CHRONOLOGICAL RETROSPECT, OR MEMOIRS OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS OP MAHOMMEDAN HISTORY, FROM THE DEATH OF THE ARABIAN LEGISLATOR, TO THE ACCESSION OP THE EMPEROR AKBAR, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MOGHUL EMPIRE IN HIJVD U ST A Ujy. FROM ORIGINAL PERSIAN AUTHORITIES. BY MAJOR DAVID PRICE, OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY’S SERVICE, Per quas - ; - 7- Crev6re vires, famfique et imperi, Porrccta majestas ad ortum Solis ab Hesperio cubili. HOR. LIB. IV. OD. 15. IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. III. PART 11. LONDON : SOLD BY J. BOOTH, DUKE STREET, PORTLAND PLACE; LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER ROW; AND BLACK, KINGSBURY, PARBURY, AND ALLEN, LEADEN-HALL STREET. 1821. it’,.- t\ «■:- : *,.! ■ . ■■' ■ - ^ - - v’- ■ ■'^■••■4' • ■ , , I, ^ } ■ , ‘ ^ . s ■ t ,,; ■■ ■ ■• ‘ f» V. ■ •,<■.' '■ '■■< ■ I ■■;■•,)*'>'■■■'' ; •'■' • , ■‘^v ... Vv ■ .' -.»V.. ’ >- ' ■ '.f » _ ^ - '’ . '• '■ . « ' F'..-;V.. . "‘ '■S / 'l.Fr*-*' ■ 6 .-jsfl' ►-• ,: • . . - '-• \ -' • '7*%':: . 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X. / AS soon as it was consistent with prudence to divulge the import¬ ant secret, the Ameirs Shah Melek and Sheikh Nur-ud-dein dis¬ patched, in every direction, to announce to the different branches of the imperialfamily,theawful andafflicting event which had just taken place; while they omitted no precaution to secure the general tranquillity of the empire from disturbance. At the same time, they proceeded with tristful solemnity to discharge the last sacred duties to the remains of their departed sovereign; which were now conveyed, under the direction of Khaujah Yussuf, and Ally Koutchin, towards Samarkand. At that metropolis, having received instructions to proceed with the utmost expedition, these persons accordingly arrived on the night of the twen¬ ty-second of Shabaun;* and it must be acknowledged that their pro¬ gress on this occasion exhibited rather the celerity of a forced march, than the solemnity of a funeral procession, since they accomplished a journey of eighty-six farsangs, or about 300 miles in the short space of five days; having left the vicinity of Otraur on the 1 8th of the month. Shortly after their arrival, they committed their sacred deposit, with the usual ceremonies, to its final repose, in the Gumbuz, vaulted struc-. ture, or mausoleum, long since erected for its reception.. Immediately after the remains of thedeparted monarch had been con¬ veyed on the road toSamarkand,Mirza IbrauhimSfiltan,'|'and the Ameirs, • 22d of February, A. D. 1405. * The second son of Shah Rokh, A. H. 807. A. D. 1405. Kholausset-ul-. akhbaur. tOL. III. PART II. 48G A. H. 807. and generals on the spot, hastened to put the troops in motion, with the A. D. 1405. object of carrying into execution the design against the dominions of the Kholausset-ul- Chinese Empire; and havingmarched.accordingly, tothedistanceof about akhbaur. one farsang to the east ward of Otraur, they ihereencamped. But the intel¬ ligence of his grandfather’s death was no sooner communicated to Mirza Sultan 11 Lisse\ ne, with the troops atYassy and Sabraun,than he caused an immediate and general dispersion of the army under his orders; and w'ith one thousand men only, each provided with a spare horse, made the best of his way towards Samarkand, in order to seize that city, and secure the throne for himself This piece of information necessarily produce.d a change in the measuresof IbrauhimSultan and theAmeirs who commanded in the neighborhood of Otraur; and they resolved without delay to return tow’ards the metropolis, at the same time, forwarding a dispatch to apprize Mirza Khaleil Sultan, the son of Meiran Shah, of the ambitious projects ot his kinsman. Not less obnoxioos, how'ever,to the seductions of ambition than his competitors, this prince had also been prevailed upon by the arguments ofKhodadaud u! lJusseyny, and the other Ameirs of his division, to aspire to the sovereign dignity; and, with equal resolution to assert his claims, like them. proceeded immediately towards Samarkand. On the other hand, when the designs of Khaleil Sultan became known to theAmeirs Shah Melek and Sheikh Nur-ud dein, they conveyed re¬ peated messages to explain to that prince and to the chiefs whosupported Tis claims, that, by the dying instructions of their departed sovereign, the throne of Samarkand had been allotted to Mirza Peir Mahomnud the son of Jahangut'ir; and that it belioved them to beware how they presumed to set aside that allotment — without, however, producing the slightest effect. TheM irzasOlugh Beg, and IbranhimSultan, neither of w hom were at this period more than eleven years of age, together with the princes belonging tothefamily of Teymur, and the Ameirs Shah Melek and Sheikfi Nur- ud-dein, at the same time, continued their march; but when they reached ' the station of Karjek,or Karajek, it was on consultation agreed upon, that Ameir Shah Melek should proceed alone to Samarkand. On his arrival in Uhemeighborhood, that gallant chief, how'ever, found the gates of the me¬ tropolis closed against him, by the governor i\rghun Shah; w'ho had been 'seduced, by the promises of Khaleil Sultan, to declare for the authority of that prince, against the claims of any other person whatever. Thus, after 'exerting all his influence, in vain, to prevail upon Arghun Shah to admit him within the gates of the city, Shah Melek had no other alternative than to return to the princes Oiugli Beg and Ibrauhim, whom he found encamped with the army, on the plains of Allyabad. Nevertheless, it was determined to make still one eflfort to gain over the governor of Samar¬ kand; and the veteran Sheikh Nnr-ud-dein was now dispatched to try whether his counsels might notyet have the effect of inducing him to re¬ cede from his resolution. But Arghun Shah proved equally inflexible to the persuasions of friendship and to the arguments of reason ; and Sheikh Nur-ud-dein, like his precursor, was constrained to rejoin his associates without success. 4R7 In the mean timp, Rustum Toghai Bouga presented himself, from the army of Klialeil Sultan, to announce that the whole of the Ameirs of that army, and their followers, had solemny renew’ed their pledge of allegiance to that prince; and that they w'ere on their march immediately for Samar¬ kand. On this intelligence, the princes of the imperial family were ad¬ vised to throw themselves at all hazards, and without further delay, into that metropolis; while Sheikh Nur-ud-dein, and Shah Melek, with the young Mirzas Olugh Beg and Ibrauhim Sultan, and most of the cabinet ministers, and officers of the household, of the late sovereign, drew off towards Bokhara ; and reaching the city in tlie course of the succeeding month of Ramzaun,* there proceeded, with all diligence, to place the walls and towers, and other fortifications, in a competent state of defence. It would appear, that wffi.en the army at Taushkent were knowm to have undertaken the elevation of Mirza Klialeil Sultan, while his father was yet living, to the imperial dignity, the other shahzadahs did not hesitate equallv to consider that the provisions of Teymur’s wdll must cease to have efftct; and that prince shortly afterwards actually took his departure, from the territory on the Seyhun, in triumph forSamarkand, the principal inhabitants hastening to join him from all parts of the country. On the banks of the Kouhek river, Arghun Shah proceeded to present him with the keys of the city and castle (ffi Samarkanffiw'hich he entered a short time afterwards; placing the imperial diadem on his brows, on the sixteenth of the month of Ramzaun, of the 807th of the hidjerah.j* Disregarding the dictates of his grandfather’s will, altogether, he caused the young Mirza Mahommed Jahangueir, the son of the deceased Mahommed Sultan, and brother’sson to the declared successor, Mirza Peir Mahommed, to be seat¬ ed on the throne of Tcheghatai; the name of that young prince being exhi¬ bited, according to custom, at the head of all letters patent, and decrees of the government. The gates of the treasury were then thrown open, and its contents distributed, with a prodigality which acknowledged neither bounds nor discrimination. Some days were, however, devoted to propitiate the soul of the departed conqui ror, by a liberal distribution of food to the distressed and indigent; and the poets and men ofgenius, who had in any shape recorded the praises of the hero, were, at the same time, most bountifully remunerated, for the exertion of their talents on a subject soabundantly fertile in materials for panegyric. It is not to be forgotten that, at the period under consideration, the city of Samarkand surpassed all places in the world, in the number of men of science, genius, and literature, as well as of the most skilful proficients in every branch of the arts, who resided within the circumference of its walls; and with regard to all that constitutes wealth and splendor, to specie in gold and silver, jewels of every description, to the most beautiful articles of manufacture in every form and fabric, to all kinds of arms offensive and defensive, and furniture fcTr war in all its departments — to all that was ne¬ cessary to the support and display of imperial grandeur, this renowned * March 1405. t 16th of March, 1405. A. H. a07. A n 1405. Kholnusset-ui akhbaur. 488 A. H. 807. A. I). 1405 Kliolausset-ul- aklibaur. nietropolis is said to liave contained within its bosom, far more than the human mind is capable offraming an estimate. Yet, though ail this su¬ perb inheritance had dropped, as it were, into the lap of Khaleil Sultan, almost without an exertion, and with the concurrence of every individual in the place, whether civil or military, could not that prince contrive to preserve his power within the territory of Samarkand — much less to ex¬ tend it over the neighboring provinces — beyond the contracted period of four short and fleeting years. But, he was the slave of an unhappy passion for Shaud Melek, a woman ofdepraved, intriguing, and artful disposition; and to this infatuated predilection has been entirely ascribed, the early subversion of his authority. He had, as we have already noticed, clan¬ destinely united himself to the object of his passion, sometime previous to the death of his illustriousgrandsire,and continued his intercourse with her under the perpetual terror of discovery. But the moment he attained to the sovereign authority, on, the death of Teymur, he instantly threw off all restraint, and consigned to the discretion of his mistress, the absolute controulof every concern of his government. Misled by the insidious counsels of this woman, in the first place, he presumed to insult the me¬ mory of his imperial grandfather, by causing several of the princesses of his haram, to be forcibly married to men of ignoble birth, and inferior origin; but,what had a tendency infinitely more decisive in hastening the subver¬ sion of his power, he was encouraged by her influence to yield to a dispo¬ sition already too prodigal of expence; and, in the course of a very short time, to dissipate the inestimable produce of the mines of the earth, and of the chambers of the ocean, accumulated in the imperial treasury of Sa¬ markand, among the basest profligates, and the very dregs of society.. Hence, the minds of the nobility and principal officers of his court, and of the generality of his subjects, became equally disgusted with the govern¬ ment of the infatuated shahzadah: the province of Mawur-un-neher soon became a prey to the most violent commotions; and the wretched Kha¬ leil was compelled to seek an asyinm with his uncle Shah Rokh, under whose protection he finally quitted this world and its calamities, in the territory ofRey, as will be briefly noticed hereafter. We shall now be permitted to direct the attention of our readers to the contemplation of, we trust,a more consoling picture; a system of moderation crowned with success, in the example of a just and prudent prince, promo¬ ting his own substantial glory in the welfare of his people, and deservedly blessed with a prosperous and protracted reign of almost half a century. When the death of Teymfir was announced to Shah Rokh at Her&t, that prince, after discharging the tribute of mourning due from filial piety, and to the memory of the illustrious dead, proceeded, with the concurrence of the nobles of his province, to seat himself on the throne of sovereign power. This event took place during the month of Ram- zann, of the year eight hundred and seven;* and the authority of Shah Rokh was immediately acknowledged by every chief throughout the * March 1405. 489 iliree provinces of Khorassaun, Seiestaun, and Mazanderaun ; the coinage and public prayers being pronounced and circulated in his name, with unanimous approbation, through each of those important provinces. Thus confirmed in his authority in that part of the empire of his father, Shah Rokh,on whom the oriental writers henceforward generally confer the title of Khagan-e-Saeid, the august Khdgan, leaving Ameir Muzraub the son of Jaukou, or Tchaukou, together with the Ameirs Hussun Souffy Terkhan and Alleikah Koukeltaush, to take charge of Khorassaun during his absence, directed his course towards the territory beyond the Oxus. At the station of Derrahzen- gui, however, being met by Seyud Khaujah the son of Sheikh Ally Bahauder, with advices from Samarkand announcing the accession of Khaleil Sultan, he determined, on consultation with his principal officers, to send Ameir Jullaul-ud-dein Feyrouz, the son of Arghhn . Shah, back to Herat, for the purpose of putting the walls and towers of that city in a state of defence; while Seyud Khaujah proceeded, with a similar object in view, towards the ancient cit}'^ of Touss, in order to repair the fortifications of the castle; and these prudent precautions dispatched, Shah Rokh continued his march for the Oxus. Having encamped shortly afterwards near Lungur, the mausoleum, or perhaps anchoring place, of the sheikhzkdah Bayezzid, he was unexpectedly joined by his nephew Mirza Sultan Husseyne; who had failed in his designs on Samarkand, and who now sought the protec¬ tion of his uncle. On the banks of the Oxus, again, he was met by Ameir Shah Melek from Bokhara, with intelligence that the princes Olugh Beg and Ibrauhim Sultan were safely lodged in that city: and much about the same crisis, by the agentof Khaleil Sfiltan himself, with many protestations of duty and allegiance from his master, declaring that he had no other object in taking possession of Samarkand, than to retain the government as the lieutenant of his uncle. The sincerity of these professions was so little doubted, that Shah Rokh returned immediately towards Herkt ; dispatching Shah Melek to bring away the young princes his sons from Bokhara. On his arrival at Endek- houd, he was destined to receive abundant proof, that the instability of character, and propensity to change, of his kinsman Mirza Sfiitan Hfisseyne, was by no means altered ; that prince now forsaking his VOL. III. 3 B A. H. P,07. A. D.1405. Khoiaiisset-ul- akhbaur. 490 A.H. 807. A. D. 1405. Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. Standard, and flying in quest of some fresh object of ambition. In the mean time, the Ameirs at Bokhara, obtaining intelligence that Kha- leil Sultan was approaching at the head of a large force from Samar¬ kand, and that he was already encamped on one of the intervening rivers, at no very great distance from Bokhara, immediately quitted that city in some degree of consternation; and crossing the Amuiah, or lower Oxus, with the two young princes in charge, shortly after¬ wards conducted them in safety to the camp of their father. In these circumstances, Shah Rokh conceived it advisable to enter into a negociation with Khaleil S61tan; and the discreet and loyab Sheikh Nur-ud-dein was accordingly dispatched, to propose a formal accommodation with that prince. This, after considerable difficulty, was, however, at last accomplished, through the persevering diligence, and indefatigable zeal, of that able and warlike chief; it being finally settled that Khaleil Sultan should convey a moiety of the treasures of his renowned grandsire, to his declared and acknowledged success¬ or, Mirza Peir Mahommed, and remain satisfied with the sovereign power which he had assumed over Transoxiana. Such, in substance,, appears to have been the nature of the stipulations to which Shah Rokh, on his part, now readily acceded; that monarch upon this con¬ tinuing his march without further delay towards Herat. In the mean time, while he was thus proceeding on his return, Ameir Suliman Shah, who had been invested by his departed master with the govern¬ ment of Feyrouzkouh, and the adjoining territory of Rustumdaur,. and who had recently fled in dismay from his government, at the ap¬ proach of the troops of Meiran Shah, embraced the present opportu¬ nity of claiming the protection of Shah Rokh; by whom he was left to recover from the fatigues of his flight at Endekhoud and Sheber- ghaun — the shah reaching his capital of HerJit, on the twentieth of Zilkamlah, of the eig^ht hundred and seventh of the hidjerah.* When he withdrew, himself from the protection of Shah Rokh, Mirza >ultan Husseyne had, it seems, proceeded immediately across the Jeyhhii, to join tlie party of Khaleil Sultan; who admitted him, without hesitation, among the most confidential adherents of his sro- vernraent, and further employed him, in conjunction with several * 26th of May 1405. 491 other distinguished commanders, at the head of a division of his troops, higher up on the river just mentioned, in order to watch the motions of Mirza Peir Mahommed ; the latter prince having, by this time, quitted Kabul, and established his authority at Balkh. In this situ¬ ation, yielding again to the suggestions of an ungovernable ambition, over which the ties of gratitude and the sense of obligation appear to have but little influence, Mirza Sultan HAsseyne did not scruple to put to death the Ameirs TemAr Khaujah the son of Auk Bouga, and Khaujah Yfissuf, two of the most distinguished officers associated in his command, and, after bringing the other Ameirs to concur in his views, to direct his march immediately for Samarkand. On the 8th of Mohurrem of the year eight hundred and eight,* he was, however, met by Khaleil Sultan at the head of his army, in the neighborhood of Kesh; where, in the battle which ensued, he was easily and inglo- riously defeated, in consequence of the treachery, or defection, against which he should have been prepared, of some of the chiefs who had embraced hisparty. He now fled tothe territory of Endekhoud andShe- berghaun, where he experienced a friendly reception from Ameir SA- liman Shah; but being unexpectedly attacked, some time afterwards, by Mirza Peir Mahommed from Balkh, he was compelled, together with his friend, to fly to Her^t,and once more to claim the protection of Shah Rokh. This terminated the career of Mirza Sultan Hhsseyne, who was shortly afterwards put to death by order of his kinsman ; AmeirSulimanShah having been previously sent off to Touss, through some considerations of state policy. But, whatever these considera¬ tions might have been, Ameir Suliman was no sooner apprized of the death of Mirza Sultan Hfisseyne, than openly proceeding to hostilities, he threw himself into the strong fortress of Kulaut; where he prepared to defend himself against the authority of his protector. Shah Rokh, however, hastened without delay to defeat the designs of the revolter* who no sooner discovered that the offended monarch was encamped in his neighborhood, than abandoning his impregnable position, he fled with all his might towards Samarkand. Shah Rokh then return¬ ed in triumph to Herat; from whence the young Mirza Olugb Beg, ^wCompatiied by the experienced Shah Melek, was now dispatched • 6th July 1406. A. H. 808. A. D. 1405. Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. A. H. 808. A. D. 1405. Kholausset-ul- aklilbaui:. f 492 to take charge of the government of Endekhoud and Sheherghaun, his; royal parent proceeding shortly afterwards himself to pass the spring season at the summer quarters of Baudgheiss. During the period in which Olugh. Beg and his preceptor Shah Melek were thus employed in conducting the government of Endek¬ houd, an agent was dispatched by Mirza Peir Mahommed, to request that Shah Melek might be permitted to repair to Balkh ; in order to hold a conference with him, on a subject of material importance to the interests of the parties concerned. In compliance with this request, Shah Melek proceeded immediately to that ancient capital; where an arrangement was concerted, without much difficulty, fog: an attack upon the dominions of Khaleil Sultan: and the young Mirza having been easily led to concur in the design, the whole force of the two governments, in this quarter, proceeded shortly afterwards across the Oxus. Khaleil Sultan, on his side, was not on this occasion deficient in promptitude to oppose the invaders, whom, in an action which took place not far from the station of Nessef, he entirely defeated; Mirza Olugh Beg, and his preceptor, being compelled to recross the Oxus with disgrace, and Peir Mahommed in no very agreeable plight to return to Balkh. As soon as intelligence of this unlooked for dis¬ comfiture was conveyed to Shah Rokh, he hastened at the head of his troops towards the Oxus, in order to repair the disgrace ; and being met on his march by Olugh Beg and his associate, received from them, a circumstantial report of the unfortunate issue of their expedition. Not long afterwards, an envoy from Khaleil StJiltan .also presented! himself, and stated in behalf of his master, that since Mirza Peir Ma-. hommed had crossed the Oxus, and carried hostilities into the terri¬ tory subject to his authority, he conceived that he had no other alter¬ native than to employ the means in his power to repel the aggression. For the residue, that he was still disposed to abide by the stipulations of the treaty recently concluded with Shah Rokh. To these apolo¬ gies and explanations the Shah found it most convenient to lend an indulgent ear, and from the station of Aylaur, returned again towardjt Her^t. In the mean time, offended by the imperious and haughty demean* our of some of the Ameirs of the court of Shah Rokh, the veteran Shah / Melek suddenly withdrew to B^lkh; and soon afterwards, without the slightest apparent cause, Seyud Khaujah the son of Sheikh Ally Bahauder, who had received the dignity of Ameir-ul-oomra, at the hour of evening prayer, on the 1st day ofZilhudjeof the eight hundred and eighth of the hidjerah,* abruptly quitted his residence in the neighborhood of Herat, and proceeded in the direction of Jaum, ac¬ companied by several misguided persons, whom he had prevailed upon to concur in his selfish views of independent ambition. Being, however, the very same night closely pursued by Shah Rokh in per¬ son, the insurgents were overtaken in the forenoon of the following day; and becoming terrified by the immediate presence of the mon¬ arch, threw themselves without hesitation upon his mercy. After condescending to pardon this offence against his authority, Shah Rokh returned towards Herat, accompanied by Seyud Khaujah and his followers; but on reaching the Pull-e-salaur, a bridge, or aqueduct in the neighborhood, the Shah, conceiving that he might now venture to proceed into the city leaving the malcontents without, Seyud Khaujah availed himself, without compunction, of the opportunity thus offered to evince the unabated hostility of his designs; and im¬ mediately withdrawing towards Touss, proceeded from thence shortly afterwards to Kulaut, of which important fortress he appears, by some means or other, to have obtained possession. On the twenty third of Zilhudje,t Shah Rokh proceeded from Herat, in quest of his rebellious vassal ; whom, on his arrival at Mush-hed, he found to have abandoned Kulaut, retiring from thence tow'ards Asterabad. Thither also Shah Rokh now bent his course in pursuit of him. At Ghuzzelniauje of Jennoushaun, or, more pro¬ bably perhaps, Khaboushaun, he was joined rather unexpectedly by Ameir Shah Melek from BMkh, whom, notwithstanding'his recent dis¬ contents, he received with distinguished kindness. Prosecuting his march to Semelgaun, Shah Rokh here halted for some days ; and at this place he was joined by his nephew Omar, the son of Meiran Shah, who also experienced from him the most generous and hospit¬ able reception. Ij3 order to account for the appearance of shahz&dah Omar, who • 19th May 140G. t 10th of June.. A.H. 808.' A. D.1406. Kliolausset-ub akhbaur. t 494 A. H. 808. was the second son of Meiran Shah, on this occasion, the narrative Klio'ia^ V'r revert to the period of the death of Teymur; in conse- aklibaur. -quence of which event, this prince also conceived it not beyond his Ipretensions to aspire to the sovereign dignity, in opposition to the superior claims of his father, and elder brother Aba Bukker, both then sresiding at Baghdad; although he might have urged the most plausible grounds for his pretensions, in the recent nomination by his departed grandsire, particularly, to the government of Azerbaijaiin. But, how¬ ever he might have been impelled, the coinage was immediately struck, the public prayers were pronounced, and all the other func¬ tions of royalty conducted in his name, throughout the whole of that interesting and powerful province. At this conjuncture also, for it would seem that the unquiet and turbulent spirits, hitherto kept in subjection by the master mind of Teyin&r, were in all quarters turned loose upon the world immediately on the demise of that great con¬ queror, Ameir Jahaun Shah the son of Tchaukou, led astray by the counsels of ambition, boldly opposed the authority of Mirza Omar, in behalf of himself; and having put many of the principal officers of his court to death, proceeded on the morning of the twenty second of Ramzaun, of the year eight hundred and seven,* to attack the head quarters of the shahzadah himself. Mirza Omar standing, however, resolutely on his defence, and opposing his household born slaves and domestics to the exertions of the assailants, until gradually supported by the rest of his troops, at last succeeded in repelling this unlooked for violence, Ameir Jahaun Shah saving himself for the moment by a precipitate retreat ; but being closely pursued by Omar Taban, on the part of the shahzadah, the unfortunate Ameir was overtaken in the course of the same day, and immediately put to death, although, as it is alleged, without the concurrencj of the Shahzadah. Much about the same time, Mirza Aba Bukker, conceiving a de¬ sire to pass the summer at Hamadaun, had dispatched an agent from Baghdad, to request the permission of Mirza Omar for that purpose. The latter sent to inform him in reply, that it was his anxious wish that his kind brother would without further delay or ceremony repair to visit him; in order that they might in conjunction adopt such mea* * 22ad March 14Ud. 495 sures as were best calculated to promote and secure the general wel- A. H.808. fare of the country. Deceived by these professions, Aba Bukker j attended by about two hundred horse, imprudently proceeded to the akhbaur, Gourtof his brother ; by whom hewas immediately seized, and his per¬ son confined to the castle of Kehlfah, one of the strongest places in Ijak Ajem. The imprisonment of his eldest son was no sooner made known to Meiran Shah, than, in order to favor his escape, he resolved on marching towards the frontiers of Khorassaun. In the mean time, not long after the perfidious seizure of his brother, Mirza Omar had engaged in hostilities with Ameir Sheikh Ibrauhim, prince of Shir- vaun, and was now encamped on the banks of the Kurr; the Shirvan- ian having taken post at the head of his troops on the opposite side of the same river. After a few day’s confinement, during which, ac¬ cording to the author of the Rouzut-us-suffa, he defeated an attempt to destroy him, by putting to death the two assassins employed for that purpose by his brother, Mirza Aba Bukker, however, contrived to gain over his guards, together with the governor of the castle ; and having thus effected his deliverance proceeded without delay to join his father, at this period arrived at Kalpoush in the territory of Ma- zanderaun. The father and son then returned together, and shortly afterwards made themselves masters of the citadel of Sultauniah, together with the family, and much of the property, of Mirza Omar, and his followers. As soon as the capture of Sultauniah became known in the camp of Mirza Omar, the greater part of the troops of that prince, whose for¬ tune was already in the wane, immediately forsook him, and went-^ over to Meiran Shah ; leaving their former master to conclude a hasty accommodation with the prince of Shirvaun. Aba Bukker now caused his father to be publicly seated on the throne of Azerbaijauu! and Irak; although, in the sequel, he assumed to himself all the func¬ tions of the royal authority, including the honors even of the Khotbah and Sikkah, which might without any great inconvenience have beeni dispensed with, in favor of a very indulgent parent After this Aba Bukker proceeded against Febreiz, which was abandoned at his approach by Shahzadah Omar, who now sought an asylum with, his kinsmen the sons of Omar Sheikh ; but hostilities ensuing shortly/ 496 A. H. 80R. A. D. 1409. XhoIausset-ul> -ekhbaur. afterwards between the brothers, he took the final resolution of with- - drawing into Khorassaun ; and it was in pursuance of this resolution that he joined Shah Rokh at the summer-station of Semelgaun, in the manner just related. Not long after he had thus given his protection to Mirza Omar, Shah Rokh resumed his march towards Asterabad. At the station of Seiahbelaei,* or the black mischief, not far from that place, he found himself opposed by a very numerous and formidable army, under the malcontent Seyud Khaujah, aided by Peir Padshah, who bad been for years maintained in the government of Mazanderaun, by the friendship of TeymQr. A severe action immediately ensued, in which, however, Shah Rokh was finally victorious ; Peir Padshah flying into Khaurezm, and Seyud Khaujah in the utmost distress towards the territory of Shirauz. In consequence of this victory the whole of Mazanderaun, together with the districts of Saury and Ha- zaurjereib, submitted to the authority of Shah Rokh, without further exertion. The government of the province was then conferred upon Mirza Omar, the son of Meiran Shah; after which Shah Rokh return¬ ed towards Herat, where he arrived on the 4th of the former Jum- maudy, of the eight hundred and ninth of the hidjerah.j* During the month of Ramzaun of the same year, and on the 4th day of that month, $ according to the statement of the Rouzut-us- suffa, Mirza Peir Mahommed, the son of Jahangueir, was basely as¬ sassinated by Peir Ally Tauz, a man whom he had raised from ob¬ scurity to the highest dignities under his government. An account of this nefarious transaction was brought to Herat by Mirza Seyud Ahmed Meirek, one of the sons of Omar Sheik, who resided at this period at Sheberghaun ; and Shah Rokh, after exhibiting the most unaffected marks of regret and indignation, delayed not to dispatch a sufficient force under the Ameirs Muzraub, Hussun Souffy Terkhan and Noushirvaun, towards Balkh, to avenge the death of his murder¬ ed kinsman. But, at the moment he was about to follow in person to prosecute this object of his just vengeance, he received unexpect¬ ed intelligence that Mirza Omar, the man whom he had so recently * According to the Rouzut-us-suM, it is Sepabbelaud, but it is not material which, t 16th of October 1406. J 11th of February 1407. 497 and generously established in the government of Mazanderaiin, had passed the Gurgan river, and was advancing with rapid strides to invade the province of Khorassaun. His attention was therefore, in the 6rst instance, necessarily required to repel this unprovoked and ungrateful aggression, and he accordingly hastened to meet the inva¬ der ; whom, on the 9th day of the month of Zilkaudah,* he attacked and finally defeated, in the neighborhood of the town of Yezduiah. Mirza Omar, although his troops were in other respects totally disper¬ sed, however, with a few followers, effected his escape from the field of battle; but not many days afterwards, on the banks of the Mur- ghaub, he was intercepted, and taken, after receiving a wmund in the head, by some of the retainers of Ameir Muzraub; by whom he was conveyed in bonds immediately to the army of Shah Rokh, then on his return towards Herat. Regarding the fate of his misguided, kinsman with compassion, Shah Rokh sent him on before towards the capital; but on reaching the Tenghouz-rebaut, a caravarjserhi in the neighbor¬ hood, the unfortunate prince expired of, his wmund; and his remains were committed to the grave close by the mausoleum of ImauraFakh- er-ud-dein Rauzy.,.on the twentieth of the same month of.Zilkau- dah.f Shah Rokh re-entered his capital, on. this occasion, in the beginning of Zilhudje.:|: Tow'ardsthe middle of the same month, Shah Rokh repaired to the summer quarters of Baudgheiss; but, on the nineteenth of Mohurrem of the eight hundred and tenth of the hidjerah,§ resuming his designs against the traitor Peir Ally Tauz,,he once more put, his troops in motion for Balkh. At the station of, Khaujah-doukah, intelligence reached him that Peir Ally had taken to flight; in consequence of which he detached Ameir Seyud Meirek, immediately, in pursuit of the assassin, and advanced without further delay to Balkh. On reaching that ancient capital, the first object of Shah , Rokh was to put theadjoiningfortressof Hindwaunin astateof repair ; after which, appointing the Ameirs Muzraub and Towukkel Berlas, afresh, to pro¬ secute the operations on foot against Peir Ally Tauz, and his party, gnd placing the government in the hands of Mirza Keydou, the eldest, * 16th of April, 1407, t 28th of April. J Beginning of May. . ^ 26th of June. 3 s A. H. 80». A. D.t407. Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. VOL, III. 498 A.H. eio. A. D. 1407. Kholausset-ul' akhbaur. son of the departed Peir Mahommed, he again returned into Kho- rassaun,and reached his capital on the 11th of the latter Rebbeia.* In the mean time, the chiefs employed to crush the designs of Peir Ally Tauz, shortly afterwards, came up with and defeated the party of the traitor; afterwhich they appear to have returned to Balkh. 'Having re-assembled his scattered force, the rebel now ventured at its head to direct his course towards the same city; but conceived it prudent to retire again, immediately on the approach of Mirza Keydou with the troops of his government. In these circumstances, entering into a consultation together, the followers of Peir Ally came to a resolu¬ tion that so long as they submitted to be governed by this ungratetul traitor, and to support him in his rash designs against the several branches of the imperial family, they had nothing to look for but an endless succession of fatiguing marches, distress, and hardship ; and they proceeded without further ceremony, to strike off his head, which they immediately transmitted to the court of Shah Rokh thus at once relieving a considerable portion of mankind from the grievous train of oppressions, to which they had for some time been exposed. Previous to the conclusion ofthe year, the presence of Shah Rokh was again required in Mazanderaun, in order to oppose the designs of Peir Padshah; who had invaded thatcountry wi thabody of troops, whom he had raised in Khaurezm for the purpose of reinstating himself in his government. ^Proceeding by the route of Beshertou, or Mesher- ■tou, Jaum, Mush-hed, Raudegaun, Jourjan, and Khoujah Kumber, Shah Rokh received intelligence at the latter place, that Peir Pad¬ shah, on the mere report of his approach, had raised the siege of As- terabad, and retired with precipitation towards Rustumdaur. In consequence of this, the Shah encamped shortly afterwards in the neighborhood of Asterabad, and appears to have restored his authority throughout the province without further difficulty. The government of Mazanderaun was now conferred upon Olugh Beg, in addition to certain districts in Khorassaun already under his management; and these arrangements dispatched, Shah Rokh proceeded on his return to Herat, where he arrived on the ninth of Zilkaudah, of the year eight hundred and ten.f * 14th of September, t 5th of April 1408. m The shah was, however, now assailed in his authority, by a formid¬ able combination among his own nobles ; at the head of which appeared the Ameir Jahaun Melek, the associate of his earliest years, and whom, on the defection of Seyud Khaujah, he had advanced to the highest dignities of his government. To him were joined Ameir Hussun Jandaiir, and his son Yussuf Khaleil, together with Saadet the son of Teymfir Taush, and many more of the same class ; one of their alleged grievances being a moderate contribution levied upon their stipends, for the service of the state, by Gheyauth-ud-dein Sa- laur the Semnaunian, who held the office of minister of finance. Happily, this rebellion was soon suppressed, and its authors brought to the punishment they deserved ; but not before they had been defeat¬ ed in a conflict near Herkt, in which Ameir Muzraub, one of Shah Rokh*s principal generals, was severely wounded. It will be in the recollection of the reader, that when Teymiir had succeeded in extending his conquests over the Asiatic part of the dominions of the house of Qthman, Sultan Ahmed of Baghdad, and Kara Ybssuf the Turkomaun, both fled for protection to the court of Melek Faredje Sultan of Egypt ; and that, at a subsequent period, the latter wrote to the conqueror to intimate that the fugitives were at his disposal. To this, as hath been already stated, Teymur replied, that if the Egyptian was sincere in his professions of amity, he would immediately dispatch Sultan Ahmed in irons to his presence ; but with regard to the Turkomaun, from some change of circumstances unexplained, that he might set him at large whenever he thought it convenient. On this, the two royal fugitives were both imprisoned in two separate towers of the castle of Cairo ; in which having, nevertheles, contrived to open a correspondence together, after deplo¬ ring their former animosities, to which alone they ascribed the cruel reverses to which they had been exposed, they entered into mutual engagements, provided it was their good fortune to escape the present danger, to maintain ever afterwards an intercourse of the strictest friendship ; and it was, at the same time, expressly stipulated that Baghdad, with all its dependencies, should belong to Sultan Ahmed, and Tebreiz to the Thrkomaun. The death of Teymfir was, however, no sooner announced in Egypt, than the behavior of Melek Faredje,. A. H. 810. A. D. 1408. Kholausset-uI-> akhbaur. 500 A. H. 810. A. D. 1408. Kholausset-ul- akbbaur. towards the illustrious exiles became totally changed, and he proceed¬ ed to treat them with the most liberal proofs of kindness and hospi¬ tality. In this, it is further alleged, that he was not without a more selfish motive, expecting to derive from their counsels considerable assistance in suppressing the spirit of disaffection, and discontent, which had about this time made its appearance among the subjects of his government. Nevertheless, observing that the Turkomauns hastened, in great numbers, to join the standard of their chief, as soon as he appeared at large, Melek Faredje became shortly afterwards alarmed, lest Kara Yussuf might ultimately be impelled to conspire against the authority of his benefactor. This jealousy was soon dis¬ covered by the wary Turkomaun, and he one day suddenly quitted the territory of the Nile, without giving his protector any intelligence of his design; and having succeeded in cutting his way, at the head of his countrymen, through the Syrian frontier, and making good his retreat through the province of Irak Arab, he finally took possession without difficulty of the whole province of Diaurbekir. Finding that the violent departure of his associate had exposed him to similar suspicions on the part of the Egyptian, Sultan Ahmed, not long afterwards, also contrived, in the disguise of a dervaish, to effect his escape from Cairo ; and, after experiencing considerable hardship, finally reached Hellah on the Euphrates in perfect safety. At that place, he was soon joined by a sufficient number of the turbulent and licentious inhabitantsof the neighboring districts; which produced so great an alarm in the metropolis of Baghdad, that Doulut Khoujah Aynauk, who at this period held the government under the authority of Mirza Omar the son of Meiran Shah, immediately aban¬ doned the place in consternation, and withdrew into Azerbaijaun. Seven days afterwards, Sultan Ahmed entered the city with a few followers, and once more re-established his authority over Arabian Ir^k. From thence, towards the close of the eight hundred end eighth of the hidjerah,* while Mirza Aba Bukker the son of Meiran Shah, after the expulsion of his brother, was employed in besieging Isfahaun, and Sheikh Ibrauhim of Shirvaun had taken possession of Tebreiz, ^filtan Ahmed proceeded immediately into Azerbaijaun; and in the * Spring of 1406, 501 latter part of Mohiirrem of the following year,* he entered' the metro¬ polis of Tebreiz without resistance, the prince of Shirvaun havino- abandoned the place on his approach. Devoting himself, however, as is here alleged, to indulgences, and debaucheries, utterly incon¬ sistent w’ith his age and dignity ; and Mirza Aba Bukker, after the reduction of Isfahaun, returning with rapid steps to repossess himself of the capital of his government, the Sultan gave way to an impression of terror, and again withdrew with precipitation towards Baghdad. Mirza Aba Bukker appears to have re-entered Tebreiz, on this occa¬ sion, on the eighth of the former Rebbeia, of the year just mentioned;'!* and finding that the city had been nearly depopulated, through the ruinous violence of contending chiefs, he prudently determined, by the revival of a system of moderation and justice, to encourage the return of the dispersed and persecuted inhabitants. At a subsequent period, when these flattering prospects of the re-es¬ tablishment of a just and prudent government, had in some measure replaced thecapital in a state of prosperity, the province of Azerbkijaun was afresh invaded by the warlike and enterprising Kara Yussuf; of whose proceedings on the occasion, we cannot, in this place, omit to avail ourselves of the detail furnished in the more ample relation of the Rouzut-us-suffa. When, towards the conclusion of the eight hundred and tenth of the hidjerah,^ Mirza Aba Bukker had been defeated, in several sangui¬ nary conflicts on the banks of the river Araxes,by the warlike TArk- omaun, the vanquished prince finally fled to Sultauniah, which remained in possession of the agents of his authority ; and here, by collecting together the troops from Hamadaun, Derguzein, Kazvein, and other neighboring districts, he, in a short time, succeeded in recruiting his army to a state, in point of number and equipment, as powerful and effective as ever. Finding, moreover, thatNorouz and Abdurraihman, two chiefs of the Jauny Garbauny tribe, with five thousand followers, who had withdrawn through some discontent or other from the service of his brother Khaleil Sultan, in Transoxiana, * July 1400. + 22nd of August 1406. J Spring of 1408. From what follows we are disposed to think that this date is crron- eoujs, and that it should have been twelve months earlier. A.H. 810. A. D. 1408. Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. Rouzut-us- sufi'a. 502 A. H. 810. A. D. 1408. Rouzut-us- su^a. were about this crisis arrived in the territory of Irak Ajem, Aba Bukker immediately opened a negociatipn with these chiefs; and ultimately engaged them, as soon as the season for action should return, to join him in the design of repelling the Turkomauns from their usurpations in Azerbaijaun, Early the ensuing spring, accor¬ dingly, Aba Bukker, accompanied by his father Meiran Shah, at the head of a numerous and formidable army proceeded towards Tebreiz, and soon afterwards encamped at Meraughah* Kara Yussuf, on the other hand, as soon as he became apprized of the march of the Tcheghatayan princes, hastened to assemble in his presence the nobles of Azerbaijaun, who attached themselves to his authority ; and declared to them, with affected humility, that a Tur- komaun by habit and inclination, he was perfectly satisfied with Allataug, or Allahtauk, for his summer, and the rich vallies of Di- aurbekir, for his winter quarters, without aspiring to the pomp of sovereign power which was entirely foreign to his pursuits. Then, to sound their intentions with respect to Aba Bukker, he proceeded to observe, that as the grandson of Teymur, it was but reasonable to conclude that the ties of gratitude, and the recollection of past bene¬ fits, received from him and from his family, should yet retain a pow¬ erful influence over their minds in his favor. If therefore, they found themselves in any way disposed to concur in the designs of that young prince, it could not in any shape excite surprise, neither should he conceive the slightest offence at such a circumstance. They were, it was sufficiently obvious, all connected either by the ties of friend¬ ship, or consanguinity; and he had no hesitation in recommending that they should immediately proceed to join the prince. For his own part, that he was perfectly reconciled, and should return without the slightest repugnance to that condition, from which he had been originally withdrawn more by a concurrence of events than by any inclination of his own. With united voice, the Ameirs of Irak, and Azerbaijaun, loudly remonstrated against this mode of reasoning; protesting that while they had life nothing should induce them .to separate from the Tfir- komaun chief. And, as the last proof of their sincerity, they now offered to combat in the very foremost ranks in support of his autho* 603 rity. With respect to what had been alleged regarding the claims A. ILGio. which Mirza Aba Bukker and his brother possessed upon their gra- ^ titude, they acknowledged that he had most truly spoken ; but that this same Mirza Aba Bukker had expelled his own brother Omar from the government in which, with' every circumstance that ought to have given it permanence, die had been established by the choice of his august grandsire. That he had, moreover, cancelled every obli¬ gation on their part, by cutting off the prime nobility of the country, and by bestowing the most illustrious and honorable of their women, on the very dregs of the people. From him, therefore, they had nothing to expect but the very worst species of violence and injus¬ tice. Neither could they omit to state, that the men whom he had selected for the highest and most important offices of his govern¬ ment, were such as they had never been accustomed to hold in the smallest esteem; being equally unskilled in the art of war, and in the most ordinary maxims of domestic policy. And, in conformity with the opinions thus freely expressed, the nobles of Irak, including Ameir Bostaurn, and his brothers Maussoum and MunsCir, together with Jullaul-ud-dein and his brother Yadgaur Shah, Jauleik, Allei- kah, and Peir Ally the head of the tribe of Selduz, and many others assembled on this occasion, now proceeded to ratify their engagement, of strict and inviolable union with the Turkomaun chief, under the most solemn oaths; and Kara Yussuf, rejoiced to the last degree at these assurances, no longer delayed his preparations for battle ; and encamping shortly afterwards at the station of Shumb-erGhazan, he was there successive!}' joined by numerous bodies of armed men from all quarters. ' On the twenty-sixth of Zilkaudah, then, of the eight hundred and tenth of the hidjerah,* the hostile squadrons having approached to a convenient distance for battle, K^ra Yussuf on his part, from a belief that Aba Bukker with the best of his troops, would attempt to force the centre of his army, declined his proper’ station ; and took post with another division, prepared to convey support, should the designs of the Mirza prove to be such as had been foreseen. The views of Aba Bukker were, however, not directed towards the centre^ * 22nd of April 1408. 504 A. H. 810. A. D. 1408. KOLlZUt-US- suHa. but upon the right wing of his adversary, under the command of Teizek, the Jullaubud-dein abovementioned probably, and his bro¬ ther Yadgaur Shah ; whom, at the head of a chosen body of cavalry, he accordingly attacked with his usual gallantry and impetuosity. The attack was sustained at first with equal courage and firmness, and with considerable mutual slaughter; until, compelled at last to give way, Teizek fled in confusion from the field of battle, eagerly pursued by Aba Bukker ; and, being soon overtaken, his head was immediately struck off, and presented to that prince, by his soldiers, attached to the point of a lance. But while Aba Bukker was thus incautiously engaged in a distant pursuit, Bostaum and the other Ameirs, who commanded in the left wing of Kara Yussuf^s troops, availed themselves of his absence to attack the opposite wing of their adversaries; which, either through the cowardice or. misconduct of the officers in command, instantly gave way ;. and the troops of the Jauny Gorbauny tribe, perceiving these proofs of weakness or treason j which seemed to. prevail through the army, embraced the first conr venient opening to withdraw from the field. Thus abridged of both its wings, the centre of Aba Bukker’s troops was exposed, without support, to the attack of a formidable body of Turkomauns, who immediately advanced to assail it. Baba Hadjy made, however for some time, a brave resistance, at the head of the vanguard; but finding himself hard pressed by superior numbers, and no movement from the main body, to sustain him, he was at last compelled, though reluctantly, to retire upon the centre. In the mean, time, the Ameirs of Irkk in the cause of* Kara Yussuf, having dis¬ persed every thing in their front, now appeared in the rear of Aba Bukker’s centre, where Meiran^ Shah commanded in person-. The whole was immediately thrown into irretrievable confusion,. and the troops dispersed in the utmost disorder and consternation. In these appalling circumstances, a slave belonging to Ameir Moussa, an officer in the service of the Turkomaun chief, singled out the person of Meiran Shah; and having severely wounded, and dismounted him from his horse, proceeded to strip him of his robes and armour. After which, conceiving that the wound he had inflicted must in all likelihood prove mortal, he, without further consideration than that* 603 ‘fof putting a period to his sufferings, sfruck off the head of that un- A. H.mo. fortunate prince, and left the body, thus naked on the field, still ignor- ^ ^ - ant of the rank and importance of his illustrious victim. 1 he women suffa. belonging to the haram of Mirza Aba Bukker fell into the hands of the Turkomaun troops, and being conducted to the presence of Kara Yfissuf, they were by him treated with the most scrupulous deco¬ rum, and immediately lodged among the ladies of his own family. The slave who presented the head of the slaughtered Meiran Shah, to the Turkoman chief, was instantly put to death by his orders ; and the head and body both decently buried, with the usual ceremonies, at Surkhaub. The bones of this unfortunate prince were, however, at a subsequent period taken up, by a person of the name of Shums Ghoury, and conveyed to the territory beyond the Oxus; where they M'ere deposited in the Mausoleum of the family at Kesh. About three hours after the defeat and dispersion of the right wing and centre of his army, Mirza Aba Bukker, with about three hundred of his followers, returned from his improvident pursuit of Teizek to the field of battle, and perceiving not a living vestige of those whom he had so recently left in all the pomp and pride of martial array, neces¬ sarily directed his course in quest of them; the Turkomaun, with singular forbearance, giving orders that not a man should stir in pur¬ suit of him. In truth, the conquerors had possessed themselves of a prodigious booty, among the articles of which we find particularized, one thousand skins of sables, which they ignorantly sold at a price ii;- finitely below the value. All the prisoners who fell into the hands of the Turkomauns were, at the same time, set at large, with sufficient lueans for their support ; and K^ra Y ussuf himself, while he nobly abr stained from appropriating any thing to his own use, gave to every one of his followers the hope of further bounty. The materials of royalty having, however, thus accumulated in the hands of the Turk¬ omauns, to a magnitude beyond all ordinary calculation, their chief resolved at last, with the power, to assume the name and dignity of a great king; and with these designs, Kara Yfissuf and his victorious squadrons directed their march for the summer quarters of Allahtauk ; Ameir Bostaum, in consequence of his distinguished exertions in the 3 T VOL. III. 506 A. H. 810. A. D. 1408. Koiizut-uS' sufTa. late battle, being advanced to the most exalted honors under the au¬ thority of his patron. On his arrival at Allahtauk, the warlike Tiirkomaun proceeded to- deliberate further with his followers, on the expediency of assuming the honors of the mosque and mint, [Khotbah and sikkah,] being himself disposed to raise his son, Peir Bedauk, to the throne; from which, it is alleged, that he was only prevented by an unwillingness to give offence both at home and abroad. This mode of reasoning does not, however, come exactly home to our comprehension; since we should rather conclude, that the assumption of the royal authority in the person of his son, was less calculated to excite jealousy, than immediately in himself. In the mean time, he dispatched, to the dif¬ ferent neighboring powers, messengers conveying, together with intel¬ ligence of his victory, some of the most beautiful articles from among the valuable booty taken in the camp of Aba Bukker. To Sultan Ahmed at Baghdtld, he thought fit, however, on this occasion, to send a person in his most intimate confidence, accompanied by a separate messenger from his son, each charged with letters and suitable pre¬ sents for that monarch. The agents of both father and son, were received with distinguished honors on their arrival at Baghdad; and after a reasonable interval, dismissed, loaded with. favors, and bearing an adequate return of presents, for their respective lords; the messen¬ ger of Peir Bedauk being charged, in particular, with a royal umbrella,, and other emblems of sovereign power, together with a letter con¬ ceived in terms of peculiar kindness and affection; the Sultan address¬ ing him afresh by the endearing appellation of “Son,” having long since adopted him in that relation, at the period when he entered into his engagements with the Turkomaun, during their imprisonment in the castle of Kaherah. These i ndications of paternal solicitude from the Sultan of Baghdad, in behalf of his son, were received with undisguised satisfaction on the part of Kara Yfissuf; and the secretaries of his government were immediately instructed to address. all ordinances, and letters patent, and official papers under the royal authority, in the following form; “ Peir Bedauk Khaun Bahauder Yerleigheid,. Eben AbCl Nasser, Yussuf Bahauder, souz-o-meiz,** Of the words in italics, we do not. 507 pretend to give the precise signification. Yerleigh is, however, a term well known to signify, a mandate; but of the termination with which it is accompanied, and standing in the order in which it here appears, it is not easy to speak decisively. Had it been placed last in the sentence, it would have clearly implied “ you are required.” With respect to the phrase, Souz-o-meiz, we must labour under equal uncertainty; but in Richardson, Souz-o-sauze^ a word of similar sound and construction, is made to signify, “inflamed with passion, love, &c.” Does the warlike Tfirkomaun mean to designate himself the “ conflagrator and disturber ?” However this may have been, on the first occasion that brought the son to the presence of his father, the latter took him by the hand, and seated him immediately on the throne, placing himself on his knees directly at the foot, as prime minister under the authority of his son. At the same time, all those in the service of Kara Yussuf, who possessed either father or brother, were immediately enrolled among the stipendiaries of Peir Bedauk Rhaun , and wherever there remained a district not already assigned in fee, by the letters patent of the father, the same was now formally tranferred to the exchequer of the son. And it is but justice to observe, continues our author, that this same Peir Bedauk was not less distinguished for the elegance of his person, than for the amiable and benevolent qualities of his mind ; and to acknowledge, that for the short period during which he remained to inhabit this frail ten¬ ement of earth, so far from exerting himself to the injury of any hu¬ man being, his whole life was devoted to acts of clemency towards his fellow creatures, to a scrupulous forbearance to aggravate towards others, and to exhibit in himself an example of patient endurance under, the evils of human destiny. If such indeed were the character of this prince, it is not surprising that the report of his accession to power should have diffused universal satifaction ; and he according¬ ly received numerous deputations from the neighboring states to felicitate him on the occasion ; and, in particular, from the princes of Guilan, Mazanderaun, the Aa/y of Georgia, the different independ¬ ent chiefs of Kurdestaun, and the rulers of Hussun-Keyfa, and Mar- dein. K^ra Yhssuf, however, undertook, by a particular communi¬ cation from himself, to announce to Silltan Ahmed of BaghdSid, that A.H. 810. A. D. 141)8. Rouzut-us- sutfd. 508 A. H. 810. in consequence of liis recent acknowledgment of the adoption of Peir" A. D. 1408. and bis transmission of the umbrella and other insignia of sovereign power, he had not hesitated, in conformity with such ma* nifest indications of his pleasure, to place his adopted son on the throne of Azerbaijaun ; while he should continue on his part, as^ formerly, to conduct the affairs of the army, the general administration of the government, and to oppose on all sides the hostile attempts of their enemies, whenever occasion should require it. But, without enlarging further on the subject, it would appear that through the exertions of Ameir Bostaum in particular, and of the other native chiefs of the province, for the Turkomauns honestly disclaimed all- knowledge of that branch of the art of war, which relates to the re¬ duction of fortified places, Khra YCissuf, by the capture of Sultauniah,. Derghuzein, and Hamadaun, not long afterwards extended his con¬ quest over the whole of Irak Ajem. Kholansset-ul- In the mean lime, having abandoned the country altogether, Mirza akhbaur. AbaBukker made the best of his way, through Yezd, into the province of Kermaun ; on his approach towards the capital of which, Sultan Aweiss the son of Eydekou Berks, the governor, conceived it his duty to meet the illustrious fugitive at a considerable distance, and to conduct him with every circumstance of respect into the city of the same name. No distant period was, however, suffered to elapse before Aba Bukker began to harbour designs against the government ; but Sultan Aweiss, at the very same crisis, having concerted a plan to seize the person of his guest, proceeded late one evening to carry it into execution, by entirely surrounding the palace which had been assigned for his residence ; where he compelled him on the spot to subscribe to an engagement, by which he pledged himself to quit the province immediately, without producing any further disturbance — provided the people of Kermaun abstained from offering any personal vioh nee to himself or his followers. Aba Bukker was accordingly permitted to withdraw into the adjoining province of Seiestaun ; where he succeeded in contracting a very close and intimate friend¬ ship with Shah Kutb.ud-dein, the ruler of the province. Unfortu¬ nately for the latter, this circumstance did not escape the attention of Shah Eokh, who immediately marched his troops against Ferah 509 and, in a short time, became master of the whole of Seiestaun, in A. ' addition to the extensive territory already under his authority. .Up- on this, the unfortunate Aba Bukker was again persuaded to enter akhbaur, Kermaun ; where, after sustaining lepeated conflicts with Sultan Aweiss, he was at last killed in a battle with that chieftain, in the neighborhood of the town of Jireft, towards the latter part of the month of Rudjub, of the eight hundred and eleventh of the hid- jerah.* At the period of Teymur’s death, it becomes now further neces¬ sary to recollect that Mii za Peir Mahommed the son of Omar Sheikh, held the government of Shirauz,and his brothers Rustum and Eskun- der, those of Isfahaun and Hamadaun respectively. On intelligence of the close of his grandfather’s eventful career, however, Peir Ma¬ hommed, influenced by the circumstance of his mother Melket Agha having become one of the wives of Shah Rokh, resolved with the advice of his council, to pronounce the Khotbah, and regulate the mint, in the name of that monarch; immediately dispatching into Kho- rassaun to acquaint him, that both he and his brothers had equally bound themselves to be obedient to his authority. Shah Rokh, on his part, received the communication with reasonable complacency, and dismissed the messengers with abundant proofs of his bounty. Subse¬ quent to this, when it was announced that Omar the son of Meiran Shah had put Ameir Jahaun Shah to death, and imprisoned his bro¬ ther Aba Bukker, as already related, Mirza Eskunder, at Hamadaun, became alarmed lest these measures of violence should be at last extended to himself ; and he accordingly withdrew trom Hamadaun, to take the protection of his brother at Shirauz, who received him with fraternal kindness, and conferred upon him the government of y ezd. From this time to the eight hundred and ninth of the hidjerah, the best intelligence subsisted between the brothers ; but at that period this auspicious intercourse was wickedly interrupted, through the malevolent exertions of the turbulent and evil disposed : and in consequence of the hostility thus excited, Mirza Peir Mahommed caused the person of Eskunder to be seized, and he was immediately conveyed as a prisoner towards Khorassaun. In the neighborhood; ' • Beginning of December A. D. 1408., 510 A. H. 811, A. D. 14t)9. Kliola USbt't-ul- akhbaur. of Tebbes, or Tabess, the prince, however, contrived to break his •fetters; and flying immediately to Isfahaun, was there admitted to 'the kindest hospitality, by his brother Mirza Rustum. Shortly after¬ wards, the two brothers proceeded in conjunction towards Shirauz ; and having defeated Peir Mahommed, who did not in the least demur to meet and give them battle, they pursued him to the gates of his ca¬ pital, to which they immediately laid siege. Finding, however, at the expiration of forty days, that they had made but little progress towards the reduction of Shirauz, they employed their troops in the pillage of the neighboring parched and sandy districts, the Gurrum' seyers, and then returned to Isfahaun. In the course of the following year, the eight hundred and tenth of the hidjerah, Mirza Peir Mahommed in his turn, at the head of a very numerous army, proceeded towards Isfahaun ; Mirza Rustum having encamped to oppose him at the station of Kundemaun, or perhaps Gundemaun. In the conflict which ensued the troops of Isfahaun were, however, totally defeated, and Mirza Rustum, and his brother Eskunder, were now compelled to fly towards Khorassaun. Peir Mahommed then established his son Omar Sheikh in the govern¬ ment of Isfahaun, and returned in triumph to Shirauz. On the other hand, Mirza Rustum proceeded without interruption into Khoras¬ saun, where he experienced a favorable reception from Shah Rokh, and was honorably provided for in the court of that prince ; while his brother Eskunder, less fortunate in his decision, continued his flight towards Sheberghaun and Balkh. His progress was interrupted by some troops dispatched against him by Mirza Keydou, at this period in possession of the government of Balkh; and he was compelled to take the direction of Endekhoud, where he was treated with respect, and suitably accommodated, by Seyud Ahmed Terkhan, then in charge of the place* The Seyud thought it advisable immediately to report his arrival to Shah Rokh, and that prince, with singular good nature, instantly dispatched a person to intercede in behalf of his unfortunate brother, with Peir IVIahommed in Farss; at the sametime conveying his instructions to Seyud Ahmed at Endekhoud, not to otfer the slightest molestation to Mirza Eskunder, but to permit him to depart whenever he indicated a desire so to do. Relying upon a brother*® / 511 compassion, Mirza Eskunder chose the alternative of returning into Farss ; and accordingly, about the hour of evening prayer on the 26th of Ramzaun, of the eight hundred and eleventh of the hidjerah,* he entered Shirauz on foot — Peir Mahommed sending for him the very moment he was apprized of his arrival, and bestowing upon him all those marks of kindness that could in any shape contribute to restore his confidence, or console him under the sense of his misfortunes. This was the situation of affairs in Farss when, some time in the course of the year eight hundred and Twelve, f accompanied by his reclaimed brother Eskunder, Mirza Peir Mahommed left Shirauz with the design of reducing the province of Kermaun ; but on his arrival at the station of Doutchah, the two wells, he there perished from a conspiracy formed against him by Husseyne Sherbetdaur, his butler, whom from an humble compounder of medicines, he had raised to the highest dignities of his government: for ambition and treason have been too frequently fellow travellers. In the silence of midnight, the traitor followed by his accomplices, among whom appear to* have been included the greater part of the army, entirely surrounded the tent of his benefactor, and most basely put him to death, being at this period in the very flower of his age, his one and thirtieth year. Mirza Eskunder being, however, timely apprized of the fate of his bro¬ ther, hastened back to Shirauz; where the Ameirs, and principal na¬ tives of the province, united to invest him with the royal authority, and with him proceeded to secure the city, and to place the fortifications in a state of defence. When, on the other hand, the traitor Husseyne discovered that Eskunder had escaped him, he immediately followed at the head of the army which had espoused his cause, and' for one whole day, by repeated attacks on different points, endeavoured to make himself master of the city. Perceiving, however, at nightfal, that the chiefs in his interest evinced a disposition favorable to Mirza Eskunder, the traitor thought it prudent, the very next morn¬ ing, to make a precipitate retreat towards Kermaun ; in the course of which he fell into the hands of Ameir Sedeik, an officer in the service of the late Peir Mahommed, by whom he was immediately secured and conveyed towards Shirauz^. At the tomb of Sheikh Saady in the- * 11th of February 1409. t Comuieuciug the 15th of May A. D. 1409., A. H. 811‘. A. D.1409. Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. 512 A.H. 811. A. D. 1409. Kholausset ul- akhbaur. neighborhood of that city, with his beard and mustachios half shaved he was mounted on a sorry bullock, and from thence conducted to the gates of the town, through the streets of which he was for some time paraded in this disgraceful guise ; after which he was led to the presence of Mirza Eskunder. To the demand of that prince, as to what motive it was that could have impelled him to become the butcher of his benefactor, the traitor coolly replied that if his conduct towards the deceased had been that of a villain, the result, at least, did not appear with unwelcome advantages to the surviving brother. At this the indignation of the Shahzadah was excited to such a degree, that he drew his dirk and instantly scooped the right eye of the assassin from the socket; after which the attendants were directed to beat him to death with their maces. While these events were passing at Shirauz, an insurrection was excited at Isfahaun by Sultan Miatassem the son of Zeyne-ul-aubbe- dein, son of Shah Shujia, of the race of Muzuffer ; which rendered the presence of Mirza Eskunder immediately necessary in that quar¬ ter. In an action to which he w^as brought by his antagonist, shortly afterwards, the insurgent was, however, totally defeated ; and in his endeavor to escape by flight, was finally overtaken and put to death by a soldier of the successful party, by the side of a river at some distance from the field of battle. Eskunder then returned, more con¬ fident from his victory, to Shirauz. Subsequent to this period, Mirza Rfistum, with the concurrence of his uncle Shah Rokh, proceeded to invade the territory of Isfahaun, where he became engaged in repeat¬ ed conflicts with his brother Eskunder; but being frustrated in all his attempts, he was finally compelled, once more, to fly for safety into Khorassaun ; where, in the course of the eight hundred and fourteenth of the hidjerah,* he was again hospitably received at the court of Herat. Thus absolutely master of both Farss and Irak, Mirza Eskunder now fixed the seat of his government at Isfahaun. We are now, for the last time, to speak of Sflltan Ahmed Jull&t ir of Baghdad ; who, without any very distinguished claims to atten¬ tion, has been so often brought to the notice of the reader, in his perusal of these pages. Towards the conclusion of the eight hundred * Comiuenciug 24lh of April A. D, 1411. 513 aTid twelfth of the hidjerah, when the whole of Azerb^ljaun had been A. H. 8U-12.‘ finally subjugated to the authority of K&ra Yussuf, the presence of the latter was required towards the north-western frontier of his do- akhbaur. minions, by some hostile indications on the part of his rival Kara Othmaun, and by the solicitation of Ameir Taherten, the prince of Etzenjaun, to defend him against the aggressions of the same chief. This was an opportunity which Sultan Ahmed, notwithstanding his engagements, conceived too favorable to his interests to be neglected; and he accordingly, took his departure for Azerbaijaun some time in the month of Mohurrim, of the year 813;* and he appeared, not long afterwards, in great force before the metropolis of Tebreiz, which he . entered without opposition, and with unusual pomp, on the first day of the former Rebbeia, of the same year.'f As soon as this unwelcome intelligence reached Kara Yfissuf at Erzenjaun, only two days after he had taken possession of the place for himself, he summoned a council of his principal officers; with whom, he entered into deliberation, as to the measures which he ought to adopt on such an emergency. The result was a determination to. proceed to immediate hostilities against the Sultan, and a solemn; pledge on the part of all his Ameirs, to continue faithful in their attachment to the authority of their chief. An order of march was, then concerted, by which the whole army were to reach the neighbor¬ hood of Tebreiz, in forty menzels, or days journey, according to which the troops were immediately put in motion from Erzenjaun. About the period agreed upon, they arrived on the plains near Shumb-e-. Gh^zan, at the distance of two farsangsj from Tebreiz; where Sultan.; Ahmed was already encamped, with a resolution to give battle. On: friday the 28th of the latter Rebbeia, § the warlike Turkomaun drew,' out his troops for the conflict, and proceeded in battle array towards Shunib-e-Gh^zan ; from whence, in equal preparation, the Siiltan ad-, vanced to meet him^ A most severe and obstinate conflict immedK ately ensued, in which, however, after dreadful mutual slaughter, victory finally declared for the Tfirkomauns; the troops of the Sultans being totally defeated, and dispersing in consequence in every direc¬ tion. Finding himself thus alone on the field of battle, SAltan Ah-. * Maj 1410.. t SrdJuly. J About 7 miles. § 29th of August VOL. III. S.ll' 514 A. H,"0n42. med was, at last, constrained to follow the example of his army. lie A. D.i4()9_i£^ Avas in his flisrht soon overtaken by an ordinary Turkomaun, who, . Ilouzut-us- ® '' .. sutFa. however, ignorant of his quality, was content with beating him off his horse; and who, after plundering him of his rich armour and apparel, left him to his fate. Sultan Ahmed then made for the opening in a garden>wall, intended for the outlet of a water-course, where he seated himself down, in the utmost perturbation of mind, until ho could ascertain whether he was pursued by any one. It chanced that an old shoemaker, who had left the city and mounted a walnut tree, in order to view the occur¬ rences of the battle, observing a person thus withdrawing from the field alone, immediately recognized the Sultan’s horse, and was at no great loss to identify his rider. Descending from his post on the tree, he approached the place of the Sultan’s concealment; and calling to him by his royal title, proceeded to cdndole with him on the deplo¬ rable situation to which he found him reduced. The Sultan admon¬ ished him to be silent, and not to add shame to the sorrows which already weighed down his head. After this, he ventured to add that he had yet many zealous friends in Tebreiz; and that as soon as night came, he should enter the town, and from them receive both money and the means of conveyance from the scene of danger. In the mean time, that any assistance which he could render would not be forgot¬ ten ; and that the moment he returned to Baghdad, he proposed to settle upon him the lordship of Yakoubiah in perpetual fee. To this he bound himself by a solemn promise; after which the shoemaker returned to his habitation in the city. Unfortunately for Sultan Ah¬ med, the man had for his wife an old woman who professed to deal in magic; and her husband had no sooner related to her the circum¬ stances of his interview with the Shltan, than she affected to apply to the mysteries of her art; which having consulted, she proceeded to observe to her husband, that the distance between Tebreiz and Bag:h- n d^d, would cost him many a tedious and wearisome day’s journey; neither, from what appeared at present, could such a journey, to any reasonable certainty, be productive of any of those advantages to them, with which he seemed disposed to flatter himself. At the same time, it was not to be supposed but that, as soon as night came, the Sultan 515 would be surrounded by a multitude of powerful friends, and that a person in his humble station, would scarcely have a chance of ap¬ proaching him again. Thus this noble prize would slip through their fingers, and repentance would avail but little to their consolation. She therefore advised her husband to hasten, without a moment’s fur¬ ther delay, to the presence of Kara Tussuf, to acquaint him with all he knew; and, she doubted not, that the result would be an abundant remuneration for all their disappointments. In compliance with the suggestions of this hag, the shoemaker repaired to the camp of Kara Yussuf; where he found them employed in interrogating the grooms and equerries of the Sultan, as to the number of horses which their master had brought into the field, the number he had carried off with him, and how many had fallen into the hands of the victors. The shoemaker made his way, without ob¬ stacle, to the presence of the Turkomaun chief; announced to him, that Sultan Ahmed lay concealed at no great distance off, and that if it was his pleasure, he would immediately conduct a party to the spot. For a moment, Kara Yussuf disbelieved his statement, afiirm- . ing that the Sultan must, by that time, have conveyed himself many far- sangs on his retreat ; but the man persisting in his allegation, and de¬ manding that someproperperson mightbe sent with him in order to take charge of the royal fugitive, his request was at length complied with, and four confidential officers accompanied him accordingly to the spot •which he had indicated. The unhappy monarch was immediately dragged from his concealment; and as he was bareheaded and almost naked, they threw upon him a common coarse tunic, and covering his head with a tattered turban, they mounted him behind Beirdy Sheirtchei, one of the party, and in this manner he was conducted to the presence of K&ra YCissuf. The Turkomaun chief arose to meet the Sfiltan the moment he came in view ; and, having seated him by his side, proceeded to upbraid him, in bitter terms, for the total dis¬ regard which he had evinced for the most solemn engagements; in consequence of which it was, he alleged, henceforward impossible to place the smallest reliance on his word. For how repeatedly had he pledged himself upon the sacred volume of the law, and by the mighty, name of the most high, to abstain from every design hostile to the A. H. 01 2-1 S. A. D. 1409-141 (>. Rouzut-us- suifa. 516 \ A. H. 812-13. A. D. 1409-1410. Kouzut-us- suffa. Turkoman, or the country under his authority, and yet sought every occasion to violate his pledge? He then entered into a recapitula- 'tion of all the provocations which he had received at his hands, from 'the earliest period of their intercourse to the present moment ; after '■which he sternly directed him to quit his seat and take his place among the very lowest of the assembly, even on the spot where they deposited their sandals. Peir Bedauk now entered the pavilion, immediately seating himself on the throne; on which, the whole of the Ameirs and principal offi¬ cers called aloud to the Sultan, that his power was transferred to Peir Bedauk Khaun. A paper was then drawn up in letters of gold, by which, in a few short lines, the province of Azerbaijaun was formally ceded to the same Peir Bedauk Khaun ; and to this, whether willing or unwilling, they compelled the SQltan to affix his signature. They next proceeded to allege as an accusation against the Sultan, that he had presumed with a superior force to invade the same province of Azerbaijaun, and to wrest it from the hands of Shah Mahommed, another of the sons of Kara Yussuf ; when it was notorious to the world that it had been conferred upon him by the unanimous concur¬ rence of all the native Ameirs.* As an atonement for this act of alleged usurpation, they therefore now called upon him to make an immediate transfer of his remaining government of Baghdad, to the same Shah Mahommed ; and to that effect a second paper was drawn up on the spot, and ratified under his sign manual, by which his lieutenants at Baghdad, Heit, and Tekreit, were charged to deliver up the keys of those fortresses, and of all his treasures, to Gheyauth-ud- dein Shah Mahommed ; on whom he was made to bestow the appel¬ lation of a beloved son, and to whom he acknowledged to have resign¬ ed his capital of Baghdad, with all its dependencies, in full and abso¬ lute sovereignty. When the unfortunate monarch had made a conclusion of these mortifying transfers of power, and had nothing further to concede, Shah Mahommed was invested, on the spot, with the government of Baghdad, by his father and the Ameirs of his court ; the chiefs of the • This declaration, by the way, implied pretensions, which we should little expect to find advanced by the vassals of a despotic monarchy. 517 Aweyraut and Arab tribes, and other prisoners taken in the late battle, being immediately set at large, ajid permitted to accompany their new governor to take possession of his capital. In the mean time, to relievo the Stjltan from any apprehension of personal danger, Kara Yussuf proceeded to assure him, that however, in repeated violation of his engagements, be had not scrupled to seek both his life and dominions, yet that he might set his mind at ease ; for on his part, he bad resolved not to offer the slightest injury to his person. Far dif¬ ferent was the language with which the Sultan was addressed by Bostaum, who sternly upbraided him with having brought destruction upon the family, and butchered the posterity, of Sultan Aweiss, to¬ gether with the best part of the nobles of his court. From him, there¬ fore, as they had never hitherto experienced ought but evil, so neither for the future was it reasonable to expect any good at his hands : and they would accordingly take care that Ameir Yussuf should no lon¬ ger be the dupe of his artful practices. Then, starting on his feet, he unclasped the scimitar from his waist, and flung it towards K^ra Yi^ssuf, declaring that the existence of this man had already been the cause of too much mischief ; but, that if suffered any longer to breathe upon earth, the evils of which he would be the occasion would be a thousand-fold more destructive, than any thing to which they had hi¬ therto been witness. Common prudence, therefore, as well as the general interests of humanity, demanded that he should immediately be put out of the way. The other Ameirs of Irkk concurred, at the same time, in pronouncing that mercy to SiJiltan Ahmed would be entirely incompatible with the public safety. The conscientious Tflrkomaun persisted, however, in maintaining that, under God’s pro¬ vidence, though a thousand such as Sultan Ahmed were present in his camp, he should feel but little solicitude as to their attempts ; but that, at all events, he had sworn to spare his life, and was resolv¬ ed not to violate his oath. Ameir Bostaum here rejoined that the blood of many an unhappy and innocent individual had been unjust¬ ly shed by this man, and that the hereditary avengers of that blood were in attendance. If, therefore, he had pledged himself on his part not to offer violence to the person of his prisoner, the law of retaliation imperiously demanded that, at least, he should not protect A.H. 812 813. A. D. ] 409-141.8. Rouzut-uS' sulfa. 518 A.H, 812-813. him against the vengeance of those whose kindred he had immolated; A. D._^)9-ii4^ Kara Yiissuf was now silent; and Settelmesh, one of the officers suffa. present, was instructed by the Ameirs to convey the Sultan to his quarters, in the college of Kauzy Sheikh Ally. Khaujah Jauffer the Tebrizian, on his knees, then formally accused the Sultan of having unjustly put his brother to death; which being confirmed by the testimony of Bostaum, the Turkomaun chief could no longer resist the pressing importunities of the people of Ir^k, and finally consented to the execution of the unfortunate monarch. On which Khaujah Jauffer, with some other persons, proceeded immediately to the resi¬ dence of Settelmesh; where they strangled the unhappy Shltan with¬ out further ceremony. On the day following, Rostaum found it expedient, nevertheless', in the name of his brother Ameirs, to represent to the Turkomaun-, ■ that, although Sultan Ahmed had been so effectually disposed of, the preceding day, a report had been circulated by the seditious populace that he was still alive; and that it had produced such violent agita¬ tion as to threaten some very dangerous commotion. In consequence of this, Bostaum was authorized to adopt any measure he thought fit in order to remove the impression ; and the body of the Sultan, with a coarse black wrapper bound round the head, was, accordingly, for three days, publicly exhibited forinspection, in the above-mentioned college, which finally terminated all discussion on the subject. The body was then buried, with the usual solemnities, in the cemetery of the celebrated Damashk Khaujah; at the very feet of his brother Sultaa Husseyne, of whom he had made an early sacrifice to his relentless ambition. Several of the sons of Sultan Ahmed, who had fallen into the hands of their enemies during the battle and pursuit, shared the fate of their father; and Sultan Alla-ud-doulah, who had been for some time a prisoner in one of the castles of the Turkomaun^ was now put to death by an order from Kara Yussuf. On this subject we shall finally observe, that when intelligence of the death of Saltan Ahmed was conveyed to Shah Rokb, in Khoras- saun, that prince demanded of Abd-ul-Kader, a distinguished poet who had passed many years under the protection of the Sultan, whe¬ ther it had not occurred to him to compose something to the ms-- 5l9 fnory of his unfortunate patron. The poet immediately wrote a stanza of four lines, which he conveyed to the Shah, the concluding words of which, “ Kusd-e-Tebreiz”—i\\e. design upon, or the attempt onTebreiz — numerically applied, comprised the exact era of his death, A. H. 813.* With respect to Shah Mahoramed the son of Kara Yussut, dispatched on this occasion to possess himself of the govern¬ ment of Baghdad, it may be proper briefly to state, that after a siege of eighteen months, during which the children of Sultan Ahmed continued to defend it against all his exertions, the Shah finally obtained possession of that metropolis, the sons of the Sultan having fled the place by water, under cover of a dark night. Soon afterwards, Shah Mahommed became undisputed master of all Arabian Irak ; and having raised a numerous and powerful army, and amassed pro¬ digious wealth, he ultimately assumed the honors of the mosque and mint, and governed fora considerable period in his own name, with¬ out even once repairing to do homage to his father; who for his part, appears to have equally abstained from putting him to any further inconvenience on the subject. But, to resume the regular course of the history; while at the sum¬ mer quarters of Baudgheiss, on the fifth of Zilkaudah, of the year eight hundred and eleven,j- we find Shah Rokh employed in giving orders for the assembling of his army ; in consequence of the reports here successively conveyed to him, of the hostilities which had broke out between his nephew Khaleil Sultan, and Khodadaud-ul-Hussey- ny; in which the latter prevailing, the grandson of Teymur was fin¬ ally compelled to submit to the authority of this subordinate chief. To vindicate the insulted majesty of his family, or more probably to secure the province for himself, Shah Rokh, therefore, on the 21st of the same month of Zilkaudah, J put his troops in motion from Baud¬ gheiss ; and having crossed the Oxus, about the 6th of the following month of Zilhudje,§ proceeded to Khozaur, Here it was announced to him, that having seized the person of Khaleil Sultan, the insur¬ gent Khodadaud had betaken himself to flight ; on which Shah Rokh * August September 1410. The turn of the verse runs something in this way : “ Reader wouldst thou know the era of his fate," “ Kusd-e-Tebreiz exactly marks the date," t 21st March 1409. J 6th of April. 5 21st of April. A. H. ni2-ai3. A. D. 1409-1410. Rouzul us- suffa. Kholansset-ul-* akhbaur. 520 A. H. 812-813. A. D. 1409-1410. Kholausset-ul« akbbaur. 4 continued his march, and, on the 20th of the same month, entered, the metropolis of Samarkand without opposition. In the succeeding month of Mohurrem, of the eight hundred and twelfth of the hidjerah,* Shah Rokh proceeded in pursuit of Kho- daud, towards the frontiers of Moghiilstaun ; dispatching Shah Melek with some other commanders in advance, towards the Seyhun. An event which appears to have been as fortunate, as it was unforeseen,, rendered the presence of Shah Rokh, however, no longer necessary in this quarter. The insurgent Khodadaud had, it seems, demanded the assistance of Mahommed Khaun, the monarch of Moghulstaun ; and that prince had dispatched his own brother Shummaa Jahaun, to . convey to him the support he required. This latter prince, however, no sooner found himself united with the troops of the insurgent, than he suggested to the Ameirs under his orders, that this same Khodaud- ul-Husseyny must have been an utter stranger to every principle of good faith and generosity, before he could so soon have forgotten his multiplied obligations to the most bountiful of masters, the renowned and invincible Teymur, and thus enter into hostilities against the children of such a benefactor. Nothing further was required to de- determine the fate of Khodadaud. His head was struck off without the smallest compunction, and immediately conveyed to Shah Melek;; who returned with it, shortly afterwards, to the camp of Shah Rokh. The Shah now embraced the opportunity of conferring the govern¬ ment of Ouzkhund, upon his nephew Mirza Meirek Ahmed, perhaps. Sidy Ahmed, one of the sons of Omar Sheikh. In the mean time, intelligence was conveyed to him that Mirza Khaleil Sultan, on the death of Ameir Khodadaud, had succeeded in gaining over his guards; and that he was now busily employed in placing the fortress of Alankouh, or Alankella, in a proper state of defence. Shah Melek v/as again detached, with instructions to reduce this place ; but when he had continued his operations for some days, Mirza Khaleil Sultan sent out to desire, that a particular post in the hands of the besieging army might be left unguarded ; in order that he might be permitted to proceed, without interruption, to the presence of. his uncle. This request was immediately complied with; but instead of repairing to * May and June 1409. 521 tlie camp of Shah Rokh, as he affected to propose, the prince pro¬ ceeded immediately to join Sheikh Nur-ud-dein, who had recently obtained permission to retire to Otraur. On information of this un¬ accountable perversity of conduct, Shah Rokh conceived that his presence might be requisite in the same quarter; but, an intercourse of messerisjers having been fortunately established, an accommodation Was finally brought about, and confirmed under the most solemn mutual engagements. Shortly afterwards, Mirza Khaleil in person hastened to the presence of his august relative, and experienced a very indulgent and distinguished reception, without, however, any circumstance that could lead to the expectation that he was to be restored to his government. Affairs thus favorably arranged, Shah Rokh took his departure for Khorassaun, after having conferred the government of Transoxiana, with the neighboring territory on the Seyhun, upon his son Olugh Beg; at the same time bestowing the country of Hessaur-e-Shaude- man upon Mirza Mahommed Jahangueir, the son of his nephew Mah ommed Sultan. Soon after, recrossing the Oxus, he invested Mirza Keydou the son of Mirza Peir Mahommed, with the govern¬ ment of the three provinces of Kandahaur, Kabul, and Gheznein, transferring the government of Balkh and Tokharestaun, to his second son Abul Futtah Mirza Ibrauhim Sultan. On the l6th of Shabaun, of the eight hundred and twelfth of the hidjerah,* Shah Rokh re¬ entered, on this occasion, his capital of Her^t, without the interven¬ tion of any further incident. During the month or Zilkaudah of the same year,j" Mirza Khaleil Sultan, as some compensation for the loss of Samarkand, proceeded by his orders, at the head of ten thousand horse, to attempt the reduction oflt^k Ajem ; and he succeeded so far as to take possession of, and, for some time, to establish his au¬ thority inthetemtory of Rey, having received from Shah Rokh a patent for the government of both provinces of Irak Ajem, and Azerbaijaun, should he prove so fortunate as to conqiier them, for himself. During the eight hundred and thirteenth, and the following year of the liidjerah, the attention of Shah Rokli was considerably engaged in counteracting the designs of that distinguished and gallant veteran, • 23cl of December. 1409. t March, 1410. 3 X A. TI. 812-813. A. D. 1409 1410. Kholausset ul- akhbaur- t^OL. III. 522 A. H. 813-15. Ameir Sheikh Nuir-ud-dein, who had reared the standard of revolt A. D. 1410-1412. territory of Otraur ; here slated to have been the seat, and: aklabaun * perhaps the patrimony, of his forefathers.. This untoward, event drew the Shah twice into Mawer-un-neher, in the course of that period. The last time, however, during a conference before the gates of Sovraun, or Sabraun^ which he defended against the troops of Shah Rokh, under the orders of his old associate in arms, Ameir Shah Melek, the unfortunate Sheikh NAr-udrdein was suddenly dragged from his horse, as he stooped to embrace him, and put to death on the spot, by an officer of the name of Herkedauk ; who had received his instructions for that purpose from Shah Melek himself. On the death of Teymftr, we learn from a passage in the. Rouzut-us- suffa, that the illustrious chief, whose career was thus perfidiously terminated, had espoused the princess Tomaun Aga, one of the wid- ' ows of his departed sovereign. Soon after the period under consi¬ deration, the same princess was conveyed, under an injunction from Shah Rokh, by the nephew of Sheikh Nur-ud-dein from Sabraun to Herat; the town of Gaousuiah, about eleven farsangsfrom that city, w^as assigned for her maintenance ; and she is stated to have left there many memorials of her bountiful and benevolent character. On his.- return to Herat, from this last expedition into Transoxiana, the Shah received intelligence of the death of his nephew Khaleil Sultan, after a few days* illness, at Rey, on the l6th of Rudjuhof the eight hun¬ dred and fourteenth of the hidjerah.* During the month of Mohurrem of the year eight hundred and fifteen,’!' and on his return from the solemnization of the feast of sacrifice of the tenth ofZilhudje, of the preceding year, at the mauso¬ leum of Ally Ruzza at Mush-hed, we also find it recorded in the Rouzut-us suffa, that Shah Rokh was employed at Herat, in giving a splendid reception to the ambassadors of Ddeiming Khaun, mon¬ arch of Khatai, or emperor of China. In the discharge of their mission, the objects of which on this occasion appear to have been of a nature purely amicable and conciliatory, they delivered from their sovereign, letters in different languages ; which, among other expres¬ sions of a complimentary import, conveyed some very strong recom^ • 2d of November, 14llt t April 1412. 523 tnendations in favor of the late Mirza Khaleil Sultan, and which, whatever might have been their effect at an earlier period, could now no longer be of service. These ambassadors were shortly afterwards honorably dismissed, on their return to China, accompanied by Sheikh Mahommed Bukhshy; on a mission of a corresponding and similar import from Shah Rokh to the Chinese monarch.* Ever since the death of his brother Meiran Shah, and the conse¬ quent subjugation of the province of Azerbaijaun by Kara Yussuf, Shah Rokh had internally resolved on employing the very first con¬ venient opportunity, to reduce that province with the adjoining ter¬ ritory of lr&.k, under his own authority. Such an opportunity ap¬ peared to have arrived, during the eight hundred and sixteenth of the hidjerah ; and he accordingly quitted Herat, at the head of a numer¬ ous and powerful army in order to take advantage of it, on the 1 8th of Rudjub, of that year — j* proceeding towards the north-west, by the routeof Neyshapur, in the neighborhood of which city he encamped shortly afterwards. From thence,he conceived itexpedient to transmit a dispatch to Mirza Eskunder, at Isfahaun, requesting that he wouldf at as a early a period as possible, join him in the territory of Rey, with the troops of Ears and Irak Ajem ; in order that they might proceed together to the expulsion of the Turkomauns ; after which he contin¬ ued his march, at leisure, hunting as he proceeded, into Mazanderaun, where he passed the winter. When, however, the dispatches from his uncle were communicated to Mirza Eskunder, that prince, instead of resolving to co-operate cordially in the design against the common enemy of his family, immediately gave way to the suspicion, that something sinister was in contemplation against himself; and, under this impression, returning an insolent and disrespectful reply to the demand which had been conveyed to him, openly declared himself hostile to the authority of the Shah ; and, dispatching to all quarters to assemble his troops, proceeded without delay to form an encamp- * Wlietlier this, or any of the succeeding ones, of which several were dispatched to China from the court of Her^t, during the reign of Shah Rokh, was the embassy, of which the translation of a Journal, by Mr, Vansittart of the Bengal Establishment, appeared in one of the English periodical publications some years ago, a comparison of dates will easily determine. t 13th of October 1413. A, H. 815-16. A. D, 1412 13. Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. 524 A. H. 810-17. A. D. 1413-14. Kholaiisset-nj^- akhbaur. nient near Isfahaun. This refractor^r, behavior on the part of his ne¬ phew, necessarily produced a change in the plans of Shah Rokh; the expedition into. Azerbaijaun was indefinitely postponed; and his attention immediately directed to check, at their outset, therash and. ambitious projects of his misguided relative. Having dispatched his son Mirza Bhysungur, at- the commence¬ ment of the spring, to provide for the tranquillity of Khorassaun, Shah Rokh, on the fourteenth of Mohurrem, of the eight hundred and seventeenth of the hidjerah,* quitted his winter quarters in. Mazan- deraun, and, by the way of Damaghaun, proceeded towards Rey, On his arrival near the castle of Sheheryaur, adjacent to, or not far from that ancient city, several Ameirs who had been employed, on the part of Mirza Eskunder, to take possession of Sawah and lay waste the intervening territory, came over, to the camp of Shah Rokh ; easily yielding to the persuasion, that having all, either by themselves or their fathers, served in the armies of Teymur, their allegiance was unquestionably due to his family; but where the claims of the son and grandson were brought into competition, that the former was clearly entitled to the preference. From thence continuing his march, by Sawah, to the gardens of Rustum, within two farsangs, or about seven miles of Isfahaun, Shah Rokh was joined by other respectable Ameirs, who embraced the opportunity to abandon the cause of Eskunder. Notwithstanding these inauspicious beginnings, the latter did not, however, decline to give battle to the superior force of his uncle, shortly afterwards; and being defeated, and compelled to shut himself « up within the walls of Isfahaun, he was there immediately besieged by the 'victorious troops. In the. mean time, the adherents of Mirza Eskunder, at Shirauz^ were seiz.t d and imprisoned by the principal inhabitants, who proceed-. ed without delay to proclaim the authority of.Shah Rokh; immedi¬ ately dispatching an agent to announce to that monarch the fortunate revolution that had thus, taken place in his favor. The intelligence 'whs calculated to produce peculiar satisfaction, at such a crisis; and' Lutfullah Beyann Temur, a distinguished officer, was sent express to take charge of tfie revenues of the province. The siege of Isfahaun, * 4th of April 1414. 525 was, however, prosecuted with little intermission, and had now con¬ tinued for a period of nearly two months, every, attempt at an accom¬ modation having totally failed ; when on the 2d of the former Jum- maudy,of the eight hundred and seventeenth of the hidjerali,*theplace Was attacked by general assault. The conflict was supported, with equal resolution and obstinacy, during the whole of the day ; but, on the following night, the troops of Shah Rokh succeeded in escalading Rie works, and, finally, in obtaining possession of the town, Mirza Es- kunder retiring into the castle. But, on learning that one of his prin¬ cipal officers had deserted -and gone over to the enemy, he, with some reason, considered his situation as hopeless, and fled the place while yet favored by the darkness of the night; proposing to effect his es¬ cape, if possible, into some of the adjoining districts. The unfortu¬ nate prince was, however, too closely pursued to attain his object ; and being very early overtaken in his flight, he was conducted to the presenceof theShah; who,toall appearance, seemed disposedon hispart at least,, to treat him with humanity, since he consigned him to the care of his brother Rustum — conceiving perhaps, that the rigors of his destiny might receive some alleviation, from the sympathies of fra¬ ternal affection. In this, nevertheless, his calculations appear to have been infinitely wide of the steeling influence of the spirit of ambitioni which equally spurns at the ties of nature, and the obliga¬ tions of private friendship Mirza Rustum no sooner found him in his power^ than he forever closed his views upon all objects of hu¬ man grandeur, by. an immediate application of the searing instruments to the eyes of his unhappy brother. Thus-master oflsfahaun, Shah Rokh immediately conferred the gov¬ ernment of that place, and of the province dependent upon it, on the same Mirza Rustum the son of Omar Sheikh; who had served him with distinguished valour and fidelity in many of his expeditions, and who continued to rule the country with singular ability and moderation, for the remainder of his life. The government of Hamadaun, toge¬ ther with the fortresses of Verujerd and Nihawend, and the adjoin¬ ing province ot Lonistaun, was assigned in perpetual jaguir, or fee, , to Mirza. Baykera; another of the sons of Omar Sheikh, who had jUi * 19th of July 1414. . A, H. 817. A D. 1414. Kliolausset-ul- adhbaur. 526 A. H. fil7. A. D. 1414. KI)olaiis$et-ul< akbbaur. the very flower of youth, already displayed the most conspicuous proofs of courage and talent ; while that of Rey was generously be¬ stowed upon Mirza Eyjel the son of Meiran Shah, at this period not more than twelve years of age. The territory of Komm was, at the same time, consigned by Shah Rokh to Saud-e- Wokauss, one of the grandsons of his brother Jahaungueir. Having dispatched this arrangement of the affairs of Irak, and made some considerable sacri¬ fices of property in order to reconcile the inhabitants of Isfahaun to the losses sustained during the recent capture of the city, Shah Rokh left that place forShirauz ; where, on his arrival, he proceeded to diffuse among the inhabitants, afresh, the blessings of a just and beneficent government. He then appointed his own son, Mirza Ibrauhim Sultan, to preside over Farss, on the death of the gallant Ameir Muzraub ; and quitting the metropolis of Shirauz, shortly afterwards, he pro¬ ceeded by the route of Yezd on his return to Khorassaun; and cross¬ ing the desert of Mogheishaun, finally reached his capital of Herfit, on the 22d of Rudjub of the eight hundred and seventeenth of the hidjerah.* In the mean time it becomes necessary to observe, that while he was engaged on this occasion, in establishing his authority in Irak Ajem, misunderstandings and jealousies had unfortunately arisen between Olugh Beg, and his cousin Mirza Meirek Ahmed; who had been placed by Shah Rokh, as formerly noticed, in the govern¬ ment of Ouzkhund, towards the northern extremity of Ferghaunah. These jealousies finally terminated in hostilities, the issue of which proved unfavorable to Meirek Ahmed ; who was compelled to fly for protection into Moghulstaun. Among the events which took place subsequent to the return of Shah Rokh to his capital, it has been thought sufficient to notice the illness and death of Mirza Eyjel, recently appointed to the govern¬ ment of Rey. The person chosen to succeed him was Mirza Aylen- gur the son of Aba Bukker, and grandson of Meiran Shah ; who was accordingly dispatched, accompanied by a respectable train from Khorassaun, to take possession of his government. Next it may be necessary to relate, that during the period at which he was direct¬ ing his march towards Isfahaun, Ameir Bostaum, who then resided • Cth of October 1414. 527 at his jagueir of Sultaiiniah under the authority of Kara Yiissuf, had embraced tiie opportunity of conveying his submission to Shah Rokh ; in consequence of which, the Turkomaun chief some time afterwards indicating a design to attack the fortress of SQltauniah, Bostaum thought it prudent to abandon his government, and hastened to place himself under the protection of Saud-e- Wokauss, at Komm. With great alleged simplicity, or want of judgment, the latter prince con¬ ceived it proper to imprison the fugitive Ameir; only dispatching to announce the circumstance to Shah Rokh. Entirely disapproving of this impolitic step, with which he was made acquainted on the 10th of the former Rebbeia, of the year eight hundred and eighteen,* the Shah transmitted orders that Bostaum should be instantly set at large; at the same lime conveying a letter to the imprisoned chief, apolo¬ gizing, and condoling with him, on the unauthorized harshness of his treatment. So far, however, from yielding the slightest attention to, such orders, Saud-e-Wokauss, seduced by the evil counsels of some profligates about his person, immediately went over to join K^ra Yussuf, the enemy of his family, taking Ameir Bostaum a prisoner in his train ; and he was received, with equal kindness and distinction,, by the Turkomaun., Another of the occurrences which marked the crisis under consi¬ deration, was the disloyal design of invading the government of Shirauz, into which the gallant Mirza Baykera of Hamadaun was persuaded by the imprudent counsels, and yet unextinguished ambition of his. brother Eskunder ; who had been permitted to pass his days under his protection, from the period at which he was deprived of the blessing of sight, by Mirza Rustumi The latter prince receiving, however, intelligence of the design and march of the brothers, imme¬ diately employed a chosen detachment to way-lay them; and the, troops thus dispatched falling in with those of Mirza Baykera, in the neighborhood of Jerbaudtgan, his brother Eskunder again became a prisoner with his enemies, and was immediatedy conveyed to Isfahaun, where he was placed in safe custody. This misfortune produced considerable indecision in the proceedings of Mirza Baykera, and he remained, for some days, stationary at Kundemauu, the position of, • IPth of May 1415. A.H. 818. A. D. 1415. Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. 528 A.H. 818. A. D. 1415. Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. which w,e have not hitherto been able to ascertain ; but the ardent spirit of conquest again reanimating his bosom, he resumed his march for Shirauz. In the mean time, fully af)prized of his intentions, Mirza Ibrauhim Sultan, at the head of a numerous and well appoint¬ ed army, was advancing from that city to oppose him, and at the sta¬ tion of Beyza, perhaps Obedah, the two kinsmen came to a battle; Mirza Baykera, with the small body of troops under his standard, the greater part without defensive armour of any description, preparino- for the conflict, with all the precision of maturer discipline, and more powerful resources. At the first onset, Ibrauhim Sultan ‘com¬ pletely drove before him the right and left wings of his adversary ; but Ameir Jullaul-ud-dein Abu Skeid, who commanded the right wing of Mirza Baykera, hastening to the support of his prince in ^the centre, instead of quitting the field of battle with the fugitives, Bay¬ kera, with admirable promptitude and intrepidity of mind, immedi¬ ately determined in conjunction with AbuSaeid, to make a desperate push against the main body of the troops of Shirauz, and succeeded to the utmost of his expectations. Ibrauhim Sultan was unable to withstand the fury of this onset, and, retiring from the field, made the best of his way towards Aberkouh; whither he had already had the precaution to dispatch his mother, together with the most valuable of his eflPects, from Shirauz. In consequence of his victory, Mirza Baykera entered that city, the metropolis of Suliman as it is fre¬ quently denominated by the Orientals, without further opposition, towards the latter end of the former Rebbeia, of the eight hundred and eighteenth of the hidjerah.* In the mean time, Mirza Rustum at Isfahaun, had taken care to dispatch the unfortunate cause of these evils, his brother Eskundet, to explore the regions of another world. When, On the other hand, intelligence of these unlooked for chan¬ ges was rt ceived at the court of Shah Rokh, that monarch proceed¬ ed without delay to deliberate, w ith his ministers, on the measures to be pursued for the speedy re-establishment of his authority ; and having soon assembled a very powerful army for that purpose, he took his departure lor Shirauz, by the apparently circuitous route of * Beginningof June 14i5. 529 Jvjum, Bestanm, Rey, Komm, Kashaun, and Tsfahaun, on the 17th of the latter JumiTiaudy, of the same year;* Mirza Ibrauhim Sul¬ tan having been already sent in advance with a respectable force, in the hope of being able to reduce his revolted kinsman to his duty. In the course of the march a dispatch from Olugh Beg at Samarkand, announced the death of Mahommed Khaun, monarch of Moghulstaun, and the accession of Nekhsh-e-jahaun, grandson of Khezzer Khoujah Oghlan, to the throne of Moghul Tartary. To proceed, however, with the narrative, Mirza Baykera, rejecting all thoughts of accommodation, had shut himself up in Shirauz, in the belief that Shah Rokh was not in person with his army ; but when, in consequence of a communication from Mirza Ibrauhim, that mon¬ arch appeared himself in the neighborhood, Mirza Baykera could no longer affect to doubt the circumstance, and immediately gave him¬ self up to the most discouraging apprehensions. Under more favora¬ ble circumstances having, however, cultivated a very intimate friend¬ ship with Mirza Baysungur, one of the sons of the Shah, he conceived the expedient of employing his faithful dependent Abu Saeid, recently mentioned, to endeavor to persuade that young prince to become bis mediator for pardon with bis father. Mirza Baysungur experi¬ enced no difficulty in introducing Abu Saeid to the presence of his father, to whom he communicated, without reserve, the object of his visit. The agent was very favorably received by Shah Rokh, who evinced afresh the natural clemency of his disposition, by readily yielding to the intercession of his son, in behalf of his revolted kins¬ man; whose guilt he then promised to consign to oblivion. Return¬ ing immediately to Shirauz, Ameir Abu Saeid communicated without delay to Mirza Baykera, the encouraging result of his mission ; and on Sunday evening, accordingly, of the 5th of Ramzaunjj*, the latter prince hastened from the city, to present himself to his uncle; who, so far faithful to his engagement, forbore to offer the slightest injury to the person of the shahz£idah. But to guard against any future at¬ tempts of his ambition, he dispatched him in the custody of those in. * 23r(l of August 1415. Our immortal Harry V. lauded in France ou tUe Ist of August of tlie same jear. t 8(h of November 1415. 3 Y. A. H. fns. A. D. 1415. - Kholausset ul- aklibaur- ▼ OL. III. 530 A. H. 018 in. A. D. 1415 16. Kholausset-ui' akhbaur. whom he could safely confide to Kandahaur; where he was destined 'to remain under the supervision- of Mirza Keydou the son of Peif ^Mahommed Jahangueir. Shah Rokh continued at Shirauz for the remaining part of the month of Ramzaun ; restoring the government of that city, and the province of Farss, to his son Ibrauhim Sultan. At the same time, he conceived it prudent to consign the territory and cities of Komm, Kashaun, Rey, and RCistuiiidaur,to the boundaries of Guilin, to the able ma¬ nagement of the veteran Eliauss, or Elias Khaujah-^probably as the best qualified to resist the encroachments of K^ra Yfissuf, and the Turkomauns, Having then made a short excursion to Kauzerun,at the foot of the mountains, in order to visit the tomb of Sultan Sheikh Abu lshauk,and of other celebrated Peirs in that district, the Shah finally quitted Shirauz, directing his march towards Kermaun, with the design of reducing the whole of that province under his authority. But on reaching Seirjaun, Seyud Shums>ud-dera Ally the Bemmian repaired to his presence, in behalf of Sultan Aw'eiss, the ruler of the country, to implore that, in compassion to the inhabitants, he would continue his march for Khorassaun, without entering the province ; and engaging, in that case, by all the means in his power, at a proper period, to conduct the Sultan to do unqualified homage in his pre¬ sence. Incompliance with the intreaties of this Seyud, Shah Rokh, immediately recalled the detachments which had been already sent off towards Jireft, and the Gurrumseyr, and withdrew through the desert, into Khorassaun; returning to Herht in the middle of Mohurrem, of the eight hundred and nineteenth of the hidjerah,* We cannot here omit to observe, from the Rouzut-us-suffa, that during the SlSth of the hidjerah, Shah Rokh ordered the castle of Ekhtiaur-ud-dein, con¬ tiguous to the northern wall of Her^t and originally erected by Melek Fakher-ud-dein of the race of Guerret, but subsequently demolished by Teymur, to be entirely rebuilt from the foundations; a labour which, according'to some written memorials that escaped the ravages of time, required the exertions of no less than seven hundred thousand work¬ men to carry to its accomplishment — but for what period is not exactly ‘explained. * Middle of March 1416. 531 It was onhis return from Shirauz, on this occasion, that Shah Rokh invested his son Baysungur, with the important office of first minister of his Diwaun — president of the council of state perhaps — which he retained, with equal credit to himself and advantage to the people, during the remainder of his life. Much about the same crisis, Mirza Meirek Ahmed the son of Omar Sheikh, whom we have recently mentioned as having been constrained to retire into Moghulstaun, in consequence of hostilities with Olugh Beg, thought it prudent to return and claim the protection of the Shah, who received him with equal kindness and indulgence. Nevertheless, a very short time” afterwards, he was detected in concert with Mirza Aylengur, one of the grandsons of Meiran Shah, hatching fresh plots of sedition and hostility, which did not, however, escape the vigilance of, his protec¬ tor. While he was engaged in developing the mazes, and provid¬ ing against the effects of this plan of treason and ingratitude, Shah Rokh received a dispatch also from Mirza Keydou, at Kandahaur, in which that prince announced a conspiracy against himself on the part of Mirza Baykera, in consequence of which, he had found it expedient to place his person under restraint, until he should receive instruc¬ tions from Herat, in what manner he was to be further disposed of. In reply to this, Mirza Keydou was, desired to convey his turbulent kinsman across the Indus, with permission to proceed to whatever quarter he chose in that direction. With regard to Mirza Meirek Ahmed, and the associate of his designs Mirza Aylengur, the former was significantly advised to make the pilgrimage. to Mekkah, and the latter to try the effect of a voyage to sea ; and proper persons were employed to take care that they disposed of themselves, precisely in the manner thus indicated to them. At all events, they are described to have departed, never after to be heard of. With respect to Mirza Baykera, Mirza Keydou ventured to deviate from the letter of hig' instructions, by declining the hazard of dismissing that prince to take his range among the nations on the other side the Indus ; on the con¬ trary, when Shah Rokh was on his march towards Kandahaur, du¬ ring the eight hundred and twentieth of the hidjerah, the captive, prince was conveyed, in conformity with subsequent orders, to the . royal camp, from whence he was immediately sent towards Samarkand;; and of.him also we have no further information,. A. H*819. A. D. 141G. Kholausset-ul - akhbaur. 532 A. H.819. A. D. 141G Kholansset nl- aklibaur. It has been recently observed, that a certain Seyud Shums-ud-dein Bemrni had undertaken, at a particular period, to conduct Sultan Avveiss of Kermaun, to the presence of Shah Rokh, provided the royal armies should be made to withdraw, without committing further depredations upon the inhabitants. It now appears, that on returning from his interview with the Shah to the Capital of Kermaun, the Seyud found, nevertheless, that his influence was not sufficiently strong with the Sultan, to prevail upon him to accompany him to court; and he was therefore constrained to proceed to Her^t alone, in order to report his failure. This, as might have been expected, produced considerable res* ntment in the mind of Shah Kokh ; and the Ameirs Ibrauliim son ot Jahaun Shah Bt'rlas, and Hussun Souffy Terkhan, with the governors of Ferah and Seiestaun, at the head ofa powerful body of troops, were directed, by that monarch, to proceed immediately to the effectual reduction of Kermaun. Having entered the province accordingly, these chiefs compelled the Sultan to snut himself up in his capital, in which he was some time afterwards closely invested. When, however, he had sustained a siege of seventy days, Sultan Aweiss sent a deputation to propose that his besiegers should again withdraw; and, provided their sovereign would promise on his part once more to forgive his disobedience, to engage now most faithfully to convey hvmself,in a posture the most humble and abject, to do homage of duty in the royal presence. These proposals were transmitted to court, without delay, by the besieging generals ; and they were informed, in reply, that if Sultan Aweiss were truly sincere in his professions, it behoved him immediately to dispatch a person in his confidence to Heilt, in order to furnish some pledge for the performance of his engagements — in which case the besieging army might suspend their operations; otherwise they were on no consider¬ ation whatever to quit Kermaun, until the capital was actually in their possession. The orders which they had received were punc¬ tually made known to Sfiltan Aweiss, by the generals of Shah Rokh, and that chief accordingly fixed upon Sheikh Hussun, an officer in his confidence, to proceed to the presence of the Shah as he had been required to do; and the agent thus employed having been ad¬ mitted 'to an interview with the monarch, on his arrival at Her^, 533 experienced but little difficulty in obtaining from him a solemn en¬ gagement, on oath, that so far from entertaining any design hostile to the person of the Sultan, he should treat him with distinguished kindness, whenever he chose to make his appearance. The agent re¬ turned immediately into Kermaun ; and having faithfully advertised Sultan Avveiss of all that had occurred during his mission, the latter divested himself of all further apprehension, and repaired to Herat; where, according to our author, he experienced from Shah Rokh, the most abundant proof of the benevolent and bounteous disposition of that monarch. Some months afterwards, it however appears, that he was conducted to pass his days in exile at Samarkand. So far back as the beginning of the former Rebbeia,* Shah Beh^-ud- dein Yengui Shah, one of the princes of Buddukhshaun, had arrived at Herat, to complain of the disturbances occasioned in that country, through the refractory and licentious measures pursued by his brothers* In consequence of this it was determined, on the part of Sliah Rokh, to confer the government of that inaccessible province upon his son Seyurghetmesh, at this period about nineteen years of age ; and accor¬ dingly, towards the close of the same year, the eight hundred and nineteenth of the hifljerah,-]' he was disspatched, accompanied by the above-mentioned Yengui Shah, to take possession. Towards the end of the latter Rebbeia of the year 820, J the author of the Rouzut- us-suffa notices the honorable dismission of a second embassy from Daeyniing Khaun, the emperor of China, with suitable presents for that monarch ; after having participated in a sumptuous entertainment given to Olugh Beg, at this period on a visit at his father’s court, from Samarkand; and, on the 10th of the former Jummaudy,§ we find recorded the birth of Alla-ud-doulah, one of the sons of Mirza Baysungur, who w'ill be frequently mentioned hereafter. On the 10th of Rudjub of the same year,]] Shah Rokh proceeded from He¬ rat on an expedition towards Kandahaur, destined to the chastise¬ ment of the Afghan, and tiazaurah tribes, in that neighborhood. On the 14th of Shabaun,** he encamped on the river Heirmund, and was there joined by his son Seyurghetmesh, accompanied by the • May 1416. f January 1417. J Beginiiii)s;of June 1417. ^ 15lli of June 1417. H 22nd of August. ** 25th of September. A. H. 01920. A 1). 1417. Kliolaiisset-Hil- akhbaur. A. H. 020. A. D. 1417. Kho)aiisset-ul- akbbaur. A-meifs Ibraubim son of Jahaun Shabj and Nousbirvaun, from Bud-- dukshaun, which he appears to have placed under the authority of the same Yengui Shah already described,; and on the 22d of the same month, Shah Rokh arrived in the vicinity of Kandahaur. In the following month of Ramzaun,* a deputation composed of the chief magistrates, and principal inhabitants of Gheznein, appeared to do homage to the authority of the Shah ; but soon afterwards, a person from the camp of Mirza Keydou brought intelligence that that prince had suddenly, and unaccountably, withdrawn himself from the same authority. This information was received with an appear¬ ance of indifference by Shah Rokh, who merely observed that Key- dou had peradventure been seized with some absurd and groundless^ alarm, without considering it. at all necessary to order any one in pursuit of the fugitive. On the 9th of the same month of Ramzaun a second messenger arrived to announce that, neither at Kabul nor Gheznein, was there left a vestige of or any one belonging to the ab¬ sconded Mirza ; and Ameir Ibrauhim the son of Jahaun Shah was then, and not before, dispatched to that quarter, with instructions,, should the misguided prince make his appearance, to invite him to an accommodation.; to which, if he acceded, Ameir Ibrauhim was, without further advice, to invest him with the government of Ghez.- nein ; otherwise, he was to take possession of the whole of the coun.- try, in behalf of the Shah, In the mean time, presents to a considerable extent, in horses and camels, were conveyed to court on the part of the chiefs of the Ha- zaurah districts, together with concessions sufficiently satisfactory on the subject of tribute and allegiance; after which, Shah Rokh returned from Kandahaur to the banks of the Heirmund, where he had determined to take up his winter quarters. During the period in which he remained in cantonments on that river, he suffered by a fall from his horse, some material injury in one of his arms, or perhaps hands ; and a certain Oustaud Meirug,. eminent for his skill in surgery, although, by profession, an artificer of bows and arrows, was sent for in all haste from Herat, in order to undertake the cure ; which he ap¬ pears to have accomplished without much difficulty. It was during^ * l.3tUof October, 535 tiie same period of inaction, that the office of Vezzeir was lodged in the hands of Gheyauth-ud-dein Peir Ahmed, of Khawauf, by whom it was retained to the very conclusion of the reign of Shah Rokh. Ameir Ibrauhim the son of Jahaun Shah had, towards the end of the month of Ramzaun,* already returned from his mission towards Ka¬ bul and Gheznein, and announced that Mirza Keydou was on his way to the royal presence, in order to make his submission. Ameir Sheikh Lukman Berlaus, on the contrary, who had been dispatched among the Hazaurah tribes, in order to collect the stipulated tribute, transmitted information that, after a residence of several days, instead of fnlfilling their engagements, he found them disposed, under every possible pretext, to protract and elude the payments for which they had pledged themselves. In consequence of this, the Ameirs Ma- hommed Souffy, and Moussa, were necessarily employed, by order of the Shah, to over-run and lay waste the country; which having exe¬ cuted, and further sufficiently chastised the insolence of these re¬ fractory hordes, they rejoined the camp of their sovereign on the Heirmund. At the commencement of the spring, or moderate season, of the 821st of the hidjerah, Shah Rokh nominated Mirza Sunjur, another of the sons of Peir Mahommed Jahangueir, assisted by the Ameirs Yadgaur Shah Erlaut, Feyrouz Shah, and Alleikah, to maintain good order and tranquillity in this quarter ; with instructions, when Mirza Keydou should present himself in conformity with his promise, to conduct him to Herat ; otherwise, to employ the force under his au¬ thority, in order to seize and bring him to court by compulsion. Shah Rokh then broke up from his winter quarters ; and, proceeding into Khorassaun, entered the capital on the second day of Mohurrem,of the year just mentioned.! the early part of the former Rebbeia,+ in¬ telligence was received of the death, in Azerbaijaun, of Mirza Saud-e- Wokauss, the son of Mahommed Sultan, son of Jahangueir ; of whose ill-advised and unprovoked flight from Komm, and defection to K^ra Yussuf, notice was formerly taken. In the mean time, the Ameirs employed in the government of Kandahaur succeeded at last, in pre- * Beginning of November A. D. 1417. f 8th of February 1418. ' 4 Beginning of April A. II. 820 21, A. D. 1417 18. Khoiausset-ub' akhbaur. 53G A.H. Of?l. A. 1). 14 U?. Khol aiisset-iil- aklibaur. vailinp- upon Mirza Keydou to accompany them to the presence of, his uncle; and being soon afterwards, accordingly, conducted to. Herat, he there appears to have experienced from Shah Rokh,'those proofs of regard and indulgence, which, from his dilatory and evasive conduct, he had possibly little reason to expect. Shortly afterwards, information was received that the Shahs, or petty princes of Bud- dukhshaun, w'ere again in a state of revolt ; in consequence of which, Mirza Seyurghetmesh was a second time dispatched to that quarter, accompanied by some of the most distinguished Ameirs of Khoras- saun, together with a body of troops collected from the provinces of Kandahaur, Bakalaun, and Arheng, in order to reduce these refrac¬ tory mountain chiefs once more to their allegiance. When the Shahzadah had, however, reached the station of Keshem, and had been further reinforced by five thousand of the troops of Transoxiana, the son of Shah Beh^i-ud-dein, the paramount prince of the country, sent his a 1441.. A.H. 843 845. A. D. 1439 1442, Kholausset-uU akhbaur. 558 A. H. 845 46 A. D 1442. Kholausset ul> akhbaur. into that metropolis, with every mark of filial respect and tenderness, by Olugh Beg. When she had remained for some days at Samarkand, to partake in the attentions of filial affection, A bdullutteif consented at last, to accompany his grandmother on her return into Khorassaun; and they accordingly arrived together at Herat, on the 4th ofShavauI, of the year eight hundred and forty- five.* Early in the followibg year, the eight hundred and forty-sixth of the hidjerah,*]’ on intelligence that Melek Keyomarss, the chief of Rustumdaur, had withdrawn from his allegiance, and even com¬ menced hostilities, by dispatching a force to attempt the reduction of Rey and its dependencies, Shah Rokh, at the head of his troops, pro¬ ceeded immediately to that quarter. When he had, however, prose¬ cuted his march to the westward of Neyshapfir, 'messenger upon mes¬ senger, from Keyomarss, arrived to deprecate the vrrath of the offended monarch, and to propose the most abject terms of submission; which were, in short, -finally accepted on the part of Shah Rokh. In the mean time, a question had been agitated, in a'council of his ministers and principal officers, by Shah Rokh, as to the arrangement best calcu¬ lated to promote the permanent security of his possessions in Irak Ajem ; and it had been determined that one of the princes of the blood royal, should be selected to take charge of that troublesome and important government. Ameir Jullaubud-dein Feyrouz Shah, who had, at this crisis, established an almost unbounded influence over the affairs of the monarchy, embraced the opportunity to communi¬ cate that, a short time before, a certain Sheikh Beha-ud-dein Omar, on his ret'irn from Hejauz, happening to sleep near the sepulchre of Sheikh A limed ‘Ghazauly, at Kazvein, that venerated personage had appeared to him in a dream, and announced that the saints, or spirits in the abodes of the blessed, had nominated Mirza Sultan Ahmed, or rather Mahommed, the son of Mirza Baysungur, to the govern¬ ment of Irak. To this intimation, on the part of his sagacious min¬ ister, Shah Rokh yielded an attentive ear; and Mirza Sultan Mahom- iP.ed was accoidingly dismissed with a competent force, and the usual insignia of authority, to possess himself of the government of Sultau- .uiah, Kazvein, and Rey. The Shahzadah hastened witiujut delay, to * d4th ul' February 1442. t Couimeuciug lltb of May 1442. 559 carry into execution the objects of his appointment; and in the course A. H. 846. of a short time, he succeeded in reducing to their obedience the re- fractory chiefs of the surrounding territory, who had possibly availed akhbaur. themselves, as usual, of the relaxation of the regular authority, to in-^ dulge in speculations of ambition and independence. Nevertheless, before he had been for a period of any duration in possession of his pow¬ er, Mirza Sultan Mahommed, as it is alleged, in direct defiance of his instructions, proceeded to appropriate to himself the revenues of seve¬ ral of the adjoining districts, and to betray similar designs of indepen¬ dent authority . In consequerice of this, his government was, some time afterwards, abridged to that of Kazvein and Sultauniah alone, with an interdiction from extending his interference any further. Having, however, brought the dispute with Keyomarss, to a satisfactory ter¬ mination, Shah Rokh returned without further contingency to his capital of Her^t. The infirmities of age had, probably by this time, produced their Rouzut-us- ordinary effect in diminishing the activity, and impairing the mental energies of Shah Rokh; since we find it here remarked, that the pre¬ dominance of the minister Feyrouz Shah, and his intrusive interfer¬ ence in every branch of government, had now surpassed all bounds of moderation — no officer or agent of any description, of his appoint¬ ment, being removable by any other authority than his own. And although the usurpation was not less obvious, than obnoxious to his sovereign, yet no other individual of the first class of nobility, being equally habituated, or indeed qualified, to direct the complicated movi uients of the machine of.government, he conceived it expedient to dissemble his dis-pleasure, and to connive at the presumption of his minister. Under these circumstances, it happened that Seyud Em- maud- ud dein Mahmoud, a nfaii adorned by every virtuous and every polite accomplishment, and whose father, Zey ne-ul-aubbedein, had, for many years, discharged the duties of.the Vizzauruf, under the authority of the invincible Teymfir, should have advanced, in the course of the eight hundred and torty-sixth of the hidjerah, so consi¬ derably in the favor of Shah Rokh, as to awaken the utmost degree > of jealousy among the members of the court. It was by this ignoble ^ motive actuated that Feyrouz Shah, in order to remove this respect-- 560 A. H. 840, A. D. 1442. Roiizut-us- sufia. Seyud out of the way, invested him with a commission to adjust some affairs in the province of Balkh ; of which, in spite of all he could urge to decline it, and of his sovereign’s acknowledged wish that he should be promoted to some appointment of superior trust and dignity, he was constrained to accept. Se^-ud Emmaud-ud-dein proceeded accordingly to Balkh ; and it happened, moreover, in the course of the same year, that Mirza Ma- hommed Jouky should also have taken up his winter quarters in that city. From his communication with the inhabitants, however, it soon became known to that prince, that the agents of Feyrouz Shah had established so uncontrolable an ascendancy over the whole province, that a just proportion of the revenues could seldom, if ever, be conveyed to the treasury of the state; and that the individual ex¬ ertions of Emmaud-ud-dein could, therefore, but little avail to rectify the evil. A royal mandate was, by some means or other, accordingly procured, directing the Seyud, under the superintendance of Mahom- med Jouky, immediately to make up a full account of the revenues of the province for the last three years; it being, at the same time, notorious that the prince was already grievously offended with the conduct of Ameir Feyrouz Shah. In the mean time, information was received from Ir^k, that Mirza Sultan Mahommed had levied the most oppressive exactions upon the districts of his tenure, and that the inhabitants were grievously persecuted by his lieutenants, and their subordinate agents. As a mark of his displeasure, a man¬ date was therefore issued, by Shah Rokh, to declare that the govern¬ ments of Sultauniah, and Kazvein, were of themselves more than amply sufficient, to defray the expences of any establishment that could be necessary for the support of his station, w'hether in point of splendor or authority; and to caution him, very significantly, against interfering in any shape, with the districts beyond the limits of those particular governments Shums-ud-dein Mahommed, a Bokharian, was dispatched, at the same time, to take charge of the districts thus withdrawn from the jurisdiction of Sultan Mahommed. On the death mf Khaujah Moazz-ud-dein Melek the Semnaunian at Shir- auz, much about the same crisis, the government of that city, and of all Fars, was conferred by the authority of Shah Rokh, upon Sheikh 561 Mohebb-ud-dein Abulkheyre, notwitlistanding some recent heavy complaints against his conduct. The narrative now conveys us to the eight hundred and forty eighth of the hidjerah,* in the course of which Shah Rokh was destined to suffer under the attack of some severe and dangerous malady, which appeared, for some time, to baffle the skill of his physicians. While the danger of the monarch kept the hearts of all men in a state of suspense and alarm, Baha-ud-dein Sheikh Omar, who had recently returned from a pilgrimage to Mekkah, one friday as he was coming from his devotions, proceeded to visit the suffering prince; who had not opened his lips for a period of three days and as many nights successively. He, however, saluted the pious Sheikh, the moment he was announced ; and the latter in returning the salute, raised his hands to heaven to supplicate for his restoration to health. The monarch then besought the Sheikh, with his benediction, to bestow upon him some article from about his person; on which he immedi¬ ately took the destaur, or turban, from his head, and laid it before the Shah. That same day the complaint took a favorable turn, and, shortly afterwards, was entirely removed. In consequence of this, a canopy, or pall, of the richest materials, and the most elaborate workmanship, was directed, by the Shah, to be prepared for the temple at Mekkah; and when finished, was conveyed, in charge of Sheikh Nur-ud-dein Mahornmed ul Murshedv, and Moulana Shums-ud-dein Mahommed of Ebher, by the route of Egypt, to that sacred sanctuary of their faith. The two agents were enabled to discharge their mission to the general satisfaction; and, having laid the canopy over the dome of the Kaaubah, at a subsequent period returned safe to Herat. Dur¬ ing the same year occurred the death, under the displeasure of his sovereign, of the minister Feyrouz Shah ; who, notwithstanding his unrestrainable ambition, is yet acknowledged to have been a just, be nevolent, and virtuous nobleman, and a most liberal patron of genius and learning. The S tSth of the hidjerah proved also fatal to Mirza Mahommed Jouky,the fifth son of Shah Rokh; who, pursued by the jealousy and uncourteous treatment of the queen-consort Gouher- shaud Aga, whose influence was exclusively directed to promote the • Coniiiieuciug 19th of April A. D. 1444. 4 C A.H. 816-848 A,jD 1442 1444, Kli')laiisset-ul- akhbaur. VOL. Ill, 562 A.H.848- ».9 interests of bis nephews, Alla-ud-doulah and AbdullAtteif, who had A.D. 1444 i445. passed bis time in mortification and disappointment, and who ter- min'ated his earthly career about this period, at the town of Serkhess. His death occasioned the deepest concern to his now aged father, and his body was conveyed to Herat; where it was committed to the grave, by the side of his brother Baysungur. According to the author of the Rouzut-us.suffa, Mirza Mahommed Jouky was a prince of the* most exalted magnanimity, courage, and prudence, and in every res¬ pect eminently cjualified to have shed, had he survived, the brightest lustre on the throne of Persia. It appears,, that soon after Mirza Sultan Mahommed the son of, Baysungur had been placed by his grandfather, at the suggestion of the minister Feyrouz Shah, as recently described, in the vice-ro> alty of part of the territory of Irak Ajem, a numerous concourse of adven¬ turers from various parts of the empire resorted. to his court; and they were entertained by the shahzhdah, wdth a liberality,, that in a short time exhausted his means, and rendered his expenditure far beyond the receipts of his treasury. In these circumstances, reports were circulated, perhaps studiously, in liak, of the illness and reduced state of Shah Rokh; many of the turbulent and disalFected persuading the prince, that his grandfather was no longer able to move from his capital. Hence, Mirza Sultan Mahommed was easily led to conceive it a favorable opportunity, to possess himself of the rich and noble fifovernments of Istahaun, and Sliirauz. Accordingly, some time du- ring the eight hundred and forty ninth of the hidjerah,* he suddenly appe ared before Isfahaun, of w'hich he made himself master w'ithout great difficulty; seizing, and throwing into prison Ameir Saudut the son of Khkwend Shah, and nephew of the late minister Feyrouz Shah, W'ho had succeeded to the government, on the death of Mirza Rustum. Having taken the necessary precautions to provide for the security of this important acquisition, and by various methods made a prodi¬ gious accumulation of treasure, the shahzadah proceeded towards Shir- auz. That city had, however, been timely secured against him, by Mi rza Abdullah, the son of the late Mirza Ibrauhim Sultan ; who pre¬ pared to defend his post with resolution, and dispatched the earliest intelligence to Herat, to announce his danger. • Comnieucing 8th of April 1446. 563 In consequence of this information, some time during the eight hundred and fiftieth year of the hidjerah,* Shah Rokh,in spite of the accumulating infirmities of age and declining health, felt himself equally impelled, by the desire of vindicating his authority, and by the importunities of his consort Gouher-shaud Begum, to march once more into Irak Ajem, confiding the government of his capital to his grandson Alla-ud-doulah, the eldest son of Mirza Baysungur. When, by the usual route of Neyshapur and Semnaun, he had conducted his troops again to the neighborhood of Rey, it was found advisable to dispatch the Ameirs Sultan Shah Berlas, Sheikh Abulfuzzul' the son of Alleikah Koukeltaush, and Mahommed the son of Feyrouz Shah, in advance of the main body of the army. On the other hand it ap¬ pears, that as soon as he became apprized of the approach of his grand¬ father, Mirza Sultan Mahommed abandoned, without hesitation, his projects of independent power; and with a few of his followers retired in haste, from before Shirauz, into the province of Lurrestaun. The retreat of his grandson seems to have rendered the presence of Shah Rokh no longer necessary in that quarter; and, accordingly, after having proceeded great part of the way towards Shirauz, he returned to take up his abode for a short time at Isfahaun. While he remained in that city, he gave orders for the arrest of many of the Seyuds and native chiefsof the province; who had imprudently espoused the cause of Sultan Mahommed, and were many of them nowmade to expiatetheir offence, under the arm of the executioner. This was about the mid¬ dle ofthe month of Ramzaun.-j* Among those implicated in the charge of embracing the Interests of Mirza S<an Mahommed, on this oc¬ casion, we find the name of Moulana Shurf-ud-dein A lly the Yezdian, the eloquent, and, as he is here termed, the veracious author of the Zuffur-n&mah. He was, however, preserved from the punishment inflicted on the associates of his inrliscretion, by the interference and address of Mirza Abdullhtteif ; through whose contrivance he was removed to Herat. In the mean time, Shah Rokh returned to the neghborhood of Rey, where he proposed to pass the winter. Towards the conclusion of that season, he dispatched the Ameirs Shitan Shah Berlas, Sheikh * Commencing 28th of March 1446. t Beginning of December 1446. A. H. 849 850. A, D. 1445-1446. Kliolansset-ul- akhbaur. A. H. 849 050. A. D 1447 Kholausset-ul akhbaur. 5Gt Abfilfuzzu], and Ahmed the son of Feyrouz Shah, again, either by fair'- means, or by compulsion, to bring the refractory Mirza Sbltan Ma- homrned to his presence. Of these, by some happier effort, the Ameir Sheikh Abulfuzzul obtained the start, in conveying himself to the re¬ sidence of the shahzadah; vrhom, by wholesome counsels, and argu¬ ments convincing to the understanding, he finally reconciled to the prudent alternative of returning to his allegiance, and, by his future dutiful behavior, to make every reparation for the past. But, in the midst of these conciliatory arrangements, an event occurred, which, however naturally to be expected, does not yet appear to have seri¬ ously entered the contemplation of the numerous individuals so deeply interested in the result. During the period in which he continued encamped in the neigh¬ borhood of Rey, Shah Rokh had occasionally complained of a disorder inhis bowels, and of a general debility of constitution. But, on Sunday morning the 95th of Zilhudje, of the eight hundred and fiftieth of the hidjerah,* having taken a laxative medicine, and mounting his mule to go on a visit of devotion, to the tombs of some of the departed Sheikhs in the fortress of Teberrek, or Tebarek, some distance to the north-east of Rey, he had not proceeded far on his way, when the animal on which he rode became restive, and he found himself con¬ strained, from excess of weakness, to take to his litter. At the same lime, the complaint in his bowels increasing to a violent degree, the Shah and his attendants were compelled to return without delay ; but, before he could again reach the imperial pavilion, this respectable and august monarch had resigned his soul to the mercy of his Creator. He had attained to the age of sixty-nine years, four mouths, and^ twenty-four days, and had governed with paramount sway over the dominions of the Persian empire, reckoning from the death of his father, for a period of forty-two years, and twenty-four days; not including the period of seven years, during which he had previously presided over the province of Khorassaun, as his father’s lieutenant. He appears, from the events of his reign, to have been a monarch of singulargood senseand moderation, and his government, if we set aside the circumstances under which he was, on some occasions, compelled • 13th of March 1447. 565 to draw the sword against the ambitious projects of his own relatives, A. H. 850. must be acknowledged to exhibit a period of enviable prosperity and ^ 0-1447. substantial glory. Extending over the greater part of the ancient akhbrur,^ Persian monarchy, his authority was obeyed, either immediately, or through the agency of his sons, nephews, or grandsons, through the vast territory included between the mountains of Irkk Ajem, and the Indus, east and west, the KQrr, the Caspian, and the SeyhAn, north, and the province of Mekraun, and the Arabian sea, or sea of Omman, on the south. A glance at the map of Asia will at once convey to the eye of the reader the extensive outline of this spacious domain; but almost immediately on his demise, as must generally be the case where the will of the monarch is the law of the land, this noble fabric fell to pieces, at the baneful touch of, domestic dissention, and the rival ambition of contending fathers, sons, and brothers — the blessed and uniform result of the absurd system of polygamy.*' • Of the fortuitous policy which has for ages governed, and still continues to weigh down the destiny of the Persian Empire, so eminently calculated, by the advantages of an auspicious climate, and by the genius and manly spirit of the natives, to rank with the most i powerful and illustrious couniries on earth, the reader will find ample testimony in *'The History of Persia,” recently published by Sir John Malcolm; a work which reflects no less credit on the ability and practical attainments of the author, than on the application which, amidst the official duties of many very troublesome and arduous missions, could i command sufficient leisure for the prosecution of so elaborate a performance. . 566 A. H, 850. A. D. 1447. Kholausset ul- akbbaur. CHAP. XL WHEN the death of Shah Rokh became, on the day following, generally known in the encampment, the greatest disorder and consternation immediately ensued. At the desire of the princess Gouhershaud, however, Mirza Abdullutteif the son of Olugh Beg, hastened without delay, from his station in the right wing, in order to provide, as far as possible, for the general securit}', but, more parti¬ cularly, to preserve subordination in the army. Mirza Baber, on the other hand, the son of Mirza Baysungur, accompanied by Khaleil Sultan, the son of Mahommed, son of Jahangueir, who was the grandson of Shah Rokh, by one of his daughters, took the road to¬ wards Khorassaun ; the troops under the orders of these two princes, at the same time, plundering the Bazars of the encampment, and seizing for themselves every thing they could lay hands on. Three days subsequent to his dissolution, the remains of the departed mon¬ arch were placed on a litter, and conducted, together with the main body of the army, on the way to Hei^it. But, in the course of the march, a seditious faction among the Ameirs having persuaded Mirza Abdullutteif, that Gouhershaud, and the Terkhaunian chiefs, were hatching some treacherous design, the Shahzadah, being already aware of the partiality of that princess towards Alla-ud-doulah, was easily led to give way to the impression. In some of the districts between Rey and Semnaun, he proceeded therefore to plunder the baggage of his widowed grandmother, and of her suspected accom¬ plices the Terkhaunian Ameirs; at the same time, seizing the person of every individual, of whose intentions he did not feel himself per¬ fectly secure. This obnoxious measure was carried into execution on the last ajaj? of Zilhudje but what created universal surprise, was the ex- • 17lb of March, 1447. 567 treme barbarity exhibited, on this occasion, on the part of AbdullAtteif, 4. H. 850-851.' towards the widowed Gouher-shaud ; whom he so entirely bereaved ^ , , , Kholausset-al* other property, that he lelt her not the meanest quadruped, to convey akhbaur. her on her melancholy journey to Herat. In consequence of this- unmanly treatment, she was constrained, when the army resumed its march, to accompany the army on foot, with an ordinary linnen scarf ' throw'n over her head, and a statf in her hand; until a servant of one of the Ameirs of the hostile tribe of Berlas, taking compassion on her forlorn and hapless destiny, who but four days before had commanded millions, scath'd her on his own horse, and thus enabled her to proceed. Abdullutteit appeared shortly afterw^ards before the gates of Dama-- ghaun, which had been closed against him by the person in command.' 1 lie place was, however, immediately attacked and carried by assault, and given up to be plundered by the soldiery. From thence he has¬ tened to Bostaum ; and there he first received intelligence that his kinsman Mirza Baber, on the invitation of Ameir Hindukah Kou- keltaiish, the governor of Jurjaun, had proceeded to that place, and already assumed the sceptre of royalty. Continuing his march to Subbuzwaur, IMirza Abdullutteif w^as next informed that Ameir Sultan Shah Berlaus, and his associates employed 'to bring Mirza Sultan iNIahommed to a sene of his duty, were on their return ; but that one of them, Nizam-ud dein Ahmed the son of Feyrouz Shah^ had proceeded by the route of Tersheiz, directly for Herat. From Subbuzwaur, Abdullutteif now made the best of his way to Neysha- pur ; where he became finally apprized that his other kinsman- AlH- ud-dou!ah, the son of Baysungur, had thrown open the gates of -the roval treasury at Herat, and that a division of the troops, among whom 1/ * he had distributed its contents, were already at Mush-hed, prepared to oppose the attempts of all those who were hostile to his claims on . the sovereign power. In fact, it appears that having received early intelligence of the death of his grandfather, Alla-ud doulah had ascended the throne of Khorassaun at Her^t, towards the commencement of the month of .. Mohurrem, of the eight hundred and fifty-first of the hidjerah ;* rec¬ koning upon the unresisting submission of the brothers, and propos-^-» * Latter eud of Marcli, 1417. 568 A. D. 850 851. A. r». 1447 Kliolausset ui> akhbaur. ing to dispatch some splendid present to purchase the forbearance of his uncle Olugh Beg, the legitimate heir to his father’s power, at Sa¬ markand. But, he no sooner became apprized of the barbarous treat¬ ment to which the dowager Gouhershaud had been exposed, on the part of Abdullutteif, than he determined on immediate hostilities against that prince : and Mirza Salah the son of Mirza Peir Mahom- med, the Shirauzian, together with the Atneirs Weiss and Ahmed Terkhaunians, at the head of a chosen body of troops, was in conse¬ quence dispatched to Mush-hed, to obstruct the designs in that quar¬ ter. Receiving, on their arrival at that place, intelligence of the remissness and unprovided posture of the troops of Abdullutteif, these chiefs immediately determined on an attempt to surprise his camp; and making a forced march, on the night of sunday the 13th of Sulfur,* completely succeeded in their design. The princess Gouhershaud was instantly set at liberty, by the Terkhaunian Ameirs of her party, by whom she was securely conducted to the outskirts of the encampment ; where they drew up their followers without delay, and struck up their music to redouble the alarm. Mirza Abdullutteif, who, to this moment, had remained immersed in sleep, and unconcern, was at last awakened by the unusual uproar, and hastened, as far as possible under such circumstances of confusion, to rally his troops tor battle ; but, his horse dropping down dead in the conflict which ensued, he became a prisoner in the hands of the assailants, who proceeded to pillage his camp without further resis¬ tance. Thus far successful, Mirza Salah, and the Terkhaunian Ameirs, escorting the litter of Gouhershaud, and the remains of the departed Shah Rokb, returned towards Herat. At the town of Jaum, they were met by Alla-ud-doulah ; who had proceeded so tar to do honor to the widow of his grandfather, whose body he thence conducted in solemn state to the metropolis of his dominions. The remains of the departed monarch were soon afterwards deposited, with* all the customary solemnities, in the Gumbez, or mausoleum, of Gouher¬ shaud at Herat, already dedicated to the repose of his son the late Mirza Baysungur ; although at a subsequent period, the body of the * 29lh of April 1447. 569 Shall was again removed by Olugh Beg, and buried by iheside of Tey¬ mur, at Samarkand. In the mean time, Mirza Abdullutteif was impris¬ oned in the citadel of Ekhtiaur-ud dein ; from whence, however, he was not long afterwards released, in consequence of a treaty conclu¬ ded between his father Olugh Beg, and Alla-ud-doulah, the former prince .having qrossed the Oxus and advanced to Balkh, with the design, if it had not been otherwise ordained, of taking possession of Khorassaun. By this treaty, the government of that great pro¬ vince appears, however, to have been formally ceded to All^l-ud- doulah, in consideratson of the immediate enlargement of Abdullut¬ teif, who was invested with that of Balkh the moment he joined his father. Nevertheless, in consequence of a refusal, on his part, to discharge some of the followers of Abdullutteif, who had been taken durino- the disgraceful rout near Neyshapur, the unwarrantable detention of a stipulated share of the treasures of Shah Rokh, which he had faith¬ fully promised to convey to his uncle, and, more immediately, to chastise the enormities committing by his troops at Sheberghaun and Endekhoud, hostilities soon broke out afresh with Alla-ud*doulah; in the course of which the latter was totally defeated, in a battle* near the river Murghaub, by Olugh Begin person, and compelled to withdraw from Khorassaun, the capital of which, shortly afterwards, submitted to the conqueror. But Olugh Beg had no sooner returned to the provinces beyond the Jeyhun, than the metropolis of Herat fell into the hands of the younger brother, Mirza Abulkaussem B&ber, w ho bestowed the district ofToun, by way of perpetual jagueir, for the maintenance of the extruded Alla-ud-doulah ; although, at the suggestion of the evil-disposed, he’ was not long afterwards induced to w ithdraw this bounty, and to place the person of his brother under restraint. Alla-ud-doulah contrived yet, notwithstanding, to effect his escape from confinement into the province of Ghour, and pro- *We cannot omit to remark, that the father ofMeirkhond, the author of the Rouzut-us- suff-^, was in the train of Sheikh Omar, a devout personage of Khorassaun employed on this occasion, by All^ ud-doulah, to intercede for an accommodation with Olhgh Beg; but the battle liad taken place before the mission could reach the camp of that monarch, betweeO Senjaub, and a small station called Tertaub, or Ternaub. A. H. n50^-851. A n 1447 Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. VOL. III. 4 D 570 A. D. 850 851. A. D. 1447. Kiioi’dusset-ul- Hlihbaur, ceeding thence through Seiestaun, finally conveyed himself into Irak Ajem ; from: whence, at a remoter period, he accompanied his other brother Mirza Sultan Mahommed, on his successful expedition into Khorassaun. liut it would indeed be an endless task, were we to pursue the almost interminable detail of those distractions, with which the fran¬ tic ambition of the rival branches of the family of Teymur continued long to agitate, and harass, these beautiful bub devoted regions. We shall therefore hastily pass to the concludrng events of the government of Olugh Beg; whose name will always claim the attention of the oriental reader, from his reputed eminent attainments in science, and more particularly in that of astronomy. Unfortunately, these latter were deeply tainted^ with the absurd speculations of judicial astrology, in the course of which, in casting the nativity of his son Abdullutteif, he had, it seems, discovered that he was destined to experience some fatal injury from tne hands of that prince ; and he had been confirmed in this notion by the repeat¬ ed declaration of Moulana Mahommed Ardestauny, the very wonder of the age in the mysteries of that occult art. Hence the conduct of Olugh Beg, towards Abdullutteif, was distinguished ever afterwards by an unchanging course of unkindness and discouragement ; and all his favors were reserved for the younger brother, Abdulazziz. On the other band, Abdullutteif was sufficiently sensible to the effects of this partiality, although probably not aware of the source; and the seeds of disgust thus mutually implanted were forced to early ma¬ turity, in the bosom of Abdullutteif, by some recent instances of in¬ justice, on the part of the father, subsequent to the battle of Tertaub, the glory of which he sj^emed disposed to ascribe to the exertions of Abdulazziz. Having found it expedient to abandon Her^t, at the approach of his kinsman Baber, Abdullutteif ventured to suspend his retreat at Balkh, and there he finally determined on hostilities against his father ; to which he was more immediately impelled by tiie dis¬ covery, among the papers of Meiran Shah, another of the race of Teymur who had just fallen iUi conflict with him, a letter from Olugh Beg, urging him to attack the, government of his son. Oa this, the first step of Abdullutteif was to destroy the chests of Turn^^ 571 gbais, or charters, issued by his father, to the different retainers pos¬ sibly; after which he assembled his troops, resolving, sword in hand, to justify his unnatural revolt at the hazard of existence. At a piece of intelligence calculated, in ordinary circumstances, to awaken consideiable alarm, Olugh Beg on his part exhibited some symptoms of impatience and agitation ; and, having left Abdulazziz to take care of Samarkand, he hastened without delay at the head of a nu- merous army, to the banks of the Jeyhfm, Abdullutteif being already on the spot to oppose his passage over that river. And in this atti¬ tude, the father and son continued opposed to each other for some time ; while their troops occasionally crossed above and below, and engaged in frequent partial conflicts, in which the advantage is alleg¬ ed to have been, invariably, on the side of Abdullutteif. However, aftermanydayshad been consumed in these fruitlessand unavailinghos- tilities, information was received from Samarkand that Abdulazziz had but ill executed the trust reposed in him ; and that he had dared to stretch his sacrilegious hands against the families of the absent Ameks, and other subjects of his father’s government. In eonse- quenceof this,and in the hopeof restraininghim from these unsanctified violations, Olugh Beg dispatched to admonish him against his un¬ warrantable conduct, without, however, producing the slightest effect. The nobles of his court, therefore, driven to extremity by such un- controlable insolence, on the part of the son, prepared, without further ceremony, to seize the person of the father, in order to deliver him up to Abdullutteif; when, at this very crisis, an event occurred which, fertile as the period was in examples of treason and ingratitude, does not yet seena to have been contemplated without considerable sur¬ prise. , Mirza Sultan Abfi Saeid,* the son of Sultan Mahommed, son of IMeiran Shah, although he had passed the greater part of his life in subordinate attendan-ce on the court of Olfigh Beg, had, however, not the less continued to cherish in his bosom the hope of independent power, whenever an opportunity should offer to gratify his ambition; and the moment in which the father and son were thus opposed to each • We are to bear in mind that this was the lineal ancestor of the Uindustauny branch •f the house of Te^ ruhr. A.H. 851-853, A. D. t447 1449. Kholaiisset-ul- akhbaur. 572. A. H. 851-853, Other in mortal hostility, was that which he considered favorable to the attainment of his object. Having, therefore, prevailed upon ^^^akhbaur the tribe of ArghAn to support him, he boldly unmasked his designs, and marched immediately to Samarkand, As the greater part of the troops of the province had proceeded to the scene of operations on the banks of the Jeyhun, Abdulazziz was destitute of the means of oppos¬ ing him in the field, and was necessarily constrained to shut himself upi behind the walls of the metropolis. Information of the danger was,, however, instantly conveyed to Oiilgh Beg; who, in the midst of his astonishment at an attack so little expected, returned without a mo¬ ment’s delay to the relief of his capital — Sultan Abu Saeid withdraw¬ ing at his approach for the present, and retiring to the territory of his allies ofthe Moghftl tribe of Arghfin. But the absence of Olugh Beg on this occasion afforded, on the other hand, to Abdullutteif, the oppor¬ tunity, of which he immediately availed himself, to cross the Oxus with his whole force, which -he now led on the direct road to Sa^ markand. At the village of Dameshk, on the way to that metropolis from the Oxus, he was opposed by his father, but with a pusillanimity which little corresponds with what we may have been hitherto dis¬ posed to conceive of the character of Olugh Beg; since, in the con¬ flict which took place on this occasion, although posted on a hill which overlooked the field of battle, and doubtless beyond the reach of danger, he prematurely turned his back on the combatants, and ignominiously fled towards Samarkand, before any decision could have been yet formed of the issue ofthe day. At that place, he was des¬ tined to experience a further act of treacherous ingratitude as little expected as any former one; for Meiran Shah Koutchein, whom, from the dust, he had raised to the government of his capital, now perfi¬ diously closed the gates against him, and denied admission on any terms. The unhappy monarch was, therefore, constrained to direct his flight, in the utmost incertitude, towards Shahrokhiah on the Sey- hfin. Here also, receiving intimation that Ibrauhim, the governor of the place, entertained disloyal designs against his person, his resi¬ dence became unsafe; and he returned again, for the last time,' to Samarkand. Arrived in his capital, now in possession of Abdullutteif^. 573 lie Obtained an interview with that rebellious son ; at which some circumstances occurred, of a nature so strange and unprecedented, that the authors from whom we derive the information declare them¬ selves, from shame and indignation, utterly incapable of putting them upon record In conclusion, a person of the name of Abbas, whose father had been on some former occasion put to death by an order from, Olugh Beg, and known to be suborned by Abdullutteif, now presented himself to the pageant whom, in conformitywith the policy of Tey¬ mur, they had raised to the titular dignity of Khaun, and on his knees demanded retribution on the destroyer of his father^ Under such circumstances a mandate was issued, in the name of this titularKhaun, directing that the charge should be submitted to the usual course of investigation ; and a Fetwa, or judicial decree, was accordingly drawn up under the authority of all the ulema of Samarkand, declaring that Gliigh Beg was clearly obnoxious to the law of retaliation. On the basis of this harsh and arbitrary sentence, Abdullutteif committed his unhappy father to the disposal ofAmeir Hadjy Mahommed Khossrou, for the purpose, as he effected to allege, of conducting him to Mek- kah ; and he accordingly quitted Samarkand the same day, about the hour of evening prayer. The author of the Rouzut-us-suffa enables us further to state, that he heard the same Hadjy Manommed with his own lips describe the sequel of this foul transaction, in the following terms. On the evening on which he quitted Samarkand as the conductor of Olfigh Beg, the latter appeared to urge the course of his horse, in a manner that bespoke extraordinary satisfaction at his deliverance, conversing as he went along, with an air of perfect indifference, with the com¬ panion of his journey. When, however, they had proceeded but a short distance from the city, a person from behind suddenly pulled the narrator by the slieve; on which looking back, he observed that it was a man of the tribe of Selduz, whom he recollected as having familiar access to the presence of Abdullutteif, and he demanded with some surprise, if all was well I The man replied, that by an order from the Khaun, it was intimated that Olfigh Beg should suspend his journey on some convenient and habitable spot, until such an equip¬ age, and such requisites for his journey, should be provided as^wefe! A. H. 853. A. D. 1449.' Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. Rouzut-us? sufia. 574 A. H. 858. A.D 1449. Kouzut-us- sufi'a. not only suitable to his rank, but satisfactory in the eyes of the world. The Hadjy briefly rejoined, that to hear, was sufficient to command obedience. Oliigh Beg then ventured to enquire what was the sub¬ ject of this man’s communication ; and being apprised, said not a word more, but' appeared to sink at once under the weight of his appre¬ hensions. At no great distance from the spot, there stood a small village, at which they dismounted from their horses, and preparred to pass the night ; and, as the evening proved rather cold, Olugh Beg desired the attendants to make up a fire before him, at which they might, at the same time, proceed to cook their frugal meal. While they were thus employed, a spark entered the mantle which the prince had thrown round his shoulders, and set it on fire; which, however, he easily extinguished with his own hands, only exclaim¬ ing, with some degree of vexation, that even the elements seemed aware of the wretchedness to which he was reduced. In this state of alarming suspense, Hadjy Mahommed further alle¬ ged that Olfigh Beg no longer attempted to conceal the strong feelings of perturbation, by which his mind was disquieted ; one while intreat¬ ing to be informed of the fate of Abdulla^jziz, and another piteously demanding whether any orders had yet been received as to his own execution. Under such circumstances, the minister of vengeance suddenly entered, in the person of Abbas above described, accompa¬ nied by another individual. The moment his eye fell upon Abbas, the unhappy prince started from his seat, and with his fist struck him a violent blow on the breast^ on which the attendant instantly tore oflf the leathern doublet in which his victim was clad, while Abbas •withdrew to bring a cord. In the mean time, Hadjy Mahommed bolted the door of the apartment; the wretched object of all this vio¬ lence raising loud and lamentable cries for assistance. Abbas soon returned, and leading the poor prince out of the chamber, seated him dowm on a spot near which they had planted a biasing torch, or flambeau. Hadjy Mahomnied and his companions seized the oppor¬ tunity to slip off, while the villain Abbas, with a single stroke of his scimitar, bestowed the honors of martyrdom upon him, whom the author now ventures todesignate, the just, the learned, the munificent, and the virtuous Olugh Beg. Hadjy Mahommed then returned to 575 Samarkand, where Abdullutteif had already put his brother Abdul- azziz to death, three days previous to the assasination of his unhappy father. The date of this latter event is precisely exhibited in the phrase, Abbas kosht — Abbas killed; the Persian characters of which, numerically applied, form together the total 853, being the year of the hidjerah in which the murder was perpetrated, corresponding with the year of Christ 1449, some time in the month of November. The unfeeling paricide was, however, not permitted long to enjoy his ill-acquired power: for although possessed of many generous qua¬ lities, and of considerable acuteness of understanding, yet an inflex¬ ible severity of temper, and an extraordinary quick-sightedness in the detection of guilt, led him in all his proceedings to award his punish¬ ments, in a proportion far beyond the magnitudeof theotfence. Hence, it is alleged, that a conspiracy was early formed against his life, by a combination among the servatitsof Olugh Beg, and of his murdered brother, Abdulazziz. From the period of his father*s assassination, he is also said to have had perpetually in his mouth, the couplet ascrib¬ ed, by Nizammi, to Sheiruiah, the murderer of Khossrou Parveiz ; * 'V the parricide is unworthy of the throne — Yet should he be permit¬ ted to attain it, let not his power exceed the period of six months.” Accordingly, on the evening of the 26th of the former Rebbeiaof the eight hundred and fifty fourth of the hidjerah,* just six months after the consummation of his crime, as this tyrant polluted with a father’s blood was returning, heedless of his destiny, from the Baugh-e-chunaur into Samarkand, one of the conspirators, from the post where they had lodged themselves for the execution of their design;, discharged an arrow, which transfixed him through the body; and his attendants immediately dispersing in dismay, the whole approached without obstacle, and striking oflf his head, proceeded to suspend it from the principal arch, in the front of the college of OlQgh Beg. The name of the conspirator, by whose hand this act of retributive justice was- inflicted on Abdullfitteif, happened to be Bkba Hfisseyne; and it is further singular, that the characters in the sentence, “ Baba Husseyne kosht,” B^ba Husseyne killed him, “ comprehend also the date ofL tbis catastrophe — 854. A.H. 853-54. A. D. 1449-50i Rouzutus- suil'a. • 9th of May 1450. 576 A. H.B54-855. Immediately on the death of Abdullhtteif, the nobles, and higher A.D. 1450 I4.)l^ classes of inhabitants at Samarkand, concurred in raising Mirza Ab- akhbaur. * dullah the Shirauzian, the son of Mirza Ibrauhim Sultan, to tlie spe¬ cious honors of an unsubstantial sovereignty. Mirza Sultan AbA S^eid, however, who had effected his escape from imprisonment and fled to Bokhara, towards the close of the ephemeral reign of Abdul- lutteif, no sooner became apprizedof the recent events, than he secured Bokhara for himself, and marched directly for Samarkand. Mirza Abdullah, at the head of his adherents, hastened to give him battle; and victory declaring for the troops of Samarkand, Sultan Abu Saeid was once more compelled to retire into the countries beyond the Seyhun: where he continued, for some time, to wander from place to place without any settled habitation, until, towards the commence¬ ment of the eight hundred and fifty fifth of the hidjerah,* he contrived to possess himself of the fortress of Yassy, Without the smallest delay, a body of troops was dispatched by Mirza Abdullah, in order to reduce that place; but it proved so well prepared for defence, that they returned, soon afterwards, ignominiously repulsed to Samarkand. Abdullah now threw open the gates of his treasury, and proceeded, by a lavish distribution of its contents, to lure to bis standard a more numerous force, and to set on foot the most formidable equipments; in order effectually to crush the ambitious designs of Mirza Sultan Abtl Scieid. The latter, whom our authorities concur in distinguish¬ ing, herrceforth, by the title of Sultan Saeid, the august Sultan, ap¬ prized of these alarming preparations, immediately dispatched, in conformity with the advice of the Arneirs of his party, to solicit the aid of Abulkheyre Khaun, monarch of the Ouzbeks; who very cheer¬ fully complied with the request, marching without hesitation, in person, to his support. Forming a junction soon afterwards, the two princes proceeded with united force immediately towards Samarkand; and it is gravely alleged that the Khaun of the Ouzbeks, on this oc¬ casion, finding that his people suffered grievously from the excessive drought and heat of the weather, had recourse to the mysterious vir¬ tues of the Juddah-taush, in consequence of which, an abundant fall of rain was immediately obtained, together with a milder temperature of sky. * ComnieDcing 2d of February A, D, 1451. 577 Receiving information of the approach of the allied monarchs, Mirza Abdullah on his part, at the head of a powerful army, advanced with becoming resolution to oppose them ; and towards the latter part of the former Jummaudy, of the eight hundred and fifty fifth of the hid- jerah,* at a village called Shirauz, at the distance offour farsangs, or about fourteen miles, from Samarkand, the hostile armies came to a conflict. In this, the troops of Mirza A bdullah were totally defeated ; and that prince, having been overtaken in his flight from the field of battle, was immediately dispatched to pursue his course of ambition in another world. In the mean lime, well knowing the enormities to which the inhabitants would be exposed, were the Ouzbeks once to obtain possession of Samarkand, Sbltan Abh S^eid, resolved, if possible, to avert that worst of mischiefs; and having, by some means or other, contrived, accordingly, to amuse the Ouzbek chiefs, he rode alone to the gates of the city, and announcing himself to the guards, called upon them to give him instant admission, if they desired to preserve the town from the outrages of the Ouzbeks. The people immediately threw open the gate, and the Shltan entering, proceeded without delay, to secure the walls and towers against attack. Per¬ suasive and conciliatory messages were then employed, to soothe the disappointment of Abulkheyre, who, to his no small surprise, found the entrance into the city thus barred against him. He was, however, by suitable presents to himself and to his subordinate chiefs, at last prevailed upon to withdraw into his own country; thus happily re¬ lieving the people of Samarkand from the rapacious volence, to which they would otherwise have been exposed^ from these ferocious and; sanguinary tribes. In a former part of his summary the author has noticed, that Mirza, Alla- ud-doulah, after having once more obtained possession of Herat, learning, however, that his brother, Abhlkaussem Baber was ap¬ proaching, again abandoned that city, and retired towards Balkh,. where a considerable number of men immediately flocked to his stand¬ ard. But Mirza Baber also approaching to the sanie quarter at the head of his army, on intelligence of his proceedings, All^-ud-doulah. conceived the force at his disposal, inadequate to’ any purpose of’ * End ot June 14&1, • 4- E A.H. 855. A. D. 1451. Kbolausset-uU akhbaar. VOL, III, A. H. 855, A. D. 1451. Kholausset ul- aklibaur. effectual resistance, and withdrew with some precipitation, into the mountains of Buddukhshaun. Thither, in spite of every obstacle of snowy weather, and the severity of a rigorous winter, he was pur¬ sued by his more fortunate brother, and his force entirely broken and dispersed. Upon this, returning to Baikh, Mirza Baber bestowed the government of that province, together with Kundez and Baklaun, upon Ameir Peir Derwaish Hazauraspy, and his brother Ameir All)', each of them equally distinguished for integrity of mind, and liberality of disposition. From Baikh, Mirza Baber now proceeded to Her^t ; where he was immediately destined to witness another of those ex¬ amples of perfidy and ingratitude, which so frequently stain the pages of oriental history. When he recently took his departure for Baikh, he had entrusted the government of the important castle of Ekhtiaur-ud*dein, to one of his officers of the name of Aweiss Beg; who had, as it would ap¬ pear, scarcely taken charge of his trust, before he determined to betray it. Easily impelled by the fumes of a distempered ambition to aim at independent power, without calculating the hazard of failure, this man rashly proceeded to fortify his post, and to maintain it against all attempts to reduce him to his duty; neither could he be prevailed upon to abandon his design, although well assured of the return of his prince, and that he was actually lodged in the Baugh-e-seffeid, or white gardens, in the neighborhood of Her&t. At the same time, the defences of Ekhtiaur-ud-dein were of a description so formidable, as to occasion some embarrassment in determining on the plan of attack; but that which was not to be effected without extreme difficulty, through the application of mere force, was accomplished with perfect facility, through the exertions of a little ordinary address on the part of Mirza Baber. A confidental person was employed by the latter to acquaint Aweiss, that without putting him to the inconvenience and hazard of quitting his post, the prince would himself repair to a particular spot within the range of the works, to hold a conference with him. Mirza Baber accordingly entered the city one evening, and, having sent a band of music and singers to lead the way, directed a division of tried soldiers to follow towards the gate of the castle, at a convenient distance behind. Posting themselves before the principal 579 entrance, the party in advance, as they were instructed to do, pro¬ claimed aloud, that the Mirza was arrived; on which Aweiss, without the smallest hesitation, passed the wicket, and presented himself, unattended, without the gate, in order, as he supposed, to receive the prince. He was, however, instantly attacked by one of the party; but him he killed with his dirk, and threw headlong into the ditch of the place. Nevertheless, before he could regain the gateway, the remainder of the party rushed, forward and dispatched him on the* spot ; and a few days afterwards, the place was surrendered without further trouble, to Mirza B^ber, by the brother of the rebel. Not long afterwards, one of the domestics of Alla-ud-dnulah came to apprize Baber that his master was in the neighborhood, and that he actually lay concealed in the quarter of the washermen, a su¬ burb of the city so called ; on which a party was sent in search of him, and he was finally discovered and again conv^eyed'to his prison. Towards the conclusion of the eight hundred and fiftv-fifth of the hidjerah, Mirza Sultan Mahommed the son of Baysungur, quitted; Shirauz, for the last time, on his march towards, Khorassaun ; his: biother Baber being at this period in winter quarters at Bostaum. On intelligence, however, of the hostile designs of Sultan Mahom¬ med, Mirza Baber resolved to try the effect of an accommodation and for that purpose, Khaujah Moulana, the Sheikh-ul-isslaum, or patriarch of the true faith, who had recently repaired to his court from Samarkand, was dispatched by him to the camp of his brother, BOW advanced to the neighborhood of Isfahaun. Through the zeal and exertion of this Sheikh, a treaty was at length concluded between the blethers; by which it was agreed upon that some inconsiderable districts of the province of Khorassaun should be definitively trans- ftrred to the government ot Ii&k Ajem, and that in all the countries subject to the authority of Mirza Bkber, the Khotbah and Sikkah, or regalities of the mosque and mint, should be regulated in the name of Sultan Mahommed. Confiding in the validity of this treaty, Mir¬ za Baber quitted Bostaum on the return of the negociator; and be was proceeding into Mazanderaun, when overtaken on the road by. repeated expresses with information that; in contempt of his recent , engagements, Mirza Sultan Mahommed had given him tbej A. H. 855. A. D.1451. Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. 580 A. H.855-857. slip, and conducted his army, by Bostaura and Damaghaun, imme- p jQ Esferaein,’ which appears to lay about midway between Khoiau!)$et-ui> ' i ht i i i n- aklibaur. On the twenty sixth of the former J ummaudy, of the eight hundred and sixty first of the hidjeraii,* however, Mirza Shah Mahmud took up his abode in the Baugh-e-mokhtaur, and a few days afterwards, in the Baugh-e-zaughan, both celebrated gardens in the vicinity of Herat. In these circunastances, the Sheikh Abu Saeid recently men¬ tioned, made his appearance from Serkhess, and immediately proceed¬ ed, by a poll tax arbitrarily imposed, to commence a course of the most oppressive exactions on the inhabitants of the capital, in which they were, in no unfrequent instances, consigned to the inflictions of the torture in various shapes. The cries of an injured people did not long remain unheard. On the twenty -first of the latter Jummandy,'!' Ameir Sheir Hadjy conducted the young Shah Mahmud into the city; and, having secured the gates, caused it to be immediately proclaimed to the inhabitants, that no one should presume to pay a single felss of this arbitrary impost, and that those who had complied with the odious exaction, should demand restitution without a moment’s delay. At the same time, they were authorized to plunder the agents employed by this Abu Saeid, wherever they could be found. On the other hand, the obnoxious minister bad remained during the whole ol the ensuing night, watching the event without the gates ol the town ; but before break of day on the following morning, accompanied by his brother Hussey«e Ally, he thought it prudent to retire also towards the river Murghaub. He had, however, not proceeded far on his way, before he was overtaken by Sheir Hadjy, and with his life com¬ pelled to atone for his numerous oppressions. In the mean time, reports were continually arriving from the Mur¬ ghaub, of the numerous bodies of armed men who were assembling in that quarter, under the standard of Mirza Ibrauhim the son of Alla- ud-doulah, and of the design, openly avowed by that prince, of march- , ing to Her^t. Thus circumstanced, conceiving a suspicion that, from a desire to favor the wishes of the dowager Gouhershaud, who had always evinced a predilection for Ibrauhim, the Terkhaunian Ameirs might he induced on the day of battle, to go over to that prince, Sheir Hadjy resolved to anticipate the design, by putting them all to death. Under the pretext then of assisting at a council of state, they were ac- • 20th of April 1457. t 15llr “f May. 587 cordingly invited to the palace in the raven gardens^ for the purpose of carrying tltis plan of anticipated vengeance into execution. One of the proscribed chiefs, however, Ameir Ahmed the son of Feyrouz Shah, from an instinctive sagacity, conceiving some suspicion of the plot, instantly took to flight; and Sheir Hadjy, and his associate Peh- lewaun Husseyne Diwaunah, finding their design discovered, hasten¬ ed- therefore to carry it into execution, against. those who yet remained in their power. Ameir Weiss Terkhan, although not before he had brought Sheir Hadjy to the earth, by a wound in the abdomen with his dirk, together with his son, and two more Ameirs of this distin¬ guished tribe, was now put to death; and the same day, as he was proceeding to his tenure of Khowauf, Pehlewaun Husseyne fell in with Ameir Ahmed the son of Feyrouz.Shah, whom he also dispatched to join his compeers. Sheir Hadjy then hastened to lodge the young Mirza Shah Mahmud and the dowager Goubershaud, in the fortress of Ekhtiaur-ud-dein, while the skill of, his physicians was employed, in tlie cure of his own wound.;. rile hostile preparations on the Murghaub had been now completed^ and the shahzadah Ibraubim, at the head of a numerous and formid¬ able body, of troops, no longer delayed his march towards Herat. In ctmsequence of this information, the first step of Sheir Hadjy was to remove, with his royal ward Shah Mahmud, into the B.augh-e-mokh- taur, without the gates of the city; but, on the seventh of Rudjub,^ when it was announced that Mirza Ibrauhim was already in the neigh¬ borhood, the ybung.Mahmud was conveyed towards Mush-hed, while Sheir Hadjy made the l)est,of his way to secure himself in the fortress . of Noirahtou, a place of great strength, twelve farsangs, or about two and forty miles, to the N. E. of Herat. On the same day at noon, Mirza Ibrauliim took, up his abode in the garden just evacuated by his adversaries, and there publicly assumed the royal authority. Never¬ theless, intelligence arrived from Mush-hed, a few days afterwards, that Mirza Shah Mahmud had yet been able to assemble aconsiderable force, with which he w as again advancing towards Herkt,; and Mirza Ibrauhim proceeded thence, in the middle of Shabaun,j- to give battle to las opponent. Accordingly, not far from the Rebbaut, or quad-»- • liUtl] of May 14^7, t Beginuingof July, A.H. 861. A. D 1457. ' Kholaus»et-ul« akhbaur. 588 A:H. 8(51. rangle, or caravanserai, of Shah Melek, the hostile armies came to a conflict, in which, at one time, victory seemed disposed to declare Shah Mahmud; but the scale having been turned in favor of the •opposite party, through the personal exertions of Ameir Ahmed Ter- khan, that young chief was finally defeated, and again compelled to retire towards Mush-heci, pursued by the troops of his victorious kinsman. Although not a very singular occurrence, it was, at the same time, a circumstance full of perplexity and alarm to the unfor¬ tunate inhabitants of Herat, that about ten in the forenoon of the twenty fifth of Shabaun,* intelligence should have reached them, that victory had declared for Mirza Shah Mahmud; about an hour after¬ wards, more recent information arrived, that fortune had changed sides, and that the standard of Mirza Ihrauliim was triumphant ; and at noon of the same day, the agent of Saltan S4eid, the reigning prince of Sa¬ markand, made his appearance to announce, that his master would be under the walls of the town on the morning of the following day. To account for this latter circumstance it becomes necessary to state, that from the moment at which he found himselfin secure pos¬ session of the throne of Samarkand, Sultan Saeid had ever had in view ' the reduction, not only of Khorassaun, but of the whole of the terri¬ tory usually comprized under the designation of Iran. As soon, therefore, as the death of Mirza Baber was announced to him bis thoughts became the more irresistibly attracted towards that object, being further stimulated by the pressing invitations of Ameir Sheikh Hadjy, the governor of Balkh. He accordingly crossed the Oxus, at the head of his troops; and, by the 25th of Shabaun, he had led them by forced marches to a camp behind the village of Sauk-e-Selmaun, at no great distance from Herkt, to which he dispatched the message already alluded to. Moulana Ahmed Yessawel who commanded, on the part of Mirza Ibrauhim, in the citadel of Ekhtiaur-ud-dein, evin¬ ced, at first, a determination to defend the town ; but on more mature refit ction, be thought it more advisable to confine his exertions exclusively, to the defence of his particular post. On the following day, however, Sultan S4eid, without experiencing any opposition, entered Herkt by the gate of Keptchauk, taking up his residence in » 17th of July. 589 the Bau^h-e-sheher, or garden of the city — a palace belonging to the a. H.aci. ancient sovereigns within the walls* A summons was now dispatched A D i457 to require the submission of Moulana Ahmed, and the surrender of ^^athbaur* the fortress of Ekhtiaur-ud-dein ; to which he replied, that the place had been confided to him, by a prince to whom he was bound by every tie of gratitude and duty, and that he was incapable of betraying his trust, while his benefactor was living to reclaim it at his hands. This answer produced considerable resentment on the part of Sultan Saeid, whose troops were immediately directed to commence an attack upon the place, although with little prospect of success. In the mean time, some malevolent individuals had succeeded in persuading the Sultan that the emissaries of Mirza Ibrauhim' had constant access to the presence of Gouhershaud, the widow of the illustrious Shall Rokh; and were as constantly suffered to depart without interruption, with every information that could be required, on the state of affairs at Her^t. In consequence of this, the mon¬ arch, in a fit of unreflecting resentment, gave orders that this cele- brated princess, it seems, now', not less distinguished for her love of justice and her many other virtues, than for the elevated and illus¬ trious station which she had filled in the empire, should be put to death ; and the harsh decree was carried into execution on the tenth day of Ramzaun, of the eight hundred and sixty-first of the hidjerah.* After the consummation of this act of unwarrantable severity, for such, even in the mildest sense it is admitted to have been by our author. Sheikh Hadjy conceived he might venture from Neirahtou to Herat; since the Sultan had given so unequivocal a pledge of his hostility to the opposite party, and he experienced accordingly a very honorable reception. But, in his absence from Neirahtou, he was destined to be robbed of that impregnable post by one of those daring exertions of adventurous enterprise, against which, although the ex¬ ample is not of unfrequent recurrence in the history of the world, ' human prudence has not yet been found always sufficiently on its guard to provide. On his departure for Herat, Sheikh Hadjy had entrusted this important asylum to the care of one of his most confi¬ dential followers ; and one evening shortly afterwards, a Yessaufc, or * aist of July 1467* A. H. G61. A. D 1457 KJioiausset-uI akhbaur. 590. peasant, or mountaineer perhaps, of the name of Peirkah, presenting himself at the entrance of the fort, with a small flock of sheep, alter some conversation with the guard, made a request that he might be- permitted to continue there, for the night.. The request was complied; with, w'ithout much difficulty, and the shepherd was further permit¬ ted to enter the fort; when, watching his opportunity, after allowingr a reasonable part of the night to expire, he proceeded silently, to the- ramparts, and from thence let down to his associates below, who had' repaired to the spot by appointment, a strong rope or noose, by which- they easily contrived to gain the top of the walls Accompanied byr these he hastened, sword in hand, directly to the head quarters of the governor, who contrived, however, by some chance or other to effect' his escape, although desperately wounded ; but the fort, and all iti contained, remained in possession of the successful adventurer. Sultan Saeid had scarcely had time to reflect on the circumstances of this untoward event, when a dispatch from Balkh announced to. him the more alarming intelligence, that the sons of Abdullutteif w^ere at the head of a formidable insurrection in Mawur-un.neher. On* the ninth day of Shavaul,* he was, therefore, under the necessity of- quitting Herkt, and of returning without delay towards the territory on the other side of the Oxus. A part of the army which he had, sent on before him, had, however, the good fortune to fall in with the two sons of Abdullutteif, the Mirzas Ahmed and Jouky, in the neighborhood of Balkh, and there totally to defeat them ; Mirza Ahmed , being killed in the battle, although his brother found means to effect his escape. And, in these circumstances, Sultan Saeid thought it, convenient to pass ttie succeeding winter at Balkh. On the other hand, when he experienced the last discomfiture, recently noticed, from Mirza Ibrau him, Mirza .Shah Mahmud retired , at first to Mush-hed; but continuing his retreat a short time after¬ wards into Mazanderaun, he was there- received by Baba Hussun,., the governor of the province, with every demonstration of zeal and < attachment, and liberally provided with all that was necessary to support the splendour of his rank;. These circumstances were early, Hiade known , to -Mirza Ibrauhirn, with the assurance that his compe-. * 29tli of August 14^7. 591 titor was already at the head of a sufficient force, with which once more to dispute his pretensions in the field of battle. Mirza Ibraii- him proceeded therefore with the utmost expedition, by the route of Nessa and Abawerd, towards Asterabad; while the young Shah Mah¬ mud, on his part, issued with equal resolution from the forest of Jdrjan to oppose himl Just at this crisis intelligence was received that Ameir Jahaun Shah the Tuikomaun, the son of Kara Yussuf, with an overwhelming force had crossed the ridge of Sundouk-sht- kunn, and was actually entering the boundaries of Mazanderaun, The information appears to have produced a sudden panic upon the mind of Shah Mahmfid, and he immediately fled, in conjunction with Baba Hussun his friendly and munificent ally; while Mirza Ibrau- him, either disregarding, or disbelieving, the report of Ameir Jahaun Shah’s approach, continued his march without deviation towards Asterabad, at the distance of one farsang from which place, he en¬ camped a short time afterwards. A body of troops whom he had, however, dispatched further in advance, fell in unexpectedly with some of the scouring parties of the Turkomauns, by whom they were immediately attacked and thrown into confusion. At the moment the disorder was at its height, Mirza Ibrauhim arrived upon thespot; but, perceiving tlaat all was lost, he sought no alternative but what was to be found in an immediate and precipitate flight — many of his most distinguished followers perishing in the pursuit which was eagerly kept up by the victorious Turkomans. Mirza Ibrauhim himself, however, with a few of his adherents, succeeded in reaching Herat, on the ninth of the month of Sulfur, of the eight hundred and sixty second of the hidjerah,* and was received with hospitality and respect by Ameir Ahmed Terkhan, the governor of the province. Moulana A hmed Yessawel, the Kelladaur of Ekhtiaur-ud-dein, has¬ tened at the same lime to offer the homage of tealty to his prince ; but conceiving that he did not experience that favorable reception, to which, by his services, he thought himself entitled, he determined, on his return to the castle, to take a part entirely hostile to the in¬ terests of the same prince; which, before the month was at an end, he did not hesitate to disclose. Neither was he to be dissuaded from his • 2Gth of December 1457. A. D 1457 1458. Kliotausset-uU akhbaur. 592 A. H. 861-862. A.D. 1457- 1 4-58. Kbolaiisset-ul- aklibaur. designs, nor prevailed upon to expose himself, any more, without the precincts of his command; although much was urged on the part of Ameir Ahmed Terkhan to induce him to recede* In these circumstances Mirza Ibrauhim determined, not without t theconcurrenceof his principal officers, todispatch an embassy to SuL-. tan Skeid, with proposals for an accommodation;, to which that prince appears to have acceded without great difficulty, stipulating, however, . that Mirza Ibrauhim should cordially unite in opposing the Tkrko- mauns, who were now making rapid progress on the frontiers of Kho- rassaun ; and thus far successful, the ambassadors of Herat were permitted to return well satisfied with the result of the negociation. Here, with apparent regret at the selfish propensities of human am¬ bition, the author pauses to enumerate the differeat chiefs, who, atr one and the same crisis, had now started up within the limits of the single province of Khorassaun; all contending for the same point of individual and independent power, without reflecting upon the mischiefs thus accumulated upon the suffering inhabitants. Among, those included under the obnoxious charge, must be mentioned Ameir Jahaun Shah the Turkomaun, at Esferkein; Mirza Shah Mah¬ mud, at Touss ; Mirza Alla-ud-doulah, after an absence of some years in Keptchauk, at Abiwerd ; Mirza Ibrauhim, in the city of Herat ; Mirza Sunjur, at Meru ; Sultan Saeid, at Balkh ; Melek Kaussem, the grandson of Kara Yussuf, in conjunction with Ameir Khaleil, in Seiestaun, [adjoining]; Moulana Ahmed Yesaawel, in. the citadel of Ekhtiaur ud-dein ; Ameir Peirzaud, in the castle of Serkhess; Ameir Baba Hussun, in the fortress of Emmaud ; Sheikh Hussun the son of Sheikh Teymur, at Jennoushaun or Khaboushaun; and Ameir Weiss the son of Khawundshah, in the castle of Tebbes, . or Tabas. With regard to Mirza Allk-ud-doulah it appears that, on his flight . from the generals of his brother Baber, he had become, for , several years, a wanderer in different parts of the country, of the Moghuls; but on intelligence of the death Baber, he ventured to return through Khaurezm, and was now at Abiwerd, from whence he dispatched to announce his arrival to his son Ibrauhim. Mirza Ibrauhim appears , to have been sincerely rejoiced at the return of his father, to whom , 593 4ie immediately caused to be conveyed such presents as might have 862-8G3. been acceptable on the occasion. Shortly afterwards, \lla-ud-doulah* ’ - ! — TT A ri_ 1 • I * Kholausset-ul- being on his way to Herat, Ibrauhim hastened to meet him as far as akhbaur. the river Senjaub ; where, on conferring together with respect to ^ the best plan of proceeding under present circumstances, it was resol¬ ved that the son should remain at the head of the troops in the field, while the father continued his journey to Herat, there to repose himself for sometime from the fatigues of a wandering life. On the seventh of the latter Jummaudy of the eight hundred and sixty second of the hidjerah,* accordingly, Alik ud-doulah took up his residence once more in the metropolis of his grandfather. Finding it, however, un¬ fortunately expedient, by the imposition of a poll tax, and other vex¬ atious measures, to raise a sum of money upon the inhabitants, it so happened, that before any considerable progress had been made in this odious collection, a messenger from Mirza I brauhim should arrive to announce that the army of the Turkomans was at hand, and to indicate the danger of remaining any longer at Herat. With infinite reluctance therefore, on the first day of the month of Shabaun,f Allk- utl-doulah again quilled that capital, and withdrew in haste to the mountains ot Gbour. Immediately on his retreat, the inhabitants of . Herkt were thrown into the utmost consternation, by their alarm at the actual approach of the Turkomans; of which the licentious popu¬ lace took instant advantage, to indulge in the disposition to plunder, and to exercise every species of enormity and outrage on their fellow citizens. . On his arrival,, however, at the town of Gousuiah, Ameir Jahaun Shah, the monarch of the Turkomans, apprized of the danger to which the respectable inhabitants were thus exposed, and of the general dispersion which must have been the result, lost no time to > convey to the city every assurance of his protection, immediately di'^patching Ameir Peirzaud the Bokhkrian to assume the government < in his name. On the fifteenth of the same month of Sbabaun,J Ameir , J.tliaun Shah in person made his entrance into Herkt, confirming to , the inhabitants his assurances of protection, not less than if they were the subjects of his own immediate government.' His attention i was, in the mean time, directed to the reduction of the citadel oLi, • 21bt of April 1458. f 13th ofjune 1458, J 27tb of June, VOL. III. 4 G 594 A. H. 862-868. A.D. 1458 , -Kbola iisset-uU akhbaur. Ekhtiaur-ud-dein; which, after the resistance of a few days, was how¬ ever surrendered to him, on terms of personal indemnity by Moulana Ahmed Yessawel the governor, who was admitted to the distin- guished favor of the Turkoman prince, immediately on quitting his post. While these occurrences were taking place at Herat, a serious mis¬ understanding, of which it would be perfectly immaterial to discuss the grounds, broke out between Alla-ud-doulah and his son Ibrau- him; whohad, by this time, also sought an asylum among the moun¬ tains of Ghour, the breach, on the perfidious suggestions of some of the Terkhanian Ameirs, terminating in the imprisonment of theyoung- er prince. This act of severity had, however, been scarcely carried into execution, when Abdullah Khoujah, an Ameir of that distin¬ guished class, who had been recently employed on the embassy to Sultan Saeid, returned ; and, expressing without reserve, his disap¬ probation of the imprisonment of Mirza Ibrauhim, the other Ameirs of the tribe were soon brought over to his opinion, and measures having been accordingly taken to set the prince at large, he proceeded without delay, to cancel, or abjure, all further allegiance to a father’s authority. At the same time, information of these changes had been punctually conveyed to Ameir Jahaun Shah, from whom a dis¬ patch was now received inviting Alla-ud-doulah to Herat; an invi¬ tation which he conceived too fortunate, not immediately to avail himself of; and, on the festival of sacrifice of the tenth of Zil- hudje, of the eight hundred and sixty second of the hidjerah,* he ac¬ cordingly made his appearance in the camp of the Turkoman chief, by whom he was received with the most distinguished kindness and respect. All the while, we must not omit to observe, a negociation for peace was on foot, between Ameir Jahaun Shah and Sultan Skeid ; but before -it was yet brought to a conclusion, Ameir Ahmed the Terkhanian, with a considerable body of bis kindred, deserted the cause of Mirza Ibrauhim and came to Herat ; where he was also very honorably entertained by the monarch of the Turkomans. Ameir Jahaun Shah had been now encamped under the walls of Herkt for a, period of nearly six months, when intelligence was raihet * IStb of October 1158. 695 unexpectedly received, that Sultan Skeid, at the head of a powerful army, had crossed the Murghaub; and that, after passing the lungur, or mausoleum, or abiding place, of Meir Gheyauth, he was already advanced as far as the town of Oubah, on his march for the capital of Khorassaun. The circumstance appears to have produced consider¬ able surprise, and some alarm in the camp of the Turkomans; and the monarch, with the main body of his army, conceived it prudent to remove towards the Herktroud, a river so called at some distance to the wesward of the city, detaching Mirza Peir Bedauk, the most war¬ like of his sons, with a division of chosen troops, to watch the ap¬ proach of the enemy. But this division, after having experienced some proof of the valour and discipline of the Samarkandians, very speedily rejoined the main body of the Turkomans. To add to the embarrassments of Jahaun Shah at this anxious crisis, accounts of an alarming nature arrived from Azerbaijaun, and determined him in the resolution of returning without further delay towards that kingdom ; and, in order to secure an unmolested retreat from Khorassaun, Seyud Ashoura, one of his most confidential agents, was immediately dis¬ patched to bring the treaty with Sultan S^eid to an amicable conclu¬ sion; The Sultan very explicitly declared, that if Ameir Jahaun Shah would withdraw his troops, without further trouble, from Kho¬ rassaun and Ir^k Ajem, and content himself with the territory of Azerbaijaun, long since in his possession, there should be noobstacle to an accommodation ot all other differences. After considerable dis¬ cussion, a treaty was, however, at last concluded, by which it was stipulated that Ameir Jahaun Shah should immediately retire into Azerbaijaun, putting the agents of Sultan S^eid in possession of the whole of Khorassaun to the gates of Semnaun ; and, with the treaty, thus concluded, Seyud Ashoura returned to the presence of his mas¬ ter. In the beginning of Suffur, otthe eight hundred and'sixty third of the hidjerah,^ from the neighborhood of Yaheya-abad, where they, had been for some time encamped, the Turkomans, accordingly, com-- menced their retreat for Azerbkijaun, destroying, with useless barba¬ rity, every vestige of the abode of man that lay in the course of their march, Sultan Saeid, on the other hand, entered Her^t on the fifteentKj * December 1458. + 27th of December* A. H. 8G2-86S. A. D. 145a. Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. 696 A. H. 863. A. p 1459 Kholaiibset-ul' akhbaur. of the same month, t taking up his residence in the Baugh-e-sheher, or old palace in the city; where he exerted himself with laudable ear- ' nestness and zeal, to promote the administration of ajust government, towards an oppressed and suffering people. During the succeeding winter, nevertheless, the city of Herat was visited by a deplorable scarcity, and a great multitude of the inhabitants of the town and neighborhood was destined to perish through want of bread, or some other means necessary to the support of existence. As soon as he had, as he conceived, firmly established his authority in the capital of Khorassaun, Sultan Saeid ventured to dismiss the greater part of his army for Samarkand, reserving a body of about two thousand horse only, for the defence of his person ; and intelligence of this unwarranted security, having been early conveyed to the Mirzas Allk-ud-doulah, Ibrauhim, and Sunjur, a correspondence ensued be¬ tween those princes, in consequence of which, they shortly afterwards united their troops together at Serkhess, for the purpose of attacking the Sultan. Full of hope and ardour, and entirely regardless of his great disparity of force, the latter proceeded, without hesitation, to combat the designs of his enemies; being joined, however, on his ^marcb, by a body of troops from Samarkand, under the orders of Sey- ud Mezeid Arghun, and Ameir Shltan Ahmed the son of Temir Taush. Towards the middle of the former month of Jummaudy,* and about midway between Serkhess and Meru, the rival parties came to a battle ; in which both wings of the army of Sultan Saeid were completely put to flight, by the opposite divisions of that of the asso¬ ciated shahiklahs. On this occasion, many of the fugitives never hailed to repose from their apprehensions until they reached the city of Samarkand, from whence they did not fail to circulate the alarm of the Sultan’s discomfiture, throughout the surrounding country. Notwithstanding this abscision of his wings, Sultan Saeid, however, at the head of the centre, which remained yet firm and unbroken under his own orders, proceeded sword in hand to charge his opponents, flushed as they were with recent success, and, by one determined effort, entirely changed the fortune of the day; Alla-ud-doulah and his son Ibrauhim, both quitting the field in the utmost dismay, while * About the 20th of March 1459. 597 MirzaSunjurfell aprisoner into the hands of the victor, by whoseorders he was immediately put to death. After this, Sultan S^eid returned to Herat, in order to enjoy the triumph of his well earned fame ; and amidst his hours of relaxation from more serious pursuits, sought amusement in superintending the erection of the Eidgah, or place of sacrifice, with probably a mosque attached, in the environs of the capital. But while these occurrences were passing in Khorassaun» Abul Ghauzy Sultan Husseyne Bahauder Khaun, the great-grandson of Mirza Otpar Sheikh, had already made himself master of the terri¬ tory of Jurjaun, in the neighborhood; and after expelling the Turk- omauns, by giving full encouragement to the hopes of his soldiers, and by securing the attachment of his new subjects in general, was rapidly proceeding in the establishment of his independence. And in this place it becomes, in some measure, indispensably necessary to ac¬ company our author in his extensive, though not unseasonable digres¬ sion, to furnish some account of the descent, and early history, of this able and warlike prince; to the munificence of whose minister, Ally Sheir, the city of Her^t was indebted for many of its noblest orna¬ ments, and every branch of learning for the most liberal encourage¬ ment. The father, then, of Abul Ghauzy Sultan H fisseyne Bahauder Khaun, w ho w'ith other titles, acquired ultimately thatofSaheb Keraun-sauni, second lord of the propitious conjunction, was Sfiltan Gheyauth-ud- dein Munsour, the son of Mirza Baykera, the son of Mirza Omar Sheikh, who was the son of Teymhr. His mother was the princess Feyrouzah Begum, the daughter of Mirza Sultan Husseyne, the son of Ameir Mahommed Beg, who was the son of Ameir Moussa, of the tribe of Tanjout ; and the mother of Mirza Sultan Husseyne, as hath already appeared, was the princess Aga Begum the daughter ofTey- mfir. And lastly, the mother of Feyrouzah Begum was Kiitlug Sultan Begum the daughter of J^eirati Shah, by Oroun Sultan, the daughter of Seyurghetmesh Khaun, the son of Dauneshmendjah Khaun, the son of Keydou, the son of Nourejaun, the son of Ougdai Khaun, who was the son of Jengueiz. Hence it appears that Abul Ghauzy, or rather Abhlghauzy, as it may be more compactly written, was on both sides descended from two of the most renowned con- iquerors that ever bestrode the globe; and his birth is here recorded A.H. 863. A. D 1459. Kholausset-ul akbbaur. 598 A. H. 863. A. D. 1469. Kliolausset ul- akhbaur. to have taken place in one of the suburbs of Herat, in the month of Mohurrem, of the eight hundred and torty-second of the hidjerah.* From his very infancy he is described to have exhibited, of course, the most undoubted presages of his exalted destiny; but more parti¬ cularly in his ardor to acquire every proficiency in the art of war, and to prepare himself for its fatigues, by the habit .of manly/exer¬ cise in every shape. At the age of fourteen he hastened to present himself at the court of his- relative Baber, by whom he was enter¬ tained with affectionate kindness; and he was present with that prince, when he concluded the treaty with Sulltan Saeid) under. the walls of Samarkand. Actuated, however, by the ties of closer consan¬ guinity, he then embraced the opportunity of forsaking the standard of Mirza B^ber, in order to put himself under the protection of his rival; Nevertheless, on the revolt of Mirza Sultan Weiss, another of the descendants of Mirza Baykera, some time afterwards, SAltan Saeid became jealous of the attachment of the princes of that line; and Abulghauzy with thirteen more of the same kindred, was committed to prison. But, at the solicitation of his mother, the princess Feyrou- zah Begum, who hastened from Khorassaun the moment she became apprized of her son’s misfortune, he was considerately set at large, and permitted to accompany her to Her^t; where he was once more received to the friendship of Mirza Baber. Removing, however, to Merfi shahjahaun ou the death of that prince, Abulghauzy there espoused the daughter of Mirza Sunjur ; and at the period when Mirza Shah Mahmud, after the battle with Mirza Ibrauhim, fled towards Asterabad, Mirza Sunjur did not scru¬ ple to leave his son in-law, as his lieutenant at Meru, while he pro¬ ceeded in haste to take possession of Mush-hed; During the absence of Mirza Sunjur, as it happened, a misunderstanding arose between Abhlghauzy Sultan Hhsseyne, and Ameir Hussun Erlaut, who had been entrusted with the actual management of affairs ; but who was,, unfortunately, little blessed with the advantages of a benevolent dis¬ position, or accommodating manners. The dispute, however, ter¬ minated in the imprisonment of the unaccommodating agent; on ■which, without iurther ceremony, Abulghauzy transferred the diadem * June, July, 1438, 599 of MerA to bis own brows. But becoming alarmed at some appear¬ ances of disaffection, or treason, among the abettors of his usu rpation, he hastily withdrew from Meru as soon as MirzaSunjur was announc¬ ed to have reached Makhan, on bis return from Mush-hed, and w'andered, for some time, among the solitudes of the neighboring desert, awaiting some favorable turn of fortune. At length, when, in consequence of the invasion of the Turkomans from Irak Ajem, Ameir Baba Hussun was flying from Jurjaun towards Meru, he was intercepted near one of the villages in the territory of Nessa, by no other than this illustrious wanderer, by whom, after a very desperate conflict, he was defeated and taken prisoner, and according to the ordinary summary practice of the day, immediately put to death. Encouraged by this dawn of success, Abulghauzy bent his course towards the territory of Jurjaun, and, on his arrival at the station of Feyrouzghund, had the gratification to see his force auspiciously augmented by the junction of Ameir Mahommed Khodadaud, a chief formerly attached to the government of Mirza Baber, and who, at this period, held the districts of Esferaein, Jowein, and Baharabad. Thus strengthened Abulghauzy proceeded on his march with more leisure and greater confidence; but at the station of Sultan Dowein, he found his progress arrested by a numerous body of Turkomans, under the direction of Husseyne Saudlu, who had there issued from the forests of Jurjaun immediately in his way. A most sanguinary and obsti¬ nate conflict now took place, in which Abulghauzy is described to have exhibited the most distinguished example of prowess and acti¬ vity. The reward of his exertions on this arduous day, was a very complete and signal victory; Husseyne Saudlfi and his brothers, to¬ gether with many more of his principal officers and followers, being taken alive, but immediately afterwards put to death by their con¬ querors. In consequence of this success, Abfilghauzy, in the early part of iidhudje, of the eight hundred and sixty-second of the hidjerah,* entered Asterabad without resistance, and there publicly invested himself with the royal dignity ; immediately ordering the coinage and public prayers to run for the future in his name, and holding out to * October 146dt A. H. 863. A. D. 14.b9. Kholausset u[- akhbaur. 600 A.D. 863-064. the people the most liberal assurances of a just and beneficent gov- A. D. 1459-1460. Apprizl^d of these occurrences, Sultan Saeid did not omit, through the medium of an extraordinary embassy, to congratulate his kinsman on the conquest of Asterabad, and to confirm the relations - of amity, and good correspondence, already subsisting between them. „ The embassy was received with every mark of complacency by Abul- - ghauzy, and returned shortly afterwards with the most favorable impressions of his kindness and liberality. But Sultan Saeid, .on, his- part, very early evinced that he was little disposed ^to make good the professions of friendship, of which he had been sufficiently liberal towards his aspiring kinsman ; since he was no sooner at leisure from his engagements in Khorassaun, than he dispatched one ot his offi¬ cers to take possession of a certain district on. the adjoining frontier, which had been previously occupied by the agents ot Abulghauzy. The discontent produced by such, a circumstance was destined, as usual in most cases, to accumulate by repeated aggravation, to that degree of hostility which will be the subject of our attention in a subsequent page. In the mean time, the narrative proceeds to state that Sultan S^eid ‘when he found himself disengaged from the attacks of his more dan¬ gerous adversaries, determined to employ the force at his disposal in - the reduction of the celebrated fortressof Neirahtou; of which the siege was accordingly opened with the construction of numerous Mokaubel- koub, or batteries of some description or other, in order to beat down the defences, and breach the works wherever practicable. Before the operationsof thesiege had, however, been long in progress, Peirkah,the shepherd chief, who was still in possession of the place, became suspi¬ cious of the attachment of his garrison, in consequence of which seve- of tiiem were immediately put to death; and the apprehensions excited by this rash act of jealous violence provoking the vengeance ofthe. sur- vivc t", one morning when he b ast expected it they rose sword in hand upon the hoary adventurer, and instantly dispatched him, conveying the head to pU ad for pardon with the court of Herat. The for¬ tress must accordingly have fallen into the hands of its besiegers '■ without lurther resistance; since the assassins ofthe governor are said to have been remunerated by the distinguished favor of the Sultan 601 for this seasonable piece of service. Another auspicious event to the government of Sultan Saeid, which marked the period under consi- deration, was the death of Mirza Ibrauhim the son of Alla-ud-doulah, on his march towards Mush-hed, after having assembled at Uaina- ghaun a fresh army, with which he was hastening once more to try his fortune against the Sultan. The body was brought to Herat for sepulture, in the college of the princess Gouhershaud; where it was consigned to the grave some time in the month of Shavaul, of the eight hundred and sixty-third of the hidjerah.* Before the conclusion of the same year, the important fortress of Emmaud was also surrendered to one of the Sultan’s generals, by a person of the name ofMahommed Diwaunah — the governor under the authority of Baba Hussun, whose death in consequence of the action with Abulghauzy Sultan Husseyne has been already noticed. Con¬ trary to what had been observed with respect to Neirahtou, which had been stored with every species of supply against contmgencies, the works of Emmaud were by the expreas orders of Sultan Saeid, levelled with the earth. About the close of the year, also, Mirza Shah Mahmud, the son of Mirza Baber, who, on his flight from the Turkomans, had conveyed himself into Seiestaun, was killed, in a battle which took place, about this period, betw'een Ameir Khaleil Hindoukah, the governor of that province, and Ameir Baba, governor of Kabul. Soon after the commencement of the eight hundred and sixty- fourth of the hidjerah,f it was announced to Sultan Skeid, that the troops of Abulghauzy had made an incursion to the gates of Sub- buzw'aur; pillaging the country of every species of property that they could lay their hands on. In consequence of such information, a division of troops under the orders of Ally of Parss, and Hussun the son of Sheikh Temir, was immediately dispatched towards Mazande- raun; the Sultan in person, at the head of an additional force, pro¬ ceeding in the same direction, on the fourth of the former month of Juininaudy.J On intelligence of the approach of the former force, Abulghauzy conceived that an opportunity presented itself from-, which it was possible to derive some advantage; and he accordingly.' * .August 1450, t November 1459. J 25th ol'February 1460. 4 H A. H. 863-864, A O 1459 1466, Klioiausset-ul- akbbaur. VOL. Ill, 602 A. H. 804-8G5. hastened with a small body of select cavalry to meet this advanced A. D 1460 1461. of the Khorassaunians ; but when he was within a short dis- akhbaur. Uance of the boundaries of the provirvce, being further advised that Sultan Saeid in person, with the best part of his army, was on his march for Mazanderaun, he thought it prudent to return, in order to provide a more adequate force to repel the danger. At a ciisis of such need and importance, several of his Ameirs w ith their retainers, however, embracing the opportunity to desert the standard of their chief, Abulghauzy found it expedient to accommodate with the times; and to withdraw, for the present, tow'ards the territory of Adauk, in the kingdom of ^Khaurezm. Sultan Saeid was thus ena¬ bled to enter Asterabad, shortly afterwards, without opposition ; where having recreated himself for Some days, he left his Son Sultan Mah¬ mud in possession of the government, returning himself without fur- ther delay towards the metropolis of Khorassaun. But, while he was engaged in Mazanderaun, on this occasion, that metropolis had been exposed to the most imminent danger from an attack on the part of Ameir Khaleil Hindoukah, the ruler of Seies- taun, where he had maintained an independent authority, ever since the time of Mirza Baber. Availing himself of the absence of Sultan Saeid, this chief determined to make an attempt on Herat, expecting to find it unprovided for defence; but as the citizens had, by some means or other, become apprized of his intention, they had, by strengthening and securing their walls and towers, sufficiently pre¬ pared for his reception ; so that, on the twelfth day of Ramzaun,* when, on his arrival before the tow n, he led his troops to the assault, they had but little reason to congratulate themselves on the prospect before them. And in fine, when on one of the succeeding fridays, the inhabitants, after the performance of their devotions, issued from the town, with every description of force, to attack them, they were driven from all their posts in the utmost consternation; Ameir Khaleil their general not once halting to take repose until he found himself safe in Seiestaun. On his return from Mazanderaun, Sfiltati Saeid received intelligence of this daring attempt on the part ot the 'Seiestaniaii, and hastened with all the expedition in his power to * 'VBth of October 14G0. 603 defeat and chastise it ; but on his arrival, about the close of the month of Ramzaun, he found that the danger had been already dispelled, and that his only task was to distribute to the inhabitants of Herat, the rewards and acknowledgements due to their exemplary courage and fidelity. A division of the army was, however, immediately dis¬ patched into Seiestaun, where Ameir Khaleil was soon afterwards besieged in the capital of the province; and, finding on experience that he had engaged in a contest which he was little able to support, he determined before it was too late to submit to the authority of the Sultan, for which purpose he proceeded without further delay tow¬ ards Herat. Sultan Shield was prevailed upon without great dtfficulr ty to overlook the past, and to enrol him among the Ameirs of his court ; but the government of Seiestaun was transferred to Shah \aheya, a descendant from one of the native sovereigns of that pro^ vificOi In the early part of the eight hundred and sixty-fifth of the hidje- rah,* after wandering for a long time .through the desert and moun, tainous districts, Mirza Alla ud-doulah, the son of Bavsungur, terminated, at last, his unfortunate career on the banks of the Caspian, under the roof of Melek Beistoun, a. native chief descended from the princes of Rustumdaur. The remains of the departed prince were conveyed to Herat, and deposited in the mausoleum of the family, the college of Gouhershaud in. that city.. Such was the posture of affairs in Khorassaun, when information was received from the provinces beyond the Oxus, that Mirza Ma- hommed Jouky the son of Abdu lluttt if, and grandson of Olugh Beo", supported by Ameir Nour S^eid, had displayed the standard of revolt in Iransoxiana, which he was over-running with pillage and deso¬ lation. In consequence of this, on the twentieth of the former Jum.- maudy, of the eight hundred and sixty-fifth of the hidjerah,-]- Sultan t S^ieid quitted Herat, and proceeded towards the Jeyhun, which he crossed by a temporary bridge not long afterwards. Mirza Mahom^ med Jouky and his followers, on the other hand, as soon as they became apprized of the Sultards approach, withdrew immediately towards the Seyhun ; where they threw themselves into the fortress, • November and December A. D. J460. t 2nd of Miuch J4G1. A.H. 865. A, D. 1461. Kbolausset-ul- akhbaur. 604 A. H. 0f?5. A. D. 1461. Kholaiisset ul- akhbaur. of Sharokhiah, which is here described as protected on three sides by the stream of that river, and on the fourth by a deep and impassable ditch. In that place they were a short time afterwards closely and vigorously besieged by the Sultan ; but, just as that prince was about to bring his exertions to a successful termination, intelligence from Khorassaun was conveyed to him, that Abulghauzy Sultan Husseyne was again advancing to repossess himself of the province of Mazan- ■deraun ; and, as the circumstance was of a nature to produce consi¬ derable alarm, the Ameirs Seyud Asseil Arghun, and Seyud Muraud, were dispatched immediately into Khorassaun, in order to protect the frontiers of that province against sudden attack. It would appear that Abulghauzy, finding himself in the course of this year, in circumstances to renew his plans of conquest and inde¬ pendence, quitted his retreat in Khaurezm, and proceeded once more towards Asterabad. In the neighborhood of that place he was op¬ posed by Mirza Sultan Mahmud, left by his father in the govern¬ ment of the province ; whom, after a very desperate conflict, he to¬ tally defeated and compelled to return into Khorassaun. Abulghauzy then, towards the middle of the month of Shabaun,* re-entered As¬ terabad in triumph; but, when he had passed a few days in the place to enjoy the fruits of his victory, he dispatched Abdurraihman Ar¬ ghun, one of his officers, to take possession of the rest of Mazanderaun, and set out himself immediately for Herat. Seyud Asseil Arghun, and the other Ameirs, employed to defend the approaches into Kho¬ rassaun from that quarter, and stationed somewhere in the neighbor¬ hood of Neyshapfir and Subbuzwaur, retired on the advance of Abul¬ ghauzy, and hastened to the defence of the capital ; for which they prepared with equal zeal and ability, driving in before them the whole of the inhabitants of the surrounding districts. The operations of Abulghauzy were, however, first directed to the reduction of Serkhess; but when that object had been secured, he proceeded without fur.* ther delay to Her&t, before which, in the Baugh-e-zoghoun, or raven gardens, he fixed his head quarters, on the twenty-fourth of Zilkau- dah.’]' He had, it seems, been persuaded to believe that the gates »f the city would be thrown open to him, by the inhabitants, without * 26th of May 1461. t 60th of August 1461, 605 opposition, and he therefore abstained from commencing any hostile H.8G5. operations against them for the space of eleven days; but perceiving, A. u. I4(>t« at the expiration of that period, little to indicate the reality of such a akhbaur. design, he removed his head quarters to the suburb of Khemtchahabad, and issued orders for the attack. After continuing the siege, howe¬ ver, for a further period of twenty days, without any perceptible' progress towards the attainment of his object, he found it expedient, on the twenty-seventh of the month of Zilhudje,* to withdraw from before Her^t, and proceed towards the Murghaub, in order to give battle to Sultan Abu Saeid ; who was, on his part, hastening with rapid marches from Transoxiana to the relief of his capital. In effect, apprized of the danger of Herat, Sultan Saeid submitting to the necessity of patching up some species of accommodation with Mirza Mahommed Jouky, at Shahrokiah, had made the best of his w av towards the Oxus; and, having immediately recrossed that river, w as now returned in great force to the confines of Fariaub. A want of subordination among his troops, on the other hand, and a difference of opinion among his principal officers constrained Abulghauzy, on reaching the station of Seturgui, to recede, however reluctantly, from his resolution of giving battle, and to retreat upon Serkhess, from whence he finally withdrew to Asterabad. Upon this, after reducing Serkhess, Sfiltan Saeid directed his march further towards Jurjaun, Abulghauzy, on intelligence of his approach, assuming afresh the appearance of resolution, and advancing to meet him to a place here called Kherraushaunah ; but again, by a concurrence of adverse cir¬ cumstances, and not improbably by the disorderly spirit prevailing among his troops, he was constrained, under cover of the first con¬ venient night, to withdraw once more towards Adauk, the place of bis former retreat in Khaurezm. The territory of Asterabad was thus recovered without a blow; and Sultan S^eid, having restored his au¬ thority throughout the province, as well as that of Jurjaun, again placed the whole under the government of his son Sultan Mahmud ; after which he returned to Her&t, which he appears to have reached on the twenty-second of the latter Rebbeia, of the eight hundred and sixty-sixth of the hidjerah f * 2ud of October 14G1. t 23rd of January 1462. 606 A. D. 866-ft67. But, as his thoughts were still powerfully attracted, by the neces-. A. Kj462_i^. sity.Qj- extinguishing the embers, of rebellion, kindled by the ambitious, Ivuolausset ul- . „ ... akhbaur. and aspiring projects, ot iMirzia Mahommed Jouky, in Transoxiana,, Shltan S^eid did not long resign himself to the enj’oyment of an inglo¬ rious repose at Herkt. On the twenty seventh of the former Jum- maudy,* he again quitted that metropolis for Balkh ; from whence, after the abode of a few days, he proceeded to the Oxus, which river< he crossed on the ninth of Rudjub.l, Arriving at Samarkand shortly afterwards, he hastened from thence to Shahrokhiah ; the fortifications, of which had by this time been rendered so unassailable, otherwise than by the most cautious and regular approaches, that, a'fter giving, orders for the construction of the Mokaubel-koub, counterforts, and other similar works, J to harrass and straiten the besieged, the Sultan- thought It as well for the present, to return to Samarkand, In this place we are informed that, during the Sultan’s absence in Transoxi-. ana, at the period under consideration, a dreadful contagious disorder- prevailed in Khorassaun, which swept off a prodigious multitude from, the cities, and other towns of that noble province. Towards the commencement of the year eight hundred and sixty, seven. § Shltan Skeid proceeded in person to superintend, and expedite the operations of the siege of Shahrokhiah ; which, nevertheless, fully employed the exertions of his army, for a period subsequent to this, of nearly twelve months— the garrison being, however, at last compel¬ led by famine, to solicit a capitulation, which they obtained on the ninth day of Mohurrem of the eight hundred and sixty eio-hth of the hidjerah,|| Mirza Mahommed Jouky immediately delivering himself up to the mercy of his besiegers, from whom he is said to have expe¬ rienced a very humane and compassionate reception. Accompanied- by his captive, Sultan Saeid then returned again to-Samarkand, and; fronr' thence, .shortly afterwards, to Herat; where he appears to have. • 26th of February. f 7tl! of April. I Although the use of artillery could not, at this period, have been unknown among the. Asiatics, since it had been employed by.Mahommed the lid, with tremendous effect, against the walls of Constantinople, many years before, yet it does not hitherto appear to have been carded so tar to the east-Avard ; else it would, probably, not have escaped the author’^ observation, on this and some former occasions. § October 1462. I] 22nd of 5 ep tember 1463^ 607 Arrived, on this occasion, on the twenty second of the latter Rebbeia, \.H. eca. -of the same year * Mirza Mahornmed Jouky was there confined in the citadel of Eklitiaur-ud-dein, where he remained to the day of his akhba^ur^*^^ death. The contagious and malignant disorder which had spread its ravages throughout Khorassaun, in the preceding, revisited Herat during the present year; in consequence of which, the Sfiltan took up his residence, during winter, at what was usually considered the summer quarters [Yellauk] of Baudgheiss, among the hills to the north-west. When, on the approach of Sultan Saeid, as we have already seen in a former page, Abulghauzy Sultan Husseyne withdrew into Khaur- ezm, where he continued for some time a wanderer through different parts of that country, until circumstances should arise more favoura¬ ble to his views of aggrandizement, the year 868 seemed to present the crisis which he had so patiently awaited ; and he again, in the course of that year, advanced his standard towards Khorassaun, takino- the route of’ Kheyouk, or Kheivuk, and Tezhen, or Tedjen, for Abi* werd, in the first instance. From the latter place, however, he turn¬ ed to the right tow'ards Jennoushaun, or Khaboushaun, and from thence proceeded to Neyshapur, finally directing his march forTer- sheiz. In the mean time, a report of these hostile movements reached Sultan Saeid, in his retirement at Baudgheiss ; from whence he hasten¬ ed, not without marks of considerable impatience, to wards the terri¬ tory of Foushenje, in advance of which place he now encamped — dispatching a part of his force, under some of his most distinguished captains, in the same direction of Tersheiz. In the neighborhood of that place, Abulghauzy, with not more than eighty horse, adventured to engage this detached division, although it amounted to fifteen hun¬ dred; whom, notwithstanding, he entirely defeated, having killed not less than nine of the enemy with his own hand. The fugitives of this disgraceful discomfiture, made the best of their way to the camp of Sultan Saeid; while Abulghauzy returned, without molestation, to¬ wards Mush-hed, and continuing his march to MerA^ proceeded from thence, once more to bis retreat in Khaurezm, having successfully eluded every attempt on the part of the officers of SCiltan S^eid, to * 2d of January 1464. <308 A. H. 869 71. A. D. J 464-65 Khola iisset-ul akhbaur. interrupt his proprreess. When, on the other hand, it was ascertained that the eiiterpnzing Abillghauzy had again withdrawn into Khaur- ezm, the Stiltan returnfd to Her&t, and proceeded to pass the winter of the eight hundred and sixty ninth of the hidjerah* at Menji. In the course of the following spring, he returned again to his capital. The succeeding year, the eight hundred and seventieth of the hid- jerah,']' appears to have been one of untroubled repose; great part of it being devoted, by Sultan \b6 Saeid, to a protracted series of festivities on the circumcision of his children. During the year eight hundred and seventy one, he repaired to pass another winter at Meru, where, in the course oftheseason, a messenger trom Azerbaijaun announced to him the death of Ameir Jahaun Shah, [Zenza], in a battle with Ameir Hussun Beg, the son of Ally, son of Kara Othmaun, surnamed Ozun Hussun, or Hussun the long, monarch of the Auk-kueinlu, or white wethers; the Usun-Cassanes of Knolles, and the western writers>4; It appears that, when in conformity with the treaty of peace con¬ cluded with Sultan Saeid, as formerly related, Ameir Jahaun Shah was withdrawing with his troops into Azerbaijaun, Mirza Peir Bedauk, the bravest and most distingushed of his sons, separated from the army in discontent; and that he proceeded by therouteof Tebbess, and Yezd, into Farss, where he openly declared himself hostile to the authority of his father. In this course of hostility, notwithstanding repeated at¬ tempts, on the part of the father, to recal him by fair means to a sense of his duty, he obstinately persisted, until the expedient was thought of, of employing the interposition of his mother; who proceeded in person to Shirauz, and at last prevailed upon him, with his fam.ily and followers, to quit that province, and remove to Baghdad. Neverthe¬ less, he had not continued long in possession of that government, which had been conferred upon him by paternal indulgence, before he was again impelled by the spirit of ambition, to raise the standard of rebellion against his father. It became therefore necessary to em¬ ploy the intervention of superior force to reduce him to his allegiance; and Ameir Jahaun Shah, in person, at the head of a very powerful * A. D. 1464 65. t Commenciiig 23ril of August 1465 J According to Kiioiles, lie was, however, -the son ot i acliratin, or Auieir Taherteo, prince of Erzenjaun, so frequently mentioued in the life ofTeymilr. 609 army, marched accordingly, to lay siege to the metropolis of Baghdad, where every thing had been prepared by Peir Bedauk, for the most obstinate and determined resistance. The siege' was protracted by various means of defence, for a period of nearly twelve months ; at the conclusion of which, having exhausted every article that could, in any shape, be converted to the support of existence, even to their dogs and cats, the inhabitants submitted to the alternative of implor¬ ing for mere}, and for that purpose sent out a. deputation to treat with Ameir Jahaun Shah, who consented without much difficulty to give them terms. Rejoicing at any prospect of relief to their suffer¬ ings, the half starved Baghdadians immediately threw open their gates, and repaired in crouds to the camp, of their besiegers ; but Peir Bedauk forbore to quit his palace, M'ithout, however, the smallest suspicion that his. father entertained any design against his life. In the mean time, his brother Mahommedy had received the orders of Ameir Jahaun Shah to | Latter part of February, A* 1468. A. H. 871 872. A. D 1466-1468 Kholausset-uU akhbaur. C12 A.'H. 872. A. D. 1468. Kholatissef-ul- akhbaur. ascendants of Kara Yussuf, the ancient enemy of his race, against the rgrandson of Kara Othmaun, the approved vassal and faithful ally of Jthe immortal Teymur. From Kalhoush, after entertaining them very sumptuously, the Sultan now dismissed these ambassadors with a magnificent tiara, baldric, and scimitar, together with a message for Ameir Hussun ; apprizing him in effect, that when the Tcheghataian army should have taken up its quarters in Azerbaijaun, and Ameir IJ ussun Beg should make his appearance in person in the presence of the Sultan, such arrangements would be concluded between them, as might appear suitable to the circumstances of the moment. The Sultan then conducted his troops to the territory of Iley ; and here the information first reached him that the power of his ally, Mirza Hussun Ally the son of Ameir Jahaun Shah, bad been already sub¬ verted ; an event which appears to have been brought to pass under the following circumstances. This prince had, it seems, taken a position with bis army in the neighborhood of Marend, north of the city of Tebreiz, with the de¬ termination of giving battle to Ozun Hussun ; but, having been under the necessity of detaching a considerable part of his force in advance, under two of his Ameirs, of whose fidelity he harboured no suspicion, these two chiefs with the whole of their followers, notwithstanding, basely betrayed their trust, and went over to the enemy ; and the report of this alarming desertion producing, as might have been ex¬ pected, the utmost confusion in the camp of Mirza Hussun Ally, the troops in general infected by the example of their associates in ad¬ vance, proceeded in large bodies to join the standard of Ozun Hus- Run, while others made the best of their way to the army of Sultan SAeid. The latter, however, advanced shortly afterwards to Sultau- niah, and Ozun Hussun withdrew' on the intelligence to Karabaugh, on the other side of the ArajJes; but before the Sultan had yet ad¬ vanced from the neighborhood of Sultauniah, a dispatch was received from Ameir Mezeid, and the officers who had been sent on to Te¬ breiz, urging his immediate presence with the army, at that capital, as indispensably necessary to secure the final attainment of the objects of his expedition. A letter from Ozun Hussun addressed to the chiefs at Tebreiz, accompanied this dispatch, the seal of which letter, 613 contrary to what was his practice on former occasions, being put to the face, or perhaps the head of the contents, instead of to the joining of the envelope. The purport of the letter was, however, in a tone of authority to require that the Tcheghalkian Ameirs would immedi¬ ately withdraw from Tebreiz, the government of which he said that he had bestowed upon his son Agherlu Mahommed. In consequence of this information, Ameir Yhssuf of Shirauz, was dispatched to take charge of Tebreiz ; the Sultan, at the same time, advancing his head quarters to Miaunah — where he was joined, shortly afterwards, by the unfortunate Mirza rlussun Ally, his son Sultan Ally, and his blind brother Yussuf, all of whom he received with equal compassion and generosity. In these circumstances, another agent from Ozun Hussun appeared in the camp of the Sultan, in the person of Yussuf Beg, the brother’s son of that prince, whose reception was conducted with extraordinary pomp of arrangement ; the agent not being permitted to approach the person of the Sultan, until he had placed himself seven and twenty times on his knees. Through the medium of the ministers of state, he was then allowed to represent on the part of his uncle, that for the period of almost a century, his family under every vicissitude had maintained an unshaken attachment for the house of Teymur; and that the same attachment still continued, and would ever continue unimpaired. That with respect to the two provinces of Farss and Irak Ajem, he had already freely ceded both to the Sultan’s govern¬ ment ; and that the province of Azerbaijaun was equally at the dis¬ posal of the agents of his authority. That the only indulgence he claimed, was to be permitted to remain in that region of reeds and rushes, until the severity of winter should have abated ; and the drifting snow should have been so far reduced in the roads and passes, as to enable him to withdraw altogether into the country of his ances¬ tors. To this, the Sultan persisted in replying as before, that when he should reach the proper place, he would take care that every thing should be arranged in a manner suitable to the claims and circum¬ stances of all the parties concerned; and, with this reply, he dispatched his cousin german Mirza MahmAd, in company with the just men¬ tioned Yussuf Beg, to the presence of Ozfin Hussun. A. H. 872. A. D. 1488. Khoiausaet-ul- akhbaur. 614 A. H. 873. A. D 1468. Kholausset-ul akhbaur. Rouzut-us- sufTa. Affecting a state and ceremony corresponding with what he under* stood to have been observed, on the reception of his ambassador, by Sultan S^eid, Ozun Hussun, on the arrival of Mirza Mahmud, gave directions accordingly ; so that on his introduction to the chamber of audience, Mirza Mahmud found, seated on a throne of gold, Mirza Yadgaur Mahommed, the grandson of Mirza Baysungur, son of Shah Rokh, with Ozun Hussun standing on the b ft hand of the throne, in an attitude of stern regard, and the whole of his generals, and princi¬ pal officers, in glittering armour, placed in ranks on different sides. The Mirza, on his entrance, was directed by a nod from Ozun Hus¬ sun, after repeated genuflexions, to address himself firstof all to Yad-~ gaur Mahommed; after which he was permitted to kiss the hand of Ozun Hussun, to explain the object of his mission, , and in a short time to depart with his answer.- On the other hand, the Sultan had been deliberating with his mi¬ nisters, with regard to the place which should be chosen for the winter quarters of the army; and it had been determined to proceed imme¬ diately across the Araxes, to Karabaugh, with the design of expelling Ozvin Hussun from that place, and there passing the approaching winter. For this purpose, the army was pul in motion accordingly, leaving Tebreiz on the left hand, and taking the road to the right towards Aidebeil, which led more immediately towards Karabaugh. When, however, the Sultan had conducted his troops within seven farsangs, or about five and twenty miles, of his object, it was found advisable, in consequence of an unforeseen scarcity of provisions, to change the direction of the march towards Mahmudabad ; in order to cross the Aras, or Araxes, possibly lower down, and to come to an encampment in front of that town; and in the expectation of receiving abundant supplies from the prince of Shirvaun, whose ambassadors had been for some time in attendance upon the Sultan. On their way to the Araxes, in prosecution of this new plan of operations, the march of the army lay, unfortunately, over some plains the herbage of which proved of a quality so noxious, that every animal that fed upon it, perished ; and not a drop of drinkable water w^as to be discovered in any direction. They contrived, however, to reach their destination at last, in front of Mahmudabad, although the circumstance does not appear to have * 615 materially removed the now distressing searcity; no less a sum than ^ ten dinaurs,* being given at this period for a maunn, or about seven pounds weight, of either wheat or barley. The greater part of the cattle had already perished, and hunger and famine soon levelled the distinctions of rich and poor. For some days, however, a supply of provisions continued to arrive along the river, from the territory of the prince of Shirvaun, the camp of Oziin Hussun intersecting the shorter road; and his troops having, by this time, secured the approaches in every other direction so completely, that not a man could pass to the camp of the Sultan, eitherfrom Khorassaun, Farss, orlr^k. At this crisis, or a short time before, Moulana Shums-ud-dein Ma- hommed Muammai [enigmatist] the Suddur, had been dispatched, by Sultan Saeid, on some mission of importance to Shirauz, and this per¬ son had reached Isfahaun in safety; but, on his arrival in that city, he was prevented by the governor, on the part of Sultan Saeid, from pro¬ ceeding any further towards Shirauz, information having been received that Seyud Ally Beg, the lieutenant of the province, had long since thrown off his allegiance to the authority of the Sultan. Moulana Shu ms-ud-dein, considerably rejoiced at his escape, was returning to the camp of his master, under protection of a convoy of arms and stores from Khorassaun, when the whole were attacked and captured by the troops of Ozun Hussun, employed to cut off the communication in that quarter. Shums ud-dein was conducted, shortly afterwards, together with his fellow prisoners, to the presence of Oziin Hussun, to whom he had already been favorably recommended, by Suddur-ud- dein, one of the lords of his court; and the same lord proceeding, on his introduction, to repeat what had been previously represented in his favor, Ozun Hussun suddenly raising his head, said aloud “that so “ far from any thing fatal to apprehend from his resentment, it was not “his intention to do him the slightest injury. On this, approaching with greater courage, Shums-ud-dein placed himself on his knees be¬ fore the monarch, and was immediately directed to take his station at large, among the individuals admitted to his most intimate confi. dence. It appears, that a communication across the Araxes with the camp * £4-11-8 at the lowest computation. A.H. 073. A. D 14G3. Rouznt-us- sutfa. 6m A. H. 873. A. D. 1468. Hoiizut-us- suffa. of the Sultan, had been established by the prince of Shirvaun; and even lower down, towards the posts of Ozun Hussun, at the distance of two farsangs, the Khorassaunians, and the subjects of the Shirvaun Shah, had hitherto continued to pass and repass without interruption» To destroy, or intercept tliis communication, a body of two hundred select cavalry had been privately detached, by Ozun Hussun; but a Turkomaun officer, of the name of Khorouss Beg, on his way to join this detachment, being taken prisoner by a small party of the Khoras-> saunian troops, he was conducted immediately to the presence of the Sultan ; and the information extorted from this officer, led to the almost unavoidable capture of the greater part of the detachment, of which a considerable number were brought prisoners to the camp of the Sultan. One night, not long afterwards, a body of theTurkomauns approaching the outskirts of the encampment, and giving a prodigious alarm by their frightful shouts and barbarous music, the shahzadahs, and t!ie whole of the generals, on their knees intreated that they might be allowed to attack the enemy, without effect; the Sultan insisting that it was not advisable to engage the rebels in the dark. In the morning it was discovered, that the whole force of the enemy did not exceed fifteen hundred men, and the circumstance produced a great deal of unavailing regret among the Khorassaunian troops.. By this time, through the extreme scarcity of provender, and forage of every description, all that remained of the Sultanas horses, were reduced to mere skeletons; and their riders were rendered incapable of anysortof exertion, much more so of replying to the bitter tauntsof the enemy in the field of battle. Those of the Turkomauns, on the other hand, were in the highest condition, and they were perpetually exhi¬ biting their skill and activity in front of the Sultan’s encampment, cutting to pieces all those who fell into their hands, of whatever nation, belonging to his army. To add to the misfortunes; of the Khorassaunians, when they had continued for some time longer ex» posed to every species of privation, insult, and alarm, the prince of Shirvaun suddenly deserted their cause, and drew the whole of his boats, and river craft, to the opposite side of the Araxes; by which unlocked for. measure, great numbers of the Sultan’s subjects, were entirely cut off from their friends, and plundered of all their property.. 617 What led to this alarming defection, is described to have been a com- munication from Ozun Hussuii to the Shirwaunian, to apprize him, that whatever expectations he might have formed on the subject, it was the design of the Tcheghatkians, in the event of success, to rob and plunder his country; and that it would be then too late to reflect upon the folly and rashness of his ill-assorted alliance. The message produced some unpleasant speculations in the mind of the Shirvaun Shah, and from that moment, from the friend, he became the determin¬ ed enemy of the Sultan. To such an extremity, at all events, from the monarch to the most obscure soldier, was the Khorassaunian army now reduced, by the total failure of supplies, that it was finally resol¬ ved to commence, without further delay, the retreat for Ardebeil. The direction of their march led the troops, as it happened, through a marshy swamp full of pits and sloughs, over which, in order to secure a tolerable footing, they were reduced to the expedient of spreading their tents, blankets, and cloaks, for the space of half a farsang, by W’hich means,, with considerable difficulty, they, however, at last ef¬ fected a passage, the Sultan himself remaining on the spot until he saw that every individual of the armv was safe over. Fortunately, the retreat of the Khorassaunians was so sudden, and possibly unex¬ pected, as to have been unperceived by the enemy, otherwise their fate must have here found its consummation ; as it was, the greater surviving part of their cattle was left to perish in the swamp, together with an immense quantity of baggage of every description. Having seen his troops extricated from this web of danger and perplexity, and conducted them to a convenient spot for encampment, the Sul¬ tan dispatched some of his principal officers, with three thousand camels, and two hundred tomauns in specie, to bring a supply of grain and sheep from Guzzulniauje. On,the twelfth day ofRudjub, of the eight hundred and seventy third of the hidjerah,* Seyud Mu- raud had been sent to the rear of, the army, iu.order to give intelligence of the approach of the enemy; w'hen, after he had proceeded to a short distance, that officer fell in with a body of four hundred Turkoman horse, .under the command of a chief of the name of Ameir Beg, who immediately entered into a conversation with him, in the course of, * 25th of January, 1460. VOL. III. 4 K / A. H. 873. A. O. 1469. Rouzut-us- sutfa. 618 A. H. 873. A. D, 1469. illouzut-us- suffa. which he demanded, since Sultan AbA Saeid had made the preposte¬ rous choice of war, with those who had been the unshaken friends, and peace, with those who had been the deadly enemies of his family, ■for the period of nearly a century, how much further he proposed to retire, before he should either have tried the issue of a fair conflict, or made some attempt to bring the matter to an accommodation; and he concluded by observing, that if the Sultan possessed any regard for his own welfare, or for that of the people under his authority, it behoved him, before another day -should have passed over his head, to depute a certain number of his principal officers, to meet an equal number on the part of Ameir Hussun Beg, [Assem Beius]; who was still, as he alleged, sincerely disposed to prove his attachment, and to terminate all their differences by a solid peace. Instead, however, of attending to this apparently amicable proposal, Ameir Seyud Mezeid, with other Ameirs of distinction, went out the day following in the same direction ; and finding the detachment of Turkomauns posted on the same spot as the day before, immediately attacked, and, as they were in force greatly inferior, dispersed them at the very first onset. Such has he had taken prisoners he then dispatched to the camp Of the Sultan, having determined to proceed himself in pursuit of the fugitives, without delay, contrary to the strenuous remonstrance of Seyud Arghun, one of his associates; who distinctly forewarned him, that the Turkomans would doubtless be supported in their rear, and that, considering the reduced and meager stale of his horses, if the obvious dictates of common prudence had any influence on his conduct, he would remain where he was, without advancing one step further. To this, however, he paid not the smallest attention ; and the consequence proved such as might have been easily foreseen. When he had advanced but a short distance in pursuit of the Turkomans, Ozun Hussun in person, at the head of two thou¬ sand horse in perfect array and the best condition, suddenly rushed from the place where he lay in ambuscade; and while they were in a state of heedless dispersion, fell furiously upon the detachment, of whom little less than five hundred, composed of Ameirs, and other young men of the first distinction, were immediately cut to pieces, Seyud Mezeid the commander, became a prisoner to the Turkomans; 619 and those who escaped both slaughter and captivity might, for the moment, have considered themselves fortunate to have been able to effect their retreat, in a condition however shattered and deplorable, to the camp of the Sultan. The sons of Ameir Ally Shukker, who had also attended Seyud Mezeid on this ill-starred excursion, and were among those who returned in safety, how^ever, declined entering, the encampment, but made the best of their way, accompanied by Sultan Ally the son of Mirza HAsseyne, or rather Hussun Ally, prince of Azerbkijaun, towards Hamadaun ; where, at a subsequent period, they put their companion to death. During this embarrassing and peril¬ ous crisis, Mirza Hussun Ally himself had, in the mean time, by de¬ sire of Shltan Saeid, remained in a state of inactivity at Tebreiz. That crisis was, however, now rapidly hastening to its final disclo¬ sure, and.the Sfiltan was at last convinced of the expediency of enter¬ ing upon some plan, of accommodation, in which he conceived it would be requisite to employ the mediation of some individual, equally distinguished by respectability of birth and dignity of charac¬ ter; and his choice, on this trying occasion, fell; upon Seyud Ghej- auth-ud-dein, descended from Seyud Kowaum-ud-dein, the prince of Ammol.and Saury frequently mentioned under the reign of Teymur. This personage, who is described to have surpassed the most illus¬ trious of his race, that lived at the same period, was accordingly directed* to proceed to the camp of Ozum Hussun, for thus we shall continue to call him, although Ameir Hussun Beg is the appellations by which he is usually distinguished by the oriental writers; and he was received with the most flattering respect, by the Turkoman monarch, who hastened to meet, and cordially embraced him, before the entrance of his pavilion, or tent of audience. He announced to. him, however, at the same moment, that his resolution was taken, not to consent to an accommodation on any terms; and yet, that he should feel himself under considerable embarrassment in adhering to such a resolution, contrary to what might be indicated to him, through the medium of one whom he was disposed so highly to esteem. But, be¬ fore they could enter further into the discussion, Ameir Seyud Ibrau- him of Koumm, accompanied by no less a personage than the Sultanas, own mother, presented himself, in the camp of the Turkoman ;.andi A.H. 87S. A. D 1469. Rouzut-ui> sufia. 620 A. H. 07«. A. D. J469. Rouzut ns- sufFa. almost at the same instant, appeared the Seyud of Ardeheil — doubt¬ less Sheikh Heyder Ardebeily, who was married to Martha the 'daughter of Ozun Hussun, the fruit of which tnarriage was Ismaeil the I. the first Persian monarch of the house of Seffy, who must there¬ fore have been the grandson of Ozun Hussun.* The Seyud of Arde- beil had, it seems, been dispatched some time before, by Ozun Hus¬ sun himself, on a pretended pacific mission to the camp of Abfi S^eid ; and he now assured the Turkoman, that the troops of Khorassaun w'ere already reduced to the utmost extremity of distress and despair; that they were hourly perishing of themselves, through hunger, dis¬ ease, and famine ; "and that it w'ould, therefore, be the height of folly and impolicy, to listen to any proposal of accommodation from their prince. These arguments had their full weight in deciding the judgment of Ozun Hussun; and accordingly, when the agents of Sultan S^eid, in explaining the objects of their mission, proceeded to state, that having so lately rejected every overture towards an accommodation on the part of Ameir Hussun, they were now come on the part of their mas¬ ter, to demand peace, on any terms that he might be disposed to grant them; their supplications had little force against the more convincing, and important informatirm, conveyed through the Ardebeilian Seyud; ' and Ozun Hussun, without further ceremony, announced to them, that the atfairs of their master had now passed the crisis at which ac¬ commodation was attainable, since they were at this moment in a state of confusion beyond remedy ; the Khorassaunian Ameirs having themselves condescended to declare, that the power of Sultan Saeid had reached its close, and that the sun of his glory was about to set forever. His attention seemed then directed to make certain friendly inquiries into the personal affairs of Seyud Gheyauth-ud-dein Ma- hommed ; in the course of which, having given him to understand that he was not ignorant that Sultan Saeid had been under a promise to invest him with the government of Saury, which promise, when it was fairly in his power, he had omitted to fulfil ; and calling to one of his secretaries, he immediately ordered him to draw out a patent for the government in question, and having executed it on the spot • Vide Knolles’s History of the Turks. 621 M’itb the necessary formalities, he delivered it into the hands of the Seyud. The agents of Abu Saeid were then permitted to take their departure without further detention. Hut the mother of the Sultan had scarcely re-entered the camp of her son, together with her conductors, when the Turkoman troops followed, with little to apprehend from the resistance of their adver¬ saries; the Khorassaunian Ameirs having, in the mean time indeed, quitted their posts, and gone over to the camp of Ozun Flussun; and the same day at noon, perceiving that all was lost, the Sultan himself took to flight. He was, however, immediately pursued, by the two sons of Ozhn Hussun, by whom he was easily overtaken ; and before midnight he was safely lodged in the camp of his enemy, under a guard from whom it would be no easy matter to effect his escape. At the expiration of two days, the captive monarch was sent for to the pre¬ sence of Ozun Hussun; who advanced to receive him, when he saw that he had approached within a short distance of the audience tent, and otherwise treated him with every mark of respect due to the exal¬ ted station, from which he had so suddenly fallen. When they had taken their seats in the assembly, Ozun Hussun, in stating his vari¬ ous grievances, proceeded at some length to enumerate the many injuries which he had sustained, in return for the multiplied instances of zeal and attachment, uniformly exhibited in his conduct towards the Sultan ; to which the latter endeavored to reply, in such terms as appeared suitable to the occasion. And it would seem, that when these mutual explanations had taken place, after remanding his captive to safe custody, Ozun Hussun, so far from entertaining any further design to his injury, actually intended to furnish the unfortunate monarch with an equipage suitable to his princely rank, and finally to restore him to liberty and his country. But, on entering into consultation on the subject, with the principal ministers and Ameirs of his court, the whole strenuously united in remonstrating against the obvious impolicy, and even imbecility, after accumulating upon him every species of insult, distress, and injury, of reposing any confidence in the professions of that naan, to whose forbearance so little could be trusted, when nothing had been done on their part to provoke his hostility. For it was absurd to conceive, \.H. 873. \. D. uun. Rouzutus- sutFa. 622 A. D. 873. that when restored to power, he would omit to apply it to the punish- A. D. 1469. subversion of that state from which he had, however deser- ' vedly, experienced so many severe calamities. On this occasion, however, none were so forward to urge the immediate destruction of Abu Saeid, as the agent of the prince of Shirwaun ; because, on the same day, the unfortunate monarch had taken an opportunity of re¬ minding this man, that Ozun Hussun had never triumphed over the TcheghatMan army, were it not for the perfidious desertion of the Shirwaunian, and the consequent failure of supplies.. The agent was therefore persuaded, that if ever he regained his liberty, and in his turn triumphed over the power of his enemies, the Sultan would con¬ vey the whole soil of Shirwaun,. in to Khorassaun, in the very feedi ng- bags of his horses. On the twenty-second of Rudjub, at all events, of the eight hun¬ dred and seventy-third of the hidjerah,* the captive monarch was conducted to visit his kinsman, the MirzaTadgaur, Mahommed son of Sultan Mahommed, recently mentioned ; who on the approach of; the Sultan within a short distance of his tent, respectfully advanced to receive, and to all appearance, also most cordially embraced him. He then returned into his tent, and the Sultan was stepping forward to follow, when the attendants suddenly interposed, and announced that he must remain where he was. The Sultan now discovered that the crisis of his destiny was arrived; and seating himself down on the spot, with his face towards the Keblah of the temple of Mekkah, his thread of life was instantly dissevered by the executioners of hu¬ man vengeance. We have been led to be thus circumstantial in describing the latter events of the reign of Sultan Saeid,' which occu¬ pied altogether a period of eighteen years, because the subject became more material to our history from the consideration that lie was the grandfather of the illustrious Sultan Bkber, the celebrated founder of the Hindustauny branch of the house of Teymur ; of whom we are pledged to speak more at length before we come to the conclusion of these memoirs. Kholausset-ul- The moment it became known that Sultan Saeid bad consigned akbbaur. himself to the hazards of a precarious flight, the utmost consternation • 4th of February, 1469,^ 623 took possession of the Khorassaunians ; while the Turkomaunian soldiery, pouring into the royal quarters, immediately proceeded to indulge without restraint in all the excesses of robbery and pillage. But the royal tents and their appendages remained yet substantially untouched, when Ozun Hussun in person fortunately arrived ; and placing himself on horseback before the principal entrance, sternly called upon the troops to forbear from these acts of licentious outrage. Orders were then given to secnre the treasure, and to station the necessary guards for the protection of the females of the family of the Sultan. A mandate was promulgated at the same time, that the Ameirs of Khorassaun, with their military retainers, should immedi¬ ately enrol themselves under the standard of Mirza Mahommed, and not a tew readily conformed to this arrangement. Others dispersed in different directions to all parts of the country ; and such of the principal officers and ministers of the household of the Sultan, as became prisoners in the hands of the Turkomans, were generously set at large at the command of Ozun Hussun ; excepting only Meirek Abdurraheim the Suddur, chief judge, or perhaps metropolitan, who, because the Sultan is alleged to have been actuated in his hostile designs towards Ameir Hussun, principally through his malignant counsels, w^as therefore condemned to be flayed alive, and his skin ' stuffed with straw, to be suspended by the side of the high road, exposed to the view of the troops as they passed to their respective tlestinations. At the period of his death, there were, of the children of Sultan Abu S^eid, living eleven sons, as enumerated in the following list: Mirza Siltan Ahmed ; Mirza Sdltan Mahommed; Mirza Sultan Mah¬ mud ; Mirza Shah Rokh ; Mirza Olhgh Beg ; Mirza Omar Sheikh; Mirza Abu Bukker ; Mirza Sultan Muraud ; Mirza Sultan Khaleil ; Mirza Sultan Walid, and Mirza Sultan Omar. Of these, the Mirzas Sultan Mahommed and Shah Rokh, became the prisoners of Oziin Hussun, on the fatal discomfiture in Azerbaijaun, and were lodged in confinement in some of the castles, in the neighboring province of Ir^k Ajem. At the expiration of a certain period, they were however, set at large, and lived for a long time in different parts of that country in extreme indigence; until the eight hundred and A. H. 873. A D 1469. Kliolausset-ul- akiibaur. 024 A. H. 073. A. D. 1469 Kholaiisset-ul- akhbaur. ninety-ninth of the hidjerah, when, on his way towards Khorassaun, Shah Rokh died at Saury in the province of Mazanderaun, his body being conveyed to Her^t, w'here it was buried in the niansoleum of Gouhershaud Aga. Mirza Sultan Mahommed; was, however, sup¬ posed to be still living in the nine hundred and fifth of the hidjerah,* the period at which the author of the Kholausset-ul-akhbaur was about to close his history. Mirza Sultan Mahmud, the most dis¬ creet and virtuous, according to our author, of all the Sultan’s chil¬ dren, escaped the general catastrophe, and made his way good into Khorassaun; but, as the metropolis of Herat was by that time in the possession of Abhlghauzy Sultan Husseyne, he continued his retreat to Samarkand, in order to join his elder brother Sultan Ahmed, who held the government of Transoxiana. He was received with great kindness and affection, and continued to live with his brother on terms of the happiest cordiality for some time; until, seduced by the counsels of ambitioh, he embraced the opportunity, while amusing himself in the neighborhood of Samarkand, under, pretence of hunting, to withdraw into the territory of Hessaur, [shaudemaun], of the government of which, together with Buddukhshaun, Kondez, and Bakalaun, he contrived to put himself in possession ; and to these, on the death of Mirza Sultan Ahmed, in the eight hundred and ninety-ninth of the hidjerah, he further added the government of Samarkand. He did not, however, long enjoy this acquisition of power, dying also in the month of Mohurrem, of the year nine hundred. J Mirza Sfiltan Mahmud left four sons, whose names were as follows: Mirza Sultan Mfissaoud ; Mirza Baysungur ; Mirza Sultan Ally ; and Mirza Sultan Weiss. Of these the former became, on the death of his father, prince of Hessaur, while Mirza Baysungur succeeded to the government of Samarkand ; and hostilities ensuing between this latter prince and his brother Sultan Ally,. he took him prisoner, and directed that he should be deprived of sight. By some means or other, the Sultan contrived, however, to sustain the operation with¬ out injury to his eyes, and escaped some time afterwards-to Bokhara. At that place Sultan Ally had sufficient influence to raise an army with * Commencing 7th August, A. D. 1499. t Commencing 1 1th Octobsr, A. D. 1493, I October 1494. 625 which he advanced to Samarkand ; his brother Baysungur unable to oppose him in the field, concealing himself among the inhabitants within the walls of that city. But a convenient opportunity offering, shortly afterwards, he effected his escape from thence to Kondez, where he claimed the protection of Ameir Khossrou Shah, one of those officers who had been brought up under his father’s bounty ; leaving his brother Sultan Ally in undisturbed possession of Samar¬ kand, over which he still continued to exercise the sovereign autho¬ rity, in the nine hundred and fifth of the hidjerah. Mirza Baysungur, on the other hand, on his arrival at Kondez, was immediately invested with the royal dignity by Ameir Khossrou Shah; and hostilities commenced, not long afterwards, under his au¬ thority to deprive his brother Sultan Mussaoud of the power which he had established over the government of Hessaur. The latter found it expedient to withdraw, from a contest to which he conceived his resources unequal, into Khorassaun, where he w^as most honorably received by Abulghauzy Sultan Husseyne; who bestowed upon him the hand of one of his daughters, with every thing that could contribute to repair the losses which he might have sustained, in his unjust ex¬ pulsion from his hereditary government. When he had resided for some time at Herat, tasting all the enjoyments of a splendid repose, Abulghauzy, to crown the measure of his bounties, furnished him with a powerful army to re conquer his government of Hessaur; but, when he was arrived within a short distance of his destination, Sultan Mussaoud suffered himself to be persuaded, by repeated messages from Ameir Khossrou Shah, that that perfidious chief was entirely in his interests; and being completely deceived by these insidious pro¬ fessions, he had the folly and imprudence, unaccompanied by his army, to proceed to Kondez, or Kondoz. And there, with a total disregard to the ties of gratitude and the obligations of public faith, he was instantly deprived of sight, and, accompanied by a slender escort, dis¬ missed for Samarkand ; with the supposition that he would be per¬ mitted to spend the remainder of his days at that place, under the protection of his brother Sultan Ally. Trusting, however, to the better tried humanity of Abfilghauzy Sultan Husseyne, the unfortunate Miiss^oud determined on repairing once more to Her^t; where he VOL. III. 4 L A. 11. 873. A. D 1469. Klirtlausset-iil- akhbaur. 626 A.H.873. A. D, 1469. Kbolaiisset-ui- akhbaur. finally arrived in safety, and continued still to xeside. under , the pro¬ tection of his benefactor, in the nine hundred and fifth of the hidjerah. Having thus rendered Sultan Muss&oad . utterly incapable of any further views on the sovereign power, Anjeir Khossrou Shah no longer delayed to carry into execution his perfidious plans against.. Mirza Baysungur, whom, with equal baseness and cruelty, he caused to be murdered a short time afterwards; and thus finally succeeded in esta¬ blishing his authority, without a competitor, over the whole territory of Kondez, and Bakalaun, together with Buddukhshaun and Hessaur. Sultan Weiss, the fourth of the sons-.of Mirza Sultan Mahmud, in the midst of these disturbances, escaped into Tiirkesiaun; where lie was still living among his maternal .kindred, at the period to w'hich the author of the Kholausset ul-akhbaur, had now brought his history. To proceed with the remainder of the sons of Sfilian Abu Saeid, Mirza Olugh Beg, the 5th in order, had, as it would appear, previous to the death of his father, been invested with the governments of Kabul and Gheznein, and was still in undisputed possession at the period so often referred to, the nine hundred and fifth of the hidjerah.* The Sultan had also conferred the province of Buddukhshaun, upon Mjrza Aba Bukker, the seventh of the illustrious brothers, whom our author considers as the most warlike of the whole; and he continued in the government of that country, long during the life of his father, and, through the exemplary kindness and generosity of Abulghauzy Sultan Hvisseyne, for some time subsequent to his death. But ulti¬ mately disregarding his obligations to that benevolent prince, and engaging in hostilities against his authority, he became, after many a severe and obstinate conflict, his prisoner; and his career was termin¬ ated by the hand of destiny, towards the latter part of theuuonih of Rudjub, of the year eight hundred and eighty-four.'!’ In the same paternal spirit, the province of Andejaun, or Ferghaunab, had been conferred by Sfiltau Saeid, upon Mirza Omar Sheikh; and he also continued to hold his authority over that country sulisequent to the death of fiis father, until the month of Sliabaun, of the eight hundred and ninety ninth of the hidjerah.J when he died in consequence of a fall from a pigeon house, as will be seen in another place. His son • A, L>. 1499. t October 1479. I May 1494. f 627 Mirza Bkber, immediately succeeded to the vacant authority, with A. 11.078. the unanimous concurfence of the whole of the Ameirs, and principal ' ^ lviioiHUSS6t'U[« natives of the country. With respect to Sultan Maraud, the eighth akhbaur. in order, in the above enumeration of the sons of Sultan Saeid, he had for several years administered the government of Kandahaur, and the neighboring territory of Gurrumseir, under the authority of his father; and when the province of Irak Ajem had been added to the other extensive possessions of Sultan Saeid, he was proceeding, by his father’s orders, into Kermaun; but receiving on his march, intel¬ ligence of the disastrous reverse in Azerbaijaun, he returned towards the Gurrumseir territory. Before he could again reach his destination, he was, however, compelled, through the hostile proceedings of Ytissuf Terkhan, to draw off into Khorassaun, where he also claimed the protection of Abulghauzy Sultan Husseyne. By that illustrious monarch, he was conveyed to the court of his elder brother Sultan Ahmed, at Samarkand; but through some circumstance or other, per¬ ceiving little to hope for from the sympathies of fraternal affection, he embraced the earliest opportunity of returning into Khorassaun, where for a short time, he experienced afresh the most bountiful treatment from Abhlghauzy; although, for reasons which are not ex¬ plained, during the month of Suflfur, of the eight hundred and eight¬ ieth of the hidjerah,* he was, together with some of his attendants, finally conveyed to the fortress of Neirahtou, and nothing further was ever heard of him. Mirza Sultan Khaleil, at the period of his father’s disastrous fate, resided at Herat, and, after Abulghauzy Sultan Hfisseyne had suc¬ ceeded in establishing his authority over Khorassaun, was, like others of the family, dispatched by that 'monarch into Transoxiana ; where however, proceeding to excite sedition and revolt, he was early cut short in his designs, and put to death by one of the ofl5cers in the service of his brother Sultan Ahmed. Mirza Sultan Waiid retired among the Ameirs of the tribe of Erlaut, where he remained to the dayof his death. And, lastly, when the grandeur of the family seems to have perished with Sultan Abti Saeid, in the defiles of Azerbaijaun, Mirza Sultan Omar, the youngest of the brothers in this list, had his • June 1476. 628 A. H. 873. A. D. 1469. Kholausset-uI< aklibaur. abode in the territory of Samarkand; but, long subsequent to that event, his brother Sultan Ahmed; judging from certain suspicious appearances that he was hatching designs against his authority, took care to anticipate the execution, and to expel him from the country; after which, he joined his other brother Aba Bukker, with whom he was present when he experienced his defeat, in the neighborhood of Meru, from the troops of Abiilghauzy. From the scene of this dis¬ comfiture he made his way into the territory of Abiwerd and Nessa ; but be there fell into the hands of some of those in the service of Abblghauzy, by whom he was conducted immediately to Herati From thence, after experiencing a confinement of some duration in the castle of Ekhtiaur-ud-dein, he was, in the month of Rudjub, of the eight hundred and eighty third of the hidjerah,* finally transferred to the fortress of Neirahtou ; and'of him also notbing funher was ever known. Of the early history of Sultan Sauheb Keraun Abulghauz^y Sultan Husseyne Bahauder Khaun, to the events of whose reign the narra¬ tive is now about to proceed, a sketch has already appeared in the former part of this chapter. It is here only necessary to remind the reader that he was the son of Mirza Baykera, the son of Omar Sheikh, and of course the great grandson of Teymur; As soon as it became generally known that Sultan Abu S^eid was sinking under the com¬ bined pressure of famine, and the efforts of the Turkoman armies, Abulghauzy quitted his retreat in Khaurezm for the last time, and again directed his march towards Kborassaun. Tauje-ucl-dein Hus- sun Melky, and Ameir Bei-nezzeir, who had been left in charge of Herkt, omitted no precaution, however, to place the walls and tower-s of that metropolis in a proper state of defence^ the moment it was ascertained that he was actually encamped in the territory between Abiwerd and Nessa ; while dispatches were forwarded without delay to Samarkand, to announce the approach of the enemy. In conse¬ quence of this intelligence, Mirza Sultan Ahmed immediately left that capital, and crossed the Jeyhun, at the head of a numerous army. In the mean time, reports of the final catastrophe in Azerbhijaun, were circulated in all quarters, on which Abfilghauzy put his troops ^ October- 1478. 629 in motion directly for Herat ; and this circumstance was no sooner ascertained by Mirza Sultan Ahmed than he returned without further delay towards Samarkand. His brother, Sultan Mahmud, on the other hand, contrived to reach Herat, on the second of Ramzaun, of the year eight hundred and seventy-three;* but perceiving, after a residence of three or four days, that the people in all their classes and gradations directed their hopes towards the camp of Abdlghauzy, he very quietly divested himself of all further thoughts on the throne of Khorassaun; and attended by a certain Ameir Kumber.Ally made the best of his way for the territory beyond the Oxus — Ameir Sheikh Abu S^eid entering shortly afterwards to take possession of the gov¬ ernment of Herat, on the part of Abulghauzy. On the eighth of the same month of Ramzaun, the nobility.and principal inhabitants of the town proceeded to meet their new sovereign, and, being introduced to his presence on the north side of the hill of the Btloulygah, were most favorably received. After bestowing the most distinguished marks of kindness. on the men of letters, and members of. the. learned professions presented to him on the occasion, Abulghauzy led his troops to encamp at the Takht, or shrine, of Hadjy Beg, in the neigh¬ borhood of the city. On friday the tenth of Ramzaun,f the Khot- bah, or public prayer, was recited in all -the mosques through Herkt, in the name of Abulghauzy ; and on the same day, that monarch, , after the performance of his devotions, entered the palace of the Baugh-e-zoghun, or raven g.ardens,^where he publickly seated him.r self on the throne of Khorassaun. When he had, in due time, succeeded in completing the subjuga? lion of the territory of Khorassaun, Ameir Sheikh Zauhed Tauromy was dispatclied by Abulghauzy to effect the reduction of Mazande- raun ; which that officer finally accomplished, after killing Mirza Menutcheher,. the elder brother of Sultan Saeid, who had made an attempt to secure the districts of Rustumdaur for himself, subsequent to the discomfiture in Azerbaijaun. Lest, however, he might be led to conceive that his prosperity was to continue unalloyed with the afflictions of humanity, Abulghauzy, in the early part of the eight- hundred and seventy-fourth of the hidjerah, experienced a heavy, * lOtli of March J469, t 23rd of March 1469. A.H. 87371. A. D. 1469. Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. 630 A. H.874. 'A. D 1469, Klioia usst't-ul- aklibaur. domestic calamity in the death of his mother, the princess Feyrou- ’ zah Begum, who expired at Her4t on the fourteenth day of Mohur- t?cm of that year.* At that period when Ameir Jahann Shah the Tiirltoman wjthdrew ifrom Khorassaun, as we have already seen, in consequence of the treaty withSultanSkeid,it appears that Mirza Yadg^r Mahommed, the son of Baysungur, son of Shah Rokh,by the advice of his aunt Pay- endah Begum, under whose care he had received his education, rather than remain among his own relatives resolved to accompany the Turkoman chief into Azerbaijaun ; and there, during the remainder of the life of Ameir Jahaun Shah, he continued to pass his days in the enjoyment of every thing that could contribute to his repose and happiness. On the death of that monarch he experienced also from his conqueror, Ameir Hussun Beg, or Ozun Hussun, proofs of ^respect and honor, in no degree inferior; and when that monarch had consummated his victory over Sultan Sheid, one of his first ob¬ jects was to place the son of Baysungur in a posture, with several of the Ameirs of the province at the head of a very powerful army, to undertake the invasion of Khorassaun. Mirza Yadgaur Mahommed proceeded accordingly, in all the pride of power, and confidence -of success, to carry into execution "the scheme of conquest laid open to him by his benefactor; and as his progress led him first into Mazanderaun, he appears to have expelled the lieutenant of Abul- ghauzy from that province, without much difficulty. The moment he became apprized of these hostilities, Abulghau- zy, on his part, sent off a respectable force under the Ameirs Wully Beg, and Abdulkhaulek, to oppose the attempts of the invader. Pro¬ ceeding by the way of Neysh4pur, these Ameirs advanced to Semel- >gaun, where they encamped for some days; being followed a short time afterwards, by a further division dispatched to their support, under Mirza Mahommed Sultan, surnamed Mirza Ketchek — the little Mirza — ^theson of Mirza Sultan Ahmed, son of Mirza Seyud Ahmed, son of Meiran Shah, and sister’s son of Abulghaiizy. The whole when united then marched together,in quest of Mirza Yadgaur, who had, by this time, led his army through the defiles of Asterabad towards * 24th of July I4(i9. 631 the frontiers of Khorassaun. When, however, they reached the station ot Shouraub, the troops of Abul^hauzy, in conformity with instructions recently transmitted by their sovereign, took post on the range of hills called the, Kouh-Khorouss-Yellauky, . where they ap¬ peared in sufficient strength and security to bid defiance to all attack; and MirzaYadgaur, finding their position unassailable with any pros¬ pect of success, immediately drew off towards Esferkein. Having on the other hand, completed his arrangements, Abaighau- zy took, his.,departure from Herat, on the fourth day of the former Rebbeia, of the, eight hundred, and seventy fourth of the hidjerah ;* and in the ordinary succession of marches proceeded to Mush-hed, Here when the monarch, preparatory to the resumption of his march, gave orders that the astrologers should attend his presence, for the purpose of determining on the hour propitious for departure, his con¬ fidential . minister Ameix Ally Sheir, the patron of our author, hon¬ estly stated that he did not conceive the presence of astrologers, or. any research into the complexion of the hour, could be attended with any essential advantage ; on the contrary, whether that hour was decla¬ red favorable, or otherwise, one thing was very certain, that the inves¬ tigation would be productive of delay, when it was indispensably ne¬ cessary that his march should be immediate, and as expeditious as possible.' The argument appeared so conclusive to the prince, that he put his troops in motion, without -a moment’s further delay, in quest of the enemy. On information that Mirza Yadgaur was en¬ camped at Tchenaweran, Mirza Ketchek also, with the troops under his orders, quitted the defensive position on Kouh Khorouss, and hastenrd to join the main body under Abulghauzy; who, thus rein¬ forced, immediately advanced towards the same station of Tchenawer- - an, where he drew up the whole of hisarmy in order of battle, in the presence of his adversary. Muza Yadgaur being, on his part, little disposed to decline the chalh nge, a most severe and obstinate conflict i ensued; in which, at the very crisis when his army .appeared on the verge of defeat, Abulghauzy, sword in hand, bravely rushed upon the enemy, and, in one moment, fixed the fortune of the day in his own favor. The troops of Mirza Yadgaur then quitted the field in the i * lOtli ot September 1469. A. H. 874. A. D. 1469. kholausset-ul- - akhbaur. 632 A. H. 874. utmqst confusion, immediately dispersing in every direction ; while A. D. 1469. conqueror triumphantly took possession of the ground they had abandoned, and remained encamped on thesame spot at Tchenaweran for the space of fourteen days afterwards. At the expiration of that period, having conferred the government of Asterabad, upon Ameir H nssun the son ot Sheikh Temur, Abulghanzy returned to Herat. He had, however, not been many days at his capital, when intelli¬ gence from Damaghaun announced to him, that a large body of Turk¬ omans, under some of his own relatives, had been dispatched by Ozun Tdussun, to the support of Mirza Yadgaur ; and that encouraged by such a reinforcement, the latter had resumed his designs upon Kho- rassaun. The Ameirs Nausser-ud-dein Abdulkhaulek, and Sheikh Abu S^ieid, together with Peir Ally the Turkoman, were therefore again employed to oppose this fresh invasion ; but, on further infor¬ mation that the enemy had already penetrated to the borders of Sub- buzwaur and Neyshapur, Abulghauzy in person, hastened to the sup¬ port of his generals, whom he accordingly joined in the luxuriant territory of Raudegaun. From thence he proceeded towards Sub- buzwaur, at this juncture the head quarters of Mirza Yadgaur, and his army of Tfirkomans. Advised, however, of the approach of Abul- ghauzy, Mirza Yadgaur withdrew in considerable haste towards Jau- jerom, leaving Kauzy Beg, one of his officers, to make a stand in the castle of Subbuzwaur. But the banners of Abhlghauzy were no sooner displayt^d before that place, than the Khorassaunian troops were led to the assault, and the castle was carried at the first onset; the governor was taken prisoner, and ignominiously hound; andseven- 4y Turkomans, who had rendered themselves particularly obnoxious, ^through their arrogant and oppressive behavior, were delivered over to the just vengeance of the inhabitants, by whom they were immediately put to death. Abulghauzy then led his troops in pursuit of the ene¬ my; of whom, soon after he had encamped at the station of Punjde- henah, or the five gorges, a part of his army fell in w ith, and defeated a considerable detachment, probably the rear guard, with great loss, several officers of th« first distinction, belonging to the troops ot Mirza Yadgaur, being ikilled in the action. Nevertheless, on advancing from the last mentioned station to 033 Jaujerom, a strange and unaccountable reverse took place in the for¬ tune of Abulghauzy; and an entire change in his proceedings was render¬ ed immediately necessary, by an alarming defection among his troops, Avho went over in crowds to the enemy. Compelled to yield to the force of circumstances, it appears to have been considered as a matter of some consolation, that he should have been permitted to prosecute his march in safety to Mush-hed, and from thence to the Pull-e kha- tun, or bridge of the princess, where he joined his heavy baggage. In the mean time, Abdullah Akhteb, whom he had left in charge of the government of Herat, contrived, by his arbitrary and oppressive exac-, tions, to render himself so odious to the inhabitants, that they at last rose upon their oppressor ; and shutting him up in the Khaunekah, or, caravanserai, of the illustrious Shah Rokh, which he had chosen for his abode, compelled him there to secrete himself in an unknown corner of the building; after which, the tumult subsided of itself, and the inhabitants quietly returned to their occupations. This unwelcome intelligence reached Abulghauzy, in his camp at the Phll-e-khautun ; and it was immediately resolved to dispatch the favorite minister Ameir Ally Sheir, whose counsels and exertions were ever directed to the welfare of his fellow subjects, with letters from his master, to restore the confidence of the citizens of Herat, and to console them, under the sense of their wrongs, from the unauthorized proceedings of a tyrannical governor. Repairing to Herat, accordingly. Ally Sheir, in conformity with the instructions of his sovereign, devoted his ut¬ most zeal and diligence to redress the inhabitants, and to protect them from further oppression; thus arresting ^he arm of violence from ex¬ tending its inflictions, any more, to the injury of the weak and unfortu¬ nate. Having conveyed his heavy baggage and equipments on the way to Neirahth, Abulghauzy, also, returned shortly afterwards, and took up his abode in the Baugh-e-nuzzergah, or prospect gardens, in the neighborhood of the metropolis. As might have been expected, before he had been many days at Herat, on this occasion, it was again announced to him, that Mirza Yadgaur Mahommed was arrived at Khaboush^n, or perhaps Jenu- shaun, on his way to Mush-hed. Abulghauzy therefore, at the head of such troops as he had been able to assemble, proceeded once more A. H. 874. A n 1469. Kholaiisset-ui- akhbaur. VOL. JJl. 4 M 634 A. H.874 876. towards that place. But, he had no sooner encamped on the plaini A. D 1469-1470. Qf jyjesherth, or Meshratu, than the spirit of disaffection broke out ^^alihbaur!^ afresh among his troops, and sent them again in entire squadrons to join the enemy. In these circumstances, there seemed no other resource than, as on former occasions, to temporise with his misfortunes; and the Siiltan was compelled to postpone his design of giving' battle, to some more favorable opportunity. He therefore conceived it, expedi¬ ent, in the first instance, to remove his camp to the foot of the Kullab Kouh, a range of hills in the neighborhood; and from thence, imme¬ diately afterwards, by the route of Tokouz-rebbaut, towards the for¬ tress of Neirahtfi. Arriving under the walls of that place, it was his intention to have made it, for some time at least, the asylum of the female part of his family; and for this purpose, a messenger was sent in with instructions to Ahmed Touktchey, who had been entrusted with the command of this important post by Abftlghauzy's own ap¬ pointment, to provide the necessary accommodation for their recep¬ tion. To this, however, the faithless changeling replied, that if the Silltan was disposed to enter with no more than one or two of his at¬ tendants, the gates should be freely thrown open to him — but not otherwise, £willa, filla]. From an answer so laconic, and so little consistent with the principle of duty, it was not difficult to discover that the contagion of disloyalty had extended itself to the garrison of Neirahtu; and it became therefore expedient to look for security to some other quarter, and to retire without delay towards the banks of the Murghaub. Here, while he was deliberating with no small per¬ plexity as to the direction in which he should next bend his course, a messenger from Ameir Muzuffur Berlas, the independent chief of Keysaur, or possibly Konsaur, presented himself to Abulghauzy; and announced to him from his master, that a very respectable body of the tribe of Erlaut, established in that neighborhood, had expressed a wish for his presence among them, being desirous, as he alleged, to attach themselves to his standard, and to devote their lives to his service. Abfilghauzy most gladly availed himself of this seasonable invitation, and he proceeded, accordingly, without delay, towards Keysaur; where, on his arrival, he was cordially greeted by Ameir Mtizuffur, and other chiefs of the tribe, on all of whom he conferred such marks of hia 635 ' favor as were proportionate to their respective qualities. From thence he proceeded further to the town ofMeyrnenah, of which we possess no further information ; but where, for the present, the narrative leaves him, awaiting the return of some crisis more favorable to his designs. At that period at which Abulghaiizy quitted the plains of Meshertu* directing his march for the fortress of Neirahtu, Mirza Yad^aur was still encamped in the territory of Raudegaun ; but, urged by the coun¬ sels of the Ameirs Feridoun Berlas, and Sultan Ahmed Tchaurshum- bah, and some others, the princess Payendah Sultan Begum hastened to enter Herat, which she thus succeeded, without opposition, in securing for her brother’s son. On intelligence of this successful undertaking, on the part of his patroness, Mirza Yadgaur drew also towards the metropolis ; but passing to the northward of the town, he thought it expedient to proceed without halting, in quest of the troops of Abulghauzy, to the Murghaub. Having, however, over-run the whole of the country in that direction, apparently without resistance, he returned towards Heiat; to the neighborhood of which he was now welcomed, by the general homage of all classes of the inhabit¬ ants. Selecting a day on which the moon was on its increase, he next proceeded to encamp on the plain of Kehdestaiin; and on mon- day the ninth of Mohurrem, of the eight hundred and seventy fifth of the hidjerah,* which was also a day of auspicious quadrature, he made his entry into the Baugh-e-zaughan, or raven gardens, the favorite royal residence in the suburbs of the metropolis. At the same time, desirous of evincing, without delay, his gratitude to the Turkoman chiefs in the service of Ozfin Hussun, to whose exertions he was so materially indebted for his recent success, and who had signified a wish to settle in the country, he hastened to distinguish them by all the marks of kindness and encouragement in his power to bestow, assigning to them the fairest dwellings, and the most pleasant situa¬ tions in the neighborhood, for their abode. The debt of gratitude thus far discharged, Mirza Yadgaur conceived he might now resign himself, without reserve, to his pleasures; and his time became henceforward devoted, almost exclusively, to the • 7lh of July 1470. A. H. 874 B75. A. D. 1469-1470 Khoiausset-ul- akhbaur. 636 A. H. 875, enjoyments of wine and music. Of this state of delirious indulgence, A. D. 1470. jjis tyrannical and licentious followers took the usual advantage of 'akhbaur^^' exercising every species of violence and injustice on the unfortunate subjects of his government; so that, unable to support the-enonnous exactions levied upon the hard-earned wages ot industry, . the whole body of artizans, and useful mechanics, betook themselves to the last alternative, of abandoning the country of their birth, and the tombs- of their fathers. To add to the general distress, Sbltan Khaleil, one of the sons of Ozun Hfissun, with another body of liirkonaans, en¬ tered Khorassaun. and took up his quarters in the fertile territory of Raudegan, which he proceeded to overspread with every species of enormity and outrage ; while his brother Zeneil, or Zeynel, extended* the same enormities throughout the neighboring districts of the Kohestaun, where the Turkomans are alleged to have suffered no, vestige to remain, whereby to distinguish the right hand from the left. In short, the cruelty and injustice of the Turkomans, through¬ out the whole of Khorassaun, rose to such a pitch at last as to touch the heavens, in the cries of the oppressed inhabitants calling with united zeal to the throne of God, for vengeance upon their oppressors. The supplications of the afflicted Khorassaunians were, on this occa¬ sion, more speedy in the attainment of their object, and their deli¬ verance more sudden in its approach, than probably might have been looked for by the fondest expectation. The tyranny and violence of the Turkomans, and the total negli¬ gence, or criminal supineness of Mirza Yadgaur, had been repeatedly made the subject of complaint to Abulghauzy, in his retreat at Mey- menah ; and'the design of returning to Herat, for the purpose of re¬ lieving the people from their accumulated injuries, had very early presented itselfto his contemplation. When he had, however, taken 'but a short time to reflect upon it, he ventured, in the privacy of his cabinet, to disclose the design to his faithful and confidential' minis¬ ter, Ameir Ally -Sheir ; who most cordially concurred in his views, urging, at the same time, the indispensable necessity of keeping them : . a profound secret; nay, strongly statingitas his opinion, that it would I, have been more discreet if the subject had still remained a secret, even to himself. The expediency of this service, he further maintained on a 637 c.onsideration of the ntimerous desertions to Her^t, which daily took place among the Sultan’s followers, who could not render a more acceptable piece of service in that quarter, than by communicating intelligence of such a design : since it might awaken the government of Mirza Yadgaur, to some degree of activity, and not impossiblly pro¬ duce the march ofa body of troops, in order to dislodgethem from their, at present, unmolested retreat. Abulghauzy removed, shortly after¬ wards, from Meymenah to Almaul, or perhaps Aymaul, where he distributed armour to his troops ; and continuing his march to Lun- gur Bouken, he there assembled a council of his Ameirs, and to them, for the first time, announced his design of advancing to Her- Stt, which he had hitherto concealed, from all but his faithful min¬ ister.* The plan met with the entire approbation of the council, and it was unanimously determined to proceed without delay towards, the metropolis of Khorassaun. Passing near the residence of Baba Khauki, a devout person of; great celebrity at this particular fJferiod, the pious dervaish hastened to introduce himself to Ab61ghauzy ; to whom he presented a sheep, a Koumatchei, and a collar, with the most flattering encouragements to proceed in his undertaking. Continuing his march, he was met on his way, shortly afterwards, by Shairum Kerawul, one of his light horsemen, or videttes, whom he had previously dispatched to procure intelligence; and who now stated, that, he had proceeded all the way to the entrance, or headj of the Kheyabaun quarter, in the suburbs of Herat, where he learned on inquiry among the people, that, all in the city were entirely without advice of' any thing that was passing in the country ; and that Mirza Yadgaur continued to reside in the raven gardens, totally immersed in his intemperate indulgen-. ces — or, as the author expresses it, like the tulip and narcissus with,, the cup, or goblet, in perpetual circulation. Thus apprized afresh of the stupid insensibility of Mirza Yadgaur, and his Turkomans, Abulghauzy hastened his march, at the head of eight hundred and fifty chosen soldiers, which composed the whole of his. force on this occasion, and came to the hill range of. * Mukurrubrul luizruf-ul-S6Itauny — the inmate of the presence of his sovereign; Ameir . Ally Slieir, so desigijated hy our author, henceforward, from the familiar intercourse to which he was admitted hy the prince. A.H. 875. A. D. 1470. Kholausset-ul- akhbaur. 638 A. H.075. A.D 1407 Kholaiisset-ul- akhbaur. Tcheshmah-khubber zouk, or perhaps kheyr-zouk. From this place, in concurrence tVith the advice of his officers, one of the chiefs of his party was sent forwards with instructions, if he found an oppor¬ tunity, to break open the gate of the raven gardens ; and, otherwise, to proceed as the suggestions of his own prudence might direct. He was immediately followed by the Ameirs Muzuffur Berlas, Sheikh Ab& Skeid, surnamed JaUn-der-miaun, Ibrauhim Berlas, arid Der- vaish Ally Erlaut, at the head of about one hundred and fifty war¬ riors; with orders, as soon as the gate should have been broke open, to dispatch a messenger with the intelligence, so as to meet the head quarters of Abulghauzy, when he should have reached the fountain of Kerenfull. In the mean time, Abtilghauzy with the remainder of his force procei^ding very slowly in his march, instead of halting at the fountain of Kerenfull, as had been originally intended, was en¬ couraged, by the confidence of success, to move straight on through the Kheyabaun quarter, immediately to the point of attack — the raven gardens ; and shortly afterwards, Yadgaur, his master of horse, came to announce from the advance, that one of the gates of the garden had been broke open. On this, inspired with fresh confidence, Abul¬ ghauzy directed the Ameirs Mubaurez-ud-dein Wully Beg, and Nausser-ud-dein Abdulkhaulek, to approach the palace of Jullaul- lid-dein Feyrouz Shah, now occupied by Ameir Ally Jullaeir; with orders to attack that minister if he exhibited any design of resist¬ ance. At the same time, Douletek the Ouzbek, with some of his tribe, was sent to cut off all egress by the gate near the moscjue of the princess Gouhershaud; while Mirza Ketchek received orders to take post near the principal gate on another side. And lastly, the prince royal, Mirza Sultati Ahmed, was employed to secure that which Opened towards the mausoleum of Abiilwalid. Abulghauzy in person, At the head of eighty of his attendants, sword in hand, then entered the raverl gardens, pushing forward at the instance of Ally Sheir, directly through towards the northern side of the gardens where^ contrary to his expectations, he could not discover a Single individual of the several Ameirs whom he had dis¬ patched in advance. They had, indeed, in consequence of some un¬ accountable panic, all without exception, either betaken themselves 639 to some unseen corner, or concealed themselves behind the trees. A.Hj«7S. Perceiving, however, a tent in the precincts of. the old palace, ^ Abulghanzy directed some of his followers to enter, in the expecta- akST."* tion that Mirza Yadgaur might be foundiwithin; The minister Ally Sheir then approached the tent, sending one of his attendants to ex¬ plore ; but to little purposej as not a vestige of any person was to be there discovered, and of, this, he returned to advise his master. They then proceeded together to.the entrance of the palace; where Abul- ghauzy now addressed himself to his attendants, calling upon them immediately to scale the wall. To this, however, he received no answer, neither, did any one appear disposed to obey the order; the whole being withheld by. some extraordinary impression of alarm which had overpowered their minds. When the Sultan* had, in this manner, urged, his commands repeatedly in vain, Ameir Ally Sheir at last broke silence; and, after observing that be had hitherto ab¬ stained from obtruding bis services,, because he could not without permission, leave the presence of his master, proposed without fur¬ ther delay to ascend, and bring the rival prince a captive to his feet. Abulghauzy acceded to the proposal, and Ally Sheir dismounting from his charger, and drawing his sword, immediately proceeded in the obscurity of a very dark night, and repeatedly missing his course, to explore his way to the top of the building* In the mean time, a Feraush, or sweeper, of the name of Mehter Ismaeil, ran out of the garden, and returning with some lighted ta¬ pers, a number of the soldiers on different sides, succeeded in gaining the upper part of the palice ; and, by one of these, a piaudah, or foot¬ man, of the name of Hadjy Ally, was the wretched Mirza Yadgaur now discovered, reclining on his ignoble couch of luxury and sloth. The soldier was met, leading his royal prisoner down one of the stair¬ cases, by one of.the Ameirs dispatched by Abiilghauzy to the support of his minister; and the captive prince, being immediately taken charge of by this Ameir, was now conducted towards the foot of the stairs, by which Ally Sheir happened to be himself ascending; and in this manner, he was finally led along to the presence of Abiilghau- zy. The Sultan was, at first, sincerely disposed to spare the life of his vanquished and degraded rival;. but his principal officers were.- 'A C40 A. H. 875 A D. 1470. Kholausset uJ- akhbaur. not to be othei'wise' appeased than by the death of the unfortunate Shahzadah, on whose destruction, as they alleged, depended iheir only security for existence. He was accordingly put to death on the spot; and this event appears to have taken place sometime in the month of Suffur, of the eight hundred ai»d seventv-fifth of the hidjerah the words Sheher-e-Suffur, exhibiting the number 875, being the date of his captivity and execution. As soon as the catastrophe was announced to the chiefs of the Tur¬ koman troops, some of whom were stationed in the new gardens, and others in the garden .of Zobaidah, they decamped the very same night, and directed their course for Irak . Several Khorassanian Ameirs, on the other hand, who had suffered themselves to be seduced from their allegiance, and who had gone over to Mirza Yadgaur, were, notwith- •standing, now redeemed fromthedeath they merited, through the friend¬ ly intercession of the Sultanas ministers, and even advanced to some of ■the highest honors of the government ; with the exception, however, of Ameir Ally Jullaeir, who had accepted of the office of prime min¬ ister, under Yadgaur, and who was therefore doomed to perish, the ..day following, by the band of the executioner. Ha ving thus regained possession of his capital, Ahiilghauzy^ whose titles at length were, Sultaun S&heb Keran, Abulghauzy, Sultan Hus- seyne Bahauder Khaun, proceeded to seat himself permanently on the throne of Khorassaun; which, according to our author who was a living witness to the truih of his assertion, he embellished with every virtue that could adorn, and with every qualification that could secure respect, stability, and lustre to, the royal authority. From the preceding pages of this narrative, it may be inferred that he continued to rejgn, with equal glory to himself, and happiness to his people, up to the nine hundred and fifth of the hidjerah; that is to say, for about thirty years subsequent to the period at which Khonde- meir, the author of the Kholausset ul-akhbaur, here terminates his history. Like that author, as far as it can be rendered intelligible through the dazzling glare of metaphorical language, we shall conclude this chapter with the description which he has given of the favorite and celebrated city of Her^t, as it stood at the close of the fifteenth^ and the commencement of the sixteenth century, of the Christian era. * August 1470. t Commencing 7th of August 1498. 6il DJsmissing then, as far as possible, the high flown panegyric of the historian, who has elevated the pinnacles of its stately structures to the heavens, has bestowed upon its inhabitants the palm of supe¬ rior zeal and orthodoxy in the principles of the Kor^n, and filled it with men of genius in every branch of knowledge and art, far surpassing what is to be found in any other country on earth, we shall proceed to relate that, with respect to the name and origin of this celebrated city, there existed some variety of opinions, all of which have, however, been comprehended in a stanza of four lines, to the following substance: “Originally founded by Lohorausp, it was considerably augmented by Gushtausp, further enlarged by royal Bohmen, and finally completed by Alexander the Grecian/’ Although, in consequence of its possessing no other means of irrigation than what was derived from a single rivulet, it could boast but few gardens in the interior of its walls; yet, without, from the Gauzerg^h, or suburb of the washermen, to the Tcheshmah-mauhian, or fishing well, and from the Kereiah-baushtan, to the corn lands of Sauk-e-Selman, or market of Seiman perhaps, a distance of nearly five farsangs, or about eighteen English miles, on one side, it exhibited a wide and rich expanse of fruit and flower gardens, and luxuriant plantations of various descriptions ; and on another side, to the bridge of the boun¬ dary, or perhaps necklace— Pri/Z-e-wiaM/an— a further space of two farsangs, or about eight, miles, it wasetjually covered with inclosures of a similar description, and with charming villas, of unparalleled beauty and variety, almost contiguous to each other in endless suc¬ cession. The whole surrounding territory was crowded, moreover, in all directions, with towns and villages, or otherwise laid out under - tillage, to an extent so great, as scarcely to be brought within the compass of ordinary calculation. “ Herat,” in short exclaims the author, “ is the eye — the lamp which gives light to all other cities.” “Her^t is the soul, of which this world is but the body; and ifKho- “rassaiin bethe bosom of the world, Herat is allowed to be the heart.” But, as all general praise of the beauty and loveliness of this admired metropolis, would furnish but a very indeterminate idea of the reali ity, it will be more satisfactory to accompany the author in his brief enumeration^ and description, of the most remarkable public buildr^ 4 js A.H. 875-905. A. D 1470-1500. Kholausset-uU akhbaur. VOL. Ill A. H. 875 905. A. D. 1407-1500 Kholaiisset-ul- aklibauf. 642 ■ I ings, and of the various gardens which graced the vicinity, to the ■ equal delight and recreation of the inhabitants. 'First, among the structures belonging to this noble city, and not !the least worthy of admiration must be mentioned, the castle, or ci¬ tadel, of Ekhtiaur-ud-dein, renowned for its impregnable strength and ■•solidity; of which, the surrounding fosse is described to have been more unfathomable than the soul of the liberal man in his bounty, and ’the ramparts more lofty than to be spanned by the ordiriary powers . i. X Commencing the 10th’ December, 1455* < A. H. 810-873. A. D. 1408-1460. Abhl Fazzel. 6G0 A. H. 860 899. A. D. 145.5 1494. Abui Fazzel< posted at Endejaan, that prince presented an impenetrable barrier between the dominions of his father, and the trackless wilds of Kep- itchauk ; the barbarous hordes of which, being deterred by the activity and vigilance of the son from making any attempt^on his frontier, the father was thus enabled to extend his conquests over the richest part of the habitable globe. The prince, of whom we are now speak¬ ing, established on his part also such an admirable system of defence, that no attempt of foreign force ever succeeded, during his govern¬ ment, in making the slightest impression upon Ferghaunah ; as was sufficiently exemplified in the instance of Youness Khaun, who found all his plans against that province equally impracticable and unavailable. , Not less discreet in thought and speech, Omar Sheikh Mirza, tlie subject of our. present remark, is described as an enthusiastic admirerof poetry; and to have in himself possessed no mean talent for versifica¬ tion, although he could seldom be prevailed upon to give it publicity. Much of his time was indeed devoted to the perusal of the poets and historians of his country, and a day seldom passed in which some pas¬ sages in the Shahn&,mah were not recited in his presence. He was, at the same time, of a temper extremely cheerful and convivial, fre¬ quently repeating such of the most beautiful passages, in the works of the ancient poets, as were applicable to the business of the moment. All hisactions bespoke, in an eminent degree, the noble spirit by which he was animated ; and his singular good fortune was sufficiently evinced by the unclouded ^.prosperity of his government. In the prudence, justice, and paternal Care, with which he superintended the affairs of his people, we are told, in short, that no period past, or present, ever produced his equal. Uniting courage with liberality, and limiting his bounty only by his resources, he became, in truth, an ornament to the throne on which he sat; and of his inviolable regard to the claims of justice and humanity, the following circumstance is here related as a very distinguished proof. A caravan, or convoy of merchants, from Khatai, having halted at the close of their day’s journey, among the mountains to the east-ward of Endejaun, w'ere suddenly overwhelmed by a prodigious fall of snow; and the whole perished, with the exception only of two persons. 661 A report of the catastrophe, together with an account of the immense value of the eflft cts thus placed at his disposal by an unforeseen ca¬ lamity, was soon conveyedto theprince. Instead, however, of applying the whole to his own use, which, through the exigencies of his govern¬ ment, and the immemorial usages of the neighboring despotic states, he would have been fully warranted in doing, he immediately gave directions, that every article should be carefully brought together, and lodged in the care of those who were held responsible for the safe custody of all; until such time as those who could justly lay claim to the property made their appearance to demand it. All this was car¬ ried into execution with the most scrupulous exactness; so that at the expiration of the necessary period, the whole of the effects were restored to the legitimate proprietors, without the defalcation of a single article. We must, at the same time, observe that this circum¬ stance so honorable to the memory, of either, is ascribed by colonel Dow, in his translation of Ferishtah, to the warlike and adventur¬ ous B^ber ; but as Abul Fazzel must have been pre-eminently inform¬ ed with respect to all that concerned the illustrious family of which he was peculiarly the historian, we shall not, I trust, be blamed for giving to his authority the preference.* Having succeeded to his father in the government of Endejaun, or Andejaun, which was, at this period, the chief town of Ferghaunah, the territories dependent on Taushkend, Shahrokhiah, and Seiraum, be¬ came, in the courseof subsequent events, superadded to the possessions previously subject to the authority of Omar Sheikh ; and he repeat¬ edly led his troops to the gates of Samarkand, in support of those claims which had been by him formally announced to Youness Khaun, then sovereign of the dominions of Tcheghat^i, and of all the * I cannot in this place forbear to notice, that I have had frequent occasion to witness among the vulgar Mounshies, oi teachers, in India, what at first I considered as a most unaccountable prejudice against this admirable historian; but I soon discovered the source. Abul Fazzel was a friend to the oppressed Hindfis, and most probably suggested to his enlightened sovereign many a plan foi their protection and relief His attachment for his master was, at the same time, of a degree that bordered on adoration ; and he constantly wore in his bosom, either his picture, or a small image of him. Hence, the bigoted Mus¬ sulman has stigmatized both his master and himself, with the odious appellation of BAtt- perest — Idolater. A.H, 8G0-89f). A. D I455-I494i; Abul Faz/el. 662 A. H.060 899. Moghul tribes, to whom he was allied by marriage j and, on which- 1-Tvrvr^v occasion, he received from that monarch some considerable accession , Abul Fazzel. _ , . ot territory. He was also frequently engaged, in different- parts of Moghulstaun, probably on the requisition of the same Youness Khaun, since it was during his last expedition, that he is- described', to have received from that monarch, a grant of the territory of Taush- kend ; which, together with that of Shahrokhiah, remained in pos-. session of his family to the 908th of the hidjerah. When, however, the throne ofTcheghatki descended to Mahmoud Khaun, tbe eldest’^ son of Youness Khaun, the new sovereign, in concert with Sultan , Ahmed Mirza, the brother of Omar Sheikh, and, at this period, the ruler of Samarkand, proceeded- to invade, the possessions of that^ prince ; Sultan Ahmed advancing from the south side of the river of Khojend, or Seyhoun frequently so called, and Shltan Mahmoud Khaun from the north. Omar Sheikh was at this crisis residing at Aukseiket, or Auksy, one of the seven principal towns of Ferghau- nah; which he had recently chosen for the metropolis of his govern-, ment. The place is described as being situated at the head of a , great bridge, on one of the branches of the river Seyhun, some of the - buildings of the town being actually erected on the bridge. It so. ' happened, however, that while the prince was one day seated on the bridge, amusing himself in looking at a pigeon house belonging to one of those buildings, an alarm was suddenly given by some of his attendants, that the bridge had broke down ; and in fact, although he instantly started on his feet, yet before he could get on his se¬ cond slipper, the bridge had separated immediately under him, and he was in a moment precipitated into the yawning abyss beneath, where he perished without the possibility of escape. This event is stated to have occurred on Monday, the fourth day of Ramzaun, of the eight hundred and ninety-ninth of the hidjerah,* when the unhappy prince was in the prime of life, having only just attained to the thirty-ninth year of his age. He had in all three sons, and five daughters, in the following order : Zeheir-ud.-reliu- quish his hostile designs altogether ; and, after demanding peace on almost any terms, finally to return home entirely frustrated in all his expectations. About the same time, Sultan Mahmud Khaun,tothe north of the Seyhun, had actually invested the fortress of Auksy ; but being successfully opposed, in repeated conflicts, by Jahangueir Mirza, the still more youthful brother of Baber, assisted by the loyal band of Ameirs, who nobly defended that place for the children of their departed sovereign, he was also finally constrained to forego his ill- grounded claims, and to return, with equal disgrace and disappoint¬ ment, into his own dominions. Subsequent to this, it will be sufficient to observe with our author, without entering into the detail, that Sultan Baber contended for the kingdom of Transoxiana, against the princes of the race of Fcheghatai, and the Khauns of the Ouzbeks, with various success for a period of fifteen years; in the course of which he thrice obtained triumphant possession of the metropolis of Samarkand. First, in the nine hun¬ dred and third of the hidjt^rah, when proceeding from Endejaun, he wrested it from Baysungur Mirza the son of Shltan Ahmed Mirza, who had succeeded to the government on the death of his father ; secondly, in the year nine hundred and six, when he took it from Shahy Beg, or Shebeik Khaun, or Shubiani, the Khaun of the Ouz¬ beks. And the last time, in the nine hundred and seventeenth ot the hidjerah,* when he made himself master of it, through the assistance * ComnieDcing the 39th of Marcb A. D. loll. 667 of Shah of the race of Seffy ; on the discomfiture and death A. H. goo-du. of the same Shahy Heg Khaun, in the decisive battle with that prince, A- D 1504-1505, near Meru. All these events are circumstantially described by Colonel Dow, in his history of Hindfistaun, and it would be supedluous to enter into the subject here, further than is absolutely necessary, in or¬ der to pursue the thread of the narration. It was, however, in concurrence with the design long since deter¬ mined on, by the will of omnipotence, which had pre-ordained in its infinite wisdom, that a portion of its glory should irradiate the brows of his illustrious grandson that Sultan Bkber was insensibly led to seek tor that establishment in a foreign land, which seemed, by so extraordinary a fatality, to be withheld from him in his own. And to this, it must be confessed, that he was, at the same time, more immediately constrained, by the pressure of those reverses which perpetually assailed him in the country of his ancestors, and the failure of support, where he most naturally looked for it, among the followers of his fortune. Perceiving therefore, after repeated trial, that a fur¬ ther continuance in the territory on the Oxus would be inconsistent >vith the views which he had formed for the advancement of his power, Baber finally resolved, at the head of the faithful few who still adhered to him, to direct his course for Buddukhshaun, and from thence, as circumstances might further determine, towards Kabul. On his arrival in the former mountainous region, the retainers in the service of Khossrou Shah, the then ruler of the province, immediately came over to him ; and their master himself, however unwillingly, was at last induced to follow their example. This personage had rendered him¬ self extremely obnoxious by his crimes, and by his ingratitude; having, as^ formerly noticed, put Baysungur Mirza to death, and deprived Sultan Mussaoud, his brother, of sight, both of them uncle’s sons of Babers and on several occasions, when the latter was driven, by mis¬ fortune and defeat, to seek an asylum in Buddukhshaun, added greatly to his offences, by treating the illustrious fugitive with inhospitable violence. Nevertheless, when it was thus in his power to retaliate upon him, to the full measure of his injuries, Mirza Bkber, with that singular magnanimity of character which never forsook him, not only forbore to punish his ingratitude, but gave directions that he should 668, A.H.909-nii. be permitted to select from his property, in other respects forfeited, A. 1). 1504-1505 he thought convenient, and to, retire witliout molestation AbiilFazzel. Khorassaiin. Of this permission he very liberally availed him¬ self; loading several camels, and some mules, with jewels, and plate, and other valuable effects, with which be proceeded accordingly into that province. In the mean time, when he had satisfactorily arranged the govern¬ ment of Buddukhshaun, Baber proceeded, without further delay, across the mountains towards Kabul, at this period in possession of Mahommed Mokeim, the son ofZul Noun; by w horn it had been re¬ cently taken from Abdurrezauk Mirza, theson ofOlugh Beg, the son of Sultan. Abu Saeid, and of course another uncle’s son of Baber. ' The rumors which preceded the approach of the latter prince, had led this chieftain, in the first instance, to shut himself up in the fortress of Kabul, where he prepared to defend himself; but at the expiration of a few days, proposing to capitulate on reasonable terms, he was also permitted to retire, with his property and most valuable effects, to his brother Shah Beg,' at Kandahaur., Thus, in the latter end of the former Rebbeia, of the nine hundred and tenth of the hidjerah,'*^ Mirza Baber became possessed of the city and province of Kabul. In the career of ambition, however, the achievement of one conquest is but the step¬ ping stone to another; and in the course of the following year, we accordingly find that Baber marched from Kabul, with the design of attempting the reduction of Kandahaur; but when he had taken pos¬ session of Kolaut, one of the dependencies on that government, he conceived it expedient, through some consideration of prudence or policy, to postpone his further design, and to proceed to the territory south of it; whence, having over-run the Afghan districts in. that di- , rection, he soon afterwards returned to his new capital of Kabfil. During the same period, embracing the nine hundred and eleventh of. the hidjerah,^' that city was visited by a tremendous earthquake, whichs is described to have overthrown, or precipitated, the walls of the cas¬ tle, upon the greater part of the dwelling houses in the upper town; and the whole of a particular suburb, or adjoining village, that of Beimghaun, was utterly destroyed. Three and thirty distinct shocks * Begiuaiug of September A. D. 1504. t Commencing the 3d of June 150&. 669 were oTiserved in the course of one day, and the awful visitation re¬ turned at intervals, once or twice in twenty four hours, for a whole month. - Many of the inhabitants perished; and in one particular spot, the earth opened for a stone’s throw in width, and a bow-shot deep, several springs of water immediately issuing from) the chasm ; but from As- terghnrije to Meydaun, a distance of about six farsangs, or about one and twenty miles, the undulations were so tremendous, as in many places to have raised the earth to the height of an elephant. The earthquake was preceded by violent whirlwinds from the sum¬ mits of the surrounding monntains; and it is alleged, moreover, that the same awful phoenomenon with elFects equally tremendous occur¬ red in Hindustaun, in the course of the same year. It was about this crisis, or very shortly afterwards, that Shahy Beg Khaun, the monarch of the Ouzbeks already mentioned, wasprepar¬ ing with a great army for the invasion of Khorassaun ; and Sultan Husseyiie Mirza [Abuighauzy] and his sons were making every exertion t'o oppose the design. In the mean time, Seyud Afzel, the son of Ameir Sultan Ally Khaub-bein [the Dreamer], was dispatch¬ ed to solicit the aid of Baber ; and the latter, accordingly, in the early part of the nine hundred and twelfth of the hidjerah, put his troops in motion for that quarter. While he was on his march, he received intelligence of the death of Sultan Husseyne; but this, in opposition to the pusillanimous and temporising counsels of some- of his Ameirs, he considered to furnish a more powerful inducement to hasten to the support of his relatives. Previous, however, to his. arrival in Khorassaun, the importunities of the inexperienced had prevailed to raise Baddeia uz-zemaun Mirza, and Muzuffer Hus-, seyne Mirza, the sons of the late Sultan, conjointly to the throne of, their father. On the eighth of the latter Jummaudy of the year just mentioned,* Bkber, on the banks of the river Murghaub, came to an interview with the two Mirzas, and on their invitation pro-, ceeded shortly afterwards to'Her^t; where he remained for some time. But soon discovering that these poor princes possessed none of those- qualifications, either in point of judgment or discretion, that appear¬ ed likely to ensure any sort of permanence to their authority, he con-, • 25tli of October 15UG. .\.H. 911-913. D 1^05-1507. AbOil Fazzei. '670 'A:H. 911-913. A. D. 1605 1507. AMI Fazzd. eeived it prudent, with the least possible delay, to return vvith'His • troops towards Kabul ; and for that purpose, on the eighth of the vmonth of Shabaun,* he accordingly took his departure from Berkt. Among the Hazzaurahs, or mountainous districts perhaps, between llvhorassaun and Kabul, information reached him that Mahommed Husseyne Mirza, and Sultan Sunjur Berlas, after circulating a report that he had fallen a sacrifice-to the treachery of the Persian Mirzas, had brought the Moghul troops, whom he had left in garrison at Ka¬ bul, to unite with them in raising his kinsman, Khaun Mirza, to the government of that provii.ce ; but at the same time, that the Ameirs Mohebb Khaleifah, Mahommed Kaussem Kouhberr, [the mountain piercer], Ahmed Yussuf, and other officers in charge of the citadel, continued faithful to their allegiance, and to defend that important post for their master. The moment this information was announced to him, leaving his camp and heavy equipments to the care of his brother Jahangueir, at this^period labouring under some indisposition, Baber, at the head of a chosen division of his troops, hastened to de¬ scend the^passes of Hindu Kouh ; and after surmounting considera¬ ble difficulty in making his way through the drifts of snow with which > they were encumbered, appeared one morning, rather unex¬ pectedly, (before the walls of Kabul. His enemies dispersed to their ' hiding places, the unstant he made his appearance; but Mahommed Husseyne Mirza was soon taken, and brought to the presence of his ‘offended sovereign; by whom he was ^generously permitted to retire into Khorassaun. And, shortly afterwards, the misguided Khaun Mirza was himself conducted to the presence of Baber, by his cousin Uhe princess Mehed-negaur Khaunum; and he also was indulged with ipermission either to remain at court, or to retire to any of the neigh¬ boring countries at his option. He chose to withdraw to Kandahaur. In the course of the following year, the 913th of the hidjerah,f Baber led his troops against that fortress; and having obtained a deci- dedvictory over Shuja Beg, the son of ZulNoun Arghun, the governor of the province, and his younger brother, he appears to have rendered himself master of the whole country, which he now placed under the authority of his half brother Nausser Mirza. He then returned * 23d of December. t Commencing 12th of May 1507. 67V to Kab£tl. Shortly afterwards, Khaun Mirza, who had recently joined A.H. 913-926. him during the expedition to Kandahaur, was dispatched to take ‘ charge of the government of Buddukhshaun, which he retained for- ” ’ many years, in faithful suhjectionto the author! ty of his magnanimous relative. From thence, in the nine hundred and sixteenth of the hidjerah,* an express arrived to announce to Baber, that Shahy Beg Khaun, monarch of the Ouzbeks, had fallen in battle, and that his- presence in Buddukhshaun would be attended with the most impor¬ tant advantages* In concurrence with these suggestions, Baber, in the month of Shavaul of that year, I accordingly took his departure from Kabul; and having been uniformly successful in a variety of' conflicts with the Ouzbeks, he, on the fifteenth day of Rudjub, of the year nine hundred and seventeen,:}: for the third time entered Samar¬ kand as a conqueror; but in the month of SufFur, of the followino-- year,§ when he had continued in possession of that metropolis for a' period of less than seven months, he was, at the station of Koul-melek, forced to a battle by Abdullah Khaun, who had succeeded to the monarchy of the Ouzbeks ; and although the victory is here alleged : to have been on the side of Baber, yet fortune in some other impor- tant particulars appearing disposed to forsake his cause, he found if « expedient to abandon Samarkand, and withdraw towards Hessaur. " ;■ Under the walls of Ghedjdowaun, in conjunction with Nfidjum Beg, the general of the troops of Shah Ismaeil, he was, however, confes-' sedly defeated in a great battle with the Ouzbeks, the general of his ally being killed in the action. This had a decided influence upon the destiny of Baber; for he now finally determined on relinquishing,. altog(-ther his designs on Transoxiana, and on immediately returning to Kabul ; resolving to confine his future exertions to the formation of a new empire for himself, in the rich and fertile regions of Hin- dustaun. Towards that devoted country, then, he now directed his operations, and on four distinct occasions did he lead his troops to that quarter, before he could effect his final establishment ; being as often con¬ strained to return, either by the occurrence of untoward events at; • Commencing lOlh of April 1510. + January 1611. J 7tb of October 1511.- § April 1512. 672 A. H. 913 926 A. D J 507- 1520. Ab\il Fazzel. Kabul, or by the perverse opposition of his principal officers. His jirst expedition appears to have ‘taken placejin the month of Shavaul of the nine hundred and twenty fifth of the-hidjerah,* when he pro¬ ceeded by the route of Badaum-tcheshmah and Jogdelun?, to Khey- ber and Bejeim, or Nejeim, which were the limits of his progress on this occasion. In the Wakaat-e-Babery, a chronicle written by him¬ self in his native Turkish language, this enterprizing monarch is alle¬ ged to describe, 'that having reached the town of Adeinahpour, perhaps Adenagur, in six 'Stages from Kabul, he found himself suddenly transported to a warm climate, and for the first time in his life on the confines of Hindustaun — in a region perfectly new to him, the vege¬ table creation exhibiting a different exterior, the birds and animals a different form, and the people, a system of morals, habits, and usages, entirely different -from any thing that had ever before presented itself to his observation. "But a council having been held to determine here, by which of the passages it would be most advisable to cross the In¬ dus, in those parts more generally known by the designation of NeiU aub — the blue river-^it was decided, ‘by a majority of the refractory Tcheghataians, that the passage of that celebrated river should not be attempted for the present. Baber therefore struck off to the south¬ ward for Kohet, or Kohout; and having over run that district, together with the territory of Benguesh, and Benour, he led his troops in se¬ veral marches, 'by Eissakheyl, to a station which lay oposite to Ter- peilah — described to be a town on the Indus, dependent on Multaun. Hence, after proceeding for some distance along the course of the river, he appears to have taken a north-western route, by Dukky, or 'Douky, of which name, there are two places in the map; one on the road from Multaun to Kandahaur, by which he probably proceeded on 'this occasion, since we are told that a few days afterwards, he encamp¬ ed at Gheznein; and in the month of Zilhudje,-]* he returned to Kabul, On his second expedition towards the Indus, B^ber appears to have proceeded by the route of Khord Kabul, according to the best arranged authorities,;!: in the former Jummaudy, of the year 926 ;§ * October 1619 according to Dow’s history. -f December 1519. X The tianscriber of my copy of Abhl Fazzel, has here set down tlie year 913, whick must be a gross error, and I have chosen to follow the authority of Colonel Dow. § April— May 1520. 673 and, passing through the districts of Mendrawel, or Mendroul, to have A. H. G26-927. continued his march to Attyr, and finally to Sheivah. From thence, D t3-^o-l52T however, he was again constrained by the adverse counsels of his followers to a premature return ; his course being now directed, from Attyr, by Kezz and Kourkil, or Nourguil, and the transit from Kezz being accomplished by means of some water conveyance, [tchauleh- nishustah], to rejoin his camp, from which he appears to have separ¬ ated. Fie finally reached Kabul, by the way of Baudenje and on a rock which overlooks this latter station, he caused the date of his passage on the occasion, to be engraved, and the inscription continu¬ ed sufficiently legible in the time of Abfil FazzeL To this period, it is here observed, the princes of the race of Teymur had been con¬ tented with the more modest title of Mirza; but in the inscription just alluded to, it was enjoined that the name of Baber should be inserted with the imperial adjunct of Padshah. The third expedition towards the Indus commenced on Monday the first of Mohurrem, of the 927th of the hidjerah,j- the Tchegha- taian prince directing his course, on this occasion, towards Bejour. While on the march, he experienced some tremendous shocks of an earthquake, each of which is described to have continued for half an astronomical hour. In the mean time, Sultan Aweiss repaired to the camp of Baber; and the fortress of Bejour submitting, shortly afterwards, the government of that place, together with the districts dependent upon it, was now bestowed on Khaujah Kullan Beg, the son of Moulana Mahommed Suddur, one of the most faithful and distinguished officers in the service of his father Omar Sheikh. This personage was deservedly high in the esteem ot Bkber, not less than six of hisbrothershavinglaiddowntheirlives in theservice of thatmon- arch, and being himself a man of distinguished talent, of the sound¬ est judgment, and most excellent understanding. The views of B^- ber were, however, more particularly directed towards the territory of Sewaud, and the subjugation of the Afghan tribe of Yussufzehy ; and • Of the places mentioned in this expedition, I have not been able to trace a vestige in the maps. t 1 3 th of December — 1620, we have here endeavored to reconcile some incongruity of date in Ab61 Faz2el. 4 n VOL. IJI. A. H. 926-927. A. D. 3520-1521, Abdl Fazzel. V 674 accordingly Taowus Khaun, the younger brother of Shah Munsour the chief of that tribe, now presented himself in the camp of the Moghul invader, together with the daughter of his brother as a peace¬ offering, and the most humble protestations of submission. A scar¬ city of provisions prevailing at the same time in the country, BSi,- ber, was the more easily induced to revert to his original and more serious design, the invasion of Hindustaun ; which he therefore de¬ termined to carry into execution without further delay, however unprepared, at the moment, for the effectual undertaking of an expe¬ dition of such magnitude, and still contrary to the avowed opinion of his Ameirs. • With such a resolution he accordingly drew back from Sewaud;: , and on the morning of Tuesday, the sixteenth of the same month of Mohurrem,* with his camels, horses, and lighter equipments, pro¬ ceeded to cross the Indus, near the place called Kutchakout ; his bazar and heavy baggage following in tchaolahs, the species of river- craft recently mentioned. At the distance of about seven kosse, or from twelve to fourteen miles, north of Behrah, rises the mountain, in the Zuffurnamah and other works, denominated Koh-Joud ; and this was the spot now chosen for the encampment of Baber’s troops. The monarch is said to remark in his commentaries, that until the present moment, the etymology of this appellation had never been ascertained; whereas the circumstance was now clearly explained from its being the residence of the tribe of Joud, one of two families de¬ rived from the same stock, the other being called Khetchwah. In order to appease the alarm of the inhabitants, Abdurraheim Shikawely had been early dispatched to Behrah, with instructions to prohibit plunder or violence, in any shape ;,and in the course of the same day, towards evening, Baber in person proceeded to encamp on the river Behaut, or Cheilum, a little to the eastward of the town. A con¬ tribution of four hundred thousand Shahrokhies was, however, imme¬ diately levied on the place, as the price of its exemption from pillage, the whole of which sum, together with the government of the con¬ quered district, he then bestowed upon Hindu Beg; Khoushaub being consigned at the same time to Ameir Shah Husseyne, with instruc- * SOth of December, 1520. 676 lions to support the governor of Behrah, whenever occasion should require it. ^At this crisis, a certain Moulana Murshed was dispatched from the neighborhood of Behrah, on an embassy to Sultan Ibrauhim, the son of Sultan Eskunder Lody ; who had succeeded to his father on the throne of Dehly, some five or six months previous to the period under consideration. The envoy was charged with instructions to convey to that monarch, provided he found in him a disposition to attend to them, sundry admonitions of the utmost importance to the well being of himself, and of the country subordinate to his authority. But this ambassador was never permitted to reach his destination, being perversely detained and sent back, by Dowlut Khaun, the gov¬ ernor of Labour. On the second of the former Rebbeia, intelligence was brought to Baber of the birth of a son, to whom, as it seemed aus¬ picious to the enterprise which he had in contemplation, he gave the name of Hindai. On the eleventh of the same month,* leaving Hin¬ du Beg in charge of Behrah, and of the acquired territory on that side the Indus, he returned once more towards Kabul, which he reached on the last day of the month ;']• and on the twenty-fifth of the following month, regardless of the obligations of duty, Hindu Beg also arrived from Behrah, which he thus pusillanimously aban¬ doned to the attempts of the enemy. Of Baber’s fourth expedition into the territory beyond the Indus, the author confesses that he could never ascertain the date, any fur¬ ther than that it must have been at the period in which he made himself master of Labour ; and this, according to the history of the reduction of Deibalpour, Was accomplished during the nine hundred and thirtieth of the hidjerah.J , But, as every important event in the affairs of this world is gene¬ rally understood to have its determined period allotted by providence, the final consummation of Baber’s views on Hindustaun was reserved, although, apparently protracted through secondary courses, the ad¬ verse opinions of his Ameirs, and the failure of co-operation on the part of his kindred, for his expedition ; on which he is said to ♦ llitli of February, 1521. t 9th of March. J Commencing the 9th of November, 1523. A. H. 927-932. A. D. 1521-1.520. Abfil Fazzel. I 676; A. H.032. have proceeded on Friday the first of Suffur, of the nine hundred and A D. 1528. tjjjpty. second of the hidjerah,* leaving to his son Mirza Kamraun, Ab7. Abiil Fazzel, commanders, to continue the pursuit of Rana Sanka, who had contriv* ed to effect his escape from the scene of consternation. The slaugh¬ ter of the enemy, during the battle and pursuit, was very considerable; and many thousands of their wounded were trampled to death, by the cavalry of the victors. Of their chiefs, in particular, Hussun Khaun Meivauty fell by a musquet shot ; and Raowul Oudi Sing, Maunek- tchnnd Tchohaun, Rai Tchunderbaun, Velpet Rki, Gungu, Kerein Sing, Dounger Sei, with many others of distinguished rank, were also numbered with the slain. Since it was not in the destiny of the fugitive Rana to fall into the hands of his pursuers, the officers employed on that service returned without their object, and Baber expressed some dissatisfaction, as if they had not sufficiently exerted themselves on the occasion ; but, more especially, regretting that he should have suffered an opportunity so singularly favorable to escape, by entrusting that to the execution of others, which he could have so easily undertaken in his own person. Sheikh Zeyne, the Suddur, a man of distinguished talents in the court of Baber, has recorded the date of this important victory in the sen¬ tence “Futtah-Padshah-isslaum — The monarch of the true faith tri¬ umphant — the Persian characters of which numerically applied will furnish the total 933 ; and what is considered further remarkable, the very same discovery was made at Kabul, by Ameir Gaissou. Accord¬ ing to a statement of the emperor’s in the commentaries written by himself, a similar circumstance occurred after the conquest of Dibal- pour; two different persons, at a considerable distance apart, having re¬ corded the date of that event in the same sentence. Be this, however, as it may, the victory of Khanwa was considered of sufficient import¬ ance, to terminate for the present all operations against Rana Sanka and the countries subject to his authority, for the more immediate pur¬ pose of reducing Meivaut. In the mean time, it was found expedient to detach a body of troops under Mahommed Tchengteheng, Sheikh Gouhrin, and Abdulmuluk Kourtchei, against Eliauss Khaun; who was at the head of an insur¬ rection in the countries between the Jumna and Ganges, had taken possession of the town of Koul, perhaps Coel, and laid the governor, an officer of the name ot Gunjuk Ally, in irons. On the approach of 699 the Moghul detachment, the insurgent, however, thought fit to ab- a. H.oss. scond without opposing any resistance; but by the time that the im- ^ perial standard had returned to the metropolis of Agrah,. he had fallen into the hands of his pursuers, and being conveyed to the presence of Baber, was immediately condemned to suffer the punishment of re¬ bellion. There was nothing further, now, to divert the attention of the Tcheghat^ian monarch from his previous desigOi against Meivaut, which he proceeded to carry into execution without delay. He ac¬ cordingly again quitted Agrah for that purpose ; and on the sixth of Rudjub, of the year nine hundred and thirty-three,* he encamped at the head of his army, in the neighborhood of Alour, or Alwer, the then seat of government of the Khanns of Meivaut. The whole province was reduced, shortlyafterwards, without apparent difficulty, being des¬ tined asan augmentation to the territorial possessions already conferred upon Homayun. Baber then returned to Agrah, his attention being next required towards the countries on the Ganges, eastward ; where his authority bad as yet been very imperfectly established. It being, however, still imperative upon the sovereign to provide, under every change,for the security of hiamore distant governments of Kabul and Buddukhshauu, and the latter having in effect been confer- • red upon Homay un, ever since the natural demise of Khaun Mirza, in the 9 17th of the hidjerah, that prince, on the ninth of Rudjub of the current year,’]' when within three kosse of Alwer, .was permitted to take his departure for the countries to the westward of the Indus; and, on the same day, his royal father completed his arrangements towards re¬ pressing the insolence, and extinguishing the power of Beyn, the re- Iractory Afghan, who had contrived, during the recent hostilities with Rana Sanka, to make himself master of Luhknou.. For the execution of these measures, Kaussem Husseyne Sultan, Melek Kaussem the son of B^ba Kushkah, Abfil Mahommed Neizabauz, and Husseyne Khaun, together with the Hindustauny Ameirs, Ally Khaun Fermul- ly, Melek Daoud Guerrerauny, and Tatar Khaun, entitled Khaun-e- jahaun, were shortly afterwards, dispatched under the orders of Ma¬ hommed Sultan Mirza. The Afghan chief, however, no sooner heard of the march and destination of these commanders than he instantly >> 7th of April 1&27. + lOtli of April, 700 A. n. r33-935. determined on abandoning bis usurpations, and he accordingly betook A. D. J527J^I^ himself again, for some time at least, to the life of a wanderer. Towards the conclusion of the year, Baber amused himself in'mak- •ing a circuit of the country about Futtahpour and Baury, after which he returned to Agrah ; and in the beginning of the nine hundred and thirty-fourthofthe hidjerah, heproceeded on an excursion tovvardsKoel, and from thence to the sportingcountry of Sumbul, the romantic moun* tainous district of which he explored with sensations of peculiar de- ’ light. On his return to Agrah, soon afterwards, we find him proceed¬ ing, on the twenty-eighth of Suffur,* in his yacht along the Joun, or Jumna, to meet the princesses Fakher-e-jahaun Begum, and Khadei- jah Sultan Begum, who were on their way to his presence from Kabul. In the mean time, reports were continually conveyed to him of the force collecting under Meydeny R4i, the Rajah of Tchundeiry, and of the formidable :preparations making, after all, by Rana Sanka, for the renewal of hostilities ; and hence his determination, without further delay, to turn his arms once more to the southward. A force of about eight thousand men, under the orders of Tchein Temur Sultan, from Kalpy, was accordingly employed, in the first instance to attack the fortress of Tchundeiry ; and on the seventh of the former Jummaudv,'|‘ the reduction of that .place w'as accomplished with circumstances briefly stated to have been satisfactory to the mind of the conqueror — that is to say., according to Ferishtah, after the exhibition of one of those appalling acts of self-devotion, so frequently ascribed to the superstitious Radjpouts. The town of Tchundeiry, with the territory dependent upon it, was immediately bestowed upon Ahmed Shah, the sonof Sultan Nausser-ud-dein, formerly sovereign of Malwa; and on the 'eleventh of the months Baber with his court returned towards Agrah. On the authority of certain writers of the highest respectability, we are -here informed that previous to the departure of the imperial stand¬ ard for Tchundeiry, on this occasion, the Rana, that is Rana Sanka, of Oudipour probably, waspreparing to lay siege to Eiritch, Ebritch, or Ebreije, it is difficult to say which, an officer in the service of Baber having taken the precaution to secure the place against him. Just, however, as the R^na was about to break ground against the defences of * 22d of November. f 28th of January. 701 the town, one of the sages of ancient times appeared to him at night in a dream, and in a form so terrific, that he awoke in the utmost dismay, and instantly raised the siege. From the effect of this affright, he never recovered, and he died not long afterwards. The imperial troops had crossed the river of Burhanpour,one of those probably, which run into the Jumma, south of the Tchumbul, when intelligence reached Baber that Marrouf, and Beyn, and Bayezzid, the Afghans, were again in arms on the Ganges; and that the royal offi¬ cers had abandoned Kanouje, and withdrawn to Raibery. In con¬ sequence of this retreat, the Afghans had been encouraged to ad¬ vance, and had taken the fortress of Shumsabad from Abul Mahom- med Neizabauz. It became, therefore, necessary that the march of the imperial troops should be immediately directed to that quarter. But the moment the advanced parties of the troops appeared in sight, the son of Beyn, who was in command at Kanouje, thought fit in his turn, to abandon that ancient city to its fate ; whilst the father, and his associates in rebellion, on information that the Moghuls were ap¬ proaching, suddenly crossed the Ganges to the left, or eastern bank ; and taking post opposite to Kanouje, prepared to defend the passage against the imperial armies. On the third of Mohurrem, of the year nine hundred and thirty-five,* Mirza Askery, who had been sum¬ moned from Kabul previous to the expedition against Tchundeiry, joined the army on its march to the north-east; and on the tenth of the same month, the royal standard was displayed at Gwaliar. B^ber devoted the forenoon of the day on which he arrived, to survey the se¬ veral structures erected by the Rajahs Bikramajit, and Maun Sing, and the curious antiquities formerly to be seen about that celebrated fortress. On the twenty-fifth of month, he reached the metropolis of Agrah, There appeared now at the seat of government, a more than ordina¬ rily numerous assemblage of nobility, both Moghfil and Hindbstauny; and B^ber, anxious to repress the growing refractory spirit, and to res¬ tore tranquillity in the provinces to the eastwai: gladly embraced the opportunity of holding a grand council of state, in order to deliberate on the measures best calculated for the attainment of an object so de- * 16th of September 1528. A. H. 833 935. A. D 1527 1528. Abul Fazzel. 702 A A, . H. 935, sirable. And it was, on full discussion, here determined, that Mirya D 1529 Abiil Fazzel * ^ powerful division of troops should, in the first instance, be dispatched in that direction ; and that the officers already serving on the other side the Ganges, should be instructed to co-oper¬ ate with him, with all the force at their disposal. In concurrence with these views, Mirza Askery received his dismission from court on the seventh of the latter Rebbeia, of this year;* Baber himself proceeding, at the same time, on a hunting party towards Dhoulpour. But, on the third of the former Jummaudy,‘|‘ receiving intelligence that Mahmud, the son of Eskunder Lody, had taken possession of Bahar, and was otherwise engaged in designs of hostile and turbulent ambition, he suddenly relinquished the amusements of the chase, and returned to Agrah, resolving to proceed immediately, in person, to the territory on the Ganges. In the mean time, dispatches from Buddukhshaun arrived to an¬ nounce that Homayun, accompanied by Sultan Aweiss, and an army of nearly fifty thousand men, assembled from different quarters, was preparing to march against Samarkand ; but that a negociation for peace was still on foot between the contending parties. Without a moment’s delay, a letter was transmitted from his father to the prince, enjoining him, if matters had not already been carried to an extremity which pre¬ cluded accommodation in any shape, to agree for the present to any sort of terms that might be attainable; until an adjustment of his differ¬ ences with the powers of Hindustaun, of which there was no distant prospect, should enable him to vindicate, in person, his just right to the dominions of his ancestors. And for this purpose, Homaj un was fur¬ ther instructed to keep the troops of his government in constant rea¬ diness to join the imperial standard, immediately on its arrival. These dispatches were accompanied by a mandate requiring the immediate presence of Hindal Mirza in Hindustaun, and an ordinance including the province of Kabul, among the departments more immediately at* tached to the imperial exchequer. On the seventeenth of thesame month of Jummaudy,^ Baber crossed the Joun, or Jumna, on his march to the eastward; and on the same day, the agents of Nussrut Shah prince ofBengalah, were introduced * 18fh of December 1528. t 10th of January; I 26lh of January. 703 to him, with some very valuable presents, and assurances of homage and attachment, on the part of their master. On the nineteenth of the latter Jummaudy,* Mirza Askery joined' the imperial standard, now planted on the banks ot the Ganges; and he received orders to proceed with his division downwards along the opposite, or left bank, of that river. In the neighborhood of Kurrah, intelligence was happily an¬ nounced of the entire subversion of the ephemeral power erected in Bahar, by the son of Sultan Eskunder Lody. The imperial army con¬ tinued, however, to prosecute its march through the territory of Gh^- zipour, finally encamping at Bhoujepour and Patnah. Having deter¬ mined here to confer the government of Bahar upon Mirza Mahommed Zemaun, the mind of Baber appears to have been set at rest, with res¬ pect to the affairs of that province and of Bengal; and we find him accordingly, on the fifth of Ramzaun,j' directing his march to crush the ambitious projects of the two rebellious Afghans, Beyneand Bay- ezzid. For this purpose he proceeded towards Seirdar, in the territory of which the rebels appear to have given battle to the imperial army, and to have been signally defeated; after which, having surveyed, or made a tour through, Jereid and Sekunderpour, and satisfactorily ad¬ justed all his affairs in thisquarter, Baber again returned towards Agrah. When theheir apparent, Homayun, had continued foratwelvemonth to reside in bis government of Buddukhshaun, he became suddenly seized with an inclination, which he could no longer resist, to return to the presence of his father. Leaving that province, accordingly, in charge of Meir Sultan Aweiss, who was the father-in-law of Mirza Su- liman, he proceeded on his journey with so much celerity, that he reached Kabul in one day. There, at the Eidgah, he met with Mirza Kamraun, who had also unexpectedly arrived from Kandahaur, on the same day, and to whom, on expressing some surprise at his appearance, he alleged the irresistible impulse by which he felt hjmself driven to return into Hindustaun. Previously dispatching Mirza Hindal from Kabul, notwithstanding his recent instructions, to superintend the safety of Buddukhshaun, Homayun then prosecuted his journey to¬ wards Agrah, which he also reached with more than ordinary expedi¬ tion; entering the presence of his father and mother, at a moment • 27tli of February. f 12th of May. A.H. 935. A. D Iu20. Abul Fiizzel. 704 A. H. 935. A. D. 1529. Ab6l Faz2el. when, little aware of his approach, they were conversing on the subject of their favorite son. His presence appears to have produced the most sensible pleasure; and although, with the monarch on the throne, every day may be considered as a day of festivity, that of his arrival on this occasion, became one of unprecedented rejoicing, and of a niost sump¬ tuous general entertainment, in the royal palace of Agrah. On this subject, we are however informed, on the testimony of Mirza Heyder the author of the Tarikh-resheidy, that Homayun did not, as, generally represented on the occasion, quit his province without per¬ mission ; but, as appears most probable, that he received his father S orders to repair into Hindustaun, leaving his government in charge of Fakeir Ally, one of his subordinate Ameirs. But, at all events, as the death of Mirza Anwar, one of his sons, had occurred just at the same crisis, the arrival of Homayun afforded the most seasonable consola¬ tion to the afflicted father; and would in all probability have been hail¬ ed with welcome, even though he might have presented himself an uninvited guest at his father’s gate. He continued to reside for some time at court, the almost inseparable associate of his father’s cares and enjoyments; and the elder prince was often heard to declare, that as a companion, Homayun was without his equal. Indeed it has been ac¬ knowledged, that perfect humanity, politeness, or courtesy, is a phrase that in one word would exactly comprehend the character of this illus¬ trious prince. It became, however, no sooner known that he had quitted Buddukh- shaun for India, than Sultan S^eid Khaun, one of the princes of Kash- ghar, although connected by the ties of blood, and although he had partaken most liberally in the hospitalities of Baber’s court, couldyet be prevailed upon, at the invitation of Sultan Aweiss, and other nobles of the province, to undertake an expedition into that country; com¬ mitting his capital ofYaurkenn, or Yaurkund, to the care ofoneof his officers of the name of Khorsheid Khaun. Fortunately, before he could enter Buddukhshaun, Mirza Hindal had arrived, and throwing himself immediately into the fortress of Zuffer, there for three months successfully resisted all the efforts of the Khaun, to reduce him. In short, the invader finding his views thus early anticipated, was con¬ strained to return into Kashghar soon afterwards, without deriving the 705 smallest advantage from his exertions. In the mean time, a report had been circulated at Agrah, that the troops of Kashgh^r had succeeded in obtaining possession of Buddukhshaun ; in consequence of which Khaujah Khaleifah was directed to proceed immediately into that pro^ Vince, in order to re-establish the authority of his master. But as that officer through some plea of inexperience, or misconception, demurred to the undertaking, B^ber conceived it of sufficient importance, and perhaps from a consideration that it had been lost through his derelic¬ tion, to be proposed to Homayhn, who still resided with his father. Ihe prince, however, thought proper also to decline it; alleging that after having already suffered so severely from the sorrows of separation, he had made a vow never more, with his consent, to quit the royal presence. He added, nevertheless, that if his interference was still con¬ sidered indispensably necessary, he had no alternative but obedience. Such obstacles having occurred in his previous selection, Baber ul¬ timately fixed hpon Mirza Sfiliman the son of Mirza Khaun, who was accordingly dispatched, without delay, towards Buddukhshaun; let¬ ters being, at the same time, transmitted to Sfiltan Saeid Khaun ex pressive of surprise and regret,at a conduct, on bis part, so repugnant to the claims of former friendship. They further announced that, Mirza Hindal being now recalled, Mirza Siiliman had been sent to supersede him, with a demand that if the Khaun yet retained any regard for the obligations of good faith, he would immediately deliver the province into the hands of the said Mirza Suliman, for whom the Moghul prince professed a father^s affection. On the other hand, should the destiny o the Khaun unfortunately lead him to persist in his scheme of usur- pation, B^ber, on his part, formally declared, that he had resigned all pretensions of his own, in favor of the claims of hereditary succession ; and for the residue, the Khaun must of course judge for himself. The province of Buddukhshaun, as we have already seen, had, however, been entirely relieved from the presence of the invader, even before Mirza Saiiman could reach Kab61 ; so that, on his actual arrival in the country, he was immediately put in possession of the government, by Mirza Hindal, in exact conformity with the imperial instructions; after which the latter prince, without further delay, took his departure for H-ind&staun. ' voju. in. j y A. H. OS’?. A. D 1530. Abiil Fazzel. 706 A. H. 937. A. D 1530. Abiil Fazzel. Wecome nowtothe concluding events.of the reign ofBaber. Having continued, for a period of some duration, to reside with his father, Hot mayun at last obtained permission to proceed to his j&gueir; the terri¬ tory of Sumbul, on the other side of the Ganges almost due east of Dehly. Here, after an agreeable and pleasing abode of six months, he was, however, at the expiration of that period, seized with a debilita¬ ting attack of fever and ague ; and as the disorder threatened to be of te¬ dious duration, his father became considerably alarmed at the intelli¬ gence. In these circumstances, he sent to desire that the prince would return without a moment’s delay to the ci ty of Dehly ; from, whence he would be able without either inconvenience or fatigue, to complete his journey to Agrah by water, on the Jumna. The prince repaired, ac¬ cordingly forthwith, to Agrah, in the hope of deriving that aid in the removal of his complaint, which was to be expected from the superior and united skill of the physicians of the metropolis; but all appeared unavailing to produce the desired relief. Still anxious, to the last degree,for the restoration of his son to health, Baber, accompanied by some of the most intelligent members of his court, had seated himself one day on the bank of the J umna, opposite to the city — his thoughts and conversation exclusively bent on the pos¬ sibility of yet devising some expedient to bring about what had hitherto so cruelly baffled all their efforts. Meir Ab&lbukka, distinguished for his genius and acquirements among the most learned men of the age, here ventured to suggest, that in his researches among the works of an¬ cient writers, he had seen it some where or other recominended, in cases of malady which had otherwise defeated the exertions of human skill, by the formal oblation of something pre-eminently valuable among the possessions of this world, to endeavour to propitiate the aid of omnipotence. The affectionate parent immediately remarked, that in the eyes of Homayun, he did not believe there existed on earth, any consideration more valuable than the life of his father. That life he expressed himself at an}' time perfectly prepared to sacrifice tor his preservation; and it was therefore, on his part, no extraordinary effort of paternal zeal, if without a moment’s hesitation, he npw solemnly of¬ fered it up before the throne of God’s glory, in the hope that it would not be unaccepted of in propitiation for the safety of Homayun. lihau- 707 jah Khaleifah, and the ether courtiers, upon this proceeded' to ob¬ serve that, under the blessing of providence, there could yet be little doubt of the prince’s final restoration to health, and of his attaining to the utmost limits of the age of ulan, without abstracting, in any degree, from the life of his royal father. They therefore remonstrated in du¬ tiful language with their sovereign, on the severe and melancholy turn whicb he had been induced to give to the suggestions of Abfilbukka; which tbeycould assure him, indicated nothing further than the appro¬ priation to rehgious purposes ofsome article, in treasure or jewels, ade¬ quate, in some degree, to the value of what he was so naturally anx¬ ious to preserve. And in this view they ventured to demand, what, as an oblation could be better calculated'than that inestimable jewel, the diamond which had become his property, on the defeat of Sultan Ibrau- him; and’ which he had, with such parental indulgence, consigned to H omayun ? The filial tenderness of the monarch was, however, riot to be with¬ drawn from its- object — he persisted in maintaining that no earthly possession could be put in competition with the health of Homayun ■ — that he could no longer remain a patient witness of his sufferings _ and that his resolution was unalterably taken, to make the solemn tender of his own life, as a willing sacrifice for the preservation of his son’s. But in order to prove himself as good as his' word, he immedi¬ ately retired from the circle, and betaking himself to his oratory, or chamber of prayer, he there, after having performed the course of devo¬ tions prescribed, perhaps, on an occasion so solemn, made a formal and humble offer to resign himself immediately into the hands of death, in exchange for the restoration of his son. He concluded the singular ceremony by passing, with slow and-s6lemn step, three times round the couch of Homayfin; and it is asserted, that in the effect produced upon himself, he experienced instant proof that his vows were accepted; and that a change, as sudden as favorable, taking place in the complaint of Homayun, he was very shortly afterwards restored to perfect health. Subsequent to this act^of parental self-devotion, the health of B^ber manifestly declined; untilat last, perceiving that the symptomsof disso¬ lution were rapidly advancing upon him, he thought he could no long- er defer calling together the principal officers of state, in order to rcf* A. H.937. A. D 1530. Abul Fazzel. A.l A. D Ab^lj 708 .937. ceive his final instructions. In their presence taking the hand ofH?)- mayun, he then publickly declared that prince sole heir to his crown, and all thatbelonged to it; at thesametime,placinghimupoD.thethrone, and causing himself to belaid on his couch at the footof it. After this, addressing himself to Khaujah Khaleifah, Kumber Ally Beg,Tereddy. Beg, and Hindfi Beg, and in general to the whole concourse of Ameirs assembled on this occasion, he employed every argument that wisdom could devise, and experience suggest, to promote their welfare both here and hereafter. Above all things be admonished them, by a strict and uniform administration of substantial justice; by a liberal attention to the demands of the distressed, and the claims of the deserving; b}^ a paternal regard and unceasing watchfulness over the happiness of the people; by a generous indulgence towards the errors, of the repentant, a merciful forbearance towards the crimes of guilt, and an attentive encouragement to the assiduity of all entrusted with the business of the state— .-and, finally, by depressingtheinsolence of pride, and disarm¬ ing the hand of the oppressor, to ensure the blessing of omnipotence upon all their undertakings. To Homayhn, in particular, as a circum¬ stance of vital importance to the prosperity of his government, he stre¬ nuously recommended, however deeply he might find himself injured by their conduct, to beware of prosecuting any design of vengeance against his brothers; and to this particular in his father’s dying injunc¬ tions is, indeed, to beascribed that singular forbearance, under repeated aggression, with which, to the last, Hpmayun continued to demean himself with respect to those brothers ; as will be distinctly seen here¬ after, when W'e come to treat of the events of his reign. It appears, in the mean time, that while the dying monarch was lan¬ guishing in the last stage of his illness, Meir Khaleifah, haunted by his apprehensionsof the ill- will of Homayfln, employed the whole ofhisin- fl uence and authority.in order to seen re the throneof Hindustaun forMe- hedy Khaujah; who, on his part, from that avidity for power so deeply implanted in the human mind, seemed sufficiently disposed to enter into his views. But, yielding before it was too late to the w iser coun¬ sels of those who were qualified to look deeper into futurity, Meir Kha¬ leifah was afterwards induced to abandon his visionary designs. The Khaujah was, however, interdicted from appearing at court, the peo°.. 709 pie were, by public proclamation, forbidden to frequent his house, and justice was ultimately allowed to take its course in favor of legitimate succession. That event which had, however, been for some time anticipated, at last came to pass in the death of B^ber ; who finally bid adieu to this w'orld, with all its perfidious follies and unsubstantial glories, on the sixth of the former Jummaudy, of the nine hundred and ihirty-seventh of the hidjerah,* at one of the villas erected by him on the banks of the Jumna. The phrase “ Homayfin was the heir to his dominions,*^ exhibits in Persian characters, precisely the era of his demise: but to unfold the catalogue of his various excellencies would, according toour author, require many a volume. To bring, however, his manifold vir¬ tues within the compass of a few words, it is alleged, that he possessed ir> the highest perfection the eight primary qualities essentially neces¬ sary . to the support of imperial power. These were, in the first place, ascendancy of fortune. Siidly, magnificence in design. Srdly, talents j to concert,'and vigor to execute any plan of conquest. 4thly, opulence. .5tlily, indefatigable zeal in promoting the general prosperity of the countries subject to his power. 6thly, genuine, and unatfected anxi- . ety for the repose and welfare of his people. 7thly, the faculty of ren- . dering his soldiers contented with their lot. And 8thly, firmness to . restrain them from violence. With respect to his several acquirements, in whatever was useful, orornamental, it is stated, in the first place, that he was pre-eminently skilled in the art of penmanship, according to the different methods then in practice; and his talents for composition, both in verse and prose, were of the very highest order, but more particular¬ ly in T urkish poetry; in which he wrote a Diwaun,or collection of odes, distinguished for peculiar elegance and harmony of style, and furnish- ' inga variety of thoughts equally striking and original — or, perhaps this was a separate tract, included in the collection, under the title of Muzaumin.e-tauzah. The Messnui-moubcin, or Messnui illustrated, a poem of the didactic class eminently esteemed by the learned, has , also been ascribed to him ; and the Ressaulah Waleidiah of Khaujah i Ehraur, an admired moral treatise, the father’s'legacy perhaps, was ren¬ dered by him into very pleasing and elegant verse. Last of all, it is , • 25tk of December 1530^/ A, H. 88T. A D 1530. Abbl Fazzel, 710 A. IT. 9»7. not to be forgotten that in a series of commentaries, and in a style not - less eloquent than elaborate, he wrote the memoirs of his own reiffn, Abul Fazzel. . . . , . . ^ ‘from his accession to the period of his demise; which, in the judgment 'of his panegyrist, might well serve as a permanent model for the imita¬ tion of every sovereign, of every age and country— an exemplar, which from its accuracy of reasoning, and the justness of its conceptions, must ever continue eminently useful to all that may be any way amliitious to profit by the lessons of experience, and the admonitions of genuine wisdom. This instructive performance, so admirably calculated to point the w'ay to every gradation of human grandeur, was afterwards trans¬ lated into Persian by Mirza Jaun, the son of the celebrated Beyram Khaun, in the thirty-fourth year of the reign of Akbar; by command of ' that illustriousmonarch, on his return from an expedition to Kabul and Kashmeir. Baber was, moreover, a considerable proficient in music; and there were, in the time of the author, some Persian songs compo- ' sed by him in a very pleasing style. In proof, it may be supposed, of his convivial disposition, we are further told, that on the side of a hill, a little way from the city of Ka¬ bul, he formed a small tank, or Cistern, of red granite, which he fre¬ quently caused to be filled with wine, while the most beautiful maid¬ ens were engaged to sing ahd dance around it. On the sides of the cis¬ tern were sculptured some lines in Persian, to the following purport : ■“ Sweet is the return of the new year” — “ Sweet the smiling spring” — “ Sweet is the juice ofthe mellow grape” — “ Sweeter far the voice of “ love”— ‘‘StriveO! B^ber to secure the enjoyments of life” — “which, “alas! ortce’departed, will nevermore return ” As an instance of intuitive sagacity in this illustrious prince, Fer- ishtah also relates, that when Sheikh Zeyne the Suddur,* to a question with respect to his age, quaintly replied, that seven years since, he was forty, five years afterwards he was still forty, and that he was yet not less than forty years of age, the monarch alone instantly compre¬ hended his meaning; which implied nothing more, than that the smaller must always be contained in the larger number. By the same author, we are at the same time informed, that to the practice introduced by this intelligent monarch of measuring the distances from place to place, * Metropolitan. 711 during his frequent marches, and hunting excursions, India was in¬ debted for a more accurate knowledge on that head, and for the means of acquiring that knowledge.. This he obtained by making use of a Tennaub, or surveying cord, forty guzz, or eighty feet in length, one hundred such Tennaubs making the royal kosse, or Indian league, of tljosedays; which continued the statute admeasurement to the com¬ mencement of the reign of Jahangueir — and, estimating the guzz* at twenty four inches, would be about equal to one English mile, a half, twenty sixyards, and two feet, at 176O yards to the mile.. Baber left four sons, and three daughters, whose names are preserved in the following enumeration r Mahommed Homayun who succeeded to his power— Kamraun Mirza— Asskery Mirza — and Hindal Mirza. The daughters were Gulrung Begum — Gultchehrah Begum — and Gul- buddun Begum — all three by the same mother.. We shall finally re¬ mark that he concluded his earthly career at the age of forty seven years, ten months, and ten days; and that he reigned altogether, from thede-^ mise of his father, for a period of thirty six years, six months, and eigh¬ teen days ; of which, from the date of his victory at Baunipet, he held, the sceptre of Hinddstaun for four years, eight months, and six days. With our author, we shall now proceed to describe with all reasona¬ ble brevity, the events which distinguished the succeeding turbulent reign oi Nusseir-ud-dein Mahommed HomayUn^ the son of Baber, who is usually referred to, in the figurative language ofsubsequent writers, under the posthumous designation of Jahaunbauny Jennet-ashauny — the founder of the world, whose nest is in heaven; as his father is un¬ der that of Gueity-setauny Ferdous-makauny — the conqueror of the world, whose abode is in paradise. It has already been slightly noti¬ ced, that this prince was born, of the princess Mauhem Begum, in the castle of Kabdl, on Tuesday the fourth ofZilkaudah, of the nine hun¬ dred and thirteenth of the hidjerah ;j* and he was therefore approaching to the twenty fourth year of his age, when he succeeded to the empire of Hindustaun. His mother is stated to have been, in some degree or other, related to Abulghauzy Sultan Hhsseyne, espoused by Baber, when at the request of the children of that prince, he entered Khoras- * In a note atllie conclusion of the reign of Homavuii, in my copy of Abfil Fazzfl, the guzz is estimated at 37 inches; which will make the k6sse equal to 2 miles, 531 yards, 4, inches, English measurement. + 5th of March 1508, A.H. 937. A. D. 1530. Abftl Fazzel, 712 A. H. 937. saun, on the occasion described in a former page. It was on the third father’s demise, namely, on the ninth of the former Jum- maudy, of the year nine hundred and thirty seven,* that Homaydn publicly ascended the throne at Agrah; and some days afterwards, he appeared in great state in the imperial yacht on the river Jumna, when an entire boat load of treasure was distributed to the multitude which lined the bpnks of the river — thus, as it well became him, establishing the foundation of his power in gold ; for, whom providenceselects for the government of states and empires, it first ennobles with a disposi¬ tion to be just and liberal. It is not always, indeed, that superiority of ' station confers nobility of mind. He alone is truly noble who employs his power to the good of his fellow creatures. It was for his surpassing hospitality that-the wild beasts of the forest chose the lion for their monarch. But, from the hour of his birth to that of his elevation to the throne, the actions of Homayun uniformly bespoke his glorious desti¬ ny ; neither ought this in any degree to be considered a matter of sur- i prise, since he Was no more than the depositary of that divine light, which w'as to shine out with such meridian lustre in the renowned and beneficent Akbar — the same li^ht that diffused its glories over the vic¬ tories of Baber— that irradiated the exploits of the invincibleTeymur — 'that indicated the supernatural pregnancy of the spotless Alankoua. 'In short it was that portion of the divine essence which transmitted 'through Adam to-Noah, and subsequently to the prophets and patri¬ archs of every age, hath shed their brightest splendor upon the annals of mankind. ' To the majesty of Alexander uniting the prudence of Aristotle, Ho¬ mayun- therefore resolved on assigning to each of his brothers, for whom no provision was made by the will of their father, an establishment wor¬ thy of his birth, and to continue to the dignitaries of his father’s court ■without alteration, all that they had hitherto enjoyed. Pursuant to this plan of liberal policy, the provinces of Kandahaur and Kabul were al- • lotted in jagueir to Mirza Kamraun; the government of Sumbul to Mir- za Asskery ; and that of A Iwer to Mirza Hindal. Mirza Su liman was confirmed in the government of Buddukhshaun ; and the liberality of the young monarch was extended, at the same time, to all without ex- • 28th of December 1530. 713 Ception who had served in any capacity, either in the court or army, under the late sovereign, even to the most ordinary individuals} all of whom he thus endeavored to attach to his authority, by the most pow¬ erful of motives, that of self-regard. He even contrived, for some time, to retain the allegiance of his brother-in-law, Mahommed Zemaun Mir- za, the son of Baddeia-uz-zemaun Mirza, son of Abulghauzy Sultan Husseyne of Khorassaun; who had married one of the daughters of Ba¬ ber, and who had recently manifested a disposition to be refractory. But to proceed with the narrative; about six months subsequent to the period of his accession, Homayun led his troops to the attack of Kalinjer, then an important fortress, about one hundred miles to the south-westward of the confluence of the Jumna and Ganges. When, however, after a siege of one month, the garrison had been reduced to considerable distress, he suffered himself to be prevailed upon, by a peishkesh of twelve maunns of gold,* and other valuable considera¬ tions, to withdraw from the siege. From thence he directed his march towards Chunaur, another celebrated fortress, on the Ganges. This place wasamong the possessions formerly belonging to Sultan Ibrauhim Lody, and was held, under his authority, by an officer of the name of Jummaul Khaun, until, on the defeat and death of that monarch, Jum- maUl Khaun was cut off by the perfidy of an unnatural son. It was at such a crisis that, by engaging the affections, and espousal, of Lauzh- melek the widow of the murdered chief, a woman of singular attrac¬ tions and masculine understanding, the celebrated Sheir Khaun be¬ came master of the fort. On receiving intelligence, however, of the ap¬ proach of Homayun, consigning the care of the place, with a garrison in whom he could confide, to his son Jullaul Khaun, Sheir Khaun retired from Chunaur; at the same time, dispatching a deputation selected from among the most intelligent of his followers, to treat with the Tcheghataian monarch; upon whom, already sufficiently disposed to temporize through their address, he finally prevailed to consent to an accommodation. In consequence of this arrangement, Abdurresheid, anotlier of the sons of Sheir Khaun, the more effectually to avert the , fury of the imperial armies, received his father’s instructions to attend the presence of Homay fin ; as a sort of honorary pledge for the perform- • 20lb to the Maunn, this would be about 300 weight. VOL. IIJ. 4 Y A. H. 937 939. A. D 1530-1532. Abut Fazzel. 714 A. H. 939*940. A. D. 1532*33 AbOl fazzel anceof his engagements, until such time as the plans of usurpation and* aggrandizement, which he had been long hatching* should be ripe for execution. Abdurresheid continued his services at court, accordingly, . to the period at which Homayun became engaged in his expedition into Malwah, in order to check the arrogance of Sultan Bahauder of G&jerat;^ when, availing himself of aconvenientopportunity, the Afghan thought ; fit to abscond. These events have brought us to the nine hundred and thirtyrninth of the hidjerah,* when the presence of Homayun was again required to the east-ward, in order to quell an insurrection afresh excited among, the Afghans, by the noted chieftains,. Beyne and Bayezzid. . But the latter chief perishing in a conflict against the superior prowess of the Moghul troops, the more ignoble class of the insurgents was effectually swept from the land, and the province of Jounpour, with the whole of the territory in that quarter, was now.conferred upon Siiltan Jenneid, Berlaus; after which, Homayun returned to Agrah. In the mean time, the fame of his victories had been loudly proclaimed to the extremities , of the Indian Peninsula; which produced, some time during the year nine hundred and forty, aforroal embassy, with proposals of amity, from Sultan Bahauder, the independent sovereign of Gujeraut, wliich met with a very gracious reception; and letters were transmitted by Ho¬ mayun, in return, of a nature to dispel the apprehensions which had al-- ready been excited in the mind of that restless monarch. In the course of the same year, [940], contiguous to one extremity of the city of Deh- ly, on the Jumna, Uomayfm laid the foundation of a new town, on which he bestowed the appellation of Deinpunnah — the bulwark of the faith. It is added that the Persian characters of the sentence, “ She- her-e-Padshah-e-Deinpunnah” — the city of the great king, the asylum of the faith,^’ numerically applied in the usual way, precisely exhibits the sum total 940, the era of its foundation. Not long afterwards, Mahommed Zemaun Mirza, with Mahommed Sultan Mirza, another grandson of Abfilghauzy Sultan Husseyne, by a daughter, and his son Olugh Mirza, openly revolting against the au¬ thority of Homayfin, that monarch proceeded without delay, to check the progress of this audacious and ungrateful rebellion. Encamping^ * Commencing 2(1 of August 1532, 715 however, on the Ganges, in the neighborhood of Boujepour, he con¬ tented himself with dispatching Yadgaur Nausser Mirza at the head of a strong division of the army, across the river, with orders to attack the rebels. In a battle which ensued, the latter were totally defeated, and the three principals, Mahommed Zemaun Mirza, Mahommed Sul¬ tan Mirza, and Wully Khoub Mirza, fell alive into the hands of the con¬ queror. Of these, the former was conveyed to the fortress of Beiaun- ah; from whence, by making feigned professions of allegiance, he some time afterwards gained an opportunity of effecting his escape to Sultan Bahauder, of Gujeraut. The two latter were condemned to be depri¬ ved of sight, and degraded from all their employments. The beautiful and productive region of Hindustaun, from the Gan¬ ges to the Indus, and from the mountains of Srinuggur to the Chum- bul, which, from the pressure of adverse circumstances, the father had never been able to subdue, is, at this period, pronounced to have been generally compelled to submit to the more fortunate ascendancy of the son. It appears, how'ever, that the demise of his father became no sooner known to Mirza Kamraun, than, dispensing, as usual, with the claims of natural affection, that prince resigned the government of Kandahaur to his brother Mirza Asskery, and suddenly directed his course to¬ wards Hindustaun; conceivingthat heshouldthere find an opportunity ofdevelopinghisselfish and unwarrantable designs to greater advantage. But, the lessons of experience have already sufficiently taught us, if that wereof any avail, how absurd and ineffectual the attempts of mis¬ guided ambition, against that man whose power is established through the influence of an august destiny, overlooked by the ever-watchful care of an Almighty providence; and how naturally the proceedings of him, whose objects are evil, should terminate in disappointment and disgrace. At the period under consideration, the government of La¬ bour was administered by Meir Youness Ally, who had received his appointment under the authority of the emperor. In order to circum¬ vent this personage in his trust, Mirza Kamraun, who had resolved to omit no stratagem, that could in any shape contribute to favor the at¬ tainment of his ambitious views, had recourse to the following very simple expedient. One evening, shortly after he had finally determine A. H. 939-940. A. D 1532 1533. AbOl Fazzel. A. H. 939 941. A. D. 1532-1534. Ab6l FazzeL 716 ed on the execution of his design, and in conformity with the plan con¬ certed between them, he affected extreme displeasure with Karaut- chah Beg, a very distinguished officer attached to his interests, whom, in the presence of his associates, he proceeded to abuse in the grossest and most insulting language. Pretending, on his part also, to be in¬ jured beyond forgiveness, Karautchah, the very next night, with the ■whole of his followers, privately withdrew from the camp of the Mir- za, and made the best of his way to Labour. At that place, on his ar¬ rival, he experienced the most welcome reception from Meir Youness, by whom he was immediately entertained with the most confidential and unsuspecting hospitality; and the insidious guest was not long in want of an opportunity to carry his plan into execution. For, one fa¬ tal evening, at a private entertainment, while the forbidden goblet was freely circulating, and the best troops of the government had been un¬ warily dismissed to their jagueirs, he suddenly arrested the person of his host, and placed his own followers in possession of the gates of the town, instantly dispatching a messenger to announce the success of tfi^ undertaking to Mirza Katnraun. That prince, who only delayed his march in expectation of the’resull, now conveyed himself with the utmost expedition to Labour; of which important city, he thus obtained possession, without further difficulty. His first step was to enlarge Meir Youness from all restraint; offering, with many apologies for the proceeding which he had been compelled to adopt, to re-instate him in full possession of his government, pro¬ vided he found himself at all disposed to remain in the province. This he however, declined, chusing rather to avail himself of the permission which was at the same time granted, to repair to the presence of Ho- mayun. On the other hand, Mirza Kamraun hastened without a mo¬ ment’s hesitation, to establish his own agents in every district through the Punjaub; quietly extending his authority to the very banks of the Setleje, at this period more generally known by the appellation of the river of Ludianah, from the name of a town by the side of it. Faith¬ ful to his system of deception, he then dispatched some intelligent per-? sons to assure Homayun of the sincerity of his attachment, and the pu-! rity of hjs intentions, soliciting, at the same time, to be confirmed m possession of the territory which he had thus usurped; and Homayun» 717 actuated no less by the natural generosity of his disposition, than by A. 11.939 941. his determination to abide by the injunctions of a dying father, was in- P 1534. . , . . , . ^ , Abul Fazzel. ducetl to comply,, continuing, to. his perriUious brother in the patent now. transmuted to him, and in addition to the government of Labour, those, which he formerly held, of Kandahaur and Kabul. In return for concessions so liberal, so far beyond anything he was authorised to expect, and by which, in the great essentials of power, —men, horses and arms — he was placed on an entire equality with his el¬ der brother. Mirza Kamraun did not omit to convey to Homayun some very valuable pledges of future allegiance ; and he continued long af¬ terwards to maintain with him the most frieodly;,inter.course by letter; in which the praises of this indulgent brother never /ailed to be the fa^- vorite and prevailing theme. On this subject he transmitted, on one.' occasion, the following effusions addressed to Homayun. “ Be the “ graces of thy person every hour more attractive. — Be thy destiny ever prosperous, ever august. — Be every affliction that crosses thy. path — the source of sorrow to the eyes of thy brother.-— Does the moss, and the thistle, overgrow the path of Leyly— where can it be.- “planted with greater propriety than in the eyes, of Medjnoun.— “ May he who neglects to signalize himself in thy cause — be speedily “ excluded from the circle of existence-— while Karnraun retains any/ “ portion on earth — may the empire of the world have no other master^ “ than Homayun.” And in strict truth, although he neither foresaw, nor perhaps designed it, the wishes thus ardently expressed were ful¬ filled almost to the letter towards himself; since overtaken, even in this life, by a just, retribution for such unparalleled duplicity, after forfeit- ijng the esteem of all good men, he was in the issue excluded from ex-r- istence, as will be more fully explained in its proper place.-. In the mean time, regarding the exterior only of these specious prog¬ ressions, Homayun, in the unsuspecting benevolence of his own mind, proceeded to load his brother with favors of every description, to an unlimited degree; and in token of his extraordinary gratification on the receipt of the precious effusion of pretended fraternal affection explain¬ ed above, he further conferred upon him the. favorite government of Hessaur Feyrouzah. Kamraun, on his part, remained to all appear¬ ance, steady in his attachpient to the authority of Homayun for sotnevj 718 A. H.941. A. D J534 Abiil Fazzel time; continuing to experience from that prince, without interruption, thesame course ofMberality, kindness, and forbearance, much longerthan beseems to have deserved it. But it is not to be forgotten that the circumstances which have above engaged the attention of the reader, took place previous to the 939th of the hidjerah; under which date it is here related that, displeased with his brother Mirza Asskery, in conse¬ quence of a defeat- which he had sustained from some of the Hazaurah tribes, on his march from Kandahaur towards Kabul, Mirza KamraUn thought fit to transfer the government of the former province, from that prince, to Khaujah, or Khoujah, Kullan Beg. To proceed, however, with the narrative thus necessarily suspend¬ ed, Homayun, in'the early part of the year nine hundred and forty- one, ^'conceiving that the security of his hereditarj^ possessions had been now well established, determined to employ the resources of his power once more to the east-ward, in order to extend his authority over the opulent territory of Bengal. But the imperial standard had no sooner reached the town ofKetaur, or Kenaur, in the neighborhood of Kalpy on the lower Jiimna,' on this occasion, than intelligence was announced that Sultan Bahauder ofGujerat, had invested the important fortress of Tcheitour, between that country and Adjmeir; had dispatched a large force even furt hen n advance and erTataurKhaun; and moreover, that nei¬ ther this latter personage, nor his employer, seemed disposed to set any limits to the views of a pestilent and ungovernable ambition. In con¬ sequence of- this information, yielding to the suggestions of a more auspicious ‘destiny, or, more humanly speaking, to the obvious dictates of comtnon prudence, Homayun at once resolved, before he engaged in any other undertaking, to prevent the hostilities with which he was threatened from that quarter; and for this purpose, some time in the former month of Jummaudy,t he returned accordingly towards Agrah* But, with all our anxiety to hasten to a conclusion, the genius of di¬ gression here fastens upon us again, in order to explain, that although Sultan Bahauder, from having too early suflfered the canker of ambition to take root in his breast, was of a nature sufficiently disposed to be as- piring, yet from some experience in the superior prowess of the Mo¬ ghuls, and particularly in thedecisi ve battle which terminated in the de- * Commeucing 12th of July, 1534. t November, 1534. 719 feat and death of Siiltan Ibrauhim Lody, to which he had been a sor- - rowful eye witness, before he had ascended the throne of Gujerat, and while yet an undistinguished adventurer, he could not, without the greatest repugnance, finally determine to hazard a contest' with the house of Teymuri It had, however^ been the subject of frequent dis¬ cussion with those in whom he most confided ; and this was the state of his mind, when Tatar Khaun made his appearance, omitting neither argument nor importunity to persuade him, that there could belittle risk in violating his engagements with Homayun. After having, for some time longer, affected to disregard the dangerous counsels of this chief, Sultan Bahauder, at last, threw off the mask; declaring that, since it was but too welLestablished that the troops of Ghjerat could not be prudently exposed to an open conflict with the Tchegha- t^ians, it must be his business, by some plan of address, or superior po¬ licy, to balance this formidable inequality. And thus resolved, he cast open, without further delay, the gates of his treasury; and, by a, liberal distribution of its contents, soon levied, in addition to the ten thousand already in his pay, a multitudinous force of every description, to, a very great amount.. It wasat this important conjuncture, that Mahommed Zemaun Mir-. za, accompanied by the guards who had facilitated his escape from, Beiaunah, presented himself at the court of Gujerat; where, in conse¬ quence of the rash schemes of ambition now forming in the mind of the Sultan, he also experienced the most favorable and distinguished recep¬ tion. Such circumstances could not, however, be long concealed from Homayiin ; and a message was accordingly dispatched by that mon¬ arch, to request, that in conformity with subsisting treaties, SAltan Ba¬ hauder would immediately seize, and convey to court, or at all events dismiss from his protection, the fugitives who had so flagrantly be¬ trayed their allegiance, and withdrawn themselves into the countries subject to his authority — in doing which he would furnish to the world a manifest and substantial proof of the amicable relations, by which the two states were still united. To this, from a blind misconception of the means best suited to promote his welfare, and the security of his power, and not less in the intoxication of his imagined grandeur, the Sfiltan wrote in reply, that if an individual of exalted birth hadobtain-* A.H. 941. A. D. 1534, Abftl Fazzel. . 720 A. H. 941. ed at his court, that asylum to which in the hour of distress he was en- A' D. 1534. Abai Fazzel, of treaty, or in any shape essentially prejudicial to subsisting engage¬ ments. iln support of this he should sppea'l to what happened in the time of Sultan SekunderLody; when, notwithstanding the perfect har¬ mony which subsisted between that monarch and Sultan Muzuffer, not only his brother A lla-ud-dein, but many other princes of the blood royal who had fled from Agrah and Dehly, never failed to experience in Gujerat, without producing the slightest interruption in the exist¬ ing relations, all that could be required from the most liberal and gener¬ ous hospitality. iHomayun now rejoined at 6onsideral>le length in nearly the follow^ ing terms. He announced to theSultan, in language not to be misun¬ derstood, that the surest proof which he could give that he was sin¬ cere in his desire to preserve unbroken the relations of peace and good neighborhood, was to abstain most scrupulously from every circum¬ stance, that might have a tendency in the remotest degree to disturb them ; for thus, alone, would he be able to avert the injury, to which the friendly intercourse that had for some time so beneficially subsisted be¬ tween them, seemed otherwise likely to be exposed. “ Thou,” said he in a short stanza embodied in -his letter” — thou that boastest so loud- “ ly that thy friendship is from the heart — happy will be thy lot if thy “professions and-thy designs are in harmony — deeply plant the tree of “amity in thy breast, forits produce will be the fruition of all that thy “soul can desire — quickly uproot the thorn of animosity, for innumer- “ able are the woes with which it is pregnant. He admonished him again and again, and a thousand times, not to disregard his counsels ; either V to expel the odious fugitive from his dominions, or send him without further delay to Agrah-: for what other pledge could be now accepted that his designs were friendly? He could not, at the same time, forbear to express, that he felt no ordinary degree of surprise that any attempt should bemade tobringtheoccurrencesof agovernment such as that of Sultan Sekunder into a comparison with any event of his reign; for withwhat justice, indeed, could any resemblance be alleged toexist be¬ tween things so extremely difleientin their nature and importance! the jnodes of thinking which then prevailed, being as totally distinct from titled, it could not in fair reasoning, surely, be considered an infraction > 721 the system now acknowledged, as any two circumstances the most op¬ posite in their principles. From his knowledge in the history of former times, Si^ltan Bahauder could not fail to remember that the august and invincible Teymiir, notwithstanding repeated aggressions, was long withheld from entering into a warwith theTurkishSultan Bajazel,from the consideration alone of the hostilities which that monarch perpetu¬ ally carried on against the infidel nations of Europe; and that his en- durance was not exhausted, until Kara Yussuf, and Sultan Ahmed of Baghdad, had found an asylum at the court of Iconium, and repeated demands for their expulsion had been disdainfully rejected. The issue was too memorable to be forgotten— .that triumphant conclusion came to pass, with which his fortune seemed invariably delighted to crown , the designs of that invincible conqueror. Ail this proved, however, unavailing; since nothing could be obtain¬ ed from Sultan Bahauder in reply, but what was conceived in terms, equally rash, inconsiderate, and unseasonable; and the. refractory Ta- ■ tar Khaun interposing, at the same time, w ith those pernicious coun¬ sels, by which the qnwary have been so frequently seduced to their de¬ struction, and affirming, in support of his arguments, that the Tchega- l^ian troops, devoted to their pleasures and enervated by repose, wer.e no longer the hardy srddiers, whose prowess the Sultan had so highly estimated, finally urged that .he might, without further delay, be per¬ mitted to proceed towards the frontiers of the Moghul dominions in. Hindustaun,., Thus harrassed with importunities, Sultan Bahauder yielded at last, altogether, to the suggestions of turbulent and factious men, and hastened to expedite the equipment of the force destined to act under Tatar Khaun. For this purpose, the sum of twenty Krour, or two tliousand laks, of the ancient gold coin of Gujerat, equal, ac¬ cording to our author, to twice the sum in the then currency of Deh- ly, was immediately remitted to Rentempour, to be employed at the discretion of the same Tatar Khaun, in the levy of a fresh army. Sul¬ tan Alla-ud-dein, the father of that chief, at the head of a considerable force, was dispatched, at the same time, towards Kaiinjer, in order to invigorate the disturbances already existing in that quarter; while Bur- hauii-ul-muik Beiauny, with another division composed of natives of.' Gujcrat, proceeded through the territories of Nagour and Bikk^neit;i, VOL. IJI. 4.Z A. H. 94i. A D 1534. Abtii Fazzel. \ .722 'A.H,£)41. to menace or excite alarm in the provinces of the Punjaub. The ob- ' iect of these several expeditions on points so remote from each other, A m jtazze . vainly imagined, to harrass, and distract the attention of the Moghuls; whereas the advice of, in the opinion of our author, the more judicious and experienced men was, instead of separating, as much as possible to concentrate, or unite his force together, within the compass of mutual support. 'Neither did the more honest advisers of the Sul¬ tan omit to set before him in the clearest light, however without suc¬ cess, the unfavorable conclusions that would be drawn from his infrac¬ tion of treaty; nor to assure him that the sole design of the Lodies, both father and son, was directed to recover the sovereignty of Hindustaun. And lastly, that though the failure of their object could be produc¬ tive of little injury to the Sultan, while he continued faithful to his en¬ gagements, the consequences of any violation on bis part were, on the other hand, neither uncertain nor very remote. In the mean time, Ta¬ tar Khaun hastened to carry into execution his ill-advised expedition towards Dehly; while Sultan Bahauder proceeded in person, to form the siege of Tcheitour — inorder at once to attempt the reduction ofthat _ important fortress, and be at hand, if necessary, to support the operati¬ ons of his allies of the race of Lody. It may be desirable here to explain, that Sultan Al!a-ud-dein was the brother of Sultan Sekunder Lody, and uncle to Sultan Ibrauhim, the last of the monarchs of Dehly of this race. Originally, he bore the name of Aullum Khaun ; but on the death of Sultan St kunder, oppo¬ sing the authority of Sultan Ibrauhim, and usurping the royal dignity in the territory of Serhind, he assumed the title of Alla-ud-dein. Short¬ ly afterwards, supported by a body of Afghans, long since notorious for their perfidy and double dealing, he advanced towards Agrah. Sul¬ tan Ibrauhim, however,issuing immediately from that place to give him battle, the rival monarchs came within a convenient distance ot each other, near the station called Houdel; and Alla-ud-dein discovering, on a sudden, that the force at his disposal was unequal to a regular con¬ flict with his nephew, in fair day-light, conceived it might be accompa¬ nied with less hazard to make an attempt to surprise his camp, under cover of the night. In this attempt he was defeated; and withdrawing afterwards to Kabul, he from thence, with that turpitude of disposi- 723 tion which was, it seems, implanted in his nature, did not hesitate to accompany the adventurous Baber in that expedition, the object of which was to subvert the power of his own family; and in these circum¬ stances was he engaged on the side of the Moghul army, in the battle which terminated the life and reign of Sultan Ibrauhirn. Some time afterwards, his son Tatar Khaun, from motives which are not explain¬ ed, took an opportunity of retiring into Gujerat, where he was hospita¬ bly received by Bahauder; and Baber, on securing his conquest of Deh- ]y, being well apprized of the unsteadiness of the man’s character, deemed it expedient to convey the father into Buddukhshaun, where he was confined in the fortress of Zuffer. But, effecting his escape from thence, after all, through the assistance of some Afghan traders, Alla- ud-dein took refuge in the territory possessed by that nation to the north-west of the Indus; and finally proceeding, through the country of the Beloutchies, found his way at last, also, into Gujerat,. But, at the period when it was irrevocably determined in that coun¬ try to enter on hostilities against the Moghul government, and Tatar Khaun had, in a very .short time, by a liberal distribution of the treas¬ ure at his disposal, augmented the troops under his orders to a force of nearly forty thousand men, composed of Afghans, and other different tribes, that chieftain was, not long afterwards, enabled to invest, and without any great difficulty, to make himself master of Beiaunahi . His triumphs were, however, destined to terminate here; for, when intelli¬ gence of his progress was communicated to Homayun, then on his march towards the provinceson the lowerGanges, lhatmonarch return¬ ed, as formerly intimated, with the utmost expedition to Agrah.; From that metropolis, the Mirzas Asskery, Hindal, and Yadgaur Nausser, together with Kaussem Husseyne Sultan, and some other distinguished commanders, were now dispatched, at the head of eighteen thousand horse, for the immediate purpose of' repelling this invasion, against which, since the object of it was known to be nothing short of the re¬ duction of Dehly, they were instructed to point their utmost effort; Homayun expressly pronouncing that the discomfiture of the division under Tatar Khaun, would be naturally followed by the annihilation of every other division of the enemy’s force. . .In fact, when the Moghul troops drew near, to hia division,, Tatarti A. H. 94t. D 1534.- Abiil Fazzel. A. H. 941. A D 1.534 AbAl Fazzel. 724 Khann became unaccountably alarmed; and the sudden and extensive desertion by which, in a very few days, they were reduced to an appal- ing- remnant of three thousand men, was not bv anv means calculated todiminish that alarm, lleflecting, moreover, on thecareand diligence which he had devoted to the selection of, and on the enormous expence at which he had equipped his army, the unfortunate chief found him¬ self, for some time, incapable of deciding whether he should immedi¬ ately attempt to retreat, or abide the issue of a battle, under sucdi fearful disadvantages. At last, however, resigning himself to despair, hewen- tured to hazard a conflict with the Mirzas of the house of Teymur, at the place called Mendraeil ; where, after performing all that was to be expected from the courage of a brave man driven to desperation, he fin¬ ally perished, together with the greater part of those wlio remained at¬ tached to his destiny. And, precisely as had been reckoned upon by Homayun, theother divisions ofthe enemy no sooner became advertis¬ ed of the fate of that on which they had reposed their fairest hopes of success, than they dispersed in every direction, dismayed at the very rumour of the triumphant progress of the Moghuls. Although Honaayun w’ere even disposed, on his part, to forego the subjugation of Gujerat,and the ruler of that noble country might, on all occasions, have evinced a desire to continue the relations of friendship unimpaired, whichjas we have already seen, was very far from being the case; yet, wihendt comports with the scheme of a wise and over-ruling 'providence, to transfer the destinies of a particular nation from one power, to another which is foimedon principles of stricter justice — the -means being ever ready, nothing in the scope of human agency can avaib to- counteract the designs of omnipotence. Of this, a fresh exam¬ ple is now exhibited in the case of Sultan Bahauder; when, seduced by the voice of flattery, and the intoxication ofimagiuary grandeur, he ■sufferedfhimself, without a provocation, and in direct violation of his engagements, to be involved in awarw'ith the Moghul monarch. And it wasdoubtless from the operation of the same over-ruling causes that, baffled-in his endeavors to accommodate, Homayun finally dpterm.ined onleadinghistroopstowardsGujerat; and for that purpose, in the begin¬ ning ofthe former Jummaudy, of the nine liundred and forty-first of 'the hidjerah,* he accordingly took his departure from Agrah. The di- * November, 1534. 725 rection of his march on this occasion, appears to have carried him A. H.94i. through the territory of Raeisein; the garrison of which sent out a de- ^ putation to assurt; him, with the utmost submission, that as soon as his tazzel dispute with Sultan Bahauder should have been decided, that fortress ' with all it contained, should be entirely at his disposal. And in truth, the reduction ol Gujerat being the object which, at this moment, most materially engaged his attention, he prosecuted his march towards Mal- wah, without suffering it to be interrupted by objects of minor import¬ ance; and not long afterwards, the head-quarters of the imperial army were established at S^rungpour, In the mean time, the progress of Flomayein, even to the minutest particulars, was regularly reported to Shltan Bahauder, at this crisis en¬ gaged in the siege of Tcheitour, and his delirium of fancied greatness and security became gradually dispelled. At a council of war to which, in these circumstances, he had early summoned his principal officers, it was proposed by several, since it would be at all times in his power to resume his operations against Tcheitour, to raise the siege; and pro¬ ceed without delay, to oppose the further advance of the Moghuls. But Suddur Khaun, who held the most distinguished place among the men of letters of the court of Sultan Bahauder, and who had long since been promoted to the highestcommand in his army, urging, on the other hand, with greater alleged acuteness of discernment, the expediency of prosecuting to its close a design, which had already been brought so near to a successful termination, particularly, when there existed strong reasons for a belief, that while engaged in a common cause against infi¬ dels, a Mussulman prince would never think of attacking them; but at all events, should heotherwise determine, that there would then be nothing wanting to justify them in drawing their swords against him — this opin¬ ion prevailed with the Sultan. The operations of the siege were, ac¬ cordingly, pressed with so much vigor, that on the third day of Ram- zaun, of th« year 941 ,* Tcheitour submitted to the power of Sultan Bahauder; immediately after which, that monarch led his troops to- wards'the quarter in which he expected to find the Moghul army, now encamped in the neighborhood ofOujein. As soon as he became apprized of this extraordinary forwardness on * .7th of March, 1535. 726 A. H.941. A D 1535. Abul Fazztl. the part of the Sultan, Homayun broke up from his encampment, and advanced also with considerable celerity, towards Mundsour, a depen¬ dency on the province of Mai wall; in the neighborhood of which form¬ er place, by the side of a deep atul spacious tank, or fi>esh- water lake, he again encamped his troops, while those of his adversary took up^ their ground on the side opposite to him. A skirmish having however taken place, as was likely to happen on such an occasion, between the advanced guard of the Moghuls, and that of Sultan Bahaud^r, in which the latter sustained some serious loss, he became suddenly dishearten¬ ed; andymt hisgenerals,Tauje Khaunand Suddur Khaun, conceived this a fit opportunity to urge that his troops, being yet flushed with their suc¬ cess against Tcheitour, and not materially affected by any recent expe¬ rience of the valour and discipline of the enemy, might be led to give battle without delay, while their minds were yet sufficiently firm to abide a conflict w ith some reasonable prospect of victory. On the other hand, his general of artillery, Roumy Khaun,* an officer at this period ofconsiderablereputation in India, reminding him of his formidable and superior equipment of ordnance, strenuously insisted on the folly of re¬ linquishing so manifest an advantage, for the precarious hazards of a combat hand to hand. What fie proposed, on the contrary, was to form an enclosure round their camp, with the waggons and other carriages; and, having further strengthened their position with a sufficient ditch, from thence to employ those powerful means of distant annoyance,, with which they were provided, in order to diminish the numerical strength of the enemy; after which, an opportunity would not be want- * This officer, originally a Turkish or Tartar slave, of the name of Soghrauk, and suc¬ cessively dignified by the princes of Gfijerit, with the titles of Khodawund Khaun, and Roumy Khaun, was, as is well known, the founder of the castle of Surat; over the old en¬ trance of which was formerly this inscription, indicative of the year in which it was erected; Sedd ber seinah wojaun-e Ferengi ein binua — that is to say, “ against the bosom and lives, the ambition and rapacity, of the Portuguese be this fabric an effectual bulwark,” ex¬ hibiting in the Persian characters numerically applied the total 937 — that being the year of the hidjerah assigned to the erection of this fortress, corresponding with the year of Christ 1530, commencing the 1st of August. But rejecting the wait in this inscription, between Seina and jaun, we should carry the date of the erection six years further back. Roumy Khaun subsequently enrolled himself in the service of Homayfin — 'was particularly instru¬ mental to the reduction of Chuuaur — and lies buried in the Merjan Shaumy mosque^ at Surat. 727 ing to make use of their swords, with that confidence which must arise A-H. 941. from observing the havoc conveyed through the ranks of the enemy, by the superior management of their artillery This opinion receiving the support of other respectable commanders, a corresponding plan was adopted on the spot, and immediately carried into execution; and ac¬ tive hostilities shortly afterwards commenced, generally however, to the disadvantage of the troops of Gujerat. But the catastrophe is described to have been accelerated by the fol¬ lowing incident, although not without frequent example in the history of warlike events. One day, in the absence of other employment, while ^ome ardent spirits impatient of delay, and of the salutary restraints of discipline, were discoursing over the convivial goblet, and each in his turn reciting the story of his exploits; one of them, whose judgment had more easily yielded to the effects of the compotation than his asso¬ ciates, suddenly interrupted the conversation by demanding, how long they proposed to amuse themselves with this bootless and unprofita¬ ble discussion of the past ! What fairer opportunity to bring their in¬ dividual prowess to the test, than that in which the enemy were under their very beards; and when it was in their power to achieve a noble en- terprize, before the main body of the army could be aware of any such design ? Instantly, the whole party to the number of two hundred per¬ sons, glowing not less with the ardour of intoxication perhaps, than with the ambition of renown, proceeded to arm themselves, and mount¬ ing their horses, hastened immediately towards the encampment of the enemy. On their approach, one of the Sultanas generals employed with a body of nearly four thousand men, on the outskirts, to guard the avenues to the position, drew out his division in formidable array, to oppose them; and a conflictof more than ordinary fiercenessimmediate- ly ensued. But the troops ofGujerat, equally astonished and dismayed at the singular intrepidity of their assailants, were, after a short resistance, shamefully defeated, and driven in disorder, to take shelter within their intrenchments; while the conquerors returned in triumphtotheir camp, to tell over the exploits of the day. In short, the reports of this bold adventure produced so unfavorable an impression upon the troops of Sultan Bahauder, that scarcely any of them dared to risk themselves afterwards without their barricade of carriages; while, on the other 728 A. H. 941, A. D. 1535. AbAl Fazzel. hand, the country in every direction around, was so completely over¬ run by the Moghuls, as to prevent all possibility of supply, and the ut¬ most scarcity became soon apparent, in consequence, throughout the encampment. And it was in this extremity that, on the first day of Shavaul,* atlhe breakingupofthefastofRamzaun, Mahommed Zem- maun Mirza, at the head of five hundred of his followers, ventured out of the position, and approached a body of Homayun’s troops, who, on their part, with theirusual confidence, immediately advanced to receive him. But, having made two or three discharges of their bows, Ma¬ hommed Zemmaun and his followers, designedly retired, until they- drew their pursuers within reach of the artillery of the camp; which then opening at once upon the Moghuls, produced considerable exe¬ cution among them, before they could withdraw from the danger. Seventeen days subsequent to this not very important check, a fa¬ vorable position of the heavenly bodies having been carefully calcula¬ ted by the astrologers, for the very day, it had been determined by Ho- mayun to risk a general assault upon the camp of the enemy; but the situation of the Gujeratties having, in the mean time, become hourly more critical, and every thing manifestly tending to some fatal catas¬ trophe, Sultan Bahauder, on the night of the twenty-first of Shavaubf took the final resolution of abandoning his army to its fate. For that purpose, having given directions that his guns should he filled with powder, and blown to pieces, he, in the course of the same evening, ac¬ companied by Meiran Mahommedan Shah, and five or six others of those in his more immediate confidence, secretly withdrew throu<^h an opening in the rear of his tents; it being his design to take the road tow¬ ards Agrah, although, by some mistake, it turned out that he was on the way to Mandou. About the same hour, Suddur Khaun and Emmaud- ubmulk, with twenty thousand horse, proceeded also together- to the right, directly for Mandou; while Mahommed Zemmaun Mirza, with another body of fugitives, drew' off towards Labour, w'ith the design of raising commotions in that province. The tumultuous clamoursrand horrible uproar which filled the camp of the Sfiltan, in consequence of the explosions of the artillery', and the base desertion of the monarch- • 4th of April 1535. t 24tli of April 1535 it was probably the ni^ht previous to Iheiutejided attack. 729 ai>d his generals, surpassed all description, and excited no small aston¬ ishment in that of the Moghuls yet unacquainted with the cause; Ho- mayCin himself, indeed,' with thirty thousand horse, remaining in arms, and in order of battle, the whole of the night, to await the eventful dis¬ closure. About an hour after daybreak, it was, however, made known that Sultan Bahauder had fled; and the Moghul troops proceeded im- mediately, without resistance, to pillage his camp, where an immense booty was the compensation of their exertions. Khodawund Khaun, who had been successively the preceptor,and prime minister, of Sultan MuzuffVr late king ofGujerat, became the prisoner of liomayun, who retained him immediately about his person, and otherwise treated him with extraordinary kindness. Yadgaur Nausser Mirza, with the A- meirs Kaussem Sultan, and Hindu Beg, and a powerful division of the army, was now dispatched, in pursuit of the flying enemy towards. Mandou. 1 he designs of that man, observes our historian, cannot fail to ter¬ minate in evil, whose misfortune it is to associate with evil counsellors; and the more indubitably so, if led into a violation of engagements with a monarch so maniiestly the favorite of heav,en,.as the renowned Ho- mayfin. That this ought to be so, no one will probably be disposed to dispute; but that it may sometimes otherwise happen, we shall perad- venture find a remarkable instance, in the history of Homayfin himself. But at all events, when, as we have just described, Suddur Khaun, and Emmaud-uUmulk, withdrew from the camp near Mundsour, their course was directed straight towards Mandou, into which, on their ar¬ rival, they immediately threw themselves; and thither they were as im-. mediately pursued by the victorious Moghuls„under.Homayfin in per- ' son, who encamp, d shortly afterwards, at the station of Naltcheh; or perhaps it was a. ravine, or hollow, in the vicinity, from whence he might, wiihgreater confidence, superintend the investiture ofthe place, which was, accordingly, at once surrounded on every side. Koumy Khaun, the officer of whom we have already spoken here, joined the standard of Horn aynn, from whom he experienced a favorable recepti¬ on. On the fourteenth day, ofthe investiture possibly, Sultan Bahau¬ der through the bye roads ofthe country, also found his way into Many. dou, which he entered though the Jouly-Mehiser gate; and shortly af^, VOL. JJI. . ^ A. H. P41; A. O 1.^35. Abul Fazzef. 4 730 A. H.941. terwards,hesent to propose an accommodation with his besiegers, on the ^ ^ basis that Gujerat and Tcheitour, being yet in undisturbed possession, ’AbAlFazzel. remain as at present; but that Mandou, and its dependencies, should be ceded without further contesl to the officers of Homayun’s government. On these terms, Moulana Mahommed Bergholy, and Sudder Khaun, on the part of Homayun and the Sultan, respectively, met at the station of Neili-sumbul, in order to arrange the articles of a regular treaty ; but towards the latter part of the night on which they were under discussion, the garrison being worn out with fatigue and W'atching, about two hundred of the Moghuls availed themselves of an opportunity to scale the walls of the place from the rear; and letting themselves down from the ramparts within, succeeded in making them¬ selves masters of one of the gates in that direction, which they imme¬ diately threw open. Here their horses were brought to them, and they were joined, shortly afterwards, by a number of the imperial troops from without. Atthis moment, Mellon Khaun Mandouly, who bore the title of Kau- der Shahy, and who commanded at a tower close by, perceiving what had befallen, hastily mounted his horse, and galloped off to the head¬ quarters of Sultan 'Bahauder. .Roused at the summons of Kauder Shahy, but scarcely yet awake, the Sultan betook himself immediately to flight, accompanied by not more than half a dozen of his domestics. On his way he was, however, fortunately joined by Bhowunt Rfii, the son of Sohldy Rai, one of his most intimate friends, with twenty men on horseback; 'but on reaching the gate which opens to the plain below the fort, hefound not less than two hundred Moghill cavalry, ready 'drawn up to intercept bis progress. Aware that this was not a time to deliberate, theSflltan precipitated himself without hesitation, the first man, into thethickest of his adversaries, and being immediately follow¬ ed by his attendants, fortunately succeeded in cutting his way through; Mellou Khaun abovementioned, and one more, being all that were now left to accompany him in his flight, to Soungurr, where he soon after¬ wards arrived without further accident. From thence he was con¬ strained to effect his escape by letting himself down to the foot of the works, by means of ropes, some horses being also conveyed to him by the same means, and he was thus enabled to continue his flight; which 731 is, indeed, described to have been materially facilitated by the obsti¬ nate incredulity of Kaussem Husseyne Khaun, one of the Moghul commanders who had, by this time, appeared before the place, and to whom information was early communicated by. an Ouzbek, deserter, formerly in the service of the Sultan, whose person had been recogniz* ed. On his arrival at Tchampaneir, at this period the capital of Guje- rat, Sultan Bahauder had, however, again collected aforce of about fif¬ teen hundred men; but not conceiving himself by any means suffiei- ently secure at that place,. he determined to provide against the worst, by removing all that was possible of his treasure and most valuable ef¬ fects, to the well-known port of O.eib, or Dju, already in the possession; of the Portuguese, To return to the proceedings at Mandou; it would appear that no positive information of the success of his troops, in the surprise of that fortress, was communicated to Homayun, until the close of the second W'atch in the morning; when he also mounted his horse, and passed into the place by the gate of Dehly. Suddur Khaun, although severely wounded, continued, however, with his retainers, to make an obstinate resistance,,beforetheentrance of hisown house; but being at last forced; away by some of his principal officers, he took the road towards Soun- gurr; whither being accompanied by a great part of the garrison of Mandou, he was there enabled to place himself in a state of security against any sudden attempt of the conquerors. Siiltaun-e-Aullum, another distinguished officer of the court of Gujerat, w'as, among those who threw' themselves into Soungurr on this occasion. In the mean, time, after the Moghul troops had been for three days permitted at dis¬ cretion, to pillage the dwellings of the wretched inhabitants, a man¬ date was at length issued to restrain them from further violence; while some confidential agents were dispatched by Homayun, to mollify the hostile spirit, and appease the apprehensions of Sultan Bahauder’s gen¬ erals, who had taken refuge at Soungurr. After considerable discus¬ sion, Suddur Khaun, and S4Itaun-eT A ulliim, the two principal com¬ manders, were finally persuaded to accept of a capitulation; and being upon this conducted immediately to the imperial head quarters, the former experienced from Homayun a kind and favorable reception: but as this was, it seems, nol the first instance in which Shltaun-e-Aullui^ A.H. 941. A. D 1535; Abfil Fazzel, \ 732 A. H. 941-042, 'had ^iven proof of his hostile and turbulent disposition, he was, hot- A. \with8landing the capitulation, punished with the loss of both his feet, * and then set at large to prosecute, at will, the schemes of ambition and revenge. When, by these preliminafy successes, the road had been sufficient¬ ly laid open for him, Homayun, with ten thousand of his cavalry, pro¬ ceeded without further delay, to enter Gujerat; leaving instructions with the main body of the army, to follow him by easy stages. In the neighborhood of Tchampaneir,andby the sideof theTank of Emmaud- ul-mulk, a noble piece of water described to be three kosse^ in cir¬ cumference, in the direction of the gate of Panei'ly, the Moghul troops were drawn out to offer battle to the enemy. On the other hand, re- i - ceiving intelligence of their approach, and having already amply pro¬ vided the fortress of Tchampaneir, situated on the adjoining hill, with the means of defence, Sultan Bahauder withdrew through the opposite gate, leading towards the Lushker-tullaou, another tank in the neigh¬ borhood; and retired, with some precipitation, in the direction of Kam- baeit, or Cambay, leaving orders to set fire to the town of Tchampa¬ neir, immediately on his departure. But Homayun entering the place very shortly afterwards, the proper means were employed, under his direction, to extinguish the conflagration ; after which, at the head of one thousand horse only, he 'hastened in pursuit of the Sultan, while Ameir Hindu Beg, with tbe remainder of the division, continued on the spot; in order to straiten the comtliunicalions, and watch the move¬ ments of the garrison in the fortress above. Sultan Bahauder had, in the mean time, remained at Cambay no longer than was necessary to set fire to one hundred armed Graabs, or gallies, which had been equip¬ ped for the purpose of restraining the obnoxious power of the Portu¬ guese, and of which he thus prevented his enemies from availing them¬ selves in tracing his flight, when he continued his retreat towards Diu. On the evening of the day on which the Sultan took his departure, Homayun arrived at Cambay; and, for the first time in his life, beheld an arm of the trackless ocean. From hence he dispatched a part of his cavalry to arrest the flight of Sflltan Bahauder, who finally succeeded, diowever, in making good his retreat into Diu; from the neighborhood • At least five miles. 733 6F which, with no inconsiderable booty, the Moghul troops now return¬ ed to the presence of their sovereign at Cambay. And thus, in the .nine hundred and forty-second of the hidjerah,* according to our au¬ thor, was accomplished the first conquest ofGujerat by the Moghfiis. Towards the conclusion of the former year, the fortress of Kanda- haur, that we might not be left entirely ignorant of what was passing on the most distant extremity of the empire, had been closely invested by Saum Mirza, the brother of Shah Tahmasp king of Persia, at the head of an army of Kuzziilbaush, or redcaps — the appellation assigned to the Persian soldiery under the authority of the Seffies, and who were, on this occasion, gallantly opposed by Khaujah Kullan Beg, the governor for the house of Teymur. At the termination of about eight months, the garrison were, however, seasonably relieved by the advance of Mirza Kamraun, who had early proceeded from Labour to their assistance; and on the first day of Shabaun, of the nine hundred and forty-second of the hidjerah,j’ not far from Kandahaur, hesucceeded in gaining a signal victory over the besiegers, who were defeated with considerable loss — Agher Nowauz Khaun, the Ataleik, or preceptor, of the Persian prince, and one of the most distinguished commanders, being made prisoner in the action, and put to death immediately afterwards. Mirza Kamraun then returned with the utmost dispatch towards La¬ bour, which he reached at the very crisis to arrest the progress of Ma- homroed Zemmaun Mirza, in the midst of the commotions which he had excited in the Punjaub. On the dispersion of the army of Siil- tan Bahauder, at Mundsour, this personage had, as we have already re¬ lated, withdrawn himself to the westward; with the design of availing himself of any advantage that might occur in the country among the branches of the Indus. When he reached the borders of Sind, he was further encouraged in his views by Shah Husseyne, the son of Shah Beg ArghCm, the independent prince of that territory; who, without ad¬ mitting him one step within the limits of his authority, coolly pointed out the opportunity, at that moment presented by the absence of Mirza Kamraun, on his expedition to Kandahaur, for the occupation of the fertile province of Labour. With the expectation that he should find the country entirely without defence, he accordingly appeared before • Commencing 1st July, A. D. 1535. t 24th January, 1536. A. H, 942. A. D 1536. Abut Fazzel. 734 A. H.942. the city of that name, to which he immediately laid siege. Bnt while he was yet engaged in the undertaking, Mirza Kamraun, Pushed with ’ the triumph of his victory near Kandahaur, appeared in the neighbor¬ hood of Labour; and Mahommed Zemmaun, like one stricken with a panic, suddenly raised the siege, and, as the only alternative,, made the best of his way back again into Gujerat. Not long afterwards, Mirza Heyder Gurekan, the son-in-law, having through some discontent or other, quitted Kashghar, and withdrawn through Buddukhshaun, to> Labour, there presented himself to claim the protection of Kamraun. In the mean time, Shah Tahmaspin person, at the head; of his army, appeared before Kandahaur, in the course of the succeeding springy, ^ that of 1536; and the place was immediately surrendered to him, with¬ out resistance, by the same Khaujah Kullan Beg, who had so honor-, ably defended it on the former occasion. For this, on his arrival at La¬ bour, he was exposed to the just displeasure of Mirza Kamraun. That Prince, however, when, after some delay, he had completed the neces¬ sary equipments, proceeded once more towards Kandahaur, leavino- Mirza Heyder to administer the government of Labour in his absencet But, before he reached Kandahaur, Shah Tahmasp had quilted that place on his return info Persia; after confiding the government, toge¬ ther with a competent garrison, to the discretion of Bedaug Kha'un Kajaur, or Kojour, one of his most distinguished officers. After a siege of some duration, the place was, however, again surrendered.'on terms, to Mirza Kamraun; who returned as formerly to Labour, as soon as he had rendered the fortifications of Kandahaur again sufficiently tenable against the operations of a siege. To return, however, to the main object of our narrative; while Ho- mayun continued in the neighborhood of Kambay, with but a very slender force for the protection of his camp, it occurred to the Ameirs, Ahmed Laad, and Rokk.tn D^oud, two of the vassals of the extrudedv Sultan Babauder, who lived in retirement some where in the vicinity of Kouniwaurah, or Lunawaurah, that the circumstance presented a very fair opportunity for surprise ; and they accordingly proposed to the Kpulies, and Gowaurs— .peradventure Goraussiah— -the independent natives of the surroiipding territory — -to avail themselves of the first favorable darJs night to make the attempt. To this they immediately 735 agreed, But, on the very night on which the design was to be carried A.H. 942. into execution, an old woman of the country made her appearance at Ihe entrance of the imperial pavilion, and demanded to be immediately ** admitted to the presence of Homa} un;affirming that she had something of the utmost importance to communicate, which could not be explained to any other than the emperor hi mself, without the intervention of any third person. As her importunities were extremely pressing, and she seemed to be actuated by the sincerity of truth, the woman was, at last, introduced to the presence of the emperor, to whom she instantly made known the design in agitation, of attacking his camp. After satisfying • himself in other respects, on the subject of her information, the monarch had the curiosity to enquire, to what motive he was to ascribe that zeal for his welfare, of which she had just given him so essential a proof, when she proceeded to explain, that her only son was a captive in the train of one of the vassals of the imperial court, and that, in compensa¬ tion tor this important piece of intelligence, she had been induced to hope for his enlargement. In the mean time, if her information proved untrue, she expressed her perfect willingness to forfeit both her own life and that of her son. The latter was accordingly sought for, and together with his mother, immediately lodged in safe custody; while Homayun hastened to dispose of his small force, in such a manner as to elude the expected attack, taking his station a little to one side of the encampment. Some time before day-break, precisely as had been announced to the Emperor, a body of Bheils and Gowaurs, doubtless Gorauss, to the number of five or six thousand, poured at once among the imperial tents, which they proceeded to rifle, without interruption, of every species of property ; in which, as an article o.f particular regret is mentioned, a copy of the Tevmfir-n^mah, transcribed by Moulla Sultan Ally, and illustrated with paintings by Oustaud Behzaud. This was subsequently recovered, and at the period at which Abul Fazzel wrote his history, was to be seen in the imperial library of Akbar. On the other hand, drawn up on a neighboring rising ground, Homayhn and his troops remained, anxiously expecting the hour of day. light; but the moment' they could discriminate their objects, the Moghfils commenced such a galling discharge from their bows, that the banditti immediately fledia 736 A. H. 942. A. D. 1536. Ab4i Fazzel. every direction. The old woman was of course liberally rewarded for her very seasonable disclosure; but, from a suspicion that the inhabitants had, in some shape or other, concurred in the design, and, not improbably, to indemnify his followers for their loss in the attack, flomayun gave orders that the unfortunate town of Kambay should be immediately plundered, and burnt to the ground; after which he determined to re¬ linquish all further pursuit of Sultan Bahauder, and returned, accord¬ ingly, to rejoin the army before Tchampaneir. That important fortress had been now, for a period of four months, successfully defended against its besiegers, by Ekhtiaur Khaun; a son of the Kauzy, or civil judge, of Neriaud, one of the principal towns in the neighboring territory, who had been recommended by his superior talents and sagacity, to the first rank among the confidential servants of Sultan Bahauder. But, while nothing was omitted that could be fore¬ seen by the most cautious and vigilant circumspection, all was render¬ ed unavailing by one of those trivial occurrences, rhr«mgh wliich the best concerted plans of human intelligence have been so frequently de¬ feated, when opposed to ardent enterprise, actingunder the influence of an over-ruling providence. There existed, it seems, at this period, ad¬ joining to one part on which the fortress stood, a thick forest supposed impervious to men on foot, and much more so to those on horseback; and through this, stimulated by the powerful incitements of a gainful traffic, some wood-cutters from the country below, had found means to penetrate to the base of the rock; from whence, by ropes let down from above, they contrived to furnish the garrison with occasional supplies of grain, and clarified butter, or ghee, in return for the money which they received on the spot, by the same means of conveyance. In these circumstances, when the siege had been protracted so far beyond his expectations, Homayun was one day making a circuit round the place, in order to discover, if possible, some point on which it might be assailed with a reasonable prospect of success; and he-hap- pened, by mere accident, to be approaching from the side of Haloul, which was a part of the mountain converted into -garden grounds, at the very moment when these men, after having disposed of their pro¬ perty in the manner just described, were issuing from the forest. As was to be expected, they were immediately interrogated as to the ob>* 737 jects which had brought them there; but when they stated themselves to be wood-cutters, without producing either hatchet or wedge, or any other of the implements of their calling, suspicion was very naturally awakened, and they were cautioned immediately to declare the truth, on pain of the most severe and rigorous punishment. Thus intimidated, they disclosed the fact without further disguise; and being directed to lead the way, they conducted the monarch and his attendants imme¬ diately to the foot of the rock, where it rose from sixty to seventy Guz or, at the least, one hundred and ten feet in perpendicular height, with a surface entirely smooth, and of course impracticable of ascent to any human effort, unassisted by the inventions of experience. Without a moment’s delay, seventy or eighty strong iron spikes were sent for, and successively driven into the rock, at convenient intervals, and on either hand parallel to each other, at the distance of a guz all the way to the summit. As soon as this perilous ladderf had been completed, some of the most distinguished warriors were directed to ascend; and the moment the thirty-ninth man appeared to be suffici¬ ently advanced, Homayun himself stepped forward, and was about to plant his foot upon the first step, when Beyram Ivhaun interposed, in¬ treating that his master would pause until the preceding part of this adventurous band should have made way for him. At the same instant he grasped the spikes and proceeded himself to ascend, immediately followed by Homayun, who became thus the forty-first person that gained the summit of the rock. The band was, soon afterwards, rein¬ forced to the number of three hundred in the whole, all animated by the presence, and with the invincible resolution of their sovereign. By a preconcerted arrangement, it was provided that an attack should be made, at the same instant, on the front of the enemy’s works, by the troops stationed for that purpose in the different batteries; and while the garrison, ignorant of the danger from within, were intently gazing from the parapets of the fort on the movements below, the three hun¬ dred who had scaled the rock, suddenly assailed them in the rear, and * There is reason t© think that the gaz of Abhl Fazzel contained thirty seven inches, [tessu], in which case it was from sixty to seventy yards in height. t If this was formed, as was probably the case, with ropes fastened from one spike to another, both longitudinally and across, it might answer extremely well, particularly if th^ rock receded ever so little from the perpendicular. VOL, IJJ. 6 B A.H .941-942. A. n. ir,;}5-1536. Abvil Fazzel. 738 A. H. 942-943. at otice deprived them of all power of exertion, especially when it was . announced that Homayun in person was amons: the assailants. The Abul lazzel. • , , , , imperial great drum now struck up the sounds of victory; and Ekhtiaur Khaun, with a part of the garrison, retiring to a more elevated reach of the mountain, there contrived to secure himself for the night. He was,, however, the following day permitted to capitulate; and being introdu¬ ced to the presence of Homayun, he was, by that monarch, immediately received to favor. Not long afterwards, in consideration of his dis¬ tinguished acquirements in every branch of science, but particularly in geometry and astronomy, to which, notwithstandingthe engagements and fatigue ofpublic business, he had found leisure to apply, Ekhtiaur Khaun was enrolled among the personal attendants of his new sover¬ eign. He is represented, moreover, to have been an elegant and inge¬ nious poet, and one of his contemporaries at once commemorates the occasion, and marks the period of his first visit to Homayun, in the following sentence: “ The first week of the month of SufFur” — the Per¬ sian characters of the original of which, numerically applied, exhibit the date of the capture of Tchampaneir on this occasion, namely, the nine hundred and forty third year of the hidjerah."^ The kingdom of Gujerat, to the banks of the Mehandery, or river Mehie sometimes so denominated, was now in possession of the offi¬ cers of the Moghul government. But that part of it which lay to the north-west of the same river, comprizing the ancient peninsula, appears to have been abandoned to its fate; without the presence of a single agent, either to collect the revenue, or provide for the general safety. In these circumstances, the inhabitants dispatched a report of their si¬ tuation to Sultan Bahauder,assuringhim that thecollections were ready for payment, and would be made over with scrupulous punctuality, to any person whom he might think fit to employ for the purpose. Not one of the officers who remained with him could, however, for some time, be persuaded to accept of the charge; until at last, on the express stipulation that Ue should be accountable to no one whatever for such collections as he should be able to secure, Emmaud-ul-mulk agreed to undertake it. On these terms, that officer, at the head of about two hundred horse, accordingly took hisdeparture for Ahmedabad; butcon- * From the 19th to the 2Gth of J uly 1536, 739 triving, during his progress, to make some liberal distributions amqng A. H. thosewho ventured to follow his fortune, he found, by thetirne hereach- A- P- A bill Faz/el. ed-that capital, a force often thousand men assembled under his orders. By an advance, moreover, ofone lak in thecurrencyofGujerat, orabout two thousand five hundred rupees, toevery individual who served with two horses, this force accumulated, soon afterwards, to thirty thousand strong; which was further augmented, at no very distant interval, by the junction of ten thousand more, under Mujauhed Khaun, the ruler of Jounagurr. In the mean time, Homayun was engaged in giving, by the side of the Derria-talaou, a piece of water in the vicinity of that place, a variety of entertainments to his army, in consequence of the reduction of Tcham- paneir, and of the other valuable acquisitions obtained by his recent victories. And here, as a measure of the wisest policy, if not of ab¬ solute necessity in all well regulated governments, the author avails himself of the occasion to recommend, that a system of domestic su¬ pervision should be established through every class of society; in order to watch, without ceasing, every circumstance, whether in action or discourse, that may have a tendency to disturb the public tranquillity; and more especially at those conjunctures, when the attention of the * sovereign may happen to be engaged on objects foreign to the ordinary pursuitsof government — since the neglectof somesuch precaution, had, about the period under consideration, nearly produced a very serious inconvenience to Homayun, which will be more clearly explained by the following facts* While the festivities were going on, to which we have just alluded, a party of obscure and inconsiderate individuals, generally of the class of library keepers, armour and inkstand bearers, who had been from their insignificance, unavoidably excluded from the list of those who, on these occasions, were admitted to the royal presence, agreed to meet as well as their superiors, and enjoy themselves in the gardens of Ha- loul, of which some notice has been already taken in a preceding page. In the delirium produced by a too frequent circulation of the goblet, one of the party, amidst the sallies of mirth, ventured, it seems, a little out of season, to introduce the subject of the Zuffern^mah, or history of Teymur, composed by Shurf-ud-dein Ally the Yezdian; and pro» 740 A. H.943. ceeded to recite that passage in the early stage of the conqueror’s for- A. D.1536. tune, wherein he is described as taking from each of his warlike fol- AbulFazzel. ^t this period not more than forty in number, a brace of ar¬ rows, and having bound them together in a single bundle, to have pas¬ sed them alternately to every individual, with a desire that each would try his utmost across the knees, to break them. When each had ac¬ cordingly made the attempt without success, Teymur took the sheaf of arrows asunder, and returned to each his own, which, on making the trial, were now easily snapped in the middle. On which the hero desired them to remember that whilst, like the bundle of arrows, united, they continued firmly and faithfully attached to each other, few as they were in number, nothing would ever prevail to put them down, and successand victory would inseparably attend them, wherever they bent their course. And this was, indeed, exactly confirmed by the event; since, by making this simple and striking lesson the rule of their conduct, they finally rendered themselves masters of the fairest part of the habitable globe» Little reflecting that, morally speaking, the band of heroes, ofwhom the example was recited, might have been considered individually equal to an host, acting under the direction of divine providence tow¬ ards the attainment of a particular object, the punishment of human depravity, these mistaken men, with their senses steeped in wine, did not hesitate to place themselves on a par with warriors so renowned; not without arrogating to themselves a decided advantage in point of number, since, in counting those present, they found that they amount¬ ed to no less than four hundred persons, in the pride of health and man¬ hood. That very moment, accordingly, they quitted the imperial en¬ campment in a body, for the purpose, as they conceived, of carrying theic besotted plan of universal conquest, into immediate execution; with¬ out taking into the slightest calculation the perils to which, at every step, they must inevitably be exposed. The day following, when it was observed that none of them attended in their places, and no information could be obtained as to the cause of their absence, a suspicion soon arose, that they were not employed on any very loyal or justifiable design. A division of one thousand cavalry was therefore immediately dispatched to look after them; and, 741 not very long afterwards, the whole of these inexperienced and infatu¬ ated visionaries, were brought, bound neck and heels, to the imperial headquarters. When it wasannounced to him, that these wretched tru¬ ants were at his mercy, it happened to be Saturday on which Homayun, robed in irefulcrimson,wasengaged on the throneofjudgment, inpassing sentence upon those who had, in any shape, offended against the laws; and instantly, many of the misguided men were condemned to suffer, with a severity, of which there are few examples in the history of this monarch, some to be trampled to death by elephants, others to lose their heads, others their feet andhands, andothers their ears and noses, while some were permitted to escape with the loss of their fingers only. But, while themonarch wasthus employed in directinghis vengeanceagainst those who had dared to disregard his authority, the hour of evening prayer arrived; and the officiating Imaum, who was not very remarka¬ ble for discrimination of mind, in the course of the first genuflexion [rekkaat], unfortunately selected, for the service, that portion of the Koran, entitled the chapter of the elephants^relating to that circum¬ stance in the history of Arabia, in which the tyrant Abrauhah, from Y ernen, having dispatched an army accompanied by a remarkable ele¬ phant, for the purpose of demolishing the temple of Mekkah, the di¬ vine being is described to have employed a flight of bustards, or some such birds, to stone his army to death. When, however, the course of devotions was concluded, tiomayun, who conceived that the Imaum, had designedly fixed upon this chapter, in order to charge him by im¬ plication with injustice and cruelty, directly gave orders that the un¬ happy man should be thrown atthe feet of hiselephants. And the harsh mandate had been as promptly carried into execution, were it not for- the intercession of Moulana Mahommed Perghuly; who, by convin¬ cing him of the simple character and unintentional error of the poor Imaum, succeeded, at last, in appeasing the resentment of the angry monarch, who passed the whole of the ensuing night in a state of bit¬ ter regret, and mortification of spirit.. Not long after he had dispatched this unpleasant affair, leaving Te- reddy Beg Khaun in command of Tchampaneir, Homayun put his troops in motion towards Ahmedabad, and proceeded to the river Me-, bandery, where, for a short time, he continued encamped; while Eni-. A.H. 943. A. D 1536. Ab'&i Fazzel. 74*2 A. H. 943, A. D. 153(>, AbOl fazzel. maiid-Lil-mulk, on his part, assuming a countenance of resolution and defiance, for every movement in approach of the Moghuls, made a cor¬ responding march in advance to oppose them. In these circumstan¬ ces, somewhere about midway between the towns of Neriaud andMah- moudabad, the advanced division of Homayun’s troops, being some stages in front of the main body under the orders of Mirza Asskerv, fell in with Emmaud-iil-mulk in person, at the head of the army of Gu- jerat; by whom, after a severe conflict, the Moghul division was en¬ tirely repulsed. But, a reinforcement from the main body coming up in considerable strength, to their support, under Yadgaur Nausser Mirza, with the Ameirs Kaussem Husseyne Khaun,and Hindu Beg, and a report being circulated that the emperor himself was on the spot, the conquerors in their turn, were seized with a panic, and fleil almost instantly in great confusion; Aullum Khaun Body, and a fevv other officers, only endeavouring to make head against Yadgaur and his Mo¬ ghuls, while Emmaud-ul-mulk, half dead with apprehension, was mak¬ ing his escape from the field. Derwaish Mahommed Kara Sheir, the father of Shujayet Khaun, was the most distinguished of the Moghul commanders who fell on this occasion. In the mean time, the standard of Homayun actually made its ap¬ pearance on the field of battle, and victory became no longer doubtful; but, although between three and four thousand of the enemy had perished in the conflict, previous to the arrival of the emperor, it was yet thought expedient to depute some person to Khodawund Khaun, that Ameir of Gujerat who had recently joined the cause of the Mogh- hls, in order to enquire whether he considered there still remained any uncertainty as to the issue of that day’s battle. He replied, that if thatdeprous slave, alluding to Emmaud-ul-mulk, who was probably a Circassian, and opprobriously thus termed from his fair complexion, was himself present in the action, the conflict was at an end — if not, it seemed advisable that the work of slaughter should be continued for some time longer. All doubt was, however, soon afterwards removed by the reportof a wounded soldier,who had laid himself amongtheslain; and who now declared that Emmaud-ul-mulk in person had actually commanded in the battle. On the succeeding day, the imperial army prosecuted its march, Mir¬ za Asskery preceding, as formerly, with a division of troops, as an ad- 743 v.anced guard, until the main body encamped on the noble tank of A.H. 043. Kaunkriah. Mirza Asskery then took the liberty of representing to t * . Auultazzci, Homayun, that if the whole army were permitted at once to enter Ah- medabad, the inhabitants would inevitably be exposed to the most serious injury; and a mandate was accordingly issued that some of the imperial Yessawuls, or exempts, should be stationed at each of the gates, with instructions to see that none but those belonging to the vanguard should be suffered to enter the city. Homayun then fixed his head quarters in the neighborhood of Serkeitch, a spot, at this pe¬ riod, much admired, and probably one of the suburbs of Ahmedabad. Three days afterwards, accompanied by the officers of his court, Ho¬ mayun proceeded to view the different quarters of that once noble me¬ tropolis of Gujerat; after which, his attention was devoted to arrange a plan for the final government of the province. In pursuance of such, arrangements, Ameir Hindu Beg was now invested with thecommand- of a complete division of the army, destined to be employed wherever its presence should be found most necessary. . The city of Puttun,. anciently Neherwala, with the territory dependent upon it, w^as placed, under the separate authority of. Yadgaur Nausser Mirza., Baroutch, with the emporium of Surat, and the town of Nousaury, was consigned to Kaussem Hussey ne Sultan; Kambaeit, or Kambay, and Broudah,. were allotted to Doasl Beg Eishek Aga; [great master of ceremonies]^ and Mahmoudabad to Meir Boujekah Bahauder. These arrangements having been accordingly put in train, Homay¬ un quilted Ahmedabad, directing his march for the maritime city of Deib, or Diu, so often mentioned in the early accounts of modern Eu-.. ropean conquests in India. But, on reaching the town of Dendukah, about thirty kosse on that side of Ahmedabad, dispatches were deli-, vered to him, which imperiously required his attention in another,, quarter; and, for the present at least, terminated his designs against Sul¬ tan Bahauder. In short, it was announced to him from Agrah, that in consequence of his protracted absence from the seat of government, the. usual symptoms of insubordination began to display themselves among the turbulent and disaffected borderers; and from Malwah, he learnt at the same time, that Mehter Zembour, the imperial jaguirdaur, or grand feudatory, of lliudia, on the Nerbudda, had been attacked by Sekun-. 744 A.H.943. A. D, 153(> Abwl Fazzei. der Khaun, and Mellou Khaun, both in insurrection, and compelled toretire with his property into Oujein, whither the whole of the troops in that quarter had also withdrawn for protection. In that city they had been invested by the revolters in great force; and Derwaish Ally Ketabdaur- — librarian— the military governor of the place, having been killed by a musquet shot, the garrison had finally demanded to capitu¬ late. Under all these circumstances, a resolution was adopted to re¬ turn without delay into Malwah, leaving Gujerat in charge of Alirza Asskery, and to fix the seat oFauthority for some time at Mandou — as a point from which it would not be difficult at once to put down the rebellion in Malwah, to secure the subj notation of the newly acquired province of Gujerat, and to keep in check that spirit of treason and disaffection, which had alarmed the capital of the empire. With these objects in view, Homayun proceeded suddenly to the left towards Kambay, and from thence, successively to Broudah, Ba- Touch, and Surat ; after which, he continued his march for Burham- pour, and having remained at that place for seven days, he resumed his journey, and leaving the fortress of Asseir on the one side, finallv reached Mandou without accident. The very rumour of his approach produced an immediate dispersion of those tumultuous and illgovern- ed associations that had risen in defiance of his authority; and as he found his constitution to accommodate itself with singular felicity to the province, the greater part of his household were immediately provi¬ ded with jagueirs, or possessions in fee, in Malwah, and every thing seemed disposed by his bounty, to ensure enjoyment, peace, and pros¬ perity, to all around. In order to prepare us for what is to follow, our author, in the moral¬ izing strain in which he occasionally delights to indulge, proceeds to remark, that the man, be his station however exalted, who returns with ingratitude the bounties of a generous benefactor, will, in the issue, invariably ever find that he has dug the pit for his own destruction — has stricken the'hatchet into his own foot; and in support of the ob¬ servation, we are immediately referred to the wretched malversation exemplified in the'conduct of Mirza Asskery, and the officers selected by Homayun, to superintend, under him, the government of Gujerat. -For, after the enjoyment of a very fleeting and unsubstantial period of 745 , prosperity, and with a fatuity which could no where exist but in the 9is.^ most wretched narrowness of spirit, these personages could not be pre- vented from engaging in mutual hostility; and, by t.hus throwing the affairs of the country into confusion, from affording to the enemies of the state that opportunity for which, it must have been notorious, that they were ever on the watch. In consequence of these dissentions, at the expiration of about three months after the imagined settlement of the government, Khaun-e-jahaun the Shirauzian, and Roumy Khaun, the same, no doubt, as we have already noticed to have been the founder of Surat castle, associating together, found means in the first place to take possession of No usaury; which was held by an officer of the name of Ab¬ dullah Khaun, under the authority of his kinsman Kaussem Husseyne Sultan the Ouzbek, and which he abandoned without resistance, reti¬ ring immediately to Baroutch. With equal facility, Khaun-e-jahaun and his associate obtained possession of Surat; from whence they pro¬ ceeded, the former by land, and Roumy Khaun, with an equipment of artillery, by sea, to lay siege to Baroutch. Seized with the same dis¬ graceful panic, Kaussem Husseyne also quitted that place, making the best of his way, first to Tchampaneir, and afterwards to Ahmedabad; in order, as he pretended, to demand the aid of hlirza Asskery and Hindu Beg, the latter, as we have already mentioned, at the head of the troops expressly destined for the general defence of the province. About the same <‘onjuncture, Seyud Eshauck, who had received' from Sultan Bahauder, the title of Shetaub Khaun [celer] made him¬ self master of Kambay; while, in obedience to a summons from Mirza Asskery, Nadgaur Nausser Mirza left Puttun to its fate, and repaired to A hmedabad. Encouraged by the same appearances of disunion and defect of co-operation, Derrya Khaun, and Mohaufez Khaun, two com¬ manders from the garrison of Rheisein, notwithstanding former protes- sions, now presented themselves to Sultan Bahauder; and, finding that Puttun was thus left destitute of defence, hastened from Diu soon af¬ terwards, and took possession of that ancient city without opposition. . Such, in short, was the deplorable mis-management and want of con¬ cert among the Moghul officers, at the crisis under consideration, in their recent conquests in Gujerat, that Ghuzzen-fer, one of the retainers in the immediate service of Yadgaur Nausser Mirza, actually deserted; 5 c VOL. III. 746 A. H.943. AD. 1536. Ab6l Fazzel. his colours, and with three hundred horse in his train went over to Sultan Bahauder; whom, by every argument he could employ, he stim¬ ulated to undertake the recovery of his kingdom. The numerous applications which were continually arriving from his adherents in (jiijerat, on the same subject, finally determined the Sul¬ tan on making the attempt, and he accordingly proceeded to wards A h- medabad; in the neighborhood of which, at the suburban village of Ser- keitch, formerly mentioned, he soon afterwards encamped in consider¬ able force. The Mirzas Asskery and Yadgaur Nausser, with the Ameirs Hindu Beg, and Kaussem Husseyne Khaun,at the head of little less than twenty thousand horse, drew out with apparent resolution, and took post in front of the Sultan; with whom, for three days and as many nights, they supported some very warm and vigorous skirmishes. Being, however, little animated by a just spirit of zeal for the cause of their sovereign, they finally adopted the pusillanimous and fatal resol¬ ution of abandoning the capital of Gujerat, without risking the issue of a general action; and in this determination, immediately commenced their retreat towards Tchampaneir. Sultan Bahauder, who already con¬ sidered himself engaged in a most perilous undertaking, was beyond measure rejoiced to find himself so unexpectedly relieved from his ap¬ prehensions, and boldly proceeded in pursuit of the enemy, Seyud Mubaurek the Bokharian conducting the advanced guard of his troops. Tills officer very soon came up with the rear of the Moghuls under Y ad- gaur Nausser Mirza, by whom he appears to have been resolutely at¬ tacked, and repulsed w ith considerable loss; but, as that prince received a wound in his arm, he considered it prudent to continue his retreat after the main body, which he accordingly rejoined without further molesta¬ tion — the enemy stopping short,as it would appear, at the town of Mah- moudabad. Totally regardless, however, of every consideration of fame and duty, Mirza Asskery, whose heart had now descended to his heels, proceeded to cross the Mehandery which was in his front, with the most shameful precipitation; many of his troops perishing in the stream through the hurry and confusion of his disorderly retreat. Sultan Ba¬ hauder appeared, indeed, shortly afterwards, on the banks of the same river. Arriving in this disgraceful plight under the walls of Tchampaneir., 747 the Mirzas and their followers were suitably entertained in the vicinity of that place, by Tereddy Beg Khaun the governor; who conceived, that after fulfilling to the utmost of his means the claims of hospitality, it would be no more than prudent to return at night to his post within the fortifications. On the day following, he received from the princes a specious message, representing the extreme distress to which they were reduced, together with the whole of the troops under their orders, and requestingthat,for their relief,he w'ould sparethem a part of the public treasure which was known to be in the fort. With this they said that they would be enabled,by a moderate distribution,to recruit the strength, and restore the spirit of the army; and thus return, with confidence re¬ assured , to oppose the further progress of Sfiltan Bahauder, They ad¬ ded that they were thus urgentin theirapplication, because itwouldnot be possible for the express which they either had sent, or were about to dispatch to Mandou, to reach the imperial headquarters at that place and return again, probably, under a period of six days. To this request, however, Tereddy Beg returned a direct negative; and the Mirzas forth¬ with determined on a plan to seize his person, and thus obtain posses¬ sion of the whole, instead of a part, of the treasure which had been ( ommitted to his care. After which, a resolution was further adopted to raise Mirza Asskery to the sovereignty of Gujerat; in which, if they could succeed, by finally subverting the power of Sultan Bahauder, all would be well again. Otherwise, since it appeared that Homayun con¬ tinued so delighted with the climate of Malwah, and that the precincts of the metropolis of Agrah were left without defence, nothing could prevent their proceeding in the last extremity, to secure an establish- mentin that quarter. In the mean time, little suspecting the design in agitation, Tereddy Beg was coming down from the fort on a visit of respect to the Mirzas, and had desce nded part of the way when, fortunately for himself, he became apprized of his danger; and, suddenly returning to his quarters, he from thence dispatched a message to the plotting chiefs, announcing to them that he should consider their remaining in his vicinity for a singleday longer, as equally unwarrantable on their part, and incompa¬ tible with the safety of the post entrusted to his charge. To this the Mirzas acquainted him in reply, that they were in reality about to de-- A.H. 94S. A. D. 1536, Ab6l Fazzel. 718 A.H. 943. A. D. 1!S36 Ab(il F;izzel. part; but having somethinj^ of great importance to communicate, that they were anxious to hold a previous conference with him. Being, however, now sufficiently aware of their object, he conveyed a suitable answer, and the very next morning opened a canonade on their encamp¬ ment, which they were accordingly compelled to break up with some precipitation. Without further deliberation, their march was upon this directed, by the route of Gauht-Kerjy, or Gauht-Guertchy, immedi¬ ately towards Agrah. AVhile theMoghul troops, who had thusshamefully abandoned thefruit of theirvictories, continued in the neighborhood ofTchampaneir,Shltan Bahauderdid not conceive it prudent to cross the Mehandery; which, in this point, is described to lie at the distance of fifteen kosse, or about thirty miles, to the west-ward of that mountain-fortress. But the mo¬ ment he understood that the Mirzas were actually on their march to¬ wards Agrah, and became otherwise in some degree apprized of the vi¬ sionary schemes which they had in contemplation, he passed that river without further delay, and appeared soon afterwards, in great force, under the walls of Tchampaneir. In these circumstances, notwith¬ standing the natural strength of the place, and the abundance of his resources both for subsistance and defence, Tereddy Beg also, regard¬ ing only what concerned his personal safety, thought fit to abandon his important charge; and withdrawing directly to Mandou, there ex¬ plained at large to Homayun, what he had been able to discover of the treasonable and disloyal designs of his unworthy relatives. With a view to anticipate, if possible, that part of their design which had A- grah for its object, Homayun proceeded by forced marches, in the straightest course for Cheitour; and, by a singular piece of good fortune, which did full justice on this occasion to his conceptions, actually fell in with this body of malcontents in the neighborhood of that place. Here, making a virtue of necessity, the misguided Mirzas sought the presence of their imperial and much offended relative; and, contrary to any thing that they had a right to expect, they experienced a very gracious reception; all their guilty plans were consigned to oblivion; and they were once more loaded with the bounties of a too generous and indulgent monarch. But there unhappily existed other causes of an untoward nature, which rendered the return of Homayfin to the ca¬ pital of the empire, at this period, indispensably necessary. 749 Although the seditious and turbulent projects of Mahommed Zem- A. It. 913. maun Mirza had been, for the moment, effectually suppressed, as re- lated in a former page, yet the persons employed, in obedience to the royal mandate to deprive him of sight, had, it seems, performed the operation with such' culpable negligence, that his visual organs Avere suffered to escape without the smallest injury ; and the same refrac¬ tory and turbulent spirit, both in himself and in his son Olugh Mirza, was destined to break out again with fresh violence, about the crisis under consideration. The continued absence of Homayun from his capital was, indeed, an opportunity of which they could not forbear to avail themselves; and they accordingly proceeded once more, in a certain Purgunnah, or district, called Balegram, or Belegrem, to take up arms against his authority ; after which, advancing to Ivanouje, by granting some sort of capitulation to the sons of Khossrou I^oukel- taush, who commanded for Ilomayun, they easily obtained immedi¬ ate possession of that ancient city. 4 o arrest the progress of this usur¬ pation, Mirza Hindal, who presided at Agrah in the absence of his im¬ perial brother, hastened shortly afterwards; and crossing the Ganges at the station of Belegram, just mentioned, brought the insurgents to a battle, in which he is said to have defeated them. But his victory^ could not have been materially decisive, since they appear to have rallied in a few days, and the reports of Homayun’s return being now very cur¬ rently circulated, to have risked another action, in which they were again defeated, with perhaps more decided effects; Mirza Hindal con¬ ceiving he might be now permitted to repair with the intelligence of his success to the presence of Homayun, by this time, probably, arrived in the vicinity of his capital. ^ Not long after it became known, on the other hand, that Homayun was actually on his return towards Agrah, discovering that the fortress of Mandou had been left without any adequate means of defence, Bhoupal Rai, of Beijagurr, appeared before that place, and was there successively joined by Kader Shah, and Meiran Mahommed Farouky, from Bhrhanpour. In the mean time, after remaining at Tchampaneir for a period of about fourteen days, Sultan Bahauder, yielding to some sudden and irresistible impulse, took his departure for Diu. For when his crood fortune seemed to have forsaken him in the early stages of 750 A. H.943. his contest against the superior ascendancy of the house of Teymiir, ^?Fal^eT means by which he sought to provide against disaster, served in the event to complete his destruction. But to be more explicit, we are informed that in the midst of his terrors at the victorious pro¬ gress of the Moghuls, the Sultan had formerly ventured to dispatch a deputation, furnished with suitable presents, in order to solicit the aid of the Portuguese viceroy, or captain general of the possessions of that nation, on the western side of India; requesting at the same time, that he would come in person to his assistance. When, on the expul¬ sion of Mirza Asskery and his subordinate officers from Gujerat, in the shameful manner just described, Sultan Bahauder repaired once more to Diu, he found the Portuguese commander accordingly arrived at that place, with a considerable body of troops and a very powerful naval armament. Apprized, indeed, of the recent change in affairs, the European chief was easily led to suspect, that finding himself se¬ cure of the required aid,or, peradventure, that he was no longef in need of it, the Sultan, when called upon to fulfil his part of the engagement.s between them, might be induced to practice some evasion. He, there¬ fore, sent a formal message to the Sultan to acquaint him that, in com¬ pliance with his request, he had brought himself thus far to his assist¬ ance; and that as soon as he should be a little recovered from a fit of illness, by which he was at present confined to his ship, he would not fail to repair to his presence. At once abandoning that prudent circumspection in which he was otherwise by no, means deficient, Sultan Bahauder put himself on board a galley, in order to anticipate the visit of the Portuguese general; but, he had no sooner reached the admiral’s vessel,ithan he became convin¬ ced of the imposture, and he instantly sought, by endeavoring to make for the shore, to retrieve his error. It was however too late. The Portuguese were too keen-sighted towards the interests of their nation not to perceive that, having so valuable a pledge in their hands, it would be by no meansincompatible with the views of good policy, before they permitted him to depart, to obtain from the Sultan the cession of cer¬ tain ports in Gujerat, which would be most essential to the security of their possessions in that part of the world. The viceroy, therefore, stepped before him, and affected to intreat one moment’s delay— not 7'31 longer than wasnecessaryfor the selection of some curiosity tha^t might H. 043. be worthy of his acceptance as a mark of his profound respect; but the Sultan, desiring that the present might be sent after him, persisted in making for the ship’s side. At this moment, the Portuguese Kauzy, chancellor, secretary, or fiscal perhaps, interposed, and peremptorily forbid his departure; onwhich,ina paroxysm of indignation, the Sultan drew his scimitar, and instantly clove him in twain. Through this re¬ markable act of determined resolution, by which the by-standers were probably electrified, he succeeded in forcing his way to his own galley. The Portuguese armed vessels, however, which had hitherto lain at some distance, now closing upon him from all sides, an unequal con¬ flict ensued; in the course of which, perceiving no other chance of es¬ cape, the SOltan and Roumy Khaun, both together threw themselves into the sea. Roumy Khaun, doubtless the same officer whom w'e have already noticed in a former page, was fortunate enough to be taken up by some of those to whom he happened to be known among the Por¬ tuguese squadron; but the Sultan sunk to rise no more. This singular event is recorded to have taken place on the third day of Ramzaun, of the nine hundred and forty third of the hidjerah;* a date which is accu¬ rately preserved in the Persian characters comprized in the sentence, “ Ferenguian Bahauder kosh” — Portuguese, butchers of the hero — Ba- hauder. It may, however, have occurred either on the third, the twen¬ tieth, or even the thirtieth of Ramzaun; the first of which would cor¬ respond, as we have noted, with the twelfth of February — the second with the first, and the last with the tenth day, of March A. D. 1537- There were, however, others who ^et maintained that Sultan Ba¬ hauder reached the shore in safety; since there prevailed repeated ru¬ mours of his having been subsequently recognized, both inGujerat, and in the Dekkan. In the latter country in particular, among some per¬ sons exercising themselves at the game of Tchougan, or horse goff, Ni- zam-ul-mulk is said to have discovered one whom he actually acknow¬ ledged as Sultan Bahauder, and whom he therefore caused to be honor¬ ably accommodated in one of his own tents; but observing also that he * The 12th of Fehi uary, 1537. It would be curious to compare this statement with wliat may appear on the records of the Portuguese government; for such a fact could not have occurred without particular notice. 752 A. H. 943. attracted the notice, perhaps the compassion of the multitude, bis jea- A. D.j^o36-1537. became excited, and that very night the stranger disappeared; the Abut Fazzel. ... , i ah i • • people not hesitating to attach to IS izam-ul-mulk himselr the suspicion of having perfidiously made away with the unhappy wanderer. In conhrmation of his identity, it is further stated on the authority of Meir Abuturaub,a person of the highest considerationamong the inhabitants of Gujerat, that Moulla Kutb-ud-dein a Shirauzian, who had been the Sultan’s preceptor, was present in the Dekkan, and on the spot when the discovery occurred which we have just had occasion to notice, and subsequently attested most solemnly, that the person so discovered was actually no other than Sultan Hahauder himself; for that, at a pri¬ vate interview, he had absolutely related to the minutest particular, circumstances longpastwhichhadtakenplace between themselves, and could not possibly be known to any other human being. Neither, con¬ cludes our author, is such an occurrence incompatible with the opera¬ tions of God’s providence, although it might appear unaccountable to^ Abe grossness of human comprehension; and, we may add, that the cir¬ cumstance is by no means without example in the history of human events, although we cannot comprehend, if the Sultan did actually es¬ cape, why he should have avoided making himself known the moihent he reached the shore, unless indeed he remained alive in the hands of the Portuguese, But, to proceed with the narrative; after the unfortunate Sultan Ba-- hauder had been thus, according to the general belief, buried in the deep, Mahommed Zemmaun Mirza,of the race of Teymur, who had ob¬ tained an asylum in Gujerat, immediately clad himself in blue, under the pretence of mourning for the Sultan; and having prevailed upon the mother of the departed prince to adopt him for her son, proceeded, with¬ out further ceremony, to appropriate to his own views a great part of the public treasure of the kingdom. A considerable share fell, how¬ ever, by some means or other, into the hands of the Portuguese, and some was given up to plunder. At the same time, while Mahommed Zemaun publicly affected to demand from the Portuguese government, reparation for the murder of the Sultan, he privately conveyed to that government enormous sums of money; for the purpose of purchasing their influence, in order to secure his nomination in the Khotbah. In 753 this he finally succeeded, the said royal formulary being, for some days at least, pronounced in his name in the SefFa mosque, some where in this vicinity; and he was accordingly permitted, for a short time, to indulge in his wretched propensities for licentious debauchery; but not longer than Emmaud-ul-mulk could appear against him at the head of an army, when he could pusillanimously submit to fly the country. Subsequent to this he repaired, covered with shame and loss, to the presence of Homayun; as will be again noticed in its proper place. In the mean time, having dispatched these necessary illustrations, the author resumes with becoming zeal the main and original subject of his narration, to describe that homayun no sooner reached his ca¬ A.H. 943. A. D 1537. Abfil Fazzef. pital of Agrah, than the insolent and rebellious chiefs in that quarter, who had risen during his absence against the imperial authority, in general, returned to their allegiance; rejoicing in the means of pardon and protection afforded them, through the ready payment of every spe¬ cies of contribution, which they were required to make good, without delay, to the imperial exchequer. The whole of Homayun's dominions are now represented to have enjoyed, for a short time at least, a state of profound peace and security — the frequent, if not the ordinary prelude to some dreadful convulsion. 6 D VOL. III. 754 CHAP. XIIH A. H. 943L A D. 1537 Abiil Fazzel. Much, however, as he might have been satisfied" with the internal repose of his heredi tary states,. HomayAn appears to have been ill at rest with regard to his designs against the neighboring powers; for he had no sooner brought his own refractory vassals to a sense of theit duty, than his attention became earnestly devoted to prepare for ano¬ ther expedition, in order to resume his conquests in the opulent pro¬ vince of Giijerat, and to place them in the hands of men better qualified for the functions of government, than those by whom they had been so pusillanimously, or perfidiously, abandoned. But while in the crisis- of his preparations, he was very seasonably interrupted by intelligence that Sheir IChaun, the celebrated Afghan, was again in arms against his authority, in the provinces to the east-ward. This circumstance- revived, almost in spite of himself, the design which, previous to his. recent views on Gujerat, was in some degree of forwardness; namely, that of proceeding to the reduction of Bengal. To that object, there¬ fore, all his previous preparations were now ordered to be applied; and. it was finally determined to comprehend in the same plan, the expul¬ sion of the ambitious Afghan, and the subj ugation of the valuable terri¬ tory on the lower Ganges. And here, in the terms in which it is given by Abul Fazzel, we shall endeavor to condense the early history of this, able, warlike, and most successful adventurer. Sheir Khaun then, whose original name was Fereid, appears to have- been the son of Hussun, the son of Ibrauhim Sherakhil, of the tribe of' Sour; a branch of those Afghans who inhabit some of the fertile vallies, [Hazaurahs] between the confines of India and the territories of the Persian Empire.* This Ibrauhim pursued the humble occupation of, * According lo Ferislitab, the proper country of the Afghans is called Rouh, and ex¬ tends along the Indus downwards, from Suwaud and Beijour, to Sehwy, depciulenton Buk- kur, and from Hussun Abdal to Kabfii, east and west. Subsequent to the introduction of Isslaum, having settled at Patnah on the Ganges, they gradually acquired the appellation of Patans. a dealer in horses, and generally resided at a place called Shumlab, one of the dependencies on Narnoul. His son Hussun, on arriving at the age of discretion, forsook the employment of his father and devoted himself to the profession of a soldier; in which capacity he was long en¬ gaged in the service of llai Mul, the grandfather of Rai Saul, at the period in which our author wrote, among the retainers of the Emperor Akbar. Removing afterwards to the town of Jounah, subordinate to Sahsaraiii, he was received into the service of Nusseir Khaun Lohauny, an Ameir belonging to the court of Sultan Sekunder Lody. Here, through his great activity and experience in affairs, he soon distinguish¬ ed himself beyond his equals; and passing, on the death of Nusseir Khaun, into the employ of his brother Doulut Khaun Lohauny, and, subsequently, into that of the other feodatory chiefs attached to the au¬ thority of Sultan Sekunder, his fortune gradually advanced, and every thing seemed to prosper with surprising uniformity under his manage¬ ment. His son Fereid, however, the subject of our narrative, being of a very headstrong and vicious disposition, provoked his father’s displeasure, and deserted him to engage in the service of Sultan Jenneid Berlas. Happening one day, together with two other Afghans, to be introduced in the train of his general to the presence of the Emperor Baber, that discerning monarch no sooner cast his eye upon him, than he observed to Sultan Jenneid, that the countenance of this Afghan, pointing to Fe¬ reid, exhibited something so singularly indicative of a disposition to engage in plans of turbulence and sedition, that he could not avoid cautioning him to secure his person without delay ; at the same time* recommending the two other Afghans to his protection, as worthy of encouragement. From the manner in which the emperor eyed him, suspecting that all was not safe, Fereid, before his general had time to commit him to the custody of his guards, seized the opportunity to abscond. Just at this crisis, his father Hdssun died, and he became, by some means or other, possessed of the family property; after which, taking up his abode not far from Sahsaram, in the forest of Jounah, which is described as a district belonging to Rohtass on the Saone, he there devoted himself without restraint, toevery species of robbery,and outrage, against the unoffending inhabitants of the neighboring terri- A. H. 913. A. D 1537. ALiui i’azzei. 756 A. H. 943. A. D. 1537. Abftl Fazzel. tory. In a short lime he thus contrived to advance himself to a degree of power far beyond any contemporary chief of his age and country; not less through his singular sagacity, and address, than through the most faithless and unprincipled proceedings. Of.this latter complexion was his conduct towards the unfortunate Sultan Bahauder, by whom a large sum of money was remitted to him, on the express stipulation that he was to march in person to his immediate assistance. ' Instead, how¬ ever, of performing his engagement, he contented himself with dis¬ patching to the Sultan some paltry apology to excuse his breach of pro¬ mise, and kept the money to promote his own unhallowed views of ag¬ grandizement. On the other hand, he persevered in his career of spo¬ liation andoutrage against thesurrounding townsand villages, withsuch. unwearied pertinacity and success, that he soon found himself at the head of a very considerable body of troops, composed, however, of the most licentious and disorderly profligates, thus brought together, by the hope of unrestrained plunder and robbery, from every part of an ill-go^ verned country.^ While his affairs were in this successful train, the governor of Babar, an Ameir of the Lohauny tribe of Afghans, happened to demise; leaving no person on the spot qualified to take charge of the province in his room. Sheir K^haun, and his banditti, did not permit the opportunity to escape them. They suddenly entered the country, and possessed themselves of an incalculable booty, with which they returned in per¬ fect security to their ordinary haunts. Not long afterwards he made an unexpected attack upon Olugh Mirza, who happened to be placed within his reach, and, by his superior address, succeeded in obtaining a complete victory over that chief. On his return from this last under¬ taking he plundered Banares; and his resources both in men and money having now prodigiously accumulated, he proceeded to take possession of Patnah, and the whole of the adjoining territory. At Sourudj-gurr, which is the boundary of Bengal in this quarter, he engaged and de¬ feated the troops of the ruler of that province; in consequenceof which, he established himself also in possession of a considerable part of the * We must, nevertheles', here observe that the history of Sheir Khaun is given by Fe- rishtah, in terms infinitely more favorable to the renown of the illustrious Afghan ; and it is very probable, that Abfil Fazzel may have been too powerfully influenced iu his account^ by his partiality for the house of Teymur, 757 country in that direction. This produced, however, an arduous war .\.H. 94S. with Nusseib Shah the sovereign of Bengal, which continued with - — various success for the period of a twelvemonth; great part of which was, however, taken up with the siege of Oour, the ancient capital of the province. Among the extraordinary circumstances furnished in the story of this successful adventurer, we are here told that becoming apprized that there lived in the service of the Rkjah of Oudessiah, or Orissa, at the time, an astrologer of singular skill in his profession, he sent to invite him to his camp, in order to consult him as to the issue of those ambitious designs on which, doubtless at this period, his attention must have been deeply and-awfully engaged. The Rajah would not, it seems, permit his astrologer to comply with the invitation; but the latter contrived, nevertheless, to announce to Sheir Khaun by letter, that for the period of a twelvemonth, he would not be able to accomplish his views on Bengal* At the expiration of that period, however, the date of which he expressly indicated, his efforts would be crowned with success, ad¬ ding, moreover,, that, the event would be attended by a very singular phenomenon; for on the very day of its accomplishment; the majestic stream of the Ganges would be fordable for the space ofone hour. All which came to pass precisely as had been foretold by the astrologer. And it was at this stage of the history of Sheir Khaun, that , the absence of Homayun on his distant expeditions into Gujerat-and Malwah, af¬ forded to the Afghan that opportunity for the extension of his aspiring views, of. which he did not neglect to avail himself. - The attention of Homayun having, at all events, been seriously at¬ tracted towards the provinces to the east-ward, by the alarming pro¬ gress of this enterprising chief, and a resolution having been finally adopted to employ his resources in that direction, he hastened to make the necessary arrangements for the security of the capital, previous to his departure. Among these we find that the government of Dehly was allotted to Meir Fakeir Ally, a person who had been employed in ap¬ pointments of distinguished trust under his father; while that of Agrah was conferred upon Meir Mahommed Bukhshy, an officer in his own particular confidence. Yadgaur Nausser Mirza, his uncle’s son, was destined to remain in charge of Kalpy, the territory of which had beeai 758 A. II. 943 945. A. D. 153T-1538 Abtal Fazzel. » consigned to him in jagueir; Kanouje and his possessions in that quar¬ ter were allotted to the care of Nour-ud-dein Mahommed Mirza, the luisl)and of Gulrung Begum the sister of Homay&n, and father of Se- leimah Sdltan Begum, one of tlie wives of Akhar. These preliminaries dispatched, Homayun finally quitted Agrah at the head of his troops, part proceeding by water, and part by land; the Emperor himself occa¬ sionally embarking on the river and at othertimes mounting his horse and taking his course through the adjoining territory along the banks. He was accompanied, it may be worthy of remark, on this oc¬ casion, by bothdiis brothers Asskery and Hindal Mirzas,and by the com- manderswhose names are here subjoined. Ibrauhim BegTchabouk, Ja- hangueir Kuly Beg, Khossrou Beg Koukeltaush, Teieddy Beg Khaun, Kouje Beg, Tereddy, or perhaps Beirdy, Beg Etawah, Beyram Khaun^ Kaussem 'Husseyne Khaun the Ouzbek, Boujek Beg, Zauhed Beg, Doust Beg, Beg JMeirek, Hadjv Mahommed Baba Kushkah, A akoub Beg, Nihaul Beg, Roushen Beg, Moghuly Beg; and many other chiefs of distinguished reputation, who will hereafter appear to have borne a part in the expedition, although it may not have been found expedient to notice them in this place. When the army had thus descended to the vicinity of Tchunaudah, ■or Cbunar, where Sheir Khaun had, at present, established his head •quarters, Mahommed Zemmaun Mirza, who, on his expulsion from ' Gujerat, had obtained, through the intercession of Maussumah Sultan Begum his wife, the sister of Homayun, a promise of pardon, was per¬ mitted after some humiliating formalities to approach the royal pre¬ sence, and once more restored to favor. Sheir Khaun, ^on the other hand, when the actual approach of the Moghuls became known to him, after having provided amply for the defence of Chunar, and consigned it to the command of his son Kuttub Khaun, with a competent garrison, prudently quitted that fortress, and withdrew into Bengal; of which he Was now it seems, in complete possession, together with incalculable riches. Shortly afterwards Homayun encamped before Chunar, of which it was, immediately determined to undertake the reduction. Roumy Khaun, whose character has been already under notice, hav¬ ing quitted the service of Sultan Bahauder, after the fatal dispersion at Mundsour, held at this period the post of Meir Autesh, or master of 759 ordnance, in that of Homayun; and to him, from his acknowledged skill in the attack of fortified places, was entrusted the superintendance of the siege. In a shorter space of time than might have been expected, this able officer, on a bridge of boats which he threw across the Ganges for the purpose, completed a covered gallery of planks, so admirably constructed as to confirm, in an eminent degree, the opinion which had been conceived of his superior skill ; for, by means of this gallery, he contrived to approach the walls of the place in such security, that a great part of them was mined, and blown up, with a rapidity which surpassed all calculation. In consequence of this, KiSittub Khaun, the governor, made his escape, leaving his garrison, to the number of two tliousand men, to capitulate for their lives.. The fortress was now sur¬ rendered to the officers of Homayun ; and that monarch, in conformity with the pledge which had been given through the intercession of Rou- my Khaun, seemed disposed to liberate the garrison with impunity: but, Mueyud Beg Douldy, who had equal access to the royal presence, under the sanction of a pretended order from the emperor, caused the whole, without exception, immediately to lose their hands, Ror this, foul blot brought upon the imperial clemency, he escaped with a severe 'reprimand from Homayun; wliile Roumy Khaun, together with the government of Chunar, which was conferred upon him as. the present, reward of his servicesduring the siege, received the most honorable and distinguished proofs of imperial favor* He fell, however, not long af¬ terwards, a victim to the jealousy of rival courtiers; and was removed from the scene by a dose of poison.. The success which attended his exertions in the reduction of Ghu- / nar, encouraged HomayiVn to proceed without delay in his designs againstthe BengaLterritory; and Nusseib Shah, the prince of that coun¬ try, who had recently arrived in his camp severely wounded, and griev¬ ously complaining of the injuries which he had sustained from the un¬ just violence of the Afghan, did not a little contribute to confirm him in his resolution.. In the mean time, he conferred the government of Jounpour upon Ameir Hindfi Beg, one ofdiis most distinguished no¬ bles, and Beg Meirek, another experienced commander, was selected to , take charge of the important station of Chunar. The imperial army, was then put in motion, proceeding, as before, partly by water, and. A. H. 943-945. A. n. 1537 1538. Abul Faz...i. 760 A H 943 945 partly by land, down to Patnah. Here, some of tlie nobles most sin- A. D. 1 537- >538. cerelv attached to the interests of their sovereign, ventured to represent AbtilFazzel. Homayun, that as the rainy season was actually arrived, it would be advisable to postpone the further prosecution of the design against Penpal, until the return ot dry weather; since the country was known to beextremely unfavorable, if not totally impracticable, for theoperations of cavalry, during the monsoon. NusseibShah, however, whose judg¬ ment may be allowed to have been in no slight degre'e influenced by the desire of speedy vengeance, unfortunately prevailed to the contrary; employing the argument not less specious than solid, that the sooner the Afghan was assailed in his usurpation, the less difficult it would prove to dispossess him. In compliance, therefore, with the importu¬ nities of this provoked and injured man, the troops were directed to continue their march. At Bhaugulpour, it had been determined to separate the army into two columns, Mirza Hindal, with about six thousand men, being here detached across the'Ganges, with instructions to proceed along the op¬ posite, or left bank, of the river. On his arrival at Mongueir, however, information was communicated to Homayun, that Jullaul Khaun, the son of Sheir >Khaun, who, subsequent to the death of his father, assum¬ ed the title of'Isslaum, or Seleim Khaun, with Khowauss Khaun, Peir- e-Mereid, Sermust Shaun, Heybet Khaun Niauzy, Pahaur Khaun, and other Afghan officers, at the head of fifteen thousand men, had taken post at the town of Gahdy, or Guhrry, which was considered the gate, or key of Bengal, on that side, and seemed determined to maintain it against all attack. To comprehend the subject more clearly, it may be necessary to ex¬ plain that, on assuring himself of the actual approach of Homayun, far from-eritertaining any design of directly opposing his march, Sheir Khaun had resolved to withdraw into the hilly region of Tchaharkund, in order, when the Moghuls should have entered Bengal, to return by thatroute into Bahar ; where he*would not only be able to find a place of security for the spoil accumulated during his recent expeditions, but to produce sufficient disturbance, and alarm, in the rear of theimperial army. He therefore left Jullaul Khaun, and the troops under his or¬ ders, in the neighborhood of Guhrry; with instructions, when the Mo- 761 ghuh should have approached within a certain distance, and it should be announced that he himself had reached the station of Sheirpour, to make the best of their way to join him at that station, witlu ut, on any consideration, exposing themselves to the risk of a conflict with the imperialists. Homayun having, however, advanced a body of nearly six thousand men, from Bhaugulpour, under Ibrauhim Beg Tchabouk, Jabangueir Kuly Begj Beyram Beg, and other commanders, and these troops hav¬ ing, shortly afterwards, approached Guhrry, Jullaul Khaun, in total disregard of his father’s instructions, suddenly attacked them in their camp, with his whole force; and coming upon them, at the same time, with superior numbers and all the advantages of surprise, he appears to have defeated them with the loss of several officers of distinction, notwiths-tanding the most gallant exertions on the part of Beyram Khaun, who repeatedly rallied the Moghuls, and broke through the squadrons of the enemy. This check is expressly ascribed to the ab¬ sence of timely support, and to the defect of concert among the impe¬ rial generals. But the result was no sooner made known to Homayun, than he hastened in person to repair the mischief, although exposed to considerable danger from the sinking of the yacht which conveyed ^ him, near the village of Gohlgaum. The Afghan troops appear to have now withdrawn without awaiting his approach, leaving the MoghuG monarch to prosecute his designs in this quarter, without interruption. The districtsof Tirhut and Puhrniah had, at hisown request, been allot¬ ted to Mirza Hindal, and that prince was at this crisis dismissed to arrange the affairs of his new jagueir; with instructions, at the proper period, to enter the province of Bengal from that side. In the mean i time, Homayun continued to advance into the country, without fur¬ ther resistance ; and thus, in the course of the nine hundred and forty - fifth of the hidjerah,* was that productive and fertile province added to * the dominions of the house of Teymur. On the other hand, Sheir Khaun and his Afghans, carrying-with them i the best part of the treasures of the country, drew off through the ter- . rrtory of Tchaharkund, and arrived without accident in the neighbor- . hood of Rohtass; of which impregnablefortress this enterprising adven^. * Commencing 29th of May, A, D. 1538. 6 E A.H. 945. A, D 1538. Ab^l Fazzel. VOL. Ill, 7G2 A. H, 045. A D. 1538 Abdl Flazzel. ' turer cotitrived to obtain possession by the following stratagem — if 'Stratagem that may be called, which originated in the blackest perfidy. 'Immediately on his arrival, he dispatched a message to Rajah Chinta- man, a Brahmen, the independent governor of the fort, in which, after reminding him of numerous favors formerly bestowed, be gave him to understand that the hour of arduous emergency had at last overtaken him; and that he should venture to claim at hre hands, what ought never to be denied by the generous to the distressed, an asylum in Roh- tass for the women and children of himself and his warlike followers; a piece of service by w hich he would command his eternal friendship. By these and a thousand other flattering professions, the simple and unsuspecting Rajah, permitted himself to be at last imposed upon; and his artful deceiver proceeded without delay to carry his perfidious plan into execution. Having provided for the purpose six hundred covered doulies, a species of litter well known in the east, he secretly placed in each of these, two armed soldiers, and sent tliem thus concealed, wdth the female attendants running as usual beside the litters, for admission into the fort. As had been agreed upon, they were introduced without suspicion, and having rendered themselves masters of the place without much difficulty, an impregnable asylum was thus finally secured for the families of the designing Afghan and his followers, which encouraged him without disfluiet, to prosecute his views of more extensive usurp¬ ation. iBut'the object to which his attention w^as earliest directed, w^as to cutoff alRcommunication between the troops in Bengal, and their >resoufcesin’HindCistaun; which hefound it not difficult to accomplish, by sending nut detachments to seize the outlets through Bahar. 'While Sheir Khaun thus contrived to establish an admirable basis for thesupport of his operations, Homayun and his troops, equally de-f 'lighted and intoxicated with the luxurious amoeniiips of Bengal,* seem to have forgotten all otherobjects in the graiificationof theirvoluptuous propensities. It Was at such a period that, uniting with others of a turbulent and ambitious spirit like his own, Mirza Hindal, against the consentof his roval brother, and in the very height of the rainy season, pro¬ ceeded towards Agrah, which, in defiance of the most Urgent intreaties to the contrary, from court, he reached in a short time atit rwards. There * Like Hannibal and his Carthaginians at Capua. I 763 be immediately entered, in private, on the maturation of those rash and unprincipled schemes, on the sovereign power, that led to the fatal re¬ sults which now soon followed in rapid succession. The opportunity thus laid open to his view, was not neglected by.Sheir Khaun, who appeared immediately before Banares; of winch he obtained possession w'ith no great difficulty, putting the governor Meir Fuzzely to death without ceremony. From thence he proceeded upwards, without de¬ lay, towards Jounpour; the government of which, on the death of A- meir HindA Beg, had recenily devolved to Btiba Beg Jull^eir, the father of Shalium Khaun. Neither did that chiefjieglect to employ all the means within his reach, in order to strengthen the defences of the place against the attack with which he was immediately threatened. At this crisis it happened that Y ussuf Beg the son of Ibrauhim Beg Tchaboukshould have beenai Jounpour,sofaron his way from Oudeh,or, Oude, to join the army in Bengal; and it seemed to afford to this young soldier nosmall amusement to scourthecountry in different directions, not less for thepurposeof procuring intelligence, thanof watchingforan opportunity to distinguish himself in a conflict with the enemy. Re«. gularly apprized of his proceedings, Sheir Khaun resolved to interrupt them; and making a forced march, accordingly, at the head of two or three thousand horse, rather unexpecttidly appeared in his view. . Not¬ withstanding the remonstrances of his followers, on the rashness and i inutility of combating against a force so manifestly superior, YAssuf Beg prepared to engage the Afghans the instant he saw them, and toge¬ ther with many of his party, perished sword in hand in the unequal; conflict. On the day following, encouraged by this partial success, the enemy no longer delayed the investiture of Jounpour, The exertions, of the loyal governor for the defence of the place continued, however,, unabated; and dispatches had been transmitted, at the same time,to de¬ mand relief from ibeMirzasin HindAstaun, and to announce his dangerr to Homayun. A larmed by the reports which assailed him from every quarter, Meir Fakeir Ally the governor of Dehly, hastened from thence to Agrah, where all the arguments he could devise were employed to persuade themisguided Mirza Hindalinto a just senseof his duty. And he,at last, , succeeded in prevailing upon him to cross to the opposite bank of the, \.H. £^5. D 1538. Abgl FazzeL '764 Ai H. 945. A. D. 1538 Ab6l Fazzel. Joun, or Jumna, engaging Mahommed Bukhshy the governorof Agrah, at the same time, to furnish all the assistance i« his power, in order to enable the Mirza to proceed without delay to the relief of Jounpour. Fakeir Ally hastened next towards Kalpy, in order to persuade Yadgaur Nausser also of the immediate necessity of assembling the troops of his jagueir, for the purpose of forming a junction with Mirza Hindal, at Korah, or perhaps Kurrah, on the Ganges; from whence he proposed that they should march with united force to raisethe siege of Jounpour. Just, however, as matters had been thus far placed in train, Khossrou Beg Koukeltaush, Fladjy Mahommed Bkba Kushkah, Zauhed Beg, and Mirza Nuzzer, with several other chiefs, whom the spirit of turbu¬ lence and discontent had led to desert the army in Bengal, suddenly presented themselves to Mirza Nur-ud-dein Mahommed, who had, as recently observed, been left in the government of Kanouje; and this prince appears to have been easily prevailed upon to write to Mirza Hin¬ dal intheirbehalf,soliciting his intercession with Horaayunfor the par¬ don of these contumacious deserters. Still actuated by hisambitious and disloyal views, Mirza Hindal im¬ mediately dispatched, by an officer in his confidence, to announce to Yadgaur Nausser and Fakeir Ally, in terms which by no means indi¬ cated disapprobation, the arrival of these Ameirs; who, on their part, in expectation of his answer, took up their residence ai Koul,or Koel, in •theDoaub, which 'was the jaguir, or fee, of Zauhed Beg. The mes¬ senger of Mirz a Hindal, apprized on his journey of their removal, pro- 'ceeded immediately to that place, and there he received from these malcontents, an explicit avowal of their pernicious designs. Without •the smallest-disguise they iroformed him, that they no longer acknow¬ ledged the authority of Homayiin; and they declared, that if Mirza Hindal, as they were well aware he had it long in contemplation, would at once openly assume the imperial dignity, they were ready to enrol themselves under his standard, and would support him with a perse¬ verance of zeal that should equal, if not surpass, his highest expectati¬ ons. Otherwise, it was their determination to offer themselves to Mir¬ za Kamraun, in the Punjaub; from whom, at all events, they expressed their confidence of a reception equal to their most sanguine hopes. Mahommed Ghauzi Toghffi, who was the person entrusted, on this 765 occasion, with the message from Mirza Hindal, returned immediately A. H. 945. to his employer, and apprized him in secret with the result of his ^ interview. He acquainted Ins master at the same time, that in his judgment he had the choice of two alternatives; either to accede to the proposal of the malcontents, of investing himself with the imperial authority, and to invite them at once to his court — or by such means as could be devised to get these turbulent and refractory rebels into his power, and consign them to the wholesome meditations of a prison. Mirza Hindal, however, whose brain was still itching with the designs of unhallowed ambition, rejoiced in the opportunity of securing to his views, the -resources of these disloyal men ; and sending for them accor- ^ proceeded, by all the blandishments in his power, to conciliate their attachment — being now determined to persevere inflexibly, ’in the prosecution of his unjust and unnatural designs. When, on the other hand, in the midst of his sensual indulsrences, Homayun became apprized of the loss of Banares, of the danger of Jo un pour, and the districts in thatquarter,andof the hostile proceedings of his ungrateful brother, his first step was to dispatch the Sheikh Beh- lowul, one of the most respectable of his class among the nations of India, and eminently distinguished in the imperial favor, to Agrah; with instructions to employ the influence of age and experience, in order to dissuade the misguided prince, if not yet too late, from the prosecution of his absurd plans, and to point out to him the immediate and urgent necessity of uniting, heart and hand, in opposing the usurpations, and destroying the formidable power of the Afghans. Thus authorized, the venerable Sheikh appeared, rather unexpectedly, in the neighbor¬ hood of the station where Mirza Hindal had, for the present, established his head quarters; and that prince proceeded to receive him with every outward mark of respect and kindness. The prudent and well directed counsels of this venerable personage had, at first, their just weight in bringing the Mirza to relinquish his unjust pretensions, and to resolve, once more, on carrying into execution the object of raising the siege of Jounpour. On the following day, Mahommed Bukhshy the governor of Agrah was sent for, and again required to furnish the necessary sup¬ plies in money, cattle, stores, and equipments of every description; all which he engaged to produce to the utmost extent of the demand, 766 A. H.945. with the exception, however, of the money, with which he alleged that A D ^538. jjjg treasury was entirely unprovided. kbul Fazzel. patters had not, however, proceeded in this train for more than four> or five days, when the sudden arrival of Nur-ud-dein Mahommed from, Kanouje, by entering immediately into the views of the discontented Ameirs, contributed afresh to reanimate the hopes, and to revive the- unwarrantable plans of the seditious. Accordingly, when Mahommed! Ghauzi Toghai, the agent of Mirza Hindal, presented himself again to communicate with the Ameirs so often alluded to, they unanimously recurred to their original opinions; and, as a pledge that his employer had altogether, and unequivocally acceded to their terms,, they now demanded, with united voice, that Sheikh Behlowul, the venerable personage already noticed, who had so officiously disconcerted all the'ir measures, should be publicly put to death; which would be to all the. world a final proof,that the Mirza had irrevocably abandoned the cause of his royal brother, and enable them, with the greater confidence, to devote themselves to the interests of the new sovereign. The return of his agent on this occasion, determined Mirza Hindal, in conjunction with Ntlr-ud-dein Mahommed, to proceed, without further procrastination, in his inauspicious plans of usurpation. The unfortunate Sheikh Behlowul, who was unsuspectingly engaged in for-! warding the equipment of the troops destined for the relief of Joun- pour, was now dragged from his abode in the city, and conveyed across, the Jumna, to the sands which lie at a short distance from the impe¬ rial gardens; where the same Nur-ud-dein Mahommed, acting under the instructions of Mirza Hindal, immediately caused him to lose his head. Shortly afterwards, the malcontent Ameirs came to a personal interview with Mirza Hindal, and, in an evil hour, proceeded to bestow upon him the regalities of the Khotbah and sikkah; although this did not pass without considerable resistance in the bosom of his own fa¬ mily. On the part of his mother, Dildaur Agh^tcheh Begum, in par¬ ticular, who received him in deep mourning on the occasion, as well as on the part of the oth er princesses of the imperial family, the most urgent remonstrances were employed, to dissuade him from the prose¬ cution of his rash designs; all which he treated with disdain, alleging that every thing made use of to oppose his wishes, did but fan the flame 7(57 within his breast. Mahommed Bukhshy, also, ventured to expostu¬ late with him rather freely, on the unnatural perfidiousness of his con¬ duct, charging him in direct terms, with the murder of the innocent and unoffending Sheikh, and w ith some species of inconsistency, in sparing a personage so comparatively unworthy of his forbearance as himself. The prince, however, condescended to soothe the resentment of this \ chief, and finally compelled him to attend his person, in the under¬ taking for which he shortly afterw^ards put his troops in motion. Yadgaur Nausser Mirza, on the other hand, as soon as he became acquainted with these untoward and contumacious proceedings, hast¬ ened immediately from Kalpy,and, accompanied by AmeirFakeir Al¬ ly, made the best of his way, by the route of Gwaliar, to the metropo¬ lis of Dehlyj which he exerted his utmost zeal and activity, to place without delay in the best possible state of defence. Mirza Hindal had reached Hamidpour, in the neighborhood of Feyrouzabad, w'hen he discovered that his design had been anticipated by the diligence of Yadgaur Nausser and his associate; buf,on consulting with his Ameirs, lie determined, nevertheless, on prosecuting his march towards Dehly; which he accordingly invested a short time afterwards, being further reinforced on his way, by the greater part of the jagueirdaurs, or impe¬ rial feudatories, in this quarter. Yadgaur Nausser and his collegue on their part were, however, not the less determined to defend the place to the last extremity, adopting the precaution, at the same time, of sending to Mirza Kamraun, to announce their situation, and to de¬ mand his immediate presence; in order, if possible, to extinguish these dangerous commotions. As these proceedings, on the part of his bro¬ ther Hindal, did not exactly accord with his own views, Mirza Kam¬ raun obeyed the summons without the smallest delay; and it was, in¬ deed, no sooner ascertained that he w as arrived, on his march from La- hour, at the town of Sunput, between Pauniput and Dehly, than Mirza Hindal suddenly abandoned the siege, and withdrew towards Agrah. On approaching the suburbs of Dehly, Mirza Kamraun was met by Fakeir Ally, who prevailed upon him, without entering the town, to continue his march, also, in the direction of Agrah; while the attention of Yadgaur Nasser was employed as before, in providing for the de¬ fence and loyally of the city ot Dehly. Far, however, from any in- A. H. 9 45- A. D 1538. Abut I'azzel 768 A. H.945. A. D. 153)j. Abul Fazzel. tention of remarningat Agrah under these circumstances, Mirza Hin-. dal, immediately on the approach of Mirza Kamraun, drew off towards - Alwer; but the latter prince, on his arrival at Agrah, making il his most urgent request with his mother, the princess Dildaur AghAtcheh al¬ ready mentioned, that she would prevail upon Hindahto return^ her maternal influence was so successfully employed, that she broughthim- at last, with his kummerbund, or girdle, round his throat, that is to* say, under circumstances of the most degrading humiliation, to the- presence of his brother. Mirza Kamraun, on the day following, receivecf also the submission of the fugitive and rebellious Ameirs, to whom, probably in thenameof their offended sovereign, he undertook to extend the pledge of forgiveness. Not long afterwards., the whole proceeded, now together, across the down; for the purpose, as they professed, of co-operating, most zealously and cordially, in the measures. for defeating the dangerous projects of the enterprising and aspiring Afghan; but, being led into perverted paths by the influence of an untoward and malignant destiny, this was a consummation in which they were never permitted, to share. It has already been shewn that that region of abundance, the rich and fertile kingdom of Bengal had, by a course of events hitherto suf¬ ficiently auspicious, been brought to submit, almost without resistance, to the authority of Homayun; and it now appears that that monarch* had fixed his residence in the ancient capital of the country— the great lords of his court being, at the same time, remunerated for their servi¬ ces, by magnificent dotations injagueirin different parts of the kino-- dom. Instead, however, of devoting some part of their attention to* provide for the security of their newly acquired possessions, the facul- tiesof these pampered plunderers appear to have been entirely absorbed in layingup materials for the indulgenceof their sensual, and luxurious propensities. Hence originated that total neglect in every department of government, which afforded, to the restless and turbulent spirits ever on the watch in all countries, an opportunity to spread confusion and alarm; and things were rapidly approaching that point, at which the- slumbering mischief, awakening in full strength, must inevitably have produced the most fatal consequences. Intelligence that could be re¬ lied upon had not, indeed for a long time, reached the head-quarters-of 769 HomayAn, and such slight intimations of the danger as became known to individuals in attendance on his person,' no one was found bold enough to announce to him; the impression on the minds of all beino- unfortunately of that nature, that no unpleasant communications must be permitted to disturb the now infatuated monarch, in his delirium of sensual enjoyment.* By degrees, however, the refractory proceedings in the neighborhood of the Jumna, became so notorious, that some of his officers, more de¬ voted to the substantial welfare of their sovereign than swayed by the considerations of personal convenience, ventured at last to disclose the truth to Homayun. Roused at once to a sense of his situation, the monarch instantly convoked his Ameirs, and announced his intention of returning without delay towards Agrah; although the whole country was at this moment in a state of inundation, and the season entirely ad¬ verse to the movements of troops in any direction. But, when the sta¬ bility of his power was at a stake, all physical obstacles seemed to va¬ nish from the contemplation of Homayun. It became, however, expe¬ dient, as a preliminary step, to select some person, in whose valour and fidelity he could confide, to undertake in his behalf the government of Bengal; and his choice fell upon the Zauhed Beg, who has been already mentioned among the malcontent Ameirs at Agrah. But as this man, unmindful of the fame acquired in a long continued course of faithful service, pusillanimously abandoned his trust, and fled over to the standard of Mirza Hindal, the post was necessarily transferred, with a division of troops competent to the support of his authority, to Jahan- gueirKuly Beg: after which Homayun, in the very heart of the rainy season, proceeded on his return to the metropolis of the empire. When, on the other hand, reports were conveyed to Sheir Khaun, that the imperial army was in motion from Bengal, and that the princes had quitted Agrah, with the professed design of arresting his progress, that chief abandoned the siege of Jounpour without ceremony, and immediately withdrew towards Rohtass ; his resolution being already formed to avoid an action with the Moghhls, and to re-enter Bengal, exactly by the same road by which he had quitted it, that of Tchar- kuud. The arrangements of this able commander were, at the .sam.e • It may be proper to observe, that he was, at this period, in the thirty-first year of his age. VOL. 111. 5 F A. H. 045. A. D. 1538. Abut Fazzel. 770 A. H. 646. A. D.1539. AbAlFazzel. time, concerted with such admirable skill, as tobe easily altered accord- ing to circumstances, should any thing occur during the march of the imperial army, on its return, to render such alteration advisable; and thus we find him ultimately hanging upon the rear of that army, watch¬ ing his opportunity to attack it under cover of the night, and wheii. least prepared to resistance. He acquired, however, additional con^ fidence when, on its arrival at Purtuhn, probably Patnah, he discover¬ ed the utter inferiority of the force with Homayun, and its deplorable- deficiency in equipments; and he accordingly ventured without fur¬ ther hesitation, at the head of an army equally formidable in point of numbers and efficiency, to press nearer upon the Moghfils, eagerly ex¬ ploring on every side for that advantage of which he was prepared to avail himself. In these circumstances, no one having been able to ascertain with any degree of precision, either the situation, force, or designs, of the enemy, Eben Ally Kurawel Beggy, the captain of the scouts, under¬ took the execution of this important service; and having succeeded in making the necessary discoveries, hastened, through the medium of Mirza Mahommed Zemmaun, to convey the result to Homayun. When, therefore, the fact became known to the impetuous and ardent young monarch, that the insolent Afghan was so close upon him, his indignation was excited in no ordinary degree; and although the im¬ perial troops had already crossed the Ganges, as it should seem to the left bank, in full march towards Agrah ; although the most pressing arguments were employed to dissuade him from such a step, under such disadvantages of force and equipment-^when his cavalry were in a state of inefficiency, entirely worn down with the exertions of such a march, through a country so completely under water— he resolved on crossing the river, to the right or southern bank, and on giving bat¬ tle to the enemy. Here we are called upon to remark, and the experience of ages has, it is alleged, furnished repeated example, that when the ministers of destiny have been charged, by an inscrutable providence, to implant in the breast of some favored mortal, that spark of celestial energy which is to exalt him above the ordinary lot of humanity, the trials of adversity are also strown in his path, in order to bring to the proof the 771 intrinsic worth, the unsullied brilliance, of the inestimable gem to be displayed in his character. And hence, when the manifestation of that star^ which had been transmitted through successive generations from the bosom of the illustrious Katchuly Bahauder, was at hand, it ought not to be considered extraordinary if some calamitous reverses should precede in the fortune of Homayun ; who was thus impelled, contrary to the urgent solicitations of his nobles, to engage in a con¬ flict of incalculable hazard, and inadequate object, with the impure and perfidious Afghans. At the station ofYohssah, then, a dependency on the subordinate government of Bhoujepour, Homayun placed himself directly in front of his pursuers; but, as the two armies were still separated by a black and turbid stream, here called the Keinaus, or Keneinauss, supposed the Karamnassa river, the imperial troops proceeded to throw a bridge across, by which they passed to the opposite side. Hostilities imme¬ diately commenced between the advanced detachments of the two powers; in which, notwithstanding their disparity of force, and the deplorable deficiency of their equipments, the advantage is alleged to have uniformly rested with the Moghuls, with considerable loss to the Afghans. The contest being, however, protracted beyond his utmost expectations, and his ungrateful brothers, with resources at command abundantly adequate to that, or any other object, permitting them¬ selves to be withheld by views of perverted ambition, from repairing to his relief, the affairs of Homayun underwent, at last, a most unfa¬ vorable and alarming change. In the mean time, Sheir Khaun, whose address was not inferior to his courage, did not omit, at convenient intervals, to dispatch his agents to the camp of the Moghuls, for the purpose, as he pretended, of soliciting an accommodation; while at others he continued to exhibit every proof of the most inveterate hosti¬ lity: until, by the execution of a stratagem which reflects the highest credit upon his military skill, he at length completely succeeded in lay¬ ing asleep the vigilance of his imperial antagonist. For, leaving a part of his foot, and the lowest description of his troops, with fire arms and rockets, in front of Homayun’s advanced posts, in order to occupy the attention of the enemy, he suddenly retired with the main body of his army, two marches to the rear; and the Moghuls, already sufficiently A. H. 94()‘. A n 1^39. Abul Fazzel. A. H. 946. A D. 1539. Ab61 Fazzel. 772 elated with their advantage in the recent conflicts, ancflittle suspecting^ the crafty design of the Afghan, proceeded to repose themselves in their encampment^ in a state of the most fatal security. As might have been foreseen, one night when the charge of watching • over the general safety of the camp rested with Mahommed Zemmaun Mirza, so often referred to in these pages, that commander acquitted^ himself of the important trust with such culpable and shameful negli¬ gence, as furnishedto the adventurous Afghan the opportunity which he so anxiously courted. Sheir Khaun, who had never for a moment lost sight of his object, after marching the whole of the preceding night, most unexpectedly presented himself at dawn of day in the rear of the imperial encampment; and having divided his troops into three col¬ umns, one led by himself, and the other two by his sons J ullaul Khaun, and Khowauss Khaun, respectively, the whole poured in amongst' them, before the Moghuls could saddle their horses, buckle on their armour, or place themselves in any shape, in a posture ^of defence. Homay un, lost in astonishment at this fatal effect of the remissness of his generals, had mounted his horse in the appalling certainty that the evil was beyond redemption, when three of his most faithfubfollowers, Babai Jullaeir, Tereddy Beg, and Kouje Beg, threw themselves in his way; and his only request was that they would hasten, if possible, to bring off the princess Hadjy Begum. They found the tents of the prin¬ cess, however, already surrounded by the enemy; and they all three of them gallantly perished sword in hand, in their effort to execute the' orders of their sovereign — together with Meir PehlewaunBuddukhshy' and many others, who nobly sacrificed their lives in the same attempt The crisis was indeed pressing in the extreme; but the exertions ofa- trembling female were unequal to the attempt of breaking through the^ circle of armed barbarians, which enclosed her tent; and she was there¬ fore consigned to the protection of that providence, which, in the hour* of danger, was never known to withdraw its watchful care over the des¬ tiny of this illustrious family. On the present occasion, it was happily so ordained, that not even the breath of hostile violence was permitted* to intrude itself within the precincts of the sacred sanctuary of the ha- ram. In fact, the national respect for female modesty so universal im the East, was not, in the moment of victory, forgotten by the warlike 773 thief of these ferocious plunderers. The most scrupulous decorum was A. H. 946. observed towards his illustrious captive, the instant he found that she ^ was in his power; and he not only shrouded her from the gaze of vulgar curiosity, but caused her to be finally. conducted to a place of safety* with every mark of respect due to her sex and dignity, and to the cha¬ racter of her imperial consort. In the mean time, Homayun had made for the river side; but here a fresh misfortune awaited him, in the destruction of the bridge, and he perceived no alternative of escape but by plunging on horseback into the stream. In the struggle it was his lot to be soon dismounted; but bis better destiny interposing for the present in the shape of a Sukka, or common water-carrier, he at last succeeded, through his assistance, in; swimming safe to the opposite bank. Finding himself once more safe on terra firma, he naturally enough enquired of the man who had been: so instrumental to his deliverance from a watery grave, what name he ■ bore; and being told in answer that it was plain Nizaum, the monarch; observed in reply, that to him indeed in every sense of the, word, he had i proved himself a Nizaum-ul-awlya, which was the name of a Mahom-- medan Saint, of great celebrity in his days; and in the enthusiasm of his grateful feelings, he promised his deliverer on the spot, that if ever it; was his fortune to be restored once more in safety to his throne^ to put him for half a day in actual possession.of the sovereign dignity, togn-- ther with all its honors and advantages. The fearful discomfiture, of which theabove isbuta brief and imper-. feet description, is here recorded to have taken place at the passage of i Yossah, or Joussah, on the banks of the river Ganges, [in a preceding part it is however said to have been the Karamnassaji’on the ninth day ' of the month of Suffur, of the nine hundred and forty sixth of the hid-, jerah. Among those who perished on the occasion, we find the name j of Mirza Mahommed Zemmaun, to whose culpable remissness in the* first instance, may be very justly ascribed the disastrous termination of this eventful day; and with him fell many other Ameirs of the highest t distinction in every class, together with some thousands of the very, flower of the Moghul troops.^ Accompanied, on the other hand, by his brother Mirza Asskery, and i * 26tb of June, 1539.) 774 A. H. 94G. A. 0 1539. Abiil Fazzei. a very slender retinue, Homayun fled with all the celerity of which he was capable towards 4grali; where he fortunately arrived a short time afterwards, without further accident. Here, with at least all outward demonstration of respect and duty, he was immediately visited by Mir- za Kamraun; and, at the expiration of a few days, Mirza Hindal from Alwer also, having contrived, through the interposition of Kamraun, and of his mother, to secure a favorable reception, repaired to the pre¬ sence of his brother, and experienced from him, considering the aggra¬ vated nature of his offences, a forgiveness and a generosity, almost with¬ out example. In the mean time, Hoina^ un’s attention was most anxi¬ ously devoted to hasten those arrangements by which he hoped to avenge and repair the disgrace and loss of the recent disasters; which originated, indeed, in no smalldegree, in gross mismanagement, andde- fect of all concert among the principal feo latories of his government. To aid him, however, in the prosecution of his honorable design, he was now joined in rapid succession, by numerous Ameirsfrom all parts of the Empire, with their respective contingents of troops. One day while employed at this crisis in giving dispatch to the affairs of his government, it has been considered of sufficient importance to relate, that the poor waterman, to whom he was so materially indebted for the preservation of his life, ventured to present himself before the throne of Homaytin, in order to claim the fulBlment of his promise. Strictly faithful to his engagement, the generous monarch no sooner re¬ cognized hrs deliverer, than he descended from his throne without the smallest hesitation; and causing him to take liis place, for the space of half a day precisely, permitted him to exercise without controul the various functions of sovereign power — several decrees and ordinances which he undertook to circulate during this period of ephemeral au¬ thority, being carried into execution with the most scrupulous punctu¬ ality. What w’as, however, of far more solid advantage to the man, he was forthwith elevated to permanent rank and distinction, and both himself and all related to him, placed in a state of inriependence and af¬ fluence, so as to be perfectly secure against the pressure of every fu¬ ture want. This singular incident, however otherwise unimportant in its bear¬ ings, is described to have occasioned some serious exposiulatjons from - 775- Mirza Kamraun, and afforded a convenient pretext for that spirit of discontent and disaffection, which he was already sufficiently disposed to encourage against the authority of his royal brother. But while these proceedings were going on at Agrah, the able and warlike Afghan did not suffer his energies to slumber over the contem¬ plation of his signal victory at Youssah; on the contrary, he determined to avail himself without delay, of the opportunity thus gained, to re¬ possess himself of the kingdom of Bengal. For this purpose he marched immediately to the frontier of Bahar in that dir* ction, and there en¬ camped; detaching his son Jullaul Khaim, at the head of a competent force, in order to make himself master of that' much envied territory. Jahangueir Kuly Beg, who had been left, as we have recently seen, in. charge of the province, is described to have acquitted himself, for some time, with considerable resolution in defence of his government ; but being feebly, and very inadequately, supported in his exertions by the several jaguirdaurs, who were not to be weaned from their luxurious indulgences, he was finally compelled to relinquish all contest in the field. He then took protection with some of the Zemindaurs, or native chiefs; but being prevailed u pon to accept of an unauthorized, or insi¬ dious, treaty with the Afghans, he was shortly- afterwards cut off, to¬ gether with a great number of those who had continued to adhere to his fortune. Thus again master of Bengal, Sheir Khaun led his victo¬ rious troops next to the reduction of Jounpour, and the districts in that neighborhood; all which appear to have now submitted tohis authority without material resistance. Acquisitions so rapidly obtained did not contributetoabridge the ambitious views of the Afghan; and his younger son Kfittub Khaun. was detached, shortly afterwards, with an indis¬ criminate, and perhaps irregular banditti, towards Kalpy and Etkwah; which extended in fact, the baleful mischiefs of treason and revolt, to. within sixty miles of the walls of Agrah. . As soon, however, as intelligence of this last daring intrusion was an¬ nounced to Homayfin, a respectable force was dispatched without loss i of time, under YadgaurNausser Mirza, and Kaussem Husseyne Khaun i the Ouzbek, whose jdgueirs lay in that quarter, together with Eskunder, Sultaun,.who had undertaken the management of some of the tenures, annexed to Kalpy, in behalf of Mirza Kamraun, to repel the in vaders». A.H. 94G. A. D 1539. Ab61 Fazzel. a: H. 94(? AD. 1539. Abul FaKzei. 776 In a battle, to which he was immediatelybroughtby thesedistin^uished commanders, Kuttub Khaun was killed, and the force under his orders either destroyed, or for the present entirely dispersed. Homayun con¬ tinued, in the mean time, at Agrah, unremittingly employed in resto¬ ring and completing the equipments of his army ; and not less in an un¬ availing endeavor to fix the wavering attachment of his brothers, and other relatives, by bringing them to a just sense of their real and mutu¬ al interests. In this respect, neither advice nor expostulation seems to have produced any impression upon the perverted and refractory spirit of Mirza Kamraun; although the dangerous crisis in which they stood, so obviously indicated the necessity of extinguishing every spark of private animosity, and of uniting together the resources of the whole family, in order to defeat the formidable projects of the common enemy. Of the perfect competency of this prince’s cordial support at such a crisis, to fulfil, to their utmost extent, the, just expectations of his bro¬ ther, there could exist but little doubt, since he had with him on the spot, not much less than twenty thousand hardy and well disciplined veterans; and the slightest sense of gratitude towards that brother, who -had loaded him with.'favors; who had put him in possession of the noble territory from Kabul and the land of Dawer on the Indus, on the west, to Samaunah eastward; and who had otherwise distinguished him by a thousand proofs of re.gard and liberality, should have taught him that he was not to be forsaken in this his hour of peril and dire necessity. Butthexonclusionsof ambition are not, it seems, to be estimated by the ordinary feelings of mankind. Mirza Kamraun, equally unmindful of the ties of gratitude, of the suggestions of natural affection, and of the .dictates of common policy, chose to abandon his noble brother to his fate. ^And when Homayun condescended to intreat, if he were himself not disposed to share in the hazards of the impending contest, that at leasthe would leave a part of the force in his pay, to aid in repressing the already overgrow n usurpations of the Afghans, he continued deaf to every solicitation; and, availing himself of some slight pretext ofillness,hede- terinined on withdrawing into the Pu njaub — first of all dispatching the greater part of the troops in his service, under the care of Khoujah Kul- lan Beg, towards Labour, Nay, more than this, he is accused of the still more perfidious design of holding out the example of defection, in 777 the hope that it might be extensively followed throughout his brother’s army. He shortly afterwards quitted Agrah altogether, and proceeded also towards Labour; conceiving that he made a sufficient sacrifice in leaving a division of three thousand men, from the large force at his disposal, under the orders ofMirza Abdullah the Moghul, and this from the premises we were not exactly prepared to expect, to support the cause of his family at the very crisis of its destiny. With Mirza Heyder, theson ofMahommed Husseyne Gurekan and uncle’s son of the late emperor, who had recently accompanied Mirza Kamraun to the metropolis, Homayun was, however, more successful in his remonstrances ; for when, under his pretext of ill health Kamraun importuned this chieftain to return Avith him into the Punjaub, and the latter indicated, in consequence, to Homayun, an inclination to com¬ ply, the monarch very reasonably urged, that if he calculated on the ties of consanguinity, the claims were exactly equal between them; if on theordinary tiesof friendship, he could easily prove that the stronger were on his side — but if the pursuit of honorable fame was his object, there could not be the smallest demur, and he would not hesitate to re¬ main where he must be immediately employed against the inveterate enemy of his race. “ With regard to the plea of illness,” observed Ho¬ mayun, “ thou art neither a physician nor a judge of medicines, that “ thou shouldst be required to attend my brother; and as to his concep- “ tion that he will find in Labour a place of safety, it is a most palpable “ and dangerous mistake. For if any misfortune should be the result “ of his unmanly and impolitic desertion in the present instance, he will “ discoyertohis cost, that there cannot remainforhim, within the whole “ circumference of Hindustaun, the smallest chance of security. You “ will, in truth,” continued Homayun, “ have nothing left but a choice “ of evils; for should victory declare in my favor, with what counten- “ ance,or with what grace, would you be able to meet the intelligence? “ To judge from myself I should conceive that the remorse and shame “ would be so overwhelming, as to riVet your eyes forever to the earth. “ Butshould defeat and disaster bemydestiny, [which Heaven forbid!} “ in the honorable conflict in which I am abbut to be engaged, mostde- “ plorably do you deceive yourselves, if you calculate that you will be permitted to continue unmolested at Labour; and they are the veryr VOL. III. 5 G A.H. 94(5. A. D. 1539, Abul Fazzel. A. H. 946. A D. 1539. Abi&l Fazzel. 778 “ basest of flatterers who have disguised the truth, and persuaded Mir- “ za Kamraun to be of that opinion.” In short, under the guidance of a better destiny, Mirza Heyder, instead of suffering himself to be won by the solicitations, or misled by the example, of Mirza Kamraun, chose the more honorable course of sharing the fortune of Homayun. Here, in a strain not unusual with him, our author suspends the nar¬ rative to remaVk, that when the ministers of a mysterious destiny have been employed to produce some stupendous change in the affairs of this world, and the consummation may happen to clash with the narrow views and expectations of man, so far from furnishing any cause of in- decent, or presumptuous complaint, it should the rather excite a senti¬ ment of awful gratitude and admiration; and in this light he conceives, that we ought to consider the deplorable disunion which, at such a cri¬ sis, an Almighty providence permitted to prevail between relatives, in other respects, so nobly and worthily disposed. Neither in this view will it appear extraordinary that, regardless of the manifest superiority of the enemy's force, Homayun, borne away by an ardent spirit, and his native intrepidity of mind, should, as we are about to shew, have been impelled to commit himself in a contest against such formidable odds. Dispensing,however,with preliminary movements, thehistorian con¬ veys us at once, with Homayun and his army, to the station of Bhouje- pour onthe Ganges; Sheir Khaun,with a very numerous force,encamp- ing, shortly after his arrival, on the opposite bank of the river, for the purpose of disputing the passage with the Moghuls. Homayun, on his part, notwithstanding the evident disparity of number which was to sustain him in the undertaking, determined nevertheless to attempt the passage; and for that purpose, in a few days, a bridge was accordingly completed and thrown across the river. In these circumstances, ei¬ ther to divert the attention of the enemy from the head of the bridge, or ' for some other object which is not explained, about one hundred and fifty of the imperial cavalry, distinguished for their courage and activity, after disencumbering their horses of their saddles and caparisons, at once plunged into the stream of the Ganges, and swam sword in hand to the opposite shore. After having, with considerable slaughter, beaten back the enemy employed to oppose their landing, and otherwise exhibited the most 779 distinguished proofs of courage and intrepidity, these fearless warriors were drawing off for the purpose of resuming their station with the main body of the imperial army, and had already reached the head of the bridge, wlien the Afghans, who had by this time rallied in superior force, set on a trained elephant, one of those which had fallen into their hands on the fatal discomfiture at Joussah, to dismantle, or destroy, the bridge. The piles, or perhaps the fastenings, which secured it to the bank of the river, were accordingly soon destroyed by the efforts of this stupendous animal; but the moment this had been effected, a cannon shot from the Moghul troops on the opposite bank, at once shattered the legs of the elephant, and dispersed the enemy; so that this adven¬ turous band was permitted to make good its retreat without further in¬ terruption. The design of crossing the Ganges at this point, appears, however, to have been thus defeated, since we find the imperial army now proceeding by slow and cautious marches, along the same bank of the river towards Kanouje; one of the largest of the enemy’s vessels on the river, which had probably attempted to annoy the troops in their progress, being sunk by the Moghul artillery. Subsequent to this, for the period of more than a month, the neigh¬ borhood of Kanouje became the scene of frequent conflicts, between detached parties of the contending armies, without any thing that could lead to decisive advantage on either side; but, at the termination of that period, a circumstance occurred which greatly contributed toaccelerate the final catastrophe. MahommedSultanMirza, being the grandson, by a daughter, of Sul¬ tan Husseyne Mirza prince of Khorassaun, could boast his descent in a direct line from the invincible Teymur; and he had accordingly risen to the highest distinctions, in the service of the warlike and royal B&ber. On the demise of that monarch he had, as we have already noticed on a former occasion, availed himself of the opportunity to take up arms against the authority of Homayun; but, as should everbethelot of those who violate the obligations of gratitude, having been defeated in his de¬ sign, he threw himself on the mercy of his benefactor, was generously forgiven, and restored to favor, in as great a degree as if his loyalty had never been impeached. Being, however, by nature, of a discontented, refractory, and inconstant disposition, the crisis of danger in which the A. H. 947. D 1540. Abiil Fazzel. A. H.947. A. D, 1540. Abul Fazzel. 780 government of Homayun now stood, was too appalling for the wavering and uncertain character of such a man; and he accordingly embraced, an early opportunity to forsake the cause of his prince, and together with his two sons, Olugh Mirza and Shah Mirza, absconded from the; imperial encampment. The example operated with the most pernicious effect on the troops> of Homayun, since it immediately produced an alarming desertion; par¬ ticularly among such as a happier destiny had not ordained for nobler= purposes. In this dilemma, Homayun, conceiving that any further de¬ lay might be attended with consequences the most fatal, and that he might be left to combat for victory without an army, determined at all hazards to cross the Ganges, and at once give battle to the enemy. For this purpose therefore, or at all events, to place some obstacle in the way'of this disgraceful desertion, he threw a bridge across, and passed immediately to the opposite, or left, bank of the river; without, hoM'^ev- er, neglecting to intrench his camp, and to distribute his artillery on such points, as would be most useful to frustrate any sudden attempt on the part of the Afghans. Shortly afterwards, Sheir Khaun s troops made their appearance in great forcedirectly in front, adopting the same precaution of covering their camp with intrenchments; and a series of skirmishes daily ensued, such as must be expected unavoidably to oc-. cur, between the advanced parties of two hostile armies, so closely apr proximated to each other. The sun was now about to enter the tropic of Cancer, and the peri,- odical rains had commenced with their usual violence. Unfortunately, the spot which had been chosen for the imperial encampment was so situated, as, in a short time, to be under water from end to end; and it became indispensably necessary to change the position of the troops, without a moment’s delay, to some more elevated ground, where they might be relieved from the effects of the inundation. A more conveni¬ ent spot was accordingly determined upon, and arrangements were made for offering battle to the enemy, on the following morning, should he appear disposed to quit his intrenchments, in order to disturb the operation; otherwise, it was directed that the army should proceed to take up its ground in the new position. On the tenth day of Mohur- rim of the nine hundred and forty seventh of the hidjerah,* early in the • 16th of May, 1540. 781 morning, Homayiin, accordingly, drew out his troops in order of battle; his cannon and mortars, under the superin tendance of MahommedKhaun a Turkish officer, aided by the sons of Ally Kuly, together with Hus-^ sun Kholfaut,and Oustaud Ahmed, another Turk, beingdisposed along the front, and chained together, according to the then established prac¬ tice. The Emperor in person took post in the centre of the main body; Mirza Hindal was advanced immediately in front of the centre; Mirza Asskery commanded the right, and Yadgaur Nausser Mirza assumed the direction of the left wing. In the Tarikh Reshidy, a work com¬ posed by himself, Mirza Heyder, to whom we have recently had occa¬ sion to advert, is stated to describe that in his order of battle, Homay- un placed him immediately on the left of the imperial station in the centre; so that the right of the division under his orders was in direct contact with the left of the division under the personal command of the Emperor: but the reference is- here particularly introduced for the purpose of recording, that there were numbered, on this day, not less than twenty-seven Ameirs, with standards,. between Mirza Heyder’s division and the extreme of the left wing, AVhatever might have been the general expectation, Sheir Khaun appeared but little disposed, on this occasion, to conceal himself be¬ hind his intrenchments ; on the contrary, he drew out immediately, forming his troops into five distinct divisions-r-one of which, the least in apparent slrengtli, he posted just without the entrance of his camp. Three others advanced immediately upon the Moghuls; the fifth re¬ maining, to be employed as occasion might require, under his own or¬ ders. Of the three divisions which led into action, that under Jullaul Khaun, and Sermust Khaun, composed for the greater part of the Nj- auzy tribe, approached the vanguard of the the centre, under Mirza IJindal. Another division, formed of the tribe of Gurrerauny, under Mubaurez Khaun, Bahauder Khaun, and Ilaey liusseyne Jelwauny, drew up, in front of the left under Yadgaur Nausser Mirza ; while the third, led on by Khowauss Khaun, opposed itself to Mirza Asskery and the right wing of the imperial army. The action commenced with extraordinary fury, between, Mirza Ilindal and the troops under Jullaul Khaun, the latter being thrown from his horse in the course of the conflict. The left wing under Yac^-^ 1 A. H. 947. A. D. 1540. Abi^l Fazzel. 782 A. H. 947. A D 1510. Abill Fazzel. gaiir Nausser, successfully repulsed the division in its front, and drove the troops of which it was composed, in confusion upon their own centre. But the experienced Afghan chief, perceiving the danger, and instanllv leading his own division into battle; while Khowauss Khaun, with his division, fell furiously on the right wing of the Moghuls un¬ der Mirza Asskery, the greater part of the Ameirs in that wing, un¬ accountably gave way, without striking a single stroke. At this ap¬ palling crisis, forgetting the ordinary maxims of prudence in the mag¬ nitude of the danger, and although it might be considered inconsist¬ ent with the majesty of the throne to mingle in the confusion of an indiscriminate attack, Homayun twice desperately charged into the very thickest of the enemy*s squadrons, and on each occasion, had his spear shivered to pieces in his hands. But the individual prowess of the generous Homayun, however conspicuously exerted, was insufficient to balance the failure of sup¬ port on the part of his brothers, and the no less base and shameful de¬ reliction of duty on the part of his Ameirs; inasmuch as the effects of human courage must always be unavailing against the fixed and uner¬ ring decrees of an over-ruling providence. It is, at the same time, fur¬ ther intimated, that rather than be condemned to forbear any longer with the perfidious practices of the worst of enemies, disguising them¬ selves under the mask of friendship, Homayun evinced a determinati¬ on to perish, at once, amidst the obvious and more glorious hazards o^ the field ofbattle. From this he was, however, ultimately dissuaded bv the earnest zeal and intreaties of the brave men who yet adhered to his fortune ; and so far, in deference to the ordinary speculations of human reasoning, our author alleges that he is willing to admit : but to those who are accustomed to penetrate beyond the exterior surface of things, it would not be difficult to shew that the Almighty power, w'hich governs the universe, permitted the designs of treason to succeed on this occasion, in order, by the contrast, to give greater effect to that event which, at no very distant period, was to irradiate the world, in the birth of the illustrious and, peradventure, to attest by re¬ peated proofs, the exalted virtue of Homayun, which, like gold from the hands of the refiner, or steel from those of the furbisher, was to e- merge with brighter effulgence from the trials of adversity — these things 783 Abilil FdzzeU being, indeed, rather designed as lessons of experience and admonition A. H. 947. to the just, than in any shape as in retaliation for crimes. ^ ^ But, with the speculations of Abul Fazzel on the scheme of omnipo¬ tence in the government of the world, the reader is, in some degree, al¬ ready acquainted, and it would, in this place, be unnecessary to en¬ large any further on thesubject. We shall therefore proceed with the narrative to state that on the eventful catastrophe thus briefly dis¬ patched, the fugitive Ameirs, after retiring from the contest, in the disgraceful manner already indicated, made the best of their way to the Ganges, w'hich ran, it seems, at the distance of about a farsang, or three miles and ahalf, from thefield of battle; andplunging precipitately into the stream, there, for the greater part, received in a watery grave that just punishment which was due to their cowardice and disloyalty. Homajun, on the other hand, mounted on an elephant, succeeded in gaining the opposite side of the river; and there dismounting, he was, for some time, employed in vain, in looking for a place where he might ascend the bank, which hereabouts happened to be exceedingly steep, and inaccessible. Fortunately, a soldier, who had also effected the passage of the river in safety, here presented himself to Homayun, and taking him by the arm, assisted him to the top of the bank, without further accident. On inquiry, he found that the man to whose assist¬ ance he was indebted on this occasion, was a native of Gheznin, in the service of Mirza Kamraun; and he was warmly assured that he should not be forgotten in the royal bounty, if the opportunity, should* ever arrive to remunerate him for his timely support. At this moment. Mukuddum Beg, a superior officer, also in the service of Mirza Kam-. raun, came to the spot; and, recognizing the person of Homayun, as a. pledge of his sincere homage and respect, immediately presented the emperor with the horse on which he rode ; which was ofcourse, most gratefully accepted, and, the most liberal assurances-of future acknow-. ledgement bestowed in return. Homayun now bent his melancholy steps, once more, towardsAgrah;; being on his way to that city, successively joined by the princes, his; brothers, and those who had escaped from the field of battle. But, oni his arrival near the town of Bhankapour, or Behganu, for the name is given thus differently, the inhabitants of the place contumaciously A. H. f)47. A, D. 1540. Abl\l Fazzel. combined to prevent the imperial troops from purchasing the neces¬ sary supplies; and otherwise betrayed a disposition so entirely hostile, as to menace the lives, if they did not absolutely proceed to the extre¬ mity of cutting off several, of those who unfortunately fell into their hands. When this instance of seditious insolence, which pretty clear¬ ly exemplifies the refractory spirit which, at this period, seems to have extended itself to every part of the imperial territory, was made known to Homayun, the Mirzas Asskery, Yadgaur Naiisser, and Hindal, were directed to march without delay, and give battle to this disloyal assemblage; whose force had, in a short time, unaccountably accumu¬ lated to nearly thirty thousand horse and foot. Mirza Asskery had) however, the effrontery to decline his part in the service, for which he was most deservedly and severely reproved by Mirza Yadgaur Nausser; who did not scruple in very plain terms to ascribe the whole of their present distresses, to the absurd and senseless want of concord evinced, on all occasions, by him and his misguided brothers, and which no dis¬ asters seemed sufficientto correct. Determined, on the other hand, to carry into execution the orders of Homayun, Yadgaur Nausser, and Mirza Hindal, proceeded immediately in quest of the rebels, whom they accordingly attacked, and defeated, with considerable slaughter; and having thus signally chastized these insolent villagers, soon afterwards triumphantly rejoined the main body of the army — while Mirza Ass¬ kery, who affected to complain of harshness of treatment, became, as he too well deserved, the object of his brother’s severe and just resent¬ ment. ‘Homay-un then continued his retreat, without further obstacle, ’to Agrah. ' X The Empire was, by this time, in a state of total distraction, from the spirit of tumult and disloyalty by which it was agitated, from one ex¬ tremity to the other. On the day immediately after his arrival, Ho¬ mayun, with this conviction on his mind, repaired therefore to the re¬ sidence of Meir Reffeia-ud-dein, a Seyud of the Souffy sect, equally respectable for his learning and profound political sagacity; and it was with the advice of this discreet personage, now finally determined to retire altogether, for the present, into the Punjaub — it being no unrea¬ sonable persuasion that, if Mirza Kamraun, returning to sounder prin¬ ciples, and to the guidance of a happier destiny, could be once prevail- 785 €d npon to afford that assistance which the emergency of affairs, and the general interests of the family, so imperiously demanded, the fatal breach in the fabric of government might still be perfectly repaired. With these just and reasonable ex pectations, Homavun proceeded, accordingly, on his retreat towards Labour; Mirza Asskery taking hiJ departure about the same time, for Sumbul on the higher Ganges, and Mirza Hindal in the opposite direction towards Alwer. On the eight¬ eenth of the month,* just eight days after the fatal discomfiture Lar Kanouje, Homayhn was joined near Dehly by Kaussem Husseyne Sultan, and Beg Meirek, so that a considerable force might be suppos¬ ed to have re-assembled round the person of the sovereign. On the twentieth of the same month, j- Homayfln quitted the ancient metropo¬ lis of Dehly; and, on the twenty second, near the town of Rohtek, or Rodack, he was further joined by the Mirzas Hindal and Heyder. On the twenty third, finding that the inhabitants of the town persisted in shutting up their gates against him, he was compelled to encamp before the place, which it required several days to reduce to submission. On theseventeenth of thesucceedingmonthofSuffur,+ the Emperor reach¬ ed Sehrind, or Serhind, from whence he continued his march without further interruption, to the neighborhood of Labour; not far from vvhich city, near the palace of Doulut Khaun, he was now met in a friendly manner, by Mirza Kamragn, who conducted him with every appearance of respect, to the gardens of Mounshy Khaujah Doust, es¬ teemed the most beautiful aind delightful in the whole country, and, on this occasion, selected for the abode of Homayun. Mirza Hindal was accommodated in the gardens of Khaujah Ghauzy, where, at this pe¬ riod, Mirza Kamraun also kept his court; and not long afterwards, Mirza Asskery, from Sumbul, found his way to Labour, where he took up his residence, in the mosque of Ameir Wully Beg. Neither did Homayiin remain long at Labour, before Shums-ud-dein Mahommed, the soldier who had lent him his assistance to climb the bank of the Ganges, on his flight from the battle near Kanouje, made his appear¬ ance, and experienced the most liberal reception from the grateful monarch. By the first of the former month of Rebbeia,H the whole of the bro- • 24th of May,] 540. t2GthofMay. J 22d of June. 1| 5th of July, 1540. VOL. lU. ^ jj A. H. 947. A. D 1540. AljOi I’azzel. 786 A. H. 947. A. I) 1540. Ablil Fazzel. thers, together with most of the, surviving Ameirs^ and their follow- ~ ers, in the interest of the Teymurian family, had assembled at Labour. But,notwithstandingthe disastrous experience of recenteventSjandthe heavy inflictions by which they had been visited in every quarter, all was yet insufficient to bring them to a just sense of their errors. No reverse, no chastizement,no consideration, in short, seemed sufficient- . ly powerful to induce them, in any point, to act with good faith and in¬ tegrity, towards one another ; and although they met in council, time after time ; although they pledged themselves in the presence of Ho- maydn, under the most solemn engagements, to proceed with concert and unanimity, in all their future undertakings; and although an instru¬ ment to this effect was formally drawn up, and regularly attested un¬ der the signature of every Ameir on the spot, all seemed unavailing, all fell short in the performance of, and some most basely violated their engagements. Nothing, indeed, was omitted on the part of Homayun, to impress upon his brothers the vital importance of a cordial co-operation of the whole, in order to bring about the re-establishment of their power, not less by every argument of ordinary policy, than by the example almost before their eyes of those fatal events, which had ruined the noble king¬ dom of Khorassaun, on the death of Mirza Sultan Husseyne. For it must have been fresh in their recollection, that although that able and successful monarch had left behind him not less than eighteen sons, to that moment uniformly prosperous in all their undertakings, with a government firmly established, and resources to an extent which seem¬ ed to have no limit, yet, through the absurd and senseless disunion of the brothers, was that great country, for so many years the very chosen retreat of peace, security, and enjoyment, in a period shorter than could well be conceived, delivered over to every species of outrage and calamity, and finally transferred altogether to the tyranny of Shahy Beg, the Ouzbek ; not a vestige of the family surviving the change, Baddeia-uz zemaun alone excepted, who sought the protection of the bouse of Othman^ while the memory of the whole was deservedly consigned to the contempt and reprobation of all mankind. When, however, pursuing the courseof his argument, he called upon- them, further, seriously to reflect upon the opprobrium, with which.they would be loaded, by the wise and s^oodof every age and nation, if through ^ a similar career of folly and imbecility, they could suffer an empire like 1 that ot [Jindusiaun, an empire won for them by their renowned sire, at the expence of so much exertion, fatigue, and persona] hazard, to be wrested from them after all, by a people so abject and despised as the barbarous Afghans— When he implored them to bestow upon this sub¬ ject their most serious consideration, to discard the senseless jealous¬ ies which threatened to overwhelm the whole in one common destruc¬ tion, and by an entire change of conduct, to entitle themselves to the blessingsof mankind — when, finally, every thing that themost consum¬ mate prudence could suggest, or that could be derived from the expe¬ rience of other times and other nations, was employed on the part of Homayun, to convince them of their errors, and to warn them of their danger, the very men whose signatures to the common pledge of una¬ nimity might be said to be scarcely yet dry, forgetful of every engage¬ ment, proceeded, with as much pertinacity as ever, each to develope some selfish and narrow plan, some incongruous views of private ambi¬ tion, which were alone in contemplation. Thus, on his part, Mirza Kamraun rather insidiously proposed that Homayun, and the other princes, should retire separately, for a fewdavs, into the recesses of the neighboring mountains; while l^e undertook to convey the wives and families of the whole to Kabul, and after having lodged them there in safety, to return, without delay to rejoin his as¬ sociates. Mirza Hindal and Yadgaur Nausser were of opinion, on the other hand, since at present there appeared no prospect of giving battle to the Afghans with any reasonable expectation of advantage, that they should retire altogether towards Bukkur on the Indus; and, having se¬ cured the country in that neighborhood, that they would be able, with the resources there doubtless to be found, to undertake, with every prospect of success, the reduction of the opulent province of Gujerat. After which, they expressed a confident belief that, there could be no great difficulty in recovering the whole of Hindustaun. Mirza Heyder, again, considered it most advisable that they should return immediately, and occupy the acclivities of the hills, all the way from Sehrinu to Saurung;* that is, as far as we are now qualified to judge, all across the For this line of defence, we might, however, look more naturally to the ranges of hills behind, that is, to the westward of Sehrind, between the Koggur anti Setlege rivers. A.H. A. D AbAl A. H. 947. A. D. 1540. Ab61 Fazzel. •78^ sources of the Kuggur, Sereswaty, and Jumna rivers, from Sehrind to Sahaurungpour; while on his part, with a reasonable force, and for this- he required only the space of two months, he undertook to subjugate the rich and delightful country of Kashmeir, than which there did not on earth, as he affirmed, exist a more desirable, or secure retreat : and thither, when they became apprized of its reduction, they might with¬ out difficulty convey their wives and families. At the same time, he calculated that, with all his wheeled carriages and artillery, in which consisted hisonly superiority, and on which he chiefly relied for victo¬ ry, Sheir Khaun would not be able to reach the mountains, in less than four months; and that, in the mean time, his army would be wasting away with severe service, fatigue, and exertion * " But as the words and designs of these princes possessed but little in • unison, their councils could not be expected to lead to any useful con¬ clusion, and they accordingly separated without coming to any sort of agreement; although Homayun continued his admonitions to the last, in the hope that Mirza Kamraun, yielding, after all, to the dictates of his better judgment, might yet be prevailed upon to recede from his sel¬ fish and perfidious plans. Kamraun was, however, not to be diverted from his object; it being his unalterable determination to leave his bro¬ thers to perish in detail, while he made his. retreat good-to his govern¬ ment of Kabul; there, as he conceived it, remote from the scene of dan¬ ger, to indulge, without interruption, in his luxurious propensities. In these circumstances, while he yet sought to keep up the expectations of Homayun, that at the proper opportunity he might still be induced to unite cordially with him, to repel the dangerous encroachments of the common enemy, and at the same time contrived, under various pre¬ texts, to protract the period ofexecutionfrom one day to another, thein- iquitous policy of Kami aun carried him so far at last, as actually to dis¬ patch Kauzy Abdullah Suddur, his metropolitan, with secret proposals of amity to Sheir Khaun, and with instructions to conclude a difinitive treaty with that chief; engaging^on his part, provided the government of the Punjaub w’ascontinued under his authority, in a short thne to prove the sincerityof his friends hip, by the most important services— thus con¬ ceiving that he would be permitted to secure the attainment of his own pernicious and unprincipled views of ambition, through the assistance, of the most inveterate enemy of his race. 789 Sheir Khaun, whose address formed the most prominent feature of A.H. 047.~ his character, notwithstanding the decided predominance of hisfortune --f - established in the great victory near Kanouje, had not yet ventured to ^ advance to the northward of Dehly From this he was indeed deterred by the accounts conveyed to him ot ihe force accumulating at Labour, and he derived, as may be well imagined, the most flattering encour¬ agement from the communication of these perfidious proposals; and the reception which he gave to the Suddur, who, to considerable in¬ telligence, united much natural depravity of disposition, was as fa¬ vorable, as the information which he conveyed, of the total absence of cordiality among the royal brothers, was animating to his own most san¬ guine expectations. Theanswer which he gave to the proposals were of Course entirely conformable to the views of Mirza Kamraun; and every consideration was employed on the part of the envoy, in order to induce the Afghan to advance without further delay towards the Punjaub. Before he came to a final resolution on this point, Sheir Khaun,- how- - ever, thought it prudentito dispatch, in company with the Suddurwhen ^ he returned, a subtile agent of his own, in order to bring him a correct report of the actual state of affairs. In consequence, an interview took- place, shortly afterwards, between Mirza Kamraun and this personage, in one of the gardens of Labour, on the very day-on- which he was gi¬ ving, to the abused and unsuspecting Homayun, a most sumptuous en¬ tertainment at his palace. The same crafty Suddurwas, upon this, again dispatched to communicate with Sheir Khaun, now encamped on the river of Sultanpour, between the Setlege and the Beiah; and he no long¬ er hesitated, on the representations of the envoy, to pass that river to the west-ward. Of thisevent intelligence was immediately conveyed to Homayun, by Muzuffer the Turkomaun, who had been employed to scour the country in that direction; and who accompanied his report- in sorrow, with the information that his own brother’s son, Jelleidah Beg, an oflicer of approved merit and fidelity, had fallen in a skirmish- with the Afghans* . In consequence of the information thus obtained, Homayun, and the * Teymurian Mirzas, considered it no longer prudent to remain at La-- hour; and accordingly, towards the close of the latter Jummaudy,^ re^. * £od of October, 154Q. 790 A. H. 947. A. D. 1540. Ab61 Fazzel. tiring across the Rauvy, at this time fordable, they proceeded thence by successive marches to’the Tchunaub, which they reached, without ac¬ cident or interruption, a short time afterwards. At a former period when, as already noticed, he was proceeding on his expedition to expel the Persian prince, Saum Mirza, from Kanda- haur, Mirza Kamraun had left Mirza Heyder, it seems, in charge of the government of Labour, during his absence. While he continued in the exercise of his delegated authority on this occasion, several of the nati v e chiefs of Kashmeir, dissatisfied with the ruler whom fortune had placed over them, had presented themselves to Mirza Heyder; in the expecta¬ tion that, through his influence, they might procure from Mirza Ivam- raun the assistance of a body of troops, in ord r to obtain for themselves the government of that delightful province. In this, however, they were for the present disappointed; since the influence of Mirza Heyder was not, at the moment, sufficiently powerful with his principal to ob- tnn for them, to the prejudice of the more immediate concerns of do¬ mestic convenience, any thing that could avail to the execution of their designs. Nevertheless, at a period not long subsequent, when Mirza Hindal threw off the mask from his ambitious projects, in publicly usurping the sovereign authority at Agrah, and when Mirza Kamraun was hastening from Labour with such alacrity to put him down, Mir¬ za Heyder contrived, by some means or other, to form a respectable force; which he placed under the orders of Baba Joujuc, or Tchotchuc, one of the most experienced officers in the service of Kamraun, with instructions to accompany the Kashmirian chiefsabove-mentioned, and to put them in possession of the country. But that officer finding some pretext or other to evade the execution of his instructions, until reports came abroad of Homayun s first fatal discomfiture at Joussah, the design was then entirely laid aside; and the Kashmirian chiefs withdrawing towards Nousheher and Rajour, or Rajvvari, there continued, in the recesses of the neighboring moun¬ tains of Kashmeir, patiently awaiting the return ofsome circumstances more favorable to the attainment of their object. They never ceased, however, from importuning Mirza Heyder, by letter, with representa¬ tions on the advantages that might be derived from the possession of Kashmeir; and as these representations were regularly communicated 791 by that prince to Homayun^the plans which he had, for some time past, had in contemplation, of fixing his retreat in that favored and delight¬ ful region, assumed a more settled form, and he determined at last to carry them into execution, without delay. On liis arrival on the hanks of the Tcbunaub, Homayun, according¬ ly, dispatched Mirza Heyder before hand, with a division of troops to Nousheher, with instructions to obtain a conference with the chiefs, by whom he had been so long importuned to undertake the reduction of Kashmeir. At Nousheher he was ordered to remain until he should be joined by Sekunder Touptchey, whose jagueir was situated in the neighborhood; after which he was to prosecute his march towards the mountain ridges which encircle Kashmeir, where he would be further joined by Khaujah Kullan,an Ameir whose name we have already had some occasion to mention, and who enjoyed considerable distinction in the court of the late Emperor Baber. And it was when he should be¬ come apprized of the junction of this last officer with Mirza Heyder, that Homayun determined to direcfhis course to the same quarter. But while he continued, expecting these advices, on the banks of the Tchunaub, a fresh train of misfortunes assailed him in the desertion of the Mirzas Kamraun and Asskery, with the whole of their adherents, who immediately proceeded in the direction which leads across the In¬ dus towards Kabfil; and the seceding party was joined, not long after¬ wards, on the banks of that river, by Sultan Mahommed xMirza, and his son Shah Mirza, whose perfidy and ingratitude on a former occasion cannot yet have escaped the recollection of the reader.- This alarming defection seems to have produced, through the persuasion of the Mirzas still attached to his fortunes, an immediate and entire change in the plans of Homayun, since, on the first of Rudjub,t we find him also on full march towards the Indus; and, on the sameday, he experienced ano- theralarming defection, in the departure of the Mirzas Hindal and Yad- gaur Nausser, to which they are said to have been induced by the coun¬ sels of Beg Meirek, who had previously forsaken his duty., Just at this'crisis, Kauzy Abdullah Suddur, recently mentioned as employed by Mirza Kamraun in hiscommunications with Sheir Khaun, ■was .on his return with a party of Afghans, and together with his asso- » • 81st of October, 1540^ A. H. 947. A. D 1540. Abui Fazzeb I A. H. 947. A D, 1540 Ab^ttl Fazzel. 792 ciates, now fell into the hands of some of the light troops in the service ofMirza Hindal. The captives were of course conducted to the pre¬ sence of that prince, and the unfortunate Afghans were immediately- put todeath; while theagent ofdomestic treason was permitted, through the intercession ofMeir Baba Doust, to drag on his wretched existence for some time longer. The Mirzas Hindal and Yadgaur Nausser con* tinued, however, for the space ot twenty days attervvards, to wander about, in equal perplexity and incertitude,without being able to deter¬ mine what measures to pursue,or to what quarter to shape their course. On the other hand, Homayun, justly relying on the power of his creator, and on the resources of his own undaunted mind, was direct¬ ing his steps, as nearly as conjecture could enable him through a track¬ less and unpeopled solitude, equally destitute of provision and water, for the territory of Bukkur; when, one day hearing the sound of a dis¬ tant kettle-drum, he naturally sent out to ascertain whence it arose; and his scouts returned with the intelligence that not more than three kosse, or about six miles, off, the Mirzas Hindal and Yadgaur Nausser were also exploring their way through the desert, in quest of some se¬ cluded spot where they might find relief from hunger and famine, and security against the pursuit of the enemy. Meir Abul Bnkka, who had but recently separated from Mirza Kamraun to attach himself to the more righteous cause of Homayun, was now dispatched to point out to the two Mirzas the direction in which the Emperor was marching, and endeavor to prevail upon them to’put themselves, once more, underthe orders of their sovereign. In this, at such a crisis, it was perhaps not difficult to succeed; and the princes rejoining the imperial standard accordingly, the whole then proceeded together towards the retreat which they all expected to secure in the territory of Bukkur. In the mean time, Khowauss Khaun, one of Sheir Khaun*s most distinguish¬ ed generals, with a numerous body of Afghans, was in close pursuit of them; but, although the force now left with Homayiin was out of all proportion inferior in numerical strength, the Afghan chief never ha¬ zarded a single attack; and towards the latter part of the month of Sha- baun,* the Emperor happily succeeded in making good his retreat, without further loss, to the station of Outchah, or Outch, a little dis¬ tance above the confluence of the Beiah and Indus. * End of November, 1540. 793 Some trme afterwardsjwhen he approached the territory of Bukhshhi Eengah, one of the most powerful Zemindaurs in this quarter, Beg Ma- bommed Bakawul and Ketchek Beg, two of his officers, were dispatch¬ ed by Homay&jj, with an appropriate dress of honor, an offer of the title of Khaun>e-jahaun, and the insignia of the standard and kettle-drum, provided that chief would attest his loyalty by furnishing the necessary supplies of grain to the army. TheZemindaur met the deputation in person; and, although he conceived it prudent to decline the invitati¬ on to appear at court, in other respects exhibited sufficient proofs of a disposition, to accommodate, if not to declare himself subject to the au¬ thority of Homa^un; since the merchants of the country were permit'^ ted, by his orders, to convey to the imperial encampment every species of supply, and an ample equipment of boats was, at the same time, fur¬ nished for the passage of the troops on their march towards Bukkur. A competent advanced guard under the orders of . Yadgaur Nausser, now regularly preceded the main body of the army;which, on the twen¬ ty eighth of Ramzaun,* arrived, it appears, in good order, on the con<^ fines of the territory just mentioned. Ten days previous to this period, the office of Suddur, or ecclesiastical judge, had been conferred upon Kauzy Gheyauth-ud-dein Jaumy; a personage here described as qua¬ lified for his exalted appointment, not less by his distinguished mental endowments, than by his consanguinity wjthjhe imperial house of Teymur, After surmounting a variety of obstacles, and some hardships, inthe course of their wearisome march from the Punjaub, the army finally encamped at the town of Louhry; on the[|eft] bank of the Indus, just opposite to the fortress. of Bgkkur which is pretty generally known to stand on an island in the river„ Homayttn immediately took, up his abode in a pavilion erected with some taste, in a very fine garden with¬ out the town; the royal retinue being distributed in different quarters, among the other gardensand country houses in the neighborhood., Mir- za Hindal, however, proceeded four or five kosse further down, and, somedaysafterwards.crossedtothe western sideofthe river; and thither he was soon followed by Yadgaur Nausser, who, for some reason or other, chose to place the Indus between him and Horaayun., In the - * 25th of January, 1541. . •3 I i A. H. 917. A. D 1540-4t, Ahul Fazzel. VOL. Ili^ A. H. 947. A. P. ir>4t I Ab61 Fazzel. 791 mean time, the whole of the surrounding territory had been entirely- laid waste by Sultan Mahommed, the tributary governor of Bukkur under Mirza Shah Husseyne Beg, of the ancient tribe of Arghun; who had then shut himself up in the fort, securing all the river cratt at an¬ chor, under the walls of the place, on the island si • April May 1541. A. H.948. A. D 1541. Ab61 Fazzel. ^796 espouse the lady Hameidah Baunu Beg^um, entitled Mereiam Makaa- ny, the daughter, as it would appear, of Seyud Ahmed Jaum, surua- med, for the fervor of his zeal perhaps, ZendahTeil^ — the vivid, or the raging elephant. His stay in the territory bf Bdkkur was, however, so long protracted, and the disposition of the native chiefs continued so unfavorable and hostile to his interests,'that'the district became at last entirely exhausted and desolate; and the Moghbl camp was in conse- quence reduced to the utmost distress, through the extreme difficulty, if not impracticability, ot procuring the necessary supplies for subsis- tance. Hence, the princes his relatives, ever occupied in forming some unprincipled and ungrateful project, some absurd speculation, were to be no longer restrained from carrying them into execution ; or, in this instance perhaps, more properly speaking, they determined, in the ap-' plication of their own personal and independent exertions, to seek im¬ mediate relief from the necessities which bore so grievously upon them. The example of disunion was, however, on this occasion again, first openly set by Mirza Hindal; whose hostile designs had, peradventure, never been sincerely- laid aside, and who was further encouraged, at such a crisis, to proceed' immediately to Kandahaur, in compliance with the invitation recently received from Karatchah Khaun, the governor of the place on the patt of Mifza Kamraun, through the pernicious coun¬ sels of YadgaurNausser. ' On' reaching Kandahaur in safety, some time afterwards, Mirza Hindal failed not to convey to Yadgaur Nausser in- telligence«of • his arrival, together with a desire that he would repair to join him'without delay; but, information of the design having been earl}’*communicated to Homayun, Meir Abul Bukka,at the earnest in¬ treaty of his master, proceeded to thequartersof the same Yadgaur Naus¬ ser,'!!! order, if possible, to bring him back to a just sense of his duty. 'The agent of Homayun, either through the admonitions of prudence, or the more powerful assuasives of self-interest, prevailed, it seems, after some difficulty, upon the temporizing and changeling chief to forego his disloyal intention, and obtained from him a promise to recross the Indus immediately to the eastern bank, with a professed resolution to devote his most zealous exertions, for the future, to the service of Homayun; but upon conditions thatcould have been extorted, from the latter, by the extremity alone to which he was reduced. These were, 797 that when the Empire of Hindhstaun should be recovered by their uni¬ ted force, a third part of the whole should be allotted to Yadgaur. In the mean time, on their expected return to Kabul, that the cityofGhez- nein, together with Tcherrekh,* and the dependencies of Louhgehr, for¬ merly bestowed upon the mother of this prince by the late Emperor, should be definitively placed under his authority. ' This arrangement appears to have been concluded on the sixteenth of the former Jummaudy, of the nine hundred and forty eighth of the hidjerah;f and Abul Bukka was returning, in the course of the day fol¬ lowing, in a boat across the Indus, vi hen he was way-laid, and suddenly attacked, by a party from the garrison of Bukkur apprized of his pro¬ ceedings. Through some fatality or other, being totally unprepared for such an attack, he was mortally wounded by an arrow; and, although he survived to reach the Moghfil camp, heexpired, the day next afterwards, to the infinite regret of Homayun; who, on this occasion, in terms of un¬ disguised and bitter resentment, deplored that refractory and hostile spirit on the part of his brothers — that inertness, perfidy, and ingrati¬ tude, among the vassals of his bounty — which, in the first instance, had lost him the Empire of Hindustaun,and since, accumulated upon him a train of evils so fatal and overwhelming. And yet he declared, that if all the misfortunes by which he had hitherto suffered were placed on one side, and this last, by which he had been deprived of the servi¬ ces of the faithful Abul Bukka, on the other, he should feel it difficult to decide whether the preponderance did not lay with the latter. Nei¬ ther can it be denied, observes our author, that the merit of Meir A- bul Bukka was of that exalted stamp, which justly entitled him to the testimony here borne to it, by him who best knew, and who was of course best qualified to give it its proper estimate. But although with the in¬ firmity of our common nature, Homayfin so far gave way at first to the emotions of grief and disappointment, yet, instructed by the dictates of an excellent understanding, and by the example ofsomeof the best and wisest of mankind, he recollected that the afflictions of this world, are no more than salutary corrections for ourgood; and he, at last, piously submitted to the dispensations which he was destined to experience, under the decrees of an ever just and mysterious providence. * .It is not certain whether this be the name of a town, or a district. + 6th of September, 15.41. .4.H. 04S. A. D. 1541. Abhl Fazzel. 798 A. H. 948. A D. 1541. Abul Fazzel. Five days subsequent to the unfortunate occurrence above adverted to,* Yadgaur Nausser Mirza, in conformity with the recent arrange¬ ment, recrossed the Indus, and was admitted to a conference with Ho- mayun; from whom, as was most usual with that generous monarch, he experienced a very kind and indulgent reception. In the mean time, Sheikh Meirek, the envoy of the prince of Tattah, was permitted to to lake his leave; with letters to his master apprizing him that all his wishes wouldube punctually complied with, provided, by his appear¬ ance in the presence of Homayun, he would give the only pledge that could be accepted, of the truth and sincerity of his professions. Mirza Shah Husseyne, however, without the smallest design of fulfillingthem,. continuing, in his dispatches, to hold out expectations, that at the pro¬ per period he would not fail to repair to the imperial encampment, H o- - mayun determined, at last, to submit to the imposition no longer; and, _ accordingly, consigning the blockade of Bukkur, together with the go¬ vernment of the adjoining territory, which, from a state of frightful de¬ solation had risen in the course of a few months, under the influence of a just and benignant monarch’s presence, into one of the highest pros¬ perity and abundance, to Yadgaur Nausser Mirza, he proceeded, on the first day of the latter Jummaudy,j‘ along the Indus downwards in the direction of Tattah. While descending the river on this occasion in a boat, and havingarrived in the vicinity of Sehwaun, Fezzeil Begand Ter- soiin Beg, the one a brother of Munnaeim Khaun, the other of Shahum Khaun respectively, accompanied by some other individuals, not more in the whole than twenty, observed a party of the garrison rushing from that fortress, for the purpose of attacking them on their passage. With¬ out, however,waiting for the assault, the whole of the Moghuls instant¬ ly threw themselves on shore, and fell upon the enemy, who immedi¬ ately fled before them; part of the pursuers even entering the gates of the town with the fugitives. But finding themselves beyond all chance of support, they prudently withdrew in tirne, to re-join the main body of their countrymen. On the seventeenth of Rudjub,^ Homayun in person arrived before Sehwaun, and immediately proceeded to invest the place. The garri- - * About the 13th of September. I 21stof September 1541. A bout the breaking up of the raiuj season. J 5th November. . « 799 son had, however, previously destroyed, or demolished, every garden and dwelling house in the neighborhood; and in short every thing that could in any shape afford either shelter or siibsistance to the invaders. In addition to the inconvenience produced by these precautions on the part of the enemy, the siege had not been prosecuted to any serious ex¬ tent, when Shah Husseyne contrived most effectually to cut off every species of supply from the country, and the Moghuls were thus soon reduced tothe greatest possible difficulties. For, being equally discour¬ aged by the horrors of scarcity and the labours of a protracted siege, a spirit of desertion seized not only on the ordinary classes of the soldi¬ ery, but onsome of the most distinguished individuals, both ofthe court and army. Among these, indeed, we find included, names that we should not have sought for in such a catalogue — Meir Taher Suddur for instance, and Khaujah Gheyauth-ud-dein, and Moulana Abdul Bauky, who actually went over to the camp of the prince of Tattah; and Meir Berrekah, and Mirza Hussun, and Zuffer Ally the son of Fakkeir Ally Beg, and Khaujah AllyBukhshy, all of whom forsook the impe¬ rial standard, to join the troops under Yadgaur Nausser near Bukkur. To these we are compelled to add the names of Munnaeim Khaun him¬ self, and of his brother Fezzeil Beg, with some others not less distin¬ guished in the transactions of the times, who prepared to withdraw from the service of their benefactor, in this crisis of heavy distress; but, in¬ formation of their design having been privately conveyed to Homayun, it was for the present defeated, by placing the person of the former no¬ bleman under immediate restraint. It becomes here necessary to make a brief digression to the proceed¬ ings of Yadgaur Nausser, who had been left to preside, as we have re¬ cently noticed, over the territory, and to continue the blockade of Buk¬ kur ; for which objects he had established his head-quarters at the station of Louhry. While thus situated, he was twice attacked by sur¬ prise by the garrison of Bukkur; but being compelled, in absolute self- defence, to oppose the most active and vigorous resistance, he success¬ fully foiled the attempt on both occasions; and on the last with consi¬ derable loss to the enemy, in consequence of which they no further presumed to molest him. In another shape he was, however, more tri¬ umphantly assailed, by the insidious practices of Mirza Shah HOsseyno .4.H. 948. A. D. 1541. AJbiil Fazzel. 800 A. H. 948. A. D 1541. Abiil Fazzel. the rul^ of Tattah; who, no longer placing any restraint on the indul¬ gence of his hostile inclinations, about this period dispatched a cer¬ tain B^ber Kuly, his keeper of the seals, to persuade Mirza Yadgaur. that, being himself now far advanced in years^with no one to share with- him in the fatigue and solicitudes of government, he had, however, an only daughter, whom, together with all his treasures, he was.willing to bestow upon the Moghvil prince, whenever he should^express himself disposed to accept of her; after which, with their force united, there* could be no material difficulty in accomplishing the reduction of Gd?. jerat, so anxiously desired by all parties. Unfortunately, the understanding of Mirza Yadgaur was, it seems, of too flimsy a texture not to be seduced by the fallacious professions of; the crafty and designing, in any circumstances; and that obliquity of-, judgment which is usually the attendant of imbecility, easily led hims to siiarmatize his character with the foul stain of disloyalty and treason: while an atom, a single spark , of generous spirit and just re fleet ion, would, haveequally restrained him from forsaking the path of integrity and du? ty, and from yielding to the insidious proposals of an enemy. When, however, in the distress of his troops, Homayun sent a mes-^ sage to request that Yadgaur Nansser would proceed, without delay, to . draw off the attention of Shah Husseyne,wh6 had so effectually cut off- the suppliesiof the Moghuls, the Teymurian prince, altho in his. heart: alreadyia determined apostate from his allegiance, yet, in some measure to preserve appearances, did not hesitate to dispatcli, as is customary,, his tent equipage in advance, on the. road which led towards the ene-. my; the same predominating spirit of apostacy , nevertheless, prevailing still to chain him to the spot, without, in himself, proceeding one stept towards the execution of his orders. But when, in consequence of these unwarrantable delays, the intervention of Sheikh Abdulghuffour,; a person descended from the most respectable of his class in Turkes-. taun, and whom he had indeed advanced to the office of steward of the- household, was further employed by Homayun, in order, if possible,, to bringthe changeling Mirza to his presence; and, when that ungrate¬ ful traitor basely proceeded to violate his trust, by instilling into the- mind ofthe factious prince, notions diametrically the reverse of his in¬ structions, even appearances were no longer regarded; and the field; # 801 equipage which had been previously sent in advance, was finally recal¬ led, for which no reasons could be assigned but what v/ere equally ab¬ surd and unsatisfactory. In these circumstances, perceiving that fortune was forever disposed to frustrate all his views, and that his army was reduced to the last ex¬ tremity of hunger and famine, Homayun considered that it would be no longer prudent to remain before the walls of Sehwaun; and he accord¬ ingly withdrew from that place on the seventeenth of Zilkaudah, oflhe year nine hundred and forty eight,* proposing to retrace his steps up¬ wards along the Indus, towards Bukkur. At such a crisis, among other proceedings of unwarrantable hostility of which, at the instance of his new ally, Yadgaur Nausser permitted himself to incur the guilt, was the violent seizure of a supply of wheat, and other provision, on its way to the camp of Homayun; which had been furnished by some of the native chiefs still well affected to his government, and which they were forwarding in boats on the Indus. The unoffending agents employed in this service, he caused, furthermore, to be delivered up to the ven¬ geance of the prince of Tattah; by whom, in resentment for the zeal which, on this and some other occasions, they had evinced for thecause of Homayun, they were all immediately put to death. In spite, however, of this undisguised violation of allegiance, and of a thousand other proofs of equal perfidy and ingratitude, Homayun was not to be diverted from his system of lenient forbearance; confiding that a sense of conscious remorse would yet finally prevail with his im¬ provident relative to make amends, in some shape or other, for his dis¬ graceful apostacy. The imperial troops had, nevertheless, no sooner arrived in the neighborhood of Louhry, than Yadgaur Nausser actually marched out for the purpose of making an attack upon Homayun, who was necessarily constrained, by this intelligence, to put himself in a posture of defence. A faithful, but yet prudent adherent ofYadgaur^s, of the name of Haushem Beg, who happened at the moment to be in attendance on Homayun, becoming, however, at the same time, ac¬ quainted with what was in agitation, rode forward without delay; and forcibly seizing Yadgaur by the stirrup, by an unreserved application of honest reproach, expostulation, and remonstrance, at last succeeded * 3d of March 1542. 5 K A. IT. 948. A. D 1542. Abut i’azzel. VOL. III. 802 A. H. 948. A D. 1542. Ab6i Fazzel. in dissuading him from his unprincipled andirash design, and in pre¬ vailing upon him, at the very crisis of its execution, to return to his - station at the river-port of Louhry. But the baneful spirit of desertion which had formerly seized the troops of Homayiin, although checked for the time, had never been thoroughly extinguished, and now broke out afresh among the most distinguished of his followers. In the list of those who thus shame¬ fully abandoned the cause of their benefactor, the author is constrain¬ ed to record the name of Kaussem Husseyne Sultan the Ouzbek,who at this period went over to Mirza Yadgaur. Discouraged then by the cruel disappointments by which his plans in the territory of the Indus had been hitherto continually frustrated, although these disappoint- mentsmight have been directed, in the scheme of an inscrutable provi¬ dence, to the wisest ultimate results — disgusted by the repeated fail¬ ures in human virtue, which the touchstone of experience was perpe¬ tually discovering to his view — harrassedon onesideby the unprovok¬ ed disloyalty of his soldiers, and on the other by the ever-recurring neglect of support, if not of actual hostility, on the part of his brothers — and not less disgusted by the blind fatuity which seemed to govern the actions of his relatives, than completely wearied out by the persecuti¬ ons which seemed destined never to remit, on the part of an adverse fortune — it is not surprising that the ideaof secluding himself from the world and its perplexities, should have recurred to the mind of Homay- un with redoubled force; and that he should again seriously meditate on the alternativeof a voyage of devotion to the sanctuary of Mekkah ,and of withdrawing at once from all further intercourse with mankind. From this, by the prayers and intreaties of the faithful few, who, through every change of fortune, had still adhered with unshaken loyalty to the cause of their sovereign, he was, however, with some difficulty dis¬ suaded; finally consenting, at their recommendation, to avail himself, on this occasion, of a short period of repose, by retiring into the coun¬ try of Maldeu, the Rajah of Joudehpour, who had repeatedly conveyed to him the warmest professions of attachment — who was possessed of resources abundantly adequate to the restoration of his affairs — and who would doubtless, as they persuaded themselves, gladly embrace the opportunity of evincing the perfect sincerity of his professions. 803 In compliance, accordingly, with the wishes of his followers, Ho^ mayun prepared for hisdeparture; but first of all he dispatched Ibrauhim Eyshek Aga, [lord chamberlain], with a letter to Mirza Yadgaur, ad¬ monishing him, once more, to return to his allegiance, since, as he con¬ ceived, he must by this time have enjoyed sufficient leisure to reflect upon the inevitable results of his disloyal and unnatural conduct. That prince, however, wdiose course was impelled by the influence of an un¬ toward destiny, was not to be reclaimed from his errors; and he persist¬ ed therefore in his plan of remaining behind in the vicinity of Louhry. Homa}'un then, consigning him to his fate, on the twenty-first of Mo- hurrim, of the year nine hundred and forty nine,* proceeded on his march towards Outchah. A considerable part of the period between that date and the eighth of the former Rebbeia,-]* must have been con¬ sumed in the march, since at the latter date he is described as finally quilting Outchah, directing his course to the right hand towards the territory of Maldeu. On the fourteenth of the same month, J he en¬ camped near the fortress of Deurawul — on the twentieth, § upon the plains of Wasselpour — and on the seventeenth of the latter Rebbeia, 1| he arrived within twelve kosse, or about four and twenty miles, of Hikaneir. In the course of his march, however, some of the more wary of Ho- mayun’s officers conceiving a suspicion of the designs of Maldeu the Rajah, did not omit to communicate what they felt to their master; and it had been accordingly, some time since, thought advisable to dispatch Meir Semunder, distinguished for his prudence and discretion, to the R4jah*s court, in order, if possible, to ascertain how far his professions were to be relied on. And it was about the period now under consi¬ deration, that this personage returned to announce, that although there appeared in all the Rajah’s proceedings the semblance of every thing fairand amicable, yet through the whole it was not difficult to discover, that there was not a single ray of sincerity to distinguish them from the blackest falsehood. In these circumstances, Homayfin had prosecuted his march to the very confines of the territory of Maldeu, when a person introduced him¬ self into the camp of the Moghfils, of the name of Singai Nagoury, des¬ cribed to be in the particular confidence of the Rajah; and to have made *GtliofMay,1542. 1 21st of June. J 27th of June. §3dofJuly. 1| 30th of July 1542, A. H. C48-49. A. D. 1542 Abul Fazzei. 804 A. H. 949. A. D. 1542. Abiil I'azzel. his appearance on this occasion, in the disguise of a merchant, exhibit¬ ing a diamond of extraordinary value, for which he affected to be in quest of a purchaser. This did not contribute to dispel the suspicions which had now taken hold of Homayun, whose prudence had possibly, by this time, derived strength from the experience of frequent misfor¬ tune; and he directed that the conduct of the pretended merchant should be narrowly watched^ For, as he observed on the occasion, the jewel which he offered for sale was not of a description to be acquired in the common course of commercial speculation, but rather from its transcendant value, such as is won by the sword of some triumphant warrior, or bestowed by the bounty of some magnificent and puissant prince. The result was such as to render the Moghul monarch still more cautious in his proceedings, and to draw from him the highest commendations of the judgment and sagacity of Meir Semunder.. Before he committed himselffurthertothedesignsof the Hinduchief, Homayun, therefore, determined to employ another of his servants, of the name of R^eymul Souny, in order to try whether, by the light of a superior understanding, some additional insight might not yet be ob¬ tained into the actual views of Maldeu. Such discoveries in this res¬ pect as he should be able to make, he was to communicate as opportu¬ nity might occur; but if precluded, by any apprehensions of personal risk, from conveying the necessary information in writing, he was in¬ structed to make it known by the following very simple preconcerted signs. If the intentions of Maldeu were discovered to be sincerely amicable, the messenger was to grasp with one hand the four fingers and thumb of the other; but if the contrary, he was to take hold of his, little finger alone. Homayun,with his small force, now took his departure from the town- of Pehloudy,’'^ here stated to lay within thirty k6sse,or/aboutsixty miles, of Joudeh, or Joudponr, the residence of,the Rajah; and, after proceed¬ ing two or three stages, he had already encamped by thesideofa great pond, or lake, callt d the Koube- Jougy, or the lake of the Jougy, when th e messenger ot Rkrimul Souny presented himself, and exhibited to> Homayhn the token ot hostility, by holding his little fingeralone. Other* indications soon followed, which put the question out of all doubt, the * Perhaps Pulendy. 805 perfidious Rkjah having, by this time, advanced a considerable force in A.H. 949. the direction of Homayun’s approach; under the pretence that it was for the purpose of conducting him with the greater honor into his capi¬ tal. His designs were, however, now too clearly understood, and Ho¬ rn ay fin conceived it prudent to return, without a moment’s delay, to¬ wards Pehloudy. Whatever might have been the intentions of Maldeu at the com¬ mencement of these proceedings, a point on which there existed some difference of opinion, many affirming that he entertained originally the most friendly views, and. that he did not discard them until wrought upon by the promises and threats of Sheir Khaun — and, peradventure, by a closer examination of the broken fortunes of Homayun — there was in fact, at this crisis, no longer any room to doubt that he was de¬ termined on. hostility; and the sordid and perfidious designs of the man to whom he had been about to commit his destiny , being in his judg¬ ment thus sufficiently ascertained, the Moghul monarch hastened to > prepare for the worst. His preparations did not, however, require any very complicated arrangements; the principal extending only to the detaching of the veterans Tereddy Ffeg Khaun, and Munnaeim Khaun, with the greater part of his slender force towards the rear, in order to * v frustrate any immediate attempt upon his camp on the part'of the Ra¬ jah’s troops; and, if a favorable opportunity should occur, to give them a specimen of what they were to expect from the superior prowess of the Moghuls. There remained with Homayun the females of his fa¬ mily, under the protection of the residue of the fighting men, compos¬ ed of the most devoted of his followers; among whom were included the Ameirs Sheikh Ally Beg, and Tersoun Beg Jullaeir, the sons of Bkha Jullaeir, together with Fazzel Beg and some others, in the whole not exceeding twenty in number. To these must, however be added i some of the imperial household slaves, a few artizans, and some liter¬ ary men attendant on the court, among whom we find particularly named, MouJkna Tauj ud-tjein, and Moulana Tchaiind an eminent i astronomer. When, however, after quitting Pehloudy, Homayfin had succeeded ; in reaching Sautelmeir without accident, a body of Maiden’s troops ? suddenly made its appearance, in consequence of the detachment em-. I A. H. 949. A. D. 1542 Abftl Fazzel. y 806 ployed, as above noticed, to cover the retreat of the imperial party, having taken a wrong direction, and thus permitted the enemy to pass without observation. Possessed of the steadiness of the rock in the crisis of danger, Homayfln instantly turned about to face it, directing the greater part of the women to dismount, in order to place the men with arms on horseback, and dividing his already diminutive force in¬ to three small squadrons. Sheikh Ally Beg, with three or four of his associate warriors, pressing directly towards the enemy, fortunately found them engaged in a narrow defile; in which situation instantly attacking them, he succeeded in beating them back with considerable slaughter, and after a very ' slight resistance. Highly rejoiced at his very providential escape, Homayum did not forget to render his hom¬ age of thanksgiving to the author of all victory ; after which, he bent his course for Jesselmeir, where on the first of the former month of Jummaudy,* he encamped without further interruption from the en¬ emy, At that place, shortly afterwards, he was joined by the division which by its devious march had exposed him to such imminent dan¬ ger, and’which had indeed undergone the most painful anxiety in con¬ sequence of the reports which were circulated of Homayun’s perilous situation. Raey Lounkurren^the Rajah of jesselmeir, did not appear disposed to give to the wandering^monarch a more favorable reception than the other neighboring powers ; on the contrary, he stationed a strong guard on the reservoir of fresh water near the town, in order to prevent the Moghfils, exhausted with fatigue and thirst in tfieir arduous march through the desert, from obtaining that relief which their distresses so urgently‘demanded. iBut the resistance of such men against the cour- agebf despair, animated, almost to madness, by the agonies of thirst, produced no other effect than to exhibit an useless proof of the hostile spirit of the Rajah ; and Homayun, after plentifully refreshing his wea¬ ried followers, was enabled to continue his march south west ward for Amerkote, with recruited vigor. At that place, after again sustaining, amidst the sands of the desert which extends in that direction, all the evils that could arise from a scarcity, if not a total privation of the means of subsistance, and of water, he at last arrived in safely, on the * 12th of August, 1542. 807 tenth of the former J ummaudy;* experiencing from Rana Pursaud, the a. H. 949. Hindu chief in possession, every proof of kindness, respect, and hos- ^ ^ pitality. And here he determined to remain for a few days, in order to allow to his exhausted companions a short interval of repose after their recent painful and laborious exertions. During his late distress and embarrassments, Homayiln, in order to alleviate the more urgent necessities of those who continued attached to his destiny, had applied to some of his principal officers^ and among others, to the veteran Tereddy Beg Khaun, for a part of that wealth, which all had accumulated through thechannel of his hithertoexhaust- less bounty; and they had, it appears, evinced an undutiful and unex¬ pected repugnance to make the smallest sacrifice to accommodate his wishes. In consequence of this, on his arrival at Amerkote through ■ some arrangement with the Rkjah rather ambiguously stated, he pro¬ ceeded to take from them without ceremony, not more, however, than was just sufficient to make a trifling distribution among his people, re¬ turning far the greater part to these sordid and ungrateful individuals. Gracious heaven ! ejaculates our author, could it be expected that the auspicious event about to dawn upon the world in the birth of the illustrious Akbar, should have produced much influence in securing the loyalty of the ordinary classes of mankind, when the most renown¬ ed and distinguished nobles of the land could be found, in the crisis of his deepest distress, thus deplorably unmindful of what they owed to ^ the unbounded liberality of their sovereign! ‘ But, to proceed with the narrative; although the exigency of the times required that Homayfin should himself continue his march . towards the Indus, the situation of the princess Hameidah Sultan, now far advanced an her pregnancy, no less urgently demanded that she ^ should be lodged in some place of security and repose. On the first of Rudjub, therefore, of the nine hundred and forty-ninth of the hidje- rah,-f that princess was conducted by his orders into the castle of A- - merkote ; and having there consigned her, with a few faithful attend- - ants, to the protection of an all-gracious providence, the care-worn j monarch again took his departure westwards. Just four days after- - wards, namely, on Sunday night the fifth of Rudjub,;}; in this secluded i * 21sl of August, t loth of October. , j :i4th of October, 1642, 808 A. H.949. A,D, 1542 43 Abfil Fazzel. spot amidst the sands of the desert,* that event occurred in the birth of Akbar, which was not less calculated to alleviate the present sor¬ rows of an afflicted parent, than destined, at a future period, to pro¬ duce such felicitous. results in tranquillizing the-distractions of a tur¬ bulent world. When intelligence of this happy event was communicated to Ho- mayhn, he had not yet advanced on his march to the distance of more than four farsangs, or about fourteen English miles; and it was receiv¬ ed, although not entirely unexpected, with the most lively sensations of gratitude and joy. A scene of cheerful festivity succeeded, to the full extent of his now circumscribed resources; for not one wasexclud- ed from a liberal participation, in the still undiminished bounty of this magnanimous prince. We have seen that it was in consequence only of the earnest intreaties of his Ameirs, that Homayun at firstabandoned his design of retiring from the world, and was induced to rest his hopes on the hospitality of the unworthy Rajah Maldeu; and it was not less from an indulgence of the same paternal and compliant spirit, that he now once more sought thebankB^of the inhospitable Indus; it being the general expectation of the companions of his fortune, that the local rulers might, peradventure by this time, have forsaken their system of hostility, and might be induced to make some reparation for their re¬ cent injurious proceedings; although Homayun is stated, on his own part, to have entertained but very slender hopes on the subject. As he approached the iterritory ot Sind, it was, however, early as¬ certained that the hostile spirit of the natives was, in fact, but little abated— that the adherents of the Arghun family were assembled in superior force, in the neighborhood of Jown — and that they were de¬ termined to give battle to the troops of Homayun, or, at all events to oppose his entrance into the country. In consequence of this disco¬ very, it was found expedient to detach a part ot the Moghdl small force, in advance, under the orders of the gallant Sheikh Ally Beg Jul- l^eir; whose family, from father to son, appear to have inherited, with- * lu a former part of bis work, describing ibe circumstance at large, the author states that Amerkote lay in the 25th degree of latitude, and in the 105th ot longitude, from the Jezz^eir-e-khaledaut, paradise, or fortunate Islands; whicli, calculating from the meridian of Fero; would place it in the longitude of Calcutta. Arrowsmith places it, however, ex¬ actly on the line of 70. S09 out exception, the same distinguished zeal and self devotion, from the very earliest dawn of the Teymurian glory to the present moment. Homayun, with the remainder of his troops, followed at a convenient distance in the rear ; and Sheikh Ally, equally animated by the con¬ fidence of support, and by a firm belief in the final ascendancy of his master’s fortune, although with numbers out of all proportion inferior, did not hesitate to attack the enemy, the instant they came in view, and he appears to have dispersed them without material resistance. IIo- mayun now encamped in the vicinity of Jown; where, about the close of Shabaun,* he was happily joined by the infant Akbar, his mother, and the wliole of their attendants from Amerkote, which place they are previously stated to have left on the eleventh of the same month. -j* The situation of Jown, lying on the banks of the Indus, is here de¬ scribed to have been, in many respects, most singularly delightful; sur¬ passing every thing in the territory of Sind, for the beauty of its gar¬ dens, the flavor, variety, and abundance of its fruit and vegetables, and the neighboring rural scenery was doubtless materially improved, by the numerous subordinate streams which meandered in every direc¬ tion. There were other circumstances, moreover, that rendered it at this particular period, a most desirable place of residence for Homay- fin; who immediately took up his abode in sight of the town, among the gardens with which it was then surrounded on every side. Hos¬ tilities with the Arghunians continued, however, with little intermis¬ sion ; in the course of which, Homayun lost several of his most dis¬ tinguished and faithful followers, and among others, the loyal and in¬ trepid Sheikh Ally Beg Jullaeir, abovementioned, who fell in an ac¬ tion with Sultan Mahommed, of Bukkur; in which Tereddy Beg is accused of having either unnecessarily abandoned his brave associate, or of having otherwise, in some shape or other, dishonorably betrayed his duty. Homayun was deeply affected by this misfortune, which with other reverses, or mortifications, experienced about the same cris¬ is, considerably abated the desire which he had previously entertained of proceeding towards Bukkur; and indeed, finally determined him to bend hiscourse in the direction of Kandahaur. While thus contend¬ ing with difficulties under every form and variety, a circumstance occur- • Beginning of December, 1542 t 19th of November, 5 L A. H. 950. A. D. 1543. Abhl Fazzel VOL. III. 810 A. H. 950. A.D 1543. Abdl Fazzel. red, from which he appeared to derive more than ordinary consolation. During one of the conflicts in which the troops of Homayun were now almost perpetually engaged with the natives of the country, they found themselves one day unexpectedly supported by the presence of an unknown warrior; whom, from theastonishingprovvess with which he fought, they seemed for a moment to consider something more than hu¬ man. But, when hediscovered himselfto be thejustly celebrated Beyram Khaun, a shout of triumph arose from the Moghuls not less appalling to the enemy, than exhilarating and satisfactory to the generous PIo- mayfin. It appears, that after the disastrous discomfiture near Kan- ouje, where he had most eminently distinguished himself by his cour¬ age and self-devotion, this warlike chieftain had effected his escape, in thefirst instance, towards the district of Sumbul; and there,at Lukkun- pour, hehadobtained the protectionof Metter Sein.oneofthemost con¬ siderable Zemindaurs of the country, until his retreat was made known to Sheir Khaun, the victorious Afghan. By that powerful conqueror an agent was then dispatched to demand an immediate surrender of the person of the gallant fugitive; and the Zemindaur, being destitute of any adequate means of resistance, found himself under the necessity of complying with the demand: in consequence of which, Beyram Khaun was, however reluctantly, delivered up to the officers of the Afgh an, to whom he was presented not long afterwards, while on his march towards the province of Malwah. He experienced, at first, a reception not less favorable than distin¬ guished from Sheir Khaun, who employed some very flattering ex¬ pressions, in order to win him over to his designs; and, among other things, he is said to have observed to him, that the man who possesses the genuine spirit of truth and loyalty can never be in the wrong. To this the noble captive is said to have replied, that it was even so — the truly faithful will never err from the right way. Beyram Khaun cotinued with the army of the Afghan until it reach¬ ed the vicinity of Burhanpour, the capital of Khandeiss; when, in company with Abul Kaussem, recently governor of Gwaliar, he con¬ trived to effect his escape towards Gujerat. But, on their way to that province, they were both seized by the ambassador of the Afghan chief, who was on his return from the same country, and who had received information of their flight. Abul Kaussem from possessing some ad- 811 advantnge in point of person and appearance, was the first taken into custody ; and here a g^enerous contest ensued between the two friends, with respecttotheir identity — Abul Kaussem persisting in the declaration that he was liimself Beyram Khann, whom he represented as the servant who, in repeatedly asserting the contrary, thus rashly sought to devote himself to destruction, for the preservation of his master. In consequence, however, of the uncertainty in which the question was involved by this (turious debate, Beyram Khann obtained an opportunity, of which he did not omit to avail himself, of contin¬ uing his journey into Gujerat. The unfortunate Abul Kaussem was conducted shortly afterwards to the camp of Sheir Khaun; who, incapable of appreciating the ex¬ emplary generosity of his motives, caused him to be immediately put to death, on subsequent occasions, frequently observing that from the moment at which Beyram Khaun made use of the ambiguous repiv recently adverted to, he suspected that that loyal chief would never he induced to compromise his allegiance. On the other hand, on his safe arrival in Gujerat, Beyram Khaun was kindly and hospitably re¬ ceived by Sultan Mahommed, the reigning prince; who employed many urgent importunities to retain him in his service, without effect. He then procured permission to proceed, as he professed, on a voyage to Mekkah, and came to Surat; from whence, by some means or other, but it could scarcely be through Hurduwaur, as stated in the manu¬ script, he succeeded, on the seventh day of Mohurrim of the nine hundred and fiftieth of the hidjerah,* as we have just described, in re¬ gaining the presence of his sovereign. And here, at the hazard of incurring perhaps a considerable degree of ridicule, although our author relates it as a serious fact, illustrative of that divine energy which was impressed upon thecharacter of Akbar, from the moment of his birth, we should be unfaithlul to our original, if we omitted the following statement altogether; however it may be entitled to little consideration, otherwise than as a very ordinary nur¬ sery story. The ro^-al infant had now surpassed the seventh, and was entering into the eighth month from his birth; having been suckled from the first by Jeijy Auttekah, and exhibiting from the very begining an * llth of April, 1543. A. H. 050. A. n. l.o43, Abul Fazzei. 812 A. H. 050. A. D. 1543. AbOl Fazzel. unaccountable aversion for Mauhem Auttekab, and his other nurses. The result of this was a representation to Homayiin that the wife of Meir Gheznui, the above-named Jeijy Auttekah, had produced the en¬ vied preference in the child, through the operation of magic; and the innocent woman became not a little afflicted by the injurious calumny. One day, however, when no others were present but herself and her il¬ lustrious charge, this miraculous child, to her utter astonishment, sud¬ denly spoke, and, like the divine Messiahof theChristian dispensation, desired her to dispel her apprehensions, and be of good cheer; for that she held on her bosom the Sun of heaven’s vicegerency, which should convert her sorrows into the purest joy. At the same time, he cauti¬ oned her to beware of any premature disclosure of the secret, which had been thus unfolded to her, since it was associated with some most important points in God’s mysterious providence. At a period long subsequent, the nurse related that beyond description rejoiced at what she heard, she felt her anxiety and vexation at once forever removed ; and it naturally followed, that her care and tenderness, towards her im¬ perial nursling, redoubled. She, however, for many years preserved the secret inviolate; until, indeed, the royal Akbar had been firmly seated on the throne of Hindustaun. At that period, while the young monarch was one day engaged on a hunting party, in the neighborhood of Paullum, not far from the metro¬ polis of Dehly, an enormous and frightful serpent appeared in the road, which appalled the very bravest of his attendants. Akbar himself, how¬ ever, with equal intrepidity and presence of mind, instantly approached the horrible reptile; and seizing it by the tail, by some means or other contrived to secure it, without the slightest accident. Y ussut Mahom- med Khaun, the brother of Mirza Azziz Koukeltaush, having witnes¬ sed this extraordinary proof of courage and presence of mind in the youthful monarch, could not forbear, on his return, describing the cir¬ cumstance, with expressions ot surprise and admiration, to his mother, the above-mentioned Jeijy Auttekah; and she then conceived herself at liberty to disclose the secret of the nursery, altogether, as she affirm^ ed, exhibiting an undoubted presage of the future grandeur of their il¬ lustrious sovereign. In dismissing this subject, Abtil Fazzel finally alleges that he rests 813 Ills authority for the truth of both the circumstances here related, as A.H. 95». well on the immediate information of Jeijy Auttekah, the favorite r , ■ ■ 1 . ^ . A.bul Fazze nurse of his sovereign, and mother of the highly distinguished Mirza Azziz Koukeltaush, as on that of many other respectable individuals, on whosediscretion and veracity he reposed the utmost confidence—but the passages, continues he, in the life and reign of my illustrious mas¬ ter, transcending the ordinary limits of human agency, which occurred under my own personal observation, will be recorded at large on a fu¬ ture occasion, to serve at the same time, for the improvement of those who look no further than the surface of things, and as an exemplar for the guidance of such as are accustomed to dive, into the more mysterir ous operations ofan invisible power;. Without, however, accompanying Abul Fazzelin his remarks on the advantages to be derived from the lessons of adversity — without en- largingon the manner in which the same lessons are applied by the wise and good, so very different from what is usually seen in the vicious practices of the unreflecting, the profligate, and improvident — weshall proceed with the narrative to describe that Homayun,when he had fin¬ ally determined on withdrawing towards the mountains of Kandahaur, conceived it would beexpedient,in the first instance, to enter intosome species of arrangement with Mirza Shah Husseyne, the prince of Tat* tah. This object accomplished, he calculated that he should be able to prosecute his design with the greater security; and then having lodged' his infant son in the citadel of Kandahaur, he concluded that he might at length be permitted to perform the pilgrimage to Mekkah, which had again become the subject of his serious contemplation, with fewer apprehensions for the fate of his family. He was yet deliberating on the means of carrying his design into execution, when a dispatch arriv¬ ed from the prince of Tattah himself; who had, through some channel or other, received intimation of his wishes, and- who now transmitted proposals for an immediate accommodation of their differences. To these proposals, as they perfectly accorded with his present views, Ho- mayun very readily gave his assent; neither were the adherents of the family of Arghun backward in expressing their joy at the termination of hostilities, jfrom which they had suffered very considerably; and their satisfaction was attested by some very valuable presents conveyed to, A. H. 950. A L) 1543 Abui Fazzel. f 814 the court of the Moghul monarch, together with very ample apologies for their recent refractory conduct. On the seventh of the latter llebbeia,* at all events, of the year nine hundred and fifty, Homayun commenced his march from Jown for Kandahaur, taking the route ofSewy, or Sehwaun, near which place he was, probably, to cross the Indus. But at the period under consi¬ deration, the fortress of Kandahaur was held by Mirza Asskery, under the authority of his brother Kamraun; and that prince, impelled no less by his own unabated hostility of mind, than authorized by the instruc¬ tions of his adopted superior, became no sooner apprized of the ap¬ proach of Homayun, towards the province overwhich he presided, than he determined on measures for intercepting the march, and if possible to seize the person of the injured monarch; and he actually pro¬ ceeded on this design, after having placed the fortress entrusted to his charge in a competent state of security against attack. Homayun does not, however, appear to have experienced any material human obstacle to his progress, until he reached the confines of Shaul; a district not more than three farsangs, or about eleven miles, from Kandahaur. In the neighborhood of this district, two of Homayun’s attendants, whohad hastenedonwards to find out the wateringplace' were taken pri¬ soners by a party of the troops of Mirza Asskery, stationed here for the purpose of conveying the earliest intelligence of his brother's approach. One of the prisoners, however, watching an opportunity, most fortu¬ nately effected his escape; and commyiicated to Homayun the first po¬ sitive information which had yet reached him, of the designs of his enemies, and which the prisoner had accidentally collected from the conversation of his captors. In consequence of this information, which seems to have been entirely unexpected, Homayfin at once abandoned his design of proceeding to Kandahaur; and instantly turned short to¬ wards Mustung, possibly in the direction of the neighboring province of Seiestaun. Payendah Mahommed, an officer in his confidence, re¬ ceived, nevertheless, his permission to continue the journey to Kanda¬ haur; taking with him a letter to Mirza Asskery from his brother, again expostulating with him, in the mildest language, on his unprovoked and unaccountable hostility. But neither advice nor expostulation • Othof Jub, 1543. 815 ivere of any avail with that perverse and misguided prince, vpho proceed¬ ed, on the contrary, in his hostile preparations with increasing pertina¬ city; notwithstanding the endeavors of Kaussem Husseyne Sultan, Mehedy Kaussem Khaun,and several others of his party, to dissuade him, even on considerations of ordinary policy, from compelling Ho* mayun to take refuge in the Persian territory, which they alleged must be inevitably followed by the most serious embarrassments. The suggestions of Meir Abul Kheyr, and of others of a more malignant spirit, confirmed him, in spite of all, in his hostile resolutions, and he accordingly marched, in the early part of the ensuing day, on the direct road towards Mustung. When he had proceeded a few miles on his march, it occurred to Mi rza Asskery to demand, if any of those who accompanied him were acquainted with the road; and no one appearing disposed to reply in the affirmative but J ubby, or H ubby, Bahauder, the Ouzbek, a stipendiary in the train of Kaussem Husseyne Sultan, who had undertaken to be one of the party on this occasion, Asskery observed that he was per¬ fectly satisfied of the competency of the man, because he now recol¬ lected that he had held a small jagueir in that part of the country. The Ouzbek was then directed to take the lead, and point out the road to his associates; but as he represented the total inability of his horse, Ter- soun Berlas consented, at the particular desire of the Mirza, although not without considerable demur, to lend him that on which he rode. The Ouzbek had, however, formerly served under the standard of Ho- mayun in Hindhstaun; and a sense of paramount duty, at this moment, resuming its influence over his mind, he had advanced but a very short distance at the head of the troops, when he suddenly gave the reins to his horse, and proceeded full speed, without stopping, until he found the tent of Beyram Khaun; to whom he announced the impending danger, and by whom he was immediately conducted into the presence ofHomayun. Some of the attendants were now sent to request that Tereddy Beg Khaun, and others of the vassal chiefs with the imperial army, would convey to the tents of the Emperor, without delay, the numberof hor¬ ses, not many, that might be required for the rembval of the royal fa¬ mily; but, incapable of estimating the pure happiness to be derived .4.H. 950. ' A. D. 15 43 Abul FazzeU 816 A. H. 950. A. D. 1543. AbAl Fazzel. from the reflection of having performed a piece of service of such urgent and vital importance, these sordid men positively refused to comply ; and Homayun was proceeding to mount his charger, in order to punish this foul and perfidious delinquency on the spot; when he suffered him¬ self to be finally dissuaded by the expostulations of Deyram Khaun, who intreated him to consider the pressure of the occasion, and to re¬ mit the chastizenient of the traitors to the vengeance of eternal justice, which sooneror later would doubtless overtake them. Homayun, there¬ fore, accompanied by a few only of his most devoted and faithful fol¬ lowers, quitted his camp, and made directly for the trackless wilds of the neighboring desert; conceiving afresh, at this crisis of peril, the de¬ sign of passing throughfrak, on his pilgrimage to Mekkah, so often de¬ termined upon and again relinquished. In the hurry of departure he did not, however, omit to provide that Khaujah Mauzzem,Nedeim Koukeltaush, Meir Gheznuy, and Khau- jah Amber, the superintendant of the haram, should lake charge of the litter of Hameidah Sultaun, the mother of Akbar; with instructions to convey her in any way that might be found practicable, to join him in his flight, leaving his infant son to the protection of the Almighty, in perfect confidence that no evil should befal him. This piece of duty they contrived to accomplish with equal diligence and success, rejoin¬ ing the royal party in the desert without accident; but when the whole had proceeded together a short distance on their retreat, the day closed, and was followed by a night of utter darkness. In these circumstances, after reminding him of the rapacious spirit andsordid loveof gold, which notoriously predominated in the nature of Mirza Asskery, and suggest¬ ing that at this moment, there could be but little doubt, he was enga¬ ged in examining, and taking an account of the effects acquired by his unrighteous capture, Beyram Khaun proposed to his master instantly to return, and make an attack upon his unnatural brother, while totally unprepared for any thing of the kind; concluding, that their leader once taken off, his adherents who had all of them, in some shape or other, formerly tasted of the bounty of Homayun, would naturally be impelled to return to their allegiance. To this, however, from a bias in his cha¬ racter strongly repugnantto deeds of deliberate bloodshed, Homayun, although he entirely concurred in the equal advantage and praciicabi- 817 Kty of the plan, without hesitation declined to accede; declaring, that A.H. 950; having finally determined on his journey into strange and distant lands, he could not now prevail upon himself to abandon his design; and ac- cordingly, recommending his infant son afresh to the protection of 4m, who was its surest defence against evil, he continued his march towards the desert. / On the other hand, Mirza Asskery, on approaching the vicinity' of Mustung, had dispatched Meir Abfil Hussun Suddur on before him, in order, if possible, by engaging Homayun in discourse, to detain him from proceeding on his retreat; and this personage had presented him¬ self, accordingly, just as the monarch was mounting his horse, an¬ nouncing that he had matters to communicate from Mirza Asskery, which were of the highest importance; and thus endeavoring, under' all the pretexts that the genius of falsehood could devise, to protract the moment of departure to the very last. Providentially suspecting his purpose, Homayun did not suffer himself to become the dupe of ' such an artifice, but hastened, as we have just seen, on his way into the Persian territory. Almost immediately afterwards, Mirza Asskery en¬ tered the encampment; having previously employed Shah Wullid andi Abul Kheyre, with a considerable force, to surround it in every direc¬ tion, in order to prevent all possibility of escape. He now became ap¬ prized, through the report of the Suddur, of the seasonable information conveyed by the loyal Ouzbek, and of the subsequent precipitate flight of Homayun. Tereddy Beg Khaun, with the train of refractory ■ stipendiaries, lost no time in presenting himself to Mirza Asskery, from i W'hom he experienced, however, a reception very different from what, in his folly, he might have taught. himself to expect; being, together,' with the whole of his.perfidiousassociates, committed to the custody of those, from whose vigilance there was little chance of escape. And i thus early was he, instructed to prepare for the miserable lot with which offended heaven hath been not unfrequently seen to visit, even in this i world, such as basely forsake their benefactors in the hour of distress - and danger. To Meir Gheznfiy, the foster-father of the infant Akbar who was < early introduced to his presence, Mirza Asskery vehemently protested \ that he had no other object in his undertaking, than merely to secure r VOL. III. 5 M, 818 A. H. 050. A. D. 1543 Ab6l Fazxel. an interview with the Emperor, and therefore affected great astonish¬ ment that he should have been induced to commit himself to the hor¬ rors of the desert; after which he demanded what was become of the young Mirza his son. Meir Gheznuy informed liim in reply, that the young prince was in his tent; on which, directing him to take a camel¬ load of fruit from his travelling equipage. For the use of his infant rela¬ tive, and telling the Meir that he would shortly follow, Mirza Asskery withdrew to one of his own tents; where, precisely as had been repre-* sented to Homayhn by his acute and intelligent minister, accompani* ed by two or three ordinary writers, he passed the whole of that night, inspecting, and taking an inventory of, some ot the royal effects, which had been thus unexpectedly placed at his disposal. On the day following, about the hour of the morning repast, Mirza Asskery, causing his great drum to be beaten, proceeded to take pos¬ session of his brother’s encampment, pitching his own tents immedi¬ ately before the entrance of the imperial pavilion. The whole of those who had been found in the encampment, were immediately collected and brought into the presence of this domestic plunderer; and Tereddy Beg Khaun in particular, was now finally transferred to the safe keep- inty of Shah Wullid. The disobedient vassals who had so shamefully betrayed their allegiance were, all of them, committed at the same time to the care of different bands of Mirza Asskery’s troops, in order to be conveyed to d^andahaur; where, at a period not long subsequent, the greater part of them perished under the torture. Tereddy Beg was himself completely fleeced of his property; and thus early atoned for his misdeeds — if atonement that may be called, which bore so small a proportion tothe enormity of his offences. But to return to the infant Akbar; it is said that when conveyed, by Meir Gheznuy and his nurses, to the presence of Mirza Asskery, and it was expected that he should have exhibited some indications of sur¬ prise and terror, at the menacing looks designedly cast upon him by his hostile kinsman, the high born child evinced, on the contrary, the most perfect indifference; and this is described to have occasioned con¬ siderable displeasure in the mind of Asskery, which he could not res¬ train himself from betraying in the remark, that the boy would have belied his birth, if he had not shewn the unbending disposition derived 819 from his father. A little afterwards, attracted by the seal ring which a. H. 9oo. depended from a collar of various colored gems round the neck of Mir- ^ ^ 1543. za Asskery, the child stretched out its little hands to take hold of it; and the Mirza, with perfect good nature, immediately drew it off his neck, and presented it to the child. This circumstance in other res¬ pects so trivial, was, however, immediately construed, by men of shrewder, or more reflecting minds, into a striking presage of the im¬ perial destiny, which, at no very distant period, awaited the acceptance of this illustrious scion of the house of Teymfir; when the stream of royal authority which had been permitted, for a time, to desert its na¬ tural channel, should be finally restored to its course, through the ever- flowing beneficence of the fountain of all perfection. INlirza Asskery,accompanied by his infant captiveand his attendants, now returned towards Kandahaur; when, on their way, availing him¬ self of an opportunity to approach the litter which conveyed the royal child, Kpugjy Bahauder, a person high in the confidence of Asskery, privately, whispered to Meir Gheznuy, that if he could prevail upon, himself to entrust his illustrious charge to his care, he would engage to restore him to the arms.of his parents. To this proposal Meir Ghez¬ nuy prudently replied, thathad there not existed some veryforcible rea¬ sons. to the contrary, his royal father would doubtless have taken the child away with him, in the first instance. Whether these reasons con¬ tinued to operate he could not presume to be the judge; but, at all. events, without the most positive instructions to authorize him, he would not, for an instant, permit himself to abandon his precious charge. , Bahauder here explained that he had formed a resolution immediately to seek the presence of Hpmayun, wherever he was to be found; in or¬ der, at a period when the whole world seemed to have forsaken him, to devote the remainder of bis life to the service of that injuredmonarch; and that he had hoped, by restoring to him the person of .his only son,— to render hisreceptiou the more welcome. As this, however, was a happi¬ ness to which it appeared that he must not presume to aspire, he had; only to request that he might at least be furnished with some token to exhibit as a proof, that he had actuallyseen,and recently parted with, the royal infant in perfect safety. On this Meir Gheznuy untied the fillet, or small turban, with which the child^s brows were encircled. 820 A.'H.OSO. A.D 1513. AMU FazzeJ. and presented it to him; and the soldier set off in quest of Homayun, most highly gratified. On the eighteenth of Ramzaun of the year nine hundred and fifty just five months and seven days after the troops of Homayun had left their encampment at down on the Indus, Mirza Asskery conducted his infant captive into Kandahaur, in the citadel of which place, near his own person, he immediately lodged him. The child was, however, at¬ tended by his several nurses, Mauhem Aghah, Jeijy Auttekah, and Auttekah Khaun; his early education being, at the same time, com¬ mitted to the particular superintendance of Sultaunum Begum, the fa¬ vorite consort of Mirza Asskery; and she is acknowledged to have ful¬ filled her trust with exemplary tenderness and integrity. Our author here proceeds to describe with sufficient minuteness, a variety of cir¬ cumstances in the infanc3' of the royal Akbar, all indicative of his tti* ture grandeur; but, as they are scarcely of adequate importance to the reader of a distant age and country, it would be inexpedient to introduce them into these pages. It would, indeed, have been very desirable to have marked the intermediate stages, in a country so little known to Europeans, as that between Sehwaun and Kandahaur; but this, from the total silence of the Original from which we write, we are precluded from attempting. All the information to be derived from the narrative, on this subject, seems confined to the simple fact, that the march must have occupied, as above noticed, a period of more than five months, al¬ though the geographical distance does not exceed six hundred miles. Having, in the mean time, conducted the expatriated, and hitherto unfortunate Homayun, to the extremity of his hereditary dominions, we shall now leave him to prosecute his adventurous journey into the ter¬ ritories of the Persian monarchy; and return to take a rapid sketch ol the proceedings of his more successful opponent, the warlike and en¬ terprising Afghan, on the plains of Hindustaun. After crossing the Beiah, the second of the five rivers coming from the east-ward, Sheir Khaun, then, is seated to have proceeded in his marches with a circumspection which bordered on timidity; being in perpetual apprehension that the troops of Homayun, still in respectable force on different points around him, were only watching an op- * 14th of December, 1543. 821 portunity to avenge their recent defeats. Hence, his line of march was usually preceded by formidable bodies of cavalry and infantry, in constant order ofbattle. But, at the expiration of some days, when the perfidy of Mirza Kamraun, and the general disaffection which had seiz¬ ed the Moghuls, became notorious through the neighboring provinces, the necessity of these timid^ precautions was at once removed; and the victorious Afghan,experiencing no further obstacle to his advance, soon made himself master of Labour. From thence he proceeded, shortly afterwards, to Khoshaub and Behrab, and the territory in that directi¬ on, where he halted for some time; having dispatched his agents to re¬ quire the presence of Sultan Saurung the Gohggur, and Sultan Adam, two of the most powerful Zemindaurs in that part of the Punjaub. But, as eachof thesechiefs had experienced, respectively,from thegenerositv of the departed and illustrious Baber, some favors of essential import¬ ance, ofwhich, inspiteof the viciousexample of the times, they thought fit to retain a lasting and honorable recollection, they treated the sum¬ mons with indifference, if not with disdain; and the Afghan advanced in consequence to Huttia, one of the principal stations of the Gohgg- urs* — perhaps Bahotti, of which name there appears, in modern maps, a place on the left of the Behaut north of Khoshaub, from whence he detached a considerable force, in order to reduce that intractable nation to some species of subrpission. The Gohggurs, however, defended themselves with undaunted resolution; successfully repelling their in¬ vaders, great numbers of whom they captured and actually sold for slaves. Sheir Khaun appeared now disposed to march in person against these independent and warlike tribes, but from this, on consultation with his principal officers, he was finally dissuaded; it beingveryprudently urged, that theGohggurs,in possession of inaccessiblemountains,coveredon all sides by narrow and intricate defiles, were not to be successfully attack¬ ed otherwise, than by a plan of operations systematically and skilfully arranged, and deliberately carried into execution. It was therefore proposed that a competent division of troops should be permanently stationed on that frontier, so disposed as to be able, at the same time, • Kakaresand Gickers are the names by whicli these tribes are indifferently distinguiaU- ed by other writers. A. H. 950. A. D. 1543. Abut Fazzel. 822 A. H.950. A. D. 1543, Abiiil Fazzel. to keep up a war of incursion into the territory of the obnoxious tribes^ and to provide against the probable attempts of Homayun’s armies. In order to effect this, however, with the greater security, it was fur¬ ther recommended that a respectable fortified post should be immedi¬ ately established in the country, as a place of arms and retreat, in case of emergency ; so that, in process of time, these refractory herds, gra¬ dually penned up within their fastnesses, would be ultimately wearied out, and compelled to submit to authority. In the mean time, it ap¬ peared indispensably expedient that Sheir Khaun himself should re¬ turn without a moment*s delay into Hindustaun; in order to secure the establishment of his power in that extensive and opulent region. In conformity with the plan thus suggested, Sheir Khaun immedi¬ ately laid the foundations of the fortress of Rohtass, on the right, or, western bank of the Behaut; nearly opposite to the place called Jeihlum,, a name by which the river itself is sometimes distinguished. Then,, leaving in the neighborhood a sufficient force to carry into execution, his designs against the Gohggurs, he returned by a succession of march¬ es to the metropolis of Agrah. Not long afterwards, he engaged in the siege of Gwaliar; which still held out for Homayun, under Meir Abfil Kaussem, recently spoken of in describing the escape of Beyram Khaun. Having, however, exhausted his whole stock of provisions, that unfortunate officer was compelled to deliver himself up, together with the impregnable fortress consigned to his charge, to the Afghan. Sheir Shah now found leisure to devote a few months to the arrange¬ ment of a regular system of government for his extensive conquests, in Hindustaun; the whole of which, with the exception of the favo¬ rite province of Bengal, which was probably reserved as an immedi¬ ate appanage of the throne, he subdivided into forty-seven distinct departments. Another regulation, which our author has thought of sufficient importance to particularize beyond others, was that by which all the horses of hiscavalry were required torecei ve adistinctivegovern- ment mark from a hot iron; and in short, as he further contemptuously remarks, this successful usurper conceived perhaps that he might com¬ mand the applause of succeeding generations, by merely reviving some of those numerous regulations of Sultan Alla*ud dein, which he had, heard described in the history of Eeyrouz Shah. * Having dispatched these necessary arrangements, Sheir Khaun con¬ ducted his troops against Pourun Mul, the Rajah of Raeyssein and Tchundeiry ; whom, on the faith of an insidious treaty, he persuaded to quit the protection of his works, and place himself at his mercy; and whom, at the suggestion of some iniquitous professors of the law, and sophists, whofrequented his camp, he then basely betrayed toslaugh- ter. He now returned once more to Agrah; where his attention was for a time devoted to the general improvement of the communications between the remote parts of his dominions. For this it cannot be de¬ nied that he adopted the most effectual and liberal plan, when it is here recorded, that, after the example of some of his predecessors in the kingdom of Bengal, all the way from Sennaumgaunu in that province, to theriver Indus — a distance, according to Ferishtah,of fifteen hundred kosse — he caused to be erected at intervals of a kosse from each other, along the whole of the road, serais, or fixed refreshing places, or hotels, with every species of convenience for the accommodation of every caste of travellers, whether Mahommedan or Hindu.* Recovering from a dangerous fit of illness, by which he had been attacked while at Agrah employed in these benevolent pursuits, he next engaged in hostilities with Maldeo, Rajah of Adjmeir, Nagour, and other cele¬ brated towns in the same quarter; of the whole of which, either through perfidy, or superior address, he also succeeded in obtaining possession. From thence, with his characteristic celerity of dispatch, he led his troops against Tchitour and Runtempour; the governors of which, ei¬ ther through fraud or stratagem, were likewise compelled to lay at his feet, the keys of both those stupendous fortresses. Leaving a sufficient force to secure the stability of his conquests in this quarter, he traversed the country to the eastward, and entered the territory of Dehndirah; where he proceeded to invest the celebrated fortress of Kalinjer. And here, on the tenth day of Mohurrem, of the nine hundred and fifty-second of the hidjerah,f when he had just com¬ pleted his approaches both above and below ground, and had on some points raised them to a level with the works of the place, he finally * According to Ferislitali, the same was done on the whole of the road from \grah to Mandou, and both roads were planted on each side for the whole distance, with the most useful variety of fruit trees, &c. &c. t 2‘3d of March, 1545, A.H. 950. A. D. 1543. Abu I Fazzel* 824 A. H. 960. A D. 1543. Abiil Fazzel, perished in consequence of an explosion among his own combustibles —perhaps, as is explained by Colonel Dow, by that of one of his own shells. In the original of Ferishtah, the event is, however, briefly re¬ corded in the following terms. After the reduction of Runtempour, which he bestowed in jagueir- on his eldest son Auddel Khaun,Sheir Khaun proceeded towards Ka- linjer^ by this author represented as the very strongest fortress in Hin- dustaun. In consequence of the atrocious breach of faith, which had been observed in the instance of Rajah Pourun Mul,thegovernorof Ka- linjer refused to submit, and accordingly prepared for hostilities; and, the fort was therefore invested by the Afghan. When his approaches, had, however, been brought sufficiently close to the works of the be¬ sieged, and Sheir Shah was in one of his batteries, observing the effect of certain Hookkahs, or pots, loaded with gunpowder, which were occasionally discharged into the fort, one of these hookkahs, perhaps, a shell, striking the top of the wall, unexpectedly rebounded back, and> bursting among a heap of other materials of annoyance of the same de¬ scription, the whole immediately exploded. By this explosion the Shah, together with Sheikh Khaleil, one of his pupils, or principal fa¬ vorites, and Moulana Nizaum Dauneshmund, and Derria Khaun Shir-^ wauny,wasmostdreadfully scorched; and in this state he was conveyed - to his tents, continuing, as often as he could find breath, and his senses, returned, to call upon his troops — still fiercely urging them on to the at¬ tack, and dispatching his attendants one after another, to stimulate and direct their efforts. Towards the close of the day, which is here pronounced to have been the twelfth of the former Rebbeia, of the year already mentioned,* it was announced to him that the fort was in pos¬ session of his troops; and he instantly breathed his last. The parti-, cular year of this event is exactly preserved in the sentence “z’autesh- murd” — he died by fire ; the Persian letters of which numerically ap- , plied give the total 9«^2. The character of this truly celebrated, able, and warlike monarch, has been delineated, with equal justice and impartiality, by Colonel - Dow in his history ; and to that work we do not hesitate to refer the reader. The subject is indeed dismissed by Abiil Fazzel, with this- » 23d of May. 825 brief remark, that he governed the noble empire of HindCistaun, through the medium of every species of fraud and imposture, for the period of five years, two months, and thirteen days. On the eighth day after his decease he was succeeded, to the prejudice of the elder brother, by his younger son Jullaul Khaun; who, together with the vacant throne, for which he was entirely indebted to his immediate proximity to the spot, assumed the title of Isslaum Shah, which title, by an easy transition, was soon generally softened into S deim Shah; and of him it is also simply stated, that, in the enormity of his crimes, he even sur¬ passed the arch-usurper his father. When, however, continues our author, for purposes which we dare not scrutinize, a mysterious provi¬ dence had permitted the power of this turbulent and perfidious family, to flourish for a few fleeting years, like the glow worm of the night beside the beams of Teymurian glory, that same providence, after a short career of wickedness, finally levelled them with the dust; and the world was tlius, at last, effectually relieved from the vices of this pol-- Itited race. In a former page, we left Mirza Heyder engaged in preparations for- his expedition into Kashineir; and it may be here permitted to recur to. the proceedings of that prince. It appears that, on reaching the sta¬ tion of Nousheher,^ he was, in conformity with the instructions of Ho- mayun, regularly j(fined by the several officers who had been directed to unite in the expedition. But, when he had already entered some of the passes leading into the country, that fatal disunion occurred among the troops of Homayun, which has in the preceding pages been suffi¬ ciently dilated upon; and Khaujah Kullan Beg, yielding either to the unsettled disposition of his own mind, or to the invitation of Mirza Kamraun, suddenly withdrew to join the standard of that prince. The example immediately extended to others; and Mirza Heyder was soon, left to prosecute his undertaking, with no more than the stipendiaries in his own pay, and a few of those who had repaired to join him under the personal authority of the Emperor. Knowing, however, that this delightful province was laboring, at the time, under all the horrors of anarchy and civil dissention, the Mirza determined on advancing; and; on the twenty second of Rudjub of the year nine hundred and forty seven,* he accordingly proceeded through the pass of Panouje, or Pa«^ * 21st of November, 1450. 5 N A. H. 950. 4. D. 1543. AbOl FazzeU VOL. III. 826 A. H.950. A D 1543 Abul Fazzel. noach, and shortly afterwards obtained possession of the greater part of the country without resistance. At the period under consideration Kashmeir had not, indeed, for a long time, acknowledged the predominance of any individual, or parti¬ cular ruler ; the several native chiefs exercising an independent author¬ ity over such parts of this elysian province as occasionally fell under their power. There was, it seems however, one who had recently rais¬ ed himself to some sort of nominal pre-eminence, and this person had either received or assumed the title of Nauzek Shah; which very well corresponded with the unrivalled amoenitiesof the country. On the recurrence of the rainy season, which is described to have set in with considerable violence, Gaujy Beg, the chief through whose exhortati¬ ons, principally, Mirza Heyder had been induced to undertake the re¬ duction of the province, perceiving his own views defeated by the es¬ tablishment of Mirza Heyder’s power, with the natural perfidy inhe¬ rent, it seems, in the character of the Kashmirians, suddenly withdrew from the country, to seek the protection of Sheir Khaun; taking with him the sister of Issmaeil the son of Mahommed Shah, formerly prince of Kashmeir — whom, in order to sec urea favorable reception, he present¬ ed to the victorious Afghan. Through the medium of such an offering he rendered himself sufficiently acceptable to Sheir Khaun; and a force of two thousand Afghans, under Allawul Khaun and Husseyne Khaun Sherwauny, was immediately dispatched by that monarch, to reconduct him into the province. In the mean time,Ebdal Maugury, on whose support he chiefly relied for the permanence of his power, dyingof a dropsical complaint, Mirza Heyder, after lodging his family in Indrakoul,apostofgreat strength and security, found it expedient to retire into the more inaccessible parts of the country ; and being now abandoned by the whole of the Kashmirians, he wasthus compelled for the space of three months, with a few of his own followers, to lead an unsettled and precarious lifeamongthe mountain ranges, with which the country abounds. At last, on monday the twentieth of the latter Rebbeia of the nine hundred and forty eighth of the hidjerah,* the op¬ portunity occurred, and he ventured to give battle to the enemy; whom, although amounting altogether to a force of five thousand com- • 12th of August, 1541. 827 batanls, including natives and the auxiliary Afghans, he succeeded in A. H. 950. defeating with great loss. By this victory, Mirza Heyder rendered himself, at all events, undisputed master of Kashmeir. Accordingly, for ten years afterwards, Mirza Heyder had an oppor¬ tunity of devoting himself with laudable zeal and assiduity to the res¬ toration of the affairs of the province— to watch its gradual recovery from a state of desolation and ruin — and he enjoyed the proud satisfac¬ tion of seeing it once more overspread with elegant and flourishing towns.. At the same time, he actively encouraged the introduction, from all parts of the world, of every species of manufacture and ingeni¬ ous invention. Yielding himself, however, more than all, to cultivate the fascinations of music in every branch, this latter circumstance, combined perhaps with the soft luxuries of the enchanting climate, and bewitching local scenery of Kashmeir, produced in the event, effects extremely inauspicious and debilitating; for while he suffered his faculties to be absorbed in the indulgence of this fascinating pro¬ pensity, Mirza Heyder gradually lost sight of two most essential vir¬ tues — those of moderation and circumspection; one of them the right, and the other the left arm of prosperous power. But his grand and fatal error, after succceeding so fortunately in the reduction of this beautiful and charming province was, it seems, when, merely to con¬ ciliate the attachment of the native chiefs, he continued the regalities of the Khotbah and Sikkah, to the pageant Nauzek Shah; instead of assigning them, as his allegiance and sense of duty should have dictat¬ ed, to his imperial benefactor then struggling with adversity. Yet in this it is to be hoped, remarks our author, that he must surely have been rather governed by the necessity of accommodating with the tem¬ per of the times, than by any spirit of disloyalty, of which the examples were, however, already sufficientl}'^ numerous. After all, when on his return from Persia, his imperial relative had subsequently repossessed himself of Kabul and its dependencies, Mirza Heyder found it expedi¬ ent to concede to him the honors, of which he had been so long and] unwisely defrauded. When, on the other hand, Mirza Heyder once permitted himself to* deviate from the maxims of ajust and beneficent government, and re¬ signed himself to the indulgence of his passions, the perfidious charac-. 828 A. H.950. A. D 1543 Ab61 Fazzel. ter of the Kashmirians, which had been merely kept in check by the - prudent measures of a vigorous administration, again displayed itself; and this inherently vicious people, returning to their treacherous practices, proceeded, without compunction, under the mask of friend¬ ship, to carry into execution the most hostile designs. That which, however, contributed most essentially to the accomplishment of their plans, was the system which they adopted, to separate the infatuated prince from his troops; the best of whom they contrived, under various pretences, to disperse intodifferent quarters, some towards the confines of Tibet, others towards Pukkely, or Puhkoli, and the remainder to¬ wards Rajoury, on the opposite extremities of the province. Having brought a multitude of others to unite in the conspiracy, and finally prevailed upon Hadjy Bekkaul, to whom Mirza Heyder had unfortunately entrusted the entire management of affairs, to engage in their design, the principal conspirators, Eiddy Rania, and tlus- seyne Maugury, son of Ebdal Maugury formerly mentioned, proceed¬ ed without further delay, at the head of their accomplices, in quest of the unsuspecting victim of the combination. In the neighborhood of Khaunpour, about midway between Srinuggur, the ancient metropolis of the country, and Hammeirahpour, they came upon the unfortunate Mirza; by night, as he was on his way to the palace of his perfidious minister Khaujah Hadjy, in order to set at large one of his servants of the name of Kara Bahauder, who was in confinement. He was instantly put to death by one of the conspirators, of the name ot Kum- maul Zhezheny; although it is by others stated that he was acciden¬ tally killed, on the occasion, by an arrow from one of his own attend¬ ants. The death of Mirza Heyder is, however, recorded to have taken place, under whatever circumstances, some time in the course of the nine hundred and fifty-eighth of the hidjerah,* or about ten years sub¬ sequent to his final subjugation of Kashineir. The narrative will next be employed, in the same cursory manner, to trace the proceedings of the ambitious and ungrateful Mirza Kam- raun It appears, then, that after his ill omened separation from Ho- mayun, that misguided prince, at tfie head of his followers, went off immediately in the direction of Kabul; but on his arrival in the neigh- * A. D. 1551, commencing January. 829 borliood of Khoshaub, it occurred to him to suspend his march; in A. H. 930. order to invest himself with the fleeting and forbidden attributes of a throne, to which he was not entitled. , In this he conducted himself ^ exactly as all others are known to do, who, equally unmindful of the claims of justice, and of the dictates of true benevolence, blindly and wickedly presume to erect their own fortune on the distresses and downfal of their fellow men. It cannot therefore be surprising that, in the issue, he should most justly be condemned to reap the fruit, of what he had thus sown in iniquity and ingratitude. Shortly after¬ wards, when he found it convenient, he prosecuted his march, by the route leading towards Deinkote on the banks of the Indus. Here he was joined by the Mirza Mahotnmed Sfiltan, and his son Olugh Mirza, who had recently failed in an attempt to gain possession of Muhaun. Mirza Kamraun continued on the left bank of the Indus for a considerable time; until indeed the exhausted state of the coun¬ try, and the scarcity of subsistance, compelled him to prepare for re¬ moval. Throwing therefore a bridge across, he passed to the opposite side of the river; and from thence proceeded, not long afterwards, for Kabul, where he appears to have immediately established his authori¬ ty without resistance. Thus, observes our author, referring to the expulsion of Homayun, when the stately lion has retired to the cover of its native forests, the timid stag may brouze abroad in safety; and when the hawk has taken to its nest, the woodcock may venture to wing its devious flight, fearless of attack. Gheznein with the territory in that quarter, was consigned by Mirza Kamraun, as soon as he had been joined by him, to his brother Mirza Asskery ; and, much about the same time, Khaujah Khawund, or Khound, Mahmoud, was dispatched into Buddukhshaun, to re¬ quire the submission of Mirza Suliman. The messenger being, how¬ ever, sent back by that prince with an unfavorable, and perhaps a dis¬ dainful reply, Kamraun led his troops in person across the mountains, into the province; and an action taking place near the station called Baury, in which the advantage inclined to the side of the invaders, Mirza Suliman proposed an accommodation. This was acceded to, on his engaging that the honors of the mosque and mint should run in the name of Mirza Kamraun. The province was, however, dismem- 830 A. H. 950. bered of several districts, which were bestowed by Mirza Kamraun on some of his own officers ; after which he returned to Kabhl. AbfilFazzel. ^ In the mean time, intelligence was conveyed to Mirza Kamraun, that his brother Hindal had made himself master of Kandahaur; in consequence of which, he immediately drew together the troops of his government, and proceeded at their head to invest that celebrated for¬ tress. Mirza Hindal, after sustaining a siege of six months, being re¬ duced to extremity by the total consumption of his means of subsist- ance, found himself, however, constrained to demand a capitulation. This was obtained without much difficulty, and the place was accord¬ ingly delivered up to Mirza Kamraun; by whom, ia addition to his former government of Gheznein, it was now conferred upon Mirza Asskery. Mirza Kamraun then returned to KabAl, taking with him his cap¬ tive brother Hindal, to whom, after having treated him for some time with great severity, he at last pretended to be reconciled; and as a proof of his sincerity, he condescended to put him in possession of the town on the royal canal of Kabul, which, in honor of the imperial Akbar, at a subsequent period became distinguished under the name of Jullaul-abad. His authority is said to have been about this time, or shortly afterwards, further acknowledged by the ruler of Sind; the same who was engaged in the hostilities, recently described, with the persecuted Homayiln ; and every circumstance appeared to unite, for a while, in contributing to lull him into a state of perfect security. From this he was, however, in a slight degree awakened by fresh hos¬ tilities with Mirza Suliman, who had embraced his opportunity to vio¬ late the recent treaty of peace, and to recover the places of which he had been deprived, in Buddukbshaun. He now marched a second lime into that province; and having de¬ feated Mirza Suliman in a battle near Enderaub, the latter prince was compelled to shut himself up in the fortress ol Zuffer. In this place he was immediately and closely besieged by his enemies, who, by totally cutting off bis su])plies, seemed confident of constraining him to an early surrender. In this emergency he was basely forsaken by his na¬ tive subjects, and the total failure ot subsistance reducing him to des¬ pair, he had no alternative left than to submit to the mercy of his be- 831 siegers. Kaussem Berks, and Mirza Abdullah, and others under their A.H. 950. orders, were now appointed, by Mirza Kamraun, to provide for the government of Huddukhshaun; after which, accompanied by Mirza Su- liman, and his son Mirza Ibrauhim, as his prisoners, he returnedagain to Kabul, which for a month afterwards, exhibited all the display of the most splendid triumph. In the season of prosperity which fol¬ lowed, he lived, however, utterly unmindful of his duty towards his maker, and of his sacred obligations to redress the injuries of the ag¬ grieved ; until indeed the returning ascendancy of his exiled brother’s fortune, enabled that prince to recoil upon his adversaries; when, as will be shewn in its proper place, the ambitious Kamraun was not suffered to escape the retribution so justly due to his multiplied acts of treason and ingratitude. Of Mirza Hindal it will be sufficient to say, that when at the pe¬ riod which produced so many examples of turbulence, disaffection, and treachery, he also pursued the course of ingratitude, this prince proceeded immediately towards Kandahaur; where Karatchah Khaun, the governor on the part of Mirza Kamraun, after hastening to give him a friendly reception, quietly delivered over to' him the keys of his charge, together with ihe authority which he possessed over the sur¬ rounding territory. But he had not continued to enjoy his fancied pow¬ er, for many months, before he was strippedof it, in the manner just des¬ cribed, by his more successful brother Kamraun; thus furnishing to the w'orld, ifthat wereof any utility, another example of the remorse and disappointment, in which the designs of a distempered and unprinci¬ pled ambition, are, almost invariably, destined to terminate. It remains to notice the result of those undutiful and factious pro¬ ceedings, into which YadgaurNausser had permitted himself to be mis¬ led by the insidious flatteries of the governor of Tattah. It has already appeared that this prince had, by some means or other, formed an esta¬ blishment at Lohry, in the neighborhood of Bukkur, on the Indus; but not more than two months after the departure of Homayfin, to the north-west,* he had a sufficient opportunity of discovering, in a va¬ riety of instances, how little reliance was to be placed on the faith of this unworthy representative of the race of Arghoun; and that all his • Qu. 832 A. H. 950. A. D.1543. Abfil Fazzel. specious professions had their foundation in the blackest falsehood. He found it therefore expedient, without loss of time, to relinquish his visionary prospects in this quarter; and in spite of the intreaties of his best friends, who remonstrated against the imprudence of attach¬ ing himself to the cause of Mirza Kamraun, and the perfidy of forsak¬ ing that of a just and virtuous sovereign, he finally determined on re¬ pairing to Kandahaur, Yadgaur Nausser happened to reach the vi¬ cinity of that place just at the crisis of the siege, in which it had been reduced to the last extremit)^ by Mirza Kamraun; and having been admitted to a friendly interview, he accompanied that prince, at the conclusion of the siege, on his return to Kabul. From that city an agent was now dispatched, on the part of Mirza Kamraun, to the ruler of Tattah, Mirza Shah Husseyne, with a request that the princess Sheher Baunii Begum, one of the daughters of the emperor Baber, and the consort of \ adgaur Nausser, together with her son Mirza Sunjur, who had, by some accident or other, been separated from the troops of her husband, and left in the neighborhood of Buk- kur, might be conveyed without delay, and with all the respect to which by her exalted rank she was entitled, to his presence at Kabul. This request was immediately complied with ; but through some un¬ pardonable neglect, or oversight, on the part of the Arghunian, the convoy by which the princess was accompanied, was sent through a desert and inhospitable tract, equally destitute of forage and water, so that the greater part perished ere it reached its destination ; and when the survivors had, with indescribable fatigue, at last made their way good to the station of Shaul, already described as within a short dis¬ tance of Kandahaur, they were attacked by a dangerous and malignant fever; to which the greater part of them, including the illustrious prin¬ cess whose person they had been employed to secure, now fell vicUms. And thus, of the w hole escort consisting of nearly three thousand indi¬ viduals, but a very few escaped to complete their journey to Kanda¬ haur. 833 CHAP. XIV. WE now resume the thread of the narrative to attend the forsaken Homayun in his precarious journey through the sandy and inhospitdb4e tract/ between Kandahaur and the neighboring Persian province of Seiestaun; and the first circumstance that claims our notice is the institution of a species of knighthood, for so it may be considered, called the order of the Tchoul, or Joul, which the fugitive monarch, at this conjuncture, conferred upon the faithful associates of his exile. While he wandered in these circumstances through the appalling soli¬ tude, in apparent uncertainty whither todirect his course, he fortunately fell in with the captain of a band of robers, whose name was Hauty Beloutch, by whom he was immediately conducted, in a very respect¬ ful and friendly manner, to the place of his residence; and who, after treating him with the kindest hospitality, became his guide to the ad¬ joining territory of Gurrumseyr, the sultry region so called, to the westward of Kandahaur. Ivleir Abdul Hey, the leading man of the district, although from mistaken motives of prudence, he neglected the opportunity of pre¬ senting himself in person to Homayun, afforded him, nevertheless, all the assistance in his power, to alleviate his immediate distresses. At the same period also, Khaujah Jullaul-ud-dein Mahommed happened to be engaged in this quarter, in collecting the revenues for Mirza Asskery, and Baba Doust, one of his Bukhshies, was employed by Homavun to invite him to his camp. More disinterested, and less circumspect than his collegue, this personage joyfully embraced the opportunity to evince his sympathy in the misfortunes, and his attach¬ ment to the cause of the distressed monarch; at whose disposal, without the smallest reserve, he immediately placed the whole of the property in bis hands, whether in specie or other effects. In compen¬ sation for this verv seasonable supply, he was then invested by Ho-- mayun, with the office of Meir Samaun, or steward of the household.. 6 o> .\.H. 950. D 1543. A.b^i Fazzel* VOL. 111. 831 A. H. P60. A. D. 1548. Abiil Fdzztl. During his short stay in Gurruraseyr, on this occasion, Homayfln, beyond measure disgusted with the repeaited proofs of treason and in¬ gratitude, to vyhich he had been so widely exposed, again, in the dis¬ course which he addressed to his followers, indirectly intimated a design to withdraw from the world. But from this, and at his time of life perhaps, with no great difficulty, he Was once more dissuaded by his friends ; who urged the manifest disregard of moral obligation, and of the claims of humanity, which would be laid to his charge, should he persist in the design of burying in seclusion talents such as his, in the revolution of ages so seldom exhibited on earth, and so emi¬ nently calculated to promote the happiness of mankind. They fur¬ ther suggested that it would not be difficult to reconcile his duty towards God, with that which every virtuoirs man owed to the socie¬ ty of which he was the member ; the utmost they required being, indeed, as they stated, that, while in private he communed with his Creator, he should in public exert himself for the good of his fellow creatures. They reminded him, lastly, of what was due to the rights of the illustrious infant, of whose final exaltation to supreme power* they expressed the most unreserved and assured belief. In consequence of these intreaties, and of the further representati¬ ons of his still faithful followers, it was therefore now determined to appeal to the generosity of the Persian monarch; in the confidence that the ties of hereditary friendshi p would be an inducement with him to render the assistance, which i t was so abundantly in his power to af¬ ford. On the first of Shavaul, accordingly, of the nine hundred and fiftieth of the hidjerah,* a letter was dispatched, in charge of Tchouly Bahauder, one of the newly created knights probably, communicating to Shah Tahmasp, the first of that name, son of Shah Ismaeil, and se¬ cond monarch of the race ofSeffy,from Homayun,an unreserved rela¬ tion of the circumstances by which he had been thus driven to claim an asylum in the Persian court. On the envelope of the letter is said to have been written the tollowing sentence, probably by the hand of Homayun himself; “ Much hath this aching liead endured amidst the waters — much among the rocks and mountains — and much among the sands of the desert — but all is past.” * 27tli of December 1543. 835 Having dispatched his application to the court of Kazveio, Homay.. un proposed to remain a few days longer in the territory of Gurrum- seyr ; but a message being shortly afterwards received from Abdul Hey, announcing that Mirza Asskery was about to send a large force into the district, which was very shortly expected to make its appear¬ ance, and recommending that the imperial headquarters might be re¬ moved into Seiestaun, before it was too late, Homayun, taking all things into consideration, conceived it prudent to avail himself of this piece of advice. He accordingly retired into Seiestaun, to be more immediately under the protection of the Persian government, and there crossing the Heirmend,* proceeded not long afterwards to encamp by the side of a Koul, or fresh water lake, into which that river discharffes o itself — doubtless the lake of Zerrah, at 'the western extremity of the province. Ahmed Sultan Shaumlu, the king’s lieutenant, if we are to credit the author’s statement, contemplated the arrival of the royal fugitive, as an occurrence of singular good fortune; and he hastened accordingly to visit, and afford to the august stranger, every proof of the most liberal hospitality. Homayun continued in the neighborhood for some days, amusing himself and his followers in hunting the Kesh- lekdaugh ; a species of animal of which, if it was not the zebra, we must confess our ignorance. It might, however, have been any other streaked or spotted animal of the chase — the spotted deer for instance; — or it might possibly have been the name of a mountain, the scene of these amusements. After recreating himself for several days in the manner thus describ¬ ed, Homayun proceeded to the capital of the province, hearing the same name of Seiestaun ; where the governor sent his own mother and the women of his family, to attend upon the princess Hameidah Baunu,. always referred to under the appellation of Mereiam Makauny— in sta¬ tion likeMary— at the same time, placingthe entire revenue of the coun¬ try at the disposal of his imperial guest. Here, among other person¬ ages introduced to the presence of Homaycin, was Husseyne Kuly Mir¬ za, the brother of the lieutenant of the province; who had repaired into, Seiestaun, in order to complete his arrangements for a pilgrimage toMekr- kah, and whoon thisoccasion, held with Homayiinfrequent conversati?- • This is sometimes written Hiadmend. A. H. 950. A D 1543-44. Abhl i'azzel. 836 A. H. 950. A. D, 1543-44. AbOl Tazzel. onson thesubjectof religion. Duringoneof theseconferences,tbeMirza remarked that the doctrines of the two cardinal sects, the Sheiahs and Sounnies, had long been the subject of his most serious inquiries; that he had carefully and anxiously perused all that had been written on either side; and the conclusion he had been able to draw was, that ac¬ cording to the Sheiahs, anathema upon the memory of certain of the prophet’s companions, was meritorious in the sight of God, while the same with the Sounnies was accounted the grossest heresy, or infideli¬ ty. “ Now” concluded he, “ it is very certain, that merit with God forms no part in the calculations of the infidel.” The remark so favor¬ able to the Sheiahs, Was highly applauded by Hcmayiin, and be em¬ ployed all the influence of intreaty to retain this nobleman in his ser¬ vice ; but as he had already deterniined on 'the visitation to Hejauz, and the necessary arrangements had been completed, he civilly declined all advances on that subject. In these circumstances, Hadjy Mahommed B^lba Kushkah, and Hussun Koukah, who had availed themselves of an opportunity to withdraw from 'the standard of Mirza Asskery, both presented them¬ selves to Homay(in; to whom'they undertook to propose that he should immediately return east-ward, to the territory of Dawer, the intendant ofwhich theyrepresented as zealously disposed to favor the royal cause. They stated, moreover, that Haleimah Beg, the governor of Bost, seem¬ ed also equally Well inclined to return to his allegiance. In short, they held out the strongest expectations that Mirza Asskery would speed¬ ily be deserted by the greater part, if not by the whole of his troops; and that Kandahaur, and its dependencies, must then necessarily submit to the authofity of Homayun. When, however, these insidious repre¬ sentations -became known to Ahmed Silltan, the lieutenant of Seies^ taun, and he could discover that the purpose of these men was, if possible, to prevent the projected journey into Irak, that nobleman hastened, without delay, to the presence of Homayfln, and with an apparently sincere regard to his interests, most strenuously urged the expediency, as well as the certain advantage, of his appearance at the Persian capital; at the same time assuring him that these men had no other object, in what they proposed, than to betray their sovereign into the hands of his enemies. At all events, his remonstrances prevailed 837 I with Homayun, and it was finally determined to proceed into Irak; A. H. 950. the governor of Seiestaun offering to accompany him immediately by ^^^3-44. the route of Tubbus-killeky, which would conduct him by the shortest way, through Isfahauii, to the capital. But as Homayun expressed a particular desire to visit Heraut, the whole proceeded towards the for¬ tress of A wek, or Auvek; touching on thedistrict of Ferah, on theirway to that celebrated city. Our attention is now claimed towards the success of Homayfin’s dis¬ patch tothe PersianmonarchjWhoisdescribedtohaveexpressed himself indeed highly rejoiced at theopportunity, thus furnished, of entertaining the imperial exile at his court; and as a testimony of the satisfaction w hich he experienced, the imperial state drums at the metropolis were directed to strike up for three days successively. A reply full of respect - ' and encouragement,and, in terms the most flattering and consoling, in¬ viting the royal fugitive to hasten to court, was immediately prepared; and, together with a number of very valuable presents, delivered to the messenger, who was then dismissed on his return, after having expe¬ rienced the most friendly and honorable reception. Instructions were, at the same time, conveyed to the several authorities, on the road by which the Moghul monarch should pass towards the capital, enjoining them to provide in the most splendid manner for his reception through¬ out his journey; w hich they were required to consider as an event re¬ flecting the very highest lustre on the reign of their master. The mandate transmitted on this occasion to Mahommed Khaun, the governor of Herat and Khorassaun, descends, indeed, to the very minutest circumstance to be attended to, in the reception and accom¬ modation of the royal stranger; and is given at full length, by our au¬ thor, as a precedent most worthy of imitation by all such as, at any future period, might be called upon to discharge the same sacred claims of humanity and hospitality. But as this piece would occupy, at its present stage, by much too large a portion of the work, extending to six full pages of manuscript, closely written in the original, we must be con¬ tent to exclude it altogether. What may be considered more to the purpose is, that the letter from Kara Sultan Shaumlfi, announcing the arrival of Homayun in Seiestaun, does not appear to have reached Kaz- vein before the twelfth dayof Zilhudje;* although this seems contradic- • Gth of March 1544. 838 A.d'?543 44 presently appear; and we are therefore warranted in ~ considering that it must have been a month earlier. However this may be, Homayiln had no sooner reached the territory of Ferah, than his messenger returned, accompanied by an envoy from the court of Persia, to announce the satisfaction evinced on the part oF Shah Tahmasp, on intelligence of his arrival; and it was then that he finally determined, in compliance with the general wish of his follow¬ ers, to accept of the invitation, now expressly communicated from the Persian monarch, to repair to his capital. In consequence of such resolution he proceeded accordingly towards Herk; being met, at the close of ever}'’ subsequent stage, by the most distinguished inhabitants of the neighboring territory, vying with each other in activity and zeal, to fulfil the instructions of their sovereign, and to provide for the ade¬ quate entertainment of the royal stranger. In the mean time, an im¬ mense concourse of people of all classes from the surrounding districts, and particularly from the several towns of Jaum, Terbet, Serkhess, and EsMein. crowded to Her^t, on intelligence of his approach;’in order to witness the entry of Flomayun. The moment it was announced, by a message from Tatar Sultaun and the other personages who proceeded to meet the Moghfil monarch, that he was arrived within a short distance of the Ziauretg^h,* Mahom- ined Khaun, accompanied by the principal Ameirs of the province, and the more distinguished inhabitants of Herat, hastened to the held of the bridge called the Pull-e-maulan, the bridge of the oilwoman per¬ haps, to receive the august stranger; and there, together with his own protestations of zeal and attachment, presented the salutations of his sovereign. Directions had, in the mean time, been previously given, that the whole of the roads from this place to the gardens of Jahaun- ara, should be kept regularly swept and watered; and that the whole of the respectableinhabitants, tradesmen, and ingenious mechanics, be¬ longing to the city, should present themselves, every day, regularly ar¬ ranged on opposite sides of the road, in expectation of the'^arrival of Homayun. When the procession reached the station of Dilfezz^, the A very satisfactory description of the present state of the favorite city of Her;it, will e oun in a paper inserted in the Annual Register for 1817, from the journal of Capt. ottinger, whom the author of these pages is happy to recognize as a brother ofjicer, likely to do credit to the long neglected establishment on which he serves. 839 shahzkdah Sultan Mahommed Mirza presented himself to the illus- A,H. 950. trious traveller; whom, with the nobles of the province, he now con- j II I -in,. Abul Fazzel. ducted to the palace appointed for his residence in the Jahaun-ara gar¬ dens contiguous to the city. On this occasion, all the way from the Ziauretgah,* to the Pull-e-maulan, and from thence to the above men¬ tioned gardens, making altogether a distance of between three and four farsangs, — ten and a half to fourteen miles, — the hills and vallies were entirely covered with the population of Herat and the neishborino towns, assembled to behold the spectacle. It is here stated that Homayun entered Herat, or at all events, the gardens in the vicinity appointed for his residence, on the first ofZil- kaudah of the nine hundred and fiftieth of the hidjerah;f but in order to make the circumstances of the relation correspond, which would otherwise be irreconcilable, we conceive that this date should be alter¬ ed to the first of Zilhudje,:|: and that, in the mandate of Shah Tahmasp, to the twelfth of Zilkaudah preceding, § and all w'ill then appear perfect¬ ly intelligible. A splendid and sumptuous entertainment had been provided by Mahommed Khaun in the gardens of Jahaun-ara, at which he laid before his imperial guest, the presents prepared for his acceptance; nei¬ ther w'as any thing omitted on the occasion that could in any shape contribute to console him under the recollection of his recent misfor¬ tunes. In short, Herkt, and the beauties of the neighborhood, present¬ ed so many attractions to Homayun, that he determined to remain there for some time; more particularly as the festival of the new year, when the sun enters Aries, was almost immediately at hand. Durin® his stay, whenever he found himself disposed to visit any of the places which so numerously decorate this favorite city and the vicinity, he was invariably attended by the same Mahommed Khaun; and the same magnificent arrangements were prepared for his reception, whether his inclinations led him to recreate in the delights of the garden of the Gau- 2ergah,of the Baugh-e-muraud, of the Baugh-e-Kheyabaun, the Baugh- e-zoghoun, of the Baugh-e-sepeid, or the gardens of the white palace; • So called from its being a place of religious resort— perhaps it was the tomb of Abdul¬ lah Ansaur. t 25th of January 1544. 1 24th of February. § 5th of February 1544. 84a A. H. 951. A D. 1544. Abt^l Fazzel. ; or, i n short of any other of the gardens i n this neighborhood,’ so celebra¬ ted for its local ameenities. Neither did he omit, before he proceeded on his journey, to visit the tombs of the departed heroes of his religion, and particularly that of the noblp Abdullah Ansaury, the patron saint, or Peir, of Herat. As soon, however, as the festival of the new year v/as over, Homay- An commenced his journey for Kazvein;itbeing arranged that he should not neglect the opportunity of presentinghimself by the way, at the shrine of Ally Ruzza, at Mush-hedd. In the mean time, Ahmed Sultan the governor of Seiestaun, whose attentions had been unremittingly zeal¬ ous and respectful, had been honorably dismissed to his government; Homayunand his splendid retinue reaching the town of Jaum, about one hundred miles to the northward of Herat, on the fifth of Zil- hudje* — doubtless it should be the fifth of Mohurrem nine hundred and fifty one, corresponding with the 28th of March, a few days after the vernal equinox. Here he visited the tomb ofZendahPeil Ahmed Jaum, a celebrated Peir formerly mentioned. Without noticing the intermediate stages, Homayfin is represented to have arrived in the neighborhood of Mush- hedd [170 miles] about nine or ten days after¬ wards; being here met by Shah Kuly Sultaun Estaudjlu, the governor of this partof Khorassaun, who conducted him into the sacred city, on the fifteenth of the month of Mohurrem. f Homayun proceeded im¬ mediate! v to the mausoleum of Imaum Ally Ruzza, for the performance of his devotions, taking up his abode, for several days, on the verge of the hallowed edifice. From Mash-hedd he returned south-wards for nearly one hundred milt's to Neyshapour, being met at some distance from that city, by Meir Shums ud-d.in Ally Sultan, governor of these districts, by whom he was conducted, with the customary honors, to his residence in the town. On this occasion, Homayun availed hiinselt of the opportunity to view the sapphire, or rather turquoise mine, Kaun e heyrouzah, in the neighborhood of Neyshapour; after which he continued his march to Sulib izwaur, and from thence to Bestaum. . Adjacent to this latter place IS described to have be( n then existing a fountain of water^ into which, through the operation of a I'elessem, or lalisman, in times t 7 th of April 1544., * 2olh of February. 841 long past therein suspended, whenever any impure substance was cast, A. H. 951. an extraordinary turbulence in the superincumbent air was instantly Abul Fazzeu produced, occasioning such a whirlwind of dust and atoms, as to darken all around. From this, observes our author, we can only derive ano¬ ther proof of the innumerable materials deposited by the wisdom of omnipotence, in the store house of nature, of which the understanding of man is too circumscribed to comprehend either the properties or effects. From Bestaum the royal exile continued his journey to Ezrauuy, of which we have no information, and from thence successively to Damaghaun and Semnaun; in the neighborhood of which latter place, at Soufiabad, he took up his abode in the mausoleum of Alla-ud- doulah Semnauny. Wherever he came he was received, without va¬ riation, by the local authorities at the head of the resident population in their most splendid array, and with ail the honor and solemitity that could be due to the most exalted of sovereigns. iVn intercourse by messenger was, at the same time, regularly kept up with the Persian court, the Shah dispatching, by frequent opportunities, such presents, as by their rarity or utility might be worthy the acceptance, of hjs im-- perial visitor. In these circumstances, Homayun prosecuted his journey to the ancient city of Rey ; Shah Tahmasp removing about the same time from Kazvein, to take up his ordinary summer quarters near Sultauniah and Sourlik. Not lung afterwards, Homayun proceeded to Kazvein, re¬ cently the abode of the Persian monarch; where he was received with the same formalities and distinguished respect as he had uniformly ex¬ perienced during the whole of his progress. From Kazvein, after a few days repose, which were, however, devoted to a survey of , the many sanctified spots with which the place abounds, the celebrated Beyram K,haun was dispatched to the presence of the Shah; who had not yet reached his destined quarters, when that nobleman was permitted to discharge the duties of his mission. Immediately on the return of Beyram Khaun, Homayun appears to have quitted Kazvein, on his way to Sultauniah; the camp of Shah Tahmasp being, now stationary between Ebher and that city, the whole distance being apparently nott more than five and twenty miles. Arrived in the neighborhood of thce VOL. Ill, 6 P. 842 A. H.951. A. D. 1544. Abikl Fazzel. encampment, a number of the Persian nobility in their several classes appeared to pay their respects to Homayun; after them Behram Mirza and Saum Mirza, the brothers of the Shah, presented themselves; and last of all, on some day in the former month of Jummaudy of the nine hundred and fifty first of the hidjerah,* Shah Tahmasp, in person, pro¬ ceeded to meet his imperial visitor. The interview passed in mutual expressions of esteem, and in the kindest inquiries on the part of the Shah; after which the royal stranger was conducted to a magnificent pavilion, or summer palace, which had for a considerable period em¬ ployed the utmost skill of the most exquisite painters and sculptors; and which was now, for the first time, opened for the reception of Ho¬ mayun. Here he partook of an imperial and sumptuous entertain¬ ment, at which the'Shah repeated, in the warmest terms, his professions of zeal and attachment, and his sympathy in the misfortunes of the royal exile. During their conference on this occasion, the Persian monarch is said to have’ observed, as nearly as we can render the passage, that in enabling the illustrious Bkber, the father of his royal visitor, to achieve the conquest of Hindustaun, the creator of the universe had placed in the hands of the Teymurian family, a key which might yet lead to the subjugation of many and powerful regions; but with respect to any errors or failures that might recently have occurred in the manage¬ ment of affairs, it was too notorious that the evil was beyond the con- troul of Hoiuayfin^that in truth it was to be entirely ascribed to the fatal want of concert, and disunion, which marked the proceedings of his disaffected brethren; for among all the variety of efficient causes, ‘that which is'known to produce the most important results, to dissolve the best cemented fabrics of government, is a cordial co-operation to The same object between members of the same family. In this per¬ suasion, he only desired, for his part, to be considered in the light ofa younger brother, zealously prepared to afford him every assistance iu his power. And to this end such arrangements should be put in im¬ mediate activity, and such a military force equipped, as would be abun¬ dantly adequate to restore him to his authority — nay, should circum¬ stances require it, he declared that he was perfectly ready to accom pany • July or August, 1544. 843 Abi^l FazzeU HomayAn in person, in order to re-establish him in the possession of A. H. 951. his hereditary dominions. ^ ^ ‘■^'*‘** With such, and many other professions equally generous, liberal, and sincere, Shah Tahmasp exerted himself to dispel the sorrows, and encourage the expectations of his guest. Day after day was destined to witness the same superb succession of entertainments, and the same protestations of. truth and attachment. But, exclaims our author, why should an obscure and humble individual attempt to describe a spectacle in which the principal parts were performed by two such august personages? What verbal description can furnish any adequate idea of the beauty and variety displayed in the innumerable pavilions, and canopies of cloth of gold, and velvet, and taujah-bauf, the peculiar manufacture of Tebreiz, here set on foot — or of the curious tapestry hangings, and silken carpets, spread in every direction, above, below. and around ? What probable estimate can be formed as to the noble Persian horses, the camels, and mules, all gorgeously and gaily capa¬ risoned; as to the numberless pieces of rich apparel, to the swords, and cuisses, set with precious stones, suits of sable and ermine, and every description of beautiful and valuable furs; the vests of gold brocade, , velvet, satin, and Mushudjer,* as w'ell European, Yezdi- an,and Kashmirian, goblets, and salvers, and candelabras, of gold and silver enriched with rubies and topaz, and other articles of plate, of the same precious materials and workmanship; and lastly to the superb, and highly ornamented tents and lent equipage, and carpeting, in size and beauty wonderful to behold, together with every thing suitable to > the state and grandeur of a powerful monarch, which were dailv pre¬ sented for the acceptance and accommodation of Homayun ? Of all ! these 1 say, what possible estimate can be formed of the extent and va¬ lue? without mentioning the vast property distributed individually to , every class and member of the royal retinue, in specie and every arti¬ cle of supply. On the part of Homayiiu, indeed, as might have been, expected, these were few, but very rare and costly. At the entertain¬ ment given to the Shah, when he returned the first visitof his imperial gui st, the latter placed before him a diamond, alone equal in value to. the revenues of many a province, and also a bulse of rubies from thee * A sort of flowred satin, of silk and cotton mixed,. 844 A. H. 951. A D. 1544 Ab<\l Fazzel. minesofBuddukhshaun. two hundred and fifty in number, of propor¬ tionate beauty and rarity. Nevertheless it is affirmed, that whatever might have been the extent of the charges incurred by the Shah and his officers, from the entrance of Plomayun into the territories of the Persian empire, to the moment of his departure, they were actually reimbursed, one way or other, in at least a two-fold proportion, on the part of the royal exile. From the summer quarters of SoUrlik, the twomunarchs proceeded together to SAltauniah, where the same course of festivity was contin¬ ued, as we have already had occasion to notice. There were, how¬ ever, not wanting those who had baseness enough to disturb this har¬ monious interchange of kind offices, and to engender suspicious jea¬ lousies in the minds of the royal friends. But, fortunately, the misun¬ derstanding was not permitted to be of any duration, every uneasiness being early dispelled by sincere and mutual explanation. Among the recreations with which, in daily variety, the beneficent Shah Xah- masp sought to amuse his imperial guest, was the Shekaur-e-kummer- ghah, or royal circular hunt; the different species of wild animals, and beasts of the chase, being driven in for the purpose by the Shah’s troops from various points, on a circumference of ten days journey in dia¬ meter, towards the fountain head of Saoukh, or Soukh-belaugh, which is the first stage on the way to Sourlik, and was, on this occasion, fixed upon as thecentre of assemblage. Here according to practice, when the two monarchs had first exercised themselves to satiety, in dealing slaughter among the unnumbered animals thus driven together, the princes Behram Mirza and Saum Mirza, were then permitted to take their share in this indiscriminate destruction of game. After these followed the principal Ameirs of both courts, such as Beyrara Khaun, and Hadjy Mahommed Koukeltaush, and Shah Kuly Sultan, the keeper of the seal, and Roushen Koukah, and Husseyne Koukah, and sundry others in the train of Homayun; and of the officers of the Shah, Abdullah Khaun Estadjlu, who was the son-in-law of the late Shah Ismaeil, with Abul Kaussem Kholfa, and very many others whose names it would be further unnecessary to particularize: and, last of all, the mixed and impatient multitude was admitted, and every sol¬ dier and camp follower was allowed to seize, and bind, and carry off, 845 as much as he thought proper of the numerous victims of the hunter a. H. 951. which lay before him. There is, at the same time, one circumstance recorded to have taken place on this occasion, which, under a more equitable system of legis¬ lation, might be supposed to have cast considerable gloom on the en¬ joyments of the concluding day. A latent grudge had, it seems, long subsisted in the bosom of Behram Mirza, one of the brothers of the Shah, against Abul Kaussem Kholfa, a chief of some distinction among the vassals of the empire; and the former appears to have delayed his vengeance, only until he could find a favorable opportunity of quench¬ ing it in the blood of the obnoxious chief. Accordingly, when he ob¬ served that all others were sufficiently engaged in attending to the ob¬ jects of the chase, he seized his opportunity; and, in an instant, trans¬ fixed the unfortunate nobleman through the body with an arrow, in consequence of which he expired on the spot. From a culpable de¬ ference to the rank and power of the assassin, however, this act of ma¬ lignant bloodshed was never made known to Shah Tahmasp. The royal armies were now directed to form again on the circumfer¬ ence, reducing the circle in wards to the neighborhood of the llowz-e- Suliman, or reservoir of Suliman, where, on closing to the centre, the two monarchs proceeded to satiate themselves afresh with. this species of harmless slaughter. To all was added this day the two favorite games of Tchougan-bauzy, and Kebek-andauzy — the former a species of horse goff — the latter we are not able to explain. In the course of this, however, having probably signalized their skill, the faithful Bey- ram Beg was invested with the title of Khaun, and Hadjy Mahommed Koukah with that of Sultan. But, what was of much higher import¬ ance, before the entertainment closed, which was given on this occa¬ sion, a Tonmaur^ or royal mandate, for the immediate assemblage and equipment of a body of twelve thousand horse to be placed under the orders of Mirza Muiad, one of the Shal/s own sons, was definitively issued, for the purpose of assisting Homayun to re-ascend the throne of Huidfistaun In addition to prince MCiraud, the following distin¬ guished commanders were selected for the accomplishment of this un¬ dertaking. Bedaugh Khaun Kajaurleh; Shah Kuly Sfiltan Afshaur, governor of Kermaun; Ahmed Sfiltan Shaumlu, the son of Mahommed 846 A. H. 951. Khaleifah ; Sunjaub S<an Afshaur, governor of Ferah; and among many more, whom it would be unnecessary. to particularize, Husseyne AbiilFazzeJ. Sultan Shaumlu, the brother of Ahmed Sultan governor, of Se-. iestaun, and Mahommedy Mirza, the grandson of Jahaun Shah Mirza, more generally known by the name of Shahwerdy Beg.. To these were added moreover, three hundred Kourtcheis, royal guards, or house- ^ hold troops, with an abundant equipment of all things necessary to ren-- der this noble auxiliary force in every respect complete for service. On the beautiful plains of Miaunah, celebrated for the mildness and . purity of the climate, after treating his august visitor to a third circular^ hunt, near Aukziauret, the last stage on the way towards the summer - quarters of Sereik, perhaps the Sourlek already mentioned, Shah Tah-. masp paid his last visit to Homayun; the two illustrious monarchs here taking their final leave of each other in terms of the utmost politeness^ and mutual regard. From Miaunah, imitating the example of his august ancestor the in¬ vincible Teymur, Homayun now directed his course for Tebreiz and Ardebeil; having first dispatched his favorite consort the mother of Ak- bar, now pregnant with her second child, accompanied by a suitable escort and a numerous train of? domestics, under the care of Hadjy Mahommed Khaun, whom on this occasion he invested with the com¬ mand ot the troops, instructing him, at the same lime, to proceed by the road to the right hand towards Kandahaur. The twelve thousand , Persian horse destined to aid him in the recovery of his dominions, were dismissed to their several habitations about the same crisis, in order to complete their equipments, and other necessaries for the expedition ; the Shahzadah being directed to join the standard of Homayun, at the head of those troops, as soon as he should have reached the banks of the Heirmund, in Seiestaun already described. His progress on this occasion led Hornay&n first to the celebrated i city of Tebreiz, or Tauris; at a short distance from which, near the em¬ bankment raised by Meiran Shah to confine the stream which runs into > the town, from the footof Mount Sehpend in the neighborhood, he was met by the chief magistrates and principal inhabitants — the city having been decorated for his reception in the gayest colors, by command of Shah Tahmasp. Here he was entertained with suitable splendor by.- 847 tlie governor; and all sorts of games were exhibited for his amusement. Among these are particularized the Kerrek-dowauny, a species of ex¬ ercise with which we must for the present remain unacquainted, and the Peiaudah-tchougan-bauzy, or foot goff, a sort of game in which the Tebrfzians are said to have particularlyexcelled,but from which, incon- sequenceof certain indicationsofaturbulent spirit, they had, at this pe¬ riod, been for some time interdicted. The restraint had however been now taken off, by instructions from the Shah, in order to promote the gratifications of Homayun. The various edifices which embellish the r" city, and the monuments of their grandeur erected by the monarchs of former ages, were also visited in succession; furnishing indeed ample subject of reflection, on the ever recurring mutability of fortune, and the instability of human glory. When he had employed himself for a sufficient time in surveying the the curiosities of the place, he felt an unwillingness to leave it, with¬ out examining the astronomical apparatus, for which it had been long celebrated; and he accordingly directed Beg Mahommed, one of his equerries, to find him out a GHirrah^ or celestial globe, which he was desirous of inspecting before he finally departed. The officer, who was probably an Indian, with equal simplicity and ignorance, brought him the next day, a number of horses, [gourrah], which he conceived his master wished to purchase for his journey. Much amused with the absurdity of the mistake, Homayun received it, however, as an omen auspicious to his departure; and having made a purchase of the whole lot, and finished his survey of this fair city, he quitted Tebreiz very shortly afterwards, and proceeded towards Ardebeil. Arrived at Semaspy, a small town apparently nor far from the last mentioned city, Homayun was met by the several Sheikhs descended from Sheikh Seffy, and related of course in various degrees to the fa¬ mily on the throne of Persia; and with them, by the whole of the princi¬ pal inhabitants, who presented themselves for the discharge of every officeofzeal and service, during his stay at Ardebeil, where he remained, accordingly, for the period of one whole week. From thence he pro¬ secuted his journey successively to Khelkhaul, Taurom, and Jezzer- beil; at which latter place, celebrated for the mild temperature of its climate, and the deliciousness of its fruits, particularly for a species of A. II. D51. A. D. 1544. Ablil Fazzel. 848 A H. 951. A, D. 1544. Ab61 Fitzzel. pomegranate without stones, he continued for three days. Nothing further is related of his journey until he appeared again at Subbuzwaur, where he re-joined the main body of his followers, and where he found that his beloved consort had produced him a daughter. During the whole of his progress he continued to experience from the local authori- ities, and from all classes of the inhabitants, the same unabated respect and attention, and a degree of hospitality, which appeared to increase rather than diminish with the exercise, so long as he remained withini the limits of the Persian monarchy. Prom Subbuzwaur Honiayftn pro^- ceeded once more to Mush-hedd, where he now continued for some¬ time, awaiting the re-union of the troops under Sbahzadah Muraud*. who were to accompany him on his return towards the frontiers of Hin?. dustaun. Avoiding all further minuter digressions,* we shall proceed to relate that quitting Mush-hedd by the route of the Karvanserai of Terek, and the fortress of Gah, and leaving Her&t, on this occasion, apparently on the right hand, Homayun finally re-entered Seiestaun; on the borr ders of which be was now joined, according to appointment, by the force under the Persian Shahzadah, and the A’meirs who accompa¬ nied him. Not long afterwards the whole proceeded together into the district of Gurrum-seyr. On the present occasion, very differently from what formerly occurred, Abdul Hey, or Heya,,the intendant of the district, hastened from his castle of Lukki, and with a bow sus¬ pended to his neck, cast himself at the feet of Homayun, making the most abject apologies for his conduct in declining to present himself to his sovereign, when on his retreat into Persia. The same liberal spirit, and indulgence towards the errors of, others, which uniformly distinguished the actions of this liumane monarch, led him as usual to accept of the apologies of his repentant vassal, and to admit him once more into favor. In this place it may have been very proper to put upon record the * Whilehe ifinaiiied at Mirsh-hedd on this occasion, he dispatched MoulanaNur-ud-dcin Mahomnied lerkhan^ ta, invite. Sheikh Ahul Kaussem Jurjaunv, and Moulana Eliaus Ar- debeily bolhpfthem eminently distinguished for their talents and learning, to his court; and it was in consequence of this that they subsequently joined him, on hi.s return to Kabdt, where they became engaged in completing the memoirs contained in the Dourret ul tauje. _ 849 names of those faithful nobles and others who, stedfast in their allegi- A.H. nbi. ance, had adhered to the fortune of their sovereign, during the short, , . , , , ^ . AbdlFazze and certainly not very troublesome exile, from which he was now so happily returned. Among these the first, and not the least distin¬ guished in fidelity and zeal, was the able and gallant Beyram Khaun. Next was Khaiijah Mauzzem, half brother to the Princess Hameidah Sultan, the mother of Akbar. This person had, however from the first, indicated a very turbulent disposition, and in the sequel, as will be seen in its proper place, could not be prevented from engaging in the most unwarrantable scenes of blood and depravit3\ Next in the enumeration is Aukkel Sultan, the son of Auddel Sultan the Ouz- bek, who was a grandson, by the mother’s side, of Sultan Husseyne Mirza of Khorassaun. This person also, it is discouraging to remark, although in the outset eminent in zeal, became in the issue notorious for his ingratitude. Fourth was Hadjy Mahommed Koukah, the bro¬ ther of one who had held the most distinguished rank among the Ameirsofthe court of B^ber. Hadjy Mahommed was himself a man of the most exalted personal courage; and Shah Tahmasp was repeat¬ edly heard to declare that such w'ere the men, of whom, if possessed of the choice, it behoved every discreet and prudent monarch to make the selection for the employments of his government. He was no less remarkable for his activity and skill in every species of manly exer¬ cise, and he received from the Shah, during his residence in Persia, the premium for striking, or throwing, the Kebek in the game of Ke- bek-andauzy, as formerly noted. Fifth was Roushen Koukah, who discharged the office of Koukeltaush in the household of Homayfin, and, during the journey to Persia, was for some time entrusted with the care of the imperial jewels. Certain embezzlements being, however, discovered to have taken place in the precious deposit consigned to his care, he was, for several days, placed under restraint; although finally pardoned through the unexhausted lenity of an indulgent master. Sixth was Hussun Beg, the brother of Mohurrem Koukah, one of those who perished in the fatal discomfiture on the Joussa. He was a man of the purest’ morals, and most liberal disposition, and although in the office of Koukeltaush to Mirza Kamraun, yet chose to attach himself inseparably to the fortunes of Homayiin. Seventh was Khau- VOL 111. 5 9 850 A. H.951. A. D, 1544. Abul Fazzel. jah Meksoud, a native of Herat. This was a person also of the strict-- est integrity, and most unblemished life, in consideration of which he- became particularly attached to the suite of the princess Hameidali- Sultan, by the side of whose litter he usually rode during the journey,. He was, moreover, the father of Seffy Khaun and Zeyne Khaun, two . noblemen who rose to distinguished rank under the succeeding reignj ofAkbar, the former being, however, killed in the campaign of Gujer- at. Eighth was Khaujah Ghauzy the Tebrizian, distinguished for his skill in arithmetic, and the science of numbers. He was also well ac¬ quainted with history, and the memorials of former times. At the pe¬ riod when Homayun withdrew from Labour towards the lower Indus, this person forsook the party of Mirza Kamraun, and attached himself to the destiny of his legitimate sovereign; by whom he was placed at the head of his exchequer. Subsequent to that, however, he was for a long time banished the royal presence ; but towards the decline of life, when strength and intellect became equally impaired, he was nevertheless admitted to the court of Akbar. Ninth was Ameir-ud- dein Mahmoud, also a native of Heraut, not less distinguished for his skill in arithmetic, than for his unparalleled dexterity in arranging the most perplexing, and intricate accounts. He was moreover ex?* tremely skilful in waiting the Shekustah, or running-hand, usually em¬ ployed in correspondence, or other matters requiring celerity and dis¬ patch. For some time he was placed by Homayun in the appoint¬ ment ot Bukhshy, at a subsequent period, about the person of young Akbar during his minority ; and the latter prince, on his accession to the throne, advanced him to the highest dignities of the state, ul¬ timately bestowing upon him the proud title of Khaun-e-jahaun. Tenth was Baba Doust the Bukhshy, also a very skilful accountant, which he sufficiently proved by his protracred services in the office of the Exchequer. Eleventh was Derwaish Mabommed Bungally. He belonged to one of the religious establishments at Her^t, was a person of singular simplicity of manners, and of the soundest princi¬ ples. He had been left with Jahaunguir Kuly Beg in Bengal, and was the only person who exerted himself to make good his escape from that province to the presence of his master. Twelfth was Hus- sun Ally Eyshek Agassy, [first master of the ceremonies] distinguish- 851 ed for his undaunted courao^e and invincible intrepidity of mind. This A. H. 95i. officer had repeatedly signalized his zeal and attachment by the most ^ f meritorious services ; but a favorite youth in the train of Homayun, of tlie nameof Yagoub,havingbeen privately assassinated in an old build- I ing near lebreiz, by some Kuzzulbaush, or ordinary Persians, and a misunderstanding being known to subsist between Hussun Ally and the minion, he became implicated in the crime of murder; and for this reason being prevented from accompanying the imperial standard on its departure, he was under the necessity of remaining in Irak: al¬ though, at a subsequent period, when Homayun had been reinstated in his authority at Kabul, he was again admitted to the presence. Thirteenth, in this enumeration, was Ally Doust Baurbeggy, the son of the just mentioned Plussun Ally. He followed the imperial standard to Mush-hed, and continued, from first to last, to evince his attachment by the most zealous services. Fourteenth was Ibrau- him Eyshek Agassy, another of the gentlemen ushers perhaps, and one of the most zealously devoted among the servants of the imperial court. Fifteenth, Sheikh Yussuf Jouly, or Tchouly, who claimed his de¬ scent from Sheikh Ahmed Yesshi. He was a man of independent spirit, and unblemished manners. Sixteenth, Sheikh Behlosvul, de¬ scended from some of the most venerated Sheikhs of Tartary. He was also an officer of considerable merit. Seventeenth, Moulana Nur-ud-dein, a person not inadequately skilled in astronomy and geometry ; and having at an early period accompanied Kauzzy Bur- haun, the Khowaufite, to the court of the late Emperor Baber, he became in time a frequent associate in the convivial parties of Ho¬ mayun. He ultimately received from Akbar the distinguished title ofTerkhan. Eighteenth was Mahommed Kaussem Mou-tchei, who, at a subsequent period, served with considerable distinction, under Homayun, in Buddukhshaun. He was nearly related to Meir Mahom¬ med Tchalabaun, and in the province just mentioned, was employed in the same branch of service, apparently that of director of the bar¬ ges, perhaps of pontoneer. In Hindustaun, on the accession of Ak¬ bar, he became Meir Bahar, or prefect of the marine, or admiral : and building a beautiful and splendid villa, on the banks of the Jown, or Jumna, he there quietly conducted his frail bark to the harbour of death. Nineteenth, Heyder Mahommed Aukhtah Beggy, one of thoso A. H. 951. A. D. 1544. Abiil Fazzel. 852 \ grown old in the service of the imperial court. Twentieth, Seyud Mahommed Tekkeiah, a very brave officer, singularly expert in every martial exercise, and, accordingly, he bore away the prize at Herat, in thegameofKebekandauzy, Twenty-first, Seyud Mahommed Kauly, a native of the just mentioned city of Herat. For a few days while at Bukkur, he was invested with the office of Ameir-e-auddel — min¬ ister of justice; and he was included in the number of those admitted to a seat, in the imperial circle. Twenty-second, Hafez Sultan Ma¬ hommed, surnamed Rukhnah — the fracture, perhaps fracturer. This person had joined Homayiin near Bukkur, in the disguise of a men¬ dicant, and apparently made himself known by reciting two favorite couplets in verse. Becoming enrolled among the Eytcheks, he en¬ joyed considerable favor under the succeeding reign of Akbar. Ne¬ vertheless engaged in the rebellion at Sehrind, it would be unworthy of the subject of these pages to take any further notice of such an ingrate. Twenty-third, Mirza Beg, the Belowtch, whose father had enjoyed in Khorassaun, the dignity of head of the tribe of that name. Twenty-fourth, Ameir Husseyne, the son of the abovenamed Be¬ lowtch. Twenty-fifth, Khaujah Amber Nauzer — an eunuch, super- intendant of the department of the women to Homayun ; and he re¬ ceived from Akbar the title of Ettebaur Khaun. He was moreover one of the chamberlains attached to the retinue of the princess Ha- meidah Sultan. [Merreiam-makauny]. Twenty-sixth, Aurref Tou- shek-tchei — keeper of the wardrobe. He was a Maumluk, but pro¬ fessed to be of the race of the Seyuds. Under the authority of Akbar, he obtained the title of Pahar Khaun, and was otherwise employed in appointments of the highest trust. The author concludes his list with the names of twelve others, domestics and household slaves, whom it would be here unnecessary to particularize. Let us now, for a moment, attend to the effect produced on the con¬ duct of his adversaries, by the rumours which announced the return of Homayun. The instant, then, the alarm was communicated to Mirza Kamraun, considering that the crisis of reconciliation was long since past, tire first idea that occurred to him was to secure the person of the infant A kbar; and for this purpose, the brother of Khuzzer Khaun j Hazaurah was immediately dispatched, to convey the young prince 853 from Kandahaur to KabAl. On the arrival of this person at Kanda- A.H. 95i. haur, the object of his mission occasioned some debate in the councils of Mirza Asskery, many endeavoring to dissuade him from the impolicy of sending away the young prince; whom, on the contrary, they urged him by every consideration to detain at Kandahaur,asthe surest instru¬ ment of reconciliation with his elder brother; since by restoring the child to its august parent, he could always ensure forgiveness for the errors of his former conduct. Others maintained, however, that it was his interest to comply with the views of Kamraun, without the smallest reserve; since the nature of his dispute with Homayun, was such as to preclude all hope of effectual reconciliation, by whatever means attempted. Unhappily the latter opinion prevailed with Mirza Asskery; and the young prince was accordingly sent off towards Kabul, in the midst of rain and snow, and in the very depth of winter. He was accompanied, at the same time, by his infant sister Bukhshy Baunu Begum, and his two , principal nurses, Jeijy Auitekah, the mother, as we have already ob-. served, of Mirza Azziz Koukeltaush, and Mauhem A uttekah the mo¬ ther of Audhem Khaun, and most of his other attendants; at the head ot whom was Shums-ud-dein Mahmoud of Gheznein, the husband of his favorite nurse, who was distinguished by the title of Auttekah, Khaun. To preserve the greater secrecy in the transaction, they were > instructed to address the infant prince by the appellation of Meirek, and his sister by that of Beitchah; nevertheless, on their arrival at Ko- laut one of the first stages, and putting up at the habitation of one of the Hazaurahs, or native chiefs, for the night, the exalted rank of the royal child was discovered by the simple majesty alone which beamed on his forehead; and the master of the house could not withhold himself from proclaiming, the very next ntorning, that the heir apparent of the throne had reposed under his roof the night before. In consequence of this discovery, the brother of Khezzer Khaun, who had charge of the escort, conceived it expedient to hasten the journey towards Ghez¬ nein, and finally to Kabul; where the whole arrived without accident^ not long afterwards. The royal infant was there lodged by Mirza. Kamraun in the mansion of Khaunzadah Begum, the sister of Baber;; 854 A. H. 951. and, on the following day, at a public audience in the garden ofShe- her-ara, his princely nephew was introduced into his presence, ib6lFazzeJ. .... , . , . Without, however, enlarging on the particulars of this interview, during which the little Akbar was put to wrestle with his cousin Ibrauhim Mirza, the son of Mirza Kamraun, from whom, although his elder by several years, he bore away the prize of a painted kettle-drum; nor on the consequent mortification of Kamraun, since it might be construed to prognosticate future more important triumphs, it will be more satisfactory to return to the proceedings of Homayun and his Persian auxiliaries, subsequent to their entrance into Gurrumseyr. The first object, then, towards which they turned their views, was the siege and reduction of Bost, here described to be included in the ter¬ ritory of Gurrumseyr, and subordinate to the provincial government ofKandahaur. Seyud Ally Sultan Teklfi, or Toklii, a Persian Com¬ mander, with a division of his countrymen, was selected for the exe¬ cution of this piece of service; and that officer proceeded accordingly to in¬ vest thefortressin question, w’hich wasdefended forMirzaKamraun bythe two local jaguirdaurs, Shauhem Jullaeir, and Meir Khilidje. As he was, however one day, directing the operations of the siege, the Persian commander was unfortunately killed by a musquet shot from the works of the town; but instead of discouraging, this circumstance appears to have added fresh stimulus to the ardor of the besiegers; since they continued their exertions with greater activity than ever, after confer¬ ring the command on the son of the fallen general, although a youth of not more than twelve years of age, and at the same time dispatching to announce to the Persian court, a report of what had happened. Not many days afterwards, the garrison finding themselves gradually strait¬ ened in their resources within, and entirely cut off from all hope of relief from w ithout, determined to convey to Homayun proposals of submission; to which, through his accustomed lenity, he readily acceded. Homayun now encamped under the walls of the fort; and the two com¬ manders, Shauhem J ullkeir and Meir Khilidje, being conducted to his presence, each with a quiver suspended to his throat, were not only admitted to pardon, but generously enrolled among the vassals of the ■ empire. While Homayfin remained encamped near Post, on this occasion, a 855 report was circulated that Mirza Asskery was collecting his treasure, and preparing to withdraw towards Kabul, and a great part of the Per¬ sian auxiliaries, with not a few of the royal troops, were not to be res¬ trained, in consequence, from hastening immediately to Kandahaur ,* although Homayun himself, on the faith of undoubted intelligence, and peradventure from a wish that his brother’s retreat might be unmo¬ lested, expressly assured them, on the contrary, that Mirza Asskery was determined to maintain his ground to the very last extremity. The result was as might have been expected. For, appearing before Kan¬ dahaur like a disorderly rabble unprepared to meet with resistance in any shape, these refractory bands found themselves suddenly exposed to a tremendous discharge of canon and small arms, from all the works that could be brought to bear upon them. Their loss in killed and wounded was severe; and it is probable that they would have been en¬ tirely cut to pieces by the garrison, part of which had sallied from the town to attack them, were it not for the activity and exertions of some distinguished officers, both Moghul and Persian, who hastened to cover their retreat, and succeeded with some difficulty in repulsing the as¬ sailants. T heconsequencesmight, indeed, have been moreextensively fatal, if Mirza Asskery had not obstinately disregarded the pressing importu¬ nities of Jemeil Beg, one of his best officers; who sent to intreat that* he would himself come down from the fort at the head of the remainder of his troops, and take a part in the action— assuring him of the utter disparity of the force opposed to him, and that this once disposed of, therewouldremain but little further to do. Fortunately, Mirza Asskery entertained an opinion that his adversaries were too well acquainted with the strength and circumstances of the garrison of Kandahaur, to expose themselves to such unwarrantable risks. He expressed his con¬ viction that the force of Homayun was not limited to the number which had now shewn themselves — and that, without a doubt, they,, were well' supported by ambuscades in the rear, prepared to act the moment the occasion might require it. He was therefore, as he alleged, not so inex¬ perienced as to become the dupe of such a feint; on the contrary, that he should attend themore cautiously to the security of his post, and decline > all hazard of a contest in the open plain, until he should be joined by,- Mirza Kamraun, A. H, 051* A. D. 1544. Abul Fazzel. 856 'A. M. 952, Thus happily rescued from that imminent destruction to which, by A. D.i545. '^ criminal disregard of discipline, and the sordid love of pillage, they AbfilFazzel.^^^^ SO rashly exposed themselves, the' troops of Homay tin had perhaps some cause to rejoice in their unmerited escape, as in a sort of victory. At all events, Homayun himself was notunmindful of the gracious in¬ terposition of providence in this early manifestation of favor. Not many days afterwards he broke up from his encampment before Bostj and on Saturday the seventh of Mohurrem, of the nine hundred and fifty second of the bidjerah,* he appeared at the head of his whole force, under the walls of Kandahaur; fixing his head quarters in the garden of Shums-ud-dein AUy, the Kauzzy of the town, obliquely fronting ‘ the Derwauzzah-Mashour— gale of the cloth-workers, or perhaps weavers. Arrangements were expedited, without a moment s delay, for the commencement of the siege— the ground for opening the trenches was regularly divided— the proper officers were nominated to superin¬ tend the operations— and partial conflicts daily occurred in the envi¬ rons of the place, between the troops of the garrison and their besiegers. To enter at length into the minutiae of the operations of a siege, al¬ though pregnantwithinterestandamusement to a particularclass, might nevertheless prove oppressivel}'^ tedious to the generality of readers. We shall therefore confine our narrative to such particular passages as may be essentially necessary to the illustration of the subject before us. Finding, then, that Mirza Asskery seemed determined on resist¬ ing to the last extremity, Homayun, when he had continued for some time before Kandahaur, conceived that it might yet be possible, by opening a correspondence once more with Mirza Kamraun, to recal the brothers to a sense of their common interests; and for this purpose he selected his faithful general Beyram Khaun, who was accordingly in¬ structed to proceed to Kabtil, with two confidential letters which he W'as to deliver to Mirza Kamraun. After experiencing some obstruc¬ tion from the Hazaurah tribes between Kandahaur and Gheznein, whom he succeeded in chastising for their insolence, Beyram Khaun finally reached Kabul; where he was honorably received, and permit¬ ted without restraint, to execute the objects ot his mission. Among other indulgences, of which, on particular application, he was allow- » 20th of March 1545. 857 ed to avail himself, was a visit to the hope of the empire, the yet in¬ nocent and princely Akbar ; and this indulgence was at the same time extended to separate interviews with the Mirzas Hindal, and Suli- man, and Y^adgaur Nausser, and OJuarh Mirza, all of them residing, at this period, at Kabiil, although not all ‘under circumstances of equal freedom from restraint. When, however, he had detained him at Kabul for about six weeks, in a state of indecision between the belief of his inability to contend any longer against his brother, with any prospect of success, and the fatality by which he was irresistibly witheld from hastening to be re¬ conciled to him, Mirza Kamraun, after a thousand importunities, at last consented to the departure of Beyram Khaun. But this consent does not appear to have been even then obtained, before he had pre¬ vailed upon Khaunzaudah Begum, the elder sister of the emperor Ba¬ ber, already spoken of as entrusted with the care of young Akbar, to accompany the envoy to Kandahaur; ostensibly, because, as he pre¬ tended that his advice had but little weight with Mirza Asskery, the intreaties, the remonstrances, of this respectable lady on the spot, nsight have the desirable effect of inducing him to surrender the place to Homayun ; but, in reality, should circumstances finally concur to put this important place in possession of the imperial troops, to inter¬ cede with the emperor for the present indemnity of his perfidious bro¬ ther; who was, in truth, actuated in his determined resistance, by the express instructions of Kamraun. In the mean time, Mirza Asskery, wbo was already, sufficiently disposed to concur in the hostile designs of Kamraun, was devoting, all the resources in his power towards a vigorous defence of Kanda¬ haur, having planted a numerous and well appointed artillery on the fortifications, in every direction. The place wms in itself, as stated in . the narrative, extremely strong ; the ramparts being no less than sixty cubits thick, and constructed, from the plinth upwards probably, of j masses of clay dried in the sun, of all materials the most difficult ofi subverion by the effect of artillery. The Moghuls from without were, however, not less indefatigable in their exertions, which excited i the astonishment and applause of the Turkmans, who composed per¬ haps the strength of the Persian auxiliaries; and who were impelled I VOL, HI, 5 R A. H. 952. A. D. 1545. Abfil Fazzel. 858 A.H. 952. A. D. 15 <5. Abtl Fazzel. by the examples of dauntless intrepidity thus placed before them, to emulate the exertions of their allies. Nevertheless, owing to the able and vigilant precautions of Mirza Asskery ’who^ to prevent all possi¬ bility of collusion with the besiegers, although it evinced considerable want of confidence in the attachment of his fclhjwers, never permit¬ ted the same guards to oc cupy the same post upon the works for more than one day, successively, the Persian generals, perceiving, that the siege was protracted far beyond their exppctation, and that of all the imperial vassals not one yet appeared disposed to join the standard of Homayun, began to grow tired of the service, and to agitate the design of returning homewards. Happily, from some circumstances in the conduct of these auxilia¬ ries, discovering the design in agitation, Homayun determined to push the operations of the siege with additional vigor ; and for this purpose, removing’bne night from the entrenchment which he'usually occupied before the town, he effected a lodgement on the side of the old city of Kandahaur; where he immediately threw up a strong and formidable breast- work, within a stone’s throw of one of the principal gates, near what was denominated the Tchaur-derrah — the four passages ; per¬ haps the Barbican.* On the following morning the Turkmauns in the service of the Persian monarch, observing the boldness and ability with which this operation had been executed, in a moment resolved to make a desperate effort at once to carry the place ; and rushing forward ac¬ cordingly, from all sides, pressed so daringly inward on that particular point of his defences," that Mirza Asskery became beyond measure alarmed at his danger. Under these apprehensions he therefore con¬ ceived it immediately expedient to dispatch, by a certain Meir Tauher,v the' brother* of Khaujah Doust Khawund, a letter to Homayun, re¬ questing a' cessation of hostilities, until the arrival of their common aunt ‘Khaunzkdah Begum, then on her way from Kabul; through whose introduction he alleged that he should be able to present him¬ self to liis offended brother,with greater self-possession, and confidence ' ofa kind reception. To this, with his usual generosity, Homayian very imprudently consented; and tbe garrison being thus left for several days unmolested, the perfidious Asskery proceeded in secret, under * With equal probability it might have led to four passes in the neighboring mountains. 859^ his mask of affected humility, to add every possible repair and strength A. H. 952. to his works. On the arrival of Beyram Khaun, accompanied by the same Khaun- z^dah, Mirza Asskery, however, contrary to the faith of his; engage¬ ments, and to the urgent intreaties of that respectable female, who had been permitted to enter the fort ona visit to her nephew, suddenly threw off his mask of moderation, and resumed his original plans of determin¬ ed and unabating hostility ; in which he carried his presumption to the extremity of detaining his venerable relative in the fort of Kanda- haur, instead of allowing her to return to the camp of Homayun, Convinced therefore at length, that he had nothing to expect from this unnatural brother but immitigable animosity, that monarch now re¬ sumed the operations of the siege with greater activity than ever. In the mean time, while things were thus drawing to a a crisis, the prospects of Homayun were not a little improved by the arrival of Olhgh Mirza, the son of Mahommed Sultan Mirza; a grandson by the female line, of Mirza Sultan Husseyne of Her^t, so often mentioned in these pages. To him were added Sheir-afkunn Beg, the son of Kouje Beg, and Fezzeil Beg, brother of Munnaeim, or Monnejm, Khaun, and Meir Berrekah, and Mirza Hussim Khaun, both sons of Meir Ab¬ dullah, one of the Seyuds of the Subbuzvvaury branch of the Benni Mokhtanr; with many others who had recently quitted Kabul, and rejoiced in the opportunity of once more appearing in the presence of their acknowledged sovereign. Mirza Kamraun had, it seems, for a short time past, thought it ex¬ pedient to place the person of Olhgh Mirza under a sort of restraint Ab^l Fazzel. at large; consigning him for the greater security, week and week about, to the custody of some particular individual who became responsible for his safe keeping. When, however, the charge of this obnoxious, or suspected chief, devolved to Sheir A.fkunn, that officer, who labor¬ ed also under some apprehensions with respect to the displeasure of Mirza Kamraun, at once determined on the liberation of his prisoner; and, together with the individuals just mentioned, accompanied him, , without further delay, in his flight to Kandahaur; where, it would be almost unnecessary to remark, they were all very graciously received i by Homayun. Olugh MirzEt was rewarded, in particular, by an immCr-- \ A. II. 952. A. D. 1545. ' Ab6l Fazzel. '8()0 diate grant of the territory of Dawer, doubtless that which is distin¬ guished in the maps by the appellation of Rauer, and of which Bost is t-he chief town. Kaussem Husseyne Sultaun the Ouzbek had quitted Kabul at the same time, indeed, with the other fugitives, on this occa¬ sion, but losing his way in the night, and wandering into the Hazaur- ahs, or Afghan establishments in the neighborhood, he did not reach the camp before Kandahaur for some days afterwards; when he made his appearance in wretched plight, miserably lame, and plundered of every thing w'hich he had about him. Not long after this, Duddah, or perhaps Dawah, Beg, one ot the Hazaurah chiefs, together with the whole of his tribe, joined Homay- un, bringing letters from the greater part of the Ameirs and principal inhabitants at Kabul. This circumstance produced the most lively satisfaction throughout the Moghul camp, and altogether removed every symptom of discontent from among the Persian auxiliaries, who were thus induced, afresh, to unite cordially in the general effort to obtain possession of Kandahaur. The garrison had, moreover, by this time, relaxed very perceptibly in the vivacity of their resistance; and, by billets attached to their arrows, conveyed from the ramparts daily intelligence of the proceedings of Mirza Asskery, and encouraged the besiegers to persevere in their exertions, since their adversaries were already reduced to the very extremity of distress. Matters, indeed, arrived at such a crisis at last, that Asskery ’s most distinguished officers, one after another,began to desert him, followed bv the cannoniers and foot soldiers, who contrived to let themselves down from the works, and escape into the country. The first to set the example among thei\meirs was Khezzer Khaujah Khaun, who seized the earliest favorable opportunity to precipitate himself from one of the bastions, which lay nearest to that part of the trenches occupied by Ilomayan, and to throw himself upon the mercy of that generous monarch. Next came Mfieyud Beg, who let hims.elf dowm from the ramparts by a rope, and sought the royal presence. These were follow¬ ed by Issm&t'il Beg, formerly attached to the court of the emperor B&- ber, and who was equally distinguished in the council and in the field . He was accompanied, on this occasion, by Abhl Hussun Beg, the ne¬ phew of Karatchah Khaun, and by Mfinower Beg the son ot Nour Beg. 861 In the course of one of the following nights, Khezzer Khaun Hazaur- A. H. 952. ah also effected his escape from the fort, and retired towards the moun- tains of Lekky, followed by between two and three thousand of the men of his tribe. He was, however, pursued at day-light by some of the troops of Homayun,and narrowly escaped capture by concealing himself in the cavity of a rock. It became thus pretty evident that the fortof Kandahaurcould not be much longer defended against the returning re-ascendancy of Homay- fin’s fortune, and the perseveringdevotion of his troops; and Mirza Ass- kery being at length awakened from his dream of security and strength, it is very possible that he should have experienced considerable em¬ barrassment in the midst of so many difficulties, convinced as he was that he now possessed neither the means of escape, nor the power of opposing the progress of the besiegers any longer. In this extremity, he sent to make known to Plomayun that he was ready to deliver up the fort into his hands, demanding, at the same time, that he might be permitted to withdraw towards Kabul. To this, however, Homayuii peremptorily refused to accede; and Asskery perceiving that an^^ at¬ tempt to over-reach was now in vain, finally resolved to avail himself of the only alternative left, in the mediation of Khaunzadah Begum, who was accordingly sent out to intercede for pardon with Homayiin. As appears to have been early foreseen, the intermediation of this respect¬ able princess produced the desired effect in liis favor; and a promise was obtained, in compliance with her intreaties, that the multiplied in¬ juries of which this perverseand perfidious man had been the occasion, should.be again forgiven. On Thursday the twenty fifth of the latter Jummaudy, of the nine hundred and fifty second of the hidjerah,* Mirza Asskery, relying upon the assurances thus obtained, ventured, without further demur, to ac¬ company his venerable relative to the camp of Homayfin; by whom, in the presence of all his officers, and of the generals of the Kuzzulbaush, his Persian auxiliaries, severally arranged according to their stations, he was received with awful formality. Previous to his introduction he had indeed been compelled, in the first instance, to submit to a very degrading ceremony, the faithful Beyram Khaun being instructed to * 2d of September, 1545. Abut i'azzel. A. H. 952. A. D. 1545. Fazzel. 862* suspend a naked sword to his neck, in which state the humbled prince was then ushered into the presence of his royal brother. Yes ! exclaims ^ our author, notwithstanding the repeated proofs of mortal hostility which he had experienced at his hands, and in obvious disregard of the best interests of his government, and the common maxims of prudence - which sustain the basis of thrones and empires, Homayun, yielding to the mere impulseof his own compassionate disposition, atonce consent¬ ed to cancel the black catalogue of offences accumulated upon his ungrateful brother; at the same moment evincing a desire to overwhelm him afresh with the most abundant proofs of kindness and generosity, to be returned, on the very first occasion, by the same course of treason and disloyalty. It was, however, from a sense of gratitude to heaven for this first substantial proof of returning prosperity,, that Homayun is said to have been determined in his earliest indications of indulgence towards the - crimes of his brother, and he began by directing that the sword which hung suspended to his neck, should be removed; after which, and the due performance of the usual ceremonies of personal homage, as to his sovereign lord, he was permitted to seat himself. This dispatched, Mahommed Khaun Jull^eir, and Shauhem Khaun, and Mokeym Khaun, and Shah-e-Seiestaun, together with thirty more of the prin¬ cipal individuals of the garrison, with their swords and quivers also , suspended to their throats, were next conducted to the presence of Homayun, before whom they were then permitted to make their pros¬ trations. Of these, Mokeym Khaun and Shah-e-Seiestaun were or¬ dered to be detained, and what is here called a Zhulaunah to be fasten¬ ed from their feet to the neck; but what sort of fastenings these consti¬ tuted, unless they were gyves, we cannot explain. And thus, at all events, after an irregular sort of siege, of about five months and ten or twelve days, the important fortress of Kandahaur was placed at the dis-, posal of Homayun. The whole of the succeeding night, to the dawn of thefollowing day, , was devoted, it seems, to celebrate this w^^come prelude to, future triu-mphs, with all the fascinations of vocal and instrumental music; in the course of which the most admiredsingersand musicians then known were employed to dispel the recollection of past calamities, and to re- 863 cite, from ancientlore, all that might serve as an example for the future. 4. h. 952. When, however, the entertainment was at its height, and the minds A O 1^45 of all were elevated to the most exalted pitch of convivial enjoyment, a letter which had been written by Mirza Asskery to the Beloutchies and other roving tribes, at the period when Homayun had taken to the bordering desert, was designedly produced, by the monarch’s instruc¬ tions, and communicated to his brother through some of the guests. From a state of comparative happiness, the wretched man was instantly thrown into one of the bitterest mortification and regret. In short, it was finally resolved that Asskery should be detained in custody for some time, and at regular periods brought to make his obeisances at court; until, deriving instruction from salutary restraint, a returning sense of duty might entitle him to a more extended enjoyment of the royal clemency. In the course of the day following Homayun, accom panied by Ma- hommed Muraud Mirza, and the other Persian commanders, made his public entry into Kandahaur, where he fixed his abode for that and the three succeeding days. On the fourth day, in concurrence with the secret arrangements of his own breast, and possibly not less in discharge of his engagements with the Persian monarch, he finally delivered up the city to Muraud Mirza, and withdrew, himself, to the gardens laid out by his father on the river Arghundaub in the neighborhood. And here, in the refreshing shade of the groves and plantations, he proceeded to inspect the accounts now laid before him of the accumulated trea¬ sure and various effects of Mirza Asskery; the whole of which, with his usual disinterested liberality, he immediately distributed to relieve the numerous wants of his followers. In the mean time, on intelligence of the reduction of Kandahaur, and a report that Homayftn was preparing to march towards Kabfll, Mirza Kamraun took the alarm; and suddenly removing the young Akbarfrom the mansion of Khaunz^ldah Begum, where he had hitherto resided, to his own palace within the castle of Kabfll, he there consign¬ ed him to the care of his own favorite consort. At the same time, seizing the person of Shums-ud-dein Mahommed, or Mahmoud, of Gheznein, well known by the title of Auttekah* Khaun, from his situ* * Foster-father perhaps. 864 A. H. 952. ationaboutthepersonof the young prince, he threw him intoaprison,or A. D. 1545. dungeon, where he was exposed to every speciesof indignity and incon- ^biilFazzel. 24e then proceeded to consult with hisAmeirsas to the mea¬ sures which itwouldbeadvisable to adopt with regard to MirzaSftliman, whom he had deprived of the government of Buddukhshaun. Moulla Abdul Kliaulekj one of those who had b^en employed as the Mirza’s preceptors, and who had for some time despaired of being otherwise admitted to hold any appointment of consequence in, the state, boldly recommended, that in order to conciliate the friendship of that prince he should be immediately set at large, and the government of which he had been divested freely restored to him; in the persuasion that, at a moment of emergency, his assistance might pi;ove of the most essen¬ tial value. Other circumstances, however, concurred at this crisis, very mate¬ rially to hasten the enlargement of Mirza Suliman; for, not many days before, MeirNuzzer Ally and other chiefs in Buddukhshaun, had con¬ trived to possess themselves of the fortress of Zuffer, and to secure the persons of Kaussem Berlas, and other officers employed in the govern¬ ment of the province. Having so done, they dispatched to announce to Mirza Kamraun, thatifhe sent Mirza Suliman into the country he should he immediately re invested with the government; if not, that the officers whom they held in custody should be put to death with¬ out mercy, and the country delivered up to the Quzbeks. In conse¬ quence of this menace, Mirza Suliman with his son Mirza Ibrauhim, and his mother Hurrim Begum, was immediately set at large, and per¬ mitted to proceed towards Buddukhshaun; . but, when he had just reached the station of Paei-minaurah, a -well inhabited halting place on the road,- he was overtaken by a messenger from Mirza Kamraun, who had already, repented of this involuntary act of grace; and who now requested that he would immediately return to. Kabul, as, he had some affairs to communicate, of which it would be highly imprudent to speak, but at a personal interview. With his suspicions awakened by such a message, it would have been extraordinary if Mirza Suliman h.ad submitted to put himselfany more in the power of his oppressor; and he therefore merely sent a letter to apologize for his refusal, and to explain, that as he had at a happy conjuncture taken his leave, he 865 could not perceive any reasonable expediency for his return to Kab61. In the mean time, he added, that if Mirza Kamraun had in reality any thing of importance to communicate, he trusted that there would be no difficulty in committing it to paper, and conveying it to him through some confidential person. Mirza Suliman then made the best of his way into Buddukhshaun, where he no sooner arrived than he openly cancelled all engagements with Kamraun. While his attention was yet occupied with these occurrences, the selfish and ambitious Kamraun was doomed to witness another serious defection, in the departure ofYadgaur N.ausser; who also withdrew, about the same period, towards Buddukhshaun. In short, every cir¬ cumstance seemed to indicate that fortune was at last preparing to re¬ taliate upon this unhappy man, his ow-n example of perfidy and ingra¬ titude, insomuch that in the course of a very few days, not one of his kindred Mirzas remained about him, but Mirza Hindal; whom he therefore conceived it expedient to attach to his interests by all the proofs of confidence in his power to exhibit. To him, therefore, he devolved the charge of pursuing, and bringing back, the fugitive Yad- gaur, assuring him, at the same time, under the most solemn pledge, that, of the territory in his present possession, and of all that might at any future period be reduced under his authority, one third part should be faithfully allotted to Mirza Hindal. To all. these things, as far as words could be of any value, Hindal appeared to signify a very cordial assent; but, having been long since wearied out by the capricious fan¬ cies of Kamraun, he rejoiced in the first opportunity that offered to relieve himself : aiid he had, accordingly, no sooner passed the Paei-. minaurah, already mentioned, than, instead of proceeding in the direc¬ tion of Buddukhshaun, he suddenly turned off to the left, and made the best of his way to join Homayun., This unexpected desertion threw Mirz.a Kamraun into the most embarrassing perplexity, and he seemed, for a time, to lose the faculty of attending to, or directing, the most ordinary affairs of his govern¬ ment; neither does there appear to have existed among his associates, or the officers of his court, a single individual sufficiently devoted to his welfare, to tell him one sincere, or wholesome truth. The greater, part of his people, indeed, either wilfully closed their eyes upon his-' VOL. Ill, 6 s A. H. 952. A. D. 1545. AbM Fazzel. 866 A. H.952. A. D 1545. A bill Fazzel. errors, or were incapable of perceiving what might contribute to relieve him from his embarrassments. Others who possessed sufficient judg¬ ment to distinguish the means by which his distresses might have been in some degree alleviated, were deterred, probably by their inferiority of rank and importance, from expressing their opinions. To speak more pointedly, for the lesson is rather instructive, Mirza Kamraun was exposed to two inconveniences, either of which in any situation would be sufficient to produce the most serious misfortunes. Some there were, as we have seen, who could not presume to address him under any circumstances. '•Others were of that class who, anxious to keep the prince in good humour, did not always find it seasonable to disclose what they knew for his interest; because, from his inveterate self-will and perverseness of disposition, they had experienced that the disclosure was never welcome, and that it usually ruffled his temper: a circumstance which they well knew to be uniformly succeeded by loss of rank and power, in some shape or other, to the unfortunate in¬ truder. Never, continues our author, for a moment recollecting that it is, on the contrary, the surest proof of genuine zeal, and faithful attach-' ment, to sacrifice every consideration of selfish convenience, to the welfare of him to whom we are bound by our allegiance — and that to govern their conduct by such unworthy considerations, at such a crisis, was the very worst of treasons. Thus, at all events, unendowed with the faculty of judging for himself by the lessons of experience, and destitute of the aid of disinterested and faithful counsellors to guide him in his actions, the unhappy Kamraun proceeded to accumulate one fatal error upon another,, until his misfortunes became, at last, 'irretrievable. ‘Having, on the other hand, succeeded at length’ in arranging the af¬ fairs of Kandahaur, Homayun resolved, as soon as he found himself completely at leisure, to conduct his troops to the reduction of Kabul; preparatory to which, he now broke up from his agreeable retreat in the gardens of B^ber, and removed’ to theGumbuz-e-seffeid', or whi te por¬ tico, in the mausoleum of Hussun Abdal, where he again encamped for the present. Here he continued to deliberate witli his officers, for some time, on the best means of carrying his design into execution; while the greater part of the Persian auxiliaries, disgusted' with the 867 tedious delays of the service, separated from the army without author- a. H. 952. ity, and returned into their own country; and others, by their impor- tunities, obtained a sort of constrained permission to follow the exam- pie. But worse than all, Bedaugh Khaun and the other Persian com¬ manders, under the orders of the son of Shah Tahmasp, little regarding the impoverished state of the country, proceeded to exercise over the unfortunate inhabitants every species of violence and extortion; as if, by such unwarrantable practices, it were ever possible to secure a life of ease and undisturbed tranquillity. They were very shortly unde¬ ceived; for the oppressed inhabitants of the city in particular, of every class and description, hastened, without reserve, to lay their grievances before Homayun, loudly demanding redress of injury. And here, as was very natural, the generous monarch felt himself under considerable embarrassment, lest, in satisfying the demands of justice by inflicting punishment on the oppressors, he might give offence to his good ally the king of Persia; or by suffering the guilty to escape entirely unpun¬ ished, they might be encouraged to extend their malpractices, an hun¬ dred-fold, against the unfortunates still subject to their authority — his. conscience pretty distinctly reminding him that by this latter course, he should most surely incur the just vengeance of an offended God. Ne¬ vertheless, such were the difficulties of his situation, that he was in. some measure constrained to postpone the redress ofthose grievances, until circumstances should arise more favorable to his just designs. His arrangements for the expedition to Kabhl being now in sufficient' forwardness, Homayun sent to Bedaugh Khaun to request that some, proper places, within the fort of Kandahaur, should be allotted for the accommodation of the women, and for the security of such effects as he should find it necessary to leave behind him. To this,w'ith an ignorance ^ of what was due to the situation of his illustrious suitor,for which, con-, sidering the terms in which the request was conveyed, there existed no , apparent apology, the Persian commander peremptorily refused his consent. In consequence of this, the principal generals of Homayfin, unanimously declared that the possession of Kandahaur was a measure ■ without alternative; since it was indispensably necessary, in the ardu-. ous undertaking in which they were about to engage, that their minds^ should be completely at rest,, with regard to the security of all that theyy 868 a; H. 952. might be compelled to leave behind. Still anxious, however, to tes- A. D. 1545. jjfy gratitude for the services, and his regard for the virtues of Shah Fazzel. Homayun forbore to authorize any proceeding that might compromise the safety of his troops; and it was accordingly determined, that this contumacious refusal of the claims of hospitality, as it would very naturally appear to the Moghuls, should be left, together with preceding misdeeds, to that just retribution by which, at some period or other, it would doubtless be overtaken. In the mean time, Mirza Muraud the son of the king of Persiaj who had nominally commanded the auxiliary force, paid the common debt of nature ; and the ministers of Homayftn availed themselves of this circumstance, to renew their importunities with their sovereign — to represent that the winter was now at hand, and that the idea of car¬ rying their families and effects with them through the intervening mountainous districts at such a season, appeared a dangerous, if not an impracticable scheme. They again therefore very pressingly urged the impolicy of leaving Kandahaur in the hands of the Turkomauns, now that the Persian prince was no more; and, especially, when their refractory disposition had been already proved in such a variety of in¬ stances, notwithstanding the express injunction which they had re¬ ceived to accompany the imperial standard in all its movements, and to devote their very existence, if necessary, to support the claims of their master’s august 'ally. They further employed a multiplicity of arguments to give additional weight to their remonstrances; and among others they urged that it was totally unw’orthy of his imperial power, to withhold any 'longer that redress from the persecuted inhabitants of Kandahaiir, which their injuries so loudly demanded. Neither was it -probable, as they stated, that so just a proceeding should give offence to the respectable monarch who swayed the sceptre of Persia. They called upon him to recollect the distance of the march to Kabiil, and "the number of Hazaurah tribes, and other Afghans, all hostile to his ■cause, who occupied the whole of the intervening territory; M'hich •rendered the posssession of some place of security in their rear, a cir¬ cumstance of vital importance ; and so suitable to their purpose, in every respect, there did not in the whole country exist but one place, and that was Kandahaur. Last of all, they therefore proposed that 860 Bedaugh Khaun should be immediately required to deliver up that A. H. 952. fortress by fair means; otherwise, they demanded that they might be permitted, without further delay, to take possession of it by force of arms. At the same time, they suggested that a letter might be dis¬ patched to the court of Shah Tahmasp, apprizing him in friendly terms of the causes which had produced this apparently hostile proceeding; confident that that excellent prince,whowasequallydistinguishedfor his prudence and his loveof justice, would entirely concur in the necessity. To Hadjy Mahommed Khaun Baba Koushkah,who took the lead in these remonstrances, Homayun repeated his repugnance to the employ¬ ment of any violent measures, from an unwillingness to endanger the lives of any of the Shah’s troops, in the service of Bedaugh Khaun ; but he, nevertheless, signified his consent that some stratagem might be de¬ vised to obtain possession of the fort, if possible, without coming to actual hostility. A person was accordingly sent to announce to Be¬ daugh Khaun, that, as the imperial troops were about to take their de¬ parture, it had been found expedient that Mirza Asskery should be confined in the fortress of Kandahaur ; and that it was expedient the Persian commander should take charge of him during their absence. To this, Bedaugh Khaun appears to have very readily assented ; and it was immediately arranged that several divisions should then take their stations, secretly, on the different avenues leading to the town, under the following commanders, prepared to enter the place the mo¬ ment an opportunity offered. Beyram Khaun took post with one di¬ vision, near the Derwauzah Kendegaun. Olfigh Mirza and Hadjy Mahommed, with another division, lay before the Derwauzah Mash- our; while MAeyud Beg, with a third division, proceeded towards the Derwauzah Noujaei. Just at dawn of day, however, anticipating the enterprize of his brave associate, Hadjy Mahommed approached the Mashour gate, and a string of camels loaded with forage happen¬ ing, fortunately, to be going in at the same moment, he promptly avail¬ ed himself of the opportunity to enter, under cover of the packages thus conveniently presented to mask his approach. The keeper of the gate now came forward to oppose his entrance, and persevering in his endeavor to close the gate, notwithstanding it had been announced to him that, in conformity with orders from Bedaugh Khaun, it was 870 A. H. 952. the escort of Mirza Asskery conducting him into the fort, Hadjy Ma-* iUirkzzcl' sword, and struck off his arm. A number of the MoghAls had now reached the spot, and being opposed in consider¬ able force by the Persians, who advanced, on the first alarm, to defendi the entrance into the city, a conflict of some obstinacy ensued, in j which many of the garrison were put to the sword ; but, as Beyram ■ Khaun succeeded, about the same time, in forcing his way. through the Derwaiizah-kendegan, the fortress was shortly afterwards in pos¬ session of Homayun*s troops, the Persians retiring altogether into the citadel. At noon of the same day, Homayun in person entered the city by the same Derwauzah-kendegan, the gate of the dikes, or perhaps of the engravers, ascending in the first instance the bastion, called the Aukh- tchah tower ; the whole of the inhabitants testifying their gratification at the auspicious change by the loudest acclamations of joy. Very shortly afterw’ards, at the intercession of Heyder Sultan, the governor, Bedaugh Khaun, wasadmitted tothe presenceof Homayfin; and having made the requisite apologies for his contumacious behavior, was al¬ lowed to return peaceably into his native country. Beyram Khaun was then invested with the command of this important fortress, and a letter immediately dispatched to Shah Tahmasp; advising him that the late governor, regardless of the royal instructions of his sovereign, having presumed to dispute the orders of Homayun, it had been found ' expedient to remove him, and to transfer the government of Kanda- baur, to the same Beyram Khaun, still subject to the authority of the Persian monarch. In the mean time, unmindful of the clemency to which alone he was indebted for the enjoyment of life, Mirza Asskery, taking advantage of the moment in which all were so anxiously engaged in the design of seizing Kandahaur, succeeded in effecting his escape from custody. In a few days, however, an Afghan appeared at Kandahaur to announce that the fugitive lay concealed in his dwelling, and to desire that the proper persons might he sent to secure him — but in such a way as to preventhim, the Afghan, from being suspectedof having any concern in the discovery. Shah Mirza and Khaujah Amber were accordingly dis¬ patched to the ajppde. of the Afghan; where they found the unhappy 871 fugitive under a Coarse blanket, from whence they brought him to the presence of his brother. Again impelled by the natural mildness of his own disposition, not less than by a religious regard to the dying in¬ structions of their common father, Homayhn overlooked his offences; committing him, however afresh, to the custody of Nedeim Koukel- taush, one of those who enjoyed his particular confidence. The pro¬ vince of Kandahaur was now distributed among his principal generals according to the following allotment. The district of Puttery, or Pat- tery, was conferred upon Olfigh Mirza ; that of Lehfi felt to the share of Hadjy Mahommed Khaun; the territory of Dawer Was assigned to Issmaeil Beg; Kulaut and its dependencies to Sheir Afkunn; Shaul to HeyderSflltauri; and, in theSame arrangement, all othersof the imperial vassals, without exception, received particular jagueirs, every one ac¬ cording to his rank and station in the service. Having adjusted the affairs of Kandahaur thus to his entire Satisfac¬ tion, Homayfin now prepared for his actual departure on the ejipedition to Kabul; and firstof all, his attention the imperial encampment on intelligence of Homayun’s in disposition,, now’ returned to their stations; and matters seemed on all sides gradu¬ ally re-setiling into tranquil repose. In the midst of this deceitful calm, on the evenipg of the twenty first of Ramzaun,* and under the. pretext of zeal for his religion, Khaujah Mauzzem, whose turbulent disposition, like a noxious weed, seems to have stifled every virtuous feeling, having formed a conspiracy w'ith other disordt-rly persons, sud¬ denly entered the abode of Sultan Mahommed Reshidy, one of the min¬ isters, and instantly put him to death. This personage held the digni¬ ty ofVezzeir, at the period under consideration, and was thus basely assassinated while partaking of some refreshment after the inanition ofa rigorous fast, which probably furnished the pretext for the zeal of his murderers; but the true cause was, probably, the share which, on a form¬ er occasion, he had had in detecting the perfidious designsof this same Khaujah Mauzzem. The assassin and his accomplices, for the present however, effected their escape to Kabul, although shortly afterwards they wereseizf d, and cast into prison, by order of Homavfin; who, it must be confessed, appears on this occasion more indulgent towards thecrimeof murder, than towardsthat of resistanceagainst hisauthority, * 14lh of November, 1546. 881 alihough it is possible that he may only have postponed the just pun¬ ishment, until he should return to KabAl. Being at last restored, in some degree, to health, Homayun quitted the station of Shakhdaun, and pursued his march to Zuffur, of which, unless it be the town to which the modern maps have assigned the name of Badakshan, we must confess our ignorance; and here, in a very short time, all remains of his disorder were entirely removed, a circumstance whi(;h is described to have diffused universal satisfaction throughout the empire. About this conjuncture the districts of Gah- murd, [perhaps Ghuinrufl] Zohauk, and Bkmian, were conferred upon Sheir Atkunn, the son ot Kouje Beg, with a promise that when Ho¬ mayun should return to Kabul, he should be favored with a further grant of the territory of Ghourbund, at the foot of the mountains north-west of that capital. In the mean time, the residence of Ho¬ mayun in Buddukhshaun, is said to have occasioned some very alarm¬ ing apprehensions throughout the neighboring regions of Tartary, and more particularly among the Ouzbeks, at Balkh, who could not then discover any advantage in hostilities w’ith so warlike a monarch. While that monarch, however, seemed to consider his affairs in a train so prosperous, and continued to amuse himself in hunting, and other recreations, in Buddukhshaun, his brother Kamraun most unex¬ pectedly surprised and re- possessed himself of the city of Kabul; where among others, in spite of recent obligations, the first to join him was the very Sheir Afkunn, whom we have just mentioned as so eminently distinguished in the favor of his sovereign.. As It might lead us too far out of the regular course of the narra¬ tive, we are compelled to decline entering at large into the previous proceedings of Mirza Kamraun, on his retreat from Kabul towards Gheznein, and filially, on his failure to obtain possession of the latter place, from thence to Bukkur and the territory on the lower Indus — into the circumstances of his reception by Shah Husseyne Arghun, the prihce of Tattah, to whose daughter he had been long betrothed, and whom he now espoused — or into the means by which, with the assistance furnished by his father-in-Kw, on intelligence of the indis-. position of Homayfin, he was on this occasion enabled to make him-- self successively master of both Gheznein and JKabfil; and again to pos-?- VOL. in. 5 V A. H. 953. A. D. 1.547. Ab6l Fazzel. 882 A. H. 953. sess blmself of the person of young Akbar, the cherished hope of every ^'^-^*'Zealous friend of the house of Teymiir. It will be sufficient to remark AbulFazzel. . v , 'that the surprise of Kabul was indeed so complete that Mahommed Ally Toghai, the scrupulous governor, was actually taken while en¬ joying the luxuries of his bath, and, in a state of nudity, brought to the presence of Kamraun, who with his own hands put him instantly to death; and the same Mirza Kamraun demanding of Hadjy Mahommed Essess, a respectable officer who went to visit him in the course of the day, if in his departure and return there were not something singular, it has been thought notunworthy of record, that the Hadjy should have replied, rather drily, “true sir! you went away at night, and returned 'in the morning.” While he ‘treated his captives, and the inhabitants of Kabul, who had been thus betrayed through the disgraceful remissness, and entire neglect of the most ordinary precautions on the part of Homayun’s officers, with every species of oppression, and even sanguinary cruelty, Mirza Kamraun early applied himself, nevertheless, to make the most active preparations in men and arms, and every other requisite, in order to support his precarious authority. In a very short time he succeed¬ ed, accordingly, in collecting round his standard a numerous body of soldiers from the warlike population of the neighboring territory. He was in these circumstances giving audience, one day, to the different chiefs who presented themselves, in his palace in the citadel of Ka¬ bul, and among these to Wulleid Beg and Abfil Kaussem, with several others of the Kourtcheis, or guards, of the king of Persia, who had ob¬ tained permission toreturn into Irak, and were now introduced to pay their respects to theusurper,when it happened that the royal iVkbar should also 'be presenton theoccasion, and theservantsof Kamraun, like bees round a grocer s stall,were crouding into the assembly. At such a moment it occurred to Abul Kaussem that an opportunity was thus offered of (Performing a most useful and acceptable piece of service, to the mon¬ arch whose cause he had been employed to promote; and he secretly whispered to Wulleid Beg, that it would only be discharging a debt of ^gratitude, if with the thirty reiolute followers whom they had at their elbows, they availed themselves of the coniusion of the assembly, to dispatch Kamraun, and to bear the blooming shoot of the imperial fa- 883 mily, alluding to the royal child, in triumph to the arms of his sorrow¬ ing parent. Wulleid Beg, however, whose heart was not sufficiently steeled against the horrors of such a scene, shrunk from the proposal* timidly observing that being merely travellers on the spot, he consi¬ dered it an act of officious intrusion, if they presumed to interfere in any shape, much more so to engage in an attempt so apparently rash and extravagant — the chain of sublunary events has indeed its termin¬ ation so unalterably attached to some particular period, by the laws of everlastingdestiny,thateitherto anticipate, or protract, must be equally beyond the scope of human exertion.* On the other hand, when intelligence of these unfavorable and alarming changes were conveyed to Homayun, he prepared, notwith¬ standing the rigors of winter, to return without delay, through the pass of Aubderrah, for the purpose of restoring bis authority, and repressing the dangerous designs of his ambitious brother It became, however, expedient, first of all, to enter into an accommodation with Mirza Snli- man; to whom he accordingly agreed to cede afresh the districts in Buddukhshaun, formerly allotted to that prince by the emperor Baber. At the same time, in addition to the territory of Konduz already as- srigned to him, the districts of Enderaub, Khousset, Gahmurd, and Ghoury, with other townships, were now further conferred upon Mirza Hindal. By the heavy snow, which fell forseveral days with¬ out intermission, Homayun. was detained for some time at Taulekan; but availing himself of the first cessation, he prosecuted his march to Konduz — not a little to the jo}^ as it is said, of the Ouzbek tribes, who felt themselves relieved from the most alarming anxiety, by his departure from their neighborhood. Having, at the request of his brother Hindal, remained at Konduz, to celebrate the festival of the tenth of Zilhudje,* he again continued his march; and proceeding successively across the ranges of Shebertu, and Reig-gtlzzer, finally encamped his troops at the station of Khaujah-seyauran. In the mean time, Sheir Ally, an officer of distinguished character in the serviceof Mirza Kamraun, had employed his utmost diligence' * It is not e isy to decide whether this remark belongs to Abul Fazy.el ; or to the Persian,., as an apology for the coldness with which he received the spirited proposal of his com¬ panion. t 31st of January, 1547, A.H.ObS. A. D. 1547. Ahhl Fazzel* 884 A. H. 954. A D. 1547 AbAl I'azzel. to fortify, against HomayAn, the pass of Aubderrah, in the interven¬ ing mountains of Hindu Koh; but being attacked and defeated by a division of the imperial troops under Mirza Hindal and Kerautchah Kliaun, that officer retaliated for the discomfiture, by plundering the baggage in the rear of the army; which after descending the pass, en¬ camped without further obstacle, at Tcharekauran, or Charikaran, a station which is still to be recognized in modern maps, to the North¬ west of Kabul. Here the author is constrained to acknow ledge that Homayun was forsaken at this crisis by many of his most distinguish-, ed officers, the greater part of whom had, indeed, left their families in Kabi'il, on their departure for Buddukhshaun ; and among these we find in particular the name of Mirza Sunjur Berlaus, the son of Sultan Jenneid, and sister’s son of the illustrious Baber, who with se¬ veral others, now embraced the opportunity to go over to the enemy. In these circumstances, when he had continued for some time station¬ ary in the neighboring districts, endeavoring in various ways to sup¬ port the drooping courage of his troops, the perplexed monarch sum¬ moned a council of w'ar; at which he particularly requested that all would declare their opinions, with perfect freedom from reserve. The result of this consultation was an opinion generally expressed that, since itappeared tobethe determination of Mirza Kamraun tokeep within the cover of his works, the success of the imperial cause would be, for the present, best promoted by leaving Kabiil on one side; and removing towards Poury and Khanjah-bustah, the more conveniently to secure the s^ubsistartce of the army. Homayun accordingly de¬ camped from Zemmali ; but when he had for a short distance retraced bis steps, to the west, it suddenly occurred to him, that if he proceed¬ ed, as bad been determined upon, in the direction of Khaujah bustah, it would be immediately concluded that he was retiring once more to Kandahaur; which would be the occasion of desertion among hjs fol¬ lowers, far more extensive and alarming than what he had already to regret; the greater part ot them having, as we have just seen, their fa¬ milies at Kabul, and it was but natural that they should be anxious to revisit them. He therefore boldly determined on making an attempt to possess himself of the city; considering that if Kamraun could, by any means, be constrained to come to a battle, nothing on earth was 885 more desirable; but at all events that the pretext fordesertion would be thus removed, and he should be able to put his army under convenient shelter trom the severity of the weather. Having taken his final resolution, Homayun sent, without a mo¬ ment’s delay, for Hadjy Mahommed Khaun,to whom he explained the nature of his plan; which met, of course, with enthusiastic approba¬ tion. In conformity with the design now agreed upon, the same Hadjy Mahommed, with some other commanders devoted to the ser¬ vice, returned, accordingly, at the head of a division of the army to¬ wards Kabul, by the way of Minaur koutel; while Homayun in person, with the main body, proceeded by that of the Payan Koutel, another ridgeor gauht, which, in that direction, possibly traverses the approach towards the city. When, however, Mirza Hindal with an advanced division, had reached the village of the Afghans, not far from the tomb of Baba Sheshpurr, he was vigorously attacked by the whole, or a very superior, force of Mirza Kamraun, under the apostate Sheir Afkunn, and a very desperate conflict immediately ensued. Thus, perhaps unexpectedly, assailed, the troops of Homayun are acknow¬ ledged to ha.ve given way; although Mirza Hindal himself, with a few who remained stedfast to their duty, continued to maintain his ground with equal gallantry and self-devotion, until supported by a fresh body of troops, dispatched to his assistance by Homayun, the moment he became apprized of his danger, under Karautchah Khaun, and Meir Berrekah. Almost at the same crisis, Hadjy Mahommed Khaun with his division, also made his appearance, most seaonably, and the event remained no longer doubtful. The enemy were entirely defeated, and their general, the ungrateful Sheir Afkunn, became a prisoner in the hands of the conquerors. Being conducted immedi¬ ately to the presence of Homayun, that prince with his usual cle¬ ment spirit would have been contented merely to put him under a little salutary restraint, and, after a short time, to reinstate him once more in his rank among the imperial vassals; but in consequence of some strong remonstrances from K^ratchah Khaun and certain other chiefs yet faithfully attached to the authority of Homayun, who bore in deep resentment the recent treachery and ingratitude of Sheir Af¬ kunn, be was, without further ceremony, put todeath on the spot. Ho' A. H. 9M. A. D. 1547. Abut Tazzel A. H. 954. A. D. 1547. Abfil Fazzel. 88(> mayun then advanced upon the town, directing his attack by the Kheyabaun quarter; and the troo4)s employed in pursuit of the fugi¬ tive garrison pushing on to the Derwauzzah>ahenein, or iron gate, Mirza Khezzer Khaun, and others of the tribe of ArghCin, instantly made off for the Hazaurah, or Afghan vallies, followed by the whole of their dependents. In consequence of this, the Sheherbund, or for¬ tified suburb, was taken possession of by the imperialists, without further resistance. On the same day Homayun took up his residence in the gardens of Karautchah Khaun; and a considerable number of the prisoners taken in the recent conflict, were here put to the sword without mercy. Ne¬ vertheless, the arrival of Sheir Ally, who contrived to make his way through the besiegers, is said, in a great degree, to have restored the confidence of the garrison of Kabul. Homayun, on his part, after suc¬ cessively visiting the gardens of the diwaun Khaun, and the Artah- baugh, formerly mentioned, finally removed his head-quarters to the hill of the eagles; which is described to command, or overlook, the fortifications of the town, or perhaps the citadel. A fire from every species of artillery was now opened upon the place; the besieged, on their part, making frequent and formidable sallies, to disturb and retard the operations of their adversaries. During one of these, while em¬ ployed to select a spot nearer to the town for the construction of a new battery, Hadjy Mahommed Khaun was wounded in the arm by Sheir Ally himself. Not long afterwards, however, a detachment of the gar¬ rison, employed under the same Sheir Ally and Tereddy Mahommed Tchengtcheng, contrary to the advice of the latter officer, on an expe¬ dition to plunder a caravan of merchants, who had arrived at the sta¬ tion of Tchankaran, with a numerous adventure of horses, although the design against the defenceless merchants was successful, was in- terc. pted on its return, and compelled to withdraw towards Gheznein. ithei did these marauders then entirely escape punishment, for being immtdiaielv pursued by a division of the imperial troops, they were overtak* n and defeated in the pass of Sejawund; and the greater par^ of their ill-acquired booty wrested from them — all that could be fairly recognized, being restored to the owners by the justice of Homayun. All that remained alive of the prisoners taken on this, and perhaps 887 on tlie former occasion, were now brought in front of the besieger’s batteries, and there, by various methods, publicly put to death under the eyes ot the garrison. For this, Mirza Kamraun instantly retaliated, by consigning the wife of Bapous Beg to the common Bazar, and by shedding the blood of bis three innocent and helpless children, the eldest not more than seven, and the youngest but three years of age; whose dead bodies he threw from the top of the parapet, opposite the batteries occupied by Karautchah Khaun, and Mussauheb Beg. At the same time, he caused Serdaur Beg the son of Karautchah Khaun, and Khodadoust the son of Mussauheb Beg, to be suspended alive from the battlements; while a message was conveyed to the two chiefs invi¬ ting them to behold the spectacle, and declaring that unless they either gave him free egress to quit the place, or prevailed upon Homayun to raise the siege, both their sons were destined to share the fate of the children of Ameir Bapouss. Karautchah, who at this period held the office of first minister of state without controul, instantly replied aloud that not only their sons, but their own lives and all they possessed on earth, would be willingly devoted to serve the cause of their sovereign. Nevertheless, they adjured Mirza Kamraun to beware of plunging him¬ self deeper in guilt, by further embruing his hands in innocent blood; for which, they desired him at the same time to remember, it was so easy to retaliate a thousand fold. If, on the contrary, he would be in¬ duced to take the only step which could now save him from destruc¬ tion, by repairing at once to the presence of his magnanimous brother, Karautchah Khaun here openly pledged himself to exert whatever in¬ fluence he possessed, to promote his views. Both Karautchah Khaun and his associate were, in the mean time, consoled under their appre¬ hensions by the highest applause of their master; and although Mirza Kamraun does not precisely appear to have carried his threats into ex¬ ecution against the children of the two chiefs, he proceeded, neverthe¬ less, to gratify his vindictive spirit, by every species of violence and outrage towards the helpless families of his besiegers; among other brutal enormities, causing the unprotected and unoffending wife of Mahommed Kaussem Mou-tchei, to be publicly suspended by the breasts. Had his atrocities terminated here he might still, perhaps, have been A. H. 054. A. D 1547. Abul Fazzel. 888“ A. H. 954. allowed some claim to indulgence — but not so* Conceiving that itt Aijfll Fazzel* possible to ensure his own safety by an act of inhumanity. almost without precedent, he went so far as to set his nephewi, the yet young and innocent Akbar, exactly in the face of the besieger’s artil-r. lery; and in such a situation that it was indeed scarcely less than a mi¬ racle, that he should have escaped the unceasing fire of the imperialists^ directed to the spot. By some chance or other the attention of Sum- bul Khaun, the general of artillery, while watching the etfect of his ordnance, and the other missiles, and who possessed the visual faculties in singular perfection, was providentially attracted to the same spot;, and most happily recognizing the person of.the young prince, and caus¬ ing the fire to cease, at the same time that be gave a truce to the suffer¬ ings of the garrison, rescued from the very jaws of destruction the darling child of his master’s affections. Abhl Fazzel does not indeed scruple to declare in express terms, that the bands of the Gulandauz, or cannoniers, were on the occasion suddenly seized with an unac¬ countable tremor — that the balls and arrows flew wide oftbeir mark — that the matches refused their fire — and that the commander of artil¬ lery feeling an indescribable chill running through his veins, the cir¬ cumstance awakened his attention, and led to the discovery of the il¬ lustrious victim exposed to the fire of his batteries. Be this, however as it may, the proofs of inhumanity and cruelty exhibited on the part of Mirza Kamraun,,were of a nature so revolting that every just and moderate man was led to predict that his fall was approaching; and the exertions of his besiegers continuing, with an activity that rather in¬ creased than abated, the unhappy prince was now soon reduced to the greatest extremity. Finding, therefore, all his projects ofambitiOn, defence, and retalia¬ tion, rendered otherwise utterly abortive, Kamraun determined to re¬ cur to the more congenial system of deception; and affecting,, accord¬ ingly, a very becoming sense of remorse tor what was past, finally em- * ployed the iiiflut nee of Karautchah Kliauii to bring about a reconcili¬ ation with his, brother— to whose generosity he expressed a perfi ct wil¬ lingness to submit himself and all that belonged to him- To theseover- tures Homayun is describe d to have yielded his usual indulgent atten¬ tion: but since it would have been entirely adverse to the selfish views 889 ofMirza Hindal, of Karaiitchah Khaun, and Mussauheb Beg, nay of the majority, indeed, of the leading chiefs among the imperial vassals, always directed to scenes of turbulence and commotion, an interview between the rival brothers was an occurrence of which they never sin¬ cerely desired to witness the accomplishment. They contrived, there¬ fore, to keep awake the apprehensions of Mirza Kamraun; to whom they conveyed a secret message, in which, after expostulating on the 4 absurdity of resting any hnpe on the result of a conference with Ho- mayfin, when all his means of resistance were at an end, they urged the absolute necessity of his withdrawing from the fort, without a moment’s delay — making his retreat from a particular tower, through the battery of Hussun Ally Aga, an officer in the secret, and thus ef¬ fecting his escape from the dangers by which he was on every side sur¬ rounded. Accordingly, on the night of Thursday the seventh of the former Rebbeia, of the nine hundr.'d and fifty fourth of the hidjerah,* Kamraun, quitting the fort by the lJurwauzzah-ahehein, and taking the course indicated to him by his friends in the camp of Homayiln; fled with dll the speed in his power on the road to Buddukhshaun; trusting to the contingency of receiving aid from Mirza Suliman, or, at all events, that he should be able to make another effort for the re¬ covery of his power through the assistance of the Ouzbeks. The mo¬ ment hisflight became known, Hadjy Mahommed Khaun was dispatch¬ ed in pursuit of the fugitive, Homayun then re-entering Kabul, with¬ out further resistance, and being thus once more happily restored to the embraces of his family. Aided, on the other hand, as was shrewdly suspected, by some sort of collusion on the part of his pursuers, Mirza Kamraun made good his retreat across the mountains; and being joined shortly afterwards by Sheir Ally, and others attached to his cause, found no great difficulty in gaining possession of the fortified post of Ghoury, near one of the branchesof tiindu Koh, looking towards Balkh. MirzaSuliman, howe¬ ver, contrary to his hopes, rejecting all his solicitations for aid, he was finally compelled to bend his steps to the city just mentioned; in order to claim the assistance of Peir Mahommed Khaun sovereign of the Ouzbeks, at this period the prevailing power in that part of tb©' * 26tli of April, 1547. 6 XL A. H. 954. A. D. 1547. Abul Fdzzef. VOL. III. 890 A. H, 955, A. D. 15 18. AbAl Fazzel. territory on the Oxus. The castle, or fortress, of Ghoury was, howe¬ ver, soon recaptured by Karautchah Khaun, and other generals detach¬ ed by Homayun to restore his authority in the country; although these were very shortly afterwards compelled to retreat in their turn, at the approach of Mirza Kamraun, accompanied by Peir Mahommed and a powerful reinforcement of the troops of Balkh. Upon this, as the emergency indeed seemed to require it, Homayun hastened in person to encounter the danger; but, foV the present, his entrance into Bud- dukhshaun was effectually prevented by a tall of snow, which blocked up the passages of Hindu Koh, and constrained him to return to Kabul, thereto pass the approaching winter.* After placing Mirza Kamraun in possession of the major part of Bud- dukhshaun, Peir Mahommed withdrew to Balkh, leaving, however, a considerable force to support the authority of his ally. In the mean time, while yet engaged in preparation to resume his expedition, Ho- mayiln found himself suddenly deserted by three of his most distin¬ guished generals, Karautchah Khaun, Bfipous Beg, and Msssauheb Beg, together with many others, to the number of three thousand horse; all of them seduced from their allegiance through the malignant sug¬ gestions of the ungrateful Karautchah, now grown insolent beyond endurance, through the possession of uncontrolled authority. Being, however, immediately pursued, they were for the moment overtaken, and obliged to disperse at Ghourbund; but night coming on, and the insurgents breaking down the bridge near that place behind them, they succeeded in effecting their escape by different ways, and finally join¬ ed Mirza Kamraun some time afterwards, at the station of Kouthem, in Buddukhshaun. On this occasion, Homayun was for the present content to mark his displeasure at the perfidy of these men by parodi- zing their names; that of Karautchah for instance, he perverted into Karabukht, ill-destined, or reprobate — Issmaeil Beg’s was changed into Khurrus, bear — (ursa) — Mussauheb Beg’s into Munnaufek, hy¬ pocrite — and that ofBapous into Deyouss, cuckold, or pandar — refer¬ ring to the exposure of his wife in the public bazarj by the enemy. His arrangements being, however, at last coinph ted, Homayun, on the fiith of the former Junimaudy, of the year nine hundred and fifty • Ot A. D. iu48. 891 five proceeded in earnest on his seeond expedition into Budduklw shaun. As far as the station of Gulbahar, on the other side of Karabaugh,he was accompanied by the young Akbar and his mother; but from that station they were sent back to Kabul, under the care of Mahommed Kaussem Mou-tchei, who was invested, on this occasion, with the government of the city. The officers of Mirza Kamraun en¬ trusted with the defence of Enderaub, were, on the other hand, no sooner apprized that the advanced guard of the royal troops had ascend¬ ed the passes of Hindu Koh, than they withdrew from that place, and retired to join their master; Homayun in person encamping in the neighborhood very shortly afterwards. Being joinedatEnderaub by his brother Hindal Mirza, and many of the feudatory chiefs of Buddukh- shaun with their followers, Homayun immediately placed that prince at the head of the vanguard of the army; and the whole now proceeded towards Taulekan, which was known to be defended by the fugitive Ameirs, together with Mirza Abdullah, and a strong garrison of the troops of Mirza Kamraun. Before the imperialists could however reach Taulekan, Mirza Kamraun, with all the troops he could collect at Zuffur and Kouthem, and the neighboring territory, had hastened to the support of his friends; sothatwhen theadvancedguardof Homayun, on the fifteenth of the latter Jummaudy,j- had just crossed the Bangui, one of the smaller branches possibly of the Oxus, they found that prince at the head of a very superior force posted on an eminence in their front, called the Jelleissan; and they were constrained, as it would seem, to recross the river in the greatest confusion, leaving their bag¬ gage to be plundered by the enemy. At this perilous crisis, Homayun with the main body of the army appeared on the river side, and was^ about to pass, immediately in presence of his adversaries; but some of those whom he had employed to survey the country and procure intel¬ ligence, representing the ford as extremely dangerous, from the rocks . and cavities in the bed of the river, and reporting a more favorable spot' by a mill about a kosse higher up, where, from the greater stability ofi footing, he would be able to cross with less hazard, he availed himself, of the information; and proceeding immediately to the place, effected! his passage, accordingly, without difficulty. * lltbof June IMtJ. t 21st of July, 1548.. .4 . FI. 055. 4. D. 1548. 4bul FazzeU 892 A. H. 055. A D. 1548. A bill raz2el. The march ofriomayun was now directed towards the rising ground, on wl)ich Mirza Kamraun had taken post with the main body of his troops; and Futtah-ullah Beg, the brother of Roushun Koukah, who had been sent in advance at the head of a smaller division, was already engaged with the enemy, and had been beaten from his horse, when the imperial standard fortunately appeared to support him, and Kam¬ raun now tamely declined the contest, to shelter himself behind the walls of Taulekan.* In that place he was immediately besieged by Homayun; and having defended himself with considerable resolution until thetwelfth of Rudjub,'|’ in expectation of relief from Peir Mahom- med the Ouzbek, he found it expedient, on that day, to submit to the mercy of Homayun — stipulating only for permission to proceed on pil¬ grimage to Mekkah, and consenting to deliver up the whole of the fu¬ gitive Ameirs into the hands of their offended sovereign. On these terms, accompanied by Bapous Beg, who, after all, at his particular re¬ quest, had, with a few others, been permitted to attend him, Mirza Kamraun finally quitted the fortress of Taulekan, and proceeded on his way to Arabia, In the mean time, Karautchah Khaun, his son Ser- daur Beg, with Mussauheb Beg, and others of the apostate nobles who had forsaken the standard of their benefactor, were now conductetl to his presence, with their swords and quivers suspended to their throats, in order to receive from him the just award of their crimes. With sin¬ gular humanity, and with the most soothing expressions of concern and indulgence, towards the errors by which they had been led astray, Homayun, on this occasion also, most generously forgave them all. Not many days afterwards, namely on the seventeenth of the same month of Rudjub,:J: w hen he had yet made but little progress on his journey to H< jauz, Mirza Kamraun, availing himself of the counsels of his friend Mirza Abdullah, suddenly returned to the campofHomay- ^in;from whom he experienced a reception equally kind and fraternal, and to whom he was once more, to all appearance, sincerely reconciled. On the same day, Mirza Asskery was released from his fetters, and per¬ mitted to resume his place at court. The unexpected return of Kam- * We are not perfectly satisfied that this should not be Beylekao, or Bacaiam, about forty miles to the westward of Eiideraub. t IGtIi of August, 1548. I 21st of August. 893 j raun appears, indeed, to have given extraordinary expansion to the A. H. 955. kinder feelings of Homavun, which displayed themselves in language the most sympathizing and conciliatory, during his conference with this ungrateful and unworthy relation. The subject of an expedition against Balkh was now brought under consideration; but,finfling that theopinionsof those whom he consulted on the occasion were not yet sufficiently matured for his purpose, Ho- mayun conceived it advisable to defer coming to any thing definitive, until he should have reached Naury, here described as a station in Buddukhshaun,W’here the road branches off in two directions — the one leading immediately towards Balkh, and the other towards Kabul. On his'second day’s march from Taulekan, coming to the spring head of Bundgusha, not far from the station of Eshekmesh, on the very spot where, many years before, his father Baber, on the submission at that place, of his brothers Khaun Mirza and Jahaunguir Mirza, had caused the date of the event to be inscribed on the rock, Homayun also, not less rejoiced at a similar occurrence, there caused the return of Kam- raun, and the conjunction of the four brothers, to be now commemora- , ted on a part of the same rock. , Proceeding from Bundgushatothe beforementionedstation of Naury, the attention of Homayun was there employed in making a fresh al¬ lotment of the territory of Buddukhshaun, In this the district of / Kliotlan, then better known by the name of Kulaub, to the bounda¬ ries of Mour and Kaurenguein, was assigned to Mirza Kamraun, Tchauker Khaun being commissioned as his A meir-ul-oomra, or lieu¬ tenant general. Asskery Mirza was also destined to accompany him, with the district of Kaurenguein for his jaguir. The arrangement was, however, at this early stage, by no means satisfactory to Mirza Kam- . raun; although he appeared to acquiesce in it for the present, from a consideration of the recent act of generous clemency exhibited on the part of his brother. The fortresses of ZufFur and Taulekan, with some other purgunnahs, were allotted to Mirza Suliman and his son Mirza Ihrauhim; while Konduz, and Ghoury, and Gahrnurd, and Bakalan, and Eshekmesh, and Naury, were conferred on Mirza Hindal, with Sheir Ally for his A meir- ul-oomra. It was now, also, finally arranged that the enterprize in contemplation against Balkh, should be postpon¬ ed to the following year. 894 A. H. 955. A. D. 1548. AbOl FazzeJ. At the last conference held between the brothers, on this occasiorr', Homayhn called for a bowl of Sherbet, and having firsttaken a draught, presented the same to Mirza Kamraun, and so successively to each of the other princes; with a request that they would all follow the exam¬ ple, in confirmation of the solemn pledge of perpetual and inviolable friendship, by which they had just mutually bound themselves. The whole now separated; the several Mirzas proceeding towards their res¬ pective jaguirs, and Homayun to Khousset, on his return towards Ka¬ bul, by the route of Perrian., This latter place was a fortress then in ruins, formerly erected by Teymur, when he had succeeded in chastiz¬ ing the Hindus of Kettour; and which it was now proposed to put in a state of repair and defence, with the new name of Islam-abad. When the imperial army reached the spot, Pehlewaun Doust, the Meir Berr, surveyor general perhaps, or superintendant of fortifications, accord¬ ingly received instructions to restore and strengthen the whole of the works, distributing the labour as usual, in adequate proportions be¬ tween the several generals; and thus, in the course of seven days only, as it would appear, the entire was again completed, including the gates, and battlements, and sung-andauz, or Balistae, with ever}'^ requi¬ site to place it in a competent state of defence. Beg Meirek, an offi¬ cer of trust, was then left in command of the place; Homayiin proceed¬ ing to view the silver mine in the neighborhood, which was, however, found too poor to defray the charge of working. The monarch now pursued his march across the mountainous range to the banks of the ' Punje-sheher river, where he encamped near the Koutel, or gauht perhaps, of Ashtergueraum. And finally, towards the commencement of the winter, the earth having already put on her garb of snow, he ter-' minated his march, without further accident, in the neighborhood of Kabul; into which he made his public entry on the second of Ram^aun of the year nine hundred and fifty five,* that being the auspicious day selected by the court astrologers. It was at this conjuncture that Meir Semunder arrived with dis¬ patches, and a profusion of presents, from Mirza Heyder in Kashmeir; describing, for the thousandth time, the unrivalled amoenities of that delightful province, and inviting Homayfin in very pressing lerms,^. * 4th of October 1548. 895 to hasten without delay to share in the enjoyments there to be found, in endless variety. The more important object of the mission appears, however, to have been, to urge the recovery of the Moghul conquests in Hindlistaun; an undertaking towards which every argument, that he could draw, either from reason, experiencti, or invention, was now employed on the part of Mirza Heyder, to stimulate the ambition of Homayfln. To these dispatches the monarch replied in terms of corresponding kindness; acknowledging that although constrained by present circumstances to postpone the recovery of his possessions in India, to some more favorable opportunity, it was a design which had never yet been dismissed from his contemplation. About the same crisis we find recorded, among other minor events, the death of Olhgh Mirza the son of Mirza Mahommed Sultaun ; who w’as killed in an imprudent attack, upon some of the Hazaurahs, or independent cantons, if we may be so permitted to call these independent tribes, in the neighborhood of Gheznein; to which he is, indeed, described to have been impelled by the rash counsels of Khaujah Mauzzera, formerly mentioned as under the displeasure of Homayun. In the course of the same year may be also noticed an embassy from Abdur- reshid Khaun, prince of Kashghar, which was graciously received, and as promptly dismissed by Homayun. And lastly may be remark¬ ed the arrival about this period, at Kabul, of Abbas Shltan, an Ouz- bek prince, who received from Homayhn in marriage, the hand of his youngest sister, Gultchehera Begum. As soon as the weather became sufficiently moderate, toward the commencement of the nine hundred and fifty-sixth of the hidjerah,* Homayun, how’ever disposed to prefer the attempt on Hindustaun, or a visit to the beauties of Kashmeir, prepared to carry into execu¬ tion his design against Balkh ; previously dispatching to require that the Mirzas Kamraun, and Hindal, and Asskery, and Suliman, and Ibrauhim, would be ready to join him, in conformity with their en¬ gagement the preceding year, on his arrival in Buddukhshaun. He was, however, detained on his march for nearly a month, at the sta¬ tion of Tchalauk, awaiting the arrival of Hadjy Mahommed Khaun, from Gheznein, and arranging other necessary concerns of his gov- * Beginning 20th January, A. D. 1549, A. 11. 95G. A. D l.")49. Abul I'azze!, 896 A. H. 956. A. D. 1549. Abi^l Fazzel. ernment. Proceeding at length to the station of Astaulef, Homayun found himself, at that place, rather unexpectedly deserted by his newly chosen brother-in law, Abbas the Ouzbek; and while he con¬ tinued his march from thence with the necessary deliberation, in order to afford to the several Mirzas sufficient time to repair to the ap¬ pointed rendezvous, he was compelled by intelligence ofsome suspi¬ cious indications on the part of Mirza Kamraun, to turn back into> the road for Punje-sheher, and direct his steps towards Enderaub. Halting three days at the latter place, he proceeded next to Naury, and thence to the plains of Neilberr, distinguished among the dis¬ tricts of Buddukhshaun, for fertility and verdure. He was here join¬ ed by the Mirzas Hindal, and Suliman ; Mirza Ibrauhim being left, at the recommendation of his father, to provide for the security of Bud¬ dukhshaun. From the neighborhood of Bakalaun the Mirzas Hindal and Suli¬ man, accompanied by Hadjy Mahommed Khaim and a strong divisi- of the best troops, were sent forwards, in order if possible, to make themselves masters of Eybek, or Jybuk; one of the dependencies of BalkhjOn that side most considerable in point of population, abundant i n resources, and equally desirable to possess, from the known salubrity of the neighborhood. While the army was on its march at this crisis, it happened that one of the Yessawuls, tchoubdaur, or exempts, should have shot a panther, which he brought to lay before Homayun; on which it was observed by Hussey ne Kuly Mohrdaur, (keeper of the seal) that among the Tatar tribes it was ever considered an omen of inauspicious promise, if an animal of this'description was at any time killed, at the head of the troops on their march; and that he knew an instance in which theOuzbek sovereign of Balkh had been induced, by such a circumstance, to suspend the movement of his army, when actually on his way to Her^t. Disregarding the hint, however, Homayun continued to advance towards Balkh; and on the subsequent day his advanced guard ap¬ peared under the walls of Eybek; for the defence of which, Peir Ma¬ hommed had previously detached his own Ataulek, Khaujah Mauk, with many of the most distinguished officers under his government. Knowing that the main body of the Moghuls was at band, the Ouzbek 897 chiefs thought it prudent to confine their operations to the defence of the fort, which was immediately invested on all sides, and vigorously attacked by Homayun. At the expiration of not more than two or threedays, the garrison wasconstrained to demand a capitulation,which was of course granted without difficulty; andthechiefs being conducted to the presence of Homayun, the place was put in possession of the Moghuls. Being invited to partake of a royal entertainment given by that monarch, the Ataulek was rather surprised by a question from Ho¬ mayun, as to the best plan of accomplishing the subjugation of Maw- ur-un-neher. The captive chief very properly demanded with what consistency such a question could be proposed to a man in his situa¬ tion ? But Homayun stating, in reply, that he must ascribe it to the air of truth and candor so conspicuous in his demeanor; and, being encouraged to communicate wittioui reserve any thing that he might be disposed to mention, the Ouzbek cliief, entirely won over by these obliging expressions, proceeded to remark that the ablest and bravest officers in the service of Peir Mahomrned had fallen into his hands, by tlie surrender of Eybek, and that if he dispatched these the way of all flesh, Mawur-un-ncher would be his w'ithout another stroke. On this, Homayun, with generous feeling, observed that by every virtuous and liberal mind, such a perfidious breach of treaty would be forever stigmatized with just reprobation in any man, but more than all, in one whom heaven had placed in an exalted rank among the sovereigns of the earth. For his part, he had spontaneously granted to these per¬ sons a regular capitulation, which if he presumed to violate, there was no possible perversion of reasoning that could ever induce him to reconcile with the common maxims of justice, or with the dictates of a good conscience. The Ataulek then proposed to Homayun, since he declined a measure which he himself seemed to consider not less vigorous, than well adapted to the circumstances of the moment, to detain him in custody, and agree to. a treaty of peace with Peir Ma- hoinmed ; engaging, in behalf of that prince, to cede to Homayun, in such a case, the whole of the territory on that side of Khullum, to be added to his possessions in Buddukhshaun: and, furthermore, when¬ ever he might finally determine on prosecuting his designs for the re-- VOL. III. .5 Y A.H. 956. A. D, 1549. Abul Fazzel. 898 A. H. 956. A. D. 1549. AI^AI Fazzei. covery of Hinclustaiin, that a body of Ouzbeks should be ready to ac¬ company him, sufficient in strength and equipment to render the most essential and important services. But as all this was atvariance with the ariangements of an eternal destiny, other measures obtained the preference, of which the result could not then be foreseen. Although the situation of Eybek was in itself sufficiently attract- iv(3, and its productions beyond measure abundant and desirable, there existed yet another very cogent reason by which Homayun was indu¬ ced to defer his departure from that place, for many days. This was the expectation still anxiously cherished for the arrival of Mirza Kam- raun. And in truth, were it not for the unfortunate delay occasioned by such a circumstance, there were many discerning and intelligent persons, who did not scruple to pronounce that Peir Mahommed, who was, at the crisis, destitute of any competent means of resistance, must have been either entirely destroyed, or compelled to submit to such terms as the conqueror might have thought fit to impose upon him. But the opportunity thus lost, the enemy vvas joined by Abdul- azziz Khaun, and other Ouzbek chiefs, with reinforcements in suffici¬ ent strength to cope with the invaders without disadvantage, of which there existed otherwise but little expectation. It becoming, however at last, absolutely necessary either to advance or retreat, Homayfin, after directing the Ouzbek chiefs captured at Eybek, to be conveyed on the road towards Kabul, but retaining the Ataulek with his army, proceeded, successively by Khullum and B4- bashahu, to Astaunah, a well known station at no great distance from Balkh. Here, before he had been long encamped, his scouts brought him intelligence that the Ouzbeks were approaching in considerable force; and H omayun, without delay, proceeded to arrange his troops in order of battle, as it would appear, at some distance from the ground which he had chosen for his camp. In the mean time, a large division of Ouzbeks, under one of their most distinguished commanders, made a sudden and desperate attack, upon the camp itself; which was, how¬ ever, very gallantly and successfully defended by those who had been left for its protection, the assailants being finally repulsed, and one of their principal leaders brought a prisoner to the presence of Homayfin. Nevertheless, though the commencement of hostilities appeared thus 899 far favorable, the unsteadiness and insincerity of his Ameirs again oper¬ ated to disappoint the fairest expectations of Homayun, principally through the distrust and uneasiness which they contrived to spread throughout the army, by propagating the most discouraging and con¬ tradictory reports, respecting the designs ofMirza Kamraun. On the very day following to that on which they had made their ineffectual attempt on his camp, the whole force of the Ouzbeks presented itself in order of battle before the lines of Homayun; Peir Mahomined in person commanding on the right, Abdulazziz Khaun in the centre, and the Sultans of llessaur in the left wing. The whole of the forenoon ap¬ pears to have been consumed in arrangements preparatory to the con- fl c ; but. fr 'm the period at which the sun reached the meridian, until niglit-fall, the armies engaged witli equal fury and obstinacy in the vroik of mutual destruction. The Ouzb. ks were, however, finally compelled to retreat; and vvere pursued, by the advanced guard of the Moghuls, across the intervening streams, to the very barriers of the city of Balkh. Homayun evinced sufficient ardor to follow up the victory, and to advance his standard also to the gates of that metropo¬ lis; but in this he was audaciously opposed by the pusillanimity of his refractory Ameirs, who still pressed upon him the uncertain ru¬ mors by which they were haunted, of the hostile designs of Kamraun; their apprehensions of the treatment of their wives and families on the seizure of Kabul by that prince; the inferiority of the imperial army on the spot, and the appalling superiority in numbers on the side of the enemy. Under all these considerations real and pretended, in short, they urged, in peremptory terms, the indispensable and absolute ne¬ cessity of immediate retreat. After a thousand struggles with his own conviction, Homayun was at length constrained to yield to their remonstrances, and to consent that the army should draw off towards the pass of D.^rrahkezz, or per¬ haps it was Ueirah-guzz, the pass of Bamboos; where, as it was a posi¬ tion of great strength, it was represented that he might halt for some time without risk, and not only be reinforced by the feudatory chiefs in that quarter, but obtain more positive information, with regard to the proceedings of Mirza Kamraun. After this, it was stated that he might engage with lull confidence of success in the subjugation, not only of A. H. noff. A. D. 1543. Abul Fazzel, 900 A, H.950. A. D 1549. Ab6I Fazzel. Balkh, btu of the whole of the territory on the Oxus. Compelled thus by'the usual failure of support from disaffected men, and with the city of Balkh in a manner at his mercy, Homayun, without alternative, withdrew towards the pass in question; having first dispatched the Sheikh Behlowul to recal the advanced guard, which, as we have al¬ ready observed, had pursued the flying Ouzbeks to the very gates of Balkh. In these trying circumstances, Mirza Sfiliman, at the head of a strong division of the best troops, was the person selected to cover the retreat; which, although designed to terminate at the Derrahguzz passj yet leading unfortunately along the direct road towards Kabul, and the faithless and evil disposed gladly availing themselves of any pretext to throw the whole intoconfusion,a report wascirculated that Mirza K^am- raun was in full march for that metropolis; and that this was the true cause of the sudden retrocession of the army. It is therefore not sur¬ prising that a^ensation of alarm should have generally seized the troops, and that they should in the end begin to disperse in various directions. Neither were the endeavors of Homayun, nor of the officers still faithful to their duty, at all availing to bring back the fugitives; this being in¬ deed contrary to the designs of an unerring destiny. For, observes our author, had Homayfin been permitted to advance his conquests on the Oxus, it is extremely clear that the emancipation of the oppressed and defenceless inhabitants of Hindustan n, must have been deferred to some very remote period, if not relinquished altogether. The result may be comprehended in a very few words. Early apprized of the confusion exhibited in the movements of the Moghul troops, the Ouzbeks, as usual, deriving courage from the des¬ pondency of their adversaries, suddenly recovered from their recent consternation, and appeared in close pursuit. Homayftn continued, for a long time, to expose his person with the most determined valour, in covering the retreat of his troops; until overpowered by numbers, and having had his horse killed under him, he was finally compelled to make ‘his escape to a place of safety on one with which he was very seasonably supplied by Heyder Mahommed, his Aukhtah Beg, or grand equerry. The greater part of his troops, after witnessing the inevitable consequences of pusillanimous counsels, were entirely bro¬ ken, and betook themselves to a disorderly flight, in every possible 901 direction. It would be superfluous labor to record the names of all those who were present with the army of Homayhn, on this disastrous expedition. Among the most distinguished commanders were the Mirzas Hindal and Suliman, and the Ameirs Karautchah Khaun, who had, it is to be supposed, been in some degree restored to favor, Hadjy Mahommed Khaun, Tereddy Beg Khaun, Munnaeim Khaun, and others to the number of four or five and twenty, of the highest class of nobility; all associated, in some shape or other, in the perils and mis¬ takes of the enterprize which we have thus briefly endeavoured to describe. At the expiration of the third day, Homayun ventured to halt, with a few of his attendants, at the station of Tchaurtcheshmah, the four springs, where he was very shortly joined by others, who had also made good their retreat in various ways. From hence he dis¬ patched advices to Kabul, in order to relieve the apprehensions of his son, and the princesses of the imperial family; as well as to Reshid Khaun the ruler of Kashghar, to whom he announced the failure of his views on Mawur-un-neher, which he distinctly ascribed, for the greater part, to the bad faith and refractory conduct of his brother Kamraun. The interval of another night conveyed Homayun safe to Ghour- bund, on the eastern side of the mountainous range of Hindu Kouh ; another march brought him to Khaujah-seyauran — a third to Kkra- baugh — and a fourth to Mammourah, where he was met by the young Akbar, who now hastened to throw himself into the arms of his royal parent. And finally, when the favorable moment had as usual been ascertained by the astrologers, Homayun once more re-entered the me¬ tropolis of Kabul. It remains to state what befel the associates of his unfortunate campaign. Mirza Suliman, during the retreat, embraced an opportunity of withdrawing into Buddukhshaun; Mirza Hindal to Konduz, whither he was accompanied by MLinna,eim Khaun ; and many other Ameirs re*appeared successively at Kabul. Shah Be- dauk, who had eminently signalized himself in the retreat, fell into the hands of the Ouzbt ks; which was the case with four or five more of Homayun’s most devoted and confidential servants. The remainder, with few exceptions, appear to have ultimately succeeded iijeflecting their escape from the pursuit of the enemy. A. H. 957. A. D. 1550, Abul Fazzel. 902 A. H. 9b*l. A. D.1550. AbAl Fazzel. During the confusion of so disorderly a retreat, the Ataulek Khau- jah Mauk, and the other prisoners captured at Eybek, found little dif¬ ficulty in regaining their liberty; but on their arrival at Balkh they made, of the humane and liberal conduct of Homayun, a report so favorable as to excite the surprise, and claim the approbation of Peir Mahommed. In consequence of this, the whole of his Moghul prison¬ ers were immediately set at large, and conducted on their way to Ka¬ bul; after having been treated with equal kindness and generosity, and without being exposed to the slightest further inconvenience. If it were not already sufficiently obvious that in the generous Ho- ma}un the milder virtues were ci rried to a fault — that by his frequent forgiveness of domestic treason, in particular, he had over and over again encouraged the revival of the same scenes of disloyalty and re¬ bellion, and thus exposed his truest friends to endless hazards of life and fame, for the re-establishment of his power, we should be disposed to expatiate, with no ordinary complacency, on this spontaneous tribute of homage to his superior benevolence, coming from him whose capi¬ tal he had so recently menaced with havoc and desolation, and from whence he had been compelled to retircy-with such circumstances of disgrace and loss. Even as it is, we cannot but hold it out to our readers, among the rare examples of the kindlier feelings of our nature; and as a bright spot in the gloomy annals of oriental violence, to illu¬ minate his course to the termination of these volumes. With regard to Mirza Kamraun, whose conduct was so deeply im¬ plicated in the recent, as well as in former disasters, it will be suffici- cient to observe, that after disappointin'? his brother’s just expectati¬ ons of aid, in the expedition towards Balkh, and after having been defeated, at a subsequent period, by the Mirzas Hindal and Suliman, in his attempts to obtain possession of Buddukhshaun, he at last de¬ termined, on the invitation of the perfidious Ameirs who infested the court of Homayun, and at the head of w'hom was the traitor Karaut- chah Kh aun, to proceed tow'ards Kabul ; dispatching, however, in the first instance, to acquaint the injured monarch with his design, and to protest that his views, in thus obstruding himself once more into his presence, was to obtain forgiveness for the past, and for the future to devote himseU with good faith and sincerity, to the service 903 of his indulgent brother. On the repeated expostulations, and at the earnest intreaty of many of his more faithful captains, Homayun pre¬ pared to counteract these insidious plans; and about the middle of the nine hundred and fifty-seventh of the hidjerah,* he hastened with such troops as were present about his capital, towards Ghourbund, tlie direction in which it was understood that Kamraun was approach¬ ing. Having continued his march on this occasion to the river Baran, which seems to pass to the northward of Ghourbund, and being about to cross some of the smaller streams communicating with that river, certain of his attendants appeared to hesitate, and nicely sought, in different directions, for a spot where they might pass to the oppo¬ site side with the least personal inconvenience. Homayun observed this circumstance of cautious self-regard with manifest displeasure; and he could not forbear quoting, to the disadvantage of his officers, the unparalleled zeal and self-devotion of the guards of Shah Issmaeil I. of the race of Seffy, who were known to cast themselves without scruple from the summit of the most fearful precipices, and to inevi¬ table death, merely to follow the handkerchief of their sovereign.* At such a crisis, nevertheless, Karautchah Khaun, and Mussauheb Beg, with the other traitors combined against the interest of their be¬ nefactor, undertook to remind Homayun that as the mountainous range in his front was intersected by numerous defiles and narrow passes, it would be advisable to station in each of them, a detachment of troops, in sufficient strength to prevent the approach of Mirza Kam¬ raun; it being, in reality, the object of these perfidious men, as far as possible, to divide and disperse the royal army, at this period assembled in considerable force; in which, through the culpably complying tem¬ per of Homayun, they too well succeeded. Hence it was that the Ameirs Hadjy Mahommed Khaun, and Berrekah, and Mirza Hussun Khaun, with several others, were sent off towards Zohauk, and Bami- an, and Mbnnaeim Khaun at he head of another respectable division, was advanced in the direction of Aulung; while the treacherous Ka- • July 1550. + We are disposed to think that this refers to tlie disciples of the Sheikh ul Jubbul, or prince of Alniovvut, meiitioued in oriental history; and the old man of the mountain of west¬ ern writers. A.Fi. 957. A. D. 1550 . Abul Fazzel, 904 A. H. 957. A D. 1550. A bill Fazzel. rautchah, and Mussauheb Beg, and Kaussem H&sseyne Si^ltan, with the other disaffected chiefs who remained about the person of Ho- mayiin, regularly transmitted to Mirza Kamraun a daily account of. every thing that waspassiug in the camp of his adversary. Thus instructed, Mirza Kamraun might venture to take his depar¬ ture from Bamian and Zohauk, both then dependent on Kabhl, directr ing his march for the pass of Kehjauk, and proceeding himself withi the principal division of his troops; while Yessoun Doulut, Mukud- dum Koukah, and Baba Saeid with another division led the march in advance. Such then was the state of affairs, when one day towards noon, it was announced to Homayun by one of the natives, that Kamraun was approaching, and with designs evidently, hostile. Still, his evil genius, in the person of the perfidious Karautchah, interposed to deceive him, with expostulations on the absurdity of giving credit to the intelligence of an unknown and obscure peasant. The traitor, at the same time, artfully expressed an apprehension that if Mirza Kamraun, who was, as he chose to say, avowedly accompanied by a very insignificant force, should perceive the imperial troops in order of battle, he would necessarily take the alarm, and be thus prevented from approaching the royal presence. Homayun, whose mind, not¬ withstanding repeated experience, was yet a stranger to suspicion, suffered himself to be misled by the delusion; from which he was not awakened, until the designs of Kamraun were placed beyond all doubt by his appearance in hostile array. Then, and not before, he caused his generals to prepare for battle, immediately mounting his horse for the combat,^w hich commenced almost instantly afterwards. In order, however, to obtain a more distinct and convenient survey of the action, Homayfin had taken post himself on an eminence which commanded a view ot the adjoining plain;, and from thence, in the spectacle, which now presented itself, of the troops in entire squadrons deserting his. standard, and going over to the enemy, he beheld at last a d< cisive proof of the profligate duplicity, by which, he had suf¬ fered himself, to be so completely over-reached. In a paroxysm of indignation at this, discovery, he rushed at once among the thickest, of his adversaries, and for a moment, by the extraordinary prowess ex¬ hibited in his example, produced among those opposed to him, the 905 utmost consternation. Unfortunately his charger was transpierced by an arrow, from some unknown hand, on one of the flanks, and the monarch found himself exposed to the most imminent danger. At the same instant. Beg Bahai, a native of Kulaub, either inadvertently or by design, came upon him from behind, and made a stroke at him with his scimitar; but Homaytin at the same moment casting a fierce look at the soldier, his arm faltered, and he missed his stroke, which, as far as can be understood, only slightly grazed the monarch’s leg. Providentially before he could repeat his blow, Mehter Segpai, after¬ wards better known by the title of Ferhett Khaun, came up and beat off the assailant ; and Homayun, receiving from Mirza Nejeib, in ex¬ change for his own wounded charger, the pyebald horse on which he rode, was enabled to renew the combat with greater chance of success. In these circumstances of obvious liazard, a respectable and intel¬ ligent Yessawul, or exempt, of the name of Abdulwahab, hastened to announce to Homayun the actual defection of the perfidious Ameirs; and seizing his horse by the bridle, freely represented the necessity of yielding, for the present, to the force of an over-ruling destiny With¬ out alternative, Homayun, therefore, determined on making the best of his way towards Zohauk, in which direction, as we have already seen, he had been persuaded to detach some of his most active and faithful generals; and the same Abdulwahab, and another officer of the name of Mahommed Amein, having undertaken to make head against the ene¬ my while he made his retreat, he accordingly receded from the conflict^ accompanied by Ferhett Khaun, above-mentioned, and Sunclul Khaun, with some few more attendants still devoted to the person of their so¬ vereign. When he had withdrawn to a short distance from the field of battle, Homayun, finding himself greatly exhausted with fatigue and the uneasiness of his wound, put off his coat of mail, and delivered it to Sundul Khaun; and that officer, without reflecting on the conse¬ quences, in the hurry of his retreat very unguardedly threw the armour away; and it subsequently fell into the hands of the enemy, by whom it was successfully employed, as a token to induce the governor of Ka¬ bul to surrender his charge. On the day following, the fugitive mon¬ arch was joined by more of his officers; but of ten Ameirs, including Shah Budauk Khaun, Medjnoun Kakshaul, and Towlek Koutchin, 6 z A. II. 057. A. D. 1550. Abul Fdzzel. VOL. III. 906 A. H. 957. A D. 1550. Ab61 Fazzel. whom he had dispatched to protect his rear and procure intelligence, the latter was the only one who evinced sufficient loyalty to rejoin his master; for which, and for his distinguished intrepidity during this crisis of danger, he was very deservedly advanced to the appointment of Kourbeggy, or captain of the imperial guards. On the first cessation from toil, and the pressing danger of pursuit, Homayfin summoned a council of the few remaining Ameirs, in order to deliberate on the most advisable plan of proceeding, for the restor¬ ation of his affairs. Hadjy Mahommed Khaun, who had been in¬ vested with the government of Gheznein, and whose fidelity had be-- come already more than questionable, proposed that they should re¬ turn immediately towards Kandahaur;that being the direction in which he could more conveniently withdraw to his jaguir. But this was instantly rejected by Homayun. Others, spurred on by the dictates of a more ardent courage, declared for returning without delay towards Kabul ; averring that, whilst yet intoxicated with the recent unex¬ pected success, for which he was alone indebted to the treachery of individuals, it would not be difficult to wrest from Kamraun the fruits of his surreptitious victory. But the proofs of disaffection and dis¬ loyalty among those who enjoyed his confidence in an unlimited de¬ gree, Were too recent in the recollection of Homayun, to command any attention to these vaunting professions of zeal, however loudly repeated. Others again, whose views were more sincerely directed to the welfare of their sovereign, urged a continuance of their retreat into Buddukhshaun; from whence, when joined by the Mirzas Hind- al, Suliman, and Ibrauhim, they would be able to return with ample means to undertake the repossession of Kabul, without the hazard of failure. To this opinion, as most consistent with prudence, and the exigency of his affairs, Homayun thought fit to subscribe; and he prosecuted his march accordingly towards that province by the way of "Yekah Oulung — probaldy the Aulung formerly mentioned. H ere it becomes sufficiently apparent that it would be impossible to continue altogether the circumstantial details of Abul Fazzel, w ith- in the narrow scope of the remaining pages of this volume ; and we shall therefore submit to the reader the following passages borrowed from the work of Colonel Dow; which will serve to bring down the 907 narrative to that period of the history when the course of events seem naturally to have led to the final recovery of Hindiistaun: reserving the sequel of the life and reign of Homayun, for more circumstantial relation in the concluding chapter. “Humaioon was now in great distress for money to pay the few troops who had continued faithful to his fortunes. H e was obliged to borrow the horses, camels, and merchandise, of some great caravans, with which he mounted and paid his troops. ■ He privately sent Bid* da [Budauk] Toglick [Towlek Koutchin] Mudgnow [Mudjnoun] and others, to the number of ten persons, to support his interest at Cabul, and to send him intelligence of what passed in that city. But of all these Toglick alone remained true to his interest, which they now 'found was greatly declined. Soliman, Ibrauhim, and Prince Hindal, re¬ turning with their detachments to join the king, he found himselfagain, in a condition to make an attempt to recover his kingdom; and he ac¬ cordingly marched towards Cabul. Camiran, upon the approach of Humaioon, came out, and drew up on the banks of the Punger [Punj- sheher], Camiran was defeated with great slaughter, and in his flight he was obliged to shave his head and beard, and to escape in the dis¬ guise of a mendicant to the mountains of Bimgan, [^LimghanatJ, Ash- kary was taken prisoner, the perfidious Kirrachi [Karautchah] fell in the engagement.” “ Humaioon now returned in triumph to Cabul; where he enjoy¬ ed a W'hole year [I5bl] in peace and festivity. Intelligence was brovmht to him that the restless Camiran was again at the head of fif- teen hundred horse, while some Omrahs [Ameirs] fled from the royal presence toGhizni. The king marched against his brother, who fled towards the Indus, so that Humaioon without effecting any thing re¬ turned to Cabul. Camiran no sooner heard of his brother’s return, than he returned again among the Afghans, to raise up more disturb¬ ances. Humaioon was under the necessity of taking the field a se¬ cond time. He wrote to Byram [Beyram Khaun] who still held the government of Candahar, to march against the Omrahs, who fled to Ghizni, and had invited Camiran to join them at that place. Cami¬ ran by the way of Peshawir, Bungish, and Curvez, [Gurdaizj was then on his march towards Ghizni: but before his arrival Byram had come A. H. 957-59 A. D. 1550 52. Dow’s History. 908 A. H. 957-59. to Ghiztii, and carried the revolted Omrahs prisoners to Cabul. Ca- A. D. 1550 52. jjjjran disappointed of his allies, returned to Peshawir, and the king Dows History. ^arch to Cabhl.” “ Before the arrival of Humaioon at his capital Mahommed, [Had- jy Mahommed Khaun] one of the imprisoned Omrahs, found means to escape a second time to Ghizni, from whence he was persuaded to return, no doubt upon the most sacred assurances of pardon, Ashkary [Asskery] having preferred a petition to the king, soliciting his en¬ largement from prison, in order to perform a pilgrimage to Mecca, was now sent to Soliman, governor of Buddukhshaun, to proceed to Ba- lich, Ashkari died in the year 961, on his way crossing the Arabian deserts.”* “ Camiran was in the mean time levying troops among the Afghans, and carrying on a private correspondence with Mahommed at Ghiz¬ ni. The treason was discovered, and the old traitor condemned to death.'l* Humaioon had by this time, marched against Camiran, but he was surprized in his camp near Chiber [Tcheiberyaur, somewhere between Gundemuk and Gheznein] on the night of the twenty-first of Zicada 958;J upon which occasion Prince Hindal lost his life. Ca¬ miran, however, gained no advantage but the death of his brother, be¬ ing overthrown by Humaioon, and obliged to take shelter again among the Patans. The king after this victory returned to Cabul, and in gratitude to the memory of Hindal, who had well expiated his former disobedience by his services and blood, he gave the daughter of that prince, Rixia Sultana [R ekkeiah Sultan Begum], to his son Akbar in marriage. He conferred at the same time upon the royal pair, all the wealth of Hindal; and appointed Akbar [at this period in the tenth year of his age] to the command of his uncle’s troops, and to his government of Ghizni.” “The Afghans, a few months after these transactions, rose in favor of Camiran. The king marched into their country which he laid * According to Ab5i Fazzel, he died in the 965th of the fiidjerah [1557], in some part of the territory between Syria and Mekkah, t He was regularly impeached and found guilty, under 110 several articles of accusa¬ tion, either of which is said to have deserved the highest punishment of the law ; and he was accordingly strangled, together witii his brother Shah Mahommed, the accomplice, aud reputed instigator of his crimes. Abul Fazzel. J 19th November, i55F>- 909 waste with fire and sword. Finding, at last, that they got nothing but mischief to themselves, by adhering to Camiraii, they withheld their aid, and expelled him from their country.” “ The desolate Camiran fled to Hindostan, and was reduced to solicit the protection of the emperor Selim, [Seleim Shah the son of Sheir Shah the Afghan] whom he beheld, by his own baseness, ruling his father’s empire. But it was not to be expected that Selim would treat Camiran favorably. The unfortunate fugitive fled from the court of Uehli,and, like a poor vagabond,sought protection from the Indian prince of Nagercot. [N uggurkote; according to Abu 1 Fazzel,it vvasat Jummou and Maunkote] Being from thence driven by Selim, he fled among the Gickers. [Guikkers, Guggurs, or Kakares] *” “ Hyder, one of the posterity of Teymur, then reigned in Cashmire. He requested the assistance of Humaioon to quell some disturbances in his kingdom. The king accordingly marched towards India, and crossed the Indus. Adam the prince of the Gickers, fearing the king’s resentment, for giving protection to Camiran, imprisoned that unhappy man; and acquainted the king that he was ready to deliver him over to any body he should be pleased to send. The king dispatched Monim, [Munnaeim, or Miineym Khaun], to Adam, and Camiran was accord¬ ingly given up to him, and brought to the royal presence. “The Moghul chiefs [Oulouss-e-Tcheghattai, or race of Tchegha- lai] to a man solicited that he should be put to death, that he might distress them no more : but the king would by no means consent to im¬ brue his hands in the blood of his brother, however deserving he was of death. Humaioon on account of his lenity was threatened with a ge¬ neral sedition in his army; and every body openly complained of that merciful disposition in the king by which his subjects were so often in¬ volved in misfortunes. He was, at last, though much against his will, A. H. 959-61. A. D. 1552-53. Dow’s History. necessitated to permit them to render Camiran blind, by means of an- timony.’l' Sometime after this sentence was executed upon the un¬ fortunate prince, the king went to see him. Camiran immediately rose,. * A nation settled between tlie Indus and the Behaut. AbAI Fazzel. + Mejl keshidund. Tlie usual method of destroying the eyesight was, by holding a red-hot copper, or brass plate, to the eyes, until the visual nerve was annihilated. Accord¬ ing to Vbiil Fazzel this operation was executed upon Mirza Karnraun towards the close o^' the year 060, corresponding with November or December 1553. 910 A. If. 959-0L and walked some steps forward to meet him, saying “ the glory of the A. D^_15o22^. foughtl diminished by visiting the unfortunate!” Hu- Dovv’s History, ^ u o j . , • i /-< • t maioon immediately bursting into tears, wept very biUerly : Cainiran 'endeavored to comfort him by confessing the justice of his own pun¬ ishment; and byway of expiating his crimes requested leave to proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca. The request was granted, and he went by the way of Sind. [Tattah]. Having resided three years at Mecca, he he died in that place, in the year 964.* He Iv.ft one son Carem, who was, some time after his father’s [Homayun’s] death, assassinated by the order of Akbar in the fort of Gualier ; Camiran had also three daughters. “ H umaioon being now delivered from the restless spirit of Camiran, began to extend his dominions. He first turned his arms towards Cashmire. Selim the Patan emperor of India having at that time ad¬ vanced to the Indus, his omrahs represented to Humaioon that if he should enter Cashmire, as there w'as but one pass through w'hich he could return, that Selim might block up his rear, and reduce him to great distress. The king, however, would not listen to their represen¬ tations, but marched towards Cashmire. Having advanced about half¬ way, a mutiny arose in the army, and the greatest part of the omrahs refused to proceed, while others actually returned to Cabul. This ob¬ liged Humaioon to take a circuit by way of Sind, ordering a fort called Bickeram to be built in his route. In Bickeram he left a garrison under one Secunder.”J “ When the'king arrived in Cabul, [in the early part of the year 961], * According to Abil! Fazzel, lie died at Meina, orMeena, of which name there still ap¬ pears a town near the entrance of the Gulf of Persia, on the lllh of Zilhudje of the year 964; corresponding with the 4th of October 1557; after having thrice performed the pilgrimage to Mekkah, t According to Ferishtah, Kamraun left one son whose name was Abhlkaussem Mirza; who was imprisoned by Akhar in the fortress of Gwaliar, some time in the 9741h of the hid- jerah; and who was finally put to death by that prince, when he was proceeding to quell the rebellion of Khaun-e-Zemaun. His three daughters were all of them united to suitable husbands. I According to Abtil Fazzel the fortress of Bikraum Was that more generally known by the name of Pesliawer, which had been destroyed by the Afglians; and which Homajun now caused to be repaired, and put in a state of defence, leaving Sekuuder Khaun, an Ouzhek chief, in command. on iTe sent his son Akbar to his government of Ghizni, under charge of Jell^l.” “ In the course of this year, Humaioon became jealous of Byram, by the calumny of some of his courtiers, who pretended that that great man was carrying on intrigues with the Persian government. The king marched towards Candaharby the way of Ghizni. Byram, who was quite innocent of the charge, when he heard of the king’s approach, came out with five or six friends only, to congratulate him on his ar¬ rival, and to lay his offerings at his feet. The calumniators were dis¬ graced, and he himself loaded with favors. “ Much about this time, [towards the close of 1553, after Ilomayun had returned to Kabul] an address was received from the inhabitants of Delhi and Agra, acquainting Humaioon that Selim the Afghan em¬ peror of India was dead; and tliatall the tribes of the Patans were en¬ gaged in a civil war, that it was therefore a proper opportunity for the king to return and take possession of his empire. The king being one day on a hunting party, told some of his Omrahs that he was very un¬ easy in his mind, about the execution of his designs upon Hindostan. Someof them who weredesirousofmakingtheattempt, consulted among themselves, and hit upon a successful stratagem to bring the king to an immediate decision. They therefore told him there was an old method of divination by sending a person before, and asking the names of the three first persons he met, from which a conclusion good or bad might be formed according to their meaning. The king being naturally super¬ stitious, ordered this to be done. He sent three horsemen in front, who were to come back, and acquaint him of the answers they received. The first who returned told the king that he had met with a traveller w'hose name was Dowlat — fortune or prosperity, [perhaps Augustus].’ The next brought advice that he met a man who called himself Mur^d — desire or inclination ; and the third that he met was a villager whose name was Sadit — happiness.” Thus far we have been induced to avail ourselves of the briefnarra-, tive furnished bv Colonel Dow on the authority of Ferishtah, although the succession of events be given with considerable variation, and cer¬ tainly in more satisfactory detail, by the elaborate pen of Abul Fazzel, To him therefore we shall recur for the concluding chapter of this work^ A. H. 961. A, D. 1553. Dow’s History. 912 A.H. £>6l. A. D. 1553« Abi^l Fazzel* CHAP. XV. Before we enter fully into the proceedings of HomayAn, prepa¬ ratory to the recovery of his dominions in Hindustaun, there is an obvious propriety in taking a cursory survey of tlie transactions in that country, subsequent to the death of Sheir Shah; who expired, as we have already seen, on the eleventh of the former Rebbeia, of the nine hundred and fifty second of the hidjerah,* after having exercised all the functions of supreme power, without a competitor, for a period of five years, two months, and thirteen days. To him, through the inter¬ vention of the Ameirs on the spot, and at the expiration of eight days after his demise, succeeded his youngest son, Seleim Khaun; who was permitted, in the language of our author, to continue the same system of ambitious policy, for a further period of eight years, five months, and twenty one days, occasionally contending for the sovereignty, with his elder brother Auddel Khaun, and with Khowauss Khaun the lieu¬ tenant general, and originally the slave of bis father. , Seleim Khaun is described to have made himself notorious through¬ out his own and the neighboring states, by his capricious follies, by his fraudulent practices to obtain possession of the property of those sub¬ ject to his authority, and by his propensity to squander, without dis¬ crimination or object, the accumulated treasures which, by a mere contingency, had fallen to his lot. But since it is ever inauspicious to resist the authority of the sovereign, however irregularly constituted, the designs of his opponents terminated, in general, unfavorably for them¬ selves. During a part of his reign he was engaged in various attempts to subjugate the rival tribe of Niauzy, who, under their leader Heybet Khaun, had contrived to get possession of t!ie Punjaub; and finally succeeded in driving them for protection into the mouutains of Kash- * 22nd ot May 1545. + Entitled Auiieui floiuayfiii. 913 meir, where they are said to have disappeared into Mt. Hellauk."*^ Se- leim was, also, for some time employed in operations against the Gik- kers, already so often described as possessing the territory between the Indus and the Behaut; but as these latter were attached with some de¬ gree of fidelity to the exiled house of Teymur, his efforts in that quarter were destined to be unsuccessful. He, however, completed the for¬ tress of Rohtass, which had been commenced by his father; and, among the mountains of Sewaulek, or adjoining to them, conceiving some su¬ perstitious fears for the safety of his person, he erected the fort of Maunkout. ' • Subsequent to this, jealous of the designs of the turbulent Afghans, and tormented by the misgivings of his own conscience, Seleim Khaun resided, for a long time, in the impregnable fortress of Gwaliar. Ne¬ vertheless, although his behavior towards his soldiers is described to have been such as to have given, to them at least, universal dissatisfac¬ tion, he is acknowledged to have conducted himself towards his sub¬ jects in general, with unimpeachable integrity. But, unless his cha¬ racter became changed as he advanced in years, we do not clearly per¬ ceive how this is to be reconciled with the former statement. He died, however, on the twenty second of Zilkaudah of the year 960, j* having devised the succession, by will, to his son Feyrouz Khaun, a minor. In a few days this ill-destined youth was barbarously made away with by his uncle, Mubaurez Khaun, the son of Nizaum Khaun, who, it will be remembered, was younger brother to Sheir Khaun; the assassin, together with the throne of his murdered nephew, usurping the ill- assorted title of Auddel Mahommed. It is here rema’rked, as a singular circumstance in the history of human events, that not only the son of the Nizaum Khaun just mentioned should have attained to sovereign power,but thatthehusbands of histhreedaughters should, eachof them, have arisen to similar pre-eminence among their cotemporaries. These were the Seleim Khaun above noticed; and Sekunder Khaun Sour, and Ibrauhim Sour, both of them destined to occupy a place in the re¬ cord of Abul Fazzel. The usurper Auddel Mahommed, wholly devoted to his pleasures, • I am not clear that this does not signify “ that they were swallowed up in destruction.’* They were in fact cut off by the Kashmirians. -f 20th of November, 1553 VOL. Ill, 6 A A. H. oni. A. D. 1553. Abul Fazzel. 914 A. H.961. A. D. 1550 52 Abiil Fazze] very soon consigned the affairs of government to the discretion of the : celebrated Heimu, or Himmu; a man, according to our author, who by flattering the propensities of his superiors, contrived, from the very dregs of society, to raise himself, in the course of a few years, to the most elevated dignities in the state. Of this new adventurer it be¬ comes here unavoidably necessary to speak somewhat at large,. H immu then, from nature, possessed neither the advantages of an illustrious decent, the graces of person, nor the felicities of a virtu¬ ous mind; but providence, for purposes inscrutable to human discern¬ ment, seems to have selected him for elevated rank, in order, perhaps, as in many other instances, to punish the vices of the wicked, by pla¬ cing them under the authority of one more profligate, and abandoned, than the worst of themselves. Small in stature, as comprehensive in understanding, this man was a native of Reiwaury, in the district of Meivaut, and belonged to the cast of Douhsser; the very lowest class ofpettyshop-keepers in Hindustaun — hisoccupation being, indeed, that of a retailer of salt in one of the most wretched back streets of the town. Becoming, however, in process of time, through his indefatigable assi¬ duities, one of the tradesmen of the court of Seleim Khaun, he was, through a continuance of the same intriguing and artful system, finally enrolled among the officers of the household, to that monarch. Of the influence thus obtained, he wickedly availed himself to bring everyspeciesof misfortune, and distress, upon those unhappily exposed to the operation of his malice. And yet, while decorating his house with the pillage of the oppressed, and secretly advancing his own cor¬ rupt and selfish designs, by all the means in his power,did he outwardly profess that he was exerting himself to promote the interests of his master. Far be it from me to intimate, exclaims our author, that he was amassing wealth for the use of his sovereign, and thus compelling him to strike the hatchet into his own foot. Yet it is obvious to re¬ mark, that many a ruler among the faithful has been implicated in the most seiious errors, when desirous, in the pressure of business, of seaiching into the private life of individuals, he has condescended to employ the services of odious and profligate informers ; considering, perhaps, that such means are warranted when the object is the punish¬ ment of crimes. It would, nevertheless, be well to reflect that, al- 915 though in employing these unworthy instruments, they may have flat¬ tered themselves that the fame and honor of obedient and truly loyal subjects can never be seriously affected, still these men, with fair exte¬ rior and malice in their hearts, once finding their opportunity, seldom scruple, however, specious the pretence, toattack the most loyal, where they perceive the prospect of private advantage; and that, in giving ear to such miscreants, they may have forgotten the selfish views by which they are actuated, and encouraging suspicions to the disadvantage of their very best friends, have thus unconsciously labored to their own destruction. However, this may be, such was the influence which, through his specious manners, the artful Himmu succeeded in securing over the mind of Seleim Khaun, that he was finally obtruded into a principal share in the management of every department in the state. And, when upon the death of that prince, the government of the oppressed nations of Hinduslaun devolved, with the title of Auddel Mahommed, to the usurper Mubaurez, the upstartdiscovered in the latter a total ignorance of affairs, he experienced but little difficulty in appropriating to himself the entire superintendance. Thus exalted to the highest power in the em¬ pire, he left the simple Mubaurez, who received from his contempora¬ ries the appellative of Auddily,for his imbecility, nothing but the name and shadow of the sovereign authority. Further extending his ambi¬ tious views, the perfidious Himrnu then proceeded to possess himself of the treasures of Sheir Khaun and his successor, together with their establishment of elephants; dissipating, without remorse, and with la¬ vish prodigality, the fruits of so many sanguinary victories, and thus engaging anumerous train of sordid and mercenary flatterers to promote his designs. He now, for a short time, assumed the title of Sunput Rai; but not long afterwards he usurped the more exalted one of R^jah, to¬ gether with the name of Bikramaujit — at once absurdly and stupidlyar- rogating to himself the designation of an illustrious monarch, while he craftily continued the empty title of king to the pageant Auddily. Nevertheless, he is acknowledged to have obtained many signal vic¬ tories, over the enemies of his weak and luxurious master; and by some acts of surprising prowess, and consummate military skill, to have es¬ tablished a claim to the applause andadmiration ofall whoheard of him. A. H. 901 A. D. 1553-54. Ab&l Fazzel. 916 A. H. 961. A. D. 1553 .54 Ab61 Fazzel To such a height of grandeur, indeed, was he elevated by the power of fortune, [operating, it is to be presumed, together with some degree of talentj that we find him at last opposing himself to the armies of the imperial Akbar; but as the character of that illustrious monarch was the touchstone of every quality, as might have been expected, he totally failed in the test; and both the schemes, and the existence, of this swarthy upstart, were finally swallowed up in the surpassing glory of his just and triumphant adversary. But as the subject thas hus led us to anticipate the course of the history, by some years, it becomes again necessary to recur to the pro¬ ceedings of the unworthy Auddel Mahoromed, whose example was calculated to excite nothing but contempt and derision. The result, almost natural of such imbecility of conduct, was the appearance of rival competitors in different parts of the empire; and among these, not the least formidable, was Ahmed Khaun Sour, the husband of one of the daughters of Nizaum Khaun, who held the government of the Pun- jaub, and who now boldly aspired at the supreme authority, assuming the title of Sekunder Khaun : while Mahommed Khaun, who was nearly allied in blood to the warlike Sheir Khaun, and had for some time exercised the functions of government in Bengal, aimed at similar independence in that quarter. Nearer home, Ibrauhim Khaun Sour/ who was married to the third of the daughters of Nizaurn Khaun, as formerly stated, laid claim to the sovereign power over the whole of Hiiidustaun. Shujayut Khaun, by the multitude nicknamed Su- jawul, [the liberal perhaps] exhibited similar pretensions, and raised the standard of independence in Malwah; and in short the national tur¬ bulence of the Afghans broke out into scenes of commotion and revolt, in almost every quarter of this devoted country. Sekunder Khaun, with the troops of the Punjaub, and the lawless banditti whom he had collected in thatquaiter, proceeded towards Agrah; while Auddel Mahommed and Ibrauhim Sour, both directed their oper¬ ations upon the same point. Through the craft of Himmu, Auddel Mahommed was, however, finally persuaded to withdraw to the east¬ ward; but, in the vicinity of Agrah, a battle took place between Sekun¬ der Khaun and Ibrauhim Sour, in which the latter was totally defeated, and compelled to seek for safety in flight. His father, Ghauzzi Khaua 917 Sour, who was in possession of Beiaunah, retired, however, and suc¬ cessfully defended himself in the fortress of that name. The power of Sekunder Khaun was, in the mean time, prodigiously advanced, the whole of the territory from the Indus to the Ganges, submitting in ge¬ neral to his authority; and having now an immense force at his dispo¬ sal, he prepared, in order to establish his sole authority on the destruc¬ tion of his competitors, to proceed into the provinces eastward of the Ganges. But his aspiring projects were at once suspended by the re¬ ports which at this crisis reached him, that HomayAn was actually on his march, with the avowed design of recovering Hindhstaun; and he found it accordingly expedient to detach a great part of his army, under Tatar Khaun and Hey but Khaun, for the immediate protection of the Punjaub. Mahommed Khaun, on the other hand, who had asserted his inde¬ pendence in Bengal, evinced, at the same time, a determination to vin¬ dicate his authoiity, against Auddel iVIahommed and all other oppo¬ nents. In the vicinity of Tchepetkettali, [perhaps the Chiicut of Dow, about thirty miles from Calpy] after several previous contingencies, he was at last encountered by Auddel Mahommed and his minister Him- mu, and perished in the conflict. This event is described to have pla¬ ced the treasures of Sheir Khaun and Seleim Khaun at the entire dis¬ posal of the crafty Himmh; whowas thus enabled toprosecute hisviews of private ambition with greater notoriety, and additional success. In such circumstances he gave battle, with unvarying good fortune, suc¬ cessively tolbrauhim Khaun Sour, and the other chiefs who opposed his designs, being victorious in every conflict; his daring intrepidity carrying him triumphantly through every difficulty,although from some deformity or personal defect, he was unable to ride on horseback, and usually fought from his litter mounted on an elephant. It is, at the same time further insisted upon, that for all his surprising successes — suc¬ cesses which surpassed the calculations of all who heard of them _ he was in a great measure indebted to the unsparing distribution which he made of the accumulated treasures, that had, in a manner, gratuitously fallen into his bands. » After his victory in the neighborhood of Agrah, the attention ofSe- kunder Khaun Sour had been directed, as we have already observed* A. H. 961. A. D. 1.553 54. Ab4i Fazzel. 918 A. H. f)61-G2. A, D. 1554-55 A 561 Fazzel, towards Bahar and Bengal; where, on the death of tlie late Mahommed ' Khaun, his son Khezzer Khaun, in the first place, seated himself on the throne with the title of Bahauder Shah, and latterly, on the de¬ mise of Bahauder Shah, his brother succeeded to the kingdom of Ben¬ gal, w'ith the title of Sultan J ullaul-ud-dein. At the same time, tliesc provinces were menaced on the part of Auddel Mahommed, and Himmu; whose exertions, for a season, were fully employed in repress¬ ing the designs of their numerous adversaries in different quarters. But it would be premature, in this place, to enter more at large into the history of these minor events ; and the narrative must therefore now recur to the main and original channel. Homayun became no sooner substantially apprized of the distractions which thus afflicted the unhappy nations of Hindustaun, from one extremity of the empire to the other, than he determined, without fur¬ ther delay, on. carrying into execution the design which had so long engaged his contemplations. Leaving therefore the females of his fa- mily, with his younger son, at Kabul, the government of which was, on this occasion, consigned to Munnaeim Khaun, he proceeded, about the rouldle of Zilhudje of the nine hundred and sixty first of the hid- jerah,* towards the Indus, Akbar,who had now entered his thirteenth year, and who had already exhibited proofs of a vigour of understand¬ ing beyond ail precedent, accompanied the expedition; and the most trivial occurrences on the march, were industriously exaggerated into indubitable prognostications of the renown which was to illustrate the destiny of this favorite scion of the stock of Teymur. The whole force that accompanied the standard of Homayun on an enterprize of so much magnitude, is stated, however, to have fallen short of three thousand men; the faithful Beyram Khaun having remained behind at Kabul, for the final arrangment of some of the affairs of the monarchy, and to com¬ plete his own equipments. On the last day of Mohurrim, of the year nine hundred and sixty two,* the royal army encamped near Bikraum— -the modern Peshavvir; where the exertions of Sekunder the Ouzbek appeared so satisfactory to Homa}^!!, that he immediately conferred upon him the title of Khaun. On the fifth of the succeeding month of Suffur,:|: the imperial * loth or 12th of November, 1554. t 24th of December, 1 654. J 39th of December* 919 standard was displayed on the western bank of that branch of the In¬ dus called the Nilaub. Here Homayun found it advisable to make ahaltot three days, during which lie was joined, as might have been expected, by Beyram Khaun from Kabul. During the same period, intelligence was conveyed to him that Tatar Khaun Kaushy, who had been entrusted with a considerable force for the defence of Rohtass, had abandoned that place, the moment he became apprized that the Tcheghataian army had reached the Indus. In consideration of some former, and even recent, proofs of attach¬ ment on the part of Sultan Audem, the Gikker chief, Homayun was induced, at this crisis, to dispatch a letter inviting him to his presence; but, as his evil destiny would have it, the temporizing zemindaury spirit prevailed with that chief to decline the invitation; on the plea that he was under engagements to Sekunder Sour, who had carried away one of his sons, as an hostage for his fidelity. He alleged, indeed, with some plausibility, that were he to appear in the imperial camp, he w'ould not only be chargeable with breach of faith, but expose, per¬ haps, an only son to certain destruction. ■ Such an apology appeared, however, insufficient to the officers of Homayun; and they accordingly suggested that this man should be disposed of, before they proceeded any further. But it seemed otherwise to Homayun, who crossed the Indus in force shortly afterwards; and the Afghans, who still hovered in the neighborhood of Rohtass, having dispersed in various directions, the march of the imperial troops was every where unmolested, and the inhabitants of the country were permitted on all sides to enjoy that repose, which is to be found alone under the protection of a just and magnanimous government. On reaching Kalanour, the Ameirs Shahaub-ud-dein Ahmed Khaun, Ashruf Khaun, and Ferhutt Khaun, were dispatched by Homaytan to Labour, with a demand that, in order to avert the calamities to which the city might otherwise be exposed, the prayer for the sovereign, and the coinage of the country, should run in his name. About the same time, Beyram Khaun, accompanied by a respectable force under the Ameirs Tereddy Beg Khaun, Eskunder Khaun, Khezzer Khaun Ha- zaurah, and Issmheil Beg, proceeded against Nesseib Khaun Punj- bheyah, who had established himself in the town of Berhaunah. Ho-, A. H. 961-62. A. D. I;j54 55. Abiil Fazzel. 920 A. H. 96*2. A. D. 1555. A^bill Fazzel. tnayun in person descended towards Labour, wliich he entered without opposition, on the second of the latter Rebbeia.* Towards the con¬ clusion of the same month, intelligence was received that Shahbauz Khaun, a distinguished Afghan commander, had assembled a large force of his nation at Deibalpour, [on the Setlije], with which he was evidently preparing for some offensive design: and the Ameirs Shah Abul Maally, Ally Kuly Khaun Sheibauny, or Shebiauny, Ally Kuly Khaun Enderauby, and Mahommed Khaun Jullkeir, with a chosen division of the army, were immediately detached towards that quarter. The Afghan stood his ground with determined resolution, and a very severe conflict ensued; in which, through the ardent impetuosity of youth, the young Seyud Shah Abul Maally was for sometime exposed to imminent danger. From this he was, however, seasonably rescued by the valour and exertions of Ally Kuly Khaun; and the Afghans were finally defeated with considerable slaughter, after which the vic¬ tors returned to Labour. It will here be necessary to attend for a short time to the proceed- ' ings of Bey ram Khaun, and the division employed against Nesseib Khaun, above noticed; and it appears that on the arrival of the Moghul general in the district of Berhaunah, the Afghan fled after a slio-ht re¬ sistance, leaving a considerable booty, in specie and effects, together with the whole of his family, at the mercy of his assailants. Under the plea of a vow which he alleged to have heard his master make, that there should be no prisoners, should providence ever enable him to undertake the recovery of Hindustaun,Beyram Khaun, with enlight¬ ened humanity, caused the whole of the Afghan families, without dis¬ tinction, to be collected together, and without the slightest injury con¬ veyed immediately to the camp of Nesseib Khaun. He dispatched, at the same time, intelligence of his victory to Homayun, together with the due proportion of the booty, in elephants, treasure, and other va- • luable eflfects. Bey ram Khaun then advanced to Jalinder, a well known post between the Beyah and the eastern branch of the Setlije; but here, in consequence of a misunderstanding between the imperial generals, although the Afghans continued determined on flight, they were per¬ mitted to carry off the whole of their property. * 23d of February 1555. 921 The dispute between the generals being, however, accommodated, through the interposition of the royal authority, Beyram Khaun estab¬ lished his head-quarters at Jalinder; distributing the troops under his orders with their respective leaders, in the neighboring districts on either hand. Among these the district of Matchiwaurah being allotted to Sekunder Khaun, [the Ouzbekj that commander conceiving that he saw a favorable opportunity, made a movement forwards, and took possession of Sehrind, with a very great accumulation of booty. Just at such a crisis, Tatar Khaun, and Ileybut Khaun, and Mubaurek Khaun, with a superior force of Afghans, made their appearance from the side of Dehly ; and Sekunder, now considering that it would be the extreme of imprudence to remain at Sehrind, retreated without delay to Jalinder. By this he incurred the displeasure of Beyram Khaun; who insisted that he should have maintained his ground at Sehrind, and, in conformity with the maxims pf military discipline, re¬ ported his situation to his general. After considerable debate it was indeed determined, by a majority of voices, to advance altogether from Jalinder; and the whole proceeded, accordingly, towards Matchiwau¬ rah. Nevertheless, it was still objected, on the part of Mahommed Khaun, and other respectable officers, that it would be extremely im¬ prudent to cross the Setlije, so near the setting in of the rains; and that under present circumstances, the most advisable plan was to secure the different fords and ferrying places, and to defer the passage of the river, until the violence of the season should have abated. But the sfeneral was not to be withdrawn from his purpose; and being supported by the declarations of Moulana Peir Mahommed, and Mahommed Kaus- sem Neyshapoury, and Heyder Kuly Beg Shaumlu, and many others of the most distinguished veterans, he finally proceeded across the Set¬ lije, leaving Tereddy Beg Khaun, and the Ameirs of the opposite opin¬ ion, to follow at their leisure. Beyram Khaun then distributed his force into four columns, retain¬ ing the centre column to himself; Khezzer Khaun Hazaurah was pla¬ ced in command of that on the right, and Tereddy Beg Khaun, who had not remained long behind, received charge of that on the left; while Sekunder Khaun, with a select body of troops, formed the fourth column, in advance. The Afghans, informed of the inadequate strength with which the royal troops had crossed the Setlije, hastened without VOL, III. 6 B A. H. 062. A. D. 155-'3. AbAl Fazzel. 922 A. H. 962. delay to meet them; and one day, late in the afternoon, with numbers A* D* 1555* AbAfrazzeJ. superior, proceeded to give them battle. The Moghul gene¬ rals had previously selected an advantageous position, by the side of a considerable fresh water lake, in which to try their strength with the- enemy; and a severe andobstinateconflictaccordingly ensued, in wdiich, before victory could decide for either party, night overshadowed the combatants. The action continued, however, with little intermission; and an adjoining village being set on fire, as it would appear by the » Afghans, they thus became, without intending it, the instruments of their own destruction. For the light from the flames extending to but a little distance around, but exposing them without cover to the fire of their adversaries, they perished in heaps; while every shot from them being dealt at random through the surrounding gloom, passed harmless through the air. They stood theirground, however, until the expira¬ tion of the third watch of the night; after which they fled in the ut¬ most consternation, leaving to their opponents a complete victory, with all their elephants, and a very considerable booty. On the day following, the victorious Moghhls proceeded to Sehrind, where Beyram Khaun determined to remain for the present, only de¬ taching a division in advance under Ally Kuly Shebiauny, who had recently joined him. , Apprizetl, on the other hand, of these alarming successes on the part of the Moghflls, Sekunder Sour, at the head of eighty thousand horse, with an equipment in other respects most formidably prepared for resistance, advanced to repel the invaders; Beyram Khaun dis¬ creetly confining himself to the works of Sehrind, which he strength¬ ened by all the means in his power, and dispatching, by repeated mes- sengprs, to announce his danger, and to solicit the immediate support of Homayun. At this crisis the emperor happened to labour, rather unseasonably, under an attack of the cholic, and he was therefore con¬ strained to delegate his son, the youthful and already ardent Akbar, to take his place at the head of the army. Before the troops had, how¬ ever, proceeded to any considerable distance from Labour, the health of Homayun became sufficiently re-established; and he was induced, not less from motives of prudence, than from the impatience of sepa¬ ration from hisdarlingson, to assume the personal command of thearmy. In the mean time, he conferred the government of Labour upon Ferhutt 923 Khaun, and the foujedaury of the Punjaub on the Bapouss Beg so fre- quenily mentioned in the preceding narrative; while Mirza Shah Sultan and Mehter Jouher, were on this occasion nominated to the posts of Amein and Khezzaunahdaur, the judicial and fiscal administrations of the province. The garrison of Sehrind had gallantly sustained the attacks of an ene¬ my tremendously superior, for a period of fifteen days, when, to their infinite joy, on the evening of the seventh of Rudjub of the nine hun¬ dred and sixty-second of the hidjerah,* the army of Homayun present¬ ed itself on the plains before the towm. The emperor established his head quarters in a garden close to the place ; and a plan of operations, that seemed best calculated to bring these hostilities to a successful termination, w’as here definitively arranged. The army was in the pre¬ sent instance formed into four separate divisions, calculated to act in¬ dependently of each other; one under the immediate command of Ho¬ mayun, another under that of the heir apparent, the third under Shah Abfil Maally, and the fourth under the able and warlike Beyratn Khaun. Many a partial conflict now ensued, in W'hich equal gallan¬ try and self-devotion was repeatedly exhibited on either side; but as the bodies of the slain appear to have been with no less decency than humanity, mutually delivered over forsepulture,to the survivingfriends of either party, as the occasion required, this circumstance, for reasons not easily discovered, unless it is that barbarous nations have no mo¬ tive for virtue but superior force, furnished, to the inexperienced, mat¬ ter for apprehension that the issue of the contest would be unfavorable to the imperialists ; more especially when they contemplated the ex¬ treme disparity on the part of the latter. Others, however, better in¬ structed in the motives of human action, drew, from the undaunted bearing of Homayun’s troops, the most encouraging presage of final vic¬ tory; and more than all from the invincible fortitude of their sovereign, who was himself at once the example, and the source of confidence, to all around him. Without producing any material advantage to either party, hostili¬ ties had thus continued for the space of nearly thirty days; when on the second of the month of Shabaun,-]' the duties of the army being on that day entrusted to the division of young Akbar, a considerable part * 27th of May, 1655. temp: Phil: & Mar: t 21st of June, 1555. A. H. 0G2. A. D. 1555. Abul Pazzel. 924 A. H.9e2. A. D, 1555. Abul Fazzel. of the division under the orders of Khaujah Mauzzem, and Autlekah Khaun, became seriously engaged with a body of the enemy, under K^lapahar, the brother of Sekunder Sour, in person. As the circura- stanceof a general action was, at themoment, little in the contemplation of the parties, the usual preparatory arrangements appear to have been entirely omitted; yet, such being the appointment of destiny, the battle soon extended itself in such a manner as gradually to draw within its vortex the whole force of the contending armies. The issue proved, however, decidedly favorable to the hopes of the youthful hero. The day terminated, after considerable slaughter among the Afghans, in the most signal victory on the part of the Moghuls; and an incalculable booty, fell as usual on this spot, to the lot of the victors. Sekunder, with the remnant of his troops, drew off towards the mountains which enclose the territory of the Punjaub, to the northward. He did not, however, effect his retreat without imminent personal hazard; for being closely pursued by a soldier of the troops of Khaujah Musauffery, and unable to disengage his sword from the scabbard to defend himself, it is something surprising that he should, in such circumstances, have at last escaped either death or captivity. In the midst of triumphs, sufficiently splendid, observes our author, to prostrate the'strongest mind, Homayun, on his part, preserved his equanimity unshaken. With admirable good sense and forecast, he seemed, indeed, to comport himself in a measure exactly fitted to the gradations of his good fortune,' However signal the success which had crowned his exertions, he declared that it was a consummation for which he was by no means unprepared; since it was his invariable rule to keep his wishes subservient to that humble obedience which was due from him to his creator. He had, as he alleged, uniformly endeavoured, moreover, to regulate his actions on three fixed and pre¬ determined principles; first of all, integrity of design; secondly, energy in execution; and thirdly, moderation in success — never presuming to arrogate to himself any merit in the accomplishment of his views how;- ever complete, nor to ascribe the issue to any other source than what was derived from the agency of a just and unerring providence. In short, to afford at once an example of humility to the powerful, and to attest the fulnes of his gratitude, Homayun, far from permitting^ these just conceptions to expire in mere mental acknowledgements,. 925 proceeded on the spot, and in the face of the world, to offer in repeated A. 11. 962. prostrations, his pious tribute of praise and thanksgiving to the supreme Abul Fazzel, disposer of events. And here the author conceives himself justified in the further re¬ mark, that although, among the examples of achievement which, on former occasions, produced the subjugation of Hiudustaun, the victo¬ ry of the warlike Baber might be instanced as a model to all futurity; yet, whether we consider the astonishing di‘»parity of force by which it was gained, or the immensity of the booty w hich was the result, with those who are capable of appreciating the circumstances, tliat victory will scarcely bear a comparison with tlie triumphant issue of the con¬ flict at Seliriml, for which, indeed, in all the records of ages past, there will seldom, if ever, be found a parallel. It remains to state, that the battle was fought exactly at the summer solstice, and during a tempest of wind and rain ; which, at the same time that it occasioned thede- structionof multitudes ofthevanquished, nevertheless, by retarding the pursuit, furnished to thousands an opportunity of escape from the car¬ nage, which would otherwise have been denied them. Secure in his victory, Homayfin became anxious to ascertain the me¬ rit of those who had particularly distinguished themselves in the bat¬ tle ; but as there appeared to exist, vyith respect to the individuals to whom thesuccess of the day was to be pre-eminently ascribed, a consi¬ derable difference of opinion, he referred the matter to the discussion of his generals, with instructions to submit to him a report on the sub¬ ject. In truth, intoxicated with vanity, and the transitory renown of some recent unimportant successes, Shah Abul Maally indiscreetly conceived that the glory of this transcendent victory was duetohiinr self; while the veteran Beyram • Khaun, considering that the whole scheme of the expedition originated with him, and who had in reality, from the commencement of the service to the triumphant close, uni¬ formly supported the opinion of his master, against a majority of his council, contended, with anxious solicitude, that the principal merit rested also with him. Nevertheless, others who reflected more deeply, ami with less partial considerations on the subject, and who moreover recollected that the battle had been fought, and the victory achieved, under the immediate auspices of the princely Akbar, listened, with avowed displeasure, to these subordinate and arrogant claims, and the. 926 A. H. 962, A. D. 155-5. Ab61 Fazzci. matter was, to the general satisfaction of all, finally set at rest by the decision of Homayun, who determined that the honors of the victory belonged,! 0 justice, to his heroic son, not yet arrived at the age of puberty. But among the circumstances which, at this crisis of prosperity, produced considerable surprise, the author is constrained to mention the discovery of a suspicious correspondence between Khaujah Mauz- zem, and the vanquished Sekunder Sour; among whose papers several letters from that chieftain were found, reflecting, in insolent terms, on the conductand characterof his sovereign. These letters were of course communicated to Homayun; who evinced no small degree of asto¬ nishment at such a discovery, and very naturally demanded some sort of explanation of a proceeding that appeared so unaccountably ungrate¬ ful. As the facts were undeniable, the accused nobleman endeavored to exculpate himself on the very ingenious plea, that the letters were written with the express design that they should fall into the hands of Homayun; in order to afford him one of those opportunities for the exercise of his well known clemency of disposition, of which he never neglected to avail himself. And in this he might now indulge, by conferring upon the writer, such advancement in rank and dignity, as by his former services he might be thought entitled to. Although this plea was rather too singular to be entirely successful, the accused w'as no further punished, than by being consigned to the safe keeping of one of the officers of the court, who was probably responsible for his person. Having provided, in an adequate degree, for the security of Sehrind, Homayun now prosecuted his march towards Dehly,and came to Sa- maunah. From the latter place it was found advisable, at this crisis, to detach a competent force under Shah Abill Maally and other respect¬ able commanders, towards Labour ; in order to defeat any designs against that province, on the part of Sekunder Sour, should he find himself in sufficient strength to descend from the mountains. The administration of the government of the Punjaub was, at the same time, transferred in chief to the same Shah Abul Maally, assisted by the officers subordinate to his authority. Not less invited by the ame¬ nity of the situation, than impeded by the heaviness of the rains, Ho¬ mayun had determined to remain at Samaunah, for some time: but a dispatch from Sekunder Khaun [the Ouzbek] arrivingjust at this pe- 927 riod, to announce that he had already taken possession of Dehly, with¬ out resistance on the pari of the enem^, and urging the expediency of his early appearance on the spot, in order to ascend the throne of Hin¬ dustan n, hefou nd it ad visable to alter his plan ; and he accordingly quit¬ ted Samaunah. On Tliursday the first of Ramzaun,* he reached the station of Seleimguddah, somewhere on the Jumna, to the north-ward of Dehly; and, on the fourth of* the same month, -f he finally entered that ancient metropolis. On their way to the town on this occasion, young Akbar, to the astonishment of those who saw him, contrived to kill a Neilahgao with his sword only, a circumstance whicli was very easily converted into an omen most auspicious to the cause; and Ho- inayun,who had forborne the use of animal food from the commence¬ ment of the expedition, gave orders that a part of this should be jerk¬ ed, or preserved dry, for his first meal, at the conclusion of the fast of Ramzaun. Thus once more in possession of Dehly, Homayun proceeded to make a distribution of the recovered territory among bis principal fol¬ lowers ; and first of all, he assigned to the vassals of young Akbar, in trust for their lord, the government of Hessaur, and the districts in that quarter, situated on the river Sereswaty, to the west-ward of the me¬ tropolis. On Beyrarn Khaun he bestowed the territory of Sehruid, with a variety of Purgunnahs in that and other directions. Tereddy Beg Khaun was sent to possess himself of iVleivaut — Sekunder Khaun, of Agrah — and Heyder Mahomrned, the grand equerry, of Beiaunah. The territory of Sumbul was bestowed in jagueir upon Ally Kuly Khaun. In short, on the re-ascendancy of Homayun’s happier for¬ tune, the whole of Hindustaun became again, in reality, what it has in metaphor been fri quently denominated, the very garden of felicity ; and all classes of men were admitted to a joyful participation in the smiling prosperity which diffused itself everywhere around — at least, as far as the advantages of a just and equitable government had been, at this period, allowed to extend themselves. Homayun took up his abode in the castle of Dehly, there devoting himself, with unremitting attention, to promote the designs of his all- beneficent creator, in dispensing to every part of the empire the influ¬ ence of his upright and virtuous principles. While thus employed^ * 10th of Jub, J555. t 22d of July. A. H. 0G2’. A. D ir>55. Abul Fazzel, i A. n. rG2. A D. 1555. Abikl Fazzel. 928 Shah Wully Auttekah, from Kabul, presented himself to announce the health and safety of the ladies of the imperial family, who had been left in that city; and more particularly to congratulate the monarch on the birth, by the lady Mah Tchoutchek Begum, of a son, on whom he now bestowed the name of Furrukhfaul — Foelix. The messenger was rewarded with the title of Sultaun, and shortly afterwards dismissed on his return, with letters from his master, expressive of his unabated regard, and solicitude, for the happiness ofhis family. It appears that in the neighborhood of Hessaur, on his way towards Kabul, on this occasion, the same Auttekah Khaun, with his escort, consisting of about four hundred persons, was attacked, on the twenty fifth of Ramzaun,* by the garrison of that place, under a distinguished Afghan chief, of the name of Rustum Khaun; whom, however, not¬ withstanding a superiority of force of nearly ten to one, he successfully engaged, and beat back into the fort, with the loss of seventy men. He compelled the Afghan, moreover, after a siege of three and twenty days, to sue for a capitulation; and, together with seven hundred ofhis followers, to proceed under the care of two Moghul captains, to the presence of the emperor at Dehly. The Afghan was permitted to do homage before the throne of Homayun; and at the expiration of a few days, letters patent were delivered into his hands, investing him with the possession of a jagueir suitable to his condition; but, that the max¬ ims of prudence might not be entirely overlooked, in the exerciseofthis liberal policy, it was stipulated that, as hostages for his allegiance, he should place certain of his children in custody of the garrison of Bik- ram [Peshawir]. To this stipulation he appears, however, to have felt considerable repugnance, and with the improvidence not unusual, it seems, in unprincipled and ill-regulated minds, only awaited an op¬ portunity to make his escape; but Homayun becoming apprized of his design, his person was properly secured, and consigned to the custody of Beg Mahommed Eyshek Agassy — the lord high chamberlain. Another occurrence, of somewhat more serious importance, that look place about the same period, although of such frequent e.xample in the east as to promise but little of novelty in the relation, was the insur¬ rection ofKumber Diwaunah; an ignoble and obscure adventurer, ori¬ ginally a camp follower in the army of Homayun,. Not long after the * 12th of August- 929 victory at Sehrind, and the departure of the royal army from that place for Dehly, this personage embraced the opportunity to collect a dis- orderlybanditti, with whom he proceeded to plunderthe country round; securing them to his interest by invariably dividing the booty, without reserve, among his licentious followers. At the same time, with all the cunning of an artful dissembler, he continued to dispatch to the head quarters of the emperor, regular advice of his proceedings, so far at least as he thought it convenient to explain them. In this way he gradually over-ran the whole of the country from Sehrind toSumbul, which latter place he chose for the seat of his ephemeral government; employinganadopted son, on whom he had conferred the title of Arref- ullah,to extend his depredations still further on, to Bedawoon. Here he succeeded in subverting the power of R^i Jeysing J ulwauny, ano¬ ther distinguished chief in the interest of the Afghans. Kumber then advanced to Gaunt-goulah, continuing to extend his career of pillage and robbery throughout the adjoining territory; but, venturing to give battle to another Afghan commander of the name of Rokken Khaun, without attending to the ordinary precautions of discipline, he was de¬ feated, and fell back to Bedawoon. It hasbeen already remarked that this madman [diwaunah Aukkel], had regularly dispatched to the royal presence advice of his proceedings, and this was always accompaniedvvith profuse expressions of loyalty and zeal; but it so happened that, between his words and his actions, there was to be discovered nothing in conformity. His pre¬ sumption in conferring titles of nobility, of Khaun, and Sultaun, under his own authority, together with the insignia of the standard and kettle¬ drum, was, however, a direct encroachment on the prerogatives of roy¬ ally which could not be further overlooked. And yet the aberrations of mental insanity might have furnished some apology for, instead of aggravating the offences of an absurd and silly vanity; since he is des¬ cribed, on frequent occasions, to have abandoned his own habitation to the pillage of his own disorderly banditti, and the general excentricity of his actions, in other respects, exhibited very clear indications of de- A. H. 962. A. D. 1555. Abiil Fazzel. rangeraent. These irregularities had, more than once, been brought under the con¬ sideration of Homayun; and instructions were at last transmitted to Ally KAly Khaun, who had been recently nominated to the governmeult VOL. in* 6 ^ 930 A. H.962. ofSumbul,to send this turbulent madman to court; or, if he contin- A._D. 1555. refractory, to punish him on the spot. Ally >Kuly Khaun received ^VduI Fdzzcl * these instructions just at the crisis in which, after his defeat by Rok- ken Khaun, the wretched Khmber had returned to BedAwoon. Accor¬ dingly, as soon as Ally Kuly Khaun had adjusted his concerns at Meir- tah, he proceeded to Sumbul, and having further provided for the se¬ curity of that part of the country, finally prosecuted his march to Be- d&woon, into which town he now sent a messenger to demand the attendance of the adventurer. The summons was peremptorily de¬ clined on the part of Kumber, who alleged that, as well as Ally Kuly Khaun, he also claimed the honor of being a vassal of the imperial government; but that having, with the assistance of his own good sword alone, carved his way to the possession ofthe country, he did not con¬ ceive it at all expedient to acknowledge any subordinate authority whatever. Hostilities immediately followed ; but as the adventurer had yet scarcely recovered from the effects of recent defeat, he finally shut himself up in Bedhwoon, dispatching a humble memorial submitting his case to Homayun. With his usual clemency, that monarch took his statements into consideration ; and a person duly authorized was immediately sent from the presence, to remove his apprehensions, and conduct him to Dehly. Kumber, in the mean time, continued to de¬ fend himself with equal vigor and resolution, behind the works of Be- dawoon; but when the siege had been protracted beyond his expecta¬ tion, Ally Khly Khaun ventured to dispatch two of his officers into the town, with some sort of message, which they were instructed to communicate to the insurgent, and these, to his misfortune, the latter thought fit to seize and detain. In short, availing themselves of some opportunity which was thus furnished to them, they found means to tamper with the garrison; the greater part of whom they brought over to the interest of the besiegers; after which they easily succeeded in securing the person of Kumber: and before the conciliatory dispatch of HomayAn could reach the spot, the head of this unfortunate adven¬ turer had been stricken off, and conveyed to the metropolis, by Ally Killy Khaun. This premature severity is said to have incurred the displeasure of the emperor, which he did not fail to express in his communications to the Khaun; and he frequently, indeed, alleged to 931 bis courtiers that he had been greatly disappointed in not being per¬ mitted to see this personage alive; whom, it he discovered any thing in his physiognomy that bespoke an ingenuous rectitudeof disposition, it was, as he said, his intention to have treated with more than ordi¬ nary kindness. Another event which marked the period under, consideration, and which it may be material to notice, was the disturbance produced in the government of Buddukhshaun, through the unwarrantable violence of Mirza Suliman. This may be briefly explained in the following terms. When it was finally determined to proceed, with the grand de¬ sign against Hindustaun, Tereddy Beg Khaun, who held the territo¬ ry of Enderaub and Eshekmesh, in jagueir under the authority of Homayun, received orders to join in the expedition; and accordingly, leaving a person in charge of the jagueir,. that nobleman proceeded to his destination. Dishonorably availing himself of the opportunity, Mirza Suliman hastened, without scruple, to engage in measures for securing these districts to himself; but first of all he endeavored, by artful management, to bring over the officer in charge to promote his views. Failing, however, in this part of his design, he openly pro¬ ceeded to hostility, and laid siege to Enderaub. From thence, possi¬ bly unprovided with the means of a protracted resistance, Mokeytn Khaun, the locum tenens of Tereddy Beg, boldly determined to cut his way out, sword in hand; and, with the whole of his family, finally made good his retreat to Kabul, leaving the jagueir at the mercy of Mirza Suliman. But nearer to the seat of government, the attention of the reader will now be directed to the proceedings of Heyder Mahommed Khaun; who had, as formerly noticed, been sent to take possession, of Bei- aunah. Finding himself unable to keep the field against the Moghfll commander, Ghauzzi Khaun, the father of Ibrauhim Khaun Sour, who presided over the adjoining territory under the government of the Afghans, withdrew to defend himself behind the walls of the town ; but, unhappily relying upon the example of good faith and honor dis¬ played, on some recent accasions, by Heyder Mahommed, he ventured: to place himself in his power ; and the avidity of the rapacious Mop ghfil being irresistibly attracted towards the wealth of his captive, in, direct violation ofthe most solemn engagement,he treacherously put hinjit A. H. 962. A. D. 1555. Ab^l Fazzel. 932 A. H. 062. A. D. 1555, AbAl Fazztl. to death. Such a flagrant and impolitic breach of faith was not likely to experience the connivance, and much less the approbation of so justa monarch as Homayun. Accordingly, Shahaub-ud-dein Ahmed, one of the stewards of the houseiiold, was immediately dispatched to inquire into the circumstances of this unauthorized, and audacious act of perfidy; in order that the course of public justice, which, through some contingenc}^ or other, appears to have been suspended since the commencement of the late expedition, might be once more thrown open to the world. While Homayufi was thus employed in promoting the objects of a just government, and distributing to all around him the most liberal proofs of his bounty, some very unfavorable accounts began to reach him, with respect to the conduct of Shah Abul Maally; the impetuous and arrogant young Seyud whom he had appointed to the government of the Punjaub. Intoxicated with his premature elevation, this officer had already contrived, not less by his arbitrary and oppressive exac¬ tions, than by his contemptuous disregard of the authority of his sover¬ eign, to render himself universally odious. Homayun, however, with whom he was a distinguished favorite, seemed at first disposed to as¬ cribe these reports, to the malicious fabrication of such as were envious of his good fortune; but when it became notorious at court tha’t Se- kunder, the extruded Afghan, had descended from his retreat in the mountains — that the vain and aspiring Seyud had dared to supersede the meritorious Ferhett Khaun in the government of Labour, and ap¬ pointed a dependent of his own to take his place — and, to put the seal to his delinquency, had actually laid his hands on the contents of the imperial treasury — the monarch thought it no longer safe to temporize; and he therefore conceived the design of vesting the chief government of the Punjaub, then reckoned the most extensive and important in the empire, in his son Akbar; assigning to Shah Abul Maally, should it be found expedient, in exchange, the town of Hessaur, and the territory in that neighborhood. An additional motive forthis arrangement, was the propriety of placing the province under the authority of the young prince, during the passage of the princessesof the imperial family; who had been recently sent for from Kabfil, and were now on their way to Dehly. And, although the force already in the Punjaub might be con¬ sidered fully adequate to repel any attempts on the part of Sekunder 933 Sour, the troops proceeding to that quarter under the orders of Akhar might, moreover, pass, as intended further to ensure the perfect tran¬ quillity ot the country against all possible contingencies. In the early part ot the nine hundred and sixty third of the hidje- rah,* Akbar, now entering into his fourteenth year, took his departure for the Punjaub, accordingly; invested with ample powers, and accom¬ panied by that experienced and able general Beyram Khaun, in the capacity of governor, together with a numerous retinue selected for the purpose, for their approved zeal, courage, and fidelity. On his approach towards Sehrind, the young prince was joined by Auttekah Khaun, and the troops employed with him in the recent operations at Hessaur: and it was on his arrival at the former mentioned place, that Akbar engaged in his service the Oostaud Azziz of Seiestaun; who had not long since been invested with the title of Roumi Khaun, and who was pre-eminently distinguished for his skill in gunnery, and the ma¬ nagement of fire arms. Through the instructions which he received from this individual, Akbar is described to have become, in an incon¬ ceivably short time, and with the same aptitude which distinguished him in every pursuit, the most expert marksman of the age in which he lived. Such, indeed, is alleged to have been the singular facility with which this young hero completed himself in every acquirement, both of body and mind — such the rapidity with which he outstripped his masters in every science and accomplishment, that he already appeared to act under the influence of inspiration; and it is not surprising that the ciicumstance should hav’e excited both astonishment andawe,in all who witnessed his unrivalled progress toward perfection. Not long after his arrival at Sehrind, the young prince was further joined by the greater part of the imperial retainers, who had been serving in the Punjaub under the authority of Shah Abfil Maally; whom, in disgust with his absurd and dissipated conduct, they had successively quitted, on intelligence of the approach of Akbar. Previous to his arrival on this occasion, Sekunder Sour, as already noticed, had ventur¬ ed to descend from the mountains; but, on intelligence of the respect¬ able force which was advancing, under the orders of the prince, he found it expedient to retire once more into the recesses of the same mountains. At the same conjuncture, Shah Abfil Maally, who had * November, December, 1555. A. H. 963. A n. 1555. ^\bdl Faxzel. 934 A. H. 863. A D. 1556. Abiil Fazzel. marched from Labour to oppose the Afghan, returned to the seat of his government, on the retreat of the enemy; but the moment he had ascer¬ tained that the province was transferred to the heir apparent,. and that he was approaching to take possession, the too aspiring chief saw no^ alternative but submission; and he, accordingly, hastened to meet the prince, on the banks of the Sultanpour river, about midway between^ the Bey ah and the Setlije. From a filial respect to the regard which his father was known to en¬ tertain for this ambitious lieutenant, the young prince received him; with adequate distinction; but when he retired to his tents, at the close of the interview, the arrogant Seyud,. too highly elated, by the favors w'hich bad been showered upon him by the indulgence of Homayun,. and too far intoxicated with the fumes of earthly ambition, conceived, himself authorbed to send a message of expostulation to Akbar; in which, after stating that the terms on which he stood with his sover¬ eign were notorious to the world, and, more particularly, that the prince must recollect the distinction with which he was treated during the royal hunt on the Juy-e-shaby,. or king’s canal near Kabul, when he was permitted to eat from the self-same dish with his sovereign, he requested therefore to know how it came to pass, that with such a cir¬ cumstance fresh in mind,^ Akbar,. during the visit which had just ta¬ ken place, should have assigned to him, on the contrary, his pallet of felt on one side, and a separate tray for his repast 1* To this arrogant interrogatory, the young prince, smiling at the indiscretion by which it must have been dictated, and with an intelligence beyond his years, en¬ joined the officer who brought the message, to tell his master in reply, that the observances of royalty, and the usages which prevailed in the intercourse of private friendship,were regulated on maxims widely dif¬ ferent. At all events, that the relations which had been suffered to. spring up between him and the royal Homayvin, had no existence be¬ tween him and the son. It did therefore seem strange that he should not have been able to distinguish this difference, and should have thought himself warranted to importune him with any such complaint as that which had reached him. This reply was not calculated to re¬ move the apprehensions of Abfil Maally ; and Akbar continued his march, without delay, towards the vallies of MountSewaulik,in questof Sekunder Sour,who lay, at this period, in tbedistricts about MaunkouL 935 When Akbar had, however, proceeded as far as Berhaunah, an ex¬ press arrived with information for Beyram Khaun, that a dangerous ac¬ cident had occurred to Homayun: in consequence of which, conceiving it unadvisable to continue the march any further in that direction, the route of the army was immediately changed for Kalanour, with the design of suspending their movements for a few days, in that neigh¬ borhood. Not far from Kalanour, N uzzer Sheikh Tchuiy, the special messenger dispatched by Homayun himself, in ordertodispel any alarm which might have been occasioned by the report of his misfortune, en¬ tered the camp; and much about the same time, or very shortly after¬ wards, intelligence was communicated to Akbar, that his royal father was no more. While young Akbar was thus employed to provide for the security of the country of the five rivers, Homayun continued at Dehly engaged in the necessary arrangements for effectually ridding the empire of all his enemies; in further extending the circle of his conquests; and in giving more perfect stability to the fabric of his government in general. In explaining these arrangements he frequently intimated the design of fixing, or rather of changing, the seat of authority, for the more con¬ venient administration of affairs, alternately from Dehly to Agrah, and from thence to Jounpour, Kanouje, Labour, and Mandou, respec¬ tively; assigning to each of these places, a permanent military force, under some prudent and skilful officer, and provided with resources in every respect so complete as to supersede the necessity of looking, on every emergency, for support from the neighboring provinces. At the same time, he described it as a part of his plan, that the troops in im¬ mediate attendance on his person, should never exceed, nor perhaps fall short of, the number of twelve thousand horse. And here, beinff already on the subject of arrangement, the author embraces the oppor¬ tunity of laying before us in detail, the method in which Homayun proceeded, in some respects whimsically enough, in the formation of his court. First of all he signified his intention that a set of chairs of a particu¬ lar form, of gold and silver, enriched with all sorts of precious stone, should be made up for the accommodation, on occasions of state, of the princes of the blood, and of those distinguished persons who enjoyed a particular share in the royal favor : for, said he, it is an undeniable A. H. 963 A. D. 1556. Abul Fazzel. 936 A. H. 963. A. D. 1556. Ab61 Fazzel. truth, that however engaged in the commerce of the world, or inthe sor¬ did calculations of profit and loss, men of elevated minds, not yet ad¬ mitted to the confidence of the sovereign, still aim at honorable distinc¬ tion; neither is their attachment to be effectually secured, but by some such visible display of rank and splendor. In early life, indeed, this respectable monarch is said to have exhi¬ bited in a variety of ways, strong proofs of a genius singularly inventive. Among others, when, on the departure of his father on the expedition to Kandahaur, he had been left behind to preside over the government of Kabul, riding one day along the plains, and through the groves in the neighborhood of that city, he called to Moulana Rouhellah his tu¬ tor, to tell him that an idea had just occurred, of which he was deter¬ mined immediately to try the effect. This was, of the three first indi¬ viduals they should meet, from the names, and according to their import, to trace the outline of his future power. The Moulana observed that for this purpose the name of one person would perhaps be fully suffici¬ ent; but the prince rejoining, that he considered himself under the in¬ fluence of some secret impulse, it was determined to abide by the ori¬ ginal conception. Accordingly, when they had continued their ride a little further, a man was discovered in the twilight, of whom, on putting the question, they learnt that his name was Muraud Kbaujah — Sir De¬ sire. Shortly afterwards they observed a second person driving an ass loaded with fire-wood before him, whose name, on inquiry, they found to be Doulet Khaujah — Sir Prospero. On which Homayun exclaimed that if the name of the next person should happen to be Saadut, he should be disposed to consider it as a presage so favorable, as to be out of the ordinary course of things. Immediately afterwards, seeing a per¬ son, at some distance off, tending a few cattle at grass, they proposed the same question, and pertinently enough the answer proved that he was called Saadut Khaujah— Sir Felix.* The circumstance, as was to be expected, immediately produced among all present, a strong per¬ suasion of the grandeur to which, underthe blessing of providence, Ho¬ mayun was finally destined to attain. • In oracular language these three names might be interpreted into you are desi¬ rous of wealth and felicity,” The reader will recollect in the extracts from Dow’s le- rishtah, that this anecdote is related as having occurred towards tlie commencement of the last expedition acioss the Indus. * 937 Instructed by this summary disclosure of the designs of destiny, so A. H. dgs. flattering to his hopes, Homayun determined to erect a system for the A. D. 155s regulation of his government, the basis of which should be establish- F^zzel ed on these three things: Doulet, which signifies wealth or power; Saadut — felicity; Mfiraud — desire or enjoyment. Accordingly, every subject of the empire was now arranged under one or other of three classes, or orders, thus denominated. The princes of the blood, minis¬ ters of state, and the nobility in general, together with the whole mili¬ tary order, were included in the department of power — Ahul-e-Dou- let; because it is undeniable that without the support of these it would be in vain to aspire at what is considered the summit of human great¬ ness. The men of science and learning, judges of the law, Seyuds and Sheikhs, lawyers and poets, and all connected with letters and the arts, in every situation of life, were enrolled in the department of felicity, and denominated Ahul-e- Saadut: because a due encouragement of, and a frequent association with, individuals of this description, must con¬ tribute, in an eminent degree, to the attainment of happiness here, and hereafter. And lastly, in the department of desire or enjoyment, were included the domestic establishments, all of a beaulifulexterior,si ngers and musicians, considering that these also have their full share in con¬ tributing to the enjoyments of mankind, this class was therefore deno¬ minated Ahul-e-Miiraud. Pursuing the same train of reasoning, he appropriated the daysof the week to the three departments respectively, according to the following distribution. Saturday and Thursday were allotted to the department of felicity; those days being usually devoted by Homayfln to the affairs of science, letters, and religion. To account for this allotment it is ex¬ plained that in the scheme of the astrologers, Saturday being under the influence of Saturn, and Saturn being the superintending planet over theSheikhs,or elders amongmankind,and over allancient families; and Thursday being subject to the influence of Jupiter, the planet which is considered to reign over the learned, and all classes eminent for ta¬ lent or mental accomplishment, it was not ill-conceived that those par¬ ticular days should have been set apart for the affairs of those classes of society. Sunday and Tuesday, on the other hand, were the days which he devoted to the department of power; to matters of state and general policy; and the principle of this is explained to rest on the sup- VOL. m. 6 D 938 A. H.963. A. D. 1556. Abul Fazzel. position that Sunday is subject to the influenceof the radiant orb which ' rules the day, and from which the diadem of royalty itself may be said, in some degree, to derive its lustre. Of Tuesday it is sulFicient to re¬ mark that it is supposed to be under the influence of Mars, which in all countries is referred to as the governing planet of the military class. Monday and Wednesday, again, were the days allotted by Homayun to the purposes of recreation, enjoyment, or desire; being set apart for the reception of his confidential friends, and favorite nobility, and others of the description already classed under this department. The con¬ ceit of this allotment is said to have been suggested by the recollection that Monday is under the superintending influence of the Moon, and Wednesday under that of Mercury; both planets considered to rule in particular over domestic concerns — Dii lares. And in the last place, Fiiday, according to the import of the name in Persian, was devoted to the admission of the aggregate of the people, without distinction of classes, to partake in the beneficent influence of the royal presence. On any of these occasions, when Homayun appeared enthroned in state, an ordinance of his required that it snould be announced to the public by sound of the Nukkaurah, or great drum of tlie empire — the termination of the ceremonial being marked by a discharge of fire arms, perhaps of artillery. On such occasions also, the keepers of the ward¬ robe, with an adequate assortment of dresses of honor, and the trea¬ surers with purses of geld and silver coin, attended in tlieir places; in order that the effect of the royal bounty might not he diminished by delay. A company of warriors clad in mail guarded, at the same time, the precincts of the audience chamber, or hall of state. To distinguish the three departments above described, he caused three maces, or battle-axes, overlaid with gold, and denominated ac¬ cording to the three departments respectively, the mace of power, of felicity, and of desire, to be delivered to threegreatofficers of state; with full power to regulate, without controul, in every thing connected with the classes over which they were thus severally delegated to preside. By Meir Khond, the celebrated author of the Habeib-us-seyr, who held, it appears, the appointme^nt of first historiographer in the court of Homayun, it is expressly stated, in the code of regulations established by that monarch, that while he was in office, the mace of felicity was borne by Moulana Mahommed Ferghuly ; to whom accordingly was 939 entrusteJ the entire superintendance of all that related to the class of a. II. 9G3. Sheikhs, Seyuds, and Oulema — in short, of every thing in the depart- P 1^56- ment of letters, charitable endowment, and public instruction. Du- ring the same period, the mace, or axe, of power, was carried by that distinguished officer Ameir Hindu Beg; in whom was vested the con- troul, in all that regarded the high functionaries of state, the great no¬ bility, the agents, in short, in every department of administration; the pay and subsistanceof the military force; and, finally, the rank and dis¬ tinction of every individual serving about the court of the sovereign, was fixed at the discretion of this highly favored nobleman. The mace of desire, with the arrangement of all relating to the household, was en¬ trusted to Ameir Weissy; in whom was accordingly vestedthe direction of every thing connected with the oeconomy of the royal family, of all that was requisite to support the majesty of the throne, on occasions of state and ceremony. By another regulation introduced b}^ Homayun, the whole body po¬ litic of his government was further sub-divided into twelve separate classes, each class represented by a particular arrow, doubtless marked, or decorated, in a manner to indicate the class which it was intended to represent. Thus the Twelfth, or highest in enumeration, like gold of the highest touch in the hands of the assayer, was allotted to the qui¬ ver of the sovereign, and designed to indicate the supreme power. The Mleventh arrow was assigned to the brethren and nearest kindred of the sovereign, and others of royal descent attached to the imperial court. The Tenth belonged to the Seyuds, Sheikhs, and Oulema, or literary class, and men of the law. The Ninth to the higher nobility. The Eighth to the heads of particular tribes. The Seventh to such of the retainers of the empire holding situations of rank, as served about the person of the sovereign. The Sixth to the class of retainers denomin¬ ated Aeytcheks, the household troops perhaps. The Fifth to such of the military class as by their courage and intrepidity had particularly distinguished themselves in the field of battle. The Fourth to those employed in situations of trust in the different [civil perhaps] depart¬ ments of the state. The Third to the youth of the several tribes. The Second to the class of mechanics; and the First, or lowest of all, to the class of door-keepers, and the ordinary watch employed in the departs ment of police. After all it would be difficult to perceive the object of I 940 A. H. 963. A. D, 1556. AbAl Fazzel. this arrow-classification; unless, indeed, in cases of political embarrass¬ ment, it was intended as a method of deciding by lot, according to a species of divination some times resorted to among the Asiatics. To proceed, however, with the regulations instituted by Homayfin, we are further informed that he distributed the affairs more immedi¬ ately connected with the imperial household, into four distinct depart¬ ments, corresponding with the four elements, each separately subor¬ dinate to a particular Vezzeir, or minister of state, appointed to preside over the details of the department. Thus the department of ordnance, with the manufacture of arms and warlike stores of every description, and all things, m short, requiring the application of the element of fire, was called the serkaur-e-autesh — the department of fire, the superin¬ tendance of which was vested in Khaujah Abdultnelek. The affairs of the wardrobe, of the kitchen, of the royal stables, together with the charge of keeping up the necessary equipment of camels and mules, for transportation of the royal establishments, were entrusted to the su¬ perintendance of Khaujah Lutfullah; and this branch of service was cal¬ led the serkaur-e-hawa, or department of air. The provision for the royal beverage, the Soujekhaunah, [baths possibly] the canals, ponds, and fountains, and all things which bore relation to the element of wa¬ ter, were committed to the controul of Khaujah Husseyne, under the name of the Serkaur-e-aub, or department of water. And, lastly, the affairs of architecture, the culture of the soil, together with the custody ofthetreasu re, and some other miscellaneous concerns of the royal house¬ hold, were included under the denomination of the serkaur-e-khauk — thedepartment ofearth;and confided to thedirection of Jullaul-ud-dein Mirza Beg. Each of these officers was at the same time subordinate, nevertheless, in his department, to another great lord of the court, of superior rank and dignity. Meir Nausser Kuly was general of the de¬ partment of fire, for instance, and always appeared in a scarlet, or crimson dress; and so probably with the heads of the other three departments, respectively. Another monument of the alleged inventive genius and taste of Ho- mayfin, was the floating palace which he caused to be erected on the Jumna, in the following manner. The carpenters were first of all em¬ ployed to construct four vessels, of a size in proportion to the depth of water; on each of which they then raised, when afloat, a pavilion of two 941 stories, finished with the utmost beauty and delicacy of svorkmanship. After this the four vessels were connected together by a strong plat¬ form, or some species of galler^^ in such a manner as that the pavilions were placed in a situation exactly opposite to each other, perhaps in the form of a lozenge; and between each of the vessels was then inter¬ posed an additional pavilion, making altogether the number of eight, and forming in the centre of the whole a beautiful tank, or pond of water, of eight sides. Ranges of shops were also disposed on the oc¬ casion, on other vessels along the river, so as to display, in perfect or¬ der, all the luxuries and conveniences of an extensive bazar, or market place, on terra firma; and that nothing might be wanting to render the establishment complete, the royal gardeners were instructed to form, by similar contrivances, on the surface of the stream, a garden of consi¬ derable extent, for the cultivation of vegetables, flpwers, and fruit. And thus equipped it was that, in the course of the nine hundred and thirty ninth of the hidjerah, this illustrious monarch, accompanied by his whole court, proceeded, in all the pomp of imperial splendor, along the Jumna, from Dehly to Agrah. To the number of Homayun’s inventions are next to beadded that of moveable bridges, and a portable palace, the latter constructed of wood, and of three stories; the different parts of which were so admi¬ rably fitted together, by the skill and ingenuity of the workmen, as to appear entirely of one piece. At the same time, the whole was so con¬ trived as to be taken asunder with the greatest facility, whenever it became necessary for removal from place to place; and the staircases so framed as to be taken down or replaced with equal facility and preci¬ sion, whenever requisite. As an earlier proof of taste and skill in IIo- mayun is here further described, a crown, or tiara, of great height and beauty, which he caused to be finished under his directions in Budduk- hshaun; and which, from its being cut, or radiated perhaps, on the rim with which it was encircled, in two places, in the shape of the Persian character representing the number 7i [v] was called the crown of glory; the word Ezz, which in the same language signifies glory, comprizing, numerically considered, the total 77^ [vv]. This article, on his first arrival at Agrah, he presented to his father Baber, by whom it was re¬ ceived with expressions of peculiar satisfaction. VTe are now to notice a superb tent of state which, in reference to the A. H. 963. A. D. 1556. Ab6l Fazzel. 942 A. H. SGS. A D. 1556 Abiil Fazzt'l. twelve signs of the Zodiac, he caused, in some way or other, to be made and divided into twelve distinct compartments, each compartment so perforated as to admit the light of a particular constellation, according to circumstances. As an enclosure to the principal tent, which was possibly circular, like the etherial heaven which encompasses the sphere of fixed stars, and is entirely pure and beyond the orbit of every other celestial body, he caused another suite of tents to be made up, plain and unornamented, and without screen or pavilion of any description. In pursuance of the same conception, and not improbably for the floor of the tent of state, he caused to be fabricated a noble carpet of a cir¬ cular shape, the circles within which were so drawn as to represent, according to the solar system, that course in the heavens decribed by the planets, as well as the elementary principles of nature — ie ; fire, air, water, and earth. Thus the exterior circle, representing the sphere or ether, was white. The second being that of the fixed stars, was blue.' The third circle, that of Saturn, was black. The fourth, that of Jupi¬ ter, was of a sandal, or light yellow, color. The fifth, being that of Mars, was red. The sixth, being that of the Sun, was of a golden yel¬ low. Tlie seventh of Venus, of a light green; and the color of the eighth, being that of Mercury, was purple,because this latter planet was supposed to be of a mixed nature, and a mixture of rose color and blue, is well know n to produce violet, or purple. Some philosophers are, moreover, said to have applied to Mercury the appellation of Koholy, antimonial, or black-eyed. ^ And like the first, the ninth circle being that of the Moon, was also white. These were followed, as it should seem, successively to the centre, by the orb of fire, that of air, of water, and of earth, on which latter might have been delineated the terraque¬ ous globe, subdivided into its seven climates, or Zones. In conformity with this system, Homayun for himself chose the cir¬ cle of the Sun; and there on occasions of ceremony, he presented him¬ self in full majesty seated on the throne imperial; the different orders of the state being respectively instructed to place thernselves in that particular orbit indicated for their reception. Thus, for instance, the native Indian Ameirs were directed to arrange themselves in the orbit of Saturn, which is black. The Seyuds and Oulema, or men of letters, in that of Jupiter; it being further regulated that every individual, on entering the circle allotted to his class, should thrown die, on each face 943 of which was delineated a human figure, in a particular attitude, and finally to place himself in the attitude which shouldbeindicatedon the turn of the die, whether standing erect, sitting down, or reclining; and thus affording an additional and amusing variety to the splendid spec¬ tacle. It was further required by the code of Homayun, that all who appeared at court should apparel themselves in the color of the day ; for instance, on a Sunday they were to be clad in yellow — on Monday in white, which is the color of the Moon; and so on, on the other days of the week. The last regulation which we are called upon to notice, as introdu¬ ced ui'.der the direction of Homayun, was that by which he designed to lay open to the meanest of his subjects, an infallible expedient to obtain redress of injury; and this was by causing to he suspended be¬ fore llie imperial residence, a drum, which he named the drurnof jus¬ tice, of which the aggrieved were to avail themselves in the following way. If the ptuson appealing for redress had only a simple quarrel with his neighbour, he was to strike a single stroke on the drum; if liis com¬ plaint arose from a privation of salaiy, or subsistance, he v.'as to strike twice; if from robbery, or any other violation of propert}^ the stroke was to be three times repeated; and if it was an appeal for blood, or an accusation of murder, he was to strike the drum four times. So nu¬ merous andextraordinary, indeed, arealleged to have been the proofs of an inventive mind exhibited in the whole life of this highly gifted mon¬ arch, that the circumstance alone is^xpected to be a sufficient apology to the reader for the introduction of the above recital, however the taste of the author may be exposed to impeachment. And here, for the last time, we resume the narrative to describe, that nearly about the period at which young Akbar received his dismission for the Punjaub,^ the conversation of his august parent was observed to turn, with unusual frequency, on the subject of the closing sc'^ne of human existence; although, conceiving it prejudicial to the peace and good order of his government, as generating premature alarms, to avoid any discussion of this awful question in public.f This was repug¬ nant to the uniform practice of his life, which led him to avoid the a\v- * The country on the 5 rivers; Sttleje, Gtundwaul, or Bei/ah, Rauvy, TchunderbhagaJi, and Tchunauvah. ■f This is so ambiguously e^pressod in the original, that wc have found it rather diflicult to render, without a paradox. A. H. nS3. A. D, 1556. Abul Fazzel. 944 A.H. 963. ful question in public discourse; at the same time, that he always ap- A.D. to enter upon the subject with no less serious interest than evi- A jgjjt complacency among his private and confidential friends. There exists, however, but little doubt, that although hidden from others, the idea [of dissolution] was deeply impressed upon his mind by the secret monitor from above. Thus, adverting one day with peculiar admira¬ tion, to a circumstance related by his father B^ber of one of his offi¬ cers, who used to allege that he never visited the tombs of Gheznein without wishing for the grave, he stated in coincidence that he never passed the repositories of the dead, in the neighborhood of Dehly, that the happiness of the expression did not occur to his recollection. Not many days before he was destined to quit this abode of frail mor¬ tality, he described to one of his attendants, with tears in his eyes, that that very morning, at the conclusion of his early devotions, he had been seized by a mysterious inspiration which had dictated the following poetic eflusion : “ Lord ! purify me through thy transcendent benefi¬ cence” — “ Ennoble me with the knowledge of thy truth” — “Sorely afflicted by the perplexities of a tortured mind” — “ Oh place me among those absorbed in the ocean of thy glory, and deliver me!” — An extra¬ ordinary change was at this moment observed to have taken place in the countenance of Homayun. Before he had yet taken his final de¬ parture from Dehly, young Akbar had also experienced some uneasi¬ ness from a singular and alarming dream, in which he conceived that he saw somebody take his father by the hair; and the circumstance being communicated, the moment he awoke, by the young prince to Mauhem Auttekah, or perhaps Anika, his nurse, the mother of Adhem Khaun,. it was determined to consult some of those persons who professed the interpretation of dreams, on the subject. To Homayun himself, how- ever,when the circumstance was disclosed to him, the signification was sufficiently obvious; and he declared to his friends, in an undertone, that it too clearly indicated the impending awful event, although, in order to avoid exciting the apprehensions of his family, he professed to believethat it merely denoted some minorcalamity,whiGh the interven¬ tion of providence would be at hand to avert.. During the same crisis, his remarks were of a tendency, moreover, continually to convey to the minds of those who heard him the most melancholy intimations of that fate against which he knew there was no human alternative; and it was- 945 A. D. 1556. Abul FaseeU at thig period of anxiety, that he wrote, on the arch of a balcony, some A. H. oas. lines taken from the opening of one of the compositions of Sheikh Au- zery, of which the substance is conveyed in the following words. “ It is said to be engraven on yon vault of azure, that of all mankind the end is happy.” As his exit drew near he thought it expedient to di¬ minish his ordinary dose of opium, observing to his confidential friends that being curious to mark the number of his remaining days on earth, by that of his surplus doses; and for that purpose he then put up, in seven separate papers, as many pills, delivering them to his attendants with the remark, that when these were expended, he should have no¬ thing further to do with that intoxicating drug until the day of resurrec¬ tion. It is added that on the day on which he commenced his journey to immortality, there were yet four of the pills un taken, when, perhaps to dispel the effects of the drug, he called for a draught of rose-water. Towards the decline of the same day, which appears to have been Friday the seventh of the former Rebbeia, of the nine hundred and sixty third of the hidjerah,’'^ Shah Bodangh Khaun, and two other personages who had recently returned from a pilgrimage to Mekkah, and Pehel- waun Doast Meir, with dispatches from Mfinn^eim Khaun at Kabul, together with Tcheghatai Khaun and some other fugitives from Gii- jer^t, had been admitted to the presence of Homayun, and were descri¬ bing, to the monarch, the various incidents in which they had been se¬ verally engaged. To erijoy the coolness of the evening, he had ascended to the terrace on the top of his library, which had been finished a short time before; and from thence he beckoned to the people who were as¬ sembled in the great mosque adjoining, in order that they might perform; the usual salutation, [kornesh]. Having for some time longer contin¬ ued his inquiries, into the affairs of Mekkah, Kabul, and Giijerat, the emperor directed the attendance of certain astronomers, in order to observe the rising of Venus, which planet was expected to make its appearance that evening; and it was the intention of Homayun, at the auspicious moment, to announce, in full court, the general promotion in rank and dignity, whicli he had in contemplation for his nobility and principal officers. Just about the twilight, he was descending from the terrace, and had reached the second flight of steps, when, unex¬ pectedly, a crier, or Muezzin, in the neighboring mosque, gave the • 21st of January, 155ti. 6 E VOL, III. 016 A. H. nes. summons to prayers. With his usual exempl iry attention to the dii-* Al^l Fazzef of his religion, HomayGn prepared to seat hiiiiselfon the spot; but the steps of the staircase being exceedingly steep, and composed of highly polished marble, his foot became entangled in the folds of his robe, as he was stooping down, and his cane at the same instant slip¬ ping from his hand, he fell headlong down the stairs ; receiving a severe contusion on the right temple, which was immediately follow¬ ed by a slight bleeding in the ear, on the same side of the head. With that provident attention to the repose and security of his peo¬ ple, for which he h as been already applauded, the first moments of re¬ covery from the shock of his fall, were devoted by Homayfin to the dispatch of a messenger, Nuzzer Sheikh Tchuly, to announce to the young prince his son, that the accident, however dangerous, was not of a nature to threaten any fatal result; and that his general health was unimpaired. As a proof of his pre-eminent sagacity, amounting almost to inspiration, it is here stated, that about noon of the very day on whicli he breathed his last, the eleventh of the month above mention¬ ed, *and thefourth after his fall in thelibrary, he declared to the individ¬ uals admitted to his presence, that some exalted personage of the time was destined, that day, to be visited by some awful calamity, most pro¬ bably by the hand of death; little suspecting perhaps that the predic¬ tion was to be so immediately accomplished in his own person. Every expedient was employed by the ministers on the spot to conceal the fatal event from the public, for a period of seventeen days; that interval being requisite to announce what had happened, to the heir apparent, and to recal to the metropolis the great nobility, who had been recently permitted to repair to their commands and governments in different parts of the empire. During the same interval, one of the Moullas, or reli¬ gious attendants of the court, dressed up in the apparel of the departed monarch, was occasionally exhibited from that part of the palace which overlooked the river Jumna; in order to receive the salutations of the people, and, as long as possible, to prevent the alarm and consternation expected to arise, and which accordingly took place, the instant the truth transpired. On the twenty-eighth of the month,* however, Tereddy Beg Khaun, who had long aspirtd at the dignity of Ameir>ul-Ooinra, or premier • 25th of January, 155G. f llihof February, 1560. 947 grandee of the empire,* proceeded, at the head of all the nobles pre¬ sent, to pronounce the Khotbah in the name of the illustrious Akbar; which ceremony, united with the zealous co-operation of all the higher classes on the spot, produced, in a considerable degree, the effect of tranquillizing the general alarm — the imperialau t hority being thus vir¬ tually secured, to the only rightful successor to the splendid inherit¬ ance of the throne of Hindustaun. These important preliminaries dispatched, the chiefs assembled at Dehly separately withdrew to their respective jagueirs; in order to allay the apprehensions which had in¬ vaded men’s minds, in consequence of the unlooked for death of the emperor. Tereddy Beg Khaun, on his part, remained at the metropo¬ lis, in order to provide resources for the preservation of the general se¬ curity. From thence, however, he took care to convey to the new so¬ vereign in the Punjaub, and in charge of a person in whom he could confide, a part of the regalia, together with ample assurances of his zeal and fidelity. Mirza Abul Kaussem, the son of Mirza Kamraun, pro¬ ceeded by the same opportunity, to the presence of his royal kinsman. Although the limits of the empire were, at this crisis, but very preca¬ riously defined, we aie here induced, from an anonymous note annex¬ ed to the close of the life of Homayfin, in that copy of Abul Fazzel’s history,from which w’e have drawn our materials for the concluding part of our narrative, to sketch the extent and resources of that noble terri- 1 tory, which was actually subject, or in the course of subjugation, to the house of Teymur, at the period under consideration, or very shortly afterwards. From Hindu Koh, then, on the frontiers of Buddukhshaun, to Oudessiah, or Orissa, on the further extremity of Bengal, east and west, it extended in length, twelve hundred Kosse of the standard of Akbar, making sixteen hundred and eighty statute Kosse; equal to about two thousand nine hundred and twenty three [2923] miles, fifty three yards, and one foot, in English measurement. f In breadth from the Behrah, or Bahrah, hills, in thedistrict of Sourtah in Gujerat, north and south, it occupied a space of eight hundred [800] kosse of the * This will account for his early execution in the 5ubse(j[uent reign, under the orders of Bey ram Khaun. t The Tennauby, or chain k6sse, which continued the standard of the empire to the time of Jahangueir, and on which we have made our estimate, consisted of one hundred Ten- naubs to the kosse, of forty guzz to the Tennaub, and of thirty seven fessou, or inches, to the guzz. i, e. Two miles, five hundred and ninety one yards, and four inches to the kbsscv A. H. 963r A. D. 1.556. Abhl Fazzel 948 A. H. 9G3. A. D I55G. A bill £&2ze[. same standard, equal to about one thousand nine hundred and forty eight miles [1948] twelve hundred and eight yards, two feel, and eight inches English, taken most probably along the tlexure of the roads. In another line drawn from the Kemaoon mountains to the northern extremity of the Dehkan, [the Godavery, perhaps, to which the empire had been extended before the death of Akbar] the distance is described to have been one thousand Kosse, or 2435 miles, 1511 yards, and 4 inches. The whole of this most enviable domain is, moreover, repre¬ sented as admirably capable of all the operations of agriculture; exhi¬ biting, at the termination of every Kosse, some well-peopled and flour¬ ishing town, or city, to the number altogether, when the writer recorded his observation at least, of three thousand two hundred places of note, and including one hundred and twenty cities of primary rank. each of these places were severally annexed, from one hundred to a thousand Mowzas, or villages, yielding in the whole a revenue of six hundred and forty Krour, or 6400 millions, of Tungahs; which, estima¬ ting the Tungah at the lowest possible value,* the fortieth part of a ru¬ pee, and the rupee at two and six-pence, would be equal to the sum of twenty- millions sterling in English currency. 7'he respectable monarch, to whom so considerable a part has been devoted in these memorials, appears to have terminated his earthly ca¬ reer, after a very turbulent and eventful reign of twenty five years aitd one month, at the age of forty seven years, ten months, and sixteen days. He was buried at Dehly, on the bank of the Jumna, where, in the 973d of the hidjerah, according to Ferishtah, a sumptuous mauso* leum was erected over his grave, by the filial piety of his successor. On his character the preceding pages must furnish the best commen¬ tary. The misfortunes of his government may, indeed, be generally ascribed to a clemency of disposition carried to a fault; but, more parti¬ cularly, to the unnatural and impolitic hostility of his brothers, for the indulgenttreatment ofwhom he had, however, received a father s dying instructions. Elewashowevernot less brave, than he was humaneandli- beral. Of his accomplishments, in other respects, both personal and intel¬ lectual, the author professes the entire inadequacy of his pen to give a * Although at this moment he is not able to decide, but the impression on the author s mind is, that the Tungah was in value considerably higher than a Daum, which was the fortieth part of a rupee ; he rather conceives it was the fifth part of a rupee. 949 just description. In every branch of abstract science he had made very competent acquirements, but in Mathematics, [Riauzy] particularly, he was a distinguished proficient. It was therefore almost natural that all who stood eminently qualified in that branch of science, or who devoted themselves to the study of philosophy in general, should have enjoyed, on all occasions, the utmost freedom of access to his presence. It is added that he had provided an extensive spparatus for astronomi¬ cal observation, having long designed the construction of several ob¬ servatories, for which purpose he had already fixed upon particular pla¬ ces, in different parts of the empire. Of his poetical talents, Homay- un left honorable proof in the Diwaun, or collection of poems princi¬ pally elegiac, composed by him, and to be seen in the time of Abul Fazzel, among the manuscripts in the library of the imperial Akbar. In religious principle he was strongly suspected of attachment to the Sheiahs, or sect of Ally, in support of which some circumstances will have been observed in the course of the preceding pages; but, what¬ ever were the mode of faith which he had embraced, as a proof of the awful reverence w'hich Homayun entertained for the majesty of the su¬ preme being, worthy the imitation of men of all religions, we are impel¬ led to introduce the followung fact from Ferishtah’s history. Abdulhey the Suddur, or chancellor, whose name in Arabic signifies “ the slave of the ever-living,’^ had occasion, in consequence of some summons to his presence, to attend the orders of Homayun; and observing that he omitted to address him in the usual familiar style, the monarch alleged in explanation, that, with unwashed hands he never presumed to pro- nounce the name of his Creator. It remains to state that on Friday the third of the latter Rebbeia, of the ninehundred and sixty third of the hidjerah, corresponding with the fourteenth of February, A. D. 1556,* being still at Kalanour, the illus- * According to Abul Fazzel this date further corresponded with the 10th of Asfendiar- nr&z, of the 477th of the era of Melek Shah; with the 15th of Teir, of the 925th of the era of Yezdcjird; and with the 14th of Shabaut, of the 1867th of the ROmian or Macedonian era. The new era established by Akbar, and denominated by him the Illauhy.or divine, by which he very judiciously changed the computation from Lunar to Solar, commences on the 28th of the latter Rebbeia, A.H.9G3, corresponding with the 10th of March, A. D. 1556. The year of our Lord 1818 will therefore be the 739th of the era of Melek Shah; the 1187th of that of Yezdejird; and the 2129th of the Grecian era of Alexander. The era of Akbar, although calculated from about the vernal equinox immediately after his accession, doth ■ot however appear to have been promulgated, until the 992d of the hidjerah, corresponding A. H. 963 A. D. 1556. .Abul Fazzel. 950 A. H.963. A. D. 1556. Abul Fazzel. triousz^ArSar ascended thethroneof Hindustaun; thus, in the fourteenth yearof his age, commencing a reign which, for equal splendor, duration, and felicity, is scarcely to be paralleled in the recorded history of the w'orld*! But, although this would furnish ample materialsfor an ad¬ ditional, and perhaps most interesting volume, the limits prescribed to our design constrain us, here, to terminate our labours — trusting, that however deficient in the graces of composition and harmony of arrange¬ ment, the faithful statements and permanent utility of the narrative which we now submit to the Public, will be yet felt and acknow¬ ledged, when the hand which hath traced them shall have mouldered into dust. with A. D. 1584; also with the Bengal year, or era of Lutchnian Sing, 1465— The year of Salbahan, employed in GAjeratand the Dehkan, 1506; and of Bikram^jit, used in Hindhs- taun and Malwah, 1641. The year of our Redeemer 1818 will therefore correspond with 1740 ofSalbahan, and with 1875 of Bikramajit. t The death of Akbar took place at Agrah on Wednesday the lOlh of the latter Jummau* dy, A. H.1014, corresponding with the 12fh of October, A. D. 1605 : and his reign must accordingly have embraced a period of forty nine solar years, two mouths, and about twenty three days. “ His name lives,” says Colonel Dow, “ and will forever live, the glory of the house of reymOr, and an example of renown to the kings of the world.” Tlie faithful and accomplished historian of his reign, the learned Abhl Fazzel, had been previously murdered/ on his return from the Dehkan at Narour, or Narwar, to the southward of Gwaliar, in tho course of A. H. 1011, corresponding with A. D. J602, by a banditti of Raujpouts; and, as. was strongly suspected, by the contrivance of Sitltan Seleim, afterwards the emperor Jar hangueir. THE END. PRINTED BY VRItClBliA HUCU£S, BRECON. GENERAL INDEX. -N. B. — The Roman Numerals refer to the Volume, and the Figures to the Page. A. Aadel Aga, liis orio;ii), ii. 701, et seq. His rise to power, 703 — 707, et seq. iii. 59. Abaka Khaun, second of the Persomoghul race, ii. 576—578. Abbas, house of, its honours and claims, i. 570, et seq. Their power eelipsed in the reign of U1 Ranzy, by the new offiee of Ameir-ul- umra,ii. 179. Its downfall under the Khalif U1 Mustaussem, in the 13th century, 213, et seq. Its genealogical descent, 214. Its declining pride, ditto. Ahhas, son of Amru, extraordinary diplomacy, ii. 168. Ahhas, son of Hiissejuie, politics remarkably dis.- appointed by deaths, ii. 173. Ahhas, son of UlMaraun, set aside hy his father from the succession, ii. 141, et seq. 146. Abhasah, sister of Harun ur Rashid, political con¬ duct and anecdotes, ii. 70. Ahhassides, vide Ahhas, Ahd-ul-Kader, a distinguished Khorassauny poet, iii. 518. Abdullah hen Omar, miraculous destruction, i. 402. Abdullah, son of Ameir Kuzghun, dishonours and murders his prince, iii. 7. Abdullah, grandson of Aukkail, extraordinary death, i. 405. Abdullah, son of Hareth, extraordinary devotion and bravery, i. 313. Abdullah, son of Hentelah, elected governor of Medeinah by the Insurgents, i. 414. Devoted paternal affection at the battle of Waudy ul Jinn, 416. Abdullah, son of Mauweiah, assumes the Khelau- fut on the Euphrates, but fails, i. 676. Abdullah, son of Mualtez, elected to the Khelam fut, but falls a victim to his rival, ii. 173, 174. Abdullah, son of Mhnzer, chivalrous anecdote, i. 265. Abdullah, son of Mussaudah, stratagem and cow¬ ardice at battle of Seffeine, i. 280. Abdullah, son of Mussaud ul Ferauzy, invades Syria, but is defeated, i. 350. Abdullah, son of Omar, refused the succession by his father, i. 142. Act of revenge, 161. Tried, li¬ berated, and falls in battle, 152. 296. Fidelity to¬ wards Ally, 258. Slain at battle of Seffeine, 296. Abdullah, son of Rauffia, receives command of African conquests, and invades Spain, i. 158. Abdullah, son of Sand, summoned to support Oth- man at Medeinah, i. 171. Abdullah, son of Ulkoua, remarkable interview with Ally, i. 336. Abdullah, uncle to Ul-munsur, aspires to the Khe- laufut, ii. 7. Death, 9. Abdullah, son of Zobair, has a command in th® African army, i. 157. Kills the Greek general, and marries his daughter, 158. Exploits in Tar¬ tary, 160. Conduct on the murder of Othman, 188. Conduct during the reign of Yezzeid, 413. Abdullah Abbas, political anecdote, i. 189. Advice to Ally, 190, et seq. Proceeds to Yemen, 192. Military and diplomatic transactions with the Khouauredge,334. Becomes discontented, 354. Abdullah Aumer, invades Khorassaun, i. 161, et seq. 164. Summoned to support Othman at Medeinah, 171. Proceeds with Ayaishah and the rebels towards Bassorah, 195. Abdullah Hazem, repels revolt in Khorassaun, i. 165. Is appointed lieutenant, 166. Abdullah Hauzzem, governs Khorassaun, i. 446. Extraordinary death, 447. Abdullah Huhitem, accuses Telhah and Zobair of treachery towards Otlnnan and Ally, i. 203. Abdullah Rebbeiah, defeats the Grecian fleet, i. 164. Abdullah Rouahah, leads to first Mahommedan vic¬ tory, i. 4. Abdullah Rowendah, founder of a new sect, ii. 14. Abdullah Seya, (Eben Ussoudan), a Jew, apostacy and sedition, i. 169. Disseminates the heresy of the Rudjaat, or second coming of Mahom- med, 170. Abdullah Taker, son of Zulycmnein, succeeds to power in Khorassaun, ii. 226. Abdullah Ul Muheffia, celebrated Arabian poet, ii. 46. Curious literary anecdote, 49. 6 F 952 AbuAlhi Eben Muldah, conspires against the Khalif U1 Kalier, ii. 177. Extraordinary fate, 179. Abu Ally KeyKhossrou, lastof the race of Buyah,ii. 272. Abdullah Waulieb, appointed chief of the Khouau- redge, i. 332. Slain by Ally, 339. Abdullah Zobah-, wliimsical anecdote on march to¬ wards Bassorah, i. 197. Appointed Imaum by the rebels, 202. Conduct at Mekkah, 417. Great extent of his authority in opposition to the Khelaufut, 429. Besieged in Mekkah, 448. Slain, 450. Abdulmelek, or Abul Fouauress, fifth of the race of Saman, ii. 242. Abdulmelek, son of Merwaun I. proposed by his father for the succession, i. 427. Succeeds to the Khelaufut, 429. Various insurrections, 430. Proceeds in person to regain Arabiaulrak, 441. Murders Amru, 444. Proceedings against Kho- rassaun, 446. Takes measures to suppress contending chieftains, 458. Death, &c. &c. 464. Abdulmelek, son of Nouh, ninth of the Samanides, ii. 251. Abdulmelek, son of Salah, ii. 102. Abdurraihman, grandson of Aishauth, extraordinary cause of enmity against Hejauje, i. 455. Re¬ volts, 456. Defeats Hejauje, and takes Basso- lah, 457. Flies to Kufah, with various changes of fortune, 458, et seq. Death, 463. Abduri-aihman, son of Aouff, named elector for the Khelaufut, i. 142, 143. Political conduct, 159. Dies, 166. Abdurraihman, son of Kh41ed, harsh conduct to¬ wards the rioters of Kufah, as governor of Ha¬ rness, i. 167. Abdurraihman, son of Khalif Hashaum, escapes into Africa, and founds a new Saracenic dynasty, ii. 13. Abdurraihman, son of Heblah, ii. 99. Abdurraihman, Eben Muljum, conspires against tlie life of Ally, i. 357. Assassinates him, 361. Abdurrashid, tenth of the race of Gheznin, ii. 301 . Abdurrasheid, son of the Afghan Sheir Khaun, treachery towards the emperor Homayun, iii. 714. Abi Khaled, vezzeir to U1 Mamun, by his policy leads to the rise of the Taherites in Khoras- saun, ii. 225. Abitauleb Mueyud-uddein Mahommed, vezzeir to U1 Mustaussem, hastens the downfall of the house of Abbas, ii. 215, et seq. Meets a traitor’s fate, 223. Aboras, river, ii. 614. Abu Abdullah Bureidy, becomes Ameir-ul-Umra, ii. 180. Revolts and pillages Baghdad, 181. • Abu Ally, aspires to the Khelaufut, but is impri¬ soned, ii. 204. Abu Ally, son of Mahommed Mehtauje, revolts in Khorassaun, ii. 241. Abu Ally, the Semjurite, ii. 246, et seq. Abu Bukker, generosity to Mahommed, i. 7. OflS- ciates as sacerdotal substitute for Mahommed, 16. Conduct in regard to .succession, 20. Ele¬ vated to the sovereignty, 24. Commences mi¬ litary expeditions, 28. Annoyed by impostors, 29, 31, 33. Receives complaints against KhSl- led, 52. Extends his sway unto Arabian Irak, 53. Last illness, political regulations, death, 53, et seq. List of his ministers, 58. Abu Bukker Eben Rattek, negociates for the protec¬ tion of the Hadjies, ii. 178. Abu Daoud, governor of Khorassaun, ii. 10. Abu Hameid Meruroudy, ii. 9. Abu Haneifah, Imaum, dies in prison, ii. 22. Abu Jauffer, ul Alunsur, vide Ul Munsur. Abu Lulu, Shuja-ud-dein, murders Oniar, i. 140. His fall, 141, 151. Abu Mahommed Abdullah, king of Africa, reclaims the black rock of the Kaaubah, ii. 176. Abu Mosslem, first invested with command in sup¬ port of the house of Abbas, i. 570. Commences his designs in favour of that house, 582. Unites with the Kermaunian, 586. Curious choice of uniform, ditto. Takes possession of Merfi, 590. Revenge towards Nusser Seyaur, 592. Ex¬ cites suspicions in the breast of Abfi Jauffer, ii. 4. Pilgrimage to Mekkah, 5. Quarrel with Ul Munsur, 9. Assassinated by order of the Khalif, 11. Abu Mosslem Namah, an Oriental romance, ii. 12. Abu Munsur Fullaud, of the race of Buyah, ii. 271. Abu Mussa, reduces revolt at Kufah, i. 168. Abu Mussa, lieutenant at Kufah, speech in con¬ ference with Ally’s sons, i, 208. Abu Nadjedah, curious diplomacy, i. 263. Abu Nasser Feyroz Khossrou, dethrones and robs the Khalif Ul Taeiah, ii. 187. Abu Obaidah, defeated by the rebel Scnbad, ii, 12. Abu Obaidah, son of Jerrauh, supersedes Khaled, i. 61. Takes Damascus, 63. Invades Palestine, 64, et seq. Retreats before Heraclius, 74. Bat¬ tle of A'ennuk, 75, et seq. Military proceed¬ ings, 83. Besieges Aleppo, 83. Takes Jerusa¬ lem, 84, et seq. Death, 88 — 92. Abu Obaidah, son of Mussaoud, entrusted with inva¬ sion of Persia, i. 96, et seq. Killed by an ele¬ phant, 99. AbM Our, defeated at Sourri-rum, i. 267. Proceed¬ ings at Seffeine, 268, et seq. Abu Saeid Berlas, imprisons the shahzadah, Peir Mahommed, iii. 306. AbuSauid, the Jershitc, overthrows the impostor Mokinniah, ii. 25. 953 Abu Samd-ul-Hulauly, takes command of the re¬ volted Kermathiaiis, ii. 168. Abu SelmaJi, vezzier of the familj’^ of Mahommed, i. 698, et seq. Suspected by Abftl Abbas, ii. 3. Murdered, 4. Abu Sei-raija, a slave, entrusted with military com¬ mand, ii. 120. Revolts, 121, et seq. Put to death, 125. AhuShvja Buyah, founder of the Deylemites, ii.252. Abu Sidiman FaJdier, the chronologer of Binauket, ii. 642. Abu Taher, son of Abu Sauid, a successful leader of the Kerahmitans, ii. 174, et seq. Abu Telhah, confidence of Omar, i. 144. Conduct on election, 148. Abu Zerr, chief of the Benni Ghoffaur, exiled and dies, i. 166—170. Ahd Abbas, so'n of Mouffek, defeats the revolt of the Zenguies, ii. 165. Vide further Ul Miuitezzed. Abul Abbas ul Seffauh, escapes from the fury of the Khalif Merwaun, i. 692. Successes in Per¬ sia, 595. Is chosen by the people of Kufah, 600. Proceeds to enforce his government, and pre¬ pares to attack Merwaun, whom he defeats, 602. Generally acknowledged, 603. Genealogy, ii. 1. His revenge against the adverse party, 2. Quar¬ rel with Abh Blosslem respecting the holy pil¬ grimage, 5. Dies, 6. Abul Bukka, the faithful servant of Homayun, his fate, hi. 797. Abul Fazzel, the historian, his accuracy, hi. 661. Observations on the fortune of Homayun and Akbar, 783 ; 812. Abul Fouauress, father of chivah-y, fifth of the race of Saman, ii. 242. Abul Ghauzy Sultan Hftsseyne, establishes his inde¬ pendent power, iii. 697, et seq. Genealogy, ex¬ traordinary character and history, 598. Contests with Sultan Abu Saeid, 600, ct seq. Advances against Khorassaun, 628. Contests with the sons of Abu Saeid, 629. With Mirza Yadgar, 631. His troops mutiny, 634. Defeats his rival, and takes Herat, 640. Which he em¬ bellishes, 654. His death, and its political con¬ sequences, 669. Abul Heijan, son of Ilamdan, revolts against Ul JMuktedder, ii. 175. Abul Hasseyne Semjur, ii. 244, et seq. Abul Hussun, revolts against his brother, Ul Mus- tershed, and experiences his clemency, ii. 198. Abul Kaussem, devotes himself to save the life of Beyrain Khaun, iii. 811. Abufarage, the historian, ii. 145. Abulghauzy. Vide Abul-Ghauzy, Abulkaussem Mahommed, twelfth Imaum, his his¬ tory, i. 376. Acre, taken by Teymur, iii. 349. Adeljouz, battle of, between Shah Rokh and the sons of Yussuf, iii. 643. Adjnden, town of, in Hindustaun, iii. 242, et seq. Aeid Khaujah, youthful gallantry in battle with tlie Afghans, iii. 50. Afghans, first noticed, ii. 284. Invaded by Teymur, on his Indian expedition, iii. 229, et seq. Their country described, with the history of Sheir Khaun, 754. Rise of their power, 775. Its fail, 924. Afghans of Sulimanlwh, hostilities with Teymur, iii. 49. Africa, extension of Mahommedism, i. 92 — 94. Further expeditions, 156. Agrah, the capital of Sultan Ibrahim, taken by Sul¬ tan Baber, iii. 682. Ahmed, son of Abu Shuja, ii. 256. Ahmed, son of Assud, progenitor of the Samanides at Samarkand, ii. 234. Ahmed, son of Buyah. Vide Muezz-ud-doulah. Ahmed, son of Issmaiiil, second of the house of Sa¬ man, ii. 237, et seq. Is murdered, 238. Ahmed, son of Issrauil, becomes vezzeir, ii. 160. Ahmed, son of Nasser, proposed for the Khelaufut at Baghdad, ii. 149. Ahmed, son of Ul Ilesseib, appointed vezzeir, ii.J166. Ahmed Attaush, ii. 362. A/tjnerfiorr, attempt to assassinateShaliRokh, iii.546. Ahmedabad, conquered by the Moghuls, iii. 741. Aiaush, son of Rebbeiah, chivalrous anecdote at Selfcine, i. 290 — 292. Aishauth, son of Keyss, bribed to betray Allj% i. 311. Conduct during negociations, 319. Akbar, emperor of Hindustaun, notices of his birth, ike. iii.783;796. Born, 808. Nursery anecdotes, 812. Infant captivity, 818. Sent into Kabul, 853. Infantile sports and victories, 864, 863. Restored to his father Homayun, by the defeat of Alirza Kamraun and the capture ot Kabul, 876. Jiiarly dangers, 888, 891, 901. Com¬ mands a division at the battle ot Schrind, 923. Ihitru.sled with the government of the Punjaub, 933. AYuthful talents, tiu/. Judicious imlicy, 934. Proclaimed (mqieror, on the demise of his father, 947. Ascends the throne of Hindustaun, 950. Aldiah (Acre), captured by the Aloghuls, iii. 349. Ala-ud-dein, seventh of the Almowut dynasty, ii. 340. Extraordinary madness and murder, 341. Alajtjeh, a celebrated fortress on the lake ol Van, besieged by Teymur, iii. 64, 207, et seq. Alanhoua, ancestress of 'Pejinur, her history, ii.471. mysterious pregnancy, 472. Alep Arslan, nejihcw of 1 oghrel Beg, ii. 300,303. Succeeds to the throne ot Khorassaun, 348 954 Hostilities with the Greek emperor, 349. Cu¬ rious circumstances of his death, 350. Alep Khann, boldly cuts his way through the r.rmy of Jengueiz, ii. 510. Alep Arslan Mahummed, ii, 194. Aleppo. Vide Halleh. Aleptelihein, governor of Khorassaun, ii. 242, et seq. Alexander the Great, ambassadors to, on his march towards India, ii. 504. Alexandria, revolts, but is subdued, i, 153. Alexius I. the Greek emperor, hostilities with Me- lek Shah, ii. 353. AUa-nd-dein Husseyne S'jtn/, military progress and gallantry, ii, 310, et seq. Cruelties, 312. AUa-ud-donlah, son of Baysungur, establishes hi power at Herat, iii. 567. Ally, cousin and son in law of Mahommed, com¬ mences religious conquests, i. 10. Favoured by the projihet, 11. Pointed out his successor, 12. Generous conduct during IMahonimed’s last ill¬ ness, 15. Objects to election of Abu Bnkker, 26. Generous conduct towards Omar, 54. Named elector for the Khelaufut, 142. His conduct, 148, et seq. Wished for by the Egyp¬ tians as Khalif, 169. Remonstrates with Oth- man, 171, 172. Friendly conduct during siege of the palace at Medeinah, 181. His conduct in consequence of Othman’s murder, 182. Pe¬ digree and character, 185. Elevation to the Khelaufut, 186, et seq. Political errors, 188. Political anecdotes, 189. Temporizing policy of himself and opponents, 190. Displaces all officers, 191. Political difficulties, 193. Re¬ bellion headed by the widow of Mahommed, 195. Ready wit on receiving a shaved general, 202. Military exertions after attack of Basso- rah, 203. Family disputes, 205. Is joined by the Kufites, 212. Advances to Bassor.ah, 214. Negociations at battle of Meghzeinah, 215. His humane conduct, 218, 227. Extraordinary prophecy in regard to the Khelaufut succes¬ sion, 228. Interview with Ayaishah, 229. Re¬ covers Bassorah, 230. Changes seat of govern¬ ment from Medeinah to Kufah, 231. Incensed by treachery against his officers, 235. Deputes Malek Ashturinto Syria, 240. Diplomatic nego¬ ciations with Mauweiah, 241, 244. Instance of magnanimity, 245. Letter to Mauweiah, 248. Prepares for hostilities, 260, 262. Extraordi¬ nary instance of mildness, 261. Is considered to perform a miracle, 262. Campaign of Sef- feine, 268. Generous conduct towards the re¬ rebels, 271. Its favourable conse(iuences, 272. Further proceedings at Seffeine, 275, et seq. Battle, 277, etseq. Magnanimous address to the soldiery, 278. Personal valour, 280, 281. Va¬ rious attacks on his person, 282. Challenges Mauweiah, 286. Contest with Amrh, 287. With others, 291, 293, 295. Prepares for a de¬ cisive contest, 300. Defeats the enemy, 301. Negociations, 302. Further consequences of this war, 304, et seq. Battle ofLailut-ul-hurreir, 305. His followers bribed by Mauweiah, are anxious for a truce, 309. Negociations in re¬ gard to the Khelaufut, 312. Extraordinary pro¬ phetic anecdote, 317. Treaty of peace, 317. Re¬ tires to Kufah, 322. Dissatisfied with treaty and subsequent conference, establishes the ceremony of imprecation against enemies, 328. Disputes with the Khouauredge, 329. Takes measures for suppression of the Schismatics, 334. Cuts them off, all but nine, 340. Miracles and pro¬ phecies, 341. Loses Egypt, 348. Also Alekkah and Medeinah, 353. Circumstances leading to his fall, 355. l-*rophecies, 360. Is murdered, 361. Buried privately at Nudjef, 363. Clia- racter and family, 364. Ally, house of, recommended in a dream to the care of the Khalif U1 Muatezzed, ii. 166. Ally, ninth of the race of Gheznin, ii. 301, Ally, son of Eissa ben Mahan, ii. 63. Ally, son of Hashaum, defeats rebels and captures Zeid-ul-Naur, ii. 130. Ally, son of Husseyne, extraordinary escape from murder, i. 410. Defeated at Hulwaun, ii. 107, Ally, son of the Kermaunian, revolts against Nusser Seyaur, i. 589. Ally, the Mahanite, ii, 77, 82, et seq. 96. Slain, 98. Ally, son of Mahommed Tukky, tenth Imaum, his history, i. 375. Ally, son of Neftein, ii. 46. Ally, son of Saeid, takes possession of Bassorah and inflicts punishment on the tyrant Zeid, ii. 125. Ally Asgher, fourth Imaum, his history, i. 371. Ally Baidu Shah, disposes of the succession in Iran, ii, 676. Ally Beg, son of Arghun Shah, alliance with Tey¬ mur, iii. 23. Faithless conduct, 25, et seq. Ally Eyiiauk, a Persian general, murdered in his camp, ii. 580. Ally Huzza, eighth Imaum, his history, i. 374. Ally Huzza, chosen by the Khalif Ul-VIamun, as khalif elect, to represent the house of Ally, ii. 133. Marries the daughter of Ul Mamuu, 136. Dies, 139, Ally Saheh-ul-Zenje, usurps sovereign power at Bas¬ sorah, ii. 162, et seq. Almanzor. Vide Ul Mnnsur. Almowut, fortress of, hence sprung the sect of the Old Man of tlic mountain, ii. 196. Gained by a stratagem, by Hussun Sabah, 332. Almowut dyiMSty. Vide Hussun Sabah; also ii. 336, et seq. Downfall, 343. Alputtelieiu, ii. 242, et seq. Allan Khann, a Tartar or Chinese prince, ii. 476. A Chinese title, 488. History, 490. Finally 955 defeated by the Moghuls, devotes himself and family to the flames, 643. Altumghau, or imperial seal, ii. 612. Altuntaush, general of Sultan Mahmud, ii. 287. Made prince of Khauresm, 288. Dies, 298. Amanlioh, strong fortress of, submits to Teymnr, iii. 30. Amaury, king of Jerusalem, invades Egypt, during the crusades, ii. 326. Amazons, queen of, her visit to Alexander the Great, iii. 63. Amlaur, on the Euphrates, becomes the seat of go¬ vernment, ii. 4. Ameir Ahdurrezauh, gallant opposition to tyranny, ii. 449. Cijrious anecdote, 451. Ameir Ahu Buhher, puts down controversial dis¬ putes at Baghdad, ii, 215. Ameir Ahu Isliauch, invades Kermaun, ii. 439, et seq. Ameir Ahmed Komauje, releases Sultaun Sunjur from captivity, ii. 369. Ajneir submits to Teymur, iii. 183. Ameir Bei-hil, ancestor of Teymur, iii. 9. Ameir Beyau Selduz, injudicious government in Turaun, iii. 7. Ameir Daoud, ii. 303. Ameir Demmanje, proceedings in Guilan, ii. 636. Ameir Eirentchein, gallantry in battle, ii. 656. Meets a rebel’s fate, 657. Ameir Hadjy Seyf-uddein, becomes the counsellor of Teymur, iii. 19, et seq. Ameir Hudje Zorauh, atonement for his murder, ii. 444. , . Ameir Husseyne, military progress against the Beyssourians, ii. 652. Aineir Husseyne, grandson of Ameir Kuzghun, mi¬ litary and romantic adventures in early youth, with Teymur, iii. 12, ct seq. Defeat and death, 17. Ameir Hussun, danger from royal amours, and sub¬ sequent exaltation, ii. 671. Ameir Hussun, prince ofTekrat, subdued by Tey¬ mur, iii. 161. Ameir Issmaeil, vicrious conduct and fall, ii. 705. prophecy, 706. Ameir Issmauil, the Samaunian, advances into Kho- rassaun, ii. 232. Captures Omar, and founds the Samanian dynasty, 233, 235. Virtuous for¬ bearance, 236. Dies, 237. Ameir Jahaun Shah. Vide Life of Teymur, Ameir Jullaul, heroic self denial, iii. 157. A meir Jullaul-ud-dein Feyrouz Shah, political dream, iii. 558. Ameir K&ratchanr. Vide Karatchaur Nuyan. Ameir Key Khossrou, the Khotlauian, murders Ameir Husseyne in retaliation of his brother’s death, iii. 17. Ameir Khausseili, treachery rewarded, ii. 374. Ameir Kuzghun, obtains power in Turaun, iii. 6, et seq. Ameir Mahommed, takes Shirauz, ii. 441. Further history, 445. Ameir Norotiz, the foe of infidels, ii. 603, 606, 614. Ameir Seyud Berrehah, a descendant of the Prophet, invests Teymur with the insignia of Mahomme- dan power, and becomes his personal friend, iii. 15, et seq. Ameir Seyurghaun, the Tchobaunian, pillages Diaur- beker, ii. 688, 691, et seq. Ameir Shah AfeZe^, entrusted by Teymur with politi¬ cal arrangements on his deathbed, iii. 480, et seq. Ameir Sheikh Hussun, gains the remarkable battle of Nosheher, ii. 679. Murdered, 689. Ameir Sheikh Ihrauhim, prince of Shirvaun, flatter¬ ing policy towards Teymur, iii. 62. Ameir Ally Sheir, vezzeir of Abulghauzy, judicious advice respecting astrology, iii. 631, et seq. Embellishes Herat, 654, et seq. Ameir Sheir Hadjy, treacherous murder of the Ameirs at Herat, iii. 586. Ameir Taherten, prince of Erzunjaun, submits to Teymur, iii. 69. Ameir Tchohaun, a Syrian chief, anecdotes, &c. ii. 621, et seq. 628. Ameir Tchohaun, proceedings during the reign of Sultan Abu Saeid, in Persia, ii. 643, et seq. Death, &c. 668. Ameir Turaghai, father of Teymur, iii. 9. Ameir-ul-Moumenein, or Commander of the Faithful, when first assumed, i. 59. Ameir Wully, military proceedings in Tebreiztaun, ii. 701. Ameir Wully, prince of Mazanderan, hostilities with Teymur, iii. 31, 42, 52, et seq. Ameir Yakuh Shah, adulterous amour and murder of his prince, ii. 688. Ameir Yessawul, arbitrary exactions and fate, ii. 648. Amerliote, castle of, the birth place of Akbar, iii. 807. Amorium, a city of Phrygia, siege, capture, and Mosslem cruelty, ii. 145. Amru, governor of Egypt, supersession and conspi¬ racy, i. 156. Treachery towards Mahommed Abfi Khozzeifah, 232. Politic conduct, 238. Outwitted by Mauweiah, 253. Conduct during the canii)aign of Selfeine, 269. Generous ad¬ vice to Mauweiah, 272. Battle of Selfeine, 280. Various plans for the destruction of Ally, 281. Personal contest Avith Ally, and whimsical escape, 287. Ludicrous dialogue with Mau- 956 weiah, 288, 291. Suggests bribery as the best means of procuring a truce, 308. Diplomatic conduct after treaty, 323. Attacks Egypt, 347. Which he conquers, 348. Amru, son of Bukker, conspires against Amrfi, i. 857. Amru, son of Jermuz, treacherously kills Zobair, i. 223. Kills himself, 224. Amr&, son of Sauid, made governor of Damascus, i. 441. Revolt, 442. Murdered, 444. Amru, son of Yezzeid Hobairah, beneficence as go¬ vernor of Bassorah, and untimely fate, i. 548. Amul, a Persian fortress near to, iii. 130. Anatolia, foundation of thfrSeljuk dynasty, ii. 352. 354. Further history of the sultans of the Sel- juk race, 385 — 388. Anecdotes — Of female courage, i. 62. Of military negociation, 66. Of Heraclius,71. OfKhaied, 76. Curious one of a prediction, 85. Of Omar, 86. Of military stratagem, 93. Military, 97, 112. Of the khtllif Omar, 118. Of single combat, 119. Extraordinary, of .skeleton on Mount Lebanon, 127. Of Persian magnifi¬ cence, 129, 134. Of political duplicity, 188, Whimsical one of Ayaishah, widow of Mahom- med, 196. Of heroic conduct of a herald, 222. Of magnanimity, 245. Whimsical one of Mauweiah, 252. Of battle of the Euphrates, 270. Curious one of father and sou, 279. Va¬ rious, of battle of Seffeine, 280, et seq. Of Arabian justice, 382. Of a head speaking after being cut off, 479. Witty one of a peasant, 481. Of luxury rebuked, 520. Chivalrous, at battle of Gheffer, .538. Of Jauriah, wife of the khalif A^ezzeid, 547. Of devoted patriotism, 551. Of female fortitude, 566. Of pilgrimage to JMek- kah,ii. 5. Of prison built on salt, 9. Of paternal affection, 21. Of horrid religious imposture, 25. Numerous, of U1 Mehedy Billah, 27. Of Yakub, son of Daoud, 28. OfMOssa, son of Jauffer, 39. Literary, of Abdullah ul Mukeflia, 48. Of oriental luxury and cruelty, 73. Of divorce, 79. Piscatory of Ul Amein, 99. Of military stratagems, 100, et seq. Of a fugitive general, 106. Of extraordinai'y fumigation at Baghdad, 108. Of a rustic. 111. Of the Ha- ram, 112. Of cruelty and imposture, 145. Of oriental munificence, 212. Of salt, in regard to oriental hospitality, 229. Of oriental fortitude, 233. Of virtuous forbearanee, 236. Of astro¬ logy, 253. From Ferishtah, 278. Of prince Melek Shah, 315. Of military mutiny, 351. Of a captive sultan, 354. Of charity, 357. Of princely resignation, 411. Various, of the Tar- ' tars, 464, 546. Of female cha.stity, 518. Ar¬ chitectural one, 705. Of Tartarian clemency, iii. 3. Of submissive flattery, 62. Of Tar¬ tarian diplomacy, 103. Of oriental pomp and power, 147. Of self-denial, 157. Of Teymu- rian magnifieence, 213, et seq. Of the Tar¬ tarian courts and camps, 433, 463, 468, 474. Of Teymur’s last illness, 479, et seq. Extraordi¬ nary, of parental self-devotion, 706. Of sultan Baber, 710. Curious, of siege of Tchampaneir, 736, 739. Of the Portuguese and sultan Ba- hauder of Gnjerat, 750. Curious one of a water carrier sitting half a day on the Moghul throne, 774. Of an elephant and a bridge, 779. Of the Moghul courts, 877. Of Moghul magnifi¬ cence, 935. OfAKBAK, 923. Angouriah, city of, besieged by Teymur, iii. 387. Battle, 388. Ankatonra, a Teymurian chief, in revolt, iii. 76, et seq. Anhumm, town of, its inhabitants remarkable at Issmaeilian heretics, iii. 148. Cruel ma.ssacre of the people by Teymur, 148. Ansaur, inhabitants of Medeinah, their conduct on death of Mahommed, i. 19. Antioch, military preparations, i: 71. Evacuated by Heraclius, 83. Submits to Omar, 91. Antioch, curious anecdote of Tartar dominion, ii. 352. Capture by the Teymuiian armies, iii. 354, 420. Anteloipe, when hunted, leads to the surprising of Mirzebaun, i. 504. Anwuri, a Tartar poet, military pun, ii. 391. Aouneik, fortress of, submits to Teymur, iii. 182. Aoui’toupa, plains of, on the Volga, iii. 124. Apparitions, extraordinary one announces the mur¬ der of Kateibah, i. 496. At the death-bed of Flulauku Khaun, ii. 572. Apple stolen, punished by death, ii. 585. Arabia. Vide passim. Arabs, extraordinary description of, i. 107. Their temperate habits, 125. Various Tribes in¬ censed against Othnian, 170. Aral, sea of, iii. 548. Ararat, mount, advance of the Teymurian troops’ iii. 184. Araxes, river of, warfare under Teymur, iii. 68, et seq. Arhela, the scene of modern warfare between Tey¬ mur and Sultan Ahmed Jullaeir, iii. 162, 167. Archipelago, invasion of the Moghuls, iii. 409. Architecture encouraged in Persia, ii. 574. Ardeheil, city of, capture, and cruelties of the re¬ volted Khozzers, i. 549. Arghun Aga, appointed governor of Khorassaun, patriotic conduct, ii. 545. Arghun Khaun, fourth monarch of the Perso-Mo- ghul race, ii. 683, 593. Arghundaub river, iii. 863. Ai-menia, first invaded by the Mosslems, i. 154. Subjugated by Merwaun, 561. Armenia, lower, submits to Teymur, iii. 67. 957 Arpa KJiaun, tenth of the Perso Moghuls, ii. 674, et seq. Arrows, bundle of, story of, attributed to Teymur, iii. 740. Arslan Shah, fourteenth monarch of Gheznin, ii. 306. Rleets death deservedly, 307. Arslan Shah, fifth of the Seljuks in Kermaun, ii. 384. Artillery, noticed at the battle of Khanwah, iii. 696. Arts of Life, how and when first discovered, ii. 457, et seq. Aruk, brother of Bouka, ii. 579, 583, et seq, Arterum, (Erzerum) subjugated by Teymur, iii. 66. Ascalon, taken by the Mussulmans, i. 94. Asia, political state of, at the irruption of the Tar¬ tars under Jenguiez, ii. 498. Asia Minor, Mahommedan invasion, i. 154. Vide further, Teymur, Sajazet. Assaumah, appointed to military command,, i. 13. Invades Syria, 28. Assaur, taken by Teymur, iii. 268. Asseir, fortress of, advance of the Moghuls, iii. 744. Ashery Mirza, son of sultan Baber. Vide Sultan Jiaher, passim, confirmed in his government of Sumbul, by his brother the emperor Ho- mayun, iii. 712. Receives Kandahaur from his brother Mirza Kamraun, 715. Is deprived of it, 718. Revolt and fate, 744, et seq. Pro¬ tects Homayun after the surprise at Yohssah, 773. Further events, 787, et seq. 859, et seq. Assucl-ud-dein, becomes vezzeir of Egypt, ii. 326. Asswad, an apostate and usurper, is murdered, i. 28. Asterahad, city of, battle between Teymur and Ameir W ally, iii. 54. A strakhan, city of, advance of Teymur, iii. 195, 203. Astrologer, suifers from his own prediction, i. 479. Astrology, anecdote of, ii. 253. Despised by Tey¬ mur, iii. 255. Astronomy, encouragement of the Persian, by the Moglml princes, ii. 573. Atabek Abu Bukker, his policy, ii. 427. AtabekEyldekez, the wife of, a distinguished princess, ii. 378. Atabek Muzuffur, prince of Farss, military ambition, ii. 425. ■ Atabeks of Mossnle, Syria, and Diaurbekir, their history, ii. 418, et seq. Of Azerbayjan, 420. Of Farss of tlie Sclglirian tribe, 423 — 430. Of the Ilazauraspides, or of Laristaun, 431, etseq. Atseiz, second of the Kharezm Shahies, ii. 390. Attcl, river. Vide Volga. Aubderrah, pass of, iii. 884. Aublestaun, marauders of, iii. 319. Auddi/, son of Ertaut, governor of Bassorah, spirited conduct when prisoner, i. 529. Auk-khaujah, plains of, Persian victory, ii. 579. Aukauf, (charitable funds of the Moghul empire,) ii. 634. Aukbouga, a Teymurian officer, gallant conduct at the siege of Kellaseffeid, iii. 142. Aukitemur Bahauder, gallantry at siege of Sejestaun, iii. 45. Aukkail, brother of Ally, deserts his cause and joins Mauweiah, i. 355. Aukkail, son of Mfiakkil, politic conduct in Kho- rassaun, i. 581. Aukshein, gets possession of the impostor Baubek, ii. 145. Rebels and dies, 146. Auksu, strong fortress of, iii. 301. Aulum-ud-dein, governor of Rahebah, preserves hh loyalty by an ingenious subterfuge, ii. 626. Aumar Yausser, first assumes command in Persia, i. 128. Battle of Nihawend, 129. Superseded in command, 137. Extraordinary prophecy and results in battle, 222. Battle of Seffeine, 282. Slain, 296. Authorship, imperial, works of Sultan Baber, em¬ peror of Dehli, iii. 709. Auttebah, son of Abi Soffeyan, chivalric contest at Seffeine, i. 279. Avicenna, the celebrated prime minister, ii. 298. Axalla, a Teymurian officer, iii. 397, 405. Ayaishah, wife of Mahpmmed, conduct on his death¬ bed, i. 13, 16. On death of Abff Bukker, 55. On death of Omar, 141. Political conduct dur¬ ing Othman’s reign, 176, 178. After his death, 194. Matures her rebellious projects against Ally, 195. Whimsical anecdote, 196. Pro¬ ceeds to Bassorah, 198. Spirited conduct, 200. Takes Bassorah, 202. Treacherous diplomacy, 213. Is present at battle of Meghzeinah, 218. Contest round her litter, 225. Is protected by Mahommed, son of Abff Bukker, 226. Her defeat and consequences, 227. Interview with Ally, 228. Extraordinary female escort, 229. Reason of her enmity to Ally, 230. Conduct on death of Ilussun, 370. Refuses her assent to the hereditary succession of the Khelaufut, 386. Murdered by order of Mauweiah, 386. Ayauz, son of Ghaunem, extends Mahommedism into Mesopotamia, i. 93. Dies, 94. Aymelghoutehur, a city on the frontiers of Moghuls- taun, iii. 94. Ayntaub, a strong Syrian fortress, iii. 324. Azerbaj&n, subjected to Mosslcm authority, i. 667. History of the Atabeks, ii. 420. Subjugated by Teymur, iii. 69. Its limits extended under Tey¬ mur, hostile movements of Meiran Shah, 207, et seq. Azof, sea of, invasion of Teymur, iii. 198. Azzyd-ud-dein Ullah, Fatimite Khalif of Egypt, his warfare with the Franks, ii. 205, et seq. 958 B Baalbec, besieged, i. 65. Invasion of the schisma¬ tics, and horrid massacre, ii. 171. Capture by Te3 mur, iii. 335. Baba Sei-kou, the most extraordinaiy entlnisiast of the age, pro))lictic anecdote of Teymur and a breast of mutton, iii. 25. Bactriana, (Khorassaiin) invaded by the Mosslems, i. 138. Badukshaun, a mountainous region, ii. 497. Vide Buddukshaun. Baghdad, old, taken by Mosslems, i. 102. Founded on ruins ofthe ancient Seleucia, ii. 17. Civilcom- motions on death of Harun ur Rashid, 95, et seq. Besieged by Harethniah, 108. Surren¬ ders, 114. Violent civil commotions, 132. Re¬ fusal to acknowledge the proposed succession in the house of Ally, 136. Generosity of the Khaleif ul Wauthek, 150. Becomes again the seat of empire, 166. Pillaged, 181. Transfer¬ ence of its original position, 197. Conquest by the Moghuls, 218, et seq. Horrid cruelties, 222. Fatal inundation of the Tigris, 702. Advance of Teymur, iii. 152. Further military proceed¬ ings, 306, 359. Proposed re-edification, 435, 437. Turkman power, 516. Baghdad Khaiitun, a famed Persian beauty, her royal adventures, ii. 660, 668, 671. Murdered, 675. Bagher, a Turkish maumluk, his treachery, ii. 154. Baha-ud-doulah, of the race of Buyah, ii. 265. Baliar, held by Mahmud against sultan Baber, iii. 702. Baharein, island of, taken by the atabek of Farss, ii. 427. Bahauder, title of, first noticed, ii. 478. A Persian title, iii. 244. Bahauder Ne/iaiir, an Indian prince, submits to Tey¬ mur, iii. 268. Baidu Khaun, sixth of the Perso Moghuls, ii. 599, 602, et seq. 607—8. Baitchiu Nfiyan, a Tartar general, first leads his hordes across the Oxus, ii. 216. et seq. Bajazet, the Ottoman monarch, ii. 715. Receives to his protection sultan Ahmed of Baghdat, iii. 312. Advance of the Teymurian armies, 313. Warfare with Europe, 314. Diplomatic re¬ monstrance from Teymur, 315, et seq. Prose¬ cutes hostilities, 367, et seq. Battle before Angouriah,388. Defeat,393. Taken prisoner, 394. Reception by Teymur, 395. Capture of his family, 399, 402. His death, 420, 422, el seq. Balasaugun, the city of beauty, ii. 492, 495. Baljoutah, lake of, ii. 483. Balkh, city of, taken and destroyed by Jenguiez Khaun, ii. 519. Its history during the reign of Teymur, iii. 13, et seq. Contests for succession after death of Teymur, 492. Balhhjird, capital of Tartary, battle and defeat of Mosslem army, i. 155. Bamian, strong fortress of, taken and destroyed by Jengiriez, ii. 520. Banares, city of, plundered by Sheir Khaun, iii. 756. Banks established otr a financial system in Persia, in the 13th cerrtury, ii. 597. Batik notes introduced into China and Persia, in the 13tli century, ii. 598. Bangui, a branch ofthe Oxus, iii. 891. Baran, river of, near Kabul, canal dug by Teymur, iii. 226. Bards, voluptuous, condemned to death in Persia by Teymur, iii. 298. Bareh, son of Abdullah, conspires against Mau- weiah, i. 357. Barmecides, celebrated family of, curious circum¬ stances of their origin, i. 467, 512. Their rise, their ruin in political power, under the Khalif Harun ur Rashid, ii. 65, et seq. Baroutch, city of, taken by the Moghuls, iii. 743. Bashtein, village of, interesting anecdote and revo¬ lution, ii. 449. Bassorah, founded, i. 123. Revolts against Oth- man, ,171. Advance of the rebels under Ayai- shah, widow of Mahommed, 198. Conduct of the citizens, 200. Taken, 202. Inhabitants join the schismatics under Abdullah Wauheb,. 333. Insurrection against Abdulmelek, 429. Revolts and massacres, 457, 529. passim ii. Bastinado inflicted on Persian nobles, ii. 594, 629. Batneir, fortress of, in Hindustaun, iii. 243. Battles — OfMutah, i. 4. OfYemaumah, 43. Of Ohud, 47. OfKohel, 68. OfYermuk,74, et seq. Ofthe Euphrates, 99. Of Heiriih, 101. OfKaud- siah, 110. Of Jalula, 124. Of Nihawend, 129. Of Kermaun, gained by a miracle, 139. Of Shum- shaut, 154. Of Balkhjird, 155. Of Istakhar, the last in Persia, 159. Of Meghzeinah, near Bassorah, 214. Of Harran, 240. Of Sourri- rum, 265. Extraordinary, of the Euphrates, 270. Of Seffeine, 275. Ofthe Lailut-ul-hurreir, 305. Of Neherwaim, 335. Of Kerbela, 399. Of Waudy-ul-Jinu, 416. Of Merjeraumet, 424. On the river Jarroud, 437. Of Gheiler on the Euphrates, 535. Of Shehervaun, 549. Of Moghan, 554.' Of Semender, 557. Of Zitui, ii. 43. Of Hulwaun, 107. Of Danr-urrefeik, 111. OfSnaun, 172. Of the Moghuls and Moslems, before Baghdad, 219. Near Balkh, 283. Of Guirjc,351. Of Gurkhaun, 399. Of Juiid, 403. Ofthe Indus, 411. Of Jenguiez in China, 489. Of Senjaur, 568. Of Merj-e- saflar, 627. Of tlie 8elieid-rud, 656. Extraor¬ dinary one at Noshehar, 678. Of Derrchzengui, iii. 6. Of Jung-e-lai* where Teymur meets de- feat, 13. Of the plains of Keren, 47. Of As- terabad, 64. Of Joiiglik, 75. Of Kerekgoul, 115. Of Kunderjah, 119. Of Shirauz, between Teymur and Shah Munsur, 143. Of Terek, 190. Of tlie Jumna, 253. Of Feyrouzabad, before Dehly, between Teymur and sultan Mah¬ mud, 257. Of Koupela, 274. Ou Mount Se- waulek, 278. Before Aleppo, 328. Of Damas¬ cus, 341. Before Angouriah, between Teymur and Bajazet, 388. Of Seiahbclaei, 496. Of Shumb-e-Ghazan, 604. Of Selmauss, 549. Of Panipet, between sultan Baber and the Dehli monarch, 678. Of Khanwah, or Futtahpour, 693. Of Mundsour, 726. Of Yohssah, 771. Of Sehriiid, decides the fate of Flindustaun, 923. Batu, a magnificent Tartar prince, ii. 553. Baiibek Khoremdein, an infidel, propagates the level¬ ling system of equality in Azerbaijaun, ii. 140, et seq. His fall, 144, et seq. Bauh-ul-a buauh. Vide Derhend. Baudgheiss, tcrritoi7 of, submits to Teymur, iii. 24. Bauspendami, ii. 31. Bayezzid, fortress of, captured by Teymur, iii, 65. Beam, a projecting one, ominous prediction respect¬ ing, ii. 705. Begtchek, a native of Mekrat, leads to the capture of Kurtein by stratagem, iii. 441, Behaut, river of, ii. 456. Behautiah, city of, taken by sultan Mahmud, ii. 282. Beherein, Tartar tribe of, hostilities witli Teymur, iii. 41, Behesny, a strong Syrian fortress, siege of, iii. 322. Behlowulpour, an Indian fortress, restored by sultan Baber, iii. 676. Behrah, on the Indus, iii. 674. Behram Shah, fifteenth monarch of Gheznin, ii. 307. Beider, warriors at the battle of, asserted to be the only true electors to the Khelaufut, i. 186. Beijagurr, fortress of, revolt of its prince against Ilomayfin, iii. 749, Beisson Teymur, kliaun of Turaun, enjelty towards his mother, iii. 5. Bengal, yields homage to sultan Baber, iii. 702. Further designs of conquest by Homayun, 754. Political connection with the Afghans, 765. Advance of the Moghuls, 758, et seq. Finally subjected to the house of Teymur, 761. Re¬ volts and commotions, 770, et seq. Victory of Sheir Khaun and consequences, 773, et seq. Benni Saudah, proceedings there, at Medeinah, on demise of Mahommed, i. 19. Berdaa, city of, its amenity of situation, and antient history, iii. 63. Berka Khaun, war with Ilulauku, ii. 569. 959 Bershegaul, rainy season of Hindustaun, iii, 240. Berytus, (Beirout), advance of Teymur, iii. 335, Besheir, son of Ertaut, defeat by Ally, and curioui prophecy, i, 281. Proceeds to take posses¬ sion of Mekkah and Medeinah, 352. His cru¬ elties, 353, Becomes insane, and kills himself, 354. Besheir, son of Laith, cnielly murdered by order of the khalif Harun, ii. 87, Bessaussery, his usurpation at Baghdad, and fate, ii. 193. Beyhmd, city of, extraordinary plunder and capturo of, i. 467, Beylekaun, battle of, ii. 614. Beylehaun, town of, rebuilt by Teymur, iii. 446. Beyn, a distinguished Afghan chief, joins sultan Baber, iii. 677. Revolts, 688. Beyrain Khaun, iii. 710. Military prowess, 737, 758, et seq. Bhanhapour, town of, rudeness towards the defeated Flomayun, iii. 783. Bhaugulpour, invasion of the Moghuls, iii. 760. Bheimnugger, fortress of, taken by Mahmud, ii. 286. Bhonjepoor, iii. 703. Bilikaneir, sandy desert of, iii. 243. Bikhatieir, district of, iii, 721. Black Sea. Vide Euxine. Boghra Khaun, of Turkestaun, movement of, ii. 246. Bokhara, taken by the Mosslems under Obeidullah, i. 384. ii. 87- Foundation of the monarchy of the Samanides, 235, et seq. Capture by Jen- guiez, 501. Plundered and insulted, 502, et seq. Destroyed, 503. Imposture of Mahmud of Taraub, and unexpected clemency toward* his followers, iii. 3. Contests for succession after death of Teymur, 487, et seq. Borcdi Hanjeh, his insolence to sultan Sheir Shah, ii. 409, 413. History, 433. Borauh Oghlan, monarch of the Ousbeks, hostilitie* with Ulugh Beg, iii. 545. Borysthenes, river, extent of Moghul power, ii. 653. Advance of Teymur, iii. 196. Bosphorus, flight o? the Turkmans across, in. 400. Bost, in Gurrumseyr, siege of, iii. 854. BouIm, a Moghul chief, betrays sultan Ahmed, ii. ■ 679, 583, et seq. Bouzuk, Tartar tribe, its origin and rank, ii. 467. Bowautinah. Vide Hussun Sabah. Brahmins, first mentioned, ii. 285, 290, Breast of Mutton, prophetic anecdote of a, iii. 25. Bridge, curious one over the Aub-e-zaul, iii. 137. Broussa, city of, captured ti'easures of Bajazet, iii. 400. 6 G 960 Budduhshautt, proTiUce of, Submits to Shah Rokh, iii. 533. ’ Buddur-abad, siege of, by Teymur, iii. 42. Buddlir-ud-dein, defeats the Beyssourians, ii. 651. Buides, race of, or house of Buyah, origin, ii. 252, et seq. Accession of Emmaud-ud.doulah, 255. Of further chiefs, 256, et seq. Its downfall, 272. ’ Buka, a Turkish chief, policy and death, ii. l61. Buhkem Mahauny, revolts and subjugates Arabian Irak, ii. 179. And becomes Ameir ul Umra, ib. Bukker, son of Meyakker, extraordinary agency ii. 90, et seq. Bukkur, on the Indus, iii. 787, 793. Bulgaria, first peopled, ii. 459. Described, iii. 194. Bundah Oglml. Vide Ouljaitu Sultan. Bundameir, river of, iii. 78. Burhanpour, river of, iii. 701. Advance of the Mo¬ ghuls, 744. But-tongry Kouhtchu, a Moghul devotee and impos¬ tor, ii. 486. Buyah, race of, become Ameirs Ul Umra, ii. 155. Origin and progress, 252, et seq. Buzurg Omeyd, succeeds the old man of the moun¬ tain, ii. 201, 336. Byrsa, capital of the Othman empire, iii. 312. C CaMbalu. Vide Pekin. Cambay, or Kambaeit, Moghul invasion, iii. 732, Camel, battle of, extraordinary occurrence of Ayai- shah, Avidow of Mahommed, i. 226. Canal, between India and China, ii. 559, Captive Female, extraordinary mode of preservins chastity, ii, 518. ° Captivity, Hindfi. method of treating princes, ii. 291. Caravan, buried in snow, iii. 660. Caria, overrun by the Moghuls, iii. 408. Caspian Sea, advance to by the Mosslems, i. 155 160. Naval armaments of 'I’eymur in the in¬ vasion of Hyrcania, iii. 131. Islands in, taken by a march over the ice, 202, Castile, king of, sends an embassy to Teymur iii 465, 470. ’ Catapultce, extraordinary accidents, ii. 566. Caucasus, mountains of, Moghul wars, ii. 570 Ad¬ vance of Teymur, iii. 200. Cazvein, or Casbin, city of, first proclamation of the old man of the mountain, ii. 196. Invasion of the Moghuls, 512. Chandour, eity.of, iii. 689. Charity, curious anecdote of, ii. 357. Chair of Alty^ sanctified as a relic, i. 438, Cheitour, city of, advance ol the Moghuls, iii. 748. Cherson. Vide Kherson. Chest of Arms, 9. sealed one sent as a diplomatic dis¬ patch, ii. 625. China, how first peopled, ii. 460. Invasions, 488, et seq: Invaded by Ougtai Kaan, 642. Final conquest, and self-devotion of the monarch Altan Khaun, 543. Further wars, 556. Inland communication with India, 659. Embassy to Teymur, iii. 217. Internal anarchy, 300, Geo¬ graphical details of route through Tartary, 302. Designs of conquest by Teymur, 470, et seq! March of Moghul army, and death of Teymur ib. Further proceedings, 486. ’ Christians, persecuted and branded as idolaters by the khalif Ul Mutewukkel, ii. 151, et seq. Christianity, encouraged in Moghul Tartary, iL 551. Changes in Persia, 578, ’ Chronograms, ii. 647. Of the poet Abd-ul-Kader, iii. 519. Persian, 652, 557, 675. Curious one respecting sultan Abu Saeid, 659. Another 698. Of sultan Baber’s death, 709. Of Dein- punnah, 714. Of Surat, 726. Of Ekhtiaur Khaun, 738. Of the Portuguese, 751. OfSheir Khaun, 824. Chronology, Oriental,how obsei-ved antecedent to tbd Hidjerah, d 126. Chronology, Persian, how corrected, ii, 574. Chumbul,n\eT, a boundary of the Dehly empire, iii.715 . Chunaur, its history, and siege by Homayun, iii 713 758. Cimmerian shades, iii. 195. Circassia, subjugated by the Moghuls, ii. 544, In- vasion of by Teymur, iii. 199, Circesinm, (Kerkessia), taken by the insurgent* of Mekkali, i. 426. Civet, extraordinary treat at Baghdad, ii. 108. Clemency, Tartarian, extraordinary instance of, iii. 3, Commerce, its security in Persia and Tartary, ii. 401 Conjunction, planetary, its supposed consequences ii 620. , ’ ' Conquest, Tartarian ceremony of marking, iii. 102. Constantine, Greek emperor, succeeds Heraolius, i. 94. His troops defeated in Africa, 167. Un¬ fortunate naval expedition against Egypt, 164. Perishes by treachery, 165. Constantinople, first assailed by the Mosslems, i. 383. Attacked by Mosslemah, in the reign of Leo, 496, 513. Extraordinary anecdote of Mosslemah, who enters the city alone, 616. Threatening embassy from Teymur, iii. 404. Taken by Mahommed the second, the Othmau emperor, 582. Corea, peninsula of, early history, ii.491. 961 C«ssacs, invaded by Teymur, iii. 202. Court, Royal, a brilliant one, ii. 351. Cow Sacred, of the Ganges, iii. 276. Crete, island of, captured by the Mosslems, ii. 140> Crusades, first noticed, ii. 205, 326, 327. Affairs in Palestine in the 13th century, at the irruption of Jenguiez, 499. Capture of the fortresses of Anatolia, from the Knights of St. John, by Tey¬ mur, iii. 412, et seq. Ctesiphon, taken by the Mosslems, i. 121. Cuclioldom, anecdote of revenge, ii. 415. Cydnus, river of, ii. 141. Cyprus, reduced to the Mosslem yoke, i. 158. Gyrus, the Great, some notice of, ii. 272. D Dabsheleim, Rajah, placed by Sultan Mahmud over his Indian conquests, ii. 290, et seq. Daghestaun, princes of, submit to the Mosslems, i. 566. Damascus, expedition against, i. 53. Besieged, 60. Citizens instigated to revolt by Mauweiah,^7. Proceedings in regard to the Khelaufut, after death of Manweiali the second, 420. SulFers under a dreadful plague, 454. Extraordinary magnificence of the mosque, 482. Cruelties on accession of Abul Abbas, ii. 2. Surrenders to the Persian Moghuls under Hulauku Khaun, ii. 665. Siege, 623. Taken by the Moghuls under Teymur, iii. 337, et seq. Pillage and cruelties, 361. Dameshk, village on the Oxus, battle of, iii. 572. Damashk, Khanjah, political errors, in the royal household, ii. 662. Dancing, anecdote of, ii. 434. Danube, river, incursions of the Moghul tribes, ii. 644. D&oud, son of Tahman, ii. 27. Darabjerd, celebrated for its salt mines, iii. 211. Daur-ul-heyza, or mansion of light, extraordinary anecdote, ii. 37. Daur-urrefeik, battle of, ii. 111. Dawer, on the Indus, iii. 776. Death, of a sultan, provided for by himself, ii. 702. Debt, national, in Persia, proposal to pay off, by pa¬ per circulation, ii. 597. Decorum, oriental, anecdote of, ii. 590. Deer, curious anecdote of, ii. 279. Dehly, invasion of the Moghul troops, iii. 219, 242, et seq. 250, 252. Occurrences prepara¬ tory to the siege, 253. Horrid massacre of prisoners by Teymur, 254. Battle, 257. Cap¬ ture, 262, et seq. Destruction, 263. Descrip¬ tion of, 266. Dispersion of inhabitants, ib. Taken by Sultan Baber after the fall of Sultan Ibrahim at the battle of Panipet, 682. Deinpunnah, a town founded near Dehly, iii. 714, Deluge, general, oriental traditions, ii. 467. Dendauny Koraish, a slave, assassinates the Khalif U1 A mein Billah, ii. 114. Derbend, (Caspiae Portae), revolt of the Khozzers, i. 544, 556, et seq. Extraordinary stratagem' 559. Invasion of the Moghuls under Jenguiez Khaun, ii, 514. Derham, son of Nassar, his property preserved from plunder by a piece of rock salt, ii, 229, Derrehzengui, battle of, between Kazan Suita* and Ameir Kuzghun, iii, 6. Desarts, Tartarian, extraordinary quantities of gam*, iii, 108, Despatch, remarkable brevity of one, ii, 240. Deupraug, sacred cow, on the Ganges, iii. 276, Deyaulemah, or Deylemites, their origin, ii, 156. Deylemites, race of, origin and progress, ii. 252. Dezhfull, village of, rich present to Teymur, iii. 138. Dhoulpoar, city of, iii. 689. Diadems, conferred by Teymur on his generals, iii. ' 286. Diamond, one of extraordinary value, taken at Agrah, by Homayun, son of Sultan Baber, iii. 683. Diaurbehir, history of the Atabeks, ii. 418. Advance of the Teymnrian army, and subsequent opera¬ tions, iii. 166, 177. Dibalpour, city of, iii. 242. Dildaur Aghatcheh Begum, dowager of Sultan Ba¬ ber, judicious policy, iii. 766. DUgushai, or the heart expanding, romantic garde* of Teymur, in the delicious lawns of Kaun-*- gull, iii. 215. Dilshaud Khautun, a royal widow, ii. 673, 679. Diplomacy, Tartarian, anecdotes of, iii. 103. Dinaur, an Arabian coin, its value, i. 39. Dirhem, an Arabian coin, its value, i. 51. Dill, or Dcib, city of, possessed by the Portugue** iii. 731. Divorce, curious anecdote of, ii. 79. Dnieper, river, advance of Teymur, iii. 196. Dog, whimsical anecdote of, ii. 233. Don, river, advance of Teymur, iii. 197. Douab, invaded by Teymur, iii. 268. Doumut-ul-jundel, fixed on as scat of conferepe* between Ally and Manweiali, i. 322. Dow’s, Indian history, iii. 906. Dragon, visionary, influences Ihe succession to th* throne of Khorassann, ii. 361. Dream, extraordinary one of Hejanje on his death¬ bed, i. 480. Prophetic one of a Tartar princ* ii. 475. Of Jengueiz, 480. ’ Dropsy, cured by baking ip an oven, ii. 160. 962 / E. Earthquake, extraordinary one, ii. 152. Extraor¬ dinary one at Kabul, iii. 668. Eben Amran, a Mosslem, traitorously betrays Bagh¬ dad, ii. 223. Eben Hobairah, castle of, asylum of tlic Abbassides, ii. 123, 124. Ecbatana, (Hamadaun), taken by the Mosslems, i. 136. Edessa, city of, taken by Teymur, iii. 168. Re¬ markable for Abraham’s preservation, ib. Effigy, curious anecdote of a female one, ii. 320. Egrider, fortress and lake of, iii. 419. Egypt, first invaded by the Mahommedans, i. 92. Revolts, 153. Further regulations, 156, 192. Propagation of the heresy of the prophet’s se¬ cond coming, 169. Change of governors, 232. Disturbances, 344. Conquered by Amrfi the insurgent, 348. First appearance of the Cru¬ saders, ii. 205. Destruclion of the Fatimite dynasty, under the power of Saladin, 206. Foundation of Fatimite dynasty, 316. Down- fal, 326. Influence of Hussuii Sabah, the old man of the mountain, 331. Threats of Moghul invasion, 624, 638. Invasion of Teymur, iii. 159, et seq. Political anarchy tempting Tey¬ mur to conquest, 300, 320. The sultan Melek Faredge acknowledges homage to Teymur, 426. Ehnif, son of Keyss, conquers Flyrcania and Bac- triana, i. 137. Invades Herat, 163. Reaches the Oxus, 163. Cowardly policy at Bassorah, 216,223. Eight, number of, its singular coincidence in regard to the Khalif ul Mutassam, ii. 147. Eirvaun, town, and the blue water lake, iii. 64. Eissa, sou of Ferghanshah, political intrigues, ii. 160. Eissa, son of Mahommed, treachery to Ul Amein, ii. 110. Eissa, son of Mahommed Ben Khalid, appointed ge¬ neral on death of his father, ii. 132. Eissa, son of Mussa, aspires to the Khelaufut, in opposition to Ul-Munsur, ii. 7. Defeats the rebel Mahommed, 16. Extraordinary anec¬ dote, 39. Eissa-abad, scene of Ul Haudy’s death, ii. 57. Ekhlavt, city of, siege and pillage, ii. 415. Ekhlauh-e-Naussery, or oriental Ethics, ii. 573. Ekhtiaur EJiaun, military and philosophical renown, iii. 736, 738, et seq. Eleias Kkaujah, defeated by Teymur and Husseyne, iii. 12. Elephants, military anecdotes of, ii. 283, 284, 287, 311. Indian mode of arming at tlie battle of Dehly, iii. 257, et seq. 263. Eliauss Khaun, revolts between the Jumna and Ganges, against Sultan Baber, iii. 698. Emanuel Palniiez* ii. 648, 564. ” Guzz, a Hindustauny measure of length, iii. 711. Gwaliar, fortress of, submits to Baber, iii. 691. H HABSHY, a strong fortress in Kurdestaun, taken by 'I'eymur, iii. 149. Hadjekan, country of, described, iii. 795, Hadjies, their dangers on pilgrimage, ii. 124. 965 Hadjy Begum, empress and Ponsort of Homayun, respectfully treated by the Afghans, at the sur¬ prise of the camp of Yossah, iii. 773. Hadjy Seyf-ud-dein, iii. 371, ante, et seq. Hadjy Shurrvf, prince of Betlis, submits to Tey¬ mur, iii. 180. Halleh (Aleppo), besieged, i. 83. Besieged by the Persian Moghuls under Hulauku Khaun, ii. 664. Battle between Teymur and the Syrians, iii. 328. Siege and capture, 330. Hama, a Syrian fortress, siege of, iii. 333. Hamadaun (Ecbataiia), taken by Mosslems, i. 136* Revolt, 137. ii. 99. Captured by Tej'mur, me¬ taphorical flattery, &e. iii. 148. Hamdullah-ul Mustouffy, the Persian historian, ii. 673. Hamed, son of Abdul Hamed, defeats the people of Baghdad, ii. 132. Hameid, captures the rebel Abh Serraya, ii. 125. Hameida Baunu, consort of Homayun, and mother of Akbar, iii. 796, 808, 836, et seq. Harness, town of, taken, i. 70. Abandoned, 74. Hamid, a strong city of Dianrbekir, besieged by Teymur, iii. 178. Hamidpour, town of, near Feyrouzabad, iii. 767. Hamrein, fortress of, capture, and extraordinary anecdote of female fortitude, i. 566. Hamzah, cousin of Mahommed, his heart devoured by Hinda, i. 47. Hannibal, compared with the Moghul emperor Ho¬ mayun, iii. 762. Haneifah, Mahommed, his origin, founder of an orthodox sect, i. 52. Haouz-e-Khauss, or royal tank at Hchly, iii. 260, 262 Har&m, Mahommedan feelings in regard to the fair sex, i. 542. Harethmah, appointed by Harun to quell revolts in Khorassaun, ii. 80. Treachery; 82. jMilitary pro¬ ceedings under U1 Amein, and U1 Mamun, 106, 124, et seq. 128. Insults thekhalif UI Mamun, and is put to death, 129. Harquehusiers, first noticed atbattle of Futtahpour or Khanwah, iii. 697. ’ Harran, battle of, i. 240. Harran, tity of, in Mesopotamia, murder of Kho- rassaunites, ii. 8. Harthem, son of Hatizem, leads people of Baghdad to attack Waussit, ii. 123. ” HarOn Ur Raschid appointed successor to the Khelaufut, ii. 26. Extraordinary anecdote, 30. Conduct on his brothel’s accession 40. Political intrigues of his mother, 53. Succeed.s hisbrother in the Khelaufut, 68. Extraordinary discovery of a ring, 69. Re-peoples the ancient city of Tuss, 60. Declares his infant son heir to th« succession, ti. Various revolts, 61. Removes seat of empire from Baghdad to Rakkah, on the Euphrates, 63. Expedition against the Greek empire, ib. Visits the holy cities, and appor¬ tions the empire between his two sons, 64. Hi» cruelty to the Barmecides, 66. Orders the mur¬ der of Yaheya, the Husseynite, 72. Anecdotes of luxury and cruelty, 73. Murder of the Bar¬ mecides, 75. Hostilities against the Greek em¬ peror, 78. Revolts in Khorassaun, and in Tar¬ tary, 80, 83. Journey into Khorassaun, 84, et seq. Cruelties, 87. Prophetic dreams and death, 88. His family, 89. Hashaum, son of Abdulmelek, succeeds his brother Yezzeid in the Khelaufut, i. 647. Generous con¬ duct towards the insulted Sauid, son of Amrfi, 655. Military and general policy, 568. Extends conquests in Africa, ib. Dies, 571. Hassanah, led by her jealousy, unwittingly poisons the Khalif Mehedy, ii. 32. Haujeb Ally, incontinence and retaliation, ii. 415. Haujeb Togliatekein, first leads the Moghuls across the Ganges, ii. 305. Hauty Beloutch, captain of banditti, his generous conduct, iii. 833. Hazaurah, tribes of, rebellion, and subjugation of, by Shah Rokh, iii. 535. Hazaurasp, city of, besieged, ii. 391. Hazauraspides, race of, ii. 430. Hazaurben, fortress of, besieged by Teymur, iii. 48. Head of Sauid, speaks after being cut off, i. 479. Heirmend, river of, its embankments destroyed by the sounds of triumph of Teymur’s army, iii. 47 835. Hejauje, son of Orreiah, unsuccessful diplomacy, i. 242. HyaMje, son of Yussuf, assumes command against Yemen, i. 448. Various revolutionary contests, 455, et seq.. Dies, 477, 479. Cruelties, 480. Hejauz, province of, lost to the house of Abbas, ii. 187. Heliopolis, attacked by insurgent Arabs, i. 349. Hellah, on the Euphrates, ii. 625. Hellespont, Othman invasion of, iii. 314, Heraclius, the Greek emperor, first opposes Ma¬ hommed, i, 4. Loses Damascus, 62. Extra¬ ordinary negociatious respecting Palestine, 66. Political auecdote, 71. Defeated at Yermfik, 75, et seq. Loses Syria and Palestine, 79. Re¬ treats from Antioch, 83. Dies, 94. Herat, city of, in Khorassaun, extraordinary re-edifi- cationof amosque,ii.227, 236. Invasion and siege by the Moghul armies of Jenguiez, 526. Inva¬ sion of 'I'eymur, siege and subjugation, iii, 24, 966 I et seq. Taken by rebels, 40. Depopulation by a pestilenee, 553. Civil contests, 631, etseq. Description of the city, 641,657. Hesheim, son of Shoabah, anecdote, ii. 106. Hetsaur Feyrouzah, city of, conquered by Sultan Baber, iii. 677. Heyder, son of Kawass, defeats the impostor Bau- bek Khorremdein, ii. 143. Heyder, an old and faithful follower of Teymur, sa¬ crificed to political faction*, iii. 210. Hidjer-td-Asswad, or black rock of the Kaaubah, stolen by the schismatic Kerahmitans, ii. 176. Restored, 184. HidjeruJi, or Mahommedan aera, first established, i. 126. Himmu, an unjust minister in Hindustaun, iii. 914. Hindu, yv'de of Abfi Soffeyan, devours the heart of Hamzah the martyr, i. 47. Hindal Mirza, son of Sultan Baber. Vide Sultan Baber, passim, also Homayun. Confirmed in his government of Alwer by his brother the Emperor Homayun, iii. 712. Military proceed¬ ings, 748. Revolt and treason, 763. Events connected with the Afghan usurpation, 771, et seq. Further events during the misfortunes of Homayun, and final retribution, 831, et seq. Hindu Beg, a general of Sultan Baber, betrays his trust, iii. 675. Hjndustaun, first threatened by the Mosslemk, i. 123. Irruption of the Tartars, under Sebek- teggin, ii. 277. Invaded by Sultan Mahmud, 281, etseq. Further invasions, 299, 305. End of the Ghezuiau power, 314. Invasion of Sultan Ma- hommed, 363. State of at the period of the Moghul irruption, 498, 520. Projects of Jen- giieiz, 533. Inland communication with China, 559. Invasion of Termahsheriii Khaun of Tti- raun, iii. 5. Irruption of Tartar tribes, 83. Of Peir Mahommed with the Moghuls, 219. Tey¬ mur crosses the Indus, 234. Advances towards Dehly, 242. HoiTibIc massacre of prisoners by Teymur, 254. Defeat of Sultan IVIahmud, and captureof Dehly, 260, et seq. Destruction of the capital, 263. Further conquests of Teymur,268. He reaches the Ganges, 270, et seq. Immense quantities of forest game, 286. Early designs of Sultan Baber, 667. Various attempts at In¬ vasion, 671, et seq. Fifth expedition, and final conquest, 675, et seq. Battle of Sersawah, 678. Battle ot Panipet, 679. Rate of the empire de¬ cided by the fall of Sultan Ibrahim, 680. Cap¬ ture of Agrah and Dehly, 682. Division of ac¬ cumulated treasures, 683. Division of feudal power at the Moghul invasion, 684,694. Death of Sultan Baber, 708. Improvements in topo¬ graphy during his reign, 711. Victories and extended fame of the Emperor Homayun, 714. Supremacy of the Moghul, 71.5. Conquests of the Portugueze first noticed, 731, 750. Battle ofYohssah, defeat of Homayun, ri.se of Afghan power upon the ruins of the Moghul empire. 771, etseq. Reascendancy of Moghul fortune, 850, etseq. Accession of the Emperor Akbar, to -- the throne of Dehly, 947. Hobairah, the Kfilaubite, extraordinary mission into Tartary, i. 483. Holy Land. Vide Palestine. Homayun, son of sultan Baber, iii. 676, et seq. Early military prowess, 677. Conquest of Dehly, 680, et seq. Takes an extraordinary diamond at Agrah, 683. Marches against the Afghan .s, 689, et seq. Return to Agrah, and political character, 704. Illne.ss, 706. Extraordinary actof parental self-devotion, ib. Recovery, 707. . Declared heir to the throne of Hindustaun, 708. Accession on the death of sultan Baber, genea¬ logy, 711. His character at ac'cession, by the oriental historians, 712. Confirms his brothers in their several governments, ib. Commences military operations, and besieges Kalinjer, 713, et seq. Fame extended over tire Peninsula, 714. Defeats various rivals, 715. Also revolt of his brother Mirza Kamraun, forgiveness and gene¬ rosity, 717. Designs on Bengal, and contest with sultan Bahaiuler of Gujerat, 718, 725, et seq. Invades Cambay, and first sees the ocean, 732. Completes the conquest of Gujerat, 733. Saved from ticachcry by an old woman, 735. Personally storms the fortress of Tchampaneir, 736. Festivities and extraordinary revolt, 739. Hostilities with Afghan chiefs, &c. 749, et seq. General pacification, 753. Expedition against Bengal, 757, et seq. Various revolts, 764. Con¬ quers Bengal and fixes his rosidence there, 768. Further hostilities with Sheir Khaun, defeat at Yohssah, flight and subsequent adventures, 771, et seq. Defeatat Kanouge, 781 . Revolts, changes ot politics, &c 790, et seq. Marries, 796. For¬ titude revives on the birth of Akbar, 808. In¬ duced by treachery to take refuge in the Per¬ sian territories, 815, et seq. 833. Reception by Shah Tahmasp, 837, et seq. Receives mi¬ litary assistance from the Sovereign of Persia, 845. Progress through that Empire, 847, et seq. Returns to retrieve his fortunes, 848, et seq. Various successes, 855. Generosity towards his liumblcd brother Asskery, 861. Advance towards Kabul, 872. I’akes Kabul, and recovers possession of his son Akbar, 876. Advances against Balkh, 895. Misfortune* and defeats, 900, 905. ^Advances to the Indus with better fortune, 919. Gains the battle of Sehrind, 924. Retakes Dehly, 926. Re¬ establishes his empire, 927. Political regu¬ lations, character, &c. &c. 930, et seq. Splen¬ dour, ,935. Curious inventions, 941. In¬ flexible justice, 943. Illness, 944. Prophetic inspiration and fatal accident, 946. Demise and consequences, 947. Extent of his em¬ pire, &c. 948, et seq. 967 Honours, military, conferred by Teymur, iii. 117. Hormuz, invasion by Teymur, iii. 212. Hormuzan, the astronomer, assists in forming the Hidjerah, i. 126. Murdered by Abdullah Omar, 151. Horoscope, of the Khalif Ul-Amein, ii. 116. Horses, anecdote of, ii. 536. Howz-e-Sidiman, imperial hunting match at, iii. 845. Hukkevi, son of Abi ul Auss, and uncle of Othman, deatli, i. 165. Hulauku Kaun, grandson of Jengueiz, commences hostilities against the house of Abbas, ii. 215, et seq. His title of Eyl Khaun, 217. Cap¬ tures Baghdad, 220. Cruelties towards the vanquished khalif, 221. Murders the cap¬ tive monarch, 222. Overturns the power of the dynasty of Almowut, 341. Further conquests, 428. Demise of his father, 543. Des})atched on conquests, 556. First of the Persian mo- narchs of the race of Jengueiz, 563, et seq. Invades Sj ria, 664. Horrid cruelties, 569, 571. War with Berka KhauA, defeats, and death, 570, et seq. Hulwaun, city of, captured, ii. 101. Civil con¬ tests, 106. Hungary, invaded by the Moghuls, ii. 544. Hunting, military anecdotes of in the great desert, iii. 108. Hurdwar, city, on the Ganges, iii. 690. Hussaun Bonty, a dumb man, extraordinary ca¬ pacity, and diplomatic mission, i. 501. Hussaum-ud-doulah, ii. 244, et seq. Husserjne, son of Ally, third Imaum, his history, i. 371, 390, et seq. Affecting deatli, 406. Husseyne, son of Ally, the Hussenite, rebels against Cl Haudy, ii. 42. Husseyne, the Mahanite, ii. 103, et seq. Husseyne, son of Munzer, bis advice to Kateibah miraculously confirmed, i. 490. Fidelity to¬ wards his general, 494. Husseyne, son of Munsur-ul-Hellauje, an oriental saint, ii. 174. Husseyne, son of Regzuiah, subjects Syria to the power of the Keraumitah, ii. 171, etseq. Husseyne, son of Saum, maritime and military ad¬ ventures, ii. 453. Husseyne Sherhet-daur, a political apothecary, his treason and punishment, iii. 611. Husseyne Temeir, ambitious views at Mekkah, after the death of Khalif Yezzeid, i. 418. Slain, 437. Hussun, last khalif of the Kholfa Rashedein, elected, i. 365. Attacked by Mauweiah, and resigns, 366. Poisoned by his wife, 369. Hussun, son of Abu Shujah, ii. 257. Hussun, son of Mahommed, fourth of the Almowut dynasty, ii. 337. Hussun, son of Sohel, unexpected rise to the go¬ vernment of Baghdad, ii. 119. Further proeeed- ings, 130, et seq. Hussun, son of the Khalif Ul Hafez, poisoned by his father, ii. 324. Hussun, son of Zeid-ul-Baukery, revolts, ii. 157. Hussun Bassory, patriotic resistance to the usurpa¬ tion of Yezzeid at Bassorah, i. 532. Hussun, Ehen-ul-Eftess, takes possession of Mek¬ kah at the head of the pilgrims, ii. 124, 126. Hussun Jandaur, betrays hospitality, ii. 373. Hussun Kohtbah, succeeds his father in military command, i. 697. Enters Kufah in support of the house of Abbas, 598. Proceeds against Waussit, ii. 2. Hussun td Askery, eleventh Imaum, his history, i. 376. Hussun Sabah, the old man of the mountain, pro¬ claims the doctrines of the Issmauiliaus, ii. 196. I Dies, 201. Increase of the Nezzaurian power, and extent of their assassinations, 324. His¬ tory, 327, et seq. Hyrcania, (Tebristaun), subdued by the Mosslems, i. 137. Invaded by Y ezzeid, 600. Hydaspes, river, iii. 237. I Ibrauhim, representative of the house of Abbas, put to death by the Khalif Merwaun, i. 592. Ibrauhim, twelfth of the race of Gheznin, ii. 304. Ibrauhim, son of Malek Ashtur, joins in conspi¬ racy to revenge the blood of Ally, i. 432. Proceeds against Obaidullah Zeiaud, 436. Slain in battle, 445. Ibrauhim, son of Mehedy, accepts the offered Khelaufut, ii. 136. Disgraced and pardoned, 140. Ibrauhim, the Samanian, ii. 240. Ibrauhim, son ofWalid, succeeds to the Khelaufut, i. 674. Deposed, 575. Ibrauhim Abdullah, brother of Mahommed Ab¬ dullah, revolts against Ul-Munsiir, ii. 16. Ibraidiim-nl-Jezzaur, or the butcher, revolts against Ul Mamun, ii. 126. Idiot, placed on a Tartarian throne, iii. 611. Illumination of manuscripts by the Orientals, iii. 735 Imaumet and Khelaufut, the Pontifical and Civil authorities lodged in the person of the klialif, i. 20, et passim. Its further history, after the murder of Ally and of Hussun, the khalifs, 370, et seq. 6 H 968 Incapacity, curious experiment on, ii. 39. Incest, leads to the destruction of the sect of Zendi- cism, ii. 61. Indus, river of, its banks invaded by the Tartars, ii. 277, 620. First crossed by the Moghuls under Peir Mahommed, grandson of Teymur, iii. 219. Crossed by Teymur, 234. Crossed by Sultan Baber in his third expedition, iii. 674. Infidels, extraordinary order for their destruction at Samarkand, i. 476. of Teymur, iii. 266. Ionia, overrun by the Moghul armies, iii. 409. Irak, conquered by the Mussulmans, i. 63. Military operations, 97. Irak Ajem, taken by Sultan Mahmud, ii. 294. Sub¬ jugated by Teymur, iii. 70, et seq. Irak, Arabian, history of the Atabeks, ii. 418. Iran, failure of the race of Jenguiez, ii. 674. Iran Shah, fourth of the Seljuks in Kermaun, ii. 384' Irgnak Koun, the romantic glen, ii. 469. Irjaub, an Afghan fortress, iii. 229. Iron, mountain of, a passage cut through, ii. 470. Irtish, river, operations of the Moghul armies, iii. 93. IsFAHAUN, captured by the Mosslems, i. 136. Made the seat of empire by Sultaun Alelek Shah, 11. 352. Invasion of Teymur, iii. 70. Massacre of the citizens, 72. Taken by Teymur, 148. Bv Shah Eokh, 625. ^ Ishauk, son of Mussa, defeats Mahommed, son of Jauffer, and captures Mekkah, ii. 127. Islamabad, formerly Khousset, iii. 894. Ismaeil I. first Persian monarch of the House of Seffy, iii. 620. Isslani. Vide Makommedism. Issmauil, son of Ebbaud, a, virtuous Vezzeir, ii.26l. Issmaiiil, third monarch of Gheznin, ii. 279. Usur¬ pation and death, 280. Issmauil, son of Jaulfer-ul-Saudek, founder of an heretical sect, ii. 167. Issmauil, son of Nouh, lastof the Samanides, ii. 252, Issmauil, son of S^man, suppresses the usurpation of the Sufauriah, ii. 171, Issm&uilian Race. Vide Egypt, also ii. 316, et seq. Issr&eil, son of Seljuk, unhappy fate, ii. 346. Istakhar, (Persepolis) taken by the Mosslems, i 138 160. ’ Izmeir. Vide Smyrna. J Jaban, a Persian General, anecdote of defeat, i. 98. lagueir, application of the term, iii. 686. Jahangueir Knly Beg, left in command of the Moghul troops in Bengal, iii. 769. Jdhaun-nemk, imperial palaces of Feyrouz Shah dii. 252. ’ Jakaun Pekelwaun, the peerless knight of the vrorld ii, 378, 422. Jakaun Sultan, a Moghul princess, matrimonial jea¬ lousy, iii. 474. Jakaun Teymur, fourteenth of the Persomoghul mo¬ narchy, ii. 686. Jaick, river of, Teymnrian invasion, iii. 111. Jaidah, daughter of Aishaiilh, treacherously poisons her hnsband the Khalif Hussun, i. 369. Jalula, military operations at, i. 124. Jaroud, a river near Mossule, decisive battle at, i. 437. Jasper, supplied by the rivers of Khoten, iii. 302. Jatts, Hindu marauders, iii. 248. Jaudah, son of Hobeirah, chivalric contest at Sef- feine, i. 279. Jaufirer, son of U1 Hady, intended by his father for the throne, ii. 54. Abdicates his claims, 58. Jauffer Barmekky, of the family of the Barmecides, genealogy of, i. 467 ; and elevation to the Vi- ziership, 512. His power under Harun, ii. 62. Politic conduct, 67. Matrimonial anecdote, 71 . Remarkable circumstances of his murder, 73. ’ Jauffer -ul-Saudek, sixth Imaum, his history, i. 373. Jauny Beg Khaun, the Ousbek prince, overthrows Melek Ashruf, ii. 695. Jauriah, son of Kedaumah, expostulates with the widow of Mahommed at Bassorah, i. 200. Jauthleik, a village of Irak, battle at, i. 445. Jautts, mountain tribes, exterminated, ii. 294. Jazzua, rebels in Khaurezm , ii. 349. Jebreil, son of Yekshua, physician to Harun, cu¬ rious medical practice, ii. 84, 88. Jeddahtaush, or sacred stone of Noah, its history, ii. 457, et seq. Defeat of Teymur, at the battle of the Sloughs, attributed to its mysterious in¬ fluence, iii. 13. Jeib, son of Musselma, invades Asia Minor, i. 153, et seq. And Armenia, 155. Suspended, 156. Jengueiz Kaun, birth and origin, and miraculous circumstances therewith connected, ii. 203. Roused to vengeance by the slaughter of his subjects at Otraur, 210. Planetary por¬ tents, 379. Various, 401. Victories in Khau¬ rezm, 410, et seq. Miraculous lineage, 472, 474. His birth, 479. General history, 480, et seq. Prophetic dreams, ib. Early difficulties and adventures, 482. Conquers the Keraeif, 484, 488. Receives the appellation of Jenguiez, 486. Further conquests, 487. Invades China, 488. Immense treasures gained, 492. Final conquest of China and Tarfary, 497. General state of Asia at the period of the Moghul irrup- 969 tion, 499. Advances to the Jeyhnn, and pours his troops over Asia, 500, et scq. Capture and destruction of Bokhara, 603. Of Otraur, 504. Turther conquests, 510. Horrid cruelties, 620, et scq. Completes the subjugation of the Per¬ sian empire, 533. Various revolts, 635. Poli¬ tical preparations for his demise, and proposed division of his empire, 537. Death, character, anecdotes, &c. 538. Political arrangements after his demise, 540, et scq. Jerkah, or grand hunting match of Jenguiez Khaun, ii. 634. Jerraith, son of Abdullah, cruelties towards the re¬ volted Khozzers, i. 646. Confirmed governor of Armenia, 547. Slain, 549. Jerreir, son of Abdullah nl Bekheli, rebellion against Alljs and subsequent employment by the khalif, i. 250, 256. Jerusalem, besieged, i. 84, et seq. Curious pre¬ diction, 85. Surrenders to Omar, 87. Jesselmeir, rajah of, iii. 806. Jettah, (GctEe) country of, hostilities with Teymur, iii. 41. Expedition of Mirza Eskunder, with geographical details, 300, et seq. Jews, their connection with, and desertion of Ma- hommed, i. 7. Jerusalem taken, 84, et seq. Persecuted and branded by the Khalif ul Mute- wnkkel, ii. 151, et seq. Their physicians and astronqincrs at the Persian Court, 578. Jeyhun river, (Oxus) passed by the Mosslems under Obeidullah, i. 384. Jeypaul, Prince of Labour, defeated by Sultaun Mahmud, sacrifices himself, ii. 281. Jezzeirali, (Upper Mesopotamia) revolts in favor of Mauweiah, i. 239. Devastated by Teymur, iii. 176. Jordan, river of, first crossed by the Mahomme- dans, i. 85. Joudahpour, country of, faithful to Homayun, iii. 802, et seq. Hostile, 804. Joughlik, battle of, iii. 75, 80. Jounali, forest of, becomes the sanctuary of Sheir Khaun, iii. 755. Jounpoor, committed to Feyrouz Khaun by Sultan Baber, iii. 687, et seq. Joushkauh, grandson of Hulauku, discovers a con¬ spiracy against Arghun Khaun, ii. 689. Joush Kheroush, a Teymurian chronicle, and the fate of its author, iii. 444. Jown, city of, on the Indus, described, iii. 809. Jujy Kkmm, brother of Jenguiez, ii. 497, ante et se ^ Jullaul Khaun, son of Sheir Khaun, iii. 775, ante et seq. His fate. 825. Jullaul-ud-dein Hussun, sixth of the dynasty of Al- mowvet, returns to Isslamism, ii. 338. Jullaul-ud-Doulah, of the race of Buyah, ii. 270. Jullaul-ul-islaum, a Teymurian minister, punished, iii. 368. Resolute counsel, 377. Jumhour, defeats the rebel Senbad, ii. 13. Defeat and death, ih. Jummou, territory of, in Hindustaun, conquered by Teymur, iii. 281. River, 283. Jawnta river, proposed canal communication, iii. 248. Reconnoitered by Teymur, preparatory to the siege of Dehly, 252. Jund, a eity on the Seyhun, ii. 392. Unexpected battle, 403. Destroyed by Jenguiez, 605. Jundr-ul-gliauleiah, or the civet corps, whimsical anec¬ dote of perfumed beards, ii. 108. Jundeb, son of Abi Rebbeiah, impelled by love to fight Malek Asher, is killed, i. 293. Jung-e-lai, battle of, first defeat of Teymur, iii. 13. Junguls, or forests on the Behaut, military advance of Teymur, iii. 238. Jurjah, prince of, sends pearls to Jenguiez, ii. 536. Jurjaun, province of, accession of the family of W ashmagueir, ii. 272. Jurjauniah, city of, taken by the Moghuls, ii. 515. Justice, speedy instances of, ii. 34, 585. K Kaans of the race of Jengueiz, ii. 561. Kaaubah at Mekkah, protected by angels during a siege, i. 450. The sacred black rock stolen by Abu 'I'aher, a rebel schismatic, ii. 176. Re¬ stored, 184. Kaauh-ul-akhlaur, foretells the death of Omar, i. 140‘ K4bul, submission to Mahommedan sway, i. 454. Irruption of Tartar tribes, iii. 83. Invaded by the Moghuls under Teymur, 226. Canal dug, 227. Invasion by Sultan Baber in his progress to Dehly, 667. Extraordinary earthquake, 668. Kabul Khaun, ii. 476. Kaggar, river in Hindustaun, iii. 249. Kaherah, sends deputation toMedeinahfor political redress, i. 175. First assailed by the crusaders, ii. 205. Becomes the seat of the Fatimite dy¬ nasty, 318, et scq. 322. Kahlioh, a dilapidated fortress, extraordinary repa¬ ration of, by Teymur, iii. 36. Kalnub, conquered by the Moghuls, iii. 893. AaZewrfa?', Mahommedan, commencement of the year altered, and why, ii. 170. Kalinjer, besieged by the Emperor Homayun, iii. 713. Kaliouss, fortress of, ii. 629. Kalpy, submits to Sultan Baber, iii, 691. Kambaeit. Vide Cambay. Kanaan (Canaan) invasion of Teymur, iii. 338. I 970 Kandahanr, taken by the Gbourian Tartars, ii. 313. Submits to Teymur, iii. 50. Circumstances connected with its recapture by Homayun, 868. Kanouge, city of, captured by Sultan JMalimud, with extraordinary plunder, ii. 288. Its political state at the ]\logliut invasion, iii. 684. Eattle near to, between Homayun and Sheir Khaun, in which the former is again defeated, 781. Kara Malwmmed, the Turkman, iii. 66, et seq. Kara-Sou, Kaleiny, or Black River, in Hindustaun, iii. 270. Kara-Tatarian colony, its history, as connected with Jengueiz and Teymur, iii. 428, 455. Kara Yussnf, king of Colchis, seeks protection at the court of Bajazet, iii. 312, et seq. Kara Yussxif, defeats Sultan Ahmed, and takes Baghdad, iii. 435. Defeat by the Moghuls, 437. Escapes from Eg3pt, and resumes authority in Diaurbeker, 500. Defeats Mirza Ab>i Bukker, 505. Raises his son to royalty, 606. Hostilities with Shah Rokh, 539, et seq. Dies, 641. Karacoul, lake of, iii. 112. Battle of, 115. Karaderrah, a strong defile between Turkey and Persia, iii. 196. Karaghoutchur, a sacred temple of tbe Moghuls, iii. Karajery, a slave, imposes on the Anatolians, ii.682 Karalihatayan dynasty in Kermaun, ii. 433, et seq. Karakorum, its foundation as the great Tartar me¬ tropolis, ii. 461, 601. Karahum, city of, ii. 343. Karamania, overrun by the Moghtils, iii. 408. Karamuran, river of, ii. 483. Karaouuauss, or Persian militia, ii. 581, Karasumaun, militpy station of Teymur, anec¬ dotes of Tartarian diplomacy, iii. 103. Karatchaur Nuyan, the fifth ancestor of Tej'mur, prudence and power, iii. 1. Anecdote of cle¬ mency, 3. Death, 4. Karavauns, interior commerce by, injured Jjy a forced paper circulation, ii. 598. Karss, plains of, described, iii. 183. Kashgar, city of, ii. 251. Kashmeib country of, submits to Tej-mur, iii. 234, 283. Its history, under the reign of the Mog¬ hul emperor, 825, et seq. ® Kateihah, son of Mosslem, curious affair connected with Ins invasion of Tartary i. 466 469 472 et seq. 486. Is murdered, 495. ’ ’ ’ ® Kaueilah Khaun, the Tartar Hercules, ii. 473. Kauerd, son of Tcheger Beg, revolts and is taken prisoner, li. 351. Poisoned, 352, also 382. Kauffelah, or Hindu caravan, iii. 871. Kauhah, son of Amrn, sent envov to Bassorah bv Ally, i. 212. “ Kaun-e-Feyroxizah, a turquoise mine, near Neysha- pour, iii. 840. Kaxin-e-gull, royal gardens at Samarkand, iii. 127., Kaussem, son of Alaliommed ul Ally, infantine cou¬ rage and death, i. 405. Kaussem Blutemmen, son of the Khallf Harun, ii. 85. Degraded by his brother Ul Amein, 94. Re¬ leased on the assassination of the khalif, 117. Kauzy Abdullah, son of Ullayah, daring act of justice, ii. 34. Kauzy Abdullah Suddur, conducts the treacherous negociations between Mirza Kamraun and Sheir Khaun, iii. 788. Kauzy Abu J«7t;^ej-,preserves the allegiance of Mous- sule to the house of Abbas, ii. 190. Kauzy Sheikh Ally, a rebel, saves himself from death by his treasures, ii. 704, 705. Kauzy Shums-ud-dein-Kazv'einy, forced to wear ar¬ mour, in dread of assassination, ii. 216. Kaydu Khaun, his escape, and reign, ii. 474. Kaysar, an Egyptian traveller, punished for political lying, ii. 615. Kayssereiah, attempted destruction of the inhabitants by Tejmur, iii. 433. Kellaseffeid, a fortress of extraordinary streno-th iii 140, et seq. ’ Kemnulih, a stiong fortress, taken by Teymur, iii. 380« Keptchauh. Vide Ousbeks. Also Teymur. Keraeit, country of, its history, ii. 481, et seq. Keraumitah, sect of, account of their opinions and heresy, ii. 167. Revolt, 171, et seq. Kerautchah Khaun, well-timed loyalty towards the Emper orHomayun, iii. 879. Kerbela, battle of, i. 400. Kerbela, city of, insults to the mausolea of the house of Ally, ii. 152. Kerbela, plain of, extraordinary gallantry of a small Moghul party, iii. 156. Keren, plains of, battle of Aleiran Shah and the Nikoudrians, iii. 47. Kerkessia (Circcsiiim), taken by the insurgents of Mekkah, i. 426. Kermaun, province of, history of Seljukian race. ii. 383, et seq. ; 433, et seq. Kersheher, on the banks of the ancient Halys, ad¬ vance of Teymur, iii. 385. Kesh, of, ii. 24. Birth place of Teymur, 674 ; Ketaur, a city on the lower Jumna, iii. 718. 971 Ketour, mountain of, its predatory inhabitants in¬ vaded by Teymur, iii. 220. Kettaumah, a female of the Khouauredje, conspires against Ally, i. 357. Key Kohaud, ninth sultan of Anatolia, ii. 387. Key Kohaud, son of Feraumerz, last Seljukian sul¬ tan of Anatolia, ii. 388. Key Khossron, sultan of Anatolia, perishes in battle with the crusaders, ii. 386. Keyan, son of Eyle Khaun, his romantic history, ii. 469. Keydafeh, queen of the Amazons, the Thalestris of ancient history, iii. 63. Keykhautu Khaun, fifth of the Perso-Moghul mo- narclis, ii. 593, et scq. Keyomars, first monarch of Persia, ii. 458. Jieyss, son of Moghairah, conduct at Bassorah, on attack by Ayaishah, i. 199. Keyss, son of Sand Ebbaudah, made governor of Egypt, i. 232. Politic conduct, 233. Main¬ tains fidelity, 234. Khaled, son of Abdullah-ul-Kasheiry, iniquitous con¬ duct as governor of Bassorah, i. 548. Khaled, son of Yezzeid, set aside from the Khelau- fut, i. 424. Stimulates his motlier to murder Mervvaun, 427. Khaled-ul-Walid, gains first Mahommedan victory, i. 4. Takes Doiimut-ul-jundul, 9. Quarrels with Ally, 11. Defeats Thllcihah, 30. Advances against Alosseylemah and Shujia, 33. His cru¬ elties, 37, 38. Quarrel with Omar, 39. Marches against Yemaumah, 41. Battle with Mossey- leinah, 43. Takes Yemaumah, 50. Marries, 61. Complaints against him, 52. Victories in Syria, 53. Loses command by order of Omar, 69. Gallant and generous conduct, 60. Mili¬ tary cruelty, 64. Marches to the siege of Baal- bec, 65. Victory in Palestine, 68. Anecdote, 76. Gallantry at the battle of Yermuk, 81. Poetic flattery, 89. Fined for extortion, 90. Deatli, ib. Khaleifah, synonimous with khalif, i. 27. Khaleil, Sultan, youthful gallantry at the battle of Dehly, iii. 261. Kharezm, province of, invaded by Katcibah,, i. 472. Vide further Khauresm. Khatay, northern district of China, early history, ii. 473, et seq. V ide China. Khaujah Ahdiil Kaudur, a renowned Persian musi¬ cian, iii. 159. Khaujah Ally Shah, political intrigues in theTeign of the Persian Sullauu Abu Sacid, ii. 644. Khaujah Ehraur, a Moghul author, iii. 700. Khaujah Kullepi, Beg, appointed governor of Bejour, iii. 673, 676, 685, et seq. Khaujah Mauzzem, murders the vezzeir Sultan Ma- hommed Beshidy, iii. 880. Khaujah Merjan, rebels against Sultan Aweiss, ii. 699. Khaujah Moulana, the Sheikh-ul-Isslaum, or patri¬ arch of the true faith, iii. 579. Khaujah Siidajahaun Ahmed, his administration as vezzeir, ii. 595. Khauniet, of Tartary, its legitimate origin, ii. 471. Khaims, Tartar, origin and history, ii. 457, et seq. Khaims, Turkish, origin and history, ii. 457, et seq. Khaunzadah, princess, complains to Teymur against her husband Aleiran Shah, iii. 295. Her mater¬ nal grief for the loss of Mahoramed Sultan, 433. Khaurezm, counti7 of, conquered by Sultan Mah¬ mud, ii. 288. Various, 298. Suecession of the Shahies, 389, 410. Victory of Jengueiz Khan, 411, 417, 500, et seq. Vide also Kharezm. Khaurezm, city of, besieged and destroyed, iii, 19, 82, Khaurezm Shah, ingenious policy, ii. 375. Khanwah, battle of, near Futtahpour, iii. 693. Khawernamah, a curious Oriental poem on the ex¬ ploits of the Khalif Ally, i, 363. Khedjel, son of Athatil, curious chivalric anecdote at the battle of Seffeine, i. 279. Kheizranah, the dowager of the Khalif Mehedy, poli¬ tical intrigues, ii. 52, 59. Dies, 60. Khelaufut, descends from Mahommed to Abfl Bukker, i. 24. Is conferred on Omar, 63. Modes of election and customs established, 142, 146. Conferred on Othman, 148. Elevation of Ally, 186. Contested by Mauweiah, 312. Accession of Hussun, 365. Election of Mau¬ weiah, 367. First becomes hereditary, 385. Yezzeid, son of Mauweiah, succeeds, 389. Accession of Mauweiah the second, 419. Ac¬ cession of Alerwaun the first, 420. Accession of Abdulmelek, 429. Accession of Walid, 466. Of Suliman, 483. Of Omar-ul-Abdul- lazziz, 611. Of Yezzeid,’ sou of Adiilinelek, 628. Of Hushaum, brother of Yezzeid, 647, Of Walid, son of Yezzeid, 572. Of Yezzeid, iii. 573. Of Ibrauhiin, 574. Of Alerwaun, ii. 576. Destruction of the house of Ommeyah, and rise of the Abbassides in tlie person of Abfil Abbas, 605. Accession of Ul-Munsur- Billah, ii. 7, Of U1 Mehedy Billah, 23. Of U1 Handy Billah, 40. Of liarun ur Rashid, 58. Division of the empire, 64. Accession of U1 Amein Billah, 90. Of U1 Alilmun, 118, The succession proposed to be transferred from the house of Abbas to the house of Ally and I'atima, 135. Accession of U1 Mutassein, son of Harun, 142. Its authority endangered by adopting Tartar slaves as royal guards, 143, 148. Accession of U1 Wauthek, 149. I’ailuro of at¬ tempted regulations in the line of succession. 972 151. Of the Khalif ul Mute\vukkel, 151. The succession first becomes at the disposal of the Tartar-guards, 155. Accession of U1 Muntusser Billah, 156. Of U1 Mustayne Billah, 157. Of U1 Muattez, 159. Of Ul Muhtedy, 162. Of Muatemmed, 163. Of UI Muatezzed, 165. Of Ul Muktefl’y, 171. Of Ul Muktedder, 173. Of Ul Kaher, 177. Extraordinary reduction of the bounds of the empire, 176. Accession of Ul Rauzy, 178. Decline of personal power in the princes, by the appointment of the new office of ameir-ul-umra, 179. Accession of Ul Mutekky Ullah, 180. Of Ul Mustekfy, 182. Of Ul Muteiah, 184. Of Ul Taeiah Ullah, 185. Of Ul Kader, 188. Of Ul Kaeim Dimmer. 191. Of Ul Mukteddy Billah, 195. Of Ul Mustezhir, 196. Its power divided with Sultan Mahommed, 197. Of Ul Mustershid, 198. Of Ul Rashid, 201. Of UI Mukteffy, 202. Of Ul Mustunjed, 203. Of Ul Mustunzy, 205. Of Ul Naussur-ud-dein, 208. Of Ul Zaher, 210. Of Ul Mustunser, 211. OfUlMustaus- sem, 213. Extinction of the house of Abbas, 223. Khelaut, stormed by Zeib, i. 155. Khermeils, two brotliers of extraordinary prowess, Kherson, city of, advance of Teymur, hi. 196. Khodadaud-nl-Husseyny, hostilities with Khaleil Sul¬ tan, and Mirza Shah Rokh, iii. 619. Khojend, city of, taken by Jengueiz, ii. 506. Kholf, son of Ahmed, prince of Seiestaun, his policy, ii. 243, 282. Kholf a Rashedein, term for the im'rediate successors of Mahommed, i. 27. et passim. Dynasty ex¬ pires in the person of Hussun, 368. Khorassaun, (Bactriana) conquered by the Moss- lems, i. 138, 160. Rebellion subdued by Ab¬ dullah HAzem, 165. Death of Kateibah, and extraordinary circumstances connected with it, 495, ante et seq. Affairs connected with the rise of the house of Abbas, 577, et seq. Its his¬ tory under the Tahcrites, ii. 224. Their down¬ fall, 228. Rise of the Sufauria. 229. Origin of the Samanides, and progress, 234, et seq. Rise ot Abu Ally, 246. Invaded by Eylek Khaun, 252. Race of Seljuk, 344, 346, et seq. Extent of the kingdom, 350. Wars, 455. Irruption of Jenguiez,510, et seq. Patri¬ otic Improvements, 545. Cruelties of Nikou- drian banditti, 618. Invasion of Teymur, hi, 24, Horrors of warfare, 43. Revolts and Mas¬ sacres, 86, et seq. Occurrences after the death of Teymur, 488, et seq, Abulghauzy ascends tlie throne, 629. Invasion of Sultan Baber, 669. Khossrou Meleh, seventeenth and last of the Ghez- nian monarchy, ii. 314 Khossrou Shah, sixteenth of the Gheziiian monarchs, ii.312. Khotbah, or royal prayer. Vide Passim. Khoten, in Tartary, the prince of, submits to the Mosslem power, i. 483, et seq. Geographical and other details connected with the expedition of Mirza Eskunder, hi. 302. Khouauredje, or Mahommedan schismatics, their conduct in regard to the Khelaufut, i. 314. Curious anecdote, 321, 329, et seq. Curious prophecy and total defeat at tiie battle of Ne- herwaun, 340. Khozzeia, son of Eissa, the Kermaunian, political conduct in Khorassaun, i. 577. Joins in concert with Abh Mosslem, 586. Murdered, 688. Khozzers, revolt of, in Armenia, i. 544, 549, et seq. Khozzez, son of Yapheth, ii. 458. Khumsha, strong pass of, in Georgia, iii. 304. Khur Shah, prince of the Bouautinists, submits to the Moghuls, ii. 342. Khurzaud, brother of the prince of Kharesm, re¬ bellious conduct and fate, i. 472. Khuzzer Khavjah Oghlan, sovereign of the Moghuls, iii. 96. Khuzzer Khaun, monarch of Dehl3% sends a Rhino¬ ceros to Shah Rokh, iii. 544. Khuzzez, the country between the Euxipe and Cas¬ pian seas, subjugated by Teymur, iii. 204. Kite, anecdote of, stealing a necklace, and discover¬ ing treasure, ii. 236. Knolles, his account of the Greek embassy to Tey¬ mur, iii. 405. Kobaud, son of Eskunder, intrigue and parricide, iii. 554. Koh-Joud, hill fort near the Indus, taken by Sultan Baber, iii. 674. Kohel, son of Abbas, gallant conduct at battle of Ghetfer, i. 539. Kohestaun, a mountainous regiou, ii. 417. Invaded by Teymur, iii. 56. Kohjud, country of, ii. 455. Kohtbah, son of Shebeib, military expedition to the banks of the Caspian, i. 593. Advances to Is- fahaun in support of the Abbasides, 594, Drowned in the Euphrates, 697. Kolaiit, strong fortress of, siege of, by Teymur, iii. 33, 39. Komaury Eunauh, a Teymurian general, his cru¬ elties, iii. 68, 60. Koraish, an Arabian tribe, their claims to the Khe¬ laufut, i. 19, etseq. 151. Koran, first arranged, i. 48. All copies but one burnt by order of Othman, 170. Curious stra¬ tagem with, at battle of Lailut-ul-hurreir, 308. Its divine authority attacked by the Khalif Ul Mamun, ii. 140. By Khalif Ul Wauthek, 149. Prophetic examination by Teymur, similar to the Sartes Virgiliance, iii. 256. 973 Kosse, or Indian measure of distance, iii. 240, 243. Kotauhiah, a beautiful city of Anatolia, iii. 398. Kothah, the Mahommedan prayer of supremacy. Passim. KoHhjoud, princes of, submit to Teymur, iii. 235. Koulieh, mountain of, in Hindustaun, iii. 279. Koel, in tlie Douab, the jagueir of Zauhed Beg, events connected with the revolt of Hindal Mirza, iii. 764. Koulan Koutel, mountains of, in Moghulstaun, iii. 97. Koulics, hostilities with, the Moghuls, iii. 734. Koupela, pass of, on the Ganges, iii. 273. Battle, ' 274. Kouriltai, or Tartarian parliament, ii. 486. KoushluJi, prince of the Naymans, ii. 494, et seq. Koustcheian, or Persian archers, ii. 581. Koutulhu,2i. 'Mog\m\ general, completes the conquest of China, ii. 543. Kour, Turkish tribes, ii. 473. Kourij, a remarkable river near the Caspian Sea, iii. i89, 193. Kuhaun, Tartary, invasion of Te5’mur, iii. 199. Kuhhul Khaitn, ii. 476. Kuhlai Khaun, fourth successor of Jengueiz, ii. 558. Rudder Khaun, prince of Khoten, joins Eylek Khaun, but defeated by Sultan Mahmud, ii. 283. Kufah, city of, its origin, i. 125, 128. Riotous con¬ duct against Othman, 166. Extraordinary di¬ plomatic debate, between citizens and sons of Ally, 208. Curious termination, 211. Fidelity restored, 212. Becomes the seat of govern¬ ment, instead of Medeinah, by order of Ally, 231. Occurrences after the battle of Neher- waun, 342. Insurrections on accession of Yez- zeid, 393. Circumstances connected with the rise of the house of Abbas, 598. Seat of go¬ vernment removed, ii. 4. Kulaut, a fortress in Kandahaur, reduced byTeymur, iii. 50. Kullcnder, or strolling religious, a title applied to Sultan Baber, iii. 684. Kummaul-^id-dein, iii. 56, et seq. Kummur-ud-dein, jirince of Jettah, hostilities with Teymur, iii. 41, 74, et seq. Kundaheil, a f()rtre.ss on the borders of Hindustaun, becomes the asylum of revolted Mosslcms, i. 641 , et seq. Knnderjah, battle of, between Teymur and Toukte- rnesli, iii. 119. Kurdestaun, submits to Teymur, iii. 69, 148, et seq. Kurr, orCjrus, river of, curious embankment, ii. 259. Invasion and cruelties of the Moghul tribes over the neighbouring countries, 513. Its territories subjugated by the Moghuls under Teymur, iii. 61. Kurtein, a strong Georgian hill fort, extraordinary siege by Teymur, iii. 439. Kuthuddein Mahommed, the Khauresm Shahies, ii. 389. Kutluk Shah, takes captive and murders the Vezzeir Norouz, ii. 618. Injudicious military proceed¬ ings in the invasion of the province of Guilan, 636. Falls in battle, 637. KutJuh Teymur, assassinates the virtuous Ameir Kuzghun, iii. 6. Kuttuh-ud-dein Keymaur, made vezzeir, revolts and perishes, ii. 207. Kuzzul Arslan, ii. 380, 422. Kuzzulhaush, or Red Caps, Persian soldiery, iii. 733. Kuzzun Sultan, of Turaun, birth of Teymur during his reign, iii. 5. Slain, 6. L Labour, human, extraordinary application of, iii. 530. Lahour, city of, first taken by Sultan Mahmud, ii. 281. Becomes the Gheznevide Court, 312. Its territory invaded by the Moghuls, 620. Taken by Sultan Baber in his fourth expedition, iii. 675. Lailut-ul-hurreir, battle of, i. 304. Laodicea, city of, invasion of Teymur, iii. 410. Laristaun, atabeks of, ii. 430, et seq. Law, trials at, first invented, ii. 459. Leo, the Emperor (the Isaurian) of Constantinople, attacked by the Mahommedans, i. 496, et seq. Military stratagem, 498. Offers to pay tribute, 614. Letter, Oriental, a curious one, iii. 717. Letters, men of, curious military anecdote, iii. 258. Leucorhoas, or White River, iii. 305. Leyli,di Turkman concubine, intrigue and treachery, iii. 555. Leylut-e-Hashemiah, origin of the name, ii. 56. Liaunet, or imprecation of God’s curse, first esta¬ blished by Ally, i. 328. Libanus, mount, extraordinary discovery of a skele¬ ton, i. 127. Libels, how punished by the Khalif U1 Hak^m, ii'. 320. Light, ray of, produces miraculous conception, ii* 472. Literature, Arabic, improved by translations from the Greek, ii. 142. Literature, Greek, translated into Arabic, ii. 142. Literature, Moglnil, ii. 573. Literature, Persian, improved by Behram Shah, ii. 307. Lohauni Afghans, hostility to Sultan Baber, iii. 689. N 974 Louny, town of, near Delily, capture and massacre, iii. 252. Lukkunpour, iii. 810. M Magi, remains of their superstition in Kurdestaun, iii. 150. Magic, a prince accused of, and put to death, ii. 570. Magician, female, liastens the fate of Sultan Ahmed by her treachery, iii. 515. Magnesia, city of, (Messenjah) laid in ruins by the Mosslems, i. 517. Taken by the Moghuls, iii. 409. Mahaunehser, town on the Caspian, capturcof by Teymur, iii. 130, et seq. MahmOd of Gheznin, ii. 242, 244, 248, 250, 267. Acquires supremacy of Jurjaun, 276. Accedes to the throne of Gheznin, 280. Invasion of Hin- dustaun, 281, et seq. Insurrection of his father- in-law, 282. Gallantry in battle, 283. Displays the plunder of India at the city of Gheznin, 285. Takes possession of Gherjistaun, 287. Military pun, 289. Honours and power, 293. Extraordinary 'naval armament, 294. Dies, character, and anecdotes, 295. Mahmud, son of Mahommed, ii. 364. Ascends the throne of Khorassaun, 370. ^ahmud, son of Melek Shah, contends for the suc¬ cession, ii. 358. Mahmud, the Taraubian, his impostures in Bokhara, iii. 2. Mahmud Sehehtehein, the formidable conqueror, per¬ secutes I'erdoussy the Persian poet, ii. 190. Mahmtid Shah, emperor of Hindustaun at the Mo¬ ghul invasion, iii. 219. Mahommed, the Prophet, first provoked to hostili¬ ties, i. 2. Attacks Syria, 3. First victory, 4. Pretended vision, 5. Takes Mekkah, further warlike designs, 6. Prepares for hostilities, 7. His last personal military adventure, 8, 10. Declares Ally his successor, 12. Appoints As- saumah to command the Syrian expedition, 13. Illness and death, 14. Fables of angels, 16, et seq. Vide Note, 607. Mahommed, son of Abdullah, revolts against U1 Munsur, ii. 15. Mahommed, son of Abdul Melek-ul-Zeyant, vezzeir to Khalif U1 Mutassem, ii. 148. Rebels and dies, 151. Mahommed, son of Abu Bukker, i. 57. Leads Egyp¬ tian rebels against Othman, 171. Appointed lieutenant, 176. Treachery of Othman, 177. Returns to Medeinah to confer with the dis contented, 177. Insults Othman, and leads to his murder, 180. Sent by Ally to Kufah, 207. Curious anecdote at battle of Meghzeinah, 226. Becomes governor of Egypt, 236. Injudicious conduct there, 344. Cruelly murdered, 348. Mahommed, son of Abfi Khozzeifah, betrayed to Mauweiali, escape and death, i. 232. Mahommed, son of Besheir, well-timed bribery of his master Omar, ii. 233. Mahommed, son of Haneifah, gallantry at battle of Seffeine, i. 283. Mahommed, son of Hamn, revolt and defeat, ii. 173. Mahommed, son of Ibrahim, revolts at Kufah in fa¬ vour of the House of Ally, ii. 120. Poisoned, 122. Mahommed, son of Imaum Jauffer-ns-Saudec, drawn from seclusion at Mekkah, to assume command, ii. 126. Defeated and flies, 127. Mahommed, son of Khaled, escapes the general slaughter of the Barmecides, ii. 75. Mahommed, son of the Khalif Wauthek, proposed for the Khelaufut, ii. 151. Mahommed, son of Laith, plots the dowmfal of the Barmecides, ii. 68. Mahommed, son of IMahmiid, fifth of the race of Gheznin, ii. 293, 296, et seq. His eyes put out, 298. Again raised to the throne, 299. Put to death, 300. Mahommed, son of Melek Shah, contends for the succession, and ascends the throne of Kho¬ rassaun, ii. 361, et seq. Mahommed, son of Sulimau, defeats the rebel Husseyue, ii. 43. Mahommed, son of Taher, succeeds to power in Khorassaun, ii. 228, et seq. Mahommed, son of 'Vakub, loyal gallantry at the siege of Baghdad, ii. 110. Mahommed, son of Yezzeid, ii. 106. Mahommed, fifth of the Almowut djnasty, ii. 338. Mahommed, prince of Ghur, taken prisoner, com¬ mits suicide with a poisoned ring, ii. 286. Mahommed, the Husseynite, ii. 122. Mahommed Azaud, the Aloghul general, conquers the Siapoush, hi. 223. Mahommed Ally Toghai, governor of Kabul, inde¬ cisive conduct, iii. 878. Mahommed Bahlim, ii. 308. Mahommed Banker, fifth Imaum, his history, i. 373. Mahommed Beg, prince of Karamania, released by Teymur from the power of Bajazet, hi. 403. Mahommed Ben Khaled, invested w ith command at Baghdad, ii, 131, . Slain, 132. Mahommed Haneifah, m ade prisoner with his family at Mekkah, i. 436. Mahommed Khaun, tw'clfth of the Perso-Moghul mo- narchs, ii. 678, 679. Mahommed Khauzen, vezzeir to Ul Muktefly, his head demanded, ii. 371. Mahommed Shah, last of the Kermaunian Seljuks, ii, 385. 975 Mahommed Sultav, son of Jahano^iicir, obtains com¬ mand of tlie van of Teymur’s army, iii. 108. Military proceedings, 159. Extraordinary at¬ tempt at assassination, 214. Leads the Moghuls to the Eosphorus, 400. Death, 424. Mahommed Sultan Mirza, treachery towards Ho- maynn, iii. 779. Mahommed Tehky, appointed to the succession of tlie Khelanfiit, ii. 134. Mahommed Tuliliy, ninth Imaum, his history, i. 375. Mahommed VI Mehedy, first Egyptian Fatimite, ii. 316. Mahommed Zemaun Mirza, son of Abnlghauzy, iii. 713, et scq. Political intrigues with the Por¬ tuguese in Gujerat, 752. Mahommedism, its genius as compared with Chris¬ tianity, i. 1. Its progress checked by Charles Martel, 2. Death of Mahommed, 13, et seq. Proceedings consequent thereon, -19. Abfi Bukkcr elected to succession, 25. Various re¬ volts, 28, et seq. The Koran first drawn up, 48. Omar raised to Khelaufut, 53, et scq. Ex¬ tension of .sytem, 59. Conquest of Syria and Palestine, 74, et scq. Jerusalem taken, 84, et seq. Political regulations by Omar, 92. Ex¬ tension towards Persia, 92, 95. Military policy, 93. Extension into Africa, 92, 94. Extraor¬ dinary character of Arabs, 107. The Hidjerah first established, 126. First coins struck by Omar, 136. Its extent at the death of Omar, 147. Advances into 'Partary, 155. Into Wes¬ tern Africa, 157. Into Spain, 158. Extends to the Oxus, 163. Rudjaat, or heresy of the pro¬ phets second coming, first propagated, 169. All copies of Koran, but one, burnt by order of Othman, 170. Sinister consequences of Oth- man’s murder, 183. Extent of Mahommedan empire, 184. Internal disputes, 232, et seq. Extended into Tartary, 384. Supreme power ' first becomes hereditary, 385. Its sway extends into Kabfil, 454. Again extended into Spain, and to Sardinia, 471. Conversion of the Khagan of the Khozzers, 562. Extended in Africa by the Khalif Hashaum, 568. Sect of Zendicisni, ii. 43. Its orthodoxy endangered by the Khalif U1 Mamnn, 140, et seq. Altefation of the Ka- lendar, 170. Downfal of the House of Abbas, 2^. Its influence extended in llindnstaun by Sultan Mahmud, 281, etseq. Schism of Hussun Sabah, 327, et seq. New Chronological Era introduced by Alelek Shah, 357. Irruption of the Moghuls umler Jenguiez, 500. Checked in Tartary by the spread of Christianity, 551 . Rc- •tored in Persia, 578, 607. Perseculion under Arghun Khaiin, 591. Established in Persian provinces by Ghazan Khaun, 614. By Ouljaitu, 634. . The insignia of its power presented to Teymur, by Ameir Scynd Berrekah, iii. 15. Per¬ secution of the Christians in Georgia, Circassia, &c. 198, 201, Advance into Ilindustann under Teymur, 222, 248, Its followers protected during warfare, 267. W^ arfare of the Othmans under Bajazet against the European Christians, 314. Rise of the Moghul empire in India, 667. Majid-ud-doulah, of the race of Buyali, ii. 266. Malden, Rajah of Joudpour, conduct towards Ho- mayun, iii. 802, ct scq. Malek Ashtur, the Nudjefitc, conspires against Othman, i. 166, 168, et seq. Closes diplomatic debate at Kufah, 211. Restores the fidelity of the Knfites, 212. Conduct at battle of Megh- zeinah, 217, 226. His policy, 230. Deputed by Ally to recover Syria, 240. Battle of Harran, and siege of Rakkab, 241. Supports Ally in councij, 260. Gains battle of Sourri-rum, 267. Campaign of Seffeine, 268. Battle of the Eu¬ phrates, 270. Conduct at battle of Seffeine, 278. Challenges to single combat, 285, 293. Gallantry during Lailut-ul-hurreir, 305. Re¬ uses to sign the treaty, 319. Takes command in Egypt, 344. Poisoned, 345. Malwah, invaded by the Emperor Homayun, iii. 714. Mandou, city of, iii. 729. Manehhah, an Indian physician, curious medical dis¬ putes, ii. 86, 88. Mangu Kaaim, third successor of Jenguiez, com¬ mences hostilities against the Klielaiifut, and produces the downfal of tlie Abbassides, ii. 215, 553, 558. Manuscripts, illuminated by the Orientals, iii. 735. Mardein, city of, taken by Teymur, and saved from vengeance unexpectedly, iii. 176. Invasion of by Teymur, 357. jMartel, Charles, checks the progress of Mahom¬ medism, i. 2. Mash, golden, worn by an impostor, ii. 23. Massacre of Hindu and Pe.rsee prisoners, by Teymur, iii. 254. Blassagetce, their origin, ii. 459. Matchlocks, noticed at the battle of Futtahpour, iib 695. Matrimony, Oriental, anecdotes of, ii. 412, 413. MaumlAkes, first mentioned as guards of Othman, i. 179. The origin of their power on the succes¬ sion to the Khelaufut, ii. 143, 148, 155, 161. Mauweiah, son of Abfi Soffeyan, commences mili¬ tary career, i. 94. His lather dies, 165. Harsh conduct towards Malek Ashtnr and his co- rebels, 166. Summoned to support Othman at Mcdeinah, 171. Receives the blood-stained robes of the Khalif Othman, from the malcon¬ tents, at Damascus, 188,2117. Commences po¬ litical intrigues in Syria, 232. And in Egypt, 233. Military proceedings, 240. Rctuses all negociation with Ally, 243. Sends an extra¬ ordinary letter and mission to the khalif, 244, 246. Whimsical anecdote, 252. Conduct dur¬ ing the campaign o iSelleiue, 269. Gcneromi s 976 conduct or Ally, 271. Further negociations and military proceedings at Scffeine, 27.5, et seq. Battle, 275, etseq. Reproached liy Abdurraih- man. Proceeds to tlie field in person, 284. Challeng-ed by Ally, 286. Ludicrous dialogue with Amru, 288, 291. Prepares for final con¬ test, 300. Defeated by Ally, 301. Negociates, 302. Further consequences of the war, 304, et seq. Battle of Lailiit-ul-hurreir, 305. Curious appeal to the Koran, 308. Distributes bribes in Ally’s aymy, 309. Claims the Khelaufut, 312. Treaty of peace, 317. Returns to Damascus, 322. The Khelaufut surreptitiously claimed by his followers, 328. Reduces Bassorah, 349. various inroads upon the faithful, 350. Gains possession of Mekkali and Medeinah, 353. At¬ tacked by an assassin, 358. Operations on the death of Ally, 365. Attacks Hussein the new khalif, defeats him, and succeeds to the Khelau- mt, 367. I’amily connections and descent, 379. Admits the undue influence of Zeiaud, 384. Extends his sway i nto Tartary, 384. Calls’upon ms subjects to pledge their allegiance to his son, rezzeid, 385. Causes the murder of Ayaisbah Mahonimed’s widow, 386. Death, 387, et seq.’ Mauweiah, the second, succeeds to the Khelaufut i. 419. Abdicates, 420. ’ Mauweiah, son of Khodeiah, excites disturbances in Bgypt) 344. Made governor, 383. Mauweiah, son of Yezzeid, massacres his prisoners i. 541. ’ Mauwerunneher, country of, wrested from Harun ul Rashid, ii. 85. Rise of the Samanian dymasty, 235, et seq. The scene of Teymur’s early wars, hi. 11. Mauziaur, prince of 'Pebristaun, revolts, and dies, ii. 146. Mazanderan, province of, subjected to the power of the Samauides, ii. 235, et seq. Submits to the power of Teymur, iii. 31, 42, 52. Meander, river, invasion of the Moghuls, iii. 409. Medhein, captured, i. 69, 121. Its decline, 126. Medeinah, the retreat and head quarters of Ma- hommed,i.5, et seq. Proceedings of the citizens onMahommed’s death, 19, etseq. Sufiferino-s miracles, and early improvements, 127. Extra¬ ordinary disease, 153. The riots and insults of Othman, 173, et seq. Siege of the palace and murder of Othman, 180, et seq. Seat of o.„. veriiinent transferred to Kufah, 231. Political character of the citizens, 257. Proceedings in regard to hereditary Khelaufut, 385, 390. Cari- ture and sufferings, 415. Enlargement and re¬ pairs of the mosque, 468. Further revolts ii 15. Embassy sent from this city to Mekkah offering submission to Teymur, iii. 234. Its protection stipulated .between Teymur and the Sultan of Egypt, 427. Medeinah Hashniah, city of, founded, ii. 4. Mediterranean, its southern shore subjected to the Saracens, ii. 317. Meghrebins, or Lybian mercenaries, their treachery towards Ul Muktedder, ii. 176. ' Meghzeinah, battle of, or of the camel, i. 218. Mehandery, river, iii. 741. Mehedy Khavjah, views in regard to the Hiudus- tauny succession, on the demise of Sultan Ba¬ ber, iii. 708. Meir Ahulhihha, extraordinary counsel to Sultan Baber, and its consequences, iii. 706. Meir Khaleifah, political intrigues on demise of Sul¬ tan Baber, iii. 708. Meir Youness Ally, governor of Labour, circum¬ vented byMirza Kamraun, iii. 715. Meiran Shah, son of Teymur, invades Kliorassaun, iii. 24. Invades Mekraun, &c. 47, 63. Military , proceedings against Sultan Ahmed, &c. 293, et seq. Slain in battle, 505. Vide Passim, Moghuls, iii. 268. Meimut, reduced by Sultan Baber, iii. 698. Mekkah, takmi by Mahomnied, i. 6. Pilgrimages first mentioned, 103. P.lgrimages to, checked by the insurgents under Mauweiah, 351. Taken, 3^2. Insurgent proceedings on the succession ot lezzeid, 392. Interesting' events at the siege of, 417. Revolution in favour of Ul Maraun, ii. 107, 124. Murder of the pilgrims by Saheb-ul Sbaiuniah, 172. Capture and massacre, 176. Restoration of the holy black rock of the Kaaubah, 184. Curious gate made by the Khalil Ul Miiktefky, 203. Sends em¬ bassy of submission to Teymur whilst on his Indian expedition, iii. 234. Its protection sti¬ pulated between Teymur and the Sultan of Egypt, 427. Meltraun, sea coast of, ii. 442. Mehraun, invasion by the armies of Jenguiez Khaun ii. 533. ’ Melii eit, a rartarian province, the last to retain its independence, ii. 497, ante et seq. Melautyah, city of, taken by Teymur, iii. 319. Meleh Ahu Bukker, murdered at Herat, ii, 530. MelekAshrnf of Egypt, iii. 555. Embassy to Shah Rokb, 556. Melek Ashruf, son of Teymur Taiish, acquires so¬ vereign authority in Persia, ii. 687, 689, et seq. 1' ate, 696. ' Meleli Barkouh,.(mi\\cT insults tow ards Teymur stir up that monarch to revenge, iii. 320, et seq. Melek Bohraut, prince of Teflis, apostatizes from Christianity, iii. 61. Melek Ezz-ud-dein, prince of Lurrestaun, chastized by reymur for liis pillage of tlie Hadjies, iii. 67, et seq. 68, 69, 138. 97# Meleh Ezz-ud-dein, prince of Jezzeirah, escapes from Teymur, iii. 176, et seq. Melek Fakher-xid-dein, prince of Herat, ii. 616. Melek Feridge, Sultan of Egypt, his politics in regard to Teymur, ii. 715. Injudicious conduct towards the ambassadors of Teymur, leads to hostilities, iii. 321, et seq. Proceeds to Syria to resist the Moghuls, 336. Flies from Damascus into Egypt, 344. Pays homage toTeymur, as his paramount chief, 426, 471, et seq. Mcleli Kaummil, horrid murder of, ii. 566. Melek Kawxiss,- [)rinCe of Shirvaun, invades Kara- baugh, ii. 700. Melek Malwmmed, governor of Ghour, rebels against Teymur, iii. 39. Melek Mahommed, sixth of the Seljuks in Kermaun, ii. 384. Melek Nausser, Sultan of Egypt, invades the Persian territories, ii. 621, et seq. 3Ielek Salah, prince of Mossule, ii. 567. Horrible death, 569. Melek Shah, son of KhoSsrou, interesting anecdote, ii. 315. 3Ielek Shah, the accomplished monarch of Khoras- saun, his reign, &-c. ii. 349, et seq. Death, 356 Melek Sheihhah, an Indian chief, opposes Teymur, his fate, iii. 273. Melka, princess of Tebreiz, amatory anecdote, ii. 414, 415. Melkur-raheim, becomes a victim to the tyranny of Toghrel Beg, ii. 192. Blellou Elibal Khaun, prime minister at Dehly, com¬ mands a sortie against Teymur, iii. 253. Battle of Dehly, 257, et seq. Memkatu, prince of, put to death in revenge by Tey¬ mur, iii. 48. Menuloxm, an extraordinary Tartar princess, ii. 473. Rlemitcheher, last of the princes of Jurjaun, ii. 276. Rleraxighah, city of, disgraced for the murder of a khalif, ii. 206. 3Ierj-e-saffer, a river of Syria, battle of, ii. 627. Merjeraumet, battle of, establishes the claims of Merwaun the first, i. 424. 3Ieru, city of, taken by treachery, i 162. Extraor¬ dinary instances of treachery and justice, ii. 83. Siege and capture, by .Tenguiez, 521, Merwaxin the first, accession to the khelaufut, i. 420. Divisions in Syria, 421. Occurrences at Da¬ mascus, 422. Establishes his reign by victory at Merjeraumet, 424. Reconquers Egypt, ih. Negociates for the descent in his own family, 427. Is smothered by his wife, the widow of Yezzeid, 428. Account of his family, &c. Merwaun, son of Hefzah, an Arabian j)oct, liberality of the Khalit Mehedy, ii. 37. Merwaun, son of Hukkem, becomes the favourite ! of Otiiman, i. 171. Deceives the khalif, 172. His treachery, 177. Desperately wounded, 179. Merwaun, son of Alahommed ul Merwaun, first noticed at the battle of Seniander, i. 557. En¬ gages in command of the Tartarian war, 561. Cruelties after the capture of .Shekky, 563. Hostilities against the prince of Sermer, 564. Daring but dangerous stratagem, 56-5. Refuses allegiance to the Khalif Yezzeid the third, 574. Advances against theKhaliflbrauhim, whom he defeats, and assumes the khelaufut as Merwaun the second, 575. Commencing insuiTcctions which lead to the destruction of the house of Ommeyah, 576, 585. Seizes on Ins supposed rival, and y)uts him to death, 592. His conduct on the election of Abul Abbas at Kufah, 600. Defeat and flight into Egypt, 602. Is slain, 604. In him ceases the house of Ommeyah. 605. Concluding reflections, 606. Merwaun, son of Mohilleb, attempts to put the fe¬ males to death, when in danger of capture, i. 542. Mesopotamia. Vide Jezzeirah, Messenjah, (Magnesia) laid in ruins by the Moss- lems, i. 517. Messiah, oriental tradition respecting, iii. 352. Blessroxir, the eunuch, murders Jauffer, ii. 73. Metaphor, oriental, a curious one, iii. 363. Meyauje, son of Abdurraihman, discovers a passage for surprising Mirzebaun, by means of an ante¬ lope, i. 504. Meyauz, son of Jebbel, singular demeanour of, Meymundezh, siege of, ii. 341. Miafaurekein, important fortress of, ii. 565. Minarets, iw&t introduced by the Khalif Walid, i, 483. Mingrelia, invaded by Teymur, iii. 205. Mining, in assault, extraordinary instance of, iii. 165. Rlinstrels, voluptuous, condemned to death in Per¬ sia l>y Teymur, iii. 298. Mirza Abdallah, greaiA&on of Shah Rokh, iii. 553, et seq. Mirza Abdullah, the Shirauzian, short sovereignty, iii. 576. Mirza Abdullutteif, son of Olugh Beg, proceedings after the death of Shah Rokh, iii. 566, et seq. Mirza Abu Bxdiker. Vide life of Teymur. Passim. iii. 500, et seq. Mirza Ahd Kanssem, son of Mirza Baysungur, iii. 552, et seq. Mirza Baber, proceedings on death of Shah Rokh, iii. 566, et seq. Sudden death, 585. Mirza Baysungur, son of Shah Rokh, iii. 524, ante et seq. Death, 651. Family, 652. Mirza Eskunder, son of Omar Sheikh, military expedition into the Moghul territories, and Jettah, iii. 300, et seq. Fixes his government at Isfahaun, 512, ante et seq. t 978 Mirza Heyder, generous support of tlie defeated Homayun, against the Afghan power, iii. 777, Death, 828. Mirza Hindal, iii. 704, ante et scq. Mirza Jaun, a Persian translator of the commentaries of Sultan Baber, iii. 710. Mirza Kamraun, son of Sultan Baber, iii. 676, et seq. Proceeds to Hindustaun, 703. Confirmed in his government of Kaiidahaur and Kabul, by his brother, the emperor Homayun, 712. Am¬ bitious projects on the succession, and march into Hindustaun, 715. Treachery and punish¬ ment, 717, et seq. Defeats the Persians in Kandahaur, 733. Joins in revolt, 767, ante et seq. Ingratitude to his defeated brother, 776, et seq. Further, 828, et seq. Mirza Keydou, his rebellion against Shah Rokh, &c. iii. 636, ante et seq. Mirza Klialeil Sultan, ambitious projects on the death of Teymur, iii. 486. Murdered, 682, et seq. Mirza Mahomnied Jouliy, iii. 603, et seq. Mirza Mahommed Sultan, favourable leeeption in the camp of his grandfather Teymur, iii. 372. Mirza Olugli Beg, Tartar history of, iii. 9. Mirza Omar Sheikh, second son of Teymur, youthful gallantry at the siege of Balkh, iii.’ 16. At Khaurdsm, 21, 75, et seq. Passim. Mirza Peir Mahommed, son of Jahangueir, declared by Teymur, on his death-bed, as absolute heir and successor, iii. 480. Competitors in his own family.' 486, et seq. Political proceedings after the death of Teymur, 609, et seq. Mirza Rohlien-ud-dein, Alla-ud-doulah, son of Mirza Baysungur, iii. 652, et seq. Mirza Rustum. Vide Life of Teymur. Passim. Mirza Seyurghetmesh, governs in Khorassaun, iii. 537. Mirza Shah Mahmud, ascends the throne of Kho¬ rassaun, iii. 685, et seq. Mirza Shah Rokh, son of Teymur, his birth, iii. 18. First military services, 141, 145. Kills Shah Munsur in battle, 145. Birth of his son, Ou- lugh Beg, 177, Becomes governor of Samar¬ kand, 184. Invested Mith further royalties, 213, et seq. 226. Vide Hindustaun, passim. Leads the armies against Syria, 322. Proceed¬ ings against Baghdad, 362. Proceeds against Bajazet, 367. Vide Life of Teymur, passim. Judicious conduct on death of Teymur, 488, et seq. Assumes sovereign powerin Kho¬ rassaun, &c. and begins his long reign 489. Defeats rebels, and establishes his supremacy 498, et seq. Receives an embassy from China,’ 522. Further contests in Persia, 525. Embas¬ sies and alliances, 537, et seq. Prepares hos- , tilities against Kara Yussuf, 539. Attempted assassination, 546. Defeats the 'I’urkomaiis at Selmauss, 549. Political and courtly occur¬ rences, 550, et seq. Ministerial Influence, 559. Illness and miraculous recovery, 561. Last campaign and death, 563. Consequences, 666. Mirza Sulinmn, revolts in Buddukshaun, iii. 879. Mirza Sultan Abu Saeid, lineal ancestor of the Hin- dustauny branch of the house of Teymur, iii. 571. Education and early ambition, 672, 577, 582. Hostilities with Mirza Baber, et seq. Advances towards Herat, 588. Further war¬ fare, 595, et seq. Contests with Abulghauzy, 600, et seq. With Ozun Hussun, 613. Taken prisoner, 621. Put to death, 622. Descendants, 623, et seq. Also 659. Mirza Sultan Husseyne, deserts the cause of Teymur, iii. 337. Taken prisoner, 341. Ambitious pro¬ jects on the death of Teymur, iii. 486, et seq. IMirza Sultaji IMahommed, son of IVXirza Baysungur iii. 662, et seq. 559. ’ Mirza Yadgar Mahommed, contests with Abulghau¬ zy for Teymurian succession, iii. 630, et sea His fate, 639. * Mirzelaun, chief of Jurjan, besieged by Yezzeid and taken, i. 603. ’ Mithridates, defeat by the Romans; on a field of bat¬ tle afterwards of Teymur and Bajazet, iii. 393. Moghairah, son of Shaubiah, extraordinary diplo- deceives command at Kufah, 137. His slave murders Omar, 140. Lose* command, 162, 156. Judicious advice to the khalif Ally, 188. Invested with the govern¬ ment of Kufah,. by the khalif Mauweiah 379 Dies, 383. Moghan, battle of, Khozzers defeated, i. 553. Moghul founder of the IWoghul dynasties, origin and history, ii. 461. ® Me^/m/generals. Vide the Life of Teymur, passim, iii. Moghul princes. Vide the life of Teymur, passim, iii. Moghuls, first noticed, ii. 212. Proceed under Hu- lauku Khaun to the subjection of the khelaufut 216, et seq. ’ -t -t l/w Itlllo , I Ale Moghulstaun, general history, ii. 461, et seq. Mi- litary operations of Teymur against Kbuzzer Khaujah Oglilan, in. 96, et seq. Geographical details connected with the expedition of Mirza Esktinder, 300. Mohaujer, the co-exiles of lAIahommed, their claims to the khelaufut, i. 21. « , , , . cijic lyi uuiiy ar fall at the battle ol Seffeine, i. 294. Mohilteh, son of Abi Sefrah, opposes Mokhtaiir 440. Makes incursions into Tartary. 45 Death, 460. Afo/iiZ/eJ, family and descendants of, cut off" at Kin dabeil, 1. 542. Moklitaur, son of Abft Obaidah, ambitious projects, i i. 430. Takes Kufah, 434. Curious policy, 438. Various defeats, 440. Extraordinary death, 441. Mokhulled, son of Yezzcid, filial virtue and death, i. 522. Mokinnia, an impostor, establishes a sect in Soghd, ii. 19, 23, et seq. Horrid catastrophe, 25. Mongueir, invasion of the Moghuls, iii. 760. Monster, its miraculous and prophetic appearance, ii. 186. Moon of Nakhsheb, as apostrophized by the Persian poets, its origin, ii. 24. Moossa ul Kauzem, seventh imaum, his history, i. 374. Moravia, invaded by the Moghuls, ii. 544. Moscow, invasion of, by Teymur, iii. 198. Moses, imitated by the khalif Ul Hakem, ii. 320. Mossellem, son of Aukkebah, capture of, and cruel¬ ties at Medeinah, i. 416. Mosseijlemali, his first rise, i. 29. Attacked by the prophetess Shujia, 30. Extraordinary negocia- tions, 35. Attacked in his capital, 41. Slain in battle, 48. Mosseyh ul Ferauzy, generous conduct at Teima, i. 351. Mosslem, sent as herald to the rebels at Bassorah, and heroic conduct, i. 222. Mosslem, son of Aukkail, anecdotes of rebellious di¬ plomacy, i. 392, et seq. Mosslem-ul-Auttebak, leads an army to reduce Me¬ deinah, i. 415. Mosslemah, brother of the khalif Suliman, advances against Constantinople, i. 496. Retires by order of the khalif Omar, 513, 517. Defeats the Greeks, 514. Enters singly into Constantino¬ ple, 516. Arrives at Damascus, 519. His luxury rebuked by Omar, 520. Takes com¬ mand against insurgents, 533. Battle of Ghef- fer, 535. Defeats Yezzeid, 539. Destroj’s the family of Mohilleb, and receives the govern¬ ment of Persia, 543. Unjust conduct towards Sauid, son of Amrh, 555. Besieges Shirvaun, perfidious cruelty, 556. Gains battle of Semen- der, 559. Extraordinary stratagem at the siege of Baub-ul-abfial), 560. Invades the Grecian territories, 567. MossuJe (Mousul), taken by Moklitaur, i. 435. In¬ vited by the prince of Egypt to restore the race of Fatima, ii. 190. Famous for its vineyards,, anecdote of Teymur’s temperance, iii. 159. Advance of 'i’cymiir, 167. Mother, punished for stimulating a son to cruclt)', iii. 5. Mondud, seventh of the race of Gheznin, ii. 300. Moula Maurrouf, a celebrated transcriber of manu¬ scripts at Herat, iii. 547. Moulana Jullaul-ud-dein ROmy, author of the Mess- ntli Sherreif, ii. 577. Moulana MaJiommed, saves the life of an imaum at the court of Homayun, under remarkable cir¬ cumstances, iii. 741. Mouness Kliaudem, the faithful eunuch of Ul Muk- tedder, defeated by the Kerahmitans, ii. 174. Fidelity, 175. Revolts, 176. Mounshies, Hindu, their historical prejudices, iii. 661. Mounshy Khaujah Doust, his delightful gardens at Laiiour, iii. 785. Mount Alhurz. Vide Caucasus. Mount Jeliud, revolt at, ii. 293. Mount Lihanus, advance of Teymur, iii. 335. Mount Sewaulek, in Hindustaun, iii. 277,. Battle, 278. Mount Sinai, ii. 320. Mount Stella, the scene of battle between Teymur and Bajazet, iii. 393. Mount Taurus, ii. 78. Mountain, fortified in China, arrests the progress of the Moghuls, ii. 557. Mountains, frozen, extraordinary mode of passing, iii. 222, et seq. Mousli, territory of, pillaged by Tchobauny, ii. 688. Mubasher, a Teymurian chief, extraordinary wound and gallantry, iii. 63. Mubaurek Khaun, a Hindu prince, skirmish with Teymur, on the Ganges, iii. 272. Mueyed-ud-doulali, son of Rokken-ud-doulah, of the race of Buyah, ii. 260. Mueyud, son of Ul Mutewukkel, abdicates his claim to the khelaufut, ii. 156. Extraordinary mur¬ der, 160. Mkei/ud-ul-Mulk, son of Nizam, ii. 359. His fall, '361. Mueyun, son of Zaidah, successfully opposes the Roundiah, ii. 14. Muezz-ud-doulah, or glory of the state, title conferr^ ed on Ahmed, son of Buyah, conspires against the khalif Ul Mustefky, and dethrones him, ii. 183, Political conduct towards the khelaufut, 184, et seq. Mufowez, heir apparent to the khelaufut, forced to abdicate his claim, ii. 165. ilifug/treA, in Africa, Saracenic dynasty founded by Abdurraihrnan, ii. 13. 980 Mujaia, saved from slaiijyhter, i. 41. Defends Ye- maumah, by stratagem, 50. Daughter married to Khaied, 51. Mukuddum Beg, aids the escape of Homayiiu, after tlie defeat at Kanouje, iii. 783. Muleteer, speedy infliction of justice on, ii. 585. Mullou Khaun. Vide Mellon, Multaun, city of, taken by Sultan Mahmud, ii, 282. Its territory invaded by the Moghuls, 520. Be¬ sieged by the Moghuls, iii. 219, 240. Mundsour, battle of, lx3tween the Emperor Ho- niayun and Sultan Bahauder, iii. 726. Munsur, son of Mehedy, ii. 106. Refuses the khe- laufut, 131, 136. Munsur, sixth of the Samanides, ii. 243. Munsur, son of Nouh, eight of the Samanides, ii.250. Murdawunje, despot of Tebristaun, his usurped power, ii. 155. Muscovy, first invaded by the Moghul Tartars, ii. 544. Mush-hed, city of, embellished by Shah Rokh, iii. 537. ’ Mushurruf-ud-doulah, of the race of Buyah, ii. 269. Musquetry, first noticed in oriental warfare, in the sixteenth century, iii. 678. Mussa, son of BukS,, revolts in Tebristaun, ii. 162. Mussa, son of J auffer, extraordinary anecdote, ii. 39. Mussauh, son of Zobair, opposes Mokhtaur, i. 440. Slain in battle, 445. Mussa Khaun, eleventh of the Perso-Moghuls, ii. 676. His reign, 678. Mussaoud, eighth of the race of Gheznin, ii. 301 . Mnssaoud, thirteenth of the race of Gheznin, first Moghul prince that passes the Ganges, ii. 305. Dies, 306. Mussaoud, son of Sultan Mahmud, ii. 293, 294, 296, et seq. Sixth of the race of Gheznin, 298, et seq. Mussaufer len Kesheir, revolts against Merwaun, i. Mussulman Tchelehi, eldest son of Teymur, gallantry and virtue, iii. 390. Mustanser the Fatimite, prince of Egypt, assists the rebels in Persia, ii. 192, et seq. Mutah, village of, first battle and victory of Mahom- med, i. 4. Muthanna, son of Harethah, military preparations against Persia, i. 95. Succeeds to command in battle of the Euphrates, 100. Gains battle of Heirah, 101. Death, 104. Muzdeh, an impostor, his levelling doctrines, ii. 140. Muzuffur, race of, in Kermaun, ii. 436. Downfall, 449. N. NagoUR, district of, iii, 721, Nasser, son of Ahmed, third of the house of Saman, ii. 238. Conquests, 239. Pious resignation and death, 240. Nasser, son of Shebeib Rebbai, revolts at Rakkah, ii. 118. Surrenders, 139. Nativity calculated, ii. 480, Naugracut, fortress of, taken by Sultan Mahmud, ii. 285. Nausser-ud-dem, governor of Van, his fate, iii. 69. Naylah, daughter of U1 Ferayzah, good political ad¬ vice to her husband, the khalif Othman, i. 175. Ileroic conduct, 180. Neherwaun, battle of, between Ally and the Khouau- . redje, i. 335. Neirahtu, celebrated fortress of, ii. 529. Neirahtou, a celebrated fortress, siege of, iii. 601. Neireh, prince of TokliarestaTin, revolts against the Mosslems on the side of Tartary and Kabul, i. 469, Murder of himself and family, 470. Nekudanr, Sultan Ahmed, third of the Perso-Moghul race, ii. 578, 583. Nerbudda, river, revolts of Flindus against the Mo¬ ghuls, iii. 743, et seq. Nerkess, fortress of, in Mingrelia, advance of Tey¬ mur, and extraordinary'mode of slaughtering the Christians, iii. 205. Neyshapur, city of, taken by Abdullah Aumer, i. 163. Taken and destroyed by the Moghul in¬ vaders, ii. 522, et seq. Niauman, son of Mokurren, gains battle of Niha- wend, i. 129. But falls, 131, 133. Nice, (Neike) a city of Natolia, iii. 400. Nicephoros, the Creek Emperor, ii.63, 78. Nicephorium, ancient city of, ii. 63. Nihawend, invasion and cruelties of the Moghul in¬ vaders, ii. 513. Besieged by Sultan Hus- seyne, slaughter of the inhabitants, iii. 208. NiJeoudrians, a banditti in Persian Irak, ii. 618. Nile, river of, extraordinary events, ii, 322. Nissehein, city of, ii. 8, 9. Nizam Khaun, chief of Beiaunah, iii. 690. Nizammiah, College at Baghdad, ii. 356. Nizaum, a Sukka, or water carrier, saves the Mo¬ ghul Homayun, iii. 773, Cuiious anecdote, 774. Nizam-ul-mulk, the celebrated vezzeir, ii. 196,348, et seq. 356. Nizam-ul-mulk, curious anecdote of, respecting Sul¬ tan Bahauder of Gujerat, iii, 751. ' 981 Noah, oriental traditions respecting his descen¬ dants, ii. 457. Nocturnal Walks, of Khalifs, first practised by Omar, i. 146. Nomenclature, chronological, curious instance of, ii. 332. Noshe/ier, extraordinary battle at, ii. 678. NouJi, son of Munsur, seventh of the house of Saman, ii. 244. Nouh, son of Na sser, fourth of the house of Saman, ii. 240, et seq. Noushargni, mountain of, curious anecdotes, ii. 473. Noushirvaun, last of the Perso-Moghul monarchs, ii. 692. Noushtekein Ghirjah, founds the Khaurezmian dy¬ nasty, ii. 389. Noushtekein Haujeb Kherkheiz, patriotic anecdote, ii. 302, etseq. Nowausah Shah, a Hindu Prince, renounces Isslam, for liis native religion, ii,283. Nukrakoh, or the silver mountain, ii. 519. Nuptial aversion, extraordinary instance of, ii. 694. Nur-ud-dein, prince of Damascus, defeats the Crusa¬ ders, ii. 205, 326. Nnr-ud-dein Abdurraikman idJaumy, a famed Kho- rassauny historian, his biography, iii. 656. Nusseib Shah, prince of Deugal, hostilities Avith the Emperior Homayun, iii. 759, ct seq. Nusseir-ud-dein, a Persian phlloso[>her, ii. 573. Nusser Seyaur, excites revolt in Khorassaun, by his severities, i. 577. et seq. 591. Dies, 592. Nassruttke Gougre, overcome by Teymur, in. 239. Nussrut Shah, prince of Bengal, iii. 702. O Oath, a bloody one of Yezzeid, how fulfilled, i. 503, 505. Perfidious one, 556. ObaiduUah, son of Snliraan, vezzeir to U1 Mnattez- zed, judicious advice to that khalif, ii. 167. Obeid, son of Selmah, joins Ayaishah in rebellious projects against Ally, i. 194. Obeidullah, son of Zeiaud, succeeds to his father’s in¬ fluence in the confidence of the Khalif Mau- weiah, i. 384. Reduces the insurgents to the au¬ thority of the Khalif Yezzeid, 393, etseq. Pro- ceeds'againstlJusscync, 397. Cruel insults to the females of Ally’s family, 410. Compunction when ordered to attack Medcinah, 415. Po¬ litical revenge, 421. Nominates Mervvaun to the khelaufut,423. Slain by Ibrauhim-ul-malck, 437. Obeidullah Saud, lieutenant of Egypt, invades Wes¬ tern Africa, i. 157. I’its out a fleet against Con¬ stantine, 164. Egyptian discontents, 169, 175. Observations, Astronomical, curious, iii. 118. Oby, river of, operations of Moghul armies, iii. 95. Ocean, curious Hindu superstition, ii. 289. Oghuz Khaim, a Tartar prince, miraculous history, ii. 463. His dsecendants, 467. Olugh Mirza, joins Homayun, in the attempt to re¬ trieve his fortunes, iii. 859. Omar, generosity to Mahommed,!. 7. Acknowledges Ally as successor to Mahommed, 12. Conduct during Mahommed’s last illness, 15. After Iris death, 20. Complains against KhMed, 38. Ap¬ pointed khalif, 53, et seq. Adopts the title, com¬ mander of the faithful, 59. Extends his sway over Syria and Palestine, 75. et seq. Proceeds to siege of Jerusalem, 86. Conduct towards Ivlutled, 90. InA ades Egypt, 92. Political regu¬ lations, 92. Contemplates conquest of Persia, 96. His first defeat on banks of Euphrates, 100. Results, 103. Whimsical anecdote, 118. Gene¬ rosity in conquest, 122. Political and courtly re¬ gulations, 123. Self-denial in regard to spoils of battle, 134. First Mahommedan coinage, 136. ■ Further conquests in Persia, 139. His prophe¬ tic shout miraculously heard from Medeinah into Persia, 139. His last pilgrimage toMekkah, 140. Stabbed by a slave, 141. Refuses to trans¬ mit the khelaufut to his son Abdullah, names six persons to elect a successor, from them¬ selves, 142. Reasons why, 143. Death, 144. Cha¬ racter, 145. Laws, ministers, &c. 146. Omar, son of Abdullazziz, selected for the khelaufut by Suliman, i. 609. Succeeds to the throne, 511. His character and early proceedings, 512. With¬ draws his troops from Constantinople, 513, 517. Rebukes the luxury of Mossleraah, 520. Abo¬ lishes the imprecations against Ally, 523. Poli¬ tical virtue, 525. Poisoned, death and character, 526. Omar, son of Laiss, succeeds to the power of the Su- fauriah, ii. 231. His fall, 232. Omar, son of Saud, military aud political proceed¬ ings against Husseyne, i. 396, et seq. Omar Shah, friendly embassy from the prince of Shirauz toTeymiir by, iii. 38. Omar Sheikh, son of Teymur, gallantry at the battle of Jovglik, iii. 75. Slain, 172. Omar Sheikh Blirza, Historical anecdotes, iii. 659, et seq. Justice, 661. Death, 662. His issue, 663, et seq. Omens, superstitious one, &c. ii. 297. Opinions of the Moghuls respecting, iii. 256, 258. Astrological ap])carances regarding Teymur and Bajazet, 376, et seq. Omm-e-Habeib, daughter of the Khalif U1 Mamun. Married into the bouse ot Ally, ii. 135. Ommiades, family of, their khelaufut commences, i. 379. Orissa, story of an astrologer, iii. 757. 982 Ormu^, gulpli of Persia, invasion of Teymur, iii. 212. Othman, liberal contribution, i. 7. Political skill, 63. Named elector for the khelaufut, 142. Elected khalif, 148, et seq. 160. Early re¬ volts, l62. Imprudent change of officers, 163. Extends military operations, 164. Into Tartary, 1.66. Extends dominion into Western Africa, 166. Creates discontent by improper division of African spoils. Extends Mahommedan sway into Spain, 168. Loses the prophet’s seal, 169. March to the Oxus, 163. Violence towards Malek Ashtur, the Nudjefite, 166. Insurrection n Egypt, favoritism and general discontents, 169. Eurns all copies of the Koran but one, 170. Intrigues at his court, 171. Rebel armies assemble, appeals to Ally, engages to give redress, but fails, 172. Is insulted by the popu¬ lace at Medeiuah, 173. Effects of his repen¬ tance, 174. Treachery towards Alahoinmed, sou of Abu Bukker, 177. Its consequences, et seq. Murdered, 180, 238. Inveteracy against his remains, disgraceful sepulture, 182 — 3. Character, 183. Consequences of his death, his family, extent of his dominions and listot his lieutenants, 184. Othman, founder of the Turkish dynasty, ii. 388. Othman, son of Haneif, receives command at Bassorah, i. 191. Conduct when attacked by Ayaishah, 199. Taken prisoner and insulted by her, 200. ' Othman, son of Neheik, assassinates Abu Mosslem, ii. 11. Othman, sonofWheil, chivalrous anecdote at Sef- feine, i. 292. Otraur, city of, in Tartary, extraordinary commercial occurrence, ii. 402. Besieged and taken by tlie genei alsof Jenguiez,603. Teymur dies, iii. 481. Ottomans, their origin, ii.388. Ouch, city of, in Hindustaun, the first taken by the Teymurian Moghuls, iii. 219. 'Oude, (Oudah) committed to Sheikh Bayezzid by Sultan Baber, iii. 688. Oudipour, city of, iii, 700. Ougtai, son of Jenguiez, lays waste the country towaidstheIndus,ii.633. Share of empire, 637, et seq. 640. Ougtai Kuan, (vide Ougtai), first of the successors of Jenguiez, ii. 641. Invades China, 642. Com¬ pletely subjugates it, 644. Embellishes his capital,. Karakorum, ih. Further conquests towards Russia, Stc. ih. Anecdotes, See. 646. Curious prognostication and death, 647, et seq. Oujaun, ornamented and rebuilt by Ghazan Khaun, ii. 633. Oujein, advance of the Moghuls, iii. 725. Oujuk, Tartar tribe, origin and name, ii. 467. Ouljaitu Sultaun, eighth of the Perso Moghul mo- narchs, military and political conduct, ii. 619, et seq. Ascends the Persian throne, 634. Reign, &c. Invasion of Gailan and Syria, &c. &c. Death, 641, et seq. OuLUGH Beg, son ol Shah Rokh, the intelligence of Ins birth disarms the vengeance of Teymur at Mardein, iii. 177. Occurrences after death of Teymur, 487, et seq. Governor of Alazanderaun, 498. Military proceedings in Moghulstaun, 644. Proceedings on the. death of Shah Kokh, 669. Literary character and reign, 670, et seq. De¬ feat and death, 674. Oung Khaun, a potent Tartar prince, the Prester- John of Asia, ii. 481. Ourgunje, city of, capture and horrible slaughter by the Aloghuls, ii. 617. Oushund, city of, ii. 252. Oushunjah, fortress of, besieged by Tej niur, iii. 204. Slaughter of Tartar troops, 206. Oustaud Ally Kuly, engineer to Sultan Baber, iii. 678, 697. Oustaud Behzaud, a Moghul painter, iii. 735. Outaliein Nuyan, a Tartar patriarch, ii. 650. Ouzbeks, a Tartar horde, first designated so as inha¬ bitants of tlie country bordering on the Volga, ii. 664, 672, et seq. 676. Ouznan, mountains of, extraordinary march of the Aloghul army under Teymur, iii. 01. Oven, story of a baked khalif, to cure the dropsy, ii, 160. Oxus, Mosslem sway extends to, i. 163. Passed by the Mosslems, under Obaidullah, and the eon- quest of Tartary, 384. Passed by the Tartar hordes to the conquest of the khelaufut, ii. 216. Invasion and cruelties of the Aloghuls over the neighbouring countries, 513. Oxydraca, or Ouch, city of, in Hindustaun, taken by Alexander the Great and by Teymur, iii. 219. Ozun-Hussun, a Turkomaun chief, hostilities with Sultan Abu Saeid, and with Sultan Abulghauzy, iii. 609, et seq. 631, et seq. P Padshah Khatun, princess ol Kermaun, ii. 435. Pahar Khaun, declared emperor, on the fall of Sul¬ tan Ibrahim of Dehly, iii. 684. Pal, son of Anundpal, a Plindu prince, murderous defeat by Sultan Mahmud, ii. 284, 286. Pal(eologus, the Emperor of Constantinople, tri¬ bute claimed by Teymur, iii. 404. Palestine, first invaded by the Alahomeddans, i. 64. Extraordinary conference, 66. Its fate decided by the battle of Yermfik, 75, et seq. Jerusalem taken, 84. First appearance of the plague, 88. Capture of cities, 94. Possessed by the Franks, ii. 325, 327. State of Christian power at the irruption of Jenguiez, 499. 983 Palmyra, advance of Teymur, iii. 353. Panipet, battle at, between Sultan Baber, and Sul¬ tan Ibrabim, tbe monarch of A grab, iii. 678. Decides the fate of Hindustaun, 680. Paper Circiilatim in Chinese Tartary, ii. 696. Parodies, political revenge by a change of names, iii. 890. Parricide, justly punished, iii. 575, Parrots, extraordinary age of two presented to Tey¬ mur, at Feyrouzabad, iii. 268. Parss, (Persia proper), conquered by the Mosslems, i. 138, et seq. Painah, submits to Sultan Baber, iii. 703. Invaded by Homayuii, 760. Pauniput, taken by TejTUur, iii. 251. Pavilion, floating, ereeted on the Jumna, by order of the Emperor Homayun, iii. 940. Pehloudy, judicious retreat of Homayun, iii. 805. Peir Ally Baudek, usurpations, ii. 706, et seq. Peir Bedatik, son of Kara Yussef, the Turkomaun, raised to royalty by his father, iii. 606, et seq. Peir Mahommed, son of Jahangueir, receives Kabul and Gheznein to the banks of the Indus, iii. 127. Invested with sovereignty to the borders of Hindustaun, 219. Crosses the Indus in pursuit of the Afghans, ib. et seq. Announced at Dehly as heir-apparent to the throne of Asia, 263, 306. Bastinadoed for rebellion, 316. Peir Mahommed Khaun, sovereign of the Ouzbeks, iii. 889. Peir Yakub Baghestauny, a religious impostor, ii. 629. Peishawir, victory of, gained by Sultan Mahmud, ii. 281, 284. Peishkesh, presents acknowledging homage, iii. 426. Pekin, its erection by Kublai Kaan, ii. 659. Pemiaulies, an Afghan tribe, exterminated by Tey¬ mur, iii. 232. Persepolis (Istakhar), taken by the Mosslems, i. 138, 160. Persia, Mahommedism extends towards, i. 92, 95. First battle, 97. Various battles, 98. Political consequences, 99. Battle on the Euphrates, 99. Of Heirah, 101. Revoluticm, 102. Curious ne- gociations, 105. Military defence, 110,111. Fatal battle of Kaudsiah, lll,etseq. Subsequent de¬ feats, 119. Tigris passed by Mosslems, 120. Capital taken, 121. Extraordinary spoils, 122. Battle of Jalula, 124. Extended conquest, 125. Origin of the city of Kufah, and decline of Medaein, 126. Battle of Nihawend, 129. Fate decided, 131. Further conquests in the South, 138, 147. Changes ol Governors, 165, 156. Last battle of Istakhar, 169. Rebellion at Bas- sorah, 202. Campaign of Seffeine, 268. Falls under the power of Mokhtaur, 435. Affairs connected with the rise of the house of Abbas, 689. Conquest by the founder of the Sufaurian dynasty, ii. 164. Suppression, 171. Downfall of the House of Abba», 213, et seq. Of the rise of the House of Saman, 234, et seq. Comes under the entire sway of Sultan Mahom¬ med, the Khaurezmian, 456. Irruption of the Moghuls, 613. Subjugation, 533. Accession of the Khauns, of the race of Jenguiez, 563. Rise of the Eylekhaunian dynasty, 697. Ad¬ vance of Teymur, 714. Advance of Tey¬ mur into its Western provinces, iii. 57, 128. Conquests, 147, et seq. 208. And in the Southern provinces, 209. Further revolts, and return of Teymur, 294, et seq. Military expe¬ ditions of the Moghuls, 305, et seq. Of the Turkomauns, 435. Teymurian policy, 449. In¬ crease of Turkman power, 516. Death of Shah Rokh, and political consequences, 565. Reign of the Seilies, 733. Perso Moghuls, race of, ii. 663, et seq. Peyrouzpour, town of, where Teymur first reached the Ganges, iii. 270. Phcenicia, invaded by the Moghuls under Teymur, iii. 335. Pigeon, anecdote of a carrying one, ii. 668. Pigeonsemployed as messengers, amilitary stratagem of Teymur, iii. 163. Pilgrimages to Mekkah, ii. 5. Accommodations for the pilgrims erected in the desert by Melek Shah, 353. Pilgrimages of Hindustan, ii. 289. Pillage of a prime minister, ii. 664. Plague, its first appearance, i. 88. Planets, extraordinary conjunctions, ii. 379. Plunder, extraordinary, gained by Sultan Mahmud, ii. 281. Poland, invaded by f he Moghul Tartars, ii. 544. In¬ cursions of the Moghuls under Teymur, iii. 198. Populatioti of the world, how produced and divided, ii. 457, 460. Portugal, conquests of, in Hindustaun first noticed, iii. 731, 750. Prayer, female, how answered, ii. 147. Presents, literary, from Shah Rokh to Sultan Melek Ashruf, iii. 656. Prester John, a Tartar prince, ii. 481. Conjec¬ tures respecting his identity, 562, 672. Principalities, Asiatic, how distributed by Melek Shah, ii. 357. Prodigies, during an earthquake, ii. 152. Prognostications, ii. 379. Prusa. Vide Byrsa. 6 K 984 Ptolemais, taken by Teymur, iii. 349. Puhmiah, district of, taken by the Moghuls, iii. 761. Pun, an Oriental one, ii. 163. Punishment, military, curious one, ii. 415. Punishment, extraordinary Tartar one, ii. 558. PUNJAUB, conqueredbytheMahmAd and successors, ii. 281, 305. Invaded by Teymur, iii. 242. Conquest by Sultan Baber, in his Hindustauny expeditions, 676. Purgunnah, application of the term, iii. 687. Purwaunah, or Butterfly, an armorial bearing:, iii. 117. Puttun, eity of, taken by the Moghuls, iii. 743. Pyramids, of heads, after the capture of Herat, iii. 40, at Buddur-abad, 43, 49. R. Radjpouts, described by Ferishtah, iii. 700. Rages, a city of Scripture, plundered by the Mo¬ ghuls, ii. 512. Rahebah, siege and capture, by Ouljaitu Sultaun,ii. 639. Rai, city of, ii, 9. Rain, extraordinary anecdote of, ii. 406. Miracu¬ lous fall of, iii. 676. Rajah, of Jumraou, apostatizes fromtlie Hindu faitli, iii. 284. Rajah Bheim, his immense treasures, captured by Sultan Mahmud, ii. 285. Rajah Chintaman, governor of Rohtass, falls a vic¬ tim to the perfidy of Sheir Khaun, iii. 762. ' Rakhah, seige of, i. 240. Conduct towards Ally, 263, ii, 62. Rana Pursaud, his kindness towards Homayun, iii. 807. Rana Sanka, hostility to Sultan Baber, iii. 689, 691. et seq. Dies, 701, Rao, a Hindu title, iii. 244. Raudegan, a fertile district in Khorassaun, ii. .349. spared from destruction by the Moghul chiefs, on account of its picturesque scenery, 512. Rauffia, son of Laith, revolts at Samarkand, ii. 78, et seq. Raujpmits, desperate defence of Batneir, iii. 246, (vide Radjptits.) Rauvy, river, iii. 237. Raven, produces tlie death of a Persian Monarch, ii. bll. Rahbeiah, the Hajeb, ^ ezzeir to U1 Munsur, ii. 20 21,41. R&i, city of, invaded and plundered by the Moghuls, ii. 512. Reshid-ud-dein, Fazzel-Ullah, the Moghul historian ii. 632, 643. ’ Resheid Wetwaut, a Khaurezmian Poet, risks his life by his wit, ii. 391. Resignation, princely, anecdote of,ii. 411. Ressaulah Waleidiah, an admirable moral treatise. iii. 709. ’ Retaliation, instance of, iii. 17. Review, military, splendid one of Teymur’s army, iii. 383. Rhinoceros, sent as a present to Shah Rokh, from Dehli, iii. 544. Rhodes, reduced to Mosslem Yoke, i. 158. Rites funereal, ceremony of bathing the dead in wine, iii. 305. Roderick the Gothic King of Spain, defeated and slain in battle, by the Saracens, i. 471, Rohtas, fortress of, built by Sultan Baber, iii. 676, Rohtass, an impregnable fortress, yields by stratagem and perfidy to Sheir Khaun, iii. 761. Rokhen-ud-dein, last of the race of Almowut, ii. 341. Rohhen-ud-dein Saein, vezzeir to Sultan Abu Saeid, ii. 659. Treachery, 661, et seq. Romanus Diogenes, the Greek Emperor, hostilities in Asia, ii. 348. Rouha, city of, taken by Teymur, iii. 168. Roumy Khaun, founder of Surat castle, iii, 726 758, et seq. Roundiah, a new sect, their revolt against Ul-Mun- sur, ii. 13. Route from the Ganges to Samarkand described iii. 288. ' Rouzut-ul-luhaub, a Persian Chronicle, ii. 642. Ruby, extraordinary one presented to Teymur iii 363. ’ Rudbaur, mountains of, submit to the old man of the mountain, ii. 198. Rudjaat, or heresy of the second coming of Mahom- med, first propagated by an apostate Jew, i. 169. Rudjai, son of Zohauk, appointed to enforcethesuc- cession of Ally Ruzza, ii. 134. Rumiah of Medayein, city of, murder of Abd Mos¬ slem, ii. 10. Rupees, observations on Indian currency, iii. 677. Russe, son of Yapheth, first institutes judicial en¬ quiry, ii. 459, Russia^ first invaded by tlie Tartars, ii, 544. In¬ cursions of the Moghuls under Teymur, iii. 197, Rustic, m ktary stratagems of, ii. HI. Rustum Furrukhzaud, Persian General, defeat at Kaudsiah, and extraordinary death, i. 98, 115. Rustumdaur, country of, iii. 66, 451. 985 s. Sabraun, in the Kohi dcsart, destructiou of a Tartar tribe, iii. 86. Sacrifice political, extraordinary one of a Hindh Prince, ii. 281. Sagalien, river, operations of Teymur, iii. 97. Salieh-ul-Shaumah, vide, Husseyne, son of Regzuiah. Saladin, vide Sullah-tirl-dem. Salah, son of Arphaxad, oriental story concerning his prophetic mission, i. 536. Salah, sou of Harun ur Rashid, ii. 90. Salah, son of Wasseif, takes command of the Tartar guards in revolt, ii. 161. Salah-ud-dein, assumes political power in Egypt, ii. 327. Salt, castle built on, destroyed by stratagem, ii. 9. Its extraordinary powerin regard to hospitality, 229. When first used with food, 458. iSdman, house of, its power extinguished, ii. 191 Samanides, house of, vide Saman, also for their origin, ii. 234. Establishment of Issmauil the first monareh, 235. Accession of Ahmed, 237. Of Nasser, 238. Of Nouh, 240. Of A.bul Fou- auress, Abdul Melek, 242. Of Munsur, 243. Of Nouh, 244. Of Munsur, 250. Of' Abdul Melek, 251. Downfall of, under Issmauil, 2.52. Samarkand, taken by the Mosslems, under Obei- dullah, i. 384. Siege, 474. Converted, by Moss¬ lems, 568. Rise of the Samanides, ii. 235, et seq. Taken by the Moghuls under Jenguiez Khaun, 608. et seq. Becomes the eapital ot Teymur, iii. 18. Erection of the Baiigh-e-shamaul or northern gardens of oriental magnificenee, 213. Reeeives treasures, slaves and artificers from Dehli, 266, 291. Imperial mosque, 292. Re¬ turn of 'I’eymur from his victories in the last year of his life and reign, 463. Proceedings at and after the funeral of Teymur, 485. Taken from the Ouzbeks by Sultan Baber, 671. Samaunah, town of, iii. 776. Samos, isle of, invasion of the Moghuls, iii. 409. Sara, river of, in the great desart, iii. 106. Sardinia, taken by the Mosslems, i. 472. Satalia, gulph of, advance of the Mosslems, iii. 419. fresh water lake, 420. Satrap, Persian, its derivation, i. 151. Saud, conduct on death of Mahommed, i. 19. Loses the succession, and is murdered, 24. Saud, son of A hi Wekauss, takes command of army against Persia, i. 103. et seq. Gains battle of Kaudsiah, 110. Founds Kufah 126. Removed from command 128. Named elector for the Khelaufut, 142, 148. Resumes Persian com¬ mand, 153. Saud, son of U1 Auss, mal-administration at Kufah, i. 166. Summoned to support Othman at Me- deinah, i. 171. Saud-ud-doulah, a Jewish Physician, splendid destiny of, ii. 586. Saud-ul-mulh, his perfidy, ii. 362. Saueid, son of the Khalif Othman, receives com¬ mand in Tartarian war, i. 386. Sauid, son of Amrh, advances into Tartary, surprize and subsequent revenge, i. 543. Takes com¬ mand against the Khozzers, 549. Receives in¬ telligence from the visitsof a mysterious stranger, 552. Defeats Khozzers at Baujruan and Mog- han,.553. Quarrels with Mosslemah, is committed to prison, 555. Generous redress of the Khalif Hashaum, 656. Sauid, son of Hobair, extraordinary veneration for, as a companion of the prophet, i. 478. His head speaks after being cut off, 479. Sauhy Beg, a princess, placed on the Persomoghul throne, ii. 683. et seq. Sauni Mirza, besieges Kandahaur, iii. 733. Saumerah, city of, founded by U1 Mutassem, ii. 143. Saurek Aadel, vide Aadel Aga. Sauriah, son of Zenneim, gains the battle of Ker- maun by a miracle, i. 139. Saurung, a bill country, the retreat recommended to Homayun, iii. 787. Scio, island of, submits to Teymur, iii. 417. Sehehtehein, a slave, becomes monarch of Gheznin, ii. 244, 277, et seq. Seffaidjd Maligaii, anew seat, ii. 24. Seffeid Bud, or white river, ii. 656. Seffeine, (Campus Barbaricus) plan of military occurrences in the campaign between Ally and Mauweiah, i. 268, et seq. Copious details, 275, et seq. Consequences of that war, 322. Seffy, House of, reigns in Persia, iii. 733. Seffy-ud-dein Ardeheily, ancestor of the Seffhides, or race of Seffy, ii. 673. Sehwaun, fortress of, besieged by Homayun, iii. 798. Seiabelaei, (black mischief) battle of, iii. 496. Seirdar, defeat of the Afghans by Sultan Baher, iii. 703. Seirjaun, siege of, iii. 171. Seiestaun, province of, the scene of revolt, from whence originates the Sfifaurian dynasty, ii. 164. Submits to Yakub, the Sufaurite, 230. Further events, 237. Invasion by Teymur, iii. 43. Siege of the capital, and display of romantic bravery, 45. Final reduction 48. Sehlaub, ancestor of fhe Sclavonians, ii. 459 , Sekrauh, mountains of, ii. 411. Sehunder Sour, the Afghan, iii. 916. Seleim Shah, the Afghan monarch of Hindustaun, iii. 825. Vide Jullaul Khaun 986 Seleuna, ancient city of, foundation of the modern Baghdad, ii. 17. Self Denial, remarkable anedote of, iii, 157. Self Devotion, extraordinary instance of, in Sultan Baber, to save the life of his son, iii. 707. Selgher, race of, sovereign power in Farss, ii. 423, et seq. Selingai, the town built soon after the flood, ii. 458. Seljuk T^ce of, iu 192. Origin 298, 303, et seq. First ^ 344. Succession of the monarchs of thiit house, 346, et seq. Origin of the Anato¬ lian branch, 352. Its power terminates under Sultaun Toghrel, iii. 383. Selfuk Shah, last of the Selgher race of Farss, cruel¬ ties and death. 429, et seq. Selleit, son of Keyss, proceeds to invade Persia, i. 96. Killed in battle, 99. -SeZmawn, son of.Rebeiah, invades Armenia, i. 154 invades Tartary, is defeated and falls, 155. Selmauss, tremendous conflict of, iii. 549. Semender, battle of, i. 557. Semnieiah^ a female slave, her history and amours, Senh&d, of Neyshapur, aspires to Khelaufut, ii. 12. death 13. Senjaur, battle of, ii. 568. Sepulture, Moghul, anecdote of, ii. 631. Serbedaurians, race of, in Subbuzwaur, ii. 449, et seq. 452. ^ Sersawah, battle of, iii. 677. Serhind, city of, retreat of Homayun, iii. 785, Sermer, country of, invaded by the Mosslems, i. 563, et seq. Serpent, discovers treasures, ii. 255. Sersetty, or Sreswatty, town and river, iii. 247. Sevauss, city of, advance of Teymur against the Othmans, iii. 317. Taken 318. And destroyed, 319. •' ’ Sewaud, hostilities of Sultan Baber, against the Afghans, iii. 673. Sewaulek, mountains of, iii. 280. Seydah, a dowager of the race of Buyah, her extra¬ ordinary political powers, ii. 266. Seyf, a Tartar commander, reasons for loyaltv', ii. 151, His injuries, 153. Seyf-ud-dein, Sury, conquers Gheznin, ii. 309. de¬ feated 310. ’ Seyud Gheyauth-ud-dein, embassy of, iii. 619. Seyud Khaujah, hostilities against Shah Rokh, iii. 493. Seyud Kummaul-ud-dein, hostilities with Teymur, iii. 128, et seq. Seyttds, a community of, in Hindustaun, claim the protection of Teymur, iii. 249. Sey&rghaul, a. feodsil tenure of the Tartars, iii. 80. Seyurhoukteny, Beiggy, a Christian Princess of Tartary, ii. 553. Shahauh-ud-dein, the Ghourian Chief, conquers the Gheznian provinces in Hindustaun, ii. 314. Shahaub-ud-dein, Zemindaur of an island in the Behaut, first opposes Teymur, iii. 233. Shah, first noticed as a title, ii. 195. Shah Husseyne, prince of Sind, iii. 733. Shah-Kutb-ad-dein, prince of Sejestaun, hostilities with, and submission to Teymur, iii. 43. Shah Mahommed, son of Kara Yusuf the Turkmaun, receives the sovereignty of Baghdad, iii. 616, et seq. Shah Munsur, last of the race of MuzuflFur, is over¬ thrown by Teymur, ii. 449, 704, et seq. iii. 139, et seq. Shah Nessaur, prince of Gherjistaun, ii. 286. Shah Rokh. Vide Mirza Shah Rokh. Shah Shujia, extends his power into Azerbaijaun, ii. 713. Shah Tahmasp, king of Persia, of the house of Seffy, iii. 733, et seq. Gives shelter to Ho¬ mayun, 834, et seq. Shahies, princes of Khaurezm, ii. 389. Shahnamah, ancient chronicle, anecdote of, ii. 268. Shahz&dah Arghun, fourth monarch of the Perso Moghul race, ii. 578. et seq. Shahzadah Beyssour, ii. 640. Political intrigues, 647, et seq. Shahzadah Ghazan. Vide Ghazan Khaun. Shahzadah Otnar, son of Meiran Shah, iii. 494. et seq* Shahzadahs, kinsmen of Jengueiz, ii. 541.555. Shaih-ul-hidjaurah, or Father Flint, a title given to the avaricious Khalif Abdulmdlek, i. 465. Shaudy Melek, a Moghul concubine, whimsical anec¬ dote of, hi. 474. Shebeib, the Sheybanian, leads the Bassorahinsurgents i. 452. Extraordinary death, and miraculous appearances, 453. Sheher Baunu Begum, princess, her adventures, iii. 832. Sheher zur, city of, submits to the Abbassides, i. 596. Shehervaun, battle of, and total defeat of Jerrauh, son of Abdullah, i. 549. Sheheryaur, son of Rustum, anecdotes of, ii. 253. Sheiahs, their doctrines propagated, ii. 134. Ad¬ verse sects, their disputes at Baghdad, 215, * 987 Sheidasku, prince of Tangueit, revolts against Jen- guiez Khauu, ii. 535, 539. Sheikh Abdiirraihman, tlie Essfraeinian, diplomatic visit to Teymur, iii. 151. Sheikh Ahmed Yeissivy, extraordinary Mausoleum built by Teymur, iii. 216. Sheikh Ally Bahauder, governor of Kliauresm, under Teymur, iii. 22. Taken prisoner, 39. Sheikh Ally Beg Jullaeir, faithful gallantry, iii. 808. Sheikh Behlowul, a favourite of the Emperor Ho- mayun, embassy, iii. 765. Murder, 766. Sheikh Daoud, a Turkman chief, military services in the desart, iii. 109. Sheikh Gohrin, sets an example of submission to Sultan Baber at Agra, iii. 687. Sheikh Hussun Buzurg, first of the Eylekhaunian dynasty, ii. 681, et seq. 697. Sheikh Hussun Koutchek, rebels in Anatolia, ii. 681, et seq. Sheikh Hussun Tcholauny, military stratagem of, ii. 682. Death, 689. Sheikh Nur-ud-dein, brings valuable treasures from Farss to Teymur, on his Indian expedition, iii. 227. Entrusted by Teymur with political ar¬ rangements on his death-bed, 480, et seq. Sheikh Pouran, raee of, held in high veneration, iii. 794. Skeikh-ul-jehhel. Vide Hussun Sabah, Sheikh Zeyne, the Suddur, his arithmetical paradox, iii. 710. Sheir Afkunn, treachery and punishment, iii. 885, ante et seq. Sheir Khaun, a celebrated Afghan chief, hostili¬ ties with the Emperor Homayun, iii. 713. History, 754, et seq. 912. Further hostilities with Homayun, the Moghul Emperor, victory at Yohssah, and proceedings which led to the rise of the Afghan power upon the ruins of the Moghul Empire, 771, et seq. Military pro¬ ceedings and conquests, 820, et seq. Killed by the explosion of combustibles at the siege of Kalinjcr, 824. Proceedings of the Afghans after his death, 825, et seq. Skeirpour, a town in Bengal, iii. 761. Shekky, city of, in Iberia, capture, and cruelties of Merwaun, i. 563. Shepherd, Tartarian anecdote of one, ii. 547. Shtrheil, an Arabiah chief, murders an emissary of Mahommed, and first provokes hostilities, i. 3. Applies to the Emperor HeraeJius for assist¬ ance, 4. Sheref-ud-dein Ally, author of the Zuflfurnamali, iii. 210. Sherjeil, son of Semmet, stimulates the Syrians to revolt, i. 254. Shirauz, falls into the power of the race of Buyah, ii. 255. Of the Tartars, 371. Be¬ sieged, and taken, 441. Dreadful famine, 621. Invasion of Teymur, iii. 69. Advance of Teymur against Shah Munsur, 143. Battle, 144. Falls into the invader’s power, 146. Anecdotes of oriental pomp and power, 147. Submits to Shah Rokh, 525. Shirvaun, province of, occurrences during the Khozzer revolt, i. 554, et seq. Invaded by the Moghuls, ii. 514. Submits to the Moghul power under Teymur, iii. 62. Shoemaker, anecdote of, viewing a battle, betrays the fugitive Sultan Ahmed, iii. 514. Showzeb Bostaum, becomes schismatic, and excites revolt at Kufah, i. 524, et seq. Shukkury. Vide Futtahpour. Shujia, a female impostor, i. 29, 32. Attempts the sov'ereignty of Arabia, 33. Her intrigue with Mosseylemab, 35. Defeated, 37. Shumb-e-Ghazan, battle between Mirza Abu Bukker and Kara Yussuf, iii. 503. Between Yussuf and Ahmed Eylkhauny, 513. Shums-ud-dein, a Persian vezzeir, the victim of ge¬ nerosity, ii. 581, 583. Shums-ud-dein Maliommed, a soldier, protects the defeated Homayun at Kanouje, iii. 783, 785. Shums-ul-Maula, prince of Jurjaun, literary talents, ii. 273. Shurf-ud-dein, rapacity of, ii. 556. Shurf-ud-doulah, ii. 187. Shurf-ud-doulah, of the race of Buyah, ii. 263. Siaulkote, fortress of, erected by Sultan Shahaub- ud-dein, ii. 315. Siberia, advance of Teymur, iii. 194. Sidon, its capture by the Teymurian troops, iii. 335. Sieges, of Yemaumah, i. 41. Of Damascus, 60. Of Baalbec, 65. Of Aleppo, 83. Of Jerusalem, 84, et seq. Of Nessebein, 93. Of Neyshapur, 163. OfBassorah, 198. OfHarran, 240. Of Rakkah, 241. Of Mekkah, 417. Of Samar- ' kand, 474. Of Gfirgan, 498. Of Werkan, and interesting anecdote, 551. Of Baghdad, ii. 108. Of Baghdad by the Moghuls, 220. Of Meymundezh, 341. Of Hazaurasp, 391. Of Eklaut, 415. Of Shirauz, 441. Ofisfahauii, 443. Of Bokhara, 500. Of Otraur, 503. Of Samarkand, 508. Of Jurjauniab, 515. Of Meru, 520. Of Neyshapur, 524. Of Her4t, 526. Of a fortified mountain in China, 558. Of Aleppo, 564. Of Miafaurekein, 566. Of Mossule, 568. Of HeiAt, 619. • Of iOamascus, 623. Of Rahebah, 639. Of Balkh, iii. 16. Of Kliauresm, 19. Of Herftt, 26. Of Foshunge, 26. Of Kolaut, 33. Of 'Tersheiz, 37. Of Budder-abad, 42. Of Sejestaun, 44. Of Ha^ zaurbenn, 48. Of Sultauniah, 65. Of Alanjek, 64. Of Tuss, 88. Cf Kellasefeid, 140, 141. - 988 Of Tekreit, 160. Of Hamid, 178. OfNiba- wend, 208. Of Yezd, 209. Of Multaun by the Mogliuls, 219. Of Batiieir, 244. OfDeldi, 252, et seq. Of Auksu, 301. Of Sevauss, 318. Of Behesny, 322. Of Aleppo, 325. Of Da¬ mascus, 336. Of Baghdad, 360. Of Smyrna, 412. Of Kurteiu, an extraordinary hill fort, 439. Of Kalinjer, 713. Of Tcheitour, 718. Of Kandahanr, 733. Of Tchampaneir, 736. Of Chnnar, 758. Of Kalinjer, 823. Of Bost, 854. Of Kandahanr, 858. Sigyiet, poisoned for purposes of suicide, ii. 286. Silver, circulation of, prohibited in Persia, ii. 597. Sind, deserts of, sufferings of Sultan Mahmud’s army, ii. 292. Sind, country of, politics of Shah Husseyne, &c. hi. 733. Slaughter, human, horrible instances of, ii, 517, 522, 528, 531. Slave, eurious military anecdote, ii. 349. Sloughs, battle of, hi. 13. Smyrna, advance of Teymur, in. 407. Taken, 415. Sohul, son of Sembaut, takes prisoner the impostor Baubek, ii. 144. Solomon, oriental traditions respecting, iii. 335. Soraub, river of, its devious course, iii. 289. Souls departed, Maliometan mode of propitiation, iii. 434. Soungurr, fortress of, iii. 731. Souj-oun, the Tartar war-cry, iii. 146. Sourudj-gurr, the north-west boundary of Bengal, invaded by Sheir Khaun, in. 756. Sozopetra, town of, birth-place of U1 Mutassem, is taken by the Greek Emperor, ii. 145. Srinuggur, mountains of, a boundary of the Dehli Empire, hi. 715. Spain, first threatened by the Mosslems, i. 156. Invaded, 158. Second invasion by the Sara¬ cens under Tarik, who captured Andalusia, and gave his name to Gibraltar, 471. Stone holy, left by Noah to his descendants, ii. 457, et seq. St.John, Knights of, defend Smyrna, but without success, against Teymur, iii. 412. Stratagem, daring one of Merwaun, i. 564. Mi¬ litary, of Berka Khaun, ii. 571. Military, at the siege of a Hindu castle by the Moghuls, iii. 281. Suuun, battle of, and defeat of the Kerahmitans ii. 172. Subbuztvaur, its political history, ii. 449. Sidmission, extraordinary anecdote of, hi. 182. Suddur Jahaun, yezzeir to Ghazan Khaun, ii. 616. Suddur Khami, military proceedings in the revolt of G ujerat, iii. 731. Sufauriah dynasty, its origin, ii. 164, 228. Sugar, extraordinary consumption of, at a royal wedding, ii. 195. Suliman, son of Abduhnelck, succeeds to the khe- laufut, i. 48.3. Circumvents the designs of Kateibah, 487. Commences hostilities against Constantinople, 496. Is irritated against Yez- zei cessor, 133, et seq. Changes the succession from the House of Abbas to that of Ally 135. Changes his plans on death of Ally Ruzza’ 139 Marries Bhran, daughter of Hussun Sohel’ 14o' Attacks the supposed divine authority o’f the Koran, ihid. Nominates Muthssem his suc¬ cessor, 141. Engaged in war with the Greek Emperor, iJid Illness and death, 142. Reca¬ pitulation of various parts of his history, with anecdotes, 224. ’ Ul Alehedy Billah, appointed successor to Ul Mun- sur, ii. 20. Character, 21. Assumes the Khe¬ laufut, 23. Pilgrimage to Mekkah, 26. Set¬ tles the succession, ibid. Numerous anecdotes of his reign, 27. Of his death, 31, et seq. Ul Melek-ur-raheim, of the race of Buyah, ii. 271. Ul JSfouffek, defeated at Bassorah, ii. 163. Death, 165. ^ Ul Muatemmed, son of Ul Mutewukkcl, raised to the Khelaufut, ii. 163. Attempts to regulate the succession in his own family, 164. Death 166. ’ Ul Muatezzed, son of Mouffek, defeats the Zen- guies, and is chosen heir-apparent, ii, 166 Called to the Khelaufut, 166. Dreams and apparitions, 167. Prudent conduct towards the Schismatics, 169. Subsequent cruelty, 170 and death. Ul Muattez^ Billah, son of Ul Mutewukkel, abdi¬ cates his claim to the Khelaufut, ii. 156. De- 995 feats and murders his rival U1 Mustayiie, and ascends the throne, 159. Jealousies excited towards his brother, 160. Seized by revolted guards, and dies, 161. Ul Muezz-ud-dein, fourth Fatimite Khalif, ii. 318. Ul Muhtedy, son of Ul Wauthek, raised to the Khe- laufut, ii. 161. Murdered, 163. Ul Muktedder, son of Ul Muatezzed, accedes to the Klielaufut, ii. 173. Youthful gallantry, 174. Politics, 175, et seq. Taken prisoner by rebels and slain, 176. Ul Muliteddy liillah, son of Ul Kaeim, succeeds to the Klielaufut, ii. 195. Marries the daughter of Sultaun Melek Shah, 196 ; and death. Ul Mukteffy, son of Ul Muatezzed, appointed to the succession, ii. 170. Ascends the throne, 171. Overpowers revolt in Syria, and dies, 172, et seq. IjI Muhtef ky, son of Mustezhir, succeeds to the Klielaufut, ii. 202. Restores some splendour to the Klielaufut, and dies, 203. Ul Munsou, or Almanzor, first known as Abtk Janlfer, escapes from the fury of the Khalif Merwaun, h 592. Takes command of his brother's army, ii. 2. Proceeds as Ameir of the Pilgrims to Mekkah, 5. Various com¬ petitors, 7. Quarrel with Abh Mosslem, 9. Orders his assassination, 11. Refuses divine honours oifered by a new sect, 14. Founds Baghdad, 17. Death prophesied, 20. Death and character, 21. Ul Munsur, third Fatimite Khalif, ii. 317. Ul Muntuzzer liillah, son of Ul Mutewukkel, inju¬ dicious education, ii. 153. Its results, 155. Succeeds to the Klielaufut, 156. Sets aside the succession of his brothers, iUd. Secs his father’s ghost, and dies, 157. Ul Musstayne Billah, succeeds to the Klielaufut, ii. 157. Revolts and conspiracies, disputes of the Maumluks, 1.58, Abdicates, and is assassinated, 159. Ul Mustanser, eighth of the Egyptian Khalifs,ii. 322. Ul Mustaully, ninth of the Egyptian Khalifs, ii. 323, Ul Mustaussem, grand-son of Mustunscr, succeeds to the Klielaufut, ii. 213. Hostilities with the descendants of Jengueiz Khauu, 215. Injudicious conduct, 216. Is captured by Hulauku, and murdered, thereby ending tiic race of the House of A bbas, 223. Ul Mustekfy, son of Muktefly, raised to the Khe- lautut, ii. 182. His eyes pul out) and dies, 183. Ul Muster shid, succeeds to the Khelaufut, ii. 198. Displays ability, 199. Taken prisoner and murdered, 200. Ul Mustezhir, son of Mukteddy, succeeds to the Klielaufut, ii. 196. And death, 1 97. Ul Mustunjid, son of Mukteffy, succeeds to the Khelaufut, ii. 203. Anecdotes of hjs reign, 204. Dies. Ul Mustunser, son of Ul Zalier, succeeds to the Khelaufut, ii. 211. Patriotic ■ conduct, 212. Founds the college of Mustansriah, and dies, 213. Ul Mustunzy, son of Mustunjid, succeeds to the Khelaufut, ii. 205. Political errors, and death, 207. Ul Mutaussem, son of the Khalif Harun, ii. 89. called Abh Ishauk, advances into Yemen in sup¬ port of his brother’s authority, 127. Nominated successor to the Khelaufut by his brother Ul Maimui, 141. Succeeds, 142. Proceeds against the followers of the impostor Baubek, 143. Founds the city of Saumerah, ib. War with the Greek Emperor, 145. Defeats, revolt, 146. Death and characteristic anecdotes, 147. Ul Muteiah, son of Muktedder, raised to the Khe¬ laufut, ii. 184. Abdicates and dies, 185. Ul Muteliky Ullah, son of Muktedder, advanced to the Khelaufut, ii. 180. Experiences a decline of power, ih. Political deceit, 181. Death, 182. Ul Mutewukkel, succeeds to the Khelaufut, and per¬ secutes Jews and Christians, ii. 151. Attempted regulation of succession to the Khelaufut, ib. Insults the memorials of the house of Ally, 152*. His follies, 153. Murdered by his slaves, ^154. Ul Nausser-ud-dein, son of Mustunzy, succeeds to the Khelaufut, ii. 208. Patriotic conduct, 209. Death, 210. Ul Rashid, son of Mustershid, succeeds to the KUe laufut, ii. 201. Murdered, 202. Ul Rauzy, accession to the Khelaufut, ii. 178. Occurrences and death, 179. Ul Taeiah, .son of Ul Muteiah, succeeds to the Khe¬ laufut, ii. 185. L'nhappy sovereignty and death, 187. Ul Wauthek, son of Ul Mutassem, succeeds to the Khelaufut, ii. 149. Attacks the orthodoxy of the Koran, 150. , Cured of the dropsy by baking in a stove, Death and benevolent character, ib. Ul Zaker, son of Ul Nausscr, succeeds to the Khe¬ laufut, ii. 210. Anticijiates destruction and dies, 21 1. 996 Ul Zauffer, tsveU'th of the Egyptian Khalils, ii. 325. Ul Zauhir, seventh of the Egyptian Khalifs, ii. 321. Ulema, vide Islam, Ulshaush, or Taushkcnt, territory of, iii. 13. Ulugh Nut/an, the fourth sou of Jengueiz, so en¬ titled, ii. 500. Ur of the Chaldees, the modern Roulia, or Edessa, iii. 163. Ustaud Husseytie, son of Hussun Sabah, becomes tbe victim of his father’s rigid justice, ii. 335. Usun Cassanes, (Ozuu Hussun,) so called, iii. 608. V. Valley, romantic,ln Tartary, ii. 469. Van, lake of, advance and check of the Turko- mauns, ii. 703. Van, fortress of, its fabulous origin, iii. 68. Vanity, inebriated, whimsical anecdote of, iii. 739. Verujerd, fortress of, iii. 525. Vezzaurut, dangers of political power, ii. 659. Victory, chapter of, in the Koran, twelve thousand times repeated by order of Shah Rokh, iii. 540. Volga, river, its banks first peopled, ii. 458, — 653. Vulture, curious anecdote of, ii. 292. Wakaat-e-Babery, a liistory written by Sultan Baber, iii. 672. Waleid-ul-Aukkebah, takes command of Kufah, good government, and disgrace from wine-drinking, i. 153. Stimulates Mauweiah to revolt, 243. Conduct at Selfeine, 269, et seq. Curious dispute, 298, 414. Walid, son of Abdulmelek, suceeds to the Khe- laufut, i. 466. Enlarges the Mosque at Me- deinah, and commences hostilities against the Greek Emperor, 468. Death, 482. Character and reign, 483. Walid, son of Yezzeid, succeeds to the Khelaufut, i. 672. Is murdered, 573. Wall, great, of China, ii. 489. Warfare, Tartarian mode of, described, iii. 102. et seq. Washmagueir, son of Zebbaur, ii. 254. His origin and usurpation of Jurjaub, 272. His descend¬ ants, 273, et seq. Wasseif, governor of Baghdad, murdered by the Tartar guards, ii. 160. TTaMei/, general of Ul Mukteffy, defeats the Schis¬ matics, ii. 172. Waudy-ul-jinn, the desart of the Genii, battle at, i. 416. Waussit, siege of, ii. 2. Wedding, royal, extraordinary one, ii. 195. Weiss Terkhan, with his fellow Ameirs, put to death, iii. 587. Werhan, siege of, and patriotic devotedness of a Baylekanite, i. 551 . Weyss, the son of Sedkah, conquers for, and quarrels with, the Khalif Ul Mustershid, ii. 198. Wheel Carriages, extraordinary, of the Tartars, iii. 1-25. Widmu, horrible revenge for the death of her hus¬ band, ii. 525. Wine, drinking of, first punished, i. 146. Wolf, anecdote of one, ii. 547. Women, Egyptian, making of their shoes forbidden, in order to keep them at home, ii. 320. Women, present of, rejected l)y a Tartar prince, iii. 303. Y. Yadgaur Nausser Mirza, a moghul general, iii. 746, ante et seq. Yaheya, son of Abdullah ul Hfisseyny, revolts against Harun ur Rashid, and claims the Khelaufut, ii. 61, et seq. 70. Murdered, 72. Yaheya, son of Khaled, raised to the vizzaumt, and commences the influence of the Barmecides, ii. 6, 41. Yaheya, son of Omar, excites insurrection at Kufah, ii. 157. Yaheya, son of Regzuiah, subjects Syria to the power of the Keraumitah, ii. 171. Yaheya, son of Zaid, anecdotes of oriental treachery, and death, i. 572. 997 Yakouh, governor of Angouriali, his gallant defence against Teymur, iii. 387. Yakub, son of D^oftd, ii. 27. Extraordinai^ anec¬ dote, 29. Yakub, son of Laiss, founder of the Shfauriah dynasty, origin, and revolt, ii. 164. Extends power from Sejestaun into Khorassaun, ii. 228. First of the Sufamlah, 229. Military progress, 230. Death, 165, 231. Yakuh-ul-Fuzzul, heresy and crimes, iL 51 . Yapheth, son of Noah, considered as founder of the Tartar monarchy, ii..457. Yapheth Oghlan, his origin, ii. 459. Yathreb, vide Medeinah. Yaughy Pausty, contest with Melek Ashruf for the throne of Persia, ii. 689, 692, et seq. Yaumbulauk, its uncertain geography, iii. 152. Yaurken, a city of Kasligar, iii. 704. Year, its commencement ehanged, and why, ii. 170. Yehkum Mukauny, his usurped power, ii. 155. Yeik Souffy, a Teymurian general, his disloyalty, iii. 179, ante et seq. Yeissy, town of, extraordinary mausoleum erected by Teymur, iii. 216. Yelduz, city of, iii. 98. Yelduz Khaun, an early Tartar prince, considered as the legitimate origin of the Khauniet ii. 471. Yellow River, incursions of the Moghuls, ii. 557. Yemaumah, extraordinary warfare of Mosseylemah, and Shujia, i. 35. Attacked by Khaled, 41. Taken, 50. Yemen, its government usurped by Asswad, i. 28. Events on arrival of Abdullah Abbas, 192. Bribery of the tribes by Mauweiah, 312. Yenesei river, distribution of captives near, by 'i’eymur, iii. 97. Yenguisheher, or the New City, iii. 399, 401. Yermuh, rivciybattle of, i. 74, et .seq. Yeshmout, the Moghul prince, his cruelties at Mar- dein, See. ii. 566. Yessaort els, Tartarian oflicers of state, iii. 469. Yezd, siege of, and horrid suflerings, iii. 209. Yezduur Kotwatd, defends the citadel of Damascus, against Teymur, iii. 345. Yesdejird, last Persian Prince of ancient dynasty, i. 102. Military operations, 105. Negociations, 106. Defeated at battle of Kaudsiah, 110. Further defeats, abandons his capital, 119. Medaein taken, 121. Prepares further resist¬ ance, but loses battle of Nihawend, 129. His fate decided, 131. Becomes a fugitive, 135, 138. Raises troops, but is defeated at Istakhar, 159. Death, 160, et seq. Yezzeid, succeeds Walid in the Khelaufut, i. 673. Dies, 574. Yezzeid, son of Abdulmelek, surprizes the Mirzebaun, prince of Jurjaun, by an Antelope, i. 504. Be¬ sieges and captures the city, slaughter of the citizens, and bloody fulfilment of an oath, 505. Impolicy, 506, Succeeds to tlie Khelaufut, 528. Insurrections, 533. Cruelties towards rebels, 540. Dies for love, 547. Yezzeid, son of Amru ben Hobairah, injudicious policy, i. 585. His lieutenant defeated, 694, 697. Yezzeid, son of Aunis, gains a victory at Moussule, i. 436. Cruelties after the battle, 436. Yezzeid, son of Husseyne, offered the supremacy of the Khouauredje, i. 332. Yezzeid, son of Mauweiah, undertakes the first Mosslem expedition into Greece, i. 383. Desig¬ nated by his father to the succession, 385. His father’s, death-bed addres.s, 387. Becomes Khalif, 389. Political Arrangements, 390. Insurrections at Mekkah and Medeinah, 391. Shameful treatment of the head of Husseyne, 410. Various changes of officers, 412. Death, observations, 419. Yezzeid, son of Mohilleb, curious diplomacy, i. 462. Political elevation, 486. Rebellion, and escape from the Khalif, 528. Takes Bassorah, 529. Battle of Gheffcr, 538. Defeated, and falls, 539. Yohssah, near Bhoujepour, battle of, between Ho- niayun and Sheir Khaun, where the former is defeated by surprize, iii. 771. Ytmess Khaun, appointed governor of Rey, ii. 395. Yurut, original territory of the Moghuls, how recon¬ quered, ii. 470. Yussuf Beg, a youthful soldier, loses his life rashly in battle with Sheir Khaun, the Afghan, near Jounpour, iii. 763. Yussuf Kotewaul, assassinates Alep Arslan, ii. 350. Yussuf Mahommed Khaun, anecdote related by, iii. 812. Yiissuf Souffy, Prince of Khaurezm, hostilities with Teymur, iii. 19, ct seq. z. Zabul, province of, submits to Teymur, iii. 51. Zaid, son of Zeyne-ul-aubbedein, aspires to tbeKlie- laufut, i. 569. Ffills, 570. Zauhed Beg, his treachery towards Homayun, iii. • 769. Zawah, a city of Khorassaun, folly and fate of its in¬ habitants ii. 511. • Zeheir, son of Mosseib, attempts to repress revolt at Kufah, but is defeated, ii. 122. Zeiad hen Ommeyah, made governor of Bassorah for his skill in penmanship, i. 230. Zeiai-ul-mulk, palace of, honid conflagration at, iii. Zeiaud, son of Salah, revolt and death, ii. 5. Ztiaud, son of Seimnieiah his origin, i, 379. His rise jn political life under Omar and Ally, 380. Acknowledged to be half-brother to Mauweiah, 381. Government at Bassorah, 382. And at Kufah, 383. Miraculous events connected with his death, 384. Zeid, son of Keiss, heads conspiracy against Oth- man at Kufah, i. 167. Zeid-ul-naur, the son of Mtlssa, captures Bassorah ii. 123, 125. revolts against U1 Mamtin, 130. ’ Zemmah, in Buddukshaun, iii. 884.’ Zendah Peil, the raging Elephant, an oriental sir- name, iii. 796. Zendicism, a new sect, history, ii. 43. Zengui, or Zengbar, slaves, their revolt at Bassorah, ii. 162. Zerah, (Zarenje) lake and fortress of, captured by Teymur, iii. 43. Zerdusht, vide Zoroaster. Zerrhagurs, a people, manufacturers of arms, spared by Teymur, and why, iii. 206. Zeyneh, daughter of Ally, heroie conduct in captivity, i. 409, 411. Zeyne-nl-aubedein Ally, son of Imaum Husseync prudent conduct at Medeinah, i. 415. * Zeytch-e-Eylehhauny, oriental astronomical tables, ii. 574. Zhulaunali, an oriental mode of punishment, now un¬ known, iii. 862. Ziauretgah, place of religious resort, near Herat, iii. 839. Ziljouslieny, horrible cruelties, i. 407. Zitui, battle of, ii. 43. Zobaidah, favorite consort of HarunUr Rashid, good deeds and character, ii. 89. Zohair, son of U1 Awaum, named elector for the Khelaufut, i. 142, 148. Conducts the army of Mahommed’s widow, 195, et seq. 224. Zohauh, son of Keyss, interrupts supplies of Ally at Seffeine, i. 273. Defeat, ibid. Rebellion and death, 423. Zohauh, country of iii. 903. et seq. Zoroaster, remains of his disciples in India, iii. 251. Zuffer, a fortress of Budduklishaun, iii. 704. Zujfur, town of, its obscure geography, perhaps Ba- dakshaun, 881. Zuffuriiamah, or the Teymurian Chronicle, iii. 210 Zul-Kaudrians, a pastoral tribe in the vicinity of Pal¬ myra, iii. 354. ' Zul-reiaussetem, vezzeir to U1 Mamun, propos«s the delegation of the succession to the house of Ally ii. 133. Deceives the Khalif, 137. Belief in astrology, 138. Zulyemnein, the Khalif U1 Amein murdered by his orders, ii. 105, 114. , CAUTION TO THE BINDER. \ The amended Title Pages to be substituted for those at present annexed to this Volume, . ■* ' ■ . . J' ■ ■ . K • - .;/v • ^ ' ' ■j,. v ,'_-,