump at the bottom of the hold 453. yard it carried! and with what a cable was it sustained! and how gracefully the stern And for the rest, what a mast it was! and what a was rounded off, and was surmounted with a golden goose” (the sign of a corn-ship) ! “and at the other end how gallantly the prow sprang forward, carrying on either side the Goddess after whom the ship was named! and all the rest of the ornament, the painting, and, the flaming pennants, and above all the anchors, and the capstans, and windlasses, and the cabin next the stern, all appeared to me perfectly marvellous. And the multitude of sailors one might compare to a little army, and it was said to carry corn enough to suffice for a year’s consumption for all Attica, and this unwieldy bulk was all managed by that little shrivelled old gentleman with a bald pate, who sat at the helm twisting about with a bit of a handle those two monstrous paddles, one on each side, which serve as rudders.” p. 27. And the ships that brought the corn probably about one-half only of the length of from Heypt carried back timber from the woody mountains of Lycia. Ib. p. 10. 19. Tucian, Nav. v. These facts enable us to caleulate the tonnage of an Alexandrian corn- ship. In a general way, the tonnage of a vessel may be ascertained by multiplying the length of the keel (in this case 180 ft.) by the extreme breadth (in this case 45 ft.), and the product by half the breadth, which may be taken as the average of its depth (225 ft.), and dividing the whole by 94. See Voyage and Shipwreck, by James Smith, of Jordan Hill, p. 148. Thus, moxse XS = 1988, or nearly two thousand tons. Jas. Smith finds an error in the assumption that the length of keel was equal to the length of the ship, inasmuch as, from the great projection of the head and stern, the length of the keel was the ship; and he estimates the tonnage as some- thing between 1100 and 1200 tons. J. Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 150. But, on the other hand, Jas. Smith takes the depth of the ship at 224 ft., whereas Lucian expressly men- tions the depth from the deck to the bottom of the hold at 453 ft., so that the truth would seem to lie somewhere between the two estimates —say 1500 tons, a size equal to our largest class of merchantmen. The rigging of an Alexandrian ship was simple enough. A foresail called the artemon (τὸν dpréwova), a mainsail or velum, and a topsail, or siparum. Jas. Smith thinks that an ancient ship had only “one great square sail, with a small one at the bow.” Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 151. But Seneca; in a passage which will be Crap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.v. 60] 189 Such was the vessel to which Paul was now commit{ed (fig. 249). The number of souls. on board, including the centurion and his soldiers, and Paul and the other prisoners, was two hundred and seventy-six. Here Aristarchus probably parted from Paul, for Aristarchus had embarked in the Adramyttian ship with the view of sailing Fig. 249. —Representation of an ancient ship, From a sculpture on the tomb of Naroleia Tyche at Pompeii. From a photograph. The name of Nevoleia was probably derived from navis (a ship), and hence a ship was the emblem or armorial bearing of the family. along the coast of Asia and then pursuing his way to Thessalonica, his native place, and now that the centurion altered his plans and resolved on a sea yoyage by the Alexandrian yessel, Aristarchus took his leave and continued on board the ship of Adramyttium. But he afterwards rejoined the Apostle at Rome, for we find him there at the date of the Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon.?! The Alexandrian ship, with the centurion and Paul on board, weighed anchor from Myra, and from this moment their difficulties daily increased, till a continued scene of disasters was at length closed by an absolute wreck. There appears, how- ever, to have been no want of seamanship on the part of the commander or the crew. The Etesian winds which blow from the north-west,”? and commence, according to Pliny, about the 20th July and continue till about the 28th August, an interval of of September be expected to cease, and be forty days,** might now at the beginning have enabled them to reach Rome. This succeeded by a south wind,** which would found cited ina future page,speaks of the velum τῆς ἄρκτου φερομένων καὶ ζεφύρου. Aristot. de as distinet from the siparum, and shows that Mundo, e. 4. the siparum was the upper sail, and the most * Qui dies [exortus Canicule] xv. ante Au- effective for progress of the vessel. See Seneca, gustas calendas est [i.e. 18th of July]. Post biduum autem exortus, iidem Aquilones con- Epist. 77. : 30 Coloss. iv. 10. stantius perflant diebus quadraginta, quos Etesias 2 yO vocant, Plin. N. H. ii. 47. * οἱ Ἐτησίαι λεγόμενοι μίξιν ἔχοντες τῶν τε ἀπὸ ** Post eos (Etesias) rursus Austri frequentes 190 [a.D. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [CHav. V. expectation, however, was not fulfilled, and the ship was still obliged to keep close in shore, to take advantage of the land breezes and the current. Even these aids to navigation had almost lost their effect, for from Myra to Cnidus, at the entrance of the Aigean Sea, the coast trends away to the north, and so hes more exposed to the Etesian blasts. The ship in consequence made but little way, and it was not till after the lapse of many days, that by dint of tacking and beating about, they at length found themselves off Cnidus (fig. 250, 251), a distance from Myra of one hundred and thirty geographical miles.” Fig. 250 — View of the Peninsula of Cnidus with the two ports one upon each side of the isthmus, and of the site of the city oy Cnidus on the mainland. The spectator is looking south. Krom Laborde. Fig. 251.—Coin of Cnidus. From the British Museum. Obv. Head of Venus.—Hev. Head of a lion with the name of the chief magistrate. Here, as the coast turns abruptly to the north, the land breezes and current, by the aid of which they had been able to work up against a north-west wind as far as usque ad sidus Arcturi, quod exoritur undecim habit of touching at Cnidus, appears from Thu- diebus ante equinoctium autumni. Plin. N. H. ecydides; for οἱ ἐν Μιλήτῳ ἐκέλευον. . . περὶ τὸ ii. 47. Τριόπιον [the headland of Cnidus] .. . ras az’ τ Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p.34. That Αἰγύπτου ὁλκάδας προσβάλλουσας συλλαμβάνειν. the merchantmen from Alexandria were inthe Thucyd. viii. 35. Cuapr. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME, [a.p. 60] 191 Cnidus, now ceased entirely, and they encountered at once the full force of the Etesian winds. To make head against them was impossible, and their only alternative was, instead of the direct course to the north of Crete, to steer southward, and run under the lee of the island. They made therefore for Cape Salmone (fig. 252), the ᾿Ξ From the British Museum. Obv. Head of Diana.—Kev. Plan of the Labyrinth with the legend KNQSIQN (of the Gnossians). Fig. 253.- Coin of Gnossus in Crete. § eastern promontory of Crete (fig. 253), and passing that point they again had the advantage of a weather shore,”° and being somewhat screened from the violence of the wind, they managed, but not without great difficulty, to coast half-way along the island as far as Fair Havens (still called Λιμεώνας Kanovs), two leagues from Cape Matala, the promontory to the west (fig. 254, 255).2* Here all further progress was stopped, for beyond Cape Matala the coast sweeps round to the north-west, and by reason of the prevailing blasts from the north-west, the vessel could not double the promontory. They therefore waited in Fair Havens a place has reference to the land, and means, to sail under shelter of the land. * Pococke, vol. ii. p. 250. In the same way Sir James, afterwards Lord De Saumarez, after *° The weather side of a ship is that exposed to the wind, and the shore on that side is the weather shore, and is therefore the shore which is sheltered from the wind by the land. The lee side of a ship is that away from the wind, and the shore on that side is the lee shore, and is therefore the shore exposed to the wind. Thus ‘weather shore’ and ‘lee shore’ have re- ference to the ship. To sail ‘under the lee’ of the battle of the Nile, had intended to pass by the north of Crete, but the wind being contrary, he was forced to run to the south of the island. Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 40. [Cuar. V. 192 [a.v. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. for a change of wind.** None however occurred. The Fast or great day of Expiation, which was celebrated this year on 24th September, was past,2° and though the vessels of the ancients under favourable circumstances, might continue at sea till 11th November,” yet after the autumnal equinox (24th September), navigation was Vig. 254.—Fair Havens. From a plate in Cassell’s Bible Dictionary, taken from J. Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck. The spectator is looking west. attended with danger. It therefore became a question whether they should winter in Fair Havens, or, on the first opportunity, make for the more secure Port of Phcenix, now Lutro, which lay about forty miles to the west, on the other side of Cape ** On the slaty ridge which forms the western horn of the bay are found the ruins of a church ‘dedicated to St. Paul; and Captain Spratt sup- poses that Paul may, during the sojourn at Fair Havens, have preached to the natives on this spot. Capt. Spratt’s Crete, ii. 4. * According to the Rabbins, navigation at sea was practicable only from the Feast of Pentecost to the Feast of Tabernacles, which occurred only five days after the Fast. See the passages cited by Schoettgen, Horse Heb. i. 482. Ὁ Ex die igitur iii. Iduum Noyembris usque in diem yi. Iduum Martiarum maria clanudun- tur. Nam lux minima, noxque prolixa, nubium deusitas, aeris obscuritas, ventorum imbrium vel nivium geminata szevitia, non solum classes a pelago, sed etiam commeatus a terrestri itinere deturbat. Veget. de Re Milit. v.; Plin. N. H. 11. 47. And see Ces. B. G. iv. 36; v.23. F. Martin, in his Notes on the Four Gospels and the Acts, observes : “ Philo notes that after the Fast no- body thought of putting to sea. The second parliament of James IIT. enacted that no ship should be freighted out of Scotland with staple goods from the day of St. Simon and St. Jude to Candlemas.” Cuap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a p. 60] 193 Matala,®” and across the Bay of Messara. This was a very debatable point. On the one hand Fair Havens was a tolerable roadstead, behind some isolated rocks, but though a good shelter, as was now experienced, from north-westerly winds, and pro- Fig. 255.— Map of Fair Havens. Se oe τ 3 Ἂς in ) Founda πεν Ξε BAX VAnc™\Laseam or = THALASSA (es SF Boat Passage From Admiralty Chart. tected on most points of the compass, it was exposed on the east and south-east, and was therefore an unsafe refuge in winter? The city of Laswa,** however, lay at a * That Pheenix is Port Lutro has been proved by J. Smith, of Jordan HilJ, in his Voyage and Shipwreck. Thus Ptolemy (iii. 17, 3) makes the longitude of Phoenix the same as that of Lutro. Strabo describes Phcenix as on the south of the isthmus or narrowest part of Crete, x. 4 (Ὁ. 370, Tauch.), and Lutro is so situate. Hierocles Synee. calls Pheenix Φοινήκη. ἤτοι ᾿Αραδένα, and Pashley (ii. 257) found, just above Lutro, two villages called Aradhena and Ano- polis. The mention of Anopolis is a further confirmation that Lutro is Phoenix; for while Hierocles calls Pheenix Aradhena, Stephanus Byz. calls Aradhena Anopolis: ᾿Αραδὴν πόλις Κρήτης: ἡ δὲ ᾿Ανώπολις λέγεται διὰ τὸ εἶναι ἄνω. The relative situations of Aradhena and Anopolis will be seen in the accompanying chart, p. 195. VOL. I. 82 Spratt’s Crete, ii. 2, 4. *"Laswa is perhaps the Aicoos mentioned by Hierocles Synecdemus in connection with Pheenix and Aradhena. Lissus is called Lisia in the Peutinger Tables, and stated to be sixteen miles from Gortyna, which is about the distance of Fair Havens from Gortyna. It is now known by the name of Lapsea. “Near the Καλοὶ Ameéves, on the summit of the hills, are the re- mains of the city Lapsea, surrounded by pre- cipitous mountains. A temple with its statues lies in ruins, and other vestiges may be traced near the harbour.” Museum of Class. Antiq. vii. 287. Captain Spratt describes it as standing on the promontory which forms the eastern horn of the Bay of Fair Havens. Crete, ii. 8. He rather fancifully traces the name from the Δίσση 20 194 [a.p. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuar. V short distance from Fair Hayens, a circumstance not immaterial during three or four dreary months, to the comfort of the mariners. Phcenix, on the other hand, was a safe harbour in all weathers, and was the only port along the southern coast of Crete which was so.** It lay on the east side of a promontory on which was built the city of Pheenix,*® and would hold ten or twelve large vessels.*° The port was formed by an island lying in front of it, and having two entrances looking respectively to the south-east and north-east “ἢ (fig. 256, 257). The risk of proceeding thither at this late season of the year was a serious obstacle. Julius, the centurion, and the captain and pilot and other nayal officers met in council, and Paul, who had no little experience in nayal matters, for he had been already thrice shipwrecked,** assisted, by the courtesy of Julius, at the consulta- The Apostle’s advice at once was to remain at Fair Havens, and he predicted “Sirs,” he said, “I perceive tion. in the most distinct terms the danger of quitting it. that this voyage will be with hurt and much damage, not only of the lading and ship, but also of our lives.”*® The centurion was well acquainted with Paul, and gave him credit for a clear head and sound judgment, but in matters of seamanship he rather deferred to the captain and pilot, who agreed in representing Fair Hayens as an unsafe winter harbour, and urged the necessity, at whatever hazard, of making for Port Phoenix. carrying the resolution into effect.*° The council so decided, and they now watched for an opportunity of πέτρα Of Homer, for he tells us that just opposite the eastern promontory on which Laseea stood is an islet or rock called Traphos, which (and no other) would answer Homev’s description : ἔστι δέ τις λισσὴ αἰπεῖά τε εἰς ἄλα πέτρη ἐσχατιῇ Τόρτυνος, κ.τ.λ. Οὐν85. iii, 293. And he identifies Laszea with Thalasszea, a coin of which (though it could only have been a small coast town) is to be found in Mionnet. Spratt’s Crete, 11. 9... Pliny mentions a city of Crete by the name of Lasos, but does not give the situation. Plin. N. H. iv. 20. “ Spratt’s Crete, 1]. 249. 35. Spratt’s Crete, ii. 254. * Spratt’s Crete, ii. 251. “7 βλέποντα κατὰ λίβα καὶ κατὰ χῶρον. Acts xxvii. 12. ‘Looking down the south-west wind and the north-west wind, or towards the points io which they blow. The harbour was formerly said to be nearly choked up from the effects of a mountain stream which discharges itself into it. See Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 50. But more recently J. Smith, in a letter to a friend, furnishes some further particulars, and states that Loutro is an excellent harbour. “ You open it unexpectedly; the rocks stand apart, and the town appears within. During the Greek war, when cruising with Lord Cochrane. . . they chased a pirate schooner as they thought right upon the rocks. Suddenly he disappeared, and when rounding in after him, like a change of scenery the little basin, its shipping, and the town of Loutro revealed themselves.” Sée Alford’s New Testament. $8 2 Cor. xi. 25. % Acts xxvii. 10. Ὁ That the port of Phcenix was a favourite resort of the Alexandrine vessels is curiously enough confirmed by an inscription found there, purporting that Dionysius of Alexandria, cap- tain of the ship whose sign was Isopharia, and of the feet of Theon, had superintended the dedication of an altar or temple to Serapis, &e. : “Jovi Optimo Maximo, Serapidi et omnibus Diis et Imperatori Ceesari Nervee Trajano Aug. Germanico Dacico, Epistelus Libertus stabu- larius, curam agente operis Dionysio Sostrati filio Alexandrine Gubernatore Navis Parasemo Isopha- ria ΟἹ. Themis.” Spratt’s Crete, vol. ii. p. 254. The old town of Phcenix was on the pro- montory to the west of the harbour; but Lutro, the modern village, is on the seaside at the head of the port. Ib. The promontory divided the Port of Phoenix on the east from the Bay of Pheenix, now Phenika Bay, on the west. Cnar. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [A.p, 60] 195 About the middle of October the wind at length shifted, and a gentle breeze sprang up from the south. All now was alacrity. The anchor was weighed, the sails were set, and the ship bounded forward. After clearing the harbour, their Fig. 256.— View of coast about Port Pheniz. From Admiralty Chart. Phenika Bay. Site of the Port Phenix or Lutro City of Sphakia. Thought by Words- city of Phoe- in the bay to the right worth to be Port nix on the of the Promontory. Pheenix. promontory. See chart. course, till they rounded Cape Matala, was close to the land. A ship which could not lie nearer to the wind than seven points could just weather that point which bears west by south from the entrance to Fair Havens. We see, therefore, the propriety TAA Hy i} HN Mi ΞΕ. το’ we Leanta ANAPOLIS ae Kabos * ep Sharia is a rh: ἘΣ Ni, Ses Ane’ ve WANS Farageie “Anapolis 2 variand Ὁ Riza 3, ey Ξ ye θὲς Sen LN a Z Phineka j erie = Bay / =~ Y)-; py ew |\Thealis Kort _ ᾿ eet | = Fig. 257.—Chart of Port Lutro (Pheniz) and coast. From Admiralty Chart. of the expression “ they sailed close by Crete.”*' The distance from the anchorage at Fair Havens to Cape Matala was four or five miles."* They now doubled the Cape, and, ἢ ἄσσον παρελέγοντο τὴν Κρήτην. Acts xxvii. Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 56. 13. Smith's Voyage and Shipwreck, p. δῦ. 202 196 [a.p, 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. (Cuap, V. deeming their purpose accomplished, steered merrily across the gulf for Port Phoenix, a distance of thirty-four miles. Alas! the tempting breeze had but lured them to their doom. They had not made half their passage when a typhoon ** from the north-east (not uncommon in those seas, and called Euroclydon)** struck against the vessel.” * The term implies a vortex or whirlwind, from the sudden shifting of the wind from the south to the north-east. ~* Acts xxvii. 14. Another reading is Evpa- κύλων, Euroaquilo, or north-east. Euroclydon is from Εὖρος, ‘the east wind, and κλύδων, “ἃ billow; and Euroaquilo from Evpos, ‘the east wind, and ᾿Ακύλων, ‘the north wind, and there- fore signifying a north-easter” Neither Euro- clydon nor Euroaquilo is found elsewhere. It is hard to say, since the MSS. are about equally balanced, whether Euroclydon or Euroaquilo is the true reading. Bryant, in his Observations on the Wind Euroclydon, contends for Euroclydon. His first great argument is that Euroaquilo would be a compound of Εὖρος, a Greek word, and Aquilo, a Latin word, and therefore not, like Euronotus (Plin. N. H. ii. 46), a compound of two Greek words. But though ‘ Eurus’ was originally Greek, yet in the time of the Apostle it had become naturalised amongst the Romans. Thus, Eurus jam civitate donatus est, et nostro sermoni non tanquam alienus intervenit. Senec. Nat. Quest. y. 16. And not only so, but the Latins used the compound word Euroauster, and certainly Auster was Latin and not Greek. Gellius ii. 22. Another argument of Bryant is that Euro- aquilo, even if admitted to be well compounded, could not denote a north-east wind; for while Aquilo is certainly the north, Eurus is not the east wind, which was known as subso- lanus or solanus, and so answered to the Greek ἀφηλιώτης ; and further, that Eurus amongst the Greeks, as shown by the Temple of the Winds at Athens, was the south-east, answer- ing to Vulturnus amongst the Latins; and that, when the word Eurus was introduced amongst the Romans, it preserved the same meaning, as, Qui surgit ab oriente equinoctiali [E.] subso- lanus apud nos dicitur; Greeci illum ἀφηλιώτην vocant. Ab oriente hiberno [S. E.] Eurus exit, quem nostri vocavere vulturnum, &e. Senec. Nat. Quest. v.16. Ab oriente zquinoctiali sub- solanus, ab oriente brumali vulturnus: illum Apelioten, hune Eurum Greci appellant. Plin. N.H. i. 47, 46. Favonio [W.] contrarius est quem subsolanum appellayimus Huie [Coro=N. W.] est contrarius Vulturnus [S. E.]. Plin. N. Ἡ. 1]. 47. Ventumque Vulturnum [S8. E.] Eurum Grecis dictum. Ib. xviii. 77,3. So that Euroaquilo in composition would be not N.E., but 8. E. N., which would be a contradiction in terms. To this it may be answered that not only Homer, Odyss. v. 295, and the poets gene- rally, but also Aristotle, De Mundo, ec. 4, Strabo 11. 3, Arrian Periplus Euxin. 5. 4, Stobzeus lib. i., and others (see Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 123), assume Eurus to be the cardinal point of East. Besides, to say that Eurus is 8. E. proves too much, for then even Euroclydon would indicate a wind to the S. of E., whereas it is clear that the wind in question was to the N. of E., or the vessel could not have been car- ried down from Crete to Clauda, and the ma- riners would not have been apprehensive of falling upon the Syrtis. Eurus,- therefore, whether the true reading be Euroclydon or Euroaquilo, must mean due east. The language of Luke seems in one particular to favour the reading of ‘Euroclydon; for he writes, ἔβαλε κατ᾽ αὐτῆς ἄνεμος τυφωνικὸς, ὁ καλού- μενος, K.7.A.—i.e. ἃ wind which was known by a special name, and called so-and-so; whereas, if the wind was merely a point of the compass, as Euroaquilo, it could no more have been said “which is evlled a north-easter,” than it could be said “ which is called the north wind, or the south wind,” as the point of the compass named would indicate the wind without any qualifica- tion. As Luke, therefore, calls attention to the fact that the wind had acquired a peculiar appel- lation, it may be fairly argued that the wind in question was not a point of the compass—i.e. was not Euroaquilo, but Euroclydon. It is im- material to decide, as, whichever be the true text, it is clear that the wind, in fact, whatever its name, was from the N. E., or some point very near it. * wer’ οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἔβαλε κατ᾽ αὐτῆς ἄνεμος τυφω- νικὸς, ὁ καλούμενος Ἐὐροκλύδων. Acts xxvil. 14. “A typhoon struck against her,” viz. the ship — τῆς vjos. A person who had been some weeks on board would thus shortly but naturally ex- press himself. The vessel would be always in his mind, and instead of repeating the word “ship,” he would use the word “ she ὁ or “ her.” So Shakespeare, in the ‘Tempest,’ before any Cuap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.p. 60] L197 They could neither regain Fair Havens nor hold on for Phcenix, but with sails spread and the boat in the water,*’ as in a pleasure excursion, they were at the mercy of the gale, and being wholly unable to face it * (fig. 258), were swept along Fig. 258.—A painting from the walls of a house in Herculaneum, exhibiting the passage in Luke where the ship is said to “ by it, or, in nautical phrase, they scudded before it** to the south-west. vessels with eyes on the prow, and ilustrating eye” (ἀντοφθαλμεῖν) or face the vind. Driven in this direction for twenty-three miles,’ they neared the little island of Clauda, now mention is made of a ship, writes, “ Down with the topmast ; yare, yare; lower, lower; bring /er to with main-course.” Tempest, act i. scene 1. The term commonly employed by Luke for the merchantman in which he sailed is wAotov, but he also uses the word vais, xxvii. 41. If this interpretation be not adopted the words kar’ αὐτῆς can only be applied to mv Κρήτην, which had immediately preceded, and if so, what can be the meaning? To say that the wind drove them against or toward Crete is absurd, as they were carried in the very opposite direction. Alford suggests that the wind came down upon them from Crete (as in Bn δὲ κατ᾽ Οὐλύμποιο καρήνων, κατ᾽ ᾿Ιδαίων ὀρέων, κατὰ πέτρης, &e.) But this makes the wind a local one, and connects it particu- larly with the island, whereas the wind from their being driven before it for fourteen days was manifestly of a general character and of the widest This interpretation, seems the only one, if the reader reject the range. howeyer, hypothesis that by κατ᾽ αὐτῆς the ship itself is referred to. * Thus Cicero, Funiculo qui a puppi religatus scapham annexam trahebat. De Invent. ii. 51. τ ἀντοφθαλμεῖν --- to look at it. Acts xxvii. 15. The ancient vessels, as many still in the Mediterranean, had a large eye painted on each side of the bow. See fig. 258. “ἢ ἐπιδόντες ἐφερόμεθα. Acts xxvii. 15. "ἢ Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 64 198 [A.p. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuap. V. Gozzo,®° and they gladly rounded the eastern cape and ran under the lee of the shore. There was no anchorage, or none practicable against a north-easterly wind, but they were somewhat less exposed to the violence of the gale, and they now endeavoured to repair their fault by taking every precaution that good seamanship dictated for encountering the storm. Their first object was to secure the boat by hoisting it on board, a task of no little difficulty, as having been dragged through a heavy sea for nearly thirty miles it was completely swamped. Their next care was to prop or undergird the γ 6556]. Having been caught by the storm with her sails set, she had suffered a severe straining, and was beginning to leak. To prevent her, if possible, from going to pieces, they passed a strong cable several times round her, about midships, where the timbers, from the leverage of the mainmast, had most suffered. They next “made the ship snug” by lowering the sails, and bringing down upon deck all the spars and rigging.” Now came the question, what course were they to steer. They could not seud before the wind, not only from the danger of a pooping sea beating against the stern, but four-and-twenty hours’ drift in the direction of the storm would carry them to certain destruction upon the Great Syrtis or sandbank of Africa. They could not heave-to on the port-tack, or, in other words, turn the head of the vessel to the left, for in that quarter, and at no great distance, lay the coast of Libya, and they would soon be wrecked upon a lee shore. The only remaining alternative, and which they adopted, was to heave-to on the starboard tack, or to the right, in a north-westerly direction. They therefore set the storm-sail to keep the vessel steady, and steered as close to the wind as a north-easterly gale would permit. They were now fairly committed to their fate, and were drifting in Adria® to the north-west, at the rate of about forty Shipwreck, p. 63. But undergirding is occa- sionally resorted to eyen at the present day. 52 χαλάσαντες τὸ σκεῦος. Acts xxvii. 17. 3° Κλαύδην. But Griesbach prefers the read- ing of Καῦδα. In Pliny, Suidas, and Mela, the island is called Gaudos, whence the Greek name Gaudonesi, or Isle of Gaudos, now Italianised into Gozzo. ‘1 That undergirding was in use amongst the ancients is evidenced by many passages. συμβουλεύσας τοῖς Ῥοδίοις ὑποζωννύειν. Leg. 64. νηός τοι πλευρῇσιν ὑπὸ ζυγὰ θήσομεν ἡμεῖς, Κλεάρισθ᾽, ot’ ἔχομεν. ναῦς Polyb. Theognis, 513, ζωνεύματα, trofapmara’ σχοινία κατὰ μέσον τὴν ναῦν δεσμευόμενα. Hesych.; and see some possible references to the same custom, Horace, Carm. 1. 14,6; Thucyd. 1. 29; Appian, B. C. v. 91. In modern times the strain is spread over three masts with small sails, which can be quickly taken in; but the ancient ships had to sustain the leverage of a single mast with a ponderous yard at the upper end. Smith’s Voyage and 53 The sea now commonly called the Adriatic, is that between Italy on the west and Dalmatia and Illyria on the east ; but this was not so when Luke wrote. Originally the Adriatic (which took its name from Adria, a town of celebrity at the mouth of the Po) reached from the end of the gulf to a line drawn from Aulon in Illy- yieum to Hydrus in Calabria; but so early as the time of Scylax, the Adriatic had extended itself southwards so as to embrace within it the Tonian Sea, which washed the western shore of Greece. λιμὴν Ὑδροῦς ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Αδρίου ἢ τῷ "Ioviov κόλπου στόματι. Seylax, Japyges. So Horace speaks of the battle of Actium as fought in the Adriatic. Actia pugna Te duce per pueros hostili more refertur; Adversarius est frater, lacus Adria. Hor. Ep. i. 18, 61. Cuap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.p. 60] 199 miles a day. The storm, instead of abating, as they might reasonably have expected, continued with unabated violence,‘ and the timbers in consequence being more and more strained, and the leakage increasing, the next day they were obliged to lighten the vessel by heaving overboard the least valuable and most weighty part of her burden. This formed a temporary relief, but the ship, from the fury of the gale, soon laboured as much as before, and the day following they threw overboard the tackling of the ship. Paul and Luke both assisted personally, for Luke observes, “ We cast it out with our own hands.”°* The mainyard was probably an immense And Strabo writes: ὁ δ᾽ Ἰόνιος κόλπος μέσος ἐστὶ τοῦ νῦν ᾿Αδρίου λεγομένου. Strab. ii. 5 (p. 196, Tauch.) Here Strabo alludes to the ’Adpias as used in a wider sense than formerly, but does not give us the limits. Elsewhere he speaks only of the μυχὸς or κόλπος ᾿Αδριατικὸς, and not of the πέλαγος ᾿Αδριατικόν. See vii. 5, and ex- cerpt. 3 from the same book. Ovid, however, his contemporary, supplies the omission, and we learn from him that the ’Aépias reached all the way from Sicily to Greece. Thus Ceres in search of her daughter Proserpine, sails from the straits of Messana to Greece. Effugit et Syrtes, et te, Zanclaea Charybdi ; Et vos, Niswi, naufraga monstra, canes; Adriacumque patens late, bimaremque Corinthon. Sic venit ad portus, Attica terra, tuos. And the same poet, in referring to his own voyage from Italy to Greece on his way to exile, proceeds : Aut hance [literam] me gelidi tremerem cum mense Decembris Scribentem mediis Adria vidit aquis, Aut positquam bimarem cursu superavimus Isthmon, Alteraque est nostra sumpta carina fuge. Ovid. ‘Trist. i. 11, 3. The shipwreck of Josephus on his way to Rome occurred at nearly the same time with that of St. Paul, and he speaks of the Adriatic in exactly the same sense as Luke; for, sailing from Judea to Puteoli, his ship foundered κατὰ μέσον τὸν ᾿Αδρίαν, Vit. iii., and he was picked up at sea by a vessel on her voyage from Cyrene to Puteoli, ib. The lines of the two yessels, one from Judea and the other from Cyrene, would meet in the sea called by Luke the Adriatic. The same extended sense continued to be given to ’Adpias for some ages after the Christian era. Thus Pausanias (cire. 180 a.p.) speaks of the Straits of Messana as connecting the Tyrrhene sea in the north with the Adriatic on the south : οἵ τε γὰρ ἄνεμοι ταράσσουσιν αὐτὴν [θάλασσανἿ, ἀμφοτέρωθεν τὸ κῦμα ἐπάγοντες ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Αδρίου καὶ ἐξ ἑτέρου πελάγους ὃ καλεῖται Τυρσηνόν. Υ. al I and again as lying between Sicily and the Morea, for the Alpheus passes under it from Arcadia to Ortygia: ἔμελλε δὲ dpa μηδὲ ᾿Αδρίας ἐπισχήσειν αὐτὸν τοῦ πρόσω: διανηξάμενος δὲ τοῦτο πέλαγος . ἐν ᾽Ορτυγίᾳ ἐπιδείκνυσιν. viii. 54,2. In the same way does Ptolemy distinguish between the Adriatic κόλπος, or gulf, and the Adriatic πέλαγος, or sea: vii. 5,3 and 10; viii. 7,2; viii. 8, 2; i. 15,3; making the Adriatic πέλαγος, or sea, reach from Sicily to the Gulf of Corinth. περιορίζεται [Sicily] . . . ἀπὸ μὲν ἀνατολῶν τῷ ᾿Αδριατικῷ. Vili. 9, 2; and thence to the south of Greece as far as Crete. ὁρίζεται [the Peloponnesus] . . . μεσημβρίας τῷ ᾿Αδριατικῷ πελάγει, iii. 15, 3; ἡ ety απὸ O€ Κρήτη περιορίζεται ἀπὸ μὲν δυσμῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ ᾿Αδρια- τικοῦ πελάγους, iii. 17, 1; and see viii. 12,2. So Philostratus describes the Isthmus of Corinth as dividing the Aagean from the Adriatic: Αἰγείου καὶ ᾿Αδρίου μέσος. cones, ii. 16, Paleemon; and again as joining the Sicilian sea. ὁ ποταμὸς οὗτος [the Alphzeus in Peloponnesus] ’Aépia καὶ Σικελικῷ πελάγει ἐπιχεῖται. Vit. Apoll. viii. 15; and even meeting the Tyrrhene sea at the Straits of Messana. καὶ πορθμὸν ἔνθα ὁ Tuppnvds ᾿Αδρίᾳ συμβάλλων χαλεπὴν ἐργάζονται τὴν Χάρυβδιν. Vit. Apoll. ν. 11. And again Hesychius: Ἰόνιον πέλαγος ὁ νῦν παραπλεύσαντες δὲ ἐπὶ Μεσσήνην τε *Adptas. It is evident from these citations (and we need not pursue the subject further) that in the first century after Christ, and for a long period sub- sequently, the Adriatie—é ’Adpias—embraced the great basin of the Mediterranean now called the Syrtic basin, between Sicily on the west and Crete on the east, Africa on the south and Venice on the north. See also Biscoe on the Acts, ¢. 10; Wetstein’s note on Acts xxvii. 27; and Smith’s Geog. Dict. ohodpas χειμαζομένων ἡμῶν. Acts xxviii. 18. δ αὐτόχειρες τὴν σκευὴν TOU πλοίου ἐῤῥίψαμεν. Acts xxvii. 19. On other occasions in the nar- rative of the voyage, Luke uses the third person plural. 200 [A.D. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuar. V. spar, and the united efforts of both passengers and crew must have been required, particularly in a high wind, for launching it into the sea. Several dreary days now succeeded. The fury of the storm at length somewhat subsided, but a hard gale was still blowing,®’ and the shattered and leaky ship was little capable of resisting its violence. It was evident that unless they could soon make some shore she must be a wreck. But where was the land to be found? They had no mariner’s compass, and the heavens being overcast, neither the sun by day nor the stars by night were visible, to enable them to steer their course. They held on therefore upon the same tack. All hopes of safety were now abandoned, and perhaps the gloomy prospect assumed a darker hue from the exhaustion of continued labour at the pumps, and the abstinence from food which anxiety for their lives, and the casualties of the storm, had imposed upon all on board. There was one passenger, however, who, as the chosen champion of Christianity, could not yet be withdrawn from a scene of trial. The protecting hand of Heaven still followed the Apostle Paul, and as he had been diyinely warned of the danger of the voyage, so now, while rapt in sleep, and as the storm raged around him, he again received a preternatural intimation that he must stand before Cesar, and that the lives of his fellow voyagers would be spared. The morning broke, and no dawn of hope appeared in the horizon; but Paul, strong in faith, assembled the passengers and crew, and communicated the glad tidings:—‘ Sirs,” he said, “ye should have hearkened unto me, and have not loosed from Crete, and ye would have saved*™ this harm and loss; and now I exhort you to be of good cheer, for there shall be no loss of any man’s life among you, but of the ship; for there stood by me this night the angel ot God, whose I am, and whom I serve, saying, ‘ Fear not, Paul ; thou must be brought before Cesar; and, lo, God hath given thee all them that sail with thee.’ Wherefore, sits, be of good cheer, for I believe God, that it shall be even as it hath been told me ; nevertheless, we must be cast away on a certain island.” While riding in safety at Fair Havens, they had paid little regard to the Apostle’s warning against coming disaster; but amid the gloom of the Adriatic they would hail with joy from the lips of one, whom they must now have regarded as a prophet, the pleasing prediction of their escape from the yawning billows which raved around them. Paul had declared that they “must be cast away on a certain island” and they now looked anxiously for the land of promise. It was on the fourteenth night®* of their drift across the broad expanse of waters when the watchful mariners caught the first prognostication of an approaching shore. No mountain range towered before them, but the ear caught the sound of breakers, and the experienced eye detected through the darkness on the left a white surge, © χειμῶνος οὐκ ὀλίγου ἐπικειμένου. Acts ΧΧΥΙ͂Ϊ. ὅτ Acts xxvii. 21-26. ὅδ ὡς δὲ τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτη νὺξ ἐγένετο. Acts ** κερδῆσαι. In Eng. ver. “ gained.” XXxvil. 27. Cuap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.D. 60] 201 as of billows beating against a foreland.** They sounded, and found themselves in twenty fathoms water; they presently sounded again, and the depth was only fifteen fathoms ; they were, therefore, rapidly nearing some land, and they could now plainly discover breakers ahead (fig. 259), and if the vessel were to be dashed against a rocky coast, they would have little chance of their lives. Their only resource in such a moment of awful suspense was, if possible, to anchor the vessel, and as soon as day- Fig. 259.— View of Koura Point. From Admiralty Chart. The entrance to the Bay of St. Paul is on the spectator’s right, and the battlements line the left shore as you enter, See the chart of the bay (fig. 260). light appeared to run the sinking ship aground where the shore was safest. The vessel, according to the ancient practice, was supplied, as a protection against a lee shore, with several anchors,®® and they at once cast out four from the stern. By anchoring not from the bow but the stern they would the soonest arrest the ship’s way, and when morning broke her head would be toward the shore." The anchors held fast, and the onward course of the vessel was arrested. The two rudders or paddles, one on each side (fig. 262), by which the ship was steered, and useless for the present, were lifted out of the water, and fastened by the bracings or rudder bands, so as to be clear of the anchor cables. More than eighteen hundred years have elapsed since the hearts of all on board have ceased to beat; but imagination still pictures to itself the alternations of hope and fear which must then have agitated each anxious breast, as they waited impatiently for the dawn of day to disclose to their straining sight the features of the coast on which they were cast. The shore was close at hand, but between them and it lay a yawning gulf. The vessel, held by her anchors, was pitching °° The promontory of Koura. thirty guns) have anchors only at the stern 8 JTjucian, in describing the Alexandrian corn- (Iliad, a’ 486), and that these are let down some ship (p. 188, ante), speaks of her anchors (ai distance from the ship, one on each side, that ἄγκυραι) in the plural. Lucian, Nav. vy. the cables may not interfere.” Note by F. M. οἱ « Sir J, Chardin says, the Egyptian kayicks (Fred. Martin) on Acts xxvii. 29, (of about 400 tons, and carrying twenty-four to VoL. 1. 2D 202 [A.p. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuae. V. heavily, now mounted on the crest of the foaming billow, and now plunging into the depth as if never to rise again. In an instant she might founder or go to pieces, and to inerease the dismalness of the scene, the overcast heavens poured down a continued deluge of rain or sleet, and the weary limbs of the mariners were half benumbed with cold. In such a scene of danger the noblest natures only are capable of generous senti- ments, and we marvel not when we read that the sailors meditated a desertion of the vessel in her hour of peril. Their design was to man the only boat which the ship carried, and regardless of the safety of others, to row themselves toward the shore, and find, if they could, some practicable landing-place. To cover their intention, they pretended that besides the four anchors from the stern, another anchor ought to be laid out from the prow. If merely dropped, they pretended, from the head of the vessel, it would have no effect in steadying her, and recourse must therefore be had to the boat for carrying the anchor to a distance from the vessel before it was cast. They now began lowering the boat into the sea. Had they executed their dastardly plan, the lives of all who remained on board might have been sacrificed, for how were the landsmen, who were left behind, to handle a vessel of the largest burden? Paul, with his fellow-prisoners, was standing near the boat amongst the Roman soldiers under the command of Julius, and his eagle eye and prophetic spirit at once penetrated the base project, and he exclaimed to the centurion in whose charge he was, “ Except these abide in the ship you cannot be saved!” No sooner were the military guard apprised of the treacherous design of the cowardly seamen, than they rushed to the boat, and severing the hawsers let her fall off into the sea. How forcibly does this evince the absolute ascendency which Paul had gained over his comrades! He had said that their lives should be spared, and though, humanly speaking, the boat offered the fairest prospect of gaining the land, yet, at a word from him, they deprived themselves even of this last resource. It wanted now but a short time to daybreak, when the finai effort was to be made for their lives, and when every one on board would be called upon to exercise his best faculties and put forth his utmost bodily energies for the rescue of himself and his comrades. Paul, who throughout retained the utmost presence of mind (for ‘‘ to live was Christ, and to die was gain”), now impressed on those around him the necessity of invigorating their fainting limbs by proper nourishment, and he stimu- lated their appetite by assuring them of their personal safety. ‘‘ To-day,” he said, “as the fourteenth day® that ye have tarried and continue fasting, having taken © Philipp. i. 21. night, or Luke is reckoning by the νυχθήμερον °S Τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτην σήμερον ἡμέραν προσδοκ- of the Jews—i.e. he considers the night as pre- ὥντες, ἄσιτοι διατελεῖτε, μηδὲν προσλαβόμενοι, k.r.A. ceding the day. The expression that they had Acts xxyii. 99. Luke had previously spoken of ‘taken nothing” is hyperbolical, and means the fourteenth night, Acts xxvii. 27. The Euro- only that they had omitted their accustomed clydon, therefore, had broken upon them at meals. Cnap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.D. 60] 203 nothing ; wherefore I pray you to take some meat, for this is for your health, for there shall not a hair fall from the head of any of you.’** With these words the Apostle set an example to the rest, and took bread, and, saying grace in their presence with the same calmness as if he were on land, brake it and began to eat. Encouraged by the air of confidence displayed by him on whom all eyes were fastened, the ship’s crew gathered comfort, and they also refreshed themselves. They had now made their last meal on board, and as the vessel could not be saved, and there was no further occasion even for the corn with which she was loaded, they cast her freight into the sea, and thus lightened her as much as possible, that so they might run her the more easily on shore. The wished-for morning at length broke, and through the gloom (for the rain was still falling) the outlines of the coast gradually rose to their view. The land | TRADITIONAL WRECK JOE ST Pau Z Koura Point . 4 “ Peters Texas ‘ ‘ BADIU ABA ᾿ & ‘nse Fig. 260.—Chart of St. Paul’s Bay. From Admiralty Chart. was not marked by any distinguishing feature which could be recognised; but they saw before them a spacious bay two miles long by one broad with an iron-bound coast, except that along the western side of the bay the cliffs gradually lowered, and terminated on the south-west in a flat open shore" (fig. 260). They had anchored during the night at the entrance of the bay on the northern side, and & Acts xxvii. 33, 34. οἷς ἐστι προσχεῖν: ἀκτὴ. ἠὼν, αἰγιαλὸς, χηλή, 8 κόλπον τινὰ ἔχοντα αἰγιαλόν, Acts xxvii. 99; ὕφορμος. λιμὴν, καταγωγή. Pollux i. 9. and Julius Pollux writes: χωρία ἐπιθαλασσίδια Ὡ D 9 204 [Cuar. V. [a.p. 60] VOYAGE TO ROME. had been justly apprehensive of “ falling wpon the rocks” in front. They were now minded to change the vessel’s track, and steer for the flat open shore.*° But the historian adds, “if it were possible,’ for to make a tack athwart the wind with a disabled ship was a manceuvre not easy of execution. However they hoped for the best, and ventured on the hazardous experiment. Not to lose time by taking up the anchors, they cut the cables and let the anchors go” (fig. 261), and at the same ———— οι Fig. 261.—Ancient anchors. From Rossi's Roma Sotterranea. time loosened the bands of the rudders” (fig. 262), and once more committed them- selves to the waves. The efforts of the helmsman were all in vain. The wind was Fig. 262.—From Rossi's Roma Sotteranea. In the centre is the mainmast with the sail reefed up to the yard. At the head of the vessel is the artemon, or foresail for steadying the ship's course, and giving We have here ar illustration in a general way of an ancient sailing ship. effect to the steerage when the mainsail was furled. At the stern are seen the two great paddles, one on each side, acting as rudders. 5 the subject of the piece is the throwing overboard of the prophet Jonah, but it is supposed that some mystical meaning lies concealed under the dstensible scene. not to be resisted—they were “ beaten out of their course ” and drifted rapidly towards the iron-bound coast at the north-west corner of the bay, a place “where two seas met,” *° 7.e., where an outlet or strait communicated with the sea on the north so that “Ὁ ἐξῶσαι. Acts xxvii.39. Literally, tothrust (πηδάλια, whence the word ‘ paddles’), one on the ship aside out of her proper course. ei δύναιντο. Ib. eaten SoA ; ἈΕῚ ΤΣ SNe ὩΣ καὶ τὰς ἀγκύρας περιελόντες εἴων εἰς τὴν θάλασ- σαν. Acts xxvii. 40. ᾿ ἀνέντες τὰς ζευκτηρίας τῶν πηδαλίων. Acts xxvil. 40. The πηδάλια were two broad paddles each side of the ship, and by means of which the ancients steered the vessel. See the sketch, fig. 262. τὸ περιπεσόντες δὲ εἰς τόπον διθάλασσον. Acts xxvii. 41. monde UOT DAT ΟΠ JOLON ΚΡ μος ¥ Neg UopuoyT id venpig. δι Jef DLDULDPHT, an ορροατος ad Pa790 Aeg semoyy, iS 3 id SUMO 18 δγθος BSIEY Jf, μοσμοζ ip vhsoy nay & iL VIED DY Xf i Ch. sary qoonydo.sboa0) “‘qaey) Aypearmpy woay ΝΙΝ LO CMTS I HL ΘΒ. ΘΙ eae’ ΡΣ πος “ y ᾿ ζ 1 ng ao acu ¥ Xt 25 ΝᾺ φυχρφγ gtan UL Yh a. REE. ee 110... τὸ ἌΡΑ 4a RO γ᾽ ἀξ ον τὰ Pe 3. ΌΙΟΒῸΝ, Gee - OA ῬΉ 19 SPL orm git HOOT ty DENY, PH ἫΝ apay 19 πγυᾳγ 720 PPL [7 1% 9Y/ Of, Cuar. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.v. 60] 205 the northern arm of the bay instead of being a peninsula (as it had appeared from the mouth of the bay) was in fact an island. What was to be done in this emergency ? They turned the head of the vessel towards the shore and “ran her aground” upon what proved to be a mudbank.” The fore part of the vessel now stuck fast, while her stern was beaten by the fury of the billows. It was evident that in a few minutes the shattered hulk would go to pieces, and every one looked wildly around for the means of safety. The soldiers who were chained to their prisoners at once disencumbered themselves of their charge, but even in that hour of peril were actuated by a stern sense of duty, and rather than permit their escape, would have put them instantly to death ;* but the life of Paul was to be saved at all risks, and Julius, the centurion, with great humanity, took the responsibility on himself, and prohibited the cold-blooded butchery.* He at the same time commanded such as could swim to cast themselves first into the sea. This they did, and gained the shore, and then lent what assistance they could to their less fortunate comrades. Thus it was, that as the vessel went to pieces, some on boards, and some on broken fragments of the ship, made their way through the surf, and they all, two hundred and seventy-six in number, struggled safely to land.™ The sight of a vessel in distress had in the mean time attracted the natives to the spot, and the wretched castaways were received with a kindness which would have done honour to any civilized country. The sacred historian indeed designates them as ‘barbarians,’ but the term indicates only that they were not Greeks.” The ship's crew now learnt for the first time that the coast on which they had been aan 7798 00803 3>, oor Ὁ οὐ °%Co, ο oN. Fig. 263.— Coin of Malta under the Phanician rule. Fram Pellerin. Obv. Head with caduceus.—Rev. Wreath of laurel, and witain it In Phoenician characters the word Alal. or Anan. N.B. See a similar coin of Gaulos in Smith’s Geographical Dictionary. stranded was the island of Melita or Malta (fig. 263, 264, 265). The bay into which they had been driven (known ever since as St. Paul’s Bay) was about seven miles to The Maltese were Phcenicians, who were called 1 ἐπώκειλαν τὴν ναῦν. Acts xxvii. 41. κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν Barbarians, as they could speak 2 Acts xxvii. 42. 18. Tb. ver. 43. neither Greek nor Latin. They came partly 4 Th. ver. 44. from Tyre and partly from Carthage. ἔστι δὲ ἡ τὸ Barbari antiquitus dicebantur omnes gentes νῆσος αὕτη Φοινίκων ἄποικος. Diod. Sic. y. 12. exceptis Grecis. Festus, sub voce ‘ Barbari.’ μικρὸν ἀπὸ ἙἭ μαίας εἰσὶ νῆσοι τρεῖς μικραὶ, ὑπὸ ᾿ Καρχηδονίων οἰκούμεναι Μελίτη, πόλις καὶ λιμὴν, Huic nomen Grece Onagos fabulx ; Γαῦλος πόλις, Λαμπάς. Seylacis Perip. © Carthago.’ Demophilus scripsit, Marcus vertit Barbare (i.e. Latine). , i ae , 5 Ts ae Plaut. Asin. Prolog, 10. ἐν δὲ Σικελίᾳ ἔθνη βάρβαρα τάδε ἐστίν: ᾿Εδύνοι, 205 [a.p. 60] VOYAGE 10 ROME. [Cuap. V. the north of Valetta, the present capital. The foreland against which they had seen at night the billows dashing on their left (the first intimation of approaching land), was Koura Point.*® The precise part where the vessel was run on shore was “a place Fig. 264.—Coin of Malta under the Greeks. From the British Museum. Obv. Head of Isis with the legend MeActauwv (of the Maltese).—Zev. Figure of Osiris. See 1 Eckhel, p. 268. where two seas met;” a most accurate description, as the northern side of the bay is formed by the rocky island of Salmonetta, and the spot where the ship grounded Fig. 265.—Coin of Malta with Greek population under Roman rule. From Pellerin. Obv. Female head with the legend Μελιταιων (of the Maltese).—Fev. Curuie chair of a Roman magistrate, and the legend ©. Arruntanus Balbus Proprtor, and therefore struck when Balbus was Propreior of Sicily to which Malta was an appendage. was a little to the south of the western extremity of the island, and where con- sequently the sea within the bay meets the sea without the bay through the channel that divides Salmonetta from the mainland.” the bay from the east off Point Koura, exactly correspond with the account of The soundings at the entrance of Σικανοὶ, Σικελοὶ, Φοίνικες, Τρῶες" οὗτοι μὲν BapBapor, οἰκοῦσι δὲ καὶ Ἕλληνες. Scylacis Perip. ‘ Sicilia.’ Μελίτη νῆσος... ἔστι καὶ πόλις ἄποικος Καρχη- δονίων καὶ δῆμος τῆς Οἰνηΐδος φυλῆς. Steph. Byz ᾧκουν δὲ καὶ Φοίνικες (Σικελίαν). . . Βάρβαροι μὲν οὖν τοσοίδε Σικελίαν καὶ οὕτως ᾧκησαν. Thucyd. vi. 9. Pheenician antiquities have been found in Malta; and Boeckh gives a bilingual inscrip- tion in Pheenician and Greek, which he attri- butes to the first century before Christ. It is engraved on an ancient candelabrum dedicated to Hercules by two Tyrians named Dionysius and Serapion. See the Pheenician inscription in Académie des Inscript. vol. xxx. p. 426, accom- panied with an essay upon the subject. The candelabrum was discovered amongst the ruins of the Temple of Hercules at Marsa Scirocco, the ancient Ἡρακλέους Λιμήν. See Boeckh, Corp. Inserip. No. 5753. No doubt both Greeks and Romans afterwards immigrated into Malta, but they formed the upper class, while the mass of the population was still Punic. τὸ Tt is a singular coincidence that Koura should so nearly resemble, if it be not identical with, the Greek word χώρα, or land. 15 it pos- sible that Koura should haye been so called as being the first land seen by Paul and his com- rades? The words of Luke are: ναῦται προσάγειν τινὰ αὐτοῖς χώραν. Acts XXVil. 27. 7 Τῇ 1851 the author made an excursion to St. Paul’s Bay from Valetta, in a row-boat, and cast anchor on the spot where the wreck occurred. Our attention was forcibly called to the truth of ε , « UTEVOOVY OL Cuap. V.] VOYAGE TO ROME. [a.p. 60] 207 Luke. The distance from Clauda is four hundred and seventy-six miles, which the vessel had accomplished in thirteen days, being about the rate at which a modern ship of the same burden with the same wind would have drifted.” The unfortunate voyagers had now escaped with their lives, but they were still in a wretched plight, for some had their clothes dripping from the sea, and others had no clothes at all, and the cold was severe (for it was about the 10th of November), and the rain was falling heavily. Malta at this time was under Roman dominion, and Roman enlightenment had softened the manners of the people, and the ship- wrecked mariners met with every attention which their present distress required. They were conducted to a sheltered spot near at hand, and a fire was kindled. Paul had been the master-spirit on board, and he was now equally alert on land. While others were probably attending to their own personal comfort, we find Paul with his wonted energy and disinterestedness engaged in collecting fuel, but the miraculous incident that followed we shall relate in the words of the sacred narrative: “ And when Paul had gathered a bundle of sticks" and laid them on the fire, there came a viper out of the heat and fastened on his hand. And when the barbarians saw the _ venomous beast hang on his hand, they said among themselves, no doubt this man is a murderer,” whom, though he hath escaped the sea, yet Vengeance‘ suffereth not to live.** And he shook off the beast into the fire, and felt no harm ;** howbeit, they looked when he should haye swollen, or fallen down dead suddenly ; but after Luke’s description, that “ two seas met,’ for one lay open to our view through the broad mouth on the east by which we had entered, and the other disclosed itself through the channel be- tween the island and the mainland. The latter passage is very deep, and the rocks on both sides precipitous, and we made our exit from the bay through it. 78 Josephus in his autobiography gives an account of a shipwreck that he suffered in sail- ing from Judea to Italy, and from some resem- blances between the shipwreck of Josephus and that of St. Paul it has been contended that they both were passengers by the same vessel. But on a little examination the resemblances are in particulars which were common to voyages at that day, and the discrepancies between the two render the identity impossible. No doubt, in both cases the shipwreck was on a voyage from Judea to Italy, and occurred in the sea called Adria, and Josephus as well as Paul proceeded after the wreck to Puteoli. But, on the other hand, the wreck of Paul was in a.p. 60, and that of Josephus four years later. ‘The one vessel had 276 men on board (Acts xxvii. 27), and the other 600 (Jos. Vit. 3). The one vessel was run aground on the coast of Malta (ἐπώκειλων τὴν ναῦν, Acts xxvii. 41), and the other foundered at sea (βαπτισθέντος τοῦ πλοίου, Jos. Vit. 5). Paul was carried, in the spring, by a ship of Alexandria (πλοίῳ ᾿Αλερανδρίνῳ, Acts xxviii. 11); but Josephus and eighty others were picked up at sea by a ship of Cyrene, &c. Jos. Vit. 8. See Fasti Sacri, p. 383, No. 1950. 19 φρυγάνων. Acts xxviii. 3. In Theophrastus, H. P.i. 4, is the following definition: φρύγανον δὲ τὸ ἀπὸ ῥίζης πολυστέλεχες καὶ πολύκλαδον οἷον καὶ γάμβρη καὶ πήγανον. Language could not more accurately describe the thorny heather referred to infra, p. 208. See Kuinoel, Acts Xxvili. 3. Ὁ Paul was a prisoner for some crime, and they argued that it must have been a dreadful one, such as murder. ‘| 4 Aikn—the goddess Nemesis, or Retribu- tion. 82 Uxrave Avypds ἔχις" τί μάτην πρὺς κύματ᾽ ἐμόχθει, τὴν ἐπὶ γῆς φεύγων μοῖραν ὀφειλομένην 5 Statyllius Flaccus, Anthol. vii. 290 (Tauch.). 8 Christ had promised his disciples that they should take up serpents and feel no harm. Mark xvi. 18. 208 [a.p. 00] VOYAGE TO ROME. [Cuar. V. they had looked a great while, and saw no harm come to him, they changed their minds, and said he was a God.’ ** It has been objected to this account: 1. That there is no wood in Malta, except at Bosquetta, and, 2. That there are no vipers in Malta. How, then, it is said, could the Apostle have collected the sticks, and how coulda viper haye fastened upon his hand? But when I visited the Bay of St. Paul in 1851 by sea, I observed trees growing in the vicinity, and there were also fig-trees growing amongst the rocks at the water's edge where the vessel was wrecked. But there is a better explanation still. When I was again at Malta in 1853, 1 went with two companions to the Bay of St. Paul by land, and this was at the same season of the year as when the wreck occurred. We now noticed on the shore just opposite the scene of the wreck, eight or nine stacks of small faggots, and in the nearest stack I counted twenty-five bundles. They consisted of a kind of thorny heather, and had evidently been cut for firewood ; as we strolled about, my companions (whom I had quitted to make an obser- vation) put up a viper, or a reptile having the appearance of one, which escaped into the bundles of sticks. It may not have been poisonous, but was like an adder, and was quite different from the common snake ; one of my fellow-travellers was quite familiar with the difference between snakes and adders, and could not well be mistaken. After all, therefore, it may be found that vipers, though rare, still exist at Malta. Assuming, however, that there are none at the present day, the objection is of little weight, for vipers are common enough in Sicily, and no doubt were so originally in the adjacent island, but Malta (which is now more densely populated than any other part of Europe, and contains 1200 persons to the square mile), has for many centuries been under such a state of high artificial cultivation, that vipers might well be exter- minated from a narrow space, twenty miles by twelve, just as wolves have been from Great Britam. Upon this point, writes the author of the Voyage and Ship- wreck:*° “I would merely observe that no person who has studied the changes which the operations of man have produced on the fauna (animals) of any country will be surprised that a particular species of reptiles should have disappeared from that of Malta. My friend the Rey. Mr. Landsborough, in his interesting excursion in Arran, has repeatedly noticed the gradual disappearance of vipers from that island since it has become more frequented.” Malta at the time of the shipwreck was attached to the Propretorship of Sicily, but being a place of some consequence hada resident Governor by the title of Mparos, or Primate,** as appears by an ancient inscription found at Civita Vecchia, in which a certain Roman Knight is styled Πρῶτος Δελιταίων, Primate of the Maltese.*? The * Acts xxviii. 3-6. *" Malta and the adjacent island of Gaulos % Page 111. (now Gozo) were under the jurisdiction of the * The term was probably introduced by the same primate. ‘Chus in a Greek inscription Pheenicians, who colonised the island. found at Civita Veechia : THE BAY OF ST. PAUL FROM THE SOUTH. From a Sketch by Mrs. F. Mountain. In the centre of the plate is the Island of Salmonetta, at the west end of which the “two seas met.” The ship marks the spot where the wreck occurred. THE GROTTO IN WHICH, ACCORDING TO TRADITION, ST. PAUL LIVED DURING HIS SOJOURN IN MALTA, From a Sketch by Mrs. F. Mountain. The Grotto is in the valley of Mousta, a ravine on the road from the bay of St. Paul to Civita Vecchia, the ancient Melita, the capital of the Island To face Vol. ii. 2. 208. ST. PAUL AT MALTA. [a.p. 60] 209 Cuap. V.] capital was Melita (now Civita Vecchia), situate on a bold eminence, near the centre of the island, about five miles from St. Paul’s Bay, and commanding a view of it, which will account for the circumstance of a concourse of people being so soon attracted to the spot, Publius was then Primate (or, as it is translated, the Chief man), and his residence was at Melita, the capital, and according to tradition occupied the site of the present cathedral. Publius was a young man (at least his father was still living), and was actuated by kind and generous feelings, and no sooner was he made acquainted with the disaster, than he opened his doors to the luckless crew, and afforded them for three days, z.e., until they could be otherwise provided for, the most liberal entertainment. The humanity of Publius, and the islanders subject to his jurisdiction, did not go unrewarded, for Paul was made the instrument in the hands of Providence of conferring the greatest of blessings upon them; “for it came to pass, that the father of Publius lay sick of a fever and of a bloody flux, to whom Paul entered in, and prayed, and laid his hands on him, and healed him; and when this was done, others also which had diseases in the island, came and were healed ” (fig. 266).*° A. Κλαυδιὸος Kup. Προυδὴνς Ιππεὺυς Ῥωμαιων Ilparos Μελιταιων και Ταυλων Ἄρξας και ἀαμφιπολευσας Gew Αυγουστω. Aulus Claudius Quirinus Prudens, a Roman Knight, Primate of Melita and Gaulos, Viceroy and Priest to Divus Augustus. Bryant’s Obser- vations, p. 52; Boeckh, Corpus Inscript. Gree. No. 5754; Reinesius, Syntagma Inscriptionum. Besides the Primate, there was also an Im- perial Procurator. Thus in another inscription found at Malta we read: Chrestion Aug. L. Procurator Insularum Melit. et Gaul. Columnas cum fastigiis et parietibus Templi Dez Proserpine Vetustate ruinam imminentibus Restituit Simul et pilam inauravit. That is, “Chrestion, a freedman of Augustus, Procurator of the Islands Melita and Gaulos, repaired the pillars, together with the roof and walls, of the temple of the goddess Proserpine, which through age were ready to fall. He likewise gilded the ball.” Bryant’s Observa- tions, &e., p. 52. Bryant assumes the word πρῶτος in the Greek inscription to be the mere translation of Procurator, the more correct title. But it is well known that in all the provinces there was not only a prefect to govern, but also VOL. I. a procurator for fiscal purposes; and so in Malta there was the primate, or governor, and also a procurator. See Bryant’s Observations, p. 52. There is also a coin of Melita making mention of a proprator (but this must have been in the time of the republic): obverse, MeAcracov—re- verse,“ C. Arruntanus Balb. Propr.” round a curule chair. See the coin engraved, ante, p. 206. Another ancient Latin inscription found on a marble dug up in Malta, but much obliterated, runs as follows: (Municjipi Mel. Primus omni. . . . . . Item xdem Marmo/ream Apojllinis consecravit. which Ciantar interprets to mean that some one (whose name is lost) “ Primate of the municipium of Malta” (for both Malta and Gozo were muni- cipia), conferred some public benefit and “ also dedicated a temple of Apollo of marble.” Ciantar, De Antiqua Inscriptione nuper effossa in Melitze urbe Notabili, 1739. Here we have the Latin Primus Melite, corresponding to the πρῶτος Μελιταίων of the Greek inscription. δ In the time of Cicero, Malta was certainly included in the province of Sicily. Cie. Verr. iy. 18. If this arrangement was still in force, Pub- lius would be the legate of the Pretor of Sicily, which was one of the Senate’s or people’s pro- yinces. © Acts xxviii. 8,9. This healing power also 25 Fig. 266.—Leaf of a Roman Diptych, containing two portraits of St. Paul. Cuar. V.] ST. PAUL AT MALTA. [a.v. 60] 211 This engraving represents one leaf of an ancient and very curious ivory diptych brought from Rome in the time of the first Napoleon by Baron Denon, and supposed to date back not later than the fourth century. Τὰ the central group is St. Paul shaking off the viper from his hand into the burning sticks at his feet, without any bodily harm, to the great amazement of Publius, the primate of the island, and his armed body-guard. At the foot of the sculpture are seen two young persons (those in the middle) on the very verge of the grave; one of them fearfully emaciated, in the last stage of consumption, and the other paralysed and withered on one side. On the spec- tator’s left is the parent of one of the two patients appealing to the physician on the extreme right for relief, but the physician confesses at once that he has no remedy for the one or other of the invalids, but points upward τὸ the apostle Paul as the only hope by miraculous iuterpos'tion. In the uppermost group we recognize again the features of the apostle. He is now seated in a curule chair, such as was used by the Roman prwtors and other persons of duthority, and apparently ordaining a bishop (perbaps Linus, the first bishop of Rome), as the priest before him holds a bible in his left hand, one of the accompaniments of episcopal ordination. Behind the chair stands a grave and reverend personage, who officiates as chaplain The original of this singular remnant of antiquity is now in the hands of M. Carrand, of Lyons, and the above cut is from a facsimile of it In the British Museum. An engraving from the original will be found in Amaury Duval’s Monumens des Arts du Dessin, 4 vols. fol. Paris, 1829. See further Marriott’s ‘ Testimony of the Catacombs,’ Ρ. 67. The seas were now closed against any further voyage, and Paul and his comrades had no alternative but to pass the winter in the island, upon which they had been cast. The natural sympathy of the Maltese appears to haye required no stimulus, but had it been otherwise, the miraculous powers displayed by the Apostle, coupled with the authority possessed by Julius as an Imperial officer, and in charge of prisoners on their way to Rome, would have secured abundant hospitality. During their stay in the island the exertions of Paul in the cause of Christianity were unceasing, and many must have been conyerted from the worship of Hercules and Proserpine, and Apollo and other idols, to the pure doctrines of the Gospel. Indeed, if we may believe the ancient Martyrologies, Publius himself became a convert, and was the first Bishop of Malta.” had been foretold by our Lord to his disciples. argued, with equal force, that Troy had never Mark xvi. 18. any actual existence. ® See Thevenot’s Travels in the Levant, part i. The claims put in for Meleda are reducible to c. 5. Thevenot remarks that Paul, as a legacy three grounds: 1. That the vessel in which Paul to the Maltese, banished al! the venomous rep- sailed was wrecked in Adria, which, it is said, tiles. See Bryant’s Observations, p. 45. must mean the Adriatic gulf; 2. That the in- The question whether the shipwreck occurred habitants of Melita were βάρβαροι, which would at Malta, or at Meleda in the Adriatic gulf, pos- apply to Meleda, but not to Malta, whose in- sesses comparatively little interest since the pub- _ habitants were civilised ; and 3. That there were lication of the admirable Voyage and Shipwreck no poisonous serpents in Malta, whereas there of St. Paul, by James Smith, of Jordan Hill,which are such in Meleda. is allowed universally to have established Malta as 1. As to the first position, the reader is re- the real scene. The reader, however,may expect ferred to the note ante, p. 198, from which it some notice to be taken of a point so long and appears that this whole argument has arisen so warmly disputed. from a confusion between the Adriatic gulf The idea of substituting Meleda, in the (κόλπος ᾿Αδριατικὸς) and the Αδρίας simply— Adriatic, is as old as Constantine Porphyro- i.e. the Adriatic sea (πέλαγος). ‘The former genitus, who writes: νῆσος μεγάλη τὰ Μέλετα, ἤτοι 15. that still known as the Adriatie gulf; but τὰ Μαλοζεᾶται, ἣν ἐν ταῖς Πράξεσι τῶν ἀποστόλων 6 =the ~Adriatie sea is accurately described by ἅγιος Λουκᾶς μέμνηται, Μελίτην ταύτην προσαγορεύων. Ptolemy as the great basin of the Mediterranean Constantin. Porphyr. de Admin. Imp. p. 36, cited which lies between Italy, Sicily, Greece, and by Winer, Bibl. Realw. Crete. Porphyrogenitus in this view has been followed 2. As to the second argument, the word by several others, both Germans and English; βάρβαρος may either mean an uncivilised and but the most judicious writers have from the first inhuman people, or a people distinct from the decided against Meleda and in favour of Malta. Greeks, who, when Luke wrote, called all but Amongst the English advocates of Meleda, the themselves barbarians. Now, Luke does not best known is Bryant (Observations, &c.), an use the word βάρβαρος in the former sense, for author who was fond of startling paradoxes,and {πὸ inhabitants “showed us no little kindness.” 2 kb 2 212 ST. PAUL AT MALTA. [Cuap. V. [a.v. 60] Acts xxviii. 2. But he means only that they were not Greeks. They were, in fact, Phoeni- cians, who were always classed by the Grecks as βάρβαροι. See this subject also discussed ante, p. 205, note. 3. The third argument—that there are no vipers in Malta—is equally destitute of weight ; for as the face of a country changes, the animals change. Lions were once in Judea, and wolves in England. Malta is now the most populous spot of Europe, and the wonder would be, not that vipers have been exterminated, but that they should still exist. See further on this sub- ject, also ante, p. 208, note. On the other hand, the pages of James Smith, of Jordan Hill, demonstrate, by accumulated evidence collected during the whole voyage, from its commencement to its termination, that the shipwreck was at Melita, or Malta. He tracks the course of the Apostle from place to place with unanswerable exactness. We leave the general survey, which is con- tained in the text, to speak for itself, and shall draw attention to some striking points only. 1. For Paul's vessel to have been driven from the south of Crete to Meleda, in the Adriatic, the wind must have been from the S. E., and the advocates of this theory maintain that it was so. But,in the first place, the oldest version, the Vulgate, and the two most ancient MSS. (the Vatican and the Alexandrian), and others, have not the reading of Εὐροκλύδων, but Εὐρακύλων, or Euroaquilo; and if this be the true reading, the question is settled, for Euroaquilo can only mean the north-east. But even with the read- ing Euroclydon, it is palpable, from other cir- cumstances that the wind, whatever its name, was from the N. E.; for Fair Havens, which is still so called, lies about half-way along the south coast of Crete; and when they had sailed but a little way from it (οὐ πολὺ, Acts xxvii. 14), they were caught by the Euroclydon, and forced down to the island of Clauda, which is south-west of Fair Havens; so that the Euroclydon must have blown from the N.E. Not only so, but when they had passed Clauda, they were apprehensive of falling upon the great Syrtis (τὴν Σύρτιν, Acts xxvii. 17), which again was to the 8.W.; so that the wind was still from the Ν. E. 2. Upon the subject of the wind, it is further to be remarked that the S. E. wind, or Scirocco, even in Noyember, is a hot and dry wind, and seldom or never lasts more than five days (Smith’s Voyage and Shipwreck, p. 109). But the Euro- clydon was cold and wet (διὰ τὸν ὑετὸν τὸν ἐφεστῶτα καὶ διὰ τὸ ψύχος, Acts xxvili. 2), and lasted for fourteen days. Acts xxvii. 27. 3. When Paul sailed again from Melita, it was in the Castor and Pollux, a ship of Alexandria, which had wintered in the island in ordinary course. Acts xxvili. 11. Melita, therefore, must have been in the usual track from Alexandria to Rome, which Malta was. But Meleda was quite remote from it, and half-way up the Gulf of Venice. 4. Paul was wrecked in the sea called Adria, in a vessel from Alexandria, and the ship which carried him from Melita to Rome was from Alea- andria, Josephus also, four years after this, was wrecked in the Adri, in a vessel which carried him from Judea (Jos. Vit. 3),and was picked up at sea in the same Adria by a vessel from Cyrene. Ib. It is plain, therefore, that the Adria in question was on the high road to Rome from Alexandria, and from Judea, and from Cyrene. The Adria, therefore, was clearly that bounded by Sicily, Italy, Greece, and Crete, and could not be the Adriatic gulf, which stretched away to the north far away from the track from Alex- andria, Judea, and Cyrene, to Rome. 5. The wreck itself occurred at a spot where two seas met, and at Malta, in the Bay of St. Paul, two seas do meet round the island of Salmonetta ; but there is no such feature of two seas meeting to be found at Meleda. 6. The Castor and Pollux, in which Paul left Melita for Rome, touched first at Syracuse. Acts xxviii. 12. Therefore Syracuse lay in her course, and, we may add, in her direct course ; for when the same ship sailed again, Luke mentions that they made a circuit (περιελθόντες, Acts xxviii. 18), which implies that they had not done so before. Now, if the ship started from Malta, Syracuse did lie in her direct course; but if from Meleda, in the Gulf of Venice, she must have made a most unaccountable deviation to get to Syra- cuse, and for what? To tack about and go back again. 7. Had the wind been from the S. E., as sup- posed, then, as they were caught by it a little way from Fair Havens, which lies about the middle of the southern side of the island, the vessel must inevitably have been driven thence upon the coast of Crete itself; and had they cleared the island of Crete, then in their course from Crete to Meleda, they would have sighted and almost grazed the western coast of Greece, and passed amongst the islands in front of it, and then have entered the contracted mouth of the Gulf of Venice. And could they have done βαρ. V.] ST. PAUL AT MALTA. [a.p. 60] 213 all this without having once seen any of the numerous headlands on their right and left? Aets xxvii. 20 and 27. 8. We shall only further remark that tradi- tion has uniformly pointed to the Bay of St. Paul in Malta, as that where the wreck oc- ewred, and a monument was long ago erected to mark the spot. But the inhabitants of Me- leda have no trace of any similar tradition, and must be not a little surprised at the honour pro- posed to be conferred upon them. 214 CHAPTER VI. Paul a Prisoner at Rome for two years—He writes the Epistles to the Ephesians, Colossians, Philemon, and Philippians. “The city which thou seest, no other deem Than great and glorious Rome, Queen of the earth, So far renown’d, and with the spoils enrich’d Of nations. There the Capitol thou seest Above the rest lifting his stately head On the Tarpeian rock, her citadel Impregnable ; and there Mount Palatine, The Imperial palace, compass huge and high, The structure skill of noblest architects, With gilded battlements conspicuous far, Turrets and terraces and glittering spires.” Paradise Regained. Pavt’s sojourn in Malta was, we are told, a period of three months,’ and this will bring us to about the 8th of February, a.p. 61. The navigation of the seas by the ancients commenced at this time, as we learn from Pliny * and Vegetius;* and Julius the centurion now looked around him for some means of conveying his prisoners to their final destination. The more usual track of the corn vessels between Egypt and Rome lay along the coast of Africa to Malta and Sicily, and thence through the straits of Messana to Puteoli, the port of Rome. From Puteoli the cargoes were either transshipped into smaller craft to be carried to the artificial harbour forined by Claudius at Ostia at the mouth of the Tiber, or were transported to Rome by land carriage along the Via Appia. One of these Alexandrian vessels, whose sign was Castor and Pollux (the tutelary deities of mariners),* had wintered at Malta, probably ‘ One tradition is that the Apostle during this period resided in a grotto stiil shown at Civita Vecchia, near the cathedral. It is under a chapel which forms the right wing to the church of St. Paul. After descending a few steps, a door is unlocked on the right, and you enter a grotto having the usual vaulted appear- ance, and about the size of an ordinary room. The stone from which it has been excavated is of a light colour, and so soft that you can crush it with the hand. The legendary tale is that, though most travellers carry away a fragment, the size and shape of the grotto are miraculously preserved. The author, however, observed a considerable hiatus on one side, made by the pickaxe ; not to mention that the sides of a grotto, as well as the walls of a house, are capable of renovation by the introduction of new materials. Another tradition is that Paul resided in a much more spacious grotto in a ravine on the road from the Bay of St. Paul to Civita Vecchia. See accompanying plate. > 180 IN, me AY 8 Veget. de Re milit. iv. 39 * παρασήμῳ Διοσκούροις---Ἶ.6. the vessel carried as figure-heads at the prow the twins Castor and Cuar. VI] VOYAGE FROM MALTA TO ROME. [a.p. 61] 215 at Valetta, on her way to Italy, and was now about to resume her voyage. Julius availed himself of so favourable an opportunity, and embarked his soldiers and their prisoners on board. They had been thrown upon the island in the most helpless and destitute state, but so exemplary had been their conduct during their abode, and such had been the benefits conferred upon the Maltese by the hands of the Apostle, that “when we departed,” says Luke, “ they honoured us with many honours, and laded us with such things as were necessary.” The Castor and Pollux sailed with a fair wind, and soon ran into Syracuse (fig. 267, 268, 269), the first port at which she was to touch, and distant from Malta about one hundred miles.° Here the vessel rested three days for the purposes of trade, as Syracuse was at that period a flourishing emporium, for which it was peculiarly caleulated from its excellent port. The city was situate on a broad foreland on the Fig. 267.— View of Syracuse. From Admiralty Chart. The spectator is standing at the amphitheatre to the north of the great port, and is looking over the port to the south. he city is on the island to the left. eastern coast of Sicily, and on the south-west was a magnificent basin protected by the island of Ortygia, which, stretching in front of it and almost touching the mainland at the north, left a spacious entrance into the harbour on the south. At the end of three days the Castor and Pollux again set sail, but as the wind was westerly, and they were under shelter of the high mountainous range of Etna on Pollux (viz. Castor on one side of the prow and Paul’s vessel, carried an insigne, which served also Pollux on the other), and Luke leaves it to be for the tutela. See Kuinoel’s note, Acts xxviii. 11. implied that this was the name of the vessel. ° Acts xxviii. 10. The ‘honours’ probably Most commonly amongst the ancients there was _jncluded pecuniary aid. ‘Honor’ was often a figure or insigne at the prow,and a paintedre- used for money; whence ‘ honorarium, a fee. presentation or image of the tutelary god, called ® Diod. Sie. v. 12. the tutela, at the stern. Sometimes the prow, as in Ρ ~ Convent of ΠΕΡΊ - a Yet the Curia, ie Altar of Conce: | seyciee | Vianist_ ‘ ΗΝ, pring to Bacchus >The Capnchius UM sneiently Pert Marmores 2 wae ‘ Ὁ Ονυ. Head of Proserpine with the legend Συρακοσίων (of the Syracusans).—/er. A chariot of four horses and Victory crowning the charioteer. ‘his coin commemorates the victories of Syracuse in the public games of Greece, and especially at the Olympia. Ἂ Fig. 268.—Plan of Syracuse and its ports. wy) SSS: ἡ ae men THE 'ANCIEN: \\ i ΧΩ Lucta WS From Admiralty Chart. 929° 2 Yo p22 200000! a Fig. 269,— Coin of Syracuse. From the British Museum. oy rock 7) Cuapr, VI.] VOYAGE FROM MALTA TO ROME. [a.p. 61] 211 their left, they were obliged to stand out to sea in order to fill their sails, and so came to Rhegium by a circuitous sweep, or, as it has been translated, “ they fetched a compass.” Rhegium lay on the coast of Italy, near the mouth of the narrow strait Fig. 270.—Rhegium, now Reggio. From St. Non. The spectator is looking south-west, with the port on the right, and Mount Etna in the distance, on the opposite side of the strait. which separates it from Sicily. Caligula had projected a port there for the protection of the Alexandrian corn-ships, but he had no liking for the only rational work that he ever undertook, and died without bringing it to completion (fig. 270)" As the breeze (which often takes the direction of a narrow channel) came directly down the strait, the Castor and Pollux was unable to proceed, and so waited at Rhegium until the wind shifted, They remained only one day, when a south wind sprang up (the most favourable that could be desired), and the ship was again under sail. After a run of fifteen miles they reached the headland on the east coast, so famous in story as the abode of the monstrous Seylla, who, with her six long necks and heads, was continually howling and barking like so many dogs at the passing 7 The Greek word is περιελθόντες. Acts xxviii. at Rhegiurn appears from Suetonius: Quare 13. I was informed by a friend, many years ago, festinans a [Judea} in Italiam, cum Rhegium, that when he made the voyage himself, in a dehine Puteolos oneraria nave [Titus] appu- sailing vessel, from Syracuse to Rhegium, the _ lisset, Romam inde contendit. Suet. 'Lit. 5. Just vessel took a similar cireuit fora similar reason. such was the course pursued by Paul. That the Alexandrian yessels usually touched * Jos. Ant. xix. 2, 5. VOL. II. 2 218 [3.Ὁ. 61] VOYAGE FROM MALTA TO ROME. [Cuar. VI. mariner (fig. 271); and just opposite the headland, near the Sicilian coast, was the no less celebrated whirlpool, the Charybdis. Thus in the infancy of navigation the mariner was sorely put to it how to thread his way safely between the ragged insidious rocks on the right, and the absorbent eddies of the whirlpool on the left. Fig. 271.— The ragged rocks of Scylla on the right, i.€., to the east of the strait. Just opposite to the rocks was the whirlpool called Charybdis, whence the famous line from the Alexandreis of P, Gaultier : Incidit in Scyllam cupiens vitare Charybdim. The fables of Homer and the poets offered no real danger to the Castor and Pollux, which now cleared the strait, and made for Puteoli.? The distance of this town from Rhegium was about one hundred and eighty-two miles, and the second day they had accomplished the voyage. The bay of Naples (fig. 272), in which Puteoli was situate, was one of the finest in the world, of an amphitheatric form, and about twenty-five or thirty miles across. The southern horn of the crescent-like bay was formed by the promontory of Minerva, and the northern by the promontory of Misenum. Off the headland of Minerva was the island of Caprez, the residence of the gloomy Tiberius, and as the Castor and Pollux passed it, the voyagers might have seen the precipitous rock frowning over the sea, from which the tyrant, after putting them to the most exquisite torture, was wont to hurl his victims; while boatmen waited below with bludgeons to dispatch any that might survive the fall..° Off the opposite promontory were the islands of Ischia and Procida, and in the harbour of Misenum, close under the promontory and to the east of it, lay at anchor the Imperial fleet of the Lower Sea." The admiral in command ° From Rhegium to Puteoli by sea, and thence τὸ Suet. Tib. 62. to Rome by land, was the common track. See τ The fleet of the Upper Sea was stationed at Suet. Tit. 5. Rayenna. Cuapr. V1.] VOYAGE FROM MALTA TO ROME. [A.p. 61] 219 at this time was Anicetus, a freedman, who had been tutor to Nero, and had recently advised him how best to make away with his mother Agrippina.!2 At the north- eastern corner of the bay was Neapolis (Newtown) or Naples, and to the west of Naples toward Cape Misenum was another smaller bay, running up northward from the bay of Naples, and of the width only of about five miles.?* On the eastern side of it stood Puteoli, and on the western was Baie, the fashionable watering-place, the Brighton of Rome ; and not far from the sea-shore, between Baiw and Misenum, was Baulos, the emperor’s marine villa—the most lovely spot on the face of the earth, as all who have visited it must acknowledge. Puteoli, or Pozzuoli as it is now called, was originally confined to a narrow rocky promontory, an elevated ridge projecting oppo- Fig. 272.— View of the bays of Puteoli and Neapolis with Mount Vesuvius. From Admiralty chart. site Baie ; but afterwards it extended itself a considerable distance eastward inland and also northwards round the little bay. From a point of the shore about fifty yards to the north of the promontory on which Puteoli had been originally built, and where the sea begins to form an inner bay to the east, was thrown out a mole for protection from the waves, and for the convenience of landing passengers and mer- chandise. The pier was not a continued solid mass as usually was the case, but stretched itself into the sea upon twenty-five arches, of which the author in 1851 counted thirteen still remaining, the very same number as had been counted by Evelyn more than 200 years before." Puteoli was the great port of the Roman capital. Here voyagers from abroad disembarked, and here persons commencing their travels took ship. Through this gate passed the immense exports and imports to and from the Imperial city. In particular, the corn from Alexandria was conveyed thither, and the wheat ships were allowed the peculiar privilege of entering the bay with all their sails set, while other vessels on rounding Capree were compelled to strike their topsails. An Alexandrian yessel could therefore be distinguished at a considerable 2? Tac. Ann. xiv. 3. καὶ εἴκοσι. Dion lix. 17. 8 Dion makes the distance from Puteoli to 4 Evelyn’s Diary. Baulos three miles and a quarter: σταδίους ἕξ 2Fr2 220 [a.p. 61] VOYAGE FROM MALTA TO ROME. [Cuar. VI. distance, and as soon as she hoye in sight, the herald of a squadron at her wake, a crowd soon gathered on the pier of Puteoli to watch the longed-for arrival.'® It was about the middle of February, a.p. 61, that the Castor and Pollux entered the bay-of Naples with Paul on board, and we may well suppose that the Fig. 273.—The mole of Puteoli. From Antichita di Pozzuoli. The spectator is looking up the bay to the north. It was at th’s pier that Paul landed when on his way as a prisoner from Caesarea to Rome. Apostle gazed with interest on the scene of transcendent beauty around him. On the left rode in the harbour of Misenum the Imperial fleet; further on glittered the palace of Baulos, and then the gay Baie, and opposite to it lay a forest of masts behind the rock and pier of Puteoli. On the right rose Vesuvius, overhung by a ® Subito nobis hodie Alexandrine nayes ap- genere velorum Alexandrinas quamvis In magna ] s 1 g paruerunt, que premitti solent et nuntiare turbanavium intelligit. Solis enim licet siparum secuture classis adventum (Tabellarias vocant). intendere, quod in alto omnes habent naves, . . . Gratus illarnm Campanie adspectus est; omnis ceeterze velo jubentur esse contents: siparum in pilis Puteolorum turba consistit, et ex ipso Alexandrinarum insigne est. Senec. Epist. 77. NOW POZZUOLI, PUTEOLI, BAY OF Pik face Vol. ii. p The spectat Rear Se ee Tl ΩΝ Cuap. VI.J VOYAGE FROM MALTA TO ROME. [a.p. 61] 221 perpetual cloud, and at its base stood the ill-fated Pompeii, then in all its pride, a few years after suddenly consigned to the tomb, to be again rescued after the lapse of centuries from its premature grave. The Castor and Pollux now cast anchor at the pier of Puteoli, and Julius landed his prisoners amid the gaze of a thousand idlers, whom curiosity to see the disembarkation had attracted to the spot (fig. 278). Fig. 274—Jn front is the pedestal of a statue erected in the principal thoroughfare of Puteoli *n honour of the Emperor Tiberius, to commemorate his benefactions to the cities of Asia which had suffered Jrom the earthquake of A.D. 17 (see Fasti Sacri, p. 163, No. 1093). From St. Non. The several cities are personified, and the third from the spectator’s left of the front group is Ephesus, the city at which the Apostle had resided for three years. |’aul during his weeks stay at Puteoli must often have looked with interest on this monument, and have recalled the stirring scenes which he had witnessed a few years before at the capital of Asia. Julius had throughout the voyage treated Paul with unvaried kindness, and he still exhibited the same humane courtesy. At Puteoli (fig. 274)—as the populous thoroughfare between Rome and all foreign parts—were numerous Jews,’ and not only so, but a community of Christians'’ also had already been formed. Paul, by the leave of Julius, now opened a communication with them, and so warmly did they welcome him, that (with the permission of the centurion, whose plans required that sojourn) he remained their guest for a week. is Joss Ant. xvu. 12, 1. % Acts xxviii. 14. bo its) τὸ [a.p. 61] JOURNEY TO ROME. [Cnar. VI. During the delay at Puteoli intelligence had been transmitted to the Christians of Rome that Paul had arrived at the seaport, and that in a few days he would resume his journey to the metropolis. The distance was about a hundred and forty- one miles (fig. 275). At the expiration of the week, Paul, with a promise of revisiting the Christians of Puteoli at a future day should he obtain his release, bade adieu to his kind friends ; and Julius and his soldiers, with their prisoners, set forward on their route. The high road lay through Cume and Liternum to Sinuessa, thirty-three miles from Puteoli."* Here they found themselves upon the celebrated Via Appia, running from Brundisium through Sinuessa to Rome. The track of the road still remains. It was from thirteen to fifteen feet broad, and the foundation was of concrete, or cemented rubble- work, and the surface was laid with large polygonal blocks of the hardest stone, usually basaltic lava, irregular in form, but fitted together with the greatest nicety. The distances were marked by milestones (fig. 276), and at intervals of about twenty miles were “mansions” or post-stations, where yehicles and horses and mules were provided for the conyenience of travellers, and the transmission of Government dispatches." From Sinuessa Paul and his company followed the Via Appia through Minturne, Formie, and Fundi to Terracina, a distance of forty-seven miles.” From this point they might either take the more circuitous road by land round the Pontine marshes, or traverse the canal running across the morass in a direct line in a trackboat drawn 18 The Antonine Itin. gives the distances thus: ferring to the laws, how well everything was ae ete millia pas, regulated. A birota could only carry 200 uteoli to Cume . 4 5 iii Ξ ἥ A : Te ee Ξ pounds weight ; a rheda might carry 1000; a Sinuessa . ᾿ς τ xxiv carrus might be charged with 600 pounds ἜΞΕΝ weight. A carpentum was a more ancient τὸ ‘The following account of the Via Appia, vehicle, and carried 1000 pounds; but it could and the mode of travelling upon it, is from Sir contain only two, Aas at most three Weiser W. Gell :—“ On each side of the road were dis- ~De anagarie carried 1500 pounds. Carriages might be found at every post, and not less than forty post horses were kept. Saddle horses were called equi cursuales. A rheda had eight mules in summer and ten in winter, and a birota three mules.” Gell’s Topography of Rome and its Vicinity, p. 129 (1834); p. 73 (1846). Ὁ The Antonine Itinerary gives the distances posed, at the distance of every forty feet, low columns as seats for the weary, and to assist in mounting on horseback. The road was provided with inns and ornamented with statues—numi viali, Lares viales, or Dei vizei,as they are called by Varro— Mercury, Apollo, Bacchus, Ceres, Diana, Janus, and Hercules. At every thousand paces, of five feet each, was a milestone—lapis, WES Gnethyeneensy 5 4 «ite lapis milliaris, or columna milliaris. The stages Formiay ν᾿ Ἐπ were called mansiones and mutationes, the Bund) νὰ πὴ. πΠ latter name being derived from the changing of Perracina o> 7 0 35 the horses. The carriages in use were cars ἶ 4 5 (birote or bigee) with two wheels and as many The Jerusalem Itinerary thus : horses, waggons (rhede and quadrige), and Ξσστοίς ea eaten is coaches drawn by six horses (seijuge). The ante ou SiS i post horses were called veredi and the postilions Terracina. 0. 0. ΧΗ veredarii, It is surprising to observe, upon re- alii — ee a = Cuap. VI.] JOURNEY TO ROME. [a.p. 61] 223 by mules." The latter route has been immortalized by the humour of Horace, in his well-known journey to Brundisium. Which of these two routes Julius adopted we are not informed, but both road and canal met at Appii Forum, a small town eighteen Pithecusa eve Aenaria 1* Fig. 275.—Route of Paul along the Via Appia from Puteoli to Rome through Forum Appii and Tres Taberne. From Spruner. miles from Terracina,” rife with insolent bargemen and exorbitant yictuallers.** But Julius was an Imperial officer, and the parochi (πάροχοι), or public entertainers, were bound to supply to him and those under his charge lignumque salemque, or as we should express it, “ bed and board.” The Christians of Rome were already numerous, being many of them of exalted rank, and having heard from Puteoli of Paul’s expected approach, a body of them, in honour of the great Apostle of the Gentiles, and in testimony of their sense of his unparalleled exertions and sacrifices in the sacred cause, now met him*™ at Appii Forum, forty-three miles from the capital. Amongst them must have been many of * Tt would, however, appear from Strabo that ** This was a usual practice. See Jos. Ant. the road and canal were parallel, or nearly so: xvii. 12,1; Suet. Calig. 4; Plut. Anton. 11; παραβέβληται τῇ ὁδῷ τῇ ᾿Αππίᾳ διῶρυξ. Strabo, Dion lviii. 4; Tac. Ann. iii. 5; Οἷς. Ep. Fam, y. 3 (p. 3877, Tauch.). xvi. 11: Appian, Bell. Mithrid. 116. * Anton. Itin. gives from Terracina to Appii 35 The Antonine Itin. gives— Forum xviii.; the Jerusalem Itinerary gives— pare Β Ἂ τ τ ii Forum to Tres Tabernz . x Terracina to Ad Medias. “ - x us Aricia . F . xvi AppiiForum . . . . - ix Rome) * yi, a @ ν xvi xs xiii 3 Differtum nautis, cauponibus atque malignis. Hor. Sat. i. 5, 4. The Jerus. Itin gives— 224 [a.v. 61] JOURNEY TO ROME. [Cuae. VI. those whom Paul had saluted in the Epistle to the Romans, and also perhaps Aquila and Priscilla, whom Paul had met at Corinth on the expulsion of the Jews from Rome by Claudius, but who had since returned to the Imperial city.*° The sensitive heart of Paul was deeply moved by such affectionate zeal, and he gave God thanks that the persecution which he was enduring for the cross of Christ, instead of ope- rating as a terror to the brethren, should thus haye stimulated them to so public a profession of their holy faith.’ The reason of their not advancing beyond Appu Forum probably was, that not knowing whether the Apostle would come by the road or the canal, they might possibly miss him by the way. From Appii Forum the united company adyanced along the Via Appia to Tres Taberne, or the Three Taverns, a well-known station, distant from Appu Forum ten miles,”* and here another party of Roman brethren, those perhaps of maturer age,” bade welcome to the Apostle, so that from this point his progress, instead of the forced march of a criminal, was more like a triumphal procession. They next passed through Aricia (now La Riccia), sixteen miles from Rome, a spot still distinguished by some remnants of its ancient celebrity.* They now descended into the valley of Egeria, and passing the sacred fount on their right, advanced up a gentle rise toward the walls of Rome, through the wood Appii Fornm to Sponse 4 Ε vii Aricia 5 δ xiv Ad Nonum . . vii Rome . φ ix XNXVH 5 Rom. xvi. 3. Acts xxviii. 15. That Appii Forum and Tres Taberne were not far apart appears from Cicero. Ab Appii Foro hora quarta. Dederam aliam paulo ante Tribus Tabernis. Epist. Attic. ii. 10. The Acta Petri et Pauli make Tres Taberne thirty-eight mniles from Rome. ἔστω δὲ τὸ διάστημα ἀπὸ Ῥώμης ἕως Τρίβους Ταβέρνης μίλια τριάκοντα ὀκτώ. Tisch- endort’s Apocryph. Act. Apost. 5. 20. There are no remains of the three taverns by that name at the present day, but the site may be placed at or near the modern Cisterna. Ac- cording to Nibby, who carefully examined the country, the old Via Appia, on which Tres Taberne was situate, ran directly from Castella to Terracina, whereas the present road consider- ably deviates, which is the cause that Tres Tabernee has been lost sight of. In ancient times the Three Taverns was a central town, and a vast deal of traffic passed through it, as not only did it lie on the great Appian highway, but here also was the junction of the much- frequented road from Antium. This fact is established by a remark of Cicero, who writes tft ww a to Atticus: Emerseram commode ex Antiati in Appiam ad Tres Tabernas ipsis Cerealibus, quum in me incurrit Roma veniens Curio meus. Epist. Attic. u. 12. In the Authorized Version Tres Tabernz has been translated the Three Taverns, but Luke, though writing in Greek, did not translate Tres Taberne into Greek, but speaks of it by its Roman name, as Τριῶν Ταβερνῶν. Had Luke, therefore, translated the Acts into English he would have called the place Tres Taberne, and not the Three Taverns. * Thus, on Pompey’s triumphant return from the East, his fellow-citizens, says Appian, αὐτῷ προσιόντι ἀπήντων κατὰ μέρος, ποῤῥωτάτω μὲν οἱ νέοι, ἐξῆς δὲ ὡς ἠδύναντο καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν ἕκαστοι. Ap- pian, Mithrid. 116. *° According to the Acta Petri et Pauli, 5. 20, the Apostle slept at Aricia. κινήσαντες δὲ ἐκεῖθεν {from Tres Tabernze }, ἐκοιμήθησαν εἰς πόλιν καλου- μένην ᾿Αρικίαν. ‘The book is not authentic, but it is of early date, and is an index to the customs of the time. The Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries make Aricia 16 miles from Rome, which is probably the correct estimate. Strabo places it 160 stades, or 20 miles, from Rome, and Philo- stratus, on the contrary, only 120 stades, or 15 miles, while the Peutinger Table places it at still less, viz. 13 miles. Vit. Apoll. iv. 36. παρ, VI] JOURNEY TO ROME. [a.p. 61] 225 once devoted to the Muses but then occupied by Israelites, the meanest of their race, the pedlar and the fortune-teller. Even for this privilege, the satirist indignantly tells us, a tax was levied by the Imperial government. “ Here, where of old the godlike Numa paid Nocturnal visits to his heavenly maid, The gipsy Jewess plies her trade by day And sleeps by night upon her wisp of hay! Her only home the shelter of a tree, And even for that the State demands a fee. Shame on my country! Hence, ye Muses, hence ! And yield your grove that Rome may draw her pence.” As they approached to Rome the suburbs were lined with the splendid villas of senators and knights, and wealthy commoners, and the tombs of the mighty dead. Fig. 276.—The first milestone on the Appian Way on quitting Rome by the Port Capena. From Canina’s Via Appia. Just before reaching the gate of the city they passed under the arch of Drusus (fig. 277), erected twenty years before in honour of Drusus, the father of the Emperor Claudius, and who is celebrated by Horace as the conqueror of the Rheti and 81: Hie, ubi nocturne Numa constituebat amica, Omnis enim populo mercedem pendere jussa est Nune sacri fontis nemus et delubra locantur Arbor, et ejectis mendicat sylva Cameenis. Judzis, quorum cophinus foenumque supellex. Juv. Sat. iii, 12. VOL. II. - BE 226 [a.D. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. Vindelici.? The arch still remains, and the spectator gazes with the more interest as he remembers that under this venerable fabric passed 1800 years ago the foot- Fig. 277.—The arch of Drusus. From a photograph. The arch stood just without the Porta Capena, and Paul chained to a soldier must have passed under it. steps of the great Apostle of the Gentiles. They now advanced into Rome itself by the Porta Capena, or Capuan gate, dripping from the leakage of the ancient aqueduct which was carried across it. The Apostle was now in the City of the Seven Hills, which for so many years had 2 “Hor. Od. iv. 4: Hence the gate in later times, when enclosed > See Rome, a Tour of Many Days. By Sir within the city, was called Aveus Stillans. George Head. 1849. Vol. ii. 418. Schohast on Juvenal. Se ee The Via Appia started from this gate, and the miles were measured from it. The fortunate “ Substitit ad veteres arcus madidamque Capenam.”” discovery of . - = cuscovery ΟἹ the "St aS é S— Juy, Sat. iii, 11. ὌΥΘΙΣ of as first milestone at a little dis “ Capena grandi porta qua pluit gut:a.” tance outside the present Porta di S. Sebastiano Mart. iii, 47. has determined the site of the Porta Capena to 'δμος Δ᾽ Tay uopuoT aupnbs wory Pey ‘Oiyny ‘LOTION PAPA SnsTd(] JO [τὰ soutiog yo, ὁ ΔΈ ΙΝ : φυαγο ἘΞ a 1 RNs τσ), puorog MM ‘ ζ γηρωσχχθ wuioy pouathiuy yng ‘sn17Ny, SNIAIIS? Sf? 50.) oid 277 0M 9 An TOAVd iS Jo οὐ 91ῃ ut a 1 Ὁ U «ὐπὸ YstMor AL SUaT SN V iw Ξ = ἢ { ΑἿΣ + ~ fr) “ \\ "δ atayy Jo op y ᾿ Ἶ \ / Wanted yo QnPOUl, A ΠΣ Ασάϊπου Jo θαγθο], = wonemux) = Γ |nadubyy ϑυη ο ene \v2 surg SSS vs PUPHOLO JO WopsO, $$ 942 L 741 ey OF bo be Cuar. VIL] . ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.v. 61] been the great object of his holy aspirations. He was there as a prisoner, but no matter, he was at Rome, and we shall see that the cause of Christianity did not sutter by his chai. Paul’s ultimate destination was the Pretorium, or Palace of the Cesars, and in passing thither he must have gazed with astonishment on the sub- lunary grandeur that surrounded him—the triumphal arches and colonnades, the temples and basilicas that lined the road from the Porta Capena to the Forum. While the Apostle is on his way to the Palace, let us take a cursory glance at the state of public affairs at this period. The emperor Claudius (fig. 278) who, on the assassination of Messalina (fig. 279) for her debaucheries, had married Agrippina Fig. 278.—Coin of Claudius. From the British Museum. Obv. Head of Claudius with the legend Ti. Claudius Cawsar Aug. P. M. Tr. P. P. P—Rev. Ex. 8. C. P. P. Ob cives servatos. (fig. 280). was about seven years before the arrival of Paul, viz. in October, a.p. 54, taken off by poison administered by the hands of his beloved wife. He left three children, Britannicus (fig. 281), Octavia (fig. 282) (married to Nero), and Antonia. By the artifices of Agrippina he had been induced to pass over his own son Britan- nicus, and to nominate Nero (fig. 284), the son of Agrippina, as his successor. Nero, who on assuming the purple was a mere stripling of seventeen, soon discovered himself to be a monster, of which, happily, there has never been a parallel. He had passed through the hands of various instructors, and had eventually even fallen under the care of the celebrated Seneca (fig 283), but the evil seeds previously sown had struck root so deeply, that all the labours of the philosopher could not eradicate the rank vegetation. Amongst other tutors he had been disciplined by a dancing-master, and a barber,** and his character received a corresponding impress. He had a good figure, but was inclined to corpulency, had handsome features, was of ruddy complexion, with blue eyes, and wore his light hair, like a girl, in tresses, and when he visited Greece it was even bound in a fillet at the back of the head. He was usually attired in the most fantastic dress, and never put on the same robe twice.’ In some respects he was not devoid of talent, for he was a tolerable painter be at a spot now distinguished by a post with Greek and Rom. Geogr., art. “Rome,” by Dyer, the letters P. C. (Porta Capena), 1480 yards γ. 755. within the Porta di 8. Sebastiano, and 300 yards % Suet. Nero, 6. from the entrance to the Via S. Gregorio. Smith’s 35 Suet. Nero, 30, 51. Fig. 279.—Coin of Messalina, wife of Claudius. From the British Museum. Obv. Head of Messalina with the legend Μεσσαλεινα SeBaory vea Hpy (Messalina Augusta. The young Juno). Rev. T. Καδιος Ῥουφος Ανθυπατος Νεικωεον (Ὁ. Cadius Rufus Proconsul. Or the Niceans). He was Proconsul of Bithynia in a.p. 49, the year in which Paul and Barnabas commenced their second circuit. See Fasti Sacri, p. 290, No. 1794. Fig. 280.—Coin of Agrippina, wife of Claudius. From the British Museum. Ob». Portrait of Agrippina with the legend Agrippina M. F. Germanici Cwsaris—Rev. Ti. Claudius Casar Aug. Germ. P.M. Tr. P. Imp. PP. Fig. 281.—Unique coin of Britannicus, son of Claudius. From the British Museum. Obv, Head of Britannicus with the legend Τὶ Claudius Casar Aug. Ε΄, Britannicus.—fev. Youth in fullarmour with the legend S.C. (Senatus Consulto). Fig. 282.—Coin of Octavia with Nero. From the British Museum. Obv. Head of Nero with the legend Nep. KAav. Kaco. SB. Τερμ. (Nero Claudius Cesar Germanicus)—Rev. Head of Octavia with the legend Oxraovia SeBacrov (Octavia [wife] of Augustus) LTD, i.e. in the third year of the reign of Nero, which places it in a.p. 56, while Paul was at Ephesus. ¥ Cuap. VI.] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.p. 601] 229 and sculptor and poet, but his chief passion was to drive the chariot, and sing with a thin, shrill voice to the sound of the guitar.** Had he merely wasted his time in Fig. 283.— Bust of Seneca, the brother of Gallio and of Lucan the author of the Pharsalia. The tutor of Nero. From the Museum at Naples. such frivolous and unworthy pursuits, he might have ruled the destinies of the world for half a century, but his crimes grew by degrees to such enormity, that human nature could endure the curse no longer. Fig. 284.—Coin of Nero. From the British Museum. Obv. Head of Nero with the legend Nero Claudius Casar Augustus Germanicus Tr. P. P. P. Imp.—Rev. Temple of Janus with the legend Pace per Terram marique parta Janum clusit. Immediately on his accession he imprisoned Narcissus, the famous freedman, who soon fell a victim to the damps of a dungeon.** The only reason for this was, that Narcissus, in the intrigues about the Court of Claudius, had not been the partisan of Agrippina and her worthless son. The following year Nero poisoned Britannicus, the son of Claudius, to prevent the possibility of a rivalship,®* and we shall presently ὅτ The cithara was pronounced hithara. Our * Fasti Sacri, p. 303, No. 1807. word ‘ guitar’ is derived from it. * Fasti Sacri, p. 304, No. 1820. 230 [4.Ὁ0. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. have to record a more dreadful deed. His wife Octavia, the daughter of Claudius, a woman of singular virtue, was for that very reason the object of his detestation, and he soon threw himself into the more congenial embraces of Acte, a courtesan, and shortly afterwards lived in adulterous intercourse with the infamous Poppea, who had been successively the wife of Rufus and Otho, both of whom were still living.” It is almost unnecessary to remark that a voluptuary of this kind was wholly averse to serious business. At first the ambitious Agrippina possessed herself of supreme power, and administered public affairs by the hands of her minion Pallas, the brother of Felix, but jealousy of the influence gained by Acte, and then by Poppa Vig. 285.—Coin of Peppaa, with the lecend Wormara Σεβαστη. LI (Poppwa Augusta L 10). The tenth year of the reign of Nero esponds to the year from 13th October a.p. 63 to 13th October a.p. 64, during which time therefore the coin was siruck. ‘This was soon after Paul’s liberation from imprisonment in a.p. 63. From the British Museum (fig. 285) led to unpleasant altercations, and the mother and son soon became conscious of mutual aversion. Agrippina was driven from the palace, and deprived of her German body-guard,*' and Pallas was removed from the office which he had so long held of comptroller of the household (a rationibus).* The reins of government were now committed to Burrhus and Seneca (fig. 286), the two redeeming statesmen of the age. Fig. 286.—Senecu, as tutor af Nero, caricatured as a butterfly driving a dragon. From the Museum at Naples. They were men of opposite characters, but cemented together by an anxious desire to promote the public welfare. Burrhus was the Prefect of the Pretorians or Imperial Body-guard, a rough soldier, with one hand mutilated from the wars ;** Seneca, pale and meagre from study and spare diet, was withal a courtier of gentle and polished manners. Burrhus could scarcely write at all; Seneca was the most elegant scholar © Fasti sacri, p. 304, No. 1819. 13 Fasti Sacri, p. 304, No. 1819. Fasti Sacri, p. 904, No. 1821. 43 Tac. Ann. xii, 14, Cnar. VL] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.p. 61] 231 of the day. Both were plain-spoken, and endeavoured, as far as was practicable, to counteract the baneful influences by which the Emperor was hurried to his destruc- tion. They were fortunately many years in power, and the harmony between them was never broken. When one was in danger, the other came to the rescue, and when eventually the fiendish spirit of Nero could bear the one no longer, the fall of the other very soon followed. In March, a.p. 59, about two years before Paul’s arrival, Nero perpetrated the hideous crime of matricide. Poppa had established her influence over the Emperor the year before, and distrustful of the permanence of her own power so long as Agrippina lived, she had continually instigated him to that inhuman act. Nero, to veil his purpose, proceeded to Baiz to celebrate there the festival of the Quinquatria, which occurred on the 19th of March. He pretended to be reconciled to his mother, and invited her from Antium in the most affectionate terms, Agrippina was per- suaded, and Nero welcomed her with a tender embrace to Baulos. A banquet followed, and Agrippina was placed at the Emperor’s side. At night she set out on her return by water to her villa overlooking the Lucrine Lake, which opened into the Bay of Baie. Nero attended her himself to the seaside, and as he placed her on board the Imperial yacht, gave her a parting salute. The vessel was, in reality, a decoy ship, built under the directions of Anicetus, the admiral, and so constructed that at any moment it could be made, by mechanical contrivances, to fall to pieces. The galley was put under sail, and the signal was given for sinking her. A blunder, however, was made, or the machinery was imperfect, for though the cabin of Agrip- pina fell in, and both of her attendants were killed, yet Agrippina herself, not without a wound, threw herself into the sea and swam to a boat, and so escaped to her villa. Nero, dreading the vengeance of the enraged lioness, commanded Anicetus to use violent means, and he, accompanied by two officers, the same night forced his way into the villa, and dispatched Agrippina with the sword.“ : So horrible a crime could not but shake the nerves of the most hardened repro- bate, and Nero for some time was seen rapt in moody reverie, or to start with sudden terror. He dared not return to Rome, but retired to Naples, and then wandered about Campania. At length the servile adulation of the senate and people of Rome, who missed the sunshine of the Imperial presence, reassured him of their faithful allegiance, and he revisited the capital. All restraint upon his conduct being now removed (for Agrippina to the last had exercised a degree of power),*° Nero gave free indulgence to every wild whim of the moment. Chariot driving and singing were still the baubles that amused him, and matricide as he was, he was bent upon displaying his acquirements before the public eye. Burrhus and Seneca could only so far prevail as to confine the disgraceful exhi- * Fasti Sacri, p. 317, No. 1871. * Cupientibus cunctis infringi matris potentiam. Tac. Ann. xiy. 1. 232 [a.D. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. bition within somewhat narrower bounds. A private circus was constructed on the other side the Tiber, in the Vatican Valley, near the site of the modern St. Peter’s, and here Nero drove at first in the presence of a select few ; but his thirst for applause could not be restrained, and the whole Roman people were soon admitted indiscrimi- nately to the unprecedented spectacle of an Emperor playing the charioteer. He next instituted games called Juyenilia, in honour of the first growth of a beard, which he now shaved and dedicated in a golden box to Jupiter Capitolinus. Upon this occasion the noblest Romans were degraded into actors, and Nero himself sang the popular airs of the day to the guitar. Grallio, the late Pro-consul of Achaia, before whose tribunal Paul had been cited some eight years before, was now employed as stage manager, to announce to the delighted audience that Nero Crauprus Cmsar was aBour To sinc.“ Even Burrhus and Seneca were obliged to witness the perform- ance and lend their applause, though tears the while ran down the cheeks of the honest old soldier, to see his master so disgrace the Imperial purple.’ The same games were also made the vehicle of every sensual gratification. The young profli- gate thinking to hide his own delinquencies under the general infamy, gave open encouragement to vice by stipendiary payments, and if the passions of men cannot be subdued even by stringent laws, it may well be supposed what licence prevailed when the chief magistrate himself offered a premium to depravity. Such was Nero, and such, or the like, were the scenes enacted at Rome at the time of Paul’s arrival. Burrhus and Seneca were still administering public affairs, the one in the military and the other in the civil department. Nero, now of the age of twenty-three and a few months, was residing with Poppaa, in his princely palace on the Palatine Hill, while Octavia his wife was living in seclusion and almost forgotten. Julius and his charge arrived at the Palace and delivered up his prisoners to the Prefect of the Pratorium, or Prefectus Preetorio. The word Pretorium signified originally the tent of the Preetor or commander in-chief, and the Cohors Pretoria was his body-guard. When Augustus established himself as Emperor he was careful to continue the republican names, and his body-guard, as that of the commander-in- chief, were still called the Pratoriani, and their commander bore the title of Praefectus Pretorio. The Pretorians consisted of nine or ten cohorts of 1000 men each, and in , the time of Augustus, and for some years under Tiberius, the Praetorian cohorts were dispersed in different quarters through the city and in the suburbs, but in the reign of Tiberius, Sejanus, their Prefect, having ambitious views and knowing “ unity to be strength,” induced the Emperor to form them into one camp without the city, but immediately adjacent to it.8 This camp was called, not the Praetorium (which ‘© Dion Cass. [Χ]. 20. viarum mensura colligit paulo amplius septua- τ Moerens Burrusac laudans. Tac. Ann.xiv.15. ginta millia passuum. Pliny N. H. iii. 9. As to * Ad extrema vero tectorum cum eastris thenumbers of the Pretorians, see Tac, Amn. iv. Pretoriis ab eodem milliario per vicos omnium 5; Dion, ly. 24. - Cuar. ὙΠ ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.p. 61] 233 was properly the Emperor’s Palace), but the Castra Pretorianorum (fig. 287, 288). The spot was on the north-east of the city, just without the gate, on the right of the Via Nomentana.? The camp assumed the usual quadrangular shape, and consisted It was strongly fortified, being surrounded by a In front of the camp was of barracks round an open area. deep vallum or fosse,*” and a wall with four gates.®* an open plain or field, in which the troops exercised, and where, a few years before, The site of Claudius had made a show of Caractacus, the captive king of Britain.” Fig. 287.— View of the present stale of the Pratorian camp. From an original sketch. The spectator is looking north-east, and the boundary walls are the northern, eastern, and southern walls of the camp. with the ramparts and remains of the soldiers’ qua’ ters under them. It is now used as an exercising grouud for the military. the camp was what is now the garden of the Jesuits, as ascertained by inscriptions from time to time discovered on the spot. * Suet. Nero, 48 : °° Suet. Claud. 10; Tac. Ann. iy. 2. 1 Plut. Galb. 14; Jos. Bell. ii. 11, 14. Tac. Ann. xii. 56. 88. T visited the spot in 1851, and found it occupied by a luxuriant vineyard teeming with clustering bunches of black grapes. Where had been the busy hum of some 9000 or 10,000 warriors, was seen only the ecclesiastic and the solitary traveller. The area measured 470 paces from north to south, and about 400 from east to west. The northern, eastern, and southern sides were defended with strong walls, but the western side was open toward the city. The upper part of the walls is brickwork, and thrown into blind arches; but in many places, from the dilapida- tions of time or the hayoe of war, the curve of the arch has been broken away, and the masonry below has an intercolumnar appearance. The lower part of the ramparts is built of rubble, with some admixture of brick, and apparently is of a more ancient date. There is a terraced walk upon the walis,on which the soldiery could VOL. I. This was the camp of the Pratorians move easily from one point to another. The lower part on the north side consists of a double range of blind arches one over the other. On the eastern side I found vaulted chambers under the wall, sometimes communicating with each other and sometimes distinct. These must have served for barracks or dormitories for the troops. On the south side I observed stones of larger size, and worthy of the best Roman age. Round the walls at intervals were stairs leading up to the ramparts, and square towers contain- ing stories of two rooms each. The height of the walls in the interior was about 20 feet, but on the exterior 30 feet. The difference is at- tributable to the accumulation of soil in the camp itself, or to the fosse which ran round the outside. On returning through the vineyard I met with some tessella—an indication that the Pretorian officers had fixed residences in the open area. For a more detailed description of the Pra- torian camp, see Rome, a Tour of Many Days, by Sir George Head (1849), vol. i. p. 245. 2u 284 [a.p. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Caar. VI. generally. But one of the ten cohorts was always on duty at the Palace, the cohorts relieving each other according to a certain rota.** The barrack of the cohort im attendance was within the Palatine,®® and thither prisoners from the provinces were consigned.** The vast range of buildings known as the Palatium was situate on the Palatine, a hill which was in the very heart of Rome, and assumed the figure of a rhomboid or paper kite, the acute angle being the south-eastern point and the obtuse angle the north-western ; and if a line were drawn through the two angles and extended northward, it would run along the present Corso. The whole hill was girt in by a Fig. 23%.—An aureus of Claudius. From the British Museum. Obv. Head of the Emperor Claudius with the legend Ti. Claud. Cxsar Aug. P. M. TR. P.—fev. Outline of the Pra:torian camp. The reverse at first sight is a little puzzling, but on examination it resolves itself into the following features : ‘The lower half presents to us the front wall of the Pratorium, constructed of squared stones, with two gateways below, and with the inscription above Imper, Recept. (i.e. Imperator Receptus), The emperor received. The tront wall is sur- mounted over the inscription by battlements consisting of a series of turrets with smull arches, Within the camp and in the middle of the coin is a pavilion or canopy, under which is seen the emperor helmeted and holding a sceptre, and before him is the standard of the Praetorian guards, who are supposed to be swearing their allegiance. At the top of the pavilion is a garland. At the two sides of the pavilion, and above the turrets of the front wall, is seen the posterior wall of the Praetorium, also built of squared stones, and with two arched gateways, and also surmounted by battlements with small arched turrets, corresponding to those on the front wall, but of diminished size as seen ata greater distance. The back wall is evidently straight, and differs in this respect from the front wall which is curved. The explanation of the Inscripti.n Imper. Recept. is this. When Caligula was assassinated in his palace, Claudius, who was one of the Imperial family and of a timorous temperament, hid himself behind some tapestry, but was discovered by a common soldier and dragged into light and carried off to the Pratorian camp. Here, instead of being put to death as feared, he, being popular with the guards and making large promise~, was hail+d as emperor, and they took the oath of allegiance to him, [Ὁ was to commemorate this event that the gold coin of which we have given a facsimile was struck. solid searped wall of brickwork,’ and was bounded on the south by the Circus Maxi- mus, on the west by the Velabrum, on the north by the Forum, and on the east by a street which continued the Via Appia to the site of the present Arch of Constantine. The Imperial residence itself or Domus Palatina comprised, in fact, two piles of buildings—one on the north-western quarter of the hill erected by Augustus, and called the Domus Augustana, and the other, behind it on the south-western quarter, erected by Tiberius, and called the Domus Tiberiana.”* Both palaces, however, were but parts of the same design, interlaced together, and forming together the Domus Palatina.©? The Domus Tiberiana extended in a southern direction to the verge of the Palatine hill, and approached the Cireus Maximus, the obstreperous uproar of which so disturbed the slumbers of the tyrant Caligula, that on one occasion he Ἢ Qohortis, que in Palatio stationem agebat. mitti ad preefectos Praetorii mei debet. Plin. Ep. Tac. Hist. i. 29. x. 66. And see citations in Biscoe, ¢. 9, at the »° ἐν τῷ Παλατίῳ ὁ Καῖσαρ ᾧκει καὶ ἐκεῖ τὸ end. στρατήγιον εἶχε. Dion 1111. 16. 7 Rome, a Tour of Many Days, by Sir George % λαβὼν δὲ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ φονικὴν αἰτίαν, ἀνεπέμφθη Head (1849), vol. i. p. 62. ἐς τὴν Ρώμην ὡς ἀπολογησόμενος τοῖς τῶν στρατο- 58 Tac. Hist. 1. 27; Plut. Galb. 24. πέδων ἡγεμόσι. Philos. Vit. Soph. 11]. 82. Vinctus 59 Jos. Ant. xix. 1, 15. ADAPTED FROM THE PLAN OF FABIO Gori. To face Vol. 2_p. 234. ROAD TO PALACE Villa Mills GREGORIO. | | | | Ϊ s. ΠΝ =a \ — $ εἰ S.GREGORIQ ST. PAUL AT ROME. 235 παρ. VI.] [a.p. 61] ordered all in the Cireus to be well cudgelled and expelled. The Domus Palatina faced the north,” and was surrounded bya palisade decorated with laurel, in token of the Imperial victories ; ἢ and at the summit of the Palace was a civic crown, indicating that the Emperor was the saviour of his subjects,® and Claudius added a nayal crown also, in honour of his victory over the ocean by the conquest of Britain. The libraries and temples and porticoes connected with the Palace reached all the way from the Cireus Maximus on the south to the Forum on the north, and it was from the high roof of the Basilica Julia which ran out from the west side of the palace in the direction of the Capitol and overlooked the Forum that the Emperor Caligula was wont to scatter gold and silver pieces amongst the crowd below. The grand entrance to the Palatine hill was from the Via Sacra,“ on the north of the Palatine hill, and about the middle of it by the Temple of Jupiter Stator at the Porta Mugionis, a little to the west of the present Arch of Titus.” There was a way for carriages,” as well as for foot-passengers, and the road was bounded on both sides by lofty, massive walls of ancient brickwork. It is now known as Via Polveriera.®’ There was another footway from the forum more to the west, leading up directly to the steps of the palace.” Both entrances were guarded by sentinels drawn from the Praetorian cohort in attendance.’ Caligula indeed was profane enough to form a stately approach from the west through the Temple of Castor and Pollux, who were thus made his door-keepers ;* but Claudius restored the Temple to its pristine state.” The Prefectus Pretorio, or, as Luke designates him, the στρατοπεδάρχης. and the cohort under his command, had their barracks (called the Excubitorium, or guard- house) on the north-eastern quarter of the Palatine just east of the Porta Mugionis, so as to be ready at a moment’s notice to attend the Imperial summons. 6 Suet. Calig. 26. ' Thus Otho escaped from the palace to the Velabrum. Tac. Hist. i. 27. And he escaped by the back of the palace—a postica parte palatii. Suet. Otho, 6. And the Velabrum was to the west of the Palatine, at the west end of the Circus Maximus, and reached northward to the Forum. Suet. Nero, 25. See Tac. Hist. iii. 84, 85; Plin. N. H. xix. 6. ® Dion Ixxvi. 4. ® Suet. Claud. 17. abs © ὑπὲρ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἱστάμενον καὶ δήμῳ χρυσίου καὶ ἀργυρίου χρήματα διαῤῥιπτοῦντα. .. ὑψηλὸν δέ ἐστι τὸ τέγος εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν φέρον. Jos. Ant. xix. 1, 11. Partem Palatii ad Forum usque [Caligula] promovit. Suet. Calig. 22. * Thus Vitellius was dragged from the palace into the Via Sacra. Interclusum aliud iter, idque solum, quod in Viam Sacram pergeret, patebat. Tac, Hist iii. 68. κατήγαγον ἐκ Tot 7 Παλατίου τὸν Καίσαρα τὸν ἐν αὐτῷ ἐντρυφήσαντα͵ καὶ διὰ τῆς Ἱερᾶς “Οδοῦ ἔσυρον τὸν αὐτοκράτορα. Dion Ixy. 30. Viamque Sacram ab domo sua [Czxsaris] ad clivum usque Capitolinum. Plin. ΝΗ σὶςσ. 6; * Thus Ovid, in describing a walk from the Forum Romanum up the Via Sacra, writes: Inde petens dextram porta est, ait, ista Palati, Hic Stator, hoc primum condita Roma loco est. Ovid, Fast. ili. 1, 21. “5. Dion Ixxvi. 4; Suet. Nero, 25. “Ὁ Rome, a Tour of Many Days, by Sir George Head (1849), vol. ii. p. 63. Pro Palatii gradibus. Suet. Nero, 8. Pro gradibus domus. Tac. Hist. i. 29, iii. 74. τ Dilapsis speculatoribus, cetera cohors, &e. Tac. Hist. 1.31. The cohort referred to was that que in Palatio stationem agebat. Hist. i. 29. * Dion lix. 28; Suet. Calig, 22. 18. Dion lx. 6. 2H 2 [a.. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. 236 [Cuap. VI. Prisoners remitted on appeal to the Emperor, were consigned to the Prefect of the Pretorium,” and were to be kept in safe custody until the case could be brought before the Emperor or his deputy, and the nature of this interim custody varied according to circumstances.”? Some were coupled by a slight chain round the right wrist to the left of a soldier, and thus shackled, were allowed to be at large within the palace,’® or even, if they could afford it, were at liberty to hire a lodging for them- selves without the walls, but within the rules or prescribed limits (fig. 289). Burrhus at this time was Prefeet of the Pretorium, and to him Julius the cen- turion resigned the prisoners under his charge. As Paul entered the barrack of the Pretorian cohort on the Palatine, he might, perhaps, have distinguished some faces not altogether unknown to him; for Felix, before leaving his government, had for some trivial cause sent several Jewish priests thither, and who were not released until three years after this period, and then only by the special interference of Josephus the historian ; 5 a sufficient proof, by the way, how tedious were the delays of the law at Rome, and that Paul’s detention there for two years was by no means a solitary instance. The dispatch of Festus may have been lost in the shipwreck, but it cannot be doubted that Julius, who had taken such an interest about Paul, and paid him the ereatest deference during the voyage, now made the most favourable report of his ease. Burrhus saw at once that Paul had committed no crime—at least none in the eyes of a liberal-minded Roman—but that he had been made the victim of Jewish persecution. The honest soldier, had he followed his own inclinations, would imme- diately have set his captive at liberty, but it was necessary that legal forms should be observed, and his accusers had not yet been heard. However, Burrhus exercised all the lenity in his power, and instead of ordering Paul into strict confinement in the barrack (which was probably the course pursued with respect to the other pri- soners), the Prefect gave him leave to find a lodging for himself, coupled, indeed, for safe custody, to a soldier, but otherwise free from restraint. He had also permission to see his friends, a privilege not enjoyed without a special order to that eftect.*° 1 Acts xxviii. 16. τὸ Drusus was starved to death in a dungeon in ima parte Palatii. Suet. Tib.54. But he was regarded as a criminal, and not as awaiting his trial. τὸ As was Agrippa. Jos. Ant. xvii. 6,7. But the palace where Agrippa was arrested was at Lachmann) reject the words τῷ στρατοπεδάρχῃ as an interpolation. 78 ὁ ἑκατόνταρχος παρέδωκε τοὺς δεσμίους τῷ στρατοπεδάρχη. Τῷ δὲ Παύλῳ ἐπετράπη μένειν καθ᾽ Acts xxviii. 16. Bishop Wordsworth assumes that a distinction is here made between the other prisoners, who were handed oyer to ε ΄ €auTov. Tusculum, and therefore Wieseler, Chron. p. 404, is mistaken in supposing that the passage ᾿Αγρίπ- mas δὲ τότε δεθεὶς εἱστήκει πρὸ τοῦ βασιλείου, Ant. xviii. 6,7, applies to the palace of the Cxesars at Rome. See J. B. Lightfoot on Philippians, Ὁ. 101. 4 τ τῷ στρατοπεδάρχῃ. Acts xxviii. 16. See Fasti Sacri, Ὁ. 825, No. 1916. But some critics (as the Prefect, and Paul, who was allowed to live by himself. But surely the meaning is that all were delivered over in the first instance to the Prefect, and then dealt with according to the merits of their respective cases. 79 Jos. Vit. 8. See Fasti Sacri, p. 332, No. 1950. © Jos. Ant. xviii. 6 7. Cuap. VI.] ST: PAUL AT ROME. [a.p. 61] 237 When Agrippa the elder was four-and-twenty years before in the custody of the oo. Jd ξ μας f Pretorian guard, and chained in like manner toa keeper, his friends made interest with Macro, then Prefect, that the soldier to whom he was coupled should always be a Fig. 289.— View of Rome from the Campidoglio on the slope of the Capitoline Hill. At the lower left-hand corner is seen part of the arch of Septimius victories over the Parthians. In front of the arch runs an open space with an avenue of trees. This was anciently the famous Romau Forum, and the Via Sacra, or Holy-way, ran along the middle of it through the arch of Severus to the Capitol. Atthe end of the avenue on the left is seen the Coliseum, commenced by Vespasian and completed by his son Titus, a.p. 80. At the bottom of the sketch in the centre is seen the column of Phocas, erected a.p. 606. The base stands in a hollow, which bas been only recently excavated. A little farther up the Forum on the right are three columns, still standing, of the Temple of Castor and Pollux, which Caligula profanely turned into a vestibule, or hall of approach to bis palace A good way farther up the Forum on the right, at the end of the avenue is visible the arch of Titus, to commemorate the capture of Jerusalem, and containing the well-known represents 1 in sculpture of the golden candlestick and the table of shewbread. From the arch of Titus to the temple of Castor and Pollux ran the street called the Summa Via Nova, or upper New-road. The hill rising to the right and overlooking the Forum Is the Palatine, Augustus and his successors, Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius. The pula and the site of it appears in part on the high ground on the right of the plate between the arch of Titus and the three columns of the temple of Castor and Pollux. Caligula in one of his mad ks connected the palace with the Capitol by a bridge across the Forum, and the remains of it have been recently exposed to view. Tiberius made large additions τὸ the palace at the back, that is, on the south side. But in the time of Nero (with which we are most concerned) the main part of the palace was still on the north-west of the Palatine, bounded on the north and west by the Forum. On the west was the Basilica of Julius Cesar, which was incorporated into the Forum. Severus, erected A.D. 203 to conimemorate the emperors on which was situate the palace of the Caesars, itself occupied the north west corner of the hill, Ἢ and it is possible humane person, and not likely to inflict unnecessary annoyance ; that Burrhus, convinced of Paul’s innocence as to any criminal act, was careful that one by birth and education entitled to respect, should not be linked successively to δι. Jos. Ant. xviii. 6, 7. TAD. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuap. VI. all the worthless vagabonds of the Praetorian camp. The Apostle, however, would have consoled himself with the reflection, that the more degraded was his companion, the greater the opportunity of doing good. Paul’s friends now procured suitable apartments for the Apostle.** The principal room, we may conjecture, was of sufficient dimensions to enable Paul, in the exercise of his apostolical office, to assemble an audience about him; and the abode must, for the convenience of the Pretorians in relieving guard, have been either within the precincts of the palace itself at the house of one of the officials about the court, or in the immediate vicinity (fig. 290, 291). The pecuniary means for providing a lodging were not improbably furnished by the zealous Roman Christians, who had advanced as far as the Three Taverns and Appi Forum to welcome the Apostle’s arrival. He had thrice before accepted a similar bounty from the Philippians, and there was no reason why he should refuse the same at the hands of the Romans. As a prisoner he was disabled from maintaining himself by his usual occupation—at least, in the epistles written from Rome he has never alluded to working with his “own hands, though if he possessed the opportunity we may be satisfied that he would have per- severed in his usual practice. The day of his arrival and the next day Paul would be fully occupied about his lodging and the reception of his Christian brethren. But on the third day,” being now quietly settled in his lodging, he began to bestir himself in his sacred calling. his own countrymen. His first appeal was, according to his invariable custom, made to “ἢ There are two views as to the Apostle’s abode on his arrival at Rome. One is that Paul transferred himself directly from the barrack to a hired lodging, called by Luke indifferently €evia and ἴδιον μίσθωμα ; and the other that he was received first into the house of some friend called €evia, and afterwards took a hired lodging called ἴδιον μίσθωμα. 1. In favour of the first view—that he at once took a lodging—it may be argued that, imme- diately on his arriving at Rome (ἐπετράπη μένειν καθ᾽ ἑαυτόν, Acts xxvill. 16), it was permitted him to have an abode to himself, which indicates a private residence; and accordingly «ufter this mention is made of the ξενίαν (v. 23), and again of ἴδιον μίσθωμα, Which express only what had before been less precisely expressed. 2. In favour of the second hypothesis—that he first went to a friend’s house—it may be argued that the Apostle had been met by his Christian brethren at Puteoli (Acts xxviii. 14), and again at Appii Forum and the Three Taverns (ib. vy. 15), and that on reaching Rome they would press upon him hospitality at their houses until he could secure a lodging; and that, in fact, the word ξενία represents a reception at a friend’s house rather than an abode for hire, and that the expression ἴδιον μίσθωμα Was meant to be opposed to this gratuitous asylum. The answer is, that though his friends might wish to entertain him and his keeper at their houses, we cannot assume that he availed himself of the invitation without some evidence that the strict- ness of the military custody was thus far relaxed —hbesides ξενία, instead of indicating hospitality, points rather to a sojourn for hire, as both Hesychius and Suidas define it to be καταγώγιον or kara\vpa—again the word ἴδιον is not opposed to ξενία, since the word ξενία is coupled with the preceding statement that Paul was living καθ᾽ ἑαυτόν, Which means the same thing as ἴδιον. There can be no question that the ἴδιον μίσ- θωμα, in which the Apostle (whether from the first or ultimately) dwelt, was not “ his own hired house,” as translated in the authorized version— ie. not the whole house (μισθωτὴ οἰκία. Theo- phrast. Char. 23), but a suite of apartments only—the Latin ‘ meritorium’ or ‘ conductum.’ See Wetstein on Acts xxviii. 30. SS μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας. Acts xxviii. 17. Fig. 290.—Traditional apartment of the Centurion's house in which Paul is said to have resided, chained by the wrist to a soldier during his first imprisonment at Rome The site is at the junction of the Via Lata and the Corso under | the vestibule of the church of Santa Maria. From an original sketch, but which is so rudely drawn that the detail annot be depended on. | | | | Visa LATA | 3 5 Fig. 291.—/ lan of the Centurion’s House 1. Abutments of an arch and adjoining the abutment to the well from which Paul baptized. 2. ‘The altar . Abutment of support. 4. A pilaster surmounted by an ἃ the ancient street. 6. An opening through which light is let in thr 8. Doorway leadi y,. communicating with a pas said to be igh a grating from Via Lata. 7. Ancient street into the chapel. 9. ‘The chapel with walls decorated with frescoes attributed traditionally to St. Luke 10. Altar with ires of St. Paul and St. Luke. 11. Abutments of ancient triumphal arch. 12. Doorway leading into inner chamber or sacristy. 13. The sacristy. 14. Boundary walls. 15. Entrance at the bottom of the steps, from which point the view is taken. B.—The plan is an oztline only from memory and not according to scale ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. The Jews then residing at Rome were a vast multitude.* Thus, when a petition against Archelaus, the son of Herod, was sent from Judea to the Emperor, no less than 8000 Jews of Rome supported the memorial.** They resided chiefly in one particular quarter of the city, called the Trans-Tiberine, or Over-Tiber.“* Here they were allowed by the Imperial edicts to attend their numerous synagogues,” and even to collect and forward by the ἱεροπομποὶ, or sacred envoys, to Jerusalem the annual tribute of two drachme (about seventeen pence) per man towards the Corban or Treasury of the Temple.** As they exercised the same privileges at Rome as in other capitals, it may be assumed that they aiso had their council corresponding to the Sanhedrim, and their Ethnarch or Alabarch or Archon, as the chief magistrate, by whom with the aid of the council all questions touching their own law were deter- mined, with an appeal to the High Priest at Jerusalem.“’ But in all civil matters they were amenable to the ordinances of their Roman masters. Paul, as a prisoner, was naturally anxious to clear his own conduct in the eyes of his countrymen, and having done so, he could urge upon them with greater effect the all-important truths with which he had been commissioned. He, therefore, conveyed He had himself been a member of the Sanhedrim,*’ and was therefore looked up to with an intimation to the heads of the nation ὅδ that he desired an interview. respect. The request, out of deference to a learned Doctor, was at once accorded, and many of the chief men amongst the Jews waited upon him at his lodging. After the usual courtesies, Paul, with his chain, addressed them as follows :-— “Men and brethren! though I have committed nothing against the people or customs of our fathers, yet was I delivered prisoner from Jerusalem into the hands of the Romans, who, when they had examined me, would have let me go because there was no cause of death in me; but when the Jews spake against it, I was con- For this cause, therefore, have I called for you to see you, and to speak with you, because that for the hope of Israel, Iam bound with this chain.”*” strained to appeal unto Casar—not that I had ought to accuse my nation of. The account which Paul thus gave of himself was new to their ears, for he had embarked shortly after his appeal,’’ and as the vessel in which he sailed had drifted for Ἢ Large bodies of them had been transported thither by Pompey on his conquest of Judea, and others had followed in pursuit of com- merce, 8 Jos. Ant. xvii. 11,1; Bell. ii. 6,1. And see Suet. Jul. 84; Tib. 86; Claud. 25; Tac. Ann. ii. 85; Dion lx. 6; Phil. Leg. 5. 23. 85 Phil. Leg. 5. 28. ὅτ That they had many places of public wor- ship may be collected from the line of Juvenal : Ede ubi consistas, in qua te quero proseucha. Sat. iii, 296. 8 Phil. Leg. 5. 23; Jos. Ant. xiv. 10,8. © Jos. Ant. xiv. 10,2 and 17; xvi. 6,2; xiv. BL, WS sabe, τεὸς ἘΣ. 1 ὦ: "0 τοὺς ὄντας τῶν Ἰουδαίων πρώτους. Acts XXvill. 17. The rulers at Jerusalem are frequently called by Josephus οἱ πρῶτοι, and Luke uses οἱ πρῶτοι, Acts xxv. 2, as equivalent to οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς kal οἱ πρεσβύτεροι Acts xxv. 1. * Selden de Synh. 1099, 1360, and ante, Vol. I. p. 14. *® Acts xxviil. 17-20. Before the appeal the matter was confined to Judea, and there could be no reason for writing to Rome about Paul. 93 Cuar. VIL] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.p. 61] 241 a fortnight over a stormy sea, in a wintry month, the passengers by her had out- stripped all travellers who had set out for the same destination at the same season of the year. No communication from Judea had, therefore, yet reached them, and they knew only in general that the doctrines of the Nazarenes were everywhere They replied, ‘“‘ We have neither received letters out of Judea concerning thee, neither hath any one who hath come of the brethren shewed or spake any harm of thee; but we desire to hear of thee what thou thinkest, for as concerning this sect we know that everywhere it is spoken against." The elders discountenanced. of the Jewish nation having thus professed at least their willingness to give Paul a fair hearing, a day was fixed for the purpose. At the time appointed, a number of the chief Jews assembled at the Apostle’s lodging at an early hour, when Paul, with his characteristic energy and earnestness, argued with them from morning till evening out of the Law and the Prophets, that Jesus was the expected Messiah. The result was what might have been anticipated. Some few believed, but the greater part, blinded by their prejudices, would not be As they turned their backs to depart, Paul followed them with this one admonition—“ Well spake the Holy Ghost by Isaiah the prophet, unto our fathers, saying, ‘Go unto this people, and say, convinced by reasoning which they could not answer. —Hearing ye shall hear, and shall not understand; and seeing ye shall see, and not perceive. For the heart of this people is waxed gross, and their ears are dull of hearing, and their eyes have they closed, so that they cannot see with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and understand with their heart, and be converted, and so that they cannot turn, and I should heal them.’ (Is. vi. 9.) Be it known, therefore, unto you, that the salvation of God is sent unto the Gentiles, and that they will hear Tithe 95 Paul having thus discharged the duty which he owed to his own flesh and blood, now addressed himself to the Gentiles, though still not to the exclusion of the Jews. Day after day, from morning till night, his door was open to all who would lend him * Acts xxviii. 21, 22. ® Acts 25-28. It has been objected to Luke’s account that the Apostle opens the subject of Christianity to his fellow-countrymen of Rome as a novelty, whereas at the date of the Epistle to the Romans, A.p, 58, there was already a flourishing church there, as is evident from the numerous salutations appended to the Epistle. As the Christians of Rome were mainly of the Jewish race, how, it is said, could the Jews of Rome be so ignorant of Christianity as Luke represents them? The argument contains two fallacies. First, the converts at Rome were principally Greeks, and not Jews, as will be seen from onr notes upon the salutations at the close of the Epistle; and secondly, the Jews of Rome VOL. II. are not stated by Luke to have been ignorant of Christianity, but just the contrary, for they say, ““ We know that everywhere” (and therefore at Rome also) “it is spoken against.” The fact is that the Christians of Rome at Paul’s arrival were the domestics about the palace, and others of an inferior grade, chiefly Greeks, with a sprinkling of Jews. As yet Christianity had made no impression on the rulers of the Syna- gogue, and the heads of the people (τοὺς ὄντας τῶν “lovdalav πρώτους, Acts xxviii. 17). Paul, therefore, wished to begin his mission at Rome by an appeal more especially to the higher orders of his own countrymen, of whom scarcely any had yet pronounced in favour of Chris- tianity. ῶ21 242 [4.Ὁ. 61] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. an audience, and it redounds highly to the credit of the Roman policy, that while he laboured incessantly to propagate the kingdom of Christ, not even the most bigoted Jew dared offer him the least molestation. The effects of Paul’s preaching first began to show themselves in the Pratorium, that is, the Pretorian Guard. The constant companionship of one of the soldiers as his keeper brought him into communication with great numbers of them, and the oftener the guard was relieved, the wider was the door opened. ‘I would ye should understand, brethren,” he writes to the Philippians, “that the things which have befallen me have come to pass rather unto the furtherance of the Gospel, so that my bonds in Christ are manifest in all the Pratorium, and to all others.” δ Yes, to “all others.” No long time elapsed before the Gospel had permeated even into the palace itself, as appears by the Apostle’s own declaration, “All the saints salute you, chiefly they that are of Cwsar’s household.”*' Nor ought it to appear strange that the Apostle should have planted Christianity within the Imperial precincts, for Paul was a Jew, and as such had remarkable facilities for disseminating his doctrines even in the highest quarters. The descendants of Herod had always maintained an intimate footing with the successive Emperors, and very lately Agrippa, King of Trachonitis, and his cousin Aristobulus, son of Herod of Chaleis, King of the Lesser Armenia,*® had been residing at the Imperial court, and introduced with them many adherents of their own nation. Even Poppa herself, whom Nero already treated as Empress, though he did not marry her till the next year, was a proselyte to Judaism. Josephus informs us that she was θεοσεβὴς °° (not “ pious,” as some learned men, and Bishop Burgess amongst the rest, have translated it, for Poppaa, possessed of beauty and rank and wealth, “had every recommendation,” says Tacitus, “ but a virtuous mind”?!°), but she had adopted the Jewish faith,’ and worshipped the true God, though her religion bore no practical fruits. However, she protected the Jews, and from time to time conferred upon them the greatest favours. When Josephus the historian, three years after Paul’s arrival, presented himself at Rome to procure the discharge of his friends the Jewish priests, to whom we have before alluded, he, through Aliturus, one of Nero’s favourite actors, and who was himself a Jew, obtained an introduction to Poppa, and by her instrumentality succeeded in his mission.’ Even Nero himself, monster as he was, and holding in contempt all religions," was conversant enough with the Jewish creed, and when his fall was rapidly approaching, his friends consoled him with the assurance that he was destined by the fates to be King of Ὁ τ mete creumeiaaS not a little rem Ne) as shoring how % Philipp. i. 12, 18. the ae was not Luria after the Roman custom, % Philipp. iv. 99. but was buried after the manner of the Jews. 55. See Fasti Sacri, p. 805, No. 1823. Tac. Ann. xvi. 6. SoC Ἄπ χα 8, 1. τον Jos, Vit. 3. ‘© Huic mulieri cuncta alia fuere preter 108. Religionum usquequaque contemptor, honestum animum. ‘Tac. Ann. xiii. 45. 104 Suet. Nero, 40. 1 Accordingly, on her death some years after, Cuar. VIL] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.p. 61] 243 widely disseminated were the prophecies of the Old Testament as to the Messiah’s kingdom. When the Jews thus beset the Imperial court, no wonder that Paul, by means of his countrymen, was soon in communication with the palace itself. Indeed, for some years before Paul’s imprisonment at Rome, Christianity had begun to make a sensible impression in the leading circles of fashion, for already Pomponia Grecina, the wife of Plautius, who had covered himself with laurels in Britain, had involved herself in trouble by embracing the new faith.’ We may not pass over in silence the tradition that Seneca himself became a Christian by the preaching of Paul. There are even letters extant which are said to have passed between the Apostle and the philosopher, and which are as ancient as the time of Jerome, but are undoubtedly spurious, though the forgery itself attests the eurrent opinion that Paul and Seneca had exchanged intercourse at Rome. Indeed, it could scarcely be otherwise, for during a period of two years they were both residing in the same capital, and Burrhus, who had the charge of Paul, was the intimate friend of Seneca. The Apostle and the philosopher had also many points to draw them together—they were both well born, both of courteous manners, both of eminent natural abilities, and both men of letters, and familiar with all the master- pieces of eloquence and poetry. There was this difference between them—that Paul had sacrificed honour and wealth for the life to come, while Seneca, with all his philo- sophy, had accumulated enormous riches, and still continued to increase them by usurious loans to the poor Britons.1°° There is no sufficient ground for saying that Seneca embraced the Gospel, but from the excellent morality inculeated in his writings, he has been deservedly called the Christian philosopher, and it is possible that some of his finest sentiments may haye been borrowed from the great Apostle of the Gentiles. If the dissolute Felix could find a pleasure in Paul’s society, it is hard to suppose that the treasures of Paul’s mind were not duly appreciated by the intellectual Seneca.'” Unceasing as were the exertions of Paul at Rome, the success of the Gospel there must not be ascribed to his efforts exclusively. He was attended by Luke, who was equally active in the propagation of the faith, and Paul himself in writing from Rome describes him as his “ fellow-labourer.”!°* He had also the services of Aristarchus, who rejoined him from Thessalonica,'’’ and of the faithful Timothy“ (who had in the interval been visiting Ephesus, or the churches in his native country of Lycaonia, or those in Asia or Greece), and of Mark the cousin of Barnabas '* (who had formerly incurred the displeasure of Paul, but had now again recommended himself to his 1% Superstitionis externe rea. Tac. Ann. xiii. question is fully discussed. 32. See Fasti Sacri, p. 807, No. 1891. 3 Philemon, 24. 16 Dion Cass. Ixii. 2; Tac. Ann. xiii. 42. ® Philemon, 24. 7 On the subject of St.Paul and Seneca, see ©° Coloss. i. 1; Philemon, 1. J. B. Lightfoot on Philipp. p. 268, where the Mt Coloss. iv. 10; Philemon, 24. 212 244 [a.p. 61] SV. PAUL AT ROME, [Cuap. VI. especial favour), and also of Tychicus ”? (who may have arrived from Ephesus, his 3. The Roman Christians also, who had native place), and of Demas of Thessalonica.™ before made confession of their faith with fear and trembling, seeing the boldness with which Paul, a prisoner, daily preached the Gospel, took courage themselves, and began to propagate the same doctrine with no little zeal. “‘ Many of the brethren in the Lord,” writes Paul to the Philippians, “ waxing confident by my bonds, are »il4 «Some indeed,” he continues, “ preach Christ even of envy and strife, and some also of goodwill—the one preach Christ of contention, not sincerely, supposing to add affliction to my bonds; but the other of love, knowing that Iam set for the defence of the Gospel. What then? much more bold to speak the word without fear. notwithstanding, every way, whether in pretence or in truth, Christ is preached ; and I therein do rejoice, yea, and will rejoice.”"° The propagandists above referred to as preaching the gospel “of envy and strife,” were the Judaizing party, who at Rome, as they had done at Jerusalem and Antioch, and Galatia and Corinth, were endeavouring to make Christianity a mere graft upon Judaism, and strove to impose upon Gentile converts the necessity of observing the Jewish law. There may also have been many others who taught the Gospel, or rather the semblance of it, to gain their own private ends. Perhaps Simon Magus was thus employed, for he was at Rome about this time, and contrived by his artful sorceries to establish himself with the vulgar as a kind of divinity.” The sacred historian has informed us that the door of Paul’s lodging was open to every comer, and he tells us no more, but curiosity would fain ask many an interest- ing question as to the personages then at Rome. What was Gallio about, who had known Paul at Corinth, and then “cared for none of those things”? Had he still the same indifference, or under the auspices of his brother Seneca did he now inyesti- cate the truth? How did Felix demean himself? Did he renew the intimacy which he had begun at Cesarea, or had he not the hardihood to look in the face the man whom he knew to be innocent, and ought ta have acquitted, but had left bound to serve his own selfish purposes ? Where were Caractacus and his family, his wife and daughter and brothers, who had a few years before been prisoners in the Pretorium? Were they still detained at Rome as hostages, and, if so, did a British king ever have an interview with one of the Apostles ? Let us ask, further, what at this time was passing in London? ‘The reader, per- haps, may be startled at the question, as if London were a modern city, and unknown, at least, by that name, in the Apostolic age. Far from it. London, or with the Latin termination, Londinium, had already attained considerable celebrity as an emporium of trade, and was the port through which British commerce was carried on with the 12 Coloss. iv. 7; Ephes. vi. 21. n> Philipp. i. 15-18. "3 Coloss, iv. 14; Philemon, 24. πὸ Euseb. E, H, ii. 18 et seq. + Philipp. i. 14, Cuap. VI] ST. PAUL AT ROME. ra.p. 61] 245 continent.’ The vessels, however, at that time, instead of pursuing a circuitous route round the Foreland, the southern lip of the Thames at its embouchure, entered, it is said, an arm of the sea, which opened between Ramsgate and Deal, and sailed southward of the Isle of Thanet, now insular in name only, then divided from Britain by a navigable strait. London was not a Roman colony as was its neighbour Verula- mium, now St. Albans, but its convenient situation for shipping had raised it to far higher eminence. In the year a.v. 61, the date of Paul’s arrival at Rome, London was overtaken by a calamity which crippled and well-nigh destroyed her rising energies. The Romans, by the confession of their own historian,“* had recently been committing the most atrocious barbarities amongst the unoffending Iceni, the inhabitants of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, and Huntingdon. The free blood of our forefathers could endure it no longer, and while Paullinus, the Prefect of the Province, was engaged at a dis- tance in extirpating Druidism from the Isle of Anglesea, the Iceni, joining with the Trinobantes (now Essex), rose under Boadicea en masse against their inhuman masters, surprised the Roman colony of Camulodunum (Colchester), and routed and put to the sword the ninth legion in the act of advancing to the rescue. Paullinus marched with all haste to London, but found the enemy too strong for him, and, notwithstand- ing the most heartrending supplications from the defenceless inhabitants, abandoned the city to its fate. The tide swept over it, and London was sacked and burnt. Verulamium, now St. Albans, was shortly afterwards involved in the same calamity. It is said that in these two towns not less than 70,000 Romans and their adherents were destroyed, and if the account be not exaggerated, there cannot be a stronger proof of the magnitude, even at that period, of the city, now the capital of the world for population and wealth and commercial enterprise. Paullinus, when he had col- lected his forces, avenged the blow by overthrowing the enemy in a pitched battle, when 80,000 Britons are said to have fallen. Boadicea, the heroic Queen of the Iceni, and who had led her countrymen to the conflict, survived the defeat, to end her life by poison.*”? But we must quit this interesting subject, to resume the progress of the persecuted tent-maker. It was while Paul was at Rome that he came into contact with Onesimus, a Colossian, the poor slave of Philemon a wealthy Gentile of Colosse and a disciple. Onesimus had fled from his master and escaped to Rome. From Paul’s expression to Philemon, “If he have wronged thee or oweth thee ought,’ ’”° it has been surmised that Onesimus was not only guilty of desertion, but had also plundered his master and carried off some booty, but perhaps we cannot imply more than that by some act of negligence, or other dereliction of duty, he had been the occasion of loss, and to 7 Londinium ... cognomento quidem co- us Tac Ann. xiv. 31. loni# non insigne, sed copia negotiatorum et u9 Tac. Ann. xiv. 29, &c.; Dion Ixii. 2; &e. commeatuum maxime celebre. Tac. Ann. xiy. See Fasti Sacri, p. 823, No. 1905. 33. 20 Philem. 18. 246 [a.p. 62] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuap. VI. avoid the consequences of Philemon’s displeasure, had resolved on seeking safety in flight. How he became acquainted with the Apostle at Rome, we can only conjecture. One of Paul’s companions might have accidentally encountered him a beggar and starving in the streets, or possibly Onesimus had seen Paul at Ephesus, and, knowing the respect and veneration entertained for Paul by Philemon, had communicated all the circumstances to the Apostle, and besought him to intercede for his pardon. Howsoever the acquaintance at Rome commenced, Paul saw the opportunity of saving a soul, and the rude slave became a convert to Christianity. Onesimus repaid his debt of gratitude by the most devoted services, and the Apostle on his side took the We shall see hereafter with what earnestness and warmth of feeling the Apostle pleads for him to his injured master. liveliest interest in the welfare of the humble penitent. About a year and a half after Paul’s arrival at Rome, and therefore about the autumn of a.p. 62, another Colossian made his appearance—Epaphroditus, or as he was called familiarly, Epaphras.'* and had ever since attached himself to his benefactor, and even laboured in the vine- He had become a disciple many years before, yard. For we have strong grounds for believing that Epaphras was the missionary whom Paul had sent from Ephesus to Colosse, and by whom the churches of Colosse, Laodicea, and Hierapolis were first founded.’** Epaphras had been dispatched by Paul, probably about a year before, from Rome, to examine into the state of the Colossian church, and was also the bearer of a message concerning Mark, that “if he came to them they should receive him.”’” 11. Ag Lucas from Lucanus, Silas from Syl- yanus, Artemas from Artemidorus, Zenas from Zenodorus, Apollos from Apollodorus, &e. T have assumed the identity of Epaphroditus and Epaphras, as I see no cogent argument to the contrary. But others are of a different opinion, and suggest that, while Epaphras was a Colossian (Coloss. iv. 12), and always called Epaphras (Coloss. i. 7, iv. 12; Philem. 23), Epaphroditus was a native of Philippi. Philipp. 11. 25. But the latter passage appears to show the contrary, for instead of describing him as τὸν ἐξ ὑμῶν (see Coloss. iv. 12), Paul calls him only ἀδελφὸν and συνεργὸν and συστρατιώτην and ὑμῶν ἀπόστολον and λειτουργὸν ; and while thus urging his several claims to their consideration, he could scarcely have omitted the fact, had it been so, that he was also their fellow-country- man. See J.B Lightfoot on Philipp. p. 60. The reason for calling him Epaphras to the Colos- sians and Philemon, and Epaphroditus to the Philippians, was that to the former he was known as a fellow-countryman by the abbrevi- ated and familiar name, but to the Philippians, to whom he was a stranger, he was designated Mark was sometimes attending on Paul and by the formal name at full length. 2 See ante, Vol. I. p. 361. It is uncertain whether Epaphras was engaged in converting the Colossians, Laodiceans, and Hierapolitans, while Paul was resident at Ephesus for the three years of his ministry there, or during the four years and upwards that he was a prisoner first at Caesarea and then at Rome. The energies of Paul were untiring, and when his enemies succeeded in reducing him to captivity, there can be no doubt that he employed his numerous followers— Timothy, Titus, Luke, Erastus, Sopater, Aris- tarchus, Secundus, Tychicus, Trophimus, the two Gaiuses, and, amongst others, Epaphras— in extending the Christian faith. As Paul, while at Ephesus, appears not to have made any circuits about Asia, Epaphras may well have been employed during the Apostle’s imprison- ment in forming churches in the principal towns, especially his native Colossee and the neighbouring cities of Laodicea and Hierapolis; and it is more than probable that these churches were planted while Paul was at Ephesus. 155 Ooletvesl Os Cuap. VI] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.v. 62] 247 sometimes on Peter, and was now with Paul at Rome,'** but intending to make a circuit in Asia Minor, and in his way to pass through Colosse, with the ultimate view of joining Peter at Babylon, where we afterwards find him.'** Epaphras had executed his commission in his native city of Colosse, and on his way to Ephesus, the port for embarkation, had stopped at Laodicea and Hierapolis also, which lay on his road at a little distance from each other on the opposite banks of the river Lycus, and were churches in which Epaphras, as the original founder of them, took the liveliest interest. “1 bear him record,” writes Paul to the Colossians, ‘that he hath a great zeal for you, and them that are in Laodicea and them in Hierapolis.” *° Epaphras had afterwards sailed from Ephesus northward, for the purpose of taking the overland route to Rome, through Macedonia. On his road he had again halted at Philippi, with which chureh, though we cannot explain how, he seems to have been intimately connected. He was certainly held in the highest estimation by the Philippians, as will appear from the way in which they availed themselves of his services. We have already remarked the extreme liberality of this community in relieving the Apostle’s necessities. Twice they had made a collection for him while he was at Thessalonica, and afterwards, third time, at Corinth. Paul was now again in distress, as during his imprisonment he could not provide for his own sustentation by the labour of his hands. The Philippian brethren, with their accustomed gene- rosity, and perhaps at the instance of Lydia, Paul’s first and influential convert there, now set on foot a voluntary collection, and confided to Epaphras the charge of con- veying it to Rome. They had some time before received intelligence of the Apostle’s imprisonment, and had been desirous of forwarding relief, but an embassy to Italy was attended with considerable expense, and no opportunity of giving effect to their intention had presented itself until the arrival of Epaphras. This energetic mis- sionary proceeded from Philippi on his journey to Rome, and toward the latter end of a.p. 62, reached his final destination. He made no delay in conveying the Philippian bounty to the Apostle, and at the same time reported the state of the several churches through which he had recently passed. The account which he gave of the Colossian church was, on the whole, highly satisfactory, as we may collect from Paul’s commendation of the faith and love that were maintained amongst them, but it was intimated that certain Judaizers and Gnostics were endeavouring to create mischief, the former by insisting that the Gentiles could have no benefit of the new dispensation without circumcision, and the latter by propagating their wild chimeras on the subject of ions and Emanations. This intelligence created no little alarm in the mind of the Apostle, lest the church planted by Epaphras might fall away from the truth in the Gospel. Epaphras then recounted the circumstances of the Laodicean community, that their faith and love were exemplary on the whole, but that not having received the Christian scheme 4 Col. iv. 10; Philem. 24. mS 1 Petensve 13. 1° Gol. iv. 13. 248 [a.p. 62] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [παρ᾿ VI. from the Apostle himself, they had been exposed to the artful designs of heretical teachers. The Judaizers and Gnostics in particular, who had invaded the church of Colosse, were also rayaging, as wolves in the fold, the less advanced church of Laodicea. As for the Philippians, the bounty they had sent spoke for itself, but a Judaizing party had attempted to τ and besides, there and they were still exposed gain a footing there also,’ were personal dissensions amongst some of the memes ae to temptation from the continuance of persecution.” Paul, on this report, dispatched three epistles, viz., 1. An ἘΠ epistle to the churches of Asia generally, but more particularly ie those which had not seen his face (as Laodicea, Hierapolis, and Colossz), containing a compendious exposition of 2. A short epistle to the Colossian church, with which he was more closely connected through his friends and fellow-labourers, Epaphroditus, and 3. An epistle to the Philip- pians, to thank them for the bountiful contribution which they had sent to him by the hands of Epaphroditus. The two first Epistles were forwarded at once, as the matters referred to required immediate attention, and the Epistle to the Philippians followed, as we shall see, not very long after.'*° The encyclical Epistle is that commonly called the Epistle to the Ephesians, a title which is easily accounted for. the Christian scheme. Philemon, and Onesimus, who were all of that city ; The letter being a general one, a copy of it would naturally be delivered to each church of Asia through which Tychicus, the messenger, successively passed ; and as he landed at Ephesus, that church would receive the first 17 Philipp. iii. 2. 128 Philipp. iv. 2. 129 Philipp. i. 29, 380. 180. Tt may be doubted (and is not material) in what order the Apostle penned the two Epistles, viz. the Epistle called the Ephesians and that to the Colossians—in other words which of the two was first written. The general opinion is that the Colossians preceded, (1) on the ground that the Christian doctrines set forth in the Colossians are expanded in the Ephesians; and the treatment of a sub- ject more commonly, it is said, enlarges than con- tracts itself. And (2) because the Apostle in the Ephesians uses the expression “ that ye also may know my affairs, and how Lam,” ἅς (Iva δὲ εἰδῆτε καὶ ὑμεῖς Ta Kar’ ἐμὲ, KT-A.), aS Much as to say that the Apostle had previously instructed Tychi- cus to make known his state to the Colossians, and now bids him inform the Lphesians also. The first argument, however, does not carry much weight, as, if Paul had first written his general exposition of the Christian scheme to the Ephesians, with a direction that it should be read to the Colossians as well as to the other churches, he would naturally, in the particular Epistle to the Colossians, pass over with brevity the doctrines more fully handled in the general Epistle ; and as to the force of the words “ that ye also may know,” &c., the Apostle may mean only that, “as 1 have learnt your estate from the mouth of Epaphroditus, so I have sent Tychicus, that ye also may learn mz estate by the mouth of Tychicus.” See the note infra on the passage itself. In the text the Epistle to the Ephesians is placed before that to the Colossians, and the principal reason for this arrangement is that at the close of the Colossians the Apostle tells them to procure the Epistle called the Ephesians from Laodicea. Coloss. iv. 16. So that the Apostle assumes the Ephesians, at the date of the Colos- sians, to have been already written. Besides, the two Epistles, the Ephesians and Colossians, are to be regarded as one Epistle in two parts; and if so, as the salutations are contained in the Colossians and not in the Ephesians, the pre- sumption is that, as Paul usually closes his cor- respondence with the salutations, the Epistle to the Colossians was the last composed. ὕπαρ. VIL] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.v. 62 249 copy, or eyen the autograph itself. They would call it the Epistle to the Ephesians, and as Ephesus was the capital of Asia, the Epistle would be commonly known by that name. As Tychicus proceeded eastward he left a copy with each church, in- cluding the church of Laodicea, the last of the series.'*' Laodicea and Colosse were situate in sight of each other, and these churches were to interchange their epistles —that is, the encyclical epistle was to be read at Colosse, and the epistle to Colossi was to be read at Laodicea. As the Epistles to the Ephesians and to the Colossians contain several pointed allusions to the Gnostic doctrines, we must, before introducing the Epistles them- selves, premise a few words as to the leading principles of this once celebrated heresy. The Gnosties, or men of Knowledge (Πνῶσις), were so called from their claiming to he the sole depositaries of the knowledge of the true God (fig. 292, 293). They were Fig. 292.—The Gnostic God Abraxas tin the car of Phebus, vith the ‘mseription Sabao, for Subaoth. From C. W. King’s ‘Antique Gems.’ Fig 293.—The Gnostic God Abrazas, with the imzcription Jao, She- mesh Eilam, i. Jehovah, the Eternal Sun, From C. Μ΄. King’s ‘Antique Gems,’ thus designated, even in the time of the Apostle, as we may surmise from several texts. He bids Timothy “avoid profane and vain babblings, and oppositions of Knowledge (Γνώσεως), falsely so called : 155. and again, “ they profess that they know God, but 2133 in works they deny him. The system of the Gnostics was compounded of many heterogeneous ingredients. From the Platonic school it drew the doctrine of Ideas, namely, that all created things had their archetypes in the Divine mind, and had The cabbalistic fables of the Jews, with their legions of angels and ceremonial observances, furnished another and large contribu- thence received their impression. 181 Tt is observed by Schrader (Leben d. Apost.) that the so-called Ephesians could not have heen a ietter to the Laodiceans exclusively, as the Colossians and Ephesians were certainly written at the same time, and sent by the same messenger, and yet the Apostle conveys his salu- tation to the Laodiceans in the Epistle to the Colossians (iv. 15), which he would not have done had he written to the Laodiceans them- VOL. II. selves at the same time.—But the reason for sending a salutation to the Laodiceans is that the Colossians were to procure the encyclical Epistle from the Laodiceans, and as this favour was asked of the 1 aodiceans, the request was accompanied with a complimentary salutation. 482 Dim ware 28S Vite 10: 250 [a.p. 62] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. tion; and from the oriental Philosophy was borrowed the notion of two independent co-eternal principles, God and Matter, the one the author of Good, and the other of Evil. Lastly, to this strange mixture was added no inconsiderable portion of Chris- tianity, into which Gnosticism had been imported by the father of heresy, Simon Magus. The fanciful scheme, as finally elaborated, was this—God dwelt from all Eternity in a Πλήρωμα, or Plenitude of inaccessible Light, and beyond this Pleni- tude lay Matter originally in a chaotic state, and intrinsically evil. In the course of time, God, called Bythos or Depth, by acting upon his own Mind called Sige or Silence, produced two other beings of different sexes, denominated AZons or Emanations ; and from these two, by suecessive descents, sprang a series of other ons. It may readily be imagined that when the human intellect attempted by its own efforts to trace the celestial pedigree, there arose infinite disputations as to the number of the Alons, and the order of their procession. It was against these idle speculations that the Apostle so earnestly warned Timothy and Titus. “ Neither give heed to fables and endless genealogies, which minister questions rather than godly vist << Avoid foolish questions, and genealogies, and conten- 29135 edifying which is in faith. tions, and strivings about the law, tor they are unprofitable and vain. It would be waste of time to set forth in detail the theory of these Divine Intelli- gences. But, according to the genealogy more commonly received, Bythos was the pre-existent eternal principle, and from him and Sige or Silence, fourteen other pairs 136 of Alfons, male and female, emanated thus: Males, Femalcs. Bythos or Depth Sige or Silence Mind Truth Reason Life Man Church Comforter Faith Fatherly Hope Motherly Charity Eternal Intelligence Light ; . Beatitude Eucharistic F . Wisdom Profundity Mixture Untading Union Self-born Temperance Only Begotten. Unity Immoveable Pleasure One of the subsequent ‘ons, and the author of all mischief, was Demiurgus, or the Creator. The last pair of AZons were Christ and the Holy Spirit. They 136 1 Tim..i. 4. 155. ΠῚ aby 0: 185 King on the Gnosties, p. 98. Cuar. ὙΠ] ST. PAUL- AT ROME. [a Ὁ. 62] 251 conceived that God and these Emanations dwelt together in the Pleroma, or the Plenitude, but that Demiurgus having at one time passed the bounds of the Pleni- tude, and meeting with Matter, formed the world and created Man. Demiurgus, according to the Gnosties, was the Jehovah of the Old Testament, and had delivered the Law and inspired the Prophets. How was the soul of Man thus knit to Matter, which was essentially evil, to be rescued from this thraldom? Their notion was, that Christ, the last AZon, came into the world to communicate to Man for the first time, the Knowledge of the Eternal God, that is, the true God, as opposed to Demiurgus, the Emanation. But how was Christ, a celestial Aon, to be incarnate when all matter was evil? They evaded this difficulty by different subterfuges. Some held that Jesus and Christ were two persons—Jesus, who was flesh amd blood, and Christ, the Bon, who descended upon Jesus at his baptism, and parted from him at his crucifixion. Others maintained that Jesus Christ was a phantom, and had no real or substantial existence John, who wrote when the Gnostie heresy was at its height, is constantly pressing upon his converts that Jesus Christ was one and the same person, flesh and blood like other men, and at the same time the Son of God. Thus he writes: “The Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, and we beheld his glory, the glory as of the only begotten of the Father.” And again: “ That which was from the beginning, which we have heard, which we have seen with our eyes, which we have looked upon, and our hands have handled of the word of Life (for the life was manifested, and we have seen it, and bear witness, and show unto you that eternal Life, which was with the Father, and was manifested unto us); that which we have seen and heard declare we unto you.”'* And again: ‘ Who is a liar but he that denieth that Jesus is the Christ? He is Antichrist that denieth the Father and the Son.” “ Eyery spirit that confesseth that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh is of God, and every one that confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh is not of God. Whosoever shall confess that Jesus 7s the Son of God, God dwelleth in him, and he in God.” “Many deceivers are entered into the world who confess not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh. That man is a deceiver and an Antichrist.” Whosoever believeth that Jesus is the Christ is born of God. Who is he that overeometh the world, but he that believeth that Jesus is the Son of God?” “This is he that came by water and blool, Jesus Christ. not in the water only, but in water and blood ”—that is, Jesus Christ was one person, and thus Jesus was Christ not by water only, at his baptism by the descent of Christ upon him, but was Christ from his birth, namely, in his flesh and blood. To pursue the tenets of the Gnostics a little further, they taught that Christ having come into the world, they, who received the Revelation, rose by baptism from the death of ignorance to the life of perfect knowledge ; that this was a real resurrec- 7 John i. 14. 289. John ii. 22. Ml 9 John 7. 1 John i. 1,2) 3: 0) 1. John ἦν. 2. 9, Los ΤΕ ΠΗ v. 1, 5. 2k Ὁ ἐπ 252 [a.p. 62] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuap. VI, tion, or at least, there was no other; that the soul of the perfect Gnostic, when freed from the body or matter, would, without any judgment day, enter into the Plenitude at once, and dwell with God, but that the soul of the Gnostic which had not attained to perfect knowledge, would pass through successive transmigrations until sufficiently purified. The leaven of the Gnostics, as regards the denial of the resurrection from the dead, had long ago been working in the Corinthian church—* If Christ,” wrote the Apostle from Ephesus, “be preached that he rose from the dead, how say some among you that there is no resurrection from the dead?”™* This fatal error was counteracted for the time, but as we shall see, it afterwards broke out again at Corinth under the auspices of Hymenzus, and Alexander, and Philetus, the two former of whom were excommunicated by Paul for their impiety. Thus the Apostle, in writing from Corinth to Timothy, bids him “ Hold faith and a good conscience, which some haying put away concerning faith, haye made shipwreck; of whom is Hymeneus and Alexander, whom I have delivered unto Sutan, that they may learn Mf And afterwards the Apostle, in his letter to Timothy from not to blaspheme.” Rome, alludes to the same subject: “Their word will eat as doth a canker, of whom is Hymenzeus and Philetus, who, concerning the truth, have erred, saying, that the resurrection is past already, and overthrow the faith of some.”'® The practical fruits of Gnosticism were of two very opposite kinds. All of them agreed that matter was intrinsically evil, but some, as the Nicolaitans, resting entirely on the knowledge of the true God, thought the indulgence of any carnal appetite to be matter of indifference, while others acted on the notion that as the body was in- herently corrupt, they ought to control it and hold it in check by the practice of austerities. By many of them even marriage was forbidden, and divers restrictions were imposed with respect to meats. Both these classes of Gnostics are frequently alluded to in the New Testament. Thus their doctrine that all the passions might be gratified if only they had know- ledge, is thus alluded to by Paul: “They profess that they know God; but in works they deny him, being abominable, and disobedient, and unto every good work repro- bate.”*° And again: “ Of this sort are they which creep into houses, and lead captive ge, and never able And so John, “ Hereby we do know that 29148 silly women laden with sins, led away with divers lusts, ever learnin to come to the knowledge of the truth.?'" we know him if we keep his commandments. The asceticism of the other school of the Gnostics is also oceasionally glanced at by our Apostle. Thus he warns Timothy against them as “forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats.” And again, “ Refuse profane and old wives’ το iCorexvarl2s 116. ἘΠῚ} ας IU oy 1:8. 1 John ii. 3. τς 1 Πυτη τ᾿ ΠΟ Ὁ. AT Ὁ. ἘΠ τ απ 057: Ὁ ΠΊΤΩΣ ἦγ Ὁ: τς ὦ την πὰ. 17. 18: Cuav. ὙΠ] EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [a.p. 62] 253 fables, and exercise thyself rather unto godliness, for bolily mortification profiteth little, but godliness is profitable unto all things.” ἢν Such is an outline of the leading tenets of the Gnostics. Their baseless visions, the feeble attempts of human reason to solve celestial problems had many years before captivated the minds of some of the Corinthian church, and the heresy was now extending itself in the cities of Asia. Paul, whose views were essentially practical, exerted himself to keep the church clear of these endless and bootless speculations. In the Epistles which were under consideration when we digressed, viz., the Epistles to the Ephesians and Colossians, we find many allusions to the spreading heresy, and it was to enable the reader to understand the full force of these passages that the aboye observations have been made. In the Epistle to the Ephesians, for example, Paul writes: “He hath put all things under his feet, and hath given him to be the head over all things to the Church which is his body, the fulness (τὸ Πλήρωμα) of him that filleth all in all. And you hath he quickened who were dead in trespasses and sins; wherein in time past ye walked according to the course (the Aion, τὸν Αἰῶνα) of this world, according to the prince of the power of the air, the spirit that now worketh in the children of disohedi- ence. '*! Here the Apostle apparently refers to the Gnostic notion, in calling the Church the πλήρωμα, or Plenitude, in which Christ dwells, and in the latter part he speaks of the “Zon of this world,’ an expression borrowed from the Gnostic vocabulary. Again the Apostle prays that the saints of Asia may “ know the love of Christ, which passeth knowledge (γνώσεως), that ye might be filled with all the fulness (πλήρωμα) of God ;”*? where, from the use of the words γνώσεως and πλήρωμα in such close conjunction, it is likely that the Gnostic errors were in the writer's mind. It was against their seductive fables that he afterwards warns his corre- spondents to “be no more children, tossed to and fro, carried about with every wind of doctrine, by the sleight of men and cunning craftiness, whereby they le in wait to deceive.1*? In the Epistle to the Colossians (penned at the same time with the Ephesians), the Apostle admonishes his converts still more distinctly against Gnostic speculation and the asceticism of its followers, “Beware, lest any man spoil you through plilo- sophy and vain deceit, after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ. For in him dwelleth all the fulness (τὸ πλήρωμα) of the Godhead bodily.”*** And again, “Let no man beguile you of your reward in a voluntary humility and worshipping of angels, intruding into those things which he hath not seen, vainly puffed up by his fleshly mind. ‘Touch not! taste not! handle not!’ which all are to perish with the using, after the commandments and doctrines OU bbe (iater 1. DH. Jy as) τὴ. [ἢ a2 Eph. ii. 19. KS Eph. iv. 14. PS COLE On de EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 254 [a.p. 62] [Cuar. VI which things have indeed a show of wisdom in will worship, and humility 22155 of men: and penance of the body, not in any indulgence to the satisfying of the flesh. We now proceed to a brief analysis of the Epistle to the saints of ‘Asia, com- monly called the Ephesians. The Apostle, after the usual salutation, devyelopes (i, 3) the Christian scheme as applicable to the Gentile church, viz. the admission of the heathen, equally with the Jews, to the privileges of the Gospel, without the observance of the law, and then (iii. 1) he reminds them by way of apology for addressing strangers, that he had received a call from heaven to preach this great mystery, the adoption of Gentiles and Jews, without distinction, as God’s people, and that he was now a prisoner at Rome from the persecution which this his Gospel had excited amongst his own countrymen. In the second part (iv. 1) he exhorts the brethren to the practice of the various Christian duties, and he subjoins a summary of them, beginning with the necessity of unity as naturally arising out of the union of both Jew and Gentile in Christ. as his agent, who would inform them of the Apostle’s He concludes (yi. 21) by acerediting Tychicus circumstances, and he bestows his benediction not, it will be observed, on any community by name, for he had no personal acquaintance with them, but, “ on all them that love our Lord Jesus Christ 156 in sincerity.” The Epistle ran as follows : — (Lhe italics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, thus [ ], are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek. ] Cr 1 He Pawn2* 2 satnts THAT be,} 58 aND TO THE FAITHFUL IN CHRIST ΑΝ Aposrie or Jesus Curist, BY THE WILL OF GoD, TO THE JESUS—GRACE BE TO 165 Col. ii. 18, 21-28. τοῦ The three epistles to the Ephesians, to the Colossians and to Philemon, may all be placed in the autumn of a.p. 62. That all three were written and dispatched at the same time, and were sent by the same messenger, Tychicus, has been proved to demonstration by Paley in his Hore Pauline. That they were written while Paul was a prisoner at Rome is evident from their contents. Thus, in the Ephesians, ὁ δέσμιος τοῦ ΧΝριστοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ, ili. 1; πρεσβεύω ἐν ἁλύσει, Υἱ. 20; and, in the Colossians, μου τῶν δεσμῶν; and in Philemon, δέσμιος Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ, ver. 1 and 9. And the Epistles were written when Paul was looking forward to his release as likely soon to take place, ἐτοίμαζέ μοι ξενίαν, ἐλπίζω γὰρ ὅτι χαρισθήσομαι ὑμῖν, Philem. ver. 22, and yet it was written before the pistle to the Philippians (which was also penned during his captivity), for, when the Colossians was written, Epaphro- ditus was at Rome, and sends a greeting, Coloss. vi 12; but the Epistle to the Philippians was sent by the hands of Epaphroditus who had been lately suffering from sickness, but to which no allusion is made in the Colossians. Philipp. li 2). 7 Timothy here is not joined with Paul, while he is so in the Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon written at the same time, nor are there any salutations in this Epistle—a proof that the letter was encyclical and not personal. . bs The reading of the ancient copies, accord- ing to Tertullian, Basil, and Jerome, has been adopted. The words ‘in Ephesus’ have there- fore been omitted. The expression τοῖς οὖσι by itself may appear abrupt; but we meet with a similar instance, κατὰ τὴν οὖσαν ἐκκλησίαν. Acts xii. 1. The generality of the words that follow (καὶ πιστοῖς ἐν Χριστῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ) exclude the idea that the preceding τοῖς ἁγίοις should be confined to those of Ephesus. There can be no reason- able doubt that the Epistle called ‘The Ephe- sians’ is identical with that referred to as sent to the Laodiceans. ‘“ When this Epistle [he writes to the Colossians] is read among you, cause that it be read also im the church of the Cuar, VIL] EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [a.p. 62] 255 YOU, AND PEACE, FROM Gop our FatHER, AND ἘΠῸΝ THE Lorp Jesus Cunisv. 3) “ Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath blessed 4 us with all spiritual blessings in heavenly places’** in Christ; according as Laodiceans, and that ye likewise read the Epistle from Laodicea.” Coloss. iv. 16. It is certain that a letter to the Laodiceans with others, existed, and if we find it not in the ‘Ephesians’ it has been lost, which is searcely credible in itself, there being no trace of the disappearance of any other writing of the Apostle. Some think that a letter to the Co- rinthians also has been jost, but this appears to the author quite untenable. See ante, Vol. I. p. 378. By comparing the Epistle to the Ephesians with that to the Colossians, it may be shown almost to demonstration that the ‘ Ephesians’ is the letter which was sent to the Laodiceans at the same time with the Colossians, and is re- ferred to in the above passage. The‘ Ephesians’ has been aptly described as a twin Epistle to the Colossians; for, indeed, they are so mutually dependent, that the one cannot thoroughly be understood without the other, and they were evidently intended to be read together. That both were written almost within a few hours of each other is plain, for whole sentences are ex- pressed precisely in the same language, word for word. 1 et the reader refer to the parallel pas- sages in the two Epistles as extracted in Paley’s Horz Pauline, and he will feel the irresistible force of the argument. Besides, we are informed by the letters themselves that both were com- mitted to the care of the same trusty messenger, viz. Tychicus. Ephes. vi. 21; Col. iv. τ. Add to this that the ‘ Ephesians’ is exactly the kind of letter which the Apostle would have written to strangers in the flesh, though brethren in Christ, and wholly opposite to such as would have been written to the converts of Ephesus, amongst whom Paul had resided for three years. There are no rebukes, no commendations, and indeed no personal allusions whatever from first to last, and the Epistle does not end with the usual personal formula “Grace be with you,” but “Grace be with «// that love the name of our Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity.” Ephes. vi. 24. How the words “in Ephesus” came to be in- 19 ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις. The Eng, ver. has the marginal reading of ‘things.’ The expression is used by the Apostle five times in this Epistle —i, 3, i. 20, ii. 6, iii. 10, vi. L2—and not else- serted in the first verse may be thus explained The original language at the opening of the Epistle was “to the saints that are and to the faithful in Christ Jesus ”—viz. all the converts in Asia, of which Ephesus was the capital. Cn the face of it, therefore, it was inscribed to no church in particular; but it was necessary, for the purposes of citation, to give it a name, and as the first copy, or perhaps the autograph of the Apostle, was delivered at Ephesus, it passed under the name of the Epistle to the Ephesians. The words “in Ephesus” did not appear tor many centuries in the text, but the Epistle itself was commonly known as that to the Ephesians. Where none were addressed by name, the Ephe- sians had as much right as any other church to stamp it with their name. When the cireum- stances under which it was composed were for- gotten, the title at the head of it led copyists to suppose that it was really written to the Ephe- sians exclusively; and at first the words *‘in Ephesus” were added at a venture in the margin as a probable suggestion, and afterwards found their way into the text itself. It is readily ad- mitted that in the earliest times the church culled it by its present title, ‘‘ The Epistle to the Ephesians,” but it was only after a long lapse of ages that the words “ in Ephesus” first invaded the text. ‘the Vatican MS.--the most ancient and valued of all existing MSS.—is a good illus- tration. In the text itself the words ἐν Ἐφέσῳ are wanting, but they have been inserted in the margin; and no doubt many a transcriber, under the full belief that the letter was sent to the Ephesians in particular, was bold enough to carry the marginal reading into the text. The historical testimonies stand thus. The date of the Epistle is A.p. 62, and Marcion began to flourish, according to Lardner, in a.p. 130— i.e. less than seventy years from the date of the Epistle, and when the autograph of the Apostle must, in all probability, have been still pre- served. Now, it will be seen, from the passages of Tertullian which will be cited presently, that where, and it means generally ‘in relation to the heavenly kingdom,’ as opposed to ‘ the king- dom of this world’ 256 [a.p. 62] EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. (Cuapr. VI. he elected’ us in him before the foundation of the world, that we should 5 be holy and blameless before him in love, haying predestinated us unto the adoption of sons! by Jesus Christ to himself, according to the good pleasure it was disputed between the orthodox church and heretics what the Epistle ought properly to be intituled, viz. whether the “ Epistle to the Ephesians” or the “ Epistle to the Laodiceans.” The church traditionally held the former, but Marcion, seeing correctly that it was the Epistle alluded to in the Colossians as that which was to be brought from Lao licea, insisted on the title being “ The Epistle to the Laodiceans.” Hach was wrong in part and right in part; it was not intended either for the Ephesians or the Laodi- ceans exclusively, but for both, with many others. This very controversy shows that the words ἐν Ἐφέσῳ could not at that time have existed in the text, or the question could not have arisen. It was never donbted to whom the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians and Corinthians and Thessalonians were written, as their names appear in the body of those Epistles themselves; and had this Epistle been addressed expressly to the Epliesians, every mouth would have been stopped; but as no church at all was designated there was the same strife about the Ephesians as there has always been about the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and for the like reason. Tertullian, to whom we have referred, lived at the end of the second century, or about 140 years after the date of the Epistle; and we meet with two important passages in this ancient father. The first is this: “ Praetereo hic et de alia Epistola quam nos ad Ephesios preescriptam habemus, heretici vero ad Laodicenos.” Ady. Marcion, v. 11. ‘‘ Here also I pass over another Epistle which we hold to be inscribed to the Ephesians, but. the hereties to the Laodiceans.” At this period, therefore, the words “in Ephesus” were still absent from the text, or there could liave been no dispute whether the Epistle was properly intituled to the Ephesians or to the Laodiceans. But the same father, on another occasion, is more explicit, and conveys his mean- ing in much plainer terms. He is controverting Marcion with respect to the “ Epistola ad Ro- manos,” “ Epistola ad Galatas,” ‘ Epistola ad Corinthios Prima” and “ Secunda,” and “ Epistola ad Thessalonicenses,” and proceeds thus: “ De Epistold ad Lavdicenos, Ecclesize quidem yeritate epistolam istam ad Ephesios habemus emissam, non ad Laodicenos, sed Marcion ei titulum ali- quanto interpolare gestiit, quasi et in isto dili- gentissimus explorator; nihil autem de titulis interest, cum ad omnes apostolus scripserit dum ad quosdam.” Ady. Marcion, v.17. ‘ Concern- ing the Epistle to the Laodiceans, in the verity of the church indeed we hold this Epistle to have been sent to the Ephesians, not to the Laodiceans; but Marcion has been pleased to tamper somewhat with the title of it, as if he were in this also a most careful invest‘gator. But it matters nothing about the ¢ t/e, since the Apostle, in writing to some, wrote to all.” Here we are informed, as is admitted, that in the early churen the Epistle passed current as “ The Epistle to the Ephesians ;’ and how it came to be so designated has been before explained; and Tertullian charges Marcion, not with corrupting the text, but with altering the /it/e to this Epistle and ealling it “ The Epistle to the Laodiceans ” instead of to the Ephesians. It is evident, there- fore, that the words ἐν ’Edeom could not then have existed in the text, or Mar-ion could not, without corrupting the text, have intituled the Epistle as the Epistle to the Laodiceans. That the Epistle was not addressed cither to the Ephesians or to the Laodiceans exclusively, but that both were comprised under the churches of Asia is implied by the language of Tertullian, where he observes that the Apostle, in writing to some (whether the Ephesians or Laodiceans) wrote to all. Again, Origen, who wrote at the commence- ment of the third century, comments upon the singularity of this Epistle in being addressed, not to any church by name, but ‘to the saints that are” ἐπὶ μόνων Τῶν ᾿Ἐφεσίων εὕρομεν κείμενον τὸ Τοῖς ἁγίοις τοῖς οὖσι, Ke. Orig. Cat. Cr. Eph. 102, cited by Tregelles, Basil of Cappadocia lived at the close of the fourth century, and comments thus: ᾿Αλλὰ καὶ τοῖς Ἐφεσίοις ἐπιστέλλων ὡς γνησίως ἠνωμένοις τῷ “Ovte du ἐπιγνώσεως, “Ovtas αὐτοῦς ἰδιαζόντως ὠνόμασεν ἐιπών-- Τοῖς ἁγίοις τοῖς οὖσιν καὶ πιστοῖς ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ: οὕτω γὰρ καὶ οἱ πρὸ 55. ἐξελέξατο. In Eng. ver. “he hath chosen.” ξελεξ 5 101 υνἱοθεσίαν. In Eng. ver. “ children,” (παρ. VI.] EPISTLE ΤῸ THE EPHESIANS. [a.p. 62] 257 6 of his will, to the praise of the glory of his grace, wherein he hath been gra- 7 cious to us’ in the beloved [one]; in whom we have redemption through his 8 blood, the forgiveness of sins, according to the riches of his grace, wherein ἡμῶν προδεδώκασι, καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐν τοῖς παλαιοῖς τῶν ἀντιγράφων εὑρήκαμεν. Ady. Eunom. 11. 19, “ But (Paul) also in writing to the Ephesians as per- sons united by knowledge with the ‘I am, named them characteristically ‘ who are,’ saying © To the saints “ who are,” and faithful in Christ Jesus.’ For so both those before us have handed down and ourselves have found in the ancient MSS.” Here, for the first time, we have an allu- sion to the words “ in Ephesus” being found in the text; but he tells us at the same time that the reading, as receiyed by tradition and as established by the more ancient of the MSS. (τοῖς παλαιοῖς τῶν ἀντιγράφων), was “ΤῸ the saints ‘ who are,’ and faithful in Christ Jesus.” He cites the Epistle, indeed, as that to the Ephesians, by which ¢it/le it was commonly though erroneously known in the church; but he testifies to the omission of the words “ in Ephesus” in the text. Jerome flourished at the close of the fourth century, and in his time there was the double reading, some copies omitting the words “in Ephesus,” and some inserting them. Quidam, curiosius quam necesse est, putant ex eo quod Moysi (Exod. ii. 14) dictum est: ‘Hee dices filiis Israel, Qui-est misit me,’ etiam eos qui Ephesi sunt sancti et fideles essentise vocabulo nuncupatos, ut quomodo a Sancto sancti, a Justo justi, a Sapiente sapientes, ita ab eo Qui-est, hi Qui sunt appellentur . . . Alii vero simpliciter non ad eos qui sunt sed qui Ephesi sunt scrip- tum arbitrantur. Jerom. Comment. Ephes. i. 1. “Some, with more refinement than is necessary, suppose that, because it was said to Moses, ‘Thus shalt thou say to the children of Israel, “JT am” hath sent me, that they also who at Ephesus were holy and’ faithful were designated by the name of Essence, so that as the holy from the Holy One, the just from the Just One, the wise from the Wise One, so they should be called those ‘ Who are’ from the ‘I am.’” Here, though Jerome refers to both readings, he yet seems, from his commentary, to prefer that which omitted the words “in Ephesus.” We shall only add the remark that, as the chureh intituled the Epistle from the earliest date as that to the Ephesians, the words “in Ephesus,” had they originally existed in it, could never haye been discarded ; but it is easy to suppose that, if originally absent from the text, they might very well creep in from the force of the title prefixed. In opposition to these testimonies, a passage is commonly cited from Ignatius, which, when examined, tends rather to confirm our view in- stead of the contrary. In writing to the Ephe- sians, he says of Paul ὃς ἐν πάσῃ ἐπιστολῇ μνημο- νεύει ὑμῶν, c. 12, which has been translated, “Who in all the Epistle makes mention of you,” as if Ignatius referred to the Epistle to the Ephesians, and that it was addressed to them. But the literal and correct translation is, ‘© Who in every Epistle makes mention of you,” as he does in 1 Cor. xvi. ὃ, xv. 32; 2 Cor. i.8; 2 Tim. 1. 18, iv. 12; 1 Tim. 1. 8. It would be a truism, and unworthy of Ignatius, to say that Paul, in an Epistle written to the Ephesians themselves, made mention of the Ephesians. The fact, there- fore, that Ignatius compliments the Ephesians on the recurring references to them in the several Epistles, implies that in Ignatius’s opinion the so-called Epistle to the Ephesians was not written to that church, or not to that church exclusively. Otherwise the venerable martyr could scarcely have avoided paying them the much higher compliment that Paul had not only referred to them with credit, but had specially indited a letter to them. The MSS. now existing have almost uni- versally, or at least very generally, the words ev Ἑφέσῳ; but amongst the exceptions is, as before noticed, the most valuable MS. of all, viz. the Vatican, which omits these words. When we consider, on the one hand, the improbability that the words, if originally inserted in the text, could have fallen out of it, and, on the other hand, the probability of their creeping in from the title prefixed, and when, further, we have the express testimony of the most ancient fathers that originally, and for many centuries afterwards, the words were wanting, we must conclude that the Vatican is right, and that the other MSS. generally are in error. [The © ἐχαρίτωσεν. VOL. Il. In Eng. ver. “he hath made us accepted.” 258 [a.p. 62] EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [Cuar. VI. he hath abounded toward us in all wisdom and prudence, having made known unto us the mystery of his will, according to his good pleasure which he purposed in himself, unto the dispensation of the fulness of times to consummate all things in Christ, both which are in heayen, and which are on earth; even in him, in whom also we have obtained a lot,’** being pre- destinated according to the purpose of him who worketh all things after the counsel of his will; that we should be to the praise of his glory, who first hoped? in Christ; in whom are ye also, after that ye heard the word of truth, the Gospel of your salyation: in whom also having believed, ye are 166 whois the earnest 11 of our sealed with that Spirit of promise, the Holy one, inheritance until the redemption of the purchased possession, unto the praise of his glory. of your faith in the Lord Jesus, and love unto all the saints, cease not to give thanks for you, making Wherefore I also having heard '°* mention of you in my prayers, that the God of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of glory, may give unto you the spirit of wisdom and revelation in the knowledge of him, the eyes of your understanding being enlightened, that ye may know what is the hope of his calling, and what the riches of the glory of his inheritance in the saints, and what is the exceeding greatness of his power to us-ward who believe, according to the working of his mighty power, which he wrought in Christ when he raised him from the dead, and seaéed him at his own right hand in heayenly places,” far above all principality, and power, and might, and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world, but also in that which is to come; and ‘hath put all things under ’ 5 The following conclusions, then, may be drawn :— 1. That the Epistle was very early intituled “The Epistle to the Ephesians,” but that the title or heading arose, not from the contents, but from the accident that the first copy of the Epistle or the autograph was given out at Ephesus for the benefit of the church there. 2. That the words ἐν ᾿Εφέσῳ in the text are an interpolation, and were inserted at a venture from the title prefixed. 3. That the Epistle was an encyclical one, intended for all the churches of Asia, but more particularly for those who had not seen or heard the Apostle himself, and to whom, therefore, Paul wished to develop and ratify the Christian scheme as preached by him. 4. That the Epistle referred to in the Colos- sians, and which the Colossians were to procure from the neighbouring church of Laodicea, is the Epistle now known as the Epistle to the Ephe- sians. 183 ἀποκεφαλαιώσασθαι. In Eng. ver. “ together in one.” 164 gather In Eng. ver. “we have ob- ” The root of the word is ἐκληρώθημεν. tained an inheritance. κλῆρος, ‘a lot.’ 169 προηλπικότας. In Eng. ver. “ first trusted.” 166 τῷ ‘Ayim. In Eng ver. this is made an epithet only—‘ the Holy Spirit.” τότ ἀῤῥαβὼν, a part payment asa pledge for the whole, derived by the Greeks from the Hebrew f3, Gen. xxxviii. 17, 18. See Alford ad loc. 168 From the Apostle giving thanks on hearing of their faith—i.e. of their conyersion—it 15 mani- fest that he had not converted them himself. See ante, Vol. I. p.361. This language would be suitably addressed to the Laodiceans and others whom he had never seen, but would be quite inconsistent with the relation in which he stood to the Ephesians, with whoin he had resided for three years. 169 See i. 3, note. 25 Cu. IT. bo Hq» on 12 Cuap. VI.) EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [A.D. 62] 259 his feet” (Ps. viii. 0),} and gave him to be the head over all things to the Church, which is his body, the fulness of him that filleth all in all. “And you [hath he quickened ] who were dead in trespasses and sins, wherein in time past ye walked according to the course of this worid,!” according to the prince of the power of the air,’ the spirit that now worketh in the sons of disobedience, among whom also we all 175 had our conversation once in the lusts of our flesh, fulfilling the desires of the flesh and of the thoughts,"* and were by nature the children of wrath, even as the rest,""° but God, who is rich in mercy, for his great love wherewith he loved us, even when we were dead in offences, quickened us together with Christ (by Grace ye are saved), and raised us up together [with him], and made us sit together [with him] in heavenly places!” in Christ Jesus, that in the ages to come he might show the exceeding riches of his grace in his goodness" toward us through Christ Jesus—for by Grace are ye saved through Faith,’* and that not of yourselves; it is the gift of God: not of works, lest any man should boast; for we are his workmanship, created in Christ Jesus unto good works, which God before ordained that we should walk in them. Wherefore remember, that ye being once Gentiles in the flesh, who are called Uncireumcision by that which is called the Cireum- cision in the flesh made by hands, that at that time ye were without Christ, being aliens from the commonwealth of Israel, and strangers to the covenants of the promise, having no hope, and without God in the world; but now in Christ Jesus ye, who once were far off, have been made nigh by the blood of 4 Christ ; for he is our peace, who hath made both one, and hath broken down the 170 πάντα ὑπέταξεν ὑπὸ τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ. In the middle wall of partition,’ having abolished in his flesh the enmity, even the law of commandments in ordinances, that he might make in himself of twain one new man, so making peace, and that he might reconcile both unto God in ot λοιποί. In Eng. ver. “ others,” which LXX. the words are: πάντα ὑπέταξας ὑποκάτω τῶν ποδῶν αὐτοῦ. ἘΠ σὸν αἰῶνα τοῦ κόσμου τούτου. In αἰῶνα the Apostle may be referring to the won of this world in the Gnostic sense, but the English ver- sion is very felicitous. πὸ The prince of sublunary things, as repre- sented by the air which, while in the body, we all breathe, and which was supposed by the ancients to be haunted by evil spirits. depos appears to be opposed to ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρα- viows, Where dwell the angels. “S$ Te. all we Christians, whether converts from Judaism or heathenism, as opposed to “the rest” mentioned at the end of the verse— yiz. those who had not been converted. τ In Eng. ver. “ the mind.” TOU τῶν διανοιῶν. does not give the force of the article. 16 See note, i. 3. χρηστότητι. In Eng. ver. “ kindness.” By Grace, as the efficient cause, through Faith, as the means or instrument, ye “ have been saved”—€ore σεσωσμένοι. The Apostle, looking to the end, assumes salvation to have been already accomplished. ™ The Apostle here alludes to the wall of partition in the Temple at Jerusalem, which divided the court of the Gentiles from the court of the Jews, and which if any heathen passed, he was liable (by permission of the Romans themselves) to be put to death. Paul was nearly killed in the outer court for having, as was falsely alleged, taken Trophimus, an Ephe- sian and heathen, beyond the allowed limits. 2 9 4L4 177 178 [A.p. 62] EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [Cuar. VI. one body by the cross, having slain the enmity thereby ; and came and brought the Gospel of peace to you which were afar off, and to them that were nigh; for through him we both have access by one spirit unto the Father. Now, therefore, ye are no more strangers and sojowrners, but fellow-citizens with the saints, and of the household of God; and are built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner βίοπο, in whom all the building fitly framed together groweth unto a holy temple in the Lord, in whom ye also are builded together for a habitation of God through the Spirit. “For this cause I, Paul, the prisoner of Jesus Christ for you Gentiles, (if at least ** ye have heard’ of the dispensation of the grace of God which is given me to you-ward, how that by revelation he made known unto me the mystery, as I have written '** afore in brief, whereby, when ye read, ye may understand my knowledge in the mystery of Christ, which in other ages was not made known unto the sons of men, as it is now revealed unto the holy i) apostles ἢ and prophets '*’ by the Spirit, that the Gentiles should be fellow- heirs, and of the same body, and partakers of the promise in Christ by the Gospel, whereof I was made a minister, according to the gift of the grace of God given unto me by the operation of his power—unto me, who am less than the least of all saints, was this grace given, that I should carry the glad tidings of the Gospel of the unsearchable riches of Christ among the Gentiles, and enlighten all men what is the déspensation’** of the mystery, which from the beginning of the world was hid in God, who created all things:'*’ to the intent that now unto the principalities and powers in heavenly places ‘°° might be known through the Church the manifold wisdom of God, according to the eternal purpose which he formed’ in Christ Jesus our Lord, in whom 180 The Apostle alludes to the corner-stones of clusively. the Temple, which were of wonderful magni- tude. The largest stone now at Jerusalem is that at the south-west corner of the Haram, which measures 30 feet 10 inches in length by 63 feet in breadth. 1δ The preaching of Paul, that salvation was open to the Gentiles without the law of Moses, was the cause of the constant persecution of him by the Jews, and now of his present imprison- ment by their procurement. 2 εἴγε. The ‘if’ of the Eng. ver. does not express the force of the original. 188. Such language was properly addvessed to the Laodiceans and others who had not seen and did not know Paul, but was very inappropriate to the Ephesians, who were intimately acquainted with him. In other words, the Epistle could not haye been written to the Ephesians ex- ™* προέγραψα. In Eng. ver. “1 wrote,” which might lead one to suppose that he was referring to another and different letter. 189 ἐν ὀλίγῳ. In Eng. ver. “ in few words.” 18° Paul himself was an Apostle, but he counted himself “less than the least of them” (iii. 8), and speaks of them here as holy—as a body only, and without reference to himself personally. 187 See Vol. I. p. 391. 188 Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, all agree that the true reading is οἰκονομία, and Not κοινωνία. 8 The words διὰ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ in the Textus receptus are rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 1 See i. 3, note. 181 ἐποίησεν. ἴῃ Eng. ver. “ purposed.” Cuap. 11 EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [a.p, 62 261 19 14,15 Cu. IV. OBOoNtoanFr ww 10 71 we have boldness and access with confidence by the faith of him); wherefore I desire that ye faint not at my tribulations for you, which is your glory.’™ For this cause I bend’? my knees unto the Father,’* of whom every juther- hood**° in heayen and on earth is named, that he would grant you, according to the riches of his glory, to be strengthened with might by his Spirit in the inner man, that Christ may dwell in your hearts by Faith, that ye, being rooted and grounded in love, may be able to comprehend with all saints what is the breadth, and length, and depth, and height, and to know the love of Christ, which passeth knowledge, that ye may be filled with all the fuiness of God—Now unto him that is able to do exceeding abundantly above what we ask or think, according to the power that worketh in us—unto him be glory in the Church by Christ Jesus throughout all ages, world without end! Amen. “T, therefore, the prisoner of the Lord, beseech you that ye walk worthy of the calling wherewith ye are called, with all lowliness and meekness, with long-suffering, forbearing one another in love, str/ving to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace. There is one Body,'*® and one Spirit '” (even as ye are called in one hope of your calling), one Lord,’ one Faith, one Baptism, one God and Father of all, who is above all, and through all, and in you all’? But unto each one of us is given grace according to the measure of the gift of Christ; wherefore he saith, ‘When he ascended up on high, he led captive captivity,2” and gave gifts unto men. (Ps. Ixvii. 18.) (But this * he ascended,’ what is it but that he also descended *”? into the lower parts of the earth? he that descended is the same also that ascended up far above all heavens, that he might fill all things ;) and he gave some, apostles ; and some, prophets ;7°° and some, evangelists ;** and some, pastors 205 and teachers,?” 12 The Apostle beseeches them not to lose heart because he was suffering imprisonment for believing in Christ—nay, they ought rather to boast of it. 198 κάμπτω. In Eng. ver. “ bow.” 18 The words τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ in the Textus receptus are rejected by Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 1 πᾶσα πατριά. In Eng. ver. “ the whole family,’ by which the reference in πατριά to the preceding πατέρα is lost. The Apostle seems to say that God, as the Father of all, is the proto- type of every earthly father. 198 That is, one body of the Catholic church. 7 That is, one Holy Ghost, which animates the body of the church. 195. That is, one Christ, who is Lord and Master of the church, and so its Head. 1 One God, who, in the character of the Father, is supreme over all Christians; in the character of the Son is throughout all His church, and one with it; and in the character of the Holy Ghost is present in the hearts of all true believers. 20 ἡγμαλώτευσεν αἰχμαλωσίαν --- captured cap- tives’ or ‘made captives, and not “led the captors captive.” 20. This agrees with the LXX., except that for ἔδωκε δόματα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, the ΟΥ̓Χ. has ἔλαβες δόματα ἐν ἀνθρώπῳ. 22 The word πρῶτον, ‘first, is rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendort, and Alford. > See Vol. 1. p. 391. 24 That is, preachers of the Gospel. Ξο5 Those who had any cure of souls. τοῦ Those whose province in particular was religious instruction. 262 [a.p. 62] EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 12 13 up of the body of Christ, till we all attain unto 14 15 16 17 increase of the body unto the building up of itself in love. 18 19 20,21 greediness. But ye have not so learned Christ, if at least 22 23, 24 25 of the truth. Wherefore putting 26 neighbour, for we are members 27 28 to the devil. 29 part to him that needeth. 30 it may minister grace unto the hearers. 51 »( [Cuap. VI. for the perfecting of the saints, for the work of the ministry, for the budding 201 the unity of the faith, and of the knowledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the stature 7°° of the fulness of Christ ; that we be no more children, tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine, by the sleight of men, by craftiness after the wiliness of deceit,’ but speaking the truth in love, may grow up into him in all things, who is the head, even Christ, from whom the whole body compounded together and compacted by that which every joint supplieth, according to the working in the measure of every part, maketh This I say, there- fore, and testify in the Lord, that ye walk no more, as also the other Gentiles walk, in the vanity of their mind, having the understanding darkened, being alienated from the life of God through the ignorance that is in them, because of the blindness of their heart, who being past feeling have xiven themselyes over unto lasciviousness, to work all uncleanness with 10 ye have heard him, and have been taught zn him, as the truth is in Jesus, that ye put off concerning the former conversation the old man, which is corrupt according to the lusts of deceit, and be renewed in the spirit of your mind, and that ye put on the new man, which after God is created in righteousness and holiness away lying, speak every man truth with his one of another. ‘Be angry, and sin not’ (Ps. iv. 4):""" Let not the sun go down upon your wrath, neither give place Let him that sfealeth *? steal no more, but rather let him labour, working with his hands the thing which is good, that he may have to am- Let no corrupt communication proceed out of your mouth, but that which is good to the building up of what is needed, that And grieve not the holy Spirit of God, whereby ye are sealed unto the day of redemption. Let all bitterness, and wrath, and anger, and clamour, and evil speaking, be put away from you, ” In Eng. ver. “ come in.” eis μέτρον ἡλικίας. ‘The same expression, in the sense of stature, is found in Lucian, Imag. Ὁ. τῆς ἡλικίας δὲ τὸ μέτρον, ἡλίκον ἂν γένοιτο, κατὰ “T καταντήσωμεν. τὴν ev Kvid@ ἐκείνην μάλιστα .. .. μεμετρήσθω. Lucian, Imag. 7. See Wetstein. The word ἡλικία, however, signifies also ‘age,’ and the Apostle may mean ἡ till we attain to manhood,’ oppesed to the ‘childhood’ mentioned imme- diately afterwards. *9 thy μεθοδείαν τῆς πλάνης. In Eng. ver. “ cunning craftiness, whereby they le in wait to deceive” 210 εἴγε. In Eng. ver. “if so be.” Here again, if the letter was addressed to the Ephesians, how could the Apostle have made it hypotheti- cal whether they had heard the truth in the Gospel ? ἢ ὀργίζεσθε καὶ μὴ ἁμαρτάνετε. The words are taken from {πὸ LXX.; and not from the Hebrew, which runs, “ tremble [or “stand in awe,” Eng. yer.| and sin not.” Alford. 2126 κλέπτων, ‘him that stealeth,’ 1.6. him that is guilty of theft. In Eng. ver. ‘ him that stole. παρ. VI.] [a.p. 62] 263 EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. 32 with all malice; and be ye kind one to another, tender-hearted, forgiving one another, even as God in Christ hath forgiven you. Cu. V. “Be ye, therefore, followers of God, as beloved children, and walk in love, 2 as Christ also hath loved us, and hath given himself wp for us an offering and 3 a sacrifice to God for a sweet-smelling savour. 218 Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, But fornication, and all un- cleanness, or covetousness, let it not be once named among you, as becometh saints; and filthiness, and foolish talking, and jesting, which are not seemly, but rather giving of thanks. For ye know assuredly,” that no whoremonger, nor unclean person, nor covetous man, who is an idolater, hath any inhe- ritance in the kingdom of Christ and of God; .(let no man deceive you with vain words,) for because of these things cometh the wrath of God upon the sons of disobedience. Be not ye, therefore, partakers with them ; for ye were once darkness, but now are ye light in the Lord. Walk as children of light (for the fruit of the light is in all goodness and righteousness and truth), proving what is well pleasing unto the Lord; and have no fel- lowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, but rather reprove them, for it is shameful? even to speak of those things which are done of them in secret. But all things that are reproved are shown by the light, for what- soever is shown is light ;*° wherefore He *™ saith, ‘ Awake thou that sleépest, and arise from the dead, and Christ shall give thee light.’* that ye walk circumspectly, not as unwise, but as wise, redeeming the time, 8 See, then, because the days are evil; wherefore be ye not senseless,” but understand- ing what the will of the Lord is. And be not drunk with wine in which is excess, but be filled with the Spirit, speaking one to another “Ὁ in psalms and hymns and spiritual songs; singing and making melody in your heart to the Messiah. Wetstein. Others think that the Apostle and Alford, all agree that the true reading is tore γινώσκοντες, and not ἔστε γινώσκοντες. 4 φωτὸς, and not πνεύματος, is the reading adopted by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tisch- endorf, and Alford. 43 αἰσχρόν. In Eng. ver. “a shame.” 46 τὰ δὲ πάντα ἐλεχχύμενα, ὑπὸ τοῦ φωτὸς φανεροῦται. Πᾶν γὰρ τὸ φανερούμενον, φῶς ἐστι. In Eng. ver. “all things that are reproved are made manifest by the light, for whatsoever doth make manifest is light.” The meaning appears to be: Ye are the lignt of the world, and as such ye ought to reproye the dark practices of the heathen about you. If the deformity of vice is to be shown up at all, it must be by means of the light shining upon it. “7 He, i.e. God. 218 This seems to be a paraphrase of Isaiah 1.2, which the Jews have always interpreted of the is quoting from a lost Christian hymn, or from some Apocryphal writing, or from some liturgi- eal service. Those who take it fora hymn would write it thus: *"Eyetpe ὃ καθεύδων καὶ ἀνάστα ἐκ τῶν νεκρῶν καὶ ἐπιφαύσει σοι ὃ Χριστός. “18 ἄφρονες. Ὁ In Eng. ver. “ unwise.” ἑαυτοῖς. In Eng. ver. “to yourselves.” We have here a trace of the early Christian liturgy, as consisting, in part at least, of sentences and responses. The same custom is alluded to by Pliny in his letter to Trajan: Soliti [Christiani] stato die ante lucem conyenire, carmenque Christo quasi Deo dicere secum invicem. Plin. Epist. x. 96 (al. 97). So Nicephorus, Hist. xiii. ὃ: ee ; , Ξ a τῶν ἀντιφώνων συνήθειαν ἄνωθεν anouréhov 7 τὴν ἐκκλησία παρέλαβε. Alford. 264 oii 201 #1 That is, to Christ, as in Pliny’s letter. EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [A.D. 62] [Cuap. VI. Lord ;#! giving thanks always for all things unto God and the Father in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ ; submitting yourselves one to another in the fear of Christ.?” “ Wives, submit yourselves unto your own husbands as unto the Lord, for the husband is the head of the wife, even as Christ is the head of the church,2* the saviour of the body; but as the church is subject unto Christ, Husbands, love your wives, even as Christ also loved the church, and gave himself for it, so let the wives also be to their own husbands in every thing. that he might sanctify and cleanse it with the washing of water im the Word,” that he might present it to himself a glorious church, not having spot, or wrinkle, or any such thing, but that it should be holy, and without blemish. So ought husbands to love their wives as their own bodies. He that loveth his wife loveth himself; for no man ever yet hated his own flesh, but nourisheth and cherisheth it, even as Christ?’ the church; for we are mem- bers of his body, of his flesh, and of his bones. ‘ For this cause shall a man leave his father and mother, and shall be joined unto his wife, and they two shall be one flesh.’ (Gen. 11. 24.)”° This is a great mystery ;**" but I speak concerning Christ and the church.” But ye also severally” love every one in particular his wife even as himself; and [16] the wife [see] that she reverence her husband. “Children, obey your parents in the Lord, for this is right. ‘Honour thy father and mother’ (which is the first commandment with promise), ‘that it may be well with thee, and thou mayest live long on the earth.’ (Ha. xx. 12.)**° And, ye fathers, provoke not your children to wrath; but bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord. “Servants,” be obedient to them that are your masters according to the See version translates this “ Sacramentum hoc mag- ante, p. 77. 2 Χριστοῦ is substituted for Θεοῦ by Gries- bach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. =’ The words in the Textus receptus, καὶ αὐτός ἐστι (‘and he is’) are omitted by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 4 ἐν ῥήματι-- the Word’ emphatically, i.e. the Word of God, or the Gospel—the ῥῆμα Θεοῦ spoken of, post, vi. 17. °° Χριστὸς is substituted for Κύριος by Gries- bach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 2° The only variation from the LXX. is, that for ἕνεκεν τούτου the Apostle substitutes ἀντὶ τουτου. “7 Τὸ μυστήριον τοῦτο μέγα ἐστὶν. The Vulgate num est,” and hence the Roman Catholic doc- trine ‘an error from a mistranslation) that marriage is a sacrament. #8 Te. the mystery to which I refer is the mystical union of Christ with his church. 229 πλὴν καὶ ὑμεῖς. In Eng. ver. “ neverthe- less.” *0 The only vaviation from the LXX. is, that for iva μακροχρόνιος γενῇ the Apostle reads ἔσῃ μακροχρόνιος. 351. οἱ δοῦλοι ---᾿ Slaves’—for at that time slavery was common in every country, and it was Chris- tianity that abolished it, not by any direct pre- cept—for, on the contrary, the Apostle here prescribes the relative duties of master and slave—but the humanising influence of Chris- tianity led to this result. Cuap. VI.] EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [A.D, 62] 265 Ὁ ὦ “1 SD 10 11 12 15 14 15 flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart, as unto Christ ; not with eye service, as men-pleasers, but as the servants of Christ, doing the will of God from the heart, with good-will doing service as to the Lord, and not to men, knowing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth, that shall he receive of the Lord, whether he be a servant or free. And, ye masters, do the same things unto them, forbearing threatening, knowing that your Master also is in heaven; neither is there respect of persons with him. “ For the rest, my brethren, be strong in the Lord, and in the power of his might. Puton the whole armour of God, that ye may be able to stand against the wiles of the devil: for to us the wrestling * is not against flesh and blood, but against principalities, against powers, against the rulers of darkness,” against spiritual wickedness in heavenly places.*** Wherefore take wp the whole armour *° of God, that ye may be able to withstand in the evil day, and having done all, to stand (fig. 294). Stand, therefore, having your loins girt about with truth,*® and having “ put on the breastplate of righteousness ” (Js. lix. 17), 16 and your feet shod with the readiness of the Gospel of peace ;*" above all, 2 ἔστιν ἡμῖν ἡ πάλη. In Eng. ver. “we wrestle.” *88 The words τοῦ αἰῶνος --- of the world’—are rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tisch- endorf, and Alford. 58: That is, spiritual wickedness in those places where we ought to find heavenly tempers. See note, i. 3. 85 τὴν πανοπλίαν. So Josephus: τὰς πανοπλίας ἀναλαβόντες, εὐθέως ἐχώρουν εἰς τὸ ἔργον. Ant. iv. 5,2. And so Ant. xx. 5, 3. The Apostle, who writes linked by a chain to a Roman soldier, proceeds to describe in detail the accoutrements of one fully armed—the helmet, the breastplate, the girdle, the shield, the sword, and even the shoes. The picture is historically correct, and Josephus portrays the Roman soldier at the outbreak of the Jewish war, not ten years later than the date of the Epistle, in similar terms. οἱ μὲν πεζοὶ θωραξί τε πεφραγμένοι καὶ κράνεσιν καὶ μαχαιροφο- ροῦντες ἀμφοτέρωθεν, μακρότερον δὲ αὐτῶν τὸ λαιὸν ξίφος πολλῷ" τὸ γὰρ κατὰ δεξιὸν σπιθαμῆς οὐ πλέον ἔχει μῆκος. φέρουσι δὲ... ξυστόν τε καὶ θυρεὸν ἐπιμήκη, πρὸς οἷς πρίονα καὶ κόφινον ἄμην τε καὶ πέλεκυν, πρὸς δὲ ἱμάντα καὶ δρέπανον καὶ ἅλυσιν. Bell. iii. 5,5. The historian omits the girdle and the shoes, or more properly the sandals (see note *’), as worn generally, and not confined to the military; but perhaps the girdle is comprised under the ἱμάντα, which may have served the double purpose of a girdle and VOL. Π. a thong. The shoes are afterwards referred to particularly in recounting the exploits of the centurion Julianus, who, from his hob-nailed shoes, slipped on the polished pavement of the Temple and fell—ra yap ὑποδήματα πεπαρμένα πυκνοῖς καὶ ὀξέσιν ἥλοις ἔχων, k.7.\.—and after laying about him with his sword (ξίφει), and defending himself with his shield (θυρεῷ), and protecting the vital parts as well as he could with his corslet (θώρακι) and helmet (κράνει), at last succumbed. Jos. Bell. vi. 1, 8. It is worthy of remark that the Apostle omits one part of the soldier's armament, viz. the spear; and this, no doubt, designedly, as the Christian is not to use offensive, but only de- fensive weapons. He is to “stand,” and “ having done all, to stand,” but not to advance. *6 The girdle was an adjunct to the soldier's accoutrements from the time of Homer down- wards. ᾽Ατρείδης δ᾽ ἐβόησεν, ἰδὲ ζώννυσθαι ἄνωγεν ᾿Αργείους. iad, xi. 15. See Wetstein. °S7 ὑποδησάμενοι, κατιλ. The ὑπόδημα was the thick, nailed sandal worn by the common sol- dier, as opposed to the calceus or shoe with an upper leather worn by the officers above the rank of a centurion. See Smith’s Dict. of Antiq. art. Saridalium. In exhorting Christians to be shod with the readiness of the Gospel, the Apostle alludes to the injunction given to the Israelites 2m [a.p. 62] EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. [Cuar. VI. taking up the shield 3385. of faith, wherewith ye shall be able to quench all 17 the fiery darts*® of the wicked one; and take “the helmet of salvation” 18 (Is. lix. 17), and the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God, praying Fig, 294.— Portrait of a Roman soldier, fully armed. From Hope's Costumes, always with all prayer and supplication in the Spirit, and watching thereunto 19 with all perseverance and supplication for all saints, and for me, that utterance may be given unto me that I may open my mouth boldly, to make known the 20 mystery of the gospel, for which I am an ambassador in bonds, that therein I may speak boldly, as I ought to speak. 21 “But that ye also may know my affairs, how I do, Tychicus, the beloved brother and faithful minister in the Lord, wl? make known to you all things ; to be ready to march on the instant “ with their loins girded, and their shoes on their feet, and their staves in their hand.” Exod. xii. 11. See Wordsworth. 388. τὸν A@vpeov—the ‘scutum,’ or large oblong shield, as opposed to the aomais—the ‘ clypeus,’ or small round buckler. Josephus thus points the distinction. The light-armed body guard car- ried the λόγχην καὶ doniSa—the lance and the buckler ; but the legionaries carried the ξυστόν τε kai Ovpeov—the spear and the shield. Bell. iii. 5,5. The θυρεὸν was so called from its resem- blance to a door—#ipa. Ovpeds est scutum oblongum, ut fores; ἀσπὶς rotundum. Intelli- gitur reum vel ere obductum, qualia Roman- orum et Grecorum scuta erant. ineas Tact. 107. This and other passages are cited by Wet- stein ad loeum, which see. *° Darts and arrows were made to carry fire im various ways, as, for example, by a bandage of lighted tow about the point. See the several passages quoted by Wetstein. 3:9 One explanation of this ‘also’ is as follows : The Apostle wrote at the same time another letter, viz. to the Colossians, and while the letter to the Laodiceans was purely doctrinal, that to the Colossians contained matter of a more familiar and private character ; but while the mission of Tychicus was more particularly to the Colossians, he was also to communicate by the way with the Laodiceans. Another and better explanation of the word is that, as the Apostle had received intelligence from Epaphro- ditus of the state of the Laodicean and other churches, and wrote to them in consequence, he now commissions Tychicus, by way of recipro- city, to make known the condition of Paul also to the Laodiceans and others. See next note. [a.p. 62] 267 Cuap. VI.] EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 22 whom I have sent unto you for this very purpose, that ye may know our affairs, and that he may comfort your hearts.” 23 “Peace be to the brethren,” and love with faith, from God the Father and 24 the Lord Jesus Christ. Gracr BE WITH ALL THEM THAT LOVE ouR Lorp Jesus CHRIST IN SINCERITY. AMEN.” ἢ The Apostle next proceeded to indite his Epistle to the Colossians. In the first part, after a salutation from himself and Timothy, he expounds, in a summary way (1. 3), the call of the Gentiles (of whom were the Colossians) by the free grace of God, without the adoption of the Law, viz., that both Jews and Gentiles, without distinction, were now one fold in Christ. The impress of the Encyclical Epistle evidently remained on his mind, and he pursues the same line of argument, but he is here more brief, and adapts the exposition to the peculiar circumstances of the Colossian church. In the second part (ii. 1) he warns his converts against the Judaizers and Gnostics, who would impose upon the Gentiles many useless restric- tions and bodily mortifications. In the third part (i. 1) he urges them to the practice of the several Christian virtues, and concludes (iv. 7) with commending to them Tychicus his messenger, and sends yarious salutations, and finally bestows his benediction. The Epistle itself was as follows :— [The italics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, thus Γ 7, are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek. ] Ga. 1. “Pau, AN ApostLe oF Jesus CHRIST BY THE WILL oF Gop, and ΤΊΜΟΤΗΥ 2 OUR BROTHER, TO THE SAINTS AND FAITHFUL BRETHREN IN CHRIST WHICH ARE at CoLoss&, GRACE BE UNTO YOU, AND PEACE, FROM Gop ouR FarHER AND THE Lorp Jesus Cunisr. δ, “We give thanks to God and the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, praying 4 always for you, having heard of your faith in Christ Jesus, and of your love 5 to all the saints, for the hope which is laid up for you in heaven (whereof ye 6 heard before *** in the word of the truth of the Gospel, which is come unto *S The catholic character of the benediction confirms the hypothesis that the opening address 41 Tn that age, when there was no public post for the transmission of letters, the anxiety of persons for the welfare of their absent friends was most intense. This passage in the Epistle reminds us of a similar one in a letter from Cicero to Atticus: Mitte ad nos de tuis aliquem tabellarium, ut et tu quid nos agamus et nos quid tu agas quidque acturus sis scire possimus. Cie. Ep. ad Att. v. 18. *2 To “the” brethren, not my brethren, for it has been observed that Paul nowhere through- out the Epistle calls those whom he was address- ing his brethren. The explanation is, that the Epistle was written to strangers in the flesh, and was purely doctrinal. was not to any church by name, but to “ the saints that are, and to the faithful in Christ Jesus.” The words in capitals were written with the Apostle’s own hand, to authenticate the letter as coming from him. See Vol. I. p. 284. “ἢ προηκούσατε. The Gospel, therefore, had been preached to them by Epaphras scme time before the date of the Epistle. Their conversion was probably effected by Epaphras while Paul was at Ephesus (A.D. 54-57), and the Epistle was written A.D. 62 (see ante, p. 244); so that an interval of at least five years had elapsed. 2m 2 268 EPISTLE TO THE. COLOSSIANS. [Cuapr. VI. [a.D. 62] 7 8 9 10 ΠῚ 12 18 14, 15 10 17 18 19 20 you, as it is in all the world, and bringeth forth fruit, and increaseth,*’ as it doth also in you, since the day ye heard it, and knew the grace of God in truth, as ye**° learned of Epaphras, our dear fellow-servant,**’ who is for you ἢ a faithful minister of Christ, who hath also declared unto us your love in the spirit), for this cause we also, since the day we heard it, do not cease to pray for you,”** and to beseech that ye may be filled with the knowledge of his will in all wisdom and spiritual understanding—that ye walk worthy of the Lord unto all pleasing, being fruitful in every good work, and increasing in the knowledge of God, strengthened with all strength,» according to his glorious power, unto all patience and long-suffering with joyfulness, giving thanks unto the Father, which hath made us meet for the participation of the inheritance of the saints in light, who hath delivered us from the power of darkness, and hath translated us into the kingdom of the Son of his love,*' in whom we have redemption through his blood, the remisston of sins, who is the image of the invisible God, the first-born of all creation ;?* for by him *° were all things created, that are in heayen, and that are in earth, visible and invisible, whether they be thrones, or dominions, or principalities, or powers—all things were created by him, and for him, and he is before all things, and by him all things consist, and he is the head of the body, the Church, who is the beginning, the first-born from the dead, that in all things he may be first. For he [God] was pleased**‘ that in him should all fulness dwell, and, having made peace through the blood of his cross, by him to recon- *© Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, ently, the repetition of the same word; but the and Alford, all add the word αὐξανόμενον to the Text. recept. *6 Tn Eng. ver. “as ye also learned,” &e., but according to the best MSS., which are followed by Scholtz, Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, the word καὶ is not in the text, which makes it still clearer that Epaphras had been their first teacher. See Alford ad loc. *7 That is, they had heard the truth of the Gospel preached to them by Epaphras, who had been the Apostle’s missionary to work their con- version. 48 Lachmann reads ἡμῶν for ὑμῶν, and this reading is adopted by Alford. If the true text be ‘on our behalf, it would confirm the view that Epaphras had been a missionary of Paul for the conversion of the Colossians. ἜΘ Tn the third verse the Apostle, in mention- ing his prayers for them, had deviated by way of parenthesis into the subject of their conver- sion by Epaphras, and he now returns to his prayers for them. 20 ἐν πάσῃ δυνάμει δυναμούμενοι. In Eng. ver. “might” instead of ‘ strength, to avoid, appar- variation of the phrase, though more elegant, does not correctly represent the original. Here, as elsewhere, the Apostle’s “speech is not with enticing words of man’s wisdom.” 1 Cor. ii. 4. 2 rod υἱοῦ τῆς ἀγαπῆς αὐτοῦ. In Hng. ver. “his dear son.” 22 πρωτότοκος πάσης KTiaews—more literally ‘born before all creation,’ the πρῶτος being used in the sense of πρότερος. Christ was the first- born of his Father in heaven, as he was the firstborn of his mother Mary on earth. “ The expression ‘born before anything was created’ excludes Christ from the number of created beings, and this priority is proved in ver. 16 by his haying created ali things. The Gnostics made Christ a later emanation from God.” Note by Barton. The word πρωτότοκος is not uncom- mon in the LXX., as, υἱὸς πρωτότοκός μου Ἰσραήλ. Exod. ii. 22. 23. Ixxxvili, 28. 205. ἐν avro—literally ‘in, not ‘ by’ him. 24 The words ‘the father, which appear in the Eng. yer., are not in the Greek. τὸν υἱόν σου τὸν πρωτότοκον. Ib, 1]. πρωτότοκον θήσομαι αὑτὸν ὑψηλὸν, κιτιλ. Ps. (παρ. VI.] Cu. IT. 8 9 EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. [a.p. 62] 269 cile all things unto himself—by him [I say] whether they be things in earth, or things in heaven. And you, that were once alienated and enemies in your mind by wicked works, yet now hath he reconciled in the body of his flesh through death, to present you holy and blameless and unreproveable in his sight ; if at least*° ye continue in the faith grounded and settled, and be not moved away from the hope of the Gospel, which ye have heard, which hath been preached to all the creation, which is under heaven ;*°° whereof I Paul was made a minister.*’ Now rejoice I in my sufferings for you, and fill up that which is behind ** of the afilictions of Christ in my flesh for his body’s sake, which is the Church ;** whereof I was made a minister, according to the dispensation of God which was given to me for you, to fulfil the word of God, the mystery which was hid from ages and from generations, but now hath been made manifest to his saints, to whom God willed to make known what is the riches of the glory of this mystery among the Gentiles, which is Christ in you, the hope of glory, whom we preach, warning every man, and teaching every man in all wisdom, that we may present every man perfect in Christ, whereunto I also labour, striving according to his working, which worketh in me mightily. “For I would that ye knew what great conflict I have for you, and for them at Laodicea, and for as many as have not seen my face in the flesh,2™ that their hearts may be comforted, being knit together in love, and unto all riches of the full assurance of understanding, to the knowledge*® of the mystery of God,”** in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge. Bud this I say, lest any man should beguile you with enticing words; for though I be absent in the flesh, yet am I with you in the spirit, joying and beholding your order, and the steadfastness of your faith in Christ. As ye therefore received Christ Jesus ‘the Lord, so walk in him, rooted and built up in him, and stablished in the faith, as ye have been taught, abounding therein with thanksgiving. Beware lest any one spoil you, through philosophy and vain deceit, after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ. For in him dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead bodily ; 255 εἴγε. The force of this word is omitted in the Eng. ver. 356 That is, not the Jew only, but to the Greeks and to all others, without distinction. **7 Paul here refers to his office of Apostle of the Gentiles as a justification for the writing of this Epistle to the Colossians, who were Gentiles, and whom Paul had not personally visited. 28 τὰ ὑστερήματα--- the shortcomings,’ or that which is lacking. *9 This verse the Roman Catholics make use of as an argument for their Indulgences. They consider the sufferings of Christ and his Apostles as an account upon which the church may draw for pardon to sinners. See Alford. *° All the critics reject the word ‘ Jesus, which appears in the received text. * The Apostle, therefore, had never visited either Colossee or Laodicea. *2 ἐπίγνωσιν. In Eng. ver. “acknowledgment.” The ἐπὶ in the original gives the notion of com- plete knowledge. 365. Griesbach, Scholtz, Tischendorf, and Alford omit the words καὶ Πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ, and Lachmann has Χριστοῦ only. [a.D. 62] [Cuar. VI. EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 10 and ye are made full*™* in him, who is the head of all principality and power : 11 12 15 14 in whom also ye are circumcised with the circumcision made without hands, in the putting off of the body ** of the flesh by the circumcision of Christ, being buried with him in baptism, wherein also ye are raised with him through the faith of the operation of God, who raised him from the dead; and you, being dead in your ¢respasses, and the uncircumcision of your flesh, hath he quickened together with him, having forgiven you all trespasses, blotting out the hand-writing of ordinances that was against us, which was contrary to us, 5 and took it out of the way, nailing it to the cross—-haying spoiled "δ᾽ princi- palities and powers, he made a show of them publicly,*”’ triumphing over them init. Let no one therefore judge you in meat, or in drink, or in respect of a Jeast,””* or of a new moon, or of sabbaths, which are a shadow of things to come; but the body is of Christ. Let no man beguile you, ἐγ he would,” of your reward, in humility and worshipping of angels,’ intruding into those things which he hath not seen, vainly puffed up by his fleshly mind, and not holding the head, from which all the body by joints and bands having nourish- ment ministered ¢o τέ, and knit together, increaseth with the increase of God. If therefore ye be dead with Christ from the rudiments of the world, why, as though living in the world, are ye subject to ordinances (‘Touch not! taste not! handle not!’ which all are to perish with the using), after the command- Which things have indeed a show of wisdom 272 ments and doctrines of men ? in will-worship,?"’ and humility, and penance*"* of the body: not in in- dulgence *™* to the satisfying of the flesh.*° °* πεπληρωμένοι. In Eng. ver. “complete,” which does not carry on the word on which the Apostle was dwelling. °° Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, all reject the words τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν -- of the sins’—which appear in the Textus receptus. °° drexOvodpevos—literally, ‘having stripped ’ —an allusion to the Roman triumph, in which the captives were stripped and led naked. ὙΠ ἐν παῤῥησίᾳ. In Eng. ver. “ openly.” Another allusion to the Roman triumph, in which the conquered kings and captains were exhibited publicly, and exposed to the gaze and derision of the people that lined the streets. *68 ἑορτῆς. In Eng. ver. “a holyday.” "ἢ θέλων. In Eng. ver. the word is coupled with humility—“a voluntary humility.” *° We have noticed before that all divine interference—as the creation of the world, the delivery of the Law, &c.—was ascribed by the Jews to angels, and the abuse of this doctrine led naturally to the worshipping of angels, the ministering spirits, instead of Jehovah, the supreme God. This adoration of angels, which was closely connected with Gnosticism, was ex- tremely prevalent at Colosse, and hence the rebuke and caution of the Apostle to that church. It is seldom that history furnishes any clue to the precepts contained in the Epistles, but curiously enough Theodoret, in a passage cited by Alford, makes mention of this heresy as widely spread in this part of Phrygia. ἔμεινε δὲ τοῦτο τὸ πάθος [the worshipping of angels] ἐν τῇ Φρυγίᾳ καὶ Πισιδίᾳ μέχρι πολλοῦ, οὗ δὴ χάριν καὶ συνελθοῦσα σύνοδος, κιτιλ. Theodoret. on Coloss. ii, See Alford ad locum. ὅτι €OcehoOpnoxeia— an affectation of sanctity.’ “12 ταπεινοφροσύνῃ. The “pride that apes humility.” *8 ἀφειδίᾳ. In Eng. ver. “neglecting.” The literal meaning is, ‘the not sparing.’ 215 In Eng. ver. “ not in any honor.” It means, not in any humouring of the body, as opposed to the penance of it mentioned just before. * The doctrines of the Gnostics are here referred to. See ante, p. 249. οὐκ ἐν τιμῇ τινι. Cuap, VI.] EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. [4.D. 62 271 Cu. IIT, 2 « e 16 17 19 “Tf ye then be risen with Christ, seek those things which are above, where Christ sitteth on the right hand of God. Mind*® things above, not things on the earth; for ye are dead, and your life is hid with Christ in God. When Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear with him in glory. Mortify therefore your members, which are upon the earth —fornication, uncleanness, inordinate affection, evil concupiscence and coyetousness, which is idolatry ; 7 for which things’ sake the wrath of God cometh on the children of disobedience; in the which ye also walked some- time, when ye lived in them. But now put ye also away all these—anger, wrath, malice, blasphemy, filthy speaking out of your mouth. Lie not one to the other, seeing that ye have put off the old man with his deeds, and have put on the new man, which is renewed in knowledge after the image of him that created him, wherein there is neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor uncircumcision, Barbarian, Scythian, bond or free; but Christ is all, and in all. Put on, therefore, as the elect of God, holy and beloved, bowels of mercy,”’* kindness, humbleness of mind, meekness, long-suffering, forbearing one another, and forgiying one another, if any man have a complaint against any ; even as Christ forgave you, so also do ye. And above all these things put on love, which is the bond of perfectness. And let the peace of Christ "τὸ rule in your hearts, to the which also ye are called in one body, and be ye thankful. Let the word of Christ dwell in you richly in all wisdom, teaching and admonishing one another in psalms and hymns and spiritual songs, singing with grace in your hearts to God.*’ And whatsoever ye do in word or deed, do all in the name of the Lord Jesus, giving thanks to God even the Father by him. “Wives, submit yourselves unto your *? husbands, as it is fit in the Lord. Husbands, love your wives, and be not bitter against them. Children, obey your parents in all things, for this is well pleasing ἐν ἡ the Lord. Fathers, provoke not your children, lest they be discouraged. Servants, obey in all things your masters according to the flesh, not with eye-service, as men- pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fearing the Lord.** Whatsoever** ye do, do it heartily, as to the Lord, and not unto men, knowing that of the Lord ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance, for ye serve the Lord Christ. But he that doeth wrong shall receive the wrong which he hath done, and there 5τὸ φρονεῖτε. In Eng. ver. “set your affections 79 All the critics adopt Χριστοῦ in the place on.” of Θεοῦ. 7 « Τρ not, like the Gnosties, mortify the 380. All the critics read Θεῷ instead of Κυρίῳ. body, but mortify the lusts of the mind, *t All the critics reject the word ἰδίοις, ‘own.’ “8 According to all the critics, the word should *2 The ancient MSS. have ἐν Κυρίῳ. be in the singular, οἰκτιρμοῦ, and notin the plural 8 All the critics have Κύριον instead of Θεόν. οἰκτιρμῶν. 24 καὶ πᾶν ὅ τι ἐὰν : the critics read ὁ ἐὰν simply. 272 [a.p. 62] EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. [Cuar. VI. Ou. IV. 2 9 On “I 11 is no respect of persons. Masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal; knowing that ye also have a Master in heaven. Continue in prayer, watching in ἐξ with thanksgiving, withal praying also for us, that God may open unto us a door of utterance to speak the mystery of Christ, for which? I am also in bonds, that I may make it manifest, as I ought to speak. Walk in wisdom toward them that are without, redeeming the time. Let your speech be alway with grace, seasoned with salt, that ye may know how ye ought to answer every man. “ All my state shall Tychicus ** make known unto you, the beloved brother, and faithful minister and fellow-servant in the Lord, whom I have sent unto you for this very purpose, that he may know your estate, and comfort your hearts, with Onesimus,” the faithful and beloved brother, who is one of you. They will make known unto you all things which are done here. Aristarchus *** 259. saluteth you, and Mark, the cousin of Barnabas *°° (touching whom ye received commandments—if he come unto you, receive him),**' and Jesus, that is called Justus,*** who are of the circumcision, These my fellow-prisoner 8° The admission of the Gentiles, a doctrine that so provoked the Jews that they never ceased to persecute the Apostle of the Gentiles, and were the cause of his present imprisonment. *° Tychicus (accompanied by Onesimus) was the bearer of the Epistle. 27 This is, no doubt, the Onesimus the run- away slave of Philemon; and how kindly does the Apostle here commend him to the favourable notice of the Colossians by calling him a “ faith- ful and beloved brother,” and by mentioning that he was “one of them,” i.e. their fellow- countryman ! °° Here begin the salutations, viz. from Ari- starchus, Mark, and Jesus (called Justus), who are distinguished as “of the circumcision,” 1.6. Jews; and then from Epaphras, Luke, and Demas, who were consequently Gentiles. *° Ayistarchus had voluntarily shared the Apostle’s captivity, and was now in attendance upon him, and possibly in the same lodging; or perhaps Avistarchus had been actually incarce- rated with Paul in one of the numerous im- prisonments referred to at 2 Cor. xi. 28; or perhaps Paul means only that Aristarchus was his fellow-iabourer in the Gospel. See note post, on Philem. ver. 23. “0 The Greek word ἀνεψιός signifies, not “sister’s son,” or even “nephew,” but the “cousin” of Barnabas. Mark was the son of Mary (Acts xii. 12), and Mary was probably the sister of Barnabas’s father or mother, As Paul here speaks of Mark as his fellow-labourer at Rome, it is manifest that at this time Mark, though generally considered the companion of Peter, was attendant upon Paul. He was after- wards again with Peter in Babylon (1 Pet. y. 18); but on the death of Peter, was again with Paul. 2 Tim, iy. 11. *! Why should the Apostle say thus emphati- cally that they should receive him? It will be recollected that Mark, on Paul’s first circuit, had deserted him in Pamphylia (Acts xiii. 13); and as Pamphylia bordered on Phrygia, it has been surmised that this dereliction of duty on the part of Mark produced an unfavourable impression at Colosse and the other Phrygian churches. Paul, therefore, who had since frankly forgiven Mark, now writes to the Colossians to accord him a kind reception. * Tt is not known who this Jesus (called Justus) was, unless it was the Justus who had a house next the Synagogue at Corinth, and was a Jewish proselyte. Acts xvili.7. It is worthy of note that Justus joins in the salutations of this Epistle, but not in the salutations of the Epistle to Philemon, which was despatched at the same time. The other salutations are the same in both Epistles. We should infer, from this dis- tinction, that Justus was not known to Philemon personally, Cuar. VI] 273 EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. 12 13 only are my fellow-workers unto the kingdom of God, which have been a comfort unto me.”’* Epaphras, who is one of you, a servant of Christ, salut- eth you, always wrestling ** feryently for you in prayers, that ye may stand perfect and complete in all the will of God, for I bear him record, that he hath much labour **? for you, and them that are in Laodicea, and them in 14 Hierapolis.“° Luke, the beloved physician,’ and Demas,”** salute you.*"" 15 Salute the brethren which are in Laodicea,*"” and Nymphas,*”' and the church 16 17 18 which is in his house, and when this epistle is read among you, cause that it be read also in the church of the Laodiceans, and that ye likewise read the Epistle from Laodicea.** And say to Archippus,*’? Take heed to the ministry which thou hast received in the Lord, that thou fulfil it. The salu- tation “’* by the hand of me, Paul. (Remember my bonds.*”) Gnracr Be witH you. AMEN.” 385. That is, ‘These three (Aristarchus, Mark, and Justus) are the only Jews who haye assisted me in preaching the true Gospel. The rest of my countrymen are Judaizers, and preach the Gospel for envy and strife only.’ See Philipp. i. 15. 4 ἀγωνιζόμενος. In Eng. ver. “ labouring. 29 Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, all agree that the true reading is πολὺν πόνον, and not ζῆλον πολύν. 395 Tt may be reasonably inferred from this passage that Epaphras had been the Christian missionary who had first sown the seeds of the Gospel in these three cities. *7 Paul suffered much from bodily weakness, and Luke, who was of Antioch, was perhaps his medical attendant there; and being a convert, accompanied Paul not unfrequently on his cir- cuit, as was certainly the case on Paul’s second circuit. See Vol. I. p. 197. ᾿ 595. Demas was afterwards a renegade—or at least deserted the Apostle (2 Tim. iv. 10)—and it has been acutely remarked by Alford, that as Demas is the only person here named without some favourable notice, it is not unlikely that the Apostle had already entertained some sus- picion of his sincerity. 399 Observe that Philemon, though a Colos- sian, is not greeted here. Why? Because Paul at the same time writes a letter to Philemon himself. 8° The Epistle to the Ephesians (addressed really to the Laodiceans, with others) and the Epistle to the Colossians were twin Epistles, sent at the same time and by the same messenger; but the Ephesians—i.e. the Epistle to the Laodi- VOL. I. ” ceans, With others—being encyclical and purely doctrinal, contains no personal allusions or salu- tations such as are contained in the Epistle to the Colossians. Even the salutation of the Lao- diceans themseives is sent in the Epistle to the Colossians. “! Nymphas (the contraction of Nymphodorus) was the spiritual pastor or bishop of the rising church at Laodicea, and the disciples were wont to assemble at his house for public worship. 82 The Epistle to the Laodiceans called the Ephesians was therefore now in existence, and consequently was written before the Epistle to the Colossians. *8 From the Epistle to Philemon being ad- dressed to Philemon and Apphia (his wife), and Archippus, and the church in the house of Phile- mon, we may infer, as the letter was a private one on the subject of domestic matters, that Archippus was the near relative, and probably a son, of Philemon; and as Archippus is warned to “take heed to the ministry which he had re- ceived,” we may further conclude that he was the pastor of the little flock which met at Phile- mon’s house, and that he had not long before been ordained to the ministry. st By the “salutation” is meant the benedic- tion which closed every Epistle, and which was always written by the Apostle’s own hand. The Apostle’s impaired eyesight obliged him to em- ploy an amanuensis for the body of every Epistle. “® The Apostle mentions this by way of apology for the brief salutation that follows. The Apostle’s right hand being chained to a soldier’s left, he could not use the pen without inconvenience, 2N 274 EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. [Cuap. VI, [A.p. 62] These two Epistles were to be conveyed by Tychicus, who, as a native of Asia, was familiarly acquainted with the district to which he was dispatched. Onesimus, the Colossian slave, was his companion. Paul had found his services so useful, that he would gladly have retained him at Rome; but Onesimus was still the property of his master, and Paul could not, consistently with justice, continue to employ him in the ministry without Philemon’s consent. That the wealthy Colossian might exercise a free choice in the matter, Onesimus was once more to be placed at his absolute disposal. However, the warmest feelings of the Apostle were awakened in behalf of his attached follower, and he sent with him a letter to Philemon, one of the most touching compositions ever penned. The Apostle begins with the greeting from him- self, a prisoner, and Timothy, our brother, not to Philemon only, but, to enlist them in his fayour, to Apphia, the wife, and Archippus, the son of Philemon, and to all the household. He then commends the general benevolence of Philemon, for which he was distinguished in the church, and glancing at his own apostolical authority, by virtue of which he might lay a command, he yet appeals rather to Philemon’s love, and moves his kindly feelings by portraying himself as now aged and in bonds. He calls Onesimus his son, nay, ‘‘ his own bowels,” and asks the favour as for himself. It could scarcely be thought that Philemon should require pecuniary compensation for any loss which he had sustained ; but to meet even that case, Paul signs a promissory note for the amount whatever it might be—‘ If he hath wronged thee, or oweth thee ought, put that on mine account; J, Paul, have written it with mine own hand: I will repay it.” Hitherto he had asked for Onesimus’s pardon, but he gently insinuates what he would not directly ask, that Philemon should give him his freedom—* I know that thou wilt also do more than I say.” In conclusion, the Apostle adds weight to his request by salutations from the brethren in Rome, with whom Philemon was acquainted, as Epaphras, Philemon’s own countryman, and Mark, who was shortly to visit Colosse, and Luke, the beloved physician, and Aristarchus and Demas. We subjoin the Epistle itself, and the reader can scarcely fail to appreciate the warmth of heart and affectionate earnestness, the delicacy of mind and gentile- manly feeling, and withal the dignity, not to say the sublimity, that pervades the whole. (The ttulics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version. ] 1 “PauL, A PRISONER OF Jesus CHRist, AND TIMOTHY, OUR BROTHER, UNTO 2 Puimenon,*”’ OUR BELOVED AND FELLOW-LABOURER,*” AND TO ἌΡΡΗΙΑ, 55 oUR BE- and so adds but a few words. Alligati sunt “7 Philemon, therefore, had taken an active etiam qui alligaverunt, nisi tu forte leviorem in sinistrad catenam putes. Seneca de Tranquil. 6. 10. 8 Philemon was a wealthy Colossian, at whose house the church met for divine service. Philem. 2. part in propagating the Gospel, and perhaps, as well as his son Archippus, was in the ministry. “8 Tt is not anywhere stated, but it is strongly implied, that Apphia was the wife of Philemon. A private letter of this kind could not have been addressed to anyone not of the same household. Cuap. VI.] EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. [A.p. 62] 275 12 15 LOVED, AND ARcHippus,°?’? 0UR FELLOW-SOLDIER, AND TO THE CHURCH IN THY HOUSE,2!° GRACE TO YOU, AND PEACE, FRoM Gop our FarHer anp THE Lorp Jusus Curist. “T thank my God, making mention of thee always in my prayers, hearing” of thy love and the faith, which thou hast toward the Lord Jesus and to- ward all saints, that the communion* of thy faith may become effectual in the knouledge* of every good thing that is in τι8 “5 in Christ Jesus; for we haye great joy and consolation in thy love, because the bowels of the saints are refreshed by thee, brother. Wherefore, though I might have much boldness in Christ to enjoin thee that which is becoming, yet, for love’s sake, I rather beseech thee, being such a one as Paul the aged,” and now also a prisoner of Jesus Christ. I beseech thee for my son Onesimus, whom I have begotten in my bonds, who in time past was to thee unprofitable, but now profitable to thee and to me,°'® whom I have sent back; but do thou receive him—that is mine own bowels—whom I would have retained with me, that in thy stead he might have ministered unto me in the bonds of the Gospel; but without thy mind would I do nothing, that thy goodness “ἢ but willingly. For perhaps he therefore departed ** for a season, that thou shouldest receive him for ever—not now as a servant, but above a servant, a should not be, as it were, of necessity, brother beloved, specially to me, but how much more unto thee, both in the 9° Archippus was probably the son of Phile- mon. 30 Jn the infancy of Christianity, before churches were built, the disciples met at pri- vate houses. Thus, at Corinth Paul preached in the house of Justus. Acts xviii. 7. At Lao- dicea the disciples met at the house of Nymphas. Coloss. iv. 15, &e. “ἢ ἀκούων. In Ephes. i. 15 and Coloss. i. 4 the tense is different, viz. ἀκούσας. The inference is that the report about the Colossians and Laodi- ceans, &c., had reached Paul long before the report about Philemon. 82) κοινωνία. In Eng. ver. “ communication.” The common faith of Paul and Philemon was a bond of union between them, and the Apostle alludes to it, v. 17, “if thou count me therefore a partner [κοινωνὸν], &e. 38 ἐπιγνώσει. In Eng. ver. “ acknowledging.” See ante, p. 269, note **. 844 Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, and Tisch- endorf, all read ἡμῖν instead of ὑμῖν. 319 πρεσβύτης. A man, according to Philo, was said to be πρεσβύτης from the age of forty- nine to fifty-six; and if so, Paul at this time was, say, fifty-three, but, according to another calculation, sixty. See Vol. I. p.4. This assumes the true reading to be πρεσβύτης ; but as Paul: dictated the Epistle (with the exception of the 19th verse and the concluding benediction), it is probable that the amanuensis wrote πρεσβύτης, ‘aged,’ instead of πρεσβευτὴς, ‘ambassador, the word actually uttered. This conjecture receives a strong confirmation from a parallel expression in the Epistle to the Ephesians. It must be kept in mind that the two Epistles to the Ephe- sians and Philemon were written at the same time and despatched by the same messenger, so that the same thoughts would pervade both, as is obviously the case. Now, in the Ephesians we read ὑπὲρ οὗ πρεσβεύω ἐν ἁλύσει, Vi. 20—“ for which [the Gospel of Jesus Christ) I am an am- bassador in bonds *—the very counterpart of the passage in Philemon, ver. 9. πρεσβεύτης, νυνὶ δὲ καὶ δέσμιος Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ---““ the ambas- sador and now the prisoner of Jesus Christ.” “6 *Onesimus’ in Greek signifies ‘ Profitable,’ and there is evidently here a play upon the word. am In Eng. ver. ‘ benefit.’ The flight of the slave is here softened into a departure. ἀγαθόν. 818 2N 2 EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. 276 [A.p. 62] (Cuap. VI. 17 flesh, and in the Lord? If thou count me, therefore, a partner, receive him 18 as myself. But if he hath wronged thee, or oweth thee ought, put that to 19 mine account—I, Pavn, HAVE WRITTEN IT WITH MINE OWN HAND, 1 wm REPAY τῦ *!’—albeit, Ido not say to thee how thou owest unto me even thine Yea, brother, let me have joy of thee in the Lord: 339 21 refresh my bowels in the Lord. 20 own self besides. Having confidence in thy obedience, I have 22 written unto thee, knowing that thou wilt do even more than I say. And withal prepare®* me also a lodging, for I trust through your prayers I shall 23 be given unto you.’ There salute thee Epaphras, my fellow-prisoner®* in Christ Jesus, Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, Luke, my fellow-labourers. GRACE OF OUR Lorp Jesus Curist BE WITH youR ΒΡΠῚΤ. 55: THE Tychicus and Onesimus now departed from Rome, and entered upon their journey to Colosse. We would fain know the result of their mission; but in the absence of all direct testimony, we can only surmise that Philemon not only pardoned his slave, but even set him at liberty, and that Onesimus returned with Tychicus to Rome, and restored his services to the Apostle, who had found him so useful, At the date of Ignatius’s Epistle to the Ephesians in a.p. 107, and therefore forty-five years after the events which we are recording, the name of the Bishop of Ephesus was Onesimus, and if the flight of the slave from his master was, as is likely, the unpremeditated act of a stripling in dread of punishment for some youthful and thoughtless indiscre- tion, Onesimus may have lived long enough to preside over the Ephesian com- munity. At the commencement of a.p.63 Paul had been a year and nine months a prisoner ἜΣ The Apostle here writes what in plain English we should eall a ‘ Promissory note.’ The rest of the Epistle, except the final benediction, was written by an amanuensis; but the engage- ment to pay, the Apostle writes with his own hand, to make himself legally liable. *° The Greek is ὀναίμην, which some suppose to be an allusion to the name of ’Ovjoipos. **! As the Apostle was still a prisoner, he ap- pears to mean only, ‘ Prepare for the reception of myself also. I have sent Onesimus back to you, but I expect to follow myself, and will abide at Colossee.’ * Paul was at this time a prisoner, as ap- pears from the opening words, but be was in hopes of soon regaining his liberty: and in doing so, it was evidently his intention to visit Colossee and the churches in the vicinity at Lao- dicea and Hierapolis, which he had never yet personally visited. 58. So called, either as voluntarily sharing he Apostle’s captivity by attending upon him, or because Epaphras had shared in one of the Apostle’s former imprisonments—éy φυλακαῖς mepiocorepws—reterred to, 2 Cor. xi, 23. Or the word συναιχμάλωτος may be interpreted ‘ fellow- soldier’ only, as appears to be the case in Rom. xvi. 7, where it is applied to Andronicus and Junias. The latter view is favoured by the fol- lowing circumstance. The Epistles to the Colos- sians and Philemon were certainly penned at the same time, and it will be found, by comparing the two, that the words ‘fellow-prisoner’ and ‘fellow-servant’ are interchanged as equivalent expressions. Thus Epaphras, in Coloss. iv. 12, is called δοῦλος Χριστοῦ, but in Philem. ver. 23, he is called ὁ συναιχμάλωτός μου ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, and inversely Aristarchus, in Coldss. iv. 10, is called ὁ συναιχμάλωτός pov, and in Philemon, ver. 24, ὁ συνεργός pov. ** The closing benediction was, as usual, in the Apostle’s own hand, to authenticate the Hpistle. See Vol. I. p. 284. All the critics omit the word ‘ Amen,’ which appears in the Eng. ver. Cuap. VI.] DELAYS AT ROME. [a.p. 63] 21 at Rome, and since his first apprehension in the Temple at Jerusalem nearly five years had elapsed. A thraldom, however, of five years was little likely to abate his constancy in the Christian cause. He had calculated the cost, and was ready to sacrifice personal comfort, and life itself, for the crown in expectancy. Indeed, he regarded death as the consummation of all his labours, and were it not a desertion of his post, he would gladly haye withdrawn from a persecuting world. But why, it may be asked, had not his appeal at Rome been heard? Possibly the official record of the proceedings forwarded by Festus had been lost in the wreck, and it was necessary to wait for a further communication. Or it may be that Paul’s accusers had not arrived, though, after a certain time, if the prosecutor did not appear, the prisoner, by a law of Claudius, would be discharged.** Or the delay may have arisen from the great stress of business. Or the accusers might have reached Rome, but have applied for an adjournment on the plea of requiring witnesses to be summoned from distant parts, as from Syria and Proconsular Asia.**° Paul had arrived in Rome so early as at the beginning of a.p. 61, but this haste was owing to the winter voyage, which led to the wreck, and he had thereby outstripped his ac- cusers, who would not set sail from Judea till the spring of a.p. 61, and would thus arrive some months after the Apostle. But further, as the charge against Paul was a groundless one, the tact of the Jews was to interpose every obstacle in the way of the hearing. It answered their purpose to keep him in hold, and this they had sueceeded in doing during two whole years, under the rule of Felix. They had attempted to extort the life of Paul from Festus, and the consequence of this was that Paul had appealed to Rome, and if the Jews could not succeed in carrying a condemnation before the Procurator, how could they hope to do so before the Emperor? The Jews, therefore, would take advantage of all the delays that the law allowed. In the first place, they would require the official record of the proceedings in Judea to be made up in a formal manner, and when these documents were completed, other grounds for procrastination might be seized upon. Applications for postponement were frequently presented to the judge or his deputy, that the accuser might have an opportunity of collecting his witnesses ; and as the charge was that Paul had excited commotions throughout the world,** here was ample scope for protracting the trial under pretence of obtaining foreign testimony. Paul himself also had suggested, at the hearing before Felix, that the Jews of Asia, who had created the tumult in the Temple, ought to have been sum- moned.*** Ina case mentioned by Tacitus, in the time of Nero, a year was allowed 35 ὁ δ᾽ οὖν Κλαύδιος ταῦτά τε οὕτως ἔπραττε, καὶ *° Thus, Silvanum magna vis accusatorum ἐπειδὴ πλῆθός τε δικῶν ἀμύθητον ἣν καὶ οὐκ ἀπην- circumsteterat poscebatque tempus evocando- τῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐταῖς ἔτι, προσδοκῶντες ἐλαττωθήσεσθαι, rum testium. Reus illico defendi postulalat. προεῖπε διὰ προγράμματος ὅτι καὶ κατὰ ἀπόντων Tac. Ann. ΧΙ]. 52. αὐτῶν ἐντὸς ῥητῆς τινος ἡμέρας δικάσει, καὶ ἐνεπέ- “7 κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην. Acts xxiv. 5. δωσε τοῦτο. Dion, Ix. 28. 3 Acts xxiv. 19. 278 [A.D. 63] EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [Cuar. VI. for obtaining evidence,’ and a longer space might be asked for when the matter in issue lay principally indeed in Judea, but extended itself partially over the whole empire. When all the pleadings and proofs were ready, it does not follow that the matter would even then receive immediate adjudication, for the day of trial would still depend on the arrears of prior date and the arbitrary will of the Emperor. There was a rota of causes, and, unless specially appointed, they were to be heard in order. Numerous holidays intervened, in which the sittings were suspended, and a long vacation occurred during the winter months, when judges and counsel would be recruiting themselves at Baie.” In point of form, all appeals from the provinces were made to the Emperor himself; but as it was absolutely impossible for one man, however energetic, to adju- dicate upon such a multitude of cases, the practice was to appoint annually persons of consular dignity (amongst whom the provinces were distributed) to sit as the Emperor’s deputies.**' Judea, though governed by an Imperial Procurator, was an appendage to the Prefecture of Syria, and if the causes from Judea were classed with those of Syria, and heard at the same tribunal, it would readily account for a considerable lapse of time before any particular appeal could be brought to a hearing. The Jewish priests, the friends of Josephus, had arrived in Rome some time before Paul, and yet were not liberated until a year after his release, so that the interval in Paul’s case, instead of exceeding the ordinary limit, appears to have been unusually short. Nothing could be more vexatious to the prisoner himself than such a state of suspense, and many an anxious conference may have been held at Paul’s humble lodging between himself and Timothy and Luke, and his other friends, as to the best mode of expediting the tedious delays of the law. At length, however, at the beginning of .p. 63, the light began to dawn, and evidently at no distant day his fate was to be determined. Τὸ was about this time that he wrote the Epistle to the Philippians. ditus had brought the Philippian collection, and had since been assiduous in waiting In the course of discharging this Epaphro- upon the Apostle and administering to his wants. grateful duty, he was attacked by a dangerous illness. He had arrived at Rome in the autumnal and unhealthy season of the year, and had caught a feyer from the *° Mox quia inquisitionem annuwm impetra- verunt, brevius visum suburbana crimina incipi, quorum obyii testes essent. Tac. Ann. xiii. 43. 380. Concessit (Octavianus) ut singulis decuriis per vices annua vacatio esset, et ut solite agi Novembri ac Decembri mense res omitterentur. Suet. Octav. 82. Rerum actum divisum antea in hibernos estivosque menses conjunxit, Suet. Claud. 23. Concessum a Claudio beneficium ne hieme initioque anni ad judicandum evocarentur eripuit. Suet. Galb. 14. Sl A ppellationes quotannis urbanorum quidem litigatorum preefecto delegabat urbis, at provin- cialium consularibus viris quos singulos cujusque provincie negotiis preposuisset. Suet. Octav. 33. τὰ μὲν ἄλλα αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν συνέδρων καὶ διεσκέψατο καὶ ἐδίκαζεν, τὰς δὲ πρεσβείας τὰς τε παρὰ τῶν δήμων καὶ τῶν βασιλέων ἀφικνουμένας τρισὶ τῶν ὑπατευκότων ἐπέτρεψεν. Dion, ly. 27. Cuar. 1.1 EPISTLE VO THE PHILIPPIANS. [a.p. 63] 279 malaria of a pestilential neighbourhood. He was well when he started from Philippi, and probably when he reached Rome, for the Philippians had heard only of his sickness,*”? and we may infer from the Epistle to the Colossians that his usual health had not then failed him, for his salutation is sent to the Colossian church without any allusion to his indisposition. He had now recovered, but with a weakened con- stitution his susceptibilities were keenly alive, and he was labouring under a nervous anxiety lest the Philippians, receiving an exaggerated rumour of his sickness, might suppose that the contribution which they had confided to his care had miscarried. Actuated by a high sense of duty, Epaphroditus himself was desirous of remaining at his post in the Roman capital, but the warm-hearted Paul, ever disregarding personal convenience and consulting only for the welfare of his friends, saw the benefit which Epaphroditus would derive from travel, and to relieve his mind pressed upon him a journey to Philippi, and made him the bearer of a dispatch to that Church. This we may collect from the letter itself. “1 have deemed it necessary,” he writes, “to send to you Epaphroditus, my brother, and companion in labour, and fellow-soldier, but your messenger, and minister to my wants; for he longed after you all, and was full of heaviness because ye had heard that he was sick.”** It is not unlikely, though the Apostle had no occasion to mention it in his letter, that Epaphroditus, after a convenient sojourn at Philippi, was to extend his journey to his native city Colossee—at least there is no mention of his immediate return to Rome,‘ nor, on the other hand, is there any indication that he was ἐδ continue at Philippi—they are exhorted only to give him a welcome and pay him all due re- spect. ‘Receive him therefore in the Lord with all gladness, and hold such in ΠΌΠΟΙ. °° The Epistle which Paul wrote on the occasion was to this effect. After a salutation from himself and Timothy, and some congratulatory matter, he (i. 12) informs his converts of the great success of the Gospel at Rome, consequent upon his bonds. He then (i. 19) refers to his approaching trial, and tells them that as soon as the result was known he would instantly dispatch Timothy to Philippi, both to communicate the joyful intelligence, and (as Paul did not propose to visit them immediately) to bring back word also what was the state of their church; and he entreats them in the meantime to walk worthily of the Gospel, and more particularly to avoid disputations amongst themselves. He then (iii. 1) warns them against the insidious attempts of the Judaizers, and (ivy. 10) makes a graceful acknowledgment of their bounty, and concludes (iv. 21) with certain salutations and his benediction. Such is the general purport of the letter, but the parts are so blended together in the Apostle’s peculiar style, that they are not easily to be disentangled. The Epistle 8 Philipp. 11 26. the same letter his intention of sending Timothy 888 Philipp. ii. 25, 26 to Philippi to bring back word of their welfare. 34 Had Epaphroditus intended to return to Philipp. ii. 19. Rome, Paul would scarcely have announced by 885 Philipp. ii. 29. 280 [a.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [Cuap. VI. is woven from beginning to end without seam, and must be read as a whole. It was as follows :— 338 [The ‘tulics indicate the variations from tl thus [ Cu. 1. IN CHRIST 2 DEACONS,*? GRACE BE UNTO YOU, From THE Lorp JEsuS CHRIST. “T thank my God upon eve JESUS WHICH ARE 3,4 5 prayer of mine for you all**° making 6 in the Gospel from the first day 16 Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, ], are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek. ] “ Paun 337 snp ΤΊΜΟΤΗΥ, SERVANTS OF JESUS CHRIST, TO ALL THE SAINTS av PHILIPPI, WITH THE BISHOPS **> AND AND PEACE, From Gop οὔκ FaruHer, AND ry remembrance of you, always in every prayer with joy, for your fellowship *” “? until now: being confident of this very thing, that he which hath begun a good work in you will perform it until the 7 day of Jesus Christ; even as it is just for me to think this of you all, because I have you in my heart, both in my bonds and in the defence and confirmation 835 This epistle was written during Paul’s cap- tivity, ἔν τε τοῖς δεσμοῖς pov, Philipp. i.7; and at Rome, ἀσπάζονται ὑμᾶς... οἱ ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος ὀικίας, iv. 22. And Paul had been long enough a prisoner to have produced great effects both in the Pretorium and elsewhere, i. 13. And the long captivity of the Apostle before the date of the letter appears also from this——The Philip- pians had heard of his imprisonment at Rome, and had sent him pecuniary relief by the hands of Epaphroditus, i. 7; iv. 18; and Epaphro- ditus had fallen ill at Rome, ii. 27, and the Philippians had heard of it, and the report to that effect had gone back from Philippi to Rome, ii. 26. In short the epistle was written when Paul was in such confident expectation of his release, that he was making arrangements for his departure, and he tells us that his intentions were immediately on being released to send off Timothy to Philippi to learn their state, and bring back word to Paul in the West, and then both were to sail together to the East, and after some little interval Paul hoped to visit Philippi in person, ii. 19-23. (See Fasti Sacri, p. 330, No. 1939.) ὅθ: Paul for some reason omits to style himself an Apostle, as he does also in the two Epistles to the Thessalonians. The title of Apostle was omitted in the Epistles to the Thessalonians, as these were written before the compact at Jerusa- lem, when Paul and Barnabas were publicly re- cognised as the Apostles to the Gentiles (see Vol. I. p. 805); and the title of Apostle may baye been omitted in the Epistle to the Philippians, as he writes to them not authoritatively to cor- rect abuses, but inter familiares. The omission, therefore, is complimentary to that amiable church. *8 By bishops are meant the presbyters, for ἐπίσκοπος and πρεσβύτερος are convertible terms. Thus Paul at Miletus calls thither the ‘ presby- ters’ of Ephesus, Acts xx. 17,and then addresses them as ‘ bishops,’ Acts xx. 28. So Paul directs Titus to ordain ‘ presbyters’ in every city, Tit. i. 5, and then points out the qualifications for a “bishop, ib. 1. 7. See the subject more at large in J. B. Lightfoot’s Philippians, p. 93. 389. Deacons, therefore, were a recognised order of the clergy, not in Jerusalem only, but in all the churches. 8 Tt has been well remarked by J. B. Light- foot, on this passage, that throughout the Epistle there is a studied repetition of the word ‘all i. 2,7, 8, 25; ii. 17; iv. 21, as if the Apostle were referring to the unhappy divisions at Philippi, iv. 2, and as if he would say, ‘I make no differ- ence between man and man, or between party and party, but my heart is open to all.’ Ἢ The Greek word is κοινωνία, and the Apostle had in his mind the contribution of the Philip- pians to his necessities. * For it will be recollected that the Apostle when he preached at Philippi for the first time was constrained to become the guest of Lydia, and had afterwards once and again received as- sistance from them at Thessalonica, and again at Corinth. Cuap. V1.) _ EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [a.p. 63] 281 8 of the Gospel,** inasmuch as ve all are joint contributors to my bounty.* For God is my record, how greatly I long after you all in the bowels **° of Christ 9 Jesus. And this I pray, that your love may abound yet more and more in knowledge and in all judgment, so that ye may approve things that are excellent, that ye may be sincere and without offence against the day of 11 Christ,**° being filled with the fruits of righteousness, which are by Jesus Christ, unto the glory and praise of God. 2 “But I would ye should know, brethren, that the things which happened unto me have come to pass rather unto the furtherance of the Gospel, so that my bonds in Christ are manifest in all the Pretorium, and to all others ;** 383 ey τῇ ἀπολογίᾳ καὶ βεβαίωσει τοῦ Εὐαγγελίου. Some think that in this passage and that below, i. 16, the Apostle is referring to his defence before the Roman tribunal, and that he had already pleaded in public (see i. 13) before his judges, and was now awaiting the verdict, and that so soon as it was given (which he was persuaded would be favourable, i. 25), he would himself make a journey to Philippi, ii. 24. But this view seems to press the expression too far, and it is more likely that Paul is referring to his defence of the cause of the Gospel generally by the whole of his ministry. The fact that he was now ex- pecting a speedy release may be very well ac- counted fur by assuming that, after a long delay, his cause was now ripe for hearing, and that either his accusers would not appear, or would fail to substantiate their charge. See Acts xxiv. 13. Paul was a Roman citizen, and at Rome, if anywhere, his rights as such would be respected —nay, the accusation, if a frivolous one, might involve the prosecutors in loss of life, or at least of goods. The laws of Rome may have been those of Venice. = It is enacted by the laws of Venice, If it be proved against an alien That by direct or indirect attempts He seeks the life of any citizen, The pariy ’gainst the which he doth contrive Shall seize the one half his goods; the other half Comes to the privy coffer of the state; And the offender's life lies in the merey Of the Duke only "gainst all other voice. ‘Merchant of Venice,’ act iv. scene 1. 3 συγκοινωνούς μου τῆς χάριτος πάντας ὑμᾶς ὄντας. In Eng. ver.: “ Ye are all partakers of my grace.” The Apostle here alludes to the great liberality towards him of the Philippian 318 τοῖς λοιποῖς maow: In Eng. ver. “in all other places,” as if it were governed by the ἐν VOL, Il. church, to which he recurs again more parti- cularly in the fourth chapter. “8 «The σπλάγχνα," observes J. B. Lightfoot (in loe.), “are properly the nobler viscera—the heart, lungs, liver, &e.—as distinguished from the ἔντερα, the lower viscera, the intestines— σὺν ἐντέροις τε σπλάγχνα. ΖΈΞΟΌΣ]. Agam. 1221. The σπλάγχνα alone seem to have been regarded by the Greeks as the seat of the affections, as anger, love, pity, or jealousy.” 36 εἰς ἡμέραν Χριστοῦ. In Eng. ver. “ until” the day of Christ. “7 ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ Πραιτωρίῳ. the Palace ” The word Pretorium has been variously in- terpreted. 1. It has been rendered, as in the Authorized Version, ‘ the Palace,’ 1.6. the Palace of the Cesars on Mount Palatine, in the heart of the city. It countenances this view that the Apostle sends a salutation from the household of Cesar especially —paduaora δὲ ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος οἰκίας, iv. 22. Why from them especially unless it were that the Apostle was living amongst them, and had greater intercourse with them than with any others ? The objection urged against this is, that the Palace of the Cesars is never designated by the name of Pretorium in classical writers. But the question is, not what a cJassical writer, but what a captive Jew, writing from Rome, would mean by the term Preetorium; for Paul would naturally carry with him the phraseology of his native country. Mark tells us that the Palace at Jerusalem was called the Preetorium—eoo τῆς The Palace of In Eng. ver. “ In all αὐλῆς, 6 ἐστι Πραιτώριον, xy. 16. before τῷ Πραιτωρίῳ, whereas it is rather go- verned by the word φανερούς. 20 [a.D. 63] EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [Cuap. VI. 14 15 are much more bold to speak the word without fear. and very many of the brethren in the Lord, waxing confident by my bonds, Some, indeed, preach 16 Christ even of envy and strife, and some also of good will; the one preach 17 Christ of love, knowing that I am set for the defence of the Gospel, but Herod at Cxsarea, in which Paul was confined for two years, was also known as the Preetorium —ey τῷ Πραιτωρίῳ τοῦ Ἡρώδου, Acts xxiii. 90. When, therefore, Paul was transferred from the Palace at Czesarea to the Palace of the Czesars at Rome, he might well apply to it the like name of Preetorium. “In the provinces,” writes Meri- vale, “the mperor was known, not as Princeps, but as Imperator. In Judea (governed more immediately by him through the Imperial Pro- curators) he would be more exclusively regarded as a military chief. The soldier to whom the Apostle was attached with a chain would speak of him as his General. When Paul asked the centurion in charge of him, ‘ Where shall I be confined at Rome? the answer would be, ‘ In the Preetorium,’ or the quarters of the General. When led, as perhaps he was, before the Em- peror’s tribunal, if he asked the attending guard, “Where am I 9 again they would reply, ‘ In the Praetorium.’ The Emperor was protected in his Palace by a body-guard lodged in the courts and standing sentry at the gates, and ac- cordingly they received the name of Praetorians.” Rom. Hist. vi. p. 268 (1858). 2. Another hypothesis is, that the Apostle thus designates, not the Palace generally, but the barrack of the Preetorian cohort on duty in the Palace. The Pratorians were a numerous body, consisting of nine cohorts of 1000 men each (Vac. Ann. iv. 5), but afterwards increased to ten cohorts (Dion, lv. 24); and one of them was always in attendance at the Palace, the cohorts relieving each other at stated intervals. Tac. Hist. i. 29. The barrack of the cohort in at- tendance was quartered within the walls of the Palace, and is said to have been called in Greek Στρατήγιον, the Latin for which would be Pree- torium. ev TO Παλατίῳ ὁ Καῖσαρ ᾧκει καὶ ἐκεῖ τὸ Στρατήγιον εἶχε. Dion, ἢ. 16. See W ieseler, Chron. p. 408, note 3. J. B. Lightfoot, however, suggests with reason that the sense is hardly local, and that the passage means only where “the Emperor was surrounted by his body-guard, and kept state as a military commander.” J. B. Lightfoot on Philippians, p. 99. Besides the assumption καλεῖται δὲ τὰ βασίλεια Παλάτιον... of the barrack being meant cannot well be re- conciled with the accompanying words, “the whole of the Pretorium”—ev ὅλῳ τῷ Πραιτωρίῳ. The Apostle would searcely have expressed him- self in such large terms in speaking of so limited a force as the barrack of a single cohort. 8. Another opinion is that by the Preetorinm is meant the general camp of the Preetorian guard. Originally the Pretorians were dis- persed about the city and its suburbs in different quarters, but in the reign of Tiberius they were all drawn together into one permanent camp just without the walls of the city, on the right, as you went out, of the Via Nomentana. But no reason can be assigned why Paul should have designated this camp by a name by which it was never known amongst either Greeks or Romans or Jews. It was always called the Castra Pre- toria (Plin. N. H. iii. 9), or Castra Preetoriana, or Castra Preetorianorum, or Castra Preetorii, but never Preetorium simply. 4. It is contended by others that the Pree- torium of the Apostle is not to be taken in a local sense at all, but as designating the whole body of the Pretorian troops, commonly called by their corporate name, the Praetorium. Thus, exauctorati per eos dies tribuni, e Pretorio An- tonius Taurus et Antonius Naso; ex wrbanis cohortibus Aimilius Pacensis; e vigiliis Julius Fronto, Tac. Hist. i. 20. Nuper cujusdam mili- tantis in Pretorio mater vidit in quiete . . . in Lacetania ves gerebatur Hispanie proxima parte. Plin. N. H. xxv. 6. Antium coloniam (Nero) deduxit, ascriptis veteranis ὁ Preztorio. Suet. Nero. 9, &e. There is nothing to contradict this view, and indeed it would give full meaning to the Apostle’s words, viz. that by the constant change of his keeper from the Preetorian guard, he had been enabled to spread the leaven of Christianity through the mass of the Praetorian soldiery. The first and fourth interpretations recommend themselves as the most plausible, and of these two the first appears the preferable one, as the most simple. See generally on this subject J. B. Lightfoot on the Philippians. Cuap. VI.] EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. bo lo os [a.D. 63] the other of contention, not sincerely, thinking to add affliction to my 18 bonds.*°° What then ? Notwithstanding, every way, whether in pretence, or in truth, Christ is preached, and I therein do rejoice, yea, and will rejoice. 19 “For I know that ‘this shall turn owé to my salvation’ (Job xii. 16)*°" 20 through your prayer, and the supply of the Spirit of Jesus Christ, according to my earnest expectation and hope, that in nothing I shall be ashamed, but that with all boldness, as always, so now also Christ shall be magnified in my 21 body, whether by life, or by death; for to me to live is Christ, and to die is 22 gain; but if I live in the flesh, that to me is the fruit of labour ;** and what 23 I shall choose I wot not; for Iam in a strait betwixt the two, having a desire 24 to depart, and to be with Christ, which is much more the better ; but to abide in 25 the flesh is more needful for you; and this I know and am persuaded of, 353 that I shall abide and continue with you all for your furtherance and joy of 26 faith, that your boasting*** may be more abundant in Jesus Christ in me by 27 my coming to you again. Only demean yourselves **° worthily of the Gospel of Christ ; that whether I come and see you, or else being absent, I may hear of your affairs, that ye stand fast in one spirit, with one mind striving together 28 for the faith of the Gospel, and in nothing terrified by your adversaries, ~ 356 which is to them an evidence of perdition, but to you of salyation, and that 29 fram God. For unto you it is given in the behalf of Christ, not only to 30 believe on him, but also to suffer for his sake, having the same conflict which ye saw in me, and now hear [to be] in πιο." Cu. 11. 2 if any fellowship of the Spirit, if any bowels and mercies, 3 that ye think the same thing, being of one soul, of one mind, “Tf there be, therefore, any consolation in Christ, if any comfort of love, 358 fulfil ye my joy— [Do] nothing through strife or yain-glory ; but in lowliness of mind esteem each other better 4 than yourselves: look not every man ἕο his own things, but every man also ἕο 5 the things of others. 49 Paul at Rome, as at Corinth, and in-Ga- latia and elsewhere, had always to encounter opposing factions, either clinging to Jewish pre- judices or actuated by worldly motives. 8° Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, all agree that the 16th and 17th verses should stand in this order. In Eng. ver. the order is reversed. Sl τρῦτό μοι ἀποβήσεται εἰς σωτηρίαν. words are quoted verbatim from the LXX. soz ἐς Tf T live my life will be one continuous labour, productive of much fruit, keeping me back from my reward, but useful to you.” 355 In Eng. ver. “having this The πεποιθὼς οἶδα. For let this mind be in you, which [was] also in confidence I know.” ὅδ: καύχημα. In Eng. ver. “ rejoicing.” 855 The Greek word is wodireverbe— be citi- zens.’ See note, ii. 20. 850 The Philippian believers were evidently enduring persecution. See iii. 1, post. ‘7 The Philippians at Paul’s visit to their city had seen him scourged and cast into prison, Acts xvi. 28, and now they heard of his being in prison at Kome. $58 So Virgil: Di tibl, si qua pios respectant numina, si quid Usquam justiti est, et mens sibi conscia recti, Premia digna ferant, ἄς. n. i. 603. 2.02 284 [4.Ὁ. 63] EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [Cuap. VI, ~] © Christ Jesus; who, being in the form “ἢ of God, thought it not a prize*”’ to be equal with God; but made himself nothing,**' and took upon him the form of a servant, beéng made in the likeness of men, and being found in fashion *" as a man, he humbled himself, and became obedient unto death, even the death of the cross; wherefore God also highly exalted him, and gave him a name which is above every name, that** ὧν the name of Jesus ‘every knee should bow,’ of those in heaven,* and those on earth,** and those under the earth ;3% and that ‘every tongue should confess’ (Js. xly. 24)°" that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father. Wherefore, my beloved, as ye have always obeyed, not as in my presence only, but now much more in my absence, work out your own salvation with fear and trembling; for it is God which Do all things without murmurings and disputings, that ye may be blameless and harmless, ‘the children of God, wnblameable in the midst of a crooked and perverse worketh in you both to will and to work of his good pleasure. generation’ (Deut. xxxii. δ)" among whom ye shine as /uminaries* in the world, holding forth the word of life, for a boast to me against the day of be offered “τ 18 gratulate*” me. *° ἐν μορφῇ here, and ἐν σχήματι, v. 8. See a disquisition on the relative meanings of these two words in Lightfoot on Philipp. p. 125. °° ἁρπαγμὸν. In Eng. ver. “robbery.” The Greek word ἁρπαγμὸν answers literally to the English word “ prize,’ as derived from the French “prise,” a thing to be snatched or caught at, a prize or catch. So οἷον ἅρπαγμά τι τὴν ἐπάνοδον ποιησάμενοι. Euseb. de Vit. Con- stant. 11. 81. τὸν θάνατον ἅρπαγμα θέμενοι τῆς τῶν δυσσεβῶν μοχθηρίας. Euseb. Hist. Ec. viii. 12. And Josephus repeatedly uses the word περι- μάχητον, “a thing to be fought for,’ in the same sense. See a disquisition upon the word ἁρπαγμὸν, by J. B. Lightfoot on Philipp. p. 131. ὍΣ ἐκένωσεν. In Eng. ver. “ of no reputation,” The literal interpretation is “made himself empty.” 2 ἐν σχήματι. See note 353, ev. “In,” not “at,” as in the Eng. ver. The ceremony of bowing at the mention of the name of Jesus is a proper act of reverence in itself, but derives no support (as thought by some) from this text, which means only that all created beings have been made subject to Jesus. °* ἐπουρανίων, not things, but beings, viz. 363 Christ, that I have not run in vain, neither laboured in yain. But and it I upon the sacrifice and service of your faith,’ I rejoice and con- you all; and for the same cause also do ye rejoice and congratulate angels. 86° Viz. mankind. 366 Viz. the dead. “7 ἐμοὶ κάμψει πᾶν γόνυ καὶ ὁμολογεῖται πᾶσα γλῶσσα τὸν θεόν. Is. xlv, 28. 8 Τέκνα θεοῦ ἀμώμητα ἐν μέσῳ γενεᾶς σκολιᾶς In the LXX. the words are, ἡμάρτοσαν οὐκ αὐτῷ τέκνα μωμητὰ, γενεὰ σκολιὰ καὶ διεστραμμένη. 89 φωστῆρες, not φῶτα. In Eng. ver. ‘lights.’ ὅτὸ Literally, ‘if I be poured out as a liba- tion.’ ὙΠ Τὴ i. 21 he had adverted to the contingency of his either sealing his life with his blood, or of his acquittal. In ver. 22 he had spoken on the supposition that he might be set at liberty at Rome ; he now proceeds to contemplate the possibility of his martyrdom. 8 χαίρω καὶ συγχαίρω. In Eng. ver. “I joy and rejoice with you all.” The sense of cvyyaipo —‘to congratulate ’—is not uncommon. τὴν Ἑστίαν ἐπώμοσε τὴν Βουλαίαν συγχαίρειν τῇ πόλει, ὅτι τοιούτους ἄνδρας ἐπὶ τὴν πρεσβείαν ἐξέπεμψεν. ΠΡ βομΐη. edit. H. Stephani, p. 34, ἄς. The Eng- lish version carries with it the air of tautology, for if Paul rejoiced with them, it would follow, of course, that they rejoiced with him. καὶ διεστραμμένης. Cuar. VI.] EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [4.Ὁ. 63] 285. 19 Cu. IIL. 2 9 4 “But I hope in the Lord Jesus to send Timothy shortly unto you, that I also may be of good cheer, when I know your state; for I have no one like- minded, who will sincerely** care for your state; for all seek their own, not the things which are of Christ Jesus; but ye know the proof of him, that, asa child with the father, he hath served with me in the Gospel.** Him, there- fore, I hope to send forthwith, so soon as I shall see how it yoes with me; but I trust in the Lord that I also myself shall come shortly. But I have deemed it necessary to send to you Epaphroditus, my brother and féellow- worker, and fellow-soldier, and your messenger “ἢ and minister to my wants ;°"7 for he longed after you all, and was full of heaviness, because ye had heard that he was sick ; for, indeed, he was sick nigh unto death, but God had mercy on him, and not on him only, but on me also, that I might not have sorrow upon sorrow. I have sent him, therefore, the more carefully, that seeing him again, ye might rejoice, and that I might be the less sorrowful. Receive him, therefore, in the Lord with all gladness, and hold such in honour,?™ because for the work of Christ he was nigh unto death, having hazarded*" his life, that he might supply your lack of service toward me.**° To write the same things to you, to me, indeed, is not zrksome, and for you it is safe.*? Beware “For the rest, my brethren, rejoice in the Lord.**? of dogs! beware of evil workers! beware of the concision !*** for we are the circumcision, who worship God in the spirit, and boast ourselves Ὁ in Christ Jesus, and trust not** in the flesh; though I might also have trust in the 5 flesh. If any other man thinketh ¢o trust in the flesh, I more—cireumcised 373 γνησίως. In Eng. ver. “naturally.” ὅτι Timothy had at this time faithfully served the Apostle for fourteen years, viz. from A.D, 49 to ap. 63, and during that period had often laboured amongst the Philippians. 579 Celeriter, ut spero, vos videbo. Fam. ii. 15. 878 ὑμῶν δὲ ἀπόστολον. But some would render this “ your Apostle,” in the sense that Paul had appointed Epaphroditus the bishop of Philippi, but this interpretation does not harmonize with the context, which relates to the relief sent to Paul by the Philippian church. ὅτ He had brought a collection from the Philippian church for the relief of the Apostle’s necessities at Rome. 878 ἐντίμους. In Eng. ver. “in reputation.” 3” The true reading according to Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, and Alford is παραβολευσά- μενος, and not as Textus receptus παραβουλευσά- μενος, and in Eng. ver. “not regarding.” 850 The Philippians could not be personally present at Kome to relieve and comfort him, and Cic. Ep. this lack of service (not for want of will, but want of means) Epaphroditus supplied by taking their contribution to Rome, and by per- sonal attendance upon the Apostle. ‘s! This rejoicing is the keynote of the whole Epistle: see 11. 17, 29; iv. 4; and also i. 4, 18, 25 ; iv. 10. ‘2 The Philippian church was at this time suffering much persecution; see ante, i. 28; and as the Apostle had before exhorted them not to be “ terrified by their adversaries,” so now again he tells them to rejoice at it. “8 The Apostle bids his converts beware of the Judaizers. The Jews called the Gentiles dogs (Matt. xv. 26), and the Apostle now retorts the language upon the Judaizing heretics. ‘“ We Christians,” says Paul, “are the true sons of Abraham, and the circumcision; and the unbe- lieving Jews are the dogs, and are the concision or mock circumcision.” SS In Eng. ver. “ rejoice.” In Eng. ver. “ have no confi- καυχώμενοι. 889 πεποιθότες. dence.” 286 [A.D. 63] EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [Cuap. VI. the eighth day *°—of the stock of Israel**’—of the tribe of Benjamin**— a Hebrew of the Hebrews **°—as touching the Law, a Pharisee *"—concerning zeal, persecuting the church **'—touching the righteousness which is in the Law, found blameless.**? for Christ. the knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord, for whom I have suffered the loss of But what things were gain to me, these I count loss Yea, verdly, and I count all things but loss for the excellency of 9 all things,** and do count them but dung, that I may win Christ, and be found in him, not having mine own righteousness, which is of the Law, but that which is through the Faith of Christ, the righteousness which is of God by Faith, that I may know him, and the power of his resurrection, and the fellowship of his sufferings, being made conformable unto his death, if by any means I may attain unto the resurrection from* the dead; not as though I had already attained, or were already perfect; but I press on, if that I may apprehend that for which also I was apprehended 355 of Christ Jesus. Brethren, I count not myself to have apprehended; but this one thing I do—forgetting those things which are behind, and reaching forth °° unto those things which 11 are before, I press on toward the mark for the prize of the high calling of > God in Christ Jesus.°*7 10 Let us, therefore, as many as be perfect, be thus minded, and if in any thing ye be otherwise minded, God shall reveal this 16 also unto you. Ὅν Not a proselyte, and circumcised late in lie, but a Jew born. : *“T An Israelite descended from Abraham, and not grafted in by the proselytism of myself or my ancestors. “ Saul, the first king, had belonged to this tribe, which more particularly from that time held the most honourable position. *“ A Hebrew born, both on the father and mother’s side. *” The Pharisees, as opposed to the Sadducees, were the rigid observers of the Law of Moses, and had the character of peculiar sanctity. The Apostle, of course, alludes to his per- secution of the church in the time of Stephen the Protomartyr. “= No man had a more keenly sensitive con- science or was more in earnest in matters of religion than Paul. We did not, therefore, want his testimony that before embracing Christianity he scrupulously observed the Law. °° ra πάντα ἐζημιώθην. Literally, ‘I have been mulcted of all.’ So that the inference arises that Panl, on embracing Christianity, had suffered the total loss of worldly fortune, which might have been the case either by some public law which made apostasy a forfeiture of all posses- But whereto we have already attained, walk*** in the sions, or privately by the indignation of his parents, who on his becoming a Christian may have cut him off from his natural patrimony. We know that Paul had received the education and acquired the accomplishments of a gentle- man, and yet that asa Christian he supported himself by his manual labour, or was maintained by the liberality of the churches which he planted. ®t Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Al- ford read τὴν ἐκ νεκρῶν, instead of τῶν νεκρῶν simply. 8 κατελήφθην --“1 was laid hold of —an ex- pression which vividly represents his arrest by Christ, on Paul's mad career from Jerusalem to Damascus. 385 The word expresses the leaning forward of the body in a rapid race, whether a foot race or a chariot race. *“" Paul writing within the rules of the Palace where he was a prisoner, might well borrow a metaphor from the games, for next the Palace was the Circus Maximus, and the shouts of the spectators must often have rung in the Apostle’s ears. ** The meaning appears to be, ‘If at present ye are not so perfect as to rum (διώκειν) on the ἐπεκτεινόμενος. Crap. VI.] EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [a.p. 63] 257 17 same.*”” Brethren, be followers together of me, and observe * those who walk so 18 as ye have us for an ensample (for many walk, of whom I have told you often, Cu. IV. ΄ and now tell you even weeping, that they are the enemies of the cross of Christ, whose end is destruction, whose God is their belly, and whose glory is in their shame, who mind earthly things); for our citizenship “δι is in heaven, from whence also we look for the Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall change our vile body, that it may be conformed unto his glorious body, according to the working whereby he is able even to subdue all things unto himself. Wherefore, my brethren dearly beloved and longed for, my joy and crown, so stand fast *”* in the Lord, my dearly beloved ! “T beseech Huodia,’’* and beseech Syntyche, that they be of the same mind in the Lord, and I intreat thee also, true yoke-fellow,*” help them, seeing that they have laboured with me in the Gospel,‘ with Clement" also, and with other my fellow-labourers, whose names are in the book of life. in the Lord alway ; again I will say, rejoice. Let your moderation be known*"? rejoice right road, God in his merey will at least bring you up to this; and in the mean time, if ye can- not run, at least walk (στοιχεῖν) in the right path, ““ τῷ αὐτῷ στοιχεῖν. This is admitted by the latest critics to be the true reading, and not, as in Text. recept., τῷ αὐτῷ στοιχεῖν κανόνι τὸ αὐτὸ φρονεῖν, and in Eng. ver. “Let us walk by the same rule, let us mind the same thing.” The word κανόνι has erept in from Galat. vi. 16, and τὸ αὐτὸ φρονεῖν from Philipp. ii. 2. τὸ σκοπεῖτε, look up to them witha view to imitation. *! πολίτευμα. In Eng. ver. “conversation.” The word “citizenship” was peculiarly appro- priate to the Philippians, who, as Roman colo- nists, prided themselves on their being citizens of Rome, and were continually boasting of it. * The Philippians were suffering persecution, and the Apostle again exhorts them to stead- fastness in the faith. *8 Evodiav. In Eng. ver. “ Euodias,” as if the person were a man, but from the words αὐταῖς and αἵτινες, it is evident that both Euodia and Syntyche were women. Both Euodia and Syntyche are found on inscriptions as names of women, but never Euodias or Syntyches as names of men. See J. B. Lightfoot, in loco. * Σύζυγε γνήσιε. It has been suggested that Σύζυγος may be the proper name of the person addressed, but Syzigus does not appear in his- tory as a name. lt simply means yokefellow, but who is intended by that term is doubtful. Some say that Epaphroditus, the bearer of the Epistle, or Clement, who may have accompanied him, is referred to. Others that Paul was married, and that the injunction is to his wife. A more probable conjecture is that the appeal is to Lydia, and that the Apostle calls her his true yokefellow, as the first convert at Philippi, and the lady at whose house he had resided. and ‘who had since been his great benefactress by forwarding subscriptions for his support both in areece and at Rome. © συλλαμβάνου αὐταῖς, αἵτινες, &e. In Eng. ver. “help these women which laboured with me,” &e., but the Apostle is evidently referring to Euodia and Syntyche, who had furthered the cause of the Gospel, but were now disagreeing. The women of Philippi appear to have- been active in the propagation of the faith, as besides Euodia and Syntyche, we have mention made of Lydia also at the first introduction of Chris- tianity. Acts xvi. 14. «° This may possibly be Clement, afterwards Bishop of Rome, but all is conjecture. If it be Clement of Rome, he may have accompanied Epaphroditus, the bearer of the letter, and in fact he may have been sent with Epaphroditus for the purpose of being a peace-maker, as from his gentleness and conciliatory nature he was afterwards appealed to by the Corinthians to heal their divisions, when he wrote them the well-known Epistle. “τ Whatever be the opposition of your adver- sary, be gentle and patient, for the conflict must EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [Caar. VI ao =~ 19 unto all men: the Lord is at hand; be over careful for nothing, but in eyery thing by prayer and supplication with thanksgiving let your requests be made known unto God; and the peace of God, which passeth all understanding, shall keep your hearts and minds through Christ Jesus. Vor the rest, brethren, whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of good report, if there be any virtue, and if there be any praise, think on these things.*°* What ye have both learned, and received, and heard, and seen in me, that do, and the God of peace shall be with you. “ But I rejoice in the Lord greatly, that now at the last ye have flourished “9 wherein ye were also thoughtful, but ye lacked again in thinking of me, opportunity—not that I speak in respect of want, for I have learned in what- soever state Iam, therewith to be content ; I know how to be abased, I know how to abound ; én every [thing] and in all things Iam instructed both to be full and > to be hungry, both to abound and to suffer need; I can do all things through Christ who strengtheneth me. Notwithstanding ye did well, in that ye com- 410 municated with my distress. Now ye know also, Philippians, that in the beginning of the Gospel, when I departed from Macedonia,*" no church com- municated with me in the matter of ** giving and receiving, but ye only—that in Thessalonica "ἢ also,** ye sent once and twice unto my necessity—not that But I haye all, and abound; I am full, having received of Epaphroditus the things I desire a gift, but I desire fruit that may abound to your account. which were sent from you, ‘an odour of a sweet smell’ (Gen. viii. 21). 5 a sacrifice acceptable, well pleasing to God: and my God shall supply all your soon be over, for life is short, and the day of judgment when we shall stand before the Lord Jesus is at hand. ** Keep in mind all the Christian virtues above enumerated. 4° Viz. that you have again sent me a contri- bution for my support. The Philippians had sent relief to him more than once at Thessa- lonica, and again when he was at Corinth. See note *4, πὸ συγκοινωνήσαντές μου τῇ θλίψει. In Eng. ver. “in that he did communicate with my affliction.” As the word κοινωνία is used through- out the Epistle in the sense of contribution, θλίψις means his distressed state under im- prisonment, during which he could not work as usual. “1 When Paul, on his first circuit in Europe, quitted Macedonia, he passed on to Athens, and thence to Corinth; and while at Corinth, Sil- yanus and Timothy joined him from Macedonia (Acts xviii. 5), and brought with them a contri- bution from Macedonia (2 Cor. xi. 9), which was, no doubt, from Philippi. 2 ἐν τῷ πράγματι. In Eng. ver. “ concerning.” *° From Philippi Paul proceeded to Thessa- lonica, and the cruel usage he had experienced at Philippi (Acts xvi. 22) seems to have so strongly excited the Philippians’ sympathy that they immediately raised a contribution for his relief. 4 ὅτι καὶ. The word καὶ is full of meaning, for the Apostle writes, “ Not only did ye send me large relief to Corinth, but also twice ye sent me temporary relief when I was at ‘Vhessa- lonica.” The Eng. ver., missing the force of the words, renders it “ for even in Thessalonica ye sent once again,” as if these were the only two contributions, whereas they were probably small only as compared with the bounty sent afterwards to Corinth. ΟΝ The words of the LXX. ae oer ὀσμὴν εὐωδίας. Cuar. 11 EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. [a.D. 63] 289 20 need, according to his riches in glory in Christ Jesus. Now unto God and our Father be glory for ever and ever. Amen. 21 “Salute every saint in Christ Jesus. The brethren which are with me salute 22 you. All the saints salute you, chiefly they that are of Caxsar’s household.*"® 23 THe Grace or our Lorp Jesus Curist BE WITH you ALL.” *!7 Epaphroditus now set out upon his journey, and as Tychicus had been sent to Colosse, and Mark, it is likely, had by this time passed into Asia Minor, the only fellow-labourers remaining with the Apostle were the faithful Timothy, and Luke and Aristarchus and Demas. We now approach the close of Paul’s imprisonment. He had been a captive at Rome two whole years, when, about March 4.p. 63, the crisis of his fate arrived. We have no particulars, and cannot even say with certainty whether his accusers appeared, or whether, if they did, the appeal was heard by the Emperor or by his Consular Legate. We have seen that in the Epistle to the Philippians, when the trial was near at hand, Paul, at the same time that he expressed a confident hope that he should be released, yet regarded the sacrifice of his life as by no means improbable, and the circumstances of the case may have furnished just grounds for his apprehension. Poppa, the Empress, was a Jewish Proselyte, and if she took part with Paul’s adver- saries, there would be great reason to fear that the judicial sentence might be warped by her secret influence. This would be more particularly the case should the Emperor choose to adjudicate upon the question personally, for though he sat with assessors, corresponding to our jury, he paid no regard to their opinion when they retired to consider the verdict, but delivered the sentence himself, according to the caprice of the moment." It is much more likely, however, that the trial was conducted before one of the Consular Legates, for Nero was ἃ voluptuary, and averse to serious business, and had also been lately suffering from ill-health, the result, no doubt, of his continued debaucheries.*”” If Nero heard the cause, his tribunal would be in the Temple of Apollo attached to the palace on the Palatine Hill. The Temple of Apollo "Ὁ was a building united 418 οἱ ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος οἰκίας. So Philo: ris municating with Cmsar’s household. As to i} Ρ ss τῶν ἐκ τῆς Καίσαρος οἰκίας. Philo in Flaccum, Poppa, see Fasti Sacri, p. 324, No. 1913. c. 5. Paul had been sent a prisoner to the τ The body of the Epistle was written by an Pretorium, or Palace, and was chained by the amanuensis, but the benediction at the end, to wrist to one after another of the ImperialGuard; authenticate the letter, was penned by the and this gave him the opportunity of frequent Apostle’s own hand. See Vol. I. p. 384, Gries- intercourse with those about the Palace (see bach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and ante, p. 281); not only so, but Poppa in a.p. Alford all omit the word ‘ Amen,’ which appears 62 became the wife of Nero, and now resided in in the Eng. ver. 48 Suet. Nero, 15. the Palace, and as she was a Jewish proselyte, 419 Tac. Amn. xiv. 22, 47. the Jews had thus peculiar facilities for com- *° Dion, liii. 1; lviii. 9; Suet. August. 29. VOL. I. 2p 290 [A.D. 63] TRIAL OF ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. to the Greek and Latin library, and the whole surrounded by a splendid portico. It was in this Temple that Nero usually gave audience, or presided ata trial. If the Consular Legate exercised his jurisdiction, he would hold his court in one of the ordinary Basilicas about the forum (fig. 295). From the groundlessness of the ai Nan q \ ἢ 4 ἡ WANN WM W777 Ϊ 77; Fig. 295.—Roman basilica or hall of justice. From Cassell’s Bible Dictionary. charges made against Paul, it is likely that his prosecutors did not appear. Agrippa had already pronounced, after the hearing before Festus, that if Paul had not appealed to Cesar he might have been set at liberty ;*” and although legal forms required that he should be transmitted to Rome, to abide the Emperor’s pleasure, the accom- “1 Suet. Aug. 29. 422 Acts xxvi. 32. CHap. Vi TRIAL OF ST. PAUL AT ROME. ΠΕΡ “ἢ 291 panying ΠΕ of Festus must ee intimated that the charge was in fact a croundless one. The result of the appeal is left in no doubt. After a five years’ unjust deten- tion, partly in Judea and partly at Rome, the me was released.*** ** See the date of the release fully discussed, Fasti Sacri, p. Ixxix. It is the opinion of some that Paul was never released from imprisonment, but how can such an hypothesis be reconciled with the Epistle to Titus and the two Epistles to Timothy ? The Apostle writes to Titus, “For this cause left I thee in Crete.” Tit. i. 5. But not only is there no mention in the Acts of the Apostles of any ministry in Crete, but there is no period of the Apostle’s life before his imprisonment at Rome during which he could haye preached there. He touched, indeed, at Crete on his way to Rome (Acts xxvii. 7); but he appears not to have landed; and if he did, how could he, a prisoner, and chained by the wrist to a soldier, haye evan- gelized the island and planted churches? The time, also, was too short for any such exercise of his vocation. Again, he tells Titus to come to him at Nicopolis, in Epirus, where he proposed to winter. Tit. iii. 12. But how could he have passed any winter at Nicopolis previously to his imprisonment? He first visited Greece in A.D. 52, and the winter of that year and of the next he was at Corinth, where he sojourned (ἐκάθισε) for a year and six months and upwards. Acts xvii. 11, From Corinth he sailed to Jerusalem, and was present at the Feast of Tabernacles, A.D. 53. Thence he went down to Antioch, where he remained some time (Acts xviii. 23), and thence, in A.p. 54, proceeded through Ga- latia and Phrygia to Ephesus, where he stayed for the next three years—i.e. till a.p. 57. Acts xx. 91. Thence he passed through Macedonia to Corinth, where he wintered for three months (Acts xx. 2), and in the spring of a.p. 58 sailed from Corinth to Philippi, and reached it at the passover (Acts xx. 6), and on reaching Jerusalem was arrested and imprisoned for two years at Cesarea—i.e. till Ap. 60—and was then for- warded as a prisoner to Rome. If we look to the first Epistle to Timothy, we read at the opening, “As I besought thee to abide at Ephesus when I went into Macedonia,” ἄς. 1 Tim.i.3. But on what occasion could Paul, before his imprisonment, have left Timothy at Ephesus when Paul himself was on his way to Macedonia? He was at Ephesus twice only, viz. first on his way from Greece to Jerusalem, and ΓΕ not on his road to Macedonia (Acts xviii. 19), and again he sojourned for three years at Ephesus, and then did indeed sail for Mace- donia. Acts xx.1. But he did not leave Timothy behind, for, on the contrary, he had sent him away a little before to Macedonia. Acts xix. 22. Nor could ‘limothy have returned before Paul’s departure, and then have been ordered to stay ; for when Paul reached Macedonia and wrote the second Epistle to the Corinthians, Timothy was with him, and is joined in the salutations. 2 Cor. 1.1. But when the first Epistle to Timothy was written, Timothy was not only at Ephesus, but desired to remain there until Paul returned to him. 1 Tim. iii. 14. The evidence supplied by the second Epistle to Timothy is still more conclusive of the A postle’s liberation from the first imprisonment and his experience of a second imprisonment. The second Epistle to Timothy was clearly written during some imprisonment (2 Tim. i. 8, 16; iv 6, 16), and this was at Rome (i. 17); but how could this be during his first imprisonment ? For he writes to Timothy, “ Trophimus I left at Miletus sick.” 2 Tim. iv. 20, But on his voyage to Rome under the charge of Julius the cen- turion he did not touch at Miletus. In order to escape this difficulty recourse is had to the most extravagant theories. Some for ἐν Μιλήτῳ would read ἐν Μελίτῃ (at.Malta), but not a single MS. can be found to give the least countenance to such a deviation from the ordinary text. Others suggest that the Miletus alluded to is not the famous city of that name, but one of which the reader probably never heard, situate in Crete. But this would not answer the purpose, for St. Paul on his way to Rome sailed along the south coast of Crete; but this Miletus lay on the north of the island. Again, Paul tells Timothy that “ Erastus abode (remained behind, ἔμεινεν) at Corinth.” 2 Tim. iv. 20. But Paul, in sailing from Cesarea to Bome on his first imprisonment, did not pass through Corinth. This passage to Rome, there- fore, when he dropped Erastus at his native town, must have been on some subsequent occasion when Paul took the usual winter route from the east to Rome across the Isthmus of Corinth. Again Paul writes, “The cloak that I left at 2P2 292 [a.p. 63] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [Cuar. VI. Troas with Carpus, when thou comest, bring with thee, and the books, but especially the parchments.” 2 Tim. iv. 13. If this Epistle was penned during Paul’s first imprisonment, the date of it must be placed some time between the spring of a.D. 61, when the imprisonment at Rome began, and the spring of a.p. 63, when it ended; and the cloak, &c., must have been left at Troas some little time before the spring of a.p. 61. But Paul had not been at Troas previously to A.D. 61 since A.D. 58, when he touched there on his way from Macedonia to Jerusalem. On arriving in Judea he was taken prisoner and kept in bonds at Caesarea for two years, and then sailed for Rome, which he reached in A.D. 61. If, therefore, the letter was sent towards the close of his imprisonment in a.p. 63, an interval of five years, and if sent at the com- mencement of his imprisonment, an interval of three years had elapsed since he had left his cloak and books and parchments at Troas. But how improbable is it that Paul should have waited for five, or even three years, for an article of dress such as a cloak, and for books and parchments which he must have required for constant use, more particularly the parchments, to which the Apostle attached so much im- portance ! Thus the two Epistles to Timothy and that to Titus cannot be explained except on the assump- tion that Paul was set free from his first impri- sonment, and was a second time incarcerated at Rome. Nor is there any even plausible argu- ment against such second incarceration. On the contrary, it is just what we might expect as a consequence of the Neronian persecution. How- ever, the advocates of the contrary hypothesis, rather than admit that Paul was ever liberated from imprisonment, advance the wild and un- tenable theory that both the Epistles to Timothy and that to Titus are spurious! However, it is not intended here to urge the genuineness of these Epistles, as no solid or substantial ground has ever been advanced for questioning it; and if every paradox were to be seriously discussed, it would require a life to execute the task. 395 CHAPTER VII. Paul quits Rome for Puteoli, and visits Spain, and writes the Epistle to the Hebrews— He sails jor Judea and goes to Jerusalem. and thence to Antioch. A captive to the fowler’s artful snare, Ἢ Barred from his wonted flights in mountain air, The eagle folds his wing—Lo! once again Dawns the bright day of freedom from the chain— Upward he springs to heaven with new delight, And soars and soars, till lost to mortal sight. Anon. ΕἾΝΕ years before this, Paul, in writing to the Romans, had expressed an intention of passing through Rome to Spain. He was now at liberty, and the question is, Did he carry out his original plan of visiting Spain, or was he obliged by circumstances to abandon that favourite project? On the one hand, the mischiefs which had sprung up during his absence in the Eastern churches called loudly for his personal presence; but on the other hand, a voyage to Spain had been the yearning of his heart for many years, and as he might safely confide the care of the Eastern churches to one or more of his faithful followers and fellow-labourers, what was to prevent the execution of his long-cherished purpose? Paul was a man of great fixedness of resolution. He tells us that “ his word was not yea and nay,”’ that is, he was a man of his word. We know, further, that he had exhausted the parts of Macedonia and Achaia, and as he would not build on another’s foundation, Spain was naturally the next province in succession to be evangelized by him.’ The Epistle to the Philippians was written shortly before his release, and the Epistle to the Hebrews was written not long after his release, and there are intima- tions in these two Epistles which lead us to infer that Paul did break ground in some new quarter, and that in a westerly direction, and therefore almost necessarily in Spain. He had been two years a prisoner at Rome, in his own hired lodging, with full liberty to see all that sought him, and we cannot, therefore, suppose that when at last he recovered his freedom he would have any occasion to sojourn longer in Italy. Whither, then, did he direct his course? Had he proposed to revisit his Eastern churches, he could at once have started off in that direction, and either have taken the Via Egnatia, across Macedonia to Philippi, or have embarked on board some 1 2 Cor. i. 18. * Rom. xy. 23, and compare Hebrews xiii, 23. 294 (A.D. 63] DID ST. PAUL VISIT SPAIN? [Cuar. VII. vessel bound for the East. Instead of that, he writes to the Philippians that, as soon as ever he knew his fate he would send Timothy to them to learn their welfare, and bring a report to himself.* Paul, therefore, had in contemplation some plan which would separate him from his beloved churches for a considerable interval, so consider- able indeed that he could not allow it to elapse without ascertaining by a special messenger what was their spiritual state. Now the distance from Rome to Brundi- sium, the Italian port, was about 360 miles, and the distance from Dyrrhachium, the Macedonian port, to Philippi, was about 370 miles, making together 730 miles, which, at the ordinary rate of twenty-five miles a day, would be a twenty-nine days’ journey, besides another day for crossing from Brundisium to Dyrrhachium.t The absence of Timothy, therefore, if he visited Philippi only, would be upwards of two months, and if he extended his journey to other churches of Greece, as to Corinth, would be about six months. Either, therefore, Paul, on his liberation, was to remain, without any reason, from two to six months in Italy, or he was meditating some inter- mediate cireuit. But further, as Timothy was dispatched eastward to Philippi, it is manifest that Paul, during Timothy’s absence (an interval from two to six months), was not intending to bend his own course in that direction ; and as Timothy steered eastward, we should naturally conclude that Paul himself was bound for some country westward, and if so, why not to Spain, which he had so long desired to evangelize ? There is also a passage in the Hebrews which refers to this mission of Timothy and may be thought to imply that Timothy was to rejoin the Apostle, not in Italy itself, but in some country to which the Apostle had proceeded, and whither he had been accompanied by certain brethren from Italy. ‘“ Know,” he writes, “that our brother Timothy has been sent on a mission, with whom, if he come quickly, I will see you. They from Italy greet you.”* The expression in Greek ὃ is ambiguous, and may mean either “those of Italy,” de. Italians, or “those from Italy ;” and as the Apostle could scarcely say that the Italians generally sent a greeting, the inference is that the salutation was sent by those who had accompanied him from Italy. Had the writer been at Rome he would have written, “the saints of Rome ereet you,” and if at Puteoli, he would have written the saints of Puteoli, as they only would be present to authorize the message. The Apostle, therefore, when he penned these words, was not in Italy himself, and Timothy was not to rejoin him in Italy, and if not, where else but in Spain, to which the Apostle had projected a visit ? The testimony of the ancients upon the subject under discussion is very meagre, but from the scattered hints that remain to us we may collect that the tradition amongst the earliest fathers was in fayour of a journey to Spain ;’ and as the fact of 8 Philipp. ii. 23. to allude to Paul's visit to Spain is Clemens Ro- * See note ante, Vol. I. p. 135. manus, the contemporary of Paul himself, and ° Heb. xiii. 24. supposed to be the person referred to in the " οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας. Ib. Epistle to the Philippians. In his first Epistle 7 The most ancient writer who may be thought to the Corinthians he writes: Διὰ ζῆλον καὶ ὁ Cuar. VIL] DID ST. PAUL VISIT SPAIN? [a.v. 63] 295 a cireuit in the peninsula is credible in itself, and indeed highly probable from Paul’s known previous intention, and as it harmonizes with all the antecedents and sequel of his eventful life, we may fairly conclude that Paul, at the close of his imprison- ment, departed westward for the Province of Spain. Παῦλος ὑπομονῆς βραβεῖον ὑπέσχεν, ἑπτάκις δεσμὰ φορέσας, φυγαδευθεὶς, λιθασθεὶς, κήρυξ γενόμενος ἔν τε τῇ ἀνατολῇ καὶ ἐν τῇ δύσει, τὸ γενναῖον τῆς πίστεως αὐτοῦ κλέος ἔλαβεν, δικαιοσύνην διδάξας ὅλον τὸν κόσμον, καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως ἐλθὼν καὶ μαρτυρήσας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων οὕτως ἀπηλλάγη τοῦ κύσμου, καὶ εἰς τὸν ἅγιον τόπον ἐπορεύθη, ὑπομονῆς γενόμενος μεγίστος ὑπογραμμός. Τούτοις τοῖς ἄνδρασιν ὁσίως πολιτευσαμένοις συνηθροίσθη πολὺ πλῆθος ἐκλεκτῶν, οἵτινες πολλὰς αἰκίας καὶ βασάνους διὰ ζῆλον παθόντες, ὑπόδειγμα κάλλιστον ἐγένοντο ἐν ἡμῖν. Clem. Rom. Epist. 1, ο. 5. Here the expression τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως has been inter- preted to mean Spain, as “the boundary of the west.” Thus τὰ Γάδειρα κεῖται κατὰ τὸ τῆς Εὐρώπης τέρμα. Philost. Vit. Apoll.v.4. See J.B. Lightfoot in Clement's Ep. p. 50. At the same time this interpretation is open to question. The writer is evidently using very rhetorical language by saying that Paul had “taught the whole world,” which, of course, was not literally true. It will also be observed that the word ἐλθὼν, though it may signify having gone, as in the passage cited infra from Euseb. Demonst. Evang. 111. 3, yet more properly is rendered “having come to the boundary of the west,” and the writer, we must remember, was at Rome. The “coming to the boundary of the west” is coupled also with the Apostle’s martyrdom, καὶ μαρτυρήσας, κιτιὰ., and he certainly suffered at Rome. Clement had just spoken of Paul haying preached in the east and in the west, and τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως may also refer, not to the boundary of the world, but to the limit toward the west of Paul’s preaching. The next authority in point of antiquity is an inscription found in Spain, and if genuine must have been written about a.pD. 65 or 66, as it is connected with the clearance of the pro- vince from the Christians under the general Neronian persecution. It runs thus: NERONI CL. KAIS. AVG. PONT. MAX. OB PROVINC. LATRONI- BYS ET HIS QVI NOVAM GEN. HYM. SVPERSTITION. INCVLCAB. PVRGATAM. Gruter, p. 238, No. 9. Here it is implied that Christians were ob- noxious for their numbers in Spain in A.D. 65 or 66, and as Paul in a.p. 58 had expressed his intention of planting Christianity there, it is not an unreasonable supposition that he had carried this design into effect in A.D. 63, two or three years before the date of the monument. If Paul did not preach in Spain, who did ? Another and more important testimony is found in a fragment of the Canon Muratorianus, so called as first edited by Muratori. It is gene- rally admitted to be referable to the second cen- tury (say A.D. 170), for it speaks of the publication of Hermas Pastor as still quite recent: Pastorem vero nuperrime temporibus nostris in urbe Roma Herma (for Hermas) conscripsit. Reliq. Sacre, p.5. The inscription regarding Paul, as corrected by Wieseler (Chronol. Apost. p. 536), runs thus: Acta autem omnium Apostolorum sub uno libro scribta (scripta) sunt. Lucas obtime (optime) Theophilo comprindit (comprehendit) quia (quee) sub prasentia ejus singula gerebantur, sicuti et semote passionem Petri evidenter declarat, sed profectionem Pauli ab urbe ad Spaniam profici- scentis (omittit). But the learned Professor has, T think, failed to catch the author’s meaning, and has inserted the word ‘omittit’ very unneces- sarily. The latter part, as given in Reliq. Sacrie, stands thus: sieuti et semote (for semota) pas- sionem Petri evidenter declarat, sed (sed et reposuit, Friendall) profectionem Pauli ab urbe ad Spaniam proficiscentis. Relig. Sacre, iv. 4, where the whole canon will be found. The meaning is that Luke comprised in the Acts those events only which were within his own immediate knowledge (que sub presentid ejus singula gerebantur), and by passing over the martyrdom of Peter and the visit of Paul to Spain, Luke plainly implies—argues the canon —that they did not come under his personal notice. The passage, therefore, should be thus rendered: “ Luke to the most excellent Theo- philus: comprises all those things which were enacted under his presence; so that he mani- festly declares the martyrdom of Peter and de- parture of Paul when setting out from the city for Spain, to be matters removed from him,” i.e. not enacted under his presence. Whatever be the true interpretation, the fact is transparent that Paul, as was then believed, had on his re- lease sailed from Rome to Spain. Eus-bius, who flourished a.p. 296-840, seems to have overlooked this canon, and to have 296 [A.D. 63] DID ST. PAUL VISIT SPAIN? [Cuap. VII. In tracing the steps of the Apostle we cannot fail to observe that (with the excep- tion of a very short time at Athens), he never travelled or exercised his ministry singly. From his impaired eyesight he laboured under infirmities himself, and would require the personal attendance of some one, partly as a menial to render him occa- known nothing of any visit of Paul to Spain ; for he tells us, on the authority of Origen (A.D. 220), that Paul preached as far as ///yricum, and then suffered martyrdom at Rome in the time of Nero. Euseb. ἀπὸ Ἱερουσαλὴμ μέχρι τοῦ Ἰλλυρικοῦ πεπληρωκότος (Παύλου) τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ ὕστερον ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἐπὶ Νέρωνος μεμαρτυρηκότος. Εἰ. H. ili. 1. Epiphanius (who flourished in first part of the fourth century) states that Peter and Paul were the first bishops there, but not permanently resi- dent, as they had to make cireuits in distant parts: ὁ μὲν yap Παῦλος καὶ es τὴν ᾿Ισπανίαν ἀφικνεῖται: Πέτρος δὲ πολλάκις Πόντον τε καὶ Βιθυνίαν ἐπεσκέψατο. Epiphan. Hieres. xxvii. 6. lib. i. tom. 2, p. 107. Cyril of Jerusalem who flourished a.p. 335-586, writes : τὸν ποτὲ διώκτην κήρυκα καὶ δοῦλον ἀγαθὸν ἀπειργάσατο Πνεῦμα γιον ἀπὸ Ἱεροσολύμων μὲν καὶ μέχρι τοῦ ᾿Ιλλυρικοῦ πεπληρωκότα τὸ Εὐαγγέλιον, κατηχήσαντα δὲ καὶ τὴν βασιλίδα “Ῥώμην, καὶ μέχρι Σπανίας τὴν προθυμίαν τοῦ κηρύγματος ἐκτείναντα. Catechesis, xvii. ο. 20. Chrysostom, on the contrary (who died a.p. 407), assumes that Paul, after his liberation at Rome, did reach Spain; but he adds that it was not known whether he returned thence into the eastern parts. τὴν Σπανίαν ἀπῆλθεν. Ei δὲ ἐκεῖθεν πάλιν εἰς ravta τὰ μέρη οὐκ ἴσμεν. Comment. on 2 Tim. 5. 4; Homil. 10, 5. 3. But that Paul, if he went to Spain, did return to the East is evidenced by the Second Epistle to Timothy, as I have shown elsewhere (see p. 291, ante) Jerome (born A.D. 331, died a.p. 420) agrees that Paul visited Spain, and went thither directly after his release: Sciendum autem ... Paulum a Nerone dimissum, ut Evangelium Christi in Oecidentis quoque partibus preedicet. Hieron. de Eecles. Seript. ὁ. 5. Paulus apostolus . vocatus a Domino effusus est super faciem uni- verse terre, ut preedicaret Evangelium de Hiero- solymis usque ad Illyricum .. . sed usque ad Hispanias tenderet. Hieron. on Amos, v. 8, 9. Theodoret also who flourished a.p. 443-450, asserts the same thing more than once: τῆς ‘Ira- Alas ἐπέβη καὶ εἰς Tas Σπανίας ἀφίκετο καὶ ταῖς ἐν τῷ πελάγει διακειμέναις νήσοις τὴν ὠφέλειαν προσήνεγκεν. ετὰ μὲν τὸ γενέσθαι ἐν Ρώμῃ εἰς μετὰ μὲν τὸ Ὑ μῃ Theodoret ini Psalm. exvi. ἡνίκα τῇ ἀφέσει χρησά- μενος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ὑπὸ τοῦ Φήστου παρεπέμφθη, ἀπολογισάμενος ὡς ἀθῶος ἀφείθη, καὶ τὰς Σπανίας κατέλαβε, καὶ εἰς ἕτερα ἔθνη δραμὼν, τὴν τῆς διδασ- καλίας λαμπάδα προσήνεγκε. Idem, Comm. in 2 Tim. iv. 14, and again Comm. on Philipp. i. 9. It would be useless to cite any more recent authorities, as they only echo the language of their predecessors. The discussion of Pavl’s visit to Spain leads naturally to the question whether Paul ever landed in Britain. We regard this as quite impossible. There was no period in which he could have made so distant a voyage. 10 is hard to find time for a visit of six months to Spain, and ἃ fortior? he could not have passed into a country so remote as Britain. Theodoret (see supra) indeed writes ina rhetori- cal way that οἱ δὲ ἡμέτεροι ἀλιεῖς καὶ of τελῶναι καὶ 6 σκυτοτόμος (Paul) . . . Βρετανοὺς, καὶ Κίμ- βρους καὶ Ῥερμανοὺς. .. δέξασθαι τοῦ σταυρωθέντος τοὺς νόμους ἀνέπεισαν. Theod. Disputatio, ix. De Legibus ad init. But he evidently is de- scribing the labours not exclusively of the twelve Apostles and Paul, but of the earliest missionaries generally. In another passagé Theodoret is thought to be more precise, for he writes that Paul visited the islands in the sea: eis τὰς Σπανίας ἀφίκετο καὶ ταῖς ἐν τῷ πελάγει διακειμέναις νήσοις THY ὠφέλειαν προσήνεγκεν (Theodor. in Psalm. exvi.); and this has been commonly interpreted to mean that he passed into Britain; but the words ev τῷ πελά- yee refer only to the islands in the Mediterranean sea—as Oyprus, Crete, Malta, and perhaps Corsica and Sardinia—and not to the islands in the ocean. Thecdoret certainly did not suppose Paul to have preached in Britain, for he tells us that on his liberation from his first imprisonment he sailed to Spain, and returned from Spain to Rome, and then and there suffered martyrdom: δύο ἔτη τὸ πρῶτον ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ διήνεγκε καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν, οἰκῶν ἐν τῷ ἰδίῳ μισθώματι: ἐκεῖθεν δὲ εἰς τὰς Σπανίας ἀπελθὼν καὶ τὸ θεῖον κἀκείνοις προσενέγκων εὐαγ- γέλιον, ἐπανῆλθε καὶ τότε τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀπετμήθη. Theod. Comm. on Philipp. i. 25. The first express mention of Paul’s supposed visit to Britain is ascribed to Venantius Fortu- Cuar. VII.) DID ST. PAUL VISIT SPAIN? [a.p. 63] 297 sional assistance, and partly as an amanuensis to write at his dictation. Others would be employed in baptizing—often a laborious office, from the multitude of converts, for Paul was sent “not to baptize, but to preach the Gospel.”* Others would be engaged like Paul himself in discharging the duties of missionaries by public teaching, either in the synagogues of the Jews or in the lecture-rooms of the Gentiles. Others would be ready as envoys to carry the Apostle’s letters and instructions to distant churches, and to act as the representatives of the Apostle in solving their difficulties, reconciling their differences, and superintending generally the religious deportment of the half-formed communities. These fellow-trayellers about the Apostle were often numerous. Thus, when he set out from Corinth for Jerusalem, he took with him Luke, Sopater, Aristarchus, Secundus, Gaius, Timothy, Tychicus, Trophimus, and perhaps cthers.? And during his imprisonment at Rome we find waiting upon him Timothy,”° Tychicus, Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, Luke, Epaphroditus, Jesus called Justus,!! and Onesimus.” Of these, Tychicus and Onesimus had been since sent to Colosse and Epaphroditus to Philippi, and Mark had proceeded eastward ;'* and on the discharge of Paul from imprisonment Timothy also had been sent to Philippi. But so far as we know, Aristarchus, Demas, Luke, and Justus still remained with the Apostle, and some of the others may have returned or their places have been filled up. We may also assume that, during the two years that Paul a prisoner was allowed to preach with full liberty at Rome, many of his hearers and some, per- haps, of the numerous converts saluted by him in the Epistle to the Romans, would attach themselves permanently to the Apostle, and become his fellow-labourers in the vineyard. When, therefore, the Apostle quitted Rome to carry forward the banner of Christ into Spain, we may rest assured that he was accompanied by a band natus, but who lived 600 years after the Apo- divinely supported, from the great success of their stolie age. Not only so, but when the whole — labours, though they were illiterate men, he re- passage is considered, it seems at least doubtful cords that they penetrated into Persia and Ar- whether the poet means that Paul himself, or menia and Parthia and Scythia, and others even to that only his writings had penetrated as far as Britain. τινὰς δὲ ἤδη καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ τῆς οἰκουμένης Britain, for the lines are as follows :— ἐλθεῖν τὰ ἄκρα, ἐπί τε THY ᾿Ινδῶν φθάσαι χώραν" καὶ Pa rae ete c ἢ Ra ΘᾺ ͵ “ Quid sacer ille simul Paulus, tuba gentibus ampla, STE POUS UT ep ΟΡ ΘΟ ΚΕΟΥΘΣ παρελθεῖν aS καλουμέ- Per mare per terras Christi ρυιυοοπία fundens, vas Βρεττανικὰς νήσους. Euseb. Demonst. Evang. eon asi sale, SL τον emate complens, iii.5. But his argument does not require, and his ὧς qua sol radiis tendit, stylus ille cucurrit. pa τ Ree Arctos, Meridies, bine plenus Vesper εὖ Ortus. meaning must not be taken to be, that any of the Transit et oceanum vel qua facit insula portum, twelve Apostles or Paul passed over into Britain, Quasque Britannus habet terras atque ultima 1 hule.” but only some of the earliest missionaries, who A a aa were in no higher station of life than the twelve There can be no doubt, however, that Chris- Apostles. tianity was planted in Britain in the very earliest ΒΤ Core period. Thus Tertullian (born a.p. 160, died 9. Acts xx. 4. A.D. 240) speaks of Britannorum inaccessa Ro- ® Coloss. i. 1; Philipp. i. 1. manis loca, Christo vero subdita. Tertull. adv. 1 Philem. 23; Coloss. iv. 10. Judos, ο. 7. And Eusebius goes so far as to say 2 Philem. 11. that some of the Apostles passed into Britain ; 8 Coloss. iv. 10. for, arguing that the Evangelists must have been Vou, I. 2a 298 [A.D. 63] DID ST. PAUL VISIT SPAIN? [Cuar. VII. of faithful followers, partly his old companions, and partly new coadjutors adopted at Rome. All those who passed with him into Spain and “ went to the work,” may have been intended by him under the brief description contained in the Epistle to the Hebrews written from Spain. ‘They from Italy greet you.” Τ᾿ If we have little light as to Paul’s yisit to Spain at all, we are absolutely in the dark as to the details of his ministry there. At what port, for instance, did he land ? What cities did he evangelize? What was the length of his sojourn? The last ques- tion is the most capable of an answer, for as he was released about March a.p. 63, and Timothy was then immediately dispatched to Philippi with an injunction to re- joi the Apostle in the west,’ and as the mission of Timothy from Rome to Philippi would occupy some months at the least, and as Paul at the date of the Epistle to the Hebrews was expecting the return of Timothy shortly,'® the ministry in Spain must have continued over midsummer. But as Timothy would naturally stay some time with the Philippians, and might also have been commissioned to visit other churches, we should allow for his absence a period of about six months, which would extend the duration of Paul’s ministry in Spain until September, and this would give a meaning to the language in the Hebrews, that if Timothy came quickly Paul would sail with him for Judea," for as winter was approaching, Paul, if he waited long, would lose his passage to Judea for that year. What, again, were the fruits of the Apostle’s ministry in Spain? We cannot doubt that the champion who had planted churches in all the principal cities of the East would meet with his usual success in the Peninsula, but the only proof of it is an inscription, if it be genuine, found in Lusitania of Spain, which thanks the Emperor Nero for the execution of his bloody edicts against the unoffending Chris- tians of that province.’ The date of the inscription is referable to a.p. 65 or 66, and therefore only two or three years from the time of the Apostle’s visit. Any severities however which may have been exercised against the Christians had no more effect in Spain than elsewhere, for Irenzeus, who wrote in the latter part of the second century, speaks of the Christian community in Spain as then flourishing.” Tt was while Paul was prosecuting his labours in Spain that he was overtaken by a disastrous piece of intelligence from Judea, which obliged him to cut short his circuit in the west and return to Judea. We refer to the martyrdom of James the Just, the Bishop of Jerusalem, and the general persecution of the Hebrew church. To understand the posture of affairs in Judea at this juncture, we must recur for a moment to what had been passing there during Paul’s long imprisonment at Rome. When Paul had sailed from Caesarea in a.p. 60, Festus was Procurator, and had not long arrived in his province, and did not long continue in office, but while his Ἡ ᾿Ασπάζονται ὑμᾶς of ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας. Heb. M Heb. xiii. 23. xiii. 24, * See the inscription in note ante, p. 205. ® Compare Philipp. ii. 28; Heb. xiii. 23. ™ ἐν ταῖς ᾿Ιβηρίαις. Ireneus ady. Heeres. i. 3. 16 Heb. xiii. 23. Cuar. VII.J PERSECUTION AT JERUSALEM. [a.p. 63] 299 rule lasted he seems to have administered the affairs of the province with singular felicity. He displayed considerable energy in clearing the country of banditti, and dispersed a fanatical rabble, who had followed an impostor into the desert. In a.v. 61,” Agrippa added a story to his palace at Jerusalem, on the N.E. verge of the High Town (now called Sion), so as to command a sight of what was passing in the Temple on Mount Moriah, to the east. The priesthood were indignant that the mysteries of religion should be overlooked, and raised the western wall of the inner Temple, so as to shut out the view from the palace of Agrippa, but which also had the effect of shutting out the view from the western outer cloister, where the Romans were wont to mount guard to check any sudden outbreak in the crowded area of the Temple. This gave offence to Festus, the Procurator, and the Jews were ordered to demolish the wall. They affected to be horror-struck at the impiety of taking down any part of the sacred edifice, and entreated Festus to allow them to send an embassy to the Emperor. With some difficulty this favour was conceded, and Ishmael, the high priest, with some of the most influential of his countrymen, set sail for Rome. They arrived in the course of the year a.p. 61, and having gained the ear of Poppa, then the mistress of Nero, and a Jewish proselyte, they succeeded in their mission. Ishmael, however, had so insinuated himself into the good graces of Poppea, that when the object of the embassy had been attained, Poppea expressed a wish, amount- ing to a command, that Ishmael should remain in attendance at the Imperial court. On the news of this detention reaching Judea, and therefore about the close of the year .p. 61,% Agrippa was under the necessity of appointing a high priest in the place of Ishmael, and he nominated Joseph, the son of Simon.” At the beginning of A.D. 62, Festus was suddenly snatched away by death, and on the transmission of the intelligence to Rome, Albinus was appointed his successor. About midsummer of the same year, A.p. 62, Agrippa displaced Joseph from the high priesthood, and con- ferred it upon Ananus, the son of Annas.” We have already described Ananus as a disinterested patriot, eloquent in speech and fearless in action, but unhappily, like the rest of the Sadducees, warped by an implacable hatred against the Nazarenes. Annas had been mainly instrumental in the crucifixion of our Saviour, and the son now followed in his father’s steps, by endeayouring to extirpate the obnoxious Heresy. The present juncture was peculiarly favourable for his purpose, as Albinus not having arrived, the Procuratorship was still vacant, and Agrippa, who though not a Christian, had been almost persuaded to adopt the faith, and might be regarded as friendly to the sect, was at a distance from Jerusalem, either residing in Cesarea Philippi, the capital of Trachonitis, or engaged with the Romans in the war against the Parthians.” *° See Fasti Sacri, p. 824, No. 1912. *8 Jos. Ant. xx. 9,1; Bell. ii. 14, 1. *1 See Fasti Sacri, p. 824, No. 1914. * Jos. Ant. xx. 9, 1. 22 Jos. Ant. xx. 8, 11. *° See Fasti Sacri, p. 327, No. 1981. 2 Q 2 300 [aA.p. 63] MARTYRDOM OF JAMES THE JUST. [Cuar. VIT. The persecution began by the infliction of minor punishments, as confiscation of goods, imprisonment, scourging in the synagogues, and excommunication ; and it was at this period that James, the Bishop of Jerusalem, addressed his Epistle to his suffering brethren—at least we trace in it frequent allusions to more than ordinary trials. His first exhortation is this: “ My brethren, count it all joy, when ye fall into divers temptations ; knowing this, that the trying of your faith worketh patience ; but let patience have her perfect work, that ye may be perfect and entire, wanting nothing.” 2° And again, “ Do not rich men oppress you, and draw you before the judg- ment seats? Do not they blaspheme that worthy name by the which ye are called?” * And again, “ Be patient therefore, brethren, unto the coming of the Lord. Behold, the husbandman waiteth for the precious fruit of the earth, and hath long patience for it, until he receive the early and latter rain. Be ye also patient ; stablish your hearts ; for the coming of the Lord draweth nigh. Grudge not one against another, brethren, lest ye be condemned ; behold, the judge standeth before the door. Take, my brethren, the prophets, who have spoken in the name of the Lord, for an example of suffering affliction and of patience. Behold, we count them happy which endure. Ye have heard of the patience of Job, and have seen the end of the Lord; that the Lord is very pitiful, and of tender mercy.” ** These initiatory inflictions of Ananus passed over with impunity, and his severity now rose with his success, and was directed against higher victims. James, the Bishop of Jerusalem, and some of the most eminent of the Hebrew church were brought before the Sanhedrim, to be tried for their lives on the charge of Heresy or Blasphemy by the Jewish law. The Sadducee influence prevailed, and they were condemned, and immediately stoned to death. This bloody deed, so barbarous in itself, was wholly illegal, and an open defiance of the Roman authority ; for the constitution imposed upon them by their conquerors did not permit the Jews to inflict capital punishment without the sanction of the Roman governor. So cold-blooded a murder (for it was no less) of innocent and inoffensive men shocked the minds of all the sober part of the community, whatever night be their sentiments as to the merits of the Christian sect. A courier was immediately dispatched to Albinus, who had already reached Egypt on his way to Judea, and another to Agrippa, the King of Trachonitis, by whom Ananus had been appointed High Priest, and both Albinus and Agrippa exerted themselves with great spirit to prevent further bloodshed. We have an account of these inhuman proceedings from the pen ot the Jewish historian, Josephus, and the narrative is so credible in itself, that we cannot doubt its authenticity. ‘This younger Ananus, who, as we have said just now, was made High Priest, was of a bold temper and exceedingly daring, and moreover he was of the sect of the Sadducees, who, as we also have cbserved before, are, above all other 26 James 1. 2-4. ~ 27 James ii. 6, 7. *8 James v. 7-11. Cuap. VIT.] MARTYRDOM OF JAMES THE JUST. [a.p. 63] 901 Jews, severe in their judicial sentences. This then being the character of Ananus, he, thinking he had a fit opportunity because Festus was dead, and Albinus was yet upon the road, calls a sanhedrim of judges, and bringing before them James, the brother of him who is called Christ, and some others, accused them as transgressors of the laws, and had them stoned to death. But such as were reckoned the most moderate men of the city, and were skilful in the laws, were offended at this proceed- ing; and sent privately to the King (Agrippa) entreating him to send orders to Ananus no more to attempt such things, for neither was his first act justifiable ; and some went away to meet Albinus, who was coming from Alexandria, and put him in mind that Ananus had no right to call a council without his leave. And Albinus, approving of what they said, wrote to Ananus in much anger, threatening to punish him for what he had done. And King Agrippa took away from him the High Priesthood, after he had enjoyed it three months, and put in Jesus, the son of Damneus.” “ἢ We have also a relation of the martyrdom of James, from Hegesippus, a Christian writer, who lived about a.p. 173; but the details which he has given are so mixed with fable, and so manifestly absurd, that we forbear to insert them. They prove only that legendary fiction, even in that early age, had already begun to germinate.*” It may be readily imagined what was the consternation in the Hebrew church while all this was proceeding. A fearful chasm had been made in their ranks. They had lost their Bishop, and some of the most revered of their spiritual guides. Peter, the great Apostle of the Circumcision, was engaged in Babylon,’ or elsewhere in the East, and the remaining Apostles were dispersed over distant regions. The surviving presbyters were faithful to their post, and kept an anxious watch over the flock while the wolves were abroad; but notwithstanding all their zeal, there was just ground for apprehension that the designs of the Sadducees would eventually succeed, and that many of the Christian brethren, with the fear of death before their eyes, might be constrained to renounce (as some, perhaps, had already renounced) their Christian calling. Intelligence of the martyrdom of James the Just, and the persecution of the Hebrew church, reached Paul while he was prosecuting his ministry in the West, and a wish may haye been conveyed to him by the heads of the Hebrew church that he would come to their succour, or if he could not visit them himself, he would address to them an epistle of encouragement. He would gladly have sailed at once to Judea to console his beloved fellow-countrymen under so severe a trial, but he could not dis- entangle himself at a moment’s warning from his engagements in Spain, and he was daily expecting the arrival of Timothy from Philippi, with whose services in the ministry, whether in Spain or Judea, he could not easily dispense. Under these cir- % Jos. Ant. xx. 9; 1. © Euseb, Hist. ii. 23; and Fasti Sacri, p. 327, No. 1931. “1 1 Peter v. 902 [A.D. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuar. VII. cumstances, he prepared for a voyage to Jerusalem as soon as Timothy should join him, and if he delayed his coming, he resolved on embarking by himself. Meanwhile he wrote them a letter, the Epistle to the Hebrews, the most interesting of all his productions, and we had almost said, the most able; but such is the depth of Paul’s mind, that the Epistle last read almost invariably appears the sublimest com- position. His great aim was of course, by every argument that sound reasoning or persuasive eloquence could suggest, to prevent the Apostasy of the Hebrew church. This will be found the key-note of the whole Epistle—the vital principle that animates it from beginning to end. With this view, as the Law and the Gospel were in open collision at Jerusalem, he contrasts the one with the other, and shows the infinite superiority of the new dispensation over the old; that, in fact, the Law and the Levitical Priest- hood were but the type and figure of the Gospel and High Priesthood of Christ. The inference to be drawn was, that the brethren should not worship the shadow and renounce the substance. In perusing the Epistle the reader will bear in mind not only that a bitter perse- cution was now raging, or rather was supposed to be still raging, at Jerusalem, but that the Mosaic Dispensation, as having been superseded by the Gospel, was drawing rapidly to an end; Albinus, the next year, was succeeded by Gessius Florus, and his infamous tyranny gave rise, in aD. 66, to the Jewish war, and in 4.p. 70, Jerusalem was destroyed by Titus, the daily sacrifice ceased, and Jehovah had no longer a temple upon earth (fig. 296). Fig. 296.—Coin struck on the conquest of Jerusalem by Titus. From J. ¥. Akerman. Obv. Portrait of Titus with the legend T. CAES, IMP. AUG. F. TR. P. COS, VI. CENSOR. Rev. Female figure of Judea with the legend JUDAEA CAPTA. 5.6. We now lay before the reader a faint outline of the contents of the Epistle. The Apostle begins (i. 1) by impressing on the Hebrew converts the august majesty of their great Apostie, the author of the new dispensation, that as the Son of God and the heir of all things, he was far above all angels or created spirits, as he proves from the prophetic writings relative to the Messiah, and he then warns them of the danger of apostatising from their faith in that Divine Being: “If the word spoken by angels was stedfast, and every transgression and disobedience received a just recompense of reward, how shall we escape ¢f we neglect so great salvation, which at the first began to be spoken by the Lord, and was confirmed unto us by them that heard him, God also (ΠΑΡ. VII.] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [4.}. 63] 303 bearing them witness, both with signs and wonders, and with divers miracles and gifts of the Holy Ghost, according to his own will.” 55 He next (1. 5) dwells on the character of Christ as our Great High Priest, that, having descended from his lofty sphere to assume the form of man, he had offered himself a sacrifice once for all for the sins of mankind, and that he is now our inter- cessor in heaven: “ For in that he himself hath suffered being tempted, he is able to succour them that are tempted.’”* Having thus portrayed Christ as our Apostle and High Priest, he proves (iii. 1) how immeasurably superior as an Apostle or Lawgiver, he was to Moses, for the latter was faithful as a servant im the household of God, whereas Christ, as the Son, was over his own household, ‘‘ Whose household,” he continues, “are we, if, at least, we hold Jast the confidence and the rejoicing of the hope firm unto the end.” And then, referring to those “whose carcases fell in the wilderness” for want of faith in Moses, he exhorts them to steadfastness in these words: “ Let us therefore fear, lest, a promise being left us of entering into his rest, any of you should seem to come short of it. For unto us are the glad tidings brought, as also unto them; but the word which they heard did not profit them, not being mixed with faith in them that heard it ;”** and he tells them in language almost awful, how searching an eye is over them: “Let us labour therefore to enter into that rest, lest any man fall after the same example of ‘unbelief; for the word of God is quick and powerful and sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit, and of the joints and marrow, and is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart; neither is there any creature that is not manifest in his sight, but all things are naked and laid open unto the eyes of him with whom we have to do.’ He next (iv. 14) compares Christ in his character of High Priest, with Aaron and the Levitical Priesthood, and evinces from Scripture that Christ, as a Priest, after the order of Melchisedec, was in numerous attributes superior to the Priests after the order of Aaron, as in being a Priest for ever, &c.; and he introduces parenthe- tically (from y. 12, to the end of the chapter) some strictures on the backward state of the Hebrew church. He then (viii. 1) advances a step farther, and shows that the Law and Levitical Priesthood, for which the Hebrews were pressed to renounce their allegiance to Christ, were merely the type of the Christian dispensation, and after citing the words of Jeremiah, “ Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, when I will make a new covenant with the house of Israel and with the house of Judah ;” he adds, “In that he saith, ‘a new covenant,’ he hath made the first old: now that which decayeth and waxeth old is ready to vanish away :” and he proceeds (ix. 1) to point out the several types in the Levitieal Priesthood, as that the High Priest once a year offering sacrifice, and then, entering into the Holy of Holies there to intercede for the sins of the people, 3? Heb. ii. 2-4. 33. Heb. ii. 18. * Heb: iy. 1 9. 5. Heb. iv. 11-13. 504 [a.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuar. VIL. signified by a figure that Christ should offer himself once for all a sacrifice for the sins of mankind, and then enter into heaven to be our intercessor with his Father. Thus far the Epistle is doctrinal. In the second part (x. 19) he exhorts them to - constancy in the faith, by every argument of hope or fear that earnest affection could dictate. He first (ix. 19) presses upon them the necessary inference from all that had preceded.—Haying such a High Priest, “ Let us,” he says, “ hold fast the profession of our faith without wavering, for he is faithful that hath promised ;*° and he again warns them of the fatal consequences of apostasy: “He that despised Moses’ law died without mercy under two or three witnesses. Of how much sorer punishment, sup- pose ye, shall he be thought worthy who hath trodden wnder foot the Son of God, and hath counted the blood of the covenant wherewith he was sanctified an unholy thing, and hath done despite unto the spirit of grace "ἢ He next (x. 32) reminds them of the first persecution, in the time of Stephen, and bids them display the same praiseworthy endurance which had then distinguished them. ‘Call to remembrance the former days, in which, after ye were illuminated, ye endured a great wrestling with affliction ; partly, whilst ye were made a gazing-stock both by reproaches and afflictions, and partly, whilst ye became comforters of them that were so used. For ye had compassion of those in bonds, and took joyfully the spoiling of your possessions, knowing in yourselves that ye have in heaven a better and an enduring possession.”** He next (xi. 1) sets before them the examples of the Patriarchs, who, from trust in God, were ready to sacrifice life itself—they had “trial of cruel mockings and scourgings, yea, moreover of bonds and imprisonment; they were stoned, they were sawh asunder, were tempted, were slain with the sword; they wandered about in sheepskins and goatskins, being destitute, afflicted, tormented : ἢ nay, he bids them (xii. 2) follow the example of Christ himself. ‘‘ Look,” he says, “unto Jesus, the author and finisher of our faith, who for the joy that was set before him endured the cross, despising the shame, and is set down at the right hand of the throne of God.”*® He then (x11. 5) exhorts them to patience, as the adopted sons of God: “ For what son is there whom the Father chasteneth not? But if ye be without chas- tisement, whereof all are partakers, then are ye bastards, and not sons. We had then our fathers of the flesh which corrected us—shall we not much rather be in subjection unto the Father of spirits, and live Ὁ In the third part (xii. 14) he proceeds to enforce the duties of religion, and encourages them to the practice of holiness, by pointing out to them the recompense of their reward, even the glories of heaven their inheritance—that the law from Mount Sinai was attended with “blackness and darkness, and tempest, and the sound 86 Heb. x. 23. 88 Heb. x. 32-34. 40 Heb. xii. 2. 7 Heb. x. 28, 29. 8° Heb. xi. 36, 37. 4. Heb. xii. 7-9. πάρ. VII] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 305 of a trumpet, which they that heard entreated that the word might not be spoken to them any more ;” but the Gospel led them to ‘‘ Mount Sion, and the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and an innumerable company of angels, to the general gathering and assembly of the firstborn, which are written in heayen, and God the judge of all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect, and Jesus the mediator of the new covenant.”** He then (xiii. 1) adverts to the necessity of a charitable spirit, amid the trials and afflictions to which they were now subjected at the hands of their own countrymen: “ Let brotherly love continue.” He bids them also show hospitality, a virtue so constantly to be exercised at Jerusalem, to which, at the great festivals, such multitudes of houseless pilgrims were assembled. And he tells them to comfort such as were suffering imprisonment, or fine, or other distress in consequence of the persecution: “Remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them ; and them which suffer adversity, as being yourselves also in the body.”** He then refers to the death of James, the Bishop of Jerusalem, and his fellow- martyrs, who, like Stephen in the first persecution, and James the brother of John in the time of the elder Agrippa, had sealed their faith with their blood. “ Keep in mind,” he writes, “your pastors, who spake to you the word of God, whose faith follow, looking to the end of their conversation.’””** It would seem that the Jews had excommunicated the Christians, and would not allow them to join in the Temple sacrifices, and by refusing to hold communion with them would fain drive them from Jerusalem. Paul makes allusion to this, and comforts them by dwelling on the higher privileges of the Gospel, inasmuch as their city was in heaven, where was Christ, their High Priest, by whom they offered spiritual sacrifices. “ We,” he says, ‘‘ have an altar whereof they have no power to eat which serve the tabernacle. Wherefore Jesus also, that he might sanctify the people with his own blood, suffered without the gate. Let us go forth therefore unto him without the camp, bearing his reproach. For here have we no continuing city, but we seek one to come. By him, therefore, let us offer the sacrifice of praise to God continually, that is, the fruit of our lips, giving thanks to his name.’*® He (xii. 17) inculeates the necessity of obedience to their spiritual rulers, a suitable admonition when the bishop and pastors to whom they had been accus- tomed had been recently torn from them, and others had been newly appointed. He asks for their prayers on his own behalf (xiii. 18), particularly that he might soon be restored to them ; and knowing that some of the Hebrew church were prejudiced against him as advocating the free admission of the Gentiles without the Law, he defends himself by saying, “ We trust we have a good conscience, in all things wishing to live honestly.” He subjoins an apology for having addressed a church, over which he, as Apostle of the Gentiles, had no jurisdiction: ‘‘ And I beseech you, brethren, suffer the word 42 Heb. xii. 22-94: SH EDs; ΟΣ 4# Heb. xiii. 7. 4“ Heb. xiii. 10-15. VOL. II. 28 306 EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuar. VII. of exhortation, for I have written unto you in few words; and then informing them that Timothy had been sent on an errand, viz. to Philippi, and that if he arrived soon, they would visit Jerusalem together, he concludes with a salutation, and the usual benediction, the authentication of every letter. The Epistle ran thus : “— [The itulics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, thus [ ], are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek. ] Cu. 1. “ God, having at divers times and in divers manners** spoken in times past 2 unto the fathers by the prophets, hath at the eatreme of * these days spoken unto 46 Heb. xiii. 22. 47 The date of the Epistle may be referred to the year A.D. 63,as follows :—Paul at the date of the Epistle was certainly at liberty, which would not be the case before the spring of A.D. 63, and at the date of the Epistle he was expecting Timothy back from the mission to Philippi, “Know that Timothy has been sent on a mis- sion, with whom, if he come quickly, I will see you,” Heb. xiii. 23, whither he had been sent immediately on Paul’s release in the spring, Philipp. ii. 19, 23; and Paul was either still in Italy or in some part to which his Italian fol- lowers had accompanied him: “They of (or from) Italy salute you,” Heb, xiii. 19. The date of A.p. 63 is also confirmed by the repeated allusions in the Epistle to the recent persecution of the Christians at Jerusalem. In A.D. 62, Ananus, the high priest, had put James the Just, the Bishop of Jerusalem, to death, and was taking violent proceedings against all of the same faith. (See Fasti Sacri, p. 827, No. 1951.) The tidings of this persecution had in ap. 63 reached the western parts of the Empire, and in the 11th and following chapters of the epistle the Apostle refers again and again to these suffer- ings. The persecution in the writer’s mind was not that in the earliest days of the church, for he exhorts them to the like patience now as had heen exhibited by the first martyrs : “ Remember the former days in which, when ye were enlight- ened (φωτισθέντες) ye endured a great struggle of sufferings,’ Heb. x. 32, and the deaths of James the brother of John, and James the Bishop, are referred to in the passage, “Remember your rulers, Who spake to you the word of life (James, the brother of John, and James the Bishop), whose faith follow, seeing once and again (ἀναθεωροῦντες) the end of their course,” Heb. xiii. 7. 48 Πολυμερῶς καὶ πολυτρόπως. These words were a common Greek expression (see Wetstein), and shew in what language the Epistle was written. The word πολυτρόπως answers to the phrases used by Paul elsewhere: πολὺ κατὰ πάντα τρόπον, Rom. ili. 2; παντὶ τρόπῳ, Philipp. i. 18; διὰ παντὸς ἐν παντὶ τρόπῳ, 2 Thess. iii. 16. Much argument has been employed to prove that this Epistle was not written by Paul. The ‘Hebrews,’ however, contains all the Apostle’s peculiarities. 1. Thus the Apostle usually commences an Epistle with doctrinal matter, and then proceeds to religious reflections, which he follows up with salutations, and concludes with a benediction, “The grace of our Lord be with you;’ and all these characteristics will be found seriatim in the Hebrews. With regard to the benediction in particular, it is observable that the other thirteen Epistles of St. Paul end with it, but none of the other Epistles (viz., of James, or Peter, or John, or Jude) close in the same manner. Indeed, as St. Paul tells the Thessalonians, the salutation in his own handwriting was the test of the authenticity of every Epistle of himself. 2 Thess. iii. 17. When, therefore, we meet with this test in the Epistle to the Hebrews, how can we refuse to recognize Paul as the writer ? This note of authorship must have been familiar to the church, and no other well-intentioned writer would have attempted to impose on the world by using St. Paul’s distinctive mark. Other minor features of resemblance from time to time discever themselves, such as Paul’s asking for their prayers for him, &e. Heb. xii. 18. 2. There are, besides, the personal relations of the writer, which point clearly to Paul, such as the mention of Timothy as one employed upon mis- sions to the churches (Heb. xiii. 23), the wish of the writer that he may be soon restored to the Hebrews (Heb. xiii. 19), which implies, as was ® Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, read ἐπ᾿ ἐσχάτου instead of én’ ἐσχάτων. CHAP. bi EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 501 us ἜΣ lis Son, whom he hath = heir of all ΕΝ by whom also he 3 made the worlds, who being the brightness of his glory, and the express the case with Paul, that he had been Weneaits separated from them. 3. Paul also was an Hellenist, and the version of the Scriptures used by the Hellenists was the Septuagint, and in the Hebrews, as in the other Epistles of Paul, the citations are invariably, or nearly so, from the Septuagint. 4. We may also remark that we find in the Epistle to the Hebrews the same proportion of ἅπαξ λεγόμενα, or words used by Paul once only, or in only one Epistle. The ἅπαξ λεγόμενα in the dif- ferent Epistles are stated by Forster to be as follows :— Heb. 151 Col. 35 Rom. 111 1 Thess. 15 1 Cor. 100 2 Thess. 8 2 Cor. 86 ΠΠ τη; ΤΆ Gals 31 2Tim. 47 Fph. 38 Tit. 3 mk 4 Phil. 6 Total .. 746 In this table the Romans, though longer, con- tains fewer ἅπαξ λεγόμενα than the Hebrews; but, on the other hand, 1 Tim., though little more than one-third of the Hebrews, contains 74, and if of equal length, would furnish nearly 220. 5. By Pauline words are meant words used only, or ina peculiar manner, by Paul; and these also occur in about the same proportion in the Hebrews as in the other Epistles. Thus the 10th chapter of Hebrews and the 8th chapter of Romans contain each 39 verses, and in each are exactly 19 Pauline words: Hebrews. Romans. ᾿Ανάμνησις. ᾿Απεκδέχομαι. ᾿Ἐπισυναγωγή. ᾿Αποκαραδοκία. ᾿Ἐφάπαξ. ᾿Απολύτρωσις. Θεατρίζομαι. Δουλεία. ΔΛειτουργέω. ἜἘνίστημι. Οἰκτιρμός. ᾿Ἐνοικέω. ‘Opodoyia. Θνητός. ᾿Ὀνειδισμός. Οἰκέω. Thus Philo —Tis μακαρίας φύσεως ἐκμυγεῖον ἣ ἀπόσπασμα ἣ ἀπάυ- γασμα. De Mundi Opif. ec. 51. And again— Τῆς μακαρίας καὶ τρὶς-μακαρίας φύσεως a ἀπαύγασμα. De Concupis. ὁ. 11. There was a famous Alexan- drian school at Tarsus where the works of Philo ® Απαύγασμα τῆς δόξης. image of his Poe Ἵ and ἈΡΒΟΙΘΙΕ ΕΣ all ee by the word of his Ewen Febrews. Romans. Πληροφορία. Προορίζω. ΠροσΦυρά. Στενοχωρία. Τιμωρία. Συμπάσχω. Ὑπενάντιος. “Υἱοθεσία. Ὑποστέλλω. Ὕψωμα. The use of the copulative re is also remark- able. It does not appear in the Septuagint at all, but καὶ is invariably employed. It is found in the Hebrews twenty times, and in Paul’s other Epistles seven times. With the exception of Luke, all the other writers of the New Testament together vary the copulative καὶ for re in eight instances only. The connective re appears to have clung to the author’s mind in the Hebrews as the word πλοῦτος in the Ephesians and Colossians. 6, No doubt the style of the Hebrews is not quite consonant with that of Paul’s Epistles generally, but the Hebrews is rather a carefully wrought treatise on the most vital points of faith, and addressed to a church over which Paul had no supremacy, and to which he was comparatively a stranger, while the other Epistles were letters to churches with which Paul was familiar, or over which, as the Apostle of the Gentiles, he exercised an allowed authority. The difference of style only shows the wonderful talent of the Apostle, who, while scorning to write in studied language to the Greeks, 1 Cor. ii. 4, could, when occasion called for it, employ a flowing and even ornate style. See Forster on the Hebrews. 7. It has been made an objection to the Pauline authorship of the Epistle, that the Hebrews abounds too much in quotations to have come from the hand of Paul; but on a comparison of it with the Romans, it is found that the latter has 48 while the former has only 34 citations. Certainly, the Romans is the longer Epistle, viz. in the proportion of 14 to 10; but even allowing for this, there is a greater frequency of quotation in the Romans than in the Hebrews. 8. It has been thought singular by some that Paul does not preface his letter with the usual would be diligently stidiail and Paul, as aig cated and afterwards residing at Tarsus, would be deeply imbued with Philo’s style. This will account for Paul’s repeated allusions to Philo. * Literally “his substance,” αὐτοῦ. τῆς ὑποστάσεως Z2OR sz 308 [a.p. 68] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. {Cuar. VII. when he had by himself made purgation of our sins, sat down on the right 4 hand of the Majesty on high, having become so much better than the angels, 5 inasmuch as he hath inherited a more excellent name than they. For unto which of the angels said he at any time, ‘Thou art my son, this day have I begotten thee” (Ps, ii. 7.) And again, ‘I will be to him for a Father, and 6 he shall be to me jor a Son.’ (2 Sam. vii. 14.) And again, when he words, “Paul, the Apostle of Jesus Christ;” but the obvious explanation of so immaterial a circumstance is, that the writer was unwilling to prejudice his argument by prefixing a name which to some members of the Hebrew church (for all the flock were not as clear-sighted as their teachers), would be no recommendation. It had been said to him shortly after his conver- sion, ‘‘ Make haste, and get thee quickly out of Jerusalem, for they will nut receive thy testimony concerning me” Acts xxii. 18. He may also have felt a delicasy in assuming an apostolic authority when aadressing a chureh to which he did not belong, and over which he, as the Apostle of the Gentiles, had no spirit τῷ} juris- diction. This explanation is of the highest antiquity, as Eusebius quotes an old presbyter aS Saying, διὰ μετριότητα 6 Παῦλος, ὡς ἂν εἰς τὰ ἔθνη ἀπεσταλμένος, οὐκ ἐγγράφει ἑαυτὸν “Ἑβραίων ἀπόστολον, διὰ τε τὴν πρὸς τὸν Κύριον τιμὴν, διὰ τε τὸ ἐκ περιουσίας καὶ τοῖς Ἑβραίοις ἐπιστέλλειν ἐθνῶν κήρυκα ὄντα καὶ ἀπόστολον. Euseb. E. H. vi. 14. It was in 4.p. 54, at the close of Paul’s second circuit, when Paul and Barnabas went up to Jerusalem together, that the solemn compact was made between Paul and Barnabas on the one hand, and the Apostles of Jerusalem on the other, thit Paul and Barnabas should be recog nized as the Apostles of the Gentiles. In the two Epistles to the Thessalonians written before that time, Paul does not eall himself an Apostle, but he does so in all the others which were of a subsequent date, except in the Mpistle to the Philippians (which is accounted for from special circumstances), and in the Epistle to the Hebrews, where of course he would omit the titte as he was not an Apostle of the Hebrews, who were under the jurisdiction of the Apostles of Jeru- salem. J, As to external testimony, Clement of Rome, the disciple of Paul, quotes it repeatedly, which he would not have done had it not been a canonical book. Pantienus, the most learned man of his day, and who flourished about a.p. 180, and was head of the school of Alexandria, speaks of it as from the hand of Paul. Euseb. vi. 14. Clement of Alexandria, the successor of Panteenus in the same school, assents to the same opinion, but broaches the idea that it was originally written in Hebrew, and translated by Luke. Euseb. vi. 14. Origen, who flourished a.p. 220, con- sidered Paul to have been the author as regards the thoughts, though he leaned to the opinion that Clement or Iuuke had assisted the Apostle in clothing the >deas in language. Euseb. vi. 25. (See Stuart on the Hebrews.) In the Western church, however, the Epistle, as is natural, was less known. Irenzeus, A.p. 178, denied the Pau- line authorship, and Tertullian, a.p, 200, at- tributed it to Barnabas; and Caius, a.p. 211 and Hippolytus, a.p. 220, did not admit Paul to be the author, (See Davidson's Introduction, vol. iii.) At the present day most of the German critics deny that Paul had any connection with the Kpistle, and would ascribe it to Luke, or Barnabas, or Clement, or Apollos, or Sylvanus, or indeed, to any one but the only person who, in the author’s opinion, has any just pretensions to it, viz. the Apostle Paul. Further arguments in favour of the Pauline claim to the Epistle will be found in several passages commented upon as they occur. Vids μου εἶ σὺ ἐγὼ σήμερον γεγέννηκά σε. The words are cited exactly from the LXX. Paul applies the same passage in the same manner in Acts xiii. 83; and no other writer of the New Testament has done so. Ὁ Καὶ πάλιν. ‘This mode of citation is pecu- liarly Pauline, and occurs nowhere in the New Testament but in his Epistles. In Rom. xy. 10 we have the exact counterpart of the present formula: Kat πάλιν λέγει Εὐφράνθητε ἔθνη μετὰ τοῦ λαοῦ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πάλιν, Aivetre τὸν Κύριον, &e. Καὶ πάλιν Ἡσαΐας λέγει, Ἔσται ἡ ῥίζα, &e. 1 Cor. iii. 19, 20. Kya ἔσομαι αὐτῷ eis πατέρα, καὶ αὐτὸς ἔσται μοι εἰς υἱόν. These words are cited from the LXX. Besides the passage from 2 Sam. vii. 14, we also find—Oébros ἔσται μοι εἰς υἱὸν, Kayo αὐτῷ εἰς πατέρα. 1 Chron, xxii. 10. Kayo ἔσομαι αὐτᾷ 1 Chron, xxvii. 6. So in εἰς πατέρα. Cuar, VII.] EPISTLE ΤῸ THE HEBREWS. [A.p. 63] 309 12 14 bringeth the first begotten into the world, he saith, * And let all the angels of God worship him.’ (Deut. xxxii. 43.)°° And of the angels he saith, ‘ Who maketh his angels winds,® and his ministers a flame of fire “7 (Ps. civ. 4); but unto the Son he saith, ‘Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever; a sceptre of righteousness is the sceptre of thy kingdom: thou hast loved righteous- ness, and hated iniquity; therefore God, even thy God, hath anointed thee with the oil of gladness aboye thy fellows.’ (Ps. xly. 0.) And, ‘Thou, Lord, in the beginning hast laid the foundation of the earth; and the heavens are works of thine hands. They shall perish, but thou remainest, and they all shall wax old as doth a garment, and as a vesture shalt thou fold them up,” and they shall be changed; but thou art the same, and thy years shall not fail.’ (Ps. cii. 25.) But to which of the angels said he at any time, ‘Sit on my right hand, until I make thine enemies thy footstool’? (Ps. ex. 1.)" Are they not all ministering spirits, sent forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of salvation ? © Προσκυνησάτωσαν αὐτῷ πάντες ἄγγελοι Θεοῦ. These words are found in the LXX., Deut. xxxil. 43, but there is no trace of them in the i Hebrews, 13. Κάθου ἐκ δεξιῶν μου, ἕως ἂν θῶ τοὺς 1 Corinthians. = GE Eats : XY. 25. Δεῖ γὰρ αὐτὸν βασιλεύειν ἄχρις οὗ Hebrew—a strong argument that the Epistle ἐχθρούς σου ὑποπό- ἂν θῇ πάντας τοὺς was written in Greek. In Ps. xevii. 7 we have διον τῶν ποδῶν σου. ἐχθροὺς ὑπὸ τοὺς Προσκυνήσατε αὐτῷ πάντες ἄγγελοι Θεοῦ, but even πόδας αὐτοῦ. there the Hebrew does not agree, for the text in "Eoxaros ἐχθρὺς Hebrew is—* Worship him, all ye gods!” °° πνεύματα. In Eng. ver. “ spirits.” “ The citation is exactly from the LXX., except that πυρὸς φλόγα is substituted by the Apostle for πῦρ φλέγον. The Hebrew text runs “who maketh the winds his mnessengers and flames of fire his ministers.” ‘The Epistle, therefore, was written in Greek, as the LXX. and not the Hebrew is followed. Others, how- ever, maintain, that the LXX. is the true trans- lation of the Hebrew. See Alford’s note, Ὁ The citation is verbatim from the LXX. °° “Ελίξεις αὐτούς. Some MSS. have ἀλλάξεις, which agrees with the Hebrew, and also with the Alexandrine MS. of the LXX. “ὃ Σὺ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς, Κύριε, τὴν γῆν ἐθεμελίωσας, ἄο. In the LXX., Kar’ ἀρχὰς τὴν γῆν σὺ, Κύριε͵ Il. 8. Πάντα ὑπέταξας ὑποκάτω τῶν ποδῶν αὐτοῦ. nah ΠΥ ; Ἐν γὰρ τῷ ὑποτάξαι αὐτῷ τὰ πάντα, Οὐδὲν ἀφῆκεν αὐτῷ a - ἀνυπότακτον. Nov δὲ οὔπω ὁρῶμεν αὐτῷ τὰ πάντα ὑπο- τεταγμένα. Τὸν δὲ βραχύτι παρ᾽ ἀγγέλους ἠλαττωμένον βλέπομεν Ἰησοῦν διὰ τὸ πάθημα τοῦ θανά- του δύξῃ καὶ τιμῇ ἐστε- ἐθεμελίωσας. φανωμένον, Ὁ The citation is from the LXX. ‘The [Π.14. Ἕνα διὰ τοῦ θα- parallelism observable between this part of the νάτου καταργήσῃ τὸν Epistle and the First Epistle to the Corinthians τὸ κράτος ἔχοντα τοῦ lends strong support to the view that both θανάτου τουτέστι τὸν emanated from the same hand. following passages :— Compare the διάβολον. ἱ καταργεῖται ὁ θάνατος. Πάντα γὰρ ὑπέταξει ὑπὸ τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ. Ὅταν δὲ εἴπῃ ὅτι πάντα ὑποτέτακται. Δῆλον ὅτι ἐκτὸς τοῦ ὑποτάξαντος αὐτῷ τὰ πάντα. Ὅταν δὲ ὑποτάγῃ αὐτῷ τὰ πάντα, Τότε καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ υἱὸς ὑποταγήσεται τῷ ὑποτάξαντι αὐτῷ τὰ πάντα. The use in both passages of the word καταργεῖν Accroupyixa πνεύματα. So Philo has ἤλγγελοι λειτουργοί, Vol. ii. p. do7; de Caritate, ο. 3, 310 Cn. IT. [a.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cnap. VII. “Therefore we ought to give the more earnest heed to the things which we 2 have heard,” lest at any time we should fall away."* For if the word spoken by angels” was stedfast, and every transgression and disobedience received a 3 just recompense of reward, how shall we escape who have neglected so great salvation, which having begun to be spoken by the Lord, hath been confirmed εξ: unto us by them that heard ?°° God also bearing witness, both with signs and wonders, and with divers miracles, and distributions of the Holy Ghost, according to his own will.” 5 “For unto the angels he hath not put in subjection the world to come, 6 whereof we speak ; but one in a certain place testified, saying, ‘ What is man, that thou art mindful of him? or the son of man, that thou visitest him ? 7 Thou madest him for a little while* lower than the angels ;* thou crownedst 8 him with glory and honour ; thou hast put all things in subjection under his feet.’ (Ps. vii. 4.)" he left nothing that is not put under him ; but now we see not yet all things For in that he put all ¢déngs in subjection under him; 9 put 2m subjection under him ; but we see Jesus, who was made for a little while lower than the angels, through the suffering of death, crowned with glory and honour, that he by the grace of God should taste death for eyery man; for it 1 became him, for whom are all things, and by whom are all things,” in bring- is particularly remarkable, as the term is ex- tremely rare; and though introduced in St. Paul’s Epistles twenty-six times, is only once (Luke xiii. 7) employed elsewhere in the whole of the New Testament. See Forster, p. 69. The text in the Hebrews is evidently not a citation of that in the Corinthians, but the operation of ope mind working freely, in a similar mode, upon the same materials. “8. This language is thought to be very dif- ferent from that employed by Paul in his ad- mitted Epistles. But it must be remembered that he is here writing to the Hebrews, who had not derived their knowledge of the Gospel from himself, for he was the Apostle of the Gentiles, but had heard it from the Apostles of the cireumcision. The relation between the Apostle and his correspondents is, therefore, not the same in the Hebrews as in the other Epistles. See, however, the use of similar lan- guage by the Apostle in writing even to a Gentile church. Ephes. iii. 5. Ἢ παραῤῥυῶμεν. In Eng. ver. “let them slip.” © That is, the Law of Moses, which, accord- ing to Paul, was given by the intervention of angels, διαταγεὶς δι᾽ ἀγγελῶν. Galat. iii. 19. We have before had occasion to remark that the old Dispensation was attributed to angels. See Vol. 1. p. 3850. ‘ This has been used as an argument by some that Paul did not write the Epistle, as the author of it here speaks of himself and those he was addressing as deriving the Gospel from the Apostles, whereas Paul received it from Revelation. But Paul often identifies him- self with his correspondents when the remark could not by any possibility be applied to him- self personally. See Vol. I. p. 283, and Note “ὃ supra. * We have here as elsewhere the testimony of Paul to the miracles recorded in the New Testament. 88 βραχύ τι, as in Acts v. 84. In Eng. ver. “a little lower.” ® In Hebrew the word is Dinos and in the LXX. only is the word “angels.” The Epistle, therefore, was written in Greek. The words in the Textus receptus καὶ κατέστησας αὐτὸν ἐπι τὰ ἔργα τῶν χειρῶν σου, “and didst set him over the works of thy hands,” are doubted by Lachmann, and rejected by Gries- bach, Scholtz, Tischendorf, and Alford. 7 The same text from the Psalms is also quoted 1 Cor. xy. 27, and Eph. i. 22. The cita- tion is verbatim from the LXX. ΤΣ Viz. God the Father. 11 12 19 14 Cu, ΠῚ. τϑ Viz. Christ. τὰ Viz. Christ. 75 Cuap. V1I.] eee ἢ , ἐν μέσῳ ἐκκλησίας. EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 311 ing many sons unto glory, to make the captain of their salvation perfect through sufferings ; for both he that sanctifieth “Ὁ and they that are sanctified are all of one; for which cause He‘* is not ashamed to call them brethren, saying, ‘I will declare thy name unto my brethren; in the midst of the con- gregation® will I sing praise unto thee.’ (Ps. xxii. 22.) And again, “1 will And again, ‘Behold I, and the children which God Forasmuch, then, as the children are par- ὅτι put my trust in him. hath given me.’ (Js. viii. 18.)* takers of flesh and blood, he also himself likewise partook of the same, that through death he might destroy him that hath the power of death, that is, the devil, and deliver them, whoever through fear of death were all their lifetime held under bondage ; for verily he doth not assume [the nature of] angels, but he assumeth the seed of Abraham. Wherefore in all things it behoved him to be made like unto his brethren, that he might become a merciful and faithful high priest ‘’ in things pertaining to God, to make atonement for the sins of the people; for in that he himself hath suffered being tempted, he is able to succour them that are tempted. “Wherefore, holy brethren, partakers of the heavenly calling, consider the Apostle and High Priest of our confession Jesus,’ who was faithful to him that appointed him, as also Moses was ‘faithful in all his house’ (Num. xii. 7) ;*! (for this one was counted worthy of more glory than Moses, inasmuch as he who framed the house hath more honour than the house; for every house is framed by some man, but he that framed all things is God; and Moses, verily, was faithful in all his house, as a servant,” for a testimony of those things which were to be spoken after ; but Christ as a son over his own house, whose house are we, if at least we hold fast the confidence and the boast τ The doctrine of the high priesthood of Christ is found nowhere in the New Testament In Eng. ver. “in the but in Paul’s Epistles. See Rom. xv. 16; 1 Cor. midst of the church.” τὸ ἀπαγγελῶ τὸ ὄνομά σου, κιτιλ. In the LXX, διηγήσομαι τὸ ὄνομά σου, K.T-d. 7 ἐγὼ ἔσομαι πεποιθὼς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ. Inthe LXX., πεποιθὼς ἔσομαι ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ. The same words are found in 2 Sam. xxii. 3, and the words ἐλπιῶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν in Ps, xviii. ὃ. τϑ The citation is from the LXX. The two passages in this verse follow each other in the LXX., and are one sentence. The words “and again” which here divide them are probably an interpolation. The words should run thus, * I will put my trust iu him. Lo! Land the chil- dren which God hath given me,” and by children must be understood not the children of Christ, but the children of God. ix. 13; Eph. v. 2; where the writer glances at the subject, but without the discussion of it, which, perhaps, he reserved to a future oppor- tunity. 0 τὸν ἀπόστολον καὶ ἀρχιερέα τῆς ὁμολογίας ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν. So Philo calls the high priest ὁ μέγας ἀρχιερεὺς τῆς ὁμολογίας. De Somniis, i. ὁ, 38, p. 654. The word Χριστὸν before Ἰησοῦν is rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, 'Tischendorf, and Alford. ‘| πιστὸν. . .. ὡς καὶ Μωσῆς ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ. In the LXX. ὁ θεράπων μου Μωυσῆς ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ οἴκῳ μου πιστός ἐστι. © ὡς θεράπων. In allusion to the same word in the LXX., quoted abeve. [a.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [παρ᾿ VII. 15 (or) of the hope firm unto the end.**) Wherefore, as the Holy Ghost saith,“ ‘To- day, if ye will hear his yoice, harden not your hearts, as in the provocation, in the day of temptation in the wilderness, when your fathers tempted me, proved me, and saw my works forty years: wherefore I was grieved with that genera- tion, and said,—They do always err in their heart, and they have not known my ways; so I sware in my wrath, they shall not enter into my rest’ (Ps. xev. 7),*° take heed, brethren, lest there be in any of you an evil heart of unbelief, in apostatizing * from the living God; but exhort one another daily, while it is called to-day, lest any of you be hardened through the deceitfulness of sin; for we are made partakers of Christ, if so be that we hold the begin- ning of our confidence stedfast unto the end, ἐφ that it is said, ‘To-day if ye will hear his voice, harden not your hearts, as in the provocation ;’ for some, when they had heard, did provoke; but not all that came out of Egypt by Moses. Was it not with them that had sinned, whose carcases fell in the wilderness? And to whom sware he that they should not enter into his rest, but to them that believed not ? So we see that they could not enter in because of unbelief. But with whom was he grieved forty years? “Let us, therefore, fear, lest, a promise being left us of entering into his rest, any one of you should seem to come short of it; for unto us ave the glad tidings brought *' as also unto them; but the word which they heard“ did not profit them, not being mixed with faith in them that heard it. For we whe have believed do enter into rest, as he said, ‘So I sware in my wrath, they shall not enter into my rest’ (although the works had been finished from the foun- dation of the world, for he spake in a certain place of the seventh day on this wise, ‘And God did rest the seventh day from all his works’ (Gen. 11. 2),°° and in this place again, ‘ they shall not enter into my rest’*’). Seeing, therefore, it remaineth that some must enter therein, and they to whom it was first 88 Paley has pointed out the peculiarity of St. Paul in “ going off at a word.” The reader will observe how the mention of the faithfulness of Moses “in all his house” leads him away from his subject to comment on the idea of “the house.” When he has concluded his paren- thetical remarks, he again resumes the train of thought which for a moment he had quitted, “ Wherefore, as the Holy Ghost saith,” &e. ** Therefore David, the author of the Psalm, was divinely inspired. * The citation is verbatim from the LXX. ὅδ ἐν τῷ ἀποστῆναι. In Eng. ver. “in depart- ing.” δ᾽ ἐσμὲν εὐηγγελισμένοι. In Eng. ver. “unto us was the gospel preached.” ὅδ ὁ λόγος τῆς axons. In Eng. ver. “the word preached.” 88. Allusion is here made to the good report of the land of Canaan brought to the Israelites by Joshua and Caleb, but which was not believed. 8 καὶ κατέπαυσεν ὁ Θεὸς ἀπὸ πάντων TOY ἔργων αὐτοῦ. In {πὸ LXX., καὶ κατέπαυσε τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ ἑβδόμῃ ἀπὸ πάντων τῶν ἔργων αὐτοῦ. 91 The argument is that God promised a rest to the Israelites in the wilderness, which must, therefore, be a distinct rest from that at the conclusion of the work of creation; but this rest was not attained in the time of Joshua, for it was still prospective in the time of David, as appears from the passage, “ Zo-duy if ye will hear his voice harden not your hearts,” &c., being a promise of rest to such as should hear and believe. Cuar. VII.] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a ν. 63] 313 ind ‘ 15 [54] preached entered not in because of unbelief, again he limiteth a certain day, saying in David, ‘To-day,’ after so long a time (as we have said, ‘ To-day, if ye will hear his voice, harden not your hearts’); for if Joshua ** had given them rest, then would he not afterward haye spoken of another day. There re- maineth, therefore, a sabbath-rest to the people of God ; for whoso hath entered into his rest he also hath ceased from his own works, as God did from his own. Let us be diligent, therefore, to enter into that rest, lest any man fall after the same example of unbelief; for the word of God is lively, and powerful, and sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit, and of the joints and marrow, and is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart; neither is there any creature that is not manifest in his sight; but all things are naked and laid open unto the eyes of him with whom we have to do.” “Seeing, then, that we have a great High Priest, that is passed through the heavens, Jesus the Son of God,** let us hold fast our confession; for we have not a High Priest which cannot sympathize with our infirmities, but who was in all points tempted like as we are, yet without sin. Let us, there- fore, come boldly unto the throne of grace, that we may obtain mercy, and find grace to help in time of need. “For every High Priest taken from among men is ordained for men in things pertaining to God, that he may offer both gifts and sacrifices for sins; who can haye compassion on the ignorant and erring,’ for that he himself also is compassed with infirmity; and by reason hereof he ought, as for the people, so also for himself, to offer for sins. And no man taketh this honour unto himself, but he that is called of God, as was Aaron: so also Christ glori- fied not himself to be made a High Priest; but he that said unto him, ‘Thou art my Son; to-day have I begotten thee’ (Ps. 11. 7);°° as he saith also in another place, ‘Thou art a priest for ever after the order of Melchi- sedec.’ (Ps. cx. 4.)" Who in the days of his flesh, when he had offered up prayers and supplications with strong erying and tears unto him that was able to save him from death, and was heard, from his devoutness,** though he ® "Incovs, the Greek form of Joshua. In Eng. rerum Divin. heres. ὁ. 26. yer. “ Jesus,” which is apt to mislead. * Tn this striking passage (which cuts as it speaks), Paul seems to have had Philo in his thoughts: ἵνα τὸν ἀδίδακτον ἐννοῆς Θεὸν, τέμνοντα τάς τε τῶν σωμάτων καὶ πραγμάτων ἑξῆς ἁπάσας ἡρμόσθαι καὶ ἡνῶσθαι δοκούσας φύσεις τῷ τομεῖ τῶν συμπάντων αὐτοῦ λόγῳ, ὃς εἰς τὴν ὀξυτάτην ἀκονηθεὶς ἀκμὴν διαιρῶν οὐδέποτε λήγει τὰ αἰσθητὰ πάντα, ἐπειδὰν δὲ μέχρι τῶν ἀτόμων καὶ λεγομένων ἁμερῶν διεξέλθη, κατιλ. Philo, vol. i. p. 491. Quis VOL. 1. * As opposed to Jesus or Joshua, the son of Nun. ὃ πλανωμένοις. out of the way.” “ The words are taken verbatim from the LXX. * Verbatim from the LXX. °° ἀπὸ τῆς εὐλαβείας. In Eng. ver. “in that he feared.” In Eng. ver. “them that are 914 [A.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuar. VII. Cu. VI. were a son, yet learned he obedience by the things which he suffered ;*° and being made perfect, he became the author of eternal salvation unto all them that obey him; declared by God a High Priest after the order of Melchisedec, of whom we have much to say, and hard to be interpreted, seeing ye are dull of hearing (for when, by reason of the time ye ought to be teachers, ye have need that one teach you again which be the first principles of the oracles of God, and are become such as have need of milk, and not of solid nowrishment ;*°° for every one that useth milk is unskilful in the word of righteousness, for he is a babe, but solid nowrishment belongeth to them that are of full age,‘ even those who by reason of use have their senses exercised to discern both good and evil. Wherefore leaving the word of initiation’ in Christ, let us go on unto perfection, not laying again the foundation of repentance from dead works, 2 and of faith toward God, of the doctrine of baptisms, and of laying on of He OO 6 And this will we do, if God permit ;*** for those who have been once enlightened, and have tasted of the heavenly gift, and have been made partakers of the Holy Ghost, and have tasted the good word of God, and the powers of the world to hands,’ and of resurrection of the dead, and of eternal judgment. come, it is impossible when they have fallen away, to renew again unto repent- ance, seeing they crucify to themselves the Son of God afresh, and put him to an open shame. For the grownd which drinketh in the rain that cometh oft upon it, and bringeth forth the herb meet for them by whom it is dressed, 8 partaketh of blessing from God ; but ¢f a bear thorns and briars τέ is rejected, 9 10 and is nigh unto cursing, whose end is to be burned. But, beloved, we are persuaded better things of you,’ and things pertaining to salvation ;'°° for God is not unjust to forget your work and the love’ which ye have shewed 99 ahs : ἔμαθεν ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἔπαθε τὴν ὑποκοήν. An ap- xix. 12, xxviii. 8. Cf. 2 Kings vii.; Matt. ix. 18, parent allusion to the proverb, παθήματα μαθή- ματα, Herod. i. 207, and therefore an argument that the Epistle was written in Greek. So Philo de Profugis, ο. 25, vol. i. p. 566: ἔμαθον μὲν 6 ἔπαθον. 10 στερεᾶς τροφῆς. meat.” 101 In Eng. ver. “ strong πᾶς yap ὁ μετέχων γάλακτος ἄπειρος λόγου δικαιοσύνης, νήπιος γάρ ἐστι, τελείων δέ ἐστιν ἡ στερεὰ τροφή. This appears to be drawn from Philo De Agric. ¢. 2, vol. i. p. 901 : νηπίοις μέν ἐστι γάλα τροφὴ, τελείοις δὲ τὰ ἐκ πυρῶν πέμματα, K.T-r. 102 τῆς ἀρχῆς λόγον. In Eng. ver. “the prin- ciples of the doctrine.” S That imposition of hands which was prac- tised under the Law and found in some eases its continuance under the Gospel. By laying on of hands the sick were healed (Mark xvi. 18; Acts &e.), officers and teachers of the church were admitted to their calling (Acts vi. 6, xiii. 3; 1 Tim. iv. 14, v 22; Numb. viii. 10, xxviii. 18, 23; Deut. xxxiv. 9), converts were fully ad- mitted into the Christian church after baptism (Acts viii. 17, xix. 6; 2 Tim. 1,6), and there can be little doubt that it is mainly to this last that the attention of the readers is here called. Alford. ane So the Apostle (1 Cor. xvi. 7) uses the like expression, ἐὰν 6 Κύριος ἐπιτρέπῃ, a phrase not found elsewhere. 105 »» » ΄ ς ΄ εαν TEP ἐπιτρεπὴ O Θεός. πεπείσμεθα δέ περὶ ὑμῶν, ἀγαπητοὶ, τὰ κρείσ- cova, καιλ. Are not these words from the same hand as πέπεισμαι δὲ, ἀδελφοί μου, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐγὼ περὶ ὑμῶν, κιτιλ., Rom. xv. 14? 108 ἐχύμενα τῆς σωτηρίας. In Eng. ver. “things that accompany salvation.” 1 Observe the parallelism between the He- Cuar. VII] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 315 11 towards his name, in that ye ministered to the saints, and do minister ;!° and we desire that every one of you do shew the same diligence to the full assur- 12 ance of hope unto the end, that ye be not slothful, but followers of them who 13 through faith and patience inherit the promises. For when God made pro- mise to Abraham, because he could swear by no greater, he sware by himself,!"* 14 saying, ‘Surely blessing I will bless thee, and multiplying I will multiply 15 thee’ (Gen. xxii. 17);"° and so, after he had patiently endured, he obtained 16 the promise. For men verily swear by the greater; and an oath for confir- mation is to them an end of all gainsaying; wherein God, willing more abundantly to shew unto the heirs of the promise the immutability of his 18 counsel, confirmed it by an oath,; that by two immutable things, in which it was impossible for God to lie, we might have a strong consolation, who have 19 fled for refuge to lay hold upon the hope set before us; which [hope] we have as an anchor of the soul, both sure and stedfast, and which entereth into the 20 interior of the veil; whither the forerunner is for us entered, even Jesus, having become a high priest for ever after the order of Melchisedec).!” Cu.VII. “For this Melchisedec, King of Salem," priest of the most high God, brews and the First Epistle to the 'Thessa- lonians :— Hebrews. VI. 10. Οὐ yap ἄδικος ὁ Θεὸς ἐπιλαθέσθαι Tov | ἔργου ὑμῶν, | Kat τοῦ κόπου τῆς ] 1 Thessalonians, 1. 3. ᾿Αδιαλείπτως μνη- μονεύοντες ὑμῶν τοῖ ἔργου τῆς πίστεως, Καὶ τῆς ἀγάπης. ἀγάπης. The whole context also in each Epistle is full of the same thoughts, and of words peculiarly Pauline. See Forster. The received text of the Hebrews has the words τοῦ κόπου τῆς ἀγάπης, and if this were the true reading the parallelism would be stil! more exact; but the words τοῦ κόπου are rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lach- mann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 8 The Apostle here alludes to the kind offices of the Jewish converts at Jerusalem in minis- tering to the wants of their fellow-Christians, and more particularly in finding them lodgings during the great feasts (as Mnason took in Paul and his company at the Pentecost, Acts xxi. 17), and in relieving those who were in prison for their faith, as was Paul himself for two years at Cesarea. 1 Ἐπεὶ κατ᾽ οὐδενὸς εἶχε μείζονος ὀμόσαι, ὦμοσε καθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ. The Apostle seems again to refer to Philo, who observes upon the same passage : ‘Opas yap ὅτι οὐ καθ᾽ ἑτέρου ὀμνυει Θεός" οὐδὲν yap αὐτοῦ κρεῖσσον: ἀλλὰ καθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ ὃς ἐστι πάντων ἄριστος. Legis Allegor. iii. 72, vol. i. p. 98. 10 Ἢ μὴν εὐλογῶν εὐλογήσω σε, καὶ πληθύνων πληθυνῶ σε. In the LXX., Ἦ μὴν ἐυλογῶν εὐλογήσω σε, καὶ πληθύνων πληθυνῶ τὸ σπέρμα σου, Ἢ τὸ ἐσώτερον τοῦ καταπετάσματος. ver. “that within the veil.” u? Another instance of Paul’s mode of digress- ing. Having now run out the parenthesis com- mencing at chapter v. 12, he returns to the subject of Melchisedec. 4S Salem is generally taken to be the same as Jerusalem, So Josephus: ἔνθα καὶ ὁ τῆς Σόλυμα πόλεως ὑποδέχεται βασιλεὺς αὐτὸν Μελχισεδέκης In Eng. . THY μέντοι Σόλυμα ὕστερον ἐκάλεσαν Ἱεροσό- λυμα. Απί. 1. 10,2, and see Ant. υἱῖ. 8, 3. 'Lhe change from Salem to Jerusalem is said to have arisen from the sacrifice of Abraham on Mount Moriah (placed, in the Second Book of Chronicles, iii. 1, on the mount of the Temple), and as Abra- ham called the place Jehovah Jireh (Gen. xxii. 14), the name of Jireh was added to Salem, and so formed Jerusalem. Others are of opinion that the Salem of Melchisedee was identical with the Salem by Anon, where John the Baptist was baptizing (John iii. 23); and this view is adopted by Wordsworth, who argues that the Salem of Melchisedee (Gen. xiv. 18) must be the same as the Salem of Gen. xxxiii. 18. But the argument is not very cogent, for Melchisedec in the first passage is called “ King of Salem,” as a 28 2 316 (Car. VII. [A.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. bo “1S 10 11 who met Abraham returning from the slaughter of the kings," and blessed him—to whom also Abraham gave a tenth part of all (Gen. xiy. 20)—first being by interpretation King of Righteousness ;° and after that also King of Salem, which is King of Peace "’—without father, without mother,"® with- out descent,’ haying neither beginning of days, nor end of life, but made like unto the Son of God-—abideth a priest continually. Now consider how great this man was, unto whom even the patriarch Abraham gave the tenth of the spoils! And verily they that are the sons of Levi, who receive the office of the priesthood, haye a commandment to take tithes of the people according to the Law—that is, of their brethren, though they come out of the ἡ loins of Abraham; but he whose descent is not counted from them received tithes of Abraham, and blessed him that had the promises, and without all contradiction the less is blessed by the better. And here men that die receive tithes; but there he receiveth them, of whom it is witnessed that he liveth ; and as I may so say, Levi also, who receiveth tithes, payed tithes through Abraham, for he was yet in the loins of his father, when Melchisedec met him. If, therefore, perfection were by the Leyitical priesthood (for under 1" the people received the Law), what further need was there that another priest should rise after the order of Melchisedee, and not be called after the order of Aaron? For the priesthood being changed, there is made of necessity a change also of the Law. For he of whom these things are spoken pertaineth to another tribe, of which no one gave attendance at the altar, for it is evident that our Lord sprang out of Judah, of which tribe Moses spake nothing concerning priesthood; and it is yet far more evident, for that after the similitude of Melchisedec there ariseth another priest, who is made, not after the law of a carnal commandment, but after the power of an endless life; for place well known ; but in the other passage it is τὸ said that “Jacob came to Shalem, a city of Shechem, which is in the land of Canuan;” and it is not likely, if it were the same Salem, that it should be first assumed to be familiar to the reader, and then afterwards require a particular periphrasis to identify it. See Wordsworth’s note, which contains all that can be said in sup- port of his theory. “ds συναντῆσας ὑποστρέφοντι ἀπὸ τῆς κοπῆς τῶν βασιλέων. These are with a slight varia- tion the words of the LXX., but applied to the king of Sodom: ἐξῆλθε δὲ βασιλεὺς Σοδόμων εἰς συνάντησιν αὐτῷ, μετὰ τὸ ὑποστρέψαι αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς κοπῆς . . . τῶν βασιλέων. Gen. xiv. 17. But though it is not expressed in Genesis that Mel- chisedee also met Abraham, it is implied, for he brought out bread and wine. Gen. xiv. 18. As the Apostle interprets the words Mel- chisedee and Salem, we may conclude that the Epistle was written in Greek πὸ Josephus speaks of Melchisedee in the same terms. Μελχισεδέκης, σημαίνει δὲ τοῦτο βασι- λεὺς... δίκαιος. Ant. i. 10, 8. ὁ τῇ πατρίῳ γλώσσῃ κληθεὶς βασιλεὺς. . . δίκαιος. Bell.vi.10. "7 So Philo interprets Melchisedee as King of Fiighteousness and King of Peace: καὶ Μελχισε- dex βασιλέα τε τῆς Elpyyns, Σαλὴμ, τοῦτο yap ἑρμηνεύεται, lepéa ἑαυτοῦ πεποίηκεν ὁ Θεὺς, κιτιλ. καλεῖται γὰρ βασιλεὺς... δίκαιος. Legis Allegor. iil. Ὁ: 25, vol. i. p. 102. 15 ὡς γὰρ ἀμήτωρ ἀπάτωρ τε γεγώς. Enrip. Ion 109. nN? No genealogy is given of him in the Old Testament. The word ἀγενεαλόγητος is not found elsewhere. Cuar. VII.] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.. 63] 317 18 ο Ne) he testifieth, ‘Thou art a priest for ever after the order of Melchisedec.” For there is verily a disannulling of the commandment going before for the weak- ness and unprofitableness thereof; for the Law made nothing perfect, but was the introduction of a better hope, by the which we draw nigh unto God. And inasmuch as [it was] not without an oath (for those priests were made with- out an oath; but this with an oath by him that said unto him, ‘The Lord sware and will not repent, Thou art a priest for ever after the order of Mel- chisedec),'”” by so much Jesus became surety of a better covenant." And they truly are many priests because they are not suffered to continue by reason of death ;'? but this man, because he continueth ever, hath an unchangeable priesthood. Wherefore he is able also to save them to the uttermost that come unto God: by him, seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them. For such a high priest became us, who is holy, harmless, undefiled, separate from sinners, and made higher than the heavens ; who needeth not daily, as those high priests, to offer up sacrifices, first for his own sins, and then for the people’s; for this he did once for all, when he offered up himself. For the Law maketh men high priests which have infirmity ; but the word of the oath, which was after the Law, maketh the Son, who is perfected for ever- more.!** vill, “Now of the things which we have spoken this is the sum: we have such a high priest, who is set on the right of the throne of the Majesty in the heavens—a minister of the sanctuary, and of the true tabernacle, which the Lord hath pitched, and not man. For every high priest is ordained to offer gifts and sacrifices; whence it is of necessity that this man haye somewhat also to offer; for if he were on earth he would not be a priest, seeing that there are priests that offer gifts according to the Law, who serve unto the example and shadow of the heavenly things, as Moses was admonished of God when he was about to make the tabernacle, for, ‘See, saith he, that thou make all things according to the pattern that hath been showed to thee in the mount? (Ex. xxv. 40); "5 but now hath he obtained a more excellent ministry, by how much also he is the mediator of a better covenant, which was established upon better promises. For if that first covenant had been faultless, then should no place have been sought for the second; for finding fault with them, he saith, ‘Behold, the days come, saith the Lord, when I will conclude a new covenant with the house of Israel, and with the house of Judah —not according to the * The words “after the order of Melchisedee” Jerusalem. Ant. xx. LOST? are omitted by the Alexandrine and other ancient US τετελειωμένον. In Eng. ver. “ consecrated.” MSS., and are rejected by Tischendorf and Alford. “Opa yap, φήσι, ποιήσης πάντα κατὰ τὸν τυπὸν 151 διαθήκης. In Eng. ver. “ testament.” τὸν δείχθεντά σοι ἐν τῶ ὄρει. In the LXX., ‘Opa, ἘΞ There were, according to Josephus, eighty- φήσι, ποιήσεις κατὰ τὸν τυπὸν τὸν δεδειγμένον σοὶ three priests from Aaron to the destruction οἵ ἐν τῷ ὄρει. 125 125 ‘7 The Apostle, in citing the passage from the 10 11 or [A.p. 63] EPISTLE 10 THE HEBREWS. [Cuar. VII. covenant that I made with their fathers in the day when I took them by the hand to lead them out of the land of Egypt ; because they continued not in my covenant, and regarded them not, saith the Lord—for this is the covenant that I will covenant with the house of Israel after those days, saith the Lord: I will put my laws into their mind, and on their hearts J will write them, and I will be to them for a God, and they shall be to me for a people, and they shall not teach every one his neighbour, and every one his brother, saying, ‘ Know the Lord ;’ for all shall know me, from the least to the greatest ; for I will be merciful to their iniquities,’” and their sins and their lawlessness Ὁ Ὁ will I re- member no more.’ (Jer, xxxi. 31.) In that he saith, ‘a new [covenant,’] he hath made the first old; bué that which decayeth and waxeth old is ready to vanish away. “Then verily the first covenant had also ordinances of divine service, and the worldly sanctuary.’ For there was a tabernacle made—the first, (wherein was the candlestick (fig. 297), and the table, and the showbread) (fig. 298),° which is called the Holy ;'°° and after the second veil,!! the Tabernacle which is called the Holy of Holies, which had the golden censer,!? and the ark of the covenant overlaid round about with gold, wherein was the golden pot! that had manna, | and Aaron’s rod that budded,!** and the tables of the covenant ;* and over it the cherubim of glory shadowing the mercy seat, of which we cannot now ἀδικίαις. 3 Ξ ἀνομιῶν, In Eng. ver. “ unrighteousness.” was only used once in the year, on the great In Eng. ver. “ iniquities.” Day of Atonement. Ley. xvi. 12. The altar of Incense was called the Golden (χρυσοῦ θυμιατη- LXX. (probably from memory), makes some verbal variations, as φήσι for λέγει, and συντελέσω ἐπὶ τὸν οἶκον for διαθήσομαι τῷ οἴκῳ, and ἐποίησα for διεθέμην, and διδοὺς for διδοὺς δώσω, and ἐπι- γράψω for γράψω, and ἀνομίων for ἁμαρτίων, and in one place he omits the word μου. ™® A sanctuary of this world as typical of the heavenly. ™ As to these three things, see Exod. xxv. 93-40; xxxvii. 10-24; Lev. xxiv. 5-9. And see Philo, vol. 11. p. 150. Vit. Moys. iii. 9. 0 “Ayia, the holy, to agree with σκηνὴ: but others, ἅγια, the holy places. ™ For the first veil, see Exod. xxvi. 80, 37; xxxvi. 37. For the second, see Exod. xxvi. 31-33; XXxvi. 35. 2 χρυσοῦν θυμιατήριον. The altar of Incense, (called θυσιαστήριον τοῦ θυμιάματος (Luke i. 11), and sometimes θυμιατήριον simply (Ant. iii. 6, 8),) was without the Holy of Holies. Luke i. 9. But the θυμιατήριον, or censer spoken of by the Apostle, was within the Holy of Holies. The two, therefore, are not to be confounded. The altar of Incense was for daily use; the censer ptov, Ant. 111. ὃ, 3), as being overlaid with gold. Exod. xxx. 3. But the censer was solid gold—so, at least, we should infer from the distinction made by the Apostle between the censer and the ark, the former being characterised as χρυσοῦν, and the cther as περικεκαλυμμένη χρυσίῳ, Heb. ix. 4. Where the censer was kept is nowhere men- tioned, but, as part of the furniture of the Holy of Holies,it was probably preserved in the Holy of Holies until wanted for use. The words σκηνὴ ἔχουσα τὸ θυμιατήριον May either be interpreted as containing the censer, or as haying the censer appropriated to it—i.e. it was used exclusively for the purposes of the Holy of Holies. 8 The LXX. calls the pot golden, but the word is not in the Hebrew, Exod. xvi 33, another proof that the writer was using the LXX. 4 That these two things were placed in the ark in the tabernacle, see Exod. xvi. 84; Numb. xvii. 10; Deut. xxxi. 26. As to the ark in the temple of Solomon, the case was different. See 1 Kings viii. 9; 2 Chron vy. 10. 186 Deut. x. 5; 1 Kings viii. 9; 2 Chron. v. 10. Cuarv. VIT.J EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 519 6 speak particularly. Now these things being thus ordained, the priests enter con- 7 tinually**® into the first tabernacle, accomplishing the service of God ; but into the second enters the High Priest alone once every year,'*’ not without blood, 8 which he offereth for himself, and for the ignorances’” of the people : the Holy Ghost this signifying, that the way into the holy places was not yet made mani- 9 fest, while the first tabernacle was yet standing (which was a figure for the time then instant) according to which [ Tabernacle] are offered both gifts and sacri- ΓΞ, Fig. 297.— The candlestick as sculptured on the Arch of Titus. From Reland. The woodcut is taken from the old drawing by Reland, as the original has sinc* become much worn. The pedestal on which the candlestick stands must have been a substitute by the hands of so ne Roman artificer, as the sculpture of living creatures would have violated the Jewish law. 10 fices, that cannot make him that serveth perfect, as regards the conscience, resting only on meats and drinks, and divers washings, and carnal ordinances, imposed 11 on them until the time of reformation. But Christ having arrived a High Priest of good things to come, through a greater and more perfect tabernacle, 185 διαπαντὸς. In Eng. ver. “always.” Tbe ayear. See Pausan. Eliac. vi. 25,3; Aread. vill. Apostle means that the priests were daily and 91, 5; viii. 41,4; viii. 47,4. Boot. ix. 25, 3. hourly going into the first temple, but into the 188 ἀγνοήματων. In Eng. ver. “ errors.” second once a year only. The “continually” is 189 See Lev. xvi. 15. opposed to the “once,” and the priests without 40 εἰς τὸν καιρὸν τὸν ἐνεστηκότα, καθ᾽ ἣν, KC. distinction to the high priest. So ἐν τῷ ἐνεστῶτι καιρῷ. Jos. Ant. xvi. 6,2. The 87 So Philo in nearly the same words: εἰς ἃ reading of the Textus receptus is καθ᾽ ὃν. (the Holy of Holies) ἅπαξ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ὁ μέγας Ml T.e. his flesh. (See post, x. 30.) Christ, being ἱερεὺς εἰσέρχεται, τῇ νηστείᾳ λεγομένῃ μόνον, ἐπι- God from eyerlasting, passed through the taber- θυμιάσων. Leg. ad Caium,c.39. And to the nacle of the flesh by his incarnation, that by the same effect Philo de Monarch. ii. 2, and Jos. once offering of his blood he might take away 3ell. v. 5, 7, and 3 Mace. i. 11. Certain temples our sins. amongst the heathen also were entered only once 320 [a.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuap. VII. 12 not made with hands, that is to say, not this building, neither by the blood of goats and calves, but by his own blood, entered in once for all into the holy 13 place, having obtained eternal redemption for us. For if the blood of bulls and of goats, and the ashes of a heifer sprinkling the unclean, sanctifieth to 14 the purifying of the flesh, how much more shall the blood of Christ, who through the eternal Spirit offered himself without spot to God, purge your 15 conscience from dead works to serve the living God? And for this cause he is the mediator of a new testament, that by means of death, for the redemp- Fig. 298.—The candlestick and table of showbread and trwmpet, as carried in triumph by Titus at Rome after the capture of Jerusalem. From a photograph of the Arch of Titus. tion of the transgressions that were under the first testament, they which are 16 called might receiye the promise of eternal inheritance. For where a testa- ment ' is, there must also of necessity be asswmed the death of the testator ; 42 The Apostle reasons here upon the double meaning of διαθήκη, which signifies either ὃ covenant or a testament. The corresponding word in Hebrew for ‘ covenant’ is said (but this is disputed) not to bear the same double mean- ing, and if so the Epistle must have been written in Greek. In English we have no word which will so far answer to the Greek διαθήκη as to signify indifferently a covenant and a testament. The nearest approach to it is the word ‘ disposi- tion,’ which etymologically is the literal trans- lation of διαθήκη, and sufficiently represents Cuar. VITI.] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS, [a.p. 63] 321 17 for a testament. is. of force after men are dead ; since it is of no Force at all 18 while the testator liveth. Whence neither the first testament was inaugu- 19 rated’ without. blood ; for when Moses had spoken every precept to all the people according to the Law, he took the blood of calves and of goats, with water, and scarlet wool, and hyssop,'‘ and sprinkled both the book itself, and 20 all the people, saying, ‘This is the blood of the testament which God hath 21 enjoined unto you.’ (Ez. xxiv. 8.)"° Moreover he in Like manner sprinkled 22 with blood both the tabernacle and all the vessels of the ministry ;"° and almost all things are by 23 ding of blood is no remission. the Law purged with blood, and without shed- It was therefore necessary that the copies of the heavenly things should be purified with these, but the heavenly things 24 themselves with better sacrifices than these. places made with hands which are the counterparts 17 25 heaven itself, now to appear in the presence of God for us; For Christ entered not into holy of the true, but into nor yet that he should offer himself often, as the High Priest entereth into the holy place 26 every year with blood of others, for then must he often have suffered since the foundation of the world, but now once αὐ the end of the world hath he appeared dispensation on the one hand, and a testa- mentary gift on the other. The word διαθήκη might be rendered ‘ disposition ° throughout. the Epistle, but the words ‘ covenant’ and ‘ testa- ment’ have become so inveterate from long usage that it was thought best not to innovate. It may appear at firs sight to be almost sophis- tical to argue, as the Apostle does, from the double meaning of the word διαθήκη, first in the sense of a covenant and then in the sense of a testament; but in point of substance they are the same thing. As between mun and Man, & covenant and a testament differ from each other, for a coyenant supposes a power in each con- tracting party independent of the other, while in the case of a will the testator has the absolute power in himself. But as between God and man, there can be no covenant strictly so called, for the absolute power is in God, and man ean only submit. In Scripture, therefore, a covenant means nothing more than a manifestation of Gods will; and thus ‘ covenant’ and « testa- ment’ are identical. The Old Covenant and the New Testament may be called the old dispensa- tion and the new dispensation, or the old will and the new will. MS ἐγκεκαίνισται. In Eng. ver. “ dedicated.” The word is literally “renovated,” and hence came to signify the consecration or dedication of a building on its completion, whether originally VOL. I. or by repair. ™ Τῶν μόσχων καὶ τράγων μετὰ ὕδατος καὶ ἐρίου κοκκίνου καὶ ὑσσώπου. In the Old Testament the blood: only is mentioned ; the other particulars are Implied or assumed from the usage when the Apostle wrote, or derived from some other source. We occasionally find Josephus as well as Paul introducing slight cireumstances which are not found in the Old Testament according to the existing MSS. See infra note 16. and Ley. xiv. 4-6, 49-52. Tovro τὸ αἷμα τῆς διαθήκης ἧς ἐνετείλατο πρὸς ὑμᾶς ὁ Θεός. In the ἜΠΟΣ. υγδοὺ τὸ αἵμα τῆς διαθήκης ἧς διέθετο Κύριος πρὸς ὑμᾶς. M6 This is an independent transaction, and not connected with the preceding verse; for at the time of the dispensation the tabernacle had not been erected. The Apostle appears to be now citing Exod. xl. 9-11: Καὶ λήψῃ τὸ ἔλαιον τοῦ χρίσματος, καὶ χρίσεις τὴν σκηνὴν, καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐν ἀυτῇ, κιτιλ. Certainly, o/7 only is here men- tioned, but Josephus mentions Blood also. Jos. Ant. iii. 8, 6. “" ἀντίτυπα. In Eng. yer. “the figures.” The word in Greek signifies the stamp left by the τύπος which strikes it. Moses had been com- manded to “make all things according to the pattern (τύπον) that had been shewn to him on the mount.” Ante, viii, 5. 27 322 [a.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Caar. ὙΠ. 28 unto men once to die, but after this the judgment, so Christ, once offered to bear the sins of many, shall unto them that look for him appear the second time without sin unto salvation. Cu. X, “For the Law having a shadow’ of good things to come, [and] not the very image of the things, can never with the same’ sacrifices which they offer bo year by year continually make the comers thereunto perfect ; for then would they not have ceased to be offered? because that the worshippers once purged 3 should have had no more conscience of sins.}°° But in those sacrifices there is 4 a remembrance again made of sins year by year; for it is not possible that Or the blood of bulls and of goats should take away sins. Wherefore when He 155 cometh into the world, he saith, ‘Sacrifice and offering thou wouldest not, but 6 a body hast thou prepared me.’ 7 hast had no pleasure. In burnt offerings and offerings for sin thou Then said I, Lo, I come (in the volume of the book it 8 is written of me), to do thy will, Ὁ God.’ (Ps. xl. 6.) Above ®® when he saith, ‘ Sacrifice and offering and burnt offerings and offerings for sin thou wouldest not, neither hadst pleasure therein ;) which are offered by the law—— Ve) then said he, ‘ Lo, I come to do thy will.’ He taketh away the first, that he 10 may establish the second: by the which ‘ will’ we are sanctified through the 11 offering of the ‘body’ of Jesus Christ once for all. And every priest '*" stand- eth daily ministering and offering oftentimes the same sacrifices, which can 12 never take away sins; but this man, after he had offered one sacrifice for sins, MS σκιὰν. . . τῶν μελλόντων ἀγαθῶν. In Coloss. ii. 17 the Apostle uses the same expres- sion, σκιὰ τῶν μελλόντων, aN additional proof that Paul was the author of the ‘Hebrews.’ Philo, whom Paul had studied, had said, twenty years before, of the spiritual Jew : “Qs μᾶλλον τὰ νοήτα καταλαμβάνειν τῶν αἰσθητῶν, καὶ ταῦτα νομίζειν ἐκείνων εἶναι σκιάς. Phil. Leg. 40. 149 In Eng. ver. “ those.” The meaning is, the same sacrifices are offered on the Day of Atonement, as had before been daily offered for the same sins. 150 Tf sacrifices could take away sin, then the daily sacrifices would be sufficient ; but the like sacrifices are offered every year on the great Day of Atonement for the sins of the whole year, which shews that, in fact, sacrifices do not take away sin, but are only a remembrance of it. ™! Viz. on the great Day of Atonement, when sacrifices ave again offered for the sins of the whole year, notwithstanding the previous daily sacrifices. 152 Viz. Christ. "ἢ σῶμα δὲ κατηρτίσω μοι. ταῖς αὐταῖς. These are the words of the LXX., but the Hebrew is “ Mine ears hast thou opened,’ i.e. thou hast made me to listen attentively to thy will, or as others would render the Hebrew, ‘“ Mine ears hast thou bored,” the boring of the ear being a sign of the master’s property in his slave. Exod. xxi. 6; Deut. xv. 17. How the LXX. came to deviate so much from the Hebrew has never been satisfactorily explained. M4 Θυσίαν καὶ προσφορὰν οὐκ ἤθελησας, σῶμα δὲ κατηρτίσω μοι" ὁλοκαυτώματα καὶ περὶ ἁμαρτίας οὐκ ἐυδόκησας" τότε εἶπον Ἰδοὺ ἥκω (ἐν κεφαλίδι βιβλίου γέγραπται περὶ ἐμοῦ) τοῦ ποιῆσαι, ὁ Θεὸς, τὸ θέλημά σου. The only variations from the LXX. are, that we read there ἤτησας instead of εὐδόκησας, and that ὁ Θεὸς is omitted. The Apostle adopts the LXX., which does not agree with the Hebrew. 19 »Ανώτερον, in the prior part of the passage. 156 The words 6 Θεὸς in the Text. recept. are rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tisch- endorf, and Alford. 101 Lachmann and Alford read ἀρχιερεὺς, high priest. Cuar. VII] 13 90 ‘law died without mercy under two or three witnesses (Deut. xvii. 6): EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 323 for ever sat down on the right hand of God; from thenceforth expecting till “his enemies be made his footstool.” (Ps. ex. 1.) For by one offering he hath perfected for ever them that are sanctified: and the Holy Ghost also is a witness to us, for after that he had said before, ‘this is the covenant that I will covenant with them after those days, saith the Lord, I will put my laws into their hearts, and in their minds will I write them,’ “ἢ [he saith] ‘and their sins and iniquities will I remember no more ;’ bud where remission of these is, there is no more offering for sin. “Having, therefore, brethren, boldness to enter into the holy place by the blood of Jesus,’** by a new and living way, which he hath inaugurated for us, through the veil, that is to say, his flesh, and having a High Priest over the house of God, let us draw near with a true heart in full assurance of faith, having our hearts sprinkled from an eyil conscience, and our bodies washed with pure water. Let us hold fast the confession of our faith without wavering (for he is faithful that promised), and let us consider one another to provoke unto love and good works, not forsaking the assembling of ourselves together,’ as the manner of some is, but exhorting [one another], and so much the more, as ye see the day approaching. For if we sin™ wilfully after that we have received the knowledge of the truth, there remaineth no more sacrifice for sins, but a certain fearful looking for of judgment and fiery indignation, which shall devour the adversaries. He that despised Moses’ of how much sorer punishment, suppose ye, shall he be thought worthy who hath trodden under foot the Son of God, and hath counted common the blood of the covenant wherewith he was sanctified, and hath done despite unto the Spirit of grace? for we know him that hath said, ‘ Vengeance belongeth unto me, I will recompense, saith the Lord’ (Deut. xxxii. 35) ; 5 and again, ‘The bs The same passage is cited above in viii. 10; but on comparing the two citations together, some minute variations are observable. This is very important as shewing that the Apostle had not the book before him, but quoted from memory, and was not careful to use the same words, letter for letter. © As the priest entered into the Holy of Holies with the blood of the sin-offering. Lev. xvi. 15. ™ ἐπισυναγωγὴν, the going to synagogue or church. This is the only passage in the New Testament in which the frequent attendance upon public worship is impressed upon us. The. reason for the precept here is that from the per- secution which now afflicted the Hebrew church, many of the disciples, being afraid to show their true colours, had begun to absent themselves from public worship. Under ordinary cireum- stances, the duty was regarded as a matter of course. “The whole object of the Epistle was to keep the Hebrews who were under persecution from abandoning their faith. ‘The sin, there- fore, here referred to is confined to that of apo- stasy. ™ πυρὸς ζῆλος ἐσθίειν μέλλοντος τοὺς ὑπεναν- τίους. The Apostle here apparently alludes to a passage in Isaiah: πῦρ robs ὑπεναντίους ἔδεται. Is. xxvi. 11. WS Ἐμοὶ ἐκδίκησις, ἐγὼ ἀνταποδώσω, λέγει Κύριος. This quotation is a very remarkable one, as it differs materially both from the Hebrew and the LXX. In the latter the passage is Ἐν 2 πιῶ 924 [A.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuar. VII. 31 Lord shall judge his people.’ (Deut. xxxii. 36.)'* It is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the liying God. 32 “But call to remembrance the former days,’ in which, when ye were 33 enlightened, ye endured a great struggle of sufferings; partly, whilst ye were made a gazing stock both by reproaches and afflictions, and. partly, 34 whilst ye became partners with” them that were so used; for ye had com- passion of those in bonds'®* and took joyfully the spoiling of your posses- sions, knowing that for yourselves ye have in heayen a better and an enduring 35 possession."° Cast not away, therefore, your confidence, which hath great 36 recompense of reward: for ye have need of patience, that, after ye have done 37 the will of God, ye may receive the promise ; for yet a very little while, and 38 He that cometh will come and will not tarry." But the ‘just shall live by faith ;\7? and if he draw back, my soul hath no pleasure in him.’ (Hab. τι. 4.)'* ἡμέρᾳ ἐκδικήσεως ἀνταποδώσω. In neither are the words λέγει Κύριος. Yet we find the same cita- tion, totidem verbis, in Rom. xii. 19. Must not the author of the Hebrews and of the Romans have been the same person ? 164 Κύριος κρινεῖ τὸν λαὸν αὐτοῦ. But in the LXX., κρινεῖ Κύριος τὸν λαὸν αὐτοῦ. The Apostle therefore was quoting from memory. > Τὰς πρότερον ἡμέρας implies strictly the former of two visitations There had, in fact, been two prior persecutions, one at the martyr- dom of Stephen, A.p. 37, at the very outset of the Gospel, and the other some years after, when, in a.p. 44, Herod Agrippa proceeded κακῶσαί τινας τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας. Acts xii. 1. The latter ceased almost immediately by the death of Agrippa, the promoter of it. The great perse- cution was that in the time of Stephen, and the Apostle distinguishes it from the other by call- ing it “the former days in which, when ye were enlightened,” i.e.‘ when ye first received the light of the Gospel.’ The third persecution, which was raging at the date of the Epistle, was that when James the Just, the Bishop of Jerusalem, was summoned, in the absence of the Roman Procurator, before the Jewish Sanhedrim, and condemned and stoned. See Fasti Sacri, p. 327, No. 1981. The analogy between the stoning of Stephen when the Procurator Pilate was on his way to Rome, and the stoning of James the Just when Albinus the Procurator elect had not yet arrived, is very striking; and Paul may well have directed the attention of his countrymen from the one persecution to the other. 8 ἄθλησιν παθημάτων. sulictions. ’ In Eng. ver. “ fight of 187 κοινωνοὶ, “ partakers of ” or “ partakers with.” In Eng. ver. “companions.” The mem- bers of the Hebrew church had not only suffered affliction themselves; but had done their utmost to relieve and comfort those who were afflicted. 168 The true reading, supported by the best MSS., and adopted by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lach- mann, Tischendorf, and Alford, is τοῖς δεσμίοις. The Apostle could not have written rots δεσμοῖς μου, for he is alluding to the jirst persecution, when Paul himself was amongst the oppressors. Indeed, he was neyer a prisoner at Jerusalem at all, except for one night in the castle of Antonia. 189 γῶν ὑπαρχόντων ὑμῶν. In Eng. ver. “your goods.” τὸ "Y7apéw evidently has reference to the pre- ceding word ὑπαρχόντων, another proof that the Epistle was written in Greek. 11 Tn a short time the Lord will come, and Jerusalem shall be destroyed. This event oc- curred seven years after the date of the Epistle. The Christians, it is said, retired ina body, before the siege began, from Jerusalem to Pella. 172° δὲ δίκαιος ἐκ πίστεως ζήσεται. ‘he Apostle cites the same passage, word for word, Rom, i. 17; and again, Ὃ δίκαιος ἐκ πίστεως ζήσεται, Gal. iii. 11. It is observable that in all three citations the writer varies slightly from the LXX,. which is, Ὃ δὲ δίκαιος ἐκ πίστεὼς μου ζήσεται, ab. 1]. 4. The more trivial the variation, the more cogent the argument that the same hand penned all the passages. TED) ἐρχόμενος ἥξει καὶ οὐ χρονίει. Ὃ δὲ δίκαιος ἐκ πίστεως ζήσεται καὶ ἐὰν ὑποστείληται, οὐκ εὐδο- κεῖ ἡ ψυχή μου ἐν αὐτῷ: In the ΤΙΧΧ,, Ὅτι ἐρχόμενος ἥξει καὶ οὐ μὴ χρονίσῃ. “Eav ὑποστείληται Cuap. VII.] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 325 39 Cx. ΧΙ. 2.3 4 or 8 justification which is by faith. 9 10 11 But we are not of them who draw back unto perdition; but of them that believe to the saving of the soul. “Now faith is the confidence’ of things hoped for, the conviction? of things not seen; for by it the elders were testified of." Through faith we understand that the worlds were framed by the word of God, so that things which are seen were not made of things which do appear. By faith Abel offered unto God a more excellent sacrifice than Cain,’ by which he had the testimony that he was righteous (Matt. xxiii. 95),. God testifying of his gifts, and by it he being dead yet speaketh." By faith Enoch was translated that he should not see death;® and ‘was not found because God had translated him ; 15 (Gen. y. 24) for before his translation he had the testimony, that he ‘had pleased God ;’ (Gen. ν. 24)*! but without faith it is impossible to please him ; for he that cometh to God must believe that he is, and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him. By faith Noah, beg warned of God of things not seen as yet, taking heed, prepared an ark to the saving of his house ;** by the which he condemned the world,’ and became heir of the By faith Abraham, when he was called obeyed to go out into a place which he should after receive for an inhe- ritance; and he went out, not knowing whither he was going ;*° by faith he sojourned in the land of promise, as in a strange country, dwelling in tents with Isaac and Jacob, the heirs with him of the same promise; for he looked for the city which hath foundations, whose builder and maker is God. By seats ae : ΟΝ ΝΕ οὐκ εὐδοκεῖ ἡ ψυχή μου ἐν αὐτῷ πίστεώς μου ζήσεται. τὸ χρησθὲν λόγιον, ἐν ᾧ φωνῇ χρώμενος καὶ βοῶν ἃ πέπονθεν εὑρίσκεται: πῶς γὰρ 6 μήκετ᾽ ὧν διαλέγ- εσθαι δυνατός. Philo, Quod deterius potiori, &e., O δὲ δίκαιος ἐκ The Apostle proceeds, Ἡμεῖς δὲ οὐκ ἐσμὲν ὑποστολῆς ἀλλὰ πίστεως. The word ὑποστολῆς is evidently drawn from the pre- ceding word in the LXX., ὑποστείληται, and is another argument that the Epistle was originally written in Greek. "4 ὑπόστασις. In Eng. ver. “ substance.” The same word is used, in the same sense of confi- dence, ante, iii. 14. "5 ἔλεγχος. In Eng. ver. “ evidence.” τὸ ἐμαρτυρήθησαν. In Eng. ver. “ obtained a good report.” 7 Gen. iv. 3. M8 Εμαρτυρήθη εἶναι δίκαιος. In Matt. xxiii. 35, our Lord speaks of him as”ABeX τοῦ δικαίου. He is not called righteous in any other part of Seripture. St. Paul, therefore, supposes St. Mat- thew’s Gospel to be in the hands of his readers. See note 1 Cor. vi. 2, and post, xi. 16. “8a Here again Paul appears to have studied Philo, in whom we read ὋὉ Ἄβελ. . . ἀνήρῃταί re καὶ ζῇ" ἀνήρηται μὲν εκ “ἧς τοῦ ἄφρονος διανοίας, (7 δὲ τὴν ἐν Θεῷ ζωὴν εὐδαίμονα. Μαρτυρήσει δὲ 6. 4, vol. i. p. 200. τ Gen. v. 24. 180 Verbatim from the LXX., except that the Apostle employs διότι for ὅτι. 181 The words of the Apostle are, καὶ οὐχ εὑρίσ- kero διότι μετέθηκεν αὐτὸν ὁ Θεὸς, πρὸ yap τῆς μεταθέσεως αὐτοῦ μεμαρτύρηται εὐηρεστηκέναι τῷ Θεῷ. In the LXX. the passage is, καὶ εὐηρέσ- τησεν Ἑνὼχ τῷ Θεῷ, kal οὐχ εὑρίσκετο ὅτι μετέθηκεν αὐτὸν ὁ Θεός. It is very observable that the word εὐηρέστησεν has no term corresponding with it in the Hebrew, but the expression there is, Enoch “walked with God.” As the Apostle dwells upon the word εὐηρέστησεν, does it not follow that the Epistle was written in Greek ? 182 εὐλαβηθεὶς. In Eng. ver. “ moved with fear.” 183 Gen. vi. 22. 18 Because they believed not his warning. 189 Gen. xii. 1, 4. [A.v. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuap. VII. 12 19 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 faith also Sara herself received strength to conceive seed, even*® when she was past age, because she judged him faithful who had promised.’ Where- fore sprang there even of one, and him as good as dead, so many ‘as the stars of the heaven in multitude’ (Hz. xxxii. 13),’*° and ‘as the sand which is by the sea shore innumerable.’ (Is. x. 22.)'** These all died in faith, not having received the promises, but having seen them afar off,!°° and embraced them, and confessed that they were strangers and pilgrims on the earth ;!*" for they that say such things declare plainly that they seek a country ; and truly, if they had been mindful of that from whence they came out, they might have had opportunity to return ; but now they desire a better [country], that is, a heavenly ; wherefore God is not ashamed to be called their God (Matt. xxii. 32); for he hath prepared for them a city. By faith Abraham, when he was tempted, offered up Isaac; and he that had received the promises offered up his only begotten son,'*’ fo whom it was said, ‘That in Isaac shall thy seed be called’ (Gen. xxi. 12) ;!° accounting that God was able to raise [him] up, even from the dead, from whence also he received him in a figure. By faith Isaac blessed Jacob and Esau concerning things to come.!* By faith Jacob, when dying, blessed each of the sons of Joseph,'*° and ‘worshipped upon the top of his staff? (Gen. xlvii. 31).1%° By faith Joseph, when he died, made mention of the departing of the sons of Israel, and gave commandment concerning his bones."*? By faith Moses, when he was born, was hid three months by his parents, ‘because they saw he was a goodly child’'** (Er. ii. 2); and they were not afraid of the king’s commandment. By faith Moses, ‘ when he was come to years, (Ha. 11. 11)" refused to be called the son of Pharaoh’s daughter, choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season,” esteeming the reproach of Christ greater riches than the treasures in Egypt, for he had respect unto the recom- 6 The word ἔτεκεν, “ was delivered of a child” in the Textus receptus, is rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. 187 Gen, xvii. 19; xxi. 2. *S The words are those of the LXX., except that for ὡσεὶ the Apostle substitutes καθὼς. @oei ἄμμος ἣ παρὰ τὸ χεῖλος τῆς θαλάσσης ἀναρίθμητος. In the LXX., ὡς ἡ ἄμμος τῆς θαλάσσης. “The words καὶ πεισθέντες, “and were per- suaded of them” in the Textus receptus, are re- jected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tisch- endorf, and Alford. 41 1 Chron. xxix. 15; Ps. xxxix. 12. * Gen. xxii. 2. The citation is verbatim from the LXX. Gen. xxvii. 27, 39. 195 Gen. xlviii. 16. M8 καὶ προσεκύνησεν ἐπὶ τὸ ἄκρον τῆς ῥάβδου αὐτοῦ. In the LXX., καὶ προσεκύνησεν ᾿Ισραὴλ ἐπὶ τὸ ἄκρον τῆς ῥάβδου αὐτοῦ. The Hebrew is ambigusus, and may signify “on his staff,” or “on the bed's head,” "8 signifying a bed's head, and ND a staff; but the Apostle here, as in other places, follows the LXX. 17" {δ τὴν |. 24, 25. oe nee p 198. διότι εἶδον ἀστεῖον TO παιδίον. In the LXX., ἰδόντες αὐτὸ ἀστεῖον. 1 μέγας γενόμενος, the words of the LXX. Philo has the same sentiment : 6 δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν φθάσας τὸν ὅρον τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης εὐτυχίας καὶ θυγα- τριδοῦς μὲν τοῦ τοσούτου βασιλέως νομισθεὶς .. τὴν συγγενικὴν καὶ προγονικὴν ἐζήλωσε παιδείαν i. 85. Vit. Moys. i. 7. 200 Cnav. VII.] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [A.D. 63] 327 27 28 29 90 91 90 37 38 pense of reward. By faith he forsook Egypt, not fearing the wrath of the king, for he endured, as seeing him who is invisible.” By faith he kept the passover, and the sprinkling of blood, lest he that destroyed the first-born should touch them.”* By faith they passed through the Red Sea as by dry land, which the Egyptians assaying to do were drowned? By faith the walls of Jericho fell down, after they were compassed about seven days." By faith the harlot Rahab perished not with them that believed not, having received the spies with peace.” And what shall I more say? for the time would fail me to 611" 6 of Gideon, and of Barak, and of Samson, and of Jephtha, of David also, and Samuel and of the prophets, who through faith subdued kingdoms,*” wrought righteousness,” obtained promises,”” stopped the mouths of lions,” quenched the power of fire, escaped the edge of the sword,” out of weakness were made strong,”! waxed valiant in fight, turned to flight the armies of aliens, women received their dead raised to life again,’ and others were tortured,”"* not accepting deliverance, that they might obtain a better resurrection; and others had trial of mockings?!” and scourgings,””* yea, moreover of bonds and imprisonment ;”"° they were stoned,22° they were sawn asunder,” were tempted,” were slain with the sword,”* they wandered about in sheep-skins and goat-skins,”* being destitute, afflicted, tormented (of whom the world was not worthy), wandering in deserts, and in SEE Xe 96: 0)» xI OL, Ὅν Ex. xii. 3, 21. 208 Ex. xiy. 21. 204 Josh. vi. 20. “> Josh, 11: 15 yi. 23. ἐπιλείψει yap με δηγούμενον ὁ χρόνος ; almost 206 “13 Hezekiah. 414 Gideon, Jonathan. : 715 The widow of Sarepta, and the Shuna- mite. 18 ἐτυμπανίσθησαν, “ were broken on the wheel,” as Eleazar. 2 Mace. vi. 19. *17 As oneof the seven brethren. 2 Mace. vii. 7. in the words of Philo, Vit. Moys. i. 38, vol. ii. p. 115, ἐπιλίποι ἂν ὁ Bios τοῦ βουλομένου διηγεῖσ- θαι. 27 «The acts referred to may be Gideon's victory over the Midianites (Judg. vii.), Barak’s over the Canaanites (ib. iv.), Samson’s over the Philistines (ib. xiv.), Jephtha’s over the Am- monites (ib. xi.), David's over the Philistines (2 Sam. v. 17-25, viii. 1, xxi. 15), Moabites, Syrians, Edomites (ib. viii. 2), Ammonites (ib. x. 14).” Alford. *°8 j.e. practised a life of righteousness, as Abel, who was called righteous (ante, xi. 4); Samuel, who judged the people righteously (1 Sam. xii. 3); David, who reigned righteously (2 Sam. viii. 15), &e. °° Caleb, Joshua, David, &e. 10 Samson, David. 21 Shadrach, Meshech, and Abed-nego. 212 Moses, Elijah, David. 218 As the seven brethren. 2 Mace. vii. 1. As Jeremiah and Jonathan. 1 Mace. xiii. 12. Zechariah, son of Jehoiada, 2 Chron. xxiv. 21; Jeremiah, Tertull. Scorpiae. viii. = Tsaiah is said by the fathers to have been sawn asunder. Tertull. Scorpiac. viii. = ἐπειράσθησαν, 1.6. were tempted, by tortures on the one hand and bribes on the other, to abandon their faith. Others think the word has crept in by mistake from its following ἐπρίσθησαν. Others would substitute ἐπυράσθησαν were burnt, or ἐπηρώθησαν were mutilated. *S As Urijah, Jer. xxvi. 23; and see 1 Kings xix. 10. **4 i.e. in the meanest clothing, as the skins of sheep and goats with the wool or hair on, such as worn by Elijah (2 Kings i. 8) and John the Baptist (Matt. iii. 4; Mark i. 6). 219 220 ive) bo lo) [Δ.}. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [CHap. VII. 39 mountains, and in dens and caves of the earth.?” And these all, being testified 40 of through faith, received not the promise, God having provided some better Cx. XII. bo σι He Ne) 10 11 12 19 thing for us, that they without us should not be made perfect. νυ 226 “ Therefore seeing we have encompassing us*® so great a cloud of wit- nesses,” let us also lay aside every weight,”* and the sin which doth so easily beset us’? and let us run with patience the race that is set before us, looking unto Jesus the author and finisher of our faith, who for the joy set before him endured the cross, despismg the shame,”*° and is set down at the right hand of the throne of God. For consider him that endured such contradiction from sinners against himself, that ye be not wearied and faint in your minds. Ye have not yet resisted unto blood, striving against: sin ;* and ye have forgotten the exhortation which speaketh unto you as unto sons, ‘My son, despise not thou the chastening of the Lord, nor faint when thou art rebuked of him’ (Prov. iii. 11) ;** (for whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth, and scourgeth every son whom he receiveth. If ye endure chastening, God dealeth with you as with sons, for what son is he whom the father chasteneth not? but if ye be without chastisement, whereof all are partakers, then are ye bastards, and not sons. We had then our fathers of the flesh as chastisers,"** and we gave them reverence: shall we not much rather be in subjection unto the Father of spirits, and live? for they verily for a few days chastened us after their own pleasure, but he for our profit, that we may be partakers of his holiness. Now no chastening for the present seemeth to be joyous, but grievous: nevertheless afterward it yieldeth the peaceable fruit of righteousness unto them which were exercised thereby) ;** wherefore ‘lift up the hands which hang down, and the feeble knees’ (Js, xxxy. 3);*° and 25 As Elijah (1 Kings xix. 13) and the hun- *82 υἱέ μου, μὴ ὀλιγώρει παιδείας Κυρίου, μηδὲ dred prophets hidden by Obadiah (1 Kings xvii. 4, 13), and David (1 Sam. xxii. 1), ἄς. 25 ἔχοντες περικείμενον juiv. In Eng. ver.“ com- passed about.” 27 rovyapoiy καὶ ἡμεῖς τοσοῦτον ἔχοντες περικεί- μενον ἡμῖν νέφος μαρτύρων, κιτιλ. So Philo, ἔχων οὖν, δέσποτα, τῆς ἡμετέρας προαιρέσεως τοιαῦτα παραδείγματα, κιτ.λ., ad Caium, 5. 41. #8 Ridding ourselves of every encumbrance that would lessen our speed in the race. “9 The sin of apostasy that presses upon us. 280 'The cross was the most shameful of deaths. καὶ μετὰ πάσας τὰς αἰκίας, ὅσας ἐδύναντο χωρῆσαι τὰ σώματα αὐτοῖς, ἡ τελευταία καὶ ἔφεδρος τιμωρία σταυρὸς ἦν. Philo in Flaceum, ο. 9, vol. ii. p. 527. 381. All the metaphors in the four first verses are drawn fromthe games of the heathen. In these allusions we may trace the hand of Paul. ἐκλύου, ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐλεγχόμενος" ὃν yap ἀγαπᾷ Κύριος παιδεύει: μαστιγοῖ δὲ πάντα υἱὸν, ὃν παραδέχεται. In the LXX. the word pov is omitted, and instead of παιδεύει is ἐλέγχει. 283 παιδευτὰς. In Eng. ver. ‘‘ which corrected USS *4 One of Paul’s parentheses. Having touched on the word ‘ chastening,’ he turned aside to dilate upon it. He had left off with the words “nor faint when thou art rebuked of him,” v. 5, and he now resumes the same figure— Wherefore, lift up the hands which hang down, and the feeble knees.” 285 Tas παρειμένας χεῖρας Kal τὰ παραλελυμένα These words seem to be taken from Is. xxxv.3: Ἰσχύσατε, χεῖρες ἀνειμέναι γόνατα ἀνορθώσατε. Rouse Σ καὶ γόνατα παραλελυμένα. Cuap, VIT.] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [A.p. 63] 329 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 ‘Make straight paths for your feet’ (Prov. iv. 26),°° that what is lame be not dislocated," but rather may be healed. “ Follow peace*** with all men, and holiness, without which no man shall see the Lord (Matt. v. 8): looking diligently lest any man fail of the grace of God, ‘lest any root of bitterness springing up trouble you’ (Deut. xxix. 18), and thereby many be defiled; lest there be any fornicator,™’ or profane person, as Esau, who for one meal** sold his birthright ; for ye know how that afterward when he would have inherited the blessing, he was rejected, for he found no place of repentance, though he sought it carefully with tears. For ye have not approached unto a mount that may be touched, and that burneth with fire, nor unto ‘ blackness, and darkness, and tempest’ (Deut. iv. 11), and ‘the sound of a trumpet’ (Hz. xix. 16), and ‘the voice of words’ (Deut. iv. 12), which [voice] they that heard intreated that not a word should be spoken to them more, for they could not endure that which was commanded, ‘ And if so much as a beast touch the mountain, it shall be stoned’ *? (Ez. xix. 13); and so terrible was the sight [that] Moses said, ‘I exceedingly fear and quake’ (Deut. ix. 19) ;**° but ye have approached unto Mount Sion,”* and unto the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to tens of thousands ** of angels, to the general assembly and congregation of the first-born, which are written in Heaven, and to God, the judge of all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect, and to Jesus, the mediator of the new covenant, and to the blood of sprinkling, that speaketh better things than Abel*°—see that ye 236 kal τροχιὰς ὀρθὰς ποιήσατε τοῖς ποσὶν ὑμῶν. (The line is a hexameter, but this is accidental.) In the LXX, ὀρθὰς τροχιὰς ποίει σοῖς ποσὶ καὶ τὰς ὁδούς σου κατεύθυνε. *7 ἐκτραπῆ. In Eng. ver. “be turned out of the way.” 88 The Apostle now proceeds to the hortatory part of the Epistle, and ἐιρήνη first suggests itself from the use of the word εἰρηνικόν a few lines before, ver. 11. The virtue of peace was particularly to be cultivated at the present junc- ture, from the dissensions introduced by the persecution of Ananus. The Apostle, however, presently disentangles himself from this exclu- sive subject, and enforces the practice of holiness in general. 289 μή τις ῥίζα πικρίας ἄνω φύουσα ἐνοχλῇ. The words of the LXX. are μή τις ἐστὶν ἐν ὑμῖν ῥίζα ἄνω φύουσα ἐν χολῇ καὶ πικρίᾳ. “#0 Fornication is, perhaps, to be taken here in the Hebrew sense of apostasy from the true re- ligion. This agrees also with the warning that follows against profaneness or bartering our faith VOL. I. for worldly advantages. Ξ βρώσεως. In Eng. ver. “ morsel of meat.” 22 κἂν θηρίον θίγῃ, λιθοβοληθήσεται. In the LXX. λιθοβοληθήσεται ἢ Βολίδι κατατοξευθήσεται, ἐάν τε ἄνθρωπος. The words ἢ βολίδι κατατοξευ- θήσεται, “or thrust through with the dart,” are rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, and have crept in from Ex. xxix. 13. 43 ἔκφοβός εἰμι καὶ ἔντρομος. In the LXX. the words καὶ ἔντρομος are omitted. Here ends the long parenthesis, another instance of Paul’s pecu- liarity in going off at a word. The mention of the “ yoice” had immediately drawn after it the whole accompanying scene. 24 As opposed to Mount Sinai. * μυριάσιν. In Eng. ver. “an innumerable company.” 3:5 The blood of Abel that was shed cried from the ground for vengeance. Gen. iii.10. But the blood of Christ that was shed intercedes for us by way of atonement. 2 ΠῚ 5380 [A.p. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuar. VII. refuse not him that speaketh, for if they escaped not who refused him that spake on earth,’ much more shall not we escape, if we turn away from him that speaketh from Heayen,*** whose voice then shook the earth ;**° but now he hath promised, saying, ‘ Yet once more I shake not the earth only, but also Heaven.’ (Hagg. ii. 6.)*° And this word, ‘Yet once more,’ signifieth the removing of those things that are shaken, as of things that are made, that those things which are not shaken may remain: wherefore, we receiving a kingdom which cannot be shaken, let us have thankfulness,’ whereby we may serve God acceptably with reverence and devotion,*? for ‘our God is a con- suming fire.’ (Deut. iv. 24.)?°° Ca, XIII. “Let brotherly love continue.** Be not forgetful to entertain strangers,” 2 for thereby some have entertained angels unawares.?°° 3 “ Remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them; and them which suffer adversity, as being yourselves also in the body.?7 4 “Marriage is honourable in all, and the bed undefiled; but whore- mongers and adulterers God will judge. 5 “Let your manner*® | of life] be without coyetousness, and be content with such things as ye have, for himself hath said, ‘I will never leave thee, nor 6 forsake thee.’ (Deut. xxxi. 8.)**° So that we may boldly say, ‘The Lord is my helper, and 1 will not fear what man shall do unto me.’ (Ps. exyiii. 6.) 7% fl “Remember your rulers’ who spake unto you the word of God, whose faith follow, seeing once and again the end of their cowrse.?! 47 Tf they escaped not who disobeyed the Law delivered by Moses, the representative merely of God upon earth, how shall they escape who dis- obey the Gospel brought to earth by Christ, whose nature is divine ? 48 τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς and τὸν ἀπ᾽ οὐρανῶν. In Eph. i. 10 and Col. i. 16 we have a similar ex- pression: τά τε ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. Paley observes that the connecting of things in earth with things in heaven is a very singular sentiment, and found nowhere but in the Ephe- sians and Colossians; but we have it here in the Hebrews also, and we may argue from it that Paul wrote the Epistle. 49 Viz. at the giving of the lamb. Ex. xix. 18. 290 ἔτι ἅπαξ ἐγὼ σείω οὐ μόνον THY γῆν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν οὐρανόν. In the LXX. the words are ἔτι ἅπαξ ἐγὼ σείσω τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ THY γῆν. 231 χάριν. In Eng. ver. “grace.” 252 εὐλαβείας. In Eng. ver. “ godly fear.” eS In the LXX., Κύριος 6 Θεός σου πῦρ καταναλίσκον ἐστί" and see Deut. ix. 3. 254 A precept very necessary, when, in a timo ε qa Qs x : ὁ Θεὸς ἡμῶν πῦρ καταναλίσκον. of persecution and apostasy, many animosities would naturally arise. °° τῆς φιλοξενίας. The exhortation to hospi- tality points to Paul as the author of the Epistle, for he is the only writer of the New Testament by whom the duty is ineuleated. The exhorta- tion was most appropriately addressed to the inhabitants of Jerusalem, to which, at the times of the great festivals, such multitudes resorted. *5 An allusion to the case of Abraham (Gen. Xviii.) and Lot. Gen. xix. *7 The Apostle here refers to the imprison- ments, scourgings, excommunications, and fines, to which the Christian Hebrews were now sub- ject from the persecution of Ananus. gs In Eng. ver. “ conversation.” > , dn 29> > , > , ου μὴ σε ava, ovd OU μη σε ἐγκαταλίπω. ὁ τρύπος. 259 In the LXX. οὐκ ἀνήσει σε οὐδὲ μή σε ἐγκαταλίπῃ. *% The citation is verbatim from the LXX. 200 γῶν ἡγουμένων ὑμῶν. In Eng. ver. “ them which have the rule over you.” *°l ἀναστροφῆς. In Eng. ver. “ conversation,” an apt word formerly, but not now used in this sense. Allusion is here made to James the brother Cuap. 11] 591 [a.p. 63] 15 14, 15 16 “Jesus Christ 7s the same yesterday, and to-day, and for ever: be not carried about with divers and strange doctrines; for it is a good thing that the heart be established with grace, not with meats, which have not profited them that walked therein.** We have an altar, whereof they have no power to eat which serve the tabernacle 3° for the bodies of those beasts, whose blood is brought into the sanctuary by the High Priest for sin, are burned ‘without the camp,’ (Lev. xvi. 27)*** wherefore Jesus also, that he might sanctify the people with his own blood, suffered without the gate. Let us go forth therefore unto him without the camp, bearing his reproach, for we have no abiding city here, but we seek that which is to come. By him therefore let us offer the sacrifice of praise to God continually, that is, ‘ the fruit of our lips’ (Hos. xiv. 2) giving thanks to his name. But to do good and to communicate forget not ; for with such sacrifices God is well pleased.?” “Obey them that have the rule over you, and submit yourselyes,”" for they watch for your souls, as they that must give account, that they may do it with joy, and not with grief; for that is unprofitable for you. of John whom Agrippa had slain with the sword (Acts xii. 1), and to James the Bishop and the other heads of the church, whom Ananus had recently convicted of heresy, and caused to be stoned. The rulers of the church for the time being are referred to afterwards at ver. 17, whom the disciples are exhorted to obey. °82 οἱ περιπατήσαντες. In Eng. ver. “those that have been occupied therein.” *68 Tf ye as Christians are excommunicated and excluded from the Jewish altar, we have an altar which the unbelieving Jews have no right to approach. **4 Those who served the tabernacle partook of most of the sacrifices, but the sin-offering was wholly burnt, and no part was eaten by the priests: καὶ πάντα τὰ περὶ τῆς ἁμαρτίας, ὧν ἐὰν εἰσενεχθῇ ἀπὸ τοῦ αἵματος αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν σκηνὴν τοῦ μαρτυρίου ἐξιλάσασθαι ἐν τῷ ἁγίῳ, οὐ βρωθήσεται: ἐν πυρὶ κατακαυθήσεται, Ley. vi. 30. Christ, the Apostle argues, is our sin-offering, and, as such, suffered without the camp, and to his disciples there is no more any sacrifice to be eaten. *° The Apostle, of course, means the gate of Jerusalem, and from this familiar reference to it, we may infer that he was addressing the Hebrews of that city. * The expression, “we have no abiding city here,” is another plain allusion to Jerusalem, which was soon to be destroyed, and in which “ Pray for τι," for we trust we have a good conscience,” in all things the Christians were now suffering persecution. It was thought by Stuart that the letter was addressed to the Hebrews of Cxsarea, but the 12th, 13th, and 14th verses establish almost in- contestably that the Apostle was addressing his countrymen of Jerusalem. ὅτ The Apostle now exhorts them to works of charity, as the sacrifices now to be offered by Christians in lieu of the Levitical sacrifices, which had ceased. *8 James the Bishop, and the most revered of ‘their spiritual teachers, had lately been put to death; and the Apostle exhorts the Hebrews to submit themselves to the new rulers who had been substituted in the place of their ancient pastors, and had not yet, by long services, riveted the affections of their flocks. “8 προσεύχεσθε περὶ ἡμῶν. We find the very same words in 1 Thess. v. 25, and see 2 Thess. iii. 1, and Col. i. 3. Paul is the only writer of the New Testament who asks for the prayers of his converts, or alludes to his offering up his own prayers for them. The appeal also to a good conscience, in the concluding part of the verse, is peculiarly Pauline. See Acts xxiii. 1; xxiv. 16; 2 Tim. i. 3. These incidental cireum- stances show very forcibly that he was the author of the Epistle. *° This, in a letter to the Hebrews, is pecu- liarly Pauline, as his yery first words before the 20 2 332 [4.D. 63] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [Cuap. VII. 19 desiring to live honestly. And I beseech you the more exceedingly’ to do this, that I may be restored** to you the sooner. 20 “ Now the God of peace,?@ that brought again from the dead our Lord Jesus, that great ‘shepherd of the sheep,’ (Is. Ixiii. 11)’"* through the blood 21 of the everlasting covenant,” make you perfect in every good work to do his will, dong in you that which is well-pleasing in his sight, through Jesus Christ ; to whom be glory for ever and ever. Amen. 22 « And I beseech you, brethren, suffer the word of exhortation, for I have written a letter unto you in few words. 276 23 “ Know ye that our brother Timothy*" hath been sent on an errand,” with whom, if he come shortly, I will see you.” Hebrew sanhedrim were to claim a good con- science. Acts xxiii. 1. ὅτι περισσοτέρως. In Eng. ver. “the rather,” which is feeble as compared with the Greek. 272 ἀποκατασταθῶ, “ put back.” The writer, therefore, must haye been some one who had been sent against his will from Jerusalem, i.e. Paul, who had been arrested at Jerusalem nearly five years before, and sent a prisoner to Rome, and now asks their prayers that he be restored to Jerusalem, where his sufferings had com- menced. "τὸ ὁ δὲ Θεὸς τῆς Εἰρήνης. So in Rom. xv. 33, 5 δὲ Θεὸς τῆς Εἰρήνης. And again, Rom. xvi. 20; 1 Cor. xiv. 33; 2 Cor. xiii. 11; Philipp. iv. 9; 1 Thess. v. 28; a phrase used only by Paul. 274 τὸν ποιμένα τῶν προβάτων. Verbatim from the LXX. 273 The everlasting covenant is dwelt upon, as opposed to the old covenant that was vanishing away. 276 Ata βραχέων ἐπίστειλα ὑμῖν. There is a cor- responding expression in Eph. iii. 3, προέγραψα ἐν ὀλίγῳ: We see in both the same hand. Compare also Gal. vi. 11. The Apostle not having any charge over the Hebrew church, apologises for intruding upon them with an Epistle. *7 Tt has been made an objection by some to Paul’s authorship of this Epistle that he calls Timothy his brother, whereas Timothy was his own convert and on that account is called his sov, 1 Tim. 1,2; 2 Tim. ii. 2, and Philemon 1. But the phraseology “ Timothy our brother,” so far from being an objection, is really a strong argument in favour of Paul’s authorship, as, though Paul in addressing Timothy personally calls him his son, yet in speaking of him to others he calls him “ our brother,” as in 2 Cor. i. 1; Coloss. i. 1; 1 Thess. iii. 2; 2 Thess. iii. 2; Philem. 1. 28 ἀπολελυμένον. In Eng. ver. “set at liberty.” But there is no trace of Timothy haying ever suf- fered imprisonment; nay, we know that a little before this, at the date of the Epistle to the Philip- pians, Timothy was at liberty, for it was Paul’s purpose on the prospect of being set free to send Timothy immediately from Rome to Philippi. Philipp. ii. 23. ᾿Απολελυμένον may signify ‘ sent on a mission,’ just as well as ‘set at liberty,’ and it no doubt here signifies the former. For the use οἵ ἀπολελυμένον in this sense see Acts xiii. 3, xy. 30, &e. 2° This verse is a strong argument for the Pauline origin of the Epistle. Not only is Timothy here spoken of as τὸν ἀδελφὸν (see note *"), but ἐὰν τάχιον ἔρχηται corresponds with the passage in 1 Cor. xvi. 10: ἐὰν δὲ ἔλθῃ Τιμόθεος. The use of the word τάχιον is also very obsery- able, for Paul, in writing to the Philippians a few months before, with reference to this very same journey of Timothy, had twice employed the same term: Τιμόθεον ταχέως πέμψαι, and αὐτὸς ταχέως ἐλεύσομαι, Philipp. 11. 19,24. Why the Apostle should thus mention Timothy may be accounted for on the supposition that the elders of the Hebrew church, in their afflic- tion during the persecution by the fierce Sad- ducee Ananus, had probably requested Paul (whom they believed to be still in prison) to write to the Hebrews, and send the letter by Timothy, who had ingratiated himself with the Hebrews by having submitted to circum- cision. Cuae. VII.] EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. [a.p. 63] 339 24 “ Salute all them that have the rule over you,” 281 from Italy salute you. 25 “GRACE BE WITH YOU ALL. 282 280 and all the saints. They AMEN.” 280 The author of the Epistle, therefore, was acquainted with the heads of the Hebrew church, and this points to Paul, for we are expressly told in the Acts that when Paul was last at Jerusa- lem πάντες τε παρεγένοντο oi πρεσβύτεροι, καὶ ἀσπασάμενος (6 Παῦλος) αὐτοὺς, κιτιλ. Acts xxi. 18. 38: ᾿Ασπάζονται ὑμᾶς οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας. The true interpretation of these words has been much disputed, viz. whether they imply that Paul when he wrote was himself ix Italy, or when he wrote was cut of Italy. 1. Those who support the view that Paul was in Italy render the words as in the Authorized version, “ They of Italy ;” and many instances might be cited in which ἀπὸ is applied to denote the place of a person’s abode, as oi ἀπὸ τῆς Θεσ- σαλονίκης ᾿Ιουδαῖοι (Acts xvii. 13); Ἰησοῦς ὁ ἀπὸ Ναζαρέτ (Matt. xxi. 11); οἱ ἀπὸ Ἱεροσολύμων γραμματεῖς (Matt. xv. 1); and ἀπὸ may be ap- plied in this way, even though the writer is himself in the place referred to. Thus Ignatius, when in Smyrna, sends the following salutation to the Magnesians: ἀσπάζονται ὑμᾶς Ἐφέσιοι ἀπὸ Σμύρνης, ὅθεν καὶ γράφω ὑμῖν. Epist. ad Magnes. 5. 15. If this construction be adopted we must sup- pose the sequence of events to be this, viz. that Paul, on being set free, arranged with Timothy that the latter should proceed immediately to Philippi, and that Paul should sail for Spain, but that both at the end of a certain period (say six months) should meet again at Puteoli, and thence take ship together for Judea—that Paul accordingly returned to Puteoli, but before Timothy had arrived, and that while waiting for Timothy he wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews. “ Know that our brother Timothy has been sent on a mission, with whom, if he come quickly, I will see you. They of Italy salute you.” Heb. xiii. 23. 2. Those who maintain that Paul, when he penned the Epistle, was out of Italy, render the words in question “ They from Italy ”—that is, ‘those who have accompanied me from Italy, and are now with me.’ The word ἀπὸ means literally and strictly, ‘from,’ and not ‘of;’ and as the Apostle studies brevity in the Epistle (Heb. xiii. 22), the phrase “ They from Italy” may very well express compendiously ‘those who have come with me from Italy.’ If this interpretation be accepted we must suppose the sequence of events to be this, viz. that Paul on his liberation despatched Timothy to Philippi with an injunction to rejoin the Apostle in Spain, to assist him there in the ministry— that accordingly Paul sailed to Spain with the intention of spending some time there, but that, in the course of his progress, and before the return of Timothy, he received intelligence of the threatened defection of the Hebrew church, and that he then immediately wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews, to confirm the waverers in their faith, and promised, at the earliest day possible, to follow himself, and, if Timothy should reach Spain in time, to make Timothy his associate in the voyage. After much hesitation (which may well be excused in so doubtful a matter), we have given the preference in the text to the hypothesis that Paul, when he wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews, was in Spain; and in doing so we have followed the authority of Dr. Wordsworth, who interprets oi ἀπὸ ᾿Ιταλίας ‘ They from Italy, and gives the following reasons: 1. That the Epistle could not have been written from Jome, or the Apostle would have mentioned /tome, and not Italy; and 2. That the Epistle could not have been written from Italy (as from Puteoli), as he could hardly take upon himself to convey the greeting of the Italians generally, nor would he have described the Christians of Italy as “ They of Italy,” but as the ‘saints’ or ‘brethren’ of Italy. Words- worth on Heb, xiii. 24. *“ The Apostle had said to the Thessalonians, “The salutation of Paul with mine own hand, WHICH IS THE TOKEN IN EVERY EPIsTLE, so I WrITE: ‘THE GRACE OF OUR LorD Jesus Curist BE WITH YOU ALL.” 2 Thess. iii. 17,18. All the other Epistles of Paul are thus authenti- cated, and the reader will observe that the Apostle subjoins the like salutation in his own hand at the end of the Hebrews: “Grack BE WITH you atu.” He therefore authenticates the Epistle as his own, and thereby removes any doubt which might have existed as to the au- thorship, from the omission of the writer’s name at the beginning. In the Hebrews, as in the other later Epistles, the benediction is in a short form. No other Epistles but those of Paul have this benediction. [a.p. 63] ST. PAUL SAILS TO JUDEA. [Cuar. VII The letter was dispatched, but by whose hands we know not. Timothy, who had submitted to circumcision, would have been most acceptable to the Hebrew church, but he had not yet rejoined the Apostle. Luke, who had waited upon him at Rome, may have been still with ‘him, and it has been surmised that, in fact, he assisted the Apostle in the composition of the Hebrews, as the style of it has great resemblance to Luke’s other writings. But Luke was a Gentile, and could scarcely have been selected as a suitable envoy. Demas, Aristarchus, and Justus were also apparently with Paul at this time, but Demas again was a Gentile, and would therefore be objectionable. But Aristarchus and Justus were both of them Israelites, and one of them may have been employed for the purpose. After all, the Epistle may have been transmitted to Jerusalem by the ordinary letter-carrier. If the Hebrew church had intellects to understand, and hearts to feel the incisive arguments and stirring exhortations contained in the Epistle, the appeal must have produced signal effects, and have established their wavering faith on a firm and immoyable basis. Not long after the dispatch of the letter, Timothy arrived from Philippi, when Paul and his youthful follower, and the other missionaries in the Apostles’ company, sailed for Judea. Crete lay on their way, and it has been supposed by many, that Paul at this time promulgated the Gospel there, but this seems improbable. The passage in the Epistle to Titus, which is the foundation of the hypothesis, is as follows: “ For this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are want- ing, and ordain elders in every city as 1 had appointed thee” ***. We are hence led to infer, that Paul had traversed the island and preached in the principal cities, but this would have occupied him two or three months, which he could ill spare, when he was making all haste to Jerusalem. In writing from Spain, he had asked for the prayers of the Hebrews, “that I may be restored to you the sooner,”*** and alluding to Timothy, he says, “ with whom, ¢f he come shortly, I will see you;*° so that if Timothy had delayed his arrival, Paul would have embarked without him. It is clear also that when Paul visited Crete on the occasion referred to in the Epistle, Titus was with him, but there is no trace of Titus having sailed with Paul from the west. Another argument of considerable weight is, that no one can read the Epistle to Titus, then in Crete, without feeling that the writer had parted from him not long before, whereas the letter as we shall see was not written for at least a year after the period of which we are now speaking. We may assume, therefore, that Paul made no stay αὖ Crete at the present time, but he may have touched there, and may have promised to re-visit them the first convenient opportunity, a pledge which he afterwards redeemed. Paul and his companions in due time reached Jerusalem, and if on the last ocea- 288 They are distinguished, as being of the So Se ΠΕ ΙΒ. 1; ὩΣ: circumcision, from Epaphras, Luke, and Demas, 28f Heb. xiii. 19. who were Gentiles. Coloss. iv. LO. *85 Heb. xiii. 23. Cuap. VII.] ST. PAUL AT JERUSALEM. [A.D. 63] 990 339, sion “ the brethren received them gladly,”*** the Hebrews now in their distress would welcome their coming with the most heartfelt joy. The bitterness of death was by this time past, but though Ananus had been deposed from the high priesthood, the persecution may have been still continued in a mitigated and more legitimate form. The Apostle’s first act at Jerusalem was, perhaps, with a grateful heart for his own deliverance from a tedious imprisonment, to worship his Maker in that Holy Temple which he was destined never to see again. The last time he had been in the courts of the Lord’s House, he had been assailed by an infuriate mob, but a merciful Pro- vidence had resened him that he might shine a still brighter example of Christian fortitude. In a few short years, the sanctuary, where religious zeal had roused the passions of the multitude to such a pitch of phrensy, was to lie a solitude amid the stillness of death. If this was revealed to the Apostle as he gazed on the stately pile for the last time, the water must have stood in his eyes. But the distress of the living called for his aid, and the Apostle now by word of mouth, as he had done before by letter, comforted the Hebrew brethren, and strength- ened them by his manly exhortations against the assaults of their enemies. He may also have been an active champion in securing to them the civil rights which had been so grossly violated by Ananus. He who from his dungeon at Philippi had obliged the magistrates “to come and fetch him out,”**? was well calculated to shield the disciples from tyrannical oppression, and assert their privileges as peaceful citizens living under the protection of the Roman laws. Paul had so clear a forecast of the approaching downfall of the Jewish polity, that he may also have prepared the minds of the Hebrews for that event, by impressing upon them our Saviour’s prophetic warning, that when they saw the Roman eagles gathered about the carcass of the Holy City, they should flee unto the mountains. It has been recorded that the Christians availed themselves of the prediction, and retired to Pella, and so were not involved in the horrors of the last desperate struggle. Paul in his letter from Spain had used the expression “TI will see you, *** which rather negatives the idea of a lengthened visit. We may conclude, therefore, that after a brief sojourn amongst the Hebrew brethren, the Apostle, as he had done on former occasions, took his route to Antioch, the metropolitan Gentile church, and there passed the ensuing winter, a.p. 62-63. =i) UMC se o.aly INE SACs Xvi. of. ἘΣ ὄψομαι ὑμᾶς. Heb. xiii, 23. μαι ὑμ CHAPTER VIII. Paul’s last Circwit—He visits Ephesus and Crete, and passes through Macedonia to Corinth—He writes the First Epistle to Titus, and the First Epistle to Timothy— He winters in Epirus—He visits Dalmatia, and returns a prisoner to Ephesus. The Christian pastor bound to earth, With thankless toil and vile esteemed, Still travailing in second birth Of souls that will not be redeemed, Yet steadfast set to do his part, And fearing most his own vain heart. Christian Year. Pau had now been in the ministry more than a quarter of a century. There had been time for enthusiasm to cool—for an acute intellect to discover error—for a sound judgment to reform its conclusions,—yet Paul had never once swerved. During that interval he had been four times shipwrecked, he had been scourged and whipped, stoned and imprisoned, he had submitted to every indignity and outrage that ingenious malice or popular fury could heap upon him, yet he had never flinched. The hardships he had endured, the anxieties and mental agonies attendant upon his office, may have impaired the bodily frame, but he retained the same fixedness of purpose, the same earnest but steady zeal by which he had been actuated six- and-twenty years before. It was not likely that so hardy a veteran should at the eleventh hour, when victory was within his reach, retreat from the conflict. Accord- ingly, in the spring of a.p. 64 he commenced his last circuit, and took leave of Antioch never more to return to it. We have no connected history of Paul’s movements from the time of his release, but from the intentions expressed in the Epistle to Philemon we may gather that he pow traversed Galatia and Phrygia to Colosse, where he had directed a lodging to be provided for him.! Here the Apostle was received by the wealthy Philemon and the poor Onesimus, once the master and slave, now two brethren in Christ. From the deep interest which Paul took in the welfare not only of the Colossians but also of all Christians in their immediate vicinity,’ we may infer that Paul on his way to Ephesus, bestowed, for the first time, the benefit of his personal presence upon 1 Philem. 22. ? Col. ii. 1. ‘ 7 ; . ety ie 45 τ -ὅὅὕ0 ν» [- --- ’ NEQ | ὦ - ἘΜΈ & | / o! SS : ' Ci pe “oS Be ah AE a a [ ° ad ESRSPR I 2 a πὰ 0 Se τ ὦ ἘΠ | | oo rae , a , |? To Spain R s Seen Ἂν ee ue 2 Ὲ ὦ ὃ : S ¥ ; Ν ξ ᾿ λ Ο Cyrene | CYRENAICA™ | Syrtis Major CONST | HOA ὙΠ ΕΝ ae Lie is MAP OF THE CIRCUITS or St PAUL WITH THE POLITICAL DIVISION OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE INTO PROVINCES. es 15 2 2i5 [Θ London. Bell & Sons. To face Vol 2 page 336. EdwVWeller, litho. Kad Lion Square Places visited by St. Paul m lus several Circuits from Antroch of Syria. FIRST CIRCUIT. (GREEN.) Antioch of Syria Seleucia Salamis Paphos Perga Antioch of Pisidia Iconium Lystra Derbe Lystra Teconium Antioch of Pisidia Perga Attalia Antioch of Syria SECOND CIRCUIT. (YELLOW.) Antioch of Syria Tarsus Derbe Lystra Iconium Antioch of Pisidia Pessinus Aneyra Tavium Ancyra Pessinus Troas Neapolis Philippi Ampbhipolis Apollonia Thessalonica Berea Dium Cenchrea Corinth Cenchrea Ephesus Ceesarea Jerusalem Antioch of Syria (By land) THIRD CIRCUIT, (RED.) Antioch of Syria Tarsus Tavium Ancyra Pessinus Ephesus Troas Neapolis Philippi Amphipolis Apollonia Thessalonica Pelagonia Thessalonica Cenchrea Corinth Berea Thessalonica Apollonia Amphipolis N.B.—The visit to Spain, has not been inserted. Philippi Neapolis Troas Miletus Patara Tyre Ceesarea Jerusalem Cesarea Sidon Myra Cnidus Fair Havens Malta Syracuse Rhegium Puteoli Appii Forum ‘Tres Taberne Rome Tres Taberne Appii Forum Puteoli Rhegium Ceesarea Jerusalem Caesarea Antioch of Syria (By land) FOURTH CIRCUIT. (BLUE.) Antioch of Syria Tarsus Derbe Lystra Tconium Antioch of Pisidia Colossee Laodicea Hierapolis Ephesus Crete Ephesus Troas Neapolis Philippi Amphipolis Apollonia Thessalonica Cenchrea Corinth Nicopolis Dalmatia Pelagonia Thessalonica Apollonia Amphipolis Philippi Neapolis Troas Epkesus Cenchrea Corinth Apollonia (Epirus) Brundusium Capua Appii Forum Tres Tabernz Rome as doubtful, ood Cuar. VIII] ST. PAUL'S LAST CIRCUIT. [a.p. 64] 337 the churches also of Laodicea and Hierapolis. Laodicea had three years before been desolated by an earthquake,* but Pheenix-like, she had soon risen to her pristine greatness. Paul now once more found himself at Ephesus.‘ He had not visited it since the riot of Demetrius, the silversmith. However, he had subsequently held an interview with the elders of the Ephesian church at Miletus, in a.p. 58, and the language he then used was prophetic. “1 know,” he said, “that after my departing shall grievous wolves enter in among you, not sparing the flock; and of your own selves shall men arise speaking perverse things to draw away disciples after them.”® This had now come to pass. Instead of the Judaizers, who had been the Apostle’s antagonists in earlier years, the Gnostic heresy had gathered strength during his tedious imprison- ment, and had hike a noxious parasitical plant, fastened itself on Christianity, and was poisoning its vital principle. It had some time before taken root at Colosse, Laodicea and Philippi, as we have gathered from the letters to those churches written from Rome. It had also penetrated into Ephesus and Corinth, the capitals of Asia and Achaia, and another of its strongholds was Crete, whither the Apostle presently followed it. During the winter months Paul and Timothy and Titus, and his other coadjutors, were busily engaged in counteracting these dangerous doctrines, and though without information to guide us, we may safely conclude that the unceasing efforts of the Christian brotherhood were not unsuccessful. Paul now redeemed his promise of passing into Crete. Christianity appears to have been early disseminated in that island. Cretans are enumerated amongst those who witnessed the gift of tongues, and heard the preaching of Peter on the Day of Pente- cost, after the Ascension,® and some of them may have been converted, and carried the Gospel back with them to their native country. Crete abounded with Jews,‘ and, no apostle having regulated their faith, Judaism, and then Gnosticism, its offspring, had corrupted the word, and the Gospel had become so disfigured by strange phan- tasies, that its features could scarcely be recognized. The object of Paul was to eradicate the tares which had thus been sown in the Lord’s field, and to restore the Gospel to its original purity. Timothy was left in charge of the church at Ephesus during his absence,* and Paul, accompanied by Titus, and also by Tychicus and Artemas,’ sailed for Crete. Some time must have been spent in making the cireuit of the island, for the Gospel was preached in it city by city ;'° as at Gnossus and Gortyna, where in the second century were flourishing churches, to which Dionysius, Bishop of Corinth, addressed an epistle.” However, Macedonia and Achaia were calling 5 See Fasti Sacri, p. 319, No. 1889. to Macedonia, that Timothy should continue there, ἘΠ τ τ τῷ προσμεῖναι. 1 Tim. i. 8. 5 Acts xx. 99, 80. ἡ Tit. ii. 12. Paul would seareely have sent ® Acts ii. 11. them afterwards to Crete, unless they were per- * Philo ad Caium, 5. 36; Acts ii. 11. sonally known to the churches there. δ ‘This may be inferred from Paul's direction, xara πόλιν. Tit. i. 5. when touching at Ephesus on his way from Crete VOL. 11. 2x 338 [a.p. 64] ST. PAUL’S LAST CIRCUIT. [Cuap. VIII. loudly for his presence, and he made no long sojourn in any part, but, having scattered the seeds of a healthy Christianity through the length and breadth of the island, he left Titus there to complete the work by superintending the internal organiza- tion of the churches, and Paul himself, with Tychicus and Artemas, embarked for Ephesus on his way to Macedonia. Paul touched at Ephesus, where he had an interview with Timothy, and desired him to remain at his post until further instructions: heresy was still lurking in that church, and next to Paul himself, no abler champion could have been found than Timothy. This arrangement we learn from a subsequent Epistle: “As I besought thee to abide still at Ephesus, on my road into Macedonia, that thou mightest charge some not to teach any other doctrine, nor give heed to fables and endless genealogies, which minister questions, rather than godly edifying, which is in faith: so do.” Another reason may also have operated in leaving Timothy at Ephesus. He was at present in ill-health, and Paul, ever considerate for his friends, may have thought that a sojourn there for some time, though ina stirring scene, might be more beneficial to Timothy than the fatigue of incessant travelling. From Ephesus the Apostle, with Tychicus and Artemas, proceeded, by way of Troas and Neapolis, to Philippi.” heartfelt congratulations. The Philippians beheld their spiritual father after a sepa- Here must have been an exchange of the most ration of seven years, and now grown venerable by age; and he, on the other hand, had to acknowledge another liberal contribution which had been forwarded to him at Rome by the hands of Epaphroditus. Of all the churches planted by the Apostle, perhaps none was better regulated than that of the Philippians. It had long since acquired a settled form, and was governed by its priests and deacons. And this unusually prosperous state was attained under the auspices of Luke, who had been left there in the course of Paul’s second circuit, and waited there until Paul’s return to it, in his third cireuit. Yet even here existed some grounds for uneasiness. The flock of Christ was to be guarded against heretical teachers," and the private feuds which had been reprobated in the Epistle "Ὁ were to be reconciled. By the exercise of the apostolical authority, sound faith was maintained, and a church so distinguished for the amiable character of its members, was soon at unity with itself. These duties discharged, Paul visited Thessalonica and Bercea, and the other Macedonian communities, and then descended southward to Corinth. We have already had occasion to remark, that no church was more beloved than Ruseb. H. E. iv. 23. given: ὡς ἂν amido τὰ περὶ ἐμὲ, ἐξαυτῆς, Philipp. Sib ae 1h Ὁ) 4. ii. 23; and Paul hoped that he should be able to 18 This we may infer from his promise to visit come to them soon after, ταχέως. Ib. i. 24. them at no distant time after his release from 1: Philipp. 111. 2. imprisonment. Timothy was to start from Rome 15 Philipp. iv. 2. for Philippi the instant that the verdict was Cua. VIII] ST. PAUL’?S LAST CIRCUIT. [a.p. 64] 339 the Corinthian, and none gave him greater solicitude. The acute intellect of the Greeks involved them in subtle sophistries, and a fertile imagination led to the absurdest chimeras and the wildest speculations. Shortly after the first introduction of Christianity they had wrangled one with another, “Iam of Paul, and I of Apollos, and I of Cephas, and I of Christ.” These unseemly divisions had been suppressed ; but in their stead the heresy of Gnosticism had lately overspread the church with its baneful shade. Many years before this, the Apostle had rebuked the error of some who denied the resurrection from the dead. These were the incipient Gnostics. They had since matured their system, and were now using their utmost efforts at Corinth to supplant the solid truths of Christianity and substitute their own baseless visions and philosophical castle-building. The leaders of the sect were Hymenaus and Alexander. Paul, on his arrival, came immediately into collision with them, and as they persisted in their error, and set his authority at defiance, he was compelled, however ayerse to extreme measures, to apply the apostolic rod. Hymeneus and Alexander were excommunicated, and ceased to be members of the Corinthian church. In a letter addressed to Timothy shortly afterwards from Corinth, Paul bids him persevere, in “ Holding faith, and a goed conscience, which some,” he continues, “ having put away concerning faith, have made shipwreck, of whom is Hymeneus and Alexander, whom I have delivered unto Satan, that they may learn not to blaspheme.”'® It might have been anticipated that this condemnation by the Corinthian church of the Gnostic Heresiarchs, would lead to contrition. Such had been the effect of the excommunication, some years before, of the incestuous brother. But Hymeneus, if not Alexander, obsti- nately maintained his error, for Paul, in a letter to Timothy more than a year afterwards from Rome, alludes again to the Gnostics in these terms: “ Shun profane and yain babblings, for they will increase unto more ungodliness, and their word will eat as doth a canker, of whom is Hymenxus and Philetus, who concerning the truth have erred, saying that the resurrection is past already, and overthrow the faith of some,” 7 Paul having thus completed the circuit of all his churches, and exerted himself in each to rectify the disorders to which his unavoidable absence had opened a door, was now at liberty to carry the tidings of the Gospel into other climes. But heresy was so active amongst his churches, that he dared not venture to any great dis- tance. He proposed, therefore, to traverse the western coast, namely, Epirus and Illyricum and Dalmatia (into which he had not yet penetrated), and then bending his steps to the right, to return by way of Thessalonica, Philippi, and Troas to Ephesus. Before he started, it was necessary to communicate with Titus, whom he had left 18 1 Tim. i. 20. 2 Tim. ii. 16-18. 2) X52, ST. PAUL’S LAST CIRCUIT. [Cuap. VIII. 340 [a.p. 64] in Crete, and with Timothy, who had been posted at Ephesus, to inform them of his plans, and give them suitable directions.* The present intentions of the Apostle were, to send either Artemas or Tychicus to Crete to relieve Titus, who, when a substitute arrived, was to rejoin Paul at Nicopolis in Epirus, where he proposed to winter.’ Timothy was to remain in charge of the Ephesian church until the Apostle reached it in person.” A favourable opportunity now presented itself of forwarding a letter to Titus, and it was this:—Apollos, as the reader may recollect, was a Jew of Alexandria, who, possessing originally a somewhat imperfect knowledge of the Gospel, had been further instructed in it by Aquila and Priscilla, on their meeting with him at He had afterwards passed over to Corinth, and preached there with the greatest success. He had then returned to Ephesus, where he was introduced to Paul, and became an attached follower. The Corinthians, charmed by his eloquence, had, in writing to Paul at Ephesus, expressed a wish that Apollos should honour them a second time with his presence, but it was not then convenient, and Paul had answered, “As touching our brother Apollos, I greatly desired him to come unto you with the brethren, but his will was not at all to come now, but he will come when he shall have convenient time.”*’ Apollos had afterwards found the opportunity and renewed his labours amongst the Corinthians, and was thus engaged at the period of Paul’s arrival. Apollos, after sojourning for some time at Corinth, was anxious to revisit Alexandria, his native city, and a Christian brother, by the name of Zenas or Ephesus. Zenodorus, was to be his companion. Crete lay directly on their route from Corimth 18 The first Epistle to Timothy and the Epistle to Titus were unquestionably written about the same time, and most probably from the same place, and there can be little doubt that this place was Corinth. In writing to Timotby at Ephesus the Apostle refers to the verbal in- structions given to Timothy when he (Paul) was on his way to Macedonia. 1 Tim.i.3. This Epistle, therefore, was not written from Ephesus itself, nor-even from Macedonia, to which Paul had proceeded, but from some province to which the Apostle would naturally direct his steps after quitting Macedonia. Twice before he had passed through Macedonia to Corinth (Acts xvii. 1; xix. 21), and we cannot suppose that, after voyaging from Ephesus to Macedonia, he could fail to revisit his beloved Corinth. He was cer- tainly not in Epirus at the date of the Epistle to Titus, for he bids Titus to come to him at Nico- polis of Epirus, where he proposed to winter. Tit. iii. 12. If not in Macedonia or Epirus, whither, after quitting Macedonia, and before going to Epirus, could Paul have journeyed but, as on former occasions, to Achaia, and if to Achaia, whither but to Corinth, the capital ? The circumstances also agree, for in the Epistle to Timothy, Paul tells him that he had delivered over Hymenzus and Alexander to Satan—i.e. had excommunicated them—as heretics. 1 Tim. 1. 90. Paul, therefore, was writing from some church which had been long established by him, and sub- mitted to his authority. Such was Corinth; and indeed the excommunication of Hymenzeus and Alexander is the very counterpart of the excom- munication at Corinth by the Apostle of the in- cestuous person some years before. 1 Cor. ν. 5. One of the heresies of Alexander also was the denial of the resurrection; aud we know, from the first Epistle to the Corinthians, that this canker had already fastened upon that church. Corinth, also, from its commercial importance and ready maritime communication with foreign parts, offered peculiar facilities for the transmis- sion of letters over sea, as of that to Timothy at Ephesus and of that to Titus in Crete. 2) Abie sunk, Ie ΤΠ ὙΠ τῆς GBs aides 41 1 Cor. xvi. 12. The spectator Is looking nor ALEXANDRIA IN EGYPT. th-west over the new Port, and the Pharos is seen at the enc the extreme right. 1 of the tongu From Bartlett. of land on Diamond Rock Phari el-Nessar NEW PORT ΟΣ Σ᾽. SE aH ici fareity, M8, , AM οἱ wt A, My ζη μη fra Ὁ ἐπ γύμαφες SCabari 4, i Ga CF 2 es J BVahmuaiyeh = ΔΙ δ Ζ2 Ε a) mm JEMEZ ae Pharalion eM re ; ye PLAN OF ALEXANDRIA. Catholic Ctmetery <(Bosetta Gato \ (βαρ. VILI.] EPISTLE TO TITUS. [a.p. 64] 341 to Alexandria, and Paul availed himself of their services to transmit a letter to Titus. After saluting Titus as his son in the faith, the Apostle proceeds in the first part to give him directions as to the choice of Christian ministers,—that he should ordain none but such as were of unexceptionable lives, and regulated their own households without reproach, and were of orthodox opinions, and not infected by the Gnostic heresy. In the second part (ii. 1) he instructs him what duties he ought to inculcate upon the old and young of both sexes, and (ii. 9) upon slaves toward their masters, and (iii. 1) upon all as subjects of the Emperor and peaceful citizens. In a word (iii. 8), he exhorts Titus to cultivate practical religion, and not to be led aside by the silly and useless speculations of the Judaizers and Gnostics. He concludes (iii. 12) by directing him to join the Apostle at Nicopolis in Epirus, as soon as Tychicus or Artemas arrived in Crete, and to set forward Apollos and Zenas on their voyage to Alexandria, and subjoins a general salutation with his usual benediction. The Epistle was as follows :— [The italics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, thus [ 7, are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek. } Cu. T. *PauL, A SERVANT oF Gop, AND AN AposTLE oF Jesus CHRIST, ACCORDING TO THE FAITH OF GoD’s ELECT, AND THE KNOWLEDGE” OF THE TRUTH WHICH 2 15 AFTER GODLINESS, IN HOPE OF ETERNAL LIFE,” WHICH GoD, THAT CANNOT 3 LIE, PROMISED FROM 7IMES ETERNAL, BUT HATH IN DUE SEASON MANIFESTED HIS WORD THROUGH PREACHING, WITH WHICH I HAVE BEEN INTRUSTED ACCORDING TO THE 4 COMMANDMENT oF Gop our Saviour—to Trrus, MINE OWN cHiLD™* AFTER THE COMMON FAITH, GRACE, MERCY, PEACE, FRoM Gop THE Farner AND THE LorD Jesus Curist our Saviour. 5 “For this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest further set in order the things that are wanting, and ordain elders in every city, as I injoined 6 thee: if any be wnimpeachable,”* the husband of one wife,” having faithful interpretation that the command was superfluous as Christianity never allowed two wives; but poly- gamy was a common practice amongst the Jews 2 τὴν ἐπίγνωσιν. Used in the same sense, 1 Tim. ii. 4. * The Apostle at once lays down the doctrine of godliness as the passport to eternal life, the antagonistic principle to the Gnostic heresy. 3: τέκνῳ. In Eng. ver. “son;” 1.6, his own convert. 35 The Apostle, therefore, had recently been in Crete. 35 ἀνέγκλητος. In Eng. ver. “ blameless.” ὅτ This means either the husband who has only one wife at the same time, or who has mar- ried only once, and on the loss of his wife has not married again. It is objected to the former who abounded in Crete, and, as Christianity did not disturb existing relations, a Jew who had married two wives before his conversion may have been allowed to retain them, but it would not be prudent to place such a one in a post of honour, and hence the Apostle’s precept. How- ever, the preferable interpretation appears to be a man who has only been once married, for in the first Epistle to Timothy we have the like expression, μιᾶς γυναικὸς ἄνδρα, 1 Tim, iii. 2; and then a little afterwards, χήρα... ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς co [a.p. 64] EPISTLE TO TITUS. [Cuar. VIII. 11 12 children, not accused of debauchery’ or unruly. For a bishop” must be wn- impeachable,” as the steward of God, not self-willed, not passionate, not a wine bébler, no striker, not given to filthy lucre, but a lover of hospitality, a lover of good men, sober, just, holy, temperate, holding fast the faithful word according to the doctrine,” that he may be able by sound teaching both to exhort and to convince the gainsayers. For there are many even unruly vain talkers and deceivers, specially they of the circumcision,*’ whose mouths must be stopped, who subvert whole houses, teaching things which they ought not, for filthy lucre’s sake. One of themselves, even a prophet ** of their own,™ said— ‘The Cretans Are always liars,” eyil beasts,** slow bellies.** This witness is true. Wherefore rebuke them sharply, that they may be sound in the faith, not giving heed to Jewish fables,** and commandments of men ἢ who are perverted from the truth; for unto the pure all things are pure, but unto them that are defiled and unbelieving is nothing pure, but even their 16 mind and conscience is defiled. They profess that they know God,*° but in γυνή, 1 Tim. v. 9; and as in the latter case it is clear that a widow is meant who has been only once married, we may infer the like as to the man. See Wordsworth’s notes on 1 Tim. iii. 2, and ν. 9. *8 ἀσωτίας. In Eng. ver. “ riot.” *“ The Apostle had just before spoken of elders, and he now calls them bishops. Presby- ters, therefore, or priests, and bishops, were at this time equivalent expressions. bo In Eng. ver. “ blameless.” 2 In Eng. ver. “as he hath ἀνέγκλητον. κατὰ τὴν διδαχὴν. been taught.” *® The Gnostics, therefore, who are here re- ferred to, were not all Jews, as some have sup- posed. 88 The quotation is from Epimenides of Phees- tus, Plut. Solon. 12, or Cnossus in Crete, Diog. Laért. i. 109; Plin. vii. 49, vii. 53; who appears to have been regarded not only as a poet, but as a prophet also. Thus Cicero speaks of persons who “ concitatione quadam animi, aut soluto liberoque motu, futura presentiunt, ut Baris Beotius, ut Epimenides Cres.” Cie. de Divin. i. 18. And Apuleius calls him “ Inclytum fatilo- quum et poetam.” Apul.Florid. Plato calls him ἀνὴρ θεῖος, de Leg. i.; and so Plutarch, ἐδόκει δέ τις εἶναι θεοφιλὴς καὶ σόφος περὶ τα θεῖα τὴν ἐνθουσιαστικὴν καὶ τελεστικὴν σοφίαν, 30]. 12; and so Maximus Tyrius describes him as δεινὸς τὰ θεῖα, Dissert. 22. Epimenides is said to have been a sleeper for 57 years in a cave, Plin. N. H. vii. 58; and to have lived 157 years. Plin. N. H. vii. 49. 34 The Cretans paid no regard to foreign poets: ov σφόδρα χρώμεθα οἱ Κρῆτες τοῖς ξενικοῖς ποιή- μασιν. Plato de Leg. iii. sub initio. 8° Hence Κρητίζειν was a proverbial expression, “to lie.” Thus Κρητίζειν, τὸ ψεύδεσθαι. . . ἐπειδὴ ψεῦσται καὶ ἀπατεωνές εἰσι, Suidas. Κρητί- ζειν, ἐπὶ τοῦ ψεύδεσθαι καὶ ἀπατᾶν. Hesych. The fallacy founded on this text is familiar, viz. All the Cretans are liars. Epimenides was a Cretan, therefore Epimenides was a liar. If Epimenides was a liar, the Cretans are true. Epimenides was a Cretan, and therefore true. If Epime- nides was true, the Cretans are liars. And so round and round in a circle, 85 Whence the Greek proverb: Καππάδοκες, Κρῆτες, Nidexes, τρία κάππα κάκιστα. 81 We meet with the latter expression in Juvenal : Montani quoque venter adest abdomice tardus, Lib. 1. Sat. 4, 407. 88 The Gnostic imaginations. See ante, p. 239. 89 The Rabbinical traditions, which were after- wards, about A.p. 200, embodied by Rabbi Judah Hakkadosh (the Holy) in the Mishna. 40 And therefore called themselves Gnostics, or men of knowledge. Cuap. ΛΠ EPISTLE TO TITUS. [a.p. 64] 919 works they deny him, being abominable, and disobedient, and unto every good work reprobate. Cu. ΤΙ. * But speak thou the things which become sound teaching—that the aged 2,3 men be sober, grave, désereet, sound in faith, in charity,in patience. The aged ᾽ 7d a τι εἶ Ρ 5 women likewise, that they be in behaviour as becometh holiness, not slan- 4 derous,"’ not enslaved to much wine, teachers of good things, that they may teach the young women to be sober, lovers of their husbands, lovers of their children, discreet, chaste, good housewives,” submitting themselves to their own husbands, that the word of God be not blasphemed. The younger men, like- wise exhort to be sober minded: in all things exhibiting * thyself ** a pattern of good works, uncorruptness in teaching, gravity,*° sound speech, that cannot be condemned, that he that is of the contrary part may be ashamed, having no eyil thing to say of ws.*® 9 “ Exhort servants *’ to submit themselves unto their own masters, to be well 10 pleasing to them in all things, not answering again, not purloining, but showing all good fidelity, that they may adorn the doctrine of God our Saviour in all 11 things. For the grace of God hath appeared that bringeth salvation to all 12 men, instructing us that, denying ungodliness and worldly lusts, we should 13 live soberly, and justly, and godly, in the present world, looking for that blessed hope, and the glorious appearing of owr great God and Saviour Jesus Christ,** 14 who gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify 15 unto himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works. These things speak, and exhort, and rebuke with all authority: let no man despise thee." “Put them in mind to submit themselves to principalities and powers, to mA ISD δι Cu. 1Π. 2 obey magistrates, to be ready to every good work, to speak eyil of no man, not 3 to be contentious, but gentle, showing all meekness unto all men. ourselves also were once foolish, disobedient, erring, serving divers lusts and 4 pleasures, living in malice and envy, abominable,” hating one another. But, 5 when the kindness and the love of God our Saviour toward man appeared, not For we 41 διαβόλους. * All the recent writers read ἡμῶν, instead of 42 In Eng. ver. “ false accusers.” So Euripides. ὑμῶν. “τ δούλους, “slaves,” for at that time slavery was a civil institution, which Christianity with- Ξ Nis! Baw οἰκουροὺς ἀγαθὰς. Ἔνδον μένουσαν τὴν γυναῖκ᾽ εἶναι χρεὼν ᾿Ἐσθλὴν, θύρασι δ' ἀξίαν τοῦ μηδενός. Meleager, Stobeus Ixxiv. 12. Ἢ παρεχόμενος. In Eng. ver. “ shewing ” * From the Apostle’s exhorting Titus to hold forth himself as a pattern to young men, it would seem that Titus, like Timothy, was a young man, and this we should also infer from verse 15, ‘‘ Let no man despise thee.” Compare 1 Tim. iv. 12. * Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford all omit ἀφθαρσίαν, “ sincerity.” out any civil power could not disturb. * τοῦ μεγάλου Θεοῦ καὶ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ. The word μέγας is applied to Christ in a similar manner, Heb. xiii. 20: τὸν ποιμένα τῶν προβάτων τὸν μέγαν---τὸν Κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν. The two passages throw ἃ light upon each other, and show that Christ was meant in both. * Titus, like Timothy, was still a young man. © στυγητοὶ. In Eng. ver. “ hateful.” 944 [a.p. 64] [Cuap. VIIT. EPISTLE TO TITUS. 10 put aside, for they are unprofitable and yain. 11 15 by works of righteousness which we did, but according to his mercy he saved us, by the washing of regeneration,*! and renewing of the Holy Ghost, which he shed on us abundantly through Jesus Christ our Sayiour, that being justi- fied by his grace, we miyjht be made heirs according to the hope of eternal life. and these things I will that thou affirm con- stantly, that they which have believed in God be careful to maintain good But foolish questions, and genealogies,* and contentions, and strivings about the Law,” Jt is a faithful saying,” Θ᾽ works. These are those good things** and profitable unto men. A man that is a heretic after the first and second admonition reject,°° knowing that such a one is subverted, and sinneth, being se/f condemned.*' “When I shall send Artemas°** unto thee, or Tychicus,* be diligent to come unto me to Nicopolis," for I have determined there to winter. Forward” Zenas the lawyer ™ and Apollos © on their journey diligently, that nothing be wanting unto them. And let ours® also learn to promote’ good works for necessary uses, that they be not unfruitful. All that are with me salute thee. Greet them that love us in the faith. Grace BE wirH you atu.” °° Shortly after dispatching this Epistle, and as soon as a channel of communication with Ephesus presented itself, the Apostle wrote also to Timothy. δι Viz. Baptism. 8 πιστὸς ὁ λόγος. The word referred to is the doctrine of good works, which the Apostle advo- cates, as opposed to the views of the Gnostics. See ante, p. 249. 53 τὰ καλὰ. 54 The fanciful theories of the Gnostics. ante, p. 249: *° The mysticism of the Law, the confusion of gloss further confounded by tradition, δῦ See mapatrov, avoid. % He passes sentence against himself, im not recauting after a first and second admonition from the church. °8 Artemas is short for Artemidorus. It has been remarked that all the four trusted com- panions of Paul here referred to derive their names from the idols which Paul was struggling to eradicate, as Zenas from Ζεὺς, Artemas from ᾿Αρτέμις (Diana), Apollos from Apollo, and Ty- chicus from Τύχη, Fortune. 8 Tychicus was one of Paul’s most trusted messengers to the churches. He had carried the Epistles to the Colossians, Laodiceans (Ephe- sians), and Philemon, from the Apostle when a prisoner at Rome. Eph. vi. 21. 8° Nicopolis in Epirus, founded by Augustus in honour of the bati!s of Actium. See Fasti Sacri, p. 76, No. 641. It was, in the Apostle’s time, a most flourishing town, but is now a mere ruin. See post, p. 359. δ᾽ πρόπεμψον. In Eng. ver. “ bring on their journey.” Apollos was a native of Alexandria, and he and Zenas were probably on their way thither, and touched at Crete, and were the bearers of the Epistle. 82 Zenas is short for Zenodorus. As he is designated ὁ νομικὸς, he was or had been pro- bably a Jewish scribe. 58. Apollos is the abbreviation of Apollodorus. Artemidorus, Zenodorus, and Apollodorus were all names in common use at this period amongst the Greeks. 6 οἱ ἡμέτεροι. The true believers, as opposed to the heretical Gnostics. See i. 9, ii. 8. Philo uses the same expression: τοὺς δ᾽ ἡμετέρους διὰ τὰς ὑπερβολὰς ὧν ἔπαθον, οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἴποι τις ὕβριν ἢ αἰκίαν ἐνδεδέχθαι. In Flaccum, s. 9. © προΐστασθαι. In Eng. ver. “ maintain.” It may have the force of the Latin ‘ preestare,’ or it may signify to take the lead in or set an example of good works. € The usual benediction in Paul’s own hand to authenticate the letter. See Vol. 1. p. 284. The word ‘Amen’ in the Eng. ver. is rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Tischendorf, and Alford. Cuar. VIU.] FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [a.p. 64] 345 After the usual salutation, he (i. 3) bids him guard against the fanciful and false theories of the Gnostics—that the Law of Moses was not to be perverted by subtle refinements into the support of heretical opinions, but was to be studied for the regulation of our practical life, and informs him that he had excommunicated Hyme- neus and Alexander for their Gnostic blasphemies. He then (u. 1) gives directions for the due celebration of Divine Service, and next (iii, 1) instructs him as to the selection of Priests and Deacons. (In the Epistle to Titus he had spoken of Priests only, because the duties of Deacons were principally about the distribution of alms amongst the widows, and in Crete the church had not yet attained its just propor- tions, and Deacons had not been required, but in the Ephesian community the two orders of Priests and Deacons had been long established, and there was a public fund for the relief of the widows.) The Apostle then (iii. 16) inculeates certain articles of faith, and forewarns Timothy (iv. 1} against the increase of Heresy—that the Gnostics, as tares in the Christian field, would again overrun the church, advancing profane fables and inculcating bodily mortification, and he premonishes Timothy to stem the approaching torrent. (This prediction came to pass, and the charge to Timothy was obeyed, as we may infer from the Revelation, where the Spirit, by the mouth of St. John, thus addresses the Ephesian church: “1 know thy works, and thy labour, and thy patience, and how thou canst not bear them which are evil; and thou hast tried them which say they are apostles, and are not, and hast found them liars. But this thou hast, that thou hatest the deeds of the Nicolaitans, which I also hate.”* These Nicolaitans were a branch of the Gnostics, and made their appearance very shortly after the date of Paul’s Epistle to Timothy, and were distinguished from other Gnosties by the severity of their penances and bodily inflictions.) The Apostle next (v. 1) admonishes Timothy as to his demeanour towards the old and young of both sexes (giving directions more particularly (vy. 3) as to the qualifications of widows who sought relief from the public fund), and prescribes (v. 17) the conduct to be observed by Timothy towards such as were in the ministry. He then (v. 1) adverts to the duties of servants towards their masters, and (vi. 6) shows that righteousness is the only true riches, and that the wealthy were to employ their means as a sacred trust from God. He closes the Epistle (vi. 20) as he had commenced it, with a solemn warning against the Gnostic heresy, and bestows his benediction. We subjoin the Epistle itself, which, as written to a friend, and not being an official charge to a whole church, is less studied than the Apostle’s other writings, and does not easily admit an analysis. [The italics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, thus [ 1, are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek. ὍΝ. Τ᾿ “Paul, AN APOSTLE oF Jesus Curist, BY THE COMMANDMENT OF Gop οὔκ 2 Saviour, anp Lorp Jzsus CHRIST OUR HOPE, UNTO Timoray, my own camp ® & Rey. ii. 6. 88 τέκνον. In Eng. ver. “son,” that is, ἃ convert made by Paul himself. VOL. I. 2 Y 346 8, 9 10 [a.p. 64] FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuap. VII. IN THE FAITH, GRACE, MERCY, PEACE, FRoM Gop our FarHEer AND Curist JESUS our Lorp. “As I charged thee to abide still at Ephesus on my way® to Macedonia, that thou mightest bid some not to teach heterodozy,” nor to give heed to fables and endless genealogies,” which minister questions rather than godly edifying which is in faith—Now the end of the commandment is love out of a pure heart, and a good conscience, and faith unfeigned ; from which some having swerved, have turned aside unto vain jangling, desiring to be teachers of the Law,” understanding neither what they say, nor whereof they affirm. But we know that the Law is good if a man use it lawfully, knowing this, that the Law is not made for a righteous man, but for the lawless and inswb- ordinate, for the ungodly and for sinners, for unholy and profane, for mur- derers of fathers and murderers of mothers, for manslayers, for whoremongers, for such as defile themselves with men, for slave-dealers,’* for liars, for the perjured, and if there be any other thing that is contrary to sound doctrine, according to the glorious Gospel of the blessed God, with which I have been intrusted ; 15 and I give thanks to Christ Jesus our Lord, who enableth me, for that he counted me faithful, putting me into the ministry, who was before a blasphemer, and persecutor, and insolent :’° but I obtained mercy, because 1 did it ignorantly in unbelief; and the grace of our Lord super-abownded™ with faith and love which is in Christ Jesus. J¢ is a faithful saying,” and worthy of all acceptation, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save Howbeit for this cause I obtained mercy, that in me first Jesus Christ might show forth all long-suffering, for a pattern to Now unto the King eternal, immortal, invisible, the only** God, be honour and glory for ever and ever. Amen. This charge I commit unto thee, Timothy [my] child,” according to the foregoing prophecies about thee® that thou war in them a sinners, of whom I am chief. them which should hereafter believe on him to eternal life. same time. In Eng. ver. “ when I went.” ἑτεροδιδασκαλεῖν. 71 See ante, p. 249. τὸ The Gnostics, therefore, at this time were chiefly of the Jewish race. 18 ἀνδραποδισταῖς. In Eng. ver.“ menstealers.” τὰ ὃ ἐπιστεύθην ἐγὼ. In Eng. ver. “which was committed to my trust.” 7 Acts vil. 58; viii. 1. n Eng. ver. “ was exceed- °° πορευόμενος. 70 τὸ ὑπερεπλεόνασεν. ing abundant.” τ πιστὸς ὁ λόγος. The same expression as in Titus iii. 8; and from this and other resem- blances it is evident that the two Epistles to Titus and Timothy were dispatched about the 78 Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford all reject the word σοφῷ, “ wise,” which appears in the Textus receptus. oe In Eng. ver. “ son.” τὰς προαγούσας ἐπὶ σὲ mpopyreias. In Eng. ver. “the prophecies which went before of thee.” The Apostle alludes to the prophecies about him, in the homilies delivered by the prophets or preachers of the church at the time of his ordination to the ministry. But others think that the preachings referred to are not those at his first ordination, but on the occasion of his being ordained to the bishopric of Ephesus. ’ TEKVOV. 80 Cuar. VIII.) FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [a.v. 64] 347 19 “Io ὧι Oo ὦ 10 iil 12 13 14 15 good warfare, holding faith and a good conscience, which some haying put away concerning faith have made shipwreck, of whom is Hymenzus*! and Alexander, whom I have delivered unto Satan that they may be taught not to blaspheme. “T charge, therefore, that first of all, supplications, prayers, intercessions, thanksgivings, be made for all men—for kings, and for all that are in autho- rity, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and sobriety ; for this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour, who willeth all men to be saved, and come unto the knowledge of the truth; for there is one God, and one mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus, who gave himself a ransom for all, the testimony in due time, whereunto I have been ordained a preacher, and an apostle (I speak the truth in Christ, I lie ποι)" a teacher of the Gentiles in faith and verity. I will, therefore, that men pray im every place, lifting up holy hands, without wrath and doubting; in like manner, also, that women adorn themselves in orderly apparel, with modesty and sobriety, not with placted hair, or gold, or pearls, or costly array,®* but (which becometh women professing godliness) with good works. Let the woman learn in silence with all subjection; but I suffer not the woman to teach, nor to usurp authority over the man,*° but to be in silence ; for Adam was first formed, then Eve; and Adam was not deceived, but the woman being deceived was in the transgression ; but she shall be saved in child-bearing,’ if they continue in faith and charity and holiness with sobriety. Cu. IL. 81 One of the Gnostic heretical teachers, and no doubt the same Hymenzeus who again incurs thé rebuke of the Apostle in 2 Tim. ii. 17. ®2 Not the same person as the Alexander men- tioned in 2 Tim. iv. 14, who is distinguished as Alexander the coppersmith. 88. ἐς Who under my auspices have been put out of the pale of the church.” Here, as in 1 Cor. vy. 5, excommunication is expressed by delivery over to Satan, i.e. by exclusion from the spiritual comforts of Christ's kingdom on earth. As the Apostle was writing from Corinth, Hy- menus and Alexander were, or rather had been, members of that church. They were not of Ephesus, or Timothy, who was there, need not have been informed of the fact. *t This solemn asseveration relates to the words that follow, viz. that he was a teacher of the Gentiles; for this the Jews could not believe, and the Apostle’s declaration to that effect from the stairs of Fort Antonia made them rend their clothes and throw dust into the air. “Ttis a faithful saying, ‘If ἃ man longeth after the oftice of a bishop, he *° The Ephesians were remarkable for their love of finery. Athenzeus, xii. 29. Be ᾿Αγαθῆς γυναικός ἐστιν, ὦ Νικοκράτη, Μὴ κρεΐττον εἷναι τἀνδρὸς, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπήκοον. Τυνὴ δὲ νικῶσ᾽ ἄνδρα κακόν ἐστιν μέγα. Fragment of Philemon, ex Incertis Comeed, No, 33. ὅτ The curse upon the woman at the Fall was “Tn sorrow shalt thou bring forth children ” (ἐν λύπαις τέξῃ τέκνα, Gen. i. 16), and the Apostle now takes care to impress the Christian virtues the more forcibly by adding that the woman shall, if adorned with Christian purity, pass safely through child-bearing, and be saved ever- lastingly. According to others, and perhaps the better opinion, she shall be sayed through the child-bearing ; that is, through the child born of woman—the Messiah, the Saviour of the world. The word μείνωσιν must be referred to γυναῖκες, implied in the general term γυνὴ, as χήραι must be understood before μανθανέτωσαν (Υ. 3) as im- plied in τις χήρα in the same verse. 2x2 348 [a.p. 64] FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuar. VIII. 2 desireth a good work.’ A bishop, then, must be irveproachable, the husband 3 of one wife,** vigilant, sober, orderly,*° given to hospitality, apt to teach, no 4 winebibber, no striker,*® but gentle, not a brawler, not covetous, one that super- intendeth well his own house, having his children in subjection with all gravity, 5 (for if a man know not how to superintend his own house, how shall he take care of the church of God ?) not a noyice, lest being lifted up with pride he 7 fall into the condemnation of the devil. Moreover, he must have a good report of them which are without, lest he fall into reproach and the snare of 8 the devil. Likewise must the Deacons be grave, not double-tongued, not 9 given to much wine, not greedy of filthy lucre, holding the mystery of the 10 faith in a pure conscience; and let these also first be proved; then let them 11 be deacons, being found blameless. Even so must their wives*’ be graye, not 12 slanderers, sober, faithful in all things. Let the deacons be the husbands of 13 one wife,® swperintending their children and their own houses well; for they that have served as deacons well purchase to themselves a good degree, and 14 great boldness in the faith which is in Christ Jesus. These things write I 15 unto thee, hoping to come unto thee shortly ;** but if I tarry long, that thou mayest know how thou oughtest to behave thyself in the house of God, which is the church of the living God, the pillar and ground of the truth. 16 “And confessedly, great is the mystery of godliness: God® has been manifested in the flesh, has been justified in the Spirit,*® has been seen of angels,°” has been preached unto the Gentiles,** has been believed on in the world,°* has been received up in glory.'”° “ Now the Spirit speaketh expressly, that in the latter times’’ some shall συ Ca. IV. % ἐδικαιώθη ἐν Πνεύματι. Was proved to be * See note ante, p. 341, note ὃ". Holy by the descent of the Holy Ghost upon ὅϑ κόσμιον. In Eng. ver. “ of good behaviour.” ° The word αἰσχροκερδὴ (not given to filthy lucre), which appears in the Textus receptus, is rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tisch- endorf, and Alford. 1 Or “the women,” viz. the deaconesses. ® See note ante, p. 341, note’. *% The Apostle, therefore, had recently been at Ephesus (see i. 3), and yet intended to return thither at no distant interval, an intention which, as we shall see, he was about to accomplish when he was arrested. %* Paul, therefore, was not intending to pro- ceed immediately to Ephesus, and indeed, as he had written to Titus, he proposed to pass the winter at Nicopolis. ® Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford consider ὃς. “ who,” instead of Θεὸς, “God,” to be the true reading. him at his baptism. Matt. iii. 16. * Angels celebrated his birth (Luke ii. 13), and ministered to him after the temptation (Matt. iv. 91), and supported him in his agony. Luke xxii. 48. * To the mind of a Jew there was no greater mystery than this communication of the Gospel to the Gentile world. The Jewish people had always regarded themselves as the chosen of God, to the exclusion of the rest of the world. °° The belief in Christ, or in other words the establishment of Christianity thoughout the world by the instrumentality of a few Galileans, has from the first been a standing miracle. 10 Luke xxiv. 51; Mark xvi. 19. 10 ey ὑστέροις καιροῖς, OY, as it may be rendered, “in times hereafter,’ 1.6. after the time when Paul was writing. πάρ. VIII.] FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [a.p. 64] 349 δι μὰ apostatize’* from the faith, giving heed to seducing spirits and teachings’ of devils through the hypocrisy of men speaking lies,’** having their conscience seared with a hot iron,'” forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats,'"° which God created to be received with thanksgiving dy them which believe and know the truth; for every creature of God is good, and nothing to be refused, if it be received with thanksgiving, for it is sanctified by the word of God and prayer.’"” If thou put before the brethren these things, thou shalt be a good minister of Jesus Christ, nurtured in the words of faith and of the good instruction which thou hast followed along with ;\°° but profane and old wives’ fables decline,’ and exercise thyself unto godliness ; for bodily exercise!!® is of use for little, but godliness is of use for all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come. Jt is a faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation."” For ¢o this end we both labour and suffer reproach, because we trust in the living God, who is the saviour of all men, specially of those that believe. These things command and teach. Let no man despise thy youth,’ but be thou an example of the believers, in word, in manner of life, in love, in faith, in purity. Till I come’ apply thyself’ to reading, to exhortation, to teaching.’ Neglect not the gift that is in thee, which was given thee by prophecy,’ with the laying on of the 15 hands of the presbytery.’ Meditate upon these things ; be instant in them,’ 12 ἀποστήσονται. In Eng. ver. “ depart.” 108. διδασκαλίαις. In Eng. ver. “ doctrines.” Wt ey ὑποκρίσει evdodsyav. In Eng. ver. “ speaking lies in hypocrisy.” © Asa hot iron applied to the body destroys the finer sensibilities and renders the part cal- lous, so the sins of those men have hardened their conscience, and made it insensible to the purity of the Gospel. 1% An allusion to the tenets of the Gnostics. See ante, p. 249. 7 By the grace said before meat, and which was taken from Scripture, viz. Psalm xxiv. See 1 Cor. x. 25-30. 108 ἡ παρηκολούθηκας. unto thou hast attained.” 10 An allusion to the fanciful views of the Judaizing Gnostics. See ante, p. 249. 20 γυμνασία, “mortification” of the body as practised by the Gnostics. 4 The doctrine of a holy life here, and another life hereafter, though opposed by the Gnostics, is the true faith. See Tit. iii. 8. ™ Timothy had been adopted by Paul in A.D. 49 (see Fasti Sacri, p. 290, No. 1738), and he was then a young man—say twenty; and as the date of the Epistle was in a.D. 64 (see Fasti In Eng. ver. “ where- Sacri, p. 334, No. 1963), or fifteen years after, Timothy at that time would be thirty-five—a youthful age for one having the care over so important a church as that of Ephesus. US The words ἐν πνεύματι, “in spirit,” which appear in the Textus receptus, are rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. u4 The Apostle, therefore, intended to revisit Ephesus. See notes ante, p. 348. 05 πρόσεχε. In Eng. ver. “ give attendance.” πὸ τῇ διδασκαλίᾳ. In Eng. ver. “doctrine.” M7 διὰ προφητείας. See ante, p. 346, note *°. us The Apostle alludes to the solemn ordina- tion of Timothy, accompanied by predictions of his faithfulness in the ministry. Instead of “by preaching with the laying on of hands of the presbytery,” the sense would be clearer if, by changing the form of the sentence, we read, “ by the laying on of hands of the presbytery, with preaching,” as the spiritual gifts must be re- ferred to the laying on of hands rather than to the preaching. On the subject of the ordination of Timothy, see ante, Vol. I. p. 169. U9 ἐν τούτοις ἴσθι, “ be wholly wrapped up in them ;” and answering to Horace’s ‘totus in illis.’ Sat. ix. 2. 350 16 σι ΟΟ “ o> 12 [A.p. 64] FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuap. VITT. that thy progress may be manifest to all. Take heed unto thyself, and unto thy teaching ;\°° continue in them, for in doing this thou shalt both save thyself and them that hear thee. “Rebuke not an elder sharply, but exhort him as a father, the younger men as brethren, the elder women as mothers, the younger as sisters, with all purity. Honour widows that are widows indeed; but if any widow have children or issue,!*' let them!” learn first to be devout to their own household, and to make recompense to their forefathers ;\° for that is acceptable before God Now she that is a widow indeed, and desolate, trusteth in God, and con- tinueth in supplications and prayers night and day; but she that ἐδ wanton is dead while she liveth. And these things give in charge, that they may be irreproachable. But if any provide not for his own,’ and specially for those of his own house,! he hath denied the faith, and is worse than an un- believer.°® Let not a widow be taken into the number who 7s under three- score years,” having been the wife of one husband, well reported of for good works, if she hath brought up children, if she hath lodged strangers, if she hath washed the saints’ feet, if she hath relieved the afflicted, if she hath followed after every good work. But the younger widows decline ; for when they have begun to wax wanton against Christ, they will marry, having condemnation, because they have cast off their first faith.* And withal they learn to be idle, going about from house to house; and not only idle, but tattlers also and busybodies, speaking things which they ought not. I will therefore that the younger [widows] marry, bear children, guide the house, give no occasion to the adversary in the way of reproach; for some have already turned aside after Satan. If any man or woman that believeth have widows, let them relieve them, and let not the church be charged ; that it may relieve them that are widows indeed.’” 120 τῇ διδασκαλίᾳ. In Eng. ver. “the doctrine.” 121 ἔκγονα. In Eng. ver. “ nephews.” Viz. the widows. The children cannot be meant, for they might, and would probably, be infants. 1:8 That is, by the education of their own chil- dren, to pay the debt owing to their progenitors for the education of themselves. Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford, all reject the words that follow καλὸν καὶ, “ good and.” 24 σῶν ἰδίων, his own relatives, whether under his roof or not. 2 τῶν οἰκείων, the relatives residing under his own roof. “6 Tf any one having the means doth not pro- vide for his own relatives, but seeks to burden the church, he practically denies his faith, and 122 is worse than an infidel, for even infidels observe the dictates of natural duties. 27 T.e. into the number of those receiving relief from the church. The limit of sixty years must be taken as the general and prima fucie rule only, as widows under that age might, in exceptional cases, be unable to maintain themselves, and so be objects of compassion. It will be recollected that the charge of partiality in the distribution of the alms of the church amongst the widows receiving relief at Jerusalem gave rise to the establishment of the order of deacons. Acts vi. 1. 135 That is, because having been put upon the roll of widows, under an engagement to dis- charge the duties annexed to that office, they break their vow and enter again into active life. 12 See the same sentiment, ante, v. 8. Cuar. VIII.) FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY, [a.v. 64] 351 17 “Let the presbyters that rule well be counted worthy of double honour,’ 18 especially they who labour in the word and in teaching. For the scripture saith, ‘Thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn.’ (Deut. xxv. 19 4.) And, ‘The labourer is worthy of his reward.’ (Luke x. 7.)'° 20 a presbyter receive not an accusation, but wpon two or three witnesses. 21 that sin rebuke before all, that the others also may fear. Against Them I charge thee before God and'** Jesus Christ, and the elect angels,* that thou observe 22 these things without favour, doing nothing by partiality. Lay hands hastily on no man, neither be partaker of other men’s sins; keep thyself pure.! 23 Drink no longer water, but use a little wine for thy stomach’s sake and thy 24 frequent infirmities. Some men’s sins are notorious, dragging them on‘ 25 to judgment; and some men they follow after.’ Likewise also the good works of some are foreshown ;\** and the works that are otherwise “° cannot be hid.'*" Cu. VI. “Let as many servants“ as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy of all honour, that the name of God and his doctrine be not blas- 2 phemed. And they that have believing masters, let them not despise them, because they are brethren; but let them serve the more’ because they who claim their good offices* are faithful and beloved. These things teach and 1 From the reference to Scripture in the next verse, it is manifest that by double honour is meant double remuneration. So Χήρας τίμα, τὰς ὄντως χήρας. 1 Tim. v. 3, where allusion is made to the support of widows. There can be no doubt that from the earliest times the clergy were, from the nature of the case, in the enjoyment of a stipendiary allowance from the public chest. WI βοῦν ἀλοῶντα ov φιμώσεις, cited apparently from memory, as the words in the LXX. are in a different order, viz. οὐ φιμώσεις βοῦν ἀλοῶντα. 182 We have seen that Paul has repeatedly in the Epistles referred to St. Matthews Gospel (see Vol. I. p. 283), but here he cites St. Luke’s also, which had been published in or previously to A.D. 57. See ante, p. 25. 188 Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford reject the word Κυρίου, “ Lord.” ™ This attestation recalls the similar passage cited by Alford from Josephus: μαρτύρομαι δὲ ἐγὼ μὲν ὑμῶν τὰ ἅγια Kai τοὺς ἱεροὺς ἀγγέλους τοῦ Θεοῦ. Jos. Bell. ii. 16, 4. 185 Look well to thine own conduct, and in particular lend not thyself to other men’s vices by ordination of improper persons. 86 Timothy, therefore, was of weakly constitu- tion, or at least at this time was of delicate health, and is urged on that account to take wine. He had previously drunk water only, but is now ordered to take wine medicinally. 1517 πρόδηλοί εἰσι, προάγουσαι, κατιλ. In Eng. ver. “are manifest beforehand, gomg before,” ἄο. 88 Some try to disguise their sins, but are nevertheless at last detected. 189 πρόδηλοι. In Eng. ver. “ manifest.” 40 That is, those works that are not obvious at first sight, but are suppressed through mo- desty, shall be duly appreciated in the end. 41 The two last verses follow upon the Apostle’s recommendation to Timothy to take wine for his health’s sake. It is confessedly difficult to con- nect them with the context either before or after. Perhaps these thoughts were thrown out with a view to remove any scruples that Timothy might have in taking wine, as if the Apostle had said, “ Be not afraid of the censorious world, for your character will protect you. Real vices, however disguised, will be found out, and real virtues, though presenting the semblance of sensual gratification, will be acknowledged at last, not- withstanding unjust aspersions.”’ 42 Literally “slaves,” δοῦλοι. MS μᾶλλον δουλευέστωσαν. In Eng. ver. “rather do them service.” ' M4 οἱ τῆς εὐεργεσίας ἀντιλαμβανόμενοι, viz. the masters. In Eng ver. “ partakers of the benefit.” σι 12 21 M9 χετύφωται. In Eng. ver. “is proud.” 146 FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuar. VIII. exhort. Ifany man teach what 7s heterodox, and consent not to wholesome words [which are| those of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the doctrine which is according to godliness, he is puffed up,’ knowing nothing, but doting about questions and strifes of words, whereof cometh envy, contention, railings, evil surmisings, perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds, and destitute of the truth, who regard godliness as gain :\*° from such stand aloof." “ But godliness with contentment is great gain; for we brought nothing into the world, and it is certain that we can carry nothing out; but having food and raiment let us be therewith content. But they that would be rich fall into temptation and a snare, and into many foolish and hurtful lusts, which drown men in destruction and perdition; for the root of all evils is the love of money, which some lusting after, have erred from the faith, and pierced themselves through with many sorrows. But thou, O man of God,'** flee these things, and follow after righteousness, godliness, faith, love, patience, meekness. Fight the good fight of faith, lay hold on eternal life, whereunto thou wert also called, and didst confess a good confession before many witnesses.’ I give thee charge in the sight of God, who quickeneth all things, and of Christ Jesus, who before Pontius Pilate witnessed a good confession (Matt. xxvii. 11),!°° that thou keep the commandment without spot, unrebukeable, until the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ, which in his own seasons the blessed and only Potentate shall shew, the King of kings, and Lord of lords, who only hath immortality, dwelling in light inaccessible, whom no man hath seen, nor can see (Hx. xxxii. 20), to whom be honour and power everlasting. Amen. Charge them that are rich in this world, that they be not high-minded, nor trust in uncertain riches, but in the living God, who giveth us richly all things to enjoy, that they do good, that they be rich in good works, that they be ready to distribute, willing to communicate, treasuring up for themselves a good foundation against the time to come, that they may lay hold on eternal life. «Ὁ Timothy, keep the trust committed to thee, turning away from profane and yain babblings, and oppositions of knowledge falsely so called,’ which 2 Tim. iii. 17, and see ante, p. 346. νομιζόντων πορισμὸν εἶναι τὴν εὐσέβειαν, 1.6. make religion a cloak for mercenary purposes. In Eng. ver. “supposing that gain is godliness.” WW ἀφίστασο ἀπὸ τουτῶν. In Eng. ver. “from such withdraw thyself.” But in Lachmann, Tisch- endorf, and Alford, these words are omitted. us The Apostle addresses Timothy in particu- lar, but by giving him a designation common to all Christians he intends the precept to be general. “8 At his ordination to the ministry. See 1 The Apostle may refer not only to Mat- thew’s gospel, which had certainly been pub- lished, but also perhaps to Luke xxiii. 3. The same testimony appears in Mark xy. 3, and John xviii. 33, but these gospels had not yet been published. Wl γνώσεως. In Eng. ver. “science.” The Apostle refers here to the Gnostics, or Men of Knowledge, so called by themselves, but running into the wildest vagaries. See ante, p. 249. Cuar. VIII] 81. PAUL AT NICOPOLIS. [a.v. 64] 353 some professing have missed the mark concerning the faith. Grace Be ΝΊΤΗ THEE. °? Paul had now dispatched the pressing business that required his attention at Corinth, and towards the close of the year a.p. 64 was ready to commence his pro- posed visit to Epirus. But before starting in this direction he sent off Artemas to Crete to take the place of Titus, who had been summoned to rejoin the Apostle at Nicopolis in Epirus. The only reason, however, for supposing that Artemas, rather than Tychicus, was selected for the mission to Crete, is that we find Tychicus, after no long interval, still in the Apostle’s company at Rome. For a similar reason we may infer that Erastus, a Corinthian, and who had been Chamberlain of Corinth, now quitted his native city and .became the Apostle’s fellow traveller, for we meet with him the next year in the Apostle’s company at Ephesus. _ Paul, Tychicus, and Erastus, now went down to Lecheum, the western port of Corinth, and there took ship '** for Nicopolis, the capital of Epirus, where they proposed to pass the winter.’* This city had been built by Augustus, to commemorate his naval victory over Mark Antony (fig. 299) and Cleopatra (fig. 300) at Actium, on the 2nd of September, Fig. 299.—A characteristic portrait of Mark Antony. Fig. 300.—Portrait of (leopatra, with the legend From C. W. King's Antique Gems, : Βασιλισσα Κλεοπατρα ca νεωτερα (Queen Cleo- patra, the new goddess). From a coin in the British Museum, p.c. 31. It stood three miles to the north of the modern town of Previsa, on the isthmus of the little peninsula of Previsa, which forms the northern lip of the Ambracian Bay, now known as the Gulf of Arta.’*° There are still vast remains, ¥? The usual benediction in the Apostle’s own hand to authenticate the letter. See Vol, I. p. 284. ‘Che word Amen is rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. S There was a city of this name founded by Augustus in Egypt, and there were four others of the name in Asia and five in Europe. ‘The one here referred to is unquestionably Nicopolis in Epirus. For the several cities of this name, see Smith’s Dict. Geogr. ™ Titus iii. 12. Or perhaps Paul passed by land to Nicopolis. VOL. I. > The Isthmus, according to Strabo, was sixty stades, or seven and a half miles, across, Ἰσθμὸν ποιῶν ἐξήκοντα σταδίων, Strabo vil. 7 (p. 120, Tauchnitz); but according to Leake the broad- est part at present does not exceed three miles. Leake, N. Greece, Vol. 1. p. 196. The Greek geo- grapher, therefore, was not so well acquainted with this coast as with other parts. Nicopolis had two ports, one on the west, called Comarus, now Gomaro, and the other on the south-east of the city, on the way to the town of Previsa, now Port Vathy. οἱ λιμένες οἱ πρὺς τῇ Νικοπόλει... AZ, 354 [a.v. 64] ST. PAUL AT NICOPOLIS. [Cuap. VII. more attractive from the simple visit barely recorded of the Apostle Paul, than from the splendours of the Imperial triumph in the adjoining waters. ‘‘ Amid their interminable labyrinth,” observes a modern tourist, “of broken columns, ruins of temples, baths, theatres, towers, gateways, and aqueducts, a small building in the form of a Pagan temple is the most interesting, which tradition asserts was used by St. Paul as a house of prayer.”!°° And another traveller observes, “ Not even a village now occupies the site of a city which Augustus fondly hoped would be a lasting memorial of his exploits, and for whose aggrandisement he despoiled so many of the neighbouring towns. . . Nicopolis now only affords an asylum for a few shepherds, whose flocks graze among the ruins” (fig. 301, 302, 303). 1°" At Nicopolis Paul and his companions rested for the winter, and here, during Drona leas: Strabo speaks of the two ports, viz. Comarus without the bay, and the larger and better near the mouth of the bay at the distance from Nico- polis of 12 stades, which is the exact distance from Nicopolis to Port Vathy, which lies within the bay, διέχων τῆς Νικοπόλεως ὅσον δώδεκα στα- δίους. Strabo, vii. 7 (Ὁ. 120, Tauchnitz). Leake supposes Strabo to state erroneously that both the ports were without the bay, but Strabo does not say so. On the peninsula at the north is one solitary hill, called Mikhalitzi, the summit of which commands a view of the main sea on the west, and the gulf of Arta on the east, and of all the circumjacent country. On the crown of this mount Augustus, previously to the battle of Actium, pitched his tent, ἐπὶ μετεώρου, Dion, 1. 12; and here, on the very site of the tent, was afterwards erected to Apollo a sanctuary open to the skies, in the centre of a space sur- rou.ded by a wall of nicely squared stones, and adorned with the beaks of ships captured from the enemy. τό τε χωρίον, ἐν ᾧ ἐσκήνησε, λίθοις τετραπέδοις ἐκρηπίδωσε καὶ τοῖς ἁλοῦσιν ἐμβόλοις τὸν λιμένα τὸν ἔξω τὸν Kopapor. ἐκόσμησε, ἔδος τι ἐν αὐτῷ τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος ὑπαίθριον Dion, li. 1; Strabo, vii. 7 (p. 190, Tauchnitz); Suet. Octay. xviii. To the west of the hill Mikhalitzi was the aqueduct winding its way to the city on the south, and at the same time forming the western wall of Nico- polis. Leake’s N. Greece, i. 190. Immediately to the south of the hill Mikhalitzi are the great theatre (one of the best preserved now remain- ing) and the stadium, about 750 feet long and 75 feet wide (ib. 191), and the gymnasium, all form- ing, with the sanctuary of Apollo at the top of the hill, a sacred park in the northern suburb of the city. ἰδρυσάμενος. τό τε κατασκευασθὲν τέμενος ἐν τῷ προαστείῳ, τὸ μὲν εἰς τὸν ἀγῶνα τὸν πεντετη- ρικὸν ἐν ἄλσει ἔχοντι γυμνάσιόν τι καὶ στάδιον, τὸ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ ὑπερκειμένῳ τοῦ ἄλσους ἱερῷ λύφῳ τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος. Strabo, vii. 7 (p. 121, Tauchnitz). And here were celebrated the famous quinquen- nial games called the Actia, which had before existed in honour of Apollo (ἤγετο δὲ καὶ πρότερον τὰ ΓἈκτια τῷ θεῷ, Strabo, ib.), but from this time were celebrated with the utmost magnificence, so that they rivalled the splendour of the Olympia in horse-races and gymnastic games and scenic representations. Dion, li. 1; Suet. Octay. 18; Strabo, vil. 7 (p. 121, Tauchnitz). Nicopolis, under the auspices of Augustus, became ex- tremely populous, and soon assumed the conse- quence of a first-rate city, Evavdpet καὶ λαμβάνει καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπίδοσιν, Strabo, vii. 7 (p. 121, Tauch- nitz),and had the privilege of sending a member to the Amphictyonic council (Pausan. Phocie. x. 8,2), and was made a free city (Plin. N. H. iv. 2) and a Roman colony (Tac. Ann. v. 10), and was considered the capital of southern Epirus and Acarnania. Leake’s N. Greece, i. 197. As the imperial fayour now shone upon it, even foreign princes contributed to its aggrandise- ment, and Herod the Great, amongst the rest, was a munificent benefactor. Jos. Ant. xvi. 5,3. Nicopolis flourished for many centuries, and when the Roman empire was Christianized, be- came a bishop's see, Nicephor, Constant. xiv. 39; but during the dark ages it gradually declined, and at last died a natural death. For the his- tory of its decline, see Leake’s N. Greece, i. 197. ©8 Spencer’s Travels in European Turkey, 11. 210. “T Journ. of Geogr. Soe. iii. 90. By Lieut. James Wolfe. Cuav. VIII.) ST. PAUL AT NICOPOLIS. [a.p. 65] 355 their sojourn, they were joined, as preconcerted, by Titus from Crete, whose place in the island had been taken by Artemas. In the spring of a.p, 65, Paul, accompanied by Tychicus, Titus, and Erastus, his faithful followers, again opened a campaign of Christian warfare, and making their way northward evangelized all Epirus, which reached from the Ambracian Bay on the Fig. 301.— Ruins of Nicopolis. The spectator is looking north. From Stackelberg. south 155 to the Acroceraunian Promontory on the north,'® a tract which, for the purposes of government, was all included in the Province of Achaia.’ They now quitted the jurisdiction of the Proconsul of Achaia and entered Illyris on-Epirus, and having also made their way through that province they traversed Dalmatia, as we may collect from the few words in the Second Epistle to Timothy, “ Titus (is departed) unto Dalmatia,” !*' for Paul would scarcely have dispatched a messenger into a country which the Apostle had not himself visited, nor would Titus have been selected had he been a stranger to the Dalmatians. On the division of the provinces by Augustus between himself and the Senate (or people) in 8.0. 27, Illyricum was assigned to the Senate,‘ and the boundaries of it 18 μέχρι τοῦ ᾿Αμβρακικοῦ Κόλπου. Strabo, vii.7 apud urbem Acha‘e Nicopolim, quo venerat per (p. 117, Tauchnitz). Illyricam oram viso fratre Druso in Dalmat a “9 Plin. N. H. iii. 26; and see Strabo, ubi agente. Tac. Ann. ii. 53. We have here men- supra. tion of the three provinces Achaia, Illyricum, 0 ᾿Ελλὰς pera τῆς Ἠπείρου. Dion, liii. 12. and Dalmatia—all of them, but in an inverse ἑβδόμην δ᾽ ᾿Αχαίαν μέχρι Θετταλίας καὶ Αἰτωλῶν, order, visited by St. Paul at this time. καὶ ᾿Δκαρνάνων καί τινων Ηπειρωτικῶν ἐθνῶν ὅσα 161 9 Tim. iv. 10. τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ προσώριστο. Strabo, xvii. 3 (p. £02, 162 Dion, liii. 12. Tauchnitz). Eum honorem Germanicus iniit Obv. Head of Augustus with the legend Κτίσμα Ξεβαστου (Founded by Augustus).—ev. Monolithic Roe Appearance of Ancient Mole Stadium Theatre ῳ Ay, Ai A Basilako Woody Plain Fig. 302.—Plan of Nicopolis and its vicinity. Fig. 303.—Coin of Nicopolis. From the British Museum. legend Νικόπολις cepa (Nicopolis the sucred). Grounded on Admiralty chart. Figure of Victory with the Cuar. VIII.] 51. PAUL IN DALMATIA. [a.p. 65] 397 were! on the west along the coast from Pola at the head of the Venetian Gulf on the confines of Italy to the Acroceraunian Promontory on the borders of Epirus, and inland on the north the river Save, and on the south a line drawn from the Acroceraunian Promontory due east a little south of the Via Egnatia to Pylon, where began Macedonia,! and on the cast lay the adjacent provinces of Meesia and Macedonia, Mesia lying to the north of Macedonia, and extending from the Drinus or Drinna on the west to the Euxine on the east." But in 8.0. 111 the Dalmatians, an Dlyrian tribe to the north of the river Naro, broke out into open rebellion, and as the Senate was not allowed to maintain any military force in its provinces, Illyricum was divided, and the portion to the north of the N aro, 1.6, all from the Naro to Pola was made over to the emperor, and became an imperial province by the name of Dalmatia, while the portion of Tlyricum to the south of the Naro, 1.6. from the Naro to the Acroceraunian Promontory, with the inland district up to Macedonia, remained one of the Senate’s (or People’s) Provinces by the name of J. Uyris-on-Epirus.'** Thus at the time of the Apostle’s circuit Ilyris-on-Epirus was one of the Senate’s (or People’s) Provinces, and ruled by a Proconsul chosen by lot from the ex-consuls and ex-pretors, while Dalmatia was an Imperial Province governed by a Propretor named by the Emperor. The latter was held in subjection by a single legion,'* and a few years after this—and possibly at this time—the Propreetor of Dalmatia was Poppxus Sylvanus, famous for his great wealth.1® ™ The boundaries of it as a province only are here meant, for in a large sense Ilyricum com- prised, according to Tacitus, Pannonia, Dalmatia, and Mesia. Primus Othoni fiduciam addidit ex Illyrico nuntius, jurasse in eum Dalmatixe ac Pannonize et ΜΙ βίο Legiones. Tac. Hist. i. 76. Pliny seems to use Illyricum in two senses, In the larger sense, it extended from the river Arsia (the boundary of Italy) on the north to Acroceraunia, the beginning of Epirus, on the south, Plin. N. H. iii. 29, and comprised Ist Li- burnia from the Arsia to Scordona, iii. 25, 26; then Dalmatia, from Scordona to Lissus, iii. 26; and then Ilyricum proper, from Lissus to Acro- ceraunia. Quie pars ad mare Adriaticum spectat appellatur Dalmatia et lyrieum supra dictum (meaning by the latter from Lissus to Acrocer- aunia), iii. 28. The province of Ilyricum proper Seems in Pliny’s time to have been incorporated with or made subordinate to the province of Macedonia, for he writes, a Lisso Macedoniw provincia, iii. 26, and Ptolemy also assigns the coast south of Epidamnus to Macedonia. Ptolem. ne ΤΩ 1. 1 Strabo, vii. 7 (p. 117, Tauchnitz). “Tac. Ann. iv. 5. The eastern portion of Meesia was otherwise known as part of Thrace, and the western portion was otherwise known as part of Illyricum. Thus Josephus speaks of the Thracians as kept in subjection by 2000 legionaries. Bell. ii. 16, 4 (p. 203, Tauchnitz). And he means here, not Thrace proper—viz. from the Agean Sea to Mount Hemus, now the Balkan—but the part between Hamus and the Danube. So again, he speaks of the Illyyians as lying along the Danube, and extending all the way from Thrace to Dalmatia, and as occupied by two legions (ib.); and he means the region otherwise known as part of Meesia, on the southern bank of the Danube, and running eastward from the junction of the rivers Saye and Drina. The Roman legions were stationed in these countries to guard the Danube from any irruption of the northern barbarians. 166 See Fasti Sacri, p. 101, No. 788. 17 ἡ Ἰλλυρὶς ἡ πρὸς τῇ Ἠπείρῳ. Strabo, xvii. 8 (p. 502, Tauchnitz). US γῦν οὐχ ὑφ᾽ ἑνὶ τάγματι Ῥωμαίων ἡσυχίαν ἄγουσιν. Jos. Bell. ii. 16, 4 (p. 203, Tauchnitz). «9 Titus Ampius Flavianus Pannoniam, Pop- peus Sylvanus Dalmatiam tenebant, divites senes. Tac. Hist. ii. 86. 358 fap. 65] ST. PAUL IN DALMATIA. [Cuar. VII When Paul bade adieu to Dalmatia, which way did he bend his steps? Upon this - question we are not left in doubt. Paul, on his way from Crete the year before, had touched at Ephesus, and leaving Timothy in charge of that church, had pursued his route to Macedonia.“ On arriving at Corinth, he had written to Titus, that he proposed to journey westward and winter at Nicopolis, and as Timothy might be expecting him at Ephesus, he at the same time wrote to him to continue his sojourn at Ephesus,’ and gave him instructions how to conduct himself during the Aposile’s absence. But it was Paul's intention, and repeated more than once, to return to Ephesus at no distant interval. ‘‘ These things write I unto thee, hoping ἕο come unio thee shorily; but if I tarry long that thou mayest know how thou oughtest to behave thyself in the house of God.”*** And again, “ Till I come, give attendance to reading, to exhortation, to teaching.”'** It was not Paul's habit to plant a church and then leave it to its fate. On the contrary, he was ever watchful over its welfare by writing letters, by sending faithful messengers, and as he found time by personal visits. During his long imprisonment the Gnostic heresy had laid a rank hold upon the Ephesian church, and Paul since his release had already been twice present amongst them; once before going to Crete, and again on his return from Crete, and now he was proposing to hasten thither a third time. His route would naturally le along the Via Egnatia, which traversed Macedonia from west to east, and passed through Thessalonica. Thither he came, and, apparently, Paul was here joined by Demas,’* a native of that city, and who afterwards accompanied the Apostle to Rome." From Thessalonica the Via Egnatia ran to Philippi, and here Luke (who much resided there and was afterwards with the Apostle at Rome) and Creseens may have swelled the number of Paul’s companions. From Philippi Paul proceeded to Neapolis, the sea-port, and thence sailed to Troas, where he took up his abode with a brother by the name of Carpus.’* From this point the fate of Paul begins to connect itself with the barbarous persecution, commenced against the Christians by the bloodthirsty Nero, and here we must interrupt the narrative of Paul’s progress to relate the circumstances attending this declaration of war by the Imperial Government against the Chureh—a most interesting chapter in Sacred History. peal γ᾽ Ἐν ™ This: of course, is mere conjecture. dt Mel Teg ys 2 = 2 Tim. iv. 10. ᾿ ἘΞ Tim. τῇ 14 τὸ 2 Tim. iv. 13. ἘΞ. Tim iv. 13. —— ~~ co or oO CHAPTER IX. The Persecution of the Christians by Nero—Peter writes two Epistlesp—His Martyrdom at Rome—Paul is arrested at Ephesus and sent to Rome. They say who know the life divine, And upward gaze with eagle eyne, That by each golden crown on high, Rich with celestial jewelry, Which for our Lord’s redeemed is set, There hangs a golden coronet All gemmed with pure and living light, Too dazzling for a sinner’s sight, Prepared for virgin souls and them Who seek the martyr’s diadem. Christian Year. On the night of 19th July, a.p. 64, while Paul was in Greece, a fire burst forth at Rome, in the Cireus Maximus, between the Palatine and Aventine Hills. It swept the valley and then ascended the Palatine, and soon became a general conflagration. It raged incessantly for six days and seven nights, and of the fourteen wards into which Rome was divided, three were razed to the ground, seven were partly destroyed, and only four wholly escaped. There had been no such calamity since the inunda- tion of the Gauls. It was commonly reported that Nero himself was the incendiary, that he might erect a gorgeous palace on the ruins of his country, and might lay out the city itself upon a scale of greater magnificence, to be called after his own name. It is certain that miscreants were seen extending instead of extinguishing the flames, but whether by authority as they pretended, or with a view to pillage, was never distinctly ascertained. The story was rife, that while Rome was in a blaze, Nero stood on Mecenas’s Tower and sang The Fall of Troy to his everlasting guitar.* For once the Emperor, steeled as he was against public opinion, appears to have smarted under the ignominy that attached to him, and as he could not hope to avert the odium from himself, till others could be found on whom the general indignation might vent itself, he propagated the calumny that the Christians were the criminals, and issued an edict that they should be arrested and brought to condign punishment. The sect was generally unpopular, from the severity of their manners and their ? Tac. Ann. xv. 41; Suet. Nero, 38. 2 Dion, Ixii. 18; Tac. Ann. xv. 39. 360 [A.p. 64] NERONIAN PERSECUTION AT ROME. [Ciap. TX. supposed misanthropy in avoiding the dissolute festivities about them. They were also regarded as impious, for not joiming in the accustomed rites of an idolatrous superstition ; and unhappily many, as the Gnostics, sheltered themselves under the name of Christ, though they did not belong to his fold, and by the laxity of their lives brought undeserved scandal upon an innocent community. We have an account of the outrages against the Christians from the pen of the most accurate of the Roman historians, Tacitus, and as the particulars are replete with interest, we shall transcribe the passage entire. “ΤῸ put an end, therefore, to this report (that he had fired the city), he (Nero) laid the guilt, and inflicted the most cruel punishments, upon a sect of people who were held in abhorrence for their crimes, and called by the vulgar Christians. The founder of that name was Christ, who suffered death in the reign of Tiberius, under his Procurator Pontius Pilate. This pernicious superstition, thus checked for a while, broke out again and spread, not only over Judea, where the evil originated, but through Rome also, whither everything bad upon the earth finds its way, and is practised. Some who confessed their sect were first seized, and afterwards, by their information, a vast multitude were apprehended, who were convicted, not so much of the crime of burn- ing Rome, as of hatred to mankind. Their sufferings at their execution were aggra- vated by insult and mockery, for some were disguised in the skins of wild beasts, and worried to death by dogs, some were crucified, and others were wrapped in pitched shirts, and set on fire when the day closed, that they might serve as lights to illumi- nate the night. Nero lent his own gardens for these exhibitions, and exhibited at the same time a mock Circensian entertainment, being a spectator of the whole in the dress of a charioteer, sometimes mingling with the crowd on foot, and sometimes viewing the spectacle from his car. This conduct made the sufferers pitied, and though they were criminals and deserving the severest punishments, yet they were considered as sacrificed, not so much out of regard to the public good, as to gratify the cruelty of one man.”* The gardens of Nero above referred to were on the west side of the Tiber, near the site where afterwards was erected the cathedral of St. Peter. Here, a few years before, Nero, to gratify his taste for driving, and not yet venturing on an exhibition of himself in the public theatres, had erected a private circus, in which he might display his proficiency in the whip, before an assembly not consisting of the very lowest rabble of Rome. This was now the arena in which the Christians were tor- mented and butchered, and while the poor wretches were hanging on the cross, or burning at the stake, or were worried by wild beasts, the Emperor of Rome was flying about in his chariot, or was mingling amongst the spectators in the dress of a charioteer, These atrocities, called a Circensian entertainment, could scarcely have been 5. Tac. Ann. xv. 44. παρ. IX.] NERONIAN PERSECUTION AT ROME. [a.p. 64] 361 enacted had Burrhus and Seneca been still at the head of affairs, but Burrhus had been removed by poison in a.p. 62,‘ and on his death Seneca had lost his power, and though allowed to live a few years longer, he retained no control over the Imperial counsels. The court favourite was Tigellinus, who, with Fenius Rufus (nominally his colleague, but in fact a shadow), was now Prefect of the Pretorium. It was Tigel- linus, the partner of Nero’s crimes, and the associate of his debaucheries, by whom these barbarities against the Christians were instigated. The Prince of Satirists, Juvenal, in evident allusion to the sufferings of the Christians, has branded the name of Tigellinus with infamy, in the well-known lnes—- Pone Tigellinum, teda Incebis in ila, Qua stantes ardent, qui fixo gutture fumant, Et latum media suleum diducis arena. Paint Tigellinus and your fate will be, To burn with brimstone at the martyr’s tree, While, as the flames consume the living brand, A crimson rill runs trickling o’er the sand. Juy. Sat. 1, v. 155. One vial of wrath had been poured out in the circus, but there were many woes to come. ‘Tacitus has confined his description to the proceedings in the capital, but Suetonius’s brief account is more comprehensive: “ The Christians, a race of men of a new and magical superstition, were brought to condign punishment ;”° and it is evident from the Epistle of St. Peter, written about this period, that the cruelties practised at Rome reached very soon to the provinces. When a despotic Prince willed the persecution of an innooent but obnoxious sect, an excuse was soon found for dragging them before the tribunal. Misanthropy, or a hatred of the human race (odiwm humani generis), had long been charged against them, from their refusal to join in the Pagan revels.’ Such an accusation, however, was too vague on which to ground a legal indictment. They laid themselves more open to the penalties of the law by not acknowledging the divinities worshipped by surrounding nations. The Roman code allowed every people the exercise of its own peculiar super- stition, but would permit no affront to the gods recognised by the State. It had been the advice of Mecenas to Augustus, to extinguish Atheism, that is any denial of the established religion,’ and when any serious inroad was made upon the Roman customs, the magistrate interfered. A yet more formidable engine of persecution against the unoffending Christians is still to be mentioned. The Emperors being masters of the lives and fortunes of * See Fasti Sacri, p. 826, No. 1919. τὰ πάτρια, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τιμᾶν ἀνάγκαζε" τοὺς δὲ 5 Afflicti suppliciis Christiani genus hominum δὴ ξενίζοντάς τι περὶ αὐτὸ καὶ μίσει καὶ κόλαζε... . . superstitionis nove ac malefice. Suet. Ner. 16. Myr’ οὖν ἀθέω τινὶ, μήτε γόητι συγχωρήσῃς εἶναι. 5. Tac. Ann. xv. 44. Dion, lii. 36. τ Τὸ μὲν θεῖον πάντη πάντως αὐτός τε σέβου κατὰ VOL, Π. BA 362 [a.p. 64] NERONIAN PERSECUTION AT ROME. (Cap. IX. their subjects, were in the habit of receiving, and many of them rigorously exacted, not only the most servile adulation, but even divine honours. Temples had been erected to Julius Cesar, and on his death he was enrolled amongst the celestial choir by the title of Julius the Hero.* Augustus was so called as being something more than man, for whatsoever savoured of divinity was said to be August.’ However, during his mild administra- tion this assumption of a sacred character occasioned no inconvenience, for though he did not always repel, he did not solicit, and still less did he enforce such profane adoration. Not so Tiberius, who in the latter years of his reign visited with the severest punishment any act of impiety (ἀσέβεια, impietas),” such as refusing to swear by the name of the Emperor, or violating the oath when taken, or neglecting to offer sacri- fice to him, or showing him any disrespect either by word or deed.'' Such as would not conform were called disaffected, and recusants. Caligula was still more insane, and was inexorable in requiring his subjects to consecrate temples, and sacrifice to him as a god.’ Had he lived a few years longer, he must have extirpated the Jews for their obstinate resistance to his will. It was fortunate for Christianity, that during the reign of Caligula the Church was still in its infant state, and had not yet attracted the attention of the Imperial court. Claudius succeeded; a man of many faults, perhaps, but of more good qualities, and who, though charged with stupidity, at least showed his sound sense in this —that he at once abolished the law of impiety,’* and forbade his subjects either to offer him sacrifice or pay him any other worship.* It was during the thirteen years of his reign, and in consequence of the unbounded protection enjoyed under it, that Christianity spread itself so rapidly through the provinces of the empire, and found a resting-place in the heart of the great capital itself. During the first few years that Nero wore the Imperial purple, his measures were moderate, and no one prognosticated the impending hurricane. Soon, however, the monster discovered himself in all his naked deformity. But though he took Caligula for his pattern, he was less solicitous to assert his attribute of divinity than to win applause by his guitar. He required the world to sacrifice not so much to himself as to his Celestial Voice.!® However, he cared not for human suffering, and when, to avert the ignominy of having set fire to Rome, he sought to moderate the popular indignation against himself by diverting it against others, he re-enacted in all their rigour the laws of Impiety which had been repealed by Claudius.”® Not only were obsolete enactments now revived in all their rigour, so as to lay ® Suet. Jul. 88. 18 Dion, lx. 3. ® Dion, 111]. 16. 14 Dion; kx. 5. ” Tmpietas in principem. Tac, Ann, vi. 47. 15. Dion, lxii. 26. Philost. Vit. Apoll. iv. 39. 1 Dion, lvii. 9 and 19; vii. 4. 16 Thy ἀτιμίαν τῶν καταψηφισθέντων ἐπὶ ταῖς 2 Dion, lix. 4, 6, 16. λεγομέναις ἀσεβείαις ὑπὸ Νέρωνος, καὶ τῶν μετὰ , , you. μ 363 Caap, IX.] NERONIAN PERSECUTION AT ROME. [a.p. 64] the innocent Christians at the mercy of every malicious prosecutor, but new edicts or proclamations were issued, by which the Christian faith was made a criminal offence throughout the limits of the Roman Empire.’ It is to these positive and penal enactments that St. Peter alludes when he exhorts the converts in Asia, “if any man suffer as a Christian let him not be ashamed, but let him glorify God on this behalf.” Ὁ And in similar language St. Paul, during his second captivity, alludes to his being imprisoned as a “ malefactor.”!* The disciples of Christ were now required under the heayiest penalties, even that of death, to call the Emperor Lord, to swear by his Name or his Genius, to offer sacrifices to the Emperor, as well as to the heathen gods, and finally to blas- pheme and abjure the name of Christ. compliance.’° The torture was also applied to enforce The constancy with which the early Christians endured these dreadful sufferings, was the admiration of the idolaters themselves, and true religion gained more prose- lytes by the patience of its martyrs, than it lost by the terror and intimidation of the inflictions. The epigrammatist Martial, who lived about this time, and might have been present at Nero’s inhuman exhibition in the Vatican, has exercised his wit upon these trials, and borne an honest testimony to the fortitude with which the Christians supported them :— & 20 In matutini nuper spectatus arena Mucius imposuit qui sua membra focis ταῦτα ἀρξάντων, τῶν τε ζώντων, καὶ τῶν τεθνεώτων ὁμοίως (Vespasian) ἀπαλείφων, καὶ τὰς γραφὰς τὰς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἐγκλήμασι καταλύων. Dion, xvi. 9. ™ Hoe initio in Christianos seviri cceptum. Post etiam datis legibus religio vetabatur, palamque edictis propositis, Christianum esse non licebat. Sulpitius Severus, lib. ii. Primus Rome Christianos suppliciis et mortibus affecit (Nero), ac per omnes provincias pari persecutione excruciari imperayit, ipsumque nomen extirpare conatus, &e. Oros. vii. 7. And the inscription found in Spain assumes a general persecution in that province. Neroni Cl. Kais. Aug. Pont. Max. ob Provine. Latronib. et his qui novam gener. hum. superstition. inculeab, purgatam. Gruter, p. 238, No. 9. And Tacitus himself writes that not only the Christians who could be suspected of the fire were convicted, but Christians generally, on the ground of hatred of the human race. Deinde indicio eorum mul- titudo ingens, haud perinde in crimine incendii, quam odio generis humani. Tac. Ann. xv. 44. It would seem at first sight from the address of Melito, bishop of Smyrna (who flourished about the middle of the second century), to the Em- peror Antoninus Verus, that no edicts before that time were issued against the Christians. Τὸ yap οὐδὲ πώποτε γενόμενον, νῦν διώκεται τὸ τῶν θεοσεβῶν γένος καινοῖς ἐλαυνόμενον δόγμασι κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν' οἱ γὰρ ἀναυδεῖς συκοφάνται καὶ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων ἐρασταὶ, τὴν ἐκ τῶν διαταγμάτων ἔχοντες ἀφορμὴν, φανερῶς λῃστεύουσι, νύκτωρ καὶ μεθημέραν διαρπάζοντες τοὺς μηδὲν ἀδικοῦσας. Euseb. B. Η. iv. 30. But the novelty was not in the decrees, but in the abuse of them, by the plundering of goods, for Melito himself afterwards alludes to the persecution in the time of Nero. μόνοι πάντων ἀναπεισθέντες ὑπό τινων βασκάνων ἀνθρώπων τὸν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἐν διαβολῇ καταστῆσαι λόγον ἠθέλησαν Νέρων καὶ Δομετιανός"... . ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐκείνων ἄγνοιαν οἱ σοὶ εὐσεβεῖς πατέρες ἐπηνορθώσαντο. Ib. 11 1 Peter iv. 16. 18 ὡς κακοῦργος, 2 Tim ii. 9. * These stringent laws were not repealed until the reign of Vespasian. Dion, Ixvi. 9. Titus pursued the same mild measures, Dion, Ixvi. 19, but Domitian restored the laws of Im- piety, Dion, Ixvii. 14. » The arena of the circus is no doubt referred to, in which the cruelties were enacted. 9.1 ὦ 964 [a.p. 64] NERONIAN PERSECUTION AT ROME. [Cuap. IX. Si patiens fortisque tibi durusque videtur, Abderitanze pectora plebis habes. Nam cum dicatur, tunica presente molesta, Ure manum, plus est dicere “ Non facio.” Lib. x. Ep. 25. When Mutius dared upon command To thrust into the fire his hand, With shouts the people rent the skies, To laud the noble sacrifice. ᾿ The silly herd! far braver he, Who, standing at the martyr’s tree, Can yet defy the rabble’s cries, And say “I make no sacrifice.” The persecution consequent upon the fire at Rome probably commenced some time in the course of September, a.p. 64, about six weeks or two months from the conflagration itself. At the close of the year the edicts of the Emperor took effect in the provinces, and we have now to relate the manner in which the two. great Apostles, the one of the Jews, and the other of the Gentiles, were at length drawn within the vortex. Peter, on receipt of the intelligence of these inhuman burnings of the Christians at Rome, was in the remote east, at Babylon,”’ with Sylvanus and Mark for his companions.” Further tidings followed that the persecution was spreading beyond Rome to the provinces, and Peter, upon whom his master had thrice laid the injune- tion “ Feed my sheep,” felt a lively apprehension lest the scattered flocks of Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia, where the Christians were now bitterly pursued by their enemies, might fall away from the faith ; and he addressed to them his First Epistle. That this was the object in view, and that the Neronian persecu- tion had commenced at Rome, and had either begun or was immediately expected in these provinces, appears from the facts disclosed in the Epistle itself. Thus the Apostle speaks of the “ fiery {118], a literal description of the martyrs’ sufferings by fire at Rome, and this trial was not of a usual character, but had come upon them all at once—“ Be not astounded.”* And the Christians were now treated as criminals,” and the crime lay not in any particular overt act, but in the mere profession of Christianity,** a state of things that never existed previously to the edicts of Nero. Why Peter should have written exclusively to the converts of Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia has been variously explained. One opinion is that * There was also a Babylon in Egypt, but it though plausible, is not tenable. is now generally admitted that Babylon the ΞΕ] Pet. γε 19. 18. Great is here meant, where the Jews abounded. τὸ τῇ ἐν ὑμῖν πυρώσει πρὸς πειρασμόν. iv. 12. See Fasti Sacri, p. 267, No. 1603. The opinion 4 μὴ ξενίζεσθε. iv. 12. has also been broached that Babylon here stands 35. κακοποιῶν. iv. 16; 11. 12. metaphorically for Rome, and that Peter at the *8 ὡς Χριστιανὸς. iy. 16; and see iv. 14. time was a prisoner in Rome; but the doctrine, Cuar. IX.] 365 FIRST EPISTLE OF ST. PETER. [a.p. 64] Peter had himself preached in those countries, and that he was admonishing his own children in the faith. But this can searcely be, for throughout the Epistle there is not the faintest trace of his ever haying personally visited them. On the contrary, he speaks not of “us who have preached the Gospel to you,” but of “those who have preached the Gospel to you.’*? It is much more likely that he was induced to address the Epistle to them particularly because they had been evangelized, not by himself, but by missionaries acting with his sanction and authority,” for he is careful to tell them (and they are the closing words of the Epistle) that the faith in which they stood was the true faith.” Sylvanus and Mark were now with Peter and we know that both of them had laboured in Asia Minor, and might have been instru- mental as the agents of Peter in making the converts to whom the Epistle was addressed.*” Another, and not unlikely explanation is, that Peter selected these coun- tries in particular as those where the Jews most abounded, for there can be no doubt that Jews were extremely numerous in all the provinces named. But if so, why, it may be asked, did not the Apostle of the circumcision apply himself to the Christians also of Judea and Syria and Cilicia? As for Judea, it was under the charge of its own bishop, James, the brother of our Lord; and as for Syria and Cilicia, they were both under the Patriarchate of the church of Antioch. The decrees of the Jeru- salem Council it will be remembered were sent to the brethren of Antioch and Syria and Cilicia, as all comprised under the same jurisdiction.** In Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, and Bithynia, the churches were not equally advanced in organization, and it is observable that Peter designates them as pilgrims dispersed through these countries.*2, Why the Apostle should not have included the converts of Greece in his letter may be explained not only on the ground that these were chiefly Gentile churches, with little of the Jewish element, but also by the fact that at the date of the Epistle Paul himself was in that part, and they would be under his personal charge. The opening address of the Epistle of Peter is as follows: “ Peter, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, to the pilgrims scattered* throughout Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia.”* enough. The Apostle first enumerates the provinces on the east which were nearest The order in which the countries are named is obvious to him, and then passes on to the west. By the word “ pilgrims ” must be understood 27 Mark, see Coloss. iv. 10. st Acts xv, 23. τῶν εὐαγγελισαμένων ὑμᾶς. 1 Peter i. 12. * Τῇ the Textus receptus of 2 Peter iii. 2 (and the second Epistle is addressed to the same per- sons as the first; see 2 Pet. iii. 1) is the passage μνησθῆναι ... τῆς τῶν ἀποστόλων ἡμῶν ἐντόλης, “ to remember the injunction of our apostles,” or missionaries; and if this reading be correct it affords evidence that Peter had not converted them by himself but by his envoys. 9.1 Peter νυ. 12. ® As to Sylvanus, see Acts xv. 40, and as to 32 παρεπιδήμοις διασπορᾶς. 1 Pet. i. 1. % It would almost seem from this that the Christian churches as organized communities had not yet been formed, or where formed had been broken up by the persecution. and some consider this the reason why Peter addressed them. ‘Pete 1. 366 [A.p. 64] FIRST EPISTLE OF ST, PETER, [Cuap. IX. not the Jews of the dispersion only, but the Christians of Asia Minor, whether Jews or Gentiles, and they are designated “ pilgrims,” as sojourning for a time upon earth, but whose country was in heaven.*® The disciples to whom he wrote were, in fact, in great measure Gentiles, and he so describes them in the Epistle. “Ye, in time past were not a people, but are now the people of God, which had not obtained mercy, but now have obtained mercy.”*’ And again, “ Ye were as sheep going astray, but are now returned unto the Shepherd and Bishop of your souls.”%? And again, speaking of Sarah as obedient unto Abraham, he continues, “Of whom ye have been made the children, if ye do well, and be not afraid with any amazement.” And in another verse, ‘‘ For the time past of our life may suffice us to have wrought the will of the Gentiles,”** We may also observe that the second Epistle is written to the same correspondents as the first, and the prefatory salutation is, ‘Simon Peter, a servant and an apostle of Jesus Christ, to them that have obtained like precious faith with us through the righteousness of God and our Saviour Jesus Christ,” *’ where the Gentiles are plainly referred to as having been admitted by the Gospel to the same privileges with Peter and his countrymen. Were we to adduce every allusion to the prevailing persecution, we should extract the greater part of the Hpistle, as the aim of the writer breathes-in almost every line. He bids them rejoice, ‘‘ Though now for a season, if need be, ye are in heaviness through manifold temptations ; that the trial of your faith, being much more precious than of gold that perisheth, though it be tried with fire, might be found unto praise and honour and glory at the appearing of Jesus Christ.” *° And again, “ Having your conversation honest among the Gentiles, that whereas they speak against you as evil- doers, they may by your good works, which they shall behold, glorify God in the day of visitation ;”*' where by the day of visitation (ἡμέρᾳ ἐπισκοπῆς) is to be understood the inquisition before the civil magistrate. And again, “ Who is he that will harm you if ye be followers of that which is good? but, and if ye suffer for righteousness’ sake, happy are ye.” “ For it is better if the will of God be so, that ye suffer for well doing than for evil doing.” ** “ Forasmuch, then, as Christ hath suffered for us in the flesh, arm yourselves likewise with the same mind.” ** But nothing can be more pointed than the following passage: “Beloved, think it not strange ** concerning the fiery 8° The Apostle uses παρεπιδήμους in this sense $8" Pet. τς 10: ay Retail: in ii. 11, and speaks of the days of our pilgrim- $7 7 Pet. 11, 25. #2 7 Pet. iii. 13, 14. age (τὸν τῆς παροικίας ὑμῶν χρόνον) in i. 17; and S81) Pet: iv. 3. 48 1 Pet. iii. 17. see iv. 2. Παροικία, a temporary sojourn, is op- 89 ΟΌΒΘΙΣ 1. 1 Pet. γ 1- posed to κατοικία, a permanent domicile. Thus Ὁ ΕΘ Osun παροικεῖ μὲν ὁ σοφὸς ὡς ἐν ξένῃ σώματι αἰσθητῷ, 45. Be not amazed, μὴ ξενίζεσθες. The trial, κατοικεῖ δὲ ws ἐν πατρίδι vonrais ἀρεταῖς. Philo therefore, to which the Christians were subject de confus. ling. s. 17, and see other passages was not as some suppose any ordinary one, but cited in J. B. Lightfoot’s Clemens Romanus, — the “ fiery trial” from the persecution of Nero. ΕΣ p. 91], Cuap. IX.] FIRST EPISTLE OF ST. PETER. [a.p. 64] 367 trial** which is to try you, as though some strange thing happened unto you; but rejoice, inasmuch as ye are partakers of Christ's sufferings, that, when his glory shall be revealed, ye may be glad also with exceeding joy. If ye be reproached for the name of Christ, happy are ye, for the spirit of glory and of God resteth upon you: on their part he is evil spoken of, but on your part he is glorified: but let none of you suffer as a murderer, or as a thief, or as an evil-doer, or as a busybody in other men’s matters ; yet if any man suffer as a Christian,” let him not be ashamed, but let him glorify God on this behalf.” ** The first letter was sent by the hands of Sylvanus, while Mark still remained in attendance upon the Apostle, which will account for the fact that Mark sends a salu- tation in the letter,’ but Sylvanus does not. Babylon, whence the Epistle of Peter was dispatched, was beyond the limits of the Roman Empire, and was comprised in Parthia. Peter therefore would himself during his sojourn there be secure against the edicts of Nero, But the Apostle from his impetuous temper could not shrink from the post of danger, and the voice of antiquity is unanimous that Peter suffered martyrdom at Rome. Under what circumstances he passed from the remote east to Rome, must be left to conjecture. He may have returned from Babylon at the natural conclusion of his circuit thither, or hearing that the cause of Christianity was in peril in the west, he may have hastened to some Roman province to strengthen the brethren by his personal presence, and then have been arrested. As the ringleader of the obnoxious Christians, though not like Paul a Roman citizen, he would naturally be forwarded as a prisoner to Rome, where the alleged crime of havi ing set fire to the city had been committed. Or he may voluntarily have hurried from Babylon to Rome, the fountain-head of the persecution, and where it was raging. It may have been in his progress from Babylon that Peter wrote his second Epistle to the same churches to whom he had addressed the first.°° There are no salutations in the second Epistle, either from any community or any individuals. and it would seem therefore that Peter at the time was not resident in any great city, and that his former companions, Sylvanus and Mark, had both left him. We know indeed that Sylvanus had carried the former letter, and accordingly it contained no salutation from him, but only from Mark, and as the second Epistle contains no salutation from Mark, we may conclude that Mark himself was the bearer of the second letter. It is remarkable that the latter Epistle makes but indistinct allusions to the persecution. He tells them only that ‘The Lord knoweth how to deliver the godly out of their trial,” δ᾽ and exhorts them not to “ Fall away from their steadfastness.” But © πυρώσει πρὸς πειρασμόν. Allusion may here 4 1 Pet. iv. 12-16. be made to the burnings of the Christians, as Ὁ 1 Pet. y. 15: related by Tacitus. See ante, p. 360. * 2 Pet. iii. 1. “ Tt was therefore a crime to bear the name δι ἐκ πειραομοῦ. 2 Pet. ii. 9. of Christ, but this was not the case until the @ 2 Pet. id. 17. edicts of Nero after the fire at Rome. [a.p. 64] SECOND EPISTLE OF ST. PETER. [Cuap. 1X. this silence may haye arisen from his having so fully handled the subject in his former Epistle. He seems, however, to have hada foreboding that his own end was approach- ing, and that he was soon to fulfil the prophecy of his Lord. The solemn injunction, “Feed my sheep,” was still ringing in the Apostle’s ears—‘‘ When thou shalt be old thou shalt stretch forth thy hands, and another shall gird thee and bear thee (οἴσει), whither thou wouldest not;”** for he writes. “I think it meet, as long as I am in this tabernacle, to stir you up by putting you in remembrance, knowing that shortly I must put off this my tabernacle, even as our Lord Jesus Christ hath showed me.”** We cannot pass over the affectionate terms in which Peter, in this Epistle, speaks of his fellow-labourer in the same vineyard, the Apostle of the Gentiles. ‘“‘ Account,” he says, “that the long-suffering of our. Lord is salvation, even as our beloved brother Paul also according to the wisdom given unto him hath written unto you.”® It is evident from this passage that Paul was still living, and that if ever there had existed an unfriendly feeling betwixt them, they had long since embraced as. brothers. Shortly after the dispatch of the second Epistle Peter arrived at Rome, and, according to the general tradition, was crucified there in the Vatican, the scene of the other martyrdoms, with his head downwards. It is commonly reported by the later fathers that the Apostle besought this mode of execution, as not being worthy to suffer in the same posture with his Divine Master, but the practice of crucifying with the head downwards was not uncommon amongst the Romans, and was a mark of ignominy, and on that account no doubt adopted on this occasion. It is said that the two great Apostles, Peter and Paul, were together at Rome, and if so, the mar- tyrdom of Peter must be placed some time during Paul’s second imprisonment, which was from the latter part of a.p. 65 to the middle of 4.p. 66.°° & John xxi. 18. 2 Pet..i. 12-14. 2 Pet. iii. 15. See Fasti Sacri, p. 886, No. 1980. Little is known of the latter part of the life of Peter. In A.D. 44 he was imprisoned by Agrippa I. at Jerusalem, and miraculously delivered, Acts xii. 3, when it is said he went to “another place,” eis ἕτερον τόπον, Acts xil. 17. But four years after this, viz. in A D. 48,and therefore long after the death of Agrippa I., he was again at Jeru- salem, and was present at a council there in that year. Acts xy. 7; Fasti Sacri, p. 288, No. 1799. And again, in 4.D. 58, with Paul and Barnabas, when the leading Apostles, James the Bishop of Jerusalem, and Peter and John entered into the compact with Paul and Barnabas that the two latter should be recognized as the Apostles of the Gentiles, while Peter and John addressed them- selves to the Jews. Galat. 11. 9; Fasti Saeri, p. 800, No. 1795. In a.p. 57, when Paul wrote oO »» & the First Epistle to the Corinthians (Fasti Sacri, p- 308, No. 1836), Peter had still no fixed resi- dence, but was engaged in making circuits. “Have we not power to lead about a believing woman as well as the other Aposties, and as the brethren of the Lord and Cephas 2?” 1 Cor. ix. 5; and some urge from the passage, “‘ Every one of you saith, Iam of Paul, and I of Apollos, and I of Cephas, and I of Christ’ (1 Cor. i. 12), that Peter had then recently visited Corinth, but the existence of a Jewish party at Corinth, who claimed to be the followers of Peter, does not prove this, nor is it likely that Peter himself had been present. It might as well be argued that Christ himself had been there as there was also a party “of Christ” at Corinth. When Paul asks, “ Who, then, is Paul, and who is Apollos, but ministers by whom he believed ?” 1 Cor. iii. 5; and when again Paul writes, “I have planted and Apollos watered,” 1 Cor. iii. 6, it is clearly implied from the omi sion of Peter’s name that -Cuap. 1Χ.] ST. PAUL ARRESTED AT TROAS. [a.p. 65] 369 We now return to the Apostle of the Gentiles. When we last parted from him he had just arrived at Troas, about the middle of a.p. 65. The Neronian persecution had gradually extended itself in concentric circles from Rome into the provinces, and at Troas it overtook the Apostle. It is certain that he was sent to Rome a prisoner a second time from some part of Asia Minor, and the only question is, whether his arrest was at Ephesus itself, from which he sailed, or in some other city. The evidence of Ignatius, who flourished in the latter half of the first century, is not unimportant upon this point. Ignatius, himself a martyr, was conveyed in bonds from Antioch of Syria, of which he was bishop, by way of Ephesus to Rome ; and in writing to the Ephesians he thus assimilates himself to the Apostle Paul: Paul and Apollos only had published the Gospel at Corinth. In a.p. 58 Peter certainly was not at Rome, or he would have been alluded to amongst the extraordinary number of salutations at the close of the Epistle to the Romans written in that year from Corinth. Fasti Sacri, p. 313, No. 1854. Nor was he at Rome in a.p. 61-63, for during that period Paul was a prisoner there and sent numerous salutations from the Chris- tians of Rome in the Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon and Philippians, but in none of them makes any allusion to Peter. From the compact at Jerusalem in a.p. 53 that Paul should address himself to the Gentiles, and Peter to the Jews, we should infer that while Paul proposed to visit the extreme west, viz. Spain (fom. xy. 28), Peter proposed to pursue his ministry towards the extreme east, viz. Baby- lon, where the Jews abounded; and accordingly at the date of the First Epistle of Peter, which we should place after the outbreak of the Chris- tian persecution under Nero, ap. 64, we find him at Babylon (1 Pet. ν. 18), and both Sylvanus and Mark were then with him. 1 Pet. y. 12, 13. Sylvanus, who had joined Paul on his second circuit, and had accompanied him up to Jerusa- lem at the time of the compact, probably attached himself to Peter when the meeting at Jerusalem broke up. Mark, who had gone with Paul and Barnabas on their first circuit as far as Perga (Acts xiii. 13), and was the companion of Bar- nabas on his second cireuit (Acts xy. 39), had afterwards been reconciled to Paul, and was with him at Rome during the first imprison- ment, A.D. 61-63 (Coloss. iv. 10, Philem. v. 24), but was intending to proceed to Asia Minor, and to visit Colossee (Coloss. iv. 10), apparently en route to join Peter at Babylon, where we find Mark at the dute of Peter’s first Epistle. It is possible that Mark may have exercised his minis- VOL, Il. try, by the way, in “ Pontus, Galatia, Cappa- docia, Asia, and Bithynia,” until the persecution reached those provinces, and may then have carried the tidings to Peter at Babylon, and caused the dispatch of Peter's first Epistle to those couutries. That Peter suffered martyrdom at Rome is attested by a number of witnesses: Clem. Rom. ce. 5; Lactantius de Mortib. Persecut. ο. 2; Dio- nysius of Corinth, Euseb. ii. 25; Irenseus adv. Heres. iii. 1; Tertullian Scorpiac. 15; Origen ap. Euseb. iii. 1; Caius Presbyter Euseb. ii. 25; Euseb. himself, ib.; and Demonst. Evang. lib. iii. ὁ. 5. But under what circumstances, or at what precise time he came to Rome, is merely matter of surmise. He certainly did not plant the church at Rome, and was never bishop of it, and apparently he never resided there, or ever made a circuit im that direction, but, on the contrary, was employed in the East. Like Paul, he may have been sent thither as a prisoner, and put to death shortly afterwards. According to the Predicatio Pauli, ascribed to the second century, Peter and Paul met at Rome. Liber qui inscribitur Pauli Preedicatio, in quo libro . . . invenies post tanta tempora Petrum et Paulum, post conlationem evangelii in Hierusalem et mutuam altereationem et rerum agendarum dispositionem, postremo in urbe, quasi tune primum invicem sibi esse cognitos. Cypriat ed. Rigattius, p. 139, cited by Wieseler, Chronol. Apost. 569. 1f this be so, the meeting could not have been before the latter half of A.p. 65, when Paul was again a prisoner at Rome. The pro- bable date of the martyrdom of Peter is at the close of A.p. 65. See Fasti Sacri, 336, No. 1980. All evidence is against the assumption that he had resided at Rome for any length of time previously. See the question discussed (inter alios) by Wieseler, Chronol. Apost. p. 552. 3B 370 [a.p. 65] ST. PAUL SENT TO EPHESUS. [Cuar. IX. “Ye are the thoroughfare (πάροδος) of those that are slain for God’s sake, the co- religionists of Paul the holy, the martyr, the blessed, in whose footsteps may it be my lot to be found.”*’ Here Ignatius speaks of Ephesus as the city through which the martyrs were forwarded to Rome; and as he refers to Paul and himself as examples, the inference is that Paul had been arrested somewhere in Asia, and had passed through Ephesus on his way to the Imperial city. We are led to assume that Paul was put under arrest while he was at Troas, as. on this supposition, and not otherwise, can be satisfactorily explained the fact that Paul was obliged to leave at Troas with Carpus (at whose house he had lodged) his cloak, and books, and parchments. The warmth of the weather might induce him to throw aside his cloak, but how, except under some urgent pressure, could he have parted with such necessary accompaniments for his missionary labours as the books and parchments? the former of which, as we understand them, were the Law and the Prophets, some in Hebrew and some in the Septuagint (for the Apostle quotes both versions), and the parchments or manuscripts were copies of the Gospels of Matthew and Luke (for Mark and John had not yet written), intended for distribution amongst the converts, and also the transcripts of his own Epistles written to the various churches, and their letters to himself. How could Paul have parted with all these, except under the most dire necessity, more particularly when he was bound for Ephesus (as announced in his letter to Timothy),°* where he expected to encounter the Gnostics and other heretics, against whom he had so earnestly warned Timothy a few months before? But if the Apostle, on his way to Ephesus, was intercepted by violence and put under arrest, the whole is intelligible, as under such circumstances he would naturally confide his most precious books and manuscripts to the care of some faithful disciple, like Carpus, until they should again be wanted, or could be received by the Apostle without endangering their safety. The particulars of Paul’s apprehension are conjectural; but we should imagine that the prime movers in the accusation against him were his old adversaries, who pursued him through life, the Jews, for he afterwards wrote to Timothy: “I am appointed a preacher and an apostle and a teacher of the Gentiles, for the which cause I also suffer these things”, ®® as much as to say, the Jews cannot endure that the Gentiles should be placed on an equality with themselves, and hence the rancour that has followed me throughout, and now hath conimitted me once more to prison. The charge brought against him was simply the profession of Christianity, for since the edicts of Nero arising out of the fire of Rome this of itself was made a criminal act ; not that the Christians out of Rome could have had any complicity in the alleged incendiarism, but they were accused, from their unsocial habits, of an enmity against the whole human race, and therefore as haying the will, though not the power, to ὅτ πάροδός ἐστε τῶν εἰς Θεὸν ἀναιρουμένων, Παύ- Ignat. Ep. ad Ephes. 12. Rov συμμύσται τοῦ ἡγιασμένου, TOU μεμαρτυρημένου, 8 ] Tim. iii. 14; iv. 13. ἀξιομακαριστοῦ, οὗ γένοιτό μοι ὑπὸ τὰ ἴχνη εὑρεθῆναι. EP Mtihens τς WAL, ὐλι ΠΤ ᾿ iI i ni | | H. Bartlett, i ᾿ | i WW, ule To face Vol, 11, 2. 370. From an unpublished Sheich by the mM On ain on » tower on AST OR LAND SIDI oF u The x ayster, which flows to the spectator’s lett. " THE SITE OF EPHESUS FROM THE FT the south-western side of Mount Coressus. it to the ( channel leading The view is taken from th Sas τὰ me yh ae a σῇ Μ δε ᾿ " Ψ 7 We ts a ee τ τξου 7 ar - ὡς 7) Its 2... Baie ‘a ἄν ee νυ. aun = 5 Reed Cop my De we oa δ᾿. - | nee Jan . ; - J; * = 7 ? Ψ ι] δ ᾿ 5 ἵ 3. Ὁ ͵ i 4 Ε i " £5 Ἐκ ὁ : . δ τὰ ἣ < =i t - ἐ ᾿ : “ ᾿ - = é ΝΕ i : { she : t - i ‘ si = a a ὁ i t Ε . Ne ΠΩΣ ‘3 tne { ye ee ρι λὴ Cuar. IX.] ST. PAUL IMPRISONED AT EPHESUS. [a.p. 65] 371 perpetrate a similar atrocity. Hence the Apostle speaks of himself as now wearing his chain as “a malefactor.” Ὁ Paul was arrested at Troas, but he was not to be tried at Troas. The residence of the Proconsul was at Ephesus, and there was the seat of judicature. To Ephesus, therefore, Paul was sent in bonds, accompanied by such companions as happened to be with him, and who at this time were Titus, Tychicus, Erastus, Demas, Luke, and Crescens."! That Paul was incarcerated at Ephesus we may collect from scattered hints in the last Epistle that he ever wrote, the second Epistle to Timothy, and more particularly from his allusion to the services there of the good Onesiphorus. “In how many ἢ things he ministered unto me at Ephesus thou knowest very well.”*’ But, further, there is an ancient tradition to this effect, which is the more entitled to respect as not prompted by any recorded fact of Paul’s imprisonment at Ephesus (for it is nowhere expressly mentioned), but must be traced to some other source, and to what other source than the truth? To this day is pointed out, on the site of the city, at the south-west, on Mount Prion, a tower in which the Apostle is said to have been incarcerated. ‘ The Proconsul of Asia, at this time, was a man of singular probity, one of the purest characters of the age, Barea Soranus. His popularity in the province formed a striking contrast to the universal execration of the Emperor himself. While Nero was plunging into the most detestable debaucheries, Soranus was gaining golden opinions by the execution of public works of utility. He was now engaged in clearing the port of Ephesus, which, by the accretion of soil accumulated by the Cayster and the mountain streams, had become almost useless to navigation. Instead of peculation and extortion, the usual concomitants of the Proconsulate, Soranus had shown a tender regard for vested rights, and viewed with pain the depredations com- mitted by the orders of his master. Acratus, the Emperor’s freedman, had been lately sent into Asia to ransack even the temples of the gods for the finest statues and paintings, to adorn the magnificent palace which Nero was now constructing at Rome, and at Pergamus an affray had occurred between the imperial commissioner and the citizens, but Soranus, instead of avenging the insult, had made allowances for the provocation, and suffered the offenders to escape with impunity.” It was not likely that such a Prefect would countenance or encourage the persecution against the unoffending Christians. However, he was bound to administer 60 κακοπαθῶ μέχρι δεσμῶν, ὡς κακοῦργος. 2 Tim. when they arrived there is matter of conjecture ; me WE but the text assumes that they were Paul's com- ὃ Erastus accompanied Paul on his voyage as panions from Troas, and accompanied him to far as Corinth (2 Tim. iv. 20), and Titus, Ty- Rome. chicus, Demas, Luke, and Crescens, were all with 2 Tim: 1. 19: the Apostle at Rome at the conclusion of his 8 Tac. Ann. xvi. 23. voyage. 2 Tim. iv. 10,11, 12,20. But how or 372 [A.D. 65] ST. PAUL SENT TO ROME. [Cuap, IX. the law as it stood, and when in pursuance of the Emperor’s edicts, an information was regularly laid before him, he could not avoid compliance with the Imperial orders. The indictment against Paul was brought to a hearing before the Proconsul. His accusers were the Jews, and their chief organ was Alexander the coppersmith, the same Alexander who ten years before, at the riot of Demetrius and the silversmiths, had stood forward as their spokesman to exculpate his own nation and heap oppro- brium on his antagonist,"* and who afterwards prosecuted the impeachment of the Apostle at Rome. The charge of Christianity (which by the edicts of Nero was made a crime) could not be denied, and Paul was condemned or about to be so, when either Paul, who as a Roman citizen was entitled to appeal from the tribunal of the Pro- consul to Cesar, again asserted his privilege, or Soranus, unwilling to imbrue his own hands in the blood of an innocent man, instead of delivering judgment himself, adopted the course afterwards pursued by Pliny on a similar occasion in Bithynia," and of his own accord remitted a case, where the life of a Roman citizen was implicated, to the hearing of the Emperor. Whatever were the circumstances, Paul was again ordered to the great western capital, and as Soranus’s period of office expired about the same period, they may both have sailed in the same vessel to perish by the same fate in the following summer.” Timothy, when Paul the preceding year had crossed over to Crete, had been stationed at Ephesus; and on Paul’s return from Crete to Ephesus, on his way to Macedonia, had again been left in charge of that church, and now, on Paul’s embarkation for Rome, Timothy, as standing highest in the Apostle’s esteem, received the Apostle’s instructions to supply his place in watching over so important a community as that of the capital of Proconsular Asia. They now embraced each other for the last time. They never met again in this world, and Timothy, with a sad foreboding that such would be the case, wept bitterly. The parting was a mournful one, and lived in the memories of both. Paul in his last Epistle thus alludes to the scene :—“I thank God, whom I save from my forefathers, that without ceasing I have remembrance of thee in my prayers night and day, greatly desiring to see thee, being mindful of thy tears that I may be filled with joy.” Paul had many companions on his voyage to Rome, as Titus, Tychicus, Erastus, Demas, Luke, Crescens, and Trophimus the Ephesian." At what precise period of the year Paul, as a prisoner, set sail, can only be surmised. He had passed the winter of a.p. 64-65 at Nicopolis, in Epirus, and would therefore leave it about March. If, as we suppose, he evangelized Dalmatia in δ. Acts xix. 89. tianity. See Fasti Sacri, p. 839, No. 1990. 55. Ὁ Tim. iv. 14. CeO Πη τῆς 1. ΘΕ: 66 Plin. Epist. x 97. °° Trophimus was left behind sick at Miletus, ] 1 7 Soranus was put to death for his virtues by 2 Tim. iy. 20. As to the others, see note ante, Nero in a.p. 66 (Tac. Ann. xvi. 23), and it isnot note “1, improbable that he was even a convert to Chris- Cuap. IX.] ST. PAUL SENT TO ROME. [a.p. 65] 373 the spring, and then spent some time amongst the churches of Macedonia as at Thessalonica and Philippi, he would not reach Troas until about Midsummer. At Troas he was put under arrest, and then must have followed the usual delays of the law, first at Troas itself and again at Ephesus, and at the latter place his imprisonment must have been of some duration, for the services of Onesiphorus in the course of it were of sufficient importance to call for the Apostle’s grateful acknowledgments.” We should say then that Paul commenced his voyage a little before the winter of a.p. 65-66, and this is confirmed by the route taken, for he did not, as before, make the whole passage by sea, but crossed the Isthmus of Corinth, the usual track to Rome, at a season when the circumnavigation of the Morea would, from the broken weather, be attended with risk. Paul on his way from Ephesus to Rome passed through or touched at Miletus, a port lying at the distance of thirty-six miles from Ephesus toward the south. Hither, the port of Ephesus being under repair,” the mercantile traffic was for a season transferred to Miletus, and Paul journeyed thither by land before embarking, or else, the ship by which he was a passenger, having sailed from Ephesus, put in at Miletus for some purposes of trade before crossing the Hgean. At Miletus Trophimus fell ill, and proceeded no further. “Trophimus,” Paul afterwards writes to Timothy, “T left behind me at Miletus sick.”*? The vessel pursued its course from Miletus to Cenchrea, the eastern port of Corinth, where the passengers disembarked and journeyed by land to Corinth. Here Erastus, who was a native of that city, and had been chamberlain of it,” parted from the Apostle, and proceeded no further. “ Erastus,” writes Paul, “abode at Corinth.”" As the mention of Erastus’s stopping at Corinth is not accompanied with any mark of disapprobation, we may conclude that it was with the full sanction of the Apostle himself. His presence in the Corinthian church might be of more service to the cause of Christianity than his companionship of the Apostle on the voyage to Rome. From Corinth Paul and his company took the road to Lecheum, the western port and therefore passed through the western gate of Corinth (conspicuous for the two gilt chariots of Phebus and Phaeton, with which it was surmounted), and traversed the narrow strip enclosed between the two long walls which connected the capital with the port.° At Lecheum™ they again took ship and steered for Aulon, the port of Illyria, screened by the Acroceraunian mountains,” and the- common woe πητηὶ 1: 18: τ The port of Lecheum is now choked up, τι Tac. Ann. xvi. 23. It is a significant cir- and has become a mere lagoon. cumstance, confirmatory of the decline of Ephe- τ When I passed the Acroceraunia some years sus as a port, that in A.p. 58 Paul sailed by ago they presented a singular appearance, being Ephesus and put in at Miletus. wrapped in clouds resembling huge fleeces of @ 2 Tim. iv. 20. wool and perfectly motionless, while in the sky 73 Nom. xvi. 23. itself not a cloud was to be seen, but only a τε 2 Tim. iy. 20. glaring sun. τὸ Pausan. Corinth. ii. 3. 374 [a.p. 65] ST. PAUL SENT TO ROME. [Cuap, IX. resting-place on the way to Italy. From Aulon they would cross to Brundisium, and thence follow the Via Appia (fig. 304) until they reached the Porta Capena of Vig. 304.— Remains of two columns murking the commencement of the fumous Appian Way leading from the port of Brundisium to Rome. Rome. The portals of Rome, from the late attempt on the life of the Emperor,” were carefully guarded ; but the centurion and his company who had charge of ” προσῆσαν οὖν ταῖς πύλαις, οἱ δὲ ἐφεστῶτες οὐδὲν ἠρώτων. Philost. iv. 39. Ἧς ἤτοι Se ἢ 4S Lis ἜΝ Wirt] Se = Gallo + Terre di Penne Δ ΥΡ" ate pe x ‘ ἂχ Scogtie tet & Castello 4 e = ᾧ Sf Leonurde εἰ = Masserra Casale we ——_Teyliate Convent Ὁ agqne Grande iS Andrea Guviletle Pe Truversi = Mu seit νὴ Marzo‘? wo | \ τὰ εἰ τ" \ : ¢ Γ Le N \ J ony δ ὶ 5 Bitten Gi Ν S\Tagzaretto τ. 91 is τι Musseria &), Bessie ΕἾ ᾿ a Masserine SV Serre ey ΝΣ τμ ἀκ εδξέκνε εἶεν (ποτὶ LS traecome πετῶν 4 Ι ΩΣ t ay a AEF IS Masseria Peperetio’ Meastenmea ~~ Guert “ “ι Leretto εἰς , ἤν ΣΟ ΟΣ Conver t x es BRINDISI Re | Terra di Cocina : CHAPTER X. Paul's First Trial—He writes the Second Epistle to Timothy—His Second Trial, and Martyrdom. No more to tread the desert’s burning sand, Or climb the pass where mountain snows congeal! No more to brave the robber’s ruftian band, Or plough the stormy seas with treacherous keel! No more the ignominious lash to feel, Or drag the galling chain!—Now dawns the day That sets to long-tried faith the welcome seal, And lightened of its weary load of clay, The spirit rests with Him who “ wipes all tears away.” Anon. Pav once again, and as a captive, was within the mighty capital. But what a change was everywhere visible! Around was a scene of devastation, the effects of the late calamitous fire, and from the midst of the ruins was rising the stately palace of Nero, called the Golden, an ominous meteor amid the surrounding gloom.’ In the front stood or was in course of erection a colossal statue of Nero, 120 feet high, and before it a splendid portico, with a treble row of columns, extending a mile in length. In the interior of the Palace were collected the most beautiful statues and paintings, rifled from the Temples of the Gods in Europe, Asia, and Africa, and even from the shrine of Apollo at Delphi which had been violated without remorse, to gratify the Emperor’s vanity.2_ Round about the Palace, where before a dense popu- lation had been crowded into narrow alleys, were now in the heart of the city, a spacious park, and lake and woods, in short, a rural landscape.’ Paul, as a prisoner who had exercised the right of appeal to the Emperor in person at Rome, was delivered over to the Imperial body-guard.* The cohort on duty, i.e. the band of the Pretorians in actual attendance, was quartered within 1 The palace, as the fire occurred only two 3 Suet. Nero, 31. Plin. N. H. xxxiii. 16; years before, was no doubt at this time ina very xxxvi. 2,4,5. The palace was taken down by unfinished state. Vespasian, and on the site of the lake was 2 Pausan. Phocic. x. 19,1; Plin. N. H. xxxvi. erected the Colosseum, so called from the colos- 4,11. Itis believed that the Venus de Medicis, sal statue of Nero which stood near the spot. the Apollo Belvedere, and the Laocoon were all Martial. de Spectac. Epig. ii. the spoils of Nero, as they were found in one or * See ante, p. 236. other of his palaces. ST. PAUL AT ROME. 376 [a.p. 65] [CHap. X. the precincts of the Palace, and to their barrack captives, as they arrived from the Paul, on his first imprisonment, had been But since then the Imperial provinces, were wont to be conveyed. taken to the Pretorian barrack on the Palatine hill. residence, hallowed by the occupation of Augustus and his successors, had been burnt to the ground in the general conflagration, and Nero’s gorgeous structure, the Golden Palace, occupied the Coelian and Esquiline hills.? Thither Paul was conducted, and now formally transferred to the Prefects of the Pretorium. The excellent Burrhus (the Prefect of the Preetortum at Paul’s first imprison- ment), had expired four years before,® and Tigellinus and Fenius Rufus were his successors. Rufus had since lost his life as a conspirator against the Emperor, and Nymphidius Sabinus had been substituted in his place," but he was a mere shadow, and Tigellinus was recognised as the sole Prefect.* He was unhappily the profligate abettor and coadjutor of all Nero’s dissipation and reckless atrocities, and the bitter enemy and persecutor of the Christians. Paul before had been left com- paratively at liberty, and had been permitted, coupled to a soldier, to dwell in his own apartments, but now he was ordered into close confinement. During his first imprisonment his house was open to all comers, but now it was with difficulty that his prison could be discovered, and the Apostle speaks in grateful terms of Onesi- phorus, who when at Rome, “sought him out very diligently, and found him.”® Paul was thus not absolutely debarred from intercourse, if friends had the moral courage to search out his retreat ; and we may well suppose that his immediate com- panions, and also many of the Roman church, as Eubulus, and Pudens, and Claudia, and Linus (afterwards bishop of Rome), all mentioned in the second Epistle to Timothy, were assiduous in administering to his comfort.'® The winter was the legal vacation at Rome," and some months would, therefore, elapse before Paul’s case could be heard; and during this dreary interval, the Apostle, though absent in the body, was still present in mind amongst his beloved churches, watching the pulsation of each community, and administering balsams to He could not visit them himself, but as he had brought with him many trusty followers, as if for the very purpose of providing for such their spiritual grievances. contingencies, he now dispatched them with the necessary credentials and instrue- tions to the various churches which more especially required support. Titus was ὃ Nero, even before the great fire, had carr.ed his palace from the Palatine hill across the Via Sacra to the Esquiline and called it the Domus Transitoria. This was destroyed by the fire, and rebuilt and extended by the name of the Domus Aurea. Domum a Palatio Esquilias usque fecit, quam primo Transitoriam, mox in- cendio absumptam restitutamque Aureum no- minavit. Suet. Nero, 31. δ Fasti Sacri, p. 826, No. 1919. 7 Fasti Sacri, p. 5990, Nos. 1967, 1968. ἢ ΨΤιγελλῖνος γὰρ, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὸ ξίφος ἦν τοῦ Νέρωνος. Philost. Vit. Apoll. iv. 42. 5 ΠΤ τη ἢ 10: 10. (Quibusdam custodiz traditis non modo stu- dendi solatium ademptum, sed etiam sermonis et colloquii usus. Suet. Tib. 61. This is men- tioned as an instance of the ernelty of Tiberius. 1 Suet. Galb. 14; Claud. 23; Aug. 82. Cuar, X.] ST. PAUL AT ROME. [a.v. 66] 377 sent by him to Dalmatia, a country which the year before he had assisted Paul in evangelizing, and Crescens, who probably was no stranger to the Galatians, but had accompanied the Apostle’s last visit amongst them, was commissioned to Galatia. Tychicus, who was himself an Ephesian, was dispatched to Ephesus,’” and the object, which is not stated, was perhaps to take the place of Timothy, who was summoned to the Apostle at Rome. The lukewarm Demas, instead of being stimulated to exertion by the approach of danger, basely drew back, and abandoning the ship now amongst breakers, provided for his personal safety by returning to his native city. ‘“Demas,” writes the Apostle, “hath forsaken me, having loved this present world, and is departed into Thessalonica—Crescens to Galatia—Titus unto Dal- matia.” 8 Paul now had parted with all his ordinary companions, except Luke.'* A cheerful ray, however, gleamed across his prison by the arrival of Onesiphorus. This warm- hearted disciple having occasion to follow the Apostle from Ephesus to Rome, had taken extraordinary pains to discover his retreat, and having with difficulty met with him (for no one could avow himself a Christian without peril), was assiduous in rendering assistance. Paul gratefully acknowledges his kindness in the following passage to Timothy: “The Lord give mercy unto the house of Onesiphorus, for he oft refreshed me, and was not ashamed of my chains; but when he was in Rome, he sought me out very diligently, and found me (the Lord grant unto him that he may find mercy of the Lord in That day!).”'* The sojourn of Onesiphorus at Rome was short, and Paul was once more left to his own meditations, and the services of the faithful Luke. The spring of a.p. 66 had begun, and the day of trial was now at hand. We would fain gratify the reader’s curiosity by a full narrative, but we have no guide but a few incidental allusions in the Apostle’s last Epistle. From the expression, “1 was delivered out of the mouth of the lion,” it has been supposed that Nero him- self presided. It is the very metaphor which, some years before, had been applied to Tiberius, when the intelligence of the tyrant’s demise was communicated to the elder Agrippa, ‘“ The Zion is dead.”'® It would also be difficult, on any other assump- * tion, to find the literal fulfilment of the prophetic announcement made to Paul by Ananias at the time of his conversion, “that Paul should bear the Lord’s name before the Gentiles and kings,’ '’ for the only kings that could be referred to are Agrippa and Nero. It may, perhaps, be thought strange that an Emperor should undergo the fatigues of a judicial office, but such from the first had been the Roman constitution. The 2 2 Tim. iv. 12. ever, Paul may have alluded to the deliverance 18°29) Tim: iv: 10). of Daniel from the lions, or to his own deliver- 4 2 Tim. iv. 11. ance from the Jions in the amphitheatre, a com- 16 2 Tim. i. 16-18. We may conclude from mon punishment of Christians, or he may be this passage that Paul was kepta prisoner forno merely citing Psalm xxi. 22, where the same little time before his trial. words occur, 16 Τέθνηκεν ὁ λέων. Jos. Ant. xviii. 6,10. How- ” Acts ix. 15. VOL. I. 90 378 [a.p. 66] [Cuar. X. TRIALS BY THE EMPERORS. Emperor for the time being was the chief magistrate, and though he might, and often did, appoint a deputy, he was frequently during the law terms seen presiding In person. Julius Cesar was indefatigable, and dealt out a stern impartial justice.” Augustus was also assiduous, but ever leaning to the side of mercy.’® From th advice of Mecenas to him, and which in substance was followed, we may collect what, in his time, were the limits of the Emperor’s jurisdiction. He heard appeals from the chief magistrates at Rome, and from the Prefects of Provinces. whether Proconsuls or Propretors. Original causes also were brought before him, where they involved the life or character of a senator or person of rank. It was also Macenas’s advice that when the Emperor sat, he should be assisted by a jury of the most dis- tinguished senators or knights, with some consulars or pretorians, viz those who had passed the chair of the consulship or pretorship,”” and accordingly Augustus selected a kind of privy council to assist him in his judicial functions,” consisting of the two consuls, a queestor, a pretor, an edile and fifeeen senators,” who held the office for six months.% The tribunal when Augustus sat in person was in the palace,™ in the temple of Apollo. Tiberius, the successor of Augustus, not only presided himself,” but also aided the senate and the judges in the discharge of their duties,’ and in important cases was attended by a jury of assessors.” Caligula did the same,”* but he had no relish for the judicial office, and narrowed the circle of the Imperial functions by hearing domestic appeals from the Senate only,”? and declaring that the decisions of the magistrates of Rome should be final, without any appeal *° The practice of Claudius was just the reverse, for he was never so well pleased as when he occupied the tribunal, most commonly in the forum, but occasionally else- where.*! He assumed the jurisdiction of hearing original causes, as had been done by Augustus, and allowed freely appeals to himself both from the Senate, and the magistrates at home, and the Prefects abroad.*? He was also assisted by a jury or council.** The youthful and dissolute Nero, with whom we are more immediately concerned, 8 Jus laboriosissime ac seyerissime dixit. Suet. Jul. 48 Suet. Octav. 33,72, 97; Tib. 8; Dion, 1111. 21; lv. 275; lvii. 7. 20 Dion, 111. 33. *t Dion, 1111, 21; Suet. Octav. 35; and see Zonaras, x. 33. 2 Dion, liii. 21; li. 33. *S Dion, 1111. 21; Suet. Octav. 35. 24 Dion, lv. 27. SA MURR ΑἸΤΙ ΠῚ at ΤΣ able, ὩΣ 36 Tac, Ann. i. 75; Suet. ΤΊ. 33. 27 Suet. Tib. 55; Dion, Ivii. 7. 38. ἐδίκαζε καὶ ἰδίᾳ καὶ μετὰ πάσης τῆς γερουσίας. Dion, lix. 18. 59. Dion, lix. 18. % Suet. Calig. 16. 31 Dion, Ix. 4. 82 Dion, Ix. 4, 25, 83; Suet. Claud. 12, 14, 15, 33; Seneca’s ᾿Αποκολοκ. 58. Dione 151. 11}: Cuap. X.] FIRST TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. [a.p. 66] 379 though he may generally have exercised his jurisdiction through a deputy, yet frequently heard causes in person. At the very outset of his reign he gave out that he would observe the régime of Augustus,** and he informed the Senate, in a speech written for him by Seneca, that he would resign in their favour the jurisdic- tion over Italy, and the Senatorian, as opposed to the Imperial, provinces,® but this was an artifice to gain popularity, and the purpose having been answered, his promise was forgotten.*° Subsequently he divested himself of some part of his appellate jurisdiction, by directing appeals in civil causes (a judicibus) to be carried to the senate,*’ and such appeals, in respect of fees and costs, were put on the same footing as appeals to the Emperor.** Nero, however, still heard appeals in criminal cases, such as that of Paul, more particularly if the accusation contained a count of treason. It had been customary before his time, when several indictments relating to the same matter were brought by different accusers against the same person, or the issues were otherwise connected, that all the counts should be heard together, but as this rendered the trial somewhat complicated, and often of a tedious length, Nero adopted the course of taking each indictment separately. There were more charges than one against Paul, and they seem to have been disposed of at different periods. The accusation first heard was that of Alexander the coppersmith. The circumstances of the trial are not recorded, but if Nero presided, we can picture to ourselves, what in all probability was the scene. Nero at this time was in his twenty-ninth year. His face, which had been handsome, and of which the features were regular, was disfigured by blotches, the effects of intemperance. He was of good stature, but his slender legs were now disproportioned to the corpulence of his person.*” Though fantastically dressed at other times, yet on the occasion of a solemn trial like the present, he would wear the Imperial purple. He was preceded by twelve lictors, with the fasces, and was attended by a numerous German guard. Nero took his seat on the tribunal ; and on the subsellia, or lower benches, at his side, were ranged the judices, or jurors, the magnates of Rome, of Consular or Prae- torian dignity. Each juror was provided with three tablets, one of which was marked with the letter A, Absolvo, or Not guilty. another with the letter C, Con- demno, or Guilty, and the third with the letters N. L. Non liquet, or Adjournment for further investigation (fig. 305). Paul was now brought into a crowded court, where was assembled a motley group, * Ex prescripto Augusti imperaturum se. 38 Tac. Amn. xiv. 28. Suet. Nero, 10. 89. Τῇ cognoscendo morem eum tenuit, ut, con- 35. Tac. Ann. xiii. 4. tinuis actionibus omissis singillatim queeque per 35. Tac, Ann. xiii. 33. vices ageret. Suet. Nero, 15. * Ut omnes appellationes a judicibus ad se- * Suet. Nero, 51. natum fierent. Suet. Nero, 17. 9σ 2 FIRST TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. [Cuap. X. 380 [a.p. 66] composed of various nations. Besides the Emperor and the jurors, and the German Imperial guard, there were amongst the audience Greeks and Jews from Ephesus, with a promiscuous multitude gathered from the four corners of the earth. Morell, Fig. 305.—Coin of Q. Cassius. Obv. Head of Liberty with the legend Libert. Q. Cassius.—Rev. Temple with the curule chair of judgment in the interior, and on the right the voting paper with the letters A. C. (Absolvo, Conden.no), and on the left the ballot box into which the votes were thrown. Alexander the coppersmith. who had come with his witnesses to prosecute the indictment, and who had bestowed the greatest pains in preparing the case, was now a most vindictive prosecutor, while Paul, on the other hand, was, in his utmost need, deserted“! He had no advocate to argue his cause, and he was not supported by those whose presence was indispensable. Witnesses at that time were not com- pellable to give evidence, and the flames of the Cireus had struck such a terror into all who favoured Christianity, that they had not the courage to identify them- selves with one who they thought could not escape himself, and might drag down his friends with him. The charge of Christianity involved disloyalty to the Emperor, and none dared to stand by the accused at the risk of incurring the displeasure of the court. It was a common practice at that day, in every indictment to introduce a count of Majestas, or Disloyalty, to secure the absence of the defendant’s adherents.” It might have been expected that Paul’s friends of Asia who had witnessed the innocency of his life, would have come forward in a body to offer their testimony in favour of the accused, but they were panic-stricken by the prevailing persecution, and shrank from identifying themselves with one whose cause might endanger their own “This thou knowest,” he writes to Timothy, “that all they which are in 3344 safety. Asia have turned their backs upon me,** of whom are Phygellus and Hermogenes, two Asiatics, whose advocacy and support it would seem that Paul had in yain solicited.*® ‘| The case of Paul reminds us of that of the ὄντες οὐκ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπεξῆλθον διὰ φόβον, Proconsul of Asia, C. Silanus, who was accused of treason by the Ephesians before Tiberius: Facundissimis totius Asiz seque ad acensandum delectis respondebat solus, et orandi nescius pro- prio in metu, qui exercitam quoque debilitat eloquentiam. Tac. Ann. iii. 67. Philo, at the hearing of his embassy before Caligula, was de- serted in the same way. Οἱ τέως συμπράττειν ἡμῖν δοκοῦντες ἀπειρήκεσαν. Καλουμένων γοῦν, ἔνδον ἀκριβῶς ἐπιστάμενοι τὸν ἵμερον ᾧ κέχρητο πρὸς τὸ νομίζεσθαι Θεός. Philo, Leg. ad Caium, 1048, s. 46. # Addito majestatis crimine, quod tum om- nium accusationum complementum erat. Tac. Ann. iii. 38. 1 ἀπεστράφησάν pe. 2 Tim. i. 15. “42 Tim. i. 15. 45 2 Tim. iv. 16. [a.v. 66] 381 Cnap, X.] FIRST TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. Paul, however, needed not assistance, he had courage and presence of mind, and we may rest assured that he pleaded in his usual manly strain, boldly confronting his adversaries, and repelling every crimination. It may not be uninteresting to read in the Apostle’s own words the following few particulars of the trial :— Alexander the coppersmith,” he writes to Timothy, “laid many evil things to my charge, (The Lord reward him according to his works), of whom be thou ware also, for he greatly withstood our words. At my first answer no man stood with me, but all men forsook me (I pray God that it may not be laid to their charge) ; notwithstanding the Lord stood with me, and strengthened me, that by me the preaching might be fulfilled, and that all the Gentiles might hear.” At the close of the pleadings the judge and jurors were wont to confer together, and then each juror wrote his own note on the tablet, and delivered it to the judge, who pronounced sentence. The verdict was supposed to be in accordance with the opinion of the majority, but Nero paid no attention to this, when caprice or interest prompted a different result.‘7 In clear cases, however, even Nero was compelled by shame to pay some deference to the weight of evidence,“ and on the present occasion Paul defended himself go successfully that even the monster Nero, if he presided, or whoever sat as judge, was obliged to declare his acquittal. “1 was delivered,” writes the Apostle, “from the mouth of the lion.’ Thus far, perhaps, the trial had not involved the principal charge, and both the accused and the accuser knew well enough that upon the next count there would be a certain conviction.” Such, at least, was the belief of Paul himself, for after the words “I was delivered from the mouth of the lion,” he adds, “and the Lord shall deliver me ”—(not from the mouth of the lion a second time, but)— from every evil work, and will preserve me ” —(not in this world, but)—“ unto his heavenly kingdom.”*! Paul was now remanded to prison to await a further trial. The interval between the first and second hearing was brief, and while Paul was expecting his fate, his only anxiety was to provide for the security of the churches committed to his charge. When he was no more, who with the same parental care would admonish with gentleness, correct with calmness, heal their divisions, warn them against heresy, keep them steadfast against persecution? Of all his faithful followers (and they were many) no one stood higher in his regard than Timothy, the "6 Ὁ. Tim.iv.17. The latter words refer to the jecture, that the verdict was “ Non liquet,” and vast crowds collected to hear the trial. * Quoties autem ad consultandum secederet, neque in commune quidquam neque propalam deliberabat, sed et conscriptas ab unoquoque sententias tacitus ac secreto legens, quod ipsi libuisset. perinde atque pluribus idem videretur pronuntiabat. Suet. Nero, 15. * Tac. Ann. xiii. 33. *® 2 Tim. iv. 17. It is, of course, open to con- that the trial was adjourned. °° This may be illustrated by the trial of Ga- binius, who was acquitted on the first count and condemned on the others. Gabinius absolutus est ... Est omnino tam gravi fama hoe judi- cium, ut videatur reliquis judiciis periturus, et maxime de pecuniis repetundis. Cie. Ep. Quint. Frat. iii. 4; Dion, xxxix. 63. ot 2 Tim. iv. 17. 382 [a.p. 66] SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuap. X. ingenuous, sincere, and ardent Timothy. He was now at Ephesus, °° superintending the church committed to his care, and Tychicus, a trusted follower, and who was * The following three objections may be made to this view :— 1. In the Second Epistle to Timothy, Paul writes to Timothy: “‘Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus.” 2 Tim. iv. 12. But Timothy, if he was at Ephesus, would know the fact. 2. How, again, it may be said, could Paul have apprised Timothy that “Trophimus have 1 left at Miletus sick”? 2 Tim. iv. 20; for Miletus was but a short distance from Ephesus, and Timothy must have heard of it. 3. The Apostle writes to Timothy: “Thou knowest that all they which are in Asia be turned away from me, of whom are Phygellus and Her- mogenes.” 2 Tim. i. 15. But if Timothy was at Ephesus, he must have known it, so that the Apostle’s remark is a truism. 1. To the first objection it may be answered that, though Timothy had been left at Ephesus, and that city was his headquarters, he was not expected to remain all the time within the walls of Ephesus, but as bishop, or quasi-bishop, of Asia, would visit the neighbouring churches, as Colosse, Laodicea, Hierapolis, &e., and the letter would follow him wherever he happened to be. Besides, the latter would travel by a rapid post, while Tychicus would pass by land or sea to Ephesus in the ordinary way, and might not arrive at Ephesus so soon as the letter. 2. The second objection scarcely requires an answer, for, as Miletus was thirty-six miles from Ephesus, the Apostle could not assume that in- telligence of Trophimus’s illness at Miletus had already reached ‘Timothy, even if he was at Ephesus itself, and was not (as was very likely the case) in the neighbourhood only. If Tro- phimus had recovered and returned to Ephesus, ‘Vimothy would know it; but Trophimus might, on his recovery, have gone on to Rome, or he might not haye recovered at all. 3. As to the objection growing out of the words “ Thou knowest that all they which are in Asia be turned away from me,” it is by no means clear what is the meaning. I should in- terpret them as referring to the Asiatics who had deserted the Apostle on his trial at ome. οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Ασίας does not imply that the persons at the time of writing are from or out of Asia, and οἱ ev τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ (2 Tim. i. 15) does not imply that at the time of writing they were in Asia. How- eyer, if these turncoats were witnesses expected by the Apostle at Rome in support of his cause but who had disappointed him, they would still be in Asia. The Apostle cannot intend that all the churches of Asia had apostatized, but evi- dently alludes to some abandonment of himself personally. If this abandonment by the men of Asia were at Rome, the expression “ thou know- est,” &e., would be natural enough, for if Timothy were in Ephesus, the capital of Asia, the conduct of the men of Asia at Rcme would naturally, though not certainly, reach him. But if the abandonment took place in Asia, the Apostle might still call Timothy’s attention to the fact in proof of the Apostle’s desolate state. Besides Timothy, if at Ephesus, might not be apprised of what the Apostle tells him, viz. that all in Asia had deserted him—i.e. not only those at Ephesus, but elsewhere in Asia—and in particu- lar that Phygellus and Hermogenes, who do not appear to have been connected with Ephesus, were of the number. That Timothy at the date of the Epistle was expected to be at Ephesus, or somewhere in the vicinity, may be evinced by various considera- tions arising out of the Epistle itself. Thus, he is requested to salute Priscilla and Aquila, who carried on their trade at Ephesus (Acts xviii. 26), and the household of Onesiphorus, who had ministered to Paul at Ephesus (2 Tim. i. 18): and he is warned to beware of Alexander (ὃν καὶ σὺ φυλάσσου, 2 Tim. iv. 15), and Alexander was apparently the Alexander of Acts xix. 383, who was of Ephesus, and had gone to Rome to be a witness against Paul; and Timothy was com- manded to bring with him Paul's cloak and books and parchments, which had been left at Troas (2 Tim. iv. 13); and if Timothy started from Ephesus for Rome by the quickest route, as he was desired, he would pass through Troas to Philippi, whence he would pass through Mace- donia by the Via Egnatia. There is also the strongest ἃ priori probability that Timothy, if not with Paul, would be found at Ephesus, for he had been charged to take care of the church there during the Apostle’s absence in Crete, and was commanded, when Paul touched at Ephesus on his way from Crete to Macedonia, to remain there until Paul's return (1 Tim. i. ὃ, iii. 14, iv. 18); and Paul had since returned, though a prisoner, to Ephesus, and had parted from Timothy there with tears. 2 Tim. i. 4. Cuap. X.] [a.p. 66] 383 Timothy, who by a verbal message carried by Tychicus had been requested to hasten to Rome. Tychicus had not long started on this commission when Paul was brought to trial, and as he now saw his end approaching, and was anxious above measure to deliver his last injunctions to Timothy personally, he followed up the mission of Tychicus by the last letter that he ever indited (viz. the Second Epistle to Timothy) urgently pressing him to come with Mark,**—to come quichly,°°—to come before winter,*° and at the same time, as Paul might never live to see Timothy again, he conveys to him his last solemn, and, it may be said, his dying injunctions. The date of the Second Epistle to Timothy may be collected within certain limits as follows: Paul bids Timothy to come to Rome before winter,” and, accord- ing to the ancients, winter began on the 9th November; and as a journey from Ephesus to Rome would oceupy about six weeks, Timothy, to reach Rome by the 9th November, would have to set out at least as early as the 28th September. But a letter to arrive at Ephesus on the 28th September must have been written from Rome at least before the 17th August. than the 17th August. The Epistle, then, could not have been written later On the other hand, from Paul’s injunction that Timothy If Timothy was not at Ephesus, where was he? Not in Pontus, for though Paul, in his last letter to Timothy sends a salutation to Aquila and Priscilla (2 Tim. iy. 19), the former of whom was a native of Pontus (Acts xviii. 2), yet Paul could not have commissioned Timothy to any church not planted by himself, and we have no trace of Paul having ever visited that province, Besides, in the same Epistle Paul sends a saluta- tion also to the house of Onesiphorus (2 Tim. iv. 19), and there is nothing to connect Onesiphorus with Pontus. Again, was Timothy in Galatia? We must answer no, for Paul in the Second Epistle to Timothy informs him that “ Crescens had gone to Galatia,’ 2 Tim. iv. 10; and if Timothy was in Galatia himself, why communi- cate what could be no news to him? Was Timothy at Troas,a church which had often wit- nessed Paul’s apostolic labours? It may lend some countenance to this view that the Apostle requests him to bring with him the cloak, books, and parchments which had been left there with Carpus. 2 Tim. iv. 13. But Troas lay in the beaten track from Asia to Rome, so that ‘limothy, if at Ephesus, would at all events pass through it. And again, the salutations are sent by Paul, not to Carpus, but to Aquila and Priscilla and the house of Onesiphorus, none of whom appear eyer to have resided at Troas, or even, so far as is known, to haye sojourned there for the shortest interval. If Timothy was not at Ephesus, or expected to be so, he was most likely at Colosse, for Paul in the preceding letter to Timothy tells him to “take Mark and bring him with him” (2 Tim. iv. 11); and when Mark was last heard of he was intending a journey to Colosse, for Paul, in writing from Rome during his first imprisonment to the Colossians, had sent the salutation of “ Mark, cousin of Barnabas,” with the addition, “ touching whom ye received com- mandments, if he come unto you, receive him.” Coloss. iv. 10. The Gnostic heresies which had sprung up during the Apostles long imprison- ment, first at Caesarea and then at Rome, might have required the presence of some authorita- tive person like Timothy to preserve the ortho- doxy of the church; and if Timothy was at Colossee, his road to Rome would necessarily lie through Ephesus, so that he could deliver the salutation to Aquila and Priscilla and the house of Onesiphorus by the way; and the Apostle’s direction that Timothy should bring with him the cloak and books and parechments which had been left at Troas is not inconsistent, for if Timothy took the land route through Macedonia, he would sail from Ephesus to ‘l'roas on his way to Macedonia. BS) 2 Dims αν; 1.2: aval ἐπ νέην, Wl 53 2 Tim. iv. 9. 7 56 Σ᾽ Tim. iy. 22. 2 Tim. iv. 20. 384 [a.p. 66] SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuap. X. should come before winter, we may conclude that the Epistle was written not in winter, but some time after the commencement of spring, and winter was deemed at an end on the 9th February, and the date of the Epistle was therefore some time after the 9th February, a.p. 66, and before the 17th August, a.v. 66. But further, we shall see that traditionally (and there is nothing to make us doubt it) the martyr- dom of Paul occurred on the 29th June. We may assume, therefore, that the Second Kpistle to Timothy was dispatched some time between the 9th February, and the 2%th June, a.p. 66. The whole tone of the Second Epistle to Timothy convinces the reader that Paul, at the time, was on the eve of the final trial, and was sending his last commands to Timothy just before the fatal day when Paul expected (and as we know with reason) that he should be condemned and executed. We should therefore place the date of the Epistle about the month of June, a.v. 66. The topics dwelt upon in the Epistle are such as the circumstances naturally suggested. Paul foresaw his end to be near, and in the opening salutation varies from the usual form, by referring to his hope in the world to come. He culls himself an Apostle “according to the promise of life which is in Christ Jesus.” He then alludes (1. 3) to his own tender yearnings towards his favourite disciple, and that night and day he mentioned him in his prayers, and longed to see him, and he im- plores him by the faith for which he was distinguished, by the faith which he inhe- rited from his mother Eunice, and his grandmother Lois, to hold fast the Gospel in its integrity as received from himself, and not only so, but to provide for the future by the ordination of others to succeed :—The things that thou hast heard of me among many witnesses, the same commit thou to faithful men, who shall be able to teach others also.”°* He warns him (ii. 14) against the contamination of the Gnostic Heresy, and bids him discountenance, by all the means in his power, the idle phantoms and foolish fables of those visionaries. He puts him on his guard (iii. 1) against the scoffers of religion, who were already rife, and in Timothy’s latter days would present a more formidable array against sound religion. He then (iv. 1) alludes to his own approaching death, and adjures Timothy in the most solemn and affectionate manner to fulfil the holy ministry which he had undertaken. “I charge thee therefore before God, and the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall judge the quick and the dead at his appearing and his kingdom—preach the word, be instant in seuson, out of season, reproye, rebuke, exhort with all long-suffering and doctrine. Be thou sober in all things, endure afflictions, do the work ef an evangelist, make full proof of thy nuinistry. For Τ am now ready to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand. I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith: hence- forth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall award me at that day, and not to me only, but unto all them also that love his appearing.” ** He then informs Timothy (iv. 9) of what had happened to 8. AA whiny, rh 2 59 2 Tim. iv. 1, 2, 5-8. Cuap. X.] SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [a.p. 66] 385 himself since their last sad interview—that Trophimus had been left at Miletus, Erastus had remained at Corinth, Titus, Tychicus, and Crescens had been sent on different missions, Demas had deserted him, and that the only brother now with him was Luke, and he therefore beseeches Timothy to join him directly, and bring Mark with him. So anxious, indeed, was the Apostle to see before his death, if possible, his favourite son in the faith, that he thrice repeats the injunction to hasten to Rome: “ Do thy diligence to come unto me quickly ; and again, “Take Mark and bring him with thee,” and presently, as if Timothy might not understand what was meant by coming quickly, he reiterates the command more definitely, ‘Do thy dili- gence to come before winter.” The Apostle subjoins some salutations, and then wrote, with his own hand, the last words that he ever penned, “ Grack BE wirH you.” The letter was as follows :— ; [The italics indicate the variations from the Authorized Version, and the words in brackets, thus [ 1, are not expressed, but only implied, in the Greek.] Cu. I. “Paun, AN ApostLE oF JESUS CHRIST, BY THE WILL OF GOD, ACCORDING 2 ΤῸ THE PROMISE OF LIFE WHICH Is IN Curist Jesus, ΤῸ ΤΊΜΟΤΗΥ, MY DEARLY- BELOVED child,®° Gracr, MERCY, PEACE, FROM Gop THE Farner anv Curis? Jesus our Lorn. 3 “T thank God, whom I serve from my forefathers with pure conscience,"! that without ceasing I make mention of thee in my prayers night and day, 4 greatly desiring to see thee, remembering thy tears, that I may be filled with 5 joy, having remembrance of * the unfeigned faith that isin thee, which dwelt first in thy grandmother Lois, and thy mother Eunice,” and I am persuaded 6 that in thee also. For which cause I put thee in remembrance that thou stir 7 up the gift of God, which is in thee by the putting on of my hands. For God hath not given us the spirit of cowardice,° but of power, and of love, and 8 of soberness.” Be not thou, therefore, ashamed of the testimony of our Lord, nor of me his prisoner; but be thou a fellow-sufferer for the Gospel accord- 9 ing to the power of God, who hath saved us, and called us with a holy calling, not according to our works, but according to his own purpose and grace, 10 which was given us in Christ Jesus before the world began, but hath now been made manifest by the appearing of our Saviour Jesus Christ, who hath abolished death, and hath brought life and immortality to light through the Ὁ τέκνῳ. In Eng. ver. “son.” His son in the *¢ Timothy, therefore, was one of a family faith, that is, his convert. with the principal members of which Paul was * This undesiguedly confirms the account of familiarly acquainted. Paul's opening address to the Sanhedrim, when © Le. by ordination to the ministry, which he claimed to have lived with a good conscience. [6 received at Paul’s hands. Acts xxiii. 1. 8° δειλίας. In Eng. ver. “ fear.” 2 μεμνημένος. In Eng. ver. “ being mindful of.” ὅτ σωφρονισμοῦ. In Eng. ver. “asound mind.” δ ὑπόμνησιν λαμβάνων. In Eng. ver. “ when I ὅ8 We may infer from this that the general per- call to remembrance.” secution was still raging against the Christians. VOL. Π. ἘΝ 386 [a.p. 66] SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [CHap. X. 11 Gospel: whereunto I am appointed a preacher, and an apostle, and a teacher 12 of the Gentiles, for the which cause I also suffer these things; but I am not ashamed, for I know whom I have believed, and am persuaded that he is able 13 to keep that which I have committed unto him against That Day. Hold fast the form of sound words, which thou hast heard of me, in faith and love which 14 is in Christ Jesus: that good trust which was committed unto thee keep by the Holy Ghost which dwelleth in us. 15 “ This thou knowest, that all they which are in Asia have turned away from 16 me, of whom are Phygellus and Hermogenes.” The Lord give merey unto the house of Onesiphorus, for he often refreshed me, and was not ashamed of 17 my chain, but when he was at Rome, he sought me out very diligently, and 18 found me; (The Lord grant unto him that he may find mercy of the Lord in That Day!) and in how many things he ministered unto me at Ephesus, thou knowest very well.” “Thou, therefore, my child, be strong in the grace that is in Christ Jesus, 2 and the things which thou heardest of me before many witnesses,” the same 3 commit thou to faithful men, who shall be able to teach others also. Thou, 4 therefore, be a fellow sufferer ™ as a good soldier of Jesus Christ. No one that warreth entangleth himself with the affairs of life, that he may please him who 5 hath enlisted™ him, and if a man also wrestle,” he is not crowned, except he 6 wrestle lawfully ; the husbandman that laboureth must be first partaker of the fruits.” (Consider what I say ; 7 and the Lord give thee understanding in all 8 things.) Remember Jesus Christ, who rose from the dead, of the seed of David, No) according to my Gospel; wherein I suffer trouble, as a malefactor,” even 10 unto bonds (but the word of God is not bound) ; therefore, I endure all things for the elect’s sakes, that they also may obtain the salvation which is in Christ 11 Jesus with eternal glory. It is a faithful saying: for if we be dead with him, ** A common expression in the New Testa- ment for the Day of Judgment. See Vol. I. p. 287. τὸ These appear to have deserted the Apostle from the fire of persecution. Instead of appear- ing before the tribunal to give testimony in his fayour, they had turned their backs upon him. Hymenzus and Philetus, and the Gnostic apo- states, were distinct, and are mentioned presently at 11. 17. 7 Paul, therefore, had been some time a pri- soner at Ephesus, and Timothy had been in attendance upon him during the same period, or he would not have known the services of Onesi- phorus. τὸ Viz. the conclave of priests, deacons, and laity, in whose presence Paul had conferred ordination upon Timothy. ® Viz. with the Apostle, συγκακοπάθησον. In Eng. ver. “ suffer hardness.” ™ τῷ στρατολογήσαντι. In Eng. ver. “him who hath chosen him to be a soldier.” τὸ ἀθλῇ. In Eng. ver. “ strive for masteries.” τὸ The husbandman, by whose labour the fruit is obtained, has the first claim to partake of it. Others would render it, the husbandman cannot partake of the fruit without first labouring for it. τ That is, understand and weigh well these metaphors or figures which I have just used, drawn respectively from the soldier, the wrestler, and the husbandman. τὸ That Jesus of the seed of David was Christ, and rose from the dead, was denied by the Gnostics. “Hold fast, therefore,” writes the Apostle, “ to my Gospel.” 7 By the edicts of Nero, the profession of Christianity was made a criminal act. Cuap. X.] 12 15 14 15 16 17! 18 19 20 SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [a.p. 66] 387 we shall also live with him ; if we suffer, we shall also reign with him; if we deny him, he also will deny us (Matt. x. 33);*° if we have not faith, yet he abideth faithful, he cannot deny himself. “ Of these things put them in remembrance, charging them before the Lord not to strive about words to no profit, to the subverting of the hearers.’ Study to shew thyself approved unto God, a workman that needeth not to be ashamed, rightly dealing owt? the word of truth; but put aside profane and vain babblings, for they will grow unto more ungodliness, and their word will spread as doth a gangrene, of whom is Hymeneus 53 and Philetus,®* who concerning the truth have erred, saying that the resurrection * is past already, and over- throw the faith of some; nevertheless the strong foundation of God standeth, having this seal, ‘The Lord knoweth them that are his’ (Num. xvi. 5),‘° and ‘Let every one that nameth the name of the Lord® depart from iniquity.’ (Num. xvi. 26.)** But in a great house there are not only vessels of gold and of silver, but also of wood and of earth, and some to honour, and some to dis- honour. If a man, therefore, purge himself from these, he shall be a vessel unto honour, sanctified, and meet for the master’s use, and prepared unto every good work. But flee youthful lusts,** and follow righteousness, faith, love, peace with them that call on the Lord out of a pure heart; but foolish and unlearned questions avoid, knowing that they do gender strifes;°° and the servant of the Lord must not strive, but be gentle unto all, apt to teach, patient, in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves, if God per- adventure will give them repentance wnto the knowledge of the truth,’ and that they may recover themselves out of the snare of the devil, who were taken alive by him® at his will.** © Here also, as elsewhere (see Vol. 1. p. 288) the Apostle refers to the Gospel of St. Matthew. Ἢ The Apostle here refers to the Gnostic phantasies. See ante, p. 249. δ ὀρθοτομοῦντα. A metaphor taken either from cutting a thing into equal proportions, or from making a straight road, or striking a straight furrow. 83 One of the Gnostic heretics, and no doubt the same Hymeneus as is mentioned in that character in 1 Tim. i. 20. * Another Gnostic, but of whom nothing is known. * The Gnosties held that the only resurrection was that from a state of nature to the intellee- tual paradise of pure Gnosticism. The resurrec- tion therefore of Christ himself was expunged from their articles of faith. % ἔγνω Κύριος τοὺς ὄντας αὐτοῦ. In the LXX. the words are ἔγνω 6 Θεὸς τοὺς ὄντας αὐτοῦ. τ Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford all read Κυρίου “Lord,” instead of Χριστοῦ “ Christ.” δ The Apostle gives the sense, but not the exact words of the LXX., where the passage is ἀποσχίσθητε ἀπὸ τῶν σκηνῶν τῶν ἀνθρώπων τῶν σκληρῶν τούτων, καὶ μὴ ἅπτεσθε ἀπὸ πάντων ὧν ἐστιν αὐτοῖς, μὴ συναπόλησθε ἐν πάσῃ τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ αὐτῶν. καὶ ἀπέστησαν ἀπὸ τῆς σκηνῆς Κορὲ κύκλῳ. *° Timothy was still a young man. 99 The Apostle is still dwelling upon the idle and chimerical disputations of the Gnostics. See ante, p. 249. % Te. the knowledge of Christian truth as opposed to the so-called “ knowledge” of the Guosties. 2 ἐζωγρημένοι. captive.” 38 The will of the devil. In Eng. ver. “who are taken 3D 2 [a.p. 66] SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuap. X. ~] (Ὁ ΠΗ Cu. ΤΥ. 1 διάβολοι. “ But know this, that in the last days difficult times shall come; for men shall be lovers of their own selves, lovers of money, boasters, proud, blas- phemers, disobedient to parents, unthankful, unholy, without natural affection, trucebreakers, caluimniators,°* incontinent, fierce, unfriendly to the good, traitors, headlong, puffed up, lovers of pleasure more than lovers of God, having a form of godliness, but denying the power thereof, and from such turn away ; for of these are they which creep into houses, and lead captive silly women laden with sins, led away with divers lusts, ever learning, and néver able to come to the knowledge of the truth. But as Jannes and Jambres *° withstood Moses, so do these also withstand the truth, men of corrupt minds, reprobate concerning the faith. Howbeit they shall proceed no further, for their folly shall be manifest unto all men, as theirs also was. But thou hast followed along with my doctrine, manner of life, purpose, faith, long suffering, love, patience, persecutions, sufferings, such as came unto me at Antioch,*® at Iconium,” at Lystra,** what persecutions I endured, but out of them all the Lord delivered me, yea, and all that will live godly in Jesus Christ shall suffer persecution. But evil men and ¢mpostors shall wax worse and worse, deceiving and being deceived. But continue thou in the things which thou hast learned, and hast been dntrusted with,*® knowing of whom’ thou hast learned them, and that from a child thou hast known the Holy Scriptures, which are able to make thee wise unto salvation through faith which is in Christ Jesus. All scripture is by inspiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness, that the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly furnished unto every good work. | “T charge thee,’ before God and’ Jesus Christ, who shall judge the In Eng. ver. “ false accusers.” Euseb. Prep. Evang. ix. 8. ἐκτίθεται καὶ (Nume- * These names are not mentioned in the books of Moses, but there was a current tradition that they were the magicians who withstood Moses in Egypt. τὰ μέντοι τούτων ὀνόματα, οὐκ ἐκ τῆς θείας γραφῆς μεμάθηκεν ὁ θεῖος ἀπόστολος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ἀγράφου τῶν Ἰουδαίων διδασκαλίας. Theodoret. ad locum. (See Winer, Bibl. Real. ‘ Jambres.’) For the names appear in the Jewish writings the Targum and the Talmud, and not only so, but they found their way into pagan composi- tions ; for they are mentioned by Numenius the philosopher. Ἰαννῆς καὶ Ἰαμβρῆς, Αἰγύπτιοι ἱερογραμματεῖς, ἄνδρες οὐδενὸς ἤττους μαγεῦσαι κριθέντες εἶναι. .. Μουσαίῳ γοῦν τῷ Ἰουδαίων ἐξηγησαμένῳ . . . οἱ παραστῆναι ἀξιωθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τούτων Αἰγυπτίων, οὗτοι ἦσαν τῶν τε συμφορῶν, ἃς ὁ Μουσαῖος ἐπῆγε τῇ Αἰγύπτῳ, τὰς νεανικωτάτας αὐτῶν ἐπιλύεσθαι ὥφθησαν δυνατοί. nius) τὴν περὶ Μωσέως καὶ Ἰαννοῦ καὶ ᾿Ιαμβροῦ ἱστορίαν. Origen cont. Celsum, lib. iv. ὁ. 51. And also by Pliny: Est et alia magices factio a Mose et Jamne et Jotape Judis pendens. N. H. xxx.2. But the passage is corrupt, and the reading somewhat doubtful. See Wetstein. 38 Acts xiii. 50. 7 Acts xiv. 5. © Acts xiv. 19. 39. ἐπιστώθης. In Eng. ver. “hast been as- sured.” 10 The received text has τίνος in the singular number, but Lachmann reads τίνων in the plural. 101 Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischen- dorf, and Alford all omit the word οὖν “ there- fore.” 1 ‘The critics last named reject also the word Κυρίου “ Lord.” Cuap. X.] SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Α.Ὁ. 66] 389 2 quick and the dead at! his appearing 3 οΟ “ὁ dD oP and his kingdom, preach the word, be instant in season, out of season, reprove, rebuke, exhort with all long-suffering and teaching ; for the time will come when they will not endure the sound doctrine, but after their own lusts, they, having itching ears, will heap to themselves teachers, and turn away their ears from the truth, and turn aside unto fables; but be thou sober! in all things, endure afflictions, do the work of an evangelist, fulfil! thy ministry ; for I am now ready to be offered,!°° and the time of my departure is at hand." 1 have fought the good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up for me the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall award me at That day,’ and not to me only, but unto all them also that have loved his appearing. 9, 10 “Do thy diligence to come unto me quickly ;° for Demas hath forsaken me, having loved the present world, and hath gone to Thessalonica ''—Crescens to 11 Galatia,“? Titus to Dalmatia. Only Luke is with me. Take Mark,!® and 12 bring him with thee, for he is very useful” to me for the ministry. But "8 kara. But Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford read καὶ for κατὰ, 1.6. 2 “and by his appearing,” &e, ™ γῆφε. In Eng. ver. © watch thou.” 105 πληροφόρησον. In Eng. ver. “make full proof of.” © σπένδομαι, literally, “I am being poured out.” “7 At the date of the letter, therefore, was expecting his condemnation. ὋΣ More literally, “I have wrestled the good wrestling,” τὸν ἀγῶνα τὸν καλὸν ἠγωνίσμαι. τ The Day of Judgment. See Vol. I. p. 287. πὸ ταχέως. In Eng. ver. “shortly.” Paul had probably sent word before by Tychicus, and he now urges all haste. ™ Demas was a native of Thessalonica The violence of the persecution under Nero had been too much for him, and he sank under it, and abandoned Paul to his fate. At the time of Paul's first imprisonment Demas was still faith- ful, and with Paul at Rome. Coloss. iv. 14; Philem. y. 24. The Second Epistle to Timothy, therefore, when Demas was a renegade, must have been written subsequently to Paul's first imprisonment. Burton notices a tradition pre- served by late writers that Demas “ became priest of a heathen temple at Thessalonica, but it is improbable.” u® As the mention of Crescens is not accom- panied, asin the case of Demas, with any remark Paul to his prejudice, we may suppose that Paul had sent him to Galatia to support the churches there under their present trial. Some interpret Γαλατίαν to mean Gaul. If so, Paul must have evangelized Gaul on his way from Italy to Spain, but which is most unlikely. uS Titus the year before had been summoned from Crete to join the Apostle at Nicopolis in Epirus, Tit. iii, 12; and in the spring of the present year, a.p. 68, he had accompanied Paul on his cireuit through Dalmatia, and was there- fore the most proper person to be despatched from Rome to Dalmatia to comfort the nascent churches there under the pressure of the perse- cution. ™ Peter therefore was not now at Rome, or Paul must haye noticed him. In fact, Peter had suffered martyrdom at Rome the year before. See Fasti Sacri, p. 336, No. 1980. "6 Mark, on the death of Peter in a.p. 65, was at liberty to lend his services to Paul, and as the latter had now only Luke with him, he bids Timothy, who was in Asia, to take Mark “and bring him with him as very useful to him for the ministry.” 2 Tim. iy. 11. Mark had been the bearer of the Second Epistle of Peter to the brethren of Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, and Bithynia, see ante, p. 367, and was still some- where in those parts, and most likely at Ephesus, the capital of Asia. 4S εὔχρηστος. In Eng. ver.“ profitable.” 390 [a.p. 66] SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuar. X. 13 Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus."7 The cloak’* that I left at Troas with Carpus,"’ when thou comest, bring with thee, and the Bibles," but especially 14 the parchments.”! Alexander the coppersmith’” lacd many evil things to my “7 Trophimus was certainly an Ephesian, Acts xvi. 29, and as Tychicus and Trophimus are joined together, and described as of Asia, ᾿Ασιανοὶ δὲ Τυχικὸς καὶ Tpddipos, Acts xx. 4, we may conclude that Tychicus was also an Ephe- sian, which was the reason why he was selected for this particular mission. 48 φαιλόνην in the Textus receptus. But ac- cording to Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tisch- endorf, and Alford the true reading should be φελόνην. Chrysostom, in his comment upon the word, writes, φελόνην. ἐνταῦθα τὸ ἱμάτιον λέγει, τινὲς δέ φασι τὸ γλωσσόκομον ἔνθα τὰ βιβλία ἔκειτο. As between these two meanings, the ἱμάτιον or garment is to be preferred, for if it were a γλωσσόκομον, or case for τὰ βιβλία, Paul could not, after mentioning the φελόνην, have bidden Timothy to bring with him τὰ βιβλία also. 2 Tim. iv. 18. Hesychius defines the word thus: φαιλόνης, ἢ ληπτάριον μεμβράϊνον, ἢ γλωσσόκομον. But what is ληπτάριον Ὁ Some would read ληδάριον, which is found in Pollux as a kind of vest, Jul. Poll. vii. 18, but coupled with μεμβράϊνον, it can only denote a skin or roll of parchment, and indeed some would substitute εἱλητάριον “ a roll,” for λητάριον. There is no occasion, however, to find a different reading, for Anmrapiov is evidently derived from λαμβάνω, and means a ‘ receptacle” for parchments, and accordingly the other mean- ing offered by Hesychius is γλωσσόκομον, a case or box. Suidas defines φαιλώνης and also φαινόλης Thus, “ φαιλώνης εἱλητὸν τομάριον μεμβράϊνον (ἃ small roll of parchment) ἢ γλωσσόκομον (a case), ἢ χιτώνιον (a small tunic) ;” and again *‘ φαινόλης. χιτωνίσκος (asmall tunic), of δὲ παλαιοὶ ἐφεστρίδα (the sagum or peenula of the Roman soldier), καὶ κλίνεται eis ov (is declined in ov for the geni- tive) καὶ χιτὼν ἱερατικός (a priestly tunic or surplice).” Thus far we have four meanings given of the word φαιλόνης or φελόνης, viz. 1, a cloak; 2, a case for holding books; 3, a skin or roll of parchment; 4, apriestly garment or surplice. But other interpretations have been suggested, viz. 0, some take it to mean the Old Testament, the Book or Bible, and they derive φελόνης from φελλός, Which is equivalent in Greek to “liber,” “bark,” or “book,” in Latin; and 6, others would render it the Roman toga, the badge of a Roman citizen, and follow it up by taking the μεμβράνας, or parchments, to mean the diploma of Paul’s Roman citizenship. There is great uncertainty as to the true in- terpretation, but the simplest solution is to take φαιλόνην or φελόνην to represent the Roman peenula, or cloak, for protection against the in- clemency of the weather, as is evident from many passages. Horat. Epist. xi. 18; Juv. Sat. v. 79. As Paul was constantly passing in all seasons from one couniry to another, such an article of clothing must have been quite indis- pensable, and would be particularly useful at this time when winter was approaching. uo A trusted disciple, and commonly supposed to be the person with whom the Apostle at Troas had lodged. 120 βιβλία. The book of the ancients was a series of sheets or skins fastened together length- wise, so as to form one long piece attached at each end to aroller, and thus easy to be wound off from one roller and wound on to the other. The reader could thus, by unrolling and re-rolling, find any part of the book which he wanted. The Bibles or books in question were perhaps the Jewish Scriptures, 1.6. the books of the Old Testament called τὰ βιβλία by Josephus cont. Apion. lib. i. ὁ. 8, and carried about by the Apostle partly for his own personal use and partly for distribution amongst his converts. The Apostle in his Epistles makes constant reference to the Old Testament, and argues with his correspondents from the Old Testament; and this he could not do unless he placed copies of it in their hands, and they were familiar with it. The books may also have com- prised the Gospels of Matthew and Luke. “ As the parchments are opposed to the books, they were not mounted on rollers, but were loose or detached sheets or skins, and were perhaps the letters of the churches to the Apostle, and his letters to them. 12 Called the coppersmith, to distinguish him from the Alexander mentioned as a Gnostic teacher. 1 Tim. i. 20. Alexander the copper- smith was‘a:Jew of Ephesus who at the riot of Demetrius the silversmith some years before (A.D. 57) had attempted to excuse his own coun- Hap. X.] SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY, [a.p. 66] 301 15 charge ;'°° (The Lord reward him according to his works!’**) of whom be 16 thou ware also, for he greatly withstood our words,’ At my first defence'*® no man stood wp for me, but all men forsook me ;'** (May τέ not be laid to 17 their charge!) but the Lord stood by me, and strengthened me; that by me the preaching might be fulfilled, and that all the Gentiles might hear ;'** 18 and I was ‘delivered out of the mouth of the lion’ (Ps, xxi. 22),'° and the Lord shall deliver me from eyery evil work, and will preserve me unto his 19 heavenly kingdom, to whom be glory for ever and ever. Amen. Salute 20 Priscilla and Aquila, and the household of Onesiphorus.* Erastus abode at 21 Corinth ;} 55 but Trophimus I left at Miletus sick.’* before winter.!°° Do thy diligence to come Eubulus greeteth thee, and Pudens, and Linus,’ and trymen and impeach Paul in the theatre. Acts xix. 33. He may now have been dispatched by the Jews of Ephesus as their organ at Rome to justify themselves and heap odium upon Paul and his fellow-Christians. 15. The received translation is “ did me much evil;” but this does not express the sense. ἐνεδείξατο is a legal term, and signifies ‘ in- dicted” or “impeached” me of many heinous offences. An emphasis must be laid on the words the Lord, so that the meaning is, “ The Lord (and not I) deal with him according to his works.” The Apostle could not be uttering an impreca- tion, for almost in the same breath he adds, with reference to those who had deserted him, “ May it not be laid to their charge.” τ. 17. 2 Timothy, therefore, was at or near Ephesus, for Alexander was of Ephesus. τ In Eng. ver. “answer.” At the hearing of the case on the first count. Amongst the Romans, as amongst ourselves, the indict- ment consisted of several counts, which were heard seriatim. On the present occasion, at the conclusion of the first count the trial was ad- journed. 7 “The witnesses whom I could not compel to attend, but who should have given me their testimony, deserted me.” 28 πληροφορηθῆ. In Eng. ver. “be fully known.” ® Who attended in vast numbers at the trial. 180 The Emperor Nero, before whom Paul was tried, may here be referred to; as the Emperor of Rome, who had the power of life and death over the whole empire, was often thus styled. See ante, p. 377. 131 Tt has been suggested, and is not impro- ἀπολογίᾳ. bable, that the Apostle when he wrote this had the Lord’s Prayer in his thoughts, for in the compass of a few lines we have “deliverance from evil” and “the heavenly kingdom,” and the doxology. If this be so, we have the Apostles’ acceptation of the expression in the Lord’s Prayer ἀπὸ τοῦ πονηροῦ, for the Apostle renders it, not “from the evil one,” viz. the devil, but “from every evil work.” We haye here ἃ con- firmation—though none was needed—that the Lord’s Prayer was in constant use among the earliest Christians, including St. Paul. He may also be thought to have referred to it elsewhere. See Rom. viii. 15. 12 Priscilla and Aquila may have been at Ephesus, where we know they had once been resident (Acts xviii. 26); and Onesiphorus had also been at least a sojourner at Ephesus. 2 Tim. i. 18. Timothy, therefore, was himself at or near Ephesus. 188. He was a native of Corinth, and had been chamberlain of the city (Rom. xvi. 23), and had been left there by Paul on his way to Rome. 16 Trophimus was an Ephesian (Acts xxi. 29), and had intended to accompany Paul to Rome, and went with him as far as Miletus, where he was taken ill and left on shore. The Eng. ver. has, most unaccountably, “ Miletum” for Miletus. The word Miletum nowhere occurs in sacred or profane history. 186 Winter, according to the ancients, began on the 9th of November, and the letter, there- fore, was written in the second quarter of the year. See ante, p. 383. 186 The first bishop of Rome. Euseb. Ecc. H. iii. 21, 892 [a.p. 66] SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. [Cuap. X. 22 Claudia,! and all the brethren.!** The Lord Jesus Christ be with thy spirit. GRACE BE WITH you.”!°? 7 Who was Claudia who is here connected with Pudens and Linus? Was she the daughter of Cogidunus, king of the Regni, now Surrey and Sussex? or was she the daughter of Carac- tacus, the renowned British chieftain ? I. In the former edition the author advo- cated the hypothesis that Claudia was the daughter of Cogidunus. He has since read the exhaustive essay of Archdeacon Williams on the same subject, and is now enabled to lay before the reader a much more complete exposition of the argument. We must first explain more par- ticularly what was the relation of Cogidunus to the Romans. The subjugation of Britain was in the reign of Claudius, under the auspices of Aulus Plautius, in A.D. 42, about a century after the invasion of Julius Cesar. The arms of Julius, however, though unsuccessful, made a lasting impression upon the southern states, and when Plautius crossed, the southerns saw the impossibility of resistance, and at once succumbed. Such, at least, was the policy pursued by Cogidunus, ithe leading chieftain in the south, who from this period to the close of his life (an interval of about thirty years) remained the steady ad- herent of the Roman cause. The name of Cogidunus is sometimes written Cogidubnus, or Cogidumnus, just as we have on coins, Dunorix, Dubnorix, and Dumnorix (Williams, p. viii.); and it has been suggested, and perhaps cor- rectly, that Cogidunus was so called as the head of the state of Cogidunum, in the same way as, in the time of the first Cesar, Cassivellaunus was so designated as the head of the Cassivel- Jauni. We still speak of The Macgregor or The Campbell, ἄο., as the representative of the clan. What, then, was Cogidunum? It was Chiches- ter, the capital of Sussex, and even the modern name can be traced without violence to the Celtic original. Of all the elements that enter into the composition of Celtic names, none is so fre- quent as that of ‘dun,’ a fortified camp or strong~ hold. ‘Cog’ in Celtic is ‘hollow’ (as a valley), so that ‘ cog-dun’ is ‘ the fortress in the hollow; ®8 As the Apostle sends a greeting from all the brethren at Rome, it is clear that though he had been deserted by some who should have supported him at his trial, the church had not apostatized. and Chichester ‘‘is situate in a pleasant vale on the little river Levant.” Capper’s Dict. During the Roman dominion the Celtic ‘dun’ gave way to the Latin ‘ castra,’ the equivalent expression, and thus ‘cog-dun’ became ‘ cog-castra.’ But ‘cog’ “assumes in colloquial language the form of ‘coi’ or ‘ceu,’ pronounced ‘ki.’” Williams, p. 20. And then, as the Saxons soften the hard k or ὁ into ch, ‘ ki-castra’ became Chichester. In Α.Ρ. 44 the Emperor Claudius himself passed over into Britain to wear the laurels which Plautius had won, and Cogidunus, as subservient to the Roman interests, was gra- ciously received and taken under the Emperor’s especial protection. It was, perhaps, on this occasion that Cogidunus was appointed Legate of Claudius in Britain, and in honour of his patron added the names of Tiberius Claudius to Cogidunus. It is certain, from the monument which will be mentioned presently, that the Roman designation of the British chief was Tiberius Claudius Cogidunus, and this “ was in accordance with the received custom by which those who for the first time were made Romans used, like emancipated slaves, to adopt the ‘nomen’ and ‘preenomen’ of those persons by whose kindness or aid they had become citizens, but they still retained their own ancient ‘nomen’ as a‘cognomen.’” Williams, p. 24, note. We may also remark that, if Cogidunus had a daughter born to him, her name would, as a matter of course, be called Claudia, for during the first century after Christ the daughter of a Roman was always called by the name of the gens, or family. Thus, “‘a female of the gens Julia would necessarily be a Julia, and if there were two daughters, the elder would be Julia Major and the younger Julia Minor, and if the female off- shoots were more numerous, they would be called Prima, Secundilla, Tertia or Vertulla, &e.” Wil- liams, p. 25, note. A daughter, therefore, of Tiberius Claudius Cogidunus would be known as Claudia. It is the remark of ‘Tacitus that the Romans made even kings the instruments of slavery 18 The usual benediction in Paul's own hand to authenticate the letter. See Vol. 1. p.284. The word “ Amen” in the received text is rejected by Griesbach, Scholtz, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Alford. Cuapr. X.] SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL, [a.p. 66] 393 The letter was dispatched by a trusty messenger to Timothy, but the faithful disciple, whatever his haste, could not reach Rome while the Apostle yet lived. The to the Empire; and as Cogidunus was sub- servient to the Roman interests, his services would be, and were, rewarded by an accession to his limited dominions. From being the ruler of, perhaps, a single town (Chichester) and the parts immediately adjacent, he was invested with the government of the neighbouring states, viz. Sussex and Surrey, and possibly a still wider circuit. Quaedam civitates Cogiduno regi donate (is ad nostram usque memoriam fidissimus man- sit) vetere ac jam pridem recepta populi Romani consuetudine, ut haberet instrumenta servitutis et reges. ‘ac. Agric. c. 14. It is worthy of note that Ptolemy the geographer, who flourished A.D. 120, calls the people of Sussex and Surrey the Regni, and later itineraries speak of Chi- chester itself as Regnum; and it can scarcely be doubted that these names of Regni and Regnum were current amongst the Romans, from the little kingdom, or Regnum, which they now conferred on Cogidunus. At least, these appellatives are not found in Czsar or Strabo, and appear for the first time shortly after the establishment of Cogi- dunus as the sovereign of these very parts. It was usual, as in the case of Herod the Great, for the princes dependent on Rome, to send their children to the imperial city, ostensibly for edu- cation, but really as pledges for the good faith of the parents; and when Aulus Plautius, in A.p. 47, was recalled from the command of Britain, it is likely that Cogidunus committed some mem- bers of his family to the care of Plautius for transmission to Rome. Amongst them may have been a daughter Claudia, not too young to be separated from a mother, and not too advanced to supersede the necessity of education—say, of about the age of six It is impossible, except within very wide limits, to determine the years of a child by the years of a parent, but at least we can show that the age of six would be com- patible with the age of Cogidunus so far as we can collect it by inferences. Tacitus states that Cogidunus continued the faithful ally of the Romans down to his own time. ‘Tac. Agric. 6. 14. (See the whole passage cited above.) Cogidunus lived to an old age—say seventy—and he sur- vived until Tacitus had arrived at the years of diseretion—say twenty. But Tacitus was born about A.D. 55 (see Fasti Romani, a.p. 61), and would be twenty about a.p. 75. Cogidunus, therefore, would be about seventy in a.p. 75, and ' VOL. I. consequently about 42 in a.p. 47, when Plautius was recalled. Tf Claudia was transferred to Rome, the charge of her would almost necessarily be confided to Pomponia Greecina, the wife of Aulus Plautius, the late Prefect of Britain, by whose favour her father had attained his present aggran- dizement. There was also some other tie be- tween Ciaudia and Pomponia, for while the damsel had the name of Claudia from the gens of the Clandii, amongst whom Cogidunus had been adopted, she bore also, as we learn from Martial, the cognomen of Rufina; and Rufus, or Rufina for a female, was a common cognomen of the gens Pomponia. It is likely, therefore, that Claudia had assumed the cognomen of Rufina out of compliment to some member of the Pom- ponian family. One Pomponius Rufus at this time held a high rank in the Roman army, and is supposed to be the person to whom Martial’s epigram on Pudens and Claudia was addressed. Williams, p. 37. Pomponia Grecina, the wife of Aulus Plau- tius, is described by Tacitus as insignis foemina (Tae. Ann. xiil. 82)—“a remarkable personage.” The name of Grecina, which was unknown in the Roman nomenclature, may have been con- ferred upon her from personal qualities, such as her love of Greek philosophy and Greek litera- ture generally, for she was undoubtedly a woman of strong intellect and an inquiring turn of mind. On the appearance of Christianity, her attention was immediately attracted to it, and eventually she became a convert. In Α.}. 57 her profession of the new religion became publicly known, and she was accused of apostasy from the religion of the state. Superstitionis extern rea. Tac. Ann. xiii. 82. Her adoption of the new creed may be placed in a.p. 41, for Tacitus remarks that from the death of Julia, the daughter of Drusus, A.D. 41 (Dion, Ix. 8), to the end of her days, forty years after, she withdrew from the gaieties of the world, and assumed a thoughtful and even mournful deportment: non cultu nisi lugubri, non animo nisi meesto egit (Tac. Ann. xiii. 32)— language in which a heathen would naturally describe a person whose faculties were fixed, not on mundane affairs, but on eternity. Such was Pomponia Greecina; and if, as is likely, the British princess, Claudia, was consigned to her care and placed under her auspices, it is easy to 3) Ἢ 304 [a.p. 66] SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. [CHar. X. interval between the first and second hearing was not long, and Paul once again, and for the last time, met his accusers, face to face, before the tribunal. sce that Claudia in the course of time would renounce the gross idolatries of her barbarous ancestors, and rejoice in the light of a rational religion. Thus far we have only shown the pro- bability that a daughter of Cogidunus would be named Clandia, and would be found at Rome under the care of Pomponia Greecina, who had embraced Christianity. We now proceed to some account of Pudens, who is coupled by Paul in the salutation with Claudia. The name of Pudens was properly Aulus Pudens, as we learn from Martial, who inscribes one of his epigrams ad Aulum Pudentem (vi. 58). He was the son of Pudentinus, and was an opulent Roman, as we may infer from the means which he possessed of indulging, at his outset in life, in all the licentiousness of the age. See Mart. i. 33, v. 48. Pudens very soon attained his company, or, in Roman language, became a centurion. Hos tibi, Phoebe, vovet totos a vertice crines, Enculpus, domini centurionis (Pudentis) amor. Mart. i. 32. The name of Aulus Pudens leads us to think that he may have been connected in some way with Aulus Plautius. At all events, Pudens served in Britain, and most likely joined the expedition of Aulus Plautius to Britain in a.p. 43. Here he seems to have been quartered at Regnum, the capital of Cogidunus. It was the custom of the Romans that where a legion was once stationed, there it remained until wanted elsewhere for service in the field. Pudens, there- fore, would be a constant resident at Regnum, and would be on easy terms with Cogidunus, and seems even to have acquired the possession of property there, either by the gift of the king or by purchase. Cogidunus was to Britain what Herod the Great was to Judea. Both saw the impossi- bility of permanent resistance to the Roman arms, and both accordingly ranged themselves at the earliest moment on the side of the in- vaders. Both also had discernment enough to appreciate the value of Roman civilisation, and exerted their influence to introduce Roman cul- ture. It was in this spirit that Cogidunus gave his countenance to the settlement at Regnum, the capital of his sovereignty, of a company of Italian artisans. From the monument of which a facsimile will be found below we learn that a collegium, or association of fabri or mechanics, was incorporated at Regnum. Their first mea- sure was to erect a temple for public worship, and it was appropriately dedicated to Neptune and Minerva—to the former as the tutelary god by whose favour they had crossed the seas, and to the latter as the goddess of industrial arts, and therefore their patron saint. Pudens was liberal enough at his own cost to provide a site for the Temple, and the whole proceeding had the full sanction of Cogidunus. The monument to which we allude was a tablet exhumed at Chichester in 1723. It was found about 4 feet underground, at the corner of St. Martin’s Lane on the north side, where it comes into North Street. The stone was of Sussex marble, and bore the following inscription :— ) SALW IE IDO- TDW BN URI ΝΡ a FAB δ (δ᾽ (Q) Fig. 306. —Facsimile of a Stone fownd at Chichester. From a photograph by J. H. Parker. Cuap. X.] SECOND TRIAL OF ST, PAUL. [a.p. 66] 395 We want information who presided at the trial. Shortly after Paul’s first defence Nero left Rome for Bai,“ and remained there until the arrival of Tiridates, King The stone is imperfect, but the wanting parts can be easily supplied, and then the inscription will run thus :— [Njeptuno et Minervee Templum {Prjo Salute domus divine (Ex] auctoritate ΤΊ}. Claudii (Cojgidubni Regis Legati Augusti in Britannia (Collejgium Fabrorum et qui in eo [A Saeris sunt] de suo dedicaverunt, donante aream {Pud]ente Pudentini filio. To Neptune and Minerva This Temple For the safety of the Imperial Family, By the authority of King Tib. Claudius Cogidubnus, Legate of Augustus in Britain, Was dedicated by the Company of Artisans And their Officers, at their own expense, Pudens, son of Pudentinus, giving the site. The above inscription furnishes no clue to the date, but fortunately another tablet, which has since been discovered, affords the key. It was found at the corner of St. Martin’s Lane, in East Street, and very near the spot where the first was met with. Both slabs are of the same Sussex marble, and in both the letters are precisely of the same cut and size, so that they were evi- dently contemporaneous. The second inscrip- tion runs thus :— Neroni Claudio, Divi Claudii Aug. F. Germanici Cesaris Nepoti, Tib. Czesar. Aug. Pronepoti, Divi Aug. Abnepoti. Czsari Aug. Germ. . ἦν. Imp. v. Co. iv. Vot. S.C. M. Williams, p. 23, note. We have here the important fact that at the date of the dedication Nero was consul for the fourth time, and imperator for the fifth time. Now, Nero was consul for the fourth time in A.D. 60; but it was the Roman custom to con- tinue the title of the last consulship of an Emperor until he was consul again, and as Nero Was never consul again, but slew himself in A.D. 68, he would be designated as Consul IV. for every year from 4.D. 60 to A.p. 68. Thus far, therefore, we only know that the date of the inscription was some time between the Ist of January, 4.0. 60, and the 9th of January, a.p. 68, the date of Nero's death. But the fact men- tioned, that he was also imperator for the fifth time, is much more precise in its character. Nero was imperator for the third time in a.p. 59, and was imperator for the eleventh time in a.v. 67. See 6 Eckhel, p. 282. Nothing is known of the occasions on which he was saluted imperator for the intervening times from the third to the eleventh, but the honour seems to have been annual, or nearly so, and we may presume, there- fore, that he was imperator for the fourth time in a.p. 60. This, then, was the year in which the tablets were dedicated. This collegium fabrorum, the first incorporated company established in Britain, like many other speculations, came to an untimely end, for the very next year, 4.p. 61, broke out the general insurrection under Boadicea, when the gentle voice of the arts would be drowned amidst the din of arms.* Pudens at this time must have been still a heathen, as otherwise he could not have promoted the erection of a temple to Nep- tune and Minerva. By the foresight and energy of Paullinus Suetonius, the Prefect of Britain at this period, the army of the British patriots was * It has been conjectured by some that Claudia was not, as we have supposed, sent to Rome in some earlier year for her educa- tion, or as a hostage, but was now dispatched thither on the out- break of the insurrection for greater security, and that she was now (A.D. 61) of a tender age; and it may be thought to favour this idea that in a.p. 65 she was not, as we shall see, married to Pudens, though as a British Princess, and possessing personal chamns, she would probably marry on attaining a suitable age. 40 Fasti Sacri, p. 338, No. 1986. The exact date of Nero’s departure does not appear, but as nearly as can be conjectured it was early in the second quarter, for Antistius Sosianus (who had been banished), writes to Nero, and is brought to Rome. Tac. Ann. xvi. 14. And Astorius, who was in Liguria, is sent for to Rome, xvi. 15, and there both put themselves to death before the trial. Then follow other deaths paucos intra dies, xvi. 17, and then Tacitus writes: Forte illis diebus Campaniam petiverat Cesar. xvi. 19. SUR 2 396 [a.p. 66] SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. [Cuar. X. of Armenia,™! and he was then engaged in entertaining Tiridates at Rome with shows and processions, and the most splendid pageants." When this folly was con- defeated with tremendous loss, and the insur- rection was finally suppressed. At the close of a.p. 61, or early in a.p, 62, Suetonius returned to kKome to reap the reward of his victories in ἃ triumph or oyation. We shall see, from Martial, that Pudens mar- ried a certain Claudia, and the conjecture is that this Claudia was the daughter of Cogidunus. Can we, then, show that Pudens and a daughter of Cogidunus would probably be found in each other’s society ? Pudens had served in Britain, but did he con- tinue there, or was he recalled to Rome? We are told by Martial that his services were such as to call for some acknowledgment, and that he was raised to the dignity of a knight, and as such, was summoned to the discharge of eques- trian duties at Rome. Sospite me sospes Latias reveheris ad urbes, Et referes pili premia clarus eques. Mart. vi. 58. And as to the necessity of a knight’s presence at Roine, see Dion, lix. 9. Onthe arrival of Pudens at Rome new and extraordinary influences would be exerted over him. If not before ac- quainted with Pomponia Greecina, the wife of the late Prefect of Britain, he would now bring a letter of introduction with him from King Cogidunus, and at her house he would become acquainted with all the leading members of the Christian community. Not only so, but the return of Pudens to Rome, about A.p. 61, would be during the presence in the same city of the great Apostle of the Gentiles, Paul, on his ap- peal from the tribunal of Festus to the Roman Emperor. Pomponia and Claudia, as Christians, would make Pudens acquainted with the case of the suffering martyr, and as Paul was allowed by the liberality of the Prefects of the Preeto- rium to receive all comers, we can picture to ourselves how Pudens would attend at Paul’s lodgings to hear his powerful discourses, and would there meet with Timothy, who was in attendance upon Paul. Timothy was unquestion- ably present with Paul during some part of his be on familiar terms with the Christians of Rome, and therefore with Pomponia and Claudia, and through them with Pudens. Under such con- curring circumstances, Pudens might very naturally become a Christian? That he was such we should infer from the epithet applied to him by Martial, who calls him the saintly Pudens (‘sancto,’ xi. 54), which indicates some religious profession out of the ordinary course. In a.p. 63 Paul was liberated, and returned to his churches in the East. But in a.p. 65 he was again a prisoner at Rome, and it was during this his second captivity that Paul wrote his Second Epistle to Timothy, and sent in it salu- tations from Pudens and Claudia, with whom Timothy had been on a footing of intimacy two or three years before. In the very same year, 4.D. 65, came the poet Martial to Rome, as we learn from hints given by himself. He tells us that he passed in all thirty-five years in Rome (post septima lustra reverso, xii. 81), and Fynes Clinton has shown (Fasti Rom. a.p. 99-100) that Martial quitted Rome in A.p. 100, and he therefore first came thi- ther in A.D. 65. When Martial had been thirty- four years at Rome (A.D. 99) (Martial, x. 103, 104), his age was fifty-seven, and he was therefore twenty-three In Α.Ὁ. 65. As a rising genius he would be admitted into the highest circles, and would be introduced to Pomponia Greecina, who was celebrated for her literary attainments. At the house of Pomponia he would meet with Pudens, and the British Princess Claudia, and also with Pomponius Rufus, the relative of Pomponia, and, like himself, an officer in the Romanarmy. Martial never became a Christian, but from the influences of the Christian society, with which he was thus brought into contact, he refrained from the invectives which were so common against the new religion, and, on the contrary, exhibits in his writings a marked respect for it by expressing his high admiration of the constancy with which the saints endured the tortures to which they were put during the Neronian persecution. Eyentually Pudens, who had triumphed over captivity (Philipp. i. 1; Coloss. i. 1), and would 4! Fasti Sacri, p. 388, No. 1987. διὰ Πικεντῶν (Liridates) ἐς Νέαν πόλιν πρὸς αὐτὸν (Neronem) ἀφίκετο. Dion, xiii. 2. 12 Pion, Ixiii. 3. commenced, for awnings were employed. Dion, |xiii. 6. And the hot weather had ὅπως ‘ Se τὸν ἥλιον ἀπερύκοι. Cuap. X.] SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. [a.v. 66] 397 cluded, Nero, with an army of musicians and actors, embarked for Greece (fig. 307), to play the guitar, and drive the chariot at their games (fig. 308), and drink the applause the Britons in arms, was captivated by the charms of the British princess, and Pudens and Claudia became man and wife. In what year the happy event occurred we have no sufficient grounds for determining, but many assume that it was subsequently to the date of Paul’s Second Epistle to Timothy (.p. 65), for otherwise Paul could not have written “ Pudens, and Linus, and Claudia” (2 Tim: iv. 21), but must have said Linus, and Pudens, and Claudia. He could not have separated man and wife, and interpose Linus between them. The same conclusion re- sults also from the fact that Martial wrote some laudatory lines upon the occasion to his friend nufus, for Martial himself did not arrive in Rome until s.p. 68, and we must suppose that some time would elapse before he had formed an intimacy with Pudens, and Claudia, and Rufus. The Epigram of Martial, in which he com- memorates the nuptials of Pudens and Claudia, and which he sends to Pomponius Rufus, then absent from Rome, begins thus :— Claudia, Rufe, meo nubit peregrina Pudenti: Macte esto taedis, o Hymenwe, tuis. And the four last lines are— Candida perpetuo reside, Concordia, lecto; ‘Tumque pari semper sit Venus aqua jugo! Diligat illa senem quondam ; sed et ipsa marito, Tune quoque cum fuerit, non videatur anus! Martial, iv. 11. It transpires only from this Epigram that Claudia was a foreigner, and her native country is not mentioned. From the following ode it is elicited that she was a Briton :— Claudia caruleis cum sit Rufina Britannis Edita, cur Latie pectora gentis hubes ? Quale decus forme! Romanam credere matres Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam. Di bene, quod sancto peperit foecunda marito, Quod sperat generos, quodque puella nurus ! Sic placeat superis, ut conjuge guudeat uno, Et semper nutis guudeat illa tribus. Martial, xi. 32, From the first Epigram we learn that Pudens and Claudia were in their youth, and that the match was regarded as a suitable one, and a British Princess would surely be a worthy con- sort fora Roman Knight. Some interval must have elapsed before the penning of the second Epigram, for Claudia was then the mother of three children, but still retained her personal attractions. It has been objected to the hypothesis of Claudia being the daughter of King Cogidunns, that Martial published his fourth book, which contains the first Epigram in a.p. 88, and pub- lished his eleventh book, which contains the second Epigram, in a.p. 100; and how in a.p. 100 could he speak of Claudia, the daughter of King Cogidunus, as still beautiful? But it does not follow that because an Epigram was first published in A.D. 100, it was therefore written in a.p. 100, Many a fugitive piece thrown off at an early age would find its way into a later collection, and Archdeacon Williams has given us several instances of the kind. See p. 10. I. Was Claudia the daughter of Caractacus ? Before the discovery of the two tablets at Chi- chester before mentioned, the voice of tradition was almost unanimous in declaring Claudia to be the daughter not of Cogidunus, but of Carac- tacus, and in some respects this theory is per- haps more plausible than the former. In the case of King Cogidunus history has not even informed us whether he had a daughter, and still less whether the daughter resided at Rome. But as to Caractacus, we know that in a.p. 50 he was carried thither a captive, and there kept under surveillance, and that he was accompanied by some brothers, and a wife, and only child, who avas a daughter. Fratres et conjux et filia. Tac. Ann. xii. 36. The daughter, under such circumstances, would naturally be educated at Rome, and be received into the higher circles, and so become acquainted with Pomponia Grecina, the wife of the late Prefect of Britain, and with Pudens, who had been an officer in the army to which Caractacus had surrendered. It is also not an immaterial circumstance that Paul associates “ Linus and Claudia” together; and in the old British traditions this Linus ‘is said to be the Llin of Welsh Hagiography, the son of Caractacus, and so the brother of Claudia, which would account for his being named with her in the Epistle, and in precedence to her. Upon the whole, we should say that Claudia may have been the daughter of Cogidunus, or may have been the daughter of Caractacus, and that in all probability she was either the one or the other. 398 [a.p. 66] SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. [Cuap. X. of a sycophant population, the degenerate descendants of Miltiades and Leonidas.” To the freedman Helius was committed the absolute administration of public affairs at Fig. 307.— Coin of Nero. From Pembroke Collection. Obv. Head of Nero, with the legend Nepw. KAav. Καισ. Σεβ. Γερμ. (Nero Claudius Cesar Augustus Germanicus).—Rev. A Trireme under full sail, with eight oars, and the legend SeBaotopopos (Freighted with Augustus). Rome during the Emperor’s absence, and no one could have been selected as a fitter representative of the reckless extravagance, licentious debauchery, and cold-blooded Fig. 308.—Coin of Nero. From Morell ( Ventidia). Obv. Head of Nero, with the legend Nero Caesar Aug.— Rev. Greece personified as a female crowning Nero as victor in the Isthmian Games, with the legend θη. Frontone it vir. Cor. (Tuentius Fronto Dummvir. Corinth). cruelty of his inhuman master. Tigellinus, one of the Prefects of the Praetorium, and the court fayourite, accompanied the frivolous expedition.“* His colleague Nymphidius Sabinus was left in charge of the provincial prisoners detained in the Praetorium. On the day fixed for the second trial, Nero was probably in Achaia, or on the road to it, and it is likely that the case fell under the jurisdiction of Helius, the Emperor’s representative, or of Sabinus, the Prefect of the Preetorium, or the Consular Deputy who heard appeals from Asia. Clement, the contemporary and disciple of the Apostle, speaks only of Paul having pleaded his cause before “ Governors,” *° but from this we may infer that the Emperor did not preside at the final hearing in person. For the word “ governors” is employed several times in the same Epistle, and in nearly all the instances denotes subordinate rulers, and in none is applied to the supreme monarch, and is sometimes even used in contradistinction to that sense.'*® 45 Suet. Nero, 22. See Fasti Sacri, p. 340, 144 Dion, Ixiii. 12; Suet. Nero, 22, 23. See No. 1996. As the games were usually cele~ Fasti Sacri, p. 340, No. 1994. brated about midsummer, we may suppose that Mo ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων. Clement. Epist. Cor. v. Nero was in Greece at that season. 46 Tn chap. i. he speaks of the presbyters of SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. [a.p. 66] Cnar. X.] 399 The second hearing was, we may assume, conducted in one of the Basilicas, or courts of law. A Basilica was an oblong building with an apse at the end, and a colonnaded cloister running round the interior with the exception of the apse. The central part of the oblong was left open to the sky. The Tribune for the judge was on an elevated platform within the apse, and just in front of the tribune was an image of the god at whose altar the witnesses were sworn. Under the tribunal was a vault or cell, in which the prisoners were temporarily confined before being brought into court.'7 Right and left of the judicial chair were the benches, on a lower level, on which sat the assessors or jurors; and in front of the Tribune were placed the prosecutor and the prisoner, and the advocates of the two parties and others interested in the trial, the prosecutor and his friends standing on one side, and the accused and his supporters on the other. The jury were impanelled much in the same manner as amongst ourselves. A list was kept of all in Rome who were liable to serve on juries, and at the time of trial the names of those next on the rota were cast into an urn, and the jurors were then drawn out by lot. The prisoner had the right of challenge, and the objection, where it appeared well-founded, was allowed. When the panel was complete, the jurors laid their hand upon the altar which stood in front of the Tribune, and took an oath to pronounce a righteous judgment. The pleadings were then opened by the accuser or his counsel, who first stated the case for the prosecution, and then examined his witnesses, whom the prisoner had the right of cross-examining. The crier of the court then proclaimed “ Dixit,” or “ Spoken,” when the accused or his counsel began the defence, first suggesting the points, and then proving them by the evidence. Both sides having concluded, the erier pro- claimed “ Dixerunt,” or “Both spoken,” when the jurors deliberated, and wrote each his verdict on a tablet, A. for Absolvo or an acquittal, and C. for Condemno or guilty, and N. L. for Non Liquet or Not proven, and the judge announced the result according to the majority. Such were the general features of a Roman trial, and such or similar must have been the proceedings in the case of Paul. On the day appointed for the second hearing, the Apostle was brought up from the prisoner’s cell into court; and the jurors were sworn, the accusers and the accused were heard in their turn. Paul on this as on every other emergency stood forth to the martyrdom of Paul, the word ἡγούμενοι the church (Christ being the Head) as τοῖς ἡγου- μένοις ὑμῶν. In chap. xxxii. he says of Jacob that from him were descended βασιλεῖς καὶ ἄρχοντες καὶ ἡγούμενοι, Which an annotator trans- lates, “ Reges, principes, ac duces.” In chap. xxxvil. he calls military commanders under a king ἡγούμενοι, and says that the troops obey what is ordered Ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τῶν ἧγου- μένων. In chap. li. we read—apae καὶ ἡ στρατία αὐτοῦ καὶ πάντες οἱ ἡγούμενοι Αἰγύπτου. And lastly, in chap. ly. we meet with the expression Βασιλεῖς καὶ ἡγούμενοι. Perhaps, with reference may signify the Prefects of the Pretorium. See also for the use of the word ἡγούμενοι, Acts vii. 10; Pausan. Corinth. ii. 1, 2; Phocie. x. 1, 3; Appian, Mithrid. 8, 11, 17, 71, 116; Bell. Civ. iii. 26, 77; v. 55, 68, 187, 138, &e. “7 In Donaldson’s Pompeii will be seen a plan of the basilica there, and in the vault under the tribunal were found iron fastenings attached to the walls for securing the prisoners, and the small windows of the vault were grated. 400 [a.p. 66] SECOND TRIAL OF ST. PAUL. [Cuar. X. the undaunted champion of Christianity, openly avowing his faith, but insisting that he had not violated any law found in the statute book. The jurors conferred together, and the judge delivered the verdict, and Paul heard unmoved the fatal word Guilty. Sentence of death was pronounced, and Paul was reconducted to his cell. It was the custom amongst the Romans not to inflict capital punishment until the expiration of ten days from the conviction, in order that the Emperor might have the opportunity, where it was his pleasure, of granting a free pardon.™ Nero, however, more frequently hurried his victims from the court to the scaffold within the space of an hour,’ and Helius, his representative, was not of a more merciful temper. We may be sure that no long interval elapsed between the Apostle’s condemnation and his execution. On the 29th of June, a.p. 66 (for so tradition has fixed the date),’°° Paul was eiven in charge to a centurion, to be led to execution. We have no particulars save that the place of martyrdom was at Aque Salvie, or Tre Fontane, about two miles from Rome, on the Via Ostiensis ;'°' however, the mind’s eye draws a picture which cannot be very different from the scene as it actually occurred. The centurion, at the head of a company of the Preetorian guard, and having in custody the venerable saint, issued from the walls of Rome by the Porta Ostiensis on the south. The broad Ostian Way lay before them, lined on each side by the tombs of the dead and the gorgeous mansions of the living. On the right as they made their exit was the tomb of Caius Cestius (which still exists), a pyramid erected over his remains by L. Pontius Mela, a kinsman, perhaps, of that Pontius Pilate who, thirty-three years before, had ordered the crucifixion of the founder of the religion for which Paul was now to lay down his life. An execution is ever an attraction to a certain class, and as the procession passed out of the Ostian Gate it was accompanied by the canaille of Rome, who hissed and hooted and yelled at the man who had striven to uproot their profane idolatries. Amongst the multitude would also be found the priests and their underlings, whose livelihood depended on the maintenance of the state religion, and who now were to gratify their revenge by the extinction of so notable a reformer. Stragelers from the Preetorian guard would also be there, some to mock, as at the crucifixion of our Saviour ; and some, perhaps, who had witnessed the innocent life of the offender, with a better and deeper feeling. It is even said that three of the guard, Longinus, Acestus, and us Suet. Tib. 75; Tac. Ann. iii. 51; Dion, Ἰουνίῳ κθ. Acta Petri et Pauli, 5. 88; and so lvili. 27 Chrysost. Opera, v. 994; and Malala, lib. x. 49 Suet. Nero, 37. Wl 6 μὲν Παῦλος ἀπετμήθη τὴν κεφαλὴν ev τῇ 1 ἡ πρὸ τριῶν Καλανδῶν ᾿Ιουλίων, μηνὶ “louie ᾿᾽ὈὈστησίᾳ ὁδῷ. Acta Petri et Pauli ad finem. κθ΄, καθ᾽ ἣν ἐτελειώθη ὁ ἅγιος ἀπόστολος (Παῦλος). Public executions were enacted by the side of Auctor. Martyr. Paul. prefixed to Gicumenius, the great roads. Thus Calpurnius Galerianus ed. Veron. f 5, cited Fasti Rom. ἐτελειώθησαν δὲ was executed,ad quadragesimum ab urbe lapidem οἱ ἅγιοι ἔνδοξοι ἀπόστολοι ἸΠέτρος καὶ Παῦλος μηνὶ vii Appia. Tac. Hist. ἵν. 11. Cuar. X.] MARTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. [a.p. 66] 401 Megistus, were conyerted on the way and afterwards suffered martyrdom for the name of Christ. Less conspicuous amongst the motley crowd would be the little silent and thoughtful kyot of the Apostle’s faithful followers, anxious, at the risk of insult and injury, to testify their respect for the great champion of their holy cause. The sword and the cross, and the stake and the shirt of fire, had not broken the constancy of hundreds of martyrs who had gone before, and the survivors were ready to attend the venerated Paul to his grave at the peril of similar pains and penalties. Pudens and Claudia were there, and Eubulus and Linus, and the beloved physician Luke. For about a mile and a quarter, the road to Aque Salviz lies along the Via Ostiensis, and then, at Osteria del Ponticello, branches off in a south-eastern direction, and Ι | | a ως, \OSTERIA DEL. 7 βσνγίξεεεος,, ᾿ ἘΠ ον ἡ Fig. 309.—Road from Rome to Tre Fontane, the scene of St. Paul's decapitation. runs along the Via Ardeatina Nova for three-quarters of a mile, when a short by-lane leads at once down to Aqua Salvia (fig. 309), a spot not unsuited to an execution, as being a hollow encompassed on all sides by low hills, which rise around it like an amphitheatre, and from which any number of spectators could witness the heart- stirring spectacle (fig. 310). VOL. I. 3 F 102 [a.p. 66] MARTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. This was the Tyburn of Rome, and was not farther from the capital than Tyburn was from the limits of Old London.!” Thither the centurion and his prisoner arrived, and after the usual preliminaries, hig. 310.—General view of the Hollow of Tre koutane. From an original drawing. The road passes under the arch seen on the right, and then runs between two churches (the round one on the right with the enpola and the long one on the left with a window at the end), and then continues to the tront of the church of St. Paul, the farthest building on the specrator’s left, and of which a more exact view, from a photograph, is piven at p.405. The round church on the right of the road is that of S. Muria Scala Ceeli, and the long church on tae left is that of SS. Vincenzo ed Anastasio, the passive martyr was blindfolded and laid his head upon the block. The execu- tioner did his work, and Paul was in the world of spirits. τ Τὴ 1851 I visited the scene of martyrdom. After leaving the city walls by the Porta San Paolo we arrived at the distance of about a mile at the Basilica of St. Paul, standing on the right, and under the tribune of which the Apostle is said to have been buried—a noble structure, and next to St. Peter’s in dimensions, but the renovation of the edifice was still incom- plete. A little farther on a narrow and indifferent road led off to the left, and after advancing along it for somewhat less than a mile we came to three churches or chapels, situate nearly at the points of an equilateral triangle. We entered the most easterly, which was dedicated to St. Paul, and found ourseives in a plain church of an oblong form. At the farthest corner on the right was a short column fixed in the ground to which the Apostle, according to the legend, was lashed, and at the foot of it was the inscription, “Columna decollationis sancti Pauli apostoli.” Along the side, and at equally distant intervals were three wells, and over each of them was a crucifix and a decorated altar-piece, with a head of St. Paul in a recumbent posture. The three wells were said to have sprung up as the head of the Apostle made three bounds after the decollation. The water of each spring was stated to be of a different temperature, but this was not perceptible to the taste. In Wright’s Travels, vol. i. p. 248, the account is as follows : “Within it (the church) are three fountains, which, according to them, were miraculously made by so many several leaps the head took after it was cut off. The water of these fountains Cuap. ΠΣ MALTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. [a.p. 66] 403 The reader may look upon the Apostle’s end as a tragedy, but to himself it was a triumph. Paul had ever regarded death as the gateway to life. He dared not, indeed, desert his post, and, actuated by this feeling of duty, he had for thirty years steadily pursued one undeviating course, through unparalleled hardships. “Forgetting those things that were behind, and reaching forth unto those things which were before, he had pressed toward the mark for the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus,” invited, he hailed it with pleasure, =) die is gain. But if I live in the flesh, this is the fruit of my labour. and now that the day of his departure arrived un- When in jeopardy during his first imprisonment, he had thus written his feelings to the Philippians, “To me to live is Christ, and to Yet what I shall choose I wot not, for Iam in a strait betwixt two, having a desire to depart, and to be with Christ, which is Jar far better: nevertheless to abide in the flesh is more needful for you.”!** And again in contemplating even at that time the possibility of his exit from the world, instead of looking for their congratulation: “If,” he SAYS, service of your faith, I joy and congratul congratulate me,” 155 forward to it with apprehension, he calls “Ibe poured out upon the sacrifice and ue you, and in like manner do ye joy and The world’s admiration of the Christian martyr has hallowed the ground where he closed his life, and three churches have been erected within the narrow limits of the little area. The first, as you descend from the Via Ardeatina, is that dedicated to Santa Maria Seala Ceeli, and the second to the saints Vincenzo and Anastasio, and the third is the church of St. Paul alle Tre Fontane (fig. 311), and marks the site of the Apostle’s decapitation. I visited the place many years ago, and listened with all the credence I could command to the oft-told tale, how the little marble column in the last-mentioned church is that to which he was bound, and then beheaded, and how, when the fatal blow was struck, the severed head made three leaps, and at each leap a fountain miraculously Sprang up (whence the name of Tre Fontane), and how each fountain has the wonderful efficacy of curing all disorders (whence the name of Aque Salvia),1°° The martyrdoms of Peter and Paul at Rome, in the first Gentile persecution under cures all diseases; one would wonder what occasion they have for doctors.” 183 Phil. iii. 13. 14 Phil. i. 21-94. SS Phu ai. 17, 18. 16 J have forborne to insert in the text two ridiculous monkish legends. The Jirst is, that Paul on his way to Tre Fontane begged of Plau- tilla, a Roman convert of quality, to lend him her veil for a bandage to his eyes at the moment of execution, with a promise to restore it, and that after his martyrdom he appeared to Plautilla in a vision, and returned the veil. The name of Plautilla was adopted to give colour to the story, as the wife of A. Plautius, the conqueror of Britain, was a Christian. The second legend is, that Paul and Peter were both executed on the same day, and were both cast into the same grave; that afterwards, on a contest for the bones of Paul between the three churches of St. Peter and St. John Lateran at Rome, and of St. Paul on the Via Ostiensis, a heavenly vision distinguished the bones of Paul from those of Peter, by pronouncing (contrary to what the reader would have thought) that the larger bones were those of Paul and the smaller 988 404 [A.p. 66] MARTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. [Cuap. X. Nero, are attested by a cloud of witnesses. Clement, their contemporary, and who is mentioned by name in the Epistle to the Philippians, thus records their death: “ But to pass from ancient examples, let us come to the champions of our own time, let us take the patterns of our own generation. Through heart-burnings and envy, have the greatest and most righteous pillars of the church been persecuted and put to death. Let us paint before our eyes the worthy Apostles. Through envy Peter endured not one or two, but manifold labours; and so having suffered martyrdom, he went to the appointed place of glory. Through envy Paw also carried away the prize of endurance—seyen times in bonds, expelled, stoned. A preacher both in the east and in the west, he covered himself with the glory of his faith; having taught the whole world righteousness, and haying come to the limit of the West, and testified to martyrdom before Governors, so he departed from the world, and went to that holy place, having shown himself the noblest pattern of endurance.”!* Clement adds, “To these men, so holy in their lives, was joined a great multitude of the elect who having suffered through enyy many pains and torments, were made unto us a most glorious example.”** From Clement thus coupling Peter and Paul with the other martyrs at Rome, it is plain that the two Apostles suffered in the general persecution under Nero, and Peter’s crucifixion is made to precede Paul’s decapitation. Diony- sius, also, Bishop of Corinth, about a.p. 170, writes to the same effect to the Roman church. “So also you, by this your admonition, have joined together the planting of the Romans and the Corinthians which was made by Peter and Paul, for both alike preached as far as our Corinth, and planted us, and both alike preached together as far as Italy, and suffered martyrdom about the same time,” 159 It matters little what became of the earthly tabernacle, the corruptible part of the holy Apostle, but tradition has been busy upon the subject, and tells us that the body after execution was thrown into the common charnel-house with other criminals, but was afterwards identified and rescued by a Roman convert of distinction named Lucina, who buried the remains in her own garden by the side of the Ostian Way, at about a mile from the Ostian gate, on the very spot where now stands the church of St. Paul, without the walls. There can be no doubt that in the earliest times a memorial over the supposed remains of the Apostle was erected by the side of the Ostian way, and presumably on the site of the existing church. Thus, Caius, a Roman presbyter, about a.p. 212, in his disputation with Proculus, writes, in allusion to Peter and Paul, “Iam able to point out the trophies of the Apostles; for whether you go to the Vatican or to the Ostian way, you will find the trophies of those who founded this church.” And Eusebius appeals to the inscription on their monuments of Peter, and thereupon the Pope, Silvester, p. 408 ef seg. awarded the head of Paul to the church of St. 167 Clem. Ep. Cor. v. John Lateran, and divided his other bones by 18 Clem. Ep. Cor. vi. weight between the churches of St. Peter and St. 169. Wuseb. ii. 25. Paul. See Aringhi’s Roma Subterranea, yol. i. 160 Aringhi. Crap. X.] MARTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. [a.p, 66] 405 as confirming this testimony,’' and Chrysostom also speaks of the tombs as still subsisting in his time.’ Fig. 311.—Church of St. Paul alle Tre Fontane. From a photograph. The original monument must have been one of an ordinary character, but when Rome became Christian a magnificent basilica was erected on the spot by the Emperor Constantine.'** Often as the fabric has been demolished or decayed, it has as often been rebuilt. The last destruction was in 1823, and from that time to the present 181 καὶ πιστοῦταί ye τὴν ἱστορίαν ἡ Πέτρου καὶ Παύλου εἰς δεῦρο κρατήσασα ἐπὶ τῶν αὐτόθι κοιμη- τηρίων πρόσρησις. Euseb. BE. H. ii. 25. 162 τὰ δὲ τῶν ἀποστόλων ov δὴ ἴσμεν τῶν πολλῶν ὄπου (τὰ dora) κεῖται: Πέτρου μὲν γὰρ καὶ Παύλου καὶ ᾿Ιωάννου καὶ Θωμᾷ δῆλοι οἱ τάφοι. Chrysost. Homil. 26, 5. 2, in Epist. Hebr. xi. 183 ἔστι δέ τις νεὼς Παύλου τοῦ ἀποστόλου Pans, τοῦ περιβόλου τέσσαρας καὶ δέκα σταδίους ἀπέχων, ὅ τε ποταμὸς αὐτὸν παραῤῥεῖ Τίβερις. ἔνταυθα ὀχύρωμα μὲν οὐδαμῇ ἐστι, στοὰ δέ τις ἄχρι ἐς τὸν νεῶν διήκουσα ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. Procopius, Gothica, η, Β. The date of St. Paul’s martyrdom has been much disputed, and as the earliest notices re- lating to it are not numerous, we shall introduce them seriatim. Clemens Romanus, the contemporary of Paul, after noticing the death of Peter (who therefore suffered before Paul), proceeds to say of Paul that ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως ἐλθὼν καὶ μαρτυρή- σας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων, οὕτως ἀπηλλάγη τοῦ κόσμου. .. Τούτοις τοῖς ἄνδρασιν ὁσίως πολιτευ- σαμένοις συνηθροίσθη πολὺ πλῆθος ἐκλεκτῶν, οἵτινες πολλὰς οἰκίας καὶ βασάνους διὰ ξῆλον παθόντες, ὑπόδειγμα κάλλιστον ἐγένοντο ἐν ἡμῖν. Clem. Rom. 1 Epist. Cor. c. 5, 6. See the whole citation fully set out, ante, p. 294, note ἢ, The only clue to the date of the martyrdom here con- tained is the fact that Paul suffered after Peter: and as allusion is made to a multitude of others who died for their faith after the greatest tor- ments, we must infer that the deaths of both Yeter and Paul were connected with the general 406 [a.p. 66] MARTYRDOM OF 51. PAUL. [Cuap. X, a church has been rising up (now nearly finished), which in costliness and general magnificence stands next to the cathedral of St. Peter at Rome (fig. 312), persecution under Nero, which, commencing at Rome in a.p. 64, afterwards extended itself into the provinces, and probably continued, with more or less intensity, until the death of Nero himself in A.p. 68. The words paprupyoa ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγου- μένων have created unnecessary difficulty. Why, it is asked, should Paul be said to have testified to the truth before ‘rulers’ in the plural? Some have taken ἐπὶ, not in the sense of ‘ before,’ but ‘in the time of, and suggest that on the death of Nero there was a rapid succession of Galba, Otho, Vitel- lius, and Vespasian, and that Paul pleaded succes- sively before two of them. Others suppose Paul to have been tried before the two prefects of the Pretorium, others before Helius, the regent in Nero’s absence, and Nymphidius Sabinus, a prefect of the Preetorium, or Polycletus, or some other potentate. Now, assuming the mar- tyrdom to have oceurred in a.p. 66, the best answer to the question is to be found in Panl’s Second Epistle to Timothy, where he tells us that he had already been tried upon one count and acquitted, but that he was expecting a second hearing, when he apprehended conviction. 2 Tim. iv. 17,6. The first trial was in the spring of A.D. 66, when Nero was still in Rome; but before midsummer of the same year Nero had left for Greece, and Paul would then be brought before the tribunal of the regent in Nero’s ab- sence. Kyen if Paul had been heard the first time before one of the judges of appeal, it is not at all improbable, as a considerable interval occurred, that he would plead on the second occasion before a different judge. In any case, therefore, Paul before his martyrdom might well have borne testimony before ‘rulers’ in the plural: ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων. Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, who lived about A.D. 170, writes to the Romans thus: ταῦτα καὶ ὑμεῖς διὰ τῆς τοσαύτης νουθεσίας, τὴν ἀπὸ Πέτρου καὶ Παύλου φυτεῖαν γεννηθοῖσαν Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Κορινθίων συνεκεράσατε. καὶ γὰρ ἄμφω καὶ εἰς τὴν ἡμετέραν Κόρινθον φυτεύσαντες ἡ μᾶς ὁμοίως ἐδίδαξαν" ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν ὁμόσε διδά- Eavres ἐμαρτύρησαν κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον. Euseb. 11.25. If * planting’ be taken here in its strict and proper sense, the bishop is certainly inaccurate, tor the church of Rome, which is said to have been planted by Peter and Paul, was not planted by either of them; and Corinth, which is also said to have been planted by both, was founded by Paul only. But perhaps Dionysius con- sidered all who preached at a place in the Apo- stolie age to be planters; so that in this sense not only Paul, who planted, but Apollos, who watered, would be regarded as founders of the Corinthian church. The language of the bishop is partly, perhaps, capable of explanation in another way, viz. on the principle referendi singula singulis; so that the τὴν ἀπὸ Πέτρου καὶ Παύλου φυτείαν Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Κορινθίων should mean the planting of the Roman church by Peter, and the Corinthian by Paul—a statement which would be accurate as to Paul, though not so as to Peter. As regards the repetition of the foundership under the word φυτεύσαντες, the reading in Syncellus, p. 341, is φοιτήσαντες ; and this certainly agrees better with the context, and is probably the true reading. It is indeed the only satisfactory solution of the difficulty. See Wieseler, Chronol. Apost. 534. Syncellus also omits the word ὁμόσε, which seems superfluous. Even if the reading of φυτεύσαντες be retained, the testimony of Dionysius cannot be carried further than this, that both Peter and Paul propagated the Gospel as far as Corinth. and then as far as Rome, where they both suffered. “ For both equally, having planted us, evangel- ized our Corinth; and in like manner also (ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ) the one as wellas the other (ὁμόσε), . having taught as far as Italy, suffered martyr- dom at about (κατὰ) the same time.” As to Peter’s visit to Corinth, Dionysius no doubt relied on a text in the first Epistle to the Corin- thians, i. 12: “I am of Cephas,” which he inter- preted to imply (but which is not likely) that Peter had preached at Corinth. He may have done so, however, on his way to Rome, just before his martyrdom, but not before. Caius the Presbyter, AD. 210, records that Peter and Paul were martyrs at Rome, and that their tombs still existed. "Ey δὲ τὰ τρόπαια τῶν ἀποστόλων ἔχω δεῖξαι. "Rav yap θελήσης ἀπελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν Βατικανὸν, ἢ ἐπὶ τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν ᾿Ωστίαν, εὑρή- σεις τὰ τρύπαια τῶν ταύτην ἱδρυσαμένων τὴν ἐκκλη- σίαν. Kuseb. Εἰ. H. ii. 25. Tertullian, who flourished a.p. 190-214, men- tions only that Paul suffered at Rome, without giving any date. Orientem fidem Rome primus Nero cruentavit Tune Paulus civitatis Romane consequitur nativitatem, cum illic mar- tyrii renascatur generositate. Scorpiac. ec. 15, Fig. 312.—Interior of the Church of St. Paul without the walls. From a photograph. The body of St. Paul was buried, according to tradition, under the altar or tribune. Fig. 313.—Martyrdom of a Christian. From C, W. King’s Antique Gems. The martyr is hoiding a cross, aud over the head is the monogram ef Christ, and at the foot are the letters ANFT 408 [a.p. 66] MARTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. [Cuap. X. ubi (Rome) Paulus Joannis exitu coronatur. De Prescript. Heeret. c. 86; and see Advyers. Mare. iv. ¢. 5. Origen, who flourished a.p. 210-258, places the death of Paul at Rome in the time of Nero, but without distinguishing the year. ἀπὸ Ἱερουσαλὴμ μέχρι τοῦ Ἰλλυρικοῦ πεπληροκότος τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ Χριστοῦ, καὶ ὕστερον ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἐπὶ Νέρωνος μεμαρτυρηκότος. Cited by Euseb. E. H. iii. 1. Busebius, who flourished αν. 808-840, tells us τότε μὲν οὖν ἀπολογησάμενον αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ κηρύγματος διακονίαν λύγος ἔχει στείλασθαι τὸν ἀπόστολον, δεύτερον δὲ ἐπιβάντα τῇ αὐτῇ πόλει τῷ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν τελειωθῆναι μαρτυρίῳ, κιτιλ. Huseb. ii. 22. In the time of Eusebius, therefore, the tra- dition was that Paul had suffered at Rome. but the year is not stated. In his Chronicon, how- ever, Eusebius places the martyrdom in the thirteenth year of Nero, or a.p. 67; but accord- ing to Clinton the years of the reign of Nero are postponed in the Chronicon by one year, and therefore the testimony of Eusebius assigns the martyrdom in effect to A.D. 66. Jerome, in his version of Eusebius’s Chronicon, places the martyrdom of Paul in the fourteenth year of Nero, or a.D. 68; and ina work of his own, he holds to the same year. Paulus ergo xiv. Neronis anno, eodem die quo Petrus, Rome pro Christo truncatus sepultusque est in vid Os- tiensi. Hieron. de illust. Viris, c. 5. But this extreme date must have arisen from a mistaken reading of Eusebius’s Chronicon, the figures of which are very apt to stray from one year into another. Lactantius, who flourished A.p. 290-817, writes : Quumque jam Nero imperdret, Petrus Romam adyenit et editis quibusdam miraculis que virtute ipsius Dei, daté sibi ab eo potestate, faciebat, convertit multos ad justitiam Deoque templum fidele ae stabile collocayvit. Qua re ad Neronem delaté, qaum animadverteret non modo Rome sed ubique quotidie magnam multitudi- nem deficere a cultu idolorum, et ad religionem novam, damnata vetustate, transire, ut erat ex- secrabilis ac nocens tyrannus, prosiluit ad excidendum ccleste templum delendamque justitiam, et primus omnium persecutus Dei servos, Petrum cruci adfixit, et Paulum interficit. Lactant. de Mortibus Persecutorum, ec. 2. The testimony of Lactantius, then, amounts to this, that Nero, “being the first of all who perse- cuted the servants of God, crucified Peter, and slew Paul.” No year is assigned, but their deaths were apparently connected more or less remotely with the general persecution. Epiphanius, who flourished A.p. 367-403, at- tributes the martyrdom to the twelfth of Nero, ie. to A.D. 66. Παύλου τελευτὴν τὴν ἐπὶ TO δωδεκάτῳ ἔτει Νέρωνος γενομενὴν. Epiphan. Heres. xxvil. 6; tom. i. p. 107. The auctor martyrii Pauli (prefixed to Gicu- menius ed. Veron. f. 5, who wrote ap. 396) places the death of Paul on the 29th of June, A.D. 66, for he states it to have occurred just 330 years before the 29th of June, a.p. 396. Ἐπὶ Νέρωνος τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐμαρτύρησεν αὐτόθι Παῦλος " \ AL CTE, , ‘ μετα τὴν TOV ayLoU Πέτρου και ὁ ἀπόστολος ξίφει τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτμηθεὶς: ἐν τῷ τριακοστῷ καὶ ἕκτῳ ἔτει τοῦ Σωτηρίου πάθους... μηνὶ Ἰουνίῳ κθ΄... . Ἔστιν οὖν ὁ πᾶς χρόνος ἐξ οὗ ἐμαρτύρησε (Paulus) τριακόσια τριάκοντα ἔτη, μέχρι τῆς παρούσης ταύτης ὑπατείας τετάρτης μὲν ᾽Αρκα- δίου τρίτης δὲ ᾿ονωρίου τῶν δύο ἀδελφῶν Αὐτοκρα- τόρων Αὐγούστων (A.D. 990), ἐνάτης ᾿Ινδικτιῶνος τῆς πεντεκαιδεκαετηρικῆς περιόδου, μηνὸς ᾿Ιουνίου KO ἡμέρας. See the whole passage cited Fasti Sacri, p. 341, No. 1999. As this author was directing his particular attention to the martyrdom, we attach great weight to his statement, more espe- cially as he is very circumstantial about the exact time. Chrysostom, who flourished a.p, 3881-107, as- sumes Paul to have suffered under Nero, and gives as a reason that Paul had converted one of the Emperor’s favourite domestics, and also his mistress, who had broken off her illicit in- tercourse with Nero in consequence; but Chry- sostom furnishes no date. See Chrysost. on Second Epist. Tim. ec. 1, Homil. 3. yap τότε τῷ Νέρωνι, τινὰ τῶν ἀνακειμένων αὐτῷ οἰκειωσάμενος. Chrysost. on 2 Tim. ὁ. 1. ; Homil. 3, s. 1. παλλακίδα yap αὐτοῦ (Neronis) σφόδρα ἐπέραστον πείσας τὸν περὶ τῆς πίστεως δέξασθαι λόγον, ἔπειθεν ὁμοῦ καὶ τὴς ἀκαθάρτου συνουσίας Τὸ μὲν πρῶτον (Nero) ἔδησεν, ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἔπειθε τῆς πρὸς τὴν κόρην προσέκρουσε ἀπαλλαγῆναι ἐκείνης. .. ἀποσχέσθαι συμβουλῆς τέλος ἀπέκτεινε. Adyers. Vite Monast. Oppugn. lib. i. 5. 9. Sulpitius Severus, who wrote A.D. 400, supplies some facts which lead us to fix the date with some precision. After referring to the general persecution that arose out of tle fire of Rome, A.D. 64, he proceeds: Hoe initio in Christianos seviri ceptum. Lost etiam datis legibus religio vetabatur, palamque edictis propositis Chris- tianum esse non licebat. Tum Paulus ac Petrus capitis damnati, quorum uni cervix gladio de- secta; Petrus in crucem sublatus est. And then follow these words: Dum hec Rome geruntur Judi, presidis sui Festi (lege Gessii) Flori in- Cuap. X.] MARTYRDOM OF ST. PAUL. [a p. 66] 409 jurias non ferentes, rebellari cceperunt, &e. Sulp. Sev. lib. ii. As the Jewish war broke out on the 19th of April, a.p. 66 (sce Fasti facri, p. 348, No. 2006), Sulpitius must have placed the mar- tyrdom of Panl in a.p. 66, Luthalius, who flourished .p. 458-490, refers to the martyrdom as follows: μετέπειτα δὲ καθο- λικὸν ἐκίνησε διωγμὸν κατὰ τῶν Χριστιανῶν, καὶ οὕτως ἐπὶ τὰς κατὰ τῶν ἀποστόλων ἐπήρθη opuyds, μεταστειλάμενος γὰρ τὸν Παῦλον αὖθις τῷ βήματι παραστῶ: συνῆλθε δὲ πάλιν ὁ Aovkas αὐτῷ: ἔνθα δὲ συνέβη τὸν Παῦλον τριακοστῷ ἔκτῳ ἔτει τοῦ Σωτηρίου πάθους τρισκαι- δεκάτῳ δὲ Νέρωνος μαρτυρῆσαι ξίφει τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτμηθέντα. Euthalius, Prolog. in Pauli Epist. ο. 8. This writer has fallen into the same mistake as Eusebius in placing the martyrdom in the thirteenth instead of the twelfth of Nero. But Euthalius has copied the very words of the Auctor Martyrii, and must therefore be deemed to have placed the event at the same time, i.c. A.D. 66. It is remarkable that Euthalius here records a fact which does not otherwise appear, but is implied in Paul’s Second Epistle to Timothy—that [ΔῈ] was not arrested at Rome, but in the provinces, and thence sent to Rome. To cite other later testimonies would only make confusion worse confounded. The best results to be collected from the traditional notices already mentioned appear to be: 1. That Paul suffered at Rome; 2. That this event did not occur in A.D. 64, during the persecution under the charge that the Christians had set fire to the city—a charge which could only apply to the Christians then resident at Rome. 3. That Paul was arrested under a general edict issued against Christians. 4. That the arrest was not at Rome, but in one of the provinces, whence he was sent to Rome. 5. That Nero was embittered against him for his having converted some of “Czesar’s household.” 6. That he was beheaded on the 29th of June, a-p. 66. ΟΝ. IT. These conclusions agree with the chronology to be collected from the Hebrews and the Epistles to Timothy and Titus. When Paul was set at liberty in the spring of a.p. 63, he would fulfil his long-cherished intention of visiting Spain. Rom. xv. 24, 28. But as the Eastern churches from his long absence would call loudly for his return, he would not spend more than six months in Spain, and then on the return of Timothy, who had been sent to Philippi, would sail with him to Judea. Heb. xiii. 23. Paul and Timothy, therefore, would start for J udea in the autumn of A.p. 63, and would reach Jerusalem just before winter. Thence he would naturally go down to Antioch and there pass the winter of A.D. 63-64, In the spring of a.p. 64 he visited Ephesus, and leaving Timothy there, passed over himself with Titus to Crete (Tit. 1. 5); but he did not stay there, but stationing Titus in Crete, and passing to Ephesus, where Timothy was still to remain, sailed to Macedonia (1 Tim. i. 3), and fulfilled his promise of visiting Phi- lippi (Philipp. ii. 24), and thence, no doubt, went down to Corinth, and thence to Nicopolis, where Titus was to join him during the winter, A.D. 64-65. Tit. iii. 12, In the spring of A.p. 65 he must have passed through Troas (2 Tim. iv. 13), and have proceeded thence, probably as a prisoner, to Ephesus, where he was imprisoned (2 Tim. i. 18), and was thence forwarded by way of Miletus (2 Tim. iv. 20) and Corinth (2 Tim. iy. 20) to Rome, and was consequently late in the year at Rome. The winter was the long vaca- tion of the law; and he was therefore brought to trial and was acquitted on the first count (2 Tim. iv. 17) in the spring of A.p. 66, when the further hearing was adjourned. The first trial would not, in the ordinary course, come off immedi- ately on his arrival at Rome. The second trial might very well, therefore, take place in May or June, A.v. 66; and if so, the martyrdom itself may, as stated by tradition, have occurred on the 29th of June, a.p. 66, 410 CHAPTER XI. Paul’s Person and Character. He who can part from country and from kin, And scorn delights, and tread the thorny way, A heavenly crown, through toil and pain, to win— He who reviled can tender love repay, And buffeted, for bitter foes can pray— He who, upspringing at his Captain’s call, Fights the good fight, and when at last the day ‘Of fiery trial comes, can nobly fall— Such were a saint—or more—and such the holy Paul! Anon. We have now closed the life of the Apostle, and the reader will naturally expect a few general remarks. It is a singular circumstance, or rather it attests the divine origin of our religion, that the writers of the New Testament, intent upon their holy calling, never descend to the gratification of mere curiosity. Of the external form of Christ, or the Twelve Apostles, we know nothing. The features of the Saviour, so familiar to the eye of every Christian, are traditional only, and cannot be traced back to a time approaching even the period when he lived upon earth. It is almost the same with Paul. That he was probably afflicted with ophthalmia, and that from the inflammation which had settled in his eyes he presented an unsightly and almost loathsome appear- ance, we have already endeavoured to show. This was the thorn in the flesh, the herens latert lethalis arundo, the arrow that rankled and festered and tortured him by night and day, and subjected him to such cruel trials and mortifications, that thrice he besought the Lord that his “ messenger of Satan” might depart from him. How strong the expression which he uses to the Galatians! he thanks them for their gracious reception of him, and that they did not “spit him out” (οὐκ ἐξεπτύσατε)." In the Vatican library at Rome is preserved a bronze medal with the heads of Peter and Paul on the obverse (fig. 314), which was found in the cemetery of Domitilla, one of the Flavian family, and if genuine is no doubt the earliest portraiture known of the two great Apostles. The medal is referred to the close of the first century or * Eusebius is the first who alludes to any re- Apostles. Euseb. E. H. vii. 18. presentation in painting of our Saviour or His 2 Galat. iv. 14. Cuap. ΧΙ. CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 411 the beginning of the second, and at this early period the features of the two Apostles must have been faithfully preserved.* Both heads are full of character, and that of Paul in particular is distinguished by solemnity and dignity, and the thoughtful and wrinkled brow indicates the high intellect that so remarkably characterized the man. The Apostle is also represented as partially bald, and this feature is universally Fig. 314.—4 large medallion found in the cemetery of Domitilla, one of the Flavian family, which presents the portrait of St. Paul on the spectator’s left, and that of St. Peter on the spectator's right. The family of Domitilla was undoubtedly Christian and closely allied to the family of the Emperor Vespasian. The Domitilla in whose cemetery the medallion was found was the Domitilla (no. 3) in the following pedizree, which has been collected from Dion Cassius, Tacitus, Suetonius and Eusebius, Flavius Sabinus. ΟΝ ; Ι Titus Flavius Vespasianus, Sabinus. Emperor, τη. Domitilla (1). | Ι eee ΡΣ Titus Flavius Clemens. (Daughter) | Ι ! Suffered martyrdom Ι Titus. Domitian. Domitilla (2) A.D. 94.—Dion, xvii. 14, Domitilla (3) Suet. Vespas. Banished Suet. Domitian 15, Banished for Christianity as a Christian to the married Domitilla (2) to the Island of Pontia, island of Pandateria.— Dion, ἵν]. 14, A.v, 95.—Euseb. Hist. Dion, lvii. 14. I iii. 18. | | Vespasianus (2) Domitian (2). ascribed to him. Even in the apocryphal acts of the Apostles* the shipmaster, who was taken for Paul, is portrayed as bald-headed.® * See Northcote and Brownlow’s Roma Sotter: ἡ Tischendorf’s Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha. ranea, p. 284. A ° καὶ αὐτὸς ἀναφαλανδὸς ὑπάρχων. 8α 2 412 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. At the commencement of the fourth century Eusebius speaks of pictures of the Apostle as still commonly current, and expresses no doubt as to the correctness of [Cuar. XI. the representation.® In the Philopatris, ascribed to Lucian, Paul is portrayed as a Galilean with a bald head and aquiline nose, who mounted to the third heayen and heard the most famous things.’ Lucian himself lived in the second century, and the Philopatris, if genuine, would carry us back to a very early age; but the work is unquestionably spurious, and written in the reign of the Emperor Julian (A.p. 861-863). We have a full-length portrait of the Apostle from the pen of Malala, or John of Antioch, but who did not live until the close of the sixth century. However, as he was a native of the city where Paul for a long time preached, his testimony may be entitled to some credit. Paul, by his account, was “short of stature, bald, greyish as to the hair of the head and the chin, of a good nose and light blue eyes, with the eyebrows knit together, of a fair and ruddy complexion, a graceful beard, of bene- volent expression, of sound judgment, gentle, affable, and of pleasing manners, and glowing with the fervour of the Holy Spirit.”* Nicephorus also writes of Paul as follows: ‘“ Paul was little and dwarfish in person, and slightly crooked and somewhat stooping. The visage and countenance fair and comely. Baldheaded, with light blue eyes. The nose hooked. The beard long and thick, with white hairs well sprinkled over both head and beard.”® The Apostle was certainly not a man of commanding presence, but of diminu- tive stature, even to meanness. This we may collect from the Second Epistle to A faction in that church had made him on that account the subject of ridicule, and had endeavoured by that weapon to weaken his authority. In the tenth chapter of the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, the Apostle defends himself with great spirit against these reflections upon his external appearance, and dex- the Corinthians. terously turns the sarcasms upon his stinted stature against the adversary himself: he (Paul) might be low in person, but he would not, like others, overstretch himself ; the Corinthians should beware, for at all events he was tall enough to reach unto them, and beyond. “Now I, Paul, beseech you by the meekness of Christ, who in presence am base (ταπεινὸς, low or mean) among you, but being absent am bold ἘΑΥΣ ἜΨΟΤΕΣ ἘΡΝ, Bion Pare ee a el , Gea ὦ , Sele καὶ τῶν ἀποστόλων αὐτοῦ (Χριστοῦ) τὰς εἰκόνας πνεύματος Aytou ἐνθουσιαζόμενος καὶ ἰώμενος. καὶ αὐτοῦ δὴ τοῦ Χριστοῦ διὰ χρωμάτων ἐν γραφαῖς ἱστορήσαμεν. Euseb. E. H. vii 18. τ Ταλιλαῖος ἐνέτυχεν, ἀναφαλαντίας, ἐπίῤῥινος, ἐς τρίτον οὔρανον ἀεροβατήσας, καὶ τὰ κάλλιστα ἐκμε- Philopatris, 5. 12. 5 ὑπῆρχε δὲ ὁ Παῦλος ἔτι περιὼν τῇ ἡλικίᾳ κον- μαθηκώς. δοειδὴς, φαλακρὸς, μιξοπόλιος τὴν κάραν, καὶ τὸ γένειον, εὔρινος, ὑπόγλαυκος, σύνοφρυς, λευκόχλους, ἀνθηροπρόσωπος, εὐπώγων᾽ ὑπογελῶντα ἔχων τὸν χαρακτῆρα, φρόνιμος, ἠθικὸς, εὐόμιλος, γλυκὺς, ὑπὸ Malala, Chronog. x.; and see Niceph. E. H. ii. 37. ® Παῦλος μικρὸς ἢν καὶ συνεσταλμένος τὸ τοῦ σώματος μέγεθος, καὶ ὥσπερ ἀγκύλον αὐτὸ κεκτημένος σμικρὸν καὶ κεκυφὼς. Τὴν ὄψιν λευκὸς καὶ τὸ πρόσ- \ ccm tale \ , @rov προσφερὴς. Ψιλὸς τὴν κεφαλὴν" χαροποὶ δὲ αὐτῷ ἦσαν οἱ ὀφθαλμοὶ. Κατὼ δὲ καὶ ῥύπουσαν τ A ; ξ τ αν Meteor ὅλῳ τῷ προσώπῳ περιφέρων τὴν ῥίνα, τὴν ὑπήνην δασεῖαν καὶ καθειμένην ἀρκούντως ἔχων, ῥαινομένην δὲ ταύτην καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ὑπὸ πολιαῖς ταῖς θριξίν. Niceph. H. E. ii. 87. παν, XT.] CHARACTER OF 51. PAUL. 413 "16. “To ye look on things after the outward appearance?” “ His towards you. letters, say they, are weiyhty and powerful, but his bodily pres-nce is weals, and his speech contemptible! Let such an one think this, that, such as we are in word by letters when we are absent, such will we be also in deed when we are present. For we dare not make ourselves of the number of, or compare ourselyes with, some that commend themselves, but they measuring themselyes by themselves, and com- paring themselves among themselves, are not wise. But we will not boast of things without our measure, but according to the measure of the rule which God hath distributed to us, a measure to reach even unto you. For we stretch not ourselves beyond our measure, as though we reached not unto you, for we are come as far as to you also in preaching the Gospel of Christ, not boasting of ourselves wethout our measure, that is, of other men’s labours, but having hope when your faith is increased, that we shall be enlarged by you according to our rule abundantly, to preach the Gospel in the regions beyond you, and not to boast, in another man’s line, of things made ready to our hand.”!* We may add, that when Barnabas was called Jupiter, and Paul Mercury, at Lystra, the people thus distinguished Paul, not only as being the chief speaker, but also as of less dignified appearance in comparison with his fellow-traveller. Certainly Chrysostom, who lived in the fourth century, had drawn the same inference with ourselves, for he calls the Apostle, “ The three-cubit man.” Such is the interest that attaches to the name of Paul, that we would fain recall even the costume that he wore ; as a Jew he would naturally appear in the ordinary dress of one, and from incidental hints we may be sure that such was the case. The innermost garment of all Israelites was the χιτὼν, or tunic, made of woollen cotton or linen, and in shape resembling our shirt, but descending below the knees. The rich and effeminate wore two tunics, or as we should call them a shirt and a tunic." But our Lord commanded his disciples to wear one only, and Paul would follow the custom of the other Apostles. The tunic was fastened round the waist by a girdle,!° and when Paul landed at Cesarea, before his arrest at Jerusalem, Agabus “ took Paul’s girdle and bound his own hands and feet, and said, Thus saith the Holy Ghost, so shall the Jews at Jerusalem bind the man that owneth this girdle.”'* To the girdle were attached the pockets for carrying money" and the smaller articles of constant use, such as the sudaria or handkerchiefs which at Ephesus and else- where Paul bore about with him.'* Over the tunic was worn the outer garment, 102 Cor. x. 1. 15 Acts IG: Σἴ σου πος 16 Acts xxi. 11. 12. 2 Cor. x. 10-16. 17 Thus our Lord charges His disciples, “ Pro- 18. Ὃ τρίπηχυς ἄνθρωπος. Chrysost. Serm. in vide neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your Pet. and Paul. girdles,” eis τὰς ζώνας ὑμῶν. Matt. x. 9. 18 18. See Jos. Ant. xvii. 5, 7. σουδάρια. Acts xix. 12. Mf μηδὲ δύο χιτῶνας. Matt. x. 10; Luke ix. 3. 414 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. (Car. XI. the ἱμάτιον, or gaberdine,’ a flowing robe of woollen cloth reaching to the ankles, with long loose sleeves.*” When Paul worked at his trade of a tentmaker he threw off the ἱμάτιον or gaberdine, and put on the semicinctium or apron spoken of as used by him at Ephesus.* Our Lord commanded his disciples not to wear shoes (ὑποδή- para), which were articles of luxury, but only sandals ; and Paul we may suppose adopted the same fashion. The dress of a Jew as we have described it may be illus- trated by the case of Peter, for when he was imprisoned by Agrippa at Jerusalem the angel awoke him and said, “ Gird thyself (i.e. gird up thy tunic or χιτῶνα), and bind on thy sandals and east thy gaberdine (ἱμάτιον) about thee and follow me.” No mention is here made of any headdress, and, perhaps Peter, like many of the Jews, did not wear any. But considering the inclemency of the weather to which Paul in his constant travels must have been exposed, we must conclude that he used some covering for the head, and if so it may have been a kind of turban made of linen or muslin wound round the head in numerous folds. Some, indeed, insist that the semi- cinctium referred to at Ephesus was a headdress of this kind, and both Suidas and Hesychius seem to indicate something of the sort ;** but as semicinctia are spoken of in the plural number, it is more likely that they were aprons which were constantly changed than turbans which would be worn permanently. The whole dress of the Jew very much resembled that of the Egyptian, and we are not surprised therefore that Lysias should turn to Paul and say, “ Art not thou that Egyptian which before these days madest an uproar,” ὅτ. Thus the dress of Paul was essentially Jewish, and though he inherited the right of Roman citizenship, he preserved in common life his Jewish nationality in respect of costume. However he was “all things to all men,” and laying fast hold of the substance, never followed the shadow; and if the Roman apparel would on any occasion have won over disciples to Christ, he would have donned it without hesitation. Some indeed have maintained that such was his ordinary dress, and they rely on his use of the Roman penula or φαιλόνη, the travelling “ cloak which he left at Troas with Carpus,”** but though the word penula was originally Roman, it had since made its way into the vocabulary of all the subjects of the Roman empire. Besides it is far from clear that φαιλόνη means the Roman cloak, for other authorities interpret it as a box, chest, or desk for holding books, or manuscripts, or writing materials." In prosecuting his circuits through so many different countries what was his mode of travelling ὃ. did Paul journey on foot or on horseback, or did he hire a carriage? Some maintain that Paul trudged it on foot, and rely on the passages of Luke ue You call me misbeliever, cutthroat, dog, 2 Acts xix. 12. So a man going to work in And spit upon my Jewish gaberdine. the field left his gaberdine at home. Matt. xxiv. Merchant of Venice. 18 Os *° See Mark x. 50; John xiii. 4; Acts vii. 58; 2 Matt. x. 10! 35 Acts xxi. 38. xl. 8. The χιτῶνες and ἱμάτια are mentioned 2 Acts xii. 8. 26 2 Tim. iy. 13. together, Acts ix. 39; Matt. v. 40. ΞΕ See ante, Vol. I. p.334. “ See ante, p.390 Cuar. X1.] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 415 that Paul haying to make his way from Troas to Assos, determined πεζεύειν to “foot it.”** But this arises from a misconception, for the word πεζεύειν is constantly employed in the sense of going by Jand as opposed to passing by sea, and so it is used here, for Paul’s companions were to sail round the promontory of Lectum to Assos, and he himself was to take the land route. The cost of a conveyance from Troas to Assos in some humble vehicle would be only a few drachmee, and as the Apostle was anxious to remain at Troas until the last moment, he would scarcely waste many valuable hours in making a long journey on foot when it would be a short journey on wheels. He must sometimes, from want of other means, have been a pedestrian, but ordinarily he must have trayersed the remote countries which he did in the ordinary mode, either on horseback or by carriage. What again was the Apostle’s diet? It would vary according to circumstances. In Arabia it would be bread and milk, with dates or other fruits. In thriving towns (as at Philippi, when he became the guest of Lydia), he would partake freely of what was set before him. He would use the bounties of nature, but not abuse them. He would never give way to indulgence, but would not be debarred by religious scruples from the use of wholesome viands, but one rule he rigidly observed, never by his own liberty to cause offence to another who had a more tender conscience. “If meat make my brother to offend, I will eat no flesh while the world standeth, lest I make my brother to offend.”*® Did Paul then, it may be asked, drink wine? It would seem that Timothy did not, or why should Paul have written to him “Drink no longer water, but use a little wine for thy stomach’s sake and thine often infir- mities ;*° and Paul would not drink wine as a luxury, but reason dictated that he should not refrain from it after great fatigue or whenever the state of his health required it. He never in his Epistles forbids the use of wine, not even to the ministers of the Gospel. The Presbyter was not to be a wine-bébber.' The deacons were not to be given to much wine.” The elder women were not to be “enslaved to much wine,” and to the converts generally he writes, not to abstain from wine, but “ be not drunk with wine in which is excess.”** But wine was not to be indulged in where it offended a weak brother. ‘It is good neither to eat flesh nor to drink wine whereby thy brother stumbleth.”*° We now advance to the mental qualities of the Apostle, and here, as we read his thoughts clothed in language in the Epistles, we have more opportunity of forming a judgment. It is almost unnecessary to say that Paul was a man of extensive and accurate observation. All the objects of the surrounding world as they passed in review 3 Acts xx. 13. $0° 1. Tim. ‘vy. 23. 8 μὴ οἴνῳ πολλῷ δεδυυλωμένας. Tit. ii. 3. 2% 1 Cor. vill. 13. ὃ wapowov. 1 Tim. iii. 2. 3: Ephes. vy. 18. 35. Rom. xiv. 21. 82 οἴνῳ πολλῷ προσέχοντας. 1 Tim. iii. 8. 416 CHARACTER OF ST, PAUL. [Cuap. XI. before him, were faithfully transmitted to the mind, and from this overflowing store- house the most pleasing images are ever and anon transferred into his writings. What connection had Paul as a Jew or a Christian with the Pagan games? yet how frequently and forcibly does he draw his illustrations from this source! Early im- pressions are ever the strongest, and one is apt to think that athletic exercises were intertwined with his childhood. Tarsus had its gymnasium on the banks of the Cydnus,** and only a few years before the birth of Paul, Mark Antony, to reward the sufferings of the city in the cause of himself and Octavius against Brutus and Cassius, had given them a Gymnasiarch, or Master of games, at the expense of the Roman Exchequer.” Here the young Hellenist may have witnessed with the inten- sity of delight which only boyhood can feel, the wrestlings and races to which Paul so graphically refers. The interest thus excited would not want fuel to feed it amongst the Greeks of Asia or Europe, with whom he passed the greater part of his life. When he writes from the capital of Asia, about the time of the celebration of the Ephesia, how appropriately does he address the Corinthians, who were wont to witness the Isthmia! The following figurative language is as stirring in exhorta- tion as it is faultless in composition: “ Know ye not that they which run in a race run all, but one receiveth the prize? So run, that ye may obtain; and every man that striveth for the mastery is temperate in all things. Now they do it to obtain a corruptible crown; but we an incorruptible. I therefore so run, not as uncertainly ; so fight I, not as one that beateth the air; but I keep under my body, and bring it into subjection, lest that by any means, when I have preached to others, I myself should be a castaway.** In the Epistle to the Philippians he again alludes to his own Christian race: “I press toward the mark for the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus.”** And what a lively picture does he hold up to his countrymen in the Epistle to the Hebrews!** The reader sees before him the stadium lined with a vast concourse of spectators in successive tiers, the runners at one end stripped for the race, and at the other, placed conspicuously on a tripod that all might see it, the Crown of Victory. ‘Wherefore we also, seeing we are compassed about with so great a cloud of witnesses, let us throw off every weight, and the sin which doth so easily beset us, and let us run with patience the race that is set before us, looking unto Jesus the author and finisher of our faith, who for the joy that was set before him endured the cross, despising the shame, and is set down at the right hand of the throne of God.’“ Almost the last words that flowed from the Apostle’s pen were a review of the past, and a prospect of the future, in the language of the gymnasium. “I have fought a good fight, I have 8° Avappet αὐτὴν μέσην ὁ Κύδνος map’ αὐτὸ τὸ 589 Philipp. iii. xiv. γυμνάσιον τῶν νέων. Strabo, xiv. 5 (Ὁ. 228, 40 T assume, as I cannot doubt, that the He- ‘Yauchnitz). brews was written by Paul. ὅτ Strabo, xiv. 5 (p. 229, Tauchnitz). Heb. xi, U2, 33 1 Cor, ix. 24-27, Cap. XI.] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 417 finished my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall award me at that day, and not to me only, but unto all them also that love his ap- pearing.” * Another fruitful source from which the Apostle derives his allusions are the wea- pons of war. The Jews, who were exempted from serving in the Roman armies, took little interest in the military art; but Paul, as a tent-maker, was directly connected with it, and he was often in scenes where the clank of the cuirass and the sound of the bugle would be daily ringing in his ears. In exhorting the Corinthians not to abuse the gift of tongues by speaking in a language which the audience would not understand, he adds, “ For if the trumpet give an uncertain sound, who shall prepare himself to the battle ?”** And when he writes to Timothy during the storm of the Neronian persecution, he exhorts him to endurance by adyerting to the duties of one who had been enlisted: “ Thou, therefore, endure hardness, as a good soldier of Jesus Christ—no man that warreth entangleth himself with the affairs of this life, that he may please him who hath chosen him to be a soldier.”** But not to multiply instances, the most striking passage is that addressed to the Ephesians, and which he wrote when a prisoner at Rome, and chained to a soldier in the immediate vicinity of the Preetorian camp. The portrait which he draws of the Christian warrior is evidently taken from the panoply of the Imperial guard. ‘“ Wherefore take unto you the whole armour of God, that ye may be able to withstand in the evil day, and having done all, to stand. Stand, therefore, having your loins girt about with truth, and having on the breast-plate of righteousness; and your feet shod with the prepara- tion of the gospel of peace; above all, taking the shield of faith, wherewith ye shall be able to quench all the fiery darts of the wicked; and take the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God.” “ὃ If Paul was quick in the apprehension of facts, he was not a whit less ready in the instant application of them. Indeed, the adroitness with which he availed him- self of accidental circumstances often extricated him from difficulties in which a slower understanding would haye been irretrievably entangled. We have seen how on landing at Athens he explored with curious eye the idolatrous scene that environed him, and how happily, when he was arraigned before the Areopagus, he opened his defence by a delicate compliment, and argued from the inscription which he had read on one of their altars, “Τὸ the Unknown God.” Again, when Lysias conducted him into the presence of the Sanhedrim, and Pharisees and Sadducees united their voices in charging him with Heresy, for holding that Jesus was the Christ, by what a master-stroke he placed the Pharisees on his side by declaring, as the fact was, and as he had before argued to the Corinthians, that the whole of Christianity turned on the resurrection of the dead—‘ Men and brethren, I am a Pharisee, the son of a 42 2 Tim. iv. 7, 8. 48 1 Cor. xiv. 8. “ 2 Tim. ii. 3, 4. 45 Eph. vi. 13-17. VOL, I. 3H 418 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. [Cuar. XT, Pharisee; of the hope and resurrection of the dead, I am called in question.” But in speaking of the Apostle’s aptitude in seizing on the moment’s opportunity, what finer instance can be adduced than the heart-stirring appeal which was called forth in the Preetorium at Czsarea, when Festus, in a loud voice, interrupted him, “ Paul thou art beside thyself; much learning doth make thee mad.” But he said, “1 am not mad, most noble Festus, but speak forth the words of truth and soberness ; for the King knoweth of these things, before whom also I speak freely; for I am persuaded that none of these things are hidden from him, for this thing was not done in a corner. King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets? I know that thou be- lievest.” Then Agrippa said unto Paul, “ Almost thou persuadest me to be a Chris- tian.’*® Then Paul, holding up his chain to the illustrious assemblage, said, “1 would to God that not only thou, but also all that hear me this day, were both almost, and altogether such as I am, except these bonds,” ἡ Another distinguishing feature in the character of Paul was his extraordinary memory. We dwell not on his familiar acquaintance with passing events in the numerous churches which he had planted, or on the comprehensive mind which enabled him, in writing to the Romans, whom he had not yet visited, to salute twenty-six individuals and two whole families, and generally with some marked and distinctive commendation. But we refer more particularly to his numerous citations from Scripture. In the Romans he introduces forty-eight and in the Hebrews thirty- four quotations, and in the other Epistles an immense number. The man must have been endowed by nature with a wonderfully retentive memory, to whom the whole volume of the Old Testament was so perfectly unfolded, that he could apply it so constantly and so appropriately to the development of the Christian scheme. But the marvel increases, if we assume, as learned men have supposed, and, perhaps, not without reason, that all these references were made from memory alone. We must also add that both the Hebrew and the Septuagint appear at the same time to have been present in the writer’s thoughts, for he not unfrequently improves the Greek translation by slight corrections taken from the original. His education for the Law will partly account for this intimate acquaintance with the writings of the Old Testament, for a Jewish lawyer or scribe studied the volume of Moses and the writings of the Prophets as an English barrister does the tenures of Littleton and the commentary of Coke. But the quality which most conspicuously characterises the Apostle’s mind, is its strong argumentative power. The reader often finds himself at a loss to connect the links of the chain, or fill up the vast chasms that le between the steps; who can read any one of the Epistles without feeling that he is toiling after a giant, unadorned, indeed, with the embellishments of Greek and Roman eloquence, but moving ma- jestically forward in sublime simplicity? Well might the Corinthian heretics who 46 Acts xxvi 25-28, 7 Acts xxvi. 29. Cuar. XL] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 419 writhed under the infliction, acknowledge that “his letters were weighty and power- ful;” and well might the bigoted Agrippa, carried away by the torrent to which he listened, exclaim, “ Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian.” Longinus, the celebrated critic, in classing Paul of Tarsus amongst the masters of eloquence, observes, that “he was the first who did not use demonstration,” a singular remark, but one capable of explanation. Paul, though able to cope with the subtlest disputants of antiquity, yet rested the truths of religion, not as Plato did on the deductions of human reason which was foolishness with God, but on the solid basis of Divine revelation, attested by miracles wrought in support of it by Christ and his Apostles. Longinus, more profound in criticism than in religious truth, did not understand this, and looked in vain in the discourses of Paul for the sophistical arguments to which he had been accustomed in the schools of philosophy. We pass on from the natural gifts of the Apostle to the acquirements superadded by education. Of his deep knowledge of Scripture there can be no doubt. ΤῸ this branch of learning the Jews particularly and almost exclusively devoted themselves. At five a child began to read the Law ;- and at twelve was confirmed. As he still advanced in age he was led by the learned doctors into the labyrinths of the abstrusest mysteries. Paul from infancy was thus trained, and when his faculties reached their maturity he was transferred from Tarsus to Jerusalem, and was there placed under the tuition of the famous Gamaliel. That he “ profited in the Jews’ religion above many of his equals in his own nation,” ** he tells us himself, and whoever reads the Epistle to the Hebrews must be convinced of the fact. But Gamaliel appears to have been a man of sound understanding and practical views ; and accordingly we find in his pupil no traces of that cabbalistic quibbling and distorted interpretation in which the Jewish rabbis were so apt to indulge. As to the extent of Paul’s familiarity with classical literature, there is more room for argument. That he could speak and write Greek with fluency was matter of course, for he was born at Tarsus. Besides. Greek was then what French is now, the common medium of communication in civilized society. It is likely, however, that his pronunciation of Greek was not without blemish. Eyen the courtly Josephus complains, that.as a Jew he could never make himself perfectly master of the Greek accent,”” and perhaps it was a similar defect in the case of Paul which so offended the polite Corinthians, “His speech,” they said, “is rude”*' “and contemp- tible.” 52 That Paul was acquainted with the principal poets of the Pagans we may reason- 185. Πρὸς τούτοις Παῦλος ὁ Ταρσεὺς, ὅντινα καὶ Hug. See his Introduction, part 2, sect. 83. ρ ρ ᾽ 8 πρῶτόν φημι προιστάμενον δόγματος ἀναποδείκτου. ® Gal. i. 14. Longin. Frag. 1. The genuineness of this frag- Ὁ Jos. Ant. xx. 12, ment has been questioned, but is defended by δι 2 Cor. xi. 6. %@ 2 Cor. x. 10, 3H 2 420 CHARACTER OF ST, PAUL. [Cuar. XI. ably infer from the incidental quotations of Epimenides, and Menander, and Aratus. It has been suggested, however, that Κρῆτες det ψεῦσται, κακὰ θηρία, γαστέρες ἀργαί (Tit. i. 12), from Epimenides, and Φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρῆσθ᾽ ὁμιλίαι κακαί (1 Cor. xv. 33), from Menander, had become mere commonplaces, and that the use of such proverbial lines implied no knowledge of the authors’ works from which they were taken,—as amongst ourselves every one cites “ Incidit in Scyllam cupiens vitare Charybdim,”” but few have read the author by whom it was written. The remark, however, cannot apply to the passage from Aratus. The Tod yap καὶ γένος ἐσμέν (Acts xviii. 28) could neyer have become a bye-word, and the Apostle uses the exact phraseology without disturbing even the two expletives, καὶ and yap. At the same time we must remember that for Paul of Tarsus not to have read Aratus of Soli would be almost inconceivable. The two cities were in the same province, and not very distant from each other, and Aratus at that time had nearly as high a reputation as the immortal Homer. That Paul had perused the pages of the best Historians we can only presume from the general excellence of his education, and the grasp of mind which would scarcely rest satisfied without traversing the whole field of letters. We may add also, that from this source may have been drawn the materials which enabled him in the first chapter of the Romans to describe in such vivid colours the dreadful depravity into which the human race had fallen. To the Philosophers of Greece and Rome the Apostle may have been no stranger, but he was no friend. They built their systems on the wisdom of man; Paul declared the wisdom of man to be foolishness with God, and preached a revelation attested by miracles. We may conjecture that the Apostle had examined the visionary theories which he thought so little conducive to faith in Christ; at least, the Epicureans and Stoics at Athens deemed hima worthy opponent. And in writing to the Corinthians, after alluding to the sophists and their empty castle-building, he proceeds, “I, brethren, when I came to you, came not with eacellency of speech or of wisdom, declaring unto you the testimony of God; for I determined not to know any- thing among you, save Jesus Christ, and him crucified ;’*! but a resolution not to °S A line taken from the Alexandreis of Gual- Quo tendis inertem tier, a poet of the thirteenth century. The Bex perlvure fugam #'nesele, Reuter ema Hale aaa sate hes ae : καὶ Quem fugias? Hostes incurris, dum fugis hostem. whole passage runs thus. The person addressed Incidis in Scyllam cupiens vitare Charybdim, is Darius :-— PSS δ. ὅ1. ὩΣ Cuap. ΧΙ CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 421 display his powers leads to the inference that had it been consistent with his sacred calling, he could have entered the lists against the disputers of this world, and like them haye broached attractive theories, specious in appearance, and difficult to be gainsayed, but built upon the sand, and in a short time to be succeeded by others resting on no better foundation. The phraseology occasionally employed in the Epistles induces us to think that Paul had studied the works of his celebrated countryman, Philo, a philosopher of the Platonic school.®* This Alexandrian was so enthusiastic an admirer of his master Plato, that it was a trite saying, “Aut Philo Platonizat, aut Plato Philonizat ; and Paul’s intimate acquaintance with the writings of Philo may have led to the hypothesis advocated by some that the Apostle had devoted his hours to the study of Plato. We shall conclude our remarks upon the extent of Paul’s learning by calling as a witness his contemporary Festus, who, as we have seen, after listening to a lengthened argument from the Apostle, could not refrain from the exclamation, “Paul, thou art beside thyself; much learning doth make thee mad.” ** Let us now contemplate the moral and religious features of Paul’s character. We think no one will dispute that he was naturally an honest and sincere man, of a warm temper, but ever actuated by a high sense of duty, though, in the outset of life, mistaken. Paul was “a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee,” and as such he believed in the resurrection of the dead, resting his hope of salvation on a rigid conformity with the precepts and ritual of Moses. Whoever derogated from the dignity of the Law, by questioning the efficacy of its ceremonies, or seeking justifi- cation through any other channel, was in his eyes the enemy of God, and to be extirpated by the hand of man. No sooner did the Christian sect begin to spread itself, than Paul, acting from the heat of his zeal on the foregone conclusion that Jesus was a false prophet, at once threw down the challenge, and made war upon the impious Heresy. He excommunicated, he scourged, he compelled them to blaspheme, and even shed their blood, as in the case of Stephen. On the road to Damascus he was suddenly arrested in his mad career—the veil was torn from his eyes, and he saw in Jesus of Nazareth, whom he was persecuting, his Saviour and Redeemer, the long-promised Messiah. From this turning-point of his history the conduct of Paul must command our utmost admiration, and, indeed, his life, as an example of steady adherence to a fixed principle, under the most trying difficulties, is unparalleled in the annals of mankind. He was now a disciple of Christ, and as if to make amends for his former delinquency, he was commanded to be an Apostle, to propagate the faith which he had striven to uproot. His reason told him that afew years in this world, as compared with eternity, were less than dust in the balance, and he nobly trod the path of duty. > See several instances, to which attention is called, in the notes on the Epistle to the Hebrews. 56 Acts xxvi. 24. 422 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. (Cap. XI. through good report and ill report, through poverty and distress, undismayed by the treachery of friends or the assaults of avowed enemies. He opened his mission at Damascus, the scene of his conversion, but the Jews pursued him as a renegade, and he sought his safety in flight. He renewed his efforts at Jerusalem, but only fifteen days had elapsed when again a plot was laid for his destruction, and he took refuge in Syria and Cilicia. During his sojourn in these regions he probably experienced from the rulers of the synagogues at Tarsus, and the archon at Antioch, the inflic- tions to which he alludes in his Second Epistle to the Corinthians, “ Of the Jews five times received I forty stripes save one.” He then made his first cireuit, and in the course of it his countrymen of Antioch in Pisidia formed a cabal against him, and he was thrust violently out of their borders. At Iconium both Jews and Gentiles, and even the magistrates, were on the watch to stone him; and at Lystra the rabble actually stoned him and left him for dead. On his second cireuit, at Philippi, he was stripped naked and scourged in the market place, and then cast into a dungeon, and his feet made fast in the stocks. At Thessalonica the mob beset the house where he lodged, and he only eluded their fury by stealing away at mght. At Berea a similar outrage was enacted, and being driven from Macedonia he set sail for Achaia. At Athens he was arraigned for impiety before the court of Areopagus. At Corinth he was dragged before the tribunal of Gallio, and owed his deliverance to the liberality of the Proconsul. On his third circuit the silversmiths of Ephesus threw the whole city into a ferment, and even the authority of the Asiarchs, and the Recorder, and the devoted attachment of the Apostle’s followers, could scarcely screen him from the popular fury. At Corinth the Jews endeavoured to compass his death by an ambush. At Jerusalem he was set upon in the Temple and beaten, and but for the timely interference of the Roman captain had been certainly killed. Two days after, forty of the Jews bound themselves by a curse not to eat or drink till they had cut him off. For two years he suffered imprisonment at Cxesarea. On his voyage to Italy he suffered shipwreck for the fourth time. At Rome he was a captive for two years more. On his fourth circuit he was arrested in Asia and thrown into prison, and again sent to Rome, where he closed the fearful catalogue of his earthly trials by suffering decapitation. Appalling as it is, even this picture does not represent one-half of the reality. Only seventeen years of his long race of thirty had expired when he wrote to the Corinthians, “ Are they ministers of Christ? (I speak as a fool) I am more; in labours more abundant, in stripes above measure, in prisons more frequent, in deaths oft. Of the Jews five times received I forty stripes save one. Thrice was I beaten with rods, once was I stoned, thrice I suffered shipwreck, a night and a day I have been in the deep, in journeyings often, in perils of waters, in perils of robbers, in perils by mine own countrymen, in perils by the heathen, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren, in weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, Cuap. ΧΙ. CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 423 in cold and nakedness ; besides those things that are without, that which cometh upon me daily, the care of all the churches.” * But, it will be said, Paul was an enthusiast, and courted martyrdom. No one who has taken even a cursory glance of his life could make such a remark. He shrank, like his fellow-mortals, from bodily suffering, and invariably had recourse to all legitimate means to extricate himself from impending danger. When he was plotted against at Damascus he escaped over the wall in a basket. On discovering a similar conspiracy at Jerusalem, he accepted the escort of the disciples to Caesarea. When he found himself in peril at Iconium, he fled to Lystra, and when stoned at Lystra he baffled his persecutors by taking the road to Derbe. At Thessalonica he hid himself from his enemies till night, and then made his way across the country to Bercea, and when followed thither by the Jews and again involved in a tumult, he parted company from Sylyanus and Timothy, and sailed for Athens. When the Jews lay in wait for him as he was on the point of sailing from Corinth, he defeated their designs by pursuing his route by land. In Fort Antonia Lysias was about to put him to the rack, but Paul pleaded exemption as the privilege of a Roman citizen. Upon his trial before the Sanhedrim, he averted their sentence by drawing away their attention to the doctrine of the resurrection. The Jews being thus foiled of their object, banded themselves together to take his life by violence ; but Paul was apprised of the conspiracy, and called on Lysias to protect him. When Festus would have complied with the solicitations of the Jews and have remitted his case to their tribunal at Jerusalem, Paul again exercised the right of a Roman citizen, and appealed to Cesar. We may add also, that whenever Paul was put upon his trial, instead of inviting conviction, he ever defended himself with the utmost ability, exposing the misrepresentations of his adversaries, and insisting on the lawfulness of his own proceedings. On two occasions only can it be supposed for a moment that Paul did not act with his usual wariness and caution. When Ephesus was in an uproar, Paul would have adventured himself into the theatre to address the frantic multitude. a step which, in the opinion of his followers and the Asiarchs to whom he deferred would have been attended with extreme hazard. Here, however, was no religious enthusiasm, but his friends Gaius and Aristarchus being in the hands of the rioters, a brave and generous man was rushing to their rescue, and the excitement of the moment prevailed over his usually cool and sound judgment. Again, when at the close of his third cireuit he was hastening to Jerusalem, the disciples warned him of bonds in the holy city, and would have dissuaded him from proceeding, but Paul said, “ What, mean ye to weep and to break mine heart ? for 1 am ready not to be bound only, but also to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus.”** But it must be borne in mind that Paul had pledged his word to st IDiCors τῇ. 23-28. 8 Acts xxi. 13. 424 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. (Cuap. XI, the churches of Macedonia and Achaia that he would accompany their eleemosynary collection to Jerusalem, a promise which he was not forbidden by the Spirit to fulfil; nay, the execution of it eventually became the means of his visiting Rome, for so many years the secret wish of his heart. At all events, Paul was not seeking per- secution, but declined only to abandon a journey when it was declared but in vague and indefinite terms that at Jerusalem he should lose his liberty. The prognostica- tion of imprisonment would have been accomplished had he suffered captivity for five days only, instead, as the event happened, of five years. On arriving at the holy city, he avoided giving offence, and forbore to preach either in the Temple, or in the synagogues, or in the streets. The governing principle of Paul’s life may be traced not only in the amount of suffering which he endured, but also in the self-denial and disinterestedness that accompanied his whole course of conduct. Indeed, he regarded the persecutions that his apostleship drew upon him as entitling him to no credit, for he had been com- manded from Heayen to plant the Christian faith, and he dared not disobey— Woe is me if I preach not the Gospel!” But he strove to recommend himself to the great Captain of his salvation by foregoing privileges which he might lawfully have claimed. As a Christian teacher he might have demanded maintenance at the expense of the Church, for “ the labourer is worthy of his hire.” Christ himself had directed his disciples “to take with them neither purse nor scrip,” and wherever Paul carried the Gospel he preached in respect of others the same principle. Pastors of the flock were duly ordained by him in the different churches, and thenceforth received a regular stipend. Yet Paul himself, to avoid the imputation of mercenary motives, though he laboured beyond all, would accept a salary from none. Food and raiment of the commonest kind were all his wants, and these, his manual labour at tent-making supplied not only to himself, but even to some of his followers. At times, indeed, he underwent severe privations, and found himself “in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness,”°? and in such pressing necessity, though he declined periodical payments, he refused not temporary relief where the cause of religion would not suffer. Thrice while the famine was raging in Greece, during his second circuit, and once during his first imprisonment at Rome, he accepted a bounty forwarded to him from the Philippians. Of the Corinthians, however, who were divided into factions, he could not be prevailed upon to receive the smallest gratuity‘ Wherefore ?” he writes, “because I love you not? God knoweth. But what I do, that I will do, that I may cut off occasion from them which desire occasion.’°° The pomp and pageantry of the world presented no greater attraction to the mind of Paul, than the hoards of mammon. He had abandoned the paths of honour amongst his own countrymen, to obey a heavenly mandate, and his new profession 59 Ὁ Cor. xi. 27. 60 2 Cor. xi. 11, 12. Cuar. X1.] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 425 was little caleulated to flatter vanity or feed ambition. As a Nazarene he was execrated by the Jews, and as a Jew he was contemned by the Gentiles. ‘“ He was made as the filth of the earth, and was the offscouring of all things.”*' Pre-eminence amongst so humble a class as the early Christians could be no gratification to a man of talents and acquirements. Paul, however, carefully guarded himself against the suspicion of indulging even this weakness. His pole-star was in heayen, and throughout his ministry he was never actuated by the love of praise, “That last infirmity of noble minds.” He demeaned himself not as a master, but as a servant ; he was “ the least of the Apostles, and not meet to be called an Apostle ;” nay, the ordinary vocabulary did not suffice to express his baseness, and he designates himself by a word coined for the occasion, “ less-than-the-least.”** While he was converting thousands, he exercised no lordship over them, but was to be seen daily in the workshop, pursuing his oceupation of tent-making, and this as well to gain his own livelihood as to be a pattern to others—‘ We sought not glory of men,” he writes to the Thessalonians, “neither of you, nor of others.”** When a Christian society had been formed, he resided not amongst them to reap the reward of his exertions by” receiving their homage, but transferred himself to a new field to repeat the same labours. He re-visited the disciples, but at distant intervals, and then only to strengthen their faith, console them under persecutions, and heal their divisions. The Corinthians, during his absence, would fain have placed him at the head of a party, but how severely does he rebuke them for attaching themselves to the creature rather than the Creator: “ Now this I say, that every one of you saith, I am of Paul; and I of Apollos; and I of Cephas; and I of Christ. Is Christ divided ? Was Paul crucified for you? or were ye baptized in the name of Paul?” and he thanks God that he had baptized only three or four, lest it might be said he had been making Paulites rather than Christians. On one occasion, indeed, and one only, we find him compelled to magnify his office. Some heretical teachers at Corinth had been subverting the faith of the church, by undermining the authority of the Apostle, and he could not for the sake of his followers avoid the vindication of his ministry. But what pain does it give him to allude even in the most distant and delicate manner to his personal qualifications. ‘“ Would to God ye could bear with me a little in my folly, and indeed bear with me. . . . I say again, let no man think me a fool; if otherwise, yet as a fool receive me, that I may boast myself a little. That which I speak, I speak τέ not after the Lord, but as it were foolishly, in this confidence of boasting.” Iam become a fool in glorying; ye have compelled me ; for I ought to have been commended of you; for in nothing am I behind the very chiefest Apostles, though 1 be nothing; and in proceeding to speak of the revela- tions made to him, he dares not even use his own name, but introduces a third 8 1 Gor. iv. 18. *S | Thess. ii. 6. LoD AKG 20) αὶ 1 10. 10: 52 ἐλαχιστότερος, Ephes. ili. 8. & 7 Cor. 1. 12; 18. & 2 Cor. xii. 11; VOL. I. Sul 426 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. [Cuar XI person as the object of the divine favor—‘I knew a man in Christ, about fourteen years ago, (whether in the body, I cannot tell; or whether out of the body, I cannot tell: God knoweth ;) such an one caught up to the third heaven.”** In accompanying the Apostle through his Christian career, it is pleasing to find that while his gaze is steadfastly fixed on the world to come, and he disencumbers himself of every weight that he might run the race so as to win the prize of his high calling, he is observant of the virtues of social life, and displays all the features of a truly amiable character. With what warmth of affection does he ever glow toward his own countrymen! On quitting Damascus, the scene of his conversion, he would fain, at the risk of his life, have preached at Jerusalem, and it was only in obedience to a command from Heaven that he retired to Tarsus. The Jews persecuted, him from city to city; they sought his destruction by secret ambush; they instigated the Gentiles against him ; they rushed upon him themselves to murder him; yet his regard for them was not a whit abated. Wherever he opened his sacred mission, the first offer of salvation was invariably made to the Jews. Five times, and perhaps oftener, had he received forty stripes save one at their hands, when he spake of them thus affectionately: “I say the truth in Christ, I lie not (my conscience also bearing me witness in the Holy Ghost), that I have great heaviness and continual sorrow in my heart; for I could wish that myself were accursed from Christ for my brethren, my kinsmen according to the flesh.”** Three years had he remained a prisoner through the machinations of the Jews themselves, when he called his countrymen to him at his lodgings at Rome, and requested their leave to unfold the Gospel scheme to them, adding, that “ he had nought to accuse his nation of.” Not less fervent was his love for his converts. When he fled from Thessalonica to Athens, how did he yearn after the disciples whom he had left behind! What anguish of mind did he feel lest the wolf should have scattered the flock, till he could bear such a state of suspense no longer, and sent away Timothy, his only companion, when he needed assistance so much himself, to inquire after their welfare. Mark again the workings of this earnest love towards the Corinthian church! Irregulari- ties had crept into that society, and one of its members had committed the grossest breach of morality. Paul addressed to them a letter of rebuke, which on the face of it carried only an air of severity. But in what a torture of mind was the Apostle as to the success of his appeal! He quitted Ephesus for Troas, expecting there to receive intelligence from Corinth. Titus did not come, and having no rest for his soul, he moved on to Macedonia, if haply he might meet him on the road. At length Titus arrived with the welcome news that the Corinthian chureh had repented. What, now, were the Apostle’s raptures! The kindly feelings which had been smothered for a time gushed forth with double intensity. He writes to them again δ᾽ Ὁ Cor. xii. 2! ἐδ Rom. ix. 1-3. Cuapr. XI] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 427 —he clasps them to his arms—he admits them to his confidence—he opens his inmost soul to them—he tells them that he had indited his former reprimand with the tears in his eyes. We trace the same warmth of heart towards the Galatian converts. He is overtaken at Ephesus by the distressing tidings that they had relapsed from the Gospel into the errors of the Judaizers. Not a moment is lost—he seizes the pen— he reproves—he exhorts—he argues—he threatens—he expostulates— “ And as a bird each fond endearment tries, To tempt its new-fledged offspring to the skies,” he applies every incentive, and urges every argument that could touch the feelings or convince the understanding. It would be strange indeed if one who thus yearned towards each Christian flock, were not knit to his more immediate followers by the tenderest ties, and accordingly we find him regarding his fellow-labourers, not as friends merely, but as his own flesh and blood! Timothy and Titus are “ his own sons in the faith,” Phebe is “our sister,” Jason and Sosipater are “his kinsmen,” and he speaks of the poor slave, Onesimus, as “his own bowels,” and not in word only, but in act and deed, he is ever studying the welfare of his comrades, not in spiritual only, but in temporal matters. Is Epaphroditus attacked by fever at Rome ?—as soon as he can travel he is ordered home to recruit his strength and recover his spirits. Is Trophimus sick? —he is left behind at Miletus. Is Timothy ailing ?—he is stationed at Ephesus, and is charged by letter to take wine as a support against his frequent indis- positions. We may be descending into matters of trivial import, but we cannot forbear the remark, that in all his writings and his whole demeanour, Paul displays a propriety and a delicacy that would have done honour to the polished gentleman of the most refined age. He occasionally adverts to very horrible heathen practices, and yet he does it in language that would not offend the most fastidious ear." It is well observed by Paley upon the Epistle to the Romans, that as often as the Apostle’s argument leads him to say anything derogatory to the Jewish institu- tion, he constantly follows it by a softening clause. Thus haying pronounced, not much, perhaps, to the satisfaction of the native Jews, that “he is not a Jew whieh is one outwardly, neither that circumcision which is outward in the flesh,” he adds immediately, “What advantage, then, hath the Jew, or what profit is there in circumcision ? much every way.” So in another place, “Do we then make void the law through faith? Yea, we establish the law.” And again, “ What shall we say then ὃ Is the law sin? Be it not! nay, I had not known sin but by the law.” Paul, it will be remembered, was a stranger to the Roman church, and how care- fully does he guard himself against giving offence! ‘I long,” he writes, “ to see you, "® See 1 Thess. iv. 6, Observe also the delicacy of the five first verses of 1 Cor. vii. By ey 428 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. [Cuap, XI. 9270 that I may impart unto you some spiritual gifi, to the end ye may be established ; and then, fearful lest he had said too much, he immediately subjoins, “ that is, that I may be comforted together with you by the mutual fuith both of you and me.” In the same spirit, towards the close of the Epistle, he apologizes for addressing them, on the ground that by the grace of God he had been ordained the Apostle of the Gentiles."! So, in writing to the Hebrews, over whom Paul, as the minister of Christ unto the heathen, had no proper jurisdiction, he prays them to excuse the intrusion. “T beseech you, brethren, suffer the word of exhortation, for I have written unto you in brief.” But, perhaps, no more touching instance of Paul’s gentleness of manners and true politeness can be adduced than the whole Epistle to Philemon, which, while it breathes the utmost earnestness, is yet expressed with an urbanity which no writer of ancient or modern times has surpassed or perhaps equalled. If any fault dimmed for a moment the steady lustre of Paul’s character, it was a warmth of temper which he could not always control. We will not say that the dispute between him and Barnabas, on the subject of Mark, was culpable, for Paul evidently was not indulging a feeling of resentment, but calculating how the cause of Christianity might best be promoted. We must even admire the feryent zeal by which Paul was impelled openly to rebuke Peter for his vacillation at Antioch. But what shall we say of the scene before the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem, when Ananias bade one that stood by to smite him on the mouth, and Paul, fired by the insult, at once retorted upon him, “ God shall smite thee, thow whited wall!” Yet even this may have been spoken, not from himself, but from a higher impulse, for it was certainly a prophetic denunciation which, not many years after, received its accomplish- ment by the violent death of the proud High Priest, from the poignards of the Sicarii. Let us now regard the Apostle in another light, as one commissioned from above to manifest the truth of Christianity by supernatural agency. That Paul was enabled (not at his own pleasure, but as he received the power) to work very wonderful miracles, as by striking Elymas blind, by curing the cripple at Lystra, by raising Eutychus to life, &ec., is expressly affirmed by his companion and historian Luke. But as the reader will naturally attach greater importance to the Apostle’s own testimony, we proceed to adduce a few passages from his Epistles, in which, though the modesty of the man ayoided every ground of boasting, he refers incidentally to these extraordinary gifts. In writing to the Romans he pleads as his justification for addressing a church to which he was a stranger, that he had been ordained the Apostle of the Gentiles, and in proof of his high calling he proceeds, “I will not dare to speak of any of those things which Christ hath not wrought by me, to make the Gentiles obedient by word and deed, through mighty signs and wonders, by the power of the Spirit of God.” Again, a faction in the 10 Rom. i, 11. ™ Rom. xv. 15, and following verses. 72 Heb, xiii.22, ™ Rom. xy. 18, 19. Cuap, ΧΙ] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 429 Corinthian church had questioned his Apostleship, and he vindicates his authority by a similar appeal, “Truly the signs of an Apostle were wrought among you in all patience, in signs, and wonders, and mighty deeds.”™ So when the Galatians had fallen away from the Gospel which he had preached, he bids them return to their allegiance, by reminding them of the mighty deeds by which his mission had been attested, “He therefore (meaning himself) that ministereth to you the Spirit, and worketh miracles among you, doeth he it by the works of the law, or by the hearing of faith?”* Many other texts might be cited in which the same thing is intimated, though the full force of the expression might not be understood by the inattentive reader. Thus he tells the Thessalonians, “ Our Gospel came not unto you in word only, but also in power (ἐν δυνάμει), and in the Holy Ghost ;”** where by power is clearly meant the confirmation of the Gospel by the working of miracles. And he uses similar language, and unquestionably in the same sense, to the Corinthians, “ My speech and my preaching was not with enticing words of man’s wisdom, but in demonstration of the spirit and of power.” And we may observe, by the way, that not only does the Apostle lay claim to these supernatural endowments himself, but testifies to the possession of them by others also. “He that wrought effectually in Peter to the Apostleship of the circumcision, the same was mighty in me toward the Gentiles.”** And in the First Epistle to the Corinthians, he furnishes them with practical directions against the abuse of the gift of tongues by the members of that church, on whom it had been bestowed, at the same time informing them of his own pre-eminence in this respect, “I thank my God, I speak with tongues more than ye αἰ! Our only other citation shall be from the Hebrews, in which he warns them of the dreadful consequences of apostatizing from a faith so divinely authenticated. ‘* How shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation, which at the first began to be spoken by the Lord, and was confirmed unto us by them that heard him, God also bearing them witness, both with signs and wonders, and with divers miracles and gifts of the Holy Ghost, according to his own will 2” °° Upon the subject of the Apostle’s inspiration there has been much controversy, and we certainly have no wish to engage in the discussion, but we may be excused for throwing together a few thoughts which have suggested themselves in the perusal of the Epistles. That Paul derived his knowledge of the Gospel, not from any human instruction, but directly from Heayen, he repeatedly assures us. “I certify you, brethren,” he writes to the Galatians, “that the Gospel which was preached of me is not after man." “By revelation he made known unto me the mystery, as I have written above in few words.”*? And this divine illumination apparently comprised the Ὁ Cor παν 19. @ 1 Cor. ii. 4. 1 Cor. xiv. 18. Be Galas 11 19) ONGal 111. ΟΣ 18. Gal. ii. 8. τὸ Heb. ii. 3, 4. Eph. iii. 3. ee |'Mhess: 1. Ὁ. 430 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. (Cuar. XI. material cireumstances attending our Saviour’s life and passion. “1 received of the Lord,” he tells the Corinthians, “that which also I delivered unto you, that the Lord Jesus the same night in which he was betrayed took bread; and when he had given thanks he brake it, and said, ‘Take, eat: this is my body, which is broken for you; this do in remembrance of me.’ After the same manner also he took the cup, when he had supped, saying, ‘This cup is the new testament in my blood; this do ye as often as ye drink it, in remembrance of me.’ For as often as ye eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye do show the Lord’s death till he come.”** And again, “I delivered unto you first of all that which I also received, how that Christ died for our sins according to the scriptures ; and that he was buried, and that he rose again the third day according to the Scriptures ; and that he was seen of Cephas, then of the twelve ; and that he was seen of above five hundred brethren at once, of whom the greater part remain unto this present, but some are fallen asleep. After that, he was seen of James, then of all the Apostles.”"** We may also assume, as he tells us himself,*° that so much of the divine economy in heayen as related to the scheme of man’s redemption, was communicated to the Apostle in like manner; that Christ, for instance, was from the beginning the Son of God, by whom all things were made; that he took our nature upon him and suffered death, as a ransom for the sins of the world, both Jews and Gentiles; that on his ascension into heaven he sat at the right hand of God, to be our Intercessor and High Priest. These were facts, and thus far was Kevelution; but perhaps by Inspiration is more properly to be understood the influence of the Holy Spirit in prompting or preventing a person’s conduct, or superintending his speech or writings. Un- questionably Paul on certain occasions was guided by a heavenly impulse. Thus, he was commanded to depart from Jerusalem *’—he was forbidden to preach in Asia or Bithynia*’—he was sent to Macedonia*—he went up to Jerusalem by a heavenly command.** But these were exceptions, and in general Paul acted like any other man, upon his own free will, and followed the dictates of his own unbiassed judgment. He was, therefore, liable to error, and was not miraculously preserved from the peccability of human nature. But he was a chosen vessel to impart. religious truth, and in this respect we must surely assume that whether he taught by word of mouth or by letter, he was at least so far under the superintendence of the Spirit as to be incapable of propagating error. Let us take the First Epistle to the Corinthians. Whether he should write or not was a question of prudence, and Paul might have come to a wrong conclusion; and he tells us himself, that after he had dispatched it he was ready to repent (μετεμελόμην) ;*° but notwithstanding, the Epistle when sent was to form a part of Scripture, and could not contain in it any admixture of error. In what way precisely Inspiration operated to this extent, may be matter of opinion. 831 Cor. xi. 23-26. 8° Eph. iii. 3. 57 Acts xvi. 6; 7. ἔθ. (χα 1]. 9: 4 1 Cor. xv. 3-7. a5 Acts xxit. 21. 8 Acts xvi. 10, 9 9 Cor. vii. 8. Cuap. XI] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL, 431 If the doctrines of Christianity had been revealed to him, he would require no farther Inspiration than to guard him against forgetfulness, or to guide his judgment in the application of the Christian scheme to the business of life. Let us now look into the Epistles, and trace, if we can, the Apostle’s own pretensions. In his earliest letter, the first to the Thessalonians, we find the following passage: “For this cause also thank we God without ceasing, because when ye received the word of God which ye heard of us, ye received it not as the word of men, but as it is in truth, the word of God, which effectually worketh also in you that believe.”** And again, “Ye know what commandments we gave you by the Lord 2992 Jesus. And again, “For this we say unto you by the word of the Lord, that we which are alive and remain unto the coming of the Lord shall not prevent them which are asleep.”** By the “word of God” and “the word of the Lord,’ the Apostle must be taken to mean that what he preached or had written to them was dictated by the Holy Spirit. We meet with similar language in the First Epistle to the Corinthians. “We have received, not the spirit of the world, but the spirit which is of God, that we might know the things that are freely given to us of God, which things also we speak, not in the words which man’s wisdom teacheth, but which the Holy Ghost teacheth.”** And again, “If any man think himself to be a prophet, or spiritual, let him acknowledge that the things that I write unto you are the commandments of the Lord.” *° There is another passage in the same Epistle fae which many haye inferred that Paul laid no claim to inspiration; and as it has been greatly misunderstood, we shall pause for a moment to consider its import. “ Unto the married,” he writes, “I com- mand, yet not I, but the Lord. ‘Let not the wife depart (μὴ χωρισθῆναι) from her husband,’ (but and if she depart, let her remain unmarried, or be reconciled to her husband), ‘and let not the husband put away his wife ; but to the rest speak I, not the Lord—if any brother have a wife that believeth not, and she be pleased to dwell with him, let him not put her away.”*® Here, it is said, the Apostle contrasts his own fallible opinion with the divine injunction of Christ. But how does the case really stand? In the Gospel of St. Matthew (xix. 5) our Saviour quotes the words in Genesis (il. 24), “For this cause shall a man leave father and mother, and shall cleave to his wife, and they twain shall be one flesh;” and then adds, “ What, there- fore, God hath joined together, let not man put asunder” (μὴ χωριξέτω) ; and a little after, “Whosoever shall put away his wife, except it be for fornication, and shall marry another, committeth adultery.” Paul, therefore, is quoting the Gospel of St. Matthew, which was in the hands of his converts, and he tells them, that as to the separation of the wife from the husband, or the husband putting away his wife, they had a direct command from Christ himself; but that as to what followed, though he " 1 Thess. ii. 13. 85. 1 Thess. iv. 15. 1 Cor. xiv. of ὅν. 1 Thess. iv. 2. of Cor: tele: 85. 7 Corse vis L0=19: 432 CHARACTER OF 51. PAUL. [Ὁμᾶρ. XI. could not cite any express injunction of our Saviour to that effect, yet he, Paul, as an Apostle, was authorized to declare the Divine will. That such is his meaning is sufficiently evident from a corresponding precept a few verses after. “‘ Concerning virgins, I have no commandment of the Lord; yet I give my judgment (γνώμην δίδωμι) as one that hath obtained mercy of the Lord to be faithful ;’* where, so far from negativing his own inspiration, he lays claim to authority as one commissioned by Christ himself. Indeed, at the close of the chapter he distinctly affirms as much, for, speaking of the widow, he proceeds, “ but she is happier if she so abide after my judgment (κατὰ τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην), and methinks (δοκῶ) that I also have the spirit of God.” Here the Greek word δοκῶ, so far from implying any doubt in the mind of the writer, assumes the fact with something of irony against those who questioned it. We may therefore conclude with Clement, who was for many years Paul’s con- stant companion, and well capable of judging, that Paul spake and wrote (πνευμα- τικῶς) “ by the Spirit of God.” "ἢ We have advanced the hypothesis, that in the passage upon which we have just been commenting, the Apostle refers to the Gospel of St. Matthew, and as the testi- mony of Paul upon this subject is of the utmost value, we shall adduce other instances in which, if we mistake not, a similar allusion is made. In the First Epistle to the Thessalonians, having occasion to speak of the general resurrection, he uses these remarkable words, ‘“ But of the times and the seasons, brethren, ye have no need that I write unto you. For yourselves know perfectly that the day of the Lord so cometh as a thief in the night.”*® How did they know this? It is certainly possible that Paul, while amongst them, might have been gifted with prophecy and have foretold it. But this is mere conjecture. The only natural solution is, that he is bringing to their re- collection the forewarning of our Saviour, couched almost in the very terms recorded by St. Matthew. “ But of That day and hour knoweth no man, no, not the angels of heaven, but my Father only. But know this, that if the good man of the house had known in what watch the thief would come, he would have watched, and would not have suffered his house to be broken up.”’”° In the following texts the allusion may not be thought so decisive. To the Corinthians he writes, “The Lord (ὁ Κύριος, viz. Christ) hath ordained that they which preach the Gospel should live by the Gospel.” And if we turn to St. Matthew we find a precept to that effect, “ And as ye go preach, saying, the kingdom of heaven is at hand.’ Provide neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your purses, nor scrip for your journey, neither two coats, neither shoes, nor yet staves; for the workman is worthy of his meat.”!°* Again, the Apostle writes, “ Know ye not that we shall judge angels?” '* But how else could they have learnt this but from the declaration of our Saviour in St. Matthew? ‘ And Jesus said unto them, verily I say unto you, that ye which have followed me, in the regeneration Δ Cor: vai, 28. 9° 1 Thess. v. 1, 2. Ἰ Cora ixs 14: 0S Matt. x. 9, 10. 98. Clem. 1 Ep.ad Cor. xlvii, %™ Matt. xxiv. 36, 43. ὍΣ Miatit. τ EN τὶ vivo: Cuar. ΧΙ] CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. 453 when the Son of man shall sit in the throne of his glory, ye also shall sit wpon twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel.”* Again, in the same Epistle we read, “Though I have all faith, so that I could remove mountains, and have not charity, I am nothing ;”'°° where, apparently, the writer is adopting the metaphorical language in St. Matthew, “If ye have faith ye shall say unto this mountain, be thou removed, and be thou cast into the sea, and it shall be done.”'? Again, in the Hebrews, he writes, “ By faith Abel offered unto God a more excellent sacrifice than Cain, by which he obtained witness that he was righteous (δίκαιος) Ὁ but we find this testi- mony of him nowhere but in St. Matthew, where our Saviour describes him as “vighteous (δικαίου) Abel.”'°* Considering that from the nature of the case the Apostle, on quitting a church planted by him for another scene of action, must have left with them some written record to be their standard of faith, and remembering that during the early part of Paul’s ministry the Gospel of St. Matthew was the only one published, we may reasonably conclude that the Apostle placed it in the hands of his converts, and afterwards referred to it as a book with which his corre- spondents were familiar. About a.p. 57 the Gospel of St. Luke was written, and from that time it was, of course, circulated throughout Christendom, and had a great reputation, and the Apostle shortly afterwards speaks of Luke as “ the brother whose praise is in the Gospel throughout all the churches ;’" and in the First Epistle to Timothy he quotes it as scripture, “For the scripture saith, ‘Thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn,’ and ‘ The labourer is worthy of his reward’ ”!— at least, the words “The labourer is worthy of his reward,” are not to be found in any part of scripture, save the Gospel of St. Luke.” Whether the above remarks authorize or not the conclusion that Paul expressly recognised the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke, we cannot doubt the identity of the Christian scheme as taught by him, and as recorded in the four Gospels. Whoever has studied the Epistles must be satisfied, that not even in the slightest particular is there any disagreement between them and the other writings of the New Testament, a circumstance to be accounted for only on the supposition that the Gospel revealed to Paul was one and the same with that delivered to the twelve apostles. But more than this, we can show affirmatively that in all its leading features the Christianity of Paul was that of the Gospels. By way of example only, and without attempting to exhaust the subject, we find on a superficial examination of the Epistles the following prominent Articles of Faith :— That Jesus Christ was the Son of God. Heb. i. 1; Gal. iv. 4. 105 Matt. xix. 28. 16 may be thought te refer to Matt. xxii. 32, and ἀὐ ΠΟΘ ΣΠΠ. ὦ. 1 Thess. iv. 9 to Matt. xxii. 39. 107 Matt. xvii. 20; xxi. 2]. πὸ 2 Cor. viii. 18. 106 Heb. xi. 4. a Saimeveclo: 108 Mait. xxiii. 35. Besides the above, Heb. xi. W Luke -x. 7. VOL. II. 3 kK 434 CHARACTER OF ST. PAUL. r [Cuav. XT. him. Col. 1.16; Heb. i. 3; Eph. iii. 9. That he was ‘God blessed for ever.” Rom. ix. 5; 1 Tim. 11. 16; Philipp. τ. 6 ; Col. 1. 15; 2 Cor. iv. 4. That “being in the form of God, and thinking it not robbery to be equal with God, yet he made himself of no reputation,” and came into the world to save sinners. Philipp. 1. 6; 1 Tim. 1. 15. That he took our nature upon him, and became “man.” om. vy. 15, 19; 1 Tim. ii. ΟΣ That he was born of the seed of Abraham, after the flesh. Heb. 11. 16. That he was of the tribe of Judah. Heb. vii. 14. That he was of the family of David. Lom. 1. 3. That he went about preaching the tidings of salvation, and working miracles, in attestation of the truth of his mission. Heb. ii. 3. That he chose twelve apostles, 1 Cor. xv. 5, and that amongst them were Peter and John. Gal. i: 18,19; i. 9, 11, 14; 1 Cor. ix. 5. That he led a life of hardship and endurance. Heb. v. 8. That he was without sin. Heb. iy. 15. That at last he was betrayed. Rom. iv. 25. That the same night that he was betrayed he instituted the Lord’s Sapper. 1 Cor. ΧΙ, 23. That his death was brought about by the Jews, 1 Thess. ii. 15, and more par- ticularly by their rulers 1 Cor. ii. 8. That he testified to the truth before Pontius Pilate. 1 Tim. vi. 13. That he suffered death upon the cross as a ransom for the sins of the world. Gal. 11. 13, εἰ passim. That the crucifixion was at a Passover. 1 Cor. ν. 7. That this was enacted without the gates of Jerusalem. Heb. xiii. 12. That he was buried. 1 Cor. xv. 4. That he rose again the third day. 1 Cor. xv. 4; 1 Thess. i. 10; iv. 14. That he was seen by Peter. 1 Cor. xy. 4 Then by the twelve Apostles. 1 Cor. xy. 5. Then by above five hundred brethren at once. 4 Cur. xy. 6. Then by James. 1 Cor. xy. 7. That he ascended into heaven. Kph. iv. 8; 1 Tim. 111. 16; Heb. iv. 14; vi. 20. That he communicated to his disciples the gifts of the Holy Spirit. Eph. iv. 8 ; 2 Cor. v. 5; 1 Cor. 11. 18; Tit. i. 6; Rom. v. 5. And particularly the gift of tongues. 1 Cor, xiy. 2, et seg. And of working miracles. Heb. ii. 3, 4. That he sat at the right hand of God. Rom. viii. 34; Eph. 1. 20; Col. i. 1; Jo, BIS ὙΠ. ILA oe, 119} That he became in heayev onr High Priest and Intercessor. Heb. ii. 17; ix. 24; Ron. vii. 34. Cuap. XI] CHARACTER OF ST, PAUL. 435 That he will appear again. 1 Thess. iv. 15; 2 Thess. ii. 1; 1 Cor. iv. 5. And will be the judge of quick and dead. 2 Cor. vy. 10; 2 Tim. iv. 1; Tom. xiv. 10. Such, in few words, was the faith of Paul; and who can avoid the conclusion that such ought also to be our faith? Or shall we say that Paul was deceived? But who that observes his vigorous intellect—his acuteness of reasoning—and above all, his sound practical judgment, can for a moment suppose that such a man could, for the last *hirty years of his life, have been under a delusion? Or shall we impute to him, that, knowing Christianity to be a fable, he practised upon the credulity of mankind to further his own views? But what could have been his inducement ? Could wealth or honour? When he became a convert he sacrificed both for penury and disgrace! Did he seek, under cover of a lie, to promote the good of mankind ? Bat who, in his senses, would build on so rotten a foundation? For, however cunningly devised, the imposture must, sooner or later, be detected!'* Besides, it is impossible for any one to read Paul’s letters without feeling that he, at least, was an honest man. The only alternative is—that Paul had a rational and deep-rooted conviction of the truth of Christianity, and that what he preached to others he believed himself. ee 5 -- = ΒΕ --- 118 The reader, upon this subject, is referred the Conversion of St. Paul, to the unanswerable Essay of Lord Lyttelton on J) τῷ K SE δ ΟΝ τ διυν bo ΟΣ a. ων» pe EEN aoe: (1) Note on the centurion’s house (Vol. II. p. 239), in which, according to tradition, St. Paul was detained at Rome, chained to a soldier, during his first captivity. Wuen I was at Rome in 1851 I paid a visit to the vaults commonly known as the centurion’s house, and my note is as follows :—* At the corner of the Corso and the Via Lata—that is, on the western side of the Corso and the southern side of the Via Lata—stands the church of Santa Maria, facing the Corso. Under the portico is a descent by steps into a vaulted room, and to the west of it is another room, and to the west of the latter another still. From the general distrust that every one entertains of unsupported tradition, the first impression made on the mind is that the vaults are merely the foundations for the superstructure of the church; but in one of the chambers the eye traces an ancient doorway, now blocked up, and it is evident that when the walls were built the floor was on a level with the street without. The accumulation of soil in the course of ages has since converted the rooms into subterranean crypts. The first or most easterly vault is the traditional prison of St. Paul, and has now the sanctity of a chapel. It is about 18 feet long and 12 feet wide. Near the entrance is a pillar, to which it is said the Apostle was chained. This may be regarded as an idle fable. _ At the other end is a well with a raised mouth. The roof of the vault is formed with massive square stones exactly cor- responding to those in the roof of the Mamertine prison.” . Sir G. Head describes the vault more at length. “ Underneath the church” (S. Maria), he writes, “is a erypt which, as the modern surface of the city is 15 feet, more or less, above the ancient level, is supposed to be identically the same chamber in which St. Paul was kept in confine- ment. The entrance to this highly interesting spot is by a door which opens within the por- tico on the southern side of the main entrance. Here is a descent by fourteen or fifteen steps, on the right-hand side of which, or the side towards the street, there may be observed, on going down, the remains of a stone staircase, of which the steps, in regular succession, are seen protruding through the masonry, as if it had been thought proper, in the course of the restorations effected by Innocent VIII. in the fifteenth century, to preserve the rewains of the staircase previously existing. On arriving below, the interior, which but for the small taper carried by the sacristan is in total darkness, appears to he a very low chamber, of which the length exceeds the breadth very considerably. The ceiling is a good speci- men of ancient brick vaulting” (but my own note in the preceding column is at variance) “and a considerable portion of the mosaic pave- ment is in tolerable preservation. ‘To recapitu- late the objects of interest contained here, the first, immediately at the bottom of the staircase, is a small granite column about 8 feet high, said to be the same to which St. Paul was bound while a prisoner. The capital is so worn as not to be distinguishable, though I fancied I could trace the remains of Jonic volutes. From the summit of the shaft is suspended a portion, about 2 feet long, of an iron chain, worn quite thin by time and rust; and upon the centre is the figure of a cross, very deeply indented, with the epi- graph, ‘Verbum Dei non alligatum,’ in capital letters. descending in a spiral line down the column. The characters of the epigraph corre- spond with the characters of the Augustan era, and are especially similar to others attributed to the same period, which may be seen cut in the 438 APPENDIX. same manner on the shaft of a granite column in the church of Ara Ceeli. Upon the summit of the capital is placed a white marble urn, on the side of which is engraved an olive branch (the symbol of martyrdom) and the Christian mono- gram composed of the two Greek letters chi and rho. Above it is a marble tablet engrafted in the wall, bearing the inscription ‘ Memores estote vineulorum meorum’ ud Col. cap/u” (qu. Ad Col. cap. iy. that is, at 4th chapter of Colossians). “The next object which deserves attention, in addition to the fragments of the mosaic pave- ment, which is of an ordinary tesselated pattern, composed of small pieces, is a well on the left- hand side of the chamber, nearly opposite the column, such as the early Christians were in the habit of sinking in their dwellings for the pur- pose of performing the rite of baptism secretly, and similar to many others to be seen in the Roman churches at the present day. This well, according to the tradition of the church ex- pounded by the sacristan, was caused, at the bidding of St. Paul, to rise out of the earth miraculously; though, whatever be its origin, the appearance at present is that of an ordinary well about 18 feet in depth, and containing 10 | feet of water, which, beautifully clear as it is, | is said never to rise or fall from the present level. “The third object to be observed is an altar supposed to have belonged to an ancient oratory built upon the wall close to the well above re- ferred to, and in appearance an early Christian altar, such as are to be seen in the catacombs. Besides this altar, there are two others within the chambers of more modern construction. Above one of the latter, instead of an altar pic- ture, is a bas-relief group on white marble by the sculptor Fancelli, representing St. Paul, St. Peter, St. Luke, and the centurion; above the other is a bas-relief in stueco. Finally, at the extremity of the chamber, upon the north flank of the building, are to be observed, built up in the masonry, several very large blocks of peperino, the remains of a triumphal arch erected by the Roman Senate in honour of the Emperor Gordian ILI. on the occasion of his victory over | the Goths, and destroyed by Innocent VIII. in the reconstruction of the church.” Rome: a Tour of Many Days. By Sir George Head. 1849. Vol. i. p. 116. (IL) Note on the map of Cyprus. The natural features of Cyprus are very simple. A mountain ridge called Olympus, beginning from Cape Dinaretum, the north-eastern horn, | runs westward along the northern coast as far as Cape Crommyon. Between this ridge and the sea is a narrow strip of land studded with cities. From Cape Crommyon to Soli, which is many | miles to the west, is a plain country, which tra- verses the island in an eastward direction to Salamis, and is watered along the eastern portion by the principal river of the island, the Pedeno, which discharges itself into the Bay of Salamis. From Soli to Cape Acamas, the north-western promontory, is another mountain-range (also called Olympus), which, commencing from the cape, descends southward and runs along the southern coast, and ends at Cape Pedalium, the S.E. promontory. This Olympus, the higher of the two, attains its maximum height of 6590 feet at a point due south of Soli, about the middle of the island. Cyprus was colonised partly by Pheenicians and See map Vol. I. p. 120. partly by Greeks. The Phoenicians occupied the S. and W. portions of the coast, and their chief cities were, Chittim, or Citium; Hamath, or | Amathus; and Paphos. They brought with them the worship of the goddess Astarte, or | Venus, whose temple at Paphos acquired so much celebrity. The northern and eastern portions of the island | were settled by Greeks, whose chief cities were, Salamis, the capital of the whole island, Cerynia, Lapathus, and Soli. The leading cities in the interior were, Tre- mithus, Tamassus (famous for its copper/mines), Idalium, and T.eucosia or Nicosia, the former name prevailing amongst the Greeks, and the latter amongst the Italians. Nicosia is the | modern capital. There is no difficulty in fixing the sites of the | principal ancient towns on the coast as Citium, Amathus, Paphos, Salamis, Cerynia, Lapathus, and Soli; but the interior has been so seldom visited that the geography is very uncertain. APPENDIX, 439 Nicosia, however, is well known, and Idalium is generally identified with Dalin. Tumassus is placed, by Extgel and others, in the middle of the great plain; but as Tamassus was celebrated for its copper mines, it must have stood on or near one of the mountain chains. All the mines of Cyprus were on the southern chain, as at Curium and Amathus and Soli. En- gel’s Kypros, p. 44. Tamassus, then, as it was inland, must have been at the northern foot of the southern chain; and this is confirmed by Ptolemy, for on comparing together the longi- tudes and latitudes of the different places in Cyprus mentioned by him, the clear result is that Tamassus was toward the south. It was half a degree, for instance, more south than Soli, and in the same latitude as Tremithus, of which we shall speak presently. From the Peutinger table we learn that Tamassus was twenty-nine Roman miles from Soli, and twenty-four from Tremithus, which, again, was eighteen (not twenty-four, as Engel assumes) from Citium. As Tremithus and Tamassus lay on the road (though from the dis- tance it could not have been the direct one) from Citium to Soli, we cannot be far wrong in placing Tamassus at the northern foot of the southern chain of mountains, at the distance of twenty-nine miles from Soli in a south-eastern direction. Τ᾽, emithus, according to Engel (Kypros, p. 150), was close to Leucosia; but in this he has fallen into a mistake, which is easily explained. He cites the words of Hierocles, Τρεμιθούντων Aev- κοσία, and argues that Leucosia must, therefore, have been an appendage of Tremithus, and the two must have adjoined. But Τρεμιθούντων, or Tre- mithuntum, is a corrupt form of Tremithus, as Wesseling explains, and therefore a distinct city from Leucosia. Hierocles tells us that there were fifteen principal cities in Cyprus, and pro- ceeds to enumerate them; and if we reckon Τρεμιθούντων as one, there are just fifteen named by Hierocles, but without it there are only four- teen. Again, Ptolemy places Tremithus in the same latitude as Tamassus ; and as the latter was on the south of the great plain, Tremithus must have been so also. We have seen that, according to the Peutinger table, Tremithus was eighteen of population appear thus not to have materially varied for nearly 2000 years. It may here be asked, what was the route taken by Paul and Barnabas in passing from Salamis to Paphos? All that Luke says is that they “went through the island as far as Paphos” (διελθόντες τὴν νῆσον ἄχρι Πάφου, Acts xiii. 6), and this language is consistent with a journey along the great plain, or through the busy cities on the southern coast. It is not likely that he traversed the narrow strip of land on the north- ern coast, for, coming from the north, he would scarcely in that case have landed at Salamis, | and, again, would scarcely have taken ship for Pamphylia at Paphos. The general practice of Paul was, not to wander about rural districts, but to strike at once for the great seats of popu- lation, as he did at Cyprus itself by preaching at Salamis, the capital, and Paphos, the city next in importance. We should surmise, therefore, that he did not pass from Salamis to Paphos along _ the great plain, where was the agricultural popu- _ and Amathus. miles from Citium, and twenty-four from Tamas- | sus, and this agrees tolerably well with the site | assigned in the modern maps to Tremethusa. It is worthy of remark that Pliny attributes fifteen cities to Cyprus (Plin. N. H. v. 35), and Hierocles, many ages afterwards, assigns the same number; and Pococke also in modern times gives the like number, ii. 235. The centres lation, which was comparatively scant and widely dispersed, but that he visited successively the great commercial marts of the south, as Citium As he suffered three shipwrecks before the date of the Second Epistle to the Corinthians (xi. 25), a.p. 58, he may have met with one of these disasters in passing by sea from Citium to Amathus, and another in a voyage from Amathus to Paphos. The southern coast of Cyprus is extremely dangerous to navigation from the prevalence of sea-fogs, and frequent shipwrecks occur in consequence. At the time of the Apostle’s visit the language spoken in the chief towns, as Salamis and Paphos, may have been the current Greck of the day, but in the rural districts the vernacular must still have been Cypriot, a language long buried in oblivion and now again recovered. It was written in characters most of which were identical with the letters of Lycia, while others were borrowed from Pheenicia, and others from Egypt. It was read, as a general rule, from right to left, but in rare instances from left to right. The words were a barbarous and uncouth branch of the Greek tongue, having much the same relation to pure Greek as Anglo-Saxon has to pure English. The way in which the language was gradually deciphered and identified by the successive la- bours of the Duke de Luynes, Hamilton Lang, G. Smith, and Dr. 8. Birch, will be found nar- rated in the first volume of the “ Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archeology.” 440 APPENDIX. (III.) Note on the map of Asia Minor according to its nationalities. There were no less than seventeen nations | within the isthmus, i.e. to the west of a line drawn from Amisus, on the Euxine, to Issus, in Cilicia: Strabo, xiv. 5 (Tauchnitz, pp. 284, 2385) ; and as these were continually shifting their settle- ments by expansion or contraction, emigration or expulsion, the utmost confusion ensued. Our map is intended to represent, as far as possible, the localities of the different peoples at the time of the Apostolic circuits. The great authority is Strabo, who was contemporary with the Apostle, and a native of Amasia, in Pontus, and the most | eminent geographer of the age, and indeed of | any age. Cilicia had for its eastern limit Mount Amanus, | and extended as far south as Pyle, the ‘gates’ or defile which connected Cilicia with Syria. Strabo, xiv. 5 (p. 233, Tauchnitz). On the west the boundary was the fortress of Coracesium. 10. (p. 219, 220, Tauchnitz). The line of de- marcation between Cilicia Aspera, the western division, and Cilicia Campestris, the eastern divi- sion, was the river Lamus. Jb. (p. 225, Tauch- nitz). Pamphylia, commencing at Coracesium, ex- tended along the coast as far as a point a little to the west of Olbia, which was included in Pamphylia. Strabo, xiv. 5 (p. 218, Tauchnitz). Lycia, beginning a little westward of Olbia, reached along the coast to the city of Deedala. Strabo, xiv. 3 (p. 212, Tauchnitz). After Lycia followed Caria, which ran from Deedala to the promontory of Posidium, a little to the south of Miletus. Strabo, xiv. 2 (p. 191, Tauchnitz). Asia (as the word is used by the writers of the New Testament) coincided very nearly with the Lydia of profane history, and may be considered as reaching from Posidium, where Caria ended, to the river Caicus, where Mysia began. Strabo, xii. 8 (pp. 68, 71, Tauchnitz); xiii. 1 (p. 188, Tauchnitz); xiii. 4 (p. 151, Tauchnitz). The natural limit of Asia on the south was the Meander; but the Ionians, on the conquest of Lydia, extended their dominion beyond the Meander to Posidium, so as to comprise the cities of Miletus and Myus. Strabo, xiv. 1 (p. 162, Tauchnitz). To the east of Myus the Meander was still the dividing line. See map Vol. I. p. 164. We have suggested in the text that Laodicea, Colossee, and Hierapolis were probably considered by the writers of the New Test ment as included in Lydia. However, in the time of Croesus these cities were certainly not comprised in Lydia, but in Phrygia; for Xerxes, on his march from Colossze to Sardis, came to a city called Cydrara, where stood an obelisk, erected by Croesus, de- claring it to be the boundary between Lydia and Phrygia. Herod. vii. 30. It is clear, therefore, that Colossee at that time was not regarded as in Lydia; and as Laodicea and Hierapolis were adjacent, we must conclude that they also were not then included in Lydia. To the north of Lydia lay the two Mysius, the greater and the less, beginning at the Caicus (see Asia, swpru), and running up to and touch- ing Troas at a point between Antandros and Astyca, and then running along Mount Ida and the river Aisepus to the Propontis, and occupy- ing the coast of the Propontis from the mouth of the Aasepus to the Rhyndacus, where Bithynia commenced. Strabo, xii. 4 (pp. 52, 53, Tauchnitz). Little Mysia was the coast on the Propontis be- tween the Aisepus and the Rhyndacus, and in- cluded Olympene, the part running inland along the western foot of Olympus. Great Mysia lay to the south of Little Mysia, but the boundaries between the two Mysias were always very con- fused. Strabo, xii. 8 (p. 63, Tauchnitz). Troas—This began from a point between An- tandros and Astyca, and ran along the coast as far as the mouth of the sepus, and was bounded on the east, first to the south by Mount Ida, and then to the north by the Asepus. Strabo, xii. 8 (pp. 68, 71, Tauchnitz). Bithynia.—TVhis extended from the Rhyndacus on the west to the Parthenius on the east, where commenced Paphlagonia. Such is the view gene- rally adopted, but Strabo refines somewhat upon this, and makes Bithynia Proper to reach from the Rhyndacus to the Sangarius only: Strabo, xii. 3 (p. 17, Tauchnitz); and places the Mar- yandyni, or Caucones, a kindred tribe, between the Sangarius and the Parthenius. Jd. (Ὁ. 14, Tauchnitz). Papllagonia reached from the Parthenius (Strabo, xii. 8, p. 18, Tauchnitz) to the Halys. Ib. (pp. 14, 19, Tauchnitz). APPENDIX. 441 Pontus reached from the Halys (Strabo, xii. 3, p- 14, Tauchnitz) to the coast of the Tibareni, inclusive, but was subsequently extended on the east to the borders of Colchis. Strabo, xii. 3, (p. 13, Tauchnitz). That the Tibareni reached down to the coast, see Jb. xii. 1 (p. 3, Tauch- nitz). Thus far the maritime provinces. As regards the interior of Asia Minor there is much greater difficulty. Lycaonia lay to the north of Cilicia Aspera, and was of a quadrilateral shape. To the south it reached to the ridge of Taurus, which divided it from Cilicia. Strabo, xii. 6 (p. 59, Tauchnitz). On the east the boundary line ran from north to south a little to the east of both Coropassus and Derbe, which were cities of Lycaonia, though close to Cappadocia. Strabo, xii. 6 (p. 59, Tauch- nitz). On the north Lycaonia touched the Paroreios of Phrygia (Strabo, xiv. 3, p. 212, Tauchnitz), and ran thence in an eastern direc- tion to Cappadocia, in a line a little above Lao- dicea Combusta and Coropassus, both of which were included in Lycaonia. Jb. On the west the border ran southward from the Paroreios along the western side of Lake Caralis, so as to in- clude Isauria, which was an appendage of Ly- caonia, and not of Pisidia. Strabo, xiv. 5 (pp. 219, 237, Tauchnitz). Next to Lycaonia, on the west, lay Pisidia. The eastern boundary between Pisidia and Ly- caonia has been already described. On the south the line passed along the ridge of Taurus, which separated it from Pamphylia (Strabo, xii. 7, p. 61, Tauchnitz), and running down along the west- ern side of Pamphylia, it descended south as far as to the city of Termessus, and thus bordered also upon Lycia. Strabo, xii. 7 (p. 61, Tauch- nitz); xiii. 4 (p. 159, Tauchnitz); xiv. 3 (p. 217, Tauchnitz). On the north Pisidia reached to the Paroreios of Phrygia, at the foot of which was seated Antioch of Pisidia, the capital. Strabo, xii. 8 (Ὁ. 72, Tauchnitz). From this point the boundary line passed in a south-western direc- tion, so as to include Apollonias, which was a city of Pisidia—or, at least, was subject to Amyntas, king of Pisidia. Strabo, xii. 6 (p. 60, Tauchnitz). But see xii. 8 (p. 72, Tauchnitz). What was the border line to the 8.W. of Apol- lonias it is hard to say, for the district about Cibyra was occupied confusedly by Lydians and Pisidians. Our map represents Pisidia as ex- tending on this side to Caria, and this view is supported by the fact that Cibyra, though Ly- dian in its origin, was subsequently occupied by VOL, U. Pisidians. The languages spoken were Lydian and Pisidian, besides Solymian and Greek. Strabo, xiii. 4 (p. 160, Tauchnitz). Phrygia was a central tract in the very heart of Asia Minor, bounded on the xorth by the Sangarius and Mount Olympus, and on the west by Mysia and Lydia, and on the south by Pisidia, and on the east by Galatia, except that, between Galatia and the Paroreios, Phrygia projected eastward between Galatia and Lycaonia, and extended as far as Lake Tatta, the whole of which, according to Strabo, was included in Phrygia. Strabo, xii. 5 (p. 58, Tauchnitz); xii. 3 (p. 12, Tauchnitz). As to this excrescence, therefore, Phrygia was bounded on the east by Cappadocia. Phrygia consisted of two divisions, viz., Little Phrygia and Great Phrygia. Little Phrygia was also called Epictetus, or Hellespontic, and was bounded on the north- west by Little Mysia, and on the north by Lake Ascania, which lay between it and Bithynia, and on the north-east by the Sangarius. Strabo, xii. 4 (p. 52, Tauchnitz); xii. 3 (p. 49, Tauchnitz). The boundaries on the south will be best dis- tinguished by the cities which were comprised in it, and are thus enumerated by Strabo: Na- colea, Cotizum, Midizum, Doryleum, and Cadi. Strabo, xii. 8 (Ὁ. 71, Tauchnitz). Great Phrygia comprised all the parts not included in Little Phrygia. Galatia can only be defined in general terms. It was bounded on the west by the greater Phry- gia; on the north by the eastern end of Mount Olympus, which separated it from Bithynia and Paphlagonia; and on the east by Pontus and Cappadocia, and on the south by the part of Phrygia which lay between Paroreios and Lake Tatta, and to the north of Lake Tatta by Cap- padocia. Strabo, xii. 6 (pp. 55-57, Tauchnitz). Galatia touched the northern end of Lake Tatta, but did not comprise any part of the lake itself. Strabo, xi. 5 (Ὁ. 58, Tauchnitz). Cappadocia was bounded on the north by Galatia, Pontus, and Armenia Minor, on the east by the Euphrates, on the south by Taurus (Strabo, xii. 3, p. 12, Tauchnitz), and on the west by a line running through Lake Tatta, and then between Coropassus and Garsaura to a point a little east of Derbe, on Lake Guhl. Strabo, xii. 6 (pp. 58, 59, Tauchnitz). Armenia Minor was bounded on the west and north by Pontus (Strabo, xii. 3, p. 26, Tauch- nitz), on the east by Armenia Major and in part by the Euphrates, and on the south by Cappa- docia. oer 442 APPENDIX. Commagene was bounded on the north by Cap- padocia, on the east by the Euphrates, on the south by Syria, and on the west by Cilicia. The southern boundary would be sufficiently repre- sented by a line drawn due east from Mount Amanus to Zeugma, on the Euphrates. Commagene was in strictness part of Syria (Strabo, xvi. 2, p. 353, Tauchnitz), but as at the time of which we are speaking it was disannexed from the province of Syria, and was under King Antiochus, whose dominions also comprised parts of Cilicia and Lycaonia, it was thought more conyenient to include Commagene in the map of Asia Minor. (IV.) Note on the map of Asia Minor according to its political divisions. On the conquest of Asia Minor by the Romans they paid little regard to the existing territorial | boundaries, but distributed the country so as best to meet political exigencies. Thus many races quite distinct nationally were comprised under one jurisdiction, and in other cases a united people was broken into fragments, and different portions were assigned to different pre- fectures. Our map is intended to represent the political aspect of Asia Minor in the Apostolic age. 1. Proconsular Asia was one of the Senate’s, or people’s, provinces, and comprised Lydia, Caria, Phrygia, Mysia,and Troas. It was divided into ten circuits, which were named after the chief cities or places where the assizes were held. These ten cities or places were: (1) Alabanda, in Caria, Plin. N. H. v. 29; (2) Cibyra, in Pisidia, 70.; (3) Ephesus, Plin. N. H. v.31; (4) Apamea, Plin. N. H. v. 29; (5) Lycaonia, Plin. N. H. y. 25; (6) Synnada, Plin. N. H. ν. 29; (7) Sardis, Plin. | N. H. v. 30; (8) Pergamus, Plin. N. H. v. 33; | (9) Smyrna, Plin. N. H. v. 81; and (10) Adra- myttium, Plin. N. H. v. 32. Laodicea, Hierapolis, and Colosse were com- prised within the Cibyratic circuit. Vv: 20. The Lycaonian circuit comprised the cities on the north side of the Paroreios, viz. Tyrisum, Philomelium, Thymbrium, &e.,and was so called as bordering upon Lycaonia, and comprising a large Lycaonian population. between Phrygia and Lycaonia were never dis- tinctly defined. 2. Galotia.— Galatia, under Amyntas, com- prised not only Galatia Proper, but Lycaonia and Pisidia, from the Paroreios down to the Taurus; and on his death in B.c. 25 his kingdom was made a Roman province, and assigned to the emperor. In the time of Strabo, a.p. 20, Galatia comprised the whole of these dominions, with some trifling exceptions. Strabo, xii. 5, 6,7, 8 (pp. 56, 60, 63, 72, Tauchnitz). It continued of lin Nese) See map Vol. I. p. 164. this extent down to the time of Pliny, for he de- scribes it as reaching, on the south, to Cabalis and Milyas and to Oroanda and Obigene part of Lycaonia. Plin. N. H v.42. The parts of the kingdom of Amyntas which were excepted from the province were: (1) a small tract which had been taken from Pamphylia, and which was re- stored to it (Dion, liii. 26); and (2) Cilicia Aspera and the southern part of Isauria, which now be- longed to Antiochus ΤΥ, King of Commagene. Ὁ. Bithynia.—This was one of the Senate’s, or people’s, provinces. The actual boundaries of Bithynia were from the Rhyndacus, which di- vided it from Mysia, to the Parthenius, which divided it from Paphlagonia ; but in B.c. 89 Pa- phlagonia also was annexed to Bithynia. See Fasti Sacri, p. 50, No. 435. And when Strabo wrote, the province of Bithynia comprised also the western parts of Pontus, viz. the parts be- tween the Halys and the Iris. Strabo, xii. 3 (pp. 14, 17, Tauchnitz). 4. Pontus was originally part of Cappadocia, which was divided by the Persians into two satrapies, viz. Cappadocia Proper and Cappa- docia on Pontus, or on the sea, viz. the Euxine. Strabo, xi. 3 (Ὁ. ὃ, Tauchnitz). But “ Cappa- docia on Pontus” in the course of time became abbreviated into “ Pontus” simply. The actual boundaries of the province were, the Halys on | the west and Colchis on the east; but on the The boundaries | conquest of Asia Minor by Pompey the parts of Pontus to the west of the river Iris were disposed of in different ways, and eventually were incor- porated into the province of Bithynia. Strabo, xii. 3 (pp. 14, 17, Tauchnitz). The parts to the east from the Iris to Colchis were bestowed on Polemo I. as king, and, on his death, on his widow, Pythadoris, and, on her death, on her son, Polemo IT. (see Fasti Sacri, p. 186, No. 966), who reigned during Paul’s circuits in Asia Minor, and until a.p. 66, when his dominions became a Roman proyince. Fasti Sacri, p. 341, No. 1998. APPENDIX. 443 The kingdom thus formed out of Pontus was called Pontus Polemoniacus, and comprised the coast from Iris to Colchis, and in the interior Zelitis, Megalapolitis, Cabira, the Tibareni, Chal- dei, &e. Strabo, xii. 3 (Ὁ. 48, Tauchnitz). 5. Cappadocia—This became a Roman pro- vince on the death of Archelaus, the last king, in A.D. 18, and in the time of Paul was governed by a legate appointed by the emperor. Fasti Sacri, p. 162, No. 1087; p. 165, No. 1108, 6. Pamphylia was an imperial province, and in B.c. 11 was under Lucius Piso as propretor. Dion, liv. 84; Fasti Sacri, p. 103, No. 799. In A.D. 43, Lycia was deprived of its liberty, and thenceforth Pamphylia and Lycia formed one province. Dion, lx. 17; Fasti Sacri, p. 277, No. 1656. See Noris, Cenotaph. Pis. s. 311. 7. Tetrarchy of Iconium.—tThis tetrarchy was carved out of Lycaonia, the whole of which had belonged to Amyntas; and the tetrarchy is de- scribed as the great table-land bordering on Galatia and Cappadocia, and comprising fourteen subordinate cities or hamlets. Plin. N. H. i. 28. 8. Territory of Antiochus IV., King of Comma- gene. In Α.}. 41, Claudius invested Antiochus IV. with Cilicia Aspera (Dion, lx. 8; Jos. Ant. xix. 5, 1; xix. 8,1; Fasti Sacri, p. 271, No. 1622; p.298, No. 1784), the tract along the coast from Cape Coracesium to the river Lamus. Strabo, xiv. 4,5 (p. 219, Tauchnitz). But Antiochus was also King of part of Lycaonia, for his coins are inscribed with the word Avkaovey, 3 Eckhel, p. 256, and the parts of Lycaonia referred to must have been those which were contiguous to Cilicia Aspera, viz. the southern part of Isauria and all Isau- rica. Derbe was in this district, and as Lystra and Derbe are, in the Acts of the Apostles, coupled together as cities of Lycaonia, and ap- parently in opposition to Iconium, mentioned just before (Acts xiv. 6), the inference is that Lystra also was within the jurisdiction of An- tiochus. 9. Cilicia Campestris.—This province, from the river Lamus to Issus, had a propreetor of its own, (see Fasti Sacri, p. 160, No. 1071; p. 807, No. 1832; Noris, Cenotaph. Pis. 299,) but without any military force, and was under the protecto- rate of and in subordination to the Prefect of Syria. See Fasti Sacri, p. 182, No. 955. INDEX. i Oe The Roman numerals denote the volume, and the Arabic numerals the page. A oran, by what rule the one or other should be used, i. 378 Abana (river), the source of the prosperity of Damas- cus, i. 58 Abel, called Righteous, ii. 325 Abila, plan of site of, i. 61 coin of, i. 62 described, i. 61 belonged to Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 60 assigned to Lysanias, i. 67 Abraham said to have been king of Damascus, i. 58 - sacrifice of, on Mount Moriah, ii. 315 faith of, a common topic amongst the Jews, i. 349 Abraxas, the god of the Gnostics, ii. 249 figure of, on gems, ii. 249 Achaia, the southern part of Greece as opposed to Macedonia, i. 269, 291 subject to Macedonia, i. 270 declared free by Romans, i. 270, 280 becomes a Roman province, i. 270 allotted by Augustus to the Senate, i. 271 made by Claudius an Imperial province, i. 271 retransferred to the Senate, i. 271 Gallio assumes the government of, i. 291 made free by Nero, i. 271 becomes again a province under Vespasian, i. 271 Achaicus, a convert at Corinth, i. 290 carries letter of Corinthians to Paul, i. 365 is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 39 Acheans, league of, i. 270 subdued by Romans, i. 270 “Axpis, meaning of, ii. 75 Acontisma, site of, i. 201 Acra (the Macedonian fortress at Jerusalem), site of, ii. 128 built by Antiochus Epiphanes, ii. 128 taken by Simon, ii. 129 (a quarter of Jerusalem) described, ii. 128 Acratus, the agent of Nero for collecting works of art, ii. 371 Acre described, ii. 104 view of, ii. 104 plan and coin of, ii. 105 numerous Jews at, ii. 106 Acre—continued. distance of, from Cesarea, ii. 106 Acroceraunia, ii. 373 Acrocorinthus described, i. 269 desolation of, in 1851, i. 269 Temple of Venus on, i. 272 Acropolis (at Athens), the original city, i. 243 plan of, i. 255 described, i. 253 coin of, i, 255 Acte, a courtesan of Nero, ii. 230 Actian games founded by Augustus, ii. 354 Actium, naval victory of Augustus at, ii, 353 ᾿Αδελφή, Meaning of, i. 386 ᾿Αδόκιμος explained, i. 389 Adoration, form of, in the East, i. 398 Adramyttium, ἃ city of Mysia, ii. 181 coin of, ii, 181 Adria (city), gives its name to the Adriatic Gulf, ii. 198 Adria (sea), what it was, ii. 198 often confounded with the Gulf of Adria, ii. 211 Adrian. See Hadrian Adriatic Gulf distinct from the Sea of Adria, ii. 198, 199 Ediles appointed at Philippi, i. 217 AXigina given to Athenians by M. Antony, i. 260 taken from them by Augustus, i. 261 Hlius is imperial procurator at Ephesus, i. 337 poisons Junius Silanus, i. 338 Emilius Paulus, conqueror of Macedonia, i. 202 Enon thought by some to be same as Salem, ii. 315 Hons of the Gnosties described, ii. 250 sculapius, Temple of, at Cenchrea, i. 299 Agabus, etymology of the name, i. 97 prophesies tle famine in reign of Claudius, i. 97 prophesies the arrest of Paul at Jerusalem, ii. 107 prophecy of, fulfilled, ii. 144 Agdistis, Celtic goddess, worshipped at Pessinus,i.180 Ages of man, according to Philo, i. 5, note ‘Ayla and “Ayia distinguished, ii. 318 “Αγνισμός of Paul, what meant by, ii. 142, 159 ᾿Αγνώστῳ θεῷ explained, i. 242 446 INDEX. Agora (at Athens), different senses of, i. 256 (old market), position of, i. 243 (new market), position of, i. 250 (a quarter of the city), 1. 249 (of Ephesus), i. 321 ᾿Αγοραῖοι ἡμέραι explained, i. 316, 412 Agrippa (M. Vipsanius), his division of Asia Minor, i. 190 Agrippa L., king of Judea, called at 46 a young man, 1.5 a friend of Aretas, ii. 31 birth and education of, i. 99 dismissed from Rome by Tiberius, i, 99 isolates himself in Idumea, i. 99 becomes eedile of Tiberias under Herod Antipas, 199) repairs to Flaccus, prefect of Syria, i. 100 is dismissed in disgrace, 1, 100 arrested for debt at Anthedon, i. 100 escapes to Alexandria, i. 100 proceeds to Italy, i. 100 discharges his debt, and is in fayour with Tibe- rius, i. 100 intimacy of, with Caligula, i. 101 is imprisoned by Tiberius, i. 101 kept bound by a chain to a soldier, ii. 148 is favoured by Caligula, i. 68 is released by him and made king of Trachonitis, i. 102 visits his dominions, i. 102 is accused by Herod Antipas before Caligula,i.103 acquitted, and receives the tetrarchy of Antipas, who is banished, i. 103 procures remission of the edict of Caligula for erection of his statue in the temple at Jeru- salem, i. 104 promotes the elevation of Claudius to the Empire, i. 104 is rewarded by receiving Judea and Samaria, i. 105 procures his brother Herod to be made king of Chaleis, i. 105 sails for Syria, i. 105 appoints Smon Cantheras high priest, i. 105; then Matthias, and then Elioneus, i. 105 beheads James, brother of John, i. 105 imprisons Peter, i. 105 celebrates games at Czesarea for the conquest of Britain, by Claudius, i. 110 receives embassy from Tyre and Sidon, i. 107 smitten by God in the amphitheatre at Crsarea, i. 111; ii. 166 death of, i. 111 family of, described, ii. 109 coin of, i. 98 Agrippa IL. educated at Rome, ii. 109 is made king of Chaleis, ii. 113 assists the Jews at Rome, ii. 119 coin of, ii, 123 appoints the high-priests, ii. 114 has control of the Corban, ii, 114 Agrippa II.—continued. appointed to the tetrarchy of Trachonitis, ii. 122 resides at Cxsarea Philippi, ii. 122 palace of, at Jerusalem, ii, 122, 299 receives an addition from Nero, ii. 123 pays a visit of congratulation to Festus, 11, 174 hears Paul plead, ii. 175 joins the Roman army, ii. 135 disapproves the stoning of James the Just, ii. 300 pays a visit of congratulation to Tiberius Alexan- der, prefect of Egypt, ii. 174 to Gessius Florus, ii. 174 Agrippeum, name of a wing of the palace of Herod, at Jerusalem, ii. 126 Agrippina, power of, at Rome, ii. 119 disgraced at court, ii. 230 put to death, ii, 231 portrait of, 11. 228 coin of, i. 326 Αἰγιάλος in Bay of Paul, ii. 203 Alpe αὐτόν a common expression of indignation, ii. 144 ᾿Ακατανόμαστος, Jehovah so called, i. 264 Alabareh, name of the Jewish chief magistrate, i. 1 (of Alexandria) assists Agrippa I. with money, i. 100 Alban's (St.) the city of, captured from the Romans by Britons, ii, 245 Albinus appointed procurator of Judea, ii, 299 time of arrival of, in Judea, ii. 170 venality of, ii. 162 Albion, the Celtic name of Britain, i. 77 Alecus, a native of Lesbos, ii. $5 Alcibiades, profaneness of, i. 243 procures a tent from Ephesus, i. 330 Alexander (the Great) destroys Tyre, ii. 101 coin of, i. 235 grand portrait of, at Ephesus, i. 324 Alexander (the Maccabee) buried in the tombs of the kings, ii. 129 called thence the “tombs of King Alexander,’ li. 129 site of them, ii. 130 Alexander (the Sadducee), i. 29 Alexander ‘the coppersmith) accuses Paul at Rome, 11. 380 why so called, ii. 390 Alexander | Alabareh of Alexandria), ii. 112 Alexander (Pseudo-), Jews of Rome go out to meet, li. 224 Alexander (Gnostic of Corinth), ii. 252, 339 not Alexander the coppersmith, ii. 347 Alexander (Tiberius), great famine under, i. 107 Alexander (of the theatre at Ephesus), whether a Jew or Christian? i. 410 Alexandra (Queen of Judea), sends assistance to Damascus, i. 64 Alexandria (in Egypt), privileges of Jews of, i. 1 plan and view of, ii. 340 Jews of, had a council, i. 43 Alexandria Treas), account of, i. 193 view of, i, 199 INDEX, 447 Alexandrian cornship described, ii, 188 anchors of, ii. 201 distinguished at sea by topsails, ii. 219 Aliturus, an actor, befriends Josephus, the historian, li. 242 “All” the word dwelt upon in epistle to the Philip- pians, ii. 280 “AAXo distinguished from ἕτερον, i. 342 Alopes, old name of Ephesus, i. 322 Altars at Athens to various passions, i. 260 Alytarch or May-King, at Ephesus, i. 406 Amanuensis employed by Paul, i. 187 Amazons, battle of Athenians with, represented at Athens, i. 246 Ambivius (M.) is Procurator of Judea, i. 21 Amen rejected by critics at the end of, 1 Thess. i. 284; 2 Thess. i. 290; 1 Cor. i. 404; 2 Cor. ii. 35; Philem. ii. 276; Philipp. ii. 289; Titus ii. 344; 1 Tim. ii. 353; and 2 Tim. ii. 392 ᾿Αμερίμνους explained, i. 384 Amon, king of Judah, interred in garden of Uzza, ii. 129 Amphictyonie council, Nicopolis a member of, ii. 354 Amphipolis described, i. 222 view of site of, i, 224 coin of, 1. 223 old capital of Macedonia Prima, i. 202 . plan of road to, from Thessaloniea, i. 223 Amphithales, the mock Mercury at Ephesus, i. 407 Amplias named in epistle to Romans, ii. 71 Amyntas, seevetary of Dejotarus, i. 179 made king of Galatia by M. Antony, i. 179 deserts to Augustus, i. 179 slain in ambush, i. 179 extent of kingdom of, i. 131 coin of, i. 134 ᾿Αναβάς commented on, i. 302 *Avaxplvas explained, ii. 158 Anactoria, an ancient name of Miletus, ii. 90 Anagariz, a kind of carriage, ii, 222 ᾿Ανάλυσις, meaning of, ii. 92 Ananias, meaning of the word, i. 53 a common name, i. 53 (high priest) appointed high priest, ii. 112 house of, ii. 128 sent in fetters to Rome, ii. 117 is acquitted there, ii. 120 presides at the Sanhedrim, ii. 149 commands Paul to be smitten, ii. 150 Paul’s rebuke of, explained, ii. 151 whether high priest at the trial of Paul before the Sanhedrim, ii. 151 accuses Paul before Felix, at Caesarea, ii. 157 death of, by the Sicarii, ii. 149 character of, ii. 135 sons of, described, ii. 136 (of Damascus), i. 53 cures Paul of his blindness, i. 54 Ananus (of Jerusalem), same person as Annas, i. 28 (son of Annas) is high priest, ii. 299 high qualities of, ii. 137 | Ananus—continued. puts James the Just to death, ii. 300 slain in the Jewish war, ii. 138 (son of Ananias) is captain of the temple, ii. 116, 134, 136 ᾿Ανάθεμα explained, i. 342, 404; ii. 57 Anchors, ancient ships had several, ii. 201 thrown out from the stern, ii. 201 specimens of, ii. 204 Aneyra, capital of Galatia, i, 182 why called Ancyra, i. 182 general view of, i. 183 coin of, i. 183 famous for its goat’s hair, i. 182 and for its temple to Rome and Augustus, i. 1835 view of temple, i. 184 decrees inscribed in, i. 184 specimen of the inscription, i. 185 Andriacus (River), view of entrance to, ii. 186 Androclus, founder of Ephesus, i. 319 site of tomb of, at Ephesus, i. 321 Andronicus, why called Paul’s kinsman, i. 6; ii. 68 may have been one of the first preachers at Rome, i. 274 ᾿Ανήρ, at what age a person became, i. 5 ᾿Ανεψιός, meaning of, ii. 272 “Aveois allowed to Paul while a prisoner at Casarea, ii. 160 Angel of a person, what is meant by, i. 107 word used for a departed spirit, i. 380 Angels, ministry of, ii, 348 works of God attributed to, by the Jews, i. 350 the old dispensation ascribed to, ii. 310 to be judged by Christians, i. 380 “Because of the,” (1 Cor. xi. 10,) explained, 1. 391 Anicetus, admiral of the Roman fleet, ii. 219 plans death of Agrippina, the mother of Nero li. 219, 231 Anilsus, a weaver, i. 8 Annas, wliy called high priest, i. 23 same person as Ananus, i, 23 high priest for long period, i. 28 sons of, ii. 137 tomb, ii. 137 Annius Rufus is procurator of Judea, i. 21 Anopolis, a village near Port Lutro, ii. 193 ᾿Ανωτερικὰ μέρη, meaning of, i. 313 Anthedon, Agrippa I. is arrested at, i. 100 ᾿Ανθύπατος (proconsul), mistranslated deputy, i. 271 ᾿Ανθύπατοι, in plural at Ephesus, explained, i. 338, 412 Antichrist, several meanings of, i. 288 | Antigonus, founder of Alexendria Troas, i. 193 Antioch (of Syria) deseribed, i. 91 founded by Seleucus Nicator, i. 91 population of, i. 91 plan of road from, to Seleucia, i. 116 capital of the Scleucida, i. 91 date of present walls, i. 91 448 INDEX, Antioch (of Syria}—continued. contained four wards, i. 91 plan of, i. 92 view of, i. 90 coins of, i. 61, 94, 95, 336 site of palace of, i. 93 a free city, i. 94 had senate and assembly, i. 95 seat of the Roman Government, i. 95 Christianity preached in, i. 96 Christians first so called at, i. 96 privileges of Jews of, i. 1 Jews of, more enlightened than those of Jeru- | salem, i. 308 length of journey to, from Jerusalem, i. 310; from Tarsus, i. 310 sends forth a mission for the conversion of the Gentiles, i. 115 Pharisees come to, and insist on observance by Christians of the law of Moses, i. 157 mission to Jerusalem, on the subject, i. 157 Antioch (of Pisidia) described, i. 136 plan and coin of, i. 137 view of, i. 136 whether in Pisidia or Phrygia, i. 136 colony of the Magnesians, i. 137 re-settled by Seleucus, i. 137 called also Cresarea, i. 137 a Roman colony with the Italicum jus, i. 137 aqueduct and church of, i. 137 spoke Pisidian tongue, i. 138 abounded with Jews, i. 138 several rulers of the synagogue of, i. 138, 276 Antiochus Epiphanes builds the Acra at Jerusalem, ii. 129 Antiochus IV., King of Commagene, i. 153 southern Lycaonia given to, i. 153 coin of, i. 153 Antipas (Herod) fixes his capital at Tiberias, i. 17 called by Luke the Tetrarch, i. 17 in New Testament and Josephus, Herod simply, i. 16 has Galilee and Persea allotted to him, i. 17 marries Herodias, i. 67 puts John Baptist to death, i. 26 quarrels with Aretas, i. 67 causes of the quarrel, i. 67 is defeated by Aretas, i. 26, 67 is supported by Tiberius, i. 67 appears before Caligula, i. 103 is banished, i. 103 Antipater, a freebooter of Derbe, i. 152 a friend of Cicero, i. 152 slain by Amyntas, i. 152 Antipatris described, ii. 155 distance of, from Jerusalem, ii, 155 ᾿Αντίτυπα explained, ii. 321 Antonia (mother of Claudius) assists Agrippa, i. 100 friend of Bernice mother of Agrippa, i. 100 coin of, i. 101, 317 Antonia (Fort), pontifical robes kept in, ii. 110 site of, 11. 128 described, ii. 135 enlarged by Herod and joined to the Temple, ii. 130 Antoninus (M. Aur.), coins of, i. 62, 81 Antoninus (Pius), coin of, i. 300 Antony (Mark) called at thirty-four a young man, i. 5 with Octavius defeats Brutus and Cassius at Philippi, i. 207 is ruler of the East, i. 66 passion of, for Cleopatra, i. 66 puts Lysanias I. to death, i. 66 takes his own life, i. 66 portrait of, on gems, i. 207; 11, 353 ᾿Αντοφθαλμεῖν explained, ii. 197 | Apamza, Arabian population extended to, i. 56 ᾿Απεκδυσάμενος explained, ii. 270 Apelles, a common Roman name, ii. 71 (the painter), a native of Ephesus, i. 319 his picture of Alexander the Great at Ephesus, i. 324 ᾿Αφηλιώτης, What wind it was, ii. 196 *Agiéis, meaning of, 11. 92 ᾿Απλότητι, Meaning of, ii. 63 ᾿Από, meaning of, ii. 294 ᾿Απὸ πέρυσι explained, ii. 24 ᾿Απὸ τετάρτης ἡμέρας explained, i. 90 ᾿Αποκατασταθῶ explained, ii. 332 ᾿Αποκόψονται explained, i. 353 ᾿Απολελυμένοι (Heb, xiii. 23) explained, ii. 332 Apollo, temple of, at Ephesus, i. 321 at Rhodes, ii. 99 at Patara, ii. 101 at Rome, ii. 289 Apollo Belvedere brought from palace of Nero at Rome, ii. 375 Apollonia (near Amphipolis) now called Polina, i. 225 site of, discussed, i, 224 Apollonia (Illyria), port from Macedonia for Italy, i. 204 Apollonius of Tyana described, i. 326 Apollos, or Apollonius, a native of Alexandria, i, 331 preaches at Ephesus, i. 331 acquainted only with John’s baptism, i. 331 passes over to Corinth, i. 331 eloquence of, i. 331 returns to Ephesus and desired back by the Corinthians, i. 368 ministry of, at Corinth referred to by Paul, i. 377 has a party at Corinth, i. 362 carries epistle to Titus from Corinth to Crete, ii. 340 ᾿Απολογία (2 Tim. iy. 16), meaning of, ii. 391 (Philipp. i. 7), explained, ii. 281 ᾿Απορφανισθέντες explained, i. 281 ᾿Αποσκευσάμενοι, explained, ii, 107 Apostle, Paul denied to be, i. 385 Paul does not style himself as, in certain Epistles, ii. 280 why not so styled in Epistle to Hebrews, ii. 308 INDEX. 449 Apostle—continued. calls himself such in all his epistles except Hebrews, Philippians, and Thessalonians, i. 279 Apostles arrested in a body by the Sadducees, i. 30 released, i. 31 address the people in Solomon's porch, ii. 134 are dispersed from Jerusalem, ii. 139 received support from their flocks, i. 280, 290 harmony between them and Paul, i. 304 the envoys of the Sanhedrim so called, i. 48 ᾿Αποτίμησις, a census of property, i. 21 Appeal was the right of every Roman citizen, to, ii. 172 coin representing an, ii, 174 whether in writing, ii. 173 allowed or not at discretion, ii. 173 form of, ii. 179 delays of, at Rome, ii. 277 before whom heard, ii. 278 Apphia (wife of Philemon), ii. 273, 274 Appian Way. See Via Appia Appii Forum, Christians of Rome meet Paul at, ii, 223 site of, ii, 224 Aque Salvie, why so called, ii. 403 place of Paul’s decapitation, ii. 401 road to, from Rome, ii. 401 view of, ii. 402 view of church of St. Paul at, ii. 405 visited by the author, ii. 402 Aqueduct constructed by Pilate with the Corban, i. 32 Aquila meets with Paul at Corinth, i. 273 was a tent-maker, i. 8, 275 where was his domicile, i. 275 expelled from Rome, i. 275 was a Christian before he met Paul, i. 275 parts from Paul at Ephesus, i. 302 carries on the trade of a tent-maker at Ephesus, i. 830 called a fellow-helper, i. 330 Paul lodges with, at Ephesus, i. 331 divine service at house of, i. 403 runs great risk for Paul at Ephesus, i. 413 sails from Ephesus to Rome, ii. 2 Arabia, the boundaries of, defined, i. 55 Aradhena, a village near Port Phoenix, ii. 193 Aram, or Syria, different meanings of, i. 58 Aramaic, a branch of the Semitic, ii. 145 Aratus, the Cilician poet cited by St. Paul, i. 12, 264 portrait of, i. 266 ᾿Αρχαίῳ explained, ii. 108 Archelaus (the Ethnarch), dominions of, i. 16 not a king, i. 16 8000 Jews of Rome present petition against, i. 274; ii. 240 banished by Augustus, i. 17 coin of, i. 16 Archelaus (King of Cappadocia) ruled Isauria and Tsaurica, i. 153 coin of, i. 153 Archippus, Bishop of Colosse, i. 361 son of Philemon, ii, 273, 275 VOL. I. | ᾿Αρχισυνάγωγοι explained, i. 276, 293 Archon, name of the Jewish chief magistrate in foreign cities, i. 1 Archons, nine at Athens, i. 245 Areopagus (Mars’ hill), description of, i. 252 examination of by the author, i. 252 view of, i. 253 stones of ‘Insolence’ and ‘ Impudence’ on, i. 252 trial of Mars on, i. 252 Parthenon not visible from, i. 264 Areopagus (Court), its jurisdiction, i. 261 time of sitting, i. 261 Socrates arraigned at, i, 267 Paul brought before, i. 261 his address to, i. 262 whether the proceeding was judicial, i. 262 sat in open air, i. 262 Aretas (elder) is called in by Damascenes, i. 63 Aretas (younger), quarrel of with Herod Antipas, i. 67 defeats the army of Antipas, i. 67 threatened with war by Tiberius, i. 67 called himself Φιλέλλην, i. 68 receives Damascus from Caligula, i. 68 allows the Jews to have an Ethnarch, i. 72 how he became possessed of Damascus examined, ii. 31 coin of, i. 67 Arethusa, site of, i. 225 Argob, same as Trachonitis, i. 63 Aricia, Paul said to have slept at, ii. 224 distance of from Rome, ii. 224 Aristarchus, a Macedonian of Thessalonica, i. 168 accompanies Paul from Ephesus to Macedonia, li. 2 accompanies Paul from Macedonia to Corinth, ii. 38 and from Corinth, ii. 74 accompanies Paul on his third circuit, i. 310 is charged with Galatian collection, i. 312 sails with Paul from Cesarea, ii. 183 does not go to Rome with him, ii. 183 quits Paul at Myra, ii. 189 rejoins the Apostle at Rome, ii. 189 labours with Paul at Rome, ii. 243 is with him at the date of the Epistle to the Co- lossians, ii. 272 Aristion Menophantus (Recorder of Ephesus), coin of, 1. 316 Aristobulus (brother of Agrippa 1.) is a refugee at court of Flaccus, i. 100 Aristobulus (son of Herod of Chaleis), ii. 111 is appointed King of Armenia Minor, ii. 113 Aristobulus (in Epistle to Romans, xvi. 10), who he was, i. 68 Aristobulus, a name found at Philippi, i. 211 Aristobulus (the Maccabee) styled a king, ii. 129 Ark, what it contained, ii, 318 Armour of a Roman suldier deseribed, ii. 265 ‘Aprayuds explained, ii, 284 ᾿Αῤῥαβών explained, ii. 17 etymology of, ii. 258 3 M 450 INDEX. ”Appnros, Jehovah so called, i. 264 ᾿Αρτεμᾶς, etymon of, ii, 344 Artemas accompanies Paul to Crete, ii. 337 sent thither from Corinth, ii. 353 Artemidorus, statue of, at Ephesus, i. 324 “Apres, etymon of, i. 408 ᾿Αρτεμίσια at Ephesus, i. 405 Artemisius, mouth of, at Ephesus, i. 405 in Macedonia, i. 405, 406 Artemon sail, what it was, ii. 188 “Aptos, the sacramental loaf, ii. 79 Arundell’s view of the site of Colossee, i. 359 As, Roman copper coin, i. 336 specimen of, i. 336 Ascalon, palace at, assigned on death of Herod the Great to Salome, i. 17 ᾿Ασεβεία, or Impietas, what it was, ii, 362 Asia, various meanings of, i. 189 Asia (Minor), map of, i. 164 map of first circuit in, i. 130 what countries it comprised, i. 130 when first so called, i. 190 Kiepert’s map of, i. 130 political state of, i. 131 oceupied by seventeen nations, i. 131 and many with different languages, i. 132 all of it given to idolatry, i. 132 worshipped chiefly the Moon, i. 132 regarded the Czsars as deities, i. 133 bad roads of, i. 133 infested by banditti, i. 133 rate of travelling in, i. 135 invaded by the Gauls, i. 178 slave-market of Rome supplied from, i. 3 Asia (Proconsular) bequeathed to Romans by Attalus, i. 190 cities of, how governed, i. 315 divided into shires for trial of causes, i. 316 hierarchy of, i. 316 one of the Senate’s provinces, i. 313 was consular, and governed by a proconsul, i. 313 extent of, i. 313 “Chief of,” or Asiarchs, i. 317 Asia (of New Testament), same as Lydia, i. 190; 11. 181 boundaries of, i. 190 comprised the seven churches mentioned in the Apocalypse, i. 191 included Laodicea, Hierapolis, and Colosse, i. 191 Christians of, desert Paul at Rome, ii. 380 Paul forbidden to preach in, i. 192 Asiarchs described, i. 317 how appointed, i. 318 coins of, i. 318 Asinzeus, a weaver, i. 8 Asopus, a river of Laodicea, i. 357 ᾿Ασπίς explained, 11. 266 Assessors, function of, in a Roman provinee, i. 314 Assizes held in Proconsular Asia, i. 316 at Ephesus, when held, i. 413 Assos, plan of, 11. 84 Assos, gate of, ii. 82 coin of, ii. 83 described, ii. 81 pun of Stratonicus upon, ii. 83 Astaroth, a city of Arabia, i. 55 Astarte, coin of, i. 85 ᾿Ασθενούντων explained, 11. 95 Asylum, Temple of Diana at Ephesus was, i. 321 Ateibeh Lake, situation of, i. 58 Atheism, or denial of the Roman gods punishable, ii. 861 Atheneum or Temple of Minerva at Ephesus, i. 320, 322 Athenians on friendly terms with the Jews, i. 263 deyoutness of, i. 260 Athenodorus, a Stoic philosopher of Tarsus, and private tutor to Augustus, i. 3, 82 rules at Tarsus, 1. 81 regarded as a hero, i. 82 Athens attempts the conquest of Amphipolis, i. 224 unfortunate in her partisanship, i. 240 takes the side of Pompey, i. 240 of Brutus and Cassius, i. 240 of Mark Antony, i. 241 always spared by the victor, i. 241 degeneracy of, i. 241 general description of, i. 242 plan of, i. 245 Temple of Theseus at, i. 247 view οἵ, 1. 24 temples and statues of, i. 254 mixed magnificence and meanness of, i. 254 philosopher of, i. 246 Parthenon of, i. 255 coin of, i. 255 plan of ports and long walls of, i. 242 distant view of, i. 238 view of, from the monument of Philopappus, i. 248 Agora of, compared to city of London, i. 256 a synagogue at, 1. 256 old market of, i, 249 new market of, i. 250 view of portico at, i. 249 Clock Tower at, i, 251 view of it, i, 251 Areopagus, i. 252 view of it, 1. 253 ~ Acropolis, i. 253 plan of it, i, 255 [1. 260 taken by Archelaus, the general of Mithridates, by Sylla, i. 260 by Julius Czesar, i. 260 follows Mark Antony, i. 261 and is rewarded by him, i. 260 {i. 261 deprived of some of its possessions by Augustus, left free by Romans, i. 260 free till time of Strabo, i. 261 and of Pliny the elder, i. 261 and Pliny the younger, i. 261 and long after, i. 261 why Paul was conducted to, i, 189 INDEX. 451 Athens—continued. date of Paul’s arrival at, i. 238 how long he remained at, 268 Atonement, day of, ii. 322 Attalia, plan and coin of, i. 155 view of, i. 154 Attalus L., king of Pergamus, defeats the Gauls, i. 178 Attalus ΠῚ. (Philadelphus) injures the port of Ephesus, 1. 330 Attalus II. (Philometor) bequeaths his dominions to the Romans, i. 190 “Augustan cohort,” what it was, ii. 182 Augustani, who they were, ii. 183 [3890 Augustus, coins and medals of, i. 44,206, 207, 223, 316, aureus of, i. 336 victory of, at Actium, ii. 353 camp of, ii, 354 meaning of the name, ii. 362 did not require divine worship, ii. 362 temple to, at Ancyra, i. 183 acts of, recorded in temple at Ancyra, i. 184 character of, as a judge, ii. 378 disclaimed the title of Κύριος or Dominus, ii. 176 donations of, to Athens, i. 250 bestowed Roman citizenship sparingly, i. 4 continues the privileges of the Jews, i. 46 temple to, at Cesarea, ii. 165 makes a division of the Roman provinces, i. 313 divides the dominions of Herod the Great, i. 16 death of, i, 22 portrait of, i. 18 Auranitis, people of, are of a peaceful character, i. 56 subject to Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 60 described, i. 63 allotted on death of Herod the Great to Herod Philip, i. 17 the same in Josephus and Eusebius as Arabia Proper, i. 55 farmed by Zenon, i. 67 Aurelius, coin of, i. 181 Aureus (Roman), specimen of, i. 45, 336 Auxiliaries explained, i. 86 Aviola, procurator of Asia, i. 412 Ayasaluk at Ephesus, i. 320 why so called, i. 320 Azizus, king of Emesa, marries Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa II, ii. 122 is deserted by her and dies, ii. 124 Azotus assigned on-the death of Herod the Great to Salome, i. 17. Bab Shurky of Damascus, elevation of, i. 70 view of, i. 72 Babylon (the Great), St. Peter is at, i. 307; ii. 364 Babylon (in Egypt), ii. 364 Bacchus worshipped at Philippi, i. 210 Baptism not administered by Paul personally, i. 126 except on special occasions, i. 373 of infants referred to, i. 220 for the dead explained, i. 400 (211 Barbarians, all others than Greeks so called, ii, 205, Barea Seranus is proconsul of Asia, ii. 371 repairs the port of Ephesus, i. 330 put to death, ii. 372. Bar-jesus, or Elymas, is struck blind by Paul, i. 127 Barnabas a native of Cyprus, i. 96 a prophet and teacher, i. 113 why so called, i. 113 originally named Joseph, or Joses, i. 113 cousin of Mark, ii. 272 acquainted with Paul at Tarsus, i. 7 was a landed proprietor, i. 7, 374 educated at Tarsus, i. 7 career of, parallel to that of Paul, i. 7 introduces Paul to the Apostles, i. 8, 75 sent from Jerusalem to Antioch, i. 96 brings Paul from Tarsus to Antioch, i. 8, 96 accompanies Paul on his first circuit, i. 115 goes with him from Antioch to the Council of Jerusalem, i. 157 returns with him to Antioch, i. 163 severs from Paul, and taking Mark with him proceeds to Cyprus, i. 164 rejoins Paul at the close of his second circuit, and goes with him to Jerusalem, i. 302 his journeys to Jerusalem with Paul discussed, 1. 343 returns to Antioch, i. 306 evangelizes the Eastern portion of Asia Minor, i. 165 Barrack of the imperial guard at Rome, ii. 282 Barrada (river) flows through Damascus, i. 69 Bashan, called afterwards Batanea, i. 65 Basil, his opinion of the epistle to the Ephesians, li. 256 Basilica (Roman) view of, during a trial, ii. 290 plan of, referred to, ii. 399 (Julia) at Rome, ii. 235 Batanza subject to Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 60 farmed by Zenon, i. 67 the true position of, i. 65 the same as Bashan, i. 65 lay between Judea and Trachonitis, i. 65 the chief towns of, i. 65. allotted on death of Herod the Great to Herod Philip, i. 17 given to Agrippa IL., ii. 122 Bath of Helen, at Cenchrea, described, i. 301 Bd@pa on Areopagus at Athens, i. 252 Baulos, distance of, from Puteoli, ii. 219 the marine villa of Nero, ii. 219 Bay of St. Paul at Malta, plan of, ii. 203 view of entrance to, ii. 201 general view of, ii. 208 Beasts, fighting with, i. 327 medal of, i. 330 Beautiful Gate of Temple described, i. 29 position of, ii. 133 Beke (Dr.), his opinion as to the site of Haran, i. 58 Belly and limbs, fable of, i. 394 Benjamin, Paul was of tribe of, i. 2 Saul, the first king was of tribe of, ii. 61 3m 2 452 INDEX. Bermius, Mount, near Bercea, i. 235 Bernice (mother of Agrippa I.) is great friend of Antonia, the mother of Claudius, i. 100 Bernice (sister of Agrippa II.) supplicates the Roman procurator for the Jews, ii. 109 takes the vow of a Nazarite, i. 295 comes to Jerusalem to complete her vow, ii. 140 marries her uncle, Herod of Chalcis, ii. 109 marries Polemo 11., king of part of Cilicia, ii. 122, 175 elopes from him and lives with her brother Agrippa IL., ii. 174 is with him at Rome, ii. 113 accompanies Agrippa II. on a visit of congratu- lation to Festus, ii. 174 hears Paul plead, ii. 175 pays a like visit to Gessius Florus, il. 174 statue to, at Athens, i. 248 lives with Titus at Rome, ii. 122 Bernicianus, son of Herod of Chaleis, ii. 113 Bercea confided to care of Titus, i. 234, 257 coin of, 1. 235 inhabitants of, more noble than the Thessa- lonians, i. 236 described, i. 235 length of Paul’s stay at, i. 237 Bethesda | Pool), site of, ii. 129 Bethmillo, the palace of Solomon, site of, ii. 129 Βίβλια (2 Tim. iv. 13), meaning of discussed, 11. 390 Biga described, ii. 222 Birota described, ii. 222 Bishops means presbyters, ii. 280 Bishops, priests, and deacons recognized, i. 107 Bithynia, Paul and Silas debarred from, i. 192 Bithyniarchs, i. 318 Black art practised at Ephesus, i. 334 Blasphemy punished by stoning, i. 24 Blindness of Paul referred to, i. 54; ii. 32 Blood, the eating of, prohibited, i. 161 Boadicea, rebellion of Britain under, ii. 245 Boéthus a poet and demagogue of Tarsus, i. 81 Bolbe, Lake, i. 225 Books, sacred, how written, i. 139 Bostra the capital of Arabia, i. 55 view of, i. 56 Βουλή of each city, i. 315 Βραχύ τι explained, ii. 310 Brasidas slain at Amphipolis, i. 224 Breastplate of a Roman, ii. 265 Brenin, name in Welsh for king, i. 178 Brennus, leader of a host of Celts, i. 178 the name a generic one, i. 178, 182 Brethren of our Lord were not apostles, i. 586 -briga, common termination of places in Gaul and Galatia, i. 180 meaning of, i. 182 Brigantes betray Caractacus, i. 195 Britain supplied tin to the Phcenicians, i. 77 etymology of the name, i. 77 invaded by A. Plautius, i. 110 coin struck on conquest of, i. 110 Britain—continued. a naval crown on palace at Rome, to commemo- rate conquest of, ii. 235 conquest of, by Ostorius, i. 195 rebellion of, under Boadicea, ii. 245 referred to in Mon. Ancyr., i. 185 Britannica the oldest form of the name for Britain, ὙΠ ἢ Britannicus, son of Claudius, is passed over by Clau- dius, who names Nero as his successor, ii. 227 portrait of, ii. 228 is poisoned by Nero, ii. 229 Brittany, Celts forced into, i. 178 Brundisium, view and plan of, ii. 374 Brutus, site of camp of, at Philippi, i. 201 defeated at Philippi, i. 207 coin of, i. 208 coin of, with Lictors, i. 217 death of, i. 209 Bryant, theory of, that Paul was wrecked at Meleda, ii. 211 as to the wind Euroclydon, ii. 196 as to title of governor of Malta, ii. 209 Burial in the East usually on the day of death, i. 24 Burke (Edmund) his mistake of Festus for Felix, ii. 161 Burning a common mode of martyrdom, i. 395 Burning of books of the black art at Nphesus, i. 336 Burrhus, Prefect of the Pretorium, ii. 236 governs with Seneca, ii. 230 death of, ii. 361 Cadmus, a river of Laodicea, i. 357 Cesar, right of appeal to, ii. 172 Cesar (Ὁ. Jul.) rebuilds Corinth, i. 271 fayours the Jews, i. 44 decrees of, on their behalf, i. 44 portraits of, i. 45 character of, as a judge, ii. 378 temples erected to, ii. 362 donation by, to Athens, i. 250 Cesar (Caius), coin of, 1. 223 Cesar (Lucius), statue in honour of, at Athens, i. 250 Cesar’s household, many converts amongst, ii. 242 how Paul had access to, ii. 289 Caesars, pedigree of, i. 15 Czsarea (on sea) was in Phoenicia, i. 76 port of, called Sebastus, i. 76 at what time completed by Herod, ii. 166 ealled Flavia, ii, 166 the Roman capital, ii. 167 coins of, i. 76, 98 view of, ii. 164 plan of, ii. 167 decay of, ii. 166 an episcopate, ii, 166 exempted from the poll tax, ii. 166 contests at, between Jews and Syrians, ii. 168 INDEX. 453 Cxsarea—continued. distance of, from Jerusalem, ii. 106, 155 from Acre, ii. 106 trom Sidon, ii. 184 what forces usually stationed at, ii. 175 Paul tried, before Festus at, ii. 171 Cesarea (Philippi), whether visited by Paul, i. 76 the capital of Herod Philip, i. 17 view of, i. 18 Cxsareum in palace of Herod, ii. 126 Caiaphas, son-in-law of Annas, and high priest, i. 23, 28 deposed by Vitellins, i. 25 Caicus (river), boundary of Lydia on the north, i. 190 Caius a convert at Corinth, i. 290 Caius (the Presbyter), testimony of, to the death of Peter and Paul, ii. 406 Caius (son of Augustus), coin of, i. 223 Caleb, his good report of Canaan, ii. 312 Caligula is emperor, i. 27 makes Claudius bis butt, i. 337 is intimate with Agrippa I., i. 101 releases him from prison, i, 102 makes him King of Trachonitis, i. 102 confers on him the Tetrarchy of Herod Antipas, i. 103 requires divine honours from his subjects, i. 103; li. 362 threatens toerect his statue in the temple at Jerusalem, i. 103 requires to be addressed as Κύριος or Dominus, ii. 176 persecutes the Jews, i. 47 sends Maryllus to Judea, i. 98 no friend to Herod Antipas, ii. 31 assigns Damascus to Aretas, ii. 31 character of, as a judge, ii. 378 scatters money amongst the populace at Rome, 11. 235 slumbers of, disturbed by the Cireus Maximus, ii. 234 bestows the Roman citizenship sparingly, i. 4 intended to make Rhegium a port, ii. 217 is assassinated, i. 104 coin of, with portrait, i. 102 Camulodunum (Colchester), the Roman colony de- stroyed, ii, 245 Canal across Pontine marshes, ii. 222 parallel to road, ii. 223 Canatha, a city of Arabia, i, 55 of Decapolis, i. 63 of the Ledja, i. 63 Candlestick of temple at J erusalem, illustrations of, li. 319, 320 where kept, ii. 154 Cantheras is high priest, ii. 112 Capena (Porta) at Rome, ii, 226 Capernaum, several rulers of the synagogue at, i. 276 Capital punishment, whether the Jews could inflict, i. 82 Capital punishment —continued. not allowed to Sanhedrim without leave of the procurator, ii. 300 nor during a feast, i. 106 Capito (Herennius), procurator of Jamnia arrests Agrippa, ii. 100 Capito (Cossutianus) Propretor of Cilicia, ii. 156 Capitolias, a city of Decapolis, i. 63 Cappadociarchs, i. 318 Capree, the residence of the Emperor Tiberius, ii, 218 Captain of the Temple, duties of, 11. 134 Eleazar is, ii. 136 Car for travelling used in Troas, specimen of, ii. 80 Caractacus defeated by Aulus Plautius, i. 110 by Ostorius, i. 195 made a show of, at Rome, ii. 233 may have been father of Claudia, ii. 397 Carpentum described, ii, 222 Carpus, Paul lodges with, at Troas, ii. 398, 370 at what time cloak left with, ii. 291 Carre identified with Haran, i. 58 “ Carriages,” meaning of, ii. 108 Cartismandua, Queen of the Caractacus, i. 195 Cassander renames Therma, i. 225 Cassandra, daughter of Priam, portrait of, at Athens, i. 246 Cassiterides, the Greek name for the British islands, i. 77 Cassius (C.) defeated at Philippi, i. 207 coin of, 1. 208 death of, i. 209 Cassius (Q.), coin of, ii. 380 Cassivellaunus, why so called, ii. 392 Castor and Pollux, name of vessel in which Paul sailed for Rome, ii. 214 temple of, at Rome, ii. 235 view of site of, ii. 237 Castra Preetoriana described, ii. 233 proper designation of, ii. 282 Catakekaumene, site of, i. 191 Catarractes, river, now Duden-su, i. 155 Catullus, the diminutive of Catus, ii. 156 Caucabe, the scene of Paul’s conversion, i. 49 Cave under the Sakhra, the mausoleum of the kings of Judea, ii. 130 Cayster, plains of, first called Asia, i. 190 silts up the port of Ephesus, i. 321 course of, at Ephesus, i. 320 Cedron simply, distinguished from “ Cedron so ealled,” ii. 128 Celer (P.) is imperial procurator at Ephesus,i. 337, 412 poisons Junius Silanus, i. 338 tried at Rome, i. 338 Celer (the tribune) sent to Rome, ii. 117 ordered for execution, ii. 120 Celtic origin of the Galatians, i. 180 Celts same word as Gauls, i. 177 occupied all west of Europe, i. 177 forced into Brittany, Wales, Cornwall, and Scotch highlands, i. 178 Brigantes, betrays 454 INDEX. Cenchrea, plan of port of, i. 299 city of, described, i. 299 port of, deseribed, i. 300 etymology of the word, i. 299 coin of, i. 300 visited by the author, i. 300 view of, from north and also from south, i. 298 the eastern port of Corinth, i. 270 ; ii. 67 distance of, from Corinth, i. 270 a church at, i. 298 Phoebe a deaconess of, i. 298 Censorship was at Philippi, i. 216 Census instituted by Cyrenius, i. 19 passage in Luke relating to, explained, i. 19 Centuries, number of, in a cohort, i. 86 Centurion explained, i. 86 figure of Roman, ii. 182 had custody of Agrippa, i. 101 two sent as escort to Paul, and why, ii. 154 view and plan of house at Rome of, ii. 289 Cephas. See Peter Ceramicus at Athens, position of, 1. 243, 244, 246 Ceremonial law abolished, i. 162 Cerethrius, meaning of in Celtic, i. 182 Cestrus, Perga on right bank of, i. 134 Chain carried by every Roman soldier, ii. 144 Chains, prisoners sometimes pleaded in, ii. 175 Χαίρειν, the Greek salutation in a letter, i. 161 Chalcis, the capital of Ptolemy Mennwi, i. 60 described, i, 62 subject to Lysanias, i. 66 annexed to Syria, i. 67 subject to Herod, the brother of Agrippa 1., i, 105 to Agrippa II., ii. 113 Χαλκοῦς, the copper coin, explained, i. 336 specimen of, i. 337 Chares, the Lindian, made the Colossus of Rhodes, ii. 98 Χάρις explained, ii. 20 Charonium, in Antioch, i. 93 Charybdis, the whirlpool, ii. 218 Cherubim, gate of, in Antioch, i. 93 Chesney (Col.), his account of Seleucia, i. 119 Chichester, etymon of, ii. 392 called Regnum, ii. 393 inscription found at, ii. 394 XiAtapxos explained, i. 86; ii. 143 Chios, coins of, 11. 87 view of eastern coast of, ii. 86 Χιτών explained, ii, 413 Chloe, a convert at Corinth, i. 290 household of, inform Paul of divisions at Corinth, 1. 363 Chonas, whether same as Colosse, i. 359 view of, 1. 360 Chrestion, Procurator of Malta, ii, 209 Chrestus, a mistake for Christus, i. 274 CHRIST, See JESUS Christian era, erroneous commencement of, i. 16 Christianity not confined to the lower class, i. 374 Christianity —continued. made criminal, ii. 361, 363 Christians first so called, in Antioch, i. 96 the word compounded of Greek and Latin, i. 96 into what classes divided, i. 88 were early found at Rome, i. 274 often confounded with Jews, i. 275 persecution of, at Rome, ii. 359 generally unpopular, ii. 359 edicts against, ii. 363 caricatured by Lucian, ii. 163 their mode of salutation, i. 284 retired on siege of Jerusalem to Pella, ii. 324 Christus often called Chrestus, i. 274 Chronology, what system of, adopted by Paul, i. 141 of the Exodus and delivery of the law, i. 349 Χρόνον οὐκ ὀλίγον, meaning of, 1. 157 Χρόνον τινα, meaning of, i. 310 Χρυσοῦς, or aureus, the Roman gold coin, i. 336 Chrysostom, his description of Paul at Corinth, i. 276 Church, ruins of, in Antioch of Pisidia, i. 137 Church (Christian), three orders of ministers in, i. 107 Churches supported their pastors, i. 280, 290 Chushan-rishathaim, i. 58 Cicero (Δ. T.), Propretor of Cilicia, i. 78 time taken by, to reach Athens from Rome, i. 291 a friend of Antipater, i. 152 how they became acquainted, i. 166 portrait of, i.78 Cilicia (hair-cloths) used for making tents, i. 57 Cilicia (country). pirates and bandits of, ii. 30 boundaries of, i. 78 the province of M. T. Cicero, i. 78 Cilicia (Campestris), an Imperial province, subject to Syria, i. 78 Capito Propreetor of, ii. 156 he is accused at Rome, ii. 156 Cilicia (Aspera) belonged to Amyntas, i. 131 given on his death to Antiochus, king of Com- magene, i. 78, 131 reunited to Cilicia, i. 78 Cilicia (Sea of), ii. 186 Cilician gates, the pass through, i. 166 view of, i. 311 Ciliciarchs, i. 318 Cireuits of Paul— map of, 11, 336 Ist. i. 113; its duration, i. 156 Qnd, i. 164 3rd, i. 310 4th, 11. 336 Circumcision of Paul, i. 5 Circus Maximus at Rome, ii. 234 Citizenship of Rome the subject of purchase, ii. 148 Civita Vecchia, the ancient Melita, ii. 209 Paul said to have resided at, ii, 214 INDEX. 455 Clauda, island of, ii. 197 Claudia (2 Tim. iy. 21), who she was, discussed, ii. 392 probably daughter of King Cogidunus, ii. 374 consigned to Pomponia at Rome, ii. 393 age of, at that time, ii. 393 marries Pudens, ii. 397 said by some to have been daughter of Carac- tacus, il. 397 Claudiana, a point of junction on the Via Egnatia, i. 204 Claudius made Emperor, partly by the influence of Agrippa I, i. 10 confers on him Judea and Samaria, i. 105 is governed by his wives, ii. 110 reinstates the Jews in all their rights, i. 47 judicial character of, ii. 119, 378 hears the dispute between the Jews and Sama- ritans, ii. 119 liberties taken with, ii. 120 decree of, in favour of the Jews, ii. 111 passes into Britain to have the honour of the conquest by A. Plautius, ii. 392 takes Colchester, i. 110 celebrates his triumph, i. 110 coin struck on the oceasion, i. 110 games in his honour at Caesarea, i. 108, 111 expels all Jews from Rome, ii. 116 edict of, against Jews recalled, ii. 121 liberal sentiments of, ii. 362 gave the Roman citizenship freely, i. 4 coins of, i. 108, 110, 125, 271, 326; ii. 227 death of, i. 337 ; ii. 227 portrait of, 11. 227 character of, i. 337 Cleanthes, hymn of, i. 265 Clemens, a name found at Philippi, i. 211 Clemens (Titus Flayius) suffered martyrdom, ii. 411 Clement referred to by Paul, ii. 287 writes an epistle to the Corinthians, ii, 39 testimony of, to the deaths of Peter and Paul, ii. 405 letter of, carried by Fortunatus, i. 403 Cleon slain at Amphipolis, i. 224 Cleopatra at Tarsus, i. 79 beloved by M. Antony, i. 66 procures the death of Lysanias, i. 66 puts a brother and sister to death, i. 66 portrait of, from a coin, ii. 353 Clepsydra in clock tower at Athens, i. 251 specimen of, i. 233 used in courts of justice, i. 232 Clock-tower, view of at Athens, i. 251 Cnidus, Paul on his yoyage to Rome arrives off, ii. 190 view of, ii. 190 coin of, ii. 190 Alexandrian vessels commonly touched at, ii. 190 Cochrane (Lord) chases a vessel into Port Phenix, ii. 194 Cogidubnus, same name as Cogidunus, ii. 392 king of the Regni (Surrey and Sussex), supposed to be the father of Claudia, ii. 392 full name of, ii, 392 Cohorts, number of, in a Legion, i. 86 proper sense of, ii. 144 spoken of in distinction from a Legion, ii. 182 five of them stationed at Czsarea, ii. 182 Cohors Preetoria, ii. 232 Coinage current in the Apostle’s time, i. 336 Coins, ancient, not brass, but bronze, i. 16 change of type of, in Judea on death of Au- gustus, 1. 23 Colchester taken by Claudius, i. 110 re-captured from the Romans by the Britons, li, 245 effigy of a Roman centurion found at, ii, 182 Colonies (Roman)— Philippi, i. 209 Alexandria Troas, i. 192 Antioch of Pisidia, i. 137 Acre, ii, 104 Corinth, i. 271 Tconium, i. 145 Coloss#, what the true spelling of, i. 358 coins of, i. 358 in Lydian Asia, i. 191 site of, i, 358 on river Lycus, i. 359 whether same as Chonas, i. 359 converted by Epaphras, i. 360 Archippus, bishop of, i. 361 church of, meets in house of Philemon, i. 361 whether visited by Paul before his voyage to Rome, i. 172 visited by Paul after his return from Rome, ii. 336 Colossians, great number of, mentioned by Paul, i. 176 epistle to, ii. 267 date of, ii. 254 written after the Ephesians, ii. 248 Colossus of Rhodes, site of, ii. 98 destruction of, ii, 99 Constantinople, columns of temple of Ephesian Diana carried to, i. 325 “ Conventum agere” explained, i. 316 Conversion, what was the place of Paul's, i. 49 difficulties in the accounts of, i. 50 view of scene of, i. 48 Converts, 5000 made in one day, i. 29 Coponius is Procurator of Judea, i. 19 Copper coinage in the Apostle’s time, i. 336 Copper-mines of Cyprus farmed by Herod the Great, i. 126 Corban, what it was, i. 31; ii. 111, 240 placed under charge of Herod of Chalcis, ii, 111 Coressus (Mount) at Ephesus, i. 321, 322 Corinth destroyed by Mummius, i. 270 restored by Julius Cesar, i. 271 a Roman colony, chiefly of freed-men, i. 271 governed by Duumyiri, i. 271 cemetery of, i, 272 456 INDEX. Corinth—continued. remains of, 1. 272 debauchery at, i. 272 view of temple at, i. 273 capital of Achaia, i. 280 described, i. 269 plan of, i. 270 coin of, i. 271 view of from north, and also from south, ii. 38 commerce of, i. 269 ports of, i. 270 converts of, i. 290 time required for reaching, from Rome, i. 291 distance of, from Philippi, i. 298 time of Paul’s arrival at, i. 269 length of first sojourn at, i. 296 Gallio arrives at, i. 291 church of, sends letter to Paul at Ephesus, i. 365 success of Titus’s mission to, ii. 3 beloved by Paul, i. 362 collection for poor Hebrews ordered at, i. 362 evil tidings from, reach Paul at Ephesus, i. 362 the divisions at, i. 362 Judaizing faction at, ii. 9 whether Paul visited Corinth more than once (before 2 Cor. ii. 16), ii. 32 revisited by Paul, ii. 38 collection for poor Hebrews made at, ii. 40 revisited by Paul after his return from Rome, ii. 338 Corinthian order of architecture, not found at Corinth, i. 273 Corinthian gate, site of, in temple at Jerusalem, i. 29, ii. 133 Corinthians, why Paul would not take anything from, i. 404 letter of, to Paul, i. 366 (First Epistle to), i. 372 earried by ‘Titus and Trophimus, i. 369 written at a passoyer, i. 370 date of, i. 372 (Second Epistle to), ii. 15 date of, ii. 15 Corn, exportation of, from Judea to Tyre and Sidon, i, 111 Cornelius converted, i. 86 whether a proselyte, i. 87 Corner stones of the temple at Jerusalem, ii. 260 Cornish same language as Welsh, i. 178 Corn-ship of Alexandria described, ii. 188 Cormwall, Celts forced into, i. 178 Cos given to Athenians, i, 261 the garden of the Egean, ii. 97 view and plan of, ii. 96 coin of, ii. 96 Council attendant on a procurator, ii. 1 by what names called, ii. 173 Council cliamber at Jerusalem, site of, ii. 127 site of, ii, 149 Council of Jerusalem, date of, i, 156 decree of, explained, i. 303 73 Council of Jerusalem—continued. of what classes of persons composed, i. 159 Council of 600 at Athens, i. 252 Counts, several, in Roman indictments, ii. 379, 381 Court of Areopagus, i. 261 Courts of the Temple at Jerusalem, ii, 132 Crenides, ancient name of Philippi, i. 207 Crescens, a name found at Philippi, i. 211 sent to Galatia, ii. 377, 389 Crete abounds with Jews, ii. 337 visited by Paul, ii. 291, 334, 337 coin of, ii. 191 Crispus of Corinth, a ruler of the synagogue and a conyert, i. 276, 290, 293 baptized by Paul, i. 276, 373 Critolaus, general of the Acheans, i. 270 Creesus, kingdom of, called Lydia, i. 190 extent of Ephesus in time of, 1. 321 Crommyon, etymology of, i. 299 Cross, death on, regarded as shameful, ii. 328 Crucifixion, date of, i. 23 the usual hour of, i. 24 with the head downwards, not uncommon, Ii. 368 Crusaders, works of, at Czsarea, ii. 166 Ctesilaus, work of, at Ephesus, i. 324 Cumanus (Ventidius) Procurator of Judea, ii. 113 troubles under, ii. 114 his slaughter of the Jews, ii. 116 said to have had Felix as a colleague in Pales- tine, ii. 159 convicted of bribery, and sent to Rome, ii. 117 Cunobelin, king of the Trinobantes, i. 110 Cup of the Eucharist always consecrated, i. 390 Curse, Jews bind themselves under, to kill Paul, ii. 153 Y similar curse against Herod the Great, ii. 152 Cusinius, Recorder of Ephesus, coin of, i. 317 Cuspius Fadus pacifies Judea, ii. 110 Custodia Militaris described, ii. 148 Custody of prisoners, Roman form of, ii, 147 Cybistra, two cities of that name, i. 151 one, now Eregli, i. 152 Cydnus flowed through Tarsus, 1. 79 view of falls of, 1. 80 Cynegirus, heroic conduct of, i. 246 Cypriarchs, i, 318 Cyprus (wife of Agrippa), i. 99 procures a loan for him, i. 100 Cyprus (island) comprised under Cilicia, i. 78 map of, 1. 120 described, i. 120; 11. 488 famous for its copper mines, i. 126 immense vine of, i. 326 coins of, 1. 124, 125 a province sometimes of the Emperor and some- times of the Senate, i. 125 governed in the time of Paul by a Proconsul, 1. 125 Cyrene. large part of the population of, was Jewish, 1, St INDEX. 457 Cyrenius, (i.e., Pub. Sulpic. Quirinus,) is Prefect of Syria, i. 19 ; was twice Prefect of Syria, i. 19, 21 the taxing uader him discussed, i. 19 Δαιμονέστεροι, sense of, i, 262 Dalmatia made a separate province, ii. 357 held by one legion, ii. 357 visited by Paul, ii. 355 Titus sent to, ii. 377 Damaris a convert to Christianity at Athens, i. 266 the name not found elsewhere, i. 266 whetlier a mistake for Damalis, i. 266 Damascus, routes to, from Jerusalem, i. 49 view of, from Antilibanus, i. 68 view of eastern gate of, i, 72 coin of, 1. 48 plan of, i. 69 distance of, from Jerusalem, 49 privileges of Jews at, i. 1 the most ancient of cities, i. 58 Abraham said to have been king of, i. 58 watered by the Abana, i. 58 native city of Eleazar, the servant of Abraham,i.58 belonged to Ptolemy Mennezi, i. 60 invites Aretas, king of Petra, to assist it against Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 63 submits to Pompey, i. 66 allowed by Augustus to govern itself, i. 67 litigates its boundaries with Sidon, i. 67, 100 falls under the sway of Aretas, i. 67 how it came under the power of Aretas, i. 68; li. 31 originally included under Arabia, i. 67 description of, i. 68 view of wall of, where Paul escaped, i. 72 struck no Imperial coins under Caligula or Clau- dius, i, 68 Jews of, governed by an Ethnarch, i. 72 evangelised early, i. 41 Damianus joined the temple of Diana to Ephesus by a colonnade, i. 321 Daphne, yearly procession to, from Antioch, i. 93 gate of, in Antioch, i. 93 Datis and Artaphernes portrayed at Athens, i. 246 Datum, ancient name of Philippi, i. 207 Daughters of Romans called by the name of the Gens, ii. 392 - David (King) inspired, ii. 312 wh thier called at 30 a young man, i. 5 aye of, when he fought with Goliath, i. 5 length of reign of, i. 141 castle of, at Jerusalem, commanded the upper city, ii. 129 “Day,” “The,” means day of judgment, i. 287, 376 expected by the Thessalonians, i. 278, 283 Day’s journey, length of, i. 135, 136 τὸ Days, months, seasons, and years,” explained, i. 351 | Deacons appointed, i. 32 a recogrized order of ministers in the churches, | ii. 280 VOL. I. Death, whether the Jews could under the Romans put to, i. 32 Decapolis described, i. 63 why so called, i. 63 what was the bond of union, i. 64 what cities 10 comprised, i. 63 annexed on deatli of Herod the Great to Syria,i. 64 Decree (of council of Jerusalem), i. 160 explained, i. 303 temporary only, ii. 141 (of Ephesus) in honour of Diana, i. 405 (Roman) in favour of the Jews, i. 44 et seq. (Provincial) in favour οἵ the Jews, 47 Dei visi, ii. 222 Dejotarus Tetrarch of the Tolistobogii, i. 179 and of all Galatia, i. 179 Aexaddpxns explained, ii. 143 Δελβεία, another name for Derbe, i. 152 Delos, the great depot for slaves from Asia Minor, i.3 Delphi, temple of Apollo at, rifled by Nero, ii. 375 Demas suspected by Paul, ii. 273 deserts Paul, ii. 389 Demetrius, the silversmith, at Ephesus, i. 408 Demiurgus, the Gnostie god of the Jews, 11. 250 “Democracy,” altar to, at Athens, 1. 300 Demoniaes, how regarded by Jews and Gentiles, i. 215 Denarius, value of, i. 336 specimen of, i. 336 “Deputy,” English translation of “ proconsul” i, 271 Derbe in Isauriea, i. 151 near Karaman, i. 151 on the verge of Cappadocia, i. 151 on Lake Ak Ghieul, i. 151 two hours from Derbent Bogaz, i. 152 belonged to Antipater the freebooter, i. 152 Paul and Barnabas preach at, i. 153 called also AeABeia, i. 152 belonged to Amyntas, i. 153 then to Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, i. 153 then attached to Roman provinee, i. 153 then assigned to Antivchus, king of Commagene, i, 153 belonged to Lycaonia, i. 144 Δέσμοις (Heb. x. 3+), a mistake for δεσμίοις, ii. 162 Devils, Jewish uotion of, i, 215 Devout men, or proselytes, i. 139 Δεξιολάβοι explained, ii. 158 distinct from ἱππεῖς, ii. 155 Διὰ means ‘after, i. 345 Διὰ μέσου explained, ii. 116 Διαγνώσομαι explained, ii. 160 Divus, general-of the Acleans, i. 270 Dialogue allowed in tle synagogues, Diana worshipped at Perga, i. 134 at Philippi, i. 210 temples of, at Ephesus, i. 820 coins of, i. 44, 135, 202, 203, 204 representations of temple of, at Ephesus, i. 221, 323 image of, i. 325, 326 i, 228 3 N INDEX. Diana—continued. figure of, i. 825 coin of, i. 823, 326 asylum of, i. 326 site of temple of, at Ephesus, i. 320 temple of, at Ephesus, described, i. 323 plans of it, i. 822 games in honour of, at Ephesus, i. 405 worshipped under three characters, 1. 405 decree in honour of, i. 405 universally worshipped, i. 409 Διαθήκη, double meaning of, in Greek, ii. 320 Dictation, representation of, by tragic poet, 1. 285 Didrachm was the poll tax paid by every Jew to the Temple, i. 91 specimen of, i. 44 commented on, i. 336 Δικαιοδότης, meaning of, as applied to Cyrenius, i. 19 Δίκαιος, Abel so called, 11. 325 Δίκη, a goddess, ii. 207 Diocletian erects temple to Jupiter at Jerusalem, ii. 130 Διόλκος of the Isthmus of Corinth, i. 268 Dion Cassius, account by, of the edict of Claudius against the Jews, 1. 275 Dionysius (Exiguus) introduces the Christian era, i. 16 Dionysius (Bishop of Corinth), testimony of, to the death of Peter and Paul, ti. 406 Dionysius (clerk of the market at Athens), i. 250 Dionysius (the Areopagite), a convert to Christianity, i. 266, 374 chureh of, at Athens, i. 254 Διοπετές commented on, i. 412 Dipylum Gate at Athens, position of, i. 245, 246 Dispersion, Jews of, contributed to the support of the Temple, i. 31 Dium (city of Deeapolis), i. 43 Dium (Macedonia), Paul embarks at, 1, 237 distance of, from Bercea, i. 237 Divlé, supposed by some to be Derbe, i. 152 Docymeum, probably visited by Paul, i. 177 Dominus applied to the Roman emperors, ii. 176 by law, ii. 176 Domitilla, medal of Peter and Paul found in tomb of, ii. 410 Domninus, an antiquary of Antioch, i. 96 Domus Palatina at Rome, ii, 234 Domus Augustana, ii. 234 Domus Tiberiana, ii. 234 Doras employed to assassinate Jonathan, ii. 125 Doryleum, probably visited by Paul, i. 177 Δοῦλοι, meaning of, 11, 343 commented on, ii. 264 Drachm, value of, i. 336 identical with the denarius, i. 386 specimen of, in Addenda Drama, valley of, i. 204 Drift of a ship, rate of, 11. 207 Druidism abandoned by the Galatians, i. 179 Δρυναίμετον, parliament of Galatians so called, i, 179 meaning of the word, i. 179, 180 Drusilla (sister of Agrippa II.), marries Azizus, king of Emesa, ii. 122 elopes from him and marries Felix, ii. 124, 161 hears Paul’s address before Felix, ii. 161 Drusilla (daughter of Juba), marries Felix, ii. 161 | Drusion, name of one of the towers at Czesarea, ii. 165 Drusus (father of Claudius), ii. 225 view of arch in honour of, ii. 226 coin of, i. 317 Drusus (son of Tiberius), portrait of, i. 99 found to have been poisoned, i. 99 Drusus (son of Germanicus), put to death, ii. 236 Drw, Celtic for an oak, i. 179, 180 Dubnorix, same as Dunorix and Dumnorix, ii. 392 Dumnorix, same as Dunorix and Dubnorix, 11, 392 Δύναμις Means miracies, 1. 279, 375 Δυνατοί, meaning of, ii, 171 Dunorix, Dubnorix, and Dumnorix, the samé name, ii. 392 Duumviri, ministers of justice, so called at Philippi, i. 216 answered to preetors at Rome, i. 217 Dyers of Thyatira, famous, i. 214 made their fortunes, i. 215 Dyrrhachium, port from Macedonia to Italy, i. 204 Earthquake at Philippi, i. 219 in Asia Minor, ii. 221 Easter observed by Christians, i. 378 *Exew explained, i. 378 Edicts against the Christians, ii. 363 repealed by Vespasian, ii. 363 restored by Domitian, ii. 363 Edueation, nature of Jewish, i. 7, 8 ᾿Εγγαστρίμνθοι, what they were, i, 215 ‘Hyeuoves, meaning of, ii. 398 a name for the council of prefects, ii. 173 Egeria, valley of, ii. 225 Ἔγραψα, force of, i. 379 Egypt, date of Jacob’s going to, and of the exodus from, i. 549 Egyptian false prophet, overthrown by Felix, ii, 125 Paul is taken for, ii. 126, 145 Ei (Acts xxvi. 23), meaning of, ii. 178 Evye, force of, 1.173, 174 Eis τέλος, explained, i. 281 ‘Exatovtapxns explained, i. 86; ii. 143 ‘ExatoorTy imposed on Syria, i. 94 ᾿Εκδιωξάντων explained, i. 281 Ἐκκλησία, whether it denotes a building, discussed, i. 298 Ἐκκλησία, the municipal assembly of a city, i. 413 met in the theatre, i. 315 Eleazar (son of Annas), ii. 137 is high-priest, i. 28 Eleazar (son of Ananias), is captain of the Temple, 11. 186 Eleazar (the bandit) captured by Felix by treachery, in. 128 Eleazar (an exorcist), 1, 990 INDEX. Eleusis, famous for its mysteries, i. 268 Eli, father of the Virgin Mary and Salome, i. 158 Elioneus appointed high-priest, i. 105; ii. 112 Ἑλλάς, Same as province of Achaia, i. 280; ii. 36 Ἕλληνας (Acts xi. 20) to be read for Ἑλληνιστὰς, i. 91 Ἕλληνές τε καὶ Βάρβαροι, a common phrase, ii. 47 ᾿Ελθών, commented on, ii. 295 Elymas the sorcerer is struck blind by Paul, i. 127 etymology of the word, i. 127 Emanations of the Gnosties, explained, ii. 250 Emathia, name of Thessalonica, i. 225 Ἡμέρας ἱκανάς, meaning of, i. 297 Emesa (now Hems), whether Paul retired thither, i. 56. part of Arabia, i. 56 ! | Emperors (Roman) exercised the judicial office, ii.377 _ ᾿Ἐμπνέων, meaning of, i. 41 Ἔν ὀλίγῳ, meaning of, ii. 178 Ἔν τῇ ἐπιστολῇ, explained, i. 378 Ἔν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις, explained, ii. 255 Ἠνάγκαζον, explained, ii. 177 Epenetus, the first convert of Asia,i. 276 Epaphras, the abbreviation of Epaphroditus, ii. 246 a native of Coloss®, and converts Colossx, Lao- dicea, and Hierapolis, i. 360, 261 is sent from Rome to those churches, ii, 246 returns by way of Philippi, and takes their con- tributions to Rome, ii. 247 his report of the churches visited, ii. 247 illness of, at Rome, ii. 278 why called a fellow-prisoner, ii. 276 Ἑπεκτεινόμενος, explained, ii. 286 *Edeoia, games at Ephesus, i. 405 ᾿ΕἘφέσια γράμματα, what they were, i. 334 Ephesians, fond of finery, ii. 347. Epistle to, ii. 254 is that to the Laodiceans, i. 172, 379 why called ‘‘ Ephesians,” ii. 248, 255 written before the Colossians, 11, 248 date of, ii, 254 not addressed to the Ephesians specially, but encyclical, 11. 254 Ephesus, decree of, in favour of Jews, i. 47 length of journey to, from Antioch, i. 310 constitution of, i. 315 general description of, i. 319 view of, from west, i. 302 from east, li. 370 capital of Asia, i. 319 a colony from Athens, i, 319 famous for sculpture and painting, i. 319 plan of, with details, i. 320 plain of, compared to a stadium, or race-course, 1. 320 chart of plain of, i. 318 image of Diana of, i. 325 different plans of, i. 322 Temple of Diana at, i. 323 view of sculpture on one of the columns of temple, 1, 323 view and plan of theatre at, i. 328 coins of, i, 316, 317, 321, 323 459 Ephesus—continued. coins of recorders of, i. 316, 317 coins of high priests of, i. 317 docks of, i. 321 stadium of, i. 321 gymnasium of, i. 321 chief assize town, i. 316 what peoples met there, i. 316 had cireuit of four miles, i. 321 ports of, i. 321 theatre of, i. 321 view and plan of theatre at, i. 928 view and plan of stadium at, i. 329 port of, injured by King Attalus, i. 330 but repaired by Barea Soranus, i. 330; ii. 371, 373 full of Jews, i. 330 famous for making tents, 1. 330 the central point of Proconsular Asia, i. 355 had title of Νεωκύρος, i. 411 coins with inscription of Νεωκόρος, i, 411 at what time assizes held at, i. 413 games at, in honour of Diana, i. 405 personified on base of statue ef Tiberius, at Pu- teoli, ii. 221 present state of, i. 827-330 length of Paul’s sojourn at, i. 296 tumult of, in the theatre, i. 411 time of Paul’s leaving in A.D. 57, ii. 1 length of voyage from, to Athens, ii. 1 elders of, meet Paul at Miletus, ii. 91 whether Paul ever after visited Ephesus, ii. 91, 94 at what time Timothy ordered to remain there, li. 291 Epicureans, opinion of, concerning Christianity, i. 266 tenets of, i. 259 encounter Paul at Athens, i. 260 Epicurus, portrait of, i. 259 ᾿Ἐπίγνωσις explained, ii. 269 ᾿Επιλαβόμενοι, sense of, i. 262 ἘἘπιμελητής of Judea, Marcellus was, i. 89 Epimenides quoted by Paul, i. 12 aceount of, 11. 342 advises the erection of altars to the Gods, i. 243 statue to, at Athens, i. 248 Epiphania in Antioch, i. 93 Epirus included in the province of Achaia, ii. 390 ᾿ἘἘπισκευσάμενοι, meaning of, ii. 108 ᾿Ἐπίσκοποι, same as πρεσβύτεροι, li. 280 ᾿Ἐπισπάσθω explained, i. 883 Epistle of the church of Jerusalem to the church of Antioch, i. 161 of the church of Corinth to Paul, i. 366 of Clement from Rome to Corinth, ii. 39 Epistles, few written by Paul, i. 278; 11. 168 how authenticated amongst the ancients, i. 285 those of Paul authenticated by his autograph, 1. 187; ii. 333 ὺ intended to be scripture, i. 25+ were in the hands of the churehes, 11. 48 none written by Paul from Czsarea, ii. 163 38N 2 Unknown 460 INDEX. Epistles—continued. those of Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon all written at the same time, i. 173 (of Paul) 1 Thessalonians, i. 279 2 Thessalonians, i. 287 Galatians, 1. 841 1 Corinthians, i. 372 2 Corinthians, ii. 15 Romans, 11. 46 Ephesians, ii. 254 Colossians, ii. 267 Philemon, ii. 274 Philippians, ii. 280 Hebrews, ii. 306 Titus, ii. 341 1 Timothy, 11. 345 2 Timothy, ii. 385 (of Peter) Ist, 11. 864 2nd, ii. 367 (of James), ii. 300 *Emovvaywyn explained, ii, 323 ᾿Επιθανάτιοι explained, i. 327 ᾿Ἐπίτροπος, functions of, i. 314 sometimes used for ἐθνάρχης, i. 72 ᾿Επώνυμος at Ephesus explained, i. 316 Eponymi at Athens, heroes so called, i, 248 Equinox (autumnal) navigation after, was dangerous, li. 192 Erastus, a convert at Corinth, 1. 290 sent with ‘Timothy from Ephesus to Corinth, 1.3°5 is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 39 stops at Corinth on Paul’s second voyage to Rome, li. 291, 373 accompanies Paul to Nicopolis, ii. 353 Erechtheum at Athens, i. 254 Eretria taken from the Athenians, i. 261 Eretria (name of the place where afterwards was the new market at Athens), i. 250 “Eppwaoo, common close of a Greek letter, ii. 154 “Eppwo8e, common close of a Greek letter, i. 161 Erse, cognate to Gaelic and Welsh, i. 178 ᾿Ησιονεῖς, same as ᾿Ασιονεῖς, 1. 190 ἘἘσόπτρον explained, i. 395 ’Eorovdaca, force of, i, 341, 847 Essenes determined their own controversies, i. 363 Ἕτερον, distinguished from ἄλλο, i, 342 Etesi, nature of, ii. 189 ᾿Εθελοθρησκεία explained, ii. 270 ᾿Εθηριομάχησα explained, i. 401 ᾿ Ethnarch, name of the Jewish chief magistrate, i. 1 the extent of jurisdiction of, over Jews, i. 1 title given to Archelaus, son of Herod the Great, 1.10 *E6vapxns (of Damascus), whether ἃ Jewish or Arabian officer, i. 72; ii. 31 Eucharist, institution of, according to Paul, i. 393 abuses of, at Corinth, 1. 364 celebration of, 11. 78 Ebvo explained, 1. 382 Euodia, a woman, and not, as in English version Euodias a man, ii. 287 Euphrates, called emphatically “the river,” i, 59 Euraquilo, another reading for Euroclydon, ii. 196 what wind it was, ii. 196 Euripides, tomb of, i. 225 Euroauster, the wind, ii. 196 Euronotus, the wind, ii, 196 Eurus, what wind it was, ii. 196 Εὐσεβὴς (devout person) explained, i. 88 Eusebius, opinion of, as to the site οἵ. Haran, i. 59 Eutychus, the coachman of Agrippa I., i. 101 (another) restored to life, ii. 79 Excommunication, discipline and doctrine maintained by, in the chureh, i. 230; ii. 57, 347 ordered by Paul, i. 378 Execution, capital, not allowed during a feast, i. 106 interval between condemnation and, 11. 400 generally enacted by the side of great roads, ii. 400 Exodus, the date of, discussed, i. 349 Exorcism practised at Ephesus, i. 334 ᾿Εξουσία explained, i. 391 Expiation, Great Day of, when observed, ii. 192 Expulsion from Rome, a common practice, i. 279 ; ii. 117 Eyes painted on bows of ancient ships, ii. 197 illustration of, ii. 197 ᾿Ἐζημιώθην explained, ii. 286 Fadus (Cuspius), great famine in time of, i, 107 Fair Havens, in Crete, ii. 191 view of, ii. 192 plan of, 11. 193 Faith of Abraham relied upon by the Jews, i. 349 Falkener, plan by, of Temple of Diana at Ephesus, i, 322 “False witnesses,’ what is meant by, i. 36 Famagusta of Cyprus, i. 120 Fame, altar to, at Athens, i. 260 Famine in time of Claudius, i. 97; 11, 113 time of commencement of, i. 107 coin relating to, i. 108 in Greece, i. 230, 277 Fast, the Great, when observed, 11. 192 Fayorinus, definition by, of a young man, i. 5 Feast, criminals could not be executed during a, i. 106 Felix originally a slave of Antonia, the mother of Claudius, ii. 118 adopts the names of Antonius and Claudius, ii. 118 is advanced in the Roman army, ii. 118 is appointed Procurator of Judea, ii. 121 coin of, ii. 121 character of, 11. 121 compliment of Tertullus to, 11. 121 marries Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa IL, ii. 123 captures Kleazar, the bandit. by treachery, ii. 124 procures the assassination of Jonathan, ii. 125 defeats the Egyptian false prophet, ii. 126 usual residence of, 11. 135 resides at Czesarea in palace of Herod, ii. 156 INDEX. 461 Felix—continued. has repeated interviews with Paul, ii. 162 venality of, ii. 162 merciless treatment by, of the Jews at Czesarea, ii. 169 orders some Jewish priests to Rome, ii. 236 duration of office of, as procurator, ii. 170 the long procuratorship of, ii. 159 is superseded by Festus, ii. 121, 169 is accused at Rome, but sereened by the influ- ence of. Pallas, ii. 169 marries three princesses, ii. 161 Fergusson (James)—his plan of temple at Ephesus, i. 322 Festus, a common name amongst the Romans, ii. 170 (Poreius) succeeds Felix as Procurator of J udea, ii. 170, 299 duration of office of, ii, 170 character of, ii. 170 tries Paul at Ceesarea, ii, 171 allows his appeal to Cxesar, ii. 173 receives visit of congratulation from Agrippa IL. and Bernice, ii. 174 hears Paul again in their preseuce, ii, 175 death of, ii. 299 Fiery darts explained, ii. 266 Fighting with beasts explained, i. 401 Fire, escaping through explained, i. 376 the great, at Rome, ii. 359 Fish’s mouth, what was the coin taken from, i. 336 Flaccus (Prefect of Syria) receives Agrippa I., i. 100 coin of, i. 61 Flavia, a name of Czsarea, ii. 166 Flavian family, some of, were converts, ii. 411 Flavianus (T. A.), Prefect of Pannonia, ii. 357 Florus (Gessius) is congratulated by Agrippa II. and Bernice, ii. 174 Formiz, ii. 222 Fornication, meaning of, in the decree of J erusalem, 1.101 ease of, at Corinth, i. 370 how regarded by tlie heathen, 1. 162 used in sense of apostasy, ii. 329 in church at Corinth, i. 363 Fortunatus sent by Agrippa I. to Italy to defend him against Herod Antipas, i. 103 Fortunatus, a convert at Corinth, i. 290 carries letter from Corinth to Paul, i. 365 is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 39 carries letter of Clemens Romanus to Corinth, i. 403 Forum (of Rome), view of, ii. 237 at Philippi, i. 211 view of remains of, i. 219 “Forum agere” explained, i. 316 Fountains at Ephesus, i. 322 Fundi, ii. 222 i Gabbatha, what it was, ii. 127 Gadura, a city of Decapolis, i. 63 belonged to Herod, i. 64 | Gaelic cognate to Welsh and Erse, i. 178 “ Gaéls” same word as “ Gauls,” i. 178 Gaius (of Corinth), baptised by Paul, i. 276, 373 accompanies Paul from Ephesus to Macedonia, ii. 2 is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 39 accompanies Paul on his thir cireuit, i. 310 charged with Galatian collection, i. 312 Gaius (of Derbe) accompanies Paul from Macedonia to Corinth, ii, 38 returns with him from Corinth, ii. 74 whether of Derbe or Thessalonica, i. 168 Galatia, when occupied by the Gauls, i. 178 boundaries of, i. 178 language of, i. 178 principal towns of, i. 179 belonged to Amyntas, i. 131 on his death made a Roman province, i. 131 church of, falls away from the faith, i. 338 Epistle to, i. 341 date of it, i. 341 Crescens sent to, ii. 377 “Galatians” same word as “Gauls” and “Celts,” i. 177 occupied all west of Europe, i. 177 invaded Pannonia, Greece, and Asia Minor, i, 178 hired by Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, i. 178 defeated by Attalus, i. 178 settled in Galatia, i, 178 spoke Celtic, i. 178 afterwards adopted Greek tongue, i. 179 three tribes of, i. 179 became subject to Dejotarus, i. 179 then to Amyntas, i. 179 made a Roman province, i. 179 idolaters, like Greeks and Romans, i. 180 whether Celts or Germans, i. 180 their rapturous reception of Paul at his first visit, i. 186 Epistle to, written by Paul’s own hand, i. 187 make a collection for the poor Hebrews, i. 312 Galilee, Paul preaches in, i. 74 allotted on death of Herod the Great to Herod Antipas, i. 17 position of, i. 17 Galileans—open war between them and Romans. i. 275 slain on their way to Jerusalem by Samaritans, ii. 116 “Galileans,” Christians so called, i. 96 Gallesius (Mount), near Ephesus, i. 319 Gallio, Proconsul of Achaia, i. 291 is stage-manager to Nero, ii. 232 called “my Lord Gallio,” i. 291 brother of Seneca and Mela, and uncle of Lucan i. 291 amiable temper of, i, 292 wit of, i. 292 writes a book on natural history, i. 291 had consumptive tendency, i. 22 hears, at Corinth, the accusation of the Jews against Paul, i. 292 462 INDEX. Gallio—continued. sees Sosthenes beaten in his presence, and “ cares for none of those things,” i. 293 originally named Mareus Aunzeus Novatus, but changed his name on the adoption of him by Lucius Junius Gallio, i. 291 put to death by Nero, i. 291 Gamala, a city of Gaulanitis, i. 64 Gamaliel the Pharisee, i. 10; ii. 136 lead of the school of Hillel, i. 10 sons of, i. 10; ii. 136; are present at the trial of Paul before the Sanhedrim, ii. 150 opinion of, upon trades, i. 8 prudent advice of, to the couneil, i. 30; ii. 149 Games at Czesarea, i. 108 metaphors taken from, ii. 328 referred to by Paul, i. 888; ii. 286, 416 Gangas, or Gangites, now the river Bournabachi, at Philippi, i. 208 Gaoler of Philippi converted, i. 219 Garlands used in sacrifice, i. 150 Garments, custom of rending, ii. 147 Gate of new market at Athens, view of, i. 249 Gates of the Temple at Jerusalem, i. 29; ii. 131 Gaulana placed in Batanza, i. 65 Gaulanites spoke Syriac, i. 56 Gaulanitis described, i. 63 subject to Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 60 farmed by Zenon, i. 67 given to Agrippa IL., ii. 122 now Jaulan, i. 63 Gaulos, near Malta, now Gozzo, ii. 209 Gaulos, another name for Clauda, ii. 198 whence Gaudonesi, and, by corruption, Gozzo, ii. 198 Gaza, view of, i. 84 Gazith, site of, in the Temple at Jerusalem, ii. 133 when quitted by the Sanhedrim, ii. 149 Genealogy of our Lord’s family, i. 158 Genealogies of the Gnosties, ii. 250 Gentiles, first persecution by, at Philippi, i. 216 court of, in the Temple at Jerusalem, ii. 132, 259 forbidden to enter Inner Temple at Jerusalem, ii. 152 inscription found to that effect, ii. 133 Gerasa included under Arabia, i.55 ὁ a city of Decapolis, i. 63 Gerizim (Mount), great assemblage at, i. 25 the holy mount of the Samaritans, i. 25 Germanicus recognises freedom of Athens, i. 261 Γερουσία, the old name for the council at Ephesus, i. 815 Γέρων, of what age, i. 5 Tevoduevos, meaning of, ii. 80 Gilead, extent of, i. 60 Ginea, slaughter of Galileans at, ii. 116 Girdle, use of, ii. 413 worn by Paul, ii. 107 by Roman soldiers, ii. 265 Gischala, Paul said to have been a native of, i, 2 Glass not used by ancients for mirrors, i. 395 Glaucon, Recorder of Ephesus, i. 316 “onatus,” common termination of names ia Gaul and Galatia, i. 180 meaning of, i. 183 Gnossus, in Crete, coin of, ii. 191 a chureh at, ii, 337 Gnostic heresy, thought to be the apostasy of Anti- christ, 1. 288 Gnosties, tenets of, described, ii. 249 medals of, ii. 249 whence name derived, ii. 249 fruits of, 11. 252 references to doctrines of, in the Epistles, ii. 251, 253 not all Jews, ii. 342 found at Corinth, 11. 339 gems of, ii. 249 Goats of Cilicia, famous for their hair, i. 9 Goat-skins worn, ii. 327 “ God forbid !” a translation open to objection, i. 348 Gold coinage in the Apostle’s time, i. 336 Golden Gate in Antioch, 1. 93 Goliath, age of David when he fought with, i. 5 Gortyna in Crete, a church at, 11. 337 “ Gospel,” what Paul meant by “ his,” ii, 49 of Luke composed at Philippi, i. 221 when published, ii. 8, 24 Gospels, harmony of, with Paul’s Epistles, ii. 433 Gozzo (Gaulos), as well as Malta a municipium, ii. 209 Gozzo (modern name of island of Clauda), ii. 198 Grace before meals practised in Apostolic age, ii. 65; ii. 349 Grecina. See Pomponia Tpayuareds, the chief magistrate at Ephesus, i. 315 coins of, i. 316, 317 the mock Apollo at Ephesus, i. 406 Gratus (Valerius) procurator of Judea, 1. 23 coin of, 1. 23 Greece invaded by the Celts or Gauls, i. 178 Greek the common language in law courts, ii. 156 Paul spoke in, before Festus, ii, 178 Greek city well represented by Assos, ii. 85 Greek Church still holds the decree of the Church of Jerusalem, i. 162 Greeks beat Sosthenes in the presence of Gallio, i. 293 Greswell’s calculation of the rate of travelling, i. 136 Grotto of St. Paul in Malta, view of, ii. 208 Guhl, his knowledge of the site of the temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 320 Gymnasium at Troas, view of, ii. 76 Hadrian (Emperor), decree of at Athens, i. 251 captures Jerusalem, 11, 180 erects temple to Jupiter, ii. 130 coin of, i. 79 Half-shekel, specimen of, i. 45 Halia, old name of Thessalonica, i. 225 Halicarnassus, decree of, in favour of Jews, i. 47 Hand, use of, in speaking, ii. 176 (tight) of a prisoner chained to a soldier's left, ii. 176 INDEX. 4638 Hands, imposition of, referred to, ii. 314 Haphtoroth, the sections read from the Prophets, i. 160 Haram how occupied anciently, ii, 128 Haran, discussion as to the site of, i. 58 commonly tuken to be Carre, the scene of the defeat of Crassus, i. 58 Harran, said to be the Haran of Abraham, i. 58 Head, whether to be covered or uncovered during divine service, i. 391 Health, altar to, at Athens, i, 260 Heaven, images which fell from, i. 412 the third, explained, ii, 31 Hebrew tongue, what it was, ii. 145, 177 peculiarities of, ii. 145 spoken by Paul, i. 397 whether Paul at his conversion was addressed in, 1,61 Hebrew of Hebrews explained, ii, 286 Paul was, i. 2 Hebrew church, narrow views of, 1.303; ii, 140 Hebrews, who were so called, ii. 28 (ecllection for poor), agreed to be made by Paul, i. 306 made in Galatia, i, 312 in Macedonia, ii. 4 at Corinth, ii, 40 Hebrews, Epistle to, ii. 306 ΄ oceasion of writing, ii, 302 date of, ii. 306 written by Paul, ii. 306, 322, 324, 330, 331, 382, 333 written in Greek, ii. 306, 308, 310,314, 320,324, 325 to whom ascribed by German crities, ii, 308 Hegesippus, his legend of the death of James the Just, ii. 301 Helen, bath of, at Cenchrea, described, i. 301 Helena, Queen of Adiabene, resides at Ji erusalem., i. 107 relieves the Jews during the famine, i. 108 view of tomb of, i, 109 Helius, procurator of Asia, i. 412 represents Nero at Rome during his absence in Greece, ii. 398 Helladarchs, i. 318 Hellenists usually had two names, i. 6 Helmet of a Roman, ii. 265 Heraclea, the capital of Macedonia Quarta, visited by Paul, ii. 36 Heracleustibus, site of, i. 225 Hercules worshipped at Philippi, i. 210 at Tyre, ii. 102 temple to, in Malta, ii. 206 Hermes, ἃ common Roman name, ii. 71 (Agoreus), at Athens, i. 244 Hermogenes deserts Paul at Rome, ii. 380, 386 Herod, pedigree of family of, i. 15 Herod the Great called at 34 a young man, i. 5 rebuilds the temple, ii. 130 connects Fort Antonia with it, ii. 130 builds temple to Apollo at Rhodes, ii. 99 family of, always intimate with Court at Rome, li. 242 site of palace of, at Jerusalem, ii. 126 Herod the Great—continued. coin of, i. 16 coined no gold or silver, i, 337 street of, in Antioch, i. 92, 95 beautifies Nicopolis, ii, 354 date of death of, i.16 dominions of, how divided, 16 Herod Antipas, See Antipas Herod (of Chalcis) made king by Claudius, i. 105 coin of, i. 105 has appointment of the high-priests, and charge of the temple and corban, ii. 111 marries his niece Bernice, ii. 109 death of, ii. 113 family of, ii. 113 Herod Philip. See Philip Herodes Atticus, pedigree of, i. 250 Herodias, wife of Herod Philip, marries Herod Anti- pas, i 67 intercedes for her brother Agrippa, i. 99 her jealousy of Agrippa, i. 102 Herodion called Paul’s kinsman, i. 6 Hexameters, accidental oceurrence of, in N. T., i. 12 Hierapolis in Lydian Asia, i. 191 view of, i. 360 site of, i. 356 plan of, i. 356 coin of, i. 356 Plutonium at, i. 356 view of Plutonium at, i. 357 converted by Epaphras, i. 360 whether visited by Paul, i. 172 High-town of Jerusalem, described, ii. 126 High-priest (Pagan), in Proconsular Asia, i. 317 might also be a magistrate, i. 317 (Jewish) with Sanhedrim resembled the Pope with his cardinals, i. 48 wore a white vest, ii. 150 retained the title and robe after the expiration of his office, i. 29; ii. 150 appointed by Herod of Chaleis under Claudius. ii. 111 High-priests, number of, from time of Herod to fall of Jerusalem, ii. 150 Annas, i. 28; Caiaphas, i. 23; Jonathan, i. 95; Theophilus i, 26; Matthias, i. 98: 105; Joseph, ii. 112; Hillel, school of, i. 10 Hipparchius, the Mercuries of, at Athens, i. 247 Hippos, a city of Decapolis, i. 63 belonged to Herod, i. 64 on his death annexed to Syria, i. 64 “Holy Land” extended to Antioch, i. 308 Holy of Holies described, ii. 134 what it contained, ii. 318 Homer, geographical accuracy of, i. 200 “Honor” used in the sense of pecuniary aid. ii, 215 Horace’s journey to Brundisium, i. 291 Horsegate, site of, at Jerusalem, ji, 129 | Hospitality inculeated, ii. 330 | Hours, how reckoned by Romans, i. 24 Elioneus, i. Ananias, ii. 112 464 INDEX. “House of Zenon” allotted on death of Herod the Great to Herod Philip, i. 17 Household of a person, who were meant by, ii. 68 Houses, private, used for public worship, i. 275, 330; 11. 68, 275 Huldah Gate, site of, 11. 131 view of, ii. 131 Huleh Lake, the ancient Ulatha, i. 61 Husband of one wife, meaning of, ii. 341 Hymenzus a Gnostic, ii. 252, 339, 387 Hymn, supposed fragment of, 11. 263 Hypepa, coin of, i. 318 Hypelean spring, i. 322 Hyrcanus (high-priest of the Jews), honoured by the Athenians, i. 263 statue of, at Athens, i. 243, 248 rested on his march on day of Pentecost, ii. 142 decreed to be patron of all Jews aggrieved, i, 45 Hyreanus (son of Herod of Chalcis), ii. 113 -iacum, common termination of places in Gaul and Galatia, i. 180 Iceni of Britain oppressed by the Romans, and rebel, 11. 245 {conium subject to Polemo, i. 145 then to Amyntas, i. 145 thena Tetrareliy, i. 145, 131 population of, i. 145 position of, i. 145 belonged to Lycaonia, i. 144 called the Damascus of Lyeaonia, i. 145 a Roman colony, i. 145 coin of, i, 144 view of, i. 144 evangelized by Paul and Barnabas, i. 145 Teos given to Athenians, i. 261 Ἴδιον explained, i. 401 ᾿Ιδιώτης explained, ii, 27 Idols, meats offered to, prohibited to Jews, i. 161, 885 but sold in the markets, i. 161 questions as to meats offered to, 1. 367 Idumeea assigned to Archelaus the Ethnarch, i. 16 and on his being deposed annexed to Syria, i. 17 Ἱεροπομποί were the bearers of the Temple tax to Jerusalem, i.31; ii, 240 Ignatius the martyr, route of, to Rome, ii, 181 guard of, 11. 183 passes through Ephesus on his way to Rome, ii. 369 testimony of, onthe Epistle to the Ephesians, ii, 257 Ἵκανόν, meaning of, i 234 Iyricum, boundaries of, ii. 355 belonged at first tv the senate, ii. 355 then split into Dalmatia for the Emperor and Illyris on Mpirus for the senate, ii, 357 how viewed by Pliny, ii. 357 Paul preaches up to, ii. 36, 66 Illyris on Epirus a separate prevince, ii, 355, 357 boundaries of, li. 357 Images which fell from heaven, i, 412 Ἴμασιν, what meant by, ii, 147 Ἱμάτιον explained, ii. 414 Impetuosity, altar to, at Athens, i. 260 Impictas, what it was, 11. 362 Imposition of hands referred to, ii. 314 Imprisonment, whether Paul suffered only one, at Rome, ii. 291 Imprisonments of Panl referred to, ii. 29 Imprisonments, instance of long, in others than Paul, ii. 169 Impudence, stone of, at Athens, i. 252, 261 Incense, altar of, ii. 134 “ Ineertus deus,” Jehovah so ealled, i. 264 Indulgences, on what basis founded, ii. 269 Inscription found in Spain as to Christians, ii, 295 on obelisk round Temple at Jerusalem, specimen of, ii. 133 on stone found at Chichester as to Pudens and Claudia, ii. 394 Insigne of au ancient vessel, what it was, ii. 215 Insolence, stone of, at Athens, i. 252, 261 Inspiration, of David, ii. 312 of Scripture, ii. 388 ᾿ claimed by Paul, i. 283; ii. 429 did not affect conduct, i. 309 Insults to the Jews by Roman soldiers, ii. 114, 115 Trenarchs or constables, how appointed, i. 319 Trony used by Paul, i. 377 Isaac, Rabbi, was a carpenter, i. 8 Isaiah said to have been sawn asunder, ii. 327 Isauria belonged to Amyntas, i. 13] on his death to Archelaus, i. 131 on his death to Antiochus, king of Commagene, i. 131, 147 Ishmael succeeds Ananias as high priest, ii. 170 accuses Paul before Festus, ii. 170 sails to Rome, ii. 299 remains there, ii, 299 Isis, temple of, at Cenchrea, i. 299 Isopharia, the name of an Alexandrian ship, ii. 194 Israelites, who were so ealled, ii. 28, 286 Isthmian games referred to, i. 268 victory of Nero at, represented on a coin, ii. 398 Isthmus of Corinth, i. 268 extensive remains at, i. 269 ships drawn across, i. 268 Italian cohort explained, i. 86 “Ttalici voluntarii,” mentioned in an inscription, 1. 87 Italicum jus conferred on Troas, i. 193 on Philippi, i. 209 Iturea Libani, sometimes included under Arabia, i. 56 whether Paul retired thither, i. 56 now Jedour, i. ΟἹ extent of, defined, i. 64 given to Agrippa IL, ii. 122 Syriac spoken in, i. 65 Izates, king of Adiabene, i. 107 Jacimus, son of Zamaris, i. 65 Jacob’s Hight from Laban traced, i. 60 INDEX. 465 Jambres. See Jannes James (the apostle), brother of John, is beheaded by Agrippa 1., i. 105 James (the Just, brother of our Lord), was bishop of Jerusalem, but not an apostle, i. 107, 158, 343, 347, 386 proof of this, i. 158 presides at the council at Jerusalem, i. 159 is at Jerusalem on Paul’s return from Damascus, i. 75 appearance of Christ to, after his resurrection, i. 399 in what language he addressed the council of Jerusalem, i. 160 : harmonizes with the views of Paul, i. 305 advice of, on the subject of Paul’s vow, ii. 141 epistle of, ii. 300 put to death, i. 33; ii. 300 death of, reported to Paul, ii. 300 Jamnia assigned on the death of Herod the Great to Salome, i. 17 Jannes and Jambres, i. 11 names not found elsewhere in Scripture, but currently known, ii. 388 Janus, temple of, on coin, ii. 229 Jason, otherwise called Jesus, i. 227 brought before the Politarchs of Thessalonica, 1. 232 gives bail, i. 234 accompanies Paul from Macedonia to Corinth, ii. 38 and back from Corinth, ii. 74 stops on his return at Thessaloniea, ii. 75 Jebus, the ancient Jerusalem, ii. 126 Jerome refers birth of Paul to Gischala, i. 2 opinion of, on the epistle to the Ephesians, ii. 257 on Paul’s visit to Spain, ii, 296 Jerusalem, etymon of, ii. 315 capture of, by Titus, i. 1 coin of capture of, ii. 302 general description of, ii. 126 bird’s eye view of, ii. 126 plan of, ii, 126 distance of, from Czesarea, ii. 106 no statues at, i. 254 Paul’s sister settled at, i. 6 state of church of, i. 158 twelve apostles remain at, for twelve ycars, i. 158 council held at, i. 158 church of, sends Judas and Silas in charge of the letter to Antioch, i. 163 Paul’s journeys to, discussed, i. 343 vast multitudes assembled at, during the feasts, ii. 114 Jesuits, garden of, at Rome, ii. 233 JESUS CHRIST, genealogy of, i. 158 age of, at opening his ministry, i. 21 exercises his ministry under Herod Antipas, re 1 VOL, Il. JESUS CHRIST—continued. when seen by Paul, i. 51 preached sitting, i. 141 date of crucifixion of, i, 23 appears to Peter, i. 399 referred to by Josephus, ii. 301 prevented from passing through Samaria, ii. 115 party of, at Corinth, ii. 368 who they were, i. 373 Jesus (called Justus), ii. 272 Jesus (otherwise Jason), i. 227. See Jason. Jesus (son of Gamaliel), i. 10; ii. 136 Jewish priests accused at Rome, delays in respect of, li. 278 Jews, state of, in heathen countries, i. 43 allowed to be governed by their own magistrates, i 1, 2, 44 had their local councils, i. 43 could scourge or imprison, i. 48 favoured by Julius Cesar, i. 44 and Augustus, i. 46 not by Tiberius or Caligula, i. 47 but were by Claudius, i. 47 paid a poll-tax of two drachmas to the Temple, i. 31, 44 and, when the Temple was destroyed, to the Romans, i. 31 mercantile spirit of, i, 1 formidable for numbers and wealth, i. 1 averse to heathen literature, i. 7 were taught a trade, i. 8 reckoned the night as preceding the day, i. 280 religion of, required frequent ablutions, i. 212 adopted Roman names, i, 335; ii, 157 hatred of, to other nations, i. 281 debarred from meats offered to idols, and things strangled, and from blood, i. 161, 385 abounded in Isaurica, Isauria, and Pisidia, i 170 exempted from serving in the army, i. 47 on friendly terms with the Athenians, i. 263 refuse divine honours to Caligula, i. 103 insurrection of, under Claudius, i, 275; 11. 115 of Antioch attached to Jerusalem, i. 95 governed by an Archon and council, i. 94 civil rights continued to, by Romans, i. 95 abound at Antioch, i. 94 in Cyprus, i, 120 at Salamis, i. 126 in cities of Asia Minor, i. 133 at Corinth, i. 271 at Acre, ii. 106 at Rome, i. 273 ; ii. 240 did not abound at Philippi, i. 211 massacre 240,000 of their enemies, i. 126 place of residence of, at Rome, ii, 240 contests between them and Christians at Rome, i. 274 expulsion of, from Rome, by Claudius, i. 274 - li. 116 cause of it, i. 275 edict recalled, ii. 121 466 INDEX. Jews—continued. had four synagogues at Rome, i. 27 cemeteries of, found on Via Appia, i. 274 always first appealed to by Paul, i. 74 conspire against Paul at Damascus, i. 72 Jerusalem, i. 76, ii. 143, 152, 171 Antioch of Pisidia, i. 144 Iconium, i. 145 Lystra, i. 150 Thessalonica, i. 231 Corinth, i. 292; ii. 74 oppose him at Ephesus, i. 333 at Rome, ii. 241 follow Paul from Antioch of Pisidia to Lystra, i. 150 from Thessalonica to Bercea, i. 236 accuse Paul before Gallio, at Corinth, i. 293 Joanna, the wife of Chuza, the procurator of Herod Antipas, a Christian, i. 374 Jochanan, Rabban, was a merchant, i. 8 John (Baptist) put to death by Herod Antipas, i. 26 John (St.) acquainted with the high-priest, i. 374 the cousin of our Lord, i. 158 harmonizes with the views of Paul at Jerusalem, 1, 805 is with Peter at the cure of the eripple at Jeru- salem, ii. 134 arrested with Peter, i. 30 wrote against the Gnostics, ii. 251 whether any letter by him has been lost, i. 379 epistles of, explained, i. 380 gave name to Ayasaluk, the village near Ephesus, i. 320 John (of the Sadducee party), i. 29 John (son of Ananias), ii. 136 John (of Gischala), parts of Jerusalem held by, ii. 130 Jonah (prophet), supposed legend of, ii. 204 Jonathan (son of Annas) is high priest, i. 25, 28 a man of great ability, ii. 317 solicits the appointment ot Felix as procurator, ii. 121 is assassinated, ii. 125 Joppa, coin and plan of, i. 85 view of, i. 90 Jose Rabbi was a tanner, i. 8 Joseph (or Caiaphas). See Caiaphas Joseph (of Arimathea), a Christian, i. 374 Joseph (son of Simon) appointed high-priest, ii. 299 displaced in fayour of Ananus, ii. 299 Josephus the historian described, ii. 136 took name of Flavius, in honour of Vespasian, i. 128 the discrepancies of, ii. 118 his account of death of John Baptist, i. 26 confounds the two taxings of Cyrenius, i. 21 opinion of, as to the site of Haran, i. 59 supposed exaggerations of, as to the port of Cesarea, ii. 166 wreck of, on voyage to Rome in Adria, ii. 199, 207 Josephus—continued. this could not be the same wreck as that of Paul, li. 207 whether he had read the Actsof the Apostles, ii. 173 resemblances between him and Paul, ii. 173 procures the liberation of some Jewish priests, ii. 236, 242 Joshua makes good report of Canaan, ii, 312 length of rule of, i. 141 Journeys of Paul to Jerusalem discussed, i. 543 Juda Rabbi was a shoemaker or tailor, i. 8 Judaizers in Galatia, i. 338 at Corinth, i. 362; ii. 9 active against Paul, i. 303, 306 require Titus to be cireumcised, i. 306 oppose Paul at Antioch, i. 309 corrupt the Colossians, ii. 247 and Philippians, ii. 248 the Philippians warned against, ii. 285 Judas (of Damascus), house of, in Straight Street, i. 53, 69 Judas (of Jerusalem) sent with Paul and Barnabas from church of Jerusalem to Antioch, i. 163 Judas (Rabbi) was a baker, i. 8 Judas (the Galilean) heads a reyolt against the Romans, i. 19 called by Josephus, as well as Luke, “ the Gali- lean,” i. 19 was a Gaulonite, i. 19 Jude (brother of our Lord), author of the epistle, i. 158 Judea assigned to Archelaus the Ethnarch, i. 16 on his deposal annexed to Syria, i. 17 governed by a procurator under Prefect of Syria, 1.19 given to Agrippa the Elder, i. 105 on death of Agrippa I. becomes a Roman pro- vince, ii. 110 Paul preaches in, i. 74 αὖ what time Paul preached through all the coasts of, ii. 177 Judges, procurators were, ii. 159 the duration of, in succession to Joshua, i. 141 Judgment-Day, apprehension of, amongst the Thes- salonians, i. 278, 283 Judgment-hall at Jerusalem, what it was, ii. 127 Julia (mother of Tiberius), statue in honour of, at Athens, i. 250 Julian laws explained, i. 233 Julius (the centurion of the Augustan cohort), ii. 182 whether the same as Julius Priseus, ii. 183 saves the life of Panl, ii. 205 courtesy of, to Paul, ii. 184 arrives at Rome, ii. 232 Junias, one of the first preachers at Rome, i. 274 was a man, and not, as translated, Junia, a woman, ii. 68 Jupiter, hymn to, by Cleanthus, i. 265 Jupiter (and Lycaon), fable of, i. 147 INDEX. 467 Jupiter (and Mercury), often found together, i. 149 representation of, i. 149 Paul and Barnabas so called, i. 148 Jupiter (Capitolinus), temple to, at Jerusalem, ii. 130 at Spalatro, ii, 130 Justice, how administered in Proconsular Asia, i. 316 pazan courts of, forbidden to Jews, i. 368 Justin Martyr, passage in, relating to the census of Cyrenius, explained, i. 20 mistakes Simon, the magician, for Semo Sancus, li. 123 Justus, a convert at Corinth, i, 290 house of, at Corinth, hired by Paul for preach- ing, i. 286 Καί interchauged with τέ, ii, 807 Κατὰ ἄνθρωπον, explained, 1. 527 Κατὰ λιβά (Acts xxvii. 12) explained, ii, 194 Καταχρώμενοι explained, i, 884 Κατέχων explained, i, 288, 289 Κατεχόντων explained, ii. 47 Κατήγαγον explained, i. 76 Κατελήφθην explained, ii, 286 Καθεξῆς, Paul visits Galatia and Phrygia, i. 176 Kaukabe, the scene of Paul’s conversion, i, 49 Keipduevos, meaning of, i. 296, 391 Keipduevos (Acts xviii, 18), whether it refers to Paul or Aquila, i. 299 “ Kicking against the pricks,” commented on, i. 51 King’s gardens, site of, 11. 129 Kings, what, Paul appeared before, i, 54 “ Kinsmen,’ whoin Paul so calls, i.6; ii. 68 Knowledge, men of, called Gnosties, 11. 249 Κοινοβούλιον, meaning of, i. 81 Κοινωνία, meaning of, ii, 280 Koura Point, view of, ii. 201 whether derived from χώρα, ii. 206 Κρητίζειν used to express lying, ii. 342 Κρίμα, meaning of, i. 393 Κτήνη explained, ii. 154 Κυρία, a Curistian chureh, so cailed, i. 380 Κύριε, meaning of, i. 51; ii, 146 Κύριος applied to the Roman emperors, ii. 176; by law, ii. 176 Laban’s pursuit of Jacob, traced, i. 60 Labour, manual, of Paul, i. 229; ii, 21 Leea (Porcius), author of the law of appeal, ii, 174 Lais, the courtesan of Corinth, i. 272 portrait and tumb of, i. 272 Lampon, long imprisonment of, at Alexandria, ii. 169 Languages spoken by Paul, i. 397 Laocoon, sculpture of, brought from palace of Nero at Rome, ii. 375 Laodicea, in Lydian Asia, i. 191 view of, i. 360 s.te of, i. 357 overthrown by an earthquake, i. 358 coin of, i, 358 Laodieva—continued. medal of, as Neocorus, i. 318 medal of games at, i. 388 converted by Epaphras, i. 360 whether visited by Paul, i. 172 church of, meets at house of N ymphas, i. 361 Nymphas is bishop of, ii. 273 Laodiceans, whether any letter to, has been lost, i. 379 epistle to, is called Ephesians, i. 172; 11. 255 Lares viales, ii. 222 Lasiu, city of, in Crete, ii. 193 Latin spoken by Paul, i. 397 attempted to be enforced in law courts, ii. 156 “Law,” what date of delivery of, adopted by Paul, i. 349 divided into paraschioth or sections, i. 160 zeul of the Jews for, ii. 141 how read in the synagogues, i. 138, 139 Lawyer, Paul was, i. 9 Leake’s plan of temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 322 opinion of, as tu the site of Colossx, i. 359 Leaven searched for by Jews at the Passover, i. 378 Lechwum, the western port of Corinth, i. 270; ii. 373 distance of from Corinth, i. 270 Lectum, view of promontory of, ii, 82 Ledja, natives of, were Arabs, i, 55 Lee shore explained, ii. 191 Lee side of ship explained, ii. 191 Legal proceedings in Greck city, i, 232 in Roman, ii. 120 Legul vocation at Rome, ii. 376 Legates, functions of, in a province, i. 18, 314 three for a consular prefect, and one for a pree- torian prefect, i, 18, 314 bound to remit important cases to procurator, ii, 155 Legends about Paul's execution, ii. 403 Leonarius, leader of a swarm of Celts, i. 178 Lepidus, one of the triumvirate, portrait of, i, 207 Lepre Acte, the site of, at Ephesus, i. 320 Ληπτάμιον explained, ii. 390 Λεπτόν or mite was half the quadrans, i. 23, 336 Λέσχαι at Athens, i. 257 Lessons, reading of, in the Synagogue, i. 160 Letter of Corinthians to Paul, i. 366 Letters, how authenticated by ancients, i. 285 Letters of Paul, whether any have been lost, i. 379 Letters of introduction given by the Ephesians to Apollos, i. 331; 11.18 Libelli dimissorii or apostoli, explained, ii. 179 Libertina, a city of Africa, i. 33 Libertines, who they were, i. 83 AiBeptivwy, supposed by some to be a mistake for Λιβυστίνων, i. 34 Libyeis, an ancient name of Miletus, ii. 90 Lictors referred to by Luke at Philippi, i. 217 coin representing, i. 217 twelve attended the prefect of a consular, and six the prefect of a pretorian province, i, 226, 3138 30rd 468 INDEX. “Life and death,’ whether the Jews had power of, i. 27, 32 Lightfoot (J. B.), his calculation of the rate of travel- ling, i. 136 his account of the Galatians, i. 182 “Lights,” use of, by Christians, ii. 78 ΔΛιμήν, a mistake for λίμνη, as applied to Derbe, i. 152 Linus, the first bishop of Rome, ii. 391 said to be the Welsh Llin, ii. 397 Lion, a term applied to the Roman Emperor, ii. 377 Litere dimissorie, explained, ii. 179 Litigiousness in church of Corinth, i. 363 Livia, wife of Augustus, portrait of, i. 18 coin of, i, 185, 316 “Living God” explained, i. 280 Λόγιος, meaning of, i. 381 Lollius, a lieutenant of Pompey, i. 66 London well-known in the apostolic age, ii. 244 sacked and burnt, ii. 245 Long walls (of Athens), i. 243 (of Corinth), i. 270 Lord's prayer alluded to, i, 351; ii. 56, 107, 391 Lord's Day, early observance of, ii. 4 Lower town of Jerusalem described, ii. 128 Lucan, the author of the Pharsalia, is put to death by Nero, i. 291 Lucian—his description of an Alexandrian cornship, ii. 188 his picture of the Christian sect, ii. 163 his description of Paul, ii. 412 Lucius, whether the same person as Luke, i. 113; ii. 71 Lucullus, the diminutive of Lucius, ii. 156 Luke (St.), native of Antioch, i. 114, 198 an abbreviated name, i. 114, 199 a physician, i. 114, 198 passage of, relating to census of Cyrenius ex- plained, i. 19 whether the same person as Lucius, i. 113; ii. 71 present at the address of James the bishop, ii. 141 accompanies Paul from Troas to Philippi, i. 199 ΄ preaches at Philippi, i. 113, 213 lodges with Lydia, i. 215 the medical attendant on Paul, ii. 273 his care of Philippi, i. 234, 277 composed his gospel there, i. 221 gospel of, referred to by Paul, ii..25, 351, 352 whether quoted by Paul with reference to the Eucharist, i. 392 is appointed to carry the alms to the poor Hebrews, ii. 7 gospel of, had been now published, ii. 8, 25 is sent with Titus to Corinth, ii. 13, 25 is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 38, 74 returns with him from Corinth, ii. 74 sails with Paul from Miletus, ii. 96 accompanies Paul to Jerusalem, ii. 108 his mode of reckoning time generally, i. 296 accuracy of, i. 271 sails with Paul from Cexsarea, ii. 183 assists in throwing over the ship’s tackling before the wreck, ii, 199 Luke—continued. labours with Paul at Rome, ii, 243 Lunus, or Moon, worshipped at Philippi, i. 210 Lutatius leader of a host of Celts, i. 178 Luther (Martin) taken by Papists for Antichrist, i. 288 Lutro, modern name of Port Phoenix, ii. 192, 193 Lyeaon, fable of metamorphosis of, i. 147 Lycaonia, fable of, i. 147 coin of, i. 153 portrait of soldier of, i. 146 belonged to Amyntas, i. 131, 146 on his death part of, given to Antiochus, king of Commagene, i. 131, 147 part of, made a Tetrarchy, i. 131 part of, attached to Galatia, i, 132 spoke a language of its own, i. 132, 149, 152 Lycia comprised originally under province of Cilicia, i. 78 not included in Proconsular Asia, i. 313 Lyciarchs, i. 318 Lycus (river) disappears under ground, i. 359 Lydi, same people as Mzones, i. 190 Lydia (country) boundaries of, i. 190 Lydia (of Thyatira) is converted, i. 213 a lady of wealth, i. 214 Lyons, Herod Antipas banished to, i. 103 : ‘“‘Lysanias Tetrarch of Abilene,” found in an in- scription, i. 62 Lysanias succeeds his father Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 66 Lysias (Claudius), character of, ii. 135 a Roman citizen by purchase, ii. 148 summons the Sanhedrim, ii. 148 rescues Paul from it, 11. 152 character of, ii, 154 questions Paul’s Roman citizenship, i. 3; ii. 148 whence the name of Claudius, ii. 154 letter of, to Felix, ii. 154 Lysimachus completes Alexandria Troas, i. 193 removes the city of Ephesus more to the west, i. 321 Lystra subject to Antiochus, king of Commagene, i. 132, 147 belonged to Lycaonia, i, 144 position of, 1. 148 two views of, i. 148 now Bin-bir Kilisseh, i. 148 an episcopal see, i. 148 [1.140 visited by Paul and Barnabas on first circuit, Paul is stoned at, i. 151 visited by Paul on second circuit, i. 166 Timothy a native of, i. 166 Maccabees capture the Acra at Jerusalem, ii. 129 are buried at Modin, ii. 129 fill up the ravine between the Temple and the city, li. 129 Macedonia, conquest of, by Romans, i. 260 political division of, i. 202 conquered by Paulus Almilius, i. 280 lived under their own laws, i. 203 INDEX. 469 Macedonia—continued. Mark—continued. coin of Macedonia Prima, i. 202 accompanies Barnabas on his second circuit, i. Secunda, i. 203 164 Quarta, i. 203 evangelizes the eastern portion of Asia Minor, i. females much regarded in, i. 213 165 and allowed to hold property, i. 214 Paul called to, by a vision, i. 197 length of Paul’s stay in, i. 156 collection for poor Hebrews in, ii. 4 (Quarta) evangelized by Paul, ii. 35 Macellum of Augustus, fignre of, on coin, i. 390 Macherus, John Baptist is imprisoned at, i. 26 Madness laid to the charge of Paul, ii. 178 Mecenas, portrait of, i. 21 advice of, to Augustus on coinage, weights, and measures, i. 337 Meones, same people as Lydi, i. 190 Magnesian gate of Ephesus, i. 320, 321, 322 Mahomet taken to be Antichrist, i. 288 ‘*Maid” applied to both sexes, i. 383 Makapiouds explained, i. 351 Malala, the historian, i. 96 his description of Paul, ii. 412 Malefactors, Christians accounted as, ii. 363 Malta, wreck of Paul at, ii. 205 map of, ii. 208 coin of, in Phcenician, 11. 205 in Greek, ii. 206 in Greek and Latin, ii. 206 diptych representing Paul at, ii. 210 colonized from Tyre and Carthage, ii. 205 in time of Cicero was included in province of Sicily, ii. 209 whether vipers in, ii. 208 as to wood in, ii. 208 view of bay of St. Paul at, ii. 208 view of grotto of St. Paul at, ii. 208 “Man” why Christ so called by Paul, i. 263 Man (of sin), what is meant by, i. 288 Manaen, the foster brother of Herod Antipas, a Christian, i. 114, 374 whether son or grandson of Manahem the Essene, i. 114 Manahem the Essene foretells the greatness of Herod, i. 114 Manasseh, king of Juda, interred in garden of Uzza, ii. 129 “Many days,” force of the expression, i. 71 Maranatha explained, ii. 57; i. 404 Marathon, i. battle of, portrayed at Athens, i. 246 Marcellus, the diminutive of Marcus, 11. 156 Marcellus, curator of Judea, -whether the same as Maryllus, i. 25 Marcion, opinions of, on the epistle to the Ephesians, ii, 255 Mariamne, sister of Agrippa II., marries Archelaus, ii. 122 Mark, the cousin of Barnabas, ii. 272 what was his office when with Paul and Barna- bas on their first cirenit, i. 126 deserts Paul and Barnabas at Perga, i. 134 is with Paul at Rome, ii. 247 much yalued by Paul, i. 126 labours with Paul at Rome, ii. 243, 369 passes thence to Colossz and Babylon to Peter, ii. 247 commended by Paul to the Colossians, ii. 272 visits Colosse, ii. 369 is with Peter at Babylon, ii. 365 carries the second epistle of Peter, ii. 367 on death of Peter is requested to join Paul, ii. 389 Market called Macellum, i. 390 Market (old) of Athens, i. 249 (new) at Athens, i. 250 view of gateway of, i, 249 Marriage, questions of, at Corinth, i. 366 forbidden by the Gnosties, ii. 252 Mars’ Hill, i. 252 Marsa Scirocco, in Malta, ii. 206 Marsyas, a freedman of Agrippa, i. 100, 101 Martial, epigram of, on the Christian martyrs, ii. 363 epigram of, on Pudens and Claudia, ii. 397 Martyrdom of Stephen, i. 38 view of scene of, i. 39 an act of treason against Rome, i. 39 of a Christian represented on a gem, ii, 407 -marus, common termination of names in Gaul and Galatia, i. 180 meaning of, i. 187 Mary (the Virgin) was of the lineage of David, ii. 46 Maryllus sent by Caligula to take charge of Judea, i. 98 whether the same person as Marcellus, i. 25 Matala, Cape, in Crete, ii. 191 Matthew, gospel of, delivered by Paul to his disciples, i. 231 referred to by Paul, i. 283, 380, 382, 387, 395 : ii. 325, 329, 352, 387, 432 . Matthias, son of Annas, i. 28, 105; ii. 137 Maximin Daza erects temples to Jupiter at Jeru- salem, ii. 130 May, month of, observed at Ephesus, i. 405 Meander, the deposits of, ii. 90 indictable for wasting of banks, ii. 90 boundary of Lydia on south, i. 190 “Mediator ” explained, i. 350 “Meet, going out to,” a mark of respect paid to per- sons of distinction, 11. 223 Megara, on the road from Athens to Corinth, i. 268 Μέγας, a title assumed by Agrippa, i. 98 Mehkimeh or town hall at Jerusalem, site of, ii. 127 Mela (M. Annwus) brother of Gallio and Seneca, i, 291 put to death by Nero, i. 291 Melchisedec, king of Salem, ii. 315 . 470 INDEX. Meleda, wreck of Paul did not occur at, ii. 211 Melissurgis, site of, i. 225 Melita (island), now Malta, ii. 205 Melita (city), now Civita Vecchia, ii. 209 Μελίτῃ substituted by some in 2 Tim. iv. 20 for Μιλήτῳ, ii. 291 Meén, or Lunus, same as the Moon, i. 152, 136 figure of, i. 137 worshipped at Philippi, i. 210 Menander, quoted by Paul, i. 12, 401 Mereury, the companion of Jupiter, i. 149 oxen sacrificed to, 150 worshipped at Philippi, i. 210 of the market, at Athens, i. 244, 249 Mercuries (place), at Athens, i. 244, 246, 247 Μεσίτης explained, i. 350 Mesopotamia, whether a correct translation of the Hebrew original, i. 58 Messalina, date of death of, i, 412, 415 portrait of, ii. 228 Messana, prefect of, called Stradigo or Preetor, i. 217 Messiah, nature of kingdom of, i. 228 Mera, as applied to time, explained, ii, 159 Μετὰ ἔτη τρία explained, i. 343 Μεταμορφούμεθα explained, ii. 19 Μεταξύ, the meaning of, as regards time, i. 119 Metellus defeats the Acheans, i. 270 a lieutenant of Pompey, i. 66 Michaelis, interpretation by, of the word σκηνοποιός, 1. 8 Midaeium, probably visited by Paul, i. 177 Midas, founder of Ancyra, i. 182 Milestone, discovery of first, on the Appian Way, 11. 226 figure of, ii, 225 Μιλήτῳ (2 Tim. iy. 20), different readings of, ii. 391 Miletum, a mistake in English version for Miletus, ii. 391 Miletus makes a decree against the Jews, i. 47 Paul lands at, ii. 90 touches at, on way to Rome, ii. 373 described, ii, 90 plan of changes in coast of, ii. 92 view of plain of, and coin of, ii. 93 view of theatre at, ii. 95 Militaris Custodia, ii. 148 Millo, what it was, ii. 129 Mine, Attic, referred to, i. 337 Minerva, coin of, i. 134, 200 worshipped at Philippi, i. 210 colossal statue of, at Athens, i. 253 (Archegetis), portico dedicated to, at Athens, i. 250 Minister of Paul and Barnabas, meaning of, i. 126 Ministers ordained by Paul at Thessalonica, i. 230 Minturne, ii, 222 Miracles wrought by Paul, i. 129, 148, 215, 291, 384; il. 79, 211, 428 Mirrors, ancient, were of metal, ii. 19 Misanthropy charged against Christians, ii. 361 Misenum, Cape, ii. 218 Mishna, at what age studied, i, 9 Mistakes of Stephen the protomartyr, i. 56 of Josephus, ii, 118 Mic@wua, meaning of, 11. 238 Mithrid.tes limited the asylum of Diana at Ephesus, i. 326 Mitylene described, ii, 85 view of, ii. 84 plan of, ii. 85 coin of, ii, 86 Mnason, the host of Paul at Jerusalem, ii. 108 Μνημεῖον and μνημεῖα distinguished by Josephus, ii. 130 Modesty, altar to, at Athens, i. 260 Modin, the Maccabees buried at, ii. 129 Meesia, province of, ii, 357 Monumentum Ancyranum, i. 184 reference tv Britain in, i. 185 Morges, old name of Ephesus, i. 322 Moriah (Mount), site of the Temple, ii, 128 sacrifice on, referred to, ii. 315 Μορφή, meaning of, ii. 284 Moses read in the synagogues, i. 160 in what sense called a mediator, i. 350 Mosque of Omar, by whom built, ii. 130 “My Gospel,” meaning of, 303, 347; ii. 386 Myra, the metropolis of Lycia, ii. 186 now a desolation, ii. 187 a storehouse of Egyptian corn, ii. 187 view of, ii. 187 Mysia, the Greater and Less, i. 192 boundaries of, i, 192 Named, Celtic for temple, i. 179, 180 Names, Jews commonly had two, i. 128 (Jewish, | often Grecised, i. 6 (Roman,) borne by Jews and Jewesses, i. 273 often abbreviated, i. 129, - Nads of temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 325, 326 Naples, plan of bay of, ii. 219 Napoleon I. taken for Antichrist, i, 288 Narcissus named in Epistle to the Romans, who he was, li. 69 disgraced and dies, ii. 229 Nayigation—at what period of the year it commenced, ii. 214 at what period it closed, ii. 37 i Nazarenes, Christians so called, i. 28, 96 Nazarite, vow of, taken by Paul, i. 294; ii. 140 by Bernice, ii. 140 the custom of the age, i. 294 ecremony of the vow, i. 294 often taken in a foreign land, but completed at Jerusalem, i. 295 length of time required for purification, i. 295 in what part of the temple it was completed, i, 295 lawfuluess of it, i. 296 INDEX. 471 Nazarites, apartment devoted to, in temple at Jeru- salem, ii. 132 Neavias, meaning of, i, 5, 38 Neavicxos, of what age, i. 5 Neapolis visited by Paul, i. 201 view of, from the sea, i. 204 description of, 1. 201 coin of, i. 204 view of road from, to Philippi, i. 205 now Cavallo and not Eski Cavallo, i. 201 distance of, from Philippi, i. 201, 205 road from, to Philippi, traced, i. 204 Nebuchadnezzar besieges Tyre, ii. 101 Newxdépos explained, i. 411 coins thus inscribed, i. 411 Νεώρια of Ephesus, i. 321 Neptune, temple of, on Isthmus of Corinth, i. 268 statue of, at Cenchrea, i. 300 coin of, i. 155 Nereus, a common Roman name, ii. 71 Nero succeeds Claudius, ii. 123, 227 increases the dominions of Agrippa L., ii. 123 educated by Seneca, ii. 227 character and person of, ii. 227, 379 causes the death of Narcissus, ii. 229 poisons Britannicus, ii. 229 marries Octavia, ii. 230 captivated by Poppzea, ii. 230 marries her, i. 413 detests his mother Agrippina, ii. 230 removes Pallas, ii. 230 puts Agrippina to death, ii, 231 takes to driving and music, ii. 231 forms a cireus in the Vatican valley, ii. 232 conversant with Jewish creed, and is hailed as king of Jerusalem, ii. 242 bestows the Roman citizenship on frivolous pre- texts, i. 4 requires worship of his voice, ii. 362 life of, attempted, ii. 374 whether referred to (2 Tim. iv. 17) under the term ‘lion,’ ii. 391 accused of firing Rome, ii. 359 persecutes the Christians, ii. 360 gardens of, at Rome, the scene of Christian per- secutions, ii. 360 passes into Greece, ii. 397 coin of his ship, ii. 398 coin of his victory at the Isthmia, ii. 398 tuken to be Antichrist, i. 288 sat as a judge, ii. 378 where he sat on trials, ii. 289 whether he heard Paul, ii. 379 coins of, i. 48, 76, 144, 390, 411; ii. 229, 398 Nestor (the Academic), tutor of Marcellus, i. 3, 82 rules Tarsus, i. 82 (the Stoic), tutor of Tiberius, i. 3, 82 “ New city,” (in Antioch), i. 92 (in Jerusalem), ii. 130 News, thirst for, at Athens, i. 257 Nicephorus, description by, of Paul, ii. 412 Nicodemus, member of the Sanhedrim, a Christian, i, 374 Nicolaitans, i, 94 a branch of the Gnosties, ii. 345 Nicolas of Antioch, i. 94 Nicolaus Damascenus, notice of Abraham by, 1.69 Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, hires the services of the Gauls, i. 178 Ε Nicopolis, many cities so named, ii. 353 in Epirus, described, ii. 353 view of ruins of, ii. 355 plan of, ii. 356 coin of, ii. 356 Night reckoned by Jews as preceding the day, i. 280, 290 Noah, seven precepts of, i. 58 Νυχθήμερον explained, i. 280, 290 Jews reckoned by, ii. 202 Numa (and Egeria) referred to, ii. 225 Numi Viali, ii. 222 Nymphas of Laodicea, i. 175 bishop of Laodicea, ii. 273 Obodas, king of Petra, i. 67 Octavia marries Nero, ii. 230 Octavius (and Antony) defeat Brutus and Cassius at Philippi, i. 208 portrait of, i. 206, 207 Οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας (Heb. xiii.), examined, ii. 333 Οἴδαμεν, force of, i. 385 Οἰκουμένη, meaning of, ii, 113 Oils, duty imposed on sale of, at Athens, i. 251 Omar, mosque of, by whom built, ii. 130 Onesimus meets with Paul at Rome, and becomes a convert, ii. 245 meaning of the name, ii. 275 called by Paul a brother, ii. 272 Onesiphorus visits Paul in prison at Ephesus, ii. 371 and at Rome, ii. 376, 377 Ophel described, ii. 128 Ophthalmia of Paul, i. 186, 354, 374 Oratories described, i. 212 Orders, three in the church, viz., bishops, priests. and deacons, i. 107 Ordination of presbyters by Paul, i. 154 of a bishop by three others referred to, i. 114, 115 of Timothy, i. 169 Origen, opinion of, on the Epistle to the Ephesians. ii. 256 -orius, common termination of names in Gaul and Galatia, i. 180 Orontes, Antioch of Syria situate on, i. 91 ᾿οΟρθοτομοῦντα (2 Tim. iii. 15), explained, ii. 387 Ortygia, old name of Ephesus, i. 322 ‘Os ἐπί, force of explained, i, 237 Ostia, medal of port of, ii. 165 Otho escapes from palace by way of the Velabrum, ii. 235 Ὅτι καὶ (Philipp. iv. 16), explained, ii, 288 472 INDEX. Owl, the appearance of one to Agrippa, i. 112 Oxen usually sacrificed to Jupiter, i. 150 and to Mercury, i. 150 Pactyas, Mount, near Ephesus, i. 319 Padan-Aram, i. 58 Paddles, etymology of, ii. 204 Penula (Roman ), ii. 414 supposed to be the same as φαιλόνη (Tim. iv. 13), ii. 390 Peetus, recorder of Ephesus, i. 316 Πάγκρυφος, Jehovah so called, i. 264 Παιδαγωγός explained, i. 350 Παιδίον, of what age, i. 5 Painted porch at Athens, i. 244 Paintings, gallery of, at Athens, i. 253 at Ephesus, i. 324 Παῖς, of what age, i. 5 Palace (of Herod) at Jerusalem, site of, ii. 126 (of Cesar), at Rome, guarded by a cohort of Pretorians, ii, 234 site of, 11. 234 partial view of, ii. 237 (Golden), of Nero at Rome, ii. 375 Palatine hill at Rome, ii. 234 plan of, ii. 234 Palestine, map of, i. 60 Pallas (the freedman), all-powerful with the Em- peror Claudius, ii. 118 sereens his brother Felix at Rome, ii. 169 Pambouk, a name for Colosse by mistake for Tam- bouk, i. 357 Pamphylia originally comprised under Cilicia, i. 78 parts of, belonged to Amyntas, i. 131 and restored to Pamphylia on his death, i. 131 spoke a language of its own, i. 132 not included in Proconsular Asia, i. 313 described, i. 133 Pan, cave of at Athens, see coin, i. 255 Pandemion, the sculptor of the image of Eplesian Diana, i. 326 Paneas was subject to Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 60 described, i. 61 farmed by Zenon, i. 67 Pangeus, Mount. on north of Neapolis, i. 204 Pannonia invaded by the Celts, i. 178 Panormus, the outer port of Ephesus, i. 321 Paphos described, i. 120 map of, 1. 122 image of Paphian Venus, i. 122 view of temple of the goddess, i. 123 plan of ruins of, i. 124 views of new and old Paphos, i. 126 coin of new Paphos, i. 124 Papyrus, picture of, ii. 73 Παραδύσεις explained, i. 289 Παρακαλέσαι explained, i. 281 Παράκλησις, meaning of, i. 113 Paraschioth, law of Moses divided into, i. 160 “Parchments,” (2 Tim. iv. 13) what meant by, li. 390 Mdpedpo., a name for the Council of Prefects, ii. 173 functions of, i. 314 Tlap’ οὗ, «.7.A. (Acts xxiv. 8) explained, ii. 158 Παρελθόντες, meaning of, i. 192 Παρεπίδημοι explained, ii. 366 Parium makes decree against the Jews, i. 47 Πάροχοι, what they were, ii. 223 Paroreios, boundaries of, i. 131 described, i. 136 belonged to Amyntas, i. 131 Parrhasius, a native of Ephesus, i. 319 Parthenon at Athens, i. 254 view of, i, 255 frieze of, in Brit. Mus., i. 254 not visible from the Areopagus, i. 264 Παρθένος applied to both sexes, i. 383 Passover, celebrated at Philippi, ii. 75 Patara described, ii. 99 view of, ii. 99 plan of, ii. 100 coin of, ii. 100 Παθήματα μαθήματα, the proverb referred to, ii. 314 Παθητός, meaning of, ii. 178 Patre, Diana worshipped at, i. 406 Πατριά explained, ii. 261 Patrobas, a common Roman name, ii. 71 Patron of Jews aggrieved, Hyrcanus was, i. 45 Paul (St.), portrait of, frontispiece born at Tarsus, i. 2 of high social position, i. 2 son of an Hellenist, i. 2 of a Pharisee, i. 7 born a Roman citizen, i. 2 time of birth of, i. 5 did not study the classics at Tarsus, i. 7 instructed at the age of five in the Law and Tra- ditions, i. 7 mother of, a devout person, i. 7 became acquainted with Barnabas at Tarsus, 6 7/ acquainted with the family of Timothy, i. 8 was taught the trade of a tent-maker, i. 8 a scribe or lawyer, i. 9 brought up at Jerusalem, i. 9 at least thirty years old when sent to Damascus, i. 6 taunted with slavery, i. 4 whether his father was a freedman, i. 3 or purchased the Roman citizenship, i. 4 calumniated as a Gentile and an apostate from spite, 1. 5 meaning of the name in Latin, i. 6 said by some to have taken the name from Sergius Paulus, i. 6 why he took the name, i. 6, 128 why bore two names, i. 6 an only son, i. 6 what relatives he had, i. 6 INDEX. Paul (St.)— continued. education of, at Tarsus, i. 6,7 sent young to Jerusalem, i. 9; ii. 176 a pupil of Gamaliel, i. 9, 10 a fellow-student with Barnabas under Gamaliel, i. 10 adopted the style of questioning from the schools, i. 10 spoke Greek, i. 11 and several languages, 1, 397 acquainted with foreign law, i. 11 where he acquired his knowledge of Greek literature, i. 11 cites the Greek poets, i. 11 familiar with Greek philosophy, i. 12 leaned towards the Stoics, i. 12 resemblance between him and Seneca accounted for, 1. 13 became a Rab, and then Rabbi, but not a Rabban, i. 13 why allowed to preach in synagogues, i. 13, 140 a member of the Sanhedrim, i. 14; ii, 177 whether he had ever seen Christ, i. 24 poet unknown supposed to be cited by, i. 150 whether he was married, i. 382, 386 had no foreknowledge generally, ii. 91 his view of obligation of Jewish law on Christian Jews, i. 168 journeys of, to Jerusalem discussed. i. 303 the leader of the persecution against Stephen, 1.84 one of the judges at the trial of Stephen, 1. 38 took notes. i. 38 voted for his condemnation, i. 38 held tbe clothes of those who stoned him, i. 38 continued to persecute the Christians, i. 39 subsequent remorse of, i. 40 adopts the language of Stephen, i. 40 mission of, to Damascus, i. 48 conversion of, by the way, i. 49 and view of scene of it, i. 48 led blind into Damascus, i. 53 sight of, restored by Ananias, i. 54 whither he retired on his conversion, i. 56 the Gospel revealed to, in Arabia, i. 57 was not long in Arabia, i. 71 returns to Damascus, i. 71 preaches to Jews only, i. 71 and they seek to arrest him, i. 72 he escapes oyer the wall in a basket, i. 73 seeks Peter at Jerusalem, 74 taken by the hand by Barnabas, i. 74 disputes at Jerusalem against the Hellenists, i. 75 has a vision in the Temple, i. 75 retires from Jerusalem to Tarsus, i. 77 is at Tyre, i. 77 and at Sidon, i. 77 whether shipwrecked on his way from Jerusalem | to Tarsus, i. 77 VOL. I. Paul (St.)—continued. continues his ministry at Tarsus, i. 83 fetched from Tarsus to Antioch by Barnabas, i. 96 preaches at Antioch in Singon Street, i. 96 takes alms from Antioch to Jerusalem with Bar- nabas, i. 105 revelation to, at Jerusalem, i. 108 returns to Antioch, i. 108 called while at Antioch a prophet and teacher, i, 113 sent with Barnabas on mission to convert the Gentiles, i. 115 goes down to Seleucia, i. 116 sails to Salamis, i. 120, 125 arrives at Paphos, i. 127 converts Sergius Paulus, the proconsul, i. 127 strikes Elymas blind, i. 128 deserted by Mark at Perga, i. 135 forgives Mark’s desertion, i. 135 preaches at Antioch of Pisidia, i. 146 drift of his address to Jews there, i. 140 turns to the Gentiles there, i. 143 retires to Iconium, i. 144 expelled by the Jews, and retires to Lystra, i. 146 cures the cripple, i. 148 is regarded as a god, i. 149 retires to Derbe, i. 151 makes converts there, i. 153 turns back and revisits Lystra, Ieonium, and Antioch, i, 154 preaches at Perga, i. 154 embarks at Attalia, i. 155 returns to Antioch of Syria, i. 155 sent with Barnabas to Jerusalem on the question of obligation of Jewish law, i. 157 passes through Phoenicia and Samaria, i. 157 attends the council at Jerusalem, i. 158 takes back the decree, i. 163 prepares for second circuit, i. 164 dispute of, with Barnabas about Mark. i. 164 proceeds with Silas to Derbe, Lystra, and Icon- ium, i. 164 and Antioch of Pisidia, i. 170 delivers to them the decrees of Jerusalem, i. 170 evangelizes Phrygia, i. 176 and Galatia, i. 177 visits Pessinus, i, 180 and Ancyra, i. 182 and Tayium, i. 185 his thorn in the flesh, i. 186 his blindness, i. 186 rapturously received in Galatia, i. 186 why boasts of being left alone at Athens, i. 189 retraces his steps through Galatia, 1. 189 passes by Mysia, and goes down to Troas, i. 192 sails to Macedonia, i. 199 arrives at Neapclis, i. 200 preaches at Philippi, 1. 215 converts Lydia, i. 213 lodges with her, i. 215 INDEX. Paul (St.)—continued. cures the Pythoness, i. 215 arrested, and scourged, and imprisoned at Philippi, i. 217 miraculously released, i. 219 compels the preetors to apologize, i. 220 retires to Thessalonica, i. 221 ministry and miracles there, i. 228 had no private means, i. 229 is distressed at Thessalonica, i. 230 receives relief from Philippi, i. 250 appoints ministers at Thessalonica, 1. 230 preaches at Berea, i. 235 takes ship at Dium for Athens, i. 257 preaches in synagogue at Athens, i. 256 and in the Agora, i. 256 traditional place of preaching at Athens, i. 254 sends Timothy from Athens to Thessalonica, i. 258 is left alone at Athens, i. 258 is brought before the Areopagus, i. 260 address of, i, 262 comments on, i. 264 length of stay of, at Athens, i. 268 passes from Athens to Corinth by sea, i. 268 length of the voyage, i. 269 arrives at Cenchrea and Corinth, i. 269 suffers from thorn in the flesh at Corinth, i. 272 meets with Aquila and Priscilla, i. 272 preaches to Jews at Corinth, i. 276 preaches to the Gentiles at Corinth, i. 286 refuses to receive pay from the Corinthians, i. 277 writes Ist Epistle to the Thessalonians, i. 279 writes 2nd Epistle to the Thessalonians, i. 287 has a vision at Corinth, i. 286 accused by Jews before Gallio, i. 292 takes the vow of the Nazarite, i. 294 supposed causes of the vow, i. 294 though a Christian remained a Jew, i. 296 length of his sojourn at Corinth calculated, i. 296 commanded to keep the Feast of Tabernacles at Jerusalem, i. 297, 302 quits Corinth, i, 297 time allowed by him for the voyage, i. 297 touches on his way from Corinth at Ephesus, i, 302 | lands at Cxesarea, and goes up with Barnabas to | Jerusalem, 302, 305 object of this visit, i. 303 refuses to allow Titus to be circumcised, i. 306 returns to Antioch of Syria, i. 306 rebukes Peter at Antioch, i. 309 commences his third circuit with Titus, i. 310 his journey to Galatia traced, i. 311 is received more coldly, i. 311 makes a collection for the poor Hebrews in Ga- latia, 1. 312 revisits Phrygia, i. 313 returns to Ephesus and lodges with Aquila, i. 331 works there, i. 332 encounters some disciples of Apollos, i. 332 is opposed by the Jews, and turns to the Gentiles, 1. 333 | Paul (St.)—continued. ! hires the school of one Tyrannus, i. 333 works miracles, i. 334 punishes the sons of Sceva, i. 335 writes Hpistle to the Galatians, i. 341 converts all Asia, i. 355 alters his plans as to time of visiting Corinth, i, 364 sends Timothy and Erastus to Corinth, i. 365 writes Ist Epistle to the Corinthians, i. 372 is resisted by Demetrius, the silversmith, i. 408 makes a vow at Ephesus, i, 414 quits Ephesus, ii. 1 is at Troas, ii. 2 sails to Macedonia, ii. 2 meets Titus there, ii. 3 makes collection for poor Hebrews, ii. 4 writes 2nd Epistle to the Corinthians, 11. 15 imprisonments, escapes, and sufferings of, 11. 29 shipwrecks of, ii. 29 date of rapture of, ii. 31 received support from other churches, but refused all support from the Corinthians, ii. 32 evangelizes Macedonia Quarta, ii. 35 returns to Thessalonica, ii. 37 visits Corinth a second time, ii. 88 writes Epistle to the Romans, ii. 46 quits Corinth for Macedonia, ii. 74 celebrates the Passover at Philippi, ii. 75 sojourns a week at Troas, ii. 76 restores Eutychus to life, ii. 79 goes by land to Assos, ii. 80 Jands at Miletus, ii. 90 addresses the clergy of Epbesus at Miletus, ii. 91 sails to Patara, ii. 99 thence to Tyre, ii. 101 this not his first visit, ii. 102 sails from Tyre to Acre, ii. 104 thence by land to Ceesarea, ii. 106 from Czesarea to Jerusalem, ii. 108, 139 has interview with James the bishop, ii. 139 delivers the alms for the poor Hebrews, ii. 139 is exhorted to pay the charges of the poor Naza- rites, 11. 141 orders the necessary sacrifices, ii, 142 is set upon in the Temple, and saved by Lysias, ii. 143 addresses the Jews from the steps of fort Antonia, ii, 145 his account of his conversion to the Jews, ii. 146: 1. 51 earried into fort Antonia, ii. 147 brought before the Sanhedrim, ii. 149 rescued trom the Sanledrim by Lysias, ii. 152 vision to, in fort Antonia, ii, 152 nephew of, saves the life of Paul, ii. 153 sent from Jerusalem to Cesarea, ii. 155 tried before Felix, ii. 157 kept in custody, ii. 160 maintains communication with his churches by messengers, li. 163 : INDEX. Paul (St.)—continued. accused before Festus, ii. 171 plot against, by the Jews, ii. 172 appeals to Cesar, ii. 173 his account of his conversion before King Agrippa, ii. 177; i. 49 sails for Rome, ii. 183 date of the embarkation, ii. 183 touches at Sidon, ii. 184 at Myra, ii. 184 anchors at Fair Havens, ii. 191 vision to, before the wreck, ii. 200 wrecked at Malta, ii. 200 | cures the father of Publius, ii. 211 sails from Malta, ii. 214 touches at Syracuse, ii. 215 and Rhegium, ii. 217 lands at Puteoli, ii. 218 proceeds by land to Rome, ii. 222 appeals to the Jews of Rome, ii. 240 | how he gained a footing in the palace, i. 82 writes Epistle to the Ephesians, ii. 254 to the Colossians, ii. 267 to Philemon, ii. 272 to the Philippians, ii. 280 trial of, at Rome, ii. 289 is released, ii. 291 date of release, ii. 291 opinion of some that Paul suffered only one im- | prisonment, ii. 291 whether he visited Spain, ii. 293 whether he visited Britain, ii. 296 testimony of ancients examined, ii. 296 writes Epistle to the Hebrews, ii. 306 why he did not style himself apostle in that | Epistle, ii. 308 returns to Jerusalem, ii. 334 goes down to Antioch, ii. 335 } commences his fourth circuit and visits Colosse and Ephesus, ii. 337 and Crete, ii. 337 | returns to Ephesus, ii. 338 visits Philippi, ii. 338 and Corinth, ii. 338 writes Epistle to Titus, ii. 341 writes 1st Epistle to Timothy, ii. 345 winters at Nicopolis, 11. 353 visits Dalmatia, ii. 355 is at Troas, ii. 358 arrested at Troas, ii. 369 sent to Ephesus, ii. 371 imprisoned there, i. 322; ii. 371, 386 is visited by Onesiphorus, ii. 371 is forwarded to Rome, ii. 372 . delivered over to prefect of the Praetorium, ii. 376 trial of, on first count at Rome, ii. 379 acquitted, ii. 381 writes 2nd Epistle to Timothy, ii. 385 final trial and condemnation of, ii. 399 before whom heard, ii. 398 martyrdom of, ii. 400 Paul (St.)— continued. place of the martyrdom of, ii. 401 date of martyrdom of, ii. 405 tomb of, ii. 404, 405 portrait of, in ancient diptych, frontispiece and ii. 210 character of, ii. 410 old medal with likeness of, ii. 411 features of, ii. 413 costume of, ii. 413 mode of travelling of, 1. 414 diet of, ii. 415 mental qualities of, ii. 415 his frequent reference to games, ii. 415 and military art, ii. 417 quickness of apprehension of, ii. 417 memory, ii. 418 argumentative power, ii. 419 literature, ii. 419 moral character, ii, 421 sufferings, ii. 422 enthusiasm, ii, 423 disinterestedness, ii. 424 affectionate temper, ii. 426 gentlemanly feelings, ii. 427 warmth of temper, i. 428 inspiration, ii. 429; i, 283 references by, to the Gospel of St. Matthew, ii. 432 (and see “ Matthew ”) the harmony of his writings with the Gospels, 11.455 Paul (St.), church of, without the walls, ii. 407 view of interior of, ii. 407 church of, at Tre Fontane, ii. 403 view of, ii, 405 Paul (St.), gate of, at Antioch of Syria, i. 91 Paul (St.), view of Bay of, ii. 208 Paulus (Sergius), proconsul of Cyprus, i. 125 scientific acquirements of, i. 127 converted by Paul, i. 127 cited by Pliny, i. 127 | Paulus (milius), conqueror of Macedonia, i. 202 Pausanias, by what gate he entered Athens, i. 243 Peace, altar to, at Athens, i. 260 Pedeeus, the river on which Salamis stood, i. 120 Πηδάλια described, ii. 204 Pedigrees of Cresars and Herods, i. 15 Πειὼων Epeoiwy, coin of, i. 321 Πείθω, in Galatians (i. 10) explained, i. 342 Pelagonia, the capital of Macedonia Quarta, visited by Paul, ii. 36 Πηλίκοις γράμμασιν explained, i. 188 | Pella (capital of Macedonia Tertia), i. 203, 235 (a city of Decapolis), i. 63 Christians retired to, before siege of Jerusalem, ii. 324 Pentecost, the gift of the Holy Spirit at, i. 29 a feast of one day only, ii. 108, 142 Peparethos given to Athens, i, 261 Perga allotted on death of Herod the Great, to Herod Antipas, i. 17 boundaries of, 1. 64 τὸ Paw 476 INDEX. Peregrinus, the caricature by Lucian of a Christian, ii. 163 Perga subject to propreetor of Pamphylia, i, 132 worshipped Diana, i, 134 view of, i. 134 coin of, i. 135 plan of, i. 134 the gospel preached at, i. 154 Pergamus, kingdom of, called Lydia, i. 190 and Asia, i. 190 Περιελθόντες (Acts xxviii. 13) explained, ii. 217 Περιῤῥαντήριον of temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 324 Persecution (general) of the Christians at Jerusalem, i. 38 again at Jerusalem, 11. 324 at Rome, ii. 359 alluded to by St. Peter, ii. 366 Persuasion, altar to, at Athens, i. 260 Pessinus, the capital of the Tolistobogii, i. 182 plan and coin of, 181 Cybele worshipped at, i. 182 why called Pessinus, i. 182 ruins of, 1. 182 is visited by Paul, i. 182 Peter (St.) with John arrested by the Sadducees, i. 30 is imprisoned by Agrippa 1., i. 105 cures the eripple, ii. 154 is at Jerusalem in A.D, 39, i. 74 words of, compared with those of Socrates, i. 268 appearance of Christ to, after his resurrection, 1. 399 is at Joppa, with Simon the tanner, i. 85 present at the council at Jerusalem, i. 159 harmonizes with the views of Paul at Jerusalem, 1. 305 duplicity of, at Antioch, i. 309 is rebuked by Paul, i. 309 goes to the East, i. 307 party of, at Corinth, i. 362 whether he was ever at Corinth, i. 373, 375; ii. 368 testimony of Dionysius, i. 373 was not at Rome before his martyrdom, ii. 369 not at Rome at date of Epistle to Romans, ii, 72 nor at Paul’s second imprisonment, ii. 389 is at Babylon, ii. 364 writes his first epistle, ii. 364 sends it by Sylvanus, ii. 367 writes second epistle, ii. 367 sends it by Mark, ii. 367 crucified at Rome, ii. 368 tomb of, ii. 404 history of, during his latter years, ii. 368 old medal, with likeness of, ii. 411 chureh of, at Rome, the scene of Nero’s persecu- tion, ii. 360 Petra, view and ground plan of, i. 66 Petronius is appointed prefect of Syria, i. 104 hesitates to carry out the orders of Caligula, i. 104 is doomed to death, but escapes by the death of Caligula, i. 104 Πε(εύειν, meaning of, ii. 80 Pheenesus, the capital of the Ledja, i. 63 Φαιλόνη, meaning of discussed, ii. 390, 414 Phalerus the nearest port of Athens from Macedonia, 1. 242 : Φανερωθῆναι explained, ii. 20 Pharisees described, i. 28 the straitest sect, 1.7; ii. 176 leading men of, ii. 195 they and the Sadducees the two rival sects, ii. 135 Pharpar (river) is the Awaj, i. 58 Phasaélis assigned on the death of Herod the Great to Salome, i. 17 Pheres founder of Bercea, i. 235 Pheria modern name of Bercea, i. 235 Phidias, work of, at Ephesus, i. 324 Philadelphia included under Arabia, i. 55 a city of Decapolis, i. 63 Φιλέλλην, title of Aretas, explained, ii, 31 Philemon, epistle to, ii. 274 date of, 11. 254 Philetus a Gnostic, 11, 252, 339 Philip, son of Jacimus, i. 65 Philip (Herod), what dominions allotted to, on death of Herod the Great, i. 17 makes Caesarea Philippi his capital, i. 17 moderation of, i. 25 death of, 24, 99 coin of, i. 17 Philip (the deacon) evangelizes Samaria, i. 41, 84 resides with his daughters at Acre, ii. 106 Philippi capital of Macedonia Prima, i. 202, 209 history of, i. 206 same as Crenides or Datum, 207 plan of, i, 208 view of, i. 208 great battle of, i. 207 gold mines at, 1. 207 name long preserved, i, 207 made a Roman colony, i. 209 has the Italicum jus, i. 209 language spoken at, i. 209 comprised high town and low town, i. 210 what gods worshipped at, i. 210 market-place of, i. 211 view of remains of it, i. 219 many names of inhabitants of, mentioned in ΝΕ ΝΣ ez arch at, to commemorate victory of Philippi, i. 212 and at Thessalonica, i. 226 view of latter arch, i. 226 a military garrison, i. 212 Lydia is converted at, i, 213 has duumviti, i. 216 and censors, i, 216 and eediles, i. 217 political constitution of, i. 216 plan of route from, to Thessalonica, i. 223 Paul arrives at, on second circuit, i. 211 INDEX. Philippi—continued. length of Paul’s stay at, i. 221 visit to, on third circuit, ii. 2 confided to care of Luke, i, 234, 257 distance of, from Corinth, i. 298 revisited by Paul after his return from Rome, ii. 338 Philippians, liberality of, i. 215 send relief to Paul at Thessalonica, i. 230 and at Corinth, i. 277 the reason for this, i. 277 send contribution to Paul at Rome, ii. 247 epistle to, ii. 280 date of, ii. 280 defects in chureh of, ii, 248 Philo, uncle of Tiberius Alexander, ii. 112 his distinction of the several ages of man, i. 5 opinion of, as to the site of Haran, i. 59 referred to by Paul, ii. 313, 314, 315, 316, 319, 325, 326 his outline of the duties of a judge, ii. 120 Φίλοι, a name for the council of prefects, ii. 173 Philologus a common Roman name, ii. 71 Philomelium probably visited by Paul, i. 177 Philosopher (Greek), figure of, i. 246 Phocas, site of column of, ii. 237 Pheenica Bay distinct from Port Pheenix, ii. 194 Pheenicians traded with Britain, i. 77 colonized Malta, ii. 205 Pheeniciarchs, i. 318 Pheenix (port), now Lutro, ii, 193 frequented by Alexandrian vessels, ii. 194 view of, ii. 195 plan of, ii. 195 Φρύγανα (Acts xxviii. 3), what they were, ii. 207 Phrygia, part of, comprised originally in province of Cilicia, 1.78 part in province of Galatia, i. 132 part in province of Asia, i. 132, 17 evangelized by Paul, i. 172, 177 chief cities of, i. 175 lived under its own laws, i. 176 converts made in, i. 177 whether any collection for poor Hebrews made in, i. 177, 313 no churches in, specified, i. 177 no epistles written to, 177 revisited by Paul, i. 313 φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρῆσθ᾽, &e., whence the line taken, i. 401 Phygellus deserts Paul at Rome, ii. 380, 386 Physician, Luke was, i. 198 Pigres, coin of, i. 318 Pilate (Pontius) is procurator of Judea, i. 23 outrage of, against the Samaritans, i. 25 his seizure of the corban, or Temple treasure, i, 31 constructs an aqueduct with the corban, i. 32. dedicates some shields in the Temple, i. 32 transfers the shields to Czesarea, ii. 166 place of residence of, at Jerusalem, ii. 126 | Pilate (Pontius)—continued. deposed and sent to Rome, i. 25 coin of, i. 23 Pindarus slays Cassius, i. 209 Pireus, view of, i. 238 the port of Athens most frequented, i. 242 Piraic Gate at Athens, position of, i. 244 Pisidia comprised under Cilicia, i. 75 belonged to Amyntas, i. 131 incorporated on his death with Galatia, i. 131, 133 spoke a language of its own, i. 132, 141 Piso, his maladministration of Macedonia, i. 236 Pity, altar to, at Athens, i. 260 Pityusa, an ancient name of Miletus, ii. 90 Πλάνοι explained, ii. 22 Plato, portrait of, i. 267 Plautius (Aulus) subdues Britain, ii. 392 wife of, was a Christian convert, ii. 243, 393 Pleroma of the Gnosties, ii. 250 Πλῆθος, meaning of, ii. 141 Pliny (the young-r), his account of Christian worship, ΗΠ, Ploughing, mode of, in the East, i. 387 sketch of i, 387 Plutonium at Hierapolis, view of, i. 357 Poets quoted by Paul, i. 12, 264 Polemo I. marries Bernice, the sister of Agrippa the younger, ii. 122 deserted by Bernice, and abandons Judaism, ii. 122 coin of, ii, 122 Polina, modern name of Apollonia in Macedonia, i. 224 Politarchs of Thessalonica explained, i. 232 Πολίτευμα explained, ii, 287 Polling the head by the Nazarite, i. 295 Poll-tax to the Temple described, i. 31 demanded of our Lord, i. 31 Polyeletus, work of, at Ephesus, i. 324 Pompey brings a number of Jews to Rome, i. 274 inhabitants of Rome go out to meet, ii. 224 Pomponia Greeina a Christian convert, ii. 243, 393 accused on that account, ii. 393 Pontifical robes, dispute about, under Cuspius Fadus, ii. 110 Pontine marshes, ii. 222 Pontius Pilate. See Pilate Pontius Aquila supposed to be connected with the Aquila of Paul, i. 273 Poor (Hebrews), Paul agrees to make a collection for, i. 306 makes a collection for, in Galatia, i. 312. 341, 346, 347 in Macedonia, ii. 4 and Achaia, ii. 40 Poplicola (P. Valerius), law of, against torturing a Roman, ii. 147 Poppxa, a Jewish convert, ii, 242 favours the Jews, ii. 299 lives with Nero, ii. 230 marries Nero, i, 413 478 INDEX. Poppzea—continued. | is buried, and not burnt, ii. 242 portrait of, ii. 230 Population of Jerusalem at the feasts, how caleu- lated, ii. 114 | Porches at Athens, i. 244, 245 | Πορνεία, said to be a mistake for πορκεία or xorpela, 1. 161 Πορνική θυσία, what it was, i. 161 Port of Ceesarea described, ii. 164 | Porta Capena, ii. 226 Via Appia starts from, 11. 226 site of, ii. 226 Porta Mugionis, ii. 235 Ports of Athens, plan of, 1. 242 of Ephesus, i. 320, 321 of Miletus, ii. 90 Porter, opinion of, as to scene of Paul’s conversion, 1. 49 his description of Straight Street, i. 53 Post, no public, for carriage of letters amongst the ancients, 11. 267 Pot of manna, ii. 318 Ποταμὸς of Philippi, i. 212 Ποταμῶν explained, ii. 30 Potter, figure of a, ii. 59 Pozzuoli. See Puteoli Preetorians, number of, ii, 232 camp of, ii, 232 coin shewing camp of, ii. 234 view of camp of, ii. 233 present state of camp of, ii. 283 Paul’s preaching amongst, ii. 242 Pretorium, various meanings of, ii, 281 (at Caesarea), site of, ii. 166 (at Jerusalem), what it was, ii. 126, 127 | (at Rome), what it was, ii. 156 Preetors, name for Duumviri in colonies, i. 217 | still so called at Messina, i 217 | (of Philippi), outrage by, i. 217 they apologise, i. 221 Πράσσοντες, distinguished from ποιοῦντες, ii. 48 Prasus, meaning of, in Celtic, i. 182 | Praxiteles, carvings of, i. 324 Prayers, form of, in the synagogue, i. 139 Paul the only writer who asks for, in his behalf, i, 284; 11. 331 Preaching, the posture of, i. 188, 140 Predestination referred to, i. 144; ii. 57 Prefect (of the Preetorium), prisoners consigned to, ii. 236 Prefects (of provinces) appointed by Augustus for | three or five years, i. 22 seldom changed by Tiberius, i. 22 at what time they left Rome for their provinces, i. 291 were attended by a council, ii. 173 Π εσβευταὶ, functions of, i. 314 Πρεσβευτὴς, another rea ling for πρεσβύτης, in Epistle to Philemon, ii. 275 Πρεσβύτης, tle age of, 1. 5, 6; ii. 275 TpecBvrns—continued. said to be a title of honour, i. 6 whether this or πρεσβευτὴς is the true reading in Epistle to Philemon, i. 6 Presbyters ordained by Paul, i. 154 same as bishops, ii. 280 Prevesa, Isthmus of, ii. 353 mistake of Strabo as to, ii. 353 | Priests, number of, i. 32 connive at the conspiracy against Paul’s life, ii. 153 Primates of Proconsular Asia, i. 318 Primus, title of governor of Malta, ii. 208 Prion or Pion, mount of Ephesus, i. 319, 321, 322 Priscilla was a tentmaker, i. 8 meets with Paul at Corinth, i, 273 diminutive of Prisca, i. 273 called by Paul a fellow-helper, i. 330 parts from Paul at Ephesus, i. 302 sails from Ephesus to Rome, ii. 2 Prison of St. Paul at Ephesus, i. 322 Prisoners on appeal to Rome consigned to tlie prefect of the Preetorium, ii. 236 Prizes, coin representing delivery of, i. 388 Πρὸ ἐτῶν δεκατεσσάρων (2 Cor. xii. 2) explained, i. 108 Proclus (Cominius), proconsul of Cyprus, i. 125 Proconsul of Achaia, i. 271 Proconsuls, the name of prefects of the Senate’s pro- vinees, 1. 313 by what number of lictors attended, i. 226, 313 (in the plural) of Ephesus explained, i. 3388, 412 Procurator, duties and powers of, i. 18, 19, 314 judicial functions of, i. 33; ii. 120 attended by a council, ii. 173 powers of, enlarged by Claudius, i. 314, 338 usual duration of office of, ii. 159 usual time of, for leaving Rome, ii. 291 as well as primate appointed to Malta, ii, 209 Procurators (of Judea)— Coponius, i. 19 M. Ambivius, i. 21 Annius Rufus, i. 21 Valerius Gratus, i. 23 Pontius Pilate, i. 23 Marcellus, or Marullus (Vice-Procurator), i. 25 Cuspius Fadus, ii. 110 Tiberius Alexander, ii. 112 Ventidius Cumanus, 11, 113 Felix, ii. 121 Festus, ii. 169 could summon the Sanhedrin, ii. 148 | Προΐστασθαι, meaning of, 11. 344 Promissory note signed by Paul to Philemon, ii. 276 Προπεμφθέντες, meaning of, i. 157 “Prophets,” divided into Haphtoroth, i. 160 Προφητεία explained, i. 284, 391 Propretor, the style of a prefect named by the emperor, i. ΤΌ, 313 Propylea at Athens, i. 253 Proselyte, whether Cornelius was, i. 87 INDEX. Proselytes contributed to the support of the Temple, i. 31 described, i. 87 Proserpine, rape of, near Philippi, i. 205 worshipped in Malta, ii, 211 Proseucha, the oratory of the Jews, i. 1 at Philippi, i. 211 site of, 1. 212 Mpocuelvas, meaning of, i. 296 Προσφορά, meaning of, ii. 142, 159 Prostitution, part of the worship of Venus at Corinth, i, 162 Πρότερον explained, ii. 324 Πρῶτοι, meaning of amongst the Jews, ii. 240 Πρῶτος, sometimes used for πρότερος, i. 20 the title of governor of Malta, ii. 208 Πρωτότοκος explained, ii. 268 Proverb referred to, i. 378 Provinces (Roman) divided between the Emperor and Senate, i. 17, 125, 313 Prudens (Aulus Claudius Quirinus), primate of Malta, ii. 209 Psalm, second, is properly part of the first, i. 142 Ψυχικὸς, meaning of, i, 375 Ptelea, site of the temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 320, 322 Ptolemais (see Acre), ii. 104 Ptolemy V., coin of, i. 121 Ptolemy Mennzi is king of Chalcis, i. 60 extent of dominions of, i. 60 base character of, i. 61 conciliates Pompey, i. 64 death of, i. 66 Ptolemy, (geographer) his location of Batanea, i. 66 Publius, the primate of Malta in time of Paul, ii. 209 said to have been bishop of Malta, ii. 211 Pudens, a name-found at Philippi, i. 211 who he was, ii. 394 marries Claudia, ii. 396 date of marriage, ii. 397 served in Britain, ii. 394 Πυλῶνες, meaning of, i. 150 Purification (of the Nazarite), length of time required for, 1. 295; ii. 142 necessary before entering the Temple, ii. 160 Purple, the province of Lydia famous for, i. 214 Puteoli, general view of site of, ii. 220 described, ii. 218 plan of bay of, ii. 219 mole of, ii. 219 view of mole of, ii. 220 distance of, from Baulos, ii. 219 the port for Rome, ii. 219 view of principal thoroughfare in, ii. 221 numerous Jews in, li. 221 and Christians, ii. 221 distance of from Rome, ii. 222 Pydna, battle of, i. 202, 270 Python, a name of Apollo, i. 215 Pythoness cured by Paul at Philippi, i. 216 value of, as a property, i. 215 Quadrans, or farthing, specimen of, i. 23 explained, i. 336 Quadratus, prefect of Syria, marches to Judea on an outbreak, ii. 117 holds a trial at Tyre, and again at Lydda, ii. 117 Quadrigse described, ii. 222 Questor, functions of, in a province, i. 314 Quaternion of Roman soldiers explained, i. 106 Quinquennalis, another name for censor, i. 216 Quirinus. See Cyrenius. Rabbans, the number of, i. 10 Racing in games, referred to, ii. 286 Rack, a Roman could not be put to, ii. 147 nature of, ii, 147 Raphana, a city of Decapolis, i. 63 Rapture of Paul, date of, ii. 31 Reading, print of youth in act of, ii. 73 Recorder, the chief magistrate at Ephesus, i. 515 “ Rejoice,” the key-note of the Epistle to Philippians, ii. 285 Renan, opinion of, that Paul did not visit Galatia, 1. 180 supposes Paul and Barnabas to have been ban- ished from Antioch of Pisidia, i. 144 argues that Titus was circumcised, i. 345 Religion, any new, not allowed at Athens, i. 260 or at Rome, i. 260; ii. 361 Resurrection taken by the Athenians to be a goddess, 1. 260, 265 questions as to, at Corinth, i. 368 denied by a sect at Corinth, ii. 339 held by the Pharisees and denied by the Saddu- cees, li. 152 denied by the Gnosties, ii, 252 Gnostic notion of, ii. 387 Revelation, made to Paul in Arabia, i. 57 made to Paul at Jerusalem, i. 108 Paul’s visit to Jerusalem by, i. 345 the extent of, in Paul, i. 392 | Revenue (Roman) public or imperial, i 314 Rhedz described, ii. 222 Rhegium described, ii. 217 view of, ii. 217 Alexandrian ships touched at, ii, 217 intended to be made a good port by Caligula, li. 217 Ῥῆμα commented on, ii. 264 Rhoda in the house of Mary, i. 106 Rhodes deseribed, ii. 97 view of, ii. 97 plan and coin of, ii. 98 -rix, common termination of names in Gaul and Galatia, i. 180 meaning of, i. 182 Rolling away the stone of the sepulelire explained, i. 109 Roman (names) adopted by Jews, ii. 157 | Roman (citizenship) given to a whole people, i. 3 the subject of traffic, i. 4; ii. 148 passed by the Vindicta toa freedman, i. 3 480 INDEX, Roman (citizenship)—continued. was easy or difficult to be obtained at the caprice of the emperor, i. 4 conferred on futher of Paul for some political merit, i. 4 Roman (church) threatened by the Judaising faction, i. 41, 69 the component parts of, ii. 42, 70 Romans permitted the collection of the Temple tax, i. 31 guarded the Temple at Jerusalem at the feasts, ii. 114, 135 how they regarded foreign religions, i. 216 ; ii. 361 exempted from the torture, ii. 147 and from scourging before condemnation, i. 220 distinguished the days of the week, ii. 5 Romaus (pistle to), ii. 46 date of, ii. 46 who was the bearer of, ii. 72 Rome, Paul had long wished to visit, i. 197 temple to, as a goddess, at Czesarea, ii. 165 and at Aneyra, i. 183 great fire at, 11. 359 view of forum of, ii, 237 plan of, ii. 226 number of Jews at, i. 273 Christians early found at, i. 274 expulsion from, a common practice, i. 275; ii. 117 Roofs of houses, how constructed, i. 89 Royal (porch) at Athens, i. 244, 245 Royal (cloister) of the temple at Jerusalem, what it was, li. 131 Royal (gate) of the temple at Jerusalem, what it was, 11. 131 Rudders (ancient) nature of, ii. 204 Rudder-bands explained, ii. 204 Rufus, a common Roman name, ii. 71 (in Epistle to Romans) who he was, ii. 69 (Fenius), death of, 11. 376 (Q. Neevius) clerk of the market at Athens, i. 250 Sabbath observed at Philippi, i. 213 transferred from Saturday to Sunday, ii. 76 Sabbatie year observed in Galatia, i. 341, 351 Sabinus (Nymphidius), Prefect of the Preetorium, ii. 376, 398 Saceza, what town it was, i. 66 Sacrament. See Eucharist Sacred Way at Athens, i. 246 Sacred Port of Ephesus, what it was, i. 327 Sacrifice (pagan), coin of, i. 150 Sacrifices, custom of heathen, as to eating, i. 385 vast number of at Jerusalem at the feasts, ii. 1i4 Sadducees, chief men amongst, ii. 137 procured the death of Christ, i. 28 described, i. 28 arrest Peter and John, i. 30 and the Apostles, i. 80 bloodthirsty character of, i. 28; in. 300 Sailing, rate of, amongst the ancients, ii. 76 Sakhra, what it is, 11. 129 Salamis described, i. 120 plan and coin of, 1. 121 view of ruin at, i. 126 Jews abounded at, i. 126 Salem taken by some to mean Jerusalem, ii. 315 by others to be Anon, ii. 315 Salmone (Cape , Paul passes, on his voyage to Rome, ii. 191 view of, ii, 191 Salome (the sister of Herod), provision made for, i. 17 Σάλπιγξ explained, i. 396 figure of, i, 397 Salutation (by kissing), mode of, with the ancient Christians, i. 284 in Paul’s Epistles, means the final benediction, written with his own hand, i. 157, 285; ii. 273 Samaria assigned to Archelaus the Etlmarch, i. 16 and on his deposal annexed to Syria, i. 17 outbreak in, i. 25 evangelised, i. 84 Samaritans—their hatred of the Jews, ii. 115 slay some Gualileans on their road to Jerusalem, ii. 116 are heard before Quadratus, ii. 117 condemned at Rome, ii. 119 Samornion, old name of Ephesus, i. 322 Samos (town) deseribed, ii. 87 view, plan, and coin of, ii, 88 Samothrace visited by Paul, i. 200 commanded a view of Troy, i. 199 coin and plan of, i, 200 Sampsigeramus (King of Emesa), connected with the royal family of Judea, i. 56 Sanhedrim sat by day only, i. 23 constitution of, i. 36 sat at first in Gazith, i. 36 could be summoned by the procurator or his deputy, ii. 148 did not now sit in Gazith, ii. 149 could not proceed to capital execution without the fiat of the procurator, ii. 171, 300, 301 Σαούλ, the Hebrew name, answering to Greek Σαῦλος. li. 177 Sappho, a native of Lesbos, ii. 85 Sarcophagus, a wonderful stone, ii. 83 Sardis, decree of, in favour of Jews, i. 47 Sapyavn explained, i. 73 Satan, delivery to, means excommunication, ii. 347 Saturday, so called by the Romans, ii. 5 Saturninus (L, Volusius), Prefect of Syria next before Cyrenius, i. 95 coin of, 1. 95 Saul. See Paul fayourite name in tribe of Benjamin, i. 5; ii. 61, 286 meaning of, in Greek, i. 129 meaning in Hebrew, i. 6 Saul (king), length of reign of, i. 141 Saumarez (Lord de) sails to the south of Crete, ii 191 INDEX. 481 Sceva's five sons exorcise eyil spirits by Jesus, i. 335 Σχῆμα, meaning of, ii. 284 Scheenus, now Kalamachi, i. 268 etymology of, i. 299 Schools at Jerusalem, i. 10 Sciathus given to Athenians, i, 261 Scopas, work of, at Ephesus, i. 324 Scourging, of Paul and Silas at Philippi, i. 218 Roman mode of, i. 218 disgrace of, i. 218 of a Roman uncondemned, unlawful, i. 220 Scribe, Paul was, i. 9 Scriptures, in what form of manuscript written, i, 139 (Jewish) burnt by a Roman soldier, ii. 115 Σκυτοτόμος; Paul so called, i. 9 Scylla (the rock), deseribed, ii. 217 view of, ii. 218 Scythopolis, the capital of Decapolis, i. 63 belonged to Herod, and afterwards given to Agrippa IT., i. 64 * Seas” (“two, met”), explained, ii. 204, 207 Σεβαστή (Sreipa), what it was, ii. 182 Σεβαστηνοί, who they were, ii. 183 Sebastiano (Porta di S.), ii. 226 Sebastus, name of the port of Cesarea, i. 76, 98 ; il. 165 Sects of the Jews, i. 28 Secundus, a name found at Philippi, i. 211 a Macedonian of Thessalonica, i. 168 accompanics Paul trom Macedonia to Corinth, ii. 38 and from Corinth to Asia, ii. 74 Seijugee described, 11. 222 Sejanus, Prefect of the Praetorium, ii. 232 forms their camp, ii. 232 poisons Drusus, i. 99 Seleucia (of Pieria), plan of, i. 118 coin of, i. 116 map of road to, from Antioch, i. 116 described, i. 116 view of tunnel of, i. 117 view of gate and port of, i. 118 Seleucid had their palace at Antioch, i, 91 Selinus (Lake) at Ephesus, i. 321 (River) at Ephesus, i. 321 Seneca (L. Annus) is tutor to Nero, i. 291; 11, 227 resemblance of, in thoughts, to Paul, i. 13 portrait of, ii. 229 caricature of, ii 230 governs with Burrhus, ii. 230 said to have become a convert to Christianity, ii. 245 extortionate loans of, to the Britons, ii. 243 deprived of power, ii. 361 put to death, i. 291 Septuagint cited by James, the Bishop of Jerusalem, i. 160 Sepulchre (the Holy) illustrated, i. 109 Sergius Paulus. See Paulus Sermons preaclied in the Synagogue, i. 189 Seventy. See Sanvedrim VOL. I, Severus (Septimius), triumphal arch of, ii. 237 Shammai, school of, i. 10 [i. 295 “Shaving” the head, distinguished from “ shearing,” a disgrace, i. 391 was completion of the yow of the Nazarite, ii. 141 “ Shearing ” the head, opposed to “ shaving,” i. 295 Sheba (Queen of), admirer of Solomon’s buildings, Sheep-skins, ii. 327 {ii. 131 Shekel, specimen of, i. 43 same as the stater, or tetradrachm, i. 336 Shewbread, table of, ii. 134 Shield of a Roman soldier, ii. 265 Shields dedicated by Pilate in the Temple, 1. 32 Ship, ancient, described, ii. 188 figure of, ii. 189, 204 Ships drawn across the Isthmus of Corinth, i. 268 Shipwrecks of Paul, i. 269; ii. 29 Shoes of a Roman soldier, ii. 265 Shrines (silver) of Diana commented on, i. 408 illustration of, i. 414 Shurky (Bab) at Damascus, view of, i. 70 Sicarii, origin of, at Jerusalem, ii. 125, 145 Sicli, or shekels, i. 337 Sidon sends embassy to Agrippa I, i. 111 territory of, defined, i, 61 Paul touches at, ii. 184 and has friends there, ii. 184 distance of, from Caesarea, ii. 184 view of, ii. 184 plan of, ii, 185 coin of, ii, 185 Sign, what meant by, i. 373 Silanus (Junius), Proconsul of Asia, i. 412 is poisoned by Agrippina, mother of Nero, i. 337 Silanus (Lucius) put to death, i, 337 Silanus (C.) accused of treason before Tiberius, ii. 380 Silas sent with Paul and Barnabas from Jerusalem to Antioch, i. 163 accompanies Paul on his second circuit, i. 164 is a Roman, i. 164 scourged at Philippi, i. 218 imprisoned and miraculously released, i. 219 remains at Beroea, i. 237, 257 has care of that church, i. 254 arrives with Timothy at Corinth, i. 276 separates from Paul and joins Peter, i. 306 is with Peter at Babylon, ii. 365 and carries First Epistle of Peter, ii. 367 Silpius, the mount overlouking Antioch, i. 93 Silver, pieces of, at Epliesus, what they were, i. 356 Silver coinage in the Apostle’s time, i. 336 Silver shrines of Diana commented on, i. 408 Silversmiths of Ephesus, i. 408 Simeon, successor to Hillel, i. 10 Simeon (Rabbi) was a clothier, i. 8 Σιμικίνθια, what they were, i. 334 Simon the same name as Symeon, ii. 136 (the Maccabee) captures the Acra at Jerusalem, ii. 129 Simon (the Tanner), i. 8 house of, referred to, i, 58 9. 482 INDEX, . Simon, views of house of, i. 87, 88 receives Peter, i. 88° Simon (son of Ananias) ii. 186 Simon (son of Gamaliel), i, 10; ii. 136 Simon (Cantheras), high-priest, i. 105 Simon (Magus) supposed to be Antichrist, i. 288 a Cypriot, ii. 123 history of, 11. 123 confounded by Justin Martyr with the god Semo Sancus, ii. 129 induces Drusilla to elope and marry Felix, ii. 123 accompanies Felix to Rome, ii. 169 death of, ii. 123 Sinai said to be called Hagar, i. 352 Singon Street in Antioch, Paul preached in, 1. 93, 96 Sin-offering, wholly burnt, ii. 331 Siparum, what sail it was, 11. 188 Σκηνοποιός, meaning of the word, i. 8 Σκηνοῤῥάφος, Paul so called, i. 9 Skins used for making tents, i. 9 Slave, whether the father of Paul ever was, i. 3 Slaves exported from Asia Minor to Rome by way of Delos, i. 3 branded for identification, i. 187, 354 often of great value, i. 215 Smyrna, Ephesus once so ealled, 1. 320, 322 Soerates taught in the market at Athens, i. 252 words of, like those of Peter, i. 268 tried for impiety, i. 267 portrait of, i. 267 death of, i. 268 Soldier (Roman), illustration of, ii. 266 Solomon’s Porch, where it was, i. 29; ii. 134 Solomon, passion of, for building, ii. 129 palace of, ii. 129 stables of, ii. 129 ascent of, to Temple, ii. 131 view of it, ii. 131 receipt of, for casting out devils, i. 535 Sopater was son of Pyrrhbus, ii. 74 Σοφία contrasted with ἀγάπη, i. 370 Soranus (Barea), proconsul of Asia, ii. 371 repairs the port of Ephesus, i. 330 put to death, ii. 372 Sosthenes, a ruler of the synagogue at Corinth, i. 276, 292 is beaten in the presence of Gallio, i. 293 whether he was a Jew or a Christian, i. 293 becomes a convert, i. 293 [293 supposed by some to be same person as Crispus, i. the name a common one, i. 294 joined with Paul in address of Ist Epistle to Corin- thians, i. 372 is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 39 Zovdapia, what they were, i. 334 how carried, ii. 413 Spain, Herod Antipas banished to, i. 103 whether Paul visited, ii. 67, 293 testimonies of the ancients to the visit, 1i. 294 Spalatro, temple of Jupiter at, the counterpart of Mosque of Omar, ii. 130 Sreipa explained, i. 86 proper sense of, ii, 144 Sreipa Σεβαστή, what it was, 11. 182 Spells of Ephesus, i. 334, and see Addenda Σπένδομαι (2 Tim. iv. 6) explained, ii. 389 Spiritual gifts, questions as to, at Corinth, i. 367 » communicated by Paul, i. 348 Σπλάγχνα explained, ii. 281 Σπυρίς explained, i. 73 Stables of Solomon, site of, ii. 129 Stachys, a common Roman name, il. 71 Stadium of Ephesus, i. 321, 327 view and plan of, i. 329 Stairs of the Temple at Jerusalem, ii. 144 of Temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 326 Stanchio the modern name of Cos, ii. 97 Stater or tetradrachm taken from the fish’s mouth, i. 32 value of, explained, i. 336 Statues numerous at Athens, i. 248 Stephanas, a convert ut Corinth, i. 290 the first convert there, i. 276 baptized by Paul, i. 276, 403 household of, baptized by Paul, i. 373 father of Fortunatus and Achaicas, i, 403 carries letter from Corinth to Paul, i. 366 sent by Corinthian church to Rome, i. 403 Stephen the chief of the deacons, i. 32 the forerunner of Paul, i. 32 his broad views of Christianity, i. 32 charged with impiety, 1. 34 is arrested and brought before the Sanhedrim, i. 36 is accused of blasphemy, i. 36 the inaccuracy of his quotations, i. 36 tried in the Temple, i. 37 in what language he spoke, i. 37 martyrdom of, i. 38 persecution of, referred to by Paul, ii. 286 is quoted for identifying Haran with Harran, i. 59 view of scene of martyrdom of, i. 39 Στίγματα explained, i. 187 Στοά (Βασίλειος), 1. 244, 245 Brod (Ποικίλη), 1. 24} Stocks, Roman, explained, i. 219 Stoics, porch of, at Athens, i. 244 tenets of, i, 259 encounter Paul at Athens, i. 260 their opinion of Christianity, i. 266 Stoning of Paul at Lystra, i. 151 Strabo, error of, as to the position of Adalia, i. 155 as to Isthmus of Prevesa, ii. 353 placesLaodicea Hicrapolis and Colosse in Phrygia, 1.191 , Straight Street in Damascus described, i. 53, 69 view of, i. 70 Strangled things forbidden to be eaten, i. 161 Στρατηγοί, Greek name for Duumyiri, 1. 217 Strato slays M. Brutus, i. 209 Stratocles, tomb of, at Amphipolis, i. 22! Stratonicus, pun of, upon Assos, ii. 83 Straton’s tower, the ancient nameof Cesarea, it. 163, 168 INDEX. 483 Στρατοπεδάρχης, the prefect of the Preetorium, ii. 235, 236 Subornation, what is meant by, i. 36 Subsolanus, what wind it was, ii. 196 Sudaria carried in the girdle, ii. 413 what they were, i. 334 Suetonius (Paullinus) slays 80,000 Britons, ii, 245 Suetonius (Caius)—his notice of Christ, i. 274 Suyxalpe meaning of, ii. 284 Συναιχμάλωτος, in what sense used, ii. 276 Zvykowavoi explained, ii. 281, 288 Summa Via Nova at Rome, ii, 235, 237 Sunday, so called by the Romans, ii. 5 observed by early Christians, i. 402 ; ii. 4, 78 alms collected on, in the churches, ii. 4 Sun-dial on Temple of the Winds at Athens, i. 251 Συνέδριον of a province explained, i. 314 Σύνεδροι, a name for the council of prefects, ii. 173 συνείχετο explained, i, 285 Συνέκδημοι commented on, i. 312 Συνεκλεκτὴ ἐν Βαβυλῶνι explained, i. 380 Σύνοιδα, meaning of, i. 376 Σύζυγος explained, ii, 287 Sword of a Roman soldier, ii. 265 Swords, two, carried by a Roman soldier, ii. 182 Sylla takes Athens, i. 260 Sylvanus. See Silas Sylvanus (Poppzeus), prefect of Dalmatia, ii. 357 Symbols commonly used in the East, ii. 107 Symeon, same name as Simon, ii. 136 the Hebrew form of Simon, i. 160 Symeon (called Niger), a prophet and teacher of An- tioch, i. 114 Synagogue, service of, explained, i. 138 rulers of, i. 138 angels of, i. 138 readers and interpreters of, i. 138 language used in, i. 138 why Paul allowed to preach in, i. 13 number of, at Jerusalem, i. 34 none at Philippi, i. 212 several at Salamis, i. 126 at Corinth, i. 276 burnt at Antioch, i. 94 (of the Libertines), &e., i. 33 Synnada probably visited by Paul, i. 177 Syntyche referred to, ii. 287 Syracuse, view of, ii. 215 plan of, 11. 216 coin of, ii. 216 Syria, map of, i. 60 different meanings of, i. 5S one of the emperor's provinces, i. 17 “Syria and Cilicia,” as to Paul’s passage through, i. 76, 77 Syriarchs, 318 Syro-Chaldaic, another name for Hebrew, ii. 177 Syrtis, Great, of Africa, ii. 198 Tabernacle, what it contained, ii. 518 Tacitus—his account of the persecution of Christians, ii, 360 date of birth of, ii. 393 | Ταχέως, meaning of, i. 288 Τάγμα, or legion explained, i. 86; ii. 143 Tauias—his functions, i. 314 Tanner, a trade in little esteem, i. 88 Tanneries were without the city, i.89 Tarentum, length of journey to, from Rome, i. 291 Tarshish, two countries of that name, i. 77 whether same as Tarsus, i. 77 whether same as Tartessus, i. 77 ‘Tarsus, the metropolis of Cilicia, i. 2,79 a free city, i. 2, 81 coins of, i. 79, 81 had not freedom of Rome, i. 2 sided with Octavius and Antony, i.3 one of the three great universities, i.7, 82 ranked by Strabo as the first, i. 7 sent out its literati as tutors, i. 7 supplied tutors to Imperial family at Rome, i, $2 described, i. 78 why called Tarsus, i.79 port of, i. 79 map of site of, i. 78 view of, i.78 crowns Cassius, 3, 80 receives Dolabella, i. 80 is muleted by Cassius, i. 80 citizens of, sold for slaves, i. 80 afterwards manumitted, i. 81 had a municipal government, i. 81 swayed by demagogues, i. 81 now called Tersoos, i. 82 by whom ruled, i. 81, 82 length of journey to, from Antioch, i. 310 “no mean city,” ii. 145 whether same as Tarshish, i. 77 Paul retires to, i. 77 -tarus, common termination of names in Gaul and Galatia, i. 180 Taurus, Mount, the passes over from Tarsus, i. 165 Tavium visited by Paul, i. 185 site of, 1. 185 capital of the Troemi, i. 185 coin of, i. 185 Tatidpxns, meaning of, ii. 144 Taxing under Cyrenius discussed, i. 19 Taxings, the two distinguished, i. 19 et seq. Te, use of as a copulative, ii. 307 Tectosages, a tribe of Galatians, i. 179 coin of, i.179 Temple (of Jerusalem) described, i. 29; ii. 130 site of, ii. 128 tax for, or Corban, ii. 111 was forty-six years in building, ii. 112 completed only five years before its destruction, ii. 112 how guarded by Romans during the Feasts, ii 114 captain of, ii. 134 violation of, followed by death, ii. 157 3 Q 2 484 INDEX. Temple (of Diana at Ephesus), general description of, i. 323 plans of, i. 322 seven stades from old city, 1. 921 staircase of, 1.326 small images of, i. 408 view of sculpture on one of columns of, i. 324 Temples, emperors usually sat in, upon trials, ii. 119, 290 Tentmaker, Paul was, i.8 Aquila was, i. 275 Tents, of what materials they were made, j. 9, 57 Ephesus, famous for, i. 330 Terracina, ii. 222 Tertullian, views of, on subject of the Epistle to the Ephesians, ii. 256 Tertullus a common Roman name, ii. 156 (the Jew), ii. 157 compliment of, to Felix, ii. 121,126 accuses Paul before Felix at Czesarea, 11. 157 Tertullus (Cornutus), the colleague of Pliny the younger, ii. 156 Teraymevor, meaning of, i. 143 Tetradrachm, specimen of, 1.44 the coin taken from the fish’s mouth, i. 44 same as stater or shekel, i. 336 Tetrarchies, Galatians divided into, i. 179 Thalassea, whether same city as Laseea, 11, 194 Thanet, Isle of, once an actual island, ii. 245 “That Day,’ a term for the Day of Judgment, i. 287 ; 11, 386, 389 Theatre, the great rendezvous of assemblies, 1.315, 409 (of Ephesus), i. 321, 327 view and plan of, i. 328 (of Troas),view of, 11. 77 Θέατρον at Cxsarea, probably an amphitheatre, ii. 166, 168 Theela, a convert of Iconium, i. 145 Theophilus, son of Annas, high-priest, i. 26, 28 the high-priest who tried Stephen, i. 37 accredits Paul to Damascus, i. 48 present at the trial of Paul before the Sanhedrim, ii. 150 Θευσεβής, meaning of, ii. 242 Θηριομάχιαι at Ephesus, i. 327 Therm, name of Thessalonica, i. 225 Theseus fighting with Amazons, i. 246 temple of, at Athens, i. 247 view of it, i, 247 Thessalonica, capital of Macedonia, i. 203, 226, 280 church of, consisted of Gentiles, i. 280 road to, from Philippi, i. 223 coin of, 1. 223 site of, i. 225 several names of, i. 225 road to, from Amphipolis, i. 225 a free city, i. 226 the seat of government, i. 226 a mercantile city, i. 226 now Salonica, i. 226 plan and view of, i. 227 Thessalonica—continued. arch at,in honour of the victory of Philippi, i. 226 view of church in which Paul preached, i. 231 Jews of, reject the Gospel, i. 228 Gentiles of, are converted, i, 228 distinguished disciples of, i. 230 relief sent to Paul at, from Philippi, ii, 288 politarchs of, i. 292 length of Paul's stay at, i. 234 riot at, against Paul and Silas, i. 231 confided to care of Timothy, i. 234 state of church at, i. 257 Timothy sent to, from Athens, i. 258 panic of church at, i. 278, 286 persecution of church at, i, 279, 281 Epistles to, contain no references to Old Testa ment, i. 228 why Paul does not style himself an Apostle in Epistles to, i. 279 first Epistle to, i. 279 date of, 1. 279 second Kpistle to, i. 287 Tholomeeus the bandit, is captured by Cuspius Fadus, ii, 110 Thong carried by every Roman soldier, ii, 144 Thorn in the flesh, what it was, i. 186 of the body and not of the mind, i. 186 continues at Corinth, i. 272 Thrace, province of, ii. 357 Three Taverns. See Tres Taberne Threshing, mode of, in the East, i. 386 illustration of, i, 387 Thucydides, the historian, fails to relieve Amphipolis, 1. 224 Θυμιατήριον described, ii. 218 Θυσιαστήριον, described, ii. 318 Thyatira, Lydia a native of, i. 213 9 view of, i. 213 coin of, 1. 214 Tiberias, the capital of Herod Antipas, i. 17 coin of, i. 17 view of, before and after the great earthquake, i. 16 Agrippa I. is made zdile of, by Herod Antipas, i. 99 Tiberius succeeds Augustus, i. 22 lethargic habits of, 1. 22 the patron of Herod Antipas, i. 17 dismisses Agrippa I. from his court, i. 99 receives him again into favour, i. 101 imprisons him, i. 101 discountenances the Jews, i. 47 his execution of criminals at Caprea, ii. 218 orders war against Aretas, i. 26 refuses divine worship, ii. 362 disclaims the title of κύριος or dominus, ii. 176 sat as a judge, ii. 378 street of, in Antioch of Syria, i. 92 coins of, i. 17, 22, 336 ἀσσάριον or As of, 1, 336 death of, i. 27 INDEX. 485 Tiberius (Alexander) appointed procurator of Judea, ii. 112 statue erected to, at Rome, ii. 112 made prefect of Egypt, ii. 112 Tibullus, the diminutive of Tiberius, ii. 156 Tigani, port, the ancient Samos, ii. 87 Tigellinus, the enemy of the Christians, ii. 361 accompanies Nero to Greece, ii. 398 Time of day, how reckoned by Romans, i. 24 Timothy, a native of Lystra, but thought by some to be a native of Derbe, i. 167 Paul’s esteem for, i. 166 son of Eunice and grandson of Lois, i. 166 had a Greek father, i. 166 families of Paul and Timothy acquainted or related, i. 167; 11. 385 supplies the place of Mark on the latter’s deser- tion at Perga, i. 167 is with Paul at Antioch of Pisidia, Iconium and Lystra, i. 167 circumcised at Lystra, i. 168 called at thirty-five, a young man, i. 5 remains behind at Thessalonica, i. 234 has care of that church, i, 234 rejoins Paul at Bercea, i. 234 remains there, i. 237 follows him to Athens, i. 257, 281 is despatched from Athens to Thessalonica, i. 276, 281 rejoins Silas at Bercea, i. 277 arrives with him at Corinth, i. 277 brings relief to Paul from Philippi, i. 277 sent from Ephesus to Corinth, i. 365 accompanies Paul from Macedonia to Corinth, ii. 38 and thence to Asia, ii. 74 quits Paul at Miletus for Ephesus, ii. 96 said to have been bishop of Ephesus, ii. 96 labours with Paul at Rome, ii. 243 age of, ii. 349 ordination of, ii. 349 weakly health of, ii. 351 left in charge of church of Ephesus while Paul is in Crete, ii. 337 at what time ordered to remain at Ephesus, ii. 291 First Epistle to, ii. 345 date of, ii. 340 left in charge of church of Ephesus at Pautl’s last departure, ii. 372 Second Epistle to, ii. 385 date of, 383 was at that time at Ephesus, ii. 382, 391 called by Paul “ brother” as well as “son,” ii. 332 Titus (Vespasianus) siege of Jerusalem by, i. 1; ii. 130 coins of, i. 183; ii. 302 arch of, at Rome, ii. 235, 320 view of arch of, ii. 237 Titus (Christian), a young man, ii. 543 accompanies Paul from Corinth to Jerusalem, i. 301 Titus (Christian)—continued. a Greek, i. 301 required by the Judaizing party to be cireum- vised, 1. 306 assumed by Renan to have beencireumcised, i. 345 accompanies Paul from Antioch of Syria to Ephesus, and sent to Corinth, i. 310 fails to meet Paul at Troas, ii. 2 but meets him in Macedonia, ii. 3 is sent again to Corinth, ii. 11 is with Paul at Corinth, ii. 38 and returns with him from Corinth to Asia, ii. 74 accompanies Paul to Crete, ii. 337 left there, ii. 338 Epistle to, ii. 341 date of, ii. 340 sent to Dalmatia, ii. 377, 389 Τὸ πρότερον, force of, i. 341, 351 Togodumnus, son of Cunobelin, slain, i. 110 ‘Tolistobogii, a tribe of Galatians, i. 179 origin of name, i. 179 coin of, i. 181 Tolosa, people of, were same as Tolistobogii, i. 179 Tomb of Lais at Corinth, i. 272 Tomb of Queen Helena, view of, i. 109 Tombs, nature of Jewish, i. 109 Tongues, questions of, at Corinth, i, 368, 396 many spoken by Paul, i. 397 | Torture could not be applied to a Roman, ii. 147 nature of, ii. 147 Trachea at Ephesus, the site of, i. 320 Trachonites were Arabs, i. 55 [1. 63 Trachonitis identical with Argob of Old Testament, now called Ledja, i. 57 a church planted there, i. 57 subject to Ptolemy Mennzi, i. 60 described, i. 63 farmed by Zenon, i. 67 allotted on death of Herod the Great to Herod Philip, i. 17 annexed on death of Herod Philip to Syria, i, 25 bestowed on Agrippa L, i, 99 } given to Agrippa IT., ii. 122 | | | Trachons, the two, explained, i. 63 | Trades, honourable amongst the Jews, i. 8 Tradition, many facts not found in Scripture traceable to, i. 36 Tralles makes a decree against the Jews, i. 47 Trans-Tiberine, the Jewish quarter at Rome, ii. 240 Tre Fontane. See Aqua Salvi Treason, laws of, amongst the Romans, i. 299 was the charge brought against our Lord, i. 24 common charge of, at Rome, ii. 380 Treasury, public, kept in shrine of Temple, i. 326 Tres Taberne not translated by Luke, ii. 924 Christians of Rome meet Paul at, ii, 224 site of, ii. 224 Trial (Greek), form of, i. 232 (Roman), form of, ii. 399 Tribes, the twelve, still existed in time of the Apos- tle, ii. 176 are 486 INDEX. Tribute, imposition of, leads to a revolt of the Jews under Judas of Galilee. i. 19 money for, shown to our Lord, what coin it was, i, 22 Tricomia, probably visited by Paul, 1. 177 Trinobantes of Britain, rebel, ii. 245 Triton on Temple of Winds at Athens, 1. 251 Τρίτον τοῦτο ἔρχομαι explained, 11. 34 Triumph, nature of a Roman, ii. 18 Troas Alexandria, account of, i. 193 view of, 199 plan of, i. 193 coin of, 1. 194 view of port of, i. 194 length of Paul’s sojourn at, i. 296 view of gymnasium at, ii. 76 view of theatre at, ii. 77 plan of district of, ii. 81 on what occasion cloak left at, ii, 291, 292 Trocmi, a tribe of Galatians, i. 179 coin of, i. 185 Trogilium, port described, ii, 89 plan of, ii. 89 Trophimus, a name found at Philippi, i. 211 Trophimus (the Ephesian), ii. 390, 391 accompanies Titus with an epistle to Corinth, i. 369 sent again with Titus to Corinth, ii. 13, 25 returns with Paul from Corinth to Asia, 11. 74 accompanies Paul to Jerusalem, ii. 96, 108 is the innocent cause of the attack of the Jews ou Paul, ii. 143 left sick at Miletus, ii. 373 Troy, Paul must have approached the site of, i. 194 visible from Samothrace, i. 200 Trumpet, Roman, i. 396 figure of, 1. 397 Tryphzena, a common Roman name, ii. 71 Tryphon, high-priest of Ephesus, i. 317 Tryphosa, a conmon Roman name, il. 71 Tullius, said 10 have sailed to Philippi, i. 207 Tusculum, palace of the Cesars at, ii. 236 Tutela of a vessel, what it was, ii. 215 “Twelve,” the Apostles so called, when only eleven, i. 399 Two and two, the apostles made their circuits by, i. 115 Tychicus, an Ephesian, ii. 390 accompanies Paul from Ephesus to Macedonia, ii. 2 from Macedonia to Corinth, ii. 38 returns with him from Corinth to Asia, ii. 74 labours with Paul at Rome, ii. 244 accompanies Paul to Crete, 11. 337 etymon of the name, ii. 544 Tyre besieged by Nebuchadnezzar, ii. 101 by Alexander the Great, ii. 101 territory of, defined, i. 61 sends embassies to Agrippa L, i. 107 described, ii. 101 com of, ii. 102 view and plan of, ii, 103 Ulatha defined, i, 61 Undergirding, practice of, deseribed, ii. 198 “Unknown god,” altar to, on road from Phalerus to Athens, i. 242, 263 explanation of, i. 263 may haye designated Jehovah, i. 263 πέρ, means “as concerning,” 1. 288 “YanpéeTns, meaning of, 1, 126 clerk of synagogue, i. 139 Ὑπέρακμος explained, i. 384 “ποδήματα commented on, 11. 265 “Ὑπωπιάζω explained, i. 389 “γποπλεῦσαι, meaning of, 11, 186 ᾿γπόστασις, explained, 11. 325 Upper market at Jerusalem, ii. 126 Urbane in English version means Urban, ii. 68 a common name, il. 71 name found at Philippi, i. 211 Uzza, garden of, where situate, ii. 129 Vacation legal at Rome, ii. 376 Valerius Gratus is Procurator of Judea, i. 23 coin of, i. 23 Varus (P. Q.) Prefect of Syria, i. 94 is cut off with two legions in Gaul, i. 94 when all Gauls are expelled from Rome, i. 275 coin of, i, 94 Vatican, circus formed in, ii. 252 Veil of temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 825 Veils of the Temple at Jerusalem, ii. 134, 318 Velabrum at Rome, ii. 235 Velum, the mainsail, 11. 188 Ventidius Cumanus, Procurator of Judea, ii. 113 Ventriloquists, what they were, i. 215 Venus, temple of, at Cenchrea, i. 299 nature of the worship of, at Corinth, i. 162 courtesans attached to temple of, i. 272 Venus (Paphian), image of, i. 122 temple of, 1. 125 Venus (de Medicis) brought from palace of Nevo at Rome, ii. 875 Veredi and Veredarii, what they were, ii. 222 Verulamium eaptured from the Romans by the Britons, ii. 245 Vespasian witnesses the casting out of a deyil, i. 335 first proclaimed emperor at Czesarea, ii. 166 Vesta Street at Athens, i. 247 Via Appia, construction of, ἄς. 11. 222 map of, ii, 223 view of columns of, at entrance from Brundisium, ii. 574 view of, in actual state, and as restored, ii. 224 started from the Porta Capena, ii. 226 Via Ardeatina Nova, ii. 401 Via Nomentana, ii. 233 Via Nova Summa, 11. 235 Vix Ostiensis, ii. 401 Via Polveriera, ii. 235 Via Egnatia deseribed, i. 222; ii. 181 passed through Neapolis, i. 201 traversed Macedonia, i. 204 INDEX. Vibius, view of tomb of, on road to Philippi, i. 206 Victor, bishop of Libertina, i. 33 Victory, temple of, at Athens, i, 253 Vindicta, freedom given by, conferred the Roman citizenship, i. 3 Vine, immense, of Cyprus, i. 326 Vipers, whether any in Malta, ii. 208, 212 Vision of Paul at Jerusalem, i. 75 and again, i. 108; ii. 31 in fort Antonia, ii. 152 at Troas, i. 197 at sea on his way to Malta, ii. 200 Vitellius, prefect of Syria, deposes Pilate, i. 25 appoints Marcellus as locum tenens, i. 25 present at Jerusalem at the Passover, i. 25 conciliates the Jews, i. 25 appoints Jonathan high-priest vice Caiaphas, i. 25 sets out for Antioch, but ordered to make war on Aretas, i. 26 is at Jerusalem at the Pentecost, 1. 26 appoints Theophilus high-priest vice Jonathan, i. 26 returns on death of Tiberius to Antioch, i. 27 recalled for favouring the Jews, i. 103, 10+ allows the Jews to take charge of the pontifical robes, ii. 110 Vitis, or vine-stick, the badge of a Roman centurion, ii. 182 Vow (of Nazarite) explained, i. 294 length of time required in, for purification, 1. 295 taken by Paul, i. 204; ii, 140, 142 by Bernice, ii. 140 could only be completed at Jerusalem, ii. 142 Voyage, length of, from Ephesus to Athens, ii. 1 from Dium to Athens, i. 238 Vulturnus, the wind, ii. 196 Walls of city of Ephesus, i. 321 Watches of night and day amongst Romans, i. 105 Water, antiquity of close pipes for conveying, i. 397 “We,” as used by Paul, means only Christians with- out reference to himself personally, i. 283, 383 Weather shore, ii. 191 Weather side of a ship, ii. 191 Week, days of, adopted early, ii. 5 Welsh language cognate to Gaelic and Erse, i. 178 Wetzstein’s opinion on Batanza, i. 66 Whipping, the punishment employed by the Jews and inflicted five times on Paul, i. 220 White, the royal colour with the Jews, il. 151 “ Whited wall,” how applicable to Ananias, ii. 150 “Widows indeed,” at what age so called, i 6; ii. 351 Wieseler, his opinion of the occasion of the games at Crsarea, i. 110 disputes the arrival of Timothy at Athens, i. 258, note his view of Paul’s purification in the Temple, ii. 142 Wife, husband of one, meaning of, ii. 34 Winds, temple of, at Athens, i. 251; ii. 196 view of, i. 251 Windows, nature of, with ancients, ii. 78 specimen of Greek, ii. 78 specimen of Roman, ii. 79 Winer—his opinion of Ptolemy, the geographer, i, 66 Winter, when it began with the ancients, ii. 391 Witnesses at Rome were made a ground for delay of trials, ii. 277 attendance of, not compulsory, ii. 380 Women, imprisoned by Paul, i. 40, 213 influence of, in religious matters, i. 144 at Proseucha at Philippi, i. 213 in Macedonia much honoured, i. 213 attended the synagogues, i. 139 ought to cover the head during divine service, i. 391 court of, in temple at Jerusalem, ii. 132 Wood (J. T.)—his discovery of the temple of Diana at Ephesus, i. 320 Wordsworth, Bishop, mistake of, as to the age of David, i. 5 Worship, new objects of, not allowed at Athens, i. 260 or Rome, i. 216; ii, 361 Wreck of St. Paul at Malta, ii. 205 Wrestling, illustration of, i. 389 Writing, modes of, with ancients, ii. 71 muterials of, illustrated, ii. 73 Paul's difficulty in, i. 187 Paul did not usually write, but dictated his epistles, i. 284 Xanthicus (Macedonian month), when it began, i. 406 Xanthus, river of Lycia, ii. 100 Eevia, meaning of, 11. 238 Ξύλον explained, i. 219 Ξυρᾶσθαι, meaning of, i. 296, 391 Xyst, site of, at Jerusalem, ii. 127 Year, sabbatic, computed, i. 351 Young man, what was the age of, i. 5 Zamaris is stationed in Batansea to guard pilgrims from the Trachonites, i. 65 Zealots, vow the death of Paul, ii. 152 had vowed before the death of Herod, ii. 152 Zenas accompanies Apollos from Corinth tu Crete, ii. 340 etymon of name, ii. 344 Zeno, founder of the Stoic sect, i. 246 portrait of, 1. 259 Zenon, farms Iturwa, Trachonitis, Gaulanitis, Ba- tauea, Auranitis, and Paneas, 1. 67 “ house of,” allotted on death of Herod the Great to Herod Philip, i. 17 “house of,” defined, i. 61 coin of, i. ΟἹ Zygactes, now Zygosto, i, 204 why so called, i. 204 LONDON : FRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS, 11-13-07 32188 ~ 2ee70c. Σ΄ iaeicioecie esate ee hn et Me i τ oP ef; saete ae! unatetanate ng roce ΡΤ ΤΟΣ Zabel tha Rata ρα Pu, Shia ἘΠ eh warebrteenr ia Saeed dishes cbetengh : uscenmatsscanetee ee fatarseibeseNrs tees Bratt ete ΡΟ a sata tam timers 4 Δ ΘΗ Ν ἌΝ ν τ ς ὩΣ ἘΠῚ ua ἘΣ renee ernie Serer: cer Pieter eee eee oe be aes