^m ^m^^^ ^M -i^rk }-m •y.:^ f'k •^^ ■^^ >' I ♦#> LIBRARY OF THE Theological Seminary, PRINCETON, N. J. Case D i V i s I c n . . X)^- -^ -^•-*^* Shelf Section ..^bi ."i-S i- Bool,. NO' AN INQUIRY INTO THE INTEGRITY Ot tHE GREEK VULGATE, OR RECEIVED TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT: IN WHICH THE GREEK MANUSCRIPTS ARE NEWLY CLASSED, THE INTEGRITY 0J> THE AUTHORISED TEXT VJKDICATED, AND THE VARIOUS READINGS TRACED TO THEIR ORIGIN. By THE REV. FREDERICK NOLAN, A PRESBYTER OF THE UNITED CHURCH. Origen. LONDON: PRINTED FOR F. C. AND J. RIVINGTON^ NO. 62, ST. Paul's church-yard; }iy R. ^ JR. Gilbert, St. John's Square, ClerhmwelL 1815. TO THE REV. H. H. NORRIS. MY DEAR SIR3 IN inscribing the Inquiry irito the state of the Hebrew Text, the learned authour oiFered a tribute to friendship, while he repaid a literary obligation. As I have «ome ambition, that the following Inquiry into the integrity of the Greek Text, should be considered supplementary to that work ; I would emulate the authour, in dedicating the following pages to you* From the possession of that valuable library, for which I am indebted to your friendship, a2 iv DEDICATION. and which is referred to in every page of the following work, the undertaking in which I engaged has been brought to a close : in that literary retirement, from the more laborious duties of my profession, has it been prose- cuted, which you have enabled me to enjoy. You, who have so largely contributed to the success of my labours, have some right to partake of the fruits which they produce. Let me, however, present them ; not as a return for kindnesses which no acknowledg- ment can repay, but as an account rendered of the means entrusted to me; and which would then indeed become oppressive, should you have reason to believe them misap- plied. I can have no need to bespeak your favour for a work, which has been undertaken at your suggestion, and completed by the faci- lities which you have placed in my, power. And with whatever success it may be ulti- mately attended, it cannot fail in attaining one important object, with which it was undertaken, while it affords me the oppor- DEDICATION. V tunity of thus publickly avowing, with what gratitude and siucerity I profess myself. My dear Sir, Your truly obliged friend. And devoted servant, FRED, NOLAN- Cambridge Street, July 10, 1815. PREFACE. THE notion of a literal identity between thQ present copies of the inspired text^ and the ori- g'inal edition^ which was published by the sacred writers^ is a vulgar errour^ which finds as little foundation in reason^ as justification in fact. It would require no labour of deduction to prove that notion unreasonable, which pre-supposes, that every person who undertakes to copy the Sacred Writ- ings^ should be withheld from wilful or inadvertent errour^ by preternatural power; were it not de- monstrably refuted by the publication of one hun- dred and fifty thousand various readings^ which have been collected against the authorised text. But setting aside the idea of its literal purity, as repugnant to reason, the belief of its doctrinal in- tegrity is necessary to the conviction of our faith. For a proof of its general corruption in important points being once admitted, that character for fide- lity is necessarily involved, which is inseparable from the notion of a perfect rule of faith and manners. Viii PREFACE. With a view to the distinction which thus arises between verbal and doctrinal errours^ it has been usual to reply to the objections raised to the inte- grity of the sacred canon^ from the multipHcity of various readings, by insisting not only on the im- mense number of the authorities consulted, and the scrupulous accuracy with which they have been examined, but on the small importance of the read- ings noted, as rarely affecting the sense of the vary- ing passages. From the principles thus laid down, the conclu- sion would legitimately follow in favour of the doc- trinal integrity of the sacred text ; if it might be assumed that the immense number of various read- ings forms a floating medium, in which the genuine text might be in all instances discovered. But this is a concession which, though founded in reason, and deducible from experiment, the objectour can- not feel inclined to make, who proscribes passages, and objects to chapters, as interpolated in the Scripture canon. It is indeed a position so far from established by the theories of those criticks, who have undertaken to recover the genuine text, that it may be fundamentally subverted from the principles on which they proceed. Those systems, consequently, are so far from having established the integrity of any particular text, that they have un- settled the foundation on which the entire canon is rested. PREFACE. IX Such are oLjections to which the most elaborate of those theories seems to be inevitably exposed. If we must receive the Corrected Text of M. Gries- bach, to the exclusion of the Greek Vulgate^ we must accept it as a demonstrative proof of the gene- ral corruption of the sacred text^ and of the faith- lessness of the traditionary testimony on which it is supported^ for a period extending from the apostolical to the present age. One of the first positions laid down in his critical theory, and implied in the conclusions which it involves^ is, that the two principal Classes of Text out of which his edition is formed, have been interpolated in every part of them for that period*. One of the last consequences which that theoiy tends to establish, is, that the only remaining Class of Text existing" in the Greek Vulgate, and against which the immense number of 150,000 various readings has been collected, has existed in its pre- sent state of corruption nearly 1 400 years ^ If these conclusions are unavoidable, there seems to be no reservation by which the doctrinal integrity of the gacred Scriptures can be saved. If the apostolical age has thus erred in its testimony, and its evidence has been further corrupted in the primitive age ; whatever be the text, which is gathered out of the » Vid. infr. pp. 334, 335. nn. 5* et". *> Vid infr. p. 348, r^'\ X PREFACE. laimensc number of various readings, which make up the sum of their testimony, it may be as well any other text, as that which the inspired writers originally delivered to the Church. The pernicious consequences to which those sys- tems thus necessarily lead, will at least justify an Inquiry into the truth of the principles on which they are founded. And a very slight degree of observation is adequate to discover, that much re- mains to be proved in those theories, before we can admit them to be established, and that much is conceded on the part of the vulgar text, from which its integrity admits of the amplest vindication. In asserting the corruption of the Sacred Text, as preserved in the vulgar edition, for the space of fourteen hundred years, it is fully conceded that the tradition, however it might have been changed at the commencement of that period, or was previously cor- rupted, has continued unvaried during the whole of this period. This indeed is a point, which, if not granted, may be easily demonstrated. As this text is consequently referred to an age, of which we retain the fullest and most circumstantial accounts "" ; we re- quire to be informed, whether it then totally changed its character, or previously to this time had been gradually rendered corrupt. And a difficulty arises « Vid. infr. p. 4^27. n. *, PREFACE. 3a from either supposition^ which requires a solution, before we can at all acquiesce in the conclusion, that it is really corrupted ; unless, by the fallibility of transcribers, whose errours do not affect the general or doctrinal integrity of the text. If the former supposition be adopted, and the character of the sacred text was then totally changed, to what causes are we to impute its alteration at that par- ticular period ? And if the latter position be as- sumed, and previously to this period it became gradually corrupt, to what causes are we to impute its permanence from that time to the present? Until these difficulties are solved, the Received Text obviously gains more from the concessions of its opponents, than it can lose by their objections. The integrity of this text being thus acknowledged for the immense period of fourteen centuries, and the inability to show how it was previously cor- rupted fully avowed ''; it is implied in the very nature of that traditionary evidence on which the text is supported ^ that, however the tradition might have been suspended for a time, it could not have been materially corrupted in the antecedent period, or we should be able to ascertain the causes, in which it originated. * Vid. infr. p. 429. n. *. « Vid. infr. pp. 348, 349, Xii PREFACE, On these gTOunds the first notion was formed by the authour of the following pages, that an Inquiry into the history of the sacred text would most pro- bably lead to the perfect vindication of the vulgar edition. He was encouraged in this expectation, by the effect which he perceived a few facts had in solving some of the greatest difficulties which embaiTassed its history. At two periods only could he perceive the possibility of the ecclesiastical tra- dition having been interrupted ; during the ascen- dancy of the Arian party under Constantine, and on its suppression under the elder Theodosius. The destruction of the sacred books in the Dio- clesian persecution, and the revisal of the sacred text by Eusebius, furnished an adequate solution of the gi'eatest difficulty which arose, from the vari- eties in the copies of the original text, and of the translations which differ from the Greek Vulgate. To this point, of consequence, his first attention is turned ; and it forms the subject of the first section of the following Inquiry. He has thence endea- \oured to show, that the coincidence between the Eastern and Western texts, on which the credit of the Corrected Edition is rested, must be attributed to the influence of Eusebius's revisal, which was published under the auspices of the Eniperour Con- slantine. PREFACE, Xlii Thus far, however, a negative argument is de- duced in favour of the Received Text. The cha- racter of this text still remains to be investigated : to this point the authour next directs his attention, and he prosecutes it through the two following sec- tions. As the integrity and purity of the Greek and Latin Churches render their testimony of the highest authority in ascertaining the genuine text; on their joint authority he has consequently ven- tured to distribute the Greek Manuscripts into Classes; and to vindicate that particular class of text which exists in the vulgar edition. From the ground thus taken up, the whole sub- ject may be commanded almost at a glance. In the following sections, the tradition of the Greek and Latin Churches is carefully traced, from the apostolical age ; and on the concurring or relative testimony of those witnesses, the general and doc- trinal integrity of the Received Text is established. In vindication of the verbal integrity of this text^ the evidence of the Syriack Church is called in; and on the joint testimony of the primitive Version of this Church, and the primitive Italick, a decisive argument is finally deduced in favour of the anti- quity of the Greek Vulgate. In the last section, the authour has endeavoured to point out the particular manner in which the remaining Classes of Text, into which the Greek Manuscripts are distributed^ have originated, froth a coiTuption of the vulgar edition. The whole of the diversities in those manuscripts are traced i& three revisals of the sacred text, which were pub- lished in Egypt, Palestine, and Constantinople. The number of various readings is thence easily accounted for ; and a solution offered of some ob- jections which are raised to the doctrinal and verbai integrity of the Received Text or Vulgar edition. From this brief sketch of the plan of the follow- ing work, the reader will easily comprehend in what manner the authour has avoided those consequences which he charges on the systems of his opponents : and how the integrity of the Received Text may be established independent of the objections which lie against the Corrected Edition. An interruption in the tradition, by which the former text is sup- ported, is admitted to have taken place ; when the scripture canon was revised by Eusebius, and the Church became subject to the dominion of the Ari- ans. But the tradition is carried above this period^ which did not exceed forty years, and the Received Text proved to have existed previously, by its co- incidence with those Versions of the Oriental and Western Churches, which were made before the text was revised by Eusebius. So that, although the tradition has been interrupted for this inconsi- derable period, it has remained as unsophisticated PREFACE, XV In the two centuries-, which preceded Constantine's age, as in the last fourteen^ during which it has con- fessedly remained uncorrupted. In the course of this Inquiry, it has been a prin- cipal object with the authour to rescue the history t>f the text from that obscurity in which it is in- volved ; and to attain some determinate notion of the state of critical and religious opinion in the pri- mitive ages ; with a view to ascertain the causes which led to the corruption of the text, and pro- duced the different classes into which it is distri- tmted. An attention to these points has consequently ena- bled him to give a different direction to the ques- tion respecting the authenticity of those passages in which the Received and Corrected Texts differ; and has thrown the preponderance of the internal evidence on the side of the former. In determining between spurious and genuine readings, respect must be paid to the peculiar opinions of the persons by whom the original text is revised or translated : but it is a curious fact, that since the time when the different editions, which comprize the varieties discoverable in the sacred text, were published, the state of religious opinion has undergone a total revolution. The scepticks of the present age, how- ever they reject Christ's divinity, are fully disposed to admit his humanity. But in the earlier ages the XVI PREFACE. case was precisely reversed ; the generality of llere* ticks having easily admitted the divinity of our Lord, while they denied his humanity. Those seets> from whose opinions the notion of heresy was defined', conceived^ that Christ descended from heaven in the reign of Tiberius Caesar, and having merely as- sumed the appearance of a man, entered on his ministry in Judaea^. A religious system was de- vised in coincidence with this fundamental tenet; and the Scriptures were soon accommodated to the opinions of its founders. To the first disturbance which was thus given to the sacred text, we easily trace the principal varieties which are discoverable in the different editions into which the Greek text may be divided *". Instances consequently occur, iR which passages, that are challenged by the here- ticks in the primitive ages, disappear in the Eastern and Western texts, which form the basis of M. Griesbach's system, and are now found in the vul- gar edition'. One or two instances of this kind are sufficient to enable us to decide upon similar pas- sages ; and afford an adequate criterion, by which we may determine the relative merit of those differ- ent texts which have produced the Received and Cor- ^ Vid. infr. p. 466. n. ^\ - Vid. infr. p. 463. n. ^°. Vid. infr. p. 468. sqq. conf. p. 475, n. \ p. 495. n. ^^ Vid. infr. d. 498. n. ^^ » Vid. infr. p. 498. n. PREFACE. Xvii rected Editions^ and discover the total insufficiency of the critical systems which have been devised for the correction of the Greek Vulgate. Another point to which the authour has directed his attention^ has been the consideration of the old Italick translation. Notwithstanding the labours of M. M. Blanchini and Sabatier, much remains to be done with this version^ the history of which is so little known^ that the very propriety of its name has been questioned. In considering the strange errour into which Dr. Bentley has led Abp. Potter, Dr. Mosheim, and Prof. Michaelis^ on this subject, the authour perceived, without any labour of in- quiry, that it derived its name from that diocese, which has been termed the Italick, as contradistin- guished from the Roman ^, This is a supposition, which receives a sufficient confirmation from the fact, — that the principal copies of that version have been preserved in that diocese, the metropolitan church of which was situated in Milan. The cir- cumstance is at present mentioned, as the authour thence formed a hope, that some remains of the primitive Italick version might be found in the early translations made by the Waldenses, who were the lineal descendants of the Italick Church ; and ^ Vid. Cave, Governm. of Ant. Church, ch. iii. p. 127, Comp. Alh'x, Rem. on Ant Ch. of Piedmont, ch. i. p. I, b Xviii PREFACE. who have asserted their independence against the usurpations of the Church of Rome, and have ever enjoyed the free use of the Scriptures. In the search to which these considerations have led the authour, his fondest expectations have been fully realized. It has furnished him with abundant proof on that point to which his Inquiry was chiefly directed; as it has supplied him with the unequivocal testi- mony of a truly apostolical branch t)f the primitive church, that the celebrated text of the heavenly wit- nesses was adopted in the version which prevailed in the Latin Clmrch, previously to the introduction of the modern Vulgate \ * Of the old versions wliich have been published in French, two were made by the Waldenses ; vid. Le Long. Bibl. Sacr, Tom. I. p. 31 3. col. 2. e. Morland on the Church of the Valleys. p, 14. But one copy of this version has fallen into my hands, which was printed at the native place of Peter Waldo ; *' Au Lyon, l*an de grace 1521." The following is the reading of 1 Jch. V. 7, 8. fol. clxiv. b. " Trois choses sont qui donnent tesmoing au ciel, le pere le filz et le sainct esperit, et ces trois sont une chose. Et trois choses qui donnent tesmoing en terre, esperit eaue et sang." This testimony would be of little im- portance until the character of the translation was investigated, by a comparison with other French Versions and the old Italick and modern Latin Vulgate ; were it not for the following con- siderations: (1.) It differs from the Latin Vulgate; as it reads *' le filz" for " Verbum.'* (2.) It agrees in tliis reading with an antient Confession of Faith, used by the Waldenses. Leger. Hi3t. Gen, des Eglis. Vaudois, P. I. ch. viii. p. 50. ed. Leyd. 1669. *' Eschant, v, de la Doctrine des Vmidois, contenant la fideie traduction de PExposition qu'ils ont donne au Sym- bole des Apotres — ou ils en prouvent tous les Articles par passages expres de la S. Ecriture. — * Lequel Dieu est un Tri- nite, comme d est ecrit en la Loy, ' O Israel ecoute,' &c. — Et iSk Jean^ * II y en a trois qui rendent tmoignage au ciel. , PREFACE* yaSL The result of the Inquiry, which has been prose- cuted through these subjects, the authour hoped to have taken an earUer opportunity of laying before le Pere, le Fits, et le S. Esprit, et ces trots soni un.** The original of this passage, as far as I can gather from M. Leger^ may be found in le Sieur du Perrin, Hist, des Vaudois et Albigeois, chap, v, p. 201. sqq. The proof appears to me to be so far complete, that this passage was adopted in the authorised text used by the Waldenses. The following considerations seem adequate to evince, that it existed in the Latin Version revised by St. Eusebius of Verceli, who published the old translation which prevailed in the Italick Diocese. (1.) In reading " Filius," it agrees with Tertul- lian and Cyprian, against the common testimony of the Mo- dern Vulgate, and the Latin Fathers; vid. infr. p. 291. n. ^^\ sqq. (2.) St. Eusebius might have hence adopted this read- ing, as he has adopted other readings from those fathers, in his revisal; vid. infr. p. 146. n. ^^ (3.) The French Version agrees with the old Italick in possessing other readings derived from the same source : in the Lord's Prayer, v/e find, instead of " ne inducas nos in temptationem." Lat. Vulg. " ne nous mene mye en temptacion, cest a dire ne souffre mye que nous soyonz temptez:" conformably to Tertullian and Cyprian: vid« infr. p. 330. n. **. (4.) The disputed passage, as read in the Waldensian Confession, and French Version, is accommodated to the state of religious opinion which prevailed in the age of St. Eusebius. By changing Verbum to Filius, in vers. 7. the Sabellian evasion of the passage was obviated : vid. infr. p. 539. n. '^^ By cutting off *' et hi tres (in) unum sunt,'* in vers. 8. the Aria^ evasion of the passage was equally obviated. For this phrase furnished some countenance to the notion of those Jiereticks who asserted, that " unum sunt*' signified an unity, not of substance, but of will and testimony. As these are coincidences which the Waldenses cannot be supposed to have created, I thence conclude, that 1 Joh v. 7. not only existed in the revisal of the old Italick Version made by Eusebius Vercellen.vis ; but that the peculiar reading of this text, which is found in the French Version, and which has excited M. Per- son's notice, has been thus remotely adopted from St. Cy- prian : vid. Porson. Lett, to Trav. p. 377. It thus easily made its way into Wicklef's translation, through the Lollards, who were disciples of the Waldenses ; vid. Pors, ibid, M©rl. ub. supr. p. 184. b3 XX I»REFACE. the Publick. But his unexpected exclusion from the library of Sion College^ during the time it has been under repair; and the attention which he has been obhged to devote to the Boyle's Lecture, which he has been appointed to preachy since he first announced his intention of delivering himself at large on the present subject, have created obsta- cles to the accomplishment of his design, which he could not anticipate. The delay which he has thus experienced in bringing his inquiries to a close, he has endeavoured to turn to the best account; by enlarging and filling up the outline within which his subject was circumscribed, in the three papers in which it originally appeared, in the [[ British Critick/' CONTENTS. SECT. I. ON THE ALEXANDRINE TEXT, AND AUTHORITIES BY WHlCEt IT IS SUPPORTED, p. 1. Number of various readings, p. 2. Methods proposed for de- ciding the genuine and spurious, p. 2. Dr. Bentley's scheftie, for determining the true text by the Latin Vulgate, p. S* M. Griesbach's, by the Alexandrine text, p. 4. Liable to objections, p. 6. — not tenable on Origen's authority, p. 7.— nor on the conformity of Versions agreeing with the Alex- andrine text, p. 14. — not on the Italick, as created by Jerome, p. 14. — and by Cassiodorus, p. 16. Origin of Gra;co-Latin MSS, p. 17. — not tenable on the conformity of the Syriack, p. 20. — as partly created by Charlemagne, p. 21. This con- formity chiefly proceeds from the influence of Eusebius's edition, p. 25. Its effect on the Eastern text, p. 29. — en the Coptick, Syriack, Ethiopick, &c. p. 30. — on the Western text, p. 31.— on the great body of Greek MSS. p. 33. In- stanced in the omission of Mar. xvi. 9 — 20. p. 25. — of Joh. viii. 1—11. p. 37.— of 1 Joh. v. 7. 1 Tim. iii. 16. Act. xx. 28. p. 38. Instability of the ground on which the foregoing system is founded, p. 4i. XxJl CONTENTS. SECT, ir, NEW CLASSIFICATION OF THE GREEK MSS. p. 4^, Difficulties of classing MSS. p. 44*. Origen affords no crite- rion, p. 44. — nor antient Fathers, p. 44. — nor the generality of Versions, p. 47. — not the Coptick nor Syriack, p. 48. — nor the Sahidick, p. 49. This Version of no great antiquity, ibid. The Italick affords the only criterion, p. 56. — consists of three Classes, p. 58. These Classes applied to determine the diversities of the Greek, p. 61. Specimen of coincidences of the different Classes of the Italick and Greek, p. 62. — exemplified by connected portions of text, p. 67. Inference . from those coincidences, p. 70. Those Classes of text as old as the fourth centuiy, p. 70. — and known to St. Jerome, p. 72. Investigation of the first Class, or Egyptian text, p. 73. •—of the second Class, or Palestine text, p. 79. — of the third Class, or Byzantine text, p. 88. Certainty of this system of classification, p. 95. Objections considered, p. 99. This distribution of the Greek MSS. plenary, p. 103. — and ade- quate, p. 105. Comparative view of this system of Classifi« cation with Dr. Bentley's, p. 106.— with M. M. Matthaei and Griesbach's, p. 107. Conclusion, p. 109. SECT. III. ON THE CHOICE OF A PARTICULAR CLASS OF TEXT, p. 110. Ecclesiastical tradition the proper test of the integrity of the text, p. 110. Byzantine text entitled to some preference from the place in which it is found, p. 111. — as the region . in which the inspired writings were deposited, p. 112. — as the text which is retained by the Greek Church, p. 113.— as it has existed fourteen hundred years, p. 114. Testimony of xxni the Eastern Church in favour of this text, p. 118.— supported by the number and prevalence of copies, p. 119.— from the antiquity of manuscripts, p. 121. Want of this testimony in favour of Egyptian and Palestine texts, p. 127. Copies of these texts not numerous, p. 127.— nor supported by the consideration of the place in which th^ are found, p. 128. The tradition broken in two places, p. 130.— by a text re- vised by St. Athanasius, p. 134.— and by Hesychius and Eu- sebius, p. 136. Testimony of the Western Church in favour of the Byzantine text, p. 138. Antiquity of the primitive Italick Version, p. 139. Its testimony not in favour of the Palestine nor Egyptian texts, p. 14-1.— but of the Byzantine, p. 142. Historical sketch of the variations of the Italick Version, p. 146. Revisal of St. Eusebius, p. 148. Varieties to which it gave rise, p. 150. Revisal of St. Jerome, p. 151. Analysis of the Italick Version, p. 154. State of Latin text as described by St. Jerome, p. 155.— verified in the Latin MSS. of the present day, p. 159. Method adopted by St, Jerome in forming his translation, p. 159. Objections to his mode of correcting, p. 166. The Vulgate not adequately eupported by his authority, p. 170. Method adopted by St. Eusebius in forming his text, p. 173. Its testimony supports • the Byzantine text, p. 176.— destroys the authority of the Eg>Ttian, p. 178. Investigation of the primitive version of the Italick, p. 181. Internal evidence in its favour, p. 182. Application of its testimony in favour of the Byzantine text, p, 186. Comparative view of the foregoing plan for inves- tigating the genuine text with Dr. Bentley's, p. 187.— with M. Matthaei's and M, Griesbach's, p. 188. Conclusion, p. 189. SECT. IV. ON THE GENERAL AND DOCTRINAL INTEGRITY OF THE RECEIVED TEXT, p. 191. Intercourse subsisting between the different branches of the primitive church, p. 192,-'in the apostolical age, p. 193.— XXlv CONTENTS. in the next succession after the Apostles, p. 196. — led to the universal dispersion of the Scriptures, p. 198. Intercourse between the Greek, Syriack, and Latin Churches, p. 200. Impossibility of the copies of Scripture, thus widely dispersed^ being generally corrupted, p. 201. Attention bestowed on the state of the text, p. 205. — at the time of the Paschal cooi troversy, p. 207. Principal writers of this period, p. 208. Scrutiny into the integrity of the text, p. 209. Testimony of those writers in its favour, p. 214. Tradition connected between the times of the Apostles and Origen, p. 216. In- vestigation of the ecclesiastical tradition, p. 217. Tradition connected between the times of Origen, and St. Athanasius and St. Jerome, p. 220. Their testimony to the state of the text, p. 223.— in the Alexandrine MS. p. 224.— and the La- tin Vulgate, p. 225. Recapitulation of the foregoing 'evi- dence, p. 227. Integrity of the text defended, p. 229. What books questioned, p. 2^0. Objections to the Apoca- lypse and Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 231. Defence of those books, p. 233. — from external evidence, p. 234. General Integrity of the text considered, p. 238. Objections to Mar. xvi. 9 — 20. Joh. viii. 1 — 11. p. 239. Defence of those pas- sages, p. 240. — from the internal evidence, p. 243. Tradi- tionary testimony in their favour, traced in the Greek, p. 247. — and in the Latin^ p. 248. — in the external evidence of the Fathers, p. 250. Doctrinal Integrity of the text considered, p. 251. Texts objected to, p. 253. Objections to the read- ing of those texts in the Palestine edition, p. 255. Internal evidence in favour of the vulgar reading, p. 258. Proofs arising from the state of the controversy in which the Apos- tles were engaged, p. 261. Peculiar tenets of the heresies which they opposed; of the Nicolaitans, p. 264.— of the Ce- rinthians, p. ^66. Application of these remarks to the disco- very of the genuine reading, p. 273.— in the case of Act. xx. 28. 1 Tim. iii. 16. p. 274.— of 1 Joh. v. 7. p. 276. Further considerations strengthening the same conclusion, p. 278. Some account of the various readings of the foregoing texts, p. 280. Testimony of MSS. in favour of the vulgar reading,, p, 283.— of Fathers, p. 286. Summary of the evidence ad- duced, p. 293. Circumstances strengthening the testimony of the Latin Church in favour of 1 Joh* v. 7. p. 294. General conclusion on the integrity of the Greek Vulgate^ p. 305. SECT. V. ON tHE VERBAL INTfiGRITY Of THE RECEIVED TEXT, p. 309. Integrity of the Sacred Text not affected by literal efrours, p. 309. Instanced in the Septuagint, p» 310. Verbal integrity of the Received Text defensible) p. 313.— exposed to objec- tions arising from M. Griesbach's system, p. 314. Principles of his scheme, p. 315. His rules for correcting the text, p* 316. General objections to this system, p. 318. Particular objections— to the testimony of Origen, p. 320. — to the MSS* cited, p. 321.— to the Versions quoted, p. 322.— to the Fa- thers adduced, p. 325. Pernicious consequences to which this system leads, p. 333. New system proposed, p. 337. Oldest witnesses of the Verbal Integrity, the primitive Italick ami Syriack versions, p. 338.— not corrupted by each other, p. 340» The Italick not influenced by the Greek Vulgate, p. 342.— nor the Syriack, p. 343. Their testimony separate, p, 34,7.— supported by tradition, p. 348.— by Manuscripts, p. 350i— by Versions, p» 352*— by Fathers, p. 354. Rules for ascertaining the genuine text on the testimony of those witnesses, p. 356.— illustrated and applied, p. 357. Antient ^Fathers afford no higher criterion, p. 362. Origen 's testi- mony examined and set aside, p. 363. Application of the above principles to the defence pf doctrinal texts, p. 371.--» exemplified, p. 372. Summary conclusion, p. 377. Appli- cation of the same principles to the defence of remarkable passages in the Gospels, p. 380. Summary conclusion, p. 385. Extension of the same principles to the defence of remarkable passages in the Acts and Epistles, p. 387. — • exemplified, p. 390. Vindication of the primitive Italick from the «h{vrge «f corruption, p. S9L— of the prknitive Sy- XXvi CONTENTS. riack from tlic same charge, p. 401. General deductlong from the testimony of those witnesses in favour of the Greek Vulgate, p. 409. Objections urged against the revisers of the Received Text, p.41().~answered, p. 412. Manuscripts used in forming that text^ p. 413. Versions used for the same purpose, p. 416. This text not immaculate, p. 419. Yet not to be hastily altered, p. 420. — as its errours are of little importance, p. 425. Conclusion, p. 426. SECT. VI. out THE CORRUPTION OF THE EGYPTIAN AND PALESTINE TpxTS, p. 427. Charge of corruption not established against the Byzantine Text, p. 427. — but easily substantiated against the Egyptian and Palestine, p. 429. The Sacred Text not generally corrupted before Origen's times, p. 430. — subsequently corrupted, p. 431. Object of Hesychius and Lucianus in forming their revisals, p. 432. Lucianus's mode of revising, p. 434. Ac- count of Hesychius, p. 439. His plan and object in revising, ' p. 441. Works used by him in that undertaking, p. 442. Some passages altered by him, p. 446. Eusebius's plan and object in revising, p. 459. Works used by him in that under- taking, ibid. Remarkable passages altered by him, p. 461, Account of the Marcionites, p. 463. — of the Valentinians, p, 465. Influence of their tenets on Origen's vrorks, p. 466. — and thence on the texts prevalent in the Egyptian, Palestine, and Italick dioceses, p. 468. Particular texts thus corrupted, p. 470. Palestine text influenced by the Marcionite contro- versy, p. 500.-^in what manner thence corrupted, p. 506. — positively corrected, from Origen's works, by Eusebius and others, p. 508. Multitude of various readings accounted for, p. 510. Objections to the vulgar reading of Act. xx. 28. I Tim. iii. 16. 1 Joh. v. 7. stated, p. 511. — from the testi-r raony of Manuscripts, p. 512, — of Versions and Fathers, p. CON-TENTS. XXVli 514-. — answered in the case of MSS. and Versions, p. 515.— of Fathers, p. 516. Negative argument against 1 Joh. v. 7. considered, p. 525. No Trinitarian Controversy, ibid, — in the contests with Gnosticks and Ebionites, p. 526. — with Sa- bellians, p. 527. — with Theodotists, Encratites, and Monta- nists, p. 531. — with Arians, p. 532. — with Macedonians, Nestorians, and Eutychians, p. 533. Negative testimony against Act. xx. 28. 1 Tim. iii. 16. answered, p. 535. Dis- tinctions introduced in Sabellian and other heresies, threw those texts on the side of the heterodox, p. 536. — who ap- parently claimed 1 Joh. v. 7. p. 541, This verse became, of course, neglected, p. 544. Particular objections to this verse, from the omissions and allegorical interpretations of the fathers considered, p. 547. The following verse stronger in favour of the orthodox, p. 549. Reply to objections raised from St. Augustine's testimony, p. 551.— 'from P, Leo and Facundus's, p. 552. — from Pseudo- Cyprian's, p. 556. — from Eucherius's, p. 558. — Reply to the objection raised from the variation of the Latin Vulgate, p. 560* Two editions of the Vulgate published by St. Jerome, p. 562. S ummary conclusion on the negative argument, p. 564. Further objections con- sidered,— Vindication of 1 Joh, v. 8. p. 564. — of the Palestine reading of Act, xx. 28. p. 565. Objections to 1 Tim. iii. 16. from Liberatus's testimony, p, 567. — to 1 Joh. v. 7. from the Alogi, ibid. — to the style of the Apocalypse and Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 569. — answered, p. 570. General conclusion on the integrity of the Greek Vulgate, p. 572, COHRIGENDA. P, 53. 1. 1. for nnd, r. or. P. 106. 1. 29. for Fourth, r. Thirc!. P. ffil. 3. 24. n/i^r p. r. 156. P. 163. 1. 15. for iv. r. ii. P. 170. 1. 24. offer p. r, 152. P. 174. 1. 17. for manuscripts, r. manuscript. P. 212. 1. 31 for tor, y. from. P. 214. 1. 22, for riiU, r. -jthlct. P. 239. 1. 31. and P. 241. 1. 30. for 9—11. r. 9—20. P. 313. 1. 5. for dispute, r. assert. P. 316. 1. 7. for T*rsion, r. versions. P, 319. J. 13. for renders, r. render. P. 326. I. 28. after diaboloi r. Tert. P. 348. I. 26. for H I, r. H. S. P. 369. J. 7. for are not found, r. might not have existed. P. 375. 1. ult./or w, r. Sv. P. 467. ]. 1 1. for oh the, r. on them. P. 499. I. 5. for JiXofrsf, r. SiXevtsq. P. 515- 1. 27. del. vid, P. 521. K 9. for a, K r, u. K P. 526. 1. 24. for s-w^/t^nr, SECTION I^ .Although the art of printing was applied, at an early period, to the purposes of sacred learning ; the slow progress which Greek literature made in Eu- rope, from the difficulties of acquiring the Greek lan- guage, prevented an edition of the New Testament from being attempted, until a comparatively late period. At nearly a century subsequent to the in-* vention of printing, the Complutensian Polyglot was Undertaken, under the patronage of Cardinal Xi- menes, which contained the first printed copy of the Greek Testament. From the edition which was then prepared for pubhcation, the subsequent edi- tours varied little. Erasmus, who anticipated the publication of this work by his third edition, formed his fourth on similar principles ; Stephens and Beza adopted his text with scarcely any variation ; and Elzevir, in whose edition the Received Text is properly contained, very closely followed the steps of his learned predecessours '. ' Griesb. Ptoleg. in Nov. Test. sect. iv. p. xxxiii. " Edi- tiones recentiores sequuntur Elzevirianam, haec compilata est ex editionibus Bezae et Stephani tertia. Beza itidem expressit Ste- phanicam tertiam, nonnullis tamen pro lubitu fere ac absque ( s ) From the text, which has thus grown into ge- neral use, all those deviations are calculated^ which constitute the various readings of the Greek ma- nuscripts. Stephens, in his splendid edition, which forms the basis of the Received Text, had noted a variety of those in his margin ; having collated fif- teen manuscripts, besides the Complutensian ^'edi- tion, for the purpose of rendering his text more pure and perfect. In the editioiis of Curcellaeus and Bishop Fell, tlie number was considerably augmented, from a collation of additional manu- scripts. But in the elaborate edition of Dr. Mills they received an infinitely greater accession; being computed to amount to thirty thousand. The la- bours of subsequent collators are asserted to have augmented the number with more than an hundred- thousand ; thougli on what grounds I am not at pre- sent acquainted. So great a number of various readings as has. been collected by the labours of these editours, has^ necessarily tended to weaken the authority of the Received Text ; as it is at least possible that a great proportion of them may constitute a part of the ori- ginal text of Scripture, And various expedients have been, in consequence, devised, in order to de- termine the authentick readings from the spurious, and to fix the character of those manuscripts which are chiefly deserving of credit, in ascertaining the iJonea aiitontate mutaLis ; Stepliani tcrtfa prusse sequltur Eras- .inicam quintam, paucissimis tamen locis et Apocalypsi excep- 118, ubi Coraplutensem Erasmicse prjEtulit^'* ( 3 ) genuine text of the sacred canon. The moi^t ing-enious and important of these expedients is de- cidedly that suggested in the classification of manu- scripts which originated with the German critlcks ; which had been suggested by MM. Bengel and ^.'•feler^ but reduced to practice by the learned and accurate M. Griesbach '^. It is not to be conceived that the original edltours of the Nev/ Testament were wholly destitute of plan in selecting those manuscripts^ out of which they were to form the text of their printed editions. In the sequel it will appear^ that they were not al- together ignorant of two classes of manuscripts ; one of which contains the text which we have adopt- ed from them; and the other that text which has been adopted by M. Griesbach. A project had been also conceived by Dr. Bentley \ to dispose of the im- mense number of various readings which had been collected by Dr. Mills ; to class his manuscripts by * Griesb. Prsef. Nov. Test. p. 5. *' Ego vero doctis nonnul- lis Bengelii observationibus admonitus earn viam quam Sem- lerus ingredi cceperat, quamque diuturno studio edoctus unice veram esse perspexeram, longius et ad metam usque persequi me debere autumabam." ^ Dr. Bentley's plan is thus briefly stated in one of his let- ters ; p. ^37. ed. Lend. 1807. " Abeut a year ago reflecting upon some passages of St. Hierom, that he had adjusted and castigated the then Latin Vulgate to the best Greek exem- plars, and had kept the very order of the words of the origi- nal : I formed a thought a priori, that if St. Jerome's true Latin exemplar could now be come at, it. would be found to agree exactly with the Greek text of the same age ; and so the old copies of each language, (if so agreeing) would give mu- tual proof and even demonstration of each other." b3 ( * ) ^lie Vulgate, avid to foiiii a Corrected Text^ which should iiterally accord with that translation as eoY- rected by the hand of St. Jerome, But these schemes have been surpassed and super- seded by the more highly laboured system of M, Griesbach. His project for classing' the Gr^p^ manuscripts, in order to form a more correct text, is not only formed on more comprehensive views,, but rested on a higher basis. Instead of the au- thority of St. Jerome, who flourished in the fifth century^ he builds upon that of Origen who flou- rished in the thirds Instead of the existence of tv/o species of textj one of which corresponds with the Vulgate, and the other with the generality of Greek manuscripts, he contemplates the existence of three^ which he terms the Alexandrine, the Western, and the Byzantine, from the different re- gions in which he supposes them to have prevailed ^. According' to this division, he has formed his classi- fication of manuscripts, which he consequently dis- tributes into three kinds. A choice among their respective texts he determines by the authority of Origen ^ : whose testiinony seems entitled to this respect, from the attention, which he, above all the ^ For this purpose he applied himself to a more exact scru- tiny of Origen's peculiar readings, and, with this view, under- scored the scripture quotations in his copy of that antient fii- ther, in order to discover the text which was used by him. After describing this process he adds, Symboll. Critt. Tom. L p. Ixxvii. " Hoc igitur exemplar nobis instar est fragmenta- rum illius ipsius codicis quern Origenes usurpavit/' 5 Griesb. Proleg. in Nov. Test. p. Ixxiii. ^ Id. Symbb. Critt. passim. ( 5 ) antients^ bestowed upon biblical criticism. Find- ing a striking coincidence to exist between his scrip- ture quotations and the celebrated manuscript broug'lit from Alexandria^ which was the scene of Orig-en's literary labours^ he thence determines the manuscripts^ which belong to that class which he d?stingaiishes as the Alexandrine ^. Tlie manu- scriptSj which dilfer from this class, and coincide, in their characteristick peculiarities, with thosfe which have been directly imported to us from Con- stantinople, he distinguishes as the Byzantine. His third class, which contains the Western text, con- sists of a set of manuscripts, which have been prin- cipally found in Europe, and which possess many coincidences with the Latin translation, where they differ from the peculiar readings of both the pre- ceding classes. To the manuscripts of the Alexandrine class, it may be easily conceived, the highest rank is ascribed by M. Griesbach : the authority of a few of these outweighing in his estimation that of a multitude of the Byzantine ^. The peculiar readings which he selects from the manuscripts of this class, he con- firms by a variety of collateral testimony, principally drawn from the quotations of the antient fathers, and the versions made in the primitive ages ^. To ^ Id. ibid. p. clxiv. seq. ^ Id. Proleg. in Nov. Test. Ixxil. 9 Id. ib. p. Ixix. Itaque textus ipslus potius quara librarii ^tas indaganda est. Haec vero judicatur e crebro consensu ^um aliis testibus, {in prhuis cum versionibus et Patribus) d^ s Ua, a\rj^u; kuI ^£t' oX'iyx Uttbo-uv Iv Slo? eTrt inv yh v^ocv^Bev uq ua-rpcc7rri,y.ce,^a,7rE(i orSTB TcxaUp o ^iocBoXoiy Sv/xoy 'SJtluv tijoXXe xa* ^emov xcclac tJj? uXn^tiac, Itt) tt.v xaXsiyJvv^v UaXxi-rmv X&'pa" titXivat' xa* jtaSi^a? Iv TJ3 Kon^a-pim (Jt^tlpovoXei, — anoletvov ri xai /AsAava ^'^H \ov l^'ixiff'ctq ly.s7<7B lyypcc* Michael, ibid. ch. viii. §, 6. p. 286. ( 25 ) connected with tliem, is probably very remote. And if this source be traced by the analogy which it pre- serves to the old Italick, it must be clearly of the very highest kind. Though the testimony of the old Italick version cited in favour of the German classification must be given up, still it may be contended, that the con- currence of the Si/riack and the Vulgate with the Greek of the Alexandrine recension^ is adequate to support the entire weight of this system. To this I reply ; that witli respect to both translations^ they must stand and fall with the original text, and tiiat of a very late edition. The origin of the Vulgate is well known; and not long previous to the com- mencement of the fifth century. Nor can the Syriack claim a much higher original ; the oldest proofs of its antiquity are found in the quotations of St. Ephrem ^\ who flourished near the close of the fourth. Near the beginning of this century, an edition of the original Greek was published by Eusebius, of Cesarea, under the sanction of Constan- tine the Great. A brief examination of this point will probably enable us to account for the coinci- dence, between the original Greek and those trans- lations, on which the German mode of classification now rests its entire support. ♦J Vid. Michael, ibid. ch. vii. J. 6. p. 3.2. I add Dr. Marsh's note 12. p. 554. " That the old Syriac Version is quoted by Ephrem, no one will deny. It is certain therefore tliat it existed in the fourth century, but as Ephrem is the oldest evidence, that can be produced of its antiquity, it must remain a matter of uncertainty, whether it was made one, two or t^ree penturies previous to that period.** ( S5 ) The authority with which Eusebius was vested, to prepare this edition^ was conveyed in the follow* in^ terms, as nearly as the original can be literally expressed ^^. ''' It seemeth good unto us to submit to your consideration, that you would order to be written, on parchment prepared for the purpose, by able scribes, and accurately skilled in their artj fifty codices, both legible and portable, so as to be useful ; namely, of the sacred scriptures, whereof chiefly, you know, the preparation, and use to be necessary to the doctrine of the church/' If we now compare the authority thus committed to Eusebius, which seems to have vested him at least v/ith a discretionary power, of selecting chiefly those sacred scriptures which he knew to be useful and necessary to the doctrine of the church, with the state of the sacred X7 trr^ ■^vvicniy eVaj iv 'ar£VT>?xovra o'w/zaTja iv ^K^G/^aK lyaxruiry.evoig^ ivuvayvu^ai Ti f^ 'sr^oq rryv ^^^Jatv £yj!/.ETa«o/>cir<3f> v'^o rs^viTai? iLoXKiypoLipuv yCf oC'APiQux; tr,v ri^vr.v iTTifCifjieviJVf yfix(pyivect xiMvaSiaq' ruv Ssiwy ^rjXa^r? y^a.(pi^9, w* fj;,uXirat, Tviv r tTt iO-KiVViV >cj tm ^^ail T^ irjjj k«A>ja»aj Myio Lvay^o(,'i,»y thou yivuctcfn;. ( 27 ) the woman taken in adultery, John vii. 53. — viii. 11. and three texts which assert in the strongest manner the mystery of the Trinity, of the Incarnation, and Redemption, 1 John v. 7. 1 Tim. iii. 16. Acts xx. If two points can be estabhshed against Eusebius, that he wanted neither tlie pozver, nor the will^ to suppress these passages, particularly the latter, there will be fewer objections lying against the charge, with which 1 am adventurous encugh to accuse him ; in asserting that the probabihties are decidedly in favour of his having expunged, rather than the catholicks having inserted, those passages in the sacred text. There will be less reason to dispute his power over the copies of the original Greek, when we know that his high reputation for learning, aided by the powerful authority of the emperour'^^, tended to recommend his edition to the exclusion of every other ; and when it is remembered, that the number of the copies of scripture was in this reign above all others considerably reduced on account of the destruction made of them in the preceding ^^. ♦5 Antipat. Bostrens. Serm. I. adv. Euseb. Apol. pro. Ori'g. in Concil. Nic. II, Act. v. '^yu }\ on lAv -croXt^iv^f o a.vr,^j >^ eUv x^ OfA.o?^oyia' ^a.a-iKi-A.ri ya,^ irvvtpyia. y^puf^iv'^y 0x^00^ ra, 'sreivra^ii 'mpo^ ixvrov avvoiyeiv v)ov»ecro. ^^ Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. VIII. cap. ii. p. 377. 1. 35. ry»1/]|- le^as" l^affJas- Kara. iJ.iaccs dr/oqas zsv^i zjaq^i^ofxivccs avroTf i7Fei^of/.£v o(p^a'k(xo7s. The effects of this destruction of the sacred books, under Dioclesian and Maximian extended even ( 28 ) Let us add to these considerations, thesfe further circumstances ; that the pious emperour who had employed him to revise the text, had been at con- siderable pains and expence to multiply copies of the scripture ^^ ; and that the edition thus dispersed, as altered by Eusebius, was peculiarly accommo- dated to the opinions of the Arians ^^^ who from the to Britain. Vid. Usser. Britt. Eccless. Antiquitt, cap. vii. p. 90. *' Atque hjEC dira ilia fuit a Diocletiano et Maximiano adversus Christiani nominis professores mota persecutio : de qua, recen- tior Scotorum historicus Hector Boethus, [Scot. Hist. Lib. VI.] * Evagata est rabies ilia, non modo ab Oriente in Occidentein, sed etiam per alterum orbem Britanjiiam ;* &c. — eaque * fire deletam Juisse Christianitatem in tota insula,* Galfridus MonC" muthonsis asserit ; non alia et ipse authoritate quam Gildae ' nijvus, ex quo hujiis persecutionis historia ad verbum, pene ab illo est transcripta. In ea enim, ut apud Gildam habetur, * subversae per totum mundum Ecclesiae, et cunctce Sacra; Scrips turcB qu(£ iwceniri potuerunt in plateis eccustcB,*^ &c, *^ Id. Vit. Constant. Lib, III. pap. i. p. ^^66, 1. 15. Ol lAv rd ** This is a point which maj^ be established from the declara- tion of the council of Philippopolis, after the schism which took place, in the council of Sardica, between the Eastern and Western churches; when the orientalists declared for the opinions of Arius. The strongest protest of that council was directed against the doctrine of one substance which is asserted in the foremeniioned verses, 1 John v. 7. 1 Tim. iii. 16., &c, which I conceive were suppressed in Eusebius's edition^ Socrat. Hist. Eccles. Lib. II. cap. xx. p. 104*. 1. 23. — ««» *ytvouivoi foi a»xTo^ixo»3 Iv Tvj *Xi7rirtf tzreXE* tt}^ 0pax:jf, iaia^oi* ipottfvTE? ervvi^piov' xcci ^avipo;? XotTrof TO /xev o/xoaatov avaS'TO/xaTtcwiJi* ( 29 ) reign of Constantine to that of Theodosius^^ held an unhmited sway over the church ; and there will arise something more than presumptive proof in favour of the opinion which I have advanced ; that at this period an alteration was made in the sacred text, of which it still retains a melancholy evidence, particularly in the translations made from the edi- tion of Eusebius. With respect to the influence which his edition had upon the sacred text at large, it is most strong- ly evinced in the early translations. If it can be shewn that it affected these, its more pow^erful ope- ration upon the original cannot be reasonably dis- puted. On reviewing the translations of the eastern text, and considering the Coptick, in the first place, which reads, in the disputed passages, against the Received Text, and with the Corrected, the fact is not to be denied. For it possesses the divisions '% 49 For at least forty years, from tlie translation of Eusebius from the see of Nicomedia to Constantinople, A. D. 340, to the convening of the fourth Council of Byzantium, under Theodo- sius, A. D. 381. Socrat.Hist. Eccles. Lib. V. cap. vii. p. 268. 1. 27. "Ovlui/i-hhol \ ^ciccvol iTr) rsaffetpxKotlx hn ru* tvxl^iuv to* %uv Kfsclyiaccvlii t-^v t« 0xs-i7^iui ©lo^o^ia OfAovotoiv (pivyovltq, t-TTsl^A^c* T?< o/*otf«ri» 'crlrsw: t«? £«xA>3^i«?. Conf. Theodorit. Lib. V. capp. vi.vii.p.200. 1. lO.seq. 5°Wetsten. Prolegora. in Nov. Test. Sect. i. ^ 11. Tom. I. p. 6. " Eosdem [ril^a? et KtpuXaict Eitsebianos^ habet et Vcrslo Coptica, uti in MSS. vidi, quod editor de industria supprcs- fiisse videtur, ne scilicet paulum * dubitaremus, versionem N. T. ( 30 ) which Eiisehius applied to the scripture, in invent- ing his celebrated canons, with the aid of Amnio- nius's harmony, and accommodating', them to the Gospels. And this remark may be in some measure extended to the Syriack ^\ which, in possessing an affinity to the Vulgate, on which incontestably Eu- sebius's edition had some influence, betrays very •Jecisive evidence of having directly proceeded from the same original. But as more immediately to our purpose, it may be stated, that a copy of this ver- sion preserved in the Laurentian library, bearing date as far back as the year five hundred and eighty- six, has subjoined to it the canons of Eusebius, and the epistle to Carpianus ^% describing their use in finding the correspondent passages of scripture. With these versions, tliose of the Ethiopick, the Armenian, tlie Arabick, and Persian, must stand * in linguam ^'Egyptl primis a Christo seculis, sell, vel secundo, * vel tertii initio factam esse,' ut ipse in Prsefatione pag. v. as- seruit ; Eusebii enim tempora nos ad quartum seculum dedu- cerent." Conf. Simon Hist, des Vers. ch. xvi. p. 191. Les Ivlanuscrits Coptes ont conserve, comma il a cte deja remarque les distinctions dcs Exemplaires GrccSy sur lequels la Version Copte du N. T. a ote fait. — lis marquent deux sortes de Sec- tions, comme dans les MSS. GrecSy scavoir les grandes qu'ils nomment Ki(^d>>ot,iu, et les petites, qui sont indiquees aux marges." ^* The Syriack version possesses divisions in the text at least similar to those of Eusebius. In some of the copies of the old version the Eusebian sections and epistle to Carpianus are found if we may believe Mr. Travis Let. to Gib. p. 190. '^ Vid. Gor. ap. Blanchin. Evangel. Quadrupl. Tom. II. P, II, p. dlxxxiii. ( 31 ) or fall; In admitting its influence upon tlie former^ we must admit it upon the latter^ as made after tliem^ instead of the original ^ Indeed the Cop- tick and Syriack have long become dead languages, being superseded by the Arabick^ which is the learned language of the East, as being that of the Mohammedan scriptures. The Coptick and Syri- ack versions are consequently attended, in general, with an Arabick translation, added in a separate co- lumn ; out of which the priests, having first read the original which they rarely understand, then repeat the translation to the people ^^. Great as the influence which it thus appears, the edition of Eusebius possessed over the Eastern text, it was not greater than it possessed over the West- ern. If a doubt could be entertained that St. Je- rome, revising that text at Bethlehem, (in the heart of Palestine, where Eusebius revised the original), would not have neglected his improvements ; the matter would be placed beyond controversion by the epistle which he has prefixed to the work, and ad- dressed to Pope Damasus ^^ It places beyond all doubt, tiiat, in correcting tiie text, the edition of Eusebius was before him ; as it describes his canons which are consequently represented, as applied to the text by St. Jerome. We consequently find, that the manuscripts of the Vulgate, of which seve- '^ M. Du Pin deduces the Ethlopick from the Syriack, vid. Dissert. Prelim, p. 82 : Renaudot deduces it from the Coptick, vid. Wetsten. Proleg. p. 110. ^■^ Sim. ut supr. ** Vid. S. Hieron, Epist. Damas, Tom. IV. in init. ( 33 ) ral of the highest antiquity are still preserved in England and Prance, have the text accurately di- vided by the Eusebian sections ^^. The influence of the Vulgate upon the Old Ita- lick, which formed another branch of the Western text, has been already noticed. In the age of St. Augustine, it was makins* a sensible encroachment upon the antecedent translation. Ruffinus first fol- lowed it, and Cassiodorus brought it into general usage. In some of the oldest copies of the Italick, notices appear, declaring that they had been col- lated and corrected by the Vulgate ^^ Bibles of 5^ Cassiod. de Div. Lect. cap. xii. Meminisse autem debe- mus, HIeronymum omnem suam translationem in auctoritate di- vina, sicut ipse testatur, propter siraplicitatem fratrum colis et commatihiis ordinassey ut qui distinctiones secularium literarurn comprehendere niinime potuerunt, hoc remedio suffulti incul- pabiliter pronunciarent sacras literas. En efFet on voit toutei ces distinctions, dans les plus ajiciens majiiiscrits Latins qui nous ayons dela Bible de St. Jerome. Simon ib. chap. x. p. 122. — • Id. ib. p. 126. St. Jerome avoit mis dans son Edition Latine une autre sorte de division qu''il avoit prise des exemplaires GrecSi Cette celle qui regarde les dix Canons d'Eusehe, et qui a ete d'une grand utilitc pour oter la confusion qui etoit avant St. Jerome dans les exemplaires Latins. 57 Simon ibid. p. 106. *' On lit de plus dans ce meme ma- nuscrit [de Saint Germain des Prez] ces autres paroles a la fin de I'Epitre aux Ebreux, ou finit le Nouveau Testament sa- lon Tancienne disposition des Bibles Latines; * Bibliotheca Hi* eronymi Presbyteri secundum Gra^cum ex emendatissimis li- bris conlatus.' Ce qui montre non seulement Pexactitude du Copiste, mais Popinion commune de ces tems 1^, qui etoit que St. Jerome avoit retouche tout le Nouveau Testament sur les ex- emplaires Grecs. On ne parloit plus alors de Vancienne Version appellee Italique. Les copistes ne decrivoient plus d*autre Bible ( 33 ) this description^ written in the age of Hugue de S. Chair^ are still preserved, with marginal references to St. Jerome and to the Greek ^^ ; the readings of the latter were probably taken on the authority of the Vulgate, which possessed the reputation of maintaining a scrupulous adherence to the original. After this period the new translation gradually su- perseded the old ; and the former is now adopted by the Romish Church, as of paramount authority to the original ^^. If the influence of the edition of Eusebius ex- tended thus wide, embracing both extremes of the Roman Empire, as affecting the eastern and v. es- tern translations ; it is not to be disputed that its operation on the original Greek must have been more powerful, where it was aided by his imme- diate reputation, supported by the authority of Con- Stantine. I have already stated the reasons which have induced me to ascribe such influence to the first edition of the Scriptures pubhshed with the royal authority. But a circumstance which tended to extend this influence, besides the great reputa- tion of the person by whom it was revised, was the Latine que P Edition de St. Jerome. C'est pourquoi ils les mar- quoient ordinairement a la fin de leurs livres." ^^ Simon, Nouv. Observ. sur le Text et les Vers. ch. i. p. 130. ^9 Simon Hist, des Vers. ch. x. p. 124. *.ona et Tfl^y? Eusebicmos, a prima manuy excepto Vaticano et Cantabrigiensi.*' These MSS. however can be scarcely termed exceptions, as will appear in the sequel. 6' Rob. Stephan. Praef. in Nov. Test. ed. Lut. 1550. « Nee tamen omisimus Eusebii Caesariensis Canones — Sed ne nume- rif,m quidem r^p^^wy, quum is in nostris prope omnibus codicibui invmiretiiVy in calce cuj usque Evangelii et Epistolae, ( 35 ) ing evidence of their partial descent from the edition set forth by Eusebius. They are found in the oldest of those which have descended to us; some of which contain declarations that they were adopted from older ^\ As it is thus apparent that Eusebius wanted not the power, so it may be shewn that he wanted not the will, to make those alterations in the sacred textj with which I have ventured to accuse him. In one or two instances I am greatly deceived^ or the charge may be brought absolutely home to him. St. Jerome informs us ^\ that the latter part of St. Mark's Gospel was wanting in most copies of the Evangelist extant in his times ; the beginning of the fifth century. As the passage is absolutely ne- cessary to bring the Evangelist's narrative to a close, and as it introduces an apparent contradiction be- tween the accounts which St. Matthew and St. 6* In a beautiful illuminated copy of the Gospels, formerly in the Vatican, which was apparently written for the use of the Emperor, John II., who succeeded Alexius in the year 1118, a marginal note appears, which, while it declares that the ma- nuscript was a transcript from older copies preserved at Jerusa- lem, adds the number of the sections and subsections, after the usual manner. ^Evuyyi-Kiov xotla, MxrBuTot iypxlpyi KUi «»l£^A)2^»j U 7UV Iv hfocroXvixoK; 'sraXuiuv uvliyfuipuv, ruv tv rZ ayiu odh ccTroKeiU" ivuv, h r»%oi? /3y9r^, xstpaXatoj? rptaxoaioi? -nrevJ^xolat eVla x. t. I. ia Cod. Urbino-Vatican. 2. ap. Birch Proleg. in Nov. Test. p. xxvii. *'^S. Hieron. Epist. cl. quaest. iii. Tom. III. p. 416. Aut enim non recipimus Marci testimonium, quod in rarisfertur EvangC" liis omnibus Grcecice libris pene hoc capihdum in fine non haben- tibus ; praesertim cum diversa atque contraria evangelistis ce- teris narrare videatur. d2 ( 36 ) Mark give of nearly the same incident,, it is a mo-* ral certainty that it must have been expunged from the original text, and not a modern interpolation ; for the contradiction affords a reason as conclusive for the former, as against the latter, supposition. As it existed in some copies in St Jerome's day, it necessarily existed in more in the days of Euse- bius ; for we shall see that it evidently lost the au- thority to be derived from his powerful sanction. But though it contains many striking coincidences with the other Evangelists, Eusebius wholly omitted it in his Canons ^^ : there seems to be consequently no other reasonable inference, but that his edition agreed with them, and with the copies extant in the times of St. Jerome, in omitting this passage. Now those Canons, compared with the passage in question, convey all the certainty which can be de- rived from presumptive evidence that he omitted this passage, not on the testimony of antecedent "* It is not found in the original copies of the Canons pre- fixed to the manuscripts of the Greek, nor in the translation of them prefixed to the manuscripts of the Vulgate ; it is wanting in the marginal references of the Cambridge and Alexandrine MSS., and is omitted by R. Stephens in his Greek Testament, and by Victorius in his edition of St. Jerome. Several scholia occur in the MSS. of the original Greek, some of which assert that Eusebius did not refer in his Canons to this passage. I shall subjoin one or two which are quoted by P. Simon, and Prof, Birch. Schol. MS. Reg. n. 2868. ap. Sim. Hist. Crit. du Texte, ch. xi. p. 121. "E* rtcrt rav a.vUyfa,c^ ^iaaxs'^ci^evoq si os7 z^jpoa^i^ua^ca tov ofov t^? -zs-ir^^y?, odorit. Hist. Eccl. Lib. L cap. yii. p. 30. 1. 22, K«t rilTo eylr- au)ilg^i%ojv rr^ Apsiocvri oupi'iH vrt^ov ^\ v7ioy^ x^ TO ToJ ZJoclpi o//,OH!jjov, «>t uvs^hoifoy ctvlo7(; xctluXijx'TravoiJLSv. — x^ $ri >^ TO l)j T^? tfcria; U(JLo7\6y'^o crpc? uvTuy^ ^riT^eJlmov ilvon rS \y. [ji.h tS ^otl^cx; iivxif a pAv w$ fA£f05 VTra^x^^ "^^ crolpoy ? TaDra ^e xj r/^rv £^- «x« xaAw5 £%«v (ryyjtalatli'&EcrSflU Tvj ^*«»o»a T?? ipcrt^S^ ^i^ucrxaXlaqf p7rocyQfi£V8cr7)(; ly. tS -srolgoj £ii»a> Toy i*ov, e jtASi* jiai^o; t^? tio-ixq uvlov rvy^oiveiv, ^iOTre^ t^ ^tavoia )^ a^7oi awli^ifjit^ac. ti^l rhv ^utviv T« o/xo«(Ti« t7a§!%i7«pL£voi X. T. E. Conf. Sozom. Hist. Eccl. Lib. II, cap. xviii. p. 6S. 1. 20—30. 7** This accusation which Dr. Cave, Hist. Litter. Tom. L p. J 77, has endeavoured to set aside, is founded on the above ( 40 ) truth is^ as indeed he has himself placed beyond a doubt, — he erred from a hatred to the peculiar no- tions of Sabellius ^*^ who, in maintaining that Christ was the First Person incarnate,, had confounded the Persons ^% as it was conceived he divided the substance. Into this extreme he must have clearly seen that the Catholicks were inclined to falP^ in cited expssition given by Eusebius, of the doctrine of one sub- stance ; which is precisely such an explanation as an Arian would propose and subscribe to without hesitation i vid. Epi? phan. Haer. Ixix. p. 732. d. In this light the epistle of Euse- bius was regarded by the best judges of antiquity. Phot, ad Constant. Patr. Epist. cxliv. p. 201. ed. Lond. 1651. 'Evae/Jto? o t5 IlajtA^pi^y, s'trs ^oi;Ao?, sire avvyi^ioq or^ /aev Ap«ayicr//,w laAw, ^oua-i [/Av avrov roc |3t|3Aia* x^ uvToq ^l /Asla/zeXAo/xsvo? ^JjSey, k^ ukuv, la.u.i'knlov, 'Ov yao laJlov tKT^vai T>i? CtrpoTEfa?, ot uv toq^i aTroAo- yiTp-^uif a'vvi.n, '* Sozpm. Hist. Eccles. Lib. II. cap. xviii. p. 68. 1. 31. Ku) '£t>ra^»o? /*«" i'TTjilietlo rov 'Eva-£$iov, eU '^oc h NtJiaia oo^ocvlac, -Trsp) tcv ^oy^aioS KCtiVoloiJLOvyloc' o ^\, rotvrct, yiXv iitociViTv (P'/iaU' Evra^iof ^a *rviv Sa/JsAAia o>«^t^e,iyo?ia,% xai Wxri^ot. eT»a» xa< 'Y»ov. Conf. Epiphan. Haer. LXII. Tom.L p. 513, Haer. Ixxii. p. 834. b. 73 Sozom. ibid. p. 68. 1. 20. 'e» ^e tw tote, Ts-aAtv fAonvriov kx) maq Itt* ru» Kon^uv tS 0x(7i}\icoq 0 X^tfixvio-^oq I'^rKctTvvsTo' ryiVntoiVTX yot^ 'iv^aJv TS Tuv Iv^QTs^ii^Ka) 'l^yj^cJv rec e^J-rj, "Sr^o? to ^pirtcuv'i^itv i>.a,[/,^c6ti£ t>j» ap- ^9}t' Tii'os ^e ivsKtv Tri 'crpoS^xj} ruv iv^ore^u l)(^^^.oi K\ri^u T»!v et? Ta hS*»} -nropsiav E^otSvlo, Quixoiq fx,\v ru» Tlao^uv uTTOToT^riv viri^iy(tTo* MarSarog ^e tjj» Awto9r»a** Bap.&o^o- fji,a7oq ^e tx^ijpSro rviv <7vvvi[jt.i/,ev/)v rotvTVi Ivoteiv' TdV fjLivTot IvaoTsfv hS'ixv ^ ifffoffQiKii Bag/3apwK i^vn 'CsoT^Koif ^ja^o^ot? y^^u^ivx yX^yo-o-at?, ici ttw rtai't^|M'» Aoyo? tfuTi^e, rU oz n ahix t5 xoii ayra? ;^p»r»«>»o"a» vvy e^^o^ut xccTcc^^e^tJv* Conf. p. 50. 1. 11. seq. 8 Vid. supr. p. 29, n. 5°. 9 Simon, Hist, des Vers, chap.xv. p. lS7o ( 50 ) ill Is Version, which is written in that peciihar dialect of the Coptick which is spoken in Upper Egypt, a work has been cited, in which it is principally pre- served, and which, as supposed to be written by the heretick Valentinus, who flourished in the se- cond centurij, necessarily supports its pretensions to at least an equal antiquity '°. To the species of evidence on which this work is thus recommended to us as antient, I have much to object ". The foundation on which the conclusion *° Version. Saliid. Fragmentt. a Woid. et Ford. Oxon. 1799, Prolegg. pp. 136, 139. " Sed uiterius progredior, et vetustatem Versionis Saliidicas factis probabo, Valentinum j^gyptium anno circiter vegesimo secundo vel vigesimo tertio seculi se- cundi floruisse, et librum " Sopliiae" scripsisse novimus. — Ex his colligo " SojyJiiam^* esse librum Gnosticorum antiquissimum qui seculo secundo jatn extiterit, Et cum Tertullianus " So- phiam*^* Valentino adscribat, nullam video rationem cur non potius Valentino, quam alii Gnosticorum attribuam quorum voces familiarissimas 7r^>j^a;ja.a, oduv, iJi.vrr,ftoVy yvua-ic, ^apBviT^a), icx.Xooc(3au^, Sec. saepissime exhibet. Cum vero plures Psalmi Davidici, et quaedam Veteris Testamenti ac plura iV ovi Testa" menti loca m hoc MS^'^. Codice recitentur, quae cum reliquiis Versionis Bibliorum ^gyptiacac, exceptis quibusdam varieta- tibusconveniunt; recte inde milii videor conjicere : Literpreta* tionem Bibliorum Sahidicam secido secundo jam extitisse, " I take no account of the argument of M. la Croze and Dr. Wilkins, Prolegom. in Vers. Copt. p. v. drawn from the case of the ascetick Antonius, who, though said to have been not versed in Greek literature, is yet admitted to have read the scriptures, and to have heard them read in the church ; from whence it i* concluded, he must have heard and read them in a Coptick translation. Let us however suppose him able to understand and to read Greek, though not able to speak or write it, and we *hall see that the authority which supports this argument con- cludes nothing. ( 51 ) in favour of its antiquity, is built, is in the first place, weakened if not destroyed, by the doubt- fulness of the fact, that any work of the kind has been really ascribed by TertuUian to Valentinus '\ And this objection is considerably strengthened by the further consideration, that many works, under similar titles have been ascribed to his disciples '^ The circumstance of this work being written ia Sahidick, which was the vulgar language of the Thebais, seems to conclude not a little against the origin which it is ascribed, in being referred to Valentinus. This heretick, who was a person of no ordinary qualifications '^ could not be ignorant " iMassuet. Dissert. Praev. in S. Iren. Art. I. Sect. iv. § 9. p. xvi. ed Bened. " Sunt qui putant scriptum ab eo [Valentino] librum sub titulo " Sophia," nixi his Tertulhani verbis adv. Valent. cap. 11. *Docet ipsa Sophia non quidem Valentini sed Salomonis.' Sed haec perperam explicant. Alludit enim Ter- tuUianus, no7i adaUquem Valentini librum^ sed ad Sophiam no- vissimum eorum quos excogitavit iEonum ; ut legenti patebit." Conf. § 12. 15. 48. " Id. ibid. § 9. " Discipulos quidem Valentini * exsistentes extra omnem timorem, suas conscriptiones proferentes, plura habere gloriari, quam sint ipsa Evangelia^ narrat Irenaeus Lib. III. cap. xi. n. 8. ' In tantum siquidem processerant audaciae, ut Novum Evangelium, quod *' Veritatis*' nuncupabant, con- finxissent.* At ipsi Valentino nihil simile usquam adscribitf" &c. ** Id. ibid. p. xiii. *' Alexandriam profectus Valentinus, ibi Grcecorum artibus non mediocriter instiiutus est. doctissimum enimfuisse scribit Hieronymus in Ose. cap. x. et Dialog, contr. Marcionitas, qui Origeni vulgo adscribitur, ovk £vTg^r!? uy^, vir minime vtdgaris dicitur. Quin saltern ingenio peracri, et inlectioneveterum Philosopkorum non parum versatus esset non ( 5;? ) of Greek, wliieliwas in his age the learned language of Egypt, as he adopted most of his pecuhar tenets fyom the mythology of Hesiod and the philosophy of Plato *^ It is in the last degree improbable, that Tertiillian could have understood him, had he \yritten in any other language ; and wholly incon- ceivable, that he should omit all mention of so ex- traordinary a circumstance as his having read Valen- ti'nus ill! his vernacular tongue. Admitting all that can be claimed for this work, that it was really com- posed by the early heretiek to whom it is ascribed, it is thus only probable that it is but a translation from the Greek, and of course, for any thing we caa decide, one of a very recent period. In this form it is as probable,, as the contrary, that it incorporates in its text a version of the New Testament w-hicli has been made in the fourth ceniwy instead of the second. The fact, however, is, that thie internal evidence of the work before us, seems very sufficient to refute the notion of its having been written by the heretiek Valentinus ; if we are to beheve the iwgabit quisquis ad ejus systema — attenderit. In 2^rimis Phi- losopfii(c PlntoniccE, ad quam potissimum mentem appellabant Gnostici omnes, opei-am dedisse, testis est Tertullianus [De Praescr. cap. 7. 30.] pluraque ab ea accepta dogmata demon- strant. Cum in ^^gypto, et prsesertim Alexamlriae^ plurimi Judaeorum eo tempore vixerint, hinc verosomile putat Joan^r Francisc. Budda^us, in Dissertat. de Haeresi Valentin. — ^^Valen- tinura eorinn Philosopkice, qualis eo- tempore eratyj^iusse imhutum. ^^ Id, ibid. §, 25. " Id ipsum ante Tertullianum [De PrcTescr. cap. vii. De An. cap. xvii.] monuerat Iren«;us [Adv. Haer. lib. ii. cap. 14.] Valentinianos ex Ethnicis Poetis systematic fovmam, e Fhilosophis materiam eruisse. vid. supr. n. ^\ ( 53 ) testimony of TertuUian, on whose antliority it is assigned to him. The passag'es of scripture, intro- duced into this work are often misquoted in order to favour the Gnostick tenets ; but we are assured that those contained in the w^orks of Valentinus, were faithfully cited, though perversely interpreted to support his heretical doctrines '^. We must therefore conclude^ not merely from the external evidence, which is at best equivocal, but from the internal, which seems to estabhsh all that I labour to prove, that the work imputed to Valentinus, has been ascjibed to him on inconclusive grounds. The Sahidick version quoted in the book of '' Wisdom," may, consequently, for any thing which this argument concludes, be as well ascribed to the fourth century as to the second And many -weighty reasons may be, I conceive, urged to prove, that the former was the period which pro- iluced this translation ; several learned and pious persons having- been at that time exiled in the '* Fragmentt. Vers. Saliid. ub. supr. p. 135. *' Version era autem Sahidicam, seu Superioris iEgypti, jam primis post Christum natum seculis incuria Scribarum et levitate cic Ucentia Gnostlcorum Jiiisse depravatam, e pluribus locis CocUcis Asketvani ^vanifestissime adparet, praecipue Matt. vi. 21. xviii. 21. xx. 16. Xuc. xiii. 25—28. xxii. 30. Rom. xiii. 7." Massuet. Dissert, ubi supr. sect. iv. §. 9. p. xvi. *' Certe ne longiiis a proposito ^eflectam, genuinus Tertullianus hujus libri [De Prtrscrip.] cap. xxxviii. Valentinum a crimiiie suppositionis novi Evangelii palam absolvit. — * Valentinus integro instrumento uti videtnr. — Marcion enim exerte et palam machacra, non stylo usus est : quonlam ad materiam suam caedem Scripturarum confeeit : Vo/- Icntiniis autem pcpercit^'' &c. ( 3* ) Thebais '^ who could have found no better mode of employing their leisure, than in procuring the Scrip* tures to be translated for the purpose of enabhng them to diffuse Christianity more generally among the natives; with whose vulgar tongue they were unr acquainted. And this supposition is not a little strengthened by the consideration^ that they were ap- parently the persons '^^ who brought into Europe the '^ S. Hilary, Eusebius Vercellensis, and Lucifer Calaritanus; Theodorit. Hist. Eccles. Lib. HL cap. iv. p. 125. 1. 23.--xa< rhq vTio }Lcov<)(X-yliii Tojv BuyiKriaicuy e^£>ca^ev7aj l9ri(Tx6^8S" xxl raj icrx^Tiocq Tw? olx.iif/,BV7i<; oixavra?, iU Tcci ol)i£laq iT^cC'ViXBf.Tv lx.x?\.via-ioc<; Z5^os "Alyy-TTTOV ^irjyov. 1x67 7a§ ocvrss o Kwvi'avrtos s^^co^qdmasv, Conf. Socrat, Hist. Eccles. Lib. HL cap. v. p. 177. 1. 2. Sozom. Hist. Eccles. Lib. V. cap. xii. p. 197. 1. 39. seq. *^ The rarity of these manuscripts in Europe, and the care with which they have been preserved, enable us to refer them to their respective owners with little comparative difficulty. Eusebius's manuscript is supposed to be still preserved at his church in Verceli, vid. infr. n. *^: and the coincidence between it and the Cambridge manuscript enables us to assign the latter to a similar source with it. Hilary's text may be ascertained from the Colbert manuscript ; vid. Sabatier. Vers. Ital. SS. Bibll. Tom. III. p. XXXV. and the Laudian manuscript, which, it is next to certain belonged to the venerable Bede, vid. Woid. Praef. Cod. Alexandr. }. 78. as brought out of Sardinia, may be thence traced to Lucifer ; vid. Wetsten. Proleg. in Nov, Test. Tom. H. p. 449. These deductions are not only con- firmed by the history of those christian Fathers, who were versed in Greek, and had been exiled in the Thebais, from whence thege MSS. were brought j but by this known circumstance ( 55 ) Cambridg-e, and other manuscripts of the same de- scription, which resemble the oldest manuscripts '^ of the Sahidick version, not merely in their form, as attended with a translation ; but in their peculiar readings ^°, and the character in which they are written *'. The general prevalence of the Greek —that a knowledge of that language, if not confined to them, was a rarity in Europe : vid. infr. n. ^^, '' Such is the fragment of St. Jolw's Gospel which contains the Greek text opposed to a Sahidick translation, in the same manner as the Cambridge and Clermont MSS. contain the Greek opposed to a Latm translation. It has been published under the following title : Fragmentum Evangeiii S. Johannis Graeco-Copto-thebaicum sasculi iv. Opera et studio F. Augustini Antonii Georgii Eremitae Augustiniani Rom. 1789. '^^ Kipling. Praef. Cod. Cantab, p. vi. Cognitum nunc ha* bemus Codicis Bezce Grreca non tantum cum versionibiis turn Syriacis turn Latina, verum etiam cum versionibus Hierosoly- mitana, Sahidica, Copticay &c. minim in modum convenire. Conf, Fragmentt Vers. Sahid. a Woid. ut supr. p. 131 — 135. where a variety of examples are collected, in which the Sahidick Version is proved to coincide with the Vulgate and the Cambridge and Clermont manuscripts. " Kipling. Praef. Cod. Cantab, p. xv. Observarunt eru- diti quidam aherrationes [Cod. Bezae] a sueta Grascorum orthographia jjronuntiationi JEgyptiacce admodum congruere, et in omnibus fere occurrere ex i^gypto allatis codicibus. Quas ob causas consuerunt Wetstenius, Woidius, et Spohn, Codicem Alexandrinum, cui nimirum aherrationes istee cum Bezae ex- emplari communes sunt in JEgi/ptofuisse scriptum — Quid igitur obstat, cur non credamus eum qui Bezae exscripsit exemplar JEgijptium fiiisse? Talem esse video quidem Antonii Georgii sententiam, quo uberius nemo, quod sciam, doctiu&ve lianc rem tractavit. Cujus argumentis meum hoc qualecunque subjungere liceat, Quod Graeca nostri codicis non tantum A'lgyptiaco scripia sunt morCf sed lectionibus praeterea scatent, quas in iEgyptiacis ( 56 ) language, I again repeat, renders It highly impro- bable, that this version should be ascribed to a much higher period. And the version itself, as abound- ing with Greek terms, contains a demonstrative proof of the fact, by proving the general prevalence of that language in the Thebais. It was the former circumstance which seemingly determined the in- spired writers in the choice which they made of that language, as the medium through which the sacred canon was to be published. To this circum- stance we are to attribute the republication of the Jewish Scriptures in Greek, under the Ptolemies ; and we consequently find, in the apostoHcal age, that the Greek translation had nearly superseded the oriental original. The matter under discussion is thus reduced within a narrow compass. Deprived of the assist- ance of the primitive divines, and of the oriental versions, in ascertaining the original text of Scrip- ture, our last dependence is rested on the old Italick translation. Here, however, it may be as securely as naturally placed. The Scripture was not less quibusdam, nee in ullis aliis librls compertas Iiabemus. Quibus argumentis, quibusque gravissimis auctoribus, ad credendurn tandem adducor, JLgyptum esse Bezce exemplaris patriam,''* Woide, Prsef. Cod. Ales^andr. Sect. vi. J. 76, " Rationes autem, cur in Oriente potius scriptus esse videatur Codex Lau- dianus hpe sunt. Eadern est orthographia in eo ac in Alexandri- no, £t pro V, et £ pro at ponit, &c. easdem habet breviationes : frequentissime ny j^a^jtyrtJto* ; eandem interpunctionem : voces antiquo scriptas, ivecrviv pro hvocTriv, £^»/>tv]/£v pro Ihn-^tv : et quod pra^cipuum, eosdem ductus Uteraruin jSed pinguiores, et festinanter, jiec intra lin.eas scriptos," ( 57 ) committed to the keeping* of the Latin than of the Greek churchy as the witnesses of its autlienticity, and the guardians of its purity ; and the knowledge of the languages spoken by those churches, w^as nearly commensurate with the Roman and Macedo- nian conquests. The former cliurch possessed a translation^ which^ as generally quoted by the Latin fathers previously to the council of Nice_, was con- sequently made previously to any alterations which the original might have undergone under Constan- tine. This translation has been celebrated for its literal fidelity "^ and we have this security of its having long continued unaltered "-^ that the Latins were not sufficiently instructed in the language of the original, to undertake the correction of the tran- slation. So very rare was the humble qualification of reading Greeks that we have every reason to believe^ it was possessed by few of the Latins, Ter- tullian excepted '^, until the age of Constantine ; when the councils convened against the Arians, opened that intercourse between the eastern and western churches, which familiarized the latter with the origmal language of the sacred canon ^^ After " Vid. S. August. De Doctrin. Christ. Lib. II. cap. xv. Torn. III. p. 27. g. ed. Bened. " In ipsis autem interpretationibus Itala caeteris praeferatur ; nam est 'verborum tenacior cum ^Jers* jpicuitate sententia;,^^ *^ Hilar. Diac. Com. in Rom. v. ** Constat autem quosdam Latinos porro olim de veteribus Greeds translatos codicibus quos incorruptos simplicitas temporum sernavit, et probat,'^ Sec. "■' Vid. Pamel. Vit. Tertul. ad An. Chr. 197. ed. Franc. 1597. *^ Twenty years after this intercourse had commenced, the Latin fathers made this avowal of their ignorance of the Greek, ( ^8 ) that period, Hilary, Lucifer, and Eusebius of Verceli arose, who are represented as possessed of learning sufficient to revise the old Italick translation^^. St. Jerome was of a later period, who undertook that thorough revision of the text which has produced the present Vulgate : yet even in the same age, St. Augustine appears to have been but moderately versed in the Greek language. In proceeding to estimate the testimony which the Latin translation bears to the state of the Greek in declining to subscribe to the confession proposed to them hy the Orientalists ; Socr. Hist. Ecci. Lib. II. cap. xx. p. 103. 1. 3, TavToc ot y.ccToe. ra lairifia, ijt,epvi £9ri(7xo7rot, ^ta to ocXT^oyXa/a-aovq iivca, XOii 01(4 TO (xri avvicvaciy a Tr^ocr^e^ovrop upniTv rn^ \v Ntxaia "Trifty y^iyovrtc, ** This must be inferred from the part which Eusebius Ver- cellensis, Hilary, and Lucifer took in the affairs of the Greek church ; the return of those bishops to their dioceses, after the council held at Alexandria, under St. Athanasius, is recorded by the ecclesiastick historians ; Socrat. Hist. Eccles. Lib. Ill, cap. ix. p. 184s 1. 33. cap. x. p. 185. 1. 8. — x-kku, A^xzcpe^ tri» osyY,v uvo'jrh'n^ucrcci -dK Xcr-^jaiv e^s^eto ya^ 'va^c, eauTS «9ro^o7^«^?J KA^vTrea-VBTo. ^ioTrifi ocuros posv rris BKK7^7iaiciS (p^ovwv, els" T':^v 2a^- Savt'av Itti tov oIxeTov S"§ovov dTTS^uf^si. ol h 'sj^ots^ov a-vXXvTrr,'- ^BvTsq uvra, 'iri xat vvv t^j iKyJ^riy^xq ^u^i^ovrai. sLuai^iOS fxsvroi ^i)iY,v uyciBS lare^ xara rriv uvaToXriV rccq iiTopiiocq 'CTOt««,£vo?, laq ria-^iVYiKorocq tAyipi T'/jf 'UjW^v oc,vs?\ei,[JL^oi.i£f fOi^siuv nxl oioocaKUv rex, Ijj- y.^^ytaiccTf'iCC Kri^vyyi.ctrcc' fXiTa^cci ^e IxsTBtVf i'rri n 'lAAv^i«? 'urci-^ctyUtroct, xai 'IraXicts swiloecSy ra. avra, ^lETTqccrlcTO. 'E} yt.iv dv ytvvxiuq t55 "Crirei crvnTtyuvlaxvro* (:onf. Sozom. Hist. Eccl. Lib. V. cap. xiii. p. 119. 1. 11. { 59 ) text, it is necessary to premise, that this transkriom exhibits three varieties :— As corrected by St. Jerome at the desire of Pope Damasus *^ and preseiTcd in the Vuigate ; as corrected by Eusebius of Verceli. at the desire of Pope Juhus, and preserved in the Codex Vercellensis '' ; and as existing previously to the corrections of both, and preserved as I con- ceive, in the Codex Brixianus '^. The first of these three editions of the Itahck translation is too well known to need any description ; both the last are con- tained in beautiful manuscripts, preserved at Ver- celi, and at Brescia, in Italy. The curious and ex- pensive manner in which at least the latter of these jnanuscripts is executed, as written on purple veiluna *■ Vid. supr. p. 15. n.^^. *^ F. H. Rugger. Cod. Vercel. Descrip. ap. Blancliin. Evang. Quadr. Proleg. p. 57. — " exstant et docuraenta plurima certs fidoi, monumentisque publicis conslgnata, ex quibus ediscimus, librum quatnor Evangdwrum a magno saiicto Patre nostro Episcopo et Martyre Eusebio ex Gr^Bcanicis litteris ante Divum Hieronymum esse redditum, Hac ipsa igitur facultate Graecarum litterarum iectionis ea perfectione llomaj potiebatur, ut Jtdras Poidifex Maxirnus Marci successor, qui Eusebium sacro pres- byterali charactere insignivit, existimavit ilium non sibi soli vacare, sed etiam ChnsLiana^ Reipubiicas prodesse debere ; ut Jiabetur ex antiquissimis tabulis, in quibus eundem Eusebium interpretem scicrorum volumiiium designatum a Summo Pontifxe fuisse traditur. Grsecas enim literas non alio proposito sibi fine * didicerat, quam ut perfectius Sacrarum Literarum arcana dig- nosceret." *^ The description of this MS. which may, as I conceive, be referred to Phiiastrius Brixiensis, as I shall endeavour to shew hereafter, is given in Blanchin. Evang. Quadrupl. Proleg. Tom. Lp.5, ( 60 ) in silver characters '°^ would of itself contain no inconclusive proof of its great antiquity ; such having been the form in which the most esteemed works were executed in the times of Eusebius^ Chrysostome^ and Jerome ^\ The former is ascribed^ by im- memorial tradition^ to Eusebius Vercellensis^ the friend of Pope Julius and St. Athanasius^ and^ as supposed to have been written with his own hand, is deposited among the relicks, which are preserved with a deg-ree of superstitious reverence, in the authour's church at Verceli in Piedmont ^\ By these 3° P. Garbel. Descr. Cod. Brix. ap. Blanchin. ibid. p. 10. *' Forma Codicis [Brixiani] oblonga est ita, ut latitudinem ferme quadrante superet. Ejus membran£e, licet purjmra tinctce fuerint^ plurimae tamen, vetustate teraporis, cserulei speciera praese-ferunt. Caracteres, argenteo qiiodam figmcnto sunt liti : cujus tamen color, multis in locis evanidus, aureitm si' mulaty fallitque, nisi intente inspiciatur. Unde et nos olim Co' dicem Aureiim vocabamus." 2' Barret. Cod. Rescript. Dublinens. Proleg. p. 9. " Mem- branas, super quas describitur [Cod. Dublinens.] videntur pri- mitus piirpurei fidsse colons : quod indicium est magna; vetus- iaiis. Sic Chrysost. in Job. Horn, xxxii. kccI v) 'oroicra. ctvro^i ffTtaort 'UJi^k Tnv Tccv v^ivuv AsWToTijra, xa* to t^-'v ypotjj.y.cx.rav y.aAAoq—— cTi x^'^To^^ £xei y^a^^ccarj. Tom. II. ed. Savil. p. 6S6. Testatur vero Capitolinus in Vit. Maximini ; ominis imperii in loco illi fuisse, quod omnes libri Homerici, qui illi puero porrigerentur, fuerunt jmrpure/y Uteris mireis inscripti.^* ^^ Rugger. Cod. Vercel. Descrip. ubi supr. " De vero pos- sessore hujus sacri voluminis prscter antiquam constantissiraara venerationem, quam seniper erga illud, Capitulum et Ecclesia professa est, illud asserxnndo in ipsomet sacra Reliquiarum depositor ubi sanctorum, prophctarum, apostolorum, plurimorumque martyrum ossa cUstodiuntur, exstant et docuraenta plurima certCE iidtfij dx. vid. supr. n, ^^« ( 61 ) three editions of the translation^ we might naturally expect to acquire some insight into the varieties of the original. And this expectation is fully justified on experiment. The latter, not less than the former, is capable of being distributed into three kinds ; each of which possesses an extraordinary coincidence with one of a correspondent kind, in the translation. In a word, the Greek manuscripts are capable of being divided into three principal classes, one of which agrees with the Italick transla- tion contained in the Brescia manuscript ; another with that contained in the Verceli manuscript ; and a third with that contained in the Vulgate. In ascertaining the particular Greek manuscripts which, as possessing this coincidence with the Latin, may be taken as the exemplars of each class, we have few difficulties to encounter. The affinity existing between the Vatican manuscript and the Vulgate is so striking, as to have induced Dr. Bent- ley, and M. Wetstein to class them together ^\ And 51 Wetsten. Proleg. in Nov. Test. Tom. I. p. 26. Neque vei'O cur eorum testimonium in dubium vocari debet ; cum co7z- Jirmetur et -per R. Beyitleium, qui saepe inter amicos narrare solebat, Vaticanum Codicem in omnibus fere cum Alexandrino, adeoqne etiam., ut supra demonstravimus, cum 'versioiie Itala, convenire : et re ipsa, nam Mat. v. 22. non habet sIk^, 1 John iv. 3. non habet x^^^^* ''^ <'"«?x* iM^^v^ora, ; ut alia passim iji var. led. nostris annotata taceam.^* The collation of the Vatican MS. made for Dr. Bentley is published by Dr. Ford at the end of his Fragmentt. Vers. Sahidic. Oxon. 1799. by its assistance, the affinity between the Vulgate and Vatican manuscript may be directly discovered on comparison. ( 62 ) 1 proceed to ofTer some proofs that the affinity of the Harleian and Moscow manuscript ^^ with the Brescia manuscript ; and tliat of the Codex Can- tabrigiensis with the Verceh manuscript^ is not kss striking and extraordinary. So that the Har- leian and Moscow manuscript, the Cambridge ma- nuscript, and the Vatican m^anuscript, (as re- spectively coinciding with the Brescia manuscript, tliQ YerccH manuscript, and the Vulgate) may be taken as exemplars of the three principal classes into which the Greek manuscripts may be distri* buted. The subjoined specimen, taken from the first chapter of the Sermon on the Mount, will furnish a tolerably just idea of the nature and closeness of this coincidence. I shall prefix the readings of the Received Text, and authorized English version, in order to evince their coincidence with that text, to which the preference appears to be due, on account of its conformity to the Italick translation contained in the Brescia manuscript. 2^^ These MSS. are designated by M. Griesbach, " G, and Mt. V." The former is preserved in the British Museum, where it is marked Harl. 5684' : it is assigned to the tenth century, and is described by M. Griesbach Symbb. Critt. Tom. I. p. Ixiv. — The latter is a manuscript of the S. Synod at Moscow, which has been described by M. Mattha^i Nov. Test. Tom. IX. p. 265^ and is conceived by him to be of the eighth century. It remains to be observed, that the various readings of this MS. in the annexed collation are taken from M. Mattha^i's text and notes. The Harleian MS. wants the five first chapters of St* Matthew ; its various readings have been consequently omitted in the annexed collation of texts. ( e3 ) — blessed are they that mourn, &c. AtdL fA«xa§joi ol ixr^xBTq x. r. I. Cant, ■ beati mites, &c. Vera, f/.oty.a.^ioi ot 'EJsv^Svreq. x. t. I. Vat, beati miteSf &c. Vulg. /xajtagtot oi crs^SSvTej k. t. t, beati qui lugenty &c. JSrix* MOSG. 5. f/.ocy.a.^iOi o» i^^aErg x. T. I. ii^C. — blessed are the meek, <&rc. Aitth. ^a.y.a,^ioi ot 'SiTBvBiivTei;, x, T. 1. beati qui lugenf, &c, Verc* Cant. fAXKo-oioi ol -nr^ae?; x. r. I. Vat, beati 5'z« lugenty &c, Vulg* f/.aKccfm ol ^m^xiic,, x, r. I. Mosc. beati mansueii, Brix, 11. xa^' y^M-wy v^sr'^o/XSVOl svExey e/xh. ^^C. — against you falsely for .my sake. ^wif^. xa$' t-jiAwy 'inxiv Jixatofft/vajs-. adversum vos propter /zw^/i/aw* Crt72f. Fere. xaS' t-jwwv Nj'ef^o/xcvot my.o I/laS. adversum vos mcntientes prop- ^a#, ter me, Vulg, xaS' ^^^y >j/eyoopt£voi mxty sptS. adversum vos mentientes prop- j\fo^c. ^^^ ^^^« Brix. 12. Iv Tor? «|«i/orf, Rec, — in heaven, Auth, |y Tw i^uva. Cant. in coelo. F^rc. tj* TO?? «^a>or?. Vat, in ccelis. Fzi/o-. •» T6K tfgaxor?. iVfo^c. in coslis, Brix. 13. 6»s «o£v t~.f^'A £K yhnOLV, Rec. — be cast into hell. Auth, a-Tlik^rn £i; yiinav, Canf, tU yhv'jav a-TiiX^^, Vat, ^,'K'fi^'Q sU yiivvcci, MoSC. eat in gehennam. Vera, eat in gehennam. Vulg, mittatur in gehennam. B7ix, S2. >-eyu} viA.h on. Rec, — I say unto you that. Auth. r^iyoi v^fAv. Cant. dico vobis. Verc, 7,iyu lyAv on. Vat, dico vobis quia, Vulg, >,iyu l^uv on, Mosc, dico vobis quia, Brix. 32. oq loiv u'jToT^t'KvfXivriV ycc(A.Y)c-yj [j.oi^eiroci, ReC, — whosoever shall marry her that is divorced, com- mitteth adultery. Azith, desunt. Canf, . desunt. Vercel, o i.itQX\>.vifAvr,y yxiAr.ffx^ /xot;)(;aTat qui dimissam duxerit adidteraU Vat, Vulg, 05 la,i uTro%i\vy.ivnv yxfA^c-rt p.oi- qui dimissam duxerit mcecha* XUT6H, Mo^c. tur, Brix. ( 66 ) — . and a tooth for a tooth. Auth, i^oyret uvr) o^o»to?. Cant, HCU o^ovra am oJo'vto?, Vat, dentem pro dentem. Verc, et dentem pro dente. Vulg, et dentem pro dente. Brix, 41. vvaye /xet* avrn ^vo, R6C» — go with him twain. Auth, vTrotyt y^tr avrS tn aXK» ^V9. vade cum illo adhuc alia duo. Cant, Verc. Zvaye /aet* ayrS ^vo. Vat, vade cum illo et alia duo. Vulg, vfr«7i f«ET avrS ^vo. Mosc» vade cum illo duo. Brix, — bless them that curse you. Auth, ii}^(iyt7rt T8? xaI«gw/Ae»tf? »/*«? dcsunt. Ki^ri?. desunt. Vat. desunt. Vulg, »v\oyt7ri t«5 ««]«pft;/Afy»$ y/^«j. benedicite maledicentibus vos» Mosc. ^rix, xat ^iUMvruv v^ioiq, Rec, — pray for them who despitefuUy use you and persecute you. Auth. xa* ^tUKOVTuv vfAoiq, Cant, ^^offtvp(^tff^e i/Vi^ ruv oiuKovruv v* f*Ss. Vat, MOSG. orate pro calumniantlbus et persequentibus vos. Verc* orate pro persequentibus et calumniantlbus vos Vulg* orate pro calumniantibus vobis et persequentibus vos. Brix» ( 66 ) This short specimen ^^ will sufficiently evince the affinity which the Greek and Latin manuscripts bear to each other^ throughout the different classes, into which they may be divided. It will also illustrate the dissimilarity which those classes ex- hibit among themselves^ in either language^ re- garded separately. In order to evince the affinity which in other respects they possess among them- selves^ it will be necessary to view a connected por- tion of the sacred text,, in the original and the translation. For this purpose I shall subjoin the opening of the same chapter from whence the fore- cited various readings have been extracted ; inclu- ding that part of the Sermon on the Mount which contains the beatitudes. 35 These examples may be augmented to any required extent^ with very little trouble to the undertaker. The principal coincidences of the Received Text and Brescia MS. in readings which differ from the Vulgate, have been collected by M* Blanchini, and may be seen in his Evangel. Quadr. P. I. fol, cdlxxxv. seq. P. II. cdlxix. seq. On comparing the list of texts there collected from the Vulgate, with the collation of the Vatican MS. made for Dr. Bentley, see n. *^ ; the striking coincidence of their respective texts will be directly apparent* For a proof of the coincidence of the Cambridge and Verceli MSS. the reader may be referred to the lower margin of M* Blanchini's Evangeliarium Quadruples who has noted the co- incident readings with much pains. It may be necessary to observe, that in the above list of textsr, those selected from the Vatican MS. are taken from the various readings published by Dr. Ford, as already referred to n. ^\ The Moscow MS. is defective in Mat. v. 44. but the reading of this text may be taken from the other MSS. of M. Matthaei; as they harmonize with thiis MS. in an extraordinary manner. ( 67 ) Class J. Cocl^ Cant t?5 TO egoj* xat xaSicrayl^-ayTtf, «yT8' 2. Ka< avot|a? to HfAXOiVTu^ 5. M«x«f»ot o» cr76;%ot To; 9FVeviA,0cli' OT* UV7UU tfiV 7t ^« oVav 3li- tif^uaif xj ov«^ta"(yi7i> xa* £;7r«^» •nrai/ woy»)pov p?/A« x«6* v^uvy ifExa S'ixatoo'VJ'^?. 12. Xaipels xa* a'y«^^»a5•6s• «T» 0 /u.Kr9o? t-jLtwv 'croX^? |v t« «q)«»,iyuv, COS dicens : S. Maxagjot of j6^croj/7a». 8. Maxagjoi of xsiQct^o) rii eTt avro) v^o) ©eov xAfjO^croylat. 10. MocKoifioi of h^tuyjAsvoi fVEKX hutnoavvviq' on avruv ln» i ^Affi^iiK Tuv efotvuv, 11. MciKoi^ioi ifSf oTay C(V Ka-a VfJLUV 'BTXV IffDWiDOV 12. Xaip/Iix^ ayaX^iao-Of, •T» • jiAicrOo? y/ittoj' >iyuv' 3. MUftoifiOl of 'Cjlwp^OJ TW W£Vfjf.u]t* oTt atnuv i<-iv h ^a- rAEitt Toiv apoivuv, 4. Maxapo* ot 'ZzrsySSv/ES* oTt •tyroi •arapaxXyjfi^o'ovIat. 5* M.xx.sifioi ot j>. 6. Maxapot ot >meivuvlt(; xoct ot-vj/wwe? T'/jv o;xat3c7yv'/3»* «r», avTot ;^opTacr6i7cro»I«j. 7. MuKoc^iOi 01 eXs^^ovES* ot» 8. Maxaptot o» xadcepot t>) xac^»a* 0T» ayloi Toi'0£O>o4'Oj'1aj» 9. May.ocfiOi oi elprji/OTroioi* «Tt ayToi ytot 0Ea xXy]9)2C7oy]a(. 10. Mxx.cifioi o» ofd(6;7u£»oi JyExii' 3'txa»o^ Uyxfjt* iaaovlxt Mosc, HarL *■ nubunt et traduntur ad nuptias.' Brix, Vidg : but this phrase is interjjolated with ysvvojylai ^ ysvvaJffi ya/x2cr* y.tzl yxfxcviloti, Cant. ' generayit et generantur^ nubunt et nubuntur.' Verc. on which Charkel observes, " in priori ex- emplo [Vers. Syr. Vet.] 'gignunt et gignmitur' sed in Grseco non est,'' Marg. Philox. 55 The latter of the two examples quoted from Luke xx. 3 k supr. n, 5+. is supposed to contain a proof that the Cambridge ( "^9 ) text to Hesychius, which is nowhere to be found, un- less it can be identified in some one of the foremen- tioned sources : and as in speaking of this text^ he deUvers himself in terms^ which accurately agree with the text of the Cambridge manuscript ^^ : w^e must from these premises infer^ that the text of this manuscript is virtually the same w ith that which St. Jerome refers to Egypt and ascribes to Hesy-. chius. Of Class II. That the Vatican manuscript which forms the exemplar of the Second Class, contains the text which St. Jerome refers to Palestine, and ascribes MS* was not used by Thoma^HeracIensis in forming his collation. It contains a reading, which though found in the Cambridge MS. that critick declares was not in the copies of the Greek which he collated, Vid. Ridl. ut supr. pp. 62, 63, Adler. ut supr. p. 132. On the other hand the collation contains read- ings which are not found in the manuscript, though said by the collatour to exist in the Greek ; these would be indeed of little consequence, if they were not confirmed by the coincidence of the old Italick version. I add an example, from the next chap- ter of St. Luke, to that which has been last cited. We read Luc. xxi. IL aYiuiToc ^£7«A« Bs-oiiy Cant. Mosc. Vat.: signa • magna erunt,' Cant. Brix. Vulg : but we read " et hiemes** Marg, Philox : and « signa magna erunt et hiemes" Verc. These instances will sufficiently exemplify the assertion made above, that the texts before us cannot be corrupted from the Cambridge MS. *^ S. Hier. Pr«f, in iv Evang. Tom, VL p^I, ( so ) to Eusebius, seems to be clearly established by th^ following circumstances t 1. This manuscript possesses a striking coinci- dence in its peculiar readings with another manu- script^ which is preserved in the Vatican library, where it is marked Urbin. 2^^^ and which, we are enabled^ by the internal evidence of its margin, to refer directly to Palestine, and to identify with the edition of Eusebius. At the end of the Gospels it contains a notice, specifying that it had been transcribed, and collated with antient copies, in Je- rusalem, which were deposited in the holy moun- tain ^^. As the text is thus directly allied to the text of Palestine, it is identified with the edition of Eu- sebius, in having his Canons prefixed to it, and his sections and references accurately noted in its mar- gin ^9. The affinity of the celebrated Vatican ma- ^' Birch. Prolegomm. in Nov. Test. p. xxix. " Insignem hunc^ codicem, [Urbino- Vatic. 2.] quod singularem ipsius cum op- timis et probatissimis exemplaribus convenientiam observarem, bis onini diligentia et intentione contuli. Ubi enim a Recepto Evangeliorum textu recedit, plerumque codicibus Vaticano 1 209, Szc. se adjungit, 53 Id. ibid. Ad antiqulssima exemplaria exaratum esse fCod^ Urb.2.]testantursubscriptiones ad calcem Evangeliorum. E^aP uvliyf»^ci}Vf ruv \v tu ocyiu o^et ocTroKeifjisvuvy Iv rix^^^ ^v-jr^, X£^iov Kxr(^Mu^y.ov £y^a,(P'^ Ik run sffTra^xtrfxivuPf h ri%OK a(p| xs(poc7^um^ 2AA. Eyayyj%ov xara AskoLv lyfa,(pyi ttaX avTE^^^fiij 0[/.oiui; Ik Tuv uvtuv uyliy^oi^av Iv r*%oK /S'vUj y.f(px>,Of.\oK TMB. 'Evuyyi'Kiov xxra, laxivvviv lyfci(pii} xj uv%<^^^Qr} o^om ex twm etvruv uvliy^oc(puv, sv r'^ot? (jfl^y xsipaXatojj ZAM. ^9 Id. ibid. p. xxvii. '* Codex [Urb, 2.] est oetavae forma?. ( 81 ) htiscript, thus traced through this manuscript to the oldest copies of Jerusalem^ furnishes of course a sufficient warrant for our referring its text to the edition of Eusebius^, which was pubUshed in Pales- tine. 2. This deduction receives a direct confirmation from the vulgar translations which were current ia the same country from an early period. The striking affinity of the Urbino- Vatican manuscript to the three translations extant in the Syriack^ is express- ly asserted by Prof. Birch ; by whom that manu- script was twice carefully collated ^°. That existing between the celebrated Vatican manuscript and the Jerusalem-Syriack is even more striking^' ; and it is observed to extend to the Philoxenian version like- wise ^"^^ and^ by the intervention of the Vulgate, membranaceus, foliorum 325, et Quatuor complectitur Evan* gelia, quibus pnEfiguniur Canones Eusebii. Nitide et eleganter exaratus est. Prima cujiisque Evangelii pagina, littercB majores in sectionum initiiSf interpungendi signa, ut et ti'tAo* Eusebiani in margine Evangeliorum obvii, '° Id. ibid. p. xxix. " His adde consonantiam nostri [Cod. tJrb. 2.] cum Versione Syra Philoxenisy Syra Veteri, Hieroso* lymitana,** &c. ^* Adler. ut supr. p. 201. ** Generatim igitur ad eandem Co- dicum Grsecorum familiam referenda est [ Vers^ ^yra Hiero'^ solym.'] cui libros Graecos, quibus in castiganda Versione Phi- loxeniana usus est Thomas, supra vindicavimus. Sed tameii lit exempla Thomas affinitate proximo accedent ad Cod. Can- tab, et ut nostra Versio cum Vaticano, omnium forte quos cetas tulit prcestantissimo, propinqua sit cognaiione conjtindaJ^ ^* Birch, ut supr. p. xix. *'lnsignem Codicis nostri [Vat. 1209.] praestantiam, ipsa varietatum coliectio huic operi in- eerta satis superque demonstrabit. — Mira in kctionibus quoque Q ( 82 y fnay be ultimately traced to the old Syrlack or Pe- sliito ^^ On its affinity to the Philoxenian and Je- rusalem versions^ I rather insist^ as the former i* divided into sections ^"^j and has the Eusebian ca- nons and sections carefully inserted in some of the oldest copies ^^ ; and as the latter was apparently made in the fourth century^ when the edition of Eusebius was published in Palestine ^^. As it i* more than merely probable^ that the vulgar trans- lation was formed from the current edition of the ungularihcs convenientia cum — -Ula antiqua Versione Syra, quaft Seculo post C. N. sex tO, suh aiispiclis Philoxenis facta, iuse- quenti seculo, cura et studio Thomse Heraclensis ad Graecofr codices correcta et perfecta fuit." *3 Comp.p. 61. n. '\ p. 13. n. *'. p. 21. n. ^\ ^4 Adler. ut supr. p. 50. '* Idem Thomas Evangelia In capi* tula Tel secbiones destribuit, et pericopas dtebus festis recitan- das conbtituit.'* ^^ Adler. ut supr. p. 52. " PrasmittuntuT Codici [Medicea Florent. Vers. Philoxen.] index pericoparum diebus dominicis et festis in coetu sacro recitandarum, Epistola Eusehii ad Car^ fiamimy ct talmlce decern Canonnm harmonicorum Eusebii et Arti" inonii. — Margini Evaageliorum prcetcr tit ulos pericoparum do7m-> nicalium, minio scriptos, et argumenta capitum vel Kt(paXai6)v •atramento exarata, adscripti quoque sunt minio mmieri Ammo" niani pericoparum, et suh szngtdis indicatur tabula ad quam illud capitulum referendum sitP *^ Id. ibid. p. 201. " Sed tamen, cum eandem dialectum re*' periemus in Hierosolymitano, qui ex plurimorum, ni fallimur^ eruditorum consensu, circa succidum quartum absolutus fuit, (libris enim Cabbalisticis Baher et Zohar immerito tarn reniota sintiquitas a Juda^is tribuitur :) non impedit, quo minus inter' 'pretationem iiodram eodemi circiter tempore^ vel saltern i?itra, fuartum et sextum sceculum Hierosolymis editam fidsse staiue^e: kndeamus,-' ( 83 ) country ; the affinity which the Vatican manuscript possesses to that translation contains a very con- vincing proof, that it possesses the text of Eusebius and of Palestine ^\ 8. The striking coincidence of the Greek of the Vatican manuscript with the Latin of the Vulgate ^* leads to the establishment of the same conclusion. This version received the corrections of St. Jerome during his abode in Palestine ^^ ; it is thus only pro- bable that the Greek copies,, after which he mo- delled it, were those, which from being current in Palestine, were used in the monastery, into which he had retired : but these he as- sures us were of the edition of Eusebius7°. For this edition he had imbibed an early partiality, through Gregory of Nazianzum, who first put the Scriptures into his hands 7', who had been educated ^7 It is thus probable that this MS. preserves this text even in a purer state than the Urbino- Vatican MS. The latter hav- ing been collated with more copies than one, thus adopted their respective peculiarities: and as the transcriber was evidently not a native of Jerusalem, but an inhabitant of some region situated more westerly, he adhered to the text which prevailed in his native country. We may thus naturally account for the approximation of this MS. to the Byzantine text, where it de- viates from the Palestine. ^^ Vid. supr. p. 61. n. ". ^'^ Vid. S. Hier. ad Lucin. Ep. xxvlii. Tom. I. pp. 82, 83. Id, adv. Ruffin. Lib. III. cap. vii. Tom. II. p. 257. 7° Vid. supr. p. 72. n. '\ ''S.Hieron. Scriptt. Eccless. Catal. Tom. I. p. 131. " Gre- gorius, primum Sasimorum deinde Nazianzenus Episcopus, vir cloquentissimus prceceptor meus^ quo Scripiuras explanante di* dkV* ^2 (■ 84 ) ii Caesarea in Palestine ^^ with Euzoius, wlio had been at considerable pains with Acacius^ to restore the decayed library of Pamphilus and Eusebius in that city ^'. With this hbrary St. Jerome was cer- tainly acquainted,, having found the Gospel of the Hebrews in it^ which he afterwards turned into La- tin '^*. He has besides avowed his predilection for Eusebius's edition^ in revising that part of the Scripture Canon which contains the Old Testament ; having expressly followed Origen's revisal of the Septuagint ^^^ which^ as he informs us^ was incor- 7* Id. ibid. p. 131. " Euzokis apud Thespesium rhetorera, cimi Gregorio Nazianzeno episcopo, adolescens Ccesarece eruditus est : et ejusdem postea urbis episcopus, plurimo labore corrup- tam bibliothecam Origenis et Pmnphili in memhranis instaurare conatus est,"" &c. 73 Id. ad. Marcel. Ep. cxli. Tom. III. p. 398. " Beatus Pamphilus — cum Demetrium Phalareum et Pisistratum in sa- crae bibliothecam studio vellet sequare — Origenis libfos impetislus persecutus, Caesariensi Ecclesiae dedicavit : quam ex parte cor- ruptam, Acacius dehinc et Euzoius, ejusdem Ecclesiae sacer- dotes, in membl'anis instaurare conati simt." ^+ Zaccagn. Col. Monumm. Vet. Eccl. Praef. p. Ixv. § 54. ed. Rom. 1(398. *' Etenim magno in pretio semper fuere Cae- sariensis Bibliothecae codices, utpote ab Origine primum, deinde a Pamphilo Martyre, ac demum ab Eusebio Cacsariensi, viris doctissimis congesti fuerant. Sanctum enim Hierony^num iis- deni codicibus tcsmn Jliisse argumento est, quod Nazarenorum Evangelium in Bibliotheca Ceesariensi se reperisse testatur." Conf. S. Hier. Scriptt. Eccl. in Matt. Tom. I. p. 120. Comment, in Matt. Tom. VI. p. 21. b. ^5 S. Hier. Sun. et Fretel. Ep. cxxxv. Tom. III. p. 377.— *' Septuaginta interpretum [editio] guee in E^a..») Mapia/A. Euth. Vat, ib. 19. A)ieh^u[jt,u Rec, Ay.i'h^a.^A.ax* Euth. Vat. Alex. ib. 24-. arvu^ei^oy reluv raiv ^vo hoc 9V i^eXs^o} XcchtTv. Rec, oivd^et^ov ov i^iAi^u in -[iilm tuv Ko tya ha,-' Cerv. Euth. Vat. Alex. ii. 6. on ny.-dty Rec. on '-ny.aaiv Euth. Vat* ( ST ) scrupled to assert, that this manuscript has been in- terpolated with the pecuhar readings of Euthahus's copies ^t The coincidences existing between them admit of a more simple and certain solution, by considering- Eusebius's text, to which they are re- spect^rely allied, as the common source of the re- semblance. The affinity between Euthalius's read- ings and the Vatican manuscript consequently forms an additional proof, that the latter contains the text of Eusebius, as it was preserved in Euthalius's age, in the library of Csssarea in Palestine. Now as it is wholly inconceivable, that the coin- cidences observable between those diiTerent texts, translations and copies can be the effect of accident, or of intentional alteration : as St. Jerome has ascribed a peculiar text to Palestine, which can be found .no where, if it is not identified in the manu- scripts and translations of that country : and as the text of the Vatican manuscript, in tlie opinion of no ordinary judge, is of that kind which renders it par- ib. 13. ;>cXHt;^^..l£?. Rec, ^,o^x>^svA^oP,s; Eiitli. Vat. Alex. ib. 14. II/Tpoj. Rec. 0 uhpog Euth. Alex. ib. 17. hiTrr.u, Rec. hv^rAo^i Euth. Vat. Alex. ib. 22. ^a^^. y,o<.) avro\. Rec. xa^^, airo\ Euth Vat. Alex.ib. 27. p. Rec. pr>u EutL Vat. ib. 38. uf^ccpn^yRec, rm ui^ufl,:;, ^Ci^uv Euth. Vat. Alex. ib. 40. axpo.K^Xei },iym Rec. «rpo£K«,\« airh^ ■KiymEuth, Vat. Alex. ib. 43. lyivd,, ri 'maar, -i^vx^ oS hi<^yym uvIop.'' These last words are quoted from Luke xxji. 43, 44. Conf. S. Hilar, de Trinit. Lib. X. J 4L p. 1062. a.. Non sane ignorandum a nobi» ( 51 ) Of the two species of text which were published at Constantinople^ by Liicianus and Eusebius '°*^ that revised by the latter certainly retained the passage : for it is expressly referred to in his canons '"^^ and is retained in tlie Vulgate^ which was formed after the text of his revisal '°^. The edition of Eusebius con- sequently differed from the corrected copies of the ortiiodox, published in the days of St. Je- rome and St. Epiphanius. But this passag-e is wanting in the Alexandrine manuscript^ as well as in the Latin translation, which accords with it, and v/hich is preserved in tlie Brescia manuscript. The text of these manuscripts is thus clearly identified with that which isad received the corrections of the orthodox revisers ; and as they possess the Byzan- tine text, their joint testimony consequently proves est, et ill Gnccis et in Latinis codiclhus complurimisy vel de ad- veiHcnte angelo, vel de sudore saiigulneo, nil scriptum reperiri. ^"^ Vid. supr. p. 72. n. 37. p. 26. n. '^^ ^°' It is thus marked in the margin of the Harleian MS. jjnd in that of the Cambridge MS. 'LUT ; and in the margin of the Verona MS. ccLxxxiii X : tliis being the proper refe- rence to Eusebius's Canon x, which consequently contain^ ISo. 2S3, referring to Luke xxii. 4-3, 41, *^^ It is consequently marked in the margin of the manuscript and printed copies of tiie Vulgate, 283 X: and set against the follo'.ving words: " Apparuit auteni illi Angelas de ccelo, con- fortians earn, l^t factus in agonia prolixius orabat. Et factus est sudor ejus sicut guttse sanguinis decurrentis in terram.'* These words are also found in the Verceli and Verona MSS., winch contain the old Italick version : both, however, read *' sudor iliius quasi guttae ;" the former also reads " decurren- tis super terram," while tlie latter read* *' decurrente^ in terra*" ( 95 J jthe antiquity of that text to be as remote as the times of St. Epiphanius '"^ ; and of consequence evinces its identity with tliat text, which St. Jerome, who lived in the same age, assigns to Constantinople, and ascribes to Lucianus. Now, as the text preserved in the Harleian and Moscow manuscripts is that which exists in the ma- nuscripts, which are brought from Constantinople ; Gs it differs from the text of the Oriental transla* tions, and therefore cannot bjg assigned to Egypt or Palestine ; as it harmonizes with the text of the La- tin translation preserved in the Brescia MS., which preceded the times of Cassiodorus and Jerome ; and as it corresponds with the state of the Byzantine text, as described in the writings of St. Epipha- nius ; we may from these premises summarily con- clude, that it is identical with the text which St, Jerome attributes to Lucianus, and assigns to Con- stantinople. If the proofs which have be6n thus adduced at length are not deemed adequate to evince the iden- *°^ It is necessary to explain here, tW St. Epiphanius was the acquaintance of St. Jerome, amd bishop of a see under the Patriarch of Conslantinojile. As he hved when St. Jerome's three classes of text existed, and speaks in general terms of one, he must be supposed to mean that which prevailed in the region where he lived. He has, however, placed this matter beyond mere conjecture, in referring to Joh. i. 28. Hair. li. p. 435. a. He quotes h ^s^cc^u^a. as the reading of his own copy ; Ir /3e- Sayia, as the reading of "other copies." The former is found in the Byzantine text ; the latter in the Palestine ; the former €VKsequently contained the text of St. Epiphanius, ( 9<5 ) fity 6f the different classes of text which are still preserved in the Cambridge, Vatican, and Moscow manuscripts, with those which formerly existed in the editions of Egypt, Palestine, and Constantino- J)le ; it is difficult even to conceive what mode of proof will be deemed adequate to that purpose. In every instance where that coincidence, which is alone calculated to prove such an identity, could be ex- pected, it has been sought, and found to exist. It lias been traced in the manuscripts and vulgar translations prevalent in those countries ; and in the collations of texts and occasional versions which were made from those manuscripts and translations. And as this mode of proof is most full ; so it appears to be most satisfactory. That the different texts of St. Jerome's age, and of the present times, should amount exactly to three, must surely convey no slight presumption in favour of their identity. But when, through the medium of the old Italick version, (which corresponded with some of the copies of the former period, and which corresponds with those of tlie present,) those extremes, however remote, are directly connected ; the mode of proof which evinces the identity of the text which existed at botli periods, must be allowed to carry the force of dcmoustnition. Independently even of tlie laboured proof by which I have endeavoured to establish this conclu- sion, nothing appears to be more probable, thaa tliat we should possess copies of the different texts, which existed in the age of St. Jerome. The manner in which all manuscripts, that have de* { 9t ) Icended to us^ have been preserved, would of itself render this point more than probable. It is how- ever a matter^ not merely of probability, but of fact, that at least one copy and one version has been prese«*ved for that period ; for, the Vulgate and Alexandrine manuscript are both assigned to the era of Jerome '°^ Even the latest of those manuscripts which contain the exemplars of our dif- ferent classes of text is not ascribed to a period less remote than the eighth century ; for this is the date assigned to the Moscow manuscript, which con- tains the Byzantine text^°9. the Vatican manu- script, which contadns the Palestine text, lays claim to much greater antiquity. As those manuscripts have thus certainly existed for ten centuries, it is not to be disputed, that those from which they were copied might have existed for the remaining four, which intervene to the times of St. Jerome. And if this reasoning evince the permanence of the Byzan- tine text, it must, by parity of reasoning, evince that of the Palestine and the Egyptian. When we weigh this probability against the only possibility which the question appears to admit, the result must clearly evince the exclusive stability of the grounds pn which we have proceeded, in arriv- ing at the present conclusion. If it is denied that those three texts have descended to us, from the '«8 Woid. Prolegg.iB Cod. Alex. p. xvii. § 56, " Scriptusest itaque Codex Alexandrinus antequam vir doctus teste Euthalio, anno S96, in sectiones Epistolas diviserat^" Carif; supr.p. 70, "» Vid. supr. p. 62. n. -\ ( 98 ) times df St. Jerome ; it must be granted that one or more of them has been formed since the age of that father. But taking up the question^ as re- duced to this alternative, can there be a shadow of doubt,, that the latter is a supposition, not merely less probable in itself, but involved in difficulties which are wholly inexplicable ? For what supposi- tion can be more irreconcilable to probability, than that which implies, that the Latin translation, after having undergone such a change, should ultimately acquire the characteristick peculiarities of the dif- ferent versions which existed in the age of St. Je- rome ? I will not insist at present on this circum- stance, that some of those characteristick marks Consist in a resemblance to the oriental versions ""^ ; which implies, that those who created it in the Greek possessed an acquaintance with the eastern lan- guages, which certainly was not possessed by the most learned of the christian fathers. But the bare fact, that one of those versions which is contained in the Brescia manuscript agrees both with the Greek and Latin copies of St. Jerome's age '", in omitting at least two remarkable passages, which are nevertheless still found in the Greek and Latin Vulgate "* which have generally, if not exclusively, prevailed from that time to the present day^^^, seems to place beyond all reasonable doubt, that this version claims an aUiance to the text of the former period, in- "*Vkl.supr. pp. 74,81. '" Vid. supr. p. 37. n. ''\ p. 93. n. '""^ Conf. p. 92. n. '°^ *" Vid. supr. p. 94. n. ' \ "^ Vid. supr. p. 32. n. ". Conf. Simon, Nouy. Obs, sur le TexUetlesVere.p. 145. ( 99 ) stead of the latter. Nor is it to be disputed that we still retain two of the texts which in St. Jerome's age ex^ isted in the Greek Septuagint ; however it may be denied that we possess those, which at the same period existed in the Greek Testament. For the Vatican manuscript possesses the text which Eu- sebius published from Origen ; as unquestionably appears from its coincidence with the remains of the Hexapla "*, and the Vulgate of Jerome "^ And the Alexandrine manuscript,, as possessing a different version^ must preserve the revisal of He* sychius or Lucianus ; most probably that of the for- mer, as it was originally brought from Alexan- andria "^. From this matter of fact, we may surely conclude, that, as the copies of the New Testa-^ ment were infinitely more numerous than those of the Old, the three classes of text which are pre- served in the former are not less antient than those which are preserved in the latter : and consequently must be referred to the age of St. Jerome. In the course of the above reasoning I have con- sidered St. Jerome's testimony, on the existence of three classes of text "^^ as extending to the New Testament, though it is strictly applicable to the Septuagint. Whether his declaration may be taken in this latitude, or not, is of little importance to the foregoing conclusions ; as all that I have endeavour-^ ed to prove has been established, independent of *'* Vid. Blanchin. Evang. Quadr. P. I. f. cdxciii. cdxcvii. "* Id. ibid. f. cdxciii. "« Negot. of Sijr T. Roe. f. 414. 460. 618, Conf. supr, p. 7^ n. 37. "7Vid.supr. p. 72.Bi.J7, H 2 ( 100 ) his testimony. The reader will easily perceiv«, that the existence of three classes of text in St. Je- rome's age has been proved from the coincidence of the Greek with the Latin translations which ex- isted in the a^e of that father "^ ; and the identity of those classes with the three editions which I con- ceive to be his, has been proved from the affinity which they possess to the oriental translations**^. But even independent of this circumstance^ a suffi- cient warrant may be founds in his own authority, for taking his testimony, in the more enlarged sense, and applying it to the Old and New Testament. It was obviously not his intention to limit his declara- tion to the latter ; that he speaks only of it is mani- festly to be imputed to his having been exclusively engaged on the subject of the Septuagint. Of con- sequence, when he speaks of the New Testament, he explicitly admits that it was revised by HesychiuS and Lucianus "**. That it had been revised by Eu- sebius is not to be denied '" ; and St. Jerome has professed himself acquainted with his edition '*% While this learned father has likewise made a simi- lar declaration, with respect to the editions of Hesy- "8 Vid. supr. pp. 70, 71. "9 Vid. supr. pp. 74. 81. "° S. Hier. Praef. in iv Evangg. p. i. ^ Praetermitto eos co' dices quos a Luciano et Hesychio nuncupatos paucorum homi- num asserit perversa contentio: quibics utique nee in toto Ve- teri Instrumento emendare quid licuit, nee in Novo prqfuit emendasse, cum multarum gentium linguis Scriptura ante tran- slata doceat falsa esse qu(E addita sunt,'* - ^" Vid. supr, p. 26. n. '*♦. p. 34. n. ^\ - ' *** Vid. supr. p, 85, lu 77. ' ( 101 ) chius and Luclanus ; he clearly intimates that they were in use in his days ; and expressly declares, that they had their respective admirers "^ Now, it is obvious, that the same causes vs^hich recommended any part of these different editions in any particular church, must have tended to recommend the re- mainder. St. Jerome has, however, informed us, respecting the Septuagint, that the different editions of it, as revised by Hesychius, Lucianus, and Euse- bius, prevailed not merely in particular churches, but in different regions ***; we must of course form -a similar conclusion respecting- the New Testaments which had equally undergone their revisal. As the whole bible was received in all churches, and differ- ent countries adopted different editions ; nothing can be more improbable, than that their copies of it could have been composed of a mixed text ; or that the region which adopted one part of the Canon from Hesychius, would take another from Lucianus. We are indeed informed by St. Jerome, that the pertinacity with which the different churches ad- hered to the ancient and received text, was almost invincible '*^ ; and in his Preface to the Latin Vul- "» Vid.supr. p. 100. n. '^^ •** Vid. supr. p. 72. n. J7. '" Such is the constant complaint of St. Jerome in his Pre- faces; vid. Praef. in Pentateuch. Tom. III. p. 341. Praef. in Jos. lb. p. 341. Pr«f. in Paralipomra. lb. p. 343. Praef. in Esdr. lb. p. 344, &c. Hence St. Jerome dehvcrs the foK lowing injunction to his friends; Ibid. p. 344. " Accedunt ad hoc invidorum studin; qui omne, c^\xoiiscT\hvmviS,r€prche7idendmn putant ; et interdujn, contra se conscienria repugnante, publice lacerantff^mdi, occulte legunt. — Itaque obsepro vos Domnioa -et ( 103 ) gate^ he has declared^ that the effects of this lauda- ble prejudice against innovation were really experi- enced^ with respect to the editions of Hesychius and Lucianus : though the copies edited by these learn- ed persons had every thing to contend with^ from the rivalry of later editions^ which had been pub- lished by Eusebius, Athanasius^ and other orthodox revisers. This declaration of St. Jerome^ and the reflexion which he deemed necessary to cast on the editions of Hesychius and Lucianus '*^ contain a sufficient proof, that the copies of those editions were generally prevalent in his age. In fact, a minute examination of the text of the Vulgate, which he published, enables us to determine, that, in forming that traaslation, he made use of versions formed from the editions of Lucianus and Hesychius. The proof of this last point I shall hereafter give in detail, as it contains the strongest confirmation of the main con- clusion, which it is my object to establish, that the three classes of text, which exist in the present age, existed in the age of St. Jerome. The bare />re- valence of those editions till the latter period, in- volves a proof, that they could have only obtained 171 Egypt, in Palestine, and Constantinople ; since, solely and respectively, over those regions extended the influence of Hesychius, Eusebius, and Luci- anus 1*7 Rogati'ane carissimi, ut privata lectione content!, llbros non efFeratis in publicum ; nee fastidiosis cibos ingeratis : — Si qui autem fratrum sunt, quibus nostra non displicent, his tribu- atis exemplar," &c. vid. infr. p. 119. n. ^^ "*^ Vid. supr. p. 100. n. '*^. ^'^ Vid. supr. p. 72. n. ^■. H 103 ) I shall now beg leave to assume, as proved, that the three classes of text which exists in the Cam- bridge, Vatican, and Moscow manuscripts, are iden- tical with the three editions of Hesychius, Eusebius, and Lucianus, which existed in the age of St. Je- rome. Other diversities are indeed apparent in the Greek manuscripts, but they do not seem to be suffi- ciently important or marked, to form the grounds of a separate classification. A peculiar order of manu- scripts is thus observed to exist, which differ very materially from the preceding, as they agree with each other in possessing many interpolations from the writings of later commentatours "^ But as they are consequently of partial authority, and are evi- dently formed on the basis of the Byzantine text, they may be directly referred to the third class, and ranked under the edition revised by Lucianus. The same observation may be likewise extended to several manuscripts of a different character : some of which are observed to partake of the peculiarities of a different class from that to which they princi- pally conform. We thus frequently discover the influence of the Palestine text upon the Byzantine ; which, doubtless, is to be attributed to the publica- tion of Eusebius's edition, at Byzantium^ under the auspices of the first Christian Emperour. It is cer- tain, that the orthodox, little satisfied with this edi- tion, republished a revisal **9^ on the death of Euse- bius and Constantine. In this manner St. Athana- "* Such are the Moscow MSS. denoted by M. Matthaei and M. Griesbach, Mt. a, d, e, g, 10, 11, &c. **' Vid. supr. p. 93. ii. '°\ ( 104 ) sius and St. Basil retouched some copies^ of which, by an extraordinary chance, we seem to possess spe- cimens in the celebrated Alexandrine and Vatican manuscripts'^''. But these copies rather contained Tevisals of the edition which preceded their times, than constituted new editions of the text of Scrip- ture. If published by their respective authours, they appear not to have passed into general use. The text of St. Basil never received the royal autho- rity, and was therefore probably dispersed among a limited number of readers, and confined to a parti- cular region. The revisal of St. Athanasius re- ceived that sanction, having been expressly pre- pared at the command of the Emperour Constans ; but its authority expired with the influence of its authour, on the death of that prince, and his brother^ the younger Constantine. The revisals of both these learned persons may be therefore directly re- ferred to the editions of Palestine and Constantino- ple, out of which they arose, and into which they subsequently merged : and as they are contained in the Vatican and Alexandrine manuscripts, which ^re respectively allied to those texts, we may con- sider them as little more than a repetition of the different editions which had been previously pub- lished by Eusebius and Lucianus. The whole of the Greek manuscripts may be con- sequently reduced to three classes, which are iden- "° In the course ov the following investigation, these MSS, will be particularly described: and the probabilities of their alliance to the corrected text of St. Athanasius and St. BasiJ, will be examined. ( 105 ) tical with the editions of Egypt, Palestine, and Con- stantinople^ as revised b}^ Hesychius, Eusebius, and Lucianus. And the adequacy of this distribution may be established, with little comparative difficulty. As modern criticks, after a careful analysis, are ena- bled to reduce all manuscripts to three classes ; and distribute the Cambridge, Vatican, and Moscow ma- nuscripts in separate classes : hence, as these manu- scripts are likewise the exemplars of the different texts in the present scheme of classification, this scheme must necessarily embrace every variety, and mark every characteristick distinction which modern diligence has discovered in the manuscripts of the Greek Testament. Hence also it becomes possible to reduce every manuscript to its proper class in the new scheme, on knowing the class in which it Avas placed in the old mode of classification. As the Western, Alex- andrine, and Byzantine texts in the former method, respectively coincide with the Egyptian, Palestine, and Byzantine text in the latter ; we have only to substitute the term Egyptian for Western, and Pa- lestine for Alexandrine, in order to ascertain the particular text of any manuscript which is to be referred to a peculiar class or edition. The artifice of this substitution admits of this simple solution ; the Egyptian text was imported by Eusebius, of Verceli,into the West'*^ and the Palestine text, re- published by Euthalius at Alexandria '^*, the Byzan- "' Vid. supr. p. 59. n. '\ conf. p. 51. n. *\ p. 58. n. *\ ., ^^' Vid. supv. p. 86. an. ^° et ^', ( 106 ) tine text having retained the place in which it was originally published by Lucianus. In a word, a manuscript which harmonizes with the Codex Can- tabrigiensis must be referred to the first class, and willcontain the text of Egypt. One which harmo- nizes with the Vatican manuscript must be referred to the second class, and will contain the text of Pa- lestine. And one which harmonizes with the Mos- cow manuscript must be referred to the third class, and will contain the text of Constantinople '^^ It must be now evident almost at a glance, that the present scheme corresponds with the different methods of those who have undertaken the classifi- cation of the Greek manuscripts, and that it derives no inconsiderable support from their respective sys- tems. In the fii^t place it accords with the plan of Dr. Bentley, whose object was to confront the oldest copies of the Latin Vulgate, and of the original Greek '^*, in order to determine the state of the text in the age of St. Jerome. And, conformably to his plan, it ranks the Vulgate and Vatican manuscript '51 To the first class we may consequently refer the Cam- bridge, Clermont, St. Germain, Augean, et Bcernerian MSS, which are critically denoted by the letters, D, D, E, F, G. To the Second Class, we may refer the Vatican, Alexandrine, (in the Acts and Epistles), Ephrem, and Stephens's eighth MS. which are denoted by the letters B, A, C, L. And to the Fourth Class, we may refer the Alexandrine (in the Gospels), the Harleian and Moscow MSS. which are denoted by the let- ters A, G; Mt. V, H, B. *^^ Vid. supr. p. 3. n. \ i 107 ) in the same class ; which constituted the basis of Dr. Bentley's projected edition. But it proceeds on a more comprehensive view of the subject, and confronts two other classes of the original Greek with correspondent classes of the Latin translation. And thus it leads not only to a more adequate me- thod of classification, but to the discovery of a more ancient text; by means of the priority of the old Italick version to the new or Vulgate of Jerome. It in the next place falls in with the respective schemes of M. Griesbach and M. Matthaei, and de- rives support from their different systems. It adopts the three classes of the former, with a slight varia- tion merely in the name of the classes ; deviating from that learned critick's scheme in this respect, on very sufficient authority '^\ And in ascertaining the genuine text, it attaches the same authority to the old Italick translation, which the same learned person has ascribed to that version *^^. It agrees with the scheme of the latter critick, in giving the pre- ference to the Greek Vulgate or Byzantine text over the Palestine and the Egyptian '^^ ; but it sup- '^^ Vid. supr. p. 105. "^ M. Griesbach, speaking of the aids which were used by the first editours of the Greek Testament, in compiling their edi- tion, thus observes, Prolegg. Sect. ii. § i. p. viii. " Latina certe usi sunt translatione fateor ; sed partim innumeris gravissimisque mendis corrupta, partim llecentiore tantum ilia Vulgata, non vero longe jjrccstautiore AnteJiieronymianciy qiue Itula viclgo dicitur." *^^ M. Blatthaei, who frequently asserts the Extraordinary coineidenc& which existed between his MSS. gives the follow- ing comparative estimate of the merit of his principal manu- ( 108 ) ports the authority of this text on firmer grounds than the concurrence of the Greek manuscripts. Hence^ while it ditFers from the scheme of M. Mat- thaei^ in building on the old Italick version ; it differs from that of M. Griesbach, in distinguishing the copies of this translation, which are free from the in- fluence of the Vulg-ate, from those which have been corrected since the times of St. Eusebius^ of Verceli^^ of St. Jerome, and Cassiodorus ''^ And it affords a more satisfactory mode of disposing^ of the multitude of various readings, than that suggested by the lat- ter, who refers them to the intentional or accidental corruptions of transcribers ; or that of the former, who ascribes them to the correction of the original Greek by the Latin translation *^^: as it traces them to the influence of the text which was published by Eusebius, at the command of Constantine. As a system, therefore, that which I venture to propose, may rest its pretensions to a preference over other methods, on the concessions of those who have suggested different modes of classification. scripts, H, V, and those denoted by the letters A, D, E, G, D* Nov. Test. Tom. IX. p. 254. " Hie Codex [H,] scriptus est litteris quadratis, estque eorum omnium qui adhuc in Europa innotueruni et velastissimus et prcestantissimus, Insanus quidem fuerit, qui cum hoc aut Cod. V, comparare, aut cequiparare 'coluerit Codd. Alexandr, Clar. Germ. Bcern. Cant, qui sine ullo dubio pessirae ex scholiis et Versione Latina Vulgata interpo- lati sunt. Per totum hunc Codicem via; quinque errores offendi^ quos etiam suis locis sedulo notavi. Hunc et Codicem V in primis secutus sum." "8 Vid. supr p. 59.sqq. Conf.p, 90. sqq, *^^ Vid. supr. n. "^ ( 109 ) Independent of its internal consistency^ ^nd the his- torical grounds on which it is exclusively built^ its comprehensiveness may, I hope, entitle it to a pre- cedence: as it embraces the different systems to which it is opposed, and reconciles theix respective inconsistencies.. SECTION III^ Having distributed the Greek manuscripts into three Classes, the next object of inquiry is, to ascer- tain the particular class, in favour of which, the clearest and most conclusive evidence can be ad- duced, that it preserves the genuine text of Scrip- ture. The main difficulty in such an undertaking, is, I believe, overcome, in referring these texts to the different regions in which they were edited. As we acknowledge no authority, but the testimony and tradition of the Church, in determining the au- thenticity and purity of the Scripture Canon ^ ; that text must be entitled to the preference, which has been preserved in a region, where the tradition has continued unbroken, since the times of the evange- lical writers. It is this circumstance which adds so much weight to the testimony of the Latin Church, as it preserved its faith unimpaired % during the pe- * XXXIX Art. § vi. ** In the name of the Holy Scripture we do understand the Canonical Books of the Old and New Testament, of whose authority was never ani/ doiibt in the Church.''^ lb. Art. xx. *' Wherefore, although the Church be a xmtness and keeper of Holy Writy" Sfc. * Theod. Hist. Eccles. Lib. V. cap. vi. p. 200. 1. 15. 'Avtv rr,s voca roLiflms iXsv^iqac ^Ufxsiyc. KuvroitlTtoq fxiv ya^ o rut QatcrtMvi uK^cn^^ri on(pu?iOi^t. ttsv tvffs^t^**. ( in ) llod of forty years, when the Greek Church resigned itseif to the errours of Arius ^ In addition to tlie joint testimony of those Churches,, various direct and collateral lights arise on this subject, to determine our choice in the different classes, among which we are to make our election. Prom possessing a know- ledge of the different persons by whom these texts were revised, we derive considerable support in chusing a particular class, or in selecting a peculiar reading. A comparative view of the classes of the Greek, or even of the Latin translation, regarded either relatively or apart, will frequently enable us to determine, by the principles of just criticism^ the genuine Scripture text from the corrupted. On the most casual application of these principled to the different classes of text, they directly mark out the Byzantine edition, as that which is entitled to a preference over the Egyptian and Palestine. In the region occupied by that text, the apostolical writings were deposited ; and they were here com- bined in a code, by the immediate successours of the apostles. Here St. Paul, and his companion St. Luke, published the principal part of the Canon. rVom hence the great apostle addressed his Epistle to the Church at Rome'^ ; and hither he directed his Epistles to the Churches of Corinth, Galatia, Ephe-» 3 Vid. supr. p. 29. n. ^^ * Origen. Praef. in Epist. ad Rom. Tom. IV. p. 459. e^, Bened. — " Etiam illud baud absurde admonebimus, quod vide«» tur hanc Epistolam de Corintho scribere, et aliis quidem pluribus indiciis, evidentius tamen ex eo quod dicit : * Commendo autem vobis Phoeben sororem nostram ministram EcclesicPy quce est Cenchris* Cenchris enim dicitur locus Corintho vicinus ivio partus ij^sius Corinthi^*^ &c. ( 112 ) sus^ Phillppi, Colosse^ and Thessalonica^; which were situated in the Patriarchate of Constantinople. Hi- ther St. John returned from banishment : here he remained until the times of Trajan ^, exercising the functions of an Ordinary^; and here^ having* com- pleted the sacred Canon, by composing his Gospel and Apocalypse, he collected the writings of the other Evangelists, which he combined in a code, and sanctioned with the apostolical authority *. ^ This is evident from the superscriptions of the Epistles. Vid.infr. p. 115. n. *^ ^ Euseb. Hist, Eccl. Lib. III. cap. xxiii. p. 112. 1. 10. 0* hyoi'Trei 6 'li9:af>TVf3crj» of xara t^v 'Acrtav 'luixuvrt tu t5 Kyp3 |M.aSy;T« cry^.S£/Sx»jy.oTe?> «VM p(^§Dvwv." Conf. S. Iresn. adv. Haer. Lib. II. cap. xxii, p. 148. ed. Bened. ^ Clem. Alexandr, quisn. div. salv. poss. p. 112. 'E^rtioi yci^ l;> "E^acrov, w'Ttjei 7roc^atKU?,eiJLitoc x«* Itt* ra exxKna^acq a^uos-uvf oW ^e xA^pw baye Titcc x>,v)^u TT^oavaypa^evTcyv T^Twv £1? 9r«»T«? >?^>) xai els" a^rov ^ia5c5ojw,£'vci;v, aTroJe^acrS'at ( 113 ) And here every facility was afforded Linus, the first Bishop of Rome^ and Timothy, the first Bishop of Ephesus^^ from their connexion with St. Paul '°, St. Luke, and St. John '^ to form perfect copies of the New Testament Canon, which had been partly collected by the last surviving apostle. The peculiar text which exists in this region, is not merely supported by the consideration of the place in which it is found : it is also supported by the concurring testimony of the Eastern and West- ern Churches. It is that text which we adopted immediately from the Greeks, on forming our print- ed editions and vernacular versions And it is that which is exclusively used by the only learned branch of the Greek Church, which now exists ; and which is established in Russia. It is also the text which is supported by the concurring testimony of the old iiv)fuy[/,xroi i/wo rtf X^trS Trfw^ay/x/fwy otyiyriaiv. xat aA^jS^? yc » ^6yo(;» ^ Id. ib. cap. iv. p. 91. I. 15. Tj^o^eo? yt fx\» tJJ? Jv EipsVej y.xrcc Tiiv hvTe^oiv Trpo? Tif/.o^Bov ETrtroXyjy, -/rpuiro? [/.sTa, UBTpo* h^rT^urcci, Vid. infr. p. 115. n. '*. '" Gomp. 2 Tim. iii. 10, 11. iv. 11, 12. 21. The facts al- luded to in this passage are illustrated by the Evangelist St. Luke, in Acts xiii. 14, 50. xiv. 1, 2. xix. 22. On this subject we may particularly note the command given to Timothy oa the subject of the Scriptures, 2 Tim. iii. 14, 15, 16. iv. 9. 13. It was given by the Apostle shortly before his death, and with a perfect foresight of his approaching dissolution, 2 Tim. iv. 6, 7, 8. Act. XXV. 25. 38. ( 114 ) Italick vei*sion, contained in the Brescia manu- script'\* which is obviously free from the innova- tions of St. Eusebius of Verceli^ of St. Jerome, and Cassiodorus'*. Consequently, it is the only text of the three editions which challenges the general tes- timony of the Eastern Churchy and the unadulter- ated testimony of the Western, in favour of its integrity. The particular manner in which the Western Church delivers its testimony, in confirmation of that of the Greek Church, seems almost decisive in evincing the permanence and purity of the text of Byzantium. The Brescia manuscript^ which con- tains this testimony, possesses a text, which, as com- posed of the old Italick version, must be antedated to the year 393^ when the new version was made by St. Jerome '^ It thus constitutes a standing proof, that the Byzantine text, with which it agrees, has preserved its integrity for upwards of 1400 years ; during which period it was exposed to the greatest hazard of being corrupted. This proof, it may be presumed, affords no trifling earnest, that it has not been corrupted during the comparatively inconsiderable period of two hundred and ninety years, which intervene between this time and the publication of the inspired writings. For while 290 years bear no proportion to 1400, the chances of such a corruption must diminish in proportion as we ascend to the time of the apostles. The first »* Vid. supr. p. 62. sqq. '^ Vid. supr. p. 90. sqq. *^ Vid. supr. pp. 70, 71. ( 115 ) topyists must necessarily have observed a degree of carefulness in making their transcripts proportion- able to their reverence for the originals^ which they took as their models : from the autographs of the apostles^ or their immediate transcripts, there could be no inducement to depart, even in a letter. It is> however, not merely probable, that the originals were preserved for this inconsiderable period ; but that they were preserved with a degree of religious veneration '*. And if they were preserved in any ** Tertul. Praescr. adv. Haer. cap. xxxvi. p. ^IL " Age jam qui voles curiositatem melius exercere in negotio salutis tuae, percurre Ecclesias Apostolicas, apud quas ipsas adhuc cathedrae Apostolorum suis locis praesidentur ; apud quas ipscB autheniicc^ litter ce eorum recitantu?', sonantes vocem, et repraesentantes fa- ciem unius cujusque. Proxime est tibi Achaia, hades Corin- ihum. Si non longe es a Macedonia, habes Fhilippos, habes Thessalonidenses, Si potes in Asiam tendere habes Ephesum: si autem Italiae adjaces, habes Romam, unde nobis quoque auc* toritas praesto est. Statu foelix Ecclesia ! cui totam doctrinam Apostoli cum sanguine suo profuderunt; ubi Petrus passioni Dominicae adsequatur; ubi Paulus^ Joannis exitu, coronatur; ubi Apostolus JoanneSf posteaquam, in oleum igneum demersus, nihil passus est, in insulam relegatur ! Videamus quid dixerit> quid docuerit, quid cum Africanis Ecclesiis contesserarit.** The best commentary on the phrase, *' authenticae litterae/' Used by this arltient father, of whom St. Jerome speaks, Cat. Scrippt. Eccless* v. Luc. as being " near the Apostles* times,'* is contained in the following declarations of his disciple St. Cy- prian, who lived in the next succession after the Apostles ; S. Cypr. Presbb. et Diacc. Rom. Epist. ix. p. 19. ed Oxon. *' Legi etiam Literas in quibus nee qui scripserint, nee ad quos scriptum est significanter expressum est. Et quoniam me in iisdem literis, et scriptura et sensus et chartae ipsae quoque mo- Verunt, ne quid ex vero vel subtractum sit vel immutatum; ( 116 ) pkce^ it must have been in the region contlguoiu to Constantinople^ where they were originally de- isandeni ad vos epistolam authenticam remisi, ut recognoscatis an ipsa sit quam Clementio hypodiacono perferendam dedistis : perquam etenim grave est, si epistolae clericse Veritas mendacio 4liquo et fraude corrupta est. Hoc igitur ut scire possimus, et scriptura et subscriptio an vestra sit recognoscite ; et nobis quid sit in vero rescribite." Id. Presbb. et Diacc. Ep. xxxii. p. Q5, *< Quales literas ad Clerum Romae agentem fecerim, quidque illi mihi f escripserint, quid etiam Moyes et Maximus Presby- teri — sDque ad literas meas rescripserint, ut scire possetis exeiri' pla vobis legenda transmisi. Vos curate quantum potestis pro diligentia vestra, ut scripta nostra, et illorum resaipita fratribus nostris innotescant. Sed et si qui de peregrinis Episcopi Col- legse mei, vel Presbyteri, vel Diacones praesentes fuerint vel supervenerint, haec omnia de vobis audiant ; et si exempla epis- tolarum transcribere et ad suos perferre voluerint, facultatem transcription is accipiant. Quamvis et Saturo lectori, fratri nostro mandaverim, ut singulis desiderantibus describendi faciat potestatem, ut in Ecclesiarum statu quoquo modo interim com- ponendo servetur ab omnibus una et fida consensio." With a view to explain the terms authejiticce littera^, and exempla epis' iolarimiy as used in St. Cypriari'^s age^ I have transcribed these long passages : not so much in reply to the objections of Mr. Person's Letter to Adn. Travis, p. 276 ; as to illustrate the extraordinary care which was taken by the primitive Chris- tians to disperse and authenticate all documents which related to their Ecclesiastical Polity. If the early Church was thus careful in verifying and publishing the commonest documents ; with what care must she have proceeded when employed in transcribing and dispersing the sacred Scriptures ! Both ihe above-cited Epistles of St. Cyprian are upon the same subject ; and were occasioned by a communication from the Church of Rome, relative to the martyrdom of Fabianus, their Bishop, who perished in the Decian Persecution ; Conf. S. Cypr. Ep. ub. supr. Pears. Annall. Cypriann. § viii. p. 20. The informa- lity, of which St. Cyprian complains, in the R-oman Clergy,t X 117 ) posited. To this region, of course^ we must natu- rally look for the genuine text of Scripture. It is indeed true, that those Churches, which were the witnesses and keepers of Holy Writ, vary in their testimony; and that the Greek original, as well as the Latin translation, have undergone some alteration : as appears from the classes into which they are respectively divided. But, as they do not vary from each othe^ in above one essential point, but generally conspire in their testimony, the tran* slation following the varieties of the original ; as we can also follow up these varieties to their source, and can trace them to the alterations made by Hesy* chius and Eusebius in the Greek, and to the corre- spondent corrections made by St. Eusebius and St. Jerome in the Latin : the fidelity of the witnesses still remains unimpaired, and the unadulterated tes- timony of the Eastern and Western Churches still lies on the side of the text of Lucianus. These deductions will receive additional confir- mation, and every objection to which they are ex- posed will be easily solved, by investigating apart the respective testimony of the Eastern and West- ern Churches. In the course of this investiga- tion, it shall be my object to meet those objec- tions which may be urged against the Byzantine text from the character of Eusebius and Jerome, who have avowed a predilection for the Pales- tine. was occasioned by the disturbed state of the Church at that period. ( lis ) . I. The first argument which may be advanced iri favour of the uncori*upted testimony of the Eastern Church, is deducible from the extraordinary coin- cidence observed to exist betvs^een the manuscripts of the Byzantine edition. Though the copies of this edition, which constitutes the Greek Vulgate of the present age, and which seemingly constituted that of the age of St. Jerome, are considerably more numerous than those of the other editions *^ they possess the most extraordinary conformity, in their peculiar readings '^. Had they existed in a state of progressive deterioration, it is obvious, that at the end of seventeen centuries, they must have presented a very different appearance. The extra- ordinary uniformity which pervades the copies of this edition, involves much more than a presumptive proof, that they have retained their fidelity to the common source, from which they have unquestion- ably descended. But that this source must be remote, is a fact, which is equally deducible from the consideration of the number of the copies which we possess of the Byzantine edition. The text of this edition appa- rently possesses no intrinsick merit, that could en- '5 Griesb. Symbb. Critt. Tom. I. p. cxxil. *' Praecipuus vero recensionum in criseos sacra: exercitio usus hic est, ut earum auctoritate lectiones bonas, sed injpaucis liby-is superstites defen- damus adversus juniorum et Vulgarium Codicum innumerabilem 'pa^ne turbam,** '^ MatthEpi Praef. in Nov. Test. Tom. I. p. xxvi. " Plerum- que enim meiioris notae Codices omnes inter se consentiunt. Qui vero notabiliter corrupti sunt, unde corrupt! sunt, multis in locis facile intelligitur," &c. Vid. supr. p. 107. n. '". ( 119 ) title it to supersede the Palestine text, which wa» recommended by the united authority of Eusebius and the Emperour Constantine. And yet it ha* undoubtedly superseded the latter at Constantino- ple, where the Palestine text was first published under every advantage, arising from the authority of the persons by whom it was edited. Nay, it has superseded it so effectually, that scarcely a copy of Eusebius's text is to be found in this region'': where Eusebius's edition was originally published. Nor is this all, but the Byzantine text must have thus superseded the Palestine text, within a short space of the death of Eusebius. This is apparent not only from the existence of the former text in the Alex- andrine manuscript, which was written within at least forty years of that period ; but from the coin- cidence of this text with the Brescia manuscript, which contains the old Italick translation, which pre- vailed until the age of St. Jerome. Now, when we consider the invincible pertinacity with which the churches persevered in adhering to the common or vulgar text '^; it seems impossible to account for so " The application made for manuscripts at Jerusalem, in order to furnish the Emperour, John II. with copies of a parti- cular description, will sufficiently evince how rare the Pales- tine text was at Constantinople. Vid. supr. p. 35. n. ^\ conf. p. 81. n. '°. '^ Notwithstanding the extreme caution, which St. Jerome evinced in revising the antient Vulgate ; having left the old readings uncorrected, and merely marked the superfluous words with an obelus, and the inserted terms with an asterism ; his revisal was received with great jealousy, and gave considerable offence. Vid, supr. p. 101. ji. »*5, conf. infr. p. 137. n. '\ Tha ( 120 ) great and so sudden a revolution as thus occurred at Constantinople, otherwise than by supposing, that the attachment to tradition prevailed over the influ- ence of authority ; and that the edition of Eusebius thus gave place to the text of Lucianus, having su- perseded it, but for that limited period in which it was sustained by the royal authority. This assump- tion, which is confirmed in an extraordinary manner by the demand made by the Emperour Constans to St. Athanasius, to furnish a new edition on the death of Eusebius ^^, is finally proved by the immense number of manuscripts possessing the Byzantine text;, which have been brought from Constantinople. Had not that change taken place, which it would be my object to evince, and at a period thus early, it is im- possible to conceive, how it could have taken place so effectually as to extinguish the edition of Euse- bius where it was originally publisaed ; or, so pecu- liarly, as to reinstate the text of Lucianus. Whatever force be allowed to these conclusions^ following anecdote is vouched, on the authority of St. Augus- tine, of an African Bishop, who had endeavoured to introduce into his Church the New Version made by St. Jerome from the Hebrew; S. Aug. Hieron. Epist. lxxi. Tom. II. c. 161. c. Quidam frater noster episcopus, cum Jectitari institiiisset in eccle- sia cui praeest, interpret atio?2 em tiiam, movit quiddam longe aliter a te positum, apud Jonam prophetam, quam erat omnium sensibus memoriceque. inveteratum et tot cetatum successionibus decantatum : factusqiie est tantus tumultiis in plebe, maxinie Graecis arguentibus, et inclamantibus calumniam falsitatis, ut cogeretur episcopus, (ea quippe civitas erat) JudcEorum testi' moniiim Jlagitare." ~ y Vid. infr. p. 131. sqq. ( 121 ) it must be at least admitted, that, as the testimony of the Brescia manuscript enables us to trace the tradi- tion of the Byzantine text to a period as remote as the year 393 ^° ; that of the Alexandrine manuscript enables us to trace it to a period not less remote than the year 367. The pedigree of this extraordinary manuscript, which is referred to the latter period, has been traced with a degree of accuracy which is unparalleled in the history of manuscripts. An im- memorial tradition prevailed in the church from whence it was brought, that it was written not long subsequently to the Council of Nice, by a religious woman named Thecla**. A religious person of this name certainly existed at this period ^^ to whom some of the Epistles of Gregory Nazianzen^^ are addressed; and the characters of the manuscript are of that delicate form, which evinces, that it was written by the hand of a female. Nay, more than this, the tradition of the church respecting this ma- nuscript,, which there is no just ground for impeach- ing, is confirmed in an extraordinary manner by the internal evidence of the text, as it possesses every characteristick mark which might be expected to exist in a manuscript written at that early period. I shall merely specify a few of the internal marks from which the learned editour concludes, that it was written between the middle and close of the ** Vid. supr. p. 70. n. '^ ^' Vid. Negot. of Sir Tho. Roe, p. 618. 41.4. 460. *^ Vid. Usser. Antiqq. Britt. Eccless. p. 110. ^^ Vid. Roe, ub. supr. p. 618. Woid, Praef. in Cod, Alex. p. ix. § 44, 45, ( 122 ) fourth century. It possesses the Gospels divided^ by the sections of Eusebius^ which were introduced in the former period ^^^j* it retains the Pauline Epis- tles^ without those divisions^ which were invented in the latter period ^^ : and it contains, as a part of the authorized text^^ the Epistles of St. Clement, which^ about the same period, were prohibited from being- read in the Church, by the Council of Laodicea*"^. For plenary information on this subject, the reader must apply to the admirable Preface of the learned Dr. Woide, by whom it was published. From such internal evidence, joined with the external testi- mony of the Church, has the age of this celebrated manuscript been determined "^^i and as it contains ** Woid. ibid. p. vii. § 36. " Indicem Periocharum seu Capitulorum antiqiiorum ante initium Evcmgeliorum ponit, quod et alii Codices MSSti et Milii editio recte imitati sunt. Pra* terea etiam numerum et tituUim Periockarum in summa pagina adscripsit.— — Etiam ad sinistrum marginem notantiir hccc Ca- pihda quae ?vlillius quoque notare non neglexit. — Praeterea etiam numerus Cajpitulorum Utera alijhabeti minio appin- gitiir," ^' Id. ibid. ** In Actis Ajpostolicis et Epistolis Generalibus et Paidinis nulla Capitida apparent, in quae Euthalius diviserat hos libros, licet paragraphos seu periodos a nova linea et ma- jori litera exordiri videas frequentissime. In Actis Apostolorum tantummodo in locis sequentibus notulam crucis observavi (quae in Evangeliis initium sectioniim Eusebianorum et Capitidorum designate, scilicet cap. iii. 1. iv. ad fin. vers. 3. viii. 26. x. 1.'* &c. ^ Vid. Bevereg. Cod. Cann. Eccles. Prim. Illustr. P. II. cap. ix. p. 116. ^^ Woid. ub. supr. § 53, "^ Id. ib. § 80. " Si itaque lectores et formas literarum Co- dicis nostri, Clementis llomani Epistolas, et Psalmos Salomoni§j ( 123 ) the Byzantine text, in the Gospels *^, it necessarily proves the antiquity of that text to be as remote as the year three hundred and sixty-seven, when the Epistles of St. Clement were formally separated from the Canonical Scripture '°. The space of time which intervenes between this ancient period, and that in which the sacred writings were published, is not so immeasurable as to pre- clude the possibility of proving^ that the tradition, which supports the Byzantine text, thotigh suspend- ed for a short period, was preserved uncorrupted. In the entire course of this period,- there was but one interval in which it could be interrupted ; dur- ing the forty years in which the Church was under the dominion of the Arians''. But over this period, the testimony of St. Jerome, Who lived at the time, directly carries us; as he declares that the text which prevailed at Byzantium, was that which had been revised by Lucianus'*, who perished in the persecution of Dioclesian and Maximian '^ The traditionary chain is thus easily connected. We Euthalii sectiones et r^is-xyiov, quae desunt, si caetera argumenta summam ejus antiquitatem confii*mantfa, consideratissime per- penderint, omnia conspirare videbunt, ut Codicem Alexandrinnm intra medium etjinem seculi quarti scriptum esse ipsis persuadeant. *' Griesb. Symbb. Critt. Tom. I. p. ix. n. *. Hinc accidit ut Codex Alexandrinus non in omnibus libris, eandem textus recen- sionem sequeretur. In Evangeliis exhibet recensionem Constant tinopolitanam sive Asiaticara,'* &c. 3^* Vid. supr. nn. *' et "-^ ^* Vid. supr. p. 29. n. *^ ^* Vid. supr. p. 72. n. ". conf. p. 100. n. '^* 3' Vid. infr. n. ?». conf. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Lib. Vjll. cap, xiii. p. 393. 1* 32. ( 1^^ ) know that in Constan tine's a^, Eusebius's text was published at Constantinople '* ; we know that Lnci- anus's Septuagint differed from it, and that in St. Jerome's age it prevailed in the same region ^^ There is consequently no alternative, but to admit, that the tradition which was interrupted in the former period, was renewed in the latter. Now as the Scripture Canon was not published until the beginning of the second century ^^ and as Lucianus most probably completed his revisal be- fore the year 284, wlien the Dioclesian aera com- menced, the Byzantine text, if it has undergone any alteration, must have been corrupted in the course of this period. It will be readily granted, for reasons already specified, that this alteration could not have taken place in the earlier part of this term '^. The last possibility which the question ad- mits, consequently is, that it was corrupted in the latter part of it, when the text was revised by the hand of Lucianus. But against this possibility, we have the strongest security in the character of that learned and pious martyr. To his skill in revising the sacred text, the most honourable testimony is borne, by the most unimpeachable witnesses ; Eusebius and Jerome. 3+ Vid. Euseb. Vit. Const. Lib. IV. capp. xxxvi, xxxviL p. 64-6. sqq. 35 Vid. supr. p.*72. n. '\ 3^ S. Iren. adv. Haer. Lib. V. cap. xxx. p. 330. OjJJe ya^ v^l 9roXK» Xgovy icjfoi^ii £r] a7ro/ca^t;^|/^s3 > a^^a ^^e^ht lir* rr,q r}fjt,ire^ci<; yivsaiq, 'TT^OS ru TfiT^Si «^f AOjjX67Eav5 »flX^^* ^^^^' ^M^X. p. 112. no. ^ et 7. " Vid. supr. p. 115. ( 125 ) These best judges of antiquity have expressed them- selves on this subject in terms of the most unqua- lified approbation ^^. One slight^ yet important cir- cumstance, which the latter critick has left on re- cord, clearly evinces the scrupulous fidelity with which Lucianus discharged this sacred trust. The text which he published was that of the vulgar Greek, or common edition ^^; which loudly pro- claims, that his intention was to preserve the in- spired text in the state in which he found it ; though, in pursuing this course, he acted in direct opposition to the authority of Origen, who set him a different example. Let us now take this circum- stance into account, together with the critical repu- tation of Lucianus : let us consider, that the place and period in which he made his revisal, was the region where the inspired writings were deposited, and within a short distance of the period when they were published: let us then revert to the possibiU- ties which have been already calculated, that the immediate transcripts of the writings of the Apostles 3« Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Lib. IX. cap. vi. p. 444. 1. 22. AtfJtiai'oij Ti «v'>5^ Ta ttocvicx. cc^iToq^ 0icf t£ eyy.pccTTi^ X^ ToTs UgoTi' viXTCi^uv EKTuy^afE, irxfutr^a/v Ts tTTi T» apvovTo? T'/iv VTrep 'h<; Tr^oh-o-ro ^i^x(7y.a7^ix<; oi'7ro>.oyiXV, ^ejj.an'Kficj Trapad'&Ssi? KrUiVTai. S. Hier. Catal. Scripp. Eccll. in Lucian. Tom. I. p. 128, *' Lucianus ^ir disertissimus, Antiochense Ecclesiae presbyter, tantum ifi Scripturarum studio lahoravity ut usque nunc ({Wdd&^mexemplaria Scripturarum Luciatiea nuncupentur. — Passus est Nicoroediae ob confessionem Christi sub persecutione Maximini"— 39 Vid. supr. p. 72. n. ". ( 126 ) and Evangelists could have been corrupted in little more than one hundred years^ while the Byzantine text has confessedly retained its integrity for full eleven hundred^''. We may thence form a just estimate of the conclusiveness of that evidence which still exists in attestation of the purity of the text of Lucianus. In fine, a very short process enables us to prove, that the tradition which supports the authority of this text, has continued unbroken since the age of the apostles. The coincidence of the Vulgar Greek of our present editions with the old Italick transla- tion, enables us to carry up the tradition to the times of St. Jerome ''^*. The testimony of this learned fa- ther enables us to extend the proof beyond this period, to the times of Lucianus, in whose age the Byzantine text equally constituted the Vul- gate or common edition '•^*. And the character of Lucianus, and the course which he pursued in re- vising the sacred text, connects this proof with the '^^ Thus long has the Byzantine text existed, even by the confession of M. Griesbach, whose object required that it should be brought as low as possible. Griesb. Hist. Text, Epp. Paull- sect. i. § 11. Mirum — nemini videbitur qui secum reputaverit sexto aid septimo seculo extitisse jam illam recensionem quce in codicibus plerisqice habetur, et a textu vulgari typis excuse parum differt ; inde vero a seculo octavo vix novani rece?isionem idlam jprocuratam fuisse, nee variantium lectionum numerum insigniter auctum esse, si sphalmata demas a librariis dormitan-* tibus aduiissa, et glossas nonnullas e margine in textum temere translatas." *' Vid.supr. pp. 70,71. ♦* Vid. supr. p, 72, n. 'K ( 127 ) times of the inspired writers *% who could alone im- press that authority upon one text, which, by bring- ing it into general use, rendered it, from the primi- tive ages down to the present day, the xo*j.>j U^Un, or Greek Vulgate. The mode of proof which thus establishes the authority of the Byzantine text, is not more deci- sive, from being positively than exclusively true. When applied to the Egyptian and Palestine texts, it is so far from establishing an immemorial uninter- rupted tradition in their favour, that it completely limits their pretensions to a definite period. The manuscripts containing both these texts are comparatively few, having been generally super-, seded by the Byzantine edition ^+. We scarcely possess a second copy of the Egyptian text; and should almost doubt its existence, if it were not at- tested by St. Jerome, and if his testimony were not confirmed by the coincidence of the Sahidick ver- sion with the Latin translation of St. Eusebius, and by the agreement of both with the Cambridge ma- nuscript, and the manuscripts collated by Thomas Heraclensis^^ The manuscripts containing the Pa- « Via. STipr. p. 125. n. 'K ^* Vid. supr. p. 118. n. '\ p. 126. n. 4^. ♦5 Vid. supr. pp. 73—78. In addition to what has been ob- served on the MSS. collated by Thomas Heraclensis, supr. p. 78. n. '5; it remains to be observed, that the Verceli, Verona MSS. and the Latin, nay, the Greek of the Cambridge MS. >vhich respectively possess the text of Hesychius, have been copied from different exemplars. The Verce'i MS. possesses the following passage, which is not found in the other three ; Mat. iii. 15. " Et cum baptizaretur lumen ingens circumfulsi; ( 128 ) lestlne text are more numerous ; but, according to the confession of M. Griesbach, they bear no pro- portion to those of the Byzantine edition ^^, And they fall infinitely short of the number which might be expected to exist, when we consider the favour- able circumstances under which the Palestine text was edited by Eusebius, and republished, with manifest improvements, by Euthalius, at Alexandria. There is thus no presumption in favour of their anti- quity, arising- from the number or general dispersion of the copies. The place from whence these manuscripts are derived^ detracts not a httle from their authority. de aqua, ita ut timerent qui adrenerunt." This passage was however found in the exemplar from which the Cambridge Greek was copied ; for the preceding verse is drawn out in such a manner, that single words occupy the place of lines, in order to fill up the space made by the removal of this passage, and to accommodate the Greek to the Latin: vid. Cod. Cant. fol. 10. ed. Kippl. As the Latin of this MS. is not so circumstanced, it was, of course, taken from a different copy from that which produced the Greek. The Verona MS.f on the other hand, possesses the following passage, which is not found in the Ver- celi MS. Matt. xxiv. 31. " Cum cceperint autem haec fieri respicite et levate capita vestra, quoniam adpropriat redemptio vestra." This passage however occurs in the Cambridge Greek, ib. ^p;\^o^£vwv ^\ riiruv y'ivtj^oci uvoL^'^i-^art ytu) iiroc^ocrt tuq Ki'potT^a.q vy.ujv SioTi lyyl^ii r) uToxirpuxriq i^^av' and in the Cam- bridge Latin ib. " Incipientibus autem his fieri," &c. But the Cambridge MS. differs from the Verona, and agrees with the Verceli MS. in transposing Mat. v. 4, 5. These remarks will, I trust, sufficiently prove, that an entire Class of MSS. possessing the Egyptian text, once existed. ^^ Vid, supr. p. 118. n. '\ p. 126. n. *°. ( 129 ) They are ascribed by M. Griesbach to tlie Alexan- drine region ; and there is little reason to question his authority on this subject. Here the Egyptian text was published by Hesychius, and hence brought into the west by St. Eusebius, of Verceli^^ ; and here the Palestine text was republished by Euthalius, who corrected his edition by Eusebius's copies, which were preserved at Csesarea'^^ Now, taking the question on these grounds, there is httle room for a competition between the Byzantine and Palestine editions. The country in which the one arose w^as that in which the apostolical originals were depo- sited ; that in which the other was transplanted, was the soil in which the Arian heresy first arose and principally flourished "^^ When we take this cir- cumstance into account, together with the peculiar opinions of Eusebius, by whom the Palestine text was revised and published, who lies under a suspi- cion of being tainted with Arianism ^°, it seems to leave very little authority to a text which is particu- *' Vid. supr. p. 105. n. ^^\ *8 Vid. supr. p. 105. ru '^\ *^ Euseb. Vit. Constant. Lib. II. cap. Ixi. p, 566, 1. 2. xaTEiS' uq uTFo |Octxp« o-w»v$?fo? {xsyx wvp t^B^O'Sro' axpeiq fAv ucrrrep rriv avixTraauv "AlyvTrroii re jc Aj/SiJtjv, rriv r sTriasivoc (Bnt^&i^a.' Ti'dri Si x^ tdq Mifru<; imveixiro iTTotp^ioci; re x^ -jrohsic' uq' » fjuQvovq 9)9 vhri% KUTarifji.vo^e\icc» Conf. Socrat. Hist. Eccl. Lib. I. cap. vi, p. 10. 1. 7—11. Lib. IL cap. xxviii. p. 120. 1. 40. Lib. IV. cap, vii. p. 268. 1. 27. Theodorit. Hist. Eccl. Lib. V. cap. vii. p. 200. 1. 25—40. 5° Vid^supr. p.39. nn.^8et7°. ( 130 ) larly calculated to support the peculiar errours of Arius 5'. But tlie authority of these texts is not merely weakened by this circumstance ; that the tradition- ary evidence which may be urged in their favour is broken by the distance of Egypt and Palestine from Byzantium^ where the originals of the inspired writers were deposited^ and by the positive extinc- tion of both texts in the region where they were pub- lished. When we carry up our inquiries higher we find unquestionable evidence of two breaches in the chain of tradition ; either of which would destroy the credit of the text which hung on it for support. In the first place^ the edition of Hesychius was positively superseded in Egypt by that of Eutha- lius 5*. And of the extensive influence of the edition of the latter^ we have a standing evidence, in the prevalence of the Euthalian ^ections^ which very generally exist in the Greek manuscripts ^^ In 5* Vid. supr. p. 28. n. '^'. ^* This point is clearly conceded by M. Griesbach, in pro- nouncing the Palestine text the Alexandrine; vid. supr. p. 86» nn. 8° et s^ 55 Zaccagn. Collect. Monn. Vet. Eccles. Praef. p. Jxviii. § ir* ** At vero Eiithalii divisiones perpetuo in usu ajmd Grcecos fa^ isse, ii probe norunt, qui veteres Bibliorum Codices perlus- trarunt, in quihisfere omnibus habentur Capitula ah Euthalio excogitata. Vidit cnim multos Novi Testamenti scriptos Codi- ces Robertus Stephanas-— viderunt et alios Cedices viri doctis- simi, qui de Biblicis rebus tractarunt ; sed hos o??mes una eodemqiw 7nodo, in Evangeliorura quidem textu juxta Alexandri- num Cyrilli Lucaris Codicem, in reliquis vero ejusdem libris,. Apocal ypsi exgepta, juxta Eathalium nostrum divisos fuisse U~ ( 131 ) fact, so little calculated was the Egyptian text to retain its gTOund against the powerful influence of the Palestine, under the double publication of En- sebius and Euthalius, that the former was soon ex- tinguished by the latter, in the region which may be termed its native soil. And so effectual has been its extirpation, that unless a few manuscripts had been imported into the West, we should retain no memorials of this text, but those which remain in the translations made in the Thebais, previously to the publication of Euthalius's edition ^^. Very dif- ferent was the fate of the Byzantine text. Though it gave place to the Palestine text, in the times of Constantine ; the testimony of St. Jerome puts it out of dispute, that it must have been reinstated in a short period ^^ after the death of the elder Euse- bius. In the next place, the traditionary evidence in favour of the Palestine text is broken by the inter- vention of an edition prepared by St. Athanasius, under the auspices of the Emperour Constans ^^. It quet. Vidi et ego flitrimos Novi Testamenti scriptos Codices, (Juorum nonnulli eximia sunt vetustate venerandi, eisdem Alex- andrini exemplaris, et Euthalii nosiri Capitidis insignitos, So- him in Othobonianse Bibliothecae veteri Codice, liis Uteris et his numeris signato R. ii. vii. Apostolorum Acta in rapitula li. divisa reperi, et in Aldi Manutii, Pauli Filii, Aldi nepotis Co- dice, qui nunc ejusdemmunere inter Vaticanos 633'^-^ numera- tiir, alius a mdgatis titulorum ordo hahetitrJ" ** Vid. supr. pp. 54, 55 et nn. in locc. ^5 St. Jerome wrote previously to the year 393. vid. supr. p. 70. n. 3^ and Eusebius died in the year 340. vid. infr. n. ^^ '^ S. Athan. Apol. ad Constant. § 4. Tom. I. p. 297. ed. Be- lied. IL^iy^'zun) UtcI TKq A7\ = ^XV^fiiai;^ VK £»<• rl r^^J^T^t^'^V Tt £i^£?.(p3 ( 132 ) is a remarkable fact^ that the application for this edition was made in the very year of the death of Eusebius ^^ ; who paid the debt of nature about the same time as the younger Constantine 5^ An ap- plication of this kind, made at this remarkable pe- riod, if it does not convey some tacit censure ag*ainst the text of Eusebius, clearly implies that some dif- ference existed between his edition and the revisal of St. Athanasius. This supposition is not a little confirmed, by the known enmity which subsisted between Eusebius and St. Athanasius ^^ ; and by the peculiar opinions of the Emperour, which xX7jcr»a T« x-ar' l^iocwov ©Tapa^SjiAai'Oj, rara yap /aovou /iz-oi (p^ovnri uhx^u era ^y. tyfot^ocy ^ (ji^ovov OTS o» TTifi "Evas^iov sy^aij/av uvru kcct IjaS, y,a,\ ix.va.yy.riV iO-X°* ^'^' ^* ^' XE^'.siJiTavTos ocvTif (jLOi xctTaaxevccaaiy rocvra. Z30ir,(jcx.s aTrheiXac. " The Benedictine fathers fix the time when S. Athanasius revised the Scriptures to the year 340 : Vit. S. Athan. p. xxxiii. j 4. and the time when Constantine died to the same year, ibid. § 4. 58 Vid. Socrat. Hist. Eccles. Lib. II. capp. iii. iv. pp. 82, 83. 5' S. Epiphan. Haer. Lxviii. p. 723. c. 'ExsAsvo-i ^l [6 Kwvra*- Tr>io?] avyxforvi^^yca "Evvo^ov xccrcc rh on/'m'/iv l» Tvfui tjj •nroAw* IxiXzvaz oe ^ixa^eiv 'ETaeptov t^j- JLocioxpslocSy y^ a,X>.aiiyuv, 2y KuBl^ri 'tYsrej^ts, xa] 'Ahcx,vcc(7iOS d^coOi ^v, Tsctpa GH Xfiveixif rU htyy.oi ru 7oiavTot. ; Tavroc, uKtsaxf '£yo"£j3io$, ot'lptlxi uiv lU a,yo!,voi>ilr,£«» 'sxfoi ^jt>i«{ ra toiavra, okv\i>\iyf\s^ ocfx »v aX7}9"Ejy^(Ttv ol xarioyopoi j^ptav, i» y«p w^f Tvpaj-jrerrE, woXX^ ( 133 ) leaned in a contrary direction to those of the Bishop t)f Cagsarea ^°, whose principles were unquestion- ably warped towards Arianism ^^ But one consi- deration seems to put the matter out of dispute : had not Eusebius's edition laboured under some impu- tation '^ the demand of the Emperour might have been supplied, and that edition, which had been published but a few years before, might have been multiplied to any given extent, by transcribing one of Eusebius's copies. Now it is important to observe, that while the undertaking of St. Athanasius makes this breach in the tradition of the Palestine edition : it serves to fill up the only breach which exists in that of the text of Byzantium : as his revisal sw^- ceeded the Palestine text, and partially restored the text of Byzantium ^^ It has been already ob- served respecting the celebrated Alexandrine manu- script, that it was written in Egypt previously to «« Vid. supr. p. 110. n.^ *' Vid. Epiphan. ibid. p. 723. c. conf. supr. p. 39. n. '°. ** It is particularly deserving of remark, that a principal charge urged against St. Athanasius and his clergj, in the Council of Tyre, summoned under Eusebius, was that of having burned the Bible, in the church of Ischyras, who was of thlf Arianjiiction ; Socrat. Hist. Eccl. Lib. I. cap. xxvii. p. 64. I. 10. 0» ^e [-sTEpt 'Ey(7£/3iov] pt/fffi Tw Z5pos *A3"ava^ufA^xvotlti oW 0 'iff^^^oiq \'jr\a.T\i\o* i(p^[ji,it,e yoi^ uf iVrj rec ^uv^Hvec i| l(p6^8 TffevovBut;' v.a,) o Ma>i«§»o; ilair'n^ria-at; ilq to ^vaiaa- r» Upac ^i^Xloc xocli}<.a.vas. ^^ Vid. supr. p. 123. n. *^ conf. p. 131. n. '*. ( 134 ) the year 567 *^. It remains to be observed, that as St. Athanasius returned to Alexandria from banish- ment in the year 338 ^^ on the death of the elder Constantine ; and had revised the text of Scripture, in the year 340, under the Emperour Constans, and his brother the younger Constantine ; he con- tinued, w^ith the intermission of a few months, to govern the Alexandrine church, from the year 367 to the year 373, under the Emperour Valens ^^. It is of small importance to my present object, to cal- culate the chances, whether this celebrated manu- script contains St Athanasius's revisal of the sacred text ; of which it must be however remembered, that it was written, not merely in the last-mentioned period, but in the Patriarchate of Alexandria. But as it cannot be reasonablv denied that his revisal was within the reach of the copyist, who has exe- cuted the task of transcription in a manner which is expensive and accurate ; it must be observed, that Thecla has left unquestionable evidence in the manuscript itself of having been biassed by the in- fluence of the Patriarch ; as she has inserted, in the book of Psalms, the epistle of St. Athanasius, addressed to Marcellinus ^^ I profess myself at a ** Vid. supr. p. nn. =^7. et ^\ ^^ Patr. Benedd. Vit. S. A than. p. xxx § 1. " lid. ib. p. Ixxxv. § 2, 3. *7 Vid. Woid. Praef. in Cod. Alex. Sect. IV. § 47. p. x. The learned editour adds the following apology, for this circum- stance ; ibid. " Qui itaque his honoribus Athanasium afficie- bant; cur uon etmm Psalmis Prologum ejus, omnium ccstima- tione di^nissimum adderenl ? Si quis orationem Gregorii Nazian- zeni in laudem Athanasii legent, is hoc factum fuisse non con- ( 135 ) loss to divine by what means the inference which follows from those facts can be evaded ; or how the conclusion is to be disproved, that this manuscript approximates to the revisal of St. Athanasius. As- suming* this point as manifest^ it directly throws the testimony of the Patriarch on the side of the By- zantine text; as this text is adopted in the Gospels of the Alexandrine manuscript, which clearly con- stitute the principal part of the better half of the Canonical Scriptures. Much might be advanced in favour of this hypothesis, from the history of St. Athanasius; who, if he possessed no suspicion of foul play, felt no motives of personal dislike in re- jecting the text of Eusebius, might have been in- fluenced in choosing that of Lucianus for the basis of his text, as his edition was to be published at Constantinople. For thus, as two editions had been published in that region, he furnished the different parties which divided the Byzantine church, with ait edition suited to their respective partialities. Much might be advanced to support it, from the known prudence and moderation of that great man, who ever followed conciliatory measures^ and who must cesserit tantum verum etiam contenderit,^* In fact when we connect all the circumstances together relative to this matter — that Arianism was at tlii.s period prevalent at Alexandria; that ^t. Athanasius was accused of favouring the destruction of the Arian Bibles ; that he revised the sacred text immediately af- ter the death of Eusebius ; that his prologue, as explanatory of Ps. ii. is directed against the errours of Arius : nothing can be more probable than that Thecla inserted it in her copy, either with her own hand, or by the hand of a transcriber ; ^'she em- ployed one. ( 136 ) have seen the inexpediency and danger of ventur- ing, in the infected state of the Eastern Churchy to undertake at once the total suppression of Euse- bius's edition. While this account affords a con- sistent and probable solution of the only difficulty which embarrasses the history of a manuscript, which varies from all that are known, in having a different text in the Gospels and the Acts and Epis- tles: the manuscript itself contains an irrefragable proof, that within that short period of the death of Eusebius in which it was written, the Palestine text had begun to be again replaced by the Byzan- tine. When we advance a step higher in scrutinizing the traditionary evidence which supports the au- thority of the Egyptian and Palestine texts, the apparent force which it appears to possess directly yields when it is submitted to the touch. In esta- blishing the claims of these texts to an immemorial tradition, it is rather fatal to their pretensions that we should happen to know the time of their origin. The period in which the Egyptian text was pub- lished cannot be antedated to the age of Hesy- chius ; as that in which the Palestine was published cannot be antedated to the age of Eusebius ^^. That both these editours made some innovations, in their respective texts, can scarcely admit of a doubt. This is an inference which necessarily fol- lows from the consideration of their having pub- lished a text, which differed from the vulgar Greek, •* Vid. supr. p. 72. n. J7. ( 13T ) or common edition ^^ . It is in fact expressly re- corded, that Eusebius published that text of the Old Testament, which had been corrected by Ori- gen "'' ; and that Hesychius admitted into his text of the New Testament ntimerous interpolations'^'. Prom such an imputation the text of Lucianus is ob- viously free, as he merely repubhsiied the vulgar edition '\ The antiquity of his text consequently loses itself in immemorial tradition; while that of his rivals is bounded by the age of their respective revisals. And this assertion^ as I shall soon take occasion to prove, is equally applicable to the Ita- lick version, which corresponds with the Byzantine Greek : and is contained in the Brescia manuscript. It must be obvious, of course, that the former cir- cumstance as fully confirms the claims of Lucia- nus's text to an origin ascending to the apostolical age ; as it detracts from the pretensions of Hesy* chius and Eusebius's texts to an immemorial tradi- tion. True it is that St. Jerome seems to pass an indiscriminate censure on the editions of Hesy chius and Lucianus 7^ But, granting him to have pos- sessed that impartial judgment on this subject"^, ^^ Ibidem. '° Ibidem. '^ Vid. supr. p. 100. n. '*^ 7^ Vid. supr. p. 88. n. ^^ 7^ Vid. supr. p. 100. n.*^°. 7* St. Jerome not only innovated in revising the Septuagint^ but ejcpressly followed the steps of Origen and Eusebius, who were the rivals of Lucianus ; Vid. supr. p. S^. n. ''^. S. Hier. ProcEm. Dan. Tom. IV. p. 495. " Sed et Origenes de Theodo- tioiiis opere in Editione Vidgata asteriscos posuit; docens de- { 13S ) which is necessary to give weight to his sentence ; yet when we come to compare St. Jerome with him- self; when we come to estimate^, how much of his censure is directed against the vulgar edition of the Old Testament, which Lucianus republished ; and when we ascertain the standard by which he judged of the imaginary corruptions of the New Testa- ment, which the same learned person revised ; we shall directly discern, that his opinion does not in the least aftect the question under discussion ^^ From a view of this subject, as well from the positive testimony which supports the Greek Vul- gate, as that whicli invalidates the pretensions of the Egyptian and Palestine editions, we may sum- marily conclude, tliat, the genuine text of the New Testament, if it is at all preserved in the three edi- tions which have descended to our times, can be only conceived to exist in that of Byzantium. 11. On reviewing the testimony which the Wes- tern Church, when examined apart, bears to the integrity of the text of Scripture, it affords the fullest confirmation to that borne by the separate testimony of the Eastern. On the weight and im- portance of the latter of these witnesses, I have al- faisse qucp addlta sunt, et rursus quosdam versus obells pracno- tavit, swperjlua quceqiie designans. Cumqiie omnes Christi ec- clesise, tarn Graecorum quam Latinorum, S)^rorumque et ^gyptiorum, banc sub asteriscis et obells Editionem legant ; igrioscaiit invidt labori men qui volui habere nostros quod Graeci in Aquilcfi et Theodotionis ac Synimachi editione lectitant/' Conf; Tonn III. Ep. crv. p. S10. ii pn this subject I shall have an opportuiiity of sneaking at large Lercafter. ( 139 ) ready offered a remark, deduced from the circum- stance of the Western Church having" retained the faith uncorrupted, while the Oriental Church wiis infected with the Arian opinions "*. A minute ex- amination of this evidence, wUi very clearly evinc e that it rests on the side of the Byzantine text, in- stead of the Egyptian or Palestine. The first argument, which may be urged ftom hence, in support of the integrity of the Greek \ ul- gate, is deducible from the text of the Brescia ma- nuscript. Of the author of this version we know nothing" ; though it is remarkable for its extraordi- nary fidelity to the orig-inai Greek. We are, on the other hand, perfectly acquainted with the framers of the text of the Vulgate and Verccli ma- nuscript^"^, which correspond v/ith the Palestine and Egyptian editions. Now, such is the result, wiiich would precisely take place, had the fore-cited text derived its authority from the silent admission of the church, deduced from the primitive ages ; while the latter were expressly acknowledged as recent translations, from the time of their first pub- lication. It is obvious, of course, that if the testi- mony of the Latin church, derived from immemo- rial tradition, be preserved in any of those versions, it must exclusively exist in the Brescia manuscript. And as this manuscript accords with the Vulgar Greek, it clearly proves, that the immemorial testimony of the Western Ciiurch is on tlie side ef this text. '^ Vid. supr. p. 110. u. \ 77 Vid. supr. p. 15. n. ^''. p. 59. n. ( 140 ) '^-hich tve have already seen is similarly siipp(!wrted by the testimony of the Eastern. Nay, more than this, it may be shewn, that the bare undertaking- of St. Eusebius Vercellensis to revise the Old Italick version not only subverts the authority of his own text, but that of Hesychius and Eusebius's edition : and, of consequence, ne- gatively supports the authority of the text of Lu- cianus. That the original version of the Latin Church had retained its integrity uncorrupted, until the times of Pope Julius and St. Eusebius of Ver- celi, is evident : from the external testimony of Hi- lary ; from the circumstances in which the Wes- tern Church was placed ; and from the inter- nal evidence of tiie version in question. It is Hi- lary's express declaration that many of the copies of this version retained their purity untainted^ even to his own times ; having been preserved not merely by the integrity of the earliest ages, but by their very inability to pervert or correct the primitive translation '^^. And this declaration is completely confirmed by the history of the Eastern and West- ern Churches, neither of which were sufficiently instructed in the languages spoken by both to un- dertake a revisal ^9. But what renders this fact of importance, is, that however the copies of the La- tin version vary among themselves, they preserve a conformity to some edition of the Greek original. The first considerable variety in these copies must 78 Vid. supr. p. 57. n. *^ 79 Vid. supr. p. 57. n. ^K ( 141 ) be of course dated from the first revisal of the text by St. Eusebius^ of Verceli ; since before him^ there was not a person sufficiently informed^ to undertake the correction of the Italick translation. Now it is clearly implied in the circumstance of St. Eusebius's undertaking to correct the current translation, that this translation must have differed from the ordinari/ Greek text, and from his own corrected Latin version : otherwise his attempt must have been without an object from the first, and without effect at the conclusion. As he under- took his revJsal at the command of Pope Julius, who came to the Pontificate in the year 337 ^° ; the or^ dinary Greek text was obviously contained in the edition of Eusebms of Ceesarea, who lived, after this period, until the year 340 ^\ It is, of course, manifest, that the received text of Eusehius did not correspond with the Latin version in Pope Julius's age ; and is consequently destitute of the primitive testimony of the Latin Church, as contained in the authorised Latin version. It is equally clear that the original Latin version did not agree with the text of Hesychius. As St. Eusebius has unquestionably adhered to the edition of the latter, in revising the Latin translation ; hia undertaking to correct the one by the other, neces- sarily implies, that a difference at first subsisted be- tween them. It is consequently clear that the text nf Hesi/chius is equally destitute of the primitive ^'' Vid. Patrr. Benedd. in Vit. S. Athanas. p. xxx. § 1. a, <*Vid. supr.p. 1S2, n.58. ( 143 ) tcstimon}^ of the Latin Church, as the text of Eu- scbius of Caesarea. And as the corrected version of St. Euscbius when the proposed alterations were made, must have differed from the original transla- tion which remained uncorrected ; it is apparent that the Corrected Version also must have equally wanted the testimony of the primitive Western translation. As St. Jerome's revisal was not yet made, the question now rests with that version of the Old Ita- lick translation, wliich corresponds with the Byzan- tine Greek ; and which consequently must have been identical with the primitive version. But here it may be objected, that St. Eusebius's undertaking" to correct the translation by the original, equally proves that the former differed from Lucia- nus's text, as we have seen it differed from the text of Eusebius Ca?sariensis. But if this objection is not rendered null by this positive fact, that there is a third version, different from the revisals of St. Eusebius and St. Jerome, and confessedly more an- tient than that of the latter ^' ; and that, while it is apparently uncorrected ^\ it literally corres- ponds with the Byzantine Greek ^* ; it would ad- mit of the following obvious solution. St. Euse- bius undertook his revisal of the Latin version, not merely when the Received Text of the Greek was contained in Eusebius's edition ; but when this edi- ^^ Vid. supr. pp. 70, 71. ^^ Vid. supr. pp. 90, 91, 92. ^* Vid. supr. p. G3. sqq. ( 143 ) tlon had, by the royal mandate, superseded the JByzantine text at Constantinople. It might not, therefore, have been safe^^' for Pope Julius to au- thorise a version wliich was not merely different from the Received Text of the Greeks, but coin- cident with the edition whicii it had superseded. And this change took place after that greatest per- secution of the Church, which occurred under Dio- clesian and Maximian : in which the sacred Scrip- tures were sought with more care and destroyed with more fury than in any preceding persecu- tion ^^. It was therefore possible, considering the degraded state of the Church, and the disastrous situation of the bishop of Verceli, that a correct copy of Lucianus's edition was not within the reach of Eusebius Verccllensis. It is probable that, in his choice of Ilesychius's edition, in correcting the Latin version, he was influenced not merely by in- clination ^", but necessity. It is certain, that, in «5 That the Emperours were not to be trifled with on this sub- ject is evident from the severe penalty ro which even the pos- sessour of Arius's works was subject, by a decree of one of the mildest of the Christian princes; Epist. Constant, an. Socrat. Hist. Eccl. Lib, I. cap. ix. p. 32. 1. 3. 'Ez^vo ^Mlo^ ^^^cayof.va;, uq %i Ttg cv'{y^a,^^^cc W Ap^a ^«T«u Vat. oj £«» C 165 ) so correspond, in which case both St. Jerome's basis and his '' other copy'^ must have differed from the original, we there find that the Vulgate not only differs from both, but accords with the Greek of Eusebius '^9. it must be of course evident that the — ya/A^o-)}. Vidg.'\ desuiit. Verc. Veron.~lh. 38. dentem pro deiitem. Verc. Veron. [x^ oo^oiOa uvr) o^ovto<;. Vat. Vnlg.~\ et den- tem pro dente. Brix. Vvlg.—wn. 13. quam. V^rc. Veron. [or* Vat. Vulg.2 quia. Brix. Vulg.—ix. 15. jejunabunt in illis diebus, Verc. Veron. [_i^ -von urirBvo-aa-iv. Vat. Vulg.~\ et tunc jejunabunt. Brix. Vnlg.—lh. 25. venit et tenuit Verc. Veron. [siVsA^^i* infa^ rvicre. Vat.2 intravit et tenuit. Brix. VuJg. — x. 18. stabitis. Verc, Veron. liox^-naa^z. Vat. Vidg.'] ducimini. Brix. Vulg.-^^-lh. 23. quod si in aliam persequentur vos, fugite in aliam. Verc. Veron. desunt : Vat. Vulg. Brix. Vylg.-^lh. 24-. dominum. Verc. Ve- ron. [toi/ y.vpiov avTH. Vat. Vulg,'] dominum suum Brix. Vulg. —lb. 35. dividere filium. Verc. Veron. l^x^aui av^pojwov. Vat. Vulg.] separare hominem. Brix. Vulg lb. 42. non peribit mer- ces sua Verc. merces ejus. Veron. [a f*-^ aTroAaV*? rlv i^ia-^ov uvrS. Vat. Vulg.] non perdet mercedem suam. Brix. Vulg. The following collection of texts will equally illustrate thfe diversity between St. Jerome's Lat. Conies^ and shew the pecu- liar readings which he adopted from the Received Version, on account of their agreement with Eusebius's edition of the Grceh Matt. v. 11. beati eritis. Brix. Veron. Ifj^ocKccpioi Irs Vat^ Vulg.] beati estis. Verc. Vulg.—lh. 30. mittatur, in gehen- nam. Z?Wx. [^tUynwav dTraX^ri, Vat.] eat in gehennam. Verc. Ve- ron. Vulg.—Yi. 1. elemosynam Brix. p^y.cciocrvr/iv. Vat.] justitiam Verc. Veron. Vulg.—lh. 13. quoniam tuum est regnum, et vir. tus et gloria, in sascula. Amen. Brix. desunt. Vat. Verc. Veron, Vulg.~x. 3. Jacobus Alphei et Lehheus qui noininatur Taddeus. Brix. l^ccyJBoq 0 ra AAj iTram. Fat."] itsquedum staret supra. Fulg. Corb.-—^ iv. 18. cum autem transiret. Brix. cum transiret autem Fere, Feron. [-zTspTD-aTo)!/ ^e Fat. Fulg.~\ ambulans autem Fulg. Cerb, "— V. 22. frati'i suo sine causa, Brix. Fere. Feron. [rf uhx(p^ aire. Fat.'] fratri suo. Fulg. — vi. 2. perceperunt mercedenir Brix. Fere. Feron. \_u'7rixiicri to» /aio-Sov. Fat. Vvlg."] receperunt Fulg. Corb, — lb. 8. nollite — similar e eis. Brix. Fere. Feron* \_l//r, — o^oiwS^Tfi uv\oX<;. Fat. Fidg."] nollite — assimilari eis. Fulg. Corb. — ix. 28. veniente autem eo in domum Brix. et venit in do- mum. Fere. Feron. [eX^ovl* ^l tU Ty/v olyActv, Fat. Fnlg."] cum autem venisset in domum. Fidg. Corb. — Ibid, coeci illi. Brix. coeci duo Fere. Feron. \_ol •rvtp'Ko). Fat. Fvlg.] coeci Fidg. Corb. — x. 5. prsecipiens eis et dicens. Brix. Fere. Feron. [-arapafyetXas avraTq •hiyav. Fat. Fulg.'] praecipiens eis dicens. Vulg. — lb. 10. dignus enim est operarius mercedem suam. Brix. Fere. Feron. [a|»c5 yap 0 lpyaT»j$ rr^s T§o(py>f olvxs. Fat. Fnlg.] dignus est enim ope- rarius cibo. suo. Fulg. Corb. While these examples, together with those quoted, supr. n. '*^ et infr. n. '^^ demonstrate, that the Fidgate has had no in- fluence on the Brescia MS ; they illustrate, in the particular instance of the Corbeian MS. the influence which that version h?s had upon some copies of the Old Italich The examples quoted supr. n. "^ on the other hand, evince the influence vhich the Brescia text has had on the Vuhate. { 167 ) by which St. Jerome in some places ^'° modelled his translation, possessed not authority equal to that of the Old Italick version. And we consequently find, that this very objection was made to the Greek text by Hilary the Deacon '^* ; and to St. Jerome, by *'° In the examples cited supr. nn. "^ et **^, it is observable that St. Jerome generally possessed the authority of the two species of text contained in his old Greek copies ( i. e. Vat, Vulg.J in favour of his corrections. When those copies dif- fered, and Eusebius's text (Vat.) agreed with his basis (Verc.) it is likewise observable he followed their joint authority, against that of the common Greek ( VuIg.J. In one instance, Mat. V. 22, he has followed the authority of Eusebius's text, against the joint authority of his Latin copies and the Greek Vulgate. But for this deviation from his usual plan, he offers the following apology ; Com. in Matt. Lib. I. cap. v. p. 6. " In ^ uibusdam Codicibus additur "sine causa," cseterum in veriSf definita sententia est, et ira penitus tollitur, dicente Scrip- tura ; " qui irascitur fratri sue." Si enim jubemur verberanti alteram praebere maxillam, et inimicos nostros amare, et orare pro persequentibus, omnis ira3 occasio tollitur. Radendum est ergo " sine causa." From hence it appears that St. Jerome's main dependance was on the copies containing Eusebius's text, which were indeed generally supported by the Greek Vulgate ; but these he termed his " true^^ rather than his ** antieyit copies.*' His declaration that *•' sine causa" ims to he erased, clearly evinces that this reading xvas found in the whole of the Latin copies with which he was acquainted ; his words, of course, by implication declare, that the testimony of the Old Italick was in this instance collectively against Eu- sebius's edition : vid. infr. n. '^^ "' Vid. supr. p. 57. n. ". Hilar. Comment, in Gal. ii. « Tria hajc mandata ab Apostolis et senioribus data reperiuntur, id est, " ut observent se ab idolatria et sanguine" sicut Noe, " et fornicatione." Quos Sophisfce Grcecomm non intelligen- teSj scientes tamen a sanguine non abstinendum, adidierarunt Scrijyturam, quartum mandatum addentes *' et a suffocato*' observandum." ( 168 ) Helvidius, who accused him of following copies that had been corrupted '-\ And that this objec- tion was made with effect, is apparent ; from the Old Version having still maintained its ground in the Latin Church even against the authority of St. Jerome ; and from the difficulty which attended its final suppression under Cassiodorus ^^\ But this testimony of the Latin Church against the new version is not merely negative ; but may be thrown on the side of the Byzantine Greek and of the Pri- mitive Version. Hilary, indeed, in objecting to the Greek copies, supports a reading ^^"^ which proba- '3* S. Hier. adv. Helvid. cap. iv. Tom. II. p. 135. " Et erant" inquit Lucas, ^^ pater illius et mater adniirantes super his, quae dicebantur de eo." Licet tu mira impudentia hcoc in Greeds Codicibus Jahata contejidas, quae non solum omnes jjeyie Graecias tractatores, sed nonnidli quoque e Latinis, ita ut in GrsEcis habentur, assumpserint." Here consequently the whole nearly of the Old Latin Version was against the Re- ceived Text, of Palestine, as published by Eusebius : vid. infr. n. '\ nz Vid. supr. pp. 16, 17. '^* The history of this reading is curious, and constitutes one of the many proofs which evince the integrity of the Greek Vulgate. In Act. xv. 20, the common or Vulgar edition reads, aTrep/es-Oai airo tuv a.\iC7yr,^a,i:uv tu:v a^wAwv aou i:riq luopviiaq 3^ TB zjviKTs ^ ra xi^olIqs. But the reason of the prohibition ** from strangled and from blood" not being understood; the following explanatory gloss, which has crept into the text, xat %ac(, a'j jw,»3 ^i'hua-iv lacvloTq yiuBa^ui, hsfoii /x>? ^oibTv, was added, in order to accommodate the passage to Gen. ix. 4. 5. 7. 6. This meaning, however, seemed to some of the revisers of the Latin Version to be expressed in aTr/jj/saDat t« al'/xctlo? ; yet apprehen- sive lest it should be understood as a ' prohibition from eating blood,' they superseded " a suffocato" by " sicut Noe." Such ( 169 ) l}ly existed only in the Received Text, as revised by St. Eusebius of Verceli ; and thus merely sup- ports the credit of that translation. But Helvidius supports a reading which is found in the Brescia and Byzantine text, against one which is found in the Palestine text and the Vulgate of Jerome '^^ was the reading of Hilary's copies, vid. supr. n. '^^ : but the Greek which is left behind, after expunging t5 Tri/txTa, will not bear the sense he assigns it ; or any meaning but that of refrain- ino- from partaking of blood, vid. 1 Tim. iv. 3. The vulgar reading is, however, right ; the prohibition of the Apostles hav- ino- been evidently levelled against the inhuman and depraved lites, in which the early Pagan converts fancied themselves licenced to indulge; vid. 2 Pet. ii. 1, 13, 14, 19. Rev.ii. 14, 20. conf.' Athenag. Leg. pro Christt. p. 4. c. et Just. Mart. Apol. maj. p. 70. a. b. ed. Par. Orig. contr. Cels. p. 272. ed. Cant. S. Epiph. Hser. xxvi. p. 84. c. 87. b. »35 Luke ii. S3, h zjulrip alye y.ocl r, {jL'rjTYi^. P^at. pater illius et mater. Vulg. la;ari(p xal h ^yirr^^- ^idg- Joseph et mater ejus. Brix. Verc. Veron. Corb. The reading of Eusebius, which St. Jerome adopts, he defends by reference to Joh. i. 46. " Hier. adv. Helv. cap. ix. p. 138. *' Ac ne forte de exeraplariorum veritate causeris, quia tibi stultissime persuasisti, Grcecos Co- dices essefahatos : ad Joamtiis Evangelium venio, in quo ple- nissime scribitur ; 'Invenit Philippus Nathanael, et ait illi ; quern scripsit Moyses in lege, et prophetae invenimus Jesura Jil'um Joseph.' Certe hoc in tuo Codice continetur. Responde mihi, quo modo Jesus sit Jllius Joseph, quern constat de Spi- ritu Sancto esse procreatum?" But the reading of the Greek Vulgate and Old Italick Version may be easily defended against this solemn trifling ; and the refutation of Eusebius and Jerome may be effected with ease. In Joh. i. 46. the sacred historian merely relates the declaration ef Philip ; in Luke ii. 33. the in- spired writer ^^e-ak?, for himself. From Joh. ii. 11. vli. 5. it will appear that had Philip at this XkwQ declared his belief in ( 170 ) He consequently not only supports the authority of the Greek Vulgate while he detracts from that of the Latin ; but by his appeal to Latin copies, he proves that the Vulgar Greek was exclusively sup- ported by the authority of the original Latin Translation. As St. Jerome is thus deserted by the testimony of the early Latin Church, his own testimony is in- adequate to support the authority of the new Vul- gate against that of the old, or primitive version. His declaration, that he purposed following the old copies, has been taken in a positive, not relative sense *^^; his words, instead of being interpreted with reference to the rectified copies which pre- vailed in his times, have been understood of the the divinity of our Lord, it must have been by an oversight of the sacred historian. And from Luke ii. 48, 49, 50, it will appear that had St. Luke assigned any Father to Christ but God, it must have been by grossly confounding what our Lord had expressly distinguished. However " foolish the persuasion" may be deemed, the Vatican MS. and Latin Vulgate are here, I ain persuaded, grossly corrupt. "^ On the publication of a new edition of the sacred text by the orthodox revisers, vid. supr. p. 93. n. '"^ p. n. '°^, the Received Text edited by Eusebius became, properly speaking, the old. This mode of expression was not unknown to the Ci reeks. In this sense St. Irenaeus speaks of i/ie old copies of the Apocalypse, while he asserts even of tlie original xvorJcj that it was published in the age in "which he Jlourished. S. Iren. adv. Hcer. Lib. \'. cap. XXX. p. S30. Tslm ai ^tu; Ix^Hovy y.al h -nra^-j 04 TOK o-TraJaters y.cc\ apy^aciois dy'lr/pcc(poii t5 aptO/xS rata y.«/xe- va, xai ixaflvpHvlojv avra;v 8;esu'&'V rcov y.a,r o-^iv 'IojoltjTiV iw^axoTwy, y.a.) ra Xoyy o,}cLry.Qv\o^ r;ux,<; — Conf. Ut SUpr. p. 121-. D. ''. p. 167. n. '3°, ( 171 ) copies of Pierius and Origen, to which he appealg occasionally '^7. They have been however strained beyond what they will bear : for no general decla- ration ought to be taken in the strictness of the let- ter. As he was professedly a reader of Adaman- tius *^^ and of Pierius, whom he calls the younger Origen ^^^ ; he might have found the readings of their copies, in their commentaries, without in- specting their manuscripts. Had he possessed co- pies of the kind, he was not a person likely to sup- press the fact; or introduce them to the acquaint- ance of his readers, under the loose and indefinite title of '' antient copies." Nor is his shyness to speak expHcitly on this subject to be reconciled with his minute description of the text of Lucianus and Hesychius^ and of the canons of Eusebius of "^ S. HIer. Com. in Mat. cap. xxiv. Tom. VI. p. 54. " In quibusdam Codicibus additura est " neque filius :" cum in Grcecis et maxime Adamantii et Pierii exemplarlhiSy hoc non haheaUir adscriptum : sed quia in nonnullis legitur, disserendum videa- tur." Of whatever service it may be to the partisans of the Alexandrine recension to talk of these copies of Origen and Pierius, I am not apprehensive, that any advocate of Euse- bius's text will quote this passage against the Greek Vulgate. ^^' S. Hier. Cat. Scriptt. Eccless. in Pamphil. Tom. I. p. 128. ** Origenis volumina manu ejus [sc. Pamphili] exarata reperi ; quae tanto amplector et servo gaudio, ut Croesi opes habere me credam. Si enim laetitia est unam epistolam habere martyris ; quanto magis tot millia versuum." '9 Id. ibid, in Pier. *' Pierius Alexandrinae ecclesiae presby- ter— florentissime docuit populos, et in tantam sermonis, di- versorumque traetatuum, qui usque hodic extant, venit elcgan- tiam, ut Origenes junior vocuretur.'* ( 1"2 ) Cagsarea "^^ But what must lay the question at rest, is the confession of St. Jerome himself ; who not only declares that he possessed copies of Ori- g-en's Commentaries which had been transcribed by Pamphilus ^^^, but expressly admits, that Origen's library had fallen into decay, and had been partially restored on vellum by Acacius and Euzoius ''^*. As Orig-en's library consisted of volumes written on the papyrus ; such a library having* been alone suited to the finances of a man, who lived in poverty^ and was supplied with the means of publishing his works, by the munificence of his friend and patron Am- brose '^"^ ; it would have been rather a hazardous attempt m St. Jerome to boast of possessing his ori- ginal copies. The authority of Origen's Commen- taries became a sufficient voucher to St. Jerome, for the readings of Origen's copies ; in this manner they are occasionally cited by him, while he gene- rally conforms to the text of Eusebius. St. Jerome's authority is therefore inadequate to support the credit of the V^ulgate against the au- thority of the antient Latin translation. His ver- sion, as founded on a preference for Eusebius's text, was built on an accidental partiality ^^^ ; and on the the same foundation rests the standard by which he condemned the text of Lucianus '^^ His transla- "*° Vid. supr. p. 100. n. ^^^ p. ^5, n. ". infr. p. 173. n. ^« '^' Vid. supr. p. 171. 11. '^^ '^^ Vid. supr. p. 84. nn. 7^. et 7'. *« Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. »** Vid. supr. pp. 84, 85. ^^^ That he condemned it, on judging it, merely by Euse- ( 173 ) tion is besides destitute of the authority of the an- tient Latin Churchy which continued to retain the primitive version. But as far as was consistent with St. Jerome's plan^ his testimony may be cited in support of this version^ and of the text of Lucianus. He admitted the authority of the former in correct- ing the Received Text of his times : and^ in follow- ing the edition of Eusebius Caesariensis^ he ad- hered to a text that approximates very closely to the Byzantine edition. The event is^ that the Vulgate of St. Jerome approaches much nearer to the primi- tive version of the Western Churchy than the Re- ceived Text of his age^ as revised by the hand of St. Eusebius of Verceii. We have now brought the determination of the question to the consideration of the two versions which preceded the Vulgate^ and which exist in the Brescia and Verceii manuscripts. But a choice between these texts may, I trusty be decided with little comparative difficulty. Considering the question, as resting between these two texts, it must be admitted, that one bius's text, taken as the standard, he has himself placed out of dispute. After describing Hesychius and Lucianus's text, as interpolated, vid. supr. p. 100. n. '". he thus observes; Praef. in IV. Evang. Tom. VI. p' i. " Canones quoque quos Euseh'iim Ccesariensis Episcopus Alexandrinum secutus Ammonium, in decern numeros ordinavit, sicut in Grccco habetur expi'cssimus. Quod si quis de curiosis voluerit quce in Evangeliis, vel eadem, vel vicina, vel sola sint, eorum distinctione coguoscet. Magnus siqnidemhic'mxio^Xn^ Codicibus error inolevit,'* &c. ut supr. p. 155. n, '^^ ( 174 ) Ibrms the basis of the other. They possess that extraordinary conformity, which can be only ac- counted for by such an assumption ^^^. We how- ever know the authour of the Verceli text '"^^ ; while we are ignorant of that of the Brescia manuscript. Regarding the question as confined to the consider- ation of these two, St. Eusebius in forming the Verceli text, must have necessarily taken as his basis the Brescia translation. Now this conclusion is fully confirmed on considering the mode in which St. Eusebius necessarily proceeded m forming his revisal. On going through the process which he obviously must have followed,, we may produce a text which literally corresponds with the Verceli manuscript. On decomposing the version which he produced, we discover, in its elements, the text of the Brescia manuscripts. We cannot be mistaken in the version of St. Eusebius ; as the Verceli manuscript, though clearly not the authour's autograph, has been pre- served at his church in Piedmont '^^ ; it is, beyond all reasonable ground of doubt, a copy of the edition which he revised : and we discover strong and in- delible marks of this version having been the Re- ceived Text from the times of P. Julius, in the works of subsequent writers *'^^. We can be as lit- tle mistaken in the Greek text by which he formed H^ Vid. supr. pp. 67, 69, et p. 165. n. ''\ '" Vid. supr. p. 59. n. ""K '4S Vid. supr. p. 60. n. ^\ ''^? Vid. supr. p. U9. n. '-", ( n5 ) hisrevisal; its literal coincidence with the Cam- bridge manuscript proves it to have been the edition of Hesychius '^^ ; and this supposition is confirmed by the fact of the authour's exile in Eg-ypt^ where the text of Hesychius prevailed '5*. JVow on as- suming that the Brescia text formed St. Eusebius's basis, which was to be corrected by the Greek of the Cambridge manuscript ; every difference in the VerceliMS. which was formed by correcting the one from the other, may be explained and accounted for. This assumption may be established by a brief ex- emplification. 1. When St. Eusebius's basis and his Greek copi/ agreed, there was no room for a correction; we consequently find that when the Brescia and Cam- bridge manuscripts agree there is a correspondent agreement in the Verceli manuscript '^\ 2. Wlien the basis and Greek disagree, there ought to be an agreement between the Greek and the revisal ; consequently, on collating the Brescia and Cambridge manuscripts, and translating the Greek text in passages where it differs from the Latin, we produce the text of the Verceli manu- script »^^ '^"^ Vkl. supr. pp. 63, 6 i, QS, 67. '" Vid. supr. p. 54'. n. *^ •'^ This position may be verifiea, by a collation of the ex- tracts given in pp. 67, 69, from the Cambridge, Brescia, and Verceli MSS. ^" The following collection of texts will illustrate the dkcr^ •'f'/j; existing between St. Eusebius's Latin basis and his Greek t€xt ; and the correspondence of his Corrected Text with the ( 176 ) In both cases, therefore, when the basis and ori- ginal agreed or disagreed, to the consideration of latter. Matt. li. 9. stetit supra uU erat puer. Brix, [^Irci^n iTTcivu tS 'mxi^^H. Cant.~\ stetit supra puerum. Verc. Veron, — iii. 16. descendentem. Brix, \_y.u\a.^a7vov ex. t5 sqcuvu. Cant.~\ descen- dentem de ccelo. Fere. Veron, — lb. 17. dicens hie est. Brix% \>^iyiiTa, zsfos oLvroMj nroq \ti. Cant,'] dicens adeinn hie est. Verc* Fero7i. — iv. 4. orrmi verbo quod procedit de ore Dei. Brix, [wam }i)fj.u\i Biti, Cant.] omni verbo Dei. Fere's—lb. 10. Vade Satana. Brix. l^vTratye oTiiaoo po» Yo^ava,. Cant.] Vade retro Satana. Fere. Vade retro me Satanas. Feron. — lb. 24. euravit eos. Brix, {^'sjciilaq iQsfiiTnvai, Cant.] omnes curavit. Fe7-c. Feron, — v. 4. beati qid lugent) &c. Brix. [^i^unolinoi, ol zypacsHs x. t. I. Cant.] beati 7nites, Fere, Feron, — lb. 5. beati ^nansucti, &c. Brix, [waxa^ni ol 'nys'Mvleq x. t. I. Cant.] beati qui lugent. Fere, Feron, — lb. 11. beati er'itis. Brix. \_^a.y.a,^\.o\ Ire Cant.] beati estis. Fere, Feron, — Ibid, mentienies propter me. Brix. [evexek ^ty.ajoo-yvjj?. Cent] propter justitiam. Fere. Feron. — lb. 12. in coelis. Brix. \jv rf ii^uvu. Cant.] in cceIo. Vere. Veron. — lb. 13. valebit ultra. Brix. [la-^vu. Cant.] valet. Fere, Feron. — lb. 30. mittatur in gehennam. B7'ix. [aTrsX^j) bU ysiwuv. Cant.] eat in gehennam. Fere, Feron, — lb. 32. Dico vobis quia. Brix. ^\iyu vyuv. Cant.] dico vobis. Verc. Feron. — Ibid, qui dimissam duxerit maechatur. Brix. desunt. Cant. Verc. Feron. — lb. 38. et dentem. Brix* [hUvta. Cant.] dentem. Verc. Veron. — lb. 41. vade cum illo duo. Brix. [j/Trccys /ast' ayrS eVt oc'h'Ka Ivo. Cant.] vade cum illo adhuc alia duo. P^erc. Veron. — lb. 44. orate pro calumniantibus vobis, Brix. ^Tr^oa-ev^to-Bs v'ttb^ t^J* iTr-n^ecn^ovrav, Cant.] orate pro calumniantibus. Vere. Veron. — vi. 1. elemosynam. Brix. [^txai- ccr'jvr}». Cant.] justitiam. P'erc. V^eron. — lb. 13. quoniam tuum est regnum et virtus, et gloria, in scecula. Amen. Brix. desunt. Cant, Verc. Veron, [liiat Cant, a cap. vi. 20. ad. ix. 2.] — ix. 5. tibi peccata tua. Biix. [o-os al u^a^-vicn. Cant.] tibi peccata. Verc. Veron.] — lb. 15. jejunabunt. Brix. [vyjrey^-scru' sv Exs/vatr ToiAi riixio^ocis . Cant.] jejunabunt iii illis diehus, Verc. Veron, — lb. '28. venicnte autem eo in domum. Brix. [>:ai £f%£Tat skf rriv tUia^t. Ca/il.] et venit in donium. Verc. Veron.-.^lh, 28. caeei z7//- ( 177 ) which the question is necessarily limited^ the result is precisely that which would have occurred, had the Brescia manuscript formed the primitive text which St. Eusebius corrected by the text of Hesychius. As the testimony of St. Eusebius's version thus clearly supports the antiquity, in evincing the pri- ority, of the Brescia text, it appears to me, that, when it is taken into account with other texts of the same edition, they annihilate the authority of He- sychius's text ; and thus undermining the very foun- dation on which they are mutually built, necessa- rily destroy their common credit ; and by conse- quence establish the exclusive authority of the text of the Brescia manuscript. Brix, [oi Ivo rv^Xol, Cant.'] duo coeci. Verc, Veron. — x* 5. Jaco- bus Alphei et Lehheus qui nominatur Taddeus. Brix. [^'lanu^og o t5 'AA(pata kotl Ai^^ouoq. Cant.'] Jacobus Alphei et Judas Ze- lotes. Fere, Feron.-^Ih. 18. duciraini. Brix, [rafi^creaOE. Cant.'} stabitis. Fere, Veron* — lb. 23. [loiv ^\ l» rij a,KKri ^luy.eaiv IfAoiif (pBvysle £»; rn* cihXvjv, Cant.] quod si ill aliam persequentur vos, fugite in aliam. Fere, Feron, desunt. Brix. — lb. 35. separare kominem, Brix, [^i'/jkaon vtov. Cant.] dividere filium. Fere. Fero7i, — lb. 4?2. perdet mercedem. Brix. [aTroXsVij 5 j^naOo?* Cant.] pe* i^ibit merces. Fere. Feron, I subjoin from the Cambridge MS. the correspondent passages to the extracts given from the Ver- celi MS. supr. p. 156. n. "^ Matt. xx. 28. 'Y/^ar? ^l fursm U fU.Y.'K'n^ivlii ^eiirvriaotyy f^n uvacy.\eiva.(T^ui [I. avxy.'KUa.a-^e] i\q raj l^i-XQvlxq voTraq' fjt.yi'TroTt hh^oTt^^q an i'rriX^ri-, xa* j5 t^o^^«) esca sua, Cajit. Instances of this kind occur in almost every page of the Cambr. and Veroji. MSS. vid. infr. p. 180. nn. *^^ et *'^'. The following reading appears to me to demonstrate, that the text of the latter of those manuscripts has been corrected immediately from the Greek ; Luc. xv. 10. !«•» Ivt a/xapTwXar super unum peccatorem. Vera. Brix. in pecca- tore. Veron. The authority for this reading plainly lies in In. u^Ku^uihuy mistaken for \v cc(ji.ufiuXa, probably on account of the absence of iTri. '^^ The Cambridge and Verona MSS. appear to have been first formed on the basis of the Brescia text, by corrections taken from the Verceli text; after which those MSS. were severally revised by the original Greek of Hesychius. This assumption is confirmed by many of their peculiar readings, which re- •mained unaltered^ both under the first correction and subsequent revisal. I subjoin a ^ew examples; Matt. ii. 1. venerunt Hiero- solyma. Brix. Veron. («»$ 'is^oo-e^t^t*) venerunt in Hierusalem, n2 ( 180 ) wholly inconceivable, that this result could take place, if the text of this manuscript were not nearly identical with the primitive versiorij which formed the basis of these corrected translations. \ While the mutual coincidence of those manu- scripts thus confirms the authority of the Brescia text, their mutual dissent from it seems to destroy the credit of the Greek text by which they have been Verc. CanU — lb. v. 11. beati eritis. Brix, Veron, Q^omoi^ioi e^e) beati estis, Verc* Cant. — Ibid. xii. 7. misericordiam volo qua^n sacrificium. Brix, Veron. {iXiov BiXu o^ » Bvaiuv.) misericordiam volo et non sacrificium. Verc. — Job. xiv. 28. vado ad Patrem quoniam. Brix. Cant* (TTopsvofxai wpo? rov vocrsfot on) eo ad Pa- trem quia. Verc. Veron. — lb. xvi. 13. diriget vos in. Brix, Cant. ip^nyvian v^di<; tU) deducet vos in. Verc. Veron. By the same principle I account for Mat. v. 4, 5. preserving the natural order in Brix. Veron, while these verses are inverted in Fere, Cant, That the Verona MS. was formed on the basis of some primitive text, I first discovered from two readings. This MS. is divided into sections and verses, (wEptxoTraJ and r»xoO> the latter of which generally contain three short words ; unless they termi- nate the section, when they consist of owe or tiuo. But in Matt. ii. 9. ix. 13. the last two lines in each section are eked out by two words; in ii. 9. supra puerum ; in x. 13. sed peccatores. But if we restore the reading of the Brescia MS. * supra uhi erat puer,' and of the St. Germain MS. * sed peccatores ad pcsnitentianiy* the penultimate line will have its full comple- ment, and the rt%o/:>i/]p« will be perfect. In like manner, the Verona MS. in Mat. v. 1 ; videns autem Jesus turbam, omits Jesus ; but supplies its place by multarny added to turbam. As in MSS. which were divided rix^fug, the number of ri%ot was generally added at the end of each book, hence a duty was incumbent on the copyists not to multiply or diminish the num- ber, which has been consequently a mean of preserving the integrity of the text. ( 181 ) revisedj and by consequence to undermine their common authority. For^ as the coincidence of all texts^ not less in the translation' than the original, proves them to have a common basis; the diver- sity of the manuscripts before us proves^ that the Greek text, by which they have been corrected, has been recast, since the Latin Version was originally made, which furnished their common basis : were not this the case, they would as uniformty coincide with the former as with the latter. Of conse- quence, the version which conforms to a text, that has been thus new-modelled, must be of very recent authority. Thus tracing this labyrinth through all its wind- ings, and pursuing the Latin version through all its changes, we ultimately arrive at the primitive West- ern Version. There now exists but one test by which it remains to be tried ; the relative merit of the translation. And submitting it to this last assay, it appears to contain within itself a sufficient proof of its integrity. The uniformity of the text declares, that it is an original composition ; and by consequence the basis of those different texts which bear it a general affi- nity. The archetype by which it was formed is one ; being that particular class of text which exists in the Greek Vulgate*"; and it conforms to this model in all its parts, while the other versions pos- sess inequalities which have originated in attempts to improve upon it, as the primitive translation '^*. '" Vid. supr. p. 164. n. "^^ conf. infr. p. 186. n. "^. *'* This is apparent in the uniformity with which t his MS. ( 183 ) A minute investig-ation of those inequalities con* stantly enables us to distinguish the original version from the derivative. While it retains the common marks by which they evince their affinity to the Greek, in retaining the Greek idiom '^^ ; it is free generally renders the same Greek term, by the same Latin word; while the other versions constantly vary from them- selves. Matt. v. 27. 32. {xoix^vcreiq' /i^ot^arat. moechaberis : moechatur. Brix. moechaberis : adulterat. Vulg, — lb. vi. 8, p,?} o[xoia)^riTr ofxoiucru, nollite similare : similabo. Brix. similare: similis est. Verc, assimilari : assimilabitur. Fulg. — John viii. 13, 14. (jLct^v^BTq* fjt,a.^v^cu. testimonium perhibes: testimonium perhibeo. Brix. testificaris : testimonium dico. Verc. — Conf. Joh. i. 7. 14. The repetitions in the following passages, taken from Matt. xxv. 21 — 46. \vill illustrate this remark in a still more satisfactory manner. Matt. ib. 35. 37. 42» BTroTKj-ocle fjn* i7ror'iasi[xBv' ETroTicraTe /xh. potastis me : potavimus : dedimus tibi potum. Brix. dedistis mihi bibere : dedimus tibi potum : dedis- tis mihi potum. Fere. — Ib. 35. 38. 43. 'm^u^oi'h(ii /xe* TrEpjEiSaAo/iCsv vi^n^ctXili fjLs, cooperiustis me : cooperuimus : cooperuistis me. Brix. operuistis me : vestivimus : operuistis me. Verc. '^^ The following are purely idiomatick phrases adopted from the Greek. Matt. ii. 11. Ix^ovln; sU rr,v oIkIoiv. intrantes in do- mum. B7-ix. Verc. Veron. intrantes domum. Vulg. Corb. — Ib. 23. MurcoK-fiaiv tU TToAtv. habitavit in civitatem. Brix, Veron. habi- tavit in civitate. Verc. Cant. — Ib. vii. 13. r^ vi^i^ixhuiAi^oe. quid operiemur. Brix. Verc* Veron. quo operiemur. Vulg. Corb.'— Joh. xii. 18. I'jTY.^iv £7r' EjLiE tYiv iflifvocv, Icvavit super me calca- neum. Brix. Veron. levavit in me calcaneum. Verc. In the following passage, we find the traces of the original still more strongly marked in the translation; Matt. xxiv. 15. to ^^iXvyfxx rrnq i^Yi^xuatuc, to p)?^/ 1'. abominationem dessolationis quod dictum, Brix. Verc. Veron : to fri^iv being here literally rendered quod dictum, without much attention to the context. The phrase was however retained, as " abominatio quae dicta est" would have imperfectly expressed the original ; and to f>j$£» ^»» AuniiX T« w|)o9^Ta may be considered parenthetical. ( 183 ) from peculiar solecisms which they have evidently acquired in undergoing a revisal*^°. In tlie choice of terms, it constantly exhibits that unfaithfulness to the original, which is unavoidable in a first attempt to transfuse the sense of one language into ano- '^° The following errours have plainly arisen from imperfect corrections ; the context not having been adapted to the emen- dation. Mat. vi. 4. iv rZ (pavtpu. in manifesto. Brix. 2w palam. Fere. — lb. ix. 25. ots ^s b^b^A^By) o ox^o?, bIctsXBuv IV.^aTJjo-e. Et ^uum ejecta est turba intravit et tenuit. Brix, Et cum ejecta €st turba et tenuit. Corb, In the former instance the cor- rector, in rendering Iv ru (pan^a, would have changed in manifesto to j^^tlam ; but omitted to erase iru And in the latter, St. Matthew having already declared, ib. 23. \>^Bm I Ijjcra? tU T«» olKkKv ; the corrector not perceiving the force of IaS^v iU t^iv oi-Aocv, " coming into or entering the house," and Blcre>.Bwy, « entering into'' an inner part, or room, of it, be- lieved the latter phrase implied a contradiction ; and conse« quently omitted it altogether. Other revisers merely softened the phrase; and thus rendered eiVtA^^^, venit, (Fere. Veron,) aceedens, (Germ) ; either of which terras betrays a correction of the text. The hand of a corrector is still more apparent in the following passage ; Matt. xxv. 41. tU r'o -^V^ to uUhov § i3ToifA.ccciv 0 ^oc%^ ij,ii rf ^iocBoXc^. Cant, in igne7n aeternum quod paravit Pater raeus Diabolo. Fere, This solecism is, however, easily accounted for. The original text and version having stood thus: ik to -Trvp to ctluviov TO iiroiiA^cta-fjthoy rZ ^taBoXui (Fulg.) in ignem aeternum qui paratus est Diabolo, (Brix) ; rh i)roifAucriA,ivov was changed into o hroi[A,ac7Bp 5 TTUT^^ y,ii; and this phrase being literally rendered by « quod paravit Pater meus," was inserted in the text. The corrector deceived by the juxtaposition of quod to ceternuniy overlooked ignem, with which it should properly agree : lie has thus left a clear testi- mony in favour of the true reading of the original Latin ver- sion, and consequently, of the integrity of the Greek Vul- gate, ( 184 ) tlier*^' ; while they possess many niceties which are the product of a second effort to approximate the copy still more closely to its model '^*. And in the *^' The following expressions indicate the poverty of lan- guage, which is the effect of a first attempt at translation : Matt. vii. 24. oixoiux^u, similaho, Brix. assimilabitur. Fulg. — lb. vi. 8, fAT) o/xo»cySaT£, nollite similare, Brix, nollite assimilari, Fulg. — Luc. xxi. 38. w^^pifj, manicabat, Brix. de luce vigilabat. Fere Matt. xxv. 35. iirol'^a-uis fxs, potastis me. Brix. dedistis iiiihi bibere. Fere. — Joh. x. 22. lyevelo ra, iy>ixmu. facta est dedicatio, Brix. facta sunt encaenia. Verc. Veron. — Matt. xxii. 19. TO voyna^jix t£ yt'-ivaHy denarium, Brix. denarium census. Cant, numisma, census. Fere. Fulg. — Luc. ii. 1. viroy^a.(pia-Bcn descri' ieretm: Brix. profiteretur. Fe7'c. Feron. — ^Ib. 3. v7royfu(ph. descriptio. Brix. professio. Fere, Feront In the last instances the corrector has been detected in the very act ; in the margin of M. Blanchini's Evang. Quadruplex, the following observa- tion is made on the Codex Gatianus, " ut censum descrihere- iur .•'* recenti manu, ' profiteretur.' prirais curis " haec descriptio" secundis curis, * professio.' *^^ In the following expressions we trace the progress of improvement; Matt. xxii. 10. omnes quos. Brix. (Truvrocg ooiss), omnes quotquGt. Fere, omnes quoscunque. Corb. — lb. xiv. 22. ^.taiim jussit. Brix. Fere, (g^SfV'? r,vaiyy.acac)y staiim coegit. Cant. gtatim compulit Fulg.-^Va. iii. 7. ab ira ventura. Brix. Fere. (^uTTo 7r)<; fj^sKKmns o^yr}<;}, ab ira Jidura. Feron. — Marc. xiii. 32. nemo scit. Brix. Cant. («^e.vflt alryxner^t), quodcunque volueritis petite. Feron, — lb. i. 12. his qui ere-- dunf in nomen. Brix. (tok mTsvaa-tv eU to ovoixoc), credentibus in nomen. Feron. — lb. xv. 6. projicitur — et arescet, et colligent. Brix. {li3A^S>j — Ksc) l^rifciv^y xccl avtoiyiijiv) missus est — et aruit, et colligent. P'eron. I subjoin another example, as forming a various reading in the first ten chapters of St. Matthew ; v. 5. ( 185 ) arrangement of the words^ it preserves the tenour of the sense unembarrassed^ while they exhibit those breaches in the sense^ and encumbrances of the struc- ture, which betray the hand of a corrector ''^^ hereditahunt terram. Brix. {x.Xyi^ovouvi^aoq stoj TOJ <^oiMa.ri avTouM, j^ roTq ^siT^ea-i fjn rifxa" Fulg, Adpropinquat se mihi populus hie ore siio, et labiis suis me honorat. Brix. * Plebs haec labiis me diligit.* Fere. Here, in paring down the original text to the standard of Mark vii. 6. the corrector gives us the extraordinary phrase, * labiis me diligit,* which is however corrected to * labiis me honorat.* Veron. St. Jerome however, adhering still more closely to the original version, confirms the true reading, * popidus hie labiis me honorat.* Ftdg. Again, Luc. xii. 37. Ma.y.a.fioi ot ^a^o» x. t. I. — ku] TrapeX^w* Vulg. Beati servi, &c. — et transiens ministrabit illis. Et si venerit in secunda vigilia, et si in tertia venerit, et ita in- venerit, beati sunt servi ilii. Brix. But the subjoined reading of Marcion's text has been engrafted on this verse ; y.a) sect e7\Biii iv T»} la-irefivv ^uXax^ y.cci evfv) 'htu^ [^UKciftoi tlanvy on uvotithwiT ayra^, Koa ix^uv Tcciv ^locaovyjaei uvroTi, It has produced the fol- lowing, among other varieties ; Beati servi, &c. — transiens mimstrabit illis. Et si venerit in vespertina vigilia beati sunt, et si in tertia venerit, et ita invenerit, beati sunt, quoniam Jubebit illos discumbere, et ministrabit illis. Feron. Et si ve- nerit in vespertina vigilia, et ita invenerit beati sunt servi iJli quia jubebit illos discumbere, et transiens ministrabit illis. ( 186 ) Under every trial therefore^ it bears internal evi- dence of having' been the pure, unsophisticated version, which had been used, from the apostolical age, by the Western Churches. Having thus ascertained the testimony of the Western Church, as contained in the Primitive Ver- sion, we may now leave the coincident testimony of the Greek and Latin Church, to speak for the inte- grity of the Received Text"^^ which has furnished Et si venerit in secunda vigilia et si in tcrtia, et ita invenerit beati sunt. Maj. Mon. In the former instance the genuine and spurious text are blended ; in the latter they are kept more apart ; the diversity between them and the original text suffi- ciently evinces their corruption. In the following instance we discover the members of the genuine text distributed in differ- ent copies of the corrected; Mat. X. 3. 'laiy.u^og 9 re 'A}^(pa,iy, xat) ABiSQccToi 0 iTTivM^iU ©cc6^a,7o<;. Viilg. Jacobus Alpliei, et Lebbeus qui nominatur Taddeus, Brix, One part of this text is found in * Jacobus Alphaei et Taddcous. Corb : the other part, in ' Jacobus Alphei et Lebbeus, Cant. These texts of course destroy the testimony of each other, while they confirm the reading of the Brescia MS. In the present case the Verc. and Veron. MSS. are neuter; reading, * Jacobus Alphaei et Judas Zelotes* *^* The extraordinary coincidence of the Greeh Vulgate and Brescia MS. have been pointed out in the course of the pre- ceding pages ; see particularly pp. 63, 64-, 65, 69, &c. The few examples in p. 163. n. "*. p. 157. n. '*'^. which have not been confirmed by the authority of the Greek, may be here inserted ; Mat. vi. 1. ne elemosynam facite. Brix. iMrn^ocrvvnv f>t>? tfouTv, Vulg. — lb. 13. quoniam tuum est regnum et virtus, et gloria, in saecula. Brix. ort an It^v t) /Sacn^Eta, y.at) v ^v>a.iJi,i(;, y.ctl v) o&|a lU ra? aluvx^, Vidg. lb. xxiii. 14. Vae autem vobis Scribee et Pharisaji, hypocritae, qui devoratis domos viduarum, sub ©btentu prolixae orationis ; propterea sumetis pluriorem dam- nationem. Brix. Oy«i v^h y^a^^M-arerj xot) (poi,^iffOtXoif vTFox^nat' ( 187 ) the model of our Authorised Version. The short specimen which I have already given of their extra- ordinary coincidence, even in passages where they mutually vary from other texts and translations, will sufficiently evince the integrity of the text which is contained in the Greek Vulgate. In determining our choice between the three classes of text which have descended to our times, little more is now necessary, than to state the com- parative instability of the grounds on which those criticks have built, who have made a different elec- tion, and expressed a different partiality. The scheme of Dr. Bentley is manifestly defec- tive. For though it is founded on the mutual testi- mony of the Greek and Latin translation, it is un- supported by that of the Western Church for the first three hundred years, and by that of the Eastern Church for the last thirteen hundred. For the La- tin Vulgate, on which his scheme is principally founded, was not received in the West for the for- mer period ; and the Greek Vulgate, which differs from it, has been received in the East, for the latter. His Corrected Text must of course have rested on the authority of St. Jerome and Eusebius. But their authority, though unquestionably great, and confirm- ed in all important points by the general testimony of tradition, is not of consideration to the Catho- lick Church which^ in being the witness and keeper X^y^ivoi' ^iu T»To A'^-vJ/eo-Se TTefK^aoTifov K^ifAo.. Vulg. For the au- thority of Mat. V. 32. vid. supr. p. 64: for that of Mat. x. 3. vid. supr. p. 186. n. '^^ ( 188 ) of Holy Writ, acknowledges no paramount or indi- vidual authority in transmitting, from age to age, the rule of faith and manners. The scheme of M. MatthaBi, though unexcep- tionable, where that of Dr. Bentley is defective ; is likewise defective in rejecting the testimony of the Western Church, and exclusively building on that of the Eastern. It has contequentiy no more thaa presumptive evidence to urge in its support for the first seven centuries ; since which the generality of those manuscripts w^ere written, in which the testi- mony of the latter Church is transmitted. This evidence is undoubtedly of the highest kind, as it is improbable in the extreme that the Eastern Church could have corrupted the sacred text in the earliest and purest ages, and have preserved it uncorrupt in the dark and barbarous ages. As some manuscripts however exist, wiiich are of greater antiquity than those which contain the Greek Vulgate, and which differ from it, while they agree with the Latin tran- slation ; their testimony leaves it a doubt, whether length of time, supported by uniformity of consent, ought not to decide against superiority of numbers. Such, it is obvious, was the opinion of Dr. Bentley ; the reasonableness of whose scheme was founded on such a presumption: and it seems to render the merit of M. Matthaei's system at best but equi- vocal. The great merit of M. Griesbach's scheme con- sists in the singular skill with which he covered the feeble points which were left exposed by his prede- cessours. His professed object was to establish the ( 1S9 ) antiquity of the Alexandrine text, by the united testimony of Clement and Origen '^^ ; and to strengthen it by an alliance with the Western text, in order to form a counterpoise to the immense supe- riority in numbers on the part of the Byzantine edition '^^. Both the pillars are unsound on which this system is rested. The individual testimony of Origen^ proves nothing; as his readings are incon- stantj they no more prove the antiquity of the Alex- andrine text, than they do tliat of the Byzantine. The unity of testimony between him and Clement, is not more conclusive ; it no more proves that these early fathers quoted from one text, than it proves that Origen quoted from his preceptor. Their agree- ment with the Alexandrine text is fully as inde- cisive; it no more proves that they used that text, than it proves that Eusebius corrected it by their writings. The alliance between the Alexandrine and Western editions is equally beside the purpose ; it no more proves that they contain the genuine text of Scripture,, than it proves that Eusebius's text was brought from Palestine to Alexandria, and thence transported into the West, by the revisers of the Latin Version. In fine, the proofs of M. Griesbach conclude not **5 Giiesb, Symbb. Critt. Tom. II. p. 234. Prseter Orlge- niana allegata simul ea etiam hie exhiberaus, quoe in scriptia Clementis Alexandrini oecurrupt.— merentur ipsius, utpote Origenis magistri, allegata cum Origenianis conferri. ULi utraque concinnu7it, certo iiobis constat de antiqiiissima lectione Alexandrince recensionis, *^ Vid. supr. p. U8. n '\ ( 190 ) more strongly in favour of his own system^ than of that which I have ventured to propose. While the latter is thus far supported by his authority^ it is equally supported by that of Dr. Bentley and M. Matthaei ; as it builds^ with the one, on the united testimony of the Greek and Latin Church; and, with the other, on the general testimony of the Greek manuscripts. But it differs from both, in confirming the testimony of the Greek Vulgate by the coincidence of the primitive Latin Version. And thus it secures that object effectually, which M. Griesbach but imperfectly attained; as it has the testimony of numbers in the Greek Vulgate, of anti- quity in the Latin Version, and of consent in both taken together : and this evidence it possesses, not as the testimony of private men or particular churches, but as that of the two great Churches in the Eastern and V^estern Avorld, which were not merely witnesses and keepers of Holy Writ, but the depositories of the evangelical writings. SECTION IV- vJF the three classes of text which exist in the Greek manuscripts^ it is^ I trusty by this time appa- rent^ that the Vulgar Greek is entitled to the pre- ference : as that alone which is supported by the uninterrupted tradition of the Eastern and Western Churches. Much^ however, remains to be ad- vanced in favour of this text, before it can be offered as a perfect rule of faith and manners. To qualify it for this end, its intei^rity must admit of a perfect vindication. This undertakings is indeed imperative, as its credit is involved in the impeach- ment of three remarkable texts'; which relate to points so essential to our religion, as the doctrine of the Incarnation, Redemption, and Trinity. The defence of the Greek Vulgate, more particularly on these points, is of the greater importance, as involv- ing that of the doctrinal integrity of the Sacred Canon. ' Griesb. Prasf» Nov. Test. ed. 1775. *•' Interim uni tamen dogmati eique palmario, doctrinae scilicet de vera Jesu Christi Divinitate, nonnihil a me detractum esse videri possit nonnuliis, qui non solum locum istum celebratissimum 1 Joli. v. 7. e textu ejectum, verum etiam lectionem vulgarem 1 Tim. iii. 16. (ut et Act. XX. 28.) dubitationi subjectam et lectorum arbitrio per- missam invenient." ( 193 ) On the facilities afforded the first Bishops of Rome and Ephesus, to form perfect copies of the Scriptures of the New Testament, I have ah'eady spoken *. That a dispersion of the sacred books^ commensumte with the diffusion of the Gospel, took place from this period, is rendered not merel}^ pro- bable from the reason of the case, but is deducible from many facts expressly recorded. A brief inquiry into the state and history of the primitive Church will be sufficient to convince the most sceptical inquirer, of the constant and intimate intercourse which was preserved between the parti- cular branches of the Catholick Church, which were dispersed in the remotest regions. Those habits of communication were the necessary result of the Christian Polity having arisen out of the Jewish. The ceremonial observances of the synagogues, which were dispersed through the Gentile world, were subject to the controul of the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem ' ; and the obligation laid on the Jews to visit the Holy City periodically, facilitated the means of communication between the great council and its most distant dependencies '. That this intercourse * Vid. supr. pp. 111,112. ^ Intimation was thus given of the regulation of the Jewish Calendar to the remotest synagogues ; Vitring. de Synag. Vet, Lib. II. cap. xii. § 4-. p. 599. ed. 1726. " Docet ibi Maimo- nides [Kiddush Hachod. cap. iv.] qua ratione annus Judaicus et a quibus intercalatus fuit ; a Principe nimirum Synedrii, cura quibusdam Sijnedrii dekgatis. Quo facto lite7'£U tnisscc sunt ad Synagogas omnes remotiorcs, nomine Principis Synedrii, quibus intercalatio ej usque rationes expositaj sunt. — Exempla ejus- modi literarum, nomine Rab. Gamalielis et Filii ejus Sime* ( 193 ) %vas strictly maintained in the apostolical age, is rendered unquestionable by many passages in the apostolical history. Explicit mention is made of *' devout men out of every nation under heaven^/' who visited Jerusalem at the feast of Pentecost; the number of the Jews who were not disqualified from joining in that festival, having been computed, from a census, made by the priests, at the requisi- tion of the Romans, to have been nearly three mil- lions ^ We consequently find, that, while the Jews confessed, on St. Paul's arrival at Rome, that they were acquainted with Christianity, as '' a sect which was every where spoken against^;'' they ex- pressed surprise that they had '' not received letters out of Judea, concerning^ '' the apostle. This neg- ligence, however, was soon remedied; when the rapid and extensive diffusion of the Gospel rendered onis editarum, reperies in Gemara Sanhedr. fol. 10. col. 2^ '0^ ♦n VKinv6, * Fratribus nostris habitatoribus Galilsese Superioris et Inferioris. Pax vestra augescat. Notum vobis facimus tempus abolitionis advenisse, ad auferendas decimas ex oleario.' Comp. Lightfoot Harm, of N. Test. P. II. p. 283. * Act.ii. 5. conf. 9, 10, 11. ^ Joseph. De Bell. Jud. Lib. VII, cap. ix. J 3. Tom. II. p, 399. ed, Havercamp. h^ ^\ l;)(^^ix «J TFtvTUKdaiot, yivovrcct S' av^^wv, »/ Ixartf ^^avTwv y^ uyicov. Conf. Lib. IL cap. xiv. § 3. * Act. xxviii. 22. 7 Ibid. 21. ( 194^ ) Christianity formidable to the Jewish nation. The concurring" testimony of Christian and Jewish wri- ters^ places it beyond a doubt^ that as early as the reign of the Emperour Claudius^ when the new converts were known under the appellation of Na- zarenes ^ a circular letter was sent from Jerusalem, enjoining the dispersed Jews to excommunicate the Christians^ under that title, in all their syna- gogues 9. ^ Selden. de Synedrr. Vett. Ebraeorr. Lib. I. cap. vili. p. 12^. ed. 1679. " Certe ut Suidas ita Joannes Antlochenus, in Chronologicis suis nondum editis cum Euodii illic episcopatu Christiani nominis Antiochiae ortum conjungit, quern post de- cennium ab Ascensu Domini evenisse scribit, seu sub Clandii initia. Etiam et nominis autorem ibi Euodium ilium facit. Verba sunt : 'Ev ^l rous dpy^cus rris (iccaCkzias ra ajJrS KXa:/^/a 'K.a.laixpoSy jtASTa to uvuT^vi^ix^y^vcci lov Kvfiov h^f-uv kJ ©eoy IvjaSv Xgifov, jw,£T« ET07 ^ixoc 9rpwTo? jM,ETa Tov ctytov Tlir^ov tov ATTOfoMv tjjv ^ii^oroviav •r^5 ETTKTJtoTTvjf T?? AvTto^siuv (xEya^vj? irohiuq t^<; "Lvfixq B>\u^et> "Etio^ioq yBv6[A£yioi Ilar^iuf^viq, Ka) Iwt avrS e^to-xoara X^iS^'avot fc'VO/xaffS'oOtJav, tS awrS l7ric7>to7ra Eyo^is 'TF^ocroixiXiicravToi; uvroTq xj i<7ti%i(z) (lv'X^r,ixa.rt^ii(Ji (ptia-KcvTs^, on £<7riycc r^vv^hrt't fypx-^aiy hci TO \^a.i^i7v fjit uirh Tpau^o^ tlq NbuttoMv, uq to ^i?^niA.tt, ir^oarota-any yqi-^HS rouiS 'sfATTfa^ev EKKXinaiaif, uq ©eS yKJiJi.vjt xExTJj/xevo?, tlq to 5o avras to auro Troiriaai' ol fxh ^vvoi[xBiot Ors^wy 7[i(J,'^a.tf 0* ^E e^ts-oXaf ^ix rcjv Ctto era Tre/ATro/Aevwi', «»« $-Q^uff^vTi aluvM ifyay ui ct|ios Jv. S. Polycarp. Ep, ad Philipp» ( 197 ) > cial care that their epistles should be generally dis- persed through the Christian world. Accounts of the martyrdom of those primitive bishops were thus transmitted to the most distant provinces^ in epistles^ attested with that care '^ which I formerly had occa- cap. xHi. p. 191. 'Eypci-^xri (xoi v.ou zJpcstV ^ 'Tyvarjof, Tva lav OTTB^ Tror/ia-Uj ix» ^ai^w xa»^o> ev^snvj iln tyu EiTE ov IlilJi-^OJ TT^SO"- ^ivaovroc noti -rrtfi vi^uv, Tus sTii'iO'ku^ 'lyvar/a rois 9re/a(p^eiVa? rdvrri. Conf. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Lib. III. cap, xxxvi. p. 132. 1. 14. 25. sqq. et infr. p. 200. n. *^ et ^4. 's Superscrip. Polycarp. Martyr, p. 195. *H IxvA'/j^/a r3 ©£«, ri TracqoiiiHGix. 2,oc,t^§vav, tvj ly.K7\naU tS ©eS t^ 'jrccpoiK^a-rt b i\xh>.(pixy xoil 'TTccaaiS TOiS JiXToi TTccvTx TOTTOv rrjs uyUs od KaS'oXtH^jy 'EKKXr/a/ar Trccqotxixi^^ eXzoq, stp^>?, xat uyaicrt u'hq ©eS narpo? xat t« Kvpi« :^^wi/ I>50-5 XprS TrA^jSf ySei',). Conf. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Lib. IV. cap. xv. p. 162. 1. 21. sqq. This form, which was adopted from the Circular Letters of the Jews, ap- pears to have been general ; Epist. Eccl. Goth, de Mart. S. Sabas. *' Ecclesia Dei quce est in Gothia Ecclesiae Dei quae est in Cappadocia, et omnibus Ecclesice CatJioUcce christianis ubique gentium habitantibus, misericordia, pax et charitas Dei Patris et Domini nostri Jesu Christi impleatur." ap. Sim. Metaphrast. And suitable care was taken that these Epistles should be deli- vered according to their superscription. In the Circular Let- ter of the Synod of Palestine, convened on the controversy which arose respecting the time of keeping Easter A.D. 190, the following charge is inserted ; Euseb. ib. Lib. V. cap. xxv. p. 250. 1. 10. Kcclcc TO teXo? t?? 7p<»!p^?j uvroTq pyifjLoca-i BTri^tyacri ruvTx' T?5 ^E miro>>yig v)[j(.uv 7rEJ§a3"ajT£ xara Tixaocv exxXoKj/av f 198 ) sion to remark, was observed until the middle of the third century'^. After this view of so remarkable a part of the pri- mitive Ecclesiastical Polity, it must be nugatory to enter into a detailed proof, that the particular churches, dispersed throughout the Christian world, must have been possessed of correct copies of the Canonical Scriptures, from the earliest period. We are expressly assured by one who perused a collec- tion of those epistles preserved at Jerusalem '^ that numbers of the primitive pastors, who succeeded to the charge and labours of the apostles, traversed those distant regions which had been converted by the apostles, established churches in them, and deli- vered to them copies of the Gospels'^. The Epis- ** Vid. supr. p. 115. n. **. Conf. Martyr. Polycarp. capp* XX. xxi. p. 203. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. IV. cap. xv. p. 173. h 3. sqq. '7 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. VL cap. xx. p. 284. 1. 20. At acct j^ETriroXa*, «? 'Trpoq aXA'^Aa? ^tsp^aparloi' ot T'^o'yioi not) in-iiKvi- £9rt TuvTo a-vvuyuys'tv ^i^vv'-^i^a, A list of the whole of those curious documents, which are expressly cited by Eusebius, may be seen in M. de Valois' edition, after p. 798. '8 Id. ibid. Lib. III. cap. xxvii. p. 133. 1. 9. xat a^^o; yiv) nreroig wAsii?? iyvu^'.C^ovl^ xcclcc racroe, mv "TrpuTviv ra^iv t^j tuv ^ATCOTo'Kuy i7rey(pv\i^ otad*o;^)7S* ol nai org fn^iKUvos. ovln; ^BoTrpunT^ M,a$>9la«, Ty? tixisc. woivloc tqttov ru» |v.xA>jc7tiyv Tr^oKaJa/SAjjSei/Jaf vTiro Twv ATToroAiiw SsaEX'ts? I'TTU-itooQ^ay' — tTrsHx ^l aTroo'/j/xia? r^^^^o- fxzvoi, i^yo» i'TrtliKav tvafysKi^uVf roTg £t» iru^'ta.v uvr,y.ooiq ra Tr,q iriftui 'Koye y.rt^y'flitv t&v X^iTov ^tXoI»//a|M,s)'0», x«4 T/iv Toiv ^cicov ( 199 ) tles^ which constitute the remaining part of the Canon^ had been addressed to particular churches ; but the attention which the inspired penmen had employed to authenticate '^^ and to disperse their writings *°: and the care which the primitive churches used in obtaining and circulating the com- monest documents ^% renders it morally certain^ that the whole Scripture Canon of the New Testament must have been dispersed as widely as the Chris- tian name^ within a short period of its first publi- cation. As we derive our proofs of the authenticity of the Scriptures from the tradition of the Church; we deduce those of their integrity from the universal dispersion of the sacred writings. From the con- stant communication which was maintained between the churches^ which had been planted by the apos* ties, and were the immediate depositories of their writings, it was impossible that any authentick work, which proceeded from them^ could have existed in one churchy without having been communicated to another. The intercourse between the Syriack Greek and Roman Churchy was of the closest kind, under the immediate successours of the apostles; some of whom were vested with the government of particular churches, at the very time in which the Scripture Canon was perfected. St. Clement, the companion of St. Paul,, communicated with the Co- '5 Vid. 2 Thes. iii. 17. comp. 1 Cor. xvi. 21. Gal. vi. 11. Col. iv. 18. *° Vid. Col. iv. 16. 1 Thes. v. 27. !* Vid. supr. p. 196. n. ^ p. 197. n. *^ p. 115. n. '\ (200 ) rinthian Church, from Rome"; St. Polycarp, the disciple of St. John, visited Rome, and corresponded with the Syrian Church from Smyrna*'; and St. Ignatius, his contemporary and friend, not only communicated with the churches of Ephesus and Rome**, but visited both in person *^ In the epis- " S. Iren. adv. Heer. Lib. III. cap. iii. p. 176. Mela t5toi> ee r^iru tottw utto rm LtfotoXuv t^v svianoTrnv xXvjgSrai KX-rj/XTlS", o « ixovo^y £Tt ya,^ •ttoXXo) vTTsXEiTrotlo Tore vtto tu» utto^oXuv oioioocy^ivoi, Ett* thth hv tS KXi^^Evlof, Toco'icoq ^y. oXiyri^ ToTq Iv Ko^UBu yivoiAevviq uh?>(poTq £7ri.vK3,w&Jv ^Aixios. — £7r; AviKvtra vr^oq 5C7-ias yty^a.ijt,[j(,ivvi a, T. I. Conf. S. Polycarp. Epist, ad Philipp. cap. xiv. p. 191. Euseb. Hist. Eccl, Lib. IV. cap. xiv. p. 16L1. 1. 14. 34. *^ Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. III. cap. xxxvi. p. 130. 1. 9. O wapa '7r>7rfo(pr^ivnv l-TToXri-^yiv wafct iroT^oT^ al^iq ol xacrai rriv JPac7J^ixv &,^£X(poiy rr,v t^tai* a^iaiv xou tts^) tstwv, evXcc0^ xul o^^Q^o^o^olurr.v lirola.'tliiaiv* SK^iixsvoi xj tuv vocp' uvToTq TfAatoSfiyli-'V [^.x^v^uv ^l(x(p6piiS £7ric^ tcolgccv Tr,v viih tov npccvo)) sayJ^nalacv /SXacff^prj/xerv oioa.a-Kov\oq TH ocTrvivBu^ia-fjLBvii "Jri/svixcclocj oTi [xrtrt TifJt.7]V fxriTZ gra^o^ov EK ecvTviv TO -^Bv^oTi-poipeliKOV eXdix^uvs Ti^VSVfXOi. Vid. infr. p. 208. n. ^'', ^^ Besides the Synod in Gaul, already mentioned, supr. n. ^^. conventions were held against the Montanists, at Ancyra, An- tioch, and in many parts of Asia ; vid. Euseb. Plist. Eccl. Lib. V. capp. xvi. xix. p. 228. 1. 13. p- 236. 1. 22. Respecting these Synods, a contemporary writer observes ; Apolinar. ap. Euseb. lb. cap. xvi. p. 230. 1. 10. ruv yocp y.ula, Tr,v Acriccv TTi^uv '^ro'AXa.zi^ ?,6y8q i^iioiffuvluv y.ca ^s^yiT^ag ci7ro(P'fivd-Jicov oy (x.7ro^ox.i/j.oi0oivrcijv , rr,v ai^cUiv, ^tu ^b rrjg re IxxXnijlcc^ B'E£U!(yQri(7aVy >C, rrjs noiycoviscs i\'pX^rt>yav. Conf. Ibid. p. 227. 1. 33. sqq. ^° Vid. supr. n.^l Conf. Euseb. Hist. Eccl, Lib. V. cap. xvi, p. 229. 1. 4. sqq. cap. xviii. p. 233. I. 33. sqq. ( 204 ) their mutual animosities, had agreed to corrupt the Scriptures ; still the disagreements which arose be- tween different churches, must have rendered any attempt on the integrity of Scripture wholly abor- tive, by leaving it open to detection. A difference of opinion, respecting the time of keeping Easter^ interrupted the unanimity which had long subsisted between the Greek and Roman Churches '^ ; and to such an extent was their mutual animosity carried^ that the Western Church proceeded to the extre- mity of excommunicating the Eastern ^^. A like diversity of opinion, at a period somewhat later, di- vided the Roman and African Churches on the sub- ject of baptizing hereticks^^ Had there existed 3^ Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. V. cap. xxiii. p. 241. I. 26. 'ZjViTYiGiOOS ^riTO. y.ccrcc Tiiah [_^ixa-ru ys /m'/jv t*3? Ko/aoJs ^oca-iXsioti tT«t] » o/Jiiy.pois avaxjvTiS's/arjS', oVt ^n t^? 'Aa-iccg uTrxcrn^; ul 9ra- ft;ovTO ^aTv i^rt t5j? t2 o-ujTYi^'i8 I\cx,n%x koqrr,s 'na.qa<^v\^ol (Av kv svs^Bi^rjO-av «^ nxTot MalBiocVf i^ ciXXoe, 'jrT^eiovoc, Euseb. Hist. Ecclcs. Lib. III. cap. XXV. p. 118. 1. 34. 'Ev roTq »5-^o;? Kcclcilflx^^u x^ run ^at;^8 9rpa|fwv ri ypa,(pn — i^ ocrroKoi^V'^ig Ubt^h* — vi^n ^ £» raToi? Ttve? xj to xa$* *E^cai»j E^aiysAtcv )ioc\s>,sioiVf u i/.oi>.iroc E^^atluv ol rov Xptfo? m'«'Oa,h^C, Tar ovo/xart raJv 'A7rofo?>.&;v 'npo^ ruv *AI§stikcc;v iipoa" TiiTQ^q uTO^uv E-JufyBXicc 7r£pjE;^ycrac» ri uq Av^fsa ol xal 'luavva y.cd Tuv oM\u)y " Aituro'^biv '^px^sic, uv e^ln H^aiiuq Iv a-i y.E^pYiiA,sns<; Tiva? OrVTo) ita,reiKr,(px, Id. ibid. cap. xxv. p. 119. 1. 2. axX wpo? tsto»j vi ^e^optEvrj Bapva/3a CTTi^oX^, xa< t«v 'ATroroAfc'v at h£y6[A.evai oiox^cti- Tocvrct ira.v\oc. tuv uHi^syoi^svuv av ei»j, ava-yKaiwg ol ku) THrui ( 207 ) apocryphal works and the authentick Scriptures, the antieiits have stated the grounds on which they rejected the former and admitted the latter ; they have thus enabled us to judge of the adequacy of that evidence, on the authority of which they esta- blished the Canon. In selecting a period out of the primitive ages, which is best calculated to aiford us satisfactory in- formation on this subject, our attention is immedi- ately attracted to that which produced the contro- versy relative to Easter. As this is a period in which party spirit ran high ^\ it is a crisis which is likely to put us in possession of the truth, by exhi- biting both sides of the question. It is likewise dis- tinguished by the number of learned and inquisi- tive men, who adorned Christianity by their lives, and supported it by their writings ; by many whose w^orks have descended to our times. The synods which were convened almost simultaneously in the ruv ky.xXn(yix}<; Ba>;.;n^^^^tf tvJj Ko^iiBiuv Exx^^5C7■^«? £7r»crxo9ry, x«* 9rA£»rfc-ir 25 Vid. Euseb. ut snpr. p. 197. n. '^ infr. n. ^^, '^° Vid. supr. n. 3^. Alexandr. Epist. ad Antinoitt. 'Aacra* Toy UBuh, xct) tvv a-vvi^trn^o^ivoq /xoi ^i« tuv «^%wi', IxaTof hxu\^ hvi hvxaif X. T. £, Vid. Euseb. ibid. Lib. VI. cap. xi» p. 268. 1. 17. sqq. ( §09 ) vlnces*'. Among the writers celebrated at that period, we particularly distinguish Pantsenus and Clement, of Alexaadria ^'^ ; Origen, afterwards pres- byter, of Palestine "^S* Caius, presbyter of Rome'^^; St. Ireneeus, then bishop of Lyons; and TertuUian, presbyter of Carthage '•^^ From the joint testimony of witnesses thus competent, and thus widely dis- persed, the most unanswerable body of evidence may be deduced in favour of the integrity of the Canonical Scriptures. In the first place, the integrity of the sacred wri- tings was, at this period, the subject of particular investigation. The Marcionites, a sect which was particularly opposed by St. Irenaeus and Tertul- lian, had rejected the principal part of the Canon^ and corrupted the remainder*^; and the Theodo- tistSj who had been excommunicated by Victor*^, ♦' Vid. supr. n. '^, Euseb. ib. Lib. V. cap. xix. p. 236. 1. 20. Iwir^AJ) Tij Trpof Kufixov t^ Itoyrix.6v* h »5 ^nv^vvuv huI ccvra^ 7'^r uvrviv ^Tu¥ ^^vyuv'^ al'^scrtv, IwtAs'ys* rotVTa, "O^ruq ^\ y.ot,) tsto »'^r;Te, 0T» TYii nJ/f^Sf tavTnq r(x^iu<; T^s E7rt£»5j$ * viaq 7r^o^)}l£»a?,* i^juvy X.T.I. 'Ev Totvrvi ^\ Tn tS ^otpxTriunoq iTrtroA^, x^ vTroa-ri^nuffstq -♦* Vid. infr. p. 209. n. ". *3 Vid. infr. p. 210. n. ^\ Conf. supr. p. 12. n. *\ '^'^ Euseb. ib. Lib. IL cap. xxv. p. 83. 1. 36. xa» lxK^^(r^a^»xo^ ecv-n^ r«i'os oi/o[/.cc KOila Xt(pvpmi' Puf/.ix'iuv ytyifnuq tTriaxoTTov' oq ^>j IIpoxAw xala ^pvyxq 'TTpo'irccfJi.si'U yvu^m 6[y^ix(pui ^»aAe;i^S£*f, x. t. I. ♦' Vid. supr. p. 202. n. ^^ ^* Vid. supr. p. 53. n. '\ ^^ Euseb. ib. Lib. V. cap. xxviii» p. 252. 1. 27,— B/xrw^ P ( 210 ) and refuted by Caius, had systematically corrupted the sacred writings ^^ From the remains of Caius, and the works of Tertullian^ it appears^ that both these antient fathers had carefully collated the ge- nuine and the adulterated copies ^^ Alexander and OrigeUj who were friends and correspondents ^% were professed collectours of books; the former founded, at his own expence, the library at Jerusa- lem ^'^ and the latter laid the foundation of that at Caesarea^*. Pantaenus and Clement^ who had been intimates of Alexander and Origen ^^, were travel- roy CKvlix ®£0^oloVf rov oc^^riyov t^ wccli^oi ruvTVjq T^iq ufWiO'tBiH ccvoi-uiTioci;, d'^SKTOfV^s TYiS xotvwv/af, 'n-furov smovlce. •\'i>.09 o^vB^uttop TO* Xptroti—— '*^ Id. ibid. p. 253. 1. 37. raTo;; l7rKrvvoi-\'a[Ae» x^ a,h%a.q wepJ tuiv ocvruv t5 ayTtf avf'yfa.(piiji; [Pa/a ^ri>M^yi'] (puvuq, tStov i^kcraq , ^^ Caius ap. Euseb. ibid. p. 2.54-. 1. 16. E» ya§ tk BsXr.an cvyy.oyiAa-uq uinuv iH-dra rot a.v\iypx(pcc i^sloi^enf Vfoq a^^^^^a, xala 9roXu a,v eypoi ^ioc^ov^vlx, uffi[j.ipuva, y^v trai to, Ac7xX>37r»«d» roTq OeoooTS, — TTxTnv ^\ TaTo»5 rd E^^o^t^a a <7Vi/ciaBi. ru ycc^ ATroXXwfia ^^e uvlci luvloTq In crv[ji.^uva, sver* ya^ av[y.^7vui Toi 'npors^ov liv uvruv y.oilxo-y.ivcia-^svleti roTq vr^eov waAtc l7rt^iar^a^E*Vi, x^ £t'p£~» xoclwrro^.v uTTcc^ovla. Vid. supr. p. 146. n. ^^. Tertullian's testimony will be more particularly considered hereafter. 5° Vid. infr. n. ^\ '" 5' Vid. supr. p. 198. n. '\ 5* Vid. supr. p. 84-. n. '^ " Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. VL cap. xiv. p. 274. 1. 14. JJuX^v y I ^vjAw^sj? 'A>\s^av^pQq t» KX75//,evToy «|Ua ^l x^ Ttt Ylocvroci\u 7svo//,e'vwv ruv av^uv, Conf. cap. xi. p. 269. 1. 24. Id. ib. cap. Ti. p. 264. 1. 4. Yldvlaivov ^l K?k^|x>j? ^tcch^a-iABVos Tijj xar' AT^t^uvm ^gciay xoiln^y}a-BCif<; — xaSi^ysTro. us t^ Tov 'ilpy/vjiy tuv ^oUr^lut uut3 nccTosi 9v[a. yi)iiaBoii x»t. i. ( 211 ) lers^ and curious enquirers into the subject under discussion. The former^ in a mission undertaken to India^ on which he was deputed by Demetrius, successour to Julianus^ in the see of Alexandria, there saw the Gospel of St. Matthew, as originally written in Hebrew, which was preserved from the times of St. Bartholomew, the apostle of India ^'••. And the latter, who was Alexander's messenger from Jerusalem to x\ntioch, has perpetuated the tra- dition, which he received from an elder named Macarius, respecting the Epistle to the Hebrews; that it was originally written by St. Paul, in the same language, but afterwards translated into Greek by St. Luke the Evangelist ^^ These facts will sufficiently evince the wide dispersion of the sacred writings, and the attention which was devoted to the subject before us, at this truly primitive pe- riod ^^. With respect to Origen, his testimony "^^ Euseb. ibid. Lib. V. cap. x. p. 223. 1. 15.— 5 uJivlumT xj eIj" IvdbS' sX9"eiV P^eyilon* svBa, T^oyoq svpeiv avTOV i:^o(p^a,a-av tw avrS 'jrapaa-iuv, ro xocrx vAar^a7ov EvoifyiKiov, iraoa, riaiv ainoBi rov "KfiTov iinyvuiioaiv' oi? Bap^o^o^a^ol^ ruv *A9ro^o^w» ivcx, HVjpv^cci* avroTq 7£ \0^xiuv y^ix^i/LCKXtv t^v t« MaTJa/a xaTaXst\{/at y^ai^rlv" jjv xj aul^sa-Bat tU Tov JyjAa/z.Evoj' ^^ovov, Conf. S. Hicr. Cat. Scripp. Eccless. in Pantaen. Tom. I. p. 124. " Id. ibid. Lib. VI. cap. xiv. p. 273. 1. 8. xul rrj* 'jr^k 'E^pams E^pxiKYi (pcjvij* Aaxwv ^£ (pi?\oll[A.o}q ccvTrtV ^Si^^Y^vi.va-xv\a.f U^avai To7q ^EXA'/3<7»i'* o^£v TO* a^Tov xf'^'^"' £^f'0"X£cr$a* xetiu rnt e^iA-ntiiuVf 'cetvTViq re tij? tTrtr&^'J?, *^ Toj* Ilpci^iav. Elra v} d£ u<; 0 MocKocfioq IXsys TTpEcr^yTEpoc, x. t. e, Conf. Lib. III. cap. xxxviii. p. 134. L 20. ^^ The facts which have been related, on the authprlty of .f2 ( 212 ) ti^ould be of itself sufficient to establish all that it i§ my object to evince. Throtig-h motives of curiosity Justin Martyr, and Clemens Alexandrinus, relative to tlie wide dispersion of the name of Nazarenes, and to the discovery of a Hebrew copy of St. Matthew's Gospel in India, supr. p. 194. n^. p. 211. n. ^*. afford each other mutual confirmation, and form an extraordinary proof of the wide and early dispersion of this Gospel, within a few years of our Lord's ascension: vid. supr. p. 194. n. *. The Scriptures were written as the new converts were able to receive them. Previously to the formal abrogation of the Jewish ceremonial, and the admission of the Gentile converts to the full participation of the Christian privi- leges, St. Matthew's Gospel contained as perfect a view of the New Religion, as the infant Church was calculated to receive ; Gomp. Act. xi. 1 — 4. sqq. And this Gospel, in insisting parti- cularly on the name of Nazarene, Matt. ii. 23. appears to me to contain internal evidence of having been written previously to this period, before the name of Christian was at all used ; vid. Act* ib. 26. It may be further observed, in illustration of this curious subject, that Apollonius, a primitive father, who flou- rished within 80 years after the death of St. John, relates, on the authority of tradition, that the Apostles were enjoined by our Lord not to leave Jerusalem for twelve years: Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. V.^cap. xviii. p. 236. 1. 8. iVt ^e w? U -n-upoi^o. ATTos-oXoiCy £911 ^u^sxoc gTeffi (j^'Ti y^upia^Yivoii T'/jy 'IspHffAXrif/,. With this account accords the opinion of the Greek Church, relative to the Gospel of St. Matthew. This work was sup- posed to have been written about eight years after our Lord's Ascension, In Hebrew, for the early converts ; but translated into Greek by St. John, when the Church was emancipated for its subjection to the Jewish ceremonial. Schol. in Matt, xxviii. 20. e Cod. Vat. 361. 363. et all. multt. to kcctu MarSaro* itccpoc, Iwavvfcf. ap. Birch. Nov. Test. p. 181. Conf. Griesb. Symbb. Critt. TorA. I. pp. Ixv. civ. ( 213 ) he visited Rome^^ and was deputed on a mission to Arabia '%• and from the discovery which he made of some obscure versions of the Hebrew Scriptures ^^ it might be inferred, that he was a diligent inquirer into the authority of the New Testament. But his testimony may be collected not merely by implica- tion, but from his express declarations. He has drawn the justest line between the canonical and the apocryphal books ^°; has ascribed the former 5' Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. VI. cap. xiv. p. 274. 1. 27. xala Ta<7^£ Ttfj %^o*'«? 'T^? Pajxalcov IzxXvia-iccq vjySfjJvyy s7^^^Y|[J.'>^aa^ Trj Pw/A*} Kocl ccvt6<; 7r« y^ai^si >.iyu)v, EjVZOcij.svos T'/iv d^yonoroirr,'* 'AXi^div&fiBiav. '^ Id. ibid. cap. xix. p. 283. 1. 20. i'^r^ruq tk; rZv rpajiwlijcwv ecDs^i^a y^xyt.yLOLia. ArifxrUfhUf re tco t^$ Trcc^or/iuq iTrianOTrui, y.cct ra) TOTS T^5 'AlytTrra Wcip^Vf '^^f'^ ^5 t^? 'Apa.^ia? riya^Jva' u^ ccv [/.{la <77ry^>55 ccttcco-Yji; tov Qpiyevriv 'Trey^^c/isv Koivcuvrjo-ovlcc 7\oyu9 'A§a/3i(zv. Conf. cap. xxxvi. p. 299. 1. 29. sqq. ^^ Id. ibid. cap. Xvi. p. 275. 1. 21. Toaavrvi ^t ilo-r,y^o tZ '^piyivn tZv ^iiuv "hoyuv a7rr,)i^i^UfA.ivYt e^ilucriCy ug >c^ Tr,v E^fu'i^x yXuTlccv £>{//,a$£U'. — Kui Tivuq hipcc^y vccpu Tuq y.cclvjfjLU^BVfAivott; Ip- (AYiVticcq ivcc>^aT%<7ae,j T'/jy AavXs xj 2y|(/.|xap^» y.ct] Qbc^oIiuvoi;, Itpsvpuii* aj, a;i oT^ oSe» £x Tivuv ftv^uv, rov 7ra\a» Xav^uviicrug ^^6i/ov, ityi^viva-ctqj iU ?'w? Tr^oyiyotytv, i(p' av hu. Tr,v «5'^Xot»}I«, Ti)io<; up' iliv »x i\^u<;, uvTo TdTo i^.oi/ov iTrfcrj^jjfaTo, uq a^ct t'/jj* />(.?v s'vpoi iv Tvt TTPoq 'Ay.T'iu NiJiOTToXsi* rrjv at iv STBpcj ToV Q.piyiv'fi<;~\ tcv iH.a'hria-^a.^iy.ov (^vT^utIuv xecvovaCf yi^va, Tsa-aapcc sloivat Ej;ayJiEA»a [Aot^vpeluij u)0£ m-uq y^u^uv* Slq sif 7rapa3o/tfc')', u xxt /x.oya imxpiip^yjlci Iv ttj Ltio tqv ip^atlv \Y.\hr,a'ici. tv <£>iv' k. t. ?, ( 214 ) their due and exclusive weight^' ; and has deduced their authority from the immemorial tradition of the Catholick Church^*; which his profound learning and local researches furnished him with ample means of investigating. If we noW take the works of Clement, Origen, and Tertullian, and compare them with our Scrip- tures, as preserved in the original Greek, and in the Latin translation, it is impossible to resist the con- viction, that the sacred writings must have retained their integrity, since the times of those primitive fathers. We find them collectively quoted by those early fathers, under their proper titles, and on all occasions where their authority could be adduced. Of Tertullian it has been observed, that he contains more numerous and extensive extracts from the New Testament, than all the writers of antiquity, for a long succession of ages, have adduced from the voluminous writings of Cicero ^' ; though his works ** Orlg. Horn. i. in Luc. Tom. III. p. 932. d. Ovru nee) vvr ccTkTC ol Ukiixqi rpcc7r£t,'niici a Tuvla iK^ivaVy kWa, rnxx ocvruv l^iAi^otilo, Tayoi. ^\ xa« to * iiriyi^^rtacc})^ \zKrf^mce.y ''iyj.i KO^myo^iav tuv '^Ic/.'c'^aios yap «x iinx^ifYia-i* uXK gypa\J/£V h% (xyin Hv&vfjixros xtvapcevof o/LLoiais ^ Ma§)(05" k^ IwavvTjy, Trsipoi TrXrtaLov ^£ j^ h^yJas. Vid. supr. p. 205. n. ^♦. The testimony of Origen respecting the Epistles, which is too long for insertion in this place, is collected by Eusebius, Lib. VI. cap. xxv. p. 29L 6^ Vid. supr. n. ^°. '^ Dr. Lardn. Cred. of Gosp. Hist. P. I, B. I. ch. xxvii. p. 64- 1. " There are perhaps more and larger quotations of the N. T. in this one christian author, than of all the works of Ci- ( 215 ) Uave formed a standard^ by which succeedhig wri- ters have endeavoured to model their stile. The writing's of Clement and Orii^en liave undergone a severer scrutiny than those of Tertullian; all the scripture quotations which are discoverable in such of their works as are extant, have been extracted from them, and have been disposed in their proper order ^'^. They contain ample and connected quo- tations from all the books of Scripture, which not only evince the general integrity of the sacred wri- tings, but demonstrate, by the most extraordinary coincidence with the vulgar Greek "^^ that the tex- ture of the phrase and purity of the language have remained uncorrupted for tiie vast period which has intervened, since the age of those primitive fatiiers. Ample and satisfactory as the testimony is, which is thus borne to the integrity of the sacred Scrip- cero, though of so uncommon excellence for thought and stile, in the writers of all characters for several ages/' ^* Vicl. Nov. Test, Locc. ab Orig. et Clem. Alex. Allegatt. ap. Griesb. Symbb. Critt. Tom. IL p. 229. sqq. ^5 M. Griesbach has noted the deviations of the Vulgar Greek from the readings of Origen, in the lower margin of his Symbb. Critt. ut supr. p. 241. sqq. When we throw out of the list the inconstant readings of Origen, and the peculiar readings of Clement, of whom M. Griesbach declares, ibid. p. 235. " S. S. oracula baud raro memoriter excitat, et sensum magis quanj ipsa auctorum sacrorum verba repraesentat;" and when we re- member the insuperable difficulties with which the antients had to contend in quoting accurately, as not knowing the use of a Concordance, and not having a text divided into verses : the literal coincidence of those readings, and the Greek Vulgate, must be considered next to miraculous. ( 216 ) tures^ it seems possible to connect it by a few steps with the age of the inspired writers. Origen was the disciple of Clement, and Clement the disciple of Pantaenus; and all of them wer^ the intimates of Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem ^^ : but Pantaenus is expressly said to have been a disciple of those who were the immediate auditors of the Apostles ^^. Alexander represents Narcissus, wlio was likewise bishop of Jerusalem, as having- been an hundred and sixteen years old, when he acted as his suffragan in that see, at Jerusalem ^^i he of course must have en- joyed the same opportunities of conversing with the immediate disciples of the apostles, w^hich were pos- sessed by Pantaenus. Tertullian is referred to a period near that of the apostles, by St. Jerome, who drew his information from one who was informed by an acquaintance of St. Cyprian^ his disciple ^^ ^s Vid. supr. p. 210. n. ". ^^ Phot. Bibliothec. cod. cviii. T5to> roUw rov 'n^iyivriv, ^iiyaai yiVBcrBcci KX>)[xi>]oi; t5 Xr^w/xo-Tew?, xul re xctra, t»v AXeI- >>iyHJ-i Ka) oiK^oairjv kuI t2 ^i^acrxaAgta ^ici^o^ov. Tlaivrcavov ^s rc^V Tc THS *A7ros"6>.bS' Iw^axoTwv dx^oxaoia^cci' « /xr,v akXa aoc'i rtvuv 67 Vid. supr. p. 208. n. *^ '^^ S. Hier. Cat. Scripp. Eccless. in Tertul. Tom. I. p. 12(>. *• Vidz ego quendam Paulum Concordise, quod opidum Italis est, senem, qui &e B. Ci/priani jam grandis cctatis notariunif cum ipse admodum esset adolescens, Romce vidisse diceret, referreque sibi solitum, numquam Cyprianum absque Tertul- liani lectione unam diem priEterisse: ac sibi crebro dicer e ; * Da magistrum:' Tertulliaaum videlicet significant," Id. ib. ( ^17 ) St. Ii'enaBUS mentions his having been acquainted with St. Polycarp^ who was placed in the see of Smyrna by St. John the Evangelist^; and g-ives an affecting description of the accounts which he heard that venerable old man deliver of the apostle, and of the impression which, while he was yet a boy, they had made upon his recollection ^°, With these facihties of arriving at the opinions of the apostoli- cal age, on a subject of such paramount importance as that of the sacred canon, it remains to be ob- served, that the apostolical tradition, as preserved by the succession of bishops throughout the Catho- lick Church, was at this period an object of curious investigation^'. Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, ex- in Luc. p. 111. " Sed et Tertuilianus, viclnus eorum tempo- yum," &c. ^ Vid. supr. p. 200. n. *?. '° S. Iren. Fragmm. p. 340. at ya^ U 'jrui^uv f/,a$>;3»' fjMct 'luxvvts cvvxvecT^fi^'nv uq u'KrjfyhT^.hB' xa* ttjc jwcra ruu Xoiiruv ruv eupotKoruf nrlt Kyp»oy* xoct aq ccm^vx^^vtvi. iHc Xoyyt; ocvTuVf v.ai irifi t« Kvpis riva, vjv a, 'TTOtp IksIvuv a,>tr,xon' au) Tri^i dwuiAiuv avr^, xa) My£if ir^oq ruv erccifuv «j '^f^x^ 'ma.^cc ruv upy^a'ius/ J kJ ^ h 'EsSeVw hiro nayXa ^v TeS'£/iAEXtw/>tBi'>j, 'laa-vva h 9rapa^£i»a«'T0? avro'i'i f*'X?* TiDv TpaVai/tf x^^^^^i iJ^ocprvs aXoo^ogs" Efi rriS 'Atto^oXcov irupocloascijf. Of the means which St. Irenaeus possessed of investigating the primitive traditions, and of the curiosity which he exercised on this subject, he has thus spoken; S. Iren. adv. Haer. Lib. IV. cap, xxvii. p. 263. " Quemadmodum audivi a quodam Presbytero, qui audierat ah his qui Ajoostolos viderantf «t ab his qui didicerant," &c. ( 219 ) to the Church by its original founders, and preserved by their successours 7+. The former states, that the apostoHcal tradition was preserved in every church throug-hout the world '^; the latter appeals to the apostolical writings as preserved in the particular churches, where they were deposited by their in- spired authours ^^. ^* Tertul. adv. Marc. Lib. IV. cap. v. p. 406. ** In summa, si constat id verius quod prius, id prius quod ab initio, id ab initio quod ab Apostolis; pariter utique constahit id esse ah Apostolis tradittivif quod apud Ecclesias Apostolorum fiierit sacrosanctum. Videamus quod lac a Paulo Corlnthii hauserint ; ad quam regulam Galatse sint recorrecti ; quid legant Pliilip- penses, Thessalonicenses, Ephesii; quid etiam Romani de proximo sonent, quibus Evangelium et Petrus et Paulus san- guine quoque suo signatum reliquerunt. Haberaus et Joannis alumnas Ecclesias. Nam etsi Apocal)^psim ejus Marcion res- puit, ordo tamen Episcoporum ad originem recensus, in Joan- nem, stabit auctorem, sic et cceierarum generositas recotrnoscitun Dico itaque apud illas, nee solas jam Apostolicas, sed apud universas, quae illis de societate sacramenti confcederantur, id Evangelium Lucae ab initio editionis suce stare quod cum maxime tuemur : Marcionis vero plerisque nee notum, nullis autem no- tum ut non eo damnatum." ^5 S. Iren. adv. Haer. Lib. IIL cap. iii. p. 175. " Traditio- nem itaque Apostolorum in toto mundo manijestatam, in onmi Ecclesia adest respicere omnibus qui vera velint videre: et habemus annumerare eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesiis, et successores eorum usque ad nosj*' &c. Id. ep. ad Florin, p. 339. Tccvtoc t« ^oyixacra, cccrv[A(p6Jvci er* T»j lK>c?iy,a-i» cviJL^oiTna-xvrii;, k Tra^s^uy.av n. r. I. '^ Vid. supr. p. 115. n. '\ p. 218. n. ''\ The meaning as- cribed to authenticce liierce, in the former quotation, has been opposed by Dr. Lardner, Cred. of Gosp. Hist. P. I. B. I. qXx, ( 220 ) As the darly period in which those apostolical fa* thers flourished is thus easily connected with the age xxvli. Vol. II. p. 636. He supports his opinion on the autho- rity of Cicero, and of Tertullian, the former of whom uses the adverb «u3cvT(xt.ix,fiTviv TlocjTccv ' A^ot.vot,(7iiE^^y, TTw? av £';>/ot -zzrEpi ayrS. o o\ ers l^cfUTriKoyixTeilof ars -TjraXiv Tipos avrbv oLiisy^ws 'niii'/^'/i, fxorov ^e ^loi rs Trqoau/Tns fJiSi^idoixs v7li(^Yi\s^ ^o^-nf'ioe,<; p,vj ^*.uy.^av ctvrov eiv«», xa* ug aTTO- 7\0'yiriaa.(ji,svov £i%E. «^ Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. VI. cap. xv. p. 275. 1. 12. f^q y.ccryiX'O"'"^' ^^* ^^^^* ^^P- x^^^' P^ ^^'^' ^' 21* "^^^ ^^ '^^'' etvTo^i Ka,Tr,^^aiu}q T^» ^iccr^i^nn ^»a^E%£Tai Aiovva-io^, iU ««* aro? ruv ^* Euseb. ib. Lib. VIL cap. xxvii. p. 357. I. 12. o /*£v kut A^£|av^pE^«v AtonJcrio? "Trctpax^JjStJf ^5 ocv im nrnv cvvoSov [In AvJi- «* Alex. Alexp.ndr, Epist. ap. Theod. Hist. Eccl. Lib. I. cap. ( 223 ) survived this period, until the persecution of Maxi- min, and was not martyred until within thirteen years of the Council of Nice, he must have been a contemporary of St. Athanasius, and would have been doubtless present in that Synod, had he not been prematurely cut off among- the martyrs of Palestine. By the intervention of Dionysius and Lucianus, the tradition is thus connected from the times of Origen to those of St. Athanasius, St. Epi- phanius, and St. Jerome. The testimony of St. Athanasius, who stands at the end of this succession, is adequate to decide all that it is my object to establish ^K He has given a list of the canonical and apocryphal books, in his Festal Epistle ^^ which forms a sufficient evidence iv. p. 15. »>t uyvo^^leq on v) hocyxo^ iiravocTciacx, rri iy.y.T^viciX'ri-'tn 'Avlioy^Eiciv UavXa t5 'LxfAoaccliuq a-vnoou) y.al x/icrsi Tw» ccrrailct^e i'JTiffx.d'Kuv u'Tray.rifvy.BBvioi T'^; iKHXriaicc^i' ov ^m,h^cx.u,tvo(; AiiKiccyoi; icTcoa-vvixyuyoq iyi,nvt Tpi&Jy itc iaKO'rruv <7io>.v{\tTq ^^o»s?. «3 Vid. supr. p. 131. n. ^^ Conf. S. Athan. de Incarn. Verb, Tom. I. p. 96. b. ^+ St. Athan. Epist. Fest. Tom. I. P. ii. p. 962. c. t^ f, r^^ EYAFFEAIA rsaacc^^a* notice Motl^xTov, y.a]cc Moc^ytov, xctlac Aey.ccv^ y.o[\oi '[uavvr.v. slroc y^tioi mvTa, nPAHEIS THN 'AnOSTOAr2N, y.acl 'EniSTOAAl KA0OAIKAI xa?v8f/Ej'a» tuv * Airoroy^av zttIcc' iiTuq f^lv^ 'lotKu^a Uy TLer^H ^£ iS, tlra Icotivva y, xx) yJJx rccvTx; lii^a. oi, TT^k TtfTOK riATAOT 'Awos-oX» sla-iv 'Eni£TOAAI h>ialtj$ v^oi 'Exeats?* tlra, ^ (m/]» rxvrx Vflq ©Ecrua^ovtxsr? ^1^0* xj 7) TT^oq 'E(3f«ka5* »c^ tvi^vq Wfoj Tt/xo.&£0>r ^vo' Trplq ol Tlrof ( 224 ) ©f the integrity of the vulgar edition ; in proving the same books to be now in use^ which were re- ceived at the time of the Nicene Council. What adds still greater weight to his authority^ is the ex- plicit appeal which he makes to the tradition of the Churchy while employed in enumerating the Cano- nical Scriptures ^\ As he was present in the Coun- cil of Nice, where the Bishops of the Catholick Church were assembled together, and as he visited the churches of Greece ^^ Syria ^^, Gaul^^, and Italy ^9^ and governed that of Alexandria, he not only possessed the means of tracing the tradition to its source, but of ascertaining how far it was catho- lick. The different editions which are incorporated in the Alexandrine manuscript^'', contain a sufficient rocvTce, 'rr'nyoLi t5 a-aj%^iii x. t. I. Conf. Synops. Script. Tom. II. p. 177. d. sqq. ^^ Id. in Epist, Fest. p. 961. e. 7rcx,faKx>,:j 'tvex^j-B'^if si irs^t y^o(,(puy diotTE T^» ociocy'/.xv v.cti to xP'fiai[A.ov Tijf £xx.^^o"t«?. yiiKhui ^% inTuy /xmj/ASVeVSJi', x^y:crofji.on — ru tirra tS E^a/yeAtra Aay.ci, ^iyup t^ CLvToq' ETTnaK'TTt^ Tutq ETTEp^sl^jCTaJ' cctctloliao-^oci euvlo7^ ret yayofAivok A'j:QKfv(pa, k^ sTTifxiiat tuvtcc ryj ^loiivUfa r^a(pip, -re^i vis £-rX7}§o(fccy;3'i^/xsv, xol^us irapi^osciv toXs Tarqxaiv ct utt' ei^X^^f a^TOTrla* x^ v'^ifira.^ yiyciAivoi tS ?^6yii* i^o^e xa-ixoi, grfolpawEvIt wetfu yv7ia\u» u^iXo eivai rrtv r§Ji(p^v l/vcivvis rscvTriv HK civre^uj. ayia f^lv ya.^ Bhaci rivos o^ S"£0^vEi/$-8 avvcx.ivai, (^y.ca fjLt^* £T£^a) on ^\v iv 'luocvvvig Eriv o tocvtoc. y^oc^uv \_xayca ^luotvvvtq 0 ^Xiircov Jtj octtHuv ravra.~\ avru T^tyom TTirevTiov* •n'oToq ^e vToq ahy^ov. Euseb. ib. Lib. III. cap. xxxviii. p. 134, 1. 14. ccc(^'iTCc\oL 5rapir'5' oBev s'lKOTCUS I'^o^EV, ecvTo TCK >^oi7roTq lfyLura7\£y(Privoa ypccfj^ixaci t« 'Att- •5:0X8, "4 Dionys. ibid. p. 3,53. 1. 5. Ov /*^v ^a^»ws kv cryy^o»^y;p t^top ( 2SS ) Paiil"^ contrary to the practice of those Apostles, in their genuine writings. This distinction seems decisive of the question, and directly identifies the true authours of the Apocalypse and the Epistle. The introduction of the name of the inspired writer implies an authoritative declaration of the aposto- lical function : such a designation is, of course, as properly abandoned by both Apostles in dictating- epistles to the whole church, or to particular congre- gations not in their jurisdiction: as it was properly assumed by them, in addressing those churches over which they assumed an immediate authority. St. John, in his Catholick Epistle, and St. Paul, in his Epistle to the Hebrews, declines using the title; for this obvious cause, that the one was no universal Bishop, the other not an Apostle of the Hebrews, but of the Gentiles "^ But in addressing the parti- ivvai TOD 'A7^oVo^o^ rly viov Zi^e^ccie' rov uosT^Cpov 'lotKuBa' a to lE.vufyiXiov TO y.cc\a, 'luamv lmyiy^eciJ.[xsvoVf )<^ n imroXn ri xaSoXtx^. 5 iA.iv ya^ I,vufyeXirr,i, h^izfXH To ovo/jloc avrS 'Traasfyqa.ipEi' «^£ xvi^vaaei socvrov, srs ^ix rn EuxfyEKiH, «t£ ^i^ Try? 'Ett- w^oTair<7£t. "5 Vid. supr. p. 231. n. '". Conf. infr, n. ^'^, ^'6 Clement, of Alexandria, has put this argument more forcibly ; Clem. Alex. ap. Euseb. ibid. Lib. VL cap. xiv. p. 273. 1. 19. \tti\ 0 Ki^^ior, aTToro^o? ^y t« namj^^aTo^e^, aTr^raAj, it^bi; 'E^paiy?- ^.a/x6T^.oV>5T«, 5 Da^Aoc, ig ^v z\s t^ "E^vt} aTTss-^X/^EVor, «X Ep/§^(Pci Sa^TOV 'E^^OCICOV AtTOS-oXoV ^;^ TH 7^. TTPO,' Ti. KtJ^ior 'Tiurtv, ^la. TH TO Ik ve^mcria^ j^ roTq 'E^^ocioi: lOTr^AAa.!/, 'eS*S* xy^fvaa, l,ry. ^ Airoro^ov. S. HIer. Comm. in GaJ. cap. i. Tom. VI. p. 120. f. <' Et in Epistola ad Hebrasos, propterea Paidum sohta consuetudinc, nee no7ne?i mum, nee Apostoli vocabukm pra^j)osinsse, quia de Chrisio trat dicturus : " Habentes ergo ( 234 ) cular churches of Rome and Corinth, or the seven churches of Asia, both St. John and St. Paul, in in- troducing their names, assert their apostolical autho- rity. With respect to the Apocalypse, of course the controversy must be now at an end; for it is as certain, that John the Elder possessed no authority over the seven churches, as that those churches were governed by St. John the Evangelist, until the reign of the Emperour Trajan *'^ And with respect to the Epistle to the Hebrews, it may be as briefly decided. Though St. Paul has declined introduc- ing his name into this Epistle, he has asserted that authority over Timothy, in deputing him on a mis- sion "^, which is irreconcilable with the notion of its having proceeded from any person of inferiour au- thority ; or is indeed clearly demonstrative of the fact, that it was written by the great Apostle. As these considerations, deducible from the in- ternal evidence, seem to annihilate the force of the objections raised to those canonical books ; the ex- ternal testimony of two witnesses, who are above all exception, fully confirms the authority which they derive from the ecclesiastick tradition. St. Irenaeus, who was but one remove, in the line of succession, from St. John, having heard his disciple St. Poly- Principem, Sacerdotem et Apostolum confessionis nostrae Je- sum :" nee fuisse congruura, ut ubi Christus Apostolus di- cendus erat, ibi etiam Paulus Apostolus poneretur." "^ Vid. supr. p, 112. nn. ^et^ ■*^ Euthal. Argum. in Ep. ad Hebrr. p. 671. xaj Ix tS T.iynv, ( 235 ) carp *'^ expressly ascribes tlie Revelation to tlie Evangelist ''° ; and speaks of the apocalyptick vi- sion as having been seen in his own age, towards the end of the reign of Domitian "\ And a con- temporary of St. Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, whose authority Eusebius represents as decisive '", relates that the Epistle to the Hebrews was written by St. Panl in his vernacular tongue, but translated into Greek by Luke the Evangelist *'^ To the tes- timony which St. Irenaeus bears to the work of St. John, we may add that of Justin Martyr '"^ Ter- tullian*'^ Melito "^ Theophilus ^'^ Apollonius'"', and Clemens Alexandrinus »^9^ who flourished in the "9 Vid. supr. p. 200. n. *3. p. 217. n. '"'. '*° Vid. supr. p. 170. n. '''. conf. p. 112. n. ^ '" Vid. Euseb. supr. p. 112. n. ^ "^ Id. ibid. "3 Vid. supr. p. 211. n. 55. '^* Just. Mart. Dial, cum Tryph. p. 308. ^a/ %ijlTv utl^ t*? * 2yo/!-ta Icoxv'jns, eU rajv 'Attos-oXwv tS Xp{S"»;> £V 'A'roxaXi/4'« ysvo/AEvn a^7a>, ;)(;;iAj« £T» Tcroiyia-civ h Ispsaa^r)/;^, ra? t« »;fc£Jefw Xg»r^ ^i^ivaotilstt; z^poB(pYircvaB. *^5 Vid. supr. p. 219. n. *^*. **^ Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. IV. cap. xxvi. p. 189. 1. 1. «; T^Cyot T« tsxift t5 ^»ai5oAtf, ^ Tr;f 'A7ro)taXz;4/ec<;y 'Iwavva. "^ Id. ibid. cap. xxiv. p. 187. K 27. xj aAAo \_(7v\'y^iiA.ixa, t5 0eo(p^^a (pHpElai] tir^o? T^*- «rp£atv 'E^fA-oysvaq rviv iTny^ccfviv b^ov, sv a "8 Id. ibid. Lib. V. cap. xviii. p. 236. 1. 1 1. x/p/p /!«» ^l [5 ^i ^vvausi BsM ZJpoS OCUTH 'lojdvMH SV T^ '£(^€(70; lyr.ygp^ai IfOftT. "» id. ibid. Lib. VI. cap. xiv. p. 273. 1. 3. 'e^ ^l -vaT^ [t5 ( 236 ) age of St. Irenaeiis ; and Origen '^°, who flourished at the beginning' of the subsequent aera. And to the testimony which Clement has borne to the Epistle of St. Paul, we may add that of St. Clemens Roma- nus '^' in the same age, and of Origen *^^ and Dio- nysius Alexandrinus '^^ in the succeeding. Euse- bius of Cffisarea^ who flourished at the beginning of the following century^ and whose opinion must be allowed to possess great weight, though he speaks rather dubiously in assigning the Apocalypse to St. John ^'^^ ascribes the Epistie to the Hebrews to St. Paul *^^ without hesitation. And St. Athanasius '^^ Conf. Gricsb. Symbb. Critt. Tom. II. pp. 616. 619. 620. '^°Orig. Horn, in Joan. Tom. IV. p. 95. d. ri hT 'msp) ra eivx- •Tsacivio? T^syetv i'iri to s-rj^oc, t5 Uae, Icoavvs; os EvafysXiov "ev y.ulaht^ T^oiTTiv . h/pa^s Vs ^ TYiV AitoK'xkv^iv y.. t. e. ^^' Vid. supr. p. 232. n. "\ "^ Orig. Horn, in Ep. ad Hebrr. Tom. IV. p. 698. ly^ ^ a.7ro(pa,UQ{y.£voi; iliro\u! at, on rx (xhv vorifxula '?a *A9ros"o?v« is'tV ^ SI a(7'rrs^i) a^oT^ioy^ccipYiaccPtoq roc £tp7?^x,£i/a v'lro t3 h^cta-KuXa. el' tk «»• £i£xA*3crta t^H ravTriv ETrtroAyjy uq Ylav?x8y avrfi suooy.i{J^eircj yd klTi *^^ From the following quotation of Heb. x. 34. and expiess reference to St. Paul, Dr. Lardner has concluded, Cred. of Gosp. Hist. Vol. IV. p. 663. that Dionysius considered that Epistle the work of the great apostle ; Dionys. ap. Eus. Hist. Eccles. Lib. VI. cap. xli. p. 304. 1. 34. liiy-Xivov Ti y.a.) viravtx^i^* »3*Vid. supr. p. 230. n. '°^ '35 Vid. supr. p. 232. n. ^'\ »36 Vid. supr. p. 223. n, ^\ ( 237 ) and St. Jerome *^^ at the close of the same centuiy, speak in the same terms, without limitation or exception ; these extraordinary men may be al- lowed to deliver the opinion of the Eastern and Western Churches '^% if the testimony of either may be collected from the statement of individuals. Of this '' cloud of witnesses/' each of whom is a host in himself, the earlier part lived at that pe- riod »^9^ when the true state of the question could *" S. Hier. Dardan. Ep. cxxix. Tom. II. p. 370. " Quod si cam \_Epist0la7n ad Hehrceos^ Latinorum consuetudo non reci- pit inter Scriptm*as Canonicas ; nee Graecorum quidem Ecele- sia Apocalyjjsim Joannis eadem libertate suscipiunt : et taraen nos utramque susc!pimus, nequaquam hujus temporis consuetudi- nem, sed vetenim scriptoru7n auctoritatem sequentes, qui ple- rumque utriusque abutuntur testimoniis, non ut interdum de apocryphis facere solent, (quippe qui et Gentilium litteraram raro utantur exemplis,) sed quasi canonicis et ecdesiasticis, ^'^ Greg, Nazianz. Orat. xxi. ed. Par. Tom. I. p. 376. c. y.a.) maaoLV ixh zjaXuiaiv ^i^oy Z5u,a(xu bs vc'av [0 A^avaTiOfj c/t^O^s- TTjcraf X. T. e. Id. ibid. p. 397. a. ^rio-a.^, ^l »rw, y^ zoaiosv^zls 5^ CJai^SlJcraS", wrs o^oy y.\v zinc-y.o'Kr.q bIvui tov intiva ^iov )^ rpoTrof, vofJ.GV $e tC) op^lo^iois roc g/.£tv« ^oyfj.xloc. S. August, conlr. Jul. Pe- lao-. Lib. I. cap. vii. Tom. X. p. 519. b. " Hieronymus— qui Gra;co et Latino, insuper et Hebrseo eruditus eloquio, ex Occi- dentali adOrientalemtransiens Ecclesiam, in locis Sanctis et in literis sacris, usque ad decrepitam vixit setatem. Ilic omnesy qui ante ilium, aliquid ex utraqite parte orbis, de doctrina ecde^ siastica scripserant^ legit," &c. '39 St. Clement is reltrred to A. D. 80 : Justin 3Jartyr to A.D. 130: S. Irenseus to A. D. 160: Melito to A. D. 170: Theophilus to A. D. 180 : Clemens Alexandrinus to A. D. 190. Apolionius to A. D. 192 : Tertulliun to A. D. 2(X) : Ilippolytus to A. D. 220 : Origen to A. D. 230 : Eusebius to A.Y) S20 : S. Athauasius to A.D. 330: S. Jerome to A.D. 3S0. Th:i ( 238 ) have been scarcely missed by the most careless in- quirer ; and the testimony of those primitive fathers is connected by a very few intermediate links with that of the last witnesses to whose authority an ap- peal has been made on the subject under discus- sion. As far as respects the number of the canonical books, the Vulgate^ which is in use in the Eastern and Western Churciies^ admits of the clearest vin- dication. If even those books, which are repre- sented as of doubtful authority, admit of so full and satisfactory a defence, we may necessarily infer the unquestionable authority of those which have never excited suspicion. The works of Clement''^*' and Origen '^' in the East, of Tertuliian ''^^ and Cyprian »+^ in the West, who generally quote from all the canonical books, are sufficiently declaratory of the testimony of both Churches, as derived from imme- morial tradition. The evidence of Lucianus and Eusebius^ to whom St. Athanasius ^"^^ and St. Je- carliest of those witnesses lived nearly in the age when St. John saw the Apocalyptick vision; vidsupr. p. 124;. n, ^^, '^ Vid. supr. p. 235. n. ^-^. ^' Vid. supr. p. 215. n.^^ "^^ Vid. supr. p. 214. n.^\ '*^ The three books of testimonies, which St. Cyprian Ed» Oxon. p. 1 7. sqq. has collected not only from the New but the Old Testament, contain a sufficient voucher for the above as« sertion. '^* Vid. Synops. Script. Tom. II. p. 204-. a. conf. Lib. de Sy- nodd. Tom. I. p. 735. e. Socrat. Hist. Eccl. Lib. II. cap. x. p. 87. 1. 37. Sozom. Hist. Eccl. Lib. III. cap. vi. p, 98. 1, 39. S* Hilar, de Synodd. p. 1168. c. Ed. i^lened* ( 239 ) rome '-^^ respectively refer, will connect the tradi- tionary chain, as extending from the apostolical age to the final establishment of Christianity under the EmperourTheodosius. After this period it must be unnecessary to search after proofs in support of the integrity of the Canonical Scripture '^^. At the last-mentioned period^ two remarkable passages, as I have already observed, had been partially withdrawn from the sacred text ^^"^ ; though now admitted almost without exception, into the Tulgar text of the Eastern and Western Chuches. The testimony of those Churches, not less than the integrity of the sacred Canon, is involved in the fate of those passages ; since their authority must be impeached, if either passage prove spurious. A few considerations, however, in addition to what has been already advanced, will place their authoi'ity beyond all reasonable exception. The objection to those passages lies in the cir- cumstance of their being absent from some copies of St. Jerome's times, and fi'om some which have de- scended to the present period. But this considera- tion falls infinitely short of proving them spurious, or more than expunged from the text of Eusebius, '^5 Vid, supr. p. 125. n. '^^ '"^^ The testimony of those writers, from the earliest age, has been collected by Dr. Lardner in his Cred. of Gosp. Hist. The evidence of those who support the authority of the Epist. to the Hebrews, and Revelations, is summed up in Suppl. to B. z. P. II. Vol. II. p. 331. sqq. Vol. Til. p. 355. sqq. '*' Mark xvi. 9—11. John viii. 1—11. vid. supr. p, 35. n. ^^ p. 37. n. <55. ( 240 ) and, after his example^ omitted in the text of the orthodox revisers. That they were absent from the former edition^ is evident from the testimony of the Eusebian Canons, in which they do not appear '^^ ; that they were absent from the latter, appears from the positive testimony of St. Jerome ^^^, confirmed by that of St. Epiphanius '^°. The determination of the question must therefore turn on this alternative ; their having been suppressed in the received ' text of St. Jerome's ag*e, or inserted in that of the sub- sequent period. The entire circumstances of the case tend to establish the former, and disprove the latter supposition. The probabilities that Eusebius suppressed those }>assag*es in his edition, have been already calcu- 'lated '^\ and, until disproved, I am free to con- clude, have been established from the circumstances under which his edition was published. That they were omitted also in the text of the orthodox revi- sers, is, I conceive, evident, from the testimony of St. Jerome ; as he lived in the age when both these editions prevailed, and declares, that those passages were absent from the generality of copies extant in his times *^\ Two witnesses will be now sufficient to establish the authenticity of those passag-es, and to connect the chain of tradition, from wliich their authority is derived ; one, to prove that they were »+8 Vid.supr. p, 36. n.^^, *^^ Vid. supr. n. '^^ '^^ Vid. supr. p. 93. n. "'^, ^'' Vid.^supr. p. 35. sqq. »5*Vid!'supr. n. ^'^. ( 241 ) removed from the prevailing text of the age ; and one^ to show that they existed in the antecedent edi- tion. For the first position St. Epiphanius, who describes the text of the orthodox revisers^ is the best voucher. He^ however^ declares that these persons positively omitted some exceptionable passages : and we find the passages in question omitted in those copies^ which want the passage which he declares was suppressed '^'^. For the second position, the best voucher must be his contemporary St. Jerome^ who has inserted those passages in his transla- tion '^*. He has thus implicitly asserted their ex- istence^ in the old copies of the original '^^, by which he corrected his version. As his testimony to the existence of these passages is, consecjuently, an- tecedent to the only grounds of suspicion on which they are impeached ; it is adequate to remove any objection to which they have been exposed, as fill- ing up that breach in the ecclesiastical tradition, by which their canonical authority is properly sup- ported. Clear as the case is in which it is conceived that these passages were suppressed ; that in which it is supposed that they were interpolated is involved in inextricable difficulties. On reviewing, however casually, the internal evidence, it seems as fully to '-^ VId. supr. p. 93. n. * ^ Hence we find, that not only Luke xxi. 4-3, 44, is wanting in the Alexandrine, Vatican, and Brescia MSS. but John viii. 1— -11. The Vatican MS. also omits Mark xvi. 9—11. vid. Gricsb. nott. in locc. "^* Vid. supr. p. 94. n. '°^ p. 35. n. ^''. p. 37. n. ^^ **M'id. supr.p. IGl. n. "^. 11 ( 242 ) establisli the former, as to invalidate the latter posi- tion. ' The history of the adulteress, contained in St. John, would be likely to offend some over scru- pulous readers ; as liable to be misrepresented by persons waywardly inclined to pervert the sacred Oracles. The narrative of the resurrection, con- tained in St. iSIarls would be likewise liable to ex- ception ; as containing some circumstances in the account of that events apparently different from that of the other Evangelists. These considerations would operate as strongly in obtaining the suppres- sion of those passages, as in preventing their in- sertion in the Sacred Canon. If we suppose them authentick, they contain no difficulty which may not be easily cleared up ; if we suppose them spu- rious^ it is as impossible to account for their being so exceptionable, as they thus appear, as it is to ac- count for their having been admitted, with all their imperfections^ into the vulgar text of the Eastern and Western Churches. No object appears to ex- ist which could have induced any person to invent such passages^ no influence which could have in- duced those Churches collectively to incorporate them in the Canon. When we inspect more narrowly the purpose which the different Evangelists had in view^ we find those passages more than reconcilable with the ob- ject of their different narratives. The proof of the resurrection was indispensable to the completion of tlie Gospel history, by whatever person it might be written ; this being the great miracle on which the truth of Christ's mission depended^ and the proper* ( 243 ) object of the apostolical testimony '^^ This proof was ^iven, by the express appointment of our Lord, in Galilee '^^ ; and, by manifesting himself by the most infallible evidence to his apostles, '' showing them his hands and his side '^^." Let it be however observed, that St. Mark records the promise, which foretold this plenary revelation of our Lord to the disciples '^^ ; and that his account of the accom- plishment of it is contained only in the suspected passage '^°. From its being thus indispensably ne- cessary, not merely to complete the general pur- pose of an Evangelist, in writing a Gospel ; but to complete the express object of St. Mark, it must be considered a part of the authentick canonical text. With respect to the questionable passage in St. John, the proofs of its authenticity, though more remotely sought, are not less decisive. According to the tradition of the primitive Church, St. John composed his Gospel, with the express view of op- posing the rising heresies of the Nicolaitans and Cerinthians '^\ Of those heretics the apostle de- *56 Act. i. 21, 22. X. 39, 40, 41. comp. Pears, on Creed. Vol. I. p. 380. ''7 Comp. Matt. xxvi. 32. xxviii. 7, 10, 16. '58 John XX. 20. '59 Mark xiv. 28. " But after that lam risen, I mil go before yoM into Galilee.'^ '^° Id. xvi. 14. " Afterward he appeared unto the eleven as they sat at meat, and upbraided them with their unbelief and hardness of heart, because they believed not them which had seen him after he tvas risen. Comp. Matt, xxviii. 7, 10, 16, 17. '^' S. Iren. adv. Hasr. Lib. III. cap. xi. § 1. p. 188. « Hanc fidem annuncians Joannes Domini discipuJus, voleas per Evan- R 2 ( 244 ) daises; ''thou hast them that hold the doctrlneof Balaam^ who taught — to eat things sacrificed to idols^ and to commit fornication. So hast thou also them that hold the doctrine of the Nicolaitanes, which thing I hate. Repent, or else I will com^e unto thee quickly '^^/' &c. Marriage had been condemned and rejected by those abandoned mis- creants; who asserted the lawfulness of the most promiscuous intercourse of the sexes '^\ And by this doctrine^, which was but too well suited to the low state of morals in the times of heathen supersti- tion, they had seduced numbers from the severe discipline of the primitive church. It was therefore required, by the express object which the Evan- gelist proposed to himself, in writing against them, that he should provide a remedy for both evils * to prevent the inroad of vice on the one hand, and to provide for reclaiming it on the other. With this view, he selects out of the incidents of our Lord's geJii annunt'iationem auferre eum, qui a Cerintho inseininatus erat hominibus, errorem, et multo priiis ab his qui diciintur Nicolaiice, qui sunt vulsio ejus quae falso cognoniinatur scien- tia," &c. Vid. infr. n. ^"K Conf. Tertul. adv. Haer. cap. xxxiii. p. 210. Hier, Prsef. in Matt. Prooem. ad. Euseb. Cremori. Tom. VI. p. xi. ^c» Rev. ii. 14, 15, 16. **^ S. Iren. ib. Lib. I. cap. xxvl. $ S. p. 105. Nicolaita^. autem magistrum quidem habent Nicolaura, unum ex vii qui primi ad Diaconium ab Apostolis ordinati sunt ; qui indiscrete vivunt. Plenissime autem per Joannis Apocalypsim manifes- tantur qui sint ; nullam differentiayn esse docentes in mcechandoj' &c. Conf. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. IIL cap. xxix. p. 123. 1. 18. S. Epiphan. Hser. xxv. p. 77. c. ( 245 ) life^ the remarkable circumstances of his having sanctioned a marriage by his presence'^*; and par- doned a penitent adulteress^ on the condition of her " sinning no more ^^K" Viewed with reference to those circumstances^ these narratives are corrobo- rative of each other; and are illustrated by the de- clarations of our Lord, which the Apostle relates ; '' they teach to commit fornication — repent , or L will come unto thee," &c. In this view they are necessary to complete the object of the Evangelist; whose intentions in writing are in a great measure frustrated^ if we suppose them suppressed. The testimony which the Eastern and Western Churches bear to the authenticity of Mark xvi. 9 — 20, John viii. 1 — 11, in adopting those passages in the great body of manuscripts of the Greek and Latin, is consequently most amply confirmed by the internal evidence, and nothing weakened by nega- tive testimony, by which they have been condemned. Conceiving those passages spurious, it is above the reach of ordinary comprehension, to discover an adequate cause for their having been generally re- ceived; considering the immense number, and wide dispersion of the Scriptures, and the obvious objec- tions to which tliose passages were exposed from the earliest period •^^. That they occur in the vulgar *'* Johnii. l—ll. '" lb. viii. 11. *^^ The following observation of Victor Antiochenus, on Marc. xvi. while it seems to establish the above position, will bring the subject before us home to Eusebius Caesariensis ; Biblioth. Patrr. Tom. IV. p. 336. c. d. '* Etsi Maria Magda- ( 246 ) edition of the Greek and Latin is indisputable ; and the only mode of accounting for this circumstance, is^ by conceiving them part of the original text^ as published by the inspired writers. With respect to John viii. 1 — 11, it is indeed less constantly retained in the Greek '^^, than Mark xvi. 9 — 20 '^^ ; but while the cause of this circumstance lena et Maria Jacobi, et Salome aroraata praeparaverant, atta- men si Eusebio Ccesarieiisi Jides est, non sunt tres illse, quae orto jam sole ad monumentum venerunt, sed aliae innominatae. — Secundum Eusebium igitur, Marcus non de Magdalena, sed de aliis incerti nominis mulieribus haec narrat. Neque enim fieri potest, addit idem, ut Magdalena post tantas res visas, orto de- mum sole, ad monumentum veniret, aut quis lapidem revolveret inquirer et." '^7 Griesb. Nov. Test. not. in Mar. xvi. 9. " Habent peri- copam banc Codices GrcBci, escepto uno B, omnes ; Evange- listeria, etiam antiquiora, e. g. 1, 2, 6, Mt. B. H; VersioneSy etiam Syra Hieros" &c. Id. not. in Job. vii. 53. " Pericopa de adultera extat in D, G, H, K, M, N," &c. On Cod. L. the learned M. Griesbach observes, Symbb. Critt. Tom. I. p. 159. " vers. 53 usque ad viii. 11. deest in L. vacuo quidem re- licto spatio, sed non tanto, ut pericopa scribi in eo potuisset.'* To these uncial manuscripts, M. Griesbach adds more than 100 MSS. written in the smaller character, which retain this passage. *^^ Bengel. Apparat. Crit. var. in Job. viii. 1. p. 251. ed Burk. " Versio Coptica in alio cod. habet, in alio non habet ; jieque habet translatio ejus Arabica. Versio Syiiaca Nov. Test, non habet. — In quibusdam marmscriptis codicibus Syriacis hroenitur, inquit Joh. Gregorius, sed asterismo hoc notatur ^to'U^si »mn>« quod non sit te\tus." Id. ibid. p. 252. *' ad cap. X. Joh. amandata est in Vaticano Versionis Perslcce Co- dice ; ad calcem Evang. Joh. in 7ionnuUisy et apud Er. et Pari- sinis tribus, (quorum duo expresse affirmant^ eam in antiquis txemplarihus ex&taie:) et apud Avmenios Cod. duo Seculi X. ( 247 ) is sufficiently apparent '^^ we can trace the tradition in favour of this passage^ to a period so remote^ as to place its authenticity beyond controversion. It will be readily granted^ that if this passage be an inter- polation^ it must have been invented by some one. But of those persons^ who possessed the power of introducing it into the sacred Canon^ as having re- vised the Scriptures^ there is not one to whom it can be ascribed with the smallest appearance of reason. 1 . As this passage occurs in the Greek, it cannot be ascribed to Athanasius or the last revisers. As far as we possess any knowledge of their editions^ they omitted this passage '^° : it is quoted by antece- illud exemplum in textu. non habent, in Jim vero Ev. Joan, est jjositicm, cum notatione in Codd. antiquioribus et melioris notas non inveniri." *'' Id. ibid. p. 251. «' Omittitur etiam in Cod. MS. Ebne- riano, sed tantummodo a vers. 3. ac sub Jinem Evangelii secun- dum Johannem ita suppletm; et versui 2 annectitur, ut Jcicile appareat, librarios periocham, pro genuina agnitam, a pitblica iantummodo lectione removisse.''* Id. ibid. p. 252. — *' et plane Codices banc periocham omittentes sunt fere Leciionaiia : ut niirum sit, earn non in pluribus codicibus omissam, et tamen hodie complures de ejus germanitate dubitare." '^" A distinctive mark by which those rectified copies are known, is the omission of Luke xxii. 43, 44 ; but these verses are omitted in the Alexandrine and Vatican MSS. : we must therefore rank these manuscripts among the copies rectified by the orthodox. In neither, however, is Job. viii. 1 — 11. appa- rent : we must therefore infer, that it was one of the passages which were omitted by the orthodox revisers : which suppo- sition fully accounts for the variation of MSS. with re<^pect U this passage. ( 248 ) dent writers'^*: and St. Jerome^ in introducing it into the Latin Vulgate, has imphcitly declared'"*, that it was found in the copies antecedent to their revisal. Nor can it be ascribed to Eusebius Cffisa- riensis; it does not occur in his text or canons^ and is apparently glanced at in his history, as entitled to little credit '7^ Nor can it be assigned to Lucianus or Hesychius; for their real or imputed interpola- tions were rejected, on the credit of the same copies, by St. Jerome '^^, in whose Vulgate this passage is certainly retained. As it exists, however, in the Egyptian and Byzantine text'^^ and was not in- vented by those persons, by whom these editions were first revised; it must have necessarily existed in the original text from which they were respec- tively derived. 2. As occurring in the Latin, this passage cannot be ascribed to St. Jerome^ the last reviser. He ex- pressly states it existed in the old Italick version '^^ which preceded his revisal; and in it we conse- quently find it at this day '^^ Nor can it be as- ^^' Vid. infr. p. 250. ^"* Vid. supr. p. 161. n."^ ^" Vid. supr. p. 38. et nn. in loc. ^7^ Vid. supr. p. 100. n. ''■°. '^5 Of this assertion the MSS. marked D. G; viz. the cele- brated Cambridge and Harleian Manuscripts are sufficient vouchers : vid. supr. p. 246. n. ^^7. '76 Vid. supr. p. 37. n. ^K '77 It occurs in the Codex Corbeiensis and Gatlanus, not to mention other MSS. : and these MSS. possess that similarity among themselves, and that diversity from the Vulgate, which proves, that this passage could not have proceeded from St. ( 249 ) cribed to Philastriiis of Brescia, or Eusebius of Verceli; for it does not occur in those manu- scripts '78^ in which alone their respective texts can be supposed to exist. As it, however, occurs in the Old Italick translation, in which it existed in the times of St. Jerome; the only inference is, that it must have existed in this version, when it was ori- ginally formed. Thus following up the tradition of the Eastern and Western Churches, until it loses itself in time immemorial; we find their united testimony as deli- vered in the Received Text, fully establishes the authenticity of the passage under consideration. And this evidence is finally confirmed by the ex- plicit testimony of early ecclesiastical writers. Wherever we might expect any traces of this pas- sage to exist, we find it specifically noticed. It occurs in the Harmony of Tatian '^^^ who wrote in Jerome. I subjoin a specimen of the various readings ; Joli. viii. 1. pej-rexit in montem. Vulg. ascendit in montem. Corb, Gat. — lb. 2. et diluculo. Vidg. ct mane cum factum esset, Corb. Gat. — Ibid, et sedens. Vulg. et cum consedisset. Corb. Gat. — lb. 3. in adulterio, Vidg. in mcechatione. Corb. Gat. et statuermit, Vulg. et cum statuissent. Corb. Gat. — lb. 4. et dixerunt ei. Fuh. dixerunt ad eum. — Ibid, in adulierio. Vidg. in mcechatione, Corb. Gat. — lb. 5. Moyses mandavit nobis Juijusmodi lapidare. Vidg. prcecepit nobis Moyses iit qui in adidterio deprehenditur lapidetur, Corb. Gaf» *^^ Blanchin. Prolegomm. in Evang. Quadr. p. 178. '^5 Vid. Tatian. Harm. ap. Biblloth. Patrr. Tom. II. p. 184'. That the original of the Latin Harmony, which is here referred to, was the DIatessaron of Tatian, has been proved by Dr. Lard- cer, from the concurrence of the Latin and Arabick translations. ( 250 ) little more than fifty years of the death of St. John ; it is noticed in the Synopsis of Scripture '^% which is generally ascribed to St. Athanasius ; and in the Diatessaron^ which is ascribed to Ammonius^ by Victor Capuanus '^\ Nor was it unknown to Euse- bius '^^ to St. Ambrose '^^ to St. Chrysostome, and St. Augustine '^^ But the testimony of St. Jerome is definitive in establishing* the authenticity of this passage. While he expressly states, that it existed in the old version of the Latin '^% he has implicitly admitted, that it existed in the ancient copies of the Greek, by giving it a place in his Vulgate '^*^. Tak- ino- therefore the testimony of the Eastern and West- ern Churches, as contained in the Received Text and the external testimony of St. Eplirem : Cred. of Gosp. Hist. Vol.III. p. 123— 132. ^s^ Vid. Synops. Scrip, ap. S. Athan. Tom. II. p. 185. e. Altliough this work is now generally admitted not to have been compiled by St. Athanasius ; vid. Patrr. Benedd. ibid. p. 124<: the learned M. Bengel has proved, from the internal evidence, that it must have been written in or near the age of that ancient father ; Apparat. Crit. P. I. p. 30. '^^ Vid. Evangg. iv. Narrat. Ammon. Alex. ap. Biblioth. Patrr. Tom. III. p. 22. Although M. de Valois has proved that this Diatessaron differs from Ammonius's Harmony ; Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. IV. cap. xxix. p. 194. n. " : it is admitted by Dr. Lardner to contain the substance of that work, Cred. ib. pp. 133, 134'. As it was known to Victor Capuanus, who probably disposed it in its present form, vid. Eibl. Patr. ibid. p. 22. it must have existed before A. D. 5i5. *s* Vid. Euseb. ut supr. p. 38. n. ^l '^' Vid. S. Ambros. Tom. II. col. 892. § 4. ed. Bened. •^•^ Vid. supr. p. 37. n. ""K *85 Vid. supr. p. 38. n. ""K »8^ Vid. supr. p. 116. n. "\ ( 251 ) and Version ; as supported by the uninterrupted chain of tradition^ and as expressly avouched by St. Jerome ; we must acknowledge this pas- sage'^^ as a part of the genuine text of Scripture, or reject that testimony, on which the whole of the Sacred Canon is proved authentick. The determination of the integrity of the Greek Vulgate, now turns on the decision of this question, whether those texts relative to the doctrine of the Incarnation, Redemption, and Trinity, which have been already mentioned, as impugned by the advo- cates for a more correct text than exists in our printed editions, must be considered authentick or spurious. I have hitherto laboured to no purpose if it is not admitted, that I have already laid a foundation suffi- ciently broad and deep for maintaining the authen- ticity of the contested verses. The negative argu- ment arising in their favour, from the probability that Eusebius suppressed them in his edition, has been already stated at large '^^ Some stress may '" I subjoin M. BengePs summary of the external testimony which supports the authenticity of Mar. xvi.9 — 20. Apparat. Crit. not. in h. 1. p. 1 70. " Irenasus, Ammonii monotessaron, Harmonia Tatiano adscripta, Eusebii Canones, Synopsis apud Athanasium, Ambros. in Luc. xxiv. et Lib. IL de Sp. Sanct. c. V. et Lib. I. de Poenit. cap. vii. Augustinus, Gregorius, Photius, Theophylactus. Agnoscunt etiam periocham Cle- mens Rom. Clemens Alex. Dionysius Alex. Justinus Martyr, Hippolytus in trad, apost. de charism. Nestorius ap. Cyrillum Alex. Cyrillus Hier. Damascenus, Cassianus, Procopius Gazaeus, Anastasius Sinaita, Nicetas, alii." '" Vid. supr. pp. 27—42. ( 252 ) ' be laid on this extraordinary circumstance^ that the whole of the important interpolations, which are thus conceived to exist in the Received Text^ were con- trary to his peculiar notions. If we conceive them cancelled by him^ there is nothing wonderful in the matter at issue; but if we consider them subse- quently interpolated, it is next to miraculous that they should be so circumstanced. And what must equally excite astonishment, to a certain degree they V are not more opposed to the peculiar opinions of Eusebius, by whom I conceive tliey were cancelled^ than of the Calholicks, by whom it is conceived they were inserted in the text. When separated from the sacred context, as they are always in quotation, the doctrine which they appear most to favour is liiat of the Sabeliians; but this heresy was as con- trary to the tenets of those who conformed to the Catholick as of those who adhered to the Arian opi- nions. It thus becomes as improbable that the for- mer should have inserted, as it is probable the latter suppressed those verses; and just as probable is it, that both parties might have acquiesced in their sup- pression when they were once removed from the text of Scripture. If Ave connect this circumstance with that previously advanced, that Eusebius, the avowed adversary of the Sabeliians, expunged these . . verses from his text, and that every manuscript from which they have disappeared is lineally descended from his edition, every difficulty in which this intri- cate subject is involved directly vanishes. The so- lution of the question lies in this narrow space, that he expunged them from the text, as opposed to his ( 253 ) peculiar opinions : and the peculiar apprehensions which were indulged of Sabellianism, l3y the ortho- dox, prevented them from restoring- those verses, or citing them in their controversies with the Arians. Thus far we have but attained probability, thougli clearly of the highest degree, in favour of the au- thenticity of these disputed verses. The question before us is, however, involved in difficulties which still require a solution. In order to solve these, and to investigate more carefully the claims of those verses to authenticity, I shall lay them before the reader as they occur in the Greek and Latin Vul- gate; subjoining those various readings, which are supposed to preserve the genuine text. Acts XX. 28. UfQffix^'* '="' '^"'^^^'^'i — TTot^ali/- Attendite vobis — regere ec «v rw hy.>>'ftaiuv t5 ©sy, riv clesiain Dei, quam acquisivit 7r6pt£7rot:$c-«Io ^iflfr TB ly^H ul'[Aulo^, sanguine suo. Vida^ff^"^'»l ,* the Palestine, or Alexandrine, according to M. Gries- bachj reads, in the former place, ImXritrixv tS Ku^/W, and in the latter, og £>avs^a)^>:. In 1 John v. 7. the Byzantine and Palestine texts agree, while they differ from the common reading of the Latin Vul- gate;^— omitting h tw a^ai/w, o noiTVPy o Aoyo? Xp TO |wafTupavT£? £1/ T>7 y^, which occurs in the Received Text of our printed editions ; and answers to '' in coelo. Pater, Verbum, et Spiritus Sanctus : et hi tres unum sunt. Et tres sunt qui testimonium dant in terra,'" in the Latin Vulgate. Such are the prin- cipal varieties of those celebrated texts. In proceeding to estimate the respective merit of these readings, the first attention is due to the in- ternal evidence. In reasoning from it, we work upon solid ground. For the authenticity of some part of the verses in dispute we have that strong evidence which arises from universal consent ; all manuscripts and translations supporting some part of the context of the contested passages. In the remaining parts we are given a choice between two readings, one only of which can be authentick. And in making our election, we have, in the common principles of plain sense and ordinary language, a certain rule by which we may be directed. Gross solecisms in the grammatical structure, palpable oversights in the texture of the sense, cannot be ascribed to the inspired writers. If of any two given readings one be exposed to such objections. ( 255 ) there is but the alternative^ that the other must be authentick. On applying this principle to the Palestine Text, in the first instance^ it seems to bring- the point in dispute to a speedy determination. The reading which it proposes in the disputed texts is not to be reconciled vv ith sense^ with grammar^ or the uniform phraseology of the New Testament. 1. In Acts XX. 28, the phrase lK>tXn(Tixv rS KypiW is unknown to the language of the Greek Testa- ment, and wholly irreconcileable with the use of iV*2 oi7fj.a.Tog for ai(xa.Tog aurS, in the Context, as lead- ing to a false or absurd meaning. The phrase UxXnTiocv t5 ©fiS is that uniformly used by the evan- gelical writers, and that used above ten times by St. Paul '^^ to whom the expression is ascribed by the inspired writer. And 0£a is absolutely necessary to qualify the subjoined ISU; as the latter term, if used with Kupi'a, must imply that our Lord could have purchased the Church with other blood than his own '9°: which is apparently absurd, and certainly impertinent. '^^ 1 Cor. i. 2. X. 32. xi. 16. 22. xv. 9. 2 Cor. i. 1. Gal. i. 13. 1 Thes. ii. 14. 2 Thes. i. 4. 1 Tim. iii. 5. 15. While the Apos- tle is thus represented in the Corrected Text as deviating from his uniform phraseology, the simple term inyt'K'/icr'iuv, which is used in at least twenty-two places by St. Luke, and in double that number by St. Paul, would have answered the same end as the unusual phrase tKyM<^'iocv ih Ky^ts; since the Apostle might have said, and his hi&itorian have written, t'>;» tHKX7ia^ciVf *^^ Pears. Expos, of the Creed, vol. ii. p. 1S8, ed. Oxf. 1797. ** "ihnf «T/A« is opposed to «Ty.« «^^9Tpo». And therefore it is ( 256 ) 2. In 1 Tim. iii. 16^ the phrase oV l(pccvipoo3rvi is h'ttle reconcileable with sense or grammar *9'. In order to make it Greeks in the sense of/' he who was manifested/' it should be 6 (px]^£pu^e\g; but this reading' is rejected by the universal consent of ma- nuscripts and translations. The subjunctive article og is indeed used indefinitely ; but it is then put for og ^v, Off ixvj ofig ^Vy zjotg ofi?*'^; as in this state it is synonymous with ichoever, whosoever, we have only to put this term into the letter of the text^ in order to discover that it reduces the reading* of M. Griesbach and of the Palestine Text to palpable nonsense. observable the author of the Hacovlan Catechism, in his answer to this place of Scripture, doth never make the least mention of i^iov ov p-oprium, — whereas the strength of our argument lies in these words, hci t5 l^'m uI'ijlccto^, or, as the Alexandrine MS. and one mentioned by Beza, ^i« t5 ul'i^uroq t5 l^^eJ* The latter phrase is, indeed, the more emphatical of the two, and, as we should express it, means * by blood, his very blood.* '^^ Objections have been made to the want of grammar in this passage, by M. M. Ernesti and Matthasi ; on whose com- petency to decide this point, it is superfluous to add an obser- vation : vid. Matth. Nov. Test. Prsef. in Epistt. Catholl. Tom. XI. p. xlv. The former contends, that the structure of the sen- tence requires to (pavspu^lv ; doubtless in reference to fAvr^ifiov. But I apprehend the tenour of the sense absolutely requires 0 ' It was not merely possible, but it was only probable, that " God** would " purchase the Church" with other " blood" than " his oivn :" but it was wholly inconceivable, that our * Lord* could have purchased it with any other " blood," but ** his own." On the possibility implied in the former consi- deration rests the propriety of using '/^»05 ; which differs from avToCf in having that exclusive force which is solely implied in the antecedent of those different considerations. _^^^ S. Iren. adv. Hser. Lib. III. cap. xvi. § 6. p. 206 et kominem ergo [Dominus noster] in semetipsum recapitulans est, mvisibilis visibilis factus, et incornpreltemibilis f actus compreheri' iibilis, et impassibilis passibilis, et Verbum homo/* &c. s2 ( 260 ) tlic language, is filled up in the Received Text; and 0 nxT)io Kx\ 0 Aoyo;y being inserted^ the mascu- line adjectives^ r^ug ol (Ax^Tvphngy are ascribed suit- able substantives; and^ by the figure attraction, which is so prevalent in Greeks every objection is removed to the structure of the context. Nor is there thus a necessary emendation made in the apos- tle's language ialone, but in his meaning. St. John is here expressly summing up the divine and human testimony, '^ the witness of God and man '9^;" and he has else^vherc formally enumerated the heavenly witnesses, as they occur inr the disputed passage. In his Gospel be thus explicitly declares, '' I am one that bear witness of myself, and the Father that sent me beareth icilness of me : and when the Comforter is come^ even the Spirit of truth, he shall testify of me ^^^." And yet, in his Epistle, where he is expressly summing up the testimony in favour of Jesus, we are given to understand, that he passes at least tv»'o of these heavenly witnesses by, to insist on three earthly ; which Imve brought the suppress- ed witnesses to the remembrance of almost every other person, who has read the passage, for the last sixteen centuries'. Nay more, he omits them in such a manner as to create a gross solecism in his language, which is ultimately removed by the ac- cidental insertion, as we are taught, of those wit* nesses, from a note in his margin. Nor is this all; but this solecism is corrected, and the oversi^-ht of *5' 1 Job. V. 9. * »'5 Job. via. 18. xv. 26. ( 261 ) the Apostle remedied^ by the accidental insertion of the disputed passage^ from the margin of a iranS' lation : the sense of which^ we are told, it embar- rasses,, while it contributes nothing- to amend the grammatical structure '^"^l Of all the omissions which have been mentioned respecting this verse^ I call upon the impugners of its authenticity to spe> cify one, half so extraordinary as the present ? Of all the improbabilities wliich the controversy re- specting it has assumed as true, I challenge the upholders of the Corrected Text, to name one, which is not admissible as truth, when set in com- petition with so flagrant an improbability as the last. Yet, on the assumption of this extravagant impro- bability, as matter of fact, must every attack, on the authenticity of this verse, be built, as its very foun- dation ! Prom viewing the internal evidence of the dis- puted texts, let us next consider the circumstances under which they were delivered ; and here, I am wliolly deceived, or the investigation will lead to the ultimate establishment of the same conclusion. It is of the last importance in deciding the pre- sent question, to ascertain the subject which was before the apostles, in delivering themselves on the occasion before us. Some light arises to direct us ^^^ Though the reading of the Greek Vulgate, r^cIV eiVtv ol fta^Tt/pSi'Tcf, TO Ti'jivy.'x. ^ TO voojq^ v^ to ou^a., is not to be tole- rated; the reading of the Latin Vulgate, (from whence it is asserted 1 Joh. v. 7. has crept into the Greek texty) is grammati- cally correct; <' tr^s sunt qui testimonium dant, spirliusy aqua^ .Qt sanguis,^* ( 263 ) in this enquiry, from the consideration, that the words of both apostles were addressed to the Church at Ephesus; in which the Gnostick heresy had made some progress before the close of St. John's ministry. With respect to St. Paul, the point is directly apparent. Acts xx. 28. occurs in the ex- hortation delivered to the bishops and presbyters assembled in that city*°°: and 1 Tim. iii. 16. occurs in the Epistle addressed to Timothy, who was resi- dent in the same place *°', and was, for some time subsequent, bishop of Ephesus****. With respect to St. John, the matter before us is not involved in greater difficulty. His Epistle was written towards the elose of his life, which was ended at Ephe- sus ***' ; in which city he had an interview with Ce- rinthus, the leader of the Gnostick heresy "^, against whom it was partly directed "5. It is further deserving of remark, that both apos- tles are expressly engaged on the subject of those early heresies, with which the Church of Ephesus was menaced, if not infected. With regard to St, Paul, the context of the passages before us puts the matter out of dispute. '' Feed the Church of God,'* *°° Comp. Act. XX. 17. 28. "'^ Vid. 1 Tim. i. 3. ^°* Vid. supr. p. 113. n. 9. ^^ Vid.supr.p. 231.n. ''". *°* S. Iren. Lib. III. cap. iii. p. 177. Ka* jtV;\ o» uanHoom K. T. £, ^•5 Vid. supr. p, 243. n. *". ( 263 ) he declares to the Ephesian pastors, '' which he has purchased with his own blood. For / know this, that after my departing, shall grievous loolves enter in among you, not sparing- the flock. Also of your own selves shall men arise speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after them'^''^/* To the same purpose he delivers himself in his Epistle to Timothy; '' And without controversy great is the Mystery of Godliness ; God was mani- fested in the flesh, justified in the Spirit^ seen of angels, preached unto the Gentiles, believed on in the world, received up into glory. Now the Spirit speaketh expressly, that in the latter times, some shall depart from the faith, giving- heed to sedu- cing spirits, and doctrines of devils '•°\" The early tradition of the Church *°^ confirmed by the internal evidence of St. John's Epistle, fully justi- fies our forming a like conclusion with respect to it, and the Epistle to Timothy, to which it appears to allude. '' Little children,'^ declares the Evange- hst, '' it is the last time, and as ye have heard, that Antichrist shall come, even now are there many anti- christs. They went out from us, but they were not ^ Act. XX. 28, 29, 30. *°^ 1 Tim. iii. 16. iv. 1. *^^ S. Hieron. in Mat. Prooem. ad Eus. Crem. Tom. VI. p. xi. Ultimus Joannes apostolus et evangelista— cum esset in Asia, et jam tunc haereticorum semina pullularent, Cerinti, Ehionisy et ccBterorum, qui negant Christum in carve venisse : quos et ipse tn Epistola sua Antichristos vocat, et apostolus Paulus frcguenf ier percutit; coactus est ab omnibus paene tunc Asiae episcopis, et multorum legationibus, de Divinitate Salvatoris altius sen- iere, &c. i 264 ) of us. — Who is a liar, but he that denieth that Jesus is the Christ. He is antichrist that denieth the Fa- ther a7id the Son. — Beloved, believe not every spirit, but try the spirits, whether they are of God : because many false prophets are gone out into the ivorld. Hereby know ye the Spirit of God : every Spirit that confesseth Jesus Christ is come in thejiesh is of God; and every spirit that confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in thejiesh is not of God : and this is that spirit of Antichrist. — Whosoever shall confess that Jesus is the Son of Godj God dwelleth in him, and he in God^°9/' In order to determine the question before us, it is still necessary that we should acquire a precise knowledge of the fundamental tenets of those here- ticks, whom the apostles opposed. St. John has very expressly declared, that they '' denied the Father and the Son ;" having disputed that *^' Jesus was the Son of God," and that '' he was come in the flesh." With this representation, exactly ac- cords the account which we receive of the tenets of the Nicoiaitans and Cerinthians ; those hereticks whom the apostles expressly opposed*'''. They ■' denied the Father,'' not merely disputing* his pa- ternity, in denying his only -begotten Son^''^ but '"^ 1 Job. ii. 18, 19, Si2. iv. 1, 2, S. 15. '-••° Vid. supr. p. 243. n. '^^ p. 263. n. *"^8. "" S. Iren. adv. Haer. Lib. I. cap. xi. p. 188. — *' Joannes Domini discipulus, volens per Evangelii annunciationem auferre eum qui a Cerintho inseminatus erat bominibus, crrorem, et multo prius ab bis qui dicuntur Nicolaitcc, — ut confunueret eos, et suaderet, quoniam unus Deus qui omnia fecit per Verbuni ( 263 ) representing him as a being who was removed from the care and consideration of earthly things ; who had permitted the creation of the world hy beings of an inferiour and angelical nature^ and had con- signed it to their superintendence*'*. They ''^de- nied the Son/' as disallowing his eternal filia- tion *''^ and degrading him into the order of secon- dary and angelical existences ''^ Thus far the suum ; et non, quemadmodum illi dicunt, alterum qmdem Jhbricatorem, alium aittem Patrem Domini; et alium qiiidem Jabricatoris Filiiim, alterum vero de suijerioribus Christum,'* &c, ^'^ Id. ibid. Lib. I. cap. xxvi. p. 105. ** Et Cerlnthus autem quidem-in Asia, 7ioii a primo Deo Jactiim esse mundum docuit, sed a Virtute quadem valde separata et distante ab ea Princi- palitate, qua) est super universa, et ignorante eum qui est super omnia Deum," Conf. supr, n. ^". S. Epiphan. Ha:r. XXVIII. p. 110. c. *'^ Vid. supr. n. ^". ^'* S. Iren. ibid. Lib. I. cap. xi. p. 18S. — quemadmodum illi dicunt — initium quidem esseMonogeni: Logon autem vcrumfilium Unigeniti." On the former passage the incomparable Bp. Bull observes, Defens. Fid. Nicsen. Sect. IIL cap. i. § 8. p. 160. ed. Lond. 1721. "Denique utrique [Cerinthiani et Valentiniani] 'pe- rinde tS Adyn ccternltalem negarunt. — De Cerinthianis diserte hie testatur, quod initium tribuerunt ipsi Monogeni, quern Logi patrem dixerunt." The learned Benedictine P-Massuet formed the same conclusion, from a comparative view of the passages relative to those antienthereticks ; Dissert. Pra^v. in S. Iren. p. Ixv. ^ 127. ** Eadem fere Cerinthi, qua2 Simonis Menandri, et aliorum Gnosticorum somnia fuere," Id. ibid. p. Ixvii. § 133. " Dog- mata NicoIaUarum theoretica recensere supervacaneum duxit Irena^us : eadem quippe fuisse quae cd'terormn Cxnosticorum per- epicue innuit, Lib. III. cap. xi." Id. ibid. p. xxxix. *« Logos proinde Angelus erat, qui Dei mentis veluti verbum ac interpres ( 266 ) Nicolaitans and Cerinthians agreed. They agreed also in '' denying that Jesus was the Christ;'' though they maintained this doctrine under different modifications. The Cerinthians, dividing the per- son of Jesus Christ, considered Jesus a mere vian, born in the natural manner from Joseph and Mary*'^; but mystically united with the angelical being Christ, wlio descended upon him at the time of his baptism *'^. This, union, they conceived, was dissolved at the time of the crucifixion; the man Jesus having suffered on the cross, while the impas- sible Christ ascended into the heavens ^'^. The Nicolaitans " denying that Jesus loas come in the j^es/i,'* considered Jesus Christ a mere phantasm, having a form which resembled flesh, but which consisted of an ethereal essence **^ At the time of oracula divlna caeteris pandebat, ac per eos, per Salvatorem maxime, hominibus manifestari curabat.'* Conf. ibid. p. Iv. J 100. S. Iren. Lib. I. cap. ii. p. 13. n. e. *" S. Iren. ibid. Lib. I. cap. xi. p. 188. *' Jesum autem subjecit [Cerinthus] non ex virgine natum ; impossibile enim hoc ei visum est : Juisse autem eum Josephi et Marict jilium^ similiter nt reliqui omnes homities,'* Conf. S. Epiphan. Haer. XXVIII. p. 110. **^ S. Iren. ibid. " Et post baptismum descendisse in eum ab ea Principalitate quae est super omnia Christum, figura co- lumbae.*' — Conf. S. Epiplian. ibid. ^^^ S. Iren. ibid. "In fine autem revolasse iteriim Christum de Jesu, et Jesum passum esse, et resiirrexisse: Christum autem impassibilem perseverasse, existentem spiritalera." *^^ Of the tenets of the Nicolaitans we have no specifick ac- count, as this heresy was soon lost, and involved in the great sect of the Gnosticks ; vid. supr. p. 265. n. ^'*. Conf. S. Epi- phan. Haer. xxv. p. 77. a. We may therefore take our notions ( 267 ) the crucifixion, they held, that he secretly with- drew himself, while Simon the Cyrenean suffered in his likeness *'^ While these hereticks thus denied the Divinity, and rendered void the Incarnation and Redemption of Christ, they seemed not to have erred so grossly on the doctrine of the Trinity. As they were re- spectively descended from the Jews"°, though their notions were warped by the peculiar opinions of Simon Magus"*, they must have derived from both of their opinions from the Saturnilians and Basilidians, who were among the earliest sects of the Gnosticks, and, like the Nicolaitans, arose at Antioch ; conf. Act. vi. 5. S. Iren. Lib. I. cap. xxvi. § 3. p. 105. cap. xxiv. § 1. p. lOQ. Respect- ing the putative body of Christ, from asserting which, they re- ceived the name of Docetae, they held the following notions, S. Iren. ibid. § 4. p. 101. '* Innatum autem et innominatum Patrem. — misisse primogenitum Nun suum, (et hunc esse qui dicitur Christus,) in libertatem credentium ei, a potestate eorum qui mundum fabricaverunt. Et gentibus ipsorum autem appa^ ruisse eum in terra hornmem^ et virtutes perfecisse." S. Iren. ibid. " Quapropter neque passum eum [Chris- tum], sed Simonem quemdam CyrencBum angariatum portasse crucem ejus, pro eo : et hum secundum ignorantiam et errorem cruclfixiimy transfigurahim ah eo, uti putaretur ipse esse Jesus : et ipsum autem Jesum Simonis accepisse formam, et stantein irrisisse eos," ""^ S. Epiphan. Haer. xxv. p. 76. b. l<[iy(.oXo^Qs yiyoviv sT? iw» ylvcToci, Id. Indie, in tom. ii. lib. i. p. 53. c. Kvp^vBiccol of «} al'^trt^. •/.. T. I. "' S. Iren. ibid. Lib. I. cap. xxiii. § % p. 99. " Simon autem Samaritanus, ex quo universce hcereses substiterunt, habet hujusmodi sectac materiam." Id. ibid. Prsef. in Lib. II. J L ( 268 ) sources some knowledge of this mystick doctrine"*. Hence it is of importance to observe^ that the Jews p. 115. " Diximus quoque multitudinem eormn qui sunt ah eo Gnostici, et differentias norum, et dcctrinas, et successiones adnotavimus ; quaeque ab eis ha^reses institutae sunt, omnes ex- posuimus. Et quoniam omnes a Simone hceretici initia siimentes iinpia et irreligiosa dogmata induxerunt in hanc vitam, osten- dimus. "* The whole of the early heresies may be divided into twcy great sects, which were respectively descended from the Jews and Magians ; Vid. Pears. Vind. Ignat. P. II. cap. v. p. 359. From both sources, these different sects must have inherited a knowledge of the Trinity. Aliix, Judgm. of Jew. Church ag. Unitar. ch. i. p. 6. " I shall prove clearly, that the Jetvs before Christ's tirae, according to the received exposition of the Old Testament derived from their fathers, had a notion of a plura' lity qfperso7is in the unit}' of the Divine Essence ; and that thU 2)luraUtij uasa Trinity." Comp. ch. x. pp. 138. 147, 148. 154. &c. Pletho Schol. in Orac. JMag. sub fin. rta) ^\ trtfi Zupoarps TJKarccp^o; w? Tpp(,'/3 t« oi/r» etEAot* zcci rvt fj^Bv TT^ujTr) ctvTuv /zotpx ^€lcou.a.t,r,v I'^iTvy' tStov o\ thoci tov vTro Tuv Xoy'iuv Yiccricoc y.otT^suivav'' TYi Qi zax'^Tft 'ApiixccvTji' Mi^p'/)v ^i ryj (xscry' >^ tStov (5'' uv e'ivan rov hvTifov N2v y.a.7'>iiyLivov Itto ruv T^cyiaiv' n. t. e. This aCCOUnt is confirmed by the Zendavesta, v/hicli is preserved by the Per- sees ; who still profess the religion of Zoroaster, and assert that they retain his sacred books : M. Anquet. du Perron, Zendavest. Tom. II. Precis Raisonnce du Syst. Theol. des Pers. p. 592. *' Ormiisd et AhrimaUf Principes secondaires, actifs et produc- teurs ; le premier bon par son essence, et source de tout bien ; le seconde corrompu et auteur de tout niai," &c. Id. ibid. p. 609. d. — c'est Mithra, le genie qui preside a la fertilite de la terre, PIzed de la bienveiliance, Pennemi de la Couleuvre qui eeme I'envie et la mort ; c'est lui qui est charge de faire naitre et de entretenir cette harmonic entre les diffcrentes parties du Genre-humain.'* In a word, this doctrine was professed by Simon Magus, from whom it descended to the different sects of hereticks; vid. supr. p. 267. n. "'. S. Iren. adv. Ha?r. Lib. ( 269 ) expressed their belief in this doctrine, in the iden- tical terms, which occur in the suspected passage , • ^' and the three are one^*^'' It is likewise observ- able, that as these notions had descended to the hereticks; the Nicolaitans, in particular, expressed J. cap. xxiii. ^ 1. p. 99. *' Hie [Simon] a multis quasi deus glorificatus est, et dociiit semetipsum esse qui inter Judaeos qui- dem quasi Filius adparuerit, in Samaria autem quasi Pater descenderit, et in reliquis vero gentibus quasi Spiiitus Sanctus adventaverit." Conf. S. Hier. Comment, in Matt. xxiv. Tom. Vr. p. 52. f. *^^ That the term Aoyo?, adopted by St. John in the passage before us, had been previously used by the Jews in the deter- minate sense of '» t^^DD, the Word of God, as distinct from the speech of God, is placed beyond a doubt by Rittangelius, Lib. Jezir. p. 81. sqq. ed Amst. 1642. In this work, which is ascribed to Abraham, by the Jews, and is confessedly the oldest of their Cabalistick works, we meet, Ibid, Sect. iii. p. 207. nn« ii^Vtr, " the three are 07ie." And in the same work, a long extract is inserted from Rabi Schabte, wherein he explains the mystery of the Three Sephiroth, in the divine * Nature,' which turns on the same phrase ; Id. ibid. p. 63. iDi — njni >nntr^ 'i. *' Rabi Shabte dicit : Et ecce nobis perspicuum est id quod explicavimus in capitibus superioribus, Mysterium nempe, quod dixerint Sapientes Cabalee seu Theologian, T7'es primarias, quae; sunt Corona Summa, Sapientia, Intelligentia, in. a:quali dignitate quasi sumrae Vnum quid esse.*' In the preceding page, the same phrase is ascribed to Rabi Simeon, ibid. p. 64. — nn« in'« «ti jnn« nl>n, " tres sunt unitates et ecce umim zunt,"* The very form of appeal to the witnesses in St. John, is adopted from the same source ; the book Zohar observes, in referring to the repetition of the letter Jod, in Is. xliv. 6. Id. ib. p. 57. 131 pTi^D ]m» n^n, " Tria Jod testimonium perhibeni dc 60, quod non sit supra prseter eum, nee infra proeter eura,*' S:c. Comp. Allix. ub. su.pr. cap. xi. p. 160. sqq. Maur, Orient. Tiin. p. 199. ?qq. ( 270 ) the same belief in similar language **^ And the ^^ S. Epiphan. Haer. xxv. p. 78. c. uXMi ^\ tov yLOLvXoiv%oiv% Itau-jTui ^o|a^acrn', "A^xovra Tiva t«tov ^jtw xaXavTer. S. Epi- phanius having made this declaration relative to the term x.(iv'Kocv%av%y gives the following derivation of this term, which is whollj irreconcilable with the above declaration ; Id. ibid. p. 78. a. a^^a xa* in^) T» y.a.v'kav'/jxvy^y ri? rm yivcjo-Konuv » xuraytXoiasiiVy oVt ra^ 'E^pai'r* xa?vw? il^-n^ivoc^ ^e'let?} >J; EX^ijvJf* xaXw? lo^ijvEySsiyag, «^ vt/v vrapa Tor? EX^»3>»r» avayivo/crxso'* (^xn^cc T«? otl(7^^»g oivruv t^ fAvBu^aq Te^vriq vvoff9roc(x,». }LocvXav^oiv% yetf It Tat Haoiiot yiy^wifloci^ ?»./^»? rij kax \v rjj ^w^sxarrj ofocatiy e'vSa ?i£7£f — ytav'Kay.uvy. y.(x,v\a.y.ciy., i.'K'Tr)q vie \7^ir';\, PetaviuS, not. in b. I. Tom. II. p. 44. and Feverdantius not. in S. Iren. Lib. I. cap. xxiii. p. 72. refer here to Isiah xxviii. 10. Tp^ "Jp lp^ "ip, which is rendered in our Authorised Version, '* line upon line, line upon line ;" which phrase, of course, leaves very little meaning in the etymology of St. Epiphanius. As this antient father applies the term to a Principle of the Nicolaitans, S. Ire- nseus, Lib. I. cap. xxiv. p. 102. ascribes it to an JEon, and Theodoret to a Person ; Haer. Fab. Lib. I. cap. iv. p. 195. d. which different representations are perfectly reconcilable among themselves, though wholly irreconcilable with the St. Ej^ipha- nius's derivation. The 'Ap^i^^, 'A\uiv, and S6;t^^, Avith which K.a.vKci,vyjxvx is identified in these explanations, were considered Angelical Existences : vid. Massuet. Dissert. Praev. in Iren. p. xxxviii. § 60. The term Caulauchau must be understood with reference to the Pleroma of the Gnosticks ; a term by which those hereticks designated the Divine nature ; vid. Massuet, Dissert. Prasv. in Iren. § V2, p. xvii : the Orientalists having rejected the notion of a vacuum, and conceived that all things were God ; who produced the visible and invisible worlds by irradiations or protrusions of his essence. See Burnet. Archaeol. Philos. Lib. I. cap. vii. p. 89. Lond. 1728. Comp. Yajur Veda in Asiat. Research. Vol. VII. p. 251. and Maur. Orient. Trin. pp. c537. 388. We thus find the name Caulaucau applied to the iEon, in whose form the second Christ, or the Saviour. >( 271 ) Hebrew Gospel, which was used by the Ebio- descended ; S. Iren. ib. cap. xxiii*. § 5. p. 102. Quemadmo- dum et mundus [1. mundi] nomen (^sse) in quo dicunt descent disse et ascendisse Salvatorem, esse Caulacau, Igitur qui haec didicerit, et omnes angelos cognoverit, et causas eorum, invisi- bilem et incomprehensibilem eum angelis et potestatibus oni- vcrsis fieri, quemadmodum et Caulaucau Jkisse.''* The applica- tion of this term to the Saviour, or second Christ, is thus ex- plained by S. Irenaeus, Ibid. Lib. III. cap. xvi. § 1. p. 204-. ** Qui autem a Valentino sunt [dicunt] Jesum — ipsum esse qui per Mariam transient, in quem, illiimy de Superiori, Sahatore'/n descendisse, quem et Christum dici, quoniam omnium qui emi^ sissent eum, haberet vocabula : participasse autem cum eo, qui esset ex dispositione — ut cognosceretur Pater, 'per eum Salva- tor em quidem qui desuper descendisset, quem et ipsum recepta- ciduyn Christi, et imiversce Plenitudinis esse dicunt, lingua quldenj uniim Christum Jesum confitentes, divisi vero sententia." And on another occasion he describes this Personage as proceedinr^ or emanating from the Father, the Christ, and Spirit, and the whole Angelical host, by an union and congregation of their several perfections and virtues ; adding. Ibid. Lib. I. cap. ii. § 6. p. 12. 'i)ia. ty.a^ov rut Al&ituvj otts^ s'^X^" iv la.vtZ ;ja£y, tvxccl ^corrjocc TT^Qaacyo^sv^rivcci, jc, Xp/foi xj Aoyov vul^uvvi/A-K^c, 5(J Tldyrac, ^loc ro uTio Tiavrcov slvoci. The following quotation will now explain how the term Caulachaud has been applied to this Saviour, " the one Christ, who was the receptacle of the Divine Plenitude; who was called All things, because he was from all;" Zohar. P. I. fol. 31. 2 in Beresith. ed Mant. iDi— »j^n 'Di» l«. « Dixit Rabbi Jose, quis sensus illius; " Cui sunt Dii seu Elohim propinqid?'* Potius dicendum videtur projnnquus quam propinqui. Se6. est Deus Supremus, Deus timoris Isaac, Dcus postremus. Sic propinqui dicendum. Lt Fortitudines seu Majestates aut Potetitice sunt midtce quce procedunt ex Una. Et hi omnes Unum sunt,** The last cited words, " hi omnes unum sunt," expressed in the original by in in"?:, clearly contain the true exposition of the ( 272 ) nites"^ if not by the Cerinthians, both of which sects were opposed by St. John "^, not only retained the same doctrine, but inculcated it in the terms which were used by the Jews**^ It is therefore Gnostick KATAATX"ATA, as this word should be properly written; the final A, which was omitted by St. Epiphanius to make way for his etymology, being preserved in a MS. of St, Irenaeus, quoted by the Benedictine editours, which, adding *' deus" to " calaucu," probably read caulaucuiTs, for CAULAUCAUD. *^^ Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. HI. cap. xxvii, Eya/yfiXi&j ^g y.oyuf sTToitivIo "Koyov, Conf. S. Hier. Comment, on Matt. cap. xii. Tom. VI. p. 21. b. **^ Tertul. PrjEScr. adv. Haer. cap. xxxiii. p. 210. " At in Episfola eos maxime Antichristos vocat [Johannes], qui Chris' ium negarcnt in came venisse, et qui non putarent Jesum esse Filium Dei : illud Marcion, hoc Hehiori 'cindicamt, — Hsec sunt lit arbitror genera doctrinarum adulterarum, quce sub apostolis Jicisse, ah ipsis Apostolis discimus, Conf. supr. p. 24-3. n. ^*^°. p. 263. n. ^°l "^ From the following passage it appears, the doctrine of the Trinity was inculcated in the Hebrew Gospel ; S. Hier, Comment, in Ezech. cap. xvi. Tom. IV. p. 371. h. — *' et refer- l.ur ad Spiritum Sanctum, qui apud Hebraios appellatur genere fcLunineo mi. In Evangello quoque Hehrccorum, quod lectitant Nazarsei, Salvator inducitur loquens ; * Modo me arripuit Mater meciy Spiritus Sanctiis.'* On this passage Dr. Allix ob- serves; Judgm. of Jew. Church, p. 178. *' This passage of the Nazarenes' Gospel would never have been understood, if we had not known, that the Jems call the Holy Spirit Imma, Mother; as well as Binah, Understanding : as we see in Zohar and other Cabalists." Comp. p. 166. sqq. As it is certain, that Origen used the Hebrew Gospel, Hier. Cat. Scriptt. Eccll. in Jacob. Tom. I. p. 119; the conformity of the following phrase to the above statement, as terming the Holy Ghost Krfi«, sufTicieritly declares, that this Gospel was the source ( 273 ) indisputable, whatever becomes of the text of th6 heavenly witnesses^ that the doctnne which it incul- cates was forcibly obtruded upon the attention of St. John, in the very words in which the suspected passage is expressed. From viewing the state of the subject, as before the apostles, let us now consider the manner in which they have discussed the points at issue be- tween them and the hereticks. The determination of this matter is decisive of the true reading of the contested passages. With respect to the hereticks who were opposed by St. Paul, as it has been al- ready observed, it was not only a fundamental arti- cle of their creed to deny the diviniti/ of the Logos, and to degrade him into the order of secondary and angelical existences; but a leading doctrine to deny that Christ became incarnate, and suffered, other- wise than in appearance, for the redemption of mankind. The opposition of these notions to the explicit declarations of St. Paul, in the contested verses, must be directly apparent; and they appo- sitely illustrate the strong emphasis with which the apostle insists on the Incarnation and Redemption^ from whence Orlgen adopted the passage ; Orlg. Selectt. in Ps. cxxii. Tom. II. p. 821. ^tAot ILvpluv Yla.r^os oCf ^ih ijvbv^oc T^U Kv^ioq 0 0£o? hu.uv lr»v, 01 joc^ T^eTf TO ev s'lmv. The lattet part of this phrase, which was unquestionably adopted from some heretical sect, who evidently borrowed it from the Jews, constitutes another evidence, that the subject of I Joh, v. 7. was before St. John when directing his Epistle against those heresies which arose while there was some connexion between Judaism and Christianity. Conf. Horn, in Joh. Tom. IV. p. 64. a. T ( 274 ) in both passages : '' God/* he declares, '' was mani- fested in the flesh ;" and '' feed the church of God which he purchased with his own blood," But what is more immediately to our purpose, those he- retical tenets evince the obligation which was laid on the apostle to assert the divine nature of our Lord as strenuously as he asserted his human. This we observe to be as effectually done in the Received Text, where the term God is expressly introduced; as the contrary is observable in the Corrected, where that term is superseded by '' the Lord/' or '' he who was manifested/* Of conse- quence, the circumstances under which those verses were delivered as fully confirm the reading of the one, as they invalidate that of the other. The apos- tle expressly undertakes to warn the Church against those hereticks, whose errours he is employed in refuting. " Therefore watch" he declares to the Ephesian pastors, " and remember, that by the space of three years I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears '^^^'* To Timothy he de- clares, '^ If thou put the brethren in remembrance of these things, thou shalt be a good minister of Jesus Christ." — " Take heed unto thyself subjoins the apostle, '^ and to thy doctrine; continue in them'-'''^" &c. But if we omit "God," with the Corrected Text, St. Paul is so far from delivering any warning on the subject of those hereticks, even while he expressly alludes to the doctrines which »'8 Act. XX. 31. ^^ 1 Tim. iv. 6. 16. ( 275 ) they had corrupted^ t^at he rather confirms their errours, by passing them over in silence. And this is the more inadmissible, as it is contrary to the usual practice of the apostle, who on similar occa- sions, when he was less imperatively called upon to deliver his sentiments, asserts the Divinity of our Lord in terms the most strong and explicit *^°. These conclusions are further supported by col- lateral evidence. St. Ignatius, an auditour of St, John, who impugned the errours of the Mcolaitans respecting the divinity of the Logos *^*, adopts the identical expressions of St. Paul, in an Epistle ad- dressed to the same church at Ephesus^^"-, and in- *^° S. Iren. adv. Haer. Lib. III. cap. xvi. p. 204.— sed praevi- dens Spiritus Sanctus depravatores—per Matthaeum ait ; Christi autem generatio sic erat; et quoniam hie est Emmanuel, ne forte tantum eum hominem putaremus — neque alium quidem Jesum alterum Christum suspicaremus fuisse, sed U7ium et eundem sciremus esse. Hoc ipsum interpretatus est Paulus, scribens ad Romanes, — " quod promisit — de Filio suo qui /actus est ei ex semine David, secundum carnem,^' Et iterum ad Ro- manos scribens de Israel, dicit ; " Quorum patres et ex quibus Christus secundum carnem qui est Detis super omnes benedictus in saecula." Et iterum in Epistola quae est ad Galatas, ait ; <* cum autem venit plenitudo temporis, misit Deus Filium suum^ factum ex muliere,^^ &c. Conf. Rom. i. 1. 3. ix. 5. Gal. iv. 4. *3' Vid. supr. p. 243. n. "'. *^' S. Ignat. Ep. ad Ejphes. cap. i. a»a{-;7r'j^^aa^Tf? ev ocifjLotn ©e5, to ffvyymy.ov spyov rs>.iiu; ccTt'/i^Tisrari, cap. vii. eT? lar^aq £r»*i crapxixo? rt xa* w>£y/*aT»x.oc, ycmnoi kkI ayivvnroiy h au^xl yevoixnoj 0805" cap. XIX. T^iflC f/,isr,si Si ihfiy.^oiti» T© Tdfii ©sw awrpTfcr/AtKoy, pp. 12, 13. 16. ( 276 ) sists on the divlniti/, incarnation, and passion of Christy in language the most full and explicit *^^ Had all antiquity been silent on the subject of these contested verses^ which are supported by the most full and unexceptionable evidence^ the single tes- timony of this apostolical father would determine the genuine reading beyond controversion. With respect to .1 John y, 7j, 8. it has been al- ready observed^ that it was directed against the peculiar errours of the Nicolaitans and Cerinthians. Of those sects it has been likewise observed^, that they respectively denied that Jesus was '' the Son of God/* and " came in the flesh/' though they mutually expressed their belief in a Trinity. Suck are the fundamental errours which the apostle undertakes to refute ; while^ at the same time^ he inculcates a just notion of the Trinity; distinguish- ing the Persons from the substance, by opposing- Tf IK in the masculine to £«/ in the neuter *^^. *^^ Id. ibid, cap, Tli. El? \a,r^o<; Wtv, aa,^y.iKos rs y.ai 'nrvcVfxix- t,un aMSd/^j y.u) £>c Magtas" xat la ©£«^ tt^utov TraS'yjroy xai Tore cfZra^oQS-. Id. ib. cap. xviii. — ^"o yu^ &£o^ ri^uv ^lr,a^s o 'Kpi'^o^ XIvBv^aroi ol aym, os lyzMvn^'fi xocl s^KTrria^rij JVa ra 'jtu^h r» t^co^ Kcc^u^icrv), Kofi EAaSe rov ap^ovToc tS ulufoq Tara vj itu^inot, Mu^ia(;f Hal o Toxerof avrr)f, ouolu; y.al o B'avaros' t8 Kf§i8. ^^* Two authorities, which are above all exception, will fally evince the justness and happiness of this distinction. Tertul. adv. Prax. cap. xxii. " Ego et Pater unum sumus.'* Hie ergo jam gradum volunt figere stulti, immo cseci qui non videant, primo " Ego et Pater," duorum esse signification em ; dehinC' in novissimo, " sumus" non ex zinius esse j)ersona, quod j)lu-' ralitcr dictum est ; turn quod " imim sumu's," non unus sumus. ( 277 ) Against those who denied that ^' Jesus was the Son of God/' he appeals to the heavenly witnesses; and against those who denied that he '' was come in the flesh/' he appeals to the earthly. For the admission of the one, that the ''three," including the Word, were '' one'' God, as clearly evinced the divi- nity of Christ, as identifying him with the Father ; as " the spirit" which he yielded up^^, and '' the blood and water" which he shed upon the cross *^'^, evinced his humanity, as proving him mortal. And this appeal to the witnesses is as obvious, as the argument deduced from it is decisive : those who abjured the Divinitij of our Lord, being as natu- rally confuted by the testimony of the heavenly witnesses, as those who denied his humanity by the testimony of the earthly. Viewed with reference to these considerations, the apostle's argument is as full and obvious, as it is clear and decisive : while it is illustrated by the circumstances under which his epistle was written. But let us suppose the seventh verse suppressed, and he not only neglects the advantage which was to be derived from the concession of his opponents, while he sums up ^'^the witness of men;" but the very end of his epistle ijs Si enim dixisset unus sumus, potuisset adjuvare sententiam illorum. Unus enim singularis numeri significatio videtur, ad- huc eum duo; mnscuUnl generis. " Unum" dicit, neutrafi verbo, quod non pertinet ad singularitem, sed ad imitatem, ad similitudinem, ad conjunctionem,*' Sec, In the justness of this distinction, an eminent Critick acquiesces: Vid. Pors, Lett. p. 240. ^^5 Luk. xxiii. 46. ^^^ Job. xix. 34, 35. ( 278 ) frustrated^ as the main proposition is thus left un- established, that '' Jesus is the Son of God." And though the notions of the hereticks, on the doctrine of the Trinity, were vag'ue and unsettled, the Church was thus left without any warnings against their peculiar tenets, though the apostle wrote with the express view of countervailing* their errours. Not to insist on the circumstances of the controversy, the object of the apostle's writing, not less than the tenour of his sense, consequently require that the disputed passage should be considered an integral part of his text. The reader must be now left to determine how far the internal evidence, supported by the cir- cumstances of the controversy in which the sacred writers were engaged, may extend in establishing the authenticity of the disputed verses. As inter- polations, we must find it as difficult to account for their origin, by considering them the product of chance as design. For, assuming the reading of the Corrected Text to be genuine, is it not next to miraculous that the casual alteration introduced into the Received Text should produce so extraordinary an effect on each of the passages, and attended by consequences so various and remote; that it should amend the solecism of the language, supply the de- ec tive sense, and verify the historical circumstances under which they were written '^ But how is the improbability diminished by conceiving them the product of design ; while they appear to be unsuit- able to the controversies agitated in the primitive Church ? The early heretics did not subscribe to ( 279 ) those parts of the canon in which they occur; and they did not meet the difficulties of those disputes which were maintained with the later *^7 In order to answer the purposes of those controversies, Christ, in two of the contested passages, should have been identified with '' God/' who '' was mani- fested in the flesh/' and '' purchased the Church with his own blood." And instead of " the Father, Word, and Spirit/' the remaining* passage should have read, '' the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost/* Otherwise, the interpolated passages would have been direct concessions to the Gnosticks and Sabel- lians, who, in denying the personal difference of the Father and Son, were equally obnoxious to those avowed adversaries, the Catholicks and the Arians. Nor did the orthodox require tlfese verses for the support of their cause ; they had other pas- sages which would accomplish all that they could y effect ; and without their aid, they maintained and established their tenets. Admitting the possibility *^^ Hence we find, that the writers who stand next In suc- cession to the apostles, as they found the divinity of our Lord impugned, and the Scripture testimonies which proved it ex- plained away by the heretics, insist more emphatically on this point, vid. S. Ignat. ut supr. p. 276. n. ^n. To this early practice of perverting the language of Scripture, St. Polycarp, a contemporary of S. Ignatius, and auditour of St. John, bears witness, in the following apposite testimony, Ep. ad Philipp, cap. VH. p. 188. ria? yu^, oq uv poT] ofxoXoyPi 'Inasy Xpi^ov ev Cxp'Kl s\nXv%vxi, ccnixptrSg Iri- y.ccl o$ ^v ixs^o^sur) ra -Koyioi, ^5 tkca*, aros w^wtotoko? hi Ta SaTaia. Couf. S. Iren. adv. Hser. Lib. I, cap. i. $ L p. 2, ( 280 ) of an interpolation^ in the three instances, we must be still at a loss to conceive with what object it could have been attempted. On taking the reverse of the question, and suppos- ing the Byzantine text preserves the genuine read- ing, every difficulty in the subject under discussion admits of the easiest solution. The circumstances which induced Eusebius. of Csesarea, to suppress those passages, which apparently favoured the er- rours of the Sabellians, have been already specified. And the alterations which they underwent in his edition^ as contained in the Palestine text, were effected with as little violence as possible to the con- text or meaning. Kup/a, as a word nearly syno- nymous with 0£^, was inserted in Act. xx, 28*^^; *^^ That the term Kiptoq has thus crept into the text, has been determined by i^rof. Michaeljs, from the varieties disco- verable in the subjoined readings ; Marsh's Mich. Vol. I. ch. vi. § xi[i. p. 336. *' Of the following different readings, Acts xx. 28. 0t5, Kwfiy, Xpir'i^i Kvpia ©ss, ©aa k^ Kvple, Kvpia >^ QeS, the first is probably the true reading, and all the others are to be considered corrections or scholia, because ©£« might easily give occasion to any of these, whereas none could easily give occasion to ©£b. If St. Luke wrote ©et, the original of Kypa and XptrS may be explained as corrections of the text, or as marginal notes ; because " the blood of God" is a very extra- ordinary expression ; but if he had written Kvp'm, it is inconceivf able how any one could alter it to ©£«, and on this principle the great number of different readings is inexplicable. It seems as if different transcribers had found a difliculty in the passage, and that each corrected according to his own judgment.'* The improbability of such a correction is infinitely increased when we consider, that, if a change has been made from Kypla to ©£yj it must have been made early in the fourth century^ ( 281 ) the Sabellian tendency of the passage was thus ob- viated^ and the harshness of the phrase^ which as- cribed blood to God, was removed. After the ana- log-y of a similar passage in Col. i. 26, 27. to fAvs-Ti^is r-dTis — eg Ifi Xoifog, 1 Tim. iii. 16. was chang- ed into fAiyoc if I fAVfYipio-^y og i(pxp£^u^n : o? being pre- served in the masculine to denote a person, and in this form agreeing with X^i^og, sylleptically impli- ed in 'fji.vfvoiou ^^9^ Out of this reading, [Mv^TiPm d when Sabellianism was in a great measure revived by Mar- cell us, of Ancyra. The revival of this heresy must have raised insuperable obstacles to prevent this text from being admitted into the context of Scripture by the orthodox : and unless it was interpolated by them, there was no party exi||ing at the time to gain it admission into the sacred canon. The Arians, it is obvious, cannot be accused of attempting such a correc- tion ; and the Sabellians were unable to effect any thing in this respect ; as they were an inconsiderable sect, rendered still less competent, by the opposition of both Arians and Catholicks. ^■'^ This conjecture is supported by the Oriental versions, the varieties in which are at once reconciled, by considering the neuter noun f/.vryiftoy taken, b}^ a syllepsis, in the masculine / which notion is alone reconcilable with the reading proposed by M. Griesbach, in the Greek ; [ABycc er* to t^j? Bva-s^eiag fxvrr.cir.v, os i(p'Xvip'M^vi. Thls, I bcg leave to suggest, is the sim- plest explanation of the reading of the Coptick, Sahidick, and Philoxenian version ; and thus, M. Griesbach and Dr. Lau- rence, who have formed very opposite conclusions on this sub- ject, are easily reconciled in principle. The former declares, Nov. Test. not. in h. I. " Copt. Sahid. et Syr. p. in m. [exhibent] o?, qui;" the latter declares; Rem. on Griesb, Classif. of MSS. p. 78. " in both the Coptic and Sahidic the word MYZTHPION mystery is decidedly proved to be masculine, by the definitive article masculine ni in one case, and n in tha ( 282 ) Ipxnau^r, naturally arose ^*% merely by correcting other, prefixed. — A similar remark, respecting the Philoxeniaii version, is made by its editour.'* From hence I would con- clude, with M. Griesbach, that the authours of those versions read in the Palestine edition, which they followed, /*ur>5pio» os i(panpu^ri : but I here reason from the premises laid before me, as I am wholly unacquainted with the Oriental languages. ^"^ That fxvfripiov 0 i(pa.vefcj^'n is not the original reading, is, I conceive, manifest ; as it is thus unaccountable that this phrase, which is wholly unexceptionable, should have been ever chang- ed to /xur'jpof OS i(pctvipu>^x. If, on the other hand, we suppose oq iCpavi^'l-Bv) the original reading, the change, it must be con- fessed, was easy both to o ^(pxn^cj^v) and Qeo? itpays^u^n : as th6 neuter gender was obviously suggested by the context ^t;r«- Aiov ; and, in the uncial character, 02 is easily converted into ©r, the usual abbreviation of 0EOr. But i^vtv^^iov os i(pa.vi^u^yi could not have been the original reading ; as unsuitable to the object of St. Paul in writing the Epistle before us. So great a solecism as I shall show in the sequel, finds no justification in Col. i. 27. And the change of o; to 0£oj, which is not at all suggested by the context, if at all made, must have been made in the fourth century ; when the Sabellian errours raised the same obstacles to such a correction, as to that of ©eS to Kypia in Act. XX. 28. If, in the last case, we suppose ©2 the ori- ginal reading, OS might have been first suggested by those transverse lines having been omitted, in the hurry of transcrip- tion, which distinguish OS and 02 ; and this alteration, which was apparently justified by Col. i. 27, might have been finally recommended, as the word 02 had, in this form, the appear- ance of an accidental omission ; and as it afforded a ready ex- pedient of converting 02 into 02, by an erasure. As the con- currence of the Eastern and Western versions proves this cor- rection to have been made as early as the fourth century, when the text was revised by Eusebius ; it is certainly a correction which he may be supposed to have made, as it is conformable to his peculiar notions. ( 283 ) the false concord. 1 Joh. v. 7. presented fewer difficulties to the corrector; the iteration in the sen- tence made it merely necessary that the obnoxious passage should be erased ; and it was consequently expunged by Eusebius^ as little conducive to the doctrme of the church, from being calculated to support the Sabellian errours. Regarded in this view, there is little more on the subject before us which needs a solution. The last evidence of au- thenticity, which is specified in the rule proposed by M. Griesbach, for determining a genuine from a spurious reading ^''•^ is thus clearly made out in fa- vour of the text of Byzantium ; for thus all the vari- eties in the passages before us, are easily accounted for, on considering them corruptions of the genuine text, as preserved in that edition. Thus reasoning on the very grounds chosen by the adversaries of those texts, the question of their authenticity is easily decided; as far, at least, as respects the internal evidence. It is now merely necessary, that the testimony of competent witnesses should be adduced, to corroborate the internal evi- dence, with external. Of the manuscripts which have been cited on this subject, 1. the Vatican ^*% and fifteen of the Greek ^' Vid. supr. p. 258. n. '^\ '** The true reading of this celebrated MS. is set out of dis- pute by the following document, which is deposited in Sion College ; to which my attention was first directed by my learned friend, Mr. Watts, the librarian. In a collation of the Vatican MSS. made for Dr. Berriman, when engaged in the defence of 1 Tim. iii. 16. the annexed reading of the Vatican MS. appears; ( 284 ) Vulgate *^^ read in Act. xx. 28. ©£« ; in which read- ing' they are supported by the manuscripts of the Latin Vulgate^ without a single exception *'^*. About fifty Greek manuscripts of the same edition also read Qeh, but in conjunction with Kvpia ^*^ the following note being prefixed to the papers in which it is found, in the hand writing of Dr. Berriman. " In the year 1738 I obtained, from the very learned Mr. Thomas WagstaiFe, then at Rome, a more exact and particular account of the Greek MSS. of St. Paul's Epistles, in the Vatican library, and that of Cardinal Barberini, than had been ever before com- municated to the world. Mr. Wagstaffe had for some time free access to the Vatican, and the liberty of collating MSS. in the absence of the librarian, and in that time I was favoured with the accurate collation of four texts which I desired, (Act. xx. 28. Rom. ix. 5. 1 Tim. iii. 16. and 1 John v. 7.) and of five more added thereto, (Gal. i. 12. Phil. ii. 6. Col. ii. 9. Tit. ii. 13. and 1 Job. v. 20.)'* The following collation of the disputed text is added, along with the above-cited, in Mr. WagstafFe's hand, ** Act. xx. 28. H^oai^ns. laVToTcf y.a,\ •jtu^t) ru Troifxnuif l» u vjjioiq TO -Trvivy.oe, to ccyiov I'^eTO e7rt<7xo9r«?, 7ro»^aiy£H> tvi» iKKXytaiacv Ta 3"e8, '^v TTEfU'TroiYtaa.To^ oicc tS uijxuToq t2 i^»8* MS. Bible, from whence Sixtus V.'s Septuagint was printed.'* And this testi- mony is confirmed by the collation which was made of this MS. for Dr. Bentley, vid. supr. p. 61. n. ^^ As it notes no various reading of this text but tb ai'/^aTo? t5 i^»«, p. 74. the MS. must have read, with the copy which was collated, IxxATjjriav TV QiH. 2-*^ Griesb. Nov. Test, not, in h. 1. " Vulgatum GsS habent codd. 4, 22, 46j 65y 66, 68, et quantum e silentio collatorum suspicari licet, 7, 12, 16, 23, 25, 37, 39, 56, 64." For one of those MSS. Cod. 25, I can answer, having collated it in the British Museum, where it is marked Harl. 5537 ; it reads tIp ixy.Aj)5-Jav Ttf 0s2 nu Tre^is'JTOiyiaa.TO ha, tS l^m aif^aToc. '^ Mill. Nov. Test. not. in h. 1. " Vulg. in omnibus Codd. Lat. iEthiop." &c. * '^5 Vid. Griesb. Nov. Test, not, in h. 1. ( 283 ) 2. The Alexandrine *^^ and all known manu- scripts "-^^ except two of the Palestine, and one of the Eg-yptian edition, read in 1 Tim iii. 16. 0£o?; the Latin Vulgate reading- '' quod/' in opposition to every known manuscript but the Clermont *+^ ^"^^ That the true reading of the Alexandrine MS. in 1 Tim. iii. 16. was 0eo?, not oj, we may appeal to the testimony of those who first examined the MS. Independent of that of Junius, who first examined it, and of Mr. Huish, Mho collated it for the London Polyglot ; of Bps. Walton and Fell, of Drs. Mill and Grabe, who have published its various readings ; Dr. Ber- riman's testimony seems to lay the question at rest. Having taken two friends^ Messrs. Ridley and Gibson, to examine the MS. in the sun, and with the assistance of a glass, and having submitted the point in debate to two indifferent persons stand- ing by, Messrs. Hewit and Pilkington ; he published the fol- lowing statement, as the result of their investigation; Dissert, ut supr. p. 156. " And therefore, if at any time hereafter, the old line should become indiscernible, there never will be just cause to doubt, but that the genuine ar.d original reading of this MS. was 0S i.e. ©E02." Nay more, he openly charges M. Wetstein, whose single testimony is now supposed to turn the scale against this host of witnesses, with having admitted to a common friend, that he satv the transverse line of the 0, the existence of which he afterwards disputed : Ibid. p. 156. The extreme futility of the plea, which is set up in opposition to this weight of testimory, vAW be exposed in the sequel. ^^^ Dr. Berriman, Crit. Disert. up, 1 Tim. iii. 16. p. 163. specifies ninety-one MSS. in his printed text ; but in a manu- script note of a copy of his work, which was deposited in Sion College, extends the number to ninety-five. After the labours of Prof. Birch, of Copenhagen, of M. MattliSEri, at Moscow, and other criticks, we greatly underrate the number of those JMSS. in estimating them at an hundred. ^•'^ Gricsb. Symbb. Critt. Tom. II. p. 75. " Itaque extra ( 286 ) 3. The whole nearly of the manuscripts of the Latin Vulgate contain 1 Joh. v. 7^"^^; which is not found in any Greek MS. but the Montfort ; a manuscript which has been obviously corrected by the Latin translation. Of the christian fathers who have been quoted on this subject^ the following have been cited in fa- vour of the reading' of the Received Text^ or Greek Vulgate. I. On Act. XX. 28. St. Ignatius *^^ in the aposto- lical age; andTertullian*^*^ near the same period. At the distance of a century and upwards from those primitive times^ St. Athanasius ^^^ St. Basil *^^ St. omnem dubitatlonem positum jam esse videtur, Claromontani Codicis lectionem primitivam non fuisse 0S sed O.*' ^^ Bengal. Apparat. Crit. not. in h. 1. § xix. *' Habet La- tina Versio antiquissima. * Versus ille solemniter legitur turn in Epistola Dominicae in Albis dictas, turn in octavo Respon- sorio, in omnibus Dominicis a festo SS. Trinitatis usque ad Adventum. Reperitur etiam in optimis quibusque et vetus- tissimis Vulgatae codicibus, ita ut paucissimi sint in quibus deest.' Henr. a Bukentop de Vulg. p. 307. Videlicet de Codicibus Hentenii, quorum circiter 24? ad banc epistolam col- lati sunt, 5 tantummodo omittunt. &c. *5° Vid. supr. p. 275. n. ^'^. "r Tertul. ad Uxor. Lib. IL cap. iii. p. 175. " Quod sciam, *' non sumus nostri" sed " pretio empti ;" et quali pretio? ** sanguine Dei.*' *5* S. Athanas. Ep. i. ad Serap. Tom. IL p. 653. e. h ^l TlcX'VXoi' h CO vyi.oi,^ to YIvwiacc to ay»ov sSeto ETrJcrxoTras TTOJ/xaiveii/ rrjf *" S. Basil. Moral. Reg. lxxiii. cap. xvi. Tom. IL p. 285. a. ed. Par. 1618. o -^oii^m o xaAo? triv -vj/up^w. avre rlBncru) vne^ Tuv 'jT^o^a.Tuv. n§a|s»5. HfocrEp^ETE av layTcrj-— — 'Trot/AWkvim T'3» fXKMffiuv t5 ©£». ( 287 ) Epiphanius *^^ St. Ambrose '^^ and St. Chrysos- tome ^^^ deliver the same testimony. In the follow- ing age occur Ibas*" and Ccelestinus*^%- and in the succeeding-, Fulgentius^^^ Ferrandus*^, and Pri- *5* S. Epiphan. Ilaer. lxxiv. p. 895. a. 9rpo j-e^ete tprjcrt eawoK, *" S. Ambros. de Sp. Sanct. Lib. II. cap. xiii. Tom. JI. col. 663. d. " Dixit enim Paulus : ' Adtendite vobis, et omni gregi, in quo posuit vos Spiritus Sanctus episcopos regere ecclesiam Deu'* *5^ S. Chrysost. in Actt. Apostt. Horn. xliv. Tom. IX. p. 333. a. U^offe^iTS fcv locvToT^ — Wo»jm,«(ve»» tvjv i>ix.>^Yjariav t« ©£», r,v Trepw/rQinaritro ^»a. t» lola a\'[jt,etro^.—~Ta.vrcx, ^.iyn tfx ETrstOH or* a» lat^Tor? TTfoa-sp^w/AEV, tote xJ to •Tro/jt^noi/ xEp^aiVE*, iv u vy,ct.% TO 'n-nvf/.oc to 'uyhQV i^'.ro lina-y.oiTHqy TrotfJiCcUfiv triv iKnT^rjaixv th ©£«. opcc Trocrat scycx.yy.cc\ ttx^cc tS 'TTvsvf/.ccToq rnv ^nforoviccv e'p^ete' (p'/jo-i* t«to ycip Irt TO, e'^eto* /L«t(Z uvTvi avayKr}' iWx iroi(A.aUnv 7t)v iKX^via-iccv Tb 0c8. »57 Ibas. Epist. ad Marin, Pers. rSnT^r^Bv ^l < o GsW' 5 Traylole ^pj/li^wv T?? tiS'ia? ' tuxXT^aiaq t>}? tw Joio; ar/:>taTt' avrie Ai/l^w.^s/cnj?, >c^ TJ?!* y.ufoicti Ta 'AlyfTrl**} jj.izXci^xiy k. t. I. ap. Lab. et Cossart, Concill.Tom. IV. p. 665, b, ed. Par. 1671. *^^ Ccelest. Epist, ad Synod. Ephes, " Ptespiciamus rursum etiam ilia nostri verba doctoris, quibus proprie apud Episcopos utitur, ista praedicens ,' " Attendite" inquit, " vobis — regere ecclesiam Dei quam acquisivit sanguine suo," Ap. Baluz. Nov, Collect. Concill. Tom. I. p. 491. ^5> Fulgent, de Fid. ad Petr. Diac, cap. xix.—in isto autem sacrificio gratiarum actio atque commemoratio est carnis Christi, et sanguinis quem pro nobis idem Deus efFudit. De quo Beatus Paulus dicit in Actibus Apostolorum, ** Atten- dite vobis — regere Ecclesiam Dei quam acquisivit sanguine sue." Max. Bibl. Patrr. Tom. IX. p. 80. h, ^^ Ferrand. ad Anatol. Epist. cap, xiv. " Nam ecce apud Miletum — Beatug dum traderet Paulus; " Attendite," inquitv ( 288 ) masius*^'. In the next age we meet Antioclms *^*, and Martin I/^^• and in the subsequent, Bede*^^ who is followed,, after some distance of time, by Etherius^'^ (Ecumenius*'^ and Theophylact^'^ *' vobis — regere Ecclesiam Dei, quam adquisivit suo sanguine.'' Die modo Gentium Doctor, et responds nobis aliquid. — Dixisti Deum Ecclesiam adquisisse sanguine suo; quare non addidisti Filium,'' &c. Max. Bibl. Patrr. Tom. IX. p. 506. h. ^^' Primas. in Apoc. cap. vii. I add this reference on the authority of M. Griesbach ; with this acknowledgement, that I believe it to be an errour. I have not been able to find any reference to Act. xx. 28. in Primasius, nor is the authority of this father cited, on this verse, by M. M. Bengel, or Sabatier. In Primas. ibid. ap. Max. Bibl. Patr. Tom. X. p. 309. b. I find " sanguine agni,'^ which, it is possible, M. Griesbach, or the person whom he followed, might have mistaken for " sanguine Dei.'* *^* Antioch. Horn, cxxii. Auctar. Bibl. Patrr. Tom. I. p. 1214. e. ed Par. 1624. ror? ^\ ''^(piaiQiq "Kiyuv' ir^oa-t^ia^i euv7o7(; '—voijj.aivnv rrt» iKySKyicriccv T« 0c8. Conf. Hom. LXI. p. 1122. d. ^^^ Martin, in Cone. Later. Rom. — " et maxime praeceptum liabentes apostolicum, " attendere nosmetipsis, et gregi — regere Dei ecclesiam quam acquisivit per sanguinem pro- prium." — Id. ibid. [ji,a,Xircc 'TrxpsfyiXixv 'i^ovrti u'7ro^o?^iK7iVf TTfoo-E^siv 7roi}jcra% hoi ra I^ia aI]!A«1o?. ap. Lab. et Cossart. Concill. Tom^ VLp. 93, 94. b. ^^^ Bed. Comment, in Actt. Apostt. cap. xx. Oper. Tom. V. p. 659. ed. Col. Agr. 1612. — " Regere Ecclesiam Dei, quam acquisivit sanguine suo." Non dubitat " sanguinem Dei'* dicere, propter unionem personae in duabus naturis ejusdem Jesa Christi.'' ^'^ Ether, contr, Elipand. Lib. 11. " De quo Dei sangufne sub certo Dei hominisque discrimine, in Apostolorum'Actibus legimus : " Attendite vobis, et universe gregi vestro, in quo ( 289 ) To these we may add some anonymous authori- ties ***^ whose age is not easily determined. g. On 1 Tim. iii. 16. we may quote St. Ig-na- 'tius*^^ in the apostolical age ; and Hippolytus *7^, in the age which succeeded. The next age pre- sents St. Athanasius'7'^ St. Gregory Nyssene*^*, andSt. Chrysostome*75; and the following age, St. vos Splritus Sanctus posuit apostolos regere Ecclesiam Deu^* Et cujus Dei Ecclesiam subsequens sermo demonstrat ita di- cens ; " quam acquisivit sanguine suo." Aperte hie nomine Deitatis et sanguinis, ccelestia et humana sociavit.'* Max. BibL Patrr. Tom. XIII. p. S83. d. *^^ (Ecumen. Comment, in Actt. Apostt. Tom. I. p. 152. ed. Par. 1634. Wfocr/p^elfi «v lavroTi Trot/xamiv t^v i>£itA)j licleivoyla., oT» k^ oiAo^.oyttfJi.hui y-iya. er* to t^j tvat^eiai fAVf/if t9}>* * * S. Greg. Nyssen. Orat. iv. Tom. II. p. 581. ed. Par. 1638. — «, ^*j<7t, fjisya. Ir» to r^q tiffs^siaq [/.vrri^ioV ©Co? I(pav£§w3*j U ffa^y.) iS'ixata/Sw iv TrnvfAoli' rali^iv i oUovouia n ivep r,fA,uit ^—■ivvG'/ia-ov TO f4.vrv^iov $U ete^oit »my» 79 cj iruiluq o Iv. 0i5 Ilalpo? A078?* aro; yoc^ I'raJ /xsya to rv{ {/.iyot Iri TO Trig evTt'^iiccq [jLvr*i^iQ]/' ©eor i^unfuBr] it era ^k) x,r,h Conf. p. 153. Tom. VI. p. 148. *'5 Theodor. Comment, in 1 Tim. Tom. III. p. 478. ed. Par. 1642. ©cOS" e! (panoubrivxt ^•'^ Eiithal. ap. Zaccagn. p. 692. Ka* S/^tAoyi^^Evwj /^sVa Ir* TO T»js ivai^iix(; [xv<-y:fizv, ©bo^ t^avefu^m x. t. I. *77 Damascen. Tom. II. p. 263. ed. Par. 1712. Ku) t^oXoye- yi,Ux<; fxiyx If* to tvjj tiai^iiacq fxVfK^iof. ©gbs" l(paye^uBv iv cra^x*' X. r. E. ''^ Epiphan. Djac, in Cone. ir. Nic. — <* audi igitur Paulum magna voce clamantem, et veritatem i.stam corroborantem : * Dens manifestatu5; est in came, justificatus est in spiritu — . O magni doctoris afFatum ! ' Deiis^ inquit manifestatus est in carne, &c. A p. Lab. et Cossart. Concill. Tom. VII. col. 618. ^^5 Phot. Comment, in 1 Tim. Keel luoXoyaijisvuc fxiyx Irl to T^5 Bvci$eixq fy.trr,fioV ©eoS" i'pxn^u>Br,y y.. t. i. C. Cod. MS. Cantab, n. 2430. 250. *8o CEcumen. Comment, in 1 Tim. Tom. II. p. 227, 228. ed Par. 1631. ©£oy E^avE^wSyj l» cufx.) h^oii, otyx^x^fj^hq, ©gg;- -fa^att^^^n ly crapxi, thu ?^iyn to fAVrr/fun ( 291 ) ^ S. On 1 Joh. V. 7. we may cite Tertullian *'' in the age next the apostolical^ and St. Cyprian in the subsequent aera*^*. In the following age, we may quote Phcebadius*^^ Marcus Celedensis**^ and Idatius Clarus*^^; and in the succeeding age^ Eu- *"' Theophyl. Comment, in 1 Tim. p. 769. ed. Lond. 1636. *^* Ep. Dionys. Alexandr. adscript. Anon. ap. S* Athaft. de Incarn. Verb. Tom. II. P. ii. p. 33. Al. ibid. p. 5^4. Anon. ap. Theodorit. Tom. IV. pp. 13. 15. Euthym. in Panopl. 1 it. xv* *^^ Tertul. adv. Prax. cap. xxv» p. 506. " Ita connexus ** Patris" in Filio, et * Filii' in * Paracleto' tres efficit cohee- rentes, alterum ex altero, qui " tres unum sunt," non unus; quomodo dictum est, '* ego et Pater unum sumus,** ad sub" stantice unitatem, non ad numeri singularitatem." *'* S. Cypr. de Unit. Eccles. p. 109. " t)icit Dominus; *« Ego et Pater unum sumus." Et de " Patre et" Filio " et Spiritu Sancto" scriptum est ; ** et hi tres unum sunt.*' Conf. Ep. Lxxiii ad Jubaian. p. 203* *8* Phcebad. contr. Ariann. cap. xlv* * Dominits " Petam,** inquit, ** a Patre meo et alium advocatum dabit vobis." Sic alius a Filio " Spiritus" sicut allies a Patre ** Filius." Sic tertia in Spiritu, ut in Filio secunda persona: unus tamen DeuS (omnia) quia *' tres unum sunt." Max. Bibi. Patrr. Tom. IV. p. 305. b. *s^ Marc. Celed. Expos. Fid. ad Cyril. " Nobis unus " Pater," et unus * Filius* ejus verus Deus, et unus '* Spiritus Sanctus" verus Deus, ** et hi tres unum sunt ;" una divinitas, et potentia, et regnum." Sunt autem tres Personae, non duse, non una," &c. Ap. S. Hier. Tom. IX. p. 73. g. Conf« Ep. Lxxvii. Tom. II. p. 302. '^^ Idat. Clar. de Sanct. Trin. Lib. I. — dicehte Jqanne Evan- gelista in Epistola sua ; '* tres sunt qui testimonium dicunt iii coelo, " Pater, et V^erbum, et Spiritus, et" in Christo Jesu *' unum sunt/' non tamen unus est, quia non est iju hfs una ( S92 ) cherius^^^ Victor Vitensis^^^^ and Vigilius Tap- sensis*9°. Fulgentius*^' and Cassiodorus*'^ occur in the next age; and Maximus^^? j,^ i\^q subsequent: to whom we might add many others^ or indeed the whole of the Western Churchy who^ after this pe-^ persona." Ap. S. AthaJi. Tom. III. p. 606. f. conf. pp. 607. b. 622. a. *^^ Eucher. Formull. Spirit. Intellig. cap. xi. n. 3. — m Jo* minis epistola : " Tres sunt qui testimonium dant in ccelo, Pater, Verbum, et Spiritus Sanctus : et tres sunt, qui testi- monium dant in terra, Spiritus, Aqua, et Sanguis." Max. BibL Patrr. Tom. VI. p. 838. e. *^' Vict. Vitens. de Persec. Vandal. " Et ut adhuc luce clarius unius divinitatis esse cum Patre et Filio Spiritum Sanc- tum doceamus, Johannis Exmngelistce testimonio comprobatur : ait namque, ** Tres sunt qui testimonium perhibent in coelo. Pater, Verbum, et Spiritus Sanctus, et hi tres unum sunt. Max. Bibl. Patrr. Tom. VIII. p. 686. a. »5o Vigil. Tapsens. contr. Varimad. " Johannes Evangelista — arf Parthos: "Tres sunt" inquit, "qui testimonium perhibent in terra," aqua, sanguis, et caro, et hi tres in nobis sunt : ** et tres sunt qui testimonium perhibent in coelo, Pater, Verbum, et Spiritus, et hi tres unum Sunt." Max. Bibl. Patrr. Tom. V. p. 729. b. *^' Fulgent. Respon. contr. Ariann. " Beatus Joannes Apos- tolus teatatur d'lcens; Tres sunt qui testimonium perhibent in coelo, Pater, Verbum et Spiritus: et tres unum sunt." Quod etiam beatissimus martyr Cyprianus in Ep. de Unit. Eccles. confitetur," &c. Max. Bibl. Patrr. Tom. IX. p. 4.1. f. *** Cassiod. Complexionn. in Epistt. Paulinn. *« Testifi- cantur " in terra" tria mysteria, *' aqua, sanguis et spiritus," quae in passione Domini leguntur impleta : " in coelo autem Pater, et Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus," et hi tres unus g%% JDeus." *^' Maxim. Disput. contr. Ariann. wpoj ^\ reto^^ Tras-n*, 'lu&vvini (pdarxn ** >^ o» 7fus re i» stV**.'* Ap. S, Athan, Tom. IIL " . 229. a. ( 29,^ ) riod, generally adopted this verse in their authorised version ''^*. With respect to 1 Tim. iii. 16. Acts xx. 28. it is, I trusty unnecessary to add another argument in support of their authenticity. Admitting that there exists sufficient external evidence to prove that those verses constituted a part of Scripture; the internal evidence must decide, whether we are to consider them genuine, or must reject them as spurious. The point at issue is thus reduced to a matter of fact, on which there is no room for a second opinion. It has been, I trust, sufficiently shown, that the one text is supported by the testimony of the Eastern Church, and the other by that of the Eastern and Western. The inference is of course obvious^ with-? out a formal deduction. With respect to 1 John v. 7. the case is materi- ally different. If this verse be received, it must be admitted on the single testimony of the Western Church ; as far at least as respects the external evi- dence. And though it may seem unwarrantable to set aside the authority of the Greek Church, and pay exclusive respect to the Latin, where a question arises on the authenticity of a passage which pro- perly belongs to the text of the former; yet when ^* Mar. Victorin. in Hymn. iii. Ambrosius Ansbertus Com- ment, in Apoc. &c. Conf. Bengel. Appar. Crit. not. in h. |. § xviii — " Post Annum m. Radulphus ArdenSy Rupertus Tvitiensis, BernarduSy Hugo Victoriinus, Lombardus, Aquitias^ ScotuSy ceteriy sine descrimine, dictum citant. Vid. Dorschei Diss, de Sp. Aq. et Sang. p. 11. Calov, Bibl. 111. h. I." Vid. supr. p. 286. n. *^^ ( 291 ) the doctrine inculcated in that passage is taken into account^ there may be good reason for giving even a preference to the Western Church over that of the Eastern. The former was uncorrupted by the heresy of the Arians^ who rejected the doctrine of the passage in question ^^j. iYl^ latter was wholly resigned to that heresy for at least forty years *^^ while the Western Church retained its purity. And while the testimony borne by the latter on the sub- ject before us, is consistent and full ; that borne by the former is internally defective. It is delivered in language, which has not even the merit of being grammatically correct; while the testimony of the latter is not only unexceptionable in itself, but pos- sesses the singular merit of removing the fore- mentioned imperfection^ on being merely turned into Greek, and inserted in the context of the ori- ginal*'^. Under these circumstances there seems to be little reasonableness in allowing the Western Church any authority^ and denying it^ in this in- stance, a preference over the Eastern. But numberless circumstances conspire to strengthen the authority of the Latin Chuich in supporting the authenticity of this passage. The particular Church on whose testimony principally we receive the disputed verse, is that of Africa. And even at the first sight, it must be evident, that the most implicit respect is due to its testimony, *55 Vid. supr.p. 110. n.*. ^'^ Vid. supr. p. 2a n, ^K ^^ Comp. pp. 257.260, ( 295 ) 1. In those s-reat convulsions which asjitated the Eastern and Western Churches, for eight years, with scarcely any intermission ^^^ ; and which sub- jected the sacred text to the greatest clianges*^^^ throug'h that vast tract of country which extends round the Levant, from Libya to Illyricum, the African provinces were exposed to the horrours of persecution but for an inconsiderable period '°°. The Church, of course, which was estabhshed in this region, neither required a new supply of sacred books, nor received those which had been revised by Eusebius and St. Jerome; as removed out of the range of the influence of those antient fathers. 2. As the African Church possessed this compe- tency to deliver a pure unsophisticated testimony on the subject before us; that which it has borne is as explicit as it is plenary : since it is dehvered in a Confession prepared by the whole church assembled ^^ Euseb. de Martyrr. PaLiest. cap. xili. p. 437. 1. 10. retvra, ^e> h rcc yard Ucc>.ctirlv7)v Iv oKoif ersai oxrco crviATroc^u^inoo rcuv ufx^vTuv s-Trctvocraceaiv' iv alj 7ro^t;Tf07ro^ — r,hMy.oru\> uyuvzi aiot^i^^QV Tk ir'hn^Qq (Accprnfuv y.cclx Trcccra,* lita^yQav crvvtTvia-ano^ 6V rrns a-ro Aifivm tC^ di oXtjs- 'Aly^^^rw, 2y§/af re j(^ TiI'v aTr' avaToX-^f x^ y.\i)i.'Kco /xsx,§t to 'IXku^nCo)/ K>-/^<cr,v »^' oXois srsni ovai ToTr ir^dorois r» ^nwypta rov Tro^sptov v^noiABivavroc, ( §96 ) in council. After the African provinces had been over-run by the Vandals^"', Hunnerick, their king, summoned tbe bishops of this churchy and of the adjacent isles, to dehberate on the doctrine incul- cated in the disputed passage '°\ Between three and four hundred prelates attended the Council, which met at Carthage '°^ ; and Eugenius, as bishop of that see, drew up the Confession of the ortho- dox'°^ in which the contested verse is expressly quoted -"^ That a whole church should thus con- cur in quoting a verse which was not contained in 3°' Evagr. Hist. Eccles. Lib. IV. cap. xiv. p. 395. 1. 45. ^pYlffy.tveov, utxoreiTcc oijtOeto ui^^l Ttf? bv Av^vri Xptr»av«?, Ti?f ^°* Edict. Hunneric. ap. Vict. Vitens. de Persec. Vandall.— . ** Et quia in Provinciis a Deo nobis concessis scandalum esse nolumus, — hoc nos statuisse cognoscite, ut ad diem Kal. Febr, proxime futurarum, amissa omni excusatione formidinis, omnes Carthaginem veniatis, ut de ratione fidei cum nostris venera- bilibus Episcopis possitis inire conflictum, et de fide Omousia' noruniy quam defenditis, de divinis scripturis proprie approhetisj quo possit agnosci si integram fidem teneatis." Max. Bibl. Patrr. Tom. VIII. p. 682. d. ^'^^ Vict. Vitens. ibid. p. 683. d. " Appropinquabat jam fu- turus dies ille calumniosus Kal. Febr. ab eodem statutus. Con- veniunt non solum universce Africce, verum etiam insularum multarum Episcopi,** &c. A catalogue of the bishops is given, p. 689. e. sqq. 3^4 Max. Bibl. Patrr. Tom. VIII. Preef. p. i. « lisdem [libris Vict. Vitens. de Pers. Vand.] inserta Professio fidei Catholicorum Episcoporum Africae, quae ex Gennadio cap. xcvii, probabilius creditur esse Eugenii Carthaginiensis Epis- copi — . 3^* Ut supr. p. 292. n. »8^ C 297 ) the received text, is wholly inconceivable : and ad^ mitting^ that 1 Joh. v. 7. was thus generally received, its universal prevalence in that text is only to be accounted for by supposing it to have existed in it from the beginning. 3. The testimony which the African church has borne on the subject before us, is not more strongly recommended by the universal consent, than the immemorial tradition of the evidence, which attests the authenticity of the contested passage. Victor Vitensis and Pulgentius, Marcus Celedensis, St. Cy- prian, and Tertullian, were Africans '°^, and have re- ferred to the verse before us ^°^ Of these witnesses, ^ Cave. Cartophyl. Eccles. p. 99. ** Fictor, genie Afir Vitensis in Africa ICpiscopus: An. 487." Id. ibid. p. 104.. ** Fulgentiiis A/er, ex Abbate, Ruspensis hi Africa Episcopus : clar. circ. An. 508." Id. ibid. p. 23. « Ci/pnwius, Cartha- giniensis — ab An. 248. Episcopus Carthagiuieiisis.''* Id. ibid, p. 16. " Tertidlianus, Presbyter Carthaginiensis circa An. 192." Bengel. Apparat. Crit, var. in 1 Job. v. 7. § xiv. p. 461. *' Expositio haec [vid. supr. p. 291. n. ^^^] nomen auc- toris non habet adjectum ; sed praeter cetera, tenor versionis Latina^, in dictis ibi citatis, ostendit, in Africa olim earn esse scriptam. Et quidem scriptorem ejus esse Marcim Presby- terem Celedensem, argumento est ilia epistola quam Hieronyinus ad hunc ipsum Marcum circ. A. C. 375 dedit, ubiait, '* De fide quam dignatus es scribere Sancto Cyrillo," &c. ^°^ Vid. supr. p. 291. n. ^^^ sqq. It has been indeed disputed that Tertullian quotes any verse ; and that St. Cyprian refers to any but 1 Joh. v. 8. Though the testimony of these early fathers must stand and fall together ; as St. Cyprian obviously follows his master Tertullian : yet Tertullian 's testimony may stand by itself. I. It is evident the words " qui tres unum sunt," do not fall casually from him, in his controversy with Praxeas, (1.) They contain Praxeas's doctrine expressed in ( 298 ) >vhich follow each other at almost equal intervals, the first is referred to the age of Eugenius, the last his own language ; " Ipsum dicit Patrem descendisse in virgi- nem — ipsum esse Jesum Christum." [Tertul. adv. Prax. cap. i.] This identity of Person between the Father and Son, Praxeas proved by Joh. x. 30. " Ego et Pater unum sumus." Uic ergo jam gradiim volunt Jigere stulti, immo cceci, — — . Si enim dixisset imus siuuuSf potuisset adjuvare sententiam illo- rum." [Id. ibid. cap. xxii.] The diversity between the Fa- ther and Word, he explained away by another expedient ; ** quid est enim dices Senno nisi vox et sonus oris." [Id. ibid. cap. vii.] Hence 1 Joh. v. 7. " tres sunt qui testimonium perhibent in ccelo, Pater Verbum et Spiritus, et hi tres unum sunt," contains as just a description of Praxeas's doctrine, as that heretick could have given. (2.) Of course, those words do not give as full an exposition of Tertullian*s notions, as this learned antient required, in answering Praxeas; " Ego et pater unum sumus." Hie ergo jam gradum volunt figere Stulti immo ccEci, qui non videant primo, ** Ego et Pater" duo. rum esse significalionem ; dehinc in novissimo, " sumus,*' non ex unius esse persona, quod pluraliter dictum est ; turn quod ** unum sumus," non unus sumus." [Id. ib. cap. xxii.] He consequently explains his meaning by other adjuncts and epi- thets ; " Filium non aliunde deduco quam de subsiayitia Patris. £Id. ibid. cap. iv.] Caeterum ubique teneo unam siibstantiam, in trihus cohcBrentibus,** [Id. ibid. cap. xii.] In order to ex- press Tertullian's notions fully, 1 Joh. v. 7. should stand, " tres testimonium perhibent in ccelo. Pater, Filius, et Spiritus Sane-. tiis ; quae tres personce, una substantia sunt." This, by the way, is the true secret of his omitting the first clause of the verse ; and of Cyprian's altering it in declaring, " de Patre et Tilio et Spiritu Sancto scriptum est, et hi tres unum sunt." For this exposition he certainly offers on the authority of Ter- tullian. II. In meddling at all with " qui tres unum sunt," Tertullian must be supposed to introduce it as a quotation from Scripture ; and taken in this light, it adds greater force ant^ clearness to his reasoning. That he introduces it in this rp»n* ( 299 ) to that nearly of the Apostles. They thus form a traditionary chain^ carrying- up the testimony of the ner, is, I think, apparent from the following reasons : ( 1 .) He quotes it precisely in the same manner as Joh. x. SO. " cceci non videant, primo, *' Ego et Pater" duorum esse significa- tionem; dehinc in novlssimo '* sunius," non ex unius persona, quod pluraliter dictum est; turn quod ** unum sunius" non units siimiis. Having, by these three reasons, wrested Joh. x. 30. from his adversaries, he applies it, thus interpreted, to the explanation of I Joh. v. 7. which was even more strongly on the side of his adversaries; " tres unum sunt," non iimis, qiio- modo dictum est ^ << ego et Pater unum sumus.** The expla- natory phrase ' non unus,' added to 1 Joh. v. 7. as well as Joh, X. 30. as clearly indicates a quotation, in the one case, as in the other, (2.) Considering the whole texture of Tertullian's argument, it requires that " tres unum sunt" should be con- sidered a Scripture authority. As Praxeas built on Joh. xiv. 8. X. fJO. Tertullian builds on Joh. xiii. 16. xvi. 7. for these text* clearly proved that personal diversity between the Father, the Son, and the floiy Spirit, which Praxeas denied; as they re- presented the Son as interceding ttvM the Father, and both as sendin^r the Holy Ghost, and of course exhibited the three in ditferent Persons. But it was necessary that Tertullian should not divide the substance, while he distinguished the Persons ; and iKi.i it is which induced him to introduce Joh. xvi. 14, with 7. and to bind the whole doctrine together by 1 Joh. v. 7. as previously opiained by Joh. x. SO: at the same time that he insists on the personal diversity of " Pater et Films." His argument will now speak for itself; " post Philippum efc totam substantiam quaestionis istius (Joh. xiv. 8.), qua^ in finem Evan- gel ii perseverant in eodem genere sermonis, quo Pater et Filiiis in sua proprietate distingtcmitur) Paracletum quoque a Patre se postidaturum, quum ascendisset ad Patrem, et missiiriiin re- promittit (Joh. ib. 16. xvi. 7), et qiddem alium, sed jam pra?- misimus quomodo alium, Caeterum " de meo sumet" inquit (ib. xvi. 14.) " sicut ipse de Patris." Ita connexus * Patris io I^ilip,' et '*Filii in Paraclete* ♦* tres" efficit cohaereutes, alte- G 300 ) African Churchy until it loses itself in time imme-^ morial. rum ex altero, qui " tres unum sunt** non unus (1 Joh. v. 7.) quomodo dictum est (John x. 30), '* ego et Pater unum sumus;'* ad substantiae unitatem, non ad nunieri singularitateni." III. That St. Cyprian quotes Scripture is placed bej'ond cent troversion by his express declaration ; scrijjitwn est, ** et hi tres unum sunt." And that this text is not 1 Joh. v. 8. is equally incontrovertible. (1.) The phrase used by St. Cy- prian is "tres unum sunt," not "tres in unum sunt;" the latter is the phrase in 1 Joh. v. 8. the former that in 1 Joh. V. 7. (2.) This phrase, as found in 1 Joh. v. 8. when under- stood according to TertuUian's interpretation, which St. Cy- prian holds fully in view, is nonsense or blasphemy. As the former of these fathers justly determines, that " unus*' in the masculine, opposed to " unum" in the neuter, indicates a per^ son as distinguished from a substance ; this canon applied to «* et hi tres unum sunt,'* in 1 John v. 8. makes " the tcater aitd blood** not only Persons, but of " one** substance with " the Spirit y" I forbear to point the inference. In following Ter- tullian, and referring to Scripture, St. Cyprian of course must be supposed to allude to 1 Joh. v. 7. when he declares ; " de Patre et Filio et Spiritu Sancto scriptum est : et hi tres unum sunt.*' The case of Cyprian being made out, that of Tertul- lian derives impregnable strength from it : admitting the former to have seen this verse, the only probability is, tiiat it must liave been seen by the latter : as it is absurd in the extreme to conceive it could have crept into the text in the period that intervenes between them, and have so generally prevailed as to be quoted by the whole African Church in the Council of Car- thage. IV. But one or two further considerations seem to set the matter out of dispute ; and to demonstrate, that 1 Joh. v. 7. could not have been forged between the times of Tertullian and those of the Council of Carthage. In the term Son, lay the whole strength of the Catholick's argument ; in the term Word, lay that of the hereticks : Tertullian had particularly insisted on the former; aod St. Cyprian had absolutely con- ( 301 ) 4. The testimony of the African Churchy which possesses these stron^^ recommendations^ receives confirmation from the corroborating evidence of other churches, which were similarly circumstanced. Phoebadius and Eucherius^ the latter of whom had been translated from the Spanish to the Galilean Church, were members of the latter^**'; and both these churches had been exempt^ not less than the Afri- can, from the effects of Dioclesian's persecution ^°9. Both those early fathers, Phoebadius and Euche- rius, attest the authenticity of the contested passage : the testimony of the former is entitled to the greater respect^ as he boldly w^ithstood the authority of Ho- sius'*°^ whose influence tended to extend the Arian nected " Pater et Fdius et Spiritus Sanctus,'' with *' hi tres unum sunt ;*' and yet the Council of Carthage, and the fathers of the African Church, thus uniformly quote 1 Joh. v. 7. " tre* sunt qui testimonium perhibent in ccelo. Pater, Verbum, et Spi- ritus Sanctus." I must question the seriousness of any man who will persist in declaring, that he believes the latter verse, which is directly in favour of the hereticks' notions, and in op- position to the authority of Tertullian and Cyprian, could have been inventcdby any member of the African Church ; or that any authority could have gained it admission in this form into the received text of that Church, but that which it derived from the implicit conviction of its members, that it was written by St. John the Evangelist. ^°^ Cave. ub. supr. p. 56, " Pkosbadius Galhis, Agenni Epis- copus, clar. An. 359." Id. ibid. p. 88. " Eudm-'nis senior, ex Monacho Leri?iensi, ab An. circ. 434?. Lugdunetisis Eph' copus." 509 vid. supr. p. 295. n. 5°°. "° Phcebad. contr. Ariann. sub. fin. '•' Sed non sum nescius «— Osii nomen quasi quemdam in nos arietem temperari — . ( 302 ) opinions in the Western world, at the very pefiod in yvhicli he cited the contested passage. In addi- tion to these witnesses, we have, in the testimony of Maximus, the evidence of a person, who visited the African Church ; and who there becoming- ac- quainted with tlie disputed passage, wrote a tract for the purpose of employing- it against the Ari- ans^". The testimony of these witnesses forms a valuable accession to that of the African Church. 5. We may appeal to the testimony of the Greek Church in confirmation of the African Churches. Sect hanc contra iios errigentibus machinain brevi admodum serraone respondeo. Non potest ejus authorltas praescribi, quia aut nunc errat aut semper erravit," &c. Max. Bibl. Patrr. Tom. IV. p. 305. c. 3" Vid. supr. 292. n. *^^ Bengel. Apparat. Crit. var. m h. 1. p. 4"71. '* Auctorem Collocationis [int. opuscc. Athanas* Tom. III. p. 226.] hodie docent esse Maximum Confessorem : qui A. C. 64-0, monasterio suo, prope Constantinopolin relicto, in Africam hit: An. 645. Romamvenit: et An. 655 Constant tinopolin retractus est. Unde colligas, Maximum dicti Jo* hanneiy [1 Job. v. 7. J antehac sibi ignoti, apud Afros fuissc votitum ; eaque re exultantem, ipsius dicti ornandi et produ- cendi causa Dialogum fecisse. — multa dicta ex Nov. Test, (ne de LXX interpr. dicani,) eo modo citat, qui Codicibtis Africaiiis respondet : et boo dictum *' tres unum sunt," si ille ex scholio duntaxat aliquo, si ex Latinis mom/mentis id repetisset, si alle- gatio ex uUa parte minorem firmitudinem haberet : quomodo Athanasius, Gra^'cus doctor, eo utens potuisset introduci ? quo- modo auctor iotius Colloqnii coronidem ac summam in eo posn- isset'^ quomodo Johan?ies id dicere diceretur ? quomodo deni- que Arianus, diu reluctatus, cederet ? Vix plus huic Dialog© tribui potest, quam tribuimus modo. Latinis Afrorum Codi- cibus notitiam dicti sine dubio debet ille auctor : in Grsecis ao deinceps repererit, considerent eruditi.*' ( 303 ) Not to insist at present on positive testimonies^'*, ^** To the testimony of Maxiraus, already cited, n. 5". we li>ay, I believe, add that of Socrates, who not only asserts, that the Greek text of St. John's epistle had undergone some cor- ruptions ; but appeals to the old copies of the original, on a reading of 1 Joh. iv. 3. and to the ancient interpreters, as assert- ing, that " some had corrupted this Epistle ; wishing to sever the humanity from the Godhead." For having declared, Hist. Eccl. Lib. VII. cap. xxxii. p. 381. 1. 32. uvtIkoi, yav hfyon^av, 0T» iv T/j y.a.Bo'^hK'p 'luccvva yiypocTrlo iv roTq i!:a>.ouin<; avliypci^oiqy OTl ** Trav TTDBViAat o uira'ktin rlv iricr^v, cctto t» 068 «x eV**'* TavtV})/ yuf rriv ^iccvoiav ek rcuv TracXociuiv oiyriy^oi(f)cov TTspisTKov, ol x'^oi^nv aTro t5 Tijf oixoKOjW.ia? ocyBpuTTn /SaAojtAsj'oi rY,v ©iOTy^ru I he directly ob- serves to the purpose already specified: Ibid. 1. 36. ^^9 *J ol ituKoiOi 6^/X7}VeTs" avrh tSto tTrsaioiAvivavro, ux; nvsq thv fxx.^mp'- ynoavTss rr,v 67r4S'0?'.'/iv, >>vnv ocito t§ ©its tov ocv^futrov BsP^ovn^, cvvccviiKYi'rrrcti ^\ avSpwTTOT^? tr, 0£ot»jt»* >t, ax/rj ilal ^vo, uKKci tV. Valesius, n. *. in h. 1. observes; *' falhtur hie Socrates, ct dum Nestorium reprehendit, in Eutychetis errorem dilabitur, qui post unitionem, non duas in Christo, sed unam duntaxat natu- ram esse existimabat.'* And yet 1 Joh. iv. 3. v. 7, 8. as read in the Latin Vulgate at this day, fully bears out the allegation of Socrates. 1. It reads in 1 Joh. iv. 3. " omnis spiritus qui solvit Jesum, ex Deo non est ;" and thus exactly corresponds with 7ru¥ w»ey/*a o Xv£i Tov 'Ir^aSv utto re ©te «x ertj in Socrates ; in opposition to the Greek Vulgate, which reads, t^ ^rav -rrvevfxcc 0 fx-h opooXoyeT rov 'ItjctSv X^js^ov sv aa^al kXri'ku'^orocy ex tS 0e5 iK tn 1 expressly with St. Polycarp, St, John's disciple, vid. supr. p, 279. n. *-^^. 2. In retaining " tres sunt qui testimonium dant in ccelo, Pater, Verbum, et Sp. Sanctus, et hi tres unum sunt,*' together with " tres sunt qui testimonium dant in terra, spiritus, aqua, et sanguis, et hi tres unum sunt ;" it substantiates the charge, brought against the Greek copies, by Socrates; that they had undergone those mutHatioris which separated the humanity from the divinity ; the latter being demonstrable only from vers. 7, which has been obliterated in the Greek. 3. As reading in vers. 8, '* tre» \mum sunt," instead of o» t^s?? sIj ( 304 ) the disputed v6rse^ though not supported by the text of the original Greek, is clearly supported by its context. The latter does not agree so well with itself, as it does with the testimony of the African Church. The grammatical structure, which is im- perfect in itself, directly recovers its original inte- grity, on being filled up with the passage which is offered on the testimony of this witness ^^^ Thus far the testimony of the Greek Church is plainly corroborative of that of the Western. 6. In fine, as Origen and Eusebius have both ro sV etcrt, which occurs In the Vulgar Greek; and thus predi- cating " unum sunt" of Spirltus et Sanguis," as well as *' Pater et Verbum," it naturally justifies the inference of So* crates, respecting the divinity and humanity of Christ, which he represents as one^ k^ av./rt eJcr* ^^'o, ochxd 'iv. The allusion, in this passage, to *' et hi tres mum suntf** 1 .Joh. v. 7, 8. as these verses are read in the Latin Vulgate, is sufficiently obvious. It seems to justify a conjecture, that Socrates wrote >cj a y.iTraif fiV; Uof uAhoi 'iv. But souie officious scribe, ignorant of the variation in 1 Joh. v. 8. {^k ^o ev, in the Greek Vulgate, being- rendered " unum sunt," in the Latin) turned a Scripture quo- tation into an heretical assertion, by changing e xiTrai into «x/t«. For an example of KiTr^i in the sense ascribed by S. Jerome to posit um est, ut infr. p. 310. n. *. conf. ib. n. '. et supr. p. 93. n. *®^ The reader may determine for himself, how far it is pro- bable, Socrates might have acquired so much knowledge of the Latin version through M. Celedensis, or some other Latin in- terpreter. As he long survived P. Damasus, vid. Socrat. Hist. Eccles. Lib. VIL cap. ix. p. 854?. under whom St. Jerome revi* sed the Latin text of the Vulgate in :\:hich the abQV€ readmgs ccciir, he had sufficient acquaintance with the affairs of the Western Church to attain information on this subject; vid, lib. II. capp, XXX. xxxi. p. 127. sqq. ■ 3^^ Vid. supr. p. 260. conf, p. 2;54. ( 305 ) thought that one church becomes a sufficient voucher for one even of the sacred books of the Canon ^'"^j and as Eusebius has borne the most unquahfied evi- dence to the integrity and purity of the Church of Africa'*', we can have no just grounds for rejecting its testimony, on a single verse of Scripture. And when we consider the weight of the argument arising in favour of this verse from the internal evidence ; how forcibly the subject of it was pressed upon the attention of St. John ; and how amply it is attested by that external evidence which is antecedent, though deficient in tliat which is subsequent, to the times of the apostles, our conviction must rise, that this pas- sage is authentick. But when we add the very obvi- ous solution which this want of subsequent evidence receives, from the probability that Eusebius sup- pressed this passage in the edition which he revised ; and which became the received text of the Church, which remained in subjection to the Arians, for the forty years that succeeded : I trust nothing further can be wanting to convince any ingenuous mind, that 1 John v. 7. really proceeded from St, John the Evangelist. I shall now venture to conclude, that the doctrinal integrity of the Greek Vulgate is established, in the vindication of these passages. It has been my en- deavour to rest it upon its natural basis; the testi- mony of the two Churches, in the eastern and west- ^'* Vid. supr, p. 236. n. '^\ Conf. Euseb. Lib. VI. cap. xxv. p.291.1. 40. ^*' Vid. supr. p. 295. n. J^o, ( 306 ) ern worlds in whose keeping the sacred trust was reposed. In two instances alone^ which are of any moment^ their testimony is found to vary ; and in these the evidence is not discovered to be contra- dictory^ but defective : and this^ merely on one side. To direct us^ however^ in judging between the wit- nesses^ the internal evidence at once reveals, that an errour lies on the side of that testimony which is less full, as it is not consistent when regarded alone. Hence, on confronting the witnesses, and correcting the defective testimony by that which is more explicit, every objection to which the former was originally exposed, directly disappears. As this is a result which cannot be considered acci- dental, there seems to be no possible mode of ac- counting for it, but by supposing, that there was a period when the witnesses agreed in that testimony which is more full and exphcit. However inade- quate therefore either of the witnesses may be con- sidered, when regarded separately ; yet when their testimony is regarded comparatively, it is compe- tent to put us in possession of the truth, in all in^ stances, which are of any importance. It is scarcely necessary any further to prolong this discussion, by specifying the relative imperfec- tion of those systems, to which the present scheme is opposed. Those of Dr. Bentley and M. Gries- bach are fundamentally defective in sacrificing the testimony of the Eastern Church for the immense period, during which the Greek Vulgate has pre- vailed; that of M. Matthaei is scarcely less excep- tionable, in rejecting the testimony of the Western ( so? ) Church for the still greater period, during which it has been a witness and keeper of Holy Writ. In fact, whoever saps the basis on which the inte- grity of the inspired Word is properly sustained, must necessarily build on a foundation of sand. Whe- ther we build on the authority of Origen, or of the Antient Manuscripts, or that of the Versions of the Oriental or of the Western Church, all our docu- ments must be taken subject to the testimony of tradition. But it seems to be a strange perversion of reason, which will lead any man to give a pre- ference to such vouchers over the proper witnesses of the inspired Word. For while the testimony of the former is subject to the same casualties as that of the latter, in having the stream of tradition rendered turbid in its course ; it is exposed to infi- nitely greater chances of corruption, from external sources. Particular Manuscripts^ not to speak of the sacred writings, yet of the antient Fathers are liable to gross and wilful corruption at the first ; and Versions may be made, for aught we can deter- mine, from corrupt copies, or by unskilful hands. In these possible cases, we are possessed of no cer- tain criterion to arrive at the truth. But we must be assured, that the Sacred Writings were delivered in immaculate purity, to those churches, to whom they w^ere committed; that they were guarded from corruption, by commanding that veneration, which has never been excited by any human work; and that they have been dispersed to a degree, which rendered their universal corruption utterly impos- sible, and consequently not likely to be attempted. x2 ( 308 ) It seems therefore to savour of something worse than paradox^ to proceed on the supposition, that the copies of Scripture are generally corrupted; and that the true reading may be acquired in other and suspicious sources. SECTION V. XhE integrity of the sacred canon being once placed beyond the reach of the objectour's excep- tions; the raain object of the present inquiry may be said to be already accomplished. The great end which the inspired founders of the Church had in view, in delivering to their successours a written Instrument,, was to furnish them with an unerring rule of faith and manners. But it is not necessary to the perfection of this Instrument, that it should be guarded, by a perpetual miracle, from the chances of literal errours. The real practical advantages of any rule of faith or morals, must result from a religious adherence to the precepts which it incul- cates. But it will not be disputed, that those pre- cepts might have been conveyed in an endless va- riety of manners by the inspired writers ; and that the language in which they chose to deliver the pre- cepts may be endlessly varied, while the doctrine is preserved unchanged in its intention and substance. Were an exact literal acquaintance with the phra- seology of the sacred text indispensably necessary to an attainment of the important truths which it reveals^ it is obvious the inspired writings could ( 310 ) be beneficial to a very limited number of readers, and to those merely in the time of their perusal. The impression which the facts and precepts of the divine work leave on the mind^ is indeed vivid and permanent ; but when the volume is closed^ few re- tain an accurate remembrance of the language in which they are expressed : and no memory was ever adequate to the task of retailing the whole work without many omissions and misrepresentations. The general and doctrinal integrity of the sacred canon being preserved from corruption^ there exists no obvious or necessary cause^, that the text should be preserved immaculate. How fully impressed with this conviction the inspired writers were^ must be directly apparent from the use which they have made of the Septuagint^ which was ever considered a free translation \ Those who were best qualified to inform us on this subject have expressly declared, that the apostles have quoted from that version*. ' S. Epiphan. de Menss. et Pondd. cap. vi. Tom. II. p. 163. xapSi ia-f^cc'/iX Ul3$ilci uy.coX' «. l^v lpiJi.riViv6[/,Bva, * Kv^is iy.£fct^» •TTDoq ffiy tlcnxymcov y.t, Ucotr^si Tn (puvvi** o^tx, hv Truq ^uXov ivpiatttlai* 01 ^£ lB^oiA,rjKOprci^vo IpiJ.rivtviec) 'jrpocrlsBux.orsi; to, ' ^iVjo-Baq yLHy* erg, iic70(,KHaov jw,8, TTfo^p/s; T15 (puv-n rtfi dt^aiuq (/.a, v.a.t opoc vug ToTs" 01/.0I01S ccvTcov '-f-ciTcc Tr;y 'Trpoa-^nzviv TTxvlci^^ vTTo ruv uvruv lpu-/ivBvlu!v •A.iiyi.ivoiq, oTt KoXus o\ Xoyoi iTpoGcTi'b'naccv eIs" (ppoiai)) ytaX Cj(p€kzi'xv ruv fjLih'KQvruv t^wv efs twv t5 ©sa tt/th' wyscr^at h, t. u vid. infr. nn. * et ^. ^ S. Hier. adv. Ruffin. Lib. II. cap. ix. Tom. II. p. 25 K <' Apostolici viri Scripturis utuntur Hebraicis; ipsos Apostolcs ( 311 ) Yet while they are no where observed to follow it, where it misrepresents the sense,, they are fre- quently observed to quote it where it merely deserts the letter ^ While the circumstance of their wri- ting* in Greek clearly demonstrates the prevalence of that language among their early converts ; it is observable, they made no provision, that the primi- tive church should possess a better translation of the Old Testament, ^than that of the Septuagint. It must be therefore inferred, from their practice, that they considered the literal errours of that tran- slation a matter of minor importance. et Evangelistas hoc fecisse persplcuum est. Dominus atque Salvator, ubicumque Veteris Scripturae meminit, de Hebraicis voluminibus ponit exempla : — in ipsa cruce OnntJ/ nnh »^« »^« Eli Eli lama azavtani: quod interpretatur ; * Deus meus, Deus meus, quare me dereliquisti :' non ut a Sepfuaginta position est, * Deus meus, Deus meus, re spice in me, quare me dereliquisti :* et multa his similia. Nee hoc diciraus, quod Septuaginta in- terpretes suggillemus, sed quod Apostolorum et Christi major sit auctoritas : et vbicumque Septuaginta ah Hebrceo non dis- cordant, ibi Apostolos de interpret at ione eoriim siimpsisse exem- pla, ubi vero discrepant, id posuisse in Graeco, quod apud He- brcBos didicerajit.'* Videatur Id. Procem, in Lib. XV. Com. Is. Tom. IV. p. 174. 5 Vales. Epist. de Vers. Septuag. Interp. subnex. Euseb. Hist. p. 791. 1. 88. Caeterum ut ea quae dixi, in compendium redigam, de versione LXX ita censeo. Primum quidem, uni- cam semper fuisse LXX Seniorum versionem — kac semper usos esse Judaos Alexandrines, et reliqiios Hellenistas. A Judaeis deinde Chrlstianos earn accepisse. Neque enim Apostoli et primores illi Christiani alia Veteris Instrumenti interpretatione Grceca sunt usi, quam ea qucs vulgo in Synngogis Judceorum Plellenistarum legebatur.*' ( 312 ) We are not however at liberty to conclude^ that the inspired writers abstained from revising the Greek version of the Jewish Scriptures^ because they considered a purer text of no importance to the early converts. It is rather implied in their prac- tice^ that they considered the advantages resulting from a purer text, would not be compensated by the inconveniences which would arise from disturb- ing a settled state of affairs. The authority of the Greek version was already acknowledged by mul- titudes of the Gentile proselytes to Judaism ; and through the instrumentality of it, numbers might be led to a knowledge of Christianity, who would be so far from accepting a new version from the hands of the apostles, that they rejected the notion of their divine commission. On these grounds, I will not say it was .politick, but I believe it was agreeable to the principles of the apostles, whp never gave unnecessary offence, to retain the received text, as read in the synagogue. And on these grounds, I conceive we may meet the advocates for a Cor- rected Text or Improved Version of the New Tes- tament, in defending the Received Text or Vulgar edition. Admitting that we were agreed on the discovery of such a text, which, for my own part, I reject as an idle chimera; the general reception of the Vulgar Text and Authorised Version, and the existing prospect of its extensive diffusion, would still render it a question, whether a change would not be for the worse, instead of the better. And in favour of these prejudices, we may plead a very antient prescription. On the first endeavour to ( 313 ) impose a new version on the Latin Church, similar apprehensions were felt, and hke discontent was manifested by its members *. Though on these grounds the Greek Vulgate would admit of a fair defence, I am prepared to dis- pute its claims to a preference over every text and edition, on different principles. It challenges the testimony of tradition in its favour, for full eleven hundred years, even by the concession of its oppo- nents ^ ; and unless I am altogether wrong in my calculations, that period may be demonstrably ex- tended to full fourteen hundred ^ The inferences flowing from these circumstances have been already made ; and if any force be allowed to what I have advanced, it must be allowed at the least, — That this text is of the best edition, and that it is free from any considerable corruption in the general te- nour of the text, and in the parts affecting* any point of doctrine. With respect to the verbal integrity of the text, I am far from asserting that I conceive the Greek Vulgate immaculate. On the contrary, 1 believe it may be inferred, in the strictest consistency with what has been hitherto advanced^ that the Byzan- * S. August ad Hier. Epist. lxxi. Tom. II. col. 161. " Ego pane te mallem Grcecas potius canonkas nobis interpretare scrip- turas, quce Septuaginta interpret iim auctoritate perhibentar, Perdurum enim erit, si tua interpretatio per multas ecclesias cceperit lectitari, quod a Greeds ecclesiis Latince ecdesice dissQ-* nabunt, &c." Conf. supr. p. 119. n. '^ 5 Vid. supr. p. 126. n. *°. ^ Vid, supr. pp. 71. 121, ( 314 ) tine text may possess verbal errours, while the Eo-yptian and Palestine editions preserve the ge- nuine reading. As these different texts underwent the revisal of separate hands; it is possible that the care which was employed in removing an imaginary defect^ might have created a positive errour; and that the errour which thus arose might have been propagated through all the copies which have de- scended from the same edition. 1 here only enter my protest against the inference, that these errours could have extended to important points ; or that the edition in which they abounded could have pre- vailed for more than a limited period, and during the operation of some powerful cause, against the received text, which generally prevailed in the christian world, as published by the apostles. On this possibility we may fairly ground an in- quiry into the verbal integrity of the sacred canon. And the undertaking affords additional inducements to invite investigation, as it is not only curious in itself, but promises the most favourable result to the reputation of the Greek Vulgate. In the course of this inquiry, I am wholly deceived, or it may be shewn, that the principles on which the Vulgar Text has been judged, are wholly fallacious ; and that there are criteria by which we can not only esta- blish the relative purity of that text, and evince the imperfections of other editions ; but trace the cor- ruptions of the latter to the very source in which they have originated. I. The most formidable objections to which the credit of the Greek Vulgate is exposed^ arise from the ( 315 ) complicated apparatus of M. Griesbach. Some idea of the manner in which he proceeded in forming his Corrected Text, may be collected from his critical description of those manuscripts which he denomi- nates Codd. h, 17. The principles of his criticism are reducible to two canons^ which are laid down in. his description of the latter manuscript ^. In judging between different readings, he decides ; that attention must be paid, 1. to the internal marks of authenticity ; 2. to the consent of the oldest and best witnesses, con- sisting of manuscripts, versions, and fathers; especi- ally if they are of different kinds of text^ or follow different recensions ^. With respect to the internal evidence, he makes it depend upon various circumstances; to determine which he lays down a variety of rules, applicable to most possible cases 9. In estimating the external evidence, he considers the Alexandrine and Western editions antient and separate witnesses. Of the fathers and versions which he principally quotes, he joins in alliance with the Alexandrine text Origen and the Coptick version '°; or, by their joint or sepa- 7 Griesb. Symb. Critt. Tom. I. p. Ixxvifi. sqq. Tom. II. p. 87. sqq. ^ Id. ibid. Tom. II. p. 90. n. *. " In judicandis lectlonibus spectatm*, (1) interna eariim honitaSy qiise pluribus rebus cer- nitur: (2) testium (codicum, versionmii, patrmn) antiqiiorum et honorim consensus, prassertim si e diversis familiis orti sint, diversasque recensiones texius sequantur.'' Conf. Proleg. N. T. p. Ixxix. § e. ^ Id. Praef. in Nov. Test. Sect. III. p. lix. sqq. '° Id. Symbb. Critt. Tom. I. p. cxl. *' Copa Iversio'] tam presse sequitur vestigia turn Origenis turn cognatorum cum hoc codicum^ ut mcridiana luce clarius appareat, posse omnino ex ( 316 ) rate authority, determines those readings which he deems Alexandrine ". To these witnesses he unites other vouchers, whenever he finds them coincident; combining the testimony of Clement, Eusebius, Athanasius, Basil, and Cyril, with that of Origen '* ; and strengthening the evidence of the Coptick by that of the Vulgate and Syriack version '^ With the Western text he, of course, endeavours to unite the testimony of the Western fathers ; combining, hac translatione judicium fieri, non solum de i?idole tmhersa sed de singulorum etiam locorum lectionibus exemplaris istius, quod interpres in vertendis sacris libris usurpavit,*' «S:c. Conf. Proleg. N. T. p. Ixxviii. c. ** Id. ibid. p. cviii. " Lectiones codici nostro [L.] cum uno alterove Alexandrino communes pro lectionibus Alexandrince recensionis indubie sunt habendae." Id. ibid. p. cxxix. " Inter omnes quotquot supersunt Evangeliorum codices nullus propin* quiore affinitate cu7n L et Origine conjunctus est Codice C. — Sed vix unquam C et L in lectione a textu vulgari diversa, quoe non sit nullius plane momenti conveniunt, quin Origines ultro comitem lis sese adjungat, Qua2 observatio, memoratu longe dignissima, firmissimum praesidium est theorice, quam tuemur, de receusione Alexandrina, et de textuSy (quern hi codices, con- junctim spectati exhibent,) antiquitatef patria, et p-cBstantia,^* ** Id. ibid. p. cxxxiii. " Vicimus igitur, Codices C et L — plenos esse Alexandrinarum lectionum vetustissimarum, eosdem- que, ubi a vulgari textu ita discedunt ut inter se consentiant^ semper, paucissimis forte locis exceptis, lectiones exhibere easdenif quas Origines ex suo exemplari excitavit. — Quos in Evangeliis perpetuos fere habuit [Cod. C] comites, (nempe Origineniy Clementem, Eusebiiimy Athanasiiim^ Cyrillumy et in- terpretem CoptuMy nee non iEthiopum et Armenum) ad eorundem in Epistolis quoque societatem, tantum non semper applicat. Itaque in his etiam libris textus ejus Alexandrinus est et vetustus." " Yid. Symbb. Critt, ib. p. Ixxx. sqq. ( 317 ) as far as is possible^ the evidence of Teitullian and Cyprian, with that of the Latin translation '^. To those reading's, which are supported by the greatest weight of evidence, he necessarily gives the prefer- ence. But he attaches very different degrees of importance to his different witnesses : according to the following scale of gradations '^ J^. The testi- mony of both recensions must be received in siib- jection to the internal marks of perfection or errour. 2. A reading which, when internally regarded, is apparently good, is admissible on the single tcsti* mony of either the Western or Alexandrine recen- sion, in opposition to that of the Byzantine. 3. The authority of the Alexandrine is preferable to that of the Western, as it is less generally corrupted ; but the conspiring testimony of these witnesses is of the greatest weight, in recommending a peculiar reading. The main stay of this comphcated system, which is intended to form an alliance between the Alexan- drine and Western texts, in order to outweigh the "* Id. ibid. pp. cxviii. cxix. *5 lb. ibid. Tom. II. p. 624?. " Ex quibus omnibus efRcitur, (1) — in judicanuis lectionibus alterutri recensioni peculiaribus sententiam ferendam esse secundum interim bonitatis lectionis cuj usque c77/ma .- (2) lectionem in se spectatam bonam ac pro- babiiem — pioeferendam esse lectioni vulgarium — librorum, $i allcrutrius recensionis, sive Alexanchincej sive Occidentalis ei patrocinetur : (3) majorem tamen esse. — Alexandriiice, utpote minus interpolata?, aucloritatem^ quam Occidentalis — . Quanti vero mouienti nobis esse videatur vtritisque recensionis consen- f'Cjis ted'imonlum, sa?pius diximus," Conf. pp. 143, H4, 145, Proleg. N. T. p. Ixxix. sqq. ( 318 ) authority of the text of Byzantium^ is rested on the supposition, that both the former are antient and separate witnesses ^^ But this is a supposition which is certainly founded in errour With respect to the antiquity of those editions, it remains to be proved, that it is prior to the times of either of those persons of th^ name of Eusebius, who pubhshed the Alexandrine or Palestine text, and revised the West- ern version. And the intercourse which St. Euse- bius and St. Jerome maintained with the East'^ renders it wholly inadmissible^ that their versions should be considered separate witnesses from the Alexandrine or Palestine. Their known predilec- tion for Origen'^ leaves their testimony, when quoted as separate authority for the same text, entitled to something less than respect. Not to in- sist on later intermixtures of the Eastern and West- ern texts, which are antecedent to the existence of almost every manuscript with which we are ac- quainted'9; we need not pass those concessions, Avhich the force of truth has extorted from our op- ponents, for a proof that these texts are inextricably confused, and blended together^''. *^ Vid. supr. p. 315. n. ^ >7 Vid. supr. p. 54. n. '\ 221. n. '^^ 83. nn. ^^ et 7o. « Vid. supr. p. 144. n. ^\ 137- n. '\ 171. nn. ''' et "^ '^ Vid. supr. p. 14. sqq. comp. p. 22. n. '*°. *° Griesb. Symbb. Critt. Tom. I. p. cxxviii. Ex his mani- festum jam est— nullum siiperesse Codicem, qui ubique U7iam atqiie ecpiclem recensionem Ha exprimat, ut lectiones ex aliis recen- sionibus admixtas habeat nullas, trium quos inter se compara- vimus Codicum exem.plo constare potest. Nonnunquam enim Origincs et D cojisprant, dmentiente Codice Lj itemque D ( 319 ) Admitting any force to exist in the foregoing re- marks, it is still a point in dispute, that the Palestine or Western text is antecedent to the text of Byzan- tium. If all that has been hitherto advanced be not fundamentally erroneous, neither of those texts can be aiUedated to the fourth century ** ; at which period the last-mentioned text demonstrably existed**. A. priority may be indeed claimed for the Alexandrine or Palestine text, on account of its alliance to Ori- gen's writings. But not to insist on the possibility of this text having been ijiterpolaied from his wri- tings; the inconstant readings of 'that early father renders this plea at best inconclusive ; as'it evinces the antiquity of the Byzantine text, by the same proof that it establishes that of the Alexandrine. Such appear to be the fundamental errours in M. Griesbach's system ; which have spread un- soundness through his whole superstructure. But objections do not apply more forcibly to the plan on which he has built, than to the materials which he has employed in erecting his structure. We find neither solidity nor consistence in the different parts of his system. His theory, which is founded on an assumption of the existence of an Alexandrine and Western recension, is borne out by the coincidence of those manuscripts, which he considers antient, with the quotations of Origen. But ^ve have only to take his own account of ^lie state in which he et L interdum concinnunt, refragrante Ongcne.'* Conf. pp, cix. cxi. Proleg. N. T. p. Ixxviii.' b. ""' Vid. supr. pp. 25, 70. 130. &c. '"■ Vid. supr, p. 119, conf. pp. T0,7L ( 320 ) finds the best part of his materials^ in order to dis- cover the extreme insecurity of the fabrick,, which he has buttressed with props so unsound, and raised on so hollow a foundation. With respect to the testimony ofOrigen, which is the basis of his system ; he admits sufficient for us to see, that when strict verbal accuracy is sought, it is not entitled to the smallest attention. According to BI. Griesbach's voluntary concessions, his works must have gone through a course of progressive deterioration, which must leave us at a distance infi- nitely more remote from a knowledge of the pris- tine state of his text, than of that of the inspired writings. It appears, in the first place, that no re- liance can be placed on the printed editions of his works, as retaining his text; and as little on the fidelity of his different transcribers ^^ Admitting his testimony subject to these errours, it is further conceded, that no dependence can be safely rested on his accuracy of quotation ; as he constantly de- serts his written authorities *^ And supposing that we have miraculously escaped an errour in pursu- ing a reading through these chances ; it is further *^ Griesb. Symbb. Critt. Tom. I. p. cix. *' lihrarii etiam qui Origenis opera transcribeyido proj)agariinty et editores qui ti/pis excndi ea cararunt, saepenumero justo negligeniiores fuerunt in describendis aut recensendis locis e S. S. citatis, eosqiie e Codi- cibus junioribus aut editionibus bibliorum Graecorum, quibus adsueti ipsi erant, interpolarunt.^* ^ Id. ibid. p. cviii. ** tenendum est — ron ubique satis certo nobis constare, quid in sue cxemplari legerit Origenes ; nam non solum paidlo Uberius interdum oracula S. S. excitavit, pallulum immidato uno et altera vocabido, aut consfructionis ordine," &c. ( 321 ) granted^ that there is no security in depending on the very copies which he used^ as they too were suf- ficiently often corrupted *K With regard to the cimracter of those Manu- scripts, on which our critick chiefly depends^ it finally proves to be the case^ that they do not jus- tify his speaking" of them in terms more respectful* It does not appear^ that in the course of his inqui* rieSj he discovered one which preserved either of his favourite recensions^ unless in a state of corrup-^ tion *^. In numberless instances he demonstrates their defects^ and traces the errour to its origin ^". Nay, in one sw^eeping clause, he demolishes their authority, by openly proclaiming, even of those which he holds in the highest repute, that they are fouled, in every page, with corruptions from mar- *^ Id. ibid. " tenendum est, exemplor Origenisy utut praestan- tissimum, et alii nulli secundum, non tame?! ab omni omnino labe immune Juisse ; fieri igitur potuisse, ut in nostro codice [L] conservaretur prisea et nativa lectio — ubi Origenis exemplar iii' terpolatiim jam esset." Conf. p. cxxxii. ^^ Vid. supr. p. 318. n. "°. *^ Griesb. ibid. p. cvi. " Certe exemplari usus est, [libra- rius qui Cod. L. scripsit], in cujiis maigine a manu recentiori annotatx erant lectiones variae, e junioribus libris decerptee, quas cum librarius noster correctiones esse autumaret, passim praetulit eas antiquis et genuinis lectionibus, quae in archetypi sui textu primitus exstabant. Atque sic irrepsere in codicem nostrum lectiones nonnullce sed perpaucas juniores nullius pretii.'* Conf. p. 96. If the point were worth disputing in the present place, the assertion might be reversed, and the contrary con- clusion to what is here assumed as true, might be just as easily established, t ( 322 ) ginal scliolia, and from the interpretations of the antient fathers *^ With respect to the testimoriy of Versions, we find as httle reason to repose a greater degree of confidence in them^ than on the authority of parti- cular Manuscripts. The Coptick and Sahidick, the later Syriack and Italick ^9_, cannot be accounted antient or separate witnesses. As these versions are divided by the Eusebian sections ^°, they possess in- ternal evidence of having* in some measure descend- ed from the Palestine edition. An agreement be- tween such witnesses^ may thus furnish evidence in favour of the reading of Eusebius's text^ but none whatever of the text of the Apostles and Evange- lists. With respect to the Persick and Arabick^% *^ Griesb. Praef. in Nov. Test. Sect. II. p. 1. " Caeterum jiullius codicis vitia de consulto me celasse-aut dissimulasse, satis inde patet quod innumeros gravissimosque errores, in iis commissos codicibiis, quos caeteroqui ^nagni Jac'io^ velut BCD L 1 33 124 157, &c. ingenue indicavU* Conf. Sect. III. p. Ixiv, *^ In the present instance I would be understood to mean that edition of the Old Italick, which was revised by St. Euse- bius Vercellensis, and through his influence generally adopted in the Latin Church, between the times of Dioclesian's perse- cution, and the reception of a new revisal, made by St. Jerome. ^° Adler, de Verss. Syriacc. Lib. II. p. 50. " Idem Thomas Evangelia [Vers. Syr, Philox.] in capitula vel sectiones distri" huit, et pericopas diebus festis recitandas constituit." Conf. supr. p. 82. n. ^^ p. 29. n. ^°. Woid. Pro^.egg. in Vers. Saliid. Fragmentt. p. 140. *' No one, it is presumed, will claim a higher antiquity for these versions, than the age of Constantine, when Eusebius re- ( 333 ) they follow the fate of the same edition. Of these versions^ however, as well as of the Gothick^% vised the Scripture. Whether we conceive them made in tha,t age, or at a subsequent period, we can easily account for their affinity to the Palestine edition, by making due allowances for the influence of Eusebius's tei^t, as authorised by Constantine ; vid. supr. p. 26. n. '^*. conf. p. S4<. n. ^. It is certain, that this pious prince took the Christians in Persia under his protection, and propagated the Gospel more extensively in Arabia; Euseb. Vit. Const. Lib. IV. cap. viii. p. 631. 1. 2. 7rt;0o/>tayos yhot 'Jta^oi ra) Hifcuv yivn irKr^^vvnv roi<; Ttf ©£« eHKA>3«ria?, Ka,ii<; Ts /xt'payJpas totTi Xp»r« B'otjw.i'atj? tvccyiXot^cO-^aiy ^ai^u* ett* tvj rsruv ocKori, oioi 7ii Koivoq ruv a,'rrcinccp(H mn^i^uv vu'Kiv KuvravBoi rvjv ruv octfuvtuv t\(Trtyz ir^ovoixv, Socrat. Hist. Eccl. Lib. I. cap. xix. p. 49. 1. 3L 6 ^pt^iocviafjioi ETrXaUvvslo' rr^viKccvra, ya.^ 'Iv^aJv re rwv iv^ore^a xj \^Y)£Uv rcc B^r/i) if^o<; to ^^t^iaviQn* IXayS^ve triv u^y^v, Conu Euseb. Vit. Const. Lib. L cap. viii. p. 502. 1. 20- Lib. IV. cap. L p. ^Z^. 1. 15 — 21. It is equally certain, that, as this prince was ambitious to diffuse the knowledge of revelation, and mul- tiply copies of the Scripture, (Euseb. ib. Lib. I. cap. viii. p. 502. 1. 26. Lib. III. cap. i. p. 576. I. 17.) the Gospel was read in Arabia in the reign of his successour, Constantius. Theophi- lujs, who was deputed by tHis prince on a mission to that coun- try, and founded three churches in it, brought back this infor- mation, on his return to the Eniperour; Philostorg. Hist. Eccl. Lib. III. $ 5. p. 488. I. 17. ed. Read. Cant. 1720. y.dy.u^t* I. 27.3? »*3 wo^^a Tuv 9ra^' avro7$ a;t tvayw^ ^p&jfAEvuv iTrocvuf^usocro, 3ti yaq xaS's^o/xevoi to/v ivcc\yikiKuv dva.jVMCiJ.oi.rcfjy sTToiSylo rr,if dy.p6(x.aiVy x. t. e. ^* As the Goths embraced Christianity through motives of policy, to conciliate the Emperpur Valens, v/ho was addicted to Arianism, they adopted the faith with the errours of that heresy; Conf. Socrat. Hist. Eccl. Lib. IV. cap. i. p. 213. 1. 29. cap. xxxiii. p. 256. 1. 1. sqq. At the early period when this Emperour reigned, the Gothick version was made; Id. ibid. x'ri ( 324 ) Saxon ^^ and Slavonick ^"^^ the testimony of whicft p. 9,56- 1. 8' T0T£ ^E xj *OYXSai/£iv ra ^era ?;oy»a wa^acry.Evafrft'. But OS this translation was made during the period when the Church was under the dominion of the Arians, and by a person who propa- gated the errours of those hereticks among the Northern tribes, it was obviously accommodated to the text revised by Eusebius. We thus easily account for the affinity discoverable between the Gothick Version and the Palestine text, or, as M. Griesbach terms it, the Alexandrine Recension. It is worthy ©f remark, that at this period St. Athanasius was alive, who revised Eusebius's text under the Emperour Constans; vid. eupr. p. 131. sqq. Socrat. ibid. cap. i. p. 214. 1. 19. ^OTdX'/is ^poUiiiluv l^yaauroj uq ir^o'ikiv o t>3? Wof'^ccq ^-nXua-n 7\oyo<;. KCKloi ^■n Tov y^povov rov^E, ryiq /ae» Iv 'Fu>[/,y) UKXriaiaq wposr^xet Af/Si'otos* ' As^tiuntjicr-nq Aszxoi;. ^5 The testimony of the Gothick version being disposed of, we have nothing to apprehend from the Anglo-Saxon or Sla- vonick. What influence the Gothick or Latin Vulgate may have had on the former of these last-mentioned versions, I am unable to determine ; the destruction of the sacred books, as far M'estward as Britain, and the dispersion and influence of Eusebius's edition, as authorised by the Emperour Constantine, will sufficiently account for any affinity this version may possess to the Palestine edition ; vid. supr. p. 27. n. '^^, The British Churches are certainly numbered among those who are men- tioned in the Epistle of Constantino, as having concurred in the decision of the Council of Nice, respecting the time of keeping Easter ; Epist. ap. Euseb. Vit. Constant. Lib. III. cap. xix. p. 588. 1. 37« i* ottb^ y uv aura, tjjv ruv Pw/z^atwc ttoAjv te y^ Aippiy.YjVj 'lra?^luv te a'jrccauv' Alyvn^rov, 'L'^TccAxVf TuXhiotq, Bps-rloiAai, Ai^vcy.^y — //tri x^ .a.'[\BTui yvcuy-viy cccrnhuq tSto x^ ^ vuArs^a -s-po-^jl^Ta* avnaK;, The historian further observes, that copies of this Epistle were dispatched into all the provinces of ( 325 ) is unaccountably drawn into the decision of the pre- sent question, it must be observed, that if they are admitted as antient witnesses, they cannot be re- ceived as separate authorities. Descending' from the testimony of Manuscripts and Versions to that of the primitive Fathers, we find no more reason to admit their voice, as defini- tive, against the tradition of the Church and the authority of the Greek Vulgate. The testimony of Eusebius, Athanasius, Basil, and Cyril, cannot reckon as the evidence of antient or separate wit- nesses^^; their concurrence proves no more than is proved by the coincidence of the Cop tick and Phi- loxonian version ; that this conformity is derived the Empire; Ibid. cap. xx. p. 589. 1. 28. ravr-n^ ^ccai^sv^lviroXni Itro^vva^ji^a-av y^cctprtv g(p' IxfljfyiS' llIaQ^yjas onTrEixTrsTo* ho'Trl^l^eo-Bon rvji avra ^lavoiaq to y.uBccfaiTurov x^ T?ij w^oj to ^sTou oa-icc^j iroLpiymv TOK evTuxa^acrt. As he addressed an Epistle to Eusebius on the subject of keeping Easter ; he at the same time enjoined him to prepare copies of the Scripture ; Euseb. ib. Lib. IV. cap. XXxiv. p. G^^. 1. 29. 0 ^£ 1UV Ix-yMo-ii^v t5 Qsh •n-sTrpovo^iA.syo^y arc^i KoclacaxBUYtS ^eo7rvsv<3-cov Xoyicov sis vnAsrsqav 'jr^oacoTToy tTrail'^ei to y^ccixjxac* a,?^a. ^yj y^ tts^I rrjf uyicJlxrriS t« Uaa'/jx ^* This Version, according to M. Griesbach, follows the By- zantine text, instead of the Alexandrine ; Prolegomm. in Nov. Test. Sect. III. p. Ixxv. — " Jicec recensio, quam ConstantinopO' litanam hinc nominare licebit, in Patriarchatu Constantinopoli- tano potissimum propagata ac per libraries innumeros deinceps longe lateque disseminata, et in Slavonicam eiiam Versionem (cujus tamen codices ipsi inter se haud raro dissentiunt,) transfusa,*' 35 On this subject I shall have an opportunity of speaking at lai'ge hereafter. ( 326 ) from the text of Eusebius. The concurrence of Clement and Origen in the East, with Tertullian and Cyprian in the West, may be conceived enti- tled to greater attention ^^. But, in the first place^ the very existence of such a coincidence of testi- mony, must be disputed ^'^. And granting that it exists in some cases, it is still a point to be proved, that it at all identifies the Scripture text used by those antient fathers. The works of those early writers lie under the positive imputation of being corrupted^*. The co- 2® Griesb. Symbb. Critt. Tom. I. p. cxviii. *' Hinc enim coUigimus, plerasque lectiones Codicis D — extitisse jam in iji illis libris GrcsciSy e quibus conjicta est Versio Latina VetuSy qua usi sunt Tertullianus, Cyprianus, aliique. — recte etiam pro antiquissiraa earn a nobis haberi, cum eandem in Tertulliani et Cyprlani allegationibus jam inveniamiis. Sed altera Recensio, quam proper perpetuum patribus Alexandrinis et cum versi- onibus in Mgyipto confictis Alexandrinam appellamus ceque \)etusta est, utpote quae Clementis jam et Origenis cevo ex- stitit.'* ^^ I subjoin a few examples of remarkable texts, in \rhich Origen differs from Clement, and Cyprian from Tertullian. Mat. V. 48. 0 TraTJjp 0 8V ToTf ipcCMOiS, Vulg. Clem, o Trar-^p o ^gavtof. Vat, Orig. lb. x. 39. zv^Tiasi oivrh* Vulg. Orig. cuazi ecvrhv. 33. Clem. Luc, xii. 9. hou'Triov rcjv cifyeTiuv. Vulg. Orig. €po7r§off3-£v Tc^v a,fyi>.m. Cant. Clem, Mat. xxv. 41. to c^rojpta- dJ'ivov ra ^iuBoXu Vulg. jprceparatum diabo lo . o rirotfxxasy 0 <7rotT7ip /x8 Tw ^la^oXu) Cant, quern paravit pater meus diabolo. Cypr. Gal. i. 9. afysXos e| y^avS, svacfysXi^rflai Trct^' o, Vulg, angelus de coelo aliud adnunciet praeterquam. Cypr. afyeXo? s| i^a,vH £uccfyE\iffrflai» Alex* angelus ex ccelo aliter evangelizaverit, Tert. ^* The monks of Palestine brought this charge against those who took a part in the Nestorian and Eutychian controversy. ( 327 ) pies of Clement and Origen were corrupted in their life time ^^ ; the manuscripts from which Tertullian's which arose very shordy after the death of St. Athanasius ; Epist. Monn. Palest, ap. Evagr. Hist. Eccl. Lib. III. cap, Xxxi. p. 363. 1. 34. k^ » ^xvy.a^ >t) y«p tc Koyas ncclipuv iroWacKiS 0ai;^a]«^7iw, x^ laAiw, oj« ruv l7riypa(pajv KvctltBiiy.uaH)* ol<; /xa^jj-a rhq 7ro?vAa? Tpof ras t^ta? ccas^eiug crc ci7ioy.(xXv(pd*icrs7cciy t^ y.fVTTTov o » yvoj^'/iJ-sTOti Vldg. kTitf ( 330 ) another; but that they quoted from the heterod(55t as well as the orthodox "^^ They were thus also Cleni, Oiig. Mat. vi, S3. >^ tocvtcc 'Traura TrpoarivJ^crETat vijusi, Vulg. nul Tiravra, x. r. a. ociTBira ra. [xeyuXx, >^ ru fAiKfci CyAV 9Tpoar£^ria&rai' yC, aircXrB roc sTrnqoLVioCj oc ra I'Tiiyzix 'npoS" rE^rtOilxi v[/.7v. Clem. Orig, Euseb, 1 Thes. v. 21. fruvra, St roc (Av a'Tro^oKifxa'^ovTiCj to ol xaAov kccte^^ovtbc. Clem. oCKt/XOI T^a7r£<^tT«t 7tv£(J^cj «; tnv UavXe ^t^ap^rjv (puay.ovroq* Ilxvra ^oxi" ftoi^iTi TO kocXqv xaT£%£T£. Orig. Mat, vi. 13. «} /Lt^ 8tV£PEy)«»J? ^/:;taj St; wsipacr/xoi/. Fz^/o". ne nos inducas in teiitationem, id est, ne nos patiaris induci. T^rt. et ne nos j^aiiaris induci. Cypr. Joh. iii. 6. vnv(jt.x Ifi. Vulg. spiritus est, qicia Dens spiritiis est et ex Deo ^atus est. Tert. Cypr. 1 Cor. vi. 20. ^o^.cccj uTtivtyyti tKZ tU TO 0^0'; TO ixiyu Ga^iSf.' i'lrocTrofr.cru vruq iA,vi'xr,^ XprS to ^ioc tS Aoya yiyir/ii/Aiov Hviiy.ce. " Ayiov ilvon ^vvctrctr tavTct ^g t^ tSto » ^'y.?si7rov sf>j.-nnv:Txi. k. t. e. Another example has been already given bupr. p. 27i3. n. ^^^. Hence St. Epiphanius traces the reading of 1 Thes. v. 21. or Mat. xxv. 27. quoted supr. p. 329. n. ^^ to the heretick Apelles ; S. Epiph. Ha^r. xliv. p. 382. b. Ourwr yrjCQj (b.crw^ ipv £» t:? E:^'a^76^^«. ' VUicr^e ^ov.j/AOt TfaTrs^iTai.* which has been cited by a long succession of writers from Cle- ment to Clir^sostome. Conf. Orig. Tom. I. p. 912. b. 1. ( 331 ) likely to transmit from one to another erroneous quotations^ originally adopted from sources not more pure than heretical revisals of Scripture*^. When a few of these readings were recommended by the successive adoption of different fathers^ they were easily transferred from their comments to the margins of particular manuscripts, and were thence transplanted into the text from the margin ''^7. New *^ The orthodox, In reasoning against the hereticks, fre- quently derived their authorities from those Scriptures which were acknowledged by their opponents. S. Iren. adv. Haer. Lib. III. cap. xii. p. 198. " Unde et Marcion et qui ah eo sunty ad intercidendas conversi sunt Scripturas, quasdam qiiidem in totum non cognoscentes, secundum Lucam autem Evange- lium, et Epistolas Pauli decurtantes, haec sola legitima esse dicunt, quae ipsi minoraverunt. Nos autem etiam ex his, quct adhuc apud cos custodiuntur, arguemus cos, in altera conscrip- tione, Conf. S. Epiphan. Hser. xlii. p. 310. b. An example of this mode of conducting the controversies maintained against the hereticks, has been already given from Tertullian ; supr. p. 147. n. «^ '^^ The following appear to be readings which have demon- strably originated in this manner ; Mat. x. 23. (piiysrz iU Trjy aKhfiv, Vidg, t rccvins ^iuyicoai^ vfxoif, (^ivyBXZ eIs" rriv a,'K>>T,y, Orig* 1. 33. 22. al. (piiyirt tlq r-fiv aK^yiv, focv 5e fcv rr, c^KXri huncaaiv Cixais (fsi/ys/s iU rr,v aXXw, Cant. ^svyiTE Els' r7]V krioaVy y.

^6yov — jtA£T^ vj -^fx^ fj^ix. ( SS2 ) revisals of Scripture we^e thus formed, which were interpolated with the peculiar readings of scholiasts and fathers ^\ Nor did this systematick corruption terminate here ; but when new texts were thus formed, they became the standard by which the later copies of the early writers were in succession corrected ''^9. From such progression in errour, it is 9C iiii ^v y^oo^iayjjs h avrois ris. Laud, lb. xv. 20. uTcix^ar^'^i-^ &av%Xs yivcs^oci, kripoLS (X'h 'TToisiv. Iren, Cant* Sahid. The variations in these readings, or the embarrassment which they create in the sense, sufficiently declare them to be interpola- tions of explanatory glosses taken from the fathers. Similar examples of interpolations of the Latin Version have been given supr. pp. 146, 147. nn. ^s et ^^. p. 127. n. 45. The passage re- ferred to in the last note, and inserted in the Verceli MS. after Mat. iii. 15. is traced by St. Epiphanius to the Hebrew Gospel. S. Epiph. Haer. xxx. p. 138. b. -h ^l ap%^ tS wap' avtoTq Et;a/1 *^ The peculiar readings which have been pointed out in the Cambridge and Verceli MSS. supr. p. 127. n. '^^ p. 146. nn. *^ et ^'. 6:c. sufficiently prove them to be revisals, which have been made in this manner. "^9 The number of MSS. which we retain of St. Cyprian's works, em\bles us to verify this assertion, particularly in his quotations ; which occasionally conform to the three species of text which were published of the Latin Version. An antient MS. of his Book of Testimonies is preserved in the British Museum, Coton. Cal. A. xv. f. 41. I collated it in one of the longest and most remarkable passages which S. Cyprian has quoted, INlat. xxv. 31 — 46, and which he has repeated three times in his writings. Lib. I. adv. Jud. p. 51. Lib. III. Testi- monn. p. 59. De Operr. et Eleemm. p. 207. But while it differs considerably from the Brescia, Verceli, and Verona MSS. it agrees verbatim mth the modem Vulgate, It can b& ( 333 ) evident that nothing but uncertainty can be the result, when we proceed to determine the antiquity of any reading or text^ by its consent with the pre- sent copies 5° of the works of the early writers. In fine, when this system is pushed to its neces- sary extent, it ends in establishing such paradoxes, as subvert, by their inconsistency, the principles of the system out of which they arise. On estimating the antiquity of any text, by its coincidence with the readings of particular fathers, whose works have undergone successive corruption; it necessarily happens, that when that text is most systematically corrupted, it possesses the best claims to be ac- counted antient. Such is the virtual concession which M. Griesbach is reduced to the necessity of therefore no matter of wonder, that Tertullian and Cyprian not only differ from themselves, but that they ocoasionally conform to different texts or recensions. ^° Still more uncertain must be our ground when we pretend to determine the true readings of the primitive fathers from antient translations; for these were certainly adapted to the received text of the countries in which they were made. We thus find, that they frequently differ from the originals. A fe-.v €xaniples will illustrate this assertion. Mat. ix. 13. xaAc-crat ^ixaiaj, a^^a <^^«pTa;^i?? £»? (/.f-ravoiav. Vulg. Bamab. vocare justos sed peccatores. Verc. Bam, Literpr. Rom. v. 14. t's-* Tfcf^ afjict^rrtrrccirx^. Grig, in eos qui non peccarunt. Vtdg^ Orig. Interp. Hence also we find the translation frequently contra- dicts itself, as it is rendered conformable to different texts j Mat. XXV. 41. qui prseparatus est diabolo. Gr. Vulg. Orig. his. quern praeparavit Deus diabolo. Orig. scp.pe. That the genuine reading of Mat. ix. 13. xxv. 41. is retained in the Greek Vul- gate, has been already made evident from the context of the iLilick Versign, supr.'p. 180. n. '^^. p. 1S3. n. *'°. ( SPA ) making', in explaining his system. He Very freely admits, that neither of those texts on which his sys- tem is built, is consistent in itself^ \* as we might well conjecture, from the heterogeneous materials which enter into their composition. Nay more, he is forward to confess, that the manuscripts from which those antient texts were originally formed, were grievously corrupted^*. Reasoning from his own concessions, of course ihis corruption of the sa^ creel text must have preceded the times of Clement ^* Griesb. Symbb. Critt, Tom. I. p. xxviii. *' Scimus enim, omnes Recensioues variis vicissitudinibus domesticisque casibus obnoxias, et procedente tempore, multis modis immutatas, aut cum ctliis recensionibus permixtas confiisasque,^* Id. Prole- gomm. in Nov. Test. Sect. III. p. Ixxviii. " Nulla Recensio in codice ullo jam superstite reperitur intaminata. Eo tem- poris intervalloj quod inter Rccenslonum origines et codicum liodie extantium natales intercessit, singuli codices Recensio- num omnium multifariam Jiiere corrupt i* Quilibet Jibrarius in apographo suo exarando sphalmata qusedam commisit ; erepse^ rirnt e margine, vel aliunde nova interjjramenta, glossary addiia- mcnta ; negligens et festinans scriba nonnulla passim oraisit; alterius Recensionis lectiones illatss sunt in alterins familm Ubros." Id. Symbb. Critt. Tom. I. p. cxxi. " Hinc nosm.et ipsi, quamquara utramque illam llecensionem [Alex, et Occi- dent.] magni, ut par est, faciamus, tamen in nostra Nov. Test. ^ditione lectiones sexcentas Alexandrinas, et miUenas Occident talis vel prorsus damnavimus, vel improbabiles saltim esse pro- nuntiavimus ; iramo haud pancas lectiones in iiiriusque JRecen" &ionis codicibus obvias repudiavimus.'* 5^ Id. Symbb. Critt. Tom. I. p. cxxi. " Ultra tamen fatemur nullam Recensionem a nxvis immimem esse, aut imquam fuisse» Nam ncc Alexandrina neqve Occidentalis ex autographo pro- fiuxit, sed uiraque ex apographis passiin interpolatis derivaia lest.'* ( 335 ) and Tertuliian^ which are his earliest voiichen?^ and must be necessarily referred to the age which directly succeeded to the apostolical ^^ ! After the concession of this pointy it is difficult to discover what further objections remain to be made to this system. To me it appears, that the person would subvert M. Griesbach's theory to the foundation, who would prove, that this conclusion necessarily followed from the principles on which it was found- ed. That the sacred text should have been thus grossly corrupted at this primitive period, and yet have so far preserved its characteristick peculiari- ties to the present day, tliat we should be able to recover any just notion of it, is a paradox so mon- strous, that the man who maintains it, may^ 1 con- ceive, be left in unmolested enjoyment of his opinion, as not worth the pains of convincing*. Thus hearing the advocate of this system out, and reasoning merely from his own concessions, it is, I trust, apparent^ that no reliance can be placed on it ; as it rests on the credit of voucliers, wlio, by his own confession, are grossly and systematically corrupted. In fact, it requires but a slight ex- ertion of sagacity to discover, that the tlieory of sacred criticism must be absolutely inverted in that 53 Id. Prolcgg. in Nov, Test. Sect. III. p. Ixxiv. " Poste- riorem hiinc textum, quern, post Clementem et Origineirfy Alex- andrini ac iEgyptii potissimum adhibuerunt ac disseniinarunt, non incommode Alexandrinum dixeris. Alter inde a TertuU liani tempore ab Afris, Italis, Gallfs alii'ique occidentalibue usurpatus baud inepta Occidentalis nomine insignlri po- tuit.'» . Conf. supr. p. 526. ii. ''\ ' ( 356 ) system, which supposes the sacred text to have been. grossly corrupted in two principal branches, in the age which succeeded the apostolical. As it is im- possible to proceed a step, in inquiries like the pre- sent, without reasoning from some assumed proba- bilities ; it is difficult to conceive vfhat can be deemed probable, if the direct contradictory of what is here taken as true, be not considered morally certain. Assuming it as a fundamental principle, that the sacred text could not have been corrupted at a pe- riod thus early ; the text, of course, which merits no better character, must be referred to that early pe- riod, in subversion of the first principles, from which all our reasoning is deducible. It is vain to hang the authority of such a text on the testimony of an- tient manuscripts, fathers, or versions, in violation of this fundamental principle. Until we have esta- blislied the integrity of those vouchers, the principle on which we build must want stability. To take the consent of those witnesses as an evidence of their integrty, is to reason against the undisputed fact of their having been corrupted by one another. And to refer them, in consequence of this coinci- dence, to the primitive age of the church, is to act in forgetfulness of an equally positive fact; — thai since that early period, the sacred text has under- gone revisals, in which it was not merely liable ta interpolation, but positively acquired those pecuh- arities, which are now taken as evidence of its an- tiquity ^'^. We njay be indeed told, that a critick, 5^ Vid. supr. p. 72. n. ^\ p. 100. n. ^^. pp. 14r— S3. ( 337 ) who is moderately skilled in his art, well knows how to clear those obstacles ^^ But while ten lines of proof Would be worth volumes of such modest asser- tions, it seems to be rather inauspicious to the suc- cess of such undertakings, that they should com- mence, and proceed, and terminate, without any attention '^ to the changes which the text has posi- tively undergone, since the time of its first publi- cation. II. Such appear to be the most striking objec- tions which lie against the plan proposed by M. Griesbach for restoring the corrupted integrity of the canonical Scripture. As his fundamental rule ^^^ with which I am not in the least disposed to quarrel, is thus unapplied and inapphcable to his theory; it now remains that we should enquire, how far it may be accommodated to the principles of that, on which I have ventured to believe the integrity of the same text may be defended. To such a mode of defence, we may give the preference, not only be- cause it is least exposed to the exceptions of the '^ Griesb. Symbb. Critt. Tom. I. p. cxx. ** Viri criticae artis henei^eriti ejusmodi maculas, quibus codices singuli polluti sunt nullo tiegotio abstergunt, comparatis inter se pluribus ejusdera Recensionis codicibus, versionibus, et patribus, ac adhibitis regulis criticis, qua^ interpolationes seriores et glossemata a lectionibus genuinis ac primitivis discernere docent." Conf. Prolegg. in Nov. Test. p. Ixiv. sqq. 5^ Id. Prolegomm. in Nov. Test. Sect. III. p. Ixxiv. " Origo variarum textus Novi Test. Recensionum, deficientibus docu- mentis satis vetustis ac testimoniis, historice dedurari nequitf nee hujus loci est, conjecturis defectum iUum sarcire.** ^ Vid. supr. p. 315. n. ^ % ( 338 ) objectour, but as it affords as advantageous ground as can be easily chosen, for vindicating the Greek Vulgate. Laying it therefore down as a principle agreed upon^ that the best witnesses of the integrity of the sacred text, are those which are most antient, and which deliver a separate testimony ; the main point of enquiry consequently is, where such witnesses may be discovered. After this difficulty is sur- mounted, an appeal must be made to their joint testimony, to decide the point in dispute, respecting the relative purity of the Palestine and Byzantine editions. The space to which our enquiries are limited, in seeking those antient and separate witnesses, is necessarily bounded by that tract of country, in which we are infallibly assured the Gospel was planted, and copies of the Scripture dispersed, at the earliest period. This consideration directly [ fixes our attention on the Syriack Church in the \ East, and the Latin in the West; as being wit- I nesses possessing, above all others, the necessary I requisites, of being antient and separate. Situated at nearly equal distances on each side of the Greek Church, which must be considered the natural wit- ness of the sacred text, as speaking the language of the New Testament; those churches are of the most remote antiquity, as founded by the apostles. The versions which they used, whether made in the apostolical age, or not, are confessedly more antient than any with which we are acquainted. The antiquity of these vouchers, is, however. ( 339 ) determinable for a definitive^ and an immense pe^ riod. The old Syriack version cannot be brought down lower than the fourth century^ the Old Italick not lower than the third ; as both translations are quoted by the vn*iters who lived at these different periods ^^. Though both versions underwent con- siderable alterations at this period^ two revisals of the Latin version having been published^ by St. Eu- sebius^ and St. Jerome, and probably of the Syriack version also ^^, by some unknown persons : it is probable, that both retained most of the charac- teristick peculiarities which distinguished them, when they were originally published. But this point will be placed beyond mere conjecture, by the consent of those versions with the Greek Vul- gate, when it is rendered apparent, that they were neither corrected by it, at that time, nor at any sub- sequent period. For assuming this to be the case, there can be no mode of accounting for their agree- ment among themselves, but by supposing them to preserve their conformity to the common source from whence they have respectively descended. The antiquity of these versions being not less remote than the fourth century, it follows, of course, that they must be separate witnesses; as far, at least, as they are coincident with the Greek Vulgate. For let us assume, that they have been corrected by each other; and either the original, or one of the translations, must be con.^ sidered the common source of their agreement. 5' Vid. supr. p. 25. n. *'. pp. 70, 71. 5^ Vid. supr. p. 49. n. ^. p. 82. n. ^6, 22 ( 340 ) But that the Vulgar Greek, with which we are at present concerned, could have been corrupted from either of those versions, is a supposition so utterly improbable, as not to deserve a moment's consi- deration. The point before us consequently admits of no alternative, but that it must be the source of the agreement of the original and these translations; admitting that they have had an immediate influ- ence on each other. The antiquity, however, of both versions, renders it wholly impossible that they could have been new-modelled by this text. According to the principles of our opponents, the vulgar text, or Byzantine edition, had scarcely an existence in the fourth century ^°, when those ver- sions were generally received. It is therefore utterly impossible, that at that period it could be taken as the model, by which they were corrected ; unless indeed the point be conceded, which is the main object of this inquiry to evince, that the vulgar Greek is of the most remote antiquity. The fact, however, is, that so enlightened was that age, and so intimately are we acquainted with. its history, that we can give a clear and consistent account of every considerable change, which the sacred text underwent, at the same period. Chris- tianity then assumed a new form, under the Empe- rour Constantine, in becoming the established relir gion. Under the auspices of this monarch, a new >revisal of the sacred writings was published by Euse- *° Vid. supr. p. 126. n. *°. Conf. Griesb. Prolegomm. in Non Test. Sect. III. p. Ixxv. C 341 ) bius ; to the influence of which we must impute al- most every considerable change which the text underwent in the original or in translations^'. The extension of Christianity about this period, added to the list of Versions, a Gothick and Ethiopick, if not an Armenian and Arabick, translation ^\ Re- visals of the Old Italick and Syriack, undertaken in the same century, produced the Latin Vulgate and Jerusalem Syriack. The agreement of these ver- sions with each other, and with the Greek ma- nuscripts, imported into the West from Palestine, and divided by the sections of Eusebius^', enables us very clearly to determine his edition, which was authorised, from the reign of Constantine to that of Theodosius ^'^. As the Syriack and Italick prjo- vinces were exposed to the same casualties ^^, which destroyed the sacred books as far westward as Britain ^^ ; the versions which were generally re- ceived in those regions, most probably underwent some change at this period. But this change pro- " Vid. supr. p. 25. sqq. p. 322. sqq. '* Vid. supr. p. 48. n. \ p. 322. sqq. *^ Griesb. Prolegoram. in Nov. Test. Sect. III. p. Ixxiv. Hie [textus Alexandrinus] cum EvangeJiorum Codicibus C, L, 33, 102, 106, et (in postremis Matthaei capitibus, Marco, Luca, et Joanne) Vaticano B, versionibus Coptica, j^thiopica, Armenica, Syra Philoxeniana, et allegationibus Eiisebii, &a — concinere solet.'* ^* Vid. supr. p. 29. n. *». p. 152. n. '°°. *' Such is Eusebius's express declaration, as quoted supr. p. 295. n. ^^^ ^j' oXns 'AIy^7r7«, Iv^lxs n t^ rut uw «y«TeA?s ^ x:5xAi; /xjp^^i to 'IaXv^ucov }t\iu.»t ^^ Vid. supr. p. 27. n, 46. ( 342 ) ceeded not from the Byzantine^ but the Palestine text. And we consequently find^^ that the revisal of Eusebius, has had some influence on the Old Ita- lick and Syriack ; as both versions agree with the Palestine text, in omitting some remarkable pas- sages ^^. But this consideration does not affect the main point in dispute; that those versions are wholly free from the influence of the Byzantine text : admitting which to be the case, it must follow, that they are separate, as we have seen, they are antient witnesses. As the influence of Eusebius's text, and the au- thority of those Emperours who favoured the Arian heresy, render it next to impossible that the Byzan- tine text should have had any effect on the Old Italick and Syriack versions, at this early period^ the history of those versions, and the state of the Latin and Syrian Churches, render it wholly impos-> sible^ that the vulgar Greek should have attained, at a subsequent period, such influence over the Ori- ental and Western versions, that it should be taken as the standard by which they were corrected. The case of the Western version may be sum- marily decided. At the close of the fourth century it was revised by St. Jerome; and the extraordi- nary reputation of that learned father, renders the supposition not merely improbable, that any person would undertake to do over again, what he had so ably accomplished ; but absurd in the extreme, that such a person would complete' the task, without *'' Vid. Fupr. p. S5. sqq. ( 343 ) availing himself of the improvements made by St, Jerome. This^ however, has not been the case, with the text of the Brescia manuscript, which I am alone concerned in defending ; as it contains those errours of the primitive Latin version, which were corrected in the modern Vulg'ate^^ These charac- teristick marks, and some others, which have been already pointed out^^, very decisively evince, that the text of this manuscript cannot be brought lower than the close of the fourth century. The case of the Syriack version is not involved in greater difficulty. As the Peshito, or Syriack Vul- gate, is the received text of the two great sects into which this Church is divided'**; it is impossible that any general corruption of this text could have taken place since the year 451, and the meeting of the Council of Chalcedon. After this period, those re- C8 Vid. supr. p. 166. n. "^ sub fin. *' Vid. supr. p. 173. sqq. p. 181. sqq. '^^ Walt. Prolegomm. in Bibll. Polyglott. Sect. xiii. p. 89. § 3. " Praeter hanc Versionem Syriacam, quam Simplicem et Antiqnam appellant Maronitce, qua sola in Divinis publice utun* tur, aliam etiam habent recentiorem ex Graeco expressam, tarn Vet. quam Nov. Testamenti." Id. ibid. p. 92. } 3. " De Versions Syriaca testatur Sionita, quod ut semper in sujmna veneratione et auctoritate habita erat apud omnes populos, qui Chaldaica sive Syriaca utuntur lingua, sic publice in omnibus eorum ecclesiis antiquissimis, constitutis in Syria, Mesopotamia, Chaldaea, i^gypto, et denique in universis Orientis jjartibus, dispersis ac disseminatis, accepta et lecta fuitJ* Having speci- fied the Nestorians and Jacobites, he subjoins ; " ex hoc cal- culo liquet pracipuas per totum Orientem christianorum ecclesiaSf longe lateque propagatas, Script uras et fyfficia sacra lingua 5v- riaca legere et cekbrare.^' ( 344 ) ligious differences, which had commenced under Ibas, Theodorus Mopsuestenus, and Theodorit^', and which were widened under Barsumas, Philox- enus, and Severus^% rapidly spread through the " Beth-arsem. ap. Asseman. Biblioth. Orient. Tom. I. p. 203. ** A Theodoreto [Nestorianum errorem] accejnt Ibas, qui praeter alias multas blasphemias, quibus praefatos magistros suos ad amussim imitabatur, istam in quadam sua oratione adjecit dicens, * Ego Ibas nequaquam invideo Christo, qui Deus factus est : nam Deus appellatus est, quum homo esset mei similis, et ejusdem mecum naturae." Quapropter anathematis sententia lata fuit in Ibam, et Theodoretum Cyri, unacum omnibus eorundem sociis et sectariis. Id. ibid. p. 204?. " Ab Iba Nes- torianum errorem accepit Mares quidam ex urbe Hardeschir ; atque inde ccepit Persarum regio Nestorianismo mjici per IbcB epistolasj et per magistrorum ejusdem Orationes atque Commen- taria (Nestorii nimirum, Theodoreti, Theodori Mopsuesteni, ac Diodori) quae in Syrorum sermonem convertebantur.'* Conf. Assem. Dissert, de Syris Nestoriann. } ii. Bibl. Orient. Tom, III. p. Ixix. '* Asseman. Dissert, de Monophysitt. § ii. Bibl. Orient. Tom. II. p. i. " In Oriente Barsumas Archimandrita, qui Conci- liabuli Ephesini pars baud exigua fuit, Syrorum enim niona- chorum nomine ei interfuit, postquam a Concilio Chalcedo- laensi justam damnationis sententiam excepit, in Syriam regres- sus, eandem hceresim popidarihus suis propinavit : nee iis dum- taxat, sed et Jinitmis Armenis, ad quos Samuelem discipulum suum misit . Atque haec fuere Monophysismi initia in Syria, Mesopotamia, et Arabia; auctore scilicet Barsuma, ej usque discipulis, qui eandem plane cum Eutyche opinio- nem tenebant." Id. ibid. p. iii. " Ad Syros quod spectat, licet iis Barsumae Eutychisque sententia ab initio placuerit, hanc tamen paulo post rejecerunt: quando nimirum Philoxenus Xanajas Mabugi sive Hierapoleos episcopus, et Petrus Gnapheus Antiochence sedis invasor, nee non haeretici Imperatores, Zeno atque Anastasius, aliud ejusdem temperamentum per Orientem ( 345 ) East^ from Edessa and Antioch, to Arabia, Mesopo- tamiaj and Armenia. It is therefore wholly incon- ceivable, that both sects should agree in correcting* the received text 7^; or that one of them, having introduced any change into that text, could prevail on the other to accept it as the authorised version. During the period which intervenes between this early age, and that in which Eusebius revised the original Greek, it is equally inconceivable, that any other Greek text but the Palestine, could have had any influence on the Syriack translation. The in- ternal evidence of the later Syriack version, which was made under the auspices of Philoxenus^^, by whose exertions Eutychianism was established in Syria, clearly proves, that the influence of the Pa- lestine text had continued during the whole of this period ; as that version corresponds with the Pales- tine text 7^; where the vulgar Syriack corresponds with the Byzantine. During the reigns of the elder and younger Theodosius, which nearly occupy the space of time intervening between the years 400 and 450, it is not possible to conceive how the Byzantine text could have acquired such authority in Syria, as to influence the authorised version. Previously to that period, the preponderancy of the Arian fac- disseminarunt, Severus vt eandem sectam stahiliret, pluriraum operae contulit : cujus studium aemulati sunt diversarum Syrice^ Cilicicu, Mesopotamice, et Capadocice urbium episcopi^" &c. 7? Vid. supr. p. S43. n. ^°. '* Vid. supr. p. 77. n. 5°. '' Vid. supr. p. 34?1. n. "^^ ( 3^6 ) tion in tills country ^^ rendered it wholly impos- sible, that any text should have prevailed over the edition of Eusebius, whose interests were identified with those of that heresy. It is indeed true, that the Emperour Charlemagne undertook the correction of the Latin translation by the Syriack and Greek ^^; from whence it may be conceived, those versions have acquired a resem- blance, which cannot be deduced from their com- ttion original. But we have only to remember that the correction of the former version was undertaken in the middle of the eighth century, and that the Vul^ gate of St. Jerome became the authorised text from tiie middle of the sixth ^%- in order to discover that ^'5 At the time when the Emperour Valens published an edict against the orthodox, shortly after the death of St. Athanasius, Conf. Socrat. Hist. Eccles. Lib. IV. cap. xvii. p. 232. 1. 26. Sozom. Hist. Eccl. Lib. VL cap. xviii. p. 240. 1. 9. the follow- ing description is given of the state of Syria ; Sozomen. ibid, cap. xxi. p. 243. 1. 45. 2v^ia. ^e ^ roi 7re§ej ^aXtra 5 ttruf ruv roc 'Aqda (f>§ovHVTa;v, o^ ras exxXyi^/ay exovrcov. Under Constantius and Valens the same historian declares, they became thus numerous and powerful; Id. lb. Lib. VII. cap. vi. p. 284. !• 8* «T* ^^ ^"^o' ['* 'Agitai/o*] wXJiSo? ovln; U T?5 KuvrotvTut KOtl 'OYaXti'lo? poTT^S a^dn^ov <7VvioM, 'rr^i ©£« «at tsffiuq avrS hf^oaix ^it\ifov%. In the first consulship of Gratianus and The- odosius, they are represented as having possession of every church in Syria, without the precincts of Jerusalem ; Id. Ibid, cap. ii. p. 280. 1. 17. £' Tarw ^l it'hh 'hfoj-oXv(A.uy, hi ruy uvai rri9 ioj £xxX'-5aiw» o» ra Afiia (pfovai'lef h^^THv. Conf. SUpr. p. 29. 77 Vid. supr. p. 21. n. '^ ^8 Vid. supr. p. 33. n. 'K ( 347 ) this consideration does not affect the main point in dispute, which is confined to the primitive Latin version. It may indeed account for some resem- blances, which the old Syriack bears to the modern Vulgate, and to those manuscripts on which the latter version has had some influence"; but it has little relevancy to the pure copies of the Old Italick, and none whatever to the Brescia manuscript, which is free from that influence. At all events, however adequate such a supposition may be deemed to ac- count for the affinity of the Latin and Syriack ver- sions; it is wholly inadequate to account for that of the Syriack translation and the original Greek ; which are the witnesses whose integrity I am par- ticularly employed in defending against any charge which may affect their integrity, as forming separate witnesses to the text of Scripture. Regarding, therefore, the subject before us in every view, and judging of it by the light reflected on it from the history of the text and versions of the New Testament, it as certainly appears, that the primitive Syriack and Latin versions are ancient and separate witnesses when adduced in favour of the Byzantine Greek; as that the later Western and Oriental versions, which are cited in support of the Alexandrine text, derive their common affi- nity from the immediate influence of the Palestine text, as revised by Eusebius. Here therefore we may lay the foundation of the defence of the Greek Vulgate : in asserting that the 7» Vid. supr. p. 22. conf. p. 20. n. 35 ( 348 ) Latin and Syriack versions^ to which an appeal is now to be made^ on the verbal integrity of the text^ are ancient and separate witnesses. The bond of connexion by which every part of the system^ which rises upon this foundation^ is held together^ is the connected testimony of tradition. Whether we consider the original Greeks or the two versions^ which are the witnesses of its inte- grity, the evidence of these vouchers is held toge- ther by this connecting principle^ for the immense period of fourteen centuries ^°. From the very con- cessions of our adversaries, it appears, that the vulgar text of the Greek, the Latin, and the Syriack Church, has existed for the whole of that time ^'. As the tradition extended far above this period, it is implied in the very nature of this species of evi- dence, that it could not have sustained any consi- derable change during the earlier part of that term; unless from the operation of some powerful cause, and for a very limited time. It is wholly inconceiv- able, that any age would accept a text, transmitted by their immediate predecessours, having weaker evidence of its integrity, than their predecessours •° Vid. supr. p. lU, ** Griesb. Prolegomm. in Nov. Test. Sect. Ixxv. " Hi omnes [Codd. A E F G H I] in Evangeliis cum its fere Pa- tribus (quantum ex imperfectis horum collationibus colligere licet,) qui sceculo quarto exeunte quintoque et sexto in Grsecia, Asia Minore, et provinciis vicinis floruere, fuitque haec Recen- sio, quam Constajitinopolitanam hinc nominave licebit." That the Latin and Syriack version are equally antient, may be seen on referring to the authorities already cited s supr. p. 25. n. *^ p. 70. n. ( 349 ) had, in adopting it from those who preceded them. This reasoning" is applicable to the present age, and may be applied to every age which has preceded, until we ascend from our own times to those in which the tradition commenced. The testimony of tradition is thus adequate to its own vindication; and admitting its integrity to be thus unimpeachable, we must thence necessarily infer the integrity of the text which it supports. This mode of reason- ing, which is true in theory, may be easily verified in fact. By the destruction of the sacred books in the persecution of Dioclesian, and the publication of a new text under Constantine ; the course of tradi- tion was interrupted in the region occupied by the Greek, Latin, and Syriack texts. Yet, though these causes must have powerfully operated to turn the stream in a new direction, it speedily recovered its natural course. In forty years, the traditionary chain was re-united, and the vulgar Greek restored at Byzantium^*. The Latin and Syriack texts, as existing merely in a translation, and consequently as separated from the parent source, had greater obstacles to surmount, in regaining their original tenour. The immediate authority of St. Jerome and Eusebius in the different regions where the La- tin and Syriack were received, must have also given these versions a stronger bias towards the Palestine text, than to the Byzantine. Yet against the ope- ration of these causes, the influence of tradition in- sensibly prevailed; and notwithstanding the near ** Vid. supr. pp. 123, 12'i. ( 350 ) alliance between these versions and the former text, they possess a close affinity to the latter ^^ Now, as we have just seen^that this relationship cannot be in the collateral degree^ but in the hereditary line, since those versions have not been corrected by the vulgar text ; the affinity sufficiently proclaims how far they are supported by the authority of tradition, as it is only through it, that they can possess an alli- ance to the Greek Vulgate. The foundation of the system which it is my ob- ject to establish, is, therefore, I trust, not less securely laid, than the connecting principle, by which it is held together, firmly cemented. But the same strength and consistency will, I hope, be found to exist in the materials which are employed in the superstructure. And in evincing this point not less than the preceding, sufficient is granted us, in the concessions of our opponents, to bear out all our deductions. With respect to the evidence of Manuscripts, on which our main dependance is rested, it is not disputed, that they are faithful to the tenour and testimony of tradition, as far as it extends. Through the fourteen centuries, for which the vulgar text has confessedly existed, they agree with one another ; and though their number is proportionably multi- *3 Griesb. ibid. p. Ixxv. " Nulli harum recensionum [Occi- dent. Alexandr. Contantinopol.] Syriaca Versio, prout quidem typis excusa est similis est, verum nee ulli prorsus dissimilis est. In multis concinnit cum Alexandrina, in pluribus cum Occiden- tali, in nonnullis etiam cum Comtantinopolitaiia,** &c. Vid, infr. p. 352. n. »". ( 351 ) plied with the progression of time, at the end of this immense period, this agreement is preserved**. Among the many concessions which are made us, this is not the least important to the establishment of the conclusion for w hich I contend. It is indeed true, that the Egyptian and Palestine texts are al- most wholly preserved in manuscripts which are of greater antiquity than any which preserve the By- zantine ; the Alexandrine, Vatican and Cambridge manuscripts conforming to the former editions in- stead of the latter. But while it can be never in- ferred from the antiquity of these manuscripts^ that the Egyptian or Palestine text is prior to the By- zantine ; it may be concluded from their preserva- tion for so long a time, that the manuscripts have not been in use, and that the text which they con- tain is of course unsupported by the uninterrupted testimony of tradition. From their antiquity, in fact, we can only infer that they were written at a period and in a country wherein the Egyptian or Palestine texts respectively prevailed; and from their preservation, that they have been regarded as relicks in the monasteries, in which they have been preserved '^ Yet, waving these considerations, the testimony of two of these manuscripts, and those which are apparently the most antient, may be fairly cited in favour of the vulgar text. With this text the Vatican manuscript is found to coincide in the «+ Vid. supr. p. 108. n. "^ p. 118. n. »*. p. 126. n. ^. ConC Griesb. Prolegomm. in Nov. Test. Sect. III. p. Ixxii. *' Vid. supr. p. 18. n. ". p. 121. ct u, ^\ ( 352 ) opening- cliapters of St, Matthew ^^ and the Alex- drine in the whole of the Gospels ^^r whatever be the antiquity of these manuscripts^ it is consequently subsequent to that of the Byzantine text. Such being the case with the oldest manuscripts with which we are acquainted, the Greek Vulgate has nothing to apprehend from the testimony of the Codex Cantabrigiensis. As this manuscript is di- vided by the sections of Euthalius^ it cannot be older tlian the middle of the fifth century ^^ ; but that the Byzantine text existed previously to this period^ is fully allowed us^^: by this concession^ of course, the testimony of the Cambridge manuscript is left little weight, when cited against the Greek Vul- gute. With regard to the testimony of Versions, our choice is principally limited to the Latin and Syriack translations. It is however sufficient, that in their evidence we possess the testimony of ancient and competent witnesses; and that their testimony is admitted, even by the concession of our adversaries, to be virtually on our side 9°. And however the in- «<* Vid. supr. p. 341. n. ". 87 Vid. supr. p. 123. n.*\ «» Marsh. Michael. Vol. II. p. 715. n. "*. " If we argue therefore from the omission of the Ammonian sections, we may fairly conclude, that the Codex Bezce is as old as the fifth cen- tiiry. But as the writer of this manuscript inserted sections in the Acts of the Apostles, ijohich imply the previous existence of the Euthalian sections, I would not ascribe to it greater antiquity*' Conf. supr. p. 85. n. ^^. «9 Vid. supr. p. 34-8. n. «'. ^ Griesb. Prolegomm. in Nov. Test. Sect. Ill, p. Ixr, ( 353 ) trinsick weight of this evidence may be disputed, its momentum is encreased by the comparative light- ness of the testimony by which it is counterpoised. The Coptick, and later Syriack, the Ethiopick, Ar- menian, and Gothick versions, which are the natu- ral allies of the Palestine text, cannot stand in com- petition with the old Italick, the antient Syriack and the Vulgate, which are the unbiassed witnesses of the Byzantine Greek. That the former versions should possess an affinity to the corrected text of Eusebius instead of the vulgar Greek, has been owing to circumstances which have been already " Recentior quidem Vulgata quippe quae multis in locis ad junior es Codices GrcBcos reficta est, quod Syriacce etiam acci' disse arbitror,'^ &c. We are here agreed on the fact, that the Vulgar Latin and Syriack Versions correspond with the multi- tude of modern MSS. which contain the Vulgar Greek ; but completely at issue as to the cause of this agreement. M. Griesbach supports his assumption by the argument contained in the word " arbitror ;" the force of which I leave to be ap- preciated by his disciples. I have already stated what appears to me to amount to a proof, that the old Syriack Version could not have been thus corrupted from the modern Greek : and as much might be advanced to prove, that the charge of corrup- tion from the same source is equally without truth, when ap- plied to the modern Vulgate. Admitting that the Latins were competent to the task of correcting their translation by the Greek, which is a supposition that I not only question, but shall undertake in the sequel to disprove ; it is, however, an absurdity too gross for me to admit, that they would undertake not merely to correct St. Jerome's version, but to recast it ba/ modern copies of the Greek, while he had expressly corrected it by the antient. In this single consideration, the aCrls Btpa. of M. Griesbach finds a sufficient reply. { 354 ) explained^'. Their immediate connection with that edition^ if not their direct descent from it, renders the joint testimony of such witnesses entitled to very little attention ; when weighed against the con- curring evidence of witnesses like the Greek, Syri- ack, and Latin texts, which have not been yet even presumptively proved to have, had the smallest in- fluence on each other. With respect to the testimony of ancient FatherSj the Greek Vulgate is not left unsupported by their authority. Of those who preceded the Council of Nice, none but Clement and Origen of the Greek Church, and Tertullian and Cyprian of the Latin, have made copious extracts from Scripture^*; but sufficient has been already advanced to prove, that implicit reliance cannot be always placed on their authority. It may be however observed in support of the vulgar text, that in all points of importance, their testimony may be cited in its favour^'. We ^» Vid. supr. p. 322. sqq. ^^ The controversies of Justin Martyr, as directed against the Jews and Pagans, are necessarily void of references to au- thorities, which the Christian Apologist's adversaries did not acknowledge. Of St. Irenaeus's quotations, we unfortunately know no more than can be seen through the medium of a tran- slation, which has been obviously accommodated to a barbar- ous version, which prevailed in the West when his works were translated. '^ In the quotations extracted from Origen, and inserted in the Symbb. Critt. Tom. II. p. 241. sqq. M. Griesbach has pre- fixed to the express references the mark §. and noted the read- ings of the Vulgar Greek which deviate from them, in his lower margin. After some search after these passages, I find, that out of the great variety of instances cited, Origen is observei ( 355 ) may, however, appeal to still earlier witnesses, among the apostolical fathers, on the integ-rity of the Greek Vulgate. Though those primitive wri- ters are not copious in their Scripture quotations, they are often found to correspond with the Vii]p;'ar Greek, in readings whei'ein that text differs fi'om the Palestine 9*. With regard to those writers who flourished in the age which succeeded the Council of Nice; our adversaries are free to claim Eusebius, Basil, Cyril, and others, who followed the latter edi- tion, as the authorised text ; while they give us up their contemporaries, who favoured the text of By- zantium 9^ to differ from the Vulgar Greek, not in t'wenty places ; of which three only are admitted by M. Griesbach into the text of his Greek Testament. I subjoin the examples ; adding an asterism to the readings adopted by M. Griesbach. Matt. iii. 8. ^.a^itlv a^iov*. Orig, Kct^iTiis a|i»f. Vulg. ib. v. 32. fA.oix,£vBviieiu Orig. lA.oiXoio-^ocu Vulg. ib. XV. 34. va^a,fyi?^\si, Oiig, IxiMvcre, Vulg. ib. xvii. 20. j>$£v. Orig, ivrsv^ev, Vulg, ib. xix. 17. I^wraj- ve^l t5*, Orig, >^iyn<;, Vulg' ibid. 29. ^5ro^Aaw^ac^io^a. Orig, Ixaroy- tctit'ha.criovoi,, Vltlg. ibid, deest. yvvctT>ta, Orig, yvvaTxoc. Vulg. Mar. X. 46. t^x^rui, Orig, ipxovrui, Vulg, Luc. iii. 5. BvBeixf. Orig, ev^i7av» Vulg, Joh. viii. 38. a h^i^aocrt, Orig, o luouKan, Vulg, y'm, 42. t5*. Ofig* deest. Vulg. ib. xiii. 18. rUotu Orig, •Sf. Vulg, ibid. 26. /3a^}/a;. Orig, ^u-^us, Vulg, ibid. 30. II^aSj^ tv^vf, Orig, tv^eui l^yiTi^iv, Vulg. 1 Cor. vii. 34. Trvey^ar* kou truf/Lart, Orig, xca a-u[Aoiri y.eu 'rrnvyLXTi, Vulg, 1 Thes. ii. 6, fiiirm. Orig, riTnot, Vulg, On these readings it must be how- ever observed, that three only; those, namely, which are adopted by M. Griesbach, are unequivocal. On this subjeet, however, I shall speak more at large in the sequel. '* The authorities which support thiife assertion will be pro- duced in the sequel. 95 Vid, supr. p. 348. n. »'. ▲ a^ ( S56 ) l^rom the premises thus laid down, we may pro* ceed to make the necessary inferences. Instead of the rules for determining the verbal integrity of the sacred text^ deduced by M. Griesbach from the tes- timony of the Alexandrine and Western recen- sions 9^; I would beg leave to propose the following, founded on the testimony of the Greek Vulgate and the Old Italick and Syriack Versions, viewed com- paratively with that of the Egyptian and Palestine texts, and the later Eastern and Western Ver- sions. 1. When the Palestine text agrees with either the Egyptian or Byzantine, the coincidence can reckon but as the testimony of a single witness ; but when the Egyptian and Byzantine texts agree, they confirm the reading which they support, by thQ testimony of antient and separate witnesses. 2. When the Egyptian and Palestine texts agree^ and yet dissent from the text of Byzantium ; the consent of the Old Italick or Syriack Version with the Byzantine Greek outweighs the testimony of the antecedent witnesses. 3. When the Old Italick and Syriack Versions agree with the Palestine text, and dissent from the text of Byzantium; the consent of the later Eastern and Western Versions with the Byzantine text will adequately confirm a various reading of the Greek Vulgate. The reasonableness of these rules may be easily evinced from the foregoing observations. It roust, »* Vid. supr. p. 317. ( 357 ) be here evident at a glance, that there is scarcely any witness from which the Palestine text can receive support; scarcely any but the Palestine, from which the Byzantine text must not derive confirmation. From the fundamental principles already laid down, it appears, that in order to entitle any witness to a voice, it must deliver a separate testimony ^7. But so universal has been the ascendancy of Eusebius\s text, which is identical with the Palestine edition, that not a text or version with which we are ac- quainted can be said to be free from its influence ^l No other text of course, not excepting the Byzan- tine, can appeal to its testimony, or afford it sup- port, as a separate witness. But as every text and version, which we know, w^as originally formed in- dependent of the text of Byzantium; as none of them has subsequently possessed any influence on it, and as it has had no influence on any of them ; the concurrence of any with this text must reckon as the testimony of a separate witness. A very few observations will now enable us to determine the weight of testimony which may be adduced in favour of a various reading from an application of the fore- going rules. 1. When the Egyptian text agrees with the By- zantine, the Palestine edition must stand by itself; as there is no fourth edition with which it can be coincident. In this case, the Palestine text must want every requisite which can give it authority as 97 Vid. supr. p. 315. n. ^ ^ Vid. supr. p. 25. sqq. p. 322. s^q^ p 340. sqq. ( 358 ) an adequate witness. Of itself, it is destitute of the support of tradition ; and it wants, by supposition, the support of an antient and separate witness. But the weig-ht of this species of testimony is^ in this case, on the side of that reading which is supported by the joint evidence of the Egyptian and Byzantine editions. It possesses the authority of tradition in the testimony of the latter text ; and that of consent in the concurrence of the former 9'. 2. When the Egyptian and Palestine texts agree, their consent can reckon but as the lestimony of a single Witness; as these texts have had an imme- diate influence on each oiiier. When opposed, in consent, to the Byzantine, the various readings which are avouched by the different witnesses ihus opposed to each other, are supported by equal au- thority. The testimony of either the old Italick, or Syriack version, if adduced on the side of the Byzantine text, must of course turn the scale in its favour. And the reading which is supported by this weight of evidence, possesses every thing requisite to prove it genuine. It possesses the authority of ^ On the testimony of the Byzantine and Egyptian recen- sions, we may venture to restore the following readings of the vulgar Greek to their proper places in the sacred text; having been removed from it, in the Corrected Text, as re- vised by M. Griesbach. Mat. xxvi. 60. x) »« ivpov. Mar, vf. S^. 0 I>3cr2{. lb. ix. 7. >^iy8<7ot*, lb. xii. 33. c Sjo?. Luc. vi. 7*. auTov, lb. xiii. 3^. efjj/Aos.* lb. xvii- 4. liri as. Joh. i. 26. ccvTCi er*y.* Ibid. 29. o 'lucivnq,* lb. iii. 2. ro» *Ina5>.* lb. vi. 43.5;'.* lb. xvi. 3. v/*r».* Ibid. I6.iyu. Those marked [*] are supported by other witnesses than the Egyptian and Palestine texts ; conf. n. ^°°» ( 359 ) tradition in the Byzantine text; and that of consent^ in those antient and separate witnesses^ the Italick and Syriack Versions '°°. S. When the old Itahck and Syriack versions agree with the Palestine and Egyptian texts; the concurrence of these witnesses may be merely owing; *°° On the testimony of the Greek Vulgate, supported by the Old Italick and Syriack versions, we may venture to restore the following readings to their proper places in the sacred text, from whence they have been removed by M. Griesbach. JVlat. vi. 1. (Xir)[jLoavvytv, del. ^iKOtiocvv/jv, lb. xii. 35. rvi xac^»a?4'« lb. XV. 4. »^»9r9r«, lb. iv. 41. 5 Xf»ro?. lb. X.11. 1^* v/xaj. lb. xi. 29. Ttf TTpofp^raf. lb. xiii. 35. «p»5/*o?. lb. xvi. 15. Iriv. lb. xvii. 4. twi o-e.J Ibid, xviii. 3.tk. Ibid. xxii. 62. 0 UeT^oq, lb. xxiv. 49. 'l5p«(7aAr)/iA. Joh. i. 26. avro^ srJK. Ibid. 29. 0 'Ia;avy„j. lb. vi. 43.* 45. h. Ibid. 58. to /x«»va. Ibid. 69.t t5 ^ivTo?. lb. vii. 26. a^»jSw?. lb. viii. 53. o-t;. xi. 41. « ^v.» lb. xii. 26. x;\+ lb. xvi. 3*. lixTv. Ibid. 25. aAX*. lb. xxi. 25. a^rjv.* In the following places 0 'l^o-a?. Matt, viii, 29. xiv. 25. Marc. xi. 15. Luc. xxiv, 36. Joh. i. 44.+ iii. 2. iv. 46. xi. 45. In the following places, avroc, s. uvrS. s. avTu, s. avTOK. Matt. viii. 254 xii. 3.4. xvi:]:. 8. xix. 25.4. xxv. 44.+ Mar. ix. 26. Luc. vi. 7.t viii.f 21. xi.f 28. xvii. 9. xxiii. 25. And in the following places ;f«», Mar. x. 14. 28.t Luc. vi. 28. xv.+ 19. xx. 31. Joh. iv. 36. xii"; 26. Thus marked [fj want the testimony of the Primitive Italick {Brix.); but thus [:{:] supply its place with the revised Italick ( Verc. &c.) Thus marked [4-] want the testi- mony of the Primitive Syriack (PeshiL) ; but thus [*] sup- ply its place with the revised Syriack {S2/r» Philox.) All ( 360 ) to the itifliience of Eusebius's edition *''' ; their joint evidence can then of course reckon but as the testi- mony of a single witness. The testimony of the later Versions^ for instance^, the Itahck or Syriack, when cited on the side of the Byzantine text, will of course turn the scale in favour of the latter ; and this weight of testimony will be fully adequate to support the various reading, which is of doubtful authority. In supposing the extensive influence of Eusebius's text, we easily account for the dissent of the older versions from the vulgar Greek; for this variation has proceeded from their being mo- delled after the former edition. But the consent of the later versions with the vulgar Greek, can be only accounted for, by admitting their agreement with the primitive translation, from which the old and later versions have respectively descended : to which also, it is presumed, they conformed previously to the influence of Eusebius's text, or to their having been re-cast into new translations. As the later versions have been formed on the basis of some pri- mitive translation, it is self-evident that many of the readings of the primitive version must be preserved in the derivative. It is possible of course, that the latter may preserve the primitive reading, while the former has undergone those changes by which it has been obliterated. And where the reading, which is thus preserved, agrees with the original Greek other readings, unless contradicted by these marks, are supposed to have the testimony of both Primitive Italick and Syriack \ersions. *" Vid. supr. p. 25. sqq. p. S22, ( 361 ) text, from which all translations have been made, the very coincidence is adequate to identify it as a reading of the primitive version. Though a later version is but a modern witness, it may thus deliver an antient testimony. Consequently the reading which is supported by this weight of evidence, pos- sesses every thing requisite to prove it authen- tick'°\ 4. With respect to 'the Manuscripts which may be cited in favour of this system, it remains to be observed, that the weight of their testimony does not depend on the age of the copies, but on their num- ber and coincidence, as witnesses, and the antiquity of the text, which they support by their concurring evidence '°\ From the conspiring testimony of ma* '°* The following readings of the Greek Vulgate, which are rejected by M. Griesbach from the sacred text, though not possessed of equal authority as those cited in the last note but one, may possibly be genuine, on the testimony of the revised ItaJick and Syriack. Matt. v. 27.t tok ap%ator?. lb. IX. 13. £45 i^sravoiaivA lb. xvi. 20. 'l»}i75?. lb. XXvi. 9.4- to [.iv^ov, lb. xxiii. 8.f o Xpi^oc. Luc. iv. 8. vTraye oirio-u iJLH raT«^a.+ lb. xvi. 25. av, Joh. v. 30. irccr^h.^ lb. xvi. 16. ly^.f Thus marked [f] want the testimony of the revised Italick, though they possess that of the revised Syriack. Thus marked [4-] vvant the testimony of the revised Syriack, though they possess that of the Itahck. '°^ Griesb. Prolegomm. in Nov. Test. Sect. III. p. Ixix. '* JEtas testium non unice nee prcucipue judicanda est e membra* narum vetustate; potuit enim seculo v. c. decimo quarto ^ codice longe antiquissimo apographum fieri, quod exemplar suum exactissime reprsesentaret ; sed contra etiam quinto jam seculo, quo g codicibus hodie superstitibus vix unus aut alter referri potexit, jorceter tectum genuinum extitit alius, in quo lee- ( 362 ) nuscripts^ versions^ and fathers^ it appears, that this text must have existed at least at the close of the fourth century. But no manuscript with which we are acquainted, possesses internal evidence which will warrant our placing it higher than this early period '°^ The testimony of none of course can be cited, as disproving the priority of the text which exists in the most modern of those manuscripts that conform to the vulgar edition. To establish the integrity of this text, is the main object of our en- deavours ; and if it be not evinced, by the concur- rence of those innumerable witnesses who agree in a testimony, which has been perpetuated for fourteen hundred years '"^j* the labour must be unavailing, which endeavours to prove it, by the coincidence of a few manuscripts, of which we cannot certainly know the origin. Beyond these considerations, and above this pe* riod, we cannot extend our positive proofs, in favour of the integrity of the Byzantine text; but I am not aware, how they can be extended above it, in favour of the Palestine edition. After examining the tes- tiones liaud paucae juniores in primitlvarum locum irrepserant. Jtaque text us ipsius pofiiis quam librarii cttas indaganda est. Haec vero judicatur e crebro consensu cum aliis testibus, (in primis cum Versionibus et Patribus,) de quorum aetate nobis constat," &c. Though this remark is assigned a very different application by its learned authour, yet, as expressing a general truth, which, I trust, is fully as applicable to the system which I labour to support, as that to which it is applied, I here quote it as authority. **=* Vid. supr. n. '°\ conf. p. 71. p. 350. ^'^^ Vid. supr. pp. 114. 118. etnn. in loco. ( 363 ) timony of versions and manuscripts as far as It ex- tends, our only appeal lies to the external evidence of the fathers. And here, it must be confessed, ap- pearances .^eem to set strongly in favour of the text of Palestine. The early writers w^ho have been cited in support of this text, as having followed it in their quotations ^''^ may be thought to outweigh the stro gest presumptive evidence which may be adduced in favour of the Byzantine. But the tes- timony of none of them but Origen reaches higher tlian the fourth century. After a little further in- sight into the nature of his evidence, we may be probably led to admit, that it is not so decidedly against the vulgar edition, as may be imagined. As the main object of the advocates of the Pales- tine text has been to rest the credit of this text on the authority of Origen '°7; my object has been to shift it upon that of Eusebius '^^ Sufficient, I trust, has been already advanced to prove, that the testimony of Origen rather identifies it as the text of Palestine than of Alexandria'"^: and consequently proves it the text of Eusebius, who revised the Palestine edi- tion "°. It is certain, that the works of Origen^ in which it is conceived to be preserved, were written in Palestine ; and that in the precipitancy with which Origen fled from the enmity of Demetrius'", when *°* Vid. supr. p. 316. »°' Vid. supr. p. 310. n. '°. p. 316. nn. " et '% '°' Vid. supr. p. 25. sqq. p. 340. sqq. *^' Conf. supr. p. 8. sqq. 79. sqq* "° Vid. supr. p. 72. n. ^\ '" Origen alludes to the enmity of Demetrius, and his own flight ( S64^ ) he sought refuge in that country, he was compelled to leave his books at Alexandria''^. Of the remains of his writings, which have descended to our times, only some fragments of the '* Principia"^'' and two " short books of his '' Commentaries/' were written in this city "'^. The last books of his expositions of St. John, and the whole of those of St. Matthew "^ from Alexandria, in the following terms, in a work which he began at Alexandria, but finished in Palestine ; Comment, in Joan. Tom. IV. p. 101. c. •>^ i^-^X?' 7^ '^^ 7reix7:% Toitx«, el >cj « 'AlyvTrry x. t. 1. Conf. p. 102, a. et infr. n. "\ '^* Orig. ibid. p. 102. b. Vcr^i ^e ot» atro vo'KXviq 9rpoSt;/Aia? ^evripav iciv-iyi» a.P-)(r:j ixo^h^ol^ £y.7a To/xy, ^\a, to ra TiqovTlixyo^tU- S"evTa v)^Xv, Iv r-ri 'AXs^iXv^^si^, 8X ol^' onus [j.y, sKxafJA^j^at. "^ These fragments are contained in the Philocalia, which consists of a cento of passages extracted from Origen's works by St. Basil and Gregory Nazianzen. The only passages of the Commentary on the New Testament which it preserves, are three fragments ; one fi-oni the Acts, and two from the Epistle to the Romans ; inserted by the Benedicth^e fatliers, Tom. IV. p. 4*57. and p. 462. n. K p. 580. n. ^ and in Dr. Spencer's edi- tion of the Philocalia. at pp. 32. 34. 90. ed. Cant. 1677. "* The third and fourth books of the Commentaries on St. John, which were written by Orlgen previously to his departure from Alexandria, vid. supr. n. "\ are lost ; witli the exception of a few fragments. Conf. supr. n. "\ infr. n. "^. "^ The last books of the Commentaries on St. John were undertaken by Origen after his arrival in Palestine ; vid. supr. |). *". But at the time they were written, the Commentaries on Matthew were not begun, as Origen sliews by his declara- tions when engaged in the former work ; Orig. Comment, in Joan. Tom, IV. p, 192, a. »cj xavT* (Ad kutcc oCvcx^yM £K TG vafd ( S65 ) togellier with his treatise on Prayer*'^, and his reply to Celsus''7^ were written on his settlement in Pa- lestine. These last works, however, contain the only parts of his writings which possess any Scripture references ''^ from which we can discover the text that he followed in his quotations; the Philocalia, which preserves the remains of his '' Principles/' being miscellaneous in its subject, possesses no re- ferences to the New Testament, but those which have been already specified. zuxxiqor^ov, OTOiv sis- TO jcar^ Mar^aTov rz/xTv Xiym loh^, "^ Patrr. Benedictt. Monit. in Orig. de Orat. Tom. I.' p. 196. *' De anno quo hie de Oratione libellus scriptus est— id unum ex iisquaelegunturnum.23/' [conf.p.235. c.] "discimus,scriptum ilium esse, editis jam in Genesim Tomis. Cum autem octo solum priores in Genesim Tomi ante Annum 231, quo ex Alexandria urhe decessit Origenes, similiterque quatuor de Principiis libri post primum in Genesim Tomum conscripti sunt, merito cotti^ gimus librum ,ra^i l.v^., post Ongenis ex Alexandria discessum ducuhrnhmi esse, et quatuor ^s^l 'a^^.-^ libris esse poste- riorem. "^ The date of this work is determined by Eusebius, who fixes it to the year 249, when Origen had attained his sixtieth year, and was nearly twenty years settled in Palestine; Euseb. Hist. EccL Lib.VI. cap. xxxvi. p. 299. 1. 10. h r^,^ ^ £| fvfypu[xi/.alu (TtHarlsi, "* All the Homilies of Origen were composed in Palestine, after he had attained his sixtieth year; of these compositions, however, those on Jeremiah only are preserved in the original- Euseb. ibid. p. 299. 1. 3. Tors r,ru-^C^lp rcl If^.o.m ^.al. .V, ( 866 ) The whole of the presumptive evidence, which arises from these preUminaries, consequently tends to prove, that the text which Origen followed, in his Commentaries, was the Palestine, not the Alex- andrine. The remark is of importance, as in form- ing a running exposition, he must have followed the text which was before him ; and he has indeed pre- fixed it in several instances to the comment "^ It is of importance also to observe, that in composing his Commentaries, he preserved a peculiar plan in his quotations, which he neglected in delivering his Homilies » *° : having followed the corrected text of his Hexapla in the former, and that of the Greek Vulgate in the latter compositions*". These cir- «'^ Vid. Comment, in Matt. Tom. III. p. 442. a. sqq, *** These Compositions are thus distinguished by St. Jerome ; Hier. Proleg. in Comment, in Ezech. Orig. Tom. III. p. 354. — *' scias Origenis opuscula in omnem Scripturam esse triplicia, Primum ejus (opus) Excerptay quce Greece r^oT^ia nuncupantur, in quibus ea quae sibi videbantur obscura, atque habere aliquid difficultatis, summatim hreviterque perstrinxit. Secundum i/o- miUaticum geniiSy de quo et prsesens interpretatio est. Tertiura quod ipse inscripslt To/>c«?, nos Volumina possumus nuncupare, in quo opere tota ingenii sui vela spirantibus ventis dedit, et recedens a terra in medium pelagus aufugiL** "* S. Hier. in Procem. Tradd. Hebrr. Tom. III. p. 451. " De Adamantio autem sileo ; cujus nomen, si parva licet com- ponere magnis, meo nomine invidiosius est ; qui cum in Homi" His suis, quas ad vulgum loquitur, Communem Editionem sequa- tur ; in Tomisy id est in disputatione majori, Hebraica veritate Stipatus, et suorum circumdatus agminibtis, interdum linguce pere* grince quxrit aux'dia,** The auxiliaries, whose assistance Ori- gen thus sought in his written compositions, were the Ebionite hereticks, Aquila, Theodotion, and Symmachus, who revised ( 367 ) cumstances, being kept fully in view^ a few consi- derations will enable us to appreciate the weight of the testimony which he has borne to the verbal inte- grity of the inspired writings. In the first place^ the Commentaries of Origen, which are the main support of the Palestine text^ abound in references to apocryphal works and here- tical revisals of Scripture*". They were under- taken at the request of Ambrose'*^, who had been a convert from heresy ^^^, and who gave them to th» the Septuagint, for the purpose of doing away the strong ten- dency which that translation bore to the tenets of the Catho- licks. Nor was Origen ashamed of like associates in composing his Commentaries on the New Testament. In the earliest of these works, the Tomes on St. John, he constantly refers to Heracleon the Valentinian's Commentary on the same Gospel, and quotes from the heretical Scriptures as well as the cano» nical : vid. Hom. in Joan. Tom. IV. p. 117. d. conf. infr. n. ***• '*^ Instances of this kind have been already produced ; supn p. 330. n. ^^, That they occurred more frequently in the original copies of Origen's works, than those from which our printed editions were formed, is rendered probable, from their being sometimes found in the antient Latin translation, though wanting in the Greek original ; a long extract from the Hebrevr Gospel, inserted in the Commentary on St. Mattheiv, may be cited as an example. Vid. Orig. Tom. III. p. 671. conf. Tom, IV. p. 289. n. b. Pamph. Apol. p. 18. a. '" Euseb. Hist. Eccl, Lib. VI. cap. xxiii. p. 287. I. 4. ^§o7§oxra7f, a ruTq ^t» >^oyu}> xj 7ra6xy.>.v(rBcrni etvro f/.6vov, a^Aa x^ a(pBovula7on^ ruv tm%hluv p^op-yiaj:. Conf. Orig. Hom.iii Joan« Tom. IV. pp. S. b. 4. a. "* Euseb. ibid. cap. xviii. p. 278. 1. 19. Iv thtco xJ 'Afx^^oaioff to. rrjs '0TaXsv7jv» (p^ovuv ouciaSiCos, Trp; t^? vttI Opygj'tfj «r|g^* ( 368 ) world without the consent of their authour; who lived to repent of the errours, which they contain- ed'*^ That compositions of this equivocal cha- racter^ and which have been notoriously corrupt- ed **^ should frequently deviate from the vulgar Greek, seems rather to convey a negative proof of its integrity. But Origen likewise affords the same text positive support,, in his inconstant readings; occasionally agreeing with the Byzantine text^ while ^■voijAv'/ii «X'/i^£kaj IX£J3(;'^£i? — 7a t?s g>£xA>j<7me, being numbered in their order. An asterism is added to the readings adopted by M. Griesbach in his Corrected Edition. Mat. XIX. 17» i ^i itn-iv uvru, * T» /xt "Kiym Jesus autetn dixit ei quid me eoya^Qyi ^^«*i aya^oj, i\ i*.ri eTj o dicis honum? neiuo bonys nisi ©2o:." Byz. Deus. ItaL 1. * r\ fxi ifcorxq wEp» t5 ayoc^i; quid me interrogas de bono? eT? ir^1 0 aya$of. JEg* Pal*, unus cst bonus. liaL 2, 3. Just. Marl. Apol. Maj. p. 63. d, i^ w^o-sxSokTo? a.lru T»yo?, »o^? mirantes de his quae diceban- weft ayra. Byz, tur de illo. ItaL I, 2. * 0 irccTYip av7H xj h, (Ji.yi7'/ip, pater ejus et mater. Jtal, 3, jEg. Pal*, S. Hier. adv. Hclvid. — " Et erant pater illius et mater admi- rantes super his, quae dicebantur de eo'* — Licet tu mira impu- dentia hacc in Graecis codicibus falsata contendas," &c, vid. supr. p. 169. n. '^K lb. xi. 13. •I «» v[jiuf frovr^po) yTTapyovTE? Si cr^ vos cum sitis mall nos- sXov o nra,- quanto magis Pater de ccelo T^p 0 tl «p«v5 d 3wcr£» Trnv^ob dahit Spiritmn Sanctum peten* ayiov' Tor? aWia-iv ocvtov, JByz*. tibus se. ItaL 1. A $uffti eiyx^Q}/ 56fA.x. jEg, dabit bonum datum. Ital. 2, 4 ^'jcru irviv^a. dyx^ov. Pal, dabit Spiritum bonum. ItaL 3* Tert. adv. Marc, Lib. IV. cap. xxvi. p. 432. A quo Spiritum Sanctum postuhm ? — agnosce igitur et Patrem, quem etiam ap- ( 374 ) pcllas Creatorem. Ipse est qui scit quid filii postulent. Nam et panem petentibus, de ccelo dedit manna ; et carnem deside- rantibus, emisit ortygometram ; non serpentem pro pisce, nee scorpium pro ovo. — Itaque et Sjpiritum Sanctum is dahit^ &c. lb. xxii. 43, 44. u(p^-n ^t aitZ afyfXo? aV hfocvH Apparuit autem illi angelus ivic^vuv avTov, Kj yivouevog tv iyivilo oe o Ih^w^ a,vre uat) •&^o/x- de ccjelo, confortians eum. Et fact us est in agonia, et prolix* ius orabat : Et factus est sudor illius, quasi guttae sanguinis decurrentes super terrain. Ital. 2. 3. desunt. Palf desunt. Ital, 1. Just. Mart. Dial, cum Tryph. p. 331. d. Iv ya.p toI? «Vo/ahj« — I>to£;^ojw.g%«y TJjy tS Job. V. 3, 4, i^ociviv iv T^ xeAv^/3i3$pa, x^ eTat- fMi7-0'6 TO t;^a;p. 9 dt '^rpuras iyi.&cci ftilai ttiv rotpx^igv rS vaccTogy vyiv)<; Byz.* ' — spectantium aquae motum. Angelus autem Domini des- cendebat, et movebat aquam. Et quicumque prior descen- debat in natatoria, samis fiebat quacumque tenebatur infirmi- tate. Ital. 2. 3. desunt. Mg- Pah desunt. Ital. 1. Tert. de Baptism, cap. v. p. 221. Angelum aquis intervenire si novum videtur, exemplum futurum praecucurrit. Piscinam Bethsai'dam " angelus interveniens commovebat ;" observabant qui valetudinem quaerebantur. Nam " si quis prsevenerat des- cendere illuc'' quaeri post lavacrum desinebat," ( 375 ) Act. viii. 37. stvt H 0 j5 T?j xa^^ta?, t'lar"'. aVoxp*- credis ex toto corde, suscepis. Siij ^£ eTtts* -TTtrst/fc* Tov yioc Ttf Respondcns autem dixit : cre- 0cS £^ai Tov *l»3C7»i/ Xfirov, Byz, do in Christum Filium Dei. ItaL 2. 3. desunt. Val* S. Iran. adv. Haer. Lib. III. cap. xii. p. 196. t»to» eTirai 'lijcrtv, lb. XV. 28. s}o^i yap tZ ayico UvsvfA,ctli >cj Placuit enim Sancto Spiritui TiiJiTv, fAVi^iv 7^^£o^' tTnliSeo-^ai IfATv et nobis, nihil ampHus imponi ^xpoq '7r>^h 7UV ixavu^Kiq TiiTuf vobis oneHs, quara haec qua necessaria horum : abstinete ab immolatis, et sanguine, ct siiffocatis, et fornicatione, a qui- bus observantes vos ipsos bene agetis. Valete. Ital % 3. TOf, K) TTVi^rSf kJ wops (a?. ^ "Eppaa-Bs, Bi/Z. Pal* f add. xa* oW a» /!x>j Senile laJIor^ Tert. de Pudic. cap. xii. p. 563. Primam banc regulam de auctoritate Spiritus Sancti, Apostoli emittunt ad eos, qui jam ex nationibus allegi coeperant. " Visum est,' inquiunt, * Spi- ritui Sancto et nobis nullum amplius vobis adjicere pondus, quam eorum a quibus necesse est abstineri, a sacrificils, et a fornicationibus, et sanguine, a quibus observando recte agitis, vectante vos Spiritu Sancto.'' Clem. Alex. Paedag. Lib. IL p. 202. oinriyta^^^ tl^uXoBvTuv, xal al/iAaJof, ^ 9SrViXT6;V, KCil 7535 ( 376 ) Col. i. U. if u txoiJ'B.t ftjv tlTroXvrfv^iv" ^ta In quo habemus e tedemp- t5 al'i/.cclQ^ acvrv", tj?? u(pia-iv ri^v tjonem per sanguinem ejus,' u^xfiuv. Bi/z, remissionem peccatorum. JtaK 3. avTH. * des, ^ix t5 u\'(ji,ptloi Pal* . . . « des. redemptionem per sanguinem ejus. Ital. 2. S. Iren. adv. Haer. Lib. V. cap. ii. p. 293. Sanguis enim non est nisi a venis et carnibus, et a reliqua quae est secundum ho- minem substantia, qua vere factum est Verbum Dei. Sanguine suo redemit nos, quemadmodum apostolus ejus ait ; " in quo habemus redemptionem jyer sanguinem ejus, remissionem pec- catorum.** lb. ii. 2. — iU liriyvuciv ru /xvr«pjy t5 — in aguitionem mysterii f 0£« f xat Uxlfoq K«t tS XpifS." Dei Patris et Christi Jesu," in f¥ u i\ffi iruiliq ot %7av(c) t^? quo sunt omnes thesauri sapi- ao,iv oTo« av^fUTTOv £1/ w« eTj 0 ^to,'. Vulg, bonus nisi unus Deus. ItaL 1. AfcX.j^ i*Jl Aj] ]f.o l-j-io quid vocas me bonum ; nonest . joL^ ^^ J \]j }o..^ bonus nisi unus Deus. Syr, lb. XX, 22, 23. »^ TO ^uTflifffAu 0 lyk) /?a7rli^o//a», aut baptisma baptizari quo ego ^aiTTKr^nven ku) to ^utt et baptisma quo ego bap- TJTjtAa 0 lyu Bot7fli^o[Aa.iy ^a'TrliO'. tizor baptizamini. liaLl. ^KcnaBe. Vulg. }jj yialiN Jj]» jA*>QJal^ o] aut baptismate quo ego bapti- \^IQ ViN.V^o .* ^Oy v>\ /- zor baptizabimini baptis- , ^j^ai».Z. (jj r-V^ \^]l mate quo ego baptizor bapti- zabimini. Si/r. ( 383 ) lb. xxvii. 35. tiflf. vXt^u^^ to gjjcji' vTro tS fAH lafTOK, Kat ewt rov t/xaTtc/xc;* ^-tf jj?56?^oy iL7<.Y,fov, Vulg» V\:xo ^ooiA, ut impleretur quod dictum est perprophetam; diviserunt sibi vestimenta mea, et super ves- tern meam miserunt sortem* ltd. 2. ut impleretur id quod dictum est per prophetam : partiti sunt vestimenta mea inter se, et super vestem meam jecerunt sortem. 5yr. Mar. iv. 24. . Vuk. itai t//x(v rot; axH" ^U ^orxl^ et adjicietur vobis credentibus, ltd. 1. et adjicietur vobis ipsis qui aa« ditis. Syr, Ib.vi. 11. a/ATjy y^iyo) Vfjiiv ecviKTortp^ tfoci amen dico vobis, tolerabiliu* erit Sodomis, aut Gomoris in die judicii, quam illi civitaft'. ltd. 1. et equidem dico vobis tranqui- liorem fore Sedoum et Omouro in die judicii, civitate ilia. Syr. Ibid. 33. «i op^Xoi fxai I'Trtyvw^ay] avrov et COgnoverunt COS multi ...♦. .... Ku) 'TFforiX^ov avrtts o^ et praevenerunt eos, et conve^ cuyrtK^ov TT^Qf avroy, Vdg. Derunt ad eum. ltd. I. ^1 [q^!o^*]o] [et agniti sunt] illi: et , . .-io2\-2l woiQ-io,.-© coram eo illuc. I 383 ) lb. x'ui, 14. TO ^m^h vTro AxvtTih t« WfcCpnTti* hiat. Brix* Vulg. Ja3j \3u}aJj.o Ij-»2c|> woi quod dictum est per Daniel prophetam. Syr, Luc. iv. 18. laa-xa^ui ts? crt;vT6Tpj^/Asv«; ttjit sanare contritos corde. lia^, L xotfyiOiv, Vulg, \^^ w;.aoAJ:i q^^}V;\ ad sanandum contritos corde. Syr. lb. ix. 55. o yup v^oq ru uy^puva wx ??.Se filius enim hominis non venit ^vx»<; av^puiruv «'n■o^£(7a^, aX^a animas hominum perdere, sed cua-acu Viilg. salvare. Ital, 1. \L\ VJ .• ^-A-jji ;^^ cn^^i filius enim hominis non venit . ^^■-'-v^V V^j jZuiij o,^->v^\ ad perdendum animas, sed ad servandum. Syr, lb. X. 22. #^ Tfja^i*? TT^c? T«j /Aa^isJ*? itTre. „, desunt. Brix, Vulg. wCio,nV^\i^ Zq-^ CAjaZjo et tonversus est ad discipulos < ^01^ jj^jo suos et dixit eis. Syr, lb. xi. 2. • «» Torf w^aic?? . . , , ^sKn^JsTAf qui es in coelis .... fiat volun* To ^ri'Kr.iA.at ctij «; t» tpatu xul It:) tas tua sicut in coelo-, et ia T??y??. Vulg, terra. Jial.l* ^(^«a«0. joau ,,,.,, |^V)i>^? qui es in coelis .... fiat volun- *!^5f^ ca] J*!saAQ» 4^j tas tua, sicut in ccelo et in terra. Syr* ( 38i ) Ibid. 4. aA?ioo^ V^j sed libera nos a malo. Syr. Ibid. 44. y^xfAiActreVq x.ul (pK^iaocVoi ^Troxp- Scrlbae et Pliarassei hypocritae* Tau Vulg* Ital. 1. } o^j^ u.ciau }.A-**^o j*;^^ scribae et perischaei hypocritae'* Syr, lb. xvii. 36. Ho scrovlai h rZ aypw* o tl? v«pa- duo in agro, unus adsumetur, >vi(p%(7iiai, aaX o It£j5oc a^sS^- et alter relinquetur. JtaL 1, aiicti, Vulg. ^..^ \l n.^-^ .oooi_j ^~»5^ <^uo erunt in agro, unus assu- .wC-oAaj jj;.**|o ;jD!i\-j metur et alter relinquetur. Syr, Job. i. 27. 04 i(j>.7rp<;^i> ^H yiyonv, Vulg, qui ante me f'actus est. ItaL 1. •*iCr-o ol!^ joaio et fuit ante me. Syr. lb. V. 16. «tt» e?i?T«» a^Tov wTroxIfr^a*. et quaerebant eum interficere* Vulg. ItaL 1. cjuL^ii^^ ocoi — fti^.00 et studebant eum intexficepea Syr, Ib.vi. 22. lx8r?o £*? 0 fvi0v,rj^ov ad xAjj^ok, in pie- risque nisi omnibus probatis codicibus Graecis, et sine d ubio fiunt rejicienda. CO ( 3SG ) dissent ot' those antient versions from the former pas- sages, does not in the least impeach their authenti- city. As in these omissions the Syriack and Italick Versions accord with the Palestine text, their nega- tive testimony against the vulgar Greek must be imputed to the influence of Eusebius's edition; while their positive testimony in favour of the same text can be only accounted for by admitting their coincidence with the original Greek text, from which all editions have descended '^^. That in Mat. xv. 8. the Brescia manuscript possesses the genuine read- ing, has been already rendered apparent, from a comparative view of the copies of the Italick trans- lation*". In fact the dissent of the latter copies of this version from the vulgar Greek, may be traced to the influence of Origen's writings ; to which wc must impute the deviation of the Palestine text, in the instances before us, from the Greek Vulgate. And the extensive influence of Eusebius's text ren- ders it difficult to pronounce on the authenticity of Mat. xxvii. 35. The absence of this text from the Palestine edition is easily accounted for, as I hope in t)he sequel to prove ; its total absence from the pri- iuitive Italick version, and partial absence from the Syriack, is of course accounted for^ in the former consideration. But its partial introduction into the Syriack, and general admission into the Greek, create a difficulty which is not so easily solved. Oould we admit the truth of the account which St. •^•^* Vid. supr. p. 357. sqq. '3»- Vid. supr. p. 185. n.'". ( 387 ) Jerome has given of Lucianus's text'^'^; the inter- polation of the original might be laid to his account, as it perfectly answers the description which he has given of Lucianus's alterations '^^ and as such is omitted in the modern Vulgate. The influence of Lucianus^ whose text prevailed from Byzantium to Antioch, of which latter city he was a presbyter, would fully account for the admission of this verse into the Syriack translation. But we have every reason to believe St. Jerome mistaken in his judg- ment of Lucianus's edition '^*. And in favour of this verse, it must be observed, that its introduction into the Gospel of St. Matthew is most conformable to the manner of that Evangelist, who is always so particular in his quotations from the prophetical Scriptures, that it can be scarcely conceived he could have wholly omitted this extraordinary pas- sage. The oblique manner in which it is referred to by the other Evangelists '^^^ seems to establish the same conclusion ; as its explicit citation in the Gospel of St. Matthew rendered it merely necessary that they should refer to it obliquely. In making the above citations, I have confined my attention to the passages rejected by M. Gries- bach from the Gospels, not merely from choice, but necessity. Neither the primitive Italick nor Syri- ack Version extend beyond that part of the New Testament; the Acts and Epistles of the former "^ Vid. supr. p. 100. n. '". '" Vid. supr. p. 157. n. »°». "2 Vid. supr. pp. 137, 138. conf.p. 151, '^ Comp. Mar. xv. 24. Luk. xxiii. 3'i. c c2 ( 388 ) Version being wholly lost^ and those of the latter having been considerably altered since the Gospels were rendered, if not wholly translated, at a sub- sequent period ''^^ But in this loss there is not so much to regret, as may be at first imagined ; for we do not require the remaining parts of those versions to determine the matter at issue. As in the differ- ent classes of manuscripts, one species of text pre- vails through every part of the text ; those copies which are of the same class having the Gospels '♦° The partial propagation of the Gospel in Armenia, Persia, Arabia, Ethiopia, and Moesia, in the fourth century, renders it probable that select parts from the New Testament at least, were translated for the use of the churches established in those re- gions : vid. supr. p. 48. n. \ pp. 322. n. ^\ 323. n. ^\ The state of the Gothick and Ethiopick versions, if not of the Sahi- dick, and the history of the Armenian version, fully confirm this supposition. The first named version does not extend beyond the Gospels ; vid. Le Long. Bibl. Sacr. Tom. I. p. 371. col. 2. a. The second contained several important omissions, which were supplied in the London Polyglot, vid. Le Long. ibid. p. 128. col. 1. e. Great additions were made to the Armenian ver- sion in the year 1333 by the Romish missionaries, who laboured at an early period to reduce the Armenian church to a state of subjection to the Roman Pontiff: Galan. Hist. Armen. p. 483. ed. Colon. 1686. In the thirteenth century it was revised and corrected throughout by the Latin Vulgate; vid. Marsh. Michael, chap. vii. p. 103. The Persian and Arabick have been completed, and revised throughout by the Coptick and Syriack ; Marsh. Michael. Ibid. pp. 77. 83. 105. We may thus easily account for peculiar readings, which are fre- quently retained in the modern version, which are not found ia the antient ; those readings existing in such parts of the tran- slation as were made before the version was completed, by the last revisal. ( 389 ) agreeing with the Acts and Epistles ; when we esta- blish the superiour purity of any class, in the prin- cipal part of the text_, we may thence legitimately infer that of the remainder. Or to reduce this mat- ter to more certain principles ; when, by the assist- ance of those auxiliaries, the Eastern and Western versions^ we have ascertained what manuscripts of the original Greek will furnish the genuine text, on a comparative view of the subject ; we may thence relinquish the accessories, and on the com- parative testimony of the principals, determine the authentick text of Scripture. In this undertaking considerable use may be likewise made of the ver- sions; whatever be the changes which they may have undergone, since their first formation. As we know the original text by which they have been re- touched, and the points in which they have been affected ; thePalestine text being the model by which they were shaped, and points of doctrine being those in which they have been influenced; a slight cal- culation will enable us, if not to recover the primi- tive reading of the translation, yet to appreciate its lightness when weighed against the authority of the original. In fact, a very small allowance made for the alterations which the Syriack Vulgate may have sustained, still leaves the testimony of that version as fully on the side of the vulgar Greek, in the Epistles and Acts, as in the Gospels. Taking into account, together with its testimony, the evidence of those later witnesses, to whom an appeal lies in the present subject; we may thence deduce a per- fect defence of tlie Greek Vulgate, on every poiht of ( 390 ) th6 smallest importance^ in which its integrity has been impeached as corrupted***. "** The following list of texts, which constitute the whole of the passages which are of any importance, on account of their length, that M, Griesbach has wholly rejected from the Acts and Epistles, may be restored to the sacred text on the testi- mony of the annexed authorities : Act. ii. 30. to xala crapxa «>ar^,yif0iJt,ae, uvr^q. ByZ. Syr. 2. -4r. Gal. iii. 1. rvi aAijSeta (ji.tt veiBstT^aci ; Byz. Syr. 2. JEM. /if. 3. Jra5. Eph. iii. 9. ^»a 'l)?o-5 Xpjr*. jB^2. iSj/r. 2. Arab, Phil. iii. 16. xavov* to a^To ^po»£ri'. Byz. Syr. 1. It. 3. t 4ab]e of vindication^ from the charge of those who would insinuate, that it has been corrupted from the Greek Vulgate. That such a corruption could not have taken place, subsequently to the year 450, when the Philoxenian version was formed, has been already evinced, from the history of the Syrian church since the middle of the fifth century'^*. And the bare consideration, that this version was framed, at that period, by the Palestine text, ren- ders the conception absurd in the extreme, that the primitive version could have previously coincided with the same edition : the eviction of which agree- '" Such is the celebrated Vallicella Bible, mentioned under the following terms by M. Blanchini, Evangeliar. Quadrupl. P. II. f. dciv. Descriptio insignis Cod. Vallacelani, complec- tentis Biblia Sacra utriusque Testamenti, exarata proprio manu, ab Alchuino Anglo, Sancti Bedae discipulo.'* This MS. ig however classed by M. Blanchini, among those which are de- scribed under the following title ; Id. ib. dxcix. " Descriptio aliquot Codicum Latinorum Antiquae Italae purcB putce Hiero* nymiancs,^* The subscription of the MS. Bible of St. Germain des Prez, which has been already quoted, supr. p. 32. n. '^ contains a stronger confirmation of the above assumption ; that t]ae integrity of the Latin Vulgate was rather restored than violated under the revisal of Alcuine ; and that its affinity to the Syriack must be sought in the Palestine text, which had some influence on this version and St. Jerome's. '5* Vid. supr. p. 343. sqq. ( 399 ) mcnt is essentially necessary to the establishment of the assumption^ that the latter version has been sub- sequently altered, to correspond with the text of By- zantium. As the Peshito_, or Syriack Vulgate^ has never sunk in the esteem of the Syrian church ; the formation of a new version cannot be imputed to the circumstance of the old having become obsolete in its language^, or fallen in its reputation : nor to any other cause, but the publication of a Greek text, which attained to higher repute than that from which the original version was formed. Had it been in consequence of the corruption of the primitive tran- slation, from some modern Greek text, it must be obvious, that the only plan left to those who would undertake to remedy this evil, would have been to restore the primitive readings, by a collation of the old copies of the version with those of the original. But this is a supposition which is not only refuted by the internal evidence of the version, which possesses no such corrections; but is wholly irreconcilable with the veneration in which the vulgar version is held by the Syrians '^9 In fact, the whole of the *5* Gabr. Sionit. Praef. in Psalt. Syriac. p. iii. Quamvis linguae Syriacae usus communis sit apud distinctas diversarum religionum nationes, sacrorum tamen voluminum integritas summa semper cum religione servata est ab omnibus^ ita ut nulla vel minima discrepantia in eorum lectione deprehendatur. Viget autem ea lingua primo apud Chaldceos Mesopotamiae populos, Hceresi Nestoriance misere obligatos ; turn apud Syros Jacobitas, qui Dioscoridis, Eidychetisy et Jacobi Jalsa dogmata secuti, Monothelitarum nomine dignoscuntur ; tcrtio apud Maronitas nostros, etiam Syros, qui ab avita fide Catholica Roraana nun-_ quam descivernnt.'* ( 400 ) tircums lances of the case, tend as fully to prove, that the text with which the primitive version agrees was antient, as that by which the latter version was formed, was modern '^°. From which consideration the priority of the Byzantine to the Palestine text, follows of course ; as it is with the former that the primitive version corresponds, while the revised cor- responds with the latter. Admitting this to be the case, which it will not be found easy to disprove, the unsupported assumption, that the Syriack Vul- gate has been corrected by the Byzantine Greek, requires no further refutation. Such an assumption can be only maintained on the grounds of the affi- nity discoverable between the Syriack and Greek ; whrcli affinity must be thus attributed to this obvi- ous cause ; that the one was originally made from the other. . "50 jt j^g never been doubted, that the later version has been formed after the Palestme text, which was pubHshed by Euse- bius, and which accorded in the Old Testament with Origen's Hexapla. Walt. Prolegomm. in Bibll. Polyglott. Sect. xiii. } S. p. 89. — versionem hahent [Syri] ex Hebraeo antiquissimam, quam in his Bibliis exhibemus, et ilia quam postea hauserunt ex Gr^cOy non erat ex mixta aliqua editione, sed ex ea qiiam in Origenis Hexaplis puram esse et genuinam, omnes veteres, imo ipse Hieronymus, uno ore affirmarunt," This however is ren- dered indisputable by the subscription of the Ambrosian MS. of the Philoxenian Version ; a specimen of which has been pub- lished by M. De Rossi. Spec. ined. Hexaplar. Biblior. Vers. Syro-Estrang. in Diatrib, § vi. [p. x.] Parm. 1778. " Modo ad Godicem ipsum redeamus, qui hac epigraphe explicit; * Descriptus est et effictus ex exemplari Eusehii et Pamphili. Ad ejus scilicet normam, quod ipsi emendarunt ex hiblioiheca Origenis,*' ( 401 ) Ab these considerations seem adequate to vindi- cate the integrity of the Syriack Vulgate; they in- volve an equally strong- argument in favour of the antiquity of this translation, which is universally admitted to be the most antient of the Oriental ver^ sions *^'. That this version existed in its present mutilated fornix previously to the fourth century, I cannot be easily brought to conceive. The ex- travagant antiquity ascribed to it by the native Sy- rians '*^* and Orientalists '^\ is clearly entitled to no "" Walt, ut supr. § 8. p. 89. " Quod ad utilitatem hujus linguae spectat — addere licet, quod in ea extat vetustissima trari' slatio, Vet. Test, ex Hebraeo, et Nov. Test, ex GrcBco, qucB omnes post Christum factas antiquitate superat." Renaudot. ap. Le Long. Biblioth. Sacr. Tom. L p. i. cap. ii. p. 93. " Versfo Syra, qua vulgo Syri omnes ntuntur^ ex Hebraico facta est omniumque versionum Orientaliilm est antiquissimaJ" Conf. infr. n. '^\ *^* Walt. ibid. p. 90. § 15. " --Sionita in Psalm. Syr. ex Saodedo quodam episcopo Hadetbiensi, antiquo apud Syrds scriptore. Fatetur tamen ibidem Sionita, quorundam Syrorum sententiam esse, totam Vet. et Nov. Test. Versionem factam Juisse tempore S, Thaddan (quern Addcsum vacant) et reg.s Ab' gari; priorem vero sententiam probabiliorem judicat, quee raihi improbabilior videtur." ^^^ Abul-Pharai. Hist. Arab. p. 184. a Pocock.— " siquidem exemplar— quod Simplex appellatur, quia qui illud elaborarunt de ornatu verborum soliciti non fuerunt, convenit cum exera- plari Judffiorum. At Syri Occidentales duas habent versiones, simplicem illam quse e lingua Hebraica in S^riacam translata est post adventwn Domini Christi tempore Addcei Apostoli, vel juxta alios, ante eum tempore Salomonis filii David et Hirami ; et alteram figuratam juxta LXX seniorum interpretationem e lingua Grceca in Syriacam traduciam longo post Sakatoric incarnationetn.^* Dd ( 402 ) attention. So great a work as the translation of the whole Bible into the language of that people, must have been effected by labour and time. That part of the version which contains the Old Testament has been attributed to the Jews*^*; and the mere circumstance of this part of the canon having beeii the first that was translated, seems decisive of the fact. The christians possessed no knowledge of the Hebrew, from which this version was made ^*^ and were not €ven in possession of the original;, until the publication of Origen's Hexapla'^^. In '*+ Author. Synops. Nov. Bibll. Polyglott. p. 18. <* Syria duplex est Bibliorum versio, ex Graeco una facta est — ex He* braio altera — , Ebraica verba ita presse exprimit, ut a JudcEO potius quam ab homine Christian© profectam Juisse crediderim* Suspicor illam olhn in vsum Judmorum^ qui in synagogis sui& Ebraice et Chaldaice legebant, conditam fuisse, et ab his ob Chaldaicse et Syriacae dialectorum affinitatem ad Syros tran- siisse.'* Ap. Le Long. ibid. '*5 Vid. aupr. p. 401. n. ^^^» &c. It is mentioned by Euse- bius as a singular instance of the indefatigable diligence of Origen, who, according to the admission of the Pagans, was the most learned person of bis times, that he studied Hebrew j fid. supr. p. 213. n. ", '^^ Eusebius represents the possession of a copy of the He- brew Scriptures as peculiar to Origen ; Hist. Eccles. Lib. VL cap. xvi. p. 275. 1. 21. Toj» "EBfot^cc y7\.u'^a.}i iKi^u^tTu rds re tia^ toli *IbS«»ois" Efx^s^Ofxhaf WftS\o\v7i8f avroii *E^fci\uf rotx«*o'f Tpa^a?, x7r//xa i'^tov 'JioiriOaa'hoii. And St. Jeroai^ speaks of him as learning Hebrew contrary to the prejudice of his country ; S. Hier. Cat. Scriptt. Eccl. in Orig. Tom. I. p. 126. *' Et quod tantum in Scripturas divinas habuerit studii, ut Gtiam Hebraeam linguam contra cetatis gentisque suce naturam tdiscerct" ( 40S ) compiling this great work, in the third century, Origen probably made some use of the Syriack ver- sion, having frequently referred to it in his mar- gin '^^. In the fourth century, it is noticed by Euse- biu8, Basil, and Ambrose *^^ ; and is expressly quoted '^7 Montfauc. Praelimm. in Hexapl. Origen. cap. i § vii. p. 18. ** Samaritani et S^ri lectiones in marginibiis vetudissi* morum exemplarium quce Hexaplorum Jragmenta exhibenty per- Baepe observantur; Syri quidem in plerisque Scripturce libris $ Samaritani vero in Pentateucho tantum: — Cum autem illae Samaritani lectiones, non in vetustis codicibus tantum, sed €tiam apud patres quarti, quinfi, et sequent! um saeculorum occurrant, prohabile sane videtur ipsum Originem lectiones illas Samaritani in margine Hexaplorum posuisse. Idem porro dicen* dum de Si/ro, cujus interpretationes passim reperiuntur, in Genesi Exodo," &c. Whatever be considered protjable on this subject, it must be inferred, that this version, which is quoted in the Hexapla, was the Peshito, from its coincidence with the Hebrew ; vid. infr. d. '""K . '"^^ Walt. Prolegomm. in Bibll. Polygll. p. 91. ** Quicquid vero sit de hoc Hieronymi testimonio" (vid.supr.p. 897. n. *^^) certum est Syriacae versionis apud multos veterum Grascorum et Latinorum fieri mention em. Basilius Magnus Horn. 1. in Hex, ad Gen. i»2. ex Syro interprete nsmo exponit, . Ambrosius Hex. Lib. I. cap. viii. in eundem locum citat Syrum — Procopius in Exod. xxii. memorat Syrum vertisse * excutite, racuifacite,' cvc) « 2vfo«, quatido ( 404 ) out of the Old and New Testament, by Ephrcm, the Syrian '^9 In this century, of course, the transla- tion must havie been completed. But the difference of style existing' between the Gospels and the Acts and Epistles, renders it not merely probable that the translation was formed at different times ; but that the Gospels, as might naturally be conceived, were formed at a comparatively .early period. This sup- position is not merely confirmed by the peculiar character of the style, which is more pure than that of the Acts and Epistles, and bears internal evidence of greater antiquity ^"^"i but by the absence of Eusebius's sections, which cannot be supposed to have existed in the Palestine text, when the version of the Gos- ^cilicet amhorum interpretationes convejilimt, quod scepe contigit.*" The leai-ned authour, lb. § ix. p. 20. raises some objections to the notion of a Syriack version, from the Hebrew having ex- isted in this early age; which he deduces from the circum- stance of this version containing some Greek terms. But no- thing can be concluded from hence against the existence of the Syriack Vulgate at this period, as the Syriack language, in which it is written, abounds in Greek terms. In the following observation, he seems to answer his own objections on this point : Id. ibid. p. 20. ** Verum non desunt exempla alia quae Iiulc opinion! adversari videntur, ut est illud ex Didymo, Gen. viii. 7. 0 2y§os" 8% ofMoiojs r'^ *KXXriVJKYi* x/y" 7*Si * ixirir^t^s/ '^? Vid. supr. p. 25. n. *3* *'® Simon. Hist, des Vers. chap. xv. p. 187. " Au rePtft cette Version n'est pas tout-a-fait si simple dans les Epttres de St. Paul, que dans les Evangiles* Comme le stile, de ces Epi- tres est obscur et embarrasse, I'Interprete Syrien s'y est donne plus de libertc, s'eloignant quelquefois de son original. II s'emancipe des les premiers mots de PEpitre aux Romans," &c. 'Comp. Marsh. Michael. Vol. II. chap. vii. J. 8. p. 40.. ( 405 ) pels was made. AH these considerations taken to- gether^ claim for the first part of this version an antiquity not less remote than the third century. And this assumption is rendered more probable^ by many corroborating* circumstances. The establish- ment of the Palestine school under Origen excited a spirit of literary exertion among the Syrians at this period^ and directed their attention to biblical criticism '7*. With the declension of the Greek power in the East^ on the extension of the Roman conquests to the remotest bounds of the civilized ^vorld^ the authority of the Greek language simulta- neously declined '7*. The Syrians now began to cul- "' Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. VI. cap. xxx. p. 294. 1. 27. TZ ^\ 'n^»7£vi» sir* Tvq KctK7cx.fiia.s Ta avv^^vi TrpxTiovltf ttoXT^oI y.vpiot (poilr^cc) 'fay fral^Qa^ uTToT^i'Trovliq. — sj — t?5 TTfoJigaj- cTTrtfoJJj T>)r '^* The peculiar attention with which the natives of Pales- line and Syria cultivated Greek, may be collected from the writings of Justin Martyr, Tatian, Theophllus, &c. who wrote in that language. The principal writers among the Jews a» well as Christians, neglecting their vernacular tongue, devoted themselves exclusively to the cultivation of that language, as U apparent from the works of Josephus and Philo, who are sup- posed, particularly the latter, to have had very little knowledge of Hebrew or Chaldee. Bardesanes, in the second century, wrote in Syriack ; but to obtain his works a circulation in Pa- lestine, it was found necessary by his disciples to translate them, into Greek; Euseb. ibid. Lib. IV. cap. xxx. p. 194. 1.16 — lxuvu)T0il6f Tt? uvr)ff 'iv re TY) 'Lvocov ^cov^ ^laXziai'^uioaos^—^"-^ eixMytjf cTvrrioraiixsvoqf Tr) olxs/^ TiapB^ojKc y7^c!/r]r] rs x^ 7§a(p''J5f f^fla. xj 'K'Ki'ruv Iri^uv aini cvfy^xiJif^oiruf* «j ol yvufiixcn {'jr'KiTroi C 406 ) tivate tBeir native tongue, and one of the first efforts to give it a written existence, was employed in con- verting the best of books, into the vernacular lan- guage. Bui ihe peculiar character of that part of the version which was first formed, conveys a proof, which is at once demonstrative of its antiquity, and of its freedom from later corruption ; a prooi which is rendered decisive, by the wide and early disper- sion of this translation, which rendered its general corruption impossible '^^ From the extraordinary Tr,s lu^eov p.ila^i^'k'nitacat (pwvyjr. A like observation may be made on the works of Ephrem Syrus, who wrote in the fourth century ; S. Hier. Cat. Scriptt. Eccless. in Ephr. TonL I. p. 131. ** Ephraem, Edessenae ecclesiae diaconus, mulia Syro sermo?ie composuit : — Legi ejus de Spiritu Sancto volumen, quod quidam de Syriaca lingua verterat ; et acumen sublimis ingenii etiam in translatioue cognovi." As translations are rarely made into languages which are not more generally under- stood, than those in which the originals are written; these authorities very sufficiently evince the continuance of Greek in Syria, as low as the close of the fourth century. Towards the middle of the next century, matters assumed a different appearance ; the translation of the works of Ibas, Theodorit, Theodorus Mopsuestenus, Diodorus Tarsensis, &c. into Sy- riapk at this period, sufficiently declare, that this language had already begun to supersede the Greek: vid. supr. p. 344. n. ^'. A fevisal of the Syriack Version was consequently undertaken about this time by Poly carp, under the auspices of Philoxenus; probably with the view of extending the Eutychian heresy in Syria, for which purpose the original Version, which had been 60 long used by Paulianists and Arians, was little calculated ; vid. supr. p. 37L D. *". p. 346. n. ^ '^^ Walt. Prolegoram. in Bibll. Polyglott. Sect. xiii. § 3. p. 92. " Qui vero hac lingua [Syriaca] sacra sua celebrant; ut a doctiss. Brerewood recensentur, sunt; (1.) Maronita m ( 407 ) s^reement of the primitive Syriack version and the Greek Vulgate, we of course deduce a like conclu- Monte Libano. . Habent isti Maronitae Patriarcham, qui «edem Patriarchalem plerumque habet in monte Libano, ali- quarido in Tripoli ;* Scripturas vero'et cultum pubricum lingua Syriaca, sive Maroniticsi — lingua scilicet quaj olim omnibus Vulgaris et adhuc vicis quibusdam et pagis per montem Liba- num manet, — (2.) Nestoriani a Nestorio Heresiarcha olim dicti, — qui magnatn ;;ar/on Orientis — hodie occupant: nam praeter regiones Bahylonice, Assyrice, Mesopotamice, Partliiw et Medice, in quibus frequentes dcgunt, etiam longe lateque e parte Septentrionali ad Cathaiam, et ex Australi Indos versus propagantur, Patriarcham habent in Muzal ad ripas Tigridis in Mesopotamia. (3.) Jacobitce dicti a Jacobo Syro, — cujus sectatores multi hodie conspiciuntur in Syriam, Cyprum, Mesa- potainianiy Babylo7iiam, Palccstinam dispcrsi. Patriarcham ha- bent, postquam ab Antiochena jurisdictione se subduxerunt, cujus sedes est in urbe Caramit, antiqua Mesopotamiae metro- poli, qui se Patriarcham Antiochenum vocat. — (4.) Coptce vel Coptitae qui (in religione, Jacobitae) per JEgyptum in sacris linguam Syriacam usurpant. — (5.) Indi sive S. Thomse Chris* tiani. — (6.) Hisce tandem addendi Christiani, qui insnlam Zoco- toram extra sinum Arabicum inhabitant : utrum Jacobitae sint an Nestoriani variant autores.-- — Ex hoc calculo liquet prcc» cipuas per totum Orientem Christianorum Ecclesias, longe lateque propagatas, Scripturas et officia sacra lingua Syriaca legere et celebrare," &c. That a dispersion of the Syriack Vulgate thus wide must have taken place at an early period, is apparent from the history of the Syrian Church. The commercial intercourse maintained between Arabia and India, opened a communica- tion between those countries, through which numberless chris- tian settlers extended themselves along the coast of Malabar to the island of Ceylon. The banishment of the Nestorians, and the subversion of the school of Edessa, whither the Per- sians resorted to study, under the Emperour Zeno, probably tended to increase the number of emigrants, and to extend the Syrian heresies as far eastward as India : vid. Beth-Arsem. Ap. C 408 ) sion to that which has been already deduced from a similar agreement between the vulgar Greek and the primitive Latin translation *^^ From hence we must infer, that the original text, which corresponds with those most antient versions, must be nearly coincident with that from which these versions were at least formed in part^, in the primitive ages. Assem. Biblioth. Orient, in lb. § vli. Tom. I. p. 204. Hence Cosmas Indicopleustes, who visited this country about the year 530, speaks of the Indian coasts, from Malabar to Ceylon or Sielediva, as possessing christian churches ; a bishop at that time residing at Calicut, who acknowledged the Arch- bishop of Persia as his Metropolitan. Cosm. Indicopl. Lib. III. Ill Trt TocTrpo^stvY) vYiau iv rn tc-ulifo, 'IvJia iv^a, to '\vffiKOv weX»yo? Iri, iu ExxXtjcrta Xpirt^voJi' Wiv iv.iX x^ KXt^^txgi x^ •Trtroi, hk o\^a. c\ x^ Vicetnipu' oi/,oiui xj «?<; t^v "KiyofAitrtv M«^E, eV^a to ^rgTre^i y»»eT«t» iu iv Tri KaXjavat o« T^ itotXii[A,svv)f kui £w»o"xo7ro? £r*v ociFo Tlt^^iooi ^£»gOT«»a|M,£i'05. o/: \ id. supi*. p. \5h &c. ( 409 ) The testimony of those antient and separate wit- nesses, the primitive Latin and Syriack Versions, now bears down the scale with accumulated weight in favour of the Greek Vulgate^ which is confessedly supported by the uninterrupted testimony of tradition, for fourteen hundred years. Beholding the age of this text identified with the fourth century, by the concurring" testimony of manuscripts, versions, and fathers, let us, by a single glance of thought, con- nect that period with the times of the Apostles, and those in which we live. Let us consider the uni- formity which pervades the Manuscripts of every age, ascending from the present period to those times, and their coincidence with the writings of those Fathers, who flourished in the intervening ages. Having this positive proof of the integrity of tradition, for the whole of that period, in which the testimony of Manuscripts can be ascertained ; let us then follow up that of the authorised Ver- sions of the oldest Churches, which we are infallibly assured were received in the age where the testi- mony of Manuscripts fails. Supported by these vouchers, which carry us up to a remote and inde- finite period; let us consider the history of the ori- ginal text, for the period which remains unto the apostolical age. Let us estimate the possibility of its having been corrupted in the earliest ages ; of its having been sophisticated by Lucianus, who pro- fessed merely to transmit the vulgar text, and who possessed no authority to impose a sophisticated text jipon his contemporaries. Observing that St. Jerome attests the prevalence of l^uciaaus's text at the ^ery ( 410 ) period to which our demonstrative proofs of its in- tegrity extend *^^ ; let us then remember by how few links the chain of tradition is connected from the age in which he flourished to that in which the apostles wrote ; that the intervention of two persons connects the times of Athanasius with those of Ori- geUj and two more the times of Origen with those pf the Apostles. Finally observing, that amid the mass of evidence which has been adduced by mo- dem collatours against the vulgar edition, the co- incidences with this text are unnoticed, while the minutest deviations from it are sedulously noted down, let it be remembered, that every attempt to : impeach its general and doctrinal integrity, even in the most trivial points, has totally failed. With- out taking a comparative view of the hollowness of the system by which the rival text which is opposed to it is sustained, I conceive, that to make the just .inference which flows from these premises in favour of tjhe integrity of the Greek Vulgate, requires not so much a sound judgment as an honest mind. ' In closing the vindication of the Received Text, nothing more remains for its advocate, than to reply briefly to the charge of incompetency which has been urged against those by whom it was formed. The pedigree of this text has been traced by a few steps to prasmus'^*^; and a want of the most neces- '" Vid. supr. p. 71. &c. ''* Griesb. Pfolegomm. in Nov. Test. Sect. I. p. xxxiii, ': •* Liceat jam tribus verbis Recepti Textus genealogiam repe- ' tere. Editiones recentiores sequuntur Elseviriaoam, &c. ut supr. p. 1, n.:\ ( 411 ) sary helps to correct the text, of which it is con- ceived he was destitute, has been urged as a suffi- cient proof of the inefficiency of his attempt ^'7^ Of Manuscripts, it is said, he'kn^wUtde; having possessed none of those antient copies of which his successours have made so much use in amending the text •7^ Of Versions he was even more ignorant; having been wholly unacquainted with those of the Oriental and Western Church '79. And of Fathers he made little use, having merely fallowed Athana- sius, Nazianzen, and Theophylact, without being conscious of the valu^ of Clement, Origen, and Cy- ril's testimony, in correcting the text*^**. "' Id. ib. p. xxxiv. ** Erasmus vero textum, ut potuit, con- stituit e codicibus paucissimis et satis recentibus, omnibus subsi- diis destitutus, praeter versionem Vulgatani interpolatam,et scripta nonullorum, sed paucorum nee accurate editorum Patrum." *'3 Id. ibid. p. viii. " Omnibus psene subsidiis destituti fue- yu^t^ . Nam primo nullum habuerunt ex vetustissimis illis atque praestantissimis Codicibus, quorum excerptis nos janr gaudem.us, qui innumeris in locis genuinam lectionem exhibert, eamque contra recentiorum librorum futile testimonium for- tissime vindicant. '* , "» Id ibid. ** Deinde caruerunt Versionibus Orientalibus omnibus, Syriaca utraque, Persicis, Arabicis, Copticis, -^thi- opica, Armenica, ut Gothicam taceam et Slavonicam. Xatina certe usi sunt translatione, fateor: sed partim innumeris gra- vissimisque mendis corrupta, partim recentiore tantum ilia Vulgata, non vero longe praestantiore Antehieronymiana, quae Itald vulgo dicitur." »3^ Id. ibid. ** Denique caruerunt libris atque Commen- tariis Patrum Graecis plerisque, quorum summa est in re crir tica utilitas. Erasmus in secunda edition.e, Patrum scripta quibus usus est enumerans, Athanasium nominat, Naiianzenuia atque Theophylactum. Quanti vero roomen^i siut in crisi sacra ( 412 ) How far the want of those necessary helps to cor* rect the Greek text^ have occasioned the failure of Erasmus^ may, I conceive, be easily appreciated from the use which has been made of them by those who have succeeded him in that task. The merit of the Vulgar edition which he published, and of the Corrected Text, which M. Griesbach has edited, must be decided by the internal evidence : and with- out extending our attention beyond the three doc- trinal texts to which M . Griesbach has limited the lum of his important improvements, there is now little reason to doubt which of those candidates for praise is best entitled to our approbation. Had the late editour established the integrity of his text, in all other points, in which he has disturbed the received reading; there can be no room to question, (until the principles of common sense become as inverted as the theory of sacred criticism), that the advan- tages which the text would have gained from his corrections, would be more than counterbalanced by the disadvantages which it has sustained from his corruptions. But in this undertaking, I am free to conclude, until what I have advanced to the con- trary is refuted, he has totally failed. His system appears to be as unsound in theory, as it is deleteri- ous in practice. Among all the passages which have been examined, and which include the whole of those of any importance in which he has violated Clemens Alexandrinus, Origenes, Cyrillus uterque, aliiquc per- multi, vel tironibus, notum est. Quid igitur exspectari poterat ab editoribus Novi Testamenti qui tot subsidiis plane iiecc*su- riis destituerentur J** ( *13 ) the integrity of the sacred canon, he has not ad* duced a single witness whose testimony is admissi- ble^ while he has set aside numbers^ whose credit, I scruple not to assert, he was unable to impeach; Nor let it be conceived^ in disparagement of the great undertaking of Erasmus, that he was merely fortuitously right. Had he barely undertaken to perpetuate the tradition on which he received the sacred text, he would have done as much as could be required of him, and more than sufficient to put to sliame the puny efforts of those who have vainly laboured to improve upon his design. His extraor- xhnary success in that immortal work may be clearly traced to the wisdom of the plan on which he pro- ceeded. And little more is necessary than to follow him in his defence of that plan, in order to produce, in his own words, a complete refutation of the ob- jections on which he has been condemned; and a full exposure of the shallowness of those principles, on which his labours would be now superseded, by a different system of critical emendation. With respect to Manuscripts, it is indisputable that lie was acquainted with every variety which is known to us; having distributed them into two .principal classes, one of which corresponds with the y Complutensian edition, the other with the Vatican jnanuscript'*'. And he has specified the positive . *^' Erasm. Nov. Test. Prsef. [p. xviii.j ed. Basil 1546. -" Hie obiter illud incidit admoneudum, esse Graecorum quos- u3am Novi Testamenti Codices ad Latinorum exeniplaria emen- .datos. — Et nos olim in Jiujusmodi Codicem incidiaius, et talis adhuc dicitur adservari in b.il>lioiheca Potiiificicu-' Hoc eo vi- ( 414 ) rrotmcfs on ^Yhich he received the one arid rejected the other. The former was in possession of the Greek Church, the latter in that of the Latin ; judging from the internal evidence, he had as good gam est admonere, quod jam nunc quidam jactant se trecenta loca notasse ex Codice bibliothecce PontificicB, in quibus ille cou" sonat cum nostra Vulgata editione LafinOy cum mea dissonat. Quod si nos urgent autoritate Vaticanae bibliothecae, Codex tptem secufus est in Novo Testamento Franciscus Cafdinali^ quondam Toletanus, non modo fuit ejusdem bibliotheccey verum etiam a Leone X missus est, ut hoc veluti bonae fidei exemplar imitarent. Atque is pene per omnia consentit cum mea editionCf dissentiens ab eo quem nunc quidam nobis objiciunt majusculis descriptum liieri§. Ab illo enim dissentiat oportet, si consentit cum Vulgata Latinorum editione.'* In those two instances we have exemplars of the two principal Classes into which the Greek MSS. have been divided. That the MS. of the Pope's library, which is written in the large or uncial letter, and which agrees with the Latin Vulgate, can be no other than the celebrated Vatican MS. will not admit of a doubt, after turning to n. ^^ supr. p. 61. This MS. was examined for Erasmus by Paulus Bombasius, and has accordingly had some influence o» his edition ; vid. ^rasra. Apolog. ad. Jac. Stunic. Op. Tom. IX, p. 353. a. ed 1706. Birch. Prolegomm. in Nov. Test. p. xxii. The MS. which was sent by P. Leo X. to Cardinal Ximenes, as the exemplar of the Complutensian New Testament, is conceived to have _bi|en lost with the other MSS. used in compi ing that edition. The character of the text of this MS. is not only ascertainable from the Complutensian edition, but from a MS* preserved in the Bodleian library, (Laud. .2. noteJ by,M» Griesbach, God. 51.) which harmonizes with it in an extraor- dinary manner: vid. Mill. Prolegommi in Nov. Test. nn, 1092. 1437. As the Vatican MS. is of the Piilestine text, and the Complutensian Codex of the Byzantine ; Erasmus in being ac» qualnted with those texts seems to have possesised ample mate* dais for revising the New Testament. ( 415 ) reason to conclude the Eastern Churcli had not cor- loipted their received text, as he had grounds tosus^ pect the Rhodians, from whom the Western Church derived their manuscripts, had accommodated them to the Latin Vulgate'^*. One short insinuation which he hais thrown out, sufficiently proves, that his objections to these manuscripts lay more deep i and they do immortal credit to his sagacity. In the^ age in which the Vulgate was formed, the Church, he W2^s aware, was infested with Origenists and Ari- ans '*' ; an affinity between any nianuscript and that version, consequently conveyed some suspicion that its text was corrupted. So little dependance was he incHned to place upon the authority of Origenj *** Id. ibid. [p. xxi.] " Si Graecis in animb fuisset depra* vare Codices suos, his potissmum locis depravassent, in quibus a nobis dissentiunt, veluti de processione Spiritus, de aqualitate ilium Personarum, de Primatu Romani Pontificis, de ritu con- jSecrandi et tradendi baptismum et eucharistiani, de cbnjugio eacerdotum, aut si quidaliud est ejusraodi: at in his nobis con- sentiunt. Nee ullus locus proferri valet^ qui hoc nomine szis- pectus haleri possit. Ego magis suspicor, si quid mutatum est in Graecorum libris, id a Latinis exemplaribus fuisse pro- fectura, posteaquam Romana Ecclesia ccepit absorbere Grae» ciam. Nee tota divulsa est a nobis Grsecia: Rhodus et Creta Christum agnoscit, agnoscit Romanum Pontificem : cur horura libris diffidimus. Et ab his pot'issimum nobis veniunt exetU" plaria*J* ':■.-, '*' Id. ibid. ** Risit olim Helvidlum Hieronymus, qui sibi stultissime persuaserat, Grcecos codices esse corruptos : ac dic- tum hominis stultius esse piitat, quam ut sit argumentis reM- lendum. Et tamen jam tu7n Orietis Jerme omnis haeresibus for" vebat Arianorum et Origenistarum, Ab iis magis timendum erat exemplaj ibus, quam a schismaticis,** ( «6 ) who is the pillar and ground of the Corrected edition. With regard to VersionSj it is true he was unac- quainted with the antient Italick and later Oriental translations. But were the history of those versions known to the objectour^ I trust they woul^ be scarcely opposed to the system of one^ who was aware of the necessity of avoiding the contagion of the Arian and Origenian heresies. With the pri- mitive Italick and Syriack Versions he was unac- quainted ; but I yet remain to be informed, of what other use they could have been made, than to con- firm him in the plan which he had judiciously cho- sen. I have yet to hear of a single text which they could have led him to adopt, which is not found in his edition. His whole dependance was rested on the Greek and Latin Vulgate ; and if we may believe himself, he used some antient copies of the latter*^** Of these he made the best use : confronting their testimony, and estimating the internal evidence of *^* Erasm. ibid. [p. viii.] " Nos in prima recognitlone quatuor Graecis [Codd.] adjuti sumus : in secunda quinque j in tenia prseter alia accessit editio Asculana : in quarta, prsesto fuit Hispaniensis. Deinde consultis ium pe/vetustis turn emeri' datis aliquot Latince linguce volumhiibus : nec hoc contenti dis- cussis et exploratis probatissimis autoribus," &c. The follow- ing declaration, while it proves that Erasmus was not unduly influenced by the Latin Vulgate, seems to indicate that he was not unacquainted with the peculiar readings of the Old Italick version ; Id. ibid. [p. xi.] " Sunt in quibus nostra Vulgata. magis probatur editio, ant Amhrosiana lectio^ quam Grffici Co- dices. Et tamen consentientibus omnibus Graecis exemplari- bus, quoniam ilia mutare non lictiit Latina accomodavimus, n# non responderent, quum in hoc ipsum adderentur/* ( 417 ) the context with the external testimony of the East- ern and Western Churches, he thence ascertained the authentick text of Scripture *^^ A particular vindication of this part of his plan cannot be de- manded from me, who have advanced so much to prove, that it affords the only rational prospect of ascertaining- the primitive or genuine text of the New Testament; whatever aid may be derived from other versions and texts '^^ in defending con- tested readings. '^5 Id. ibid. " Scio res sacras reverenter ac religiose tractan- das, et idcirco licet in infima functione versantes, tamen omni quia licuit circumspectione sumus usi. Contulimus utriusque li?i' gu(£ vetustissimos ac ])^obatissimos Codices , nee eos sane paucos. Excusissimus veterum ac recentiorum Commentarios, turn Gr£e- cos turn Latinos. Observavimus quid diversi legant. Pensi- tavimus ipsius loci sententiam, atque ita demura pronunciavi- mus quidem, sed lectorera admonuimus, suum cuique judicium liberum relinquentes. ^^^ The want of the Syriack Version, and of pure copies of the Latin Vulgate, has been objected as essential defects to Erasmus, in revising the text of the New Testament. As both were used by Lucas Brugensis, together with the Greek, in correcting the text of the Latin Version ; and his corrections are subjoined to the Bible of Sixtus V, ed. Antw. 1681 : a comparison of Erasmus's readings with the Corrections of L, Brugensis, p. 8L will best illustrate how far the former has failed, from the want of those antient versions. I shall subjoia a short specimen of texts from the first ten chapters of St. Mattl^w, in which Erasmus and Lucas Brugensis agree with the Greek Syriack and old copies of the Vulgate, against the authority of the modern copies v/hich contain the Received Text of the Romish Churches. Matt. iii. 10. excidetur — mit- tetur. Vulg. exciditur — mittitur. Erasm. Brug, lb. iv. 6. man- davit. Vulg. mandabit. Erasm, Brag, Ibid. \Q. umbrae, Vulg. E e ( 418 ) In using* the testimony of antient Fathers^ it ap- pears never to have entered his conception, that any utihty could be derived from collating them verba- tim with the text of Scripture. Before the labours of modern criticks, the monks of Upper Egypt and Palestine, who divided their time between this pro- fitable employment, and the perusal of Origen's speculative theology, w ere probably the only per- sons who ever engaged in this interesting pastime. Of the value of the works of those early writers, in ascertaining and vindicating the doctrinal integrity of the text, no man was more conscious than Eras- mus. With this view he read over the works of the principal writers and commentatours'^^ ; be- queathing the task of collating their quotations with the text of Scripture, to his more dull and diligent successours. With what effect he engaged in such an office, those who are curious to be informed, will best ascertain, by examining the text which he has published. The advocates of the Received Text have little to apprehend from a comparison w ith the Corrected Text, by which it is now supposed to be wholly superseded. In all those passages in which et umbra. Erasm. Brii^. lb. v. 24. reconciliari. Vulg. recou- ciliare. Erasm. Bnig. Ibid, offercs. Vtdg, oft'ei*. Erasm, Brug» •lb. vi. 22. corporis tui — oculus tuus. Vulg, corporis — oculus. Erasm. Brug, Ibid. 33. quaerite ergo. Vtilg. queerite autem, Erasm. Brug. lb. viii. 9. constitutus. Vulg. deest. Erasm. Brug, Vid. Erasm. mi. in 11. '2^ Vid. supr. p. 417. n. '^5^ Erasm. ibid. [p. xvili.] *' Illud potius spectandum quid legerint veteres Graeci, Origenes, Atha- nasius, Basiiius, Gregorius Nazianzenus, Chrysostomus, Cyril- lus, ac Theophylactus,'* &c. ( 419 ) the integrity of the sacred text has been defended, the vindication of Erasmus's text is inseparable from that of the vulgar edition *^^ It is notj however^ my intention to assert^ that I conceive the text of Erasmus absolutely faultless '^' but with the exception of some places^ in which the reading of the Greek Vulgate has not been preserv- ed'^''^ I know not on what authority we might ven- *^^ In those passages (Jf which a vindication has been offered, ^ supr. p. 239. sqq. p. 251. sqq. p. 372. sqq. p. 380. sqq. p. 358. n. ^». p. 359. n. ^°°. p. 36 J. n. '°\ p. 390. n. '^'. the Received Text follows the reading of Erasmus's edition. *^' As the MSS. which contain the Byzantine text are gene- rally coincident in their readings, vid. supr. p. 118. n. *^ p. 126. n. '^°. it is little wonderful that Erasmus, having made choice of that text, should have published an edition, which corresponds with the text which has been since discovered to prevail in the great body of Greek manuscripts. But as every manuscript has some peculiar readings, it can be no less extra- ordinary, that some phrases should have been admitted by Eras- mus into his text, though destitute of the support of the gene- rality of manuscripts. These, however, are so few and inconside- rable, as to be scarcely deserving of notice. After some search after those which are retained in the Received Text, the fol- lowing are the only instances of interpolations, which I have been enabled to discover in the Gospels; Mat. xii. 35. tJJj xag^/fltf. Mar. iv. 4. re «^av2. lb. vi. 44. uitrsl* lb. xvi. 8. rxx^' lb* X. 20. iAoi»>ov. Joh. XX. 29. ©w/xa : to which we may add the following instances of mere expletives ; Mat. iv. 18. 0 'l»5o-y?. lb. viii. 5. TO/ Ijja^S. ^J). xiv. 19. *^* lb. xxv. 44. avra, Luc. iv. 8. yocq. ^^^ Several readings of this kind have been admitted by M, Mattha^i, into his edition of the New Testament, on the autho- rity of the Moscow MSS. They are generally prevalent in the uncial MSS. which contain the vulgar Greek, and ai'e cou- jBtantly supported by the following authorities, Byz, PaL ^g^ ( 420 ) tiire to correct it. The Egyptian and Palestine texts haye been so often convicted of errour, in points where the Byzantine text admits of the fullest defence^ that their testimony^ when opposed to the vulgar Greeks cannot be entitled to the smallest attention '^'. And when the verbal integrity merely It, 1. Syr, 1. The principal Greek MSS. in which they are founel, are the Alexandrine, Cyprian, Vatican, and Moscow, which are designated by the letters A, K, S, Mt. V: tliey like- wise occur in the MSS. marked F*, G, H, Mt. B, H. in those marked B, C, D, L. and may be generally traced to the writings of St. ChrysoStome. There can be little doubt that those read- ings possess great antiquity ; but we must not necessarily infer that they are genuine. It is not impossible that they may have originated in the edition of Eusebius ; thai they may have been thence retained in the revisal of St. Athanasius; and have thus maintained their place in the Byzantine text, when that text was restored at Constantinople under Nectarius and St. Chry- sostome, who succeeded to the government of the Byzantine Patriarchate, on the suppression of the Arian party. The in- fluence of St. Athanasius and St. Chrysostome will suffici- ently account for their reception in the Italick and Syriack translations, on which it is certain the text of Eusebius had some influence ; as must be collected from the omission of some remarkable passages in those translations which are omitted in the text revised by Eusebius. Conf. supr. p. 98. n. *°^ p. 92. n. ^°'. And this notion, it may be observed by the way, is strengthened by conformity of the Alexandrine MS. and the Syriack Version. Conf. supr. p. 224-. n. '°. p. 350. n. ^^ Whatever opinion b^ formed of those readings, which generally consist in peculiarities which can be only expressed in Greek, they are scarcely worth contesting; as Ihey may be retained or rejected from the Received Text, without affecting the Authorised Version, which we are principally concerned in defending. Vid. infr. pv 424?, n. ^^\ .*^* A number of those texts,' which are supported almost ( 421 ) of the sacred text is concerned, no one, it is pre- sumed, will set the testimony of Versions and Pa^ thers in competition with that of the vulgar edition. I am well aware, that many manuscripts of reputed antiquity exist, which contain the Byzantine text, and yet differ from the Received Text set forth in the printed edition '^^ ; but numberless circumstances prohibit our correcting it on their authority. Nothing' can be more fallacious than the criteria by which the age of Greek manuscripts is in general determined*^'. To be written in the large or un- exclusively by the MSS. marked B, C, D, L, have been admitted by M. Griesbach into his Corrected Text; and tliey are among the most exceptionable of his emendations. '^^ Such are the MSS. marked A, K, S, Mt. V. &c. enume- rated in n. '^°. which sometimes differ from the great body of MSS. containing the Greek Vulgate, and at the same time co- incide with those containing the Egyptian and Palestine edi- tions. In this case, their testimony, though supported by other uncial MSS. is but of little weight, when set against that of the vulgar edition, for the reasons already specified: vid. supr. n. ^^°. **^ From this sentence, the Alexandrine, Vatican, and Cam- bridge MSS. are of course excepted; as.possessing claims to a remote antiquity, which cannot be reasonably disputed. It has been indeed urged, as an argument against the first of those MSS. that it approximates to the Arabick orthography in inserting the letter po in cert-ain words, contrary to the idiom of the Greek laniruage. It is difficult to answer this objection until we are acquainted with the extent to which it may be urged. If I am not wholly deceived, it is confined to instances like the following, which are noted by Dr. Woide in his various readings : Mar. xii. 4-0. Luc. xx. 47. ^';?iw,4'0^/aj. Job. v. 43. ?.y,lxA^Bo-^at. lb. xvi. 14, 15. X'^/x^./Jau lb. xvi. 24. Act. i. 8. ii. 38. ^r.ij^EjBe^ &c. But I apprehend we need not go beyond ( 423 ) cial character, without accents or spirits^ is am6ng the most decisive mai'ks of antiquity. But I would the Greek radical to an Arabick root for a solution of this diffi- culty. That /« is retained in >,r.-^{lai, AryJ/Eo-Si, ^^rj/ovlai, I con- ceive is simply owing to its being found in XufM^oivu ; which was regularly/ inflected with the characteristick, fji. ; >Afji0uttf, \ym." iJ/o/>tat, >^i'^rnji.(pu. Whether this mode of inflexion was peculiar to the fourth century, or to the city of Alexandria, there is un- fortunately no person alive to inform us. It is certainly not peculiar to the Alexandrine MS. since it prevailed in the Cot- ton Genesis ; as appears from the fragments of that most an- cient MS. which yields to no other in point of antiquity, when those are excepted which have been dug out of Herculaneum. The following instances will exemplify the above assertion ; Gen. XV. 24. T^r.^j.-^o^otu lb. xviii. 4. 7^vii/.(p%Tu, Ibid. 5. ^^/x- -^oyLOU, lb. xix. 17. (rv(x'rrcc^a,'hritJ^(p^ric. lb. xxi. 30. 37. 38. 40. >.Y,lA.-^vi. Vid. Walt. Bibll. Polyglott. Tom. VI. tract, xi. With respect to some other objections which have been urged against the antiquity of the Alexandrine MS. which are merely de- duced from its orthography, they admit of as easy an answer. The movers of these objections would do well to establish a criterion, in the first place, by which we may judge of the orthography of the fourth century; before they proceed to condemn a MS. as modern, which does not happen to accord with their notions respecting it. If we may judge of the Greek by other languages, its orthography could not have been fixed until a late period, and was then the work of grammarians. This supposition is fully confirmed by the antient inscriptions, which contain the only certain monuments of antient orthogra- phy within our reach; but which vary from themselves in num- berless instances. Vid. Gruter. Thesaur, Inscriptt. Apend. cap. xix. ed. 1516. Before some standard of language is established by the publication of a Dictionary, it is vain to look for uniform mity in the orthography of any nation. Among the Greeks the search must be preposterous, as the want of a knowledge of printing obliged them to employ a number of young persons of both sexes as copyists, besides scribes, who took down \i:ha.iym, K. S. V. &c. lb. ix. 1 7. a/A^oTsp. Rec. «/>o(por£^&<. K. G. V. &c. Ibid. 18. IxSwv. Rec. ilarB>.^up. K.E. V. &c. Ibid. S6. lK-Kt>.v^im, Rec. la-y.vXiA.ivoi. K. G. S. Ib.X. 8. aett^h? y.cK.^xp((sTe, vsx^ii, tysipfls. Rec. vitcphi; lyvfilsy ^e^rpiJ? xaSapi^sTE. K. S. V, &C. Ibid. 28. ly.a.XiCuv — oly.nxy.iiq. Rec. iTrey.ciXsaav — ol-Knay.iie. K. S. V. &C. Ibid. 28. 31. cpo^r.^^.TB. Rec. (po^eTa^i. K, S. V. &c, lb. xi. 16. tt^.sV giOK. Rec. wrai^toK. K. S. V. &C. '^8 Vid. supr. p. 310. sqq. ( 426 ) on the worst, any advantage which would arise from a change, would be more than counterbalanced by the disadvantages of innovation. ■ But that the Greek Vulgate merits this character, is a point which will not be readily conceded by its defenders : and the advocates for an improved edition have infinitely more to advance in favour of their schemes of emen- dation, than they have been hitherto able to urge, before we can assign their Corrected Text the smallest authority. It is sufficient for us, that all their attempts to invalidate the integrity of the Re- ceived Text, in any point of the smallest importance^ have proved wholly abortive. The same plea will not be easily estabhshed in favour of the text which they have undertaken to advocate. If I am not greatly deceived, the corruption of this text may be not only demonstrated, but traced to the source in which it has originated. If this undertaking be practicable, as I trust it is, it must add the greatest weight to the authority of the Greek Vulgate : as it will annihilate the force of every objection which can be raised to the Received Text, from the oppo- sition of a rival edition; and by affording an ade- quate opportunity of vindicating the tradition of tlic Church, from every suspicion of corruption, add the last confirmation to that system, by which the autho- rity of the Received Text has been defended. SECTION VI. xHE plenary concession that the Byzantine text has preserved its integrity for fourteen hundred years^, leaves the unwarrantable assumption^ that it was corrupted in the earliest ages^ entitled to very little respect'. Were we destitute of proof on this subject, the bare probabilities of the case would be decisive of the point at issue : the task of proving the corruption of the Greek Vulgate, would at least devolve on those by whom the charge was urged. The avowed advocate of the Palestine text was fully aware, how necessary it was to the esta- blishment of his theory, that he should succeed in substantiating this charge against it. Having li- mited the corruption of the vulgar text to a period, in which it is impossible it could have remained undiscovered, had it more than a visionary exist- ence*, he believed the task was only to be attempted ' Comp. p. 348. n, ^i. pp. 334, 335, nn. '^ et ". * The origin of the Byzantine recension, which M. Gries- bach considers a corruption of the primitive text, is referred by him to the close of the fourth, the fifth, and the following century ; cpnf. supr. p. 348. n. «'. p. 12G. n. '^°. Of the whole range of ecclesiastical history, this is the period of which ws ( 428 ) in order to be achieved. His promises on this sub- ject stand recorded by his own hand^; what he has offered us in place of a performance,, stands attested possess the most full and explicit documents ; Ganier. Praef. In. Liberat. Diac. § ix. Scio scccula duoj quintmn sexfumgiie fera- cissima fuisse scriptormn, qui res easdem, quas Liberatus, me- moriae mandarint. Historiam confecermit praeter nomina- tissimos tres, Theodoretum Sozomenum et Socratem, Priscus Panites sub Theodosio juniore, Joannes -i^^^geates sub Zenone, et Candidus Isaurus sub Zenone, Eustathius Syrus sub Anas- tasio, Theodorus lector sub Justino seniore, Joannes rhetor, Basilius Cihx, et Zacharlas rhetor sub Justiniano, aliinue quo- rum meminerunt Evagrius Theophanes et Nicephorus priorum defioratores." That the writers of this period would not have been withheld by tender scruples from publishing a fact like that under review, if it had any existence, must be evident from the statement of the Palestine monks, who brought the charge of sophisticating the writings of the fathers, against thoge who engaged in the controversies of the Nestorians and Eutychians; vid. supr. p. 32G. n. "^ We accordingly fmd that Liberatus, whose prejudices certainly lay towards the party of Nestorius and Theodorit, [vid. Garner, ibid. § iii.] mentions a report, which was propagated, that Macedonius had corrupted the celebrated text, 1 Tim. iii, 16. A more convenient opportunity will occur hereafter, to examine how far this charge is founded in truth. As there is therefore no dearth of historical informa- tion at the period, to v.^hich M. Griesbach has fixed the cor- ruption of Scripture ; this single instance will fully demonstrate, that there was no disposition to suppress even a report on this subject, which had the smallest foundation in probability. 3 Griesb. Nov. Test. Praef. p. xv. ed. 1777. ** Nolumus enim Critices Sacrse theoriam hie delineare id quod alio loco commodius fieri poterit." Id. ibid. n. *. " Primas hujus The- oriae lineas duxi in ' Curls meis in historiam Textus Epistola- rum Paulinarum Gracci' quarura specimen prius nuper Jenge 1777. 4. \)\'odiit, postcrius ?nox sequdur*'* ( 429 ) by the same voucher* His acknowledged incom- petence to substantiate his pointy consequently ren- ders the defence of the Greek Vulgate complete ; since this text, v/hich is amply supported by posi- tive proofs, is wholly unaffected by positive excep- tions. But the matter at issue must not be suffered to rest on these grounds. However defective the ad- vocates of the Alexandrine text have found their materials, in proving the corruption of the Byzan- tine; we find no such deficiency in returning the compliment on the Egyptian and Palestine. The corruptions of these texts, if I am not altogether deceived, may be clearly demonstrated, and traced to the very source from whence they have origi- nated. In prosecuting this object, the testimony of Origen may be wholly disposed of; and his evi- dence, which has been hitherto used to support the Palestine text, may be effectually employed to de- stroy its credit. If this object be attainable, as I conceive it is, it will annihilate the pretensions of the Palestine text, which, we have already seen^ is * Id. Symbb. Crltt. Prjcf. [p. xiv.] " Sed ingenue fateor, deesse mihi adhuc subsidia nonnulla, quibus carcre non potest, qui discrimina non solum ac indolem, sed, quod difficilius est, historiam etiam, origincs ac vicissitudines Recenaionum vete- rum omnium ita declarare vult, ut asserta sua pcvitis arbitris probaturum se esse sperare baud immerito qucat." The de- clining confidence' of our authour at length falls to the ground, and in his last declaration he states ; *' Origo rarianim textvs Nov. Test, recensionum^ deficientibus docunientis satis vetustis ac testimoniis, histon'ce dedari nequ-it,'* &c.- ut supr. p. 337- C 430 ) destitute of positive support from those who hare affected to uphold it. From what has been already adduced on the his- tory of the inspired text^ and the connected testi- mony of tradition^ it is apparent, that the received or vulgar text, as preserved by the orthodox, could not have undergone any considerable change from the apostolical age to the times of Origen ^ Some verbal errours probably arose in particular copies' from the negligence of transcribers^; but the testi- mony of this antient father, places it beyond all doubt, that at the period when he lived, the general integrity of the text had remained uncorrupted. His silence on this subject might be construed into a proof somewhat stronger than presumptive : the nice attention which he bestowed on the Septua- gint, renders it next to impossible, that any corrup- tion of the New Testament could have escaped his observation, if it really existed. He speaks, it is true, of a difference existing in the copies of his times ^. But this opinion he offers merely as a con- ^ Vid. supr. p. 123. sqq. p. 207. sqq. •* Origen notes some variations of this kind ; Comment, in ]Mat. Tom. III. p. 532. C. d. 5 y.h av Mar-Saros WETroj^jxs y.uTa. 7kv» Tuv uvnypd^uv to* * tots ^»ErE»^aTo' Wsov /ixsj'Tot oVt rmcc ruv uvnyfoiipuv tuv xctru MocTBaTov 'i^si t©, * swsTi/xjjafv.' Conf. lb* p. 588. b. p. 597. d. But from these examples, and all others that I have observed, I cannot see how it can be concluded, that Origen found these variations in the received text : as he indiscriminately quotes, in his Commentaries, from the copies vised by the hereticks as well as the orthodox ; vid. supr. p. 330. n.'^^ conf. infr.p. 431. n. '°. ^ Orig. ibid. p. 671* t» twl ^t ^tj^o^ot* woXX-w ysyoviv w rut { 431 ) Jeciure^ grounding it on the diversity observable in the accounts which the different Evangelists give of the same incident*; and it occurs in a work which is of very little authority^ as written while Origen's opinions were far from settled^ or deserving of any attention''. His opinion must be taken from a different part of his writings; and in his last and greatest work he explicitly states, that he knew of no persons but the followers of Marcion and Valentinus, who had corrupted the Scriptures '". As this is the latest opinion which he has delivered on this subject^ it must be taken as his definitive sentence. To some period subsequent to the asra of Origen, we must consequently fix the first change which took place in the received text of Scripture. And d)iny^x.KTq x. T. s« Conf. p. 671.a. b. » Vid. supr. pp. 367, 368. et nn. in loc. " Orig. contr. Cels. Lib. II. cap. xxvii. Tom. I. p. 411. bt //.Blocy^a^cc^GcyloiS Is to Kvxfyi'kiov aAA«? ax ol^a, -'; rnq dvh M«p- hiyofA-tvoy « Ttf Xoyn Ir^iv 'iynXriiAO,' aXKa. ruM To7.ur,advlcov pa^tu^m y^aaci ra zvocTyiXioc. Conf. D. Bull. Defens. Fid. Nic. Sect. 11. cap. ix. § 2. p. 06. ( 432 ) of such a change we have an explicit account^ iit the statement which is transmitted of the editions published by Hesychius and Lucianus": against which^ a charge has been preferred by St. Jerome, that they were interpolated, at least in the Gos- pels'^ Whatever may have been the alterations which Lucianus and Hesychius introduced into the sacred writings, they must be clearly attributed to the in- fluence of Origen's writings. Previously to his times, the inspired text had undergone no altera- tion ; and they revised it not many years subsequent to the publication of his Hexapla. As he had la- boured to supersede the authorised version of the Old Testament, he contributed to weaken the au- thority of the received text of the New. In the course of his Commentaries, he cited the versions of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion, on the former part of the Canon *^ he appealed to the au- thority of Valentinus and Heracleon ^^ on the latter. '* Vitl. snpr. p. 72. n. "7. '* Vid. supr. p. 100. n. **°. *^ The following comparative character of these versions, and the vulgar text, is given by Origen, who constantly quotes the former in his Commentaries ; Comment, in Joan. Tom. IV. p. 141. b. TO ^i 'o[ji,oiov TTEpt rd oiiofA(iia, Gi^acXfAO. HoXkoL'/ja Ta tiot^a TOK utliyfo^ois avruv rot riyiin^ot cvyy.pivaflsc, [xoc^up'/i'^£i(7iv J'K'o toJv Conf. infr. n. '\ ** Heracleon followed Valentinus ; and many of the errourst of those writers, whose opinions are examined by Origen in his Commentary on St. John, were adopted from Apocryphal ( 433 ) While he thus raised the credit of those revisals, which had been made by the hereticks, he detracted from the authority of that text which had been re- ceived by the orthodox. Some difficulties which he found himself unable to solve in the Evangelists, he undertook to remove^ by expressing his doubts of the integrity of the text. In some instances he ventured to impeach the reading of the New Tes- tament on the testimony of the Old *^ and to con- vict the copies of one Gospel on the evidence of another '^ : thus giving loose to his fancy, and in- dulging in many wild conjectures^ he considerably books : Orig. Comment, in Joan. Tom. IV. p. 66. b. Biawi ^} hsuvx ^inyafASvov TO* * vetvla. St awrS tyitelo' k. t. I. Conf. ibid, p. 117. e. Id. ibid. p. 226. woXy ^i Wi-v vvv va^xTf^esrBxt t5 'H^ayJ\euvoi; Ta pTrt utto tS Iw»y£y^a/w,ft6i'» ' TJeTfH Kn^vyfjkuloi* *s Id. Comment, in Matt. Tom. III. p. 747. c. y.(\a. ruVrec l^'^oiffa^iv i^ TO* * na-avvot ru vtu Aoc^to, evMyvnAsvof o IfxpyLsyo^ iv i»o(jt.otli Kvpitf, ua-avva, h Tor? v-i^iroi<;* . 'htu h f^ eix^v v) 'E^poiUh XeIk* otvv» o(.^m»i wamnoiv, uvvoc u^uvxX' occrui' uvuot /3a^a;jj u$$cic^ £voc,fy&\ici fA.r) tl^oTuv rriv ^'taXsxIov avyxsy^va^oci Iv toT$- xalx tov TOTTOV— — . £1 ^t TO «>j^i/3e? ^a^£i iJi,aBeTii t?? >.i^tu<; ukus AKvXtt i^lAV)»ivcypt£ cuxrov orj, u Si xv^te evu^uffop ^^, »vAoy»5/A«vo$ 0 l^p^o/Aij'o? Ev ovo/xali xvfla, *® Id. ibid. p. 671. b. t^ bI (abv (/.tj xJ ve^) aT^TiVV Trt^Tiuv ^Kt^affe$ 9)9 wpi? aXX»jXa ruv a.v\iyfu(puvy ai^e ra 7rav7a ra, xalx J^ul^aXov vt? E^olsy Etvat 0 v'ffovouv iviav^a, TF^oa-epp'KpBai, «x sl^9ifji.e»riv v'jro t5 £«T?§05 »go? Tor w^»c^»o» Tnr * ayxvijctt^ To» Tr^eo-ioi' «rtf *•? crsairh* Ff ( 434 ) rrripaiiTd the credit of the vulgar or common edition^ as well in the New as in the Old Testament. The object at which Lucianus and Hesychius aimedj in the different revisals which they published of Scripture^ was obviously to remove the objections to which the received text was exposed by the cri- tical labours of Origen. On this task, however, they entered with very different views : the atten- tion of Lucianus having been principally directed to the Old Testament, while that of Hesychius was chiefly employed on the New. The terms in which the text of Lucianus is men* tioned, as being; identical with the vulgar edition *% very clearly evince, that the received text was re- published by this learned father, with little altera- tion. As he is principally mentioned as a reviser of the version of the Old Testament '^ and as Ori- gen's critical labours particularly affected that part of the sacred canon ^'^ it is more than probable that his emendations were confined to it alone *°. At " Vid. supr. p. 88. n. ^^ '^ Ibid. • '^ Orig. ibid, p, 671. c. tJjv [Ay h* tv ror? avliy^u^oif xriS va.Xaiu.f lf.iVQi TocVq >.oifrccT<; \y.}d<7iaiv, x.r.t. This observation is immedi- ately subjoined to that quoted sujir. n. *^ on the difference of the copies of the Gospels. Origen, in continuation, explainss the method which he pursued in correcting the Septuagint. Conf. supr. p. 432. nn. '^ et '\ ^ The following description of the vulgar edition of the Sep- tuagint is given by St. Jerome ; Prooem. in Lib. xv. Comm. Is. Tom. IV. p, .185. h, " Denique omnes Graeciae tractatores qui nobis eruditionis suae in Psalmos commentarios reliquerunt : ( 435 ) the early period in which he wrote, the Sepiuagliit only lay under the imputation of being corrupted*'; and no possible reason can be assigned which could induce hint to tamper with the New Testament. He must be clearly acquitted of the charge of yield- ing undue submission to the authority of Origen, as he rejected the corrected text of the Septuagint inserted in the Hexapla, and repubhshed the com- bos verslculos [Rom. iii. 13 — 18.] veru annotant atque praete- reunt: liquido confitentes, in Hebraico non haberi, nee esse ifi LXX interpretlbus, sed i?i editione Vulgata, quae Graece y-tuvh dicitur, et in toto orbe diver sa est,*' It appears from this re- mark, that Ps. xiv. 4. was interpolated with Rorh. iii. 13-^18. in order to verify St. Paul's references in the latter place to the Old Testament; his quotations having been not easily found, as taken from the following places, Ps. v. 10. cxl. 3. x. 7. Is. lix. 7. Conf. Orig. Coram, in Rom. Tom. IV. p. 505. and S. Hier. ibid. The following observation, which must be referred to Ruffinus, rather than Origen [vid. Ruffin. Prsef. in Epist. ad Romm. ap. Orig. Tom; IV. p. 458.] warrants us in believing, that Lucianus's corrections extended to removing those mani- fest corruptions ; while his undertaking to republish the vulgar text, proves that they could have extended to little more. Orig. Comm. in Rom. Tom. IV. p. 504. d. " Illud etiam ne- cessario ducimus admonendiim, qiiod in nonnullis Latinorum ea quae siibsequuntur testimonia in tertio decirao Psalmo conse- quenter ex integro posita inveniuntur : in Gravis aiitem poene omnibus non amplius in decimo tertio Psalmo quam usque ad ilium versiculum, ubi scriptum est ; * Non est qui faciat bonum, non est usque ad unum.*' In the terms, " Graecis autem p^sne cmnibus," the Greek Vulgate is plainly intimated ; in the phrase *' inveniuntur — non amplius, Sfc.'* the correction of that edition is as plainly implied. As the Vulgate was the text which Lu- cianus revised, we have here a plain example of the manner in which he formed his revisal. " Vid. supr. n. *°. Ff2 ( 436 ) mon edition. Setting aside the authority of Origcn, there seems to be no conceivable cause by which Lucianus could have been swayed in corrupting the text. Nor can he be convicted on this head, by the testimony of St. Jerome, who declares that his text was interpolated. As it appears, on the testimony of this antient father, that Lucianus's text prevailed at Byzantium in the age when he wrote "% where it has demonstrably prevailed to the present day *' ; we have only to compare the Byzantine text with the Latin version of St. Jerome, in order to discover the passages """^^ against which his censure is chiefly di- rected. There is thus little difficulty in vindicating Lucianus from the charge of corrupting the Scrip- tures ; and little more in tracing the errour under which St. Jerome laboured to the source from whence it arose. A slight inspection of the passages in which the Byzantine text differs from the Latin Vulgate, will convince any unprejudiced person, that they are such as the orthodox must have been led, by their principles, to exclude from a place in the authorised edition, had they been corrections of Lucianus. They include some passages which wxre favourite texts employed by the Arians, in " Vid. siipr. p. 72. n. K *' Vid. supr. pp. 71. 88. sqq. ** Vid. supr. pp. 151. 160. The principal passages in •which the Greek and Latin Vulgate difter, may be seen at a view, on turning to the quotations in pp. 374—377. p. 390» n. '*'. and on comparing the quotations pp. 380 — 385. with the remarks p. 396. n. '". In these references the Greek Vulgate is denoted by Bi/z, or Vvlg, the Latin Vulgate by It, 3. ( 437 ) sapporting their opinions against the Catholicks *' ; it is of course inconceivable, that in the age subse- quent to that in which Lucianus pubHshed his edi- tion, the Catholicks would have allowed them to retain their place in the text, unless they undoubt- edly believed them authentick. They include some other passages relating to the mystick doctrines of revelation, which the prejudices of the age pre- vented the orthodox from divulging to those who were not regularly initiated in their sacred myste- ries *^ If it is conceived, that such passages could have been invented by Lucianus, which is a notion that is exposed to many obvious objections *7; con- *' Such are Mat. xix. 17- Mar. xlii. 32. Luc.xxli. 43, 44-. Job. V. 3, 4. Act. XV. 28. supr. p. 372. sqq. besides Mar. xvl. 9—20. Job. viii. 1—11. ^ Such are not only Act. xx. 28. 1 Tim. iii. 16. 1 Job. v. 7. Col. ii. 4. supr. pp. 253. 276. but Luc. xi. 13. xxii. 43, 44. Job. V. 3, 4. Act. viii. 37. supr. p. 377. sqq. and Mat. vi. 13. Luc. xi. % 4, &c. ut supr. p. 380. A more convenient opportunity will hereafter occur of speaking at large on this subject. *^ The Arians have laid claim to Lucianus, as an advocate of their peculiar opinions ; Epiph. Haer. lxix. p. 730. d. But this was merely an artifice, similar to that by which they endea- voured to prove Origen and Dionysius Alexandrinus, of their party ; vid. S. Athan. de Sentent. Dionys. Tom. I. p. 243. c. The orthodoxy of Lucianus has been fully vindicated by Bp. Bull, on the express testimony of the ecclesiastical historians ; vid. Def. Fid. Nic. Sect. II. cap.xiii. § 4. p. 144. sqq. It is indeed true that Lucianus agreed with the Arians in rejecting or omitting the term oixoio-tof, in his confession of faith; and on these grounds the hereticks founded their claims to him, as a partizan of their notions. But the Creed of Lucianus, which they produced in defence of their errours, contains a full vin- dication of that martyr, as it proves, that however he rejected th© ( 438 ) siderable difficulties must still attend the suppo- sition, that they would be admitted into the cano-r nical text of Scripture; particularly in an age, when reproach must have been brought on the only party whom they could serve, by adversaries who were as able as they were willing to expose an attempt of that nature. The charge urged by St. Jerome against Luci^ anus's text is therefore entitled to little attention : and additional reasons compel us to set it aside, which result from the facility of accounting for the errour under which he laboured. In fact, the mis- take of St. Jerome must be imputed to that cause which has been already pointed out; his having judged of Lucianus's text by the standard of Euse- bius's edition *^ His objection must of course fall to the ground, if it can be shewn that the text of Eusebius was defective ; as omitting those passages which were retained in Lucianus's edition. For St. Jerome having been unconscious of the defici- term, he retained the doctrine : vid. S. Athan. de Synod. Ari-? min. Tom. II. p. 693. Socrat. Hist. Eccl. Lib. II. cap. x. p. 87. 1. 36. Conf. Bull. ibid. § 7. p. 145. The fact is, that the term was rejected by Lucianus, merely because it had been per- verted by the Sabellians, to favour their peculiar doctrines; and it had been expressly rejected, in the sense which they affixed to it, 60 years previously to the Council of Nice, by thq Synod of Antioch : vid. Bull. lb. cap. i. § 9. p. 29. sqq. From these considerations we may certainly conclude, that Lucianus was not likely to invent any passage, like those quoted in n. **. supr- p. 437. for the purpose of supporting the doctrine of one substance. *« Vid. supr. pp. 151. 160, ( 439 ) ency of one ioxij imagined the integrity of the other was redundant. Under this view of the subject, the various read- ings of the sacred text are ukimately traced to the editions of Hesycliius and Eusebius; the one, ac- cording to St. Jerome's express declaration, having interpolated the inspired writings, the other, accord- ing to his implied testimony, having pruned them of some imaginary superfluities. To the influence of Origen, we must again look for the source of these varieties, of a totally opposite character, which were thus introduced into the text of Scrip- ture. Of Hesychius we know nothing more than that he was a bishop of Egypt, who perished in the per- secution in which Lucianus was martyred '^^. But this little seems to identify him as a disciple of Ori- gen. In the controversy respecting the Apocalypse and Millennium, which had been maintained by Dionysius and Nepos, who governed the sees of Alexandria and Egypt, about sixty years previously to the meeting of the Council of Nice, some curio- sity was excited, respecting the allegorical sense of Scripture, which Origen had supported, and relative to the nature of the body, its organization and en- joyments, in that state which is to succeed the resur- *^ Walt. Prolegomm. Sect. IX. p. 63. § 25. « Quarts [editio Twv O'j fuit Hesychii Episcojn JEgyptii, in eadem per- secutione decima martyrio coronati : de quo Euseb. Hist. Lib. VIII, cap. xiv. Hie veterem translationem recognovit: quac,^ teste Hieronymo, per JE^yptum ei Akxandriam cekbris erat >? jiovaiw noj;i cudit/* ( 440 ) rection'*. The peculiar opinions of Origen had spread so widely after this period, in Egypt, that when a council was convened at Alexandria by Theophilus, in which those opinions were con- demned as heretical, Dioscorus, bishop of Hermo- polis, with the Egyptian monks, were professed converts to Origen's notions^'. Under these cir- cumstances, the churches of Egypt were gradually prepared for the reception of a revised text, accom- modated to the principles of Origen*s criticism'*, 3° Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. VIL cap, xxiv. p. 34^9. 1. 27. Err) Tarotj a.ira.a-i cr-^a^a^elat \_iyiovvarioq iTrlcrxowo? rut xar* A^e|«v- ^g«ta>]] uvru k) Tragi iTrafye^^iuii ^vo ffvlyfcu/.^otiu, i ^* vnrd^iais avrUf NfiVw? riv tmc^itovoi ru» aar "Alywwlov, 'la^ctUursfov rdq IwjjJytX- ta-tff^cKt y^oTtSs/xgyoj. Conf. S. Epiphan. Haer. Lxiv. p. 527. d. 528, b. c. ^* The account which Socrates has given of this controversy. Hist. Eccl. Lib. VL cap. vii. p. 319. is confused and contra- dictory ; it having been obviously his desire to vindicate Ori- gen's opinions, of which he was undoubtedly a favourer : Huet. Origeniann. Lib. IL cap. iv. sect. ii. § 25. p. 278. b. Origenistas vero palam se produnt Socrates Scholasticus et Hefmias Sozo- menus in Historiis suis,*' &c. But St. Epiphanius, who was a contemporary of Theophilus, and who convened a synod in Cyprus, for the purpose of condemning the Origenists, about the same time that Theophilus convened one at Alexandria for the same purpose, refers the origin of this heresy to the monks of Egypt ; S. Epiphan. Haer, Origenian. § iv. p. 527. b. *H ^\ $1 a^Ttf ['flgtyEvasJ ?''''5'<* a*jp£<3"tj 'JT^u/lov /X£V Iv t-^ toJv 'AlyfW- Ti'wv %cti§^ vTKx.Q^yjACsa.t ru yvv ^\ va^ avrtiiq slop^wTaroK »C; ^0X8<7J Tov /xov7j§7j ^/ov avaSep(,£ffS'ai, wap ror? (piat% xala t»5 «§»5/*»aj ^* Independent of the accommodation of the Egyptian text i 441 ) We have only to compare the account which Origen has given, of the method in which he pro- to the principles of Origen's criticism, examples of which will be adduced on a proper occasion ; instances occur in which this text has palpably suffered by the influence of his peculiar opi- nions. An example presents itself in one of the first passao^es in which his critical canons could be applied- In the quota- tion from Deut. viii. 3. introduced in Mat. ir. 4. the original mn» »Q «yin b b )D, is rendered by the Septuagint and St. Matthew, a^^* im warn pr.fj.an SKTio^svofxiyu ^i£c ro/^caloj e.-^. This deviation from the Hebrew was of course marked in Ori- gen's Hexapla ; there was consequently room for a correction of the text by Hesychius. Instead however of removing ^y,f^x\ which is superfluous, he erased ^»« roVoJo?. How far the literal interpreters, inserted in the Hexapla, might have expressed ♦a by p/xa]», as this term may be sometimes rendered, (see Deut, xvii. 6. xxxiv. 5.) we are now unable to discover ; as a few- words merely of Deut. viii. 3. U. 17. now remain out of the %vhole of the chapter from whence the verse before us is taken ; vid. Montfauc. Hexapl. Orig. Tom. I. p. 180. There can be very little reason to doubt, that in suppressing ^^d rV»%?, the reviser of the Egyptian text had respect to the fundamental tenet of the Origenists. S. Epiphan. ub. supr. p. 527. c, X/yE**, Vpu%V fxlv 0T» 0 'T»o? 0 [AQVoyovyjs o^fr Toi/ UuV^a. « Svvcclat, fltXXa are to nvsvf/,a, 7ov 'Y*o» ^vvulaci $£ao-aa-&at, «t£ /ix^» *AfyeXot ri TlnviAct, lire ol «»$^t) 'nrfoaCpoviia-uT ra? uhx^hg, «J e7r»r'5f»|«? a^xas woXyy ^oyov 7ro»y|W,£yof, ^i» tut yu^u\i ^ioxay.ut avrhq, 05 1^ KOtiv)!lna-sf eUnoTq, xj uTTVifynXiv avroTq rr.v %ap»v tS ©eS. of ^i ik 7rif»1ou?j «^l^(poi ^uK^Uano rp-poq uvrov. Ibid, xviii. 27. IV ^\ T? 'Z(piau> iTrtor.' cvy AvroTq lU t»}» irotlpl^x avruv, a-vyxuiavBvaxyloi ^t avttiy ot 'E^i^\^xxta, ocuBfjoirut, but Isaiah, lb. 13. niDba C3'a^j« nivo m^ od^']> ^m: the former of which is properly rendered in the Authorised Ver- ;5ion, " but in vain the// do tvorship me teaching for doctrines the commandments of men," the latter somewhat more freely, ** and their Jear toward me is taught by the precept of men.** (6.) What sets this matter out of dispute, is, that Origen pro- ceeds explicitly to cite the contested passage in the very words of the vulgar Greek ; Orig. ib. p. 4-93. e. tots u-Trtv I K^pof, * ^ow tu ro[Asilt ifyl^eiv toJ' ^aov' tu» 'Iy^«.l&;v, * ru 0£«, xai TOig ^iiMffi rifjiiiv avrov' (pr,^i, otoT» * h Kupaix avruv* ^»a tt,v tlq tl» 'lucr^v «7r*r»av, * •ndf'fu er»v utto Kvpi»:' though by prefacing these words with tot£ ilirsv h KtJpjo?, he was conceived, by the •revisers of the Egyptian and Palestine texts, to allude to Isaiah; while it is evident, from the context, hcc ri* tk rov Ucr'ev ontir^av, he must have referred to St, Matthew, (7.) As the testimony of Origen is thus clearly in favour of the Greek Vulgate, and there can be consequently no doubt that it retains the genuine reading; we have thus a positive proof ot the corruption of the Egyptian and Palestine editions, in one of the most remarkable passages in which they differ from the Greek Vulgate. *tj ?ra* rd axoKkci tU et'S'sTav, which occurs in Luc. iii. 4, 5. is found also in Is. xl. 3, 4: but in the first clause, iv^cias vonnt Tus t§//3b5-, is expressed by n^DO nu*', !• e. e:'^6<«v vrQiv-n r-y.^ ( 448 ) tition of the same word in Origen's comment on this passage, led to an ambiguity, which a reference to TPt^ov, and uvth by iJinV«V tS ©eS yifAuv* in the second- In the last clause, however, the Egyptian and Palestine texts read X trat ra ay.oXicc s'ls Eu^eias ; directly contrary to the reading of the B3'zantine text, y.ctl £ra» rcc c^>;o^^a zis tv^sixVf and the prophet Isaiah, iiht'dV iprn n>m. This various reading has plainly originated from a misconception of the following pas- sage of Origen. Com* in Joan. Tom. I. 127. d. o/Aowa? ^l t3 Ma^JiW xat « Aaxa; tS, * (puvv) jSowvIo? If T»! ep^/AW* /ae/avdIoH — ' a?c yey^aTrlai Iv 010^0 hoyuy *H(7Ci't8 t5 Tr^o^ijTa— lTo»/xao"a1e T»!v oJor Kfpa, E^Sita? Treierre ra? T^'/Sar ayra.' '7r^o£^»s;tE £1. WfocrE^jjxj]] oe o Aaxa? xa« ra e|>5$ t5?5 wpo^>jTi»a5 — * >e^ a'ra* ra crxo^ta «»f euSnaj [1. fySjIa**] — 0|U,oift;5 ru Mapxw a^aypa-vj/a? to, ' tv^tiuq 9ro»£?Tt T«j •r^i^a? acTa* g7r/l£//>o/x£»o5 to, ' efrSeta? ffoiem rocq Tpii?a? t5 0£5 Vili.wVy a>]* ^s Ta, ' xj sra* 'TToivloc crxoXta e»s £y$«»»?' [1. eySelav], ywcK Ta, * TravW T'i» ^£|t» eS>jHE, jtA/Ia tS, a*)* Ivtxa [^£iq] * sv^iixv/ 'nt'jroiYiyJvcti TT^jjSyvltxo* ' s^^sia,'.' This last remark, that St. Luke, »' instead of the singular il^uocv, made the plural e^Seia?,** appa- rently refers to the former etSaia?, in the phrase ay^slay wattrrf, and not iAe ^a^^er trxoAia iU zv^i^au (1.) There is a difference m the former phrase between the Prophet and Evangelist ; the latter, as Origen observes, *' instead o? the singular (n!?DD 1"Jtt^0 having made the phrase in the plural (et^siaj Trotsm)." (2.) If Origen be not conceived to allude to the former, he makes an unaccountable omission, which is wholly irreconcilable with the minuteness of his criticism, where he undertakes to point out the difference between Isaiah and St. Matthew. (3.) The reading of the LXX, which St. Matthew followed, is bU tlBsiuv, conformably with the Greek Vulgate ; it is therefore as incon- ceivable, that the Evangelist would have deviated from the re- ceived version in this place, as that Origen would have omitted to mention his deviation from the original text in the former, (4? ) The main object of Origen was to illustrate his favourite position, that the Evangelists abridged the words of the Pro- phets, in quoting their writings; Id. ib. p. 127. e. p^f^o-j/*©* Tt ( 449 ) the Hebrew would have directly cleared up; biit the reviser not having possessed even learning suffi- cient to collate the Greek with the original,, under- took to determine Origeti's meaning by his context ; in choosing between the two words which were set before him, he unfortunately fixed on the wrong one, and has thus left his errour subject to an imme- diate detection, on confronting the testimony of the Greek version with the Hebrew original. In omit- ing Mat. Xxvii. 35. the reviser of the Egyptian edi- tion has laid himself equally open to detection ''^'. •t vrapatvifTjffuq itpoq a7^oh^^^v wept t2 i'jrile(A,ve<7^M rat *E^«|y£?^»fa5 T« ffpo^Tixa, His allusion to the former is therefore made in the regular order ; as it is immediately made after observing that St. Luke " having curtailed UBeiaf wouTts rcis Tp4/3»? tS ©68 rtyi.uvy sets down the phrase ivithout fratrot." Hence it appears, that some officious scribe, equally ignorant of Origan's object, and of the true reading of the prophet Isaiah, under* stood the concluding remark as meant of the last si; evBsiav, and in order to point the observation, consequently corrected this phrase, in the context, into ei^ ev^tia;. As Origen's testimony is thus virtually on the side of the Greek Vulgate, there can be no doubt of the genuine reading ; particularly as it is con- firmed by the Hebrew and Septuagint, and by the concurrence of all versions, except the revised Italick ; which has no voice in the present case, as it has been corrected by the Egyptian edition. And it must be observed as a singular confirmation of the received reading, that it is supported by the Latiii of the Cambridge MS. against the testimony of the Greek, These circumstances being all taken into consideration, there can be little reason to doubt, that the reading of Origen's text was that which exists in the vulgar edition ; and that the misconi. ception of Origen's comment produced the reading of the Egyp- tian and Palestine editions. 4J The Commentary of Origen on Matt» xx^i, 35. vi4 supr. Gg ( 450 ) The allegation of this passage from the Psalms, by St. Matthew, introduced an apparent contradiction pr 382. runs as follows; Tom. III. p. 920. e* " Postquam autem crucifix erimt eum cliviserunt vestimenta sortem mit- tentes : et sedentes servabant eum.' Et sunt usque nunc qui ipsum non habentes vestimenta autem verba in scripturis posita habent, nee ipsa ad plenum, sed ex parte, nihilominus hoc ipsum Propheta dicente mysterium quod nunc est impletum.*' I. It is clear that Origen found some mystery in this passage, and that his exposition must be understood, according to his usual mode of interpretation, in an allegorical sense. His allusion is obvi- ously to those who crucified our Lord ; whom he represents as having the Scriptures, in the letter or outward part, not in the substance, which was Christ : notwithstanding the clearness of the prophecy, and the mystery which it shadowed. Accord- ing to the expositions of the Allegorists, who considered the garments of Christ typical of the unity of the Church, it is clear that Origen considered the outer garments, which were rent, the Jewish church ; but the inner vesture, which was preserved vintorn, the Christian* Such is obviously Origen 's meaning, from which it would be difficult to prove, that he did not find the disputed passage in his text : or that he meant any thing more than that tlie Jews did not find out the mystery, which was plainly foretold in Ps. xxii. 19. On the contrary, it ap- pears to me to be plainly deducible from his comment, that the disputed passage existed in his text. (1.) He alludes to the prophecy, as if it was before him, without the smallest refer- ence to the Psalmist ; which he could not have done, without an expi'ess reference, had it been deduced by him in explanation of St. Matthew. (2.) He not only refers to it under a title by which it could not be even known to exist in the Psalms, but the extraordinary title by which it is quoted in the disputed passage : the Psalm being there referred to, not under the title '^a,'K^h or 7p though it did not solve the difficulty^ for which indeed Origen appears to have found no re- medy, as he passes it over in silence. The expe- dient which answered the immediate exigency of the revisers was consequently adopted ; and the pas- sage omitted accordingly. But the partial quota- tion of the wards of the disputed passage, and the general reference to its sense by Origen, clearly prove that it existed in his copy : his testimony of course as fully confirms the integrity of the Byzan- tine text, as it reveals the source of the corruption of the Egyptian. In the abridgment of the pro- phecy> cited in Luc. iv. IS''^^ we discover a still may be however observed, that the insertion of the latter clause in its present place is probably to be attributed to the transla- tor ; as it forms the text which Origen has set at the head of ike next section, and is perfectly irrelevant in its present situa- tion, as not touched on in the Course of the section before us : conf. Orig, ut supr. p. 921. c. ■++ 'loiaaffBui ra? o'y>TSTp»/Af>c£ya? Triv xap^'tar, which is Omitted in the Egyptian and Palestine text, is retained in the Byzantine. This passage was omitted by Origen, Comment, in Joan. Tom. IV. p. 13. d. Comment, in Luc. Tom. III. p. 970. a. b. But we cannot conclude from hence, that it was absent from Ori- gen's copy. In the former place he omits also avorti^ai tj^- fdv.Eiat ruv epuvuv/ i^ajS" fyiypci-Tilcci 70, * jw,axapiot o] TrqocsXs x. t. I. But into this opinion Origen was led by the endeavour to find out an artificial con- nexion between the beatitudes ; or a regular gradation, in the course through which the heirs of glory pass to a state of final beatitude ; Id. ibid, t^^s* ya^ tv tbto*? on v^utov (/.h ruv iJi,ot}iot.' ci^Q^ivm * « ^uaiMicx, rZv a^avuif'* ^ivrepov 5'e * y.}^yi^ovo[Ayio-8ai t^» y55v** av (Oft rov m-uvTx aluvcc tUui Itt uvTri^' * wafax^vjStKTss' yap x^ ha TO ' ViTtuvftx-ivai xj ^i^i^Kivui 5'txatocrt;v*j5,' ^ no^EaSsi/TEs' aurijj^ t^ • liri TViv ^aai'Kz'ia.v uvoy.aBirctvla.i * ruv e^avuvJ* Puerilities SUCh as these can not have much weight in determining the genuine reading. In another work of Origen's, we consequently find the whole order and progress of grace inverted ; and the beati- tudes disposed in the following manner ; Mat. v. 9. 8. 4. 3 : vid. Horn., xix. in Jer. Tom. III. p. 269. d. A third attempt crives us the reading of the Vulgar Greek ; for Origen, having discovered an analogy between our pilgrimage through this vale of tears, and the Israelites passing the river Jordan, comes somewhat nearer to the sense of his text, and thus gives it in its proper order ; Hom. v. in Jes. Nav. Tom. II. p. 407. c. " Transeundum nobis est quod sequitur, ut in hoc mundo luge* araus. Cito etiam reliqua iranseunda sunt, ut mansueti effici- amur, et ut pacifici maneamus, ut per hoc filii Dei vocari ( 455 ) add Mat: xxiii. 14^*. we plainly discover the source possimus. Festinandum q\ioque nobis est, ut persecutionum tempus virtute patientiae transeamus. Cumque haec singula quae ad virtutis gloriara spectant non segniter, nee remisse, sed cum omni instantia et celeritate conquisierimus, hoe mihi videtur esse cum festinatione transire Jordanem." Nor can it be objected, that this inconstancy of Origen is to be ascribed t& his translatour, for (1.) The tenour of Origen's reasoning absolutely requires that the present order should be preserved. (2.) There could be no possible object in changing it, had it been different ; as in that case it must have been altered con- trary to the testimony, not merely of Origen himself, but of the versions which have prevailed in the Latin church, since his works have been translated ; vid. supr. p. 63. (3.) The Homilies on the book of Joshua were translated by Ruffinus, as appears from the Prologue ; Orig. Ibid. p. 396 ; and what* ever liberties Ruffinus might have taken with his authour in other parts of his works, in translating this book he was con- fessedly accurate ; Ruffin. Peror. in Ep. ad Rom. ap, Orig. Tom. IV. p. 689. a. " Ilia quse in Jesu Nave scripsimus, simpliciter expressimus ut invenimiiSy et non multo cum labors transtuliraus.'' As the Vulgar Text is thus confirmed by the authority of Origen, and is supported by all versions except the second and third edition of the Latin ; the former of which was corrected by St. Eusebius from the Egyptian text, and has had a direct influence on the latter, as revised by St. Jcf rome, there can be as little reason to doubt the corruption of the Egyptian text, as that it has proceeded from the authority of Origen. ^ In the Palestine, as well as the Egyptian text, Mat. xxiii. 14. is wholly omitted. The source of this variation from the Vulgar Greek must be sought, not less than the preceding, in the writings of Origen. This fanciful exposltour had disco- vered a natural connexion between vers. 13. 15; vers. 14?.- was consequently dismissed to effect an alliance between them; Orig. Comment, in Matt. Tom. IV. p. 839. " Claudentes autera regnum ccelorum Scribae et Pharisaji duo ad semel de- ( 456 ) of the various reading of the Egyptian text, in the linquunt. Unum quidem, quod * ipsi non ingrediuntur in reg- num ccelorum.* Secundum quod * intrantes introire non si- nunt.* Hoec duo peccata naturaliter inseparabilia sunt ah invi' cent. Qui enim alterum ex iis peecat, ab altero se non potest abstinere. Item e contrario," &c. It is little wonderful that Origen, having got into a train of thinking of this kind, which he pursues for some length, should wholly pass by vers. 14; which, though naturally connected wiih its context in our Lord's discourse, is wholly irrelevant from Origen's explana- tion. It is little wonderful, that having become enamoured of his exposition, he should finally believe the disputed verse an interpolation ; which M. Griesbach conceived was probably his opinion. It is, however, obvious from the various readings of this passage, that his opinion respecting it, h^s had some in-? fluence on such of the Greek MSS. as generally correspond with the readings of Origen ; whatever be their varieties with respect to this passage, they are invariable in their correspond- ence with his observation. We consequently find, that it is retained in some of them, and is omitted in others ; but in the former case, it is prefixed to vers. 13 : so as to bring vers. 13. and 15. in all instances together 7 vid. Griesb. not. in h. 1. While these MSS. of course destroy the testimony of each other, such of them as retain the verse, add the strongest con- firmation to the reading of the Greek Vulgate. The very devi^ ation of the vulgar text from the authority of Origen, conveys a Btrong presumptive proof of its integrity ; as it is impossible to conceive how this ver?e, if it were an interpolation, could be inserted in the only place which was proscribed by that critick ; or how it could be generally received, contrary to his autho- rity, unless under the conviction that it was genuine. As the vulgar text is confirmed by the testimony of all versions, but those which are enumerated in the last note, and which have no separate voice on the present question, as they have been influenced by the Egyptian text ; there can be as httle reasoa to doubt of the corruption of this edition, as that it has prQ- ceeded from the influence Qf Origen, ( 457 ) comment of Origen : for while an inconstancy in the testimony of that early father fully confirms the reading of the Byzantine text in the former case, a variation in the Greek manuscripts in the latter, clearly proves, that they have been altered in accom- modation to the comment of Origen. When to these considerations, we add that of the general conformity of the Egyptian text, to the peculiar readings of Origen"*^^, they afford us ample grounds *' Of the express testimonies of Origen, which have beei^ already cited ; supr. p, 354. n. ^\ the following are the only examples not found in the Cambridge MS. ly.aTovTa'jr^a^iovacp Mat.xix.29. a ^xsj-arE, Joh. viii. 38, riva?. Ib.xiii. 18. /3«-J/^ apa.TU rov s-uv^ov avra xuB' vifj^i^etu Vulg. desunt. Cant. Or. lb. 26. o> y«^ lironer^wBri y.i xj ra? ijxif^ ^oytff, Vulg. 0? 7«^ siraicr^vBn /*« xj raf , lfj(,ai. Cant. Or, lb. 27* ^^yoJ ol i/fji'tv aAjjSw^y slarl riviq rav u&e ir'ny-OTuv, oi a fAi) ^EptrwTat Sawara taq a,v 'l^uo-i rm jiccaiT^eloiV T« ©£«. Vulg, Kiyca "Si vuTt on oKm^as slcri riHi uh s^MTcoVt ol a /^r? ysuaojvrixi B-etvATy Si's ^v t^iWfn Tov vlov t« dv^pufTra £py(^6(MBV0v sv rrii ^o^ip «^S. Cant. Or, lb. 29. to bI^os tS v^oauira, Vulg. ri l^ioc tS 9r^o<7iyfftf. CflH^. Or. "^^ I shall mention but one additional example; heX^i^v ^»* fjiiffn avruv xj wa^^^Hv aTwfj Joh. viii. 59. is omitted in the Egyp- tian text, though retained in the Byzantine and Palestine ; vid. supr. p. 285. conf. Griesb. n. in h. 1. This varipus reading may |>e clearly traced to the extraordinary notion which Origen entertained of our Lord's pei*sonal appearance, which he be- lieved was varied according to circumstances. This notioiji the Origenists found difficult to reconcile with the plain state- ment of the Evangelist, that he took advantage of the crowd, and escaped their fury merely by passing through the midst of them: they corrected the passage accordingly. Orig. contr. Cels. Lib. IL cap. Ixiv. Tom. I. p. 435. f. us ^spi T>3^^xaT' a> ^B^oftevoi n/xEK Ta I)jcra, a fxovov y.ocra. rn» '^v^oi t^ ocKOKiy.fv^/.^/.iyrtv Teti woPiXo?? 0£KjT>}Ta, aXKx i^ )t«7a to /xe7a/xo§(pa/xsvov aufxay or* t^«Xc7o ^ ots £/3«?w£7o. Conf. Tom. IIL p. 906. e. £ ( 459 ) conformity from evincing the antiquity of the Egyp- tian text^ that it deprives it^ when considered sepa-t rately^ or merely in conjunction w^ith Origen^ of any the least authority in determining the genuine text of Scripture. Eusebius of Gaesarea, who published the next edition of the sacred writings^ undertook the revisal of the Greek text with different views^ and under different auspices. Commanding the same advan- tages which had been possessed by his predecessour, he was directed in using them by very different prin- ciples. While he was no less biassed in favour of Origen^ than Hesychius^ he possessed greater faci- lities of consulting his commentaries; a complete set of Origen's works having been deposited in the library of Caesarea^^. He possessed also^ in the edition of Hesychius^, a text in which many of the peculiar readings of Origen^ his master and pre- ceptor in criticism,, had been adopted. And in the Harmony of Ammonius^ and the text of Lucianus, he possessed a standard by which the superfluities of the Egyptian edition might be discovered with ease^ and removed without labour. Of these different helps towards revising the sacred text^ Eusebius fully availed himself in publishing the "*' Thus much may be legitimately collected from the follow- ing declaration of Eusebius ; Hist. Eccl. Lib. VI. cap. xxxii, p. 296. 1. 19. — rr,v TTEfi* Ta QbTsc a-TtU^yiv t£ Fla/A^/Aa ottocj*? tk yiyovu cra^ifwi'TEj, T))5 avvat^^iiavjg ctvru tS re ^i^aiv^fcVf woX^vjv ui eUoi ^i^ovoviav »ej ave^'nv je«»o>ew section, and have been designated by a particujctr number, if It had existed in the text of Eusebius ; vid. supr. p. 161. n. "**. The same remark does not apply to Mat. v. 4, 5. as has been sometimes asserted. The Palestine and Byzantine texts agree in preserving these verses in the proper order, while the Latin Vulgate follows the text of Eusebius Vercellensis, in inverting them ; vid. supr. p. 63. The Greek copies of Eusebius's Cur ( 461 ) sacred text, while the testimony of Origen bec^rft6 sufRcient authority for him to retain them as ge- nuine. But the edition published in Palestine by the elder Eusebius^ had its peculiar readings. Tlie most important of these have been already speci- fied ; and some account has been given of the causes which occasioned their suppression in the Palestine edition 5^ Of these passages, in which the Vulgar Greek and Corrected Edition differ, not a few are found in the text of Eusebius. A critical examina- tion into the source of these various readings of the Palestine edition, will^ I trust, end in the further confirmation of the same conclusion which it has been hitherto my object to establish. The most remarkable of those passages in which the Palestine and Byzantine texts differ, are Mat. xix. 17. Luc. xi. 2. 4. 13 ^^ It will not appear ex- traordinary, that the former edition should agree in these passages with the peculiar readings of Ori- gen ; when it is remembered, that it was revised by Eusebius, the admirer and apologist of the father of «acred criticism. But it is particularly deserving of remark, that the Palestine text, in coinciding in these passages with Origen, also corresponds with Bons agree with the former texts, while the Latin copies have been accommodated to the latter, 5' Vid. supr. p. 35. sqq. ** Of these texts, Mat. xix. 17. Luc, xi. 2. 4. IS. have been already quoted among the remarkable passages which are sup- ported by the authority of the primitive Fathers, or of the Italick and Syriack versions, against the testimony of the Egyp- tian and Palestine editions ; supr. p. 373. 383, ( 462 ) the peculiar readings of Valentinus and Marcion '^ When we take into account the nature and tendency of that tract,, in which the extraordinary readings of those passages are preserved; that it inculcates hete- rodox notions^^^ and quotes other apocryphal texts ^''; . ^5 The following account of Marcion*s text is given by St, Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. Lib. I. cap. xxvii. p. 106. " Et super haec, id quod est secundum Lucam Evangelium circuracidens • semetipsum esse veraciorem, quam sunt hi, qui Evange- lium tradiderunt Apostoh*, suasit discipulis suis ; non Evange- lium sed particulam Evangelii tradens eis. Similiter et Apos<^ toll Pauli Epistolas abscidit, auferens qusecumque manifeste dicta sunt de eo Deo qui mundum fecit," &c. The peculiar readings of Marcion's Gospel and Apostolicum are preserved by Tertullian and St. Epiphanius ; vid. Tert. adv. Marc. Lib. IV. cap. i. p. 403. S. Epiphan. Haer. xlii. p. 310. c. d. ^^ The most exceptionable of Origen's notions, respecting tlie inferiority of the Son to the Father, and the impropriety of addressing our prayers to Christ, unless as our Mediatour with the Father, are inculcated in this tract in the following terms j Orig. de Orat. Tom. L p. 222. b. 'Ea» ^l uyMa^iv or^ irore Wk '^(0 fUKfoc y/L«r» Trpors^ria-sruk* xj ainTre toc tTrypavix k^ ru imyna, vyJv TTporE^jjcTfTai- vid. supr. p. 330. n. 44. This text is joined, in the same sentence, with Matt. v. 44. ix. 38. &c. ; is again repeated lb. p. 219. d; and is quoted as the language of the Gospel, lb. p. 224. c. Nay more, of the passages which are now be- ( 463 ) there will not be much reason to doubt, that the alteration of the text in those places must be ulti- mately referred to those hereticks, whom Origen^ in his riper judgment, has accused of corrupting the text'l The peculiar doctrines of the Marcionites are summed up in a narrow compass, by St. Irenaeus and St. Epiphanius. They agreed with the fol- lowers of Cerdo in acknowledging two princi- ples ^9 ; one of these they called the good God, con- ceiving him to have his residence above the hea- vens; and the other they termed the just God, considering him the authour of the works of the Creation. The former they considered inscrutable, and wholly unknown, until the advent of Christy who first revealed him to the world ; the latter thej supposed the God, who had revealed himself to the Jews, who had delivered the Law by Moses, and had spoken by the Prophets ^°. Between these per- fore us, Luc. xi. 2. 4. xviil. 19. are quoted in this tract as they were read in Marcion's Gospel : as will be made apparent in the sequel. See also p. 794. f. 53 Vid. supr. p. 368. n. "\ p. 431. n. ^°. 5' S. Iren. adv. Hasr. Lib. I. cap. xxvli. p. 106, 'Mx^t []Kspd*«v3 70V VTTO tS vcixa )^ "TTpCpviTurt- asKrifvyf/Jvou Qioi/f (av tlvxi TlaTBpcc ra Kvpiei h^Jiuv Itcrn XptfS. tov ^\v yaq yvupitzfSui, rov ^« afvuroc slvcci' xj roy fA.lv ^iV.ajov, rov ^e afaSoy i/Trap^eiv, ^tcch^»fjL£ifO^ Si avrov Ma^yAuv o UofTiy.o^, riv^rjui to ^i^ota-KCi?\£ioy x. r. e, Conf* S. Epiphan. Haer. xlii. p. 304. a. *° S. Iren. ibid. p. 106. ** Jesum autem [Marcion docuit] ab eo Patre, qui est super mundi Fabricatcrem Deum, • veni- entem in Judaeam temporibus Pontii Pilati — in hominis forma manifestatum his qui in Judaea eraut, dissolventem Prophetas et ( 464 ) sonages they conceived that there was some oppd^ sition of will and nature ; the one presiding over the immaterial spiritual world ; the other over the ma* terial visible creation. Christy as the Son and legate of the good God, came to abolish the power and dominion of the Creatour*^'. He was not however made in the fleshy but appeared merely in the like* ness of man^* ; the object of his appearance on earth Laving been to abolish the Law and the Prophets ; to save the souls, not the bodies of men ; for the Marcionites agreed with the Nicolaitans and other Gnosticks in denying the resurrection ^^ In order to justify these notions^ the founder of the sect had framed antitheses between the Law and the Gospel, in which he endeavoured to show, that the one was contrary to the other ^'^. These opinions, which had been broached by Marcion, near the times of Hyginus, bishop of Legem et omnia opera ejus Dei, qui mundum fecit, quem et eosmocratorem dicit." <^' S. Epiphan. ibid. p. 305. a. Xp»ror Si \iyn a»«S£» »%% t3 7oitiTk)v. Conf. S. Iren. ibid. § 2. p. 106 ** Vid. S. Epiphan. ibid. p. 322. b. conf. 339. c. 340. b. *^ S. Epiphan. ibid, p* 305. c. «>«r<*c^«» St, uq tlvov, wto? Xiy** ev. ffV[ji.a,ru9 ciTsXoi. "^v^uv, xxi ffunfi^'tut ralruis ifi^iTatf «^* roT^ ffufAuau Conf. supr. nn. ^° et ^^ *♦ Tert. adv. Marc. Lib. I. cap. xix. p. 359. ** Separatio Legis et Evangelii proprium et principale opus est Marcionis., — Nam hae sunt Antitheseis Marcionis, idest centrariae opposi- tiones quae conantur discordiam Evangelii cum Lege commit* tere, ut ex diversitate sententiarum utriusque Instruraenti diver- Bitatem quoque argumententur Deocum." ( m ) Roine*^^ until those of Pope Damasus; had maintained their ground against the opposition of Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Tertulliaii, Rhodon, Ori- gen, andEpiphanius^%- and had produced the dif- ferent sects of Lucianists^ Tatianists^ and Apel- leians*^ The Valentinians were a kindred sect Which sprang from that common source of heresy, the school of Simon Magus ^%- agieeing in thei? fundamental tenets with the Marcionites, though they differed essentially from them in their notions of celibacy, which they held in no high estima- tion ^9. Of the important light in which they were ^ 1§. %iphan. Haer. xtiu p, 302. d* ii'Tro^t^puay.Bi [Map^^v] yt,tr» to 7i7^evTyi(7ui 'TyTvov tov liriffKO'Kov PufjLviq, Conf. S. Iren. adv. Mser. Lib. I. cap. xxvii. pp. 105, 106. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. IV. capp. X. xi. p. 154. ^ Conf* Euseb* Hi^t. Eccl. Lib. IV, cap. xi. p. 157. 1. 5. Just. Mart. Apol. maj. p. 70. a. 92. a. Euseb. ibid. p. 155. 1. 12. S. Iren. Lib* I. cap. xxvii. p. 106. Tert. adv. Marc. p. 403. sqq. Euseb. ib. Lib. V. cap. xiii. p. 225. 1. 12. Famph. Apol. pro Orig. cap. i. p. 20. d. sqq. Orig. de Principp. Lib. IT. capp. iv. v. Tom. I. p. 84. sqq. S. Epiphan. Haer. xm. p. 302. sqq. " Vid. infr. u. ^\ Conf. S. Iren. ut supr. pfp. 106, 107* S. Epiphan* Haer* xtiii. p. 378* b. Hajr. XijV. p. 380. c. Haer. xlvi. 391. d. *» Vid. supr. p. 267. n. *". '» S. Iren. adv. Haer. Lib. I. cap. vi. p. 30. o* ^) xj [ oYaAEr- xcti ci fi,\v avruv Xu^qot toLS ^i^ecffTCOfxevoi^ vv* avrcur ^i^txx'nf ravrrtv yvvouKocs Jta(p9"cj§8(7iy, x. t. I. It must be however ob- served, that this difference between the Valentinians and Mar* cionites was founded on a distinction of the former, who mcrel/ Hh ( 466 ) held^ we may form some idea from the Rule of Faithj and the description of heresy, which are given by Origen ; both of which are framed expressly with a view to the Valentinian and Marcionite no- tions 7''. " One great object of that indefatigable writer was to oppose the growth of these heresies, and we clearly discover the source of that unfortunate bias which his theological opinions took, in the influence conceived their elect or spiritual persons as privileged to in- dulge in these shameless excesses : conf. S. Iren. ibid. Orig. Comment, in Joan. Tom. IV. p. 235. a. b. S. Epiphan. Haer. XXXI. p. 189. c. Merely animal persons, of which order they considered all those who were not initiated in their mysteries, were required to perform good works as necessary to salvation ; among which they numbered continence; S. Iren. ibid. p. 31. i/xaj Ka^sf •uy^i)t»s ovopta^bffi, )^ ix xocr/xa mat TiEyscrj, >^ avay- xa/av TifMV rrjv sfH^drsixv xj etfac^v 7rf»|tf x. t. I. Conf. ibid. p. 29. S. Epiphan. ib. p. 189. a. '" Vid. Pamph. Apol. pro Orig. cap. i. p. 20» sqq. Orig. Comment, in Epist. ad Tit. Tom. IV. p. 695. d. *' Quid vero sit haereticus homo, pro viribus nostris, secundum quod sentire possumus, describamus. Qmnis qui se Christo credere confi- tetur, et tamen aliufti Deum Legis et Prophetarunif alium Evan' geliorum Deum dicit et Patrem Domini nostri Jesu Christi non eiim dicit esse qui a Lege et Prophetis prccdicatuvy sed alium nescio quern ignotum omnibus atque omnibus inauditum, hujus- modi homines hccreticos designam^is, quamlibet variis ac diversis et fabulosis concinnent ista figmentis, sicut sectatores Marcio- nis et Valentini, et Basilidis, et hi qui Tethianos appellant. Sed et Apelles licet non omnibus modis Dei esse deneget Le- gem vel Prophetas^ tamen et ipse hcereticus designatur^ quoniam Dominum hunc qui mundum edidit, ad gloriam alterius ingeniti et boni Dei eura construxisse pronunciat/* &c. Conf. supr. p, 463. n. ^. ( 467 ) which this controversy had upon his mind. As the hereticks had depressed the Creatour, representing him as inferiour to Christ, he was driven into the opposite extreme, and in asserting the transcendant glory of God, too incautiously depreciated the Son's co-equality with the Father 7*. Though he very successfully combated the fundamental errours of his opponents 7*; their reasonings, particularly when seconded by the speculations of Plato 7^, seem to ' We consequently find that these subjects are generally combined in the comments of Origen ; in touching on the Com- ment, in Joan. Tom. IV. p. 139. b. oUrcc^ yuq [5 'H^axX/^v] Tov A»j/Xi8gy9V T8 KOff/xa sK(xr%))* Kstt Oka. tSto ftJj inhovn fAJj^e r^f * ocya^oc,'* ir^oa-r^yofiav tt.v xv^iut ^m^spovri eivTt,¥ iv^xpiruq ru UuTfl ^tr imTifji.ri5 £t/^wt, *v Ki/Wfw re xa» St. Epiphanius declares, that he had some conferences with those liereticks ; conf. ib. p. 343. »' Theod. Haer. Fab. xx. Op. Tom. IV. p. 208. c. Par. 1642. iZ^o^i ^\ 7(.xyu ff^gta? 5^ ^»axocr»a? /Si/S^as Totctvra?, {rot. t5 Tartava ci» 'Tiarffa.^uv iva^yif>\ia.~\ h ruTq ^tc^ i^tAV sxnXistriaK T£TtjM.>i/*Efa»?, x^ Trao-ac e-'jiccyayuv a%iBifJi.n»s *^ "T* '^'^^ nrior^uv Eta/yt^jrw* a,)irtiffr,yayof 'EvafyiMac, «* This was confessedly the practice with the orthodox ; vid. supr. p. 331. n. **. The same conclusion may be formed with respect to the heterodox. Conf. Orig. de Principp. Lib. II. cap. V. 5 4. Tom. I. p. 68. d. Tert. adv. M»r. lab, I, CJip. ii. p. 351. ( 470 ) rcvisal, were at length wholly confounded in their writings. In a country where there was little sta- bility of religious opinion'*^ and where great liber- ties had been taken with the sacred text^*^ little confidence could be reposed in any edition. The works of approved writers furnished the only stand- ard by which they could be tried ; but they now afiforded but a fallacious criterion^ as containing quo- tations which were drawn from various equivocal sources ^^ A difference between these quotations and the sacred text become a sufficient evidence of the corruption of the latter ; and the next object was to amend the text by accommodating it to the quotation. On the most cursory view of those passages in which the Egyptian and Palestine texts differ from the Greek Vulgate^ it must be evident that the Mar- cionite and Valentinian controversies must have b^d considerable influence on the former editions. Hav- ing already laid those passages before the reader^, 83 Vid. supr. pp. 371, 372. et n. "». p. 344. et n. ^'. conf; supr. n. '°. ^* A distinction is thus made respecting the true and genuine copies by St. Epiphanius ; Haer. xlji. p. 373. d. wavra ^l ra. In reasoning against Apelles, who was accused of corrupting the Scriptures, vid. supr. p. 330. n. 45. St. Epiphanius expressly appeals to St. Mark's Gospel, as containing vers. 19. of cap. xvi. which was omitted in Eusebius's edition, vid, supr. p. 35* n. ^^. Id. Haer. XLiy. p. 386. C, atu ^l avro to »yto9 cvyLO, iJt.»rur 'sis 2>e ES"iv dya^os' x. t. «. We have here evidently the jsource of the reading of the Egyptian and Pa- lestine- texts ; T» /xs s^cJJacs 9rE§t t» ««)/*95, eTr &s-iv o dfct^oSf vid. supr. p. 372. The Marcionites, on the other hand, find- ing the term ©eo? too indefinite, as applying to the Creatour as well as the Father of Christ ; vid. supr. p. 468. n. '*. limited the term to the latter, by the addition of o llcnr,^; S. Epiphan. Haer. XLII. p. 339. d. — * o ^l /x^ /*« x/y^ afa^ov' tl; Ij-tv aya^oi 0 ©£05.* fr^oa-iBiro UtTvof [Moifxiwv j * 6 Tlalrtq,^ Both readings are found in Origen; the former in Comment, in Mat. Tom. III. p. 664. C. » vo/Aif/ov Zv fjicix^tj-^xh TO* * TToisjo-sv aya$o>' Wfpj TO* ' Tt fA« sqiJl^s TTEgi «yaS« ; £is es"*v 6 ayaS'of/ >*i>.iyy,itQy w^oc fun Vii^OfAtyov >cj slTTonc* * h^okcrna'Ki t» ayaSoy 7ro»^(r6» ; the latter in Comment, in Joh. Tom. IV. p. 41. d. — ^rfi? rlv /woMy£»») "KiyoviK * ^t^aaxotAt ayaSt*' [o Hutr,^^ ^'/,a-), * Ti /xs Xeynq ufa^Cr ; vJtK ay<»9o5 »» M-M «»?, 0 010? 0 na7a3§'' Conf. Tom. I. p. 279. a. But we cannot hence conclude that Origen found either of these readings in his copies, (1.) He quotes, in his text thft first part merely of the verse with x^' ra l|5f ; lb. p. 664. a. ' x^ id« £»? v^(i(ri7\B(ti¥ tlirtv avru ^t^acrxaXs Tt ayaBo* Troiricra/f tta$ ayu) t^ur^^i aliiinQii'* )^ ru l^ni. — (2.) The whole of kis comment containing the reading of the Palestine text, is not only want^ ing in the old Latin translation of Ovigen ; but the reading of ( 472 ) constituted a principal text of the Marcionites ; as relating to their fundamental tenet respecting the the Byzantine text is set, in place of it, at the head of the lec- tion; Ibid. p. 664!. d. <* Interrogavit Jesum unus de turha dicens, * Magister bone, quid boni fUciam ut habeam vitam seternam ? Qui dicit ei ; Quid me dicis honum : Nemo bonus nisi unus X)eus" And an indisputable interpolation of the Greek of Origen occurs in the Comment on the part of Scrip- ture before us: vid. p. 670. c. et Huet. not. 7* (3.) It is merely to ri uya^v Troiricrvy which is found in the Vulgar Greeks that Origen refers, in expressly referring to St. Matthew ; Ibid, p. 664". C, 0 y^iv ^K M«TS»io{, ui TTE^* ayaStf tfya i^wT^Bwras t£ X4^T?pof 6V Tw'—- * Ti aya&ov volviaa} ;' MiyfCL^tv" 0 ^i Mapo?, k) {! (4.7) CK 0 0*0?.' In fact, the reply of our Lord was dictated in St. Matthew, by the question t* ayu^ov itQUaUf which is wanti ing St. Mark and St, Luke ; but was dictated, in the last-named Evangelists, by the epithet MoitrzotXe oiya^i; conf. Mat. xix, 16. Mar. x. 17. Luc. xviii. 18. thus viewed the disputed passage is not ascribed by Origen to St, Matthew, (4.) The first ex^ plicit acknowledgment, which he makes of it, is in a subsequent place, where it is considered, as if it was stated by an object tour ; Id. ibid. p. 666. a. \iyoiro S' av vito nvos ui apx y^vuaKuv • 2«T»!p Tiii» T» vrvvBuvQiJi.iv8 i^toj siTTt)/ uvTf nvv^xvoixitu* * rt eiyci^Qv Ttoiv^u,'* TO* * Tt /xe k'RzgcJlc/is Tre^I rS ayot^H* As this passage is acknowledged by the old Latin version of Origen, it fully vindicates the translatour from any suspicion oi accom- modating his authour's text to any particular version. The whole of tlie ciixumstances of the case compel us to conclude, that the disputed passage is a text which Origen merely quotes xn the manner in which it had been corrupted by the hereticks. (1.) It is his constant practice to quote texts, on similar autho- rit)'^; as we Iiave just seen in the case of the Marcionites : conf, p. 330. n. *^ (2.) He has admitted, that these hereticks and the Valentinians corrupted the sacred text ; vid. supr. p. 431. n. *°. and this is a passage, which, as relating to their fundamental dac^ine respecting the attribute of tlieir Good God, they were ( 473 ) nature of the Deity. An examination Into the pe- culiar opinions of those hereticks, leaves us very . least likely to leave unaltered ; vid. supr. p. 463. n. ^'^, (S.T We consequently find that the Marcionites are positively ac- cused of sophisticating this text by St. Epiphanius, vid. supr, p. 471. and a similar charge is brought against the Marco- sians, who were of the Valentinian school, by S. Irenseus ; adv. Haer. Lib. I. cap. xx. p. 92. E>.a ^i ^ rm Iv 'ECccfyixC xtifAuuv bU tSto rov ;^ap>tTJjpa [o» Ma^xw^-jot] f^Sa^|J^6^yJ■^y^ 1 AyaBov Giov w^oXoyuzepai BivoncCy < t' fxf >.Bynq a.y»^ov ; elg Ij-,^ iyaScf, 0 Ylcclrip £V rois A^oivo7r' i^a^aj ^$ vvv tk^ *AI^vaf tl^ija-^ai hsyaa-i' Here, by the addition of iv to?? apumij in the sense of iv roTi ftlu<7iy the hereticks took in the whole of those beingt whom they included in their notion of the Divine Nature ; vid. S, Iren. ibid. cap. xi. p. 77. sive, S. Epiphan. Hser. xxxiv. p. 243. d. conf. supr. p. 270. n. *»*, (4.) The passage before us, when compared with the vulgar reading, has all the character- istick marks of an heretical corruption. The question proposed in the Corrected Text, ri /*£ Ifurui ws^l uyaBey or t5 «yaSs, and the answer, eh iriv uyaBo^, Jhvours the common notion of the hereticks, that Christ came to reveal a good God, who was previously unknown ; vid. supr. p. 463. n. ^^, (5.) As far as we have any accounts of the hereticks* opinions, it is expressed in the very language used by them ; J? W^t ciyoS6<;, which i§ substituted for ts^sU uyuBo^ el /^^ al?, being the phrase which both Valentinians and Marcosians use, in describing their doc- trine ; vid. supr. And it is clear to me, that the phrase which it found in Origen, ^voin^rov iyoc^ov,' supr. p. 471. 1. 24. was sub- stituted, by the same hands, for rnpwro^ rug ImXa?, which occurs in St. Matthew : as the hereticks, who absolved their spiritualized followers from the necessity of observing the Law, required the practice of good from merely animal persons, such as the rich man who addressed our Saviour ; vid. supr. p 465. n. % (6.) It introduces an antithesis, or a contradiction betxveen the Lata given by Moses, and that revealed by Christ; as the person vi^o i$ represented as *< having kept all the ctmimandments'* ( 474 ) little room to doubt that the various reading of the texts before us originated with them, and that they from his youth is addressed, as if he were ignorant either of the nature of good, or of the one good God, whom Christ first revealed ; vid. supr. p. 464. n. ^\ Of this distinction, the Marcionites were fully sensible ; and in order to point it more forcibly, they made another alteration ; S. Epiphan. ib. p. 339. d. * hT; ifiv ayx^o^f o 0(o;.' w^oasSiTO l;t£a$ Oi'Sar,' ^^h^h * Ta; e«ToXafc{ olJa. (7.) Origen not only cites it as he does other heretical texts ; conf. supr. p. 330. n. ^K but with a direct reference to the here- ticks, (who accused God of severity, as the authour of the Law) which is perfectly beside the purpose, unless we conceive the disputed passage brought this subject before him ; Orig. ibid. p. 666. C. ^r.Tfiam; ^l "Jrui aJaSoT^jTo? avte 'rrtiX kJ ra fc»i i>o«;ai»* Jiro To/v aera* i^' iatvToTq avy.o^(XV%)ilaJV t©» tS No^» 0eo>, n^ xaJn-. 7ogMv7^v auiS, »' T. I. In which sentence Origen offers a stiffi* cient apology, for appealing to the testimony of the passage before us. In fine, as the received reading, which has the whole of the internal evidence in its favour, is thus not in the least affected by the testimony of Origen ; while it is amply supported by the most unimpeachable evidence, vid. supr. p. 570. n. *" : the whole weight of evidence which is cited against 5t must fall with the testimony of Origen. The writings of this father have unquestionably had considerable influence on the Egyptian and Palestine editions ; and by these texts the Sahidick and revised Italick, the Coptick and later Syrfack have been obviously corrected : none of these witnesses can of course have the smallest weight in supporting the contested passage, against the single testimony of Justin Martyr; vid. supr. p. 372. And let it be observed, that the evidence of thii primitive father derives additional weight from the explanatory gloss with which he closes his testimony, «5'eK dya^Uy d t^n fiovos 0 0£o?' 0 )§o< evT«;, ai^arf ^o^ara elyxBa: 7r6 >««* ftfxa nrtfeui, 4«sm «^*rtXe»9rTft?? iif 'KfO!Tivxa7^uirtp « HoJi^ TO dyccBlv ^ofxcc. vtov e| K^avS roTq aWScrtv ecvTov, The cause of thi.-? inconstancy in Origen's reading is fully explained by himself in the tract which contains the last extract ; in the course of it he signs a recantation of his former opinions, and abandons Tatian and the Encratites; vid. supr .p. 468. n. '\ ilis differ- fcnt expositions are consequently perfect contrasts to each other ; " the good gift" in the one being " perfect purity, in edibacy and chastHi/" for which Marcicra, contanded ; but in ( 478 ) to the gift of the Spirit ; Origen having* originally adopted this text, as it was understood by the Mar- cionites, furnished, by his different explanations of it, the various readings of the Egyptian and Pales- tine editions. In Luc. xxii. 43^ 449*. yy^ discover the other^ " those temporal blessings which God grants as the rain frmi hea'oeny* which Marcion abjured, as denying the goodness and providence of the Creatour, vid. supr. p. 463. n. '^ Thus far a plain account is given of the various read* ings of Marcion and Origen. And in the testimony of the latter we have as satisfactory an account of the various readings of the Egyptian and Palestine texts ; the reviser of the former having followed Origen's earlier notion in adopting uyx^ht ^o(j>,ci, and the reviser of the Palestine having followed his later opinion in adopting wsvijict uyuBov* Nor was their respective choice the effect of accident. The Egyptian monks naturally gave the preference to the reading which favoured their habit of life ; and the bishop of Caesarea as naturally gave a prefer- ence to that which agreed with Origen's amended opinion. Both likewise had their reasons for preferring Origen's reading to that of the vulgar Greek ; Eusebius having been addicted to the Arian heresy [vid. supr. p. 39. n. ^^.3 and Hesychius to the Origenian [vid, supr. p. 439. n. *^] whose opinions were at variance with the doctrine inculcated in the received reading : vid. S. Hieron. Pam. et Ocean. Ep. lxv. cap. i. Tom. I. p. 229. Without insisting on the authority of the antient witnesses -which support the reading of the vulgar Greek, and the diffi- <:ulty of shewing how they could have been corrupted ; these considerations seem fully adequate to vindicate the integrity of this edition. *° The agony in the garden, described in these verses, it is next to certain, was first suppressed in the Gospel of Marcion : and was thence omitted in some copies of the Palestine text, and on the authority of it, in some copies of the Philoxenian and Armenian versions ; vid. Griesb. n. in Luc. xxii. 43. y. The following reasons seem adequate to establish the antece- ( 479 ) the influence of the same hereticks' notions ; and with this text we may join Col. i. 14''. as relating dent assertion. (1.) This passage occurs in St. Luke, which of all the Gospels was alone acknowledged by Marcion, and which was mutilated of all those passages, by him, which con- tradicted his peculiar opinions ; vid. supr. p. 462. n. '^ (2.) The disputed passage, as proving our Lord's advent in the flesh, was opposed to the peculiar tenet of Marcion, who denied the incarnation and passion of our Saviour, conceiving his body merely a phantasm; Tert. de Anim, cap. xvii. p. 271. " Sic cnim et Marcion phantasma eum maluit credere, totius corporis in illo dedignatus veritatem," (3.) St. Epiphanius was well acquainted with this passage, rid. supr. p. 93. n. *®^ and he expressly opposed Marcion*s opinions, on the testimony of his mutilated Gospel; appealing to several passages which were infinitely less strong than that before us, as Luc. ix. 22. vid. S. Epiphan. Haer. xlii. p. 327. d. conf. p. 347. b. But he has deduced no argument from the passage before us ; we must therefore conclude, that it was wanting in Marcion 's copy. On the omission of this text in some copies of the orthodox T shall have occasion to speak hereafter ; this circumstance with which St. Epiphanius was well acquainted, prevented him from upbraiding Marcion with the suppression of this passage. As all versions retain this text, which is quoted by Justin Martyr, Hippolytus, and other antient fathers, but those al- ready specified, little more remains to be added respecting it. There can be as little reason to doubt the integrity of the Vulgar Greek, as that the various reading of the Palestine text has proceeded from the corruption of Marcion. ** The observations made on Luc. xxii. 43, 44. in the last note, may be applied to this passage, which asserts our redemp- tion " by the blood" of Christ. (1.) The Epistle to the Co- lossians was equally corrupted by Marcion with the Gospel according to St. Luke; this Epistle having been partly re- ceived by him, and that to Philemon alone having escaped the defalcation of the heretick; conf. Epiphan. User, xlii. p. 373. a. b. Tert. adv. Marc. Lib. V. cap. xxi. p. 479. (2.j The ( 480 ) to the same subject : in these examples a degree of eoiricidence between the Marcionite and Origenian passage before lis is more decidedly opposed to Matcitm'g errours, than any which exists iti the text of the vulgar edi- tion, and as such was peculiarly obnoxious to him ; Tert, d voiir to avoid the peculiar errours of the Vdlenti- nians respecting the person of Christy having pro- ginated, not less than the preceding, from the influence of the Marcionite and Valentinian heresies. The Valentinians be- lieved in the existence of two Christs, who were mystically miited; S. Iren. adv. Haer. Lib. III. cap. xvi. p. 204. " Sal- vatorem quidem qui desuper descendisset, quem et ipsum recep- taculum Chrkti, et universae Plenitudinis esse [ Valentinian i] dicunt, linguae quidem iinum Christum Jesum coTifitentes, divisi vero sententia : etenim haec est ipsorum regula, quemadmodum praediximus, ut alterum quidem Christum Jidsse dicant, qui ab Unigenito ad correctionem Plenitudinis praemissus est; alterum vero Salvatorem esse in glorificationem Patris missum.'* Mar- cion agreed with Valentinus in this notion, which was adopted from the Gnosticks ; Tert. adv. Marc. Lib. I. cap. xv. p. 357. «' Atque ita tres mihi deos numera Marcionis«- — . His quum accedunt et sui Christi, alter qui apparuit sub Tiberio ; alter qui a Creatore promittitur," &c. conf. supr. p. 266. There wasTiothing in these notions which accorded with the doctrine of the Origenists; on the contrary, the founder of this sect strenuously opposed those opinions. In the following passage we consequently discover the true source of the various read- ings of the Egyptian and Palestine editions ; Orig. Comm. in Mat. Tom. III. p. 727. b. — a-yi[jt.e^ov » T^vcj tqv 'I-yjabv «7ro t5 X^tfS, uXhcc woXXw TrXiov ol^a tv Eivat 'lyjffSv Tov X^ifov, t^ t^j ^.yp^vji/ ojvtS, wpci? TOV * "Tr^cJloroxov 'TTcia-^g y^taiuiiJ uXT^cc >^ to GuufJiOC avTe, «s wXeoi', bI hT stwj ovo/Accs-ai, eivui tv oXov Thro, oTTe^ * 0 KoTO^u^Avoq Tw Kt^Iw £v 'n\zvixx Efiv. TIic studicd purpose of Origen to avoid the en-our of the Valentinians, drove him into the opposite extreme; and led him to adopt this notion re- specting our Lord's body, which was afterwards improved upon, by the Eutychians. At how early a period the reading af Origen was adopted in some MSS. of the Egyptian text, must be apparent from the testimony of Socrates, vid. supr. p. 303^£|ek ..... Toy TpoTTov civrov, lb. p. 227. b. iv y»^ tu slfixco .... a,tct.ysypafjL[A.£vvi ivfiaxficti) SO completely disjoint the contexture and suspend the sense of Origen's text, as to leave him scarcely intelligible. (3.) The introduction of Ihese pas-» sages reduces the context of Origen to perfect nonsense ; as he declares it to be his intention to search and point out the places in which the words of St. Matthew and St. Luke seeme4 to diflfer, (as he accordingly does, pp. 251. e. f. 252. a. &c.) but which are here forcibly pointed out by contrasting the difievent statements of the Evangelists; Id. ibid. p. 227. b, TO. p-nixc^cc el t^ yitlviuvroi Tivce, lyti a^^J3^o^JJ, (%XAa& xj £v aXXoiy ^ia(f)e'§civ (pa/vETaf us E^ci/vwvrey avra, ^a^as-o^ffoptev. On dis- carding those ridiculous passages which have been foisted inta. ^he text, Origen'5 context may be thus connected; Ibid. p. 226. e. x^ iT^o TTuvluv Tfo-^xinpiniiov on o MalSaro^ »iBi.iBr,a-floci s\s Tov alwva T» alftJvos** x^ Ta w^£<^a Js rary t5 4'aX/i/5 ^o^oXoylav 'nzptiy^zi t« lia/^or. As these considerations render Origen's testimony at least neuter ; the following circumstances are fully adequate to esta- blish the authenticity of the disputed passage. (1.) Had the doxology been interpolated in St. Matthew, there can be no reason apparently assigned, why it should not have been also inserted in St. Luke. (2.) Its uniform omission in St. Luke involves as strong an argument, evincing the probability of its partial sitppression in St. Matthew, as disproving the probability of its partial interpolation in the text of that Evangelist: as the former correction might have been made on the autho>- rity of St. Luke, the latter must have been made against it. (3,) The introduction of this passage in St. Matthew, and its omisuion in St. Luke, involves the strongest presumptive proof, that it was dictated by our Saviour. As the forms of prayer contained in the different Evangelists were given previously to the abrogation of the Mosaick Law, they were accommodated to the Jewish Liturgy. And in strict consonance with the for- mularies of that Church, a doxology was subjoined by our Lord to the jmblick form of prayer given by him to " the multitude,'* but omitted in that which was delivered to " the disciple'* who asked him apart, and which was to be used in private; vid, Lightf. Hor. Hebr. in Mat. vi. 13. Tom.IL p. 303. ed. Amst.— " hoc potius in causa fuisse, cur secundo formulam orationis fla- gitarent, nempe quod primam istam pro piiblica reputarent, cum et ex adjectione Coronidis Antiphono publico in Templo adeo similis, prsesertim vero ex adjectione Amen non nisi in coctibus usitati, hoc facile argueretur: oratur ergo iterum, ut privatim eos orare doceat ; et ille eandem repetit formulam omissis vero Coro- nidc et Amen^ quae publicum usum sapuerunt." (4,. ) The subject matter of the doxology is decisive of the point at issue ; as it is literally adopted from the Jewish ritual, with the entire sub- ( 493 ) in which it occurs. The deviation of the Palestine text from the Byzantine^ is however easily account- ed for ; having originated from a misconception of Origen's testimony^ which was conceived to nega- tive a passage which it merely passed over. Of the texts next in importance to those which stance of the Prayer before us ; Lightf. ib. p. 303. How it could have made its way into the sacred text, and have been append- ed to the form of Prayer, which, as dehvered by Christ himself, must have been deemed absolutely perfect, must for ever baffle the ingenuity of criticks or casuists, to discover. (5.) In four- fold difficulty must such a supposition be embarrassed, when it is remembered, that all the doxologies, used by the primitive Church, were Trinitarian. We have short forms of thi^ kind, which were used in the age of S. Ignatius, Justin Martyr, Ori- gen, Dionysius Alexandrinus, St. Athanasius, St. Basil, &c. ; but they are all addressed to the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. That at the early period, when the doxology was incorporated in the text, a doxology could have been adopted from th^ avowed enemies of the Church, and one which favoured their Anti-trinitarian prejudices against Christianity, is a supposition which I shall not waste a word in refuting. That it was superseded by a Trinitarian doxology in the next age to that which suc- ceeded the apostolical, is evident from the testimony of Lucian, who alludes to such a doxology in the following terms ; Lucian. Philopatr.Tom.n. p. 1011. e. ed. 1619. e«<7ov t«toi? T>3f ^vx^* «to Iloq >tj rr,v 'TToXvdivvfjf.ov cJ^w £»V TeAo? ETrj^iif. In this consideration alone I find a sufficient answer to the negative ar- gument, against its authenticity, which has been deduced from the silence of the early fathers. As it occurs in the Aposto- lical Constitutions, and is acknowledged, if not impHcitly by Origen, yet expressly by St. Chrysostome, we have, in those witnesses, sufficient vouchers for its authenticity. The autho- rity of St. Luke, aided by that of Origen, aftbrded Eusebius sufficient grounds to omit it in his text; and on the authority of his text, it has been suppressed in the versions which have descended from the Palestine edition. C 494 ) have been specified, Joh. i. 27 '^ relates to the pre* 5^ This passage has been already exhibited, supr. p. 384-. Origen having occasionally omitted it in quoting the context, seems to have afforded Eusebius sufficient grounds for suppress* ing it ; the Arian tendency of his opinions, or more probably the desire of discountenancing the notion of Origen respecting the pre-existence of the sou), having induced him to cancel it in his edition. But Eusebius is here vi^holly deserted by the authority of his master; as Origen has not only repeatedly quoted this passage, but has expressly insisted on it, in proving the divinity of our Lord ; Orig. Comm. in Joh» Tom. IV. p. 107» a. — acc ot» * h, tS w^jj^wj^aro? avrS v(^e~i 7rai/TE5 l>^cc^o{xsv»* ^ta tSto yag (P'noiv, * SfXTrqoa^iy /X8 7£70V£v,' on TTpuros /x« ^v. Conf. p. 80. a. 89. b. c. 106. d. 109. d. After this express allegation of the passage before us by Origen, it seems unnecessary to bestow any attention on the negative argument deduced against it, from the silence of Gyril, Nonnus, or Chrysostome. A difficulty in reconciling ^syovEv, in vers. 3. and 27. afforded sufficient grounds for its omission by those antient fathers ; since, if taken in the same sense in both places, vers. 3. either reduced Christ into the rank of a mere creature, or vers. 27. was incompatible with his glory as the authour of the creation. The cause of its omission in the Verona MS. may be at once seen on turning to n. '^ supr. p. 146 : and as to its suppression in the Coptick and Ethi- opick versions, it is sufficiently accounted for in the circum* stance of its being omitted in the Palestine text, from whence those versions descended. The negative argument against ifc is consequently without any force ; while the positive testimony in its favour seems more than adequate to its vindication ; not only the Byzantine and Egyptian texts, but the Italick and Syriack versions, with their derivatives, attest its authenticity : until therefore it can be shown, how those texts have been cor- rupted, we must necessarily conclude the contested passage is genuine. ( 495 ) existence of Christ, and Luc. ix. 55 ^^ to the cause of his advent. The Arian tendency of the reviser of the Palestine text, and the Origenian tendency of the reviser of the Egyptian, respectively occa- sioned the suppression of both passages. To some vague notions, which the hereticks held respecting the object of our Lord's descent into hell, we pro- bably owe the suppression of Mar. vi. IV^. which ^* This passage has been given at length, supr. p. S83. As it represents the salvation of the soul as having been the object of our Lord's advent, without any mention of the hcdy^ it ap- parently favoured the notion of the Marcionites, who main- tained this doctrine exclusively : vid. supr. p. 464^. n. ^^ As the contrary notion was held by the Origenists, who believed in the resurrection, it was first cancelled by them in the Egyp- tian text, and thence suppressed in the Palestine : and as Euse- bius, Basil, Cyril, and Gaudentius followed the latter text, it is consequently omitted in their writings. From the opposition of those witnesses, the passage before us of couree remains un- affected ; while it is abundantly supported by the internal evi- dence, and the testimony of the best and earliest witnesses. (i.) It is inconceivable that this passage could have been in- serted in the text of the orthodox, during tlie prevalence of the Marcionite heresy, which continued till the close of the fourth century, vid. supr. p. 4-69. n. ^°. But as it exists in the old Italick and Syriack versions, it must have been then intro- duced into the sacred text, or have existed in it from the beginning. (2.) As it occurs in all versions, it is so far sup- ported by the testimony of the best and most unimpeachable evidence ; and the general falsification of so many witnesses being wholly inexplicable, v*e must receive it as genuine. (3.) As it is acknowledged by Clement of Alexandria, Dionysius the Areopagite, and Theophanes of the Eastern Church, and by Cyprian, Ambrose, Augustine, &c. of the V/estern, it seems idle in the extreme to question its authenticity, *' -This passage has been already given at large iUpr, p. 382, C ^^96 ) may be joined with the preceding texts, as not uti^ connected with them in subject. Of the remaining passages in which the Greek Vulgate differs from the Egyptian and Palestine texts^ Job. V. 3, 4^^ refers to the angehcal hierar- An adequate cause for its suppression in the Egyptian text may be suggested in the apprehensions indulged by the Origenists^ that it might be employed by the hereticks, to support their notion relative to the salvation of the Sodomites ; S. Iren. adv. Haer. Lib. I. cap. xxvii. § 3. p. 106. — " Sodomitns et ^gyptios fMarcion docuit], et omnes omn'mo gentes^ quae in omni per- inixtione malignitatis ambulaverunt, salvatas esse a Dom'mOf cum descendisset ad hiferos^* &c. It is certain, that some of the hereticks, who rivalled those nations in their diabolical excesses, rejected all the Evangelists but St. Mark ; and that the Catholicks had formed some hope that they might be led out of their errours by reading the Gospel of that Evangelist, which was better calculated to answer this end, when the dis- puted passage was cancelled ; Id. ibid. Lib. III. cap. xi. J 7. p. 190. " Qui autem Jesum separant a Ckristo, et impassibi- lem perseverasse Christum, passum vero Jesum dicunt, id quod secundum Marcum est 'prceferentes Evangeliiim ; cum amore veritatis legentes illud corrigi possuntj** As these considera- tions account for the negative testimony of the Egyptian texty and its derivatives ; they add the strongest confirmation to the reading of the Byzantine, which is supported by the primitive Italick and Syriack versions; since the same circumstances must have created equal obstacles to prevent the interpolation of the latter edition, as to induce the mutilation of the former. And it must be observed, in confirmation of the received text, that it is supported by the Verceli MS. against the Egyptian edition. The weight of testimony adduced on the present question, thus clearly lies on the side of the Greek Vulgate. ^^ This passage, relative to the descent of the angel in the pool of Bethesda, has been already laid before the reader, supr^ p. 374. Sufficient grounds for its suppression in the Egyptiaa ( 497 ) cliy. These verses were probably omitted on this account^ by the Origenists, who were professed enemies of the Valentinians • as these hereticks per- text, existed in the tenets of the Marcosians. These hereticks, representing Jesus as a separate person from Christ ; conceiv- ing the latter the Spirit who descended on Jesus in the shape of a dove, distinguished between baptism for the remissiori of sins, and redemption to perfection, and ascribed the former to the visible Jesus, but the latter to the invisible Christ; S. Iren. adv. Ha2r. Lib. I. cap. xxi. § 2. p. 94?. to imv Se (iJ,7ili(Tfjt.cc t5 were made partakers of the Divine nature, like the angelical hierarchy ; conf. Iren. ibid. § 3. p. 95. As the Catholicks con- sidered the Angel descending in the pool of Bethesda, a type of the Holy Ghost, descending on the laver of regeneration ; vid. Tert. ut supr. p. 374^.; the Marcosians confounded the Angel Gabriel with the Divine Logos mentioned by St. John, vid. S. Iren* ibid, calpi xv. § 3. p^ 77. As the passage be- fore us might have been perverted, or was really quoted by the hereticks, to favour their superstitious practices ; it is highly probable, that the reviser of the Egyptian text, who certainly cancelled Mat. xx. 20. on similar grounds, also obliterated Joh^ v. 3, 4. vid. infr. n. ^^. As these considerations seem ade- quate to account for the variation of the Egyptian edition, and its derivatives, from the Byzantine ; and as the latter is sup- ported by the testimony of all Versions, but a few copies of thp Italick and Armenian, and is confirmed by Tertullian, ChrysoS- tome, Cyril, &c. there can be no reason to doubt, that it re- tains the genuine reading. The very varieties in the text which omit the disputed passage, indirectly confirm the Greek Vul- gate; as they omit different portions of it, .they destroy their common testimony by varying from each other; and as they thus partially agree with the received reading, tjiey confirm it by tlieir separate testimony. Kk ( 498 ) verted the doctrine relative to that order of beings, to many superstitious purposes. The causes which occasioned the suppression of Mat. xx. 23^', are ^ Those passages, which have been already quoted, supr, p. 381. evidently owe their suppression in the Egyptian and Palestine texts, to the influence of the Marcionite and Marcosian heresies, seconded by the authority of Origen. The founder of those heresies having maintained the efficacy of a second and third baptism, in washing away the sins contracted after the first ablution ; those passages apparently afforded some countenance to their notions. In this sense they wrested the parallel pas- sage, in Luc. xii. 50. which occurred in the only Gospel which they acknowledged; vid. S. Epiphan. Haer. xlii. p. 304. c. The Marcosians, who distinguished between baptism for re- mission, and redemption to perfection, improved on this doc- trine ; vid. supr. p. 497. n. ^^ : and as they acknowledged the authority of St, Mattkexv, as well as St. Luke, they appealed particularly to the former, in confirmation of their opinions, citin"- the disputed passage^ S, Iren. adv. Haer. Lib. L cap. xxJ, § 2. p. 94. kJ ro /XEV l^d.'Tili'JfMa vira 'luJciifVH KCtii^fysX^cn eJ? /aeIos- »oJ«y, TW Se a.7io}}cr5 ly rn &lx.aiKi\a, avrtij (pner) Tr^oq avrhi 9 K&^»05* ' ^vvoca-^e 'TTiut to itolri^iov o lyw ttivco ;' irormov heyav rh [KaflC^iof* St. Matthew however reads ^vma^i mtTy to ^oI^^ioV S "tyu (AiK\M Irish. In the other, he corrects himself, fully acknowledging the vulgar reading to be genuine, while he qua* lifies it bjr referring to St. Mark, who had written mva for /^£XX« TrmTy; Id. Comm. in Mat. Tom. III. p. 717. c. uvoK^t^iU L© lite-vg2 sjVe {/.sra, ri' * ^vtaa^t -TruTt rh TroTsjpjoy, o syco fAiKXeo VIbTm;* S w? 0 Mu^Koq uny^u-^s* * ^vvaa-^s to ttotv^iqv 'nuTv o eyed 'nivdi''* ri TO ^ocTrlta-fAa, o lyu ^apli^oy.aif /?a7r1} ruv Qouv y.t>,si ru Qtu, But Marcion, not admitting the authority of the Law, corrected the passage as follows ; S. Epiphan. Hasr. xlii. p. 355. d. jxeTviXecytASVui avr) yd^ t« Iv nru {\, }ji.trvi\etyiji.iyu<; am tH' * \v yoip Tw3 yo/Aw,* y^zyi\ []o Ma^xiwj']] * Iv tw \Auv(xiu(; voyLUi \iyi\ ^i w^o rartf, *" z\ KjO vofxos ruvrec, « Xiysi'' thus destroying the appeal to the Law, and its testimony as cited in favour of the Apostle. The various reading of the Egyptian text has originated in a correction made with a view to the primitive reading, and the alteration of Marcion. In the Augean and Boenerian MSS. we find, yj eI zu\ 5 v6[xoi ravrot'Keysn the tes- timony of the Law is here admitted, in opposition to Marcion*s correction ; but the appeal to it is less forcibly put than in St. Paul. The truth is, that the antecedent passage in the Apos- tle's text looks so like a quotation from the Old Testament, though it is nothing of the kind, that the reviser of the Egyp- tian text, who had no means of verifying the fact, was afraid of the phrase o yo^cos ravra AiV«», and introduces the following ( 50^ ) his foul aspeFsiqns of the Law'°M and some in quotation, not by appealing to its testimony, but by proposing it as a dovibt ; yy €< x^ o vofAOi tavrcc hiyn. The same difficulty seems to have struck Origen, but he disposes of it in a diiFerent way. Adhering more closely to the original, he preserves the hole of the words ; but he alters the position of the particle 4k, after the example of Marqiouy and thus leaves the point ambiguous, of which he was doubtful ; Orig. contr. Cels. Lib. II. cap. iii. p. 388. e. ^ xa* o »o/*o? Tecvrx « Aiy** ; «y y'*9 *»"? Mm^vf »»f7ov The c^use of this disturbance of the received reading is speci- fied by St. Epiphanius, lb. p. 359. b. cv Ti u Ma^xiw*, wfocr«« S.«x«j? -so* ' *£§9vi/]o.v,' vo^^ffcca kitl tS t4,ifx,ix,^at ra, ^vo hv6 fiction * 4|f£* T^ »^ * st^wi^tf,' cryva.'Jrli^^oti tat Uq TfOTrmu t/<» cr^ia-iv," . ^iSavov ccv c■Q^ Yiv^'iaxilo to t?? crvxo^a»Iia5 -^tvffoq' w?, twv vv» Bt^ ^vQyl^^04s Bvoflm o/Att c^tiyaiilofASVuy xcd hiiocisvovlvv [1. ^a»/<60<74 Syevlw*] xa* a;)^; ©tw. Thus ttX^ov was Superseded by if^Sfloy, in order to bring disrepute on the Jewish Law, which Marcion held in »o estimation ; ra e^vn having been consequently sup- pressedj, ^s inconsistent with this application of the passage. The reviser of the Egyptian edition having made use of h^re- C 503 ) attempts to correct his false notions relative to the nature and attributes of God '°^, the person of Christy tical texts in compiling that edition, very closely follows the reading of Marcion. Deviating however from the principal emendation, h^ read, ny^ on si^o/Xov irt ri, instead of ri oV» Uq6bu%v ri is-i: and thus removed the heretical tendency of the text, while he obviated the inference which might be drawn from the true reading ot» eVSo^Xov rt Ir** ; as implying that ido- latry was an indifferent matter. The reviser of the Palestine text having thas a ehoke between the Byzantine and Egyptian edi- tions, adopted a reading which partly agreed with both in the first clause ; following the order of the latter text, but retaining the terms of the former. But in the second clause, he agreed with the Egyptian text, in following the reading of Marcion : he consequently read r! h (p>)/x» ; ot» sI^qXo^uIov t* ir» ; ^ en iiZcoXov ri tri ; aAA' on a, ^vam ^a»/*o>»o»? h'vaai ^ Gnuj, Some copies however of the Palestine text omit on sl^o:^6Bv%9 ri Irtv ; and others, r) on s'^Suho* ri Ir* ; some superfluity having been conceived to exist in this text, which was interpolated by Mar- cion, it was consequently removed by each reviser, according to the bias of his judgment or principles. Thus admitting the Vulgar Greek to retam the genuine readhjg, every corruption of the text may be traced from the first correction of Mar- cion ; the various readings obviously destroymg the credit of one another, while th^ add some confirmation to the received reading : of its authenticity there cannot of course be any rea- son to doubt. *°+ In the Byzantine and Palestine texts we read, Mat. xxv. 41. "TFo^tvea-Bs uTT Ifxa ol Holn^uiiivoi tt? to wy^ to cclvviov TO ^jTOJ^taff- /xs'vov ru ^iu^oT^u' but in the Egyptian text, to iToi/^aa/^iej'oi' is superseded by o ^Toi/^acrev o Yla%^ //.a. Both readings are found in Origen; the former in Comm. in Rom. Tom. IV. p. 463. d : the latter in Comm. in Mat. Tom. III. p. 8S5. e. There can be little doubt however, that the latter reading is merely a gloss on the former ; the phrase having been changed as a corrective to the notion of the Marcionites, who asserted the existence of a second God, besides the Father of Christy ( 504 ) and the character of the legal dispensation '°K In to whera they ascribed the attributes of justice and severity ; vid. supr. p. 463. n. ^^. This reading may be probably referred to Justin Martyr, who maintained a controversy against Mar-? cion, and who has given to similar texts a like tendency ; vid, supr. Just. Mart, supr.p. 465. n. ^^ p. 474. n. ^^ conf. Dial, cum Tryph. p. 301. d. From Justin Martyr, it descended to Ire^ nseus, Tertullian, Origen, &c. and thus made its way into the Egyptian edition; from whence it regularly passed into the revised Italick version ; but under circumstances, which dis- close that it was adopted in this text by an unskilful correc- J;ion; vid. supr. p. 183. n. ^^°, As the reading of the Greek Vul- gate is not only corroborated by the testimony of the primitive Italick and Syriack, but by all known versions but the revised Latin, which is entitled to no voice, as it was corrected by the Egyptian edition ; there can be no doubt that it retains the genuine reading ; particularly as it is supported by the testi- mony of Origen in the Eastern Church, and of Tertullian in the Western ; vid. Orig. ub. supr. conf. Tert. de Carn. Christ, cap. xiv. p. 306, *°^ The following examples may be offered in support of the above assertion. In the Egyptian text, the following interpo- lation occurs, Luc. vi. 5. rj? av'^ij VfAS^oc, Bta,o'ei[Asvo^ r^vx i^ya^o^ IJi.UKci(ioq iT* ^l ^e (ji,r) oi^a?, |7r»>ta]apa]o{ not) 7rccfcc^ccit3<; it tS »o/x»« And the following occurs in the Palestine, Mat. xxvii. 49. «?k?vo5 OS. ha^uv "^dyyriVy hv^iv uvth t^v 7r^£ygav, noti l|^xSev v^uq kou alfAcc. The latter passage is plainly taken from Joh. xix. 34. and is here probably opposed to the Marcionites, or other Docetae, who denied the Incarnation, and rejected the testi- mony of St. Jphn ; or possibly omitted this passage in their . copies of the Evangelists ; vid. supr. p. 464, n. ^\ From what- ever source the antecedent passage is adopted, it obviously fur- nishes an authority against those hereticks, who blasphemed the Jewish Law, and conceive^ that Christ came to destroy it, vid. supr. p. 463. n. ^°. •^ The reading of the Byzantine text in L\ic. xii. 38. has ( 505 ) this manner it is not uncommon to find the peculiar phrases of Marcion's text'°^ and the very order of been already stated supr. p. 185. n. ^^\ The source of the various readings of this passage is revealed in the following de- scription of the correction of Marcion; S. Epiphan. User. xlii. p. 314. b. avl* tS* * hvlspo. V) 'FfhTj) (pv\oiiiv),' £'';<;«>' * ^^TrBprnYiV ^vXatKvi'* The grounds of this correction are thus suggested by St. Epiphanius; Ibid. p. 335. EA-^^a/xla* o Klnvu^; y,[\a,rf^-l'aq T»j Sgjtff T^oyaq avovruf Ttpos r'hi eavis v'JiovQiacv. a y«p viiAzpivca ylvovlon (pv'KotKoily ccKhoi vvxle^n/aj, uiib kanioaci zis t-^v ir^Jjrvw (tluXocicnVj Wfoay.'iTrriv rn? lirtiilcia-eatq s^ya-cHf ^ «>c aTTO tyiS sco elf TYiv gjTrs^av, uq aroj aXic-adxi p(x^iyfyy]acc<;. The received read" ing having been thus disturbed, the various reading of the corrected texts are formed with a view to the errours of Mar- cion. While they admit his correction into the text, they give the context such a turn as to subvert his notion that the watch ended with evening. The Egyptian text consequently reads ; Luc. ib. 38. Kul ia,» IaSjj (tijI eJTTfg/vy) (puKacuri, y.cci iv^via-n iiruq, fl0i'ri} ^Bvlsfia^ xal xri rpWyjf (jt.ay.ci^ioi slaiv l>iBTt/oi : and some copies of the Palestine ; xat lav tX% {rri gaTrs'^tvyj ^uXocyc^ xat evp-n arwj iroiHillaf.s (j^omocqioi sifftv' ori dvocKXivaH avrtii OO OJ^KQVOJ^TSt avroiS' nav] h tv) h^li^f y.av Iv tjj r^Wr) ^t^Aaxjj eASjj; hoc) iv^r) tiTu; ixctadipioi ilcnv ikbTvoi, The parentheses in these examples clearly mark the interpolation; i^rwj 7rot55o-e» in the Egyptian text, being drawn out in the Palestine into Urut; voisvlaq lJLocy.a.p\o\ eiV»»* ot« x. t I. whicll is repeated from vers. 37. In fact, the revisers of both texts being here deserted, both by the received text and the text of Marcion, found themselves at liberty to pursue their own course in incorporating his read- ing in their r^^visals. Consequently, w^hile these texts destroy the testiniony of each other, they add the strongest confirma- tion to the reading of the Greek Vulgate. They mutualh^ retain all that could be borrowed from it, ol ^yAot excepted, which was obviously omitted to abridge a sentence that was embarrassed by a long interpolation ; they respectively conira- iliet each other in adopting more than it contains, and thus ( 506 ) his language *°^ retained in the Egyptian and Pa- lestine texts, though the passages adopted from his Gospel and Apostohcum are given a totally different application from that which they possess in his writings. Through various channels those read- ings might have crept into the edition of Eusebius. The scripture-text of Tatian, which most probably conformed in many respects to the Gospel and Apostolicum of Marcion ^"^ ; the text of Hesychius, leave their joint or separate authority, when differing from the received text, deserving of no consideration. '°' One of the longest extracts from Marcion *s Apostolicum is taken from 1 Cor. x. 1 — 9. 11. transcribed by St. Epipha- nius, H{rr. xlii, p. 320. c. and repeated, lb. p. 357. b. With reference to the Marcionite notions, it omits the following pas- sages; Ibid. 1. Kcc) irotvles it? To» Muanv i^x'7r\iaotv\o, h t>} l»s^«^»J XM £» T^ ^a,7\a,(7a-^. Ibid. 8. ^%ct 7ro^»£t;w^sv, xaSwj th'E? ocvruv sTToeviva-aVf y.a) tTnaov 19 /A»a Y)[ji,tpot elKoaHpn^ ;^^^^a^s?. It deviates however in the following passages, from the Greek Vulgate ; in which it is followed by the Palestine edition, as collated by Euthalius, and found in the Alexandrine and Vatican MSS. Ibid. 1. ^eXu Je. Vulg. ^eXa) yat^, Marc, PaL Ibid. /Jpw/Aa wvsv- uccliKov I'^ayov. Vulg, 'Trvevjx^tx.ov t^otyov /3gi/xa. Marc. Pdu tnfJt.A 'rrtivu.cclii'.oii eVjov. Vulg, Trvivixotlmov eWiov ttdyLOt. MarC, Pal, *°* Tatian was a follower of Marcion, having adopted from him the fundamental tenets of the Encratites, whom he formed into a sect; vid. S. Iren. Lib. I. cap. xxviii. p. 107. To the opinions which he borrowed from Marcion, he added many of the peculiar tenets of Valentinus, Iren. ibid. S. Epiphan. Haer, XLV. p. 391. c. Ashe thus required the authority of St. John to support his opinions ; Marcion having merely adopted the Gospel of St. Luke, vid. supr. p. 462. n. ". he consequently disposed the four Gospels in the form of a Diatessaron, omit« ing every thing which militated against his peculiar notions.; Theodor. Haer, Fab. xx, p. 303. »to? xa\ [o Toliavo?] As** ( 507 ) which was compiled from various apocryphal worlcs"'^; and the Commentaries of Origen, which abounded in quotations drawn from heretical revisals of Scrip- ture "°, opened a prolifick source from which they directly passed into the Palestine edition. The facilities of correcting this text from Origen's writ- ing's, and the blind reverence in which that antient father was held in the school of Caesarea'", seem TBffo-ocr^m y.x>c) ^icy§3"«;S"» utcq iaxo\ioyqa(prn%' o Kvai^ios syai ey^oXioc gra§e^^Jta. ITa/x(piXQf ic, Ec"7&/3ANEPfiOH (EOANEPnOH) aliisque in locis 7ion paucis evanuit." rfe still however supports his opinion, and with sufficient confidence, on the following considerations. Id. ib. p. x. " At nihilo tamen minus confidenter equidem pronuntiare audeo, vera esse, quae ii tradiderunt, qui S? in codice hoc a prima manu extitisse affir- marunt. Nam non solum Alexandrinus et Regius ille rescrip- tUs, qui in Epistolis eandem prorsus recengionem exhibent, sese mutuo confirmant : verum etiam quod majus est, et omnem de utriusque lectione dubitandi locum prcecluditi o? certissime fuit Alexandrinae recensionis, quee in duobus istis Codicibus ex tat lectio. Patet ex consensu Cod. 17, versionum Coptae, iEthi- bpicae, Armenicse, et Syriacae posterioris, atque Cyrilli Alex- andrini ; immo e silentio omnium Alexaridrinorum scriptorum, qui ad locum hunc nunqudm provocarunt in litibus de Christ! divinitate agitatis." This however^ with the sophist's leave, is not to tell us what the MS; reads, nor even what it ought to read, but simply what he thinks it should have read. It would be sufficient to state, in answer to this silly and groundless con- fidence, that these examples are wholly beside the purpose of the present dispute ; as the Codex Alexandrinus is a MS. sui generiSf having a mixed text, the Gospels following a different recension from the Epistles. It becomes of course idle in the extreme to judge of it by any other MS. or Version; as M. Griesbach could have been scarcely unconscious ; in admitting Ibid. p. cxxxviii.— << Codici A. admistas esse lectiones haud paucas non Alexandrinas." And it is curious to observe, among the readings of this kind, which exist in the Alexandrine MS. we have positive authority for concluding, that fleos- 1 Tim. iii. 16. was included. The readings of Euthalius, it is notorious, correspond with this MS. vid. supr. p. 87. n. '* : but Euthalius certainly read Qeoi l(pa.n^u%, if any respect be due to the testi- mony of his editoiur ; vid. Zaccagn. ub. supr. p. 290. n. *^^ who collated his work with the readings of the Alexandrine MS. eonf. p. 86. n. ^\ Ll /^ ( 5l4 ) and known, with the exception of tw6 "^ in fa- vour of the reading of M. Griesbach's corrected edition. 2. Of Versions, the Sahidick, Coptick, Armenian, and margin of the later Syriack, support Ku^ »o? in Act. XX. 28 ; the same versions, with the Ethiopick and Erpenian Arabick, support ©V in 1 Tim. iii. 16: and all that are extant, except the Latin Vulgate and Armenian, the corrected reading of 1 Joh. V. 7 "^ 3. Of the Fathers who have been cited in favour of the Palestine text, the following is a brief state- ment. (1.) On Act. XX. 28. St. Ignatius, St. Irenaeus, Eusebius, Didymus, S. Chrysostome, and Theophy- lact; S. Jerome, Lucifer, and Augustine; Theo- dorus Studites, Maximus, Antonius, Ibas, Sedulius, and Alcimus; the Apostolical Constitutions, the Council of Nice, and the second Council of Car- thage ; a catena quoting Ammonius, and a manu- script containing the Epistles of S. Athanasius '*^ (2.) On 1 Tim. iii. 16. Cyril Alexandrinus, S. Je- rome, Theodorus Mopsuestenus, Epiphanius, Gela- sius Cyzicenus, and, on his authority, Macarius of Jerusalem'*^. (3.) On 1 Joh. v. 7. it has been deemed sufficient to state, that the fathers are wholly silent respecting it in the Trinitarian contro- versy; while some of them even quote the subjoined verse, and strain that doctrine from it by an allego- •*^ Vid. Griesb. n. in h. 1. *^ Vid. Griesb. n. in h. 1. "5 Vid. Bengel. et Griesb. not, in loc. **^ Vid. Griesb. not. in loc. ( 515 ) rical interpretation, which is plainly asserted in the contested passage "7. Such is the external testimony which is offered in favour of those verses ; as they are inserted in the Corrected Text. And yet, however formidable it may appear, it seems exposed to no less formidable objections. In reply to the testimony of Manuscripts quoted on this subject, it seems sufficient to state, that they are collectively descended from the edition of Euse- bius **^ and are consequently disqualified from ap- pearing in evidence, on account of his peculiar opi- nions. With respect to the few manuscripts which support the reading of Acts xx. 28. 1 Tim. iii. 16. they particularly approximate to his edition, as con- taining the Palestine text'*^ and are consequently on that account, not entitled to the least degree of credit. The same observation may be made in reply to the testimony of Versions which has been adduced in evidence on this subject. None of them can lay claim to a degree of antiquity prior to the fourth century. In that age the principal of the antient versions were made; chiefly under the auspices of '^^ Vid. Person Let. to Travis, p. 373. **^ As the Gospels were divided by Eusebius, the Catholick Epistles were divided by Euthalius, vid. conf. p. 34. n. ^°. p. 86. n. *^ The latter were however corrected by Eusebius*s text, vid. supr. p. 86. n, *' : hence, as the Euthalian sections are generally prevalent in the Greek MSS. they sufficiently prove the descent of those MSS. from Eusebius's e4itioo, vid. supr. p. 130. n. ". '*^ Vid. Griesb. not. in loc. 1 13 ( 516 ) Cohstantine the Great, who employed Eusebius to revise the text of Scripture'^''. The only proba- bihty consequently is, that they were accommodated to the Palestine edition ; and the principal versions cited on the present question bear internal evidence of the fact, as they coincide with the Palestine text, and are divided by Eusebius's sections. Such is particularly the case with the Sahidick and Cop- tick, the later Syriack and Latin translations'*'. They cannot, of course, be allowed any separate voice from the Palestine text, in deciding the matter at issue. This consideration seems to leave very little weight to the authority of the Fathers, who are adduced in evidence on this subject. With a few exceptions, w^hich are of no account, they also suc- ceeded the age of Eusebius ; in referring cursorily to those verses, they may be conceived to have quoted from his edition, as containing the received text of the age in which they flourished. I here except, as preceding his time, S. Ignatius, S. Ire- nseus, and the compilers of the Apostolical Consti- tutions, who have been quoted in support of Act. XX. 28. but their testimony is not entitled to the smallest respect, as derived to us through the most suspicious channels. The first and last of these witnesses are quoted from editions which have been notoriously corrupted'**, as it is conceived, by the '3° Vid. supr. p. 26. n.**. .'" Vid. supr. p. 322. n. 3°. conf. p. 81. n. ^\ p. 316. n. '*. "* Usser. Dissert, de Ignat. Epist. cap. vi. ap. Patr. Aposto^l. p. 211. Ed. Cleric Rot. 172^. " Quantum igitur ex hisce pos- ( 517 ) Arians; and we consequently find, that the genuine works of Ignatius, read with the Byzantine Text instead of the Palestine '". And with regard to St. Irenaeus's evidence, it is quoted merely from a tran- slation which has been made by some barbarous writer, who, in rendering the scriptural quotations of his originar^*, has followed the Latin version, which agrees with St. Irenaeus in possessing the Palestine reading '^^ sum colHgere, sexto post Christum seculo prodiit amplior hose quce in nostris codicihus hodie fertur^ Ignatianarum Epistolarum Sylloge : et quidem (nisi me fallo) ex eadem officina, unde Apostolonim qui dicuntur Canones, novorum capitulorum xxxv. adjectione habemus auctos, et Constitutiones ita immutatas, ut pristinam quam ohtinuerant speciem, non (ut Epistolae nostrae) amiserint modh, sed plane perdiderint, Conf. Pears. Vind. Ignat. Prooem. cap. vi. p. 273. Bevereg. Cod. Can. Eccl. Prim. Illus- trat. P. I. cap. iii. J 1. p. 12. cap. xvii. § 4. p. 73. "3 Vid. supr. p. 275. n. ='2^ "+ Mill. Proleg. in Nov. Test. n. 368. " Sed cum Graeca (S.Ireneei) maxima ex parte interciderint, tum et in his quae cupersunt, Epiphanius aliique quibus ea debemus, baud semper citarint loca N. T. ad textum Irenaeanum, sed nonnunquam ad codices suos posteriores, seu etiam ex memoria. In Latinis autemy Interpreti id unum cures erat, ut Scripturce testimonia, quce in hoc opere occurrent, exprimerentur verbis Literpretationis, quce Celtis suis, totique Occidenti, jam in usu erat, Italicce, sive vulgatce." Conf. Sabatier. Praef. in Bibl. Ital. Tom. I. p. xl. '5 As so much pains have been used to shew that Cyril Alexandrinus read with the Palestine text in 1 Tim. iii. 16. vid. infr. p. 521. n. '^^ I may be ])ardoned in offering a few words to prove that S. Irenaeus read with the Byzantine in Act. XX. 28. (1.) St. Irenaeus is expressly engaged on the subject of the traditionary mysteries of the Church; Iren. adv. Hapr. Lib. III. cap. xiv. p. 201. ad init. * Si quae occuUiora mysteria pr« aliis scivisset Paulus, ea Lucas assiduus illius comes, labo- ( 518 ) We miglit give up the remaining authorities with- out any detriment to our cause. With respect to the evidence of St. Athanasius**^ St. Chrysos- rumque consors ac particeps ; ignorare non petuisset, &c. conf. ibid. § 1. sub. fin. (2.) The contested passage is quoted with a view to prove, that St. Paul expHcitly taught all mysteries to the Church ; Id. ibid. § 2. " Quoniam autem Paulas simpli- citer quae sciebat, haec et docvitf non solum eos qui cum eo erant, verum omnes audientes se, ipse Jacit manifestum* In Mileto enim, convocatis Episcopis et Presbyteris, qui erant ab Epheso — mnlta testificans eis — adjecit: * Scio quoniam jam non videbitis faciem meam — mundus sum a sanguine omnium. Non «nim subtraxi, uti non annuntiarem vobis omnem sententiara Dei. Attendite igitur vobis — regere Ecclesiam Domini [f. Dei] quam sibi constituit per sanguinem suum.'— Sic Apostoli ^iinpliciter, et nemini invidentes, quae didicerant ipsi a Domino, hcec omnibus iradebant,** &c. Now, as there was no mystery in our Lord's purchasing the Church with his blood, but a great mystery in * Godh purchasing it with his oiun hloody* St. Ire- naeus's allegation of this passage appears to me to be perfectly irrelevant, unless that primitive father read, with St. Ignatius and the Vulgar Greek, t>!» inxX-naiuv tS ©e«, >)y tn^n'TroimoRo hoc t5 lYiH aii*.ot[oi. Nor is this supposition invalidated by the consideration, that " Ecclesiam Domini,'^ is the reading found in the old translation of St. Irenaeus. (1.) This is the reading of the old Italick version, which the translatour has Jbllowed in quoting the disputed passage with its context ; vid. supr. n. *'*. (3.) The work of St. Irenaeus was translated when the Nesto- rian controversy was agitated by the Western Church ; in fa- vour of which, the vulgar reading might be adduced, to prove that 0£Of was used catachretically by the inspired writers, as * the very blood of God' was a phrase, which could not be ap- plied in any other manner ; vid. Sabat. ib. »5^ It has been objected to the passages quoted from Su Athanasius, supr. p. 286. n. ^^K p. 289. n. ^". that the former, instead of GsS, reads Kv^ia in one MS. and Xf ir5 in others ; and that the latter passage is wanting in some MS S. and merely ( 519 ) siippned in the margin of others; vid. Griesb. nn. in Act. xx, 28. 1 Tim. iii. 16. conf. Athan. Tom, II. p. 653. n. ". p. 706. n. «*. As these passages follow the same class of text, the defence of one will cover the other. There can be however very little doubt, that the latter passage was written by St. Athanasius. '{i.) It relates to a subject which, until the age of St. Chrysostome, was preserved undivulged, by those who were initiated in the Christian mysteries. As strong reasons, of course, must have operated to cause its suppression in some MSS. as to prevent its interpolation in ani/, St. Chrysostome having cited the verse before us, observes ; Comm. in 1 Tim. Tom. XI. p. 606. a. /xwr^^tov Totj-yi' tr*. f^rt roivvv ixTropcffeiJw/xEV TO [JLvrvftov, (xrt •7rav7ax« a^'^o Ti^oJi^Mfxiv. (2.) No conceivable end could have been attained by inserting it in St. Athana- fiius's context. ^ It could not have been intended to furnish an authority for the contested reading in 1 Tim. iii. 16. as it is literally offered as a palliation for the sin of those who denied the doctrine which that reading tends to establish. (3.) In this view it is identified, as a part of that antient father's text, by his context. St. Athanasius is expressly engaged in palli- ating the guilt of those who denied the Divinity of Christ ; in order to induce them to repent of their errours. His apology consists of two parts ; he pleads on the one side their weakness, ix°*'^^<; '^potpu^iv t})» tS cr:c^/*a1os ua^evsiuv I on the Other the depth of the mystery, £X«<7» yap «? to* a7ro^«^o^' iTvfyvu[AViV avroTq vsjAOvlXf , j,Vi t^ yjycc Iri TO T??? tiiai^ita<; f^vrvfiov, Geo; E>oy8jXBvci}q i^iycc to tjj? svo's^slai; /x*]r>Jp'ov. tl SI civBpuvoi joEn-at Koivoq o Xptro?, jysj» al^E^lai 0£iiJ ffVvr,fA.yt,ivoth God in equality of glory and power;" y.oivoq av^ouiro^ — xola fxovrtv ri* »j? u^iuc,. viyav civ^Bv]ia,<; Qeu a-vvyi(A[/.ivoq ; as it implied the incarnation of the Divine Logos, who was ** God and with God in the beginning,^* il ©so? tiv h Aoyoq y., t. I. ut supr. The ob- jections of M. Griesbach being now set out of the question; the following observations are sufficient to establish the received reading of Cyril's printed text. (l.> ©eoy kipavB^uBvj was cer« tainly the reading of the editour's MSS. as he has adopted it in opposition to that of the Latin Vulgate, which he follows in iiis translation : in the passage before us, crapjti X, T. e. *39 This appears from the following sentiment of St. Augus- tine, De Doctr. Christ. Lib. II. cap. xiv. Tom III. p. 27. f, *' Nam Codicibus emendandis primitus debet invigilare solertia •eorum, qui Scripturas Divinas nosse desiderant, ut emendati^ ( 524 ) words would serve in reply to the authority of thfe Councils cited on this subject; that of Nice has been however most falsely and imperfectly report- ed'*'*, and that of Carthage^ as reported in Greek, suppiorts the received text^ while in Latin it sup- ports the corrected '"**. If, after these observations, the testimony of the remaining writers cited on this subject be alledged^"^*, throwing Ammonius and Macarius into the same scale, as entitled to equal respect, from the questionable shape in which they approach us'*^ we think the advocates of the Cor- non emendati cedant, ex uno dumtaxat interpretationis genere venientes. — Libris autem Novi Testamenti, si quod in Latinis varietatibus titubat, Grcecis cedere oportere non dubium est,'* Conf. S. Ambros. Tom. II. p. 722. { 82. '*° Vid. Lab. et Cossart. Concil. Tom. II. col. 103. d. Bar- rim. Dissert, ut supr. p. 173, &c. ^"^ Vid. Griesb. not. in Act. xx. 28. *"** The testimony of Ibas and Theodorus Mopsuestenus is wholly inadmissible, as they were the avowed partizans of Nes- torianisra, which they contributed to propagate in the East ; vid. supr. p. 344. n. ^*. conf. Liberat. Breviar. cap. x. pp. 48. 50. Evagr. Hist. Eccl. Lib. IV. cap. xxxviii. p. 418. 1. 22. p. 419. 1. 12. sqq. **^ Ammonius, of whom we know nothing more than his name, is quoted from a catena, in a MS. preserved at New Col. Oxf. vid. Bengel. et Mill. not. in Act. xx. 28. Macarius, from Gelasius Cyzicenus, on whom see n. ^'^. and Berrim. ut supr. p. 178, 180. On the dependance which may be placed oa these quotations at second hand, see S, Epiphanius and S. Ire- naeus, ut supr. p. 517. n. ^^*. The folloM'ing example, taken from the reading of 1 Tim. iii. 16. as preserved in the genuine and interpolated Epistles, and in the antient version of St. Igna- tius, will demonstrate the instability of their ground who build, in verbal quotations, either upon original or secondary autho^ ( 525 ) l-ected Text, who must receive this testimony sub- ject to the mistakes of the original authours, and the errours of subsequent transcribers, fully entitled to the benefit of their authority. We have thus only to deplore the peculiar state of those who are reduced to the desperate situation of sustaining- a cause which rests on so unsolid a foundation. In reply to the argument which is deduced in fa- vour of the corrected reading of 1 John v. 7. from the silence of the fathers, who have neglected to appeal to this text in the Trinitarian controversy, it may be, in the first place, observed, that no such controversy/ existed. In the first age of the Church, the subjects de- bated by the catholicks and hereticks turned upon the divinity and the humanity of Christ; on the rlty. S. Ignat. ad Ephes. cap. i. Ed. Genuin. ava^wrvf^aatrti £V aliAOcri ©6b, TO avfyiViKov s^yov rsXtiuq uirnp'iaom : Ed. InterpoL i.vatfii'rrvDYta-xvri^ ev aVptaTi X^ffxa, to avlyiviKoVf x. t. I. Vers. Antiq. reaccendentes in sanguine Christi Dei, cognatum opus integre perfecistis. In Act. xx. 28. St. Athanasius is quoted as reading GsS, X^trS, et Kupia. Vid. Bengel. not. in loc. Ori- gen, Theodoret, and Fulgentius read Xpn-a, in opposition to all known manuscripts; and Theophylact agrees with many in reading Kvpia xa» 0i». Gricsb. ibid. In 1 Tim. iii. 16. S. Hi- lary, S. Augustine, S. Hilary the Deacon, Pelagius, Julian Pe- lag. Fulgentius, Idacius, Leo Magn. Victorinus, Cassianus, Gregorius Magn. Vigilius Taps. Bede, Martin I. are quoted as having read, in opposition to every known MS. but the Cler- mont, 0, for OS or 0JO5 ; Vid. Sabatier. et Griesb. not. in loc. And Clemens Alexandrinus, in opposition to all known manu- scripts, thus refers to this verse, [jivarKfiov /xe^' v)fA.u» tl^of o» »yytXoi Tov X^ioTov. Vid. Griesb. not. in loc. Origen reads hffS, Tom. I. p. 467. Barnab, vlk e^S. cap. v. p. 16. ( 526 ) doctrine of the Trinity there was no room for main- taining a contest'^'*-. Not only the hereticks^ but the sects from which they sprang, would to a man have subscribed to the letter of this text ; as they admitted the existence of '' three** powers,, or prin- ciples^ in the '' one" Divinity. Such was the doc- trine of the two great sects into which they may be divided^ consisting of Gnosticks and Ebionites ; for such was the doctrine of the Jews and Magians, from whom those sects respectively descended ''♦^^ : and suchj consequently^ is the doctrine which is ex- pressly ascribed to Simon Magus ^^^, Cerinthus ^'^^ *'** As the winding up of this controversy is to be found in the full and final definition of the Council of Constantinople, held on the restoration of orthodoxy under Theodosius ; from the following list of the heresies opposed in that Council, we may collect what were the controversies in which the disputed text was most Hkely to be quoted. Theodorit. Hist. Eccl. Lib. V. cap. ix. p. 207. 1. 25. Tavru, xctloirs t595 'A^eJa xmI 'Atlls nal 'Evvof/iS [Aocvieii* xal ixivlot xal xaloi £a/3£AXi8 x«t iOyov u^ioirpofov fu^ofAiVf* X. 1. 1. Conf. n. *sj. infr. p. 528. et Epist. Damas. ap. Theodorit. ut supr. cap. xi. p. 209. 1. 17. seq. Aetius and Eunoniius follo\^ed Arius, and adopted his errours; Socrat, Hist. Eccles. Lib. H. cap. xxxv. p. 133. 1. 1. p. 134?. 1. 2. Both the ApoUinaris* were orthodox on the subject of the Trinity; Id.ib. cap. xlvi. p. 164. 1. 14—17. Marcellus, Pho- tinus, and Paul of Samosata, followed Sabellius, vid. infr. p. 527. n. ''\ '« Vid. supr. p. 268. n. "*. «*^ Vid. ibid. **^ "the following testimony will sufficiently prove, that Ce- rinthus acknowledged the doctrine of the Trinity, which was C 527 } febion'^, Valentinus'^9^ Marcion'^^ and their fol- lowers. To the Gnosticks the SabeHians succeeded, whose opinions had been previously held by Noetus, and subsequently maintained by Paul of Samosata'*'. not denied by Simon Magus, vid. supr. p. 268. n. ***. S. Epi- phan. Haer. xxviii. p. 110. d. »toj [o K-^pt»So?j w^pyrle^— a^w^e* 91 iK tS cc)iu (s)e5 f/.^ct TO (x^fvy^Yivoci Tov I>3(T8V, Toy Ix ffTriffAaroi lucrY)(p jcj Mufioci yiyini^i/.ivov, y.ccrtXTiXv^smi rov X^^-ov tU avroy, T«T£r» TO TJvEVfAOc TO fltyiov Iv B^u •^repifBpaq » ru 'lop^ayjj, '48 Conf. supr. p. 272. nn. "^ g^ "^^ **^ Though the Valentinians multiplied their first principleiS, they acknowledged a Trinity as paramount to the subordinate beings whom they admitted into their notion of the divine na- ture ; S. Iren. adv. Hser. Lib. I. cap. ii. § 6. p. 12. /?ax^ /x*a t^ yvuiJiV) TO way UXrj^UfAOt run Aiiovuy, a-vviv^oxhloq T« X§*S"», t^ T» TIvsufJ-ocTO^f t5 ^e iloU^os uvruv a-vyBVKTippx'yi^ojji.eis >tj BfjiuiXue huaccnoti; wgoi3«Aso-^«* 'jr(<^&hn^ot.rot [1. Trpo^Xvi^x TtJ — TeAeto* aap'Tror, TOV Ioo5^a 'rrpotruyoptv^'invuif x^ Xptj-oj', x^ Aoyov, x. t. I, Vid. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. Lib. IV. cap. xi. p. 156, 1. 15. conf. supr. p. 272. n. "^ '5° The affinity between the Catholick and Marcionite no- tions is admitted by St. Cyprian, Ep. Ixxiii. ad Jubaian. p. 200. ** At ne longum sit per haereses universas decurrere de Marcione solo examinemus, an possit baptismatis ejus ratio constare. Dominus enim post resurrectionem, discipulos suos mittens, quemadmodum baptizare deberent, instituit et docuit dicens — * docete gentes omnes, baptizaiites eos in nomine Pa- tris et Filii et Spiritus sanctu* Insinuat Trinitatem . Nun- quid hanc Trinitatem Marcion tenet .^ Nunquid eundem asserit quem et nos Pair em creatorem ? Nunquid eundem unum Filiutn Christum, de Maria virgine natum; qui Sermo caro factus est, &c. Conf. S. Athan. contr. Apolin. Lib. L § 12. p. 932. a. c. '^* S. Epiphan. Haer. lxv. p. 608. a. Oao-xi* ^e »to? [UuvXo^ 0 2aji*ocraTsy!;3 ^*' Q*'?' <*ti ovra tov avra Aoyo, xal ro Hviviaci avT&f uffTTip IV av^^uirv Kap^Kx, q V^to? ^oyo^, ^^ 'i\ia,\ ^\ to* 'T**j> t£ ©£» ( 528 ) But I yet remain to be informed how this text could have been opposed to the errours of those hereticks. As they followed the Ebionites'^% and 1 Job. v. 7. had been quoted by the Evangelist as a concession of those hereticks^i this text^ in the strictness of the letter, decided rather in their favour, than in that of the orthodox. Marcellus of Ancyra, and Photinns his disciple '^^, are referred to the Sabellian school *^^. The con- tests maintained with them seem to lie most within the range of the disputed text, and to have assumed most the appearance of a Trinitarian controversy. But a very slight acquaintance with the subject of this controversy will clearly evince, that this text was wholly unsuitable to the purpose of those who tiv^rofxrorr, «^^ h ccvtZ ®su. uaittf ui^shu noti Yoc^eXXio^j xdct o ^^* Euseb. de Eccl. Theol. Lib. I. cap. xiv. p. 75. 'Ejxotw; ^i ravTcc y.-n^vrinffec ^ lxxX>jcr{a — rrtv ufwiffiv t5 'Yta tS ©jS, Sa^sXXjor £i'7Fi^o)iijA.a,a'£f xcciTst QiQ9 iva. tloivxiy xat <7r\riV fA""! ilvai Mot^KiT^^u 'Ka^wTrT^riffCas ^eyo»T«• xa* avrS ^l tS Xarvipog riijLuvy ol Trfwrox^pi/xej *E/3Ki!vaJ8? wfojtxa^ov, Ei3paVx^ (punvjf '7rTa;%8?. Conf. Lib. IL COntl*. Marcel, cap. ii. p. 42, b. c. cap. iv. p. 62. d. S. Epiphan. Haer, XXV. p. 609. b. '53 Socrat. Hist. Eccl. Lib. IL cap. xviii. p. 98. 'A^»a^op» *tiivvy £T» tvyj(jxv^(7ini tJJ^ (abIu^v t&)> ^vIikuv re x«t av«]o^»y-a;v xoivw»ta?', *yip tuv Exw iKxT^nciuv 'n-posru^, ysvo; t?? /xtxpa? FaAoIia?, WlapKiXXd TE t5 xa^r}§r3pi-£v«- [xu^TilrtS, duoXa^oDv rut ^i^ocffxaXo}, -^iTiov uvBpa. irov, Tov Tiov i^oyfAccna-e. Id. ib. cap. xix. p. 100. 1. 29. Tot5To4^ ^e EiVnr ol aTxo Magx&XXa xcci ^co%ivs, tSjv * AyKvpoyaXaiciuv' •» rriv 'TTfoonuviov ywapl*!' re xat ©Eorrj/a tS X^is"»> x«* T^v arsXtJ^ *^* Vid. supr. n. *5^ ( 529 ) were engaged in sustaining it. Eusebius aind Mar- cellus, by whom it was carried on, v/ere professedly agreed on the existence of " three" persons or sub- sistences in the Divine Nature '^5; one of which they hkewise believed to be " the Word/* or Lo- gos '*^ and asserted to be " one'' with God*^^ : it i9 consequently inconceivable that the text should be quoted to settle any point which was contested be- tween them. The whole stress of the controversy rested on the force of the term Son, as opposed to the term '' Word/' or Logos '^^ ; for the latter be- ing equivocal, afforded the hereticks an opportunity «s Euseb. de Eccl. Theol. Lib. III. cap. vi. p. 175. b. Id. Contt. Marcel. Lib. I. cap. ii. p. 37. d. *5^ Eiiseb. contr. Marcel. Lib. I. cap. i. p; 4. c. Lib. II. cap; ii; p. 36. Ci &c. *" Euseb. ibid. cap. iv. p. 54. a. Id. de Eccl. Theolog. Lib; L cap. i. p. 61. a. b. cap. xvii. p^ 79. c. d. conf. Lib. II. cap. iv, p. lot- a. cap. xi. p. Il9. a. *58 The oriental bishops, expressly anathematizing the erroicrs of Marcellus and Photinus, deliver themselves in the following terms; Socrat. ibid. p. 100. 1. 17. B^eT^vaa-ofAi^u ^e frp^ tstoj? xa« «i»«$£^aTi^op.jy, xat rag Xoyov fxh /ocovov ocCtov £rov Xf*r"o»'3 7« 0i5, -vl/iXov xal dvi/TTocpKroy iTrwXarw? xaASvra? |y he^u to bIvx^ %X\t jxiy^ uq Tov 7r§o(po§jxov y^tyofAeiov vtito rivcdv' vvv h wj tov h^ici'^ilov' Conf. Euseb. contr. Marcel. Lib. I. cap. i; p. 4. d. Lib. II. cap. ii. p. 36. c. Eccl. Theol. Lib. I. cap. i. p. 61, a. b. On Photinus*s opinion, vid. Epiphan. adv. Hser. n. lxxi. p. 830. c. 831. d. &c. One sentence on this subject will illus- trate the state of the controversy between Eosebius and Mar- cellus. Euseb. de Eccl. Theol. Lib. I. cap. xvi. p. 78. b. *0 ^£ [MapxfAAo;] tov *Tioy sl'mTv 9rafa»T>3cr«/xEj/o?, avu ko-tu toV A070V Sp'AA£», xa\ Zu^tWiti ^^Xv KATmyo^tTf to* 'Yiov apvtijjiiiii' Ttxinlv ii '^furlav ixiivu, ap^jj^aTi^ijaJ, Tvi HftT* ftt'Xa JtajSa^^ Tnv T^f xftxo^o-^ ;^*«f vTovoiav sx5t^I»;i» oJo^^syo?,' M m ( 530 ) of explaining away its force, so as to confound the persons, after the errour of SabeUius*^^ while the former, as implying its correlative Fatherj effcctu* ally refuted this errour, by establishing a personal diversity between the subsistences ; since it involved an absurdity to consider a Father the same as his Son, or represent him as begetting himself*^". As the text before us uses the term " Word" instead of Son'^', it must be directly apparent that it w^d wholly unqualified to settle the point at issue : it can be therefore no matter of surprise that no ap- peal is made to it in the whole of the controversy. Eusebius and Marcellus had, however, other reasons for declining to cite its authority. As the ardour of controversy drove them into extremes, the one lean- ing: towards the errour of Arius'**, and the other towards that of Sabellius *^^ the text in dispute, as containing the orthodox doctrine, must have been as unsuitable to the purpose of the one as of the oth^r : the term iv making as much against Eusebius*^*, "» Euseb. de Eccl. Theolog. Lib. II. cap. ix. p. 115. d. 116. a. cap. xiii. p. 120. b. '"^ Euseb. ibid. cap. xii. p. 119. d. »«** Vid. supr. p. 292. n. *^'. conf. Barret. Collat. Cod. Montfort. p. 28. Cod. Rescript. Dublin, subnex. Person, Lei. XIL p. 377. '*'' S. Epiphan. Heer. lxviii. p. 723. d. 'T.y.i>.tv(rt it [Kutrxf. rTvo^'] ciy.ui^ur 'EvcTi^iov Tov Ka»«rapi»a?, nut a^^^fcJ Tti**?. *i 'y^a(pevlu)'!^ TgeTj sivai TTi^EViiv leaia!^, awox^tvo/xEvov. Ap. Eusebi Contr. Marcel. Lib. I. cap. iv. p. 25. c. coiif. Lib. IIL Cap. ir. p. 169. d. •'^s Eusebi contr. Marcel, de Eccl. TheoL Lib. IL cap. iv. p. 107. E» ^e e¥ h xai rxvrov v)v o ©cor xat o Iv avr^^ Xoyos, vwep tuv aiAU^rtuv x^uiy aiiro; r^v o Itt* iriyrut 0io?. Qonf. Mont- fauc. ib. Tdm. IL Proel. p. Iv. } vi. •"^^ Vid. supr. p. 209. n. *^. *«7 Vid. supr. p. 527. n. ^^\ '^' S. Epiphan. Hser. xlviii. p. 402. d. 'me} ^\ Udr^o^, xj M m2 ( 533 ) founding the Persons, as the latter divided the sub- stance. But the contests maintained with these hereticks, as not extended beyond the consideration of the second Person ^^^, did not assume the form of a Trinitarian controversy. The whole of the matter in debate the catholicks conceived capable of being decided by a few texts, some of which had the high authority of our Lord; and on such they rested the whole weight of the contest*^**. As they were accused, by their opponents, of falling into the *^^ Socrat. Eccl. Hist. Lib. III. cap. vii. p. 179. I. 8. ijo"»a$ y.oil v'Troi'a.aiuq'J ^riTViO-iv koe >.oyov vi^iua-Bv* stts* ^^s ijt,{\o[{ocvroc TtKS? %•!§» T»'T8 IftO-x^T^^^v vj^iXoVf ^^tarSro If ruvTVi rv crvio^ai [^iv A^£|at'^p£^i*3 ""^^ «c"(a? t£ xoa viroa-ruffsug rocoe a7r£^^^a»To. S« Hieron. Pamach, et Ocean. Ep. lxv. cap. i. Tom. I. p. 229. Quidam constantius, * Quomodo,' inquit, * damnabimus quos Synodus Nicena non tetigit?^ — Et idcirco Spiritus Sancti ne- ganda majestas est, quia i7i ilia synodo super substantia ejus silentium fuit,* De Ario tunc, non de Origene quaestio fuit; de Filio, non de Spiritu Sancto. Vid. Socrat. ib. Lib. I. cap. ix. p. 9. 1. 1—5. Sozom. Lib. VI. cap. xxii. p. 245. 1. 10—15. 26—31. Conf. Theodorit. Hist. Eccl. Lib. I. cap. iv. p. 12. 1. 1. seq. Lab. et Cossart. Concil. Tom. II. col. 103. e. »7o S. Athan. de Synodd. Tom. II. p. 759. d.— e;^o.T£{ .5^^ t^ rat T^Jv 'TTi^i A»ovt;crioj' 'TrafcchiyiJiacrctf riiv T^-.^pr^v t^ Trjf Tre^i tS ou^aaiH 0 llarr/p £V eTfiztf* xa», * o lu^uy.uq' Ifxtj lusfxy.z tov Tlocrifot* Phcebad. contr. Ariann. p. 302. f. — " Patrem Demici, et Filium Deum diciraus : illitd ante omnia sciatur, nee unmn nos cum praejudicio, nee duos dicere, quia unum dicimus in duobus, ipso Domino snggerenie : * Ego et Pater unum sumus," &c. conf. Alex. Alexandxin. ap. Theodorit. Hist. Eccl. Lib. I. cap. ir. p. 16. 1. 16. p. 18.1. 26. ( 533 ) opposite extreme of the Sabellians '^'^ the contested passage must have been wholly unsuitable to their purpose ; as embarrassing the question with greater difficulties than those which they undertook to re- move. It is therefore little wonderful that they did not appeal to it in their contests with these here- ticks. The same reasons which prevented the orthodox from citing this passage in their contests with the Ariansj prevented them from citing it in their dis- putes with the Macedonians. In the latter case there was no question agitated respecting the second Person of the Trinity ; as in the former no question respecting the third"7\ in neither, of course, did the contests maintained with those hereticks assume the form of a Trinitarian controversy, or admit of support from the contested passage. We may subjoin the followers of Nestorius and Eutyches, to those of Macedonius. But neither of the former sects denied the doctrine of the Tri- nity ; their disputes with the catholicks being pro- perly confined to the question, whether the Son possessed one subsistence or two persons, instead of '7» Vid. supr. p. 40. n. "". "^ Phot. ad. Mich. Bulg. Ep. i. p, 6. *Cls y»^ ''Ageiof xara, T8 *Yi5, era xa» dyro; [Maxs^ovto?] y.c(,ro!, T« r/ravxyla 'na.qpi.xa'V' ro/xevos" rivety/xaTor, i\% ^kKH<; y.xl lifn^iraq t/jk ciffvortxriv xa* iw£flxjf|u,tt»)5v ccvTO avvirocrre Kv^iarrtru, Kai rot ^aov r,vy alwep 6/3aAiTO, ju 4'^>vw, avvo^^Vf on xa^aTri^ ol Tov *Tiov U9 yjiaiMCt rxrtovlas, T>jv t/fSpif iSfv v'^lov Vfoaei'rrlyah rZ Tlcclf), eru xa* ol to vunw^k'JB ^\(xa(^rnxloLv u^[x.* y»f pt-y) xp^f^^^°^ "^V a^os-oXw us (Maxaqlci) rm' x. t. I. Conf. Euseb. Jlist. Eccl. Lib. III. cap. xxvii. p. 121. 1. 37, S. Hieron. Procem. in Ep. ad Tit. Tom. VI. p. 196. d. '73 Vid. supr. p. 431. n. «°. 462. n. ^5. S, Hier. ibid. p. 196. b. « Licet non sint digni fide, qui fi^em primam irritan? fecerunt. Marcionem loquor et BasiUdem, et oranes haereticos, qui Vetus laniant Testamentum, &c. Ut enim de cceteris Ej^istoUs ( 536 ) corrupted or rejected the Acts and Epistles to Ti^ mothy. The orthodox were consequently reduced to the necessity of deducing their scriptural proofs from that part of the canon^ on the authority of which they and their adversaries were mutually agreed '^^ and were thus prevented from making those frequent appeals to the verses in dispute, which the controversy may be conceived to have suggested. It is thus apparent from the state of the early controversies maintained by the catholicks^ that there was no point contested which rendered an appeal to the text of the heavenly witnesses abso- lutely necessary. It may be now shewn, from the distinctions introduced in those controversies, that the orthodox were so far from having any induce- ment to appeal to this text, that they had every reason to avoid an allusion to it, as it apparently favoured the tenets of their opponents. From the brief sketch which has been given of the progress of controversy in the primitive church, it must be apparent, that the Sabellian controversy presented the most suitable occasion for an appeal to the contested passage. The peculiar tenets of the different sects which may be classed under this name, had originated with the Jews*^°, and had been adopted from them in the Egyptian Gos- ^aceam, de quibus quicquid contrarium sua dogmati videranf, ^ras^runt : nonnullas integras repudiandas crediderunt; ac^ Timotheum videlicet utramque,** $lc, *^» Vid. supr. p. 331. n. 46, '"^ Yid. supr. p. $2S. nn. ''* et '^K ( 537 ) pel*^', from whence they descended to Noetus, Praxeas, SabeUius'^% and their followers. Under Paul of Samosata, they attained that influence in the Syriack Church, which occasioned the meeting of the Council of Antioch '^'. In the folloAving cen- tury, they were revived by Marcehus, Photinus, and Apollinarius '^^ ; and were expressly condemned by the Council of Sirmium, which was convened against the Photinians'^^ Of the tenets of these different sects, we have an explicit account not only in the writings of those polemicks^ who opposed their errours*^^; but in *'* S. Epiphan. Haer. lxij. p. 514. a. rh ^\ nua-ctv avru* AvoKpvipuf nyuv, ixaXiTOC a'rro ra Ka}iiv\ixixf cvyy.polsBt'iaiiJ TrT^eifuv cktuv tiricDiOTruv ervvQ^a^ Siif £Ti^oJo|iav 0 T?$ xala 'Avlio^eiai/ alfeaius a.^X^y°-^f '^^? ^'''^ "^^^ ifavov xaSoXix^; iKy.T^via-loci uvoy.vj^vrlilai, »'* Conf. S, Epiphan. Haer. lxxi. p. 828. d. Haer. lxxii. p. SS^. a. Hser. Lxxvii. p. 998. b. c. '»5 Socrat. Hist. Eccl. Lib. H. cap. xxix. p. 123. 1. 5. ^071 }r) xj ^oleivoq o T?? ikbT [_(v ru 2»^jiA*ft'] sKuT^via-Us 'K^oirnaa^., to vuDiv(i^\v avrca ^oyfJLX (pcivtfUTtPOv i^t^fvX'Kn. ^io rapcc^vii U tutu yeyoiji.EyV}q o ^acrtXswj [Kft>vrai1»o?] avvo^ov ImJ-xo'Truv Iv t(0 Iif^»4) yfVccrSat viihivtxi* av^yiK^nv kv \y.ii x. r. I. ^8^ The clearest description of the tenets of those sects which followed the errours of Sabellius, are given in the account of that heretick, and of the most celebrated of his followers, Paul of Samosat^. The tenets of the former are thus described by St. J^piphanius, Hair. lxii. p. 513.b. ^oy/vtaHi^it aro? [o Sa^sMjo?] ( 538 ) the confessions of faith which were drawn up by the councils, that were summoned against them''^ But in whatever form Sabellianism presents itself, we are compelled to acknowledge, that it absolutely derives support from the text of the heavenly wit- nesses. These hereticks, adhering to the very letter of the text, asserted that the " Word" and '' Spirit'* were in God, as the reason and soul are in man**^; a stronger testimony in their favour Tov uvrlt stven aytoy TLviVfAO.' ax tlrai i» yua, virorctvu r^7q Qvo^etvia^f n *>{ v> otv^fVTFSff auixa^ >c) ^v^viy kJ 'nviv^ok. x^ ilvsci yiXv to cra;/x«> &►>* UTSiTv tov n) iv jf>ia ovli /X.JV h fn» v7roi-eiaf. tASJv/a ell rou .AOrON* x) ivotxiia'xylst cy 'It) ov7i, xa* erui (pvicn tlq iri» « ©w?, xat »p^i llaUp 0 Hscirip^ xai 'Tto? o 'iflOS, xa* ay;**' Tlviy^a TO acyjov ITvcVpta* «X>.a £ij 0Et»f I IIccIy)^, )g YIOS a^T« ,fi^ avr^, ^s AOroZ £v uii^pcovcv. Conf. p. 609. b. ( 5S9 ) than that of the heavenly witnesses, could not be easily fabricated'^. It seems to be therefore just ^^^ As the Sabellians held that the Father, Word, and Holy Spirit were three energies in the Divinity, r^tTq lnfyeUt iv tjj es6u% vid. supr. p. 538. n. '^' : they held that these three energies were one Person; S. Epiphan. ibid. p. 609. b. ^»» tSto TrpoacuTTOV h rov 0£o» a/xa rZ Aoyu ^curlv, us avB^uvov tvcc Ka» (Tov auTtf ^07ov. H^tv ivhiov vuv 'la^aiuv, i>q i(pny 5b|«{omf. These distinctions were precisely reversed in the description which the Catholicks gave of their doctrine; who held that there were three Persons, who were one, not merely in energy, but in substance; S. Athan. de Synodd. $ 48. p, 762. d. 5 r, Tioj Ix rriS Voices uv yivriiAOc, HGia. h sftv uirU ^ o ytyr,1e?'— ^^'io'^'''? EyXajSvjSe'i'le? to co(pior[j,ec T« "ZaitaaaMco^y sloviKctai, /w,-/) EiVflii Tov X§ts-ov opio8(7tov. Couf. S. Hilar, de Sy- nodd. § 86. col. 1200, b. The peculiar force of the term ifioscrm is asserted in the following terms by St. Athanasius, Ibid. p. 760. b. tst» xapn* ol iv Niv.aU <^u»6^Sol/1£?, Sto^^cra^Js? rrm 'Tfccvac-Ua.v ruv aT« (p^ovevluv [Iripxt ia-lav tS Y*a tivon U7r$ t§ riaifpj^ itj ffvvafecy6i]ss Ix. rut X^oc^up rvit ^xvoiocv, XevKore^ov ypa^ovlEf, Btprr/.X'Jt TO ofj£>OHGtov, 'TTUvioc yt» ^yt-a^ciQi orc(pl{E lej fxtlx' vouTvy w; ^aXaaif ravTW /xovw Ty)V Xe'giV, uq ^n>.efxy(rav uCriv rfii> '5' The Confession of Faith of the Council of Sirmium, is given in Socrates, Hist. Eccl. Lib. II. cap. xxx. p. 124. S. Athan. de Synodd. § 27. p. 742. a. S. Hilar, de Synodd. § 38* col. 1174. e: but the term S^oacnov does not occur in it. In a Council held at Sirmium, within six years of the preceding, tho ( 541 ) ticks having carried their notions of the doctrine of one substance, which is asserted in the disputed verse, to such an extent, that they confounded the persons, in establishing- their favourite tenet. It may be however objected, that as this text must have been challenged by the hereticks, some refer- ence must have been made to it by the orthodox, in replying to the arguments of their opponents. It is much to be regretted, that we retain no more of the controversies of those hereticks, than their or- thodox adversaries were able to refute : yet scanty as the accounts of those controversies are '9*, we discover sufficient in the remains of them to warrant us in asserting, that the disputed text was claimed by the hereticks. The controversy maintained by Tertullian against Praxeas, and by Epiphanius against the Sabellians, supply the only places in which we might expect that some allusion would be made to the disputed passage ; for the reply of Eu- sebius to Marcellus, must be set out of the question, for reasons which were formerly specified '^^ In term is wholly proscribed; S. Hilar, ib. § 11. col. 1157. b. •* Quod vero qiiosdam aut multos movebat de substantia, quse Graece vsia [«crj«] appellatur, id est ut expressius intelligatur, homoxision [5/xoyo-ioi'], aut quod dicitur homceusion [ov.ojaaio?], nullam omn'ino fieri oportere mentionevi, nee quemquam pi crdicaret ea de causa et ratione, quod nee in divinis Scripturis continea- tur, &c. Conf. S. Athan. ib. § 28. p. 744. f. »'* Eusebius dismisses the subject of the Sabellian heresy with scarcely an observation, Hist. Eccl. Lib. VII. cap. vi. p. 326. 1. 3. . »93 Vid. supr. p. 530. ( 543 ) the works of TertuUian '''^ and Epiphamus »>5, w^ '^ Vid. supr. p. 299. n. '^5 St. Epiphanius, in asserting the doctrine of the Trinity against the Sabellians, cites Joh. x. 30. lyu f^ o nolJjp e» i^fABt : and quotes with this text the following passage, which does not at present exist in Scripture, xj ol ^6o ey laf^ev i subjoining the form of baptism. Matt, xxviii. 19: Hasr. lxii. p. 515. c. xj TO IlvtvfAX — TpiTOK T>J ovofAoicrix, iffov rr) QiOTr^i, ax tiXhoMiAivof 0 yccp Y»o; ^ijcru/* * lyu zxl i Ilolip g'v Ejptev** xat ax iivi> sis £\f/,t» u>^cc To * iyuj xai o Ilalup,* o-yij^t-uifH Ivvvofulov riv HcclsfUf x«* «»t;7ror*1o:' top Yrji*. Ka* * ol ovo* tiVf, xat ax ETTrsf o eTj" xa» 9ra?^»' * £V EaiM5V'* xat ax eiTrsi* sTf £i/xt. ua-airu; $e * <»9re^^oj'76? ^afrlia-eilt tii TO bVoiMX Ta Ilalpo?, xa» ra 'T»aj xa* Ta ccyie nfit/^olo?.' fAsauf ii ri^i[jt.ivuy ruv apSpw** t?$ at/XXaiSvj? * tS, tS,* xa* * Ta.' ttai lAi/^^fj X(*^«^^^o^' Molvaui? Toi/ crvvxKitpYiV '7rot,^ti(r(pipov\cc, ova yoip kJ cr^fjLotivti aXr)BaJ^ Ylccii^a, aX»j$&>f Yiov, tiXijSw; ayiov nvEV/tz-a. Not long pre- vious to this passage, he connects the same phrase with Joh* X. 38. Id. ibid. p. 514. a. * lyu iv ru Xlal^t, ka) o Ilal^^ Iv l/xo*,' >jj, * 01 ^uo 6v sdfMsv.* Now whether we must attribute the alteration of this text to St. Epiphanius, or his transcribef", it is fully evident, that this phrase has been fabricated out of 1 Joh. V. 7. 01 TpsK iv eJo-u (1.) The phrase quoted by St* Epiphanius, o? ^vo h so-^ev, is neither Scripture nor Greek t ol Uo requires the 3. pers* plur. ejVj, or the 3. pers. dual. Wov i and, contrawise, lafAtv recjuires the pronoun in the first pers» ii/y,£K or lyu x«*. (2.) St. Epiphanius quotes two passages from Scripture, and makes an effort at quoting a third. There are precisely three passages in Scripture, in which the diversity of the Persons, and the unity of the substance of the Trinity, are plainly asserted; Mat. xxviii. 19. Joh. x. 30^ 1 Joh. v. 7. The first two are correctly quoted by St. Epiphanius : and the re« mains of Uie third, ot Tpe?? 'iv iliriy clearly exist in the cor- rupted passage before us, o» ^vo h £*V». (3.) This passage is cited by St. Epiphanius as Scripture, and is quoted in reasoning against the Sabellians ; but St. Cyprian informs us, that the phrase * tres unum sunt,' is Scripture, vid. supr, p. 300. n, ^°^ j ( 543 ) consequently find manifest traces of the disputed text^ which very sufficiently declare, that it was not only appealed to in the controversy, but challenged on the side of the hereticks. If we now consider the period during which the Sabellian controversy prevailed, we shall easily per- ceive that the negative argument adduced against 1 Joh. V. 7. derives its entire strength from an in- attention to the true state of that controversy, and the period for which it prevailed. The first effec- tual opposition which was made against that heresy was in the council of Antioch, about sixty years pre- and TertuUian sliows us, that this phrase was cited with Job. X. 30. in the Sabellian controversy^ vid. ibid. p. 299, n. '*^ I therefore conclude, that ot Uo h lay^sv, or h tla-i, stood in St. Epiphanius's authority, with the alteration of a single word, «* r^cTf Hv £»Vi. But this antient Father not finding this phras« in hie copy of the Greek Testament, nor inclined to believe it genuine, if he found it in any other person's, as must be appa- rent from his remark on the article t5j prefixed to nu%f and *Y»o5-, in Mat. xxviii. 19. as signifying «^jj$w? ncc%p, and ctKn^MS 'Tios, vid. supr. : yet having found it in some authour*s wri* tings, whom he was engaged in refuting, he very easily ima- gined it a part of Joh. x. 38. with which passage it was pro- bably connected in the work before him, as it is now evidently connected in his own text, p. 514. a. ut supr. Having thus united it with lye) xal o nctrzp in Joh. x. 30. the change from nrpeT? to 5^0, was not so much the result of caprice as necessity, in order to connect it with the context of St. John. Though I cannot offer this remark as any evidence that 1 Joh. v. 7. was known to St. Epiphanius ; j'et, until a better account is given of the extraordinary text in his writings, r>l <5vc. «> icfjkif, I feel warranted in offering it as a proof, that this text is 1 Joh. V. 7. oi rper? E» 6.V«, corrupted ; and that St. Epipha- nius found it quoted as Scripture in some Sabellian writer. ( 314 ) viously to tlie council of Nice *9'^. From "this period it silently gathered strength from the opposition of Arianism^ until it was formally condemned in the middle of the fourth century, by the council of Sir* mium '9^: The last effectual blow was struck against those rival sects in the second general council, con- vened at the close of the same age in Constantino- ple »^^ But for a long period after this time, they continued to infest the Oriental Church, until they broke out in the middle of the fifth century, in the heresies of Nestorius and Eutyches '^9. Let us therefore advert to the history of the sa-* cred text for the whole of this period, and view it comparatively with the state of religious contro- versy. Let us remember, that in the earlier part of the term the canon was revised by Eusebius, the avowed adversary of the Sabellians, with the most unlimited powers to render it conducive to the pro- motion of what he believed the ecclesiastical doc- trine *°'*. Let us recollect, that at the latter part of the term, the Vulgar Text was again restored by the Catholicks, whose prejudices were not less vio- lently opposed to the Sabellian errours, than their avowed enemies, the Arians ; and that the disputed text was still conceived to be on the side of the he- terodox **". Let us hence consider the peculiar ten- 's* A. D. 269. Vid. Pag. in Ann. Baron. Sac. iji. p. 285.- '^' A. D. 351. Vid. Pag. ibid. Saec. iv. p; 475. '5' A. D. 381. Vid. Pag. ibid. p. 557. *55 Vid. supr. p. 344. nn. ^' et '\ p. 371. n. '*'. *=° Vid. supr. p. 26. n. 4+. conf. p. 27. n. ^^ "' Vid. supr. p. 539. n. »^^ ; conf. p. 298. n. ^^^ ( 545 ) dfenfcy of Eusebius's religious opinions^ and the ver- satility of principle which he exhibited in the Coun- cil of Nice^ on the subject of the doctrine incul- cated in the disputed passage *°*. Let us keep in view the confession of St. Epiphanius, who flou- rished when the Greek Vulgate was restored; that in the sacred text^ as revised by the orthodox^ some remarkable passages were omitted^ of which the orthodox were apprehensive *°^ Let us further con- sider, that this charge is brought home to the Epis- tle which contains the disputed verse^ if not to the passage in question, by Socrates, who declares that the former was mutilated by those who wished to sever the humanity of Christ from his Divinity^'*'*', Let us next remember the confession of St. Chry- sostome, under whom the vulgar Greek, which had been restored under Nectarius, was fully reinstated at Constantinople, That the disputed text was most likely to be included among the omitted pas- sages ^''^ Let us finally call to mind how closely the Nestorian and the Eutychian heresy followed after those times *°® ; and that the former was not *°* Vid. supr. p. 39. nn. "^ sqq. ^3 Vid. supr. p. 93. n. '°\ '°* Vid. supr. p. 303. n. ^'\ '°5 s. Chrysost. Horn, in 1 Cor. xv, 19» Tom. X. p. 379. a. fjitlcc yap rcc a.h'Ka liuiloc tSto ^rfcaliSe/AEy o vvv a YlxvXo^ >,eyet. t^ Cyril. Hieros. Cateches. vi. § xv. p. 97. 1. 17. ed. Oxon, 1703. ^(.^AofA£»«* 8x Ifiv £^og i^HxoTi; ^iT,ys7a-^xu 8 y»q k^vixu ra Treat ""^ Vid. supr. p. 34-3. sqq. ( 546 ) affected by the disputed passage *°^ wliile the latter was to all appearances established by its authority '''^ When we consider all these circumstances, which must have severally contributed to render the ortho- dox cautious in making the most remote allusion to a text, which militated against them, and which was at best of suspicious authority, as removed from the authorised edition ; so fay sliall we be from requir- ing express allegations of it in every controversy *'^^. *^7 Vid. supr.p. 534.n. ^7*. »°8 Vid. supr. p. 539. n. '«». conf. iiifr. p. 552* n. *"- ^^^ The question hag been carried by thia most unfounded assumption ; on which, as an indisputable principle, the rea- sonings of its impugners are founded, Pors. Lett, to Trav. Lett. xii. p. 402. '* But from the facts stated in this historical deduction, it is evideiit, that if the text of the heavenly witnesses had been known from the beginning of Christianity, the an* tients would have eagerly seized it, inserted it in their, creeds, quoted it expressly against the hereticks, and have selected it for the brightest ornament of ertery hook that they tvrote upon the subject o^the TrinityJ* That thecritick, who brought his discussion on 1 John v. 7. to a close, having this view of his subject, should rise with the conviction that the passage wa» spurious, and that those who doubted it were equally stupid and obstinate, can excite very little surprize. Of " every book" that the antients wrote on " the subject of the Tri^ nity,^^ for the first four centuries, when that subject was dis- cussed, the following may be taken as a full and faithful ac- count, at least as far as my reading extends : ' Novatianus de Trinitate,' • Hilarius de Trinitate.' I am however inclined to believe that both these titles are erroneous ; the latter is unques- tionably so. S. Hilary's work is entitled in some MSS. ** De Fide contra Arianos ;" this is the title under which the autlu"»ai' alludes to his own work ; S. Hilar. Ibid. col. 785. c. and that under which it is mentioned by the antients ; vid. S. Hier. Cat, ( 547 ) which was agitated during the period of nearly two Centuries^ in which the doctrine of the Trinity was canvassed^ and which was gradually settled by the first four general councils, that we shall be at a losa to discover in what shape it could have been pro- duced by the catholicks^ had it even retained its place in the authorised edition, from which it was removed in the earlier part of the term. When these considerations are duly estimated, the declining strength of the negative argument against 1 Joh. v. 7. may be easily disposed of. It has been often objected, that the context of the Evangelist, both preceding and following the dis- Scriptt. Eccless. Tom. I. p. 130. conf. Patrr. Benedd. Praef. in Lib. de Trin. § ii. p. 753. And so little dependance can be placed on the title of Novatian's work, that it is generally as- cribed to Tertullian ; merely in consequence of a declaration of Ruffinus, Apol. pro Orig. p. 53. a. and that it takes the title " de Trinitate" from a declaration of St. Jerome, Ibid. p. 128. " Scripsit [Novatianus] de Trinitate grande volumen, quasi iTFiloiy.Tiv operis Tertulliani faciens " It is however observable, that no work under this title occurs in the catalogue of Tertul- lian*s writings ; and that St. Hilary's work, " De Fide," is en- titled in some MSS. " De Fide contra omnes Haj-escsy^ which comes nearer to the title of some of Tertullian's works ; vid. Patrr. Benedd. Praef. Ibid. § v. p. 754. But waving this objec- tion to the title of those works, the subject of them precludes our considering them treatises on the Trinity. Conformably to the state of controversy in the age when they were written, they are principally dedicated to the consideration of the Father and the Son ; the Holy Ghost not being considered in either treatise, according to the rank which he occupies as a Person of the Trinity: vid. Novat. ibid. cap. xxiv. p. 640. S. Hilar. Lib. II. § 1. col. 788. a. Conf. Rigalt. Argum. in Novat. p, '"05. Patrr. Benedd. Praef. in Hilar. $ xii, xiv. p. 756, ( 548 ) puted verse, has been quoted, while the disputed verse is wholly omitted**''; and that the doctrine of the Trinity has been proved by an allegorical in- terpretation of vers. 8. which is expressly asserted in vers. 7*". The former assertion is principally founded on the testimony of an anonymous writer in St. Cyprian*" and P. Leo the great "^* the latter **° Pors. ibid. p. 378. " But the strongest proof that this verse is spurious, may be drawn from the Epistle of Leo the Great to Flavianus, upon the Incarnation* This epistle has been translated into Greek, read in churches, sent round to the Councils both in the East and West, defended by several authours in set treatises, and consequently more generally known than most of the writings of the Fathers. In this epis- tle, he quotes part of the fifth chapter ^^ from the fourth to the eighth verse, and omits the three heavenly mtnesscs*^^ *" This is one of those bold and unfounded assumptions by which the question has been carried, against the plain state- ments of the fathers of the first four centuries, who engaged in the Sabellian controversy; Pors. ibid. Let. xi. p. 31 L — " I do re-assert, that no ririter in his perfect mind could possibly adopt this allegorical exposition of the eighth verse, if the seventh were extant in his copy. Even a madman would have method in his madness. — I appeal to any orthodox reader, whether he would force an indirect confession of his favourite doctrine, from one text by torture, when he might have a clear, full, and voluntary evidence from its next neighbour.*' "* Auct. de Baptism, p. 21. '* Ait enim Joannes de Do- mino nostro in Epistola nos docens ; * Hie est qui venit per aquam et sanguinem, Jesu§ Christus. Non in aqua tantum, sed in aqua et sanguine. Et spiritus est qui testimonium per- hibet, quia spiritus est Veritas. Quia tres testimonium perhibent, spiritus, et aqua, et sanguis, Kt isti ires in unum sunt.' Ut ex illis colligamus, et * aquam' pra?stare solitum, et * sangui- nem' proprium prajstare solitum, et ipsum quoque * spiritum* ( 549 ) on the testimony of St. Augustine*** and Facundus Hermionensis*'^ But these objections admit of a very simple solution. However paradoxical the assertion may in the first instance appear^ it is notwithstanding the fact, that a stronger argument was deducible from the testimony of the earthly witnesses in favour of the catholick doctrine, than from that of the heavenly praestare spiritum solitum.'* Int. opuscc. S. Cypr. adscriptt. p. 21. *'^ Leo Magn. Epist. ad Flavian. *' Et spiritus est qui tes- tificatur quoniam spiritus est Veritas. * Quoniam tres sunt qui testimonium dant ; spiritus aqua et sanguis: et hi ties unum sunt ;* * spiritus* utique sanctificationis, et * sanguis' redemp- tionis, et * aqua' baptismatis, quae tria unum sunt, et individua manent, nihilque eorum a sui connexione segungitur." Ap, Auctar. Bibl. Patrr. Tom. I. p. 492. a. Par. 1624-. *'* S. August, contr. Maxim, cap. xxii. Tom. VIII. col. 726. b. ** Si ea quae his [Spiritu, aqua, et sanguine] significata sunt, velimus inquirere, non absurde occurret ipsa Trinitas, quae unus — Deus est, Pater, et Filius, et Spiritus sanctus, de quibus veris- sime did potuit : * tres sunt testes, et tres unum sunt:* ut nomine * Spiritus* accipiamus Patrem, nomine autem * sangui- nis' Filium, et nomine ^ aquae' Spiritum*** *'5 Facund. Defens. Tri. Capitt. Lib. I. cap. iii. p. 6. g. <* Aut si forsitan ii qui de verbo contendunt, in eo quod dixit ; < Tres sunt qui testificantur in terra, spiritus, aqua, et sanguis, et hi tres unum sunt,' Trinitatem quae unus Deus est, nolunt intelligi, secundum ipsa verba quae posuit, pro Apostolo Joanne respondeant. Numquid * hi tres' qui * in terra testificari' et qui * unum esse' dicuntur, possunt spiritus, aut aquae, aut san- guines dici ? Quod tamen Joannis Apostoli testimonium B. Cyprianus Carthaginiensis, antistes et martyr, in Epistola sive Libro, quern de Trinitate scripsit, de Patre et Fitio et Spiritu sancto dictum intelligit. Ait enim, < Dicit Dominus," &c Ut. supr. p. 291.n.*s4. ( 550 ) witnesses. The point on which the orthodox and heterodox divided, was the diversity of the Persons ; on the unity of the substance there was no differ- ence of opinion between the Cathohcks on the one side, and the SabelHans, the ApoUinarists, and the Eutychians, on the other **^. The whole of the distinctions on which the orthodox founded their proofs of the former point, were wanting in the dis* puted verse: but those on which the heterodox founded their proofs of the latter, were forcibly marked in the same passage. The Sabellians con- tended, that the Father, and his Word, and Spirit, were one Person, while the Catholicks maintained that the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, must be three Persons^'\ And the Apolhnarists and Eutychians held, that '' the three which bore record in heaven were one'" substance, the humanity of Christ being- absorbed in his Divinity ^'%- while the Catholicks, asserting the existence of two natures in the same Divine Person, believed that Christ was of one sub- stance with God in the former, but of a like sub- stance with Man in the latter. We thus easily discover the causes which induced the orthodox to rest their cause on the testimony of the earthly wit- -" Vid. supr. p. 534. n. *". infr. n. ^^7 Vid. supr. p, 538. n. '^^ ^^' On the Eutychian notions, vid. supr. p. 534?. n. *^^ The Apollinarian tenets may be briefly described in the words of S. Athanasius ; Contr. Apolin. Lib. I. § 12. Tom. II. p. 932. a. ?.£7ov7£5-, 6ptob(7i'«v £jva» rr) T^ioih TY,y accpxoc,^ Conf. lb, p. 932., a. ( 531 ) nesses instead of the heavenly. The specifick men- ion of '' the blood" in vers. 8. not only designated Christ as a separate Person from the Father^ against the Sabellians; but as a Person^ in whom the human nature was united with the divine^, with- out any confusion of substance, against the Euty- chians*'9 Under this view, the preference shewn by the orthodox to the text of the earthly witnesses^ over that of the heavenly, needs no palliation from the circumstance of the one text being unquestioned, and the other of doubtful authority, in the age when those points were debated. From the negative testimony of Pseudo-Cyprian, St. Augustine, P. Leo, and Facundus Hermionensis, we can consequently deduce nothing more, than that the text of the heavenly witnesses was absent from the current copies of the Vulgate of St. Je- rome, which was in general use when they wrote ; and that it best answered the purpose of those writers to pass it over in silence. St. Augustine's testimony is thus easily disposed of: he wrote while the heresy of Apollinarius prevailed, and with a **' The least objectionable evidence on this subject is Fa« cundus, who has effected more in undermining the authenticity of 1 Joh. V. 7. than the whole of the fathers taken together, who have been cited on this subject. Facund. ibid. p. 6. e. ** Nam et Joannes Apostolus in Epistola sua, de Patre, et Filio, et Spiritu sancto sic dicit ; * Tres sunt qui testimonium dant in terra, spiritus, aqua, et sanguis, et hi tres unum sunt :* in * spiritu* significans Patrem . In * aqua' vero Spiritum sanctum significans, . In * sanguine* vero Filium signi- iicans, quoniam ipse, ex sancta Trinitate, communicitvit carni tt sanguine,'* Conf. supr. p. 549. n, *'^ ( 552 ) peculiar respect for the corrected translation of St. Jerome "^ in which the disputed verse was omitted. The testimony of P. Leo and Facundus presents still fewer difficulties ; as it is adduced from their controversy with the Eutychians, it is not entitled to the smallest respect. The disputed text embar- rassed their cause with difficulties^ which they were unable to solve ^"; it is therefore unreasonable to *^ Vid. supr. p. 15. n. *^ p. 532. n. "^ The following dis- tinctions, made by St. Augustine in the same chapter in which he interprets 1 Joh. v. 8. ut supr. p. 549. n. *'*, will sufficiently disclose the grounds of his preference for the corrected reading of the Latin version. S. August, ubi supr. cap. xxii. col. 726. e. ** Si quo autem modo tanti sacramenti profunditas quae in Epistola Johannis legitur, exponi et intelligi potest, secundum catholicam Jidem, quad n%c coiifimdit nee sejoarat TRiNiTATEAf, nee abnuit tres personas, nep diversas credit esse substantias^ nulla ratione respuendum est. Quod enim ad exercendas nientes fidelium in scripturis Sanctis obscure ponitur gratulan- dum est, si multis modis non tamen insipienter, exponitur.'* To the person who deemed it necessary to distinguish thus accurately between the Sabellian and Arian notions, 1 Joha V. 7. must have been an encumbrance not easily disposed of; vid. supr. p. 539. n. '^^ p. 549. n. *'*. St. Augustine had been a convert from Manicheism ; by which sect the Apolinarian and Eutychian notions relative to Christ's body being of one substance with the Trinity, were adopted; vid, S. Athanas. contr. Apolinar. Lib. I. § 12. Tom. II. p. 932. c. 934. d. *" The first object of Facundus in undertaking his celebrated work " Pro Defensione Trium Capitulorum,*' was to oppose the Acephali, or Eutychians ; in which controversy he was im- plicated by P. Leo ; Vid. Facund. Praef. in init. p. 4. a. He however subsequently enlarged his plan, and directed his attacl?; against the Nestorians and Eutychians; Id. ibid. Lib. I. cap. i, p. 4. d, " Nam cum ^w^ nuncferveant hcereses ab eodem ( 553 ) expect in their works^ any thing in the shape of an Appeal to its authority. In fact, it must be appa- concilio [CalchedonensI] refutatae — mysterium divince Incurna* tionis oppugmant, Nestorianorum dico, et Euti/chianoriim/* &c. As both these sects subscribed to the doctrine inculcated in 1 Joh. V. 7. it seems impossible to conceive how it could be employed against them ; vid. supr. p. 534. n. ^'*. But as it did not fully take in the distinctions of the orthodox, it is not impossible to shew how it could have been effectively employed against them by the hereticks. The term " Word" in the dis- puted verse, afforded some countenance to the Nestorians, in keeping the divine nature of the Logos, in the Trinity, apart from the person of Christ ; the term " one substance" afforded the Eutychians still greater countenance in asserting, that the fleshly or human nature of Christ was wholly absorbed in the spiritual and divine. The distinctions which Facundus is obliged to make, in order to explain the catholick doctrine, clearly evince, how much he really apprehended either conse- quence being deduced from the disputed passage. Facund. ib. cap. v. p. 10. f. ** Christum igitur Filium Dei, quemad- modum dictum est, in duabus praedicamus esse natiiris. Nee dici patimur unam ejus ex Divinitate et humanitate compos/tarn esse naturam, ne Patriy cujus simplex natura est, consubstantialis Tion sit: et sicut alterius est personam, quam Pater, ita etiam alterius, id est, diversce dicatur esse naturce. Verum neque nobis erit consubstantialis nisi ejus diice naturce sint: ut scilicet altera sit, in qua consubstantialis est Patri, altera vero in qua consubstantialis est nobis. At huic evidentissmae rationi bruta jEutychianorum contentio refragatur, adfirmans, Dei Verbi uni- tatem incommutabiliter simplicem cum suscepta humanitate, in unam componi potuisse naturam," Conf. S. Athan. contr. Apo- linar. Lib. I. \ 2. p. 923. a. § 12. p. 932. a. Epis ad Epictet. § 9. lb. p. 907. e. Let the reader now weigh the force of ** FiLiu^Dei in duabus naturis," in the former part of this pas- sage, with ' Verbum in una simjjlici natura," in the latter; let him then apply this distinction of Facundus to the disputed Verse, ** tres sunt qui testificantur in ccelo, Pater, Verbum, et ( 554 ) rent to the most superficial observer^ that Pacundus has absolutely laboured to destroy its authority"*, by 'Spiiitus; et hi tres ununt sunt:'* let hinti then pronounce how fur Facundus and P. Leo's testimony is admissible, on the au- thenticity of this verse, which embarrassed their cause with the greatest difficulties, and voas tvantmg both in the authorised text of the Greek and Latin Church, with which these lathers were well acquainted ; vid. Facund. in Praef, p. 4-. b. c. Leo. ub supr. p. 492. b. *" As 1 John V. 7. taken in the strict literal sense, fully agreed with the doctrine of the Eutychians ; atid 1 Joh. v. 8. admitted of a plausible interpretation, in the sense of the three baptisms, vid. supr. p. 548. n. *" : the only plan left P. Leo and Facundus in opposing these hereticks, was to take advaii' tage of the absence of the seventh verse from the original Greek, and corrected Latin version, and to pass it over in silence. Facundus, however, who was P* Leo's interpreter, ■goes somewhat farther, and finding the seventh verse supported by St. Cjprian's testimony, as Fulgentius, his contemporary, ][)laces out of dispute, vid. supr, p. 292. n. *^^ ; he endeavours to transfer the Support of that antient father to the next verse, and to turn it against his adversaries, who ascribed it a dilferent meaning, vid. supr. pp. 548, 549. nn. *" et *'^ : most probably conceiving the disputed passage spurious. With the assistance of St. Cyprian's explanation, 1 John v. 8. afforded him as much proof as he required. That explanation gave the wliole passage a reference to the Trinity, instead of the three Baptisms ; and it supplied the term " Filius," which Facundus opposed to the Verbum of his opponents, vid. supr. p. 549. n. *'^: while the text itself furnished, in the term " sanguis,'* grounds for that deduction, which Facundus makes in direct opposition to the tenets of the Eutychians ; Ibid. " In * sanguine^ vero Filium significans, quoniam ipse ex sancta Trinitate, cofinnunicavit came et sanguine ;" ut supr. p. 549. n. **'. That Facundus alludes to the interpretation of the eighth verse, in the sense of the three baptisms, of water, blood or martyrdom, and the spirit, «upr. p. 549. n. * ^ is I conceive apparent, from the objection ( 555 ) depriving* it of the support of St. Cyprian. But with so much skill has he effected his purpose, that in retaining the phrase '' in earth/' in order to strengthen the verse which he has quoted, he has evinced, beyond the possibility of dispute, that the phrase '' in heaven,'' with its context, was extant in the text which was Before him**^ which he states ; Ibid : " Numquld < hi tres qui in terra testi- iicari,' et qui < unum esse' dicuntur, possunt * spiritus, aut aquae, aut sanguines' did :" which, I conceive, was an adequate objec* tion to the interpretation of his opponents. Such is the whole scope and object of Facundus's reasoning, **^ Mr. Porson indeed objects, that the words *< in terra,*' are interpolated in the text of Facundus, Lett, to Trav. xii. p. 386. as they are " inconsistent with the interpretation which Facun- dus is labouring to establish.'* But the very reverse of this assumption is certainly the fact, as will be made apparent iii the sequel. And M. Griesbach further objects, Append, ad J. 1 Joh. V. 7. p. 14. n. *. " probabiliter e Vulgata recentiore a Jibrario aut ab editore Facundi intrusa fuerunt.'* But this unsupported conjecture has not the shadow of probability, 9s Facundus is not accommodated to the Vulgate, in the passage before us ; he reads both in the text, and in his comment, " tre» sunt qui testijica7itur in terra/' while the Latin Vulgate reads> *' tres sunt qui testimonium dant ;*' and in some MSS. without ** in terra." On the other hand, that Facundus wrote " la terra," is apparent, for the following reasons. (L) There coul4 be no object in adopting these words from theVuIgate, more espe- cially if they are inconsistent with his interpretation. (2.) They are six times repeated in his observations, as is admitted by the objectour, vid. Pors. ibid. (3.) They certainly existed in the text of the African Church when he wrote, as appears from the testimony of his contemporary and compatriot Fulgentius, vid. Pors. ib. p. 400. Griesb. ib. p. J 5. (4.) They are delivered with that variation in the testimony of Facundus, and yet with that conformity to the documents which were before him, which ( 556 ) This consideration will enable us to appreciate the testimony of the anonymous writer in St. Cy- proves, that Facundus quoted by reference to his authorities, and that his quotation has been preserved unaltered. The first place in which he cites 1 John v. 8. as taken from his oxvn texfy naturally follows the Vulgate; he there reads, " tres sunt qui testimonium dani in terra;" vid. supr. p. 549. n. *'^ conf. p. 253. The subsequent place in which he cites the same passage, as quoted by his opponent, follows a different reading; he there uses, " tres sunt qui testificantur in terra:** vid. supr. p. 54-9. n. "-'^ conf. p. 182. n. ^^*. (5.) The words ** in terra" were peculiarly important in the Nestorian contro- versy, in which Facundus was engaged ; as is apparent from the testimony of the Oriental Church ; in which that controversy particularly prevailed : Asseman, Bibl. Orient, in Xenaij. Tom. II. p. 28. " Summam hujus ControversicB quae Orientalem Ec- clesiam diu multumque devexavit, accipe, Scripserat Xenajas ad Monachos quosdam Syros prolixam de Incarnationis mysterio Epistolam, in qua propositionem banc frequenter usurpabat, * Vnus e Trinitate descendit de ccelo incarnatus est, passus, est crucifixus, mortuus, resurrexit, ascendit in ccelum* et similia : notare volens turn Nestorianos^ qui humanitatem Christi a Divt* nitate ac persona Verbi separabant, turn Eutychianos qui corpus phantasticum ab eodem Verbo assumptum opinabantur. Exce- pit ilium cum risu Anonymus Nestorianus, reprehendens maxime illam dictionem, * Unus e Trinitate,* quasi duae non tres divinae Fersonas remanserint in ccelo, si ' Unus e Trinitate' dicatur * in terram descendisse,' quae sunt ipsius Anonymi verba a Xenaja initio Disputationis relata: aliaque subjungit absurda, quae ex ea propositione sequi affirmat, sed maximum ait esse, * vocis illius novitatem.* Ad haec Xenajas e Scriptura et Patri' bus demonstrat vocem illam nee novam esse nee veteribits incog- nitam, &c. Gonf. Zenon. Epist. ap. Evagr. Hist. Eccl. Lib. III. cap. xiv. p. 347. 1. 10 — 25. (6.) As no person was more profoundly versed in this controversy than Facundus, it is ob- servable, that in appealing to the disputed passage, he keeps this subject fully in view. He opens the chapter in which ha ( 557 ) frmn, and to give some account of the origin of that work, which is written on the baptism of here- ticks. And when we consider that the controversy on this subject was soon terminated; and that some works were ascribed to St. Cyprian^ by the Mace- donians, for the purpose of supporting points of controversy hke that before us"*; we may at least quotes 1 Joh. v. 8. with the following remark ; Facund. ib. cap. iii. p. 6. c. " Sed tacendum non arbitror, quod sint etiam Catholici, qui sicut credimus nescientes hoc ante memorata Synodo confirmatum, superflue contra de verbo contendanti quia videtur eis, quod dici non debeat, Unum dt Trinitate pro nobis crucifixum, sed potius unam de Trinitate personam." (7.) With the phrase '* in terra," Facundus's application of 1 Joh. V. 8. was complete ; as striking at both the heresies against which he reasoned ; but without it, directly the reverse. The terms '* in terra," were opposed to the Nestorians, *' qui huma- nitatem Christi a persona Verbi separab(mt ;" the term '* san- guis" was opposed to the Eutychians, ** qui corpus phantas- ticum ab eodem Verbo assumptum opinabantur.'* In every other respect those hereticks would have subscribed to Facun- dus s text and exposition ; as they did not deny the doctrine of the Trinity; but strenuously asserted, that " there were three that bore witness in heaven^ the Father, Word^ and Holy Ghost," &c. So far therefore is the phrase '* in terra" from being m- consistent tvith Facundus's reasoning, that it is necessary to it, in order to give it the requisite effect. But from this phrase, it must be collected, as M. M. Porson and Griesbach were fully conscious, that the correspondent words " in cceIo," ex- isted in the text from whence 1 Joh. v, 8. has been quoted ; and consequently, that Facundus could be no stranger to the context, 1 Joh. v. 7. " tres sunt qui testificantur in ccelo^* &c* i^+ Ruffin. de Adult. Librorr. Orig. p. 53. a. " Sancti Cy- priani martyris solet omne Epistolarum corpus in uno codice ficribi. Huic corpori hcerettci quidam qui in Spiritum sanctum blaspketnantf Tertulliani libellum de Trinitate reprehensibiliter ( 558 ) admit the possibility, that this anonymous tract might have been fabricated for the express purpose of exhibiting the context of St. John^ without the disputed passage. This passage was thus deprived, at a stroke^ of the testimony of St. Cyprian, and of the text which existed in his times "^; and this, as we have seen, in the peculiar case of P. Leo and Facundus, was no inconsiderable object with the polemicks who engaged in those days. Until at least some better account is given of this anonymous tract, we need not regard, with much apprehension, any appeal to its testimony on the subject at present contested. Nor do the objections wbich have been adduced a»'ainst the testimony of Eucherius, from the diver- sity of the copies which contain that writer's works, (quantum ad verltatem fidel nostra pertinet) scriptum insere^ite^^ et aiiamplurmos codices de talibus exeinplariis conscribentesy per totam Constantinopolim urbem raaximam distrahi pretio viliori feccFunt," &c. ^^^ It is a curious circumstance, that a remark is made in the tract undet consideration, which must have been intended to bring disrepute on the edition of the Latin version pubh'shed by Eusebius Vercellensis. A remarkable passage which he admitted into the sacred text, in Mat. iii. 15. vid. supr. p. 127. B. '^^ is said, in this tract, which is ascribed to tke times of SL Cyprian, to exist in no Gospel ; vid. supr. p. 44'5. n. ^^. With whatever object tliis tract has been ascribed to St. Cyprian, it is at least possible, that this remark might have been made with a view to depress the credit of the revised text of Eusebius Vercellensis ; and that 1 John v. 6. 8. was quoted without vers. 7. m order to deprive this verse of St. Cyprian's support ; by rendering it probable, that it no mare existed in the sacred text, m his daya, th^n Mat. iii. 15. ut supr. ( 559 ) and which sornetinies omit the contested passage, at all aifect the point in dispute ^^^. Eucherius pre- ceded the eera which produced the Eutychian con- troversy ; and in quoting the disputed text, he fur- nished an authority in favour of that heresy **^. As *^^ Vid. Griesb. Append, in loc. 1 Joli. v. 7, 8, p. 16, **^ This observation will appear more probable when Euche- rius's testimony, as read in two IMSS. at Vienna, Codd, tUeoL lat. 64, 109. is compared with the remark on Facundus's testi- mony, supr. p. 554. n. *". ** HI. Sanctam et individuam designaf Trinitatem, ut Joannes apostolus : ' tres sunt qui tes- timonium dant in coelo, Pater, Verbum et Spiritus sanctus* [cod. 109. addit * et tres unum sunt:'] Et Baptismum, ut ipse (idem) Apostolus ait : * et tres sunt qui testimonium dant in terra, spiritus, aqua et sanguis, et (hi) tres unum sunt." As this testimony is decidedly contrary to the orthodox interpreta- tion of Facundus, who suppresses vers. 7. in order to deprive the Eutychians of the testimony of St. John ; and interprets vers. 8. of the Trinity, in order to deprive vers. 7. of the tes- tiraony of St. Cyprian : the reader may determine, whether it is more probable the cathoHcks suppressed, or the hereticks inserted 1 Joh. v. 7. " tres sunt," &c. with " et Baptismum," in the text of Eucherius. Nor is the authenticity of tlie above' passage of the Vienna MSS. in the least affected, by the quo- tations adduced from Eucherius's " Qua?stiones in Vet. et Nov. Testament." p. 88. ed. SichartL ap. Griesb. ub. supr. p. 17, One of those quotations convicts the other of a palpable omis- »ioD, In the first it is declared that 1 Joh. v. 8. was interprete4 of the Trinity ; and in the second, that the Trinity wa& prqvj^ merely from Gen. i. 1,2. Ps. xxxii. 6. Matt, xxviii. 19. Rom, xi. 36. From the latter passage of course, something has been removed. M. Griesbach would probably say 1 Jph. v. 8: but it is just as easy to say 1 Joh. v. 7, 8. And in support of the latter assumption, we may appeal to tlie testimony of CereaJis in the subjoined note; and quote the first of thej passages ad- duced in the present note from Eucherius, ( 560 ) the removal of an obnoxious passage from his works was merely an accommodation of his quotations to the sacred text, as corrected by the Greeks it is only wonderful that the text of the heavenly witnesses should have retained its place in any copy of his writings. For the testimony of Cerealis**^ fully evinces,, that this text has disappeared from some tracts, in which it was originally inserted. The variations of the disputed passage, as read in the modern Latin Vulgate, present no greater diffi- culty. In some copies it is wholly omitted, in some it is annexed in the margin, though in most it is in- serted in the text. But that it has been thus added, as a gloss on the eighth verse, is an assumption which may be very easily refuted. In the first place, it was a custom unknown to the primitive *^^ Bengel. Appar. Crit. var. in 1 Job. v. 7. § xvi. p. 463. " Cerealis Afer — librum scripsit contra Maximianum Arianum, in quo negant dictum .Johanneum extare : quod tamen penitus negari non debebat. Solent Afri, ut vidimus, duo ilia dicta, ' Ego et Pater unum sumus,' et ' tres unum sunt' conjunctim laudare : et sic Cerealis cap. i. ubi dictum illud prius pro Patris Filiique unitate citavit, subjungit : ' Quia vero non solum unum sunt Pater et Filius, (sed) addito Spiritu sancto subter hahes demonsU-atum :* quibus verbis Cerealis dictum alterum, * hi tres unum sunt,* ad caput de unitate Spiritus Sancti cum Patre et Filio, (quod in ejus libro est cap. xv.) distulisse videtur, et * subter' vel ipse prae copia aliorum argumentorum e memoria dimisisse, vel per alios postea mutilatus esse." Had the truly learned authour of this remark considered the sense in which the hereticks understood * Verbum,' and * tres unum sunt,' in explaining their tenets, he would have doubtless rested in the latter supposition, as that alone which is founded in proba- bility. ( 561 ) church, to allude to the mystery of the Trinity, un- less in oblique terms, before those vrho had not been initiated in the Christian covenant**'. In the next place, the seventh vei*se is really no explana- tory gloss of the eighth, unless we suppose it framed by the hereticks*^**. From the times of Tertullian and Cyprian, in whose interpretations the disputed verse is supposed to have originated, to those of Fulgentius and Eugenius, in whose times it was confessedly incorporated in the sacred canon, an orthodox exposition of the doctrine extracted from the eighth verse, could have been only expressed in the terms the '' Father and the Son/* instead of '' the Father and the Word *^','' &c. By the latter reading, of course, the supposition that the seventh verse is a marginal gloss on the eighth, is so com* pletely overthrown, that it furnishes a very decisive confirmation of the contrary assumption ; that the disputed verse was originally suppressed, not gra- dually introduced into the Latin translation. In fact, as the explanation offered by the im- pugners of the text of the heavenly witnesses, to account for the varieties in this translation, thus *^ S. Chrysost. Horn, in 1 Cor. xv. 19. Tom. X. p. S?9. a. BTo» yap t®' «/Af^To»]] ^vaxoXcJliqav rif/AV ttoihgi rrjv s^inynaiv, Cyril. Hieros. Cateches. vi. § xv. p. 97. 1. 21. iSi rx inpl ru» f^vr^fiuv €7r; xouriy^aixivcov Ksvku/s XaXwptsv, aXXu 'nok'koi. 7roX>.axif Xiyofxsv luiy.zx.oikvixy.husy'i-iioi, eJ^otsj Trifoi vQr,c(ioai' >^ ot/^rj £»^rfc, ^Kyi ^y^a^uar Conf. supr. p. 545. n. ^^ *^° Vid. supr. p. 539. n. '^\ p. 552. n. ^". *^' Vid. supr. p. iJOO, n. '"^ conf. p. 292. nn. ^'^ et *•^ o o ( 562 ) wholly fails of its end ; a very satisfactory soltition of the difficulty which thus arises, may be suggested in the consideration, that St. Jerome put forth two editions of the Catholick Epistles, in one of which the contested verse was omitted, though it was re- tained in the other. And this conjecture may be maintained on the strength of many corroborating circumstances. It is indisputable, that two editions of some books of Scripture had been not only pub- lished by that early father*^*; but that one edition had been in some instances dedicated to Eustochium^^', to whom the Catholick Epistles arc inscribed, in the Prologue *^''^. Now as St. Jerome likewise under- took the revisal of the Italick translation, at the re^ quest of P. Damasus, we have thus authority for believing, that two editions had been published of the part of Scripture in question. And admitting this to have been the case, every difficulty in the matter before us admits of the clearest solution. Agreeably to the prejudices of the age in which the *3* Separate editions of St. Matthew had been inscribed, ^ith separate Prologues, to P. Damasus, and Eusebius Cremo- nensis ; Conf. S. Hier. Tom. VI. p. iii. xi. and separate editions of parts of Isaiah, to Amabilis and Eustochium, Conf. Tom. IV. p. 44. a. b. p. 62. a. *^3 Of the twelve minor Prophets, Nahum, Michea, Zepha- niah, and Haggai, were inscribed to Paula and Eustochium ; Vid. S. Hier. Tom. V. p. 113. f. *^* S. Hier. Prol. in Cann. Epp. Tom. I. col. 1667. ed. Bened. *' Sed tu virgo Christi, Eustochium, dum a me impen- sius scrijpturcB veritatem inquiris, meam quodammodo senectutem invidorum dentibus corrodendam exponis, qui me falsarium, corruptoremque sacrarum scripturarum, pronunciant/* ( 563 ) Latin Vulgate was published *^^^ St. Jerome inserted the contested verse in the text which was designed for private use, omitting it in that which was in- tended for general circulation *^^. And in thus act- ing, he adhered to the peculiar plan which he had prescribed to himself in revising the Latin transla- tion; having omitted the disputed verse, in the authorised version, on the authority of the Greek, from whence it had been removed by Eusebius*^^: but having availed himself of the variations of the Latin translation, in chusing that reading of the disputed verse, which was calculated to support the ecclesiastical doctrine of one substance, as under- stood by the initiated in the christian mysteries *^^, *'5 Vid. supr. p. 545. n. *°^ *'^ The strongest distinction is drawn, by St. Jerome, be- tween the copies which were intended for private use, and those which were intended for general circulation ; supr. p. 101. n. *^^. That the edition of the Catholick Epistles inscribed to Eustochium, was of the former kind, is evident from the cau- tion expressed in the Prologue, supr. n. *34. « meam senec- tutem invidorum dentibus corrodendam exponis, qui me falsa- rium, et corruptorem sacrarum scripturarura, pronunciant.'* *3^ Vid. supr. p. 158. n. "*. p. 161. n. "^ *^^ S. Hieron. ibid. Prol. in Epp. Cann. ut supr. ** Sed sicut Evangelistas dudum ad veritatis lineam correximus, ita has, proprio ordini, Deo nos juvante, reddidimus. Est enim, prima earum, Jacobi, una ; Petri, duae ; Johannis, tres ; et Judae una : quae si ut ab eis digestas sunt, ita quoque ab interpretibus fideliter in Latinum verterentur eloquium, nee amb'guifaiem legentibus facerent, nee sermonum sese varietas impugnaret; illo prctcipue loco ubi de unitate Trinitatis in prima Johannis Epistola positum legimus. In qua, etiam ab infidelibus [f. fide- libusj translatoribus multum erratum esFe ab fidei veritate oo2 ( 564 ) On summing' up the arguments which have been urged against the text of the heavenly witnesses, I cannot therefore discover any thing which materially affects the authenticity of this verse^ either in the omis- sions of the Greek manuscripts^ or the silence of the Greek fathers ; in the variations of the Latin version, or the allegorical explanations of the Latin pole- micks. The objections hence raised against that text, are perfectly consistent with that strong evi- dence in its favour, which is deducible from the in- ternal evidence, and the external testimony of the African Church; which testimony remains to be disposed of, before we can consider it spurious. Nor is there any objection to which the text of the Vulgar Greek is exposed, in other respects, which at all detracts from its credit. It has been stated against 1 Joh. v. 7, 8. as read in the Greek Vulgate, that the objection raised to the grammatical structure of the Palestine text*^^, is removed but a step back by the insertion of 1 Joh. V, 7 : as the same false concord occurs in the con- text 1 Joh. V. 8. as read in the Byzantine edition : T^£K ol /xaf TUf8i/T£f bciug thcre made to agree with TO TrviZfAx, x) TO v^u^. But this objection has been made without any attention to the force of the figure attraction. The only difficulty which embar- comperinms ; trium tantum vocabula, hoc est, * aquae, sanguinis et spiritus,' in sua editione ponentes, et Patris, Verbi, ac Spi- ritus* testimonium omittentes in quo maxime et fides catholica roboratur, et Patris, ac Filii, ac Spiritus sancti una divinitatis substantia comprobatur/' . *'^ Vid.fupr.p. 257, ( 565 ) rasses the construction lies in furnishing the first adjectives r^tTg •» ixa^TvpHung with substantives; which is effectually done, by the insertion of 0 nxrva ^ 0 A&yof, in the disputed passage. The subse- quent ol r^iXq /txa^Tu^avT£? are thence attracted to the foregoing adjectives, instead of being go- verned by the subsequent to irnZfAx^ ^ to I'^wp, in the strictest consistency with the style of St, John and the genius of the Greek language ^'^^ It has been further objected to the Byzantine text, that ixxAno-iav T8 ©gS Act. xx. 28. has been substi- tuted for lKxXnj 1 Tim. iii. 16. used in the definitive sense of '' he loho was manifested/* **° On the figure attraction, see Mess, de Port Royal Gr. Gram. B, VII. ch. i, p. 319. ed. Lond. 1797. Examples of this figure are not unfrequent in St. John ; vid. Joh. xiv. 26. xv. 26. xvi. 13. In the last instance we read, orav ^l c>,$^ IxsTvos to rivsu/xa Tvf a}.vi$iiaq : but i>is7vo<; is here ath^acted to t^ |^$&., ExeTvof. vers. 8. which is governed by © UapaixXrflof lArt/craTa., vers. 7. In fact this structure was preferred by the Evan^^e- iist, as asserting the Personality of the Holy Spirit, by applying to him, an adjective in the masculine. But without this prepa- ration of the phrase, 1 Joh. v. 7. &c. no grammatical figure will reconcile the false concord of Ibid. 8. as read in the Corrected Text of M. Griesbach, to the genius of the Greek langua^^e. A Syllepsis, which is properly a poetical licence, at least a rhetorical figure, and of course wholly beside our present pur- pose, will not answer this end; as the Apostle has spoiled the effect of this figure, in determining the gender of OviD^.a to be neuter, by prefixing to it the article to, and coupling it with TO fjLxflvftiv in his context : he has thus wholly unfitted it for qualifying the subjoined ol [/.ufv^^tli^ /., t. «, ; ( 566 ) occur in Mar, iv. 25. Luc. viii. 18. Rom. viii. 32. But the former observation appears to me to remove one difficulty by the happy expedient of creating a greater; for thus a double inconsistency is substan- tiated—against the Apostle in the first instance, and against the Evangelist in the second, which is no less happily conceived to be corrected by the blun- der of a transcriber**'. And the latter observation unfortunately finds not the least support from the adduced examples, as they are essentially different from the passages which they are taken to illus- trate'^^ *4« Vid. supr, p. 255. n. '". *** In Mar. iv. 25. Luc- viii. 18. o? signifies he xvko, on na ether account, tlian because he tvho is synonymous with tohoeve7'j, in English i the latter being the proper meaning of the term in Greek, and a meaning which reduces 1 Tim. iii. 16. to non- sense. In Rom. viii. 32. o$ is the subjunctive article, and, as such, tied by the particle yt to its antecedent Geo? ; as is di* rectly apparent on viewing the text independent of its artificial division into verses, il 6 &eos l-Trl^ '/if^uv, ti<; xa$' i|Ma/»; os ys t5 l^iu vi^ ^K \ e-TTJ^ogijyft;*, 2 Cor. ix. 10, 5 ^8 E7rixof'57«^i/. Nor does the example adduced from Col. i. 27. supr. p. 281. furnish any parallel instance to 1 Tim. iii. 16. St. Paul has expressly determined the gender of /xfrsj^iOK to be neuter (1.) by the context; writing to (/.v^-yi^iop to awoxE^y/*- ^£>ov: and (2.) by the sense, as XpirU is not to ^vt^iov, but a grXH7o$ tYii ^ojvjy tS fAvs-nq^e, as the Apostle shews, by subjoin- ing >) e^7r*? t5? So^n<; : SO that the true antecedent to o?, in b\ lr» "X^iTuc, is 0 wxSto?. If the passage admitted not of this expla- nation, an Attraction, by which o? and X^^roi were made ta agree, would afford a better explanation of the phrase Ters ( 567 ) It has been further urged against the Greek Vul- gate, that Liberatus states the vulgar reading of 1 Tim. iii. 16. to be a correction of the heretick Macedonius ; and that 1 John v. 7. could not have existed in the sacred text, in the age of the Alogi, since these hereticks rejected the Gospel of St, John, as militating against their peculiar opinions yet have not objected to the Epistles of the Evan- gelist, which are equally opposed to their tenets, when the disputed verse forms a part of his context. But when the principles of Liberatus are taken into account, together with the obscurity and contradic- toriness of his testimony, it will not be deemed wor- thy of implicit credence *^^ We may however f/ivrvi^ie 05 Irt Xpiroj, than tliat which supposes to jtAvr^pto* and oj to agree, by the most palpable solecism. ^'^'^ The charge urged by Liberatus is expressed in the fol- lowing terms; Liber. Brev. cap, xix. p. 134. " Hoc tempore Macedonius Constantinopolitanus Episcopus ab Imperatore Anastasio dicitur expulsus, tanquam Evangelia falsasset, et maxime illud Apostoli dictum ; * Quia apparuit in came, justi- licatus est in spiritu.' Hunc enim immutasse, ubi habet ©?, id est, qui, monosyllabum graecum, littera mutata o in J vertisse, et fecisse w,-, id est, ut esset Deus apparuit per carnem. Tan- quam Nestorianus ergo culpatus expellitur per Severum mona- chura.*' The text of Liberatus has been here obviously accom- modated to his account of the Nestorian heresy, vid. supr. p. 521. n. "*. As we know the different readings of the Greek copies to which he alludes, v/e may correct his text, without difficulty: — '' hunc enim mutasse ubi habet OT id est qui, monosyllabum grajcum [et] littera mutata, O in 0 vertisse et fecisse 0S, id est, ut esset, * Deus apparuit per carnem." But to this statement of Liberatus there are several objections. It appears, from the testimony of St. jChrysostome, that, for many ( 568 ) grant, that it has every foundation in truths without affecting in the least the integrity of the Greek Vul- gate. When it is remembered, that the reading which Macedonius is said to have corrected, is found in a verse which Eusebius had previously corrupted ; vy^e may admit that the alteration was made in some copies, and yet maintain that the integrity of the sacred text was restored, not impaired, by the last emendation. But the possibility of thus altering a few copies, will be still infinitely remote from ac- counting for the general corruption of the Greek Vulgate; and until this object is attained, the pre- sent objection must wholly fail of its intention. As to that which has been advanced from the consi- deration of the Alogi, who have not objected to St. John's Epistle, it seems to have been urged from a partial view of St. Epiphanius's account of those hereticks. As f^r as I can collect from his words, years previous to the times of Macedonius and Severus, ©eo? iipectt^u^r) had been the reading of the Byzantine edition ; so that no culpability could attach to the bishop of Constantino- ple, for introducing this reading in his copies : vid. supr. p. 289. n. ^''. A totally different account, and one which carries in,- ternal marks of its truth, is given by Evagrius, of the causes which occasioned Macedonius's expulsion from the see of Con- stantinople, at the instigation of Severus : vid. Evagr. Hist. Eccl. Lib. III. cap. xliv. p. 380. 1. 10. And the account of Liberatus is rejected as wholly improbable, not only by Bishop Pearson, and Dr. Berriman,- but the Jesuit Garnier, who had some interest in supporting Liberatus's testimony, as it afforded some countenance to the reading of the Latin Vulgate. Vid. Garn. in Liberat. p. 137. Pears, on Creed- Vol. IL p. IS*^. Beriim.. Dissert, on 1 Tim. p. 231. ( 569 ) he has implicitly declared, that they objected not less to the Epistles written by St. John, than to his Gospel **^ And had not this been the case, the objection might be easily set aside; as it equally proves, that the first verses of the Epistle must have been also absent from the Apostle's text, as they are even more strongly opposed to the peculiar tenets of the Alogi. As this is a position which will be hardly sustained by any objectour, I apprehend, that the present objection in proving so much, really proves nothing. A few words will now cover the Greek Vulgate from every objection which has been raised to its ver- bal integrity *^^ It has been an old objection urged ^"^ St. Epiphanius expresses himself on the present subject m the following unqualified terms. Haer. li. p. 423. d. — «7ro/8aXX8(Ti [o» "A/ oyoi] 'ludntm rocs ^'t^Xas, I'ttiI hv tqv Aoyov » ^eXOvlixi rov ita^oi ^luuviH xtKr)^vyiJt.etov, "AXeyoi KXri^aotlau^—oTroTE ^1 b "^iyoviai (p6an rat /3^ irfoa-u^iat Ik t?? Iv Kataufsnc t^^ Katt- *a^oxJa? £?v$om tU t(^t ^i^hto^xng iv u >^ iTnyz-ypavlo Jj 5 y,iyxs 3^ $«o? Bao-;^EJo$ ra, (e| uv UeTvo »7riy^u(pr)) u^yi^oCKuv ^ia)^Buc-»ro ^i^xict. The following considerations may be offered in sup- port of the above conjecture. (1.) St. Basil studied in Caesa- rea in Palestine, with Gregory of Nazianzum, and imbibed that partiality for Origen, and consequently for the Palestine text which was common to the disciples of that school : vid. Socrat, Hist. Eccl. Lib. IV. cap. xxvi. p. 245. 1. 9—13. conf. supr, p, 84. n. '\ (2.) The Vatican MS. differs from all known manu- scripts of equal antiquity, in having accents and marks of asperation added by the original transcriber ; Vid. Birch. Nov. Test. Prolegomm. p. xiv. (3.) The Greek MSS. of the reli- gious order of St. Basil, which had been dispersed in several monasteries through Calabria, were transported to Rome by P. Menitius, Prefect of the order, and were deposited in the library of St. Basil in that city : vid. Montfauc. Palaogr. Greec. p. xxiii. As many of the most valuable MSS. in Italy have been transferred, through the arbitrary power of the Popes, to the Vatican, it is possible, that the celebrated MS. which is distinguished by this name, might have thus made its way into the Pontifical librarv. ( 574 ) of Byzantium, Avhicli prevails in the writings of Chrysostome, Gregory Nyssene, Nazianzene, &c. and is found in the great body of Greek manuscripts. The weight of evidence which supports both edi- tions^ has been already laid in detail before the reader. In almost all points of importance, they mutually afford each other confirmation; and where this coincidence fails, the testimony of the oldest wit- nesses, contained in the primitive Italick and Syriack versions, is generally found on the side of the Greek Vulgate ; the testimony of those witnesses being fur* ther confirmed by that of the primitive fathers*^**. The variations in the testimony of later texts, ver- sions^ and writers, is besides easily traced to the **° The following list of passages, quoted by those Fathers who lived in the next succession after the Apostles, includes the principal texts in which the Greek Vulgate differs from the Palestine edition. They may be disposed in four classes, ac- cording to their importance : and, as read in the vulgar Greek, are supported by the annexed authorities. (1.) 1 Joh. v. 7. Tert. Ci/pr, 1 Tim. iii. 16. Ignat, Act. xx. 28. Ig7iat. TerU vid. supr. p. 291. nn. *«^ et ^«*. p. 275. n. ^^*. p. 286. n. *5'. (2.) Mat, xix. 17. Just. Mart. lb. xx. 22, 23. Iren. lb* xxvii. 25. Tert. Luc. iv. 18. Iren, Joh. i. 27. Orig. vid, supr. p. 372. sqq. (3.) Mar. xiii. 32. Iren. Luc. ix. 55. «. Clem. Alex. Cypr. lb. xi. 13. Tert. lb, xxii. 43, 44. Just. Mart. Joh. v. 3, 4. Tert. Act. viii. 37. Iren. lb. xv. 28. Clem. Tert. Col. i. 14. Iren. lb. ii. 2. Clem. Akx. ut videtur, 1 Joh. iv. 3. Polyc. Tert. vid. supr. p. 380. sqq. (4.) Matt. ix. 13. 'J. Barn. Clem. Rom. lb. vii. 2. ^. Pohjc. Clem, Rom, lb. XXV. 41. ^ Tert. Mar. i. 2. *>. Iren. Luc. iv. 18. i. Iren, lb. vi. 26. K Iren. lb. ix. 62. ". Iren. Tert. Rom. r. 14. U Iren. vid. Griesb. nn. in locc. ( 575 ) influence of the Marcionite and Valentinian here- sies : which, as merely affecting a text essentially different from the Vulgar Greek, leaves the evi- dence, arising in favour of this text from the imme- morial tradition of the Church, unaffected by any objection. In the single instance of the text of the heavenly witnesses, a difficulty arises ; as it cannot be denied that this verse has been wholly lost in the Greek Vulgate. But I cannot admit that the integrity of the sacred text is at all affected by this considera- tion. Were the Greek Church the only witness of its integrity, or guardian of its purity, the ob- jection would be of vital importance. But in de- ciding the present question, the African Church is entitled to a voice not less than the Byzantine ; and on its testimony, we receive the disputed passage. In fact, as the proper witnesses of the inspired Word, are the Greek and Latin Churches ; they are adequate witnesses of its integrity. The general corruption of the text received in these Churches, in the vast tmct of country, which extends from Armenia to Africa, was utterly impossible. A com- parative view of their testimony, enables us to de- termine the genuine text, in every point of the smallest importance*^'. And after the progressive labour of ages, in which every thing that could in- validate their evidence from the testimony of dis- senting witnesses, has been accumulated, nothing *'* Vid, supr. p. 306. C ^76 ) has been advanced by which it is materially affected. To the mind which is not operated on by these con- siderations^ nothing further need be advanced in the shape of argument. THE END, R. and R. Gilbert, Printers, St. John** Square^ London, DATE DUE 9rr DSN^l^S 76 '-' -__m^ l^ljb ' CAYLORO rRINTEOINU.S.A. BS525 .N78 An inquiry into the integrity of the Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library Sl^^-^