THE WORKS OF ■r HN L IN NINE VOLUMES. THE NINTH EDITION. VOLUME THE NINTH. LONDON: PRINTED FOR T. LONGMAN, B. LAW AND SON, J. JOHNSON, C.DILLY, G. G. APJD J.ROBINSON, T.CADELL, J. SEW ELL, W. OT RIDGE, W. RICHARDSON, F. AND C.RIVINGTON, W. GOLDSMITH, T. PAYNE, LEIGH AND SOTHEBY, S. HAYES, R. FAULDER, B. AND J. WHlT|i, W. LOWNDES, G. AND T. WILKIE, AND J. WALKER. 1794- CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME, Page CONTINUATION of familiar Letters between Mr. Locke and feveral of his Friends - - i The Dedication prefixed to < a Colle6lion of feveral Pieces of Mr. John Locke, publifhed by Mr. Des Maizeaux' 147 The Charaaer of Mr. Locke, by Mr. Peter Cofte : With a Letter relating to that Character, and to the Author of it . , - . i5j The fundamental Conftitutions of Carolina - 175 A Letter from a Perfon of Quality to his Friend in the Country; giving an Account of the Debates and Refolutions of the Houfe of Lords, In April and May, 1675, concerning a Bill, intitled, * an A61 to prevent the Dangers which may arife from Perfons difaf- fecled to the Government' - - 200 Remarks upon fome of Mr. Norris's Books, wherein he afTerts P. Malebranche's Opinion of feeing all Things in God - - „ ■ nin A Letter to Mr. Oldenburg, Secretary to the Royal Society 260 Letters to Anthony Collins, Efq. - . 261 A Letter to the Reverend Richard King - . ^05 Vol. IX. a CONTENTS. A Letter to ♦ * * on Dr. Pocockc - - 299 Letters to the Reverend Richard King - - 305 Rules of a Society, which met once a Week, for tliclr Improvement in nfeful Knowledge, and for the pro- moling of Truth and Chriflian Charity - 312 Letters to Mrs. Cockburn - - 314 Letter to Mr. Bold - - - 315 Letter to Mr. Clarke •• » 320 Letter from Lord Shaftefbury to Bifhop Fell - 321 Letter from Sir Peter King to the third Earl of Shaftefbury 32^ Obfcrvations upon the Grovv'th and Culture of Vines and Olives; The Produ6linn of Silk: The Prefcrvation of Fruits. Written at the Requcfl of the Earl of Shaftefbury; to whom they are infcribed - 323 A Hiflory of Navigation from its Original to the Year 1704 357 A Catalogue and Character of mc^t Books of Voyages and Travels - - - ci? Index. CONTINUATION OF FAMILIAR LE T T E R S BETWEEN Mr. L O G K E, AND SEVERAL OF HIS FRIENDS, Vol. IX. B ( 3 ) >iB|Uiiiii^ J Lwg CONTINUATION OF FAMILIAR LETTERS BETWEEN Mr. LOCK E, AND SEVERAL OF HIS FRIENDS. Philippo a Limhorch Joannes Locke^ s. p. d. CUM ante dies decern, ad amicum noflrum dom. Gnenellonem fcripfi, facile credes quod te, V. C. non infalutatiim pr^teriverim : verum mei officii, tuo- rumqiie beneficiorum ratio poflulat a me aliam & falutandi 6c gratias agendi methodum, ne aut obiter, aut negligentcr, id quod mihi maxin;)e incumbit, agere videar. Pr^fertim cum Guenellonis noftri filentium me incertum reddat, an meas ad ipfum pervenerint liters, quas fane minime vellem intercidifle; ne vobis omnibus, quibus tot nominibus ob- ftridlus fum, aut parum memor, aut parum gratus appa- ream., credatifque paucarum horarum intervallum ex animo meo tot tantorumque beneficiorum delevilTe memoriam, quam nulla temporis diuturnitas unquam delere valebit. In lis etiam fignificavi, quam humaniter tuus Vander Key me excepit, quam officios^ adjuvir, quo nomine hie tibi gratias iterum agendas fuadet viri iftius fumma hu- manitas, quanquam illud parum eft, fi cum maximo be- neficiorum tuorum cumulo conferatur. Dom. Veenium & optimam illius foeminam, quibus falutem verbis non B a facile 4 Pamiliar Letter's between Mr. Locke, f^icilc reperio, cum nulla Tint, qua^ aut illorum beneficiii, auc eas qiias habeo & Temper habebo gratias, arquare pofTint; tuis tamen rogo quibus potes verbis maxime ornes. Ut me hie iikerius pcrgentem derinuit valctudinis ratio ad dom. Guenellonem kripfi. Amoenitas loci, &: fi non defidia, laltem quietis amor, &: moleliia^, qiiam in itinere per- peiiusfumjavcrratio adhuc decinct. Deambiilationes hie, qui- bus quotidie pia:greflunrjlcircorotium,valde jucundas funt; led longe jucundiores forenr, fi aliquot veftrum expatiandi haberem focios, quod tarn mei quam veflri caula continuo opto, prxfertim lie favente coelo : nee enim credo Tanitati incommodum eflet, prasfertim dominas Guenelloni, cujus infirmis pulmonibus tc valetudini parum robuft^e prodefiet maxime, credo, hie ierenus 6c liber aer. Quid agatur apud vos, prsfertim noftrorum relpeflu, ad me perfcribas rogo ; pra^fcrrim me de tua amicorumique noftrorum va- ietudine certiorem facias. Sum Cleve, 28 Sept. Tui obfervantifTimus, 1685. J. Locke. Philiipo a Limber ch Joannes Locke s. p. d DUAS a te, vir amplilTime, ofHcii & benevolently plenas hie accepi literasi nee ingratus tibi videbor, fpero, ii ad fiugula, prout oportet, non fule refpondeam, tem- poris anguftia impeditus. IIoc unum enixe rogo, ut dcs operam, ut de advcntu comitis Pembrokia^ per aliqucm tuorum amicorum Haga: degentium cercior fiam, tranl- miflfo ca de re, vel ad me, vel ad te, nuntio. Dux co- piarum Biitannicarum futurus luic adventat, fi jam non adeft, quotidie expeclatur. Mea multum intereft, ut quam fieri potell mature illius acceilum cognofcam. Hoc cum dixero, fatis Tcio te omncm curam opcramquc in CO locaturum, ut quam celenime id mihi inno- tefcat. De aliis alias, nam tabellarius difcedit. Amicos iiieos, nomine, quam odiciofilTimc quit^fo, falutes. Valc> & me, ut facis, ama, Cleve, 3 Oflober Tui obfervantifllmum, J. Locke. and fever al cf his Friends, 5 Philippo ^ Limhorch Joannes Locke , s. p d, Vir Clariffime, SI duabiis tuls amiciffimis epiftolis parum, vel nihil, a me refponlum eil, id inftanti tabellarii dirceffiii imputes, rogo, nee credas me tarn rebus m.els intentum tuse vero conluetudinis & jucundiffimi juxta ac doftHTimi fermonis negligentem, ut omnia de meis negotiis, de tuis gratiiTimis literis nihil dicerem, niu gravis aliqua fubeiTct caula, cur de adventu comitis Pem.brokise, quam fieri potuit citifTime, certior fierem. Sed jam quo maxime propendet animus, ad te, vir optim.e, & fcripta tua redeo, in quibus primo accufo amicitiam tuam de me & meritis meis tarn m.ag- nifice, dc veftris erga me officiis & beneficiis tarn exiliter, loquentem. Hi funt, fateor, magnss & non fi6t^ ami- citi^ aliquando errore?, de quibus ideo queror, ur mihi aliter de iifdem rebus fentienti ignofcas, & me credas amicitise & gratitudinis di6lata fequi, cum in ea perfillam fententia, aliqua me .apud vo's accepifie beneficia, quibus refpondere verbis nee poffim, nee debeam. Et nifi vos omnes in re, contra quam par eft, voluntati meas obfrare viderem, tuam ego hie opem implorarem, uc hanc mihi velles exim.ere asgritudinem, & tua autoritate, qim pluri- mum apud prseflantifiimium Veenium polles, huic querel?e tam jurtx finem imponeres. Si quod videris promittere, fed heu ! longum abeft, his in colHbus & fylvarum umbra, tua frul daretur & amicorum noftrorum confuetudine, cre- derem ego fpecimen aliquod aurei rediilTe feculi. Nam virtus, benignitas, pax & fides in fylvis folum degebant, quibus in urbanorum hominum frequentia vix datur locus. Sic cecinerunt poetce: an aliquid aliud nos docent hidorici, hoc tempore non eft mihi inquirendi animus. Gaudeo fratrem tuum convaluifle, & fine graviore aliquo fympto- mate. Locum ilium epiftolas tui^, ubi fcriptorum tuorum memineris, non fine moerore legi j fentio quantum ex diiceflu meo fecerim jadluram, & voluptatis & eruditionis, quod non legerim reliqua tua fcripta, ex quibus non minorem mihi lucem promitterem, quam ex jam le6tis, nuilto cum frudtu, percepiffem. Si vis ut fincere &• B 3 ape^tc 6 Familiar Letters between Mr, Locke, apcrte dicam, nullibi reperi opiniones magis dilucide pro- pofitas, argumentorum rationibus melius fubnixas; a par- tium (ludiis longius remotas, be veritati per omnia magis conforines. Hoc me ex animo proferre dubitare non potes, cum me tam importune, tarn ded ita opera, cri- ticum tam paucis potuilte dentem malignum imprimere patet. Sed me miferum ! magnam partem frudus, quern ex i(la mea critica feveritate mihi propofui, perdidi. Plu- rima enim, quas inter legendum notaveram, non tam tui corrigendi, quam mei informandi, feci animo, dc quibus tecum iikerius inquirendum ftatueram. Non eft igitur, quod mihi tanto ardelioni gratias agas ; fatis eft, ft vehementi nimis inquifitori, &: culpandi anfas ftudiose qucxrenti ignolcas. Quanquam non male piclas tabular indicium eft, fi quis cogatur in ca qussrere nasvos. Utinam quas ego meditor, eo eftent fcripta idiomate, ut tu poteris vices rependere, reperires te ulcifcendi copiofam materiam. Qnod fcribis de critici critico * facile credo ; quam primum enim attigi iftum undecimias epiftolas locum, vidt^bar mihi audire obftrepentium exclamationes, quafi de religione omnino aftum eflet, nofti hujufmodi hominum mores, quo mi inns heterodoxum aliquid pofTint refellere, ne nihil in caufa Dei agere videantur, tanto magis clamoribus, in- cufationibus, calumniis infurgunt. Fateor argumentum iftud modefte proponendum fuifle, bz caute traclandum, fed tamen ejufmodi eft, ut mereatur tandem fumma cum acribia difcuti. Si omnia, quae in facris libris continentur, pro theopneuftis pariter habenda, fine omni difcretionc, magna fane prxbetur philofophis de fide & finccritate noftra dubitandi anfa. Si e contrario qunsdam pro fcriptis pure humanis habenda : ubi conftabit fcripturarum divina iiutoritas, fine qua corruet rcligio chiiftiana ? quodnam eric critcrium ? quis modus ? adeo ut in hac qurtftionc, fi qui alia, maxiine fundamentali, fumma cum cautionc, pru- dentia, modeflia agendum, priiffertim ab eo cui, uti credo, jam non nimium favent ecclefiafticx potcftates & theolo- gorum claflls. Sed figna cecincrunt, ik expedandus eft con(li6lus. Ego, qui ubique folam quxTO veritatem, ♦ Scntimcns de quclqucs ihcologiens d'iloliandc fur I'iiii-loirc critique flu P. Simon, eamque. mid fever al of his Friends, 7 catnqne, quantum capere poflum, five inter orthodoxos reperio, five heterodoxos, pariter ampledor. Fateor aliqua efle in eo fcripto, quae mihi plene non fatisfaciunt, alia quibus refpondere non pofliim ; de illis ab authore libenter refponfum acciperem, fi commodum exiftinaas, de his tuum qu^ro judicium. I. Ni fallor, author fepius utitur contra apoftolorum continuam infpirationem hoc argumento, quod fcil. mulca ab ilHs di6la invenimus, qu^ fine auxilio fpiritus fandli dici poterant; quod tamen conceffum, contra divinam facras fcripturjE autoritatem & 3-£»7n/furiVv nihil concludit. Afleritur in f. fcriptura conftans per omnia & infallibilis Veritas. Si quid autem dicit fan6lus Paulus A61. xxiii, (V. 241,) quod coelitus ipfi revelatum non crat, id nihil detrahit certitudini fcriptura^, quandoquidem ejufmodi res effet, quam certo & infaliibiliter cognofcere potuit^ fine revelatione divina. Qu^ fenfibus & certa cognitione apoftolis conllabant, non opus erat revelatione, uc earum hifloria, ab apoftolis tradita, pro indubitata haberetur. Iraque metuo ne homines fufpicentur hoc argumentum potius quasfitum, quam e re natum. II. ExPLicATio illius promifli Jo3n. xvl. 13. quam fuse tradit p. 256. nequaquam mihi videtur pofle accom- modari apoftolo Paulo, fi quis attente legat illius hiftoriam Adl. ix. & feq. Unde enim ille evangelii hoftis, &, ut ipfe alicubi fatetur, ignarus, poterat tarn cito devenire myfteriorum evangelii interpres & pra:co, fine infpiratione fupernaturali & divina? V. A61. ix. 19, 20. Hjeq aliqua eorum, quas mihi inter legendum parum fatisfecerunt, alia fuerunt, quorum oblitus fum : fed quid ad hasc dicat author libenter fcirem. Verum cum plu- rima alia funt quae videntur omnimodam f. fcrjpturiE in- fallibilitatem & infpirationem in dubium vocare, quibus fateor me non poffe refpondere, enixe rogo ut quid ea de re fentias, mihi explicare non graveris : multa enim, qua: in libris canonicis occurrebant, jamdiu ante traclatus hujus kdlionem, dubium me & anxium tenuerunt, & gratifllmum mihi facies, fi hunc mihi adimas fcrupulum. Cum fumma, qu^efo, amicitias, gratitudinis & exifi:imationis fignificationc banc inclufam hofpiti meo optimo tradas. Illiufque gi: tuam ^ Guenclloftis focminam, meo nomine falutes, B 4 reliquofque f5 Familiar Letters betmeen Mr. Locks, rcliqiiofque noftros omnes. Vale, & longas cpiftolas fcribenti ignofcas, nam tecum loqui baud facile defifto. Cleve, 6 061. Tibi devotifTimus, 1685. J. Locke. Philippo a Limhorcb jcani.cs Locke^ s. p. d, QUANQUAM longo ufu ad alia hujus \\tx. incom- moda occaluit aliquatenus mens mea, a confuetudine tamen tna, vir dodiflime & amicorum optime, me divelli, fine magna animi ^gritudine, pad non pofTum. Tu enim me eruditione tua inftruere, judicio confirmare, confilio dirigere, & amicitia & comitate folari folebas, quotidianum curarum mearum perfiigium : fed ita plerumque mecum ac^i folet, ut ubi & quibufcum effe maxlme cupio, refra- gante fortuna, raro permilTum fit. Devorandum igitur, ut potero, hujus abfenti^e tasdium, quod frequentibus tuls Uteris levare debes, jam prnefertim dum tempus & otium tibi permittunt adverfarii illi, qui domi fujc pra^lia tibi medicantur. Hoc te in quo jam fumus fasculo expedafTe non dubito. Si candide, & ut veritatis amici argumen- torum pondere tecum agant, tibi fcio non difplicebunt, qui veritatem ample6leris, undecunque venientem. Sin iracundcj veteratoric, maligne, paucis placebunt, nifi fui iimilibus ; quicquid demum acciderit, hoc ccrtum efl, quod tu illrefus, viclorque abibis, quia veritatem, qua^ris, non vidtoriam. Sed ut verum fatear, ego a rixofis hujuf- modi difputatoribus non multum expedo, qui in alienis convellcndis, non fuis adftruendis, qua^runt gloriam. Artificis ik. laudem merentis efl: nsdificare. Sed pugnaces hofce fibi & curis fuis relinquamiis. Si quid in B placidus be libcraliiis reperifti, gaudeo; pacificorum vellcm quotidic augeri numerum, prncfertim inter reformatos, inter quos nimium quotidic feruntur lites. Inimicus homo facit hoc. Alterius funt indolis amici, quibus hie, te fa- vente, familiaritcr utor. Uterque GrcTvius falutcm plu- rimam tibi dicit. Verrynium fxpius quxfitum nondum domi m^d fever al of his Friends, ^ (domi reperi; hujus feptimanas dies aliquot extra urbem tranfegitj cum domum redierit, non diu inralutatum permittam. Vale cum tua tuifque, & me ama Utrecht, 1 1 0(51. Tui {ludiofifrimum 1686, J. Locke, Philippo a Lin}borch Joannes Locke, s. p. d. Vir reverendiflime, amiciffimej colendifilme, SINE fati & enelu6labili pr^deftinationis vi experior in me ipfoj quomodo peccandi initia quandam ftnfim afferunt fecum peccandi necefntatem. Literis tuis amiciffimis 9. & 14. Febr. datis refpondendi, quamprlmum eas accepe^ ram^ anfl^m mihi eripuit rei alicujus agendas importuna turn feftinatio. Sed cum, perado cum eo quocum mihi res erat negotio, jam deceiTus illius in Angliam mihi fece- rit otium, fatis ad literas fcrjbendas vacare mihi videor, nondum tamen nadlus fum earn, qua alias ufus Ilim, fcri- bendi libertatem. In hoc filentii crimen rebus aliis impe- ditus, quafi infcius incidi mifer, quod jam tempore auctum pene confirmat pudor. Sic deli£la deli6lis cumulamus femel irretiti, & modelli pariter & pervicaces in vitiis liiis indurefcunt. Vides quo in ftatu jam. fum, & nifi credere me vis omnia certa & immutabili neceflkate evenire, negligentise huic m.es ignofcere debes, ut redeat mihi antiqua mea apud te parrhefia, De Germana patruni theologia idem tecum plane fentio. Maxima Temper fuir, femperque erit Germanorum natio, & pauci funt in tanta fcriptcrum multitudine, qui non videntur eo fub acre nati. Sed me hac de re a tua opinione non efle alienum, non iTiultum miraberis. Aliquld amplius fateor eft, quod ego numeros tuos fecretos notaverim, & quod tu hoc obfer- vaveris. Cave ribi & ignofce quam primum filentio meo, ne loquacitate tibi magis fim moleftus, vidcs me in fe- cretiora tua penetrare. ' Scire volunt fecreta domus'-— & nofti quod fcquiturj — ' atque inde timeri.* Magical has to ra'tmliar Letters between Mr. Locke y hae metuendae funt artes nimis pcrfpicaces, quibus ego non pariim mihi placeo, quandoquidem ex tam jucundo tarn laudabili enafcuntur fonte, & id mihi tcftatum faciunt, quod ante omnia cupio. Scio jam mentem meam a tua harmonica quadam fympathia regi plane &: gubernari. Sic me orthodoxum femper fore certum eft. O ! utinam eodem modo & Iciens fieri pofi'em. Ut enim verum fatear, infcius tuis numcris ufus fum, fed gaudeo me pro- diific tenus : vclk^m & in aliis rebus hoc mihi acciderir. Agnofco genium tuum, cui me ducendum totum Hbcnrer tradercm, Grarias ago quam m?.ximas, pro omni tua cura & opera, in literis, in iibris, & aliis meis rebus lo- cata. Utinam daretur & vices lependere. Vale, & me ama 1 8 Tui AmantifTimum, Rotterodami, Mar. 8. i6)(87 ^ J. Locke. ThiUffQ a Limhorcb Joannes Lccke^ s. p. d. QIJID illo facies homine, qui nee cantare par eft, nee refpondere paratus ? Quid juvat libertate a te ipfo con- cefsa uti, fine viribus, ad ea qur^ decent prreftanda, ne- cefHiriis ? Jucundiftima tua, & floribus undique referta, epiftola ad ea, qua? fcribis, iterum iterumque legenda maxime invitat; uc vero calamum. fumam, & aliquid meo more rcfcribam valde dchortatur be deterrer. Ktfi enim grati fit animi, argutis & facetis amici fermonibus aliquid refpondere, impruclentis tamen eft & parum pu- dici, ornatis incondita, urbanis agreftia, pretiofis vilia, vel in ipfo literal um commercio reponere, Frullra igitur a tc libertntcdonatus fum, muruis fane in fpecie magniiicuin, {t:(^ nifi aliquid detuj ctiam impertire poHls ingenio, plane inutile J frutira enim accufabis me tanquam in libertate tardum, cui tam parata ^ juft'^ fit defenlio hebetem non debere efl'c l«jquacem, nee dectre -/uXyLiot. p^cJo-fiw^, ut uc enim co modo liber fim, parum ccrte videbor lil>eralis. Novi animum tuum, novi ingciiium, & quam paratus fi^ and fever al of his Friends, T % lis omnia, ab arnica voluntate profeda, in bonam partem intcrpretari ; hoc boni omnia confulentis non parva laus eft fed male interim fcribentis peffima exculatio. Ea tamen fiducia fretiis, en te iternm compellare aufim, me- Jioribus ftudiis vacantemj fi quid in eo pecco, nolo in- .cufare vim a fatis illatam, caiifam fane, fi qua fit, omnium maxima improbam, fed te ipfum, qui ab omni vi & coa6tione longiflime abes, tua humanitas, tua benevolentia, tui lepores cogunt ut agnofcam, ^ ut fa tear me tibi gratias habere, etiamfi referre non pofllm. Si his conditionibus mecum agere velis, en tibi ad legendas tuas epiftolas para- tiffimum & cupidiflinrjum : ad meas refcribendas, etiamfi cupiam, tardum, & fane tarn neceflitate quam officio tardum. Tu cum ifta excufatione uti non potes, & mature fcribas rogo, ik abunde. Id ni facias, audies me graviter querentem, te non prasftare & amico & egenti id quod potes, & id quod debes, quia potes. Si jam inciperem iniquo jure ccmmunem inter nos colere amicitiam, hsec jam proponere vix animum inducerem , fed cum hac Jege a prim.ordiis amicitire femper viximus, ut tu propere & cumulate omnia officia benevolentias prasftares, ^go vel in agnofcendo parcus & lentus efiem, pati jam debes mores meos quantumvis malos, vetuftate jam confirmatos, in quibus nihil novum, nihil infolens repcries. Vides quocum tibi res eft; in hac tamen culpa non prorfus ingratus videri vcllem, fi id in fe aliquid gratitudinis habet, ut qui eam, qua fe deftitutum fatetur, in te mi- ratur & ample6litur virtutem : in ea qujero mihi patro- cinium, quod mihimet prasftare non poflum. Sed de me fatis, ad majora nunc venio tua, fcil, typographo haud parum irafcor quod tuum, tarn utile, tam dodlum opus adeo procraftinet, fpero jam accedente fole operarum diligentia incalefcit. De Epifcopii etiam traftatu gaudeo : de alio quod poftulas tecum coram agam, ut enim quod res eft fatear, fcripferam prius ad te, nifi fperaveram antehacme Amftelodamum accefilirum, utiucundiiTima lllic amicorum confuetudine fruerer, imprimis tua, fine qua hi ipfi veris non amcenc tranftunt dies. Vale, vir prxftan- tiffime, &, ut facis, me ama, Kotterodami, iG Maij Tui ftudiofiffimum, J687, J, LOCKI, 51 $ Familiar Letters between Mr, Lccke, Philippo a Limber ch Jcannes Locke, s. p. d. NONNE fatis tibi eft, vir clarifTime, Jud^um vicifte *, nifi eodem opcre inter Chriftianos, tui amantiirimum tibi etiam prorfus fubjuges ? Diverfis fateor arm is nos aggre- deris, ilium argumentis, me beneficiis obftriclum tencs, e quibiis iile fe vix credo expediet; ego certo de me pronunciare polFum, me tibi Temper obnoxium fbturum. Quid enim rependam viro, cui non fufficit me fuis cu- mulare benefices, nifi inluper me dignum reddcre conetur, dum fuas fibi laudes ipfe detrahit, quibus me ornatum vclit; & in carum partem mihi non debitam venire? Tu fateor arnica tua iirbanitate facilius me, quocunque velis, circumducere pofTis, qnam ille alter fua quemqiiam me- taphyfica. Sed ne expedcs tamen, ut unquam eo ufque me deducas, ut concedam iftaai feflinationem, qua ex- emplar ad me primum omnium mififti, mihi quovisjure deberi. Totum hoc beneficium ^ feftinationis & muneris tux benevolentia? & amlcitias acceptum refcro. Tu fcrfan, prout tua eft humanitas, aliquo modo jequum putafti ei primo omnium donere, quem noveras debcre ex jam de- guilato opere vehementiiTime omnium expetere banc dif- fertationem, & defiderare redintegratam fibi denuo legend! voluptatem. Hujufmodi meritum facile agnofco, nee cuiquam donare poteras hoc volumen, cui nsque exopta- tum, aeque acceptum effe potuit, ac mihi. Triduum illud & amplius, uti mones, nemo videbit. Laudo ego iftam tuam erga Judrcum comitatem ; quanquam, ni fallor, quando perlegerit, vix credet ille, fibi hoc inunere tantum fadum cfie beneficium, ut c^audeat tam matuie hunc librum in manus fuas pcrveniire. De eo, quod in calce epiftolas adjicis brevi plura. Dolui te per triduum mihi tam prope tam proculque fuifte. Sed patientius ferendum, quod amicum habeam, quem plures amant. Optimam tuam uxorem, collegas, reliquofque amicos * De vcritatc religionis Chrifliana: amica collatio cum cruJito Tudsco. (If. Orobio.) noftros:^ and Jeveral of his Friends. tj noftros, officlofiiTime qusefo meo nomine falutes. Vale, & me ama Rotterod. 1 1 Sept. Tui aniantiOimum, 1687. J. LoCKEi Philippo ^ Limhorch Joannes Locke, s. p. d. NIMIS feverus profe6l6 es, vir clariffime, tuorunrt crga amieos officiorum exadlor, alienae vero negligentise valde immemcr, dum te cundationis infimulas, apud ho- minem uti nofti omnium mortalium maxime cun6tatorem. Nolo igitur apud te obtinere axioma illud, quo ultimas tuas male aufpicatus es, " nihil deterius amico cunfiatore," five de te ipfo cogites, five (uti aliquando meliore jure evenire poffit) de me. Ego enim lentus admodum, &: tamen inter eos, qui amicitiam cum fide colunt, non ul- timum mihi locum vendico. Si hoc aliquanto arrogantius didtum fit, tu ipfe videas. Tu alienas laudesmihitribuis, & fi illis femel mihimet placeo, ubi tandem me fiftam ? iLliud fynagogas decretum fatis, ut mihi videtur, a Jud^eis aftute promulgatum, ut eoium hie hyperafpites aliquid habeat, quod aliis dicat, etiamfi nihil habeat quod tibi reipondeat: e confu!to hoc fadlum credo, ut falvo honore & quantum fieri poiTit caufa, pofTit ex arena decedere; tua enim ar- gumentandi methodus, an nafutulis quibufdam Chriftianis, & nihil nifi fua probantibus, placebit, nefcio; vix credo placcbit Jud^is, qui ea fe magis implicates fentient, quam fieri folent ab iis, qui Chriftianam reiigioncm ad fuum modulum exigentes, vix in ea reperirent, quod folide Jud^eis opponere pofient. Ego a quo librum tuum primum accepi (nam ita me cumulas, ut diftinftione opus fit) tam incommoda ufus fum vakiu dine, ut illius ledlioni vacare adhuc non potusrim. Sedjam indies convalefcens, fpero me non diu cariturum ea voluptate. Interim gratias tibi ago quam maximas, & jam fpero credes mihi fatisfadlum duplici hoc tribuLo, quod illud Judspi fcriptum, five cha- radteres rclpicias, five latinitatem, plane barbarum, olim per- 14 Familiar Letters hetween Mr, Locke, perlegerim ; nam de tuo fi quid dicas, cogitare debes fe profttcii, quantum ego per te profecerim. Ita enim, fi verum dicerc liccat, le res haber. Scd nolo ulterius ea de re tecum contendere, ne tertium mihi librum mittas. I.iteras D. Clerici, quas tuis inclufas memoras, nufpiam reperioj fpero cas Amllelodami repertum iri & brevi me accepturum. Ilium, tuam, tuos, noftros, qucefo meo ncmine ililutcs, & me ames, vir ampliflime, Rottcrodami, 23 Sept* Tui amantifllmum, 16S7. ' J. Locke. Phiijppo a Limborch Joannes Locke ^ s. p. d. Vir ampliflime, INTER cardiaca, & uti noftri vocant, reflaurantia, nihil tam efficax reperio quam amicorum benevolentiam, Tuis ultimis Uteris me maximc recreatum fentio. Jam diu prioribus tuis humanitatis plenis relpondiflcm, fi quid cenum de valetudine mea pronunciare aufus fuiflem ; fubinde enim, cum me jam fanum falvumque credide- ram, recidivam pailus, inter fpem morbumque diu ver- fatus, dilluli ad te literas dare donee certo aliquot dierum expcrimento me prorius convaluifle confiderem. Hax cunclatio ultimas tuas amicitia^ plenas tibi exprefl'it lite- ras, be mihi attulit remedium utilius eo & jucundius, quod mihi a Dno Veenio per Helmontium mifilVi, llimma cum cura &: fellinatione : quanquam fruftra, famula enim per ncgligcntiam everfa phiola inclufum eftudit liquorem, Sed jam Ipero non am.plius opus erit rcmediis, quamvis fubinde hi:via quxdam Tcntio fymptcmata, qiix fpcro non recrudelccntis mali cfle minas, fed abeuntis rcliquias. Ha:c ad te figillatim fcribere non vereor, quia de valetu- dine mea ita folicitus es, ut alio modo tua.^ humanitati magis grate refpondcre non pofilm, GauJeo vehementer tc pauco fanguine redcmiffe quod tibi impendebat malum. Spcro te ea cautione 6c mature fcmpcr uibium : quam- primum cind Jeveral of his Friends, \t primum aliquam fentis gravitatem corporis, pr^fertlm ca- pitis vel ventriculi, ad yenaefedioncm tibi {latim confu- giendum. Hoc ni facias, de te fano magis metuendum erit, qu:im de me aegroto. Nos valetudinarii quoddam genus fumus hypocricarum, qui eo non proficifcimur, quo fepius videmur tendere. Muitum tibi, collegis, csete- rifque amicis Amftelodamenfibus debeo, qui bus mea fa- nitas ita cordi eft ; nee fperare pofTum vitam mihi fatis diu- turnam fore, ut tantam benevolentiam, tuann vero imprimis, prout res meretur, poflim agnofcere ; hoc velim tibi per- fuafum habeas me, quantulus quantulus fum, totum tuuin effe. Salutes, quasfo, quam humiUime, meo nomine, Veeniofque, Guenellofque, & collegas, omnes, ilhfque dicas mihi eos tam eximios efle medicos, ut magis mihi profint illorum vota, quam aliorum remedia. Lediflimann tuam fceminam, quam officiofiffime etiam falutes. Vale, & ego ut valeam, uci facis, me amando pergeface. Rotterod. 20 06b. Tui, cum amore, obfervantiffimus, i687, J. Locke. Philippo a Limhrch Joannes Locke ^ s. p. d, Vir amplifTime, CUM nihil adeo corporis fanitatem foveat & reftauret, ac animi tranquiliitas, non dubitare potes quin jucundii- fim^ tuas literal, amoris & benevolent!^ tuas teftes, in hac, in^ qua diu verfatus fum, infirma mutabilique valetudine, mihi maximo fuerint folatio. Aliorum medicamentorum me facpe pertasfum, reficiebant ilia tua femper grata, Tem- per fuaviflima, & cum alia naufeabundus refpuerem, falu- tifera ilia fale tuo Attico condita appetentius femper de- fideravi. Cave igitur ut credas te mihi epiftolis tuis cre- afle moleftiam, nifi fimul credere velis ingratam fore con- valefcentiam, cujus tu amore, cura, ftudio tuo maximus fuifti fautor, nee deftiterunt tantas amicitias indicia decum- bentem me aliquando erigere. Si aliquanto tardius h^c cuiii 5 1 6 Familiar Letters between Mr, Locke, cum gratiarnm a6lione agnofco, nofti hominem, neC ex^- pc6lare debcs morbum me expediciorem reddidifife. Qiian- quam, (i hxc tibi jufta latis videri poflk caufa, aliquan- tulum procraftinavi, ut confirmatss fanitatis nuncium tibi polTem mittere, & mihi tecum gratulari convalefcentiam, quiE tibi adeo curas & cordi fuit. Doleo Orobium nobis ^am cito ereptum, non quod in eo amiferis triumphi or- namentum, fcio enim te, modo Veritas vincat, de vincendi gloria parum efie Iblicicum, quamvis in illo vivente aliqua veritatis confefllo non difplicuilTet : fed deftinaveram ia proximis ad te literis petere exadlum eorum qu^ in inqui- Ctione pafTus eft hiftoriam. Ad hoc mc impulit narra- tio cujufdam Galli, quse nuper prodiit de iis, qu^ ipfe, etfi Catholicus, pafllis ett ab inquifitoribus Lufitanis, in Goa Indite. Quce a Judaeo noftro confirmari omnia, vel fu- perari poffe, facile crediderim. Quandoquidem vero ille jam ad filentes migraverit, rogo ut tu quicquid iftius rei tenes memoria, velis chartis confignare, ne intercidat quan- tum nobis reftat merhodi iftius evangelicae teftimonium. Dolco me non interfuiiTc collegarum convivio, non quod oftreis caruerim, in hujufmodi enim conventibus nihil mihi minus placet quam pars taciturna, & ejufmodi conviva- rum fermo aliquid magis fapidum & jucundius falfum habet, quam ipfa oftrca Gaurana. Salutes eos, qurefo, meo nomine, uti & optimam tuam focminam, totamque Veenii & Guenellonis familiam. Ante duas vel tres fep- timanas ad D" le Clerc fcripfi, unaque chartas aliquas mifi ; an re(5le acceperit aveo fcire, jam enim iftis rebus vacare incipio : ipfum meo etiam nomine falutes. Vale, & ut ipfe valeam, amando &: fcribendo eflice. Rottcrod. 30 Nov, Tui ftudiofilTmius, 1607. J. Locke. PhilipfO 'and fever al of lAs Friends. ^ ^f Philippo a Limhorch Joanne's Locke ^ s. p. d^ Tir fpedlatifllme, QUANTUMVIS obfirmato animo minas meas non expavelcis, lenties tamen aliquando, data occafione, quid fit irriuafle crabronem, in eo enim genere, merito iiumerari polTit provocatufque iratufque amicus. Nondum vidi a6la ilia Lipfienfia, ubi tu coram fifteris, fed euge; jam falva res eft, incepi, de iftius operis merito pretioque aliquo- modo dubitare, quod nemo ex fyftematicis illis repcrirec in eo tradatu quod difpliceret, nihil enim argumenti auc boni aut novi deberec continere, nee quod fupra vulgus fapereCj fi vulgo placeret. Sed jam vapulans laudo, nee vibices metuo. Benignior his pa^dagogis fi non voluntas, faltem vis eft, quam ut eorum virgas vulnera vel cicatrices relinquant. Conditiones fubfcriptionum plus iemel in An- gliam mifi, fed ha6lenus refponfi nihil accepi : ego data occafione iterum & ad alios mittam, quo fucceflu nefcio : base enim 6c hujufmodi, nifi prjefto adfis & h^fiiantes im- pellas_, immemores moneas, plerumque negliguntur. Quod de Jud?eo narras, valde placet: brevi habebitis, fpero, quse lufficient ad juftum volumen, in quo fandlitas officii ad plenum depidta, omnium oculos animofque in fui admira- tionem arripiar. Dolendum plane eftet tot et tanta fandli- tatis exempla in tenebris latere; prodeant tandem in lu- cem, ut quibus fundamentis ftabilitur & propagatur fides, tandem innotefcat. De MS. codice ego nihil dico, ante biduum ea de re fcripfit ad te Furleius nofter. Inde con- jicio te aliquando VVetftenium convenire, eaque occafione has inclufas illi tradendas ad te mittcrc aufim. Scripfi ad ilium ante quindecim dies, aliquofque mifi ad ilium libros^ aliofque pollulavi, & feftinato ad me mittendos, fed nihil audio, nihil refpondet. Eoque magis lilentium ejus me folicitum habet, quod fimul miferam duo voktmina Gar- cilalTi de la \Qg^ D** Vcenio (cum epiftola, quam ad eum Vol. IX, " C fcripfi) 1 8 Familiar Letters het'ween Mr. Locke, fcripfi) reddenda, qujc olim ab eo miituo acceperam. Salutes ilium, rogo, meo nomine reliquofque collegas. Vale, vir amiciflmie, & me ama, ut facis, Rottcrd. 22 Jun. Tui (tudiofifrimum, i688. J. Locke. Philippo a Limber ch Joannes Locke, s. p. d. Vir fpcdlatiflime, SI VE iratum me five gratum exlflimari vcllem, kn- tio me jam nimis diu tacuifTe. Amicum amico refpon- difTc, crabronem irritant! vindi6lam retulifie citius oppor- tuit. Sed ego nefcio qua ing(:nii tarditate ncc amici nee inimici partes recle ago. An tibi hoc modo piaccre poflim nefcio, me Slado noilro (fi cum eo ita agerem) valde difpliciturum ia: fcio, qui hujufmodi lentulos requo animo ferre non poteih Editionem MS.* de quo cum Wet- fbenio tr^.nfigebas, dolendum plane eft non procederc, & mctuo, ii jam non procedat illius imprefiio, ne intereat tarn luculentum hiftorise monumentum \ quod fane multis, qure jam omnium mnnibus verfiintur, libris longe antefe- rendum exiftim.o. Multa cum voluptate legi Clerici noilri Tentamen, uc ipfe vocat, de antiqua Hebrnsorum poefi : non parum lucis inde affuHurum pfalmis, reliquifque qure in S. S. extant: Icriptis metricis, minim.e dubito. Torum pfalmorum librum, fibi ita reftitutum, edi optarcm : in- cites ilium rogo, ut quantum, per alia negotia liccac, b.oc opus leftinet. Cuidam meo amico in lircris Hcbi:i:is verfatiflimo cum hoc dixilTem, credere non potuit ; exemplo perfuafus jam credet. Plura habui dicenda, fed adventus iimici ex Anglia hie me interpcilat, adco ut in aliud tcmpus fint rejicicnda. Vale & m.e ama Rotterod, 30 Julii, Tui ftudiofilTimum, J. Locke. * lliiloria inc^uiluioiiis, Philippo mid fever al of his Friends, i o Philippo a Limborch Joannes Lccke^ s. p. d, Vir amplIfTiirie, FAMULUS mens, Amftelodamum res fiias agens pro- fediirus, meam non piius rogavit veniam qnam inPcaret deccfius, adco nt ad te Icribendi tciiipiis non dabaciir. Do- leo profedro adeo labefadlatain in familia tua valetudinern. De morbo & curatione illiiis abfens nihil aiideopronunciare, nee quiden^ opus eft ; cum tamen annicos dodlofque pa- rates tibi habeas nnedicos. Unum tanrien permirte ut nrio- neam, fi^ uti fperare videris, erumpant tandem variola?, velim ut in medicamentis afiumendis & ftragulorum ope- rimentis caveator regimen calidius, unde in fanguine ex- citatur fervor, non fine magno segroti malo & difcrimine. Hoc vel invito extorfit mihi meus in te tuofque amor, &: expertus loquor. Tuorum valetudo eo fpero in ftatu eft, ut de aliis loqui liceat, prasfertim tibi haud ingratis. Fur- leius noftcr principi ante decefium adfuir, & coram alio- cutus eft, ut iliius opem contra perfecutionem hac in pro- vincia, fi unquam alias, certe jam intempeftive cceptam, efflagitaret. Rem ita urfit, ut placuerit principi epiftolam fcribere Bailivio de Kenmcrland, qui Foecke Floris m/i- niftrum ecclefise Mennonitarum jufTerac ex autoritate iy- nodi, intra odiduum folum vertere, & ea ex dicione exire, ni mallet carcere includi. Hiftoriam iftius Foecke Floris ex aliis, quam ex me, melius cognolces. Furleio enim noftro ante banc caulam ne de facie quidem notus. Sed communem chriftianorum rem in ejus libertate agi ratus, caufam iliius prono animo fufcepit, & ftrenue egit ; fi enim abfuiflct 'urot.y^Y.a-icc^ nihil promoviffet. Hujus epif- tolas fufflamine reprefuim audio in prcefens periecutorum fervorem. Si quid de hac re amplius inter Mennonitas veftros tibi innotuerit, fac nos certiores. Vale, vir op- timiC, cum Integra tua familia : fic animitus opto, Rotterod. 24 Nov. Tui ftudiofifTimiUS, J. Locke. C 2 PLUippo 10 Familiar Lc tiers hetween Mr. Locks, Pbilippo a Linihorch Joamjes Locke , s. p. d. QJj OD imprinVis hinc dcccdcns dcfideravi, iit fcil. te, vlr ampliirimc, reliquolqiie amicos Anillelodamcnres am- pledi daretiir, in eo omnia quafi dedita opera mihi max- ime adverfaii viJentur. Priino glacies & fcllinatio, de- inde in iplb itinere pluvia intcrccpit. Die eninn flibbati ultimo hinc Hagam profedlurum, ut tibi nobilem fccmi- nam ad Amllelodamum etiam cogitantem compellarem, imber fatis violentus me Delplios tranfcuntcm perfudlt quod incomnx)dum Haga: etiam pallus Turn. Ita totus madidiis accefll ad illam, qux no6lurnum illud iccr, quo ad vos ea nocle perredurus eram, tanquam lanitati meas nimis peiiculofum non dilTuafit Iblum fed & prohibuit. Sic pluvia ilia qurc jam a duobiis menfibcs pene unica, quafi dcfignato, unius dieculre vobifcum ipem, qua hinc gefliens dccelTi, proiTus abdulit. In aula omnia tam pa- rata ad abitum, tam morns impruicnria inveni, ut primo tjvente vcnto piincipem claficm confcenfurum nemo du- bitet. irtud delVinatum iter ad vos inccpi, non tam vento, qiiam principis rcligioni confifus, quam vix cre- didi die dominica vcUe iter ingrcdi, etiamfi ventus orien- talis invitaret ; {^di jam nihil aliud expc6latur, quam ventus navigarioni idoncus, quo fimul ad naves convolandum erit, Pleri ver[)eri hue redii, &: qu mdiu hie languelcendum fic nefcio j hoc certo fcio, nihil molellius ^^^ quam ad faftidium ufquc laborare otio, 8: tamen ad id, quod max- ime vcilcs, tempUb non fuppetere. Quam vellem mihi dare apud vos horam unam, vc-1 alteram ! Vulrus, fcrmc^, amplcxus amicorum nefcio quid habent, quu lc explere anima mea anxie defiderat. Quo vos in n;e fitis aninio, quo ego in vos nullum credo eft dubium, ntc augeri poflct murua noftrum amicitia valcdicentium alloquioi o|-)to ramen videre, dcxtras iungere, ac me iterum vobis totum tradere, cujus rotus lum. Hoc fi mihi jam non con- cefTum fucrit, alias fpero futurum : non enim dc me tam male ominor, uc nullam credam fore diem, qu.r nos ite- rum conjungat. Multa funt, quJE banc navigandi occa- fionem non mihi omittendam fuadent: amicorum expec- tation res mea.* privatic jam per aliquot annos ncglcclae, piratarum and fever al of his Frknds, 2x piratarum frequentia, & parum tutus alias tranfitus, &: nobiliffiin^e foemin^, five cura, five amicitia, qua cum iturus lum. Vdim hoc tibi perfuadeas, me hie aliam pa- triam reperiffe & pene dixeram parcntcs. Quod enim ia illo nomine carifllmum eft, benevolentiam, amorem, cha- riratem, quas ad conciliandos homines conjungendofque fortiora fanguine habent vincula, apud vos abunde ex- pertus fum. Habeo hie amicos Temper mihi colendos, imo & invifendos, fi res & dies patiatur. Hoc certo fcio, quod decedo cum animo revertendi, uc cum illis folidum aliquando et ilHbatum capiam gaudium, quorum humani- tate efFeclum eft, ut a meis abiens, & in communi om- nium moerore nullam fentirem animi regritudincm. Te quod attinet (vir omnium optime, amiciftime, dileftiQime) cum tuam cogito do6lrinam, animum, mores, candorem, iuavitatem, amicitiam, fatis in te uno reperi (uc casreros taceam) quo mihi femper gratulari potero optime locatam & frudluoftftimam aliquot annorum apud vos moram : nee fcio an aliquod mea vita tempus requc jucundum ha- bitura fir, certe magis proficuum nondum habuit. Deus O. M. te omni felicitatum genere cumulatum, familiam, patriam incolumes confervet & cuftodiat, ut diu fis eccle- fias omnibus bonis utilis. De meo erga te animo qualis jam fit, qualis futurus fit, nihil addam, cnm meum fpero amorem non magis mihi notum & cenum efte quam tibi, cujus in me amicitiam tot beneficiis teftatam habeo, ut quicquid de ea literis tuis jucundifiiirjis dicas, jam jam penitus perftiafo fiicile periuadebis. Optima: turti uxori liberilque, Veeniis, Guenellonilque omnibus pluri- mam Talucem dicas ; te mihi apud illos advocatum & pa- tronum relinquo, ne quid gravius ftatuaiit in hominem tot beneficiis devindum, fi non fugienrcm, mir.us urbane certe, quam oportuit, valedlcenccm. Scd ita lunc fcie res humana?, ut nihil propter voluntatem in noftra fit po- teftate, ea totus ad cos feror, ea fingulos ampledlor, qua; mihi nunquam ad* beneficioium memoriam, ad grati animi confeflionem defutura tft. Vale, vir colendillime, he me, ut facis, arna ^otterod. i6Feb. Tui in perpetuum amantiflimum, J689. J . LOCK-E. 122 * Fa?nuhir Letters between Mr, Locke ^ Philippe a Limber ch Joannes Lccke^ s. p. d, Vir ampliiTimc, VEREOR ne nomine negligcnti:-e tibi fufpeflus fmi, quod tarn diuturno utor filentio, quod ncc tuis mentis, ncc mens voluiitati nee noRra^ denique arriicitia^ omnino convenit. Scias vclim me cum folo non animum mutr.fTe qui tibi idem qui dim cil, &: ubicunque terrarum fuero, idem futurus cu; amoris 6c revere: itise plenus. Sed a meo in patriam reditu, nvr.icoium vel invifentium, vel vifcn- dorum confuctudo, vel rcrbm. mearum hinc inde difper- larum ad pr2:rentem ufum qurerendi & colligendi labor, vel aliqualis ad remp. (abfit verbo invidia) fi non accefTio, faltem ne privatum otium piiblicis negotiis commutarem, cura & excufatio, & quod gravifTiir.um omnium cd, m,a- ligno hujus urbis fumo labefidata valetudo ita miC occu- patum tenuit, ut vix momentum mihi vacui temporis re- li'flum fuerit, ex quo primum hue appulerim. Prima, qua in terram defcendi, hora, ad D™ Gtienellonem, fefti- nante calamo & vernacula lingua, inter falutantium tur- bam fcripfi, ut per eum te, caeterofque amicos mcos Am- ilclodamenfes, falutarem. Quicquid enim L^tum jucun- dumque hlc reperi mie monuit aliquid illic rclidum cfle, quod non cum minore voluotate recordarer, quam quo hie o. iilis iilurparem. Burnc;us epilcopus Salifburienfis defignauir. In parliamento dc tolerantia jam agi cceptum eft Tub duplicc titulo, Comprelenfio fcil. &: Induigentia. Prima tcckTia! pomocria extendenda fignifieat, ut ablata crcren^oniarum parte plures comprehcndat. Altera tole- rantiam figniticat eoium qui, oblatis conditionihus ecclcfic'E Anglicinjt, fe unire vel nolunt vel non pofiunt. Quam jaxa vel (Irifla ha*e futura fine, vix dum fcio, hoc fakcm lentio, cleium cpifcopalem his aliilque rebus, qu;u hie ;iguntur, non multuai faverc, an cum Tud vel reip. com- niodo, ipfi vidcaiu. De folutione, de qua ad te ante dif- ceflbm fcripfi, cxpcdo a tc alinuid quotidie. Vale, & me, ut facis, a ma Lond. Id March, Tui amnntiHlnum, 1689. J. I.OCK.E. PhilippQ and fever al of his Friends, 2^ Fhilippo a Limborch fcamies Lccke, s. p. d. Vir dodiirime, TOLERANTTAM apiid nos jam tandem lege (labi- litam te ante Iia^c audiide, nullus dubiro. Non ea forfan latitudine, qua tu et tui fimiles, veri et fine ambitione vcl invidia chrifliani, optarent. Sed aliquid eft prodlre tcnus. His initiis ja6la fpero fiint libertatis & pads fundamenta quibus ftabilienda olim erit Chrifti ecciefia. Nulli a cjjltu fuo penitus excluduntur, nee pcenis objiciun-ur, nifi Ro- man!, fi modo juramentum fidelitatis prarftare velint, tc renunciare traniubftantiationi & quibufdam dogmatibus ecclefis Rom.anJE. De juramento autem quakeris dilpen- fatum eft; nee illis obtrnfa fuiffet malo exernpio, ilia quam in lege videbis confefnb fidei, fi aliqni eorum iftam fidei confeffionem non obtulifient, quod imprudens fadum multi inter illos & cordatiores valde dolent. Gratias tibi ago pro exemplaribus tradtatus de tolerantia & pace ec- clefiaftica, quae mihi mififti, compa6la rc^e accepi, in- compadta nondum ad manus meas pervenerunt. In ver- tendo de tolerantia libello aliquem Anglum jam jam oc- cupatum intelligo. Opinionem illam pacis & probitatis fotricem ubique obtinere optarem. Adia inqulfitionis jam pene dcfcripta gaudeo, uti fpero brevi prodirura, opus utile l^z expedlatum. Legem de tolerantia fancitam ad D" le Clerc mifi, quo interprete intelliges quoufque ex- tenditur hsc libertas. Vale & me ama Lond. 6 Jun. Tui amantiffimum, 1689. J. Locke. Pbilippo il Limbcrch Joannes Locke^ s. p. Do Vir amplilTime, PRIORES tuas intercidilTe valde dolco, nihil enim a te proficifci poteft quod mihi, uti convenit, non fit valde carum. Noviirimas tuas 29 Maii datas, aa^.ore & bene- C 4 yoleniia 14 Familiar Letters between Mr Locke ^ volentia nfitata plenns, accepifle Insror, quod tiiae tuorum- qiie valetudinis me cntiorem faciunt. S'''Officii hilloriain ofcitani-ia bibliopola in ipfo partu ita harrere dolt^o. Pro- Icgoincna tiia D' Cudwortha & ego valdc probamus, & c:.: itiim indicem, qiiem ram amice promiLtis, avide ex- pedlanius, uc ifta fciagraphia opcris tui llriicluram prseli- bemus, interim opcantes, ut quam citifl'ime integrum vo- lumen Chriftiano orbi maxime proficutim, & pene dixe- ram hoc tempore neceflarium, prodeat. Illic enim fons om,nis perlccutionij, fub prastextu rcligionis, illic funda- menti^m tyrannidis ecclefiallicae, quam minores fedas eo cxempio animals prnsdicant, affedantque. Sed quo ten- fiat, quas tragoedias ubique, quando parum adoleverit, editura fit, eo in ipeculo, qui fibi oculos non eruunt, facile videbunt. Eus leftionem libi ^z utiliflimam & jucundifTi- mam fore fpondet D* Cudw(;rtlia, quse paternas benigni- tatis h.Tres omnem de rebus reiigionis perfecutionem T.ax- imc averfatur. Giatulatur fibi fe in partem amicitise, qua patrem amplexus es, {\\ccc{^\{^q. -, te officiofifTime faluiar, plurimum asftimat & veneratur, unumque hoc dolet, quod non utatur lingua utrique communij ut ex coniri)'v'rcio literarum amiciticc 6c cruditionis tua,% quern optaret, fruc- tum perciperet. Hiiloriam tuam de furdi loquente duplici exemplo hic :\pud nos confirmare poffum. Duo juvcnes, utrique furdi, quorum alter a doc^ore Wallis, celebri illo Oxonii mathe- feos profeflbre, alter a do6tore Hoide'' rheologo edo6tus, loquelcT ufum didicit. Urrumque juvenem novi, & verba proferentem audivi, diftin^te fatis & articulate, tonus folum vocis parum erat ingratus &: inharironicus. De altero quid faftum ^\t nefcio, alter adhuc vivit, legendi fcri- bendique peritus, be a quo ilium primo loquentem aur divi (viginti enim &r plures funt anni) nxorem duxit pater- familia:.. Vir ell ex gcnerofa prolapia nee diu eft a quq ilium viderim. Uxori libcrifque tuis, Veeniis Guenellonif- que &■ collegis noftris plurimam falu^cm mco nomine di- cas. Yale, vir ampliftimc, ^ n^e, ut facis, ama pates, 1 8 Jun. Tui amantilTImum, 5 J. L,ocK.r. Pbili^pQ and federal of his Friends, o.^ Philippo (I Limhorch Joannes Locke^ s. p. d. Vir amplKTime, QUOD grandem tibl jamdiu deftinavcram epiftolam ideo accepifli nullam. Qua^fivi vacuum aliquod mihi tem- pus dari, ut iccum liberius & fufius colloqui poirem, & gratias agcre pro ultima tua & amicilTima epiftola, cui jamdudum refponiu^n oportuit. Sed nefcio quam rerum etiam non mearum importunitate ita mihi omneotium fub- latum efl, ut ne propriis quidem &domefticis negotiis va- care licuerit. Cave autem credas me publicis negotiis im- plicitum j nee valetudo, nee vires, nee rerum agendarum imperitia id patiuntur. Et cum mecum repetam, quid a tribus jam menfibus adeo impeditus egerim, incantamenti inftar videtur, ut quifque dies afFerret negotiorum onus ali* crum ex aliis nafcentium, qu^ nee fciens prasvideram, nee cupiens evitare poteram. Indicem librorum & capitum hiftoriae S*^' Officii, Do- mina Cudworrha & ego, legimus fimul, magna cum vo- luptate. Hjec praelibatio magnum excitavit in utroque in- tegri operls defiderium, quod jam fub praslo efle cum gaudio, a quodam Scoto, non ita pridem ex veflra Batavia redeunte, accepi. Bonis cum avibus procedat opus chrif- tiano orbi imprimis utile. Hofpes mea, tyrannidi eccle- fiafticas inimicifTima, fepe mihi laudat ingenium & con- filium tuum, liiboremque huic operi tarn opportune im- penfum ; creditque fruftra de religionis reformatione & evangelii propagatione taiitum undique ilrepitum moveri, dum tyrannis in ecclefia, vis in rebus religionis (uti paf- fim mos eft) aliis fub nominibus, utcunque fpeciofis, ob-^ tlnet & hudatur. Quid tandem fa6lum eft cum D'= ifto theologo, qui tam mira docuit de angelis, in libro ftio, de fpirituum exiftentia* ? an non expertus eft fratrum fuo- rum, pro religione, pro veritate, pro ordiodoxia, zelum ? mirum, fi impune evadat. A pud nos praslum, quod vi- deo, nihil pene parturit, quod alieni cives fcire, aut le- BaUhafar Bckker^ gere 26 FaniiUar Letters between Mr, Locke, gere multum defiderabiint. Ita obftrepunt undique arrna^ ut inufarum voces vix aiidiantur. Imo lis ipfa theologica jam confopita magnam in partem conquielcir, utinam cum animarum & partium concordia. Sed ea fpes vana cflj nee tarn facile componuntur thcologorum controverfia:. Bene eft, fi inccrtas aliquando ferant induciar, : iit mutua charitate rmentur penitus quis expeclabit r Mag!ia mihi apud te excufatione opus elt, uc tarn diururno fiientio ig- nofcas. Id tibi perfuadeas velim, hoc nor. alicui volun- tatis alienationi, non decrefcenti & minus fervida; amicitia: tribuendum : te ut Temper maxime ^flimo, amo, am- pledor, femperque amabo. Fac itidem uc facis^ & me am a Lond. 14 Nov. Tui (ludiofiiTimum, 1691. J. Locke. Philippo a Limhorch Joannes Locke, s. p: d. Vir amplifTime, SI ex literarum tarditate de amicltia mea judicaveris, mctuo ne me lufpiceris ad ofHcia nimis ignavum, a quo me profiteor, cum res pollulat, longe alienum. In hoc literarum commercio, fi qua utor libertate, id plerumqus cvenit, cuin ad eos fcribendum fit, quibus benevolen- tiam amicitiamque n-^am, re potlus quam verbis, teftatam fore mihi in animo eft. Hoc an tu probaveris nefcio; ita ego tibi perfuafum velim. Nenio cnim omnium, qui tc magis fufpicir, asllimat, diligir, quani ego: id nunc fi- cio &: fcmper faciam. Non placet Wetftenii in edenda San61i OlTicii hiftoria cun6latioi hoc url^cum in ea mora placet, quod te idcn- tidem relegente & fub incuJem fi\,*pius revocantc, limati- orem perfcdiorcmquj habebimus. Hoc unum ut te mo- neam, jam occurrit, fell, alteium hujufmodi volumen, du- odccim circiter ab hinc annis, Monfpefiulis extitUTe, ab hoc diftinclum i duo enini iUic tunc erant hujuimodi volumina. Zelus and fever al of his Friends. 27 Zelus theologicus, uti video, femper & iibique idem eft, eodemqne modo procedit: quid tandem devenit pa- radoxorum ille de angelis aii6lor, fcire cupio; fi evalir, mirum eft, quanquam co res inclinare videbatur, quo tempore fcripfifti, favente etiam Amftelodamenfium prce- dicatorum defidia, vix tamen veniam ei datum credo. Hujufmodi orthcdcxi^e propugnatores non folent erranti- bus ignofcere. Preft^yteriani in Scotia quid agant, mal- lem ex aliis quam ex me fcires. Zelus illic in frigido ifto aere per antiperiftafin incalefcere videtur. Satis fervide difcip'iinjE Iuje operam danr, an fatis prudenter, an fatis modefte, ipfi vidcant. Sed ubi caufa Dei agitur, ut nofti, & ejus ecclefia;, quid fibi theologi non putant licere, au- toritatem fuam Ibli Deo acceptam referentes. D"" le Cene femel vidi Londini, fed femel tantum, idque obiter, apud nobiiiffimum Boy leu m, adeo ut fermocinandi locus non effet, de rebus iliius, vel amicis Amftelodamenfibus -, ab eo tempore parum Londini commoratus fum, valetudini rure vacans, pulmones enim non ferunt fum.um urbis. Epifcopum ilium, cui D"" le Cene com.mendafti, credo pacis ecciefiafticae fincere ftudiolum. Solicitus fum de valetudine Veenii noftri, angufto eft pedore, & metuo pulmonibus ejus, mictuo etiam ne praxi continuas jam a multui annis aftuetus, rure otio intabelcat. Opto illi diu- turnam & validam, jucundamque rene6tam, multum illi debeo, quod femper gratus agnofcam. Rede facis quod perfecutionem rcligionis ergo in pontificiis folum. damnas. Si quam inter chiiftianos fe6tam feligas, cujus crudelitatem infedleris, a reliquis laudaberis, quanquam perlecutio ubi- que eadem eft & plane pontificia. Qu^libet enim eccle- fia fibi verbis arrogat Orthodoxiam, re infallibilitatcm. D"* Cudvvortha te om.ni humanitate & aeftimatione refa- iutat. Saluta quaefo uxorem, familiamque tuam, Vceni- um, Guenellonem, omnemque iftam ftirpem officio: '(Time, meo nomine. Vale, Vir colendiilime, & mic, ut tacis, ama. 160 Gates, 29 Feb. Tui amantifTimum, J. Locke. D£ 1 8 Familiar Letters hetiveen Mr, Locke ^ De miraculis pofl: Apoftolorum tempora certiorem fieri cupio. Non ego fatis verfatus in hitloria ecclefiaftica, ut quid de iis flatuam, norim. Rogo igitiir obnixe, nam nica interell fcire, an poll apodolorum tempera edita fu- crint, in ecclefia chriftiana, niiracula, quibus aii(5loribus & qua fide memorise tradita, qiiam frequentia, & an ad Conftantini imperium, vel diutius, duraverint, &: quis fuit ille Thaumaturgus, & quid ab eo acfUim ell:, cujus tarn fpeciofa appcllatio ad nos pervenit. Non quasro miraculomm, quae in fcriptoribus ccclefiafticis memoran- tur, catalogum : fed an conftat, ex fide d ignis hiftoricis, fuilie vera miracula, an raro vel fsepius edita, & quamdiu donum illud ecclcilse concefTum. Pbilippo a Limbcrch Joannes Locke ^ s. p. d. Vir amplifiime, AB acccptis tuis 27 Junii datis, ad urbem acccdens hodie primum archiepifcopum conveni. QuamprimiiiTi tuum audivit nomen, agnovit acceptam a te contra Judie- um difputationem, excufavit filcntiiim, quod ob valetu- dinem, oculorum debilitatem, & alia quse intervenerunt impedimenta, integram nondum perlegerat. Laudavic maxime illud opus, una cum audiore, &: gratias, quas nondum egit, fe habere agnovit. Hilloriam Sandti Officii jam valdc opportunam judicavit. Capitum indicem fijm- jna cum voluptate & approbationc perlegit, &: cum tuum de dedicatione confilium apeiuificin, ea vei boi um urbani- tatc & honore, eo vultu accepit ; ut, fi adfuiffes, hoc fibi non ingratum fore certus efies. Mitte igitur quamprimum dcdicationem, novi viri modelViam, ^c laudo confilium tuum, quod pr;tlei5lam ab eo prius velis quam editam, Illi monllrabo, quod fcio honori ducet, &: fi quid mutan- dum videtur, indicabo. Interim dixit fe habere librum, lAifitanire editum, de quodam acflu Inquifitionis in Lufi- tania, in cujus exordio occurrunt paparum bulL-v, aliaqne diploniata, quibus porellas Sandti Officii concefla &: (tal)i- Jita eil:, accuratius collcdta. Nomcn authoris non rctinebat memoiia. and Jeverd of his Friends. 29- memoria, & liber ipfe, illlus bibliotheca nondum in ordl- nem redadla, ab ipfo qusefitus, non repertus eft. Volu- men eft, iit aiunt, in S'*. Brevi ipftim iteriim revifam, earn curam cuidam domefticorum mandabit, ut ante re- ditum meum prasfto fit liber. Tunc tibi nomen authoris prxfcribam, & fi nondnm videris ipfum librum, tibi mu- tuo commodabit revcrendiftimus archicpifcopus. Giasvi- um, Guenellonem, Veeniofquc omnes meo nomine laluta. Clerico noftro, qiiem officiofiftimc faluto, ante aliquot fep- timanas, an menles dicam, Icripfi; an pervenerint ad ilium literx mtse, ignore ; nam ab ifto tempore nihil ab eo ac- cepi. Hoc qusefo illi indices, ne me tarditatis, (i mea interciderit epiftola, fufpicetur. Fceminam tuam diledlif- fimam liberofque ftimmo cum alFedu faluto. Vale, vir digniftime, &, ut facis, me ama, Lond. 30 Jun. Tui ftudlofiflimum, 1692. J. Locke. Ph Hippo a Limhorch Joannes Locke^ s. p. d. Vir ampliftime, DE adventu librorum tnorum certior fa^tus, qua potuJ feftinatione Londinum me contuli, ut quae tu de iis julTeras praefens curarem. Archicpifcopus quamprimum accefte- ram, maximas fe tibi gratias habere profelTus eft, opus fibi perplacere, feque a libri tui ledlione, hoc ctiam tempore negotiis maximis occupatiiTimo, abftinere non pofTe : fed magnam ejus partem fumma cum voluptate ex quo accepit, percurride. Verum quo animo accepit, legit, laudavit, tunc demum re(51ius inteliiges ex ipfius verbis, cum ad te deftina- tas literas icribere vacaverit. Epifcopus Salift3urienris multa & his fimilia mihi dixit, & fe adeo detentum immerfum- que effe argumento libri tui (quo hidoriam inquifuionis, ultra quam expedtari poterat, dilucidam accuratam.que tradidifti) ut ad te fcribere, donee totum pervolverit, noa potucriti fe interim gratias tibi amplifiimas reddcre. Comes 30 Familiar Letters het-ivcen M>'. Locke^ Comes Pembrokienfis multa de tc mm laude, & pro niuncre tuo per m.e gnitias agi julTit, donee ipfe fu.i manu agnofcct acceptiirimum a te benelicium. Bathoni- enlem 6c Wellenfcm epifcopum in domo proceriim quae- fivi, fed non aderat : cumque extra urbem habitcr, hora una vel altera a meo hofpitio, cum in tarn brevi mora convenire non potcram. Tuum aiitem lihrum illi tradi- tiim, iiti reliquis omnibus^ certo Icio. Cceteriim curavi ut D*" Clarke communis nofter amicus eum adeat, ut ex- cufet librum incompadlum a te miiFum, quod ego reliquis quibus opus fuit feci, quanquam non omnino opus f'uit. Mireris jam mcrito cur ego, qui non minus mco, quam horum virorum, nomine, gratias agere deberem, tantus ceflator efiem, ubi feftinandum potius efTet, ut negleda proprioris loci commoditatc, rus hue commigrarem, an- tequam ad te darem lireras. Dicam quod res eft; fanus urbem adii, fed unius diccula^ mora adeo mihi mutata eft valetudo, ut refpirare vix potuerim. Ingravefcebat quo- tidie malum, & tarn cito me urbe expulit, ut negleda maxima rcrum iilic agcndarum parte aufugere necelTe efter. L/ibrum tuum hue mecum attuli, ut tuo beneficio D"\ Cudwortha & ego habeamus hac hyeme no6tes Atticas, quas nihil tam augere poterat, quam authoris prasfentia, be quos fecum feir.per adferr, lales Attici. Ego hue die Saturni reverfus \u\n; hodie libri tui lectionem incho- andam, qua fj^e, qua voluptate, facile dijudicare potes, fed crcdas velim quas ribi habeo gratias non efle minores. Ex tuis 10 Odob. daiis, quamprimi:m miai innotuit quot 6c quibus hue doftinaveras exemplaria, egi cum hof- pite meo &: bibliopola Smith, ut fingula fingulis quam ocilTime traderentur, antequam liber ufpiam apud nos proftarct venalis, quod diligentinime factum eft ; nee ea in parte intcriit aliqua tam eximii 6c tam opportuni operis gratia. Scd quid tandem ftatuendum eft dc MS. codice autographo, quod ego in tutiftimo aliquo loco inter archiva reponendum luadcrtm, ut in perpetuum eftrontes adverfarios faciat fiduri. Quinam vero is fit locus tutifli- nius libcnter tecum inquirercm. Kpifcopii vitam tua manu ictcrnitati • confecrandam gaudco: fed qua lingua? cum enim pncFigendam earn con- andjeveral cf his Frknds, 31 concionibus illlus Belgicis (ut reor) jam prodlturis, metuo ne illius qucque hiftoria prodeat, etiam in lingua mihi minus flimiliari. Gratulor tamen erudiro orbi hcec tam do<5li tam cximii viri monumenta, cujus omnes lucubrati- ones ab interitu confervandie. Jam apud nos prodiit Joannes Malela Antiochenus, qucm diu & anxie petivic amicus meus Toinardus. Rogo igitur ut cum Wetflenio agas, ut quampiimum aliqua illius libri exemplaria ad illius manus pervenerint (quod fcio maturius futurum, quam fi ego unum hinc ad cum Amftelodamum mittere vellem) unutn ad Toinardum (\u?.v[\ citiflime tranfmittendum curabit, pretiumque meis rationibus adfciibat, quod ego foivam. Malela author eft nee magni nominis nee iidei. Sed in dubio aliquo chronoiogico fe lucem inde mutuaturum fperavit Toinar- dus, & cupio ego maxime illius infervire defiderioj igitur rogo ut banc rem cures ut mihi gratifilmam. De Palinodiaj quam fci ipfilli, in noviffimis tuis 7 Nov. gratias ago maximas. Eodem tenore & ubique pro- ceditur. Habco enim de Gallis apud nos, quod pol- fit ferre fecundas, imo quod fuperat omnibus bene tru- tinatis. Sed de his alias fi cupias, jam enim nimis tur* gefcit pagina. Clerico noftro ante 15, Guenelloni ante 10 dies fcripfi. Spero jam omnia pacata & amice compofita in ifta familia, cui omnino omnia bona opto. Hos cseteroi- que meos omnes, imprimis optimam tuam uxorem libe- rofque, qusefo, m^eo nomine ofEciorilTime lalutes, & mc, ut facis, am a. Gates, sS Nov. Tui amantiflimum, 1692. J. Locke; Phiripp$ ^2 Familiar Letters het''j::een Mr, Locke y PhUippo a Lwihorch Joannes Locke ^ s, p. d. Vir amplifTimc, QlJAMPRIMUiVr ad urbcm accefTi nudiudertlus, reverendinimus archiepifcopus me ad Ic vocari curavir, & ut conveni, de tc & libro tiio multa cum laude prrefatus, tandem dixit fe ad te Icripfifle negotiorum multitudinc ha6lenus impeditus, paratamque epillolam figillo muiiiens mihi in manus tradidit, iit inlcriptione, illo dicbante, mea manu exarata, til^i tranirnittcndam curarem, quod libens fufcepi. Infuper mihi tradidit libellum concionum nu- pcr a fe editprum, ut ctiam ad te ilium tranlmirterem, quod itidem diligenter curabo, & quamprimum hinc ad vos proticilcentem qucmpiam invenero ci tradam ad te perfe- rendum. Ha6lcnus de archiepifcopi mandatis. Ad me quod attinet multas tibi 6^ habeo (k refero gratias pro ea, quam ex hiftorire turc leftione percepi voluptatc. lUud credo exhaufilli argumentumj cerre ilb.u' myPierium ini- quitatis mundo palam cxpofuifti, c tenebris in luccm pro- tradum. Multarum reium importuno impeditus inter- ventu nondum intcgram nerlegi, pod brevcm ac in urbe moram rus reverflirus, pergam porro ut iatisfaciam ci quod in me excitadi defideiio. NoviHlmis tuis literis mihi pro more gratiffimis refponliim, hac in charta ex- pei^are non debes. Feftinaus ad urbem eas rure rcliqui, illuc cum rediero, ad otii & quietis receflus, opportunior dabitur tecum colloquendi occafio, hie vix refpirandi mihi conccdirur facultas. Interim amicitiam humanitatcmque tuam confuetam agnolco. Te maximo cum alTcclu la- luto, tuofque omnes, imprimis dile(ftirfimam conjugem, liberofque Veenios, Guencllonclque noftros, omniaque libi proipcra 6c felicia prccor. Vale ^ me, ut facis, ama. Lend. \o Jan. Tiii amantiUlmum, J. Locke. PhilippO [ end federal of his Friends, 23 Philippo a Limb or ch Joannes Locke ^ s. p. d. Vir amplifllmej JUSTE meiHTi a te reprehend! filentium libens fatcor nee fi feveriore maru dellnquentem correxiOes, qucii pof- fim. Etfi enim pndet me adeo tardiim fuifle ad oiKcia, ut non nifi bis monitiis excitarer : gaudeo tamen me tan- ti apiid te fniiTej nt me primis vocibiis male refponden- tem, iceriim tentandum arbitrareris : excuiatione valetudi- nis, quam ipfe tibi pro me fuggefllllij uti non pofTiim. Gratias enim Deo, ex quo ad te ultimas dedi, refte fatis pio moie meo valui, nee tamen fine omni caula a fcri- bendo abfliinui. Maximam partem libri tui fumma cum vokiptate perlegeram, progredi mihi in animo erat, et ad finem ufque pervoivere, ut de toto opere, a capite ad calcem perfpedo, eas quas pojGTem gratias laudefque red- derem. Non multum aberam a fine libri, & pauca ilia capita, qure mihi reftabant Icgenda, fpcm quoridie ((tct^ runt, intra paucos dies potuifle ablolvi. Sed fic negoti- orum & inviierjtium leries, dum nova & inexpe(5lata continuato ordine fe invicem exciperent, me de die in diem protraxerunt & adhuc protraxi fie nt, nifi noviirimac tu^ tam amica objurgatione, labentis tempoiis immemo* rem, primifque cogitationibus indormientem excitafient. En habes fatentem reum, negligentem agnofco ; fed co confilio, eo animo negligentem, quem culpnre vix poi- fis : aut fi qua fuerit culpa, ei fpei toties decepras force fuit (amiciti^ certe non fuit) quam eandem, qux erga te femper fuit, nee minime, dum ego tacerem, filuiiFe protiteri geftio. Hiftoria tua inquifitionis, ut de ea parte quam legi libri pronuntiem, mihi maxime placet : ordine, methodo, perfpicuitatc, teftium fide mihi plane videtur opus abfolutiflunum, nee video, quid in eo defiderari pof- fit. Et ab omnibus quotquot confulere conrigit, m.ixime laudutur. Ciericum noftrum nnllas a me jam a pluribus hebdomadis (ut fcribis) accepifife doleoj fcripfi enim ad eum, ante duos circiter menfes, iis inclufas a Comite Pembrokicnfi ad ilium mifi literas, quas intercidifTc ve- reor, quandoquidem D" Clericus in novifiimis fuis ii Vol. IX. D Septemb. j4 Fdmiliar Letters hetzvecn My. Locke, Septenib. datis de lis ne verhum qiiidcm. Me Ilium de Spenceri obitu moniiific re6le memini, & credo ea in epiftola, quandoquidem tu id hadenus ignorare videris. Bibliorum Caftcllionis editionem, qiialem tu narras, apiid vos defignari valde hi^ror, & viris literatis apud nos gra- tum acccptumqiie fore opus, non dubiro : Poft diuturnjirn. lufticiilioncm nuperus meus in urbem rediius nondum mihi concefik plurimoiu-n do6lorum colloquia; prout da- tur occafio, alios confulam, quamvis vix credi poteft ele- gantcm edirlonem, tarn elegantis vcrfionis, notis etiam ?li- ilquc fcriptis eo fpedantibus tarn docli viri ornatam, non omnibus non placituram. Filiam tuam dile6lifllmam> quam febre continua laborafTe fcripfcras, tibi fuifque la- nam fldvamque reftitutam fpero, reliouos tuos noflrofque re6le valere gaudeo. Eos omnes, quotquot funt, mco nomine, rogo, quam ofiiciofifiin-ie lalutcs, quibus diutur- nani faniratem & profpera omnia largiatur Deus optimus maximus ; te imprimis fofpicet. Vale, & uc facis perge me amarc, Lond. 10 Nov. Tul amantiffimum, 1693. J. LOCKE^ Philif.po a Limhorch Joannes Locke, s. r. d. QUALEM te, Vir fpcdlatifilmej^fcmper crediderini;^ talem re ipfa experior, ad omnia infucatire amicitix officia narum, qui non folum pronus in beneftcia bene merendi, nullam prcetermittis occafionem, fed, quod difficiiius ett, cndcm facilitate ignofcis amicorum dciidis, qua alii of- feniiones objurgant. Diuturnum meum filcntium gravi- ori rcprchenfione dignum, fimulac tardas tandem a me li- tcras acceperis, quafi priii^.a vocula penitus delctum condo- nas. Agnolco bcncHcium candoremque ilium tuum, quo tuis, qiK) omnibus gratu^i, in quo me tuto repono: dum non ex literis amicitiam meam xltimas, nee filentio imminutam fufpcclus fueris. Id enim tibi perluahim veliem, ten^pus mihi 6c verba deefle poile, amiciciamj i|ua te ampkdor, qua fcin« 6 arid fever al cf his Friends, 35 fcmper amplexiii us fum, mihi dctfie vcl labefadarl nun- quam pofTe. In hiftoria tua inquifitionis, ex quo novifUnne ad te dcdi literas, non magnos progrellus feci,quotidianis negociis hac- tcnus inipeditus. Quod fi ex duobus primis libris, quos fumma cum voluptate perlegi, de duobus rt^liquis juai- care llcer, nihil poteft c^^c in eo genere perfedius, nee ad perfed'unn illius tribunals cognitionem aliquid defide- rari poteft. Laudo ftudiuin tuuin, quod plerifque in locis ipfa authorum verba citaveris, etfi nihil contineant quod tu breviore & elegantiore ftylo exprimere non potuifies, fi ledori placere unica edct cura. Sed cum quo genere hominum tibi res eft, re6le tecum reputafti, & eorum crimina, fraudes & fsvitia ex eorum ipforum ore optlme difcenda; yix enim credi poterant, ft ab extraneo vei ad- vei;rai-io afterrentur. Qu^^ aiitv^m ex aiiis hauferis autho- ribus tarn fero, ut edicioni infcri fuis apte in locis non potuerint, tuique in marginibus libri adfcripferis, ea ft ni- mis longa non ftnt, ut tibi nimiam tranlcribendi creent moleftiam, ft mihi per otium excerpta trannriittere velis, gratiftimum mihi facics, ut mcum etiam librum iis ornem, & ftjis omnibus numeris perfedum habeam, ut nihil defit huic myfterio iniquitatis revelando. Literas tuas, per Hibernum iilum tranimiilas, ille ftiis manibus rus hue ad me profedus mihi tradidit. Talem ilium reperio^ qualem tu defcripferis, nee deftjnt hie tantcE fpei fautores. . Editi- onem illam Caftellionis, quam meditantur elegantem, li- bens viderem, 8^ noftradbus gratam fore, nullus dubito. Quod de harmonia evangelica dodifllmi mei Toinardi ad me fcribis, de editione illius ego quidem nunquam cogicavi, nee quod amplius eft, unquam cogitabo, nift ut ipftim au:horem. ad opus ftium luce dignifti- mum edendum, qua data occafione, & quantum poiuim., impellam & inftigem. Non quod ego hunc theftiurum litcraro 01 bi invideam ; ego ftimma ope, donee commer- cio literarurn uti licuit, editionem ejus Temper eftl.^gitavi. Sed non ea (ut mihi viliim eft) fide mihi concreditum eft hoc exemplar, ut ego harmoniam hane, illo infcio aut in- conftilto, typis mandarem. Si mihi integrum eftet, fta- tim Tub pr^lo mitterem., fed dum ille vivit, aut aliunie a ftiis fpes eft proditurum, nulla quantivis pretii mercede e meis manibus in publicum elabi patiar. Nuper prodiic D 2 hie ^6 Familiar Letters hetvjeen Mr. Locke j hie liber, quern Toinardo gratiffimum fore fcio. Si re- perire poflis viam, qua ad ilium tranfmitti poteft milii fece- ris acccptifTimum bencFicium. Liber qhem ad ilium mittere vellem, eli: Joannes Mallela Antiochenus, Oxonii non ira pri- dem editus. Si occafionem mitcendi reperias, emptum apud vos librum, five compadlum, five incompa6lum, prout com- modifljmum erit vecturx, quajfo ad ilium irittas, a Monfieur Toinard a Orleans. Gaudio Veenium noftrum fanum fal- vumque in urbem & ad praxin rediifle. Vir, qui in artis iu?e exercitatione a juventute ufque confenuerat, continui tae- dio otii; credo, languefceret. Ilium & Guenellonem nof- trum uxorefquecum tota familia, qunsfo meo nomine ofiici- ocifluiie filutes. Pacem, concordiam, & amicitiam inter eos ftabilitamfpero, omnia faufta, uti par eft, illis & tibi tuifque opto. Salutes etiam rogo optimam foeminam tuam, libe- rofque, quos fanos filvofque tibi Deus diu confervet. Vale> vir humaniflime, &, ut facis, mc ama, Oatcs, 13 Jan. Tui amantlffimum, 1694. J. Locke. Philippo a Linihorch Joannes Lccke^ s. p. d. Vir colendifilmc, ETSI mcam in fcribendo tarditatem prorfus excufarc ne- qneam, me tamen eo procefTilfe ncgligentias, ut per totos novem menfes te infilutatum pr^terirem nolim crcdas. Diuturnum nimis filcntiuin haud invitus fateor, quod cum nee licerarum tuarum fuietas, nee imminuca erga te vo- luntas mea effecerit, facilem apud te vcniam invcnturum fpcro. Puduit fane ad te iterum fcribere, antcquam, one- re tuo penitus perleclo, meam de eo fententiam five po- tius gratulationem potuerim perfcribere. Quantum vo- luptatis, quantum lucis ex accurara tua inquifitionis hif- toria percefxjrim, vix dicere polfum. Ita fcripta eft, ut decet hiftoriani fcribi, iibi non ad faftum aut deledla- tipnem inventa, vcl ornata res eft, quo facilius incautis leclo- mid fever al of his Friends. 37 kftoribus fuciim faciat, fed omnia aiithorum fide & do- cumentorum teflimoniis rata & lufFulta funt: adeo ut quorum maxime intereft redarguerc, ne hifcere quidem audeant. Opus illud tenebrarum & occultas nefandcC crudelitatis artes in tarn claram iiicem ex latibulis fuis protraxifti, ut fi qua reftarent in iilis ecclefise, five potius Antichriflij fateiRcibus, humanitatis veftigia, puderet illos tandem tam iniqui, tarn horrendi tribunalir, ubi omne jus, fas, &ju{litia fufque deque habctur. Verum fi haec opprobria, quae refelli non poflunt, nihil illos moveant, reformatis lakcm & ex fevifiimo hoc ergaftulo ereptis, animos addet, contra tam inhumanam tyrannidem, qua- cunque Ipecie five religionis five concordi^, irrepere ite- rum conantem. Ea e(l difputantium fsepe conrentio, ea argumentorum fubtilitas &: longa feries, ut non fit uniuf- cujufque fe argutis & fallaciis innodatum expedire, & de fumma controverfias judicare. Si quis vero c plebe indo6lus tuam perlegpt hilloriam, fentiat ftatim iliic certe deeffe religionem, charitatem, juftitiam, ubi violata asqui- tatis regula, omnique juris dicendi per orbem terrarum methodo, tam inhumana, tam crudelia perpetrantur, &: ab evangeiii genio remotiifima: ideoque dignum opus exiftimo, quod in cujufque gentis linguam vulgirem tra- ducatur, tam diftincla enim & exada methodo omnia tra- didifti, & teftibus excepdone majoribus confirmafti, ut ni- hil in eo defiderari videatur, quod vulgus erudiat, litera tos inftruat, omnefque ftabiliar. Si quid forte tibi, uti mones, occurrat, ad hoc argumentum pertinens, ex libris ante editam hiftoriam tuam non vifis, rogo ut per otium, fi non fit nimis opcrofum, ad me velis tranfmitccre ; om- nia enim hue facentia in librum tnum ad margincm, aptis in locis adfcripta, conjicere animus cfl, uti nuper ex iti- nerario in orientem hoc quod fequitur excerpium, paginjc 2,76. libri tui inferui : Le St. Office, ce redoutable tribunal fameux par fcs injuftices, & fes cruautes, regne ici [a Malthe] plus ty- ranniquement qu'a Rome meme, & on m'a fait cent fu- "neftes recits, done je vous epargnerai la trifleffe, feulement vous dirai-jc, que les confeffeurs, qui par tout ailleurs ^ont tenus de garder le fecret fur peine de feu, font ici D 3 dans 3 8 Fi. miliar Letters htiveen Mr, Lcckcy robligiuion cle les reveler toutes Ics fois qu'il s'a^iit d*un cas cl'inquifr.ion, quoiqu'ils ne I'livoiicnt pas, car ce fc- roit k moycn crempccl^cr les gens dc fc confefler : mais c'cft line chofe qu'on ic^ait pourtaiic bicp. Cepcndant pour en oter tout fonpc^on, on deiiKure qurlqucfois un an ou deux fans dire mot aprcs quoi I'lnquiliteur envoye prendre un homnic, & lui dennande s'il I'^ait bien pour- quoi il I'a fait faifir, alors c*e(l a lui de fe rcfiouvenir de ti-u: ce qu*il jamais avoir dit; que fi malheureufement la niemoire ne lui fournit pas, ou que le dclit, dont il eft coupable, ait cte fi (ecrct que le fcul confefleur en ait eu connoifiap.ce, & que fe repofant la-defTus il ne veullle pas avoiier c'tft fait de cet homme-la, on rctrangle dans la pri- ^ fon, & puis quelque teins api es on dlt a fes parens qu'il n'eft pas befoin de lui porter manger. Heureux font ccux qui ne font point afuiejcttis a ce joug. Du Mont nouveau voyage au Levant {y\. imprimc en li"" a la Haye, 1^95* QuAS n^.inatus es prolixiores litcras avide expedo, cc fi fic ulcifcaris filentium meum, quomodo remuneraberis diligtntiam ? Theologiam luam tarn brevi iterum pro- dituram gaudeo, pauca in ea emendanda facile credide- rim ; quanta quanta addideris, ex eodcm erunt fonte, & augebunt apud le(5i:ores pretlum. In magna asftimatione apud ecclefire Anglicann^ theologos fcio. Quid in pofte- rum futuium fit, nefcio, audio cnim nonnulios Calvinif- mum amplexuros, & prafdeftinarioncm (fic ir.ter illos convenit) palam fcriptis propugnaturos. Qnot & quales in partes fuas pertrahet nova ha^c paucorum 6c adhuc pri- vata focietas, nondum conjicere licet. Latent omnia & fecreto peraguntur, tc fi ex au6toribu'^> quorum nomina ml.hi amicus quidam fecreto in aurem dixir, rem metiri libeat, non credo longe evafurum, nifi aliunde oriatur hoc confilium, aliofciue habeat fautores. Si quid ultra privata aliqujt inter fe colloquia producat, hoc noiinul- lorum molimen dies indicabit, & tunc quid velint, quo tendanr, rcdius judicabimus. Sed hjcc hac^lenus. Dolec certt; tantam inter nos loci effe iiueicapedinem : fi vicinus cfTem, haberes me confulrorem quotidie odia tua pul lan- tern. Pauci adm )du!n funt limaii ju licii homines, qui- bufcum poteris liber c de fpcculationibus quibufcunque, multo and Jeveral of hts Friends, 39 •multo minus de rebus reiigionis differere. Deca mutua charitas, detft candor, &ut fua^quifque ignorantij;e velum obtendat, noii facile dat veniam alicna^. Nee dubia quse- <:unque licet proponere, nifi pararus venias te tctum illis tradere, ha in verba jurare, vel cenfui is onullus hasreticus abire. Non hoc de meipfo queror, tanquam aliquid paffus ab iniquo r.micoium judicio; fed ramen jucundum eft in proxiino habere, quern de maximis rninimifque aperte & audader confulas. Libri mei de Intelleclu Humano fecunda editio diftrahitur, celerlus quam credere poffem, nee adhuc invenii diilertatio ilia, utcunque hete- rodoxa, oppugnatoreni. U tin am eo ^^'^t feimone con- fcripta, ut tuo uti, de univerfis co in opere contentis, judicio licerec. Urgent aliqui verfionem, quitrit traduc- lorem bibliopola, & fperat brevi repertum iri, nam mihi non vacat. Vix per valetudinem & fucerefcentia quotidie negotia licuit mihi, nifi lento gradu & intercifis tempori- bus, tuam perlegere hiftoriam, quanquam kgendi voluptas me vix patiebatur ingrefTum avelli. Bibliopola efflagitat, tnmen, ut verfionem recenfere velim, ut fi qua a meo fenfu aberraverit corrigam, quod fane vix recufare poffum. Sed quid his te t^dio prolixioris epiftolas jam fatigatum detineo ? Vale, &, ut facis, me ama, Gates, a6 Od. Tui amantifTimum 1694, J. Locke. Jcamii ho eke PhUippus a Limhorch, s. p. d. Vir amplifllme, MAGNA cum voluptate tuas accepi & legi: etfi enim affeftum erga me tuum nullatenus fuifTe iniminurum plene perfuafus ellem, nihilominus, pod ram diuturnum filentium, literas tuas viderenon potuir noneflegratiiTimum. Hilloriam meam inquifitionis calculo tuo probari, eft quod rrihi gra- tulor. Scio judicium tuum efle candidun ac limatiflimum. In praeconiis vero quLC acldis agnofco {)ropenfifrimum tuum crga me affcdum, qui omnia qux probas vero majora D 4 tibi 40 Familiar Letters hetween Mr, hockey tibi repra-fcntavit. Ego veritati litare (ludul, & tribunal illud ita exhibere, prouc ipfi doflores pontiftcii, imo inqui- fitores id nobis depingunt. Scio quldem, quando fparfinn in ipfonim libris procedendi modus defcribirur, & fucatis coloribus palliatur, non ita patere ejus injuflitiam & foedi- tattm, quam quando onnnia fiir.ul inter Ic connexa nude, fine fuco, omnium oculis exponuntur. Non crediderim quenquam, nc quidem ex acerrimis inquifitionis patronis, me malcc fidei infimulaturum j & fi quis id aufit, ftatim autorum, quorum nomina margini paflnn adfcripfi, tef- timoniis redargui poterit. Sed quam difpari fato libri prodeunt ? I'u hiRoriam meam dignam judicas, qujE in cujufq'je gentis linguam vernaculam traducatur. Romse vero, 19 die Maii, luijus anni, edido cardinalium, in tota rep. chriftiana inquiiitorum generalium, condemnata eft, ejufque ledio ievcri'Time prOliibita, Tub pcenis in indice librornm prohibicorum contentis. Decretum hoc, quo &: alii iibri condemnantur, triduo pod, videl. 22 Maii, fuit publicatum & affixum ad valvas bafiiiccu principis apofto- lorum, palatii S. Oflicii, & in acie cam pi Floras, ac aliis locis folicis & confu.tis urbis, Sed mitiorem fententiam quis ab inquifitione expedet, contra hiiloriam., qua.' artcs ac crudelitates ipfius, qr-as occultas omnibuique ignotas elTe cupit, a tencbris erutas, palam totius mundi oculis exponit, tribunalque hoc noa landitate venerandum, fed injuftitia, crudelitate, fraudibus, & impofturis execrandum txhibet ?, Aliter enim, fi vere defcribatur, exhiberi nequit. Quai ego ex aliis auioribus, quos podmodum mihi videre tontigit, annotavi, & quie in pofterum in aliis, qui forue mihi oftendentur, reperiani, libcntiirime ad te mittam. Vidi qux ex itinerario Du Mont annotalli, qua: optime illo quern defignafti loco margini hiftoriae meae adfcribi poiTunt. St'd, ut ingenue dicam, valde dubito, an nar- ratio illius vera Gt. Malar Hdci ipfum ncuticjuam acculb : fed fieri facile potcfb, ut peregrinatores, non diu in rcgionc aliqua conniurantes, incident in homines legum tk con- fuetudinum patriarum non ^.dmodum peritos, nonnunqu.im ctiam mendaces, ex quorum ore qua.\lam veritati minus confentanea, fine accuratiore invcfligatione, annotant. Qj_ialia mulra in itincrariis corum, qui patria* noflra; mores he coniuetudines ddcribunt, obicrvavi. Ratio dubitandi • ' • ^ efi; and fever al of his Friends, 41 eft : quia video omnes do6lores pontificios, necnon omnia decreta ecclefiaftica Iblicite admodum urgere, arcana con- feiTionis non eflc patefaciendai inno ne h^Erefin qiiidem fiib figilio confefiionis revelatam ; folummodo facerdotibus in- jnngunr, ne haerefin confeflb abfoliitionem impertiantur, led omnibus quas poflunt rationibus hortentur, ut in ju- dicio coram inquiritoribus jiiridice confiteatur. Scio quidem, non omnia qua^ legibus prascipiuntur, exa6le in praxi inquifitionis obfervari, & fub fpeciofo confefTionis non revelandas prsetextu, fimpliciores inefcari pofle, ut ingenue, etiam qu^ inquifitoribus ignota funt, confiteantur, quse a facerdotibus porro inquifitoribus revelari polTunr, neque a tali impoftura tribunalis illius fanditatem abhorrere credo; attamen, quia omnes ipforum conftitutiones, in- 0ru6tiones & leges, omnia illius ecciefias decreta contra- rium prrecipiunt, non id affirmare aufim, nifi autor fit probatus, cujus nee peritia nee fides in dubium vocari queat. Quare loco, quem mihi fuggefllfti, ex itinerario Du Mont, addi polTet, fi vera fit illius narratio, exinde evidencer liquere inquifitorum praxin fsepe adverfari inqui- fitionis inftrudionibus & legibus: inquifitorefque uniee tantum fpedlare, qua ratione miferos caprivos per fas & nefas decipiant, atque ita, fraudibus irretitos, mifera morte perdant. Poft hafee feriptas, triftis me de fubita optimi Archiepifeopi Cantuarienfis morte nuntius non leviter per- culit. Deftinaveram ipfi Theologise mese Chiiftianas ex- emplar; pridie autem, antequam tradi potuerit, mortuus eft. Ecclefins reformatas tanto patrono, tarn prudenti, perito, pacis amantiffimo antiftiti orbatas, llatum doleo. Utinam Deus, qui potens eft etiam e lapidibus Abrah^ filios excitare, alium nobis fubftituat, illi fi non parem, quod vix fperare aufim, tamen velligia ejus, quantum fieri poteft, proxime prementem 1 Ille tibi & dominae Maftiam vitam ad feros ufque annos producat. Vale, & me, ut facis, amare non define, Amftelod. 12 Dec Tui amantifTimum, 1694, P. a LiMBORCH. Philij)po 42 Familiar Lexers hetween Mr. Lockcy Philippo a Limber ch Joannes Locke, s. p. d. "\'ir amplifTime, LIBRUM tuLirn a bibliopola, & epiilolam tiiam 12 datam, re6le acceni, utrumque gratiHimum, & quia tuam, & quia a te. Epiilolam tuain, a capite ad calcein, furnma cum voluptate pcrlegi, gratulorque fili^ tufe nuperae talem illi obtigiil'e patrem, cui n^c mens dcfuir, ncc vifccra. Qualis indc fuit nonnullorum animus chriftiano homini efiet mirandum, nifi inter hujufmodi zelotas chrifcianie religionis diu verfatus effem. Sed ubique ejufdem farins homines repcrire eft, qui an falutem quadrant animarum, an evangelio qurcftum faciant, judicent aliij ego quod doleam, quod indignor, hie, illic, undique video. Theo- logiam tuam Chritlianam, quamprimum otium nadus fuero, diligentius perfcrucabor ; his enim jam fere ftudiis mihi vacandum cenfwo, tantoque impenlius me tibi vi- cinum jam opto, quod erepto nobis magno illo & candido veritatis indagatore (ut cseteras illius virtutes taceam) vix jam habeo, quem de dubiis theologicis libere polTum conlulere. Quai.tum virum refpublica Anglicana, quan- tum columen ccclefia reformata amiferic, alii judicabunt. Ego certe a multis annis ftabilem, candidum, fincerum, fummo meo cum damno & dcfiderio, amili amicum. ^illotjon, V. Birch's Life of him, p. 364. i. ed. Addenda tua ad Hiftoiiam Inquilitionis, quamprimum rus rediero, locis fuis infcram, novum amicitife tuce mo- numentum. Re6le mones de excerptis ex itinerario Du Mont. Nee enim ut reliqui tui fcriptores (qua ufus es cautione) pro tcfic citari potefl:, tum quia reformatus, tum quia percgrinus. Ego vero illius verba non inidonea judicabam, qux tidcm facerent ifti, qure ex tota pontifi- ciorum ceconomia enafcitur; illos fcil. quicquid pras fe ferant, non omiiluros tantam rei fua; bene gerendns & hnsrefeos extirpanda^ occafionem, quii^ ex confcllionibus pofTit oriri : ncc alitor confefllones tacitas efle, fi quid ha- beant momenti, quam ut laicis, & quibus non opus ellet, non evulgarentur. Ha^c ego raptim inter urbis negotia & laborantium pulmonum anhclicus, ut fcires tua munera, quibus and Jeveral of his Friends, 43 quibus me tarn magnifice cumuiafti, ad me falva perve- iiifle. Si ita filentium mcum iiiciicaris, dubirari pofTit, an non commodum fuerit peccare : fcias enim velim de tuis epillolis, quod dc Ciceronis orationibiis jure dici poffe, optimam elfe quae longifUma e^r. Die Veneris noviillmo ad urbem appuli, in hofpitio meo inveni literas Clerici noftri 7 datas, quibus brevi refponiurus fum ; interim rogo, ut ilium Guenellonemque noflrum rrleo nomine faiutes; utrique gratias agam pro epillolis mea manu, ubi otiam & folatium ruiis na6lus fuero, iuc enim laborant pulmoneSj nee longam in urbe patietur valetudo mea moram.. Uxorem tuam diieclilTimam liberofque, Veenium noflrum optim.amque uxorem iilius faluto & Grsevium Ultrajeftenfem, cui ego debeo epiflolam, & iilius huma- nitati nondum refpondifTe pudet. Vale, & perge, ut facis^ me amare, Lond. 1 1 Dec. Tui amantifllmum, 1694. J. Locke. Joanni Locke Philippus a Limhorchy s. p. d. Vir ampliflime, ULTIMAM meam epiftolam redle ad manus tuas per- venifie gaudeo. Aurographum fententiarum inquifitionis Tholofan^ Romani in manus meas incidiffe miirantur : quod N. N. Hicerdos quidam ab epifcopo HoUandias ad ipfum mifTus, ut iibri pofifeiTorem ex ipfo refcifcar, affir- mavic. N. N. imprudenter me cum a Furlaeo accepifle refpondit; verum alium ejus elTe polfelTorem, cujus nomen ignorabat; aiebatque librum ate olim vifum Monfpeliis. Ego dixi N. N. librum a te in Gallia vifum alium efle ab hoc. Addit ille, facerdotem, rogalTe, ut ex me nomen poflTefToris exquirat. Rcfpondi ego, me nomen iilius ignorare, iliud lemel me ex fratre ipfius audivifTe, fed penitus iilius oblitum effe : & licet fcirem inconfultum cffe illud facerdoti indicarej quia hoc tam folicite inquiri judicem. 44 Familiar Letters betzveen Mr. Lockgy judicem, ut pofieflbre detedto, ingenti pretio exemplar hoc fibi redimant, ac Romam mutant, ut ita occafioncm habeant me falfi accufandi. Idem fibi videri aiebat. Addidi ego, optafle me, ut nomen Furlcisi non indicaflct: fed quoniam vox eiiiiiTa reverti nequit, nihil, ulterius efle aperiendum: fed paucis tantum refpondendum me poffefToris nomen ignorarc. Hoc in fc fufcepit, fed non re6tc iervavit ; nam ex fratre fuo poflea nomen hoc refcivit, & proculdubio facerdoti indicavit. Nam a me rogatus, fe nefcire air, an indicaveriti affirmare fe non pofife, nee quod indica- vei it, nee quod non indicaverit. Hoc certum eft, nomen facerdoti innotuifle, quia alius poftea FurliEum, ad quem hsc fcripferam, acceiTit, & pofiefTorem nominavit, prout tibi Furlasus fcripfit. Spero librum a te jam emptum, ac FurlcEum illius effe pofTefforem. Ita omnes illorum co- natus irriti erunc. L.audo ego Furla^i prudentiam, quod a facerdote teftimonium de libii authenteia exegeiit, & facerdotis candorem, qui id tamen luculenter dedit. Interimi fi forte exemplar ipfum nafti fuiflenr, & Romam mifififent, non viJeo qua ratione volumen, quod edidi, fuppofititium dicere poflent. Adeo enim levum illud barbarum redolet, hiftoriafque fingulares illius temporis rcfert, ut tale quid a quoquam nunc temporis fingi mi- nime queat. Piseftat tamen id in manibus non effe illo- rum, quorum intereft myfteria hnsc iniquitatis tegi, & coram fole non propalari. Vides hie duo adhuc addita- menta ad Hiftoriam Inquifitionis epiftol^ huic adlcripta, quas, fi opere pretium videatur, reliquis junges. Luthe- ranus quidam piotcflbr Kilonicnfis, conrra theologiam meam Chriftianam, exercitationes Anti-Limborchianas edidit. Ita Ron^ai &: in Germania vapulo, Librum fatis, ut audio, cralfum nondum vidi : fed in Adis Lipfi- enfibus eju.^ compendium legi. Verum in eiufmodi antago- niftam ego Cdlamum non ftringam. Non pugnant illi homi- nes, quantum ex Aclis illis mihi colligere licet, pro veritate; fed pro recepta opinione, decretis humanis, be autoritate ec- clefiaftica. Orthodoxise illis norma eft confenfus cum doc- trina J.Auherana. Contra tales fruftra difpucatur. Non enim opeiSE pretium eft, ut inquiranuis (juid ecclefia Lutherana doceat, quod ex libris ik decretis iiliusecclefiic fatis notum eft, fed, an illius dodlrina vera fit, ^ a Icripcoribus divinis divftata, and fever d of his Friends. 4^ di(51;ata. Itapapatum ubique reperimus, & fub fpeciofo orthodoxias converfandae prsetextu propria dominatio (la- bilirur. Sic orthodoxia femper penes potentiorem erit, veritafque alia erit Romaej alia Genevas, alia Wittenbergse, Ha^c inconnmoda vitari nequeunt, fi humana placita or- thodoxia x^trr'^iot/ funt. Quae in illis exercitationibus maxime odiofa occurrunt, Lipfienfes accurate annotarunr. Obfervavi banc in illis malignicatern dicam, an incon- fultum zelum ; quod fi in autoribus, quos recenfet, quae- dam reperiantur aut convitia aut inclcmentius in Remon- ftrantes di6la, ea folicite indicare foleant, verbifque odiofif- fimis exprimere. Nefcio quo fuo fado Remonftrantcs inimicitiam eoruoi in fe provocaverint, nifi forfan liberiore veritatis inquifitione, & diflentientium fraterna tolerantia. In ipfos enim calamum nunquam ftrinximus, neque ego in eos fcribam, aut me a crinainationibus eorum purgabo; non enim me illis purgatum dabo, nifi me aliis, quibus jam placeo, ingratum reddam. Itaque filentio & con- temptu illos ulcifcar. Sed aliud quid ed quod te velim. Marcus Teuto in gratiam reverendilTimi Bathonicnfis ac Wellenfis in fe fufcepit verfionem vitx Epifcopii, a me confcriptae, in linguam Latinam, Varia ego citavi ex ^piftolis ecclefiailicis prseftantium ac eruditorum virorum, & ex a6lis Remonftrantium fynodalibus, qua:^ cum a me c Latino in Belgicum fermonem tranflata fint, ipfe c Belgico in Latinum vertere non debet, fed prout in ipfis libris Latine leguntur, exhibere. Deftitutum autem fe illis queritur, nee ufquam fe eos reperire pofTe. Non dubito quin in multorum Anglorum bibliothecis repe- riantur. Si tua opera eos habere polTit a quopiam, mag- num illi non tantum facies laboris compendium, fed &: verfionem efficies &: meliorem & gratiorem. Ego, fi quid hac in parte illi prodefle queas, mihi prsetlitum iignofcam. Vale, vir ampliiTime, mihique diledlilfime, Amftelod. 26 Apr. Tui amantiffimus, 1695. P. a LiMBORCH. Philippe dfi Familiar Letters betiveen Mr. Locke, Philippo aj^imhorch Joannes Locke, s. p. d. Vir amplirTime, QIJAMPRIMUM ego novifTimas tuas 26 AprlJio datas acceperam,, llatim Londinum Icripfi, & quaiuum in me eft curav/, ur Jibri, quos ad opus iuum deliderac Marcus ille.nofter, ficiibi rcpcriri podir-t, ci luppcditentur. .Eg dliKius rcriyonfum diftuli, ut quid in hoc &: altero illo negotio Tholoiano faflum fir, certiorenn te facercm ; fed nee D'Aranda, nee alter, cu;us cuiss librorum perquifi- tionem commifi, ha6lenus quicquam relcriplerant, fed ex corum fikntio noKm ego male ominaii. De autographo, an Furleii jam fit, redlius ex ipfo quam ex me cognolces : non quod ego ncgligens ea in re vel otiofus fuerim procurator : led cuu i per valerudinem Londinum ea tempeftate adire non audcrem, totum ne- gotiuin amlco noftrum communi commifi, viro piudentl & fedulo, cui fcirem rem cordi fore; &; ne mora circuitu literarum per manus meas tranieuntium officerer, poft primum quod ab amlco Londinenfi accepi refponlum, quo intcllexi illurn omnem navaturuai operam, ut rem tranfigeret, monui ut recie ad Furlcium fcriberet, ut ex illo refciret quod fcitu ad rem rede perficiendam adhuc opus eiTet. Hoc ab eo factum nullus dubito : fi quid amplius a me praelcari poffit. omnem operam, curam, induuiiam m.e in eo locaturum pro certo habeas. Quod de Oxonienfibus noftrib dicis, quanquam nihil fando audlverim, facile crediderim : quod Kilonienfejii adverf^.rium negligis, laudo; quodquc ab aliis inter fe difientientibus vapulas tanto magis aeftimo, veiitatis enim finceris &: incorruptls auihoribus fic fieri foler. Pro Theolcgia tua ChriRiana jam denuo a me tibi rcd- dendse funt gratiae, non quod bibliothecam volumine, fed me fcientia auxerit. Hac enim hyeme, in quo con- fifteret fides chriiViana, diligemcr apud me cogitando, ex ij fis fcripuuas f. fontiLus hauriciidum duxi, fernotis qiii- bufcunque I'eclarum & fyflematum oj/inionibus & ortho- doxiis. Ex intenta & accurara N. Tellamenti ledione novi fa:dcii3 ftatus & evangelii doclrina mihi apparuit, uc mihi md Jeveral of his Friends, 47 mihi videbatur meridiana luce clarior, nee quid & fides chriftiana dubitari pofiTe, fincero evangelii ledori, mihi perfuafiirimum eft. Ideoque cogitata niea in chartam conjecij ut ea melius partium inter fe convenientiam, &: harmoniam, & fiindamenta, quibus inniterentur, fedate & per otium contemplarer. Cum omnia in hoc meo iymbolo fana, & verbo divino ubique conformia vide- bantuPj theologcs confulendos duxi (reformatos videlicet) ut quid illi de fide fenlerint, viderem. Calvinum adii, Turretinum, aliofque, quos ita id argumentum tradaffe fateri cogor, ut quid dicant, quid velint, capere nequa- quam poflim ; adeo diffona mihi in illis omnia videntur a fenfu & fimplicitate evangelica, ut illorum fcripta intellig'ere, nedum cum ilicro codice reconciliare, noa valeam. Tandem fpe meliore tuam in manus cepi theo- logiam, nee fine fummo gaudio legi, cap. viii. lib. v. quo intellexi aliquem reperiri theology m, cui ^go non plane efifem h^reticus. Ut in libro tuo legendo ultra per- gerem, nondum fatis vacui temporis na6lus fum. Nihil mihi optatius efie pofTit, quam te videre, &: te coram, qu^ commentatus fum, legere & explicare, ut limato &: incorrupto judiciofubjicerentur. Hsec tibi in aurem dicta funto, nam me hoc tradafiTe argumentum tibi foli com- municatum volo. Saiuto Veenios, Guenellones tuamque imprimis fam.iliam. Vale, 6?^ ut facis, me ama, Oates, 10 Maii, Tui amantifTuTium, 1695. J. Locke, Jcajim Locke y Fhilippus a Limber ch^ s. p. D, Vir ampliflime, UTRI noftrum diuturnum ac pertinax illud filentium imputandum fit, ignoro. Importunus fim, fi a te, negoiiis publicis oceupatiflimo, ad fingulas meas refponlum effla- gitem, aut filentium tuum filentio ulcifcar. AnTiicitia fincera rigorem ilium adverfacur, ncque epiftolarum aequali numero. 4^ Familiar Letters het-zveen Mr» Lccke, numero, fed fide ac charitate mutua conftat. Interim dulciflimo confuetudinis noftr^ fiudu jam ultra annum carui. UltimrE enim tua% quibus me refpondifTe memini, decimo Mali die anni piitcedenLis fcripta^ funt. Salutem mihi a te aliquoiies dixerunt D. D. Clericus & Guenellonus, & literas mihi a te brevi fcribendas nuntiarunt, quas tamen ha6lenus fi uflra expeclavi ; hoc autcm negoiioi um tuorum, quibus obrutus es, frequentia^ unice adlcribendum duco. Aliquoties tibi fcribere geflii ; fed vericus fum, ne im- portunior fcriptio ab amico occupatifTimo refponfum minus tempeftivum extorquere videretur. Nunc vero, cum munus tibi honoratiifimum, a primoribus Anglice deman- datum efle, conftans ad nos fama pertulici filentium abrumpendum cenfui, ut dignitatem hanc non tam tibi, quam Anglian, gratuler^ qu^-e in collegio amplifTimo, una cum fummiis regni proceribus, te aflefforem habet, cujus confilia omnia prudentia, fide, candore ac finceritate di- riguntur, & communi civium faluti unice deflinantur. Deus vitam tibi largiatur longsevam, confiliifque tuis fuccefifum, quem merentur, concedat. Ego hie occu- patus vivo ; & tamen vix quicquam promoveo, non aliter ac fi otio defidiofo torperem. Arminii fcripta inedita me occupatum tenent: promifi ego bibliopolse Germano, me ea paraturum ad editionem ; fed in fcriptis ejus relegendis, ob charaflerum exilitatem & du6lum ledu neutiquam commodum, tantam reperio difficultatem, ut nifi tanti viri memioria, & non exigua, quam inde ad publicum redituium video utilitas, ingrati laboris molcftiam levarct, jam oper« promifiae poenituifTet. Hoc opus ubi edidero, nullis amplius pofchumis aliorum opL^ibus edendis me fatigabo. Oculorum acies fsepifilme intendenda e(l, ut charaderes exiles, &: vetudatc multis in locis ferme eva- nefcentes legantur. Ita multum tcmporis impendo, non tamen eo cum fru6lu, qui temporis diuturnitatem com- penfire poffit. Sed quoniam alea ja6la eft, pergcndum eft. Prodihunt de novo pri^lediones in Jonam & Mala- cliiam, quibus annedtitur difpuiatio contra Judxos, in pofteriorem ad llielTalonicenfes, in fecundumi & tertium caput Apocalypfeos ; &: difputatio contra cardinalem Perronium : qun^ cum opufculis antehac cdids juftum confident volumcn. Pn-emifet D, Calper Brantius pro- 5 lixiorem and Jeveral of his Friends. 49 Ilxiorem vitae Arminii hiftoriam, qua^ multa ha<51:enus extcris ignota continebic. Prcdiic nupcr apud nos traftatus Anglici, " quod Rcligio Chriliiana, ^uaiis nobis ell re- *' pra^fentara in fcriptura facra, fic fumme i ationalis," verfio Gallica. lUiiis autorem volunt muki effe amicum meum. Ego refpondco, mihi nihil de eo conftare; & cum i.uror, .quifquis ille fit, latere vulc, noftrtm non efle conj'. cIji is, ut plurimum f'allacibus, indvilgerc. Ego fumma cum voluptate ledioni illius incumbo, & in prascipuo (quod toto libio, de fidci chriRiunas objedo tiadtat) argcmcnto illi prorfus afientior. Hoc recle percepto, graviiliinas ac acerbiflimas in ecclefia chnftinna diiputadones fellciter componi polTe puto ; faltem ecclefia, non obllante opi- nionum diverfitate, pacem facili negouo poffe reftiLui : ea cnim quae nunc a plerifque ut unicum ferme chri.llianirrni fundamentum urgcntur, obje6lo fidei non coiT-preiendi planum fiet. Quod unicum annthem.atilmis, fchilmatiuus, & odiis tollendis remedium eft. Ego, ut videas mc attente tradatum hunc legere, omniaque argumenta e^^adle ponderare, non poffum, quin tibi oblervationem quandam indicem, quas licet force non magni videri polTet efle inomenti, ramen argumento autoris, quo utitur, pondus aliquod afferre poteft. Cap. iv, autor ad fure fententis . ftabilimentum adducit locum ex 2 epid. Joan. ver. 7, quem optime ab ipfo allegatum iudicio: veium vcrfio Gallica ita eum exhibet. ut, me judice, non exacte ex- piimat fenfum, qui in Gra^co extat, quique fer. tentiam autoris validius confirmat. Qua rarione eum Anglice cxprefTerit aucor, ignoro. Gallice autem ira extat: "^ Que *' plufieurs impofteurs fe font clevez dans le monde, " lefquels ne confeflent point, que Jeilis, ie Melfie, foic " venu en chair:" qusc lenfum hunc conrinerc videnLur, quod impoRores hi non confefli funt, quod Jefus, qui eft Meflias, veneric in carne. Grascus autem textus ita habet : 'Ort XtToAXol •crAai'Ci £;V^a9ov £t? tov xoct/aoi/, o* jotrj o.uoAoya^lsf 7*1(^81/ Xpif'jv \^yjj[hiv^¥ ti/ (rix/3)ct'. Qn^ pQileriora verba ego verto, non, qui non confitentur Jefum, qui eft Chriftus feu Meflias, in carne veniiTe j \*iA^ qui non con- fitentur Jefus Mefliam, qui in carne venit: non enim eft infinitivus in GriECo, fed participium. Hie fenfus eft longe alius, & autoris hujus fcopo mulco accommodatior. Vql. IX, ' t: Pi-iura 50 Familiar Letters between Mr. Lockey Priore cnim fenfu hasc efle impoftorum falfa docftrina arguitiir, quod non confitcantiir Jefum, qui eft McfTias, in carne veniirc. Inde fequeretur quod qui confiretur Jcfum, de quo Joannes affirmat quod fit Meflias (vox cnim X^i^oqy per appofitioncm, hoc fenfu eft legenda) in carne veniffe, maneat in dodrina Chrifti, iit eft ver. 9. Atqui niulti, qui non credebant Jcfum efle Mefllam, cre- debant tamcn Jefu:n, qui Mcffias eft, in carne venifle. Si pofteriore fcnfu vertaniur, turn fenfus eft, impoftores non confiteri Jcium Chriftum, qui in rarne venit; hoc eft, non confiteri, quod ille Jefus, qui in carne venit, fit MefTias. Confiteri enim Jefum Mcfilam, eft, confiteri quod Jefus fit MefTias, feque illius difcipulum profiteri ; juxta Matth. x. 32. Ilium auteni Jefum, quern confiteri oportet, defcribit Joannes, quod fit ille qui in carne venit, &: inter Juda^os verfatus eft. Indc fequitur, quod ille in do6lrina Chrifti maneat, qui confiterur quod Jefus, qui in carne venit, fit Meirias. Et h^ec efl fincera fidei in Chriftum confeflio. Eundem efle fenfum puto, i Joan, iv. 2, 3. ubi fimilitcr non reperitur infinitivus, {^d par- ticipium tAjjAuGora. Non eft quidem haec obfcrvatio tanti in hoc negotio, facit tamen ad genuinam textus Grreci intelligentiam, & autoris inftituto favet. In aliis autem difputationibus, qure cum Mennonitis noftratibus infti- tuuntur, maximi eft ufus. Sed tempus eft ut abrurr.pam. Vides tibi cum homine loquace rem cfTe, qui cum Uteris fuis te compellat, caiamo imperare non potcft. Vale, vir ampliffime, & feliciter age. Amftelod Tui obfervantifTimus, 1696. P. a LiMBORCH. Philippo a Li;}: I ore h Joannes Locke, s. p. d. Vir ampliffime, SI omnes in religione eo nterentur candore, quo tu ufus es in amicitia, non majorem oftcnfionem intei' dilfen- tientes parerent argumenta, quam inter nos nuper peperit diucurnum nimis filentium. Si epiftolarum rcciprocationem aeftimem. £tnd Jeveml vf his Friends., 5 1 ^ftimem, an tna major taciturnitas, an mea, dicere non .aufinn, credo me ea ex parte peccafie. Ea vero utcunque ie res habeat, tu certe humanitate tua & ignofcendo prior •effecifti, ut culpa omnino mea fit, eoque magis probrofam mihi fentio, quod tu & leviflima quidem reprehenfione labftinuifti ; negotiorum c-xcufatione.;, =qua pro me apud te iifus es, aliquid momenti erga altum habere potuiflec, certe tibi me eo nomine excufatum nolim, addere etiam poteram valetudinem, tota prasterita hyeme valde incom- modam. Sed nee hoc quidem, quo minus tarn charo, •tarn fido amico fcrlberem, impedimento efTe non debuit. Vis rem ipfam ut tibi fcriberem.^ femper qu^ero tempus omnino vacuum, animumque ab aliis.curis & cogitationibus libcrum ; hoc cum rai;0 accidit ita ad voluntr»em, ut non ^d aliud & magis opportunum tempus rejiciam, de die in diem diffcrendo annus elabitur^ ^ tandem pudor culpas fuperveniens -tardiorcm reddit. Si hoc ignavise latebram ilicas, non r^cufo ; hoc certo fcio imminutse amicitia^, vel mutate voluntatis non efle crimen ; & forfan ut omnia fatear^ non expeditus linguae Latin^e ufus faftidixim menti non bene fe explicanti oggerit. Sed tua amicitia & benc- volentia, vir amplillime, omnia fuperat» Gratulationem tuam, eOj .^uo tu fcripfifti animo, id eft, amicifTimo, accipio: fed quid tandem mihi, fenedlutis .& valetudinis onere.fuccumbenti, cum negotiorum publicorum tumultu ? Seceflus mihi jam quserendus efTet, & vel annis vel ftudiis 'ineis quies. Hoc, fi mihi credas, & magis aveo, & mihi magis accommodatum credo, fed nefcio quo fato, quod alius ambitiofe & fruftra quacrit, alii vel inlcio, vel etiam detre6lanti tribuitur. Viri iftius magni fcripta inedita, tua opera proditura, gratulor reipub. chriftian^. De libro Anglicano in linguam Gallicam verfo, cujus ledioni, cum ad me fciipferas, incubuifti, idem tecum fentlo, jconttn- tionum & fchifmatuQ-j radices evellit, quantum id poteft religionis chriftianae vcritas & fundamentum, fi id audor rede explicuerit, uc mihi videtur ; cum vero totum per- legeris, & tuam & aliorum de tradlatu illo fentcnriam fcire vellem. Theologis noftris tam conformiftis, qiiain non«conformiftis, ddfplicere audio; reliqui (ut fit) probant, improbantve, prout fuo vel alieno innituntur judicio. =Quod monuiili de loco Joannis tecum kntio : idem eft E 2 in 52 Familiar Letters between Mr. Locks, in vcrfione noftra, quem in Gallica obfervadi, error | fed ad rem facit, vcrum appofitc magis texcub Gr.tcus, quenn tu rediflfime, ut milii vidctur, interprctaris. Vale, vir amplifTime, & me ama, Lond. 3 Sept. Tui amantifTu-num, 1696. J. Locke. Joatini Locke Philippus a Limb or cb, s. p. d. Vir amp'iiTime, CITIUS tuis, decimo quinto dcmum 0(5lobris die mihi redditis, refpondiflem, verum quoniam judicium meum de tradtatu Anglicano in linguim Gallicam verfo petiifti, tempus ti reliquis curis vacuum quasfivi, ut traclatum ilium elegantilTimum uno tenore perlegere, omniaque illo contenta confiderare &: expendere pofilm. Maxime mihi opi^ortuiiUm videbarur tempus hoc hibernum, quo ab excrcitiis academicis feriari folemus ; fed & illud frigore fuo acutiflimo non leviter impetum Icribendi remoratum eft. I.egi totum traftatum a capite ad calcem j nee unica kctione contentus, cum relegi. Interim hue pcr- iatus eft a6lorum Lipfienfium mcnfis Oclober, quo com- pendium traclatus illius, pro do6lorum illorum more, nobis exhibetur. Primo aiunt autoris illius Pockii nomen cftc dici (credo eos incerto rumori temere tidem adhibuifle, &; in nomine una aberrafte litera) tum compcndio quod confecere, omnia, quibus aliquam autori invidiam confiari polTe putant, fedulo enumerant, ut fyftemacum rhcologi- coium conteniptum ulcifci velle videantur. Kxtollunt magnilice Joannem Edvardum, quod prxclarc hac^enus in Anglia contra Socinianam hasrefin variis Icripris militavcrir, librumque ediderir mcditationum quarundam de caufis & occafione atheifmi, hodierni prnsfertim feculi i in quo paffim nutoris huj'is anonymi fententias, ut perirulolas ^ a foLinianifmo ac atheifmo non alienas, perftrinxit. Subjungunt hilce compendium duorum fcriptoium, quo- rum and fever a! of his Friends. jj rtim alteriim brevis pro tradatu illo eft apologia : alteruin Joannis Edvardi, titulo, " Socinianlim unmaflved." Tu illos traflatus reclius me nofti. Videntur dolere, quod medi(?.tiones Edvardi ipfis ad manum non fuerint; alias & illaruin compendium habuifTemus. Syftema tb.eologiae me rcripfifTe nofti: non tamen eo in pretio apud ir.e fyf- temata Hint, ut non hunc exiguum traflatum muliis fyfte- matibus pri£feram ; imo plus veriE dieologi^ ex illo, quam ex operofis miuitorum fyftematibus haufifle me in- genue profiteor. Sed vero theologiam :utor ille tradit nimis facilem, nimis laxam, quse lalutem anguilis huma- norum decretorum vinculis alligatam minii:^e cupit; nee orthodoxiam ex fedarum contelTionibus, fcr! folo veibo divino arcelTit. Hoc crimen eft, quod focinianifmi & acheifmi infami convitio a do6toribus lyftematicis traduci meretur: non aliter ac fi, qui hiimana placita religiofe adorare recufant, eo ipfo omnem rcligionem ejurare cen- fendi eftent. Ego autoris in hoc traclatu fcopum fummo- pere jaudo ; fcopum fiuim feliciter adecucum efle, foli- deque ipfiim, quod intendit, probafle judico. Imprimis placent mihi duo: methodus accurata hiftorias evangelicse, quam cap. ix. tradit, & per quam varia loca in evangeliis, in rpeciem obfcura, feliciter adm.odum interpretatur : & perfpicua ilia dedudlio argumentorum, quibus oftendit, cur D. Jefus Chriftus, in tcrris dcgf^ns, noil exprellis verbis docuerit fe efle Mefllam. Hsc autori Huic pecu- liaria funt, ipfiufque judicium ingeniique perfplcaciam clare demonftrant. In iis autem plurima funt, quibus pra^cipium libri fui argumentum, quod eft, fidem, quod Jefus fit Chriftus, cam efte, per quam juftificamur, lucu- lenter confirmat. Habes hie judicium meum de traclatu hoc, quern & tertio relegere ftatui. Petis autem ut, fi qua^dam in illius ledtione obfervarem, tibi fcriberem. Ego in tra6tatu adeo eximio vix quicquam, quod tibi proponi meretur, obfervavi : ira fibi penitus me habec aflentientem, ut exigua fint, quas obfervaverim, qu.-Eque principali ipfius fcopo nihil officiunr, & quiis forfitan a me non plene intclle6la funt. Quia vero judicium mcum requiris, ego hicc, qualiacunque, tibi expendcnda pro- pono; non quia alicujus pretii funt, fed ut morem geram tu2e voluntaii. Statim in initio autor dici:, fuper lapfu E 3 Ad a mi :'^ ramiUdr Letters heliveen Pifr, Loch, Adanu fundatam effe do6lrinam de rcdemptione. Eqiii- dcm certum eft, lapfum Adami a docftrina de rcdemp- tione non excludi ; atramen & propria cujufque noftriira peccata ab ea fccludcnda non kint. Pluriniorunn do6loruiri fententia eft, Donninum Jefum nos liberafTe c miferia, in quam per Adami peccatuni incidinius, &: in eundem felicitatis (latum, quern in Adamo amiffimus, reftituifle. Ego puto illos exilicer nimium de immenfo Chrifti bene- licio fentire, ipfumque ex multis peccatis, ut Apoftolus, Rom. v^ loquitur, nos liberaire, & ad (latum multo feli- ciorem, vitam nempe asternam in coelis perduxifTe. Huic addo : quod ibidem dicatur, Adamum per peccatum amifiire immortalitem, & fadlum efle mortalem. Si immortalicas autori iiuic iignificet, quod Adamus fi non peccailet, moriturus non fuiflet, & mortalitas, quod per peccatum nece(ritarem moriendi contraxerit; veri(rimam. ejus fententiam judico. Si vero immortalitas, ut vox ilia propri:c^ Ibnat, illi fignificet moriendi impofTibilitatem, non re6te dici puto Adamum fuide creatum im- mortalcm. Ego fententiam meam plenius cxplicui in tlieologia mea Chridiana, lib. ii. cap. 14. Verum hxc immortalitas, hoc eft, immunitas a morte, alterius plane eft generis quam immortalitas Dei ; ficut be mortalitas^ feu moriendi potentia, mukum differt a morte, feu mori- endi necefTitate. Quare etiam minus commode mihi didlum videtur, p. ajo, quod Adami immortalitas fit imago Dei, ad quam conditus eft: & licet concederetur, alibi immortalitatem vocari imaginem Deij non tamen exindc fequeretur, quando Adamus ad imaginem Dei conditus dicicur, illam imaginem efle immortalitatem j non enim necelTe eft, omnia quas alibi fcriptura imagine Dti defignat, ea comprehenfa eife, quando liominem ad imaginem Dei conditrm dicit: fufihcit exiniiam quandam in homine efte qualitatcm, refpeclu cujqs imaginem Dei referre dici pofHt. Liter alia loca video, p. 232, citari ad Ivom. cap. viii. 29, ubi dicimur a Deo prnzcogniti & pritdeliiniti " ut fimus conformes ima jini filii ejus, ut " ipie fit primogenitus inter miiltos fr.irres." Putac auL(>r ilia imagine, cui conformcg clfe debemu>, defignari imm'Ttaiitatem & \ iiam ii:ternam. Ego aurem non tarn ^.li af.cni.a"n, qu»uii mauU::!i ad vicam cetcrnam perve- nicndi> nndjeverai of his Friends, ^^ niendi, quo ficicles Chrifti fimiles eflfe debent, hic figni- ficari credo, nimii um per crucem & afflldiones : quam imagincm Dominus difcipulis indicat, Luc. xxiv. 26. *' nonne oportuit Chriftum ifla pad atque intrare in glo- " riam fuam?" Hanc explicationem totius capitis feries cvincit: jam enim, v. 17, dixcrat " hasredcs fumus Dei, ** coh^redes auteiii Chrifti, fiquidcm cum ipfo patimur, " ut una cum ipfo glorificemur/* Eaque occafione mul- tus eft, ut fideles hortetur ad crucem & affli6tiones evari- gelii caufa fuftinendas, inter alia, argumento a voluntate divina petito, quod per crucem nos ad falutem velic perducere: & ne id ipfis abfonum videatur, Deum, quos diligir, tot dura in hoc mundo immittere, exemplum illis Chrifti proponit, cujus imagini ut fint conformes. Deus eos prsedeftinavit, & confequenter ad crucem ferendam vocavit : & in fequentibus porro oftendit, illas affli6liones non pofle ipfos feparare ab amore Dei, quo ipfos in Chrifto compledlitur.Hinc & Icripturapaftim aliis inculcat,nos glorias Chrifti fore confortes, fi &: cum ipfo crucem fuftinuerimus, 2 Tim. ii. ii, 12. & prcefertim, Heb. ii. 10. '*' Decebac " ut ipfe, propter quern funt omnia, & per quem funt *' omnia, multos filios in gloriam adducendo, principem " falutis ipforum per affliSiones confecraret." Et hoc potifTimum argumento fideles ad conftantem perfecutionum tolerantiam hortatur, i Pet. iv. 12, 13. Heb. xii. i, 2, 3. Hanc credo efle imaginem Chrifti, cui ut conformes fimus Deum nos prnsdeftinafle ait apoftolus, Rom. viii. 29. confentanc-c iis quae leguntur Adl. xiv. 22. 2 Tim. iii. 12. Pag. 246, ait autor fibi non occurrere, quod D. Jefijs ipfe fibi tribuat titulum facerdotis, aut mentionem fliciat ullius rei, quae ad facerdotium rcfertur. Munus Chrifti facerdotale in apoftolorum epiftolis, &: praecipue in epiftola ad Hebr^os nobis plenius efle defcriptum, manifeftum eft; nee negari poteft D. Jefum nufquam in evangeliis fibi facerdotis titulum tribuere. Attamen negandum non vi- detur, quod fibialicubi acftionemfacerdotalem tribuat idiferte enim ait, fe " animam fuam xvr^ou di^rl 7ro?J.uJu daturum," Matth.xx. 28. Sanguinem fuum vocat fang uLT.em no vi'* fo?- "deris,quipromultiseftunditur,inremifIloncmpeccatorum." Matth. xxvi. 28. Negare non pofTumus hunc efle acflum, qui ad facerdotium refpe^lum Iiabct. Quare fortafle pr^flitifTet id pra^teriifte, neque hominibus calumniandi ' E 4 occa- j;6 Familiar Letters hetzoeen Mr. Lccke, occafionem quasicntibiis qu'cquam fuppcditilfre, quod cun ipecie aliqua carpere poiTc videaiiir. Privtcr hvcc, m tradatii hoc, qua:da:ii mihi occurrere videntur, c^ux. vix inter fe conciliari poflunt, nifi forte aiuor mentein fiiain plenius explicet. Pag. 13, air, Dun Adam pulfus fit e paradifo tereltri, omnilque ejus pofteritas ea propter nafcatur extra hunc deliciariim locum ; inde naturaliter iequi debet, omnes homines morituros, & in n^ternum fub potentia mortis manfuros, atque ita pcniius fore per- ditos : ex eo ftatu autem omnes per Chriftum libeiatos docet, &: qiiidem per legem fidei, quam poftea fufe of- tendit cvangclio contineri. llxc meo judicio vere di- cuntur: verum non latis capio, quomodo cum his bene concilientur, qune leguntur, pag. 250 & 266, quod qui jufti funt non indigent gratia, fed jus habent ad arborem vitas. Illi enim quatenus Adami pofleri, etiam fub po- tentia mortis sternum manere debent: quomodo ergo per fuam juilitiam jus polTunt acquirere ad arborem vitre, ita ut nulla gratia indigeant ? cum antea docuerat, om- nes ex ilio ftatu neceflarice mortis liberatos, &: quidem per legem fidei : unde fequi videtur, liberationem illam non polTe fieri, nifl per legem fidei. Ergo non per perfecflam legis operum obedientiam : nam c miferia liberare gratis cil, quam lex operum excludit. Tum nee cum princi- pio illo commode latis conciliare poiTum, quod autor di- cit, qua ratione illi, qui de Chrifto nihil quicquam inau- divcrunt, falvari poffint. Si enim per Adamum necef- fariai ac aiternoc morti funt obnoxii, c qua per folam le- gem fidei beneficio Chrilli liberentur, non videtur illis lliHicere pofle, quod lumine natura: aliquas fidei illius, quod Deus fit mifcricors, fcintillas habeant; fed per illam fidei legem, quan Dlus lalutis obtinendjc conditionein ftatuit, fervari debcre videntur. Video dodores fyllema- ticos hie n.ultum ofl-endi : atque ideo neque acquicfccre illis quinque frii6tibus, quos D. Jcfum adventu fuo in nnind m hominibus conrulilTe docet aucor. Ego in doc- torum fyltematicoiUTi gratiam nihil in veritatis prxjuJi- ciuin docendum judico i & fi quid illi prater rationem carpant, indignationem corum Ipernendam cenfeo : fed confider.ihdum, an non mnjus quid dici j^offit «S: oporteat, quod ipfis iicec noa fatlbtaciat, minus tamen forian offcii- I dec. md fever al of his Friends. t^'J det, &: meo judicio plenius rei vcritatem exhiber. Video frudus quidem indicari prophctici ac regii muneris Chrifti, nullos vero facerdoralis. Quid fi ergo hie addatur mu- neris facerdotalis frudus ; quod mundus Deo fit reconci- iiatus, adeo ut nunc per Chriftum omnibus omnino ho- minibus remedium paratum fit e mileria fua in quani occafionc peccati Adami, propriifque peccatis inciderunr, cmergendi & falutem lEternam conlequendi ? Hoc pofito, puto explicari pofle, qua ratione, falvis principiis ante po- fitis, ii, qui de Chrifto niliil ne fando quidem audiverunr, per Chriftum falvari pofiint. Nempe quod Deus illis qui (ut autor hie air, pag. 292) inftinctu luaiinis naturae ad gratiam & mifericordiam ejus confugiunr, delidorum- que refipifcentiam agunt, eorumque veniam fupplices petunt, gratiam per Chriftum impetratam applicct, ip- fifqiie propter Chriftum remifTionem peccatorum & juf- titiam imputet. Atque ita beneficium, quod ubi Chritlus prasdicatus eft, non nifi per direclam in Chriftum fidem> obtineri poteft, illi fine direda in Chriftum, ipns non pr^dicatum, fide confequantur per gratiofam imputationem divinam \ qui favores & beneficia fija latius extendere poteft, quam promiftbrum verba ferunt. Ut ita omnium Talus in facrificio Chrifti propitiatorio fundetur. Puto haec non multum a fententia hujus autoris differre, & iis, quas evangelio continentur, confentanea eflTe. Ultimum caput per omnia ampledtor: omnia credenda & obfer- vanda ut falutem confequamur evangeliis & a6lis con- tineri, credo; nullumque novum articulum in epiftolis apoftolicis fuperaddi: qua^ alii novos fidei articulos urgent, non novi articuli funt, fed aut magis dilucid^ articulorum jam antea traditorum explanationes ; aut do6lrinaE antea traditas ab objedionibus prascipue Judasorum vindicationes, cujus illuftre nobis documentum prasbet epiftola ad Ro- inanos. H^c funt paucula ilia, quas mihi inter legendum occurrerunt, qujeque tibi cxpendenda propono. FortaflTci autoris mentem per omnia non plene aftecutus fum. Verum exigua haec funt, & extra principalem autoris fcopum, quem argumentis omni exceptione majoribus eum probafte judico, adeo ut me fibi habeat peniius afll^ntientem. Imprimis laudo, quod tam candide & in- genue, nee minus folide, demonftret recipif:entiru & bonorum J S Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke ^ bonoriim operum neccfiitatem, & per legem fidei non penitus cfle abolitam legem operum, fed mitigatam. Ego illorum hominum theologlam non capio, qui hdem, quo nobis meiita Chiilli applicamus, eciam ante ullum refipifcentia^ a6lum, nos coram Deo juRiticare docent. Hac enim perfuafione imbuti, facile, mediii in fcekribus, homines incauti fibi juftitiam & lalutem adfcribunt, modo in ie fiduciam minime vacilhntem deprehendant. Et do6tores improvidi hanc temerariam confidentiam alunt, dum hominibus impiis & fceleratis, modo circa vitae finem fiduciam in ChriiVi meritis firmam proiiteantur, falutem fine ulla hncfitatione addicere non verentur. Hujus generis exemplum in noftra civitate recens, quod oblivione ob- literari non deber, commemorabo. Practerita sedate ancilla qunedam, ut heri fiii aedes fpoliare poflet, no6i:u eas incendit. Mortis damnata fidem fuam in Chrifti meritis verbis emphaticis, coram miniftro verbi divini, qui moriturse adfuit, prolixe profefla eft: lUe fceleratie non tantum indubiam falu:is fpem fecit, fed & poftridie pro concione illius fidem prolixe populo commendavit, adeo quidem, ut dicere non veritus lit, fe, fola ignominia excepta, talem fibi vitse exitum optare i multis applauden- tibus, ahis vero (non Remonftrantibus modo, fed & contra-Remonftrantibus) non fine indignatione talem En- comiaften cum fuo encomio reprehendentibus. Verum tandem manum de tabula. Tu pro folita tua benevo- lentia prolixitati mCct ignofces. Vale, vir amplinime, mihique fempcr venerande. Amftelod. a6 Martii, Tui amantifllmus, 1697. r. a LiMBORCH. rbiIif>j>o a Lhik'7'ilj Joannes Locke ^ s. r. d, Vir ampliQlme, INl'ER'negotia publica 8c privatam valetudincm tarn paruni m\\\\ conceditur otii literarii, ut fperem diuturnum nitum filontium, ncni ex imminuca omnino in te voluntate aut and fever al of his Friends, 59 aut amicitia orturn, tibi, qua^ tua eft in amlcos lenitas, excufatum fore. An tu mihi egove tibi novifnme literas dederim, qu^rere nolo. Satis egomct mihi ciilpandus videor, quod tani diu careo fiu6lu fuaviniiTiai rua: con- fuetudinis, & magnus mihi dolendufque in curriculo vitai meJE hiatus apparet, qui deftitutus licerarum inter nos commercio, vacuus ea voluptate fuit, qua^ maxima cum fit, ex benevolentia folum mutuifque amicorum fermonibus percipitur. Prseteritam hyemem cura infirm^e fanitaris rure totam abfumpfit. Nifi quod negotia nonnulla impor- tuna fubinde irrepentia totum, id, quicquid erat temporis, quod amicis deftinaveram invito abriperent. Adeo uc non in tuo folum, fed & multorum mihi amiciflimorum asre alieno fun, nee quomodo me redimam fcio, fi taci- turnitas mea nomine negligentiie fufpeda^ fit. ^ Tu, fcio, humanior es quam ut eo me condemnari velis crimine. Quanquam enim tardior aliquando mihi in refpondendo calamus, animus tamen nunquam deficit, & fi quando hac utor libertate, erga eos folum utor, quibufcum non folummodo vitam civilem, fed intimam folidamque ami- citiam mihi colendam propono, quibus multum me fcio debere, & quibus infuper cupio me plurimum debere^ Ego nuper Londinum profeclus poft odidui incommo- dam & anhelofam moram pra^propero reditu hue me recipere coadus fum. Hsec pulmonum imbecillitas me brevi fpero reftituet priftino otio. Valetudinario feni quid reftat prreter vota pro patria ? Naturae & imbecillitati cedendum ell. Hoc mihi fi concedatur, libri & liters, amicorumque interrupta vel iiijpcdira commiCrcia, optima Ilia fenedlutis oblectamenta, redibunt. Quid enim in republica Hteraria agatur, civili implicato vix fcire vacat. Apud nos fine difcepcationibus & rixis maximam partem impcnclitur fcripturientium au-'imentum. Si difpurantiuin \tvYOY folo veiitatis amore accenderetur, laudanda effct 'liiigantliim induruia & contentio; fed non ita fempci ■tra6iantur argumenta, uc ea ad veiitatem ftabiliendam elucidandamve qi refita, credere poffis. In mea de Intel- ledu Humano diffj.tanone jam tandem aliquid rcperruni eft non ita fanum, idque a viris hand infimi fubfellii rcpi e- henfuin. Si quid ego eorum argumentis edo6tus repre- henfionc dignum reperircm, gratu> agnofcerem, 8: haud invicus 6o Famhiar Letters betzveen Mr. Locke, invitus corrigcrem. Kl cum non fit, rationem nuhl red- dendam ceiiieo, cur non mutavcrim iententiam, cum nii.il reperiam in ea a veritate aiieniiin. Hnsc mea defenfio aliqnam partenn prasterirae hyemis, prout tulit valetudo, occuparani habuit. Scd quid ego te moror noilris nugis ? Quia tu iliic, vofque alii iludii. utilioribus intent! ngatis, aveo fcire. Na^ ego iniquus ofiiciorum cxa6tor, fi a te feftinatas poftulem liceras in fcribendo ipie tantus cefiator. Verum tu icio id facies ne nimis ferio mihi irafci videaris. Vale, vir optime, &:, ut facis, me ama, Oates, 4 Mar. Tui fludiofifTimum, 1696-7. J. Locke. Joanni Locke Philippus a Linihorch^ s. p. d, Vir ampliflime, MENSE Martio fcripfi tibi epiflolam fatis prolixann. Hac aeftate cum viris aliquot primariis fermonem de va- riis habui : inter alia incidit lermo de traftatu, de quo, in fuperioribus meis, judicium meum fcripfi. Omnes eum lummopere laudabant. Unus vero titulum fibi non fatis placere affirmabat; tanquam nimis exilem pro dig- nitate materict, qui^ toto libro tra6tatur. Autoris hujus longe diverfum aiebat fuifie inllitutum a plerorumique fcriptorum confuctudine, qui exigui prctii libris titulos magnificos prrtfigere folent : hunc autem libro magni- fico exilem prjefixifie titulum. Oportuiflx^ titulum aliqua- tenus refpondilTe dignitati operis, ut &: ilk pofiet lecto- res alliccre. Alius vir (idem qui tibi antehac Sladum noftrum commendatum efiTe voluit, quod tibi foli dictum velim) fe bis tra<^atum ilium pcrlegifie aiebat: laudabac ilium fummopere, autoremque fidei chrifliana: objeiftum, quod priccipuum totius libri argu nentum ell, folididima probafie affirmabat; unum defiderabat; nim. quod autor jam Ilatim ab initio vulgarcm de pcccato oiiginis fenten- tiam and fever al of his Friends. 6l 4iam rejecerit ac refutaverit, potuifTe autorem, inta6la ilia fenientia, nihilominus prascipuum tradatus fui argu- mencum addruere : nuiic n:ultos, quorum mentibus alte ientenna ilia incedic, leclo libri initio, antequam ad prin- ,cipalc tius argumentum accedant, ofrL-ndi, acque ira pra:- judiciuuj contra autorem concipere, ut lequeniia nun ta animi fcrenitate quse rtquiritur, legant, ficque alieniores reddi : cum poriui iplbium benevolentia captanda fuifiet, x\t judicio inregro expcndant lententiam, vcrani quidem, fed communi theologorgm. appetitui minus confentaneam ; qui omnes fcrme fidei chriftianae aliquid de fuo admix- tum cupiunti quafi ea luo cociui peculiaris fit, & alii ab ilia excluuantur. Qui error ut iploium animis eruatur, ^lliciendi potius funt, quam aliertionc alicujus dogmatis fibi minus probati alienandi. Candida tibi fcribo quid viri hi defideraverint. Hac occarione, ut fieri foler, ler- mo ad alia deflcxit, & quidem quibus argum.entis foli- ditTime unitas Dei probe air. Idem ille vir primarius affirmabar, fe argumenta quasdam irrefragabilia requirere, quibus probetur ens aeternum, leu per fe exillens, feu undiquaque perfe6lum,. effe tantum unum. Defiderabat qu2edam in argumentis Hugonis Grotii, lib»o primo de Veritate Reiigionis Chriftianae. Addebat, audiviffe le tradatum tuum de Intelledu Humane in linguam Gal- licam verti; multum fe tribuere judicio tuo, ac fummo- pere verfionem illam defiderare. Quaefivic ex me, num in illo traftatu etiam unitatem entis a fe exiftentis ad- ftruxilTes ? Ego me ignorare refpondi, qui tradatum, ut- pote lingua mihi ignota confcriptum, nunquam legerim. Voiuit itaque tibi ferio per vr.t ccmmendari, ut fi in trac- tatu quo qnasftionem hanc intadiam reliqueris, illius ad- ftrudione tra6latum augeie velis, unitatemque entis in- dependentis folide adftruere. Manifeilum yidctur ens independens, quod omnem in fe compleditur perfedio- nem, unicum tantum elTe : ille tamen hoc ita probari cupiebat, ut argumentum nulla parte laboraret. Ante triduum aureni mihi vellicari juQlt, & a me qua^ri, an jam ad te fcripfi(fem, & aliquod a te refponlum accepif- fem. Non credidcram ipfum id tarn enixe voluilfcj fed quia video rem hanc ipfi cordi eflfe, fcriptionem meam ulccTius differendam minime ftatui. Rogo, fi id negoria tua d Familiar Letters between Mr, Locke, tua permittant, ut mihi rerponfum fcribas, quod ipfi pr^- legere polTim, ita tamen temperata tua Icriptionc, uc mi- nime fubolere ipfi pofljt, me tibi ipfum aliquatcnus indi- caire ; pofics ita refpondere, quafi ego tibi IcripferiiT!, vi- res quofdam erudites de hac materia diflerentes, ex ipfis nliquem, qui te magiii aeftimat, de ea tuum voluifle au- dire judicium, & ut quaeftionem hanc in tuo de Intel- ledtu Humane tra(5latu expenderes defiderade. Vides quam aperte tecum agam, & quid ab amicitia tua expec- tare aufim. Hagam Comitis nupcr excurri i falutavi ho- noratiflunuin Comitem Pembrokienremj &; per integram horam varies cum ipfo, etiam de rebus theologicis, ler- mones habui. Viium in tarn excelfa dignitate conftitu- tum tanL\]m in rebus facris Ihidium peibifle iummopere miror. Ita fermonibus ejus afficiebar, ut vix per femihe- ram ipfi adfuific mihi viliis fim, cum tamen ab eo di- greflus integram horam efle elaplam deprehenderim. E- go viro illi excellentifTime longa^vam vitam precor, ut regni Anglicani negotia ipfius aulpiciis feliciter admini- flrentur: tibi vero valetudinem profperam, ut cogitata tua orbi erudite communicate polTis. Vale, amplilFime vir, & falveat plurimum Domina Mafliam. Salutant te uxor mea & filia. Amflclod. 8 06l» Jui amantilTimus, 1697. P. a LiMBORCH. Lettre de Mr, Locke a Mr, Limhorch, Monfieur, * SI mon nom eft venu a la connoirTancc de ces habilcs gens avec qui veus entretenez quelqucfois, & s'ils daignent parler dc mcs ccrits dans les convcrfations que vous avez avec eux, c'eft une faveur dont je vous fuis entierement redevable. La bonne opinion que vous avez d'une per- fonne que vcus voulez bien l.onorer dc voLrc amitie les a prc^ and fever al of his Friends. 6j preveniie en ma faveur. Je fouhaiterois que mon ElTai concernant TEntendement fut ecrit dans une langue que ces excellcns hommes piiffent entendre, car par le juge- ment exadt & fincere qu'ils porteroicnt de mon ouvrage, je pourrois compter ..furement fur ce qu'il y a de vrai ou de faux, & fur qu'il peut y avoir de tolerable. II y a fept ans que ce livre a etc public. La premiere & la feconde edition ont eu le bonheur d'etre gencralement bien revues : mais la dernier n'a pas eu le meme advan- tage. Apres un filence de cinq ou fix annees on com- mence d'y decouvrir je ne fc^ai quelles fautes dont on ne s'etoic point apper^u auparavant; & ce qu'il y a de fin- gulier, on pretend trouver matiere a des controverfes de religion dans cet ouvrage, ou je n'ai eu deflein de traiter que des queftions de pure fpeculation philofophique. J'a- vois refolu de faire quelques additions, dont j'ai deja com- pofe quelqucs-unes qui font alTez amples, & qui auroient pu paroitre en leur place dans la quatricme edition que le libraire fe difpofe a faire. Et j'aurois volontiers fatisfaic a votre defir, ou au defir d'aucun de vos amis en y infe- rant les preuves de I'unite de Dieu qui fe prefentent a mon efprit. Car je fuis enclin a croire que I'unite de Dieu peut etre auffi evidemment demontree que fon ex- iftence ; & qu'elle peut etre etablie fur des preuves qui ne laifleront aucun fujet d*en doutcr. Mais j'aime la paix, & il y a des gens dansle monde qui aiment fi fort les cri- ailleries & les vaines conteftations, que je doute fi je dois leur fournir de nouveaux fujets de difpute. Les remarques que vous me dites que dTiabiles gens on fait fur le " Reafonablenefs of Chriftianity, &c." font fans doute fort juftes, & il eft vrai que plufieurs ledeurs ont cte choquez de certaines penfees qu'on voit au com- mencement de ce livre, lefquelles ne s'accordent pas tout- a-fait avec des do6lrines communement rec^ues. Mais fur cela je fuis oblige de renvoyer ces melTieurs aux deux defenfes que I'auteur a fait de fon ouvrage. Car nyant jjublic ce petit livre, comme il le dit lui-mcme, princi- palement afin de convaincre ceux qui doutcnt de la reli- gion chretienne, il femble qu'il a cte conduit a traiter ces matieres malgre lui; car pour rendre fon livre uril'* 1 aux 64 Familiar Letters betzveen Mr. Lock:, aux dcillcs, il ne pouvoit point fc taire entiercment lur ces articles, auxqucls ils s'alicurtent dcs qu'ils veulent en- trer dans Texamcn de la religion chrctienne. Je fuis, Londres, 29 061. Monfieur, 1097. Votre t;cs-humble & tres-obciirant ferviteur, J. Locke. Vir amplidime, Ne mireris quod lingua Gallica refponfum a nne fit acceptiffimis tuis Latinis 8. hujus menfis mihi fcrip- tis, liceac mihi me tibi excufare & negotiorum multttu- dine, quae otium negat, & linguas Latinas dilTuetu Jme, quas expedite fcribere prohibet. Hanc meam epiltolam aliis vel praelegendam vel monftrandam ex tuis colligo : virorum prnscellentium cenfuras (lyli negligentia mt obji- cere minime decorum judicavi. Q^icquid enim tua vel humanicas vel amicitia in me excuiare folet, aliis vtl n;.ureani vel certe non condonandam moleftiam creare poteft. Scripfi igitur quod dicendum habui lin- gua vernacula feftinatim, Galloque in lliam linguam ver- tendam tradidi. Ex quo exorta eft inter epilcopum Wigornienfem (qui me qu^efita caufa aggrefllis eft) & me dif^uratio: gens theologorum togata in libium meum mire excitatur, laudataque hadenus dilTertatio ilia tota jam fcatet erroribus (vel laltem continet latcntia errorum vel Icepfeos fundamenra) pia do6loium virorum cura nunc demum detegendis. Ad unitatem Dei quod attinet, Gro- tii, fateor, in loco a te citato argumenta non abunde la- tisf^iciunr. Putaihe tamen quempiam, qui Deum agnuf- cit, poiTe dubitarc numen iiiud efic unicum? I'go fane runquam dubitavi ; etiamfi, fateor, mihi ex hac occafi- lione cogitandi videtur altius aliquanto elevandam effe ir.cntem, &; a communi philofophandi ratioiie fegre- gandam, fi quis id philofophice, vel, fi ita dicam, phy- fice prob^re velit; fed hoc tibi foli dictum fir. Uxorc.n tuam dikclilTupam liberolque offxiofiilinie Uluto. and jez'eral of his F) lends, 6 5 Joannl Locke PbiUpfus a Limhcrch^ s. p. d. Vir amplifllme, GRATISSIMAS tuas 29 Odobris fcrlptas redlc ac- cepi, viroque magnifico, cujus potiJimurn rogatu ad re fcripfi, prr^legi. Res ipfa, de qua qussritur, a nemine lano in dubium vocari polTe videtur ; ipfa enlm dcitatis notio unirarem involvit, nee permittit, ut ilia pluribus communis credi poflir. Quarc, me judic.-, nemiO, qui attente Tecum confiderat, quid voce Dei intelligamus, pluritatem Deorum afierere pored. Quia tamen earn ab ethnicis afleri videmus, 6c contra eos fcriprurx autori- tate pugnari non potefr, rationibus e natura petitis con- vincendi funt. Quare ejufmodi requirir argumenta vir magniPicus, quibus folide demondretiir ens independens & perfeclum unicum tantum eflTe pofTe. Ex foiide ad- llru6ta effenticE divinje unitate porro facili negotio omnia atcribura divina, nollrumque tam erga Deum, quam proximum officium deduci pofTe certifiim.us eft. Car- tefuim dicit unitatem illam non probade, fed prsfuppo- fuifTe. Ipie fibi demonftrationem icripiit:, led earn aitbac ilibtiliorem t^f^, Et quia^multum tuo tribuit judicio, tua argumenta avidifTime videre defiderat. Praslegi illi epif- tolam tuam : gaudebiu, quod in ea affirmes te id prxftaii pcfTe : tanto enixius jam argumcma tua defiderat. Dole- bat tibi litem temere moram : quoniam aurem, ne for- tafie novis litibus & fufpicionibu-; prseter tuam intentio- nem vel minimam pracbeas anfam^, publico fcripto argu- menta tiia proferre gravaris, rogat ut ea prlvatim ad me fcribas, fub promiiTo filentii: ili : hxc cvulgare minime intendir, fed ad propriam fuam iiiinuflionemj & in vc- ritate confirmationem requirit. Duobus pia^rer ilium vi- ris, intima mihi amicitia conjunftis, qui priori noitrai converfationi interfucrum, D. de Hartoge Fifci Hollan- dici advocato, & D. advocate Van den Ende, & pra^rer i'llos, nulli omnino mortalium. ea communicabuntur, ni(i fortafTe & D. Clerico ea pra^legi permittas, quod tui ar- birrii eft, ipfo enim ignaro hrec omnia ad te fcribo. Rem ladujus es ^ viro magnifico maximopeic gratam ; & Vol. IX. E quod 66 Familhir Letters betvjcen Mr. Lcckey quod hidis folummodo amicis, tc quidcm paucis adeo, cuncreditur, tu;iirqiie nullum a me cuiqu;:m apographum dabirur, id difpakjcere non pored. Quinimo, un tanto honeftius apographum denegare queam, fuafcrim ut id in epillola tua ci^.ixe a me llipuleris. Nolim ego te gcnti rog.iia;, tanquam fcepleos iundamenta jacientcm, magis iulpedum fieri: plerofque illorum alier.o judicio, tan- quam nervis alienis mobile lignum, pinecipites in lau- dem ac vituperium immerentium rapi certus Turn. Cum tuas legerem, lepida mihi incidic Thomae Mori in fua Utopia fiibelia. Rcfert is, cum Raphael Ilythlodnrus, coram Cardinale Archiepifcopo Cantuarienfi dodilTime de republica dillcruifiet, Irgis quendam peritum commota capice, 6c labiis diflorcis quicquid dixerac improbiifTe > ac ilatim omnes, qui aderant, pedi'cus in jurifperiti illius ivifie ieneentiam. Cum vero Cardinalis Hythlodjei fen- tentiam probabar, mox qucc ipfo narrante contempferant omnesj eadcpxi neaiinem non cerratim laudibus effe pro- fecutum. Simile quid tra£tatui tuo evenit, qui antea intcgro fcxennio com muni applaufo acceprus fuit, nunc infurgente contra te magni nominis epifcopo totus errori- biis fcatet, &: latentia continec fcepfeos fundamenta. Ita folet theologoium vulgus non ex fuo fed alieno fapere cerebio. Verum talium judicio epiilcla tua nequam ex- ponetur. Quod vero lingun:? L.atinas difiuctudinem prce- texis, quas expedite fcribere prohibet, plane mc in ru- borem dedit. Quale itaque tuum de me judicium t{\c ccnfebo, cujus Ityius cum tuo comparatus plane fordet ? }\pifi:oiai tuai omnes, etiam veloci calami fe>iptre, fun^: Jion tantum pur^e ^ terfa?, fed & vividre ac elegantes : ciu.-E fi tibi difpliccant, quid de meis judices non dilficilc iiiihi c(l colligcre. Nihiloininus amicitia lu.i frctu?, con- fidenter quicquid in calamum venit tibi fcribo, bcnig- niratis tuir, qu."e dcfc6lus meos boni confulcre novit, pla- ne fccurus: in podeium vero, fi ea cxcufatione uti pcr- E;as, timidiorem nie in fcribendo flicies. Excufationen: itaque l^anc minime admitti poHe facile vides. Si vero negotia tua tardius nobis concedanc refponfum, nolim nimia fcftinatione graviura neglig.:s, ki\ tcir.pus ad fcii- bendum cligas niinus occupatum. Quicquid &: quan- ^locunque fcripfciij, gratifiim>um ciic: interim fi cito md fever al of his Friends. C^-j d^s, his te dedifie gratus agnofcam. Dedit mihl hebdo- made proxime elapfa D. Cleiicus tuum, de Educatione liberorum, rra(5latnm, in llnguam Biflgicam verfum ; pro quo dono magnifico lummas libi ago gratias. Uxor & filia eum atcente Icgunt : ego, ubi illse iaiiat^ fiierint, integrum quod & ipfis commendo, a capite ad calcem perlegann. Salutari te quam oflicioiifrime juITit vir mag- nificus. Vale, vir ampliliime. Tui amantiflimus, P. a LiMBORCH* Joanni Locke Pbilifpus a Limb or ch^ s. p. d. Vir ampiifTime, HAC occafione mitto tibi quredam ex Paulo Servita excerpta, quae Hiftori^E Inquifitionis infcri pofTunt. Ego autores, quos nunc evolvo, majore cum applicatioiie ad materiam inquifitionis lego, quam antehac, & n quid, quod ad majorem illius illuflrationem facere poiTir, oc- currat, illud excerpere foleo, & hiftoriam mcam locu- pletiorem reddere. Tu, fi velis, aliis a me antehac ad te milTis & hsec adjungere poreris. Qu:^ mini ante tii- ennium ex itinerario Du Mont fuppeditaili, ea quanto magis confidero, tanto magis hiftorias me^z inferenda ju- dico. Licet enim leges pontificii^ fecretum confeffionis revelari vetent, multa tamen in favorem fidei fiunt le- gibus prohibita ; quas fancivifTci videntur eum tantum in finem, ut fimpliciores iis irrctiti facilius caperentur. Ita- que non tantum inquifitionis leges, fed pia:icipue gefta aela illius, qii^e cum legibus lacpiiTime advcrla frontti pugnant, confideranda cenl'eo. Unum hoc expendi me- retur, quod Du Mont ait, confcfiarios Melitenfcs obli- gates efle inquifitoribus revelare quicquid ipfis in lecreta confefllone negotium fidei fpeililans contitentur homines, Secretas illas confellioncs inquifitoribus revelari nulius "dubito J legem de ea revclanda cxtarc credere vix pof- F 2 fiaii:) : 68 Familiar Letters lefxeen Mr. Locke y fum : fortafle confeflariis hoc viva voce marxiatiirj licet nulla hujufmodi Ifx extet. Qijibus acccdir, quod fit homo rcformatus^ &: peregiinuis de ma foibleffe, je n'ai j^is laille d'o- Vvir a fcs ordres. J'ecrls done fimplen'.ent parce que . v( us le Vv)u\'z Tun b: Tautre ; ^^je vcux bien, Monfieur, que vous fiffiiz voir s'll vous plait ma Ictrre a cette ex- cellent homme, & aux autres perfonnes, qui fc trou\Trenc dans votre confeirnce. Mais c'cll aux conditions fui- vantes : L.a pretuicre, que ccs Mellieurs me promjettront de in'apprcndre libremeiu ik finceremcnt kur junfees fui te qui je uis; la fccoade, que \cus ne donnerez aucune copie de and fever al of his Friends. Jl de ce que je voiis ecris a qui que ce foir, mais que vous me promectrez de jetter cec^.e letrre au feuquandje vous prkrai de la faire. A quoi je fcrols bien aife que vous euffiez la bonte d'ojouttr une troifienne condition, c'elT:, que ces MefTieurs me feront I'honneur de me communi- quer les raifons fur lefquelles iis etabliflent eux-m.emes Tunite de Dieu. La quedion dont vous me parlez, fe rcduit a ceci, qui inter alia dixit, minime fibi probari viri ir.agnifici argu- nientationem, qua contendit, fi fupponamus dari cogita-. tionem, per fe exiflentem, & pi^eterea extenfionem, leu materiamj quod neutra ullam aiterius poffit habere cpgni- tionem : extciifionem quidern (aicbat) nuikm habituram cognitionem cogitationis ; fieri autem non poiTe, quin cogitatio cognitionem fit habitura extenfionis : quia cum cogitatio per fe exidat, fibique Tit fufficiens, etiam eft infinita; ac proinde vi infiiiitas fus cogitationis neceflario cognolcit extenfionem exiftentem. Sed cum regererem, virum magniiicum improbare methodum, qua enti per fe exillenti fibique fuHicienti prohantur inefle alia attributa, antequam probatum fit illud q^c tantum uniciim ; ref- pondebat neceflario de tali ente debere affirmari ilhid efle infinitum, fed in fua natura ; cogitationem quidem efie infinita^ fcientia^; rnateriam infinite: extenfionis, fi qui- rlem per fe ex:iftat. Sed inde fequi coliigebam, etiam alia attributa poffe probari : probata enim infinitate etiam probari pofTe alia illi ineife, fine quibus in- iinitas concipi nequit. Quod non negavit. Atque ita niecum fentire videbLitur unitatem cjufmodi entis taKi methodo fruftra qu^eri, fed oporrere thefin fecundam t^c tertiam. Credidcrim ego virum magnificurn banc fibi inveftigandai veritati pra^fcripfifle meihcdum, & cum ipfe, qus fibi fatisfaciant, argumerua invenire nequeat, ea apud alios qua^rere. DifUcile mihi vi:letur probatu, ens necelli- tate naturae fuse exiftens ^^k tantum unvim, antequam ex ncccfiaria exiftentia, alia, qua? earn neceffario comitantur, attributa deduxeris. Si vir magnificus ca habeat, operce pretium foret ea erudicooibi communicare. Nuper profeflbr Vander Weeyen traclatulum quendam Rittangelice edidit, illique prolixam ac virulcntam contra 1). Clcricum prsefixit praefationem, qua cxulicationem initli evangelii Joannis a D. Clerico cditam, rcfutare conatur. Ego cc-quit^atem & judicium in ilio fcripro defidero. In fm^ etiam contra me infurgit, verum p;.uci:', quia inXheolo- -'^ ' . ' j" . &^ 8o Familiar Letters letween Mr, Lccke, gia mea Chrifliana fcripfi Burmanlim ple^aque, qus In fua Synopfi Theologian habet de omnipotentia divina, L\d'' cripfifTe ex Spinofe Cogltatis Metaphyficis, Ille non negat, fed contendit Biirmannum propterea non efTc Spinofiftam, quod ego nulquam fcripfi. Neuter noftriim tarn inepto fcriptori quicquam reponet. Dedi ante paucas hebdomacfas N. N. literas ad te perferendas ; vcrum ille adhuc Rotcro- dami commoratur : vir eft eruvaitus tz moi ibus probatis. Non tu ex eorunn es genere, qui viri, non per omnia tecunn in reli'^ionc fentientis, alloquium horreas. Ille quando adveneritj de (latu noflro plura dicere poteric. Hac hebdo- made D. Guenellonus me tuis verbis falutavit, quodque poftreniis meis Uteris nondum refponderis excufavit. GratiflTimas mihi Temper funt liters tuae, & quanto crebriores tanto gratiores ; fed non fum importunus adeo exador, ut cum mcliorum laborum difpendio eas a te flagitem. Scia refponfi tarditatem non oblivioni mei, fed negotiis, quibus obrueris, adfcribendam. Spem fecit Guenellonus non- nullam profedionis ture inftante hyeme in Galliam, &: leditus tui in Angliam per Fiollandiam noftram. Si id confirmandae vaktudini infervire queat, opto fummis votis, ut iter hoc per(icias, ut tui poft tarn diuturnam abfentiam videndi & ample6lendi, &: fortalTe ukimum valedicendi oc- cafio detur. Vale. Amftelod. 12 Sept, Tui amantiffimus, 1698. ?• a LiMBORCH. Philippo a Limhorch Joannes Locke^ s. r. d. Vir ampliffime, Lond. 4 Oclob. 169S. ROGO ut mngniF.cum virum meo nomine adeas, dicafque me magnoperc rogare ut fuam methodum, qua uniratcm enris per Ic exidcntis fibiquc lufficienrls addruir, inilfi indicare vclit : quandoquidcm mea ea de re argumen- tandi ratio ipfi non penitus fatisfaciat. Nollem ego in re tanti momenti, falfo vel fillaci innlxus fundamento, mjhimet imponerc. Si quid (labilius, fi quid rc(51ius novcrit, ut candidus impertiri vclit, cnixc rogito. Si te^ftum, fi taciturn velit. and f ever al of his Friends. S i velk, pro me meoque filcntio fpondeas. Sin tantum beneficium orbi non invideat, in proxima, qiia^jam inftat, libri mei editione palam faciann, agnito, fi libet, vel velato audlore. Cartefianorum, quam in epiftola tua reperio loquendi formulam, nuUatenus capio. Quid enim fibi velic coc^i- tatio infinita, plane me fugit. Nullo enim modo mihi in animum inducere pofTum cogitacionem per fe exiftere, {^^ rem, vel fubflantiam, cogitantem, eamque efle, de qua affirmari pofllt efle vel finitam vel infinitam. Qui aliter loqui amant, ncfcio quid obfcuri vel fraudulent! Tub cam dubi^ locutione continere mihi videntur, & omnia tenebris invol- vere : vel faltem quod fentiant clare & dilucide enuntiare non audere, faventes nimium hypothefi non undlque fanae. Sed de hoc forfan alias, quando majus fuppetet otium. Quod de profelTore Vander Weeyen fcribis non miror. Iftius farinse homines fic folent, nee aliter pofTunt \ redle facitis quod negligitis. Literas tuas, quse Roterodami hjerent, avide expedlo, &: virum ilium cui eas ad me perferendas tradidifti. Ex tua commendatione mihi erit gratiflimus. Viros probos fovendos colcndofque lemper exiftimavi. Ignofcant alii meis erroribus ; nemini propter opinionum diverfitatem bellum indico, ignarus ego & fallibilis homuncio. Evan- gelicus fum ego chriftianus, non papilla. Hucufque fcripieram die lupra notato, quo autem die epiflolam hanc finiri permiflum eft, infra videbis. Quod velim cum me chriftianum Evangciicum, vel fi mavis orthodoxum, non papiftam dico, paucis accipe. Inter chriftiani nominis profeilbres duas ego tantum agnofco clafles, evangelicos & papiftas. Hos, qui tanquam infalli- biles dominium fibi arrogant in aliorum confcientias : illos, qui quasrcntes unice veritatem, illam & fibi & aliis, argu- mentis folum rationibufque perfuafam volunt ; aliorum erroribus faciles, fuse imbecillitatis haud immemorcs : veniam fragilitati & ignorantis humanse dantes petentefque viciflim. Hyems jam ingravefcens & pulmonibus meis infefta me brevi urbe expellee i & abitum fuadet invalefcens tuflls & anhelitus. Iter in Galliam dudum propofitum languefcerc videtur : quid fict nefcio, ubicunqu? fuero totus ubiquc Vol. IX. G cuus 82 Familiar Letters betiveen Mr. Locke, tuus fum. Saluto uxorem tuam optimam libcrofque amicofque noftros communes, Veenios, Gucnellones,ClerU cos. Accepi nupcr a D' Guenellone epillolam, 3 06lobris datam, pro qua nunc per te gratias reddere cupio, ipfi prima data occafione refponfurus. Vale, vir amiciflime, & me ama 18 Odlob. Tui amantifTimum, J. LocKi. Joanni Locke Philippus a Limborch, s. p. d. AmplifTime Vir, QUOD Uteris tuis ha6lenus non refponderim valetudo minus profpera in cauHi fuit. Aliquot hebdomadibus febricula laboravi, acceflere dolores colici acres admodum ac vehementes. Tandem benignitate divina convalui, 6i ad intermifla ftudia reverfus ium. Cartefianam illam ioquendi formulam ego tecum non capio ; cogitationem enim per fe exidentem non percipio, led quidem fubftantiam cogirantem : verum ne fententiam Uiarn minus candide proponi qucrantur, iifdem, quibus illi eam explicant, verbis uti, necciic habui : ego autcm quando me explico, ita loqui non foleo. Quas de chriftianis evangelicis & papiflis difleris, optima funt & verilTima. Ego utramque clallem in omnibus chrii- tianorum fe^tis reperiri credo. Nullum enim ccLTum iia prorfub corruptum mihi perluadeo, uc nemo in iv\v\io numero fit evangelicus j licet enim coetus ipfe profefllonem edat papifmi, nonnullos tamcn in eo latere credo evangelicos, quibus dominauis ille in aliorum confcientias dilplicet, ac dillentientibus falutem abjudicare religio eih Rurlus licet cuetus evangelicum charitatem prolitcatur, non adeo in omnibus & prr omnia purgarum, Iperare aufim, quin &: degencres aliquot in eo reperiantur, qui profcflionis luae obllti, tyrannidem animo fovent, libertatemque Icntiendi, quam fibi cupiunc, aliis invident. Ita ubique zizania tiitico permlxta in hoc fcculo habebimus. Evangelicos and' Jeveral of his Friends. 8j ego, quocunque in Coetu fnnt, amo ac fraterna chariute compledtor. Papiftas, licet ejufdem meciim cceius membra, tanquam fpurios Chriftianos confidero, nee genuina efle corporis Chrilli m.embra agnofco, utpote charitate, ex qua difcipulos fuos agnofci vuk Chriltus, deflitutos. Bibliopolse Churchill tradetur fafciculus, quern ad te mittet, compledens Hiftoriam Inquifitionis, quam cum cpiftola addita Francifco Cudworth Maiham tradi veiim : addidi tria defenfionis meae contra Joannem Vander Weeyen exemplaria, quorum unum tibi, alterum Francifco, tertium D° Cofte deftinavi. Adverlarius meus fe reforma- tum vocat : an evangelicus, an vero papifta fit, tu dijudi- cabis, Amicorum hortatui obfecutus fum : verum bonas meas horas melioribus ftudiis deftinavi, nee facile me iftiufmodi fcriptis inde denuo avelli patiar. Ut fcias quo refpiciam, quando de fpatiis imaginariis ultra polos loquor, adfcribam lineas aliquot ex tra6latu quodam Weeyeni contra Spanhemium, quibus Spanhemio geographiasigno- rantiam objicit, ipfe adeo rudis, ut difcrimen inter gradus longitudinis &latitudinis prorlus ignoret. Ha^c funt ejus verba : * " Ridere in calce fi lubeat, lege qu^fo DilTertat. *' Hiftor. p. 298. Amcricae longitudinem protendit " [Spanhemius] ultra 180 gradus. Forte pars ejus in *^ fpatiis imaginariis collocanda erit ! cum hadtenus ab *' uno polo ad alium non ultra 180 gradus ponant geogra- *^ phi. ArdticjE & antardicas terras partibus nullusjam *' locus erit, ubi America ultra polos ignorantiflime pro- *^ tenditur. Cave credas [Spanhennio] adeo crafTe philo- *^ fophanti, cum ad mathefin ventunn eft." Monitus ab annico, refciffo hoc folio, aliud fubftituit: fed libellus jam toto Belgio difperfus erat, & in omnium officinis proftabat. Vide cum quali heroe mihi res fit. Hyemem hanc fine gravi incommodo ruri ut tranfigas voveo. Domino ac Dominie Mafham, totique famili?v^ officiofifTimam a nobis dicas falutem. Uxor ac filia te plurimum falutant, impri- mis ego. Amftelod. 9 Dec. Tui amantifilmus, 1698. P. a LlMBORCH. ♦ Spanhemii epift. ad amicum, &- neceff. animadvcrf. p. 72. & feq. G a Joamii S4 Familiar Letters hetivcen Mr, Locke^ Joa}jm Locke Phtlippus a Li'mhorch^ s. p. d. Ampliflime Vir, LITERAS tuas vir eruditiflimus fidcliter mihi ante duos circiter menles tradidit. Kdidit Weeyenus diflbliitionem defenfionis mea!, verum adeo difTolutam, maledicam, & nihil ad principale argumentum facientem, ut fpontc evanitiira fit. Ego nolo mihi cum tarn impotcnti adverfario quicquam negotii clTe. Ut exiguum aliquod fpccimen tibi refcram, carpit quod dixi indolem, qua a litibus abhorreo, mihi efle innatam ; atque proptcrea me criminatur, quod glorier de propriis meis viribus, fe vero omnia gratiae divinje adlcribere j aflat, idque duabus aut tribusprimis foliis plus fexies repetit: talis farinas totus eft liber. Si dixifiem me natura efle propenfum ad odium Dei bz proximi, fuiflem illi orthodoxus. Hanc fibi indolcm naturalem agnofcit : a6liones vero ejus oftendunt, regenerationem (quam fibi tribuit) admodum eflfe imperfecftam, partemque irregenitam multum pratdominari regenit^e. D. Clericus edidit Gallice lua Parrhafiana, in quibus de variis diflerit, & paucis etiam hunc hominem perftringit : verum accuratiorem illius refutationem Latinam brevi editurus eft. Prodiit etiam alterius do6li viri tradatus, quern tibi in Anglia oftendit. Qurrnam de illo aliorum futura fint judicia brevi audiemus. Multa fupponit tanquam certa, quas mihi incertifllma funt, aliis falfa habebuntur. Legi nuper Camdeni Hiftoriam Anglia: Tub F.lizabeth.i, in cujus parte II. anno 1579. hajc verba repcri : " I.xe- *' cranda Matthasi Hammonti impietas, qux in Deum " Chriftumque ejus, Norwici, hoc tempore debacchata eft, '^ & cum illius vivicomburio, ut fpcro, extindla, oblivione *' potius eft obruenda, quam memoranda." Velim Cam- denus paulo diftinctius impietatcm illarn indicaflet, ut de criminis, quod tam horrendo lupplicio vindicatum fuit, atrocitatc conftarc poflit. Scimus innoxios quandoque errores a theologis blafphemias & impietates cxecrandas vocari, ut crudelitati, qua in dificntientes feviunt, pra^tex- tum qujerant. Fruftra ego hac^ccnus in autoribus, qui mihi ad manum ftmt, exafliorem iuijus Hammonti hiftoriam qux'fivi : non dubito tamen, quia eain Icriptoribus Anglis rcperiri and fever al of his Friends, S5 reperiri poffit. Si fine tuo incommodo explicatiorem illius narrationem mihi luppeditare queas, rem feceris mihi longe gratiirimain. Plura illius generis collegi, qu^ in ordinem redigere ftatui, non ut alios traducam, fed ut oinnes a fasvitia in diflentientes, quantum in me, deterream. Guenellonus nofter plurimam tibi falutem fcribi jufllt. Literas traditurus eft nobili Mufcovitae ad te perferendas, qui propediem hinc in Anglicam trajiciet, quod tibi figni- ficari voluit. Salutant te ac Dominum & Dominam Mafham totamque familiam uxor ac liberi : Francifci Mafnam epiftola mihi perplacet, fedjam non eft refpon- dendi otium : a tali indole egregia quasvis expedo. No- minatim illi, ut & D** Cofte falutem dices a me Amftelod. 23 Junii, Tui amantifTimo, 1699, P. a LiMBORCH, Joami Locke Philipptis a Limb or ch^ s. p. d. Vir amplifTime, LITERAS meas, circa menfis Junii finem fcriptas, fideliter tibi efle traditas nuUus dubito. Indicavit mihi D. Clericus fibi ate miilum D. Allix tra61:atum Anglicum, quo probare contendit, Paraphraftas Judseos sternam filii Dei generationem agnovifle, Nuperrime hie prodiit trac- tatus ante plures annos, ut praefatio habet, & argumentum libri clarc oftendit, ab autore ignoto fcriptus, qui duos fcriptores Rittangelium & Voifinum, idem quod D. Allix afferentes, impugnat. Commoda mihi, per nautam mihi notum oblata occafione exemplar illius ad bibliopolam Churchill tibi porro tradendum mitto, ut hujus cum tractatu D. Allix collatione inftituta, de tota controverfia judices. Ego non video cauf^e principali aliquod creari periculum, etiamfi argumento hoc, ex JudfEorum fcriptls deprompto, propugnari non pofTet : nee ego tali argumento, in difputatione contra Judasos, multum tribuere aufim. Alia iunt majoris momenti, & quic fortius ftringunt : verum hoc fine occultae cum fidei hoftibus confpirationis G 3 fufpicione S6 F..miliar Letters hefjoeen Mr, Lochy fufpiclone affirmari non patiuntur ortKodoxIas, femel decretis humanis definitac, jurati vindices, quibus piaculum eft vcl unum argumcntum, licet elumbe ac ftramineum, modo a zelotis adhiberi Iblitum, omittere, auc de illius cvidentia acrobore vel minimum dubitare. Adfuere mihi niiper aliquot praL^ftantifTimi Angli, dc quibus, an tibi noti fint, ignoro. Omnes mihi narraverunt T quendam, juvenem Hibernum, & ut audio, non magnifice de f. fcripturai divinitate fenticntem, aliquoties gloriatum de honore, fibi ab aliquot viris eruditis in patria noftra exbibito : inter alia etiam amicitiam ac familiaritatem mecum contra^Ttam jactare. Miror quid hominem, nun- quam mihi vifum, quique ater an albus fit ignoro, moveat, falfo jaftare familiaria mecum habita coUoquia. Quoniam autem juftam mihi caufam pra^bet fufpicandi, fimilia eum de noftra amicitia in Anglia difleminaturum, hac occafionc id fcribere tibi confukum duxi : ut fi quid fimilejadlet ru- morem ilium falii coarguere queas. Antehac de D. Clerici amicitia multum gloriatus efti ipfum hunc bis convenit, fed femel in alienis aedibus : verum ita a Clerico exceptus eft, ut de confenfu illius fecum minime gloriari queat. Sub prselo jam habet D. Clericus aliquot epiftolas, quibus fe contra criminationes Cavei, Weeyeni, aliorumque defen- dit. Semel hoc laborc defungi cupit, ideoque pluribus fmiul refpondet. Vitam Epifcopii a Marco Teute in Latinum fermonem verfam relegi : quasdam emendavi ; omnia autem fi emendare cupiam, res magni eflet laboris : addidi etiam quaedam, quibus Hiftoria noftra exteris plenius paulo explicatur : verum quoniam non Remonftran- tifmi, fed folummodo vitas Epifcopii Iliftoriam confcripfi, intra cancellos rerum ab ipfo Epifcopio geftarum continere me debui. FortafTe verfio ilia, qualifcunque fit, brevi praslo fubjicietur. Vale, vir ampliftime : falucem dices Dominae Maftiam totique familix, u me, uxore, & filia, qui omnes tibi falucem precantur. Amftelod. 3 Auguft. Tui amantiiTimus, 1699. P. a LiMBORCH. Phillippo and fever d of hh Friends. 8/ Philifpo a Limhorch Joannes Locke, s. p. d. Vir amplifTimc, NUDIUSTERTIUS traftatum contra Rittangelium, quern mihi rnififti, accepi, Benigne mecum a6liim erit, fi hoc nomine mihi ignofcas tarditatem refponfi ad literas tuas, tertio Augiifti datas. Nondum mihi vaciii temporis fatis datum eft, ut Allixi librum hoc de argumento aggre- derer, qui mirus plerifque primo audita vifus eft, quod trinitatis dodlrinam e fynagoga haurire prjE fe fert. Ac- cingam me quamprimumjam per otium liceatad utriufque ledtionem j multi enim, ut audio, apud nos diclitant quaeftionem hanc, prius non intelledlam, jam primum in lucem produxifle Allixium, & fuis fundamentis innixam mundo obtulifle. Quas partes hac in controverfia habent Judxi, perpenfis utrinque argumentis jam vidcbimus. Hibernum quern nominas, vanse hujufmodi gloriolas avidum, ex aliis audivi : fi de te tuaque amicitia aliquid ja6litet apud communes amicos familiarefque meos, quam omnino tibi ignotus fit, ex me fcient. Criminationes hujufmodi adverfariorum, quibufcum res eft Domino Clerico, an negligendae, an refutandas, haud facile eft ftatuere. Quidam enim non aliud quasrunt niii calumniandi rixandique anfam. Non dubito quin amicus nofter fatis habet quod refpondeat. Ego fane laudo tuum confilium, qui placide juxta ac folide refutaveris quas contra te mahgne fcripferat Weeyenus. De controverfiarum, quJE me aliquamdiu exercuerunt, cventu, etiamfi non mul- tum habeam quod querar, piget tamen pcenitetque tantum temporis mihi fufturatum, quod aliis ftudiis majore cum frudu poterat impendi. Si qu^ novse oriantur vellica- tiones, eas in pofterum mihi negligendas cenfeo. Vitam Epifcopii latinitatc donatam lubens viderim ; Belgica enim lingua non fatis mihi nota, ut quam tu edideris legere polTim. Non dubito quin multa contineat fcitu &: jucunda & utilia, five mores privatos refpicias, five reium eo tempore geftarum hiftoriam. Ha6lenus ad tuas 3 Augufti datas, fed qua excufatione utar, cum refpicio ad antiquiores, fcilicct menfe Junio G 4 fcriptas ? 88 Familiar Letters hetzveen Mr, hockey fcriptas ? Si deliflum confuetudine delinquendi defend! pofTit, habeo qnod dicam : nofti tardiratem meam hoc in genere. Fac ut folcs, & inveterafcentem in me delinquendi moreiTi tu confuetudine ignofcendi vincas. Cum in noviffimis tuis de viro magnifico ne verbum quidem, amici rui opinionem pronus ampledlor. Operofe ab aliis quaerir, non quod domi habet, fed quod nuiquam adhuc reperire potuit, & quod forfim reperiri pofTit*. Tradtatus viri do6li, quern in Anglias videram, apud vos editus, nondum ad maniis meas pcrvenit : de funda- mentis quibus tanquam certifTimis fuperflrudtum cenfuir, rninime mihi fatisfecit, cum de iis coram difceptavimus. F.xadliorem Hammonti hiftoriam qua^fivi, nondum autem reperi quenquam, qui eam mihi explicarius tradere pofTit, vel fcriptorem ahquem indicare in quo eam reperire licer. Non tamen defjftam. Laudo enim confilium tuum in colligendis hujufmodi exemphs. Guenelloni noftri Hteras, quas me expedare jufleras, non- dum vidi, nee nobilem Mufcovitam, cui tradendae erant ad me perferend.T. Quo infortunio hoc acciderit, nondum fcio, Doleo interim mihi ablatam occafionem teftandi, quam paratus efTem infervire peregrino, a tam caro amico adventanti. Ilium uxoremque ipfius, focerumque ejus Veenium noftrum, officiofifTime meo nomine quasfo falutes: imprimis autem uxorem liberofque tuos. Vale, &c me, ut facis, ama Lend. 5 Sept. Tui amantilTimum, 1699. J. Locke. "Joanni Locke Pbilippus a Limhorcby s. p. d. Vir amplifTime, LICET nihil mihi Uteris tuis gratios fir, abfit tamen, Ml amicum plurimis ac gravifTimis dil'lraflum negotiis, ad fingulis mcis rcfpondendum conftringi cupiam. Amicitia * Mirum viro chriflf. latuiffe qux fupcr hac quitftionc mcditatus eft K. Spinofa. Vide cpift, 39, 40, 4.1 , Sc opcr. pofthum, arich- and fever al of his Friends, Sj arithmeticam illam fcribendi & refpondendl proportionem non requirit, fed in prompto ac benevolo annici animo acquieicit, & bene fecunm a6lum credit, quotiefcunque amicus aliquam a gravioribus curi ^canui Locke Vhili^^'pus a Limhorck^ s. r. r\ VIr amplifTirr.e, QUOD ha6lenus ad amiclfTirrias tuas fiiuerim, ulla tc! oblivione faflum credas nolim. Multa rtrponjum diftulere; praecipuc quidem triftis ille cafus libi fatis notus, &. mccror inde contra(fLUS. Ego ad fludia, hoc infeiici cafu mukum languentia, revcrfus fiim ; recuperata jam lanitatc, qua! valdc affiicta fuit. Relegi cpillolam tuam ; video nihil cam continere quod promptum refponfum flagiret j atta- mcn benevolus tiius aiTedus, quo propofuum meum pro- movcre contendis, citius mertbatur rerponfum : tu autem tarditatcin facile condonabis mo^rori meo. De Biiibra hie apud nos ahum efl fjlcntium. Verum vidi reverendiflimum cpiicopum Barhonienfem & Wellcn- fem, in prasfatione tertiae partis contra Judieos, eam breviter & generatim- oppugnafic. Ego velim genuinum flatum coniroverfiac: ingenue ac terminis minime ambiguis proponi;, &: argumenta candide ac folide in utramque partem cx- pendi, quod prohxiorem tractatum & animum non fludia partium abreptum, fed veritarisfincere (ludiofum, requirit^ i-'rodiit hac liyeme liber Gallice fcriptus, cui atitor titulum praihxir, ** Ee Platonifir.edcvoilc/* Autorem jam obiiffe pracfatio docer. Dicitur in Anglia fcriptus, indeque hue mifTu-i, lit in lucem edatur. Qnamvis eruditus fit traclatus, multis difpliciturum credo : &: licet ego dijc/cpantes ii^ religiose icntentias, fme ulla crga autorcs indignatione, in- veftigarc foleo, non polTum tamen diffimulare, aojleatos ipfius farcalir.os in materia facra mihi quam maxime dif- plicere : licet enin credere poficr, adverfarios, quos op- pugnar, illps meruifTe ; mateii:^ tamen quam tniflat majeftiis coiiibere eum debuilfct, ne hie quicquam gravitati chnfllunie adverfjm immifccret. 'lum &: prudentioe fuit, mordacibus ejuimodi farcafmis advcrfiriorum contra fe ac fuos indii^nationem, alias fatis acrem, non magis exacerbarc. Audio plura illius excmplaria in Angliam cfle miifa; quarc « te vifum effe nullus dubito. Burmanni fi'ios, deljorantibus nequicquam amicji, contra'me tradatum fcripfific aiunt, tumque jam fub praelo clle, ac brevi prodituru.n . Weeyenum habucre continuum I ' inftiga-* and Je-vcrd of hh Fr lends, 99 inftigatorem, qui cum Burmannum purgare non potuir, illius filios in me concitavit, ut ipfi, Tub Ipcciofo dcfendendi patris prsercxtu, inanem in le ac inglorium laborem fufcipe- rent: non enim verba parentis fui, nee Spinofas, c libris ediris eradere polTunt ; neque inficiari eadem elFe quas in Spinofa, & parentis fui fynopfi Theologies leguntur verba. Qiitsftio fadi eft, quss, prolatisex utroqueautore tellimoniis, in dubium vocari nequic. Ego taiia fcripta maxima animi ferenitate conremnere pofium. Vale, vir ampliffime. Salveat Domina Mafham cum tota familia. Omnes mel te falutant. Amftelod. 1 1 Maii^ Tui amantifTimus, I /CO. P. a LiMBORCH. Joanni Locke Philip^^s a Limhorch^ s. p. d, Amplifllme vir, ANTE hebdomadas aliquot, tuo nomine, mihi datus eft prasftantiffimus tuus de Inteliedu Humano liber, in iinguam Gailicam verfus. Pro eximio il!o dono grates tibi, quas poiTum maximas, ago. Nondum eum legere porui -, verum nunc inftant fcrix mex% quibus ejus lectionem deftrnavi. Materia enim, qucc in illo traclatur, gravitas ac varietas^ quam ex capitum indice, xlidici, fummam animi attcn- tionem, & continuatam minimeque interruptam kdtionem requirit. luque tempus, quo a quoridianis negotiis im- inunitatem habeo, illi impendam, ut tan to majore meo cum fru6tu eum evolvam. Legi in novellis noftiratibus, quod & D. ClericU:S literis tuis confirmavit, te ob?etatem ingravelcentem & valetudi- nem minus firmam, honoratiQlmi m^uneris, ante aliquot an^ nos tibi demandati, dimifiTionem obt'.nuifle. Equidem inlli- tutum tuum minime improbare pofTum, quinimo laude dignumcenfeo, quod extremes vitJEtuae dies, procul a ftrepi- tu politico, quieti, ftiudiisac medirationibusfacrii; conlecrare, quam negotiis honeftis quidem, attamen nihil ultra vitaa hujus tranc^uillicatem Ipeflanubus, implicatos habere H 1 ir.alucris. 100 Familiar Letters betiveen Mr, Lccke, malucris. Hanc tibi quietcm ex animo gratiilor, Denmque precor, ut fcnedutem tuam cximiis, quibus vera paratur fclicitas, donis magis nir.glfqiic exorner, ac quicqiiid cor- pufculi viribus dcccdir, vivaciore mentis acie & fpiiitus robore compenfct. T.andem prodiit contra nne Burnnannorunn Pictas^is libii titulus cfl, mole ingens, verbofus, contuineliofis plurimis declair.ationibus & invedivis rcfcrtus. Ilii per D. Crucium> fratrcm fuum uterinum, a civitate Lcidcnfi in collfgium reriim maritimarum dcpu'atum, mihi pietatis fua^ exemplar rradi volucrunt. Legi illam, led cum naufea ; & nifi in me fcriptiis fuifiet liber, ledlionem abfolvere non potuillem. Ill] in eo fummis verbis probare nituntur, parentem fuum a me Spinofilmi accnfatum ; & cum prolixe exci^fare con- tendunt. iEgenime fernnr, parenti fuo a me afcribi im- priidcntiarn, & quod fine judicio Spinofam fecurus fit, Aiunt parentem fuum base ex Spinofa cum judicio exfcrip-. fifle, ut mere Cartefiana : Spinofam enim in eo libro fuani do6lrinam nee apertc inculcaife, nee te6le infinuaire;> fed fola Cartefii dogmata tradidiffe. Veium ego non credo Cartefianos h?tc quatuor pro fuis agnkuros. 1. Tota natura naturata non eft, nifi unicum ens. 2. PofTibilitas & conringentia non funt afFccliones rerum, fed intellechis noilri defccius. j. Si liomi- r.cs clarc totum ordincm naturae intelligercnt, om.nia 3:;que necelfaria repeiirent, ac omnia ilia, quae in mathefi traclan- tur. 4. De extraordinaria Dei potentia, qua miracula facir, non immerito valde dubitari polfe : qu?e tamen omnia in illo Spinoff libro difcrtis verbis repcriiinLur. Sarcafmis plurimis in parallelifrnum inter Spinoff &Burmanni verba ludunt ; verum nihil in eo repiehendere, aut fdfi arguere pofTunt. Kgo illi libro nihil reponam, pra^fcrrim cum ob molem fuam non diftrahatur & a nemine legatur : ,: fortafle de quibufdain, qua:: de libcrtate hon:inis in volendo fcripfiPLi, tecum conferrcm. Valdc quco ibi Icribis mihi probantur : video te terminos aliquot obfcuros aut i»nibi^-'ios in ilia materi.> (--lucidanc -, fed nefcio an ubique mentem tuam perccperim : relegnm integrum caput, ^ (i CjU.d occurrat ad quod i^a*fito, ingt^'-'-ic nc rotunde ad te fcnUam, plane pcriuaius dilucida tua cxplicatione, omntKi md feveral of his Frkrids, io;5 {fi qi«e fie) obfcuritatem difparituram. Sed & ingenue tibi conSteor, mcerorenn fepe meditationes meas, quas iludiis CDnfecravij turbare. Vcrum dabit Deus hisquoque finem. Ego ut honefta & non inutili occupacione moeroris mei ta^dium diluam, incepi commer.tarium in Afta Apof- tolorum conicribere, led nova quadam ratione ac mcthodo.» Criticos egernnt Grotius aliique, quoiuifl laboribus mea diligentia nihil addere potefl. Icaqiie omifTa critica, aiiain mihi interpretandi methodum prsefcripfi ; iit ex hiftoria apoftolorum^ variifque illins circumftantiis, ac prsefertim eorurn concionibus, religionis chriftianae veriuatenn ac divinitatem afleram, & qua rncthodo apoftoli contra Juda^os earn adftruxerint, oftendann. In hiice explicandis prolixior pauIo fum : reliqna hue non fpedantia obiter tantum attingo. Quibus alia contra Jud^os difputandi methodus placet, meum laborem non probatunn iri, facile pr^video. Sed veritati litandum eft j & apoilolos duces fequi pr^ftar, quam homines affeclibus ac prssjudicjis nimium indulgen- tes. Vale, vir ampliiTirne, Deus pridinam tibi reilituat fanitatem, ut, quoad vivis, egregiis tuis laboribus publico infervire poiHs. Salutant te quam officiofiirime uxor mea Jiberique. Salutem a nobis dic^s Doming Mafnaai toti- que familias. Amftelod. ^8 Feb. Tul ainantifilnmus, 170J. P ^ LiMEQRCH. Philippo ^ Limlorch Jcames Locke ^ 3. p. d. Vir colendillinne, EX ukimis tuis 1 8 pr^cfentis Februarii datis, probe fentio, quam tirma, quam immutabiiis fit tua erga me amicitia, cum, tribus ante miiTis ad me filentem Uteris, quartan addere non dedignatus es, fine reprehenfione ulla tants: &: tarn ciiminofe taciturnitati?.. Ignofcis video, ideoque valetudinis incommoda non caufabor. Penultimas tuas eym fafciculo librorum vel amillis, vel in itinere male W 4 ha?rentes. I04 F^i miliar Letters let'jjeen Mr, Loch, lixrcnte?, maxime doleo, quod crediderim te fenfum tiium dc libro mco, jam tu:n, cum fcribcres, pcrledo libcrius txplicuine. Quod dc iis, qnas de libeitate hominis in voleudo rcripfciim, aliquantr.m hxTiras, non miror. Totiim illud argumer.riim in prima cditione penitus omittendum cenfui; fed noiucrunt amici, quicquid ego de rei ipfius & novltate &: fubiilitate contra afiferrem, nc kctores, aliis afl'iieti ratiocinationibus, non probe perlpcifro ubique animi mci Icnlu, offcnderentur -, dc ca, quas in illo parergo com- mentatus fum, vci tanquam novatoris paradoxa, vcl tan- qiiani inconi'ulcc cnantis fphnlmata, negligcrcnt, fi non plane condemnarent. Nee me cventus penitus fcfcllit, cum plures inter amicos famiiiarcfque meos, de hoc uno fubjecSto, mecum fcrucre krmones, quam de omnibus reliquis totius libri capitibus. Fatcor adhuc nemincm fuille cui fciupu- lum, quo dcLincbatur, non exemi, fi modo dabatiir otium fenfim & pedetentim integram materiam a capite ad calcem mecum pcrpendendi : quod cujidem rei veritati, non mejE quantulaccunquc mediocritati tribuendum cenfeo. Quod li tibi nova recenfione, m promittis, recurrenti aliqua objici- enda occurriint, perfuafum tibi fit nihil acctptius mihi fovc, quam errores meos arnica manu detegi, eoque ipfo evelli : non enim famae, nee opinioni, fed veritati foli litandum cenfeo. Quiccjuid demAim fuerit, difputationes noftras in unam eandcmquc fentcntiam terminatum iri pro certo habco, ^cuin utrique unam eandemque illibatam veritatem lludiofc qu^erimus. Gaudeo te commentarium in Acfba Apoftolorum medi- tari, & ejufmodi interpretandi methodum, qu^ non hxreac in criticis obfervationibiis &: verborum cortice. Nullibi magis apparec, ut mihi videtur, fcopus geniufque religionis chriilianic, quam in ea hiftoria. Quid enim magis gcnui- r.um finccrumquc evanqeiii fenfum nobis indicare pofiit, quamprimiu illx'a[}ofi:o^orumprasdicationes,quibusinfideiCs, tam Gentiles quam Judasos, ad fidem Chrifti convertebant? Ad priorcs tuas ut aliquando veniam ; laudo confilium tuum quod Burmr.nnorum Pietati minime refpondendum ccnfueris : hujufmodi yiciiigantium opprobriaomnino con- tcmnenda. l^a:ium noftrum in fermcnto ed, nee quicquam pene prodire videmus prret^r difputationes politicas ecclcfiafticaf- que. Quo.fum tandem res evadct nefcio. Quid minati:r turbo and fever al of his Fiinids, 105 turbo video : exitum non video. Tranquilliratl qiiannim pofTum ftudeo. Deus optimus inaximus ecclefiarnm reformatarum & totius Europ^e libertatem conicrvec : fic precatur Gates, 11 Feb. Tul obfervantiffirnuSj 1700-1. J. Locke. Joanni Lccke Bhilip^us a Limhorch^ s. p. d. AmplifTime vir, NUPER Tranfifalani rigoris in caufa religionis minime excufandi exemplum prjebuere vere deteftandum. Quidam minifter Mennonitajam ante annos qiiindecim fynodo fuf- peftiis fuit Socinianifnnij & illius h^refeos coram ordinibus Tranfilalanis a miniftris ecclefis publicrc accufatus. Itaque a muneris fui funclione fufpenfus fuir, adeo ut integro circi- ter biennio ecclefia illius publico religionis exercitio caruc- rit. Pod longam adionem, cum miniftri accufationem fuam probare non poiTent, ipfe ad ecclefiam fuam fuit re- miiTus, eique injundum, ut fibi a dogmatibus Socinianis docendiscaveret, Tub poena arbitraria. Illeante triennium libcllum ediditexigui admodum pretii, quo unionem inter omncs Chriftianorum feftas fuadet, etiam cum Socinianis; qua occafione imprudentius quaedam pro Socinianis fcripfitj & alicubi quaedam occurrunt acwleata in gentem togatam. Libellus hie fi contemptus fuilTet, vix invenifTct lectores: ve- rum fcis gentem illam facram vel minima injuria facile irri- tari. Itaque denuo delatus fuit ad fatrapam difl:ri6lus Vol- lenho^adeputatisclallisVollenhOjquiexhibitolibeilofupplice petunt; ut hie homo, qui non taniu:n Socinianas hjEreticas opiniones clam & palam docuii, led etiam audacifilme cdidit, & fparfit, iifque intolerandos farcafmos ac blalphc- mias admifcuitj ab ipfofatrapacompellatur coram proxima fynodo libellum luinc palam revocare, & pcenitentiam ob commida teftari : ut libellus hie flammis tradatur, ac in tota provincia vctetur vendi, ac fuppiimatur : impenfa^ ciuas loG Familiar Letters hetvjeen Mr. Locke y quas claffis ob hanc caiifam fudinere dehuit ab ipfo refti- tiiantur, ipfeque propter crimen commifTum pccna ai bicra- ria afficiatur. Sacrapa pctitioni huic annuit hominemque ad lynodum abkgac. Synodns illi ofi'ert qninque articulos iublcribendos, quibiis continebatur confeirio, quod contra mandatum ordinum lib'rllum ifium edidiffer, quod ipfuni inobedienti.x illius pocniccret, quod omnia libelli fui ex- cmpiarlaeni't fupprcfTurus ; aliaque quibus i[)re fubfcribere recufavic. InTcabant aliqui ex miniftris, imo obteftabantur lit fubfcriberet : vcrum ille condanter rccufavir. Poftea potentia 1 1 o Fcimiiidr Letters ^et iveen Mr . Locke, porentia agendi, vel non agendi, fccundum detcrmi- nationeilh voluntatis. Difputare autem, an hoiiio^ ante ukinnum judicium intellcctus, libprtatem habet fe dcterminandi ad alterutrum oppofitcrum, nnihi videtur oinnino de nihilo, five de re impofilbili, difputatio. Quis enim rogarct, vel quorfum attinct rogare, an homo potcil: ad alterutram partem oppofuoium fe determinare in (latu, in quo fe non poted omnino detenr.inare ? Nam, ante judicium intelkdus, non potcft fe omnino determinare, ideoque fruftra quajiitur, an in illo flatu libertatem habet fe dcterminandi in alterutram, ubi in ncutram omnino partem potefl fe determinare. Ideoquc omnes illae litcs, qu.T agitantur de libertate fe in alteru- tram partem dcterminandi, ante judicium intelledtiis, mihi videntur (ignofcas fatenti) nullo modo pertinere ad quxflioncm de libertate : qun? ne fupponi quidem debet, nee poteil, in fbatu in quo manifcltum eft quod homo, ut agens liberum, non poteft agere ; cum li- bertas, ut dixi, confiftat in fola potentia agendi, vel non agendi, confequenter & congrue ad determinationem voluntatis. Ita autem fa^pe ufu venic. Difputantium fervor & partium ftudium rebus per fe claris nubem tc caligincm obducunt, dum undique conquifitis laqueis alter alterum innodare be sbfurdis involvere conatur. Vides quam libcre tecum agam, eandem a te libertatem viciffim cxpe6lans; fi enim tu meas, vel ego tu^i^ opinion i aflentior, perinde eft veritatem qu^rentibus, dummodo illius potior habctur fententia qua:^ verior, & in ca confentiamus. In aliis libri inei partibus, dum percurras, fi quid minus re(fte diflum, vel cogitatum invenias, moneri imo & redargui -i rc cupio. Vale, vir optime, & me, ut facis, ama Gates, 21 Mail, Tui amantifllmuni, 1701. J. Locke. Fhili^J^k mid Jcveral of his Friends. i r i Thill ppo a Limhorch Joannes Locke y s. p. d. Vir amp] I (Time, EODEM die quo niiperrime ad te mane fcripH, llteras tuas 27 Mail datas vefperi accepi. Vitam Epifcopii fum~ ma cum voluptate pcrlegi. Hiftoria placet^ res geftx plane difplicenr. Doko fane refornnatos tarn propere mores pontificios, de quibns tarn graviter quefti lunt, imitatos, Sed fcire juvat quod cognitum laudare non poflis. In- cuifitionem, qii?e in Ecclefia Romana lentius fuccrevic, uno quafi nixn inceptam & pene perfeftam hie confpicere mihi videor. An has proteRantium inrer fe inimicitias & mutuas . perlccutiones jam caftigaturiis fit Deus, nefcio : hoc falrem credo, theoiogorum aiiibidoia diflldla, & invicem domi- nandi in fratres cupido, orbem reformatum antiquis hofli- bus denuo obruendiim objecit, & in tantum periculuni adduxit. Avertat Deus O. M. om.en, nee ad perfecu- tionem tarn proclives animos perfecutione carholica puniat. Unum eft, quod in libro tuo defidero, nempe arciculos illos qulnque Remonftrantium, quorum tam frequens eft mentio. Hos vel quod in propera ledione non obfervatos prastei ierim, vel quod eos hiftorise tus non inferuifti, ignorare me fateor. Rogo igicur ut mihi indicare velis ubi eas iegere poflim \ magnam enim iucem, ut mihi videtur, prrcbebunc caufam Remonftrantium penitus cognoicere cupienti: nam iterum, credo, perlegam banc tuam hiftoriam. Maximas pro hoc dono grauas ago. Vive diu utilis religion! chriftianse. Vale, & meama Gates, ijun, - Tui amaHtiffimum, 1701. J. Locke: yoanni Locke Philippus a Limlorchy s. p. d. Amplinime vir, VITAM Epifcopii tibi, fummijucVicii viro, non dif- plicuifTe ell quod mihi gratukr. Mulra exteris ignota ibi cfl€ praeterita, quia nobis notilTima, nullus dubito. Qninque auteai J 1 2 Familiar Letters between Mr. Locke^ autem articulosnoftros quorum dccidcndorumcaufa fynoclu^ Dordracenaconvocata fuit, nulli ignotos credebam. Jn ex- plicatione fcntcntiit Arminii, p. 6, in vita Kpifcopii ego cos brcvi in compcndio cxhibui. Extant autcm in Rcmon- llrantia ordinibus tlollandias cio loc x oblata, quam repeiies in epiflolis prrtftanrimn viroruin a me editis, n* cxlv. p. 254, vcl in liiftoria quinquarticulana Petri Heilini Anglica, cap. v. p. 50. Si altera vitac L'.pifcopii editio aliquando prodear, pofTem illi quinque illos articulos aliaque quxdam non fine Epifcopio gefta, aut iplum ipfiufve conlanguineos TpC(5lantia, hie illic inferere, qurt ad hillorire noftrx cognitionem pcnitiorem, baud exigui futura funt momenti. Continuavit Brantius noller fenior hiftoriam ufque ad finemanni CIO loc xxiii, inqua gravis ilia contra nollros perfecutio exade defcribitur ; verum ilia haftenus lucem non adfpexit ; &: pra^ metu ne cdatur, fynodus Hoi- landica jam ab aliquot annis deputatis luis in mandatis dedir, ut folicite invigilcnt, ne ilia alicubi imprimatur. Nolunt cnim myfteria ilia iniquitatis revelari. Utinam hidoriam fuam continuilflfet ad annum ufque cid ioc xxxii, quo perfecutioni ubique fcrme in patria noftra finis cftimpofitus, nobifque palam in ccetus religiofos convenire non fijit prohibitum. Ex illius leftione deprehendere pofiTcs veritatem di^ti cujufdam monachi, quod Marnixius refcrc in cpiftola ad Cafparum Verheiden, inter cpift. fclcclas a Bclgis vel ad Belgns, anno 1617, a Baudio & Heinfioedita*, cent. ii. epill. ci. *^ Haud nsque diu reformatorum ollam " calcfiiflam fiiHre, atque illorum quos tantopcre incefic- " runt : videre fc plane, antequam per fasculorum inter* *^ vallum labatur, parem utrobique imperii ceclefiaflici " fore raiioncm." Scripta ell hreccpillulault. Mart. 1577. Legi, relegi, &: ferio expendi qua^ de libertate fcribis ; fed non depiclicndi ilium inter nos cfie conlenium, quern, Icdo illo *' de Potcntia" capite, credidi. Quia uterque \U)ice veritatem quaerimus, paulo diftindius tcrminosqui* bus ufus fum cxplicabo, ^ W qui aptiorcs fint, illis lubens iitar > amoenim pcrfpicuitatcm ; & in vcritatis inquifitione omnem verborum ambiguitatem, quantum fieri potefl, vitandam judico. Putas non refte dici nos vellc jucun- dum, iilud ciTe defiderium, non voluntatem. Dcfideriuni cnimfcrii in bonum ablcnsj volitionem autcm efic adtum volun- and fever a! of his Friends, 113 voluntatis vel animse imperium exerccntis in potentias ho- minis operatrices. Facile ego hoc difcrimen admitto, & ut, perfpicuitatis caufa, unicuique verbo fuani tribuamus fignificationem, utile efle exiftimo. Verum ego puto nos duo velle, finem & media quas ad finem ducunt. Multa defideramus, quae tamen non volumus. Eft enim defi- derium aHud compktum, aliud incompletum ; ficut &: voluptas alia eft completa, alia incomplera, quani barbaro vocabulo in fcholis vocant velleitatem, qua defignamus non quid homo proprie veiir, fed quid vcllet. Prudentis eft ex multis defiderabiiius iilud eiigere, fibique omnium fuarum adlionem finem proponere, quod undequaque eft perfedtum, &: in quo concurrunt omnes rationes, qua? renvv defiderabilem faciunt. Atqui ilia electio non fit fine deter- minatione voluntatis, qua homo difcernit hoc bonum, quod omnibus aliis prsferendum judicat, fibi omnium fijarum a6lionum finem proponere. Ita ego credidi redle pofi!e dici hominis voluntatcm in bonum ferri, idque bonum Tem- per ab ipfo apprehendi, ut jucundum. Si vero credas adionem, qua ferimur in bonum illud, improprie dici vo- luntatem, fed debere appellari defiderium, quia fertur in bonum abfens, de termino non contendam, modo de iilius fignificatione conftet. lit ergo omnibus ambiguitas vitetur, dicamus defiderium ferri in bonum, voluntatem dirigere acliones. Sed caveamus nc qurevis defideria confunda- mus, & defideria completa diiiinguanius ab incompletis, quae velleitates, voce in fcholis ufitata, appellari folenr. Si vero aliud aptius vocabulum indicare pofils, eo lubens «tar, ut omnis, quantum fieri poteft, obrcuritas&: ambigui- tas in fermone noftro vitetur. Quod attinet vocem " indifierentia," certum eft noftros ea non raro elfe in hac materia ufos : verum earn non adeo deperimus, quin {\ commodior nobis of/eratur cam repu- diaturi fimus : eoque magis, quia videmus philofophos Cartefianos ea fenfu a nollro plane alieno uti : illis enim indifferentia eft fiudluatio judicii ; quando mens, ex ratio- num pro utraque parte ^quilibrio, incerta eft, quid fibi eligendum fie. Nobis vero indifi'erentia eft vis ilia anima?, qu3, pofitis omnibus ad agendum requifitis, poteft agere vel non agere. Verum, in tota hac de libertate difputa- tione, video faepe ludi verbis ambiguis, aur fakem in am- • Vol. IX. I biguuni IT4 Familiar Letters bdzvccn M. Locke ^ biguum fenfum dctortis. Optandum forer omnia verba codcni figniHcatu ab omnibus accipi ; mulia; inanes dif- ceptationcb & Xoyoixo(.yjxi vitari pollent. Nunc quoniam in fignificatione vciborum convenirc non pofiumus, necells eft uc quifqueexplicet, quo fignihcatu unaquaquc voce, de qua contenditur, utaiur. Circa rem iplam video no3 diirentire. Dicis, *' Ifta antecedens indifferentia, qua *' homo ante deter minationem, five decretum voluntatis, " fupponitur libertatem habere fe dtterminandi ad alter- " iitram partem oppofitoruir, non omnino mihi videtur *^ fpeClare ad qux'lt'vonem de Hbtruate ; quia libertas unice " confillit in potcntia agendi^ vel non agendi, fecundum *^ detcrminationem voluntatis." Mihi plane contrarium videtur, libertatem unice confillere in potentia, qua homo adlionem volendi poteft determinare vel non dercrm.inare: & fi cam iiomo ante voluntatis detcrminationem non habet quod non fit liber, neque iilkis ftatus concipi poffit, in quo Jiber dici quear. Quiaenim voluntas aciionum noftrarum douiina eft, eafque pro aibitrio moderatur, fi dcterminatio voluntatis non fit libera, nee in actionibus noftris ulla erit libertas, quia aciiones noftiie voluntatis determinationem neceffario fequuntur. Quare vix capio quid velis, cum dicis ante ultimum judicium intelledus homo non poteft fc omnino determinaie. Verum antequam hie fentcntiam meam cxplicem, quid per ukimum judicium intellectus fignificctur, propius explicandum eft, ne hie propter am- bijiuitatem vocis, in oratione n(^ftra fit obfcuritas. Communiter ultimum intcliedus jiuiicium vocant, quo homo difcernit quid fibi faciendum fit, idque vocant ulti- nuim judicium pradicum intelledus : verum hoc judicium non eft tam adus intelledus quam voluntatis, vel faltem adus mixtus, ad cujus complementum voluntas concurrit. Judiciuni autem quod folius inrelledus adus eft, non ukerius procedir, quam hoc oportet facere, hoc oporret omittcrc. Ulteiius fi procedat, interccdit aliqua adio voluntatis. Qj^ia; duo tamen a multib confunduntur. Jam mea eft fi-nteniia liominem, quainlo rede rarioni confen- tante agit, femper veile, quod intelledus judicat oporterc ticri : pofle tamen etiam contra rationem agere, C^^ voknita- tem in contrariam partem determinare: quin ^J, antequam intelledus poft accuratum rationum examcn judicaverit quicL and fever dl of his Friends, 1 1 ^ (j[uid facere oporteat, pofife bruro impetu agere non quod ration! confcntanenm elt, led quod concupifcentia didlat. Hie fi homo non habet libcrrarem fe determinandi, auc non determinandi, & a^lioncm fuam fufpendcndi, viderc nequeo, in quo libertas confidat. Eandem tuam efle putabam iencenciam, idqiie colligebam ex § 47. capitis fupra nominati, ubi inter alia ais, " Animam, quse habec '' potentiam fufpendendi implctionem cujufcunque defi- " derii fui, ficuti evidenter patet per experientiam-, confe- " quenter, etiam habere libertatem ea fuccefiive unum poft ** alteriim confiderandi, eorum objedta examinandi, ea ex " omni parte obfervandi, & inter fe comparand!; & in hoc " confiflere libertatem hominis : omnemque erroris & •^ vitioriim originem inde arceffis, quod prscipitem.us " judicium, voluntatemque noftram citonimis determine- " mus, & adtioni nos accingamus, antequam benecxami- " naverimus quid agere nos oporteat." Ha^c, aliaque quas ibi addis, veriilima efle judico; iifque plane aflentior. Verum h^c cum iis, quse epiflola fcribis, '^ quod homo, " ante judicium intelledtus, fe non poled omnino determi- " nare,*' conciliare non pofliim, Forrafie merttem tuam non benepercepi. Rogo itaque, fi grave non fit, ut often- das, qua ratione hsec inter fe conciliare debeam, & difcinc- tius quod ego non plene percepi, explices. Nulli opinioni, nedum phrafi aut voci, ita ium, addidus, quin meliora monftranti cedere paratus fim^ : veritatem enim unice quaero,-quam fi invenero, de errore triumphabo. Hsec fcripferam, cum ad me exemplar Latinum tradta- tu3 tui de Intelledu Humane afFertur ; pro quo eximio dono, ego fummas tibi habeo ac ago gratias. Statui iilud a capite ad calcem perlegere, & cum eleganrilTima verfione Gallica conferre, quas proculdubio Latins nonnunquam lucem fcenerabitur: & quando integrum tradatum perle- gero, candide tibi judicium meum fcribam, non quia necefie eft, fed quia id a me exigis, idque ego tibi pctenti me debere agnofco. Verum quantum ex Gallicse verfionis kdione percepi, me fententise tus approbatorem habebis : fi vero ad quasdam h^fitavero, ea tibi candide indicnbo, uc pleniorem eorum explicarionem ex te eliciam. Deum precor uc tibi vitam ac vires continuet, uc egregiis tuis I 2 iaboribus 1 1 6 Familiar Letter: hetv:ccn Mr. Locke, laboribiis orbi literaro porro prodefTc pofTis. Salutant tc uxor ac ftlia. Salutcm a nobis officio rilTimam dices dominse Mafham totique familix. Vale. Amllelod. 19 Julii, Tui amantifTimivs, P. U LiMBORCK. I7OI Philippo a Limhorch Joannes Locke, s. p. d. VIr amplifTimc, QUOD omnis obfcuritas & ambiguitas in verborum ufu fit vicanda tecum plane iVntio ; verum liceat mihi adjiccie, quod hoc fepe non fit etiam a volentibus evicare obfcuri- utem. Ideit, quas obfcrvantur hominum mentibus, pr^elertim eorum, qui veiitatenn attcntiiis quscrunt, muko plures funt quarn voces cujufvis linguue, qua! ad eas expri- mendas parata^ kinr. I line fir, quod hoiiiincs (quibus in- tegrum non eft nova vocabula, quotics opus elt ad novas ideas fignificandas, ad libitum procudtre) eadem voce, pro divcrfis ideis, praicrtiin li corrnatre lint, identidem utuntur : iinde oritur non raroiermonis obfcuritas & incertus fenlus, quando ad prnecifioiies accuratas vcniendum eft, quo non folum audientium, led &: ipforum etiamloquentium mentcs implicantur. Inter afia qu.t propofui, lib. iii, cap. xi, huic malo rcmcdia, illud mihi pnLcipuum videtur, ^ic, ut diligentcr coliiganuis omnes fimplices ideas, qu;-e ingre- diuntur conipofitioncin cujuftibct ideas complexn[r, cujusi nomen ufurpamus, cafquc eidcm vcci aftlxas fcdulo in animo tcneairus. \'. g, m argumcnto, quod pras manibus habemus, fi voluntas figniticat potentiam, quam iiomo habet incipiendi, fiftentli, vcl vitandi aliquam adlonem mentis vcl corporis fui, ut ego fufius explicui, lib. ii. cap. xxi. § ^^hcz, in quo tu etiam acqviitfcere viJeris: fi hac, in- quam, fit idea, quam vox voluntas fignificat, eamque pric- Icntcm in animo habemus, quando de voluntate loquamur, nihil ccrtius cffc potcft, quam quod voluntas terminatur iulummodo in a^lionibus noftris, nee poteft ulterius extendi ad rem aliquam aliam, nee ferri in bonum remotum iS: ab- flns. Adcoc)^c fi contcndis voluntacem fcrri in bonum. and fever al of his Friends, " 117 tit finem, rccedis ab ea idea, quam huic voci afllgnavimus, aliamqiie fubflituis j unde fit quod tu & ego diverfas res defignamiiSj quando de voluntate loq«imur,nec omnino pof- lumus inter nos de voluntacediirerentes quicquam proiiccre, donee tu ideam indices cujus apnd te vox voluntas fignum eft, ut de fenfu vocis, i. e. de re, de qua difTerimus, con- veniamus. Diftindio de defidcrio complete & incompleto, five de voluntate completa & incompieca, quam afters, nihil nmihi videtur argumentum ruum juvere. Sive enitn aliquod fit incompletum dcfiderium, vel inconnpleta voluntas, quod fane dubito, id nunquam efticiet ut fit verum, quod volun- tas fertur in bonum. Bico me dubitare an aliqua poteft efte incompleta volition voluntas enim hie, ni fallor, fum'i- tur pro adtu voluntatis, i. e. pro volltione. Voliclonem" inefficacem facile agnofco, ut cum paralyticus manum paralyfi folutam movere velit, inefticax fateor & fine fuccefili eft ifta volitio, fed non incompleta. i\6tus enim volendi hoc in cafu asque completus eft, ac olim, quando manus volitioni obfequebatur. Itidcm defiderium alicujus pro- pofiti boni, quod propter majus bonum incompatibile profequi negligimus, non eft incompletum defiderium, nee incompleta voluntas, fed defiderium completum brevi terminatum, eo ufque non procedens, ut nos impellat ad volendum adliones, quibus obtiner! poftlt ilkid bonum, in quod ferebatur breve illud defiderium : nee incompleta dici poteft voluntas, ubi nulla omnino eft volitio, etiamfi fchoi^ vellcitatera' appellare ament. Quod ^i breve illud •defiderium eoufque procedat, ut nos ad volendum aliquam a6lionem excitet, voli^ncas ilia non eft incom.pkta, fed completus adus volendi, edamfi omifiTa ulteriore inefncax fit ad obtinendum bonum propofirum quod ceftante defi- derio negligitur. In his & hujufmodi mentis acfiionibus adeo celeres funt motus animi, & inter fe conjundi, ut non mirum fit, quod fxpe, uti fit, confundantur, quaeattentius confideranti diftinguenda funt, ut rede conceptus noftros formem.us. Vis libere dicam, quid hac de re fentio. Homo fertur in bonum abfen?, five finem. Multis fimul intelledtui obverfantlbus bonis non fubordinatis nee con- fiftentibus, homo unum, negle6lis aliis, fibi proponit ut finem, i. e. ut profequendum ; hoc facir voluntaries adeo- I 3 que 1 1 8 Famliar Letters betivem Mr, Locke y que voluntas fertur in illann acftionenn mentis, qua unumr pra^rcliquls fibi proponir, ut Hncm, cc in ea adtione fernii- natur, codenn modo quo tcrminatur in computatione, quando vult nurnerarc, vel in motione pedum, quando vuk ambularc. Ob banc voluntarram propofitionem illius boni, ut finis, fatcor non raro dicicur vulgo, quod voluntas fermr in cum finem vcl in id bonum, an proprie & ut philofophicam. dcrcet ax^/c£iaj/, tu judices. Quanta fit vis conluetuJinis in ulu verborum, quaeirrepit fubinde nobis infciis, patet, ut mihi videtur, in lis quas in epillola tua fequuntur. In priore epiftola libens 6c apcrte niccum confentire videris, quod actiones funt agentium five fubftantiarum, & non potentiarum five facultatum : & tamen hie ufitata loqucndi torma te abduci pateris, dicifquc *^ quod voluntas cftadlionum aoflrarum dominajeafquepro *' arbitrio moderatur," be fimiliapafi'im, in toto illo epiftolce tuasparagrapho; quod ni fecifies, nulla aibicror mihi tecum lis el!ct. Hoc non dico, quod adco delicatulus fim, ut hu- jufmodi loquendi formulas nuUo in loco pan poffim : earum ufijs in ferm.onc familiari, fi reclc intelligantur, nonomnino vituperandu?. Quando vero in difceptationibus philofophi- ris pro fundameritis argumentorum, quafi iis inniteretur rerum Veritas, omnino rejicicnd^ funt metaphorical & tra- latitife hi'jufmodi locutiones, ne nos in crrorem inducant : reique iplae, uri revera funt, propriis & non figuratis vo- cabulis exprimL-ncas : v. g. dicere, " quod voluntas fit " aflionum noftrarum domina, eafque pro arbitrio modera- *' tur," &-'ir.de arguere, quod " nifi \ o'untas fit libera, nulla *** ciic in homine Jibertas," efb, ut m:lii videtur, ex vi me- taphoia: iliius ncs inerrorcm conjicerc. *' Libertas, apud " me, efc potefbas hominis agendi vel non ngcndi fecundum «' n.iam volup.tatcm ;" fcilicet fi homo potefi: agere hoc, fi vuk agerc hoc ; & abllinerc, c contra, ab agendo hoc, quando vuk abfiinere ab agendo hoc, co in cafij liber cfl homo. lianc efil* veram libertatis notionein videtur niihi conflarc, ex iis qusc a me dicla funt § 8. & feqq. Qnjc fi vera fit, inde omnino fequitur liber- tuem nuUo modocompeterc voluntati, uti moiUlravi § 14. I mo inde fequitur, quod ilia anteccdens indiffercntia, ante decretum voluntatis, niillo modo, ut dixi, pertinet ad qua?f- rionem de libertate. Si enim libertas fit potentia agendi adioncm. and Jcveral of his Friends. ir^ •aflionem, quam viilt homo, & vicifTim abftinendi ab cadem adlione, fi ab ea homo vult abfVinere : quid facit, rogo, ifta antecedens indiffercntia ad liberi;atem, quse eft porcntia agendi vel non agendi, confcqucnter ad voluntatis deter- minationem ? Quandoquidem vero incidcrir quseftio, de ifta veftra antecedente indiffercntia, cui vos omnem inniti libertateni contenditis, de ea liceat mihi paulo diltindtlus inqnirere. H^c indifterentia definitur a te, " vis animi, qua, pofui^ ** omnibus ad agendum requifitis, poteft agere vcl non " agere." Jam hie logo, an intelledus, judicium, vel cogitatio, fit unum ex requifitis ad agendum ? 1. Si dicas quod intelieclus, judicium, vel cogitatio, fie unum ex requifitis ad agendum, veflra antecedens indif- fercntia nunquam efhciet, ut voluntas fit libera (quamvis eum in finem, ut inde adftrui pofTit voluntatis libertas, ex- -cogitata& introduda videtur) qui-i, ut dixi, aliqua a6tione femel intelledlui propofita, voluntas non eft in ftatu, in quo poteft agere vel non agere (in quo, ut mihi videtur, confi- ftic libertas) neceftario debet agere ; nee poteft obftinere ab agendo, i. e. u volendo, actionem illam fcilicer, vel illius omiflionem. Imo vero voluntas, eo in ftatu, non eft indifferens ad alterutram partem oppofitoriim, nempe a(5lionem propofitam, vel ejus omillionem, quia de- terminatur a prsecedente intelle6lusjudicio, actionem illam vel ejus omiftionem prseferente. 2. Si dicas quod intelledus, judicium, five cogitatio, non fit unum ex requifitis ad agendum : videas, qu^fo, dum hominem hoc modo liberum reddere velis, an non agentem caecum plane efncis ; & ut liberum facias ab eo in- telledum removes, fine quo nee efi>, nee fupponi poteft libertas ulla. Ad res enim cogiclui^ne & intelledu deftitutas, nulla omnino attinet libertas. Perpende igitur, qujefo, & tecum cogitd, an libertas hominis redte fundari poteft in ejufmodi ftatu, qui excludit cogitationem, redditque lapidem geque ciipacem llbertatis; an ilia indif- fercntia pertinere poteft ad quss.lionem de libertate, qua; fepofita cogitatione nullum locum in fubjedto relinquit libertati. l^eec omnia ita fe habent ex mealibertatis notione, quam fufiui traditam invenies § 8, 13. Quod fi cu alium ifti I 4 voci 120 Fa:'^nhar LetUrs hdu:cen Mr, Locke ^ voci frnfiim tiibua*:, forfan Iiic omnes cvancfcenr difficulra- tes. Sed tunc rogandus cs, ur tuam libci tatis dcfinitionem ad mc mittas, fi dc divcrfis rebus, Tub eodem nomine dif- Icrentcs, noluniu:> fine fruclu difpucarc. Ex his, qu:ii fupra dlxi, n)i!ii condare videtur, quod libertas nullatenus confiftic in indiffcrentia hominis, fed fo- lunnnnodo in potcntia agendi, vel non agendi, prout volu- mus. Kxcniplo forfan res clarior crit. Homo, v. g. amat vinum, judicat fibi bonum efle, ex voluntate fua bibit : nulla hie indiffcrentia eft, & tair.cn libera proi fus eft hacc actio, quia, fi modo mucavciic volunratem, potcil abftinere. Contra, homo vinum nee amat, nee averfatur, nee judicat fibi bonum nut malum cfT::; fupponam.us quantamlibct hominis indifferentiam : ex voluntate abfiinet ii vino in carccre, ubi vinum non pcrmittitur. Haec a^lio, ncmpe abflincntia a potionc vini, e(l voluntr.ria fatter, {<:A non eft libera : quoniam homo ille-, fi mutct voluntatem, vinum tamen in eo cafu bibere non j.olc{>. Videsigitur quod in- differentia porcfl t^^i di hoc aut illud, Temper fequiturjudicium intelledlus, quo homo judicat pro hie & nunc hoc efle melius. Ex quo facile eft intelligere, quid velim, cum dico, ante ultimum judicium intelledus homo non poteft- omnino fe deter- minare : hocque facile conciliare poflis cum iis, quae citas ex§ 47, de fufpenfione impletioniscujufcunquede- ftderii, li modo memineris, quod ante unamquamque vo- litionem prsecedit femper judicium aliquod intelledlus de re agenda ; judiciumque illud, quod immediate praece- dit volitionem, five acftum volendi, eft eo in cafu ulti- mum judicium intelledtus. Quod te in diverfum abripuit mihi vidctur hoc efl^e, nempe, quod ultimum judicium intelleclus videris confundere cum maturo & redo judicio, ft rede capio fenfum iftius fententi-- ubi haec verba lego : '' Intelledus poftaccuratum rar '^num '' examenjudicaverit, quidfacere oporteat," &c. Std id non eft ultimum judicium, de quo ego loquor. L. • uor ego de CO judicio, quod in omni volitione immediate prascedit volitionem, quod reveraeft ultimum judicium, five bene expenfum fit Si matura deliberatione recoc- tum, five extemporaneum Sc fubito impetu enatum, Sc aeque voluntatem detcrminat, i\w€: fit, ii\t non fit ration! confentaneum. Si meum fenfum in his fatis rede c^ dare expofui, non apparebit tibi, credo, hajc relcgcnti tanta inter nos opinionum diftantia, quantum credidifti : pro certo habeo nos, veritatcm utrinque fincere quai^rentes, non pofiTe diu de rebus ipfis diflcntire, quanquam loquendi formulae videantur nonnunquam in diverfum abire. Sed de rebus ipfis cogitantibus facile erit phrafeologias nebulas difcutere, ex quibus fere oriuntur inter veritatis ^matorcs omnes controverfiie. En prolixiore cpiftola tibi explicationcm fententiae meas 122 Familiar Letters bcliveen Mr. Locke ^ mejT pofccnti, ut potui, morcm gcfli. Ignofcas, rogo, quod totics cicavcrim libruiii mcuai i hoc feci brevitaiis caiifa, ne hie in epiftola ca rci'cribaein, quas in libro im- prefib melius legeres. De duabus vcifujnibus monere te convenit, ut ficubi inter fe diflentientes reperias de Icnfu meo ex Gallica dijudices. 1 11am cnim mihi au6tor totam perlcgit, & ubi a jcniu meo aberrare deprehendi, correxit. Latinam non- dum mihi legerc contigit. Valetudo & negotia non fatis otii conccflerunt. Vale, &, ut facis, me ama Oatcs, 1 2 Aug. Tui amantiflimum, 1701. J. Locke. Poftquam, qurc fnpra habentur, fcripferam, mihi venit in xnentv^m non incommodum fore, fi aliquid libro meo infe- rcrem, ad elucidandam indifFerentia^ naturam, in qua con- fiitit libcrtas, in gratam eorum, qui indifferentiam hoc in argumcn^o tidti faciunt, ut ilia ablata vel omifia nihil recle vei clare llatui de libcrrate pofTe exiftimant. En igitur quje § 71. fubjungenda cenfui. Ego Anglice fcripfi : Cjallicc vertir D. Colte i adeoque, li probas, Gallicii verfioni libri inei infcrere poflis. Liv. II. Chap. XXI. §71, aprcs ces mots, " par fon propre JLigemienc," ajoutez ce qui fuit. *^ Je fs;ai que certaine.s gens font confiHerla libertc dans " une certaine Indifference de I'homme, antecedentc " a la determination de {\ volonte. Je fouhaiterois que *' ceux qui font tnnt dc fonds lur cette indifference antece- •* dente, comme ils pnrlent, nous cuffent dit nettement fi *' Cttte indifTerence qu'ils fii|)p()fent, precede la penfee & *' le jugement de renicndemcnt auTi bien que le decret de *' la volonte ; car il eft bien malaifc de la placer cntre ces " deux termes, je veux dire immcdiatement aprcs le juge- *^ ment dc rcniendciTient, &: devant ladricrminarion dc la " volonte parce que la determination de la volonte fuit im- " mediatem.ent le jugement de I'cntendement : Zc d*ailleurs, ** placer la liberie dans \\w^ indifference, qui precede la '^ penfce& lejugement dercmcndement, c'eft, ce me fem- and fever al of his Friends, 123 *^> ble, faire confifter la liberte dans un ecat de tenebres, ou, ^^ nous ne pouvons ni voir ni dire ce quec'eft: c'eft dumoins " la placer dans un fujec incapable de liberte, nul agent *^ n'etant juge capable de liberte qu'en confequence de la *? penfee, & du jugemenc qu'on reconnoit en lui. Comms " je ne fuis pas delicat en matiere d'expreffions, je confens " a dire avec ceux qui aiment a parler ainfi, que la liberte *^ ell placee dans TindifFerence ; mais c'eft dans une forte " d'indifference qui refte apres le jugeiT:ient de I'entende- " ment, &: meme apres la determination de la volonte : ce f^ qui nVft pas une indifference de rhomme (car apres " que rhonime a une fois juge ce qu'ileft meilleur defairo " ou de ne pas faire, il n'eft plus indifferent) mais une in- *^ difference dcs puiffances aftives ou operatives de " rhomme, kfquelles demeurant tout autant capa- *^ bles d'agir ou de ne pas agir apres, qu'avant le *' decret de la volonte, font dans un etat qu'on peut " appelier, fi Ton veut, indifference : & auffi loin que ^' s'etend cette indifference, jufques-la Thomme eft " libre, & pas au dela. Par exemple, j'ai la puiffance <' de mouvoir ma m.ain, ou de la laiffer en repos : cette ** faculte operative eft indifferente au mouvement & au " repos de ma main : je fuis done libre a cet egard. Ma *' volonte vient a determiner cette puiffance operative au " repos, je fuis encore libre, parce que Tindifference de cette *^ puiffance operative qui eft en moi, d'agir ou de ne pas " agir, refte encore ; la puiffance de m.ouvoir me main " n'etant nuUement diminue par la determination de ma " volonte, qui a prefent ordonne le repos ; Tindifference " de cette puiffance a agir cu ne pas agir, eft juftement '' telle qu*elle etoit auparavant, comme il paroit fi la vo- " lonte veut en faire I'epreuve en ordonnant le contraire. ^' Mais fi pendant que ma main eft en repos, elle vient a *' etre faifie d'une foudaine paralyfie, Tindilierence de cette " puiffance operative eft dctruite, & ma liberte avec elle : " je n'ai plus de liberte a cet egard, mais je fuis dans la *' neceffite de laiffer ma main en repos. D'un autre cote, fi ^* ma main eft mife en mouvement par une convulfion, i'ln- " difference de cette faculte operative s' evanouit j & en ce " cas-la ma liberte eft detruite ; car je me trouvc dans la f^ neceftkc de laiffer mouvoir ma main. J'ai ajoute ceci ■* pour 1 24 Fcimiliar Letters betzveen Mr, Lcchy " pour faire voir dans quelle forte d'indiffcrence il mer •' paroit que la libertc confiftc prccifcment, & qu'elle ne «' peut confiller dans aucune autre, rcclle ou imaginaire." Joanni Locke Philippis a Limborcb, s. r. d. Amplifllme vir, QIIOD tantiim mea caufa laborem fufceperis, ut pro- lixiori epiftola lententiam tuam mihi diftindtius explicare non fueris gravatus, maximas tibi habco gratias : legi, rclegi, cxpendi epillolam tuam magna cum attentione. Quanto exadlius earn expendo, tanto magis obfcrvare vidcor, nos tam fcncentiis, qu.\m phrafibus ac loquendl niodis dlfcreparc, be quandoquc diverfas ideas iildem, non- nunquam eaidcm ideas diverfis vocibus defignare. R^^- pondilTem citius, vei urn coniulto refponfuin diftuli, donee integrum tuum traotatum pfilegilTem. Eo jam perlcclo, & cum epirtola tua collate, magls magifque obfervare videor, omnem, qui inter nos apparet diirenibm, non tam circa rem ipfam, qiiam circa voces, ac aiverfum eiufdem rei explicandae rationem occupari. Quia vero non ubique plirnfium mearum fenfum rccle percepiffe videris, & ut, quicqu'.d fortalTe adliuc inter nos redat diflenfus, paucis & in compendio comprehendi po.Tit, prime fenfum vocum ac phrafium, quibus ufus fum, quanta pofium peifpicuitate txplicabo: deinde phralibus tlaris 6^ ambiguirati non ob- noxiis fententiam meam quinta poffum bievitate expo- nam. Tandem inquii am in quibus confentiamus, & quis adhuc reiraneat dilfenfusj urrumne ille in re ipfj, an vero in vocibus ac phrafibus, be diverfa rem quam inquirimus cxplicandi ratione confiftat. Ita puto, fi fortalTe nor.dum per omnia idem fentianr.us, brevi omnem difienfum fubla- lum iri, ntc veritatem fincerceam quaerentibusdiu abicon^ ditam fore. Signification;m voluntatis, quod fit ** potrntia, quam *' homo habet incipiendi, fiftendi, vei vitandi aliquam *' aftionem mentis, vei corporis," ego tecum ngnofco, & ab ea non receda n : u voluncaLCLUam dillinguo defiderium, quo a-nd fever al of Ms Friends. 12^ quo fcrlrnur in bonum ablens, neque id unquam Tub notionc voluntatis comprchendam. Agnofco hie me minus exa(fl:e locutum, & ckfiderium a voluncate efie diftinguendum. Quod dixi, voluntatem etiam ferji in finem, niiiil aliud volui, nifi quod tu ipfe inepiilola tuadicis : " Multi'sfimui intellec- *' tuiobverlantibus bonis non fubordinatis necconfiftentibus, ** homincm unum, negle6lis aliis, fibi proponere ut (inem, ^^ & ut piofcqucndum : hoc facit voluntaiie.'* Hscergo elcdio ell adio voluntatis: quando hanc fibi eledionem fecit homo, defiderio fuo fcrtur in bonum illud quod fibi elegit ; & voluntate fua dirigit adiones fuas, quibus fe bonum dcfideratum confecuturum credit. Vox " libertas" mihi defignat dominium, quod homo habet in adionem fuam : quo nempe, pofitis omnibus ad agendum requifitis, potefl agere & non agere : qui non eft aclionis fu^ dominus, feu agere non potefl: quod vult, non eft iiber. Verum ego puto hoc ad omnes hominis adliones, fine ulla exceptione, extendi, tarn ad internas adiones men- tis, quam externas corporis, adeo ut etiam a6lio volendi, quas eft interna mentis adio, fit libera. Quando autem dixi voluntatem effe a6iionum noftrarum dominam, nihil aliud volui, nifi, adiones noftras externas dirigi a volitione noftra, adeo ut faciamus qus volumus, & non faciamus quae nolumus, nifi intercedat cohibitio, aut coadio : utra- que enim ilia iibertatem deftruit. Sem.el declaravi credere me animum, feu mentem immediate, abfqueullis interme- ciis facukatibus, intelligere& velle : per inteliedum itaque & voluntatem, quotiefcunque iis vocibus utor, aliud non intelligo nifi potentiam feu ficultatem ipfius animse, qua elicit adionem intelligendi ac volendi, & quam adionem anima immediate exercet. Et hanc fignificationem te etiam admittere puto. Supereft ut dicam de " indifferentia." De qua primo prsemoneo, earn non efle noftram, uti tu crcdis, id eft, a nobis inventam, aut ita a nobis adlcitam, uc pro ea tanquam neceftluio in hac qusellione ufurpanda contendamus. Nihil minus. Nos diu ilia voce ufi non fuimus: Iibertatem dafinientes, eam ordinarie vocavirrus dominium quod homo in adionem fuam habet. In difputatione autem contra illos theologos, qui inteliedum. ac voluntatem ftatu- unt duas cflefacgkatesj realixer mir.us facere pofllt qu)d vult, aac cogatur facere quod non vult; cohibitio enim &r coafVio, ut rccle obfcrvas:, re[.ugnant libertati, & quando nolbi juris funnis, femperfacimus quod volnmus. Si au- tcm voluntas ckterminatur ab intcllcdlu, &: intellectus atStio He ncccrfl^aria, omnia erunt necefT.ina : nam a principio neccf- fario, hoc efl*> ju iicio incellecUi>, determinntur voluntas; il voluntate adtioncs : itaquc homo ad adliones fuasdetermi- natus tit ; cfc licet potentiim habeac facic;idi quod vuh, &: non m^d fever d of his Friends, i jj non faciendi quod non vult \ potentia tamen ilia, per antcce- bonx confcientijc ftudio acquicfcendum, & negle^tis hominum iniquorum molitionibus, veritati ac paci indcfcflb (ludio unice litandum, laborui"nqut; noflrorum bencdic- tionem a Tolo Deo, qui c tencbi is lucem eruerc potcft, expcdanduni elle ccrtus fum. I Hi us te tutclse commendo ; ilium oro, ut omnia tibi largiatur faTifca ac falutaria, nec- non honoratifTirr.x in qua vivis fami.ue. Salurant te, Do- mnum ac Dominam Malham, una cumdignirfima Hiia ac filio, uxor ac filia. Saluicm ctiam a me dices D** Code. Amftelod. Jun. 21, Tui amantiflTiniUs, 17C4. P a LiMEORCH. PJjilJppo ii Liwhorcb Jcaunes hcclie^ s. r. d. Vir ampHfTime, PUDET me fane tam diuturni Hlentii, nee ab infirma 3c pl.ine fVada valerudine fatis exculatum credo, etiamfi ad- n:ixta etiam aliqua tui revercntia me a Icribcndo aliquan- tulum detinuic, fatis ex ij^fo morbodefidioium. Quorluin enim attinct te eruditioribus ft-rmonibus aptum cv com- mertiis litcrarum dodto liberoque animiO d ignis, acgro- tantis querclis, laboriofifquc verbis anhelum icri[):orcm redolcniibus fatigiirc ? juva: tamen exj^eriri amiciiiani luam, vetercm nmicum, ctiamli lenio & morbo n.uti- lum, ad repulclijum ulque profcqui. Nihil fane jucun- dius, nee tfi:, quod magis aniir.um debilem & languefcen- tcm rcfuLillat, quam conflans & vcgeta amicorum bene- volentiaj magnum pcrfugium lunr.ana! fragilitatis, in quo reperitur magna pars voluptatis, cum reliqua plane inlipida funt ^ fruRra loliciiantur. GratilTm^a: igitur luihi tucrunt ej.ifl.ola: tua: bcnevolcntix ^ amicitix pleraL\ nee and /everal of his Friends. 14 j nee quantum ex illis folatii perceperim ex taciturnitate mea, fed ex voluptate quam profiteer judicare debes. Ea enim infirmi corporis morbus eft, hoc fentientis grati & animi teftimonium. Etiamfi fervilium ingeniorum, hiimana venerantium, exempla cumulate fatis mihi obtulit longa dies, nee melior omnino mihi fpes eft de futuro ; donee placuerit Deo opti- mo maximo ex mifericordia fua, fecundo filii fui adventu, reftaurare ecclefiam j maxime tamen mihi placuit hiftoria ifta, quam in noviffimis tuis perfcripfifti. Aflus illc trien- nalis, cum omni fuo apparatu partim ridiculo, partim fuper- ftitiofb, habet in fe quod & ftomachum &rplenem moveat: ccrte cum omnibus fuis circumftantiis ita graphice depi6lus confervari debet, etiam ubi commode fieri poteft typis man- dari, & in publicum prodire, ut quod privatim obtinet, oculis hominum obverfetur, & pudefiant qui lie facris iilu- dunt, Deique nomen facrofandum, placieis inventifque fuis, audader praefigunt. Vitam tibi in utilitatem reli- gionis longam validamquej & in uftim famili^e & amicorum tuorum animitus precor, uti & omnia profpera tibi tuifque. Optimam tuam fasminam filiamque, reliquofque amicos noftros, meo nomine, rogo officiofilTime falutes. Hsec tota familia te tuofque ralutat. Vale^^ v.ir ampliffime, & me ama Oates, 4 Auguft, Tui amantifTimum, 170^. J;. Locke. Vol. IX. L a COL- COLLECTION OF SEVERAL PIECES OF Mr. JOHN L O C K E. rVDLISUED ST Mr. DESMAIZEAUX, UNDER THF DIRICTIO.V OF ANTHONY COLLINS, Esq^ TO HUGH WROTTESLEY, Esquire. SIR, HAVING met with feveral of Mr. Locke's works, which were never printed, I thought myfelf obHged to impart them to the public, together with fome pieces of chat illuftrious writer, which had indeed been publifhed before, but without his name to them, and were grown very fcarce. The value you have for every thing that was written by Mr. Locke, and your efteem for fome of his friends concerned in this colle6tion, emboldens me to offer it to you ; and I flatter myfelf that you will favour it with your acceptance. The firit piece in this collection, contains ^^ The Fun« damental Conftitutions of Carohna.'' You know, fir, that Charles II. made a grant of that country by letters' patents, bearing date March 24th, 1663, to the duke of Albemarle, the earl of Clarendon, the earl of Cra- ven, the lord Berkeley of Scratton, the lord Ashley, fir George Carteret, fir William Berkeley, and fir John Colleton 5 v^ho thereupon became proprietors of that colony. My lord Ashley, afterwards fo well known by the title of earl of Shaftesbury, was diftinguiflied by an exquifite judgment, an uncommon penetration, and a deep infight into ci^il affairs. The other proprietors dc- fired him to draw up the laws neceflary for the eftablifli- ment of their new colony; to which he the more readily confented, becaufc he relied on the aff'jilance of Mr. Locke, who had the good fortune to gain his friendfhip and confi- dence. My lord Ashley well knew, that our philofopher had a peculiar right to a work of this nature. He called to his mind fo m.any ancient philofophers, who had been legiQa- tors, and who, on this very account, had ftatues erefted to them. And indeed, fir, if we confider on the one bind, L 3 that 155 DEDICATION. chat a philofopher makes Man his particular (ludy, knows the reach of bis mind, and the fprings of his pafTions, in fine, his good and bad quahties ; and that on the other hand, not being biall'ed by any motives of felf-intereft, he hath notiring in view but the general good of man- kind ; it will be granted, tliat no-bcxiy h better qualified than luch an one, not only to civilize a barbarous people, but to prevent the inconveniencics and diforders which even the mod polite nations are apt to fall into. In this refpcdt it is, that the philofopher haih the advantage over the courtier, or what we call the politician. For this latter, being accuflomed to fiudy the genius and inclinations of men for his own ends only, and to make his own advantage of them ; it is impoirible he Ihould entirely overcome the force of cuflom, and the tyranny of prejudice, when the concerns of the public, and the welfare of fociety, are under deliberation. But the philofopher confiders things in genera], and as they really are in themfelves. He exa- mines the mofl difHcult and important points of govern- ment, with tl;e fame accuiacy, and the lame difpofition of mind, as his other philofophical fpeculations. And there- fore, as all his viev/s are more extenfive and impartial, they mi'ifl needs be more beneficial and fecure. But though fome may be of opinion, that in matters of flare, the politician ought to have the preference of the philofopher, this will not in the leaft diminifli the value of the Fundamental ConiVitutions of Carolina i fincc not only a philofopher, but a politician of the firft rank, was con- cerned therein. No iiian is n»^»re capable of judging of the excellence of fuch conlVitutions, than yourfclf, lir, \\ho not only have acquired a coiTiplete knowledge of our laws, but fludied them as a piiilofopher, by looking for the motives and foundations of Lhcm, in the very natiwe of mankind. I''or the red, you have here thofe conditutions, printed from Mr. L.ocki.'s copy, wherein are feveral amendments made with his own hand. Fie had prefented it^^ as a work of his, to one of his friends, who was plcafcd :o communi- cate it to me. The fecond piece in this coUeiTtion i«, '' A Letter frona -' a Peifon of Cj^iality, to his Friend in the Couniry." Ic gives DEDICATION. 151 gives an account of the debates and refolutions of the houfe of lords, in April and May, 1675, concerning a bill, intitled, " An adl to prevent the dangers, which tnay arife " from perfons difafFedled to the governnnent." 6y that bill, which was brought in by the court-party, all fuch as enjoyed any beneficial office or employment, civil or mili- tary, to which was afterwards added, privy counfellors, juftices of the peace, and members of parliament, were, under a penalty, to take the oath, and make the declaration and abhorrence following: ^^ I A. B. do declare, that it is " not lawful, upon any pretence whatfoever, to take up arms '* againft the kingj and that I do abhor that traitorous " polition, of taking arms by his authority, againft his " perfon; or againft thofe that are commiftioned by him, " in purfuance of fuch commiflion ; and I do fwear, that " I will not, at any time, endeavour the alteration of the go- " vernment, eidier in church or ftate. So help me, God." Such of the lords as had no dependance upon the court, and were diftinguiQied by the name of country-lords, looked upon this bill as a ftep the court was making to in- troduce arbitrary power; and they oppofed it fo vigoroufly, that the debate lafted five feveral days, before it was com- mitted to a committee of the whole houfe ; and afterwards it took up fixteen or feventeen whole days ; the houfe fit- ting many times till eight or nine of the clock at night, and fometimes till midnight. However, after feveral alte- rations, which they were forced to make, it palTed the com>mittee; but a conteft then ariiing between the two houfes, concerning their privileges, they were fo infiamed againft each other, that the king thought it advifeable to prorogue the parliament, fo that the bill was never reported from the committee to the houfe. The debates, occafioned by that bill, failed not to make a great noife throughout the whole kingdom : and becaufe there were but few perfons duly apprized thereof, and every body fpoke of it as they ftood afit'(fkd; my lord Shaftes- bury, v/ho was at the head of the country-party, thought it neceft^iry to publifti an exa6l relation of every thing that had pafied upon that occafion ; in order, not only to optrn the people's eyes upon the fcrcret views of the court, but to do juftice to the country- lords, and thereby to fecure to them the continuance of the affedion and attachment of fuch as L 4 \^ere 152 DEDICATION. were of the fame opinion with thcmfelvcs, which was the moll Gonfidcrable part of the nation. But though this lord had all the faculties of an orator ; yet, not having time to exercife himfclf in the art of writing, he defired Mr. Lockk to draw up this relation ; which he did under his lordfliip's infpedlion, and only committed to writing what my lord Shaftesdurv did in a manner dictate to him. Accord- ingly you will find in it a great n^any flrokes, which could proceed from no-body but my lord Shaftesbury him- fclf; and, among others, the characters and eulogiums of Inch lords as had fignalized tlicirifclves in the caufe of public liberty. This letter was privately printed foon afterwards; and the court was lb incenfcd at it, that, at the next meeting of the parliament, towards the end of the year 1675, the court- party, who iliil kept the afcendant in the houfe of lords, ordered it to be burnt by the common hangman. *^ The particular relation of this debate, fays the ingenious '' Mr. Marvil, which laded many days, with gieat " eagcrnefs on both fides, ^nd the reafons but on one, was, ** in the next leliion, burnt by order of the lords, but the '' fparks of it will eternally fly in their adverfarics faces*." This piece was grown very fcarce. It is true it was infcrted, in tiie year 1689, ''^ ^^^^ ^'^^ volume of the State TraLls; but in fuch a manner, tnat it had been far better not to have reprinred it at all. And, indeed, among numbers of lefier faults, there are feveral whole periods left out; and many places appear to be defignedly filfified. It is likely all thi^ was occafioncd by the coir.piler's making ule of the tirlt printed copy that fell into hio hands; widi- out giving himfelf the trouble :o look out for more exa6l ones. That I miglit not be guilty of the Hime lault, I have fo.ughr i.fcer all the editions I could poflibly hear of; a:)H have luckily me: two printed in the year 4675, botli pretty exact, though one is more lb than the other. I have collated them with e.irh other, and with that contained in the State Tracfls. In Ihort, that this piece might appear to rKe bell advantage, I have taken tlie fame care as if I had * An account of the growth of pojv-ry, and arl)ilrary government in Y.n^Iiind, more p-irtitularly from the -'long i)ror<);;anocke took a delight in form.ing fuch focicties, wherever he made any ftay. He had eftablifiied one at Amllerdam in 168"', of which Mr. L>!Mi:oRCH, and Mr. le Ci.erc, were members. He fctrkd this cluh at London, foon after the devolution; and drew up tlie rules you v. ill find here. But his defign in doii-.g ilr.5, was not only to piifs away tim.e in an agreeable convtilation of two or t'nrce hc.urs; he had views far moie folid and fublime. As there is nothing that more obflrufls the advancement of truth, and the progrefs of real chrillia- iiity, than a certain narrow fpii it, which leads men to can- tonife themlelves, if I may lb fpeak, I'.nd to break into fmall bodies, which at lad g:(iw into fo many factions; Mr. Locke, zeak>us for the general good of mankind, would haver pjid'y iclpired them with lentiments of a higher and more extenfive nature, and united thofe whom the fpirit of prqudiee or pn-ty had k«'pt afunder. This is what cor.ti- ruiilv em}!cyid hi^ thouglits. He never lofes fight of it throogiicut his works. Nay, it is the principal fubjcft of them." But he did not confine himfelf to hare fpecuiation; and I'.e formed tiie Ibciety above-mentioned with a defign to renck-r, as ir.u.h as lay in his power, fuch' a defirable Dni')n practicable. This appears from the difpolkion of mind he requires in thofe, who were to be meubers of it; and cfp(ci.l y by the declaration tliey were coliged to fub- fciibe, tliat, '" by their becoming of that fociety, they pro- *• |X)fed to thcmfelves an improvement in ufeful know- " kdi not a little ridiculous. Tor can any thing be niorc.abrurd, than lb many capital letters, that are not only prefixed to all noun fubilanLivcs, but alfo often to adjectives, pronouns, particles, and even to verbs? And what Ihall we fay of that odd mixture of italic, which, inftead of helping tiic reader to diltinguifh mat- ters the more clearly, does only peri)lex him ; and breeds a conujfion fnocking to the eye ? But you are not to be informed, fir, you,- who every day enrich your library with books of the flncll editions, that none of thefc faults were ever committed by the printers, who have been eminent in their art. Surely, if the authors on the one hand, and the readers on the other, would oppofc this barbarifm, it would be no difficult matter to rellorc a jufl talle, and a beautiful way of printing. To the pieces already mentioned, I have prefixed the character of Mr. Lcjckk, at the requeft of fome of his friends; as you will fee by the letter before it, which was fentto me together with that character. Thefe, Sir, are all the pieces, which make up this vo- lume. Why may I not, at the fame time that I olfer it to vou, unfold to the view of the public fo many perfections, which a too fevere and fcrupulous modefty conceals from it ! Why may I not make known the rare endowments of )our mint!, as well as the noble and generous fentiments of your heart! But I fear I have already too much prefuuK^d upon your goodnefs, by preiixing vour name to this difcourfe. And after hav- ing been io bold, as not to confult you, upon a thing which you would never have permitted ; I ought to ac- count myfelf very fortunate, if, on confideration of my paiTing over your excellent qualities in profound lilence, you are pleafed to forgive the freedom I have taken ; and will give me leave to declare to you and all the world, how fenfiblc I an> of the friendfliip you honour nie with, and to aflure you that I lliall always be. with the i^rcatefl refpec't, SIR, March 23, 17 19. Your mofl obedient . and moll huniblc fervant, DF? MAIZEAUX. A TABLE OP THE Pieces contained in this Collection, 'T'HE charadler of Mr. Locke, by Mr. Peter Colle. The fundimental conflitutions of Carolina. A letter from a perfon of quality to his friend in the country ; giving an account of the debates and refo- hitions of the houfe of lords, in April and May 1675, concerning a bill, intitled, '^ An adl to prevent the '' dangers which may arife from perfons difaffeded " to the government.*' Remarks upon fome of Mr. Norris's books, wherein he aiTerts F. Malebranche's opinion of *' our feeing all '' things in God." * Elements of natural philofophy. * Some thoughts concerning reading and fludy for a gentleman. A letter to Mr. Oldenburgh, fecretary to the Royal Society. Letters to Anthony Collins, Efq. A letter to the Rev. Mr. Richard King. A letter to * * * on Dr. Pococke. Letters to the Rev. Mr. Richard King. Rules of a fociety, which met once a week, for their improvement in ufeful knowledge, and for the pro- jnoting of truth and chriftian charity. * It has been deemed expedient, in the prefent edition, to transfer thefc Jwo articles to the fccond volume. THE i6r T II E CHARACTER O F Mr. L O C K E. B Y Mr. peter COSTE: W I T II A LETTER relating to that Character, and to the Author of it. A L E T T E R to Mr ^ *1& ^1^ Tjt vjc v^ SIR, London, Feb. 4, 1720. "REING informed, that you defign to piiblifli feveral new pieces of Mr. Locke, I here fend you, at the re- queilof Ibme of his friends, the tranflation of a letter, attempting his charader, and containing feveral palfages of his life and converfation ; which you are delired to prefix before that collec^tion. The author of that letter is Mr. Peter Cofce, who has tranflated into French Mr. Locke's Thoughts con- cerning Education, his Reafonableiiefs of Chriftianity, and Vindications thereof; with his principal work, the ElTay concerning Human Underftanding. Mr. Coste lived in the famet^miily with Mr. Locke, during the feven lafl years of that great man's life ; "V'hcreby he had all poflible opportunities to know him. The letter was written fome tmie after Mr. Locke's death ; and appears to be the produdion of a man in Vol. IX. M raptur/^-^.. 1 6 2 T/v CharaHey of Mr. Loch. raptures, and flruck with the higheft admiration of Mr. Locke's virtue, capa'citv, and of the excellency of his writings ; and under the deej)ell alTliction for the lofs of a perfon, to whom in his life-time he had paid the moll: profound refpect, and for whom he had conftantly cxprelled the greatell efleem, and that even in w ritings, whereof Mr. Locke did not know him to be the author. And therefore Mr. Locke's friends judge its publica- tion necellciry, not only, as they think it contains a jufl: charadter of Mr. Locke, as far as it goes ; but as it is a proper vindication of himagainlt thefaidMr. Code, who in ilveral writings, and in his common converfation throughout France, Holland, and England, has afperfcd and blackened the memory of Mr. Locke, in thofe very refpeds, wherein he was his panegyrifb before. For, they conceive, the eulogium contained in the fol- lowing letter mud (land good, till Mr. Code thinks lit either j:o deny hiso\\n experience, or to confefs, that the fame "things, which he then thought praife-worthy, have fmcc changed their nature. I am, S I R, Your moft obedient humble fervant, * * * The CHARACTER of Mr. LOCKE. In a L E T T E R to the Author of the Nouvelles de la Republiquc dQs Lettrcs. By Mr. P. Costf.*. ^ I R, London, Dec. 10,1704. Y O U nuifl: have heard of the death ©fthe illufljious Mr. Locke, it is a general lofs. For that reafon he is lamented by all good men, ajid all fmcerc lovers ♦ Tliat letter was printed in the NouvcUcs dc I.1 R^"pul)lique des Lettres, for the month of February 1705, art. 11, page 194, with this title, A Letter of Mr. Coite to llic author of llictc Nuuvdlcs, written on oa- cafion of ihc death ol Mr, Locke, of ne Char an er of Mr. Locke. 163 of truth, who were acquainted with his cha racier. He was born for the good of mankind. Moil of his actions were dircdlcd to that end ; and I doubt whether, in his time, any man in Europe applied himfclf more earneftly to that noble defign, or executed it with more fuccefs. I will forbear to fpeak of the valuablenefs of his works. The general efteem they have attained, and will prefervc, as long as good fenfe and virtue are left in the world ; the fervice they have been of to England in particular, and univerfally to all that fet themfclvcs ferioufly to the fearch of truth, and the fludy of chrif- tianity ; are their befh eulogium. The love of truth is vifible in every part of them. This is allowed by all that have read them. For even they, who have not reliflied fome of Mr. Locke's opinions, have done him thejuftice to confefs, that the manner, in which he defends them, fliows he advanced nothing that he was not fincerely convinced of himfelf. This his friends gave him an account of from feveral hands : ** Let them '^ after this, anfwered he, objecl whatever they pleafe ^^ againft my works ; I fhall never be difturbed at iti *^ For fince they grant I advance nothing in them buC *' what I really believe, I fliall always be glad to prefei ^^ truth to any of my opinions, whenever I difcover ii '^ by myfelf, or am fatisfied that they are not conform- ^^ able to it," Happy turn of mind! which, I am fully perfuaded, contributed more even than the pene - tration of that noble genius, to his difcovery of thofc great and ufeful truths which appear in his works. But, without dwelling any longer upon confidering Mr. Locke in the quality of an author, which often ferves only to difguife the real characfler of the i^ian, I hade to Hiow him to you in particulars much more amiable, and which will give you a higher notion of his merit. Mr. Locke had a great knowledge of the world, and of the bufinefs of it. Prudent without being cunning; he won people's efteem by his probity, and was always fafe from the attacks of a falfe friend, or a fordid flat- terer. Avcrfe to all mean complaifance ; his wifdom, his experience, his gentle and obliging manners, gained M 2 him 1 64 The Charaner of Mr, Lockf. him the rcrpc<.^t of his infcriours. the cflcem of his equals, the fijindlhip and confidence of the greatefb quality. Without fcttin^r up for a teacher, he inftructed others by his own condu:t. He was at firfl pretty much dif- |)ored to give advice to fuch of his friends as he thou^^ht wanted it ; but at length, lindin<^ that, ** good counfels " are very little effectual in making people more pru- " dent/* he grew much more refcrved in that parti- c ular. I have often heard him fay, that the iirft time he heard that maxim, he thought it very Ihange ; but rhat experience had fully convinced him of the truth of ir. By counfeis, we are here to undcrfland thofc which ;:rc given to fuch as do not afk them. Yet, as much as (x- defpaired of reunifying thole whom he faw takin^^of talfe meafures ; his natural goodncl's, the averfion he had todiforder, and the intercfl he took in thofe about him, in a manner forced him fomctimes to break the rcfolution he liad made of leaving them to go their own vay; and prevailed upon him to give them the advice, which he thought inolt likely to reclaim them ; but this he always did in a modeii: way, and ^o as to convince the mind by fortifying his advice with folid aro-uments, which he never v.anted upon a proper occafion. But then Mr. Lo< ke was very liberal of his counfeis, A\hcn they were dcTired ; and no-body ever confulted him in vain. An extreme vivacity of niind, one of his reigning qualities, in which perhiips he never had an equal ; his great experience, and the luicere defire he had of being ferviceablc to all niankind ; foon furnilhed him with the expedients, which were moll jull and kail :>. 1 fa>, the ioart dangerous; for wha; he i ,.,^.>M.a CO him.felf bjforc all things was to lead thofe, who confulted him, into no trouble. This was one of his favourite maxims, and he never loft light of it upon any occalion. Though Mr. l^ckc chiefly loved truths that were ufetui, and with fuch icaS bis mind, and was generally vrry well pleafed to niakc them the fubject of his dil- uirfc ; yet he ufcd to fay, that in order to employ one parr oi this life in ferious and important occupations, it u/as ncc. "'mv rn.':.r ■ 1 : "yiherin!neijamulcmcnt5;and w) en an 7be CharafJer of Mr, Locke. 165 .an occafion naturally oflcrcd, he gave himfelf up with pleafure to the charms of a free aiid facetious convcrfa- tion. He remembered a great many agreeable n-ories, 'which he always brought in properly; and generally made them yet ir^ore delightful, by his natural and agreeable way of telling them. He was no foe to rail- lery, provided it were delicate and perfedtly innocent. No-body was ever a greater mader of the art of ac- commodating himfelf to the reach of all capacities; which, in my opinion, is one of the fu.-cft marks of a great genius. It was his peculiar art in converfation, to lead people to talk of what they underftood befl. With a gardener he difcourfcd of gardening; with a jeweller, of a dia- mond; with a chymift, of chymiftry, &c. '' By this, *' fiid he himfelf, I pleafe all thofe men, who com- ^' monly can fpeak pertinently upon nothing elfe. As '' they believe I have an efleem for their profefTion, ^' they are charmed with fhowing their abilities before "■ me; and I, in the mean while, improve myfelf by ''their difcourfe.'* And indeed Mr. Locke' had by this m.eans acquired a very good infight into all the arts, of which he daily learnt more and more. He iifed to fay too, that the knowledge of the arts contained more true philofophy, than all thofe fine learned hypo- thefes, which, having no relation to the nature of things, are fit for nothing at the bottom, but to make men lofe their time in inventing, or comprehending them. A thoufand tim.es have I admired how, by the feveral " queftions he would put to artificers, he would nnd out the fecret of their art, which they did not underdand ' themfelves; and oftentimes give them views entirely new, which fometimes they put in pradice to their profit. , This eafmefs, with which Mr. Locke knew how to converfe with all forts of men, anti the pleafure he took in doing it, at firlt furprized thofe, who had never talked with him before. They were charmed with this condefcenfion, not very comivion among men of letters ; and which they fo little expected from a perfon, whofe jjreat qualities r-aifed hini fo very much abc-ve all other ^^ 3 men* l66 "Jhe Chara:i':r of Mr. Lccke. men. Many who knew him only by his writings or by the reputation he had gained of being one of the grcatefl: philofophcis of the age, having imagined to thcmfclvcs before-hand, that he uas one of thofc fcho- lars, that, being always full of thcmfelves, and their fublime fpeculations, are incapable of familiarizing themfelves with the common fort of mankind, or of entering into their little concerns, or difcourling of the ordinary a iVairs of life; were perfedly amazed to fmd him nothing but affability, good-humour, humanity, plcafantnefs, always ready to hear them, to talk with them of things which they bcft underftood, much more delirous of informing himfelf in what they underftood better than himfelf, than to make a fliow of his own fciencc. I knew a very ingenious gentleman in England, that was for fome time in the fame pre^judice. Before he law Mr. Locke, he had formed a notion of him to himfelf under the idea of one of the ancient philofophers, with a long beard, fpcaking nothing but by fentcnces, negligent of his perfon, without any other politenefs but what might proceed from the natural goodncfs of his tem[)er, a fort of politenefs often very coarfe and very troublefomc in civil fociety. But one hour's con- verfation entirely cured him of his miftake, and obliged him to declare, that he looked upon Mr. Locke to be one of the politelt men he ever faw: ** He is not a ** philofopher always grave, always confined to that cha- ** racter, as I imagined; he is, faid he, a perfect cour- ** tier, as agreeable for his obliging and civil behaviour, *' as admirable for the profoundnels and delicacy of his ** genius.** Mr. Lo( ke was fo far from afTuming thofc airs of gravity, by which fome folks, as welf learned as un- learned, love to diflinguifh themfelves from the rcR of the world ; that, on the contrary, he looked upon them, as an infallible mark of impertinence. Nay, fomc- timcs he would divert himfelf with imitating riiat Ihi- dicd gravity, in order to turn it the better into ridicule ; and upon this occafion he always remembered this maxim of the duke of la Rochcfoucault, which he ad- mired above all others, ** that gravity is a my fiery of ' the The CbaraflerofMr, Locke, 167 " the body, invented to conceal the dcfe^^s of the *' mind." He loved alfo to confirm his opinion on this fubjed:, by that of the famous carl of Shaftfbury*, to whom he took a delight to give the honour of all the things, which he thought he had learnt from his con- verfation. Nothing ever gave him a more fenfible pleafure than the elfeem, which that earl conceived for him, almoft the firfl moment he faw him, and which he afterwards prcferved as long as he lived. And, indeed, nothing fet Mr. Locke's merit in a better light, than the con- ftant efteem of my lord Shaftlbury, the greateft genius- of his age, fuperiour to fo many great men that flione at the fame time at the court of Charles II ; not only for his refolution and intrepidity in maintaining the true in- terefts of his country, but alfo for his great abilities in the condu6l of the moft knotty affairs. When Mr. Locke ftudied at Oxford, he fell by accident into his company, and one fmgle converfation with that great man won him his efteem and confidence to fuch a de- gree, that foon afterwards my lord Shaftfbury took him to be near his perfon, and kept him as long as Mr. Locke's health or affairs would permit. That earl par- ticularly excelled in the knowledge of men. It was im- poflible to catch his efteem by moderate qualities ; this his enemies themfelves could never deny. I wifli I could, on the other hand, give you a full notion of the idea, which Mr. Locke had of that nobleman's merit. He lofl no opportunity of fpeaking of it ; and that in a manner, which fufficiently fhowed he fpoke from his heart. Though my lord Shaftlbury had not fpent much time in reading; nothing, in Mr. Locke's opinion, could be more jull than the judgment he paffed upon the books, which fell into his hands. He prefently faw through the defign of a work ; and without much heeding the words, which he ran over with vail: rapidity, he immediately found whether the author vas mailer of his fubjedl, and whether his teafonlngs \^■erc exad. But, * Chancellor of England in the reign of Charlci II, M 4 above S 'The Char an CY rf Mr. Loc\'. above all, Mr. Locke admired in him that penetration, that prcrcnccof mind, which always prompted him with the bcfl expedients, in the moll dcfperatc cafes; that noble boldncfs, which appeared in all his public difcourfes, always guided by a lolitl judgment, which, never allow- ing him to fay any thing but what was proper, regu- lated his leall word, and left no hold to the vigilance of his enemies. During the time Mr. Locke lived with that illufliiois lord, he had tlie advantage of becoming acquainted with all the polite, the witty, and agreeable part of the court. It was then that he got the habit of thofc obliging and benevolent manners, which, fupported by an eafy and polite cxpreflion, a great knowledge of the world, and a vaft extent of capacity, made his converfation io agreeable to all forts of people. It was then too, with- out doubt, that he fitted himfelf for the great affairs, of V hich he afterwards appeared fo capable. I know not w herher it was the ill Hate of his health, that obl'ged him, in the reign of king William, to re- f'T- ■- ;n' ! fc)i)hy, Ihould have more extenfive and certain '•an themfclves, in a bufincfs which they had 'icd thcmfelves to from their youth. Ac ii Mr. Locke could no longer pafs the fum- I at London, without endangering his life, he went " \ that oflice to the king hiuifelf, up/on account Ith would permit him to llay no lougLr in town. Ihis reafon did not hinder the king from en- iicaiing ^'•. f .r,cke to continue in his poll, telling him cxprefsly^ n-e CharaFIer of Mr. Locke. 169 exprefsly, that, though he could ilay at London but a few weeks, his fcrvices in that oftice would yet be very neceflarv to him ; but at length he yielded to the rc- prefentationo of Mr. Locke, who could not prevail upon himfelf to hold an employment of that importance, w^ithout doing the duties of it more regularly. He formed and executed this defign without mcntiojiing a word of it to any body whatfoever; thus avoiding, with a generolity rarely to be found, what others would have earneftly laid out after; for by making it known that he was about to quit that employment, which brought him ill a thoufand pounds a year, he might eafily have en- tered into a kind of compofition with any pretender, who, having particular notice of this news, and being befriended with Mr. Locke's intcreft, might have car^ ried the poft from any other perfon. This, we may be fure, he was told of, and that too by May of reproach. ^' I knew it very well, replied he; but this was the very ^' reafon why I communicated my defign to no-body. '^ I received this place from the king himfelf, and to '^ him I refolved to reflore it, to difpofe of it as he *' thought proper." *' Heu prifca fides!" Where arc fuch examples, at this day, to be met with ? One thing, which thole who lived for any time with Mr. Locke could not help obferving in him, was, that he took a delight in making ufe of his reafon in every thing he did; and nothing, that is attended with any ufefulnefs, feemed unworthy his care; fo that wc may fay of him, what was faid of queen Elizabeth, that he v/as no lefs capable of fmall things than of great. He iifed often to fay himfelf, that there was an art in every thing; and it was eafy to be convinced of it, to fee the manner in which he went about the moft triHing |:hing.he did, and always with fome good reafon. I might here dcfcend into particulars, which probably, to many, would not be unplcafant ; but the bounds I have fet rnyfelf, and the fear of taking up too many pagei in your joLn"nal, will not give me leave to cfo it. Mr. Locke, above all things, loved order; and he had got the way of obferving it in every thing with wonder^ ful cxadtncfst j-Q The Characlcr of Mr, Locke. As he always kept the ufcful in his eye, in all hisdif- miilitions, he cftccmccl the employments of men only in proportion to the good they were capable of producing; for which reafon he had no great value for thofc critics, or mere grammarians, that waftc their lives in compar- ing words and phrafcs, and in coming to a determina- tion in the choice of a various reading, in a palfage that has nothing important in it. He cared yet lefs for thofc profcUed difputants, who, being wholly taken up with the defire of coming off -with the vi(ftory, fortify thcm- fclves behind the ambiguity of a word, to give their ad- Tcrfaries the more trouble. And whenever he had to deal Nvith this fort of folks, if he did not beforehand take a ftrong refolution of keeping his temper, he quickly fell into a pafTion. And, in general, it mull be owned, he was naturally fomewhat choleric. But his anger never lalled long. If he retained any refentment, it was againd himfelf for having given way to fo ridi- culous a palhon ; which, as he ufed to fay, may do a great deal of harm, but never yet did the lead good. He often would blame himfelf for this wcaknefs. Upon uhich occafion, 1 remember, that two or three weeks before his death, as he was fitting in a garden taking tJie air in a bright fun-fliine, whole warmth afforded him n great deal of pleafure, which he improved as much as polliblc, by cauhng his chair to be drawn more and more towards the fun, as it went down ; we happened to fpeak of Horace, I know not on what occafion, and having repeated to him thefe verfes, where that poet fays^ oif hunfelf, that he was Solibus aptum ; Irafci cclerem, tamen ut placabilis cflem : *' That hr loved the warmth of the fun, and that, ** though he vsas naturally choleric, his anger \\as eafily *• appealed." Mr. Locke replied, that, if he durll prefumc to compare himfelf with Horace in any thing, he thought he was pcrfedly like him in thofe two re- fpcCts. Jiut, that you may be the lefs lurprized at his inodcfty, upon this occalion, 1 mull, at the fame time, inform you, that he looked upon Horace to be one of the ' The CharaHer of Mr. Locke. 171 the wifefl and happiefl Romans that lived in the age of Auguftus, by means of the care he took to prcfervc himfclf clear of ambition and avarice, to keep his delircs within bounds, and to cultivate the fricndlhip of the greatelt men of thofe times, without living in their de- pendence. Mr. Locke alfo di (liked thofe authors that labour only to dedroy, without eftablifliing any thing thcm- felves : *' A building, faid he, difpleafes them. They *' find great faults in it; let them demolifh it, and weU *^ come, provided they endeavour to raife another in its *^ place, if it be pollible.'* He advifed, that, whenever we have meditated any thing new, we Ihould throw it as foon as pofiiblc upon paper, in order to be the better able to judge of it by feeing it all together ; becaufe the mind of man is not capable of retaining clearly a long chain of confequences, and of feeing, without confulion, the relation of a great number of different ideas. Beiides, it often happens, that what we had mod admired, when confidcred in the grofs, and in a perplexed manner, appears to be utterly inconfiftent and unfupportable, when we fee every pai-t of it diftinclly. Mr. Locke alfo thought it neceflliry always to com- municate one*s thoughts to fome friend, efpccially if one propofed to offer them to the public; and this was •what he conftantly obferved himfelf. He could hardly conceive how a being of fo limited a capacity as man, and fo fubjeclto errour, could have the confidence to negled: this precaution. Never man employed his time better than Mr. Locke, as appears by the works he publiihed himfclf; and per- haps, in time, we may fee new proofs of it. He fpent the laft fourteen or fifteen years of his life at Oatcs, a country-feat of fir Francis Mafham's, about five and twenty miles from London, in the county of Effex. I cannot but take pleafurc in imagining to myfclf, that this place, fo well known to fo many pcrfons of merit, whom 1 have fcen come thither from fo many parts of England to vifit Mr. Locke, will be famous to pofle- ri ty, for the long abode that great man made there. Be , Y 2 ^-f't- Cbaracler of Mr, Locke. Ik that as it may, it was there that enjoying fometimcs the convcrfiition of his fricntlH, and always the company of my lady Malliam, for whom Mr. Locke had long conceived a very particular efiecm and friendfhip (in j'pitc of all that lady's merit, this is allthe eulogium Ihc lliall have of mc now) he tailed fwects, which were in- terrupted by nothing but the ill Hate of a weakly and delicate conftitution. During this agreeable retirement, lie applied himfelf efpecially to the Ihidy of the Holy Scripture; and employed the lall years of his life in hardly any thing elfe. He was never weary of admir- ing the great views of that facrcd book^ and the juft relation of all its parts ; he every day made difcoverics in it, that gave him frcih caufc of admiration. It is flrongly reported, in England, that thofe difcoverics will be communicated to the public. If fo, the Avholc world, I am confident, will have a full proof of what was obferved by all that were near Mr. Locke to the lall: part of his life; I mean, that his mind never fuf-r Icrcd the leafl: decay, though his body grew every day vilibly weaker and weaker. His flrength began to fail him more remarkably than ever, at the entrance of the laft fummer; a feafon which^ in former years, had always reftored him fome degrees of ftrength. Then he forefaw that his end was vcr) near. lie often fpoke of it himfelf, but always with great compofure, though he omitted none of the pre^ cautions, which his lliill in phylic taught him, to pro- long his life. At length, his legs began to fwcll; and, that fwelling increafing every day, his ftrength dimi- nilhcd very vifibly. He then faw how Ihort a time he luid left to live, and prepared to quit this world, with a deep fen fe of all the bkrHngs which God had grantetl him, which he took delight in numbering up to his friends, and full of a lincere refignation to his will, and of firm hopes in his promifes, built upon the word of Jefus ChriiV, fent into the world to bring to light life and immortality, by his gofpcl. At length, his flrength failed him to fuch a degree, that, the 26th of Odtober, 1704, two days before his de^th| nc Character of Mr. Locke. ij^ death J going to fee him in his clofct, I found him on his knees, but unable to rife again without airillance. The next day, though he was not woric, he would continue a-bed.' All that day he had a greater difficulty of rcfpiration than ever, and about five of the clock, in the evening, he fell into a fweat, accompanied with an extreme wcaknefs, that made us fear for his life. He was of opinion himfelf, that he was not far from his lail moment. Then he defired to be remembered at even- ing prayers; thereupon my lady Mailiam told him, that, if he would, the whole family fliould come and pray by him in his chamber. He anfwcred, he Ihould be very glad to have it fo, if it would not give too much trou- ble ; there he was prayed for particularly. After this, he gave fome orders with great ferenity of mind; and, an occafion offering of fpeaking of thegoodnefs of God, he efpecially exalted the love which God fliowed to man, in juilifying him by faith in Jefus Chrifl. He rcturncJ. him thanks, in particular, for having called him to the knowledge of that divine Saviour. He exhorted alL about him to read the Holy Scripture attentively, and to apply themfclves fincercly to the praiftice of all their duties ; adding, exprefsly, that ** by this means they *' would be more happy in this world, and fecure to ^' themfelves the poilciiion of eternal felicity in the '' other.'* He pad the whole night without flecp. The next day he caufcd himfelf to be carried into his clofet, for he had not ilrength to walk by himfelf; and , there in his chair, and in a kind of dozing, though in his full fenfes, as appeared by what he faid from time to time, he gave up the ghoU about three in the afternoon^ the 28th of October. I beg you, fir, not to take what I have faid of Mr. Locke's character for a iinilhcd portrait. It is only a flight fkctch of fome few of his excellent qualities. I am told we fl\all quickly have it done by the hand of a mailer. To that i refer you. Many features, 1 am fure, have cfcajDcd me ; but I dare affirm, that thofe, vhich I have given you a draught of, are not fct off uith faiic colours, but drawn faithfully from the life. I mult ly^ ^^-^'^ CharaHcr of Mr, Locke, I mud: not omit a particular in Mr. Locke's will, ^vhich it is of no fmall importance to the common- wealth of learninjj; to he acquainted with; namely, that therein he declares what were the works which he had publiHicd without fctting his name to them. The occafion of it was this: fome time before his death. Dr. Hudfon, keeper of the I^odleian library at Oxford, had defired him to fend him all the works with w hich he had favoured the public, as well thofe w ith his name as thofc without, that they might be all placed in that famous library. Mr. l.ocke fent him only the former; but in his w ill he declares he is refolved fully to fatisfy Dr. Hudfon; and to that intent he bequeaths to the Bod- leian library a copy of the rell of his works, to which he had not prefixed his name, viz. a Latin ** Letter concerning Toleration," printed at Tergou, and tranf- lated fome time afterwards into Knglifh, unknown to Mr. Locke; two other letters upon the fame fubjccl, in anfwer to the objeclions made againft the firfl: ; ** The ** Reafonablencfs of ChriRianicy," with two Vindica- tion?5 of that book ; and *' Two Treatifes of Govcrn- ** mcnt.** Thefc are all the anonymous works which Mr. Locke owns himfelf to be the author of. For the red, I fliall not pretend to tell you at what age he died, bccaufc I do not certainly know it. I have often heard him fay, he had forgot the year of his birth; but that he believed he had fet it down fome where. It has not yet been found among his papers ; but it is com- puted that he was about lixty-iix. Though I have continued fome time at London, a city very fruitful in literary neus, I have nothing curi- ous to tell you. Since Mr. Locke departed this life, I have hardly been able to think of any thing, but the lofs of that great man, whofe memory will always be dear to mc; happy if, as I admired him for many years, that I was near him, I could but imitate him in any one rc- fjK'c't ! 1 am, with all linccrity, Sir, your, c^cc. THE [ 175 ] HE FUNDAMENTAL CONSTITUTIONS OF CAROLINA. OUR foverelgn lord the king having, out of his royal grace and bounty, granted unto us the province of Carolina, with all the royalties, properties, jurifdiclions, and privileges, of a county palatine, as large and ample as the county palatine of Durham, with other great pri- vileges, for the better fettlement of the government of the faid place, and eftablifliing the intereft of the lords proprietors with equality, and without confufion; and that the government of this province may be made moft agreeable to the monarchy under which we live, and of which this province is a part; and that we may avoid ereding a numerous democracy : we, the lords and pro- prietors of the province aforefaid, have agreed to thii following form of government, to be perpetually eflab- liflied amongft us, unto which we do oblige ourfclvcs, our heirs, and fuccefibrs, in the moft binding ways that can bedevifed/ I. THE 176 The Lares of CaroUna, < I. TIIF cldcd of the lords proprietors fliall be pala- tine; and, upon the dcccafe of the palatine, the tldcfr of the I'evcn furviving proprierors iJiall always fujceed him. n. There fliall be fevcn other chief ofliccs erecled, \i'A. the admiral's, chamberlain's, chanccllnr's, conlla- blc*s, chief-jullice's, high-flcward's, and treafurer's ; Mhich places lliall be enjoyed by none but the lords pro- prietors, to beadigned at lirll by lot; and upon the va- cancy of any one of the fcven great ofTiccs by death, or otheruife, the cldefl: proprietor lliall have his choice of the fa id place. III. 'i'he whole province fliall be divided into coun- ties; each county Inall coniiil: of eight fignioncs, eight baronies, and four prccinCts ; each precinct fljall confill: of fix colonies. IV. Each figniory, barony, and colony, fliall confifl: of twelve thouiand acres; the eight ligniorics being the (hare of the eight proprietors, and the eight baronies of the nobilitv; both which Ihares, being each of them one fifth pirt of the whole, aic to be perpetually annexed, the one to the proprietors, the other to the hereditary nobility, leaving the colonics, being three fifths, amongft the people: that fo in fetting out, and planting the lands, the balance of the government may be preferved. V. At any time before the year one thoufand feven hundred and one, any of the lords proj^rietors iliall have power to rLliiU|uini, alienate, and difpofe to any other perfon, his juoprietorfliip, and all the figniorits, pow ers, and inttrell thereunto belonging, wholly and entirelv together, and not otherwife. But, after the year one thoufand {c\Qn hundred, thofe, who are then lords pro- prietors, lliall not have power to alienate or niake over their proprietorlhip^ with the lignorics and privileges thereunto belonging, or any part thereof, to anv perfon whatfoever, oiherwifc than as in § xviii. but it fliall all defcend unto their heirs-male ; und, for want of heirs- male, ir fliall all defcend on that landgrave, or cafTique, of Carolina, who is defcended of the next heirs-femalc of the proprietor; and, for want of fuch heirs, it ihall defcend on the next heir-general ; and, for want of fuch heii- The Laws of Carolina. jjn heirs, the remaining feven proprietors fliall, upon the vacancy, choofc a landgrave to fucceed the decealed pro- prietor, who being chofen by the majority of the fcven furviving proprietors, he and his heirs, fucccfTively, fhall be proprietors, as fully, to all intents and purpofes, as any of the refb. VI. That the number of eight proprietors may be conflantly kept ; if, upon the vacancy of any proprie- torfhip, the i^even furviving proprietors fhall not choofe a landgrave to be a proprietor, before the fecond biennial parliament after the vacancy ; then the next biennial parliament but one after fuch vacancy fliall have power to choofe any landgrave to be a proprietor. VII. Whofoever after the year one thoufand feven hundred, either by inheritance or choice, fliall fucceed any proprietor in his proprietorfliip, and figniories thereunto belonging ; fliall be obliged to take the namiC and arms of that proprietor, whom he fucceeds; which from thenceforth fliall be the name and arms of his family and their poflerity. VIII. Whatfoever landgrave or cafiique fliall any way come to be a proprietor, ihall take the flgniories an- nexed to the faid proprietorfhip ; but his former dig- nity, with the baronies annexed, fliall devolve into the hands of the lords proprietors. IX. There fliall be jufl: as many landgraves as there are counties, and twice as many cafliques, and no more. Thefe fliall be the hereditary nobility of the province, and by right of their dignity be members of parliament. Each landgrave fliall have four baronies, and each caflique two baronies, hereditarily and unalterably annexed to> and fettled upon the faid dignity. X. The firft landgraves and cafliques of the twelve firft counties to be planted, fliall be nominated thus ; that is to fay, of the twelve landgraves, the lords pro- prietors fliall each of them feparately for himfcif, no- minate and choofc one; and thje rem.aining four land- graves of the firfl: twelve, fliall be nominated and chofen by the palatine's court. In like manner, of the twenty- four firlt cafliques, each proprietor for hinifelf fhall nominate and choofe two, and the remaining eight flull Voi. IX, N be 178 Ihe Lazis 0/ Carolina. be nominated and chofcn by the palatine's court; and \ihcn the twelve firft counties Ihall be planted, the lords proprietors fliall again in the flinie manner nominate and choofe twelve more landgraves, and twenty-four cafTiques tor the twelve next counties to be planted ; that is to lay, two-thirds of each nunibcr by the fingle nomina- tion of each proprietor for himfelf, and the remaining one-third by the joint election of the palatine's court, and fo proceed in the fame manner till the whole pro- vince of Carolina be fet out and planted, according to the proportions in thefe Fundamental Conftitutions. XI. Any landgrave or callique at any time before the vear one thoufand i'Q.\tii\ hundred and one, fliall have (X)wer to alienate, fell, or make over to any other per- Ibn, his dignity, with the baronies thereunto belonging, all intirely to<^ether. But after the year one thoufand Icven hundred, no landgrave or cailique fliall have power to alienate, fell, make over, or let the hereditary baronies of his dignity, or any part thereof, otherwife than as in § xviii; but they Ihall all intirely, with the dignity thereunto belonging, defcend unto his heirs male ; and for want of heirs male, all intirely and un- divided, to the next heir general ; and for want of fuch heirs, Ihall devolve into the hands of the lords pro- prietors. XII. That the due number of landgraves and cairiques may be always kept up ; if, upon the devolu- tion of any landgravelhip or calliquelhip, the palatine's court fliall not fettle the devolved dignity, with the baronies thereunto annexed, before the fecond biennial parliament after fuch devolution; the next biennial parliament but one after fuch devolution lliall have power to make any one landgrave or callique, in the room of him, who dying without heirs, his dignity and baronies devolved. XIII. No one perfon fliall have more than one dig- nity, with the figniories or baronies thereunto belong- ing. But whenfocvcr it fhall happen, that any one, who is already proprietor, landgrave, or callique, fliall have any of thefe dignities defcend to him by inherit- ance, it ihall be at his choice to keep which of the dig- nitici. ne Lazvs of Carolina, l-y^ nities, with the lands annexed, he fhall like beft; but Ihall leave the other, with the lands annexed, to be en- joyed by him, who not being his heir apparent, and certain fuccelTor to his prefent dignity, is next of blood. XIV. Whofoever, by right of inheritance, fliall come to be landgrave or caflique, fliall take the name and arms of his predeceffor in that dignity, to be from thenceforth the name and arms of his family and their pofterity. XV. Since the dignity of proprietor, landgrave, or caflique, cannot be divided, and the iigniories or baro- nies thereunto annexed muft for ever all intirely defcend with, and accompany that dignity; whenfoever for want of heirs male ii ihall defcend on the ifTue female, the eldefl: daughter and her heirs fliall be preferred ; and in the inheritance of thofe dignities, and in the iigniories or baronies annexed, there Ihall be no coheirs. XVI. In every ligniory, barony, and manor, the re- Ipedive lord fliall have power in his own name to hold court-leet there, for trying of all caufes both civil and criminal ; but where it fhall concern any perfon being no inhabitant, vaflal, or leet-man of the faid figniory, barony, or manor, he, upon paying down of forty fliil- iings to the lords proprietors ufe, iliall have an appeal from the figniory or barony-court to the county-court, and from the manor-court to the precindl-court. XVII. Every manor fliall confift of not lefs thaa three thouiiuid acres, and not above twelve thoufand acres in one entire piece and colony : but any three thoufand acres or more in one piece, and the pofTeirioii of one man, fhall not be a manor, unlefs it be confli- tuted a manor by the grant of the palatine's court. XVIII. The lords of iigniories and baronies fliall have power only of granting eftates not exceeding three lives, or thirty-one years, in tvv'o-thirds of the faid Iigniories or baronies, and the remaining third fhall be always demefnc. XiX. Any lord of a manor may alienate, fell, or dif- pofe to any other perfon and his heirs for ever, his rnanor, all entirely together, with all the privileges and ket-mcn thereunto belonging, io far forth as any " N z colony i8o Ihe Lazvs of Carolinti. colony lands ; but no grant of any part thereof, cither in fee, or for any longer term than three lives, or onc- and-twcnty years, fhall be good againfl: the next heir. XX. No manor, for want of iirue-male, fhall be di- vided amongfl: coheirs ; but the manor, if there be but one, (hall all entirely defcend to the eldeil daughter and her heirs. If there be more manors than one, the eldefi: daughter firfl fliall have her choice, the fecond next, and fo on, beginning again at the eldefi, till all the manors be taken up; that fo the privileges, which belong to ma- nors bemg indivifible, the lands of the manors, to which they are annexed, may be kept entire, and the manor not lofc thofe privileges, which, upon parcelling out to feveral owners, mufl necefTarily ceafe. XXI. Every lord of a manor, withm his manor, fliall have all the powers, jurifdictions, and privileges, which a landgrave or callique hath in his baronies. XXII. In every figniory, barony, and manor, all the lect-men fhall be under thejurifdiction of the refpcdive lords of the faid figniory, barony, or manor, without appeal from him. Nor fhall any leet-man, or Icet- woman, have liberty to go off from the land of their particular lord, and live any where elfe, without licence obtained from their faid lord, under hand and feal. XXIII. All the children of leet-mcn fhall be Icet- men, and fo to all generations. XXIV. No man fliall be capable of having a court- Icct, or leet-mcn, but a proprietor, landgrave, caHique, or lord of a manor. XXV. Whoever Hiall voluntarily enter himfelf a Icet-man, in the regillry of the count\-court, lliall be a Ice t- man. XXVI. Whoever is lord of leet-mcn, fliall upon the marriage of a Icet-nun, or leet-woman of his, give them ten acres of land for their lives; they paying to him theretore not more than one-eighth part of aU the yearly produce and growth of the faid ten acrc>. XXVII. No landgrave or callique fliall be tried for any criminal caufc, in any but the chicf-juflicc's court, and that bv ajurv (>f hi< peers. XXVIII. The Lazvs of Carolina. iSr XXVIII. There fhall be eight fiipreme courts. The ■firft called the palatine's court, coniifting of the palatine, and the other ]^cwtn proprietors. The other fevea trourts of the other {t\i:i\ great officers, fhall conlift each of them of a proprietor, and fix counfellors added to him. Under each of thefe latter i^wtn courts, fliall be a college of twelve aflilfants. The twelve affillants of the feveral colleges fhall be chofen, two out of the landgraves, cafliques, or eldeft fons of the proprietors, by the palatine's court; two out of the landgraves, by the landgraves chamber ; two out of the cafTiques, by the cafliques chamber ; four more of the tw-elve fliall be chofen by the commons chamber, out of fuch as have been, or are members of parliament, fheriffs, or juflices of the county-court, or the younger fons of proprietors, or eldeft fons of landgraves or cafliques-; the two other fliall be chofen by the palatine's court, out of the fame fort of perfons, out of which the commons chamber is to choofe. XXIX. Out of thefe colleges fhall be chofen at firfl by the palatine's court, fix counfellors, to be joined with each proprietor in his court; of which fix, one fhall be of thofe, who were chofen into any of the colleges by the palatine's court, out of the landgraves, cafTiques, or eldeft fons of proprietors ; one out of thofe who were chofen by the landgraves chamber; and one out of thofe, who were chofen by the caiTiques chamber; two out of thofu, who were chofen by the commons chamber; and one out of thofe. who were chofen by the palatine's court, out of the proprietors younger Ions, or eldeil fons of landgraves, calnques, or commons, qualified as aiorc- faid. XXX. When it fliall happen that any counfellor dies, and thereby there is a vacancy, the grand council fhall have power to remove any counfellor that is wil- ling to be removed out of any of the proprietors courts to lill up the vacancy ; provided they take a man of the fame degree and choice the other was of, w hofe vacant place is to be filled up. But if no counfellor confent to be removed, or upon fuch remove the lalt remaining •yacant place, in any of the proprietor's courts, fhall be N 3 iilied 1^2 The Lazvs of Carolina, filled up by the choice of the grand council, who fhall have power to remove out of any of the colleges any airiQant, who is of the fame degree and choice that counfellor was of, into whofe vacant place he is to fuc- cccd. The grand council alfo fliall have power to re- move any allillant, that is willing, out of one college into another, provided he be of the fame degree and choice. But the lafl remaining vacant place in any college, fliall be filled up by the fame choice, and out of the fame de- gree of perfons the afllllant was of who is dead, or removed. No place fliall be vacant in any proprietor's court above fix months. No place Ihall be vacant in any college longer than the next feffion of parliament. XXXI. No man, being a member of the grand coun- cil, or of any of the {c\Qn colleges, ihall be turned out, but for mifdemcanor, of which the grand council fhall be judge ; and the vacancy of the pcrfon fo put out fliall be filled, not by the eledlion of the grand council, but by thofe, who firfl: chofe him, and out of the fame degree he was of, who is expelled. But it is not hereby to be underflood, that the grand council hath any power to turn out any one of the lords proprietors or their de- Cuties, the lords proprietors having in themfelvcs an in- ercnt original right. XXXil. All elections in the parliament, in the fcve- ral chambers of the parliament, and in the grand coun- cil, lliall be pafied by balloting. XXXllI. The palatine's court fhall confiH: of the palatme, and feven proprietors, wherein nothing fliall be acted without the prcfence and confont of the palatine or his deputy, and three others of the proprie- tors or their deputies. This court fhiall have power to call parliaments, to pardon all oflcnces, to make elec- tions of all ofTicers in the proprietor's difpofe, and to nominate and appoint port-towns ; and alio iluill have power by their order to the treafurer, to difpofe of all public trcafurc, excepting money granted by the parlia- ment, and by them directed to fome particular public ufe; and alfo Ihall have a negative upon all ads, orders, votes, and judgments, of the grand council and the par- liament, except only as in J vi. and xii. and fliall have all ne Laws of Carolina, i S j all the powers granted to the lords proprietors, by their patent from our fovereign lord the king, except in fuch things as are limited by thefe F'undamental Conftitu- tions. XXXIV. The palatine himfelf, when he in perfon fhall be either in the army, or in any of the proprietors courts, fliall then have the power of general, or of that proprietor, in whofe court he is then prefent ; and the proprietor, in whofe court the palatine then prcfides, ihall during his prefence there be but as one of the council. XXXV. The chancellor's court, confiding of one of the proprietors, and his fix counfellors, who fliall be called vice-chancellors, fnall have the cuflody of the fcal of the palatine, under which charters of lands or other- wife, commiflions and grants of the palatine's court, Ihall pafs. And it fhali not be lawful to put the fcal of the palatinate to any writing, which is not figned by the palatinate or his deputy, and three other proprietors or their deputies. To this court alfo belong all lltite matters, difpatches, and treaties with the neighbour Indians. To this court alfo belong all invafions of the law, of liberty of confcience, and all difturbances of the public peace, upon pretence of religion, as alfo the li- cence of printing. The twelve afTiflanrs belonging to this court fliall be called recorders. XXXVI. Whatever palTcs under the feal of the pala- tinate, fhall be regiifercd in that proprietor's court, to which the matter therein contained belongs. XXXVII. The chancellor, or his deputy, (hall be always fpeaker in parliament, and prefidcnt of the grand council ; and in his and his deputy's abfence, one of his vice-chancellors. XXXVIII. The chief judice's court, confiding of one of the proprietors and his fix counfellors, who Ihall be called judices of the bench, fliall judge all appeals in cafes both civil and criminal, except all fuch cafes as fliall be under the jurifdiction and cognizance of any- other of the proprietors courts, which diall be tried in thofe courts refpcdlivcly. The government and rci^u- lation of the rcgidrics oi \^•ritings and contracts^ diali Na be- 1 ^4 ^^^ Zj7C'/ of Carolina. belong to the jurifdic'tion of this court. The twelve afTiliants of this court fhali be called maflcrs. XXXIX. The conllable's court, confiding of one of the proprietors and his fix counfcllors, who fliall be ^lied marllials, ihall order and determine of all military artairs by land, and all land-forces, arms, ammunition, artillery, garrilons and forts, &c. and whatever belongs unto war. His twelve aflirtants fliall be called lieute- nant-generals. XL. In time of aclual war, the condable, whilfl he is in the army, ihall be general of the army ; and the fix counfellors, or fuch of them as the palatine's court fliall for that time or fervice appoint, fliall be the immediate great othccrs under him, and the lieutenant-generals next to them. XLI. The admiral's court, confining of one of the proprietors, and his fix counfellors, called confuls, fhall have the care and infpeclion over all ports, moles, and navigable rivers, fo far as the tide flows, and alfo all the public fhipping of Carolina, and llores thereunto be- longing, and all maritime affairs. This court alfo (hall have the power of the court of ad mi rait v ; and fliall have power to conftitute judges in port-towns, to try cafes belonging to law-merchant, as fliall be moft convenient for trade. The twelve affiflanis, belonging to this court, fliall be called proconfuls. XLII. In time of acflual war, the admiral, whilll he is at fca, fhall conmiand in chief, and his lix counfel- lors, or fuch of them as the palatine's court Ihall for that time and fervice appoint, fliall be the immediate great officers under him, and the proconfuls next to them. XLIII. The trcafurer's court, confifling of a pro- prietor and his fix counfellors, called under-treafurers, fhall take care of all matters that concern the public revenue and trcafuiy. The twelve afliftants lliall bo called auditors. XLIV. The high fleward's court, confilling of a proprietor and his fix counfellors, called comptrollers, ftiall have the care of all foreign and domeflic trade, manufactures, public buildings, work-houfcs, highways, paffagrs by water above the flood of the tide, drains, fewers^ ne Laws of Carolina, 185 fcwcrs, and banks againfl inundations, bridges, poll, carriers, fairs, markets, corruption or infcdtion of the common air or water, and all things in order to the public commerce and health; alfo letting out and fur- veying of lands ; and alfo fetting out and appointing places for towns to be built on in the prccindls, and the prefcribing and determining the figure and bignefs of the faid towns, according to fuch models as the faid court fhall order; contrary or differing from which mo- dels it fhall not be lawful for any one to build in any town. This court lliall have power alfo to make any public building, or any new highway, or enlarge any old highway, upon any man's land whatfoevcr ; as affo to make cuts, channels, banks, locks, and bridges, for making rivers navigable, or for draining fens, or any other public ufe. The damage the owner of fuch lands, (on or through which any fuch public things fhall be made) fliall receive thereby, fhall be valued, and fatif- fddion made by fuch ways as the grand council fliall appoint. The twelve alTiflants, belonging to this court, fliall be called furveyors. XLV. The chamberlain's court, confifling of a pro- prietor and his lix counfellors, called vice-chamberlains, fhall have the care of all ceremonies, precedency, he- raldry, reception of public mefTcngers, pedigrees, the regiffry of all births, burials, and marriages, Icgitima- •tion, and all cafes concerning matrimony, or arifing from it ; and fhall alfo have power to regulate all fafhions, habits, badges, games, and fports. To this court alfo it fhall belong to convocate the grand coun- cil. The twelve alFiftants belonging to this court fliall be called provofts. XLVI. All caufes belonging to, or under the jurif- didlion of any of the proprietors courts, lliall in'thcni refpcdi vely be tried, and ultimately determined without any farther appeal. XLVII. The proprietors courts fliall have a power to mitigate all fines, and fufpcnd all executions in cri- minal caufes, either before or after fcntcnce, in any of tho, other inferiour courts refpcdivelv. XLVIII, 1 86 '^1^^ Lazvs of Carolina, XLVIII. In all debates, hearings, or trials, in any of the proprietors courts, the twelve ainfiants belonging to the laid courts refpedively, fliall have liberty to be pre- ftnt, but (hall not interpoie, unlefs their opinions be re- quired, nor have any vote at all; but their bufinefs fliall be, by the direction of the refpcclive courts, to prepare fuch bulinels as iliall be committed to them; as alfo to bear fuch ofllccs, and difpatch fuch atlairs, either where the court is kept, or circw here, as the court Ihall think fit. XLIX. In all the proprietors courts, the proprietor, and any three of his counfcllors, iliall make a quorum ; provided always, that for the better difpatch of bulinefs, it Ihall be in the power of the palatine's court, to dired: what fort di caufcs fliall be heard and determined by a quorum of any three. L. The grand council ftiall confift of the palatine and fevcn proprietors, and the forty-two counfcllors of the fevcral proprietors courts, w ho fhall have power to de- termine any controverfics that may arife between any of the pro|-)rictor's courts, about their refpective jurifdic- tions, or between the members of the fame court, about their manner and methods of proceeding; to make peace and war, leagues, treaties, <5cc. with any of the neighbour Indians; to iffue out their general orders to the confla- ble's and admiraTs courts, for the raifmg, difpofmg, or ditbanding the forces, by land or by fca. LI. The grand council fliall prepare all matters to be propofed in parliament. Nor Ihall any matter whatfo- cvcr be propofed in parliament, but what hath iirft paifed the grand council ; which, after having been read three feveral da\s in the parliament, Ihall by majority of votes be paifed or rejected. LI I. I he grand council Ihall always be judges of all caufes and appeals that concern the [xilatine, or any of the lords proprietors, or any counfcllor of any proprie- tor's court, m any caufc, which othcrwife ihould have been tried in the court, in which the laid counfcllor is jud^e himlelf. LI 1 1. The grand council, by their warrants to the trcafurcr's court, Hull difpv)fc of all the money given by the ^hc Lazi'S of Carolina, 187 the parliament, and by them diredlcd to any particular public ufe. LIV. The quorum of the grand council lliall be thir- teen, whereof a proprietor, or his deputy, fliall be al- ways one. LV. The grand council fhall meet the firft Tucfday in every month, and as much oftener as either they fhall think fit, or they fliall be convocated by the chamberlain':^ court. LVI. The palatine, or any of the lords proprietors, fliall have power, under hand and feal, to be rcgiltered in the grand council, to make a deputy, who fliall have the fame power, to all intents and purpofcs, as he him- felf who deputes him ; except in confirming adls of parliament, as in § ixxvi, and except alfo in nominat- ing and choofing landgraves and cafliques, as in§ x. All fuch deputations fhall ceafe and determine at the end of four years, and at any time fliall be revocable at the plea- fure of the deputator. LVIL No deputy of any proprietor fhall have any power, whilft the deputator is in any part of Carolina, except the proprietor, whofe deputy he is, be a minor. LVIII. During the minority of any proprietor, his guardian fliall have power to conftitute and appoint his deputy. LIX. The eldeft of the lords proprietors, who (liall be perfonally in Carolina, fliall of courfe be the pala- tine's deputy, and if no proprietor be in Carolina, he fliall choofe his deputy out of the heirs-apparent of any of the proprietors, if any fuch be there; and if there be no heir apparent of any of the lords proprietors above one and twenty years old, in Carolina, then he ihall chooie for deputy any one of the landgraves of the grand council : till he have, by deputation, under hand and feal, chofen any one of the fore-mentioned heirs ap- parent, or landgraves, to be his deputy, the cldcft man of the landgraves, and for v/ant of a landgrave, the eldeft man of the cafTiques, who fliall be perfonally in Carolina, fhall of courfe be his deputy. LX. Each proprietor's deputy fliall be always one of his own fix counfeliors refpcCtively ; and m cafe any of the i88 ne iLazi'S nf Carolina. the proprietors hath not, in liis abfcnce out of Carolina, a deputy, conimillioncd under his hand and feal, tlie eldeft nobleman of his court Ihall of courfe be his LXI. In every county there fliall be a court, con- fiding of a flu riff and four juflices of the county, for every precinct one. The llieriif fhall be an inhabitant of the county, and have at lead five hundred acres of freehold within the faid county ; and the juftices fhall be inhabitants, and have each of them five hundred acres a-piece freehold within the precinct, for \vhich they ferve refpcdively. Thefc five fliall be chofen and commilFioned from time to time by the palatine's court. LXI I. For any perfonal caufes exceeding the value of two hundred pounds flerling, or in title of land, or in any criminal caufe: either party, upon paying t\^cnty pounds flerling to the lords proprietors ufe, fhall have liberty of appeal from the county-court unto the re- fpeclive proprietor's court. LXIII. In every precincl: there fliall be a court, con- fifling of a llcward and four juflices of the precind-, being inhabitants, and having three hundred acres of freehold within the faid precincf^-, who fhall judge all criminal caufes ; except for treafon, murder, and any other olTcnces punifliable with death, and except all criminal caufes of the nobility ; and fliall judge alfo all civil caufes whatfocver; and in all perfonal actions, not exceeding fifty pounds flerling, v. ithout appeal ; but where the caufe fhall exceed tliat value, or concern a title of land, and in all criminal caufes ; there either party, upon paying five pouniis flerling to the lords proprietors ufe, Ihall have liberty of appeal to the county-court. LXIV. No caufe fliall be twice tried in any one court, upon any rcalbn or pretence whatibever. LXV. For treafon, murder, and all other oflences puniihable with death, there fliall be a commiflion, twice a year, at leafl, granted unto one or more mem- bers of the grand council, or colleges, w ho Ihall come as itinerant judges to the fcveral counties, and, with tlic fherifT and four juflices, fliall hold ailizes to judge all fuch ne Laws of Carolina, 1S9 fuchcaufes; but, upon paying of fifty pounds flerling to the lords proprietors ufe, there lliall be liberty of ap- peal to the refpedive proprietor's court. LXVI. The grand jury at the feveral aflizes fhall, upon their oaths, and under their hands and feals, de- liver in to the itinerant judges a prefentment of fuch grievances, mifdemeanors, exigencies, or defects, which they think necefTary for the public good of the coun- try ; which prefentments fhall, by the itinerant judges, at the end of their circuit, be delivered in to the grand council at their next fitting. And whatfoever thereia concerns the execution of laws already made, the feveral proprietors courts, in the matters belonging to each of them refpedively, fliall take cognizance of it, and give fuch order about it as fhall be effedlual for the due exe- cution of the laws. But whatever concerns the making of any new law, fnall be referred to the feveral refpcdtive courts to which that matter belongs, and be by them prepared and brought to the grand council. LXVII. For terms, there fliall be quarterly fuch a certain number of days, not exceeding one and twenty at any one time, as the feveral refpecftive courts fliall appoint. The time for the beginning of the term, in the precindl-court, fhall be the firfl Monday in January, April, July, and Odober ; in the county-court, the firft Monday in February, May, Auguft, and November; and in the proprietors courts, the firfl: Monday in March, June, September, and December. LXVIII. In the precind-court no man fhall be a jury-man under fifty acres of freehold. In the county- court, or at the allizes, no man fliall be a grand jury- man under three hundred acres of freehold ; and no man fhall be a petty jury-man under two hundred acres of freehold. In the proprietors courts no man fliall be a jury-man, under five hundred acres of freehold. LXIX. Every jury fhall confi ft of twelve men; and it fliall not be neceflary they fhould all agree, but the verdid: fliall be according to the confent of the majority. LXX. It lliall be a bale and vile thing to plead for money or reward ; nor fhall any one (except he be a near kinfman, not farther oif than coufin-gcrman to the party i^o ^' he Laws of Carolina, party concerned) be permitted to plead another man'.? caul'e, till before the judge, in open court, he hath taken an oath, that he doth not plead for money or re- gard, nor hath, nor \vill receive, nor directly, nor indi- rectly, bargained uith the party whofe caufe he is going to plead, for money or any other reward, for pleading his can fc. LXXI. There Hiall be a parliament, confiding of the proprietors, or their deputies, the landgraves and caf- fiqucs, and one freeholder out of every prccind:, to be chofcn by the freeholders of the faid precindt refpective- ly. They (hall fit all together in one room, and have every member one vote. LXXII. No man fliall be chofen a member of parlia- ment who hath lefs than five hundred acres of freehold within the prccind, for which he is chofen ; nor fliali any have a vote in choofing the faid member that hath lefs than fifty acres of freehold within the faid precind. LXXI II. A new parliament fliall be afTcmbled the firft Monday of the month of November every fecond year, and Ihall meet and fit in the town they lail fat in, without any fummons, unlefs, by the palatine's court, they be fummoncd to meet at any other place. And it there Ihall -he any occafion of a parliament in thcfc in- tervals, it ihall be in the poMcr of the palatine's court to aflbmblethcm in forty days notice, and at fuch time and place as the faid court Ihall think fit; and the pala- tine's court fliall have power to diliblve the faid parlia- ment when they lliall think fit. t.XXIV. At the opening of even' parliament, the firfl thing that fl^ill be done, lliall be the reading of thefc lundamcnial Conflitutions, which the palatine and pro- pri( tors, and the reil of the members then prefenr, Ihall lubfi ribc. Nor fludl any perfon w hatloever lit or vott!- in the parliamcni, till he hath that fcflion fubfcribed thefc Fundamental ConlHtutions, in a book kept for tliat purpofc by the clerk of the parliament. LXXV. In order to the due election of memberg for the biennial parliament, it fliall be lawful for the frech<;lder^ of the refpcctivc prccinds to meet the firlt Tuefday in September ever)' tv. (> vrars, m the fame town ^he Laws of Carolina. r 9 £ town or place that they lad met in to choofe parliament- men ; and there choofe thofc members that are to lit the next November following, unlefs the ileward of the precin6l fl:irJl, by fufncient notice thirty days before, appoint fome other place for their meeting, in order to the eleclion. LXXVI. No acl, or order of parliament, (liall be of any force, unlefs it be ratified in open parliament, dur- ing the fame feflion, by the palatine or his deputy, and three more of the lords proprietors, or their deputies ; and then not to continue longer in force but until the next biennial parliament, unlefs, in the mean time, it be ratified under the hands and feals of the palatine himfelf, and three more of the lords proprietors them- felves, and by their order publifli-ed at the next biennial parliament. LXXVII. Any proprietor, or his deputy, may enter his proteflation againfi: any art of the parliament, before the palatine or his deputy's confent be given as afore- faid ; if he Ihall conceive the faid acfh to be contrary to this eftablifliment, or any of thefe Fundamental Con- ftitutions of the government. And in fuch cafe, after full and free debate, the feveral eftates fhall retire into four feveral chambers ; the palatine and proprietors into one; the landgraves into another; the caiTiques into another ; and thofe chofen by the precindis into a fourth; and if the major part of any of the four edates fliall vote that the law is not agreeable to this cflablifluncnt, and thefe Fundamental Conflitutions of the government, then it fhall pafs no farther, but be as if it had never been propofed. LXXVIIL The quorum of the parliament fhall be one half of thofe who are members, and capable oi fitting in the houfe that prefent felTion of parliament. The quorum of each of the chambers of parliament Ihaii be one half of the members of that chamber. LXXIX. To avoid multiplicity of laws, which by- degrees always change the right foundations of the ori- ginal government, all arts of parliament whatfocvcr, in whatfoever form paifed or enarted, fhall at the end of an hundred vcars after their enarting, rcfpertively ceafc 8 ' and 192 nc Lavjs of Carolina. and determine of thcmfelvcs, and without any repeal become null and void, as if no fuch acts or laws had ever been made. LXXX. Since multiplicity of comments, as well as of laws, have great inconveniencics, and ferve only to obfcurc and perplex; all manner of comments and ex- pofitions, on any part of thcfc Fundamental Conflitu- tions, or any part of the common or flatutc law of Carolina, are abfolutely prohibited. LXXXI. There Ihall be a regiflry in every precind, wherein ihall be enrolled all deeds, leafes, judgments, mortgages, and other conveyances, which may concern any of the land within the faidprecincl ; and all fuch con- veyances, not fo entered or regillered, Hiall not be of force againfl: any perfon or party to the faid contract or conve\ancc. LXXXII. No man Iball be rcgiftcr of any precinct who hath not at lead: three hundred acres of freehold within the faid precinci. LXXXllI. The freeholders of every precinct fhall nominate three men ; out of w hich three, the chief juflice's court fliall choofe and commiifion one to be re- gifter of the faid prccincl, whilll he fliall well behave himfclf. LXXXIV. There fliall be a rcgiflry in every figniory, barony, and colony, wherein Ihall be recorded all the births, marriages, and deaths, that fliall happen within the refpCL^tive figniories, baronies, and colonies. LXXXV. No man fhall be rcgiAer of a colony that hath not above fifty acres of freehold within the faid colony. LXXXVI. The time of every one\s age, that is born in Carolina, fhall be reckoned from the day that his birth is cntercil in the rcgiflry, and not before. LXXXVII. No marriage Ihall be lawful, wliatcver contrad and ceremony they have ufed, till both the parties mutually own it before the regifler of the place where they were married, and he regiiler it, with the names of the father and mother of each partv. LXXXVI II. No man fliall adniiniller to the goods, or have right to them, or enter upon the ellate of any perfon ne Lazvs of Carohna, 1 93 perfon deceafed, till his death be regiftcred in the re- fpedive rcgiftry. LXXXIX. He that doth not enter, in the refpedlive regiftry, the birth or death of any perfon that is born^ or dies, in his houfe or ground, fhall pay to the faid regifter one fliilling per week for each fuch negled, reckoning from the time of each birth, or death, re- fpedlively, to the time of regiftering it. XC. In like manner the births, marriages, and deaths, of the lords proprietors, landgraves, and cafliques, ihall be regiliered in the chamberlain's court. XCI. There fliall be in every colony one condable, to be chofen annually by the freeholders of the colony ; his eftate ihall be above a hundred acres of freehold within the faid colony, and fuch fubordinate officers appointed for his adiftance, as the county-court fhall find requifite, and fhall be eftablillied by the faid county- court. The clecftion of the fubordinate annual officers Ihail be alfo in the freeholders of the colony. XCil. All towns incorporate fhall be governed by a mayor, twelve aldermen, and twenty-four of the com- mon-council. The faid common-council fhall be chofen by the prefent houfholders of the faid toiwn ; the aldermen fliall be chofen out of the common-council ; and the mayor out of the aldermen, by the palatine's court. XCllI. It being of great confcqucnce to the planta- tion, that port-towns Ihould be built and prcferved ; therefore whofoevef fhall lade or unlade any commodity at any other place but a port-town, Ihall forfeit to the lords proprietors, for each tun fo laden or unladen, the fum of ten pounds fterling; except only fuch goods as the palatine's court fliall liccnfe to be laden or unladen elfewhere. XCIV. The firfl port-town upon every rivcr^ fliall be in a colony, and be a port-town for ever. XCV. No man fliall be permitted to be a freceman of Carolina, or to have any cflate or habitation within it, that doth not acknowledge a GOD; and that God is pyblicly and folemnly to be worfliippcd. V91, IX. o xcvi. 194 S^ he Lazv 5 of Carolina* XCVI. \ks the country comes to be fufTicicntly planted and diflributed into fit divilions, it fliall bcloncr to the parliament to take care for the building of churches, and the public maintenance of divines, to bf emjjluyecj m the exercife of reli'^ion, according to the church of England : which being the only true and or- thodox, and the national religion of all the king's do- rr.in'ons, is fo al fo ot ^uolina; and therefore it alonrc f]-»all be .illowed to receive public maintenance, by grant ot pari; Li men t *]. XCVII. Ikit lincc the natives of that ]')lace, who vifl . be concerned in our j^lantation, are utterly Grangers to chrif^ianity, whofe idolatry, ignorance, or miftake, gives us no right to expel, or ufe them ill ; and thoi'c who remove from other parts to plant there, will una- voidably be of diHerent opinions concerning matters of religion, the liberty whereof they will expecl to have allowed them, and it will not be reafonable for us on this account to keep them out ; that civil peace may be mamtained amidll the divcrlity of opinions, and our agreement and compact with all men may be duly and faithfully obferved ; the violation whereof, upon what pretence focver, cannot be without great offence to almighty God, and great fcundal to the true religion, which weprofefs; and alio that jews, heathens, and other dilfenters from the purity of the ciirillian religion, may not be feared and kept at adiftance trom it, but by having an opportunity of acquainting themfelvcs with the truth and reafonablcnefs of its doctrines, and the peaccablene fs and inoifenfivencfs of its profeflbrs, mav by good ufage and pcrfualion, and all thofe convincing methods of gentlenefs and meeknefs, fuitrtble to the rules and deiign of the gofpel, be won over to embrace and unfcignedly receive the truth; therefore any fcvei\ or more pcrfons, agreeing in any religion, ihall conlU- ♦ lliis article was not drawn up ... ...i. I.-k... , ;.ut ^-.trtiu in lumc of the chief of the proprietors, againit his judgment; as \ir\ Locke himrrh informed one o( his friends, to \\\mxi he prcfcnicd a copy of thcle conilit^tions. tutc Tkf Lcnvs of Carolina. 19^ lute a church or profcflion, to which they fhall give fome name, to diflinguilh it from others. XCVllI. The terms of admittance and communion with any church or profcflion fhall be written in a book, and therein be fubfcribed by all the members of the faid church or profefTion ; which book fhall be kept by the public regifler of the precindt where they relide. XCIX. The time of every one's fubfcription and admittance Ihall be dated in the faid book or religious record. C. In the terms of communion of every church orpro- fefllon, thefe following fliall be three; without which no agreement or alfembly of men, upon pretence of re- ligion, fliall be accounted a church or profellion within thefe rules : 1. '' That there is a GOD. 2. " That GOD is publicly to be worfliipped. 3. " That it is lawful and the duty of every man, *' being thereunto called by thofe that govern, to bear *' witnefs to truth; and that every church or profcflion " fhall in their terms of communion fet down the ex- ** ternal way whereby they witnefs a truth as in the pre- *^ fence of GOD, whether it be by laying hands on, or '* kifUng the bible, as in the church of England, or by *^ holding up the hand, or any other fenlible way.'* CI. No perfon above feventeen years of age ihall have any benefit or protcdtion of the law, or be capable of any place of profit or honour, who is not a member of fome church or profcflion, having his name recorded in Ibme one, and but one religious record at once. CII. No perfon of any other church or profefTion fhall difturb or moleft any religious afTembly. cm. No perfon whatfoever fhall fpcak any thing in their religious afTembly, irreverently or feditioufly of the government or .governors, or ftate-matters. CIV. Any perfon fubfcribing the terms of commu- nion in the record of the faid church or profeiTion, be- fore the precincil regifter, and any five members o^ the faid church or profefFion; fliall be thereby made a mem- ber of the faid church or profcflion. , CV. Any perfon flriking out his own name out of any religious record, or his name being flruck out by any of- O 2 licer 1^6 Tbf Laivs of Carolina* ficcr thereunto authorifcd by each church or profcfllon rcfpcctivcly, Ihall ccafc to be a mcnibcr of that church or profefTion. CVI. No man fliall ufc any reproachful, reviling, or abufivc Iangua«.^c, againfl any religion of any church or profciTion ; that being the certain way of difturbing the peace, and of hindering the converfion of any to the truth, by engaging them in quarrels and animoliries, to the hatred of the profeflbrs and that profeHlon, which other\N ifc they might be brought to afTcnt to. evil. Since charity obliges us to wifh well to the fouls of all men, and religion ought to alter n )thing in any man's civil eltatc or right, it fhall be law ful for flavcs, as well as others, to enter themfclvcs, and be of what church or profcfTion any of them fliall think befl, and thereof be as fully members as any frccm:m. But vet no Have fliall hereby be exempted from that civil dominion his mailer hath over him, but be in all other things in the fame Rate and condition he m as in before. evil I. Affemblies, upon what pretence foever of re- ligion, not obferving and performing the abovefaid rules, fliall not be ertecmed as churches, but unlawful meetings, and be punilhcd as other riots. CIX. No perfon whatfoever fliall diflurb, molefl, or pcrfecutc another for his fpeculutive opinions in re- ligion, or his way of worlhip. ex. Every freeman of Carolina fliall have abfolute jxjwer and authority over his negro flaves, of what opi- nion or religion foever. CXI. No caufe, whether civil or criminal, of anr freeman, iliall be tried in any court of judicature, with- out a iury of his jK-er.s. CXII. No perfon whatfoever fliall hold or claim any land in Carolina by purchafeor gift, or otherwife, from the natives or any otiier whatfoever; but merely from and under the lords proprietors; upon pain of forfeiture of all hiscdate, moveable or immoveable, and perpetual banilhment. CXIll. Whofoevcr fliall pofTefs any freehold in Caro- lina, upon \Nhat title or grant foever, Ihall, at the far- rhcll frDJo and after the year one thcnifand fix hundred tighty-nme, pay yearly unto the loids proprietors, for ne Laws of Carolina. jgj for each acre of land, Englifh mcafurc, as much fine filver as is at this prefent in one Engliih pennv, or the value thereof, to be as a chief rent and acknowledgment to the lords proprietors, their heirs and fucccfTors for ever. And it Ihall be lawful for the palatine's court by their officers, at any time, to take a new furvey of any man's land, not to out him of any part of his pofTclIion, but that by fuch a furvey the juit number of acres he pofTefreth may be known, and the rent thereupon due may be paid by him. CXIV. All wrecks, mines, minerals, quarries of gems, and precious Hones, with pearl-fifhing, whale- fifhing, and one half of all amber-greafe, by whomfo- ever found, Ihall wholly belong to the lords proprie- tors. CXV. All revenues and profits belonging to the lords proprietors, in common, fhall be divided into ten parts, whereof the palatine fhall have three, and each pro- prietor one ; but, if the palatine fliall govern by a de- puty, his deputy fhall have one of thofe three tenths, and the palatine the other two tenths. CXVI. All inhabitants and freemen of Carolina above feventeen years of age, and under fixty> Ihall be bound to bear arms, and fcrve as foldiers whenever the grand council fhall find it neceffary. CXVII. A true copy of thcfe Fundamental Confti- tutions fhall be kept in a great book by the regifler of every precindl, to be fubfcribed before the faid 3*egif\er. Nor fhall any perfon of what condition or degree foever, above feventeen years old, have any eflate or pofTelTion in Carolina, or protection or benefit of the law there, who hath not, before a precindl regifler, fubfcribed thefe Fundamental Conflitutions in this form : ^* I A. B. do promife to bear faith and true alle- *' giance to our fovereign lord king Charles the '' Second, his heirs and fucceffors ; and will be ^' true and faithful to the palatine and lords pro- ^^ prietors of Carolina, their heirs and fucccfTors ; ^* and w^ith my utmofl power will ddcnd them, O 1 *' and 19S '^he Laves of Carolina, " and maintain the government accordinp; to tliia " cflablillnncnt in thefe I'undaniental Conilitu- '' tions." CXVIII. Whatfoevcr alien fhall, in this form, be- fore any precinv^t rcgilter, fiibfcribe thefe Fundamental Conftitutions, Ihall be thereby naturalized. CXIX. In the fame manner fliall every pcrfon, at his admittance into any. ofRce, fubfcribe thefe Fundamental Conrtitutions. CXX. Thefe Fundamental Conftitutions, in number a hundred and twenty, and every part thereof, fhall be and remain the facrcd and unalterable form and rule of government of Carolina for ever. Witncfs our hand^ and feals, the firll day of March, 1669. Rules of Precedency. I. npHE lords proprietors ; the eldefi: in age firfl, and X fo in order. II. The eldcfl: fons of the lords proprietors ; the eldcft in ao;e hrft, and fo in order. III. The landgraves of the grand council ; he that hath been longed: of the grand council firfb, and {o in order. IV. The calTlqucs of the grand council ; he that hath been longell of the grand council lirll, and fo in order. V. The fcven commoners of the grand council that have been longcll of the grand council; he that hath been longell ot the grand council firfl, and fo in order. VI. The younger fons of the proprietors; the eldcft firft, and fo in order. VII. The landgraves ; the eldcfl in age fird, and fo in order. VIII. The fcven ccnnmoners, who next to thofe be- fore-mentioned have been longcft of the grand council he ^he Laws of Carolina, jqq 5ie chat hath been longeft of the grand council firfl, and fo in order. IX. The cafTiques ; the eldcfl in age fird, and fo in order. X. The feven remaining commoners of the grand council; he that hath been longcfl of the grand council fixfl, and fo in order. XI. The male line of the proprietors. The reft fliall be determined by the chamberlain's court. O 4 A LETTER 2oa LETTER FROM A PERSON OF QUALITY TO HI» FRIEND IN THE COUNTRYj C I VI NQ An Account of the Debates and Rcfolutions of the Houfe of Lords, in April and May, 1675, concerning a Bill, intitlcd, *' An Acl: to prevent the Dangers *' which may arifc from Perfons difatfcdled to the *' Gpvcrnment." SI R, THIS fclTion being ended, and the bill of tell: being finifhed at the committee of the whole houle ; I can now give you a perfect account of this ilatc mallcr-picce. It was firlt hatched (as almod all the mifchiefs of the world have hitherto been) amongd: the great (hurch-mcn; and is a project of fcvcral years Handing, but found not minilters bold enough to go through with it, until thefe new ones, who, wantin^r a better bottom to fupport them, betook themfelves wholly to this ; which is no fmall undertaking, if you confidcr it in its whole extent, firfl. A Letter from a Perfon of ^ality, 201 Firfl:, To make a diflinc^ party from the refl of the nation of the high epifcopal men and the old cavaliers; who are to fwallovv the hopes of enjoying all the power and offices of the kingdom ; being alfo tempted by the advantage they may receive from overthrowing the adh of oblivion; and not a little rejoicing to think, how valiant they fhould prove, if they could get any to fight the old quarrel over again, now they are polTcircd of the arms, forts, and ammunition of the nation. Next, they defign to have the government of the church fworn to as unalterable ; and fo tacitly owned to be of divine right ; which, though inconfiftent with the oath of fupremacy, yet the churchmen eafily break through all obligations whatfoever, to attain this itation, the advantage which the prelate of Rome hath fuffi- ciently taught the world. Then, in requital to the crown, they declare the go- vernment abfolute and arbitrary ; and allow monarchy, as well as epifcopacy, to be jure divino, and not to be bounded or limited by any human laws. And to fecure all this, they refolve to take away tbc power and opportunity of parliaments to alter any thing in church or Itate ; only leave them as an inllrument lo raife money, and to pafs fuch laws as the court and <:hurch fliall have a mind to ; the attempt of any other, how necelTary foever, muft be no Icfs a crime than perjury. And as the top ftone of the whole fabric, a pretence fhall be taken from the jcalouiies they themfclves have raifed, and a real necelTity from the fmallncfs of their party, to increafe and keep up a flanding army : and then in due time the cavalier and churchman will be made greater fools, but as arrant flaves as the refl of the nation. In order to this, the firjfl ftep was made in the acT: for regulating corporations, wifely beginning that, in thofc JefTer governments, which they meant afterwards to in- troduce upon the government of the nation ,- and ma- king them fwear to a declaration and belief of fuch proportions as they themfelves afterwards, upon debate, iverc enforced to alter^ and could not juflif/ in thofc words* ; 5QJ A Leiicr fro*n a Per/on of ^lality. words* ; fo that many of the wcalthiefl, worthicH, and! fobcrcrt nK-n, are ftill kept out of the magilbacy of thofc places. The next flep was in the adl: of militia■^, which went for moft of the chiefed nobility, and gentry, being obli'Tcd as lords-lieutenants, deputy-lieutenants, &:c. to fwear to the fame declaration and belief; with the ad- dition only of thefe words, ** in purfuance of fuch mi- •* litary commilFions ;" which makes the nuitter rather worfc than better. Yet this went down fmoothly, as an oath in falhion, a tellimon}' of loyalty; and none adventuring freely to debate the matter, the humour of the age, like a flrong tide, carries v ife and good men downbefore it. This atil is of a piece; for it eflablifli- cth a (landing army by a law, and f\\ cars us into a n\i-- litarv government. Immediately after this, followeth the a6t of uni- formity, by which all the clergy of England are obligecj to fubfcribe, and declare what the corporations, nobi- lity, and gentry had before fworn ; but with this addi- tional claufe of the militia ad omitted. This the clergy readily complied with ; for you know, that fort of mea are taught rather to obey than underfland ; and to ufe that learning they have, to juftify, not to examin'vi what their fupenours command. And yet that Bar- tholomew-day was fatal to our church and religion, in throwing out a very great number of worthy, learned^, pious, and orthodox divines, who could not come up to this, and other things in that acl. And it is upoa this occafion worth your knowledge, that fo great ^\ as the zeal in carrying on this church alfair, and fo blind • By the ^6\. for the well governing and regulating of corporations, paflcdin the year i66r,all pcrfons bearing any office of niagiflracy, place c/ irurt» or other employment, relating to the government of any city, cor- ^K)ration, borough, Arc. were ordered to take the following oath: «* I A. B. do declare and believe, that it is not lawful, upon any pre- ♦* tcncc what^oe^rr, to take arms againft the king; and that I Ao ** abhor that traitorous pofition ot taking arms by his auihoriiy " agninft his perfon, or againrt thofc that arc commiHioned by him." + Tlic af I^anhy, in 1674; marquis of Cacr- aunhcn, in i6Kq; .ind duke of I cctls, in 1604. i I hat declaration bcrc diiic, March 17, 16; 1-2. 9 had A tetter from a Per/on of ^ialiiy. ^05 had a Confidence; may give you more light into both their defigns, and fo by confequence the aims of their parties, than you will have from any other hand. My lord Clifford did in exprcfs terms tell me one day in private difcourfc: '' That the king, if he would ^^ be firm to himfelf, might fettle what religion he *' pleafed, and carry the government to what height he *' would. For if men were alFured in the liberty of *' their confcience, and undifturbed in their properties, *^ able and upright judges made in Weftminder-hall, ^' to judge the caufes of meum and ruum ; and if, on the ** other hand, the fort of Tilbury was finifhed to bridle *' the city; the fort of Plymouth to fecure the weft ; '' and arms for 20,000 in each of thefe ; and in Hull, *^ for the northern parts ; with fome addition, which ** might be eafily and undifcernably made to the forces ** now on foot ; there were none that would have *' either will, opportunity, or power to refifl:." But he added withal, '' he was fo iincere in the main- *' tenance of property and liberty of confcience, that '' if he had his will, though he fhould introduce a " bifliop of Durham (which was the inftance he then *^ made, that fee being then vacant) of another religion; *' yet he would not difcurb any of the church befide, *'3ut fuffer them to die away, and not let his change '^ (how hafty foever he was in it) overthrow either of *^ thofe principles, and therefore defired he might be '^ thought an honeft man as to his part of the decla- *' ration, for he meant it really.'* The lord Shaftibury (with whom I had more freedom) I with great allurance afked, '' What he meant by the de- *^ claration? for it feemed to me (as I then told him) that '* it aHlimed a power to repeal and fufpend all our laws, " to deftroy the church, to overthrow t\i(i proteftant " religion, and to tolerate popery.** He replied, all angry, *' that he wondered at my objedlion, there being *' not one of thcfc in the cafe. For the king airumed *' no power of repealing laws, or fufpending them, *' contrary to the will of his parliament or people ; " and not to argue with me at that time the power ** of the king's fupremacy, w hich was of another na- ture 20G A Letter from a Per/on of ^lalitp •* turcthan that he had in civils, and had been exercifcd ♦* without exception in this very cafe by his father, •* grandfather, and queen Kiizaheth, under the great *' fcal to foreign proteilants, become fubjects of Ln- ** ghmd ; not to inflance in the fufpending the execu- •* tion of the two aCls of navigation and trade, during •* both this, and the la(l dutch . war, in the fame «* words, and upon the fame nccefHty, and as yet " without chimour, that ever we heard ; but to pafs «' by all that, this was certain, a government could not «* be fup[)ofed, whether monarchical, or of any other «* fort, without a Handing fupreme, executive power, •* fully enabled to mitigate, or wholly to fufpend, the •' execution of any penal law, in the intervals of the •' legiflative power ; which when aflembled, there was •* no doubt but, wherever there lies a negative in paf- •' ling of a law, there the addrefs or {(tni^ known of *' either of them to the contrary (as for inflance of •^ either of our two houfes of parliament in England) *' ought to determine that indulgence, and reflore the •* law to its full execution. For without this, the laws " were to no purpofe made, if the prince could annul " them at plcafure ; and lb on the other hand, w ith- •' out a power always in being, of difpeniing upon •' occalion, was to fuppofe a conlhtunon extremely *' imperfecl and impracticable ; and to cure thofe w ith •' a legiflative power always in being, is, when con- •* fidered, no other than a pcrfecl tyranny. ** As to the church, he conceived the declaration *' was extremely their interefl ; for the narrow bottom •* they had placed themfelves upon, and the meafures •' they had proceeded by, *io contrary to the properties •* and liberties of the nation, mull: needs, in a Iborc time, prove fatal to them ; whereas this led them into another way, to live peaceably with the dilfentin;.^ and dirtering proteltants, both at home and abroad, and fo by neceliary and unavoidable confequcnces, tt) bccon^.c the head of liiem all. For that place is due to the church of England, being in favour, and of nearcH approach to the mofl powerful prince of that religion, and fo always hud it in lluir hands t() be •' the A Leiler from a P erf on of ^laUty. 207 the intcrceirors and procurers of the greateft good and protection that parry, throughout all chrilkn- dom, can receive. And thus the archbifliop of Can- terbury might become, not only '* altcrius orbis,** but '* alcerius regionis papa;" and all this addition of honour and power attained without the leafl: lofs, or diminution of the church ; it not being intended that one living, dignity, or preferment, lliould be given to any but thofe that were IfriiStly conform- able. ** As to the proteftant religion, he told me plainir, it was for the preferving of that, and that only, that he heartily joined in the declaration ; for, be- lides that, he thought it his duty to have care, in his place and ftation, of thofe he was convinced were the people of God, and feared him ; though of dif- ferent pcrfuafioi:s. He alfo knew nothing elfe but liberty and indulgence, that could poflibly (as our cafe riood) fecure the proteftant religion in England; and he begged me to confider, if the church of En- gland fliould attain to a rigid, blind, and undif- puted conformity, and that power of our church fliould come into the hands of a popifh prince; which was not a thing fo impofTible, or remote, as not to be apprehended ; whether in fuch a cafe, would not all the arms and arti.liery of the govern- ment of the church be turned againfl: the prefeiK religion of it? And fhould not all good proteftants tremble to think what bifhops fuch a prince was like to make, and whom thofe bifliops would con- demn for heretics, and that prince might burn. Whereas if this, which is now but a declaration, might ever, by the experience of it, gain the advan- tage of becoming an eftablillied law ; the true pro- teflant religion would flill be kept up amongfl the cities, towns, and trading places, and the worthieft and fobereft (if not the greatcil) part of the nobility, and gentry, and people. As for the toleration of popery,, he faid, '' It was a plcafant objection, lince he could confidently fiiy, that the papilts had no advantage ia the leall, by 508 A Letter /rem a Per/on of ^tality, •* this declaration, that they did not as fully enjoy, and " with lefs noifc, by the favour of all the bifhops. It *' was the vanity of the lord-keeper, that they were •* named at all; for the whole advantage was to the *' dilTentinp; proteflants, ^hich were the only men dif- *' turbed before. And yet he confefled to me, that it was his opinion, and always had been, that the papifls ought to have no other prelfure laid upon them, but to be made incapable of office, court, or arms, and to pay fo much as might bring them at leall to a *' balance with the proteitants, for thofe chargeable " offices they are liable unto." And concluded with this, ** That he dcfircd me feri- ** oufly to weigh, whether liberty and property were ** likely to be maintained long, in a country like ours^ '* where trade is fo abfolutely nccelTary to the very " being, as well as profperity of it, and in this age of ** the world ; if articles of faith, and matters of reli- •' gion, lliould become the only accelTiblc ways to our ** civil rights.'* Thus, Sir, you have perhaps a better account of the declaration, than you can receive from any other hand ; and 1 could have wiflicd it a longer continuance, and better reception than it had ; for the bilhops took fo great otTcnce at it, that they gave the alarm of popery through the whole nation, and by their emilfaries the clergy, (who, by the contexture and fubordination of their government, and their being polled in every pariili, have the advantage of a quick difperfmg their orders, and a fudden and univerfal inlinuation of what-- ever they pleafed) raifcd fucli a cry, that rhofe good and fober men, who had really long feared the increafc and countenance popery had hitherto received, began to believe the biOiops were in earned ; rheir eyes opened, though late, and therefore joined in heartily with them ; fo that, at the next meeting of parliament*, the protef- tanis mtereil was run iu high, as an aOl came up from ihc coininons to the houfe ot" lords in favour of the dif- * February 4^ 1672-5* fenting A Lei fer front a P erf on of ^lallty, 2O9 fcntlng protcflants, and had palTcd the lords, but for want of time. Befides, another excellent adl paffed the royal aiTent for the excluding all papifts from office* ; in the oppofition to which, the lord trcafurer Clifford fell, and yet, to prevent his ruin, this felfion had the fpeedier end. Notvvithflanding, the bifnops attained their ends fully; the declaration being cancelled, and the great feal being broken off from it ; the parliament having pafled no adt in favour of the diffentcrs, and yet the fcnfe of both houfes fufficicntly declared againlt all indulgence, but by acfl of parliament. Having got this point, they ufed it at firit with feeming modera- tion. There were no general diredlions given for per- fecuting the non-conformifls ; but here and there fome of the mod confiding juftices were made ufe of, to t:y how they could revive the old perfecution. For as yet, the zeal raifed agamil the papifts was fo great, that the worthieft, and fobereft, of the epifcopal party, thought it necelTary to unite with the difTcnting proteftants, and not to divide their party, when all their forces were little enough. In this pollure the felfion of parliament* that began Odlober 27, 1673, found matters; which being fuddenly broken up, did nothing. The next felTion, which began January 7, following t, the bifhops continued their zeal againft the papifls, and feemed to carry on, in joining with the country lords, many excellent votes, in order to a bill, as in particular, that the princes of the blood-royal fliould all marry proteftants, and many others ; but their favour to dii^- fcnting proteftants was gone, and they attempted a bargain with the country lords, with whom they then joined, not to promote any thing of that iiaturc, except * By the *' k^ for preventing Dangers, which may happen from Po- pifh Recufants," paffed March 29, 1673, all perfons having any office, of place of truft, under his majeity, ^x. were obliged to take the oath of allegiance and fupremacy, &c. and to receive the facrair.cnt according to the ufage of the church of England, &c. From that time no ad was paffed till the 13th of Oftobcr 1675. + 1673-4. Vol. IX. P the 2IO A Letter from a Per/on of .Quality. the bill for taking away afllnt and confcnt, and re- nouncing the covenant*. This fcHion was no fooner ended, without doing any thing, but ihc whole clergy were indruded to declare, that there was now no more danrrcr of the papifts. The fanatic (for fo they call the dilfenting protedantj is again become the only dangerous enemy ; and the bilhops had found a fcotch lord, and two new mi- niflcrs, or rather great officers of England, who were dcfpcrate and rafli enough to put their maflcr's bufi- Tiels upon fo narrow and weak a bottom ; and the old covenanter, l.audcrdalet, is become the patron of the church, and has his coach and table filled with billiops. The keeperj, and the trcafurer, are of aju(l fizc to this affair; for it is a certain rule with the churchmen, to endure (as feldom as they can) in bufmcfs, men abler than thcmfelves. But his grace of Scotland was Icaft to be cxcufed, of the three ; for having fallen from prcl"bytery, protcftant religion, and all principles of public good, and private friend (liip ; and become the flave of Clifford, to carry on the ruin of all that he had profefTed to fupport ; does now alfo quit even Clif- ford's generous principles, and betake himfclf to a fort of men that never forgive any man the having once been in the right ; and fuch men, who would do the worft of things by the worft of means, enllave their country, and betray them, under the malk of religion, which they have the public pay for, and the charge of; fo feething the kid in the mother's milk. Our liatef- men and hilliops being now as well agreed, as in old Laud's time, on the fanK principles, with the fame paflion to attain their end ; they, in the firlt place, give orders to the judges, in all their circuits, to quicken the execution of the laws againfl difienters ; a new • See Dr. Ctlani) 's " Abridgment of Mr. Baxter's Hiftory ot his Life and Times, &c." Vol. I. p. 340. of the 2d edit. London, 1713, in 8vo. + John Maitland, duke of Lauderdale. He was created baron of Pe- lerfham, nnd carl of Guilford, in England, in the year 1674. ^ Sir Ilcncagc Finch, afterwaids ear) of Nottingham. declaration A Letter from a Per/on of ^lality. . 2 11 declaration is publirtied diredlly contrary to the former ; moft in words againfl: the papifts, but in the fenfe, and in the clofe, did fully ferve againft both; and, in the execution, it was plain who were meant. A com- miifion, belides, comes down, direded to the principal gentlemen of each county, to feize the edates of both papifts and fanatics, mentioned in a lift annexed ; ^vherein, by great misfortune, or fkill, the names of papifts of belt quality and fortune (and fo beft known) were miflaken, and the commiflicn rendered ineffedlual as to them. Belides this, the great minifters of (late did, in their common public talk, alTure the party, that all the places of profit, command, and truft, fhould only be given to the old cavaliers ; no man that had ferved, or been of the contrary party, fliould be left in any of them. And a direction is ifTued to the great minifters before mentioned, and lix or fevcn of the bifhops, to meet at Lambeth-houfe, who were, like the lords of the articles in Scotland, to prepare their complete model for the enfuing fefilon of parliament. And now comes this memorable feflion of April 13, 1675, ^^^^ which never any came with more expev.^a- tion of the court, or dread and apprehenfion of the people. The officers, court-lords, and bifhops, were clearly the major vote in the lords houfe ; and they allured themfelves to have the commons as m.uch at their dif- pofe, when they reckoned the number of the courtiers, officers, penlioners, incrcafed by the addition of the church and cavalier party ; befides the addrefs they had made to men of the beft quality there, by hopes of honour, great employment, and fuch things as would take. In a word, the french king's minifters, who are the great chapmen of the world, did not out-do ours, at this time, and, yet the over-ruling hand of God has blown upon their politics, and the nation is efcaped this feffion, like a bird out of the fnarc of the fowler. In this feffion, the bifliops wholly laid afide their zeal againfl popery. The comm/-tee of the whole houfe for religion, which the country lords had Ciiufed to be fet P 2 up i I 2 A Letter from a Per/on of Quality: up again by the example of the former feiTions, could hardly get, at any time, a day appointed for their fit- ting ; and the main thing dcligned for a bill voted in the former feffion, viz. the marrying our princes to none but protclhints, was rejected, and carried in the negative, by the unanimous votes of the bifliops bench ; for I mufl: acquaint you, that our great prelates were fo near an infallibility, that they were always found in this fcfllon of one mind in the lords houfe ; yet the lay lords, not underlfanding from how excellent q principle this proceeded, commonly called them, for that reafon, the dead weight. And they really proved To, in the following bufmefs ; for the third day of this fcffions, this bill of the tell was brought into the lords houfe by the earl of Lindfcy, lord high-chamberlain, a pcrfon of great quality, but in this impofed upon ; and re- ceived its firft reading, and appointment for the fe- cond, w ithout much oppofition ; the country lords being defirous to obferve what weight they put upon it, or how they defigned to manage it. At the fccond reading, the lord-keeper, and fomc other of the court-lords, recommended the bill to the houfe in fet and elaborate fpecches, the keeper calling it a moderate fccurity to the church and crown ; and that no honed man could refufe it; and whofoever did, gave great fufpicion of dangerous and anti-monarchical principles. 7'he other lords declaimed very much upon the rebellion of the late times ; the great number of fanatics ; the dangerous principles of rebellion Itill re- maining; carr)ing the difcourfe on, as if they meant to trample down the ad of oblivion, and all thole w hofe fecurities depended on it. But the earl of Shaftf- bury, and fome other of the country lords, earneftly prell that the bill might be laid afide, and that they might nor be engaged in the debate of it ; or clfe that that freedom they lliould be forced to ufe in the necef- fary defence of their opinion, and the preferving of their laws, rights, and liberties, which this bill would over- throw, might not be mifconllrued. For there are many things that mul\ be fpoken upon the debate, both con- rcrning « I;urch and llate, that it was well known thcv had A Letter from a P erf on of ^ality. 213 had no mind to hear. Notwithflanding this, the great ofticers and bidiops called out for the qucltion of re- ferring the bill to a committee ; but the earl of Shaftf- bury, a man of great abilities and knowledge in affairs, and one that, in all this variety of changes of this lall age, was never known to be either bought or frighted out of his public principles, at large opened the mif- chievous and ill deligns, and coafequences of the bill;, which, as it was brought in, required all officers of church and ftate, and all members of both houfes of parliament, to take this oath following. '' I A. B. do declare, that it is not lawful, upon any '' pretence whatfoever, to take up arms againft the *^ king ; and that I do abhor that traiterous po- *' lition of taking arms by his authority, againll *^ his perfon, or againft thofe that are commillion- '* ed by him in purfuance of fuch commiiHon ; and *' I do fwear, that I will not at any time endea- " vour the alteration of the government, either in. ^' church or (late. So help me God.'* The earl of Shaftfbury, and other lords, fpake with fuch convincing reafon, that all the lords, who were at liberty from court engagements, refolved to oppofe, to the uttermoil, a bill of fo dangerous confequence ; and the debate lailed live feveral days before it was com- mitted to a committee of the whole houfe; which hardly ever happened to any bill before. All this, and the following debates, were managed chiefly by the lords, whofe names you will find to the following pro- teftations ; the firlt whereof was as follow cth : " We, whofe names are under-written, being peers '' of this realm, do, according to our rights, and the *' ancient ufage of parliaments, declare, that the quef- *' tion having been put whether the bill, entitled, ** An *' acft to prevent the dangers which may arife from per- fons Jifalied:ed< to the government," doth fo far in- trench upon the privileges of this houfe, that it ought therefore, to be call out ; it being refolved in the ne- P 3 *' gativc 2r4 A Letter from a Per/on of ^laJity gntive, wc do huniblv conceive, that any bill, which iinpofcth an oath upon the peers with a penalty, as this doth, that upon the rchiral of that oath, they fhall be made incapable of fitting and voting in this houfc; as it is a thing unprecedented in former times, fo is it, in our humble opinion, the highelt invafion of the liberties and privileges of the peerage, that polUhly may be, and moH: dcilru:Hve of the freedom which they ought to enjoy as members of parliament ; becaufc the privilege of fitting and voting in parlia- ment is an honour they have by birth, and a right fo inherent in them, and infcparable from them, as that nothing can take it away, but what by the law of the land nuifl withal take away their lives, and corrupt their blood ; upon which ground we do here enter our diflcnc from that vote, and our proteflation againft it.'* BUCKINGHAM BRIDGE WATER BEDFORD DORSET AII.SBURY BRISTOL DENBIGH PAGITT HOLLES PETER HOWARD of BERKS WINCHESTER SALISBURY MOHUN SI AMFORD HAL LI FAX DE LA MER EURE SHAFTS BURY CLARENDON GREY ROLL S\Y and SEAL WHARTON. The next proteflation was againR the vote of com- mitting the bill, in the words lojlowing: '' The queftion being put, whether the bill, entitled, '* An act: to prevent the dangers which may arife from " perfons difaifecled to the government," ihould be '* committed ; it being carried in the aJhrmativc, and '* we, after feveral days debate, being in no meafurc " fatisfied, but Hill apprehending that this bill doth ^' not only fubvcrt the privileges and birth-right of the '' peers, by impofingan oath upon them with the pe^ '* naity A Letter from a Per/on of ^aJity, 21c ^^ nalty of lofing their places in parliament, but alfo, *' as we humbly conceive, ftrike at the very root of *' government; it being neceflary to all government " to have freedom of votes and debates in thofe who " have power to alter and make laws ; and befides, the *' exprcfs words of this bill obliging every man to ab- ** jure all endeavours to alter the government in the *' church, without regard to any thing that rules of ^* prudence in the government, or chrillian compafTion ** to proteftant diffcnters, or the neceflity of affairs at " any time, fl:iall or may require; upon thefe con- " fiderations, we humbly conceive it to be of dangerous '' confequence to have any bill of this nature fo much " as committed, and do enter our diffents from that *' vote, and proteflation againft it.'* BUCKINGHAM CLARENDON WINTON STAMFORD SALISBURY SHAFTSBURY DENBIGH WHARTON BRISTOL MOHUN HOWARD of DE LA MER. BERKS Which proteflation was no fooner entered and fub- fcribed the next day, but the great officers and bifliops raifed a (lorm againft the lords that had fubfcribed it ; endeavouring not only fome fevere proceedings againfl their perfons, if they had found the houfe would have born it, but alfo to have taken away the very liberty of entering proteftations with reafons. But that was defended v/ith fo great abilitr, learning, and reafon, by the lord Holies, that they quitted the attempt ; and the debate ran for feme hours, either wholly to raze the proteftation out of the books, or at leaft fome part of It ; the exprelTion of *' chriftian compailion to prote- *' ftant dilfcnters,** being that, which gave them moft offence. But both thefe ways were fo difagreeable to the lionour and privilege of the houfe, and the latter to common {aw'it and right ; that they defpaired of carrying it, and contented thcmfelvcs with having voted, " that P 4. " the 2 1 6 ^ Lc' Her from a Ferfon of ^lality, " the reafons given, in the Hiid protcftation, did rcflcdl '' ijpoji the honour of the houfe, and were of dangerous " confcri'encc." And I cannot here forbear to men- tion the worth and honour of that noble lord Holies, fuitable to all bis Inriuer life ; that whilft the debate was at the heit2,ht, a.id the protcfting lords in danger of the Tower, he begged the houfe to give him leave to put his name to that protcil, and take his fortune w ith thofc lords, becaufe his licknefs had forced him out of the houfe the day before ; fo that, not being at the quef- tion, he could not, by the rules of tiie houfe, fign it. This vote agamft thofe twelve lords begat the next day the following protelt^tion, figncd by one and tw enty : *' Whereas it is the undoubted privilege of each peer " in parliament, when a queftion is pad contrary to his " vote and judgment, to enter his protcflation againft •' it; and that, in puiiuance thereof, the bill^ entitled, " An ad: to prevent the dangers which may arife from ** pcrfons difafPeClcd to the government," being con- *' ceived by fonie lords to be of fo dangerous a natiire, "as that it was not tit to receive the countenance of a ** comjTiiimen: ; thofe lords did protcll againft the '* cornmitmenr . f tne faid bill ; and, the houfe having " taken exceptions at fom.e cxpreiTions in their protefla- " tion, thofc lords, who were prcfent at the debate, " did all cf them feverally and voluntarily declare, that " they had no intention to reflect upon any member, " much lefsupon the whole houfe ; which, as is humbly '* conceived, was more than in ftrictnefs did conlill *' with that abfoluie freedom of piv)telting, which is •' infcparable from every member of this houfe, and •' was done by them merely out of their great refpeol: " to the houfe» aud their earncfl defire to give all faris- '* faction concerning themfelves, and the clearnefs of ^' their intentions; yet the houfe, not fatisfied uith this " their declaration, but proceeding tea vote, " That the " rcafons given in the fild prote(?ation do reflecl upon " the honour of the houfe, and are of dangerous confe- " qucncc ;" which is, in our humble opinion, a great " difcounrrnancing of the verv liberty of protefting: *' we, who^t names arc underwritten, conceive ourfelves "and A hotter from a Perfon of ^ality. 2 1 7 *■' and the whole houfe of peers extremely concerned ^* that tl.is great wound fliould be given (as we humbly " apprehend) to io eflential a privilege of the whole *' peerage of this realm, as their liberty of protefting ; '' do now (according to our unqueftionablc right) *' make ufe of the fame liberty to enter this our dilFcnt *' from, and proteftation againll, the faid vote ; BUCKS DENBIGH WINTON BERKS BEDFORD CLARENDON DORSET AILSBURY SALISBURY SHAFTSBURY BRIDGEWATER SAY and SEAL HALLIFAX MOHUN AUDLEY HOLLES FITZ WALTER DE LA MER EURE GREY ROLL. WHARTON After this bill being committed to a committee of the whole houfe, the tirft thing infilled upon by the lords, ^gainfc the bill, was, that there ought to be palTed Tome previous votes to fecure the rights of peerage, and pri- vilege of parliament, before they entered upon the debate or amendments of fuchabill as this. And at laft two previous votes were obtained, whuh I need not here fet down, becaufe the next proteftation hath them both in terminis : '' Whereas upon the debate on rhe biH, entitled, 'V. An ad to prevent the dangers which may arife from ^ perfons difaffcdled to the government,'* it was ordered '' by the houfe of peers, the 30th of April laft, that no ** oath ftiould be impofed, by any bill, or otherwife, *' upon the peers, with a penalty, in cafe of refufal, to ^' lofc their places, or votes in parliament, or liberty to '' debate therein: and whereas alfo, upon riebatc of " the fame, it was ordered, the third of this initant "' May, that there ftiall be nothing in this bill, which '' fliall extend to deprive cither of the houfes of \ arlia- ^' ment, or any of thcfr members, of their juft, an^ienc *' freedom 2tS a L'-tter fr-m a P erf on of Quality. ^' freedom and privilege of dehatinj^ any matter or " ' ^" '■ ->-■ '^ (hall be prnpnunded or debated in J houfcs, or ar nay conference or com- mittee of both, or either of the faid houfes of parlia- "^-r; or toiichin^.^ the repeal, or alteration of any or preparing any new laws ; or the redreffing any public grievance ; bur that the faid members of either en :hc faid hoiifc:>, and the affillants cf the houfe of peers, and every of them, Ihall have the fame free- dom of fpeech, and all other j:)rivilegcs whatfoever, as they had before the making of this ad ; both which " orders were palTed as previous directions unto the *' committee of the whole houfe, to whom the faid bill *' was committed, to the end that nothing fhcuid re- ** main in the faid bill, which might any ways tend *' towards the depriving of either oi th'! houfes of par- liament, or any of their members, of their antient freedom of debates, or votes, or other privileges what- fcx'ver ; yet the houfe being pleafed, upon the report from the committee, to pafs a vote, 'I'hat all perfons who have, or lliall have right to fit and vote in either houfe of parliament, iliould be added to the firft enac!ted claufe in the faid bill, whereby an oath is to be in^pofed upon them as members of either houfe ; which vote, we whofe names arc underwritten, being peers of the realm, do humbly conceive, is not agree- able to the faid two previou>: orders; and it having been humbly oticred and infiRcd upon by divers o us, that the provifo in the late ad, intitled, *' An ac^t for preventing dangers that may happen from popifh recufants,*' might be added to the bill dcpendmg, whereby the peerage of every peer of this realm, and all their privileges, might be prcfervcd in this hill, as fully as in the faid late act ; yet the houfe not pleaiing to admit of the faid provifo, but proceeding to the pafTing of the faid vote ; we do humbly, upon the grounds aforcfaid, and According to our undoubted right, enter thi:. our diffcnt from, and proteftation againfl the fame : BUCKS A Letter from a Per/on of ^mlity. i \ 9 BUCKS DENBIGH BEDFORD DORSET WINTON SHAFTSBURY SALISBURY WHARTON BERKS EURE BRIDGEWATER DE LA MER STAMFORD PAGITT CLARENDON MOHUN/' This was their lad proteftation ; for, after this, they altered their method, and reported not the votes of the committee, and parts of the bill to the houfe, as they pafTed them ; but took the fame order as is obferved in other bills, not to report unto the houfe, until thev had gone through with the bill, and fo report all the ar end- ments together. This they thought a way of morediU patch, and which did prevent all proteftations, until it came to the houfe ; for the votes of a committee, though of the whole houfe, are not thought of that weight, as that there fhould be allowed the entering a dillent of them, or proteftation againft them. The bill being read over at the committee, the lord keeper objeded againft the form of it, and deiired that he might put it in another method ; which was eafily allowed him, that biing not the difpute. But it was ob- fervable the hand of God was upon them in this whole affair; their chariot-wheels were taken oif, they drew heavily ; a bill fo long defigned, prepared, and of that moment to all their aifairs, had hardly a fenfible com- pofure. The firft part of the bill that was fallen upon, was, *' whether there Ihould be an oath at all in the bill ;'* and this was the only part thecoi.rt-party defended with reafon. For^ the whole bill being to enjoin an oath, the houfe might rejed: it, but the committee was not to deftroy it. Yet the lord Hallifax did with that quick- ncfs, learning, and elegance, which are infeparabk from all his difcourfes, make appear, that as there really was no fecurity to any ftate by oaths ; fo alfo no private per- fpn, much lefs ftates-man, would ever order his alfairs as 2ao ^ Letter from a Pcrfon nf S>tiality, as relying on it : no man would ever flccp with open doors, or iinlockt-up trcafurc or plate, fliould all the town be fuorn not to rob; fo that the iifc of multi- plying oaths had been mod commonly to exclude or dilhirb fomc honcll confcicntious men, who would never have prejudiced the government. It was alfo inlifted on by that lord and others, that the oath, impofcd bv the bill, contained three claufes ; the two former aifertory, and the lalt promiHory ; and that it was wor- thy the conlidcration of the bilhops, whether aifcrtory oaths, which were properly appointed to give teftimony of a matter of fact, whereof a man is capable to be fully aflured by the evidence of his fenfes, be lawful to be made ule of to confirm or invalidate doctrinal ;)ropoli- tions ; and \\hethcr that Icgiflativc power, which impofes fuch an oath, docs not necelTarily alfumc to itfelf an infallibility ? And, as for promiiiory oaths, it was de- fired that thofe learned prelates would confiJcr the opi- nion of Grotius, *' De jure belli 6c pacis," who feems to nuke it plain, that thofe kind of oaths arc forbidden by our Saviour Chrift, Matt. v. 34, 37*; and whether it would not become the fathers of the church, when they have well weighed that and other places of the New Tcflament, to be more tender in multiplying oaths, than hitherto the great men of the church have been ? But the bidiops carried the point, and an oath was or- dered by the major vote. The next thing in confidcration, was about the per- fons that fliould be enioincd to take this oath ; and • iNotantium hie tft obiter, quod in Chriiti prxccptis, .'v: apua» «!v tr promilTum fignincat, pollcrius cjui implcmcntum, vhat rough, and not with the ufual reverence towards Vol. IX. Q^ the 2 20 -/ Lciicr frcw J Pcrjon of ^alky. the crow n ; but they alleged, they were to be exxirfetT, when all was concerned ; and without fpeaking thus plain, it IS retui'ed to be underflood ; and, however happy we are now, citheK in the prefent prince, or thofe wc have in prolpcct, yet the funpoiitions are not extrava- jj;unt, N\ hen we conlider kin^rs- are but men, and com-f palled with more teniptarions than others : and as the earl of Saliibury, who Rood like a rock of nobility, and luiglill^ principles, excellently replied to the lord- keeper, uho was plcafcd to term them remote inllan- ccs ; that they would not hereafter prove To, whea .this dcckiration had nnvde the practice of them jufti- tiablc. Thcle arguments enforced the lords for the bill, \o a chani;e of this part of the declaration ; fo that 'they agreed tht: fei ond and third parts of it Ihould run thus, " And I do abhor that traitorous poll t ion of taking '' arms by his authority againl^ his perfon, or agair/lt ** thofe that are connuiliioned by him according ta ** law, in time of rebellion or war, a^Tting in purfu- " ance oi fuch commifii'jn." Which mends the mat- ter very little ; for if they mean the king's authority, and his la\Nful commilMon, to be two things, arxi fuch as are ca})able of oppoiition ; then it is as dangerous to the liberties of the nation, as^ \\ hen it ran in the former worda, and we arc only cheated by new phraf- ing of it. But if they underhand them to be one and the lame thing, as really and truly they are ; then >ve aie only to abhor the treafon of the polition of taking arn^s by the king's authority againft the king's authority, becaufc it ij nonfenfe, and not practicable. And fo they had done little but confelled, that all-' the clergy, and many other perfons, have been forced, by Ibrnur aOts of this prelent parliament, to make this declaration in other v^ords that now arc found ib far fron^ being juililiable, that t>hvy arc directly con- trary to \higna Charta, our properties, and the cflab- lifl.cd law aiui government of the nation. The next thing in courfc was the oatii iifelf, againft which the objedtlon lay fo plain and fo Hrong at the tirl^ entrance,, viz. '1 hat there was no care taken of the doctrine A Lei lev from a F erf on of ^lality. 227 dodlrinc, but only the difcipline of the church. The papills need not Icruplc the taking this oath ; for epif- copacy remains in its greatcfb kiftrc, though the popifli religion was introduced ; but the king's fupremacy is juftlcd aiide by this oath, and makes better room for an cccleliaftical one. Infomuch that, with this and much more, they were enforced to change their oath, and the next day bring it in as follow eth: '* I do fwear, that I will not endeavour to alter the '' protefiant religion, or the government either of *' church or (tate." By this they thought they had falved all, and now began to call their oath, '' A fecurity for the pro- *' tcflant religion, and the only good dcfign to pre- *' vent popery," if we fliould have a popifh prince. But the country lords wondered at their confidence in this, iince they had never thought of it before ; and had been, but the lad preceding day of the debate, by pure fliame, compelled to this addition. For it was not unknov/n to them, that fome of the bifliops themfelves had told fome of the roman catholic lords of the houfe, that *' care had been taken that it might '' be fuch an oath as might not bear upon them." -But let it be whatever they would have it, yet the coun- try lords thought the addition was unreafonable, and of as dangerous confequence as the relt of the oath. And it was not to be wondered at, if the addition of the beft things, wanting the authority of an exprefs di- vine inifitution, fliould make an oath not to endeavour to alter, juft fo much worfe by the addition. For, as the earl of Shaftfbury very well urged, that it is a far different thing to believe, or to be fully perfuaded of the truth of the dodtrine of our church, and to fwear never to endeavour to alter; which lall mufi: be utterly uulawful, unlefs you place an infallibility either in the church or yourfelf; you being othervvife obliged toaker, whenever a clearer or better light comes to you. And he delired leave to alk, where are the bouadarie^, or Qji where 2:8 A Letter frcm a Perfon 'jf !^ricr1ity. uhcrc HiaII we find how much is meant by thcproCcflanf ich'gron ? The Tord-kfepfr, thinking he h:i(] now gor an ad- vantage, \\ich hi-: vifual eloquence, dcfires, "that it *' mi^^hr not be tc^Id in (Jath, nor puhliflicd in the flrcct:^ *' of Aikalon/* that a lord of l"o great parts and emi- nence, andprofeirinirhimfclffor the church of England, ihoiild not know m hat is meant by the protclhmt reli- gion! I'hi^ \\a> fccondcd uich great pleafantnefs by divers of the lords the bifliops. But the bifliop of Wincheller, anil fomc others of them, were pica fed to < ondefcend to inOruct that lord, that the protcfiant re- ligion was comprehended in }vXXIX articles, the li- turgy, the catechifm, the homiilics, and the canons. To thi^ the earl of Shaftibury replied, that he begged ^o much charity of them to believe, that he knew the protcllant religion fo well, and was To confirmai in it, that he hoped he ihould burn for the wirnefs of it, if providence lliould call him to it. But he might per- haps think fome things not necelTary, that they accounted cflential ; nay, he might think fonic thin.c;s not true, or agreeable to the icripturc, that they miight call doc- trines of the church. BefiJcs, when he wa^ to fwear •' never to endeavour to alter," it uas certainly ncccf- fary to know '* how tar the juil extent of this oath was.*' But lince they had told him tl-.a: the protcflaTit religion was in ihofe five tracts; he had flili to alk, whether they meant thofc whole tracts were the proretlant reli- gion ; or only that the [iroteflant religion was contained in all thole, but that every part of thcfc was not the protcf^ani religion ? If they meant the former of thcfc, then he was ex- rrcmcly in the dark to find the doclrine of predefH- nation, in the lyrh and i Sth articles, to be o\\ ned b) lb few great doctors of the church, i^nd to find the 19th article to define ihc ( hnrch diredly, as the independents do. Belidcs, the 20th articfe, dating the authority of the church, is very dark ; and cither contrndiccs it- felf, or fays nothing, or what is contrary to the know n laws of the land. Bciidci fcvcral other things in the ^XXXIX A Letter from a P erf on of ^iality, 229 XXXIX articles have been preached and writ againll, by men of great favour^ power, and prctcrmcnt* in the -church. Pie humbly conceived the liturgy v/as nor fo facrcJ, being made by men the other day, and thought to be iiiorc difvering from the difTenting proteflantb, and lefs eafy to be complied with, upon the advantage of a pre- tence well known unto us all, of making alterations as might the better unite us ; inltcad whereof, there is fcarce one alteration but widens the breach. And no ordination allowed by it here, (as it now flands lail re- formed in the ad of uniformity) but what is epifcopal ; infomuch that a popiili prieil is capable, when con- verted, of any church preferment, without re-ordina- tion ; but no protedant minifter not epifcopaily ordained but is required to be re-ordained ; as much as in us lies unchiirching all the foreign protelianti that have not bifliops; though the contrary was both allowed and practifed, from the beginning of the reformation till the time of that act, and feveral bifnops made of fuch as were never ordained prieits by biiliops. Moreover, the uncharitablenefs of it was fo much againfi the in- terefl: of the crown and church of England, fcafting off the dependency of the whole protellant party abroad) that it would liave been bought by the pope and the frcnch king at a vaft fum -of money; and it is difficult to conceive fo great an advantage fell to them merely by chance, and without their help. So that he thought to endeavour to alter and reftore the liturgy to what it was in queen Elizabeth's days, might couGft with hii being a very good protcllant. As to the catcchifm, he really thought it might e imende j ; and durll declare to them, it was net well that there was not a better made. For the homilies, he thought there mi i;ht be a bet- ter book made; and the third homily, of *' repairing ^* and keeping clean of churches," might be omit- ted. What is yet flranger than all this, the canons of our church are directly the old popifn canons, whicri are ftili in force, and no other; wh'w^i \\\\\ appear, if Q.J you 230 A Letter from a Per/on of ^mllty, you turn to the flat. 25 Henry VIII. cap. 19. confirmed and received by i I'.li/. where all thofe canons are cflab- liHicd, until an alteration lliould be made by the king, in purfuancc of that ad; which thing was attempted by Edward VI, but not perfected, and let alone ever iincc; for what reafons, the lords the bifliops could befl: tell. And it was very hard to be obliged by (^th '' not *' to endeavour to alter either the engliih common- *' pra\or-book, or the canon of the mals." But if they meant the Lutcr, that the proteflant reli- gion is contained in all thofe, but that every part of thofe is not the proteflant religion ; then he appre- hended it might be in the bifl.ops power to declare *' ex poft fado," what is the proteftant religion or not, or elfe they mufi leave it to every man to judge for himfelf, what pnrts of thofe books are or are not; and then their oath had been much better let alone. Much of this nature was faid bv that lord and others ; and the great ofiicers and biil:;ops w ere fo hard put to it, that they feemed willing and convinced to admit of an expedient. The lord Wharton, an old and expert parliament-man, of eminent piety and abilities, befides a great friend to the proteflant religion, and interefl: of England, ofTercd, as a cure to the whole oath, and what might make it pafs in all the three parts of it, without any farther debate ; the addition of thefe words, at the latter end of the oath, viz. *' as the fame is, or fliall be ellablilhed •* by act of parliament. *' But this was not endured at all ; when the lord Grey of Rolfton, a worthy and true cnglifh lord, offered another expedient ; which was the addition of thefe words, *' by force or fraud," to the beginning of the oath ; and then it would run thus, *' I do fwear not to endeavour, by force or fraud, to *' alter.** This was alio a cure that would have pafied the whole oath, and feemed as if it would have carried the whole houfe ; the duke of York, and billiop of Ro- chefler, both fcconding it; but the lord-treafurer, who bad privately before confcnted to it, fpeaking againil ir, gave the word and fign to that party ; and it being put to the qutflion, the major vote anfwered all ar-^ gumentsi A Letter from a Per/on of ^lality. 231 giuncnts, and the lord Grey's propofition was laid tiiidc. Having thus carried the quefi-ion, relying upon their fh-rength of votes, tailing advantage that thole expedi- eiats that had been offered, extended to the whole oath, though hut one of the three claaies in the oarh had been debaied, the other two not mentioned at all ; they at- tempted flrongly, at nine of the clock at nighty to have the whole oath put to the quellion ; and though it was refolutely oppofed by the lord Mohun, a lord o^ great courage and refolution in the public intcrcft, and one Avhofe own perfonal merits, as well as his father's, gave him a jufb title to the beft favours of the court; yet they were not diverted, but by as great a diu)rder as ever was feeii in that houfe, proceeding from the rage thofe unreafonabie proceedings had caufed in the coun- try lords ; they ftanding up together, and crying out with fo loud a continued voice, adjourn, that when filence was obtained, fear did what reafon could not do, caufe the queflion to be put only upon the firft claufc, concerning the protefbant religion, to which the biHiops defired might be added, *' as it is now eftablillied.'* And one of the cminentcH: of thofe who were for the bill, added the words, '* by Iav%-." So that, as it was pafTed, it ran, ** I A. B.dofvvear, that I will notendea- *' vour to alter the proteflant religion, now by law eftab- ^' lithed in the church of England.*' And here obferve the words, '^ by law," do directly take in the canons, though the bifliops had never men- tioned them. And now comes the confideration of the latter part of the oath, which comprehends thefe tv/o claufes, viz. *' nor the government cither in church or ftate," wherein the church came full to be conlidered. And it was objected by the lords againfb the bill, that it was not agreeable to the king's crow n and dignity, to have his fubjects fworn to the government of the church equally as to himfelf ; that for the kings of England to Iwear to maintain the church, was a different thing from en- joining all his officers, and both his houfes of parliament, Xfi fvvear to them,- it v/ould be v/cll underflood, before Q.4 the E 2^2 A Letter from a Terjon of ^laliiy. the bill pafled, uhat the ** govcrnnK-nt of the church*' (wc arc to fucar to) is, and what the boundaries of it; whether it derives no poucr nor authority, nor the ex- crciie of any power, authority, or function, but from the king, as head of the church, and from God, as through him, as all his other othcers do. For no church or religion can jullify itfelf to the go- vernment, but the ftatc religion, that owes an entire de- pendency on, and is but a branch of it ; or the inde- pendent congregations, w hilll they claim no other power, but the cxclulion of their own members from their particular conuiiunion -, and endeavour not to fet up a kingdom of Chrid to their own ufe, in this world, uhilll our Saviour hath told us, that ** his kingdom is ** not of it." lor otherwife there fliould be ** impe- " rium in imperio," and two dillinct fupreme powers inconfiftent with each other, in the fame place, and oVcr the fame perfons. I'he bifr.ops alleged that riefthood, and the power thereof, and the authorities elonging thereunto, were derived inmiediately from Chrilt, but that the licence of exerciling that authority and power in any country, is derived from the civil ir.agidrntc. I'o which was replied, that it was a dan- gerous thing to fecure, by oath and act of parliament, thofe in the cxercifc of an authority and power in the king's country, and over his fubjeds, which being re- ceived from Chrift himfelf, cannot be altered, or li- mited, by the king's lav\ s ; and that this was diredly to fet the mitre above the crow n. And it was farther of- fered, that this oath was the greatelt attempt that had been made again (1 the king's fuprcmacy fmce the re- formation ; for the king, in parliament, may aiter, di- minilh, enlarge, or tike away, any bifhopric ; he may take any part of a diocefe, or a w hole dioccfc, and put them under deans, or other perfons. For if this be not lawful, but that epifcopacy lliould be ** jure divino,** the maintaining the government, as it is now, is unlaw- ful ; lince the deans of Hereford and Salilbury ha\e very large tracts under their jurifdidion; and feveral parfons of pariflus have epilcopal jurifdiction ; lo that at bell tliat government waru^ alteration, that is fo im- perfectly A Letter from a P erf on of ^lalliy. ^-^y pcrfedlly fettled. The bifhop of Winchcftcr aflirnicd in this debate, feveral times, that there was no chridinri church before Calvin, that had not bifliops ; to which he was anfwcred, that the Albigenfes, a very nunierous people, and the only vifible known church of true be- lievers, of fome ages, had no biiliops. It is vcrv true what the billiop of WincheR-er replied, that they had fome amongll them who alone had power to ordain ; but that was only to conimit that power to the wifclt and graveft men amongfl: them, and to fecure ill and unfit men from being admitted into the miniury ; but they exercifed no jurifdiclion over the others. And it was fi\id by divers of the lords, that they thought epifcopal government beft for the church, and moil fuitable for the monarchy ; but they mufl fiy, with the lord of Southampton, upon the occa'iion of this oath in the parliament of Oxford, *' I will not be fworn not *' to take away cpifcopacy ;'* there being nothing that is not of divine precept, but fuch circumflanccs may come in human affairs, as may render it not eligible by the befl of men. And it was alfo faid, that'if epif- copacy be to be received as by divine precept, the king's fupremacy is overthrown ; and fo is alfo the opi- nion of the parliaments both in Edward the VI th, and queen Elizabeth's time; and the conllitution of our church ought to be altered, as hath been fliowed. But the church of Rome itfelf hath concradided that opi- nion, when fhe hath made fuch vafi: tracts of ground, and great numbers of mcn^ exempt from epifcopal jurifdiclion. The lord Wharton, upon the bifliop's claim to a di- vine right, alked a very hard quelfion, viz. '' whether ** they then did not claim withal a power of excommu-. " nicating their prince?'' which they evading to an- fvver, and being prelfed by fome other lords, faid, *' they *' never had done it." Upon v. hich the lord Hallifax told them, that that might well be; for fince the re- formation they had hitherto had too great a depen- dence on the crown, to venture on that or any other of- fence to it. And 224- ^ Letter Jrom a Per/on of .^tality. And fo the debate palfcd on to the third claufc, which "had the fame exceptions againll it with the two former, <)4' hcini; unbounded, how far any man might meddle, and how far not ; and is of that extent, that it over- threw all parliament-s, and left them capable of nothini^ but giving nmnev. Vor what is the bufmefs of parlia- ments, but the alteration, cither by adding, or taking away, fome part of the government, either in church or f^atc ? And every new act of parliament is an alteration; and what kind of government in church or ftate mud that be, which I mud fwear, upon lu) alteration of time, emergency of affairs, nor variation of human things, never to endeavour to alter? Would it not be requifitc that fuch a government fhould be given by God himfelf ; and that with all the ceremony of thunder and lightning, and vifible appearance to the whole people, which God vouchfafcd to the children of Ifracl at Mount Sinai? And yet vou lliall no^whcrc read that they were fworn 'o it by any oath like this; nay, on the contrary, the princes and the rulers, even thofc recorded for the bcft of them, did make ieveral variations. The lord Stafford a nobleman of great honour and ( .mdour, but who had been all along for the bill, yet was fo far convin-^cd with the debate, that he freely de- clared, there ought to be an addition to the oath, for prcferving the freedon-i of debates in parliament. This uas llrongly urged by the never to be forgotten earl of Hridgewatcr, who gave reputation and ftrength to this ciiufcof luigland ; as did alio thofc worthy earls, Den- bigh, Clarenilon, and Aillbury, men of great worth and honour. To falVc all that was faid by thefeand the other lords, the lord-keeper and the bifliops urged, that there wa."? a provifo, which fully prei'erved the privileges of parjiament ; and, upon farther inquiry, there appearing no fuch, but only a previous vote, as is before-menti- oned, they allowed that that j^'evious vote Ihould be drawn into a provifo, and added to the bill ; and then, in their opinion, the exception to the oath for this caulc was perfectly removed. But on the other fide it was offered, that a pofuivc abfolute oath being taken, a pro- vifo A Letter from a Terfon of ^lality, 235 vifo in the act could not difpenfe with it, without fome reference in the body of the oath unto that provifo. But this alfo was utterly denied, until the next day, the debate going on upon other matters ; the lord-trcalurer, whofe authority eafily obtained with the major- vote, re- aflumcd what was mentioned in the debates of the pre- ceding days, and allowed a reference to the provifo ; lo that it then pafTed in thefc words : *' I A. B. do fwear, that I will not endeavour to alter *' the proteflant religion nowby lawellabliflied in the "^^ church of England; nor the government of thi.'v *' kingdom in church or flate, as it js now by law '' eftabliihcd; and I do take this oath according *' to the meaning of this act, and the provifo con-r *' tained in the fame. So help me God." . There was a paffage of the grcateft obfervation in the whole debate, and which with mofl clearncfs fliowed what the great men and bifliops aimed at ; and fliould in order have come in before, but that it defervcd fo particular a confideration, that I tjhought bed to place it here by itfelf ; which was, that upon paiTing of the provifo for preferving the rights and privileges of par- liaments, made out of the previous votes, it was excel- lently obfcrved by the earl of Bolingbrokc, a man of great ability and learning in the laws of the land, and perfecUy ftedfaft m all good Ei^liili principles; that though that provifo did preferve the freedom of debates and votes in parliaments, yet the oath remained, not- wdthflandingthat provifo, upon all men, that fliall take it as a prohibition, either by fpeech or writing, or ad- drefs, to " endeavour any alteration in religion, church, or ftate:" nay, alfo upon the members of both houfes ctherwife than as they fpeak and vote in open parlia- ments or committees. For this oath takes away all private converfe upon any fuch affairs even with one another. This was fcconded by the lord De La Mcr, whofe name is well known, as alfo his worth, piety, and learning ; I Jhould mention his rnerits too, but I know 236 A letter from a Prrfon of ."^^uality. know not whether that be lawful, they lying yet unre- garded. The lord Shaftlhury prefontly drew up fomc words for j^rcfcrving the faiue rights, privilcc;cs, and freedoms, which men now enjoy by the laws cliabliihed; fo that l\v a lidc-wind we miprht not be deprived of the great liberty wc enjoy as Kngliflinien -, and deiircd thofe words might be inferted in that provifo before it palled. This was Iccomied by many of the fore-mentioned lords; and prcfRd upon thofe terms, that they defired not to countenance, or make in the leall degree any thing law- ful, that was not already fo ; but that they might not t^c deprived, by this dark way of proceeding, of that liberty, which was neceffarv to them as men, and with- out which parliaments would be rendered ufelefs. Upon this all the great officers fliowcd themfclves ; nay, the duke of Lauderdale himfelf, though under the load of two add relies *, opened his mouth, and, together with the lord-keeper, and the lord treafurer, told the rommirtec in plain terms ; that they intended, and dc- ii,Li;ncd to prevent caballing and coufpiracies againlt the j;overnmcnt ; that they knew no reafon why any of the king's officers ffiould confult w ith parliament-men about parliament-bufineO ; and particularly mentioned thofe ^'f the army, treafury, and navy. And when it was ob- jected to them, that the grcateff part of the moff know- ing gentry were cither juffices of the peace, or of the militia; and that this took away all converfc, or dif- ^ourfe of any alteration, which was in truth of any bufi- jRf>, in parliament; and that the officers of the navy and treafury might be bell able to advife what fliould be fit in many cafes ; and that withal none of their lord- fliips did offer any thing to falvc the inconvenience of parliament-men being deprived of difcourfing one with another, upon the n^attcis that w ere bdbre^hcm ; be- lides it mull be again remembered, that nothing was herein dclired to be countenanced, or made lawful, but * The houTc of commons atUirclTcil tlu; kin^ to remove the duke of LnudcrJalr from his employments, and from his majert) "s prefencc and councils, for ever; as a man of arbitrary principles, and a pcrfon ob-' noxious aiid dangerous to the govcrnincni. to A Letter from a Fcrjon of SiuaUty. ^21 to prefcrvc that which is already law, and avowedly juftified by it ; for, without this addition to the provifo, the oath rendered parliaments but a fnare, notafecurity, to the people ; yet to all this was anfvvered, foinetimes with pailion and high words, fometimcs with jells and raillery, (the bell they had) and at the laft the major vote anfuercd all objecftions, and laid afide the addition tendered. There was another thing before the finilhing of the oath, which I Hiall here alfo mention, which was an ad- ditional oath, tendered by the marquis of Winchefter; who ought to have been mentioned in the firft and chiefeii place, for his condud and fupport in the whole debate, being an expert parliament-man, and one, whofe (juality, parts, ixwA fortune, and owning of good principles, concur to give him one of the grcarcil places in the ellecm of good men. The additional oath ten- dered was as foUovveth : *' I do fwear that I will never by threats, injunc1:ions, '' promifes, advantages, or invitation, by or from " any perfon whatfoever, nor from the hopes or *' profpecl of any gift, place, oflicc, or benclii- '* whatfoever} give my vote other than according '' to my opinion and confcience, as I Iball be truly ** and really perfuadcd upon the debate of any •' bunnefs in parliament. So help me God.'* This oath w^as offered upon the occafion of fwcarinc^ members of parliament ; and upon this fcore only, that if any new oath v/as thought lit (which that noble lord declared his ovv n judgment perfectly againllj this cer- tainly was (all conliderationsand circumilances taken \\\) moft ncceilary to be a part ; and the nature of it was not fo firange, \i they confidered the judges oath, which was not much different from this. To this the lord- keeper feemcd very averfe, and declared in a very fme fpeech, that it v, as an ufelefs oath ; for all gifts, places, and ofHces were likeliell to come from the king; and no member of parliament in cither houfe could do too much for the king> or be too much of his fide j and that 4 i;;S A Letter from a Per/on of ^lality* men mifiht lawtully and worthily have in their profpcffc luch ofhccs or benefits from him. With this the lords acainlt the lull were in no terms fdtisfied, but plainly ipoke out, that men had been, might, and were likely to be, in cither h(jufe, too much tor the king, as they called it ; and that whoever did endeavour to give more |X)wcr to the king than the law and conflitution of the government had given, efpecially if it tended to the in- troducing an abfoluLe and arbitrary government; might jullly be faid to do too much for the king, and to be corrupted in his judgment by the profpcct of advantages anil rewards ; though, when it is conlidered that every deviation of the crown towards abfolute power, leflens the king in the love and allection of his people, making him become lefs in their intercll ; a wife prince will not think it a fervicc done him. And now remains only the lafl: part of the bill, which is the penalty, different according to the qualification:* of the perfons : ** all that are, or Ihall be privy-coun- «* fellors, jultices of the peace, or polTcirors of any bene- •* ficial olhce, ecclefiallical, civil, or military ; are to •* take the oath when fummoned, upon pain of fooL •• and being made incapable of bearing oiVice ; the niem- •* bers of both houfes are not made incapable, but liable •• to the penalty of 500I. if they take it not." Upon all which, the conliderations of the debate were, that thofo ol"hcers» and members of both houfes, arc, of all the nation, the mod dangerous to be fworn into a jiiithke, or change of the government ; and that, as to the members of both houfes, the penalty of 500I. was diredly againll the latter of the two previous votes ; and although they had not applied the penalty of inca- pacity unto the members of both houfes, becaule of the firil previous vote in the cafeofthe lords ; neitherdurll they adnutofa piopofition made by fome of thendllvcs, that thofe that did not come up, and fit as members, Ihould he liable to the taking the oath, or penalty, until they did fo ; Net their ends were not to be compafled without invading the latter previous vote, and, contrary to the rights and privileges of parliament, enforce them to fwear, or pav 503!. every pariiamenc. And this they carried A Letter from a Per/on of ^dity, 239 Carried through with lb llrong a rcfokition, that having experienced their misfortunes in replies forfeveral hours, not one of the party could be provoked- to fpeak one ■word. Though, befides the former arguments, it was ftrong- ly urged, that this oath ought not to be put upon oilicers with a heavier penalty than the tefl: was in the act of the imm.ediate preceding feilion againil' the papil^s ; by which any man might fit down with the lofs of his office, without being in the danger of the penalty of 500!. And aifo that this adl had a direc:! retro fpedt, which ought never to be in penal laws ; for this act punifhes men for having an office without taking this oath ; which office, before this law pafs, they may lawfully enjoy without it. Yet notwithftanding it provides not a power, in many cafes, for them to part with it, before this oath overtake them. For the claufe, '^ whoever is '' in office the ift of September,'* will not relieve a juilice of the peace, who, being once fworn, is not in his own power to be left out of commiflion. And fo might be inilanced in feveral other cafes. As alfo the mem- bers of the houfe of commons Avere not in their own power to be unchofen ; and as to the lords, they were fu^bjecled by it to the meanell condition of mankind, if they could not enjoy their birthright, without playing tricks fuitablc to the humour of every age, and be en- forced to fwear to every fancy of the prefent times. Three years ago it was all liberty and indulgence, and now it is strict and rigid conformity ; and what it may be, in fome fhort time hereafter, without the fpirit of prophefying, might be ffirewdly guelfed by a con- sidering man. This being anfwered with filence, the duke of Buck^ ingham^ whofe quality, admirable wit, andunufual pains that he took all along in the debate againft this bill, makes me mention hirn in this place, as general of the party, and coming lad out of the field ; made a fpeech late at night of eloquent and well-placed nonfenfe ; ffiovving how excellently well he could do both ways, and hop- ing that might do, when fenfe (which he often before ufed with t!ie highcfi advantage of wit and rcafon) would ^40 A Letter from a Per/on of ^lalliy, vould not. But the carl of Winchclfca, readily appr(?- bending the dialed", in a fhort reply \)\M an end to the debate; and the major vote, *' ultima ratio fenntuiin^ cV: *' conciliorum,'* carried the quertibn as the court and bifl^iOps would have it *. This was the lafl aci of this tragi-comcdy, which had taken up fixteen or feventeen whole days debate ; the houfc fnrino; many times till eight or nine of the clock at night, and fomctimes till Tiiidnight ; but the budnefs of privilege between the tv.o houlbsf gave fuch nn in- terruption, that this bill v.as never reported from the coiiunittee to the houfe. I have mentioned to you divers lords, that wcr fpeakers, as it fell in the debate ; but I have not diftri- buted the arguments of the debate to every particular lord. Now you know the fpeakers, your curiofity mav be fatisfied, and the lords I am fure will not quarrel abouc the divifion. I mud not forget to mention thofc great lords, Bedford, Devonfliire, and Burlington, for the countc nance and llrppoit they gave to the Englifli intercfl. The earl of l^edford was fo brave in it, that ♦ Mr. Fcbard in Ms hiftory of England (Vol. III. aJ an. 167^, Pt!* j-^ v^ h:ith rn«nrcril)ed fcvcral paragrnphs out of this letter, though he never ci:cs it ; and ends liis account of the debate thus : ** 1 he debate, •' fays Ic, lalled fixteen or feventeen whole days, the houfe often fitting *• till nine at night, and fometimes till midnight ; in the conclufion of •* which, the Duke of Buckingham, as general of the party, and lall in ** the field, made a famous fpeech, coni^illing of eloquent, regular, and •* well-placed nonfcnfe, hoping that that might prevail, when nothing •• clfc would ; and fo brought confufion into the houfe;" where, befidcs the inaccuMcy of bringing into his narrative and making his own the fxprcflions, which the author of the letter hath w^C'S, by way of compli- ment rr encomium, and thereby mifreprefenting the matter, he aliirms, ihar the dtl>ate was put to an end, by the confufion, which the duke ol Buckingham's fj>ccth brought into the houfe; whereas it appears by tic Irtlcr itlclf, that no conlufion was brought into the houfe by that fpeech ; but, on theeontran-, that, after a fhort reply of the earl of Winchelfea, the qucHicn was put regularly 10 the vole, and carried as the court and bifliops w(»uld have it. + Dr. Shirley having bnjught an appeal in the houfe of lords, from a «^ecree in chancer)', a:;aln!^ lir John Klagg, a memlx-r of the houfe of vommons ; the commons looked upon it as an infringement of their privi- leges; and this occafioned aconied l)ctwcen the two houfcs, which ran fo high, that the king thought fit to put a Oop to it, by proroguing the par- lumcnt, oa the t^lhof Juac 1675, ^^^^^ ^^^)' ^^'^ ^-^^ near two months. he A Letter from a Per/on cf .^lality, i^t he joined in three of nheprotcfbs ; fo alfo d^d'die earl of Dorfet ; and the earl of Stamford, a young nobleniiii of great hopes; the lord vifcount Say and Seal and the lord Pagitt in two; the lord AiidJcy and the lord Fitz- walter in the third ; and the lord Peter, a nobleman of great cilarc, and always true to the maintenance of liberty and property, in the lirll. And I fliould nou have omitted the earl of Dorfet, lord Audlcy, and the lord Peter, aniongfl: the fpeakers ; for -1 will affure you they did their parts excellently v\'cll. The lord vifcount Hereford was a Heady man among the country lords ; ^o alfo was the lord Towndiend, a man juilly of great elleem and power in his own country, and amongft all thole that well know h\\n, The carl of Carnarvon ought not to be mentioned in the lad place ; tor he came out of the country on purpofe to oppofc the bill, fhick very fad: to the country party, and fpoke many excel- lent things againfb it. I dare not mention the Ron-ian catholic lords, and fame others, for fear I hurt them ; birt thus much I lliall fliy of the Roman catholic peers, that if they were fafe in their cftates, and yet kept out of office, their votes in that houfe would not be the m.oil unfafe to England of any fort of men in it. As for the abfent lords, the carl of Rutland, lord Sandys, lord Her- bert of Cherbury, lord North, and lord Crew, ought to be mentioned with honour ; havmg taken care their votes Ihould maintain their own interelt and opinions. But the eajls of Exeter and Chefterfield, that gave no proxies this feilion ; the lord Montague of Boughton, that gave his to the treafurer ; and the lord Roberts his to the Earl of Northampton ; are not eafily to be underftood. If you afl^ after the carl of CarliOc, the lord vifcount Fal- conberg, and the lord Berkley of Berkley-Caftle, bc- caufe you lii)d them not mentioned amonglt all their old friends ; all I have to (liy is, that the carl of Carliflc flepped afide to receive his penlion ; the lord Berkley to dine with the lord-treafurer ; but the lord vifcount Fak- conberg, like the nobleman in the gofpel, went away forrowful, for he had a great office at court. But I de- fpair not of giving you a better account of them next fcfiion, for it is not poffihle, when they confidcr, that Vol. iX. ^ R CromweU's 542 A Letter from a T erf on of ^ality. Cromwell's major-general, fon-in-law, and friend, fhould think to find their accounts amongft men that fet up on fuch a bottom. Thus, Sir, you fee the (landard of the new party is not yet fet up, but muft be the work of another fefTion ; though it be admirable to me, how the king can be induced to venture his affairs upon fuch weak counfels, and of fo fatal confequences. For I believe it is the 'iw^ time in the world, that ever it was thought advifeable, after fifteen years of the higheft peace, quiet, and obedience, that ever was in any country, that there fhould be a pretence taken up, and a reviving of former mifcarriages, cfpccially after lb many promifes and declarations, as well as acl:s of ob- livion, and fo much merit of the offending party, in being the inflruments of the king's happy return ; be- fides the putting fo vaft a number of the king's fubjedls in utter defpair of having their crimes ever forgotten. And it mufl be a great miftake in counfels, or worfc, that there fhould be fo much pains taken by the court to debafe and bring low the houfe of peers, if a military government be not intended by fome. For the power of thcpeeragc, and a fianding army, are like two buckets, in the proportion that one goes down, the other exadlly goes up. And I refer you to the confidcration of all the hif- tories of ours, or any of our neighbour northern monar- chies ; whether Handing forces, military and arbitrary government, came not plainly in by the fame fteps that the nobility were lelTcned ; and whether, whenever they were in power and greatnefs, they permitted the leaft Ibadow of any of them. Our own country is a clear in- Itancc of it ; for though the white rofc and the red changed fortunes often, to the ruin, flaughter, and be- heading the great men of the other fide; yet nothing could enforce them to fecure themfclvcs by a Handing force. But 1 cannot believe that the king himfelf will ever dcfign any fuch thing ; for he is not of a temper robull and laborious enough to deal with fuch a fort of men, or reap the advantages, if there be any, of fuch a government. And I thmk he can hardly have forgot the A Letter from a P erf on of ^.ality, 243 the treatment his father received from the officers of his army, both -at Oxford and NcvvLirk ; it was an hard, but almoft an even choice, to be the parliament's prifoner, or their Have; but I am fure the grcatcft profpcrity of his arms could have brought him to no happier condi- tion, than our king his fon has before him, whenever he pleafes. However, this may be faid for the honour of this feffion, that there is no prince in Chriftendom hath, at a greater expence of money, maintained for two months fpace a nobler or more ufeful difpute of the politics, mydery, and fecrets of government, both in church and (late, than this hath been ; of which noble defign no part is owing to any of the country lords, for feveral of them begged, at the firft entrance into the de- bate, that they might not be engaged in fuch difputes as would unavoidably produce divers things to be faid, which they were willing to let alone. But I muft bear them witnefs, and fo will you, having read this ; that they did their parts in it, when it came to it, and fpoke plain, like old Englifli lords. I fliall conclude with what, upon the whole matter, is mofl: worthy your confideration, that the defign is *' to *^ declare us firft into another government more abfo- '' lute and arbitrary than the cath of allegiance, or old " law, knew; and then '* make us fwear unto it,'* as it is fo eflablifhed. And lefs than this the billiops could not offer in requital to the crown for parting with it^ fupremacy, and fuffering them to be fworn to be cquaj with itfelf. Archbiiliop Laud was the firfl: founder gf this device. In his canons of 1640, you (hall find aa oath very like this, and a declaratory canon preceding, *' that monarchy is of divine right * ;" which was alfo affirmed * In the conftitutlons and canons ecclefiatlical; treated upon by the archbifhops of Canterbury and York, &c. in the year 1640, and pubJifhed for the due obfervadon of them, by his majelly's authority, under the great feal of England; the I. canon contains an explanation of the regal power, ordained and decreed to be read by every parfon, vicar, curate, or preacher, upon fome one Sunday in every quarter of the year at morn- ing prayer ; wherein it is faid : " The nioft high and facred order of *' kings is of divin« right, being the ordinance of God himfelf, founded R 2 ia 244 ^ Letter from a Verfoji of ^ality. p.flirmcd in this debate by our reverend prelates, and is owned in print by no lefs men than archbiihop Uliicr, «' in the prime laws ot'nan r.-, mid clciiriy cllablilhcJ b)- cxprefs texts both •' of the OUi and New 'I illarncnt " " For any perfon or pcrfons to fct up, maintain, or avow in any ** ^kint*'s) rcauTis or territories refp?dively, under any pretence v.liat- «' (bcvcr, any independent CO adivc power, eitlier papal or popular (whe- *• thcr directly or indirciiUy) is to undermine the great royal office, and ' ciin»iini;ly to overthrow that moll facrv-d ordinance, whicli God himfelf •' hath cifablKhed : and fo is trcafonablc againll God, as well as againft «« the king." ♦' For iubjcds to bear arms againll their kings, oflfenfivc or defenfive, " upon anv pretence whatlbevcr, is at the lead to refill the powers, which " arc ordained of God : and though they do not invade, but onlv refill, *• vSt. Paul tells them plainly, they lliall receive to themfelves damna- •♦ lion." And, by the VI. canon, an oath againfl: all innovation of do ifjry to falvation Nor will 1 ever give my confent to *• alter the government of this church by arch-biOiops, bilhops, deans, " and arch-deacons, &c. as it (lands now cllabli filed, and as by right it •• ought to (land," &c. 'I'hefc canons were no fooner publffhed, but there was a general outcry rr.ude againll them. How they were treated by the puritans, may be {^^x\ \.\ a pair.phlet printed in i6|0, witn this liilo: •* Kngland's complaint ro *' Jefus Chrill, againil the biihops canons, of ilie late linful fynod, a fedi- ** tioiis conventicle, a packc of hypocrites, a fworn confederacy, a traite- '« rous confpiracy againlk the true religion of Chrill, and the weale pub- *• lickc of the land, and confequei'tly a ;:iinll the kingdome and crowne. " In lliis omplaint are fpcciiied thcfe impieties and infolcncies which •• are m'^d notorious, fcattered through the canons and conllitutions of ** the fyid '.ir.ful fynod. And contuted by arguments annexed iurcunro,'* in 410.' Several p.tliions being at tl.e {.\v!X. lime prefcnlcd to the king ;i7;tinll the new canons, ard particularly againll the oath before-mention- v\ : his itiaiclly was pleafed to fufi-vend their execution : which, however, c')uld not prevent their filling under the cenfure of :he houfe ol commons; lor on the j6th of J)cceml>cr i6j.o, they declared that thofc canons did contain many matters contrary 10 the king's prerogative, to the funda- mcnial laws and llatutrs of this realm, to the rights of parliament, to the pr.Kx:rry.ind liberty of the fubjecl, and matters tending to fedition, and oftun^truus confcfjuencc. *• 'IluTe public ccn Cures of llie canons," fays a learned nnd ingenious hiltorian, •' however grounded on prejudice • • and laitioD, Imvc made them ever fincc reputed null and \ aid, c^'C." ^A•c the Complete Hillory of Englanil, ^c. Vol. Ill, .1, ann. 164.0. p. 113. Loud. I7«9, in Ibl, and A Letter f rem a Per fun of finality. 245 and biiliop Snndcrfon f ; and I ara afraid it is the avowed opinion of much the greater part of our dii2:ni- liicd + Archblfhop UfTierdid, by order of king Charier. I, write a trcatife, intitled, " Tlie Power communicated by God to the Prince, and the Obe- *' dience required of the Subjed, &c." which was j)ublifhed, in the year 1660, by Dr. Sanderfon, bifhop of Lincohi ; and in that treatife, after having obferved that the commands of princes are either of fuch thin<*s as may and ought to be done, or of fuch as cannot or ought not to be done, he puts this queltion : but how are fubjeds to carry themfeh^es, when fuch things are enjoined as cannot or ought not to be done? 1 o which he an- fwers, ** Surely not to accufe the commander, but humbly to avoid the ** command And, when nothing elfe will ferve the turn, as ** in things that may be done, wc are to exprcls our iubmiiliun by ai!;tive, fo *' in things that cannot be done, we are to declare the fame by palFive obc- *• dience, without refiflance and repugnancy ; fuch a kind of fufferino- ** being as fure a fign of fubjectio!] as any thing eile whatfoever." And fome pages lower, he propofes an ohj-jc'lion, and anfwers it. " But, fa^'s *' he, if men's hands be thus tied, will forne fay, no man's ftate can be ** fecure ; nay, the whole frame of the commonwealth would be in danger -" to be fubverted and utterly ruined, by the unbridled luft of a diftempered *^ governor." ** I anfwer, God's word is clear in the point, (Rom. xiii. 2, 5.) Who- ** foever refiileth the power, refiileth the ordinance of God; and they that •* refifl: fhall receive to themfelves damnation; and thereby a neceffity is *' impofed upon us of being fubjecl even for confcience fake ; which mav '* not be avoided by tiie pretext of any enfuing mifchief whatfoever. I'br, ** by this means we (hould have liberty given unto us to (fames iv. ii,j ** fpeak evil of the law, and to judge the law. But if thou judge the law, "*'* thou art not a doer of the law, but a judge, faith '^t. James. It be- " comes us, in obedience, to perform our part; and leave the orderin'^of *' events to God, whofe part only that is." The power communicated bv God to the Prince, t^z. pag. 147, 149, 15c, 157. London, 1683, in Svo". J)r. Sanderfon was of the fame opinion, as it appears by his long preface to archbilliop UlTier's trcarife jufl: mentioned ; wherein, among other thin^^^s, he fays, that a mixt monarchy is an arrant bull, a contradiction in adjedo, and deilroyeth itfelf; but more particularly by that famous paiTage in a fcrmon of his preached at Hampton-Court, in the year 1640: " No con- ** jundure of circumflances whatfoever can make that expedient to be <■' done at any lime, that is of itfidf, and in the kind (Ov yap m yt^n xaAvr, «* bTTor' s(pv xa?.&c. Eurip. PhocnifT. Ad. 3.) unlawful. For a man to blaf- *l phcrae the holy name of God, to facrifice to idols, to give wrong ^t\^- •* tence in judgment, by his power to opprcfs thcfe that arc not aole to " withftandhim, by fubtilty to over-reach others in bargaining, to take *' up arms, (ofFenfive or dei'en^ive) agaiml a lawful fov -reign; none of ** th.efe, and fundry other things of like nature, being all o: them flmply, ** and de toto genere, unlawful, may be done by any man, at any time, in ** any cafe, upon any colour or pretenfion whatfoever; the exprefs con)- " mand of God himfelf only excepted, as in the cafe of Abraham for ** facrificing his fon (Gen. xxii.) Not for the avoiding if fcandal, not ** at the inllaiice of any friend, or command of any power upon tarth, K 3 nor 24^ ^ L^'tter fr^m a Pcrfon of ^^tality, fied clcrgv. If fo, 1 ani furc they are the mofi: dangerous fort of men alive to our Enn;Iini government ; and it is the firll: thing ought to be Kjokcd into, and ftridly ex- amined by our parliaments. It is the leaven that cor- rupts the whole lump. For if that be true, I am fure rnt>narchy is not to be bounded by human laws ; and the 8:h chapter o^ r Samuel will prove (as many of our divines w(HiId have it) the great charter of the royal prerogative ; and our ** Magna Charta ;** that fays, ** Our king:; may not take our fields, our vineyards, our " corn, and our fliecp," is not in force, but void and null ; becaufe againll divine inftitution. And you have the riddle out, why the clergy arc fo ready to take themfelves, and to impofe upon others, fuch kind of oaths as thcfe. They b.ave placed themfelves and their pofiedions upon a better and iurer bottom (as they think) than ** Magna Charta •/• and fo have no more need of, or concern for it. Nay, what is worfe, they have trucked away the rights and liberties of the people, in this and all other countries, wherever they have had opportunity ; that they m.ight be owned by the prince to be '* iure divino," maintained in that pretenlion by that abfolute power and fore e ihey have contributed fo much to put into his hands ; and that priell and prince may, like Cafior and Pollux, be wor (hipped together as divine, in the fame temple, by us poor lay-fubjech ; and that fenfe and reafon, hu\ , properties, rights, and liberties, inall be underltood, as the oracles of thofc deities lliall interpret, or give fignilication to them ; and never be made ule of in the world to oppofe the abfolute aiid free will of either of them. Sir, I have no more to fay, but beg your pardon for this tedious trouble, and that you will be very careful to whom you communicate any of this. •• nor for the m.ilutcnancr of the lives or lilx-rties cither of ourfdvcs or «* others; nor for the ilcfencc of religion ; nor for the prefervaiion of a " church or (late ; no, nor yet, if that could be imagined pxjUihle, for the ** falvation of a foul, no, not for the rrdcmption of the whole world. •• Sermon XII. ad Aulam, pa'ached at Hampton Court, Juh' iC, 1640, •' on I Cor. X. 23. But all things arc not expedient But all thing! *• edify nut." See XXXI V Sermons. cS^c. by Robert Sanderfon, ic, pag. 522,01 the 8th edit. London, 1686, in fol. REMARKS REMARKS UPON SOME or Mr. N O R R 1 S*S BOOKS Wherein he aflerts P. Malebranche's Opinion of our feeing all Things in God. THERE are feme, who think they have given an ac- count of the nature of ideas, by telling us, '' we fee them in God** (i), as if w^underftood, what ideas in the underftanding of God are, better than when they are in our own underftandings ; or their nature were better known, when it is faid, that '' the immediate " objedl: of our underftandings are the divine ideas, the '' omniform elTence of God, partially reprefented or " exhibited** (2). So that this now has made the matter clear, there can be no difficulty left, when we are told that our ideas are the divine ideas ; and the " divine ideas the omniform ellcnce of God.** For what the divine ideas are, \vc know as plainly, as we know what i, 2, and 3, is; and it is a fatisfadiory ex- plication of what our ideas are to tell us, they are no other than the divine ideas ; and the divine cflence is more familiar, and level to our knowledge, than any thing we think of Befides, there can be no difficulty ^i) See Curfory Refledlons upon a book called, ** An Kflay concerning Human Underftanding." Written by John Norris, M. A. redor of New- ton St. Loe, in Somerfetfhire, and late fellow of Ali-Souls college: in a letter to a friend ; printed at the end of his " Chriftian BlefTedncfs, or «* Difcourfes upon the Beatitudes of our Lord and Saviour Jcfus Chrift ;" pag. 30. Lond. 1690.111 bvo. (2) Ibid, p.ig, 31. R 4 in 24S Remarks upon Mr. Norris's Books, &c, in undcrflamling how tl:c " divine ideas arc God's ^ circncc.'* 2. I ani complained of for not having '* given an '* account of, or defined the nature of our ideas" (3). Bv *' giving an account of the nature of ideas," is not meant, tb.at I Iliould make known to men their ideas ; for 1 think no-body can imagine that any articulate founds of mine, or any body elfc, can make known to another wliat his ideas, that is, what his perceptions are, better than what he himfclf knows and perceives them to be ; which is enough for afiirmations, or nega- tion;s> about them. By the '* nature of ideas," there- fore, is meant here their caufes and manner of produc- tion in thcmind, i.e. in what alteration of the mind this perception conlifts ; and as to that, I anfwer, no mari can tell ; for which I not only appeal to experience, which uere enough, but ihall add this reafon, viz. becaufe no nun c2Ln give any account of any alteration made in any limplc fubdance whatfoever ; all the alteration we can ironceivc, being only of the alteration of compounded fubllanccs ; and that only by a tranlpofition of parts. Our ideas, fay thefe men, are the *' divine ideas, or the omniform eflence of Cjod," whirh the mind fometimcs fees, and fomctimes not. Now I aik thefe men, w hat alteration is made in the mind upon feeing? for there lies the difficulty, which occafions the inquiry. For wlxat diflerence a man fihds in himfclf, when he fees a marygold, and fees not a marygold, has no diffi- culiv, and needs not be inquired after : he has the idea now, which he had not before. The diihculty is, \\hat alteration is nrvadc in his mind ; what changes that has in itfelf, when it fees what it did i.ot fee before, either ihc divice idea in the underflanding ot God, or, as the ignorant think, the marygold in the garden. Either fuppolaion, as to this matter, is all one; for they arc both thmgs cxtrinlical to the mind, till it has that per- ception ; and \\hK:n it has it, 1 deiire them to explain to me, what the alreiarion in the mir.d is, befides fav ing. [-^] Curforv R^i^ '.'lion?, c\;c. pn^. ;. as Remarks upon Mr, No'rris's Books, i^c. 249 as we vulgar do, it is having'a perception, ^vhich it had .not the moment before; which is only the difference between perceiving and not perceiving ; a difference in matter of faf man ; it may by this appoint- HiCnt operate on himfelf, the impaflible infinite fpirit, and put him in mind when he is to operate on the mind of Rejnarks upon Mr. Norris's Bo^ks, 6fr. 255 of man, and exhibit to it the idea which is in himfclf of any colour. The infinite eternal God is certainly the caufe of all things, the fountain of all being and power. But, becaufc all being was from him, can there be no- thing but God himfelf ? or, becaufe all power was ori- ginally in him, can there be nothing of it communica- ted to his creatures ? This is to fet very narrow bounds to the power of God, and, by pretending to extend it, takes it away. For which (I befeech you, as we can comprehend) is the perfecStefl power; to make a ma- chine, a watch, for example, that when the watch- maker has withdrawn his hands, fhall go and ftrike by the fit contrivance of the parts ; or elfe requires that whenever the hand by pointing to the hours, minds him of it, he fhould ftrike twelve upon the bell ? No ma- chine of God*s making can go of itfelf. Why? becaufe the creatures have no power; can neither move them- felves, nor any thing elfe. How then comes about all that w^e fee ? Do they do nothing ? Yes, they are the occafional caufes to God, why he fhould produce cer- tain thoughts and motions in them. The creatures can- not produce any idea, any thought in man. How then comes he to perceive or think ? God upon the occafion of fome motion in the optic nerve, exhibits the colour of a marygold or a rofe to his mind. How came that motion in his optic nerve ? On occafion of the motion of fome particles of light ftriking on the retina, God producing it, and fo on. And fo whatever a man thinks, God produces the thought ; let it be infidelity, mur- muring, or blafphemy. The mind doth nothing ; his mind is only the mirrour that receives the ideas that God exhibits to it, and juft as God exhibits them ; the man is altogether palTive in the whole bufinefs of think- ing. 16. A man cannot move his arm or his tongue; he has no power; only upon occafion, the man willing it, God moves it. The man wills, he doth fomething; or elfe God, upon the occafion of fomething, which he himfelf did before, produced this will, and this adion in him. This is the hypothefis that clears doubts, and brings us at laft to the religion of Hobbes and Spinufa, by 256 Remarks upon Mr. Norn's' s Books y >Sri\ by rcfc^Iving all, even the thoughts and will of men, into an irrtliiliblc fatal necelTity. For, w hethcr the original of it be from the continued motion of eternal all-do- ing matter, or from an omnipotent inmiatcrial being which, having begun matter and motion, continues it by the direction of occafions which he himfelf has alfo made; as to religion and morality, it isjufl: the fame thing. Jiut we mult know how every thing is brought to pafs, and thus we have it refolved, w ithout leaving any dilliculty to perplex us. But perhaps it would better become us to acknowledge our ignorance, than to talk fuch things boldly of the Holy One of Ifracl, and con- demn others for not during to be as unmannerly as our-i fclves. 17. Ideas ma} be real beings, though not fubflances ; as motion is a real being, though not a fubftance; and it feems probable that, in us, ideas depend on, and are fome w ay or other the effedl of motion ; iince they are fo rieeting ; it being, as I have elfewhere obferved, fo hard, and almoft impollible, to keep in our minds the fame unvaried idea, long together, unlefs when the ob- ject that produces it is prefent to the fenfes ; from which the fame motion that firft produced it being continued, the idea itfelf may continue. 18. This therefore may be a fufficient excufe of the ignorance I have owned of what our ideas are, any far- ther than as they are perceptions we experiment in our- felves ; and the dull unphilofophical way I have taken of examining their production, only fo far as experience and obfervation lead mc ; wherein my dim light went not beyond fenfation and retlec1:ion. 19. Truth (16) lies only in propofitions. The foun- dation of this truth is the relation that is between our ideas. The knowledge of truth is that perception of the relation between our ideas to be as it is ex- prelT'cd . 20. The immutability (jf elfences lies in the fame founds, fu])pored to itand for the fame ideas. 1 hefg (16) Sec Rcafon and Religion, c^c. Pari II. Contcmpl. U. j 29. p. ^04^ things Remarks upon Mr. Morris's Boohs, &c. 21^57 things conlidered, would have faved this learned dif- courfe. 2T. Whatever exifls, whether in God, or out of God, is fingular (17). 22. If no proportion lliould be made, there would be no truth nor falfhood ; though the lame relations ftill fubfifting between the fame ideas, is a foundation of the immutability of truth (18) in the fame proportions, whenever made. 2-^. What wonder is it that the fame idea (19) fhould always be the fame idea ? For if the word triangle be fuppofed to have the fame fignification always, that is all this amounts to. 24. " I defirc to know (20) what things they are '' that God has prepared for them that love him.'* Therefore I have fome knowledge of them already, though they be fuch as '' eye hath not feen, nor ear " heard, nor have entered into the heart of man to con- ^' ceive." 25. If I '^ have all things adlually prefent to my mind ;" why do I not know all things diflindlly ? 26. He that confiders (21) the force of fuch ways of fpeaking as thefe, *' I defire it, pray give it me, flie was " afraid of the fnake, and ran away trembling;" 'will eafily conceive how the meaning of the words '' de- " fire" and '' fear," and fo all thofe which ftand for intellectual notions, may be taught by words of fenlibic fignifications. 27. This, however otherwifc in experience, fhould be fo on this hypothecs ; v. g. the uniformity of the ideas, that different men have when they ufe fuch words as thefe, '' glory, woriliip, religion," are clear proofs that '' God exhibited to their minds that part *' of the ideal world, as is fignified by that lign " 28. Strange! that truth being, in any queftion, but one ; the more we difcover of it, the more uniforai our judgments fliould be about it (22). (17) See Reafon and Religion, Part II. Contempl. II. ^30. p. 206. (18) Ibid. § 32. p. 207. (19) Ibid. § ^^. p. 20S, 209. (20) Ibid. ^ 34. p. 210. (21] Ibid, j 35. p. 21 1, 212, 213. (22) ibid. § 36. p. 214. Vol. IX. S 29. This ^5^ R I'm, iris upon Mr. Nor vis's Books ^ tfc'. 29. This argues that the ground of it is the always immutable relations of the fanic ideas. Several ideas that we have once got acquaintctl with, \vc can revive ; and fo they are prcfent to us when we plcafe. But the knowledge of their relations, fo as to know what we may aflirm or deny of them, is not always prcfent to our minds ; but we often mifs truth, even after ftudy. But in many, and j^oliibly not the fcwell, we have nei- ther the ideas, nor the truth, condantly, or fo much as at all, prcfent to our mind.'?. And I think I may, without any difparagcment to the author, doubt whether he ever had, or, with all his application, ever would have, the ideas of truth prcfent to the mind, tiut Mr. Newton had in writing his book. •\o. This fection (23) fuppofes we are better ac- quainted w ith God's underllanding than our own. But this pretty argument would perhaps look as fmilingly thus : We are like God in our undcrflandings ; he fees -what he fees, by ideas in his own mind ; therefore wc fee what we fee, by ideas that are in our own minds. 31. Thefe texts (24) do not prove that we fhall ** hereafter fee all things in God." There will be objeds in a future (late, and wc Ihall have bodies and fenfes. 32. Is he, whilfl we fee through the veil of our mor- tal flcfli here, intimately prefent to our minds? 33. To think r)f any thing (25) is to contemplate that precife idea. The idea of I3eing, in general, is the idea of Being abflradled from whatever may limit or deter- mine it to any inferiour fpecics ; fo that he that thinks always of being in general, thinks never of any parti- cular fpecies of being; unlefs he can think of it with and without preciiion, at the fame time. But if he means, that he thinks of being in general, whenever •he thinks of this or that particular being, or fort of being; then it is certain he may always think of being (23) Sec Rfaibn atKl Religion. Part II. Contcmpl. II. K 37. p. 21 r (2^)lbid. ^3b. i>. 216, 217. (^5)il^^^'y3yp. -2i7, 2il in Remarks upon Mr. Norris^s Books, &c, 259 in general, till he can find out a way of thinking on nothing. 34. Being in general, is being, (26) abd-radled from wifdom, goodnefs, power, and any particular fort of duration ; ancj I have as true an idea of being, when thefe are excluded out of it, as when extf'nfion, pi ice, folidity, and mobility, are excluded out of my idea. And therefore, if being in general, and God, be the fame, I have a true idea of God, when I exclude out of it pov.^er, goodnefs, wifdom, and eternity. 2^. As if there was no difference (27) between *^ man's being his own light," and ^' hot feeing things *' in God." Man may be enlightened by God, though it be not by '^ feeing all things in God." The finidiing of thefe hafty thoughts mufl be defer- red to another feafon. Oates, 1693. John Locke. (26) Reafon and Religion, Part II, Contemfl, II. § 40. p. 2ig. (27) Ibid. §43»P-223. S 2 SEVERAL SEVERAL LETTER S TO A N T ri. COLLINS, Flq; A ND OTHER PERSONS. A Letter from Mr, Locke to Mr, Oldeul/inj^ concaniug a poi/onous Fujh about the Bahama Ijlands, Sir. IHr.RE\viTii fend you an account, I lately received tVom New Providence, one of the Bahama Iflands, concerning a filh there ; w hich is as tbllowcch : ** I have not met with any rarities here, worth your •' acceptance, ''hou<^h I have been diligent in inquiring ** after them. Of thofe, which 1 have heard of, this *' fccms mod: remarkable to me. The filli, which arc ** here, arc many of them poifonous, bringing a great •^ pain on their joints who eat them, and continue for " ibmc Ihort time ; and at lafl, with two or three days *' itching, the j^ain is rubbed off. 'Ihofc of the lame *' fpecies, fize, Jhapc, colour, tadc, arc, one of them ** poifon; the other not in the leafl hurtful : and thofc •' that arc, only to fome of the company. The diftem- ** per to iTJcn never proves mortal. Dogs and cats !L* ibipctimcs cat their lalt. Men^ who have once had «' that Several Letters. 261 '' that difcafe, upon the eating of fiHi, though it he '*^ thofc which are wholefome, the poifonoLis ferment *' in their body is revived thereby, and their pain in- '' creafcd." Thus far the ingenious perfon, from whom I had this rchtion, w^ho having been but a very little while upon the iOand, w'hen he writ this, could not fend fo pcrfed: an account of this odd obfervation, as one could wifli, or as I expedt to receive from him, in anfwer to fome queries I lately fent him by a fnip bound thither. When his anfw er com.es to my hand, if there be any thing in it, which may gratify your curiofity, I Iliall be glad of that or any other occafion to afllire you that I am, SIR, Your mofl humble fervant, John Locke. A Letter to Anthony CollinSy Efq; S I R, Gates, 4 May 1703. NONE of your concerns are of indifference to me. You may from thence conclude I take part in your late great lofs. But I confider you as a philofopher, and a chriilian; and fo fpare you the trouble of reading from jrie, what your ov.n thoughts will nmch better fuggeft to you. You have exceedingly obliged mc, in the books of yours that you have fent me, and thofc of mine you have been at fo much trouble about. I received but jull now the packet, wherein they and your obliging letter were; that mud be my excufe for fo tardy a return of my thanks. [ am overjoyed with an intimation I have received :ilfo, that gives me hopes of feeing you here the next .vcck. You are a charitable good friend, and are re- folvcd to make the decays and dregs of my life the plcafantefl: part of it. For I know nothing calls me fo S 3 much Several Letters, much back to a plcaHint fcnfc of enjoyment, and makes my days fo gay and lively, as your good com- pany. Come then, and multiply happy minutes upon, and rejoice here in the good you do nic. For I am, with a perfcd cftcem and rcrpc(^t, SIR, Your niod: humble and moll obedient Servant, John Locke. 'Jo the fame. S I R, Oates, 3 June 1703. IT is not enough to have heard from my coulin King* that you got fafe to town, or from others that you were fince well there. I am too much concerned ill it, not to inquire of yourfelf, how you do. Befides that I owe you my thanks, for the greatell favour I can receive, the confirmation of your friendlliip, by the vifit I lately received from you. If you knew what fatisfaclion I feel fprcad over my mind by it, you would take this acknowledgment as coming from fomething beyond civility; my heart goes with it, and that you may be fure of; and {o ufelefs a thing as I am have nothing clfc to offer you. As a mark that I think v.e are part: ceremonv, I here fend you a new bookt in quires, with a defire you will get it bound by your binder. In the pans of good bind- ing befidcs folding, beatmg, and fcwing, will 1 count Ilrong paflehoards, and as large margins as the paper will poliibly afford ; and, for lettering, 1 delire it Ihould be upon the fame leather blacked, and barely the name of the author, as, in this cafe, Voffuis. Pardon thi.^ liberty, and believe me with perfecfl fin- ccrity and rcfpcct, 6cc. * vSir IVttr ivin^ . i ** G.J. V\)u.i Etymolo^icum Lingux Latinx." Amilelodami 1695. Several Letters, iSi, ^0 the fame. Sir, Oatcs, i8 June, 1703. IT would be flrange, if after all thofe marks of friendr- fhip and eftccm I have received from you, in the little time I have had the honour of your acquaintance, I fnould quarrel with you ; and lliould repay the conti- nuance of yc'ur good offices, employed even in things beneath you, with grumbling at you; and yet this I can hardly forbear to do. Do not, I befeech you, take this to be altogether ill-nature, but a due eftimate of what I enjoy in you. And, fmce upon juft meafures I count it the great treafure of my life, I cannot with pa- tience hear you talk of condefcenfion in me, when I flick not to wafte your time in looking after the bind- ing of my books. If you pleafe, let us live upon fairer terms ; and when you oblige me, give me leave to be fenfible of it. And pray remember, that there is one Mr. Collins, with whom, if I delire to live upon equal terms, it is not that I forget hov/ much he is fuperi- our to me, in many things wherein he will always have the precedency ; but I aflume it upon the account of that friendfliip that is between us ; friendfhip levelling all inequalities between thofe whom it joins, that it may leave nothing that may keep them at a diilance, and hinder a perfeci: union and enjoyment. This is what I would be at with you ; and were I not in earnefb in it, out of a fmcere love of you, I would not be fo foolifh to rob myfelf of the only way wherein I might pretend to enter the lifls with you. I am old and ufclefs, and out of the way; all the real fervices are then like to be on your fide. In words, expreflions, and acknowledgment, there might have been perhaps fome room to have made fome offers of holding up to vou. But I defire that nothing- of the court-^p-uile mav mix in our converfation. Put not, I befeech you, any thing into your letters to make me forget how much I am obliged to you by the liberty }'ou allow me to tell you that I am, 6cc^ s 4 r$ .264 Sfvrral Letters, To the f.ime. Sir, ' Oatcs, 24 June, 1703. MR. Bold*, who leaves us to-day, intends to fee you; and I cannot forbear going, as far as 1 can, to make the third in the company. Would my health fecond my defircs, not only my name, and a few Mords of friendll.ip, fhould go with him to you ; but I myfelf uould jz;et to horfe ; and had I nothing elfe to do in town, 1 lliould think it worth a longer journey than it is thither, to lee and enjoy you. But I muft fubmit to the rcOraints of old age, and expedl that happinefs from your charity. It is but ^i\ days fmcc, that I writ to you ; and fee here another letter. You are like to be troubled with me. If it be To, why do you make yourlclf beloved ? Why do you make yourfelf fo neccflary to me ? I thought mylelf pretty loofc from t,he world, but I feel you begin to fatten n^e to it again. For you make my life, fmce 1 have had your friendfliip, much more valuable to me than it was before. You thanked me in yourlafl, for the employment I gave you ; I wiUi I do not make you re|X'nt it ; for you are likely to have my cuflom. I defire you would do me the favour to get me Dr. Barrow's Englifli works, bound as Volrius's Etymologicum was. 1 am in no manner of hade for them, and therefore you may get them from your bookfeller in quires, when you go to his (liop upon any other occalion ; and put them to your binder at kifure. 1 h:ive them for my own uic already; • Mr Samuel Bolil dtcil in Aiiguft 17.^7, aged 88, He had been rcftor of Srrcplc, in Dorfot(Viirc, 56 years. He uas author of fcvcral books ; and, among others, foinc in defence of Mr. Locke's ** EfTay *' concrrniMg Human Undcrf^anciing," and his •* Rcafonablcncfs of " ChriiHanity." He was imprifonal and j>crfccurcd in the reign of James II. for a fermon a^uinfl pcrfecutinn, and for a pamphlet intitlcd, •• A Plea for Moderation ;" dodrincs which neither the court nor prelates of thofc times coultl ))car. He was a inan of true learning and genuine pietv, of foimd do^lrlne and mnft exemplary life; a moll ufeful man in his iUtion, and a zealous promotcx of true religion, thefc Several Letters. 265 thefe are to give away to a young lady here in the coun- try. AVhcn they are bound, 1 defire your binder would pack them up carefully, and cover them with paper enough to keep their corners and edges from being hurt in tliC carriage, l^'or carriers are a fort of brutes, and declared enemies to books. I am, &c. ^0 the fame. S I R, Gates, 9 July, 1703. YOURS, of the 30th of June, I received juft now, and cannot forbear a moment to tell you, that if there were any thing in my lafh letter, that gave you an oc- cafion, after having mentioned difguife, to fay, you ^' have made ufe of no way to fhow your efteem of mc, *^ but ftiU your heart went with it,** I am very forry for it. For, however I might think the exprelTions in your letter above what I could defcrve, yet my blaming your excefs of civility to me tended not to any doubt of the (incerity of your'affedion. Had I not been fee urc of that, I could not have talked to you with the fame freedom I did, nor have endeavoured to perfuade you, that you were lodged fo near my heart as you arc. Though my friendfhip be of very little value, or ufe; yet being the bell thing I have to give, I Ihall not for- wardly beftow it, where I do not think there is worth and lincerity ; and therefore, pray, pardon me the for- wardncfs wherewith I throw my arms about your neck; and holding you fo, tell you, you muft not hope, by any thing that looks like compliment, to keep me at a civiler, and more faihionablc diflance. You comply with me, I fee, by the reft of your letter; and you bear with my treating ypu with the familiarity • of an eflablifhed friendfhip. You pretend you have got the advantage by it. I wilh it may be f o ; for I Ihould be very glad there were any thing, wherein I could be ufeful to you. Find it out, I bcfeech you ; and tell me of it, \\ith as little ceremony and fcruple, as you fee I ufe with you. The c6^ Sevfral Lelld:. The Ncu Tcftamcnt, you mention*, I fliall be glad io fee, linccMr. Bold has told you how dcfirous I was to fee it. I have expected one of thcni from Holland ever lince they have been out; and U) 1 hope to reliore it to >ou again in a Lw days. The other book, you mentioned f, I have feen ; and am fo well fatislied, by his 5 th feci ion, what a doughty •fquire he is like to prove in the rell, that I think not to trouble m)felf to look farther into him. He has there argued very weakly againlt his adverfary, but very flrongly againlt himfelf. But this will be better entertainment for you when wc meet, than matter for a letter, wherein 1 make it my bulincfs toafiure you, that I am, ^c. Tb the fame, S T R, Oates, 10 September, 170J, YOURS of the 7th, which I jufl: now received, is the only letter 1 have a long time willied for, and the w el- comefl that could come; for I longed to hv.\rthat you were well, that you were returned, and that I might have the opportunity to return you m,y thanks for the books you fent me, which came fafc ; and to acknow- ledge my great obligations to you for one of the moft villainous books, that, I think, ever was printed J. It is a prefent that I highly value. I had heard fomething of it, when a young man in the univerlity; but poilibly • Mr. Ix! CIcrc's French Tranflation of the New Teftameiu. i •* Pfychologi.i ; or, an Account of the Nature of the Rational Soul/Wc. By Julin Broughton, M. A. Chaplain to his Grace the Duke of Marlborough. Lond. i703,inSvo. X Chillingworthi Noviflinia. Or the ficknefs, herefy, death, and burialof William Chillingworth, (in his own phrafc) clerk, of Oxford, and in the conceit of his fellow-foldicrs, the (^lecn's arch-engineer and ;;rand intelligencer By Francis Cheynell, late fellow of Mcrton College. Lond. 1644, in 4to.'* Seethe article of Mr. Chillingworth, in my *• Attempt towards an hiftorical and critical Knglilh Didion;iry." Ihould Several Letlers. 267 fhould never have fecn this quintefTencc of railing, but for your kindncfs. It ought to be kept as the pattern and ftandard of that fort of writing, as the man he fpends it upon, for that of good temper, and clear and itrong arguing. I am, &c. ^0 the fame, S I R, Gates, i Ocftober, 1703. YOU are a good man, and one may depend upon your promife. This makes me pafs my days in com- fortable hopes, when I remember you are not far off. I have your word for it, and that is better than city- fecurity. But for fear villainous bufinefs fliould im- pertinently Hep in again, between you and your kind purpofes to us here ; give me leave to beg the favour of you, that if you write again, before I have the hap- pinefs to fee you, you will do me the favour to fend niC a note of what you have laid out for me, that I may pay you that part of the debt I am able, of what I owe you, and may not have fo much to interrupt the advan- tages I am to reap from your converfation, when you honour me with your company, as an apology to be made, if I am not out of your debt before we meet. Doth Mr. Le Clerc's New Teflament make any noifL' amongft the men of letters or divinity in your town? The divines of Brandenburg or Clcve have got the king of PrulTia to prohibit it in his dominions ; and the Walloon divines in Holland are foliciting the fame at the Hague, but it is thought will not prevail *. I have not yet heard what are the exceptions made in particular, cither by the one, or the other. If there be need of au- thentic interpreters of the word of God, what is the way to find them out ? That is worth your thinking of, unlefs you would have every one interpret for himfelt ; *See Mr. Bayle's " Entretiens de Maxime etde Themifte; 011 Rcfponfc " a ce que Mr. Le Clerc a ecrit dans fon X. tome de la Bibliotheque ♦« Choifie centre Mr. Ba) le" A. Rotterdam 1 707, in 8vo. page 70 Si fuiv. and 268 Severaf Lettn-s. and uhat work Mould that make ? Betwixt thcfe two' find fonicthing if you can ; for the world is in want o* pence, which is much better than cverhlling Billingf- gate I thought not to have troubled you with hard quef- tions, or any thing that ihould h'lvc required a ferious thought, any farther than what day you fliould pitch on to come hither. But cverlalling wrangling, and calling of names, is fo odious a thing, that you will pardon me, if it puts me out of temper a little. But I think of you, and fome few fuch as you in the world, and that reconciles me to it; or elfc- it would not be worth (laying in an hour. I am. Sec, A Letter to the Lady Calverlcy in TorkJInre. MADANf, WHATEVER reafon you have to look on mc, as one of the flow men of London, you have this time given me an excufe for being fo; for you cannot expect a quick anfwer to a letter, which took me up a good deal of time to get to the beginning of it. I turned and turned it on every iide ; lo9ked at it again and again, at the top of every page ; but could not get into the fcnfc and fecret of it, till I applied myfelf to the middle. You, Madam, \\ ho are acquainted with all the fkill and methods of the ancients, have not, I fuppofe, taken up with this hieroglyphical way of writing for nothing ; and fince you were going to put into your letter thing* that might be the reward of the higheft merit, you would, by this myfiical intimation, put me into the way of virtue, to deferve them. But whatever your ladyfhip intended, this is certain, that, in the heft words in the world, you gave me the grcateft humiliation imaginable. Had I as much vanity as a pert citi'/xn, that fcts up for a wit in his parifli, you have faid enough in your letter to content me ; and if I could be fwoln that way, you have taken a great deal of pains to blow mc up, and make mc the fincf^ g^vidy bubble Several Letters, ^69 bubble in the world, as I am painted by your colours, I know the emperors of the Eaft- fulTer not flrangcrs to appear before them, till they are drelTed up out of their own wardrobes ; is it fo too in the empire of wit ? and mud you cover mc w ith your own embroidery, that I may be a fit objcdfor your thoughts and converfation? This, Madam, may fuit your greatnefs, but doth not at all fatisfy my ambition. He^ who has once flattered himieif with the hopes of your friendlhip, knows nor the true value of things, if he can content himfelf with rhefe fplendid ornaments. As foon as I had read your letter, I looked in my glafs, felt my pulfe, and lighcd ; for I found, in neither of thofe, the promifes of thirty years to come. For at the rate I have hitherto advanced, and at the difbance, I fee, by this complimcntal way of treatment, I fliii am, I iliall not have tim>e enough in this world to get to you. I do not mean to the phice where you now fee the pole elevated, as you fay, 54 degrees. A poft-horfe, or a coach, would quickly carry me thither. But when fliall we be acquainted at this rate? Is that happinefs referved to be completed by the goflipping bowl, at your grand-daughter's lying-in ? If I were fure that, when you leave this dirty placcy I fhould meet you in the fame ftar where you are to fliinc next, and that you would then admit me to your con- verfation, I might perhaps have a little more patience. But, methinks, it is much better to be fure of fome- thing, than to be put off to expectations of fo much un- certainty. If there be different elevations of the pole here, that keep you at fo great a diRance from thoie who languifh in your abfcnce ; vvho knows but, in the other world, there are different elevations of pcrfons ? And you, perhaps, will be out of fight, among the fera- phims, while we are left behind in fome dull planet. This the high flights of your elevated genius give us juff augury of, whilll you are here. But yet, pray take not your place there before your time ; nor keep not us poor mortals at a greater diflancc than you need. AVhen yo»i have granted me all the nearncfs that acquaintance and friendihip can give, you have otlier advantages enouj^h - - liili 270 Several Letters. Hill to make me fee how much I am beneath yoil. Thi^ \\'ill be only an enlargement of your goodnefs, without Icffening the adoration due to your other excellencies. You feem to have fome thoughts of the town again. Jf the parliament, or the term, which draw fome by the name and appearance of bufmefs ; or if company, and mufic-meetings, and other fuch entertainments, which have the attractions of pleafure and delight, were of any confideration with you ; you would not have much to fay for Yorkflure, at this time of the year. But thefe are no arguments to you, who carry your own fatis- fa(ition, and I know not how many worlds always about you. I would be glad you would think of putting all thefe up in a coach, and bringing them this way. For though you fliould be never the better ; yet there be a great many here that would, and amongft them The humbled of your Ladyfhip's fervants, John Locke. A Letter to Anthony Collins y Efq. S I R, Gates, October 29, i 703. Y O U, in yours of the 2 1(1, fay a great many very kind things ; and I believe all that you fay ; and yet I am not very well fatisfied w ith you. And how then is it polhble to pleafe you ? w ill you be ready to fay. Think that I am as much pleafed with your company, as much obliged by your converfation, as you are by mine; and you fet n\e at refi:, and 1 am the moft latis- ficd man in the world. You complain of a great many dcfecls ; and that \ery complaint is the highell recom- mendation I could defire, to make me love and elleem you, and deiire your friend flii p. And if I were now fettingout in the world, I Ihonld think it my great hap- pincfs to have fuch a companion as you, w ho had a true relilh of truth, would in carneft feek it w ith mc, from whom I might receive it undifguifed, and to whom I might communicate what 1 thought true freely. Believe Several Letters, 2yi ■ Believe it, my good friend, to love truth, for truth's fake, is the principal part of human perfedtion in this "World, and the feed-plot of all other virtues; and, if I miftake not, you have as much of it as ever I met with in any body. What then is there w anting to make you equal to the befl: ; a friend for any one to be proud of? Would you have me take upon nie, bccaufe I have the flart of you in the number of years, and be fupercilious, conceited, for having in a long ramble travelled fome countries, which a young voyager has not yet had time to fee, and from whence one may be fure he will bring larger collections of folid knowledge? In good earnefb. Sir, when I confider how much of my life has been trifled away in beaten tracls, where I vamped on with others, only to follow thofe that went before us ; I cannot but think I have juft as much rcafon to be proud, as if I had travelled all England, and (if you will) France too, only to acquaint myfelf with the roads, and be able to tell how the highways lie, wherein, thofe of equipage, and even the herd too, travel. Now, methinks, (and thefe are often old men's dreams) I fee openings to truth, and direct paths lead- ing to it ; wherein a little induftry and application would fettle one's mind with fatisfacHon, even in thofe matters which you mention, and leave no darknefs or doubt, even with the moit fcrupulous. But this is at the end of my day, when my fun is fetting. And though the profpecl it has given me be what I would not, for any thing, be without; there is fo much irre- fiftible truth, beauty, and confiftency, in it; yet it is for one of your age, I think I ought to fay for yourfclf, to fet about it, as a work you would put into order, and oblige the world with. You fee whither my jufb thoughts of you have led me; and that I lliall have no quarrel with' you, if you will ceafe to fet me, as you do, on the higher ground, and to think that I have not as much pleafurcand fatisfac- tion from your company as you have from mine. If I were able to live m your neighbourhood in town, I Ihould quickly convince you of that; and you cfcape being haunted by me only by being out of my reach. 'a httle 1272 Several Letters. A little better acquaintance will let you fee that, in the communication of truth, between thofc who receive it in the love of it, he that anfvvers, is no lefs obliged, than he who atks the- quedion ; and therefore you owe nie not thofe mighty thanks you fend me, for having the good luck to fav Ibmcthing that pleafed you. If it were good Cecd, I am fure it was fown in good ground, and may expect a great increafc. I think you have a familiar, ready to difpatch what you undertake for your friends. How is it polTible elfc, you fliould fofoon procure for me Kircher*s Concordance? •* Show me the man, and I will lliow you his caufe ;" will hold now-a-days almoll: in all other cafes, as well as that of or/joc-xuvVtv* ; and yet they mull: be all thought lovers and promoters of truth. But my letter is too long already, to enter into iO copious a fubjccl. I am, &:c. To the fi ame Si r. Gates, Nov. i6, jyoj. IF I alk you, how you do ; it is bccaufe I am concerned for your health. If I afk you, whether you have fent me any books iince you went to town ; it is not that I am in hafle for them, but to know how the carrier ufes me. And if I alk, whether you are of Lincoln's-Inn ; it is to know of what place you v^rite yourfcif, which I defire you to tell m^e in your next, and what good new books there are. 1 am, &c. To the fame. Si r. Gates, Nov. 17, 1703. THE books I received from you ro-night, with the kind letter accou.jwnying tlicm, far more vali:able than • Mr. Locke had been informed that one of the objedions of the WaHoun Divines, againit iVIr. Lc CKrc'a New Tedamcnt, was his tranf* biing Kpso-Kor* iii Sr. Matthew (cliap. II. v. 2.) fg as to figuity the civil, Wui aot religious, wuriliipof the \vilc nvn. J the Several Letters. 273 the books, give matter of enlarging myfelf this even- ing. The common offices of fricndfhip, that I con- ftantly receive from you, in a very obliging manner, give me fcope enough, and afford me large matter of ac- knowledgement. But when I think of you, I feel fome- thing of nearer concernment that touches me ; and that noble principle of the love of truth, which poflelTes you, makes me almoft forget thofe other obligations, which I fliould be very thankful for to another. In good earned, fir, you cannot think what a comfort it is to me to have found out fuch a man ; and not onl/ fo, but I have the fatisfadion that he is my friend. This gives a gufto to all the good things you fay to me, in your letter. For though I cannot attribute them to myfelf, (for I know my own defecfls too well) yet I am ready to perfuade myfelf you mean as you fay ; and to confefs the truth to you, I almoft loathe to unde- ceive you, fo much do I value your good opinion. But to fet it upon the right ground, you mufl know that I am a poor ignorant man, and, if I have any thing to boaft of, it is that I fincerely love and feek truth, with indifferency whom it pleafes or difpleafcs. I take you to be of the fame fchool, and fo embrace you. And if it pleafe God to afford me fo much life as to fee you again, I fhall communicate to you fome of my thoughts tending that way. You need not make any apology for any book that is not yet come. I thank you for thofe you have fent me ; they are more I think, than I fliall ufe ; for the indif- pofition of my health has beaten me almoft quite out of the ufe of books ; and the growing uneafinefs of my diffemper * makes me good for nothing. I am, &c. Tb the fame. Sir, Oates, January 24, 1703-4. TILL your confidence in my friendfliip, and freedom with me, can prefcrve you from thinking you have need * An afthma. Vol. IX. T w 27 f Several I^t It rs, to make apologies for your fikiKC, whenever you omit a poll or two, when in your kind way of reckoning, )ou judge a letter to be due; you know me not fo well as 1 could w ilh ; nor am I fo little burthenfoPK to you as I defire. I could be pleafetl to hear from you every day ; becaufe the very t 'noughts of you, every day, atiord mc plcafurc and fatisfaction. But 1 hcfeech you to believe, that 1 meafure not your kindnefs by your opportunities of writing; nor do fufpect that your friendlhip flattens, whenever your pen lies a little IViil. The lincerity you profefs, and 1 ain convinced of, has charms in it, againll all the little phantoms of ceremony. If it be not fo, that true friendlhip fets one free from a llrupulous ob- fervance of all rhofe little circumllancvs, I fliall be able to give but a very ill account of my felf to my friends ; to vhom, when I have given polfellion of my heart, I aiu lefs punctual in making o^ legs, and killing my hand, than to other pco|)le, to whom that oul-lidc civility is all that belongs. I received the three books you fent me. That w hich the author fent nic* defcrves my acknowledgement more ways than one ; and I mull beg you to return it. His demonlhations arc fo plain, that, if this were an age that followed rcafon, 1 ihould not doubt but his vould prevail. But to he rational is fo glorious a thing, that two-legged creatures generally content themfelves with the title; but will not debafe fo excellent a faculty, about the conduct: of fo trivial a thing, as they make themfelves. There never was a man better fuitcd to your wiih.es than I an\. You take a pleafure in being troubled with my commilfirins ; and 1 have no other way of coimnerce with you, but by fuch importunities. 1 can only fay, that, were the tables changed, I lliould, being in your pla'ce, have the lame fatisfaction ; and therelore confi- dently make ufe of your kind offer. 1 therefore beg the favour of you to get nic Mr. Le Clcrc's *' Harmony •' of the Evangclifts** in englilli, bound very finely in Rcafons againft rff^rainiog the j>rcfs." l.ond. 1704, in 410. calf. Several Letters. 275 calf, gilt, and lettered on the back, and ^\h on the leaves. So alfo I would have Moliere's works (of the befl edition you can get them) bound. Thcfe books arc for ladies ; and therefore I would have them fine, and the leaves ^ilt, as well as the back. Molicre of the Paris edition, I think is the befl-, if it can be got in London in quires. You fee the liberty I take. I Ihould be glad you could find out fomcthing for me to do for you here. I am perfectly, &c. To the fi. ame* S I R, Gates, Feb. 7, 1703-4. IT is with rcG^ret 1 confider you fo long in Eflex* without enjoying you, any part of the time. Elfex. mcthinks, (pardon the extravagancy, extraordinary paf-- fions and cafes excufe it) when you are to go into it, fhould all be Gates ; and your journey be no whither, but thither. But land, and tenements fay other things, whilft we have carcafes that mud be clothed and fed ; and books, you know, the fodder of our underllandings, cannot be had without them. What think you ? arc not thofe fpirits in a fine ftatc that need none of all this luggage; that live without ploughing and fowing; travel as eafy as we wifh ; and inform themfclvcs, not by a tirefome rummaging in the miltakcs and jargon of pretenders to knowledge, but by looking into things themfelves ? Sir, I forgot you had an eflate in the country, a li- brary in town, friends every- where, amongil which you are to while away, as pleafantly, I hope, as any one of this our planet, a large number of years, (if my wilhcs may prevail) yet to come; and am got, 1 know not how, into remote vilions, that help us not in our pre- fent {late, though they fliow us fomcthing of a better. To return therefore to myfelf and you, 1 conclude, by this time, you are got to town again, and then, in a lit-^ tie time, I ihall hear from you. 1 am, c^c, T 2 'To 276 Several Letters, To the fame, S r F, Oatcs, Feb. 21, 1703-4, I MUST ackno\\Icdii;c it as an cfTc6l of your zeal to fcrvc inc, that von have fent me Lc Clerc's Harmony, and Moliere's works, by the BHhop-Stortford Coach ; and I return you my thanks as much as if it exactly an- fwcrcd my purpofe. 1 ought not to think it firange, that you in town, amidri: a hurry of hulinefi^, ll}0uld not keep prccifely in mind my little affairs; when I hcre> v'hcre I have nothin^j; to dillurb my thoughts, do Co often forget. When I wrote to you to do me the favour to get thefe books for me carefully bound, ! think 1 made it my requed: to you, I am furc I intended it, to write word when they were done, and then I would acquaint you how the) were to be difpofed of; for the truth is, they were to be difpofed of in town. But whether 1 only meant this, and faid nothing; or you forgot it; the nuitter is not much. I expeCl to receive the books to-morrow, and lliall do well enough with them. I Ihould not have taken notice of this to you at all, did I not intend it for rji excufe for an ill-mannered, thing> very neceflary in bufmcfs, which perhaps you will find mc ufc with you for the future; which is, to repeat the little circumflances of bufincfs which are apt to be forgotten in every letter till the danger be over. This, if you obfervc to do, will prevent many crofs accidents in your alVairs ; I alfure it you upon experience. I delire you to (lop your hand a little, and forbear putting to the prefs the two difcourfes you mention*. They arc very touchy fubjeds at this time ; and that good man, who is the author, may, for aught I know, be crippled by thofe, who will be lure to be olfended * •* A difcourfc concerning the rcfurrc^ion o\ the fame body, with '* two letters conccniiag the ncccnary imimtcriality of a created thinking •• fuhftance." Thcfc pieces, written by Mr. Bold, were printed at Lon~ vorld to go on with that inquiry. Pray, let him, at any rate, get the precife time, the perfons prcfent, and the mi- nutes of the regilU'r taken of their proceedings ; and ^his without noife, or fceming concern to have them, as much as may be; and I would beg you not to talk of jthis matter, till we have got the whole matter of fact, "which w ill be a pleafant Itory, and of good ufe. I wifli the books, you mentioned*, were not gone to the J refs, and that they might not be printed; for "\vhcn they are printed, 1 am fure they will get abroad ; and then it will be too late to wifli it had not been fo. I lowever, if the fates w ill have it fo, and their printing cnnnot be avoided ; yet, at lead, let care be taken to conceal his name. I doubt not of his reafoning right, and making good his points ; but what will that boot, if he and his family fhogld be difturbcd, or difeafcd ? I Iball, as you dcfire, fend Moliere, and Le Clerc, back to you, by the firlt opportunity. 1 am, with perfect Tmcerity and refpect, t<.c. 'J'o the fume. Sir, Gates, 2% February, i^oi^-^. I SAW the packet was cxadtly w ell made up, and I knew ^hc books in it were well bound; whereupon I let it alone, and was likely to have fent it back to you unopened ; but my good genius would not fulfer mc to lofe a let- ter of yours in it, which 1 value more than all the books It Accompanied. Smce my lait therefore to you, I opened the packet, and therein found yours of the i6th inllant, Ashich makes me love and Nalue you, if it were pof- i* Mr. BoM's TRatifcj mcniioncJ in the p receding letter. fible, Several Letters. 279 fibJe, more than I did before; you having therein, in Ihort, fo well defcribed, wherein the happincfs of a ra- tional creature in this world confifts ; though there are very few that make any other ufe of their half employed and undervalued reafon, but to bandy againfl it. It is T\ell, as you obfervc, that they agree as ill with one ano- ther, as thev do with common fcnfe. For when, by the influence of fome prevailing head, they all lean one \v;iy ; truth \& fure to be born down, and there is no- thing fo dangerous, as to make any inquiry after her; and to own her, for her own flike, is a moft unpardon- able crimiC. You allc me, how I like the binding of Molierc, and Le Clerc. You will wonder to hear me fay, not at all ; but you mufl: take the other part of my anfwer, which is, nor do I dillike it. It is probable, that this yet doth not fatisfy you, after you have taken fuch cfpccial care v. ith your binder, that they fliould be exaclly well done. Know then, that upon moving the firfl: book, having luckily efpied your letter, I only juft looked into it to fee the Paris print of Moliere; and, without fo much as taking it out of the paper it was wrapped up in, cafl my eye upon the cover, which looked very fine, and curiouily done, and fo put it up again, hading to your letter. This was examining, more than enough, of books whofe binding you had told me you had taken care of; and more than enough, for a man who had your letter in his hand unopened. Prav fend me word what you think or hear of Dr. Pitt's laft book*. For as for the firft of the other authors yoa mcntiont, by what I have {{icn of him already, I can eafily think his arguments not worth your reciting- And as for the other, though he has parts, yet that is * *' The Antuiotc; or the preservative of health and life, and the ref- V torative of phvfic to its fmcerity and pcrfedion ; ^-c. Bv R. Pitt, ** M. D. Fellow and ccnfor of the college of phyficians. Sec,'* Lond. 1701, Svo. ■ • • /I + ♦* The grand ciTiy ; or a vindication of reafon and religion, agamft <' the impoflurc of philofophy, &:c." Lond. i 704, in Svc. T 4 not 2 80 Several Letters, not all which T require in an author I am covetous of, and expect to find fatisfac'tion in. Pray, forget not to write to your friend in Oxford, to the purpofc I mentioned in my lafl to you. I am, ^c. To the fdvic. Sir, Oates, 6 March, 1703-4. WERE you of Oxcnford itfelf, bred under thofe fharp heads, which were for damning my book, becaufe of its difcouraging the flaple commodity of the place; vhich in my time was called hog's-flicaring, (which is, as I hear, given out for the caufe of tlicir decree) ; you could not be a more fubtle difputant than you are. You do every thing that I delire of you, with the utmoft care and concern ; and becaufe I underfland and accept it fo, you contend that you are the party obliged. This, 1 think, requires fomc of the moR refined logic to make good ; and if you will have me believe it, you muft forbid me too to read my own book, and oblige me to take to my help more learned and fcholaftic notions. But the mifchief is, I am too old to go to fch))ol again ; and too redy now to fludy arts, however authorized, or uhcrever taught, to impofe upon my own undcrftand- ing. Let me therefore, if you pleafe, be fenlible of your kindncfs; and I give you leave to pleafe )ourfelf, Avith my interpreting them as I ought, as much as you think fit. For it would be hard in me to deny you fo fmall a fatisfadion, where I receive fo great and real ad^ vantage. To convince you, that you arc not like to lofe what you fo much value, and is all you can expect in our commerce, I put into your hands a frclh opportunity of doing fomelhing for me, wliich J Ihall have reafon to take well. I have this tiay fent back the bundle of books. I have taken what care 1 can to Iccure theni from any harm, that might threaten them in the carri- age. Tor I Ihould be txircmely vexed that books, fo Curioully finillicd by )our care, fliould be in the leaft injured^ Several Letters, 281 injured, or lofe any thing of their perfcd beauty, till they came to the hands, for whom they arc defigncd. You have you fee by your kind offer, drawn upon yourfelf a farther trouble with them, which was defigned for my coufm King. But he fettmg out for the circuit to-morrow morning, I mull beg you, that may be my excufe for taking this liberty with you. Molicre's works are for the countefs of Peterborough, which I defire you to prefent to her from me, with the cnciofed for her, and my moft humble fervice. I am in truth, &c. ^0 the fame. Sir, Oates, 13 March, 1703-4. IF the difputers of this world were but half fo good at doing as you, the mart of logic and fyllogifms would no doubt be the only place for the young fry *' ad ca- piendum ingenii cultum;'* (pardon, 1 befeech you, this fcrap of latin, my thoughts were in a place that authorifes it, and one cannot chop logic half fo well in unlearned modern vulgar languages.) But the tra- ders in fubtilty have not your way of recommending it, by turning it into fubftantial folidity, whereby you pre- vail fo much on me, that I can fcarce avoid being per- fuaded by you, that when I fend you of a jaunt beyond Piccadilly, you are the perfon obliged, and I ought to ex- pedl thanks of you for it. Excufe me, I intreat you, if, for decency's fake, I flop a little fliort of that; and let it fatisfy you, that I believe, nay fuch is the power of your logic, that I cannot help believing, that you fpare no pains for your friends, and that you take a plcafure in doing me kindnefs. All that remains for me to afk of you, is to do me this right in your turn, to believe I am not infenfible of your favours, and know how to value fuch ji friend. Though you faw not my lady, when you delivered Moliere and my letter at her houfe ; yet had you no rnelTage from her? Or did you not go \xi:, or ftay, when you heard llie vvas indifpofed ? • ■ Mr. X%2 Several L^tter^. Mr. Lc Clcrc's Harmony is tor Mr. Secretary John- son's lady. The book lent to his h)clL(ings, with a note to inform him, that it is for his hidy from mc, \\\\\ do the bufinefs ; fo that, for this errand, I am glad your iervant is fufhcient without fending you ; for you mull give mc leave fometimes on fuch occalions to be a little ilingy, and fparing of my favours. I perceive, by the enclofed you did mc the favour to fend mc, that thofe worthy heads are not yet grown up to pcrfcvfl infallibility. I am forry, however, that thcir nighty thoughts wanted utterance. Flowevcr, 1 would ■very gladly know the true matter of tact, and what was really propofed, refolved, or done ; this, if polllble, I nould be alfured of, that 1 might not be miftaken ia what gratitude I ought to have. You baulked my having the bilhpp of St. Afaph's* fer- mon, by telling my coufin King, that I care not for fer- irions ; and, at the fame time, you fend my lady plays. This has raifed a difputc between her ladyihip and me, which of us two it is, you think bell of. Mcthinks you are of opinion, that my lady is well enough fatished uith the unreformed ftage ; but that I fliould be glad, that fome things were reformed in the pulpit itfclf. The refult is, that my lady thinks it nccefiary for you to come, and appeafe thefe broils ) ou have raifed in the family. I am, ixc. ^0 the fame. Sir, Oarcs, 21 March, 1703-4. GI\'K me leave to tell you, iir, that you are millakeii in me. 1 am not a young lady, a beauty, and a fortune. And unlefs you tho;:ght me all this, and ileiigned your addrelTcs to me ; how is it polfible you Ihould be afraid you acquitted not yourfelf well in my commillion be- yond Piccadilly? Your waiting in the p.irlour a quarter of an hour was more thaii any realbnable man could de- • V)i^ Gcorijc Huopcr, mand several Letters, 2S? rnand of you; and if cither of us ought to be troubled in the cafe, it is I, bccaufe you did fo much ; and not you, bccaufe you did fo little. But the reality of your fricndfliip has fo blended our concerns into one, that you will not permit me to obfcrve, w hether I do, or re- ceive the favour, in what, pallcs between us; and I am almofl: perfuaded by you to believe, that fitting here by the fire I trudge up and down for you in London. Give me leave however to thank you, as if you had delivered Mr. Lc Clerc's Harmony to Mr. Secretary Johnilon for me, and fent me the two bibles, which I received. As for the rummaging over Mr. Norris's late book *, T will be fvvorn, it is not I have done that ; for however I may be miflaken in what palTes without me, I am infallible in what paffcs in my own mind; and I am fure, the ideas that are put together in your letter out of hin), were never fo in my thoughts, till I fiw them .there. What did I fay, '' put ideas together?'* I afk; your pardon, it is '* put words together without •' ideas ;" juft as I fliould fufpecl: I did, if I fliould fay you difparagcd a very good ftraight ruler I had, if you told me it would not enable me to write fenfe, though it were very good and ufeful, to fhow me whether I writ ftraight or no. Men of Mr. Norris's way feem to me to decree, rather than to argue. They, againlt all evidence of fenfe and reafon, decree brutes to be machines, only becaufe their hypothefis requires it; and then with a like authority, fuppofe, as you rightly obferve, what they fliould prove ; viz. that whatfoever thinks, is immaterial. Cogitation, fays Mr. Norris, '' is more excellent than motion, or '' vegetation; and therefore muft belong to another *' fubftance than that of matter, in the idea whereof, *' motion and vegetation are contained." This latter part, I think, would be hard for him to prove, viz. * *' An elTay towards the theory of the ideal or intelligihie world. Bc- " ing the relative part of it. Wherein the intelligible world is confidcred, ^* yvith relation to human underilanding;. Wlirreof fome account «« is here attempted, and propofed. Part ll. By John Norris, redor of V £emerton, near Sarum." Lond. 1704, in ^\q. '' that :t84 Several Lcltn's. *' that motion and vegetation arc contained in the idea *' of the fubflance of matter." But to let that pafs at prcfent; I alk, whether if this way of arguing be good, It will not turn upon him thus: '* If the idea of a fpirit •* does not comprehend motion and vegetation; then they ** mu(t belong to another fublTancc than a fpirit ; *' and therefore arc more excellent than cogitation, or " the aflccitions of a fpirit.'* For if its greater excel- lency proves any mode or affedion to " belong to an- '• other fubllancc;" will not its '* belonging to another ** fubftance,*' by the fame rule, prove it to be more excellent ? But this is only to deal with thcfe men of logic and fubtilty, in their own way, ^^ ho ufe the term " excellent," to prove a material qucfrion by, "without having, as you remark, a clear and determined idea of what they mean by more or lefs excellent. But not to wafl:e your time, in playing with the argu- ments of men, that examine not flridly the meaning of the words they ufe; I will fliow you the fallacy 'whereby they impofc on thcmfelves ; for fuch talkers commonly cozen thcmfelves, as well as others. Cogi- tation, fay thev, **is not comprehended in the idea of ex- " tenfion and folidity ;" for that is it which they mean, when they fay, the ** idea of matter;" from whence ihcy conclude right, that *' cogitation belongs not to "cxtenfion or folidity; or is not included in cither of " them, or both together;" but this is not theconfequencc that they draw, but infer a conclulion that is not con- tained in the prcmifes, and is quite bcfides them ; as Mr. Norris, if he would make ufe of fyllogilm to its t roper purpofe, might fee. ]^xteniion, and folidity, wc ave the ideas of; and fee, that cogitation has no nc- ccflary connexion with them, nor has any confequen- tial rcfult from them ; and therefore is not a proper aftedion of extenfion anJ. folidity, nor doth naturally belong to them ; but iiow doih it follow from hence, that it may not be made an atVec^tion of, or be annexed to that fubdancc, which is vefted with folidity and ex- tenlion ? Of this fubflanre wx have no idea, that excludes cogitation, any more than folidity. Their concluiion, tl;crcforc, lliould be the cxclufion of cogitation froni the Several Letters. 2S5 the fubflance of matter, and not from the other affec- tions of that fubflance. But they either overlook this, which is the true ftate of that argument, or clfc avoid to fet it in its clear light; left it fhow too plainly, that their great argument either proves nothing, or, if it doth, it is againft them. What you fay about my ElTay of Human Underftand^ ing, that nothing can be advanced againft it, but upon the principle of innate ideas, is certainly fo ; and there- fore all who do not argue againft it, from innate ideas, in the fcnfe I fpeak of innate ideas ; though they make a noife againft me, yet at laft they fo draw and twift their improper Mays of fpeaking, which have the appearance and found of contradiction to m.e, that at laft they ftatc the queftion fo, as to leave no contradiction in it to my tlfay ; as you have obfervcd in Mr. Lee *, Mr. Lowde t, and Mr. Norris in his late treatife. It is reward enough for the writing my book, to have the approbation of one fuch a reader as you are. You have done nie and my book a great honour, in having beftowed fo much of your thoughts upon it. You have a comprehenfnc knowledge of it, and do not ftick in the incidents; which I find many people do ; which, whether true or falfe, make nothing to the main defign of the ElTay, that lies in a little compafs; and yet, 1 hope, may be of great ufe to thofe who fee and follow that plain and e5.fy me- thod of nature, to carry them the ftiorteft and clearcft way to knowledge. Pardon me this vanity ; it was with a defign of inquiring into the nature and powers o^ the underftanding, that I writ it ; and nothing but the hope that it might do fomc fervicc to truth and knowledge, could excufe the publiihing of it. I know not whether I ever Ihowed you an occafional iketch of mine, about '* feeing all things in God." If * ** Anti-Scepiicifm ; or notes upon each chapter ofMr. Locke's EHay concerning Human Underftanding, with an explanation of all tlie p.irti- culars of which he treats, and in the fame order. In four books By Henrv Lee, B. D. formerly fellow of Emanuel College in Cambridge, now Rertor of Tichmarfh in Northamptonfhire," Lo id, 1702, in fol. + Li his ** Difcourfe concerning the ^.ature of Man,'* u;c. and his « Morai Kflays," &c, 5 I did 2 86 Several Letters, I did not, if it plcafc God I live to fee you here agairt^ 1 will Ihow it you*; and fomc other things. If you v'ill kt me know before-hand, when you delign us that favour ; it will be an addition to it. 1 beg your pardon for holding you fo long from better employment. I do not, you fee, willingly quit your convcrfarion. If you were nearer me, vou would fee it more, for I am. See. I'o the J. ime. S I R, Gates, 3 April, 1704. IN good footh, fir, you are an obftinatc lover ; there Is no help for it, you mull carry your point. Only give me leave to tell you, that I do not like the puling lit you fall into, at the lower end of the page; where you tell inc, '' I have given you an argument againfl: prefuming *' fo far again upon the liberty 1 allow you." That is to fay, you may give me books, you may buy books for me, you may get books bound for mc, you may trudge up and down with then^ on my errand to ladies; but my book you may not prcfume to read, ufe your judg- ment about, and talk to me freely of; though I know no-body that underfbands it fo well, nor can give me better light concerning it. Away with this fqueam- Llhnefs, 1 befeech you ; and be allured, that, among the many good olhces you daily do for mc in London, there is none whereby I Ihall reap fo much prolit and pleafure, as your lUidying for me ; and let us both, without fcruple or referve, help one another the bell we can, in the way to truth and know ledge. And wlx'n- cvcr you find me prefume, that 1 know aJl that belongs to the fubjecft of my own book, and difdain to receive light and inltrudtion from another, though of much lower form than you ; conclude that I am an arrant cox- comb, and know nothing at all. • That Diflcrtarion was j^ubUflicd in Mr, Lockc'i Porthumous Works ; LunJ. i*c6, \\\ yvo. You Sevei'al Letters. 2S7 You will fee by the enclofcd, that I can find bufinefs for you at Oxford, as well as at London. I have left it open, that you may read it before you feal and deliver it. In it you will fee what he writ to nie, on that affair. He is well acquainted with them in the univcrfity ; and if he has not, may be prevailed on by you to hfli out the bottom of that matter, and inform you in all the par- ticulars of it. But you mull not take his conjectures for matter of fict ; but know his authors, for any mat- ter of fact he alhrms to you. You will think I intend to engage you in a thoufand difputes with him ; quite the contrary. You may avoid all difpute with him; if you will but fay after him ; though you put him upon things that fliow you quellion all he fays. If Mr, Wynne of Jcfus-College, who epitomifed mj book *, be in the univerilty, it is like you will fee him, and talk to him of the matter. Pray, give him my {ci- vice. But be fure, forget me not, with all manner x^i refpecft, to Mr. Wright, for whom I havc^ as I ought, a very peculiar ellecm. I hope you will be plcafed with me; for you fee I have cut out work for you ; and that is all that is left for me to do, to oblige you. I am, (&c. To the fiUiie. DtAR Sir, Gates, 19 May, 1704. NOTHING works fo Readily and eflcv'hially as fricndHiip. Had I hired a man to have gone to town in my bufincfs, and paid him well, my commillions would not have been fo foon, nor fo well difpatched, as I find, by yours of the i6th, they have been by you. You fpeak of my affairs, and ad: in them with fuch an air of intcrefl and fitistaclion, that I can hardly avoid thinking, that 1 oblige you with emplo}ing you in them. It is no fmall advantage to me, to have found fuch a * Mr. Wynne, afterwards lord bifhop of, St. Afaph, was the author of *' An Abridgment of Mr. Locke's LlTay conccrnini; Human Underllanii- •* ing." Loud, 1696,111 Svo, friend. 2S8 Srjer.il Letters. friend, at the laft fccnc of my life ; when I am good for nothing, and am grown fo ufclcfs, that I cannot but be fare that^ in every gooti olficc you do inc, you can pro- pofe to yourfclf no other advantage but the pleafure of doing it. Every one here finds himfclf obliged, by your late good company. As for myfclf, if you had not con- vinced me by a fenfible experiment, 1 could not have believed I could have had fo many happy days together. I (liall always pray that yours may be multiplied. Could I, in the leali, contribute any thing thereunto, I fhould think myfelf happy in this poor decaying fbatc of my health ; which, tb.ough it alVords me little in this -world to enjoy, )et 1 find the charms of your company make me not feel the want of Ibength, or breath, or any thing clfe. The bifliop of Gloceder came hither the day you went from hence, and in no very good ftate of health. I find two groaning people make but an uncomfortable con- cert. He returned yeflerday, and went away in fomc- what a better flate. I hope he got well to town. Enjoy your health, and youth, whild you have it, to all the advantages and improvements of an innocent and pleafant life; remembering that mercilefs old age is in purfuit of you, and when it overtakes you, will not fail, fome way or other, lo impair the enjoyments both of body and mind. You know how apt 1 am to preach. I believe it is one of the difeafes of old age. But my friends will forgive me, when I have nothing to perfuadc them to, but that they fliould endeavour to be as happy as it is poiTible for them to be ; and to you 1 have no more to fay, but that you go on in the courfe you are in. I refled: often upon it, w ith a fecret joy, that you promifed I fhould, in a Ihort time, fee you again. You are very good, and I dare not prefs you. But I cannot but remember how well 1 j")al]ed my time, when you were here. I am, c\:c. r# Several Letters, 2 89 To the fame, D £ A R Sir, Gates, 25 May, 1704. WHEN you come to my age, you will know that, with us old fellows, convenient always carries it before ornamental. And I would have as much of the free air when I go abroad in it*, as is pofTible. Only I aflc whether thofe, which fall back, fo as to give as free a profpecl behind as before, be as eafily managed, and brought over you again, in cafe of need, as in a fhower; as one that falls back, upon two ftanding corner pil- lars ? And next, whether that which falls back fo well, doth, when it is drawn up over you, come fo far over your head, when it is eredled, as to fhelter it from the dew, without fliutting you up from the free open air ? For I think fometimes in the evening of a warm day to fit abroad in it, to take the frefco ; but would have a canopy over my head, to keep the dew oft. If this be fo, I am plainly, and without balancing, for that which falls flattefl:. One queftion more, and I have done. Pray, what place is there for a footman in any of them ? Moftofmy time being fpent in fitting, I dcfire fpccial care may be taken, in making the feat broad enough, and the two cufnions foft, plump, and thick enough. You know I have great liking to be canonical ; but I little thought, that you, of all others, was the man to make me fb. I fliall love it the better for your fake ; and wifh that canonical were ready, that you might have the handfcllingof it hither fpeedily. If I did not take you for myfelf, as you have taught me to do, I fhould not be thus free with you. Count me in your turn all yourfcif, except my age and infirmities, thofc I defire to keep to myfelf; all the reft of me is yours. * That is, in a chaife, which Mr. Locke dcfired to have made for him. Vol. IX, U Jtf 290 Several Letters. To the fame. Dear Sir, Oatcs, 26 May, 17C4. MY letter yellcrday ucnt away without an anfwcr to one of your demands ; and that was, whether 1 would have any brafs on the harnefs ? '\o which, give me leave to tell you, that, in my whole life, 1 have been con- flantly againll any thing that makes a lliow ; no maxim being more agreeable to my condition and temper, than •' qui bene latuit bene vixit." I like to have things fubllantially good of their kind, and ufeful, and hand- fomely made, and fitly adapted to their ufes ; for, if either were nccelfary, I had rather be taken notice of for fomething that is falhionably gaudy, than ridicu- loufly uncouth, or for its poornefs and meannefs re- markable. Therefore, if you pleafe, let the harnefs, and all the whole accoutrements be of as good materials, and as handfomely made and put together as may be; but for ornanients of brafs, or any fuch thing, 1 dcfirc it may be fpared. One qucftion more comes into my mind to alk you, and that is, whether the back of thofe, that fall down fo Hat, are fo made that, when it is up, one may lean and loll againft it at one's eafe, as in a coach or a cha- riot; for I am grown a very lazy fellow, and have now three eafv chairs to lean and loll in, and would not be without that relief in my chaife. You fee I am as nice as a young fond girl, that is coming into the world, with a face and a fortune, as flic prefumes, to command it. Let not this, however, deter you ; for I fhall not be fo hard to be pleafcd. For what you do will be as it I did it myfclf. 1 am, ^:c. To the fa?iu\ Dear Sip, Oatcs, 29 May, 1704. MOW iliould I value the chaife vou take fo much pains about, if I could hope I could have your company with Several Letters, 291 with me abroad in it, every two or three days. How-, ever, it wears the fignature of your friendfhip, and fo will always have fomething in it to pleafe me. I know not whether it be worth while to clog it with any thing, to make a place for a footman. That muft, I fuppofe, make it bigger and heavier, which I would avoid ; and I think, upon the whole matter, there will be no great need of it. But when I hear from you again, I fhall know that. In the mean time, all the reft, I think, is refolvcd ; for, I fuppofe of courfe, you will choofe a cloth for the lining of a dull colour ; that is the proper colour for fuch a prieft as you mention in your letter. If poor PfalmanafTar be really a convert from paga- nifm (which I would be glad to be alTured of) ; he has very ill luck, not to herd any where among the variety efforts that are among us. But I think it fo, that the parties are more for doing one another harm, than for doing any body good. 1 am, &c. To the fame. Dear Sir. Oates, 9 June, 1704* I MIGHT number my days, fand it is a pleafant fort of almanacj by the kindnelfcs I receive from you. Your packet I received, and have reafon to thank you for all the particulars in it ; however, you thought fit to prepare me for being difappointed, in the binding my Greek Teflament. There is nothing in it that offends me, but the running of hi'i paring-knife too deep into the margin ; a knaviih and intolerable fault in all our Englifli book-binders. Books fcem to me to be peffilent things, and infe(5t all that trade in them; that is, all but one fort of men, with fomething very perveric and brutal. Printers, binders, fellers, and others that make a trade and gain out of them ; have univerfally fo odd a turn and corruption of mind, that they have a way of dealing peculiar to them- U % felvc^:, 292 Several Letters. »'jlves, and not conformed to the good of focictyj and that general fairnefs ih:it cements mankind. Whether it be, that thefe inftruments of truth and know ledge \vill not bear being fubjectcd to any thing but thofc noble ends, without revenging themfclves on thofc who meddle with them to any other purpofe, and proHitute tlicm to mean and milbecoming dellgns ; I \\'\\\ not inquire. The matter of fad:, I think, you will find true; and there we will leave it to thofe who fully themfelvcs with printer's ink, till they wholly expunge all the candour that nature gives, and become the word: fort of black cattle. I'o the fame. Dear Sir, Gates, June 29, 1704. IF the chaifc you have had fo much trouble about gives me as much fatisfaction afterwards, as it w 111 in the firll: fervice I iliall re'eivc from it; the conquerors of the world will not ride in their triumphant chariots with more pleafurc, than I fliall in my little tumbrel. It will bring mc what I prefer to glory. For, methinks, he underllands but little of the true fwcetnefs of life, that doth not more relilh the converiation of a worthy and ingenuous friend in retirement, than the noife and rout of the croud in the flreets, with all their acclama- tions and huzza's. I long, therefore, that the machine ihould be difpatched ; and expecl it as greedily as a hungry merchant doth a ihip from the Eaft-Indies, which is to bring him a rich cargo. I hope the coach- maker doth not li^e far from you ; for if he be a flow man of L.ondon, I would have him quickened once a day, that he may ir.akc as much halle as if the fatlsfac- tion of two lovers depended on his difpatch. In the mean time, give n^ leave to defirc you to bellow fomc of your fpare hours on the epillles to the Corinthians, and totrv whether vou can find them intelligible or no. You Several Letters, 2^j You will cafily guefs the rcafon of this * ; and when I have you here, I hope to convince you it will not be lofb labour; only permit me to tell you, you muft read them with fomething more than an ordinary application. The famples you have fent mc f, I muft conclude, from the abilities of the author, to be very excellent. But what fliall I be the better for the mod exadi and befh proportioned picture that ever was drawn, if I have not eyes to fee the correfpondence of the parts ? I confcfs the lines are too fubtile for me, and my dull fight cannot perceive their connexions. I am not envious, and therefore fliall not be troubled, if others find themfclvcs infi:rud:ed with fo extraordinary and fublime a way of reafoning. I am content with my own mediocrity. And though I call the thinking faculty in me, mind ; yet I cannot, becaufe of that name, equal it in any thing to that infinite and incomprehenfible being, which, for want of right and dillind: conceptions, is called mind alfo, or the eternal mind. I endeavour to make the belt ufe I can of every thing; and therefore, though I am in defpair to be the wifer for thefe learned inftruclions ; yet I hope I fhall be the merrier for them, when you and I take an air in the calafh together. I am, &:c. To the fame. Dear Si r; Gates, July 23, 1704, THE gentlemen you fpeak of, have a great deal of reafon to be pleafed with the Difcourfc J you mention; * Mr. Locke writ this to Mr. Collins, in order to prepare him to read afterwards with him his** Paraphrafe and Notes on the Epillles of vSt. Paul •* to the Corinthians;" which have been publiihed fincc his death. T That is, out of Dr. Sherlock's '* Digreflion concerning Connate Ideas, « or Inl)red Knowledge,' againll Mr. Locke ; infer ted in the 3d fe(ftion of the 2d chapter of his " Difcourfe concerning the hai'pinefs ot good ** men. and the punifhment of the wicked, in the next world, c^c" Lond. 1704., in S\o. \ Y)i, Sherlock's ** Digreflion concerning Connate Ideas, ^c'' men- tioned in the f'j|<'going letter, U 3 th(.re 2 94 Several Letters. there being nothing ever writ in their llrain and way more perfectly than it is ; and it may Hand for a pattern to thofe that have a mind to excel in their admirable \ifc of language and method of talking; if, at lead, there be any need of a pattern to thofe, who fo natu- rally, and by a peculiar genius of their own, fall mto that, ^vhich the profane illiterate vulgar, poor wretches, are Grangers to, and cannot imitate. But more of this to make us merry, when the chaifc brings us toge- ther. I now every moment wifli the chaifc done ; not out of any imj^atience I am for the machine, but for the man ; the man, 1 fay, that is to con^iC in it. A man, that has not his fellow ; and, to all that, loves me. If I regret j-ny old age, it is you that make mc, and call me back to the world juli: as I was leaving it, and leaving it as a place that has very little valuable in it ; but who would jiot be glad to fpend fomc years with you ? Make hai\e, therefore, and let me engrofs what of you I can. 1 am, ^c. ^0 the fame. Dear Sir, Dates, Augufl 2, 1704. THOUGM I cannot, by writing, make you a furer title to myfelf than you have already ; yet I cannot for- bear to acknowledge, under my hand and leal, the taincd the words of eternal life. It has God for its author; falvacion for its end; and truth, without any mixture of errour, for its matter. So that it is a \vonder to me, how any one profelTing chrillianity, that "%iOuld ferioul?y fet himfelf to know his religion, Ihould be in doubt v/here to employ his fearch, and lay out hi^ pains for his information; when he knows a book, where it \?f ail contained, pure and entire ; and whither, at lad, every one mull have recourfej to verify that of it, which he finds any where elfe. Your other qucltion, which I think I may call twcr OF three, will require a larger an fwer. As to rr>oraHty, which, I take it, is the firfl: >n thofc things you inquire after ; that is- bell to be found in the book that I have already coinmendcd to you. But becaufc you may perhaps think, that the better to ob- ferve thofe rules, a little warning may not be incon- venient, and fome method of ranging them be ufefui for the memory ; I recommend to you the *' Whole ** Duty of Man,'* as a methodical lyftem ; and if you delire a larger view of the part-> of morality, I know not where you will find them fo well and dillinctly explained, and fo llrongly enforced, as in tl]e practical divines of the church of England. The fermons of Dr. Barrow, archbiihop Tillotfon, and Dr. Whichcote, are mailer- pieces in this kind ; not to name abundance of others, who excel on that fubjecl:. If you have a mind to fee how far human reafon advanced in the difcovery of morality, you will have a good fpecimcn of it in ** Tully's Offices ;" unlefs you have a mind to look far- ther back into the fource from whence he drew his rules; and then you mull confult Arillotle, and the other greek philofophers. Though Several Letters, 30-7 Though prudence be reckoned among the cardinal virtues, yet I do not remember any profcircd treatifc of morality, where it is treated in its full extent, and with that accuracy that it ought. For which pofiibly this may be a reafon, that every imprudent action docs not make a man culpable '' in foro confcientiir. " The bu- finefs of morality I look upon to be the avoiding of crimes ; of prudence, inconvcniencics, the foundation whereof lies in knowing men and manners. Hiftory teaches this beff, next to experience ; which is the only cffecftual way to get a knowledge of the world, ks to the rules of prudence, in the conduvlt of common life, though there be feveral that have employed their pens therein ; yet thofe writers have their eyes fo fixed on convenience, that they fometimes lofe the fight of vir- tue; and do not take care to keep themfclves always clear from the borders of diflionefly, whilil they are tra- cing out what they take to be, fometimes, the fecureff way to fuccefs ; moft of thofe that I have feen on this fubjecl having, as it feemed to me, fomcthing of this defect. So that I know none that I can confidently recommend to your young gentleman, but the fon of Sirach. To '' complete a man in the practice of human of- " fices/' (for to that tend your inquiries) there is one thing more required; which, though it be ordinarily confidered, as dillindl both from virtue and prudence, yet I think it fo nearly allied to them, tha,t he will fcarce keep himfelf from Hips in both, v/ho is without it. That, which I mean, is good breeding. The fchool, for ayoung gentleman to learn it in, is the converfation of thofe who are well-bred. As to the lall part of your inquiry, which is after "' books that will give an infight into the conftitution " of the government, and real interelt of his country ;" to proceed orderly in this, I think the foundation Ihouid "be laid in inquiring into the ground and nature of civil fociety ; and how it is formed into different models of government ; and what are the feveral fpccies of it. Arillotle is allowed a mafter in this fcicncc, and few enter upon the conlideration of government, without reading his ** Politics." Hereunto lliould be added, X 2 ii-uc 3oS Several Letters, true notions of laws in general ; and property, tlie fub- jcd-niatter about wliich laws are rr^ade. He, that vould acquaint himi'clt with the former of thcfc, fliould thorouj^hly lludy the judicious Hooker's firll book of '' Ecclefiafiical Polity." And property I have no- where found n ore clearly cxplanicd, than in a book in- titled, ** Two Trcatifes of Government." But not to load your young gentleman with too many books on this fubject, which require more meditation than read- in;^; give mc leave to recommend to him Puffendorf's little Trcatife, ** De Officio Hominis & Civis." To get an inilght into the particular conffitution of the government of his own country, will require a little more reading ; unlefs he v, ill content himfelf with fuch a fuperficial know ledge of it as is contained in Cham- bcrlayne's ** State of England;" or Smith '' De Re- publica Anglicana." Your inquiry manifeftly looks far- ther than that ; and to attain fuch a knowledge of it, as becomes a gentleman of England to have, to the pur- pofes that you mention, I think lie fliould read our anci- ent lawyers; fuch as Brac^lon, '' Fleta," *' The Mirror *' of Juflice," 6ic. which our coulin King* can better direcl: you to, than I ; joining with them the ** Hiftory *' of England under the Normans," and fo continuing it down quite to our times; reading it always in thofc authors who lived nearell thofe times ; their names you will find, and characters often in Mr. Tyrrel's " Hif- •* tory of England." To which, if there be added ^ ferious confideration of the laws made in each reign, and how far any of them influenced the conflitution ; all thefe together will give him a full infight into what you defire. As to the iniercll of any country, that, it is manifeH-, lies in its profperiiy and fccurity. Plenty of well em- ployal people, and riches within, and good alliances abroad, make it Ihvngth. But the w a) s of attaining thefc comprehend all the arts of peace and war ; the manage- ment of trade ; the employment of the poor ; and all thofc other things that belong to theadminillration of the pub- ♦ Sir Pcicr Kin^. lie; Several Letters. 3O9 lie. ; which arc fo many, fo various, and fo changeable, according to the mutable flatc of men, and things, in this world; that it is not flrange, if a very fnvali part of this confifts in book-learning. He, that would know ir, mull: have eyes open upon the prefcnt ftate of affairs ; and from thence take his meafures of what is good, or prejudicial, to the intereft of his country. You fee how ready I am to obey your com.mands, though in matters wherein I am fcniible of my own ig- norance. I am fo little acquainted with books, ef- pecially on thefe fubjedls relating to politics^ that you muft: forgive, if perhaps I have not named to you the beft in every kind. And you muft take it as a mark of my readinefs to fcrve you, that I have ventured fo far out of what lay in my way of reading, in the days that 1 had leifare to converfe with books. The know- ledge of the bible, and the bufmefs of his calling, is enough for an ordmary man; a gentleman ought to go farther. Thofe of this place return their fervice and thanks, for the honour of your remembrance. I am, &c. To the fame, De A R S I R, I AM forry to find, that the qucflion, which was the mod: material, and my mind wa^ mod upon, was anfwered fo little to your fatisfaClion, that you are fain to afk it again. Since therefore you afk me a fccond time, *' what is the beft method to ftudy religion?" I mud alk you, '' what religion you mean ?'V For if it be, as I underftood you before, the '* chriflian religion in its full extent and purity ;" I can make you no other anfwer but what I did, viz. that " the only way to at- " tain a certain knowledge of that, is the lludy of the '* holy fcripture." And myr.afon is, bccaufc the chnf- tian religion is a revelation from God Almighty, which X 3 ' i« 3IO Several Letters. is contained in the bible; and fo all the knonIedp;e we can have of it muH: be derived from thence, *' But if " you afk, which is the beft way to get the knowledge '' of the r>mi(h, huhcran, or reformed religion, of *' this or that particular church, Szc.'' each whereof intitks itfelf to be the true chrifUan religion, with fome kind of exrknion or diminution to the red ; that will not be hard to tell you. But then it is plain that the books, that belt teach you any one of thefe do moft remove you from all the reft ; and in this way of ftudy- ing, you pitch upon one as the right, before you know it to be fo ; whereas th.it choice fhould be the refult of your ftudy of the chriftian religion, in the facrcd fcrip- tures. And the m.ethod I have propofed would, 1 pre- fume, bring you the fureft way to that church, which, I imai^ine, you already think moft conformable to the word of God. I find the letter you laft: honoured me with contains a new queftion, and that a very material one, viz. *' what *' is the beft way of interpreting the facrcd fcripture?" Taking " interpreting" to n^can '' underftanding," I think the bcft way for underftanding the fcripture, or the New Tcftaincnt, (for of that the queftion will here be in the firft place) is to read itaiTiduoufty and di- ligently ; and, if it can be, in the original. I do not mean, to read everv day fomc certain number of chap- ters, as is ufiial ; but to read it fo, as to ftudy and c«'»n- fidcr, and not to leave till you are fatisfied that\ou have got tbr- true meaning. 'i'o this purpofe, il will be neccflary to take the afTift- ancc of iiucrpreters and commentators ; fuch as arc thofe called X\\t critics, and Pool's '' Synopfts Critico- rum ;" Dr. Hammond on the New Teltament, and Dr. Whitby, c^.c. I fliould not think it convenient to multiply books of this kind, were there any one that I could dircd: you to, that was infallible. Bur you will not think it ftrange, if 1 tell you, that after all, you muft make ufe of your O'vvn judgment ; when you conftder, that it is and always w'll be, impOihble to'hnd an expolitor, whom you can blind-fold rely upon, and cannot be miftaken in follow- ing. Such a relignation as that, is due to the holy fcripturcs Several Letters. 3 1 1 fcriptiVrcj^ alone ; which were didatcd by the infallible fpirit of God- Such writings alfo as Mr. Mede's and Dr. Lightfoot's $re very much conducing to lead us into a true fenfe of the facred fcriptures. As to the method of reading them, order requires that the four Evangelills fliould, in the firft place, be well iludied, and thoroughly undcrflood. They all treat- ing of the fame fubject do give great light to one ano- ther; and, I think, may" with the greateft- advantage, be read in hai'monv. To this purpofe, Monficur Le Clerc's, or Mr. Wh'iflon's '' Harmony of the four Evan- gelifts," will be of ufe, and fave a great deal of time and trouble, in turning the bible. They are now both in engiiHi, and Le Clerc's has a paraphrafe. But if you would read the Evangelifts in the original, Mr. Lc Clerc's edition of his '' Harmony" in greek and latin will be the bed:. If you 'find that, by this method, you advance in the knowledge of the gofpel ; when you have laid a founda- tion there to your fatisfadion, it will not be hard to add w hat may help you forwards, in the ftudy of other parts of the New Tellamcnt. But I have troubled you too much already, for which i beg your pardon ; and am, &c. ^0 the fame. Sir, . Gates, 20 January, 1 703-4. THE fmall acknowledgments I was able to make, for the honour of your vilit, and enjoyment of your com- pany here, left 'the debt on my lide, and deferve not the notice you are pleafed to take of them. In your obliging letter of the ;3th, you do me fi- vours, and you thank nae too. If you intend by this a perfedt acquilition of fo inconfiderable a thing as 1 am, your worth and virtue difpofe me to be as much at your fervice as you plcafe; I wilh I found any thing m myfelf that might promife you any ufefulncfs from me. That dcfedl Tll^all endeavour to make up the bed I can, w^itli X 4 apcrfcdl ■^ 1 2 Several Letters, a peifccl: cllccm, and a readincTs of will; which muft fupply the want of abilities of doing. I thank you for the printed paper you fcnt me *, and am very glad to fee fiich a fpint raifed, for the fupport and enlargement of religion. Proteftants, 1 think, are as much concerned now, as ever, to be vigorous in their joint endeavours for the maintenance of the re- formation. I Willi all, that call themfelves fo, may be prevailed with by thofc, whom your paper intimates, to imitate the zcai, and purfue the principles of thofe great and pious men, who were inftrumental to bring us out of rom.in darknefs and bondage. I heartily pray for good fuccefs on all fuch endeavours. If I may guefs at the intention of the fociety, by the only man you let me know of it, 1 may be confident that the glory of God, and the propagation t/f true religion, is the only aim of it. May God eminently profper all endeavours that way, aind increafe the number of thofe who ferioufly lay it to heart. Sir Francis t, my lady, and the reft 'of this family, re- turn you their humble fervice. I am, ^:c. RULES of a SOCIETY, irhich v:et once a zveek, for their improvement in ufeful hiozvledge, and for the promoting of truth and chrijliaii charity, T. THAT it begin at fix in the evening, and end at e\[')\i ; unlefs a majority of two thirds prcfent are in- clined to rontmueit longer. II. That no perfon be admitted into this fociety, without the fuflVage of two thirds of the parties prcfentj after the perfon, defiring fi.ch athniflion, hath fub- imbed to the rules contained in this paper, and anfwer- ed in ilie afliimativc to the following quellions : * "An Account of the Society for promoting Chriftian Knowledge." + bii Francis Alalliam. . Whether Several Letters. 310 T. Whether he loves all men, of what profeflion or religion Ibever ? 2. Whether he thinks no perfon ought to be harmed \n his body, name, or goods, for mere fpeculative opi- nions, or his external way of worfliip ? 3. Whether he loves and feeks truth for truth's fake; and will endeavour impartially to find and receive it himfelf, and to communicate it to others ? III. That no perfon be admitted occaiionally, with- out a good teftimony from fome of the fociety that knows him, and he anfwering in the affirmative to the above-mentioned queftions. IV. That every member in his courfe, if he pleafc, be moderator ; (and the courfe here meant, is that of their lirnames, according to the alphabet) ; whofe care muft be to keep good order, to propofe the queftion to be debated, recite what may have been faid to it al- ready, briefly deliver the fenfc of the queflion, and keep the parties clofe to it ,- or, if he plcafe, he may name one to be moderator for him. The queltion for the enfuing conference to be always agreed, before the com- pany departs. V. That no perfon or opinion be unhandfomely re- fledied on ; but every member behave himfelf with all the temper, judigment, modefly, and difcrction he is mafter of. VI. That every member place himfelf to the left hand of the moderator, in order, as he happens to come in; and in his turn fpeak as plainly, diftinclly, and concifely as he can to the qucilion propofcd, direcfling his difcourfe to the n^odcrator. VII. That no more than one perfon fpeak at once; and none objec^t, till it com.e to his turn to f|-»eak. VIII. That, the quellion having gone round, if the time will permit, and the company pleafes, it may be difcourfed again in the fame order; and no weighty queflion to be quitted, till a majority of two thirds be fatished, and are willing to proceed to a new one. That when a conr.roverfy is not thought, by two thirds of the company, likely to be ended in a convenient time; then fhofe two thirds may difmifs it, and, if they pleafe, an- other -^ 1 4 Several Le Iters, other qucllion may be propofcd. That two thirds of the company may adjourn the ordinary fubjcdl in qucllion, for <^ood and fufficicnt rcafons. IX. That no qucHion be propofed, that is contrary to religion, civil government, or good manners ; unlefs it be agreed to debate fuch queftion, merely and only the t;)clter to confute it. We whofc names arc here under-written, propofing to ourfelves an improvement in ufeful knowledge, and the promoting of truth and Chriflian charity; by our becoming of this fociety, do hereby declare our approbation of, and confent to, the rules be- fore w ritten. A Letter to Mrs, CQckburn, Madam, THERE was cothing- more public than the obliga-, lion I received from you, nor any thing more concealed than the perfon I was obliged to. This is a generolity above the drain of this groveling age, and like that of fuperiour fpirits, who aflift without fliowing themfelves. I ufed my bel\ endeavours to draw from you by your bookfellcr the confeflion of your name, for want whereof I could, whilfl: you kept yourfelf under that rcferve, no more addrefs rnyfelf dircvflly to you with good manners, than I could have pulled off your malk by force, in a place where you were rcfolved to conceal yourfelf. Had not this been fo, the bearer hereof would not the firrt rime have come to you without a letter from me to ac- knowledge the favour you had done me. You not af- fordmg mean opportunity for that, I defigned to make you {ovwii Imall acknowledgment, in a way that chance had opened to nie, without your confent. i>ut this gentleman tranfgrcfted my order in two main points of jr. The one was in delaying it fo long. The other was in naming me to you, and talking of matters which he had no commifiion from mc to mention. What he defcrves )eveyal Lei leys, ^15 deferves from you for it, mufl be left to your mercy. For I cannot in carncfl: be anijry with him for pro- curing me, without any guilt of mine, an opportunitv to own you for my protectrcfs, which is the grcateft ho- nour my ElTay could have procured me. Give mc leave therefore to aifure you, that as the rcll: of the world take notice of the ilrengUi and clcarnefs of your rcafoning, fo I cannot but be extremely fcnfible that it was employed in my defence. You have herein not only vanquiflied my adverfary, but reduced me alfo abfolutely under your power, and left no delires more flrong in me than thofe of meeting with fome opportunity to aifure you with what refpedl: and fubmilTion I am. Madam, Your mofl: humble, and mofl obedient fcrvant. Gates, 30 Dec. 1702. J. Locke. A Letter from Mr, Loeke to Mr. Samuel Bold, Sir, Gates, 16 May, 1699. YGURS of the nth of April I received not till the lad week. I fuppofe Mr. Churchill fiaid it till that difcourfe wherein you have been pleafcd to defend my Eflay was printed, that they might come together, though neither of them need a companion to recom- mend it to me. Your reafonings are fo flrong^ nd juiV, and your friendfliip to me fo vifiblc, that every thing mufl be welcome to me that comes from your pen, let it be of what kind foever. I promife myfelf that to all thofe who are willing to open their eyes and to enlarge their minds to a true knowledge of things, this little treatife of yours will be greatly acceptable and ufcful ; and for thofe who will fliut their eyes for fear they flioiild fee more than others have (cqw before them, or rather for fear they fliould make ufe of them, and not blindly and lazily follow the fayings of others ; what can be done 3 1 6 Several Letters, done to them? They arc to be let alone to join in the cry of the herd they have placed thenifelves in, and take that for applaufe which is nothing but the noil'c that of courfe they make to one another, which way ever they are going : fo that the greatnefs of it is no manner of proof that they are in the right. — I fay not this be- caufe it is a difcourfe wherein you favour any opinions of mine, (for I take care not to be deceived by the rea- fonings of my friends) but I fay it from thofe who are Grangers to you, and who own themfelves to have re- ceived light and con virion from the clearnefs and clofe- nefsofyour reafonings, and that in a matter at firft iif;ht very abftrufe and remote from ordinary concep- tions.— There is nothing tliat would more rejoice me than to have you for my neighbour. The advantages that you promife yourfelf from mine, I Ihould receive from your converfation. 1 he in^.partial lovers and fearchers of truth arc a great deal fewer than one could wifh or imagine. It is a rare thing to find any one to whom one can communicate one's thoughts freely, and from v.hom one may expect a careful examination and impartial judgment of them. To be learned in the lump by other men's thoughts, and to be in the right by faying after others, is the much eafier and quicker way ; but how a rational man that (liould inquire and know for himfclf, can content himfclf v/ith a faith or religion taken upon trull, or with fuch a fervile fubmillion of his underllanding, as to admit all and nothing elfe but \shat falhion makes at prefent paflable amongfl fomc men, is to me aflonifliing. I do not wonder that con- cerning nTany points you fhould have different appre- hcnfions from what you meet with in authors ; with a free mind, that unbialfedly purfues truth, it cannpt be otheruilc ; ifl, beeaufe all authors did not write un- biallecily for truth's fake ; and, 2dly, becaufe there are fcarce any two men that have perfectly the fame views of the fame thing till they come with attention, and perhaps mutual aifillance, to examine it. A conlidera- tion that makes converfation with the living much more delirable and ufeful than confulting the dead, would the living but be inquifitivc after truth, apply their thoughts Several Letters, 3 1*7 thoughts with attention to the gaining of it, and be indifferent with whom it was found, fo they could but find it. The firft requifite to the profiting by books is not to judge of opinions by the authority of the w riters. None have the right of didating but God himfclf, and that bccaufe he is truth itfelf. All others have a right to be followed as far as I have, and no farther, i. c. as far as the evidence of what they fay convinces, and of that u\y own underflanding alone muft be judge for me, and nothing elfe. If we made our own eyes our own guides, admitted or rejeded opinions only by the evidence of reafon, we fliould neither embrace nor rc- fufe any tenet, becaufe wc find it publiflied by another, of what name or character focver he was. You fay you lofe many things becaufe they flip from you. I have had experience of that rnyfelf, but for that my lord Bacon has provided a fure remedy. For, as I remember, he advifes fomewhere never to go with- out pen and ink, orfomething to write with, and to be fure not to neglect to write down all thoughts of mo- ment that come into the mind. I mull own I have omitted it often, and often repented it. The thoughts that come often unfought, and, as it were, drop into the mind, are commonly the mod valuable of any we have, and therefore Ibould be fee u red, becaufe they feldom return again. You fay alfo that you lofe many things, becaufe your own thoughts are not Heady and ftrong enough to follow and purfue them to ajufl ilfuc. Give me leave to think that herein you miftake yourfelf, and your own abilities. Write down your thoughts upon any point as far as you have at any time purfued them, and go on with them again fome other time, when you find your mind dif- pofed to it, and fo till you have carried them as far as you can, and you will be convinced that, if you ha\c loft any, it has not been for want of ftrcngth of mind to bring them to an iffue, but for want of memory to re- tain a long train of reafonings which the mind, having once beat out, is loth to be at the pains to go over again, and fo the connexion and train having flipped the memory, the purfuit ftops, and the rcafonmg is nc- glcdcd 31 8 Several Letters. gleckd before it comes to the lafl conclufion. If you have not tried it, you cannot imagine the differrnce there is in lludying with '.\w^ without a pen in your hanti. Your ideas, if the connexions of them that vou have traced be fct down, fo that, without the pains of rccollce'iinjT them in your memory, you can take an cafy view of them again, uill lead you farther than you could exped. \\\\ and tell me if it be not fo. I fay not this that I lliould not be but the wine not fo good : it is generally green, i. e. more inclining to verjuice. The vineyard thus planted, the next year at pruning they cut them, fo that (if conveniently there can) there may be four ihoots next year, near the ground, at lealt three, fpreading feveral ways, which may come to be {o many (landing branches, out of which the Ihoots are to fprout. There being thus left the beginnings of three or four branches fpreading different ways, ever af- terwards, when they come to prune, they leave about an inch of that lafl year's flioot, which grew ftrait out of the top of each of the four Handing branches ; all the red they cut off clean to the old dock. If by chance they find (when they are pruning) a vine decayed, or gone in any place, they dig a trench from the next ftock to that place, and laying the old llock along in the trench, order it lb that one laft year's flioot of the faid ftock Ihall come out juft where the laid flock grew, and another where there was one want- ing: thefe they cut off about eight or nine inches above the ground, which being fed by the great old root (which they move not when they lay the old Hock, but fo loofen it only as it may let the old llock be gently bent down, and ^o be buried in the trench) will bear the next vintage; whereas, if they planted a cut- ting in the place where they found a liock wanting, it would not bear in three or four years. By thefe young plants, they flick in a good llrong branch, a pretty deal longer than the plant, which ihcy leave there to defend it. They prune their vines in december, January, fe- bruary, and march: they that do it fo Lire as the latter end of fcbruary, or the month of march, are fuch as have vineyards apt to flioot early in the fprmg ; and, if cold weather nip the young Ihoots, they liavc the fewer grapes at the vintage. And in pruning their vines they obfci ve Ohfcrvaiions upon Vines. '}^'-^\ obfene to do it in one year in the new and another in the old of the moon, or elfe they i^y they will grow too much to wood. They turn the ground of their vineyards twice a year; about the end of february or in march, and again in may ; they do it either by ploughing betwixt the rows of vines, or, which they count better, by digging, in which they fometimes ufe little fpades, but nrioil com- monly large houghs, the ufual way of delving in this country ; in which way they turn up the earth as deep and much faftcr than our men do vvith fpades in Eng- land. Pigeons dung and hens dung they make ufc of in their vineyards, as an improvement that will increafe the quantity without injuring the goodnefs of their wine : but horfe dung, or that of any beall, tlicy fay, fpoils the goodnefs of their wine. This they have fo ftrong an opinion of at Galliac, a place about thirty leagues from Montpelier, that, if a pcafant there Ibould ufc anv but birds dung about his vines, his neighbours would burn his houfe; becaufe they would not have the wine of that place lofe its reputation. I have been told that a flieep's horn buried at the root of a vine will make it bear well even in barren ground. I have no great faith in it, but mention it, be- caufe \i may ^o eafily be tried. But I fuppofc the hulbandry in their vineyards differs much, both according to the fafliion of feveral countries, aud the difference of foil; for I remember that, at Mr. Pontac's vineyard near Bourdcaux, the vines in fome parts of the vineyard grew four or five feet high, and were tied to ftakes ; and in another part of the fame vineyard they were directed along upon the ground, not above a foot from it, between little low Hakes or laths, fo that the old branches ftand on each iide the root like a pair of arms fpread out, and lying open towards the fouth. The reafon of this different way of culture I could not learn of the labourers for want of undcrlland- ing (iafcoin. In Languedoc they ufe no Hakes at all to fupport their vines, but they trufl them to the Hrength of their own growth, pruning them as I have above mentioned \ ^-^2 Obfervations upon Vines. mentioned ; which makes them fay in the more northerly parts of TVance, that in Languedoc they have wine without taking pains for it. When the grapes arc ready to turn, they go into the vineyards, and there taking four, five, or lix of the neighbour ihoots, twifl them together at the top ; and thus the flioots all through the vineyard, being as it were tied together, fland upright, whereby the grapes have more fun, and perhaps the fap too is hindered from running into the wood and leaves. 'I'hey have about Montpelier thefe following forts of grapes : I. 2. 3- 4- 5- 6. 7- 8. 9- lO. ir. 12. 13. 14. 15- 16. n- 18. 19. 20. 21. Efpiran. Efpiran verdau, Tarret. Barbaroux. Orumcau negrc. Grumcau blanc. (xrumeau blanc niufcat. Laugeby. L'ougre. Rai(in de St. Jean. Marroquin. Marroquin gris. Marroquin bleu. Clarette. Clarettc rouge. Ovilla de negrc. Ovilla de blanc. Covilla de Gal. Kamou nen. Unio negro. Unio blanquo. 23. 24- 25- 26. 27. 28. 29. JO- 32. 33- 34- 35- 36. 37. 3«. 39- 40. 41. Corinth. Effouimu. Iragnou. Piquepoul. Farret. Piquardan. Mufquat negrc. Mufquat blanc. Mufquat d'Efpagne. Palofedo. Servan. Damas violet. Raifon de la fon. Sadoulo boyyier. Sergoufan. L'anibrufquc. Rovcrgas. Cohort. Mufquadaflas. Crifpata. Thefe are the names of grapes they have about Mont- pelier, as they are called in the pattoy of that country. r. The efpiran, a round, black, very fweet and very w holefome grape : they cat them in great quantities when thorough ripe (which is about the middle of auguft llylo novo) without any fear of furfeit ; and they are Ohfervaiions upon Vines, 33J are often prcfcribed by phyficians to be eaten plentifully. I think them one of the beft fruits in the world. Thefc alone, of all the red grapes, make good wine by them- felves ; but they plant them not in fo great quantities as the other forts, becaufe in hot and dry fcafons they will dry up before they are ripe. 2. Efpiran verdau, or the green cfpiran, called fo from its colour; an admirable grape alfo to eat, though not altogether fo delicate as the black efpiran; but its excellency is, that it will keep long in the winter for eating; and I have eat very good of them at Chrillmas. Their way of keeping them is to gather them when ripe, and fo hang them up, every bunch fingle, to the roof of a clofe room. 3. Tarret is a black, very large, but not veryfweet grape, and therefore ufed only for w ine ; wherein it gives a very large quantity, but not much ftrength. 5. Grumeau negre, or the black grumeau, is an ex- cellent large grape, very flefiiy, and well enough tafted, of the fafliion of a pear. I have {iitVi one fingle grape of this fort which was in compafs above jf- inches engliih meafure, and in compafs the long way y^y and weighed of their weights jfs. 9j. gr. iij. and all the reft of the grapes of the fame bunch proportionable ; but I have notobferved them ordinarily planted in their vineyards. 10. Raifin de St. Jean is a fort of grape which they have only at the phyfic-garden at Montpclier: it came from India; it is a black grape, very good, ripe at Mid- fummer (and therefore called St. John's grape) two months before any of the other forts. 7 1. Marrociuin, a very black, large, flcfliy, round grape, very good to eat, but feldom ufed in wine. 14. Clarette, white, longilh, middle-fized, fweet, good to cat, and good for wine. 19. Ramounen, black, very fweet, middle-fized, good for wine, and eating. 22. Corinth; this we have in England; and I do not find they ufe it much there for wine. 25. Piquepoul, black and very fweet, good for wine and for e:uing. 27. Piquardan, 3,U Ohfo-vations upon Vines. 27. Piquardan, white, Iohl^, larp^c, very fwecr, with a very little of the miifcat tailc in it ; makes very good wine alone or mingled. ■29. Mufquat blanc, or white mufcat ; this is ufiiallv^ }i]anted and prefTcd alone, and makes the w inc we ufually call Frontiniac, froni Frontignan, a town on the Medi- terranean, near two or three leagues from Montpclier, where the mofl and belt fort of this \\ine is made. It is a pleafant grape, and early ripe, before the ordinary forts ; but they are not near fo good to eat as the efpiran, being apt to fume to the head and make it ache. 32. Servan, a long, large, white, flefliy, fwcet grape, called fo, becaufe they keep well, and you have of thefe always latefl: in winter. 41. Crifpata; this I faw no-where but in the phyfic- garden at Montpelier: a good fweet white grape ; called fo from its jagged leaves, and I fuppofe the fame with our parfley grape in F]ngland. At Marmouftier, the great abbey of benediclins near Tours, I faw in their garden a fort of grapes pretty ripe, which they called raifms de Ste. Magdalene, be- caufe they ufed to be ripe about that time, which is the 22d of July. Upon the fkilful mixture of thefe fcveral forts of grapes, as well as on the propriety of the foil, depends in a great meafure the goodnefs of their wine : though, as far as I could obferve, it was not fo far improved as it might; nor any other great care taken, but that there iliould be always a mixture of white grapes when they made their red wine, which will otherwife be too thick and deep-coloured : and therefore, if they have a fuffi- cient quantity of claret or piquardin grapes in their vineyards, they feem not over curious of an cxa^t pro- portion of the other forts, which are planted there pro- nnfcuoufly. When their grapes arc ripe, and they have leave, they cut them, carry them home, and tread them imme- diately ; for they will not keep without fpoiling: this is the reafon they mud have leave; for, the parfoii being to have his tithe, and of that make his wine, if the parilhioncrs were not obliged to vintage all at the fame Ohfervations upon Vines, 33^ fame time, he could not make wine of his fliare, fincc one parcel of grapes could not flay till the other was cut to be pre lied with them. The grapes being brought in great tubs, either on mules or men's backs, to the place where the wine is to be made, they put them in a kind of grate over the kuve, and there tread them till they are all broken, and then they throw them, hufks, ftalks, and all, into the kuve; and thus till all their whole crop of grapes arc trod- Whcn all the mafs is in the kuve, they let it work there one, two, or three days, as they think fit to have their winet the longer it works, and the more ftalks are in it (for fometimes they put them not all in) the rougher and deeper-coloured will the wine be, but keep the longer. When it has wrought its time in the kuve, they put it into buts, and there let it work as long as it will, filling up the working veficl every day with fome of the fame mud kept on purpofe, for it walfes much in working. Of the marc (which is huflcs, ftalks, and other fedi- ment, left at the bottom of the kuve when the mufb is taken out) they make a worfc and coarfe fort of wine for the fervants, and this they prefs as we do our apples, to make cyder. The flones, after prcning, fome people cleanfe from the refl: of the marc, and fell for food for pigeons: the flalks alfo cleanfed they ufe in making of verdigris. And in fome places they take the remaining marc aft.er prelung, put it in great tubs, and cover it with water, keeping the marc down with weights, and of this they give to their horfes, which very much cools and re- frefhes them there in the hot feafon. This may give one reafon to confidcr, whether any fuch ufe might be !nade of the marc of our apples, after making cyder. When they have a mind to have their winq fine fooner than ordinary, they put into the cafk a pretty good quantity of fhavings of fir, and in fome places of hazel, and with it they fometimes put fome whole white grapes- A little bread or oil (they fay ever fo little, and there- fore th'^y are vci}' carelul in this point) mixed \\ ith the mufl. 336 Ohjervations upon Vines, inun", turns the wine to vinegar; and fo does thunder: but they fay iron laid upon the vciTcIs will keep wine fronn Touring by thunder. The kuve is, in fome j^laccs, a great vefTel made of wood (\Vitners the great kuve that is yet to be fcen at Marmou flier, which, they fay, will hold two hundred tun of wine) as our brewers vcfiels for the working of their kuve is in l^ngland. ]3ut, at Montpelier, it is iifually a place made in the ground in fome part of the" houfc, proportionably big accordingly to the quantity they ordinarily make, and lined v/ith plafler of Paris, to keep it from leaking. In the kuve (which is made \x{c of but once a year) as well as all other parts of their making wine, they are, according to their manner, fulTiciently naiiy: the grapes often are alfo very rotten, and always full of fpiders. Beiides that, I have been told by thofe of the country, that they often put fait, dung, and other lilthinefs, in their wine to help, as they think, its purging. But, without thefe additions, the very fight of their treading and making their wine (walking without any fc*ruple out of the grapes into the dirt, and out of the dirt into grapes they are tread- ing) were enough to fct one's ilomach ever after againfl: this fort of liquor. In fome parts of Languedoc, out of the great roads, their wine is fo cheap, that one m.ay ordinarily buy three pints a penny. It is ufual to fet fig-trees, pear-trees. Sec up and down in their vineyards, and fomctimcs I have fecn olive- trees. Here at Montpelier, as in other parts of France, it is notiifcredit for any man to hang out a bufli at his door, and fell his wine by retail, either to thofe that Ictch it out of doors, or will come and drink it at his houfc ; for w hich they ufually, for that time, fct aj-jart a room or quarter of the houfc, and have a fervant on jiurpofe to attend it. This I have know n both gentle- men and churchmen do. I^ut whoever, in Languedoc, fells his own wine at his houfe, mull not alford his cuflomcrs fo much as a bit of bread, or any thing clfe, to eat with it ; for then it will come under the notion of a cabaret, or common drink ing-houfe, and their tax or excifc Obfcrvations npn Vines, 337 cxclfe overtake them. I mention Langucdoc, becaufe in other parts of France they who fell their own w'inc by retail, are not excufed from paying the king a part of what they fell it for. At Saumur, I remember 1 was told, they then fold their wine (which is a very good fort of white wine) at their bufhons, i. e. private houfes, for 18 dcnicrs per pint, which is more than our quart ; out of which i8d. the king had lod. and the proprietor the remaining 8d» Vol. IX. Z OIL. O I THE forts of olives, as well as grapes, arc very va- rious about Montpclier : the names of feme of them arc as followcth : 1. Groofau, a large olive. 2. Pichulina, little. 3. Verdal, middle-iized. Thefe three forts are good to eat, and the laft alfo i^ good for oil, and a great bearer. 4. Olivera. -^ 5. Corncau. | 6. Salierna. )>Good bearers. 7. Clarmontefa. '[ g. Rcdonau. J 9. Bootiliau. 10. Argcntau. 11. Moorau. 12. Marliliefa. 13. Pigau. All thefe are little olives, and ufcd only for oil: tficv plant them promifcuoufly in their olive-yards, and mingle the olives in making oil. That which they principally regard in the plants is, that they be of the forts that are the bel\ bearers, and if they have not enough of thofe, they plant others, and inoculate them. The llips will grow, but they commonly ufc oit-fetc; from the roots. Their time of planting is fcbruary, march, and april. Their olive-trees lad to a great age ; they fay t\\ o hun- dred years. When the old flocks are faulty or decayed, rhey let up }oung oli'-fets from the roots round about, and Obfervations upon Olives. 33^ and when they are grown up to any confiderable big- nefs, cut awiy the old flock clofe to the ground ; and when the remaining young trees have not room to fpread, becaufcof their neighbourhood^ they tranfpla^t them, till they leave at laft but one Handing. They fet their olive-trees ordinarily in quincunx, the rows at thirty or ioxly feet diflancc in their arable ground ; for this hinders them not from ploughing and lowing corn in the fame ground. Tliey dig about their olive-trees every year, and about the fame time they dig their vineyards, and fon^etimes at others; and lay foil in the trenches they open about their roots ; this is ufually done in march, and the foil they ufe is horfe-dung. In pruning their olive-trees, which they do about the beginning of march, I obferved them to cut off the top branches, I fuppofe to make them fpread. A-bout the beginning of o6^ober they gather the olives, yet green, that they intend to pickle for eating (for about the end of oiftober they turn black) an4 having carefully picked out thofe thai; have worms, they foak the found ones, in the flrongeft ley they can get, four, fix, or eight hours, according as they defiga tp eat them fooner or later : the longer they foak in the ley, the more of their bitterncfs is taken way, but they will keep the lefs while. This ley they buy for this purpofe at the fo^p^boilers. After th.ey have been foaked in ley, they put them into water, which, for the three or four firil: days, they change two or three times a day, and afterwards once ; jn all a fortnight : this they do to take away the tafle of the ley. The ley and water they ufe both cold. When this is done, they put them into pickle of fait and water, and fo keep them. I have been told, that cutting each olive in two or three places to the ftone, and lb foaking them in fair water feven or eight days, changing it everyday, will take away their bittcrnefs, and prepare them well enough for the pickle : but fhey count the ley the better way. They often pickle them alfo after they arc turned black;, cutting rhem in two or three places to the ftone, Z -x '>ind ^.p Ohfervattons upon Olives, and then foaking them about a fortnight In water changed every day, and then boiling them in fa^t and water, whirh is the pickle they keep them in. Thefc have a p.uk h worfe tarte than the green, having no very plealant mixture of bitter and oily : but the good houfc- wives think they will go much farther (for they arc oftcner food than fauce there) and fo in their private families are commonly ufed. They count their olives ripe enough for oil about St. Crtharine's day, the 25th of november ; and about that tinie thev begin to gather them : though I have {cQn them let them hang on the trees, and not gathered till the latter end of January. In the gathering there \\\\\ be leaves and branches mixed with them ; to feparatc thefe they lay them down in a heap in a lield, and a workman, taking up a few in a il.ovel, throws them into a winnowing flieet fet up at a good diilancc from him, v.hither the olives come alone, the leaves and branches falling by the way. The manner of making oil is this ; Thev take four feptics of olives a little heaped, and put them into a niill, which is draw n by a mule, where they grind them, as tanners grind bark, to a line pulp, one liaiiding by as the mill goes rcund, and lliovelling in a little of the (^lives or pulp towards the centre, and clearing a part of the Wom^ at the bottom, where he Ihiuls vith a lliovel, which he doth fo by degrees and in fuccelfion, that 1 believe tlie mule goes round forty or fifty tinu's for his once. Thev being fufliciently ground, they put them into a Aonc trough, two whereof Hand between the mill and the prefs ; out of thefe troughs they take the pulp, and j)iit it into frails, and fpread it in them equally, fo that thev mav iny them plain one upon another. Of thefe frails there were, when 1 law them prels, twenty-four ur.'on each pedelial ; viz. in all forty-eight; in which M'crb co.ntained icn fepties o\' olives. Sometimes they prefi twelve feptic-; of olives at once, and then they ufc more frails proportic^nably. The frails being lilled with pulp, and placed evenly and upright upon the two pedellals in ev]ual number, they 9 Ohjey-vations upon Olives. 341 they fet the prefs a-working, firft lifting up the fcrcw end, and fo the other end of the beam, finking upon the hinder pile of frails, and prclTing them, may make way for the putting in the wedges into the great mortife, anddifcharge the wedge in the little mortife, which, whilll they were placing the frails upon the pedeftals, fupportcd the beam; which being taken out, they work the fcrcw the other way, and fo bringing down the fcrcw end of the beam prefs both on the fore and hinder pile of frails ; a man attending in the mean time at each pile of frails with a lever in his hand, which reding in the groove or gutter where the oil runs, he thrufls againft the fide of the pile of frails, whenever he perceives it begin tofwell out on any fide, and thus keeps it upright from leaning any way whilft it is prelTing, efpecially at the beginning ; another man in the mean time not ceafing to turn the fcrew till the great ftone at the end of it be clear off from the ground. When the oil ceafes to run, or but in fmall quantity, they lift up the fcrew end of the beam, and then putting a wedge in the little mortife, bring down the fcrew end of the beam again, and fo lift up the great end that prefTed the frails, and fo bringing the beam to a level (the whole weight whereof lies upon the wedge in the little mortife, which fupports it in the middle) dif- charge it clear from the frails. Then they take off all the frails, except the eight or ten lower, on each pedeftal, and flirring the pulp in one of the frails taken off, replace it again upon thofe that remained ftill on the pedeftal ; and then one pours on it a bucket of fcalding water; after which he ftirs the pulp again, and lays it fiat and equal as at firft, and then fbirs and puts on another frail as before, with a bucket of fcalding water poured on it ; and fo they fervethem all, till all the frails that were taken off are replaced on the two piles as at firft ; and then they fet the prefs a- working again as long as any quantity will run ; and then lifting up the beam again, take off all the frails, ffir the pulp, and pour on frefli hot water upon every frail, a little bucket-full as at fnil, and then prefs as long as any thing will run, fere wing the ftonc up clear from the Z J ground. 342 Ohfe^-vations upon Olives, ground, and lettino; it hang fo a good wHilc. When not one jot more of liquor w ill be prefTed from the frails, knd they perfectly ccafe running, they let down the ftone, and that prefltng is done; and then one with a broad, but very Ihallow fkimming-diih of brafs, fkims off the oil from the water, puts it into a brafs veflel like a tumbler, but holding, as I guefs, about three pints, and out of that pouring it into the vefFels of the owners by a brafs funnel. When the oil is well fkimmed off from the water, they {mil out a ftopple in the bottom of the cifl-crn, and fo et go the water, which runs into a great ciflern called hell, which is locked up and out of fight ; into this hell all the water that hath fcrved in prelling the oil, runs, and is made fo, that though it be always full of this water, yet the water alone i'uns out, and the oil that fwims on top ftays behind, by which means all the oil that efcaped the Ikimming-dilh is here caught : but this I fuppofe belongs to the m?.frer of the oil-prefs, for (every body's water runs in here to the former oil and ivatcr. N. B. P. That the mill which grinds the olives is much after the fame fafliion with that which our tanners ufe to grind bark, only with fome dilfcrence. As, 1% that in the centre of the oil-mill there (lands iipa round ftone, very fmooth And true wrought, about two feet Englifh in diameter, and about the fame height, uhich the inlide of the great grinding llone touches in its going round about it, fo that no olives can efcape the great flone towards the centre, nor get bcfide it that way. 2^. That the floor of the mill, upon which the great turning ftone bears in its turning round, ir. alfo of hard flone and fmooth, and a little fnelving» the declivity being towards the centre ; to anfwer which, the edge of the tiTrning flone which is to grind the olives, that it may bear in its uliole breadth upon the Hones in the floor, is not cut with a direct perpendicular to the fides, but the line of the infide of the laid grinding (lone, and of the edge or circumference, make an angle fomething Icfs Ohfervations upon Olives. 343 lefs than a right one, and on the outlide there is left no angle, hut it is cut off w ith a round ; by which means, I iuppole the great grinding flone flidcs conflantly to- wards and is kept clofe to the round ftone that flands fixed in the center, defcribcd N*^ 1', upon which the perpendicular turning beam Iliads. 3*. So much of the floor or infide of the mill as the grinding ftone docs not touch, or is a little without his breadth, is covered with boards lying more flielving than the ftone-floor within it ; on which board-floor the olives to be ground are at iirll laid, which are not thrown all at once under the grinding ftoiie, but are by fmall parcels iliovellcd down under the grinding ftone by the man that attends the mill ; every palfmg round of the ftone a few ; and here lies alfo the pulp which the . ftone v/orks out in its grinaing, which is alfo fnovclled in its turn ; for the floor of the mill, where the grinding ftone bears on it, has always very little upon it, its great weight working it ftill out towards the circum- ference of the floor, for the ftone in the middle hinders it from going inwards. 4^. 1 he grinding ftone is about fix feet diameter, and about eleven inches thick, and on the edge and infide is wrought very fmooth, and ftands upright without lean- ing, that I could perceive; though, as I have faid, the edge be not fquare to the fides, which is recompcnfed in the finking of the floor towards the centre. The ftone whereof it is made fccms to be very hard, and it need be hard and heavy to break olive-ftones and grind them to powder. II'. That the ftiovcls which they ufe to ftiovel in the pulp under the grinder, and when it is fine enough to take it out, and put it in the ftone troughs, and then into the frails, are more like bakers peels than ftiovcls, and there is not any iron upon any of them. 111**. That there are between the mill and tlie prcfs two great ftone troughs to put the pulp in wW.n ground; two pedeftals and two ftone ciftcrns, into which the oil runs from the two pedeftals by diftind paflages, fo that two people's oil may be preftcd at once, without the danger of mingling a drop. Z ± IV^ The -^44 Ohfervations upon Olives. IV*. The prefs is mack thus : there are two pcdcdals about nineteen or twenty inches afunder, which lie juft under the great end of the great beam; that which I call a pcdeftal is a round plain (lone about twenty-lix inches diameter, round about which is cut a groove or little trench in the fame (tone nine or ten inches broad ; from the groove of each pedeftal there is made a diftinCt palfage for the oil to run to the two ciflcrns : upon thefe pcdeilals the frails arc bid, and into thefe grooves or trenches the oil runs when prcllcd out of the frails, and fo is conveyed feparately to the two cifterns. V**. Behind the hindmofl: pedeftal Ihmd erecl in the r^round two great beams, well faftened in the ground, as far on funder from each other as the breadth of the preirmg beam which is to pafs up and down between rhem. ^ From the ncarcll iide of the ncarcfl pcdcftal to ihe m.iddle of thq thicknefs of thefe beams horizontally js about twenty-nine inches : in the middle of each of thefe beams, in refpedl of their thicknefs, is cut a mor- tife or Hit quite through,, about forty-four or forty-five inches long, and about five or lix inches broad ; the bot- tom of this mortilc is about forty-four inches higher than the pcdeftal. iV". This which I call the great mortife, they fill with feveral pieces of wood reaching quite athwart from outlide to outfide, and more, of the two erect beams ; thefe pieces of wood, or, as I call them, wedges, arc as thick as jufl eafily to go into the mortife, and fome- what broader; with thefe they fill up this mortife when this end of the prelling beam is funk below the lowed part of it, and thereby pin down the great end of the laid beam to keep it tiown uiwn the frails, when the other end is drawn down b) the fcrew ; for by more or Icfs of the wedges put into this m.ortife, thev keep down the great end of tlie beam to the height that is litcell to prefs with. Vil". The prellnig beani is thirty-eight pans, or aho'.it thirty-two feet long, and about thirty- four inches broad ; and, to increafe its weight and llrength, an- other great beam \n as lallencd to it all along with bands of iron. VI 11°. At Ohfervations upon Olives, ^A^ VHP. At the little end is a fcrew, whereof the very fcrew (for it Itanding upright I could not mcafure it) was, as I guefs, about thirteen or fourteen feet; the fquare of it, wherein the holes for the levers were cut, fomething above a yard ; and at the bottom was a great round ftone, in which this lower end of the fcrew is faftcned with iron- work, fo as to have the liberty to turn. The fcrew, when it is turned fafler than this end of the prcfTing beam fmks, lifts up this great flonc from the ground, which is as broad, thick, and heavy as an ordinary mill-ftone. IX'. Between the fcrew and the two erecl beams placed behind the pedeftals before dcfcribcd, ftand two other beams, erect as the former, with a mortife in them long enough to hold only one wedge ; this I call the little mortife, the top whereof is higher than the level of the highefl: frail, when they lay on mod : upon this wedge the beam is to reft, when they are laying in or taking out the frails. So that the length of the great beam is thus divided : behind the pinning wedges three pans, from the pinning to the fupporting wedge twenty pans, from the fupporting wedge to the fcrew fifteen pans. There is a piece of wood faftened on to the great beam, crofs it, hanging over on each fide, and placed juft by the middle creCl beams on the fide towards the pedeftals, to keep the great beam from Hiding towards the fcrew. X°. The ground where the great fcrew-Hone lies is much lower than the level of the pedeftals, which affords alfo a convenience for the placing the two cifterns, which arc juft under the great beam, and a little dillance from the outmoft pcdcflal. XI'. The matter of the frails they ufc in prcfTing, and the texture, is the fame with the frails that bring raifins to Em^land ; but the fio-urc iuft the fame with that of an hat-cafe, the crown being taken away : they arc exadly all of a breadth, and fcarce difcernibly narrower than the pedcflal ; the hole to put in the pulp about one third of the breadth or diameter. XII'. The ^j^6 Ohfervations upon Olives. XII*. The oil that runs at firft prcfllng, before the mixture of water, they call virgin oil, which is better than the other ; but they all fay it will not keep, but fpoil in a month or two, unlefs you put to it fait or fugar, fait is the better of the t\\o, and then it will keep fix months : as much as you can hold in your two hands is enough to put into a feptie of oil. ■ A fcptie is thir- ty-two pots, and their pot is more than our quart. XIII*. They ufually, therefore, let the virgin and other oil, of the fecond and third prefTmg, mingle all together in the cill:ern, which being afterwards put up in jars, and kept in cool cellars, will keep good feven years : but the mingling of fome of the hot water, after prciung, with the virgin oil, will not prcferve it. So that it fcems to be fomething either in the fkins or ifoncs of the olives, that comes not out but by the mix- ture of hot water and hard prciTing, that fcrves to prcferve it. XIV'. I'hey begin to gather their olives, as I have faid, about St. Catharine's day, i. e. the 25 th of no- vembcr. XV*. All confefs that oil is better which is m.ade of olives frefb gathered, than thofe that have been kept a month or two : but fome tell me they delay fo long (for when I faw them making oil, it was almofl the middle of fcbruaryj becaufe olives that are kept yield the more oil ; others fay, the rcafon why they are not prelFed fooner, is, becaufe every body's grifi: cannot be ground at once, and they mull: Ray till they can get a turn; and by keeping, they fay alio, they grind better, for the new gathered fpirt away from the mill. XVI*. After they have gathered their olives, they lay them in heaps in the corner of a cellar, or fome fuch other place, upon little faggots of dried vine branches (a good part of the fuel of the country) between the olives and the ground, where fometimes a black water will run from them ; this they call purging them. In thcfe heaps they lie till they prefs them ; none lie lefs than fifteen days ; but, for the re^ifons abovc-nKiition- tdi, thev fometnnes he two months. XVIir Though Ohfervations upon Olives, ^/^>^ XVII*, Though they begin to gather their olives dbout the end of november, as has been faid ; yet they never fet their mills on work till after Twelfth-day, or Ncv/-year's-day, at fooneft : the reafon whereof is this : the mafter of the mill hires a great many men, for the time that oil is made, who keep the mill going day and night. Thofe whofe oil is making give thefe workmeii meat and drink, \\hiin: they are employed about their olives ; fo that if the mailer fhould entertain them be- ifore Chriflmas, he muft not only pay them for fo many holidays, whilfl they fland ilill, but maintain them too. XVIIP. Four feptics of olives ufuaily yield one ieptie of oil ; but I obfervcd they were fomevvhat heaped. XIX*. The goodnefs of the oil depends exceedingly on the property of the foil : this makes the oil oi Ara- mont in Provence, not far from Avignon, the beft in France. XX"*. When they are either filling the Frails, or new ftirring the pulp in them, there are two men at work at each pcdeflal, befides a fifth, that takes the pulp out of the trough thereby, wherein it lies ready ground, and with a iliovcl puts it into the frails as they bring them; or elfe lades boiling water out of the furnace (which is ■alfo by, and the top of it level with the ground, with a trap-door overj and pours it into the frails as they are ready for it. XXI'. When the oil is made, carried home, and has fettled, they ufually take three-fourths of the upper part; this they call the Rower, and put it into earthen pots for eating; the remainder, being thicker, is kept for lamps and fuch other ufcs: and the very thick fcdiment they put in the fun, to get as much oil out as they can. XXIl*. The pulp, that is left after all the prcfTing and affufion of boiling water, belongs to the mailer of the mill, who fells it for a groat, or five-pence a mill- full, toothers, who prefs it again, and make a coarfc V3il for foap, and other fuch ufcs. XXIIP. The 34^ Ohfervatlons upon Olives. XXTir. The remaining pulp the bakers ufe to throw a little of it into their o\ens as they are heatin^-, it making a very violent fire. XXIV°. Oil they count one of the beft and furefl commodities of their country. The ordinary rate of good oil at Montpelier is fome years three, fome four, and fome years four livres and a half per quartal, i. c. one fourth of a feptie, or eight pots. I R U I T. R U PLUMS. 'HE bcfl plums are. 7- 8. Damar violett. Roche corbon, Mirabell. Catalane. Perdrigon. 6. D*Apricot. Diapre. Ste. Catherine, Vert Sc long. Ofthefe the befl to dry is the roche corbon, a large red plum ; and the next to that the Ste. Catherine,^ large and yellow ; becaufe they are large and ficihy;' not but that they dry of the other forts too. The way they take in drying them is this : i''. They let them be fo ripe, that they drop off from the tree of themfelves, which is bcit ; or elfe fall with a little fliaking. 2. When you have them thus ripe, the befl way (though not always obferved) is to put them two or three days in the hot fun-Hiine, which will dry up gently fome part of the fuperfluous moiflure. 3*. When they have been thus a little dried in the fun, you muft heat the oven gently ; one little bruili faggot is enough the firit time ; and having placed thcni fmgly upon wicker driers about two feet broad, and four or ?i\c feet long (or of a round figure fo large as will go into the oven's mouth) put them into the oven, and fo let them dry there till the oven is cold ; and then they muft be taken out and turned, whilfl the oven is heating again. The oven may be thus heated twice a day, at eight in the morning, and at eight at night. 4\ The fccond time the oven may be made a little hotter than the [irll; and thus the heating of the oven, and 3^o Ohfervations v.p^n Fruit, and turning the plums, be repeated till they are dry enough, which is when they arc of a due confidence and brow nilh colour. 5". When they arc fo far dried as to be capable of prcfnng, the bed way is to prcfs them gently with the fingers, not into a flat, but round figure, for that way they keep bed. 6**. The great care to he taken is in the firft putting them into the oven, that the oven be not too hot ; for if it be, it makes them crack their fkins and run out, w hich makes them much worfe. PEACHES. After the fame manner one dries peaches, with this difference, that after the firft time they have been in the oven, one peels them with a knife, for the fkin will cafily drip ; and the done then is to be taken out, and, if one will, a little peach thrud into its place, which makes the other large and better. This alfo they often do in drying their plums, when they take out the done of a great one, thrud a little plum into the place of it. PEARS. Thus alfo pears are to be dried ; but that the oven may be made a little hotter for pears than plums ; they are to be dripped alfo after their fird coming out of thp oven. The bed pears to be dried, are the roufelette de Champagne. The pears in mod edcem amongd them about Tours and Saumur (for this is the part of France where are the bed pears, plums, peaches, and melons) arc, 1. Moulebouche. 9. Buree Blanche. 2. Virgolcufe. 10. Roufelette de Champagnp, 3. Martin fee. 1 1 • I-i poire de citron. 4. Double Hcur. 12. La citron de carmes. r. Roufelette. i^ I'ii poiredc monfieur. 6. Colmar. 14- I-'^iverate. 7. St. Marfiac. i.s- L'amadoie nuifquee. Z Vert cSc long. 16. La mufcatc d'Almagne. The Ohfervations wpon Fruit. 351 The 10, II, 12, 13, arc their bed fummcr pears. The Virgoleufe, Amadote mufquec, Verate, -Mufcate d'Ahiiagnc, arc their befl: winter pears. In the rccolcts garden at Saumur there is abundance of good fruit, amongft the refl a fort of pear, which they call 17. Poire fans peau, which is ripe at the fame time cherries are. They told me it was a very good pear, and a great bearer. Before the middle of auguft, when I was there, they were all gone. They have in the fame garden another pear, which they call 18. Poire de jafmin. which, as they fay, hath fomcthing of the flavour of jafmin. MELONS. The melons of Langcrs (a town upon the Loire, fix leagues above Saumur) are counted the beft in France j and from hence the court is fupplied with them. Here, and at Saumur (where they are loth to give any pre- ference to the melons of Langers) they fet them in the common earth of their gardens without dung, or any other art, but barely nipping the tops of the branches when the young melons are knit, to hinder the fap from running too much into leaves and branches. PRUNES. The prunes we have from France are a great black plum, that grows about Montauban and thofe parts : they dry them as much as they can in the fun, and what wants to dry them perfcLtly, they make out by the heat of the oven. Prunella's, or rather brignols, are a fort of plums that grow in Provence, not far from Aix : they gather rhcm thorough ripe, and having Ilripped off the Ikins, they IHck them on fcucrs about fix inches \ongy and very ijcndcr ; they take care not ;o put them too dole to one another 2^2 Ohferuations upon Fruit. another on thcfc fcucrs. Thcfc little fpits, loaded thus with plums, they faftcn one above another, either in a cane, or a rope of ilraw like that \vc make for onions ; and as we hang them up in our houfcs to keep, fo do they thofe in the fun to dry. When they arc a little hardened, or half dry, they take out the ftones, and prefs them with their fingers into that flat figure we fee them, wetting their fingers a little to hinder them from flicking to them in handling: when this is done, they put them to dry again in the fun till they are quite cured ; fome fay on the fi:uers again, others on boards. Thofe that grow at Brignol are the beO", and hence they have their name. They fometimes dry them with their ftones in, and fo they are better, as fome that have eaten of them have told me. SILK. K. THEY ufually put the eggs a hatching in the holy- week, i. e. the week before Eafter; but that which bell: regulates the time is the budding of the mulberry-trees, that, whert the worms are hatched, they may have food. To hatch them, they commonly wrap them up in a linen rag, and fo wear them in fome warm place about them night and day till they are hatched, which will be in about three days. When they are hatched, they feed them with the leaves of the white mulberry-tree : the leaves of the young trees are beft whilft the worms are young; but w^hen they are grown pretty big, and towards the latter end of their feeding, they muft be fed with the leaves of old trees, elfe they will not be ftrong to get up into the branches to work. The leaves of young trees given them in the beginning make the filk the finer: they take care alfo not to^give them yellow or withered leaves ; but to avoid the trouble of gathering frcfli leaves every day, they will keep two or three days well enough in an earthen pot covered, or in a cellar. They take great care alfo that no wet leaves or other moifture come to them, for that will kill them; and in feeding them they throw away the tender deep coloured young leaves at the top of the branches, bccaufe theie, they fay, will make the worms very big and yellow, and die alfo without working. VVhilfl they are young, they keep them up in fome box or chcft from the cold, which will kill them: they fay alfo that thunder will kill them, if it happen when tbev begin to work. Vol. IX. A- a They 354 Ohfcrvations upon Silk. They change their fkins four times, from ten days to ten days, or thereabouts; this they call their ficknefs ; for about the time they chancre their fkins they forbear to cat, and therefore they feed them but once a day ; but at other times they give them frefh leaves oftcner. At the time alfo of their ficknefs they change ihem, taking away the cake of dry leaves and dung that was under them, by removing ihcm with frcfli leaves, which they \\\\\ (tick to : but after the fourth ficknefs is over, they change them every day till they begin to work, which is about ten days after. The woman of the houfe where I lay, put her eggs to hatch on good friday, april the 3d ; they were hatched the monday following, and they began to work on tuefday, junc the 2d : fo that, allowing one day for every ficknefs, it fell out pretty near according to their reckoning. When the worms are ripe as they call it, they cull out the ripe ones, i. e. thofe that are ready to work, from among thofe that arc feeding, and put them upon Ihclves, where they are to work. They know thofe that are ripe by their clearnefs ; for if you hold them up againft the light with their bellies upwards, you will find them clear about the fore legs, fome yellow, fome white, according to the fcveral colours of the filk they will fpin ; and by this clearnefs one may eafily diftin- guiili them from thofe that are not yet ripe. The ihclves they put them on to work arc thus or- dered: they place deal Ihelves one over another, as if they were for books ; they make them about thirty inches broad, and the diftance between them is about twenty-two inches : betwixt thefe Ihelves they fet rows of a fniall brufliy plant, fomewhat like our heath, which reaching from one ihelf to another arc at the top turned partly one way, partly the other ; fo that the tops of the branches of thefe fcveral rows or partitions reaching to one another touch, fo that the whole length ot'cach (helf is by thefe branches divided as it were into To many little caves, each of about nine or ten inches breadth ; for the rows of branches that are fet up to 0ukc phcfc caves, which arc as deep as the flielves are broad Obfervations upon Silk, l^c^^ broad, arc fct at that diftance. Into one of thcfc cavc5 they put the worms that are firft ripe, which creeping up the branches find amongfl: the little twigs places to work in. When one cave has as many of thefe fpinners ils it hath well room for, they fill the next, and fo on. They never give them any leaves of the red mulberry-^ tree when they are young, becaufe it being a flrong nouriflmient, will hurt them ; but if one give them red mulberry-leaves towards the latter end, they will be the llronger, and mount the branches the better, which when they are weak they cannot do ; and the filk of thofe that thus eat red mulberry-leaves is as good as the other. About a fortnight after they begin to work, they take the cocons (i. e. the pods oflilk they have wrought) out of the branches ; if you take them down too foon, they will not have done working, and if you ftay too long, they will have eat their way out of the pods, and the filk will be fpoiled. It is time to take them down out of the branches as foon as any of the papilions, i. e. the flies that come out of the pods, appear amongft them. ' As many of the cocons as they think neceliary to keep for a breed for the next year they (trip off the loofe filk from, and then thread them ; but pafs the needle warily through the lide of the cocon, fo as it may be fure not to hurt the worm within. They count that a pound of cocons will yield an ounce of eggs. The cocons, thus threaded, they hang up or lay in a convenient room, that fo the papilions may come out, and make love to -one another, and then lay their eggs on white paper laid there on purpofe. From the remaining cocons they prefcntly either wind off the lilk, or if they cannot do that (for it is not every body can do it) they either with the heat of the fun, or oven, or hot water, kill the worms in the cocons, fo that they may keep them without having them fpoiled by the worm, till they can get their filk wound. Eight pounds of cocons ufually yield one pound of filk. The way of winding filk off froin the cocons is a thing that cannot be taught without feeing; and there arc bur A a 2 few ^^6 Obfefvations upon Silk, few amongft them, that can do it well, it lying in a dex- terity not eafy to be learnt, as they fay : they put the colons in hot water, and fo flirring them about with a kind of rod, the ends of the lilk twircs of the cocons flick to it, which they layingon upon a turning reel draw olFfrom the cocons, which lie all the while in the hot water ; but the great Ikill is to have fuch a number of thefe iinglc twircs of the cocons running at a time, ai may make the thread of filk which they compofe of a due bignefs ; for in turning (which they do apace) many of the twires of the cocons break, and fo by degrees the filk thread, made of fundry of thefe drawn together, grows too little, and then the woman that is winding ftirs her rod or little beefom again with her left hand amongft the cocons, to get new ends of twires to add to the thread, which all this while keeps running. To know when to make this addition of new twires and in what quantity, fo as to keep an even thread all along, is the great Ikill of thefe winders ; for they do it by guefs, and keep the reel turning and the thread running all the while ; for fliould they, as oft as is occafion, fland ftill to count the twires or conlidcr the thread, and how many new twires were fit to be added, it would be an cndlcfs labour, and they could never make wages. The engines alfo that they ufc for twifting this filk afterwards, arc too curious to be defcribed, but by a model. 1 have fcen one, where one woman has turned a hundred and thirty-four fpindles, and twilled as many threads at a time; and I have feen another, wherein two women going in a wheel, like that of a crane, turned three hundred and iixty. Their mulberry-trees, where they ftand near towns, yield them good profit ; I have known the leaves of four while mulberry-trees (fome whereof were not ver) large) fold for a pillole, i. e. between fix teen and feventccn lliillings ftcrling. THE WHOLE HISTORY OF NAVIGATION FROM ITS ORIGINAL TO THIS TIME;^ (1704.) PREFIXED TO CHURCHILL'S COLLECTION OF VOYAGES. THE WHOLE HISTORY Of NAVIGATION FROM ITS ORIGINAL TO THIS TIME. OF all the inventions and improvements the wit and induftry of man has difcovered and brought to perfection, none feems to be {o univerfally ufeful, profitable and neceffary, as the art of navigation. There are thofe that will not allow it to be called the invention of man, but rather the execution of the di- rection given by Almighty God, fmce the firft veffel we read of in the world, was the ark Noah built by the immediate command and appointment of the Al- mighty. But this is not a place to enter upon fuch a controverfy, where fome will alk, why it ihould be believed there were not Ihips before the flood as well as after, fince doubtlefs thofc firft men extending their lives to eight or nine hundred years, were more capable of improving the world than we whofe days arc reduced to fourfcore years, and all beyond them only mifery or dotage? It is impertinent to fpend time upon fuch fri- volous arguments, which only depend on opinion or fancy. If then we give any credit to hiftory, on A a 4 which 360 The Htjlory of Navigation. which all our knowledge of what is pail depends, \vc ihall iind that navigation had but a mean and obfcure original, that it was gradually and but very leifurely iinprovccj, lincc in many ages 11 fcarce ventured out of light of land ; and that it did not receive its final pcrfcc^tion till thefc latter times, if we may be allowed to call that perfct^t which is fl:ll doubtlcfs capable of a further improvement : but I give it that epithet only, with regard to the infinite advancement it has received lincc its firfl appearance in the world. The firfl veffel ever known to have floated on the waters, was the ark made by God*s appointment, in which Noah and his three fons were faved from the univerfal deluge. But this ark, Ihip, or whatever elfe it may be called, had neither oars, fails, malls, yards, rudder, or any fort of riggmg w hatfoever, being only guided by divine providence, and having no parti- cular port, or coaft to l>eer to, only to float upon the waters, till thofe being dried up, it refted on the moun- tains of Ararat, ab we read in Gen. viii. 4. From this time till after the confufion of tongues there was no ufc of navigation, there being as yet no fufficient njulritude to people the earth, and thofe men there were, having undertaken to build the t(^wer of Babel, from thence were dilperfed into all other parts of the kiiown world. Theie iirit travellers doubtlcfs met with many rivers before they came to the fea, as plainly appears by the liniation of Bahcl, generally agreed upon by all that treat of fcriptural geography; and thofe rivers they palfed in a hollowed piece of timber, no better than a trough, or a fort of bafkets covered over with raw hides, being the eafiefl that occurred to invention, and fufiicient for their prefent purpofe, which was only to pafs on in their way to other parts, with- out the profpect of trade or commerce, w hich cannot be fuppofed to have then entered into their thoughts. What velfels they built when they came to the fea no hiflory defcribes, and thcreiorc it would be a raflincf^ to pretend to any knowledge of them. That they were finall, ill rigged, and only durfl creep along the f loiT^, is out of all difpute ; if we confidcr that many fuc^ The Hijhry ef Navigation^ 361 fucceeding ages v/ere no better furnifhed, though they never failed from time to time to corredl the^ defc6ls they found in their fliipping, and induflrioudy laboured to improve the art of navigation. Not to fpeak there- fore of what is abfolutely fabulous, or only fuppofiti- tious, let us come to the firft failors famed in hiliory ; and touching thofe times lightly, defcend ;o matters of more certainty and better authority. If we give credit to poets and poetical writers, wc fliall find Neptune covering the Mediterranean fea with his mighty fleets, as admiral unJer his father Saturn, fuppofed to be Noah, as Neptune is to be Japheth ; and to him is afcribed the firfl building of fhips, with Iharp ftems, or heads fhod with iron or brafs, to run againfl other Ihips, and fplit them, and with towers on them for men to fight when they came to lie board and board. Yet there are others that give the honour of inventing of fliips, and fleering them to Glaucus, af- firming it was he that built and piloted the ihip Argo in Jafon's expedition againfl: the tyrrhenians ; which Others attribute to Argos, making him the builder and pilot. Thefc notions, or rather poetical ficlions, are rejedled by the learned Bochartus in his Geographia Sacra, p. 819, 820. where he iliows that the fliip Argo ought properly to be called Arco, which in the Phoeni- cian tongue iignifies long, a name given it becaufe it was the firft long Ihip built by the greeks, who learned it of the Phoenicians, and called it by their name^ whereas all the velTels ufed by them before that time "were round. This lliip Argo, or rather galley, he fays had fifty oars, that is twenty five on each fide, and therefore muir be fifty cubits in length. Here it ap- pears that the greeks had round vcfTels before that time, and all that wc can reafonably conclude is, that this fliip or galley Argo, or Arco, was larger, and perhaps better built and contrived than any before it, and might perform the lono;er voyage, which rendered it famous, as if it had been the firll fliip. But it is certain there were many fleets, fuch as tiicy were, before this time ; for the argonauts expedition was about the year of fhe world 28OJ, which was after the flood 1 144. years: whereas 362 ^e Wftory nf Navigation. whereas ve find Semirami^i built a fleet of two thou^ fand fail on the coafls of C\ prus, Syria, and Phfrnicia, and had them tranfported on carriages and camels backs to the river Indus, where they fought and defeated the ileer of Staurobatcs kin^.; of India, confifling of ^our thou- fand boats made of cane, as Diodorus Siculus writes. About the year of the world 2622, and 965 after the flood, Jupiter kinp; of Crete, or CarKlia, ^\ irh his fleet f^olc away Europa the daughter of / ^;(^nor king of the fido- nians. In 2700 of the world, and after the flood 1043, Perfeus went on the expedition by fea againfl: Medufa in Afric. Now to return to the argonauts fo much celebrated by the poets, upon the ftrivflefl examination into truth, we fliall only find them inconfiderablc coafb- ers in the Mediterranean, and fet out by the public to fupprefs pirates, though fabulous Greece has extolled their expedition beyond all meafure. Next follows the trojan war about the year of the world 2871, and 1214 afl^r the flood, where Ave find a fleet of one thou- fana one hundred and forty fail of all forts, ftill creep- ing along the fhorcs, without daring to v«^irM-e out of fight of land. Now leaving the Greeks it is fit we return to the ph(JE-nicians, w^ho are the fame the fcripture calls the phihfi:ines or canaanitcs, as is largely proved by Bo- chartus, certainly the earlied and ablcfb mariners in thofe firfl ages: they made the greateil dilco\\rics of any nation, they planted colonies of their own in moll: of thofe countries fo difcovercd, :jid fettled trade and commerce in tlie mofl: difbant regions. There can be no greater teftimonies of their wealth and naval power than what we find in holy writ, Ezek. xxvii. where the prophet fpcaking of Tyre, fays it is fituate at the entrance of the fea, is a merchant for many ilks, its fhip-boards are of fir-trees of Scnir, their mails of cedars, their oars of oak of Baihan, their benches of ivory, their fails of fine embroidered linen, and fo goes on through mod of the chapter, cxrolling it^ mariners, pilots, Ihips, all things belonging to them. This, thoigh from the undeniable oracle of fcripture, were no iuf- ficient proof o^ their- knowledge in this art, were not all ne Hijiory of Navigatioit. 36J all hiftories full of their many expeditions. The firft was on the coaft of Afric, where they founded the moft powerful city of Carthage, which fo long con- tended with Rome for the fovcrcignty of the world : thence they extended their dominions into Spain, and not fo fatisfied, coafled it round, ftill purfumg their difcoveries along the coaft of France, and even into this ifland of Great Britain, where they afterwards had a fettled trade for tin, and fuch other commodities as the country then afforded, as may be feen at large in Procopius, Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, and many other ancient authors. Pliny, lib. 2. cap. 69. with others affirms, that in the flourifliing times of the republic of Carthage, Hanno being fent out from thence to dif- cover fouthward, failed quite round Afric into the Red- fea, and returned the fame way ; and that Kimilco fet- ting out at the fame time northwards, failed as far as Thule or Iceland. Both thefe relations are in part re- jedled by mofl: authors as fabulous, bccaufe it does not appear that the utmoff extent of Afric was ever known till the portuguefes in thefe latter times difcovered it; and the very northern parts of Europe were not tho- roughly difcovered even in the time of theromangreatnefs. However, no doubt is to be made but that they fliilcd very far both ways, and might perhaps add fomcthing of their own invention, to gain the more reputation to their undertaking. Nor were they confined to the ,Meditcrrancan and weftward ocean, it was they that conducfled Solomon's fleets toOphir; and we read in I Kings ix. 27. that Hiram (who was king of Tyre> and confequently his men phoenicians) fent m the navy his fervants, ffiipmcn that had knowledge of the fca. And again, chap. x. vcr. 11. And the navy alfo of Hiram that brought L;old from Ophir. Thus we fee the Phoe- nicians traded to Ophir before king Solomon, and for him. To enter into the controverfy where this Ophir was, is not proper for this place, but the mod probable opinions conclude it to be fome part of the Ka(l-lndies> and indeed there is not the leaft ihow of reafon to place it elfewhere. How they performed thefe long voyages v/ithout the help of the compafs^ or magncticul needle, would ^64 ^^^ Hijiory nf Navigation, T'ould be another no Icfs difficult inquiry, confidering they could not always fail by day, and lie by at night, or continually keep within light of land, whence tem- pers at leall would often drive then^ into the open fea ; but this is ealily Iblved by all authors, who with one confent inform us, that they were direded by the courfc of the fun in the day, and by the ftars at night. And in this knowledge of the heavens the Phoenicians exceeded all other nations, as may be gathered from Pliny, lib. 5. c. 12, and 19. where he fliovvs that-man- kind is obliged to the phccnicians for five things of the grcatcll ufe, viz. letters, the knowledge of the liars, the art of navigation, military difcipline, and the building of many towns. By this their knowledge of the ftars, they recovered themfelves when loft in foul weather, and knew how to ftiape their courfe acrofs fpacious gulphs, and bays which would have fpent them much time in coaftmg round. However it muft not hence be inferred that they were capable of traverf- ing the vaft ocean betwixt Europe and America, as fome would endeavour to make out; becaufe it is well known that voyage even with the help of the com- pafs was at firft thought impradicable, and when dif- covercd, for fome time proved very dilTicult and danger- ous, till tim.eand experience had made it more familiar. The very reafon alleged for the polTibility of their failing to the Weft-Indies, which is the certainty of the trade-winds blowing always at eaft within the tropics, makes againft them, becaufe had thofe winds carried them thither, the vaft dithcuky in nturning the fame way would deter them from that enterprife^ they being altogether ignorant, and we n^.ay fay inca- pable of coming away north, which was accidentally found out many years after the difcovery of the Weft- Jndies. The greeks, though occaftonally mentioned before them, were the next in order to the pha*nicians in mari- time affairs, and learned the art of them. They not only equalled their mafters in this art, but foon ex- celled them, and gave them fcveral notable overthrows on their own clement; for we often find them, though 8 mucb The Hiflory of Navigation, 3.65 much inferloiir in numbers, gaining glorious vidorics over the perfians, whofc fleets were all managed by Phoenicians. One inftance or two may ferve for all ; the firft is the famous battle of Salamis, where the confederate greeks, whofe whole force confided but of three hundred and eighty fhips, defeated thirteen hun- dred of the perfians, with inconliderable lofs to them- felves, and incredible to their enemies ; as may be feen in Plutarch's lives of Themiftocles and Ariftidcs, in Diod. Sic. lib. XL Herod, lib. VII, and VIIL and others. Again the athenian fleet commanded by Cimon lorded it along the coafl:s of Afia, where clofely purfuing the periian admiral Titraufles, he obliged him to run his fliips aground, of which he took two hundred, befides all that perilhed on the fhore. And not fo fatisfied, Cimon proceeded to Hydrope, where he defl:royed feventy fail, which were the peculiar fquadron of the phoenicians ; for which particulars fee Thucydid. lib. L cap. 11, and 12. Plutarch in vit. Ci- mon. and Diod. Sic. lib. XII. Thefe victories were the bane of Greece, which growing rich with the fpoils of the perfians fell into thofe vices it had before been a flranger to, and which broke that union which had preferved it againfl: the common enemy. Hence followed the war betwixt the athcnians and lacede- monians, and feveral others, where thofe little Itates confederating one againfl: another fet out many nu- merous fleets, and ftrove for the fovereignty of the fca, till having fufficiently weakened themfelves they at length became a prey to others. Yet during their flourifhing times, and even in adverflty, when driven from home by difaflcrs, they never ceafed fending out colonies upon all the coafls of the Mediterranean, and particularly of Afla, Spain, France, Italy, and Sicily. In all which countries they fo far extended their empire, that it would fill a volume to give but an indiftcrent account of them. Yet under Alexander the great, the founder of the grecian empire, there are fome things fo Angular that they well dcfcrvc a place here. That thefe latter ages may not boall of the in- vention of fixcfhips^ we And in Curiius^ lib. IV. that ac 3^6 ^Je Hiftory of Navigation, at the ficgc of Tyre, when a mole was carrying on to ]o!rl that city to the continent, the inhabitants having loaded a large (hip heavily a-flcrn with fand and ftoncs, to the end the head might rife above the water, and pre- pared it for their purpofe with combuftiblc matter, they drove it violently with fails and oars againfl: the mole, where they fet lire to it, the feamen in it efcaping in their boats. The mole being in a great meafurc made of wood, with wooden towers on it, was by this device utterly defiroyed. Thus we fee the tyr'ans fucr'efsfully invented the firfl: firelhip we read of in hif- torv. TV- next thing remarkable in this mi^;!uy con- queror's reign in relation to navigation, was his failing down the iiver Indus into the indian ocean, where wc may by the b) obfervethe wonderful ignorance, not only of his landmen, but even of the failors, who, as Curtius, lib. IX. tellifics, were all aftonifhed and befide them- felves at the ebbing and flowing of the river. From hence the fame author tells us, Alexander fcnt his ad- miral Nearchus to coaft along the ocean as far as he could, and return to him with an account of what he fhould difcovcr. Nearchus accordingly keeping-along tlie indian and perlian lliores, and entering the Perfian Gulph, returned to him up the river Euphrates, which vas then looked upon as a wonderful difcovery, and a great malTerpiece of that admiral, for which he received a crown of gold from Alexander. Thus much we have concerning this expedition in Curtius quoted above, and in Plutarch in vit. Alex. Purchas in his jfirft vol. p. 86, 87, 88. gives a very particular account day by day of this voyage of Nearchus, taken out of Arianus, lib. VIII. whodclivers it as Ncarchus's journal of the expedition. Next to the phocnicians and greeks, the romans: became fovereigns of the fca; yet not all at once, but after hard flruggling with the Carthaginians, then in the height of their power, having by their naval force made themft Ives maftcrs of the giTdtefl part of Spain, and the coall of Afric, of many ifiands in the Medi- terranean, and being intent upon the conquefl: of Sicily. This illand furniflied thcfe mighty cities with an occa- fion ThcHiJiory &f "Navigation. 367 :fion of trying their forces on pretence of protedling their allies, but in reality out of a dcfire of fovereignty. The romans were altogether unacquainted with naval affairs, infonuich that they knew not how to build a galley, but that the Carthaginians cruizing on the coaft of Italy, as we find in Polybius, lib. I. one of theif quinqucreme galleys happened to flill into the hands of the romans, who by that model built an hundred of the fame fort, and twenty triremes. Whilft the galleys wxre building, they exercifed the feamcn in rowing upon the dry fliove, caufing them to lit in ranks as if they were aboard, with oars in their hands and an officer in the middle, who by figns intruded them how they Ihould all at once dip their oars and recover them out of the water. When the fleet was launched, findingr the galleys not artificially built, but fluggifli and un- weildy, they invented an engine to grapple fafi: with the enemy at the firfi: fliock, that fo they might come to handy-lirokes, at which they knew themfelves fupe- riour, and prevent being circumvented by the fwiftnefs of the Carthaginian galleys, and experience of their mariners. This engine they called corvus, it confifted of a large piece of timber fet upright on the prow of of the velTel, about which was a ftage of feveral afcents of boards well faftened with iron, and at the end of it two maflive irons fliarp pointed. The whole could be hoifi;cd or lowered by a pulley at the top of the upright timber. This engine they hoiflcd to the top when the enemy drew near, and when thev came to fhock fliip to fhip, they let it run down amain into the enemy's vefiel, with which its own weight grappled it fo fall: that there was no break- ing loofe ; and if the attack happened on the bow, the men went down two and two into the enemy's velTcl by the help of the aforementioned fcafiold ; all which may be fecn more fully defcribed in Polybius above quoted. By the help of thefe engines Duillius the roman admiral overthrew Hannibal the Carthaginian, though fuperiour to him in number of veficls and experience in maritime afiairs, taking his own fep- tireme and fifty other veirds, \\ith great llaughtcr of his men, though he himfelf efcapcd in his boat. This- waij j68 ne Hifiory of Navigation. was in the year of Rome 493. In 497. M. Atiitlus Regulus, and L. Maiilius Volfo confuls, commanded another fleet, in which ^vcre above one hundred and forty thoufSnd men ; the Carthaginians had then in their fteet one hundred and fifty thoufand men under the condud of Hamilcar^ who was intirely overthrow n, fifty of his fhips taken, and fixty four funk. Thus far the fea had proved favourable to the romans ; but in the year of Rome 499. having fct out a fleet of quin- queremes, they lolt one hundred and forty by florms, which made them refolve to lay afide all naval enter- prizes, keeping only fcventy fail of fliips to ferve as tranfports, till in the year 503, perceiving their affairs in Sicily decline, the Carthaginians being abfolute mailers at fea, they again fct out two hundred fail, and the following year received a mighty overthrow ■with the lofs of ninety three galleys. Refolving now to put an end to the war, they again fit out two h.'ndred quinqueremes, built by the model of a Rho- dian they had before taken, and with them gave the Carthaginians fuch a fatal overthrow, as reduced them to accept of a dilhonou table peace. This was the rife of the roman power at fea, which they after not only held, but increafed as long as their empire fubfilled. Their actions are too many and too great for this place ; thofe that delire to fee more may read them in Livy, Plutarch, Appian, and many other authors who deliver them at large; thus much having been faid only to deduce the fuccefTion of navigation from one people to another. Now though the Romans at this time gained the fovcreignty of the feas, and held it for fome ages, yet we do not lind that they applied themfelves to new difcoverics, or ever exceeded the hounds of what the Phoenicians had before made known, their greatell voyage being that which Pliny, lib. VI. cap. 23. gives an account of, being from Kgypt to India bcforemen- tioned, to ha\c been frcijucntly performed by the Phoe- nicians, and therefore had nothing new in it. What occurs in this place is, to fay fomething of the feveral forts of galleys called triremes, quadriremes, quin- queremes, and fo forth» whereof mention wa;* made above. Herodotus, Thucydide:* and Diodorus ^gree. thaf The liifiory of Kdvlgatlon* 369 that Aminoclcs the Corinthian was the lirfl that invented the trireme galley, about three hundred years after the dcftruction of Troy. Pliny will have it that Ariftotle a Carthaginian firll built a quadrircme, and Nclichton of Salamis a quinquercme; but Diodorus contradids It, attributing the invention of the quinquercmcs to Dionyfius the ficilian. Pliny further adds, that Ze-* nagoras the fyracufan built the lirll veflel of fix ranks, Ncfigiton one of ten ; Alexander the great is reported to have proceeded to twelve; Philollcphanus makes Prolomy Soter the firft that made one of fifteen ranks, Demetrius the fon of Antigonus of thirty, Ptolomy Philadclphus of forty, and Ptolomy Philopator of fifty. Thus we have the original of them all ; but what fort of vefTels thefe were, that is, how the feveral degrees or ranks of oars were difpofed, has been much controverted, and is a moll: difficult point to be determined. The fhort- nefs of this difcourfe will not allow much canvafling of the point, yet a few words out of two or three learned authors will give Tome falisladion to the curious. Morifotus in his Orbis Maritimus, p. 608. pofitivcly afhrms that each of thefe veflels had its name from the number of ranks of oars placed one above another, {o that the trireme had three, the quinquercme five ranks ; and fo every one according to its namCj even till we come to Pcclomy Philopator's teflcraconteres, which he afFerts, had forty ranks of oars placed one over another, wherein he agrees with ]3ailius, whom he quotes, as he does the emperor Leo, whofe words are thefe; Every iliip of war mult be of its due length, having two ranks of oars, the one higher, and the other lower. This which to him fccms concluding, to others appears of no fo.'-ce ; for allowing rhere miglu be vellels that had two ranks of oars one above another, that does not at all prove the pofTibility of having twenty or forty, which muft of ncceflity rile to fuch a height as would look more like a mountain than a fliip ; and thofe upper oars mull be fo long, and in proportioa fo large and unwieldy^ that no flrcngth of hands could ever manage them. Others v/ill have thefe feveral ranks of oars to be taken lengthwavs, and not in Vol. IX, B b ' height ; 370 The IJiJlorv of Navigation, height ; that is, {o many in the prow, fo many in the miJfhips, and fo many in the poop ; whence will follow that Ptolomy's galley had forty fevcral ranks in length, with intervals betwixt them, in one line from (lem to flern, which allowing but a fmall number of oars to each of thefe ranks, will quite outrun the length af- figned that veflel, being two hundred and eighty cubits. This opinion is followed by Stewechius, Callilionius, and feveral others ; but fir Henry Savil is of another mind, and fuppofes thefe ranks not to lie in length from head to fiern, nor in height one above another, but athwart ; which mull appear prepollerous, becaufe allowing fo many ranks this way, that is athwart the galley, its breadth would exceed all proportion. The fourth folution o^ this ditliculty, and that very much received, is, that the velfel had its name from fo many men tugging at one oar, that is three in a trireme, five in a quinquercmc, and fo of the red: ; which indeed as far as lix or fevcn men to an oar has the mofi: refem- blancc of truth ; but when we come to forty or fifty men to an oar, it will be difficult either to reconcile cither to the breadth of the velfel, not to be fuppofcd capable of eighty men in a rank, or to the height of the men, becaufe though the firft man next the fide of the galley had the oar under hand, yet the end of it when it came to the fortieth mull of necellity rife above his reach. Thefe two objedtions are again anfwered, the lirfi by allowing each car to reach quite athwart the galley, and fo the forty men to lill up the whole breadth, rowing as they do in our wherries or barges ; and the fecond by allowing an afcent from one fide of the galley to the other for each feat or ihmding of thofe that rowed ; and for the foldiers and failors, we mufi imagine a deck over the heads of the Haves at the oar. This carries much of reafon, but little of ancient authority, for we find no ancient monuments that defcribe any thing of this nature. Wc will con- clude this matter with the opinion of Schelferus dc militia navali, lib. II. cap. 2. where allowing a com- petent difiance according to the leiigth of the veffel betwixt each bank of oara, he fuppofes the firft row to ^he Hiftory of Navigation, 3*71 to be as in our galleys next the level of the water; then in the intervals another row, not dilHnguiilied by a deck, but raifed fo high by their feat that their feet reded againfl that which was the back of the bank below them, and fo one above the other in thofe in- tervals, which takes off much of the height, that muft have been, allowing them feveral decks, and confcquentl/ fliortens the upper oars in proportion ; yet cannot at all lelTen the ditiicuky that will occur upon plying fo many oars, which will come to dip fo clofe together in the water, that it fcems impradicable to avoid clattering of them, and falling into cbnfufipn, not to mention many more inconveniencies obvious enough to tYtry man's rcafon that has fcen any veflels of this nature: and therefore it is bcfl to determine nothing amidft fuch uncertainties, but leave every one to approve that which flKiirbeft fuit with his notion of the matter. Therefore leaving thcfe obfcurities, it is bet- ter to proceed upon the hillory of navigation where we left off, and fee in what flate it continued from the time of the romans lafl fpoken of, till the fortunate difcovery of the magnetical needle, from Avhich time is to be dated its greateft advancement, as will be vifible in that place. As long as the roman empire continued in fplendour, it fiipported what it had found of navigation, but added little or nothing to it, that people being altogether in- tent upon making new conquefts, and linding ftill more work than they were able to compafs upon dry land, without venturing far out to fea. But when the barbarous nations began to difmember that monarchy, this art inftead of improving, doubtlefs declined, as did all others. The firfl of thefc barbarians were the goths and vandals, of w horn no great actions appear on the fea, their fartheft expeditions on this element being in the Mediterranean, betwixt Italy and Afric, Spain and . the iflands, where nothing occurs worth mentioning. The faracens were next to them as to order of time, though much fupcriour in naval power, yet contained within the fame bounds, and confequcntly did nothing more memorable. After the faracens mav be reckoned B b 2 the 37^ ^^^^ Hijiory of Navigation. the normans, who for feveral years infe(\ed the coa^fls of Britain and France w ith their fleets from Norway, rill having fettled themfc-Ives in Normandy, they ran out plundering all the coalls of Spain, and entering the flreights conquered a great part of the kingdom of Naples, and the whole ifland of Sicily. Still thefe,, though they undertook longer voyages> were but coallers, and fatisfied with what they found, did not endeavour to add any thing to the art of navigation, cfpecially for that they were as then but rude and barbarous, war and rapine being their only profeflion. Other nations famous at fea were the genocfes and Venetians, betwixt w hom there were bloody wars for feveral years ; and the latter, till the portuguefcs difcovered the way by fea to the Eall-Indics, had all the trade of thofc parts in their own hands, either brought up die Red fea into Egypt, or by caravans to the fea-port towns of Afia. We might here mention the expeditions of englilli, french, danes,. dutch, and other nations, but fliould find nothing new in them all. They all in their turns were powerful at fea, they alt ventured fometimes far from home, cither to rob, conquer,, or trade, but all in the fame manner creeping along the (bores, without daring to venture far out to fea, having no guides out of fight of land but the flars which in cloudy nights mult fail them. It is therefore time to leave thefe blind failors and come to the magnet or loadftonc, and to the compafs or magnctical needle, which has opened vays in the unknown ocean, and made them as plain and eafy in the blackefl: night as in the brightell day. To come then to the point. The loadllione, or magnet, fo called from the latin word magnes, had this name given it becaufe found in the country of Magnefia, \\ hich is a j)art of Lydia ii> Afia ; or becaufe the magnefians full difcovered its virtue of attracling iron : for both thefe reafons are given by the learned Bochartus Geogr. Sacr. p. 717. What other virtues and qualities it has, does not belong to this place. But it is certain the magnet has two poles anfwering to the two poles of the world, and to which they naturally incline (if nothing obllrucfts) to lie parallel. This property is not confined to itfclf, but ^he Hiftory of Navigation. 3y^ but communicative, as daily experience fliows us in the nautical needles, which by the touch of this ftone partake {o much of its nature, that the point fo touched, unlefs otherwife hindered, will always look towards the north-pole. Let the learned natura^-iH: plunge himfelf into the infcrutable abyfs of nature to find out reafons for this fy m palhy ; it fliall fullice here to Ihow tht benefits and advantages navigation, and in it mankind, has reaped by the difcovery of this mod wonderful fecret. The magneiians, as was faid above, were counted the firlt difcoverers of the loadilone's virtue of attracting iron ; but this greater virtue of pointing out the northpole, was never found till about the year 1300, if we will believe all the bell modern inquirers into antiquity, who upon diligent fearch unanimoufly agree they cannot find the leaft ground to believe it was known before, rather than give credit to fome few writers, who rather fuppofe fuch a thing to have been ufed by the phoenicians, than pretend to prove it, having nothing but their own fancies, raifed upon weak and groundlcfs furmifes, to build upon. The great advo- cate I find for this opinion in Bochart. Geog. Sac p. 716. and in Purchas's pilgrims, p. 26. is Fuller in his niifcellanics, I. 4.C. 19. yet neither of them mentions any proof or ftrong argument he brings to corroborate his opinion, and therefore they both with reafon reject him. Thefe two authors, and Pancirol. lib. ii. tit. 11. do not forget the y<:.xiQ. often urged out of Piautus in Mercat, Hie fcaindus vent us nunc eji, cape modo verforiam. Which verforia fome will have to be the compafs. But there is nothing folid in this argument, it is only catching at draws, when all hiftory and practice of former ages make againfi it. Hillory, becaufe it could not but have made fome mention of a thing fo univer- sally ufeful and neceifary ; and practice, becaufe it is well known no fuch voyages were then performed, as are now daily by the help of the compafs. It has ^'alficicntly been proved before, that in all former ages U b 3 they 374 ^^^ Hijlory of Navigation. they were but coaftcrs, fcarcc daring to venture out of fight of land ; that it" out at night they had no other rule to go by but the liars : and what is fbill more, it is nianifell they fcarcc ventured at all to fa in the winter inonths. That this is f), aj:)pcars by Vegetius, lib. IV. where fpeaking ot the months, he fays, the fcas arc fliut from the third of the ides of novcmber to the fixth of the ides of march, and from that time till the ides of mav it is dangerous venturing to fca. Ihus much may fufnce to ihow the compafs was not known to antiquity ; let us fee when it lirft appeared in the "world. Its ancient ufe being rcjevSled by general confent, there have (till been foi-ne who have endeavoured to rob the oifcoverer of this honour: among them Goropius, quoted by Morifotus, will have this invention attributed to the cimbrians, teutonics or germans, for t''is weak reafon, beraafe the names of the thirty two winds about it are teutonic, and ufed by almoll all europeahs. Others will nor allow this to be the producl: of any part of europe, and therefore go as far as China for it, al- leging that M. Paulus Venetus brought it from thence about the year I 260 : but this is .-ft(.rted without any the leall authority, only becaufc Paulus Venetus tra- velled into China, and when afterwards the portugi-eles came thither, they found the ufe of the needle common among all tb.ofe ealtern nations, w hich they afHrmed they had enjoyed for many ages. Not to dwell upon groundlefs fuppolitions, the general confenr of the beft authors on this fubject is, that the magnetical needle or compafs was firll found out in Europe by one John Gioia, whom others call flavio (}io:a, of the city of Amulfi, on the coali of that part of the kingdom of Naples ( nlled Terra di Lavoro. This happened about the year of our Lord 1300, and though the thing be of fuch flifpendous advantage to the world, yet it did not prove fo grc arly prohtable to the iirft iincicr, whole bare name is all that remains to polierity, without the lealt knowledge of his profelllon, or after w hat manner he made this wonderful difcovery. So wonderful that it fccms to contradict the opinion of Solomon, who fo many The Hijlory of Navigation. 21 S many ages fincc faid there was nothing new under the fun; whereas this certainly appears, though fo long after him, to be altogether new, and never fo much as thought of before, which cannot fo plainly be made out of any other of thofe we look upon as modern inventions or improvements. For to indance in a few things, we hnd the ufe of fire-fhips among the tyrians in the time of Alexander the great, as was mentioned before out of Curtius, lib. IV. and therefore not repeated here. Our fea charts, on which latter times have fo much valued themfelves, are of fuch ancient date, that we cannot find their original ; yet Morifotus, p. 12. fays that Eolus gave Ulyfles a fea chart drawn on a ram's fkin, that is, a parchment. Again, p. 14. the fame author out of Trogus obferves, that Denu)- cedcs the cratonian, employed by Darius Hydafpes to view the coafts of Greece, fent him charts of them all, with the ports, roads and flrong holds exadly marked down. Then, p. 215. he Ihows out of yElianus and Arifliophanes, that there were maps of the world in Socrates 's time. This, he fays, was about the eightieth Olympiad, and then quotes Strabo, who from Eratof- thenes affirms, Anaximander the milelian was the firft that made geographical tables about the fiftieth Olym- piad. Sheathing of Ihips is a thing in appearance ^o abfolutely new, that fcarce any will doubt to allert it altogether a modern invention ; yet how vain this notion is, will foon appear in two inflances. Leo Bap- tifti Alberti in his book of architecture, lib. V. cap. 12. has thefe words. But Trajan's lliip weighed out of the lake of Riccia at this time, while I was compiling this work, where it had lain funk and neglecled for above thirteen hundred years ; I obferved that .the pine and cyprefs of it had bfled mod remarkably. On the out- Jide it was built with double planks, daubed over with greek pitch, caulked with linen rags, and over all a fheet of lead failencd on w ith little copper nails. Raphael Volaterranus in his geography fays, this Ihip was weighed by the order of cardirial Profpero Colonna. Here we have caulking and flieathing together abo\e fixteen hundred years ago ; for I fuppofc no man can B b 4 doubt 376 The Hi/lory of Navigation, doubt that the flicct of lead nailed over the outfide with copper nails was Ihcaihing, and that in great perfec- tion, the copper nails being ufed rather than iron, which, when once riiiled in the water, with the working of the fliip foon loie their hold and drop out. The other inftance we find in Purchas's pilgrims, vol. I. lib. IV. in captain Saris's voyage to the court of Japan, p. 3-7 1, where the captain giving an account of his voyage fays, that rowing betwixt Firando and Fuccate, about eight or ten leagues on this fide Xeniina-fcquc, he found a great town where there lay in a dock a junck of eight or ten hundred tun burden, fheathed all with iron. This was in the year 16 13, about which time the cnglilh came lirll acquainted with Japan ; and it is evident, that nation had not learned the way of fheathing of them, or the portuguefes, who were there before, but were themfeives ignorant of the art of (heathing. Now to return to the magnetical needle, or fea-com- pafs ; its difcoverer, as has been faid, appears to be Flavius, or John Gioia of Amalfi, and the time of its difcoveiy about the year 1300. The reafon of its tending to or pointing out the north, is what many natural philofophers have in vain laboured to find ; and all their ftudv has brought them only to be fenfible cf the imperfection of hur.ian knowledge, which when plunged into the inquiry after the fecrets of nature, nnds no other way to come off but by calling them occult qua- lities, which is no other than owning our ignorance, and granting they are things altogether unknown to us. Yet thefe are not all the wonders of this mag- netic virtue. The variation ef it is another as infcru- tablc a fecrct. This variation is when the needle doe* not point out the true pole, but inclines more or lefs either to the call or weft ; and is not certain, but dif- fers according to places, yet holding alv.ays the fame in the fame place, and is found by obferving the fur> or flars. The caufe of this variation fome philo- fophf rs afcribc to magnetical mountains, fome to the pole itfclf, fome to the hea venr>, and fome to a mag- Acrical power even beyond the heavens i but thefe are ^he Hijlory of Navigation, 37f all blind guclTcs, and fond of^entations of learning withour any thing in them to convince one's reafon. There is nothing of it certain but the variation itfelf. Nor is this variation alone, there is a variation of the variation, a fubjedt to be handled by- none but fuch as have made it a peculiar ftudy, and which defcrving a peculiar volume is daily expelled from a mofl able pen. But let us leave thefe myftcries, and come to the hiftorical part, as the principal fcope of this dif- courfe ; where we fhall find, that though the ufe of the needle was fo long fince found out, yet either through its being kept private by fome few perfons at iirfl as a fecret of great value, or through the dulnefs of failors. at firft: not comprehending this wonderful phenomenon ^ or throuo:h fear of venturing^ too far out of the known fiiores ; or laftly, out of a conceit that there could not be more habitable world to difcover : whether for thefc, or any other caufe, we do not find any confiderable advantage made of this wonderful difcovery for above an age after it : nay, what is more, it does not appear how the w^brld received it, who firft ufcd it upon the fea, and how it fpread abroad into other parts. ThLj is not a little firange in a matter of fuch confequencc, that the hiftories of nations fliould not mention when they received fo great an advantage, or what benefit they found at firft by it. But fo it is ; and therefore to fliow the advancement of navigation fincc the dif-^ covery of the magnetical needle, it will be abfolutcly T\eceflary to begin fevcral years after it, before which nothing appears to be done. This fliall be performed with all poflible brevity, and by way of annals, con- taining a fummary account of all difcoveries from year to year; yet left the diftancc and variety of places fliould too much dilbact the reader, if all lay inter- mixed, the europcan northern difcoveries fhall be firft run through in their order of years ; next to them, as riext in order of time, ftiall follow the african, and fo the eaft-indian, or afiatic, the one being the confe- quence of the other ; and in the laft place fiiall appear the weft-indian, or american. The firft part of the TiOrthern europcan difcoveries is all taken out of Hak- Juyt^ begianiD^ w ith the ncarcft after the difcovery of the 3 7 J? ^<^^^ Hifiory of Navigation, the needle, quoting the authors out of Iiiin, and the page where they are to be found. An. 1360. Nicholas de L.inna, or of Linn, a friar of Oxford, who was an al)lc aftronomer, took a voyage with others into the moll northern iiiancis of the world; where leaving his company he travelled alone, and made draughts of all thofe northern parrs, which at his return he prcfentcd to king Edward III. This friar made five voyages into thofe parts ; for this .he quotes Gerar- diis Mcrcator, and Mr. Jolwi Dee, Hak. p. 122. And this, though it is not there mentioned, being lixty years after the difcovery of the compafs, we may look upon 2s one of the firil trials of this nature made upon the jecurity of the magnetical direction in thefc northern feas. Yet after this for many years we find no other difcoverv attempted this way, but rather all fuch enter- prifes feemed to be wholly laid afide, till An. 1553. and in the reign of king Edward VI. fir Hugh Willoughby was fent out with three fliips to dif- cover Cathay and other northern parts. He failed in may, and having fpcnt much time about the northern iflands fubjed to Denmark, where he found no com- modity but dried fiih and train oil, he was forced about the middle of feptember, after lofing the company of his other two fhips, to put into a harbour in Lapland called Arzina, where they could find no mhabitants, but thinking to have w intercd there were all frozen to death. However the Edward, which was the fccond fi^ip in this exjx^dition, and commanded by Richard Chancellor, who was chief pilot for the voyage, having loft iir Hugh Willoughby, mailc its way for the port of Vv^irdhoufe in "Norwav, where they had appointed to meet if parted by llorm^;. Chancellor (laid there feven davs, and jxrceiving none of his company came to join hinl^ pro< ceded on his voyage fo fortunately, that within a few days he arrived in the bay of St. Ni- cholas on the coaft of Mufcovy, where he was friendly received by the native?, being the lirfl fliip that ever came wyon that c(\a(L Chancellor himfelf went to the court of Mofco, where he fettled a trade betwixt En- gland and Mukovy. with John Baliiowitz the great duke. ^be Hijlory of Navigation, ^*j^ duke, or czar, then reigning. This done, Chancellor returned home with the honour of the lirfl difcovercr of Rudia. An. 1556. Stephen Burrouo-h was fent out in a fmall vcfTel to dif' over the river Ob : he failed in april, and in may came upon the coafl of Norway ; whence con* tinuing his voyage, in July he arrived at Nova Zembla, that is, the new land, where he received directions how to ihape his courfe for the river Ob. He fpent fonie time in fcarch of it, but coming to the flraits of Weygats found no paliage, and the fummer-feafon being alm.oft fpent, returned to Colmogro in Mufcovy, where he wintered, deligning to proft' ute his voyage the ne?:L fummer, but v\as countermanded, and fo this was all the event of the expedition An. 1558. Anthony Jenkinfon failed for Mufcovy with four fhips under his com.mand : he left his fhips, and travelled by land to Mofco, where having been nobly entertained by the czar, he obtained his pafs, and continued his journey through Mufcovy acrofs the kingdoms of Cafan and Aflracan, where fliipping him- felf on the river Volga he fiiiled down into the Cafpian fea, having travelled by land about fix hundred leagues in the czar's dominions from Mofco. On the Cafpian fea he fpent tvv'enty feven days, after which landing, he proceeded five days journey by land among a fort pf wild tartars with a caravan of one thoufand caiviols ; then twenty days m.ore through a defcrt, fuffering much through hunger and thirfb. This brought him again to another part of the Cafpian fea, where formerly the river Oxus fell into it, which now he fays runs into another river not flir from hence called Ardock, which runs toward the north and under ground above five hundred miles, after which it rifes again, and un- burdens itfelf in the lake of Kitay. Hence he con- tinued his difcovery amidft: thofe countries of tartars to Boghar in Baolria, w hence he returned to Mofco. An. 1561. He returned to Mufcovy with letters from queen Elizabeth to the czar; and taking the fame way as before down to the Cafpian fea, crolfed over it into Hircania, where being nobly entertained, and conducted b/ 2^o ^re Hijlory of Navigation^ by the princes of that country, he paffcd through lo the court of the king of Pcrfta at Calbin, where he obtained fcveral privileges for the englifli nation, and returned home in fafcty the fame way he ^ant. An. 1580. Mr. Arthur Pet, and Mr. Charles Jack- jnan failed in may from Harwich in two barks to make difcoverics in the north-call beyond Wcygats. In June they doubled the north cape of Norway, and having fpent fome days in that part of Norway, continued their voyage into the bay of Petzora ; where Jackman's velFcl being in no good failing condition he left Pet, who proceeded on to the coait of Nova Zembla, where in July he met with much ice, yet making his way through part of it, though with great difficulty, he at lad came to the flraits of Wcygats : there he drew as clofc as the fhoal water would permit, coming into two fathom and a half water, and fending his boat to found till he found there was not water enough even for the boat in the ftrait, and therefore returned the fame way he came. A few days after Pet met with Jack- man again in fome diflrefs, as not being able to Iteer, his fliip's fi:ern-poft being broken, and the rudder hanging from the ftern. Having remedied this the bell they could for the prefent, they both flood northward to endeavour to fmd fome palfage that way ; but meeting with much ice, they defpaired of fucccfs, and refolved to turn again to Weygats, there to con- fult what was farther to be done. All the way thither they met with fuch quantities of ice, that fome days they were not able to make any way. Being come again upon the Weygats, they made another attempt that vay, but to as little purpofe as before, the ice ob- flrudling their progrcfs. Wherefore winter now coming- on, they found it nccciTary to quit their dcfign for the prefent. Accortiingly Pet being parted from Jackman, arrived fafe in the river of Thames about the end of december this fame year: Jackman put into a port in Norway betwixt Tronden and Roilock in odober, -where he wintered. In februan^ following, he departed thence in company of a fliip of the king of Denmark's towards Iceland^ and was never more heard of. The cngUik ^he Hijlory q/ Navigation^ jiff cnglifh having made thefe unfucccfsful attempts, gave them over for many years ; and the dutch growing powerful at fea, refolved to try their fortune, hoping the failures of the engliih might help to point out to them what courfe they were to avoid, and what to fol- low ; and accordingly. An. 1594. The ftates fitted out three fliips, com- manded by William Barentz, Cornelius Corneliflen and John Hugens : they all failed together, but Barents ran further up to the northward than the others, till he came into feventy eight degrees of latitude, and in auguft met with much ice and abundance of fea-mon- fters, at which the feamen being difcouraged they re- folved to return home. The other two fliips difeovered fome illands, and at laft a ftrait or paflage capable of the greatefi: fhips, and above five or fix leagues in length : being pafled it, they came into an open and warmer fea, and upon the coaft of Tartary near the river Ob or Oby, a very fruitful country. This they called the ftrait of Nail'au, and might have gone fur- ther but for want of provilions. This done, they came back the fame way very joyful to Holland. Meteren hift. of the Low-countries, lib. XVIII. This we fee pofitively delivered, but with how much of truth I dare not decide; only mud think it ftrange, that if fuch a ftrait had been once found it ftiould never be met with ftnce, though often fearched for, and once by the fame perfons that pretended to have been the ftrlt difcoverers, as may be fcen in the year 1596, yet wc fee this aftertion repeated by the fame author,^ who takes it from the relations of the failors, and in the fame place before quoted fays, that An. 1595. The ftates being much encouraged by the relation of thefe difcoverers, fitted out {c\c\\ Ihips, fix of them to proceed on their voyage to China, Japan, i^c. this way, and the feventh to bring back the news of their being palFcd the ftrait; but they met with too much ice at ftrait Naflau, coming to it too late by rea- fon of the contrary winds they had in their palfagc thi- ther : yet the inhabitants of the place told them many - parti- 3S2 ^/vhat companions he had, ercc^tcd a little chapel and hermitage under the invocation of the name of Jefus, to bury her. This done, they contrived a boat made of one Ungle tree, in which they got over to the coaft of Afric, where they were taken by the moors, and pre- fcntcd to their king for the rarity of the accident. He for the fame realbn fent them to the king of Caflilc, where giving an account of what had befallen them, it moved many to venture out in fearch of this ifland. This (lory we fuid in Hakluyt, vol. II. part 2. p 1. where he quotes Anthony Galvao a portugucfe author for it ; and D. Antonio Manoel in his works among his epanaforas, has one on this particular fubjeCl, which he calls epanafora amorofa. Upon this information, as was faid, feveral adventurers went out, but to no effed that we can hear of, till An. 1348. John Betancourt a frenchman, obtained a grant of king John the fccond of Caftilc, and went to conquer the Canary iilands long before difcovcred, and made '^*hc Uijiory of f^avigatioit. 3S5 made hlmfclf mailer of five of them, but could not fubdue the two greatefl, as moft populous and belt defended. Thefe were afterwards fubdued by king Ferdinand, as may be feen in Mariana, lib. XVI. p. 29. Thefe were fmall beginnings, and out of regular courfe ; next follow the gradual difcoverics made by the portuguefes, which may be faid to have been the ground Mork of all the enfuing navigations, which happened in this manner. K^ing John of Portugal enjoying peace at home after his wars with Caflile, was per- fuaded by his fons to undertake the conqueH of Ceuta on the african Ihore. Prince Henry his fifth fon ac- companied him in this expedition, and at his return home brought with him a llrong inclination to difcover new feas and lands, and the more on account of the information he had received from feveral moors con- cerning the coarts of Afric to the fouthward, which were as yet unknown to europeans, who never pre- tended to venture beyond cape Nao, which had there- fore this name given it, fignifying in portuguefc No, to imply there was no failing further ; and the reafon was, becaufe the cape running far out into fca, caufcd it to break and appear dangerous ; and they as yet not daring to venture too far from land, were ignorant that by keeping off to fca they fliould avoid that dan- ger. Prince Henry refolving to overcome all dilRcul- tics, fitted out two fmall velfels, An. 141 7. Commanding them to coafl along Afric,, and doubling that cape to difcover further towards the equinoctial. They ventured to run iixty leagues beyond cape Nao, as far as cape Bojudor, fo called becaufe it ilretches itfelf out almoft forty leagues to the w eftward, which in fpanilli they call Bojar. Here finding the difficulty of palling further, greater than at cape Nao, for the fame reafon of the fea's breaking upon the cape, they returned home fatislied with what they had (\oi\^. The following year. An. 141 8. The prince lent John Gonzalez Zarco and Trillan Vaz, with orders to pais that cape ; but before they could come upon the coafl of Afric they were carried away bv a llorm, and not knov.ing where. Vol, IX, ' C c they 3 ''56 The Illjlory of Navigation. they accidentally fell in with an ifland, which they cal- led Porto Santo, or Holy Haven, bccaufe of their de- liverance there after the florm. It is a fmall ifland a little to the northward of the Madera : thither the ])rince, being informed of what had happened, fent 15artholomew Peredrello with feeds to fow, and cattle to flock the place ; but one couple of rabbits put in among the red, increafed fo prodigioufly, that all corn and plants being deflroyed by them, it was found necef- fary to unpeople the ifland. An. 1419. John Gonzalez and Triftan Vaz making another voyage by order of the prince, difcovercd the ifland Madera, before mentioned to have been acci- dentally found by Macham the cnglifliman, and loft again till this time. The rcafon of calling it Mader,a was, becaule they found it all over-grown with trees, this word in portuguefe fignifying wood. They fet fire to the woods to clear them, which are faid to have burnt fevcn years continually, and lince the grcateft want is of wood. The following years w ere employed in peopling and furnifhing the i Hands dif- covercd, till An. 1434. Gilianez was fent by the prince to paf"> that dreadful cape Bojador, though at the fame time manv blamed the attempt, imagining, that in cafe they fhould happen to pafs much farther on thofe coafts, all that did it would turn black ; others fiying there was nothing there but deferts, like thofe of Lybia ; and others alleging other abfurdities of this nature, fu itable to the ignorance the world was then in of all parts yet undifcovered. Gilianez was fatisficd with lailing 30 leagues beyond the cape, giving name there to the bay called Angra de Ruyvas, or Bay of Gurnets, becaufe he there found many of that fort of fifli. The next year. An. 1435. '1 he fimc commanders pafTed twelvr leagues further, where they alfo landed, but the peo- ple fled from them : whereupon they proceeded twelve leagues further, w here they fountl a valt multitude of fca- wolves, of which they killed many, and returned 4 home ^he Hifiory of Navigation. 387 home with their fkins, which was the greatefl: rctura made this voyage, they being valued for their rarity. An. 1 440. Antony Gonzalez wrs ^cwz to the place of the fea- wolves, to load his velFcl with their fkms. He landed, took, fome of the natives, and killed others; then coafted on as ftir as Cabo Blanco, or White Cape, and returned to Portugal. An. X442. Antony Gonzalez returned arid carrying thcfe perfons he had taken in his former voyage, ex- changed them for fome Guinea (laves and a quantity of gold dull ; for which reafon the river that there runs into the country was called Rio del Ora, or the River of Gold, An. 1443. The gold above-mentioned fharpening mens appetites, Nunho Triftan undertook the voyage, and pafling further than the others, difcovered one of the iflands of Arguim, called Adeget, and another De las Garzas, or of the Herons, becaufe they faw many he- rons in it. An. 1444. A fmall company was creeled, paying an acknowledgment to the prince, to trade to thofe parts lately difcovered, whither they fent fix caravels ; which coming to the ifles of Arguim took there about two hundred flaves, which yielded them good profit in Por-i tugal. An. 1445. Gonzalo de Cintra failed to the itland of Arguim, and venturing up a creek in the night to fur- prize the inhabitants, the tide left his boat afhore ; fo that two hundred moors coming down upon hirh, he was killed with feven of his men, and from him iti place was called Angra de Gonzalo de Cintra, fourteen leagues beyond Rio del Oro. An. 1446. The caravels failed for the fame river to fettle commerce, but elfecled nothing, and only brought away one of the natives, and left a portugucfe there to view the country. But Dinis Fernandez the fame year paifed beyond the river Sanaga, which divides the Aza- nagi from Jalof, and difcovered the famous cape called Cabo Verde, or the Green Cape. An. 1447. Three caravels performed the fame voy- age without doing any thing remarkable, more than C c 2 taking 38S 7he llijlory of Navigation. taking up the portugucfc left there before, Mhom they found in good health, and he gave them fomc account of the country* This year likewifc Nunho Tridan failed fixty leagues beyond Cabo Verde, and anchoring at the mouth of Rio Grande, or the great river, ven- tured up in his boat, where he and mod of his men \\'ere killed by the blacks with their poifoned ar- rows. Alvaro Fernandez the fame year went forty leagues beyond Rio Grande. Prince Henry the great cncourager, or rather undertaker in all thefe difcovcries, dying, they were afterwards managed by his nephew Alonfo the fifth king of Portugal. Under him. An. 1449. Gonfalo Velio difcovered the illands called Azores, or of Hawks, becaufe many of thofc birds were feen about them. They arc eight in number, viz. S. Michael, S. Mary, Jefus or Tercera, Graciofa, Pico, Fayal, Flores and Corvo. They arc near about the hititude of Lilbon. In the lafb of them was found the flatue of a man on horfe-back with a cloak, bur no hat, his left-hand on the horfe's mane, the right point- ing to the weft, and feme charadlcrs carved on the rock under it, but not underftood. An. 1460. Antony Nole a genocfc in the portuguefc fcrvice, difcovered the illands of Cabo Verde, the names whereof are Fogo, Brava, Boavifta, Sal, S. Ni- cholao, S. Lucia, S. Vincente, and S. Antonio. They lie about a hundred leagues weft of Cabo Verde, and therefore take name from that cape. He alfo found the i (lands Maya, S. Philip, and S. Jacob. This fame year Peter dit Cintra, and Suero de Cofta failed as far as Scrra Leona. An. 147 1- John de Santarcm and Peter dc Efcobar advanced as far as the place they called Mina, or the Mine, becaufe of the trade of gold there; and then prwceeded to cape S. Catharine, thirty feven leagues bc^'ond cape Lope Gonzalez in two degrees and a half of fouth latitude. I'crdinand Po the fauie year found the illand by him called I lermofa, or Beautiful, which name it loft, and Hill keeps that of the difcovcrer. Ac the fame time were found the iflands o'i S. Thomas, Anno Bom, and Principe. Some years palFcd without going 7fj€ HIJlory of Navtgaiion^ 389 going beyond what was known ; but in the mean time king John the fccond, who fuccccded his father Alonfo, caufcd a fort to be built at Mina, which he called fort S. George, and fettled a trade there. An. 1480. James Cam proceeded as far as the river Congo in the kingdom of the fame name, called by the natives Zayre, whence he continued his voyage as far as 22 degrees of fouth-latitude, and thence home agam. An. 14S6. King John being informed by an embaf- fador from the king of Benin on the coafi: of Afric, that ther-e was a mighty prince two hundred and fifty leagues from his country, from whom his mafter re- ceived his confirmation in his throne ; and imagining this to be the fo much talked of Prefter John, he fent Peter de Coviilam and Alonfo de Payva by land to get intelligence of this great potentate, and fome account of India. They went together by the way of Grand Cair to Tor on the coafl of Arabia, where they parted, Coviilam for India, and Payva for Ethiopia, agreeing to meet by a certain time at Grand Cair : the firil went to Cananor, Calicut and Goa, pafTcd thence to Zofala in Afric, then to Aden at the mouth of the Red-fea on the fide of Arabia, and at lad to Grand Cair, where he found his companion had died. Hence he fent an ac- count to the king of his proceedings by a jew come from Portugal, and with another embarked for Ormuz, then went over into Ethiopia, where he was kindly entertained, but never fuffcrcd to return home. At the fame time thefe were fent away by land, Bartho* lomew Diaz put to fca with three fliips, and out -going all that had been before him a hundred and twenty leagues, difcovered the mountains he called Sierra Parda, and palTed on in light of the bay called Dc los Vaqueros, or of the Herdfmcn, bccaufc of the great herds of cat- tle they faw there ; beyond which he touched at the fmall ifland Santa Cruz, entered the mouth of the river called Del Infante, and at lad came to the now famous, and till ther^ unknown cape, which he called Tormentofo, becaufc he there met with dorms ; but the king, in hopes of difcovering the Eafl-lndics^ C c 3 changed 390 The Hijlory of Navigation^ changed its name to that of Cabo de Buena Efpcranza, or cape of Good Hope : this done he returned home, having difcovercd more tiian any man before him- The rtrange conceit \\hich poirefTed the heads of the failors, that there was no pollibility of paOing be)ond Cabo Tormentofo, as they called it, and the great employment the kings of Portugal found in their great dif* ovcries upon the coaft of Afric, very much retarded the profccution of further defigns, fo that nothing was advanced till An. 1497. King Emanuel, who with the crown of Portugal had inherited the ambition of enlarging hii dominions, and the dcfire of finding a way by fea to the Kaft-Indics, appointed Vafco de Gama, a gentleman of an undnunted fpirit, admiral of thofe fhips he def:gncd for this expedition, which were only th.ree, and a tender; their names were the S. Gabriel, the S. Raphael and Berrio ; the captains Vafco de Gama admiral, Paul de Gam.a his brother, and Nicholas Nunez, and Gonzalo Nunez of the tender, which was Inden with provifions. Gama failed from Lilbon on the eighth cf july, and the firrt land he came to after almoft five months fail was the bay of S. Helena, where he took fome blacks. The twentieth of novcmber he failed tlience, and doubled the cape of Good Hope, and on the twenty iifth touched at the bay of S. Bias, fixty leagues beyond the aforefaid cape, w here he exchanged fome merchandize w ith the na- tives. Here he took all the provilions out of the tender, and burnt it. On Chrillmas-day they faw the land ; which for that reafon they called Terra do Natol, that is Chriftmas-land ; then the river they named De los Reyes, that is of the kings, becauie discovered on the feafl: ot the epiphany ; and after that cape Corrientes, pilhng fifty leagues beyond Zofala without feeing it, wi.erc they went up a river in which were boats with fails made of palm-tree leaves: the people were not fo black as thofe they had fcen before, and underllood the arabic chara(;ter, who faid that to the eaftward laved people who failed in velTeLs like thofe of the portugucfes. This river Gama called De Boas Sinays, or *1 he Hiftory of 'Navigation. 391 or of good tokens, becaufe it put him in hopes of finding what he came in fearch of. Sailing hence, he again came to an anchor among the iflands ot S. Cicorge oppofite to Mozambique, and removing tiience anchored again above the town of Mozambique, in 14 degrees and a half of fouth latitude ; whence after a fliort flay, with the afHilancc of a moorilli pilot, he touched at Quiloa and Monbaza; and having at Melinde fettled a peace \\ith the mooriih king of that place, and taking in a guzarat pilot, he fet fail for India, and eroding that great gulph of fcven hundred leagues in twenty days, anchored two leagues be- low Calicut on the twentieth of may. To this place had Gam.a difcovcred twelve hundred leagues beyond what was known before, drawing a rtraight line from the river Del Infante, difcovered by Bartholomew Diaz, to the port of Calicut, for in failing about by the coall it is much more. Returning home not far from the coalf, he fell in with the iflands of Anchediva, fignifying in the Indian language five iflands, becaufe they are fo many ; and having had fight of Goa at a dillance, failed over again to the coaft of x\fric, and anchored near the town of Magadoxa. At Melinde he was friendly received by the king, but being again under fail, the fhip S. Raphael flruck afliore and was loft, giving her name to thofe fands : all the men were faved aboard the other two fliips, which parted in a florm near Cabo Verde. Nicholas Coello arrived flrfl: at Lilbon, and foon after him Vafco de Gama, having fpent in this voyage two years and almoft two months. Of a hun^ dred and lixty men he carried out, only tifty fTvc returned home, who \\ ere all well rewarded. An. 1500. King Emanuel, encouraged by the fuccefs of Vafco de Gama, fitted out a tieet of thirteen fail un- der the command of Peter Alvarez Cabral, and in it twelve hundred men, to gain footing in India. He failed on the eighth of march, and meeting with violent ilorms M as caft off from the coafl: of A.fric fo far, that on eaflier eve the fleet came into a port, which lor the lafety found in it was called Seguro, and the country at that time Santa Cruz, being the fimie now known by the name of Brazil, on the fouth continent of Ame- nca. Hence the rvdmiral fent back a fliip 10 advcrtifc C c 4 thcj 393 ^^'^ Hijlory of Navigatloft^ the king of the accidental new difcovery, leaving two portuguefes alhorc to inquire into the ciilVoms and pro- duel of the land. Sailing thence on the twelfth of may for the cape of Good Hope, the fleet was for twenty days in a mod dreadful l\orn^, infomuch, that the fca fwallowed up tbpr Oiips, and the admiral arrived with only fix at Zofala on the fixtcenth of July, and on the twentieth at Mozambique ; where having refitted, he profecuted his voyage to Quiloa, and thence to Me- linde, whence the fleet flood over for India, and reached Anchediva on the twenty fourth of augufl : then com- ing to Calicut, peace and commerce was there agreed on with Zamori, the king of Calicut, but as fooa broken, and the portuguefcs entered into ftrict amity with the kings of Cochin and Cananor, where they tool; in their lading and returned to Portugal. An. 1501. John dc Nova departed from I.ifbon with four fliips and four hundred men, and in his way dif- covered the ifland of Conception, in 8 degrees of fouth latitude, and pn the call: fide of Afric that which from him was called the ifland of John de Nova. At Ca- nanor and Cochin he took in all his lading, delhoying rnany vcffcls of Calicut, and in his return home found the ifland nf St. Hcjena in 15 degreps of fouth latitude, dilKint fit'tcen hundred forty nine leagues from Goa, and eleven hundred from Lilbon, being then unpeopled, but fincc of great advantage to all that ufe the trade ot India. An. 1502. The king fct out a f^ect of twentv fail commanded by the firll: difcoverer of India, Vafco dc Gama, whofe fccond voyage this was. No new dif- coveries were made by him, but only trade fccured at Cochin and Cananor, fevcral (hips of Calicut taken and dtftroycd, the king of Quiloa on the coaft of Afric brought to fubmit himfclf to Portugal, paying tribute; and fo Vafco de Gama returned home with nine fliips richly laden, having Vincent Sodrc behind with five (hips to fcour the coarts of India, and fecure the fac^ lories there. An. r50^. Nine fliips were fent urder three feveral commanders^ Alfonfo dc Albuqucrauc, Fiancis dc Al- buquerqucj The Hiftory of Navigation. 393 buqucrque, and Antony de Saldanha, each of them having three fhips. The Albuqucrqucs, with pcrmif^ fion of that king, built a port at Cochin, burnt fonic towns, took many fliips of Calicut, and then returned richly laden homewards, where Alfonfo arrived fafe with his Ihips, but Francis and his were never more heard of* Saldanha the third of thefc commanders, gave his name to a bay fhort of the cape of Good Hope, where h\hicti nc HiHory of Navigation. 397 -U'hich joins to the Aurea Chcrfoncfus, or pcninfula of Malaca. All thcfc counrrics abound in wealth, pro- ducing infinite plenty of lilk and cotton, of which lall they make the fincft callicocs and muflins, with much rcalbn admired by all the nations of Europe. They have numerous droves of elephants, and confequentlv great plenty of ivory, befides plenty of black cattle ani buffaloes. An. 1517. Fernan Perez dc Andrade, fent by the king of Portugal to make new difcovcries, leaving ail behind that had been before known, and paffing" the Urait betwixt Malaca and the illand Sumatra, came upon the coaft of the kingdom of Camboia, whence he proceeded to that of Chiampa, where taking of frefh water had like to have coft him his life. He went on to Patane, and eftablifhed peace and conmiercc with the governor there : which done, the feafon bein<^ unfit to proceed further, he returned to Malaca to refit. As foon as the weather was feafonable he fet out again, and continued his difcoveries till he arrived at Canton, or Quantung, the mofl remarkable fea-port town on the fouthern coaft of the vafl empire of China. He treated with the governor of Canton, and fent an em- baffador to the emperor of China, and fettled trade and commerce in that city for the prefent. Though this was not lading, (for the very next portuguefes that arrived behaved themfelves fo infolently, that the fleet of China attacked them, and they had much dilhculty to ge: off; and their embafiador being fent back from Peking by the emperor of Canton unheard, was there put to death) ncverthelefs fome years after the portuguefes ob- tained leave to fettle in a little ifland oppofitc to the port of Canton, where they built the city Macao, which they hold to this day, though lubjcct to the em- peror of China. An. 1520. James Lopez dc Scqueira, then governor of India, failed for the Red-fca with a tleet of twenty four fliips, and in it eighteen hundred portuguefes, and as many malabars and canarins. Coming to the iiland Mazua in the Red-fca, he found it forfakcn by the in- lubitants, who were lied over to Arquico, a port be- longing 39^ ^'^'^c ^Tijlory of Navigation. longing to PrcHcr John, or the emperor of Ethiopia, which was now iirlt difcovcrcd by fca. At this tinx: it was a valt monarchy, and extended along the fhores of the Red-fca above a hundred and twciUy leagues, which was counted the kail of its fides ; but fmce then all the fea-coall has been taken from them by the turks. Here the portuguefcs in following years made fomc progrefs into the country, five hundred of them being lent under the command of D. Chriilopher de Gama to affift the emperor againft his rebellious fubjects, and his enemies the turks. The actioi)s performed by this handful of men being all by land, do not belong to us ; but they travelled a great part of the country, and opened a way for the jefuits, who for feveral years after continued there. An. 1 521. Antony de Brito was font to the Molucco iflands from Malaca. I'hcfe had been before difco- vered by Antony dc Abrcu. The Molucco iflands are five in number, their names, 'i'ernate, Tidore, Moufel, Machien, Bacham. Thcfc illands were afterwards long ftruggled for by the portuguefes and dutch, till at lalt the dutch prevailed, and continue in polfeflion of that trade till this day. A few years now pafi: without any conliderable difcoveries by fca, though ft ill they found feveral little iflands, and advanced tar by land, too long for this difcourfe, defigncd only to Ihow the pro- grefs of navigation. Let us then proceed to the next confidcrable voyage, which was An. 1540. Which furnilhes as remarkable a piece of fea-fervice as any we (hall read undertaken by a private man. Peter do Faria governor of Malaca fent his kinfman Antony de Faria y Soufii, to fccurc a peace with the kine^ of Patanc. He carried w ith him e parts, there is no occafion forgiving any p;irticu!ars of them. Nor do we find any account of a further progrefs made "along this coaft by the ej>glifh, till we come to, their voyages to the Eall-Indies, and thofe begun but late; for the firfl engliihman we find in thofe parts was one tfiiomas Stephens, who An. 1579. wrote an account of his voyage thither to tiis father in London; but he having failed aboard a portuguefe Ihip, this voyage makes nothing to the en- -gliih w - The Hiftory ef Navigathn. 403 glidi nation, whofc firft undertaking to India in fliip;j of their own was. An. 1591. Three ftately fliips called the Penelope, the Merchant Royal, and the Edward Bona venture, were fitted out at Plymouth, and failed thence under the command oi Mr. George Raymond : they departed on the tenth of april, and on the firll of auguft came to an anchor m the bay called Aguada de Saldanha, fifteen leagues north of the cape of Good Hope. Here they continued feveral days, and traded with the blacks for cattle, when finding many of their men had died, they thought fit to fend back Mr. Abraham Kendal ia the Royal Merchant with fifty men, there being too few to manage the three fliips if they proceeded on their voyage : Kendal accordingly returned, and Raymond and Lancafler in the Penelope and Edward Bonaventure proceeded, and doubled the cape of Good Hope ; but; coming to cape Gorrientes on the fourteenth of fep- tember, a violent fl:orm parted them, and they never met again ; for Raymond was never heard of, but Lan- caRer held on his voyage. Paffing by Mozambique he came to the ifland Comera, where after much fliow of friendfliip, the moorilli inhabitants killed thirty two of his men, and took his boat, which obliged him to boift fail and be gone \ and after much delay by con- trary winds he doubled cape Comori, oppofite to the idand of Ceylon in India, in the month of may 159^^ Thence in fix days, with a large wind which blew hard, he came upon the ifland of Gomes Polo, which lies near the northermofl" point of the ifland Sumatra ; and the winter fcafon coming on, ftood over to the ifland of Pulo Pinao, lying near the coafl of MaUca, and be-r twixt it and the ifland Sumatra, in 7 degrees of north latitude, where he continued till the end of augufl r^j- frefliing his men the befl: the place would allow, whi.qb aflbrded little but flfli, yet twenty flx of them died there. Then the captain running along the coafl: pf Malaca, and adjacent iflands, more like a pirate tha^ merchant or difcovcrer, took fome pri^e?, and Ip thought to have returned home : but his proviflons be* ing fpent wh^n they came to crpfs th? -.^uinoctti^l, ' D d ^ wh^re: '404 ^he Hijlory of Navigation, ^here he was llaid by calms and contrary winds fix weeks, he ran away to the Well-Indies to get fomc fupply, where after touching at fevcral places, the captain and eighteen men went afhore in the little illand Mona, lying betwixt thofe of Portorico and Hifpaniola, but five men and a boy left in the fliip cut the cable and failed away. Lancafler and eleven of his men fome days after fpying a fail, made a fire ; upon which fignal the frcnchmin, for fuch a one it proved to be, took in his topfails, and drawing near the ifland received them aboard, treating them with ex- traordinary civility, and fo brought them to Dicpe in Normandy, whence they pafTed over to Rye in SuiTex, and landed there in may 1594, having fpcnt three years, fix weeks, and two days in this voyage. Hitherto Hak- luit, vol. II. An. 1595. The dutch rcfolving to try their fortune in the Eafl-Indies, fitted out four fliips at Amllerdam under the command of Cornelius Hootman^ which failed on the fecond of april, and on the fourth of au- gufl: anchored in the bay of S. Blafe, about forty five leagues beyond the cape of Good Hope, where they continued fome days trading with the natives for cattle in exchange for iron. Augull the eleventh they departed that place, and coafiing along part of the illand of Ma- dagafcar, came at lafl into the bay of S. Auguftin, where they exchanged pewter fpoons and other trifles with the natives for cattle, till they fell at variance; and the natives keeping away, no more provifions were to be had : and therefore on the tenth of december they weighed, direding their courfe for Java, but meeting with bad weather and firong currents were kept baclv till the tenth of January, when they were forced for want of rcfrcfliments to put into the illand of S. Mary, lying on the eaUern coall of Madagafcar in 17 degrees pf Ibuth latitude, whence they removed to the great bay of Antongil, and continued there till the twelfth of februarv : then putting to fea again, they arrived on the Qoall of the great illand Sumatra on the eleventh of June, and fpending fomc days along that coall:, came at lad: to Bantam in the iflaud of Java. They lay here. ^he Hiftory of Navigation, 405 here, very flivourably entertained by the emperor of Java, till falling at variance many hollilities palled be- twixc them ; and ix\ november the dutch removed from before Bantam to Jacatra, which is no great diftance. In January finding themfelvcs much weakened by lofs of men, and the Amilerdam one of the biggeft fhips leaky, they unladed and burnt her. Having thoughts of failing for the Molucco i Hands, they ran along as far as the ftrait of Baiambuon at the eafl end of Java ; but the leamen refufing to pafs any further, they made through the ftrait, and on the twenty fcvcnth of febru- ary failed along the coaft of Java towards the cape of Good Hope ; and three of their four (hips, befides the pinnace that was a tender, and eighty nine feamen, being all that w^re left of four hundred and forty nine, returned to Holland in augufl following, having been abroad twenty nine months. This and the voyage foon after following in 159S, may feem to be miftaken, be- caufc it is faid in both, that the coiTimandcr in chief "vvas Cornelius Hootman ; but it mult be obferved, they differ not only in time, but in all other circum fiances, and this is certainly the firft voyage the dutch made to India, whereas in the other there is mention of thofe people having been there before. This is to be feen at large ih the coHeciiion of voyages undertaken by the dutch Eall-India company, printed this prcfcnt year 1703- An. 1596. Sir Robert Dudley, as principal adven- turer, fet out three fliips under the command of Ben- jamin Wood, defigning to trade in China ; for which purpofe he carried letters from queen Elizabeth to the emperor of China : but thcfe Ihips and the men all periflied, fo we have no account ot their voyage. Pur- chas, vol. i. p. 1 10. An. 1598, Three merchants of Middleburgh fitted out two fliips under the command of Cornelius How- teman for the Eaft-Indies, which failed on the fifteenth of march. In november they put into the bay ot SaU danha on the coaft of Afric, in 34 degrees o\. louth latitude, and ten leagues from the cape of Good Hope. Here pretending to trade with the natives, they ' D d 3 oPilTcd 4^6 'The Hift'jry cf NafUtga^tojf. offered tfiem fome violence; to revenge which, three days after they came down in great numbers, and fur- prizing the dutch Hew thirteen of them, and drove the red to their ftiip. January the third they again an^ chored in the bay of S. Auguflin in the foiith-wcn: part of the iiland Madagafcar, and 23 degrees of fouth la- titude, where the natives would not trade with them ; and l?cing in great want of proviiions, they failed to the idand Magotta, or S. Chriltopher, on the north of Madagafcar, and having got fome relief went on to Anfvvame, or Angovan, another fmall iHand, where they took in more provifions. Then proceeding on their voyage, they paffed by the Maldivy iflands, thence by Cochin, and in June arrived in Sumatra at the port of Achen, where after being kindly received by the Jcing, he fent many men aboard on pretence of friend- fhip, but with a defign to firrprize the lliips, which they had near accomplifhed, but were with difficulty beaten oif, yet fa that the dutch laft fixty eight of their men, two pinnaces of twenty tun each, and one of their boats. Sailing hence they watered and rcfreflied at Pulo Batun off Queda, which is on the coall of Ma- laca ; and having fpent much time about thofe parts, in november anchored at the iflands of Nicobar in 8 degrees of latitude, where they had fome refrelhment, but little; to remedy which, in their way towards Ceylon, they took a ihip of Negapatan arid plundered it. Then directing their coiirfe home in march 1600, they doubled the cape of Good Hope, and in juiy re- turned to Middleburg. Purchas, vol. I. p. 116. This fame year 1598, the Holland Eali-lndia com- pany fct out fix great fliips and two \atchs for India under the command of Cornelius Hemlkirkc, which failed out of the Texel on the lirlt of may, and coming together to the cape of Good Hope in auguft, were there feparated by a terrible ftorm : four of them and a yatch put into the iiland Maurice eait of Madagaf- car; the other two (hips and yatch put into the ifland S. Mary on the call alfo of Madagafcar, where they made no flay, but failing thence arrived on the twenty lixth of november 1598, before Bantam i and a month after Ibc Hi ft or y of Navigation^ 4Q7 after them came the other four fl^ips aivd a yatch from the illanei Maurice. The firft comers liaving got their lading, departed from before Bantam on the eleventh of January 1599, and aiTivcd happily in the Texel on the ninth of June 1599, richly hiden with pepper, cloves, mace, nutmegs and cinnamon, having fpent but fifteen months in the whole voyage. The other four lliips and yatch left in India under the command of W'ybrant, failed from Bantam along the north fide of Javan to the eafl: -end oi it, where the town of Arofoya is feated. Here the natives, in revenge for feme of their people killed by the dutch in their firft voyage, feized feventcen of them that were fent afliore for pro- visions ; and fifty more being fent to their relief in Hoops and boats, were all of them killed, drowned, or taken. The prifoners were ranfomed for two thoufand pieces of eight, and then the fhips put to fea^ and on the third of marcli 1599, came into the jftrait of Am- boina, where they anchored before a fmall town in that ifland, called Itan. This is near the Moluccos, and produces plenty of cloves. There being lading but for two fliips here, the other two Vvcre fent to Bands, where they took their lading of cloves, nut- iiiegs and nuce, and returned home in april i6oo. The other two fhips left behind at Amboina having taken in what lading of cloves they couid get, failed away to get what they wanted at the Mokiccos, and anchored at Ternate, where having got the reft of their lading, they departed thence on the nineteenth of au- guft 1599, and came to Jacatra in the ifiand Java on the thirteenth of november, being then reduced to ex- tremity for want of provifions : whence after a few days ftay they proceeded to Bantam, and thence on the twenty tiril: of January for Holland, where after a tedi- ous voyage they arrived in fafcty, having \q{\ niany -men through licknefs and waqt of provifions. livery year after the dutch failed not to let out new fleets, being allured by the vaft returns they made ; yet there was nothing in thefe voyages but trade, and fomc en- counters with the fpaniards, and therefore it w^ll be xiecdlefs to mention them all in particular, till in the D d 4 year 4oS The Hijlory of Navigation, year 1606, the dutch poflcfTcd themfelvcs of Tidorc, one of the Mokicco illands, and Aniboina, cxpcUini:^ the portuguefcs firll, and afterwards the engliih. In 1608 the dutch admiral Matclief laid fiegc to Malaca, but without fucccfs. Soon after they grew formidable at Jacatra, or Batavia, on the ifland Java, where they continue to this day, that being the chief feat of all their dominions in the ealh Not fo fatisficd, they at length made themfelves maders of Malaca, and expelled the portuguefcs the illand of Ceylon, by which means they are poireffed of the molt confiderable trade of the eaft:, all the cinnamon, nutmegs and cloves being en- tirely in their own hands. Nor is this all, for they have conquered the iOand Formofa on the coaft of China, whence they trade to Japan, with the exclufioii of all chriflian nations from that iiland. And here wc will leave the dutch, to give fome further relation of the englifh proceedings, and fo conclude with the Eaft- Indies. An. 1600. A company of merchant adventurers was by patent from queen Elizabeth authorized to trade in the Eaft-Indies, and accordingly in January 16-^^^ they fitted out four great fhips and a viclualler, all under the command of captain James Lancatler, who failed out of the river of Thames on the thirteenth of febru- ary, having four hundred and eighty men aboard his fhips, yet got not beyond Torbay till the fecond' of april, and on the firft of novembcr doubled the cape of Good Hope. In april following they anchored at the iflands of Nicobar, north call of the great ifland of Sumatra, and in June came before Achem, where they had a good reception, and fettled peace and conmiercc with that king; but having little to trade with, put to fca, and took a great portuguefe Ihip richl\' laden, and returned to Achem, whence they failed to Bantam in the illand of Java : here they had alfo good entertain- ment, and liberty of trade Vvas agreed on ; and having taken in what more lading was wanting, which con- filled in pepper and cloves, on the twentieth of febru- ary they fet fail in order to return for England, but meeting with violent ftorms were carried into 40 de- grees ^he HJjlory of Navigation, 409 grccs of fouth latitude, where Lancaftcr lofl his rud- der, which was rcftorcd with much labour, and fo they arrived at the ifland of St. Helena in June, and having refrelhed themfelves there put to fca again, and re- turned fafe to England in augult. Purchas, vol. I. p. 147. An. 1604. The aforefaid company fent four fliips more to the Eafl-Indics under the command of fir Henry Middleton, who failed on the fecond of april, and arrived at Bantam on the twenty third of december. Two of the fliips loaded pepper at Bantam ; fir Henry wfth the others failed to the ifles of Banda, where he continued twenty one weeks, and then returned to Bantam, and arrived in the Downs on the fixth of may 1606. The fame year captain John Davis and fir Ed- ward Michelburn with one fliip and a pinnace failed into the Eaft-Indies, trading at Bantam, and taking fome prizes, but performed nothing elfe remarkable. Purchas, vol. I. p. 185. An. 1607. The company fitted out their third voy- age, being three fiiips under the command of William Keeling, but only two of them kept company ; and fetting out in april, arrived not at Priaman in the ifiand Sumatra till July the following year; having fpent all this time along the coafi:s of Afric, and beating at fea againft contrary winds. Here they took in fome pep- per, and then failed to Bantam, where a Siam embaf- fador invited them to fettle commerce in , his mafter's ciominions ; and fo they proceeded to Banda, where they were hindered taking in their lading of fpice by the dutch, who had built a fort on that ifland. So being difappointed they returned to Bantam, loaded pepper, and fettled a factory there, which continued in profperitv till overthrown by the dutch. Purchas, vol.1, p. 188. The third fhip mentioned above, which did not keep company with the other two, but fet out at the fame time, after touching at the bay of Saldanha on the court of Afric, and at Bantam in the illand of Java, proceeded to the Molucco iflands, where with the per- milfion of the Spaniards then pollrircd of thofc illands, they 4 1 0 ne Hijlory of Karvigation. they had a trade for fomc days, but were after\vard3 commanded away. Then failing towards the iiland Celebes at the ifland Button, or Buton, they were friendly entertained by the king, and brought their full loading of cloves ; which done, they returned to Bantam, and thence to England. Purchas, vol. I. p. 226. An. 1608. The Eafl-India company for its fourth voyage fet out two fhips, the Union and Afcenlion, commanded by Alexander Sharpey and Richard Rowles, who failed on the fourteenth of march ; and having fpcnt above a year by the way, and loft the Union in a ftorm, the Afcenfion came on the eighth of april 1609 to an anchor before the city Aden on the coall of Arabia Felix, whence they failed into the Rcd-fea, being the firft cnglifli fliip that ever entered it, and on the eleventh of junc anchored in the road of the city of Mocha; and having made a fliort Hay to refit» failed away for the coall of Cambaya, where refufmg to take in a pilot the iliip was loft on the fhoals, but all tlic men faved in two boats, who got afhore at the fmall town of Gandevel, about forty miles from Surat, whither they travelled by land, and were relieved by the engliili fa and not being able to hand the fails, the fliip was carried upon the coaft of Britany in France, where the french conveyed her into harbour, and moft of the lading was faved for the company. An. 1609. The Englifh Eaft-India company for its iifth voyage fet out but one fliip, commanded by- David JViiddleton, who arriving at Banda was by the dutch there hindered loading any fpice, and therefore failed to Puloway a fmall ifland not far diltant, where with much difficulty and hazard he got loading of fpice, and returned home fafe. Purchas, vol. 1. p. 23 S. An. 1 6 10. Sir Henry Middleton failed with three fliips under his command ; and being informed by the natives of the ifland Zocotora, that he would be friendly received at Mocha in the Red-fca, and find good vent for his goods, he ventured up thither, and after much deceitful kindnefs Ihown him by the turks, was himfelf with niany of his men fecured, and fcnt up the country feveral miles to another balla. Some men were alfo killed by the infidels, who attempted to furprize one of the fiiips, and were pofielTcd of the upper decks, till the feamen blew up forne, i"hot others, and drove the refi: into the fea, fo that only one of them that hid himfelf efcaped, and was afterwards re- ceived to mercy. After much folicitatibn fir Henry Middleton and his men were fent back to Mocha, where moft of them made their efcape aboard their fliips. Many fruitlefs contefts having afterwards palled with the baffas about the refiitution of the goods taken ; at laft he failed to Surat, where he arrived in feptember 161 r, and having, notwithftanding the op- pofition made by the portuguefes, fold fome of his goods, and departing thence to Dabul, had fome more trade in that place, yet not fo much as to difpofe of all 4T2 The Hijlory of Navigation. all he had. Whereupon he refolved to return to the Rcd-fea, there to traffic with the fliips of India, which ufually refort to thofc parts j he detained many of thcni by force, and bartered with them as he thought fit, the Indians being under rellraint, and in no condition to oppofc whatever \\as offered them. Being thus fur- nifhed, he failed for Sumatra, where he got loading of fpice, and fent one fhip home with her burden, his own having been on a rock, and therefore unfit for the voyage till repaired, which could not be done fo foon. 'J'his fhip arrived fafe in England, but fir Henry Mid- dleton and his were call away in India. Purchas, vol. J. p. 247. Other fhips failed the latter end of the year 1610, and beginning of 161 1, which ftill ran much the fame courfe with the former, and have nothing lin- gular to relate. But, An. 161 1. In april failed captain John Saris with three fhips, who having run the fame courfe all the reft had done feverally before, entering the Red-fea, and touching at Java, he received a letter from one Adams an englilliman, who failed aboard fome dutch fhips to Japan, and was there detained, in which he gave an account of that country. Captain Saris dif- miiling his other two fhips, direded his courfe for that ifland ; and pafling by thofe of Bouro, Xula, Bachian, Celebes, Silolo, the Moluccos, and others, came to an anchor on the eleventh of june 1613, at the fmall illand and port of Firando, lying fouthweft of the fouthweft point of the great iiland of Japan. This and feveral other fmall iflands about it are fubjed to petty kings, uho all acknowledge the emperor of Japan lor their fovereign. Thefc little princes Ihowed all imaginable kindneis to the engliih, being the firft that ever ap- peared in thofe parts. Captain Saris, with the alFiil- ancc of the king of Firando, was conducted to the em- peror's court at Meaco, where he had audience of him, and fettled peace and commerce in as authentic man- ner as if he had been fent from England only upon that errand ; the emperor granting to the englifh free liberty of trade, and feveral privileges and immunities for their encouragement. All things being fettled there. Ibe Hijlory of Navi^atiotj. 413 there, captain Saris returned to Firando well plcafcd with his fuccefs; and there the goods he brought being not yet all difpofed of, he creded a fadory, leaving in it eight englilh, three Japanefes for interpreters, and two fervants. Thefe were to difpofe of the goods left behind, and provide loading for fuch fliips as were to continue the trade now begun. This done, he left Firando on the fifth of december, and flood for the coafl of China, along which he kept to that of Co- chinchina and Camboya, whence he fl-ruck over to the fouthward, and came into Bantam road, where he con- tinued fome time, and laftly put into Plymouth in fep- tember 16 14. Purchas, vol. I. p. 334. Thus have we brought the englifh to Japan, the furtheft extent of what vulgarly is comprehended under the name of the Eaft-Indies, and therefore think it needlefs to profecute their voyages this way any longer, fmce they can afford nothing new ; nor indeed have thefe hitherto added any thing to what was difcovered by the portuguefes, to whom all thefe countries were well known long be- fore, as has been made appear. Of the dutch naviga- tions this way fomewhat has been faid, and it feems needlefs to add any thing concerning the french, who are not fo confiderable there as any of thofe nations already mentioned, befides that they came thither the lateft, and therefore not as difcoverers, but tracing the beaten road ; fo that all that can be faid of them will be only a repetition of things already fpoken of. Hav- ing thus given an account of the fird difcoverers, and the fuccefs of all the firft voyages to Afric and Alia, it now remains to fliow what a vafl extent of land is by thefe means made known, which before Europe was wholly a ftranger to, and the commodities it fupplies us with ; which is one great point of this difcourfe, viz. to fliow what benefit is reaped by navigation, and the vafl: improvement it has received lince the difcovery of the magnetical needle, or fea compafs. Then hav- ing performed this with all polfible brevity, it will be fit to proceed to give the like relation of the difcovery ftnd other affairs of America, or the new world, which will 414 ^^'^ Hijlory of Navigation. will lead us to the voyages round the globe, where thts cUfcourie will end. To begin then where the difcoveries commenced, that is, at cape Nam, or Nao, which is on the coaft of the Icingdom of Morocco, and in the twenty eighth degree t)f latitude ; we find the extent made known from thence, taking it only from north to fouth, from i8 degrees of north latitude to 35 degrees of fouth latitude, in all 53 degrees in length, at twenty leagues to a de- gree, to be one thoufand lixty leagues, but very much more if we run along the coaft, efpecialiy upon that of Guinea, which lies eafl and weft for above 25 de- grees, which at the fame rate as before amounts to five hundred leagues. So that we have here a coall, only reckoning to the cape of Good Hope, of above fifteen hundred leagues in length made know n to us, and in it the further Lybia, the country of the Blacks, Guinea, the kingdoms of Benin, Corvga, Angola, and the weft- ern coaft of the Cafres. Thefe are the general names by which thefe vaft regions are known. The natives are for the moft part black, or elfe inclining to it. All the commodities brought from thence, are gold-duft, ivory, and flaves ; thofe black people felling one ano- ther, .which is a very conliderable trade, and has been a great fupport to all the American plantations. This is all that mighty continent alibrds for exportation, the greateft part of it being fcorched under the torrid zone, and the natives almoft naked, no where induf- trious, and for the n^oft part fcarce civilized. In the fouthermoft parts among the wild cafres, there is plenty of good cattle, which the firft tradeis to India iifed to buy for knives and other toys at the bay of Saldanha, and other places thereabouts. The portu- guefes here have the largcft dominions on this coaft of any nation, which are in the kingdoms of Congo and Angola. The cngUlh and dutch have fome frnjill forts en the coaft of Guinea, and the dutch., a Urge ftrong town, with all manner of improvements about it, at the cape of Good Hope. From this cape of Good Hope to cape Gjuar.diila at the entrance iutp Ac Red- fea. The Hifiory of Navigatmi. 415 fca, the coafl: running north eafh and fouth weft, extends above twelve hundred leagues in a ftraight line, con- taining the eaflern Cafres and Zanguebar, which are the two great divilions of this fide ; the latter of thefe fubdividcd into the kingdoms of Mozambique, Pemba, Quiloa, Monbaca, Melinde, Magadoxa and Adcl. Of thefe the portuguefes polfefs the town and fort of Mo- zambique^ having loft Monbaca within thefe few years, taken from them by the moors. No other european nation has any dominions on this coaft, which is all in the pofleilion of the natives or moors. The commodi- ties here are the fame as on the weft fide of Afric, gold, ivory and llaves. All this vaft continent pro- duces many forts of fruit and grain unknown to us, as alio beafts and fowl, which being no part of trade, are not mentioned here. Yet before we leave this coaft we muft not omit to mention the illand Zocotora, famous for producing the beft aloes, and fituate not far diftant from cape Guardafu. Next in courfe follows the Red-fea, the mouth whereof is about a hundred and twenty leagues from cape Guardafu, and its length from the mouth to Suez at the bottom of it above four hundred leagues, lying north weft and fouth weft : on one fide of it is the coaft of Aben and Egypt, on the other that of Arabia Petrea, and Arabia Felix, all in the pofTeflion of the turks, and not at all rcforted to by any european nation, but fomewhat known to them by the way of Egypt, before the difcovcry of In- dia. From the mouth of the Red-fea to the gulph of Perfia lies the coaft of Arabia, extending about four hundred leagues north eaft and fouth weft to cape Ro~ falgate at the entrance into the bay of Ormuz. This coaft is partly fubjed: to the turk, and partly to arabian princes ; and its principal commodities are rich gums, and coftce. Turning cape Rofalgate to the north weft is the great bay of Ormuz, along which runs ftill the coaft of Arabia, where ftands Mafcate, once pofFefted by the portuguefes, now by the arabs. Next we come into the gulph of Bazora, or of Perfia, almoft two hundred leagues in length, and enclofed by Arabia on the one fide, and Perfia oa the other. At the mouth of 41 6 The Hijlory of Navigation. of this bay in a fmall ifland is the famous city Ormuz, conquered and kept many years by the portuguefcs, but at hift taken from them by the Perfians, with the alTillance of the englUli. Within the bay on the ara- bian fide is the illand J^aharem, famous for a great filhery of pearls. From the mouth of the perfian gulph to that of Indus are about three hundred and forty leagues, being the coall of Perfia, where no prince poflelfes any thing but that great monarch. The chiefeft commodities here are raw filk, rhubarb, Avormfeed, carpets of all forts, wrought and plain filks, filks wrought with gold or filvcr, half filks and half cottons. From the mouth of Indus to cape Co- mori, taking in the bend of the coall from Indus to Cambaya, lying north well and fouth call, and from that bay to the cape almofl north and fouth, are near four hundred leagues, including the Iliores of Guzarat, Cambaya, Decan, Canara and Malabar : of thefe Gu- zarat and Cambaya, with part of Decan, are fubjecc to the great Mogul, the other parts to feveral indian princes. Yet the portuguefes have the fort of Diu in Guzarat, Damam in Cambaya, and the great city of Goa in Decan, befides other forts of lelfer confe- quence: the englifh the ifland of Bombaim, and the dutch fome forts. Doubling cape Comori, and running in a ftraight line north eaft, there are about four hundred and forty leagues to the bottom of the bay of Bengala ; and turning "thence fouth eaff, fomcwhat more than the fame number of leagues to the fouthern^oil point of the Aurca Cherfonefus, or the coall of Malaca ; and in this fpace the fliores^ of Coromandel, Bifnagar, C^olconda, Orixa, Bengala, Arracan, Pegu, Martaban, and the Aurea Cherfonefus, or Peninfula of Malaca. Hence we will make but one line more for brevity fiike up to Japan on the northern coall of China, which in a ftraight line, without allowing any thing for the bays of Siam and Cochinchina, is at leall eight hundred leagues, and in it the call fide of the Peninllila of Ma- laca, the kingdoms of Siam, Camboia, Chiampa, and Cochinchina, and the vaft empire of China. All thefe inuncnfe regions from Pcriia call-ward are vulgarly, though ne Hiflory of Navigation, 41 7 though improperly, comprehended under the name of the Eafl-Indies. The prcdud: of thefe countries is no Jcfs to be admired, being all forts of metals, all beafls and birds, and the moft delicious of fruits. But to fpeak by way of trade, the commodities here are dia- monds, filk raw and wrought in prodigious quantities, cotton unwrought, and infinite plenty of it in callicocs and muflins, all forts of fweet and rich woods, all the gums, drugs and dyes, all the precious plants, and rich perfumes, not to mention the fpices, which I leave to the iflands ; in fine, all that is precious, delightful, or ufeful : infomuch, that though here be mines of filver and gold, yet none is fent abroad, but hither it ^o\\^ from all other parts and is here fwallowed up. But fomething muft be faid of the iflands belonging to this great continent, for the value of them is immenfe, as well as their number, and the extent of fome of them. The firft in order that are any thing confiderable, arc the Maldivy iflands, rather remarkable for their niul- titude than any other thing, being fo many that the number is not known, yet fo final I, that no great account is made of them : they lie fouth eafl: of cape Comori, betwixt three and 8 degrees of north latitude; for fo far they run, being difpofcd in twelve feveral cluftcrs or parcels that lie north wefl: and fouth eafl, at the fouth end whereof lie two other It^^s clufters or parcels eafl and weft from one another. As for trade, or commerce, though thefe iflands are very fruitful, they have not any thing confiderable to promote it, cfpecially to fupply Europe, which is the thing here to be confidcred. Next to thefe is the great and rich illand of Ceylon beyond cape Comori, formerly divided into feveral petty kingdoms, till the porcuguefes firft reduced all the fca coafts under their dominion, and were afterwards difpoHclfed by the dutch, wlio flill remain mafters of them, but could never yet conquer the inland. This is a place of mighty traOlck, for it produces the befb cinnamon in the woild, and fuj)plics all Europe : here are alfo found the fincft rubies, and feveral other forts of precious Rones. The elephants of this ifland arc counted ihe bcil in all India, and as Vol. IX. E e fuch 41 S The H.'JIorj of Navigation. fuch coveted by all the caftcrn princes, who, though they hnvc herds of them in ihcir own dominions, do not fpare to give coniiiicrable prices for thefe, uhich is a great enriching of the country. The iflands of Sunda, or the Sound, arc that great parcel lying fouth and fouth call of Malaca, the principal whereof are Suma- tra, Borneo and Java; the two lird diredtly under the line, Sumatra above three hundred leagues in ^Migrh, lying north weft and fouth eaft, and about fixty in breadth in the wideft place -, Borneo is almoft round, and about fix hundred in circumference; Java the lall of them lies betwixt 7 and 10 degrees of fouth latitude, is about two hundred leagues in length from eaft to well, and not above forty in breadth in the wideft place from north to fouth. There are many more, but all fmall in comparifon of thefe, unlcfs we reckon Ce- lebes, lying under the line, near an hundred and eighty leagues in length, the longeft way north eaft and fouth weft, and about eighty in breadth in the broadeft place from eaft to weft: as alfo Gilolo, under the equator as uell as the laft, of an irreguhir flnape, and not above one fourth part of the bignefs of Celebes. All thefe iilands have a prodigious trade, being reforted to from all parts, not only of India, but even from Europe. Their wealth is incredible, for they produce whatfoever nian can wilh ; but the principal commodities exported are ginger, pepper, camphor, agaric, cailia, wax, honey, (ilk, cotton ; they jiave alfo mines of gold, tin, iron and I'ulphur, all forts of cattle and fowl, but no vines nor olive-trees. In Sumatra the dutch have fomc forts, and arc very powerful, but much more in Java, where Batavia, a populous city, is the nietropolis of rheir eaftern dominir)ns. The enypt, or the coail of Turky, whither it was brought from India » either by caravans or uyt the Red-fea ; and they fupplied all other (!:ountrics with them at their own prices. But now th^ fea is open, every nation has the liberty of fupplying itfclf from the fountain-head ; and i^ feme have encroached upon other., and confined them to a narrower trade in thofc parts, yet the re- turns from tlience are yearly fo great, that all thofe o-oods ma\ be purchafcd liere at the fecond-hand infi- nitely cheaper than they couKl when one nation had the fuppiying of all the rtll, and that by {o expenfive a way, as being themfelve^ ferved by cariiVans, and a few fmall fnips on the Red-fea. To conclude ; thefe parts, the difcovery whereof has been the fubjed of 1 this difcourfe, fupply the chriOiart" world with all gums, drugs, fpices, filkii and cottons, precious flones, ful- piiur, gold, falt-pctre, rice, tea, china-ware, coffee, lapan varniflied works, all f and refcrved by providence to be made known three hun- dred years ago. A region yet not wholly known> the extent being fo immcnfe, that three hundred years have not been a fufficient time to lay it all open. A por- tion of the univerfe Wonderful in all refpedrs: i. For that being fo large it could lie fo long hid. 2. For that being well inhabited, the wit of man cannot con- clude which way thofe people could come thither, and that none others could find the way iince. 3. For its cndlefs fources of gold and filver, which fuppiying all parts, fince their firfVdifcovcry, are fo far from being impoverifhed, that they only want more hands to draw out more. 4. For its mighty rivers, fo far exceeding all others, that they look like little fcas, compared with the greatcft in other parts. 5. For its prodigious moun- tains, running many hundred leagues, and whofe tops arc almofl: inaccelTible. 6. For the firange variety of feafons, and temperature of air to be iound at very few leagues diilance. And ladly. For its flupcndous ferti- lity of foil, producing all forts of fruits and plants which the other parts of the world airord> in greater perfection than in their native land, befides an infinity of others which v. ill not come to perfection elfewhere. To come to the difcovery of this fourth and greatefl part of the earth, it was undertaken and performed by Chriflopher Columbus, a genoefe, excellently Ikilled in fca-aPfairs, an able cofn^.ographer, and well verfed in all thofe parts of the mathematics, which might. capacitate him for fuch an enterprife. This pcrfon being con- vinced by natural reafon, that ^o great a part of the world as till then was unknown could not be all fea, or created to no purpofe'; and believing that the earth E e 3 being 412 ^he H/Jlory of Navigatiofu being round, a ihortcr way might be found to India by the wen, than by coinpairing all Afric to the fouth- ward, as the portuguefes were then attempting to do; he rcfolved t(» apply himfelf wholly to the difco- very of thofe rich countries, which he pofitively con- cluded mult extend, from what was known of the Eafl- Indics, ftill to the eafl-ward one way, and to be the caficr met with by failing rouiid to the >veflward. Having been long fully poflcfTed with this notion, and provided to anfwer all objcdions that might be flarted againll: it, he thought the undertaking too great for any lefs than a fovereign prince, or (late; and therefore, not to be unjufl: to his country, he firft propofcd it to the ll:ate of Genoa, where it was rather ridiculed than any way encouraged. This repulfe made him have re- courfe to king John the fecond of Portugal, Vv ho having caufed the matter to be examined by thofe that had the diredlion of the difcoveries along the coad of Afric, by their advice he held him in hand till he had fent out a caravel with private orders to attempt this difcovery. This caravel having wandered long in the wide ocean, and fuflered much by ftorms, returned without find- ing any thing. Columbus underflanding what had been done, refented'it fo highly, that in hatred to Portugal he refolved to go over to Caflile and offer his fervice there ; but for fear of any difappointment, a; the fame time he fent his brother Bartholomew Co- lumbus into England, to make the fame overture to king Henry tlie feventh. His brotlier had the ill for- tune to be taken at fea by pirates, which much retarded his cominjx to the court of En<:land ; where when at laft he came, being poor and defliruie of friends, it was long before he could be heard, or at kafl be lookec^ upon ; fo that in fine, Columbus was gone before he returned to Spain with his anfwer. Columbus in the mean while (iole awa) out of Portugal, and coming to the court of IVrdinand and Ifabel, king and queen of Cart. le and Aragon, he there fpcnt eight years foliciting with little hopes, and many diflkulties ; till at lalf, when he had utterly defpaired of fuccefs, he met with ir, through the affi nance of fome few friends he had gained at court. At his earned fuit he liad all the con- The Hfjlory of Navigalion, 423 conditions he required granted, ^vhich wcrCy that he flioiild be admiral of all thofc feas he difcovered, and viceroy and governor general of all the lands; that he fliould have the tenth of all things whatib- ever brought from thofe parts, and that he might at aH times be an eighth part in all fleets fent thither, and to receive the eighth of all the returns* This to hirn and his heirs for ever. V\^ith thefe titles, and fufficient power from the queen, who cfpoufed the undertaking, he repaired to the port of Palos de Moguer, on the coaft of Andaluzia, where there was furniihed for him a flirp called the S. Mary, and two caravels, the owq called Ja Pinta, commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, and the other la Nina, by Vincent Yanez Pinzon. In thefe velTels he had ninety men, and provifions for a year ; and thus equipped he failed from Palos de Moguer. An. 1492. On the twenty third of auguft, direding his courfe to the Canary iflands, where he made a new rudder to the caravel Pinta, which had hers broke off at fea, he took in freili provifions, wood, and water with all poUible expedition ; and on the fi^th of feptcmber put to fca again, firccring due welt, and on the feventh loft fight of land. The eleventh, at a hundred and ^ihy leagues difiancc from the ifland of Ferro, they faw a great piece of a mafk drove by the current, which fct firong towards the north ; and the fourteenth the admiral obferved the variation of the needle to the weft ward about two points. On funday the fixteenth the men were furprifed to fee green and yellow weeds fcattered about in fmall parcels on the fuperficies of the water, as if it had been newly torn olf from fome ifland or rock ,- and the next day they faw much more, which made fome ronclude they were near land, and others fuppofing it only to be rocks or fhoals, began to n^utter. Every d:iy they faw fome birds flying to the ftiips, and abundance of weeds in the water, which ftill made them conceive hopes of land ; but w hen thefe failed, then they began again to murmur, fo that the admiral was forced to ufe all his art to keep them quiet, fometimes with fair words, and fometimes with threats and feverity, thev imagining, that fince for the nioft part they failed before the wind^ it would E e 4 be 424 ^^'^ Hijlcry of Navigation, be impofTiblc for thLMii ever to return. Thus their mu- tinous temper daily incrcafed, and began to appear more open, fomc being To bold as to advifc throwing the admiral over board. The firft of October the pilot told the admiral, he found by his account they were five hundred and eighty eight leagues weft of the ifland of Ferro, which is the wedcrmofl: of the Canaries ; who anfwered, his reckoning was live hundred and eighty four, whereas in reality his computation was fcven hundred and fcven ; and on the third the pilot of the caravel Nina reckoned fix hundred and fifty, he of the caravel Pinta fix hundred and thirty four: but they were out, and Columbus made it lefs for fear of difcouraging the men, who neverthelefs continued very mutinous, but were fomewhat appeafed on the fourth, feeing above forty fparrows fly about the fliips, belides other birds. The eleventh of oiflober there appeared manifefl tokens of their being near land ; for from the adm/irar$ fliip they faw a green rulli in the water, from the Nina they faw a cane and a flick, and took up another that was artificially wrought, and a little board, befidcs abundance of weeds frelh pulled up ; from the Pinta they beheld fuch-like tokens, and a branch of a thorn-tree with the berries on it : befides that, founding they found bottom, and the wind grew variable. For thefc reafons the admiral ordered, they lliould make but little fail at night, for fear of being aground in the dark, and about ten of the clock that night the ad- miral himfeif fav/ a light, and fhowcd it to others. About two in the morning the caravel Pinta, which was furthefl: a-head, gave the fignal of land ; and when day appeared, they perceived it was an ifland about fif- teen leagues in length, plain, well wooded and watered, and very populous ; the natives Handing on the fliore, admiring what the fliips were. The admiral and cap- tains went afliorc in their boats, and called that iiland S. Salvador, the natives calling it Guanahani, and is one of the Lucayos in about 26 degrees of north latitude, nine hundred and fifty leagues wefi- of the Canaries, and difcovcred the thirty third day after they failed from them. Columbus took poffelFion for the king and queen ^he Hijlory of Navigation, 425 of Spain, and all the fpaniards joyfully took an oath to him, as their admiral and viceroy. He gave the In- dians, who Hood in admiration to fee him and his men, fome red caps, glafs-beads, and other trifles, which they valued at a high rate. The admiral returning aboard, the natives followed, fome fwimming, others in their canoes, carrying with them bottoms of ipun cotton, parrots and javelins pointed with fifli-bones, to exchange for glafs baubles and horfe-bells. Both men and women were all naked, their hair fliort and tied with a cotton ftring, and well enough featured, of a middle ftature, well fliaped, and of an olive colour, fome painted white, fome black, and fome red. They knew nothing of iron, and did all their work with iliarp flones. No bcalls, or fowl were feen here but only parrots. Being afked by ligns, whence they had the gold, whereof they wore little plates hanging at their nofes, they pointed to the fouth. The admiral underflanding there were other countries not far off, refolved to feek them out ; and taking feven Indians that they might learn fpanifh, failed on the fifteenth to another ifland, which he called the Conception, itwtn leagues from the other. The lixteenth he proceeded to another ifland, and called it Fcrdinanda, and fo to a fourth, to which he gave the name of Ifabella ; but finding nothing more in thcfc than in the firft, he proceeded on to the iOand of Cuba, which he called Juana, and entered the port on the eaft end called Baracoa, whence after fending two men to difcover without finding what he fought for, he went on to liifpaniola, ' and anchored on the north fide of it. Here the admiral finding there were gold mines, and plenty of cotton, the people fimple, and one of the caciques, or princes, fiiowing all tokens of love and affection ; and having loft his own fliip, which through the carelefihefs of the failors in the night run upon a fand, he refolved to build a fort, which with the af- fifiance of the Indians was performed in ten days, and called the Nativity : here he left thirty nine men, with provifions for a year, feeds to fow, baubles to trade with the natives, all the cannon and arms belonging to 4^6 The Ilijlory of Nai'igation. to his own fliip, and the boat. This donCy he depicted the port of the Nativity on the fourth of January 149J, ftcering caftward, and the lixth difcovercd the caravel Pinta, uhich had left him fomc days before, the captain doping to get much gold to himfelf. Colunibus having failed fome days ah^ng the coaft of the iiland, difco- TCFcd more of it, and trafficking with the natives, and feeing fome other iflands at a diftance, at length launched out to fea to return for Spain. In the way they ftruggkd with the drcaxlfiillelt llorms any of them had ever feen, which feparated the adiriiral from the earravel Pinta, fo that he faw her no mor'^ ; bur at laft: it plcafed God to bring his fliattcred caravel into the river of Lifbon, where the people flocked with adrni- ration to fee him, and fome advifcd the king of Portu- gal to murder him, but he having entertained him gene- roufly difmilfed him; and he putting to fea again, ar- rived fafe at Palos de Mogucr, from whence he fa out on the fifteenth of march, having been out fix months and a half upon his difcovery. The court was then at Bar- celona, whither the adniiral repaired, carrying with him ?he Indians he brought, fome gold, and other famples of what the difcovery afforded. The king and queen received him with all poffible dcmondrations of honour, making him fit down in their prefence, and ordering all the privileges and titles before granted him to be confirmed. After fom with pleafant plains, and plenty of woods of feveral forts of trees, great variety of beads and birds, and fome tokens of gold. This country was in 34 degrees of north latitude, a temperate climate, and is the northern part ot the province of Florida. Sailing hence fifty leagues to the north-eaft, they came upon another coall, where they took a boy, and fo run on, feeing all the way abundanc e of trees, variety of herbs and flowers for two hundred leagues, where they again anchored, and were well entertained by the natives, a cacique coming often aboard, and feeming well pleafcd with the frcnch. Hence they held on their courfe above a hundred leagues, and faw people cloathed with feathers, and a very pleafant country ; but pafTed on Hill to a great ifland, and anchored betwixt it and the continent, "where the people were flill naked, with only furs before their privities, and valued copper beyond gold. Thus he proceeded, landing and taking a view of the fliores, till he came into fifty degrees of north latitude, where his provifions falling ihort, he refolved to return into France, having difcovered feven hundred leagues along the coafl, and giving it the name of New-France. Hcrrcra, dec. 3. lib. VI. Hackluyt, vol. HI. p. 295. Purchas, vol. IV. p. 1603. The fame year 1524. Francis Pizarro failed from Pa- nama in november with one fliip and two canoes, in which were eighty fpaniards, and four horfes to dif- cover to the fouthward. Coming under the equi- nodlial, which was further than any had difcovered on that fide, he landed, and provifions failing font back the fliip for them, remaining himfelf alliorc with moft of the men, where they were drove to fuch extremities, that twenty feven of them died for want, and therefore they called this place Puerto de Lahambre, that is. Port F^amine. The Ihip returning with provifions, they pro- The Hijlory of Navigation. 445 proceeded On their voyage to the port they called De la Candclaria, where they again went afliore and tra- velled up the country ; but all the people lied from them, and the continual rains rotted their clothes. Though all the reft of his actions in this expedition were in the enfuing years, yet the funimary of them fhall here be delivered together, to avoid the confulion that might be caufed by the difmembering of them. Hence they went on to a place they called Pueblo Que- mado, where they had two bloody encounters with the Indians, and therefore proceeded to Chicama, whence they again fent back the (hip to Panama for provifions. Whilft the Ihip was returning, James de Almagro, who was at the chief expence of this enterprife, went out of Panama with a fliip full of provifions, and fixty men in it, and running along the coaft, at length found Pizarro at Chicama; and having relieved and con- ferred with him, returned to Panama for more men, whence he brought two {hips and two canoes with arms, men, ammunition and provifions. Leaving Chicama, they proceeded along the coaft ; and after many delays, and feveral times fending back to Panama, during which time the reft of the men were left aftiore, and fuftered in- credible hardftiips, Pizarro came to Tumbcz, where he . fent men aftiore, who were friendly entertained by the natives, fupplied with proviftons, and returned aboard with the joyful news, that they had fcen ftately palaces, and all forts of vefTcls of filver and gold. Here he was invited aftiore, and went twice, having much difcourfe with the indians, who gave him an account of the great city of Cufco, and of the immenfe wealth of the mighty monarch of Guaynacapa. This done, having gathered a good quantity of gold, and got fome of the large pcru ftieep, and other things to fnow the wealth of the country, he returned to Panama to gather a force fufficient to make a conqueft in that rich country, he had difcovered. In this voyage he reached as far as the port of Santa in 9 degrees of fouth latitude, having run above two hundred leagues, in which he fpcnt three years, beinp- detained {o long by the misfor- tunes and wants above-mentioned, bcfides many more too tedious to infcrt here. The conqueft and furtlicr 3 difco- 44^ ^-^^^ Hijlory of Navigation. difcovcrics fliall fall in their due place. Hcrrcra^ dec. 3. lib. VII, VIII, and X. and dec. 4. lib. II. An. 1525. The ennperor Charles the fifth fitted out fix (hips and a tender at Corunna, under the command of D. Garcia Jofre de Loayfa, and well furnillied with provifions, ammunition and commodities to trade, as alfo four hundred and fifty fpaniards. Thefe iliips were Co pafs through the Itraits of Magellan to the Molucco illands, and failed from Corunna in July. On the fifth of deccmber they came upon the coad of Bralil in 21 degrees and a half of fouth latitude. Deccmber the twenty eighth the fliips were parted in a ftorm, but met all again except the admiral. January the fifth they came to cape Blanco in 37 degrees, and thence to Santa Cruz in 51 degrees, where the admiral and ano- ther fhip being miiTmg, they put up fome figns to direct them. Coming to the mouth of the ft raits, one of the fhips was caft away in a Itorm, the other three with niuch difficulty got into the ftrait. January the twenty lixth the admiral, with the other fliip that was milfing, and the tender came to the mouth of the ftrait, where it was near peri filing in a ftorm : and on the fifth of april the five ihips being again joined, put into the ftrait, whence the foul weather had beaten them out. May the twenty fifth they came out into the South-lea, where a violent ftorm parted them all ; and the tender being left alone with very little provifion failed to the northward, till it came upon the coaft of New-Spain, where the men were plentifully relieved by the Indians for the prefent, and afterwards by Cortes from Mexico. The admiral was parted from the other ihips, and never faw them nujre, for he dR:d on this lide the line, and foon after him John Sebaftian Cano his fuccellbr, who had brought the ftiip called the Vivflory home, after failing round the world in the voyage undertaken by Magellan. Then they chofe Toribio Alonfo de Sala- zar for their admiral, and fo direcling their courfe tor the iftands Ladrones, on the thirteenth of feptember difcovered an illand, which they called S. Bartholomew; and the wind not permitting them to come near it, fol- lowed on their courfe to the Ladrones, and came to the two fou'.hcrmoft of thcm^ where there came to them ne Hiftory of Navigcition, 447 them a fpaniiird that had been left there when a flup of Magelhin's company left at the Mokiccos attempted to return to New Spain, as may be feen in that voyage. Five days this which was the admiral's fhip continued in the iiland Bataha, and then profccuted its voyage to the MoUiccos on the tenth of fcptember 1526, and on the fecond of ocftobcr came to the great iiland Minda- nao, one of the Philippines, where they got feme frcili provilions, and then failed away towards the Moluccos, and arrived fafe at Tidore on the lafi: day of deccmbcr, and there built a fort, whence for a long time after they made war with the portuguefcs of Tcrnate; where we will leave them, having ended their navigation, and fhall hear of them again in the following years. Herrera, dec. 3. lib. VII,>III, IX. and dec. 4. lib. I. An. 1526. Sebaftian Cabot, who made the great dif- covery in north America for king Henry the fevcnth of England, being now in the fpanilh fcrvice, failed from Cadiz with four fliips, defigning for the Moluc- cos through the ftrait of Magellan : but when he came upon the coafl: of Brafil, his provilions began to fail, and the men to mutiny, both which things obliged him to lay afide his firfl: dcfign, and run up the river then called of Solis, now of Plate ; and going up it thirty leagues, he came to the ifland of S. Gabriel, and feven leagues above it to the river S. Salvador, where he landed and built a fort, in which he left fome men, whilll he difcovered higher. Thirty leagues further up he found the river of Zarcarana, and ereded another fort, which was called by his name. Then continuing the fame courfe, after running up two hundred leagues he came to the river Paraguay, up which he turned leaving the great river, and at the end of thirty leagues found a people that tilled the ground, which he had not feen before, and they oppofed him fo vigcrouHy, that he was forced to return down the river after lofmg twenty eight of his men: where we muft leave him a-while, to fliow that this fame year James Garcia was fent from Galicia with one Ihip, a fmall tender, and a brigantine to difcover this fame river of Plate, and came upon that part of the coa(l of Brafil v hich for iti 448 The Hijlory of Navigation. Its many rocks and flioals is called Abrelojo, or Open your Eyes, at the end of the year. An. 1 527. At the beginning of the year he came into the river of Plate, and there found two of Cabot*s fhips, but fent back his own to carry flaves into Por- tugal. Then he run up the river, and found Cabot in that of Paraguay, where we faid he loft his men, whence they returned together to the fhips. Cabot fcnt one of them back into Spain, with an account of what he had difcovered, the reafons why he went not to the Moluccos, and fome filver and gold, defiring to be reinforced, and to have leave to plant there, which was not done till fome time after, when it fhall be mentioned in its place. Herrcra, dec. 3. lib. IX. and dec. 4. lib. I. This fame year Cortes fitted out three fliips on the coaft of New Spain in the South fea, and fent them to the Molucco illands, where they joined the fpaniards before-mentioned, and profccutcd the war with the portuguefes. One of the Ihips attempted to return w ith cloves to New Spain, but was beaten back to Ti- dore by contrary winds, where the continual wars re- duced the fpaniards to only twenty, who were forced to put thcmfclves into the power of the portuguefes, and by them were carried into India, where fome of them returned into Spain. Thefe fhips were in fcveral of the Philippine iflands, and took pofTeffion of them for the king of Spain. Hcrrera, dec. 4. lib. I. This year alfo Francis de Montejo failed from Sevil with three fliips, and five hundred men in them, to conquer the province of Yucatan, and Peter de Alva- rado for that of Guatimala. Of the dift overy of both fomething has been faid already, and therefore there needs no repetition. The fame year ftiU Pamphilo de Narvacz failed from Sanlucar on the feventeenth of June with five vefTels, and in them fevcn hundred men, and fpent much time at Hifpaniola and Cuba, where after efcaping a dreadful ftorm, he was lorced to winter. In march following he put to fea with four fliips and above four hundred ^he Hijlory of 'Navigation. 449 hundred men, and on the twelfth of april after many ftornis and dangers came upon the coaft of Florida ; he landed his men and forty horfes, and then travelled with them by land, fending the Ihips at the fame time to coall along and find a fafe harbour where they might fettle a town. Thofe that marched by land, after in- credible fufTering alhore, and loiing their fliips, built Ibme barks to carry them off, making fails of their fliirts, and ropes of their horfes tails and manes. By the twenty fecond of feptember they had eaten all their horfes, and then went aboard their barks : they crept along the fliore feven days in thofe creeks almolt liarved, till they found fome dry filli in an indian houfe, but after this fuffered fuch extremity of thirft> that five of them died with drinking of fait water. They landed again and got fomc refrefl^ment, but the Indians proving treacherous, they loft fome men, and fo put to fea again, where they ranged many days in foul weather, and were all parted. At lafl all the barks were cad upon the fliore and fcveral men drowned, thofe that efcaped almoft naked and flarved met with charitable Indians, who came down and lamented their misfortune with tears, fetching wood to make fire to warm them, carrying them to their houfcs, and giving them all the beft they had ; but this laded not long ; for the indians though fo loving were poor, and foon after fuffered extreme want themfelves, fo that the fpaniards difperfed to fliift, and the fixty that landed were foon reduced to fifteen. Such was their mifery, that five of them who had kept together ate up one another till only one was left. Three or four that furvivcd thefe calamites travelled fome hundreds of leagues acrofs the country, and with incredible hard- fliips at length came to New Spain, the rell: \^irh their officers all pcriflied ; and this was the end of the expedition. Herrera, dec. 4. lib. II, IV. Before we proceed, it muit be here noted, that this fame year king Henry the eighth ot England fent out two Ihips to difcover to the northward, which failed out of the Thames on the twentieth of may, and en- tering between the north of Ncufoundhind and the continent one of them was call: away. The other di- VoL. IX. Gg reded 45a ^he Hijlory of Navigation. rcdcd its courfe towards cape Breton, and the coail of Arambcc, often fending men a'liore to ju-t informa- tion of the country, and returned home in October; uhich is all the account we have of this voyage. Hack- luyt, vol. III. p. 129. An. 1530. I'rancis Pizarro having been in Spain, and obtained many favours of the emperor, and power to conquer what he had difcovered, failed from Panama with a hundred and eighty five fpaniards, and thirty feven horfes. At the bay of S. Matthew he landed the horfes and molt of tiie nu-n to march along the fhore, ■whilll the fliips coalk-d ; and falling upon the town of Qiiapel, he took a vail booty of gold, filver, and emeralds : then he fent three Hiips to Panama and Nicaragua to bring recruits of men and provifions. Being reduced to great 11 raits, and ready to abandon the country, a fliip arrived with fupplics. Hence they failed to the ifland Puna, which lies between three and four degrees of fouth latitude ; where after much feigned friendfnip from the indians, he came to a battle \\\t\\ them, and having gained the vi(ftory, continued there, fetting at liberty fix hundred indians of Tumbez, kept: there in flavcry, which gained him the alfection of thofe people. Two fhips coming to him w ith recruits from Panama, Pizarro failed over to Tumbez, of which place he poilelfed himlelf after killing many indians, wha ufed all means by open force and treachery to deiVroy him. Here inquiring into the affairs of the country, he was informed of the greatnefs and infinite wealth of the city of Cuzco, and of the vail power and large doniinion of the emperor of Peru. Then moving Hill to the fouthward, he founded the city of S. Mi- chael, and flaid there long to fettle that new colony, to get more fuppliesand further intelligence into the aHairs of .he country ; and though thefe things happened in the following years, we will conclude with them at once, according to the intended brevity. At that time two brothers contended for the monarchy of Peru, thefc were Atahaulpa and Guafcar, of whom the former had been fuccefsful in leveral battles. Pizarro refolved to make his advantage oi their divifions. He therefore marched The Hijiory of Navigation, 4^ marched into the country with fcarce two hundred men, and coming to Caxamalca, whence Atahaulpa drew out with his army, he fent to invite him back. The inga came with an infinite multitude of indians ; and having filled the great market of Caxamaica, he ordered they fliould feize all the fpaniards, and take care that not one efcaped : upon which as his horns and other warlike inlirumcnts began to make a dread- ful noife, Pizarro gave the fignal in like manner; and falling on, routed that multitude, and took the inga prifoner, and with him an incredible treafure of gold, filver, and cotton cloth. The inga being prifoner, offered for his ranfom ten thoufand ingots of gold, and a great room full to the top of lilver; which he had almoft performed, when new troubles arifmg, he was put to death. After which Pizarro marched to the great city of Cuzco, near two hundred leagues from Caxamaica, to the fouth-eaft ; whence moving to the fea, he founded the city of Lima in i8 degrees of fouth latitude, and fubdued all that vaft empire of Peru. Herrera, dec. 4. lib. VII. and IX. and dec. 5. through- out the greatcfl' part of it. An. 1532. Nunho de Guzman, fent out by Cortes from Mexico by land to reduce the province of Me- choacan, difcovered and fubdued the provinces of Cu- liacan and Cinaloa, extending to 28 degrees of north latitude on the coafl: of the fouth fea, and oppofite to the fouth end of California; all which was done by land, and a confequence of the former navigations. Plerrera, dec. 5. lib. I. Some lliips were fent out thefe years by Cortes from New-Spain, to difcover to the north-weft ; but they having gone no further than has been already mentioned, it is nccdlefs to give any account of them. An. 1534. Simon de Alcazova, a portuguefc in the king of Spain's fervice, undertook to difcover to the fouthward of Peru ; palling the flrait of Magellan, and fitting out two good fliips with two hundred and fifty men, he fiiiled from S. Lucar on the twenty firfl of feptember, and entered the mouth of the flraits jOf Magellan in January following. Having fpcnt fom^ G g 2 lime 452 The Hijlory of Navigation. time in it, and being half way through, the violent fiorms, which laded many days, were the occafion that his men in a mutinous manner obliged him to turn back out of the flrait, and put into port Lobos, a little above the mouth of it. Here he landed a hun- dred men to difcovcr up the ccuntr}', appointing his lieutenant to command them, becaufe he could not himlelf, by rcafon of his indifpolition. They marched ninety leagues through a defiirtcountr} , feeing fcarceany inhabitants, and being ready to perifli fometimes for want of water; and by this time all the provifions they brought from aboard were fpent, the country atTording little or nothing. This done, they returned towards the fhips, and fome of them mr.tinying by the way, fecured thofe that oppofcd their wicked defigns ; and coming aboard, murdered Alcazova their commander in chief and his pilot, defigning to leave the rcfl that had oppofed them on fliore, and turn pirates. But being divided among themfelves, the loyal party took the advantage to poflefs themfelves of the ihips, and executed many of them. This done they directed their courfe for the iflands of America. The greateft fliip was caft away on the coail of Bralil, the other in much dilhefs arri- ved at the itland Hifpaniola. Thus ended this enterprife, Herrera, dec. 5. lib. VII. and MIL This fame year 1534- J^qucs Carrier failed from the port of S. Malo, by order of Francis I. king of France, to difcover the north part of America. He fet out on the twentieth o^ april, and on the tenth of may put into the port of S. Catherine in Newfoundland w here having (pent fome days in refitting, he failed all the length of the illand from cape Raz to caj^e de Graces and entering between the illand and the continent, run to the welbvard along the fhore, till a: the mouth of th( great river Canada, he turned to the fouthward, came tc the bay called du Chaleur, and traded with the natives ir a very peaceable manner, as rhoy did all along thof< fliores on the back of Newfoundland, viewing all th( creeks and harbours ; till the fifteenth of augufl, whe they departed thence homeward, and arrived at S Malo T"/?// HifloYy of NaZ'i^aiioft. 453 Malo on the fifth of feptember. Hacklu)t, vol. III. p. 2or. An. 1535. The fame Jaques Carticr flulcd again from S. Malo, may the nineteenth, with three Hups upon the fame difcovcry ; and after fuffering much by ftorms, ^vhich parted them, Cartier upon the twenty fifth of June came upon the coalt of Newfoundland, in 49 de- grees and 40 minutes of latitude, and flaying fome days, was there joined by his other two (hips. Then they all together entered the great bay on the back of Ne\^foundland, failing to the well ward, and foul wea- ther coming on, anchored in the port of S. Nicholas, where they {laid till the feventh of auguft ; and then fleering to the fouthward, on the fifteenth came upon the ifland of the Alfumption. Thence he turned again into the great river, and coaiiing along it, came to the iiland he called of Orleans, in the country of Canada, V. here he traded amicably w ith the indians ; and leaving the fliips there, with fifty men in the boats, he ran- fifty leagues higher, where he faw the town of Hoche- laga, confiding of about fifty great houfes, each capa- ble of a great number of people, and the town inclofed with a triple fence, all of timber. Returning hence to his fliips, he went to Stadacona, a town about a league from them, to vifit the prince of that part of Ca- nada. In thefe parts he found much ftlli, Indian wheat, and tobacco. lie continued here all the winter, dif- covering what was neareft, and inquiring into the fur- ther parts of the country; and in may following re- turned home with a particular account of the great river of Canada, and the whole country called by that name, or New-France. Hackluyt, vol. III. p. 212. This year D. Peter de Mcndoza failed from S. Lucar with eleven lhip>: and eight hundred men in them, for the river of Plate, where he happily arrived, and fettled the colony of Buenos Ayres, uhich continues and is famous to this day ; tlu^jugh the greateft part of his people perifiied there for want, before they were re- lieved from Spain. Herrc'ra, dec. 5. lib. IX. An. 1536. Two fliips were fitted out at London, under the command of Mr. Horc, with a hundred and G g 3 twenty 4S4 ^^^^ Uijlory of Navigatioju twenty men, for north America ; of whom wc find no account that they did any more than get to Newfound- land, where they were in fiich want, that they eat up one another; and thofe that were left, furprifed a irench fliip that came into thofe parts, and fo returned home. Hackluyt, vol. III. p. 129. An. 1539. F. Mark de Niza, with his companion F. Honoratus, a black, whofe name was Stephen, and fome inJians for interpreters, fet out on the feventh of majch from the town of Culiacan at the entrance into the flrait of California on the South-fea fliore, to dif- cover the country to the north\\ ard by land. V. Ho- noratus fell fick, and was left behind ; and F. Mark proceeded to Petathen, li>vty leagues from Culiacan; the people there and all the way paying him extraor- dinary refpecl:, and fupplying him plentifully with all neceriaries. Hence he went on to Vacapa, and fent the black towards the fea to difcover that port, who foon after fent meirengcrs, defiring the father to come fpeedily to him, becaufe he had received information of a country called Cibola, where there were feven great cities, built with (lone two Itorics high, and the people well clad ; and that it was but thirty days journey from the place where he then was. F. Marl: fet out towards this country, and all the way he went, the people offered him not only provifions, but turky flones, earthen difhes, and other things, whereof he would receive nothing, but what was baiely for his and his company's maintenance. He palfed through a defart of four days journey, and coming out of it, the people of the firft towns ran to meet him all clad in cotton cloth, or fkins, w ith collars and other ornament* of turky Hones. Having travelled a hundred aiul twenty leagues from Vacapa, he came into a moli de- lightful plain, all inhabited by very civiHzed people, and fix days journey over ; and then entered into a defart of fifteen days journey, where an indian brought him the news that Stephen his black, who had gone all the way before, was killed at Cibola by the go- vernor's order; which was confirmed by other Indians that went with him, and iiad rfcaped. F. Mark having with '7 be Hijlory of Navigation. ^^^ with much difficulty pcrfuaded fome few Indians to fol- low him, went on till he came in light of Cibola, which he viewed from a rifing ground, and afterwards declared it was the bed: city he had {ccy^ in America, the houfes being two or three (lories high, and very beautiful; but durft not go into it, for fear if they fhould kill him, there would be none to carry back an account of that difcovery. He therefore returned,, having {c^w many good towns in his way, and found people very much civilized ; whereof he fent an account to the viceroy. He alfo was informed, that beyond Cibola there were three great and powerful kingdoms, called Marata, Acus, and Tontcac, vvhere the people, lived very politely, v\ ove cloth, and had great riches. Cibola lies in about 38 or 39 degrees of north latitude. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. VII. Upon the news of this great difcovery by land, Cor- tes fct out three iliips from New Spain, under the com- mand of D. Francifco de Ulloa ; who direc1:ed his courfe to the north-wcfi:, run along the back of Cali- fornia, fearching all that coafi: as f:tr as cape Enganho in the latitude of 30 degrees : but here was no dif- covery of any confequence made, and Ulloa refolving to go further, was never more heard of; another of his three (hips had been loft before, and the third, which now left him, returned to New Spain. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. IX. An. 1540. Don Antony Mendoza viceroy of Mexico, upon the information above given by F. Mark of the country of Cibola, ordered Francis Vafquez de Cor- nado, governor of New Galicia, to m.arch thither with fome forces, and plant colonies where he thought con- venient. Cornado fet out from Culiacan in may, with an hundred and fifty horfe and two hundred foot, and liore of ammunition and provifions. He directed his courfe almolt north- eall, and after a long march of many days came to the firft town, where Stephen the black above-mentioned was killed. Here they faw five towns, each of about two hundred inhabitants, and the houfes of ftone and mud, and Hat at the top ; the country cold, but plentiful, the people clad in fl^ins of G sr 4. bcafts. 45 6 The Hi/lory of Navigation. beads. Five days journey to the north-cad: of Cibola is a province called Tucayan. All thcfe places gave the rpaniards friendly reception, except the iird town of Cibola. They travelled leven days further dill north-cad, and came to the river Cicuique, where they found abundance o^ cows, and then proceeded twentv days without knowing where they were. Here Cornado ordered all his forces to day, except thirty rrien, and with them he travelled thirty days to the northward always among abundance of cattle, and on the fead of St. Peter and Paul came to the river to which he gave thofe names. Hence they turned into the province of Quivira, which is a finer country than mod in Europe, and where they favv grapes and feveral forts of european fruits, as alfo flax growing wild. Having taken an account of all this country, he re- turned to his government. In his way outwards he travelled three hundred and thirty leagues, arid but two hundred in his return, becaufe he came back the direcl way. Quivira is in 40 degrees of latitude. Cornado was out two years upon his difcovery, and was blamed at his return for not having planted a co- lony. The fame year the viceroy of Mexico fet out two fhips at Acapulco on the South-fca, to difcovcr on that element, whild Cornado travelled by land, and gave the command of them to Ferdinand de Alarcon, who fet fail on the ninth of may. Coming to the flats at the entrance of the drait of California, he fent his boats before to found, and yet run aground ; but the tide rifing, brought him oif, and he run up till he came to a great river, up which he went with his boats, and traded with the Indians for provifions and hides. Having ^nnii very far up this river, Alarcon heard tidings of Cibola, which was what he looked lor, and of the d -ath of Sfphen the black. He called the river Buena Guia, and returning to his diips, put aboard his boars .ibundance of provifions and commodities to trade with; rcfolving to join Francis Vafquez de Cor- nado that way. Alarcon went up this river eighty five leagues, and then hearing no news of Cornado, in The Hijlory of Navigation. 457 in fearch of whom he went, he took down the river again to his iliips. He proceeded on his voyage many days after up the coaft, inquiring for Cornado and Ci- bola, till perceiving at laft there were no hopes of finding them, he returned to New Spain ; having failed 4 degrees further than the fliips fcnt by Cortes. Her- rcra, dec. 6. lib. IX. This year ftill, James Cartier before mentioned failed from S. Malo with five fliips on the twenty third of may for the coafl of Canada and Sagucnay ; and meet- ing with very bad weather at fea, were parted, and came together again after long beating at fea, in the port of Carpont in Newfoundland ; and on the twenty third of augull put into the haven of Santa Croix, or the holy crofs in Canada. Hence the lord of Roberval failed four leagues further, where he thought a convenient place, and there ereded a fort, into which he landed the provifions and ammunition ; and keeping three fhips with him, fcnt back the other two into France. This is the firil: colony I find in north America, and the firfl: in all that continent of any nation, except the fpaniards or portuguefes. Hackluyt, vol. 3. p. 232. There occurs another navigation this year, no lefs remarkable in its way, than any of thofc already men- tioned. Pizarro having conquered the mighty empire of Peru, guided by his boundlefs ambition, travelled up into the inland, and wanting provifions, fent cap- tain Orellana down the river of the Amazons with eighty men in a boat and feveral canoes. He fet out about the latter end of this year, and being carried two hundred leagues from the place where he entered, the violence of the current driving the boats twenty five leagues a day, he thought he was too far gone to return againfi the ftream, and therefore held on his way, till in January for want of provifions his men eat all the leather they had. Being ready to perifii, they came to an indian town, where they found provifions, the Indians abandoning it at firfi ; but Orellana fpeak-, ing to fome in the indian tongue, they all returned, and plentifully furnifiied him with turkeys, partridges, Hih, and other neceiTIiries. Finding thefe indians fin- cere, they ftaid here twenty daj's ; in which time they builc 45? The Ilijlory of Navigation, built a brigantinc, and fct out again on candlcn^.as dav, and ran two hundred leagues farther without feeing any town ; when being again in great want, they fpied fome indian dwellings, where they civilly al"kcd for fome fuftcnance, and had abundance of tortoifes and parrots given them. In the way hence they faw good towns, and the next day two canoes came aboard, bring- ing tortoifes and good partridges, and much fifli, which they gave to Orellana, who in return gave them fuch things as he had. Then he landed, and all the caciques of the country about cam.e to fee and prefent him w ith provifions : fo that he ftaid here thirty five days, and built another brigantinc, which he caulked with cotton, and was fuppLed by the indians with pitch for it. They left this place on the twenty fourth of april, and running eighty leagues without meeting any warlike indians, came to a dcfart country. May the twelfth they came to the province of Machiparo, w here many canoes full of indians fct upon them^; yet they landed fome men, w ho brought provifions Irom the town in fpite of the multitude of natives that oppofed it, and repulfed the indians from their boats. Yet when he '«vent off, they purfued him two days and two nights, and therefore when they left him, he refied three days in a town, w hence he drove the inhabitants, and found much provifion, whereof he laid in good llore. Two days after he came to another town as plentiful as the laft, and where they faw much lilver and %^'T^\'\y but va- lued it not, being now intent only upon laving their lives. In fine, with fuch like accidents he run down this vaft river, feeing many towns and large rivers that fell into this: fighting often with the indians, till he came into the North-fea. Thefc fpaniards judged the mouth of the river to be fifty leagues over, that the frclh water ran twenty leagues into the fea, that the tide rifcs and falls five or fix fathoms, and that they had run along this valt river eighteen hun- dred leagues, reckoning all the windings. Being out at fea, they coafied along by guefs with their finall veffels, and after many labours and fufierings, arrived at laft in feptcmbcr at the ifland Cubagua on the coalt of Paria, where ne Hijlory of Navigation. 459 vbcre was then a fpanifli town, and great pearl-fifhery. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. IX. An. 1542. John Francis de la Roche, lord of Rober- val, whom Francis I. king of France had conftituted his lieutenant in the countries of Canada, Saguenay, and Hochclaga, failed from Rochel with three fhips, and in them two hundred perfons, as well women as men, on the fixteenth of april ; and by reafon of con- trary winds did not reach Newfoundland till the feventh of June. Here he made fome Hay to refit, and there came into the fame port James Cartier with all his company, who we mentioned went into Canada two years before. He left the country becaufe he was too weak to withftand the natives; and Roberval command- ing him now to return with him who had ftrength enough, he dole away in the night, and returned into France. The laft of June the general Hiiled out of port S. John in Newfoundland, and run up the river of Ca- nada, till four leagues above the ifland of Orleans, the place now called QLiebec. Finding here a convenient harbour, he landed and eredled a llrong and beautiful fort, into which he conveyed his men, provifions, and all neccflaries, fending two f.iips back into France with the account of his proceedings. Being fettled in this place they fuffcred much hardlliip, their provifions filling ibort, but were relieved by the natives. Ro- berval took a journey into the country of Saguenay to difcover, but we have no particulars of this his expe- dition. Hackluyt, vol. III. p. 240. The fame year 1542. D. Antony dc Mendoza, vice- roy of Mexico, fitted out two fliips on the coaft of the South-fea to difcover to the northward, under the com- mand of John Rodriguez Cabrillo a portuguefe. He failed from the port of Navidad on the twenty feventh of June, and on the twentieth of auguft came up with cape Engano on the back of California in 31 degrees of latitude, where Cortes his difcoverers had been before. September the fourteenth they anchored at a cape they called de la Cruz, or of the crofs, in ^3 degrees of la- titude. October the tenth they traded w ith fome peace- able indims in 35 degrees 20 minutes^ and called thofe the 460 ^he Hijlory of Navigation. the towns of the canofs, hccaiifc they faw many there. On the eiom this place he ran fouth-cafl:, and fouth-eali and by fouth to cape S. Eucas, which is five hundred leagues from the north cape called Mendocino, whence he continued his voyage fucccfsfully back to the port of Acapulco. Hackluyt, vol. III. p. 442. This Yoyage is inferted bccaufe it is the Hrn. from New-Spain to China, and the firftthat found the way of returning to New Spain by the north-ward ; for want oi which know- ledge, man}- Ihips that attempted to return from the Mo- luccos The Hiftory of Navigation 467 luccos to America, were flill beaten back, there being no pofTibility of returning the way they go, which is near the line, where the caflerly winds continually reign. An. 1583. On the eleventh of June fir Humphrey Gilbert failed from the weft of England with five velTels, and in them two hundred and fixty men, defigning to plant a colony in feme part of north America. On the thirteenth the biggeft fhip ftole away by night, and returned to Plymouth, there being a contagious diftem- per among the men. July the thirtieth he came upon the back of Newfoundland, which is about fifty leagues from the coaft, and has at leafl twenty five or thirty fathom water, and about ten leagues over, lying like a long ridge of mountains in the fea, for on each fide of it there are above two hundred fathom water. He came upon the coaft, and running along it put into S. John's harbour, where he anchored among abundance of fifliermen of feveral countries, who w^re there before. Here he went afliore and took pofTeflion. One of his fhips had before played the pirate at fea, robbing a french vefTel, and here his men run away with a Ihip laden with fifh, and others hid themfelves ; fo that finding too few men for his fhips, fome being fick, he put them into one of his velTels, and fent it home, re- maining^ now with only three. Ausiuft the tv/entieth he failed from port S. John, and the next day canie up with cape Raz in 46 degrees 25 minutes latitude. Turning from hence to the weftward towards cape Breton, eighty feven leagues diltant, they fpcnt eight days in the pafTage ; and coming among the fiats, the biggeft ftiip of the three was caft away, and nothing faved except a few men in the boat. Sir Humphrey Gil- bert was not aboard the ftiip caft away : the other two left refolved to return home, but by the way the fmall vellel fir Humphrey was in perifhed, the otlicr arrived fafe at Dartmouth. Hackluyt, vol. III. p. 143. An. 1584. Mr. Philip Amadas and Mr. Arthur Bar- low failed on the twenty feventh of april from the we(^ of England in two barks, to difcover in America. On the tenth of June they came among the iflands of Ame- rica, much more to the fouthward than they had de- ll 1? 2 iigncd ^^g The Hijlory of Navigation. figned. July the fourth they difcovered the continent, and failed along the coaft four leagues till they came . to a river on the thirteenth, where they anchored, and going alhore took polfeflion. This place they after- wards found to be the illand of Wokoken, on the coaft of Virginia, in 34 degrees of latitude, and in it deer, rabbits, hares, fowl, vines, cedars, pines, falia- fras, cyprefs and niaflich trees. The natives from the continent repaired to the Ihips, and exchanged fevcral forts of Ikins, white coral, and fome pearls, for tin things, and other trifles. The country is fruitful, pro- ducing all things in a very Ihort time. The natives called it Wingandacao, and the cnglidi Virginia. Going afliore they were entertained with extraordinary civility at a little village, and heard news of a great city up the country, but law it not. They made no long ftay here, nor proceeded any further upon difcovery, only juft to the neighbouring parts in their boats, and re- turned to England in fcptcnibcr, bringing two of the natives with them. Hackluyt, vol. III. p. 246. An. 1535. On the ninth of april fir Richard Greenvil departed from Plymouth with fevcn fail; and after touching at the iflands of Puerto Rico, and Hifpaniola, on the twenty lixth of June came to an anchor at the ifland Wokoken in Virginia, where the admiral's fnip was loft through the ignorance of the pilot. Here Mr. Lane was fet afliorc \Nith above an hundred men to fettle a colony, with all neceirarics for that purpofc. Then the adnural returned to England, and the new- planters made fevcral difcovcries up the country, find- ing it every where plentiful aiul pleafimt. Here they continued a year, at the end w hereof the natives con- fpiring to d'eilroy them, and no relief as yet coming from England, rhey returned home on board iir Francis Drake's Ihip.s, which happened to touch there after his expedition to the fpanilli plantations. Hackluyt, vol. III. p. 251. Purch. vol. IV. p. jr)45. The fame year 15S5, on the feventh of junc, Mr. John Davis failed Worn Dartmouth with two barks for the difcovery of the north-well: pnllage to China. Jul/ the nineteenth they met with much ice, and on the twenty ninth difcovered land bearing north-call of them in The Hiftory of i\avigairon, 469 in' 64 degrees 15 minutes latitude. Here they went afhore, and found a tractable fort of people, with whom they dealt for feal fkins, and feveral lorts of leather. Augufl: the firft they proceeded on their difcovery to the north-weft, and on the fixth came into 66 degrees and 40 minutes free from ice, and landed under a hill which they called mount Raleigh, where they favv no inhabitants, but many white bears. The eighth they coafted on, and the eleventh found themfelves in a paf- fage twenty leagues wide, and free from ice, along which they failed lixty leagues ; and fcarching all about found many iOands and feveral harbours, with all ap- pearances of a further palfage, yet the winds proving contrary to proceed, they returned for England, and arrived at Dartmouth on the thirtieth of feptember. Hackluyt, vol. III. p. 98. An. 1 5 86. Mr. Davis failed the fecond time on the feventh of may with one fliip, two barks, and a fmall pinnace, upon the fame difcovery. The fifteenth of June he difcovered land in the latitude of 60 degrees, but could not come near it for ice, till the twenty ninth he came to land in 64 degrees latitude, and went afhore on an illand, where he traded very friendly with the natives for feals, ftags, and white hares llsios, and dried fifh and fomc fowl. Here he continued fomc days trading with the natives who were very thievifh ; at his departure he brought away one of them with him. He run into 66 degrees 20 minutes latitude, and then coafted fouthward again to 56 degrees, where in a good harbour he continued till feptember; and failing thence in 54 degrees found an open fea tending weft- ward, which they hoped might be the paftage fo long fought for ; but the weather proving tempeftupus, they returned to England in October. Hackluyt, vol. III. p. 103. The fame year 1586, fir Richard Grccnvii returned to Virginia with three fnips to relieve the colo .y left by him there; which being gone, as was faid I efore, he left lifteen men on the ifland Rcanoak with provi- fions for two years, and then returned to England. Hackluyt, vcl. 111. p. 265. H h 7 This ^^i5 The H(/}ory of Na'Vigathns This year alfo was begun the voyage round the world by lir Thomas Candilh, which may be feen among the voyages about the globe after thcfe Weft- India difcoveries. An. 1587. Mr. John Davis on the nineteenth of may failed with three fmall vcfTcls, upon his third voyage for his difcove -v of a paflage to the north-weft. June the eighteenth tho/ canie to an anchor on the northern American coaft, and the twentieth were in 67 degrees 40 minutes latitude in an open fea ; and then ftcering weftward ran forty leagues, where meeting \\ ith much ice, and the north wind driving them from their intended northerly courfe, they were forced to feek the open fea again. The twentieth they had fight of the ftrait they difcovered the year before, and failed up it 60 leagues ; and having landed without finding any thing more than the year before, came out again to the wide fea : then they coafted along to the fouth- ivard as far as 52 degrees of latitude, whence they re- turned home, without doing any thing of note. Hack- luyt, vol. III. p. III. The fame year 1587, fir Walter Raleigh provided three veflcls to carry over to Virginia a hundred and •fifty men to fettle a colony there under the command of John White. They failed from Plymouth on the eighth of may, and having fpent feveral days among the fpaniih american iflands, arrived at laft on the twenty fecond of July at Hatoralk in Virginia ; whence crolling over to the ifland Roanoak, they found the fif- teen englifn left there the year before were killed by the natives. Here the new planters were fet afhore with all their provifions, goods, and ammunition, and the fliips returned into England, carrying with them the governor to foil ic it for fpcedy fupplies to be ftnt to the new colony. Hackluyt, vol. III. p. 280. An. i5ort in the admiral was fent back into England. In the colony were left an hundred and four men with little provifion, and therefore they were foon reduced to great extremis ties ; many alfo dying of difeafes peculiar to that country. But in their greatell diftrefs, the natives, who before had been their enemies, fupplied them with plenty of all forts of victuals, which recovered the fick men, and was the fivin'i; of the colony. Every year after fliips arrived from England w ith fupplies, till the new town grew to a confiderable body, and fent out other colonics to the parts adjacent, w here they were thought nccellarvj till rlv*} made themfclYcs mafters of that ne Hijlory of Navigation, 475 that northern part of America. The relation is too long any more than to be hinted as above, but to be leen at large in Purchas, vol. IV. p. 1705. An. 16 10. Mr. Hudfon again undertook the difco- very of a north- weft palTage, which had been laid afide for fome years, and proceeded an hundred leagues fur- ther than any before him had done, giving names to fome places, to be fecn in the maps ; as Defire pro- vokes, Ifle of God's Mercies, Prince Henry's Cape, King James's Cape, and Queen Anne's Cape : but he could proceed no farther for ice. An. 161 1. Sir Thomas Button, at the inftigation of prince Henry, whofe fervant he was, purfued the north- weft difcovery. He pa fled Hudfon's ftrait, and leaving Hudfon's bay to the fouth, failed above two hundred leagues to the fouth-weftward, through a fea above eighty fathom deep, and difcovercd a great continent called by him New-Wales ; where after much mifery and ficknefs, wintering at port Nclfon, he carefully fearched all the bay, from him called Button's bay, back again almoft to Digg's iOand. He difcovered the great land called Cary's Swanfneft. He loft many men during his ftay in the river called Port Nelfon, in 57 degrees 10 minutes of north latitude ; though he kept three fires in his Ihip all winter, and had great ftore of white partridges, and other fowl, befidcs deer, bears and foxes. An. 161 2. Mr. Richard Moore was fent in april with one fhip and ftxty men to inhabit the Summer illands, otherwife called Bermudas, long before difcovered by the fpaniards, who after fome attempts to fettle there, abandoned them ; and were after accidentally found by fir Thomas Gate and fir George Summers, who were fhipwrecked upon them, and lived there nine months, during which time they built a ftiip and a pinnace v» ith . the cedar growing there, and in 1610 failed away tor Virginia, leaving only two men in the great ifland. A fhip fent thither from Viginia left only three men in the ifland, who found there amber-greece to the value of nine or ten thoufand pounds. Mr. Moore at his coming this year found thofe three men in perfect health. ^-76 The Hifiory of Navigation. health. He fettled a colony, and continued there three years, being relieved from time to time, till they amounted to above fix hundred inhabitants, who built fcveral forts, but had like to have been themfelves dcrtroyed by an iiilinitc number of rats, which in- creafed from a few coming afnorc out of a (liip, and continued for four years devouring all the growth of the country, notw ithltanding all jxjfiible means were ufed to dellroy them. An. 161 2. James Hall and William Bafhn returned into England, having difcovercd Cockin's found in 65 degrees 2 minutes latitude, and tried the mine at Cunningham's River, which they found to be worth nothing. An. 16 1 5. Mr. Baffin went again, and the chief thing he difcovered was, that there is no pafTage in the north of Davis's Strait. An. 16 1 6. Mr. Baffin was fent the third time, and entered fir Thomas Smith's bay in 78 degrees of lati- tude ; and returned, defpairing of finding any paflage that way. An. 1620. A fliip failed from Plymouth for New England on the fixth of feptember ; though we have not the commander's name, nor what force his fliip was of. It is alfo here to be obferved, that all the north- ern coaft from about 60 to 40 degrees of north latitude, was hrft difcovered by Sebaliian Cabot, and afterwards at fcveral times by Cortereal a portuguefe, as has been fet dov n in their proper places, and by fundry engliili and frcnch difcovcrers ; to particularize every one of whofe voyages would fuell a volume, arid therefore only the principal difcovcries and plantations are here fet dow n, as molt fuitable to the nature of this difcourfc, and the intended brevity. This fliip \\c now fpeak o\, an- chored in the bay of cape Cod in New England, and in J. I degrees and a half of north latitude on the ele- venth of novcmber. Here thcv put out their boat, and ]an(kxl men, ^vh() went ibme miles into the coui)try feveral ways without meeting any people, and only found fome little Indian wheat buried, the boat coafl- ing along the fliorc. This they continued for feverul davsj ne Hijiory of Navigation. 477 Jays, feeking out fome proper place to fettle. At length on the twenty third of decembcr, they pitched upon a place to their mind, and fell to work to build- ing their houfes, dividing themfelves into nineteen fa- milies, that the fewer houfes might ferve. About this place they found no people, but were told by an Indian, who came to them from the next part inhabited, that the natives there had all died lately of a plague. This favage brought fome of the neighbouring people to them, by whom they were conducted to their king, a very poor one, with whom they concluded peace and amity. The following year this new colony was reinforced with thirty live men from England, and fupplied with pro- vilions and necelfaries, and called New Plymouth in New England. A war foon breaking out with another Indian prince, the engliili fortified their colony to fe- cure themfelves againft all attempts of their enemies. From hence all other colonies were by degrees font into other parts of the country ; of which it were too tedious to give any further account. Purchas, vol. IV, p. 1842. An. 163 1. Captain James failing into the north- well, was much peftered with ice in June and jul\ 3 and en- tering a great bay near port Nelfcn, he named the land New South-Wales. Roving up and down thcfc feas, he gave names to thcfe places difcovered by him, viz. cape Henrietta Maria, Lord Wefton's Ifiand, Earl of Briftol's lOand, Sir Thomas Roe's liland. Earl of t)anby's Ifiand, and Charlton liland. He wintered there in 52 degrees 3 minutes latitude, and returned home the following yeiir 1632, having difcovered much beyond Hudfon, Button, and Baifui. 1 he danes have attempted to difcovcr in thcfe northern parts, but there is nothing remarkable in tlieir adlions. An. 1667. Zachariah Gillam in the Nonfuch ketch palTed through Hudfon's Strait, and then into Baffin's bay to 75 degrees of latitude, and tr.ence foutherly into Ji degrees; where in a river called Prince Rupert's River, he had a friendly correfponJcncc with the na- tives, built a fort, which he called Charles Fort, and returned with fuccefs ; having laid the foundation of an advantageous trade in tlicfe ^arrs. A.n. ^'jS The Hijlory of Navigation, An. 1669. Captain John Narbrough, afterwards fir John Narbrough, failed in the S\vecpl\akes, a man of war of three hundred tun, thirty fix guns, and eighty men and boys, with a pink of fevcnty tun and nineteen men, both fet out at the charge of his majefty king Charles II. and his royal highncfs the duke of York, to make a farther difcovcry on the coafl of Chile. On the twenty firfi: of odlobcr the year following, he came to the mouth of the llraits of Magellan, and through them to the South-fca, about the middle of no- vember ; having taken a moft cxadt furvey of that paf- fage, which is made public in his voyage. On the twenty fixth of november he went afiiorc on the fmall ifiand called Neufira Senora del Socorro, or Our Lady of Succour ; where he watered, but found no people. Holding on his rourfe to the noi-thward, on the fif- teenth of december he fcnt his boat, with the lieutenant in her, afhore on the fouth fide of port Baldivia, which is in 39 degrees 56 minutes of fouth latitude. Here the lieutenant and three others going afhore to a fpanifli fort, were detained, and the fifip failed away without them. From hence captain Narbrough turned again to the fouthward, and through the ftrait of Magellan returned into England; where he arrived in June fol- lowing, having been out above two years. An. 1673. On the thirteenth of may F. Marquette a jefuit, with only ^\^ other frenchmen, fet out in two canoes from the Lac des Puans, or the Stinking Lake, in the province of Canada in North America; and paf- ling through the provinces of Folic Avoine and Ili- quois, indians in peace with France, fometimes carry- ing their boats by land, and fometimes being carried in them, they came at length to the great river Mif- fiflipi. They ran many leagues along this river through a defart country, their courfe always fouth, though fometimes bending eafi, and fometimes wefi. At the end of fevcral days folitude, they came among favagc Indians, were friendly received, and heard that the fea was within two or three days fail of them ; which was the gulph of Mexico. Thus he difcovered all that in- land "part of North- America alor.^- the river, from 3S to ^he Hijlory of Navigation, 4 7^ to 34 degrees of north latitude, lying on the back of Canada, Virginia, &c. down to Florida. The parti- culars of this voyage may be fecn in Thevenot's fmall coUedlion of voyages in odavo. An. 1680, and 1681. Captain Sharp having been buccaneering in the South-fea, and not able to recover the ftrait of Magellan to return home, he ran further to the fouth beyond le Maire*s and Brovver's, till he came into 60 degrees of fouth latitude ; meeting with many iOands of ice, and abundance of fnow, froft, and whales, and called a fmall place he found the Duke of York's illand. Thus he came into the north fea a new way, and made it appear that the land in the ftraits of le Maire and Brower mufl be iflands, and not joined to any continent. Introduction to the account of feveral late difcovcries printed in 1694. p. 13. Here we may conclude with the american voyages and difcoveries, having run along from north to fouth on the eafb fide of that new v/orld, or along that com- monly called the north fea ; and back from fouth to north along the weft fide, or South-fca. It follows next, as was done after the eaftern difcoveries, to fiiow the extent of this vaft tradl of land thus found, and what benctits the world has received by this navigation. The whole length of what has been difcovercd, is from 78 degrees of north latitude, in which fir Thomas Smith's bay lies, to 60 degrees of fouth latitude, in all a hundred and thirty eight degrees ; which, al- lowing twenty leagues to a degree, in a ftrait line amounts to two thoufand fcven hundred and fixty leagues, a thing almoft incredible, were it not fo well known, and ftupendous that fo great a part of the world fhould lie concealed fo many ages ; bcinp- never known fmce the creation, till about three hundred years ago. Now to defcend to particulars ; from 80 to al- moft 50 degrees of north latitude being i^o degrees, and according to the rate above of twenty leagues to a degree, fix hundred leagues ; the extremity of the cold, which is there more fierce than in the parts of Europe under the like elevation, renders that pare little regarded, and confequently not inhabited by any europeau nation, though much of it be peopled by fa- vagcs. ^So 'The Hijlory of NaiJigatiolt. vagcs» living there little better than brutes : and aH the advantage made of thofe northern nations is the fifliery of whales and morfes ; the former for their oil and bone, and the latter for their teeth, which arc finer than ivory. The next divilion beginning above 50 degrees of north latitude, and reaching to about 44, is Canada or New-France ; running up the river of Canada above two hundred leagues into the continent, and poflelTcd by the french, who have there feveral co- lonies, and trade with the natives for furs. Next to Canada is New England, lying along the fea-coafl north- eaft, and fouth-wefl about 70 miles, fubjcct to the crown of England, and their chief trade furs, Hax, hemp, and fome corn. After it follows New-York, the trade much the fam.c with thofe fpoken of. Then comes Penfylvania, Virginia, and Maryland, almoft north and fouth for above a hundred leagues of englilli con- quelt, and the principal commodity tobacco. Carolina is next in courfe, being a part of the great province of Florida, lying bet\\een 29 and ;^6 degrees of latitude, and therefore about a hundred and forty leagues in length ; It has been pofTelled by the englilh but of later years, in the reign of king Charles II. from w horn it took the name ; and being ^o lately fubdued, the re- turns of it arc not yet great, but much is hoped from it. Florida is a vail part of the continent, reaching above two hundred and fifty leagues from north to fouth, and above four hundred from ealt to weft, belides a large province of it fli'^oting out into the fea, where begins the channel of Bihama : part of it is fubjeci: to the fpaniards, and a greater part not yet conquered ; fo that it affords no great profit. But now follows the great and wealthy kingdom of Mexico, running above a hundred and thirry leagues almoll north and fouth, and about the fame length upon a turn it makes in the fouch part towards the call, including the great penin- fuia oi Yucatan, above three hundred leagues in com- pafs. In this vaft coi^.iinion, entirely fuhject to Spain, is to be lound in great plenty all that is necelFary and convenient for human life, except wine and oil ; and from it Europe is fupplitd with great ilcre of lilver, 5 cochineal. ^he Hijlory of Navigation. 481 cochineal, indigo, cacao, bairullas, cotton, mcchoacan, and many other precious commodities. Whence to Porto Bello the coafl runs partly near eaft and wefb, and partly ahiioft north and fouth, above three hundred and lifcy leagues of countries incredibly rich, and afford- ing ail the commodities abovementioned, more plenty of gold, and many other pi*ecious things. From Nom- bre de Dios to Cabo de Galera, taking it in a llraight line, the coafl runs eaft and weft about four hundred and fifty leagues, all ftill fpanifli, and abounding in wealth ; particularly the pearl-fifliery on the coaft of Paria, and the rich emeralds up the inland. From cape Galera to Cabo de Conde, along the coaii of Caribana, lying fouth-eafl: and north-weft about two hundred and fifty leagues, and thence to Caparare more foutherly about a hundred and twenty leagues, in all three hundred and feventy ; all this for the moft part unconquered, and peopled by favage indians. From cape Caparare to Cabo do Natal about four hundred leagues eaft and weft, fomewhat foutherly, and from Cabo do Natal to Rio de Janeiro almoft north and fouth near four hundred leagues, and fo to Lagoa de Pcrnaba a hundred and fifty leagues, in all nine hundred leagues ; all this trad of land, commonly known by the name of Brafil, and fubjecl to the crown of Portugal, yielding abun- dance of tobacco and fugar, infinite quantities of brafil wood, which gives the name to the country, and of late years a gold mine found in it, which yields confi- 'derable treafure. From Lagoa de Pernaba to the river of Plate, about three hundred leagues fouth-weft and north-eaft, under the dominion of Spain, From the mouth of the river of Plate, running up the continent on the back of Brafil, the fpanifii dominions reach quite acrofs to Peru, being at leaft four hundred leagues, and above as much north and fouth in the in- land; being fruitful countries, almoft overrun with flocks and herds of all forts of catile, whence they fend abundance of hides to Spain, and much filver, which they have from Peru by way of trade. From the mouth of the river of Plate, to the entrance into the ftrait of Magellan, fouth-weft and north-eaft four hundred leagues; all this counrrv is inhabited only by Vol. IX. 1 1 ' favage 4S2 The Hijlory of Naz-i^atio7j. favage indians, and was never ful^cuKcl bv any ciiroptan nation : therefore yielding no profit, though fniiiii:! and good land. Terra del Fuogo, or terra Magtllimica lying to the fouth of the llrait, is little known, and not worth conquering by rcafon of its coldntfs, and there- fore no more needs be faid of it. The ftrait of Ma- gellan is about a hundred lengiies in length, and corrrmg ont of it into the South-fea, from cape \ icloria to Rio dc los Gallcgos, about two hundred leagues; all 11 ill the country of the patagones, never inhabited by chriflians, nor yielding them any benefit. But here begins the coaft of Chile, extending above three hun- dred leagues; a country infinitely rich in gold, fcr ^^hich the lilver is ncglce'led, though it has plenty of it, and yielding the mofi: precious natural bcdfam in the world ; all fubjedt to Spain, as is the whole coaft on the South-fea up to 40 degrees of north latitude, for which rcafon it \\'\\\ be needleis to repeat it. Peru reaches four hundred leagi_ies north-wefl and fouth- eafb, well known for its inexhauflible lilver mines of Potofi and Porco. Next is the province of Quito, about .an hundred leagues along the coafl north and fouth. 'J'hen the firm land, or continent [\^ called peculiarly, tmd provinces of Pan-jma and Vcragua, above an hun- dred leagues north-cafi: and fouth-wefl", and north-well ■ and fouth-ead. After this follows the government of Guatemala, near three hundred and fifty leagues along the coal> north-w cfl and fouth-caft ; and then that of ■ Mexico two hundred and fifty leagues, abounding in gold, filver, all ufeful woods, rich drugs, cotton, and iiiany other precious commodities. Lalily, New-Mex- ico reaching up to 40 degrees of north latitude, being about four hundred leagues ; a rich country in lilver mines, and plentiful in cattle, corn, and all otiier blcf- fmgs for human life. Maving run along both fides of America, and given a particular of each divifion, as to extent, product, and by whom pofTelled, as far as the brevitv of this difcourfc would permit ; it is fit to note that ail the lengths are here taken in a llraight line, and nof wmdmg with the fnores, which would make them 'double what is computed; and, as in fuch va(l extents, not pretended to be ineafured to cxactncfs, but accord- ing ne liijlory of Navigation. 483 ing to Lhe general computation of Tailors. The total thus amounts to fix thoufand five hundred leagues, taking only the greatefl windings of the coaff, and this along what is conquered by europeans ; excepting only the {z^aw hundred leagues of the land of the Pa- tagones about thc'ftrait of Magellan, and two hundred and {\{vj or thereabouts, Qi Caribana, not fo well fub- dued. And to fuin up the commodities we have from thefe countries; the principal are gold, fil'/cr, pearls, emeralds, amethiils, cochineal of feveral forts, indigo, anatro, logwood, brafil, Nicaragua wood, braliletie, fufbic, lignum vitre, fugar, ginger, cacao, bairullas, cotton, red wool, tobacco of various forts, fnuff, hides raw and tanned, amber-grecce of all forts, bczoar, balfam of Tolu, of Peru, and of Chile, jefuit's bark, jalap, niechoacan, farfaparilla, faflafras, tamarinds, cafTia, and many other things of lefTer note. It only remains now to add a word concerning the illinds be- longing to this mighty continent. The firft of thefe beginning northerly, is Newfoundland, above three- hundred leagues in compifs, peopled by french and englifh, who have fome coloaies in it fruitful enough, were it well cultivated ; yet it yields no commodity to export from the land : but the fca is an inexhaufted treafure, furnifliing all Europe with fait and dried fifh; which yield a mighty profit to thofe that follow the fifhery, and is a general benefit to all men. The next are the Bermudas, or Summer-illands, lying above three hundred leagues eafl: from the coall: of Virginia ; the biggell of them is not twenty miles long, and not above two or three in breadth, the others much fmaller: yet here is a llrong colony of englifh, the land being delightful to live in, producing all things for human life plentifully, and the trade is fome co- chineal, ambergrecce and pearl : it ufed to fend abroad the fairefl oranges in thefe parts, but they have failed of late years. OlT the coafl: of Florida are the iflands called Lucayos, the firfl difcovered by Columbus ; but they are fmall and of no account. South of the point of Florida is Cuba, above two hundred leagues in length, and al^out forty in breadth in the wideft place ; I i 2 a plea- 4^4 ^^^^ Hiftoiy of Navigation, a plcafant place, has gold and copper mines, and yields tobacco, luf;ar and cotton. Eaft of Cuba lies Hifpani- ola an hundred and fifty leagues in length, and about fixty in breadth, producing the fame commodities as Cuba ; and both fubjcdt to Spain. Jamaica lies fouth of Cuba, about feventy leagues in length, and twenty in breadth, poflcfled by the englifl., and producing fugar, indigo and cotton. The illand of Puerto Rico is lefs than Jamaica, yields the fame commodities, and belongs to Spain. The Caribbc iflands are many, but fmall ; fome of them poifeired by the cnglilh, french and dutch, others not inhabited : they produce fugar, indigo, cotton and tobacco, and run from the coall of Paria to Puerto Rico. The Lceward-iflands lie along the coaft of Paria, the moft remarkable of them being Margarita, and Cubagua, famous for the pearl fifliery. La Trinidad is a large illand before the gulj^h of Paria, near which there are many fmall ones, but not conli- derablc. All the coafl fouth ward has no illand of any note, till we come to the llrait of Magellan, the fouth part whereof is made by Terra del Fuego and other iflands, of which little is known. Nor is there any afccnding again northward worth fpeaking of, till the mouth of the bay of Panama, where are the iflands of Pearls, fo called from a pearl-lifliery there; they arc fmall, and of no coniideration in any other refpect. The only great iOand on this lidc America is Califor- nia, found to be fo but o'l late years, running from the tropic of cancer to 45 degrees of north latitude, north- well and fouth-eaih above five hundred leagues in length, and an hundred in breadth in the northern part, whence it runs tapeii ng dow n to the fouth. It has hitherto yielded no great profit to the fpaniards, who have not had leifure to Iniild colonies there till within thefe very few years, and not above two as y:t. This is all that belongs to America ; it remains to add fome few voyages to the illcs of Solomon, Terra Aullralis incognita, and the land of YelFo, or Jedfo ; which being properly no part of the Mall or Well-Indies, and but little of them as yet known, they have been rcferved to be fpoke of by themfclves. An. ^he Hijlory of Navigation. 48-5 An. 1595. Alvaro dc Mcndana with the title of go- vernor and lord-lieutcnant, fct out from Peru for the iflands of Solomon, whereof fomc uncertain knowledge was had before by lliips that accidentally had 'incn fome of them: he had four fail, with men and women, and all other nccelFaries to fettle a colony. In about 9 or TO degrees of fouth latitude, and fifteen hundred leagues weft of the city of Lima in Peru, he difcovcred four fmall i (lands inhabited by very handfome and civilized people. Hence holding on his courfe ftill weltward, he found fevcral other more confiderablc iflands, where he intended to have fettled his colony, but was hindered by many misforturies, and among the rell: ficknefs. All that is extant of this relation, is only a fragment in fpanilh taken out of Thevcnot's fccond volume ; which being inferted in this collection, it will be needlefs to add any more in this place, only that three of the lliips perillied ; two were never heard of, a third call: away on the Philippine iflands, the men faved ; and the fourth, being the admiral, arrived at Manila, with the men almoft llarved : and thus this enterprife was difappointed. An. 1600. Four Ihips failing from Peru for the Phi- lippine iflands, were by northerly winds driven fouth of the equinodlial, where they fell upon feveral rich countries and iflands, not far from the ifles of Solo- mon : they called one place Monte de Plata, or Moun- tain of Silver, bccaufe they found plenty of it there. After which a captain of note went out on purpofe, and faw thefe difcoverics. This is all we have of it in Purchas, vol. IV. p. 1432 ; only he adds two petitions of captain Peter Fernandez de (^iros to the king of Spain, fuing to be employed in conducing colonies to . thofe fouthern parts, alleging the vafl: extent and riches of the continent, and great value of the iflands, which he fpenks of as an cye-witnefs, and by the report of natives he brought away from thence, as may be {izzn more at large in Purchas, vol. IV. p. 1422. An. 1628. On the twenty eighth of October, the dutch fet out eleven fail for India, among which was the Ba- tavia, commanded by captain Francis Pelfart, which I i 3 being 4^6 ^he Hijlory of Xurigaticn. bcinp: parted firm the red uas caft away on the roclcj near feme fniall illands not inhabited, and having no frefli water, in upwards of 38 degrees of fouth hititude, but all the people faved on the iflands. This want oblijred them to ln:Ild a deck to their lon^^; boat and put out to fea, where they foon difcovered the conti- nent, bearing north and by wefl about fix miles from them. This was on the eighth of June, An. 16:9, '^^^ ^^^ weather being rough, and the coaR high, they were forced to beat at fea till the four- teenth, when they found themfelves in 24 degrees of fouth latitude; and fix men fwimming afhore, faw four favages quite naked, v. ho fled from them: they went to feck fredi warer, but finding none, fwam back to their boar. The fifteenth the boat made into fi^iore, and found no frefh water, but the remains of the rain that lay in the hollow of the rocks, which relieved them, beinf^ almofi: choaked. The fixteenth they went aihorc again, but found no water, the latitude here 22 degrees; the twentieth in 19 degrees, the twenty fecond in 16 deforces 10 minutes. Thus Pelfart failed along this coafi to the northward till he came among the indian i Hands, and then firuck over to Java, where he met two dutch fhips, w hich carried hinr^ to Batavia, whence he returned with a veficl to favc as much as might be of the wreck. Thcvenor, vol. i. An. 1642. Abel Janfen Tafman fet fail from Batavia in the ifland o'i Java with a yacht and a fiybc^-at, and fentember the fifth anchored at the ifiand Mauritius in 20 degrees of foulh latitude. The eighth they dc- ]iarted thence ibuth till 40 or 41 degrees, then bore pv.ay eafl fom.cwhat foutherly, till the fixth of novem- • bcr they were in ^9 degrees. The twenty fourth in 42 degrees 25 minutes they faw land eafi and by north at t n ri-jiles difiance, and called it Antony van Dicmen's fand, and after running along the coafl came to an anchor rn the firH- of decembcr in a bay they named Frederick Hendrick's bay: they heard fome noife as of people, but faw none, and only the footing of wild beafis, and foHH' fn^.okes. Departing hence, on the thirteenth of citccmbcr they anchored in the country called in the ' ' ' maps The IliJIory of Ndvigation. 487 maps New- Zealand ; here they faw fome natives lufty people, and half naked, who coming aboard on pre- itintt to tniiiic, fell upon the men in the boat and killed four of them, for wl-ich reafon it \\as called Murder- ers Bay. Here they feemcd to be embayed, but on the fourth of January 16^3, came up with the N. W. cape of this land, and finding an ifland there, called it Three Kings Illand ; and going thither to refrefli, they faw fome large men, but could not underftand them. Hence they directed their courle nortli-eafl-, till in 22 degrees 35 minutes they law a fmali illand, which they could not come at, hut called it Piilftreet's ifland. Jan. 21 in 21 degrees 20 niinutes they called two iilands, tlie one Amtferdam, the other Zealand : on the firfl: they got many hogs, hens, and all forts of fruit. The inhabitants were friendly, had no weapons, and feemed to know no evil, but that they would flea). In the latter of thefe iflands they faw crardens with f.juare beds and trees regularly planted. Leaving this place they faw many iflands as they flood north- ward, and in 17 degrees 19 minutes they run among eighteen or twenty iflands, which in the charts are called Prince William's Iflands, or Hemlkirk's Shoals. Direcling their courfe now N. or N N. W. after much foul veather, on the twenty fecond of march in 5 degrees 2 minutes fouth latitude they had fight of land four miles weft of them, being about twenty iilands, called in the charts Onthong Java, about ninety miles from the coafl: of New-Guinea. March the twenty fifth in 4 degrees 35 minutes they were up with the iflands of Mark, found before by William Schouten, and John le Mair: the natives are favage and have their hair tied up. March tl^e twenty ninrh they palled by Green- Ifland, the thirtieth by S. John's Ifland, and april the ilrfi: in 4 degrees 30 minutes they reached the coafl of New-Guinea at a cape called by the fpaniards, Santa Maria, and run along the coafl: to the promontory called Struis Hook, where the land bends to the fouth and fouth-eafl, as they did to find a palFage to the fouth, but were forced to turn to the welf. April the twenty eighth they came to the burning ifland, where they I i 4 favN' 488 'I'he Hijlory of Navigation, faw a great fire come out ot the hill, and failing betwixt the idand and the main faw many fires. At the iflands Jama and Moa they got rcfrclhnicnt. May the twelfth in only 54 minutes oflouth latituue, they failed along the fide ot William Schouten's idand, uhich feems to be well inhabited ; and the eighteenth they came to the ved-cnd of New-Guinea, and on the fifteenth of june returned to Batavia, bav.ng hnifl^ed the voyage in ten monLUs. Thevenot, vol. 2. An. 1643. A dutch fliip failing to the northward of Japan, came upon a coaft in 39 degrees 45 minutes latitude. Running up as far as 43 degrees, they faw fever.il villages near one another, and fay there are about them many mines of filver. The land in fome places feemcd to bear no grafs, but the fea was very full of fifh. Ill 4^ degrees 30 minutes, they went afliore in a mounti^uious country, fuppofed to be full of filver mines. In 46 degrees the land refembled the roafl of England, the foil being good, but the natives do not till it. In i}8 degrees there are fmall hills covered with Ihort grafs. In 45 degrees 50 minutes is an ifland which the dutch call Staten idand, and beyond it the companies land, another idand : in this they found a fort of mineral earth, that looked as if it had been all filver. In 45 degrees they obferved, that though the land was not cultivated it yielded very good fruit of feveral forts, the fea-diore was covered with rofe-trees, and on the rocks many large oyders, but on the land they faw no bead but one bear. The inhabitants of this land of Efo or Yedfo, for fo it is called, are all drong let, thick, with long hair and beards, good features, no Hat nofes, black eyes, a fallow complexion, and very hairy about their bodies : the women are not fo black as the men, fome of them cut their hair, and others tie it up. They feem to have no religion nor government, every man has two wives, who fcrve him at home and abroad : thi y are very jealous of their women, love drinking, look like favages, but yet arc very civil and obliging to Grangers ; their houfes are only fmall cottages, and but a few of them togeth-jr: they eat the fat and oil of whales, all forts of fidi and hcrbs^ and rofe-buds are ^he Hiftory of Navigation. 489 are their greatefl dainty. Their clothes are fome of lilk and fome of the duns of beads. They ufe bows and arrows to kill wild beads, and they fpin hemp. They trade with the japonefcs, whom they furnifli with train-oil, whales tongues fmoakcd, furs, fevcral forts of feathers, for which they receive rice, fugar, filk, and other coarfer garments, copper-pipes, tobacco-boxes, and varniflied diflics and vcirds for their meat and drink, pendants for their ears, copper ear-rings, hatchets, knives, Szc. The capital of the country is fmall, they call it Matfmay, v»here the prince or governor of the country refides, who every year goes over to pay his refpedls to the emperor of Japan, and carry him pre- fents. This is what the dutch difcovcred, but a Japo- nefe told them this land of Efo or Yedfo, was an ifland. Thevenot, tom. i. Anno 169I-. On the fourteenth of January captaii^ Dampier, in his majefty's fhip the Roe-Buck, failed from the Downs upon a new difcovery, touched at the Canaries and ifles of Cabo Verde, and the twenty- fifth of march came to an anchor in Bakia de Todo5 Santos, or the Bay of all Saints in Brafil. April the third he left this place, and the twenty third of april faw the land about the cape of Good Hope. Auguft the firft having run from Brafil a hundred and fourteen degrees, he made in to the Ihore of New-Holland in 26 degrees fouth latitude, thinking to put into fome harbour; but finding rocks and foul ground, flood out to fca again till auguft the fixth, when he came to an anchor in 25 degrees at an opening, which he called Sharks Bay, where he could get no freih water, but plenty of wood, and refreflicd the men with racoons, tortoifes, fliarks, and other fiih, and fome forts of fowl. He founded moft of this bay, and on the fourteenth failed out of it, coafting as the weather would permit to the north-ward, and then to the north-eaft, as the coaft runs, where in 20 degrees 21 minutes he found feveral iflands, and going afliore on fome of them could get no frefh water, nor fee any inhabitants ; fo he con- tinued along the Ihore as near as could be with fafety, ;ill on the thirtieth he anchored in eight fathom water, where where he faw fome of the natives, but could not X^^^fl any. Looking for water none was found, and diggin*^ pits they got fome that was brackifli and not fit to drink. Findinjr no water or other refrcfhment on this coaPi, in the beginning of feptemher he flood over for the ifland Timor, where he took in frefli water, and on the third of dccember arrived on the coal!: of New- Guinea, and had fome commerce with the inhabitants of an iHand called Pulo Sabuti. Then pafllng to the northward, and to the eafbern^.oll: part of Neu-Guinc.i, he fo'jnd it did not join to the main land of New-Gui- nea, but was an illand which he called New -Britain. Having difcovcred thus far, and being unprovided to proceed, he returned by Timor and Java, {o to the cape of Good Hope, and ifland of S. Helena. At the ifland of the Afcenfion his ll^ip foundered, but the men were faved, and returned to England aboard the eaif-india fhip called the Canterbury. Dampicr's voyage to New- Holland, being his third volume. The voyages round the world, which, for fo mmy thoufand years as pafi: from the creation till the difco- very of the Wcft-lndies, could never fo much as enter into the thoughts of man, and which after they were performed gave jufl fubjed: of admiration, do well dcferve to be mentioned apart frorh all others, as being the boldert: adion that could be undertaken, and to be performed but one way, though feveral attempts have been made to fmd out others, as has been fl^owed in the fruitlefs voyages for difcovery of the north-caft and north-wed palfages : for this reafon they have been referved for this place, where fom.ething fliall be faid of all hitherto performed, but more paiticularly of the \\\W, as the moll: glorious and honourable, becaufe i^ fliowed the way to all that fcllo^^•ed. This wonderful cntcrprife was undertaken and performed after this manner. An. I 5 19. Ferdinand dc Mag.tlhacn^, or as we cor- ruptly call him, Magellan, by nation a portugucfe, by defcent a gentleman, and by profcHion a foldier and fcimnn, having fcrved his prince well both in Afric and liidia, and being ill rewarded, renounced hi^ country, difnaturalizing himfelf as the cuflom then was, and ^he Hijlory of Navigation, 491 and offered his fervice to the emperor Charles the fifth then king of Spain. He had long before conceived an opinion, that another way might be found to India, and particularly to the Molucco illands, befides the com- mon track by the cape of Good Hope followed by the portugucfcs. This he propofcd to the emperor with fuch aflurance of performing what he promifed, that he had the command of five (liips given him, and in them two hundred and fifty men: with this fquadron he failed from S. Lucar de Barrameda on the twentieth of feptember, the aforefaid year 1519- Being come to the river called Rio de Janeiro on the coaft of Brafil, and near 23 degrees of fouth latitude, fome difcontent began to appear among the men, which was foon blown over; but proceeding to the bay of S. Julian in 49 de- grees of latitude, where they "were forced to winter, the mutiny grew fo high, three of the captains and mofi: of the men being engaged, that Magellan having in vain endeavoured to appeafe it by fair means, was forced to life his authority, executing two of the faid captains, and fetting the third with a prieft who had Tided with them afhore among the wild indians. This done, he proceeded on his voyage, and on the twenty firfl: of Oc- tober 1520, having been out above a year difcovered the cape, which he called Cabo de la Virgines, or the Vir- gin's Cape, becaufe that day was the feafl of S. Urfula and the eleven thoufand virgins ; and there turned into the fbrait he went in fearch of, which from him to this day is called the ftrait of Magellan: it lies in 52 de- grees of fouth latitude, is about a hundred leagues in length, in fome parts a league wide, in fome more, in fome lefs, but all narrow, and enclofed with high land on both fides, fome bare, fome covered with woods, and fome of the loftielt mountains with fnow. Having failed about fifty leagues in this llrait, they difcovered another branch of it, and Magellan fent one of his iliips to bring him fome account of it; but the fea- men being parted from him took the opportunity, and confining their captain for oppofing their defign, re- turned into Spain, fpending eight months in their re- turn. Magellan haying expedtcd beyond the time ap^ pointed. 492 ^he HiJIory of Navigation. pointed, and finding they did not return to him, pro- ceeded through the (trait, and came into the South-fea ^vith only three fiiips, having lolt one in his pafTage, but all the men faved, and another as was faid being ftolen away from him. 1 he lafl land of the lirait he called Cabo Defcado, or the Defired Cape, becaufe it was the end of his defired pafTage to the South-fea. The cold being fomewhat fliarp, he thought good to draw nearer to the equinodlial, and accordingly (leered weft north-weft. In this manner he fliiled three months and twenty days without feeing land, which reduced them to fuch ftraits, that they were forced to eat all the old leather they had aboard, and to drink ftinking water, of which nineteen men died, and near thirty were fo weak, that they could do no fervice. After fifteen hun- dred leagues failing he found a fmall ifland in i8 de- grees of fouth latitude, and two hundred leagues further another, but nothing confiderable in them ; and there- fore held on his courfe, till in about 12 degrees of north latitude, he came to thofe iflands which he called De los Ladroncs, or of Thieves, becaufe the natives hovered about his fhips in their boats, and coming aboard ftole every thing they could lay hold of. Find- ing no good to be done here, he failed again, and dif- covcred a great number of iflands together, he gave that fea the name of Archipelago de S. Lazaro, the iflands being thofc wc now call the Philippines. On the twenty eighth of march he anchored by the ifland of Buthuan, where he was friendly received, and got fomc gold ; then removed to the ifle of Mellhna, at a fmall diftance from the other, and thence to that of Cebu, Magellan having hitherto fuccecded fo well, ftood over to the illand iMatan, w here not agreeing with the na- tives he came to vt, battle, and was killed in it with eight of his men. After this difaller the reft failed over to the illand Bohol, and being too weak to carry home their three fhips, burnt one of them, after taking out the cannon and all that could be of ufe to them. Being now reduced to t^\o fhips, they made away to the fouth-weft in fearch of the Molucco illands, and inftead of them fcIHn w ith the great one of Borneo^ where Ihe Htftory oj Nirjtgation. 4^3 \vhcre they made fome fliort flay, being friendly re- ceived : and departing thence, with the afliflance of indian pilots arrived at length at the Moluccos on the eighth of novcmber 1521, in the twenty feventh month after their departure from Spain, and anchored in the port of Tidore, one of the chief of thofe iflands, where they were lovingly treated by the king, who concluded a peace, and took an oath ever to continue in amity with the king of Spain. Here they traded for cloves, exchanging the commodities they brought to their own content : when they were to depart, finding one of the fliips leaky, and unfit for fo long a voyao-e, they left her behind to refit, and then failed for Spain as foon as polUble. I'he other (hip called the Vielory, commanded by John Sebaftian Cano, and carrying forty fix fpaniards, and thirteen indians, took its courfe to the fouth-wcfi:, and coming to the ifland Malva, near that of Timor, in 1 1 degrees of fouth latitude, ftaid there fifteen days to Hop Ibme leaks they difcovered in her. On the twenty fifth of January 1522, they left this place, and the next day touched at Timor, whence they went not till the eleventh of february, when they took their way to the fouthward, refolving to leave all India, and the illands to the northward, to avoid meet- ing the portugucfes, who were powerful in thofe feas, and would obllrucl their palfage : therefore they run into 40 degrees of fouth latitude before they doubled the cape of Good Hope, about which they fpcnt i^cxtn weeks beating it out againlt contrary winds, fo that their provifions began to fail, and many men grew fick, which made fome entertain thoughts of turning back to Mozambique, but others oppofcd it. In fine, after two months more hardfliips, in which they loft twenty one of their company, they were forced to put into the illand of S, James, being one of thofe of Cabo Verde, where with much intreaty they obtained fome fmall relief of provifions ; but thirteen of them going alhore again for fome rice the portugucfes had prom i fed to fupply them with, were detained alhore, which made thofe that were left aboard the fiiip hoift fail and put to fea, fearing the like treachery might furprife them, and on 494 ^^^ Hijlory of Navigation. on the feventh of fcptenibcr arrived fafc at S. Lucar, below the city Sevil, where after firing all their guns for joy, they repaired to tiie great church in their (liirts and barefoot to return thanks to God. The fliip that performed this wonderful voyage was called the Victory^ as was fuid before, the commander's name was John Sebaftian Cano, w ho was well rewarded and honoured by the emperor. This was the firft voyage round the world, which we fhall foon fee followed by other na- tions ; and this was the difcovery of the (Irait of Ma- gellan, which made the voyage pradlicable. The other fpaniih (hip we mentioned to be left at the Moluccos to Hop her leaks, attempted to return the way it came to Panama, but after flruggling above four months with the cafterly winds, mod of the men dying, and the red being almofl: ftarved, it went back to the Mo^ luccos, where it was taken by the portuguefes ; and the few men that furvived after being kept two years in India, were fent to Spain in the portuguefes fhips. Herrcra, dec. i. lib. IV, IX. and dec. 3. lib. I. IV, Hackluyt, vol. III. and Purchas, vol. I. The fecond voyage round the world was begun An. 1577. By Mr. Francis, afterv.ards lir Francis Drake, with five fliips and barks, and a hundred and fixty four men, who -ailed from Plymouth on the thir- teenth of decembcr, and on the twenty fifth of the fame month touched at cape Cantin on the African coad:, in 31 degrees of north latitude; on the feven- tccnth of January 1578, at cape Blanco on the fame coaft, and twenty one degrees of latitude, and then at the illands of Cabo Verde. Departing thence, they failed fifty four days without feeing land, and on the fifth of april came upon the coaft of Bralil, where they wa- tered, and proceeded to the mouth of the nver of Plate in 36 degrees of fouth latitude. Sailing hence, on the twenty feventh of april they put into a port in the la- titude of 46 degrees, where Drake burnt a flyboat that attended him, after faving all that could be of ufe. On the twentieth of June he again put into a good harbour, called Port S. Julian, in the latitude of j-9 degrees, and continued there till the feventeenth of augud, when The Hijlory of Navigation, 4^5 wVn putting to fca again, he entered the Hraits of Ma- gellan on the twenty firlt of the fame month. What ibrt of n raits thefe are was defciibcLl in Magellan's vo) age, and therefore needs no repetition. Here on aa iiland they found fowl that could not Hy, as big as geefe, whereof they killed three thouHmd, which was good provilion ; and they entered the South-fea on the fixth of feptember. 1 fence they were drove by a ftorm to the fouthward as far as the latitude of 57 degrees 20 minutes, and anchored among certain iflands ; whence removing to a good bay, they favv many men and wo- men naked in canoes, and traded with them for fuch things as they had. Steering away again to the north- ward, they found three idands, and in one of them an incredible quantity of fowl ; but on the eighth of ovfto- ber they loft fight of one of their fliips commanded by Mr. Winter, which the red fuppofed to be cafi away, but it was put back by the tempert into the llrait of Ma- gellan, and returned homiC the fame way it came. Drake with the reft failed for the coaft of Chile, and fending for water at the ifland of Mocha, two of his men were killed by the indians, whi^h made him depart without it. This ifland is on the coaft of Chile in 39 degrees of fouth latitude. Coafting ftill along, he came to the bay of Valparaifo, where he found a fpa- nilh fliip with only eight fpaniards and three blacks in her, whom he furprifed and took, and then going alliore plundered nine houfes, being all there were in that which they called the town of Santiago. At Co^ quimbo in 29 degrees 30 minutes of latitude fourteen men landing, one of thern was killed by the fpaniards, the reft fled back to their ihips. Not far from thence landing for frelli water, they met one Angle fpaniard and an indian boy driving eight lamas, or peru flieep loaded with fllvcr, which they took. Running on thence to Arica on the coaft of Peru in i 8 degrees 30 minutes latitude, he plundered three barks, in which was foine quantity of lilver, but not one man. Hence he advanced to the port oC Lima in 12 degrees of la- titude, and after rifling what little was in them cut the cables of 12 vcifels that lay the.^e, letting them drive where- 49^ ^he Ilijlory of Navigation. whcrcfoevcr the water would carry them, there being no nrcn aboard, as having never feen an enemy in thofc feas. Near cape S. Francis in one degree of north la- titude he took a rich fliip called Cacafuego, and a little further another. Then he plundered (luatulco, and after refitting his fliip in a fmall ifland run away to the northward in 43 degrees of latitude, where feeling much cold he returned into 38 degrees, and there put into a large bay on the coaft of California, w hich Drake called Nova Albion. Here he was well received by the people, and continued fome time, and failing hence directed his courfe for the Molucco idands, feeing no land till the thirtieth of October, when he dif- covered the illands dc los l.adrones in eight degrees of north latitude. On the fourteenth of november he fell in with the Molucco iflands, and came to an anchor in that of Ternate, the king whereof came aboard Drake's lliip, offering him all the ifland could afford ; and he having taken in what was mofl: neceffary and could be had there, went over to a fmall ifland Ibuth of Ce- lebes, where he graved his fliip, and fitted her to return home, which took him up twenty Cix days. Thinking to return to the Moluccos, they were drove by con- tary winds to the northward of the ifland Celebes, till turning again to the fouthward for fear of the many fmall iflands in that fea, the fliip on a fudden fat upon a rock, where it was feared flie would have periflied ; but lightening her of three tun of cloves, eight guns and fome provifions, flie got off. On the eighth of fc- bruary 1579, they fell in with the ifland Barateve, where they refreflied themfelves after their fatigues, and took in flore of fuch provifions as the place afforded, the natives proving very friendly, and bartering their commodities for linen. Being well furniflied with all neccflarics, they left this place, and again made fome flay at the ifland of Java, the natives by their civility inviting them to it. I'hence they fleered diredly for the cape of Good I lope, which was the firfl land they came near from Java, yet touched not there, nor at any other place till they came to Sierra Leona, the weflcrmofl: point of Guinea, in 8 degrees of north lati- tude The Hiftory ef Navigation, 497 Cudc, on the twenty fecond of July, and there recruited themfelves with provifions. Departing thence on the twenty fourth, they arrived in England on the third of- november 1580, and the third year after their depar- ture. This relation is to be i^cw at large in Hack- luyt, vol. III. p. 742. and in Purchas, vol. I. lib. 11. p. 46. : An. 1586. Mr. Thomas, afterwards fir Thomas Candifh, undertook the third voyage round the world with three fmall veflels, one of a hundred and twenty, the fecond of lixty, and the third of, forty tuns burden, all fitted out at his own charges ; and failed from Ply- mouth on the twenty firft of July 1586. On the twenty third of auguft he put into a bay on the coalt of Afric, and deftroyed there a village of the blacks, becaufe they killed a man with a poifoned arrows After fome days fpent about this place,- he failed away fouth-wcft, and on the firft of november put in between the ifland of S. Sebaftian, and the continent of Brafil, in 24 degrees of fouth latitude, where the men were fee to work afliore to build a pinnace, make hoops for the cafks, and fill frefli water, which took them up till the twenty third of the month, when failing again on the feventeenth of december, they entered port Defire, in 47 degrees and a half of latitude, and that being a convenient place for the purpofe careened their fhips, and refitted what was amifs. The third day of January 1587, they anchored at the mouth of the flraits of Magel- lan, the weather being very fiormy, which lallcd three days, all which time they continued there, but lofl: an an- chor, and the fixth day entered the /trait. The fcventh, as they drew^ near the narrow part of the flrait, they took a fpaniard, being one of the twenty three that fiill re- mained alive, which were all then left of five hundred there three years before to guard the flrait, the relt being dead with hunger. Thefc had built a town, which they called king Philip's city, and fortified it, but they could make no works againfl famine, which confumed them all to thofe before mentioned, who except him that was taken were gone along the coaft, hoping to get to the river of Plate. Candifii VojL. IX, K k having 49 8 The U'tjlory 'J y^.r/igathn. havirip^ wooded and v.atcrcd here, called this ph'cc Port Famine. The weather proving very boidcrous and foul, he was forced to lide ii out often at anchor, and therefore did not get out into the Souih-fca till thctwcnr/ fourth of februciry. On the tirll of march a violent Itorm parted the baik of forty tuns from the other tv\o fliips, and they met not before the fifteenth betwixt the ifland of S. Mary and the contineiU of Chile, in 37 degrees and a half of foulh latitude. Here they took in as much corn as they would have, and abundance of potatoes, all ^vhich had been laid up in the illand for the fpaniardr,, beiides as many hogs as they coidd fait, abundance of hens, and live hundred dried dog-fillies. The eighteenth they left this place, and on the la{f of the month landed at Punta de Quenuro in 3;^ degrec^y of latitude, but faw no man, though thov travelled fome miles, only fpied fome herds of very wild cattle ; but the lirH of april going to water, the nven were id upon by the fpaniards, and twelve of them cut ofl^'. Pro- ceeding hence along the coall of Chile and Pern, they took fonie coafling veficis carrying provifions from one place to another. In this manner they ran a'ong to the illand Puna, in about 3 degrees of fouth latitude, being a famous place for fupplying all thofc coalbs with cables. Here the englifli took what they found for their ufe, the ifland being inhabited by none biitindians, except fome few fpaniards that lived in the chief town, who killed twelve of the cngliOi, but were put to tlighr, and the town burnt, as was the church particularly, and the bells carried away. This fecond lofs of men obliged Candifn to fink his bark of forty tun, that had attended him out of I'j^gland. On the twelfth of June they cu: the equinoctial line, and holding on their courfe to the northuard all that n^.onth, i^w the hrlt of j.ijy came upon the coafb of New-Spain ; where q\\ the ninth they took and burnt a fliip with fcvc\n men in her, and foon after a bark, whofe men were fled to ll^ore. The twenty fixth day they anchored at Copnlira, in 16 degrees of north latitude, whence they went with triirty men to Aguat\ilco a bnall indian town, which they burnt and riticd. Then keeping along that coall, t-hey continued ^'he Uijiory of NaZ'i^Mion, 499 conj:inucd ravaging the Indian tov ns, rill rhcy came to a fmall illand in 11^ degrees of latitude, and clevea leagues from the city Chiamctlan ; where having wa- tered, and llaid till the ninth of novenibcr, they then ftood over to cape S. L.ucar, which is the fouthjrmoil point of California, and beating about it till ihc fourth of noveuibcr, met then v/ith the S. Anne, being the fpviiih galeon bound from the Philippine illands to the port of Acapulco in New-Spain. After a fight of fix hours the galeon was taken and carried into the port called Puerto Scguro ; where fetting afliore the fpaniards, and taking out what goods they could carry, they burnt the galeon, and on the nineteenth of no- vcmber failed thence towards India. This night Can- dilh, who was in the Delire, loft his other fliip called the Content, and never favv her after. Being thus left alone he failed before the wind, as is iifual there, for the fpace of forty five days, and on the third of Ja- nuary 1588, came up with the iflands de los Ladroncs, having run about eighteen hundred leagues; on the four- teenth with cape Efpiritu Santo, a great head-land of one of the Philippine illands to the weftvvard in 13 degrees of latitude, and about three hundred leagues from the iflands Ladrones. At the ifland Cabul he continued fomc days getting frcfli provilions, and then failing amidd all thofe iliands fouth-well and by fouth, on the eighth of february difcovered the ifland Batochina near Cjiiolo, in I degree of fouth latitude; whence he fleered to the fouth lide of the great illand of Java, and touching there on the twelfth of march, traded with the natives for provilions, which were brought him in great plenty. On the lixteenth he let fail for the cape of Good Hope, and doubled it ab(iut the middle of may ; having. fpent nine weeks betwixt the ifland of Java and this place, which is about eighteen hundred league* dillance. O^ the, ninth of June he anchored at the ifland of S. Helena,, about live hundred leagues diftant from the cape of Good I lope, lying betwixt the coafl of Afric and Brafll, in about 15 degrees of fouth la- titude. This ifland is generally touched at by fliips going to and returning from the £alK Indies, becaafe K k 2 of ^oo '^he Hijiory of Navigation, of the convcriency of watering, befidcs the great plenty it produces of excellent fruit, as alfo abundance of fowl, fwine, and gouts, the place being extremely pieafant, but very fniail. Maving taken in wood and water here, and made clean the fliip, on the twentieth of June, Candifli failed for England ; on the twenty fourth of augud he difcovcred the iflands Flores and Corvo, two of the Azores, and on the ninth of fep- teniber after a terrible I^orm, which carried awav part of his fails, put into the port of Plymouth. Hack- kiyt, vol. 111. p. 803. and Purchas, vol. I. lib. II. p. An. 159S. The dutch refolving to perform as much as had been done before by Magellan's Ihip, and by fir Fran- cis Drake and fir Thomas Candifii, they fitted out four fhips under the command of captain Oliver d'Oirt, a>i Van Meteren calls him, or Oliver Noort, according to Purchas. The reft proceeded on their voyage upon the nineteenth of July ; and to omit particulars of lefs mo- ment, and their touching at places not material, on the tenth of december they came to the Prince's Ifland* or Ilha do Principe on the coall of Congo, in 2 degrees of north latitude ; where the portuguefes killed fome of their men, and the dutch commander in revenge afiaulting their fort, was repulfed v.ith greater lofs. This made him defift; and failing thence, on the fifth of february 1599, camiC on the coaft of Brafil. Here they fpent much time, feeking refiefiiment and water along the fliorc, and being much (liakcn by a fiorm, and abundance of the men fick, befidcs, that it was the \\inter feafon there, they put into a little ifland called S. Clare, on the coaft of Brafil, in about 21 de- grees of fouth latitude. Here the lick men being fet aftiore, fomc of them prefently died ; the reft ailing nothing but the fci'rvy, were cured with eating four plumbs they found there. One of the fhrps being very leaky, was here burnt, after all that could be of ufe had been taken out of her. On the fixtecnth of July they left this place, ftcvring for Port Dcfirc in 47 degrees ; and after many i^orms put into it on the twentieth of feptcmber, careened their ftiips> and took abundance 6 of The Hifiory of Navigation. 501 of fowl. Some men were here killed by the Indians. Departing hence on the twenty ninth, they came to .,cape Virgincs at the mouth of the flrait of Magellan, on the fourth of novembcr; where they met with llorms of wind, rain, hail, and fncw, bcfides much iicknefs and contention among themfelves, having been from home fifteen months, before they could ger into the flrait ; io that it was the lafr of fcbruary i6oo» before they came into the South-fca. March the twelfth they loft fight of the vice-admiral, and failed without him to the ifland Mocha, in 3S degrees fouth. Another fhip miffing the iiland of S. Maries, and being drove by neccflity to make the continent for provifions, lofl moll of its men alliorc, the reft putting to fea with the vcfTcl. Being now in fear of the fpanifh men of war, he dircded his courfc with the two fliips he had left for the illands de los Ladrones, which he had fight of on the fifteenth of feptembcr ; and on .the fourteenth of odlober difcovcrcd the ifland of Luzon or Manila, the chief of the Philippines. Near this iiland he met the two fpanifli fliips bound thence for New-Spain ; and after a dcfpcrate fight, Noort funk one of them ; but at the fame time the other took his fccond fhip, and he made all hade away to Borneo, but made no Hay there for fear of the natives, who attempted to cut his cable ; and therefore fiiiling hence, he traded for pepper a: Java, and at length returned by the cape of Good i lope, and ille of S. I-Ielena, ar- riving at Amflerdam on the twenty fixth of auguft i6or. Purchas, vol. I. lib. 2. p. 7 I. Van Metercn, lib. XXIII. An. 1614. George Spilbergcn, commander of five dutch fliips, failed out of the Texel on the eighth of augull, and entered the Uiait of Magellan on the twenty eighth of march 161 5, but being drove out again by contrary winds, he re-entered on the fecond of april. In the flrait they continued going afliore on the fouth fide upon the land called Tierra del Fuego, known fince to be an ifland, till the fixth of may, when they came out into the South-fea, which received them with itorms, and on the twcntv fixth came up with the ifland K k 3 la 502 ^'he JUJtory of Navigaltoa. ]a Mocha, oa the ccafi: of Chile, mentioned in all the former vo\ages. Merc they traded with the In- dians, exrhan^zM^L hatchets, and other utenfils, as alfo cor.il, for large peru fliccp, which ferve not only to cat, hilt to carry burdens. Landing at the illand of S. Mary on t!"»e 29th, they kid a Ikirmiih with fomic few f,,aniards, and got fomc booty of ihcep. Running along the coall, they toucheii at Valparaifo, cape Quin- tcro, and other places; but Imding the ipaniards every where had taken ihe alarm, they durit not do any thing afnor/. July the feventcenth keeping along the (liores of Peru, tl.ey difcovered eight fpaniih Ihips fet out to engage them. That very night they engaged, and after a hot difpute, three of the fpanilli fliips funk. In this action they had forty m.en killed, and fixty wounded. Drawing too near the iliore at Callao the port of Lima, the Huntfman, one of the dutch Tuips, was almotl funk with a thirty fix pounder, which made them keep further off: and holding their courfe to the northward, they took the little town of Peita. Therefore auguft the twenty firll they fet out to fea again, and beat about in bad weather till the eleventh of oclober, when they put into the harbour of Acapulco in New- Spain, and there exchanged the prifoners they had taken for proviiions. Which done, they run up into tw enty degrees of north latitude, and on the twenty lixth of no-< vember flood over for the iflands de los Ladrones. In January following, which was the year 161 6, many of the men died of difeafcs. On the twenty third of the fime month they difcovered the J atlrones, and on the ninth of february cape Efpiritu Santo, the eafi-ern^oH: point of the Philippine iflands to the northward; palling among which, they arrived at Ternate, the chief of the Moluccos, on the t^^enty ninth of march, which the dutch in the ifland reckoned the twenty eighth ; the fleet by following the courfe of the fun having loll a day, whereas they that fiiil round to the caliward giin a day. About thefe illands they continued fomc months, and arrived at Jacatra in the iiland of Java on tlic iftecnth of feptember, on rhc thirtieth of march 1617 The Hipry of Ncvjrafi:?!. 503 1617 at the ifltind oi S. Helena, and in July following in Zealand. Purchas, vol. I. lib. 2. p. 80. An. 1615. Ifaac Ic Mairc a merchant of Amflcrdam, and William Cornell Ton Schoutcn of Horn, refolving to find out a new way to the Eafb Indivs, bciides thofe already knov. n by the cape of Good Hope and flrait of Magellan; at their own charges fitted out a good Ihip of three hundred and lixry tun and twenty guns, and a fmallcr of an hundred and ten tun and eight gims, In which' they failed tlieirifcives out of the Tcxcl on the fixteenth of June in the aforefaid year, refolving to find another paiTage into the South-fca, to the fouthward of the (frail of Magellan ; which their delign they kept fecret, till they came near the line, where they difco- vercd it to the feamen, \vho were v. ell pleafed with the undertaking. To pafs by all ctlier particulars, as too like thofe in the fofegoing voyages, on the ninth of dccembcr they failed up into Port Deiirc, on the coafl: of America, in 47 degrees and 40 minutes of fouth latitude: uhere bringing their fliips afhore to clean them, as they were burning reeds under the lell<:r of them, fhe took fire, and burnt till the tide coming up, quenched the flame; yet fo that nothing of her could be faved, but a little wood for fuel and the iron-work. The thirteenth of januar\' 1616, the great fliip now left alone failed out of Port Dili re, and the twenty fifth difco- vered the illand thcv called Statcn-land to the caff ward, and the point of Ticrra del Fuego to th^ wefhvard, which they called Maurice-land, in almoit 55 degrees of fouth latitude. I^'ntering betwixt thcfc tv.o lands, they ifeercd fouth fouih-well, till coming under 55 de- grees 36 minutes, they (food fouth-wed and then fouth. llius the t-.^enty lixth they came under 57 degrees, and the twenty ninth difcovered thofe they called Barnevelts i (lands. The third of february they were under 59 de- grees 25 minutes, and the twelfth foun.l the (friits of Magellan lay eaft of them ; and therefore being fatif- fied that they were in the South -fea, they called the new-found palfage the (frait of ie Miire. March the firfl they came near the illands of John rVrnande?,- in 33 degrees 40 minutes of fomh latitude, and at fomc K k 4 dillnnec £04 '^ke Hijhry of Navigation, diftancc from the coaft of Chile: but though they en- deavoured it, could never conne near enough to anchor, being ftill beaten off by the wind and current, and therefore ftecred away to the wedward to profecute their voyage ; and in april they difcovered fcveral fmall iflands inhabited by naked people, none of whom would come aboard, nor could they come to an anchor. Thefe iflands were in about 14 and 15 degrees of fouth latitude. Sailing on flill weftward, they faw many inore illands in m.ay, and had fome trade with the na- tives, who attempted to furprize the fhip, or at leaft the boat ; but were foon feared away by the fire arms, when they faw they did execution, for before they thought they had only made a noife. Finding no con- tinent,- and perceiving they were at leaft fixteen hun. dred leagues to the weftward of Chile or Peru, they fleered to the northward, for fear they fhould fall fouth of New-Guinea, and perhaps not be able to clear themfclves of the coafl:, the winds being always at call. Many more iflands are mentioned in the journal, at fome of which they touched and got refrefhment ; but on the firft of July they anchored near the coall of New-Guinea, whence they failed Hill along the fliOre, and amidfl: a multitude of iflands, till they came into half a degree of fouth latitude, where they faw a fniall iOand off the lliore of the land of Papous, and called it William Schouten's Illand, after the captain's name, and the w eflermofl point of it the cape of Good Hope. September the 17th they arrived at the illand Ternate, and thence in October to Jacatra, or Batavia in the ifland of Java; where the prelident of the dutch eall- india company feized the fliip and goods. Whereupon William Cornelifon Schouten the maRer, Jacob Ic Maire the merchant, and ten feamen put thcmfelves aboard the Amflerdam, a dut^h ihip hon^.cward bound, and twelve others aboard the Zealand, and arrived in fafety at Amflenlam in July ; having difcovered the new lira it called le Maire, as was faid before, and per- formed the voyac;e round the world in two years and eighteen days. Purchas^ vol. 1. lib. 2. p. 8H. An. ^he Hijlory of Navigation. 505 An. 1643. Brewer, or Browcr, \vcnt another way into the South-lea, by a pailagc called after his own namc» which is eaft of Ic Mairc's ftrait; but whether this was ii flrait with land on each fide, or an open fea, is not known, his diary not being made public ; but moft maps make it a new ftrait. An. 1683. One John Cook failed from Virginia in a fhip of eight guns and fifty two men a buccaneering; and with him one Cowley, as mader. On the coaft of Guinea they took a fhip of forty guns by furprife, in which they failed away to the South-fea, meeting by the way another fhip commanded by one Eaton, who joined them to follow the fame trade. They ran into 60 degrees of fouth latitude, and palTed that way into the South-fe^, where Cowley fays they difcovercd feveral iilands about the line. Thence they failed over to the Ladrones, whence they continued their courfe, and an- chored at Canton in China. Departing from Canton, they came to the ifland Borneo, where Cowley, the author of this relation, with nineteen others, got a great boat in which they went away to Java. At Batavia the author, with two others, ihipped himfelf on board a dutch veflcl, and fo returned to Europe. The relation of this voyage is fliortened, bccaufe there have been fo many voyages round the world before, and all of them performed m the fame ihip ; whereas in this there was much flTifting. Thofe that dciire may fee it at large in the colledion of original voyages, publilhed by captain William Hack, An. 1699. Captain Dampier in his Hril book of voyages gives an account of this fiime lad mentioned, but more at large, he being aboard with the fame Cook ; and there- fore no more needs be faid of it, though there may be many circumftanccs which this difcourfe cannot defcend to : wherefore here fliall end the voyages round the world, it being time to proceed to what remains. After fo long a difcourfe of voyages and difcoveries, it may feem fuperfluous to treat of the advantages the public receives by navigation, and the fiithful journals and accounts of travellers. The matter is natural, and no man can read the one without being fcnfible of the other; 5o6 'The Hlfiory of Navigation. other; anj therefore a few words may fufhcc on thii fu' jcct, to uvoid cloyin<:^ the judicioi:s reader vith what is fo viliblc and plain, and to fave running out this in- Troduolicn to an unreafonable length. What was cof- niography before thefe difcoveries, hut an imperfect: frajjir.ent of a fcience, fcarcc defcrving fo good a name ? When all the known world was only Europe, a fmall part of Afric, and the lefler portion of Afia ; fo that of this terraqueous globe not one fixth part had ever been feen or heard of. Nay, fo great was the ignorance of man in this particular, that learned perfons made a doubt of its being round ; others no Icfs knowing imagined all they were not acquainted with, defart and unmhabjtable. But now^ geography and hydrography have received fome perfe6lion by the pains of fo many mariners nnd travellers,, who to evince the rotundity of the earth and water, have (iiiled and travelled round it, as has been here made appear ; to fiiow there is no part uninhabitable, unlefs the frozen polar regions, have vi- iited all other countries, though never fo remote, which they have found well peopled, and mod of them rich and delightful ; and to demonflrate the antipodes, have pointed thern out to v:s. Agronomy has received the addition of many conflcllations never (can before. Na- tural and moral hiflory is embellillicd with the mioft beneficial increafe of fo many thoufands of plants it had never before received, fo many drugs and fpices, fuch variety of beafls, birds, and nfiie.>, fuch rarities in mi- nerals, inoun ains and w.iters, fuch unaccountable di verfity of cliniates and men, and in them of complex^ ions, tempers, habits, manners, politics, and religions. Trade is raifed to the higheli pitch, each part of the world fupplying the other with what it wants, and bringing home what is accounted mod precious and valuable; and this not in a niggird and fcanty man- ner, as when the veneilars fcrved all F.tirope with fpicc ^\\A drugs from In li.t by the \\ay of l\irky and the Rcd- Ica ; or, as when gold and filver were onl) drawn from fome poor european and aiVican mines ; but with plenty and affluence, as wc now fee, nsoil nations reforting freely to the l.lHll-Indie';, and the Wefl, yearly fendrng forth Ihe Hijlory of Navigatkn. 5O7 forth prodigious quantities of the moll eficcmcd and valuable metals. To conclude, the empire of Europe is now extended to the utmoil bounds of the earth where feveral of its nations have conquers and colonies. Thefc and many more are the advantages drawn from the labours of thofe who expofc rhemfelves to the dan- gers of the vail ocean, and of unknown nations ; which thofe who fit ftill at home abundantly reap in every kind : and the relation of one traveller is an incentive to (iir up another to imitate him, whilfl: the rclt of mankind, in their accounts, without llirring a foot, compafs the earth and feas, vilit all countries, and converfc with all nations. It only remains to give fomefew direclions fgr fuch as go on long voyages ; which fliall be thofe drawn up by Mr. Rook, a fellow of the Royal Society, and geometry profeflbr of grefliam college, by order of the faid fo- ciety, and publiflied in the philofophical tranfadions of the eighth of January 1665-6, being Numb. S. They are as follow : 1. To obferve the declination of the compafs, or its variation from the meridian of the place, frequently ; marking wiihal the latitude and longitude of the place where fuch obfervation is made, as exadlly as may be, and fetting down the method by which they made them. 2. To carry dipping needles with them, and obferve the inclination of the needle in like manner. 3. To remark carefully the cbbings and Mowings of the fea in as many places as they can, together with all the accidents ordiniry and extraordinary of the tides; as, tlieir precifc time of ebbing and Mowing in rivers, at promontories or capes, which way the cur- rent runs, what perpendicular diMance there is between the higheft tide and loweff ebb, during the fpring tides and neep tides, \\ hat day of the n)oon's age, and what timics of the year the highcn" and lowed tides fall out: and all other confiderable accidents they can ob- ferve in the tides, chieMy near ports, and about i Hands, as in S. Helena's iflan.], and the three rivers there, at the Bermudas, &:c. 4. To ^o8 The Hifioiy of Navigation. 4. To make plots and drauglrs of profpcrl: ofcoafls, promontories , i Hands and ports, marking the bearings and dillanccs as near as they can. 5. To found and m.ark the depth of ccafts and ports, and fuch other places near the Ihore as they fhall think fit. 6. To take notice of the nature of the ground at the bottom of the fea, in all foundings, \^ hether it be clay, fand, rock, Angola^ Lf dei/c m-JJiori^ apcjirjiche ejjircitatvidn rdigicji Capucciniy c-r'pHata drA P. Gi\ Anionic Qrjuzziy tjf ncl prcjcnic Jlile ridotta del P. Fcrtu- nato Ala;r:andiniy frA. Bologna, 1-687. ^" hiOorical dcfcfiption of the kingdoms of Congo, Matamba and Angola ; the authors -were capuchin miiiioners, who conipiled it by order of the con- gregation de propaganda lide, and have given a moil acointe dcf. Tiptic-n of tliofc count! ie.i, and all things of nor? in them ; as alio of the iiii:lions ihithci, whi^h v, as the principal ci.d of their painful traVL'ls. Relatione deilu citta d' Attem, crlle provincie d^lf Attica^ Focia, BfotuT, e Negroponte, ne ternfi chc furono quejie prjjigiatc dn Cornelia Ahgni lan^^j 1674. 4.'*. Pan^a 'i68ii. An account of Athens, and the provinces of Attica, Focia, Beoiia, and Nrgropont, which the author viewed, and took a particular, account of, and for further fiti^facSlion conferred witli ATi. Spon, v ha had tra- velled the fame parts, for his approbation of what he delivers. He treats ver)- brlcHy of Syria, Chddca, and Mt-fopotamia, and principally inlarges himfelf upon the city of Athens, the condi- tion v/hereof he djfcribv s m(Mj fully than any other has done. Relatione e viaggio dila AF/eovia del Jignyr cpvolirrc D. Ere')k Zaniy BA:gns, 12°. Bolcgnia 1 690. This voyage to Mufcovy is Writ by a mo!> judicious ptrfon, and who had' fpcnt a great part of his life in travelling, and deferves to be highlv valued, as .'f?y? Bijoh of Voyages and Travels. 519 coming from fuch a hand ; and the more, becaufc we have but very imperfedl: accounts ot" that conntry. Fiaggio del moiite Lihano del R. R. ycrommo Dandina^ 12°. He performed this voyage to mount Libaiius by order of pope Cle- ment VIII. to inqnire into the faith of the maronite chriilians; he defcribes the country, gives an account of the peoples dodrines, their manner of living, their books, learning, bilhops, pricits, and religious men. A work very curious and ufeful. It is trandated into french, and the tranllator has added many ufciul remarks of his own. Relazionc del viaggio fafto a Cyfjlimthiop:!}, i^c. da Gio. Bcnaglia, 12°. Bol'jgna l66.<.. Tliis is an account of count Cuprara's cm- balTy to the great turk, the author bjing his fecrctary, and h:is many good remarks of that court, and of the turkiili army, taken by him upon the fpot, and therefore well worth the obfcrvation of the curious. Bibiioih. Univ. vol. XV. p. 75, French. Relations de divers voyagfc cur'eux par M. Melcl.'lfedcc Thevenot, There is no need to give a charac^ter of this author, any fur- ther than that lie has received the general approbation of the learned, for compiling a colleclion of curious travels in two volumes in folio. The hrll contains Grc.ives's dcfcription of the pyramids of Egyp^, and Buratini's account of the mummies. An account of the cotfacks, another of the tartars, another of Mingrelia, and ar.other of Georgia. Jenkinfon's voyage to Cathay. An extract of the dutch cmbaiiy to the tartar. A re- lation of the ccnqucil of the ifland Formofa by the chinefes ; another of the court of the mogol. Sir Thomas Roe's and Terry's voyage to the mogol. A greek def.Tiption of the Eaft- Indies. 'Fhe arable geography of Abulfeda. The antiqui- ties of Perfcpolis. The beginning of a book of the chaldeans of Badbra. Relations of the kingd-'ins of Golconda, Tanaflari, and Aracan, of the gtiiph of B^^ngal^, and of Siam. Bontckoue's voyages to India. The difcoverv of I'erra Aullralis. The failing courfe to India. Inllruciions upon the trade of India and Japan. Beaulieu's voyage to the Vv^cl'UIndies, Accounts of the Philippine illands, of Japan, of the difcovery of the land of Yedfo. A defcription of the plants and llovvers of China. An- cient monuments of chrillian religion in China, '^fhc fccond volume^ the dutch emballV to China ; the chincfc at.'as. The Rate of India. The portraiture of the Indians. Acarcte's voyage on the river Plate, and th^^nce to l\ru and Chile, Journey by land to China. The fecond book of Confucius the chinefe phi- lofopher. The hil'tory of Ethiopia, and of foine countries about it. Travels to the province of Zaide in Egypt. 'I'he hilb)ry o{ f4cJtl<;o in h^ures explained. Tafman'.s voyage to T^rra Aultra- 5^0 A Catahgue and Characler of \\^. Inflnii^ions for the navigation from Holland to Batavi*. Two embafTies to the emperor ot Cathay. A chronologicaJ fynopfis of the Chinefe monarchy. Barros's Afia, or conqueft of India. An accoimt of the chriftians of S. John. A voyage \o Tcrccra. The element;? of the tartar language. A fragment concerning the ides of Solomon ; another of the hiftory of fomc eaftern princes. Thc\enot has alfo cnmpofcd one vohime in 8°. in which is an embalTy from the czar of Mofcovy to China by land. The dif- covery of feme countries in north America, and of the great river MiilllTippi. A dlfcourfe of Navigation. The natural hiflorics of the ephemera, or fly that lives but a dny, and the cancellus. Les fix voyages de fcan Baptijie Tavernler en Turquie, en Perfcy i^ aux Indes. Thcfe travels are printed in fevcral forls of vo- lumes in french, according to the fever;il editions, and have been trnnflated into engliih. He is a f;uthful writer, and deferves full credit in what he delivers upon his own fight and knowledge ; but in fome relations taken from others, he was impofed upon, bemg a perfcn of integrity, and not fufpecEling others wor.ld give a falfe information. His accounts are very particular and cu- rious, and the extent he travelled very great , having taken feveral ways in his fix journies. But above all, he gives the beft defcription of the diamonds, mines and rivers where they are found, and manner of finding them \ having been upon the fpot, as being a great dealer in thofe precious fiones. Rcl uil di plufieurs relations Cf traitesfinguliers if ctirieux de fean Paplijie Tavernier^ dhife en cinque parties, 4". This is an addi- tion to his voyages, in which he treats of the dutch pradices to exclude all chrillians from Japan, negotiations of french deputies in Pcrfia and India, remarks on the trade of India, an account of thj kingdom of Tunqujn, and the hiiiory of the proceedings of the dutch in Afia. Relation nouvcUe de la Caroline, par un genti ihorwie fraj:<:ois ^ arriikr depiiis deux rnois de cc nouveau pais, on il park de la route quil faut tcnir pour y aller le plus fur cine at ^ U de Vet at on il a trauve cetfe nouvelle contree. A la tiaye 16S6. 12°. This is a modern ac- count of Florida, its eltate in the year 1684, and the bell way to it. The book has a good reputation ; and as Florida is one of thofc amvrican countries we have not the bell account of, this is a confiderable light into it. Relation du voyage de mofieur Vevcfque de Beryte par h: Turquie,, la Perfe, les Indes jufques au Royaume de Sianiy ^ autres lieux, tfcrit par jnonfieur de BourgeSy Prejlre^ 8". An account of the bifliop of Berytus'sjourhcy by land through Turkey, Pcrfia, and India, into China", by a priell that went with him ; very cu- rious in the defcription' of thofc countries and manners of the pcopi.e. moji Booh of Voyages an J Traveh, ^11 people, with inftnidions for travellers to thofe parts. Jouiti. dcs Scav. vol. I. p. 591. Lemhajjade de D. Garcia de Silva Figucrra. This is a tranfla- tion out of fpanifh, and the account of the book is among the fpanilli under the title, Embaxada, &'c. to which the reader may turn ; only he is advertifed that he may fee more concerning this tranflation in Journ. de Scav. vol. I. p. 205. Les voyages' de motifteur de Monconys. Monficur Monconys's travels in three volumes, 4°, The firll through P Ttugal, Italy» Egypt, Syria and Conflantinople. The fecond into Ein the general obferxatioi.s of travellers, is fmgular for its cuiiofity in the fearch of antiquities. Journ. des Scav. vol. VI. p. 12S snd 185. Voyage de Francois Pirard de la Val aux hides orientates y Mahhvr^^ Moluquesy y ail BrnfiU cfr. 4°. This is one of the exaclell pieces of travels, and the moft diverting hitherto made public. M. Pirard the traveller furnifhcd the materials, which were di- g'lled and method! fed by feveral very able men in France. Many who have travelled after him n;cntioa wuch pt wh^t he does, and yet 222 A Catalogue and CJ.^araS^ir of yet he has fomc curiofitics which others have not touched 'ipon. Joiirn. des Scav. vol. VII. p. 85. Ainhoj]adi ils la c^tnpagn'-e des hides cruntaki des Provinces unirj fjrrs les enipercurs du JopjUy An. l()\\.fd. It is a pcrfccl accoiinf of all that happened 10 ihc faid emba'.rador.s, and full dcfcripiion of ihn country, towns, cities, &:c. v.ith variety of ruts. loiirn. des Scav. vol. Vlll. p. 130. and Bibiiolh. Univerf. vol. IV. p. 499-^ hmvellc rchtr.n d iin voyage de Conjlimt'.noflcy prej^ntcc au r:i p.-rr ie Sleur Gtrloty An. 1680, in 4". A curious account not only of lliat city, hut cf all places to it, with cuts drawn by the author up<'>n'the fpot. Juurn. des Scar. vol. VIII. p. 296. Rdalior.s des vvjji:n> iff des vrjages des evecfucs vicar.'es eip'^Pio^ l/fiteSj tf dc Icurs ecclefiajllques en annl-es 1676 ^ 1677. in 8". This is a relation of what thofc preachers obfcrved in their travels in Afia. Les voyages de "Jean Stni\s en Mfcovie, ^f. in 4". In thefe travels through Mufcovy, Tartary, PerHa, India, the ifle of Madagafcar, und other places, being a vail exti-nt of gronnd, ar.d to be travelled many feveral ways, therj are alundance o\ no- table obfervations, not to be found in other books of this fort; ihe whole very inflrudivc and diverting:. lourn. des Scav. vol. IX.p. i6o. \ ° -^ Rciaiion nouvclle particidtcr du z^A-age des peres dc la mercy aux' royaumes dc fez & de MoroCy cnl'an \(j%ly 12^. Beiides what thele fathers did, as the pecnliar hufinefs of their religious pro- folhon, this book contains many cr.riofities rela*inc; to the in; of Morocco and the CMdoms of the country. Joiirn. dcs Scav. vol. X. p. 354- Rciaiion de la ri7)iere des /fmr.zons traihiit par M. GoKdjcr'/dle, fur l original ef pa gml du P. AAcufa jeftiitc. This Is a relation of the iiid father's voyvje down this vult river ; t(> v/hicfi the tranllator has added a diiilrtntion, the principal matters treated of therein being the towns of Mano?, Dorado, and ihe lake of I\i:i:na. Journ. des Srav. vol. XI. p. 107. Relation du voyages de Venife a Corffiantinoplc d Jajues Ca^oty I 2*. This author, il.ough l.c writ above a hunurec: \ear5^ ago, is va- luable for many Ciuio'as obfervati(^MS not to be found in later travellers. Journ. dcs Scav. vol. XII, p. 139. Relation du v:ycge des Indes oricnfMles, pai^ AI. D^'Hcn, two volumes 12**. The author aifiims, he has inierted nothing but what he faw ; mnch of wh^r he rehtes iias been delivered bv other authors: but he is very particufar, and out-rfocs them all in his account of the coaft ok ?»'la!;.^mr^ and conclude!; with a trcatife of dif- cafts in ihofe puts, «ry.l their cures, journ. des 5>cav. vol. XIII. p. 121. Hijhire de la con-jucfte de la Fl'rid<: par les rfpagnrb^ traduit du porlugaisy 12^. 'i his is a very exadl accou-.u of tlv^t country, 4ati PI oft Boihs of Fey ages and Tra^'els. 523 .«nd all that happened In the conquen: of it, writ by a portu- gucfe gentleman, who fcrvcd in thai war, and was an eye-witncfs of all that paiUd. Journ. des Scav. vol. XIII. p. 394. Foynges de I'enipereur de la Chine dans la Tartaric, aujquels on a yAnt une nouvcllc decouverte au Mcxique, 12^. It trrats of two joiirnies the emperor of China made into the eaftern and the wedern Tartary. The other part Ihovvs the fcttlcnicnt made by the fpaniard.s in the iiland of California, An. 1683. jjurn. des Scav. vol. XIII. p. 446. Relation de 1' etnhajj'ade de Mr. le chevalier de Chaiimont a la cour du rot de Siam, 12^. He writes not like a c ^mmon traveller, but like an embailbdor, and is therefore more political, and treats of higher matters than others, though often defccnding to things of lefs moment worth the general obfervation, as the def- cription of the country, cuiloms and manners of the i nr. abitants, and other tilings of that nature. Journ. des Scav. vol. XIV. p. 396. and Biblioth. Univerf. vol. III. p. 521. jGurjud du voyage du Chevalier Chardin en Perjc, ds' aux hides Qrlentalcs par la mer Noire^ C^ par ki Colchidt*, fol. Thoi.'gh fo many travellers as have viiited thofe parts before him, feem to have left him nothing new to write of, yet in him are found abundance of rarities not to be feen in any otlier, and remarks no where elfe to be found, and particularly the expofition of feveral padkges in fcripture, which the author makes out by cufioms preferved in the enlt from tlie time of Mofes till our day. Journ. des Scavans, vol. XIV. p. 535. and Biblioth. Univerf. vol. III. p. 520. AmbafJ'ades de la ccmipagnie hsUandoife d'c^ricnt vers Tcmpcrcur du JapQv, 2 vols. 12°. It is an abridgment of a volume in tolio, printed in the year 1680, and is divided into three parts: the iirll is the defcription of Japan ; the fecond an account of the em- baffy there ; and the third of five other embadics. To which ig added a relation of the civil wars in Japan. Journ. des Scav. vol. XV. p. 139. yournal du voyage dc Siam, fait par monjieur Vahhe de Cholft, 4°. It is compofed of feveral letters writ by this gentlemaii, who was fent by the king of France with the cliaradler of embalfador in cafe the king of Siam had embraced chridianity, as was hoped ; and does not only inform as to all particulars of that great kingdom, but of many others about it as far as Tonquin and Cochinchina, without neglecting in the way to treat very Accurately of the dutch colony at the cape of Good Hope. Journ. yaume de Siam^ 4^. It is di- vided into four parts, which treat, i. Of the fituation and nature of the country. 2. Tlie laws and cuftoms of the people. 3. Their religion ; and, 4. Of the king and court. Monfieur Gervaife the author of it refided there four years, underftood the language pcrfc<5llv, read their books, and converfed with the mod intelligent pcrfons, and therefore got good information of what he writes, having been careful to deliver as little as he could of what others had before made pi;blic. Journ. des Scav. vol. XV. p. 612. Relation nouvelle i5 exa^ dun vynge de la Terre Sairte, 12°. Contains an exadl defcription of all the places where the principal paffages of our Saviour's pallion happened, and many other things well worth obferving, being very Ihort, and yet full enough. Journ. des Scav. vol. XVI. p. 204. and Hift. des ouvragcs des Scavans, vol. III. p. 417. Voyage en Mojcovii dun amhnlYcdeur de lonpereur Leopold j 12^. Jn. 1661, He dcfcribes the great rivers, the chief towns on the banks of them, the manners, government, and religion of the people. Journ. des Scav. vol. XVI. p. 232. Qcjciiption hijicrique du royaumc de Macar^ary 12^. It is divided into three books, the firft the defcription of the country, the fccond the manners and government of the people and kingdom, the tliird the religion. Journ. l\^s Scav. vol. X V I. p. 532. and Hiih des ouvrages des Scavans, vol. V. p. 324. Relation de la Nigritie, 12^. It contains an exafl defcription of the kingdoms of the blacks, their government, religion, manners, rarities of the country, with the difcovery of the river Senega, and a mnp of it. By four fruncifcan friars, who went thither upon the milTion in the year 1689, from Frangc. Journ. des Scav. vol. XVJLp. 311. P\yage du pcrc Tachard Ly da jr/ui/es envoy ft par la rot au r^v- eiumc de Simny An. 1685, 4". This is an hiitorical, phyfical, geographical and aftronomical account, being taken by learned men, and great mathematicians. The firil book is mollly aftro- nomical obfervatious in the voyage to the cape of Good Hope; the fecond a relation of the table-mountain, and many other things about the aforefaid cape ; the third palfagcs at Batavl.i ^nd Macalfar ; the fourth of atFairs of Siam and others ; the Hfth continues the faiuti maUcr ; th^ fiAtb much natunl hiilorv, con- chiding with the king of Siam's letters tq the pope, king of France, and !•. le Chaife ; the feventh the fathers return home ; and the eighth from tiience to Rome. Juurn. des Scay. vol, XVII. p, 415. and Biblioth. Ui.iverf. vol. IV. p. 472. Second i'cyagc du pcre Tachurd i'^f des jcfuites cnvoyez par k roi an r-^ume de Siam^ 1689, Ji*^. This fatUcr returned trom his tirl^ tnoji Books of Voyages and Travels. 52^ voyage to carry more milTioners ; and this fccond voyage, "which he divides into eight books, like the other contains many hiflorical, phyfical, geographical, and allronomical remarks, bcfides abun- dance of other obfervations and curiofities omitted in the firft voyage. Biblioth. iiniverf. vol. XIV. p. 445. Hijioirc dc regl'ije du Japoru p^^' Mr. I'abue de T. 1 vols. 4^. It was writ by F. Solier, a jefuit, and publilhcd by Tabbc, who refined the language. This, though an ecclcfialUcar hiflory, contains all the diverting parliailars to be found in books of travels, as being compofcd by thofe fathers, who were all tra- vellers in that country. It is an excellent work, in. twenty books. Journ. des Scav. vol. XVII. p. 486. yom'nal da voyage fait a la nier du Sudy aire les fibufiers de rAmcri(iU€y en 1 684^ ^ amices fuivanteSj par le fieur Ravenau de Lufj'andy \2^ , It is a buccaneering expedition, containing very much of robbery, with an account of the Kthmus of America and countries about it, where the author with his gang travelled much by land. Journ. des Scav. vol. XVII. p. 721. Hijioirc de monfieur Conjlance premier minijlre du rol de Slam, ilf de la derniere rel;olution de cet ejlat. Par le P. d^OrleanSy 12^. It is a relation of that gentleman's wonderful adventures in Siam, where he attained to be full minifter to that great monarch in the year 1685 and thofe that followed, with the revolution of that kingdom, and the perfcciition that enfued againfl the chridlans. Jcurn. des Scav. vol. XVIII. p. 373. Du royaimie de Siam. Par Mr. de la Loubere, envoye extraordi- naire du roi apres du roi dc Siam, en 1687, ^ 1688. 2 vols. 12^. In this there are many particulars not to be found in other re- lations. The firrt volume divided into three parts ; the firft geographical, the fecond of cufloms in general, and the third of manners in particular. The fccond volume begins with ffrange fables and fupcrftitions, proceeds to the pradices of the religious men, and many other particulars extraordinary curious and re- markable. Journ. des Sca\'. vol. XIX. p. 256 &: 269. Relation du voyage d' Efpagne, 3 vols. 12*^. Treats of the country in general, of the fituation of its towns, of public and private ffru6lurcs, of palaces and churche!^, with their orna- ments, 6cc. of the king's power, government, councils, employ- ments, benefices, and their revenues \ of the orders of knight- hood, and the itiquifition ; with many pleafant adventures, in which there is much of the romantic. Journ. des Scav. vol. XIX. p. 364. It is writ by the countcfs d'Aunoi, and has much of tlic woman. Nouvelle relation de la Grfpcfie, Par le P. Chretien le Clercq, I 2^. This is a complete account of the manners and religion of the favages called gafpefians, carrying crolfes, anJ woriliipping the fun i and others nations of Canada in north America. It was ta)fen 5 26 A Catal'gue and Charade r of taken in twelve years, the author rcficling there n.s mifTioner, be- ginning An. 167^. Jonrn. dcs Scav. v.ol. XIX. p. 395. and Bib- Iioth. tjniverf. vol. XXIII. p. 86. Prcynicr cjlahhffiment dc In fct dans h NouvcJIc France, Par k P, le CUtcq^ Tn'llionairey 2 vols. 12^. It is the complete hiflory of Canada, or New- France, from the firft difcovery of it till this time, containing the difcoverics, fettling of colonies, conquers, and all other paffages from thofe northern parts down to tlic gulph of Mexico, Avith tie battles with the cnglilh and iroquois. An. 1690. Jonrn. dcs Scav. vol. XX. p. 131. yoyag.'^ en divers ejlais d' Europe ^ d\4fiCj piur drcouvrir un vm- veau chemin a la ChinCy 4^. 'I'hcfc travels were writ and per- formed by F. Avril, a jcfuit, who fpcnt five years traverfmg Turky, Perfia, Mufcovy, Poland, PrnfTia, Moldavia and 'Fartary, and embarked in feveral feas to find out this wav to China, to avoid the tedious voyage bv the cape of Good Hope and India. The relation is phyfkal, geographical, hydrogrnphical, and hif- torical. Journ. des Scav. vol. XX. p. 187. Les avantnres dc Jaqucs Sadeiir dans la decauvertCy ^' le voyage de la Terrc Aujlrale^ 12^. This is a very extraordinary account of Terra Auftralis incognita, infinitely exceeding all that has been writ of it by others ; the author being ca(t upon that country after thelofs of the (hip he was in, and living thirty years among thole favages. He therefore treats of the manners of the people, their religion, employments, Itudies, wars, of the birds and bcalls, and other rarities. Journ. dcs Scav. vol. XX. p. 2s6. Voyages hifioriqucs dcYV.uropey 8 vols. 12^. 'Fhe firft of thefc volumes treats only of France ; the fccond of Spain and Portu- j:;al ; the third of Italy ; the fourth of England, Scotland, and Ireland; the fifth of the feven United Provinces; the fi\th of \\\z empire ; the feventh of Mufcovy ; the eighth of Poland, Lithu- ania, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Iceland. Thefe volumes are travels into the moft confiderahle parts of Europe, and contain abundance of fingularities not obferved by other travellers and writers. Journ. des Scav. vol. XXI. p. 93, 95, 276. Relation du vosngCy iff retour des hides orienfales, pendant les annh; 1690, 1 69 1, par un garde dc la marine jervant Jur le lord de M. Duquejne conifuandant de lEjeadrey 12^. It has many curious obfervations during the voyage outward and homeward bound, and an account of all places the fquadron touched at. Journ. dc£ ijcav. vol. XXI. p. 177. Les VA'nges ditfieur le Mai re aux ijles CanarieSy Cape Verde, Senegal y Cantbicy 12^. In this are many parliculiirs of thofe african countries, little known, and fcarce to be found in other travellers. Journ. des Scav. vol. XX II I. p. 364. Nouvclte relation de la Chine, en iannie 1668, par le R. P. Ca- kriel de Magaillansy de la compagnie de Jejus^ 8^. This was ori- ginaliy I?i9ji Books cf Vcjagn avj Trdveh, r^J gma\]y writ in portugucfc, and ought to have been amonf,^ thfe travels in that language, had wc any number of them, if v.as thought worth tranflating into french hrf>, and from that into englilli, but was never printed in its original Language. It has the reputation of an cxadl and faithful account. HilL des ouvragcs dcs Scav. vol. II. p. 203. Relation unhctjclle dc V Afnque anacrme ^' modern?^ par Ic ftrur de la Cro:Xy 12^. 4 vols. Bclidcs the chronoloay ;ind gio^rraphv, it has the cwfioms, manners, religion, trade,^ p]ant<; :u:d oiher ^-)ariiciilars oi the continent and iljands, and what the king of France has done againft the baibniy coi fairs, An. 1688. A Lyon. Le houdier de V Europe, contemmt des avis pditiqucs ^ chrcttcjiT^ ijfc. Avec unc relaUon de voyages fails dans la Turfjuicy la Thehnidc, ^ la Barharie. Par le R. R. Jean-Coppin, 4^. This father was fird a foldier, then conful ior the french nation at Dami- etta in Egypt, and Ia(tly, a religious mail. Tl.c Mign of his work is to Uir up chriiiinn princes to make w-r on the turk, and accordingly his hr(t and fccond books are taken up in fljowing of how great confequcncc that war is, the methods of m.ana^nn"'?- it, the ci.ufes of the rife and decay of the Ottoman empire, and- much more to that effect. In the following books he nroceeds to his travels; (irft in Egypt, v/here he lias many curious ob- fcrvations not to be found in other travellers, but more parlicn- larly, in that he took the pains to travel the great dtfart of rht4)aida, where few behdes him have been "in thcfe latter times; and this is the fubjecl of his third and fourth books, 'i he filth treats of Barbary, Phoenicia and the Holy Land: and the work concludes with an exacf defcription of the city Da- mietta, where he refided fome years. Kis relation is faithful, and defen'es all credit, efpccially in ihofe things he delivers as i»n eye-witnefs. It was publilhed at Paris in the year 1686. Bib- iioih. Uiiiverf. vol. V. p.- 103. Journal y cu juite du '■j:yagc de SiaT?tf en finnc de Icftrcs familieref^ fiblioth. Univerf. vol. X. p. 516. Relation muveUe iJ exalte dun voyage de la Terre Sainfr, cu defcription de I'etat prrjnit dies lieux, ou Je font pofft-es les^ Pf^'^^i' pales anions dc la vie dc Jcfus ChrijL Paris 1688. 8^. This is a pilgrimage to the Holy* Land, and therefore writ in a religious ftylc, and contains an account of all the holy places in Paleltine, and defcription of Malta ; and is a gooil guide for fuch as defire to travel into thofc parts. V'-.ync^e^ de M. de Thcvcnot en Afic Iff en Afriquc. Paris 1689. 1 vols.* 1 2^. It is to be obferved, that whereas before mention is made of Thcvenoi's travels, that is a coUedlion of other men, as appears there, but thcfc are M. Thevenot^s own travels, di- vided into three parts ; the firit of the eaflcrn countries under the turk ; the fecond continues other ealtern parts, proceeding towards Perfia ; and the third the Eaft-Indics. It is one of the mofl curiou*; and exad works of this nature hitherto publillied, and well deferving to be read by all that are curious of travels. Biblioth. Univerf. vol. XIII. p. 24.6. Voyages dAmerique^ hijloire des avanturicres qui fe font ftgnakz danS les Ind-Sy iSc. Par Alexander Olivier OexvieHn. Paris 1 688. 2 vols. 12^. This was a furgeon fent over in the fervice of the french welt-india company, and fold in America, where he lived feveral years. The author of the Biblioth. Univerf. gives a great character of this work, and fays, no man has yet given fo good an account of the manner of living in thofe parts, bclides very good defcriptions, and all that is requifite in fuch avvork \ of which fee more in the laid Biblioth. Univerf. vol. XVIII. p. 129. Kouveau voyage d' Italic fait en Vannie 1688, aire un memotre contcnant dcs avis utiles a ceux qui voudrcnt faire le vume^ voyage, A la Hayey 1 69 1. 2 vols. 12^. Par monfteur Mifln. This au- thor gives a general accotmt of all things obfcrvablc in Italy, and tnercforc is the more diverting. He begins his travels^ in Holland, of which he gives a (hort account , then eroding Ger- many and Tirol, he runs down Italy by the Adriatlck Ihore, and returns on the other fide through Tufcany, Genoa, Piedmont, Sv/ilTerland. Voyage en divers ctats d'Europc iff dAfe, cntreprii pour decouvrir un ncuveau chemin a la Chine, Par ie P. AvriL Paris i6()T,. 12^, The full hook contains the author's tr.ivels from Marfcillcs to Erivan in Perfia; the fecond from Erivan to Mofcow ; in the third he gives an account of 1 artary, but it was fuch as he received from mzj} Books of Voyages and Travels. ^29 from others, for he was not in that country ; and in the fourth, of his return to Pohmd, thence to Conftantinople, and thence for want of heahh to France. Eiblioth. Univcrf. vol. XXIV, P- 20-^- . H:Jioire de la nvolutic?! de rempirc du mogd. Par mcnjleur F, Beniicr^ 8^. This hiitory of the revolution of the empire of the mogul, contains the whole account of Aurcngc Zcb dethroning his father, with all the intrigues and wars on that account \ the defcription of Agra and Delhi, capital cities of that empire, many particulars of that court, the dodlrines, cuftoms, 6«:c. of the Indians, the mogul's journey to Cachcmire, and many other curious obfervations made by the author in his travels in that country. Relation d'un voyage en la Mauritame. Par lejieur Roland Frcjiis, 8^. The author of this voyage into Mauritania was fent by the king of France's order in the year 1666, to fettle trade in the kingdom of Fez, and gives a very juit, though brief account of his voyage and negotiation. There is added to it a letter of monlicur Charant, who lived twenty-five years in Suez and Mo- rocco, giving an account of the religion, manners, trade, Sec. of ihofe people. P'oyagcs en Ap.e^ Jfrlque, ^ I' Avier'ique. Par vionfieur 'Jean Mocqudj 8^. See this among the englilh, 8^. Voyage par monfieur du ^lefne aux hides en 1 69 1 ^ 1692, dffr. See more of this am.ong the cnglilli, 8"^. Voyages hijloriques ilf eun'eux en Alleniagney Bdjemej Suijpy Hol- land, iffc. de jncnjieur Charles Pat in y 8^. See this among the tngliih. Voyages aux Indes, de Dellon. 2 vols. 12^^. Hijioire de la Chine Jons la domination des Tartares. Par le P, GreJi'Ai de la c<)}np. de JeJuSy 8'^\ Paris 1 67 2. We have here a fuccin6l hiitory of China from the year 165 1, till 1669, delivered by a millioner reiideiit there many years; his principal fiibjc(^,l is the adrcnomy of China, which gained the firll admillion to the millioners ; of which, and all its parts, and how ufed and praftifed there, he treats very ingeniouliy and learnedly, Giorn, de Letter. Voyage du Levant. Par vionjieur de Loir, 12^. A voyage to the Jvcvant in ten letters, containing all tilings remarkable in the iflands of the Archipelago, Kphclus, Smyrna, Conitaniinople, Scutari, Negropont, Greece, the Morea, and all t!'e coalts to \ enire ; in which are all the ancient and modern names of places, and what authors have faid of them, compared with what was when the author travelled. A work no lefs learned ;han curious. Giorn. de Letter. An. 1673. Voyage d Angle ferrcy par rnonjieur SorbierrCy 12^. Th'F a.count of England is not methodical, but contains fomc obkrvuti'-ns Vvorth reading, . . ypl-. JX, M 11a Rclatiotk 530- A Caiahgue and QjaraSter of Relation un'iverfelle de V Afrique anclenne i^ modcrnCy par k fieur de la Croix, 4 vols. 12^. Ly:n 1688. This is the fulleft and mod perfe6l account yet extant of that great part of the world, being a judicious and laborious collection of all the bcfl that has been writ on the fubjecl. Giorn. de Letter. An. 1689. Hijioirc de liJJe de Ceylon y^ par le cal'itaine Jean Rihcyro,^ tr adult e du portiigaii en fru}i(^oisj 12^. Paris 1701. This fhort hiftory of Ceylon, though writ originally in portugucfe, and publifhed in the year 1685, is here inferted in the french tranflation, becaufe the tranllator Mr. le Grand has added to it feveral chapters, col- leded from the beft authors that have writ of that ifland. It is divided into three books : the firfl is the defcription of the iiland, its government, religion, produ6l, &:c. the fecond treats of the wars there between the portuguefes, the natives, and the dutch: and the third, of the errours the portuguefes committed in their conquers of India, and the power of the dutch in thofe parts. Journ. des Scav. vol. XXIX. p. 389. Nouveau 7?iemoires fur tejiat prejent de la Chine, par le P. Louis le Comte, 2 vols. I2^. Paris 1696. F. le Comle's memoirs of China have appeared in englifh \ they have abundance of very remarkable paHiiges and fingular curiofities, and have been too much talked of to require much to be faid of them. Journ. des Scav. vol. XXV. p. 58. Derniercs defcouveries dans V Amerique Jeptentrionale de monjieur de la Sale, niifes au jour par vionficur le chcvdier Tonti, ^cverneur du fort S. Louis aux IjUnois, 12^. Paris 1 697. This is an ac- count of a valt difcovery in North America, being tb.e whole length of the river Mifliitipi, from the french plantations in Ca-. r.ada down to the gulph of Mexico to the fouthward, and from tho fame plantation to the fource of the faid river northwards. Journ. des Scav. vol. XXV. p. 31 1. Relation dun voyage fait en 1696 ^ 1 697, aux cojles de V A- frique, dctruit dc Magellan, Brczil, Cayenne, Cf ijlcs Antilles, par le ficur Froger. Thij> is a relation of an expedition of fix french iliips fitted out during the war with Spain in thofe years ; it is l(X)ked upon as very faithful, and adorned with a great number of maps and cuts of all forts. Journ. des Scav. vol. XaVI. p. 164. . , . . . Memoirs du chevalier Beaujeu, contenant divers voyages en Pohgney AUemagne, ifS ni Hongru\ 12°. J^aris 1679. '1 he author of thtfc memoirs having travelle.i in l^oland, Germany and Hun- gary, undertakes to rcclify many miftakes in the maps as to dif- tinces of places; he gives a particular account of thefe countries; and moll efpecialJy of Poland, and all things relating to it, Journ. de3 Scav. vol. XX\'i. p. 284. Relation d'J voyage dufeur de AJontauhan capitain des Flibujliers ei\ Guinee, dans I annee 1 695, This Wijs a privateer voyage, which ended in the blowing up the fhip \ but lo that the captain. efcaped. m^fl Booh cf Foyages and Travels . ^^t efcapcd, and got afhore on the coafl of Afric, of which he gives fome account ; thence he got over to Barbadoes, and thence into France. Relation curieufe & nouveUe de Mofcovie, contenant Vetat de cet efupircy 12^. Paris 1698. This account of Mufcovy is coin- pofcd by Mr. de Neuville, envoy from the king of Poland to tlie czar, who during bis refidence there colk(5led the beft account of a way through Mufcovy and Tartary to China, as convenient as any for travellers in Europe, which he fays he was told by one that travelled it twice ; but that the czar at the requeil of the dutch has prohibited merchants trading that way. Journal du voyage des grandes hides ^ contenant tout ce quij'y efi fait b' pajje par Vef cadre de J a majejie, cnvoye fous le commandement de J\^, de la Haycy 12^. Orleans 1697. This is a voyage of the french fleet to the Indies in the year 1 670, it defcribes Goa, and gives fome account of thefe coafts, of taking the city of S. Thomas or Meliapor, and the lofuig it again to the dutch and inhdels, with the return of the french. Voyage d'ltaVie ^ de Grcccy avec une dijfertation fur la bizarrcrie dcs opinions des hommesy 12". Paris i6gS, This author fet out from France in the year 1691, and gives fuch a defcription of the countries he palfed through, and of the adventures that befcl him, as renders it extremely diverting ; concluding with a re^ fle6lion upon the extravagant humours of men, whofe behaviour he condemns in many particulars, which are .rather pleafant and diverting than folid, Journ. des Scav. vol. XXVI. p. 535. Spanifh. Hi/ioria del Gran Tamorlan. Itinerarioy y relacion de la emlaxada que Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo le hizo por mandado del fenor Rcy D. Henrique tercero de CafliUa, Sevil 1582. fol. This is the firfl fpanilh book of travels, at leali: of any reputation, now extant, and is of no lefs than 300 years antiquity ; for though the book was publifhed as above, the embaify was in the year 1403, in which the author fpent three years, faw a confiderable part of Afia, following Tamerlan's camp, and befides what he faw during thofe years, had an ample account of all that mighty prince's wars : it is a book rare and of great value. Comentarios do grande Alphonfo de Albuquerque capitao general da Indiay collegidos por feu filho das proprias cartas y que elk efcrivio ao rcy D. Mancel. Lifboa 1 5 76. fol. This is a large relation of the actions of that great man, who was one of the Hrft portugueie conquerors of the Eaft-Indies; and a particular encomium of it is given by Anthony Ferreira in his poems. Naufragios de Alvar Nunez Cabcca de Vaca, y Comentarios de Alvar Nunez Adelantado y govtrnador tie la frO' vincid del Rio de la Plata, Valladolid 1555- 4^. The firft was M m 2 writ 532 A Catalogue ami Chamber cf writ by Alvar Nunez himfelf, wherein he gives an account o} his (liipwreck, and unppralkllcd ruifcrings in Florida. The fe- cond was compofed by his order by Peter FcrnandvZ his fecrctarv, and is an account of tlic province of the river of Plate, where he was governor : both curious and fcarce. hvero dt'fcuhrmiento del gran Ciitir:^^ o reynos dc Tlhct en el anno de 1624. Madrid 1627. It is writ by F. Anthony de Andrada, a iefiiit, who in it gives an account of his travels in the moft: remote eaftem countries. I'erdndi'ra dfjcriptiori de la Ticrra Srwfa como ejluva cl anno dc 1 530. Alcala 1531. ^^. It is an exaft account of the Holy Land at that time, writ by F". Anthony de Aranda, \\\\q> travelled it all over as a pilgrim at that time. El divcto per/grino v'lage de la Tlcrrn Santa. Madrid 1 654. 4^. The defcription of the Holy Laud in a pious flyle, for the help oi pilgrims, by F. Antony del Caftillo, a francifcan ; who was fu- periour of the monaft( ry at Bethlehem. Rclaclon de lo Jucecido a los padrei de la compania de J ejus en la Ind'Cfy yjapon, en IdS anos de 1630;' 1631. Valladolid 4^. An account of the travels and adUons oi' the jcfuits in India and Japan, by F. Antony Collaco. Jornada de areelifpo dc Goa D. F. Aleino de Mencfes, iffe. as ferras de Malabar^ & lugares cm que moram on antigos chriftaos de S.Thome^ Coimbra i6c6. fol. It was writ by F. Antony tic Gouve of the brder of St. Augullin, who treats very curioufly of the inland parts of Malabar, and chrillians of S. Thomas there. ' Hijloria general de los hcchos de bs cajlellanos en las ijlasy y ticrra firma del mar occano, efcrita po9- Antortio de Herrera, Madrid 1 61 5. 4 vols. fol. A rnoll: excellent and complete hillory of the dif- 'icdvery and conquclf of America by the fpaniard«, not omitting to mention' the difcovcries made at the (luuc time by other nations. It readies from Columbus's fu-fl: difcovery An. 1492 till 1554. divided into four" volumes, and thofe into eight decads, with a very jun" defcription of that vafl continent. H'Jioyid gt^neral de la India cricnfalj los defcuhriemientos y conquijla que hon hecho los armos de Portugal en cl Brafil^ ^e. h'Jla el ano de ■'1562. Valladolid 1603. fol.' This though ancient is the fuUcft account there was till that time of the portugiiefes in the Eafl:- Indics and Brahl, writ by F. Antony de S. Roman of the order of S. Bfincdia. ' H'Jloiia dd la conquijla cfpiritual de la provincia del Paraguay. Ma- drid 1639. 4^. It is an account of the progress of the preaching jcfuits irf'that province, and written by one of them, who was re^^oi* of fomecollegcs in that country. ' Itinerario da India .ilton, Hawks, Philips, and Hortop to New Spain, Peru and PariMco ; Pert and Cabot to Brafil ; Tifon and Hawkins to the Weft-indies; Hawkins to Guinea and the Weft-Indies; Drake to Nombre de Dios; Oxnam, Barker, Drake, Michelfon to Mexico, ^c. Newport to Puerto Rico, &c. May to the ftraits of Magellan \ Dudley, Prefton, Drake, Sbcrley, Parker, to feveral parts fncjl Boohs of Voyages and Travels. 54.3 parts of the Weft-Indies ; Raleigh to the ifland Trinidad, and to Guiana ; Hawkins, Reniger, Hare, Lancafter to Brafil ; two engliOimen and Drake up the river of Plate; Drake round the world; Silva through the llraits of Magellan ; Winter into the South-fea ; Fenton to Brafd ; Withrington to 44. degrees of fouth latitude ; Candifli round the world ; Ship Delight to the ftraits of Magellan ; Candilh his laft voyage. Thus have we briefly run over the contents of Hackluyt's collcdion, precifcly fetting down all in the firft volume, to give the reader a tafte of the author's method of heaping together all things good and bad, which has been abridged in relation to the fecond and third volumes, to avoid being tedious. The collc6lion is fcarcc and valuable for the good there is to be picked out ; but it might be wiflied the author had been lefs voluminous, delivering what was really authentic and ufeful, and not ftuffing his work with fo many ftories taken upon truft, fo many trading voyages that have nothing new in them, fo many warlike exploits not at all pertinent to his undertaking, and fuch a multitude of articles, charters, privileges, letters, relations, and other things little to the purpofe of travels and difcoveries. Purchas was the next great englifh colle£lor of travels after Hackluyt, whom he has imitated too much, fwelling his work into five volumes in folio. The whole colledion is very valu- able, as having preferved many confiderable voyages which might othcrwife have periihed. But to particularize with him, as has been done before with Hackluyt ; his firll: volume is divided into five books. The firft contains the travels of the ancient patriarchs, the apoftles and philofophers, with the warlike ex- peditions of Alexander the great, and other princes ; to which is added an inquiry into languages, and an account of the fe- vcral forts of religions. The fecond book treats of navigation in general, the difcoveries made by Henry prince of Portugal, king John of Portugal, Columbus of the Wcit and Gama of "the Ealt-Indies; then follow Magellan, Drake, Candilli, Noort and Spilbergen round the world, and Le Maircs difcovery of the new (trait of his name. The third book is filled with fome private voyages to the Eaft-Indies, and the feven firft made by the eaft-india company, with dcfcriptions, and an account of all thofe parts, their product, trade, government, religion, tvc. but all, as delivered by the firft that reforted ihcre and made no long ftay, imperfed, and far fhort of what we have had fince. I'he ft)urth book contains the 8th voyage of the eaft-india company, capt. Saris to Japan ; Finch to India; 9th, loth, nth and I2tli voyages of the company ; obfervations for failors ; Steel to the mogul's court ; Milward to India; Pevton to India; an extradl of fir Thomas Roe, embadador from king James to the mogul, his journal ; Coryat's travels. The fifth book ftill continues upon accouais of the.Eait-lndies, of all parts thereof, and from many ^^ A Catalogue and Claracier of many feveral hands, upon diffcrcnoes between the dutch and en- glilh, wars of the natives, cnj[jagcii cnts of the engliih and por- lu£;ncl"cs, and many other pallagcs and occurrences to the fame purpofc. The lixth book, being the hrH: in the ftcond vohimc, K-gms with colleclions of John Leo's hiOory of Afric, and R. C's hiftory of Earbary : then follow Nicholay's defcripfion of Argier : an expedition to Argier under fir Robert Manftl ; and fome relations of Afric. 'Ihe fcvcnth book begins Jobfon's voyage to Guinea ; jjattle's account of Angola is next, then Pi- gafeita's relation of Congo, Alvarez's voyage to Ethiopia ; D. John dc Caflro from India to Suez; Rermudez the patriarch to Ethiopia, and Nunhes Barreto of the fame countrv. The eighth contains fcveral pilgrimages to Jcrufalem, chrillian expeditions to the Holy E::ud ; Barton's (q. Elizabeth's embartador to the great turk) account of his voyage and the adventures of J. Smith. The ninth book confifls of SherLy's travels into Perfia; Benjamin the fon of Jonas his peregrination ; Terrey's voyage to the m.o- gul ; Burlhcma's to Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Perfia and India; culledions of Afia out of arabic ; Menefess account of India; Figueroa to Ifpahan ; J. de Santos to Etiiiopia; J( bfon on Gambra river; account of the grand fignior's feraglio; Sanderfon's voyages in the ftraits ; Timberley from Cairo to Jeriifalem : Newberry of the caitern parts of the world -; Fran. Pyrard de \a Vol to the Eall-Indies. I'he tenth book has a colleciion of fpaniih and portugucfe vovages out of Galvan ; Trigaulius his voyage to In- dia ; letter touching Japan , Frederick's indian obfervations \ Balbi to Pegu ; Pitz to Goa, and other parts of India ; Pimcnta's obfervations of India ; Linfchoten's voyages to India ; relation of Ormuz ; fir Rob. Sherley to Perlia ; Coryate's travels ; Lithgow Scot to the Holy Land, cVc. Intelligence out of Turl y ; Brown's indian voyage ; Dutch proceedings at Amboyna ; an I defcription of the bay of Todos os Santos. The third volt me, book the tirlt, contains as follows : W. de Rubricis' travels into the eaft ; relations of Bacon, and Balvacenfis ; Wendover of the Tartars; Mr. Paulus Venetus his voyages; S. J. Mandevile's travels ; extracts of an Arabic h flory of Tamerlan ; travels of Chnugi Memet, a Perfian ; trealifc of China, of F. Crafpar da Cruz; Pcreira of China. The fecond book has, Sir H. \\ il- longhby, Chanceller, and Jenkinfons voyages to the north-eall ; Extracts of Fernan Mendez Pinto's travels ; difcovery and planting of the Philippine iilands ; Goes travels from Lahor to China by land ; Jefuits firll: entrance into China and Japan ; Pantoja's account of China ; Difcourfe of China out of Riccius and 'irigautius. The tliird bock, Fletcher's ticatife of Rullia ; Edu'c's northern voyages ; Barents into the norih-fea ; Gerart de Veer's northern voyages ; Iver Boty of IceUnd and Greenland ; defcripfion of Siberia, Samoieda and Tingoefia ; Gourdon to Pe- cora ; Logan to Pecora, and his wintering there; Pufglovc ti> Vecora, ami wintering there; Gourdon wintering at lidlozra ; Voyage^ tnoji Booh of Voyages and Travels. 545 Voyai^es to Cherry ifland ; Hudfon's northern voyages; difcovery of Nicholas and Anthony Zeni ; Qiiirino's lliipwreck ; Barklcy's travels in Europe, Afia, Afric and America ; Broniovius embaf- fador to the crim tartar ; JBlefken's voyofgcs and hiftory of Ice- land and Greenland ; Afigrim Jonas's hiltory of Iceland. The fourth book, hr T. Smith to Cherry ifland- Poole to Greenland; Baffin to Greenland ; Fofterby to Greenland ; fcveral northern voyages; revolutions in Ruffia ; CoH'ac's travels out of Siberia to Catay ; difcovery of tlic river Ob; Cabot, Thorn and Wey- mouth's voyages to the fouth-wcft ; Hall to difcovcr Greenland ; Knight to the north-well palfage. Other northern voyages. Tlie fifth book, Herrera's defcripiion of the We(l-Indies, Acoftii and Oviedo of the Weflwlndics, Mexican hiftory in cuts, con- qucft of Mexico by Cortes, other particulars of America. The fourth volume begins with the (ixthbook, andinitas follows; the iirfl: book, carl of Cimiberland's voyage, Cabot, Pert, Hawkins dnd Drake's voyages and fea-figkts, Carder living among the ra- vages in Brafil, Candilli's unfortunate voyage to the Itraits of Magellan, Knivet's adventures with Candiih, Turner in Brafil, Parker taking Puerto Bello, Middl-ton and Geare to the WelU Indies. Defcription of the ifland Trinidad, country of Guiana, and river Oronoko, by F. Sparrcy. Leigh's voyages to Guiana, maffacre of englifli in Guiana, Wilfon's relation of Guiana, Harcourt to Guiana, defcription of the river of the amazons. The feVenth book, a treatife of Brafil written by a portuguefe ; extrads of Leri's hiltory of Brafil ; Schnirdel's 20 years travels, Hawkins to the South-fea, Ellis of the fame voyage, relation of an englilhman 13 years prifoner in Peru, Urfino of the coall ot the firm land, and fecrets of Peru and Chili ; notes of the Wcft- Indics out of Peter Ordonez de Cevallos. New difcovery in the South-fca by Peter P^ernandez Qj-iiros, Lope Vas of americaa affairs, extracts of Benzo of the new world, and of Garci- Jalfo incas of Peru ; Pizarro's concjuefl: of Peru, occurrences in Peru after the conqueff. The eighth book, Alvar Nunez of Florida, Soto to Florida, difcoveries to the northward of Mexico by Nuno de Guzman, Marco de Nica, D. Fr. Vafquez Coro- nada, and D. Ant. de Efpejo ; Cafas of the cruelties of the fpa niards, voyages and plantations of french in North- America, Gofnol to Virginia, oth.T voyages to Virginia. Defcription of the A/.ores. The ninth book, defcription of Virginia, and proceeding of the englifh colonies there, wreck of iir Thomas Gate, and account of the Bermudas ; Argol fi;om Virginia to Bermudas, affairs relating to Virginia, fight of an engMlli and two fpanifh lliips, voyages to the Summer Illands, and hidory of them. The tenth book, difcovery and plantation of New England, Chalton's vovage for North Virginia, extracts of Smith of New England's trials, other accounts of Kcw England; New Scotland the lirit planting of it, Newfoundland the firll f^-ttlc- \oL. JX. N u incnts 54^ -^ Catah^ue mid Characfer of mcnts there, an^I account cf t!ic iOand ; Avarlike fleets fet out by qnccn Elizabeth agaiufl the fpanianis, the duke of Medina's for inA'afion of England, fquadron of the galeons of Portugal ;" the expedition to Portugal by fir John Norris and lir Francis Drake, fuppofed to be writ by colonel Antony Wingfield ; ex- pedition to Cadiz, and the fuccefs againfl: the fpanifh fliips, and in taking the town ; the carl of Eifcx his fruiilcfs expedition to the Azores, the conchifion of the work. The hfth volume is a theological and geographical hiflory of the Avorld, confiding of tlie dcfcription, and an account of the religions of all nations. This author like Ifackluyt, as was obferved at firfl:, has thrown in all that came to hand to fill up fo mahy volumes, and is excef- five full of his own notions, and of mean quibbling and playing upon words ; yet for fuch as can make choice of the bell: the collcclion is very valuable. A voyage to Surat in the year 1689, giving a large accoimt of that city, its inhabitants and factory of englifh, d<-fcribing Madeira, Santiago, Annoboa, Cablanda, Malamba, S. Helena, Bomba, Mafcate, Mycate, the cape of Good Hope, and ifland of Afceniion, the revolution of Golconda, dcfcription of Aracan and Pegu, an account of the coins of India and Perfia, and ob- ^er^'atio^s concerning filk-worms. By J. Ovington, 8^. London 1-696. This account was by a perfon well qualified to make fuch obfervations. Travels and voyages into Afia, Afric, and America, performed bv monf. John Morquet, keeper of the cabinet of rarities to the king of France in the Tuilleries, in fix books with cuts. Tranf- lated from the french by Nathaniel Pullcn gent. S^. London 1696. For fo many travels the relation is too fliort, however there are things in it worth ohferving. ' A new voyage to the Eail-Lidies, in the years 1690 and 1691, w'ith a defcription of feveral iflands, and of all the forts and gar- riYons in thofe parts, now in polfeirion of- the french, the cufloms, ^c. of the indians, by monf. du Qiiifne. It has alfo a defcription of the Canaries, and of Senega and Gambia on the coafi of Afric, with feveral cuts and a map of the Indies, and another of the Canaries. Made englifii from the Paris edition, 12^. London 1696. Of the french fadorics in thofe parts we have no fiicli account.; and few- better for the bulk, of all other places the author* undertakes to fpeak oL 'J'he voyages and travels of fir John Mandevil knt. fitowing the way to the Holy L'.nd and Jcrufalem, to the Great Cham, PreRcr J6hn, India, and other countries, 4^. London, 1696. It is need- kTs to (uy much of this book, as being fo univerfally allowed to be fabulous. Two jonrnies to Jcrufalem, the firft an account of the travels of tvvaehgliih pilgrims, and accidents that befel them in their journey to Jerufalcm, Gr.wid Cairo, Alexandria, Sec The fecond of I 7noJl Booh of Foyages and Travels* 547 of 14 engllflimen In 1669, with the antiquities, monuments, and mernorable places mentioned in fcripture ; there are alfo ancient and modern remaiks of the jew-Oi nation, the dcfcription of the Holy Land, captivities of the jews, what became of the ten tribes, he. Here is very much promifed, but the performance fcarce anfwcrs, the vohime being too fmall, and h)()ks more like a colledion out of fome real travels, than any true pilgrimage performed. Travels through Germany, B:)hcmla, SwifTerland, Holland, and other parts of Europe, defcribing the molt confiderable cities and palaces of princes ; Avith hiftorical relations and critical ob- fervations, upon ancient medals and infcriptions, by Charles Patin, M. D. of the faculty of Paris, made englifh and illuftrated with copper cuts, 8^. London, 169^. For thofe who are cu^ rio\is in medals this piece will be molt acceptable, yet this does not Icffen the value of the dcfcriptions and other relations. A new difcovery of a vaft country in America extending above 4000 miles between New France and New Mexico, with a dcf- cription of rivers, lakes, plants, and animals, manners, cuftoms, and languages of the indians, &c. by L. Hennepin \ to which ar« added new difcoveries in North America, and not publilhed in the french edition, 8^. The promife is very great, but there is little or rather no proof of fuch a vaft extent of land, which no man has yet feen, and is all framed upon conjedlures, or xvhat is as groundlefs, idle relations of indians ; the other parts have more in them, yet only what is collections out of better authors. A late voyage to S. Kilda, the remoteft of all the Hebrides or weftern iflcs of Scotland \ with a hiitory of the idand natural, moral and topographical, containing an account of the people's religion and cultoms, of the hlli, fowl, &c. As alfo of a late impoltor there, pretending to be fcnt by St. John Baptiit. By M. Martin, gent. 8^. London 1698. We have here the only hiftory and account of this illand, that ever perhaps appeared in any language ; and being fuch, its reputation ought to hold good, till any better can appear to Iclfcn it. The hiitory of the bucoanicrs of America. 8^. A new account of Eaft-India and Periia in eight letters, being nine years travels, containing obfervations of the moral, na- tural and artihcial ftate of thofe countries, as the go\ernment, religion, laws, cultoms, foil, feafons, difeafes, animals, vegetables, manufa(5tures, trade, weights and meafures, in the principal places there. By John Fryer, M. D. with maps and tables, Lon- don 1698. A voyage to the Eaft- Indies, giving an account of the iflcs of Madagafcar and Mafcarenhas, of Surat, the coaft of Malabar, Goa, Gomron, Ormuz, and the coaft of Brnfil, ^'c. and of the religion, cullonis, trade, y the public. A new account of North-America, as it was lately prefented to the french king ; containing a more particular account of that vaft country, and of the manners and cuftoms of the inhabi- tants, than has been hitherto publilhed, 8^. London, 1698. We have here a french account of thofe countries, but more par- ticularly what belongs to them, more exact than any other has delivered. The new Atlas, or travels and voyages in Europe, Afia, Africa, and America, &:c. 8^. London, 1699. A little volume, which fbcms rather fomc collsdlions out of books and travels, than any real voyiigc. An acco'.mt of a voyage from Archangel in Ruflia, in the year 1697, of the fhip and company wintering near the north cape, in the latitude of 71 degrees: their manner of living, and what they fuffered by the extreme cold ; alio remarkable ob- fervations of the climate, country and inhabitants; with a chart defcribinc; the place where they lay, land in view, foundings, ^'c. By Thomas Allifon commander of the Ihlp. . This is the latcit relation we have of any luch northerly wintering, and ■wcJl worth con^.paring with fuch others as write of thofe northern parts. A relation of two fcveral voyages made into the Eaft-Indies, by Chridopher Fryke furgeon, aud Chriltopher Scwartzer, particu- larly defcribing thole coiuttries that are under the dutch, 8 . Lon- don, 1699. 'J here is nothing extraordinary in them. An accotmt of a dutch embalfy to the emperor of China, writ by or.e of the ambalfador's retinue, fol. It is a tranllation from the dutch original, and contains a defcription of the country, nnd all places they^'palletl ilirough, with 200 cuts drawn upon the fpot ; it treats alio of the government of China, and manner^- of the people. The defcription of the iflaud of Ceylon by captain Knox. He lived 19 ycuis upon the jliand, bcin^ taken, aud ke^ ilierc all this Vfj/l Bojh of Voyages and T'raveh, 549 this while by ihe dutch, and had the opportunity of feeing the greateft part, and being informed of the reft by the natives. He gives a particular account of his manner of living, and accidents fhat befel him till he made his efcape, and then treats very fully of all things that relate to the illand. The dutch who are matters of Ceylon, have thought this account worth tranflating into their language, and it has found a good reception among them, v/hich muTt add to its reputation. Travels to Dalmatia, Greece and the Levant, by Mr. George Wheeler. He travelled with Mr. Spon, who publifhed the fame travels in frcnch, but Mr. WhceUr remaining there be- hind him, has feveral curiofuies that cfcapcd the other, many medals and curious cuts of antiquities ; fo that his work feems the moit complete, or at leaft both together confirm one ano- ther. Terry's voyage to the Eafl-Indics, bcgim in the year 1615. 12^. He was chaplain to fir Thomas Roe, ambalfador to the mogol from K. James the firft, and gives an account of fome things in that country omitted by fir Thomas in his relation ; but a great part of his book is filled up with difcourfes of his own, very little to the purpofe. An account of feveral late voyages and difcoveries to the fouth and north, containing fir John Narbrough's voyage through tlie ilraits of Magellan, tO the coaft of Chile, in the year 1669. Capt. Woods voyage for the difcovery of the north-eaft palfage, an. 1676. Capt. Tafman's round Terra Auflralis, an. 1642, and Frederick Marten's to Spitibcrg and Greenlandj an. 1671. With a fupplemcnt, containing obfervations and navigations to other northern parts ; and an introdu6lion, giving a brief account of feveral voyages. This colledtion has generally a gocd reputation, and feems very well to defevve it. CoUeclion of original voyages, publilhed by capt. Hack, 8?. It contains Cowley's voyage round the world, which is the fame with Dampier's mentioned in the next place: capt. i^harp's voyage ijito the South-fea, both buccanier voyages. The third is capt. Wood's voyage through the (baits of Magellan, which is the fune as fir John Narbrough's before- menti oncd : and the fourth Mr. I^oberts's adventures among the corfairs of the Levant \ fo that there is little new in them, the three firil being in other collec- tions, and the laft a very indifferent piece. Dampler's voyages in three volumes, 8^. The firft a new voyage round the world begun, an. 1697. Itdcfcribcs the illhm'us of America, and feveral of its coalf$ and illands, the palVage by Ti-rra del Fuego, the ifle of Guam, one of the Ladr<)nes, the Philippines, P'ormofa, Luconia, Celebes^ the cape of Good Hope, and illand of S. Helena. The fccond volume he calls a fiipplement to his voyage round the wo: Id, where he dcfcribc-s Ton4uin, Ac hen, Malaca, kc, N n 3 their 55© A Catalogue and Charatler 9f their produ6l, inhabitants, manner?, trade, Sec. the countries of Campeclie, Yucatan, New Spain in America; and difccurfes of trade, wind, breezes, itorms, fcalbns, tides, currents of ihs torrid zone. The third volinne is his voyage to New Holland, which h?s no great matter of new difcovery, but givtis an account of the Ca- nary iilands, fome of thofe of Cabo Verde, and the town and port of Baya de Totos los Santos in Brafil. All the three volumes have cuts and maps. A colledion of voyages by the dutch cafl-india company, being three to the north-eafl, two to the Eaft-Indics, and one to the flraits of Magellan. Little can be faid in behalf of this work, beinsj no more than what is to be feen in feveral other col- leaions. 8«. An hiftorical relation of the ifland of Ceylon in the Eafl- Indies, &c. illuftrated with ciits and a map of the ifland, fol. The au- thor who lived long in that country, gives a general dcfcriptlon of it, referring the reader to the map; and then the whole na- tural hiftory. LalTel's travels through Italy, firft printed in one volume 12^. then in two. He was there four times, and gives a particular and curious account of mofl things of note there. Relation of the difcovery of the ifland Madeira, 4^. This is a difcovery before it was peopled, and it continued loft again for ie- veral years,' and has little of certainty. Gage's furvey of the Weft-Indies, 8^. This book has gained fome reputation. The difcoveries of John Lederer in three feveral marches from Virginia to the weft of Carolina, and other parts of the con- tinent, beg\ni in march 1669, and ended in fcptember i6yo. 4^. ■ This is a fmall account of the author's, who A\as a german, and travelled further up the inland in that part, than any has yet done; is contained in about four ftieets, publiihed by fir William Talbgt, in which there is much worth oblerving. Relation of the travels and captivity of W^ Davies, 4^. A fmall pamphlet'of a few fhects. Account of the captivity of Gliomas Phelps at Machanefs in Barbary, and his efcape. Another fmall 4^. pam.phlet. The golden coaft, or defcriptiou of (Tiiinca, in which arc four englifh voyages to Guinea. A 4^. pamphlet and has fe\eral pretty obfervations. Herbert's travels into di\crs parts of Africa, and Afia the Great, more particularly into Pcrlia and Indoftan, fol. Thefe travels have ahN ays dtferv.dly iiad a great reputation, being the bell accouit of iliofe parts written by an englilhman, and not inferiour to the beft of foreigners. W'hat is peculiar in them, is the excellent defcription of all antiquities, the curious remarks on them, and the extraordinary accidents which often occur; not ta rnofl Bools of l\yages amJ Travels. 551 to mention other particulars conimon in the books of all other travellers, ^vhich Vvoiild be too tedious for this place. Brown's travels in divers parts of Europe, fol. The author, a doctor of phyhc, has (lioweci himfelf excellently qualihed for a traveller by this ingenious piece, in which he has omitted no- thing worthy the obfcrvation of fo curious a perfon, having fpent much time in the difcovery of european rarities, and that in thofe parts which are not the common track of travellers, who con- tent thcmfelves with feeing France, and Italy, and the Lovv- Coimtries \ whereas his relation is of Hungary, Servia, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Thellaly, Auftria, Slyria, Carinthia, Carniola and Friuli ; adding to thefe Germany, the Low-Countries, and a great part of Italy, of all which he has compofed a work of great ufe and benefit. The voyages and travels of J. Albert deMandcIflo, a gentle- man belonging to the embally fent by the duke of Ilolltcin, to the duke of Mofcovy and king of Periia, fol. Thefe are alfo known by the name of Olearius's travels ; the firit part, which is of Mufcovy and Perfia, being altogether his, who was fecre-. tary to the aforefaid embalTy : but then the following part, which, treats of all parts of the P^aft-Indics, is folely MandelHo's, whu. left the embalfadors and Olearius at Ifpahan, and proceeded to view thofe remoter parts. It is needlefs to give any other character of this work, than to inform fuch as are unacquainted with it, that it has generally the reputation of being one of the moft ac- compliflied books of travels now extant. Blunt's travels to the Levant, is a very fliort account of a. journey through Dalmatia, Sclavonia, Bofnia, Hungary, Mace- donia, Thelfaly, Thrace, Rhcdcs and Egypt. The wliole very concife, and without any curious obfervations, or any notable defcriptions ; his account of the religions, aiul cuitoms of thofe people, only a brief colle6tion of fome other travellers, the fan- guage mean, and not all of it to be relied on, if we credit others whi) have writ better. A defcription of the prefent ftate of Samos, Nicaria, Patmos, and mount Athos ; by Jof. Georgirenes, archbifhop of Samos, 8^. This prelate relided long as archbi(hop at Samos, and faw Nica- , ria, as being a dependance of his diocefe ; but being wcar\- of that fun6lion^ he retired to Patmos, where he continued fom;; . time, and after vifited mount Athos; fo that all he delivers of thpfc ptaces is as an eye-witnefs, and indeed the moil particu^r ac- coiuit we have of them. The defcription is very pxact, and what lie fays of thegreek religion may be relied on, as having fo much reafon to know it. All that can be excepted againft, is what he fays of the people in Nicaria, convcrfing at tour or five mil^s diitance, which indeed is not very credib'e. The pretacethe reader mnlt obferve is the trajillator's, not the :;uihors, which is requifite \o be kp-own. N n J. A v»)yagc 55? A Cataljgue and Chara.^.ef of A voyage to Conflantinople, by mpnf. GreHt, S*'. tranflatcd into englilh by J. Philips. This though perhaps in the relation it may not contain much more than what may be picked out of other travellers who have writ nf thofe parts, yet it exceeds them in fourteen curious cuts, the exa6lnefs of which is atteflcd hy feveral travellers that have be^n at Conftnntinoplc, and feen the places they reprcfcnt ; befides that all the ingenious people of Paris gave their approbation of the work,, and upon their teftimony the king himfelf having feen the draughts, thought fit to order the author to print it. So that we need not make any fcruple to reckon it among the beft books of travels ; for as far as it reaches, which is to Conflantinople, the Propontis, Hellefpont and Dardanels, with the places adjoining, the remarks of the religion, worfhip, government, manners, &c. of the turks, arc fmgular. A defcription of the iflands and inhabitants of Fasroe, being 17 iflands, fubjecl to the king of Denmark, in 62 deg. of north lat. written in danifh, and tranflated into englilli, 12". The defcription is very particular and curious, and indeed more than could well be expedied of thofe mifcrable northern iflands; but the au- thor was provoH; of the churches there, and had time to gather fuch an accotait, which is fomevvhat enlarged with philofophical obfer- ^ations on whirlpools and other fecrets of nature. His chara(5^ei of the people is very favourable, and favours more of affection than fmcerity ; but the word part of this fmall book, is firft a collection of fome romantic llories of the ancient inhabitants of Fasroe ; and in the next place, what is yet worfe, a parcel of infignificant talcs of fpcdlres and illufions of fatan, as the aU' thor calls them. Joffelin's two voyages to New England, 8^. In the firfl of thefe there is little befides the fea journal and common obferva- tions, unlefs it be an account of neceirariL\s for planters. The fecond is a very particular defcription of all the country, its beafls, fowl, fifh, plants and trees, the manners and cufloms of the englifh inhabitants, the time of their fettling there, with many other matters well worth obferving. Of the indians he has very little or nothing. The relation is curious and faithful, but in many places, where the author m.ak<-s his own remarks, there are the od.l.fl uncouth cxpredions imaginable, which look very conceited ; but that is only as to his ftyle. He concludes with what he culls chronological obfervutions of America^ much whereof no way relates to that part of the world, and the reft is of no great ufe, efpecially for that there arc feveral errorus in it. JoTelln's New England nritics, a very fmall S^, is a more par- ticular account of the fowl, beads, filhes, ferpcnts, infe£ls, plants, d'jnes, minerals, metals, and earth of that coujvtry, than lie has given in his voya^jes. Ths mofi Boohs of Voyages and Travels, rr* The adventures of M. T. S. an englifli merchant, taken pri- foner by the turks of Argier, and carried into the inland country of Afric, 12°. Containing a fhort account ot Argier in the year 1648, of the country about it, and more particularly of the city Tremizen, wher& the author refided three years, going abroad with feveral parties which his madcr commanded, and relates fome love intrigues he had with mooriih women, as alfo very Orange metamorphores of men and other creatures turned into flonc. The relation- is plain and without artifice. At the end arc added directions how to turn it out at the llraits mouth with a wefterly wind. Wyche's relation of the river Nile, its fource and current, a fmall 8^. This is only a tranflation of a portuguefe jefuit's ac- count who lived in Ethiopia fome years, being the fame that is given by F. Alvarez, and others of the fociety who lived there, and no doubt is very authentic, as delivered by an eye-witnefs, who was a perfon of probity. Other things relating to the uni- corn, rhinoceros, bird of paradife, pelican and ph(jenix, he writes upon hearfay, which dclcrve not the fame credit, particularly when he fays that the rhinoceros has two horns, which we have feen in England to be othcrwife ; and of the great rarity of peli- cans, which are alfo fufficiently known. But thcfe are triiles: he difcourfes well of the reafon ot calling the ethiopian emperor Prcfter John, on the Red-fca, and of the palm or cocoa-tree. Ray's travels, or his obfervations topographical, moral and phyfiological, made in a journey through part of the Lov»'-Coun- tries, Germany, Italy and France. He throughout it gives a very brief, yet ingenious defcription of every town he faw ; ob- ferves fomo particulars of the cultoms and difpofitions of the people ; and curioully lays before us any thing that is rare in itfelf, or not known tons: but in his account of mineral waters, and of foreign plants, as one fo undcrilandinc^ in thofe particu- lars, he outdoes any thing that could be expected from other tra- vellers. \ht makes an cxcufe for the language, which lie need not, it being well enough for plain notes of a traveller. Venice he d. fcribcs more particularly than any other place ; but of all univerfitics, as being him.felf a fcholar, he fays more than of ether towns. Of France not much, as having made but a fhort ftay there. He clofes his work with a latin catalogue of plants he obferved abroad, v/hich either do not grow or arc very rare in England. He has infcrted Willoughby's travels in Spain. Thus have we run through all the books of travels of any note now extant, latin, Italian, fpanifh, french and englifh, placing each as near as we could in its oy/n original language; and there- fore thofe who mifs any in 'the englilli, may look for tliem in the other languages, where rhey will "certainly find th.-m, if they were n(;t originally in that tongue. Wc have not m.ido any particular catalogue of dutch, be^auf^ they are not very many. 554- ^ Catalogue and CharaHer 'if many, and all of them will be found, as they were tranflatcd into other languages. As for the charadcrs given of books^ in fome places it is quoted where they were had ; but if fuch authority be not quoted, it is bccaufe the books have been purpofely pc- rufed and examined, where fuch account could not be found of them. Laftly the reader mufl: obfervc, that in this catalogue, there is no mention made of any of the travels contained in this collection, which would be a needlefs repetition, they being all mentioned and charaderifcd in the general preface. An Account of the Books contained in this Collcclion. THE firft volume begins with Navarette's hiflorical, political, moral and religious account of China. The author was a domi- nican friar fent over by his order in the year 1646, to exercife his ccclcfiaftical function in the Philippine iflands. But there finding no great encouragement, he ventured over into China, where he fpent feveral years in the fervice of the chriftians he found there, learning the chinefe language, reading their hiftories, lludymg the points in controverfy'among the miilionaries, and thoroughly qualifying himfelf to give a juft account of that mighty monarchy. He wrote in fpanilh, and was never tranflated till now. 1 hole that have read him in the original give a high commendation ot his learning, judgment, and linceriiy ; for'in handling the parti- culars mennoned in the title of his book, he delivers nothmg but upon the belt grounds, as an eye witnefs, where he could be fo, or elfe upon "the authority of chinefe hiltories, which he fearched and very well underftood, or upon the information of credible perfons ; ever mentioning on which of thefe the reader is to rely for the truth of what he relates. He often quotes his fecond volume, calling it, of controverfies, the main lubjcvSl of it being thofc points itill in difpute among the millioners ; this book (as we are informed) was printed, but by the intereit and artifice of the jefuits, the edition was fcized by the inquifition before it was publiflicd, fo that very few copies of it got abroad. He gives us an exad hillory of the empire of China, both ancient and modern \ a defcription of the coimtry and people, pcrfccEl in all circumltances ; a genuine tranllation of the morals of Confucius their great philofopher ; a full view of the chinele learning, and a judicious explication of their opinions in religious- matters: in which he is fo careful and particular, that no other- author whatfoevcr has given fo complete an account of the religion of that nation. Nor docs he confine himfelf to China, but in his way thither delivers piany curious obfcrvations he made iu hi^f voyage rmjl Rooh of P^oyages end Travth. 555 voyage to New-Spain, and gives a very good account of that coiimry, as alfo of the Philippine iflands (where he made a cr.r*- fiderable ftay,) of the illands lying about them, and of other parts of India; and the accidents he met with in his return home, which was in the year 1673, after he had been abroad 26 years. On his arrival in Europe he repaired to the court of Rome, upon the matter of the controverfies between the miHionaries ; wlu-rc he was treated with all the hf^nour due to a perfon of his merit: and foon after his return to Spain, he was promoted to an arch- bilhopric in Hifpaniola. II. Baumgarlen, uhofe travels we have here into Egypt, Ara- bia, Palelline, and Syria, was a german nobleman, as appears by his life prefixed to his travels. His journal was not publilhed by himfclf, but after his death collected from his own and his fer- vant's obfervations, both of them having kept diaries of all they faw ; and therefore are two feveral wiinelfes for the truth of what is delivered. Here \% not only a defcription of the countries above- mentioned, but a great deal of their ancient hiltory inferted ; and what renders the relation yet more agreeable, is the great variety of occurrences in this voyage well worth the relating. In par- ticular, we are obliged to him for his account of the difciplinc and manners of that itrange and unparalleled focicty of men, ihc mamalukes, who for a long time held the dominion of Egypt, and of whom there is fcarce to be found any where elfe a tolerable relation. His obfervaliows on the lives of the chrillian religious men in thofe parts, will be delightful to the curious reader, as will alfo his reaiarkson the fuperililions of the mamalukes, arabs, and other infidels. This author travelled in the year 1507. His journal never appeared before in englilh. The latin copy here tranflated was corrcded by Jofeph Scaliger's own hand. III. Henry Brawern and Elias Herckernann were fent to the kingdom of Chili bv the dutch weft-india company in the years 1642 and 1643. Brawern was ordered to endeavour to fettle aiuoni; the indians of that country, who were then revolted from the Spaniards, as may appear by the advertifement before the voyage ; but he died there', and fo that defign came to nothing. The main thini^ in this journal is an account of the voyage, and a defcrip- tion^.f the illand of Cailro lying off the fouth coall of Ciiili, as alfo of the river of Baldivia in that kingdom. IV. The next tra«5l in order in this colledion is a defcription of tiie ifland of Formofa near the coail of China, where the dutch had a confiderable fort Of the author we know no more, but that he was miniller to the dutch in that illand. The defcrip- tion is but Ihort, yet contains the moll material points ufually treated of in fuch relations. V. The I'emarks on the empire of Japan L'ive a particular ac- count of the revenyes of tl;c cmperoi and all the great men of tliat 556 A Catahgui and Chara^tr^oP'" that empire. The refl: of it may almofl as foon be read as cha- r^dlcrized, and is therefore left to the reader's cenfure. VI. Captain John Monck's voya£^e into the northern parts, was performed by order of Chrillian IV. king of Denmark, in the years 16 19 a|id 1620, The particidar preface to it mentions the mod material points, which therefore need not be repeated here. What may be added concerning the captain is, that he was one of the abl'-tl fcamen of his time ; that he had excellent natural parts ; was of a bold and daring fpirit, proper to attempt thofe dangerojis difcoveries ; and hardy to endure all the rigours of thofe frozen climates : but what is his greateft commendation in this place is, that he was a man of truth and integrity, as may appear by his narrative, in which all that have followed him could find nothing to contradi6l. VII. To Beauplan's defcription of Ukraine fo particular a preface is prefixed, that little more can be added. In general, the reader will find many things both moral and natural, that arc rare and remarkable. He lived in that country about the year 1640. He was excellently qualified to give this defcription, being a mathematician and an engineer ; and he has performed it fo well, that nothing fcems to be wanting but the map, which he tells us was feized with his papers by the king of Poland. VIII. The two voyages to Congo in Afric were performed, the firit by Michael Angelo of Gattina and Denis de Carli of Piacenza, capuchins and midioners into that kingdom, in the vear 1666. The firrt of thefe died there, after he had fent thefe par- ticulars in letters to his friends. The other returned into Italy, where he compofed a fmall book from which this is tranflated. It begins with their voyage from Italy to Liibon, and thence to BrafiF, which introduces a brief account of that country ; and thence failing over to Afric, treats of the portuguefe town of Loando on that road, of the behaviour and manners of the people, their way of travelling, the produ<5l of the country, of the feveral princes, the proceedings of thofe and other miilioners, the date of religion ; and laltly, remarks in the author's travels through Spain and France in his return home. More particulars whereof may be feen in the tranllators preface betore the voyage. IX. The other yoy^ge to the fame country was performed by F- Jerome Merolla da Sorrento in the year 1682, who was alfo a miflioner. T."he velfel he went in being by contrary winds carried to the fouthward of the cape of Good Hope, the father delivers alj that is remarkable in running along that fouthern coalt of Atric, till his arrival at the port of Angola. Then he enters upon his bu- finefs, with the difcovery of Congo, and fird nulTions to thofe parts \ defcribes the river Zaire, relates the proceedings <»f the milfioners, the fuperditions and cudoms of the blacks, fome- thing of the wars betwixt the portuguefes and the blacks, and of the attempts of the dutch and englidi to breed enmity betwixt thofe tW'Ql mcjl Booh of Voyages and Travels. 557 two nations. He clefcrlbes the bcafts, birds, fruits, and plants of Congo, and has many curious things not taken notice of by the former miffionaries. X. The firfl volume concludes witii (Tr Thomas Roe's journal. a valiKibie piece. He was fent ambalfador by king James the firff to the great mogul, in 1615, at the charge of the ealt-india com- pany, to fettle peace and commerce. Being in that high pod, he was the better able to give us a true account of the court of that mighty monarch, to Ihow us all the cuftoms and manners of it, and to inftrud us in their policies, arts and maxims of (late, which common travellers are not allowed to pry into. There is no caufe to fufpcil the' truth of his relation, becaufc his ne- gotiations in Turky, where he was embaffador, lately printed, Ihow the extent of his genius, which was univerfal ; and for in- tegrity, that he was one of the honefteft as well as ableit miniftcrs that ever was employed by any court ; and In this journal he had an eye particularly to ferve thofe who had bulmcfs to tranfacl in India, and were to have bulincfs there in all future tin-.c. For a fuller account of this work we refer to the preface before the journal itfelf. I. The fecond volume commences with the voyages and travels of Mr. John NieiihofF, a dutchman, and employed by the dutch company to the Eaft, and Wefl-Indics. They arc divided into three parts. The firfl to Brazil, an. 1640, in which he went merchant fupercafgo to a flifp of" the weil-india company. His defcription of Brazil Is fo exad and full, that he has left nothing for the diligence of thofe who came after him ; for bcfides the general map, there are draughts of the towns of Arecite and Olinda, and cuts of all the llrange bealls, birds, ferpents, infecls, trees, plants, and of the Indians themfclves, all taken upon the foot. To which he adds the tranfadions in the war betwixt the tlutch and portuguefe in that country, he being there in the height of it, that is, from 1640 till 1649. The fecond part contains the author's travels in the Eaft Indies, begun in the year 1653. ■^'^ ^^ ^^''^Y thither he defcribes the iflands of Cabo Verde, giving draughts of two of them, calLd S. An.iiiony and S. Vincent ; and then a map of the cape of Ciood Hope. Thence he fails to Amboyna, of which, ai;d of the Molucco iflands, as alfo of Formofa, lie leaves nothing worth relating untouched. The fame he perforins from China ail along the coall of India and Perfia ; ^<^ plainly reprefenting all things obfervable or Ihange there, that with the help of his cuts we feem to be converling ^\ith the people of thofe parts, to fee all their towns and living creatures, and to be thoroughly acquainted with their habits, cuHoms and luperlVitionF. But when he comes to Batavia, the metropolis of the dutch do^nlnions in the call, he there fpares no labour or coll to cx^jrefs the grcatnefs of that city • and tiiis not only with words, but with abundance of hne draughts ^^8 A Cntahgue and Charaflrr of draughts, reprcfcnting, befides the town and harbour, the church, the markets, the town-houfe, the hofpital, and many other places and flruc^urcs. All the habits of tliofc parts arc alfp reprcfented. In fliort, the whole work contains eighty two cuts, which being all drawn to truth, and not fancy, illuilrate the work, and render it extraordinary valuable. All this is interwoven with difcourfes nf the wars betwixt the dutch and indians in feveral parts ; and many remarks of their hillory, both political and natural. 1 he third part is a voyage to the ealt-flde of Afric, in the year 1672, which is very fhort and imperfect ; Mr. NieuhofF being unfortunately killed in the illand of Madagafcar by the natives. II. After Nieuhoft' follow Smith's adventures, travels and ob- fervations, beginning with his travels in the Low Countries, France and Italy, proceeding thence to the v/ars betwixt the turks and tranfilvanian.'^, where the author ferved ; and being taken pri- foner and carried into Tartary, he fpeaks fomewhat of that country : making his efcape from the tartars, he crolfed all eu- rope, and pafTed into Barbary : hence he went to Virginia, the Summer I(]ands, and New England, and has left us the hiflory of the englifh fettlements in thofe places, and their ftate from the year 1624 to 1629, thence he palled to the Leeward Klands, of which he likcwife gives an account. III. Next to Smith's adventures the reader will find two Journals of men left in the frozen regions of Greenland and Spitzbergcn, to winter there, and make fome obfervations on thofe countries. The firfl: of thefe is of feven Tailors, who voluntarily con- fentcd to flay in the ide of Maurice, on the coad: of Greenland. Thefe kept an exa6l diary, fetting down the wind, weather, and all other particulars they could obferve, from the twenty-fixth of augufl 1633, ^'^^ ^'""^ twenty-ninth of april 1634. The method is plain, and fuch as might be expe6led from failors; and as there is nothing in the relation that fcems incredible; fo neither is there any ground to call the truth of it in queftion, becaufe they all died one after another, and left this journal behind them without any alteration : and doubtlefs as they felt theilifelvcs de- clininc;, they \vould have no inclination to impofe on the wor'd. The fecond journal is of feven other dutch failors, left to winter at Spitzbergen in the year 1634, where they alfo kept a diary from the eleventh of feptember till the twenty-fixth of fe- bruary, when being fpent with the fcurvy, and their limbs be- ntimbcd with the \\ inter's cold, they could not help themfclves, and like the others were all found dead at the return of the dutch fleet in 1635. IV. The next is a very brief relation of a fliipwreck in Spitz- bergen in 1646, and of the taking up of four of the men who cfcapcd, after a wonderful manner ; yet three of them died foon after, and only one returned home \\ The imjl Bods of Voyages and Travels. 559 V. Tlie defcriptions of Iceland and Greenland were written about the year 1645, by Mr. la Peyrere, a learned frenchman, author of the b(3ok about the Prx-Adamitcs, fccretary to the french cmbalfy at Copenhagen, at the requed: of the ingenious nionf. de le Mothc la Vayer, and fent to him : of Iceland, a country long inhabited, though fo cold and northerly, he delivers fomething of ancient hiftory, befides the dcfcription of the land, the manners of the people, and other things remarkable. In Ctreenhnd he follows much the fame method, and both of them are well worthy to be read \\'\\\\ attention, as delivering one of the molt accompliihed narratives we have of thofe parts, and cfteemed as fuch by monf. dc la Mothe la Vayer, who was a very competent judge. VI. The next in order is captain Thomas James's voyage, an. 1 63 1, for the difcovcry of the north-well: paifage into the South- f(^a : fctting fail in liiay, he ran into tlie latitude of 63 degrees and upwards. 'Tis very obfervable throughout the voyage, that we iliall fcarce meet with f ) continual a ferics of ftorms, and all fOrts of hardlhips, miferies and calamities, as this captain run through ; who after itruggling till feptember with tempe(h, cold and iminhabited fliores, at lait was driven upon a defert frozen ifland, and there forced to winter in miferable diftrefs. The ac- coimt he gives of the extremity of the cold in thofe quarters, and his obl'ervations on it, are curious, and were very ufeful to Mr. Boyle, in the experiments he made about cold. But the general elteem his relation is in among the ingenious, will fufficiently recommend it. He returned fafe home with molt of his crew. VII. The mufcovitecmbafrador'sjourney bylandfrom Mofcow to China in 1645 is fo fliort that it requires little to be faid of it, but that it dcfcribes the way from Mofcow to Peking, and fhovvs us that the city is the fame with the fo much talked of and little known Cambalu, millakcnly fuppofed to be in Tartary. This embalfador being never admitted to audience, could learn n<^thing of the chinefe court, and therefore does not pretend to inform us of anv thing that relates to it. VIII. Wagner's travels in Brazil and the Eaft Indies about 1633, which are annexed to this embaffy, are as Ihort, and may fo foon be read over, that it is needlefs togi\c a character of them. IX. The life of Chriftopher C(>lumbus has a Hiort preface to it, partly the author's, and partly the tranllator's, which is fnf- hcient to inform the reader both of the contents of the book, and the value of it above others that treat of the fame fubje«5t. And indeed nothing can be defcribed more authentic, if we will give credit to original papers, and thofe from ^o good a hand as the admiral himfclf and his own fon, who bore part with'him in fome of his entcrpifes. But we mult not omit to obfcrve, that under 5^o A Catalogue and CharaSler of under the title of his life, is contained the narr;^lon of all thlt was done in the difcovery of the Weft Indies in his time, ahout 1492, hefides abundance of curious remarks, fcarce to be found in any other author that writes upon this fubjtc\. X. Grcaves's accornt of the pyramids, needs little to be faid of it. The univcrfal approbation it has received is a greater character than can be here given of it; the judicious monf. Thevenot fct fuch a value upon it, that he tranflatcd it into french. In a word, it is the moil accompli flied narrative we have of thofe wonderful piles, and may fparc all other travellers the trouble of writing of them. He has faid all that can be expected ; he inllrufts us who were the founders of the pyramid?, the time of erecting them, the motive and defign of them, and then defcribes them exadlly, and gives draughts of them. Xi. His roman foot and denarius added to his pyramids, is another piece of excellent literature, to give light into the weights and meafnres of the anticnts. XII. Chriflophcr Borri's account of Cochin-China, where he lived about tlic year 1620, clofes the fecond volume. It is Ihort, but contains m.any curious things, being full of matter, without fuperfluity of words to fwell it to a volume. I. The hiftorical relation of the kingdom of Chili, by Alonfo de Ovalle, about the year 1646, has the firfl place in the third volume. It is the only good account of that kingdom ; the au- thor, being a jefuit, infcrtcd the relations of feveral miracles in this work, which the tramlator has in great mealure retrenched ; for the reft, his veiacity is unqueftioned. The author himfeif is fo modeft, as to excufe any fault that may be found with his work, alleging its being written at Rome, where he v^ras procurator for thofe of his order in Chili ; and, being fo far I'rom home, ill-provided with papers and all materials for com- poHng a hiftory of this fort : but whofocvcr reads it, will find more ground for commendation than need of excufe, nothing of tlic kir.d beirig more complete, full and accurate. Sometliing might be here faid as to the particulars contained in this book, but that the author and tranilator have done it already in two fe- veral prefaces before the book. The tranilator gives the authv'r and his work that honourable chara61er they defervc. The au- thor in his preface fums up the contents of his book, declares how fmcerely he has dealt, in order to deliver nothing but the tnilh ; givci his reafons for what he (ays relating to Pi-ru and Mexico, and laftly demonftratcs how this work may be diverting ami ufcful to all lorts of readers. II. After Ovjlle, follow lir William Monfon's naval trails. ^>ir William was a gentleman well djfcerulexl, but of fniall fortune, as he cf^nfelVes, w hich made him take to the fea, where he ferved many yeurs in feveral capacities, till merit raifed him to the degree of au admiral, firft under queen Elizabeth, and then under king James aiid tmji Bosh of Voyages and Travels, 56 and king Charles the firft. Being bred from his youth at Tea, and being a man of excellent natural narts, there is not the leaft fliadow of reafon to make a doubt of his capacity in maritime affairs. His integrity will fiitliciently appear to any lh:it reads him, for he every where carries fuch a vifiblc ingenuity in what he delivers, that it plainly appears to be written with a true zeal for the public, and without prejudice or atfeciation. The excellent advice he gives to his eldeft fon, is a good inflance of his virtuous inclination ; and the fmall eftate he declares he leaves him, after fo many toils and dangers, plainly fliows the honcfly of his life. Thus much as to the author ; as to his tracls ih referred. III. Next follows a relation of a voyage from Spain to Para- guay, about 1 69 1, by F. Antony Sepp, and F. Antony Bclnne, german jefuits^ with a defcription of that co'.uitry, the remarkable things in it, and refidences of the millioners. We have a parti- cular account of their voyage ; they landed at Buenos Ayrcs, of which town they give a very good defcription, and of the great river of Plate which runs by it; and proceeding up into the country from Buenos Ayrcs, tluy treat diitindly of the feveral cantons of Paraguay. IV. After this is placed a fragment tranflatcd out of fpanifh, concerning the iflands of Salomon in the Soulh-fea, difcovered by the fpaniards about 1695, but hitherto never conquered or inha- bited by any curopean nation. It was inferted in Thcvcnot's collection of voyages. Both the begiiuiing and conclufion are wanting; which, it feems, have perilhed through the negligence of thofc intrulle4 with, the original papers. However, by gw)d O u 2 io nunc 64 A Catalogue and Characlir^ i^c, rfortunc, as much has been preferved, as ferves to give us ome knowledge of thofe iflands, and of the nature and difpo- fiiion of their inhabitants. And becaufe fo little is known of thofe places, this fragment was judged not unworthy a place in this collection. V. The hiflory of the provinces of Paraguay, Tucumany, Rio de la Plata, Parana, Guaira, Urvaica, and Chili \ was written in latin by F. Nicholas del Techo a jefuit. The antecedent ac- count of Paraguay by F. Sepp, has lightly touched upon part of this fubie6l, but that only relates to one of the provinces here named; whereas this extends from the North to the South-fea, and includes all that vaft tracl of land in America, lying fouth of Peru and Brafil. The greatcil part of thefe countries have not been fo fully defcribed, nor the manners and cuftoms of thofe fava^e indians fo fully made known, as they are by this author, ivho^fpcnt no lefs than twenty-five years among them. But to avoid repetitions, what more is performed in this work, may be feen in the particular preface before it. VI. Pelham's wonderful prefervation of eight men left a whole winter in Greenland 1630, is the fixth treatife in this volume. The prefervation vas indeed very remarkable, cfpecially confider- ini' how unprovided they were left of all necelTaries for wintering in^uch a difmal country, it being accidental and no way defigned. This narrative has nothing of art or language, being left by an icrnorant failor, who, as he confefTes, was in no better a port than g^unner's mate, and that to a greenland filher ; and therefore the reader can expe6l no more than bare matter of fact, delivered in a homely ftyle, which it was not fit to alter, left it might breed a jealoufy that fomething had been changed more than the bare lani^uage. VII. Dr. John Baptift Morin's journey to the mines in Hnn- <7arv about 1650, is a very (hort relation of thofe mines, the ore they afford, the damps, the fprings in them, the miners, the manner of difcharging the water, and other particulars relating to them. VIII. Tcn-Rhyne's account of the cape of Good Hope, about 1677, and of the hottentots, the natives of that country, is very curious. After a (hort defcription of the cape and table moun- tain he defcribcs the birds, bcaits, fifhcs, infecls and plants fuund in that part of the world ; and then fuccin6lly treats of people, their perfons, garments, dwellings, furniture, difpofitiqp, rnanners, way of living, and making war, traffic, fports, religion, ma^iftiates, laws, marriages, children, trades, phyHc and language. fx. The fourth volume concludes with captain Richard BoN land's draught of the ft raits of Gibraltar^ in ^675, and his ob- feivations on its currents. INDEX I xN D E X TO THE NINTH VOLUME A, AFRICA, difcoveries along the coart of, 3^4-* 414 — commodities of, 414 Albigcnfcs, had no bilhops, 233 Amadas (Philip) and Arthur Bar- low's voyage, 467 America, difcovery of, 421,479 • continent of, difcovered, 429 advantages of the difco- \ ery of, 480, Sec, commodities of, 480, Sec, Argo, account of the (hip, 361 Army, attempts tocflablifli an army, to enflave the nation, 200 — 246 " the nation always averfe to it, 242 Articles of the church of England, 228 AHiley (Anthony) Sec Shaft (bury. Audlcy, (James I'oucliet, lord) his charader, 241 A}l(bury, (Ro])crt Bruce, earl of) his character, 234 Azores iflands difcovered, 388 B. BAFFIN'S (William) voyages, 476 Ball)oa (Bafcoa Nunez de) firft fees the South fea, 437 Burlo'.v (Arthur) and Philip Ama- 4as's voyage, 467 Barrow, his fermons commended, 306 Bedford, (William Ru(rel earl of) his character, 240 Being in general, what it is, 259 Berkeley, (George, lord) his cha- rader, 241 Bertie, (Peregrine) 204 Bifhops (of the church of England) fcveral of them made of fuch as were never ordained by bi(hops, 229. — Whether they claim a power of excommunicating their prince, 233. Have the advantage of a quick difperling of their or- cler-s 20S o(Fended at king Charles ll's declaration of indulgence, 208, 209. — Their zeal ngainlt popery, ibid. — Some of them think it neceffary to unite with the diffenting protelbmts, 209. — Look on tlie dilfcnting protellants as the only dangerous enemy, 210. — Join with the court party, ibid.— Lay addc their zeal agaiiid popery, 2 1 1 . — Rejcda bill.enad- ing that princes ot the blood royal fnould marry none but prote(hnts, 2 1 2. — How near they came to an infallibility in the houfe of lords, ibid. — Called the dead weight of the houfe, ibid. Bold, (Samuel) writes In defence of iMr Locke's cflay concerning hu- man uncierfbnding, and reafon- O 0 3 " ablencfs r~\ INDEX. ;i\)lcners of chriftianity, 264. — His difcourfe on the refurredion of the fame body, 2:6 .. Mr, Locke's concern for him, ibid. Bolingbroke, (earl cf) hischaiactcr. Books, feem to infcd all who trade in their), ^ 29 r Bookbinder?, a great fault in our englilh binders, ibid. Bookfellers, their character, ibid. B razi 1 d i fc o vr red , 391 Brewer, or Brower's voyage, 50^ Bridgcwatcr, (John Egerton, ol) his charader, Broughton, his pfycho}oc;ia^. Brutes, why fome ph.ilofophers mnke them mere machines, 283 Buckingham, (George Villiers, duke of) his charader, 239 Burlington, (Richard Boyle, earl of) his c!)r>racter, . 240 Burroughs (Stcph.) voyage to Nova ZcmbJa, 379 Button s (fir 'I'homas) voyage, 475 carl 234 266 C. C ^ABOT (Scbaflian) attempts to difcover a north- well paf- iagc, 4--'^ . — difcovcrs Newfoundland, ibid. . - his voyages in the fpanilh fcrvice, 447 Calamy (Kdmund) cited, 203, n, 210, n. Candifh's ((ir Thomas) voyage, 497 Canons (ot the church of England.) Vid. Laud. Cape Verde difcovercd, 3S7 . of Good Hojc difcovercd, Carliile, (Charles Howard, carl of) his charader, 241 Carnarxon, (Charles Dormer, earl of) his ciiaradtr, ibiel. Carolina, laws and conftitutions tor it, drawn up by Mr. Locke, 175 Catalogue and charaikr of books of V oya^es and travels, 513, \c. Catechifm (of iIk church of En- gland,) 228 Caufes; the A ftem of occafional caufes confuted, 254, 2^J . it brings us to the religion of Hobbes and Spinofa, 255 Chamberlayne, hisftate of England, 3o3 Champlain's (Samuel) vo}'age, 471 Chancellor (Rich.) difcovers Ruflia, 378 Charles IL defigncd to reign by a (landing army, 242. Chefterficld, (Philip Stanhope, earl of) his charader, 241 Clarendon, (earl of) commended, Clerc, (John le) his New Tella- ment, 266, 267.— His harmony of the evangelills, 3x1 Clergymen, taught rather to obey than underlland, 202 • the principles of fome, dangerous to government, 246 Columbus (Chnftopher) charafter of, 42 1 his expedi- tions, 423,429,432 _ difcovers A- merica,. 424, Compafs, invention of the, 372 variation of the, 376 Cook's (John) voyage, 505 Corporations, the defign of the aCt for regulating corporations in i66r, 201 Cortes (Ferdinand) concjuers Mex- ico, 441 Crew, (John, lord] his charader, 24* R DAMPIER's (captain) voyages, 489. 505 Da\is*s (John) voyages, 468, 469, .470 Declaration of indulgence in 1 671 , 204. Dc la mcr, (George Booth, lord) his charader, 235 Denbigh, (Bafil p'iclding, carl of) hij I INDEX, his charafler, 234 Devonfliire, (William Cavcndiih, carl of) his cbarafter, 2+0 Diaz (Barth.) difcovers the cape of Good Hope, 389 D'Oirt, fee Noort. Dorfot, (Richard Sackville, carl of) hischararter, 241 Drake's (fir Francis] voyage, 494 EAST India company, cnglifh, eftahlilhed, 408 Eaft-Indics, firft voyage to the, 390 _ difcoveries in the, 390, . commodities of the, 415, Echard, (Laurence) mifrcprefents a debate in the houfe of lords, 240, n. Edward IV. makes Henry VI. pri- foncr, 223 England's complaint to Jefus Chrilt agiiinft the biflioos, canons, Sec. 244, n. Englifh difcoveries in the north, on the coalt of Africa. 384, 402 ■ — in the Eaft-In- dies, 403 Kkft India company elta- blifhcd, 40S Epifcopacy, whether of divine right, 232 Eu re, (Ralph, lord) 219 Exeter, (John Cecil, earl of) 241 F. FAGG, (firjolin) 240, n. Falconberg, {'i homas Bellafis, earl of) 241 Finch, (Heneage, lord) 210 Fircfliips, invention of, '^61^ Filh, an account of a poifonous one, 2t)0 Fitzwalter, (Benjamin Mildma\ , lord) 241 Five uiilc-aft 203 Forbifher's (Martin) voyages, 464, Freedom, wherein human freedoiii confiih, vid. Limboreh, vid. Locke. GALLEYS of the ancients, 369 Gama^s (Vafco de) voyage to the Eaft-Indici-, 30;^ Gilbert's ^fir Flumphrey) voyage, Gillam's (Zachariah) voyage, 477 Gioia, invented the compafs, 374 God, how his unity may be proved by reafon, 7'* 7^ whether we fee all tilings ic God, 247 Gofnols's, (captain) voyage, 471 Gofpel, the excellence of its mo- rality, 306 Grapes, a lift of the various fpecies cultivated about Montpelier, ^^r, . the method of treading and prefling, for the making wine, 354 Greeks, naval hiftory of the, 361* 364 Greenvil's (fir Richard) voyages, 468, 469r Grotius, (Hugo) cited, 220 H. HALIFAX, (George Savil,Iord) his ckaracter, 2 19 Hammond, (Dr.) his annotations on the New Tellament com- mended, 310 Hawkins's voyages, 462,46; Henry Vlth, a weak prince, taken prifoncr by Edward the IVth, 223 Hog's-lhearlng; \^ hat they call fo at Oxford, 280 Holies, (lord; his public fpirit, 2i<; Flomilics of the church of England, 229 Hooper, (George) bifr-op of bt. Afaph, 2 8» Hore « I N D E X Hore*s unfortunate voyage, 45-3, 462 Hudfon's voyage, 4yr I.J. JACKMAN's (Charles) vovage, '3S0 James's (capt.) voyage, 477 Jcnkinfon's (Ant.) voyages to Muf- covy, 379 IndifFcrency, how this word is to be undcrflood, in the argument of human liberty, 109,110 Juftice, extraordinary inllance of juftice in Turky^ 364 KEELIXG's (William) voyage to the Kaft- Indies, 409 King, whether his corrimiffion is fufficient ro prote — informsMr. Locke about his publifliing the works of Armi- nius, 48 ■ relates how prcfumptu- oufly a certain divine pronounced a dying malefadlor happy, becaufc ihe declared her reliance on Chrift's merits, ^8 -furtherdefires Mr. Locke's proof from reafon of the unity of God, 69,73 approves Mr. Locke's dif- tindtion between papifts and evan- gclics, Sz thinks there are fomc of both thofe forts among all feds, ibid, defires Mr. Locke to in- form him for what errours one Hammont was burnt in queen Elizabeth's time, S4 doubts concerning the jewifh paraphralls owning the eternal generation of the 6on of God, g; mentions many mennon- ites, who were put to death for religion in England, 95" . • cenfures the author of Platonifm unveiled, for his fling- ing farcafms) 9S his dcfign in his com- mentary on the acts, to fhow the truth and divinity of the chriftian religion, 103 writes to Mr. Locke the undoubted truth of his teflimo- 5ics, 40 fevere pnnilhmcnt of one charged with focinianifm, 10;, 106 relates how ftridtly tiic fynod forbad publifhing their perfecuiions of the remonllrants, iiz ^ hia. INDEX. I*imborch, (Mr.) his notion of the laft judgment of the underlland- ing, ^ 11+ explainsthc terms he iilcs in difcourfing of human liberty, I 24, Sec. lays down Ids judgment concerning it in ten thefes, i 2S, 129 fliows wherein he fccms to differ from Mr. Locke, 130, &c. ■ complains of nrofelVcd proteftanti;, for attributing too much to human authority, 142. -^ — gives an initance of this, in the triennial folemn infpcifiion of the a(5^s of the fvnod ot i^ort, ibid. Lindfey, (Robert Bertie, earl of) his chara «-^'<^« Triremes, &c. what, 5^9 Turky, the expedite way of jultice there, 3^4 V. VINEYARDS, the method of planting and managing, in J^ngucdoc, 329 ' Uniformity (aft of) the confeque^- ces of it, 202 Unity of God, vide God. Voyages round the world, 490, Sec. inftru(^tions to thofe who go long voyages, 507 catalogue and charafter of books of vo)ages, 513, &c. Ufher, (James) archbifliop of Ar- magh, his opinion that monarchy is of divine right, 245, n. W WEYMOUTH'S (George) voyage, 473 Weft-Indies, not vifited by the an- cients, 364. difcovered, 424 Wharton, (Philip, lord) his charac- ter, 203 Whichcot, his fermons commended, 30^ Whitby, (Daniel) his commentary on the New Teilament, com- mended, 310 White's (John) voyages, 470 Wine, the method of prefllng, and Ordering, in France, 334 Will, and underftanding, are not really diftinft faculties, ic6, &:c. freedom is not properly af- cribed to it, but to the man, loy Willoughby's, (fir Hugh) unfortu- nate voyage, 378 Winchelfea, (Heneage Finch, earl of) iiis charafter, 240 Winchefter, (Charles Powlet, mar- quis of) his charafter, 237 Windham's (Thomas) voyages, 402 Wood's (Benj.) voyage, 405 Wood's (John) attempt to difcovcr a norlh-eaft paflage, 382 Wynne, (John) his abridgment of Mr. Locke's efl'ay concerning hu« man underftanding, 287 THE END, DATE DUE JttV,,t ^ -Vy-.^..J> -'- * ' ■ "• CAYLORO ritlNTtOINU • A.