'^2.1, 3Frnm % ICtbrarg of 2l?queatl|0b bg I|im to \\\t ICtbrarg of J^rtttrrtott ®l?pnl09tral ^fmittar^ ^:V:Z PUBUSHEKS' coMPUMEirra COMMENTARY ON ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. PRINTED BY MORRISON AND GIBB, FOR T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH. LONDON : SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, HAMILTON, KENT, AND CO. LIMITED. NEW YORK : CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. TORONTO : THE PRESBYTERIAN NEWS CO. COMMENTAEy 7" ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. BY Eev. JOHN MACPHERSON, M.A. EDINBUEGH: T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET. 1892. PREFACE. In the Epistle to the Ephesians we have the most mature and sustained of all the statements of Christian doctrine which have come down to us from the hand of the great apostle. In almost all his other epistles Paul is now and again, and in some of them very frequently, carried away from the particular argument which he is pursuing, in order to deal with matter of local or temporary interest to his immediate readers. But in this epistle he goes on to utter forth uninterruptedly all that has taken possession of his own mind, in reference to those matters of faith and duty which must always be of utmost concern to the members of Christ's body, who, while living upon earth, seek to have their conversation in heaven. A commentary on such an epistle ought to be exegetical, in the fullest and most comprehensive sense of the word. It has been my endeavour in the present work to deal with all questions of textual and grammatical criticism where they arise, in so far as these seem of importance in elucidating the particular and precise meaning of the passages in which they occur. But in treating such an epistle, it has seemed to me the imperative duty of a commentator to endeavour to set forth in detail the meaning of each phrase, and to trace care- fully the progress of the argument and the development of spiritual and experimental truth. In the exposition of this VI PREFACE. epistle there is less room than in the case of most other portions of Scripture for historical, geographical, or literary illustration. It is distinctly and characteristically doctrinal, with scarcely any trace of local colouring or occasional and incidental reference. It is the task of the expositor to make everything contribute to the elucidation of those great truths, with regard to the Christian creed and conduct, which the apostle here lays down for the instruction of those who no loncrer need to be fed on milk nor to be taught asjain what are the first principles of the oracles of God. Owing to the peculiar character of the document, it seemed desirable to give considerable attention in the introduction to several points of interest in connection with the origin and destination of the epistle. Some of these questions have been subjects of long-continued discussion, and upon several of these now, as well as in early times, there prevails a great diversity of opinion. I have sought clearly to state what these different views are, and to give as precisely as possible the reasons which have led me to adopt the conclusions at which I have arrived. The closing section of that introduction has been drawn up with care. The classification of the principal works on the epistle will, it is hoped, make the list more practically useful, and the few remarks made upon each treatise, giving the result of my own personal experience of the books referred to, may prove helpful in guiding students who wish to find their way to treatises in which the epistle is approached from some one special point of view. John Macpheeson. FiNDHORN, May 1892. CONTENTS. Introduction : — 1. Ephesus and tlie Ej^liesian Church, . 2. Authenticity of the Epistle, 3. Destination of the Epistle, 4. Character and Type of Doctrine, 5. Date and Kelation to other Epistles, 6. Contents and Plan of the Epistle, . 7. Literature, ..... Commentary, PAOE 1-32 32-44 45-69 69-86 86-94 94-96 96-106 107-445 THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. IXTEODUCTIOK 1. EPHESUS AND THE EPHESIAN CHURCIL Early The storj of the original founding of the city History, of Ephesus is lost in an extremely remote antiquity. In the eleventh century before Christ, Androc- lus, son of the Athenian Codrus, is said to have estab- lished a Greek colony there/ but at a still earlier period Phoenician emigrants seem to have been attracted to it on account of its convenient situation, and to have con- tributed largely to its material prosperity. Their presence soon made itself felt, by impressing a special stamp upon the habits and customs of the place, and may account for many of the social and religious practices which came to be regarded as characteristic of its culture. The natural situa- tion of the town, within easy reach from behind of the great producing districts of the time, and favoured with a con- veniently central position that allowed ready egress toward Greece and Italy on the one hand, and toward the ports of the Eastern Mediterranean on the other, insured to it com- mercial prosperity, and steady growth in population and in political importance. The enterprising Phoenician traders would find it less difficult to effect a settlement there, inas- much as the deities whom they worshipped were the same as, or at least very similar to, those of the earlier inhabitants of the land, and the religious modes of thought prevalent among botli peoples in general harmonised. The priesthood, ^ Pausanias, Description of Greece, vii. 2. A 2 INTRODUCTION. numerically large, early won and long maintained a position of unconnnon influence, having from the earliest times secured the sympathy and confidence of both divisions of the population. This powerful party largely controlled the politics of the city, and determined its foreign relations almost invariably in an anti - Hellenic direction. The general tendency favoured by tlie Ephesians in philosophy, in religion, and in the customs of public and private life, was distinctly oriental. Even in historic times, when Ephesus had become an Ionian city, with a dominant population essentially Greek in descent and traditions, that permanent sacerdotal class succeeded in conserving the most characteristic institutions of the primitive race. The oriental tincture in the Ephesian culture appears significantly in the sensuousness of its philosophy. The Ionic philosophers, in strict accordance with oriental habits of thought, made much of external sense impressions, brooded over the secrets of outward nature, and gave themselves to tlie study of natural phenomena. Heraclitus of Ephesus not only assumed as the primitive substance that pure ethereal fire reverenced in the Parsee religion, but, more decidedly perhaps than any of his predecessors, exhibited the tendency lingering among his countrymen, down to his own time, to an un-Hellenic and truly oriental sensuous mysticism. While himself an Ionian Greek, he seems to have belonged to the powerful priestly caste, and it is interesting to notice how, from the midst of the class which persistently favoured the Persian supremacy, a theory of speculative philosophy proceeded, tinged with Persian modes of thought. Diana of the '^^^^ Ephesian philosophy was but a refining Ephesians. reflection upon the popular religion. If traces of oriental influence are apparent in the speculations of the Ionic natural philosophers, the presence of important elements, transferred bodily from grosser religious systems of the East, is still more conspicuous in the religious institutions of Ei)hesus. The deity most reverenced and invariably conspicuous in the worship of the ancient Phoenician traders, whether of Carthage or Tyre, was Astarte, under one EPIIESUS AND THE EPIIESIAN CHURCH. 3 aspect at least the goddess of fruitfulness, and essentially similar in her attributes to the nature goddess Gybele, so prominent in the worship of the earlier inhabitants. It would seem that the Ionian colonists, when they first took posses- sion of Epliesiis, brought witli them the Greek Artemis, and dedicated to her worship a temple in the upper part of the city, which was distinctively their own. Meanwhile, however, clustering around the harbour, the original population of mixed nationalities continued to hold their ground, and celebrated their religious rites in their ov\n sanctuary, dedicated to that goddess of fruitfulness in nature which answered at once to the Semitic Astarte and the native Lydian Cybele. Tradition connects the introduction of this worship into Ephesus with an expedition of Amazons from Cappadocia, and women of Amazonian descent are said to liave been found in later times among the priestesses of the Ephesian goddess. This would associate the religion of the old Epliesians directly with that of Assyria and Phccnicia, and would warrant us in assigning it a place, which its nmin cliaracteristics also seem to justify, among the religions of the heathen Semites. When we thus comprehend the origin and historical development of the Ephesian religion, we shall understand how readily those wlio from time to time, in the pursuit of commerce, settled in this city, would be drawn towards those amongst wliom they came, by affinities of religion if not of race. — At first sight, indeed, it would seem that there was little in common between the pure Greek goddess Artemis, known subsequently under the Eoman name of Diana, and the sensuous oriental goddess of the Ephesians. Yet tiiese two liad at least tliis in common, that they had been originally conceived of as representatives of tlie moon goddess; and many of the diversities in their character and worship are traceable to the prominence given in the one case to one, and in the other case to another of the influences attributed to the moon in the realm of nature. Tlie special temperament of the lonians, too, would predispose them to amalgamate gradually the sensuous rites of the old Ephesians with the more pure and simple cultus which they liad carried with them irom Greece. Light-hearted and 4 INTRODUCTION. frivolous, as compared with the other Greek tribes,^ they were easily fascinated with the poetic colouring and mystic symbolism of the religion of those among whom they had come to dwell, and were thus the more inclined to see resem- blances between, or even to persuade themselves of the essen- tial identity of, the deities to whom respectively they offered supreme reverence. As years rolled on, the purer remini- scences of the Greek Artemis passed away, and the one prominent object of worship, in the lower and upper city alike, was that Diana of the Epliesians, who bore the name but reflected scarcely any of the attributes of the sister of Apollo. This adoption of the goddess universally honoured throughout the great oriental empires as the patron deity of the city, may also have commended itself to the Ephesians on the grounds of political expediency.- When Croesus of Lydia was preparing to lay siege to Ephesus, the declaration that tlie city was sacred to Diana, the Asiatic nature goddess, was sufhcient to secure from that potentate an immediate con- firmation of all her ancient liberties. Throughout the ])eriods of Lydian and Persian supremacy, Ephesus, as the city of Diana, continued to enjoy exceptional advantages. Under Eoman rule special favour was shown to Ephesus, and, as capital of proconsular Asia, it figures prominently in the history of those later times. Though showing a despicable 1 Ebrard, in liLs Christian Jpo!oge(ic.ut all this long- continued prosperity only intensified the hatred of the surrounding Clreek population, from whom they kept apart, intermingling neither in their joys nor in their sorrows, niain- taiuiug an attitude of indifference and estrangement. The return of the great festivals, which attracted crowds of devout Jews to the Holy City, kept alive the sense of their separate- ness from all other peoples on the earth. Even in the Greek city, the Jewish synagogue constituted the national and religious centre of the Jewish commercial life, and there the events occurring in Palestine, in so far as they might atTect the interests of the race, would be eagerly and ])assionately discussed. Kirst Clnis- IHiriug the early years of the Christian era, tiiiiiCoiivoits. therefore, there were Jews in Ephesus, constituting a large and intluential section of the community, who must have kept themselves regularly informed about the stirring events that had occurred in Jerusalem. It is quite evident that many of them nnist have been aware of the elainis advanced on behalf of " the Trophet of Nazareth," and that most of them would be eager to hear what the missionaries of this new doctrine bad to tell. Even before any Christian evangelist visited Ephesus, Jews from that city had listened in Jerusalem to the preaching of the apostles. Erom Cappa- docia, Pontus, Pb.rygia, Paniphylia, and from the province of Asia itself, there were w'orshippers present in Jerusalem at the great Pentecost, wlien, by the preaching of Peter, three thousand converts were won to the Christian faith. It is in the highest degree probable that Ephesus, the capital of Asia, was largely represented on that occasion, and that the Ephesian .lewish converts of the dav of Pentecost formed the EniESUS AND THE EPIIESIA.X CHURCH. 7 nucleus of the Chiistiau Oliurch in that city. It need luit surprise us that, in so large a city as Ephesus, there shouUl have existed alongside of those who had received the gospel from the apostles in Jerusalem, others who, though detached from the unbelieving Jewish community, had no further knowledge of Christian truth than had been shadowed forth by the Baptist's teaching (Acts xix. 1-7). Disciples of John had existed alongside of the disciples of Christ, assuming quite a distinctive position (Matt. ix. 14); and in later years, as Hemerobaptists, Maudeans, and Sabeans, they continued to maintain an anti- Jewish and anti-Christian position, until at last, through the persistence of their opposition to those religious systems based upon a direct divine revelation, they sank back into the dark and degraded superstitions of paganism. Those Hellenist Jews of Ephesus had not apparently taken up any positively anti-Christian attitude. Interpreting more correctly the spirit of their IMaster, they seem rather to have accepted Jesus of Nazareth as the Messiah ; but they do not appear to have learnt more of Him than John had himself taught them. Tt is therefore precisely what we might have expecteJ, that such men would hasten to the first accredited teacher of the new faith, that their instruction might be resumed at that point at which so many years before it had been interrupted. They could not, indeed, have remained ignorant of the facts of Jesus' death and resurrection, but even the converts of the day of Pentecost had evidently failed in making them understand the significance of the outpouring of the Spirit as the inauguration of a new dispensation. raul liist at ^^ ^^''^^ ^^ot till near the close of his second Kphesus. ndssionary journey, in A.D. 54, that Paul visited Ephesus (Acts xviii. 19), and even then, beyond addressing a meeting in the Jewish synagogue and leaving behind liim Aquila and Priscilla to confirm and instruct inquirers, there was nothing done to secure this important stronghold for the Christian cause. About a year and a half jirobably passed before Paul was able again to visit Ephesus, but meanwhile the disciples of John, the more advanced Christian converts of the great Pentecost, and the fully instructed lioman Jewish 8 IXTKODUCTIOX. believers, Aquila and Priscilla, continued, in their several spheres and according to their proportion of faith, to advance the cause of Christ in the chief city of Asia. Tliat Paul had heen quick to perceive the importance of Ephesus, as affording a vantage ground for Christian activity, cannot be doubted. Lonf' So soon, therefore, as he had, in the beginning Residence. Qf jjjg third journey, performed the indispensably necessary task of strengthening the churches already established in Galatia and Phrygia, he hastened straight from tlie last-named province by the great north-eastern high road through Sardis to Ephesus.^ We may well suppose that Paul passed rapidly through the " upper " or properly "inland" districts of Phrygia, inasmuch as the inhabitants spoke a peculiar language of their own, and would therefore find the apostle's Greek unintelligible. Even in tiie parts of Phrygia nearest to the centres of civilisation, Greek did not come into use until well nigh a century after the apostle's journey through these parts. In Phrygia, therefore, just as in Lycaonia, ignorance of the language would make prolonged and successful w^ork on the part of Paul impossible ; and so, after visiting a few of the principal cities where the Jewish colonies might be considerable, the apostle pushed forward to the coast, where he could find Jews and Greeks able to understand his speech, and in some measure prepared for the story and the doctrines which he had to teach and to tell. In Ephesus itself he would be immediately surrounded by those whom his earlier preaching had impressed, and by the fruits of the ministry there of Priscilla and Aquila. The twelve disciples of John having received Christian instruction from Paul, were endowed with gifts of tongues and prophecy, and were thus fitted in an eminent degree to be coadjutors of the apostle in his great work of evangelisation in this heathen city. In accordance with his invariable custom, Paul began to address the Jews in the synagogue, where he was surrounded by all the converts already won to the Christian faith. But when the synagogue became the arena of unfriendly discussion, which evinced a ^ See this route described in detail in Prof. Ramsay's Historical Geo'jraphy of Ada Minor, p. 30, 1890. EPIIESUS AND THE EPIIESIAN CHUECII. 9 determination on tlie part of tlie Jews to resist tlie power of the truth, the apostle resolved to appeal to a wider audience, which he invited to meet him in a public lecture hall, the school of the rhetorician Tyrannus. Advantages The natural situation of the city of Ephesus of Site, made it at once a great commercial centre, where East and West met together, and a principal seat of literary and scientific culture, where Greek philosophy and oriental mysticism, under all their varying phases, found eager and enthusiastic representatives. Every en- couragement was given to eloquent defenders and expounders of the most curious views, by a population whose natural temperament made them welcome, like the Athenians, the announcement of any new thing ; while the geographical position of their city greatly favoured the gratification of such eclectic tastes. The variety of scliools represented, as well as the reputation of individual philosophers and rhetoricians, attracted large numbers of young men from all parts of the world, and the versatility and general culture of the Ephesian schools made Ephesus a favourite resort of tlie cultured youth of Eome. When Paul stepped upon the platform of a lecture room where teachers of philosophy and rhetoric had been wont to address their audiences, he thereby proclaimed that he had some new thing to tell, and courted the attention of those who were seeking after intellectual and spiritual guid- ance. So long as he had confined himself to the obscurity of a Jewish synagogue, the opposition which he met with was only that of dogged and persistent refusal to accept his message ; but now, from pagan devotees, whose whole tend- ency of thought was traversed by his teaching, the apostle is to encounter sharp and direct hostility. For two years, at least, Paul continued to discuss with men of rich philosophic and scientific culture, as also with others sunk in the most vulgar superstition, showing the higher wisdom and the profounder mysteries of the Christian faith. Paul and the The sacred historian here puts on record an Sorcerers, interesting story of a collision betw^een Paul and certain sorcerers, who sought to emulate his power in working miracles. Besides the more ordinary forms of disease, cases 1 INTRODUCTION. of demoniacal possession had been successfully dealt with by the apostle, and those who had given themselves out as exorcists were thus challenged either to do the same publicly as Paul had done, or own themselves and their arts impostures. Degenerate Jews were found in all the principal cities of the empire, in the East and in the West, who had apostatised from the religion of their fathers, and had adopted a stran^^e medley of pagan mythology and theurgical practices, which, fluid and indeterminate as it was, came to be known under the general name of Neo-Pythagoreanism. The lineal de- scendants of this school were the alchemists of the Middle Ages. In Ephesus such men would find a field peculiarly well fitted for the practice of their arts. And just in the first century of the Christian era, when men were wearied of unsuccessful searchings after God, and discouraged by the sad discrepancy everywhere between the ancient ideals of virtue and the gross impurity prevailing around, when the old faiths were crumbling and many were becoming doubtful whether there was any such thing as truth at all, the most fantastic superstitions and the most curious arts of astrology, sorcery, and magic came to be possessed of a wondrous fascination over thoughtful and speculative minds. Most of the thinkers of that age, as we look back upon them, seem to us, like their medieval representatives, half charlatan, half sage. To this Appollonius oi'der belonged Appollonius of Tyana,^ in the south ofTyana. Qf Cappadocia, who had his liome in Ephesus during tlie later part of the first century. He had been educated in Cilicia, and had learned not only philosophy in the schools, but theurgical arts from the priests in the temple of iEsculapius. Attached to the fashionable ISTeo-Pythagorean sect, and with much to tell of the wonders he had seen and done in distant India, he received in Grreece and Asia a flattering welcome as ^ Phi/ostrati de vlfa ApoUonii Ti/anei libri octo. — Eusebius contra HierocJem (/ui Tyaneinn ChriMo conferre conatus fnerit. Venice, by Aldus, 1501. — Baur, Appollonins von Tijana und Christns, Tiib. 1832 ; and an effective answer by Ed. Miiller, Waj' Ap. v, Tyana tin Weiser oder ein Betrilger oder ein Schimrmer mid Famitik ? 1861. The question of the credibility of Philostratus is disctissed by I wan MUlltr in his Comm. osUor, 3rd Scries, vol. iv. jip. 194-204, 1886. EniESUS AND THE EPHESIAN CIIUKCII. 13 dangers were of no ordinary kind. In one passage, written shortly before he quitted Epliesus (1 Cor. xv. 32), he says, " I have fought with beasts at Ephesus ; " and in writing again to the same church from Macedonia immediately after his departure from Asia (2 Cor. i. 8), he speaks of trouble that had come upon him in Asia, which had proved so heavy and serious that his very life had been despaired of. This latter passage might indeed rei'er to treatment at the hands of men similar to that which he had received at Lystra at the close of his first journe}^ when he was stoned and left for dead (Acts xiv. 19). But the question has been much discussed, whether the reference to the fighting with wild beasts at Ephesus must not be taken literally as an allusion to a terrible ordeal in the amphitheatre through which the apostle had passed, the story of which was still fresh in the memory of his readers.^ The literal interpretation seems forced upon us. During some great popular tumult, the Eoman magis- trate, anxious to soothe the excited populace, might easily overlook, or fail to hear, the apostle's claim to Eoman citizenship, and though escape from the arena, where even those left alive by the beasts were despatched by the sword of the executioner, was almost an unheard-of circumstance, the very fact of the solemn mention of it in the place where it is introduced, implies that something very extraordinary happened. Then again, in so solemn a passage, the apostle would never have used a phrase which, if taken in the sense naturally suggested by the words, would make him char<2eable with rhetorical exaggeration. Eiuhtin" with wild beasts was an ordeal with which, in all its literal barbarity, the people of that age were only too familiar ; and, had the apostle's use of the phrase been figurative, he would have ^ The most thorough discussion of this question is given h}' Krenkel, Be'itrikje ziir Aufhdlunci der Gesch. v. der Br. d. Ap. Pcndus, pp. 126-152, 1890. His conclusion is in favour of the ligurative interpretation as accepted by most commentators. The literal interpretation is insisted upon and recommended by most convincing arguments by Holsten, Das Evangelium des Paulits, I. i. p. 424, 1880, and by Weizsacker, Das apostoHsche Zeitalter der C'hriailichen Kirclie, p. 837, 1886. See also Godet, Comm. on 1 Cor., vol. ii. p. 393, and Wordsworth in Comm. The latter points out that the literal view suits best in a passage dealing with the resurrection of the body. 14 IN'TKODUCTIOX. taken care to make that evident. Having by some signal providence been delivered from a death that seemed inevit- able, we may well suppose that the work to which he returned received a new impulse from the notoriety which such fearful trials and so wonderful a deliverance had brought him. Churches During this period apparently the various founded, churches of Asia were established, in some cases possibly by means of the itinerant labours of the apostle himself; in others, and these undoubtedly the more numerous, by means of those who, from various parts of Asia, visited the chief city of the province, and returned to their own home to tell how great things the Lord had done unto them. The seven churches of the Eevelation, and also those of (Jolosse and Hierapnlis, most probably owe their origin to this period of the apostle's ministry. Undoubtedly the apostle's attention was mainly given to the proclamation of the gospel within the limits of Ephesus itself. Worship The interests of all classes of the Ephesian of Diana, community, in some way or other, clustered round the temple of Diana and the worship of the great goddess. Philosophy, even when directed against the grosser supersti- tions of pagan mythology, had not penetrated the minds of the masses. Jewish monotheism, though securing occasional proselytes, had not perceptibly affected the prestige of Diana, or diminished to any appreciable extent the number of her votaries. But now it seemed as if, indeed, the honour of the goddess was in danger. So soon, then, as the success of the apostle became evident, and it was seen that his aim was nothing less than the utter overthrow of Diana, the powerful sacerdotal caste was roused ; and though, probably fearing lest a combat with so powerful a dialectician as the lecturer in the hall of Tyrannus might result in discrediting them before the people, they abstained from publicly expressing their hostility, they wrought no doubt upon the cupidity of the craftsmen, and raised through them the cry which resulted in such a tumult as they had been most anxious to excite. Thousands of designers and artificers were directly interested in maintaining the high reputation of Diana of the Ephesians. EPHESUS AND THE EPHESIAN CHURCH. 1 5 The temple of the goddess, for size and beauty, was regarded as oue of the wonders of the world. Tradition reports that in succession seven temples of Diana had occupied that one site. Of these, five belong to prehistoric times, and may or may not have had a material existence. Two are well known to us from full and detailed descriptions preserved in the pages of classical writers. The edifice whicli occupied the site in the days of the apostle had taken the place of an earlier structure burnt down on the night on wliich Alexander the Great was born (b.c. 356), by a hare-brained Ephesian, carried away by the mad resolve to secure notoriety to himself at any cost. The loss of such a priceless treasure roused in no ordinary degree the enthusiasm of the citizens of Ephesus. The resolve at once was made to build immediately another temple, vaster in dimensions, and richer in material, than that wliich now lay in ruins. So determined were they that the work should be their own, tliat the offer made by Alexander to complete the work at his own expense, as his gift to the far-famed Diana, was refused. The women freely contributed their precious ornaments, costly marble pillars were presented as free-will offerings by princes of Asia and wealthy citizens, whose names may to this day be read on the bases of the broken columns, and the whole work was entrusted to the most distinguished architect of the time.^ The magnificent build- ing thus raised was gradually stored with many precious gifts, and by and by became a perfect treasure-house of costly jewels and noble works of art. An image of the goddess in gold and ivory, wrought with consummate skill, adorned the innermost sanctuary. But in that same sacred place there lay another image of the goddess, whicl), in the eyes of the worshippers of Diana, was of infinitely greater value than the beautiful temple and all its riches. To outward appearance this figure was an unshapely block of wood, rudely representing a female figure with many swollen breasts, but with scarcely any other recognisable human feature. Preserved in its original freshness by regular ^ Wood, Discoveries at Epfiesu.i, Lond. 1877 ; Falkiier, Ephesus and the Temple of Diana, Lond. 1882; Zimmernianii, Ephesos im ersten Christlichen Jahrhundert, 1874; Liglitfoot in Contemporary Review for May 1878, reprinted in Essays on Stiptrnatural ReJicjion, Lund. 1889, and espetially pp. 297-302. 16 INTRODUCTION. anointing with the sacred oil, it was said to have been saved by the priests from the wreck of tlie seven successive temples, and to be itself that very image which fell dowu from Jupiter. This famous temple with its sacred deposit was visited by devotees from all parts, who carried with them on their return home mementoes of their pilgrim.age, in the shape of miniature models in silver of the far-famed sanctuary. Tradespeople, too, trafficking in other articles of commerce, profited greatly by tlie concourse of people on festival occasions. Demetrius the silversmith, at the instiga- tion probably of the priests, raised tlie cry, " Our craft is in danger, and dishonour is threatened to our goddess." The readiness with which the cry was responded to, is a tribute to the success of Paul's labours. And that the apostle's presence had told not only on the humbler classes, the slave element in the population, as we so often hear it confidently asserted, appears from the fact that some in the highest official ranks showed themselves an.xious to preserve the bold preacher from bodily harm (Acts xix. 31). It is interesting to notice that Paul had won the favourable consideration of " certain of the chief of Asia." These Asiarchs were the chief priests of the province, who held office, it would seem, for a term of four years, and were thereafter allowed to retain the name, and were ordinarily ranked in a distinct class of honour by themselves. The chief function of the Asiarch consisted in the presidency of the quinquennial festival, the cost of which he was required mainly to bear. His priesthood had reference only to the worsliip of the emperor with which those games were associated. He was properly master of ceremonies, and thus had not necessarily anything in common with tlie sacerdotal caste, whose interest was bound up with the maintenance of the temple and the splendid worship of Diana.^ The interests of the temple and worship of Diana were guarded by a special board consisting of twelve members, two being chosen from each of the six tribes of citizens, elected to hold this office for the space of one year. These keepers of ' Lightfcot, /'j)iatiu.s and Pohjcarp, 2nd eJ., vol. iii. pp. 407-415, Loud. 1889. EPHESUS AND THE EPIIESIAN CHURCH. , 17 tlie temple had charge of tlie fabric and of all the treasures that had been gathered together there. It has been con- jectured by Canon Hicks, the greatest living authority on Ephesian inscriptions, that Demetrius the silversmith was president of this board. One Demetrius is named in an inscription as first representative on this temple board of the chief or Ephesine tribe.^ If this be our Demetrius, as is highly probable, he would be entitled, and even called upon, from his official position, to sound the alarm when it appeared that the worship of the goddess was threatened with loss or overthrow ; while, as the leading silversmith, who gave employ- ment to many tradesmen in preparing the miniature copies in silver of the sanctuary of Diana and the statue of the goddess within, which pilgrims carried away with them, he could rouse his own workmen and others belonging to allied guilds by the cry, " Our craft is in danger." The temple board would espouse the cause of the priests, and both combined would easily carry the mob with them; but the Asiarch and those belonging to his order would maintain an attitude of cool indifference. Canon Hicks has clearly shown that during the period with which we deal, the growing popularity of the Cffisar worship, which was directly hostile to the Diana worship, was distinctly favourable to the apostle in Ephesus, ^ Canon Hicks has written an extremely interesting and instnictive paper on "Demetrius the Silversmith: an Ephesian Study," in the Expositor, 4th Series, vol. i. pp. 401-422, 1890. There is one conjecture which I venture to say will not generally commend itself. Luke describes Demetrius as one " who made silver shrines for Diana." Hicks supposes that Luke, who was not ])resent with Paul at the time, and was therefore obliged to use the statements of some other person, had misapprehended his document, which characterised Demetrius as no-roio; ty,; 'Aprifulot, member of the board charged with keeping the temple of Diana, and rendered the term by the paraphrase 'roiut laoli apyvpou; ' Apr'if/,i^ii;, maker of silver shrines for Diana. The very able aiid instructive article of Professor Pamsay in the Expositor for July 1890, pp. 1-22, entitled "St. Paul at Ephesus," gives several convincing arguments in favour of the accuracy of the account given in Acts, and suggests that the silver shrines may have been like the terra-cotta shrines of which specimens from Asia Minor are extant, but that they have disappeared simply because of their value. In his icply in "Ephesus: a Postscript," in Expositor for August 1890, pp. 144-149, Canon Hicks explains that he accepts the hi.storical accuracy of the account by Luke, and simply means to emphasise the zealous opposition shown by the temple votaries, in combination with tlie craftsmen whose self-interest had loused them to make the first onslaught. B 1 8 INTRODUCTION. and would secure for him the interference of the civil authorities, to prevent any open violence being committed against him on account of neglect or repudiation of the Ephesian goddess. Ephesus, w^hich had before on coins and inscriptions called herself " worshipper," keeper or temple- sweeper of Diana (NecoKopo^ tt}? 'ApTe/jbiho0 ; Land, Johannes, Bischof von Ephesos, 1856. 32 INTEODUCTIOX. Decline and The conquGst of Epliesus by the Turks, in the Fall. thirteenth century, was speedily followed by the buildin;^ of the town of Ayasaluk, which for a time flourished, while Ephesus was gradually deserted. The new town occupied the site of the great Church of St. John the Divine (a7io? ©60X070?), in which the Council of Ephesus had met in A.D. 431. The modern name of the present wretched little hamlet, with about a score of inhabitants, is simply a cor- ruption of the name of the church, and perpetuates the memory of John's connection with the great capital of Asia.^ 2. AUTHEXTICITY OF THE EPISTLE. No serious doubt of the Pauline authorship of the Epistle to the Ephesians was entertained till the most recent times. " It is now half a century," says Holtzmann, " since its authenticity was first doubted, and the opinion that it is not the work of Paul has been gaining ground ever since." ^ This opinion rests largely on conclusions drawn from views of " the form, contents, and purpose" of the epistle, which must be subjected to a careful examination. Early Meanwhile it will be necessary to consider the Witnesses, testimony afforded by ancient Christian writers. The witness of antiquity is strongly in favour of its authenti- city, and no New Testament book is more satisfactorily supported by quotations in the works of the early fathers. Cleme t ^^ could scarcely be expected that Clement of of Rome, Eome, writing to the Corinthians, would make any ^'^' ' very special and pointed reference to the Epistle to the Ephesians. The two churches cannot be supposed to have had much in common. We do, however, find in Clement just that sort of use of the Ephesian epistle which in the circumstances we might have expected. Twice over he speaks of the enlightenment of " the eyes of our hearts," an evident reminiscence of our apostle's peculiar phrases («S'^. ' See description of Ephesus in Ramsay, Historical Geography of Asia Minor, pp. 109-111, 1890. ^ Short Protestant Commentary on the New Testament, iii. 1 ; Holtzmann on Ephesians. i AUTHENTICITY OF THE EPISTLE. 33 Clement to the Corinthians, §§ 3G, 59). ''Let ecach man be subject unto his neighbour" (§ 38), is a clear reminiscence of Eph. V. 21 ; and "have we not one God and one Christ and one Spirit of grace that was shed upon us ? And is there not one calling in Clirist ? Wherefore do we tear and rend asunder the members of Christ, and stir up factions against our own body, and reach such a pitch of folly as to forget that we are members one of another ?" (§ 4G), is clearly written in view of Eph, iv. 4, 25. Without directly quoting our epistle, or even naming it, the use of those phrases makes it highly probable that it was familiarly known to Clement, lenatius Ignatius, who wrote from Smyrna to the Church ofAutioch, of Ephesus, probably in tlie early years of the ^'^' '' second century, little more than forty years after the date usually given for the composition of the Pauline epistle, is the first important witness to be examined on this question of authenticity. Of the seven Ignatian Epistles, now generally recognised as genuine, that to the Epliesians is by far the most elaborate, and in length is nearly twice the size of any of the others. The writer also repeatedly speaks of the extraordinarily high estimate which he had formed of this church, and expresses his intention, if it should be the divine will, to continue in a second treatise that discussion on the doctrine of the incarnation which he liad begun (§ 21). The Church of the Epliesians he declares to be famous to all ages (§ 8), and he can wish nothing better for himself than partnership with the Christians of Ephesus, " who were ever of one mind with the apostles in the person of Jesus Christ " (§ 11). Erom such declarations as these he passes at once to sound the highest note of eulogy. Their supreme distinction lies in their intimate association with Paul, who had before gone on the same martyr route as that which he himself now trod. " Ye are the highroad of those that are on their way to die unto God. Ye are associates in the mysteries with Paul, who was sanctified, who obtained a good report, who is worthy of all felicitation ; in whose footsteps I would fain be found treading, when I shall attain unto God ; who in every letter maketh mention of you in Christ Jesus" (§ 12). Now it seems impossible to deny that the phrase " associal^es iu u 34 INTRODUCTION. the mysteries with Paul" contains a direct allusion to tlie characteristic \ise of the word mystery in our epistle. The apostle tells us that he wrote in order to make his readers understand his knowledge in the mysteiy of Christ (chap. iii. '6, 4). His knowledge wns that of one initiated, and he desires to impart this to them. This is just how Ignatius describes the relation of Paul and the Ephesians. Here we have an important contribution to the proof at once of the Pauline authorship and the Ephesian destination of the epistle. — The figurative expression, which speaks of the Ephesians as the highroad of martyrs on their way to receive the crown, refers certainly to Paul, and probably to others, but only in a general way. It does not at all imply the thought that they had escorted Paul, as by their deputies they were escorting Ignatius, on the way to Kome. It is a turning of the language of figure into that of historical narrative to assume, as Light- foot does (Ignatius, ii. 63), the meaning of the words to be : " Their spiritual position corresponds to their geographical position. As they conducted the martyrs on their way in the body, so they animated their souls with fresh strength and courage." If this were so, we would be obliged to say with Liizhtfoot, that such a reference to Paul could not be satisfied by the interview with the Ephesian elders (Acts xx. 17 sq.), but must refer to some later visit. It would seem, however, that here Ignatius, in his usual liigh-flown rhetorical style, means simply to acknowledge the kindly interest which the Ephesians had always shown in those who suffered for right- eousness' sake. Ignatius evidently thinks only of going in the apostle's footsteps in the way of spiritual imitation, and not of literal reproduction of circumstantial details. — A considerable amount of controversy has arisen over the meaning of the words iv iruar) eiTKnokfi. The translation given above is that of Lightfoot (Ignaihis, ii. 65), who contends that they cannot mean " in all the epistle." We cannot accept his proof as convincing. Pearson, Jacobson, and Hefele, among editors of Ignatius, as also Alford and Westcott {History of the Canon of the New Testament, 1875, p. 47), favour the other translation.^ ' Hefele, Patrvm A postolicorum Opera, p. 163, not. 10, Tubingen ISof) : Xon ill oinni, sed in una tola ejiistola, Ignatius articulum t-^ ante ir/a-T^xj) AUTIIENTICITV OF THE EPISTLE. 8o It is interesting to notice the rendering of the compiler of the larger recension, wlio by his paraphrase shows clearly enough what liis nnderstanJiug of the words of the genuine Ignatius was : " Who everywhere in his prayers remembers 3'OU." He evidently regarded the rel'erence as being to one particular epistle, and that the Epistle to the Ephesians, wliich is well characterised by his words. This writer, whoever he may have been, seems in this instance to have shown real penetration in his reading of the words of Ignatius. What the original writer evidently wished to call attention to was not Piiurs simple remembrance of the Epliesians, but the manner in which he evidenced that remembrance. Now lie did this in that epistle certainly in his prayers: "Making mention of you in my prayers" (i. 16); "I bow my knees," etc. (iii, 14). Tlien again, the words of the genuine Ignatius expressly reproduce the most distinctively characteristic phrase of the Ephesian epistle in the words, " in Christ Jesus." Thus Ignatius, writing to the Ephesians and referring to their apostle, ingeniously reminds them of its keynote and most memorable expression. Polycarp, ^^ the Epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians, etc. which is shorter than that of Ignatius to the Ephesians, we have two express and literal quotations from the canonical Epistle to the Ephesians (§§ 1, 2). In the Epistle of Barnabas : " Thou shalt be subject to tiie Lord and to the other masters as the image of God, with modesty and fear. , . . He came to all men not according to their out- ward appearance " (chap, xix.) — are evident reminiscences of Eph. vi. 5, 9. — In the Epistle to Diognetus (chap, ii.), the sentence about tlie purifying preparation of tlie new man is modelled upon Eph. iv. 21-24. Summary ^^ ^^ interesting to notice that each of the of External three first- mentioned apostolic fathers — Clement, VI ence. j,_,.,jj^(-^^jg^ j^jjj Polycarp — wrote an epistle to a church previously written to by Paul. Wiiere those writers omisit. Crednerus {Einleituny, i. p. 395) male contendit iv vr«ir>j t^r/o-ToXj? jiou debere verti : in tota epistola, et autnmat, loconim nostrnm sanandnin esse e recensione majori (interpolata'), i^uaj liabet o; 'ravron U rais liiinfftv avT-eZ fj.vnit.oti{/ii Yifjian {Jj/iuiv'). 36 INTRODUCTION. ([uote or imitate any apostolic phrase, they do not name the author, nor use any quotation formula in the modern sense. Each of them, however, makes pointed reference to the previous Pauline epistle written to the particular church addressed. Clement, writintr to the Corinthians, bids them take up the epistle of the blessed Paul the apostle, in which he charged them in the Spirit " concerning himself and Cephas and Apollos." Polycarp, writing to the Philippians, acknowledges his inability " to follow the wisdom of the blessed and glorious Paul, who, when he was absent, wrote a letter unto you," etc. (chap, iii.); and again (chap, xi.) speaks of them as those " among whom the blessed I'aul laboured who were his letters in the beginning," where we have a composite reference to Pauline phrases used in Phil. iv. 15 and 2 Cor. iii. 2, And Ignatius, in his Epistle to the Ephesians, as we have seen, says : " Those who are borne by martyrdom to God pass through your city ; ye are initiated into mysteries with St. Paul, who in every part of his letter makes mention of you in Christ Jesus " (chap, xii.y Our epistle is also enumerated among the genuine epistles of I'aul in the Mnratorian Fragment, which dates probably about A.D. 180. It had also been given previously in Marcion's list as Paul's epistle, though under the name of the Epistle to the Laodiceans. About the same time its genuineness is witnessed to by Tertullian (Adv. 3Iarcionein, iv. 5). Before the middle of the third century, Origen ({uotes from it with the formula : as Paul says. So far, therefore, as external evidence is concerned, the Pauline authorship of our epistle may be regarded as well- established. Critical Though the authenticity of our epistle was Objections, witnessed to by an unbroken succession througli eighteen centuries, objections were raised against it by critics of last generation. Those objectors based their suspicions on subjective and internal grounds of contents and style. The presence of un-Pauline words and phrases, the introduction of certain lines of thouglit, unrepresented in the undisputedly ' See Westcott, IlMory of the Canon of the New Testament, p. 47, Lond. 1875. AUTHENTICITY OF THE EPISTLE. 37 genuine writings of the apostle, references to conditions and circumstances of cliurch life supposed to be later tlian the times of Paul, indications of the work of an imitator modelling his production after the pattern of the l^iuline I'^iistle to the Colossians, — these, and such-like reasons as these, were alleged as grounds for repudiating the Pauline and apostolic author- ship of our epistle. The evident connection which subsists between our epistle and that to the Colossians, has led many to entertain doubts regarding the authenticity of one or both. — In regard to the contents of the two epistles, several distinguished com- mentators have maintained that the similarity is so great that it would be an insult to the apostle to suppose that he could be the author of both, since it would imply a sad want of originality on his part, in respect alike of thought and of expression.^ Such critics have argued that the type of doctrine and the general outline of thought is in both epistles the same. But they have altogether failed to show tliat the similarity is greater than might be expected, in two epistles written by the same author, about the same time, to churches not far removed from one another and surrounded to a large extent by similar conditions. It ought to be quite evident that the standpoint of the one epistle is essentially different from that of the other. The Epistle to the Colossians treats in detail of the doctrine of the person of Christ, wliile the corresponding portion of the Epistle to the Ephesians is occupied with a discussion of the doctrine of predestination, and an elaborate statement regarding the unity of the Jewish and Gentile elements in the one Christian Church. Even where the same expressions occur in both, they generally appear in different connections, in the development of distinctive and characteristic lines of thought. Farrar has summed up the outstanding differences in the two epistles, wliicli may be ^ "It is impossible," says Holtzmann, in Short Protest. Cumm. iii. 6, " f o suppose that Paul can have copied himself to such an extent, and often in the very smallest details of expression." Von Soden, on the other hand, in his able Commentary (in the Hand-Commentar, iii. 1, 1891, to which Holtzmann and Lipsius contribute) heartily admits the Pauline authorship of Colossians, and re^'arJs the connection between Kjihesians and it to be nothing more than we might look for from one of Paul's most intelligent and appreciative disciples. 3 8 ■ INTRODUCTION. said to lie on the surface. The peculiar plirase " th6 lieavenlies," used five times in Ephesians, does not occur in Colossians, and five important sections of Ephesians (i. 3-14, iv. 5-15, V. 7-1-4, V. 23-33, vi. 10-17) have nothing in Colossians corresponding to them. " The topic of Colossians is, Christ is all in all : the topic of Ephesians is, Christ ascended yet pi-esent in His Church." ^ De Wette, who entertained a very mean opinion of our epistle, regarded it as simply a weak amplification of the Epistle to the Colossians. It is referred to by this critic, and others of that school, as an example of the writing over of the earher epistle by an imitator, who serves up the same contents in a looser and less concise form. But Harless, followed by Meyer, has shown that in several instances the ideas of Colossians are expressed in a terser and briefer style in Ephesians, and so the greater length of the later epistle is, on closer inspection, found to result not from verbose amplification of borrowed thouglits, but from the presentation of fresh and original matter. With reference to the com- pai'ative originality of tlie epistles as they stand, a singular result has been reached by Holtzmann. Apart from the theory regarding authorship, at which he ultimately arrives, tlie critic compares certain passages in Ephesians and in Colossians together, and comes to the conclusion that in an equal number of cases each of the epistles lays claim to the credit of originality. If, then, we maintain the integrity of the epistles, we cannot, upon Holtzmann's showing, charge the one with being an imitation of the other. References to When we consider the contents of these epistles, (Tiiosticisiii. In their relation to the circumstances of the age ' Farrnr, Messages of the Books, p. 327, Lond. 1884. The sort of similarity which exists between Epliesians and Colossians is one of which we have previous examples in the case of undisputed ei)istles of St. Paul. This has been well put by Farrar in a note on the page from which the above (piotation has been taken. "The occurrence of two epistles on almost the same themes, \et widely different in detail, is found in the indisputably genuine Epistles to the Romans and Galatians. The relations between these two epistles are closely analogous to the phenomena presented by Colossians and Ephesians. Galatians and Colossians are specific, ini])assioned, polemical ; liomans and Ephesians are calm and independent expositions of the truths involved in the letters which had immediately preceded them." AUTHENTICITY OF THE EPISTLE. 39 in which, on internal grounds, we must believe them to have been written, in order to determine what that age was, we shall find that there is no necessity for assuming diffei'ent writers, or for doubting tlie Pauline authorship. It is admitted, on purely scientific grounds, by such unprejudiced scholars as Lipsius and Hilgenfeld, that even in the middle of the first century there were already Gnostic teachers, who had so far developed their systems as to form distinctive schools. These would originally have no connection with Christianity, and were wholly uninfluenced by Christian doctrines. Some of these systems were penetrated by Judaic elements, and others were developed on purely pagan lines. The eclectic tendencies of the times favoured the combination of these two, and some of the earliest known Gnostic systems exhibit a strange blending of Judaic, or at least oriental, mysticism with the more practical and prosaic mytiiology of the West. Whatever the religious basis of those systems might be, whether distinctively Judaic or distinctively pagan, the effort was made, by means of speculation upon the elements contributed by faith, to construct a rational system, a mysterio- philosophic doctrine current among the believing brotherhood. This was the Gnosis, built up avowedly on the basis of religious faith. As thus understood, there is certainly a Gnostic element even in the earlier epistles of Paul. Holtzmann ^ candidly recognises this, and shows how in First and Second Corinthians and in Galatians traces of this sort of Gnosticism are unmistakeably present. Paul describes his gospel as a Gnosis (2 Cor. ii. 14, x. 5, iv. 6), distinguishes, after the style of the Alexandrian speculation, the letter and the spirit of the law, and describes the one as overcome by the other ; makes use of allegory, or spiritualising, in order to smooth over the more offensive aspects of his doctrine (1 Cor. x. 1-2 L ; Gal. iv. 21-31), even speaks of a gift of Gnosis which is not objected to, if only it be not divorced from love (1 Cor. xii. 8, xii. 1, 8, xiv. 6), and, finally, speaks of the perfect or spiritual and the carnal (1 Cor. ii. 14, 15, iii. 1, 3), and represents the perfect as reaching a higher wisdom (1 Cor. • Holtzmann, Kritlk der Epheser-und Kolosserbrief, pp. 293, 294, Leipzig,. 1872. 40 INTRODUCTION. ii. G). This is certainly quite as ranch of a Gnostic element as we should expect to find anywhere in the apostolic writings. Modern criticism, however, professes to discern in those epistles usually assigned to the later period of the apostle's life, traces of a much more highly-developed Gnosticism, which demands the hypothesis of a considerably later date of composition. The Tubingen school, led by Baur, was committed to a theory of the history of the apostolic age, which could admit of such conciliatory tendencies as appear in the Epistle to the Ephesians only after a somewhat protracted period of sharp contention between the rival parties of Peter and Paul. Thus the critics of that school approached the study of our epistle witli preconceptions and prejudices that necessarily affected their critical consideration of its contents. To support their already accepted theory, they sought for materials in the epistle itself that would favour the assigning to it of a date not too early to allow the historical development to have reached the point required. The attempt was therefore zealously made to discover references to heresies and forms of error that did not arise before the second century. Whether, as by Baur himself, Ephesians and Colossians were assigned to one writer, or, as by most of the later representatives of his school, to two different authors, or, as by Holtzraann, a portion of Colossians Avas regarded as Pauline, and the author of Ephesians and the interlopator of Colossians considered to be one, or, as by Pfieiderer, the author of Ephesians and the interpolator of Colossians be regarded as two different men, — in all these cases the epistles as we have them are assigned to the second century, and the allusions to heresy in both are supposed to refer to the errors of that age. Com d ^ow, any plausibility that there may be for such a with theory attaches to Colossians rather than Ephesians. o ossians. rpj^^ Colossian heresy has been carefully examined, according to the materials afforded by the epistle, by Neander, Pressensd, and Lightfoot, with in the main similar results.^ ^ Neander, Planting of Christian Church, i. 319 sq., Edin. 1842; Pressensc^, Apostolic Age, pp. 317-330, Lond. 1879 ; Lightfoot, Commentary on Colossians, " The Colos-ian Heresy," pp. 73-113, Loud. 1880. AUTHENTICITY OF THE EPISTLE. 41 The heresy had Judaic and Gnostic elenients, and was evidently closely related to Essenism, from whatever source it may have been introduced into Colossre. There is nothing at all in the epistle that requires us to suppose that the heresy had been developed to such an extent as to be an anachronism in the apostolic age. We find nothing that necessarily suggests the Cerinthian system of the closing decade of the first century, still less the elaborate and highly- wrought system of Valentinus, which reached its climax in the third decade of the second century. On the assumption of the Pauline authorship of Colossians, the representation given of the type of thought then prevailing need cause no difficulty. We have simply that Gnosticism which had, at even an earlier period, been developed outside of the Church, now forming alliance with Christian doctrine, and seeking to modify its development in accordance with its distinctive views and by its characteristic methods. And if this be so in regard to Colossians, then our task is easy with reference to Ephesians. Even Pfleiderer admits that in Ephesians there is no trace of the heresies combated in Colossians. As far as Ephesians is polemical at all, " its conflict is not with Ebionite Jewish Christians, not with a scrupulous asceticism, but with a frivolous libertinism, not with Jewish particularism, but with heathen anti-Jewish arrogance and want of brotherly love." ^ The object of the epistle is not to confute false teachers, but irenically to correct a wrong tendency, and to reconcile two parties, whose exclusiveness was threatening to divide the Church. All that critics can point to in our epistle as indicating the presence of Gnostic views among those to whom it is addressed, is the occasional occurrence of certain words and phrases that ultimately became technical terms in certain Gnostic systems. It need not really surprise us to find that, in a district like Asia Minor, kept in constant ferment by successive invasions of the most diverse philosophies and religions, even in Paul's time such phrases were being already appropriated by thinkers and teachers of special tendencies, and that the apostle regarded it as advisable to recapture the ' Pfleiderer, Lectures on the Influence of the Apostle Paul on the Development of Christianittj, pp. 220, 221, Hibbert, Loud. 1885. 42 INTRODUCTION. words and to attach to them definite Christian tlieological meanings. But even those words most evidently characteristic of later Gnostic systems, are not used in our epistle in such a way as to imply tha.t they had, in the writer's day, obtained these definite significations. When, for example, the Christian is said to be engaged on tasks which lead him, like those initiated in the Greek mysteries, into further depths of knowledge and fuller degrees of enlightenment, the writer is simply borrowing from the same source as afterwards the Gnostic borrowed from. He turns to the Greek mysteries as affording an apt illustration of the truth which he wishes to enforce. Besides this, all the terms in our epistle which were ultimately appropriated by Gnostic teachers, had been previously used by Paul himself in his earlier epistles, and by the author of the Apocalypse, in many cases in a sense either the same as that in wliich they are used in Ephesians, or at least in a sense that readily suggested the use made of them in our epistle. Tlie description of the Church as the bride of Christ, which is expressly called a mystery (v. 23-3 2), occurs previously in 2 Cor. xi. 2, frequently in lievelation and in the syuojjtic Gospels, and so cannot have been suggested by the Gnostic syzygies. It also deserves to be noted, that so soon as the Pauline authorship is disputed, no agreement can be reached as to the date of its composition. Historical, meaning by that tradi- tional, evidence is all in favour of the apostolic origin of the epistle. Criticism, proceeding on internal and subjective grounds, proves here as elsewhere specially weak in its con- structive efibrts. The entire adherents of the Tubingen school referred its composition to the second century, when Gnosticism had received its highest development. Holtzuiann regards the position of the author of Ephesians and the interpolator of Colossians as that of a mediator between Paulinism and later Gnosticism. Von Soden, writing in 1887,^ as the result of a most patient and detailed investigation, fails to see any trace of developed Gnosticism, and feels satisfied with fixing a.d. 70 ^ Von Soden, Der Epheserbrief in Jahrbiicher filr Wlssensch. Theologie, xiii. 103-135, 432-498, 1S87 ; also Hand-Commentar, ed. by Holtzmann, Lipsius, etc. iii. 1, pp. 78-150, 1891, by Von Soden. AUTHENTICITY OF THE EPISTLE. 4jj as the earliest, and a.d, 90 as t!ic latest, probable date for its origin. And, in his admirable contribution to the Hand- Commcntar, iii. 1, 1891, he firndy maintains the position that the doctrinal contents are essentially Pauline, so that, purely on account of such peculiarities of style and construc- tion as distinguish it from admittedly genuine epistles of Paul, and not on account of doctrinal ditl'erences, does he deny the Pauline authorship. He represents the author as an imitator of St. Paul, probably a younger contemporary, very familiar with the apostle's st}le and cast of thought. The want of apostolic epistles was sorely felt by those who had been so dependent on the personal guidance of Paul ; and to sup])ly this, his disciple, without the remotest intention of acting falsely, but earnestly seeking faithfully to represent the teaching of his revered master, writes carefully on the lines which he might suppose the apostle would have followed. He is not led to do this from any poverty of thonght, for his work, even as thus circumscribed, shows him to be a man of singular freshness and originality of mind. Our critic, then, reaches the conclusion (Hand-Co)mncntar, iii. 1, p. 9 6) that here we have tlie production of an unknown writer among the eai'ly Christians. But the very fact to which he calls attention, that, apart from the name of Paul himself, none of the known writers of the period have ever been suggested in connection with our epistle, should ratber make us sceptical regarding so singular a phenomenon as that of a powerful writer, capable in ordinary degree of original work, not merely writing in Paul's name, but following out so closely the apostle's line of thought. Language Opponents of the Pauline authorship of our epistle and Style, endeavour to show that, in respect of vocabulary and style, it is unlike any of the undoubted productions of the apostle. Klopper,^ for example, who has gone into this question very carefully, gives a list of eighteen words peculiar to the epistle and not occurring elsewhere in the Bible, sixteen not found elsewhere in the New Testament, and fifty- two which are not met with in the other epistles commonly assigned to Paul, excluding the Pastoral Epistles. It is ^ Klop23er, Dcr Brief an die Epheser, Gottingen, pp. 9-12, 1891. 44 INTRODUCTIOX. frankly admitted that the mere occurrence of liapax legomcna cannot of itself prove the unauthenticity of a document, but the frequent use of phrases in a peculiar sense is regarded as presenting a formidable difficulty. The literary style of the epistle is generally pointed to by critics unfavourable to its authenticity, as entirely different from that of Paul. Klopper describes it as luxurious, and flowing, and overladen ; whereas the style of Paul is terse, simple, and pointed. Argumentation of this kind is generally unsatisfactory, as it so readily admits of being influenced by purely arbitrary and subjective considerations. This at least may be said with confidence, that no proof of divergence of style and language between the writer of Ephesians and that of Philippians and Colossians, or even of Corinthians, can be produced, such as would for a moment shake the confidence of any one who did not think that he had otherwise strong grounds for rejecting the Pauline authorship. That certain doctrines should be brought forward in new connections, and that certain truths should be dwelt upon and emphasised in our epistle which had not appeared at all, or at least were only casually referred to, in earlier epistles, is not to be wondered at. The apostle's own spiritual experience was progressive ; and the later requirements of a well organised and established Church were different from those of infant communities. The doctrine of the Church, wrought out on the basis of a sound Christology, is just what might have been expected to form the crown of the apostle's labours as a teacher.^ We hold, therefore, that nothinsr has been advanced to shake our confidence in the testimony of tradition, which has unanimously assigned our epistle to St. Paul. The peculiarity of contents and style may be naturally accounted for by the late period of its composition, and the special circumstances of the well-trained and highly-gifted community to which it was sent. 1 "The idea of the Church," says Rothe, Stitl Hours, p. 299, Lond. 1886, "develops itself only in the later writings of St. Paul, and is a natural conse- quence of the fact that the idea of the near approach of the second advent of Christ was falling into the background, and the idea of a necessary historical develop- ment of the kingdom of Christ was beginning to dawn upon his mind." THE DESTINATION OF THE EPISTLE. 45 3. THE DESTINATION OF THE EPISTLE. We have now to apply ourselves to the problem as to whether there be sufficient evidence to warrant the belief that the so-called Epistle to the Ephesiaus was written for and addressed to that Church of Ephesus, the history of which was sketched in our first chapter. In regard to no other epistle of Paul has such a controversy arisen, for though critics have disputed the genuineness of many epistles ordinarily ascribed to the apostle, yet in all cases, save the one before us, the text has prevented any uncertainty as to the readers addressed by the writer, whoever he might be. This, however, in regard to an epistle, is a matter calling for careful discussion and patient historical investigation. ^ . . p At a very early date it would seem attention Omission or j j words, was called to the absence of the words iv 'Ecf^eafo iv K(pi(ry. fj,Qj^ certain important manuscripts. Of the earliest and best uncials that have come down to us, the Sinaiticus and the Vaticanus do not contain the words. According to the statement of Tertullian, it would appear that Marcion, writing probably about A.D. 160, referred to our epistle under the name of the Epistle to the Laodiceans, having substituted this title for that which the Church tradition had accepted as the true super- scription {Adv. Marcion. v. 11, 17). The reference, how- ever, is so slight, that we cannot confidently affirm whether Marcion actually had before him a text in which iv 'E4>ea(p did not occur, or whether he arbitrarily ignored or excised the words, and, for some dogmatic reason no longer apparent to us, chose to assign the epistle to Laodicea. Nor can we regard as at all necessary the admission of Meyer, that the style of Tertullian's argument against Marcion requires us Tertullian, to assume that the copies which he used, while A.D. 160-240. bearing the title irpo<; 'E(j)6aiov 'Xhese were contemporary texts of Basil, and evidently represent what he regarded as the more ancient type. There is a tendency, mainly fostered by the enuncia- tion of the principles of textual criticism given by Westcott and Hort, to accord an unquestioning acceptance to all readings supported by these two great authorities. We cannot here enter upon any discussion of these principles, but the reader may be referred to a convenient table drawn up by Godet in his Commentary on First Corinthians, vol. ii. pp. 483-491, Edin. 1887, in which it is shown that exegesis affords evidence of errors in these great documents, such as to suggest the need of some further proof of the primitiveness of any particular reading besides its presence in their texts. As a simple matter of textual criticism, it will not do to reject a reading found in all other uncials, and in all the cursives without exception, merely because it is not found in X and B ; nor can the patristic evidence pre- viously referred to be pressed as unquestionably affording further and independent testimony. The other Alexandrines, A and C, and even the later uncials based upon the Syrian and Byzantine text, may represent in this particular instance a much older reading. This conjecture is greatly strengthened by the fact that the earliest patristic tradition favours the Ephe- sian destination of the epistle, so that in the second century Marcion stood alone in repudiating it. The probability is made yet greater, by the circumstance that all the ancient versions, the earliest of which dates from the second century,^ ' There is good reason to suppose that the Peshito, or Old Syriac, is identical with the 'S.Cpos quoted by Melito in a.d. 170, which may therefore be set down as not later than tlie middle of the second century. See Scrivener, Plain Introd. to the. Crltlci&m of the N. T., 3id ed., pp. 312, 313, Cambridge, 1883. THE DESTINATION OF THE EPISTLE. 51 and was decidedly earlier than Tertullian, have the reading, and so must have been made from a still more ancient Greek text containing the words in question. Any Syrian father, having the contidence of the Church to such a degrea as to secure acceptance for his translation of the Holy Scriptures, would certainly use a Greek text of good repute. We therefore maintain that no case is made out against the readineaw on the grounds of the principles of textual criticism. Intprpolated '-The question that has here to be decided, rather or Omitted ? jg as to whether we might more easily explain the falling out from, or the insertion in, the text of such a reading. Certain modern critics^ suppose that these words were struck out because of a difficulty early felt, in consequence of the absence of any greetings or personal references in a letter purporting to be addressed to a church with which the apostle had been so intimately associated. Against the supposition that the reading iv 'Ej>ea(p had been dropped from the original text, because it was felt even in the second century that the want of personal references in the epistle presented a ditficulty, it is answered that the churchmen of that early age had not adopted the historico-critical method. But surely, without assuming on behalf of Marcion and Tertullian any tendency towards the anticipation of the critical methods of modern times, we may fairly suppose that not only they, but also their elder contemporaries, without consciously playing the role of critics, by the simple exercise of thoughtful reflection, might have their minds exercised in the presence of such a phenomenon, and might reach the conclusion that such an epistle, void of all personal allusions or greetings, was scarcely like what Paul would have written to a church where he was so well known as he was in that of Ephesus. Other critics,- however, regard the theory of the later insertion of these words as the more natural explanation of their appear- ance. The peculiarly abrupt and seemingly incomplete phrase. See, however. Field, Hexapla, i. p. Ixxvii., and Buhl, Canon and Text of 0. T., p. 187, 1891. ' Such as Hilgenfeld, Einhitunrj, p. 670 f., and AVoldemar Schmidt iu his edition of Meyer on Ephesians. ' Such as HoltzmaiHi, E'mltituvg, 2nd ed., p. 284 ff. 52 INTEODUCTION. Tot9 ovaii', would tempt transcribers, in the interest of clear- ness and intelligibility, to insert the name of some particular church with which the epistle had come to be especially associated. Then by combining Eph. vi. 21 with 2 Tin), iv. 12, they might come to the conclusion that iv ^E^eaw ought to be inserted.^ So soon, at least, as the Ephesian destination of the epistle had come to be generally accepted, and the title irpo^ 'E(peaiovaXi] loves the crco/xa like a second ego, and devotes itself to saving it and to effect an inseparable union with it (v. 31). We may there- ibre say that the Johannine theory of the spiritual, substantial unity of several individuals under this type of marriage here penetrates the Pauline conception of the bodily, organic union between head and body. In Eph. v. 25-27 the new idea is brought forward, that the purifying and sanctifying death of Christ avails pre-eminently for the Church as such, and has CHARACTER AND TYPE OF DOCTKIXE. 75 for its end the presenting of the Church "holy and without blemish, not having spot or wrinkle or any such thing." The cleansing efficacy of Christ's death, excluding all sin as strictly as possible from the Church (v. 3-5), is represented in a manner similar to that in which it appears in John's writings (1 John iii. 3-6, i. 7-ii. 2). This similarity is not casual or accidental. To the Ephesians, as well as to John's writings, the doctrine of justification, and probably also that of tlie vicarious satisfaction, are wanting, and we have in both only the reconciliation (ii. 14), i.e. the restoration of the relation of sons to God (i. 5, ii. 18, iii. 12 ; 1 John iii. 21, iv. 17), the forgiveness of sins (i. 7), cleansing from sin itself (v. 27), and the new creation of man after the image of Christ (ii. 10), and of God (iv. 24). For the author of our epistle, the idea of cleans- ing and sanctifying is so essential, that in v. 26 baptism is described as the cleansing bath for perfecting the Church ; and here again baptism is joined with the death of Jesus (v. 25), just as alixa and v^wp are in the writings of John (1 John V. 6 ; John xix. 34). As the mighty opponent of Christianity appears the devil (vi. 11), o irovrjpo^ (vi. 16, comp. John xvii. 15), the prince of heathenism and heresy (ii. 2), not so individualised as John's cip-^wv lov Koa/xov, but the chief of a host of evil spirits in the air or in heaven (ii. 2, iii. 10, vi. 12). Alongside of the conviction of the unique trutli and grandeur of Christianity, rises that of the concrete reality of the opposing forces of spiritual powers. We are at first inclined to wonder at the almost Manichean hypostasising in John of the mighty principles of evil, but this is explained by a consideration of the gradual development of the doctrine of the devil. The author of the Epistle to the Ephesians seeks to make sin more terrible by a vivid representation of the superhuman might and vast number of the evil spirits (vi. 11, 12, 16), whereas John dwells rather on wickedness and hatred of the truth (viii. 44) ; and so, in place of sub- ordinate demons, we have wicked men of this world forming the army of the prince of darkness (comp. Eph. iii. 10 with John xvii. 21, 23). Eaith is presented under the aspect of steadfastness in resisting the attacks of the devil (vi. 16, comp. 1 John iv. 4), and as that which imparts unity to the whole 76 INTEODUCTIOX. (iv. 5, 13). Knowledge shows one what he has in Chiis- (, ,. tianity,in order that he may be confirmed in his faith, in Jolin and that nothing of the content of Christianity may andl'aul. ^^ wanting to him (Eph. v. 18, iii. 7, 20 ; John vii. 88, vi. 35, iv. 14). Abiding and growing in the truth are the preservatives against false doctrine (iv. 14, 15, 21, 24, 25, v. 9, vi. 14; 1 John ii. 21, 27, iv. 15-17, iii. 17- 19). So, too, walking as children of light, with their fruit in all goodness, righteousness, and truth, the doing of God's will (vi. 7 ; 1 John ii. 17), the imitating of God and Christ (v. 1-2 ; 1 John i. 7, ii. 6, 20, iii. 6, IG, iv. 17), are ideas common to Ephesians and the writings of John. On the other hand, more like the early Paulinism is the call to put off the old man, to be renewed in the Spirit, and to put on the new man created after God in righteousness and true holiness (iv. 22—24). A peculiar importance is assigned to good works unknown to the earlier epistles ; for though the writer of Ephesians is quite as emphatically a preacher of free grace and salvation, not of works but as the gift of God by faith and in accordance with God's eternal purpose, lie yet extends this divine purpose to the good works which, as God's workmanship, we are to produce (ii. 10). By this inclusion of good works in predestination, they obtain a like importance with faith, although in the old I'auline view the predestined new creation of man includes this in itself, as in John the being born of God involves the doing of what is right (1 John ii. 20, V. 1, 2). — Again, what our epistle says of love is quite in the style of John. As it is the ground of God's redemption and of Christ's incarnation and sacrifice, so Christians, God's dear children, walk in love as God does (v. 1, 2, iv. 32, quite similarly to 1 John iv. 11, 7), as Christ loved us and gave Himself for us (v. 2, 25, quite as 1 John iii. 16 ; John xiii. 34, xv. 9). Love is that which holds the Church together (iv. 16), which establishes the Church itself and each of its members in the truth (iv. 15, ii. 3, 18; 1 John ii. 9-11, iii. 14; 2 John v. 6), though not expressly announced as the first precept of Christianity. So, too, are elpyjvrj and evoriri commended (iv. 3; John xviii, 21-23). Instead of the e^etv ^corjv CHARACTER AND TYPE OF DOCTRINE. "77 alcoi'iov ev eavrco [xevovaav, the Epistle to the P'phesians speaks of the hope of it (i. 12, 18, iv. 4); a7roXvTp(i3ai