NewCentury 
 Bible 
 
 Ezra 
 
 Nehemiah 
 
 Esther 
 
Dwisioa. R 
 Set. tioa ' 
 
THE NEW-CENTURY BIBLE 
 
 *GENESIS, by the Rev. Prof. W. H. Bennett, Litt.D., D.D. 
 *EXODUS, by the Rev. Prof. W. II. Benmett, Litt.D., D.D. 
 
 LEVITICUS AND NUMBERS, by the Rev. Prof. A. R. S. Kennedy, M.A., D.D. 
 ^DEUTERONOMY AND JOSHUA, by the Rev. Prof. H. WHEKt^ER Robinson, 
 
 M.A. 
 ^JUDGES AND RUTH, by the Rev. G. W. Thatcher, M.A., B.D. 
 M AND II SAMUEL, by the Rev. Prof. A. R. S. Kennedy, M.A., D.IX 
 *I and II KINGS, by the Rev. Prof. Skinner, D.D. 
 
 *I AND II CHRONICLES, by the Rev. W. Harvey-Jelt.ie, M.A., B.D. 
 *EZRA, NEHEMIAH, AND ESTHER, by the Rev. Prof. T. WiTTON DAVIES, 
 - B.A., Ph.D. 
 
 ^JOB, by Prof. A. S. Peake, M.A.,D.D. 
 
 ^PSALMS (Vol. I) I TO LXXII, by the Rev. Prof. DAVISON, M.A., D.D. 
 *PSALMS (Vol. II) LXXIII TO END, by the Rev. Prof. T, WiTTON Davies, 
 
 B.A., Ph.D. 
 *PROVERBS, ECCLESL\STES, and SONG OF SOLOMON, by the 
 
 Rev. Prof. G. CuRRiE MARTIN, M.A., B.D. 
 *ISAIAH I-XXXIX, by the Rev. OWEN C. Whitehguse.M.A., D.D. 
 *1SAIAH XI^LXVI, by the Rev. Owen C. Whitehouse, AI.A., D.D. 
 
 JEREMIAH AND LAMENTATIONS, by Prof, A. S. Peake, M.A., D.D. 
 *EZEKIEL, by the Rev. Prof. W. F. Lofthouse, M.A. 
 
 DANIEL, by the Rev, Prof. R, H. Charles, D.D. 
 *MINOR PROPHETS: HosEA, JOEL, Amos, Oisadiah, Jonah, Micah, by the 
 
 Rev. R. F. Horton, M.A., D.D. 
 *MINOR PROPHETS: Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah. 
 Mal.^chi, by the Rev. Canon Driver, Litt.D., D.D. 
 
 *i. MATTHEW, by the Rev. Prof. W. F. Slater, M.A. 
 
 *2. MARK, by the late Principal Salmond, D.D. 
 
 *3. LUKE, by Principal W. F. Adeney, M.A., D.D. 
 
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 =•:;. ACTS, by the Rev. Prof. J, Vernon Bartlet, M.A., D.D, 
 
 »6. ROMANS, by the Rev. Prof. A. E. Garvie, M.A., D.D. 
 
 *7. 1 and II CORINTHIANS, by Prof. J. Massie, M.A., D.D. 
 
 »8. EPHESIANS, COLOSSIANS, PHILEMON, PHILIPPIANS, by the 
 Rev. Prof. G. CuRRiE Martin, M.A., B.D. 
 
 *Q I AND II THESSALONIANS, GALATIANS, by Principal W. F. Adeney, 
 
 M.A., D.D. 
 "lo. THE PASTORAL EPISTLES, by the Rev. R. F. Horton, M.A , D.D. 
 »u, HEBREWS, by Prof. A. S. Peake, M.A., D.D. 
 ^12. THE GENERAL EPISTLES, by the Rev. Prof. W. H. Bennett, Litt.D., 
 
 D.D. 
 •13. REVELATION, by the Rev. Prof. C. ANDERSON Scott, M.A,, D D. 
 
 [Those marked* are already published.'] 
 
THE NEW-CENTURY BIBLE 
 
 EZRA, NEHEMIAH AND 
 ESTHER 
 
OXFORD 
 
 HORACE HARI, 1 RINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 
He Etlinlraprfh. Grogtogjlucal InfitLtote 
 
TiUa 
 
 -Tho 
 
 300 
 
 on to JerusaJem 
 
 
 Coj*yr.igiit — JoWJiartLolomflrwA Co.. 
 
 Edinburgh. 
 
General Editor : 
 Principal Walter F. Adeney, M.A., D.D, 
 
 <BxtA, (Tle^emia^ anb 
 
 "^ ' APR 2 1912 
 
 v^ ^ 
 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 REVISED VERSION V^ITH NOTES 
 
 MAPS AND INDEX 
 
 REV.T. WITTON DAVIES, B.A., Ph.D., D.D. 
 
 PROFESSOR OF SEMITIC LANGUAGES, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF 
 
 NORTH WALES, BANGOR ; LATE PRINCIPAL MIDLAND 
 
 BAPTIST COLLEGE, NOTTINGHAM 
 
 NEW YORK: HENRY FROWDE 
 
 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMERICAN BRANCH 
 
 EDINBURGH : T. C. & E. C. JACK 
 
The Revised Versioa' is printed by permission of the 
 Universities of Oxford and Cambridge 
 
PREFATORY NOTE 
 
 The author desires to express his warmest thanks 
 to his fellow countryman and former teacher^ the 
 Rev. A. H. Sayce, D.Litt., LL.D., D.D. of Oxford, 
 and to his former pupil, the Rev. G. G. V. Stone- 
 house, M.A., Vice-Principal and Lecturer in Old 
 Testament Exegesis, Scottish Episcopal College 
 (Coates Hall), Edinburgh, for reading the proof- 
 sheets and making valuable suggestions. It is 
 but fair to add that the Index is^ for the most part, 
 the work of the author's daughter. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 PAGE 
 
 A. Introduction to Ezra and Nehf.miah : 
 
 I, Name, Place in the Canon ..... 3 
 
 II. Contents 4 
 
 III. Tlie Book of the Torah read by Ezra ... 8 
 
 IV. Principal Sources . . . . . .11 
 
 V. Date 18 
 
 VI. Recent Discussions ...... 21 
 
 VII. Contemporary Literature ..... 30 
 
 VIII. Comparative Dates, Jewish, &c. .... 32 
 
 Abbreviations, Literature used, &c. • • . 35 
 
 B. Ezra, Text of the Revised Version with Annota- 
 
 tions 39 
 
 C. Nehemiah, Text of the Revised Version with 
 
 Annotations 159 
 
 ESTHER 
 
 A. Introduction : 
 
 I. Name of Book 291 
 
 II. Place in the Canon ....,, 291 
 
 Apocr3'phal Additions ...... 294 
 
 III. Abstract of Contents ...... 295 
 
 IV. Aim and Character of the Book .... 296 
 
 V. Unity and Integrity .... . 298 
 
 VI. Date and Authorship ...... 299 
 
 VI L The Feast Purim and the Word ' Pur ' . . 301 
 
 Literature ....... . 305 
 
 B. Text of the Revis.'^.d Version with Annotations . 306 
 
 C. Additional Notes : 
 
 1. Was Cyrus a Zoroastrian ? ..... 360 
 
 2. Were the early Persian Kings tolerant? . . 362 
 
 3. Note to Ezra VIII. 21 363 
 
 4. Note to Esther II. 12-15 ^ 363 
 
 INDEX 365 
 
 MAPS AND PLAN 
 
 "1. Map of Transpotamia, &c. . . . facing tith-page 
 
 2, Map of Province of Judah. &c. . ,, p. 39 
 
 3. Plan of Jerusalem . ... ,, p. 159 
 
EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 AND 
 
 REVISED VERSION WITH ANNOTATIONS 
 
EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 I. Name, Place in Canon. 
 
 Ezra and Nehemiah are treated as one book with the 
 name 'Ezra' in the Talmud^, the Massorah, in the LXX (B) 
 (Esdras (B)), in Josephus -, and in the early Christian 
 Church. Origen in his Hexapla was the first to divide 
 this one work into two, but the first to give the second part 
 the name ' Nehemiah ' was Jerome, according to Sayce ^ 
 and Ryle, though Baudissin^ says it is due to late MSS, 
 of the LXX. 
 
 In the Jewish Canon, as represented by our Hebrew 
 Bible, Ezra-Nehemiah and Chronicles (reckoned as one 
 book) are the two last books in the third division {Ketubim 
 or writings, also called Hagiographa), and therefore in 
 the Hebrew Old Testament. In the English, Welsh, &c., 
 Bible, Ezra and Nehemiah, counted as two books, appear 
 after Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles, and before Esther. 
 It is impossible to say for certain when Ezra-Nehemiah 
 was received into the Canon of the Old Testament. 
 Ryle ^ thinks that every book now in the Kettibiin must 
 have found its way into the Jewish Canon between 
 160-109 B. C. His evidence for this conclusion is cumula- 
 tive, but it is by no means decisive. He does not advance 
 a single argument that settles the matter beyond contro- 
 versy, nor can the sum total of his arguments be said to 
 do this. It cannot be proved definitely that our Hebrew 
 Bible was recognized as canonical by the Synod of Jamnia 
 (a. d. 90). By about a. d. 200 the whole of the Hebrew 
 Bible as we know it must have been recognized as canoni- 
 
 ' Baba Bathra, 15^. 2 Contra Ap. i. 8, &c. 
 
 ■' Ezra and Neherniah^ p. 28. * Einleitiitig, p. 264. 
 
 5 The Canon of the Old Testament ^'^^j 129 ft; 
 B 2 
 
4 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 cal, for the Mishnah implies that, and we seem justified in 
 believing that in A. D. 200 the Mishnah existed complete, 
 though no documentary witness certifies to the existence 
 of a written Mishnah until some centuries later. 
 
 Though it is the prevailing opinion among modern 
 scholars, especially since the time of Zunz ^, that originally 
 Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah formed but one continuous 
 book, compiled, and in part composed, by one man, named 
 the Chronicler, or by more than one belonging to the 
 same school, there is not an atom of evidence in ancient 
 Codices, Versions, or Editions, that these three books 
 were counted as one, though there is ample evidence that 
 Ezra-Nehemiah was reckoned as one. See further under 
 ' Sources,' &c., pp. 12 ff. The duplication of Ezra i. 1-3* 
 at the close of 2 Chronicles is due to a late editor who 
 wished to explain when and how the seventy years of the 
 preceding verse came to an end. 
 
 II. The Contents of Ezra-Nehemiah. 
 
 The following analysis rests on the general assumption 
 that the present order of the chapters and verses in Ezra- 
 Nehemiah is in the main at once genuine and authentic, 
 though in some of its details the text has suffered at the 
 hands of copyists and editors. 
 Ezra. 
 
 The book of Ezra falls naturally into two main divisions. 
 Chaps, i-vi speak of the period from the arrival at Jeru- 
 salem of Zerubbabei and Joshua and their fellow exiles to 
 the completion and dedication of the Temple, i.e. from 
 537 to 516. In chaps, vii-x we have a record of the ar- 
 rival from Babylon of Ezra and his caravan, and of the 
 work which Ezra did, all comprehended in something 
 over a single year (458-457 B. c). Of the sixty or fifty years 
 that elapsed between the events of chaps, vi and vii we 
 know practically nothing, though some records of this 
 interval must at one time have existed, perhaps incor- 
 porated in the original draft of Ezra-Nehemiah. 
 
 1 Gottes Vortrage («), 28 ff. 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 i-vi. First part of Ezra : from the return to the 
 dedicati07i of the Temple, 537-516 B.C. 
 
 i. Cyrus, having conquered Babylon, permits the Jewish 
 exiles in that country to return to Jerusalem to rebuild 
 their Temple and reorganize their religious institutions, 
 restoring to them the Temple vessels removed by Nebu- 
 chadnezzar in 586 B. c. 
 
 ii (i Esdras v. 7-45). A list of those who accepted 
 the royal offer, over 40,000 in all. 
 
 iii (i Esdras v. 47-65). Resumption of the religious 
 life of the nation: building and dedication of the Altar 
 (1-3) ; observance of Tabernacles and other feasts (4-7) ; 
 foundation of the Temple laid (8-13), 537-6 B.C. 
 
 iv. 1-5, 24 (i Esdras v. 66-73). The Jews refuse the offer 
 of the Samaritans to co-operate with them in the work of 
 rebuilding the Temple, whereupon the Samaritans stead- 
 fastly oppose the work, which therefore remained at a 
 standstill from 536 to 516 (twenty years). 
 
 The section iv. 7-23 (i Esdras ii. 15-25) (ver. 6 is an 
 interpolation, see note on) belongs to the history of the 
 building of the walls, and has its right place between 
 Ezra i and Neh. i, or (Torrey, Kent) after Neh. vi. 
 
 v. if (i Esdras vi. i f). The building of the Temple re- 
 sumed through the preaching of the prophets Haggai and 
 Zechariah (520 B. c). 
 
 V. 3-vi. 12 (i Esdras vi. 3-34)- Unsuccessful opposi- 
 tion of the Persian officials to the building (520-15 B.C.). 
 
 V. 3-5. The Persian officials make inquiries of the 
 builders. 
 
 V. 6-vi. 12. Correspondence between them and King 
 Darius resulting in a royal decree author'zing the Jews to 
 proceed with the building. 
 
 vi. 12-18 (i Esdras vii. i-ii). Completion and dedica- 
 tion of the Temple (516 B. c). 
 
 vi. 19-22 (i Esdras vii. 12-15). The keeping of the 
 Passover. 
 
6 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 Second part of Ezra ; vii-x (i Esdras viii-ix. 36) .• 
 Ezra's arrival at Jericsalem and his work. 
 
 To these chapters must be added Neh. vii. 73^-x. 39, 
 which describe the activity of Ezra and are silent about 
 Nehemiah, though his name has by mistake found its way 
 into Nehemiah (458-457 (or 456, or 455) B. c). 
 
 Between the time imphed at the end of ch. vi and the 
 beginning of ch. vii there is an interval of about sixty 
 years, about which the Old Testament is almost, if not 
 quite, silent. Nor do the recently found Aramaic papyri 
 throw any light on this period, as they belong to a some- 
 what later date. 
 
 vii (i Esdras viii. 1-27). Journey of Ezra and his party 
 from Babylon to Jerusalem, bringing from Artaxerxes I 
 (Longimanus) a commission authorizing the reorganiza- 
 tion of Judaism. 
 
 viii. 1-14(1 Esdras viii. 28-40). List of those who return. 
 
 viii. 15-36(1 Esdras viii. 41-64 (66)). The assembling of 
 the party by the river Ahava ; incidents of the journey ; the 
 arrival. 
 
 ix (i Esdras viii. 68-90). Ezra's grief on hearing that 
 some Jews were married to foreign wives (1-5) ; his con- 
 fession and prayer (6-1 5). 
 
 x (i Esdras viii. 91-ix. 36). Measures taken to put an 
 end to the mixed marriages. 
 
 See also the analysis of Neh. viii. 73b-x in its place 
 under Nehemiah, though this section belongs strictly to 
 the life of Ezra and, therefore, to the book so called. 
 
 The history of Ezra breaks off suddenly and of his end 
 we have no certain information: see p. 155 ff. 
 
 Nehemiah. 
 
 In this book we have a narrative of Nehemlah's life 
 from the time he received the king's permission to visit 
 his people at Jerusalem (i) to his second visit (xiii). 
 
 In i-vii. 5, with which must probably go vii. 6-73^, we 
 have what have been called Nehemiah's memoirs, called 
 
INTRODUCTION 7 
 
 by the Germans the * I * sections, as Nehemiah in them 
 speaks in the first person. 
 
 vii. 73^'-x (see on) forms part of the history of Ezra, 
 and probably stood originally at the end of the Book of 
 Ezra, forming part of that book. 
 
 i. i-li*^. Nehemiah's grief on hearing of the sad con- 
 dition of Jerusalem, and his prayer. 
 
 i. Il^-ii. Nehemiah, receiving the king's permission, 
 visits Jerusalem : his inspection of the walls and his 
 pathetic impressions. 
 
 iii. Names of those who repaired the several parts of 
 the walls. 
 
 iv. Opposition to the work (i-8), and the means em- 
 ployed by Nehemiah to overcome it (9-23). 
 
 V. Social distress through the hard treatment of the poor 
 by the rich (1-5) and how Nehemiah remedied it (6-13). 
 Nehemiah's own generosity (14-19). 
 
 vi. The walls completed (ver. 15), notwithstanding op- 
 position from without (1-9) and treachery within (10-19). 
 
 vii. 1-73^ + xi. I f. and probably, in addition, the rest of 
 ch. xi. Measures taken for the defence of Jerusalem (vii. 
 1-3) and for the increase of its population (vii. 4-xi. i flf.). 
 
 vii. 73^-x (less certainly x) belongs to the history of 
 Ezra, and has its proper place immediately after Ezra x as 
 a part of that book : see p. 155 ff. and introductory re- 
 marks to vii. 73^. Ezra reads and expounds the law (vii. 
 73^-viii. 8); commands the people to rejoice (viii. 9-1 1) ; 
 Tabernacles observed (viii. 12-18) ; confession and prayer 
 (ix. 1-37) ; signatures to the covenant made (ix. 38-x. 29) ; 
 obligations assumed by the people (x. 10-39). 
 
 xi. I ff. Continuation of the history of Nehemiah. 
 
 xi. I f. How the population of Jerusalem is increased. 
 
 xi. 3-xii. 26. Various lists of laymen and Temple 
 officials. 
 
 xii. 27-43. Dedication of the walls. Here the first per- 
 son, dropped after vii. 5, is resumed (see verses 31, 38, 40). 
 
 xii. 44-xiii. 31 (end). Nehemiah's second visit to Jeru- 
 salem fxiii. 6) : his later religious reforms : provision is 
 
8 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 made for the support of the Levites (xii. 44-47 + xiii, 10-14) 
 and for the strict observance of the Sabbath (xiii. 15-22) ; 
 energetic protest against mixed marriages (viii. 23-29) ; 
 Nehemiah's closing words (viii. 30 f.). 
 
 III. The Book of the Torah, or the Instruction 
 Book Brought, Read, and Expounded by Ezra. 
 
 Before proceeding to a consideration of the sources on 
 which Ezra-Nehemiah rests it will be of some service to 
 consider briefly the nature and extent of the Law Book 
 brought by Ezra (see Ezra vii. 14). 
 
 No one now believes that the whole of our present 
 Hebrew Old Testament was brought together and recog- 
 nized as canonical by Ezra and Nehemiah, helped by the 
 (fictitious) Great Synagogue (see on Neh. viii. 2), and per- 
 haps by Malachi, though it was the prevailing opinion 
 among Jew and Christian in ancient times, and in recent 
 times was vigorously defended by Keil and Hengstenberg in 
 Germany, and by Archibald Alexander and W. H. Green, 
 both of Princeton, U.S.A. It is now agreed among all 
 scholars that many parts of the Old Testament were 
 not even written for some centuries after the abo'. e 
 period. 
 
 It used to be largely held that Ezra, or one of his pre- 
 decessors, was the editor of the Hexateuch (Pentateuch and 
 Joshua), and that it was a copy of this which Ezra read. 
 But Ezra shows little or no interest in the earlier, the so- 
 called prophetic parts of the Hexateuch, or any acquaint- 
 ance with them. It is to the legal portions that Ezra and 
 Nehemiah hark back, especially to the laws in Deut. (D) 
 and Lev. xvii. 17-26 (H). The use of the word torah, 
 translated ' law,' proves nothing in the present discussion, 
 for though in Rabbinical Hebrew it is the technical term 
 for the Pentateuch, it never has that sense in the Old 
 Testament, as Delitzsch in the last edition of his Com- 
 mentary on Genesis (1887) admitted, after having pre- 
 viously maintained the contrary. The word denotes 
 
INTRODUCTION 9 
 
 strictly ' instruction,'^ and is generally used of what God 
 commands through prophets and priests. 
 
 Since the enactments of the P code are comparatively 
 seldom cited or implied it is strange that Wellhausen ', 
 Cornill ^, and others should hold that Ezra's torah was 
 the P code, though the latter passed through later changes 
 and received later additions. It is exceedingly unlikely 
 that the P code could have been designated the ' law of 
 Moses' (Ezra vii. 6, Neh. viii. i), 'the law of Yahvveh ' 
 (Ezra vii. lo), 'the law of God' (Ezra vii. 14, Neh. viii. 8, 
 &c.), or ' all the commandments, ordinances, and statutes 
 of Yahvveh ' (Neh. x. 29). 
 
 Moreover the laws in Ezra-Nehemiah are often different 
 from those of P, and belong to an older stratum of the 
 national life. The pre-exilic custom of offering one whole 
 offering in the morning and one cereal offering in the 
 evening is that implied and followed in Neh. x. 34 (33) 
 (see on). The custom enforced in Ezek. xlvi. 13-15 (both 
 offerings in the morning) and in P(Num. xxviii. 3-8, both 
 offerings in the morning and also in the evening) are 
 those of a later time. It must be borne in mind that 
 Ezekiel's code (xl-xlviii) was an ideal, a programme to be 
 realized in after times. According to P (Exod. xxx. 13 ; 
 2 Chron. xxiv. 4 f., &c.) the poll-tax for the upkeep of the 
 Temple is half a shekel. But the law enforced by Ezra or 
 Nehemiah or both makes the tax one-third of a shekel 
 (see Neh. x. 32 f , and the note on). 
 
 Ezra ix. 6-15 and Neh. ix, which have many resem- 
 blances, are conceived and expressed much in the manner 
 of D ; there is nothing of the kind in P. 
 
 ' Professors Sayce, Haupt, and Zimmern (see if^ T. (-'''' 606, 
 notes) connect the Heb. torah with the Bab. tertu {= 'the 
 message of a god '), which in the time of Hammurabi had as- 
 sumed the technical sense of ' a divinely revealed law, 'as e.g. 
 the Hammurabi Code. The cognate Bab. verb {etii) means 
 * to send a message.' 
 
 '^ Pro/eg. Eng. Ed. 408 ff.; Geschtchte ^^\ ^11^' 
 
 3 Introd. 112 ff. ; Germ. Ed. (5) 58 flf. 
 
lo EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 The law of the Sabbatic year in Neh. x. 31 (see on) 
 agrees with Exod. xxiii. 10 f. (JE) rather than with Lev. 
 XXV. 2-7 (H). 
 
 For other laws absent from P yet found in older codes 
 and referred to in Ezra-Nehemiah see on Neh. x. 30, 39, 
 and on many other passages in the present volume. 
 
 Many laws and customs mentioned or implied have no 
 counterpart anywhere in the Old Testament : see on Neh. 
 X. 34. 
 
 If it was the P code that Ezra published and tried to 
 enforce it is strange that so few of its provisions seem to 
 have been realized, though the argumentum e silentio is 
 admittedly a precarious one. The observance of the Feast 
 of Tabernacles is mentioned twice in these books (Ezra 
 iii. 4-7, Neh. viii. 13-18), both of them falling within the 
 scope of Ezra's activity (see on, Neh.vii. 73^-x). Nehemiah, 
 otherwise so punctilious about keeping the law, seems to 
 have no concernabout the feast. The Passover is mentioned 
 once only in these books, viz. in Ezra vi. 19, but neither 
 Pentecost (the Feast of Weeks) nor the Day of Atonement 
 is even mentioned. Stade ^ tHinks that Ezra's torah was 
 an enlarged edition of the Holiness Code (H, Lev. xvii- 
 xxvi), and Kuenen" says it must have included this code. 
 
 But Geissler in his valuable monograph Die literari- 
 scken Beziehungen der EBra-Memoiren (1899) has made 
 it abundantly evident that all the Hexateuch sources have 
 been drawn upon in Ezra vii-x, and the present writer has 
 brought together proofs of the same kind relating to the 
 rest of Ezra-Nehemiah, and is prevented by exigencies 
 of space alone from setting them forth here. 
 
 Ezra's torah corresponds neither to our Pentateuch nor 
 to the Hexateuch, and still less to any one of the recog- 
 nized Hexateuch sources (JE, D, P). It seems to have 
 been a collection of laws agreeing mainly with the laws in 
 D and H, and, in a less degree, with those in P. This 
 collection was probably made by Ezra himself from the 
 
 * G*sch. ii. 181. 2 Qgg Abhandlungen (Budde), p. 390. 
 
INTRODUCTION ii 
 
 mass of histories and codes brought together in Babylon, 
 which at length crystalized into our Hexateuch. 
 
 That this code came to be called the ' Torah ( = Instruc- 
 tion Book) of Moses ' ( Ezra vii. 6} means no more than 
 that it rested upon a nucleus of law which was rightly 
 ascribed to the great Jewish lawgiver himself. As time went 
 on and the name ' Moses ' gathered about it more and more 
 halo it would be natural to associate the whole of the Five 
 Books with his name, just as the ' Five Books ' of the 
 Psalter came to be connected with the name ' David,' the 
 Moses of song. Indeed, already in the times with which 
 we are dealing, the expression ' the Torah of Moses,' ' of 
 God,' or ' of Yahweh,' had come to have a somewhat tech- 
 nical sense—' the Lawbook for the community of Yahweh 
 founded by Moses.' 
 
 IV. The Principal Sources of Ezra-Nehemiah. 
 
 Here are to be briefly enumerated the principal mate- 
 rials out of which, in the opinion of the present writer, the 
 final editor (R, i.e. Redactor) wove the existing narrative, 
 not omitting the part contributed by the editor himself. 
 It is not necessary in this place to consider the complex 
 code {toraJi) according to which both Ezra and Nehemiah 
 sought to act and to make others act (see § 3). This be- 
 came a part of the history which Ezra-Nehemiah contains, 
 and is involved in that history. It is quite evident that 
 these books are more or less compilations — that they are 
 not homogeneous compositions. This is made quite clear 
 by many considerations. 
 
 1. The interchange of the first and third persons when 
 Ezra or Nehemiah is the theme of the narrative. In some 
 cases the transition from one person to another is very 
 sudden, as in Ezra ix. 1 5 and x. i ; Neh. vii. 5 f. and 7 ff. ; 
 xii. 26 and 27 ff. ; xiii. 1-3 and verses 4 flf. 
 
 2. The lack of continuity in the narrative. Between 
 Ezra vi. 22 and vii. I there is a break in the narrative 
 representing a period of some sixty years. An editor at 
 a later time would not be greatly struck by this gap when 
 
12 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 viewing the past as a whole. Moreover, the Book of Ezra 
 itself has no natural ending, even vi'hen we have added 
 to it Neh. vii. 72^-x ; and many small sections are ob- 
 viously incomplete, as e. g. that closing with Neh. xii. 43. 
 These two books are, to a large extent, a patchwork, and 
 the pieces joined are sometimes but fragments. 
 
 3. Each book displays differences of vocabulary, phras- 
 ing, and spirit, though this is in an eminent degree true of 
 Ezra with its 'Aramaic' and *I' sections. Nothing is 
 more striking in this connexion than the Aramaic por- 
 tions of Ezra. See below. 
 
 4. There are apparent discrepancies which could hardly 
 have existed if the whole had come from one hand. Be- 
 side the variations in identical genealogies (see Ezra ii, 
 Neh. vii, &c ) compare Ezra iii. 4 ff. and Neh. viii. 13- 
 18, especially ver. 17. 
 
 Annotation and Description of the Principal Sources. 
 
 Note that the designating letter precedes the description 
 of the source. 
 
 T. Temple records, embracing all extant documents 
 relating to the Temple and its officials, but more especi- 
 ally from the return in the time of Cyrus. Such records 
 must have been carefully preserved after the restoration of 
 the sanctuary, probably in one of the Temple treasuries 
 (see on Ezra viii. 29, x. 6). Ezra i-vi belongs as a whole 
 to this source, though the whole has been worked over by 
 a Redactor (R). Nothing would be more likely to be 
 scrupulously guarded than the official documents, all in 
 Aramaic except i. 2-4, as during the Persian period they 
 constituted a kind of official recognition of the national 
 religion. Ezra iv. 7-23 (see on) belongs to source C, to be 
 noticed later. 
 
 Ta. The Aramaic parts of T. These are in themselves 
 of sufficient importance to deserve a separate notice. 
 They are the following, all of them in Ezra : 
 
 I. Correspondence between Persian officials in Pales- 
 tine and Darius I concerning the building of the Temple, 
 
INTRODUCTION 13 
 
 the purpose of the first named being to hinder the work, 
 iv. 7-v. 12. 
 
 2. Letter of Artaxerxes I to Ezra officially recognizing 
 the Jewish religion and its central sanctuary, vii. 12-26. 
 
 We have a similar Aramaic document in iv. 8-22, and 
 though this has to do with 7va//-hm\d'mg and is to be sub- 
 sumed under C (Ca, see below) it is convenient to consider 
 it m connexion with the above. 
 
 Most recent writers regard these Aramaic sections as 
 genuine though somewhat altered from their original 
 form ; thus Driver, Comill (later editions), Strack, Bau- 
 dissin, and Budde in their Introductions, Ryle, Siegfried, 
 Guthe, and Bertholet in their Commentaries, and also 
 V. Hoonacker, Klostermann. 
 
 Aramaic seems in the fifth century B. c. to have been 
 the language of diplomacy between the various courts and 
 governments of Western Asia, just as French was in the 
 seventeenth and eighteenth centuries A. D. the lingua 
 franca of Western Europe. The recently discovered Ara- 
 maic papyri give countenance to this, though the proofs 
 are not very decisive. As the Aramaic portions of Ezra 
 embrace rather more than the official documents many 
 (v. Hoonacker, Driver, Baudissin) have held that there 
 existed originally an Aramaic history from which the 
 parts in Ezra are extracted. 
 
 Quite recently ^ Sir Henry H. Howorth has put forth 
 and defended the strange view that Ezra, Nehemiah, 
 Esther^ Daniel, and other post-exilic books were written 
 originally in Aramaic, the Jewish doctors at the Jamnia 
 Council {circa A. D. 90) having translated it into the 
 Hebrew of the M.T., retaining parts of the original 
 Aramaic in Ezra and Daniel. 
 
 Since the publication of E. Meyer's remarkable essay on 
 The Rise of Judaism'^ (not yet put into English notwith- 
 standing its value and enormous influence) German opinion 
 has become much more favourable to the trustworthiness 
 
 1 PSBA., xxxi. 89-99, 156-68. 
 
 ^ Die Entstehung des Jxidenthums, Halle, 1896. 
 
14 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 of these Aramaic parts. Graetz, Noldeke, Torrey, and 
 Kent regard them as pure forgeries of the Chronicler, who 
 was anxious to win respect and increased devotion for 
 Judaism by representing it as having received in the past 
 the sanctions of kings and governments. This is not, how- 
 ever, the impression which an unprejudiced reading gives. 
 The language of these documents agrees so closely with 
 that of the Aramaic papyri as to prove that they belong to 
 the same period, viz. the fifth century B. C, though Torrey, 
 in his latest contribution to the subject^, makes a gallant 
 but bootless attempt to prove the contrary. Wellhausen 
 pronounces these documents spurious, but he assumes 
 their genuineness when constructing his history of Israel. 
 The weightiest objection to the historicity of the Aramaic 
 section is their strong Jewish colouring, just as, it is sup- 
 posed, the Chronicler might be expected to give them. This 
 applies also and, indeed, specially to the Cyrus edict, i. 2-4, 
 which Meyer, by a singular inconsistency, holds to be a 
 fiction of the Chronicler. But we have to note these things : 
 
 1. The Persian king would be sure to have about him 
 Jewish officials to advise him when dealing with Palestine 
 and its people. 
 
 2. When drawing up edicts or the like in which Jewish 
 interests were favoured, especially when Jewish requests 
 were granted, it is not unreasonable to think that he left 
 the wording to Jews. 
 
 3. We know from the history of Persian kings that they 
 were in the habit of associating themselves with the various 
 nationalities subject to them in the religions they professed. 
 In the well-known clay cylinder of Cyrus (reproduced in 
 substance in Century Bible, Isa. vol. ii, 342 f.) this king, 
 though a Persian, speaks of himself as the servant of 
 Marduk (Merodak), Babylon's principal god, and as re- 
 storing to their sanctuaries the deities whom Nabonidus 
 had taken away. We have a very remarkable example 
 of this in the Gadatas inscription found in Magnesia to 
 
 ' AJSL., April, 1908. 
 
INTRODUCTION 15 
 
 the east of Thessaly in 1889. In it Darius, son of 
 Hystaspes, complains of the way in which the Persian 
 governor, Gadatas, had treated the priests of Apollo in 
 the above province. He recognizes in Apollo the deity 
 who has spoken to his ancestors and helped them. When 
 Cambyses conquered Egypt and made Uzahor, an Egyp- 
 tian priest, his chief physician, the latter so wrought on 
 the mind of his master that the Persian king gave orders 
 for the restoration of the cultus and temple of the goddess 
 Nit (mother of the Sun-god) at Sais, and accompanied 
 the act by many expressions of esteem for that deity ^ 
 There need not be any insincerity in the language used 
 by Cyrus in Ezra i, or in that ascribed to Artaxei-xes in 
 Ezra vii. 12-26. All along the Persian is thinking about 
 his own Ahura-mazda, called by different people under 
 other names and viewed in varying ways, yet all the 
 while the same one supreme Good Spirit. That ancient 
 Zoroastrianism was capable of taking this philosophical 
 view of the religions of the world, of seeing the one in the 
 many, is proved by what we know of it (see p. 40). 
 
 Moreover, there is great probability that the Persians 
 were well disposed to Judaism on account of its many 
 affinities with their own religion, as e. g. its high ethical 
 spirit, its Dualism, &c. It was the Persian's lofty con- 
 ception of the Supreme Deity that led him to create the 
 conception of a rival spirit to whom was ascribed the evil 
 that is in the universe. Moreover the Sachau Aramaic 
 papyri (§§13 f.) tell us that when Cambyses, son of Cyrus, 
 campaigned in Egypt he spared the Jewish temple at Yeb, 
 though he destroyed the sanctuaries of the Egyptians, the 
 priests of the latter being probably sowers of disloyalty 
 among the people. 
 
 Tr denotes T as edited by a later Redactor. 
 
 C. City records, that is, written notices concerning the 
 population, registers of clans, families, and of civil offi- 
 cials, accounts of building operations— wall buildings, &c. 
 I include also under C the sections describing the work of 
 ' Cheyne, Jewish Religions Life after the Exile, pp. 40 ff. 
 
i6 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 both Ezra and Nehemiah, and as far as subject-matter is 
 concerned the autobiographical parts (see E and N 
 below) might also be subsumed here. 
 
 Ca. This symbol will stand only for Ezraiv. 7-23, which, 
 though in Aramaic, has to do with the rebuilding of the 
 walls and not of the Temple. 
 
 E. The Ezra biographical history, the * I ' sections of 
 Ezra, viz. vii. 27-ix. 
 
 "N. The Nehemiah autobiographical history, containing 
 Nehemiah's own account of his coming to Jerusalem 
 and of his work there. This embraces Neh. i-vii. 5 (to 
 which should probably be added verses 6-73^) + xiii. 4-31. 
 Hardly any writer has ventured to impugn the genuine- 
 ness or authenticity of this ' I ' record. 
 
 R. Parts due to a Redactor or Redactors. It is quite 
 the fashion to make the Chronicler responsible for what, 
 in this volume, is ascribed to a Redactor or Redactors. 
 The resemblances between Chronicles and Ezra-Nehe- 
 miah in words, phraseology, and point of view, are held to 
 prove that one man, or at least men of one school, edited, 
 co-ordinated, and assimilated all these books. But the 
 fact that the differences are more striking than the re- 
 semblances makes this supposition quite untenable. 
 
 1. In Ezra-Nehemiah singers and porters form classes 
 outside of the Levites (cf. Ezra ii. 40 ff. (see on) ; Neh. 
 vii. 43 ff., X. 28, &c.). In Chronicles the general word 
 * Levites ' includes all (see i Chron. xxiii. 3-5, &c.). The 
 departures from this distinction are probably the result of 
 late editing ; they are, however, but few, notwithstanding 
 the averments of Torrey to the contrary. 
 
 2. The same genealogies differ in Ezra-Nehemiah and 
 in Chronicles (cf. Neh. xi and i Chron. ix). Had the whole 
 Ezra-Chronicles been fashioned by one governing mind 
 he would have prevented such discrepancies. 
 
 3. There are other differences which one general editor 
 would have removed, such as that between the two 
 accounts of the observance of Tabernacles in Ezra already 
 noticed (see p. 10). 
 
INTRODUCTION 17 
 
 4. Chronicles is consistently at the point of view of P, 
 but Ezra-Nehemiah views things prevailingly from an 
 earlier point of view : see on Neh. ix. 6-37. 
 
 5. The stage of law and custom in Ezra-Nehemiah 
 agrees in many important respects with that implied in 
 Malachi, so that a similar date for both is highly probable : 
 see under * Date,' p. i8f. 
 
 6. We come across the phrase 'Aaronites' (ht. sons of 
 Aaron) constantly in Chronicles as in P (see especially 
 Ex. to Num.), but only once is it found in Ezra-Nehe- 
 miah and in a context (Neh. xii. 47) that has many marks 
 of late date: see, however, Ezra vii. 5, and Neh. x. 38. 
 Moreover, the subdivisions of the Levites (Gershonites, 
 &c., see I Chron. vi. 16 ff.), a prominent feature in Chron., 
 are passed over in silence in Ezra-Nehemiah. 
 
 7. The means of support of the priests and Levites 
 differ in Ezra-Nehemiah (see Neh. x. 35 ff.) and Chronicles 
 (see I Chron. vi, 54 ff.). 
 
 8. We have ample external evidence, Jewish and 
 Christian, that in very ancient times Ezra-Nehemiah 
 was treated as one book, but there is not a particle of 
 such evidence that Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah formed 
 one whole. 
 
 9. For a discussion of the Aramaic sections of Ezra 
 see p. 12 flf. These are ascribed to the imagination of the 
 Chronicler by many who hold Ezra-Nehemiah to be largely 
 the work of the Chronicler. 
 
 10. The dominant position of the priesthood in Chron- 
 icles does not confront us in Ezra-Nehemiah. There are 
 civil, as well as religious heads, and the former (of Zerub- 
 babel, Nehemiah) bulk much more largely in the history 
 and the records than the latter. Yet there is the begin- 
 ning of what in Chronicles is consummated. The priests 
 are named apart from the Levites (Ezra ii, Neh. vii), and in 
 the case of Eliashib we see a man who in Nehemiah's 
 absence exercised a power reminding one of the priest- 
 kings of Maccabean days (Neh. xiii. 4, 28). 
 
 ^^ C 
 
i8 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 It is assumed that whatever sources have been used 
 and are indicated in the text have been more or less edited 
 by R. 
 
 V. Date of Ezra-Nehemiah. 
 Ezra-Nehemiah seems to reflect the same set of circum- 
 stances that are implied in Malachi. This is in particular 
 true of Nehemiah, in which as in Malachi these three 
 things stand out : — 
 
 1. Laxity in the priesthood. See Malachi i. 6-iI. 9 ; cf. 
 Neh. xiii. 4-9, 28. 
 
 2. The neglect of the payment of tithe. See Malachi 
 iii. 7-12; cf. Neh. xiii. 10-14. 
 
 3. Mixed marriages. See Malachi ii. 10-16 ; cf. Neh. ix. 
 2 ; x. 28, 30 ; xiii. 23-29 ; Ezra ix. i ff. ; x. i ff. 
 
 In the extant book of Ezra 3 only of the above finds a 
 place, but in the complete Ezra records, which probably 
 existed at one time, the other evils might likewise have been 
 dealt with. The closer affinity of Malachi and Nehemiah 
 has, however, led many scholars (Kuenen, Kirk., &c.) to 
 fix the date of Malachi during the second visit of Nehe- 
 miah in 432 B. c. 
 
 But there are several points in Malachi which link it 
 with the time before the priestly code came into vogue. 
 The word * Levites ' has the broad sense of D, and not 
 the narrow meaning it bears in P and Chronicles : see 
 ii.4; iii. 3. 
 
 Priests and Levites are differentiated also in Ezra- 
 Nehemiah,^ but there is as yet no antagonism between the 
 two classes, and, in fact, the priests receive their support 
 in part by the hands of the Levites. See Neh. x. 32 f. 
 This would suit a period 460 B. c. or so. 
 
 Morever the Heb. word mink}iah has in Malachi the 
 generic sense 'an offering of any kind ' as in the older codes: 
 see i. 10 f., 13 ; ii. 12 f. ; iii. 34. So apparently in Neh. 
 
 * See Ezra i. 5 and the note on. 
 
INTRODUCTION 19 
 
 xiii. 5. In P it has the meaning ' cereal ' (E.VV. ' meal ') 
 in distinction from the 'animal' ofifcring {zebakh). It is 
 probable, therefore, that Malachi was written before 
 458 B. C. (W. Rob. Smith, Wellh., Now., Marti), or at 
 latest before the publication of the complete Hexateuch 
 (G. A. Smith). 
 
 It is, of course, quite possible for the language of a 
 former day to be kept up after it has ceased to 'jxpress the 
 ideas of the actual time ; but this prophecy is serious ; it 
 seems to come red-hot from the times, and to be as realistic 
 as any sermon or sermons could well be. 
 
 There are in Ezra-Nehemiah some touches which show 
 late editing if nothing more. Ewald's contention^ that the 
 expression ' Cyrus, King of Persia ' belongs to a time when 
 the Persian supremacy had become a thing of the past, 
 though largely adopted, has little to support it. If, as 
 history shows, Cyrus had in 538 but recently become king 
 of Persia, it would be natural in this record to give him 
 this designation : or there might have been others bear- 
 ing this name when this history was written. The ex- 
 pressions' Saul, King of Israel,' ^ ' Hiram, King of Tyre,' ^ 
 ' Rehoboam, King of Judah,' * and ' Shishak, King of 
 Egypt,' ^ do not mean that when they were first written 
 the various kingdoms implied had ceased to exist, though 
 we may not know for certain why the name of the country 
 is appended. 
 
 In Neh. xii. 11, 22, in the lists of high-priests, Jaddua 
 is mentioned as third after EHashib, i. e. three genera- 
 tions after Nehemiah's time, for Nehemiah and Eliashib 
 were contemporaries. Now this Jaddua must be the 
 high-priest of that name whom Josephus ^ brings into con- 
 nexion with Alexander the Great, and who must there- 
 fore have functioned about 330 B. c. 
 
 ^ History of Isr., i. 173. 2 j gam. xxix. 3. 
 
 3 I Kings ix. 11. * i Kings xii. 27. " i Kings xiv. 25. 
 ^ Atitiq. viii. 8, 5, and 9, i. 
 
 C 2 
 
20 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 As he is named last, and as if he were a contemporary 
 of the writer, these verses at least seem to belong to about 
 330 B. C, though Vitringa, Keil, Ewald, and Rawlinson 
 may be quite right in saying that these verses are late 
 insertions. 
 
 The words ' in the days of Nehemiah' ^ could not have 
 been written during that leader's lifetime, but that does 
 not help much in ascertaining the date of the book. It is 
 not unlikely that the use in Neh. i. 1 1 of the word Adonai 
 (Lord), apparently for Yahweh, implies a date subsequent 
 to the introduction among the Jews of the custom of sub- 
 stituting the former for the latter. But we do not know 
 when this custom began ; all that can be definitely said 
 is that it is older than the oldest part of the LXX. 
 
 The context makes it highly probable that ' Darius the 
 Persian ' in Neh. xii. 22 is Darius Codomannus (336-233 
 B. c), but, as already remarked, the whole of this verse has 
 been largely held to be an interpolation. 
 
 Zunz, Rosenzweig, Noldeke, and Reuss make Ezra- 
 Nehemiah a product of the third century B. c. if not later. 
 But even the latest parts are a sufficient answer to this, 
 for the last high-priest known to the final redactor is 
 Jaddua (about 330 B. c), and the remaining parts of these 
 books have every impress of a much earlier date. 
 
 One may safely say that Ezra-Nehemiah as a whole is 
 made up out of contemporary records kept in the Temple or 
 elsewhere, sacred and civic : that with very few exceptions 
 the final editing was completed before the publication of 
 the P code, i. e. prob. before 400 B. c. But there are some 
 marks of a later date, though so few and isolated as to 
 make it probable they are not original parts of these books. 
 
 ^ Neh. xii. 26, 47. 
 
INTRODUCTION 21 
 
 VI. SOxME Recent Discussions bearing on these 
 
 Books or on the History which these 
 
 Books contain. 
 
 During the last half-century more discussions have 
 arisen and more books been written about Ezra-Nehemiah 
 than about any other equal portion of the Old Testament, 
 and we seem as far as ever from finality on the matter. To 
 these discussions British scholars have contributed but 
 little, though the writings of Sayce, Ryle, Sir Henry 
 Howorth, and Cheyne bearing on the subject are worthy 
 of praise. America is represented by the radical and 
 destructive criticism of Torrey ^, who has found followers 
 in his fellow countrymen H. P. Smith, C. F. Kent, and 
 perhaps L. W. Batten. The books and articles by 
 Dutch (Kuenen, Kosters, &c.), French (v. Hoonacker), 
 and especially by German (Bertheau-Ryssel, Sellin, &c.) 
 scholars are legion. In the limited space allowed in this 
 volume the present writer is unable fully to state, much 
 less adequately to estimate, the opinions put forth. 
 
 I. Up to the time of W. H. Kosters (d. as Professor 
 at Leyden in 1 897) the books of Ezra-Nehemiah were 
 generally considered by scholars to rest on contemporary 
 sources, and therefore to be historical —with but slight 
 exceptions. It was Kosters who started the theory that 
 throughout these two books the Chronicler has been busily 
 at work, altering, transposing, and inventing to make the 
 whole tally with his notions of the religious history of 
 Israel. In the result we have much more of the Chronicler 
 than of the historian. Kosters, however, did not deny or 
 call in question the main facts of Ezra's life and work as 
 they are portrayed in Ezra vii-x, though he regarded 
 Ezra vii-x as the creation of the Chronicler's mind, and 
 held the true chronological order to be Nehemiah-Ezra, 
 not the contrary. Dr. C. C. Torrey, of Yale Univer- 
 
 ^ See Bibliography, p, 37. 
 
22 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 sity, proceeded further along the path opened up by 
 Kosters ^, for he holds that the only genuine and authen- 
 tic parts of the two books are the Nehemiah memoirs 
 (Neh. i-vii. 5). He agrees with Renan ^ that the Ezra 
 memoirs were fabricated by members of the priestly 
 (Renan adds, the Pharisee) classes, who could not toler- 
 ate the thought that the re-establishment and purification 
 of Judaism were the doing of a layman, and so they in- 
 vented the priestly character Ezra and ascribed to him a 
 role not second to that of Nehemiah. But unlike Torrey 
 Renan accepts as historical the events narrated in Ezra 
 i-vi, i. e. the return under Zerubbabel and Joshua, and the 
 rebuilding ofthe Temple mainly by returned exiles, though 
 he holds there were many parties returned from Babylon 
 at as many different times. 
 
 The following are the principal grounds on which 
 Renan, Torrey, &c., reject the tale of Ezra — told in Ezra 
 vii-x. (l) Nehemiah does not mention Ezra or his work. 
 But nothing in Biblical literature is more remarkable 
 than the silences of writers and workers about each other, 
 of Amos and Hosea ; Isaiah and Micah ; Jeremiah, Eze- 
 kiel, and Zephaniah ; Haggai and Zechariah. (2) Ezra is 
 apparently unknown to Ben Sira^ and to the author of 
 2 Maccabees* ; but see under i. Torrey has put together 
 a large number of words and idioms found in Ezra vii. I- 
 10 which occur also in Chronicles. But note 
 
 (a) Many of those adduced are to be seen also in other 
 post-exilic writings ofthe O.T., showing that they belong 
 to the period which followed the return. 
 
 (d) There are, as previously remarked, terms and ex- 
 pressions in Ezra vii-x showing an acquaintance with 
 older sources ( JE, D, &c.), but none at all with P, and 
 
 ' See Composition and Historical Value of Eera-Nehemiah^ 
 1896, and more recent articles in AJSL. 
 
 '^ Hisfcire, &c., Livre VII, cap. viii. Books I-VI have alone 
 been translated into English. 
 
 3 Sir. xlix. laff. * See i. 10 ff. 
 
INTRODUCTION 33 
 
 related Scriptures. Geissler has brought together a large 
 collection of such \ 
 
 (c) There are linguistic features in Ezra vii-x which, 
 though post-exilic and absent from D, are absent from 
 Chronicles, and suggest sources different from those fol- 
 lowed by the Chronicler. 
 
 It is not without significance in this connexion that 
 Ezra belongs to the priestly class as does the Chronicler. 
 They might, therefore, be expected beforehand to have 
 similar interests and to be characterized by similar modes 
 of speech. 
 
 2. Kosters, following Vernes, held that the second 
 Temple was built by Jews who had never been in exile, 
 and not, as would appear from Ezra i-vi, by returned 
 exiles. The principal reasons mentioned are these : 
 
 (1) Nothing is said by Haggai or Zechariah in urging 
 the people to complete the building, implying that those 
 addressed were returned exiles. In reply it may be said 
 that there is not a syllable in the writings of these pro- 
 phets suggesting that the builders were not returned exiles. 
 The theme with which these preachers are occupied is 
 the work, not the workers. 
 
 (2) Kosters, Cheyne, and others maintain there was no 
 return under Cyrus, or none deserving the name ; the 
 first important batch of exiles being that led by Ezra. 
 This involves the position that the official Aramaic docu- 
 ments in Ezra are spurious, as also the Cyrus edict in 
 Ezra i. 2-4. Meyer ^ has, however, made it practically 
 certain that the Aramaic extracts in Ezra are /^ona fide 
 and are the product of the period to which in Ezra they 
 are assigned, and the same reasoning proves that the 
 Cyrus proclamation is also genuine, though possibly 
 tinged by Jewish influence : see p. 40 and on Ezra i. 1-4. 
 
 On the other side the following points are weighty : 
 {a) Such a return is implied in II Isaiah, where Cyrus 
 
 1 See op. at. " op. cit. 
 
24 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 is referred to by name or otherwise. He is Yahweh's friend, 
 who executes His will and says to Jerusalem, 'be built,' 
 and to the Temple, ' let thy foundation be laid ^.' Yahweh 
 calls him His anointed one, who on account of the task 
 allotted him of delivering Israel is enabled to triumph 
 over all his foes.'^ These words and the like represent 
 hopes and expectations in Israel about the time in ques- 
 tion, and if they are post e^ientiim in their origin, all the 
 same they prove that the event implied had taken place, 
 or the writer would not stultify himself by expressing as 
 expectations things which the actual facts of the time 
 proved to be impossible. 
 
 {b) If no return about 538 B. c. took place, what are we 
 to make of the words gola and bene gola (* exile ' and 
 ' exiles ') which stand in contradistinction to the ' people 
 of the land' in 2 Kings xxiv. 14, xxv. 12, and elsewhere? 
 These returned exiles are spoken of not only in Ezra i-vi, 
 but also in Ezra ix. 4, x. 6 ; Neh. i. 2 f. Of the people left 
 in the country a few joined themselves to the community 
 fresh from Babylon, but they are never mentioned by 
 themselves as an independent social unit, and in the ac- 
 count of the rebuilding and of the reforms they are vir- 
 tually ignored. Eight years or so after the return the 
 Je>vish community in and about Jerusalem has the name 
 gola, i. e. exiles, or the congregation of the Gola '. 
 
 {c) The character gi ven by Ezekiel (see xxviii. 23 ff.) to the 
 unexiled Jews does not make one think they were the people 
 to have much concern about the restoration of the Temple 
 and also of Jewish orthodoxy. Indeed, the second Isaiah in 
 his forecast of the new time leaves them out of account, and 
 Jeremiah speaks of them with no more respect than Ezekiel. 
 
 It is evident from many parts of Ezekiel that the pro- 
 phet and his companion exiles expected a return : see 
 xxxvi. 8-15. Not at all improbably this expectation was 
 
 1 xliv. a8. 2 xlv. I flf. 
 
 8 Ezra ix. 4, x. 6, 7, 16. * Ezra x. 8; cf. Neh. i. af. 
 
INTRODUCTION 25 
 
 awakened by the movements of Cyrus and a knowledge of 
 the policy he pursued towards deported people. 
 
 3. The French writers de Saulcy, Havet, Vernes, Im- 
 bert, Hal^vy\ and especially v. Hoonacker (Roman 
 Catholic Professor at Louvain) and the Dutch scholar 
 Kosters^ have endeavoured to prove that the true 
 chronological order is Nehemiah-Ezra and not the 
 contrary, or at least that Nehemiah's attempts at reform 
 preceded those of Ezra. Some of their reasons are the 
 following : — 
 
 (i) When Ezra arrived at Jerusalem he found the city 
 in a peaceable and orderly condition, which, it is said, im- 
 plies that the walls had been repaired and the city other- 
 wise fortified. But how can we so argue when our know- 
 ledge of the state of things is so meagre ? Of the sixty 
 years preceding Ezra's arrival we know nothing — what in 
 that interval took place we have at present no means of 
 finding out. 
 
 (2) If (it is said) the reforming measures of Ezra had 
 been taken before the arrival of Nehemiah the latter must 
 have mentioned them. One may turn the same argument 
 against V. Hoonacker and Kosters and say, if Nehemiah's 
 reforms antedated the arrival of Ezra, the latter must have 
 made some allusion to them. In fact any argtnnentiwi 
 e silentio is precarious, especially if it has reference to the 
 writings of the O. T. : see p. 10. 
 
 (3) It is further maintained that Ezra's reforms were 
 much more radical and extreme than those of Nehemiah, 
 for whereas Ezra demands the divorce of all foreign 
 wives ^, Nehemiah goes no further than to forbid inter- 
 marriage between Jewish children and the children of 
 foreigners *. The work of Nehemiah has therefore, it is 
 inferred, all the appearance of being tentative and intro- 
 
 * Revue de VHistoire dcs Religions, 1886, 334-58. 
 
 2 op. cit. 
 
 ^ See Ezra x. 11 f. ^ Neh. xiii. 35. 
 
26 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 ductory to that of Ezra. Here again the reasoning is of 
 the a priori kind, and in reply one may say that the 
 failure of the more drastic reforms attempted by Ezra 
 would be sure to lead to milder measures. Moreover, the 
 rise and growing influence of the Samaritan party led to 
 a broadening of sympathies and outlook which the Per- 
 sian officials would be sure to encourage. Indeed, such a 
 latitudinarian tendency, alike in belief and in the cultus, 
 grew and spread throughout the land until it was suddenly 
 checked by the Maccabean uprising. Among those who 
 make Ezra's reforms follow upon Nehemiah's there are con- 
 siderable divergences of opinions as to details, v. Hoon- 
 acker ^ says Ezra came to Jerusalem first of all in the reign 
 of Artaxerxes I, and for a time worked with Nehemiah, but 
 soon returned to Babylon, whence he set out again for Jeru- 
 salem in the reign of Artaxerxes II, i. e. about 398 B. C, this 
 time armed with great authority, which he used in putting 
 down the mixed marriages. Kosters ^ puts the work of Ezra 
 after the incidents of Neh. xiii. Wellhausen ^ seems to 
 think that the reading and expounding of the law (Neh. viii) 
 by Ezra belong to the period of Nehemiah's second visit, 
 though he does not deny the arrival of Ezra in 458 B. C, 
 or call in question the part ascribed to him in putting 
 down mixed marriages. 
 
 Franz Buhl, Professor of Arabic at Copenhagen, for 
 some years Franz Delitzsch's successor at Leipzic, has 
 recently published a history of Israel in Danish in which 
 in the relevant portion he endeavours to make good the 
 following theses : — 
 
 1. That Nehemiah, having received the king's per- 
 mission, came to Jerusalem in 445 B, C, repaired the walls 
 and introduced certain social reforms, returning thereupon 
 to Susa after an absence of twelve years, Neh. i-vii. 5. 
 
 2. Subsequently Ezra came from Babylon to Jerusalem, 
 
 ^ Nouvelles Etudes, &c., 270 ff. ^ op. cit, 
 
 ' GescM'chfe(^). 177 f. 
 
INTRODUCTION j^ 
 
 bringing with him the law book which he endeavoured 
 to put into practice. His efforts to put an end to mixed 
 marriages were however unsuccessful, whereupon he re- 
 turned to Babylon, Ezra vii-x. 
 
 3. Nehemiah finding Ezra's efforts unavailing returned 
 to Jerusalem, and succeeded in carrying out in a less 
 drastic way the reforms which Ezra failed to carry out, 
 Neh. xi-xiii. 
 
 It is noteworthy that the reasoning by which it is 
 sought to prove that Ezra's visit, or at least the bulk of 
 his work, followed that of Nehemiah is almost exclusively 
 of the a _pn'on kind, and can be met h^ a priori considera- 
 tions of a contrary kind. In no codex, edition, or version 
 of the Hebrew Bible has any different order of the 
 history of these Jewish leaders been found, and tradition, 
 Jewish and Christian, is completely on the side of the old 
 view— Ezra first then Nehemiah. Tradition has indeed 
 in other things been proved to be wrong, but it can be 
 discarded only at the call of evidence clear and cogent. 
 
 4. Much has of late years been written as to the 
 relation between the Canonical Ezra and the Apocr)'phal 
 I Esdras (Vulg. 3 Esdras), which in matter coincide in 
 the main, i Esdras is, however, more extensive than Ezra, 
 for at its beginning (ch. i) it has 2 Chron. xxxv. i- 
 xxxvi. 21, and at its close (ix. 37-55) it adds Neh. vii. 73^- 
 viii. 12, besides which it inserts I Esdras iii. i-vi (Darius 
 and the three youths, guards of the royal chamber, 
 Zerubbabel being one of them). From the fact that 
 I Esdras, besides embracing Ezra, has also at its begin- 
 ning and end parts of Chronicles and Nehemiah, it has 
 been concluded by many modern scholars that our 
 present i Esdras is but the fragment of an older docu- 
 ment which included Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah in that 
 order. 
 
 Moreover a large number of scholars, especially of 
 recent times, take the view that i Esdras represents the 
 true LXX, the original Canonical Ezra corresponding to 
 
28 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 it having been lost. So Whiston^, Pohlmann, Gins- 
 burg, Cheyne, Hovvorth'^, Bertholet, Nestle, and Torrey. 
 Bertholet, Torrey, and others maintain that the section 
 I Esdras iii. i-v. 6, which is unworthy of its context, 
 and moreover contradicts chronologically the preceding 
 chapters, is a late interpolation and had no Hebrew 
 original. Howorth, however, strenuously argues for the 
 genuineness of this part of i Esdras, holding, as others 
 have before him, that its Greek is interlarded with Hebra- 
 isms (Deissmann and Moulton would hardly allow the 
 designation), just as is the rest of the book. 
 
 What has passed as the LXX of Daniel, and as such 
 is printed in copies of the LXX, has in recent years been 
 proved in reality to be Theodotion's version, the true 
 LXX rendering being found in the so-called Greek codex 
 Chisianus (from the family Chigi who owned it). In 
 a similar way it is argued that the Greek version of Esdras 
 now found in the LXX is in reality Theodotion's version, 
 I Esdras representing the LXX version. 
 
 The evidence offered is external and internal. 
 
 I. Exterfial. [a) Josephus uses it in all cases, though 
 for other books it is the LXX he follows. In fact for the 
 period covered by I Esdras, Josephus's history is little 
 more than a paraphrase of this book. 
 
 {U) There are, Howorth says', strong reasons for be- 
 lieving that in Origen's Hexapla i Esdras takes the place 
 of our LXX version. 
 
 {c) In the foreword to the Syriac version of I Esdras 
 in Walton's Polyglot it is said that this version was made 
 from the LXX. 
 
 {d) In the Syriac version of Paulus of Telia, I Esdras 
 takes the place of the Canonical Ezra. 
 
 (e) Howorth will have it ^ that in the Vetus Itala also 
 I Esdras had the place which in our Bible Ezra holds. 
 
 ^ Essay on the Text of the O. T. 
 
 2 See articles in Academy, Jan., June 1893 ; PSBA. 
 
 ' PSBA. xxiv. p 156. * lac. cit. x68. 
 
INTRODUCTION i^ 
 
 2. Internal evidence, (a) It is held by Dr. Gwyn^, 
 Thackeray,'^ and Howorth that the Greek of the true 
 LXX of Daniel is remarkably like that of I Esdras, 
 though, as Thackeray remarks, this proves only that one 
 man translated both. On the contrary, Howorth adds 
 that the present LXX of Daniel and of Ezra are both 
 very literal, as we know Theodotion's version was. The 
 present writer has read the two Greek texts, that of Ezra 
 and that of i Esdras, without feeling strongly the cogency 
 of this latter remark. Similarly Howorth endeavours 
 now to prove that the Apocryphal Prayer of Manasseh 
 represents a portion of the true LXX of 2 Chron. xxx. 3.'' 
 
 Keil, followed by Bissell and (formerly) by Schiirer *, 
 held that i Esdras is a compilation based on the LXX 
 version of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah. The grounds 
 for this conclusion and a succinct discussion of other 
 views can be seen in Bissell's valuable commentary on the 
 Apocrypha. 
 
 Herzfeld, Fritsche, Ginsburg, Thackeray, Nestle, and 
 (formerly) Ewald hold that I Esdras is an independent 
 Greek translation from a now lost Hebrew (or Aramaic) 
 original in many respects superior to our M.T. This is 
 the latest view of Schiirer', and it is that supported by 
 Howorth. 
 
 The opinion advocated by Ewald in the later editions 
 of his History is that I Esdras is the result of a working 
 over of an earlier Greek translation now lost. This 
 assumes that there were two independent Greek trans- 
 lations of Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah, as we now know 
 there were of Daniel. 
 
 The notes in this volume on Ezra-Nehemiah will show 
 that the present writer has often found i Esdras more ser- 
 viceable in the restoration of the correct Hebrew text than 
 
 ' Smith, Z)5(2)^^ Esdras A. 2 Hastings, DB., i. 761 B. 
 
 3 PSBA. xxxi. 89 ff. 
 
 * History of the Jewish People^ ii. iii. 179 f. ; Htrgog^^^, i. 496 f. 
 ^ Hereog^^^^ i. 637. 
 
50 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 the M.T. On the other hand he has had in at least as 
 many instances to reject the readings implied in i Esdras. 
 And certainly i Esdras iii-v. 6 cannot have formed 
 a part of the original i Esdras in either Hebrew or 
 Greek, for it stands in contradiction to the rest of the book, 
 forms no essential part of it, and, moreover, occupies lower 
 ground than the rest of the book. 
 
 On the whole i Esdras has a better sequence of events 
 than our Ezra-Nehemiah (see on Neh. vii. 73 ^ff.), and it 
 represents not improbably a better Hebrew (and Aramaic) 
 original, in which case it is to be reckoned a part of the 
 true LXX of Chronicles-Ezra- Nehemiah. 
 
 VII. Contemporary Literature. 
 
 The period covered by Ezra-Nehemiah was on the 
 whole a barren one from the literary point of view, as 
 might have been expected, for it was a time of national 
 reconstruction, and the energies of the leaders of the 
 people were spent in the work of restoring the old institu- 
 tions, and reorganizing the new community. 
 
 Cheyne^ Briggs'^, and other writers on the Psalter, 
 agree that in the early and middle Persian period, i.e. 
 in the period which comprehends the life and work of 
 Ezra and Nehemiah, there v/as a great burst of sacred 
 song. Among such Briggs reckons forty whole psalms 
 and portions of ten others. All the so-called ' persecution 
 psalms' are included (Ps. xxvi. &c.), the persecutors being 
 the Samaritan party. Though certainty on the matter 
 is unattainable, for no one of these psalms bears decisive 
 date-marks, yet strong evidence of an accumulative kind 
 supports in a general way the conclusions of Cheyne and 
 Briggs, which in the main agree. Renan in his History ' 
 connects a large number of the same psalms with this 
 period. The so-called 'royal' or 'theocratic psalms' 
 
 ^ Origin of the Psalter, p. 230 ei passim. 2 pg. \^ Ixxxix f. 
 ? Book vii, untranslated into English. 
 
INTRODUCTION 31 
 
 (xciii-c, except xciv) are commonly interpreted as voicing 
 the confidence in the Divine rule which the dehverance 
 from Babylon called forth (see on Ps. xciii, Introduction, 
 Century Bible). 
 
 It has been already shown that Malachi must have 
 been composed before 458 B.C., or at latest before 
 444 B. c.^ 
 
 Another literary product of the time is, according to 
 most recent scholars, the Book of Ruth, written primarily 
 as a protest against the prohibition of mixed marriages 
 by Ezra and Nehemiah. The writer might himself have 
 been guilty of the very sin which these leaders so strongly 
 denounced ; but in any case he seems in this charming 
 idyll to champion the cause of foreign women, who like 
 * Ruth the Moabitess ' (constantly so called by a kind of 
 delicate irony) had married into Israel, and whom it 
 seemed cruel to cast adrift to shift for themselves, a pre- 
 carious task for an Eastern woman. 
 
 Isa. Iviii. 13 f. and Jer. xvii. 19-27, each enforcing 
 strict sabbath observance, are connected by modern 
 criticism with Neh. ix. 14 and xiii. 15-21, and made to 
 arise under the influence of the same religious movement. 
 Both passages stand apart from their present context, 
 and are regarded by most recent scholars as late interpo- 
 lations. It is significant that the Sabbath is not once 
 referred to in II Isaiah (except in the above verses), Haggai, 
 Zechariah, Malachi, Psalms, Proverbs, Job, or even in 
 Genesis, except in the account of its establishment 
 (ii. 2f. P). 
 
 Large portions of Isaiah besides the above are assigned 
 to the Persian period. Duhm regarded practically the 
 whole of Isa. Ivi-lxiv (called by him 'Trito-Isaiah') as 
 belonging to the time of Nehemiah, and (except inlxiii. 7- 
 Ixiv. 12 (Heb. 11), and other smaller sections) Cheyne and 
 Whitehouse follow him. According to Cheyne and Driver 
 
 1 Seep. i8f. '"''' '"*'■ 
 
32 
 
 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 Isa. xxiv-xxvii (Cheyne and Whitehouse add xxxivf.) 
 belong to the close of the Persian period {circa 350?). 
 See for details the commentaries on Isaiah, especially 
 Marti and also Whitehouse, Century Bible. 
 
 VIII. Important Dates in Jewish, Persian, &c. 
 History. 
 
 N.B. All the dates are B.C. 
 
 Jewish. 
 
 First return of Jews 
 from Babylon, 537. 
 
 Foundation of the 
 Temple laid, 536. 
 
 Haggai and Zecha- 
 riah prophesy, 520. 
 
 Completion of the 
 Temple, 515. 
 
 Persian. 
 
 Babylon conquered 
 by Cyrus, 538. 
 
 Temple built by Jews 
 at Elephantine 
 
 (Yeb)', cir. 536. 
 
 Reign of Cambyses, 
 529-522. 
 
 Conquest of Egypt 
 by Cambj'ses, 527- 
 525. He destroys the 
 temples of the Egyp- 
 tians, but spares the 
 Jewish temple at 
 Elephantine.^ 
 
 Pseudo - Smerdis 
 reigns, 522. 
 
 Reign of Darius I 
 (Hystaspis), 521- 
 486. He invaded 
 Europe cir. 500. 
 
 Reign of Xerxes, 
 485-465- 
 
 Reign of Artaxerxes 
 I(Longimanus),465- 
 424. 
 
 Greek, Egyptian, &c 
 
 Rule of Pisistratus, 
 d. 537. 
 
 Ionian revolt against 
 the Persians, cir. 
 509- 
 
 Battle of Marathon, 
 490. 
 
 Egypt revolts, but is 
 reconquered by 
 Persia, 488-486. 
 
 Battle of Thermopy- 
 lae andSalamis, 480. 
 
 Herodotus and Aes- 
 chylus fl. cir. 460. 
 
 Battle of Plataea and 
 Mycale, 479. 
 
 Revolt of Inaros in 
 Egypt, 462-456. 
 
 1 See Sachau, Aram. Papyri, I3f. j cf. Sayce-Cowley, Aram. 
 Papyri. 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 33 
 
 Jewish. 
 
 Composition of Ma- 
 lachi and Isa. Ivi- 
 Ixvi (with some ex- 
 ceptions, see be- 
 low), cir. 460. 
 
 Second return of 
 Jews (under Ezra), 
 458. 
 
 Nehemiah's arrival 
 at Jerusalem ; re- 
 form in social life 
 and the cultus : 
 repairing of the 
 walls, all in 445. 
 
 Isa. Iviii. 13 f. and 
 Jer. xvii. 19-27, 
 written cir. 444. 
 
 The Priestly Codex 
 completed, 440. 
 
 Nehemiah's second 
 visit to Jerusalem, 
 432. 
 
 Secession of the Sa- 
 maritan party, cir. 
 430- 
 
 Jews at Elephantine 
 appeal to Jews at 
 Jerusalem for help 
 to rebuild their 
 temple ^ 
 
 The Prophecy of 
 Joel, cir. 404. 
 
 Publication of our 
 Hexateuch, cir. 400 
 
 Persian. 
 
 Xerxes II murdered 
 by his half-brother 
 Sogdianus, 424. 
 
 Reign of Darius II 
 (Nothus), 423-404. 
 
 Reign of Artaxerxes 
 II (Mnemon\ 404- 
 
 359. 
 He sends his rescript 
 to the Greeks, 387. 
 
 GREEK,EGyPTIAN,&C. 
 
 Revolt of Megabyzus 
 in Syria, 448. 
 
 Building of the 
 Samaritan temple 
 on Gerizim, 334- 
 331. 
 
 Peloponnesian war, 
 431-404. 
 
 Socrates, Sophocles, 
 Aristophanes n., cir. 
 420. 
 
 Euripides, Plato, 
 
 Xenophon fl., cir. 
 
 400. 
 Defeat of Cyrus II 
 
 at the battle of 
 
 Cunaxa, 401. 
 Xenophon conducts 
 
 the 10,000 Greeks 
 
 back, cir. 400. 
 
 ^ See Sachau, Aram. Papyri. 
 D 
 
34 
 
 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 Jewish. 
 
 
 Persian. 
 
 
 Greek, Egyptian,&c. 
 
 
 Reig 
 
 n of Artaxerxes 
 
 
 
 III 
 
 (Ochus), 
 
 359- 
 
 
 Jaddua, high-priest 
 
 338. 
 
 
 
 
 at Jerusalem, 351- 
 
 
 
 
 
 323. 
 
 Darius III ' 
 
 Codo- 
 
 
 Ezra-Neh. com- 
 
 manus), 338- 
 
 331- 
 
 
 pleted, cir, 320. 
 
 
 
 
 Alexander the Great 
 
 
 End 
 
 of the Persian 
 
 conquers and an- 
 
 
 Kin 
 
 gdom, 331 
 
 . 
 
 nexes Persia, 331. 
 
 Onias I became high- 
 
 
 
 
 Wars of the Romans 
 
 priest, 323. 
 
 
 
 
 with the Samnites, 
 343-290. 
 
 Ptolemy I (Lagos), 
 reigned at Alexan- 
 dria, 323-285. 
 
 Capture of Jerusalem 
 
 
 
 
 
 by Ptolem}' I, 320. 
 
 
 
 
 Ptolemy II (Phila- 
 delphus) reigned 
 285-247. 
 
 Antiochus III con- 
 
 
 
 
 First (264), second 
 
 quers Palestine, 203. 
 
 
 
 
 (218), and third 
 (149) Punic wars. 
 
 Antiochus IV (Epi- 
 
 
 
 
 Treaty of Philip with 
 
 phanes), tormentor 
 
 
 
 
 Hannibal, 215. 
 
 of the Jews, reigned 
 
 
 
 
 First Macedonian 
 
 in Syria, 175-164. 
 
 
 
 
 war, 210. 
 
 The revolt of the 
 
 
 
 
 
 Maccabees, 167. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Jonathan made high- 
 
 
 
 
 
 priest by Demetrius, 
 
 
 
 
 
 153- 
 
 
 
 
 
 Simon succeeding 
 Jonathan as high- 
 
 
 
 
 
 Roman. 
 
 priest becomes also 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 prince, 142. 
 
 
 
 
 Tiberius (133) and 
 
 John Hyrcanus, king 
 
 
 
 
 Caius (123) Grac- 
 
 from 134, 
 
 
 
 
 chus Roman tri- 
 
 Alexander Jannaeus 
 
 
 
 
 bunes. 
 
 from 103. 
 
 
 
 
 Birth of Cicero and 
 Pompey (106), and 
 of Julius Caesar 
 
 
 
 
 
 (100). 
 
 The books of Esther, 
 about TOO. 
 
 Judith. 2 Mace, and Jubilees belong to 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 35 
 
 ace. = accusative. i 
 
 B.C., in the usual sense, occurs | 
 only where there can be any 1 
 doubt. All the Biblical dates j 
 in these volumes are B.C. 
 
 /em. = feminine. 
 
 Hip/u = Hiph'il 
 
 imp/. = imperfect. 
 
 impv. = imperative. 
 
 masc. — masculine, 
 
 Ni. = Niph'al. 
 
 pass. = passive. 
 
 per/. = perfect. 
 
 part. = participle. 
 
 Pu = Pi'el. 
 
 prep. = preposition. 
 
 pron. = pronoun. 
 
 AJSL. ^ American Journal of 
 Semitic Languages. 
 
 ABBREVIATIONS. 
 I. General. 
 
 1 COT. ^Cuneiform hisaiptions 
 and the O. T., by E. Schrader, 
 translated by O. C. White- 
 house. 
 
 A'-^r.W-The third edition of 
 the same (really a new work) 
 by Winckler and Zimmern, 
 1902. 
 
 Z)5. = Hastings' Dictionary of 
 the Bible. 
 
 ENCYC. BIB. = Encyclopaedia 
 Biblica (Cheyne). 
 
 G. K. = Gesenius' Hebrew 
 Grammar, edited by 
 
 Kautzsch, Oxford, 1898. 
 
 P55yi. = Proceedings of the So- 
 ciety of Biblical Archaeologj'. 
 
 SDB. = Hastings'small Diction- 
 ary of the Bible. 
 
 Hiph., Ni., and Pi. denote forms of the Hebrew verb which 
 express (most commonly) the following modifications of the simple 
 idea of the verb (i.e. the Qal) : causative, passive, and intensive 
 respectively. 
 
 J (Jahwist), E (Elohist), JE (Jehovist), D (Deuteronomist), 
 and P (Priestly Writer) stand for the authors of the documents 
 on which the Pentateuch (or Hexateuch) is supposed to be 
 chiefly based. 
 
 2. Texts and Versions. 
 I. Hebrew. 
 
 M. T. = Massoretic Text. (That 
 of the ordinary vocalized He- 
 brew Bible.) 
 
 550r.= Sacred Books of the 
 O. T. (general editor, P. 
 Haupt ; Ezra-Neh., edited by 
 Guthe-Batten). 
 
 ket. = ketib. (The consonants 
 and the implied vowels of the 
 Hebrew Bible.) 
 
 ^f. =q^re. (The text as emended 
 by the Massorites.) 
 
 Heb. ^ Hebrew. 
 
 2. Greek. 
 Z.^X=The Septuagint. 
 Aq. =^ Aquila. 
 Theod. - Theodotion. 
 
 Sym. = Symmachus. 
 
 Lwc. = The Lucian recension of 
 
 the LXX: closer to the M.T. 
 
 than the LXX. 
 I Esd. = I Esdras (Apocrypha). 
 
 Esdras A of the LXX, 3 Es- 
 
 dras of the Vulgate. 
 
 3. Latin. 
 
 Jero. =^ Jerome. 
 Vuig. = Vulgate. 
 
 4. English. 
 
 A.V. = Authorized Version. 
 
 R. F. = Revised Version. 
 
 £". Fr. = The above two Ver- 
 
 sions. 
 O. r. = 01d Testament. 
 N. r.-The New Testament. 
 
36 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 
 
 The Arabic {Saadid), Ethiopic, and Syriac (Pesh.) versions have 
 been constantly consulted in Walton's Polyglot. For Targum I 
 (Targ.') on Esther Walton's Polyglot and BuxtorPs Rabbinical 
 Bible have been used. Cassel's edition of Targum II (Targ.^) has 
 been the one referred to. 
 
 COMMENTARIES. 
 
 A large number of Commentaries in various languages have 
 been consulted, but below will be found those to which the 
 present writer feels himself most indebted. 
 
 Ber. =■ Bertheau. 
 
 Berihol. = Bertholet (in Marti). 
 
 Ber.-Rys. = Bertheau-Ryssel. 
 
 Gtithe-Batten (SBOT. for the text). 
 
 Jahn, G., 1909. 
 
 Kamphausen in Bensen's Bibelwerk. 
 
 Kautzsch = Die Heilige Schriff. 
 
 Keil. 
 
 Oettli in Strack-ZSchler. 
 
 Rawl. = Rawlinson in Speaker s Commentary. 
 
 Ryle in Cojnbrtdge Bible. 
 
 Schidtz in Lange. 
 
 Siegfned in Nowack. 
 
 OTHER LITERATURE REFERRED TO. 
 
 Seethe histories of Jost, Herzfeld^^)^ Ewald^s)^ Graetz W, Stade, 
 Schurer (^>, Wellhausen (^^, A, Klostermann, Guthe, the edition 
 used being indicated by the bracketed index number after the name. 
 Adeney, W. F. : ' Ezra. Nehemiah, and Esther,' Expositors Bible, 
 
 Cheyne : Jewish Religtotis Life after the Exde, 1898. 
 
 Geissler : Die litter. BezieJmngen, Sec, 1898. 
 
 Hoon. = V. Hoonacker : Neh^mie et Esdras, 1890; Nouvelles 
 
 J^tudes, &c., 1896. 
 Howorth, H. : Articles in Academy (1893, &c.) and in Proceedings 
 
 of Society of Biblical Archaeology. 
 Jamp. — Jampel, Sigmund, Die Wiederherstelhuig Israels, 1904. 
 
 Contains useful matter, but ill digested and often inaccurate. 
 Kalisch, Heilige Schrift. 
 
 Kamp. = Kamphausen in Bunsen's Bibelwerk. 
 Kent, C. F. : The Studenfs Old Testament, 1905, &c. 
 Kosters, W. H. : Die Wiederheystelhmg, &c. (from the Dutch, 1895). 
 Kuenen-Budde : Gcs. Abhandlungen, 1894. 
 
 Marquart : Fttndamcnte israelitischer imd jiidischer Geschichte, 1896. 
 Mej-cr, E. : Die Entstehuug des Judenthums, 1896; Die Geschichte 
 
 des Alterthums, Band iii, T901. 
 
INTRODUCTION 37 
 
 Mommert, C. : Topographic des alten Jerusalem^ Thcile i-iv, igoo- 
 
 1907. 
 Nikel, J. : Die Wicderherstelluyig des jiidischen Gcnieinivesens iiach 
 
 dcm babylonischen Exit, 1900. 
 Sayce : Introd. to Ezra-Nch., ^885. 
 
 Sellin : Seriibbabel, 1898; Studien ztir Entstehung, Sec. ii, 1901. 
 Smend, R. : Die Listen, &c., i88i. 
 Smith, G. Adam : Jerusalem from the Earliest Times to a.d. 70, 
 
 2 vols., 1908. 
 Smith, W. Robertson : Religion of the Semites <'^^ ; The O. T. in the 
 
 Jewish Church^^); The Prophets of lsraeW^> \ Kinship and 
 
 Marriage among the Arabs <■->. 
 Torrey, C. T. : Composition and Historical Value of Ezra-Neh. 
 
 Also articles in American Journal of Soniiic Languages 
 
 (1908-9). 
 
 NOTATION OF SOURCES (seep. 12 ff.). 
 
 T = Temple records. 
 
 Ta = Temple records in Aramaic. 
 
 C = City records. 
 
 Ca = City records in Aramaic. 
 
 E = Ezra, autobiographical parts. 
 
 Ce = City records dealing with Ezra's work. 
 
 Te "Temple records dealing with Ezra's work. 
 
 N = Nehemiah, autobiographical parts. 
 
 Cn =City records dealing with Nehemiah's work. 
 
 R = Parts due to a Redactor or to Redaction. 
 
 It is assumed that the preceding sources have been all more or 
 less edited by R. 
 
 The addition of R to the symbol for a source means that the 
 source has been edited in an unusual degree. 
 
 U = Unknown sources. 
 
 N.B. When renderings are given words put in brackets are 
 added to make the sense clearer, but are not represented directly 
 
PROVINCE OF JUDAH AFTER THE EXILE. 
 
 V^Samaria 
 --'-, ""•SRechami N,^ 
 
 R V INC E W- \ 
 
 SAMARIA 
 
 "Jlodein Bethel 
 
 Seeroth «, 
 non» ° • 
 
 u„.„„« •Miciimesh 
 
 ■^°'°" 6ibeon.,<-geba je-rrc^i 
 „._„<lV' Msmaveth 
 ,.'■ ,.Notf ---■.. 
 ••'1--'' Jerusalem'""' 
 Tiriat-JeBrim 
 
 p1r O V I N C E 
 ..j-jh.'- 'Bethlehem 
 Beth-hakkerernOF 
 
 vPeilah J ^^^°l „ 
 'Beth-zur "n 
 
 Hebron 
 
 \Ne iiopal 
 
 English Miles 
 
 The Persian Province (or Governorship) of Judah, itself a part 
 of the Satrapy of Transpotamia (see on Ezra ix. 8) was subdivided 
 into districts (Heb. pe/ek), of which eight are mentioned in Neh. iii 
 (verses g, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19) and a ninth is implied (cf. second 
 half of Beth-zur, ver. 16). There might have been others. Judah 
 and Samaria seem to have been separate provinces, each with 
 its own governor, though at times (as before the advent of Ezra 
 and Nehemiah) the governor of Samaria had jurisdiction over 
 Judah also, as in the case of Rehum ^^see pp. 85. 170, and 260). 
 
EZRA 
 
 I-VI. History of the Return of the First Batch of 
 Exiles from Babylon and of the Events which im- 
 mediately followed. Date : 538 (first year of Cyrus) to 516. 
 
 For analysis of this section see Introd,, p. 5, and for a dis- 
 cussion of the sources see Introd., p. 12 ff. It is quite clear that 
 neither Ezra nor Nehemiah had anything to do with the com- 
 position of these chapters, the whole of which, with the exception 
 of Ezra iv. 6-23, belongs to a period more than half a century 
 before Ezra appears on the scene. 
 
 Ezrai(i Esd. ii. 1-14). Cyrus authorizes and encourages the 
 Jews of Babylon to return to Jerusalem and to rebuild the Temple. 
 
 Cyrus (Heb. Koresh ; Bab. Kiirash ; Pers, Kunish) was prob- 
 ably a Persian, and therefore an Aryan, for in an inscription 
 Darius Hystaspis speaks of ' Cambyses, son of Cyrus one of 
 our race.^* Both Cyrus ^ and Darius n were descendants of 
 Achaemenes ; but Darius describes himself as a ' Persian, son of 
 a Persian, an Aryan, of Aryan descent,* ' so that Cyrus must 
 also have been a Persian and an Aryan. Sayce, on the other hand, 
 maintains that Cyrus, as originally king of Anshan (or Anzan) in 
 Elam, was an Elamite ; but being king of a province of Elam is no 
 proof of Elamite nationality (see Sayce, Records of the Past, 
 2nd series, v. 144 ff., and DB. * Cyrus '). Cyrus is called also King 
 of Babylon, of Sumer, and of Akkad. There is, however, no cer- 
 tainty where exactly Anshan was, though, since de Morgan's dis- 
 coveries, Assyriologists agree that it bordered on Susa and Southern 
 Babylonia. If of Elamite origin, Cyrus was by upbringing a poly- 
 theist ; if of Persian origin he would be a Zoroastrian, and as such 
 well disposed to that policy of toleration of other religions which 
 we rightly connect with his name. 
 
 When king of Anshan he overcame the Persians, becoming 
 king of both Anshan and Persia. • With his augmented forces he 
 marched against the Medes, now greatly weakened through 
 attacks by Lydians and nomad tribes of Scythian race. He 
 now aimed at augmenting his kingdom and securing its greater 
 safety bj' adding to his conquests that of Babylon. Nabonidus, the 
 last king of Babylon, had estranged his subjects in the provinces 
 by his policy of removing the local gods to Babylon, just as 
 Hezekiah had given offence to his country subjects by a similar 
 policy in Palestine (see 2 Kings xviii. 22] ; religious centralization 
 being in both cases regarded as the prelude to political centraliza- 
 
 * See the Behistun inscriptions, i. 10. 
 
 ^ Records of the Past, ix. p. 67. ^ lb., p. 79, &c. "* lb., p. 75. 
 
40 EZRA 
 
 tion. Babylonians were on the whole glad to welcome Cyrus 
 and his forces, knowing as they did that the ' great King' allowed 
 and even encouraged every people to worship their ancestral 
 gods and to continue the worship and sacrifice which had come 
 down to them. 
 
 Cyrus and his army entered Babylon without opposition in 538, 
 though according to Greek writers (the Babylonian priest Berosus, 
 Xenophon, &c.) the Babylonians resisted and fought to the last. 
 
 The historicity of the edict of Cyrus has been generally ques- 
 tioned or denied, as by Kosters, Guthe, Torrey, and Cheyne, who 
 hold that there was no return under Cyrus ; and also by many 
 who admit that such a return took place, as Wellhausen, Renan, 
 Bertholet. It is said by Kosters and others that those parts of 
 Ezra which ascribe to Cyrus the decree referring to the return 
 from Babylon and the rebuilding of the Temple are inventions of 
 the Chronicler to confirm what is said of Cyrus in Isa. xli. 25, 
 xHv. 28, xlv. I, &c. Cf. Joseph., Antiq. xi. i. 2. But why, then, 
 does not the Chronicler make Cyrus concern himself about the 
 rebuilding of the city walls as well as the Temple ? Moreover, it 
 is said that the Chronicler ascribes to Cyrus his own sentiments, 
 making the Persian king a follower of Yahweh, deeply solicitous 
 about the interests of Judaism and its institutions. But recently 
 discovered cuneiform inscriptions have taken off the edge of this 
 objection, for in them Cyrus speaks the language of the peoples 
 he conquered. Thus, when writing for Babylonians he says 
 that the god Marduk had called him to be king, and he ascribes 
 his success in war to the other Babylonian deities Bel and Nebo. 
 What Cyrus is made to say of Yahweh in Ezra i. 2 is very strange 
 until we find it and much else that in the narrative surprises us 
 matched in inscriptions which have come down to us (see p. 14 f.).^ 
 The Chronicler may be regarded as using here and generally in 
 Ezra-Nehemiah older, and in the main reliable, sources. 
 
 It was the policy of the kings of Babylon to deport conquered 
 people and to replace them by loyal subjects from the near 
 territory. It was the policy of Cyrus and of his successors to 
 encourage each subject race to retain its ancestral faith. Assum- 
 ing that Cyrus was a Zoroastrian, he might see in the gods of 
 other religions nothing more than the one supreme good spirit. 
 Ahura Mazda, who manifests himself in fire and light ; in that 
 case the seemingly compromising language ofver. 2 and of many 
 of the inscriptions would but represent the king's broader con- 
 ceptions and wider faith. See further on vi. 1-12. 
 
 * Note how in the third Sachau papyrus Bagohi (Greek Bagoas), 
 the Persian governor of Judah, in granting the request of the Jews 
 at Yeb, speaks of Yahweh as the ' God of heaven ' and promises 
 that the Temple shall be rebuilt and the sacrifices restored. 
 
EZRA 1. I. T 41 
 
 [T] Now in the first year of '^ Cyrus king of Persia, that 
 the word of the Lord by the mouth of Jeremiah might be 
 accomplished, the Lord stirred up the spirit of Cyrus 
 * Heb. Coresh. 
 
 1-4. The edict of Cynis. See i Esd. ii. 1-7. In Ezra vi. 3-5 
 we have another version, perhaps the very words preserved in 
 Aramaic in the temple archives : see on these verses. 
 
 i-3a agree almost verbatim with the last two verses of 
 Chronicles : see Introd., p. 4. 
 
 1. JTow: in Heb, the particle usually translated 'and.' Its 
 presence here is no necessary proof of an original connexion 
 between this verse and 2 Chron. xxxvi. 21. The so-called 'waw 
 consecutive ' forms became independent tense inflexions implying 
 in many cases no connexion with what has gone before. See 
 A. B. Davidson, Syntax, § 47. 
 
 first year of his rule over Babylon, i.e. 538. It was the twenty- 
 first year of his reign over Anshan. The inscriptions show that 
 Cyrus reckoned his reign from Nisan after he conquered Babylon. 
 
 king* of Persia : though this title is most commonly used after 
 the Persian kingdom had ceased to be, i. e. after 331, yet it occurs in 
 the contemporarj' Cyrus inscription, column 24, and is not therefore 
 necessarily a proof of late date. In their memoirs Ezra and Nehe- 
 miah have simply 'the king,' e.g. Ezravi. i4,vii. 27f., &c.; Neh.i. 11. 
 
 toy the moutlx of Jeremiali : the reference is to Jer. xxix. 
 10, where Yahweh promises at the end of seventy years to 
 restore his exiled people. Assuming that the exile commenced 
 in 606. the seventy years would expire in 536, which may be the 
 first year referred to in this verse, reckoning from the time when 
 Darius the Mede ceased to exercise joint rule with Cyrus. But 
 we have here to do probably with a round number. 
 
 accomplished: lit., 'come to an end.' The Hebrew word 
 (rendered ' finished ') is used also in Dan. xii. 7, of the fulfilment 
 of prophecy. God's predictive word ceases, as such, when the 
 event foretold has come to pass. 
 
 (the Iiord) stirred up the (spirit of Cyrus) : lit. 
 ' awakened,' ' roused ' ; the same verb in ver. 5. 2 Chron. xxi. 16, 
 and in Jer. xli. 11. The Chronicler ascribes Cj'rus's resolve to 
 permit the Jews to return to Divine suggestion. Such is also the 
 view taken by the post-exilic prophet, the 'great unknown,' in 
 Isa. xlv. 13. Josephus (Atitiq. xl. i. i f.) saj'S that Cyrus was 
 prompted by his reading of those parts of ii Isa. in which his 
 name and predicted work appear : see Isa. xliv. 28, xlvi. i ; cf. 
 xli. 28. The name by which Cyrus designates Yahweh = ' Yahweh 
 (Israel's own God who is identical with the) God of heaven ' 
 
42 EZRA 1. 2, 3. T 
 
 king of Persia, that he made a proclamation throughout 
 
 2 all his kingdom, and/?// it also in writing, saying, Thus 
 saith Cyrus king of Persia, All the kingdoms of the earth 
 hath the Lord, the God of heaven, given me; and he 
 hath charged me to build him an house in Jerusalem, 
 
 3 which is in Judah. AVhosoever there is among you of all 
 
 (the God whom, as seen in the sun, &c., I as a Mazdaist worship). 
 See for the title ' God of heaven ' v. 11 f., vi. 9 f., vii. 12, 21, 23 ; 
 Neh. i. 4 f., ii. 4, 20. This designation occurs in the Sachau 
 Papyri : see i. 2, 28, &c. It is found also in Persian inscriptions. 
 made a proclamation : lit. ' he caused (a herald) to pass (the) 
 message ' : the expression occurs in post-exilic hterature only : 
 see X. 7 ; Neh. viii. 15 ; 2 Chron. xxx. 5 ; Exod. xxxvi. 5 (P). 
 See on viii. 21. 
 
 2. All tlxe king'doms, &c. : it has been objected that Cyrus could 
 not have used such language, and that the words are those of the 
 Chronicler. But in cuneiform inscriptions Cyrus expresses himself 
 in a very similar way concerning the principal Babylonian god 
 Marduk, who had called him when king of Anshan to be '■ king of 
 the world.' See column 12, 'Cyrus-cylinder.' 'Marduk called 
 Cyrus and led his hosts towards Babylon.' 'Without fighting or 
 bloodshed Marduk brought him to his city Babylon.' ' I, Cyrus, 
 am king of the world, the great king, the mighty king,' &c. To 
 Bel and Nebo (see Isa. xlvi. i ; Jer. 1. 2) he ascribes much of his 
 success. It is unscholarly and unfair to look at what is said of 
 Cyrus and by him in the O. T. without also considering his general 
 attitude towards nations whom he had subdued and the contem- 
 porary language in which he is made to express himself in inscrip- 
 tions which must have received his sanction. 
 
 he hath charged me to huild him. an house : Cyrus is repre- 
 sented in more than one inscription as restoring to their original 
 homes or temples the local gods brought by Nabonidus to Babylon ; 
 this would involve a restoration also of the local shrines. He is 
 also made to say ' I left the gods of Sumer and Accad uninjured 
 according to the command of Marduk my great lord.' 
 
 3. Render freely : ' Whoever there is of His (Yahweh's) people 
 among you (my Persian subjects) [that is minded to depart] may 
 his God be with him and let him go up to Jerusalem which is in 
 Judah, that he may build (^^ rebuild) the house of Yahweh, 
 Israel's God, that is the God whose special abode is in Jerusalem.' 
 
 Whosoever . . . people : i. e. whatever exiles from the 
 Southern Kingdom, Cyrus could hardly have in his mind or 
 have any knowledge of the Northern Israelites deported into 
 Assyria, &c., by Sargon. His concern is with the restoration of 
 
EZRA 1. 4. T 43 
 
 his people, his God be with him, and let him go up to 
 Jerusalem, which is in Judah, and build the house of 
 the Lord, the God of Israel, ^ (he is God,) which is in 
 Jerusalem. And whosoever is left, in any place where 4 
 
 "- Or, he is the God which is in Jerusalem 
 
 the exiled people of Judah and the rebuilding of the temple de- 
 stroyed by Nebuchadnezzar. Yet there is reason for believing 
 that some exiles of the northern tribes returned with those from 
 the south : see i Chron. ix. 31 and on ii. 3. As ver. 3 stands, 
 Cyrus commands all Jewish exiles scattered in his dominions to 
 return. We know that the great majority elected to remain in 
 their new home and were not hindered from doing so. We must 
 no doubt add to the commencement of ver. 3 the words in square 
 brackets above ; they occur in i Esd. ii. 3 (L Codex) and are 
 adopted by Guthe (SBOT.), Bertholet, and others. See for 
 confirmation ver. 5. 
 
 (his God) be (with him) : in the parallel passage 2 Chron. 
 xxxvi. 23 we have, ' his God will be ' (Lord = Yahweh is a textual 
 error) 'with him.' So the LXX in the latter and in the present 
 passages. 
 
 (he is God), &c. : omit the brackets and render as above. 
 Yahweh's temple has to be in Jerusalem, for it is there He has 
 chosen to make Himself specially known to His elect people. So 
 the Hebrew accents, the R. V., and the versions, including 
 I Esd. ii. 5, though the Arab, has ' the house of the God of 
 Israel, the God who is in the sanctuary ' ; and Luc. omits 
 the phrase. If the E.VV. be adhered to, the sense is that the 
 ' house of Yahweh ... is in Jerusalem.' The former is the likelier 
 view. The worshippers of Yahweh were under an obligation to 
 re-erect the Jerusalem temple, for He dwelt on Mount Zion. See 
 Ps. ix. II, Ixxiv. 2, Ixxvi. 2, and cf. Psalms, vol. ii (Century Bible), 
 additional note on Zion. In ver. 4 and elsewhere, however, the 
 phrase ' which is in Jerusalem ' (the same Hebrew words as here) 
 describes Hhe house of God,' and Ryle, &c., prefer this sense 
 (retaining the brackets) here. Perhaps the bracketed words are 
 the marginal gloss of a pious reader or copyist, 
 
 4. This verse may be thus paraphrased : ' Whoever is to be left 
 behind in the place where he dwells (because he lacks the neces- 
 sary means, though he has a mind to return to Jerusalem), let his 
 fellow-countrymen in that place help him,'&c. Josephus (Antiq. 
 xi. 1. 1) says many Jews preferred remaining in Babylon with their 
 property. The verse is generally interpreted (so Ryle, &c.) to 
 mean * if a Jew living in any part of the Persian dominion has 
 the mind but not the means to return, let his non-Jewish fellow- 
 
44 EZRA 1.5. T 
 
 he sojourneth, let the men of his place help him with 
 
 silver, and with gold, and with goods, and with beasts, 
 
 beside the freewill offering for the house of God which 
 
 5 is in Jerusalem. Then rose up the heads of fathers' 
 
 citizens supply him with all that is indispensable for the journey ' ; 
 and Neh. i. sand Hag. ii. 3 are adduced in support of this render- 
 ing. But it is the context that decides the shade of meaning to 
 be given to a word in any given place. No king would give 
 such a command as this, and if he did his subjects would not 
 obey, Babylonians or others. One might gather from Neh. v. i that 
 the returned exiles were not much helped by non-Jewish people. 
 
 is left: in Hebrew a pass. part, such as frequently has 
 a gerundial force : 'Whoever would have to be left behind' (if 
 not helped). 
 
 sojourneth : the verb = to settle in a country not one's own 
 and to have substantially the rights of natives : see on Ps. cxix. 19 
 (in this Series). 
 
 place : probably = Jewish quarter, either part of a city in 
 which Jews dwell together (ghetto), or a part of the country 
 cultivated by them, as may be found now in Russia. If town or 
 city were meant a suitable word would have been employed. 
 The men of his place = his fellow residents in the same Jewish 
 quarter or locality. 
 
 help: the Hebrew verb is the intensive (Pi.) form of the 
 verb = to lift up, and has here the sense to support, to aid, as in 
 viii. 36 ; Esth. ix. 3 ; i Kings ix. 11. 
 
 silver and . . . gold: to purchase food, &c., during the journey. 
 
 goods : camp-baggage, articles of furniture such as were 
 necessary. The same word occurs in viii. 21 ; x. 8, and in Gen. 
 xiii. 6. Guthe read the cognate word found in Esth. viii. 8, 10, 
 rendered in the E.VV. 'swift steeds,' but meaning post or 
 saddle horses ; so Luc. and i Esd. ii. 6. 
 
 beasts, meaning animals for carrying the baggage (pack- 
 horses, mules, camels, asses'. 
 
 freewill offering: i.e. gifts of money, &c., towards the 
 expense of rebuilding the Temple : see viii. 28 ; 2 Chron. xxxi. 14. 
 The same word is used of gifts towards the building and furnishing 
 of the tabernacle in Exod. xxxv. 29; xxxvi. 3. We are not to 
 understand here (with Bertholet) free willing offerings such as 
 even non-worshippers were allowed to present as sacrifices 
 in the Temple. See Schurer^^>, ii. 300 ff. (E.V. ii. i. 299 ff.) and 
 cp. the act of Alexander the Great in sacrificing at Jerusalem. 
 
 5-7. Many Jews avail themselves of the offer of Cyrus and return. 
 5. Render, • Then arose the heads of the fathers' [houses] of 
 
EZRA 1. 6. T 45 
 
 houses of Judah and Benjamin, and the priests, and the 
 Levites, even all whose spirit God had stirred to go up to 
 build the house of the Lord which is in Jerusalem. And 6 
 all they that were round about them strengthened their 
 
 Judah and Benjamin, and the priests and the Levites, and all 
 whose spirit God had stirred up to build Yahweh's house (the 
 Temple) which is in Jerusalem.' 
 
 tlie heads of fathers' houses : the word ' houses ' is 
 understood in the Hebrew, and must be supplied in English. 
 The full phrase occurs in Exod. vi. 14. A Jewish tribe was 
 divided into families (or clans), each family (or clan) was sub- 
 divided into houses. 
 
 Judah and Benjamin : according to the older tradition 
 Judah and Judah alone constituted the Southern Kingdom (see 
 I Kings xi. 13, 32, 36 ; xii. 20 ; but in the latter passage the LXX 
 has 'Judah and Benjamin '), Though Jerusalem was in Benjamin, 
 and some Benjamites must at the disruption have sided with the 
 Southern Kingdom and been merged in it, yet as a whole Ben- 
 jamin was joined with Israel. We have here the later tradition 
 which made the Southern Kingdom, and therefore the returned 
 exiles, consist of these two tribes — Judah and Benjamin : see also 
 I Kings xii. 21 and 23, and Ezra x. 9. 
 
 I Esd. ii. 8 has 'families' for houses, which, as coming after 
 ' tribes ', is more suitable and was perhaps the original word. 
 
 the priests, and the Levites : according to Deuteronomy 
 all Levites are priests : see p. 18. 
 
 even (all) : render, 'and.' The Hebrew word it) is usually 
 construed as a preposition with the meaning ' to.' If kept it is 
 what is called the ' lamed of the norm,' defining and limiting 
 what precedes, viz. ' those heads of houses (or families), priests and 
 Levites whose heart,' &c. But we should probably read with the 
 versions, including Esd. ii. 8, the conjunction ' and ' {waw). Not 
 only the three classes enumerated but ' all whose hearts,' &c. 
 But this addition implies that of the classes named only those are 
 meant who were similarly moved by God. 
 
 to build : i. e. here to rebuild : see Neh. ii. 5, 
 
 the house of the LORD (God) : the Chronicler's common 
 designation for the Temple : see iii. 4, 8 ; vi. 22. 
 
 6. all . . . round about : i. e. the Jews who elected to remain : 
 see on ver. 4. 
 
 strengthened their hands : render, ' helped them ' : so 
 Z.MC., Vulg., and r Esd. ii. 9, as against the LXX, S3'riac, 
 Arabic, which render the Hebrew literally. The same phrase 
 with a slight difference occurs in vi. 22 ; Neh. vi. 9. Cf. Isa, xii. 15, 
 where the simple, not as here the intensive, form of the verb is used. 
 
46 
 
 hands with vessels of silver, with gold, with goods, and 
 with beasts, and with precious things, beside all that was 
 
 7 willingly offered. Also Cyrus the king brought forth the 
 vessels of the house of the Lord, which Nebuchadnezzar 
 had brought forth out of Jerusalem, and had put them in 
 
 8 the house of his gods ; even those did Cyrus king of 
 
 vessels of silver : read and render ' with every kind of 
 thing, with silver,' &c. : so Luc, i Esd. ii. 9. The difference 
 in the Hebrew is slight. The vessels are not mentioned before 
 ver. 7. But the M.T. is supported by the other versions. 
 
 g-oods . . . "beasts : see on ver. 4. 
 
 precious thing's : the same word is found in 2 Chron. xxi. 3, 
 xxxii. 23 ; Gen. xxiv. 53. The enumeration in ver. 4 has nothing 
 corresponding to this, and it is likely that its presence here is due 
 to textual corruption. ' Gifts ' is the rendering of the LXX, Syriac, 
 Arabic. Perhaps we should read and render ' freewill offerings 
 according to the wealth of the person who made a freewill offering." 
 
 beside, &c. : see above. 
 
 7-1 1. Cyrus restores the temple, vessels taken to Babylon by 
 Nebuchadnezzar} 
 
 *J. vessels: these had been removed from the Jerusalem temple 
 on three different occasions, viz. when in 597 Jerusalem was 
 conquered in the reign of Jehoiakim — the most valuable, 2 Chron. 
 xxxvi, 7 ; in the end of 597 when Jehoiachin was made prisoner, 
 2 Kings xxiv. 13; and 587, in Zedekiah's reign, 2 Kings xxv. 14 f. 
 Here the first are more particularly and perhaps exclusively meant. 
 
 Nebnchaduezzar : see on ii. i and Esther ii. 6. 
 
 house of his g'ods : for gods substitute ' god ' as in Dan. i. 2, 
 though the Hebrew admits of both. Marduk (Merodach), the 
 principal deity of Babj'lon, is the one meant. Only one temple 
 is mentioned : had ' gods ' been intended we should have had 
 houses ' ( = temples). In Dan. i, 2 the same phrase is explained 
 (perhaps in a marginal gloss) as ' the treasure house of his god,' 
 i. e. a part of the temple where records, money, &c. were pre- 
 served (see DB. 'Treasury'). See Neh. x. 38. In Luc. and 
 I Esd. ii. ID we have 'idol-temple,' the (one) word used in 
 I Cor. viii. 10. In 2 Chron. xxxvi. 7, the phrase is ' his (the 
 King's) palace' (not temple as the E.VV. : in Chron. the word 
 haykal has its original Assyrian meaning ' palace ' and no 
 other). 
 
 8. Render, ' So Cyrus, King of Persia, having brought them 
 
 ' The Jews had no images of gods to be restored as was the case 
 with other peoples who had now come under Cyrus's sway. 
 
EZRA 1 . 8. T 47 
 
 Persia bring forth by the hand of Mithredath the trea- 
 surer, and numbered them unto Sheshbazzar, the prince 
 
 forth (from the temple treasury) deHvered them into the charge 
 {lit. hand) of Mithredath the treasurer, and counted them,' &c. 
 
 by the hand: in the Luc, and in i Esd. i. ii a verb precedes, 
 'gave' (Luc.) or ' deHver ' (i Esd.), and it is to be restored with 
 Guthe, &c., to the M.T., and the whole phrase rendered as above. 
 
 Mithredath: a Persian word meaning ' dedicated to Mithra' 
 (the Persian sun-god). The same name appears in Roman history 
 (cp. Mithridates, King of Pontus). 
 
 the treasurer: i.e. the person in charge of the treasure- 
 house. See on v. 17. 
 
 Sheshbazzar: a Persian official, though a Babylonian by 
 race, as his name { = S/iamash-bal-ttsur, i.e. Sun-god protect 
 the son^) suggests. Previous to the victories of Cyrus this 
 man had probably been a high official of the Babylonian govern- 
 ment, and so besides having an intimate acquaintance with the 
 royal treasures he would have a large knowledge of Jewish people 
 with whom he must have had to do. He seems to have been 
 appointed to execute the King's decree in the first instance, to 
 hand over moneys, temple vessels, &c., to divide the territoiy, and 
 to make the first general preparations for the rebuilding of the 
 temple. Having performed these preliminary tasks, he probably 
 returned to Babylon, leaving the control of things to his successor 
 Zerubbabel, who was a Jew, and in the direct line of descent 
 from David, for he was grandson of Jehoiachin, King of Judah 
 (i Chron. iii. 17). Both Sheshbazzar (Ezra v. 14) and Zerubbabel 
 (Hag. i. I, &c.) are called ' Governor of Judah,' the same Hebrew 
 word being used. Had our records not been so scanty, many of 
 them being lost, we should have been informed of the circum- 
 stances under which Zerubbabel, the Jew, succeeded Sheshbazzar, 
 the Babylonian. We know that Zerubbabel was the governor in 
 520, when through the preaching of Haggai and Zechariah the 
 rebuilding of the temple was resumed. Moreover, Zerubbabel 
 was one of those who came with the first batch, see ii. 2, so that 
 he was a contemporary of Sheshbazzar, and at first probably a 
 subordinate official. In Greek the name appears variously as Abas- 
 saros (Joseph, x. r. 3) ; Sassabassaros, &c. (LXX) : Sabasare{Luc.) ; 
 Sanabassar (i Esd. ii. 15, &c.). Imbert, Renan, Kosters, and E. 
 Meyer identify him with Shenazzar, son of King Jeconiah(= Jehoi- 
 achin), see I Chron. iii. 17 f. In that case he was Zerubbabel's 
 uncle and also a Jew. But there is no evidence of that identity ; not 
 a word in accounts of either to suggest relationship with the other. 
 
 ^ So Fried. Del., v. Hoonacker, and Sayce. E. Meyer {Die Ent- 
 stehung, &c., j6 i.), however, and others, reading Shenazzar 
 (Sanabassar) identify with Sin-bal-usur, i.e. * O Sin, protect the son.' 
 
4-8 EZRA 1. 9, 10. T 
 
 9 of Judah. And this is the number of them : thirty 
 
 chargers of gold, a thousand chargers of silver, nine and 
 
 I o twenty knives; thirty bowls of gold, silver bowls of a 
 
 That Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabel are but two names of one 
 individual is assumed by Joseph. {Antiq. xi. i. 5"), and by the 
 author of i Esd. (see vi. 18), and is the view held generally in 
 former times (Ewald, &c.) and, to a considerable extent, at 
 present (Ryle, &c.). The tendency of later writers is to make 
 the two names stand for two men : so Renan, Kosters, Stade, 
 Kuenen, Wellhausen, Cheyne, Meyer, Klostermann, Guthe, and 
 Siegfried. In favour of this is the fact that two names are used, 
 both of them common Babylonian names, not as was formerly 
 thought one Hebrew^ and the other Babylonian ; and that in 
 ch. V. (cp. verses 2, 15) a distinction is clearly made. Yet it 
 must be admitted that the evidence is not very decisive either way. 
 Kuenen^ thinks Sheshbazzar never was governor, the passages 
 stating or implying that he was being inaccurate. But this is to 
 make history, not to construct it out of existing materials. 
 
 9. charg-ers: render 'libation cups,' the original word, oc- 
 curring here only in the O.T., seems to be a loan-word from 
 the Greek KctpraXXos '■ a basket,' unless the Greek word comes from 
 a similar one with a similar meaning in Semitic (Arabic, Aramaic, 
 Ethiopic), or from the Persian. Basket-shaped libation cups are 
 what is probably meant : see i Chron. xxviii. 17 : they were used 
 for pouring forth the drink offering : cp. Exod. xxv. 29. This is the 
 rendering of I Esd. ii. 13. The LXX and Luc. translate 'wine 
 coolers,' referring to the shape probably. Perhaps the word has 
 a more general sense and includes also the 'basons' used for 
 dashing sacrificial blood against the altar. See i Chron. xxviii. 
 17 ; 2 Chron. xxix. 22. 
 
 knives : render ' censers ' : the word in M.T. occurs nowhere 
 else, and the sense is for that reason indeterminate, though the 
 root in this case has the appearance of being Semitic if not Hebrew. 
 The original text had probably the Hebrew word for 'censers' 
 found in i Kings vii. 50, 2 Chron. iv. 22 : this does not differ much 
 from the M.T., and it is implied in i Esd. ii. 13, though Syr., LXX, 
 and Luc, have 'changes' (of garment), a sense suggested by the 
 root of the Hebrew word which = to change. 
 
 10. bowls : so I Esd. ii. 13 {phiak). Et3'mology (which is, 
 however, uncertain) suggests the meaning 'covered' or 'lidded 
 vessel,' ' tankard ' : but the sense of the word and the purpose 
 of the vessel implied are obscure. The LXX and Luc. trans- 
 literate, Rashi and Ibn Ezra say that the word has here the 
 same sense as that translated 'basons' in i Chron. xxviii. 17. 
 
 ^ Ges. Abhandlungen (Budde), 220 f. 
 
EZRA 1. u. T 49 
 
 second sort four hundred and ten, and other vessels a 
 thousand. All the vessels of gold and of silver were five 1 1 
 thousand and four hundred. All these did Sheshbazzar 
 bring up, when they of the captivity were brought up 
 from Babylon unto Jerusalem. 
 
 second sort : it is almost certain that the Hebrew word is 
 a corruption of some numeral : i Esd. ii. 13 has ' two thousand,' 
 making in all two thousand four hundred and ten bowls. The 
 other versions have 'double' (LXX, Luc.) or 'second' (Vulg.). 
 Rashi and Ibn Ezra agree with the E.VV. But silver bowls 
 would, as such, be different from gold ones, and analogy shows 
 that no other difference is intended. The last part of the word 
 in the M.T. agrees with the last part of the word for ' two 
 thousands ' in unpointed Hebrew, and by substituting this the 
 difficulty in reconciling the details of the numerals with the sum 
 total is diminished : see below. 
 
 The numerals in verses 9-1 1. If the numbers of the various 
 vessels named in ver. 9 f. are added together they reach a sum 
 total of 2,499; but in ver. 11 it is said that the sum total reached 
 is 5,400. Many attempts at reconciliation have been made, but no 
 one has commanded or deserves much confidence. Keil thinks 
 the mistake lies in the sum total and not in the details, 5,400 being 
 written for 2,500 by a transposition of the 5. But we have even 
 then 2 for 4, and since the exact numbers are given for the items 
 we should expect the same to be done for the summing up. 
 Besides, all the versions practically agree in the total (i Esd. ii. 14 
 has 5,469), though they differ somewhat in the items. For thirty 
 chargers of gold i Esdras has ' one thousand,' and it has 2,410 bowls 
 instead of the 410 found in M.T. and in the remaining versions. 
 If these two clianges are introduced into the Hebrew text we 
 get the same total as in i Esdras, viz. 5,469. Perhaps here as 
 elsewhere the Apocryphal Ezra preserves the true text, unless we 
 are to see in it a harmonistic recension. The corruption in the 
 M.T. is ancient, since the versions except i Esdras follow the M.T. 
 
 On the face of it the numbers in ver. 9 f., as given in the M.T., 
 &c., are more plausible. One might expect the number of gold 
 vessels to be fewer in each case than the number of silver ones. 
 In I Esdras there are one thousand chargers of both gold and 
 silver. On the other hand, 2,400 silver bowls (ver. 10) are very 
 many in comparison with thirty of gold. 
 
 The gap hetzveen chaps, i and ii. It is strange that after 
 informing us in chap, i in general terms of the departure from 
 Babylon the historian should tell us nothing about the march, its 
 commencement, the line of route, incidents of the journey, when 
 
50 EZRA 1, 2 
 
 and under what circumstances the arrival took place, how long 
 the journey lasted, Sec. It does seem as though a section of the 
 book dealing with these and kindred matters has been lost, and 
 it is not unlikely that Ewald, Bertheau, Ryssel, Sellin, and others, 
 are right in seeing a fragment at least of that section, though in 
 a mutilated form, in i Esd. i-v. i-6. These verses are in the 
 style of chap, i, and bear clear traces of translation from a Hebrew 
 original. Moreover, in their present setting they are out of 
 place, and an evident interpolation inserted to connect the legend 
 of the contest between the three young men (i Esd. iii f.) 
 with the narrative resumed in i Esd. v. 7. Darius's name has 
 been inserted in place of the original Cyrus to make the piece 
 fit in with the tv^o preceding chapters. As amended by Bertheau 
 (who omits the whole of ver. 5) these verses read as follows : 
 
 ' I. Afterwards the chiefs of fathers' houses were chosen to go 
 up according to their tribes, together with their wives, sons, 
 daughters, menservants, womenservants, and their cattle. 2. 
 And Cyrus (not Darius) sent along with them a thousand horse- 
 men, to bring them back in safety to Jerusalem, with musical 
 instruments, tabrets and llutes. 3. And all their brethren played, 
 and he caused them to go up with them together. 4. And these 
 are the names of the men who went up, according to their families, 
 to their tribal possessions into their several districts ; 6. in the 
 second year of his reign, in the month Nisan which is the first 
 month ' ( or, ^ on the first day of the month '). 
 
 A glance at the map (see opposite title-page) will show that the 
 route lay first of all NW. towards Carchemish, then turned SW. 
 and S., thus avoiding the almost untraversable regions of the Syrian 
 and Arabian deserts (see p, 169 f. \ It took Ezra and his companions 
 four months to compass the same journey, and it would require more 
 rather than less time to cover this distance now, as the way would 
 be less familiar and perhaps less safe. If we accept the above 
 addition to Ezra i it will be seen that the security and enjoyment 
 of the travellers were well seen to, as the latter were accompanied 
 by horsemen and musicians. It should be added that Schrader, 
 Reuss, Ryle, Bertholet, and others object to filling up the gap 
 between i and ii from i Esdras. 
 
 II (see Neh. vii. 6-73* and i Esd. v. 7-45). List of 
 
 THOSE WHO RETURNED IN 538. 
 
 After giving a description of the royal edict authorizing the 
 return to Jerusalem of as many of the exiles in Babylon as had 
 a mind to go, it was natural to add an account of those who 
 availed themselves of the offer thus given, their clans, the town- 
 ships to which before the exile their families belonged, together 
 with statistical information regarding the number of laymen, 
 
EZRA 2 51 
 
 Temple officials, &c., who joined in the procession. Besides, the 
 privilege accorded by Cyrus was confined to bona fide Jews, and 
 it is natural to think that this list was drawn up in Babylon, 
 according to older lists, so that it might be known who had a 
 right to join the returning band, though in cases of genuine doubt 
 the side of those making the claim seems to have been favoured, 
 see verses 59-63. Notwithstanding the fact that the list belongs 
 primarily to this period it bears marks of having been edited in 
 later times. It is not to be doubted that the records of kings and 
 their reigns, including genealogies, &c., were kept in the Temple 
 archives at Jerusalem ; and when the Babylonians conquered the 
 city they are likely to have carried them to Babylon to be deposited 
 in the Babylonian archives. Among the precious things which 
 Cyrus returned to the Jews when he became their king, one may 
 include as many of these old records as could be found. These 
 would be helpful in drawing up the lists in Ezra ii and Neh. vii. 
 
 The persons mentioned in this chapter belong to the following 
 classes. 
 
 1. The iivelvc leaders, including Zerubbabel and Jeshua. Though 
 in Ezra ii. 2 only eleven are named, it is evident from the paralleled 
 list in Nehemiah, i Esdras, and from other considerations, that 
 originally there were twelve names. Ewald and others see rightly 
 in this a desire on the part of the Jews to preserve the number 
 twelve in their national organization. They were now but two 
 tribes, but they were guided and governed by twelve princes. 
 
 2. The laymen: verses 3-35, !| i Esd. v. 5-35, Neh. vii. 8-38. 
 (i) Reckoned by clans, verses 3-19. The Hebrew phrase is 
 
 literally 'sons of,' which means 'belonging to,' or, 'of the clan 
 of,' 'Parosh,' &c. : see on ii. 41. 
 
 (2) Reckoned by original (or present actual ?) abode of the 
 clan : verses 20-35. 
 
 3. Temple ojjiciah : verses 36-57, || 1 Esd. v. 24-35 ; Neh. vii. 
 39-60. 
 
 (i) Priests: verses 36-39. 
 
 (2) Levites : ver. 40. 
 
 (3) wSingers: ver. 41. 
 
 (4) Porters (gate-keepers) : ver. 42. 
 
 (5) Nethinim : verses 43-54. 
 
 (6) Solomon's servants : verses 55-58. 
 
 4. Those 0/ doubtful Jewish descent: verses 59-63, || 1 Esd. v. 
 36-40 ; Neh. vii. 61-65. 
 
 ( i) Laymen : ver. 59 f. 
 
 (2) Priests : verses 61-63. 
 
 Meyer (Entstehuug, p. i6o) contends that those of undoubted 
 Jewish descent belonged to the tribes of Judah or Benjamin (see 
 on, xi. 3-24, 25-36) ; but there is nothing in Ezra-Nehemiah about 
 tribes. In the strict sense they had long ceased to exist. 
 
 E 2 
 
52 EZRA 2 
 
 5. Men and ivoimn servants : ver. 65, || i Esd. v. 41 ; Neh. vii. 67. 
 
 Following the above we have a statement of the sum total of 
 the persons and of the beasts of burden (verses 64-67), and an 
 enumeration of the gifts which the persons brought with them for 
 the Temple (ver. 68 f.). 
 
 This list occurs not only in this chapter and also in the parallel 
 section in i Esdras, but also in a different context in Neh. vii ; 
 though, however, the sum total (42,360, see Ezra ii. 64) is the 
 same in all the three lists, there is considerable divergence as to 
 names and the detailed numbers. In no case do the separate 
 items when added up reach the above sum total. If we add 
 together the number given of the several classes (laymen, &c., 
 verses 3-65 ) we reach the following results : 
 
 In Ezra 29,818. 
 
 In I Esdras 30,143. 
 
 In Nehemiah 31,089. 
 
 Learned and ingenious attempts have been made to reconcile 
 these figures with each other and with the sum total in which all 
 the three accounts agree. But the disagreements are no doubt 
 due to errors of copying, easily understood and commonly met with 
 where numbers are concerned. The divergences do not touch any 
 matter of principle, and as the space in this series of commentaries 
 is necessarily so limited it is impossible to give here such parallel 
 lists of names and numbers from the three sources (Ezra, Esdras, 
 Nehemiah) as may be seen in the larger commentaries and such 
 as any reader can easily compile for himself. Important diver- 
 gences will be discussed in the verses where they occur. It may 
 be added that the clearest and fullest comparative tables of the 
 various name-lists of Ezra, Esdras, and Nehemiah are to be found 
 in Rudolf Smend's still very interesting and valuable Die Listen 
 der Biichey Esra iind NeJicm. ( Basel, i88i). The proper names arc 
 given, however, in Hebrew and (in i Esdras, &c.) in Greek. 
 
 The following brief general remarks are all that can be found 
 room for here : — 
 
 I. Personal Clans: verses 3-19. The clans, families, or 
 houses of Ezra ii. 3-19 are subdivisions of tribes called after 
 persons who are supposed to have founded them, though we 
 know but little of most of the persons named. Since they occur 
 in a similar order here, in viii. 1-4, x. 18-44, ^"<^ i^i Neh. vii, 
 X. 1-27, we may infer that they are mentioned in the order of 
 honour, though this is purel}^ a subjective inference, and it may 
 be weakened by the fact that the places in the next part of the 
 list occur also in a uniform order. 
 
 The names of many of the men after whom the clans are 
 designated here occur in later lists (see above), from which it 
 may be concluded that they are not names of persons who accom- 
 panied Zerubbabel and his party. 
 
EZRA 2 53 
 
 It seems almost certain that the clans mentioned in these 
 chapters existed in Bab3'lon, and even in the period before the 
 exile. We are not to suppose that all the members of the clans 
 came away in 538, leaving no representatives in Babj'lon. 7'he 
 contrary was undoubtedly the case, and in favour of this is the 
 statement in Ezra viii. 13 that with Ezra the final batch of 
 the Adonikam clan arrived leaving none behind them : see Ezra ii. 
 13, which says that 666 men of the clan came with Zerubbabel to 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 2. Local Clans : verses 20-35. Some clans seem to have been 
 designated according to their original homes, and it might be 
 permitted to call these local clans, though the name is a new one 
 and carries with it the writer's opinion that the Hebrew phrase 
 'sons of or 'men of a village or town has the same sense as 
 'sons of a man, i.e. it denotes a clan. In ii. 27 f. and in 
 Neh. vii. 26-33 the common phrase is 'men of (cf. i Esd. vi. 
 18-21). Guthe holds that wherever 'clans' are meant the phrase 
 ' sons of ' was originally prefixed ; the phrase 'men of denoting 
 the people of a district. See SBOT. 26 ff. He therefore 
 attaches ii. 29-32 and 35 immediately to Ezra ii. 19, as they 
 describe clans. But 'men of = 'sons of in Hebrew, both 
 phrases meaning 'belonging to,' &c. And in the verses which 
 he would remove, most, if not all, of the names are place-names. 
 It is noteworthy that the places enumerated are nearly all in the 
 immediate vicinity of Jerusalem. Ewald (v. 88 ; Germ. iv. 104) 
 held that the original decree of Cyrus authorizing a restoration 
 referred only to Jerusalem and the neighbourhood close to it, the 
 rest of Judah being held by the Edomites (see Mai. i. 4 ; Obadiah). 
 But nowhere in the books of Ezra-Nehemiah are the Moabites 
 mentioned as foes of Judah : and moreover, among the places are 
 some not very near to Jerusalem, as e. g. Bethel, Ai. 
 
 3. Lay and Clerical. From Ezra ii and Neh. vii (cf. Neh. ix. 
 38) it may be concluded that the lay element took precedence 
 over the clerical, being named first. We have a confirmation of 
 this in the order Zerubbabel-Joshua in every instance of the two 
 names coming together (about 12) except one (Ezra iii. 2). 
 
 In the later form of the lists in Ezra viii, x and Neh. x mem- 
 bers of the clerical class come first, suggesting that in the course 
 of the century following the first return there was a gradual 
 increase of clerical influence. 
 
 The number of Levites who came with Zerubbabel and with 
 Ezra was relatively small, though in the time of Nehemiah some 
 of them occupied important positions (see Neh. iii, 17 ff.). 
 
 The high-priesthood is but seldom spoken of or implied in these 
 books: see, however, p. 114 f. 
 
 As regards the origin and value of the lists in Ezra ii and 
 Neh. vii opinions may be arranged as follows : — 
 
54 EZRA 2 
 
 1. That these and the other lists in Ezra and Nehemiah are due 
 to the vivid imagination of the Chronicler, who compiled them on 
 the bases of some real genealogies to fill up the picture which he 
 paints of the return under Cyrus and the restoration of religious 
 institutions before the time of Ezra and Nehemiah. So Torrey 
 (^The Composition and Historical Value of Ezra-Nehemiah), Well- 
 hausen, and others. In reply note — 
 
 (i) The same list is used on two different occasions, viz. 
 Ezra ii and Neh. vii, 
 
 (2) That in Neh. vii the list occurs as part of the Nehemiah 
 memoirs, which are about the most certainly genuine portion of 
 the two books. 
 
 2. The bulk of Old Testament scholars accept the list as 
 authentic. 
 
 According to the old and the majority of modern commentators 
 and historians, the primary place of the list is in Ezra ii. This is 
 what the natural reading of the text suggests, and it is so suitable 
 in this connexion that it is better to adhere to this view unless 
 there are insuperable obstacles in the way. The list is taken up 
 in Neh. vii because it was needed for the purpose of ascertaining 
 who could trace their descent from the first returned exiles. This 
 is the view defended by Keil, Bertheau, Ryssel, Baudissin, 
 Budde, &c. 
 
 Many recent scholars maintain that the original place of the 
 list is in Neh. vii as part of the memoirs of Nehemiah, and that 
 it has been misplaced in Ezra ii, where it has no proper con- 
 nexion with what precedes or what follows. So Graetz. 
 Kosters, Lord A. J. Harvey, Guthe, E. Meyer, and Sellin. Lord 
 Harvey states the case for this view fully and clearly in the 
 Expositor, 1893, vol. iii. 431-42 ; but his arguments do not 
 carry conviction to the present writer. They are chiefly that in 
 Neh. vii the list fits in well — I hold it suits in Ezra ii : that the 
 Tirshatha in Ezra ii. 63 can mean no other than Nehemiah, which 
 is exactly the opposite of the truth : see on that verse. 
 
 Moreover, the animals mentioned in Ezra ii. 66 are suitable in 
 the connexion there implied ; they are horses, mules, camels, and 
 asses, such as would be needed for the journey to carry persons 
 and baggage. In Neh. vii we should have expected the mention 
 of animals for food and for sacrifice if the list belongs primarilj' 
 to that chapter. 
 
 In I Esd. V. 4 the list is given as if those who went up to 
 Jerusalem from Babylon did so in the reign of Darius (i.e. Darius 
 Hystaspis, 521-486). This is no doubt to reconcile the chron- 
 ology of this chapter with the interpolated passage about the con- 
 test between Darius's three pages (iii f.). 
 
EZRA 2. I, 2. T 55 
 
 ^ Now these are the children of the province, that went 2 
 up out of the captivity of those which had been carried 
 away, whom ^ Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon had 
 carried away unto Babylon, and that returned unto Jeru- 
 salem and Judah, every one unto his city ; which came with 2 
 * See Neh. vii. 6, &c. ^' Heb. Nehuchadnezzor. 
 
 1-2. Heading to the List. 
 
 1. children of the province: in Semitic 'sons' (the word 
 here employed) is used for ' people belonging to.' The province 
 is that of Judah (see ver. 8 ; Neh. i. 3, xi. 3), now a sub-satrapy of 
 Transpotamia (see on Esther i. i), having Jerusalem for capital and 
 Sheshbazzar and afterwards Zerubbabel for governor. Here the 
 reference jis to natives of that province taken to Babylon by 
 Nebuchadnezzar, who now, as far as living, together with their 
 descendants, accepted the king's offer and left for Jerusalem. 
 
 captivity : the Hebrew word, though abstract, is used for the 
 community of Jews in exile in Babylon, though the bulk of these 
 now in Bab3'lon had been born in that country. This chapter 
 tells of as many of the Babylonian Jews as came with Zerubbabel 
 in the time of Cyrus. Very many preferred remaining in their 
 adopted home. Of course those who with Kosters and Cheyne 
 deny there was any return under Cjtus, are compelled to explain 
 away this verse and its context. 
 
 Nebuchadnezzar : RVm. * Heb. Nehuchadnezzor,' which may 
 also in unpointed Hebrew have been the spelling in i. 7, where 
 the M.T. has final ar, as in the E.VV. (cf. LXX Nabtichodonosor,. 
 In the original Babylonian the form is Nabu-htdiirri-usttr ( = '0 
 Nebo protect the boundary'), with which corresponds more 
 nearly the form Nebuchadrezzar found in parts of Jeremiah and 
 throughout Ezekiel. In late Hebrew r and v often interchange 
 (cf. bar = ben = son). 
 
 Jemsalem and Judah = the capital and the rest of Judah, the 
 former named separately on account of its importance. The 
 common phrase is, however. 'Judah and Jerusalem': see iv. 6, 
 v. T, vii. 14, &c. In Noh. vii. 6 the order is as in this verse. 
 
 every one unto his city: i. e. the city to which his clan be- 
 longed. The words must, however, be understood freely, and with 
 reference to a later time when the account was written ; what is 
 stated here was actually done as far as was and became practicable. 
 In Neh. vii. 7 and in || i Esdras twelve leaders are mentioned, 
 and not eleven, as here. It is probable that Nahamani has fallen 
 out of this verse through a copyist's mistake. As to the number 
 twelve, see remarks introductory to this chapter, p. 51. 
 
56 EZRA 2. 3-6. T 
 
 Zerdbbabel, Jeshua, Nehemiah,^Seraiah, ^'Reelaiah, Mor- 
 decai, Bilshan, c Mispar, Bigvai, ^ Rehum, Baanah. The 
 
 3 number of the men of the people of Israel: the children of 
 
 4 Parosh, two thousand an hundred seventy and two. The 
 children of Shephatiah, three hundred seventy and two. 
 
 5 The children of Arab, seven hundred seventy and five. 
 
 6 The children of Pahath-moab, of the children of Jeshua 
 
 ^ In Neh. vii. 7, Azariah. ^ In Neh. vii. 7, Raamiah. 
 
 '' In Neh. vii. 7, Mispereth. ^ In Neh. vii. 7, Nehum. 
 
 2. Zernbbabel : not yet governor : he is but one of twelve leaders. 
 Sheshbazzar was governor during the journey and for some time 
 after. The name, which means ' seed ' or ' offspring of Babylon,' is 
 a common Babylonian one, as the inscriptions show. He was son of 
 Shealtiel according to iii. 2 ; Hag. i. i, 12, 14, ii. 2, and Matt. i. 
 12. But in I Chron. iii. 18 f. he appears as son of Pedaiah, brother 
 of Shealtiel. Perhaps Shealtiel died without issue and his brother 
 Pedaiah, contracting a Levirate marriage with his sister-in-law, be- 
 came the father of Zerubbabel, who would, however, be reckoned, 
 according to the law, son of Shealtiel. See further on v. i f., and 
 as to Zerubbabel's descent on i Chron, iii. 19 in Century Bible. 
 
 Jeslxua: called Joshua (the older form) in Hag. i. i, &c. ; 
 Zech. iii. i, Sec. In Neh. viii. 17 the well-known Joshua, son of 
 Nun, is called by this (in Hebrew the shorter) name. He was 
 son of Jehozadak and grandson of the high-priest Seraiah : see 
 I Chron. vi. 14 f. (Heb. v. 40 f.) and 2 Kings xxv. 18 ff. Though 
 high-priest, he and Zerubbabel formed with the other ten a kind 
 of cabinet of equal leaders, who had during the journey and imme- 
 diately after its completion to decide on matters of consequence, 
 subject to the supreme authority of Sheshbazzar, the governor. 
 
 ITehemiali : not, of course, the man best known by that name. 
 Cf. Neh.i. I. This was, and is, a common name among the Jews. 
 
 Mordecai: probably identified by the author of Esther with 
 the Mordecai of that book (see on Esther ii. 5, 6). But the name 
 ( = votary of Marduk) was and is a com non one among Jews, 
 notwithstanding its idolatrous origin. 
 
 people of Israel : i. e. the lay portion of the population. In 
 late Hebrew the common designation for the unprofessional class 
 is 'the people of the land.' The word 'Israel' (for Judah) is 
 used to imply that the tribes to which the exiled belong represent 
 the totality of God's chosen people. 
 
 3-19. Personal clans. See preliminary remarks, p. 52 f. 
 
 Q, Pabath-moal): lit. 'the governor of Moab,' because perhaps 
 
EZRA 2. 7-23. T 57 
 
 a7id Joab, two thousand eight hundred and twelve. The 7 
 
 children of Elam, a thousand two hundred fifty and four. 
 
 The children of Zattu, nine hundred forty and five. The 8,9 
 
 children of Zaccai, seven hundred and threescore. The 10 
 
 children of ^ Bani, six hundred forty and two. The chil- n 
 
 dren of Bebai, six hundred twenty and three. The 12 
 
 children of Azgad, a thousand two hundred twenty and 
 
 two. The children of Adonikam, six hundred sixty and 13 
 
 six. The children of Bigvai, two thousand fifty and six. 14 
 
 The children of Adin, four hundred fifty and four. The 15, : 
 
 children of Ater, of Hezekiah, ninety and eight. The chil- 1 7 
 
 dren of Bezai, three hundred twenty and three. The 18 
 
 children of '^ Jorah, an hundred and twelve. The chil- 19 
 
 dren of Hashum, two hundred twenty and three. The 20 
 
 children of cGibbar, ninety and five. The children of 21 
 
 Beth-lehem, an hundred twenty and three. The men of 22 
 
 Netophah, fifty and six. The men of Anathoth, an 23 
 
 * In Neh. vii. 15, Bmntti. ^ In Neh. vii. 24, HarlpJi. 
 
 *= In Neh. vii. 25, Gibeon. 
 
 the founder of the clan, or he after whom the clan was named, 
 held the position of governor of Moab in earh'er daj's. 
 
 12. Azg'ad : the number here is 1,222 ; in !i i Esd. 3,222 ; in Neh. 
 vii, 2,322. The discrepancy is due apparently to wrong copying. 
 
 13. Adonikazu : a part only of this clan came with Zerubbabel ; 
 the part that remained joined Ezra's part}' : see viii. 13. In 
 Neh. X. 16 the name appears as Adonijah. 
 
 20-35. Local clans', see preliminary' remarks, p. 53. Local clans 
 are designated * son of ' such and such a place. In ver. 27 f the 
 phrase is ' men of,' as it still more frequently is in Neh. vii (see 
 verses 26-33). 
 
 20. Gibbar : read 'Gibeon,' as in Neh. vii. 25. The modern 
 village, El-Jeb^ about five miles north-west of Jerusalem, stands on 
 the same site and preserves in a corrupt form the ancient name. 
 See Josh. ix. 3 f. ; i Sam. ii ; i Kings iii. 4, &c. 
 
 22. Zretophah : a priestly city according to i Chron. ix. 16 ; 
 generally identified with the modern Beit Neiief, about a score 
 of miles to the west of Bethlehem. 
 
 23. Anathoth =- the modern Aftdtd, a village about four miles 
 
5§ EZRA 2. 24-31. T 
 
 24 hundred twenty and eight. The children of «- Azmaveth, 
 
 25 forty and two. The children of ^ Kiriath-arim, Chephirah, 
 
 26 and Beeroth, seven hundred and forty and three. The 
 children of Ramah and Geba, six hundred twenty and 
 
 27 one. The men of Michmas, an hundred twenty and 
 
 28 two. The men of Beth-el and Ai, two hundred twenty 
 29, 30 and three. The children of Nebo, fifty and two. The 
 
 31 children of Magbish, an hundred fifty and six. The 
 children of the other Elam, a thousand two hundred fifty 
 * In Neh. vii. 28, Beth-azmaveth. ^ \x\ Neh. vii. 29, Kiriath-jeanm. 
 
 north-east of Jerusalem. Jeremiah was born at Anathoth (Jer. i. 
 I, xi. 21). See Neh. xi. 32. 
 
 24. Azmaveth : see Neh. xii. 29 ; in i Chron. viii. 36 the 
 name of a person belonging to the house of Saul. Perhaps the 
 place was named after the person. In Neh. vii it is called ' Beth- 
 Azmaveth.' It has been identified with El-Hismeh, an eminence 
 to the north of Anata. 
 
 25. Kiriath-arim, Chephirah, and Beeroth were Gibeonite 
 cities (Josh. ix. 17) lying to the north of Jerusalem. 
 
 26. Bamah = the modern er-Rdm, some six miles to the north 
 of Jerusalem. It was the home of Samuel (i Sam. vii. 17). 
 
 Geba = the modern y<?/i»a, some dozen miles north of Jerusalem, 
 a priestly town in the territory of Benjamin. See Josh, xviii. 24, 
 xxi. 17; Neh. xi. 31, xii. 29. 
 
 27. Michmas : a fortified town in Benjamin, seven miles 
 north of Jerusalem, identified with the modern hill Mukhmas. 
 See Neh. xi. 31. 
 
 28. The sites of Bethel (now Beiiiri) and Ai (to the east of it) 
 are well known ; they are about one and a half miles apart and 
 some dozen miles north of Jerusalem, See Neh. xi. 31. 
 
 29 ff. Guthe (SBOT.) would place verses 29-32, 35 im- 
 mediately after ver. 19, but without sufficient reason. See on 
 'local clans,' p. 53. 
 
 29. Kebo : called in Neh. vii. 33 'the other Nebo' to dis- 
 tinguish it from the Moabite town of the same name (Num. xxxii. 
 3, 38), though the word 'other' is omitted in Nehemiah by the 
 LXX (Siegf.). We do not know where the Nebo of the present 
 verse was, though some have identified it with the modern 
 isawiyeh, a village north of Jerusalem. The same place is 
 mentioned in x. 43. 
 
 31. the other Blam : the Elam of ver. 7 seems to be a person. 
 It is singular that the personal clan of ver. 7 has the same number 
 
59 
 
 and four. The children of Harim, three hundred and 33 
 twenty. The children of Lod, Hadid, and Ono, seven 33 
 hundred twenty and five. The children of Jericho, three 34 
 hundred forty and five. The children of Senaah, three 35 
 thousand and six hundred and thirty. The priests : the 3^ 
 
 as the local clan of this verse, viz. 2,254. Probably ver. 7 was 
 by a copyist's mistake repeated here, and then, to try and give it 
 sense, the word 'other' was prefixed. We have the same 
 apparent duplication in Neh. vii. 12, 33. i Esdras omits the 
 second mention of Elam altogether, following probably a text in 
 which ver. 33 was lacking. 
 
 32. Harim: another town (ver. 39) bore the same name. 
 
 33. IiOd = Lydda (Acts ix. 32, &c.), about seven miles from 
 Joppa on the wa\'^ to Jerusalem, now called Lud. It is not 
 mentioned in pre-exilic parts of the O.T., but is named in the 
 Palestinian list of Thothmes III. 
 
 Hadid == the Apocryphal Adida (i Mace. xii. 38, xiii. 13). 
 It was a fortified city on the east of the Shephelah, now called 
 El-khodithah. 
 
 Ono: a village somewhat to the north of Lydda. Its modern 
 name is Kefr Ana. 
 
 IiOdand Ono are named together, as here, in i Chron. viii. 12 ; 
 Neh. vii. 35, and xi. 35. Neither is mentioned elsewhere in 
 the O.T. 
 
 34. Jericho : now called er-Riha ; about nineteen miles from 
 Jerusalem due east, some two miles west of the Jordan, near to 
 where that river debouches into the Dead Sea. 
 
 35. Senaah: since the inhabitants of this place assisted in the 
 building of the walls of Jerusalem one may conclude that it was 
 near to Jerusalem and five miles to the north of Jericho, as Euse- 
 bius and Jerome held, identifying it with the Magdalsenna of their 
 da}'. See Neh. iii. 3 f' Has-sennah ' = ' the place called Sennah ' ). 
 
 36-57. Temple officials. Among those who returned we read of 
 priests, Levites, singers, porters, and Nethinim, but no separate 
 reference is made to high-priests, and that probablj' because no 
 such class existed until after the exile. (In 2 Kings xii. 10 and 
 xxii. 4, 8, xxiii. 4, the word '■ high ' is an interpolation, as the 
 context proves.) In Ezra-Nehemiah the epithet * high-priest ' is 
 used of Eliashib onl}'- (see Neh. iii. i, 20, xiii. 28% though ' high- 
 priest ' for '■ priest ' in Ezra ii. 63 and Neh. vii. 65 would suit well. 
 The first undoubted occurrence of the expression ' high-priest ' is 
 in the Books of Haggai (i. i, &c. ' and Zechariah (iii. i, &c.), where 
 it is applied to Joshua, the • Jeshua ' of Ezra and Nehemiah (see on 
 ver. 2). The omission in the present context of any mention of 
 
6o EZRA 2. 37-40. T 
 
 children of Jedaiah, of the house of Jeshua, nine hundred 
 
 37 seventy and three. The children of Immer, a thousand 
 
 38 fifty and two. The children of Pashhur, a thousand two 
 
 39 hundred forty and seven. The children of Harim, a 
 
 40 thousand and seventeen. The Levites : the children of 
 
 a high-priest is an incidental confirmation of the truth of the story 
 told and of the suitabiHty of the list in Ezra ii. 
 
 36-39. Priestly clans. The four priestly clans of these verses 
 represent probably the state of things in the days of Ezra and 
 Nehemiah. In the time of the Chronicler (see i Chron. xxiv) these 
 four classes had by subdivision and perhaps incorporation ex- 
 panded into the twenty-four courses, and in the manner of this 
 historian these courses are traced all the way back to David, some 
 seven hundred years before his own time ! 
 
 36. The Jedaiah clan formed the second of the twenty-four 
 courses enumerated in i Chron. xxiv (see ver. 7). 
 
 of the house of Jeshua : for the form of the name see on 
 ver. 2. The sense and the rhythm of verses 36-39 support the 
 view of Smend and Bertholet that this clause is a late addition 
 to be rejected. It has caused endless trouble to commentators, 
 no two of whom (if independent) seem agreed as to its meaning. If 
 retained this Jeshua cannot be the high-priest of that name, for 
 he has been mentioned in ver. 2, but the founder of a large class 
 of priests, one which embraced the clan Jedaiah. 
 
 37. Immer appears in r Chron. xxiv. 14 as sixteenth of 
 the courses. 
 
 38. Pashhur son of Immer according to Jer. xx. i. No 
 course of that name is mentioned in i Chron. xxiv. 
 
 39. Harim : another clan of the same name is mentioned in 
 ver. 32. See Neh. iii. 11. In i Chron. xxiv, 8 it is mentioned as 
 the third course. In Neh. vii. 40-42 the order Immer, Pashhur, 
 Harim is as in the present section, but in Ezra x. 20-2 the 
 order is Immer, Harim, Pashhur, 
 
 40-58. Levites and their subordinates. It is to be borne in 
 mind that the term * Levites ' does not necessarily or even 
 probably go back to an historical personality ; Levi is never 
 spoken of in the O.T. as an actual individual but once, viz. in 
 Gen. xxxiv. And it is the fortunes of the tribe that appear to 
 be here portrayed under the name of its eponymous head ; as is 
 also the case with Simeon in the same chapter. In Gen. xlix. 5-7 
 the same events are connected with the names Levi and Simeon, 
 though in this case it is made quite clear that the tribes are meant. 
 
 In the early period of Israel's history' the priesthood was not 
 
EZRA 2 6 1 
 
 confined to any one tribe, see Judges xvii, xix. In 2 Sam. viii. 18 
 David's sons are priests. 
 
 With the introduction of the Deuteronomic legislation the 
 priesthood came to be restricted to a guild or class called the 
 ' Levites,' so that priests and Levites came to be sjmonymous, 
 see Deut. x. 8f., xviii. i f. ; i Kings xii. 31. The Deuteronomic 
 legislation, involving the suppression of the local sanctuaries 
 scattered up and down the country, meant the disestablishment ol 
 the priests who officiated at these sanctuaries. Dcut. xviii. 6-8 (cf. 
 2 Kings xxiii. 18) enacts that these priests on coming to Jerusalem 
 are to be received into the Temple priesthood and to share its 
 status and emoluments. For some unexplained reason (perhaps 
 so many priests were not required), these country priests were not 
 allowed to act as city priests, though they shared the revenues of 
 the office (see 2 Kings xxiii. 8 f,). It is in Ezek. xl. 45 f. that we have 
 the earliest distinction between the priests ' who kept the charge 
 of the house ' and the priests, the Zadokites, who of the Levites 
 are those 'who approach Yahweh and minister to Him.* From 
 Ezek. xliv. 9-14 we gather that the Levites were believed to have 
 been guilty of idolatry, though the high places were as much 
 Yahweh shrines as the Jerusalem Temple. As a punishment they 
 are degraded and permitted to perform those lower offices only 
 of the Temple which had been previously performed by foreigners, 
 such as keeping the gates, slaying the animals for sacrifice, &c. 
 In Babylon, where in the absence of the Temple no sacrifice 
 could be offered, the distinction between these originally city and 
 country priests would tend to be obliterated. Moreover, in the 
 presence of a common foe, politically and religiously, all Jewish 
 parties were likely to cling together. One may from this under- 
 stand the reluctance of the Levites to leave Babylon for Jerusalem, 
 where their priestly inferiority would be emphasized and made 
 manifest. Hence only seventy Levites returned with Zerubbabel, 
 as against 4,289 priests (Ezra ii. 36; Neh. vii. 43); and only 
 thirty-eight Levites accompanied Ezra (Ezra viii. 15-19). So in 
 Nehemiah's time there dwelt in Jerusalem 1,192 priests, but only 
 204 Levites, including the singers (Neh. xi. 10-18). 
 
 In the P code the inferiority of the Levites to the Zadokite priests 
 is a recognized principle. In this code the latter are dignified 
 with the name Aaronites, the inferior Levites not being now 
 regarded as priests proper at al4. See Driver on Deut. xviii. 6-8 
 and the references there given. See also DB. 'Priests' (Bau- 
 dissin). It has been mentioned by Graf and most later writers that in 
 all the older sources used in Ezra-Nehemiah singers and porters are 
 treated as classes outside the Levites, but that the Chronicler him- 
 self includes all under the general name 'Levites': see Smend, 
 Listen, 26 ; Baudissin, Pnestertum, 142 f., and also Einleiiitng^ 
 p. 288, where he answers Torrey ; Torrcy, Conipoaiiion , &c., 22 f. 
 
62 EZRA 2 
 
 The facts of the case may be thus briefly stated. 
 
 1. It is in post-exiHc writings of the Old Testament that we 
 first read of ' singers,' ' porters,' and ' Nethinim,' as distinct classes 
 of Temple servants. 
 
 2. In certain parts of Ezra-Nehemiah and of Chronicles 
 it is implied that 'singers,' 'porters,' &c., stand outside the 
 Levites, so that they are named separately ; see Ezra ii. 40-42, 
 70, vii. 7, 24, X. 23 f. ; Neh. xi. loff., xiii. 5, 10 ff, ; i Chron. ix. 
 10 ff. (cp. Neh. xi. 10 flF., which is almost identical), xv. 16 ff., 
 xxiii-xxvi. Koberle and v. Hoonacker deny the above statement, 
 maintaining that in the books named above the singers, &c., 
 appear as Levites. 
 
 3. In other parts of Ezra-Nehemiah, and Chronicles, the 
 Levites seem to be a general class including in it the subordinate 
 Temple officials named, singers, &c., as in i Chron. ix. 33; Ezra 
 iii. 10 ; Neh. xi. 17-22, xii. 8, 24, 27 ; 2 Chron. v. 12, and in the 
 genealogies in i Chron. vi. 16 f. Cp. Ezra ii. 41. 
 
 The porters are never formally identified with the Levites, 
 though in i Chron. xxxiv. 9 we read of the ' Levites who kept 
 the doors' ; but see 2 Kings xii. 9 (cp. xxv. 18), where we read 
 of ^priests who kept the door.' Ezek. xliv. 11 seems to show 
 that even non-Israelites could act as door-keepers. But in i Chron. 
 ix. 26 the four chief porters are Levites, and in the genealogies 
 the porters are clearly traced to Levitic families, as are the singers, 
 see I Chron. xxvi. i (the porters are Korahites, i. e. Levites ; 
 cp. 2 Chron. xx. 19, &c.). The Chronicler assigns to the singers 
 a very important part in the cultus ; see 2 Chron. viii. 14 (cp. 
 I Chron. xx. 16), xx. 19 ff., xxix. 25 ff. 
 
 Now in the P code there are priests and Levites and no others, 
 the latter term having a broad sense which includes all the lower 
 officials. Ezekiel has but two orders of Temple officials, though 
 the Aaronites are for him Zadokites and the Levites degraded 
 priests. It is under the influence of Ezekiel's programme and 
 of P that in later Hebrew writings, biblical and non-biblical, the 
 term Levite came to have the wider meaning of all Temple 
 officials other than the priests. This is the conception assumed 
 in the Apocrypha, in the writings of Josephus, and also in the 
 Talmud, w^hich last ascribes to the Levites the two functions, 
 song and watching, in the Temple. 
 
 Ezra-Nehemiah, and especially Chronicles, are made up of 
 elements representing different stages of religious practice and 
 law ; so that it is useless to seek for one uniform set of usages in 
 them. Thus in parts of Chronicles we meet with the D phrase 
 'the priests the Levites,' see 2 Chron. v. 5, xxiii. 18, xxx. 27 ; and 
 Levites are made to perform priestly acts ; see 2 Chron. xxix. 34, &c. 
 
 It may be added that modern Judaism follows the P code with 
 its implied usages. 
 
EZRA 2. 41-43. T 63 
 
 Jeshua and Kadmiel, of the children of » Hodaviah, 
 seventy and four. The singers : the children of Asaph, an 41 
 hundred twenty and eight. The children of the porters : 42 
 the children of Shallum, the children of Ater, the chil- 
 dren of Talmon, the children of Akkub, the children of 
 Hatita, the children of Shobai, in all an hundred thirty 
 and nine. The Nethinim : the children of Ziha, the 43 
 * In ch. iii. 9, Jiidah. In Neh. vii. 43, Hodevah. 
 
 40. Render, ' the Levites : the descendants of Jeshua and 
 (also) of Kadmiel who were of the descendants of Hodaviah,' &c. 
 
 That the proper names Jeshua and Kadmiel connote families 
 rather than individuals is proved by their recurrence in Neh. x. 9 
 among those who sealed the covenant in the time of Nehemiah. 
 The same remark applies to the other names. 
 
 of the children of Hodaviah: this clause belongs to the 
 descendants of Kadmiel alone ; these formed a branch of the 
 descendants of Hodaviah ; see on, iii. 9. 
 
 Hodaviah: in Neh. vii. 43 Hodevah; in Ezra iii. 9 Judah 
 (a textual error;. 
 
 41. singers : the earliest mention of a distinct class of singers, 
 though, according to i Chron. xv. 17-24, David was the founder, 
 see p. II and on iii. 10. 
 
 the children of Asaph: better Asaphites. We do not 
 read of any members of the Heraan and Jeduthun musical guilds. 
 The word 'children,' lit. 'sons,' must not be understood in the 
 Western sense. 'Son' in Semitic means having the property 
 of, thus a 'son of wisdom' is a 'wise man'; or belonging to, 
 thus 'sons' (children) of Asaph denotes persons of the Asaph 
 guild. No person called ' Asaph ' can be traced. 
 
 an hundred twenty and eig'ht : in Neh. vii. 44 one hundred 
 and forty-eight. 
 
 42. The children of the porters : read * porters,' or better 
 ' gate-keepers ' : see on last verse. In Neh. vii. 45 we have 
 simply 'the porters.' See vii. 7 on porters ('door-keepers* in 
 the R. V. of I Chron. xxvi. i). See general note to verses 40-58. 
 Cp. Ps. Ixxxiv. 10. The proper names stand for classes, not 
 individuals. See i Chron. ix. 17 and Neh. xi. 19. 
 
 43-54. The Nethinim. We do not read of this class of 
 Temple servants outside the books of Ezra-Nehemiah except in 
 I Chron. ix. 2. The word ' Nethinim ' means ' given ' or ' devoted 
 to,' i. e. to God. Their non-Israelitish origin is suggested by their 
 foreign names. According to Jewish tradition they are identical 
 with the Gibeonitcs whom Joshua appointed to be assistants to 
 
64 EZRx\ 2. 44-57. T 
 
 44 children of Hasupha, the children of Tabbaoth ; the 
 children of Keros, the children of ^ Siaha, the children of 
 
 45 Padon ; the children of Lebanah, the children of Haga- 
 
 46 bah, the children of Akkub ; the children of Hagab, the 
 
 47 children of ^ Shamlai, the children of Hanan ; the children 
 of Giddel, the children of Gahar, the children of Reaiah ; 
 
 48 the children of Rezin, the children of Nekoda, the chil- 
 
 49 dren of Gazzam ; the children of Uzza, the children of 
 
 50 Paseah, the children of Besai ; the children of Asnah, 
 
 51 the children of Meunim, the children of c Nephisim ; the 
 children of Bakbuk, the children of Hakupha, the chil- 
 
 52 dren of Harhur ; the children of ^ Bazluth, the children of 
 
 53 Mehida, the children of Harsha ; the children of Barkos, 
 
 54 the children of Sisera, the children of Temah ; the chil- 
 
 55 dren of Neziah, the children of Hatipha. The children 
 of Solomon's servants : the children of Sotai, the chil- 
 
 56 dren of © Hassophereth, the children of ^ Peruda ; the 
 children of Jaalah, the children of Darkon, the children 
 
 57 of Giddel; the children of Shephatiah, the children of 
 
 ^ In Neh. vii. 47, Si'a. ^ In Neh. vii. 48, Salmat. 
 
 <= Another reading is, NepJmsim. In Neh. vii. 52, Nephu- 
 shesim. '' In Neh. vii. 54, Bazlith. 
 
 * In Neh. vii. 57, Sophereth. ^ In Neh. vii. 57, Perida. 
 
 the Levites (see Joshua ix. 3-27), but Ezra viii. 20 makes David 
 their founder. Many other theories of their origin and functions 
 have been put forth. Has the word anj' connexion with Nathan. 
 the name of the well-known high-priest ? 
 
 55-58. The children of (i. e. the people who are) Solomon's 
 servants : mentioned in conjunction with the Nethinim also 
 (as here) in Neh. vii. 60, xi. 3. They are usually regarded as 
 descendants of the Canaanitish tribes conquered by Solomon (see 
 I Kings V. i3\ but really nothing certain is known of them or 
 of the Nethinim except that they assisted the Levites. Baudissin 
 {Priesierlhum^ 142 f.) thinks the words 'the children of Solomon's 
 servants' is simply an explication of Nethinim, 'even the chil- 
 dren of Solomon's servants,' but there are two distinct lists which 
 show that distinct classes arc intended. 
 
EZRA 2. 58-61. T 65 
 
 Hattil, the children of Pochereth-hazzebaim, the children 
 
 of » Ami. All the Nethinim, and the children of Solo- 58 
 
 mon's servants, were three hundred ninety and two. And 59 
 
 these were they which went up from Tel-melah, Tel- 
 
 harsha, Cherub, ^ Addan, and Immer : but they could not 
 
 shew their fathers' houses, and their seed, whether 
 
 they were of Israel : the children of Delaiah, the chil- 60 
 
 dren of Tobiah, the children of Nekoda, six hundred 
 
 fifty and two. And of the children of the priests: 61 
 
 the children of c Habaiah, the children of Hakkoz, the 
 
 children of Barzillai, which took a wife of the daughters 
 
 of Barzillai the Gileadite, and was called after their 
 
 " In Neh. vii. 59, Amofi. ^ In Neh. vii. 61, Addon. 
 
 ^ In Neh. vii. 63, Hobaiali. 
 
 59-63. Those whose claims to be Israelites and priests were doubt- 
 ful. We have here a good illustration of the exclusiveness of post- 
 exilic Judaism. Though however these families failed to make good 
 their claims they were allowed to return with the rest, but their 
 names do not occur in the lists of Ezra x. 25-43 or of Neh. x. 15-28. 
 
 59 f. Doubtful Israelites who returned. 
 
 59. The proper names in this verse stand for places in Babylon, 
 though whether cities, districts, &c., or where they were situated, 
 we do not know. None of these names belong to persons, as 
 these last are enumerated in the next verse. Some join Cherub- 
 Addan-Immer ; thus making the number of places three, corre- 
 sponding to the three clans of the next verse. 
 
 fathers' houses : the clans or tribal subdivisions : see 
 Neh. i. 2, 18, <?:c. 
 
 their seed: their line of descent. They could not show to 
 what clans they belonged or that they were truly of Israel at all. 
 See Ps. xxii. 31 ; Jer. xxiii. 8. 
 
 60. Nekoda: the same name appears among the Nethinim 
 (ver. 48). Perhaps this family sought to be enrolled among the 
 full Israelites. 
 
 61-63. Doiibtf id priestly families. Such as claimed the rights of 
 the priesthood without being able to prove their priestly descent. 
 
 61. Habaiah: in Neh. vii. 63 ' Hobaiah,' the difference being due 
 probably to a copyist. Bacr in his Hebrew text writes both alike. 
 
 Kakkoz : see i Chron. xxiv. 10. 
 
 Barzillai: see 2 Sam. xvii. 27, xix. 32-39; i Kings ii. 7, 
 
66 EZRA 2. 62, 63. T 
 
 62 name. These sought their register among those that 
 were reckoned by genealogy, but they were not found : 
 therefore ^were they deemed polluted and put from 
 
 63 the priesthood. And the ^Tirshatha said unto them, 
 
 * Heb. ihey were polluted frotn ihe priesthood. ^ Ov, governor 
 
 A wealthy Gileadite not of priestly family, but a daughter of 
 whom married a priest, retaining for her family the name for the 
 sake of the inheritance. The descendants of such a marriage 
 could not rightly claim the priestly office. 
 
 62. Render : '■ These sought for the record (lit. writings) of 
 themselves among those enrolled in the genealogies; but it was 
 not found : therefore were they pronounced polluted (i. e. cere- 
 monially unclean) (and so) excluded from the priesthood.' 
 
 their regfister: ht. 'their writing' ; the Hebrew word is a 
 technical one for the roll of Israelites, priests, &c., which had 
 probably been kept in the Temple archives from the ninth cen- 
 tury B.C. onwards. See Ezek. xiii. 9. 
 
 among (those, &c.): not in the Hebrew, but to be restored 
 here and in Nehemiah. It is hard, if not impossible, to make sense 
 of the Hebrew without this preposition, and the change in the 
 Hebrew is very slight (b for A). 
 
 they (were not found; : read, ' it ' (the writing) ' was,' &c., as 
 in Neh. vii. 64. 
 
 polluted : i. e. not of pure priestly descent. There is no allu- 
 sion to personal moral disqualification. Of course their exclusion 
 from the priesthood was not necessarily final : with full proof of 
 the soundness of their claims these doubtful priests would be rein- 
 stated ; and a similar statement applies to the doubtful Israelites. 
 
 63. Tirshatha: should be written Tarshatha according to 
 the Persian original word which is a passive participle = 
 'feared,' 'revered'; so Meyer, Siegfried, Bertholet (not as 
 Lagarde ' the king's representative '), It is not an official 
 title, but an epithet of respect (cf. 'your excellence') applied 
 to noblemen and high officials. Here, and in Neh. vii. 65, 70, 
 it is applied to Sheshbazzar, but in Neh. viii. 9 and x. 2 
 wrongly to Nehemiah, who is called pekhah (= governor) in 
 Neh. xii. 26. It used to be thought that tirshatha has in Persian 
 the same technical sense i\\a.i pekhah (governor) has in Babylonian ; 
 but no Persian scholar has ever said or thought this. That 
 Nehemiah is not the person here meant is proved by the fact 
 that he himself found the list in which the person thus designated 
 is mentioned ; and besides, the power exercised by the tirshatha 
 here as regards the priesthood corresponds to the authority given 
 to Sheshbazzar (see i. 8). 
 
EZRx\ 2. 64. T 67 
 
 that they should not eat of the most holy things, till there 
 stood up a priest with Urim and with Thummim. The 64 
 
 that they should not eat, &c. : that they should not act as 
 priests ; to these last alone \vas it permitted to partake of the 
 shew-bread and of certain parts of what was offered : see Lev. 
 ii. 10, vi. 18, 26, vii. 6, 31-34. 
 
 the most holy thing's : what priests alone were allowed to 
 eat. See Num. xviii. 9-1 1, 
 
 till there stood up, &c. : these priestly claimants of 
 doubtful genealogy were to refrain from acting as priests until 
 another high-priest should arise with power to obtain oracles 
 from God by Urim and Thummim : he would be able to decide 
 as to the validity or otherwise of the claims put forth by these men. 
 
 Urim and Thiimmim: an ancient Hebrew method of 
 seeking by lot the will of God, emploj^ed by the high-priest 
 alone. The following rendering of i Sam. xiv. 41 f., based on 
 a text amended in accordance with Luc, makes it exceedingly 
 likely that Urhn and Thunmnni stand for two stones on which 
 alternative answers were written (yes, no, &:c,), and which, 
 being placed in a pocket attached to the high-priest's ephod, 
 one of them was drawn, the word on it constituting the answer 
 sought : '■ And Saul said, O Yahweh the God of Israel, why hast 
 thou not answered thy servant, this day ? If the iniquity be in 
 me or in Jonathan my son give Urim ; and if thou sayest thus : 
 the iniquity is in the people, give Thummim ' (Driver, in loco). 
 We have ten other obvious examples in the O. T. in which God 
 was consulted by lot : see Jonah i. 7 ff., &c. Many other explana- 
 tions of Urim and Thummim have been given. Josephus {Aittiq. 
 iii. 8. 9) and the Rabbis generally identified Urim and Thummim 
 with the twelve precious stones, which, according to P (Exod. 
 xxviii. 17 ff.), were inserted in the high-priest's breastplate and 
 which in some mysterious way indicated the Divine Will : so 
 Kalisch (see on Exod. xxviii. 30). But Uiim and Thummim had 
 to be put into the pocket of the breastplate, and the names 
 suggest two not twelve stones. Spencer, Hengstenberg, and 
 others, derive the custom of divining by two stones from Egyptian 
 models. Some {}. H. Michaelis, Gesenius, &c.) have held that three 
 stones were used, one for an affirmative, another for a negative, 
 and a third for a neutral answer ; but the evidence is against this. 
 The Rabbis say that in the second Temple five things were 
 lacking which were present in Solomon's Temple, viz. tl.e Ark, 
 the Holy Fire, the Oil of Anointing, the Shechinah, the Spirit 
 of Prophecy, and the Urim and Thummim. It is, however, 
 implied in Josephus, Auiiq. iii. 8. 9, and Sir. xxxvi. 3 (EV. xxxiii. 
 3) that the high-priest had the power of Urim and Thummim 
 down to Maccabean days. If Joshua were now high-priest why 
 
 F 2 
 
68 EZRA 2. 65. T 
 
 whole congregation together was forty and two thousand 
 65 three hundred and threescore, beside their menservants 
 and their maidservants, of whom there were seven thou- 
 sand three hundred thirty and seven : and they had two 
 
 had he not this power? Probably he had not yet entered fully 
 into oflfice ; and, in any case, it was believed immediately after the 
 return that no one could receive Divine intimations in this manner. 
 
 *Urim' (LXX 'revelation,' Vulg. 'teaching') means 'lights' 
 (so Sym., Theod.) or 'great light,' plur. of intensity: 'Thum- 
 mim ' (LXX 'truth') means 'perfections' or 'great perfection,' 
 plur. of intensit3\ The sense of the words has, however, been 
 variously explained. 
 
 64-67. Sum total of the people and of the animals. On the 
 apparent contradiction between the details and the sum total of those 
 who returned, see p. 52. Several futile attempts at reconciliation 
 have been made, such as that the total includes members of the 
 ten tribes who returned with the others. But either we have 
 here three distinct traditions with editorial harmonizing in the 
 sum total, or divergences in the items — a more likely ex- 
 planation, The existence of three different traditions would be 
 a confirmation of the general facts, though it would be an argu- 
 ment against the idea that contemporary written archives were 
 preserved. 
 
 64. According to i Esd. v. 41 the total given includes those 
 above twelve 3'ears old only, from which J. D. Michaelis, follow- 
 ing Jewish commentators, infers that the separate statements 
 refer to those above twenty years of age ; he thus accounts for 
 the divergences in the detailed numbers and the sum total. 
 But even then he fails to account for the divergences in the 
 details, though the}^ are slight. Others have thought that the 
 sum total includes the women, but that the items do not. So 
 Stade and Meyer. 
 
 cong'reg'ation : the Hebrew word {qahal) has a religious 
 connotation, and is especially used of the restored community. 
 The Jews left Palestine a nation ; they returned a religious com- 
 munity. In later times the word stood for the pious portion of 
 the people, see Ps. cxlix. i. Stade, with a view to confirming his 
 contention that Yahwism was essentially a men's religion, says 
 that the qahal Yahweh or ' Yahweh's congregation ' was made 
 up of men alone, but that he is wrong is proved by Neh. viii. 2 ; 
 Joshua viii. 35 ; cp. Deut. xxxi. 12 ; Ezra x. i ; Joel ii. 16. 
 
 65. they (had), i. e. the whole congregation of ver. 64. 
 
 two hundred: in Neh. vii. 67 and i Esd. v. 42 two 
 liundred and forty-five, a copyist's error due to the presence of 
 the latter number in the following verse. 
 
EZRA 2. 66-68. T 69 
 
 hundred singing men and singing women. Their 66 
 horses were seven hundred thirty and six ; their 
 mules, two hundred forty and five ; their camels, four 67 
 hundred thirty and five ; i/ieir asses, six thousand seven 
 hundred and twenty. And some of the heads of fathers' 68 
 
 singrinef men and singingf women : to be distinguished from 
 the Levitical guild of sacred singers mentioned in verses 41, 70. 
 The singers of fhis verse are professionals, such as were employed 
 for marriages, feasts, banquets, and the like; see 2 Sam. xix. 36; 
 2 Chron. xxxv. 25; Sir. ii. ']{.; here they were engaged to 
 relieve the tedium of the journey. The mention of them is a 
 confirmation of the truth of the story of the return. The text has 
 been unnecessarily changed so as to read ' oxen,' omitting ' and 
 singing women ' as an addition due to the corruption^ of the pre- 
 ceding word. There is no external authority for this, and we 
 have abundant attestation of the existence of the singers of 
 verses 41, 70, and of these of the present verse. Lohr^ holds 
 that this verse proves that immediately after the exile, and pro- 
 bably before it, women formed an essential part of the Temple choir. 
 
 66. Number of the beasts: horses 736 (i Esd. v. 43, 7,036); 
 mules 245 ; camels 435 ; asses 6,720 ; so Neh. vii. 68. 
 
 The animals mentioned are only such as would be required for 
 the journey for carrying persons and baggage, an undesigned 
 confirmation of the narrative. 
 
 horses: the earliest mention of the use of the horse among 
 the Israelites for purposes other than war. 
 
 mtiles: used in Palestine at present almost exclusively for 
 carrying baggage, but in Bible times they were used by the 
 better-to-do for riding purposes before the horse was so used : 
 see I Kings i. 33, 38, 44 ; Isa. Ixvi. 30. They were unknown in 
 Palestine until Solomon imported them. 
 
 67. camels would be most valuable for the journey from Baby- 
 lon on account of their ability to carry great burdens and to 
 endure beyond most animals. 
 
 asses would be used by the poorer classes ; much less used 
 in Palestine than the horse at the present time, though in Egypt 
 the contrary is the case. The Egyptian deserts suit the ass as the 
 rocky mountains do the horse. 
 
 68 f. Coittn'biifions of heads of houses towards the nbuildiHg of 
 the Temple. The parallel account in Neh. vii. 70-72 is fuller, but the 
 sum totals of what was given do not agree in Ezra and Nehemiah. 
 
 ^ A.T. Theol.u 147 ff. 
 
 ^ Das Weib in yahive-Religion und yahwe-Kidt, 51. 
 
7© EZRA 2. 69. T 
 
 houses^ when they came to the house of the Lord which 
 
 is in Jerusalem, offered willingly for the house of God to 
 
 69 set it up in its place : they gave after their ability into the 
 
 treasury of the work threescore and one thousand darics 
 
 In the former the heads of houses give 61,000 darics of gold, 5,000 
 pounds of silver, and 100 priests' garments. In Nehemiah the 
 Tirshatha, heads of houses, and the remainder of the people give 
 in all 41,000 darics of gold, 4,700 pounds of silver, and 97 priests' 
 garments. It is impossible to reconcile these numbers. The dis- 
 crepancies are due to different traditions or to copyists' errors. 
 
 68. heads of fathers' houses : see on i. 5. 
 
 for the house of God . . . place : Neh. vii. 70 simply ' (gave) 
 unto the work,' the last word standing, according to Wellhausen 
 and Bertholet, for the cultus (sacrificing, &c.) only. This, it is 
 held, is what is meant in the present verse, and the text is accord- 
 ingly changed so as to make it agree with Nehemiah. But that 
 the word rendered ' work ' can denote temple building is proved 
 by iii. 9, Hag. i. 14, &c. Perhaps, however, the contributions 
 here were specifically towards restoring the cultus or worship of 
 the house. See on vi. 4 to set it up, Heb. ' to make stand,' i. e. 
 *to restore,' as in ix. 9. 
 
 69. Here the heads of houses give ; in Nehemiah the Tirshatha 
 and the rest of the people give as well, though even then the 
 amount reached is smaller than what the ' heads ' alone give. 
 
 darics : a Persian gold coin of the value of our guinea, 
 deriving its name, according to Bohlenius, Ryssel (Bertheau), 
 &c., from the Persian dara (king), and kwna (bow), so meaning 
 * king's bow,' a king with a bow being pictured on the coin : see 
 Gesenius, Thesaurus^ 354* ; Madden, Coins of the Jews (''), p. 48. 
 Modern scholars, however, tend more and more to reject the 
 Persian etymology. As a matter of fact the Babylonian word ^ was 
 used long before the Persians came in contact with the Babylonians. 
 But in any case the derivation from * Darius ' is now universally 
 rejected by scholars. This word seems to be quite distinct in 
 etymology from the word rendered ' daric ' in viii, 27 and i Chron. 
 xxix. 7, the latter being a Hebraized form of the word in the 
 present verse, from the Heb. root darak, 'to bend the bow* ; then 
 darkon (the Heb. noun) = ' archer.' But it is the same coin that is 
 probably meant, though Meyer thinks we must understand different 
 coins, finding support in the bilingual inscription (Phoenician and 
 Greek) found in the Pyraeus : see Entsfehmig, &c., 196 f. 
 
 If the two words rendered 'darics' (darkenion and darkon) are 
 
 ^ dariku, used according to Prof. Sayce in the Neo-Babylonian 
 contracts for a kind of measure. The cuneiform lexical tablets 
 make darikii — 'a pot.' 
 
EZRA 2. 70—3. t. T 71 
 
 of gold, and five thousand «- pound of silver, and one 
 hundred priests' garments. So the priests, and the 70 
 Levites, and some of the people, and the singers, and 
 the porters, and the Nethinim, dwelt in their cities, and 
 all Israel in their cities. 
 
 ^ And when the seventh month was come, and the 3 
 children of Israel were in the cities, the people gathered 
 
 * Heb. maneh. ^ See Neh. vii. 73, viii. r. 
 
 derived from Darius there arises a chronological difficulty : how 
 could coins used in the time of Cyrus (538-529) be called after 
 Darius (D. Hystaspis, 521-486) ? That the older name is used here 
 and the later Hebraized name by Ezra himself (viii. 27) is evidence 
 for the antiquity and authenticity of the list in this chapter. 
 
 pound : Heb. maneh, Greek nu'iia, Bab. nianu, Sumerian 
 niana : a certain value of silver measured by weight, containing 
 fifty shekels, equal to one-sixtieth part of a talent, i.e. about £6 16s. 
 
 priests' erarments : made of fine white linen ; see description 
 in Exod. xxviii. 40, xxxix. 27, and cf. 2 Chron. v. 12. 
 
 70. Closing words. Read and render, 'And then the priests, the 
 Levites, the singers, the porters, the Nethinim, and some of the 
 people (not being Levites)— even all Israel dwelt in their cities.' 
 See Neh. vii. 73. i Esd. v. 46 says that the priests, Levites, and 
 lay folk dwelt in and about Jerusalem, but the holy singers, 
 porters, and all Israel dwelt in their villages. 
 
 Ill (i Esd. V. 47-65). Religious Life of the Nation Re- 
 sumed : Building and Dedication of the Altar (1-6} ; 
 Foundation of the Temple Laid (7-10). 
 1-3. Building of the altar and sacrificing on it. 
 1. See on Neh. vii. 73 f. 
 seventh month : i. e. of the first year of Cyrus, referring 
 back to i. i (' the first year of Cyrus ') : see ver. 8. This month, 
 called Tishri, is still the sacred month of the Jewish calendar, for 
 in it occur the Feast of Trumpets, the Day of Atonement (loth 
 day), and Tabernacles (15th to 21st), and in later as in pre-exilic 
 times the year began with it : see on x. 16. Howorth, following 
 I Esd. V. 6, holds that it is the seventh month of the second 
 year of Darius II (Nothus, 423-404) that is meant {PSBA. 1902, 
 P' 336) ; but this chronology is impossible (see p. 28\ and it rests 
 on a legend which is full of improbabilities (i Esd. iii. i-v. 6). 
 
 in the cities: see ii. 70. The returned exiles were now 
 settled in their respective homes. 
 
lya EZRA 3. 2, 3. T 
 
 2 themselves together as one man to Jerusalem. Then 
 stood up Jeshua the son of Jozadak, and his brethren 
 the priests, and Zerubbabel the son of Shealtiel, and his 
 brethren, and builded the altar of the God of Israel, to 
 offer burnt offerings thereon, as it is written in the law of 
 
 3 Moses the man of God. And they set the altar ^ upon its 
 base ; for fear was upon them because of the people of 
 
 * Or, in Us place 
 
 to Jerusalem : i Esd. v. 47 more definitely, ' into the 
 broad place before the first gate which is towards the east': see 
 Neh. viii. i'\ The assembly took place in the open space between 
 the water-gate (Neh. iii. 26) and the temple area. 
 
 2. Jeshiia : see on il. 2. 
 
 his brethren : Jeshua's brethren are his fellow members of 
 the priesthood ; Zerubbabel's are the heads of houses (ii. 2, 68). 
 
 builded : in the sense of ' rebuilded ' as in i Kings xvi. 34, 
 Amos ix. 14. 
 
 the altar : as the materials of the old altar were probably 
 to hand, and so many workers were engaged, the altar would be 
 speedily completed. As it was of the utmost importance that the 
 religious life of the nation should be resumed, the altar was set up 
 before the Temple was rebuilt. 
 
 burnt offerings : such as were offered daily on behalf of the 
 nation. Private offerings, being of less importance, had to wait. 
 
 as it is written, &c. : see Lev. i ; Neh. x. 35-37 ; 2 Chron. 
 xxiii. t8, XXXV. 12, where the same expression occurs. All sacri- 
 ficial regulations are ascribed in post-exilic writings to Moses, 
 musical arrangements to David : see ver. 10, and Proverbs to 
 Solomon (Pro v. i. i). 
 
 law of Moses : not the Pentateuch. The Hebrew word here 
 tomh) is never once used in the O.T. in the strictly technical 
 sense ' Pentateuch' vv^hich prevails in Rabbinical Hebrew. It means 
 strictly ' teaching,' then ' prescribed laws ' (see p. 8, n.). The ' law 
 of Moses' in Ezra, Neh., &c, = the regulations about worship in 
 the current code, believed to owe its origin to Moses : see on vii. 6. 
 
 3. its base : the same words ; with a very slight difference) in 
 ii. 68 are rendered 'its place' : see Zech. v. 11. The meaning is 
 that the altar was set up in the place where the former altar stood. 
 The spirit animating the people would lead them to presc-ve old 
 sites as well as old usages. The Massorites {q^re) change un- 
 necessarily into the plural ' its bases.' 
 
 for fear, &c. : render ' for fear of the peoples of the land 
 came upon them ; and so (to secure Divine protection) they 
 
EZRA 3. 4. T 73 
 
 the countries : and they offered burnt offerings thereon unto 
 the Lord, even burnt offerings morning and evening. 
 And they kept the feast of tabernacles, as it is written, 4 
 
 offered,' &c. A very slight change in the M. T. (adopted by 
 Bertholet and Kittel) is required for the above translation. 
 Without some change the Hebrew gives no good sense. 
 
 people of the countries : Hebrew * peoples of the lands ' or 
 'countries'). We should, however, read 'the peoples of the land,' 
 the plural of the second noun being due to attraction to that of the 
 first. It is possible, of course, that there is in the Hebrew 
 a reference to the various nationalities of contiguous countries 
 (Edom, &c.). Ewald was of opinion that during the exile the 
 Edomites had to a large extent taken possession of South Palestine, 
 but that is an unproved guess. The phrase ' peoples (people) of the 
 land ' or ' of the earth ' or ' of the lands ' seems always to stand for 
 the heathen in contrast with Israel, ' the people.' Its primary refer- 
 ence is probably to the native races of Palestine ; but as they were 
 heathen the expression came to stand for heathen in general, an 
 extension of meaning made easier by the fact that the same Hebrew 
 word means 'land' or 'country' and also 'earth.' The sing. 
 ' people ' (am) refers nearly always to Israel. See article ' Nation ' 
 in Hastings' SDB. for use of ' nations ' in sense of ' heathen.' 
 Cf. iv. 4 ('people of the land,' see on), ix. r, &c. ; and also Deut. 
 xxviii. 10 ; Joshua iv. 24 ; i Kings viii. 53, 60. 
 
 burnt offerings, &c. : the regulations for the daily sacrifices 
 are given in Exod. xxix. 38-42 (P) ; Num. xxviii. 3-8 (P). 
 
 4-7. Before the Temple was built and regular worship resumed 
 the Israelites celebrated the Feast of Tabernacles and other feasts, 
 offering the appropriate sacrifices on the newly restored altar. 
 
 4. they kept the feast of tahernacles: this is apparently at 
 variance with the statement in Neh. viii. 17 that between the 
 time of the observance recorded in Neh. viii. 14 ff. and that of 
 Joshua son of Nun this feast had not been kept ; see on the 
 above passage. Even if we assume that this feast was observed 
 on both these occasions it is strange that nowhere else in Ezra- 
 Nehemiah and nowhere at all in the other historical books of the 
 O. T. do we read of the actual carrying out of the laws command- 
 ing the feast (see on, Neh. viii. 14). The authenticity of the 
 present passage is denied by making it an invention of the 
 Chronicler, who had a wish to represent the returned Jews as 
 faithful to ' the law of Moses.' See p. 14 f. 
 
 Originally the three great feasts were agricultural, and had 
 nothing to do with the events with which in later times they came 
 to be connected ; they were simply agrarian feasts during which 
 the people rejoiced at the close of the three harvests (barley, 
 
74 EZRA 3. 5. T 
 
 and offered the daily burnt offerings by number, according 
 
 5 to the ordinance, as the duty of every day required ; and 
 
 afterward the continual burnt offering, and the offerings of 
 
 wheat, and fruit of various kind). The Feast of Tabernacles was 
 an autumnal holiday when the people gathered from villages and 
 towns to great centres, and living in booths enjoyed themselves 
 when the year's hardest work was over. This feast came to be 
 religious, commemorative of the dwelling in tents in the wilderness, 
 only with the inauguration of the Deuteronomical legislation which, 
 as a part of its centralization of worship, made it obligatory to 
 keep the feasts at Jerusalem. 
 
 as It is written : see on ver. 2. The reference seems to 
 be to the law recorded in Num. xxix. 12-34 (P), according to 
 which the number of bullocks to be sacrificed on the succeeding 
 days diminished, beginning with thirteen on the 15th of Tishri 
 and ending with seven on the 21st and closing day of the feast. 
 But the various codes do not agree. See G. B. Gray, Numbers, 
 p. 402 ff, (' a scale of public offerings '). No details of the manner 
 in which the feast was kept are given in the present chapter. 
 
 offered: the verb translated 'kept' is the technical one for 
 *to offer' (a sacrifice) ; its force is continued in the present clause 
 and also into the next verse, so that the italics are not needed and 
 should be omitted. 
 
 by number, &c. : see the above note. 
 5-7. T/ie offering of sacrifices of various kinds resumed, 
 5. afterward: after the observance of the Feast of Tabernacles 
 the sacrificial S3''Stem suspended since the destruction of the 
 Temple in 586 B.C. was restored. The nation so long religiously 
 dead was beginning to re-live its old religious life. 
 
 the continiial burnt offeringf : the daily sacrifices, see 
 Exod. xxix. 38-42 ; Num. xxviii. 8 ; Ezek. xlvi. 15. In pre-exilic 
 times the daily sacrifice consisted of a whole burnt offering in the 
 morning and a meal offering in the evening (see 2 Kings xvi. 15 ; 
 cf. r Kings xviii. 29, 36). Ezekiel requires both these in the 
 morning ; Neh. x. 33 (34) assumes that both were offered each 
 day, though whether in the morning as Kzek. xlvi. 15, or morning 
 and evening according to the old law, cannot be determined. In 
 later times (see Num. xxviii. 8 (P)) the law required a burnt 
 offering and also a meal offering both morning and evening, 
 though the meal offering was subordinated to the other, as was 
 the drink offering which (last) was never offered alone. See on 
 ix. 5 and on Neh. x. 34 (33). 
 
 continual means in this connexion 'daily.' 
 
 and the offering's of: since the construction in Hebrew 
 implies the presence of these words the italics are unnecossar}'. 
 
EZRA 3. 6, 1. T ^5 
 
 the new moons, and of all the set feasts of the Lord 
 that were consecrated, and of every one that willingly 
 offered a freewill offering unto the Lord. From the first 6 
 day of the seventh month began they to offer burnt offer- 
 ings unto the Lord : but the foundation of the temple of 
 the Lord was not yet laid. They gave money also unto 7 
 
 new moons : the observance of this feast (the first day of the 
 month) is not enacted in any of the older codes (JE, D, H) and 
 in P only in Num. x. 19 and xxviii. 11-15. It does not even find 
 mention in the list of feasts in Lev. xxiii. Nevertheless, that the 
 new moon was in early times observed as a festal day and as a day 
 of sacrifice is proved by Amos viii. 5 ; Hos. ii. 11 (13^1 ; Isa. i. 13 ; 
 I Sam. XX. 4 ff. ; 2 Kings iv. 23. 
 
 In I Esd. V. 52 the Sabbath offerings are mentioned before 
 those of the new moons: so i Chron. xxiii. 31 ; 2 Chron. ii. 4. 
 
 set feasts : probably here as in Nch. x. 33, 2 Chron. viii. 13 
 the three great annual pilgrimage feasts are meant, though the 
 expression has a wider sense in Lev. xxiii. 2 '^see following verses 
 where they are enumerated). 
 
 freewill ofiering' : the aforementioned offerings were made 
 by the community and were compulsor3'. But each individual 
 was at liberty to make private offerings on the great feast daj'S 
 (see Deut. xvi. ro, 16 f.) or on any other occasions (see Num. 
 xxix. 39). See Lev. i-iii, where they are called 'gifts' (* corbans,' 
 see Mark vii. 11). a word however which in other places includes 
 all kinds of sacrifices, bloody and bloodless. 
 
 6. Sacrifice began to be offered immediately the altar was set up, 
 i. e. on the first day of Tishri, the Day of Trumpets (Num. xxix. i). 
 Yet the regular daily offering was not resumed until the Feast of 
 Tabernacles had been held, i.e. after the 22nd day of the month, 
 three weeks later : see ver. 5. 
 
 •7. Preparations for the rebuilding of the Teniph: See the much 
 fuller account of the preparations for building Solomon's temple 
 in I Kings v. 7 ff. (Heb. 2r ff.) and 2 Chron. ii. 11 ff. ^ Some say 
 that the present verse is an invention of the Chronicler's, based on 
 the older accounts of the building of the first Temple. But there arc 
 differences as well as resemblances ; and it should be remembered 
 that the example of Solomon was likely to influence the conduct 
 of Zerubbabel and Jeshua. 
 
 money : the native workmen received money ; the Sidonians 
 and Tyrians were paid in kind (wheat, wine, and oil) ; see 
 I Kings v. 33. 
 
7^ EZRA 3. 8. T 
 
 the « masons, and to the carpenters ; and meat, and drink, 
 and oil, unto them of Zidon, and to them of Tyre, to bring 
 cedar trees from Lebanon to the sea, unto Joppa, according 
 to the grant that they had of Cyrus king of Persia. 
 
 Now in the second year of their coming unto the 
 house of God at Jerusalem, in the second month, began 
 Zerubbabel the son of Shealtiel, and Jeshua the son of 
 
 * Or, hewers 
 
 masons: rather 'stone-cutters,' i. e. those who cut the stones 
 into proper shape for building: not builders or 'masons.' Nor 
 does the word stand for those who quarried the stone (from 
 below the city). 
 
 carpenters : i. e. those who cut the wood into the shape 
 required for the building ; so the Hebrew. 
 
 grant: the Hebrew word seems to mean 'permission,' the 
 reference being to the permission given by Cyrus to rebuild the 
 Temple and his promise of help. 
 
 8-13. Foundation of the Temple laid. Though the work of 
 rebuilding was commenced in real earnest, it seems to have been 
 speedily stopped, not being resumed until the second year of 
 Darius Hystaspis, i. e. in 519 b. c. : see v. 2. Even the foundation- 
 stone was so incompletely laid that the whole proceeding had to 
 be gone through sixteen years later when the preaching of Haggai 
 and Zechariah moved the people to set about the task of rebuilding : 
 see Hag. i. 15. There is no need to assume that there is a con- 
 tradiction. The first foundation-stone laying was formal and 
 incomplete ; at the end of sixteen years those hostile to the under- 
 taking might have undone what had been done. Besides, the 
 Hebrew verb (ver. 10) translated ' to lay the foundation ' must not 
 be understood to mean to start a new building de novo. To begin 
 rebuilding an old structure would meet the requirements of the case. 
 8. the second year : i. e. after the return ; this would be 
 probably the third year of Cyrus's reign over Babylon. 
 
 the house of God, &c. (see ii. 68): i.e. the place where the 
 l^mple had been, was to be, and where much of the old building 
 must have remained. 
 
 second month : i. e. lyyar. 
 
 begran: i.e. the work of rebuilding the Temple; what they 
 began to do is suggested by the context. Some (Keil, &c.) join 
 the verb to and appointed, rendering ' began to appoint ' ; the 
 Hebrew allows this. 
 
 Zernbbahel, &c. : see on ii. 2 and also on v. 2. The com- 
 munity which appointed the Levites as overseers of the work 
 
EZRA 3. 9. T 77 
 
 Jozadak, and the rest of their brethren the priests and 
 the Levites, and all they that were come out of the cap- 
 tivity unto Jerusalem ; and appointed the Levites, from 
 twenty years old and upward, to ^ have the oversight of 
 the work of the house of the Lord. Then stood Jeshua 9 
 
 * Or, set forward the work 
 
 consisted of the civic (Zerubbabel) and religious (Jeshua) leaders, 
 priests, and Levites, and the rest, i. e. the lay portion. 
 
 Jeshua : see on ii. 2. 
 
 the rest: i. e. all except Zerubbabel and Jeshua. 
 
 and appointed: render 'so they appointed.' The verb 
 (lit. to 'cause to stand') is used elsewhere also of appointing to 
 office, as in 2 Chron. viii. 14, xxxi. 2, &c. : see on verses 9, 10. 
 
 the tevites : very few of them returned according to ii. 40. 
 They would therefore not be too numerous to act as super- 
 intendents of the various departments of the work. 
 
 from twenty years old and upward: service agreeing with 
 I Chron. xxiii. 27, which refers this arrangement to the time of 
 David, though it is probably what obtained in the writer's own 
 day. Num. iv. 3 (P) gives the 3'ears of service as from thirty to 
 fifty, though after that a Levite could help his brethren. Num. 
 viii. 23-26 (P; fixes the age at from twenty-five to fift}'. The 
 different figures represent the customs of different times. There 
 is no contradiction between the present verse and Num. iv. 3. 
 
 to have the oversig-ht of: not in the LXX (except Ltic.') 
 which has simply ' appointed . . . over the work,* &c. The verb 
 translated as above is cognate with the word often found in the 
 titles of Psalms (R. V. Chief Musician). These Levites must be 
 understood as having the oversight only as regards the religious 
 use of the structure — sacrifice, the laws of holiness, &c. They can 
 hardly have had the ability or responsibility of seeing to the 
 building, carpentering, &c., as such. 
 
 0. What the writer in this verse aims at saying is that the 
 Levites accepted the task imposed on them ; but as it stands the 
 verse does not say that, or indeed anything that is intelligible in 
 the light of the text. Probably the Hebrew should be altered 
 ;:lightly and then translated as follows : 
 
 ' Then Jeshua and his descendants and brethren, Kadmiel and 
 his descendants (who were) descendants of Hodaviah, their 
 descendants and their brethren, (j'ea, all the) Levites, accepted 
 tlie appointment, superintending the workmen (lit. 'the doers of 
 the work') at the house of God.' 
 
 stood : the intransitive form of the verb translated appointed 
 in ver. 8 : it means that the Levites performed the duties to which 
 they were appointed. 
 
78 EZRA 3. 10. T 
 
 with his sons and his brethren, Kadmiel and his sons, the 
 sons of ^Judah, •> together, to have the oversight of the 
 workmen in the house of God : the sons of Henadad, 
 10 with their sons and their brethren the Levites. And 
 when the builders laid the foundation of the temple of 
 the Lord, c they set the priests in their apparel with trum- 
 pets, and the Levites the sons of Asaph with cymbals, to 
 
 * In ch. ii. 40, Hodaviah. ^ Heb. as one. 
 
 *^ According to some MSS. and ancient versions, the priests stood. 
 
 Jeshua . . . Ms brethren: i.e. Levitical families connected 
 by blood relationship with that of Jeshua (Joshua) and called by 
 that name, though not claiming descent from one ancestor, Jeshua. 
 
 Judah: read (with most moderns) ' Hodaviah' : see ii. 40. The 
 Hebrew words could be easily confounded, especially as the first 
 consonant of Judah is identical with the last of the preceding word. 
 But Neh. xii. 8 shows that there was a Levitical clan Judah. 
 
 Kenadad : this name is here probably due to a marginal 
 gloss. First an editor would substitute in the margin ' Hodaviah ' 
 for 'Judah,' This found its way into the text alongside of Judah. 
 A later editor, thinking of Neh. x. 9, substituted Henadad. 
 We have really in this verse but two Levitical clans, those 
 enumerated in ii. 40. 
 
 their sons and their brethren : i. e. the descendants and 
 brethren of Kadmiel and Hodaviah the Levites. Render, * (even all) 
 the Levites' : this sums up the preceding. 
 
 10. Note that in this verse Levites seem to act as musicians ; 
 in the oldest sources of Ezra-Nehemiah the latter are a clan apart. 
 See pp. 16, 61 f., and on Neh. xi. 17. 
 
 builders: i.e. the workmen. 
 
 they set : if we retain the M. T. we must take the construc- 
 tion to be what is called that of the indefinite subject, which is 
 generally best Englished by the passive 'were set,' &c. But 
 it is far better to follow the LXX (including Luc), Vulg. Syr., 
 I Esd. y. 59, and at least thirteen Hebrew MSS., and to read the 
 intransitive form of the verb, changing vowels only which were 
 originally not written: so 'they stood' in the sense 'stepped 
 forward' as in Ps. cvi. 23, Neh. xii. 40, and Ezek. xxii. 30. 
 The priests came forward to perform their duties clothed in their 
 robes of office, and with trumpets. 
 
 trumpets: blown by priests alone: see Num. x. 8 f. and 
 I Chron. xiii. 8; cf. Neh. xii. 35, 41. 
 
 cymbals: played on by Levites : see Neh. xii. 27 ; 2 Chron. 
 V. 12 ff. 
 
EZRA 3. II, 12. T 79 
 
 praise the Lord, after the order of David king of Israel. 
 
 And they sang one to another in praising and giving 
 
 thanks unto the Lord, saying, For he is good, for his 
 
 mercy endureth for ever toward Lsrael. And all the 
 
 people shouted with a great shout, when they praised the 
 
 Lord, because the foundation of the house of the Lord 
 
 was laid. But many of the priests and Levites and heads 
 
 of fathers' houses, the old men that had seen a the first 
 
 house, when the foundation of this house was laid before 
 
 * Or, the first house standing on its foundation, when this house 
 was before their eyes 
 
 David: see on ver. 2. In post-exilic times David was 
 credited with having originated the musical arrangements of the 
 Temple : see r Chron. xxv. i ff. and i Esd. i. 5, and cf. p. 11. 
 
 11. And they sang- one to another: Jewish music lacked 
 harmony and counterpoint, but in some degree it made up by 
 a large measure of antiphonal singing, one portion of the choir 
 singing one part of a verse, the other singing the remainder : see 
 Ps. cxxxvi in which each verse has two sections. See Psalms, 
 vol. ii. in this series, p. 26, and the references there given. The 
 Hebrew word here rendered ' sang ' means ' answered,' and it is 
 so translated in x. 12 ; Neh. viii. 6. 
 
 praising : the Hebrew word is that in hallelu-yah, ' praise ye 
 Yah ' ( = Yahweh) : for its etymology see W. R. Smith (7?^/. SemS'^\ 
 
 431 f.). 
 
 gfivingf thanks : the Hebrew word denotes primarily stretch- 
 ing forth the hands, as an attitude of worship. See on x. i for 
 other senses of the verb. 
 
 for his mercy, &c., quoting the words of the refrain : see 
 I Chron. xvi. 4; 2 Chron. v. 13, vii. 3, xx. 21 ; Jer. xxxiii. 11 ; 
 Ps. cxxxvi. Many think the latter was sung on the present 
 occasion, but there is no proof of that. 
 
 mercy: render ' lovingkindness.' 
 
 12. the old men: the word rendered 'elders' in v. 5 and else- 
 where, but here having its literal not its official signification. 
 
 From 586, when the Temple was destroyed, to the present year 
 536, there is but a space of half a century, so that many who 
 witnessed the present events must have had vivid remembrances 
 of the appearance of the old Temple. 
 
 when the foundation of this house, &c. : this clause must 
 be joined to wliat follows and not (as the Hebrew accents 
 require) with what precedes, though the Hebrew is peculiar 
 and even inaccurate. 
 
8o EZRA 3. 13. T 
 
 their eyes, wept with a loud voice ; and many shouted 
 13 aloud for joy : so that the people could not discern the 
 noise of the shout of joy from the noise of the weep- 
 ing of the people : for the people shouted with a loud 
 shout, and the noise was heard afar off. 
 
 wept, as they saw the contrast between what of the new 
 Temple was before their eyes and the complete Solomonian 
 Temple as memory recalled it. 
 
 shouted aloud for joy: not only did the young and 
 middle-aged rejoice that they were to have a Temple like that 
 of which their fathers had spoken and sung, but many of the old 
 men, even those who wept, must have shared the gladness of 
 the occasion. 
 
 IV. (i Esd, v. 66-73). 
 1-5. Jewish Refusal of the Samaritan Offer of Co- 
 operation IN THE Building of the Temple. 
 
 It has become quite the fashion to treat this section as the 
 fabrication of the Chronicler, who wished to make his fellow 
 countrymen appear as religious as he could from the time of their 
 reaching Jerusalem, and also to account for the hostility between 
 Jews and Samaritans. Even E. Meyer, a defender of the general 
 authenticity of Ezra-Nehemiah, falls in with the prevailing fashion 
 when writing on these verses (see Entstehting, 119 ff.). Yet the 
 grounds on which the authenticity of this section has been 
 denied are almost wholly a priori and subjective, and admit of 
 being satisfactorily met. 
 
 It has been asked, How could Cyrus, who authorized the return 
 and also the rebuilding of the Temple (see ver. 3), now consent to 
 have the work hindered ? In reply it may be said that Cyrus 
 might have been wholly ignorant of what action his subordinates 
 had taken, for we know that about this time he had much on his 
 hands, in the way of protecting lands he had conquered and in the 
 administration of his vast dominions. Moreover, there might 
 well have been reasons for a policy different from that pursued 
 when the Temple-builders were yet in Babylon. 
 
 In Hag. i. 6-1 1 the delay in the work of Temple rebuilding is 
 ascribed to the indifference or unbelief of the people, but here to 
 the opposition of the Samaritans : both causes, it is said, could 
 not be at work ; but why ? It is not said in ver. 4 f. that through 
 the action of the Samaritans the work, was stopped, but only that 
 its progress was checked. We are told in iv. 24 that the work 
 ceased, but we are not informed as to all the causes of that. 
 When the exiles returned they had much to do in the way of 
 
EZRA 4 . 8i 
 
 building and rebuilding houses, dividing and cultivating the land, 
 organizing the community and the like. The building of the 
 Temple was not the only task that devolved upon them. 
 
 On Schrader's rejection and subsequent acceptance of the state- 
 ment regarding Esar-haddon in ver. 2 see on that verse. Weycr 
 {Ell fsfc/i ling, 124 ff. ; cf. Geschichte, iii. 192), though a defender of 
 pans of Ezra-Neh. which are now regarded by many scholars as un- 
 historicali^the Aramaic documents, &c.), is very decidedly of opinion 
 that these five verses are an invention of the Chronicler and unhis- 
 torical. He thmks it extremely unlikely that the Samaritans, at 
 this time the more numerous and important party, should seek 
 religious alliance with the Jews, and still m.ore unlikely that the 
 Jews should have refused so flattering an offer. On the contrary, 
 a careful consideration of all the facts will make very likely what 
 Meyer declares to be unlikely'. Why should not the Samaritans 
 ask to be allowed to join the Jews in the great task of restoring 
 the Temple ? These Samaritans were all of them Yahweh wor- 
 shippers, though their Yahweh worship was disfigured by some 
 heathen accompaniments (e. g. representing Yahweh in the shape 
 of their ancestral deities : 2 Kings xvii. 29) ; Josiah (d. 609) had 
 suppressed the high places in Samaria as well as those in Judaea 
 (2 Kings xxiii. 15 ff.), and compelled the Samaritans to contribute 
 towards the upkeep of the Jerusalem Temple (2 Kings xxiii. 9). 
 It may be gathered from 2 Chron. xxxiv. 9 and Jer. xli. 3ff. that 
 at least some Samaritans worshipped at the Jerusalem Temple, and 
 these were genuine Samaritans, not renegade Jews. In matters 
 of religion the Samaritans had come to regard the Jews as their 
 superiors, and it is to this that we are to ascribe the fact that at 
 a later time the Samaritans took over the Jewish law-book ;^the 
 Pentateuch), making it their own religious code. 
 
 On the other hand, Meyer infers from Isa. Ivi. 1-8 that the 
 Jews of this time were broad-minded, ready to welcome into their 
 community eunuchs and foreigners. But most moderns (Duhm, 
 Cheyne, &c.) think that this declaration belongs to the age of Ezra and 
 Nehemiah, when the Jewish community was admittedly exclusive. 
 No scholar dates this utterance in the period immediately after the 
 return, though many (e.g. Marti) ascribe it to the time just before 
 the exiles left Babylon. Moreover, Meyer has forgotten that Ezekiel's 
 Jewish code Ezek. xl-xlviii^, which he admits to be a very 
 narrow one {Geschichte, iii. i82\ was drafted during the exile and 
 formed the standard of the post-exilic religious life of the Jews. 
 Besides, if, as Meyer holds {Entstehung, 239"", Ezra hated the 
 Samaritans on account of their idolatry so much as to wish to 
 keep them out of Jerusalem, why should not Zerubbabel, acting 
 in a similar spirit, refuse co-operation with the Samaritans now • 
 
 It would be equally easy to answer the statement of Marquart 
 Fnndaiiienta, 55.57) that the Chronicler invented the statements 
 
82 EZRA 4. T, 2. T 
 
 4 Now when the adversaries of Judah and Benjamin 
 heard that the children of the captivity builded a temple 
 
 2 unto the Lord, the God of Israel ; then they drew near 
 
 to Zerubbabel, and to the heads of fathers' houses, and 
 
 said unto them, Let us build with you : for we seek your 
 
 God, as ye do ; ^ and we do sacrifice unto him since the 
 
 days of Esar-haddon king of Assyria, which brought us 
 
 * Another reading is, yet zve do no sacrifice since &'c. 
 
 in Ezra iv. 1-5 for the purpose of justifying Nehemiah's violent 
 treatment of the Samaritans. See an able reply by Jampel, 
 IViederlierstellung , 778". 
 
 1. adversaries: the Samaritans, who inherited the envy and 
 ill-will of the Israelites towards the Jews. They do not accurately 
 describe themselves when (see ver. 2) they speak of themselves 
 as having been brought from Assyria, for though that is true of 
 the rulers of the Samaritan population after the fall of the 
 Northern Kingdom, yet the bulk of the people were Israelites. 
 An inscription of Sargon's says that only 27,000 Samaritans were 
 removed ; over 200,000 Jews were deported into Babylon. 
 
 Jxidah and Benjamin : the later designation for the older 
 'Judah ' : see on i. 5. 
 
 children of the captivity : lit. '■ sons of,' &c. ; so vi. 16, &c. The 
 words * son of denote in Semitic one having the quality annexed ; 
 a 'son of wisdom' = 'a wise man'; 'sons of the captivity' 
 = ' captives.' Here of course the expression means ' those who 
 had been captives.' See on ii. i, where the abstract 'captivity' 
 = ' captives,' according to a common usage in Hebrew. 
 
 builded: Heb. ' were building.' 
 
 2. to Zerubbabel: add 'and to Jeshua' with Luc, i Esd. v. 
 68. Cf. ver. 3. 
 
 seek : the Hebrew word is used of consulting Yahweh with 
 a view to receiving an oracle : see i Chron. x. 14, &c. 
 
 The word came to be used then of worshipping and acknow- 
 ledging as God. Here the tense denotes what is customary : 
 'We are in the habit of seeking,' &c., i.e. 'We are Yahweh 
 worshippers as much as ye are.' 
 
 we do sacrifice unto him: the M.T. has 'not' for 'unto 
 him ' ; but these two Hebrew words, because pronounced alike, 
 are often confounded through copying from dictation : see Exod. 
 xxi. 8, &c. The Hebrew text means 'we do not sacrifice i^unto 
 idols),' but the verb rendered sacrifice has never by itself the 
 sense ' to sacrifice to idols.' The versions, including i Esdras, have 
 'unto him' as the E.VV. 
 
EZRA 4. 3-6. T R 83 
 
 up hither. But Zerubbabel, and Jeshua, and the rest of 3 
 the heads of fathers' houses of Israel, said unto them, Ye 
 have nothing to do with us to build an house unto our 
 God ; but we ourselves together will build unto the Lord, 
 the God of Israel, as king Cyrus the king of Persia hath 
 commanded us. Then the people of the land weakened 4 
 the hands of the people of Judah, and ^ troubled them in 
 building, and hired counsellors against them, to frustrate 5 
 their purpose, all the days of Cyrus king of Persia, even 
 until the reign of Darius king of Persia. [R] And in the 6 
 
 * Or, terrified 
 
 Esar-haddon : we are nowhere else in the Old Testament 
 told that this Assyrian king populated Samaria with the inhabi- 
 tants from other rebellious parts (Assyria), though we are told quite 
 definitely in the inscriptions that he populated other conquered 
 countries and districts in this way. There does not seem the 
 slightest reason for reading Sargon or Ashurbanipal here (see 
 COT. ii. 61, where Schrader defends the genuineness of the 
 name here after denying it in an earlier writing). We read of other 
 deportations in 2 Kings xvii. 24 ff. (by Sargon), and in Ezra iv. 10 
 (Osnappar = Ashurbanipal). 
 
 3. as king" Cyrus, Sec. : see i. 3. Cyrus's decree had 
 reference to the Jews in exile, and to no others. 
 
 4. the people of tlie land : i. e. the adversaries of ver. i (see 
 on iii, 3). In post-biblical Hebrew the phrase means the 'common 
 people,' 'the uneducated' in particular. There may be here a touch 
 of irony — 'these ignorant Samaritans': see iii. 3 and ix. i ; cf. 
 John vii. 49. 
 
 weakened the hands: lit. 'made the hands hang down loose ' — 
 that is, they took heart out of them ; discouraged them: see Neh. v. 9. 
 
 troubled: Heb. though the Hebrew letters have been acci- 
 dentally mixed) 'they frightened them as regards building,' i. e. 
 they terrified them so by threats that they were afraid to go on 
 with the work. 
 
 5. hired counsellors, &c. : paid men who had influence at the 
 Persian court and skill in speech to plead their cause before the 
 king and his ministers; cf. Neh. xiii. 3. The verb translated to 
 frustrate means lit. ' to break,' and occurs also in Neh. iv. 9. 
 
 the days of Cyrus . . . until the reign of Darius, i. e. 
 fourteen years, made up as follows ; five (last) 3'ears of Cyrus, 
 seven years of Cambyses, seven months of Pseudo-Smerdis, two 
 years of Darius (Hystaspis). 
 
 G 2 
 
84 EZRA 4 
 
 IV. 6-23 (i Esd. ii. 15-25 (26)). 
 Opposition to the Building of the City Walls a Short Timk 
 
 BEFORE the FiRST ArRIVAL OF NeHEMIAH, OR AFTER HIS 
 
 Arrival and During his Work. 
 
 This section has strayed from its proper place in Nehemiah, or 
 more probably from its place between Ezra x and Neh. i. It has 
 nothing to do with the building of tlie Temple, which had been com- 
 pleted before Ezra's arrival : it is of the restoration of the walls 
 that we here read (see ver. 12). In a similar way Neh. vii. 73'^ 
 to X belong to the life and work of Ezra and not to those of Nehe- 
 miah, and must be placed in what we call 'Ezra' (see on that 
 passage). It is marvellous, remembering that books in those times 
 consisted of prepared skins written on and then attached, that far 
 more of our O.T. is not dislocated than is the case. 
 
 Apart from the fact that we read in these verses of the repairing 
 of the walls and not of the restoration of the Temple^ chronological 
 considerations show that we have here a narrative that is out of 
 its true connexion. In ver. 6 we read of King Xerxes (485-465), 
 and in verses 7 -33 it is of his successor Artaxerxes (Longimanus, 
 465-423) that we read. Then in ver. 24 we have mention of 
 King Darius, by whom we are certainly to understand Darius 
 Hystaspis (521-486). Ingenious and learned attempts have been 
 made to account for this chronological anomaly, none of them so 
 satisfactory as the explanation given above, which is that of 
 many recent scholars (Kuenen, v. Hoonacker, Kent, &c. ), It should 
 be said that all external evidence, including that of i Esd. ii is 
 against transferring verses 6-23 to Nehemiah. 
 
 Where are we to place the incidents of Ezra iv. 7-23 ? Pro- 
 bably, with Meyer and v. Hoonacker, between Ezra x and Neh. i,. 
 and not with Kent after Neh. vi, since in the latter chapter we read 
 of the completion of the walls. The sad condition of Jerusalem 
 and of its inhabitants which Neh. i. 3 implies seems to be that 
 which followed upon the royal edict in Ezra iv. 21 fF. The sur- 
 prise and grief of Nehemiah on hearing the report of Hanani, his 
 brother, must have been due not to his learning for the first time 
 of the royal edict - of that he could not but have had knowledge— 
 but to his hearing of the cruel way in which that edict was carried 
 out. It was of some recent calamity that Nehemiah heard, and 
 not. as Keil, Schultz, &c., held, of the destruction of Jerusalem in 
 586 by Nebuchadnezzar. This latter could have been no news to 
 Nehemiah, not even the manner and results of it. Graetz and 
 Kosters deny the historicity of the section, mainly because (see 
 ver. 12) it implies that there was a return of exiles before the 
 arrival of Ezra and his companions ; but see Introd., p. 230". 
 
 According to the present text (M.T.) of verses 6 ff. , three letters 
 of complaint are forwarded to the Persian court, (i) One issent 
 to King Xerxes — by whom we are not told, though we mu^t 
 
EZRA 4. 6. R 85 
 
 reign of ^ Ahasuerus, in the beginning of his reign, wrote 
 * Or, Xerxes Heb. Ahashverosh. 
 
 understand the Samaritans to be the senders. (2) A second is 
 sent by Mithredath. (3) Rehum, &c., forward a letter — the third 
 to be mentioned in verses 6-8. In i Esd. ii. 16 the first letter 
 (ver. 6) is ignored, and the senders of 2 and 3 are united and 
 made the senders of one letter between them, though Rehum, the 
 commander, and Shimshai, the recorder (the names differ con- 
 siderably in the Greek of the Apocrypha) are mentioned twice, 
 showing that there is some confusion. In the original text men- 
 tion was made, perhaps, of two letters : (i) one sent in the reign 
 of Xerxes (ver. 6) ; (2) another sent to Artaxerxes from members 
 of the Samaritan party at Jerusalem (Mithredath, &c.) through 
 the Persian officials, Rehum, &c., who resided at Samaria ; it is 
 to them that the king sends his answer. Probably, however, we 
 are with i Esdras to omit ver. 6 (see on), so that we have but one 
 letter sent to Artaxerxes I, and not two. This one letter was 
 sent from Jerusalem by Jewish leaders to the Persian official at 
 Samaria, to be forwarded to the king : see on verses 8-10. 
 Klostermann ^, followed in part by Scllin, holds that in this 
 correspondence it is Tabeel and his companions who write in the 
 name ('Bishlam' is so read) of Mithredath to plead with the 
 king to allow the Jews to go on with their work of rebuilding, 
 adding the incidents mentioned in v. i-vi. 18 to show that in the 
 past the charges brought against the Jews had been found base- 
 less, as the charges now made are likely to be. This view of the 
 Aramaic section, besides requiring a large number of textual 
 changes, is in itself most improbable. 
 
 6. This verse cannot go along with verses 7-23 if the above 
 placing of this section is correct, since Ahasuerus (the Xerxes 
 of the Greek) reigned 485-465 B.C., so that nothing occurring in 
 his reign could belong to the period between Ezra x and Neh. i 
 (cir. 446 B.C.) or to the time following the events of Neh. vi. 
 Probably the verse was inserted as a link of connexion between 
 iv. 5 and verses 7-23 after the latter verses had by mistake got 
 into their present context. Nothing corresponding to this 
 verse occurs in the parallel section of i Esdras, which is an 
 additional reason for regarding it as an interpolation. 
 
 Ahasuerus : Heb. Akhashwerosh ; Old Pers. Khshaydisha ; 
 Aram. Papj'ri (Sayce and Cowley, consonants only) K^y^7-^ : the 
 well-known king of Persia called Xerxes bj'the Greek historians. 
 
 wrote they: render ' there was written,' which the Hebrew 
 equally allows. We are not told who made the charge. According 
 to the present connexion of the verse it must have been the 
 Samaritan part}', 
 
 ' Hereog^^\V.,p. 516 f. 
 
86 EZRA 4. 7, 8. R Ca 
 
 they an accusation against the inhabitants of Judah and 
 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 [Ca] And in the days of •'^Artaxerxes wrote Bishlam,Mith- 
 
 redath, Tabeel, and the rest of his companions, unto Arta- 
 
 xerxes king of Persia ; and the writing of the letter was 
 
 written in the ^Syrian character, and set forth in the ^Syrian 
 
 t07igue. c Rehum the chancellor and Shimshai the scribe 
 
 * Heb. Arfahshashta. ^ Or, Aramaic 
 
 '^ Ch. iv. 8-vi. i8 is in Aramaic. 
 
 accusation: Heb. sitnah (occurring here only in the O.T.), 
 cognate with the noun Satan, * one that accuses,' or ' maligns.' 
 
 7-IO. Lei ter sent to Artaxerxes. See Remarks, p. 84 f. 
 
 h. Bishlam: read ' with (their) greeting ' ; so LXX (including 
 Luc), Syr., Klosterm. : ' Mithredath, &c., write sending their 
 respects.' No change in the original Hebrew text is necessary, 
 and but a change of one vowel in the present text. 
 
 Mithredath : not the Persian official of i. 8. The Persians 
 mentioned in ver. 7 were all probably residents in Jerusalem, 
 members of the Samaritan party, all of them also, it would seem, 
 subordinate officials of the Persian government. 
 
 Tabeel: an Aramaic name = ' God is good' (see Isa. vii. 6). 
 letter : Heb, nishfwan, of Persian origin : found only in 
 Ezra. See on ver. 8 (letter). 
 
 For Syrian (' Syriac ' is now used of the language and of its 
 letters) use ' Aramaic,' which is a broader term. The R.Vm. gives 
 the right sense of the Hebrew. It was neither the Persian 
 character nor the Persian language. Though it would seem first 
 written in Persian by Persian officials, the letter was then trans- 
 lated into Aramaic, the language of Persian diplomacy (see 
 p. 13 ff.), and of course then vi^ritten with Aramaic characters — 
 the so-called Assyrian or square letters used in modern Heb. Bibles. 
 
 8-10. The letter composed and written at Jerusalem was sent 
 to the Commander and Recorder of Transpotamia, who resided in 
 Samaria. They were asked to transmit it with their dispatches to the 
 king. At the close of the verse we must supply actually or in sense 
 words similar to (' forwarded the letter') ' which was as follows.' 
 
 8-23 is written in Aramaic closely resembling that of the papyri 
 recently found in Egypt. See p. 13 ff. 
 
 8. Behum . . . Shimshai : that the letter indited in Jerusalem 
 was sent through these two men and their associates is confirmed 
 by the fact that the answer of the king was addressed to these 
 same persons. It is, however, evident that verses 8 f. have got 
 
EZRA 4. 9. Ca 87 
 
 wrote a letter against Jerusalem to Artaxerxes the king in 
 this sort : then wrote Rehum the chancellor, and Shim- 
 shai the scribe, and the rest of their companions ; the 
 
 somewhat mixed up, the above two names being mentioned by 
 mistake twice. Render as follows : 8. ' Rehum . . . and Shimshai 
 9. and the rest (being) their associates (viz.) the judges,' «&c. " 
 
 chancellor: lit. 'master of counsel,' i.e. counsellor. We 
 are no doubt to understand the subordinate or Samaritan lieutenant 
 of the Transpotamian Satrap. So Meyer, Menti, Bertholet, &c. 
 With the rapid extension of the Persian empire under Cyrus the 
 territory was divided into four large satrapies, the country west of 
 the Euphrates and south of the Taurus and Amanus being one. In 
 Ezra viii. 36, &c., Neh. ii. 7, 9, &c., and in i Kings iv. 24 (Heb. v. 4) 
 it has the name Eher Hannah ar, which = 'what is beyond the river ' 
 (Euphrates), and as it is really a proper name we must call it by 
 its Hebrew name (against its slightly different Aramaic form 
 'speaks') or call it Transpotamia, a name corresponding to Meso- 
 potamia ( = between the rivers), though this new name does not of 
 course occur as Mesopotamia does in classical or in any authors. 
 Throughout the present volume ' Transpotamia ' will be used. 
 Meyer transliterates the Aramaic, calling the satrapy ' Abarnahara.' 
 That the name was used regardless of its literal sense is shown by 
 the fact that it is used by those who lived west of the Euphrates 
 as well as by those residing east of that river : see the passages 
 already referred to. Notwithstanding the meaning of the name the 
 district embraced also the Aramaean country and some other locali- 
 ties east of the river. See Meyer, Gesch., iii. 136 f. ; cf. p. 49 ff. 
 
 the scribe : i. e. chief secretary of the Samaritan lieutenant. 
 
 a letter: the word used (here in its Aram, form) denotes 
 always an official communication, as from the king or governor. It 
 occurs only in its Hebrew form (iggeret) in Nehemiah (five times), 
 Esther (twice), and Chronicles (twice). In its Aramaic form it is 
 found in Ezra (four times) alone. It may be of Babylonian origin 
 {egirtu), as Fried. Delitzsch, Sayce, Meissner, &c., hold, but that 
 is uncertain ^ See on ver. 7 and on Neh. ii. 7. 
 
 9 f. Those who joined Rehum and Shimshai in the appeal to 
 Aiiaxerxes. We have here a mixture of official and tribal (or 
 local ?) names which have caused much discussion, and in regard to 
 which no certain conclusion is possible. Perhaps even the names 
 of peoples are to be understood in an official sense : e. g. the 
 Babylonians = those in charge of astronomical matters and ques- 
 tions of the calendar arising therefrom, &c. 
 
 ^ Prof. Sayce says that the etymology of the word can be ex- 
 plained from the Babylonian alone, which shows, in his opinion, that 
 the Hebrew and Aramaic terms are borrowed from the Babylonian. 
 
&8 EZRA 4. 10. Ca 
 
 Dinaites, and the Apharsathchites, the Tarpehtes, the 
 
 Apharsites, the Archevites, the Babylonians, the Shushan- 
 
 10 chites, the Dehaites, the Elamites, and the rest of the 
 
 nations whom the great and noble Osnappar brought 
 
 9. the Dinaites, &c. : render, 'The Persian judges, the 
 Persian tarpelites, &c., the Archevites,' &c. The words Aphar- 
 sathchites, Apharsites in ver. 9, and Apharsachites in v. 6 and vi, 
 have never been satisfactorily explained, though many guesses 
 have been made as to places whence the words are supposed to 
 be derived. Hoffmann and Meyer suggest that at the basis of 
 each word we have the Hebrew and Aramaic word for Persia — 
 the consonants are identical — and that the ch in Apharsathchites 
 and Apharsachites is the old Persian (Iranian) adjectival ending. 
 Meyer then omits ' and,' rendering as above. The ' Persian 
 judges ' and the ' Persian tarpelites ' (an unexplained official term) 
 of the Samaritan subsatrapy are not to be classed with those 
 whom the Assyrian king Osnappar transported. Of many ex- 
 planations this seems to the present writer the most likely, or at any 
 rate the least unlikely one. See Meyer, jE'm^s/,, 35 ff. v. Hoonacker 
 {Notivelles Etudes, p. 166 ff.) argues strongly that the words here 
 stand for peoples and not for officials, as Kosters maintained. 
 
 Dinaites: read (slightly altering the vowels) 'judges.' So 
 I Esdras, Luc, and some MSS. of the LXX. 
 
 Apharsathchites: render 'Persian.' The initial is pros- 
 thetic and no part of the root (so often in similar words : see 
 Meyer, as above), and the 't' wrongly inserted. The original 
 letters corresponding to ' phars ' are those of Persia. 
 
 Tarpelites : probably officials, though the etymology of the 
 word is untraceable. Perhaps the text is at fault. 
 
 Apharsites : render ' Persian ' (see above). 
 
 Archevites: people from Erek (Gen. x. 10), the Assyrian 
 Arku = Urku in Babylon. 
 
 Shvishanchites : the ch is the old Persian (Iran.) adjective 
 ending (s^e on Apharsathchites) '. We are to understand people 
 from Susa. 
 
 the Dehaites, the Elamites : read and render ' that is the 
 Elamites,' Susa being the ancient capital of Elam : so LXX (not 
 Lnc) and most moderns. We should hardly in English speak 
 of ' Londoners and English people.' 
 
 10. Osnappar : identified first b3' Gelzer and since by nearly 
 all scholars with Ashurbanipal (king of Ass3'ria from 668 to 626), 
 the Sardanapallos of the Greeks. Two consonants have dropped 
 out of the word ; in other respects the consonants of both words 
 
 ^ The old Elamite form is 'Susunqa.' (So Sayce). 
 
EZRA 4. II, I.'. Ca 89 
 
 over, and set in the city of Samaria, and in the rest of 
 the country beyond the river, and so forth. This is the u 
 copy of the letter that they sent unto Artaxerxes the 
 king ; Thy servants the men beyond the river, and so 
 forth. Be it known unto the king, that the Jews which la 
 
 are almost identical, notwithstanding the differences in English. 
 r and / are written v^ry much alike in Aramaic : see Sayce and 
 Cowley {^Aramaic Papyri). 
 
 bronerht over : this does not apply to the Persian officials 
 mentioned in the preceding verse ; see notes on. 
 
 in the rest, &c. : render ' in other parts of Transpotamia.' 
 The words in italics are not needed. The Aramaic (and Hebrew) 
 for * beyond the river ' is really a proper name, and might well be 
 represented in English by Transpotamia, cf. Mesopotamia. The 
 proper name thus suggested is, though a hybrid, less objection- 
 able than any other which occurs to the present writer. * Beyond 
 the river ' is misleading, as it is often used of dwellers who are 
 themselves ' beyond the river * (Euphrates), though it denotes the 
 same stretch of country in their mouths as in the mouths of, say, 
 Persians : see on ver. 8. 
 
 Samaria was not the only part of the province or satrapy whither 
 the Assyrian king brought foreign settlers. These, or the officials 
 so designated, joined in the message to the Persian king. 
 
 and so forth : render (wrote) ' as follows.' The original 
 words are used (see vii. 12 and the Aramaic papyri) as a formula 
 introducing a letter. The verb * wrote ' is to be supplied from 
 ver. 9, but in Aramaic (as in Hebrew) does not need to be repeated. 
 
 11-16. Contents of the letter containing the accusation. 
 
 Kuenen {Einleitnng, i. 2, 178) and Stade {Gesch., ii. 159) say that 
 the letter bears marks of fabrication with a view to extolling the 
 power of the Jews (see verses 13, 19 f.). But the senders of such 
 a missive would of set purpose magnify the power of the Jewish 
 community. 
 
 11. copy: the word used here is of Persian origin ; it occurs 
 in ver. 23, v. 6, vii. 11, and (with the difference of one letter) in 
 Esther iii. 14, iv. 8, viii. 13. 
 
 tlie men beyond the river : render ' the men of Transpo- 
 tamia ' : see on ver. 8. 
 
 and so forth : see on ver. 10. 
 
 12. Jews : this is the earliest occurrence of this word for the 
 new religious community in Jerusalem : previously it denoted the 
 inhabitants of the Southern Kingdom (2 Kings xvi. 6, xxv. 25, &c.). 
 It is in this new sense that the term is now emploj'ed. With us 
 ' Jews ' are those who profess Judaism wherever they live. 
 
90 EZRA 4. 13-15. C 
 
 came up from thee are come to us unto Jerusalem ; they 
 are building the rebellious and the bad city, and have 
 
 13 finished the walls, and repaired the foundations. Be it 
 known now unto the king, that, if this city be builded, 
 and the walls finished, they will not pay tribute, custom, 
 
 14 or toll, and in the end it will endamage the kings. Now 
 because we eat the salt of the palace, and it is not meet 
 for us to see the king's dishonour, therefore have we 
 
 15 sent and certified the king ; that search may be made in 
 the book of the records of thy fathers : so shalt thou 
 
 have finislxed, &c. : in the next verse the finishing of the 
 wall is still in the future. Better therefore treat the forms of the 
 verb here and there as future perfects : ' They are building . . . and 
 will have finished . , . and repaired.' Tense as such is not expressed 
 in Semitic, but manner of action, either completed or still pro- 
 ceeding, and that in past, present, or future. See Heinrich Ewaldj 
 a Centenary Appreciation (by the present writer), pp. 48 ff., 81 if. 
 
 13. tribute: a money contribution paid by a subject province 
 to the imperial exchequer : see vi. 8 and Neh. v. 4. 
 
 custom : a tax levied on income (merchandise, agricultural 
 produce, proceeds of the chase or of fishing, &c.), and used for the 
 maintenance of the province itself and the pa3'ment of its officials. 
 
 toll : a road tax for the upkeep of the roads and for making 
 new ones. Cf. the charge made in this country until lately at 
 turnpike gates. 
 
 in the end: so Bertheau-Rj'ssel (tracing the word to 
 Persian), Fried. Delitzsch (deriving from Bab3']onian), and others. 
 The majority of scholars, changing the final letter to one almost 
 exactly like it (5 for m), give it a rendering similar to that of the 
 A.V., translating this part of the verse thus : 'and it (the city) 
 will affect injuriously the revenue of the kings.' So the Rabbis. 
 
 14. we eat the salt of the palace : in Aramaic the verb 
 rendered eat and the noun for salt are cognate, ' we eat salt of the 
 salt,' &c. Cf. Heb. ' to sacrifice a sacrifice = to offer a sacrifice' 
 (see Num. v. 15). This is a common idiom in Semitic : * To eat 
 of the salt of the palace ' = ' to be in the king's service.' Kautzsch 
 [Aram. Gratnniar, 71, 72), followed by Bertholet, holds that 
 a symbolic act is here to be understood, viz. making a covenant 
 by salt : see Num. xviii. rg ; 2 Chron. xiii. 5 ; cf. Lev. ii. 13. So 
 BDB., which interprets: * we have assumed obligations of 
 lo5'alt3'.' 
 
 15. hook: read (with Luc, Vulg., i Esd. ii. 21) 'books,' 
 
EZRA 4. 16, 17. C,v 91 
 
 find in the book of the records, and know that this city is 
 a rebellious city, and hurtful unto kings and provinces, 
 and that they have moved sedition within the same of old 
 time : for which cause was this city laid waste. We cer- 16 
 tify the king that, if this city be builded, and the walls 
 finished, by this means thou shalt have no portion beyond 
 the river. Then sent the king an answer unto Rehum the 17 
 
 We must understand, however, in the case of Assyria and Babylon, 
 clay tablets similar to those found some twenty years ago in Tel- 
 el-Amarna, Egypt The Persians had (Ktesias says) adopted the 
 custom prevalent in Palestine of writing with ink on skins. The 
 reference is to state records such as were kept by Greeks (see 
 Herod, viii. 90), Egyptians {Zeitschrift fiir Agyptologie, xxxviii. 8), 
 and other ancient nations. See vi. i ; Esther ii. 23, vi. i ; 2 Mace, 
 ii. 13 ; cf. Mai. iii. 16, and my note on Esther ii. 23. 
 
 fathers : i. e. predecessors, Persian, Babylon, and Assyrian. 
 
 and that they, &c. : i Esd. ii. 23 supplies the subject * the 
 Jews,' which has accidental!}' fallen out of the Hebrew. 
 
 city laid waste : referring to its destruction in 586 by 
 Nebuchadnezzar. Jerusalem would not have been destroyed but 
 for the disloyalty of its subject-king (Zedekiah) and people to its 
 Babylonian conqueror. 
 
 16. The king is assured that if he allows Jerusalem to be once 
 more fortified it would throw off allegiance to him as it had to his 
 Babylonian predecessor in 586. 
 
 heyoud the river : i. e. in Transpotamia : see on ver. 8. 
 
 17-23. The king's reply. Kosters and others see in ver. 19 
 a proof that the whole of this section is an invention of the 
 Chronicler to magnif}' the importance of the Jewish nation in the 
 past. But it would harmonize with the scheme of the Samaritan 
 party to exaggerate the past power of the Jews, so as to make 
 the king afraid of the power they might yet acquire and use. 
 Besides, conquerors often make the power of conquered foes 
 greater than it is, so as to make their own prowess appear the 
 greater. 
 
 Wellhausen objects to the historicitj' of this narrative because 
 (he says) the Artaxerxes who (Neh. ii) permitted the walls to be 
 built could not at an earlier date have prohibited the same and 
 commanded the demolition of what was built. But he forgets or 
 does not know that, as Noldeke, Meyer, and other historians have 
 pointed out, this king was a very capricious man, and did many 
 things which it is impossible to reconcile with any consistent 
 policy. 
 
92 EZRA 4. 18-20. Ca 
 
 chancellor, and to vShimshai the scribe, and to the rest of 
 
 their companions that dwell in Samaria, and ^ in the rest 
 
 \^ of the cou7itry beyond the river, Peace, and so forth. The 
 
 letter which ye sent unto us hath been ^^ plainly read before 
 
 19 me. And I decreed, and search hath been made, and it 
 is found that this city of old time hath made insurrection 
 against kings, and that rebellion and sedition have been 
 
 20 made therein. There have been mighty kings also over 
 Jerusalem, which have ruled over all the country beyond 
 the river ; and tribute, custom, and toll, was paid unto 
 
 * Or, unto the rest beyond &c. ^ Or, translated 
 
 17-22. Answer of the king. The king's answer came to Rehum 
 and his companions ; there was therefore but one letter sent at 
 this time, not two : see on verses 6-23. 
 
 17. answer: the original term here {pithgama) comes from the 
 Persian and denotes usually the decision of a king (see Esther i. 20). 
 
 chancellor : see on v. 8. 
 
 18. plainly (read) : lit. * distinctl3'/ separating the sounds and 
 words so as to make the meaning clear. Ignore the R. Vm. ' trans- 
 lated.' The verb, whence the word occurring here, denotes in 
 Heb. and Aram, primarily • to separate,' and then ' to interpret.' 
 But here (Aram.) and in Neh. viii. 8 (Heb.) the passive participle 
 is used adverbially ' distinctl}',' i. e. sounding the words and parts 
 of words so that each can be followed and understood. 
 
 19. this city of old time hatli made insurrection, &c. : see 
 2 Kings xviii. 7 ; xxiv. i, 20. 
 
 20. Render, ' And mighty kings have there been over Jeru- 
 salem, yea (such as) have exercised rule over all Transpotamia,' 
 &c. We need not understand these words as stating what is 
 strictly true. The officials in Samaria would have strong reasons 
 for exaggeration. The more powerful Jewish kings had been the 
 greater the danger to the Persian power now. Still the words seem 
 hardly too strong as applied to David and .Solomon, and the archives 
 of their reigns might well have been preserved at Jerusalem until 
 removed by Nebuchadnezzar to Babylon. G. Rawlinson thinks the 
 reference is either to Menahem, King of Israel (see 2 Kings x\'. 
 14-16), or to Josiah (2 Chron. xxxiv. 6f. ; xxxv. 18) ; but the state 
 of things in their reigns does not correspond to this description. 
 On the Arch of Titus at Rome there is an equally exaggerated 
 account of the greatness of Jerusalem, which Titus had conquered 
 and destroyed, and these words are due to the Roman Senate. 
 
 tribute, &c. : see on ver. 13. 
 
EZRA 4. 21-24. C, Tv 93 
 
 them. Make ye now a decree to cause these men to 2 r 
 cease, and that this city be not builded, until a decree 
 shall be made by me. And take heed that ye be not slack 2 2 
 herein : why should damage grow to the hurt of the 
 kings ? Then when the copy of king Artaxerxes' letter 23 
 was read before Rehum, and Shimshai the scribe, and 
 their companions, they went in haste to Jerusalem unto 
 the Jews, and made them to cease by force and power. 
 [Ta] Then ceased the work of the house of God which 24 
 is at Jerusalem ; and it ceased unto the second year of 
 the reign of Darius king of Persia. 
 
 21. until a decree, &c. : such a decree was issued to Nehemiah : 
 see Neh. ii. 8fF. 
 
 22. why, &c. : render, 'lest mischief be increased so as to injure 
 the kings.' So essentially the Versions. 
 
 Behuin: add 'the counsellor' as in verses 8 f . and 17 with 
 the Versions, including Luc. and i Esdras ii. 25. 
 
 23. The work is stopped as the king commanded. 
 
 23. by force and power: lit. 'with an arm and with strength,' 
 i.e. 'with a strong arm,' a hendiadys. The second word means 
 also 'an army,' 'a crowd of people.' Syr. 'with a powerful 
 army,' which the original may mean, as 'arm' often ^ 'strength' 
 (see Job xxii. 8, &c. ), and ' strength and army ' = a ' strong army ' 
 (hendiadys). 
 
 IV. 24-VI. 23 (II I Esd. ii. 25HVI, VII). 
 Continuation of the Narrative interrupted by iv. 6-33. The 
 Rebuilding of the Temple, with the Approval and 
 Support of the King of Persia. 
 
 iv. 24-v. 5. Rebuilding of the Temple resumed and opposed. 
 
 iv. 24. This verse is the natural continuation of ver. 5. The 
 interruption in the building of the Temple lasted until the second 
 year of Darius Hystaspis, i. e. until 520. The occurrence (twice) 
 of the verb 'cease' in ver. 24 and of the transitive form (Pa.) of the 
 same verb in ver. 23 may have led the compiler to place iv. 6-23 
 immediately before ver. 24, though in reality the latter has reference 
 to the Temple, the interpolated passage to the walls. 
 
 V. 17. Haggai and Zechariah urge the people to complete the 
 building of the Temple. 
 
 From the fact that under the influence of the preaching of 
 these prophets the work of building the Temple was resumed 
 
94 EZRA 5. I. Ta 
 
 5 Now the prophets, Haggai the prophet, and Zechariah 
 
 il may be inferred that this task was not made impossible but 
 simply difficult by the Samaritan party: see on iv. 4. To what 
 are we to ascribe this fresh interest in the Temple ? Probabl}', 
 as Meyer points out ^, it is to the expectation which had arisen 
 that the Messianic time was dawning. Many of the signs 
 spoken of by the older prophets had shown themselves. The 
 Persian kingdom at the accession of Darius (521) was torn 
 asunder by internal dissensions, its very existence being en- 
 dangered by the defection of subject countries, such as Assyria, 
 Armenia, Babylon, Media, Parthia, and especially Susiana, which 
 almost succeeded in regaining its independence. All this seemed 
 to portend a still greater shaking of the nations, presaging the 
 fall of Persia and the setting up of the Messianic kingdom 
 with Zerubbabel as king (see Hag. ii. 23, Zech. vi. 8-13, and 
 Driver's notes in Century Bible). The celestial signs of the 
 downfall of Persia resemble those which were to precede that 
 of Babylon (Isa. xiii. 10, 13; cf. Amos v. 18; Ezek. xxxii. 7 f . ; 
 and Joel ii. 27). Sellin - has tried to prove that a Messianic 
 kingdom was actually established in Judaea with Zerubbabel 
 for king, but that this part of the province was reconquered, 
 Zerubbabel being put to death. Winckler holds a similar 
 position. To both the suffering servant in Isa. liii is Zerubbabel, who 
 suffered at the hand of the Persian government for the good of the 
 people. Much of this is mere speculation capable of neither proof 
 nor disproof. But it is probable that both Haggai and Zechariah 
 were prompted in their preaching by a belief that the Messiah was 
 about to make His appearance ; that the Temple was therefore to 
 be built for His reception, so that all the nations of the earth might 
 gather therein to worship the one true God (see Isa. ii. 2-4, &c.). 
 1. (the prophets, Haggai) the prophet: though apparently 
 unnecessary after what precedes, its correctness is supported 
 by vi. 14, Hag. i. i. 'Haggai the prophet' seems one whole 
 clause, not to be broken up. Haggai (see his book) reproves the 
 people for their delay in going on with the work of building the 
 Temple. His prophecies were uttered in the second year of Darius 
 (520); that Darius Hystaspis (t485) is meant and not Darius 
 Nothus (+ 404) is proved by the fact that some of the present 
 builders had seen the Temple destroyed in 586 : see Hag. ii. 3. 
 
 Zechariah, the son of Iddo: the word rendered 'son' means 
 often descendant ; here it means grandson : see Zech. i. 7, 
 'Zechariah the prophet, son of Berechiah, the son of Iddo.' We 
 probably read in Neh. xii. 4 of this Iddo as head of a priestly 
 
 ' Geschichte,\\\. 194 ff.; Entstehung, i74ff. So Driver, * Minor 
 Prophets* {Century Bible), 151 f. - Serubbabel. 
 
EZRA 5. 2. Ta 95 
 
 the son of Iddo, prophesied unto the Jews that were in 
 Judah and Jerusalem ; in the name of the God of Israel 
 '■^prophesied they unto them. Then rose up Zerubbabel 2 
 the son of Shealtiel, and Jeshua the son of Jozadak, and 
 began to build the house of God which is at Jerusalem ; 
 and with them were the prophets of God, helping them. 
 
 ^ Or, which was upon them 
 
 family that returned with Zerubbabel and Jeshua : and in 
 Neh. xii. 16 mention is made of a ' Zechariah son of Iddo ' as 
 head of a priestly house in the time of Nehemiah. The latter 
 would be a descendant of the prophet. The same names con- 
 stantly recur in oriental genealogical lists (Arabic, Hebrew, 
 Samaritan, &c.). 
 
 In Zechariah's genuine prophecies (Zech. i-viii) there are eight 
 visions in which that number of difficulties or discouragements 
 are severally disposed of. The prophet shows that the way 
 is really open ; that with God's help they could and should 
 go forward with the work. Zechariah's prophecies belong to the 
 years 519-517, being dated in the second and fourth year of Darius. 
 
 prophesied : the Hebrew verb in the form which occurs here 
 means to perform the part of the nahi or prophet, as it is rendered. 
 The word nahi means probably first of all a speaker ; then a 
 speaker on behalf of God, or one commissioned by God. Kuenen 
 and others give the noun a passive sense, ' one that is stirred up ' 
 or * inspired to speak.' In any case the idea of prediction is not 
 in the word itself, though one that speaks by the authority or 
 inspiration of God will sometimes speak of the future, especially 
 when warning men of the consequence of sin. 
 
 the Jews ... in Judah. and Jerusalem : i. e. those in the 
 country parts of Judah and in Jerusalem, in contrast with those 
 remaining in Babylon and other places out of Palestine. 
 
 in the name, &c. : render, as in the R.Vm., 'in the name of 
 the God of Israel who was over them.' 
 
 2. Zerubbabel: see on i. 8 and ii. 2 and ver. i f. 
 Jeshua : see on ii. 2. 
 
 begran to build: see on iii. 8-13. The former beginning 
 was so slight, and what was done so injured in the intervening 
 sixteen years, that a new beginning had to be made. 
 
 Here and in iii. 8 Zerubbabel and Jeshua are the leaders in 
 building. In verses 5, 9 and in vi. 7, 8, 14, the elders alone are 
 mentioned. Bertholet thinks the difference due to different 
 sources, but why? Were they not elders (see ii. 2), and did 
 they not act in the name of the other elders ? And did not elegance 
 then as now suggest variety of expression as a desirable thing ? 
 
96 EZRA 5. 3H. T^ 
 
 3 At the same time came to them Tattenai, the governor 
 beyond the river, and Shethar-bozenai, and their com- 
 panions, and said thus unto them. Who gave you a 
 
 4 decree to build this house, and to finish this wall ? ^ Then 
 
 * Or, Then spake we unto them after this manner. What, said 
 they, are the names of the men that make this building? Or, 
 according to some ancient versions, Then spake they unto them 6-c. 
 See ver. lo. 
 
 V. 3 vi. 12, see on vi. 7 (i Esd. vi, 3-34). Unsuccessful opposition 
 of the Persian officials and their allies to the building of the Temple. 
 
 V. 3-5. Persian officials make inquiries of the builders. 
 
 3. Tattenai: called Sisinnes in i Esd. vi. 3 and in Joseph. 
 Antiq. xi. 1.3. In the Cuneiform contract tablets of the first and 
 third years of Darius Hystaspis (Nos. 27 and 82) mention is 
 made of an Ustannai, governor or satrap of Transpotamia : lie 
 is described in Assyrian word for word as here in Aramaic 
 [lit. governor of the (province) across the river]. That the same 
 individual is meant is hardly open to doubt. Bruno Meissner who 
 was the first to point out this identification thinks that here and 
 vi. 6, where alone it occurs in the O. T., we should read 'Ustannai,' 
 from which Tattenai could easily arise. 
 
 There is surely no difficulty, though Wellhausen and others say 
 there is an insuperable one, in thinking of Tattenai on becoming 
 satrap of the whole of Transpotamia as ignorant of an edict issued 
 sixteen years before by Cyrus. In comparison with the whole 
 province he administered, Palestine was a mere corner, and its 
 people of no great consequence politically. It may of course be 
 that, as Meyer and Bertholet conjecture, the satrap feigned igno- 
 rance only, so that he might throw in his influence with that of the 
 Samaritans against the project which the Jews had in hand. It 
 is likely that he had been newly appointed, and that he was now 
 on a tour of inspection through his satrapy. 
 
 governor : here, as in ver. 6, vi. 6, and Neh. iii. 7, in the 
 sense of satrap (see on viii. 36), Generally the word found here 
 ^pekhali) denotes a ruler of a sub-satrapy or province (Samaria, 
 Judah, &c.). 
 
 Shethar-bozenai: probably chief secretary to Tattenai, as 
 Shimshai to Rehum (iv. 8". Read (with Meyer and Andreas- 
 Marti) ' Mithra-bozenai ' ^ tin Persian) '■ Mithra is Saviour' : m and 
 sh are much alike, and vowels are not written in ancient Hebrew. 
 wall : so Syr. and Vulg. : see also v. 9. This rendering is 
 supported by the cognate languages (Assyrian, &c.), and also 
 by the sense required for the word in the other known place 
 of its occurrence (the Sachau Aramaic Papyri I, line 11), 'They 
 
EZRA 5. 5-S, Ta 97 
 
 spake we unto them after this manner, What are the names 
 of the men that make this building ? But the eye of their 5 
 God was upon the elders of the Jews, and they did not make 
 them cease, till the matter should come to Darius, and 
 then a answer should be returned by letter concerning it. 
 
 The copy of the letter that Tattenai, the governor be- 6 
 yond the river, and Shethar-bozenai, and his companions 
 the Apharsachites, which were beyond the river, sent unto 
 Darius the king : they sent a letter unto him, wherein was 7 
 written thus ; Unto Darius the king, all peace. Be it 8 
 
 * Or, they returned answer 
 
 destroyed the temple . . . the stone pillars . . . stone gates, doors, 
 roof and the panelling of the wall' Nikel, Haupt, Bertholet, 
 &c., translate 'sanctuary,' and support this by another Assyrian 
 word {ashrti), which however means ' place,' * position,' and by 
 the supposed parallelism with 'house,' though Assyrian ashirtu 
 does mean ' Temple.' 
 
 4. (Then spake) we : read (with LXX, Syr.) * they,* i. e. 
 Tattenai, &c., 'spake unto them' (Zerubbabel, &c.) 'after this 
 manner,' &c. If we follow the M. T. we must (with Meyer) 
 regard the words ' Then spake we ' as taken verbatim from the 
 satrap's report. 
 
 5. Tattenai gave no orders that the work should be suspended 
 pending the inquiry to be made. The answer could not reach 
 Jerusalem from Susa before some four or five months had passed 
 by. That during these months the building was allowed to go 
 on is regarded as a sure sign that God's watchful eye was upon 
 the work and the workers. See Dan. xi. 12. 
 
 elders : see on ver. 2. 
 
 V. 6-VI. 12. The Correspondence wtth Darius (i Esd. vi). 
 V. 6-17. The letter sent to Darius by Tattenai, &c. 
 
 6. the Apharsachites : see on iv. 9 f. Render ' the Persian 
 (officials),' i.e. those in iv. 9 called 'judges' (R. Y» 'Dinaites') 
 and ' tarpelites ' (an unexplained official name). 
 
 beyond the river: render 'in Transpotamia,' and see p. 87. 
 
 7. letter: here the word so translated {pithgama) is of Persian 
 origin. In iv. 17 it is rendered 'answer,' in vi. 11 'word.' The 
 term in ver. 6 translated 'letter' {igarta) is Aramaic. 
 
 all peace : the Aramaic and the cognate Hebrew, Arabic, 
 &c., words, too narrowly rendered ' peace,' include in their mean- 
 ing all the elements of well-being, the idea of completeness being 
 
 H 
 
98 EZRA 5. 9-1 1. T^ 
 
 known unto the king, that we went into the province of 
 Judah, to the house of the great God, which is builded 
 with great stones, and timber is laid in the walls, and this 
 work goeth on with diligence and prospereth in their 
 9 hands. Then asked we those elders, and said unto 
 them thus. Who gave you a decree to build this house, 
 
 10 and to finish this wall ? We asked them their names 
 also, to certify thee, that we might write the names of the 
 
 11 men that were at the head of them. . And thus they 
 
 inherent in the root. It is used as a form of greeting in all the 
 Semitic languages, and also in several of the languages of India. 
 See on Ps. cxix. 165 {Cenhoy Bible). The addition of 'all' 
 strengthens the greeting. . . 
 
 8. tlie great God: Tattenai, &c., speak in the language of the 
 Jews. Similarly Cyrus calls Marduk, the principal Babylonian 
 deity, 'the great Lord,' though not himself a Marduk worshipper. 
 Luc. and i Esd. vi. 9 attach the adjective 'great' to 'house' and 
 not to God (Lord) J the Aramaic original allows, though does not 
 require, this. 
 
 great stones : lit. ' stones of rolling,' i. e. stones too large to 
 be carried, and having therefore to be rolled. Some of the stones 
 in the western wall of the Temple at Jerusalem which are still in 
 situ are twent3'-six feet long, six feet high, and seven feet broad. 
 Amid the ruined temples of Baalbek there are stones still larger. 
 The renderings of the LXX ('chosen stones') and of the Lite. 
 and I Esd. vi. 9 ('polished costly stones') are due to a misunder- 
 standing of the M. T. rather than to a different reading. In 
 I Kings V. 31 the expression is 'great stones,' which perhaps 
 should be read here ; the difference in the Hebrew is very slight. 
 
 timber is laid, &c. : i. e. wooden beams were set in the 
 walls to support floors and ceiling. Siegfried, however, thinks the 
 meaning to be that the walls were covered with wood panelling, 
 but this would indicate too advanced a stage of the building. 
 
 with, diligence : the original word is Persian and means 
 * with care and diligence.' 
 
 9. elders : see on ver. 2. wall : see on ver. 3. 
 
 10. names: for the names of the elders see ii. 2. 
 
 that were at the head of them : render ' that were their 
 leaders' (or 'chiefs'), i.e. in the building. The word rendered 
 ' head ' is plural (though somewhat irregularly written), and the 
 preposition {beth essentiae of the grammars) one which often 
 introduces the predicate. 
 
 In verses 11- 16 we have the answer whith the Jews are said 
 
EZRA 5. 12, 13. Ta 99 
 
 returned us answer, saying, We are the servants of the 
 God of heaven and earth, and build the house that was 
 builded these many years ago, which a great king of 
 Israel builded and finished. But * after that our fathers 12 
 had provoked the God of heaven unto wrath, he gave 
 them into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, 
 the Chaldean, who destroyed this house, and carried the 
 people away into Babylon. But in the first year of 13 
 Cyrus king of Babylon, Cyrus the king made a decree to 
 
 * Or, because that 
 
 to have given to Tattenai, &c. We might have expected this 
 answer immediately after ver. 4. 
 
 11. We are tlie servants of tlie God of heaven and earth: 
 therefore of the same God w^hom the Persians professed to 
 acknowledge. It is strange to find Stade ' speaking of these 
 words as unUkely to be uttered by Persians, for they are quoted 
 as spoken by Jews. But see on ver. 8 and on vii. 21. 
 
 these many years ago : i. e. nearly 500 years before the 
 reign of Darius. 
 
 a great king : i. e. Solomon. 
 
 12. Render ' Nevertheless after our fathers provoked,' «Scc. 
 after that : the Aramaic words are identical with those at the 
 
 commencement of iv. 23, translated by one English word 'when.' 
 Though the expression is temporal not (as R. V., Bertheau- 
 Ryssel, Ryle) causal, yet it is implied that the destruction of 
 the Temple by Nebuchadnezzar came as a punishment for the 
 sin of their fathers in angering God : it was not that God could 
 not preserve it if He would. 
 
 Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, the Chaldean : the 
 Chaldeans were strictly a people inhabiting a country (Assyrian 
 Kaldd) south-east of Babylonia on what was then the sea-coast. 
 They were conquered by Nabopolassar, King of Babylon (d. 605), 
 and thenceforward Babylonian and Chaldean meant much the same. 
 Nebuchadnezzarwas probably by descent aChaldean. The Chaldean 
 language, though Semitic, is to be carefully distinguished from the 
 Western or Biblical Aramaic, often inaccurately called ' Chaldee.' 
 The latter is the language of the present chapter ; the former 
 closely resembles Babylonian, though without the cuneiform script. 
 
 13. Cyrus king of Babylon : he is so called in at least 
 eleven undoubted cuneiform passages (see ZDMG. 51, p. 663). 
 Artaxerxes is so described in Neh. xiii, 6, and in vi. aa Darius is 
 called King of Assyria. 
 
 ^ Geschichte, ii. 122 (note). 
 H 2 
 
loo EZRA 5. 14-17. Ta 
 
 14 build this house of God. And the gold and silver ves- 
 sels also of the house of God, which Nebuchadnezzar 
 took out of the temple that was in Jerusalem, and 
 brought them into the temple of Babylon, those did 
 Cyrus the king take out of the temple of Baoylon, and 
 they were delivered unto one whose name was Sheshbaz- 
 
 15 zar, whom he had made governor ; and he said unto him, 
 Take these vessels, go, put them in the temple that is in 
 Jerusalem, and let the house of God be builded in its 
 
 16 place. Then came the same Sheshbazzar, and laid the 
 foundations of the house of God which is in Jerusalem : 
 and since that time even until now hath it been in build- 
 
 17 ing, and yet it is not completed. Now therefore, if it 
 seem good to the king, let there be search made in the 
 king's treasure house, which is there at Babylon, whether 
 it be so, that a decree was made of Cyrus the king to 
 
 14. srold and silver vessels: see on i. 6-1 1. 
 
 into the temple of Babylon : read (with Luc, i Esd. v. 18) 
 ' into his own temple,' i. e. the temple of Marduk. 
 
 Cyras the king- : see on i. i. 
 
 Sheshbazzar: see on i. 8. Had he been identical with 
 Zerubbabel, the latter and his fellow elders (see ver. 9) could hardly 
 have failed in the reply to make this point clear. Cyrus's com- 
 mission came to Sheshbazzar — so it appears here and in i. 8 — and 
 not to Zerubbabel. 
 
 15. in its place : see on iii. 3. 
 
 16. Though Sheshbazzar, the Babylonian, laid the first founda- 
 tion of the Temple the work had to be done over again by 
 Zerubbabel, the Jew, and those with him : see iii. 10 and on 
 iii. 8-13 and v. 2. 
 
 and since that time, &c. : these words do not imply that 
 there had been an off-and-on building of the Temple from the time 
 its first foundation was laid. The building once begun can be 
 spoken of as going on until it is completed : see on ver. 2. 
 
 17. the king's treasure house: that part of the royal palace 
 at Babylon in which gold, silver, and state documents were kept. 
 In 1850 Henry Layard discovered at Koyunjik, the ancient 
 Nineveh, a part of the royal palace which had been used exclusively 
 for storing the precious metals, documents (baked clay tablets), 
 &c. {Nineveh and Babylon, p. 345). See on i. 8 and vii. 21. 
 
EZRA 5. 17—6. I. Ta 101 
 
 build this house of God at Jerusalem, and let the king 
 send his pleasure to us concerning this matter. 
 
 Then Darius the king made a decree, and search was 6 
 
 VI. I-I2 (i Esd. vi. 23-34). 
 
 As a result of the investigation Darius decrees that the Jews 
 be allowed and aided to complete the building of the Temple. 
 
 The objections to the historicity of this section have been many 
 and various, most of them however, in the light of recent research, 
 having little or no weight. 
 
 1. Kosters, Graetz, and others have seen a contradiction 
 between verses i and 2. We are told (ver. i) that the search 
 was made in Babylon for Cyrus's edict, but that (ver. 2) it was 
 actually found at Achmetha (Ecbatana). Are we, however, sure of a 
 contradiction here ? According to Spiegel {Eran, iii. 259), followed 
 by Marquart^, Bertholet^, and JampeP, Persians had archives in 
 all the cities in which they resided — Susa, Babylon, Persepolis, 
 Pasagarda, and Ecbatana — and they were frequently moved from 
 one city to another. Ferdinand Justi^ mentions edicts found at 
 Ecbatana in different languages, all spoken by peoples subject to 
 Persia. We must think therefore of this edict as being first 
 sought for in Babylon and at length found at Ecbatana. Had 
 a forger been at work he would have written in ver. 2 either 
 Babylon or Susa. 
 
 Kent's conjecture that in ver. i we should read * from Babylon' 
 (see below on ver. i) implies a very slight change in the Hebrew 
 and removes the difficulty noticed above. Torrey* understands 
 by the Heb. Babel here ' Babylonia,' a term wide enough (he says, 
 though inaccurately) to include Ecbatana. 
 
 2. A difficulty is seen by Kosters and others in the extraordinary 
 generosity displayed by Darius, a generosity transcending that 
 ascribed to Cyrus. 
 
 It is said that Haggai and Zechariah could not have complained 
 of the poverty of the people if they had known of such gifts from 
 the Persian king. 
 
 In reply note (i) that at a later time Artaxerxes promises Ezra 
 even more for the support of Jewish worship : see vii. 12-26. 
 
 (2) It may be taken for granted that the two prophets named 
 make their complaints either before or soon after the rebuilding 
 had been begun : see Hag. ii. 3 ; Zech. i. 7, iv. 7-10. We may 
 assume that the work lasted some four or five years. When Tattenai 
 
 ^ Fundamenta, p. 50. ^ Com. 24. ^ Wiederherstellung, 102. 
 * Geschichte des alien Persien, 43. ^ AJSL. xxiv. 221 n. 
 
102 EZRA 6. Ta 
 
 and his companions appear on the scene the work had been pro- 
 bably already resumed. 
 
 (31 There is abundant evidence in the inscriptions that Darius 
 Hystaspis and his successors interested themselves more in 
 building or helping to build temples consecrated to other gods 
 than their own (Ahura-Mazda), see Jampel, Wiederherstellung, 
 93flf. We know from the ascertained tenets of Mazdaism and 
 from the actual practice of Mazdaists of the time that such tolera- 
 tion in religious matters as the books of Ezra and Nehemiah imply 
 is exactly what beforehand we might have expected. In the 
 Gadatas inscription 1, discovered in 1889, we have a message sent 
 by this very Darius to Gadatas, Persian governor at Magnesia, 
 Asia Minor, in which the king rebukes this official for not having 
 shown proper respect to the worshippers of Apollo, and especially 
 for having made the priests of this god pay taxes like other 
 people. He says that this deity has spoken to the Persians as 
 well as to the Greeks. See p. 40. 
 
 An inscription in the still largely preserved Egyptian temple 
 at Edfu acknowledges gifts by this Darius towards the expenses 
 of the temple 2. 
 
 In the Aramaic papyri recently edited by Eduard Sachau^ 
 it is recorded that the Temple of Yahu at Yeb (Elephantine), 
 which had existed in the days of the (ancient) kings of Egypt, 
 had been spared by Camb3'ses, King of Persia, though he did 
 not spare the temples of the native Egyptians, probably because 
 these temples helped to develop the spirit of national independence. 
 We have here an illustration of the special favour shown by the 
 early Persian kings to Yahwism or the religion of Jehovah, no 
 doubt in part because their own religion was closely allied to it. 
 
 3. Marquart objects * that Palestine was tqo insignificant a part 
 of the Persian dominions to receive so much consideration. But 
 it must be remembered that, though in itself small, Palestine was 
 the bridge between Egypt and Babylon, and that as such it was 
 of the utmost importance to Persia as a base from which to attack 
 either of these powers. It should be also borne in mind that 
 if Palestine were a smaller country than, say, Egypt, Darius did 
 more on behalf of the religion of Egypt than for that of Palestine. 
 
 Parallels to the procedure of Darius in reference to older edicts 
 as a guide for his own conduct are very plentiful in ancient 
 history. In the Tel-el-Amarna tablets there are several such 
 references. Winckler^ points out that letters belonging to the 
 
 * See Meyer, Geschichte, iii. §§ 26, 34, 57. The inscription is 
 given complete (in German) by Bertholet, Com., p. 26, from Bulletin 
 de Correspondance Hellinique, xiii. 529. 
 
 ^ Lepsius, Abhandlungen der Berliner Acadetnie, 1875. 
 ^ Berlin, 1907, see p. 10. 
 
 ♦ Fundamenta, 48 f. ^ KATP\ p. 193. 
 
EZRA 6. 2, 3. T^ 103 
 
 made in the house of the ^^ archives, where the treasures 
 were laid up in Babylon. And there was found at a 
 ^ Achmetha, in the palace that is in the province of Media, 
 a roll, and therein was thus written for a record. In the 3 
 first year of Cyrus the king, Cyrus the king made a de- 
 cree ; Concerning the house of God at Jerusalem, let the 
 
 * Aram, books. ^ That is, Ecbatatia. 
 
 reign of Amenophis III, King of Egypt f^fl. cir. 1500 B.C.), 
 are first heard of in the reign of his successor, who quotes 
 them as supplying precedents or authority for his own actions. 
 See further Jampel, IViederherstellung, 104 f. 
 
 VI. 1-5. The Investigation and its Result. 
 
 1. Render, 'Then Darius the king made a decree and the 
 archives in the treasure house which (archives') had been brought 
 (to Ecbatana) from Babylon were searched.' The above transla- 
 tion involves only a rearrangement of the words with but one 
 slight exception, the change of 'in' to 'from,' i.e. the substitu- 
 tion of one letter for another greatly resembling it in the old 
 Hebrew and Aramaic script. The changes are supported by a 
 comparison of iv. 27 (treasure house) and of i Esd. vi. 23. In the 
 original the verbs are active, not passive, according to a well- 
 known Semitic idiom (' indefinite subject') : see on x. 17. 
 
 2. Achmetha: i. e. the Ecbatana of the Greek writers, the 
 capital of Media and the summer residence of the ancient Persian 
 kings. Its present name is Hamadan. See Judith i. i ff. ; 2 Mace. 
 ix. 3 ; Tob. iii. 7, vi. 7. 
 
 roll : i. e. a clay tablet such as may be seen in the British 
 Museum : so Marquart 1, Bertholet, Jahn, &c. No word for this 
 exists in Aramaic or Hebrew, so that the nearest equivalent in 
 these languages has to be used. Libraries of such tablets have been 
 found at Koyunjik (Nineveh) and elsewhere. Ktesias, however, 
 says (according to Sayce) that Persian official documents were 
 written on parchment rolls which he had seen : see p. 168. 
 
 and therein, &c. : render 'and therein was thus written; 
 Memorandum : In the first year of Cyrus the king,' &c. The 
 word rendered a record denotes * take notice ' or ' memorandum,' 
 and refers to what follows. We have an exact parallel in the 
 Sachau Aramaic papyri, iii. 
 
 3. made a decree, &c. : render 'made a decree as regards the house 
 of God at Jerusalem (which was as follows) : Let the house be built 
 where they offer sacrifices and bring offerings made by fire, its height 
 sixty cubits, its breadth sixty cubits' (nothing anent the length). 
 
 Concerning-: join with the preceding and punctuate as above : 
 
 ^ Funda?nenta, p. 48. 
 
104 EZRA 6. 4. Ta 
 
 house be builded, the place where they offer sacrifices, 
 
 and let the foundations thereof be strongly laid; the height 
 
 thereof threescore cubits, and the breadth thereof three- 
 
 4 score cubits ; with three rows of great stones, and * a row 
 
 * According to the Sept., one row of timber. 
 
 so LXX, Marti, Bertholet, A. V, The Hebrew accents support the 
 arrangement of words in the R.V. : so Syr. The Hebrew text 
 itself admits of either. 
 
 foundations thereof, &c. The M. T. can mean only ' its founda- 
 tions are borne ' (carried) or ' bear * (carry), which yields no suitable 
 meaning. Far better make a trivial change in the vowels, which are 
 no part of the original text, and render as above : ' and (where they) 
 bring offerings made by fire.' So Haupt (Guthe, SBOT.), Bertholet, 
 Fried. Delitzsch, Kent, Cf. i Esd. iv. 24, * where they sacrifice 
 with continual fire.' Fire offerings included the burnt offerings, 
 mainly those of animals (Lev. i. 9, &c.), but also meal offerings (Lev. 
 ii. 8, &c.), the sacred bread and frankincense (Lev. xxiv. 7, 9, «&c.). 
 the heigrht . . . breadth thereof threescore cubits : nothing 
 is said about the length. Probably we should read 'length' 
 for 'breadth'; in the Aramaic M.T. there is not much differ- 
 ence. Solomon's temple was sixty cubits long by twenty broad, 
 and thirty high (see i Kings vi. 2). But this breadth did not include 
 the chambers ; adding the latter the breadth of Solomon's 
 temple would be about sixty cubits (see DB. 'Temple,' p. 715*). 
 If we retain the word height and understand the figures to denote 
 actual measurement, then we must take the height of sixty cubits 
 to refer to the porch and not to the house. In 2 Chron. iii. 4 it is said 
 that the porch of Solomon's temple was 120 cubits high, which 
 would make it more like a tower than a porch. Josephus, following 
 a Chron. iii, 4 and the present passage, says that the porch of Solo- 
 mon's temple was twice as high as that of Zerubbabel ^, but this 
 writer is never critical, and, when numbers are concerned, seldom 
 to be trusted. It must be admitted that these figures constitute a 
 difficulty. Perhaps we should add the length 60 cubits, and under- 
 stand the edict to denote Ibe utmost limits to which the building 
 could be carried — 60 cubits every way^ 
 
 We need not be surprised at the interest taken by Cyrus in the 
 dimensions of the Temple ; the Persian kings controlled the religious 
 as well as other affairs of their people. 
 
 4. The text is probably greatly shortened, but the meaning 
 seems to be that bounding the outer court (there was but one 
 
 * Antiq. xv. 11. 1. 
 
 ' Sayce thinks that nothing is said about length because the Semitic 
 Temple was proportionately longer than it was broad. 
 
EZRA 6. 5,6. Ta 105 
 
 of new timber : and let the expenses be given out of the 
 king's house : and also let the gold and silver vessels of 5 
 the house of God, which Nebuchadnezzar took forth out 
 of the temple which is at Jerusalem, and brought unto 
 Babylon, be restored, and brought again unto the temple 
 which is at Jerusalem, every one to its place, and thou 
 shalt put them in the house of God. Now therefore, 6 
 Tattenai, governor beyond the river, Shethar-bozenai, 
 and ^your companions the Apharsachites, which are 
 
 * Aram, their. 
 
 court in Solomon's temple) of the Temple there was a wall made of 
 three layers of stone, having on the top a layer of cedar planks, 
 gable-shaped, to allow the water to escape. SeeDB. 'Temple,' 702*. 
 
 a row of new timber : read (with LXX, Bertholet, Siegfried, 
 Kent) 'one row of timber' : the Aramaic for 'new' and •one' 
 are almost identical. 
 
 the kingr's house: i.e. the royal treasure house. See on 
 V. 17. What is meant here, however, is that part of the ro3'al 
 revenue which came from the taxes of various kinds (see iv. 13, 20, 
 vii. 24) paid in Transpotamia (see ver. 8). According to ii. 68 (see 
 on and cf. Neh. vii, 70) some of the heads of fathers' houses 
 gave to ' the house of God to restore it/ i. e. perhaps towards 
 restoring the cultus or worship (sacrifices, &c.) The payment 
 promised by Cjtus must have ceased or Tattenai and his companions 
 would have known about it. 
 
 5. The M.T. seems corrupt, as is suggested by the changes in 
 the number and person of the Aramaic verbs, yet the general 
 sense is clear. 
 
 vessels: see i. 7. 
 
 and thou shalt, &c. : the sudden change of persons is 
 striking ; if the text is retained, Sheshbazzar must be the person 
 addressed (see i. 11). We have probably only an epitome of what 
 the compiler had before him, and it seems not well made. 
 
 6-12. Darius commands that the Jeivs be allowed to go on with 
 the building^ and that financial help be accorded them. 
 
 The transition from ver. 5 to ver. 6 is abrupt. In the original 
 document some such words as the following must have stood : 
 * Finding that Cyrus had so decreed, and wishing to carry out the 
 king's undertaking, Darius spoke thus to his Transpotamian rulers.' 
 
 6. Tattenai . . . Shethar-bozenai : see on v. 3. 
 Apharsachites : render ' Persian (officials).' See on iv. 9 and 
 
 on V. 6. 
 
io6 EZRA 6, 7-9. T 
 
 7 beyond the river, be ye far from thence : let the work 
 of this house of God alone ; let the governor of the 
 Jews and the elders of the Jews build this house of 
 
 8 God in its place. Moreover I make a decree what ye 
 shall do to these elders of the Jews for the building of 
 this house of God : that of the king's goods, even of the 
 tribute beyond the river, expenses be given with all dili- 
 
 9 gence unto these men, that they be not hindered. And 
 that which they have need of, both young bullocks, and 
 
 beyond the river : render ' in Transpotamia ' ; the expression 
 is a proper name. See on iv. 10. 
 
 be ye far from thence: i. e, hold your hands back from 
 Jerusalem : do not hinder the work the Jews are doing at Jerusalem. 
 
 7. Here Zerubbabel and the elders join in directing the work. 
 In fact he is an elder (see on v. 2). Siegfried, Bertholet, &c., 
 omit ' the governor of the Jews and * from this verse. See verses 
 8, 14, where 'elders' alone occurs. 
 
 8. The Persian king undertakes to provide the money, but the 
 Jews must see to the work. 
 
 g-oods : the Aramaic word occurs also in vii. 26, and means 
 * wealth, possessions.' Its sense here is explained by the word 
 tribute. See on ver. 4. 
 
 beyond the river : see on iv. 10, 
 
 with all diligence. The same word is rendered in v. 8 (see 
 on) and in ver. 12 * with diligence.' 
 
 that they be not hindered : this rendering, following, the 
 Vulg. and depending on the use of the same verb in iv. 21 (cf. 
 iv. 23), is that of Keil, Oettli, &c. We should, however, probably 
 render with Bertheau, &c., * So that there be no delay ' : what is 
 commanded is urgent and must be attended at once. 
 
 9. The Jews are to be helped not only in the building, but also 
 in obtaining the materials for sacrifice. 
 
 The materials for three kinds of sacrifice are mentioned. 
 
 (i) Burnt offerings : bullocks (see below), rams, lambs (see 
 ver. 17 and vii. 17. (2) Oblations, or vegetable (meal) offering: 
 wheat (including oil and salt), see below. (3) Drink offering, wine. 
 
 The first kind were always accompanied by the other two in 
 post-exilic times : see Num. xxviii f. and cf. the ancient concep- 
 tion of sacrifice as a social meal (flesh, vegetables, and wine). 
 
 young- bullocks: render 'oxen.' The word rendered young 
 (not found in v. 17) means literally 'sons of,' and in Semitic 
 in such cases is commonly, as here, not to be translated. Thus 
 •sons of men ' (Ps. cvii. 8, see on in Century Bible) means simply 
 
EZRA 6. 10, II. Ta 107 
 
 rams, and lambs, for burnt offerings to the God of 
 
 heaven, wheat, salt, wine, and oil, according to the word 
 
 of the priests which are at Jerusalem, let it be given them 
 
 day by day without fail : that they may offer sacrifices of 10 
 
 sweet savour unto the God of heaven, and pray for the 
 
 life of the king, and of his sons. Also I have made a 1 1 
 
 decree, that whosoever shall alter this word, let a beam be 
 
 pulled out from his house, and let him be lifted up and 
 
 'men': see on ii, 41. The noun translated 'bullocks' is that 
 which in its Hebrew form (shor) is translated ' ox,' but which means 
 really a head of cattle, a bull or a cow. 
 
 For the law see Lev. iv, 14, where translate * bull' or 'bullock,' 
 which latter has come to have the same meaning. 
 
 the God of heaven : so ver. 10, i. 2, v. 11 f., vii. 12, 23; and 
 the Sachau Aramaic Papyri, i. 2, 22 f. and iii. 3 f. 
 
 wheat : for making the fine flour required in the meal offer- 
 ing : see Lev. ii. i. 
 
 salt : used for seasoning the offering: see Lev. ii. 13. 
 
 wine: for the drink offering or hbation : see Ex. xxix. 40 ; 
 Lev. xxiii. 13 ; Joel i. 9. 
 
 oil: to mix with the fine flour: see Lev. ii. iff. Siegfried 
 thinks the oil was poured forth as a libation, see Gen. xxviii. 18, 
 XXXV. 14. But wine is here the drink offering. 
 
 without fail: Aramaic 'without ceasing,' i.e. 'without 
 intermission.' 
 
 10. that they may offer : render 'that they may keep on offering.' 
 sacrifices of sweet savour : one word in the Aramaic, what 
 
 is soothing, pleasing to the smell : see Gen. viii. 21. We have 
 the full phrase in the Hebrew of Lev. i. 9, lit. ' an odour of what 
 is tranquillizing to Yahweh.' After the exile incense was 
 burnt on the incense-altar, and some think this is here referred to. 
 and pray for the life of the king*, and of his sons : see Jer. 
 xxix. 7. Similarly at a later time the Jews prayed for the Roman 
 emperor (Philo, Legat. ad Gaium, § 45). See further i. 10-12; 
 I Mace. vii. 33, xii. 11 ; 2 Mace. iii. 35, xiii. 23, cf. the Sachau 
 Aramaic Papyri, i. 2f., 26-28. 
 
 11. alter: i.e. act contrary to the law, not change it : cf. Dan. 
 iii. 28. Perhaps we should with i Esdras read ' transgress ' {'abar). 
 
 let a beam, &c. : the punishment meant is that of impalement, 
 a living body being spiked per auum on a pointed pole : see Num. 
 XXV. 4 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 6, 9, 13, and the note on Esther ii. 23, Darius 
 impaled 3,000 Babylonians when he took the city ^ This mode of 
 
 ^ Her. iii. 159. 
 
io8 EZRA 6. 12-14. Ta 
 
 fastened thereon; and let his house be made a dung- 
 
 12 hill for this : and the God that hath caused his name to 
 dwell there overthrow all kings and peoples, that shall 
 put forth their hand to alter the same^ to destroy this 
 house of God which is at Jerusalem. I Darius have 
 made a decree ; let it be done with all diligence. 
 
 13 Then Tattenai, the governor beyond the river, Shethar- 
 bozenai, and their companions, ^ because that Darius the 
 
 14 king had sent, did accordingly with all diligence. And 
 the elders of the Jews builded and prospered, through 
 
 * Or, because of that which &c. 
 punishment is frequently represented in the bas-reliefs of the 
 Assyrians^, and existed in Africa at least as late as a. d. 1867'^. 
 Crucifixion (a Roman custom) does not seem to have had vogue 
 among any Oriental people. In Esther ix, 14 Haman's sons were 
 impaled after they had been put to death (verses 7-10), see below. 
 It must be remembered that stoning was the capital punishment 
 among the Hebrews (Lev. xxiv. 14). The bodies of pei-sons pre- 
 viously put to death were impaled as a warning (see Deut. xxi. 
 22; Joshua X. 29 ; i Sam. xxxi. 9 f . ; 2 Sam. iv. 12). Winckler' 
 thinks that only dead persons were impaled : but cf. Num. xxv. 4, 
 where death by impalement seems implied. 
 
 a dting-hill : see Dan. ii. 5 ; cf. 2 Kings x. 27. The punish- 
 ment may seem unreasonably severe, but the Romans imposed 
 a penalty no less rigorous for crossing the Temple precincts at 
 Jerusalem, even when the offender happened to be a Roman 
 citizen. See Meyer, Etttstehuyig, 51 f. 
 
 12. the God that hath caused his name to dwell there: a 
 Deuteronomic phrase (see Deut. xii. 11, xiv. 22). Why should 
 the king or his principal secretary not be acquainted with the 
 phraseology and even with the recent literature of the Jews ? 
 
 alter : see on ver. 11. 
 
 with all diligrence : see on v. 8 and ver. 8. 
 13-18. Completion and dedication of the Temple. 
 13-15- Completion of the Temple. 
 
 13. Tattenai, Shethar-hozenai : see on v. 3. 
 beyond the river : see on iv. 10. 
 
 because that, &c. : render *did exactly according to the 
 command which Darius the king had sent.' 
 
 14. elders : see on v. 2. 
 
 * See The Bronze Gates of Balatsiat (850 B.C.), part iv. ^ ZcJckler, 
 
 The Cross of Christ, p. 62 f. ^ Die Gesetze Hammurabi, p. 44. 
 
EZRA 6. 15, 16. Ta 109 
 
 the prophesying of Haggai the prophet and Zechariah 
 the son of Iddo. And they builded and finished it, 
 according to the commandment of the God of Israel, 
 and according to the decree of Cyrus, and Darius, and 
 Artaxerxes king of Persia. And this house was finished 15 
 on the third day of the month Adar, which was in the 
 sixth year of the reign of Darius the king. And the 16 
 children of Israel, the priests and the Levites, and the 
 rest of the children of the captivity, kept the dedication 
 
 through the prophesying- of Haggai . . . and Zechariah : 
 
 according to v. i these prophets caused the Jews to set about the 
 building of the Temple. Here we are told that they remained along- 
 sidethebuilders urging and encouraging them to go on with the work. 
 We have no record of the words uttered by these prophets in the 
 latter part of the four(ver. 15) years covered by theTemple building, 
 neither have we of much which other prophets (Isaiah, &c.) said. 
 Artaxerxes : the clause containing this name is an obvious 
 interpolation. This king reigned from 465 to 423, and could have 
 had nothing to do with the rebuilding of the Temple completed in 
 515. The addition is due probably to the marginal note of an 
 ignorant transcriber or to the influence of iv. 7 f. (see on), regarded 
 as part of the account of the building of the Temple. Josephus 
 has in this connexion the name Cambyses ^, which is yet more 
 unlikely to be correct. Here the Jewish historian departs from 
 his great source, i Esdras, which throughout this history is very 
 confused and confusing. 
 
 15. Adar : the twelfth month = our February-March : see on x. 
 9, 17. According to the present verse the Temple was completed on 
 the third day of Adar in the year 515. i Esd. xii. 5, however, followed 
 by Josephus'', has the twenty-third day, and Bertholet adopts this, 
 holding that in the Hebrew the numeral 20 has fallen out. 
 
 16-18. Dedication of the Temple. Bertholet thinks that the 
 Chronicler here resumes his narrative. Instead of the Jews and 
 their elders we have now Israel, priests, &c. We have here, how- 
 ever, to do with a religious function, and one might expect function- 
 aries peculiarly religious to appear on the scene. Besides, where 
 else does the Chronicler write in Aramaic ? Assuming the existence 
 of Temple records, they would be of different dates and styles. 
 
 16. children of Israel : render ' Israelites,' and see on ii. 41. 
 children of the captivity : render * Exiles' : see on iv. i. 
 the dedication : we must not think here of the Feast of 
 
 ^ Antiq. xi. 4. 4. - Ibid, xi. 4. 7. 
 
no EZRA 6. 17, 18. Ta 
 
 17 of this house of God with joy. And they offered at the 
 dedication of this house of God an hundred bullocks, two 
 hundred rams, four hundred lambs ; and for a sin offer- 
 ing for all Israel, twelve he-goats, according to the 
 
 18 number of the tribes of Israel. And they set the priests 
 
 Dedication established about 165 b. c. to commemorate the purifi- 
 cation and re-dedication of the Temple after its pollution by the 
 Syrians. This latter is kept by Jews in our own time, and is still 
 known by the Hebrew word {khannkkali) employed here : see 
 Num. vii. 7, and on Neh. xii. 37. 
 
 with joy : in the LXX Psalms cxxxviii, cxlvi-cxlviii are in the 
 title connected with the names of Haggai and Zechariah, probably 
 owing to an ancient tradition that these psalms were composed on 
 the present occasion. They are all of them psalms of thanks- 
 giving and joy. 
 
 17. And they offered, &c. Compare with the much larger 
 number of animals offered at the dedication of Solomon's temple, 
 I Kings viii. 5, 63. 
 
 for a sin offering-, &c. : the practice here, understanding the 
 sacrifice to be for the sin of the congregation, differs from the 
 law in Lev. iv. 13 ff., and from that in Num. xv. 22 ff. Here (so 
 viii. 35) twelve he-goats : in the latter passage (ver. 24) a bull (or 
 bullock) is to be offered as a burnt offering and a he-goat as a sin 
 offering. In Lev. iv. 14 one bull (or bullock) is required for the 
 sin offering, but there is not a word about an accompanying burnt 
 offering. These divergences can be explained only as character- 
 istics of different periods. See Bertholet on Lev. iv, and Gray on 
 Num. XV. 22 ff 
 
 sin offering- : a sacrifice first mentioned in Ezek. xl. 39, and 
 forming an important part of the P code. It involved the acknow- 
 ledgement of sin and the need of Divine favour. 
 
 18. For details of divisions of priests and courses of Levites see 
 I Chron. xxiii-xxvi, where the word translated in this verse 
 courses is (in its Heb. form) used of the sub-divisions of Levites 
 and priests. Except in the present verse and in i and 2 Chronicles 
 the word does not occur in this sense in the O. T. The Penta- 
 teuch is, therefore, silent about these courses unless they are im- 
 plied in Num. iii, vii. Our books of Chronicles belong in their 
 present form to about 300 b. c, but the incidents they record are 
 of course older, and so are the sources used. We may owe this 
 verse and even (so Bertholet) this whole section (verses 16-18) to 
 the Chronicler, but it is not at all unlikely that we have in the 
 priestly divisions and the Levitical courses the beginnings of the 
 more elaborate sub-divisions. The word rendered divisions 
 
EZRA G. 19, 2c. T, T III 
 
 in their divisions, and the Levites in their courses, for the 
 service of God, which is at Jerusalem ; as it is written in 
 the book of Moses. 
 
 T And the children of the captivity kept the passover 19 
 upon the fourteenth day of the first month. For the 20 
 priests and the Levites had purified themselves » together ; 
 all of them were pure : and they killed the passover for 
 
 * Heb. as one. 
 
 occurs (in its Heb. form) but once in Chronicles (2 Chron. xxxv. 
 5), and not then as here of priests, but of the Levites. 
 
 After courses i Esd. vii. 7 adds : * likewise the porters at each 
 door.' 
 
 as it is written in the "book of Moses : see on iii. 2. Ac- 
 cording to I Chron. xxiii ff., the divisions and courses are due 
 to David : this represents a late tradition and nothing more. 
 
 With ver. 18 the Aramaic section, iv. 8-vi. 18, comes to an 
 end, the Hebrew being resumed in ver. 19. 
 
 vi. 19-22. Feast of Passover and Unleavened Bread. 
 
 The Temple is built and the priesthood organized ; a begin- 
 ning is now made in the observance of the sacred feasts. This is 
 exactly what might have been expected, for no one doubts that the 
 three great feasts had been observed in the land before the de- 
 struction of the Temple. 
 
 19. See Exod. xiii. 6 ; Lev. xxiii. 5 (both P). 
 
 the children of the captivity : see on iv. i ; render ' (re- 
 turned) exiles.' 
 
 kept the passover : on the observances of the feasts ac- 
 tually recorded in Ezra-Nehemiah, &c,, see p. 10. 
 
 first month : i. e. Nisan. Before the exile the year began in 
 the autumn with the month subsequently and still called Tishri, 
 Nisan being the seventh month. Soon after the exile the Assyrian- 
 Babylonian names and the habit of beginning the year in the 
 spring (Nisan) became general. At a later time, however, the 
 older custom, still in vogue, of beginning the year with Tishri in 
 the autumn came in. 
 
 20. For, &c. : the Passover was now observed because the 
 priests and Levites had purified themselves. See 2 Chron. xxxv. 6. 
 
 According to the ancient law (Exod. xii. 21-27) the Passover 
 was a domestic rite at which the head of the hou^e officiated. The 
 Deuteronomic code (Deut. xvi. 1-8 ; cf. 2 Kings xxiii. 23) required 
 that this feast should be kept at the sanctuary, the priests officiat- 
 ing. The P code (Exod. xii. 1-20) made the feast once more 
 domestic and lay, and it is this law which modern Jews follow, 
 
112 EZRA 6. 21,22. T 
 
 all the children of the captivity, and for their brethren the 
 31 priests, and for themselves. And the children of Israel, 
 which were come again out of the captivity, and all such 
 as had separated themselves unto them from the filthiness 
 of the heathen of the land, to seek the Lord, the God of 
 2 2 Israel, did eat, and kept the feast of unleavened bread 
 seven days with joy : for the Lord had made them 
 joyful, and had turned the heart of the king of Assyria 
 unto them, to strengthen their hands in the work of the 
 house of God, the God of Israel. 
 
 without, however, the prescribed sacrifice, though a semblance 
 of the paschal lamb is still kept up in the Keppurah, In the pre- 
 sent instance the Feasts of Passover and Unleavened Bread are com- 
 bined (not so in JE) ; the first is kept apparently at the Central 
 Sanctuary, Levites officiating. The P code does not appear to 
 have become as yet operative, even if it existed : see p. lo. 
 
 children of the captivity: see on iv. i. The expression 
 seems here to denote the lay members of the community. 
 
 21. children of Israel: render Israelites.' See on ii. 41 
 and iv. i. 
 
 and all such, &c. : not heathen proselytes as some hold (see 
 Meyer, Entstehung, &c., p. 129 f.), buthome-staying Jews who had 
 married non-Jewish wives and proved otherwise unfaithful to the 
 religion of their fathers, but who now returned to the old faith, 
 abandoning their heathen wives (see x. 11). Some recent critics 
 (Bertholet, Torrey, Kent, &c.) hold that such a putting away of 
 heathen wives took place first not in 515 B.C., as the present 
 narrative implies, but in the time of Ezra (say 458 b. c.) : see ix. i, 
 X. II ; Neh. x. 29. The Chronicler is thought to have antedated 
 this reforming movement. Surely, however, there must have been 
 enough remembrance of the teaching of Deuteronomy (see on 
 x. i) to suggest the desirability of such a step. 
 
 to seek the IiOBD : see on iv. 2. 
 
 22. the feast of unleavened bread : originally quite distinct 
 from the Passover: see Exod. xxxiii. 15. In the D code they 
 appear to be regarded as one. See Deut. xvi. 2 f. 
 
 the king of Assyria: i.e. Darius I, so called because his 
 dominions included Assyria. Perhaps the phrase has in it an 
 implied compliment to the Persian king thus described. See 
 Neh. xiii. 6 where Artaxerxes I is called ' King of Babylon.' 
 
 Kings of Assyria in the strict sense had treated Israel in a 
 very different way (see Isa. xxxvi-xxxix) ; what wonders had God 
 
EZRA 7. T 113 
 
 wrought on behalf of His people ! It is possible that Assyria ap- 
 pears instead of Persia (ver. 15') through a copyist's error, for as 
 an independent power Assyria had long since passed away. We 
 know, however, that Cyrus gloried in the title ' King of Babylon,' 
 and Artaxerxes is so called in Neh. xiii. 6. 
 
 VII-X + Neh. vii. 73'^-x. 39. 
 
 Second Portion of the Book. Ezra's Arrival at 
 Jerusalem and what he did there. 
 
 Between chaps, vi and vii there is a period of nearly sixty years, 
 about which the Bible is silent. Nor have we contemporary or 
 any other reliable records as to the condition or doings of the Jews 
 during these years. It was, however, in these apparently barren 
 years that the priestly code was elaborated by the priests who had 
 not left Babylon, and that part at least of Isa. xl. ff. was composed 
 and put together — also in Babylon. It is singular that the latest 
 editors of Ezra-Nehemiah should jump over this space of time. 
 Perhaps, indeed, in the original draft of the history this gap did 
 not exist. There must have been at one time state, temple, and 
 other records dealing with the period, which however appear to 
 have been lost quite early. Though little is told us in the present 
 section of the state of things when Ezra arrived, much may be 
 gathered from what is said in Nehemiah of the condition of the 
 country thirteen years later, when Nehemiah came to Jerusalem. 
 Neh. V. I -1 5 shows that Jerusalem was in a bad way. Capitalists 
 acted unjustly and cruelly towards their debtors ; the governors im- 
 mediately before Nehemiah were extortionate and unsympathetic. 
 Religiously matters were even worse. It seems evident that this 
 description applies more or less for decades before Nehemiah 
 received permission to act the reformer among his own people. 
 It was no doubt a knowledge of the state of matters at and about 
 Jerusalem that induced Ezra also to seek and obtain permission 
 to go to Jerusalem to teach the law of God and to re-establish 
 religious institutions. 
 
 We read no more of Zerubbabel, and we have no certain infor- 
 mation as to what became of him. Tradition has it that he returned 
 to the Persian court, where he remained. It has not been proved, 
 though it has been affirmed, that he accepted the role of Davidic 
 king, and even that of Messiah. See on v. 2. 
 
 vii f. EzrcCs arrival at Jerusalem ; incidents of the journey 
 II I Esd. viii. 1-64 (66). 
 
 vii, i-io II I Esd. viii. 1-7. Introductory narrative giving in brief 
 a summary of what follows in verses 11-28. Perhaps originally 
 verses 11-28 were written on a special parchment, to which 
 verses i-io were attached as a docket or title. 
 
114 EZRA 7. 1-5 Te 
 
 7 [Te] Now after these things, in the reign of Artaxerxes 
 king of Persia, Ezra the son of Seraiah, the son of Azariah, 
 
 2 the son of Hilkiah, the son of Shallum, the son of Zadok, 
 
 3 the son of Ahitub, the son of Amariah, the son of Azariah, 
 
 4 the son of Meraioth, the son of Zerahiah, the son of 
 
 5 Uzzi, the son of Bukki, the son of Abishua, the son of 
 Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron the chief 
 
 1. Now after these thingrs : a phrase in common use in Heb. 
 (Gen. XV. i, &c.), and meaning simply that what is going to be 
 related took place subsequently to what has been related. In 
 Semitic, as in the classical languages, paragraphs and sentences 
 are linked by connecting particles and phrases, which in English 
 would have no external mark of connexion. 
 
 Artaxerxes, i. e. Artaxerxes I, Longimanus (465-423). Other 
 opinions have been held and defended ; see the larger comment- 
 aries. It is at all events clear that the Artaxerxes of Nehemiah 
 (see Neh. ii. i) is the above king, since Nehemiah was governor 
 of Judah in the time of the high-priest Eliashib, grandson of 
 Joshua, high-priest in 520 (Neh. iii. 1, xii. 16): Artaxerxes II, 
 Mnemon (404-359), lived at too late a time to make this possible. 
 That the compiler and final editor of Ezra-Nehemiah took this 
 Artaxerxes to be Longimanus seems almost certain, for he would 
 otherwise have differentiated in some way the king mentioned in 
 this verse. See on Neh. ii. i. 
 
 From i'' to the end of ver. 5 we have the genealogy of Ezra, 
 But the list is obviously a greatly curtailed one, for only fifteen 
 individuals are mentioned in the line of descent from Aaron to 
 Ezra, i. e. for the space of some 900 or 1,000 years. Probably 
 ben ( = 'son') is to be understood in the sense of 'descendant.' 
 Ezra cannot in the ordinary sense be the son of Seraiah, since 
 the latter died about 586 b. c. according to 2 Kings xxv. 18-21, 
 though of course another person of the same name might have 
 lived a century or so later. See on v. i, viii. 2, and Neh. xii. 23. 
 The name Ezra ( — * help ') as it stands, an Aramaic form, is probably 
 a contraction of Ezaryahu ' (one whom) Yahweh helps.' Cf. Nehe- 
 miah =' (one whom) Yahweh comforts,' and Isaiah (Heb. Yesha- 
 yahu) =a ' (one whom) Yahweh delivers.' The name is borne by 
 others, see Neh. xii. i, 13, 33. 
 
 5. Aaron the chief priest : the purpose of the genealogy was 
 lo show Ezra's descent from Aaron. In the older sources (J, E, D) 
 Aaron is Moses' spokesman (Exod. iv. 14, xxiv. i) and a priest 
 (Deut. x. 6, J, E, not D). 
 
 The words rendered chief priest mean literally the ' head 
 
EZRA 7. 6-8. Te 115 
 
 priest : this Ezra went up from Babylon ; and he was 6 
 a ready scribe in the law of Moses, which the Lord, the 
 God of Israel, had given : and the king granted him all 
 his request, according to the hand of the Lord his God 
 upon him. And there went up some of the children of 7 
 Israel, and of the priests, and the Levites, and the 
 singers, and the porters^ and the Nethinim, unto Jeru- 
 salem, in the seventh year of Artaxerxes the king. And 8 
 
 priest,' and occur in 2 Sam. xv. 27 (Wellhausen rejects them here), 
 2 Kings XXV. 18 ( = Jer. Hi. 24), and some half-dozen times in 
 2 Chronicles. In the P code the expression is * the great priest,' 
 E.VV ' the high priest ' : see Lev. xxi. 10 ; Num. xxxv. 25, 28, &c. 
 In earlier times he is called simply ' the priest ' : see 2 Kings xi. 
 9 f. Though it is in post-exilic times that the high-priest became 
 an important functionary, there is abundance of evidence that such 
 an official existed before the exile: see DB. iv. 73, 79 ff. (Bau- 
 dissin). Yet it is singular that in Ezekiel's programme of religious 
 institutions and offices (Ezek. xl-xlvi) the high-priesthood finds no 
 place, probably because it had not yet become a vital part of the 
 ecclesiastical system. 
 
 6-10. 77?^ return of Ezra and his companions. 
 
 6. went up, i. e. to Jerusalem. See ver. 7, ii. i, and viii. i. 
 ready : lit. ' quick.' 
 
 scribe : originally a secular official, state secretary ; see 
 2 Sam. viii. 17, xx. 35; i Kings iv. 3 ; 2 Kings xviii. 18, xxii. 
 3, &c. In the beginning of the Deuteronomic period, when 
 through the finding of the book of the law in the Temple the 
 written word acquired a fresh importance, the term came to be 
 used for one who studied and taught as well as copied the law. 
 Though the sense 'writer' is the oldest, that of 'interpreter' be- 
 came more and more its principal meaning. In post-exilic times 
 the scribes grew to be a very important section of the people, such 
 as they were in our Lord's day. 
 
 the law of Moses : see on iii. 2. The reference is, however, 
 here especially to the law which Ezra had brought with him 
 from Babylon (ver. 14) : see p. 8fF. 
 
 according- to the hand, &c. : the phrase - ' according to 
 Yahweh's helpfulness towards him,' and is characteristic of the 
 Ezra memoirs from which the present narrative is extracted. See 
 verses 9, 28; viii. 18, 22,31; and also Neh. ii. 8, 18. Cf. 'the 
 eye of their God,' v. 5, and see 2 Chron. xxx. 12. 
 
 7. For the classes here mentioned see ii. 36 fF. 
 
 in the seventh year of Artaxerxes : i. e. in 458. 
 
 I 2 
 
ii6 EZRA 7. 9, lo. Te 
 
 he came to Jerusalem in the fifth month, which was in 
 9 the seventh year of the king. For upon the first day 
 of the first month ^ began he to go up from Babylon, 
 and on the first day of the fifth month came he to 
 Jerusalem, according to the good hand of his God upon 
 10 him. For Ezra had set his heart to seek the law of the 
 
 * Heb. that was the foundation of the going up. 
 
 8. the fifth month: i.e. Ab (Abib), corresponding to our July 
 or August. 
 
 Since Nehemiah arrived in the twentieth year of this king 
 (Neh. ii. i), there was a space of thirteen years between the two 
 arrivals (458-445). 
 
 Wellhausen thinks that Ezra arrived in the twenty-seventh year 
 (i. e. 427), the number twenty having fallen out. Van Hoonacker, 
 who agrees with Kosters in making Ezra's visit subsequent to Nehe- 
 miah's, says Artaxerxes II, Mnemon (404-359), is the king meant in 
 ver. 7 ; see on ver. 7. Winckler, in different parts of the same 
 volume {Altor. Forschungen, ii. 222, 242), argues inconsistently for 
 two different dates, viz. in the reigns of Cambyses and Darius. 
 
 9. began : it is better to vocalize the Heb. as in Esther i. 8 
 (* so the king had appointed,^ &c.), and to translate * decided ' or 
 ' arranged.' Though the journey was decided upon on the first 
 day of the first month it was not actually begun before eleven days 
 later : see viii. 32. The time taken for the journey would be 
 about 108 days, reckoning from the twelfth day of Nisan (viii. 31) 
 to the first day of Ab. The distance from Babylon to Jerusalem 
 in a straight line is about 300 miles. But travelling in the East, 
 especially in those times, was difficult as well as dangerous ; and the 
 Jews now had much valuable baggage to carry and to care about. 
 Besides, to avoid the desert, Ezra's caravan had to make a detour 
 by Carchemish. Ryle calculates that the actual distance covered 
 was fully 900 miles. The arrival would take place about August 
 (Ab) in the year 458. See Ryle (in loco) and Meyer, Entstehung, 239. 
 
 10. Why did Ezra set about that long journey? We have the 
 answer in this verse. 
 
 to seek : see on iv. 2, Two Hebrew words are translated 
 'seek' in the English Bible. The one {dayash) = ^ to seek know- 
 ledge,' ' to search,' and is cognate with midrash (an investigation 
 of the sense of Scripture). The other {biqqesh) = * to seek for what 
 is lost.' It is the first that is used here and in iv. 2, and vi. 21, 
 Both verbs occur in Ps. cv. 4 (see on in Century Bible). 
 
 Here the meaning seems to be to recognize Yahweh's law and 
 that of no other god. The next clause (to act according to the 
 law then recognized) supports this interpretation. 
 
EZRA 7. 11-13. Th Tea 117 
 
 Lord, and to do it, and to teach in Israel statutes and 
 judgements. 
 
 [Tea] Now this is the copy of the letter that the king 1 1 
 Artaxerxes gave unto Ezra the priest, the scribe, even the 
 scribe of the words of the commandments of the Lord, 
 and of his statutes to Israel. ^ Artaxerxes, king of kings, 12 
 unto Ezra the priest, the scribe of the law of the God of 
 heaven, perfect and so forth. I make a decree, that all 13 
 
 * Ch. vii. 12-26 is in Aramaic. 
 
 to teach : this was the special function of the sopher or scribe : 
 see on ver. 5. 
 
 11-26 (II I Esd. viii. 8-24). The decree of Artaxerxes author- 
 izing Ezra to return and reorganize Judaism. 
 
 11. Introductory (Hebrew). 
 
 ITow : the connecting particle (see on ver. t), not the time- 
 adverb 'now.' 
 
 copy : see on iv. 1 1. 
 
 letter : see on iv. 7. 
 
 Ezra the priest : see genealogy, verses 1-5. He is so called 
 in X. 10, 16, Neh. viii. 2, and also in the title to Ezra and i Esdras 
 in the Luc. In later times and perhaps here ' the priest' = ' the 
 high-priest ' : so Neh. xiii. 4, i Chron. xvi. 39, and often in P. 
 
 the scribe : see on ver. 6. He is so called in Neh. viii. 4, 13, 
 xii. 36. The two titles * the priest ' and ' the scribe ' are found 
 together not only here but also in verses 12, 21, Neh. viii. 9, 
 xii. 26. 
 
 12-26, Contents of the King's Letter (Aramaic). 
 
 12. kingr of kings: Darius is so described in the Gadatas 
 inscription. See p. 102. 
 
 Ood of heaven : see on i. 2. 
 
 perfect : the Aramaic word has the force of our ' &c.' 
 Orientals (Arabs, &c.) are in the habit, when addressing persons 
 of distinction, of heaping up epithets to an extent that is hardly 
 credible to Western minds. Even our German neighbours will 
 write on an envelope : '■ To the high born, learned, and very 
 honoured A. B.C.' After scribe the word rendered perfect (lit. 
 what is to be completed) means : * and the other titles of respect.' 
 In Rabbinical Heb. a form of this word with the conjunction = 
 ' and ' prefixed is used (often abbreviated) as our ' &c.' 
 
 and so forth : render (wrote) ' as follows ' : see on iv. 10. 
 
 13. Z make a decree : see iv. 19, vi. 8, 11. 
 all they, &c. : see i. 3. 
 
Il8 EZRA 7. 14-16. Tea 
 
 they of the people of Israel, and their priests and the 
 Levites, in my realm, which are minded of their own free 
 
 14 will to go to Jerusalem, go with thee. Forasmuch as 
 thou art sent ^ of the king and his seven counsellors, to 
 inquire concerning Judah and Jerusalem, according to 
 
 1 5 the law of thy God which is in thine hand ; and to carry 
 the silver and gold, which the king and his counsellors 
 have freely offered unto the God of Israel, whose habita- 
 
 16 tion is in Jerusalem, and all the silver and gold that thou 
 
 * Aram, frojii before the king. 
 
 with thee : Ezra had to be director of the work. 
 
 14-16. Ezra was commissioned (r) to make inquiries about the 
 state of Judah and Jerusalem (ver. 14) ; (2) to carry with him the 
 gifts of the king and his counsellors and other contributions. 
 
 14. seven counsellors : according to Herodotus (iii. 84) the 
 heads of the seven principal families in Persia formed a kind of 
 privy council to advise the king in affairs of moment. Each 
 of these had the privilege of access to the king. See Esther i. 14. 
 Seven among the Pei-sians, as among the Hebrews, was a sacred 
 number: cf. the heavenly court consisting of Ahuramazda and the 
 six Amesha spentas, or, according to another conception, the 
 seven Amesha spentas, the Supreme Good Spirit named being one. 
 The Divine court formed perhaps the pattern for the human. 
 Judah and Jerusalem: see on v. i. 
 
 law . . . hand : the reference must be to some code freshly 
 brought by Ezra from Babylon and previously unknown to Jews 
 residing already in Judah. That this code concerned itself almost, 
 if not exclusively, with the religious side of the nation's life goes 
 without saying, but as to what exactly it contained has been 
 matter of much discussion, and must remain so with our present 
 data. That it did not coincide with our Pentateuch or with the 
 Priestly Code is, however, among the things which cannot be 
 doubted. See p. 8 ff. 
 
 15 f. The contributions towards the Temple and its services 
 which Ezra was to take with him were to be of three kinds: (i) 
 The gold and silver given by the king and his (seven) counsellors ; 
 (2) the gifts of non-Jewish, and (3) of Jewish residents in Baby- 
 lon. Cf. the decree of Cyrus to restore the gold and silver vessels 
 removed from Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar : see on i. 6-1 1 and 
 cf. V. 14 and vi. 5. Ezra showed no scruple in accepting the 
 financial help of Gentiles. 
 
EZRA 7. 17-21. Tea ^9 
 
 shalt find in all the province of Babylon, with the freewill 
 offering of the people, and of the priests, offering will- 
 ingly for the house of their God which is in Jerusalem ; 
 therefore thou shalt with all diligence buy with this 17 
 money bullocks, rams, lambs, with their meal offerings 
 and their drink offerings, and shalt offer them upon the 
 altar of the house of your God which is in Jerusalem. 
 And whatsoever shall seem good to thee and to thy 18 
 brethren to do with the rest of the silver and the gold, that 
 do ye after the will of your God. And the vessels that 19 
 are given thee for the service of the house of thy God, 
 deliver thou before the God of Jerusalem. And whatso- 20 
 ever more shall be needful for the house of thy God, 
 which thou shalt have occasion to bestow, bestow it out 
 of the king's treasure house. And I, even I Artaxerxes 21 
 
 16. offering- willingrly, Sec. : that the king in writing to Jews 
 about religious affairs should adopt this religious phraseology is 
 exactly what might have been expected from a Persian monarch 
 of the time : see on vi. 12. 
 
 17 f. The money thus obtained was to be used in providing the 
 material for sacrifice (ver. 17 ; cf Joel i. 8-12) and in meeting 
 other needs (ver. i8~^. 
 
 17. On the species of sacrifices here enumerated see on vi. 9 
 and also on vi. 17. 
 
 18. the will of your God : as revealed in the law which 
 Ezra was to bring with him : see p. 8 ft'. 
 
 19. the vessels, &c. : not those granted by Cyrus (i. 7), but 
 those enumerated in viii. 25-27. 
 
 deliver : Schultz, Siegfried, Bertholet, and others render 
 'deliver completely,' ' hand over wholly.' The usage in Syriac 
 supports this. The extent of the gift is stated in ver. 22. 
 
 the God of Jerusalem : a strange and unparalleled expres- 
 sion. Probably we should read with Guthe {SBOT.) ' the God of 
 Israel who is at Jerusalem," or with Luc, 'thy God who is at 
 Jerusalem,' 
 
 20. the king's treasure house : i. e. the treasury of the 
 satrap of Transpotamia, where the taxes collected in the satrapy 
 were kept until they were transmitted to the principal royal fiscus 
 at Susa. 
 
126 EZRA 7. 22, 23. Tea 
 
 the king, do make a decree to all the treasurers which 
 are beyond the river, that whatsoever Ezra the priest, the 
 scribe of the law of the God of heaven, shall require of 
 
 23 you, it be done with all diligence, unto an hundred talents 
 of silver, and to an hundred ^ measures of wheat, and to 
 an hundred baths of wine, and to an hundred baths of 
 
 23 oil, and salt without prescribing how much. Whatsoever 
 is commanded by the God of heaven, let it be done ex- 
 actly for the house of the God of heaven ; for why 
 should there be wrath against the realm of the king and 
 
 * Aram. cors. 
 
 21. treasurers: the treasurers of the sub-satrapies of Transpo- 
 tamia : see on iv. 8. These would severally have charge of the 
 taxes until they were transferred to the principal treasury of the 
 province, whence in due time they were taken to Susa, local 
 expenses, and in this case the gifts to the Jews, being in all cases 
 deducted and accounted for. 
 
 God of heaven: see on i. 2. 
 
 with all diligrence : see on v. 8 and vi. 8. 
 
 22. The utmost limit of the help which Ezra may receive from 
 the public purse. 
 
 hundred talents of silver : slightly over £35,000, accord- 
 ing to Meyer. A Persian talent weighed, according to Benzinger 
 (ArchA'>, 201), about 34,000 kilogrammes (see on viii. 26}. Meyer 
 (Entstehung, 69 n.) says that sums almost fabulously large were 
 preserved in the Persian exchequer. 
 
 an hundred measures (Aram. ' corin ') of wheat : about 
 1,000 bushels. 
 
 an hundred haths of wine : about 800 gallons. 
 
 salt being very plentiful, and therefore cheap, could be 
 obtained in any quantity. On the place of salt in the sacrificial 
 system see on vi. 9. 
 
 23. Note the terms of respect with which Artaxerxes speaks of 
 the Jewish God, and see on i. 2. 
 
 exactly: the original word is Persian and should probably 
 (with Marquart, Andreas, &c.) be translated * promptly.' 
 
 for why, &c. : render, ' that there be no anger (on the part of 
 Yahweh) to the detriment of the kingdom of the king and his sons.' 
 
 for why, &c. : the words may and here should be rendered, 
 as above, * lest,' &c. 
 
 wrath ; just as Artaxerxes feared to incur the anger of 
 Yahweh, the national God of Israel, so the Israelites themselves 
 
EZRA 7. 24-26. Tea 121 
 
 his sons ? Also we certify you, that touching any of the 24 
 priests and Levites, the singers, porters, Nethinim, or 
 servants of this house of God, it shall not be lawful to 
 impose tribute, custom, or toll, upon them. And thou, 25 
 Ezra, after the wisdom of thy God that is in thine hand, 
 appoint magistrates and judges, which may judge all the 
 people that are beyond the river, all such as know the 
 laws of thy God ; and teach ye him that knoweth them 
 not. And whosoever will not do the law of thy God, and 26 
 the law of the king, let judgement be executed upon him 
 
 had a great fear of offending Chemosh, the national deity of Moab. 
 See 2 Kings iii. 27. Perhaps to the Persian king, as a Mazdaist, 
 Yahweh was his own supreme deity (Ahuramazda) as he revealed 
 himself to the Jews. 
 
 24. Temple officials are not to be taxed. 
 priests . . . NetMnim : see on ii. 36 ff. 
 
 or servants, &c. : render, ' even (all) the servants of/ &c. 
 The words are a summing up of the classes mentioned. The same 
 Aram, (and Heb.) word {waw) stands for 'and,' 'or,' <even,' &c. 
 
 tribute, &c. : see on iv. 13. According to the Gadatas 
 inscription (see on vi. 1-12) the priests of Apollo were to be 
 exempted from paying taxes, just as here the priests, &c., are 
 exempted. Yet some think that in the present case it is unlikely. 
 Why? 
 
 25. after the wisdom, &c. : i. e. ' according to thy God's 
 law,' &c. See on ver. 14. What, if any, is the difference between 
 the magistrates and judges whom Ezra was to appoint over the 
 Jews of Transpotamia ? Meyer says that two synonyms are used 
 for the sake of emphasis, and Bertliolet fails to see any difference 
 of meaning between the two words. Perhaps the word translated 
 jndgfes {shaphetin) has in it here something of its original mean- 
 ing ' rulers.' Probably, however, it is a marginal gloss. 
 
 judge : the verb here is cognate with the word rendered 
 * magistrates,' a reason for regarding the two classes noticed above 
 as having identical functions. It is evident from the words which 
 follow that these officials were to have jurisdiction over the Jews 
 alone of Transpotamia. 
 
 26. the law of thy God, and ... of the king- : so far as the 
 Jews of the province were concerned the king, by adopting the 
 Jewish code, made it his own, so that disobedience towards 
 Ezra's new law exposed the individual guilty of it to the penalties 
 annexed to infringement of Persian law. 
 
I2i EZRA 7. 27,28. ThaE 
 
 with all diligence, whether it be unto death, or to ^ banish- 
 ment, or to confiscation of goods, or to imprisonment. 
 
 a 7 [E] Blessed be the Lord, the God of our fathers, which 
 hath put such a thing as this in the king's heart, to beautify 
 
 2S the house of the Lord which is in Jerusalem ; and hath 
 extended mercy unto me before the king, and his coun- 
 sellors, and before all the king's mighty princes. And I 
 was strengthened according to the hand of the Lord my 
 God upon me, and I gathered together out of Israel chief 
 men to go up with me. 
 
 * Aram, rooting" out. 
 
 'bam.sta.ment : Aram, "' uprooting.' The cognate verb in 
 Ps. lii. 5 is rendered ' and root thee (out of the land of the living).' 
 The sense here is probably ' excommunication,' not ' banish- 
 ment ' : see x. 8. 
 
 27 f. Ezra's Doxology (Hebrew'. This is perhaps a Psalm com- 
 posed by Ezra to be sung after the receipt of the king's decree. 
 It comes in rather abruptlj' after ver. 26. Originally there were, 
 it seems likeh', some words of introduction to verses 27 f., such as 
 * And Ezra spake these words after he had received the royal decree.' 
 
 27. Q-od of onx fathers : the God who helped our fathers has 
 shown Himself our Helper: see viii. 28, x. 11 ; i Chron. xxix. 18 ; 
 2 Chron. xx. 6. Cf. Acts iii. 13, and Doddridge's hjmn, * O God of 
 Bethel,' ' God of our fathers be the God of their succeeding race.' 
 
 liath pnt ... in tlie king's heart : see Neh. ii. 12, vii. 5 ; 
 r Kings x. 24. 
 
 to beautify: the sense is to restore the Temple to the glory 
 which it had before its destruction by Nebuchadnezzar. So 
 Sellin, Siegfried. 
 
 28. mercy : render, 'loving kindness' ; the Aram, word has in 
 it no implication of guilt. See ' Psalms.' vol. i, p. 360, Century Bible. 
 For the phrase ' extend loving kindness 'see ix. 9 ; Gen. xxxix. 21. 
 
 unto me : the use of the first person in the Ezra memoirs 
 begins here. 
 
 his counsellors : see on ver. 14. 
 
 Vni. 1-14 (= I Esd. viii. 28-40). 
 List of those who returned with Ezra. 
 
 For general remarks on the lists of Ezra-Nehemiah see Introd. 
 to II and notes on the various sections and verses of that 
 chapter. In the present list the clerical element takes precedence 
 
EZRA 8. 1-3. E 123 
 
 Now these are the heads of their fathers' houses^ and 8 
 this is the genealogy of them that went up with me from 
 Babylon, in the reign of Artaxerxes the king. Of the 2 
 sons of Phinehas, Gershom : of the sons of Ithamar, 
 Daniel : of the sons of David, Hattush. Of the sons of 3 
 
 of the lay, the priests being named first (ver. 2), the lay clans 
 afterwards (verses 3-14). It is so in x. 18 ff. and in Neh. x. 3 fT. 
 But in Ezra ii and Neh. vii the lay clans are mentioned first. The 
 difference may be due to the pre-eminence of the lay leaders in 
 the first century after the return. The power of the priests grew 
 rapidly after the introduction of Ezra's law, itself the work of the 
 priestly school in Babylon. 
 
 The list in verses 1-14 has been shortened, and mistakes have 
 evidently crept in ; perhaps all this is to be ascribed to the igno- 
 rance or carelessness of copyists or to the imperfect state of the 
 parchment and writing before them. 
 
 The following plan may be yet traced, and it is likely that in 
 the original draft it was uniformly followed : (i) The name of the 
 clan ; (2) that of its chief; (3) the number belonging to the clan 
 that returned with Ezra. Where the M.T. falls short, judged by 
 this scheme, the defect can be generally made good from the LXX 
 or I Esdras or both. 
 
 The sum total, according to the M.T., is 1,496; according to 
 I Esdras it is 1,690. The discrepancy arises from the following 
 differences in details: the Adin clan, Ezra (ver. 6) 50, i Esd. 
 (ver, 32) 250 ; Shephatiah, Ezra (ver. 7) 80, i Esd. (ver. 34) 
 70 ; Joab, Ezra (ver. 9) 218, i Esd. (ver. 35) 212 ; Adonikam, 
 Ezra (ver. 13) 60, i Esd. (ver. 39) 70. Correcting the M. T. by 
 I Esdras as above, we obtain the number 1,692, as against the 
 sum total of 1,690 in i Esdras. 
 
 1. Now: see on vii. 11. 
 
 heads of their fathers' houses : sec on i. 5. 
 the gfenealogry : see on ii. 62. 
 
 2. The priestly clans are mentioned first, then the royal David 
 clan. On the meaning of house or clan see p. 52 f. 
 
 Phinehas : son of Eleazar and grandson of Aaron. 
 
 Ithamar: youngest son of Aaron : Exod. vi. 23 ; i Chron. v. 29. 
 
 Gershom and Daniel are heads of the Phinehas and Ithamar 
 clans, and not the only priests in the company (see ver. 24). 
 Ezra himself belonged to the Phinehas clan (see vii. 1-5). 
 
 Daniel : called Gamaliel (or Gamael ?) in i Esd. 29. Daniel 
 is the name in Neh. viii. 29. Perhaps the clan had two names. 
 
 Hattush, &c. Join with the next verse and render ' Hattush 
 the son of Shecaniah.' So i Esd. viii. 39 ; cf. i Chron. iii. 22, 
 
124 EZRA 8. 4-11. E 
 
 Shecaniah ; of the sons of Parosh, Zechariah : and with 
 him were reckoned by genealogy of the males an hundred 
 
 4 and fifty. Of the sons of Pahath-moab, Eliehoenai the 
 son of Zerahiah; and with him two hundred males. 
 
 5 Of the sons of Shecaniah, the son of Jahaziel ; and with 
 
 6 him three hundred males. And of the sons of Adin, 
 Ebed the son of Jonathan ; and with him fifty males. 
 
 7 And of the sons of Elam, Jeshaiah the son of Athaliah ; 
 
 8 and with him seventy males. And of the sons of Shepha- 
 tiah, Zebadiah the son of Michael ; and with him four- 
 
 9 score males. Of the sons of Joab, Obadiah the son 
 of Jehiel ; and with him two hundred and eighteen 
 
 10 males. And of the sons of Shelomith^ the son of Josi- 
 phiah ; and with him an hundred and threescore males. 
 
 11 And of the sons of Bebai, Zechariah the son of Bebai ; 
 
 where this Hattush is grandson of Shecaniah. ' Son ' often means 
 grandson and descendant : see on vii. 1-5. 
 
 3-14. The lay clans. All these are represented in the list of 
 those who returned with Zerubbabel in 537 (see ii. 2 ff.) with 
 the exception of Shecaniah (ver. 5) and Shelomith (ver. 10), 
 whose presence in this list as clans is due to textual corruption, 
 see on verses 5 and 10. 
 
 The number of the lay clans is twelve, corresponding to the 
 twelve tribes from which the nation was supposed to have sprung : 
 see on ii. 2. 
 
 3. This verse must begin with Of the sons of Parosh : see on 
 ver. 2. 
 
 males: in ch. ii and Neh. vii females are included in the 
 reckoning. 
 
 5. Read and render, 'Of the sons of Zattu, Shecaniah the son of 
 Jahaziel' : so LXX (not Ltic.)^ i Esd. viii. 32. Zattu is mentioned 
 in ii. 8 and Neh. vii. 13, but Shecaniah occurs in no list as a clan. 
 
 6. fifty : I Esd. viii, 32 gives 250. 
 
 8. fourscore : in 1 Esd. viii. 34 it is 70. 
 
 9. two hundred and eig'hteen: i Esd. viii. 35 gives 212. 
 
 10. Read and render, ' And of the sons of Banl, Shelomith 
 the son of Josiphiah.' So LXX and i Esd. viii. 36. Luc. has 
 a conflate reading, ' And the son of Shelomith, Banais the son of 
 Josiphiah.' We do not read elsewhere of a clan Shelomith, 
 though of one Bani we read in ii. 10 and Neh. vii. 15 (Bennui). 
 
EZRA 8. 12-15. E 125 
 
 and with him twenty and eight males. And of the 12 
 sons of Azgad; Johanan the son of Hakkatan ; and with 
 him an hundred and ten males. And of the sons of 13 
 Adonikam^ that zvere the last ; and these are their 
 names^ Eliphelet, Jeuel, and Shemaiah, and with them 
 threescore males. And of the sons of Bigvai,, Uthai and 14 
 ^ Zabbud \ and with them seventy males. 
 
 And I gathered them together to the river that 15 
 runneth to Ahava ) and there we encamped three days : 
 and I viewed the people^ and the priests^ and found there 
 
 * Another reading is, Zaccur, 
 
 13 f. In previous cases after the name of the clan (house) the 
 head of it is mentioned. In ver. 13 three names are given instead 
 of the usual one, and in ver. 14 two. Moreover, in ver. 13 there 
 occurs a Hebrew word rendered in the E.W. * that zvere the 
 last,' but which, restoring to the Hebrew the article (found in 
 Luc. and i Esd. viii. 39), is more accurately rendered * those 
 who came after.' The name of the head of the members of the 
 clan that came with Ezra was unknown, but instead the historian 
 gives the names of three successive heads belonging to later 
 generations. The same word is probably to be understood in 
 ver. 14, where two later heads are mentioned. Perhaps the 
 Hebrew text is corrupt, or the word may have in this register 
 a technical sense now lost. 
 
 The commonest view is that the elder branch of the clan arrived 
 with Zerubbabel (ii. 13) and that now the younger comes with 
 Ezra. But why are three heads mentioned here and nowhere else ? 
 
 15-36. The AsSEiMBLING OF THE PaRTY : THE JoURNEY: THE 
 
 Arrival at Jerusalem (i Esd. viii. 41-64 (66)), 
 15-20. The assembly. Absence of Levites. 
 
 15. to the river that runneth to Ahava: 'to the running 
 river (i. e.) to Ahava ' ; probably in contrast to the stagnant canals 
 about Babylon. Where this running river exactly was we have 
 no means of knowing, though it must have been a branch of the 
 Euphrates and in the vicinity of Babylon. That Ahava was a 
 river appears from verses 21, 31. It is called *Theras' in 
 I Esd. viii. 41. The cognate Babylonian word (ttdru) means also 
 * canal ' which Sayce thinks must be meant here. The verb 
 translated ' run ' means lit. ' to come ' oc ' go.' 
 I viewed : cf. Neh. viii. 7. 
 people : i. c. the laity. 
 
1,2.6 EZRA 8. 16, 17. E 
 
 16 none of the sons of Levi. Then sent I for Eliezer, for 
 Ariel, for Shemaiah^ and for Elnathan, and for Jarib, and 
 for Elnathan, and for Nathan, and for Zechariah, and for 
 Meshullam, chief men ; also for Joiarib;, and for Elna- 
 
 17 than, ^ which were teachers. And ^I sent them forth unto 
 Iddo the chief at the place Casiphia; and I told them 
 what they should say unto c Iddo, mid his brethren the 
 
 * Or, which had understanding ^ Another reading is, I gave 
 
 them contmandment. " The text as pointed hsis, Iddo, his brother. 
 
 found there none of the sons of Levi : see for the reason 
 general remarks on ii. 40-58. According to i Esd. viii. 42 and 
 Ltic. there were neither priests nor Levites, but the context 
 in Ezra (ver. 2, &c.) and in i Esd. (viii. 29, &c.) shows that priests 
 were with Ezra from the beginning. The fact that there was at this 
 time as well as at the time of the first expedition under Zerubbabel 
 and Jeshua a dearth of Levites is one of those * undesigned 
 coincidences ' which support the veracity of Ezra ii and the 
 present context. Had Ezra's work followed that of Nehemiah, 
 as V. Hoonacker, &c., hold, the same conditions are less likely to 
 have presented themselves, the distance in time from Cyrus 
 being 80 and 140 years, or the two dates of Ezra's arrival. 
 
 16. for : omit in each case. The preposition (/) so translated is in 
 Hebrew often and in Aramaic regularly used to introduce the accusa- 
 tive (see Ges.-KautzschW § 117 n.). Ezra sent Eliezer, Ariel, &c. 
 (v. 17), to Iddo, &c. So Luc.j Pesh., Vulg.,and modern commen- 
 tators. The LXX (not Luc.) and i Esdras agree with the E.VV. 
 
 Elnathan: the double mention of this name in the same 
 verse must be due to a copyist's error. 
 
 teachers : lit. ' those who caused to understand.' Dr. Adolf 
 Rosenzweig ^, followed hesitatingly by Bertholet, thinks that there 
 was in Babylon a class distinct from priests and Levites, whose 
 special province it was to teach the law. But the fact that in 
 almost every case this very word is used in describing the work 
 of the Levite goes far to show that no special class of the kind 
 indicated existed. See Neh. viii. 7, 9 ; i Chron. xv. 22 ; xxv. 8, 
 &c. Besides, if there were such a separate body of officials, why 
 have we no clear reference to it? The same word in Neh. viii. 2, 
 x, 29, means 'those who discern.' 
 
 17. I sent, &c. : render, ' I gave them a commission (or *com- 
 mandment ') to Iddo, head over (the Jewish colony) at the place 
 Casiphia (a Jewish centre in Babylon) ; and I told them (lit. 
 
 ^ Das Jahrhundert nach dem baby Ion, Exile, Berlin, 1885. 
 
EZRA 8. 18-20. E 127 
 
 Nethinim, at the place Casiphia, that they should bring 
 unto us ministers for the house of our God. And accord- 18 
 ing to the good hand of our God upon us they brought 
 us ^ a man of discretion, of the sons of Mahli, the son of 
 Levi, the son of Israel ; and Sherebiah, with his sons and 
 his brethren, eighteen ; and Hashabiah, and with him 19 
 Jeshaiah of the sons of Merari, his brethren and their 
 sons, twenty ; and of the Nethinim, whom David and 20 
 the princes had given for the service of the Levites, 
 
 * Or, Ishsechel 
 
 ' put into their mouth,' cf. Exod. iv. 15) what they were to say 
 to Iddo and his brethren the Levites and the Nethinim,' &c. 
 
 The Hebrew text must be changed, for as it stands it means 
 ' to Iddo and his brother the Nethinim.' The changes to this 
 from the fuller text, implied in the above translation, could be 
 easily made by a copyist, as a student of the original will see. 
 
 We do not know anything further than this verse tells us of 
 this Iddo or of the Jewish settlement at Casiphia. 
 
 ministers : the word is general, and can include priests 
 (Num. iii. 6, &c.) as well as Levites, Nethinim, &c. The LXX 
 (not Luc), misreading one Hebrew consonant, reads 'singers.' 
 
 18. according" to the good hand of our God : see on vii. 6. 
 
 a man of discretion: read ' Ishsechel' as R. Vm., a proper 
 name parallel to Sherebiah. For a similar proper name see 
 2 Sam. X. 6, Ish-tob (A. V.), not * men of Tob ' as R. V. (see Kittel 
 and Budde on). Why call an unnamed Levite 'a discreet man ' ? 
 Were the other Levites 'indiscreet'? 
 
 Malili was son of Merari (Exod. vi. 16. 19) and therefore 
 grandson of Levi. For 'son' (ben) = descendant see on vii. 1-5. 
 
 19. with him : we have here simply the sign of the accusa- 
 tive (they brought, . . Jeshaiah), with the wrong vowels inserted. 
 So LXX (not Luc), i Esdras, Guthe, Bertholet. 
 
 his (brethren) : read ' their ' : so i Esd. {Luc) viii. 47, Guthe, 
 Bertholet; cf. ^ their sons.'' 
 
 20. ITethinim : see on ii. 43-54. 
 
 given : the Hebrew word {nathan) is used with a reference 
 to the current view of the etymology of Nethinim (persons given 
 or devoted to God). 
 
 service : i. e. religious service. The same Hebrew word 
 has this sense in Exod, xxx. 16 and xxxviii. 21. The Nethinim 
 were to help the Levites in the work of the sanctuary, see Ezek. 
 xlix. 9 14 and on ii. 40-55. 
 
128 EZRA 8. 2r, 2 2. E 
 
 two hundred and twenty Nethinim : all of them were 
 21 expressed by name. Then I proclaimed a fast there, at 
 the river Ahava, that we might humble ourselves before 
 our God^ to seek of him a straight way, for us, and for 
 2 2 our litde ones, and for all our substance. For I was 
 ashamed to ask of the king a band of soldiers and horse- 
 men to help us against the enemy in the way : because 
 we had spoken unto the king, saying. The hand of our 
 
 expressed: lit. * perforated, punctured, marked with a point.' 
 See Lev. xxiv. ii (cf. Dillmann and Baentsch on) ; Num. i. 17 ; 
 I Chron. xii. 31, &c. The sense seems to be that in a complete 
 register the names of these persons were ticked off to indicate 
 the presence of the persons.^ Rabbinical writers say the verb 
 came to mean simply *to name,' and it is so rendered here by 
 the Syr., Vulg., 'were called by their names.' See on x. 16. 
 
 21-30. Preparations forthe journey. The incidents related inverses 
 15-30 must have taken place during the three days of encampment 
 at the river Ahava (ver. 15), i. e. from 9th to 12th Nisan (ver. 31). 
 
 21-23. The fast. Fasting is here a sign of humiliation before 
 God and an acknowledgement of dependence upon Him during 
 the journey about to be begun : see Dan. x. 12 ; Ps. xxxv. 13. 
 Similarly, before going forth to war, it was the custom to offer 
 sacrifice to Yahweh (i Sam. vii. 9 ; i Mace. iii. 47, &c.). The fasting 
 and the sacrificing constituted a prayer for help. 
 
 21. Z proclaimed a fast: see x. 6; Neh. viii. i ; 2 Chron. 
 XX. 3; Isa. i. 13; Joel i. 14, &c. The verb here ( = to 'call out') 
 is particularly used of proclaiming feast and fast days. See i. i 
 for another verb which with a noun is translated ' made proclama- 
 tion ' (see on i. i). 
 
 a straight way : i. e. a prosperous journey ; see Isa. xl. 3, 
 which is probably referred to, and where the same word occurs. 
 
 little ones: render, 'wives and little ones.' The Hebrew 
 word used has, according to Dillmann (see on Exod. xii, 37), 
 the sense ' wives and children ' in the Pentateuch source E, and 
 it is perfectly right, with Bertholet, to give it that wider sense 
 here. See Holzinger, Hexateuch, p. 287 ; see also Num. xxxii. 16, 
 17, 24; Judges xviii. 21. 
 
 substance : see on i. 4, where the word is translated ' goods.' 
 
 22. a band, &c. : Nehemiah did not scruple to accept such 
 protection: Neh. ii. 9, 
 
 enemy : i. e. Bedouin and other robbers such as travellers 
 encounter to-day. No special foe is thought of. 
 
 * See Additional Notes, p. 363. 
 
EZRA 8. 23-26. E 129 
 
 God is upon all them that seek him, for good ; but his 
 power and his wrath is against all them that forsake him. 
 So we fasted and besought our God for this : and he was 23 
 intreated of us. Then I separated twelve of the chiefs of 24 
 the ^ priests, ^even Sherebiah, Hashabiah, and ten of their 
 brethren with them, and weighed unto them the silver, 25 
 and the gold, and the vessels, even the offering for the 
 house of our God, which the king, and his counsellors, 
 and his princes, and all Israel there present, had offered : 
 I even weighed into their hand six hundred and fifty 26 
 talents of silver, and silver vessels an hundred talents ; of 
 
 • In Neh. xii. 24, Levitcs. ^ Or, besides 
 
 The hand of our Gol; see on vii. 6. 
 
 seek : the Hebrew word here denotes in general to seek for 
 something tliat has been lost, and not to seek to know about : see 
 on iv. 2 and vii. 10. 
 
 24-30, Guardians appointed for the gifts and offerings. 
 
 24. Render, ' Then I set apart twelve of the chiefs of the 
 priests, together with Sherebiah, Hashabiah, and ten of their 
 brethren with them.' Ezra selected two groups of twelve, one 
 being priests, the other Levites, as is implied in ver. 30, On the 
 number 12 see p. 51. 
 
 chiefs of the priests: not high-priests, but leading members 
 of the priestly class: lit. 'princes of the priests.' 
 
 even: for the prep. J) in Hebrew, which introduces the 
 accusative see on ver. i6 ; but read here with i Esd. 'and' or 'in 
 addition to' I'see R.Vm.). 
 
 Sherebiah and Hashabiah were Levites not priests. 
 
 25. See on vii. 15 f. and 19. 
 
 weigrhed: gold and silver coins are even now valued in 
 banks, &;c., by weight ; but in ancient times coins were not used, 
 and the precious metals were weighed. Shekel means literally 
 what is weighed out. 
 
 the offering: lit. 'what is lifted up,' so 'a present,' 
 a word much used in the P code, but hardly if at all before D. 
 It denotes in a general way a sacred gift, an offering to God, &c. 
 See Deut xii. 6, 11 ; Ezek. xliv. 30, &c. 
 
 there present : Heb. ' that could be found,' i. e. that happened 
 to be present ; see on Esther i, 5. 
 
 26. six hundred and fifty talents of silver: i.e. nearly 
 a quarter of a million pounds sterling (see on vii. 2a). A silver 
 talent had the value of about £360. 
 
 K 
 
130 EZRA 8. 27-29. E 
 
 27 gold an hundred talents ; and twenty bowls of gold, of a 
 thousand darics ; and two vessels of fine bright brass, 
 
 a8 precious as gold. And I said unto them. Ye are holy 
 unto the Lord, and the vessels are holy ; and the silver 
 and the gold are a freewill offering unto the Lord, the 
 
 29 God of your fathers. Watch ye, and keep them, until ye 
 weigh them before the chiefs of the priests and the 
 Levites, and the princes of the fathers' houses of Israel, 
 at Jerusalem, in the chambers of the house of the Lord. 
 
 (and silver vessels) an hundred talents : the value of the 
 silver would be approximately £360.000. 
 
 of g^old an hundred talents : a gold talent had the value of 
 something over £6,000. The sense intended here is, however, 
 probably the value of 100 talents of silver (see above) in nuggets 
 of gold : so Meyer (see op. cit., p. 69). The values given seem to 
 us very high, but they are not at all improbable, according 
 to Meyer, who is not a theologian but perhaps the greatest living 
 historian of Persia : see on vii. 22. 
 
 27. bowls of gfold : see on i. 10, 
 darics : see on ii. 69. 
 
 28. The bearers are holy, and what they bear with them is 
 holy too. 
 
 the God of your fathers : see on vii. 28. 
 
 29. chiefs of the priests and the Zaevites : see on ver. 24. 
 princes, &c. : read with || i Esd., Guthe, Bertholet : * the 
 
 heads of the fathers' houses ' : see on i. 5 and cf. iii. 12 ; i Chron. 
 xxix. 6. The same Hebrew word is rendered in the R.V. 
 chiefs and princes. The priests and Levites in charge of the 
 gifts on the journey (ver. 24) were, on reaching Jerusalem, to hand 
 them over to the representatives of the priests, Levites, and laity 
 already in that city. We have perhaps to conceive of a college or 
 governing body appointed by each of the classes mentioned. 
 
 chambers : it is better to keep this term for the Hebrew 
 word {sela') which stands for the rooms built immediately in con- 
 tact with the Temple (see i Kings vi. 5 ; i Chron. xxxviii, 12), and 
 to employ the word ' cell ' for the Hebrew word {liskhah) in the 
 present verse (so DB. iv. 699**, art. ' Temple '). There were thirty 
 of these 'cells' around the outer walls of the outer court of Eze- 
 kiel's temple : see Ezek. xl. 17-47, xlii. 1 fF. ; and cf. Ezra x. 6 
 Neh. X. 37, xiii. 4-7 and i Chron. ix. 26, They were used 
 store-rooms for Temple vessels, provisions, &c., but priests resided 
 in some of them : see x. 6 : Ezek. xl. 46, &c. 
 
 as 1 
 
 1 
 
EZRA 8. 30-34. E 131 
 
 So the priests and the Levites received the weight of the 30 
 silver and the gold, and the vessels, to bring them to 
 Jerusalem unto tlie house of our God. 
 
 Then we departed from the river of Ahava on the 31 
 twelfth day of the first month, to go unto Jerusalem : and 
 the hand of our God was upon us, and he delivered us 
 from the hand of the enemy and the lier in wait by the 
 way. And we came to Jerusalem, and abode there three 32 
 days. And on the fourth day was the silver and the 33 
 gold and the vessels weighed in the house of our God 
 » into the hand of Meremoth the son of Uriah the priest ; 
 and with him was Eleazar the son of Phinehas ; and with 
 them was Jozabad the son of Jeshua, and Noadiah the 
 son of Binnui, the Levites ; the whole by number and 34 
 by weight : and all the weight was written at that time. 
 ^ Or, by 
 
 30. priests . . . Iievites : see on ver. 24. 
 
 31-34. The departure ; arrival at Jerusalem ; delivery of the gifts. 
 
 31. first montli: i.e. Nisan, about our April, 
 hand, &c. : see on vii. 6. 
 
 enemy : see on ver. 22, and cf. next clause. 
 
 32. we came: for the direction of the journey see on vii. 9. 
 three dasrs: Nehemiah and his party also rested for three 
 
 daj's after reaching Jerusalem: see Neh. ii. 11. 
 
 33. the house, &c. : i. e. into the cells or store- rooms : see on 
 ver. 29. 
 
 Meremoth: see Neh. iii. 4, 21. There was some doubt as to 
 the priestly origin of the family {koz) when Zerubbabel and his party 
 reached Jerusalem : see Neh. vii. 63 ; but see i Chron. xxix. ao. 
 
 Eleazar : see on viii. 2. 
 
 Jozabad: mentioned in x. 23 and in Neh. vii. 7 (see on) as 
 a Levite. 
 
 Noadiah: not mentioned elsewhere, but his father or an- 
 cestor Binnui is named in Neh. x. 10 and xii. 8 as a Levite. 
 
 It will be seen that, as the gifts and offerings were in charge of 
 twelve priests and twelve Levites duringthe journey (see on ver. 24'!. 
 so they are received at the Temple by two priests and two Levites. 
 
 34. by number: i. e. the vessels. 
 
 by weight : i. e. the gold and silver. 
 
 at that time : to be joined with the next verse, as by 
 
 K 2 
 
132 EZRA 8. 36, 3<5. E 
 
 35 The children of the captivity, which were come out of 
 exile, offered burnt offerings unto the God of Israel, 
 twelve bullocks for all Israel, ninety and six rams, 
 seventy and seven lambs, twelve he^goats for a sin offer- 
 
 36 ing : all this was a burnt offering unto the Lord. And 
 they delivered the king's commissions unto the king's 
 satraps, and to the governors beyond the river : and they 
 furthered the people and the house of God. 
 
 the LXX (not Luc, nor i Esd.). There were no punctuation 
 marks in Hebrew when Ezra-Nehemiah was written, though the 
 recently discovered Aramaic Papyri show that words were usually 
 separated. 
 
 35. Sacrifice of thanksgiving. 
 
 children of the captivity : Ezra and his party just returned 
 from exile : see on ii. i and iv. i. 
 
 offered, &:c. : see vi. 17, where we read of the very similar 
 sacrifices offered by Zerubbabel and his party when the Temple was 
 dedicated. 
 
 'btUlocks . . . rams . . . lambs : see on vi. 17. The number 
 of these offered was larger on the occasion implied in vi. 17. 
 
 twelve he-gfoats : see on vi. 17. 
 
 sin offerinGf: see on vi. 17. 
 
 all this was a "burnt offering" ; i. e. was wholly consumed, 
 
 36. the king's commissions : see especiall^'^ vii. 21 f., 24. 
 satraps : the word in the M.T. (from which through the 
 
 Greek our word is derived) is Persian, and occurs nowhere else 
 in Ezra-Nehemiah, but it is found thrice in Esther and eight times in 
 Daniel. There w^as but one satrap in Transpotamia (see on iv. 
 10), but the heads of contiguous satrapies (Egypt, &c.) would need 
 to be informed of the king's instructions. Darius divided his 
 dominions into twenty provinces or satrapies : see on Esther i. i. 
 
 governors : sub-satraps, rulers of parts of the Transpotamian 
 satrapj--, Samaria, Judah, &c. But the same Heb. and Aram, word 
 {pekhah, cf. Persian />«s// a) has the meaning 'satrap' in v. 6, vi. 6, 
 Neh. iii. 7. 
 
 satraps and governors occur together, and therefore with a 
 different meaning, besides here in Dan. iii. 2; Esther iii. 12, viii.9, 
 ix. 3. The word for * governor ' has its narrow sense in Hag. i. i, 
 10, ii. I, 21 (Zerubbabel, the sub-satrap or governor of Judah). 
 
 Meyer 1 says that the Assyrian pakhatj Hebrew and Aramaic 
 pekhah, was in the Persian period the usual term (so Greek 
 (napxos) representing the Persian for ' satrap,' the latter occurring 
 
 ^ Entstehung, 31 f. (n.). 
 
EZRA 9. E 133 
 
 only in O.T. writings of the Seleucid period (Daniel, Esther). 
 But what of the present passage ? He is hardly right in his state- 
 ment that pckltah has this wider meaning (as satrap) throughout 
 Ezra-Nehemiah, Haggai, and Mai. i. 8. As a matter of fact, it 
 never has this sense in Haggai or Malachi, and but occasionally 
 in Ezra-Nehemiah : see on Neh. ii. 9. 
 
 IX f. (i Esd. viii. 68-ix. 36). 
 
 Ezra's Grief at hearing of the Mixed Marriages and the 
 
 Measures he took to put an End to them. 
 
 According to Torrey ^ and Kent ^ (who slavishly follows him at 
 almost every point) Neh. vii. 70-73* joins immediately on to Ezra viii. 
 It is, however, quite clear that these verses were copied in connexion 
 with the preceding list from the document which has its primary 
 place in ch. ii (see introductory remarks to that chapter) : so 
 Schrader, R. Smend, Ryssel, Kuenen, Stade, Cornill, Driver, 
 Konig, Kosters, Ryle, Baudissin, Bertholet, Siegfried, &c. 
 
 Torrey and Kent make Neh. vii. 73^-x (with some excepted 
 parts) follow Neh. vii. 73*. The sequence of events would in that 
 case be as follows : — 
 
 1. The arrival at Jerusalem ; Ezra and the incidents which im- 
 mediately followed, Ezra vii. 32-36 + Neh. vii. 70-73*. 
 
 2. The public reading of the law, Neh. vii. 73''-viii. 1-12. 
 
 3. Observance of the Feast of Tabernacles, Neh. viii. 13-18. 
 
 4. Ezra's crusade against mixed marriages, Ezraix-x+i Esd. 
 viii. 68-ix. 36. 
 
 I Esd. and Josephus (who, however, generally follows the 
 former) place No. 4 second in the above sequence of events, the 
 order then being (using the above numbers) i, 4, 2, 3. 
 
 Torrey says that on arriving at Jerusalem the first thing 
 which Ezra was Hkely to do was to read the law. He was an 
 expert in the law of Moses (Ezra vii. 6), and had brought it with 
 him (ver. 14) that he might teach and apply it (verses 25 f.}. 
 
 According to the M. T., i Esd. and Josephus, Ezra's first experi- 
 ence on reaching Jerusalem (after what is related in Ezra viii. 31-36) 
 was to be informed of the mixed marriages, whereupon he deals 
 with the same. Then, according to i Esd. and Josephus, the law 
 was read. That is, i Esd. and Josephus place Neh. vii. 73*-x 
 immediately after Ezra x, not as Torrey after Ezra vii. It is 
 assumed here that Neh. vii. 73''-x is in its wrong place, for it is 
 Ezra's history that it gives, and it belongs therefore to Ezra (see 
 on Neh. vii. 73^ &c.). 
 
 What is most likely to have happened immediately after Ezra 
 had fairly settled down in Jerusalem ? Torrey says that Ezra 
 would read and explain the law which he had brought with him. 
 
 ^ Composition, &c., 29 ff. 
 
 ' Israel's Historical and Biographical Narratives, 369 ff. 
 
134 EZRA 9. J. E 
 
 9 Now when these things were done, the princes drew 
 
 It seems to the present writer much more probable that on dis- 
 covering how his fellow countr3-men had intermarried with the 
 heathen, he would at once seek to remove this evil, for it ate at 
 the very root of Judaism as then conceived. What is the use of a 
 Jewish law unless you have a pure Jewish people? Ezra could 
 not but have perceived the evil immediately after he had begun 
 to look around, even if the princes (or nobles? see on Ezra ix. i) 
 had not informed him. It is hard to conceive of the events of 
 Neh. vii, 73'^-viii. 18 happening without the most distant reference 
 to what caused Ezra the greatest surprise and the pro foundest grief. 
 
 On the contrary, having discovered the extent to which his 
 people had departed from the faith and practice of their fathers, 
 and having induced them to live a separate life and thus to consti- 
 tute a Jewish community, a church nation, the next natural step 
 would be to read to this regenerate society the laws which belonged 
 to them, and which were intended for their guidance. He must 
 have a Jewish people before he will teach the law which was held 
 to belong pre-eminently to that people. In addition to any force 
 that may lie in the above a prion reasoning as to what was likely 
 to take place we have the testimony of i Esd. and Josephus as to 
 what actually occurred. See further on Neh. vii. 73^, &c. 
 
 1-5. Ezra's astonishment and grief at hearing of the mixed 
 marriages. 
 
 1. wlieu these thingrs were done: lit. 'had been finished,' 
 ' brought to an end.' The same phrase almost verbatim occurs in 
 I Chron. xxxi. i, and the verb in a similar form in 2 Chron. xx. 23, 
 xxiv. 14, due to the fact that the Chronicler copied the older 
 narrative in the present connexion. 
 
 By * these things ' we are to understand the events recorded 
 in ch. viii. We have obviously to think of a period immediately 
 following Ezra's arrival to account for his surprise on hearing 
 of the mixed marriages. We have other indications of time 
 in vii. 8, viii. 33, and x. 8 f. Inasmuch as Ezra arrived and the 
 sacred gifts were handed over to the priests and Levites in the 
 fifth month (vii. 8), and the general assembly to deal with the 
 mixed marriages met in the ninth month (x. 8 f.), we have in the 
 present verse to think of a time somewhere between the fifth and 
 ninth month of the year 458 b. c. 
 
 princes : Hebrew sarim, the national leaders in civil and 
 military matters, not necessarily members of the royal family ; cf. 
 the strict sense of the English word. In the post-exilic Jewish 
 community the Hebrew word came probably to denote the heads 
 of the Jerusalem clans, priestly, Levitical, and laj'. See G. A. 
 Smith, Jerusalem^ i. 382 ff., where the now common view is 
 defended that 5f7m;i = government officials. 
 
EZRA 9. 2. E 135 
 
 near unto me, saying, The people of Israel, and the 
 priests and the Levites, have not separated themselves 
 from the peoples of the lands, doifig according to their 
 abominations, even of the Canaanites, the Hittites, the 
 Perizzites, the Jebusites, the Ammonites, the Moabites, 
 the Egyptians, and the Amorites. For they have taken 2 
 of their daughters for themselves and for their sons ; so 
 that the holy seed have mingled themselves with the 
 
 The people of Israel, &c. : render, ' The people (including) 
 Israel ( = the common people), the priests and the Levites,' &c. 
 The translation * people of Israel ' is allowed by the Hebrew ac- 
 cording to a rather rare construction (' nom. apposition '), but in 
 any case three classes are mentioned. See on x. 25. 
 
 the peoples of the lands : see on iii. 3. The races men- 
 tioned must not be literally understood. They are given merely 
 as samples of what is meant. There could be no Hittites now in 
 Palestine, and hardly Perizzites or Jebusites : on the last see p. 233. 
 
 Here it is implied that marriage with any non- Jewish people 
 was forbidden. The older law prohibited marriage with Canaan- 
 ites, Ammonites, and Moabites (see Exod. xxxiv. i6 ; Deut. vii. 3, 
 xxiii. 3 ; cf. Neh. xiii. i), but allowed marriage with Edomites 
 and Egyptians (Deut. xxiii. 2). The law in Deut. xxi. 10 f. per- 
 mitted marriage with non-Jews who were not Canaanites : see on 
 vi. 21. Ezra must have felt that the continued existence of Judaism 
 rendered it necessary to put an end to the intermarriage of Jews 
 with others : cf. Ezek. xliv. 
 
 doing' . . . abominations: render, ' as regards their abomina- 
 tions.' This last word denotes here not idolatrous practices as 
 usually (Deut. xviii. 9 ; i Kings xiv. 24, &c.), but the mixed 
 marriages. 
 
 even of : better, '^viz.' In Hebrew a preposition (/) is used 
 which commonly introduces an enumeration of details. 
 
 Canaanites: dwellers in the lowlands west of the central 
 mountain range of Palestine, though the word cannot be proved 
 from either Heb. or Aram, etymology to mean ' lowlander.' In J 
 and corresponding parts of the O. T., as in the Tel-el-Amarna 
 tablets, Canaanites are the original inhabitants of West Palestine 
 (see Amos ii. 9), a sense in which in E and D (Deut, i. 27, &c.), 
 as generally in Babylonian, the word * Amorites ' is used. 
 
 the Amorites : read (with i Esd. viii. 66) ' the Edomites.' 
 2. have taken: as wives. So x. 44 ; 2 Chron. xi. ai, xiii. ar. 
 
 holy seed: i.e. the people (so often in Heb.) separated, in 
 theory, to God : see Isa. vi. 13 ; and cf. Exod. xix. 5 f. ; i Pet. ii. 5. 
 
136 EZRA 9. 3,4. E 
 
 peoples of the lands : yea^ the hand of the princes and 
 
 3 ^ rulers hath been ^ chief in this trespass. And when I 
 heard this thing, I rent my garment and my mantle, and 
 plucked off the hair of my head and of my beard, and 
 
 4 sat down astonied. Then were assembled unto me every 
 one that trembled at the words of the God of Israel, be- 
 cause of the trespass of them of the captivity ; and I sat 
 
 "" Or, deputies ^ Or j first 
 
 mingled themselves : by marriage. The same verb in the 
 same sense occurs in Ps. cvi. 34 f. 
 
 peoples of the lands : see on iii. 8. 
 
 princes : see on ver. i. 
 
 rulers : the Hebrew word here is probably a marginal gloss : 
 only one word occurs in the LXX, though in i Esd. viii. 70 (* rulers 
 and great men') and in the Syr. ('elders and Levites ') there 
 are two, as in the M. T. The Hebrew word here is a transliterated 
 form of the Assyrian Shakmi (a general, a governor of a province) 
 and is in Ezra-Nehemiah almost certainly a synonym for the word 
 translated 'princes': so Meyer, Entstehung, 133 ff., Bertholet, 
 Benzinger, Bib. Aych.<'^\ 263. 
 
 3. I rent my (inner) garment and my (outer") mantle : for 
 similar manifestations of grief and indignation see Gen. xxxvii. 29, 
 34; Lev. X. 6; Joshua vii ; Judges xi. 35 ; Job i. 20, &c. ; and 
 Esther iv. i. 
 
 and plucked off (Heb. some of) the hair of my head : bald- 
 ness is a sign of deep sorrow in Job i. 20; Ezek. vii. 18; Amos 
 viii. 10, but in these cases the hair is apparently shaved off (see 
 especially Job i. 2o\ See Homer's Odyssey, x end : ^ They sat 
 - . . lamented and plucked each his hair.' Plucking off the hair of 
 another is a sign of indignation (Neh. xiii. 25) or of cruelty (Isa. 1. 6). 
 
 my beard : plucking the beard as a sign of grief, nowhere 
 else mentioned in the O. T. 
 
 astonied : Old English for ' astonished ' in the sense of being 
 'bewildered,' ' dumbfounded,' which is a common meaning of the 
 Hebrew word in either the transitive (Dan. xi. 31) or intransitive 
 (Job xxi. 5 ; Ezek. iii. 15) sense. 
 
 4. every one that trembled, &c. : see x. 3 ; Isa. Ixvi. 2. 
 
 at the words, &c. : i. e. at the consequences of infringing 
 enactments on the Divine law forbidding the sin in question. 
 
 because of the trespass of them of the captivity : these 
 words carry with them the implication that, contrary to Kosters' 
 view, there was a return before that of Ezra : see Introd. p. 23 ff., 
 and for trespass see on x. 2. 
 
EZRA 9. 5. E 137 
 
 astonied until the evening oblation. And at the even- 5 
 ing oblation I arose up from my ^ humiliation, even with 
 my garment and my mantle rent ; and I fell upon my 
 knees, and spread out my hands unto the Lord my God ; 
 
 * Or, fasting 
 
 astonied : see on v. 3. 
 
 until the evening: oblation : i.e. until the evening. Similarly 
 in I Kings xviii. 29 and Judges ix. i. See on iii. 5. In 2 Kings 
 xvi. 15 we read of the morning burnt offering (flesh) and of the 
 evening meal (vegetable) offering. The latter is the word em- 
 ployed here, and, denoting primarily a gift, is used for a sacrifice 
 of any kind. It came to denote specially the meal or vegetable offer- 
 ings which in post-exilic times (P) accompanied the burnt offering 
 (see Exod. xxix. 42 ; Num. xxviii. 3-8). 
 
 In late pre-exilic times the minkhah or meal offering was 
 presented in the evening (see 2 Kings xvi. 15 ; cf. i Kings xviii. 
 29? 36). This custom seems to be implied in Neh. x. 33 (34), see 
 on. The exact time of this sacrifice was perhaps that called in 
 later Hterature 'between the two evenings,' i.e. (probably) be- 
 tween the beginning of sunset and dark (see Exod, xii, 6 and 
 Num. xxviii. 4). According to Ezekiel's programme (Ezek. xlvi. 
 13-15) the burnt and meal offerings were to be assigned to the 
 morning alone. The later custom presented a burnt offering, as 
 also a meal and a drink offering (as the accompaniment of the 
 first), both morning and evening : see Exod. xxix. 38-42 and 
 Num. xxviii. 3-8 (both late P), 
 
 5-15. Ezra's confession (||i Esd. viii, 70 (72)-87 (89)). Note 
 the strong Deuteronomic and Jeremianic colouring of this prayer 
 and of that in Neh, ix. 6-38, and observe how Ezra identifies 
 himself with the nation in its guilt, according to the ancient 
 principle of the oneness or solidarity of society (see Psalms, vol. ii, 
 in this series, pp. 21, 195, and 218). The prayer in Dan. ix. 4-T9 
 has this same feature. 
 
 5. the eveninsr oblation: see on v. 4. 
 
 humiliation : so (rightly) the LXX (including Luc,^. The 
 Heb. noun occurs here only in the O. T., though the cognate verb 
 ( = ' to be humbled,' ' afflicted ') is of frequent occurrence. In post- 
 biblical Hebrew it denotes ' fasting,' and in p Esd. and R. V. it 
 is (wrongly) so translated. 
 
 with my garment . . . rent : not a second time : see ver. 3. 
 
 Z fell upon my knees: see i Kings viii, 54 and Dan. vi. 10. 
 But prayer was offered standing also : see i Sam. i. 9 ; i Kings 
 viii. 22 ; Matt. v. 5. 
 
 spread out my hands unto the LORD my Ood : see Exod. 
 
138 EZRA 9. 6-8. E 
 
 6 and I said, O my God, I am ashamed and blush to lift 
 up my face to thee, my God : for our iniquities are in- 
 creased over our head, and our guiltiness is grown up 
 
 7 unto the heavens. Since the days of our fathers we have 
 been ^ exceeding guilty unto this day ; and for our iniqui- 
 ties have we^, our kings, and our priests, been delivered 
 into the hand of the kings of the lands, to the sword, to 
 captivity, and to spoiling^ and to confusion of face, as it 
 
 8 is this day. And now for a Httle moment grace hath 
 
 * Heb. /// great guiltiness. 
 
 ix. 27, xvii. II ; I Kings viii. 22; 2 Chion. vi. 12 f.; Isa. i. 15 ; 
 2 Mace. iii. 20. In early times the custom wal in prayer to 
 spread the hands towards the altar, the supposed abode of deity. 
 See many representations of such on Egyptian monuments. 
 In later times the face was turned during prayer towards Jerusa- 
 lem (see 2 Chron. vi. 34 ; Dan. vi. 11), as among the Jews still, and 
 as Moslems pray looking towards Mecca, Perhaps, however, the 
 raising of the hands and eyes (Ps. cxxiii. i, see on in Century Bible) 
 in prayer is a survival of astral religion. Some anthropologists 
 hold that when in prayer the hands were first raised it was in depre- 
 cation, the open parts of the hands being turned towards the deity. 
 
 6. See Jer. vi. 15, viii. 12. 
 
 I am ashamed and blush : the same two verbs in Jer. xxxi. 
 19 and viii. 12, and in another form (Hiphil) in Jer.vi. 15. The second 
 verb, from a root = * to strike,' has reference to the pain accom- 
 panying the feeling of shame, and might be rendered 'distressed.' 
 
 for our iniquities are increased over oxir head, so that 
 they are like to overwhelm us. See Ps. xxxviii. 4. 
 
 our ^iltiness (= liability to punishment) . . . unto the 
 heavens : the same figure 2 Chron. xxviii. 9. 
 
 7. See Neh. ix. 32 and cf. Dan. ix. 7. 
 
 king's of the lands : i. e. of heathen lands, but the reference is 
 in particular to the kings of Assyria and Babylon : see Neh. ix. 32. 
 
 confusion: lit. 'shame.' 
 
 as it is this day : it is for their iniquities that they are now 
 subject to the king of Persia. Their sufferings are due to their sins. 
 
 8. And now : i. e. since Zerubbabel's return. 
 
 for a little moment : the space of eighty years since Cyrus 
 issued his decree is small in comparison with the long periods 
 of Israel's rebellion and punishment. For the expression see 
 Isa. xxvi. 20. 
 
 gYace : i. e. ' favour.' Except here and in Joshua xi. ao the 
 
EZRA 9. 9. E 139 
 
 been shewed from the Lord our God, to leave us a rem- 
 nant to escape, and to give us a ^ nail in his holy place, 
 that our God may lighten our eyes, and give us a little 
 reviving in our bondage. For we are bondmen ; yet our 9 
 
 * See Is. xxii. 23. 
 
 Hebrew word has the sense of supplication. The verbal root 
 denotes, however, 'to show pity,' or 'favour.' 
 
 to leave us a remnant to escape : better, ' leaving us 
 a remnant of escaped ones,' the last two words representing 
 a Hebrew word (' that which has escaped ') used in Exod. 
 X. 5 and Joel ii. 3 of the land which escaped the ravages 
 of the locusts. This Hebrew word is a great one in 
 Isaiah for that part of Israel which survived the judgements of 
 Yahweh : see Isa. iv. 2, x. 10, xxxvii. 31 f. Here it 
 may have this general Isaianic sense, but it seems probable 
 in the light of verses 13-15 and especially of Neh. i, 2. that 
 the returned exiles are meant. In reckoning up the forces for 
 righteousness, Ezra and Nehemiah take little account of the 
 Jews who were not removed into exile. 
 
 to give us a nail : the language is based on Isaiah (xxii. 
 23), as is that of the preceding phrase, and must have here the 
 same sense as in the original passage. A nail fastened into 
 a wall to hold utensils is fixed and immovable. The ' remnant of 
 escaped ones ' is the nail now at length restored and established 
 at Jerusalem (his holy place). The word translated nail means 
 also tent-pin, and most expositors think the figure is that of a tent 
 made and kept firm by the various pins driven into the ground 
 (see Isa. liv. 2). But the reference is to Isa. xxii. 23, and we 
 have ' nail ' (or * pin '), not * nails ' (' pins '). In || i Esdras for 
 ' nail ' we find ' root and name.' 
 
 may lighten our eyes : i. e. may give us the joy which 
 shows itself in bright shining eyes. The same figure in i Sam. 
 xiv. 27, 29 ; Ps. xiii. 4 ; Prov. xxix. 13. The corresponding phrase 
 in I Esdras is 'to discover our light' (or ' lightbearer ') 'in the 
 house of the Lord our God,' which Guthe reads here also. 
 
 a little reviving (|| i Esdras, ' food ' : so the Heb. word in 
 Judges vi. 4, xvii. 10). The writer seems to have in mind 
 Ezek. xxxvii. 1-14, where the restoration of the nation to Jeru- 
 salem is graphically set forth under the figure of the reviving of 
 dead bones. The realization of this prediction has in some 
 measure (cf. little) taken place. 
 
 in our bondage : see vcr. 9. 
 9. bondmen: being subject to the Persian government. The 
 repeated expressions referring to the subjection in verses 8 f. 
 show how the thought rankled in their bosoms. 
 
140 EZRA 9. lo, II. E 
 
 God hath not forsaken us in our bondage, but hath ex- 
 tended mercy unto us in the sight of the kings of Persia, to 
 give us a reviving, to set up the house of our God, and to 
 repair the * ruins thereof, and to give us a ^ wall in Judah 
 
 10 and in Jerusalem. And now, O our God, what shall we 
 say after this ? for we have forsaken thy commandments, 
 
 11 which thou hast commanded by thy servants the prophets, 
 saying. The land, unto which ye go to possess it, is an 
 unclean land through the uncleanness of the peoples of 
 
 * Or, waste places ** Or, fence 
 
 hath extended mercy tinto us : render, * has shown us 
 favour.' 
 
 the kiugrs of Persia : i. e. Cyrus, Darius I, and Artaxerxes I. 
 
 to ffive ... to set up . . . and to repair, &c. : render 
 • giving . . . setting up . . . and repairing,' &c. We have here 
 an enumeration of three ways in which God displayed His favour 
 to the nation: (i) He restored them, or at least some of them: 
 see on ver. 8 (a little reviving). (2) He enabled them to 
 rebuild the Temple structure (see iii-vi), even to restore the parts 
 which had been pulled down or injured. (3) He defended them 
 from their enemies round about. 
 
 a wall: to be understood figuratively as in R.V. *a fence,' 
 'giving us protection against our foes in the city and its outskirts,' 
 setting as it were a hedge about them, such as surrounds a vine- 
 yard (see Isa. v. 5 and Ps. Ixxx. 12, where the same word is 
 used). The walls of Jerusalem cannot be meant, as thej' were not 
 yet built (see Neh. ii. 11-17) ; and besides, such walls could not 
 surround 'Jerusalem and Judah.' Kosters' argument from this 
 verse that this chapter has its right place after Nehemiah falls 
 thus to the ground. Oettli explains : * Has made us a separate, 
 independent community.' 
 
 11. which thou hast commanded by thy servants the 
 prophets : no such words occur in the prophetical or any other 
 parts of the O.T. Ezra seems to be giving the gist of what the 
 law taught : see Lev. xviii. 24 f., 27. We should, however, have 
 expected ' Moses ' and not the prophets to have been mentioned, 
 in harmony with the custom in Ezra and Nehemiah when the 
 laws of the Pentateuch are referred to. 
 
 unclean land : the exact expression occurs nowhere else in 
 the O.T. In Lev. xviii. 25 the Hebrew words so translated mean 
 lit. * a land made * (or ' that has become ') ' unclean.' See 2 Chron. 
 xxix. 5, and in contrast Isa. xxxvi. 17. 
 
EZRA 9. 12, 13. E 141 
 
 the lands, through their abominations, which have filled 
 it from one end to another with their filthiness. Now 12 
 therefore give not your daughters unto their sons, neither 
 take their daughters unto your sons, nor seek their peace 
 or their prosperity for ever : that ye may be strong, and 
 eat the good of the land, and leave it for an inheritance 
 to your children for ever. And after all that is come 13 
 upon us for our evil deeds, and for our great guilt, seeing 
 that thou our God hast punished us less than our iniqui- 
 
 12. er^ve not your daug'hters, &c. : so substantially Deut. 
 vii. 3. 
 
 nor seek, &c. : so Deut. xxiii. 6. 
 
 peace : the Hebrew word embraces in its meaning whatever is 
 essential to perfect well-being : see on v. 7 and on Ps. cxix. 165 
 {Century Bible). 
 
 that ye may be strong* : see Deut. xi. 8. 
 
 and eat the good of the land : see Isa. i. 19 and Gen. 
 xlv. 18. 
 
 13-15. Is it possible that, notwithstanding the lesson of our 
 punishment, our nation is, contrary to thy command, once more 
 guilty of intermarrying with foreigners ? Wilt thou not put an 
 end to us ? But thou art faithful to thy word, and dost preserve 
 a remnant though we are guilty. 
 
 13. One restraining thought alone is mentioned : the suffering 
 of the nation on account of its sin. The words seeing* that, &c., 
 to the end of the verse are intended to show that the guilt, the 
 deserving, was beyond the actual punishment. 
 
 Ood hast punished us less, &c. : this is the correct sense of 
 the original, which might be more literally rendered : < Thou hast 
 relented ' (the same verb in Isa. xiv. 6) or, ' Thou hast restrained 
 thy anger ' (the word ' anger ' is to be supplied with the verbs 
 s/iamar and natar *to keep') 'according to a scale of sins fewer 
 than ours': i.e. 'Thou hast treated us better than our sins 
 called for.' 
 
 Other renderings of the verse are : (i) * Thou hast held back 
 some of our sins,' i. e. prevented them from overwhelming us, 
 a reference to ver. 6 ('our iniquities are increased over our 
 heads '). So Siegfried, &c. (2) * Thou hast judged us ' ^altering 
 one Hebrew letter for another like it) ' more favourably than our 
 sins deserved ' : so Syr., Bertholet, Buhl. (3) * Thou hast 
 lightened our sins,' i.e. lightened or lessened the punishment of 
 them : so the LXX and i Esdras. 
 
142 EZRA 9. 14—10. I. E Ce 
 
 14 ties deserve, and hast given us such a remnant, shall we 
 again break thy commandments, and join in affinity 
 with the peoples that do these abominations ? wouldest 
 not thou be angry with us till thou hadst consumed us, so 
 
 15 that there should be no remnant, nor any to escape ? O 
 Lord, the God of Israel, thou art righteous ; for we are 
 left a remnant that is escaped, as it is this day : behold, 
 we are before thee in our guiltiness ; for none can stand 
 before thee because of this. 
 
 10 [Ce] Now while Ezra prayed,and made confession, weep- 
 ing and casting himself down before the house of God, 
 
 14. shall we asfaiu break, &c. : better, * do we again,' &c. 
 They were actually guilty of this sin : see ver. 15. The form of 
 the Hebrew verb (imperfect) can be translated by the present or 
 by the future. 
 
 ag-ain : referring to the fact implied in Deut. vii. 1-7, that 
 the Israelites had been guilty of intermarrying with the natives on 
 reaching Canaan from Egypt. 
 
 join in affinity : lit. ' become sons in law.' 
 
 the peoples that do (lit. 'of') these abominations: LXX 
 and I Esdras : < the people of these lands ' (or * religions '), imply- 
 ing a rather similarly written Hebrew word which may be the 
 original one : see on iii. 3. 
 
 abominations: see on ver. i. 
 
 remnant : lit. * what is left over ' (after a sifting process by 
 punishment). 
 
 any to escape: one word in Hebrew — that translated 
 remnant in ver. 13. 
 
 15. ri^rhteous: i.e. 'faithful' according to the late meaning 
 found in Isa. xl.ff. So i Esdras, 'thou art true' {dXijOivos). It 
 was God's faithfulness in keeping the word of His promise that 
 secured the preservation of a remnant : see Isa. x. 20 ff., xi. 11 ff., 
 &c., and Neh. ix. 33. 
 
 guiltiness : the Hebrew and English words denote * lia- 
 bility to punishment.' 
 
 for none, &c. : render, ' for it is impossible on account of 
 this thing to stand before thee.' 
 
 stand: see Ezek. xxii. 14 ; Ps. Ixxvi. 7, Ixxx. 3 ; Dan. x. 17. 
 
 (because of) this : Heb. neut. ' this thing ' : i. e. the sin in 
 question. 
 
EZRA 10. Cr, 143 
 
 X (II I Esd. viii-ix. 36). 
 
 Repentance of the People on Account of the Mixed Mar- 
 riages AND THE Steps they took to put an End to the 
 Evil. 
 
 In the preceding chapter Ezra is the speaker, and the first 
 person (I, &c.) is accordingly used. In the present chapter, on 
 the contrary, he is spoken of in the third person (he, &c.). The 
 difference is generally accounted for by supposing that in chap, x 
 Ezra's own words have been worked over and altered by an 
 editor. See p. 16 ff. 
 
 1-8. The people take an oath to put away their non-Jewish 
 wives (and the children they had borne them ?). 
 
 To most readers it will appear cruelly immoral and irreligious 
 to require the abandonment of wives that were not of Jewish 
 descent and of the children begotten by them : see, however, on 
 ver. 44, which favours the idea that in most cases the children 
 were not put away. How different Paul's teaching respecting 
 mixed marriages (i Cor. vii. 10 ff.) ! But one has to bear in mind 
 the peculiar circumstances and the dominating ideas of the day. 
 The ancients did not attach to marriage the sanctity and binding 
 force with which Christian nations have invested it, so that the 
 separation of married persons was much easier and more frequent 
 (see Matt. v. 32, xix. 9). 
 
 Purity of racial blood was always, and especially at the time in 
 question, a matter of supreme moment. The nation was believed, as 
 such, to have been selected to be the world's teacher. For this it 
 was to keep itself apart from other nations. The idea of national and 
 ceremonial purity was now particularly deep in the national con- 
 sciousness, owing in large part to the teaching of the Deuterono- 
 mist and Ezekiel. To the priests of these times there was no 
 middle way between purity and impurity : compromise was im- 
 possible. It must, however, be remembered that there was an 
 anti-puritan as well as a puritan party, and of this the Book of 
 Ruth is one exponent. See Bertholet, Die Stelluug, &c. 
 
 1-5. The people confess their guilty and undertake to put away the 
 strange wives. 
 
 1. made confession: the Hebrew verb so translated means to 
 give thanks, praise, and (as here and in Neh. i. 6 and ix. 2 f.) to 
 make acknowledgement of sin. Ezra made confession on behalf of 
 the people's sin, because, being one of them, he shared their guilt 
 according to the old idea of national solidarity : see p. 137, and on 
 Ps. cvi. 6 {Century Bible). 
 
 castingr himself down, &c. : stretching hands towards the 
 Temple, the supposed abode of Deity : see i Kings viii. 29 f., 35 
 and Dan. vi. 10 and on Ps. cxxi. i {Century Bible): This would be 
 in the priests' court, on the eastern side of the house, perhaps in 
 
144 
 
 there was gathered together unto him out of Israel a very 
 great congregation of men and women and children : for 
 
 3 the people wept very sore. And Shecaniah^ the son of 
 Jehiel, one of the sons of Elam^ answered and said unto 
 Ezra, We have trespassed against our God, and have 
 married strange women of the peoples of the land ; yet 
 
 3 now there is hope for Israel concerning this thing. Now 
 therefore let us make a covenant with our God to put 
 
 front of the altar of burnt offerings. The people assembled in 
 the great court could see and hear him. 
 
 Israel : the whole community, not as in ix. i (see on), and 
 often in Ezra-Nehemiah the lay portion. 
 
 congrregation : see on ii. 64. The Hebrew denotes in par- 
 ticular a gathering for worship. 
 
 men, women, and children: see Deut. xxix. 11, xxxi. la ; 
 a Chron. xx. 13 ; Neh. viii. 3, x. 28. 
 
 women : i. e. the Jewish wives whose sympathies would be 
 sure to side with Ezra's crusade. 
 
 children : not the word used for infants {taphy see Esther iii. 
 13 and viii. 11). The noun used in 1 Esdras {neanias) is applied to 
 Saul in Acts vii. 58. Josephus uses it of Agrippa I at the age of forty. 
 
 2. Shecaniah ; see viii. 3 and cf. ver. 26. Did he take action 
 against his own father ? 
 
 sons of Elam: see ii, 7, viii. 7. 
 
 trespassed : the Hebrew verb (nia'al) is used of violating an 
 express command : see verses 6, 10 ; Neh. i. 8, xiii. 27. The 
 cognate noun occurs in ix. 2, 4, which see for what is here meant : 
 see on ver. 13 (transgressed). 
 
 married: lit. 'to give a home to,* an idiom = * to marry,' 
 found only in Ezra-Nehemiah, perhaps with the implication that 
 the union in question was not true marriage : see the next note. 
 
 strange (women) : this adjective is used in Proverbs (ii. 16, 
 vii. 5, &c.) to describe a harlot ; the women whom they had living 
 with them were harlots^ not wives : see last note (peoples of the) 
 land : see on iii. 3. 
 
 3. covenant: the only occurrence of the word in Ezra. Here it 
 denotes a vow or solemn undertaking made to God, as in 2 Chron. 
 xxix. 6. 
 
 Usually God is said to make a covenant with men, as in Ezek. 
 xxiv. 35. 
 
 put away : lit. ' to put out,' as in ver. 19, i. e. to remove from 
 the houses the ' strange women ' whom they had introduced : see 
 on ver. 2 (marry). The ordinary word for putting away a wife 
 
EZRA 10. 4-6. Ci: 145 
 
 away all the wives, and such as are born of them, accord- 
 ing to the counsel of ^ my lord, and of those that tremble 
 at the commandment of our God ; and let it be done ac- 
 cording to the law. Arise ; for the matter belongeth 4 
 unto thee, and we are with thee : be of good courage, 
 and do it. Then arose Ezra, and made the chiefs of the 5 
 priests, the Levites, and all Israel, to swear that they 
 would do according to this word. So they sware. Then 6 
 * Or, the Lord 
 
 occurs in Deut. xxii. 19, &c. ; cf. Gen, xxi. 10 for another such 
 verb. The union, not being a true marriage, could be brought to 
 an end by merely turning the woman out : no divorce proceedings 
 were necessary. 
 
 all the wives : read (with Luc, and virtually i Esdras) ' all 
 our foreign wives.' 
 
 according' to tlie counsel of my lord ( = Ezra) : Ezra seems 
 to have been entrusted by the Persian king with supreme authority 
 in Jewish matters. See vii. 5. 
 
 those that tremble, &c. : see on ix. 4. In i Esdras ' Those 
 who obey the law of the Lord,' which Guthe thinks represents the 
 original Hebrew text. 
 
 let it be done, &c. ; render according to the M. T. ^^so Luc.)j 
 ' it shall (or will) be done,' a mere statement of fact. 
 
 4. Arise : the Heb. verb denotes here, as very often, ' rouse 
 yourself,' 'be energetic' Before another verb it denotes to set 
 about, begin the action of the verb. See Joshua i. 2; Judges iv. 
 14; I Chron. xxii. 6, 
 
 I Esdras has ' Arise and put into execution,' which may well 
 be a mere interpretation, or perhaps a second verb has fallen out 
 from the Hebrew. 
 
 belongeth, &c. : Heb. ' rests upon thee as an obligation.' 
 be of good courage, &c. : lit. -be strong,' &c. So i Chron. 
 xxii. 16; cf. Joshua i. 6. 
 
 5. arose : see on ver. 4 (arise). 
 
 chiefs : the word belongs to each of the three classes 
 enumerated (priests, Levites, and the laity) : see on ix. i. 
 
 the priests, the Levites: the regular Deuteronomic phrase 
 (all Levites were priests, see Deut. xvii. 9-18, xviii. i, xxi. 5, 
 &c.), indicating, if genuine, early authorship. But we should 
 probably read with Luc, LXX, and i Esdras * the priests and the 
 Levites,' the later (Pj phraseology. 
 
 Israel : here the laity : see on ver. i and i:j. i. 
 
 6. Ezra's grief, 
 
 L 
 
146 EZRA 10. 7. Ce 
 
 Ezra rose up from before the house of God, and went 
 into the chamber of Jehohanan the son of Eliashib : ^ and 
 when he came thither, he did eat no bread, nor drink 
 water : for he mourned because of the trespass of them 
 7 of the captivity. And they made proclamation through- 
 
 * According to some ancient versions, and he lodged there. 
 
 Then Ezra rose, &c. ; render, 'And when Ezra had risen 
 from before the house of God he went into the chamber of Jeho- 
 hanan, the son of Eliashib, and passed the night there, eating no 
 bread and drinking no water,' &c. 
 
 chamber (Heb. lishkah) : better ^ cell,' see on viii. 29. 
 Jehohanan the son of Eliashih : since Eliashib was high- 
 priest during the whole or greater part of the activity of Nehe- 
 miah (see Neh. iii. i, 20, xiii. 4, 28) this Jehohanan cannot be 
 identical with Johanan, the father and predecessor of Jaddua (see 
 Neh. xii. 22, cf. ver. 11), the high-priest who, according to 
 Josephus ^, went to meet Alexander the Great as the latter was 
 advancing towards Jerusalem. Assuming that Jaddua was high- 
 priest in 333 B. c. his father could not have held the office at the 
 time with which we are dealing {circa 440 B.C.). Now in the 
 Sachau Aramaic Papyri, No. i, line 18, mention is made of a Jeho- 
 hanan, high-priest at Jerusalem at the time this letter was sent to 
 Bagoas, governor of Judah, viz. 407 b. c. Eliashib must have had a 
 son with this name, and as he was himself high-priest about 440 b. c. 
 this son might well have been high-priest in 407 b. c. In favour of 
 this is the identity of the names— Jehohanan in both cases, while in 
 Neh. xii. 22 it is Johanan. Both are Hebrew forms of our ' John.' 
 
 It is quite evident, as Noldeke and others have pointed out, 
 that the list of high-priests in Neh. xii is defective, see notes on 
 the chapter. There is no need therefore to interpret the words 
 ' the chamber of Jehohanan, son of Eliashib,' proleptically as mean- 
 ing < the chamber subsequently known as that of Jehohanan,' &c. 
 and when he came thither (Heb. 'there'): read (with 
 I Esdras), ' and passed the night there,' changing one Hebrew 
 consonant {k) to one much like it (w). In the M.T. two identical 
 verbal forms occur in the same verse, which is suspicious. 
 
 he did eat no bread, nor drink water : for fasting as an 
 expression of mourning see on viii. 21. 
 
 trespass : see on ver. 2, and for the whole clause on ix. 4. 
 
 T (. An assembly summoned. 
 
 7. made proclamation: see on i. 1, and cf. Neh. viii. 15. See 
 also on viii. 21, where a diflferent verb is employed. 
 
 ' Anticj. X. S, 5. 
 
EZRA 10. 8, 9. Ce 147 
 
 out Judah and Jerusalem unto all the children of the 
 captivity, that they should gather themselves together 
 unto Jerusalem ; and that whosoever came not within 8 
 three days, according to the counsel of the princes and the 
 elders, all his substance should be ^ forfeited, and himself 
 separated from the congregation of the captivity. Then 9 
 all the men of Judah and Benjamin gathered themselves 
 together unto Jerusalem within the three days ; it was the 
 
 " Heb. devoted. 
 
 Jtidah and Jerusalem : see on ii. i. 
 8. within three days : since in so short a time the proclamation 
 could be made and responded to, thearea within which thecommunity 
 resided must have been very restricted. See plan opposite p. 159. 
 
 princes : see on ix. r. 
 
 elders: in Ezra an Aramaic (v. 5, &c.) and (as here) a 
 Heb. word are so rendered. Every city (but see below) had its 
 elders (see ver. 14), who were heads of houses, and controlled 
 local affairs as British town or city councillors. Princes were the 
 heads of the three classes of Jewish society, see on ix. i. It is 
 strange, but significant, that we do not read of elders at Jeru- 
 salem : probably the princes, residing for the most part at 
 Jerusalem, acted as the local as well as the general authority. 
 We do not meet with the words prince or elder in Nehemiah, 
 though corresponding words are made use of. See on Neh. ii. 
 16, and cf. G. A. Smith, Jenisakm, ii. 377. 
 
 all his substance : in earlier times idolatrous cities were 
 to be devoted (Heb. kheretn^ Gk. anathema^ see Gal. i. 8 f.), 
 i.e. offered up, to God as a burnt offering: see Joshua vi. 17 f., 
 vii. T, II, 15, &c. (JEi. In the later laws individual Israelites 
 took the place of Canaanite, &c., cities, and were put to death for 
 idolatry (Deut. vii. 26; Lev. xxvii 29 (P)), or excluded from the 
 community (John ix. 22, xii. 44, xiv. a ; cf. I.uke vi. 22), their 
 property being seized 'made khcrein, a devoted thing) and added 
 to tlie wealth of the Temple (see Lev. xxvii, 28 f.). The fact that 
 Ezra had the power to make and enforce such laws shows he had 
 been entrusted by the Persians with supreme authority in Jewish 
 matters (see vii. 2.5 f.). Among the Israelites property once pos- 
 sessed would not be permanently alienated except in very extreme 
 cases like the above. 
 
 9-17. Meeting of the assembly ; decision to appoint a commission 
 of investigation. 
 
 8. Jndah and Benjamin : see on i. 3. 
 
 Blnth month : i. c. Kislew(see Zech, vii. i and on Neh. i. 1), 
 
 L 2 
 
t48 EZRA 10. 10, II. Ce 
 
 ninth month; on the twentieth day of the month : and all 
 the people sat in the broad place before the house of 
 God, trembling because of this matter^and for '^the great 
 
 10 rain. And Ezra the priest stood up, and said unto 
 them, Ye have trespassed, and have married strange 
 
 11 women, to increase the guilt of Israel. Now therefore 
 ^make confession unto the Lord, the God of your 
 fathers, and do his pleasure : and separate yourselves 
 
 * Heb. the rains. ^ Or, give thanks 
 
 corresponding roughly to portions of Nov. -Dec, the time of 
 the early rain. The 2oth Kislew would be nearly five months 
 after Ezra's first arrival (see vii. 9). Perhaps this time was 
 required to make arrangements for the meeting of the commis- 
 sion : not at all unlikely there v^as opposition, internal (see 
 ver. 15) or external. The time of the year was unfavourable for 
 such gatherings, but Ezra's zeal could brook no delay. 
 
 the broad place : see on Neh. iii. 26 (water ffate). The 
 Hebrew word has a sense similar to our 'square ' or 'place,' and 
 stands commonly for the open space outside the gates of Eastern 
 cities, used as a market-place (see Deut. xiii. 16 ; 2 Sam. xxi, 12, 
 and Esther iv. 6). This open space was situate on the inside of the 
 Water Gate in the north-east of the temple area. 
 
 g'reat rain : a correct rendering of the Heb. 'rains ' ('plural 
 of intensity '). The reference is to the early and heavy rams. 
 During my visit to Palestine in 1888 they began on Nov. 4, the 
 second day after my arrival at Jerusalem. In the course of the 
 following two months there were often for days together heavier 
 rains than I have seen elsewhere. 
 
 10. (Ezra) the priest : see on vii. 11. 
 stood up : see on ver. 4 (arise). 
 
 trespassed, married, strangre women : see on ver. 2. 
 to increase : better * increasing ' (gerund). The Hebrew 
 permits either rendering. 
 
 gnilt : liability to punishment : see on ix. 4. 
 
 11. make confession : or 'give thanks,' * render praise' : see 
 pp. 137, 143. 
 
 (do his) pleasnre : objectively understood ' what He desires, 
 is pleased with ' : see Ps. cxlv. 19 and cf. Neh. ix. 24 (end of 
 verse";i, Dan. xi. 3, 16, 36. 
 
 separate yourselves: see on vi. 21. They were to isolate 
 themselves from their heathen neighbours by avoiding unneces- 
 sary intercourse, observing the laws anent foods and drinks, &c. ; 
 and they were also to put away their heathen wives. 
 
EZRA 10. 12-14. Ci, 149 
 
 from the peoples of the land, and from the strange 
 women. Then all the congregation answered and said la 
 with a loud voice, ^ As thou hast said concerning us, so 
 must we do. But the people are many, and it is a time of 13 
 much rain, and we are not able to stand without, neither 
 is this a work of one day or two : for we have greatly 
 transgressed in this matter. Let now our princes ^ be ap- 14 
 pointed for all the congregation, and let all them that are 
 in our cities which have married strange women come at 
 * Or, As tJiou hast said, so it belioveth us to do *' Heb. stand. 
 
 peoples of the land : see on iii. 3. 
 
 12. congregation : see on ii. 64. Here the word includes the 
 returned exiles only (see ver. 16). 
 
 As thon hast said, &c. : render as in the R.Vm., 'As thou 
 hast said, so it behoveth us to do.' The E.VV. translate the same 
 Hebrew word (' concerning us, so must we do ') twice over. The 
 misplacing of the Hebrew accent has led to this confusion. 
 
 13. Three hindrances to the expeditious settlement of the 
 matter are urged. 
 
 1. The magnitude of the assembly : how could so many find 
 lodgings and entertainment. 
 
 2. The weather was unpropitious. In December, 1888, I saw 
 as much snow in and about Jerusalem, and found it as keenly 
 cold, as during the severest winter in Great Britain. The early 
 rains are generally accompanied by a sudden depression in 
 the temperature. 
 
 5. The large number of mixed marriages to be dealt with, 
 transgressed: the root idea of the Hebrew verb {pasha') is 
 ' to rebel ' ; in late Hebrew, as here, it is specially used of violating 
 a specific law : see Deut. viii. 23. See on ver. 2 (trespassed). 
 
 14. princes: see on ix. i. They are here to act with the 
 elders and judges. 
 
 for (all the congregation) : 'on behalf of,' not ' instead of.' 
 cities : i. e, other than Jerusalem. Cases would be tried 
 where the suspected parties resided (cf. our sj-stem of legal pro- 
 cedure and travelling judges). The princes resided at Jenisalem 
 and would act in that citj' : see on ver. 8. The Hebrew word for 
 cities {'arwi) is used for villages, towns, and what we call cities 
 (see the concordances, though in some passages it denotes the 
 idea of a fortified place ''2 Kings xvii. 9, xviii. 8, &c.), and even 
 a fortress (see 2 Sam. v. 7, 9, vi. 10, &c.\ 
 strange women : see on ver. 2, 
 
ISO EZRA 10. 15. Ce 
 
 appointed times, and with them the elders of every city, 
 
 and the judges thereof, until the fierce wrath of our God 
 
 15 be turned from us, ^ until this matter be despatched. Only 
 
 i Jonathan the son of Asahel and Jahzeiah the son of Tik- 
 
 vah ^ stood up against this matter : and Meshullam and 
 
 " Or, as touching this matter ^ Or, were appointed over this 
 
 at appointed times : so Neh. x. 34, xiii. 31. 
 judges : in earlier part^ of the O. T. the king is called by 
 the Hebrew word Englished ' judge ' : see Deut. xvii. 9, 12 ; 
 2 Kings xvi. 5 ; Isa. xvi, 5. The shophets (E.VV. 'judges') of 
 Israel prior to the establishment of the monarchy were deliverers, 
 and in their several districts administrators, as, e. g. Gideon 
 (Judges vi. II ff.), Jephthah (Judges x. 6 ff.), and Samson (Judges 
 xiii. I ff.), though the last named belongs to a different category. 
 
 It is difficult to differentiate ' elders ' and 'judges ' in post-exilic 
 biblical literature. It seems highly probable that the presiding elder 
 in each city (see on cities) was recognized as shophet or judge. 
 We find even the priests arrogating to themselves the functions 
 and prerogatives of the judge (see Deut. xvii. 9, xix. 17, xxi. 5'», 
 just as in later times the high-priest became king (see vii. 5). 
 
 The leading officials in Tyre and Carthage were called shophetim 
 ('judges' is a verj' misleading rendering). The two sufetes 
 ( = shophetim^) in Carthage corresponded to the two consuls in 
 Republican Rome. 
 
 until the fierce, &c. : render, ' so that the fierce wrath of our 
 God may be turned,' &c. The Hebrew conjunction rendered until 
 has this {telic) meaning also in Gen. xxvii. 44 and Mic. vii. 9. 
 
 until this matter, &c. : read (with 2 Heb. MSS., the Versions, 
 and I Esdras) as in R. Vm., ' as touching this matter.' 
 
 15. The only prominent men to oppose the policy outlined in 
 ver. 14 were Jonathan and Jahzeiah, aided by Meshullam and 
 a Levite called Shabbethai. This is implied in the rendering of 
 the R. v., which is the only possible one ; but it has difficulties, 
 and many scholars prefer, on account of them, to follow the A. V. 
 and the R. Vm., which regard the four men named as helpers, not 
 hinderers, of the proposal described in the foregoing verse. Here 
 are some of the grounds for the latter view : — 
 
 I. The verb here rendered in the R. V., stood up aerainst, is 
 identical with that rendered in ver. 14, ' be appointed for.' In 
 reply, let it be noted that the preposition following the verb is 
 different in each case, and that there are many examples in Hebrew 
 in which a verb has opposite meanings with different prepositions. 
 Cf. the Hebrew verbs ' to be sorry,' &c., and * to fight.' 
 
 As a matter of fact this verb (lit. * to stand ') means * to stand 
 
EZRA 10. i6. Ce 151 
 
 Shabbethai the Levite helped them. And the children 16 
 of the captivity did so. And Ezra the priest, 7vith cer- 
 tain heads of fathers' houses^ after their fathers' houses, and 
 all of them by their names, were separated ; and they sat 
 
 against ' in Lev. xix. 16 ; i Chron. xxi. i ; 2 Chron. xxii. 23 ; 
 Dan. viii. 25, xi. 15. Perhaps the writer intends a word-play in 
 verses 14 f. (' stand for,' ' stand against '). 
 
 2. The beginning of ver. 16 is said to imply that the returned 
 exiles supported the suggestion of ver. 14. But if the text is not 
 at fault (which is doubtful) we may understand the word * so ' in 
 ver. 16 to refer to what is said in ver. 14, ver. 15 being treated as 
 a parenthesis. We may then thus paraphrase ver. 16 : ' But the 
 returned exiles acted thus (see ver. 14) (though Jonathan, &c., 
 stood up against it).' 
 
 3. We do not read elsewhere of any opposition. It should, 
 however, be remembered that our narrative is but a brief and 
 imperfect record of what took place, and, to say the least, oppo- 
 sition of the kind here advocated is exactly what one would 
 have expected. 
 
 It may be added : — 
 
 1. The word rendered only has often the meaning of ' but,' 
 ' however,' introducing an adversative sentence : see Gen. ix. 4, xx. 
 
 •12, xxi. 21 ; Lev. xxi, 23, xxvii. 28 ; Num. xviii. 15, 17 ; 2 Sam. 
 iii. 13 ; Jer. x. 24. 
 
 2. We know that it was Ezra who superintended the execution 
 of the proposal of ver. 14, and not Jonathan, &c. It must, how- 
 ever, be allowed that the Versions, including i Esdras, favour 
 the A. V. and R. Vm. 
 
 3. Van Hoonacker* thinks Jonathan (see viii. 6) and Jahzeiah 
 (nowhere else mentioned) were priests and their two helpers 
 Levites. This is, however, a case of being wise above what 
 is written. 
 
 16. See on preceding verse. 
 
 children of tlie captivity : see on iv. i and also on ii. i. 
 
 And Ezra, &c. : render, 'And Ezra chose (lit. ' separated ') for 
 himself a number (lit. ' men ') of heads of fathers' houses according 
 to their fathers' houses, all of them marked (ticked) off by name.' 
 
 heads of fathers' houses : see on ii. 59. 
 
 by their names: probably the phrase at the end of viii. 20 
 (see on) stood originall}' here as there, the participle ' marked * 
 (R. V. ' expressed ') having been overlooked by an early cop3'ist. 
 
 were separated : read with i Esdras and some MSS. of the 
 LXX, ' And Ezra~ chose (lit. * separated ') for himself : see above. 
 
 * Nehemie et Esdras, p. 38 (n.). 
 
152 EZRA 10. 17, i8. Ce 
 
 down in the first day of the tenth month to examine the 
 
 1 7 matter. And they made an end with all the men that had 
 married strange women by the first day of the first month. 
 
 1 8 And among the sons of the priests there were found that 
 
 tenth montli: i. e. Tebet (Dec-Jan.) : see on ver. 9. 
 to examine, &c. : another instance of the tacit use by 
 the English translators (E.VV.) of an amended text. The M. T. 
 has (apparently) 'for Darius,' the consonants of which are almost 
 exactly the same as ' to examine.' 
 
 17. The M. T. is incapable of yielding any passable sense. 
 Bertheau and succeeding commentators are almost certainly 
 right in regarding the words the men that had married strangfe 
 wives as the heading which originally preceded the lists in 
 verses 18-44. Ver. 17 will then contain excellent Hebrew, the 
 translation of which is : ' And (the inquiry) was brought to an 
 end in every place by the first day/ &c. If the M. T. is retained 
 we must render : ' And (the inquiry) was brought to an end as 
 regards all the men who had married strange women by the first 
 day,' &c. 
 
 And they made an end: the construction is that of the 
 indefinite subject and is better translated by the passive. It is the 
 thing done that is emphasized, not the agent or agents, 
 married strange women : see on ver. 2. 
 first month: i.e. Nisan (March- April) : the Jewish yew 
 began with Nisan after the exile down to the time of Alexander 
 the Great. Originally, however, Tishri (Sept. -Oct.) was the first 
 month (see Exod. xxiii, JE; xxxiv, J). Josephus and the Mishnah 
 make a distinction between a sacred and a secular year, beginning 
 respectively with Nisan and Tishri. This is, however, a distinc- 
 tion about which the scriotures know nothing, though in the 
 Flaws as to feasts, &c., Nisan opens the year: see Josephus, 
 Antiq. i. 3, 3, and Schurer, Geschichte^^) ^ &c., i. 32 ff. (E.V. i. i, 
 38 ff.). 
 
 The commissioners had spent three months (cf. verses T6f.) in 
 the work of trying the cases. That the evil was not entirely 
 removed is proved by Neh. xiii. 23, 26-28 ; cf. Neh. ix. 2. 
 
 18-44. Lists of ^ the men who had married strange women'' : see 
 on ver. 17. This list must have been carefully preserved in the 
 city or temple archives. Even the fertile brain of the Chronicler 
 could hardly have invented these names and what is said in 
 connexion with them. 
 
 The grouping of the persons involved follows closely that of 
 the lists in ch. ii see introductory remarks to) and in Neh. vii. 
 
 I. Temple officers : 
 
 T. Priests, seventeen in number : i8-2a. 
 
EZRA 10. 19-24. C, 153 
 
 had married strange women : namely^ of the sons of 
 Jeshua, the son of Jozadak^ and his brethren, Maaseiah, 
 and Eliezer, and Jarib, and Gedaliah. And they gave 19 
 their hand that they would put away their wives ; and 
 being guilty^ they offered a ram of the flock for their 
 guilt. And of the sons of Immer ; Hanani and 20 
 Zebadiah. And of the sons of Harim ; Maaseiah^, and 21 
 Elijah, and Shemaiah, and Jehiel, and Uzziah. And of 22 
 the sons of Pashhur ; Elioenai, Maaseiah^ Ishmael, 
 Nethanel, Jozabad, and Elasah. And of the Levites ; 23 
 Jozabad, and Shimei, and Kelaiah (the same is Kelita), 
 Pethahiah, Judah, and Eliezer. And of the singers ; 24 
 Eliashib : and of the porters ; Shallum, and Telem, and 
 
 2. Levites, six in number : 23. 
 
 3. Singers(2, see on ver. 24) and porters (3). five in number: 24. 
 II. The laity (Israel), eightj'-six in number: 25-43. We do 
 
 not read here of Nethinim (see p. 63 f.) or of Solomon's servants 
 (see p. 64"^. 
 18-22. Priests. 
 
 18. sons of the priests : render ' priests ' and see on ii. 4 r 
 and iv. t. 
 
 married strangle women : see on ver. 2. 
 Jeshua : see on ii. 2. 
 
 19. they g'ave their hand : i. e. they entered into a compact: 
 see 2 Kings x. 15 ; 2 Chron. xxx. 8; Lam. v. 6 ; Ezek. xvii. 17. 
 
 put away : see on ver. 3. 
 
 and beingf gfuilty ... a ram : read (with Kuenen and 
 most later scholars), 'and their guilt offering was a ram.' No change 
 in the consonantal, the only original part of the text, is required. 
 The M, T. makes poor Hebrew and (omitting the italicized words 
 inserted by the translators) poorer English. 
 For guilt offering see Lev. v. 14 ff. 
 
 ram of the flock: in Lev. v. 18 ' ram.' 
 
 (for their) gnilt : see on ix. 6. 
 20-22. Priests', see on ii, 36-39. 
 
 23. Leviies. 
 
 Kelaiah (Kelita) : see Neh. viii. 7, x. 10. 
 
 24. Singers and porters. Note that these two classes are mentioned 
 as distinct from the Levites. See p. 61 f. 
 
 Eliashib: add (with Ltic. and i Esdras"' 'and Zaccur.' 
 
154 EZRA 10. 25-32. C,r 
 
 35 Uri. And of Israel : of the sons of Parosh ; Ramiah, 
 and Izziah, and Malchijah, and Mijamin, and Eleazar, 
 
 26 and Malchijah, and Benaiah. And of the sons of Elam ; 
 Mattaniah, Zechariah, and Jehiel, and Abdi, and Jere- 
 
 27 moth, and Elijah. And of the sons of Zattu ; Elioenai, 
 Eliashib, Mattaniah, and Jeremoth, and Zabad, and 
 
 28 Aziza. And of the sons of Bebai ; Jehohanan, Hana- 
 
 29 niah, Zabbai, Athlai, And of the sons of Bani ; Mesh- 
 ullam,Malluch,andAdaiah, Jashub,and Sheal, ''^Jeremoth. 
 
 30 And of the sons of Pahath-moab ; Adna, and Chelal, 
 Benaiah, Maaseiah, Mattaniah^ Bezalel, and Binnui, and 
 
 31 Manasseh. And o/the sons of Harim ; Eliezer, Isshijah, 
 
 32 Malchijah, Shemaiah, Shimeon ; Benjamin, Malluch, 
 
 * Another reading is, and Ramoth. 
 
 25-43. Laynneu. The houses mentioned here occur also in 
 ch. ii. 3 ff. (see on), though in a different order. 
 
 25. Israel: i. e. the lay portion of the nation, as in ix. i and 
 Neh. xi. 3 ; see (for the wider sense) x. r. The name stood for 
 the Northern Kingdom until that kingdom came to a close (i Kings 
 xxiv. 7, 10), after which it was used for the Southern Kingdom (ii. 
 50; Jer. ii. 12, 31, &c. , and even for the new Jewish community 
 made up almost entirely of returned exiles (x. i). 
 
 MalcMjah: read (with Luc.) ' Michaiah.' 
 
 26. JeMel : see on ver. 2. 
 
 28. Zabbai : in ii. 9 ' Zaccai.' In Hebrew the letters h and 
 c {k) are almost identical, and are therefore constantly confounded 
 by the ancient translators. 
 
 29. Bani : a house or clan of the same name is mentioned in 
 ver. 34, copyist's mistake. Perhaps (as Keil, &c., suggest) we 
 should in one of these places read Bigwai (Biffvai) (ii. 14). 
 Moreover, whereas the number of offenders belonging to the 
 other houses vary from four to eiglit, of the house of the second 
 Bani (ver. 34) twenty-seven are mentioned. Probably the text 
 has suffered corruption, several heads of houses having stood 
 originally in the section beginning with ver. 24. Schultz holds 
 that the twenty-seven men of verses 34-41 belonged to different 
 country districts of Judah. 
 
 Jeremoth: to be preferred to qr. and R.Vm. 'and Ramoth.' 
 31. (And) 0/ : remove the italics and (with LXX, i Esdras, 
 many Hebrew MSS.) restore the corresponding Hebrew word 
 {miri). 
 
EZRA 10. 33-44. C^ 15^ 
 
 Shemariah. Of the sons of Hashum ; Mattenai, Mattat- ?,3 
 tah, Zabad, Eliphelet, Jeremai^ Manasseh, Shimei. Of 34 
 the sons of Bani ; Maadai, Amram, and Uel ; Benaiah, 35 
 Bedeiah, ^Cheluhi ; Vaniah, Meremoth, EHashib ; Matta- 36, 37 
 niah; Mattenai, and ^Jaasu ; and Bani, and Binnui, Shimei; 38 
 and Shelemiah, and Nathan, and Adaiah ; Machnadebai, 39, 40 
 Shashai, Sharai ; Azarel, and Shelemiah, Shemariah ; 41 
 Shallum, Amariah, Joseph. Of the sons of Nebo ; Jeiel, 42, 43 
 Mattithiah, Zabad, Zebina, cjddo, and Joel, Benaiah. 
 All these had taken strange wives : and ^ some of them 44 
 had wives by whom they had children. 
 
 * Another reading is, Chelnhtt. 
 
 ^ Another reading is, Joasai. «= Another reading is, Jaddai. 
 
 ** Or, some of the wives had home children 
 
 34. Uel: read (with Luc. and i Esdras) 'Joel.' 
 38. and Bani, and Binnui : read (with LXX, i Esdras), ' and of 
 the sons of Binnui.' The difference in the Hebrew is slight. 
 
 44. had taken : cf. the Heb. verb rendered ' married ' in ver. a 
 (see on). 
 
 strang-e wives : Hebrew, as in ver. 2 (see on), ' strange 
 women.' 
 
 and some of them, &c. : the M.T. is hopelessly corrupt, and 
 as it stands, means nothing. There is, in the Commentary of Ber- 
 theau-R3'ssel a statement of many attempts at restoration, not 
 one of them being plausible. It is better to follow the text im- 
 plied in I Esd. ix. 36, reading 'and they put them awa}' with 
 their children.' 
 
 Ezra's Subsequent History. 
 
 In Neh. i, i we pass on at once to the history of Nehemiah, 
 the account of Ezra's activity suddenly coming to an end. Then 
 the thread of Ezra's narrative is resumed in a quite unexpected 
 way at Neh. vii. 73^, in a context which tells of Nehemiah's life 
 and work, Ezra's name not occurring once. This isolated section 
 (Neh. vii. 73^-x) relates to Ezra and his doings, Nehemiah's name 
 coming quite casually in at two places (Neh. viii. 9 and x. 22, see 
 on), and then almost certainly through a copyist's mistake or as 
 an editor's gloss. The contents of this Ezra section in a Nehe- 
 miah context may be thus laid out : — 
 
 I. The public reading of the law (vii. 73^-viii. la). After the 
 
156 EZRA 10 
 
 events recorded in Ezra ix f. it was quite natural to proclaim 
 publicly the law by which the people's lives were to be regulated. 
 
 2. Observance of the Feast of Tabernacles (viii. 13-18;. 
 
 3. Repentance and prayer of the people on finding that their 
 conduct came so far short of the law now read (ix). 
 
 4. The people make a covenant to observe the law (x). 
 
 That the section thus analysed originally followed Ezra x, and 
 belongs strictly to Ezra's biography, not Nehemiah's, appears on 
 several considerations. 
 
 1. This agrees with the order of events in i Esdras, where the 
 reading of the law (i Esd. ix. 37-55, of. Neh. vii. 73*'-viii. 12) 
 follows the expulsion of the strange women (i Esd. viii. 68-ix. 
 36, cf. Ezra ix f.). 
 
 2. The sequence of events in Josephus (Auh'q. xi. 5) is identical 
 with that of i Esdras, though too much weight should not be put 
 on this, as throughout Josephus follows the apochryphal i Esdras 
 rather than the canonical Ezra. 
 
 3. In the section under consideration (Neh. vii. 73** ff.) Ezra 
 suddenly steps forward, becoming the chief agent, and as suddenly 
 disappears. Omitting this part of Nehemiah the rest of the book 
 is continuous and homogeneous. 
 
 4. In the corresponding portion of i Esdras and Josephus no 
 mention is made of Nehemiah, which is in favour of omitting his 
 name from Neh. viii. 9 and x. 22. 
 
 5. In this section Nehemiah comes before us as ' the Tirshatha ' 
 (viii. 9, X. i), an epithet used besides only of Sheshbazzar (vii. 65, 
 73 ; Ezra ii. 63^, whereas in the undisputed Nehemiah memoirs he 
 is called pekhah or governor (Neh. v. 14 f., 18). 
 
 6. We read in viii. 13 of ' heads of fathers' houses ' as often in 
 Ezra (see p. 52 f.). In Nehemiah the technical terms are quite 
 different (see ii. 16, iv, 8, 13, v. 7, 17, vii. 7, xii. 40, xiii. 11). 
 
 7. Many turns of expressions frequent in Nehemiah are absent 
 from these chapters, e. g. ' According to the good hand of my God 
 upon me' (ii. 8, 18;, 'God put into my heart' (ii. 12 and vii. 5). 
 Moreover Nehemiah speaks of himself in the first person. In 
 Neh. viii. 9, x. i he is spoken of in the third person — though the 
 name has to be rejected in both cases. See on the verses. 
 
 8. Removing the section in question, Neh. vii. 73* and xi. i (see 
 on the latter) join well together, whereas there does not seem to 
 be any connexion between Neh. x and xi. Most of the above 
 points were noticed and the same conclusions drawn by J. D. 
 Michaelis in his annotated translation into German of the Hebrew 
 Bible (1769-83, 13 vols.). 
 
 Such is the view accepted by virtually all modern scholars, 
 though Keil vigorously defends the historical continuity of these 
 chapters (see Com , Introd.), holding with Bertheau (not his editor 
 RysseH, .Schultz, &c., that during the events here related Nehemiah 
 
EZRA 10 157 
 
 was present at Jerusalem, though Ezra occupied now the chief 
 place, as the work (reading the law, &c.) was much more on the 
 lines of his activity. 
 
 From the fact that Nehemiah's name occurs twice it has been 
 commonly inferred that the final editor of Ezra-Nehemiah took 
 this section to belong to Nehemiah's own history, but this is 
 more than doubtful (see on Neh. viii. 9 and x. i). It is more 
 likely that the copyist, piecing his skin-leaves called ' doors' in 
 Jer. xxxvi. 23) to form the parchment roll, mixed the parts, his 
 mistake being perpetuated by other copyists who followed. It is 
 also in this way probably that we are able to explain the present 
 position of Ezra iv. 6-23 (see on), which has nothing to do with 
 the time of Ezra or the events amid which he moved. 
 
 It seems clear that so far as biblical sources go the account of 
 Ezra's work closes with Ezra x adding Neh. vii, 73''-x. Not- 
 withstanding all that has been said to the contrary (see Keil, 
 Bertheau, Ryle, &c.) it cannot be that Ezra and Nehemiah were 
 both present at Jerusalem during the course of the events nar- 
 rated in Neh. vii. 73''-x, though it is quite certain that Ezra was, 
 and held the first place. 
 
 Conspectus of the Chief Events in Ezra's Life 
 
 according to Ezra vii-x and Neh. vii. 73^-x, attaching Ezra iv. 
 7-23 to the records of a later time, perhaps to the events among 
 which Nehemiah moved. 
 
 1. Ezra and his party begin the journey from Babylon (vii. 6 (., 
 viii. 15, 31). 
 
 Date : year, the 7th of Artaxerxes I (458 b. c.) ; month, ist ; 
 day, I St. 
 
 2. They reach Jerusalem (vii. 8f.). 
 
 Date : year, same ; month, 5th ; day, ist. 
 
 3. A three days' rest, on the 4th day gifts and offerings being 
 presented for the Temple (viii. 12). 
 
 Date : see under 2 above. 
 
 4. Ezra amazed and grieved on finding that many of the Jews 
 had married heathen women (ix). 
 
 Date : None given, but this must belong to the days immedi- 
 ately following the arrival. The evil was too palpable and serious 
 to escape the vigilant eye and the uncompromising orthodoxy of 
 Ezra. 
 
 5. Appointment of a commission to inquire into the matter and 
 to report (x. 1-16), 
 
 Date: year, 7th of Artaxerxes I; month, loth (Tebet) ; 
 day, ist. 
 
 6. The commission meet ; its finding (x. 17-44). 
 
 Date : year, 8th (see above, 5); month, ist(Nisan); day, ist. 
 
158 EZRA 10 
 
 7. Departure of the people to their several cities — their ances- 
 tral homes (Neh. vii. 73^). 
 
 Date: year, as in 6? (inferred, not stated); month, 7th 
 (Tishri) ; day ? 
 
 8. Public reading of the law at Jerusalem (Neh. viii. 1-12). 
 Date : year, 8th of Artaxerxes I (inferred, not stated) ; month 
 
 7th (Tishri) ; day, ist. Ezra reads the law publicly the same 
 day on the morning (?) of which the people depart for their 
 several homes. 
 
 9. Observance of the Feast of Tabernacles (Neh. viii. 8-18). 
 Date: year, as in 8. above ; month, 7th (Tishri); day, 15th 
 
 to 22nd. 
 
 ID. The people acknowledge their sin (Neh. ix) and make a vow 
 (covenant) to put away the heathen wives (Neh. x). 
 
 Date: year, as above in 6-9; month, 7th (Tishri); day, 24th 
 (two days after Tabernacles) and (apparently) following days. 
 
 For details as to the several episodes enumerated above see on 
 the passages with which they are connected. 
 
 Ezra's death. We have no authoritative record of Ezra's career 
 beyond what is told us in Ezra and Neh, vii, 73'' -x, though 
 Josephus ^ is probably right in saying that he passed away before 
 Nehemiah's first visit to Jerusalem. We have no definite ground 
 for believing that they ever met, nor does either refer to the other 
 — this is quite in the manner of Israel's ancient leaders (e. g. 
 Micah and Isaiah, &c.). 
 
 When and where Ezra died we are not reliably informed, though 
 Jewish tradition has, withits usual readinessand fertility of resource, 
 supplied what history lacks. Summing up the work of Ezra 
 Josephus * says : ' After he had obtained this reputation among 
 the people he died an old man and was buried in a magnificent 
 manner at Jerusalem.* He is said in the Talmud to have breathed 
 his last at Zamzagu on the Tigris while on his way from Jerusa- 
 lem to Susa, whither he was journeying for the purpose of con- 
 ferring with Artaxerxes about Jewish affairs. His monument on 
 the bank of the Lower Tigris is still shown and greatly revered by 
 Eastern Jews. 
 
 ' Antiq, x. 5. ■* Antiq. x. 5. 5. 
 
PLx\N OF JERUSALEM IN THE TIME OF NEHEMIAH. 
 
 MoOcrn Wallt ihown Oli/J ^^^^— 
 
 AnQitnt • • . - - - 
 
 Ho<ftrn Uqmea m brackets {}NtSlt.RH HILU) 
 
 Sultans 
 Pool 
 
NEHEMIAH 
 
 General outline of Nehemiah (omitting vii. 73*'-x). 
 
 1. Neh. i. i-vii. 5 : Nehemiah's description in the first person 
 of the earlier of his two journeys from Persia to Jerusalem. This 
 narrative, so simple, naive, and homogeneous, has hardly ev«r been 
 questioned. 
 
 2. Neh. vii. 6-73* : List of Jews who returned from Babylon 
 (based on Ezra ii). 
 
 3. xi-xii. 26 : Several lists. 
 
 4. xii. 27-43: Dedication of the walls of Jerusalem, 
 
 5. xii. 44-47 : Organization of the Levites. Measures for their 
 support. 
 
 6. xiii. 1-3: Separation of Israelites from people of mixed 
 blood. 
 
 7. xiii. 4-9 : Nehemiah's second visit to Jerusalem. Expulsion 
 of Tobiah from the Temple ; sanctity of the latter maintained. 
 
 8. xiii. 10-14 '■ Measures for the support of the Levites, see 5. 
 
 9. xiii. 15-22 : Means employed for securing the observance of 
 the Sabbath. 
 
 10. xiii. 23-29 : Vigorous protest of Nehemiah against mixed 
 marriages. 
 
 11. xiii. 30 f. : Resttine of Nehemiah's work. 
 
 Between Ezra and Nehemiah. 
 
 It is assumed throughout the present volume that Ezra and 
 Nehemiah were never at any time contemporaries at Jerusalem 
 (see p. 157 f.). 
 
 Between Ezra x, adding Neh. vii. 73*>-x and Neh. i. i there is 
 no historical connexion, and a space of some ten years must lie 
 between. One may compare the break here with that between 
 Ezra vi and vii, though the gap in the latter is much wider. 
 Perhaps portions of Ezra-Nehemiah which dealt with the 
 intervening years in both cases have been lost. 
 
 So far as concerns Ezra's own work it may be legitimate to 
 conclude that it came to an end with what is told us in Neh. x 
 (or viii?). 
 
 The evils of mixed marriages had been dealt with and to a Urge 
 M 
 
i6o NEHEMIAH 1. i. N 
 
 1 [N] The ^ words of Nehemiah the son of Hacaliah. 
 Now it came to pass in the month Chislev, t>in the 
 
 ^ Or, history "' Seech, ii. i. 
 
 extent mitigated. Ezra had probably died (say about 457 b. c), 
 for in the history of Nehemiah 's work at Jerusalem (Neh. i-vii. 5) 
 he is not mentioned, nor elsewhere after 457 b. c. 
 
 In Neh. i. i we are all at once transported to 445 b. c, the 
 year of Nehemiah's first arrival at Jerusalem. What happened 
 in this interval of some dozen years ? For the answer we are left 
 largely to conjecture. Probably Ezra iv. 6-23 (see on) belongs 
 here. The Jews seem to have set about the restoration of the 
 walls of Jerusalem, perhaps before Ezra passed away, and at his 
 instigation. But the Samaritan party became once more a source 
 of annoyance and a hindrance to their pious kinsmen, and, making 
 sundry charges of disloyalty, &c., against the Jews, induced the 
 Persian king to issue an edict putting an end for the time to the 
 work and (probably) imposing fresh burdens and disabilities upon 
 the builders. It is to these latter that Neh. i. 3 seems to allude. 
 
 It has been objected that if previous attempts at repairing the 
 wall had been made they would have been mentioned in Neh. ii. 
 3fF. Moreover (it is added), if earlier prohibitory edicts had 
 been issued their withdrawal would have been spoken of when 
 Nehemiah is allowed to begin the work. It is forgotten, however, 
 that in Ezra-Nehemiah we have what is evidently but an imperfect 
 sketch of the history of the time, a collection of fragments from 
 which it would be perilous to draw a priori conclusions. 
 
 I. i-ii. Nehemiah's Sorrow and Prayer. 
 
 1-3. Nehemiah receives bad tidings concerning the Jerusalem Jews. 
 1. The words of . . . Hacaliah: the original heading to 
 Nehemiah's autobiography (i. i-vii. 5). 
 
 words: better 'acts' (cf. i Kings xi. 41 'the acts of 
 Solomon') or as (R. Vm.) 'history.' But the Hebrew is neutral 
 and can in itself bear any one of the above renderings. 
 
 Nehemiah : the Heb. = (' one whom) Yahweh comforts ' ; cf. 
 the meaning of Ezra ' one whom Yahweh helps.' See on Ezra 
 vii. I. We read of two others bearing the name 'Nehemiah' 
 (see iii. 16 and Ezra ii. 2). 
 
 Hacaliah: read (with Bohme, Cheyne, and Budde\ ' Khak- 
 kel«yah' ('- trust in Yah'). 
 
 Chislev : Assyr. Kisliwu, the ninth month ( = our Nov.-Dec). 
 After the return from Babylon the Jews adopted the Babylonian 
 (Assyrian) month-names instead of their own. See (for both 
 sets of names) Schtirer(*), i. 744 ff. (E.V. I. ii. 763 ff.) and on 
 Ezra X. 17. 
 
NEHEMIAH 1. 2, 3. N 161 
 
 twentieth year, as I was in Shushan the ■''palace, that 2 
 Hanani, one of my brethren, came, he and certain men 
 out of Judah ; and I asked them concerning the Jews 
 that had escaped, which were left of the captivity, and 
 concerning Jerusalem. And they said unto me, The 3 
 ^ Or, cas/le 
 
 in the twentieth year : these words are a dittograph from 
 ii. I, or, more likely, they occur instead of a lower number (19th ?) 
 through a copyist passing his eye to the beginning of the 
 next chapter. If we retain the M.T. ch. ii is chronologically 
 prior to ch. i, as the first month (Nisan, ii. i) precedes the ninth 
 (Chislev, i. i). But the contents of these chapters make this 
 supposition impossible. See on ii. i for the king whose reign is 
 meant. 
 
 Shushan = Susa, the capital of ancient Elam, made by 
 Cyrus one of the capitals of the Persian kingdom. Other capitals 
 were Ecbatana, Persepolis, and Babylon. The king held his 
 court at each of these, perhaps alternately. They were really 
 former royal residences of kingdoms once independent. Shushan 
 (Susa), east of the Persian Gulf, is represented by the modern 
 mound of Shush, fifteen miles south-west of Dizful in Persia. 
 
 palace: R. Vm. ' castle,* Lttc. and some MSS. of the LXX ban's. 
 The Hebrew word seems to denote a fortified place, and hence is ap- 
 plied to the fortified portion of Susa here, in Esther, and also in Dan. 
 viii. 2. In ii. 8, vii. 2 it is used for the citadel or castle of Jerusalem, 
 in I Chron. xxix. i of the Jerusalem Temple, and in the Sachau 
 papyri (i. i) Yeb (Elephantine) and Syene are so designated. 
 
 In Esther ix ' Susa the fortress ' is distinguished from Susa the 
 city proper (verses 13-15). Recent discoveries show that the 
 fortified part of the city was separated from the rest of Susa 
 by the river Choaspes. See on Esther ii. 5 and note by Driver 
 on Dan. viii. 27 {Camb. Bible). 
 
 2. (Hanani, one of my) brethren : render 'brothers'; a literal 
 brother is meant as vii. 2 shows. 
 
 the Jews . . . escaped . . . captivity : those of the Babylonian 
 exiles who had come to Jerusalem, the remnant of such. No one 
 without a previously adopted theory to maintain (as Kosters, &c.) 
 would interpret these words as referring to Jews who had never 
 left the home-land, holding that as yet no return had taken place. 
 According to Kosters and v. Hoonacker the first return of exiles 
 was under Ezra, who is held to have laboured subsequently to 
 Nehemiah, see p. 25 ff. 
 
 3. The reference seems to be to the situation implied in Ezra 
 iv. 7-23, see above, p. 84 f. 
 
 M 2 
 
i62 NEHEMIAH 1.4,5. N 
 
 remnant that are left of the captivity there in the pro- 
 vince are in great affliction and reproach : the wall of 
 Jerusalem also is broken down, and the gates thereof are 
 
 4 burned with fire. And it came to pass, when I heard 
 these words, that I sat down and wept, and mourned cer- 
 tain days ; and I fasted and prayed before the God of 
 
 5 heaven, and said, I beseech thee, O Lord, the God of 
 
 Kosters ^ and Marquart ^ say that it is to the destruction of 
 Jerusalem in 586 B.C. that this verse refers. But this cannot be. 
 
 1. The event impHed must be something recent or Nehemiah 
 could not have been surprised to hear of it. How could Nehemiah 
 in 445 be astonished at hearing of the great ruin of Jerusalem and 
 its Temple 140 years and more ago? 
 
 2. Nehemiah would be sure to know of the royal edict stopping 
 the building of the walls (Ezra vi. 17 ff.), yet he could hardly at so 
 great a distance have known of the sufferings of the Jews at home 
 or the actual condition of the city. 
 
 3. There seems to be in Neh. vi. 6 an underl3nng reference to 
 an earlier edict against the building of the walls : ' It is reported 
 . . . that thou and the Jews think to rebel ' (against the ro3'al 
 edict, &c.). 
 
 the province: see on Ezra ii. i. 
 
 in gfreat afB.iction, &c. to end : see ii. 3, 17. 
 
 wall . . . broken down: to make further defiance impossible : 
 see 2 Kings xiv. 13. 
 
 4-n. Nehemiah'' s grief ; his confession and prayer, both the latter 
 bearing a strong liturgical character. 
 
 4. With Nehemiah's manifestations of grief compare those of 
 Ezra (Ezra ix. 3-5, x. 6). 
 
 sat down: see Job ii. 13. 
 
 certain (days) : better ' some ( = ' a few ') days.' 
 
 the God of heaven : see on Ezra vi. 9. 
 
 5. O IiOSD : Heb. Yahweh (Jehovah), always in the E.W. 
 written Lord with small capitals except in four (R.V. six) 
 places, where Jehovah occurs. For some centuries b. c, this sacred 
 name was avoided, and instead of it the Hebrew word for Lord 
 (Adonai) substituted as is the custom among modern Jews. It is 
 this substituted word which is translated in the LXX and other 
 versions (not the French). This is, however, the only example 
 of the use in Nehemiah of this Divine name. It is the distinctive 
 name for Israel's God as such. 
 
 * op. cit. p. 60. * op, cit. p. 57 f. 
 
NEHEMIAH 1. 6-S. N 163 
 
 heaven, the great and terrible God, that keepeth cove- 
 nant and mercy with them that love him and keep his 
 commandments : let thine ear now be attentive, and 6 
 thine eyes open, that thou mayest hearken unto the 
 prayer of thy servant, which I pray before thee at this 
 time, day and night, for the children of Israel thy ser- 
 vants, while I confess the sins of the children of Israel, 
 which we have sinned against thee : yea, I and my father's 
 house have sinned. We have dealt very corruptly against 7 
 thee, and have not kept the commandments, nor the 
 statutes, nor the judgements, which thou commandedst 
 thy servant Moses. Remember, I beseech thee, the 8 
 word that thou commandedst thy servant Moses, saying, 
 If ye trespass, I will scatter you abroad among the peoples : 
 
 the great and terrible Qod : see iv. 14, ix. 32 ; Deut. vii, ai, 
 X. 17 ; Dan. ix. 4. 
 
 that keepeth covenant, &c. : see ix. 32 ; Deut. vii. 9; i Kings 
 viii. 23, &c. 
 
 6. let thine ear now he attentive : sever, ii ; a Chron. vi. 40 ; 
 Ps. cxxx. 2. The now of this verse is that of entreaty (Heb. no), 
 not the now of time (Heb. 'atah). 
 
 thine eyes open : so 2 Chron. vi, 40. 
 
 thy servant = ' me ' with the added feehng of humility. In 
 respectful address to a superior the word servant is often used to 
 form personal pronouns. Thus ' thy servant ' = I or me (Gen. 
 xviii. 3; I Sam. xx. 7f.); Hhy servants ' = we or us. See 
 Gen. xlii. 11 ; Num. xxxi. 49. 
 
 day and night: see Acts xx. 31. 
 
 confess . . . sins . . . which we have sinned : see on Ezra x. i, 
 *l. We (have dealt, &c.) : see on Ezra x. i. 
 
 commandments . . . statutes . . . judgements: found 
 together as summing up the law; also Deut. v. 31, vi. vii. 11, xi. 
 For the distinction between the words, see 'Psalms ' (Century 
 Bible), vol. ii, p. 254. 
 
 which thou commandedst, &c. : see Deut. vi. i, &c. 
 8. Sememher ... the word: nothing in the O. T. corresponds 
 exactly to the language cited ; the nearest equivalent is perhaps 
 Deut. XXX. 1-5 ; cf, Deut. iv. 27, xxviii, 64. See in Ezra ix. 11 
 (a similar case . 
 
 trespass : sec on Ezra x. 2. 
 
i64 NEHEMIAH 1. 9-11. N 
 
 9 but if ye return unto me, and keep my commandments 
 and do them, though your outcasts were in the uttermost 
 part of the heaven, yet will I gather them from thence, 
 and will bring them unto the place that I have chosen to 
 
 10 cause my name to dwell there. Now these are thy ser- 
 vants and thy people, whom thou hast redeemed by thy 
 
 1 1 great power, and by thy strong hand. O Lord, I beseech 
 thee, let now thine ear be attentive to the prayer of thy 
 servant, and to the prayer of thy servants, who delight to 
 fear thy name : and prosper, I pray thee, thy servant this 
 
 9. return : the Hebrew means primarily to make a turn, to 
 change the direction ; cf. A. V. ' turn.' But it comes to mean 
 more usually ' return.* 
 
 unto the place, &c. : the phraseology is Deuteronomic, see 
 Deut. xii. 5, &c., and cf. Ezra vi. 12. The place meant is of 
 course Jerusalem, though it is not mentioned in connexion 
 with the phrase, and Prof. A. Duff has ably argued that a city 
 in the Northern Kingdom is what Deuteronomy originally 
 intended^. 
 
 10. For the phraseology see Deut. vii. 8, ix. 26, 29; and cf. 
 Exod. iii. 19. 
 
 redeemed : the Hebrew word {padah) is used specially of 
 freeing slaves. For other verbs so rendered see on Ps. Ixxiv. 2 
 {Century Bible). 
 
 11. OLord: in Nehemiah only hereandiv. 8; see ver. 5(Lord). 
 thy servant . . . thy servants : see on ver. 6. Here, as follow- 
 ing Lord (not Lord = Yahweh), very appropriate. 
 
 Note the apparent paradox in delight to fear, but 'to fear 
 God' is the O. T. expression for to reverence and obey Him. 
 See Ps. ii. 11, xxii. 23. 
 
 thy name = '■ thee ' (with emphasis). The word name with 
 the appropriate pronoun ('my,' 'th}',' &c.) is constantly used 
 in the O. T. of God as an emphatic personal pronoun, ' myself,' 
 'thyself.' In Ps. Iv. 6 'unto thee' stands in parallelism to ' unto 
 thy name.' This usage arises from the emplo3'ment of ' name ' in 
 the sense of revealed character, the person as named and thus 
 known : see on Ps. Ixxix. 9, Ixxxiii. 16, cxxiv. 8 (Century Bible) ; 
 cf. ' thy servant ' in ver. 6, &c. 
 
 * See Old Test. Theology, vol. ii, ' The Deuteronomic Reformation.' 
 
NEHEMIAH 2. i. N 165 
 
 day, and grant him mercy in the sight of this man. 
 (Now I was cupbearer to the king.) 
 
 And it came to pass in the month Nisan,in the twentieth 2 
 year of Artaxerxes the king, when wine was before him, 
 
 mercy: in the Old English sense of pity, compassion. The 
 Hebrew words here = 'make me' (lit. * thyself,' see on ver. 6) 'to 
 be an object of compassionate regard in the eyes of this man' (i. e. 
 the King of Persia). 
 
 I. ii*=-II (end). Nehemiah requests and obtains the King's 
 Permission to visit Jerusalem for the Purpose of re- 
 building THE Walls and restoring Social Order. 
 
 i. ii°-ii. 8. The king's favourable response to Nehemiah' s request. 
 
 II. Zfow Z was cupbearer, &c. : these words belong to the 
 next chapter, which it appropriately introduces. 
 
 cupliearer: Heb. lit. = ' one who causes' or * gives to drink.' 
 The absence of the definite article (though in the A. V. it is 
 inaccurately prefixed 'the cupbearer') suggests, what is other- 
 wise known to be the case, that the king would have two or more 
 cupbearers who relieved one another : see i Kings x. 5 ; 2 Chron. 
 ix. 4; Gen. xl. 2 ('chief of the cupbearers,* E.VV. wrongly 'of 
 the butlers'); 2 Kings xviii. 17. The duties of the office are 
 enumerated by Xenophon {Cyro. i. 3 f.) and by Herodotus (iii. 24). 
 The cupbearer's principal occupation was to taste the wine before 
 he handed it to the king, as a proof that it was free from poison 
 (see ii. i). Those who held the office had, at least in the time of 
 Ktesias (d. circa 390 B.C.), to be eunuchs, and it is not improbable 
 that Nehemiah was one, for we never read of his having a wife, 
 though this last is true of Ezra too. The title Rabshakeh in 
 2 Kings xviii. 17 and the parallel passage Isa, xxxvi. 2 is Babylo- 
 nian, and means 'principal military officer' (so nearly all modern 
 scholars) and not 'cupbearer,' as Ryle, Whitehouse, and (latterly) 
 Zimmern ^ say. Nehemiah, as cupbearer, had peculiarly favourable 
 opportunities of becoming intimate with his royal master, 
 ii. I. the moutli Nisau : see on Ezrax. 17. 
 
 the twentieth year of Artaxerxes : i. e. of Artaxerxes I 
 (Longimanus), whose reign began in 464 b. c. and ended with his 
 death in 424 b. c. The twentieth year of his reign would be 
 therefore 444 b. c. 
 
 It was in the seventh and eighth years of the same king that Ezra 
 accomplished his work at Jerusalem (see Conspectus, &;c. , p. 157 f.). 
 
 There were, however,two later Persian kings bearing the same 
 name, viz. Artaxerxes II (Mnemon, 404-359 b. c.) and Arta- 
 xerxes III (Ochus 359-338). Since the bare name is used in Ezra 
 
 ' KATS^^ 651. 
 
i66 NEHEMIAH 2. 2, 3. N 
 
 that I took up the wine, and gave it unto the king. Now 
 a I had not been beforetinie sad in his presence. And the 
 king said unto me, Why is thy countenance sad, seeing 
 thou art not sick? this is nothing else but sorrow of 
 3 heart. Then I was very sore afraid. And I said unto the 
 king, Let the king Hve for ever : why should not my 
 countenance be sad, when the city, the place of my 
 fathers' sepulchres, lieth waste, and the gates thereof 
 
 and here, much discussion has arisen as to which is intended (see 
 on Ezravii. i). There has been similar disputing as to the Darius 
 of Ezra iv. 24, v. i, &c., since there were other Persian kings of 
 that name : see on the above passages. 
 
 (when wine was before) him: read (with LXX) 'me' 
 == ' when I had charge of the wine ' (Siegfried, &c.). The error 
 in Hebrew arose through a haplography, i. e. writing the same 
 letter (waw) twice, a common clerical mistake. 
 
 Wow I had not, &c. : read and render, ' Now I had not been 
 beforetime sad,' omitting in his presence and removing the italics 
 from beforetime. The difference in Hebrew is in one only of 
 the consonants. The M. T. = ' Now I was not sad in his presence,' 
 which contradicts the facts. 
 
 2. Why is thy countenance sad? &c. : the cupbearer was 
 expected to be cheerful and cheering. That Nehemiah's sadness 
 was not due to physical illness was proved by his appearance and 
 the fact that he had not requested leave of absence. 
 
 sorrow of heart : i. e. * sadness,' &c., the noun being cognate 
 with the adjective rendered 'sad.' In i Sam. xvii. 28 the same 
 Hebrew words are rightly rendered ' naughtiness of heart.' Both 
 adjective and noun have primarily ethical meanings. Cf. our 
 'bad ' or 'good health,' ' bad' or ' good tidings,' &c. 
 
 Then Z was very sore afiraid, lest, having explained his 
 trouble and his request, the king might deny him the favour it was 
 in his mind to ask. 
 
 3. Let the king* live for ever : the usual formula at the open- 
 ing of an address to the king: see Dan. ii. 4, iii. 9, See also 
 I Kings i. 31 (Bathsheba to Solomon). 
 
 the city, the place of my fathers' sepulchres : Nehemiah 
 was therefore a Jerusalemite by descent, i.e. he belonged to the 
 tribe of Judah. 
 
 place : in Hebrew the word used for house, but also for a 
 containing place or space, e. g. Isa. iii. 20, ' perfumed boxes,' lit. 
 ' houses of perfume ' ; Exod. xxvi. 29, xxxv. 34, ' places (' houses ') 
 for the bars' ; Ezek. xli. 9, 'place ('house') of the side cham- 
 
NEHEMIAH 2. 4-6. N 167 
 
 are consumed with fire ? Then the king said unto me, 4 
 For what dost thou make request ? So I prayed to the 
 God of heaven. And I said unto the king, If it please 5 
 the king, and if thy servant have found favour in thy 
 sight, that thou wouldest send me unto Judah, unto the 
 city of my fathers' sepulchres, that I may build it. And 6 
 the king said unto me, (the queen also sitting by him,) 
 For how long shall thy journey be ? and when wilt thou 
 
 bers.' Cf. also the numerous place-names compounded with 
 Beth (house), as Bethlehem = ' House of Bread,' i.e. place where 
 wheat is abundant, &c. 
 
 Ryleand Bertholet are hardly justified in pressing the literal 
 sense ' house,' from the fathers having been buried in the house 
 (cf, I Sam. XXV. i ; i Kings ii. 34), i. e. in the garden attached to 
 the house (cf. 2 Kings xxi. 18). 
 
 The ancients attached great importance to the honour of 
 proper interment, and paid the deepest respect to the burial-places 
 of ancestors. See on Ps. Ixxix. 3 {Century Bible). 
 
 consumed: lit. 'eaten,' as in ver. 13, In ver. 17, i. 3, &c., 
 the word is * burnt.' 
 
 4. Per what dost thou make request ? Either Nehemiah had 
 indicated in wrords that he had a request to make or his appearance 
 suggested the king's question. 
 
 I prayed : i. e. inwardly. Nehemiah was pre-eminently a man 
 of prayer ; see iv. 4, 9, v. 19, vi. 9, 14, xiii. 14. 
 God of heaven : see on Ezra vi. 9. 
 
 5. If itplease the king", &c. : the regular formula when making pro- 
 posals to the king. It occurs very often in Esther (seei. igjii. 9, &c.). 
 
 build : the Hebrew word means also, as here, * to rebuild.' 
 So Ezra v. 13, 15, 17, vi. 3, &c. Here it refers specifically to the 
 repairing of the walls, as in Ezra iv. 12, 16, 21. 
 
 6. the queen, &c : the queen (called Damasias according to 
 Ktesias) here separately mentioned on account of the influence 
 she had over her husband. Cf. Queen Esther and the part she 
 played in directing her husband's policy. Persian kings acted 
 much as their queens guided them. 
 
 The word rendered queen occurs besides only in Ps. xlv. 9, 
 and judging from Assyrian etymology it denotes strictly a member 
 of the royal harem, a palace woman. But it was the principal 
 member who acted as queen, she having all the more influence 
 because she owed her supreme position to her continued charms. 
 Such a woman had in those times far more completely the ear and 
 heart of the husband than a one-wife queen could have. 
 
i68 NEHEMIAH 2. 7, 8. N 
 
 return ? So it pleased the king to send me ; and I set 
 
 7 him a time. Moreover I said unto the king, If it please 
 the king, let letters be given me to the governors beyond 
 the river, that they may let me pass through till I come 
 
 8 unto Judah ; and a letter unto Asaph the keeper of the 
 king's ^ forest, that he may give me timber to make beams 
 for the gates of the castle which appertaineth to the house, 
 
 * Or, park 
 
 I set him : better read with Winckler ^, ' he set me.' 
 time : a period of twelve years — the space of Nehemiah's 
 first absence — could hardly have been in the mind of either the 
 king or his cupbearer. It probably grew to that through unex- 
 pected difficulties in the building and in the administration. 
 
 7. letters : see on Ezra iv. 8. The letters would be written 
 in Aramaic, the language of diplomacy at this time, see p. 13. We 
 are probably to think of parchment rolls as the material (see Jer. 
 xxxvi. I, 2, 4), ink (Jer. xxxvi. 18), and an iron stylus (Jer. xvii. 
 i) or reed pen (Ezek. ix. 2) being employed in writing. See on 
 Ezra iv. 8. The Tel-el-Amarna tablets prove that in 1400 b. c. 
 letters were written on clay tablets dried in the sun or baked in 
 a kiln, and that they were in the cuneiform character. The Tel-el- 
 Amarna letters were baked in kilns, see on Ezra vi. 2. 
 
 governors beyond the river : the ' pekhahs ' or * governors 
 of Transpotamia ' : see on Ezra iv. 10 (for the designation Trans- 
 potamia) and on Ezra viii. 36 and ver, 9 (for governors, &c.). 
 
 that they may let me pass, &c. : suggesting the existence 
 among the governors of a feeling of opposition to the project Nehe- 
 miah had at heart. See on Ezra iv. 7-23, and at p. 160, where it is 
 held that this section belongs to a time not long before Nehemiah's 
 first visit. 
 
 8. Asaph : otherwise unknown. The name suggests that he 
 was a Jew, and therefore probably a native of Jerusalem. 
 
 king's forest : since Ewald's time most scholars identify this 
 with the * Garden of Solomon,' close to Etam, some half-dozen 
 miles to the south of Jerusalem (see Josephus, Anttq., viii. 7, 3). 
 The forest of Lebanon is too far away to be intended here ; the 
 timber wanted must have been near. 
 
 The word rendered forest is the Hebrew form of ' paradise,' 
 originally a Persian word. The same word in Eccles. ii. 5 and 
 Cant. iv. 13 means ^park.' 
 
 for the gates of : Mommert (iv. 4) connects these words with 
 wall and house, rendering * for the gates of the castle . . . and for 
 
 ^ Altor. Forsch. ii. Series iii, 2. 473. 
 
NEHEMIAH 2. 9. N 169 
 
 and for the wall of the city, and for the house that I shall 
 enter into. And the king granted me, according to the 
 good hand of my God upon me. Then I came to the 9 
 governors beyond the river, and gave them the kings 
 
 the city wall and for the house,' &c. But the Hebrew cannot 
 yield this translation. 
 
 the castle : Heb. hab-birah, as in ver. i (see on). A fortress 
 on the north side of the Temple, first mentioned here and vii. 2. 
 It is referred to later in i Macc.xiii. 52 ; Acts xxi. 37 and xxii. 24. 
 It seems to have been erected between 536 and 445, probably at 
 the time the Temple was restored about 520, though nothing more 
 definite is known. Later names were Ban's and Antonia (see 
 Josephus, Wars, i. 3, 3, &c.). Mommert, curiously (iv. 4), under- 
 stands by the castle the whole wall-enclosed Temple area. 
 
 accordiugf to tlie gfood hand of my God : see ver. 18 and 
 Ezra vii. 6, viii. 18, 22. 
 
 9-16. Nehemiah's arrival at Jerusalem ; his tour of the city and 
 his impressions. 
 
 9. Gfoveruors beyond the river: since Transpotamia ('be- 
 yond the river ') had but one satrap, the word 'governors ' must, 
 as in the Sachau papyri, include the local governors appointed by 
 the satrap, often, as in the case of Ezra and Nehemiah, and in 
 accordance with Persian policy, one of the race inhabiting the 
 subsatrapy. The use of the word pekhah (plur. here) proves that 
 it does not invariably mean, as Meyer holds, satrap. When for 
 purposes of administration Darius I divided his greatly extended 
 kingdom into twenty satrapies, carrying out more fully the policy 
 of Cyrus, he made Babylon and Assyria one satrapy, Syria, 
 Phoenicia, and the island of Cyprus another, and Egypt with 
 contiguous lands a third ^ On crossing the Euphrates Nehemiah 
 would pass through one satrapy only until he reached Jerusa- 
 lem ; see p. 50. On his way from Shushan he would be likely to 
 make a halt at Babylon, where a satrap resided. The letters 
 referred to in ver. 7 would include one to this satrap. 
 
 Leaving Babylon and crossing the Euphrates, he would be at 
 once in what the present writer calls Transpotamia. The direction 
 would nowlie towards Carchemish, avoiding the Arabian and S3'rian 
 deserts. Thence the party would turn southwards to Damascus, 
 where the satrap of Transpotamia almost certainly dwelt, though 
 before reaching the S3'rian capital he would be likely to encounter 
 local governors, Arab sheikhs, &c., to whom he would present what 
 one may call royal passports. Then the company would strike 
 
 ^ See Duncker, Gcschichte des Alterthums, iv. 523 ff. (E.W. vi. 
 315 ff.) J Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums^ iii. 49 ff. 
 
17© NEHEMIAH 2. lo. N 
 
 letters. Now the king had sent with me captains of the 
 
 10 army and horsemen. And when Sanballat the Horonite, 
 
 and Tobiah the servant, the Ammonite, heard of it, it 
 
 southward in the direction of Samaria, taking, it is probable, the 
 west Jordan route, or perhaps that east of the Jordan, crossing 
 the river at one of the fords between the sea of Galilee and the 
 Dead Sea. At Samaria Nehemiah would meet the local sub- 
 satrap or governor, who was probably Sanballat. To the latter 
 he would present the usual credentials which, as explaining the 
 purpose of Nehemiah's journey, would awaken in the local authori- 
 ties the liveliest feelings of antagonism, for it was but recently (see 
 pp. 84 f. and 160) that they had thwarted the execution of the very 
 task which the new Jewish leader had royal authority to complete. 
 captains, &c. : Ezra made his journey without a military 
 escort (Ezra viii. 22), perhaps, as Bertheau says, because he was 
 ashamed as a professed believer in Yahweh to question the 
 sufficiency of Divine guidance. 
 
 10. Sanballat: the best Heb. MSS. write • Saneballat.' In the 
 LXX and Vulg. it is ' Sanaballat ' (one / in Luc), in Josephus 
 *Sanaballet(es).' The word is Babylonian, and means * one whom 
 Sin ' (the Moon-god) ' preserves alive.' 
 
 There can now be no doubt that Sanballat was governor, i.e. sub- 
 satrap in Samaria, exercising at the time, it is extremely likely, 
 jurisdiction over Judah and even over other adjoining districts 
 {SQG. iv. 7, Arabs, Ammonites, and Ashdodites). He is spoken of 
 in the Sachau papyri as governor {pekhah) of Samaria, and Josephus 
 says^ (though his date is wrong, see p. 179) that he was sent by 
 the last king ' (Darius Codomannus, 338-331) 'into Samaria.' 
 Nehemiah nowhere calls Sanballat governor, yet he brings him 
 into connexion with Samaria (see iv. 2). 
 
 the Horonite : this is generally held to mean a native of 
 Beth-Horon, north-west of Jerusalem, at that time belonging to 
 Samaria (see Joshua xvi. 3, 5, &c.). This agrees with what 
 Josephus says ^ (' He was a Kuthean '), and with iv. 2 properly 
 interpreted (see on). Moreover, the language in iv. 2 suggests 
 that he spoke to the Samaritans in their own (his own ?) language. 
 So Buhl* and G. A. Smiths 
 
 Schlatter, Winckler, and Bertholet say that the word denotes 
 ' a native of Horonaim,' a south Moabite city (see Isa. xv. 5 ; 
 Jer. xlviii. 3, 5, 34, and the Moabite stone). This is thought to 
 explain why he constantly appears in conjunction with Tobiah 
 the Ammonite, but see below. 
 
 Tobiah the servant, the Ammonite: the fact that his 
 
 ^ § 29. ^ Antiq. xi. 7, 2. ^ Ibid. 
 
 * Geog. de^ alt. Pal. 169. " Jerusalem^ ii. 336 f. 
 
NEHEMIAH 2. u, ra. N 171 
 
 grieved them exceedingly, for that there was come a man 
 to seek the welfare of the children of Israel. So I came n 
 to Jerusalem, and was there three days. And I arose in 12 
 the night, I and some few men with me ; neither told 
 
 name and that of his son are compounded with Yah (short 
 writing of Yahweh) shows that he was a Yahweh worshipper, 
 though it is no proof of his being a Jew. Those who belonged 
 to the Samaritan party were genuine Yahwists or they would not 
 have wished to unite in restoring the Temple. They differed 
 from Jews in having wider sympathies and a broader creed, and 
 also in having foreign blood. We know of them almost exclusively 
 from what their rivals have written. It is hardly likely that 'Am- 
 monite' means here, as G. A. Smith is inclined to think ^, a native 
 of the Benjamite village Chephar-ammoni (Joshua xviii. 24), as the 
 word occurs often elsewhere and invariably in the ordinary sense. 
 Besides, according to xiii. 4 ff., he was not of Jewish descent. Why 
 should not this man, though racially an Ammonite, having entered 
 the service of a Yahwist, have embraced his master's religion 
 and then changed his name according to a common custom ? 
 
 servant : the word so translated means often a slave ; Gen. 
 xii. 16 ; Exod. xxi. 2, &c.), but it is also commonly used for 
 officials of the court (see Gen. xl. 20, 1. 7; Exod. x. 7, &c.) and 
 for other officials of quite respectable position (see 2 Sam. x. 2, 4, 
 roj'al messengers, &c.). 
 
 It is probable that Tobiah was the secretary of Sanballat, the 
 governor of Samaria : see vi. 17. The word translated 'servant' 
 is by no means inconsistent with this. Winckler's guess " (it is no 
 more) that Tobiah was Sanballat's son is not worthy of serious 
 consideration. 
 
 it grieved them, &c., because their former successful oppo- 
 sition was now apparently to come to nought : see p. 160. 
 
 a man: Heb. 'a human being' (= Gr. mithropos, L. homo), 
 used contemptuously. The ordinary word for man as dis- 
 tinguished from woman is ish (= Gr. aner^ L. vir^. Perhaps, 
 however, the sense is ' that any one (man or woman) had come,' 
 &c. ; the use of the same Hebrew word in ver. 12 favours the latter 
 explanation. 
 
 11. Nehemiah took no notice of the Samaritan ill-will, but went 
 on his way. With the royal letters even Sanballat could net 
 hinder his progress. 
 
 With ver. 11 cf. Ezra viii, 32, which is almost word for word 
 the same. 
 
 12. in the night : to avoid being seen. 
 
 See Encyc. Bib. i. 559. ' KATS^"* 296. 
 
172 NEHEMIAH 2. 13. N 
 
 I any man what my God put into my heart to do for Jeru- 
 salem : neither was there any beast with me, save the 
 13 beast that I rode upon. And I went out by night by the 
 valley gate, even toward the dragon's well, and to the 
 
 what my Ood put into my heart : see vii. 5 and Ezra 
 
 vii. 27. 
 
 the beast that I rode upon : i. e. an ass, less likely a mule. 
 The Hebrew word is a generic one for horses, asses, and mules, 
 and has nearly always a collective sense. Nehemiah had but one 
 animal, to obviate suspicion ; his servants would walk, just as is 
 done in Palestine at the present time, 
 
 13-15. Nehemiali's tottr of inspection. It will be seen that he 
 began and ended at the Valley Gate, having made, it is probable, 
 a complete circuit of the city wall. Dr. E. Robinson ^ held that 
 Nehemiah, when he reached the King's Pool (ver. 14), descended 
 from the beast, which was hindered from going further by the ruin 
 heaps, and proceeded along the Kidron way, looking at the 
 Temple walls, &c. Returning to where he left his beast, he 
 made the journey back to the Valley Gate by the way he came. 
 So Professor F. F. Wright, who says ^ that having approached 
 the city wall by the northern road Nehemiah had no further need 
 to examine the northern walls. If, as the present writer believes, 
 Nehemiah followed the entire course of the wall, one must think 
 of him as on foot guiding the beast where the heaps of debris 
 made riding impossible. See a further statement of various views 
 in Mommert, vol. (Theil) iv. 5 ff. We have in these verses, in iii. 
 1-33 and in xii. 27-43, the completest data to be obtained for 
 reconstructing the plan of ancient Jerusalem. Notwithstanding 
 the mass of learned and ingenious matter which has been written 
 on these chapters, much uncertainty still attaches to details. 
 References might be made to the large volume with a small 
 volume as appendix by Carl Mommert, Topographic des alien 
 Jerusalem (1900-1907) ; Jerusalem, &c., by George Adam Smith, 
 D.D., 2 vols, (1907) ; Ancient Jerusalem, by Selah Merrill (1908), 
 and L, B. Paton, Jerusalem in Bible Times. Dr. Smith's work cannot 
 be too highly commended for its sanity, learning, and interesting 
 style : see especially vol. i, 31 ff. As a guide to the notes to 
 these topographical sections the map of Jerusalem in the time of 
 Nehemiah will, it is thought, be found useful, see opposite p. 159. 
 
 13. valley gate : the name suggests that this gate opened 
 upon the Valley of Hinnom {Wady-er-Rababi) , the word trans- 
 lated 'valley' {gat) being used in the O. T. of this one only of. 
 
 ^ Bib. Researches, i, 474. ^ PEF., 1896, 172 f. 
 
NEHEMIAH 2. 13. N 173 
 
 dung gate, and viewed the walls of Jerusalem, which were 
 
 the Jerusalem valle3's ^ It must have lain near the south-west 
 corner of the walls. In 1894 Dr. Bliss ^ uncovered the remains of 
 an ancient gateway at the south-west corner of the ancient walls 
 which he, Guthe, Mitchell, and G. A, Smith concluded to be the 
 site of this gate, though the distance from the Dung Gate is rather 
 more than 1,000 cubits (see iii. 33), and further excavation 
 has shown that the remains are not very ancient. Formerly this 
 gate was placed where the Jaffa Gate now stands : so Thenius, Keil, 
 Schick, Ryle, and Harvie-Jellie (on 2 Chron. xxvi. 9, Centnty Bible). 
 
 the dragon's well : we know it lay somewhere along the 
 direction of the wall between the Valley and Dung Gates, but 
 where exact!}' we have no data to determine. It has been com- 
 monly identified with the modern Bir Eyyttb (Job's Well), which 
 probably represents the site of En-Rogel (see i Kings i. 9, &c.), 
 but this would be too far to the south-east and not along the lie 
 of wall. Perhaps, as G. A. Smith ^ surmises, it was a spring, 
 due to an earthquake, and only temporary in duration, for it is 
 not mentioned before or after the time of Nehemiah. It may have 
 received its name from the belief that a mythical dragon resided 
 in the fountain : so W. Rob. Smith, Rel. SemS'^'> 172, and most 
 moderns: but this is very problematical. The LXX calls it 'the 
 Fig Fountain,' which may be correct, i. e. ' the fountain near which 
 figs grow.' Z,wc. supports the M.T. The Hebrew is much alike 
 for both. The Syr. renders, ' the Gate of the Hills.' 
 
 the dungf grate : situated probably near the point where the 
 Tyropoeon Valley {el-Wad) joins the Valley of Hinnom {Wady- 
 er-Rababi), perhaps where the modern Bab-el- Magharibe stands. 
 Some identify this gate with the Harsith Gate (Gate of Potsherds) 
 mentioned in Jer. xix. 2. This last was perhaps the gate 
 through which potsherds were thrown, or rather, outside which 
 on a rock, as now, broken earthenware was crushed into cement 
 for plastering cisterns, &c.* The name Dung Gate (Heb. and 
 Syr., 'Ashheap Gate'; Luc, LXX, Vulg., 'Dung Hill Gate') 
 may have been given, as Stade and others after him say, because 
 the refuse of the city was conveyed through it. Gall,^ followed 
 hesitatingly by Bertholet, sees in the Hebrew name a disguised 
 form of Tophet,^ itself a disguised form of Tephet, and so 
 explains : ' The Gate leading to the Molek (a disguised form of 
 melek'^) sanctuary where children were sacrificed.' 
 
 and viewed: the Hebrew tense is continuous = 'I kept on 
 
 ^ See G.A.Smith, Jems. i. 171. ^ PEF., 1894, 149 ff., 243 ff. 
 ' op. cit. i. 74, cf. III. 
 
 * PER., 1904, p. 156. 5 Altis. KuU., 72. 
 
 * See qf\ Ps. cvi. 38 {Century Bible). 
 
 ' See on Ps. cxxxii. 2 (Century Bible). 
 
174 NEHEMIAH 2. 14, 15. N 
 
 broken down, and the gates thereof were consumed with 
 M fire. Then I went on to the fountain gate and to the 
 
 king's pool : but there was no place for the beast that was 
 15 under me to pass. Then went I up in the night by the 
 
 viewing.' The Hebrew verb as written in the M.T. (so LXX) 
 means 'to break,' and has been here explained: 'I broke my 
 way through the walls,' i. e. the fragments of walls. Rashi 
 interprets literally, and says that Nehemiah's purpose was to 
 break down the portions of wall that remained, so that next day 
 the Jews might be willing to assent to his proposal — a very 
 unlikely thing for him to do. By changing a diacritical point on 
 one letter (sh, s) — making no difference in the original unpointed 
 Hebrew text — we obtain an Aramaic verb, which occurs 
 in the intensive form (P/.) in the sense to hope, wait for 
 (see Esther ix. i ; Ps. civ. 21, cix. 166, cxlv. 15 ; Isa. xxxviii. 18). 
 But the sense 'think,' then (with the preposition here) to 'think 
 about,' though upheld by Baer, Ginsburg, and Guthe, cannot be 
 got from the Aramaic, in which the simple verb means ' to 
 believe,' 'trust,' and the intensive (Pa.) 'to hope for,' nor from 
 the O. T. passages cited above, in which the verb {Pi.) = 'to 
 hope,' ' wait for.' Either we must keep the verb in the M. T. 
 and explain as above, ' to break through ' = to make way among 
 (the walls% or we must decide the text to be corrupt. Perhaps 
 we should read shomer for shober, which requires very little 
 change in the Hebrew. This verb means often * to closely 
 scrutinize,' as in i Sam. i. 12 ; Job xxxix. i, &c. The preposition 
 following often introduces the object. 
 
 walls: so Heb., M.T., Syr., and Luc. But LXX and 
 Vulg. have the sing. ' wall.' 
 
 consumed : see on ver. 3. 
 14. fountain gate : probably the gate which lay just outside the 
 King's Pool, whence it had its name. It lay at the junction of the 
 Hinnom and Kidron valleys, at the southernmost end of what was 
 once a busy street. It would be a httle to the north-east of the 
 Dung Gate: see plan of Jerusalem opposite p. 159. 
 
 the king's pool: probably = the modern Birket-el-H antra 
 ('the Red Pool') : see plan of Jerusalem, opposite p. 159, It seems 
 to have received its name from the fact that it stood near the 
 entrance to the royal gardens which it watered : see 2 Kings 
 XXV. 4 ; Jer. xxxix. 4, lii. 7. 
 
 no place, &c. : on account of the broken-down walls. 
 
 the beast that was under me : i. e. so long as I rode, 
 
 to pass: lit. * to cross,' ' pass over,' referring to the rubbish 
 in the way. See on Esther iv. 17. 
 
NEHEMIAII 2. i6, 17. N 175 
 
 brook, and viewed the wall ; and I turned back, and 
 entered by the valley gate, and so returned. And the 16 
 ^ rulers knew not whither I went, or what I did ; neither 
 had I as yet told it to the Jews, nor to the priests, nor to 
 the nobles, nor to the ^ rulers, nor to the rest that did the 
 work. Then said I unto them, Ye see the evil case that 17 
 
 ^ Or, deputes 
 
 15. in the night : it was still night, and Nehemiah wishes to 
 lay stress on this. The Palestine night varies only between eleven 
 and thirteen hours. 
 
 the brook: better ' wady ' : the Hebrew word (Hakhal) 
 = the Arabic wady, i. e. a winter torrent valley. This is the word 
 always used of the Kidron, which must therefore be here meant. 
 Gat', the word in the phrase * Valley of Hinnom,' denotes a 
 narrower opening and one without a brook. Nehemiah went up 
 the Kidron valley, from which he could, especially on the higher 
 ground, have a good view of the Temple wall and of much of the 
 Temple itself. 
 
 turned back : Heb. ' turned,' that is its primary sense and its 
 sense here. Having passed through the wady, he would, follow- 
 ing the wall, make a tour towards the east, encompassing the 
 walls until he was once more at the Valley Gate. 
 
 and so returned : the verb is here rightly translated. It is 
 a trick of the author, a word-play, to use the same verb in two 
 different senses in the same paragraph, 
 
 16-18. The Jews, on hearing Nehemiah explain his project, agree 
 heartily to co-operate ivith him. 
 
 16. rulers: Heb. {seganim) equivalent in this book to the 
 word so common in Ezra and translated ' princes ' : see on Ezra 
 ix. I. Nehemiah brought it from Persia, though it is of 
 Babylonian origin. It occurs but once in Ezra (^ix. a), and 
 then almost certainly as a gloss. 
 
 nobles: lit. ' freedmen,' Nehemiah's equivalent for 'elders' 
 (see on Ezra x. 8). It occurs in the Sachau papyri (i. 19), 
 
 * Bagohi (governor of Judah) and the Khorim^ (not as Sachau 
 Kherim) ' of the Jews,' where ' elders ' makes good sense. 
 
 nor to the rest, &c. : render, ' nor to the others who had been 
 doing the work.' The Heb. permits this rendering, and the sense 
 requires it. The rel'erence is to what had beeji done before Nehe- 
 miah's ar(>val, but was stopped by the Samaritan party (see p. 160,. 
 There is not the slightest need to explain with M eyer and Bertholet, 
 
 * the others who were perlorming the religious rites of the Jews.' 
 
 17. See on ver. 3. 
 
 N 
 
176 NEHEMIAH 2. 18-20. N 
 
 we are in, how Jerusalem lieth waste, and the gates 
 thereof are burned with fire : come and let us build 
 up the wall of Jerusalem, that we be no more a re- 
 
 18 proach. And I told them of the hand of my God which 
 was good upon me ; as also of the king's words that he 
 had spoken unto me. And they said, Let us rise up and 
 build. So they strengthened their hands for the good 
 
 19 work. But when Sanballat the Horonite, and Tobiah 
 the servant, the Ammonite, and Geshem the Arabian, 
 heard it, they laughed us to scorn, and despised us, and 
 said, What is this thing that ye do ? will ye rebel against 
 
 20 the king? Then answered I them, and said unto them, 
 The God of heaven, he will prosper us ; therefore we his 
 
 18. rise : see on Ezra x. 4. ' Let us set about building,' &c. 
 So they strengthened, &c. : better (with Luc, LXX, Vulg., 
 
 not Sj'r.) passive : ' So their hands were strengthened,' &c. See 
 for the antithetic phrase Ezra iv. 4. 
 
 19. Opposition, 
 
 For Sanballat and Tobiah see on ver. 10. 
 
 Geshem : see vi. 2 and 6. In the latter verse it has the 
 form 'Gashmu,' which occurs repeatedly in the Sinaitic inscrip- 
 tions ^, and should probably be read here and in vi. 2. The final n is 
 the sign of the Semitic nominative, of which there are survivals in 
 the O. T. (see G. K., § 90 n.). He seems like Tobiah^ to have 
 accepted the religion of the Samaritans and to be now identified 
 with them against the Jews. He might have been head of a clan 
 which had settled in Samaria. We know that Sargon transplanted 
 the Arab tribe Thamud to Samaria, There is a third alternative ; 
 Geshem might have been commissioned by his tribe, still dwelling 
 in their Arab homeland, to represent them in Samaria's opposition 
 to the Jews. In either of the two latter alternatives the Arabs, of 
 whom Geshem was chief, might have accepted Samaritanism as a 
 religion, or their opposition might have been due to a general 
 uprising of the peoples around against the Jews and their 
 designs. 
 
 will ye rebel? In reference probably to the correspondence 
 recorded in Ezra iv. 7-23. See esp. ver. 15. 
 
 20. Nehemiah's answer of faith. 
 
 The God of heaven : see on Ezra vi. 9. 
 
 ^ See Euting, No. 5S, 167, 345. ^ See on ver. 10. 
 
NEHEMIAH 2. 20. N 177 
 
 servants will arise and build : but ye have no portion, nor 
 right, nor memorial, in Jerusalem. 
 
 will prosper ns : see i. 11. 
 
 his seirvants : see on i. 6. 
 
 arise : see on Ezra x. 4. 
 
 build : i. e. rebuild ; see on ver. 5. 
 
 no portion: see Joshua xx. 25 ; 2 Sam, xx. i. 
 
 rig'ht : the Hebrew word occurs in the Sachau papyri, 
 i. 27, in the sense of 'a fixed share,' which is therefore almost 
 certainly its meaning here. 
 
 memorial = ' something to be remembered by,' see Ezraxvii. 
 14 ; Num. xvi. 40, xxxi. 54 ; Mai. iii. 16. Had the Samaritans 
 and their allies been fully incorporated into the Jewish com- 
 munity and allowed to share in the rebuilding of Temple and 
 city walls their names would have been handed down as those who 
 helped in the restoration of the city and its sanctuary. 
 
 Nehemiah's reply makes it clear enough that the Samaritans 
 would have had no quarrel with the Jews if they had been per- 
 mitted to unite with the latter in their undertakings and privileges. 
 
 III. Names of those who Repaired the Several Portions 
 OF THE Wall. 
 
 This chapter is of the utmost importance for the understanding 
 of the topograpliy of Jerusalem in the days of Nehemiah, and 
 much has been written on it by scholars who have made a special 
 study of the subject, such as Wilson, Warren, Guthe, Bliss, 
 Schick, G. Adam Smith. Neh. iii. 13-15 and xii. 27-43 are also 
 of great importance in the same direction. 
 
 The text in this chapter is unfortunately verj' corrupt in parts 
 (see on verses i, 9) and the account defective owing to the drop- 
 ping out of words through the carelessness of copyists. The 
 Ephraim Gate is not mentioned, though it must have been named 
 in the original account (but see on ver. 6 and on xii. 39) ; the 
 description of the east wall is evidently incomplete (see on 
 verses 25, 27), and in several cases persons are said to have 
 repaired a second portion who are not mentioned in connexion 
 with a first (see on ver. 9). 
 
 It has been inferred by Torrey^ and Kent^, from the special 
 features of vocabulary and style in this section, that the Chronicler, 
 or at least another than Nehemiah, is the author. But nowhere 
 either in E?ra or in Nehemiah is there so detailed a description of 
 Jerusalem as in this chapter, and one might expect this peculiarity 
 
 ' Composition, &.C., 37 f. 
 
 ^ Israel's Historical and Biographical Narratives, p. 352. 
 
 N 2 
 
178 NEHEMIAH 3. i. N 
 
 3 Then Eliashib the high priest rose up with his brethren 
 
 of subject-matter to carry with it corresponding peculiarities of 
 language, especially where so many technical and geographical 
 terms are employed. On the other hand, the personal note is 
 very prominent throughout, and it is clear that Nehemiah con- 
 tinues in the first person to tell his own tale. 
 
 The course taken by the description is regular, though that has 
 been denied. The following outline sets forth the probable direc- 
 tion taken by the narrator in the account he gives. Verses 1-5 
 deal with the north wall. 
 
 1. The Sheep Gate in the north, about the middle of the 
 northern extremity of the present Haram area, formed the 
 starting-point (i f.). 
 
 2. Thence westward passing the towers of Hammeah and 
 Hananel to the Fish Gate 13-5). 
 
 3. The western wall (6-12). 
 
 4. The southern wall and gates, including the Valley and Dung 
 Gates (13 f.). 
 
 5. The south-east wall and gates (15-27). 
 
 6. The north-east wall — completion (28-32). 
 
 1-5. The North and North-ivest Wall. 
 
 1. EliasMto ( = * God will restore'; in Liic. the form is ^El- 
 Yashiib — ' God will turn or return'). Several persons with this 
 name are mentioned in Ezra-Nehemiah and Chronicles : see 
 I Chron. iii. 24 (a descendant of Zerubbabel) ; Ezra x. 14, 29, 36, 
 &c. The ' Eliashib the high priest ' of verses i and 20 was son 
 of Joiakim and grandson of Jeshua (see on Ezra ii. z), the con- 
 temporary of Zerubbabel. He is called '' the priest ' ( = high- 
 priest, see 2 Kings xi. pf., xvi. 10 f.) in Neh. xiii. 4. For the 
 high-priesthood see on Ezra vii. 5. According to xii. 10 Eliashib 
 was the great-grandfather of Jaddua, the contemporary of 
 Alexander the Great, see on Ezra x. 6. 
 
 Later on there arose a schism between Nehemiah and his 
 reforming party on the one hand, and Eliashib and the laxer (or 
 broader ?) party on the other, the principal occasions for which 
 were the following incidents : Being related by marriage to 
 Tobiah (see on ii. 10), Eliashib made it possible for the latter to 
 enter the priesthood though not of priestly descent, and actually 
 allotted him one of the chambers in the Temple area (see xiii. 4 f.). 
 All this happened in Nehemiah's absence, as he himself is careful 
 to tell us rxiii. 6). On his return this anomaly was rectified, 
 Tobiah being expelled from his office and chamber. Soon after 
 this courageous act the Jewish reformer felt it his duty to dismiss 
 from the priesthood a grandson of Eliashib because he had allied 
 himself by marriage with Saiibailat the iioronite (^xiii. 28). Of the 
 
NEHEMIAH 3. i. N 179 
 
 the priests, and they biiilded the sheep gate ; they 
 sanctified it, and set up the doors of it ; even unto the 
 tower of ^ Hammeah they sanctified it, unto the tower of 
 
 * Or, T/ie hundred 
 
 latter Josephus gives a different account, for it is certain that in 
 Anttq. xi. 7, 2 and 8, 2 f. he has this incident in mind. According 
 to him, a certain Manassi, son of Jaddua (and therefore great- 
 great-grandson of Eliashib), married Nikaso, daughter of Sanballat 
 the Kuthaean. He was expelled from the priesthood for refusing to 
 put her away, whereupon he took refuge among the Samaritans, 
 who welcomed him as the son of their governor and were glad to 
 appoint him priest of their rival Gerizim temple. Josephus, it 
 will be seen, dates the incident about the time of Alexander the 
 Great, if not later, but there is abundant evidence that the 
 Samaritan party had been organized many decades before this, 
 and there is proof in the Sachau papyri (\. 29) that Sanballat was 
 a contemporary of Nehemiah Uirca 440 b.c.\ 
 
 rose up . . . and . . . btdlded = 'set about building' : see 
 on X. 4. 
 
 the sheep g-ate : lit. ' gate of the small cattle (sheep and 
 goats) ' : so also ver. 32 and xii. 39. It lay near the north-east 
 corner of the Temple area, a little to the west of the modern 
 St. Stephen's Gate, and hence its restoration fell appropriately to 
 the lot of the priests. It is Hkely that just outside this gate there was 
 a market at which sheep and other animals were sold, chiefly for 
 purposes of sacrifice, the Temple being near, but also, it would 
 seem, for other purposes. This gate is no doubt the one referred 
 to in John v. 2. 
 
 they sanctified it, and, &c. : render, ' they laid its beams 
 and set up its doors even to the tower of Hammeah ; the hundred) 
 and to the tower of Hananel.' 
 
 they sanctified it (and) : this is never said of anj' other 
 gate or of any part of the wall. Read ^making a slight change in 
 the Hebrew), 'they laid its beams' (see ver. 3\ If the M. T. is 
 retained the consecration of the gate might have been due to its 
 nearness to the Temple, to its market for sacrificial animals, and 
 also to the fact that it was repaired by priests. The second 
 occurrence of they sanctified it is to be deleted as a copyist's 
 mistake ^(^ttography). 
 
 the tower of Hammeah: both this tower and that of 
 Hananel were probably situated upon the rock on which Anton ia 
 ^see ii. 8) stood ; they were therefore somewhat to the west of 
 the Sheep Gate. 
 
 Why is the ' Tower of the Hundred ' {Hammeah^ so called ? 
 We can but guess, as we are not told. Some say because it was 
 
i8o NEHEMIAH 3. 2-4. N 
 
 2 Hananel. And next unto him builded the men of Jericho. 
 And next to "them builded Zaccur the son of Imri. 
 
 3 And the fish gate did the sons of Hassenaah build ; they 
 laid the beams thereof, and set up the doors thereof, the 
 
 4 bolts thereof, and the bars thereof. And next unto them 
 repaired Meremoth the son of Uriah, the son of Hakkoz. 
 
 ■^ Heb. him. 
 
 100 cubits high, others because it was reached by 100 steps, a 
 third opinion being that it was defended by 100 men. Perhaps 
 Hammeah was a man's name : see below. It is mentioned besides 
 here only in xii, 39. 
 
 tower of Hananel ( = ^ whom God pities or favours ' : a man's 
 name) : from xii. 39 and Jer. xxxi. 8 we infer that it stood to 
 the north of the city, and from verses 1-3 and Zech. xiv. 10 that it 
 was between the Sheep and Fish Gates. 
 
 It is probable that these two towers formed parts of one fortress, 
 perhaps that subsequently called Antonia : see on ii. 8. 
 
 2. (next unto) Mm, i. e. Eliashib, his co-workers being 
 ignored. Perhaps, however, we should read ' them,' as also in 
 ver. 8. The singular and plural are frequently confounded in such 
 phrases throughout this chapter. The Hebrew means literall}' ' at 
 his hand,' i.e. joining hands with (in a free, not literal, sense). 
 
 the men of Jericho : the Jericho contingent repaired the 
 part of the wall that was nearest to their home (the priests pre- 
 ceding them because their part touched the Temple). For the 
 site of Jericho see on Ezra ii. 34. 
 
 (next to) them: Heb. 'him.' The E.VV. rightly correct 
 the M. T. : see earlier note on this verse. 
 
 Zaccur : nowhere else mentioned. 
 
 3. the fish grate (see xii. 39) : situated probably at or near 
 where the modern Damascus Gate stands. It was separated from 
 the two towers mentioned in ver. i (Antonia?) by the strip of 
 wall mended by the Jerichoites and Zaccur. It was in all likeli- 
 hood so called because outside of it there was a fish market : see 
 on ver .1, ' Sheep Gate.' According to Zephaniah it seems to have 
 been in the new part of the city : see 2 Chron. xxxiv. 14. 
 
 sons of Hassenaah : see vii. 38 (Senaah) and Ezra ii. 35. 
 
 doors thereof : i. e, the two-leaved door (hence the plural\ 
 filling in the space of the gateway : see on vi. i. 
 
 bolts : the sockets right and left of the doors, into which the 
 ends of the horizontal bars were slid when the door was locked. 
 They were used for house doors (Cant. v. 3) as well as for city gates. 
 
 4. repaired: lit. 'strengthened,' made to be a strong wall, 
 capable of holding out against besiegers. 
 
NEHEMIAH 3. 5,6. N i8i 
 
 And next unto them repaired Meshullam the son of 
 
 Berechiah, the son of Meshezabel. And next unto 
 
 them repaired Zadok the son of Baana. And next unto 5 
 
 them the Tekoites repaired ; but their nobles put not 
 
 their necks to the work of their ""^lord. And ^nhe old gate 6 
 
 * Or, lords Or, Lord 
 
 ^ Or, the gate of the old city or, of the old wall 
 
 Meremoth : as he repaired a double portion (ver. 21) it is 
 natural to think that he was wealth}' and the family of which he 
 was head numerous. From Ezra viii. 33 we learn that he was 
 son of the high-priest Uriah. 
 
 Meshullam : through the marriage of his daughter to 
 Tobiah's son (vi. 18) he was related to that leader of the 
 Samaritan party. In the present undertaking, however, if not 
 in all things, he is a co-worker with Nehemiah. Zerubbabel had 
 a son of the same name (i Chron. iii. 19}. 
 
 Baana : see vii. 7, x. 27, and Ezra ii. 2. 
 
 5. Tekoites : Tekoah was the home of the prophet Amos 
 (Amos i. I, vii. 14), though he exercised his prophetic ministry 
 in the Northern Kingdom. It lay some ten miles to the south of 
 Jerusalem, and we might therefore have expected to find the 
 men of Tekoa rebuilding the southern wall which was nearest 
 to them : see ver. 2 ('men of Jericho'). Its omission from the 
 lists in Ezra ii, Neh. vii may be caused by the fact that Jews had 
 not at the time implied settled in it, or not in large numbers. 
 
 nobles (Heb. addlnm, lit. 'strong ones'): so x, 29; 
 2 Chron. xxiii. 20. It is another Hebrew word (Khofim) that is 
 so translated in ii. 16 (see on), iv. 14, v. 17, vi. 16, vii. 5, and xiii. 17. 
 
 put not their necks, &c. : for the figure see Jer. xxvii. 12 
 and Matt, xi. 29. 
 
 their lord: i.e. Nehemiah, governor of the district, and 
 therefore of Tekoa. Nehemiah's opponents were for the most 
 part members of the upper classes, since those guilty of marrying 
 ' strange women ' belonged chiefly to those classes. Jewish and 
 other expositors understood the word 'lord' to mean God. 
 6-12. The Western Wall. 
 
 6. the old gate: the Hebrew ('Gate of the Old,' see R. Vm., 
 ' gate ' beisTg masculine and ' old ' feminine) does not allow of this 
 rendering. It is far better with G. A. Smith to make a trifling change 
 in the Hebrew, rendering ' the gate of the second (city).' The Fish 
 Gate (see on ver. 3) was also, it would seem, in the new or second 
 city. It is now generally held that this gate is identical with the 
 • Corner Gate' (2 Kings xiv. 13 ; 2 Chron, xxvi. 9; Jer. xxxi. 38) 
 and the 'First Gate' (Zech. xiv. 10), where both names occur. 
 
i82 NEHEMIAH 3. 7, 8. N 
 
 repaired Joiada the son of Paseah and Meshullam the son 
 of Besodeiah ; they laid the beams thereof, and set up 
 the doors thereof, and the bolts thereof, and the bars 
 
 7 thereof. And next unto them repaired Melatiah the 
 Gibeonite^and Jadon the Meronothite,the men of Gibeon, 
 and of Mizpah, which appertained to the throne of the 
 
 8 governor beyond the river. Next unto him repaired 
 Uzziel the son of Harhaiah, goldsmiths. And next unto 
 
 This gate would therefore stand north-west of the city, a little 
 to the east of the Ephraim Gate. We ought to have mention 
 made next of the Ephraim Gate if it were on the line of Nehe- 
 miah's wall. But it might not have needed repair, or G. A. Smith 
 may be right in saying that this gate was built on a lower wall. 
 Cf. 'above the gate of Ephraim,' xii. 39, see on. 
 
 Joiada: not the priest of that name, xii. 10, 22, xiii. 28, 
 Meshnllam: apparently a common name, see on ver. 4. 
 
 7. Read and render, 'And next to them repaired Melatiah 
 the Gibeonite and Jadon the Meronothite (together with) the 
 men of Gibeon and Meronoth who belong to the dominion (rule) 
 of the governor of Transpotamia.' 
 
 Mizpah : better (with Bertheau, Meyer, Bertholet, Lohr, &c.) 
 read '^Meronoth,' which makes a good parallel with (men of) 
 Gibeon : Mizpah is represented by its rulers (verses 15, 19). If 
 we retain the name we must understand by it another Mizpah — 
 one further to the north. 
 
 v^hidh appertained (to) : since these words are implied in the 
 Hebrew the italics should be removed. 
 
 throne : here = ' rule ' or ' dominion ' as in Ps. Ixxxix. 29, 36. 
 The representatives of Gibeon and Meronoth (? Mizpah) were 
 under no obligation to help in the work as they were under the 
 jurisdiction of the Persian satrap of Transpotamia. Their 
 generous offer of service was therefore all the more deserving 
 of mention. 
 
 Another interpretation given to these words is that those named 
 repaired as far as that part of the wall in or near which the 
 Persian satrap had a residence. But we do not elsewhere find 
 the remotest reference to such a residence, though Schick was of 
 opinion that in his digging he came upon the remains of one \ 
 
 8. (next unto) him : see on v. 2. 
 
 goldsmiths: read, 'one of the goldsmiths,' prefixing ben 
 (= son, then 'one of). Cf. the next clause 'one (lit. 'son') 
 of the apothecaries.' 
 
 ' See ZDPV. 1S85, 269 f. 
 
NEHEMIAH 3. 9-11. N 183 
 
 him repaired Hananiah one of tlie ^apothecaries, and they 
 ^ fortified Jerusalem even unto the broad wall. And next 9 
 unto them repaired Rephaiah the son of Hur, the ruler 
 of half the district of Jerusalem. And next unto them 10 
 repaired Jedaiah the son of Harumaph, even over against 
 his house. And next unto him repaired Hattush the son 
 of Hashabneiah. Malchijah the son of Harim, and n 
 Hasshub the son of Pahath-moab, repaired another por- 
 * Or, perfumers ^ Or, left 
 
 apothecaries: lit. 'mixers'; what are meant are sellers of 
 perfumes, spices, and the like, much in demand for cosmetic 
 purposes in Eastern countries. We must not take the word to 
 mean ' chemists ' in the modern sense. 
 
 fortified: Heb. 'left,' which can have no meaning. The 
 E.VV. imply a slight change in the text (y'^^az^zu for ya'az^bu), 
 which must be accepted. Many futile attempts have been made to 
 retain the M. T. and give it a passable meaning. 
 
 tlie "broad wall : this lay, according to xii. 38 f., between the 
 Tower of the Furnaces (see on ver. 11) and the Ephraim Gate. 
 Why was the wall broader in this part? No one knows. 
 Perhaps owing to the lie of the land (Stade) or because here 
 the first and second walls overlapped (G. A. Smith?', or it might 
 have been made so for strategic purposes (Ryle). 
 
 9. district : Heb, ' something round,' cf. Arabic, then a 
 circuit, district. Jerusalem seems for administrative purposes to 
 have been divided into halves. See verses 12, 16, 17, 18, where 
 other half districts are referred to, and note on ver. 22. 
 
 10. (next unto) them : read ' him * and see on ver. 2. If we 
 keep them we must understand it to refer to Kephaiah and his 
 party. 
 
 even: omit with some MSS., Syr., Luc, and many editors. 
 
 11. Hairim: see Ezra ii. 32, 39. 
 
 (Pahath-moab (see on Ezra ii. 6)). . . another portion, lit., 'a 
 second measured portion,' the same words in verses 19, 20, 21, 
 24, 27, 30 : see Ezek. xlv. 3, where the same noun is translated 
 * measure,' It is evident that in some cases the same persons 
 repaired two portions of the wall ; cf. verses 21 and 4, 27 and 5. 
 In other cases, as here, persons are said to repair a second portion 
 though nothing has been said of a first portion : so, besides the 
 present verse, verses 19, 20, 30. In ver. 18 we must read 
 ' Binnui ' as in ver. 24 for ' Bavvai.' In all the other cases verses 
 or portions of verses describing the repair by the same workers of 
 a first part have dropped out. 
 
l84 NEHEMIAH 3. 12-14. N 
 
 12 tion, and the tower of the furnaces. And next unto him 
 repaired Shallum the son of Hallohesh, the ruler of half 
 
 13 the district of Jerusalem, he and his daughters. The 
 valley gate repaired Hanun, and the inhabitants of 
 Zanoah ; they built it, and set up the doors thereof, the 
 bolts thereof, and the bars thereof, and a thousand cubits 
 
 14 of the wall unto the dung gate. And the dung gate re- 
 paired Malchijah the son of Rechab, the ruler of the 
 district of Beth-haccherem ; he built it, and set up the doors 
 
 and the tower, &c. : read (with LXX), ' even as far as the 
 Tower,' &c. 
 
 tower of the furnaces (or ' ovens ') : Schick identifies it with 
 the David Tower (el-QaVa) near the Jaffa Gate. It was certainly 
 somewhere on the wall line between the Jaffa and Valley Gates, 
 probably near the south-west corner of the modern city^. It 
 may have had its name from the fact that it joined on to the 
 Baker's street (or Bazaar ?) of Jer. xxxvii. 2. Some think it was 
 the tower built by Uzziah on the Corner Gate (2 Chron. xxvi.9), 
 but it was more to the west than that. 
 
 12. half the district: see on ver. 9. 
 
 he and his daugfhters : render * it (the half district) and its 
 dependent places' (villages, towns, and cities): see xi. 25,27, 
 where Heb. 'daughters' is rendered in the E.VV. 'towns' in 
 accordance with Heb. idiom. This form of expression meets us 
 very frequently" in the Priestly Document. 
 
 I3f. Southern Wall and Gates. 
 
 13. valley gate : see on ii. 13. 
 
 Zanoah: about a dozen miles due west of Jerusalem, now 
 called Zanna. See xi. 30 and Joshua xi. 34. 
 
 holts : see on ver. 3. 
 
 a thousand cubits : how could the same batch of workers 
 repair the gate and more than the third of a mile of wall ? Perhaps 
 the number engaged was large, or the needful repairs in the wall 
 were few and slight (see on ver. 6) ; or it may be that the text 
 is defective, other names having fallen out. 
 
 14. dung" sfate : see on ii. 13. 
 
 Beth-haccherem : better Beth-hakkerem = ' place of the vine- 
 yard ' : see Jer. vi. i. Usually identified with the Frank Mount 
 {^Jehel Fitrudis), a little to the south-east of Bethlehem. 
 
 he hnilt it : Heb. ' he would build it,' which is intolerable : 
 
 ' Paton {op. cit., p. 99") identifies the site with that of Maudslay's scarp. 
 
NEHEMIAH 3. 15, 16. N 185 
 
 thereof, the bolts thereof, and the bars thereof. And the 15 
 fountain gate repaired Shallun the son of Colhozeh, the 
 ruler of the district of Mizpah ; he built it, and covered 
 it, and set up the doors thereof, the bolts thereof, and the 
 bars thereof, and the wall of the pool of ^^Shelah by 
 the king's garden, even unto the stairs that go down 
 from the city of David. After him repaired Nehemiah iC» 
 ^ In Isa. viii. 6, Shiloah. 
 
 read (with Lite, LXX) 'he' (i.e. Malchijah) 'and his sons' (re- 
 paired), and add (as Luc, LXX, cf. ver. 15) ' and they covered it.' 
 15-27. The South-cast Wall and Gates. 
 15. fountain gfate: see on ii. 14. 
 
 the district (see on ver. 9) of Mizpah : distinct from the city 
 of that name (see ver. 19). But Meyer and Bertholet simphfy and 
 perhaps (as they claim) restore the text in verses 15 and 19, reading, 
 ver. 15 ' Shallum . . . the ruler of half the district of Mizpah. 19 Ezer 
 . . . the ruler of half the district of Mizpah.' The two parts of the 
 district of Mizpah are then represented. There are no external 
 authorities for these changes, as the corruption, if real, is too old. 
 
 pool of Shelah : this is no doubt the modern Birket-cs- 
 Siltvan into which the fresh waters of the Virgin's Spring (the 
 Gihon of I Kings i. 33, &c.), after passing through the celebrated 
 tunnel, empty themselves. The name Shelakh ('sent,' or 'what 
 is sent'?) is identical with the Shiloakh of Isa. viii. 6 and the 
 Siloam of John ix. 7. It must have laid within the walls so as to 
 be beyond the reach of invaders ^ Ryle identifies this pool with 
 the modern Birkct-el-Hamra, a little to the south of the above site. 
 
 the king's garden : see 2 Kings xxv. 4 ; Jer. xxxix. 4, li. 7. 
 It lay probably within the walls (because too precious to be 
 outside) near the mouth of the TjTopoeon. 
 
 stairs, &c. : steps on the rock leading down from the Ophei 
 (Sion) fortress to the pool. 
 
 the city of David: primarily the 'stronghold of Zion ' taken 
 by David from the Jebusites (2 Sam. v. 6 ff.) which became the 
 citadel of Jerusalem. It was situate on the southern slope of 
 Ophel, and therefore a little to the south of the area covered 
 by the copiplex of Temple buildings, see DB. 'Temple,' fig. i. 
 Then the phrase came to denote, as here, that part of Jerusalem 
 which was built close to the Temple and royal palace, though 
 never in the O. T. is it used for the whole city 2. 
 
 ^ See 2 Chron. xxxii. 3 f . ; G. A. Smith, Jerus. i. 86. 
 ^ G. A. Smith, Jeriis.'x. 154, and Psalms, vol. ii {Century Bible), 
 36Sff. 
 
i86 NEHEMIAH 3. 17-20. N 
 
 the son of Azbuk, the ruler of half the district of 
 Beth-zur, unto the place over against the sepulchres of 
 David, and unto the pool that was made, and unto the 
 
 17 house of the mighty men. After him repaired the Lev- 
 ites, Rehum the son of Bani. Next unto him repaired 
 Hashabiah, the ruler of half the district of Keilah, for his 
 
 18 district. After him repaired their brethren, Bavvai the 
 son of Henadad, the ruler of half the district of Keilah. 
 
 19 And next to him repaired Ezer the son of Jeshua, the 
 ruler of Mizpah, another portion^ over against the going 
 
 20 up to the armoury at the turning of the wall. After him 
 
 16. lialfthe district of Beth^zur: see ver. 17 and on ver. 15 
 for other districts thus divided. 
 
 Beth-zur = the modern BetJisur, about a dozen miles to the 
 south of Jerusalem. See Joshua xv. 58; 2 Chron. xi. 7. 
 
 sepulchres of David: see 2 Chron. xxxii. 33 (burial-place of 
 Hezekiah). Perhaps this royal cemetery was situate south of the 
 modern St. Stephen's Gate where there is now a Moslem necro- 
 polis. This would hardly disagree with i Kings ii. 10. 
 
 pool . . . made: i.e. an artificial not a natural pool, the 
 language suggesting that it was a newly made one. Most recent 
 authorities think the reference is to the pool of Hezekiah (see 
 Isa. xxii. 9-1 1). 
 
 the house of the mig'hty men (= warriors) : probably 
 what is meant is the site (with ruins ?) of the royal barracks built 
 originally by David (see 2 Sam. xvi. 16, xxxiii. 8). 
 
 17. the Levites: only one is mentioned; possibly some names 
 have dropped out, or the one mentioned may represent a clan. 
 
 Bani: see ix. 4. 
 
 Hashabiah : see Ezra viii. 19, 24 ^a different person), 
 
 half the district, &c. : see on verses 15, 16. 
 
 Keilah = the modern Kila, some sixteen miles south-south- 
 east of Jerusalem ; so Tobler and most : see Joshua xv. 44 ; i Sam. 
 xxiii. I f. ; I Chron. iv. 19. Miihlau denies the identification on 
 the ground that the modern town is on the lowlands while Keilah 
 must have been among the mountains of Judah. 
 
 18. their brethren: i.e. the kinsmen of the Hashabiah clan 
 v.ho took under their care the other half of the district of Keilah. 
 
 Bavvai: read (with LXX) Binnui, as in ver. 24; cf. x. 10; 
 see on ver. 11. 
 
 19. Ezer . . . Mizpah: see on ver. 15, 
 
 another portion: the clause telling of Ezer's first portion 
 
NEHEMIAH 3. 21-23. N 187 
 
 Baruch the son of ^ Zabbai earnestly repaired another por- 
 tion, from the turning 0/ ^/le wall unto the door of the 
 house of Ehashib the high priest. After him repaired 21 
 Meremoth the son of Uriah the son of Hakkoz another 
 portion, from the door of the house of Ehashib even to 
 the end of the house of EUashib. And after him repaired 22 
 the priests, the men of the ^ Plain. After c them repaired 23 
 Benjamin and Hasshub over against their house. After 
 ^ them repaired Azariah the son of Maaseiah the son of 
 * Another reading is, Zaccai. ^ Or, Circuit •= Heb. him. 
 
 has fallen out; where so many naines are concerned the wonder 
 is that the text has been as well preserved as it is : see on ver. ii. 
 
 armoury: Heb. 'arms.' 'weapons,' then, it is generally 
 assumed though without analogy or proof,, ' the place where they 
 are kept,' ' arsenal.' We might render quite Hterally ' over against 
 where one goes up to the arms' (i. e. where they are kept). 
 
 the turning : see 2 Chron. xxvi. 9. What is meant is a part 
 of the wall that bends inwards; so verses 20, 24 f. It is the 
 antithesis of ' the corner ' ( = a bend outwards') in ver. 24. 
 
 20. Zabbai: so LXX and ket^ cf. Ezra x. 28; Ar., Syr., Vulg., 
 and r/r read 'Zaccai,' cf. Ezra ii. 9. In the Hebrew the difference 
 is hardly perceptible. 
 
 earnestly : omit '^^with LXX and Ar.). The Hebrew word 
 is simply a dittograph of the following verb (* repaired'), which in 
 Hebrew resembles it closely. Luc, Vulg. read, 'towards the 
 mountain,' making a slight change in the text. The Syr. reads 
 another verb ('he took'). 
 
 another portion : the first has in this case also been omitted : 
 see on ver. 11. 
 
 turning" : see on ver. 19. 
 
 21. Meremotli . . . another portion: see ver. 4, where the 
 first portion is mentioned (cf. Ezra viii. 53). 
 
 from the door . . . to the end of the house of Eliashib (see on 
 ver. i), whence it may be concluded that the high-priest's house 
 was along the line of wall, and that it was of considerable extent. 
 The text and meaning are clear enough, notwithstanding the 
 difficulties which Ryssel and Siegfried see or, rather, create. 
 
 22. Plain: Heb. Jiikkar for /^/Vy^rtf) = ' what is round.' Then 
 'a portion of land,' ' a district.' It is the technical term for the 
 low-lying district about the Jordan, now called 'The Ghor' see 
 Gen. xix. 17, &c. ; cf. Mai. iii. 5). 
 
 23. (After) them: Heb. 'him,' see on ver. 2. Perhaps the 
 name and work of one man were described in a lost clause. 
 
i88 NEHEMIAH 3. 24-26. N 
 
 24 Ananiah beside his own house. After him repaired 
 Binnui the son of Henadad another portion, from the 
 house of Azariah unto the turning of the wall, and unto 
 
 25 the corner. Palal the son of Uzai repaired over against 
 the turning of the wall, and ^the tower that standeth out 
 from the upper house of the king, which is by the court 
 of the guard. After him ^Pedaiah the son of Parosh 
 
 26 repaired. (Now the Nethinim dwelt in Ophel, unto the 
 place over against the water gate toward the east, and the 
 
 * Or, the upper tower . . . from the house of the king 
 
 ^ Or, Pedaiah the son of Parosh {now . . . Ophel) repaired unto iyc. 
 
 24. Binnui . . . another portion : see on ver. 18. 
 turning* . : . corner : see on ver. 19. 
 
 25. Translate : < (After him repaired) Palal . . . over against the 
 bend (inwards) (of the ivall) and (over against) the upper tower 
 that stands out from the royal palace (lit. king's house) which 
 (tower) is towards ( = in the direction of) the Guard Court.' 
 
 The first three words of the above (which are in brackets) must 
 be restored : they are necessary for the sense, and are in harmony 
 with the usual formulae in this chapter. 
 
 turningr: see on ver. 19. 
 
 upper : this word belongs to tower (as in LXX, Vulg.) not 
 to house (as Syr., Luc, and E.VV.), though the Hebrew permits 
 either. There had been many towers, but (as far as we know) 
 only one royal residence. 
 
 that standeth out, &c. : this upper tower, instead of co- 
 inciding with the wall as was usual, was built against the wall en 
 the outside. 
 
 court of the guard, or ' guard court ' : a part of the palace 
 area in which were kept prisoners whose offences were not serious 
 enough to justify their being thrust into the dungeon (see on ver. 
 31 and xii. 39). They could have mutual intercourse and receive 
 visits from their friends (see Jer. xxxii. 2, and Driver's note). 
 The part of the wall to which the 'upper tower' was attached 
 formed probably one side of this court, and was accordingly 
 'towards' the latter. For other projecting towers see ver. 26 f. 
 
 After him Pedaiah : in the Hebrew no verb occurs, show- 
 ing the corruptness of the text. Probably ver. 26* (to Ophel) 
 belongs to the close of ver. 27. We should then render, ' After 
 him Pedaiah . . . repaired [26^] unto the place,' &c. 
 
 26. Ophel : see on ver. 27. 
 
 water gate : see on Ezra x. g. We know that it was on the 
 
NEHEMIAH 3. 27, 28. N 189 
 
 tower that standeth out.) After him the Tekoites repaired 27 
 another portion, over against the great tower that standeth 
 out, and unto the wall of Ophel. Above the horse gate 28 
 repaired the priests, every one over against his own house. 
 
 east of Jerusalem, and that in front of it was an open space capable 
 of receiving a large number of people (see viii. i, 3, 16). Siegfried 
 and G. A. Smith ^ accept the Talmudic tradition that it was a city 
 gate on the line of the eastern wall, though in Nehemiah's accounts 
 of the inspecting of the wall (iii. 13-15, very brief , the restoring 
 of them (in this chapter;, and of their dedication (xii. 27 ff.), 
 nothing is said of the gate except here. It had its name probably 
 because it opened upon the path which conducted to Gihon ( = the 
 Virgin's Spring) — such is the old tradition. 
 
 Bertholet {in loc.) argues from viii. i, 3, 16 that there must 
 have been a space between the water gate and the city walls — 
 inside the latter. ' (The water gate) towards the east ' he explains 
 as = ' to the east of the wall that was now being repaired. ' Perhaps 
 there was a water gate in some other part of the wall. In any 
 case the present gate was on the east, though it hardly seemed 
 necessary to say that, as it is of the eastern wall that Nehemiah 
 is now writing. See on Ezra x. 9. 
 
 the tower, &c. : the same tower as that similarly described 
 in ver. 25. This tower marked the terminus od qiietti for Palal, 
 and the tcrmuius a quo for Pedaiah. 
 
 27. Tekoites . . . another portion : see on ver. 5. 
 
 Ophel (lit. 'a swelling') : the hill continuing the Temple Hill on 
 the south-west. When mentioned in pre-exilic literature (2 Kings 
 V. 24 ; Isa. xxx. 14 ; Micah iv. 8), the word is probably an inter- 
 polation. On the other hand, later writers (Nehemiah, Chronicles) 
 havinga fondness for ' Ophel,' avoid 'Sion,' suggesting, what abun- 
 dant other evidence makes clear, that Sion and Ophel were both 
 names for the same plot of ground. Cf. the probable meaning of 
 ' Sion,' 'the summit of a mountain,' and of Ophel,' 'swelling-.' 
 The name Sion came to denote the fortress captured by David from 
 the Jebusites, and then the whole area on which the complex of 
 royal and Temple buildings were placed : see G. A. Smith, Jeriis. 
 i. 144 ff., 152 ff., and cf. ^ Psalms' vol. ii, p. 368 ff. {Century Bible). 
 28-32. The North-east Wall. Completion. 
 
 28. horse gate: see 2 Kings xi. 16; 2 Chron. xxiii. 15; Jer. 
 xxxi. 40. From the last passage it may be fairly inferred that 
 this gate stood at the eastern extremity of Jerusalem. It was 
 
 ^ Jerus. i. 86. 
 
 2 Prof. Sayce thinks that Ophel was the ridge of Zion that was 
 cut away by the Maccabees. 
 
190 NEHEMIAH 3. 29-31. N 
 
 29 After ^them repaired Zadok the son of Immer over against 
 his own house. And after him repaired Shemaiah the 
 
 30 son of Shecaniah, the keeper of the east gate. After him 
 repaired Hananiah the son of Shelemiah, and Hanun the 
 sixth son of Zalaph, another portion. After him repaired 
 Meshullam the son of Berechiah over against his chambe-r. 
 
 31 After him repaired Malchijah one of the goldsmiths unto 
 the house of the Nethinim, and of the merchants, over 
 
 * Heb. him. 
 
 situated a little to the south of the modern Golden Gate and over- 
 looked the Wady Kidron. It was probably so called because the 
 king's horses used to be led through it to the stables (see Joseph. 
 Antiq. ix. 7, 3). Furrer is hardly right in saying that this gate 
 received its name from the horses used in sun worship (see 
 2 Kings xxiii. 11), as a name with such an origin would have 
 been long since abandoned. 
 
 the priests : it was natural for these to see to the repairing 
 of the partsof the wall that were contiguous to their own dwelling 
 in the sacred enclosure. 
 
 29. Zadok : see Ezra ii. 37. 
 Shemaiah: see i Chron. xxvi. 6. 
 
 east gate : not the 'water gate,' or this name would have 
 been given it here as in ver. 26, Probably it is a Temple gate. 
 Shemaiah seems to have been a Levite (see Ezek. xliv. ii). 
 
 30. Kauuu . . . another portion : see ver. 13. 
 
 the sixth son, &c. : this description is absent from ver. 13, 
 and, besides, it is unparalleled in this list. Guthe and Ber- 
 tholet are, therefore, probably right in seeing in the Hebrew 
 words a corruption of the name of the place whence Hanun came. 
 
 Meshullam : probably the words ' a second portion ' have 
 by hapiography fallen out (see ver. 4, where he is mentioned as 
 having repaired a portion of the north wall). 
 
 chamber : the Heb. word nislikah occurs also in xii. 44, 
 xiii. 7. It is an allied form of the word {lishkah) so translated in 
 Ezra viii. 29 and x. 6 (see on both). 
 
 31. goldsmiths : Heb. * goldsmith ' (singular). But the English 
 translators rightly appended the Heb. m, making it plural. 
 
 Nethinim : temple servants (see p. 63 f.). 
 
 merchants: i.e. such as trafficked in articles connected with 
 the Temple worship, animals for sacrifice, incense, garments, &c. 
 (see Matt. xxi. 12; John ii. 14). They and the Nethinim seem to 
 have occupied a room in the Temple area between them, not for 
 sleeping in, but for performing their duties in the daytime. 
 
NEHEMIAH 3. 32—4. 2. N 191 
 
 against the gate of Hammiphkad, and to the ^ascent of the 
 corner. And between the «- ascent of the corner and the 33 
 sheep gate repaired the goldsmiths and the merchants. 
 
 But it came to pass that, when Sanballat heard that we 4 
 builded the wall, he was wroth, and took great indigna- 
 tion, and mocked the Jews. And he spake before his 2 
 brethren and the army of Samaria, and said. What do 
 
 * Or, upper chamber 
 
 (the gate of) Hammiphkad : lit. ' place of visitation ' or of 
 ' punishment ' ; render 'prison ' (see Ezek. xliii. 21, where ' the 
 appointed place of the house ' (E.VV.) is {havn) ' miphkad of the 
 house '). Probably the word in the present verse stands for a 
 building some distance from ( = over against) the wall where ordi- 
 nary prisoners were shut up. It cannot (with Schultz) be identi- 
 fied with the guard court of ver. 25 (see on) since it is too far to 
 the north (see xii. 39). 
 
 ascent of tlxe corner ! Heb. * the upper (part or chamber) 
 of the corner.' Perhaps a tower in a wall corner or angle bulging 
 out and used for recreation or as a place of observation. 
 
 32. sheep gate : see on ver. i. The whole circuit of the walls 
 has been now described. 
 
 g'oldsmiths : here, according to Perles, 'money-changers' 
 (see verses 8, 31). 
 
 merchants : see on ver. 31. These two classes must have 
 had some special connexion with the Temple and its requirements, 
 and hence quite appropriately they repair parts of the wall near the 
 sacred enclosure. 
 
 IV. (Heb. iii. 33-38). Opposition of the Samaritan Party 
 
 AND THE means USED BY NeHEMIAH TO NEUTRALIZE IT. 
 
 T-3. Taunts of Sanballat and Tobiah (see on ii. lo). 
 
 1. that we builded: better, 'that we were building,' or with 
 Siegfried (as the Heb. permits), * that we were about to build.' But 
 see ver. 6. 
 
 mocked : see ver. 2 f. 
 
 2. his brethren : in a loose sense 'his associates' (see ver. 3 
 and ii. 10). 
 
 the army of Samaria : hardly a contingent of the Persian 
 army (Rawlinson), but a body of * irregulars ' belonging to 
 Samaria and the parts around, sworn to defend the Persian 
 authority in all emergencies (see on ver. 7). 
 
 What do, &c. : better, < What are these feeble Jews about 
 to do ? ' 
 
192 NEHEMIAH 4. 3, 4. N 
 
 these feeble Jews ? ^will they fortify themselves ? will they 
 sacrifice? will they make an end in a day? will they 
 revive the stones out of the heaps of rubbish, seeing they 
 
 3 are burned ? Now Tobiah the Ammonite was by him, 
 and he said. Even that which they build, if a ^ fox go up, 
 
 4 he shall break down their stone wall. Hear, O our God ; 
 
 for we are despised : and turn back their reproach upon 
 
 their own head, and give them up to spoiling in a land of 
 
 * Or, will they leave to themselves aught ? Or, will men let them 
 alone ? ''Or, jackal 
 
 will they fortify themselves ? The Hebrew (see R.Vm.) 
 yields no sense. Change the Heb. lahem ('for,' ' to themselves') 
 to Velohim, and we get excellent Hebrew and sense, * Will they 
 leave (resign) (the matter) to God ? ' For the thought see 2 Kings 
 xviii. 30, 32, 35. A similar mistake in the Heb. text (one easily 
 made) occurs in i Sam. iii. 13, and Hos. xiii. 2. 
 
 an end : i. e. of the rebuilding. 
 
 3. A parenthesis, as v. 19, vi. 9, 14. 
 
 that which they "build, if a fox, &c. : the walls which these 
 Jews may build will be so fragile that one of the foxes with which 
 the ruined walls are infested (Ps. Ixiii. 10 ; Lam. v. 18) will be 
 able to level these new walls to the ground. 
 
 fox : the Heb, word is properly so rendered, as is shown by 
 Arabic, Assyrian, and Persian cognates. Some render jackal, but the 
 Arabic and Aramaic word for the latter animal can be proved to be 
 philologically different from the Hebrew word (shual) in this verse. 
 Of course some things predicated of the fox apply to the jackal, but 
 the word for fox retains its own sense here and elsewhere for all that. 
 4f. One of Nehemiah's ejaculatory prayers : see for others v. 19, 
 vi. 6, 14, xiii. 14, 22, 29. 
 
 The vindictive spirit is characteristic of the age. Though 
 arising from zeal for Yahweh and His cause, as understood, it 
 is itself reprehensible. Cf. the Vindictive Psalms, and see Introd. 
 to Ps. cix {Century Bible). 
 
 4. we are despised: add one letter and read (with Luc, 
 LXX) ' we are an object of contempt.' 
 
 give . . . spoiling : render, ' make them a spoil ' ; see Ezra 
 ix. 7. The Heb. word hizzah is intended probably as a kind of pun 
 on the word for * object of contempt' (see above). * They have 
 made us a buzah, make thou them a bizzah* 
 
 in a land of captivity : may they, in a foreign hostile land, 
 have the same bitter experience which our nation passed through 
 in Babylon. 
 
NEHEMIAH 4. 5-8. N 193 
 
 captivity : and cover not their iniquity, and let not their 5 
 sin be blotted out from before thee : for they have pro- 
 voked thee to anger before the builders. So we built the 6 
 wall ; and all the wall was joined together unto half the 
 height thereof : for the people had a mind to work. 
 
 ^ But it came to pass that, when Sanballat, and Tobiah, 7 
 and the Arabians, and the Ammonites, and the Ashdod- 
 ites, heard that ^ the repairing of the walls of Jerusalem 
 went forward, and that the breaches began to be stopped, 
 then they were very wroth; and they conspired all of 8 
 
 * [Ch. iv. I in Heb.] ^ Heb. healing went up upon the ivalls. 
 
 5. cover not, &c. : see Ps. Ixxxv. a. 
 
 let not their sin be blotted out : see Ps. cix. 14. 
 
 they have provoked ... to angfer: the object (Yahweh) 
 understood, as in Ps. cvi, 29; Hos. xii. 15. 
 
 before the builders : perhaps Sanballat and his friends had 
 tried to dissuade the builders from their task, 
 
 6. Progress of the work. 
 
 we built : better, ' we continued to build ' (i. e. rebuild) : see 
 Ezra V. 2. 
 
 unto half: the height being understood is rightly supplied 
 by the E.W. But so interpreted we must not regard ch. ii as im- 
 plying the completion of the walls, or must we (with Siegfried) 
 regard the present clause as a gloss ? 
 7 f. Conspiracy to stop the work, 
 
 7. Sanballat : see on ii. 10. 
 
 Arabians (Arabs) . . . Ammonites : i. e. such of these 
 people as belonged to the entourage of Geshem (see on ii. 9), 
 Tobiah (see on ii. 10). 
 
 and the Ashdodites : Guthe (with LXX) omits this clause 
 as the Ashdodites are nowhere else mentioned in this connexion. 
 Yet all the other versions have the words, including Luc, and 
 .some MSS. of the LXX. 
 
 the repairing*, &c. : the Hebrew word is used of the healing 
 of a wound by the growing of new instead of the old diseased 
 flesh. It is always in the O.T. used figuratively : see Isa. Iviii. 8 ; 
 Jer. viii. 22 (of the restoration of Israel), and 2 Chron. xxiv. 13 (of 
 the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem, as here). 
 
 went forward: lit. 'went up, 'following out the figure — the new 
 healthy flesh grew up instead of the old. So in the above passages 
 except in that from Isaiah, where the verb = ' to sprout up' {samakh). 
 
 breaohes: see vi. i. very wrotk: see ver. i. 
 
 02 
 
194 NEHEMIAH 4. 9-12. N 
 
 them together to come and fight against Jerusalem, and 
 
 9 to cause confusion therein. But we made our prayer 
 
 unto our God, and set a watch against them day and 
 
 10 night, because of them. And Judah said. The strength 
 of the bearers of burdens is decayed, and there is much 
 
 1 1 rubbish ; so that we are not able to build the wall. And 
 our adversaries said, They shall not know, neither see, 
 till we come into the midst of them, and slay them, and 
 
 12 cause the work to cease. And it came to pass that, when 
 the Jews which dwelt by them came, they said unto us 
 ten times ^from all places. Ye must return unto us. 
 
 * Or, From all places whence ye shall return they will be upon us 
 
 8. conspired: lit. 'banded (themselves) together,' the verb 
 which (in the passive) occurs in ver. 6 (' was joined '). It is com- 
 monly used of secret, treacherous consultations. 
 
 to cause confusion = to bring about a panic. The noun 
 occurs besides in Isa. xxxii. 6 only. 
 
 9-23. Nehemtah's prayer and precautions. 
 
 9. set a watch = posted sentinels : see vii. 3. 
 
 because of them : Heb. ' in front of them.' The sentinels 
 were set towards the direction whence the enemy was expected 
 to advance. 
 
 10. Judah : the country for the people, as often in the O. T. ; 
 of Moab, Edom, Israel ; and cf * we ' further on in the verse, 
 
 rubbish : see ver. 2 : until this was cleared away the walls 
 could not be completed. 
 
 11. adversaries: the Hebrew word (sar) denotes 'strictly 
 those who injure/ and has reference to what they do. The word 
 translated * enemies ' in ver. 15 (Heb. 'Oyeb) is subjective in 
 its connotation and suggests the unkind feelings harboured, as the 
 other word the harm done. 
 
 said : the verb often = * to say inwardly,' and so ' to purpose.' 
 Perhaps Nehemiah got wind of an actual conversation of the kind. 
 
 cause the work to cease : the same verb in Dan. ix. 27 (of 
 sacrifice) in the same sense, and in 2 Chron. xvi. 5 (end) in 
 a somewhat different sense. 
 
 12. (the Jews which dwelt) by them : near their foes, the 
 Samaritans and their allies. 
 
 ten times: i. e, ' many times,' as in Gen. xxxi. 41. 
 from all places, &c. : the Hebrew is scarcely intelligible. 
 Better amend with Bertholet and read as follows : ' From all the 
 
NEHEMIAH 4. 13-15. N 195 
 
 Therefore set I in the lowest parts of the space behind 13 
 the wall, in the open places, I even set the people after 
 their families with their swords, their spears, and their 
 bows. And I looked, and rose up, and said unto the 14 
 nobles, and to the ^ rulers, and to the rest of the people, 
 Be not ye afraid of them : remember the Lord, which is 
 great and terrible, and fight for your brethren, your sons 
 and your daughters, your wives and your houses. And it 15 
 
 * Or, deputies 
 
 places where they (the enemy) dwell ' (so Syr., the Hebrew con- 
 sonantal text agreeing) ' they are coming up ' (so Luc. LXX, Vulg., 
 Guthe) 'against us.' That is, the Jews who have come from their 
 country homes to take part in the work of rebuilding say over and 
 over, * from all parts as we came along we saw our foes marching 
 up against us.' It was in consequence of this intelligence that 
 Nehemiah promptly set about the measures detailed in verses 13 if. 
 
 13. The text is almost hopelessly corrupt. Of many attempts 
 at restoration and explanation the following seems to the present 
 writer the best — it is in part his own : * And I set in the low 
 places of the space behind the wall (which wall was) a great 
 defence : yea, I set the people according to their clans,* &c. 
 
 in the lowest parts : Bertheau, Siegfried, &c., making 
 a slight change in the Hebrew, read 'catapults,' the word in 
 2 Chron. xxvi. 15. 
 
 open places : the (one) Hebrew word occurs besides only 
 in Ezek. xxiv. 7 f. and xxvi. 4, 14 with the noun * rock ' in the 
 sense ' a bare,' lit. * sunburnt place ' on a rock. This does not 
 make sense here. It is better to read the Hebrew word for 
 'shadows ' (selalim for sekhikhim, much more alike in the Hebrew 
 consonant text) and to understand in the sense * defences,' then 
 (plural of intensity) 'strong defence.' The noun has this sense 
 in Isa. xlviii. 45 (of a wall); Num. xiv. 9 (of Yahweh) ; Ps. xci. i. 
 The preposition before the noun is the beth essentiae which serves 
 to introduce the predicate (see G. K. 119, i). 
 
 spears : used for thrusting at an enemy when near enough. 
 The bows were for attacking those at a distance, the swords for 
 hand-to-hand fights. 
 
 14. I looked, and rose up : an extraordinary combination of 
 words in this connexion. Read with Siegfried (?), Bertholct, and 
 Kent, 'And I saw their fear,' changing one Hebrew word. Cf. 
 Be not afraid. 
 
 nobles . . . rulers: see on ii. 16. 
 great and terrible : see i. 5 and ix. 3a. 
 
1.96 NEHEMIAH 4. 16,17. N 
 
 came to pass, when our enemies heard that it was known 
 unto us, and God had brought their counsel to nought, that 
 we returned all of us to the wall, every one unto his work. 
 
 16 And it came to pass from that time forth, that half of my 
 servants wrought in the work, and half of them held the 
 spears, the shields, and the bows, and the coats of mail ; 
 
 1 7 and the rulers were behind *^all the house of Judah. They 
 
 "^ Or, all the house of Judah that builded the wall. And they that dr'c. 
 
 15. enemies: see on ver. 11. 
 
 (that) it (was known) = their purpose to march upon the 
 city. This word should be italicized, as it is not in the M. T. 
 
 God had brought, &c. : Nehemiah had but used the means ; 
 the result was God's doing. 
 
 counsel: common in the O. T. in the sense of 'scheme,' 
 * plan ' (see Ezra iv. 5, Isa. xxix. 15, xxx. i, &c.). We have the 
 same phrase as here ' to bring to nought,' lit. to break ' a plan,' in 
 Ezra iv. 5 ; 2 Sam. xv. 34, &c. 
 
 we returned, &c. : no longer fearing an immediate attack 
 they resumed their work, though (verses 15 ff.) with due regard 
 to the real danger still existing. 
 
 16. my servants: the select body chosen by Nehemiah, or 
 allotted him as an army of defence, not the whole of the governor's 
 subjects (Judah) : see verses 17, 23, v. 10, 16, xiii. 19. 
 
 Of the above, half gave themselves to work (but even those 
 were armed, see ver. 17), the other half to defence. 
 
 held the spears : the E.VV. here, as often (see on Ezra x. 
 16), translate from a corrected text. The M.T. is unidiomatic. 
 
 shields : the Hebrew noun here (sing, ntdgen) stands for 
 the small shield carried by warriors along with spears, &c. 
 Another word frequently translated ' shield ' {sinnah) denotes one 
 that is larger, requiring sometimes at least another to carry it (see 
 I Sam. xvii. 7). The latter weighed about four times as much as the 
 former ; see Skinner on i Kings x. 16 f. {Century Bible). Both words 
 come together in Jer. xlvi. 3 ; Ezek. xxiii. 24, &c. {hnckXer {ntdgen) 
 and shield). Two other words {shelet, see Jer. li. 11, and kidon, 
 Job xxxix. 23, R.V. javelin) are wrongly translated 'shield.' 
 
 coats of mail : leather coats covered with thin plates of 
 bronze (see i Sam. xvii. 4). These are portrayed plentifully on 
 the Assyrian and Egyptian monuments of the ninth century b. c. 
 and later. During the winter of 1908-9 Petrie found portions of 
 some of them on the site of the palace of Apries (reigned circa 
 590-570 B.C.) at Memphis. 
 
 rulers : the Hebrew word as in ix. 9 (see on), not that in 
 ver. 19 (see on ii. 16). 
 
NEHEMIAH 4. 18-22. N 197 
 
 that builded the wall and they that bare burdens laded 
 themselves, every one with one of his hands wrought in 
 the work, and with the other held his weapon ; and the i8 
 builders, every one had his sword girded by his side, and 
 so builded. And he that sounded the trumpet was by me. 
 And I said unto the nobles, and to the ^ rulers and to the 19 
 rest of the people, The work is great and large, and we are 
 separated upon the wall, one far from another : in what 20 
 place soever ye hear the sound of the trumpet, resort ye 
 thither unto us; our God shall fight for us. So we 21 
 wrought in the work : and half of them held the spears 
 from the rising of the morning till the stars appeared. 
 Likewise at the same time said I unto the people. Let 22 
 every one with his servant lodge within Jerusalem, that in 
 
 * Or, deputies 
 
 were beliind, &c. : for the purpose of encouraging and 
 directing in the event of an attack. 
 
 all the house, &c. : join on to the first five words in ver. 17, 
 as in the R.Vm. : *A11 the house of Judah that builded the wall 
 (17) and they that,' &c. 
 
 IV. laded themselves : read, with very little alteration in 
 the Hebrew, 'were armed.* So Ryssel (in Kautzsch, Heilige 
 Schrifi)^ Guthe, &c. : cf. what follows. 
 
 18. he that sounded the trumpet : to give an alarm in case 
 of an attack. 
 
 19. nobles . . . rulers : see on ii. 16. 
 
 21. The interval between sunrise and sunset varies in Palestine 
 between fourteen hours (in summer) and ten (in winter). 
 
 appeared : lit. * came out.' In Hebrew the idiom for sun- 
 rise is 'to come out' (from his night chamber?), that for sunset 
 being * to enter in' (i. e. to return to his night chamber?). These 
 modes of expression have, it would appear, a mythological origin. 
 
 22. Let every one with his servant lodge, &c. : i. e. the 
 master builders and those who helped. Perhaps by the latter we 
 are to understand the burden-bearers (see ver. 17), i. e. those who 
 carried the building materials. Many men of both classes had 
 country homes, to which they seem to have returned of nights. 
 Nehemiah would have them spend the nights at Jerusalem for the 
 security of the latter and for their own safety, for the enemy was 
 now on the alert (see on ver. 12). But it would have gone hard 
 with them if the same men had to work in the daytime and watdtl 
 
198 NEHEMIAH 4. 23. N 
 
 the night they may be a guard to us, and may labour in the 
 
 23 day. So neither I, nor my brethren, nor my servants, nor 
 
 the men of the guard which followed me, none of us put off 
 
 our clothes, ^ every one wen^ with his weapon to the water. 
 
 * The text is probably faulty. 
 
 during the night. It must be therefore that the watching was 
 done by relays, who took dut}' in turns. 
 23. my servants : see on ver. 16. 
 
 men of tlie gniard : probably the foreign soldiers allowed 
 Nehemiah by the king of Persia when he left for Jerusalem (see 
 ii. 9;. 
 
 every one -w^rd, &c. : the best MSS. of the LXX omit this 
 clause, but its sister Greek text {Luc.) makes amends by giving a 
 conflate or double text, which Guthe adopts 1. The M. T. makes no 
 sense, for it is simply ' every one his weapon (missile) the water,' 
 though it is usually explained that every one went dressed having 
 his missile to the place where nature was relieved. If the 
 text is retained, slightly amend the last word and render ' every 
 one with his weapon in his hand.' The M.T. does not permit of 
 the rendering of Grotius : < (but) every one put them (the clothes) 
 off during his ablutions ' ; cf. Mark vii. 4, 8. 
 
 V. Social Distress and the Means Nehemiah took for its 
 Removal. 
 1-5. The poor complain of the extortion and oppression of the rich. 
 Since the work of rebuilding was a labour of love — for there is 
 not a word about payment of wages — the amount of time and 
 energy set apart for the ordinary occupations of life must have 
 been greatly diminished. Moreover, the unsettlement in the 
 country districts and the risks connected with labouring and even 
 residence in them (see on iv. 12) must have brought about almost 
 a paralysis of agricultural industry, greatly to the financial dis- 
 advantage of landowners and labourers. One must add to these 
 causes of poverty or lessened wealth the enormous expense of 
 materialsfor the building and ofweapons of defence. The well-to-do 
 would in these circumstances need the money they had lent, and 
 whether needing it or not, would be inclined, when they found the 
 interest no longer paid, to call in what was lent (generally money) 
 or to demand all available pledges. 
 
 We do not find among the Jews in Bible times any sj'stem of 
 laws or customs governing the relation of lender and borrower, 
 
 ^ The text of Luc. may be thus translated: 'Every one whom 
 they sent ( = who was sent) to the water (i. e. to fetch water) (went) 
 each with his weapon to the water.' 
 
NEHEMIAH 5. i, 2. N 199 
 
 Then there arose a great cry of the people and of their 5 
 wives against their brethren the Jews. For there were that 2 
 said, We, our sons and our daughters, are many : let us 
 
 such, for example, as prevailed among the Babylonians in the 
 time of Hammurabi {circa 2200 b. c), though even among them 
 such lav^^swere less complete than one would gather from Stanley 
 Cook's book, The Laws of Moses and the Code o/Hamwurabt {igo^y. 
 Read as a corrective C. H. W.Johns, Baby loniaH and Assy nan Laws, 
 Contracts and Letters (1904) ^. Among the Hebrews, as generally 
 among the Babylonians ", loans were made to the poor alone for the 
 purpose of meeting special emergencies (bad crops, fire, &c.). 
 Lending as an investment with the expectation of a good return was 
 hardly known in those times. Hence the laws which forbade the 
 claiming of interest are found perhaps first in the Deuteronomic 
 code* (yet cf. Exod. xxii. 25, JE), but are continued inlater codes' 
 and reinforced in the Talmud ®. The Egyptian laws condemned the 
 charging of interest, and so does the Quran ^ ; and the same is 
 true of the Bedouin of the present day if what C. M. Doughty says 
 is correct : ' The malicious subtlety of usury is foreign to the 
 brotherly dealing of the nomad tribesmen ^' 
 
 But that no strict law on this matter existed among the 
 Hebrews is abundantly proved by the present chapter and by 
 parts of the O. T., in which the practice of lending at interest is 
 condemned. Indeed, many of the humanities prescribed in the 
 relation between creditor and debtor, employer and employed, 
 were found at a later time to be impracticable ^ See Jer. xxxiv. 
 8f., and on th6 whole subject consult Benzinger (Encyc. Bib.,. 
 ' Law and Justice,' § 16 and his later discussion in Heb. ArchX'> 
 (1907), p. 292 ff. : cf. p. 268 ff.). See further on verses 2, 7 and 11. 
 The fact that at this time there was a capitalist or rich class shows 
 that there had been a large return of exiles many years earlier, for 
 the Jews left behind were poor and belonged to the least im- 
 portant families. 
 
 i. a gfreat cry: the same words in Exod. xii. 30. There the 
 cause was the oppression of the Egyptians, here the oppression 
 of brother Jews, which made it harder to bear. 
 
 the people: i.e. for the poor, cf. vii. 5. 
 
 their brethren the Jews : see above. 
 2. We, our sons, &c. : read, <We must give our sons and 
 
 ^ Seep. 228 ff. ^ Seep. 250 ff. * Johns, /. c. * Deut. xxiii. ipf. 
 '^ Lev. XXV. 36 f. J cf. Ps. XV. 5; Prov. xxviii. 8; Ezek. xviii. ji., 
 12 f., 16 f. 
 ^ Baba Mesiah, 61b. '' xxx. 38. * Arabia Deserta, \. 318. 
 * See the passages adduced under note 5. 
 
200 NEHEMIAH 5. 3-5. N 
 
 3 get corn, that we may eat and live. Some also there were 
 that said, We are mortgaging our fields, and our vine- 
 yards, and our houses : let us get corn, because of the 
 
 4 dearth. There were also that said. We have borrowed 
 money for the king's tribute upon our fields and our vine- 
 
 5 yards. Yet now our flesh is as the flesh of our brethren, 
 our children as their children : and, lo, we bring into 
 bondage our sons and our daughters to be servants, and 
 some of our daughters are brought into bondage already : 
 
 daughters in pledge,' prefixing one Hebrew letter ('am) to the 
 word translated * many ' : no other change in the consonantal 
 text is necessary. See ver. 3, where the same combination of 
 Hebrew words occurs. The participle thus restored has the 
 force of expressing what is to be, must be, as the same participle 
 in ver. 3 *We must,' &c. 
 
 Among the Hebrews *, as among the Babylonians 2, a man could 
 sell his wife and children to wipe off a debt, but they had to be 
 set at liberty in the seventh year^ : the Babylonians lessened the 
 years of bondage to three *. 
 
 let us get: render, *so that we may buy,' &c., which the 
 Hebrew allows and the sense demands. 
 
 3. We are xnortg'aging', &c. : render, * We must mortgage,' &c. 
 The verb (a participle here and as amended in ver. 2) is the same 
 as that rendered above (see on ver. 2), * give ... in pledge.' 
 In both cases the meaning is the same, * to give as security.' 
 Property also returned to the family that originally owned it 
 in the seventh, i. e. in the Sabbatic year ; see on ver. 2. 
 
 let us, &c. : render, * that we may buy corn,' as in ver. 3. 
 
 4. Nothing fresh appears in this verse, for it is simply a repeti- 
 tion in other words of what ver. 3 says, except that the purpose 
 of the loan is mentioned. Probably it is a marginal gloss on ver. 3 
 which found its way into the text as many other such glosses 
 have done. 
 
 5. flesh: the word has often the meaning *a human being,' 
 'a personality'; cf. 'all flesh,' &c. in Gen. vi. 12, 'We are what 
 our rich brethren are ; we have the same human characteristics ; 
 yet our children are their slaves.' 
 
 we bring : render, * we must bring,' see on ver. a. 
 
 * Lev. XXV. 39-41. "^ Cook, op. cit. 229. 
 
 ' Exod. xxi. 2 : so originally in Lev. xxv. 40, according to most 
 modern scholars. 
 
 * Hammurabi Laws, No. 117. 
 
NEHEMIAH 5. 6-8. N 201 
 
 neither is it in our power to help it ; for other men have 
 our fields and our vineyards. And I was very angry when 6 
 I heard their cry and these words. Then I consulted 7 
 with myself, and contended with the nobles and the ^rulers, 
 and said unto them, Ye exact usury, every one of his 
 brother. And I held a great assembly against them. And 8 
 I said unto them. We after our ability have ^ redeemed our 
 brethren the Jews, which were sold unto the heathen ; 
 and would ye even sell your brethren, and should they be 
 sold unto us ? Then held they their peace, and found 
 
 * Or, deputies ^ Heb. bought. 
 
 for other men, &c. : we are hopelessly in their power, 
 since they hold our land whence alone we might obtain the 
 money to redeem our children. Luc, LXX read, 'the nobles' 
 instead of other xuen, which last the M.T,, Ar., Syr., and Vulg. 
 read. The former agrees best with the phraseology of this book 
 and is probably primary. The Hebrew writing of the two words 
 is not very dissimilar. 
 
 6-n. Nehemiah rebukes the guilty ones, and demands both 
 restitution and reform. 
 
 7. nobles, rulers : see on ii. 16. 
 
 Ye exact usury : the same verb is used in ver. 10 by 
 Nehemiah to describe what he himself and his brethren and 
 servants did, but here it is accompanied by a cognate accusative 
 which seems to add the idea of lending on interest not (as 
 Rawlinson) upon pledge, which was allowed; see preliminary 
 remarks to this chapter. 
 
 assembly : a feminine form of the noun translated * con- 
 gregation' in ver. 13 and in Ezra ii. 64 (see on). As there is no 
 difference of meaning, the ending having the force of our indefinite 
 article, the same English word ('congregation') ought to have 
 been employed. 
 
 8. have redeemed: lit., 'obtained by purchase,' referring to 
 Jews whom on his arrival he found working off debts in the 
 service of non-Jews. 
 
 heathen: lit., * nations,' a word which in the plural came to 
 have the sense of non-Jewish peoples and to take on an ethical 
 colouring. It is often translated in the English Bible by ' Gentiles ' 
 owing to the fact that in the Vulgate gentes is the word for the 
 Heb. goim (nations), though gentiles in Latin denotes strictly 
 members of the aristocratic families ; see SDB. article ' Nations. 
 
202 NEHExMIAH 5. 9-12. N 
 
 9 never a word. Also I said, The thing that ye do is not 
 good : ought ye not to walk in the fear of our God, be- 
 
 10 cause of the reproach of the heathen our enemies ? And 
 I hkewise, my brethren and my servants, do lend them 
 money and corn on usury. I pray you, let us leave off 
 
 11 this usury. Restore, I pray you, to them, even this day, 
 their fields, their vineyards, their oliveyards, and their 
 houses, also the hundredth part of the money, and of the 
 
 1 2 corn, the wine, and the oil, that ye exact of them. Then 
 said they, We will restore them, and will require nothing 
 
 9. I said: so rightly gr. and all the versions; but the Hebrew 
 consonantal text {keth) has ' he said.' 
 
 to walk in the fear of our God = to walk, i. e. to conduct 
 oneself as proper respect for the authority of God would dictate ; 
 i. e. to keep His commandments ; see Acts ix. 31 and cf. Deut. 
 X. la ; see on ver. 15 (' the fear of God'). 
 
 because of tlie reproach, &c. : that the reproach which our 
 enemies fasten on us of oppressing each other contrary to the 
 Divine law may cease, or, as many, *to obviate or prevent such 
 a reproach.' 
 
 10. And I ... do lend : but without interest, see below. 
 
 on usury: <at interest.' Since, however, the Hebrew 
 seems to mean ' to lend without interest ' these words are to 
 be omitted. 
 
 11. even this day: the Hebrew phrase = 'immediately.' 
 
 the hundredth part : read (inserting one Hebrew consonant), 
 ' the interest' (on the money, &c.). One hundredth per cent, per 
 annum would be too small, and so commentators have said that 
 the interest implied was paid monthly (as sometimes in ancient 
 Babylon), making it twelve per cent, per annum, about the average 
 interest charged in Babylon. But nothing in the context or 
 in other parts of the O. T. supports this. It is far simpler with 
 most modern scholars to make the slight change in the text 
 noticed above. 
 
 i2f. The guilty oms protnise to make amends for tlie past and 
 to alter their ways in the future. 
 
 12. We will restore, &c. : this resolution represents probably 
 the result of prolonged negotiations. The historian gives the 
 bare facts only. In any case the enormous influence of the cup- 
 bearer stands out in a clear hght. 
 
NEHEMIAH 5. 13, 14. N 203 
 
 of them ; so will we do, even as thou sayest. Then I 
 called the priests, and took an oath of them, that they 
 should do according to this promise. Also I shook out 13 
 my lap, and said, So God shake out every man from his 
 house, and from his labour, that performeth not this pro- 
 mise ; even thus be he shaken out and emptied. And all 
 the congregation said, Amen, and praised the Lord. 
 And the people did according to this promise. More- 14 
 over from the time that I was appointed to be their 
 governor in the land of Judah, from the twentieth year 
 even unto the two and thirtieth year of Artaxerxes the 
 king, that is, twelve years, I and my brethren have not 
 
 the priests administer the oath because it was a religious 
 action ; see Num. v. 19-22. 
 
 took an oatli (of the creditors) : the oath occupied a large 
 place among the Hebrews. To violate it was supposed to bring 
 down the Divine malediction. Sometimes the curse implied was 
 explicitly added to increase the solemnity of the act of swearing ; 
 see Num. v. 21, and on the next verse. 
 
 13. I shook ont my lap : i. e. the fold in the bosom of the 
 dress capable of serving the purposes of a pocket. 
 
 Nehemiah's symbolical action amounts to a curse upon any one 
 who violated the oath; see Acts xviii. 6 and above on ver. 12; 
 cf. Acts xxiii. 2 ' the Jews bound themselves under a curse.' 
 
 his labour: the Hebrew word denotes also (as here^ the 
 fruits or produce of labour. 
 
 be he shaken out: see Job xxxviii. 13. 
 
 congreg'ation : see on Ezra ii. 64 and cf. ver. 7 above. 
 
 the people : the Jews generally carried into practice what 
 the congregation had approved. 
 
 14-T9. Nehemiah's personal generosity and self- denial. 
 
 14. By surrendering the pay to which as governor he was 
 entitled Nehemiah was relieving his fellow countrymen who 
 would have had to be taxed to find it. 
 
 twentieth year ... of Artaxerxes : i. e. 445 b. c. The king 
 was Artaxerxes I ; see on ii. i. 
 
 unto the two and thirtieth year : i. e. to 433 b. c, twelve 
 years. See on ii. 6 as to the great length of this period of 
 absence. 
 
 my brethren : Nehemiah's retinue. 
 
204 NEHEMIAH 5. 15,16. N 
 
 15 eaten the bread of the governor. But the former gover- 
 nors that were before me ''^were chargeable unto the people, 
 and took of them bread and wine, ^beside forty shekels of 
 silver ; yea, even their servants ^bare rule over the people : 
 
 16 but so did not I, because of the fear of God. Yea, also I 
 
 <^ continued in the work of this wall, neither bought we any 
 
 * Or, laid burdens upon ^ Or, at the rate of Or, afterward 
 
 *^ Or, lorded over ^ Heb. held fast to. 
 
 bread : here, as often in English, food, which is perhaps the 
 primary sense of the Hebrew word. In Arabic the cognate 
 word = ' flesh ' ; cf. ver. 15 ' bread and wine ' = the whole of 
 what was served at table. 
 
 15. the former g-overnors . . . before me : a redundancy, much 
 in the manner of Nehemiah, see v. 13 'shake,' 'be shaken,' and vi.2. 
 The first of Nehemiah's predecessors in the governorship of the 
 Jewish post-exilic community was Zerubbabel. We know nothing 
 of those intervening, though in the Sachau Papyri, i. i, we read of 
 a successor Bagohi. It is natural to infer from Nehemiah that 
 as far as he knew Zerubbabel took the full governor's pay. 
 
 and took of them, &;c. : render, * for (as the price of, in 
 Hebrew the ^beth of price') bread and wine daily forty shekels 
 of silver' (about £5). 
 
 beside: the Hebrew word (= 'after,' 'afterwards') makes 
 no suitable sense here. Read (with the Vulg.), ' daily,' the form 
 occurring in ver. 18 ' for one day ' ( = 'for each day '). A glance 
 at the Hebrew will show how easily a copyist could mistake one 
 for the other; 'after' and 'one' are written almost alike. The 
 word lost is much like that preceding it, and was probably 
 confounded with it. 
 
 bare rule : the Hebrew word itself (the same root as in 
 Sultan, which is Arabic) = ' to exercise power ' and so ' to rule.' It 
 may have come to have a bad meaning as ' to lord it,' but we 
 have no other instance of the sense. Perhaps we should read 
 with the Vulg. 'oppressed.' 
 
 but so did not I : in Hebrew the pronoun is emphatic, * but as 
 for me I acted not so.' Compare Paul's similar claim in i Cor. ix. 12. 
 
 16. I continued, &c. : the Hebrew word is identical with that 
 used for to repair (the wall) (see on iii. 4), but with the preposi- 
 tion following it here (6) it = to put the hand to, lay hold of, ' I 
 gave myself whole-heartedly to the work of restoring the wall,* 
 i. e. probably superintending the undertaking as regards actual 
 building, defence, and finance. Nehemiah is not mentioned in 
 ch. iii as undertaking any special portion of the wall. 
 
 neither bought we, &c, : he was too absorbed in the main 
 
NEHEMIAH 5. 17, 18. N 205 
 
 land : and all my servants were gathered thither unto the 
 work. Moreover there were at my table of the Jews and 
 the ^ rulers an hundred and fifty men, beside those that 
 came unto us from among the heathen that were round 
 about us. Now that which was prepared for one day was 
 one ox and six choice sheep ; also fowls were prepared 
 for me, and once in ten days store of all sorts of wine : 
 yet for all this I demanded not the bread of the governor, 
 
 * Or, deputies 
 
 purpose of his visit to have time or inclination for speculating in 
 land. There could, of course, have been no harm in itself in making 
 speculative purchases of land. Perhaps he means that he did not 
 take any advantage of the people's poverty to buy at low prices. 
 
 17. According to the M.T. three classes would seem to have 
 been entertained at Nehemiah's tables : (i) Jews ; (2) rulers — also 
 Jews ; (3) representatives of the Jews whose homes were con- 
 tiguous to the lands inhabited by the surrounding nations. 
 
 It seems to the present writer that the words the Jews are 
 simply a gloss from the margin to inform the reader that (in the 
 glosser's opinion) the persons intended by class 3 above were Jews. 
 If the M.T. is kept, it is best, with Bertheau, to explain the Jews as 
 generic, the * and ' before the two following classes being explica- 
 tive, as this conjunction often is in Hebrew (so Greek Koi), ^ The 
 Jews both . . . and.' Van Hoonacker takes the Jews to = the poor 
 people (see on ver. i), and the third class above to denote repre- 
 sentatives (emissaries) of the nations around. But this last view is 
 exceedingly improbable, though it is used by the author to support 
 his theory as to the priority of Nehemiah and Ezra. Bertholet 
 makes a clever guess, suggesting that the Hebrew for * the Jews * 
 is a corruption of the words for ' and it happened daily that.' 
 
 the heathen : see on ver. 8. 
 
 18. that which was prepared, &c. : see i Kings iv. 2a f. 
 Solomon's daily supply. 
 
 for one day = ' for each day.' 
 
 once in ten days, &c.: by omitting one letter from the Heb. 
 (6= 'in' or 'with') the sense conveyed by the E.W. Can be 
 legitimately obtained from the Heb., hardly otherwise. To give 
 the Heb. in separate English words as has been done in order to 
 show that the clause has no meaning is very misleading, as the 
 syntactical relation — quite momentous in Heb. — is lost sight of. 
 The thought is, however, rather strange, a fresh supply of all 
 kinds of wine was brought to the governor's official (?) residence 
 every ten days. 
 
2o6 NEHEMIAH 5. 19—6. 2. N 
 
 19 because the bondage was heavy upon this people. Re- 
 member unto me, O my God, for good, all that I have 
 done for this people. 
 
 6 Now it came to pass, when it was reported to Sanballat 
 and Tobiah, and to Geshem the Arabian, and unto the 
 rest of our enemies, that I had builded the wall, and that 
 there was no breach left therein ; (though even unto that 
 
 2 time I had not set up the doors in the gates ;) that San- 
 ballat and Geshem sent unto me, saying. Come, let us 
 meet together in 07ie of the villages in the plain of Ono. 
 
 tlie bondagfe : rather, the work to be done (in connexion 
 with the walls). 
 
 19. See xiii. 14, 22, 31, for a similar prayer; cf. ver. 5 and vi. 
 9, 14. Such naive prayers abound in oriental and especially in 
 Arabic books. Bertholet (Comm.) cites a similar petition from an 
 Assyrian inscription. 
 
 VI. 1-19. Completion of the Walls notwithstanding 
 Opposition from without (1-9) and Treachery 
 WITHIN (10-19). 
 1-4. Sanballat and his confederates endeavour to entice Nehemiah 
 into the country to kill him. 
 
 1. Sanballat . . . Tobiah : see on ii. 10. 
 Oeshem: see on ii. 19. 
 
 the rest, &c. : perhaps the Ashdodites (see iv. 7). 
 
 doors in the gates: see on iii. 3. The Heb. translated 
 ' gate ' denotes here, as often, ' the gateway structure * with roof 
 (2 Sam. xviii. 24), and upper chamber (2 Sam. xix. i). The work 
 of inserting the doors had been undertaken (see iii. 3, 6, 14 f.), but 
 it had been found impracticable up to the present to complete this 
 part of the work owing perhaps to the labour and expense involved : 
 see on xiii. 19. 
 
 2. Sanballat and Geshem : why not Tobiah also? Probably 
 because he was Sanballat's secretary (see ver. 17). In ver. i 
 (M.T., LXX, but not Syr., Luc, and several Heb. MSS.) he is 
 coupled with Sanballat, 'to Sanballat and Tobiah and to Geshem.' 
 
 let us meet together : another of Nehemiah's redundancies 
 (see on v. 15 ; cf. v. 13). See, however, also Job ii. 11. 
 
 in one of the villages : Heb. * in the villages,' which is in- 
 tolerable. Read (with Siegfried, &c.) ' in Hakkepharim ' (a place 
 name) : cf. the proper name Kephirah ( = ' village ') in vii. 29 and 
 Ezra ii. 25. 
 
 in the plain of Ono : since Ono and Lod (Lydda) are often 
 
NEHEMIAH 6. 3-6. N 207 
 
 But they thought to do me mischief. And I sent messen- 3 
 gers unto them, saying, I am doing a great work, so that 
 I cannot come down : why should the work cease, whilst 
 I leave it, and come down to you ? And they sent unto 4 
 me four times after this sort ; and I answered them after 
 the same manner. Then sent Sanballat his servant unto 5 
 me in like manner the fifth time with an open letter in his 
 hand ; wherein was written. It is reported among the 6 
 nations, and ^-Gashmu saith it, that thou and the Jews think 
 
 * In ver. i, and elsewhere, Geshem. 
 
 mentioned together as lying in close contiguity (see xi. 35 ; Ezra 
 ii. 33 ; I Chron. viii. la) it may be inferred that Hakkepharim was 
 some twenty miles to the north of Jerusalem and about eight to 
 the east of Joppa. At such a distance the Jewish governor could 
 be safely murdered, and in any case the work of rebuilding would 
 be seriously retarded had he been successfully beguiled to such a 
 far-off spot. Nehemiah could not then, had he been allowed to 
 return, have brought the work to a close in less than two months 
 (see on ver. 15). 
 
 they thoug-lit : Heb. * purposed.' 
 
 to do me miscMef : probably to assassinate him or to have 
 him assassinated. 
 
 The noun rendered mischief occurs in i Sam xxiii. 9 (Saul) ; 
 Esther viii. 13 (Haman). 
 
 3. messengers : the usual word for angels (Gen. xlviii. 16, 
 &c,). Here as Deut. ii. a6, of men. 
 
 5-9. Futile attempt to intimidate Nehemiah. 
 
 5. Ms servant : was this Tobiah his secretary? See ver. 17. 
 There was now in connexion with the open letter a part to play 
 which required skill. 
 
 with an open letter : having failed four times with sealed 
 letters intended for Nehemiah's eye alone he made a bid for 
 greater success by sending a letter which was likely to meet the 
 eyes of Nehemiah's ministers— the servant would see to this last. 
 It was hoped that these ministers would accept Sanballat's view 
 of the situation and influence their master. We read in Jer. 
 xxxii. 9-14 of a sealed and unsealed contract, the latter being 
 merely a copy attached to the clay envelope containing the 
 other and exposed for consultation, the seal of the former being 
 broken in cases of dispute only (see Driver, Jeremiah, 196 f.). 
 
 letter : see on ii. 7. 
 
 6. nations: the word translated heathen in v. 8 (see on). 
 
 P 
 
2o8 NEHEiMIAH 6. 7-9- N 
 
 to rebel ; for which cause thou buildest the wall : and 
 thou wouldest be their king, according to these words. 
 
 7 And thou hast also appointed prophets to preach of thee 
 at Jerusalem, saying, There is a king in Judah : and now 
 shall it be reported to the king according to these words. 
 Come now therefore, and let us take counsel together. 
 
 8 Then I sent unto him, saying, There are no such thmgs 
 done as thou sayest, but thou feignest them out of thine 
 
 9 own heart. For they all would have made us afraid, saying, 
 Their hands shall be weakened from the work, that it be 
 not done. But now, ^ O God^ strengthen thou my hands. 
 
 ^ Or, / will strengthen my hands 
 
 Here the surrounding nations in league with Sanballat are 
 meant. 
 
 Oashmu: see on ii. 19. 
 
 think: see on ver. 2. 
 
 rebel: see Ezra iv. 13 for a similar charge, made also in con- 
 nexion with the rebuilding of the walls, showing that this section 
 has nothing to do with the work of Ezra. 
 
 thou buildest : better ' rebuildest,' a sign of rebellion. 
 Why these walls if not to defy the power of Persia? Yet the}' 
 knew better (see ver. 8;. The walls were for defence against the 
 people around. 
 
 thou wouldest be their kingf : the participle in Heb. (see 
 V. 3f.) may mean 'thou wilt soon become king' (as a matter of 
 fact), or 'thou art becoming king,' already on the road to that 
 goal of thine. 
 
 7. prophets: there were prophets on Nehemiah's side as well 
 as on the other (see ver. 10 ff.). No prophetic literature of this 
 period seems to have come down to us. 
 
 8. thou feig-nest: Heb. * thou ventest' : lit. (cf. Ar.) 'causest 
 to begin.' The same verb occurs in i Kings xii. 33. 
 
 heart : in the psychology of the Hebrews the word here 
 \le\)) embraces the whole mind, feeling, will, and especially in^ 
 tellect, all supposed to have their physiological counterpart in the 
 heart (see on Ps. cxix. 2, Century Bible). 
 
 9. But now, &c. : render, ' So now I strengthened my hands.' 
 The Heb. permits and the versions and context support this 
 rendering. The Divine Name is wholly absent from the M.T. 
 The Heb. verb is the infinitive (or imperative ?\ which is fre- 
 quently to be rendered by a tense form of the verb. 
 
NEHEMIAH 6. 10-12. N 209 
 
 And I went unto the house of Shemaiah the son of 10 
 Delaiah the son of Mehetabel, who was shut up ; and he 
 said, Let us meet together in the house of God, within 
 the temple, and let us shut the doors of the temple : for 
 they will come to slay thee ; yea, in the night will they 
 come to slay thee. And I said, Should such a man as I n 
 flee ? and who is there, that, being such as I, ^ would go 
 into the temple to save his life? I will not go in. And 12 
 
 * Or, could go into the temple mid live 
 
 10-14. False prophets point out the difficulties and dangers of the work. 
 
 10. Z went into the house of Shemaiah: why was this 
 done ? Many say to obtain an oracle (Urim and Thummim ?) for 
 his guidance in a time of perplexity (see Jer. xxxvii. 17, xxxviii. 
 14). But Nehemiah does not seem to have shown either doubt or 
 fear as to the course he should take (see ver. sff.), and when this 
 man gives his advice Nehemiah spurns it. Why could not Nehe- 
 miah visit this man or any other in a mere social way ? 
 
 Shemaiah : nowhere else mentioned. He was apparently a 
 prophet (see ver. 12) and a priest (see under next word). 
 
 Delaiah : the name appears in a list of priestly houses in 
 I Chron. xxiv. 18. In the Sachau Papyri (i. 37) one of the two sons 
 of Sanballat is so called. 
 
 shut up : probably ceremonially unclean, and therefore dis- 
 qualified for entering the Temple; under a taboo (see i Sam. xxi. 
 7 ; I Kings xiv. 10; W. Robertson Smith, Rel. SemS^\ 456). 
 
 Let us meet tog'ether in the house of God : since Shemaiah, 
 though probably a priest, was for the time ceremonially excluded 
 from the cultus, and no layman was allowed to enter the Temple 
 building, the proposal now made involves the violation of two 
 ritual laws. But Shemaiah was prepared to sacrifice religion to 
 tactical considerations. His party was less strict than Nehemiah's 
 in matters of ' the law of Moses.' 
 
 (let us) shut : the verb usually employed of shutting doors, 
 not that in the word ' shut ' noticed above. 
 
 the doors of the temple : referring to the two-leaved door 
 (hence the plural) leading from the inner court into the house 
 (i Kings vi. 33), not the doors between the haykal (holy place) and 
 the debir (most holy place) (i Kings vi. 31). 
 
 to slay : showing that the idea of slaying him was spoken about. 
 
 11. Nehemiah has too much courage to flee and too much conscience 
 to violate the sanctity of the house of God. 
 
 to save his life : in accordance with the primitive law of 
 
 F 2 
 
2IO NEHEMIAH 6. 13-16. N 
 
 I discerned, and, lo, God had not sent him : but he pro- 
 nounced this prophecy against me : and Tobiah and 
 
 13 Sanballat had hired him. For this cause was he hired, 
 that I should be afraid, and do so, and sin, and that they 
 might have matter for an evil report, that they might 
 
 1+ reproach me. Remember, O my God, Tobiah and 
 Sanballat according to these their works, and also the 
 prophetess Noadiah, and the rest of the prophets, that 
 would have put me in fear. 
 
 1 5 So the wall was finished in the twenty and fifth day of 
 
 16 the month Elul, in fifty and two days. And it came to 
 
 asylum connected with sanctuaries and altars. See Exod. xxi. 13 ; 
 I Kings i. 50 f., ii. 28 (see note on former in Century Bible, 
 J. Skinner) ; Mic. x. 53; W. R. Smith, Rel. Sem.W, 138, 436; cf. 
 Exod. xxix. 12 ; Lev. iv. 7 ff. 
 
 Nehemiah will not break what he regarded as a Divine law for 
 the sake of saving his own life. 
 
 to save his life: lit. ^that he may live.' 
 
 12. I discerned: he could see behind appearances (cf. a Sam. 
 iii. 36) that this man was inspired by the prospect of cash and not 
 by any Divine impulse (see Jer. xxiii. 21, 32 ; Ezek. xiii. 2 ; and 
 cf. Num. xvi. 28 and Jer. xxix. 19). 
 
 13. For this cause was he hired: the Heb. words so trans- 
 lated are no doubt a dittograph of the last clause of ver. 12 slightly 
 changed, and must (with Luc, Siegfried, &c.) be omitted. The 
 English translation is here, as often, so well done as to largely hide 
 the defects of the Heb. 
 
 14. Bememher : for evil here, as in xiii. 29 ; cf. v. 19, xiii. 22, 
 31 (' remember for good '). 
 
 Noadiah ( = ' one who meets Yah ') : nowhere else men- 
 tioned. For other prophetesses cf. Miriam, Deborah, Huldah, 
 Hannah. 
 
 15 f. The work completed. 
 
 15. Blul : the sixth month (August-September), the eleventh 
 in the secular year as now observed (see on Ezra x. 17). It is 
 not named in the O.T. except here, though it is mentioned in 
 I Mace. xiv. 27. 
 
 fifty and two days : this may seem a very short interval of time 
 for so great a task to be accomphshed, but there are many con- 
 siderations which make for the account here given, (i) It must 
 have been a condition of Nehemiah's leave of absence that he 
 
NEHEMIAH 6. 17,18. N 211 
 
 pass, when all our enemies heard thereof^ that all the 
 heathen that were about us ^ feared, and were much cast 
 down in their own eyes: for they perceived that this work 
 was wrought of our God. Moreover in those days the 17 
 nobles of Judah sent many letters unto Tobiah, and the 
 letters of Tobiah came unto them. For there were 18 
 many in Judah sworn unto him, because he was the son 
 in law of Shecaniah the son of Arah; and his son 
 * According to another reading, saw, 
 
 should expedite the work as much as possible. That he remained 
 away twelve years was due to difficulties in reform and reorgani- 
 zation which could not be foreseen (see on ii. 6). (2) v. 16 gives the 
 impression of great haste in the work. (3) The walls had not to 
 be built but only rebuilt, and there are indications in ch. iii that 
 large parts needed little or no repairing (see ver. 13, &c.). (4) It 
 is exceedingly probable that others before Nehemiah had set 
 about the restoration of the walls, though they were hindered 
 and their work to some extent undone (see p. 160, between 
 Ezra and Nehemiah), (5) The materials for the building were 
 for the most part ready to hand, for the old stones could be used 
 for the new wall or parts of the wall. 
 
 According to Josephus {Antiq., v. 7, 8) the builders took two 
 years and four months for the work. Ewald following him in this 
 would in the present verse insert * two years,' reading therefore 
 * two years and fifty-two days,' which would, however, be less 
 than the time given by Josephus to the extent of some two months. 
 All the versions are in favour of the M.T., from which there are no 
 good reasons for departing. 
 
 16. were mnch cast down ; lit. < fell very much,' an unique ex- 
 pression, though intelligible. It is better to make a small change 
 in one word and to read (with Klostermann) * and it was very 
 wonderful in their eyes.' 
 
 this work was wrought '>f our God : a thought constantly 
 in the mind of Nehemiah (set i. 5 f., &c.) ; cf. Ps. cxviii. 23, 
 cxxvi. 2 f. 
 
 17-19. Jewish noblemen conspire with Tobiah. 
 
 17. nobles: see onii. 16. 
 letters : see on ii. 7. 
 
 18. sworn unto him: upon his marrying into a Jewish 
 family there would be on both sides an undertaking by oath, he to 
 be loyal to his new people, they to be true to their new initiate. 
 
 Arah: see vii. 10; Ezra ii. 5. 
 
^J2 NEHEMIAH 6. 19—7. 2. N. 
 
 Jehohanan had taken the daughter of Meshullam the 
 19 son of Berechiah to wife. Also they spake of his good 
 
 deeds before me, and reported my words to him. And 
 
 Tobiah sent letters to put me in fear. 
 7 Now it came to pass, when the wall was buiH, and I 
 
 had set up the doors, and the porters and the singers 
 a and the Levites were appointed, that I gave my brother 
 
 Hanani, and Hananiah the governor of the castle, charge 
 
 over Jerusalem : for he was a faithful man, and feared 
 
 Meshnllam : see on iii. 4, 30. 
 
 had taken ... to wife : see on ii. 10. In the East slaves not 
 seldom rise to high positions and make grand marriages ; cf. the 
 Mameluke dynasties of Egypt. Some of the finest Arab poets were 
 at first slaves. 
 
 19. Render, ' And they spake before me with regard to his 
 words, and reported to him my words.' 
 
 his gfood deeds : Heb. ' his good ' (qualities, words, deeds ?), 
 a mere adjective in the feminine ( = neuter) ; read ' his words ' : 
 so LXX ; cf. Syr., * my good words ' and parallelism. 
 
 VII. i-73» + XI. I flf. 
 
 Measures taken for the Defence of the City and the 
 
 Increase of its Population. 
 
 1-3. Provisions for the defence of the city. 
 
 1. doors : see on iii. 3 and vi. i. 
 
 porters : better ' gate-keepers,' the word being a denomina- 
 tive from the noun = ' gate ' (see on Ezra ii. 42). 
 
 singers . . . levites : probably an early addition to the text, 
 so early that all the versions vouch for it. What had these Temple 
 officials to do with the city gates ? The older and many modem 
 commentators say that Nehemiah appointed them to share the 
 responsibility of guarding the gates because they could, above most 
 Jerusalemites (cf. vi. 17-19), be trusted. 
 
 2. Hanani: see on i. 2 : as a well-tried brother he could trust 
 him as he could also Hananiah, the governor of the citadel or 
 castle (see on ii. 8), who was really general of the city forces, per- 
 haps a Persian official, though (cf. name) a Jew by nationality. 
 
 he was a faithful man : referring to Hananiah. His own 
 brother's loyalty was too well known to need chronicling. Nehe- 
 miah did well for his cause in placing two men so trustworthy in 
 general charge of Jerusalem. 
 
NEHEMIAH 7. 3. N 213 
 
 God above many. And t said unto them, Let not the 3 
 gates of Jerusalem be opened until the sun be hot ; and 
 while they stand 071 guards let them shut the doors, 
 and bar ye them: and appoint watches of the inhabitants 
 of Jerusalem, every one in his watch, and every one to be 
 
 3. I said : correcting rightly (with all the ancient versions) 
 the Heb. consonantal text, 'he said.' 
 
 until the sun be hot : until the sun has fully risen, perhaps 
 no more is meant. The gates of Eastern cities are opened as soon 
 as the sun rises. Is the phrase in the text intended to prevent a 
 confusion between the sunshine and moonshine? 
 
 and while they (the porters) stand : the words on guard 
 are inserted by our translators to supply the deficiencies of the 
 M. T. The Heb. is in other respects peculiar and even inaccu- 
 rate. It is better to make some changes in the text (see Bertholet) 
 and to render, * And while the sun is hot ( = before sunset) let the 
 doors be shut and barred.' 
 
 let them shut . i . bar ye them : both verbs are passive 
 in the versions, and by a well-known idiom (* indefinite subject ') 
 the Heb. can be so rendered, making, however, a slight change 
 in the second verb. 
 
 shut : the Heb. verb is found nowhere else in the O.T. , though 
 in the Talmud it has in the same form {Hi'ph) the same meaning. 
 
 bar ye : read passive third pers. Met thembar' = 'let (them) 
 be barred ' (see before). The verb = ' to lay hands on,' ' seize/ but 
 seems in i Kings vi. lo to mean as here to ' apply the bars to.' 
 
 appoint : the verb is infinitive absolute, used as a strong im- 
 perative — so often. No textual change is therefore necessary. 
 The persons addressed are Hanani and Hananiah. 
 
 watches : divisions of the night for the purpose of watching. 
 Before the exile and for long afterwards the Hebrews had (as the 
 Greeks and Babylonians) three watches of four hours each. In 
 our Lord's day and for some time (how long?) before there were 
 four (see Mark xiii. 35 and cf. Matt. xiv. 25 ; Mark vi. 48). See on 
 Ps. xc. 4 and cxix. 148 {Century Bible). 
 
 These two men were to set up (lit. * make to stand '), i. e. prob- 
 ably restore, a system of night-watches for (all) Jerusalem men, 
 whereby each was to take his turn, and in doing so to stand sentinel 
 in front of his own house. How all this was arranged is a matter 
 of detail about which the surviving writings of the annalist tell us 
 nothing, but there can be no doubt it would be seen to that no 
 extensive portion of the city was at any time without its watchman. 
 There was certainly but one set of watchmen, not many, as some 
 (Bertheau, &c.) have thought, for no difference of functions is 
 implied. 
 
214 NEHEMIAH 7.4,5. N 
 
 4 over against his house. Now the city was wide and large : 
 but the people were few therein, and the houses were 
 
 .«> not builded. And my God put into my heart to gather 
 together the nobles, and the ^ rulers, and the people, that 
 they might be reckoned by genealogy. And I found the 
 
 ^ Or, deputies 
 
 4-73* + xi. 1 ff. Measures for increasing the population of Jerusalem. 
 
 4. (the city was) wide ; Heb. 'wide on both hands,' the literal 
 sense of the phrase in Ps. civ. 25. The words take on, however, 
 as here, the meaning of extending far in all directions (see Gen. 
 xxxiv. 2, &c.). 
 
 houses were not bnilded : how, then, could the inhabitants 
 when watching stand before them ? The verb rendered ' builded ' 
 means ' rebuilt,' and even * repair,' as in ch. iii. The wall is 
 said to be rebuilt, though much of it was perfect. So here we are 
 probably to understand that the work of restoring the houses in 
 a general way had not been undertaken for lack of a sufficient 
 population, for the houses taken would be set right each by its 
 occupants. The surmise of Paul Haupt that * houses ' refers to 
 the families which had not been reorganized is too fanciful, 
 though favoured by the following verses and not opposed to 
 usage as regards the word ' house.' 
 
 5. my God put into my heart, &c. : see ii. 12 and Ezra vii. 27. 
 nobles . . . rulers : see on ii. 16. 
 
 people: see on v. i, 17. 
 
 that they might be reckoned by gfenealogfy = that they 
 might be allocated each to his tribe, clan, and family : see on 
 Ezra ii. 62. 
 
 Most scholars agree that the purpose for which the register of 
 families, &c., was now called for and supplied was with a view to 
 the repeopling of Jerusalem. A proportion of the country popu- 
 lation would have to be transferred to the capital, but only such 
 as were pure-blooded Jews (see xi. i ff.). In order to be able to 
 prove the possession of this qualification a genealogical register 
 was necessary, and was found where the author of Ezra ii found 
 his— in fact, it is the same list. This interpretation assumed an 
 immediate connexion between ver. 73* and xi. i, the section 
 73''-x being regarded as an extract from the biography of Ezra 
 which has accidentally or otherwise got away from its right place. 
 There is not a word in this chapter indicating explicitly the raison 
 (VHre of this list at this time, but the explanation given above is at 
 least a reasonable one. See further on xi. 
 
 I found the book of the g-enealogy, &c : where ? perhaps 
 in the Temple archives : see Introduction to Ezra ii. 
 
NEHEMIAH 7. 6-26. N Tr 215 
 
 book of the genealogy of them which came up at the first, 
 and I found written therein : [Tr] ^^ These are the children 6 
 of the province, that went up out of the captivity of 
 those that had been carried away, whom Nebuchadnezzar 
 the king of Babylon had carried away, and that returned 
 unto Jerusalem and to Judah, every one unto his city; 
 who came with Zerubbabel, Jeshua, Nehemiah, Azariah, 7 
 Raamiah, Nahamani, Mordecai, Bilshan, Mispereth, 
 Bigvai, Nehum, Baanah. The number of the men of 
 the people of Israel : the children of Parosh, two thou- 8 
 sand an hundred and seventy and two. The children of 9 
 Shephatiah, three hundred seventy and two. The child- 10 
 ren of Arab, six hundred fifty and two. The children of 1 1 
 Pahath-moab, of the children of Jeshua and Joab, two 
 thousand and eight hundred fl«^ eighteen. The children 13 
 of Elam, a thousand two hundred fifty and four. The 13 
 children of Zattu, eight hundred forty and five. The 14 
 children of Zaccai, seven hundred and threescore. 
 The children of Binnui, six hundred forty and eight. The i5) 16 
 children of Bebai, six hundred twenty and eight. The child- 1 7 
 ren of Azgad, two thousand three hundred twenty and 
 two. The children of Adonikam, six hundred threescore 18 
 and seven. The children of Bigvai, two thousand three- 19 
 score and seven. The children of Adin, six hundred fifty ao 
 and five. The children of Ater, of Hezekiah, ninety and 21 
 eight. The children of Hashum, three hundred twenty 22 
 and eight. The children of Bezai, three hundred twenty 23 
 and four. The children of Hariph, an hundred and 24 
 twelve. The children of Gibeon, ninety and five. The 25, 26 
 men of Bethlehem and Netophah, an hundred fourscore 
 
 • See Ezra ii. i, &c. 
 6-73*. List of those who returned. As this list is practically 
 identical with that in Ezra ii the reader must for lack of space be 
 referred to the general and detailed remarks on that chapter. 
 
2t6 NEHEMIAH 7. 27-51. Tr 
 
 37 and eight. The men of Anathoth, an hundred twenty and 
 
 28, 29 eight. The men of Beth-azmaveth, forty and two. The 
 
 men of Kiriath-jearim, Chephirah, and Beeroth, seven 
 
 30 hundred forty and three. The men of Ramah and Geba, 
 
 31 six hundred twenty and one. The men of Michmas, an 
 
 32 hundred and twenty and two. The men of Beth-el and 
 
 33 Ai, an hundred twenty and three. The men of the other 
 
 34 Nebo, fifty and two. The children of the other Elam, 
 
 35 a thousand two hundred fifty and four. The children 
 
 36 of Harim, three hundred and twenty. The children of 
 
 37 Jericho, three hundred forty and five. The children 
 of Lod, Hadid, and Ono, seven hundred twenty and 
 
 38 one. The children of Senaah, three thousand nine 
 
 39 hundred and thirty. The priests: the children of Jedaiah, 
 of the house of Jeshua, nine hundred seventy and three. 
 
 40, 41 The children of Immer, a thousand fifty and two. The 
 children of Pashhur, a thousand two hundred forty and 
 
 42 seven. The children of Harim, a thousand and seven- 
 
 43 teen. The Levites : the children of Jeshua, of Kadmiel, 
 
 44 of the children of * Hodevah, seventy and four. The 
 singers : the children of Asaph, an hundred forty and 
 
 45 eight. The porters : the children of Shallum, the child- 
 ren of Ater, the children of Talmon, the children of 
 Akkub, the children of Hatita, the children of Shobai, 
 
 46 an hundred thirty and eight. The Nethinim : the child- 
 ren of Ziha, the children of Hasupha, the children of 
 
 47 Tabbaoth ; the children of Keros, the children of Sia, 
 
 48 the children of Padon ; the children of Lebana, the child- 
 4p ren of Hagaba, the children of Salmai ; the children 
 
 of Hanan, the children of Giddel, the children of Gahar; 
 
 50 the children of Reaiah, the children of Rezin, the child- 
 
 51 ren of Nekoda ; the children of Gazzam, the children of 
 
 • Another reading is, Hodeiah. 
 
NEHEMIAH 7. 52-67. T^ 217 
 
 Uzza, the children of Paseah ; the children of Besai, 52 
 the children of Meunim, the children of ^ Nephushesim; 
 the children of Bakbuk, the children of Hakupha, the 53 
 children of Harhur; the children of Bazlith, the child- 54 
 ren of Mehida, the children of Harsha ; the children of 55 
 Barkos, the children of Sisera, the children of Temah ; 
 the children of Neziah, the children of Hatipha. The 56, 57 
 children of Solomon's servants : the children of Sotai, 
 the children of Sophereth, the children of Perida ; the 5S 
 children of Jaala, the children of Darkon, the children of 
 Giddel; the children of Shephatiah, the children of Hattil, 59 
 the children of Pocherethhazzebaim, the children of 
 Anion. All the Nethinim, and the children of Solomon's 60 
 servants, were three hundred ninety and two. And these 61 
 were they which went up from Tel-melah, Tel-harsha, 
 Cherub, Addon, and Immer : but they could not shew 
 their fathers' houses, nor their seed^ whether they were of 
 Israel : the children of Delaiah, the children of Tobiah, 62 
 the children of Nekoda, six hundred forty and two. And 63 
 of the priests : the children of Hobaiah, the children of 
 Hakkoz, the children of Barzillai, which took a wife of 
 the daughters of Barzillai the Gileadite, and was called 
 after their name. These sought their register among those 64 
 that were reckoned by genealogy, but it was not found : 
 therefore ^ were they deemed polluted and put from the 
 priesthood. And the c Tirshatha said unto them, that 65 
 they should not eat of the most holy things, till there 
 stood up a priest with Urim and Thummim. The whole 66 
 congregation together was forty and two thousand three 
 hundred and threescore, beside their menservants and 67 
 their maidservants, of whom there were seven thousand 
 
 ' Another reading is, Nephishesim. 
 ^ Heb. they were polluted from the priesthood. ' Or. goiiemor 
 
2i8 NEHEMIAH 7. 68-73. T^Ce 
 
 three hundred thirty and seven : and they had two hun- 
 
 68 dred forty and five singing men and singing women. Their 
 horses were seven hundred thirty and six ; their mules, 
 
 69 two hundred forty and five ; their camels, four hun- 
 dred thirty and five ; their asses, six thousand seven 
 
 70- hundred and twenty. And some from among the heads 
 of fathers' houses gave unto the work. The Tirshatha 
 gave to the treasury a thousand darics of gold, fifty basons, 
 
 71 five hundred and thirty priests' garments. And some of 
 the heads of fathers' houses gave into the treasury of the 
 work twenty thousand darics of gold, and two thousand 
 
 72 and two hundred «■ pound of silver. And that which the 
 rest of the people gave was twenty thousand darics of gold, 
 and two thousand pound of silver, and threescore and 
 
 73 seven priests' garments. So the priests, and the Levites, 
 and the porters, and the singers, and some of the people, 
 and the Nethinim, [Ce] and all Israel, dwelt in their cities. 
 
 ^ And when the seventh month was come, the child- 
 * Heb. maneh. ^ See Ezra iii. t. 
 
 The Reforms of Ezra, continuing the History of Ezra X. 
 
 vii. 73''-viii. 12 (=1 Esd. ix. 37-55). The public reading of 
 the law and its effect on the people. This section forms a natural 
 sequel to Ezra x : see Introduction to Ezra ix. f. 
 ■ vii. 73^-viii. 8. The reading and expounding of the law. 
 
 vii. 73'' and viii. i have so much in common with Ezra iii. i 
 that some connexion seems likely, especially as in both cases 
 a genealogical register precedes. The resemblances are probably 
 due to the fact that the writer of the present paragraph had the 
 other before him. vii. 73^ might well be an interpolation, though 
 it has the support of all the versions. 
 
 *72>^. the seventh month : i. e. Tishri (see on Ezra iii. i). What 
 year is meant we are not told, but the inquiry regarding the 
 mixed marriages was brought to an end in the tenth month of 
 457 B.C. (see Ezra x. 17 and the context), the putting away of the 
 strange wives occurring on the first day of the following year, 
 i. e. Nisan i, 456. It seems likely that the ' seventh month ' of 
 the present verse belongs to the year last named. The coinci* 
 
NEHEMIAH 8. i, 2. Ce 21^ 
 
 ren of Israel were in their cities. And all the people 8 
 gathered themselves together as one man into the broad 
 place that was before the water gate ; and they spake unto 
 Ezra the scribe to bring the book of the law of Moses, 
 which the Lord had commanded to Israel. And Ezra the 2 
 
 dence of popular assemblies meeting in Tishri at widely separated 
 periods (Ezra iii. i and here) need occasion no surprise, since in it 
 the most important festivals were held — Atonement, Tabernacles, 
 &c. Besides, originally, as now, this month began the new year, 
 and this might well suggest a new start in life, made more possible 
 by having the law of their life made known to the people. 
 1. broad place : see on iii. 26 and Ezra x, 9. 
 
 water gate : see on iii. 26. 
 
 and they spake ... to bringf : the Hebrew means ' they 
 gave orders . . . that he should bring,' the Hebrew as in Esther i. 
 17 (R.V. ' commanded ') and iv. 13 (R.V. * bade '). Since Ezra 
 had brought with him a copy of the law (Ezra vii. 25), it has 
 been ever regarded as surprising that he should have so long 
 withheld it, and hence Winckler joins the present chapter imme- 
 diately to Ezra viii, though the evidently close connexion between 
 Ezra viii and ix makes this supposition an impossible one : see 
 p. 133 f. 
 
 (Ezra) the scribe : read with i Esdras ' the priest and 
 scribe ' (see verses 2, 4, 9). 
 
 the book of the law of Moses : called in ver. 2 ' the law,' and 
 in ver. 5 * the book,' the former indicating its contents and the 
 latter its form (the Hebrew rendered 'book' means in the O. T. 
 'roll,' though there is also for the latter a distinct word). The 
 Hebrew torah, translated ' law,' means strictly 'teaching,' 'instruc- 
 tion.' In Ps. Ixxviii. i ' my law ' is parallel to ' the words of my 
 mouth.' It came to denote especially the Divine will as revealed 
 through prophets and priests, and hence soon acquired the sense 
 'law.' In post-biblical Hebrew it is the technical term for the 
 Pentateuch, but it never has that meaning in the O. T. The law 
 which Ezra brought and published was much smaller in its scope 
 than the ' Five Books,' and did not contain the whole of the 
 Priestly Code, though largely coinciding with it. The early 
 religious laws of the Hebrews came soon to be connected with 
 the name of Moses, the traditional legislator of the nation, just as 
 the religious songs were at an early time ascribed to the David of 
 Chronicles, David the organizer of the Temple Psalmody. See 
 for a fuller discussion of the nature and extent of Ezra's law, ■ 
 p. 8 ff. 
 
i^zp NEHEMIAH 8. 3. C^ 
 
 priest brouglit the law before the congregation, both men 
 and women, and all that could hear with understanding, 
 3 upon the first day of the seventh month. And he read 
 therein before the broad place that was before the water 
 gate ^from early morning until midday, in the presence 
 of the men and the women, and of those that could under- 
 stand ; and the ears of all the people were attentive unto 
 
 ' Heb. from the light. 
 
 2. congreg'ation : see on Ezra ii. 64. 
 
 The old tradition that Ezra established and presided over an 
 institution called the Great Synagogue, which in the interval 
 between the prophets and the scribes superintended Jewish 
 affairs, arose out of the ad hoc assemblies described in Neh. viii-x, 
 and has not a vestige of support in the O. T., though it is implied 
 in the Mishna iPirqe Abot, i). Elias Levita (d. 1549) started the 
 view, afterwards so generally held, that the O. T. Canon was fixed 
 by this council with Ezra at its head, though it is now quite 
 certain that many parts of the O. T. were not even written until 
 centuries later. It is strange to find a modern Jewish scholar like 
 Dr. Schechter ^ adhering still to this tradition, though its absurdity 
 has been proved by Kuenen (see his Collected Essays, edited and 
 put into German by Budde, p. 125 ff.) : of. W. Robertson Smith, 
 07yC(2), 169 f. (n.). 
 
 and all that could hear with understanding : better (so 
 Heb.) *all that understood as they heard.' Of course children 
 are meant (see x. 28 (29)). The Hebrew verb, which = * to 
 understand,' has also the causative sense 'to cause to understand,' 
 as in verses 7, 9, &c. (see on Ezra viii. 16). This is according to 
 a usage well known to Hebrew and Arabic scholars (* Inner 
 Hiphil'). 
 
 the first day of the seventh month : a great day among the 
 Jews (see Lev. xxiii. 23-25 ; Num. xxix. 1-6, post-exilic 
 passages). From the time of Alexander the Great Jews have 
 kept this day as their New Year day. In Nehemiah's day the 
 importance attached to the day seems a survival of early usage, 
 for it was in Nisan that the year began in the centuries imme- 
 diately following the exile. See on Ezra x. 17. 
 p 3. from early morning' : Heb. (not as in the R. Vm. * but ') 
 *from the time it began to be light.' 
 
 until midday, when the excessive heat made further standing 
 in the open impracticable. Most Orientals have about this time 
 of the day a long siesta. 
 
 * See Studies in Judaism, 2nd series, pp. 67 and 105 £. 
 
NEHEMIAH 8. 4. Cp 221 
 
 the book of the law. And Ezra the scribe stood upon a 4 
 ^ pulpit of wood, which they had made for the purpose ; 
 and beside him stood Mattithiah, and Shema, and Anaiah, 
 and Uriah, and Hilkiah, and Maaseiah, on his right hand; 
 and on his left hand, Pedaiah, and Mishael, and Malchi- 
 jah, and Hashum, and Hashbaddanah, Zechariah, a/td 
 
 * Heb. tower. 
 
 4. (Ezra) the scribe : read ^^with i Esdras) ' the priest and 
 scribe,' as in ver. i (see on). 
 
 pulpit: the Hebrew word is the ordinary one for 'tower,' 
 but means literally 'what is high.' Here one may think of 
 a wooden platform capable of holding over a dozen (or over 
 fourteen) men. A pulpit in the modern sense is of course out of 
 the question, and for that reason the use of the word is misleading 
 and unfortunate. 
 
 (made) for tlie purpose : Syr., Luc, and Vulg. (varying the 
 Hebrew vowels) read * to speak ' (on). The LXX omits the clause. 
 
 and beside him, &c. : the number of men (Levites?) on 
 Ezra's right and left hand respectively differ in the various 
 authorities as follows: M.T. and Syr., six and seven; the LXX 
 (best MSS.), six and four ; Luc, seven and seven ; Vulg., six and 
 six ; I Esdras, seven and six. As a copyist is more likely to omit 
 than to insert, Luc. (seven on both hands) is more likely to 
 represent the original text, though the number twelve (six on each 
 side) would correspond to the number of tribes, and is therefore 
 often preferred. Apart from omission in the smaller lists, the names 
 are in the main identical. The names here mentioned seem, as 
 Bertheau points out, to stand for individuals and not, as in the names 
 in iii, in ver. 7 and in ix. 4, x. 9, the names of clans or families. 
 
 Who were these fourteen (or twelve?) men? Probably 
 priests, though not (as Rawlinson) 'chief priests of the course 
 which was at the time performing the temple service.' Some of 
 the names in this list appear in x. 2-9 as priests, as Malchiah, 
 MeshuUam, and perhaps Maaseiah (? = Maaziah), though in the 
 latter the names stand for clans or houses. The law now made 
 public by Ezra had been gradually evolved within the priestly 
 circle before, during, and after the exile, and as in it the rights 
 and privileges of the priests were safeguarded, one would expect 
 to see Ezra supported by the priesthood on so memorable an 
 occasion as this. Why, however, do we not read of the attend- 
 ance and support of the high-priest, who in the new community 
 had been accorded so favoured a place ? Perhaps envy of Ezra's 
 assumed position kept this official away, not, surely, opposition to 
 
222 NEHEMIAH 8. 5-7. Ce 
 
 5 MeshuUam. And Ezra opened the book in the sight of 
 all the people; (for he was above all the people;) and 
 
 6 when he opened it, all the people stood up : and 
 Ezra blessed the Lord, the great God. And all the 
 people answered, Amen, Amen, with the lifting up of 
 their hands : and they bowed their heads, and worshipped 
 
 7 the Lord with their faces to the ground. Also Jeshua, 
 and Bani, and Sherebiah, Jamin, Akkub, Shabbethai, 
 Hodiah, Maaseiah, Kelita, Azariah, Jozabad, Hanan, 
 Pelaiah, and the Levites^ caused the people to understand 
 
 the publication of the law up to now esoteric in the priesthood, 
 for its publication could not but promote the prestige and power 
 of the high-priesthood. 
 
 6. opened the book = unrolled the parchment roll : see Luke iv. 
 17. Bound books in the modern sense were not known until 
 A. D. 300. Even then the writing material was parchment or 
 vellum. 
 
 all the people stood up : according to Rabbinical tradition 
 it was the custom from the time of Moses onwards for the people 
 to stand while the law was being read. Standing was a mark of 
 respect : see Judges iii. 20 and perhaps Job xxxvii. 14. Herzfeld 
 quotes the latter passage for his rendering here ' stood still.' 
 
 6. and Ezra blessed, &c. : in the modern synagogue prayers 
 are offered when the law is taken from its keeping-place (the 
 haykal) and when it is returned. See the Jewish Prayer Book, 
 Sabbath morning service. 
 
 Amen : lit. ' firm,' ' established ' ; then as adverb * certainly,' 
 'assuredly.' See v. 13 ; Deut. xxvii. 14 f!". ; i Kings i. 36; Jer. 
 xi. 5, xxviii. 6, all pre-exilic passages except the first, showing 
 that the word was in use before the exile. Its liturgical use 
 meets us in post-exilic writings only, as in Num. v. 22 ; i Chron. 
 xvi. 36 ; Ps. cvi. 48, &c., though one cannot therefore say 
 positively that this latter use was unknown in pre-exilic times. 
 
 with the lifting* up of their hands : see on Ezra ix. 5. 
 
 7. Jeshua, &c. : of the thirteen names seven are mentioned as 
 Levites elsewhere (see ix. 5 and x. 9-14). The LXX has the three 
 first names only, the Vulgate agreeing with the M. T., and the 
 Syr. having a smaller number — eleven. The names all stand for 
 the families so called (cf. Jeshua), though of course they were 
 originally personal. 
 
 and (the Levites): omit with Vulg. and i Esdras. If 
 retained it is the explicative 'and' (=*even'). 
 
NEHEMIAH 8. 8-9. Cj. 223 
 
 the law : and the people stood in their place. And they 8 
 
 read in the book, in the law of God, ^ distinctly ; and 
 
 they gave the sense, ^so that they understood the reading. 
 
 And Nehemiah, which was the Tirshatha, and Ezra the 9 
 
 ^ Or, with an interpretation ^ Or, and caused them to understand 
 
 and the people stood in their place : the word italicized 
 occurs in 2 Chron. xxx. 16, and has perhaps to be restored here : 
 see Neh. ix. 3, where a verb of similar import occurs. The sense 
 is ' the people stood in the place set apart for them.' 
 
 8. Render, ' And they read in the book of the law of God, 
 uttering the words distinctly' and giving the sense 'of the words) 
 and the (connected) meaning at the ( = each) section.' 
 
 they read: perhaps Ezra read the section {perashah), the 
 Levites reading the prepared interpretation. 
 
 in the law : omit one letter repeated by mistake and read 
 ' of the law.' 
 
 distinctly: see on Ezra iv. 18. The form of the word has 
 to be altered so as to assimilate it with the verbal form following, 
 both being then infinitive absolutes used gerundially : see the 
 translation above. A noun cognate with the verbal form occurs 
 in Esther iv. 7 (' exact sum ') and x. 2 (' full account '). 
 
 (gave) the sense : i. e. the meaning of the words. 
 
 so that they understood : make a slight change in the 
 Hebrew and thus get a noun parallel to that translated 'sense.' 
 The word thus obtained implies a deeper knowledge, one involv- 
 ing a perception of the relation of the separate things considered. 
 The same two words are also in parallelism in i Chron. xxii. 12 ; 
 2 Chron. ii. ir. It is obviously a mistake to make the writer 
 mean that as the people v.^ere ignorant of Hebrew the original text 
 had to be turned into Aramaic. The Jews had not lost their 
 knowledge of Hebrew in the exile, as the writings of Haggai, 
 Zechariah, Ezra, Nehemiah, &:c., show. 
 
 the reading*: we should probably render ' at the (=^^ each) 
 section,' a common meaning of the word in Rabbinical Hebrew. 
 
 9-12. Ezra commands the people to rejoice and not to weep. 
 
 9. Nehemiah . . . the Tirshatha : this whole clause is 
 certainly to be omitted, as is suggested by the isolated mention 
 of Nehemiah here, as in x. 2, and by the varied forms taken by 
 the clause in the Versions. If this leader were on the scene at 
 this time he could not have played a great part in the reforms now 
 going forward. In i Esdras we have simply ' Attharates,' which, 
 as I Esd. V. 40 shows, is given as a proper name. In the Syr. 
 'Nehemiah the high-priest' is the phrase, whereas in the LXX 
 it is simply ' Nehemiah.' Luc. and the Vulg. agree with theM.T. 
 
 Q 
 
224 NEHEMIAH 8. lo, ii. Ce 
 
 priest the scribe, and the Levites that taught the people, 
 said unto all the people, This day is holy unto the Lord 
 your God ; mourn not, nor weep. For all the people wept, 
 
 10 when they heard the words of the law. Then he said 
 unto them^ Go your way, eat the fat, and drink the sweet, 
 and send portions unto him for whom nothing is prepared : 
 for this day is holy unto our Lord : neither be ye grieved ; 
 
 1 1 for the joy of the Lord is your ^ strength. So the Levites 
 stilled all the people, saying, Hold your peace, for the 
 
 ^ Or, strong hold 
 
 Tirshatha : see on Ezra ii. 63, where this epithet (not an 
 official title) is applied to Zerubbabel. Nehemiah is never so 
 described ; he is called ' Governor ' (J>ekhah) : see on Ezra viii. 36. 
 
 (Ezra) the priest the scribe : see verses i, 4, 
 
 the Iievites that taught : see on Ezra viii. 16. This was 
 their function ; Ezra seems to have onl}' read the portion to be 
 explained : see on ver. 8. 
 
 This day is holy : see on ver. i. It was the new moon 
 of the seventh month. 
 
 mourn not, &c.: note how in an earlier sge the introduction 
 of the Deuteronomic law was followed by weeping, as the publi- 
 cation of Ezra's law is now (see 2 Kings xxii. 11, 19), The 
 people saw their sins in a new light when the standard of perfect 
 conduct was brought before them. But festal days were intended 
 to be times of rejoicing (see next verse). 
 
 10. he (said) : i. e. Ezra : see on ver. 9. 
 
 eat the fat, and drink the sweet : i. e. eat and drink the 
 best you can get ; do not fast in any degree, it is high festival 
 time. 
 
 send portions: all festivals among the Semites were 
 seasons of social conviviality, to which the sojourner, orphan, 
 widow, &c., were to be invited (Deut. xvi. 11, 14). Portions of 
 what was offered were sent to those who could not join the 
 company, the poor, &c. (Esther ix. 19, 22) : see G. B. Gray on 
 Num. xxii. 40. The word rendered ' portions * means perhaps 
 * choice bits ' : see on Esther ii. 9. 
 
 the joy of the IiOBD ( = Yahweh) : objective genitive, * the 
 joy you have or take in Yahweh.' See Ps. ix. 3, xxxii. 11. 
 
 your strength : Heb. ' your safe retreat,' * refuge,' not, as in 
 the R.Vm., * stronghold,' though the Massorites so explained 
 the word. 
 
 11. Hold your peace: i. e. Do not weep aloud (see ver. 9) 
 
NEHEMIAH 8. 12-14. Ce 225 
 
 day is holy ; neither be ye grieved. And all the people la 
 went their way to eat, and to drink, and to send portions, 
 and to make great mirth, because they had understood the 
 words that were declared unto them. 
 
 And on the second day were gathered together the 13 
 heads of fathers' houses of all the people, the priests, 
 and the Levites, unto Ezra the scribe, even to give atten- 
 tion to the words of the law. And they found written in 14 
 
 the day is holy: i. e. set apart for Yahweh ; whatever has to 
 do with Him should give joy. 
 
 12. portions: see on ver. 10. 
 
 13-18. Celebration of the Feast of Tabernacles, as prescribed by the 
 newly found law. 
 
 It is the month Tishri (see on ver. i). The law book had been 
 made known. In this month the Feast of Tabernacles fell (15 to 
 21 or to 22), and the newly instructed people, led by their specially 
 instructed leaders, set about the keeping of this festival. It is now 
 the second day, and thirteen days more must come and go before 
 ' the Feast ' (see on ver. 18) will begin. The tenth day of the 
 month is that prescribed in the Priestly Code for what became the 
 most solemn fast of the Jewish code (see Exod. xxix. 36, xxx. 10 ; 
 Lev. xxiii. 27 f., xxv. 9). Yet nothing is said about this fast, the 
 Day of Atonement, proof enough surely that the laws enacting it 
 formed no part of Ezra's torah. 
 
 13. heads of fathers' houses . . . priests and the Levites: 
 Ezra now instructs an inner circle in his law as he had previously 
 the whole congregation. His purpose would be to supply the 
 leaders with information about points too recondite for the multi- 
 tude, and also perhaps to give directions as to the carrying out of 
 the law. 
 
 heads of fathers' houses: see on Ezra ii. 59. 
 
 even: omit with the versions (LXX, Luc, Syr., Vulg.). 
 
 to g'ive attention to : better, * that he might give the sense of 
 the (different' parts of the law.' The Heb. verb here is cognate 
 with the noun rendered ' sense ' in ver. 8, and means often to 
 'teach,' as in ix. 20, Ps. xxxii. 8, &c., i. e. ' to give the sense of.' 
 
 the words of: the Heb. term denotes 'things' as well as 
 * words,' and is often used as here in the sense of details, minutiae 
 (see Jer. v. 21 ; Ps. Ixv. 4, cxxxvii. 2, cxlv. 5). Ezra had to ex- 
 plain to this select company the detailed points and especially the 
 hard ones of the law. 
 
 14. The laws concerning the Feast of Tabernacles occur in all 
 the principal Hexateuch codes in different fomis corresponding to 
 
 Q 2 
 
226 NEHEMIAH 8. 15, 16. Ch 
 
 the law, how that the Lord had commanded by Moses, 
 that the children of Israel should dwell in booths in the 
 
 15 feast of the seventh month: and that they should publish 
 and proclaim in all their cities, and in Jerusalem, saying, 
 Go forth unto the mount, and fetch olive branches, and 
 branches of wild olive, and myrtle branches, and palm 
 branches, and branches of thick trees, to make booths, 
 
 16 as it is written. So the people went forth, and brought 
 them, and made themselves booths, every one upon the 
 
 diflferent stages of belief and practice (see Exod. xxiii. 16 (JE) ; 
 Deut. xvi. 13, 16 ; Lev. xxiii. 39-43 (H) ; and Lev. xxiii. 34-36 (P) ; 
 Ezek. xlv. 25). The statements in verses 14-18 of the present chap- 
 ter show that the writer had before him the third of the above 
 sections alone (Lev. xxiii. 39-43) which belongs to the Holiness 
 Code (Lev. xvii-xxvi). Moreover the words given as written in 
 the law differ in detail from those of the section used, showing 
 that small importance was attached to the mere words of the law. 
 
 "by Moses: cf. ver i ('the law of Moses'). The very old 
 tradition as to the Mosaic origin of the law and the later one as 
 to the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch is so far correct that Moses 
 must have laid down the general lines of a legal code which con- 
 tinued to be modified and expanded down to the fourth century 
 B. c. : see p. 10 f. 
 
 that the children of Israel should dwell in booths : no- 
 where else in the O.T. is this prescribed except in Lev. xxiii. 42. 
 15. that they should publish : cf. Lev. xxiii. i, 4. 
 
 the mount: here as often = the mountain land, i. e. Judah. 
 
 fetch olive branches ... to make booths : there is nothing 
 in Lev. xxiii saying that the branches, &c., to be gathered were to 
 be used in constructing booths, though (so Keil, Dillmann, &c,) that 
 may be intended. All that is commanded is that the people were 
 to lake the fruit of goodly trees, ' branches of palm trees, boughs 
 of thick trees ( = myrtles according to tradition), and willows of the 
 brook ' (Lev. xxiii. 40). With these they were to keep the feast 
 (ver. 41). Then it is said they were to dwell in booths, without 
 any hint as to how these were to be made. Perhaps (so Kuenen) 
 the branches, &c., in ver. 40 were to be used also in forming 
 the bundles {lulabs) of four kinds (myrtles, &c.) which, since early 
 times, have been brandished during the feast in the synagogues. 
 Of this latter custom the Bible gives no explicit account, though it 
 may be implied in the above verse of Leviticus. 
 
 as it is written : see on ver. 14. 
 
NEHEMIAH 8. 17. Ce 227 
 
 roof of his house^ and in their courts, and in the courts 
 of the house of God, and in the broad place of the water 
 gate, and in the broad place of the gate of Ephraim. And 1 7 
 all the congregation of them that were come again out of 
 the captivity made booths, and dwelt in the booths : for 
 since the days of Jeshua the son of Nun unto that day 
 had not the children of Israel done so. And there was 
 
 16. the roof of his house : flat in Palestine and much used 
 as places of resort of evenings (see 2 Sam. xi. 2 ; Dan. iv, 26), and 
 for even sleeping on in summer. During the feast the Jews still 
 take their meals in the booths as far as weather, means, &c. , permit. 
 courts : most Palestine houses have open courts with wells 
 of water on which the inmates depend for their supply. 
 
 the broad place of the water gate : see on iii. 26, and on 
 Ezra X. 9. 
 
 the gate of Ephraim : see on iii, 6 and xii. 39; cf. 2 Kings 
 xiv. 13 ; 2 Chron. xxv. 23. It was a little to the south-west of 
 the corner, and (according to G. A. Smith) south of the line of 
 wall repaired under Nehemiah. 
 
 17. all the congregation of them, &c. : render according to 
 the Heb., ' All the congregation, (even) those who returned,' &c. 
 The word in brackets is inserted to make the sense clear, but in 
 Heb. the whole congregation is equated with those who returned. 
 Theunexiled Jews whom the returned exiles found in the home- 
 land were relatively so few and unimportant as to be ignored. See 
 on Ezra vi. 21. 
 
 since the days of Jeshtia the son of ITun, &c, : yet we 
 read in Ezra iii. 4 of a celebration of the feast almost immediately 
 after the arrival of Zerubbabel. There are several ways of re- 
 conciling what upon the surface and without prejudice looks like 
 a contradiction. J. D. Mich., Klost., and Sieg. omit the son of Nun, 
 identifying this Jeshua then with the well-known high-priest who 
 shared in the observance of Ezra iii. 4. All the versions, however, 
 have these words, and moreover the whole clause seems based on 
 2 Kings xxiii. 22. Jeshua bin-Nun was the inaugurator of a new 
 era just as was Jeshua the companion of Zerubbabel, and was not 
 unlikely to be mentioned. 
 
 Others (Bertheau, &c.) lay great stress on the word so, taking the 
 clause to mean that in such a itianmr the Israelites had not ob- 
 served this feast from the time of Jeshua bin-Nun. The present 
 writer thinks that the Heb. words * had not done so ' mean simply 
 'had not kept the Feast, had not done what had been described ' — 
 the celebration of this Feast. It is better to see in the two ac- 
 
228 NEHEMIAH 8. i8— 9. i. C^ 
 
 8 very great gladness. Also day by day, from the first day 
 unto the last day, he read in the book of the law of God. 
 And they kept the feast seven days ; and on the eighth day 
 was a ^ solemn assembly, according unto the ordinance. 
 
 9 Now in the twenty and fourth day of this month the 
 
 * Or, closing festival 
 
 counts two different and conflicting traditions handed down along 
 different channels. The writer of either of these passages had 
 evidently not seen the other passage. Differences and even con- 
 tradictions like these make the record of facts and traditions in 
 Ezra-Nehemiah the more valuable and trustworthy. 
 gfladness : see Lev. xxiii. 40. 
 
 18. seven days : so Lev. xxiii. 39 ; Deut. xvi. 13, 15. 
 
 a solemn assembly : this is no part of the Feast proper, as 
 the words of this verse imply and as is shown by Num. xxix. 35 (P), 
 where the sacrifices for the day bear no proportion to those offered 
 daily during the seven days of Tabernacles. See G. B. Gra)% 
 Numbers, 402 ff. ('A scale of public offerings'). This eighth 
 day is mentioned in Lev. xxiii. 34, 39 (P not H) ; Num. xxix. 35 
 (late P), but not in Deut. (see xvi. 13-15, xxxi. 9-12), nor in JE. 
 See I Kings viii. 65 f. (where the older law is implied) and 
 2 Chron. vii. 8-10 (which follows P). Opinion is divided as to 
 whether the last great day of the Feast of John vii. 37 is the last 
 (i. e. the seventh day) of the Feast proper or the eighth day, the 
 solemn assembly. But there can be no doubt that it is the seventh 
 day that is meant. 
 
 IX. 
 
 The contents of this chapter follow quite naturally upon those 
 of that which precedes. When the people through the reading 
 of the law come to a perception of the wide divergence between 
 their lives and the acknowledged standard one might expect to see 
 the demonstrations of grief described in ch. ix. It is of course 
 assumed that the mourning and weeping of viii. 9-1 1 and of the 
 present chapter are on account of the mixed marriages which the 
 reading of the law had painted in the darkest colours. During the 
 feasts of the seventh month the mourning people are commended 
 to rejoice in accordance with the custom and requirements of the 
 festival times (viii. 9 ff ). But the feast of the month is past and 
 gone (Tabernacles) and the mourning is resumed two days later 
 (see ver, i). 
 
 1-5. Day of public confession. 
 
 1. the twenty and fourth day (of Tishri) : this would be two 
 days after the Feast of Tabernacles had come to a close. This 
 verse shows that chaps, viii and ix are inseparably connected. 
 
NEHEMIAH 9. 2, 3. Ch 229 
 
 children of Israel were assembled with fasting, and with 
 sackcloth, and earth upon them. And the seed of Israel 2 
 separated themselves from all strangers, and stood and 
 confessed their sins, and the iniquities of their fathers. 
 And they stood up in their place, and read in the book 3 
 of the law of the Lord their God a fourth part of the 
 
 This day is not (with Siegfried) to be identified with the Day of 
 Atonement (see Lev, xvi, xxii. 27-32 ; Num. xx. 7 ff.), which in 
 later times was observed on the tenth day of the month, but which 
 in Ezra's time was unknown. 
 
 fasting-: see Ezra viii. 21, x. 6. 
 
 sackcloth : a sign of penitent sorrow (see i Chron. xxi. 
 16 ; Jonah iii. 5, 8; Dan. ix. 3) : see on Esther iv. r. 
 
 earth upon them: see i Sam. iv. 12 ; 2 Sam. i. 2, xv. 32 ; 
 Job ii. 12. 
 
 2. the seed: a comparison with Ezra ix. 2 suggests common 
 authorship. In favour of authorship by Ezra is also the fact that the 
 word is found most frequently in writing about the time of the 
 exile (see Isa. xlv. 25 ; cf. ver. 19 ; Jer. xxxi. 36, &c.). 
 
 separated themselves : i. e. for the united act of confession 
 and prayer. Keil and others think that a general separation from 
 the heathen is meant, 
 
 strangers, i.e. non-Jews : another Heb. word {ger), generally 
 translated ' sojourners,' means non-Jews who have settled in Jew- 
 ish ten-itory and adopted largely, and in late times wholly, the reli- 
 gion of the Jews. Notwithstanding what is recorded in Ezra ix f. it 
 seems evident that non-Jews joined Jews in the religious assemblies 
 of the latter : see on Ezra iii. 3, x, 2, and article 'Stranger' in SDB. 
 
 the iniquities of their fathers: see remarks on verses 7-31. 
 
 3. they stood up in their place : render, ' they arose (so the 
 Heb.) and went to their place,' i. e. the place appointed for them 
 (see on viii. 7). 
 
 and read : who? Not the people, though the Heb, allows this. 
 We have here an example of the unnamed (' indefinite) subject' 
 so common in Hebrew which is better rendered into English by 
 the passive, as it is the action and not the agent that is in question : 
 see p. 103. Here the Levites must be understood as the readers 
 (see viii. 3-8). 
 
 hook of the law, &c. : see on viii. i ; cf. verses 4, 5, 7 of the 
 present chapter and x, 29, 34. 
 
 a fourth part of the day : i. e. three hours, probably from 
 about 9a. m, to 12 noon , the other three hours following immediately 
 upon this. The whole assembly must have stood throughout the 
 six hours, except when they prostrated themselves, but see below 
 
^30 NEHEMIAH 9. 4, 5. Ck 
 
 day ; and another fourth part they confessed, and wor- 
 
 4 shipped the Lord their God. Then stood up upon the 
 stairs of the Levites, Jeshua, and Bani, Kadmiel, She- 
 baniah^ Bunni, Sherebiah^ Bani^ and Chenani, and cried 
 with a loud voice unto the Lord their God. Then the 
 
 5 Levites^ Jeshua, and Kadmiel, Bani, Hashabneiah,Shere- 
 biah, Hodiah, Shebaniah, and Pethahiah, said, Stand up 
 and bless the Lord your God from everlasting to ever- 
 lasting: and ''^blessed be thy glorious name, which is 
 
 * Or, let them bless 
 
 confessed : see on Ezra x. 2. 
 
 worshipped : lit. ' prostrated themselves.' The verb comes, 
 however, to be used in a general way for ' to worship ', whatever 
 the attitude. 
 
 4 f. The two hsts in these two verses are no doubt one at 
 bottom, the confusion arising through the carelessness and igno- 
 rance of copyists. Four of the names occur twice (Jeshua, 
 Kadmiel, Bani, Sherebiah). Siegfried, Torrey, &c., say that the 
 Chronicler is responsible for introducing these names. If so, 
 one wonders that he did not do his work better — unless his list 
 has suffered from transmission. The LXX diverges from the 
 Hebrew considerably in these lists (see below). It seems evident 
 that the names stand for houses, not individuals (cf. Jeshua), and 
 we are to think of each house as represented by its living chief. 
 
 4. stairs (of the Levites) : Heb. * high place.* It is the wooden 
 platform of viii. 3 that must be meant, 
 
 Bani : the double occurrence of this name in ver. 4 shows 
 how inaccurate the traditional text here is. We should probabl}' 
 read in one case * Binnu ' (see x. 9, xii. 8). The LXX translates 
 Bani, Binnui, and Bunni as if all v^ere bene { — sons of), so reduc- 
 ing the number from eight to five. 
 
 5. Stand : lit., ' arise.' The word denotes perhaps merely a 
 summons to do what follows (see on Ezra x. 4), though it may bear 
 its literal meaning ; see on ver. 3 ('worshipped '). 
 
 bless, &c. : these words resemble closely Psalms which 
 have come down to us (see Ps. xl. i, 14, Ixxii. 19, cvi. 48, and 
 the references below). See further on verses 6-37. 
 
 blessed be thy g'lorious name : this rendering is preferable 
 to that of the margin (see on ver. 3 (indefinite subject i). 
 
 6-37. Ezra's confession and prayer on behalf of the people. Have 
 we in this a veritable psalm of Ezra's time and by Ezra himself? 
 Or is it the work of the Chronicler as Torrey and others hold ? 
 
NEHEMIAH 9. 6. Ce 231 
 
 exalted above all blessing and praise. Thou art the Lord, 6 
 even thou alone ; thou hast made heaven, the heaven of 
 heavens, with all their host, the earth and all things that 
 are thereon, the seas and all that is in them, and thou 
 preservest them all ; and the host of heaven worshippeth 
 
 Unless there is cogent evidence to the contrary we ought to 
 accept i\\& prima facie evidence of the narrative. It is remarkable 
 that although this song makes abundant use of other parts of the 
 O. T. there is hardly a single case in which it can be proved that 
 a source so late as the Chronicler, or even as the Priestly Code, 
 has been consulted (see the notes below). If Ezra or Nehemiah or 
 a contemporary is not the author it is perfectly clear that the 
 Chronicler is not, for his manner does not show itself from begin- 
 ning to end. The writer is most of all influenced by the Deutero- 
 nomist, and this agrees with a time between the dominance of the 
 D and P codes, see p. 18 f. The references given below to parallel 
 passages will be chiefly to parts of the O. T. which this Psalmist 
 seems to have had in mind. 
 6. Invocation. 
 
 We ought, with the LXX, to begin this verse with ' And Ezra 
 said.' This is supported by a comparison with Ezra ix. 6-15. 
 Under the priestly influence of a later time these words might 
 well have been omitted, since to lead in prayer and confession is 
 the prerogative of the priest alone in the Pcode (see Lev. xxi. 21). 
 
 Thou . . . liOBD . . . alone: cf Ps. Ixxx. i8 and Isa. xliv. 6. 
 
 thou hast made : not created, as in Gen, i, i, ii. i. 
 
 heaven (and) the heaven of heavens : the copula * and ' 
 must with all the versions be inserted (see Deut. x. 14). The ex- 
 pression ' heaven of heavens' is a Hebrew superlative, and is equi- 
 valent to < the highest heaven.' The idea of a plurality of heavens 
 underlies the expression, either three (see a Chron. xii. 12) or 
 seven (as in the Talmud). 
 
 preservest : lit. ' keepest alive.' 
 7-31. A rapid survey of the nation^ s past ; its siyis and its mercies. 
 With this survey compare Pss. Ixxviii (pre-exilic or exilic), cvi, 
 and also Pss. cv, cxl, cxli, though the three last speak only about 
 God's goodness to Israel at the various stages of the nation's history, 
 nothing in them being said of the nation's sins. This section has 
 for background, as Pss. Ixxviii and cvi, a period of national distress 
 — they may all be the product of the same set of events. Here at 
 all events the producing circumstances seem to be the opposition 
 offered to the restoration of Judaism and its institutions and the 
 galling feelings inseparable from bondage to an alien power. 
 This Psalm and that in Ezra ix. 6-15 have as much in common 
 
232 NEHEMIAH 9. 
 
 /J 
 
 7 thee. Thou art ^ the Lord the God, who didst choose 
 Abram, and broughtest him forth out of Ur of the 
 
 8 Chaldees, and gavest him the name of Abraham ; and 
 foundest his heart faithful before thee, and madest a 
 covenant with him to give the land of the Canaanite, the 
 Hittite, the Amorite^and the Perizzite, and the Jebusite, 
 
 " Or, O Lord 
 
 as common authorship justifies us in expecting, but the differences 
 are sufficient to prove that they were uttered on different occasions. 
 
 To the modern mind it seems passing strange to find in this 
 Psalm, in Ezra ix. 6-15, and in many Psalms in the Psalter, one 
 generation of men apologizing to God for the sins of their fore- 
 fathers who lived hundreds of years before, and seeking Divine 
 pardon for these sins. But to the people of these times there is no 
 incongruity in all this, for the individual was lost in the nation, and 
 whatever merit or demerit attached to the latter belonged as well 
 to the separate members of the nation. We have a modification 
 of the same thought (the solidarity of the race) in the old doctrine 
 of original sin. 
 
 7 f. God's covenant w/fh Abraham, and through him with the nation. 
 
 7. who didst choose Abram: in Deut. vii. 8 and x. 15 God 
 is said to choose Israel because He loved their ancestors. In the 
 present passage God is said to choose Abram. 
 
 XJrof the Chaldees: see Gen. xv. 7 (E) ; cf. Gen. xi. 25, 31. 
 gavest him the name of Abraham : see Gen. xvii. 5 (P ; J 
 must also have had this). 
 
 8. (found his heart) faithful, i. e. believing (see Gen. xv. 6 (JE) ; 
 cf, Ps. xxviii. 8 ; i Sam. iii. 20 ; Gal. iii. 9). 
 
 madest a covenant with him : see Gen. xv. 18-21 (JE) and 
 cf. Gen. xvii. 2 ff. (P). 
 
 the Canaanite, &c. : this list is abridged from Gen. xv. 
 19-21 (JE)orfrom Deut. vii. i. On Canaanite and Amorite see on 
 Ezra ix. i. Amorites and Canaanites represent the two most im- 
 portant ethnic elements in the pre-Israelitish population of Pales- 
 tine, and originally no other native races seemed to have been men- 
 tioned, but later writers swelled the list for didactic purposes, 
 magnifying the conquest which God enabled the nation to achieve. 
 If the literal meaning of such lists is pressed it must be admitted 
 that the longest of them (i Gen. xv. 19-21) is very incomplete, 
 as it embraces only tribes west of the Jordan and south of the 
 upper reaches of that river. 
 
 Hittite : ver^' important remains of the civilization of this peo- 
 ple have been found in recent years in Asia Minor and elsewhere, 
 proving that at one time they were numerous and powerful enough 
 
NEHEMIAH 9. 9-13. C„ 233 
 
 and the Girgashite, even to give it unto his seed, and 
 hast performed thy words ; for thou art righteous. And 9 
 thou sawest the affliction of our fathers in Egypt, and 
 heardest their cry by the Red Sea ; and shewedst signs 10 
 and wonders upon Pharaoh, and on all his servants, and 
 on all the people of his land ; for thou knewest that they 
 dealt proudly against them ; and didst get thee a name, 
 as it is this day. And thou didst divide the sea before n 
 them, so that they went through the midst of the sea on 
 the dry land ; and their pursuers thou didst cast into the 
 depths, as a stone into the mighty waters. Moreover 12 
 thou leddest them in a pillar of cloud by day ; and in a 
 pillar of fire by night, to give them light in the way 
 wherein they should go. Thou camest down also upon 13 
 mount Sinai, and spakest with them from heaven, and 
 
 to contest the supremacy of Western Asia with Assyria : see 
 A. H. Sayce, The Hittites. 
 
 Jebusite: G. A. Smith denies that there ever was a city 
 called Jebus (= Jerusalem, or a part of iti : the existence of 
 a city of that name being inferred from the tribal name. 
 
 for thou art rig-liteous : because thou hast kept Thy promise 
 (see Deut. xxxii. 4). 
 
 9-1 1. In Egypt and the deliverance otit of it. The long interval 
 between Abraham and the settlement in Egypt is passed over in 
 silence. 
 
 9. thou sawest, &c. : see Exod. iii. 7 (J). Cf. Exod, xiv. 10 
 
 (J) ; XV. 4. 
 
 10. and shewedst signs : see Deut. vi. 22. 
 
 dealt proudly: see Exod. xviii. 11 (J), xvi. 14 (E) ; Deut. i. 
 43, xvii. 13. 
 
 didst get thee a name : see Exod. ix. 16 (J) ; cf. Isa. Ixiii. 
 12 ; Jer. xxxii. 20. as it is this day: see Jer. xliv. 2. 
 
 11. thou didst divide, &c. : see Exod. xv, 4 (J). 
 12-21. In the wilderness. 
 
 12. pillar of cloud . . . pillar of fire : see ver. 19 and Exod. xiii. 
 2 f. (J) ; Num. xiv. 14 (JE) ; Deut. i. 33 ; cf. Ps. Ixxviii. 14, cv. 39. 
 
 13. See Exod. xix. 18, 20. 
 
 Sinai (J, P) and Horeb (E, D' are simply different names in 
 different sources for the same mountain. The old view is that 
 Horeb was the name of the group or range and Sinai that of one 
 
234 NEHEMIAH 9. 14. C^ 
 
 gavest them right judgements and true laws, good statutes 
 
 14 and commandments : and madest known unto them thy 
 
 holy sabbath, and commandedst them commandments, 
 
 of the mountains in it; but biblical usage is against any distinction 
 being made. 
 
 Jndgrements : better 'ordinances ' : see on i. 7. 
 true laws : Heb. ' laws of faithfulness,' i. e. laws in harmony 
 with God's revealed purpose to do good to His people : not 
 capricious, much less inimical. We are not sharply to differ- 
 entiate the terms grouped in this verse for the Divine legislation ; 
 they stand rather for different aspects of the same thing, just as in 
 Ps. cxix (see Introd. to, Century Bible) the Divine word is expressed 
 in each stanza by eight terms indicative of as many view-points. 
 
 14. holy sabbath : the epithet ' holy ' seems to imply that 
 this institution was now regarded as a religious one (see below). 
 We have in this verse what is probably the earliest post-exilic 
 reference to the Sabbath — the allusions in Ezekiel (xx. 12, 20, 
 &c.) belonging to the exile itself. In pre-exilic times the 
 references seem to show that the Sabbath was a rest day for 
 man and for beast, a day for relaxation and recreation, and not 
 directly intended for worship or religious work : see Exod. xxiii. 
 12 (JE~, xxxiv. 21 (J) ; Deut. V. 12-15 ; Amos viii. 4 ; Hos. ii. 11. 
 It was during the exile, when the great feasts could not be kept 
 owing to separation from the Temple, that the Sabbath came to be 
 set apart as a day for the studying of the Scripture and for sacred 
 song and prayer. The above is, however, an a priori conc\us\on, 
 but it is almost certainly in accordance with the facts. After the 
 return, when the Sabbath does loom into view, it is, as here, 
 a ' holy ' day ; yet for some time after the return, and in some 
 circles during the exile, this day does not seem to have com- 
 manded much, if any, notice. It is not once spoken of in Isaiah, 
 not even in the second part, except in passages assigned to the 
 time of Nehemiah (Ivi. 2, Iviii. 13 f.). There is not a word about 
 it in Haggai, Zechariah, Ezra, Psalms, Proverbs, or Job, or even 
 Genesis, except in the account of its institution, which is late (P). 
 Ezra recognizes its claims in the present passage, though in no 
 other extant words of his, and Nehemiah made its observance 
 a matter of great consequence : see Neh. xiii. 13-21, with which 
 must go Isa. Iviii. 13 f. and Jer. xvii. 19-21, as of the same 
 period and even movement. 
 
 In the P code and connected parts of the O.T. the Sabbath is 
 a religious institution (see Exod. xxxi. ia-17 (P); Num. xxviii. 
 gf.). It is quite cle^ar that the Israelitish Sabbath is not a replica 
 of the Babylonian Sadattu, if even the two had at all any genitic 
 connexion. The Babylonian institution was a religious one from 
 
NEHEMIAH 9. 15-17. Cg 235 
 
 and statutes, and a law, by the hand of Moses thy servant : 
 and gavest them bread from heaven for their hunger, and 1 5 
 broughtest forth water for them out of the rock for their 
 thirst, and commandedst them that they should go in to 
 possess the land which thou hadst lifted up thine hand 
 to give them. But they and our fathers dealt proudly, 16 
 and hardened their neck, and hearkened not to thy com- 
 mandments, and refused to obey, neither were mindful 17 
 
 the first ; the Sabbath became that only after the exile — a proof 
 that the influence of Babylon was exerted, if at all, in post-exilic 
 times onl3'. The Babylonian term ^abattu was applied to the 
 fifteenth of the month only, and was identical, at least originally, 
 with the Full Moon Festival^. The 7th, 14th, 19th, 21st and 28th 
 days of the month in the Babylonian calendar were unlucky daj'S 
 {ukhulgal) for certain acts, not rest or sacred days at alP. See 
 Meinhold, Sabbat und Woche, 1905 ; A. R. Gordan, The Early 
 Traditions of Genesis, 216 ff., 1907, and review by the present 
 writer in Review of Theology and Philosophy, vol. iii, p. 689 fF. 
 
 conunandments : see on ver. 13 and cf. i. 7 and Ezra vii. 11 
 for similar combinations of synonyms. 
 
 15. bread from heaven : see Exod. xvi. 4 (JE) ; cf. Ps. cv. 40. 
 In Ps. Ixxviii. 25 it is called (in a corrected text) 'the bread of 
 angels ' : see on ver. 20 (* manna '). As regards the hunger and 
 thirst of the people see Deut. xxviii. 48. 
 
 g-o in to possess : see Deut. ix. 5. 
 
 lifted up thine hand: i.e. (as in A.V.) 'sworn,' here an 
 anthropomorphism, for the idiom (common in many languages) 
 rests on the custom still widely prevalent (as in Scotland) of 
 pointing to Deity as witness when an oath is taken : see Exod. 
 vi. 8, &c. ; Num. xiv. 28 f., 33. For the existence of the practice 
 in Africa see Johnstone, Journal Anthrop. Institute, xxxii, p. 264. 
 
 16. (they) and (our fathers): render 'even'; it is the 
 explicative conjunction waw, corresponding to a similar use of 
 the Greek Ka'i and the Latin et. 
 
 dealt proudly : see on ver. lo. 
 
 hardened their neck : as animals refusing to bear the yoke : 
 see verses 17, 29 and Deut. x. 16 ; Jer. vii, 26. Cf. Exod. xxxii. 9. 
 
 17. refused to obey : see Jer. iv, 6. Note the heaped-up 
 charges in this verse. 
 
 ^ See Pinches, PSBA., 1904, 51 ff. ; Zimmern, KATS^\ 592; 
 ZDMG., 1904, 200 ff., 458 ff. ; Benzinger, ArchS'^\ 338 ff. ; C. H. W. 
 Johns, Expositor, 1906, ii. 433 ; Driver, Genesis, 34 f. 
 
236 NEHEMIAH 9. 18-20. Ce 
 
 of thy wonders that thou didst among them ; but hardened 
 their neck, ^ and in their rebelHon appointed a captain to 
 return to their bondage: but thou art ^a God ready to 
 pardon, gracious and full of compassion, slow to anger, 
 
 18 and plenteous in mercy, and forsookest them not. Yea, 
 when they had made them a molten calf, and said, This 
 is thy God that brought thee up out of Egypt, and had 
 
 19 wrought great provocations ; yet thou in thy manifold 
 mercies forsookest them not in the wilderness : the pillar 
 of cloud departed not from over them by day, to lead 
 them in the way ; neither the pillar of fire by night, to 
 shew them light, and the way wherein they should go. 
 
 20 Thou gavest also thy good spirit to instruct them, and 
 
 * The Sept. has, and appointed a captain to return to their bondage 
 in Egypt. See Num. xiv. 4. ^ Heb. a God of forgivenesses. 
 
 wonders: Heb. 'outstanding acts,' used especially for what 
 God did for His people, whether in nature or in history ; see Exod. 
 iii. 20 (J), &c. The word is very common in the Psalms, but, 
 though common also in JE, it is absent from P. 
 
 and in their rebellion, &c. : render (see R.Vm.), 'and 
 appointed a head (or leader), so that (under his leadership) they 
 might return to their bondage in Egypt.' No change in the text 
 is necessary for the above translation except a trivial one on 
 a single Hebrew word. 
 
 appointed a captain (lit., ' a head') : so the Greek versions 
 (though different Greek words are used in Luc. and LXX). Haupt, 
 following an Assyrian idiom, renders ' they made head,' i. e. 'they 
 resisted.' This, however, is not Hebrew. Bertheau and Stade 
 render ' they turned their head ' (' to return,' &c.). 
 
 their bondage : see on Ezra ix. 9. 
 
 a God ready to pardon: cf. Dan. ix. 9, which seems to 
 depend on the present passage as being the older. 
 
 For the epithets applied in this verse to God see reference Bibles. 
 
 18. See Exod. xxxii. 4 (E), 8 (JE). 
 
 wrong-ht great provocations : the Hebrew means ' they 
 exhibited great contempt ' (for God). The noun occurs besides 
 only in ver. 26 and in Ezek. xxxv. 12. 
 
 19. to shew them light, and the way : render (omitting 
 with the versions 'and '), 'to show them light in the way,' &c. 
 
 20. thy good spirit: see Num. xi. 17, 23-29 (E) ; cf. Ps. cxliii. 
 10 ; Isa, Ixi. 11. 
 
NEHEMIAH 9. 21-23. Ce 237 
 
 withheldest not thy manna from their mouth, and gavest 
 them water for their thirst. Yea, forty years didst thou 31 
 sustain them in the wilderness, a7id they lacked nothing ; 
 their clothes waxed not old, and their feet swelled not. 
 Moreover thou gavest them kingdoms and peoples, » which 22 
 thou didst allot after their portions : so they possessed 
 the land of Sihon, even the land of the king of Heshbon, 
 and the land of Og king of Bashan. Their children also 23 
 multipliedst thou as the stars of heaven, and broughtest 
 them into the land, concerning which thou didst say to 
 * Or, and didst distribute them into every corner 
 
 manna : see on ver. 15. What is here said of the supply of 
 manna and water has its source in Num. xi. 6-9 (JE), not as 
 ver. 15 in Exod. xvi. 4 (JE) : see Ps. Ixxviii. 17 ff,, where 
 the same two sources seem combined. Exod. xvi. 25 gives 
 a popular etymology of the word manna (^what is it'), 
 which Semitic philology shows to be incorrect. The manna of 
 Scripture is generally identified with those thick drops which in 
 May and June exude of nights from the tamarisk tree through 
 punctures caused by insects. They are gathered by the Bedouin 
 Arabs of the Sinaitic Peninsula and greatly relished. Another 
 view is that a kind of stone lichen largely eaten by Arabs is the 
 original manna. In any case here, as in Exod. xvi, Num. xi, 
 Ps. Ixxviii. 24, and John vi. 31, manna is regarded as due to 
 a special act on God's part, and something in the circumstances 
 under which the wilderness manna was supplied may have made 
 the supply really miraculous. 
 
 21. See Deut. ii. 7, viii. 4, xxix. 4. 
 
 (their feet) swelled not : rendered * blistered not ' (through 
 walking). 
 
 22-25. "^^^ Conquest of Canaan. 
 
 22. after their portions: Heb., ^ according to a corner' (Lev. 
 xix. 17, 27), or * according to a portion ' ('corner') of territory 
 (only in Num. xxiv. 17, and then doubtfully). Better with LXX, 
 Vulg. omit the clause : it is perhaps a dittograph of the last part 
 of the preceding words. Luc, and Syr. give quite different 
 renderings from each other and from that of the E.VV. 
 
 possessed: see Deut. i. 21. 
 
 even tlie land of: omit (with LXX, Vulg.) ; it is an obvious 
 dittograph, the same word written twice by mistake. The 
 obviousness of this is seen in the Hebrew only. 
 
 23. See Gen. xxii. 17 (JE) ; Deut. i. 10. 
 
238 NEHEMIAH 9. 24-27. C,, 
 
 24 their fathers, that they should go in to possess it. So the 
 children went in and possessed the land, and thou sub- 
 duedst before them the inhabitants of the land, the 
 Canaanites, and gavest them into their hands, with their 
 kings, and the peoples of the land, that they might do 
 
 25 with them as they would. And they took fenced cities, 
 and a fat land, and possessed houses full of all good 
 things, cisterns hewn out, vineyards, and oliveyards, 
 and fruit trees in abundance : so they did eat, and were 
 filled, and became fat, and delighted themselves in thy 
 
 26 great goodness. Nevertheless they were disobedient, and 
 rebelled against thee, and cast thy law behind their back, 
 and slew thy prophets which testified against them to 
 turn them again unto thee, and they wrought great pro- 
 
 37 vocations. Therefore thou deliveredst them into the hand 
 
 24. Begin this verse with and thou subduedst, &c., the pre- 
 ceding words (absent from the LXX) anticipating unnecessarily 
 what follows. 
 
 thou subduedst . . . the Canaanites. There is a word-play 
 in the Hebrew which in English is lost, the noun and verb having 
 the same root letters, as if in English one said ' he subjected the 
 subjects' (of the German Emperor). 
 
 25. See Deut. vi. 10 f, viii. 7-9. 
 
 became fat (i. e. sensuous) : see Deut. xxxii. 15. 
 26-29. Period of the Judges. 
 
 26. they were disobedient: the Hebrew verb (= to be 
 i-efractory) is quite common in Deuteronomy (see ix. 7, 24, &c.). 
 
 cast thy law behind their back : see i Kings xiv. 9 ; Ezek. 
 xxiii. 35. 
 
 slew thy prophets: see i Kings xviii. 4, 13, xix. 10; 
 2 Chron. xxiv. 20 f. ; Matt. v. 12, xxiii. 29 ff. ; Luke xi. 47, xiii. 
 33 ff. ; Acts vii. 32 ; i Thess. ii. 15 ; Heb. xi. 32 f. 
 
 which testified, &c. : a favourite expression of D and his 
 school (see Deut. iv. 26, &c.); never found in P or his circle 
 (Chronicles, &c.). 
 
 provocations : see on ver. 18. 
 37 f. Here we have the recurring pragmatism of Judges— sins, 
 repentance, deliverance — repeated in that order (see Judges 5 
 ii. iiflf.). 
 
NEHEMIAH 9. 28-30. C,, 239 
 
 of their adversaries, who distressed them : and in the 
 time of their trouble, when they cried unto thee, thou 
 heardest from heaven ; and according to thy manifold 
 mercies thou gavest them saviours who saved them out 
 of the hand of their adversaries. But after they had 28 
 rest, they did evil again before thee : therefore leftest 
 thou them in the hand of their enemies, so that they had 
 the dominion over them : yet when they returned, and 
 cried unto thee, thou heardest from heaven ; and many 
 times didst thou deliver them according to thy mercies ; 
 and testifiedst against them, that thou mightest bring 29 
 them again unto thy law : yet they dealt proudly, 
 and hearkened not unto thy commandments, but sinned 
 against thy judgements, (which if a man do, he shall live 
 in them,) and '''withdrew the shoulder, and hardened their 
 neck, and would not hear. Yet many years didst thou 30 
 bear with them, and testifiedst against them by thy spirit 
 
 * Heb. they gave a shibborn shoulder. 
 
 27. adversaries . . . distressed . . . trouble : the Hebrew 
 basis in all these words is identical, so that the Hebrew exhibits 
 a play on words which in a translation is missed ; cf. * adversaries 
 . . . treated adversely . . . adverse (circumstances).' 
 
 saviours : the Hebrew word (the root of which is found 
 in * Joshua, 'or 'Jesus') stands here for the judges, as in Judges 
 iii. 9, 15, &c. ; cf. Judges ii. 16 for the corresponding verb 
 ('delivered '\ 
 
 28. when they returned and cried : render (in accordance 
 with Heb. idiom), 'when they again cried.' 
 
 29. commandments , . . judgrements : see on i. 7. 
 30 f. Period of the prophets. 
 
 30. didst thou hear with them : render, ' didst thou con- 
 tinue to be kind to them.' The Hebrew verb^ ' to draw out,' 'to 
 extend,' and with the r.oun denoting * kindness ' understood, 
 means as above. We have the full phrase in Ps. xxxvi. 10 and 
 cix. 12, and in Jer. xxxi. 3. 
 
 testifiedst : see on ver. 26. 
 
 by thy spirit : see Zech. vii. 12 and cf. a Chron. xxiv. 19 f., 
 xxxvi. 28 ; 2 Pet. i. 2i. 
 
240 NEHEMIAH 9. 31-34. ^e 
 
 through thy prophets : yet would they not give ear : there- 
 fore gavest thou them into the hand of the peoples of the 
 
 31 lands. Nevertheless in thy manifold mercies thou didst 
 not make a full end of them, nor forsake them ; for thou 
 
 32 art a gracious and merciful God. Now therefore, our 
 God, the great, the mighty, and the terrible God, who 
 keepest covenant and mercy, let not all the travail seem 
 little before thee, that hath come upon us, on our kings, 
 on our princes, and on our priests, and on our prophets, 
 and on our fathers, and on all thy people, since the time 
 
 33 of the kings of Assyria unto this day. Howbeit thou 
 art just in all that is come upon us ; for thou hast dealt 
 
 34 truly, but we have done wickedly: neither have our kings, 
 our princes, our priests, nor our fathers, kept thy law, 
 
 haud : often in the O. T. =• ' power.' 
 
 peoples of tlie lands: see on Ezra iv. 4, ix. i. 
 
 31. thou: the Greek versions seem to have followed a text 
 in which the Hebrew pronoun is for emphasis separately ex- 
 pressed as well as implied in the verb : * thou, (even) thou didst 
 not make.' Guthe and Bertholet adopt this. 
 
 didst not make a full end: see Jer. iv. 27, v. 10, 18 ; Ezek. 
 xi. 13, XX. 17. 
 
 32-37. Prayer that God may avert the punishment which the 
 nation so richly deserves. 
 
 32. our God, the great, &;c. : see on i. 5. 
 
 travail : the Hebrew word has in it especially the idea of 
 weariness : see Exod, xviii. 8, &c. 
 
 princes: see on Ezra ix. i. The Hebrew word here is that 
 used by Ezra, not that common in Nehemiah (see on Neh. ii. 16). 
 
 since the time of the kings of Assyria : see on Ezra ix. 7 
 and cf. 2 Kings xv. 29, xvii. 23. 
 
 33. just : see on Ezra ix. 15. Note the ethical standard by 
 which God and man are equally judged. The blame for Israel's 
 suffering is on Israel, not on God. Whence came so lofty a con- 
 ception of Deity to this simple people ? 
 
 (hast dealt) truly: 'faithfully' would better convey the 
 'sense of the Hebrew. GxDd has not departed from the word 
 He has spoken 
 
 34. kept (lit. ' done ') thy law : the Hebrew expression occurs 
 here only. 
 
NEHEMIAH 9. 35-37- ^ 241 
 
 nor hearkened unto thy commandments and thy testi- 
 monies, wherewith thou didst testify against them. For 35 
 they have not served thee in their kingdom, and in thy 
 great goodness that thou gavest them, and in the large 
 and fat land which thou gavest before them, neither turned 
 they from their wicked works. Behold, we are servants 36 
 this day, and as for the land that thou gavest unto our 
 fathers to eat the fruit thereof and the good thereof, 
 behold, we are servants in it. And it yieldeth much in- 37 
 crease unto the kings whom thou hast set over us because 
 of our sins : also they have power over our bodies, and 
 
 nor hearkened, &c. : a Deuteronomic expression : see Deut. 
 xxxii. 16 ; 2 Kings xvii. 5. 
 
 thy testimonies, &c. : render, ' thy solemn admonitions 
 wherewith thou didst solemnly admonish them.' The Hebrew 
 noun denotes strictly * a warning given in the presence of wit- 
 nesses.' It is one of the eight synonyms for ' the word of God ' in 
 Ps. cxix (see Introd. to in Century Bible). The phrase found here 
 occurs besides in the Psalms and almost exclusively in Deuteronomy. 
 
 35. they : in Hebrew this pronoun is emphatic, the reference 
 being to the kings and princes in contradistinction to the ' thou' 
 and ' we ' of ver. 33. 
 
 in their kingrdom : i. e. in the time when they had an inde- 
 pendent kingdom in contrast to the state of things now prevailing, 
 see ver. 36. 
 
 goodness : see ver. 25. 
 
 wicked works: see Zech. i. 4. 
 
 36. servants : the same Hebrew word is rendered ' bond- 
 men' in Ezra ix. 9 (see on). 
 
 the land, &c. : they are now servants in the land which 
 God gave to them and in which, if they had served God, they 
 would have been still masters. 
 
 37. it yieldeth much increase in the way of taxation to the 
 Persian kingdom. The Hebrew noun ( = ' increase ') denotes often 
 'land produce' (Lev. xxv. 22, &c.). 
 
 (unto) the kings: Ezra and Nehemiah had both been com- 
 missioned by one of them to return to their native home to restore 
 Jewish religious institutions. 
 
 because of our sins : our subjection to others is but the fruit 
 of our refusing to subject ourselves to Thy will. 
 
 our bodies =>= ' our persons ' (according to Semitic usage). If 
 
 R 2 
 
242 NEHEMIAH 9. 37- C^ 
 
 over our cattle, at their pleasure, and we are in great 
 
 we do not pay our taxes they can compel us to pay off our debt in 
 service (agricultural, military). 
 
 our cattle : ' or they will distrain upon our cattle.' 
 at their pleasure : Oriental taxation is very much what the 
 ruler or tax-collector wishes it to be. 
 
 The prayer ends abruptly in the M.T.^ and it seems quite 
 evident that in the original draft there was a petition that God 
 might deliver tiiem out of their present distress, or at least some 
 suitable ending. We should not, however, be too confident in 
 imposing modern literary canons on ancient literature. 
 
 IX. 38-X. There has been much discussion as to the position 
 of chapter x (including always the last verse of the preceding 
 chapter) in the Book of Nehemiah. Of late years the majority of 
 recognized O.T. scholars agree that Neh. vii. 73'^-x belongs to the 
 history of Ezra and his work, and ought to have been added to the 
 book called 'Ezra' or incorporated into it. So Ewald, Well- 
 hausen, Schrader, Klostermann, Baudissin, Budde, Ryssel, Bertho- 
 let. But there has been an inclination on the part of some scholars 
 to separate ch. x and vii. 73^-ix, as is done by Kosters (who claims 
 that the events of ch. x followed those of ch. xiii% by Winckler, 
 and by Bertholet (who, ascribing vii. 73'^-ix to the Ezra memoirs, 
 holds that ch. x belongs to the Nehemiah memoirs\ The prin- 
 cipal reasons put forward by Bertholet for his view are these ^ : — 
 
 r. Ch. ix does not come to a complete end, so that in any case 
 there is a break in the connexion of events (see on ix. 37). 
 
 2. In viii. i-ix. 5 it is the third person that is used (leaving out 
 of account the prayer in ix. 6-37, which is— Bertholet thinks — no 
 original part of the section (but why not ?)). In ch. x, on the con- 
 trary, the first person reappears. It may be said in reply that in 
 viii-ix. 5 we have a narrative of Ezra's doings, in which the third 
 person is very suitably employed ; whereas in ch. x we have a 
 verbatim copy of the obligation entered into. Moreover, we find 
 the first person in ix. 32-37, which cannot be so lightly set aside 
 as an interpolation as is done by this writer. 
 
 3. At the head of the signatories in x. i ff. is the name of Nehe- 
 miah, whereas Ezra is not mentioned from the beginning of that 
 chapter to its close. 
 
 But most scholars, including Bertholet, admit that the name 
 Nehemiah is a late insertion in viii. 9, and there is very good 
 reason for so regarding it in x. i. Following his name is that of 
 Zedekiah, of whom we know nothing at all unless he was the 
 king of that name. 
 
 ' See Commentary , p. js f. 
 
NEHEMIAH 9. Cg 243 
 
 It is, moreover, likely that the names in x. 2-9 stand for houses 
 and not for persons, each house being represented by its head, 
 who signed as such. The house to which Nehemiah belonged 
 would be in Jerusalem, and there is no difficulty in conceiving of 
 its chief, or at least the principal member, in Jerusalem in the later 
 days of Ezra, signing on behalf of the house (clan). If this view 
 be correct Ezra would not need separate mention, as he would be 
 included in ' Seraiah * (see x. 2). 
 
 Some of the grounds on which Kosters places x after xiii are 
 these ^ : 
 
 1. X. 32-39 implies xiii. 10-13. This, of course, is a question 
 of probability only, and to the present writer the contrary seems 
 the likelier supposition. Kosters assumes that the arrangements 
 for the support of Levites and priests mentioned in x. 37 ff. must, 
 if once made, have continued in operation even during Nehemiah 's 
 absence. In that case the withholding of the tithe from the Levites 
 must have caused loss to the priests as well, since they were 
 allotted one-tenth of the Levites' tithe (x. 37 ff.). But the Levites 
 alone complain, not the priests (xiii. 10). It must, however, be 
 borne in mind that our narrative is defective, and what one desi- 
 derates in cases like this might have formed part of a fuller history 
 which is largely lost. Then again, the priests after the exile grew 
 in numbers and in power very rapidly, the Levites losing in influ- 
 ence and popularity. It is not at all unlikely that the priests, 
 after the events of ch, x, took matters into their own hands, received 
 the tithes payable in the first instance to the Levites, and refused 
 to let the latter have what was necessary for their maintenance. 
 
 See further on ch. xiii. 1-3, &c. 
 
 2. Kosters maintains further that the reference to the Sabbath 
 in xiii. 15-22 is older than that in x. 32. Could the desecration 
 of the Sabbath implied in the former passage have taken place after 
 the stringent undertaking in x. 33 ? Would not Nehemiah have 
 referred to the solemn, signed covenant? All this is a pnori 
 reasoning and depends for its cogency very much upon the indi- 
 vidual to whom it is addressed. We know that the covenant to 
 separate from strange wives was violated several times, yet we 
 have no record that in each case the violated covenant is cited. 
 
 Kosters refers to other parts of ch. x in which ch. xiii is pre- 
 supposed (see below notes on the two chapters). 
 
 In favour of connecting ch. x immediately with the preceding one 
 are the following considerations, though the present writer recog- 
 nizes that on neither side of the controversy is the evidence very 
 decisive : — 
 
 I. The use of the first person plural in both chapters (see ix. 
 32 ff., and X, cf. verses 29, &c.). 
 
 ' See Wiederherstellung, 64 ff. 
 
244 NEHEMIAH 9. 38. C^ 
 
 38 distress. •'^ And ^ yet for all this we make a c sure covenant, 
 and write it; and our princes, our Levites, and our 
 priests, ^ seal unto it. 
 
 « [Ch. X. I in Heb.] ^ Or, because of '" Ov, faithful 
 
 ^ Heb. are at the sealing. 
 
 2. One might expect the reading of the law and the confession 
 and prayer which followed to lead to an attempt at the reorganiza- 
 tion of the society and a restoration of its laws and institutions. 
 
 The series of laws and regulations mentioned in ch. x are such as 
 would be likely now to come into existence. The references to such 
 laws in ch. xiii aresporadic, and seem due to their neglect during the 
 absence of Nehemiah. Ch. x contains a programme for the future, 
 and one sees in this a natural fitness. The solemn undertaking of 
 X. 29 accords well with the deep earnestness which pervades ix. 6 ff. 
 
 3. The arrangement in xiii. i flf. to separate from Ammonites and 
 Moabites is more likely to have been subsequent to the putting away 
 of strange wives, this last being the first and chief concern of the 
 returned community. 
 
 ix. 38-x. 27. The signatories to the covenant. 
 
 ix. 38. This verse belongs (as in the M.T., not so in Luther's 
 Bible as Ryle inaccurately saj's) to ch. x. It is with this verse 
 that the section concerning the signing of the covenant opens. 
 
 yet for all this : render, ' on account of all this.' The refer- 
 ence in this must be to a lost paragraph, which recited the causes 
 and terms of the covenant. There is nothing in the foregoing 
 confession and prayer to supply a starting-point for this verse. 
 
 sxire covenant: the Heb. word ( = 'something firm ') occurs 
 only here and in xi. 23, and is cognate to the adjective ( = firm) 
 transliterated ' Amen ' (see on v. 13). Though the ordinary word 
 used for covenant (see ix. 8) does not occur here, the verb techni- 
 cally used for making a covenant ( = 'to cut,' as in Greek, Latin, 
 &c., on account of the ratification by sacrifice, see Gen. xv) is found 
 here, showing that some kind of covenant is meant, though there 
 can be no certainty on the matter. Perhaps the regular word for 
 covenant {berit) is avoided, as it almost invariably describes what 
 God does, and not, as here and xl. 23, what man undertakes to do. 
 write it ; and our princes, &c. : render (to end of verse), 
 'and our princes, our Levites (and) our priests wrote their names 
 to what was sealed.' The only change in the Hebrew is the 
 omission of one consonant ( = * and ') which has been written twice 
 by mistake, or it may have been accidentally omitted before 'our 
 priests ' (see rendering above). 
 
 The E.VV. make no sense of this verse. 
 
 The princes, &c., attached their names to the covenant, which 
 was afterwards sealed and put safely away in a jar or other 
 
NEHEMIAH 10. 1-9. Cp, 245 
 
 Now those that sealed were, Nehemiah the Tirshatha, 10 
 the son of Hacah'ah, and Zedekiah ; Seraiah, Azariah, a 
 Jeremiah ; Pashhur, Amariah, Malchijah ; Hattush, She- 3, 4 
 baniah, Malluch : Harim, Meremoth, Obadiah ; Daniel, 5, 6 
 Ginnethon, Baruch ; Meshullam, Abijah, Mijamin ; 7 
 Maaziah, Bilgai, Shemaiah : these were the priests. And 8, 9 
 
 receptacle. Babylonian contracts upon clay tablets have been 
 found at Nippur^ and at other places, enclosed in clay sealed 
 envelopes, on the outside of which was a duplicate of the contract 
 to be consulted when necessary, the sealed and signed contract 
 to be consulted only in cases of emergency (see Jer. xxxii. 11). On 
 sealing = signing in the Orient, see on Esther iii, 10. 
 
 X. 1. those that sealed: render, 'on what was (afterwards) 
 sealed were (the following names) Nehemiah,' &c. If, with the 
 Hebrew, we read the plural ' things ' sealed, we must understand 
 that the signers attached their names to the original covenant and 
 its duplicate (see on ix. 38). 
 
 The names of those who signed are arranged in classes. It is to 
 be borne in mind that in these lists we have names of the houses 
 the representatives of which signed the document, not the names 
 of individuals. 
 
 Nehemiah the Tirshatha . . . Zedekiah : the list is headed 
 by the signatories of Nehemiah's house (i.e. the house to which 
 belonged the Nehemiah soon to play a great part) and the royal 
 house of Zedekiah. So interpreted the words need cause no diffi- 
 culty. Many futile attempts to identify this Zedekiah have been 
 made. Probably, however, this part of ver. 2 is a late interpola- 
 tion, due to a desire to introduce those two great names. Nehe- 
 miah's official title is pekhah ( = governor), not Tirshatha (see on 
 viii. 9 and Ezra ii. 67). 
 
 2-8. Priestly houses. This list has twenty-one names as against 
 twenty-two in xii. 1-3. Moreover, sixteen names are identical in 
 both lists. We read in Ezraii. (36-39' of only four priestly houses 
 as having returned with Zerubbabel. But the number and influ- 
 ence of the priests grew rapidly and continuously after the 
 exile. 
 
 2. Seraiah : Ezra belonged to this house, so that his name is 
 really included in the list. 
 
 9-13. Levitical houses. Seventeen are mentioned as against 
 two in Ezra ii. 40 (see on). Levites increased, as did priests, 
 after the return, though the}- graduall3' came to be more and more 
 the subordinates of the priests 'see xii. 8}. 
 
 ' Peters, Nippur, ii. 198. 
 
246 NEHEMIAH 10. 10-28. Ce 
 
 the Levites : namely, Jeshua the son of Azaniah, Binnui 
 
 10 of the sons of Henadad, Kadmiel ; and their brethren, 
 
 11 Shebaniah, Hodiah, Kelita, Pelaiah, Hanan ; Mica, 
 12, 13 Rehob, Hashabiah ; Zaccur, Sherebiah, Shebaniah ; Ho- 
 
 14 diah, Bani, Beninu. The chiefs of the people : Parosh, 
 
 15 Pahath-moab, Elam, Zattu, Bani; Bunni, Azgad, Bebai ; 
 17^18 Adonijah, Bigvai, Adin; Ater, Hezekiah, Azzur; Hodiah, 
 i9> 20 Hashum, Bezai ; Hariph, Anathoth, » Nobai ; Magpiash, 
 31, 22 Meshullam, Hezir; Meshezabel, Zadok, Jaddua; Pelatiah, 
 33, 24 Hanan, Anaiah; Hoshea, Hananiah, Hasshub ; Hallo- 
 
 25 hesh, Pilha, Shobek ; Rehum, Hashabnah, Maaseiah ; 
 36, 27 and Ahiah, Hanan, Anan; Malluch, Harim, Baanah. 
 
 28 And the rest of the people, the priests, the Levites, the 
 porters, the singers, the Nethinim, and all they that had 
 separated themselves from the peoples of the lands unto 
 
 * Another reading is, Nebai. 
 
 9. namely : the one Heb. consonant {zmw) so translated must 
 (with the versions and some thirty Heb. MSS.) be omitted. 
 
 14-27. Lay houses. Forty-one are named, twenty-one of them 
 (verses 15-21 1 occurringalmost completely in Ezra ii (andNeh.vii). 
 Of the rest (verses 22-27) some are mentioned in ch. iii. 
 
 28 f. The inciividual members of the houses associate themselves 
 with their representatives, endorsing their action. It is individuals 
 that are now indicated by priests, Levites, «fec., the houses having 
 been previously so named. 
 
 28. porters . . . sing'ers . . . Nethinim : named as distinct from 
 the Levites (see vii. 43 ff., Ezra ii. 40 ff.). To the Chronicler all 
 are equally Levites (see i Chron. xxiii. 3-5, &c.). So Smend, 
 Baudissin, &c,, against Torrey ^ who denies the usage described 
 above, not on inadequate grounds as the present writer thinks. 
 NetMnim : see on Ezra ii. 43. 
 
 all they that had separated themselves, i. e. such as had not 
 lived in Babylon, home-staying Jews who had complied with the 
 new law (see on Ezra vi. 21). Meyer* holds that proselytes, non- 
 Jewish converts to Judaism from the heathen around, are meant, 
 but Ezra's and Nehemiah's principles left no room in Judaism for 
 such converts. 
 
 Composition, &c., p. 22 f. * Die Entstehung, (Sec, p. 129. 
 
NEHEMIAH 10. 29-31. Cp. 247 
 
 the law of God, their wives, their sons, and their daughters, 
 every one that had knowledge and understanding ; they 29 
 clave to their brethren, their nobles, and entered into a 
 curse, and into an oath, to walk in God's law, which was 
 given by Moses the servant of God, and to observe and 
 do all the commandments of the Lord our Lord, and his 
 judgements and his statutes ; and that we would not give ?,o 
 our daughters unto the peoples of the land, nor take 
 their daughters for our sons : and if the peoples of the 31 
 land bring ware or any victuals on the sabbath day to 
 sell, that we would not buy of them on the sabbath, or 
 
 peoples of the lands : see on Ezra iii. 3. 
 wives . . . sons . . . daughters: see on viii. 2. 
 
 29. nobles, lit. ' powerful ones,' the word in iii. 5 (see on) not 
 that so rendered in ii. 16 (see on). Here the word stands for the 
 persons who signed the sealed covenant on behalf of the houses 
 they represented. 
 
 entered into a curse : the same noun (accompanied by the 
 causative form of the verb here) is translated 'oath' in Ezek.xvii.13, 
 and in fact means both (' he brought him under,' i.e. into * ancath '}, 
 the oath being one of imprecation, which amounts to a curse. 
 The use of a following word meaning distinctl}' •' oath ' shows that 
 it is the imprecatory side of the first noun that is here in view. 
 On the present occasion there must have been some ceremonj' 
 performed during which the terms of the curse would be recited. 
 The belief in these times was that an uttered curse executed itself 
 by its own inherent energy (see art. ' Magic ' (by the present 
 writer), Eticyc. Brit., col. 289'', and also art. ' Blessings and Curses,* 
 col. 591 f.). 
 
 God's law: see on viii. i. 
 
 commandments . . . judgements . . . statutes : see on i. 7. 
 30-39. The obligations which the people take upou themselves. 
 
 30. that we would not give our daughters, &c. : there is no 
 explicit prohibition of mixed marriages in the P code, so that the 
 law here cited must be that of Exod. xxxiv. 16 (J) and Deut. 
 vii.3. 
 
 the peoples of the land : see on Ezra iii. 3. 
 
 31. The law of the .Sabbath here is much likelier to be prior to 
 that of xiii. 15-22 than fas Kosters holds' the reverse. The fact 
 that this law was broken is no proof that it did not exist. More- 
 over xiii. 15 ff. goes beyond the present undertaking, in that it for- 
 
248 NEHEMIAH 10. 32, 3?,- Cp 
 
 on a holy day : and that we would forgo the ^ seventh year, 
 
 32 and the ^exaction of every debt. Also we made ordinances 
 for us, to charge ourselves yearly with the third part of a 
 
 33 shekel for the service of the house of our God ; for the 
 shewbread, and for the continual meal offering, and for 
 
 '^ See Exod. xxiii. 10, 11. ^ See Deut. xv. i, 2. 
 
 bids the bringing into Jerusalem on the Sabbath of wares to be 
 sold, even if no Jews bought them. 
 
 a holy day : any one of the festivals. 
 
 that we would forgo the seventh year : the technical 
 words in this verse show that the reference is to Exod. xxiii. 10 f. 
 (JE) and not at all to the late law in Lev. xxv. 2-7, another proof 
 of early date. 
 
 the exaction of every debt : referring to Deut. xv. 1-3, 
 which enacts that every seventh year (beginning at any time) debts 
 should be remitted (so Steuernagel, Bertholet), or (as Dillmann 
 and Driver ? hold) suspended until the year was past. It is im- 
 portant to remember that among the Jews loans were made to 
 poor people as acts of charity (see on v. 1-5). 
 
 32 f. A tax of one-third of a shekel for the upkeep of the Temple 
 services. The words we made ordinances, &c., show that this is 
 a new arrangement, replacing, it is probable, a voluntary and there- 
 fore uncertain payment. There is no prior law on the subject. 
 Exod. XXX. 13 (late P) belongs to a much later time, and, moreover, 
 the half-shekel poll-tax there is merely an ad hoc arrangement 
 according to Bertholet, and not a law for the future. But against 
 this last view may be adduced 2 Chron. xxiv. 4 f. ; Matt. xvii. 24, 
 27 ; and Josephus, Wars, vii. 6, 6. 
 
 Assuming that Exod. xxx. 13 imposes a poll-tax of half a shekel, 
 this shows, what is otherwise abundantly proved, the growth of 
 priestly influence and privilege. 
 
 Benzinger 1 gives figures to show that one-third of the shekel of 
 the present verse (Babylonian, Persian) has the same value as one 
 half the shekel of Exod. xxx. 13 (Phoenician, Maccabean), so that 
 in that case there is no contradiction. 
 
 33. In this verse the separate uses to which the tax thus im- 
 posed was to be put are enumerated. 
 
 shewbread: lit., ' bread set in rows ' (see Lev. xxiv. 5 f. (P) ; 
 cf. I Chron. ix. 32, xxiii. 29). In Exod. xxv. 30 (P) it is called 'bread 
 of the face ' or ' presence,' because exposed before Deity, and ' holy 
 bread ' in i Sam. xxi, 4. The table of shewbread was originally 
 an altar, the bread on it being the offering. Sayce, Fried. Delitzsch, 
 
 ' Heb. Archaologie^'^\ p. 200 f. 
 
NEHEMIAH 10. 34. Ce 249 
 
 the continual burnt offering, of the sabbaths, of the new 
 moons, for the set feasts, and for the holy things, and for 
 the sin offerings to make atonement for Israel, and 
 for all the work of the house of our God. And we Z^ 
 
 Haupt and, hesitatingly, Zimmern ^ say that such table-like altars 
 with unleavened cakes on them existed in Babylonian temples. 
 
 continual (=^ ' daily ') burnt offering: see on Ezra iii. 3, 
 ix. 4. The custom implied here — that of presenting a meat and 
 meal offering in the morning and evening respectively — is that 
 which prevailed immediately before the exile (see p. 9). 
 
 of the Sabbaths . . . new moons . . . set feasts : the con- 
 tinual, i. e. daily, sacrifices were to be made on feast days as if 
 they were ordinary da3's, but additions had to be made in each 
 case according to a scale given in detail in Num. xxviii f. 
 
 The set feasts are given in detail in Num. xxviii. i6-xxix. 38, 
 though the laws of Num. xxviii f. may represent later developments 
 of the kindred laws of Nehemiah's time. We have no means of 
 deciding this or the contrary. 
 
 the holy thing's : a general term for sacrifices. In 2 Chron. 
 xxix. 33 the word is used specifically of * thank offerings,' and in 
 2 Chron. xxxv. 13 of sacrifices offered on the days following the 
 Passover. Bertholet says the word stands here for the compensa- 
 tion (wrongly called peace) offerings, but the above passages cited 
 by him do not prove that, nor does anything else. 
 
 sin offerings : so called because intended to secure forgive- 
 ness for sin committed. The earliest reference to these is in 
 Ezek. xlv. 17, It formed in later times a part of the regular 
 burnt offering, being presented at New Moon and other festivals : 
 see Num. xxviii. 15 ff., xxix; cf. Lev. xvi. 21. 
 
 to make atonement means lit. to 'cover,' i. e. God's eyes, so 
 that He may not see and therefore punish sin ; so the Arabic 
 cognate verb, i Sam. xii. 3 makes this explanation very plausible, 
 the word there rendered ' ransom ' being the noun cognate with 
 the verb * to cover (my eyes).' Some derive the word from 
 a verb = 'to obliterate,' 'wipe out ' (cf. the Assyrian) : see Lev. 
 iv. 10 and Bertholet's long note on Lev. i. 4. 
 
 and for all the work : referring back to the beginning of 
 the verse, not to the immediately preceding words. 
 
 In all the work we have a summing up of what has been 
 mentioned in this verse. 
 
 the work: see iii. 22; Ezra vi. 9, vii. 20-22. 
 
 ^ KATS^>, p. 600 (including note 3). 
 
250 NEHEMIAH 10. 35. C^ 
 
 cast lots, the priests, the Levites, and the people^ for the 
 wood offering, to bring it into the house of our God, 
 according to our fathers' houses, at times appointed, year 
 by year, to burn upon the altar of the Lord our God, as 
 35 it is written in the law : and to bring the firstfruits of 
 our ground, and the firstfruits of all fruit of all manner 
 
 34. we oast lots: see xi. i ; i Chron. xxv. 13 f. The lot was 
 
 cast not merely to prevent dispute, but also because Deity was 
 supposed thus to express His will. 
 
 the priests, the Levites : the regular Deuteronomic phrase 
 (see Deut. xviii. i). Perhaps, however, we should here (with all 
 the ancient versions) read 'the priests and the Levites,' 
 
 for the wood offering-: better, 'for the bringing of the 
 wood ' : see xiii. 31. 
 
 at times appointed: see xiii. 31 and Ezra x. 14. According 
 to Rabbinical tradition wood was brought nine times a year i; but 
 Josephus, IVars, ii. 17, 6, seems to show that this was done on 
 the 14th of Ab (Jul3'-August), which came hence to be called 
 ' the feast of the wood offering' or of ' the bringing of wood.' 
 
 as it is written : no law of the kind can be traced in the 
 Pentateuch or anywhere else in the O.T. Perhaps the reference 
 is to some law then existing, and classed with other laws of 
 supposed Mosaic origin. But we have here clear proof that 
 Ezra's law was not our Pentateuch. Rawlinson refers to Lev. 
 vi. 12, which has, however, to do with the burning not the bnnging 
 of wood for the altar, 
 
 35. firstfruits (of our ground) : see Exod. xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 26 
 (JE) ; cf, Deut. xviii. 4, xxvi. 2flf. In ver. 37 a different Hebrew 
 word {ra sheet) is so translated ; here the Heb. word is bik- 
 kurim. Do the two words connote two different things? 
 Gesenius, Wellhausen^, Bertholet, &c., answer in the affirmative, 
 holding that bikkurim = * first-ripe fruit ' as the E.VV. render it in 
 Nahum iii. 12 and Num. xviii, 13 ; the etymology supports this 
 (the same root lies in the Hebrew word for 'firstborn,' bekor). 
 The other Hebrew word {ra sheet) means elsewhere often ' the 
 best,' 'choicest' (see Prov. iii. 9; Deut. xxxiii. 21) and it 
 may denote this in ver. 37 and kindred passages. 
 
 Many, however, hold that whatever difference the two words 
 originally had, in actual usage they are synonymous : so 
 
 * Taanit, iv. 5, 8. See Schiirer, ii. i. 252 (Germ.^*) ii. 260), 
 ^ ProlegS^y 165. 
 
NEHEMIAH 10. 36, 37. Ce 251 
 
 of trees, year by year, unto the house of the Lord : also 36 
 the firstborn of our sons, and of our cattle, as it is 
 written in the law, and the firstlings of our herds and of 
 our flocks, to bring to the house of our God, unto the 
 priests that minister in the house of our God : and that 37 
 we should bring the firstfruits of our ^ dough, and our 
 * Or, coarse meal 
 
 Dillmann 1, G. B. Gray 2, and of older commentators, Clericus and 
 Hupfeld. 
 
 In later times the word bikkurim came to be applied to the first- 
 fruits of the 'seven kinds' of trees enumerated in Deut. viii. 8, 
 the word rd' sheet being used in reference to other products of the 
 ground ^ 
 
 In each case only a portion of the firstfruits was offered to 
 Yahweh, as is made clear in Deut. xxvi. 2 ff. by the use of the 
 partitive ntin. 
 
 The practice of offering to Deity the first products of the soil, 
 common among many ancient peoples*, could not have arisen 
 among the Hebrews until they had exchanged a pastoral for an 
 agricultural life. Probably they took over the practice from the 
 Canaanites. 
 
 36. the firstborn of our sous : see Exod. xxii. 29, on which 
 the present prescription seems to rest. Taking these two passages 
 by themselves one might infer that firstborn boys, as firstborn male 
 animals, had to be sacrificed, and perhaps the words had at the 
 first this meaning, for there are several traces of the practice of 
 human sacrifice in the O.T. ; cf. the case of Isaac (Gen. xxii. i ff.) 
 and that of Jephthah's daughter (Judgesxi. 34 ff.). But we are here 
 no doubt to assume the operation of the law of redemption recorded 
 in Exod. xiii. 13, xxxiv. 20 (J) ; cf. Num. xviii. 16 (P). 
 
 cattle : explained more fully below. 
 
 as it is written : the reference is to what follows ; see below. 
 
 firstling's of our herds . . . flocks : no passages seem to suit 
 for bases except Num. xviii. 15-18, which in its present setting at 
 least is later than our passage. According to this unclean animals 
 were to be redeemed (ver. 15), clean ones to be sacrificed (ver. 17). 
 
 37, firstfruits: Heb. rcC sheet \ see on ver. 35. 
 
 dough : so the LXX ; but the exact sense of the Hebrew 
 word, found only here and Num. xv. 21 (see Gray on), is very 
 
 ^ On Exod. xxiii. 19. ^ On Num. xviii. 13. 
 ^ Schurer(*>, ii. 249 (Eng. II. i. 137 f.). 
 * Robertson Smith {ReL Sem.^'*\ 241}. 
 
252 NEHEMIAH 10. 3/. Ck 
 
 heave offerings, and the fruit of all manner of trees, ^ the 
 '^ Or, t/ie vintage 
 
 uncertain. Apparently some kind of cereal food is meant, of 
 which part of the first made had to be presented to Yahweh. 
 Perhaps oaten or wheaten porridge is meant. 
 
 heave offering's: a very inaccurate and misleading transla- 
 tion, for the offerings meant Avere not * heaved.' The word means 
 simply *a gift' or 'contribution,' and the cognate verb = 'to give.' 
 Driver on Deut. xii. 6, in DB. iii. 588 and on Mai. iii. 8 {Century 
 Bible) suggests 'contributions,' lit. * what is lifted from a larger 
 quantity,' and so given. 
 
 The word is used in P of contributions (money, spoils, &c.) for 
 sacred purposes (see Exod. xxv. af., xxx. 13-15; Num. xxxi, 
 29, 41). In Ezra it stands for the donations made to the Temple, 
 and in Ezek. (xlv. i, 6, &c.) it is used of the land reserved for 
 priests and Levites; see further Lev. vii. 32-34. What specifically 
 the word connotes here and in xii. 44 is not quite clear, but the 
 present writer is inclined to think that it is a general term for 
 what follows ; see on ver. 39. 
 
 37^-38. Tithes. The sacred tithe is not known in the older 
 codes, Deut. xiv. 22-27 and xxvi. 15 being the earliest biblical 
 law enacting it, Num. xxv. 32 (P) is later, and Lev. xxvii. 30-33 
 later still. The present law differs from those in the above Deut. 
 passages, see Ryle, Com., p. 279, 
 
 Tithing as a principle of taxation prevailed to a large extent 
 among ancient nations, Egyptians, Babylonians, &c.^ 
 
 The arrangement in the present instance was as follows : The 
 tithe of land produce (not here of the cattle as in Lev. xxvii. 32) 
 was brought to the Levites, as yet living in country places, who 
 received it in the presence of a priest who was to prevent 
 any purloining. The Levites brought a tithe of this tithe (see 
 Num. xviii. 25-28) to Jerusalem for the maintenance of the priests. 
 
 There is nothing about the payment of tithes in the older codes, 
 but it is prescribed in the D and P codes, only that the law in 
 each case differs, the later law favouring the priests in harmony 
 with the growing power of the latter. In D (see Deut. xii. 17 f., 
 xiv. 22-29, ^xvi. 12) the tithe is levied on vegetable produce 
 alone, and moreover in two years out of three it was devoted to 
 the sacred festivals in which the offerer and his family shared at 
 the central sanctuary (Deut. xiv. 22-29). jf" the third year it was 
 ta be stored up in the offerer's own city for the purpose of being 
 distributed among the poor (Deut. xiv. 28 f., xxvi. 12). In both 
 these cases the priests and others had part of the tithe thus offered. 
 
 * SeeC. F. Ktni, I sraeVsLmus and Legal Proceedings, p. 231 (note). 
 
NEHEMIAH 10. 38, 39- ^e 253 
 
 wine and the oil, unto the priests, to the chambers of 
 the house of our God; and the tithes of our ground 
 unto the Levites ; for they, the Levites, take the tithes in 
 all the cities of our tillage. And the priest the son of 38 
 Aaron shall be with the Levites, when the Levites take 
 tithes : and the Levites shall bring up the tithe of 
 the tithes unto the house of our God, to the chambers, 
 into the treasure house. For the children of Israel and 39 
 the children of Levi shall bring the heave offering of the 
 corn, of ^ the wine, and of the oil, unto the chambers, 
 where are the vessels of the sanctuary, and the priests 
 that minister, and the porters, and the singers : and we 
 will not forsake the house of our God. 
 
 * Or, t/ie vintage. 
 
 But the Priestly Code (see Lev, xxvii, 30-33 ; Num. xviii. 21-32) 
 tithed cattle as well as vegetable produce (see Lev. xxvi, 32 f.), and 
 this tithe went entirely to the Levites, who had to give one-tenth of 
 what they received to the priests. In the present instance it will 
 be seen that the D law is followed as regards what is tithed— 
 vegetable produce alone ; but in other respects the law in P is 
 followed. Probably here and in xiii. 5 we are to recognize an 
 intervening stage of custom between D and P. 
 
 38. to the chambers, into the treasure house : the latter 
 (better rendered ' the place of the treasure ') is simply an explana- 
 tion of the former, to the chambers (or 'cells,' see on Ezra 
 viii. 29) used to receive the tithe, &c., and also as dwellings for 
 the priests. 
 
 39. heave offering : better ' contribution,' see on ver. 37. Here 
 the term is general for firstfruits and tithes, as in Num. xviii. 24-28. 
 
 vessels : those used for holding the gifts in kind (tithe, &c.), 
 not those spoken of in Ezra i. 7-11. 
 
 we will not forsake the house of our God : i. e. we will not 
 neglect to pay our dues for the maintenance of the Temple officials 
 and its services. 
 
 Part II (of Nehemiah Proper). 
 With ch. xi the narrative interrupted by the Ezra section 
 vii. 73*'-x is resumed. 
 
 xi. I joins on immediately to vii. 4, though there is not sufficient 
 reason to separate from the latter vii. 5-73*- 
 
 The problem in vii. 4 is — how to fill the now well-defended 
 
254 NEHEMIAH 11. 1,2. N 
 
 11 [N] And the princes of the people dwelt in Jerusalem : 
 
 the rest of the people also cast lots, to bring one of ten 
 
 to dwell in Jerusalem the holy city, and nine parts in 
 
 3 the other cities. And the people blessed all the men 
 
 that willingly offered themselves to dwell in Jerusalem. 
 
 capital? The walls are completed, there is room for a large 
 population, but how can it be secured ? 
 
 xi. I f. is what remains of a fuller text. The very conjunction 
 'and ' implies probably (^though as good Hebraists know not neces- 
 sarily, since the ^ zvazv consecutive' tense came often to be a 
 tense simple^) connexion with a lost clause which perhaps told of 
 a second assembly held after that of vii. 5. In this assembly 
 it was not improbably decided that princes, now living almost 
 wholly in the country for purposes of agriculture, should transfer 
 themselves to the capital, and that a tenth of the able men in the 
 country should be chosen by lot to settle in Jerusalem along 
 with the princes. Perhaps the decision to replenish the general 
 population in the way indicated was reached after the princes had 
 settled in Jerusalem. 
 
 1. princes: see on Ezra ix. i. 
 
 the rest, &c. : render, ' but the rest,' &c., omitting also. 
 
 cast lots : see on x. 34. 
 
 one of ten, &c. : Berth, and Rawl. give many instances 
 of similar methods being used to repopulate ancient cities 
 ;Rome,&c.). 
 
 the holy city: see ver. 18; Isa. xlviii. 2; Joel iii. 17; 
 Dan. ix. 16, 24; cf. the modern name of Jerusalem, El-Quds = 
 the holy one. Jerusalem is never so called in Chronicles, sug- 
 gesting that the passage is free from his influence. 
 
 2. the men that willing-ly offered, &c. : i. e. those who of 
 their own accord and for the ' good of the cause ' volunteered 
 to make their homes in the capital. Keil, Siegfried, and others 
 hold that by these words the persons elected by lot are meant, 
 but it can hardly' be said that they * willingly offered.' 
 
 In xi. 3-xii, 26 we have lists which have sorely taxed the 
 ingenuity of learned commentators. Many recent scholars hold 
 that these lists are due to the prolific imagination of the Chronicler: 
 so Wellhausen, Meyer, and Bertholet. It is strange, however, 
 if that be so, that this Chronicler did not make a better show of 
 consistency, for the lists in verses 3-19 and i Chron. ix. 2-17 go 
 bac'K, no doubt, to one original, though differing a good deal in 
 details and also in their context. Of course these differences 
 are due in part, and it may be wholly, to the copyists. 
 
 * See on Ezra i. 1. 
 
NEHEMIAH 11. 255 
 
 It is commonly assumed that as lists are frequently found in 
 Chronicles, therefore the lists in Ezra and Nehemiah are also due 
 to the Chronicler. But it seems to the present writer that the 
 exile is a suflficient explanation of the large use made of genea- 
 logical registers after the return in 536 b. c. When the Southern 
 Kingdom came to an end, and the flower of the nation was trans- 
 ported to Babylon, the national records, religious and political, 
 would be removed to Babylon either by the Persian government 
 or by the exiles themselves ; see Introd. to Ezra ii. On their 
 return such tables would be found of the greatest utility in the 
 reconstitution and reorganization of the new community, and one 
 need not be surprised that they are often referred to (Ezra ii ; 
 Neh. vii, x) and that others based on them were made. 
 
 To what period do the lists in xi. 3-36 belong ? Three opinions 
 have been defended. 
 
 1. The time before the exile. Smend ^ maintains that the 
 country parts of Judah were occupied, as xi. 25 ff, implies, between 
 the beginning of the exile (606) and the Maccabean age. A similar 
 contention is made by Meyer, though in his case it is to argue 
 from it to a late date for the list. In reply it is to be said that 
 our knowledge of the period between Nehemiah and the Maccabees 
 is far too slight to draw any dogmatic conclusions from it except 
 within narrow limits. Moreover, there might well be a goodly 
 number of Jewish families scattered about Judah for agricultural 
 and pastoral purposes, all of them protected by the Persian 
 government, and some of them perhaps descendants of Jews 
 never removed to Babylon. 
 
 2. The time of Nehemiah : so the majority of commentators, 
 including Keil, Ber.-Ryss., and R3de. 
 
 No conclusive reasons have been given for rejecting this view, 
 which is implied in the present arrangement of the Hebrew and 
 English Bible, though the latter has in itself but little value. If 
 we assume that these lists were put into the form implied in the 
 greatly corrupted M.T. by or for Nehemiah, they have for basis 
 the list (largely pre-exilicl in Ezra ii. 
 
 3. The time of the Chronicler. Wellhausen, Meyer, Ber- 
 tholet, &c., hold that these lists are evidence of the state of things 
 in the Chronicler's own time. They assume, of course, that this 
 chapter is the Chronicler's own work, and, in fact, is based on 
 I Chron. ix, and not the converse. 
 
 3-24 (except ver. 20). Heads of Jewish and Benjaniinite families 
 now resident in Jerusalem. In vii ( = Ezra ii) they represent clans 
 or families. 
 
 In I Chron. ix. 3 mention is made in a general way of families 
 belonging to Ephraim and Manasseh, though no names are given. 
 
 ^ Lehrhuch} 340 n. 
 
256 NEHEMIAH 11. 3-6. C.n- 
 
 3 [Cx] ^ Now these are the chiefs of the province that dwelt 
 in Jerusalem : but in the cities of Judah dwelt every one 
 in his possession in their cities, fo wit, Israel, the priests, 
 and the Levites, and the Nethinim, and the children of 
 
 4 Solomon's servants. And in Jerusalem dwelt certain 
 of the children of Judah, and of the children of Benjamin. 
 Of the children of Judah: Athaiah the son of Uzziah, 
 the son of Zechariah, the son of Amariah, the son of 
 Shephatiah, the son of Mahalalel, of the children 
 
 5 of Perez ; and Maaseiah the son of Baruch, the son of 
 Col-hozeh, the son of Hazaiah, the son of Adaiah^ the 
 son of Joiarib, the son of Zechariah, the son of the Shi- 
 
 6 lonite. All the sons of Perez that dwelt in Jerusalem 
 were four hundred threescore and eight valiant men. 
 
 ^ See 1 Chron. ix. 2, &c. 
 
 3-9. Heads of lay families. 
 3-6. Judahites. 
 
 3. chiefs : i. e. heads of houses (families). In i Chron, ix. 2 
 the word is by mistake ' first.' These had formerly lived on their 
 country estate. 
 
 province: see on Ezra i, and cf. Neh. i. 3 f. 
 but in the cities of Judah, &c. : i. e. the bulk of those belong- 
 ing to the Jewish community, lay and official, had their home in 
 theprovincial centres (cities, towns, andvillages): see on Ezra x, 14. 
 
 Zsrael : i. e. laymen as distinguished from the Temple officials, 
 priests, &c. See on Ezra x. 25. 
 
 Nethinim : see on Ezra ii. 43 ff. 
 
 children of Solomon's servants : see on Ezra ii. 58. They 
 are absent from the list in i Chron. ix. 
 
 4. Athaiah : in i Chron. ix ' Uthai,' really one name. In 
 Hebrew the resemblance in spelling is closer than in English. 
 
 Perez : see Gen. xxviii. 29. 
 3. Col-hozeh: see iii. 15. 
 
 the son of the Shilonite: read, 'the Shelanite,' from 
 * Shelah ' (see Num. xxvi. 20). The word rendered 'son' {ben) 
 means simpl^^ one of the class ' Shelanites.' It is Masseiah 
 (i Chron. ix, Asaiah) that is so called. 'Jeuel,' 'of the sons of 
 Zerah ' (Judah's third son), is added in i Chron. ix. 6. 
 
 6. four hundred threescore and eight: in i Chron. 'six 
 hundred and ninety.' 
 
NEHEMIAH 11. 7-12. C^ 257 
 
 And these are the sons of Benjamin : Sallu the son of 7 
 Meshullam, the son of Joed, the son of Pedaiah, 
 the son of Kolaiah, the son of Maaseiah, the son 
 of Ithiel, the son of Jeshaiah. And after him Gabbai, 8 
 Sallai, nine hundred twenty and eight. And Joel the 9 
 son of Zichri was their overseer: and Judah the son 
 of Hassenuah was second over the city. Of the priests : 10 
 Jedaiah the son of Joiarib, Jachin, Seraiah the son of n 
 Hilkiah, the son of Meshullam, the son of Zadok, the 
 son of Meraioth, the son of Ahitub, the ruler of the house 
 of God, and their brethren that did the work of the house, 12 
 
 valiant men : men able to engage in ^var. 
 7-9. Benjamites. In later times the tribe of Benjamin is 
 lost in that of Judah : see on Ezra i. 5. The names in i Chron. 
 differ considerably from those found here. 
 
 8. Read, 'And his clansmen (so Luc, cf. verses 12, 13, 14' were 
 mighty warriors, nine hundred and twenty-eight.' The changes 
 in the Hebrew to produce the above are not great, Gabbai, 
 Sallai being evidently a corruption of ' might warriors' {Gibbore 
 Khail). 
 
 9. overseer : LXX episcopos, whence our ' bishop.' The 
 Hebrew='one appointed over': so verses 14, 22; Esther ii. 3 
 (E.W. • officers '). 
 
 10-24 (except 20). Temple Officials. 
 10-14. Priests. 
 
 10. For son of Joiarib read ' Joiarib ' ; so 1 Chron. ix. 10 ; cf. 
 
 1 Chron. xxiv. 7. 
 
 11. Seraiah: i Chron. ix. 11 'Azariah,' The designation 
 * ruler of the house of God ' is attached to the latter name in 
 
 2 Chron. xxxi. 13 ; cf. 2 Kings xxv. 18. Probably an official of 
 priestly standing charged with the general oversight of the 
 Temple is intended. 
 
 rtiler of the house of God : hardly the high-priest, as there 
 were at the same time several officials so designated : see 2 Chron. 
 xxxv. 8. If the high-priest is meant this 'Seraiah' might, as 
 Bertheau suggests, be the ancestor of Ezra mentioned in Ezra 
 vii. I. 
 
 12. and their brethren : better, ' clansmen '. 
 
 that did, &c. : the words ' that did,' &c., describe the work 
 of the priests mentioned in ver. 11 and their brother clansmen. 
 
 S 2 
 
2S8 NEHEMIAH 11. 13-17. C^. 
 
 eight hundred twenty and two : and Adaiah the son of 
 Jeroham, the son of Pelaliah, the son of Amzi, the son 
 of Zechariah, the son of Pashhiir, the son of Malchijah, 
 
 13 and his brethren, chiefs of fathers' hotises, two hundred 
 forty and two : and Amashsai the son of Azarel, the son of 
 
 14 Ahzai, the son of Meshillemoth, the son of Immer, and 
 their brethren, mighty men of valour, an hundred twenty 
 and eight : and their overseer was Zabdiel, ^ the son of 
 
 15 Haggedolim. And of the Levites : Shemaiah the son 
 of Hasshub, the son of Azrikam, the son of Hashabiah, 
 
 16 the son of Bunni ; and Shabbethai and Jozabad, of the 
 chiefs of the Levites, who had the oversight of the out- 
 
 17 ward business of the house of God; and Mattaniah the 
 son of Mica, the son of Zabdi, the son of Asaph, who 
 was the chief to begin the thanksgiving in prayer, and 
 
 ''Or, one of the great men 
 
 13. Amashsai: i Chron. ix. 12 ' Maasai,* 
 
 14. their (brethren) : read ' his ' (with Liic. and LXX). ' Clans- 
 men ' is better than * brethren.' 
 
 15-18. Levites, 
 
 16. Shabbethai and Jozabad, of the chiefs of the Iievites : 
 the Levites had evidently several overseers : see var. 22. 
 
 the outward business of the house : cf. on ver. 22 and see 
 I Chron. xxvi. 29. Here the phrase denotes duties other than 
 those connected with the worship and ritual of the Temple build- 
 ing proper, such as carving for the fabric, procuring the necessary 
 supplies of wood, animals, &c., for food, sacrifice, &c., accepting 
 gifts to the Temple and safeguarding them (Ezra viii. 33). 
 
 V7. Zabdi: read (with Luc, LXX) 'Zikri.' 
 the chief to begin : render (changing one consonant into 
 another almost exactly like it), 'the leader of the Psalm-singing': 
 so Lxic, LXX, Vulg. 
 
 the thanksg'iving in prayer : render, * offered thanks ' 
 ('praised,' see on Ezra iii. 11 and x. i) 'during prayer.' 
 
 This inclusion of musicians among the Levites, usual in 
 Chronicles, is not met with in the original sources of Ezra- 
 Nehemiah (see p. 61). We have the same inclusion of singers 
 among the Levites in ver. 22, xii. 8, 27, and in Ezra iii. 7. These 
 parts are perhaps from the hand of the Chronicler, or they may 
 have been worked over by him. 
 
NEHEMIAH 11. 18-23. C,, 259 
 
 Bakbukiah, the second among his brethren ; and Abda the 
 sonof Shammua^the sonofGalaljthesonof Jeduthun. All 18 
 the Levites in the holy city were two hundred fourscore 
 and four. Moreover the porters, Akkub, Talmon, and their 19 
 brethren, that kept watch at the gates, were an hundred 
 seventy and two. And the residue of Israel, of the priests, 20 
 the Levites, were in all the cities of Judah, every one in his 
 inheritance. But the Nethinim dwelt in Ophel : and 21 
 Ziha and Gishpa were over the.Nethinim. The overseer 22 
 also of the Levites at Jerusalem was Uzzi the son of 
 Bani, the son of Hashabiah, the son of Mattaniah, the 
 son of Mica, of the sons of Asaph, the singers, over the 
 business of the house of God. For there was a com- 23 
 
 Bakbukiah : in i Chron. ix. 15 ' Bakbakkar.' 
 
 tlie second : i. e. to Mathaniah. 
 
 brethren : better, * clansmen.' 
 
 Jedntlian : named in the titles of Pss. xxxix, Ixii, and 
 Ixxvii (see i Chron. xvi. 41). In i Chron. vi. 33-47, xv. 17, ig, 
 Heman, Asaph, and Ethan are mentioned as the leading singers ; 
 but in I Chron. xvi. 41, xxv. i ff. Jeduthun takes the place of 
 Ethan owing, it would appear, to a different tradition. 
 
 18. the holy city : see on xi. i. 
 
 19. the porters. In the parallel passage (i Chron. ix. 17 ff.) 
 a long addition is made to the present verse, probably an inter- 
 polation. 
 
 the porters : see on Ezra ii. 43 ff. 
 
 20. This verse should immediately precede ver. 25, from which, 
 probably by a copyist, it has been separated : see below. 
 
 21-24. Notes concerning certain officials appointed by the king. 
 
 21. Nethinim: see on Ezra ii. 43 ff. 
 Ophel: see on iii. 27. 
 
 22. overseer : see on ver. 16. 
 
 of the sons of Asaph : belonging to the guild of Asaphites. 
 It cannot be proved that such a man as Asaph existed : see 
 Psalms, vol. ii, p. 37 {Century Bible). 
 
 over the business of the house of God : i. e. over the 
 liturgical services of the Temple. Uzzi's duties were therefore of 
 a higher character than those of Shabbethai and Jozabad (ver. 16, 
 see on). 
 
 23. The king saw to the regular support of the singers. See 
 xil. 47, xiii. 5 ; Ezra vi. 8 10, vii, 20-24, 
 
26o NEHEMIAH 11. 24, 35. C., 
 
 mandment from the king concerning them, and ^ a settled 
 
 24 provision for the singers, as every day required. And 
 Pethahiah the son of Meshezabel, of the children of 
 Zerah the son of Judah, was at the king's hand in all 
 
 25 matters concerning the people. And for the villages, 
 with their fields, some of the children of Judah dwelt 
 
 * Or, a sure ordinance concerning 
 
 the king: evidently Artaxerxes I : see ver. 24 and the above 
 passages. This king took a special interest in the Temple service. 
 a settled provision: lit. * something firm * (see on x. i). 
 
 24. Pethahiah was evidently an official who acted between the 
 king and the Jews, especially in matters affecting the psalmody of 
 the house. Zerah : see on ver. 5. 
 
 at the king's hand : i. e. at the king's disposal to represent 
 the king in the particular matters just spoken of It does not mean 
 that he was governor at Jerusalem, for we assume that Nehemiah 
 held that position at the time under review. 
 
 This man's jurisdiction is often held (as by Siegfried) to extend 
 to general Jewish affairs in Jerusalem, his superior residing at 
 Samaria (Ezra iv. 8, 17). But it is exceedingly probable that 
 Judah and Samaria were administered by separate governors : 
 see on Ezra viii. 36, 
 
 20, 25-36. Country parts of Judah outside Jerusalem inhabited by 
 Jews. See p. 254 (notes on verses r f. and on ver. 3). 
 
 We have here the same general divisions as in ver. 3 ff;, viz. 
 Judahites and Benjamites, laymen and Temple officials, only we 
 seem to have but a torso of what was originally written. In these 
 verses we have a list of the outlying places where the clans reside ; 
 in verses 3 f of the heads of clans that settled in Jerusalem. 
 
 20. This verse forms a general introduction to verses 25-36, 
 and belongs here. 
 
 the residue of: the same Hebrew word translated ' the rest 
 of in ver. i. Here it means what remains when those settled in 
 Jerusalem are taken from the Jewish community. 
 Israel : laymen ; see on ver. i. 
 
 25-30. The Judahites. 
 
 25. And for the villages, &c. : render, ' And as regards the 
 estates with their fields,' &c. Ver. 20 tells us that those of the 
 community that lived outside of Jerusalem dwelt on their several 
 land properties (' possessions ' : E.VV. * inheritance '). In 
 ver. 25 the writer passes on to remark that as regards these 
 estates and the adjoining lands 'some Judahites dwelt in,' &c. 
 See Lev. xxv. 31 ('the houses of the wall-less villages shall be 
 counted as belonging to the country fields,' &c.). 
 
NEHEMIAH 11; 26-30. C^ 261 
 
 in Kiriath-arba and the '^ towns thereof, and in Dibon and 
 the ^ towns thereof, and in Jekabzeel and the villages 
 thereof; and in Jeshiia, and in Moladah, and Beth-pelet ; 26 
 and in Hazar-shual, and in Beer-sheba and the ''^ towns 27 
 thereof; and in Ziklag, and in Meconah and in the a8 
 ^ towns thereof ; and in En-rimmon, and in Zorah^ and in 29 
 Jarmuth; Zanoah, Adullam, and their villages, Lachish 30 
 and the fields thereof, Azekah and the ^ towns thereof. 
 So they encamped from Beer-sheba unto the valley of 
 
 * Heb. daughters. 
 
 villages : lit. ' enclosures ' : then abode. Here the word 
 denotes in general the various settlements in Judah. 
 
 Kiriath-arba : according to Judges i. lo the older name of 
 Hebron : see Gen. xxiii. 2 (P) ; Joshua xiv, 15. But if this is the 
 older name, why is it used here ? 
 
 and the towns thereof : lit. 'and its daughters,' the regular 
 phrase for ' and its dependent places ' (cities, towns, or villages). 
 
 Dibon . . . Jekabzeel : usually identified with Dintonah and 
 Kabzeel (Joshua xv. 21 f.). 
 
 26. Jeshna: nowhere else mentioned in the O. T. 
 
 BSoladah : see Joshua xv. 26. Not yet identified. 
 
 Beth-pelet: see Num. x. 26; Joshua xv. 27. Hitherto not 
 identified. 
 
 Hazar-shtial . . . Beersheba : see Joshua xv. 28, &c. The 
 latter is now called Bir es-Seba'a. 
 
 28. Ziklag: see Joshua xv. 31 ; i Sam. xxx. i. 
 Meconah: named nowhere else in the O. T. Probably = 
 
 the modern Mekenna, twelve miles north-west of Beit Jibrin. 
 
 29. En-rinxmon: 3eeJoshuaxv.32, xix. 7; i Chron.iv. 32, where 
 in the LXX (best codd.) the same reading is implied. The M.T. of 
 the passages cited assumes two places, 'Ain' ('En ')and 'Riramon.' 
 
 Zorah : see Joshua xv. 33. Jarmuth : see Joshua xv. 35. 
 
 30. Zanoah : see Joshua xv. 34 = the modern Zanua, two and 
 a half miles south of Beth Shemesh. 
 
 Adnllam . . . Azekah : see Joshua xv. 35. 
 
 Lachish (see Joshua xv. 39, &c., &c.) -= the modern Tell-el- 
 Hesy (or Umrn Lakis? ^). An important Amorite city. 
 
 from Beer-sheba (in the extreme south of the land) to the 
 valley of Hinnom (in the extreme north of Judah). 
 
 ^ So Robinson. But the modern Umm Lakish more probably 
 occupies the site of a city founded by a colony from Lakish 
 (= Lachish). Professor Sayce, however, tells me that Umm Lakish 
 (which the natives now call Latish) is a Roman village. 
 
262 NEHEMIAH 11. 31-36. C^ 
 
 31 Hinnom. The children of Benjamin also dweU from 
 
 Geba onward, at Michmash and Aija, and at Beth-el and 
 
 32) 33 the '"^ towns thereof; at Anathoth, Nob, Ananiah ; Hazor, 
 
 34, 35 Ramah, Gittaim ; Hadid, Zeboim, Neballat ; Lod, and 
 
 36 Ono, ^the valley of craftsmen. And of the Levites, 
 
 certain courses in Judah ivere joined to Benjamin. 
 
 * Heb. daughters. ^ Or, Gehaharashim See i Chron, iv. 14. 
 
 31-35. The Benjamites. 
 
 31. from Geba onward: read, *at Geba,' changing one con- 
 sonant. 
 
 Geba: see on Ezra ii. 26. 
 
 Michmash : see on Ezra ii. 27. 
 
 For Aija ( = Ai) and Bethel see on Ezra ii. 28. 
 
 32. Anathoth: see on Ezra ii. 23. 
 
 Wob : a priest's city quite close to Jerusalem, but as yet 
 unidentified : see i Sam. xxi. i, xxii. 9, 11, 19, &c. 
 
 Ananiah : nowhere else referred to in the O. T. Com- 
 monly identified with Beit Hatinina, a village two miles to the 
 north of Jerusalem. 
 
 33. Hazor : probably = the modern Khurhet Hasstir, a little 
 north of Jerusalem, quite close to the last-named place. 
 
 Ramah : see on Ezra ii. 26. 
 
 Gittaim : mentioned only here. Itsexact position is unknown. 
 
 34. Hadid: see on Ezra ii. 33. 
 
 Zeboim : not identified and nowhere else named ; but cf. 
 I Sam. xiii, 18 (* the valley of Zeboim '). 
 
 Neballat = the modern Beit Nebdla, about four miles north- 
 east of Lydda. Nowhere else mentioned. 
 
 35. Lod . . . Ono : see on Ezra ii. 33. 
 
 the valley of craftsmen : on the road between Jerusalem 
 and Jaffa : see 1 Chron. iv. 14, where the A.V. and R.V. treat the 
 words as a proper name, Ge-harashim. The valley had its name 
 probably from the large number of craftsmen who dwelt in it. 
 
 36. Render (with Luc). 'And some of the Levites' (who did 
 not live at Jerusalem) ' were in Judah and (some) in Benjamin ' : 
 i. e. the non-Jerusalem Levites were distributed in Judah and 
 Benjamin. The meaning of the M.T. is, ' some Levites who in 
 former times had been attached to Judah, now had their homes in 
 Benjamin.' 
 
 XIL 1-26. Various Lists of Priests and Levites. 
 We have in this section a collection of separate lists which 
 appear to have been kept in the Temple archives, and the placing 
 of which here was suggested by the list in xi. 3 ff. Torrey is 
 
NEHEMIAH 12. 1-4. Tr 263 
 
 [T J Now these are the priests and the Levites that 12 
 went up with Zerubbabel the son of Shealtiel, and Jeshua: 
 Seraiah, Jeremiah, Ezra ; Amariah, Malluch, Hattush ; 2 
 Shecaniah, Rehum, Meremoth; Iddo, Ginnethoi, Abijah; 3, 4 
 very sure that every word of ch. xii is by the Chronicler', but if 
 so, it is quite inexplicable that he should set side by side lists 
 which are obviously incomplete and even inconsistent. We have 
 here lists which in an older form are old and original, but they 
 have been edited and connecting passages inserted, probably by 
 different hands and at different times. In verses 11 and 22 
 Jaddua, who flourished about 330 b. c, is mentioned, and in 
 ver. 26 the time of Ezra and Nehemiah is looked back to as 
 belonging to the distant past. These lists present many difficulties, 
 chronological and otherwise. If Hashabiah and Sherebiah (ver. 24) 
 were contemporaries of Joiakim, son of Jeshua, and also of Ezra 
 (Ezra viii. i8 f., 24), then Ezra and Joiakim must have lived about 
 the same time, which is exceedingly unlikely, for Jeshua's son 
 could hardly have been high-priest in 458 b. c. 
 
 In verses 1-7 we have virtually the same names assigned to the 
 time of Jeshua which verses 12-21 connect with Jeshua's son 
 Joiakim, and which in x. i ff. are apparently referred to the time 
 of Ezra. This, however, should not occasion any insuperable 
 difficulty, for in each case the names of houses remain essentially 
 unchanged, though the unnamed individuals who represented 
 them would necessarily vary. 
 
 In verses 8f., 24 f. the singers seem (though not by name) to 
 be included among the Levites, as are the porters in ver. 25 — 
 a sign of late date (see p. 6i and on xi. 17). 
 
 1-9. Priestly and Leviiical houses at the time of the return under 
 Zerubbabel and Jeshua. The lists in these verses differ consider- 
 ably from the corresponding lists in Ezra ii (=Neh. vii) ; perhaps 
 because the reference is here to corresponding houses as they 
 existed in Nehemiah's day. 
 
 1-7- Priestly houses : see x. 3-9, Ezra ii. 2. 
 
 2. SZallucli: in ver. 14 '■ Malluchi.' 
 Hattush : not in ver. 12 ff. 
 
 3. Shecaniah : in ver. 14 ' Shebaniah ' through confusion of 
 two similarly written letters. The first form occurs in 1 Chron. 
 xxiv. II and in the Greek versions (LXXand Luc.) of ver. 14. But 
 in x. 4 we have * Shebaniah.' 
 
 Rehum : in ver. 15 ' Harim,' which is more correct (see x. 6 
 and Ezra ii. 39). The consonants are identical in both cases, 
 though differently arranged. 
 
 4. Oinnethoi : in ver. 16 ^ Ginnethon,' as in x. 3. 
 
 ^ Composition, &c. p. 43. 
 
264 NEHEMIAH 12. 5-13. Tr 
 
 5, 6 Mijamin, ]Maadiah, Bilgah ; Shemaiah, and Joiarib, 
 
 7 Jedaiah ; Sallu, Amok, Hilkiah, Jedaiah. These were 
 the chiefs of the priests and of their brethren in the 
 
 8 days of Jeshua. Moreover the Levites : Jeshua, Binnui, 
 Kadmiel, Sherebiah, Judah, and Mattaniah, which was 
 
 9 over a the thanksgiving, he and his brethren. Also Bak- 
 bukiah and Unno, their brethren, were over against them 
 
 10 in wards. And Jeshua begat Joiakim, and Joiakim begat 
 
 11 Eliashib, and Ehashib begat Joiada, and Joiada begat 
 13 Jonathan, and Jonathan begat Jaddua. And in the days 
 
 * Or, the choirs 
 
 5. Mijamin : in ver. 16 • Miniamin.' 
 
 Maadiah : in ver. 17 ' Moadiah,' the correct form being pro- 
 bably as Z.wc. and X. 8 * Maaziah.' 
 
 7. Sallu: in ver. 20 ' Sallai.' 
 8 f. Levites : see Ezra ii. 40-42. 
 
 8. Binntii : so x. 10 ; in viii. 7 and ix. 4 * Bani.' 
 Kadmiel, Sherebiali : see viii. 7, ix. 4, x. 10, 13. 
 
 wMcli was over the thanksgiving', i. e. who had charge of 
 the singing, the reference being to Mattaniah only (see xi. 17). 
 The marginal reading ' the choirs ' is an error based on the mistaken 
 spelling of the Hebrew word. 
 
 9. were over ag'ainst them, i. e. stood opposite to them and 
 sang in turns with them, i. e. antiphonally (see ver. 24, 2 Chron. 
 vii. 7, and cf. Psalms, vol. ii (Century Bible), pp. 26, 236, 245, 288). 
 
 In wards : render, * in (their) watches ' (see ver. 24, i Chron. 
 xxvi. 16). The word denotes the ' bands ' or * courses ' of Levites 
 who in their turns functioned in the Temple. 
 
 I o f. The h igh -priests . 
 
 10. Jeshua: see on Ezra ii. 2. 
 
 Joiakim : it would seem (see verses 12, 26) that under his 
 superintendence a register of priests and Levites was made. 
 
 Zliashih (see iii. i and on Ezra x. 6) and Joiada (see xiii. 28) 
 were Nehemiah's contemporaries. 
 
 11. Jonathan : read ' John,' and see on ver. 22 and on Ezra x. 6. 
 Jaddua : no doubt the high-priest mentioned by Josephus 
 
 as going to meet Alexander the Great to appease his wrath as the 
 great conqueror was approaching Jerusalem ^ Though the inci- 
 dent related by Josephus is unhistorical, it would appear to show 
 that Jaddua lived about 334 b. c. (see on Ezra x. 6). 
 
 ^ Antig. xi. 7, 12 and 8, 4 f . 
 
NEHEMIAH 12. 13.23. T,, 265 
 
 of Joiakim were priests, heads of fathers' houses : of 
 Seraiah, Meraiah ; of Jeremiah, Hananiah ; of Ezra, 13 
 MeshuUam ; of Amariah, Jehohanan ; of '"^ Malluchi, Jona- 14 
 than; of Shebaniah, Joseph; of Harini, Adna ; of 15 
 Meraioth, Helkai ; of Iddo, Zechariah ; of Ginnethon, 16 
 Meshullam; of Abijah, Zichri; of Miniamin, of Moadiah, 17 
 Piltai; of Bilgah, Shammua ; of Shemaiah, Jehonathan ; 18 
 and of Joiarib, Mattenai ; of Jedaiah, Uzzi ; of Sallai, 19, 20 
 Kallai; of Amok, Eber; of Hilkiah, Hashabiah ; of 21 
 Jedaiah, Nethanel. The Levites in the days of EUashib, 22 
 Joiada, and Johanan, and Jaddua, were recorded heads 
 of fathers' houses ; also the priests, t> in the reign of 
 Darius the Persian. The sons of Levi, heads of fathers' 23 
 houseSy were written in the book of the chronicles, even 
 * Another reading is, Melicu. ^ Or, to 
 
 12-21. Heads of priestly houses in the time of Joiakim {circa 499- 
 463 B. c). For the differences in names see on verses 1-7. 
 
 17. of Miniamin : the name of the head of this house has 
 fallen out. Read ^ of Miniamin . . . ' 
 
 22-26. Heads ofLevitical houses with sundry short notices. 
 
 22. The text of this verse is obviously corrupt, but the sense is 
 evidently, that during the high-priesthood of the four men named 
 a register of heads of priestly and Levitical houses was kept. One 
 might (making two very trivial textual changes) read, ' Of the 
 Levites in the days of Eliashib . . . were recorded the heads of 
 fathers' (houses) as also of the priests until the reign of,' &c. 
 
 in tlie reigfn: read, 'until the reign.' Guthe and Bertholet 
 are wrong when they adduce the Greek and Latin version for this 
 change (one letter only), for they have all (including Luc, en) 
 evidently followed the LXX, as does the Syr,, showing that the 
 corruption is old. 
 
 Darius the Persian, i. e. Darius Codomannus (336-331). His 
 being called the Persian is often, since Ewald, held to suggest a date 
 for this paragraph at least subsequent to the cessation of the Persian 
 rule, though Winckler denies this : see p. 19 f., and on Ezra i. i. 
 
 23. Render, ' Of the Levites the heads of,' &c. 
 
 sons of I.evi= Levites. Cf. 'sons of Israel ' = ' Israelites ' 
 (see on Ezra vi. 91. 
 
 book of the chronicles: lit. 'things of the days,' i. e. 'daily 
 records,' the Hebrew name of our books of Chronicles. As the 
 
266 NEHEMIAH 12. 34,35. Tr 
 
 24 until the days of Johanan the son of EHashib. And the 
 chiefs of the Levites : Hashabiah, Sherebiah, and Jeshua 
 the son of Kadmiel^ with their brethren over against them, 
 to praise and give thanks, according to the commandment 
 
 35 of David the man of God, ward against ward. Mattaniah, 
 
 expression is a common one for official records, one must not 
 hastily conclude that the canonical books of Chronicles are 
 here cited, though of course nothing in the words forbids that 
 interpretation. 
 
 Tintil the days of Johanan : this would seem to show 
 that the records in question were completed during John's tenure 
 of the office of high-priest, circa 380. The whole of the Persian 
 period would seem to have been embraced in these records. 
 
 son (i. e. grandson) of Eliashib: see on Ezra v. i, vii. 1-5, 
 and viii. 2. 
 
 24 f. Levitical chiefs. Perhaps the names in these verses are 
 from the ' annals ' (chronicles) mentioned in ver. 23, for they ex- 
 tend to a later date than Joiakim's (v. 12). 
 
 24. Jeshua the son of Kadmiel : read (making very trivial 
 changes which Luc. and LXX favour), * Jeshua, Binnui, and Kad- 
 miel ' (see ver. 8 and x. 10). Jeshua was the son of Jozadak or 
 Jehozadak (see Ezra iii. 2, 8). 
 
 over ag-ainst them : see on ver. i. Probably the responding 
 parties in theantiphonal singing were arranged opposite each other. 
 
 to praise : the root of the verb occurs in 'Hallelujah,' lit. 
 ' praise Yah.' 
 
 and give thanks: see on Ezra x. i. Referring to the sub- 
 ject-matter, not the form of the singing. 
 
 according* to the comnxandment of David : see i Chron. 
 xvi. 4ff., XXV, &c. The tradition of David as the great organizer 
 of Temple music is fully developed in Chronicles (say 300 b. c.^, 
 but it must have taken time to grow and become a part of the 
 national belief: see on Ezra iii. 10. 
 
 the man of G-od : see ver. 36 and a Chron. viii. 14 ; cf. the 
 title to Ps. xviii. It is impossible to say for certain whether the 
 present passage or that in Chronicles is the earlier, but one seems 
 dependent on the other. 
 
 ward against ward: see on ver. 9. We are not told in 
 Ezra-Nehemiah into how many courses David divided the priests 
 and Levites, but according to Chronicles the number was twenty- 
 four in each case (see i Chron. xxivf.). We seem in the present 
 book to have the tradition of David the musician in its earlier and 
 simpler form. 
 
 25. xi. 17 shows thai the three first names belong to the list 
 
NEHEMIAH 12. 26. T,, 267 
 
 and Bakbukiah, Obadiah, Meshullarri;, Talmon, Akkub, 
 were porters keeping the ward at the storehouses of the 26 
 gates. These were in the days of Joiakim the son of 
 Jeshua, the son of Jozadak, and in the days of Nehemiah 
 the governor, and of Ezra the priest the scribe. 
 
 in ver. 24. The names of the porters (* gatekeepers,' see on 
 Ezra ii. 42) begin with Meshullam. 
 
 keepingf the ward, &c. : render, ' keeping watch over the 
 storerooms at (i. e. near) the gates' (of the Temple area). 
 
 27-43. The Dedication of the Walls of Jerusalem. 
 
 The presence of the ' I ' in verses 31, 38, 40 shows that we have 
 to do here with the Nehemiah memoirs, though what Nehemiah 
 wrote about the dedication has been worked over by later editors 
 — the Chroniclers perhaps. The words 'they sought ' in ver. 27 
 prove nothing however, though they are constantly quoted by 
 even the latest critics to prove that the writer is not Nehemiah ; 
 'the Levites were sought' is equally possible according to the 
 Hebrew (see on Ezra x. 17. 
 
 Of course there are here many features, words, and expressions 
 which abound in Chronicles, as in verses 35 f., 41, &c., but it is im- 
 possible to pronounce finally when these features arose in Hebrew 
 literature. 
 
 In ' Chronicles ' we have the close of or at least a late stage in 
 a long course of evolution in Hebrew thought, usage, and style of 
 language. We cannot separate ver. 30 from ver. 31, nor verses 37, 
 39 f. from ver. 38, so that verses 31 f., 37-40 can be proved to be 
 by Nehemiah, and are accepted as such by Ryssel (in Kautzsch), 
 Siegfried and Bertholet. Ewald * and Stade ^ are no doubt right in 
 recognizing in verses 27-43 a genuine extract from the Nehe- 
 miah memoirs, though later editors have been at work on these 
 verses. 
 
 The musical references in this chapter are commonly fathered 
 on the Chronicler, but it is time to acknowledge that everything 
 of the kind did not first come into existence in the time of the 
 Chronicler. The fact that in his time they were in full career im- 
 plies a previous period of development : see p. 16 f. 
 
 Date of the Dedication of the Walls. 
 
 It is exceedingly likely that the walls were dedicated almost im- 
 mediately after they were completed, as Stade ^, Bertholet, and most 
 recent critics hold. But Rawlinson * and Klostermann •"' maintain 
 
 ^ Gesch.^ iv. 205, A3. '^ Gesch. ii. 176. ^ Gesch. ii. 175. 
 * On xii. 27. ^ Gesch. 265 f. 
 
268 NEHEMIAH 12. 27, 28. C^- 
 
 27 [Cx] And at the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem 
 they sought the Levites out of all their places, to bring 
 them to Jerusalem, to keep the dedication with gladness, 
 both with thanksgivings, and with singing, with cymbals, 
 
 28 psalteries^ and with harps. And the sons of the singers 
 
 that the dedication took place some twelve years after their 
 completion, i. e. after Nehemiah's second visit to Jerusalem in 432. 
 The close connexion of verses 27-43 with the next chapter and the 
 personal allusion in xiii. 6 are said to require this late date. More- 
 over, Nehemiah's return has been explained as due to his desire 
 to have the king's approval for the ceremony of the dedication. 
 
 But one is allowed to deny the cogency of this reasoning, which 
 is based mainly on subjective considerations. The walls were 
 finished in vi. 16, and (removing vii. 73^-x to the close of Ezra) 
 the intervening events do not require more than a few months. 
 One may perhaps infer from 2 Mace. i. 18 that Nehemiah was at 
 that time (say 80 b. c.) supposed to have dedicated the walls on the 
 twenty-fifth day of the ninth month (Kislew). Now according to 
 Neh. vi, 15 the walls were completed on the twenty-fifth day of 
 the sixth month (Elul). It is not unreasonable to think that exactly 
 three months after their completion the walls were dedicated. 
 
 27-30. Gathering of musicians. The priests and Levites purify 
 themselves, the people, and the city. 
 
 27. dedication : Heb. khenuka^ a late word, non-occurrent in 
 pre-exilic literature, though the cognate verb occurs in Deut. 
 XX, 5, and in i Kings viii. 63. Cf, the proper name 'Enoch' 
 (Heb. iT/jawo/^ =: dedicated ?) in Gen. iv. 17 f. (J), &c. : and see on 
 Ezra vi. 16. 
 
 they sought : better use the passive, 'the Levites were sought,' 
 &c. In Hebrew it is the impersonal construction (see p. 103). 
 
 By the Iievites in this verse we are to understand one divi- 
 sion only of them, viz. the singers (seep. 61), 
 
 with gladness : a rendering (supported by Luc.') involving 
 a slight change in the text. 
 
 thanksgivings (see on Ezra iii. 11, x. i) . . . singfing: these 
 two terms express respectively the theme and (Ij'rical) form of the 
 words used. Pss. cxxii, cxlvii have been suggested. 
 
 psalteries . . . harps : better, ' harps , . . lyres ' (see Psalms, 
 vol. ii {Centwy Bible), p. 28. For the instruments named see 
 I Chron. xiii. 8. 
 
 28. Render, ' And the Levites (so Luc, Guthe, and ? Ber- 
 tholet) and the singers gathered themselves together, from the 
 plain of the Jordan and from round about Jerusalem,' &c. 
 
 sons of the singers : render, * singers' (see on Ezra ii. 41), 
 
NEHEMIAH 12. 29-31. Cv 269 
 
 gathered themselves together^ both out of the ^ plain 
 round about Jerusalem, and from the villages of the 
 Netophathites; also from Beth-gilgal^and out of the fields 29 
 of Geba and Azmaveth : for the singers had builded 
 them villages round about Jerusalem. And the priests 30 
 and the Levites purified themselves ; and they purified 
 the people, and the gates, and the wall. Then I brought 31 
 
 * Or, Circuit 
 
 In Hebrew the words rendered ' son ' and ' sons ' denote one or 
 more of a specified class. Thus ' a son of man {Adam) ' = ' a man,' 
 'sons of man' (or ' men ') = ' men.' In Syriac 'son of man' is 
 almost invariably used for ' man.' 
 
 These singers are identical with the Levites (see the render- 
 ing above and ver. 27). 
 
 both: the Heb. word (waw) is that usually translated 'and,' 
 and should (with Luc.) be placed immediateh^ before 'round 
 about,' &c., as the sense requires (see rendering above). 
 
 plain: the Heb. word {kikkar, lit. 'circuit') is the technical 
 term for the district around the lower Jordan. There is no diffi- 
 culty here or in iii. 22 (see on) arising out of the distance, for 
 the Jordan is only some twenty-two English miles from Jerusalem, 
 
 Netophathites : men from Netophah (see on Ezra ii. 22). 
 
 29. Beth-Efilg'al : nowhere else mentioned. Since beih (lit. 
 'house') means often 'place,' 'situation,' we are probably to 
 understand ' the neighbourhood of Gilgal' ; cf. 'fields' (='open 
 country') 'of Geba ' (see on Ezra ii. 26). 
 
 Azmaveth : see on Ezra ii. 24. 
 
 30. the priests and the Zievites : the post-exilic usage ; cf. 
 'the priests the Levites' in D. 
 
 purified themselves : by sprinkling on themselves sacri- 
 ficial blood (see 2 Chron. xxix. 20-24 ; Ezek. xliii. 19 ; cf. Ezra vi. 
 10). Priests, Levites, people, gales, and wall had all to undergo 
 the same ceremony of purification, as all were to be used in holy 
 service. Of course it is ritual purification, that is meant, a con- 
 ception brought out very prominently in Lev. xvii-xxvi (H) and 
 Ezek. xl-xlviii. 
 
 31-43. The procession around the walls. The company of priests 
 and Levites and princes formed themselves into two companies 
 near the Valley Gate, one proceeding towards the right along the 
 southern and eastern wall, the other to the left along the western 
 and northern wall, the two companies meeting in an open space 
 east of the Temple. 
 
 31-37. Procession of the right-hand party. Where was the 
 
270 NEHEMIAH 12. 31. C^ 
 
 up tlie princes of Judah upon the wall^ and appointed 
 two great companies that gave thanks and went in pro- 
 general rendezvous whence the two bands started their circuit of 
 the walls ? We are not told, but the context makes it extremely' 
 likely that it was some point near the Valley Gate (see on ii. 13) 
 as Stade surmised ^ It was from this gate that Nehemiah com- 
 menced his tour of inspection (see ii. 13), and this might have 
 suggested the starting-point of the present dedicatory procession. 
 The course of the procession was as follows : — 
 
 1. The Valley Gate (?}. 
 
 2. Southward (ver. 31). 
 
 3. After reaching the southernmost point a turn was made to 
 the west and the journey continued to the Dung Gate, which was 
 a little to the north (v. 31). 
 
 4. From the Dung Gate the Fountain Gate w^as reached (ver. 37), 
 from which point, instead of following the direction of the wall, a 
 march almost direct northward seems to have been made, perhaps 
 because henceforward the road along the wall was too narrow to 
 hold the company, or because the tour round would require too 
 much time to allow of the meeting of the parties at the place 
 arranged (ver. 37\ 
 
 5. Taking the direct way to the north (•' straight before them,' 
 ver. 37), they go as far as the Water Gate, ascending the steps 
 leading across Ophel to the city. The processioning companies 
 seem to have come together at the Guard Gate (see on ver. 39). 
 
 31. princes (i. e. leaders) of Judah: see on Ezra ix. i. 
 
 upon (the wall) : so the compound preposition is rightly 
 rendered here (as in 2 Chron. xiii. 4 ; Jonah iv. 6); thus Keil, 
 Reuss, Rawl., Oettli, Meinhold, Ryle. 
 
 But Siegfried and Bertholet hold that the right rendering is 
 * beyond ' or ' above ' the wall, i. e. at a point higher than the wall 
 but not on it. 
 
 companies . . . right hand : render, ' companies ' (M.T. 
 'thanksgivings'), 'and the first went to the right hand,' &c. A 
 change in the Heb. of two words (one occurring nowhere else and 
 certainly corrupt) is all that is necessary for this rendering. 
 
 companies that gave thanks : the one Heb. word so ren. 
 dered is translated everywhere except in this chapter ' thanks- 
 giving,' * praise,' and the like (see on Ezra iii. 11 and x. i for the 
 verb) ; but as ' appointed two thanksgivings' gives no sense most 
 ancient and modern translators have assumed without reason that 
 in this section the noun means a 'company giving thanks.' The 
 present writer thinks the text is wrong, and that instead of tddot 
 
 Gesch. ii. 175. 
 
NEHEMIAH 12. 33-34. C^ i^t 
 
 cession ; ivhereof one went on the right hand upon the 
 wall toward the dung gate: and after them went Hoshaiah^ g2 
 and half of the princes of Judah^ and Azariah, Ezra, 33 
 and Meshullani, Judah.and Benjamin, and Shemaiah,and 34 
 
 (thanksgivings) we should read 'edot (companies), the word used 
 of the company of Korah ^Num. xxvi. 9, xxvii. 3) ; of Job's circle 
 of dependants (Job xvi. 7), and especially of the congregation of 
 Israel lit. ' a company assembled by appointment ' ). Any Hebraist 
 will see how easily the two words could be confounded. The 
 Syr. seems to follow the text now for the first time restored, for 
 it translates by kennshata— ' companies.' 
 
 and went in procession : the one Heb. word here used 
 occurs nowhere else. Read ^making a slight change", 'and the 
 one I or the first) went* (on the right hand). There is then no 
 need for italics. 
 
 rigrht hand : i. e. the south (see i Sam. xxiii. 24). Tlie 
 Hebrews named the four quarters of the heavens according to the 
 position of one gazing to the east a survival, perhaps, of sun- 
 worship). Thus left hand = north (Joshua xix. 27, &c.), the front 
 ^ east, and the hinder part = west (see Isa. ix. 11). 
 
 But they named these also on other principles. Thus the east is 
 often called the direction of sun-rising [mizrakh), the west the 
 ' sea ' :because the Mediterranean was west of Palestine), the 
 south darom (= ?), and Negeb, the dry (i. e. sunny) part, the north 
 having usually the designation saphon^ ' the hidden ' (from the 
 light of the sun) 'part.' 
 
 dung" g-ate : see on ii. 13. 
 
 32. (after) them : i. e. the musicians. 
 
 Hoshaiah : we know nothing further of him, though he 
 appears as the leader of the princes in this company, as Nehemiah 
 was in the other company, another illustration of the defective 
 state of our knowledge of the period. Perhaps, however, we are 
 to think of a house so called and not of one man. 
 
 33. and Azariah . . . Jeremiah : these seven names repre- 
 sent priestly houses corresponding to the seven priestly houses in 
 the other company (see ver. 41). The text has fallen into some 
 confusion. So Guthe, Bertholet. Princes' houses are not mentioned. 
 
 Azariah . . . Meshullam: mentioned among the priestly 
 houses which signed the covenant see x. 3, 8). 
 
 Ezra: a house or family so called see verses i, 13 ; cf. x. 2). 
 
 34. Judah . . . Benjamin : these tribal names stand here for 
 houses. Bertholet regards the occurrence of these names as a 
 proof of the unhistorical character of the whole list, 
 
 Shemaiah : see ver. 6. 
 
272 NEHEMIAH 12. 35-37. C^ 
 
 35 Jeremiah^ and certain of the priests' sons with trumpets : 
 Zechariah the son of Jonathan^ the son of Shemaiah, the 
 son of Mattaniah, the son of Micaiah, the son of Zaccur^ 
 
 36 the son of Asaph ; and his brethren, Shemaiah, and 
 Azarel, Milalai, Gilalai, Maai, Nethanel, and Judah, 
 Hanani, with the musical instruments of David the man 
 
 37 of God ; and Ezra the scribe was before them : and by 
 the fountain gate, and straight before them, they went up 
 by the stairs of the city of David, at the going up of the 
 
 Jeremiah : see verses i, 13 and x. 3. 
 
 35. priests' sons: render 'priests,' and see on ver. 28. We 
 have the names of these priestly houses in verses 33 f. (see on 
 ver. 34\ 
 
 with tnunpets : see on Ezra iii. 10. 
 
 Zechariah : here, as being Asaphite, the clan cannot be 
 priestly as one of the same name in the other company is (see 
 ver. 41). See on ver, 34. 
 
 36. Milalai : we should probably (with Luc) omit this 
 name as a dittograph of Gilalai (more aUke in Hebrew than in 
 English). We then get eight Asaphite names, as in the other 
 company (ver. 42). 
 
 with the musical instruments to the end of the verse 
 is thought by Meyer ^, Siegfried, and Bertholet to be an addi- 
 tion by the Chronicler, who out of respect to Ezra (though he is 
 not once mentioned in ' Chronicles') gives him here an important 
 position. Certainly the introduction of Ezra's name here is un- 
 historical, if the individual is meant, and in any case the role 
 assigned to Ezra here has been already alloted to Hoshaiah (ver. 32). 
 A late editor, living at a time when Ezra came to be regarded as 
 the second Moses, desired to give him a position in this com- 
 pany similar to that of Nehemiah in the party of the left hand. 
 The man Ezra nowhere appears in the present context. 
 David the man of God : see ver. 24, 
 
 37. fountain gate : see on ii. 15. 
 
 straight hefore them: instead of following the course of 
 the walls the procession now strikes a path due north, though for 
 what reason we are not told (see p. 270}. 
 
 stairs, &c. : see on iii. 15. 
 
 city of David: see on iii. 15. 
 
 at the going up, &c. : at a part of the wall that covered an 
 elevation of ground. 
 
 ^ Die Entstehung, &c., p. 200. 
 
NEHEMIAH 12. 38, 39. C^. 273 
 
 wall, above the house of David, even unto the water gate 
 eastward. And the other company of them that gave 38 
 thanks went to meet them, and I after them, with the 
 half of the people, upon the wall, above the tower of 
 the furnaces, even unto the broad wall ; and above the 39 
 gate of Ephraim, and by the old gate, and by the fish 
 gate, and the tower of Hananel, and the tower of '» Ham- 
 
 ^ Or, The hundred 
 
 above the house of David : i. e. the traditional site, some 
 ruins of which were then perhaps to be seen. It is possible that 
 some well-known private house had this name. 
 
 The party leaves the wall at the ascent referred to, passing 
 northwards by the site of the royal palace. Kent denies that the 
 procession left the wall at all until the other company was 
 reached ; but he depends for proof on notions of Jerusalem 
 topography which are now universally discarded. 
 
 above (the house, &c.) : we have here in Hebrew the same 
 combination of prepositions as that rendered * upon ' in ver. 31 
 (see on). 
 
 38-43. Procession of the left-hand (^northern) party. 
 
 38. company of them that gave thanks : read ' company,' 
 and see on ver. 31. 
 
 went : follows a slightly but rightly corrected text. 
 
 to meet them : read (making a small change) ' on the left ' 
 ( = to the north : see on ver. 31). The Hebrew word in the M.T. 
 is in its present form a monstrosity, and has no meaning. 
 
 with the half of the people : i. e. as many princes, priests, 
 and Levites as belonged to the right-hand party (see 32 ff.). 
 There is not the slightest need (with Guthe. Bertholet, and Lohr) 
 to read * with the half of the princes of the people.' The half 
 extends here to all the classes enumerated in 32 ff. 
 
 above : i. e. some distance from ; the same double preposition 
 translated * upon' in ver. 31 (see on). 
 
 tower of the furnaces: see on iii. 11. 
 
 broad wall: see on iii. 8. 
 
 39. gate of Ephraim : see on iii. 6. As it is not mentioned 
 in Nehemiah's tour of inspection the word above (the gate, &c.) 
 implies probably that this gate did not lie in line with the wall 
 here spoken of, but some distance to the south. 
 
 the old gate : see on iii. 6. 
 fish gate : sec on iii. 3. 
 
 tower of Kanauel . . . tower of Hammeah . ; . sheep gate : 
 sec on iii. i. 
 
 T 2 
 
2 74 NEHEMIAH 12. 40-43. Cs, 
 
 meah, even unto the sheep gate : and they stood still in 
 
 40 the gate of the guard. So stood the two companies of 
 them that gave thanks in the house of God^ and I^ and 
 
 41 the half of the ^ rulers with me : and the priests, Eliakim, 
 Maaseiah, Miniamin, Micaiah, Elioenai, Zechariah, and 
 
 42 Hananiah^ with trumpets ; and Maaseiah, and Shemaiah, 
 and Eleazar, and Uzzi^ and Jehohanan, and Malchijah, 
 and Elam, and Ezer. And the singers sang loud, with 
 
 43 Jezrahiah their overseer. And they offered great sacri- 
 fices that day, and rejoiced ; for God had made them 
 rejoice with great joy; and the women also and the 
 children rejoiced : so that the joy of Jerusalem was heard 
 
 even afar off. 
 
 * Or, deputies 
 
 stood still: better, 'entered' : see on Ezraiii. 10; cf. next verse. 
 
 g"ate of the gfuard : better, ' prison gate.' This cannot be 
 the wall gate leading directly into the guard court (see on iii. 25), 
 for that would fix it too much to the south. Probably we are to 
 understand the 'gate of Hammephkad ' (see on iii. 31), i. e. the 
 gate opposite to the prison, and it is likely that the original 
 Hebrew text read accordingly, the beginning of both names being 
 identical. The Hebrew word has come into the present text 
 through the influence of iii. 25. 
 
 40. stood : see on ver. 39. The two bands entered the Prison 
 Gate and formed one company in the Temple area. 
 
 companies of them that g'ave thanks : read ' companies,' 
 and see on ver. 31. 
 
 in the house of God : to be attached to the preceding verb 
 ' entered ' ■ E.VV, stood). 
 
 In verses 40-42 we have the same order as in the description of 
 the procession of the right-hand (south) party : (i) The musicians, 
 (2) Nehemiah and half the rulers, (3) Priests, (4) Levites. 
 
 41. with trumpets: see on Ezra iii. 10. 
 
 42. sang* loud : Ut., 'caused i^those round about) to hear' : see 
 
 1 Chron. xv. 19. 
 
 43. great sacrifices : see Ezra vi. 1 7. 
 
 God had made them rejoice : see viii, 12, 17 ; Ezra vi. 22 ; 
 
 2 Chron. xx. 27. 
 
 women . . . children : see viii. 2, x. 29. 
 joy : i. e. its manifestation. 
 afar oflf : see Ezra iii. 13. 
 
NEHEMIAH 12. 44, 45. Cv 275 
 
 And on that day were men appointed over the 44 
 chambers for the treasures^ for the heave offerings^ for 
 the firstfruits,, and for the tithes, to gather into them, 
 according to the fields of the cities, the portions « appointed 
 by the law for the priests and Levites : for Judah rejoiced 
 for the priests and for the Levites that ^waited. And they 45 
 * Heb, of the law. ^ Heb. stood. 
 
 44-47. Provision for the Support of the Temple Officials. 
 This section bears in a special degree the marks of late editing, 
 as do the following three verses, and Kosters, Torrey, Meyer, 
 and Bertholet have no hesitation in ascribing ver. 44-xiii. 3 to 
 the Chronicler as a kind of historical support for xiii. 4ff., 10 ft. ; 
 see especially ver. 47. 
 
 44. Those appointed over the treasure chambers in this verse 
 had to see that the Temple dues brought were safely housed, 
 whereas the * treasurers ' in xiii. 13 were to preside over the 
 distribution of what was brought. 
 
 chambers, or 'cells': see on iii. 30 and Ezra viii. 29. 
 treasures ( = stores) and heave offerings seem both general 
 terms, the second restricting the first to such as were sacred 
 offerings, and the latter being further defined as ' firstfruits,' &c. 
 
 heave offering's : better ' sacred gifts ' or ' contributions ' : 
 see on x. 37. 
 
 firstfrtiits : see x, 38, where the same Hebrew word occurs, 
 and on x. 37, where another Hebrew word (' first ripe fruits'), 
 often similarly translated, is found. 
 
 tithes : see on x. 37 f. 
 
 according to the fields, &c. : the gifts were sorted in the 
 chambers according to the localities which supplied them. The 
 Versions and many MSS. read 'according to the princes,' &c. 
 
 the portions : see ver. 47. The Hebrew word is written 
 rather peculiarly, but no difference is meant, and the variations of 
 spelling are explainable. 
 
 Judah rejoiced : a very naive remark if (as seems likely) we 
 are to see here the hand of a priest. 
 
 that waited : lit. * that stood ' : see i Chron. vi. 32 f. (Heb., 
 verses 17 f.). and for the full phrase 'to stand before Yahweh ' 
 (='to serve') see Deut. x. 8. It is generally used of the priests 
 when performing their duties in the Temple. Cf. Milton's 
 ' They also serve who stand and wait.' 
 
 ('On his BHndness.') 
 
 45. See 2 Chron. xiii. it. Render, 'And they took charge of 
 the service of their God and of the purification,' &c. 
 
276 NEHEMIAH 12.46,47. Q 
 
 kept the ward of their God^ and the ward of the purifica- 
 tion, and so did the singers and the porters, according to 
 the commandment of David, and of Solomon his son. 
 
 46 For in the days of David and Asaph of old ^ there was a 
 chief of the singers, and songs of praise and thanks- 
 
 47 giving unto God. And all Israel in the days of 
 Zerubbabel, and in the days of Nehemiah, gave the 
 portions of the singers and the porters, as every day 
 required : and they sanctified for the Levites ; and the 
 Levites sanctified for the sons of Aaron. 
 
 ^ Another reading is, there were chiefs. 
 
 kept the ward : lit. ' thej^ kept the thing to be kept.' The 
 verb has often the meaning ' to discharge the duties of an office,' 
 especially of the priesthood : see Num. iii. 10, xviii. 7, &c. 
 Hence the verb with its cognate noun, as here, Lev. viii. 35, &c., 
 means simply to perform the duties entrusted to them as priests, 
 Levites, &c. 
 
 purification: see i Chron. xxiii. 28. 
 
 according* to the commandment of David and of Solomon : 
 see I Chron. xxiii-xxvi ; 2 Chron. viii. 14. 
 
 46. Render, ' For in the days of David Asaph in the olden 
 time was chief,' &c. 
 
 and (Asaph) : omit with the Greek (both LXX and Luc), 
 Syriac, and Vulgate versions and one Hebrew Cod. The two 
 time references seem redundant. Bertholet renders, * For in the 
 days of David and Asaph the chiefs (adding the consonant) of the 
 singers were appointed (inserting one letter in the Hebrew word 
 rendered of old) (with reference to) the songs of praise,' &c. 
 But with the changes he proposes the last part of the verse hangs 
 in the air, ' and songs,' &c. 
 
 For chief the qr, Vulg., and many MSS. read the plural 
 'chiefs.' 
 
 47. The editor wishes to make it quite plain that from the 
 time of Zerubbabel to that of Nehemiah the Temple dues were 
 paid. 
 
 sanctified: i.e. set apart: see Luke xxvii. 14, 16 ff.; i Chron. 
 xxvi. 27. 
 
 sons of Aaron: i.e. Aaronites, P's word for the priests 
 proper as distinct from the Levites. Ezekiel's term is * Zadokites ' 
 (or sons of Zadok). 
 
NEHEMIAH 13. i. U 277 
 
 [U] On that day they read in the book of Moses in 13 
 the audience of the people ; and therein was found 
 written, that an Ammonite and a Moabite should not 
 
 XIII. For general remarks as to the relation of this chapter to 
 ch. X see pp. 242 ff. 
 
 1-3. Exclusion of the mixed multihide. 
 
 This section supplies an excellent introduction to verses 4-9, 
 and, whether or not by Nehemiali, was placed where it is because 
 it refers to the law which was Nehemiah's authority in excluding 
 Tobiah (the Ammonite) from the Temple chamber. 
 
 Many would remove these three verses from their present setting. 
 W. Robertson Smith', followed essentially by Geissler'^, and at 
 one time by Bertholet^ would insert verses if. between Ezra ix. 
 9 and ID, or thereabouts. Kosters thought verses 1-3 should intro- 
 duce Neh. ix f., while Marquart would join the whole of xiii to 
 Ezra ix f. But one may expect the law to have been read by 
 other leaders than Ezra, and, indeed, as often as the conduct of the 
 people called for special reference to its requirements. There is 
 surely no necessity to think that the evil of mixed marriages was 
 dealt with on only one or two special occasions in the life of Ezra 
 and Nehemiah. Moreover, the steps which are now taken differ 
 from anything previously done, and the Scripture referred to is also 
 different. The walls had been dedicated and certain regulations 
 made for the support of the clergy of all grades (xii. 44-47) — what 
 more natural than to set about the purification of the community 
 from all non- Jewish elements ? 
 
 If we are to remove verses 1-3, the most suitable place for 
 them next to their present one is after ver. 9, so that Nehemiah's 
 treatment of Tobiah would supply the occasion for the course 
 described in ver. 3. The words ' before this,' &c., might have 
 been inserted after verses 1-3 got to be where they are. 
 
 1. On that day: the reference is general, as in xii. 44, unless 
 verses 1-3 are placed after ver. 9, in which case the day when 
 Nehemiah excluded Tobiah will be meant. 
 in the "book of Moses : see on viii. i. 
 
 found written : i. e. in Deut. xxiii. 3-5. Note the large use 
 made in Ezra-Nehemiah of Deuteronomy. 
 
 Ammonite : Tobiah (see verses 4 ff.) was an Ammonite : 
 see on ii. 10. 
 
 Moabite: Bertholet thinks that Sanballat was a Moabite 
 and that he is in the writer's mmd here. But it is unlikely that 
 he was a Moabite at all. See on ii. xo. 
 
 ^ OTJCS'^) 427, n 2. =^ p. 45. ^ On Deut. xxiii. 4-7. 
 
278 NEHEMIAH 13. 2-4. UN 
 
 2 enter into the assembly of God for ever ; because they 
 met not the children of Israel with bread and with 
 water, but hired Balaam against them^ to curse them : 
 
 3 howbeit our God turned the curse into a blessing. And it 
 came to pass^ when they had heard the law, that they 
 
 4 separated from Israel all the mixed multitude. 
 
 [N] Now before this, Eliashib the priest, who was 
 
 the assemMy (of God) : see on Ezra ii. 64, where the same 
 word is translated * congregation.' 
 
 2. because they met not, &c. : Ammonites and Moabites are 
 excluded here on the ground of an historical episode, but accord- 
 ing to Deut. xxiii. 2 (cf. with Gen. xix. 30 ff. (J)) as the children 
 of incest, the latter ground being the more ancient. 
 
 3. the mixed mtatitnde : the Hebrew word here (^ereb) 
 occurs nowhere else in Ezra-Nehemiah, a reason for regarding 
 this as a section apart from what has preceded. In Jer. xxv. 20 
 the word is used of the foreign population settled in Egypt for 
 trade and other purposes. In Jer. 1. 37 and in Ezek. xxx. 5 
 (though Cornill reads 'Arabs' in the latter passage) it denotes 
 foreigners residing in Babylon. Apart from the immediate con- 
 nexion one might conclude from general usage that the word 
 means here non-Jews in and around Jerusalem who had some 
 kind of status in the community (or assembly) of Yahweh. But 
 in the light of the context we must interpret the word to mean 
 all whose pure Jewish blood had been in anj' way compromised 
 by mixed marriages, though the latter might have belonged to 
 a former and even a remote generation. Meyer ^, altering the 
 vowels of the word, reads ' Arabs,' i. e. Bedouin Arabs. But to 
 speak of the separation of Israel from the Arabs, especially after 
 the allusion to Ammonites and Moabites, would seem passing 
 strange ! The word in the sense here imphed occurs only in the 
 passages mentioned above. In Lev. xiii. 52, &c. (P) it denotes 
 the woof of a garment. 
 
 4-9. Tobiah' s possessions cast out of the Temple chamber (cell). 
 
 About 433 B. c. Nehemiah had for some unknown reason 
 returned to the court at Susa. During his absence many irregu- 
 larities had arisen, and in the remainder of this chapter we have 
 an account of measures adopted after his return for removing 
 some of them. Since the sacred dues had ceased to be paid (see 
 verses 10-13) the chambers were no longer required for their 
 usual purposes, so that Tobiah had been allowed to occupy two 
 
 ^ p. 130- 
 
NEHEMIAH 13. 5. N 279 
 
 appointed over the ^ chambers of the house of our God, 
 being allied unto Tobiah, had prepared for him a great 5 
 chamber, where aforetime they laid the meal offerings, 
 the frankincense, and the vessels, and the tithes of the 
 * Heb. chamber. 
 
 or more, making them one large one : see ver. 5. Tobiah was 
 doubly disqualified for using the chambers in the Temple 
 enclosure, for he was neither a priest nor Levite, nor was he even 
 a Jew see on ii. 10). 
 
 4. Eliashlb the priest: it is agreed among scholars that the 
 well-known high-priest of that name is meant i^see on Ezra x. 6), 
 though Herzfeld ^ denies this. It is possible that the word ' high ' 
 has fallen out before priest. As regards his having charge of 
 the Temple chambers (cells), we know too little of the duties of 
 the priesthood and high-priesthood of the time to conclude that 
 the office here ascribed to Eliashib shows he was but an ordinarj' 
 priest taking his turn with other priests. 
 
 cliambers : see on Ezra viii. 29. 
 
 'being' allied, &c. : no one knows how, though many con- 
 jectures have been hazarded : see Ber.-Rys., Winckler^, and Rj'le. 
 
 5. a great chamber : probably two or more smaller ones had 
 been thrown into one by the removal of the separating walls. In 
 these chambers, before they had been made one, sacred gifts of 
 various kinds had been stored, but now these had been put away 
 to make room for Tobiah's ' household stuff' (ver. 8). 
 
 meal offerings : render, ' offerings.' The word has here, as in 
 Malachi, the general sense which it bears in the older codes. In P 
 it denotes cereal as opposed to flesh offerings. We are here, there- 
 fore, in this verse at an earlier stage of custom and law than that 
 which meets us in P and related writings (^Chron. &c.) : see p. 18 f. 
 
 frankincense : lit. ' what is white,' so called from its colour. 
 Our 'Albion 'has the same consonants and perhaps (?) the same ety- 
 mology as the Hebrew word here used {lebonah). The word stands 
 strictly for a sweet-smelling gum or resin, obtained by exudation 
 from various species of the Boswellia, a tree closely allied to the 
 terebinth. It formed one ingredient of incense (see Exod. xxx. 
 34), but was offered also alone as a separate species of sacrifice 
 (see Isa. xliii. 23, Ixvi. 3 ; Jer. vi. 20). These references show that 
 the present passage is not necessarily later than Nehemiah's time 
 and hardly as late as the Priestly Code. The word translated 
 * incense ' {qetoref) is used in pre-exilic writings for sacrificial 
 smoke and nothing else. In P it means certain spices burnt to 
 afford Yahweh a sweet odour. Such sacrifices as these — frankin- 
 
 ^ Geschichte^'^K ii. 146. 2 ^j/^_ Orient. Forsch. i. 233. 
 
28d NEHEMIAH 13. 6-10. N 
 
 corn^ the wine^ and the oil, which were given by command- 
 ment to the Levites, and the singers, and the porters ; 
 
 6 and the heave offerings for the priests. But in all this 
 titfie I was not at Jerusalem : for in the two and thirtieth 
 year of Artaxerxes king of Babylon I went unto the 
 king, and after certain days asked I leave of the king : 
 
 7 and I came to Jerusalem, and understood of the evil 
 that Eliashib had done for Tobiah, in preparing him a 
 
 8 chamber in the courts of the house of God. And it grieved 
 me sore : therefore I cast forth all the household stuff 
 
 9 of Tobiah out of the chamber. Then I commanded, and 
 they cleansed the chambers : and thither brought I again 
 the vessels of the house of God, with the meal offerings 
 
 10 and the frankincense. And I perceived that the portions 
 
 cense, &c originated among the Hebrews and Arabs at a com- 
 paratively late period, as they imply an advanced stage of civiliza- 
 tion and consequent luxury^. 
 tithes : see on x. 32 f. 
 
 6. Artaxerxes : see Ezra vii. i. 
 
 Babylon: to the Hebrews this city would continue to 
 appear as the capital of the Eastern world. 
 
 after certain days : lit. * at the end of days,' the words 
 being used vaguely for an indefinite period, as in i Kings xvii. 7 ; 
 cf. Gen. iv. 3. Marquart reads 'at the end of his days,' i, e. when 
 the time of his furlough had expired. 
 
 7. chamber : see on iii. 30. 
 
 conrts: read (with LXX, Guthe, &c.), ' court.' The Temple 
 court is meant. 
 
 8. household stuff: probably what is chiefly, if not exclu- 
 sively', meant is the vessels, &c., used in sacrifice. 
 
 10-14. Nehcmiah re-establishes the payment to the Temple officials 
 of their dues. 
 
 This section explains how Tobiah was able to appropriate for 
 his own use the large chamber (see on ver. 5) which was allotted 
 him by Eliashib. The firstfruits, tithes, &c., had ceased to be 
 paid (verses 10-13% so that the Temple storehouses (see on ver. 12) 
 were no longer required for their ordinary purposes. 
 
 The fact that Nehemiah reproaches the people (ver. 11) for 
 
 ^ According to Sayce they existed among the Babylonians and 
 Egyptians as far back as b. c. 3000. 
 
NEHEMIAH 13. n, 12. N 281 
 
 of the Levites had not been given them ; so that the 
 Levites and the singers, that did the work, were fled 
 every one to his field. Then contended I with the 11 
 * rulers, and said, Why is the house of God forsaken? 
 And I gathered them together, and set them in their 
 place. Then brought all Judah the tithe of the corn and 12 
 
 * Or, deputies 
 
 neglecting to pay their contributions shows that laws regulating 
 such contributions had been made and proclaimed, i. e. verses 10- 
 14 in the present chapter presuppose x. 37-39 (see p. 277). 
 
 10. portions : see on xii. 44. 
 
 the Levites : since the priests were to receive a tithe ot 
 the Levites' tithe (see x. 37-39) it is surprising that we do not 
 read of their losses as well as those of the Levites : see at p. 243. 
 
 But it is exceedingly likely that the word Levites has here its 
 wider sense and includes both priests and Levites. The addition 
 of siagers (probably ' and porters ' must be added), as distinct 
 from porters, lends support to this view. 
 
 were fled every one to Ms field : this is a confirmation of what 
 is said in xi. i f. Up to the time when the walls were completed 
 Jerusalem was very thinly populated, the great mass of the Jewish 
 community, official and lay, residing in the country and supporting 
 themselves on their several plots of land or other^\nse. Priests and 
 others had transferred themselves to the capital, and arrangements 
 for their maintenance had been made, which in Nehemiah's absence 
 had not been observed, so that they were obliged toreturn to the land. 
 
 According to the Deuteronomic code, priests (including Levites 
 who are in that code synonymous with them) were to have no 
 inheritance, but to depend for their support on altar dues, &c. (see 
 Deut. xviii. i fif,}. But after the destruction of the Temple religious 
 as well as political organizations fell to pieces, so that for a long 
 period after the exile the priests and Levites had to earn their own 
 living. In Ezek. and in the P code (see Num. xxxv) certain cities 
 were set apart for the Levites. 
 
 11. contended I, &c. : see verses 17, 21, 25. 
 
 rulers: Heb. scganwi: see on ii. 16 and on Ezra ix. i, where 
 another word (rendered ' princes') with the same meaning occurs. 
 
 Why is tile house of God forsaken ? See on x. 39. 
 
 (I gathered) them : i. e. the Levites : see on ver. 10. 
 
 and set them in their place : i. e. restored them to their 
 Temple posts. 
 
 12. Judah : i. e. the lay part of the community of the return, 
 the gola, though it included some who were never out of the land : 
 see on i. 2 and on vi. 21 ; cf. xii. 31, 44. 
 
282 NEHEMIAH 13. 13-15. N 
 
 13 the wine and the oil unto the treasuries. And I made 
 treasurers over the treasuries, Shelemiah the priest, and 
 Zadok the scribe, and of the Levites, Pedaiah : and next 
 to them was Hanan the son of Zaccur, the son of Mattan- 
 iah : for they were counted faithful, and their business 
 
 14 was to distribute unto their brethren. Remember me, 
 O my God, concerning this, and wipe not out my ^ good 
 deeds that I have done tor the house of my God, and 
 for the observances thereof. 
 
 15 In those days saw I in Judah some treading winepresses 
 
 * Heb. kindnesses. 
 
 treasuries : the same Hebrew word is rightly rendered 
 'treasures' in xii. 44. Here it means rooms (chambers) where 
 the treasures (firstfruits, tithes, &c.) were stored : see ver. 5, xii. 
 44 ; 2 Chron. xxxii. 27. 
 
 13. I made treasurers : the one Hebrew word (a verb ex- 
 plained as a denominative of the noun-= ' treasure') occurs nowhere 
 else, and it is better (with LXX Cod. N, Luc, Syr., Ryssel, 
 Klostermann, Guthe-Batten) to read, ' I appointed over the 
 treasuries Shelemiah,' &c. 
 
 Shelemiah, Zadok, and Hanan are mentioned in the same 
 connexion among those that repaired the wall : see iii. 29 f. 
 
 Zadok was, like Ezra, a priest (see iii. 29 ; cf. vii. 40) and 
 a scribe (see on Ezra vii. 6). 
 
 Pedaiah : see viii. 4. 
 
 next to them : lit. ' at their hand, ready to help ' : see on 
 iii. 2, where the words seem to have a different sense ; cf. xi. 24, 
 *at the king's hand.' 
 
 Zaccur : see xii. 35. 
 
 Mattaniah : see xi. 17, xii. 8, 25, 38. 
 R3'le thinks that Shelemiah represented the Temple priests, 
 Zadok the 'judicial' section of the priests, Pedaiah the Levites 
 proper, and Hanan the singers and porters. 
 
 14. See on v. 19. We have such a prayer at the close of 
 each description of a reform due to Nehemiah : see verses 14, 
 22, 31. 
 
 15-22. Provisions made for the strict observance of the Sabbath 
 among the Hebreivs. See on x. 31, and for a histor}^ of the 
 Hebrew Sabbath on ix. 14. 
 
 15. in Jndah : the provisions were prepared in the country 
 parts and then brought on the Sabbath day into Jerusalem. 
 
 trvadingf winepresses : see Lam. i. 15; Isa. Ixiii. 2. In the 
 
NEHEMIAH 13. 16,17. N 283 
 
 on the sabbath, and bringing in =' sheaves, and lading asses 
 thereivith ; as also wine, grapes, and figs, and all manner 
 of burdens, which they brought into Jerusalem on the 
 sabbath day : and I testified against them in the day 
 wherein they sold victuals. There dwelt men of Tyre i6 
 also therein, which brought in fish, and all manner of 
 ware, and sold on the sabbath unto the children of 
 Judah, and in Jerusalem. Then I contended with the 17 
 nobles of Judah, and said unto them^ What evil thing is 
 " Or, heaps of cotii 
 
 process of making wine the grapes were placed in a stone recep- 
 tacle called gat (Eng. 'wine-press ') and afterwards trodden with 
 bare feet. The juice thus obtained passed into a lower receptacle 
 csWcd ye geb (Eng. 'wine-vat'). Often wine-press and wine-vat 
 were hewn out of the solid rock in situ. The E.VV. do not con- 
 sistently observe the distinction between these words, for yegeb 
 ('wine-vat') is called 'wine-press' in some nine or ten cases, 
 e.g. Num. xviii. 27, 30 ; Deut. xv. 14; Judges vii. 21 ; Job v. 2; 
 Jer. xlviii. 31, &c. 
 
 bringing' in : i. e. harvesting. 
 
 sheaves : the margin is better. 
 The order in which the treading of wine-presses and the 
 in-gathering of corn is mentioned here is not that of nature, as 
 the vintage is later than the corn harvest by many weeks. 
 
 Z testified, &c. : Hebrew idiom requires that the verb should 
 be followed by the preposition translated ' in ' (the day). It 
 would make the construction simpler and the sense clearer if we 
 read with Bertholet (making a few changes) : ' And I testified 
 against them when they sold victuals.' The M.T. is understood to 
 say that the goods brought into Jerusalem were not sold until 
 some day in the following week ; but the construction is singular 
 and vague, as the English will show. Bertheau, Schultz, Ryssel, 
 and Ryle thought that no actual selling took place on the Sabbath, 
 but ver. 16 proves the contrary. 
 
 16. men of Tyre : perhaps descendants of those who helped in 
 the rebuilding of the Temple (Ezra iii. 7) ; or they may have 
 settled in the city to receive and sell (dried) fish sent them by 
 kinsmen. ' Sidon ' (near Tyre) means probably • Fishing town.' 
 
 the children of Jndah, and in Jerusalem : omit and with 
 Arab., Syr., Vulg., and some MSS., rendering 'the Judahites in 
 Jerusalem.' 
 
 17. nobles: sec on ii. 16. Nehemiah concentrates his censure 
 
284 NEHEMIAH 13. 18-22. N 
 
 1 8 this that ye do^ and profane the sabbath day ? Did not 
 your fathers thus, and did not our God bring all this evil 
 upon us, and upon this city ? yet ye bring more wrath 
 
 19 upon Israel by profaning the sabbath. And it came to 
 pass that, when the gates of Jerusalem began to be dark 
 before the sabbath, I commanded that the doors should 
 be shut, and commanded that they shoi^ld not be opened 
 till after the sabbath : and some of my servants set I 
 over the gates, that there should no burden be brought 
 
 ::o in on the sabbath day. So the merchants and sellers of 
 all kind of ware lodged without Jerusalem once or twice. 
 
 21 Then I testified against them, and said unto them, Why 
 lodge ye ^ about the wall ? if ye do so again, I will lay 
 hands on you. From that time forth came they no more 
 
 22 on the sabbath. And I commanded the Levites that 
 
 ^ Heb. before. 
 
 on them because they were responsible for the existing state of 
 things. 
 
 profane: secularize, i.e. treat the Sabbath as an ordinary day. 
 
 18. See Jer. xvii. 2i ff. and cf. Ezra's prayer (Ezra ix. 6-15) 
 and Nehemiah's (ix> 
 
 your fathers . . . our God: note the striking contrast of 
 pronouns. 
 
 upon us: i.e. upon our nation. LXX^, Luc.^ Guthe read 
 'upon them and upon us.' 
 
 19-22. The regulations made by Nehemiah. 
 
 19. when the grates . . . began to he dark: more literally, 
 * as soon as the gates . . , began to have shadows on them,' or * to 
 have darkness on them.' 
 
 The gates were large stone structures with doors on either side, 
 and usually a large one in the centre. It was through the side doors 
 that passengers entered, the ordinary traffic (horses, &c.) passing 
 through the central door, or rather gate : see on vi. i. 
 
 20. Though goods could not be brought into the city on the 
 Sabbath, the people went out to buy, so that the Sabbath was 
 broken all the same. 
 
 22. What were the Levites commanded to do? 
 
 1. To cleanse themselves ceremonially: see Ezra vi. 20; Neh. 
 xii. 30. 
 
 2. Having temporarily appointed some of his own servants 
 
NEHEMIAH 13. 23-25. N 285 
 
 they should purify themselves, and that they should come 
 and keep the gates, to sanctify the sabbath day. Re- 
 member unto me, O my God, this also, and spare 
 me according to the greatness of thy mercy. 
 
 In those days also saw I the Jews that ^^had married 23 
 women of Ashdod, of Ammon, and of Moab : and their 24 
 children spake half in the speech of Ashdod, and could 
 not speak in the Jews' language, but according to the lan- 
 guage of each people. And I contended with them, and 25 
 ^ cursed them, and smote certain of them, and plucked 
 
 * Heb. had made to dweli with them. ^ Or, reviled 
 
 (see on iv. 16) to guard the gates during the Sabbath, Nehemiah 
 made permanent appointment of some Levites to undertake the 
 task. Reuss thinks that it is the Temple gates alone that the 
 Levites are here commanded to watch, but through these gates 
 goods for sale could hardly be brought. It must be admitted, 
 however, that the Hebrew is strange. 
 
 23-29. Neheinialts strenuous protest against mixed marriages : 
 see ix. 2, x. 28, 30 ; Ezra ix. i ff., x. i ff . 
 
 23. saw I: perhaps during a tour of inspection (see ver. 15). 
 Ixad married : see R.Vm. and on Ezra x. 2. 
 
 24. their cliildreu : the marriages were of some standing, as 
 the children were old enough to be able to speak. 
 
 speecli of Aslidod : perhaps a dialectical variety of Hebrew, 
 but as we have no specimen of it its real character must always 
 remain a problem ^. 
 
 the Jews' langnagfe : such Heb. as Nehemiah spoke and 
 wrote. It is a great mistake to think that the Jews spoke Aramaic 
 and not Hebrew after the return, though that was once the common 
 view. Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, and Nehemiah are written in 
 excellent Hebrew, and so is most of Ezra. 
 
 according to the language : an awkward sentence, and 
 probably (with the LXX) to be rejected as a gloss. The words 
 can mean only that the other half spoke in the languages or dialects 
 of the Ammonites and Moabites. 
 
 25. I contended: see verses 11, 17, 
 
 cursed them : i. e. the men. The same verb occurs in ver. 2, 
 Mai. iii. 9, iv. 6. The curse would be conditional li^see on x. 29), 
 
 ^ An Egyptian inscription of the 26th Dynasty (cir. B. c 660) 
 mentions the language of the Philistines as a distinct form of speech 
 — so says Professor Sayce. 
 
286 NEHEMIAH 13. 26-28. N 
 
 off their hair, and made them swear by God, saying^ 
 Ye shall not give your daughters unto their sons, 
 nor take their daughters for your sons, or for yourselves. 
 36 Did not Solomon king of Israel sin by these things? 
 yet among many nations was there no king like him, 
 and he was beloved of his God, and God made him 
 king over all Israel : nevertheless even him did strange 
 
 27 women cause to sin. Shall we then hearken unto you to 
 do all this great evil, to trespass against our God in 
 
 28 marrying strange women ? And one of the sons of 
 Joiada, the son of Eliashib the high priest, was son in law 
 to Sanballat the Horonite : therefore I chased him from 
 
 'May ye suffer . . . if ye put not away your strange wives.' The 
 same verb in another species {Hiph.) means to treat with contempt, 
 lit., 'to make little of (a Welsh idiom', and Gesenius, Dathe, Lee, 
 and others so explain here (see R.Vm). But without altering the 
 vowels it can hardly have this sense here. 
 
 smote: in Egypt, Palestine, &c., persons are whipped with 
 the koorbash and struck with the hand in a way that would be 
 firmly resented in the West by the most menial. 
 
 plucked off their hair : see on Ezra ix. 3. 
 
 26. Did not Solomon, &c. : see i Kings xi. 1-8, iii. 17 ; 2 Sam. 
 xii. 25. 
 
 no king like him: see i Kings iii. 12 f. ; 2 Chron. i. 12. 
 strange (= 'foreign') women : see on Ezra x. 2. 
 
 27. Shall we then hearken, &c. : the verb is in form either 
 passive third per. sing, or active first per. plur. We should probably 
 render, 'As regards you (first for emphasis) is it ( = can it be) 
 reported that ye do all this/ &c. (see Deut. iv. 32) : so Bertheau, 
 Ryssel,Bertholet, &c. But Siegfried and others prefer to follow the 
 LXX, Vulg., and the E.VV., rendering 'Shall we then listen to 
 you ' (i.e. your pleadings, &c.), ' that you may do,' &c. ' If Solomon 
 failed to avoid the connecting evils, is it likely that you will?' 
 
 28. Eliashib the high priest: the latter words can as well, 
 according to the Heb , go with Joiada (xii. lo), so that it is not 
 certain that Eliashib was at the time alive. 
 
 Sanballat : see on ii. 10. 
 
 I chased him, &c. : i. e. apparently, ' I expelled him from 
 the community.' 
 
 It is with this incident that Josephus ^ connects the building of 
 
 ^ Antiq. .\i. 7, 2; V. S, 2 f . 
 
NEHEMIAH 13. 29-31. N 287 
 
 me. Remember them, O my God, '^because they have 29 
 defiled the priesthood, and the covenant of the priest- 
 hood, and of the Levites. Thus cleansed I them from 30 
 t» all strangers, and appointed wards for the priests and for 
 the Levites, every one in his work ; and for the wood 31 
 offering, at times appointed, and for the firstfruits. 
 Remember me, O my God, for good. 
 
 '^ Heb. /or the defilings of dfc. ^ Or, every thing strange 
 
 the Temple on Mount Gerizim in the time of Alexander the Great. 
 But it is probable that he confounds the present incident with the 
 expulsion of Manasses in 330 b. c. 
 
 29. Bemember, &c. : in a bad sense, as in vi. 14. Contrast the 
 force of the same verb in ver. 31, dec. 
 
 defiled the priesthood: see Lev. xx. 13-15. Joiada, if not 
 
 now high-priest, was to hold that position after his father's death. 
 
 the covenant of, &c. : render, * the covenant of the priests 
 
 (so Luc, Guthe) and of the Levites' (see Mai. ii. 4-9, and Deut. 
 
 xxxiii. 9). 
 
 30 f. Nehemiah' s own resume of the work he did. 
 
 30. (cleansed I) them : i. e. the priests and Levites. 
 
 from all strangfers : Heb. ' from everything foreign,' i. e. 
 foreign wives, religious rites, &c. 
 
 wards : successive watches or courses of priests and Levites 
 (see on xii. 44 f.). 
 
 in his work: i. e. Temple service. Better ,'with LXX^^, Lt<c., 
 Guthe), ' according to his work.' The change is of one consonant 
 for another almost exactly like it. 
 
 31. the wood offering: see on x. 34. 
 firstfruits : see on x. 35-37. 
 
 Remember me, &c. : see verses 14, 22, v. 19. 
 
THE BOOK OF ESTHER 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 AND 
 
 REVISED VERSION WITH ANNOTATIONS 
 
 U 2 
 
ESTHER 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 I. Name of the Book. 
 
 This book is called in the Talm. B ^ Megillat Ester, or 
 'The Roll of Esther' (see under next section). It is also 
 called by way of pre-eminence ' The Roll,' on account of 
 the peculiar respect in which it was held. 
 
 In editions of the Hebrew Bible it is called simply 
 'Esther,' as it is also in the Greek versions. In the 
 Syriac (Pesh.) and Vulg. the title is ' Book of Esther.' 
 
 In the enlarged version of the book current among the 
 Alexandrians the name ' The Epistle of Purim ' seems to 
 have been given it, from a misunderstanding of Esther ix. 
 20, 29 (see on). But this title never came into general 
 use, even at Alexandria. 
 
 II. Place in the Canon. 
 In our Hebrew Bible this book appears last of the five 
 ' rolls ' (Megillot), all of which are in the third ' Canon ' 
 of the O.T., that called the Ketubim ('writings') or 
 Hagiographa (* Holy Things,' so called on account of the 
 presence of the Psalms in it). The first of the five rolls 
 to be so called was Esther, which received the name 'The 
 Roll ' at this time when, through its connexion with Purim, 
 it came to be written on a separate parchment roll. On 
 account of its being read during Purim ^ the term * roll ' 
 came to be applied to four other books read on other 
 festivals as follows: — (i) Canticles, read on Passover: 
 
 ^ Baba Bathra, xiv b. 
 
 - The rules for the reading are given in full in the Talmudic 
 Tract Megillah. 
 
292 ESTHER 
 
 (2) Ruth, read on Pentecost ; (3) Lamentations, read 
 on the ninth of Ab, the day set apart for the commemora- 
 tion of the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 ; (4) Qoheleth 
 (Ecclesiastes), read during the Feast of Tabernacles. For 
 other positions of this book in the MSS. and other edi- 
 tions of the Hebrew and Greek Bibles see Ryle, on The 
 Canon of the O.TA'^\ p. 292 ff., &c. 
 
 In the Talm. B. Berak. 57 B, we have a twofold arrange- 
 ment of the Ketiibivi [Hagiographa). 
 
 1. The large * K.' (Psalms, Proverbs, Job). 
 
 2. The small * K.' (Canticles, Qoheleth, and Lamen- 
 tations). 
 
 In his valuable work on the Canon (^) ^ Professor (now 
 Bishop) Ryle makes a mistake in substituting Esther 
 for Lamentations in (2) above. 
 
 The Talmudic passage is translated and commented on 
 by the present writer in The Interpreter, July, 1909. 
 
 Esther is among the Antilegouiena, or disputed books 
 of the Hebrew Canon, the others being Ezekiel, Jonah, 
 Proverbs, Canticles, and Qoheleth. The right of Esther 
 to a place in the Canon was contested by many leading 
 Jews and Christians down to the fourth century of our 
 era. Paton (p. 97) affirms, what neither he nor any one 
 else has proved, that the Jewish Synod held at Jamnia in 
 A. D. 90 decreed this book to be canonical. It is absent 
 from the list of O.T. books given by representative Jews to 
 Melito, Bishop of Sardis (d. a. d. 175), and in the fourth 
 century both Athanasius and Gregory Nazianzen ^ (d. 389) 
 denied it to be canonical. In the Eastern Church its 
 canonicity was a matter of dispute even in the Middle 
 Ages, for it was stoutly denied by Nicephorus Callistus^ 
 (d. circa 1330), though its recognition in the West was 
 finally secured through its acceptance by the Council of 
 Carthage (A. D. 397). 
 
 ' p. 293. 
 
 2 Wildeboer, Canon, &c., 77. 
 
 ' Westcott, The Bible in the Church, p. 227. 
 
INTRODUCTION 293 
 
 One has to bear in mind the following features of the 
 book to understand the suspicion with which it was 
 regarded alike by Jews and Christians. 
 
 1. The Divine Being is not once mentioned or referred 
 to from end to end of the book (this applies, however, to 
 I Mace, also in critical texts) : see on v. 4. 
 
 2. No other part of the O.T. is referred to in this book, 
 not even the Torah, nor is anything said about Jerusalem, 
 the Temple, sacrifice, or about any festival except Purim, 
 which has a secular origin and has no sanction in the 
 Torah, &c. 
 
 3. The book is not once quoted in the N.T., a state- 
 ment which, however, is equally true of Canticles, Oohe- 
 leth, Ezra, Nehemiah, and even the prophetical books 
 Obadiah, Nahum, and Zephaniah. 
 
 4. More important than the absence of religious phrase- 
 ology and of the religious spirit is the presence throughout 
 the book of a low ethical standard. It is true that the 
 treachery and cruelty of Haman are by implication con- 
 demned, but the writer gloats over the equal cruelty of 
 Mordecai and Esther. Nothing seems wrong if only it 
 furthers the advancement of the Jews — not of Judaism — 
 for this last there is no concern whatever. 
 
 It is not, therefore, surprising that Luther wished the 
 book did not exist, and that Ewald^ said of it : * Its story 
 knows nothing of high and pure truths. In it we fall as 
 if from heaven to earth.' 
 
 The book would never have been admitted into the 
 Canon at all but that it gives an ostensible account of the 
 origin of the Purim Feast, which the Jews had made 
 religious, and supplies reasons for its observance. 
 
 Nevertheless in quite early times Esther came to occupy 
 a position in the esteem and veneration of Jews second to 
 the Torah (Pentateuch) alone, a position which it con- 
 tinues to hold. Rabbi b. Lakish {circa A. D. 300) says 
 that Esther stands next to the Torah^ while Maimonides 
 
 ^ History (Eng. Trans.), i. 197. 
 
294 ESTHER 
 
 (d. A. D. T204) says that when the Messiah comes the 
 other books of the O.T. may pass away, but the Torah 
 and Esther will abide for ever. 
 
 Apocryphal Additions to Esther. 
 
 In the oldest and best MSS. of the LXX (B.A., the 
 Sinaitic, &c.) the book of Esther is much larger than in the 
 M.T., for it contains 270 verses as compared with 163 in 
 the Hebrew text. These additions are scattered through- 
 out the book, and have for aim the supplying of the reli- 
 gious element which in the book is quite lacking. In 
 Jerome's version and in the Vulg., which is based on it, 
 the longest and most important of these additions are 
 taken out of their context and put together at the end of 
 the Canonical book, thus making them in a large measure 
 unintelligible. In English, Welsh, and other modern 
 versions not dependent on the Vulg., the above additions 
 appear in the Apocrypha (' The Rest of the Chapters of 
 the Book of Esther '). The editions of the LXX by 
 Tischendorf-Nestle, Swete, &c., include these parts, and 
 place them in their original connexion, which is the arrange- 
 ment followed in the English translation of the LXX by 
 Brereton. Thompson's English LXX leaves out the 
 Apocrypha altogether, rendering the canonical parts only of 
 the Greek Bible. ' The Rest of . . . Esther ' is so obviously 
 a later attempt to correct the non-religious character of 
 the original Esther that no modern scholar defends their 
 genuineness or could do so with any show of reason. 
 
 In the notes on Esther in the present volume the 
 Apocryphal parts of the book are indicated by square 
 brackets in the context in which they occur in the LXX, 
 thus [Apoc. Esther xi. 2-xii. 6]. In Swete's edition they 
 are designated by the letters A, B, &c., as follows : — 
 
 A (Lat. Eng. xi. 2-xii. 6) : Mordecai's dream ; how he 
 came to honour ; precedes Esther i. i. 
 
 B (Lat. Eng. xiii. 1-7) : Letter of Artaxerxes ; follows 
 Esther iii. 13. 
 
INTRODUCTION 295 
 
 C (Lat. Eng. xiii. 8-xiv. 19) : The prayers of Mordecai 
 and Esther ; follows Esther iv. 17. 
 
 D (Lat. XV. 4-19, Eng. xvi. 1-16): Esther visits the 
 king and wins his favour ; follows C, preceding immedi- 
 ately Esther v. 
 
 E (Lat. Eng. xvi. 1-24) : Letter of Artaxerxes ; follows 
 Esther viii. 12. 
 
 r (Lat. Eng. x. 4-xi) : Epilogue describing the estab- 
 lishment of Purim ; follows Esther x. 3. 
 
 Besides the lengthy interpolations noticed above there 
 are also in the LXX small additions which are omitted 
 from the Latin version and therefore from the English and 
 Welsh Apocrypha, these additions being for the most 
 part explanatory glosses. There are also in the LXX 
 numerous omissions of words and sentences found in the 
 M.T. A careful study of the additions and of the omis- 
 sions makes it evident that the M.T. represents the original 
 text of the book. 
 
 Modern scholars almost to a man agree that the ' Addi- 
 tions ' are some decades later in date (say 100 B. C.) than 
 the Canonical Esther, though they owe their existence to 
 the same movement of thought and feeling as those which 
 prompted our Esther and the many Targums and 
 Midrashes on the book. Some writers (chiefly Roman 
 Catholic divines like Langen, Kaulen, and Scholtz) 
 maintain that the original language of the ' Additions ' 
 was Hebrew or Aramaic. But a careful study of the text 
 makes it plain that its language is that of one writing 
 originally in Greek and not translating. And many other 
 considerations confirm the conclusion thus reached. See 
 Ryssel, Kautzsch. Apoc. i. 193 ff., and Fuller, Speaker's 
 Bible, Apoc. i.36 2ff. 
 
 III. Abstract of Contents. 
 The book gives the history of Esther and her cousin 
 Mordecai, and tells how the former became Xerxes' queen 
 and Mordecai that king's grand vizier, and how both 
 
296 ESTHER 
 
 secured the deliverance of their people the Jews from the 
 massacre planned by Haman, in commemoration of which 
 deliverance the Feast of Purim was established. 
 
 For more detailed analysis see the annotations on the 
 text in which the various sections and subsections of 
 Esther and the ' Rest of Esther' are lakl out and sum- 
 marized. 
 
 IV. Aim and Character of the Book. 
 
 The Commentaries and Introductions say with practi- 
 cally one voice that the purpose contemplated in writing 
 this book was to supply motives for the keeping of the Feast 
 Purim. But this is a superficial view to take. Why should 
 the Jews of the circle to which the writer belonged be 
 obsessed by a desire to make this particular festival^ 
 about which their law says nothing, permanent ? And 
 why with such a desire was such a book as Esther written ? 
 To the first question the present writer's answer is that this 
 institution had become a part of the nation's life and 
 could not be suppressed. The question would naturally 
 arise, If this feast of heathen origin and with heathen 
 suggestions must he tolerated, how can it be emptied of 
 its heathen contents and be made the channel through 
 which Jewish patriotism, such as had been recently dis- 
 played in the Maccabean wars, should be expressed and 
 reinforced ? That was the task the writer seems to have 
 set before him, and in the Hebrew Esther we have his 
 attempt to perform it — an admirable attempt too, judged 
 from the literary and every other point of view, though at 
 times the author is guilty of inconsistencies and anachron- 
 isms which will be pointed out and commented on in the 
 notes. 
 
 Esther is therefore a didactic romance, a novel with a 
 purpose, like many of the novels of Charles Kingsley, 
 Dickens, and George Eliot. 
 
 Is the book historical in the literal sense "i To this 
 question the answer of the older commentators and of 
 many moderns has been * Yes ' (Havernick, Keil, &c.). 
 
INTRODUCTION 297 
 
 Since the time of Semler (Professor at Halle, d. 1791), 
 who made a vigorous onslaught upon the historicity of the 
 book, scholars have come more and more to regard Esther 
 as a romance, composed to set forth and illustrate the 
 ideas the author wished to have connected with Purim. 
 An intermediate position is taken up by many scholars 
 (Schultz, &c.), viz. that there is a basis of fact in the book, 
 though the latter is to a large extent the work of the 
 writer's imagination, controlled, of course, by his purpose. 
 No one has up to the present been able to find out this 
 nucleus of fact and to support it from external sources. 
 The historical background of the book is almost certainly 
 the patriotism evoked by the Maccabean wars, as Spinoza \ 
 that marvellous forerunner in philosophy, science, and 
 biblical criticism, surmised, though he assigned a simi- 
 lar date for Ezra-Nehemiah, which is absurd, as well as 
 for Daniel, which is reasonable. 
 
 The following considerations make it impossible to 
 regard Esther as a record of actual occurrences. 
 
 1. The period implied is that of Xerxes I (see on i. i), 
 who reigned from 485 to 465. But its second hero, Mor- 
 decai, is said to have been one of the exiles taken with 
 Jehoiachin in 597 (ii. 6). This would make Mordecai 
 when he first comes before us in this book some 130 years 
 old and Esther, who won the king's heart by her virgin 
 charms, 70 at least ! Rawlinson's way out of this 
 difficulty is not a happy one (see Speaker's Comm. on 
 ii. 6). 
 
 2. According to this book (i. 12) women and men could 
 not eat together, even in Persia ; but we know from 
 ancient historians'* that this is contrary to fact. The 
 writer transfers the habits of his own time and country to 
 a time and country which do not suit, though for his own 
 immediate purpose it matters little, if anything. 
 
 3. Persian history knows nothing of any queen of Xerxes 
 
 ' See Tradahis Theol.-Pol. cap. x. ^ Her. ix. iiof., &c. 
 
298 ESTHER 
 
 except one called Amestris, who, though at one time 
 divorced, was afterwards restored.^ 
 
 4. Persian law required that the king should take his 
 wife or wives from one of seven Persian noble families, so 
 that it would have been impossible for Esther, a Jewess, to 
 become a Persian queen.'^ 
 
 5. It is very improbable that Esther could for so long a 
 time have concealed her relationship with Mordecai and 
 her Jewish descent from court, king, and people (see on 
 ii. 10). 
 
 6. What purpose could be served by keeping the virgin 
 candidates in a kind of quarantine for a whole year ? See 
 on ii. 12. 
 
 7. It is unlikely, to say the least, that either Haman the 
 Amalekite (see on iii. i) or Mordecai the Jew should have 
 risen to be the chief ruler in Persia next to Xerxes, and in 
 non-biblical history there is no intimation that anything of 
 the kind took place or could take place. 
 
 8. It is improbable that the whole of Susa should have 
 been so deeply stirred by episodes in the history of the 
 Jewish population, and only a Jew could have written 
 iii. 15 and viii. 15, and that with a view to national glori- 
 fication. 
 
 9. In the hundred and twenty provinces of Persia (see 
 on i. i) and the eighty days' banquet (see on i. 14) we 
 have other examples of the writer's tendency towards 
 exaggerated statements, so as to give piquancy to his 
 tale. 
 
 10. That the king should have quite forgotten the 
 benefactor who had saved his life (ii. 21 flf. and vi. i ff.) is 
 another of the improbabilities of the book. 
 
 V. Unity and Integrity. 
 
 With the exception of small parts (words, phrases, and 
 some verses) the whole of the book as it appears in the 
 
 1 Her. vii. 14 ; ix. 112. 2 jb^ [^^ 84. 
 
INTRODUCTION 299 
 
 Hebrew is acknowledged to be by one writer as far as 
 ix. 19. Most modern critics regard ix. 20-32 as belonging 
 to a dififerent source: so J. D. Michaelis, Kamphausen, 
 Ryssel, Oettli, Konig, Wildeboer, Baudissin, and Paton, 
 the latter including, as must be done, x. 1-3. The 
 grounds on which these writers go refer to language and 
 subject-matter. 
 
 1. There are in ix. 20 ff. words and expressions not 
 found in the earlier part of the book, and, on the contrary, 
 many words and expressions common in the earlier part 
 are here absent. See an excellent list in Paton, 59 f. 
 
 2. As regards the contents, there are items in ix. 2oflf. 
 inconsistent with what has gone before. According to 
 vii. 15 and ix. 14, Haman and his sons were impaled at 
 different times, but ix. 25 seems to mean that they were 
 impaled all at one time. In vi. 12-viii. 2 Esther comes 
 before us as the deliverer of the Jews, but in ix. 25 she is 
 not even mentioned in connexion with the affair. The 
 king's sentence upon Haman in vii. 8f. and ix. 25 appears 
 to be different and to imply a different source : see further 
 Paton, 57 ff. It must be owned, however, that the contra- 
 dictions pointed out by recent writers are not very mani- 
 fest in many cases, and it has to be borne in mind that 
 there are inconsistencies in i-ix. 19, as Paton himself 
 admits ^ Thus, in ii. 5 Mordecai is one of the captives of 
 597; in viii. 2, 123 years later, he becomes chief minister 
 of Persia and displays in his policy all the vigour of 
 a young man. 
 
 It should be added that ix. 20-x. 3 does not seem very 
 essential to the completeness of the book, and it looks 
 much like an addition made at a later time when Purim 
 was kept by Jews generally during two days. 
 
 VI. Date and Authorship. 
 The book was written about 130 B.C. The evidence 
 for this is of two kinds, external and internal. 
 
 ^ Com. 72. 
 
300 ESTHER 
 
 1. External. Apart from Esther itself we find no 
 earlier reference to Purim than that which occurs in 
 2 Mace. XV. 36, where we read that Nicanor's day 
 (13th Adar) was followed by Mordecai's day, i.e. 
 Purim. Now this Apocryphal book is not much older 
 than the commencement of the Christian era. In Sir. 
 xliv-xli (date ci7'ca 180 B. c.) there is a long list of Israel's 
 worthies, but the names of Esther and Mordecai are 
 lacking, almost certainly because the Book of Esther had 
 not been written. A footnote to the Greek Esther says 
 that the book was brought to Egypt in the fourth year of 
 Ptolemy and Cleopatra (i. e. probably Ptolemy Philometor, 
 d. 146). This reference shows that Esther was in circu- 
 lation by the end of the second century B.C., if not earlier. 
 
 Josephus (d. cbxa A. D. 95) was well acquainted with 
 this book and looked upon it as ancient.^ 
 
 2. Internal Evidence, (i) The style. Though the 
 author makes a courageous attempt to write in the 
 Hebrew of an earlier time— the time, in fact, of Xerxes I 
 (d. 495) — and avoids some words characteristic of his 
 own day (e.g. the short relative sh^ &c.), yet the book 
 abounds in late words (Aramaisms, &c.). See the Intro- 
 ductions of Kuenen (Dutch and German) and Driver, 
 and the commentaries of Ber.-Rys., and Paton. 
 
 The Hebrew of Esther resembles closely that of 
 Chronicles, Daniel, and especially that of Ecclesiastes, 
 only that as this book is the latest in the O.T. it has 
 some fresh marks of a later date. 
 
 (2) Matter. The book reflects a period of strong 
 national spirit and pride, a rebound from a feeling of 
 depression and shame which seems to have but recently 
 passed away. Some great victory on the part of the Jews 
 over their foes appears to be at the back of the book and 
 to form a large part of the inspiration of the writer. Such 
 a state of things existed about 130 B. C, at the close of 
 
 ^ Antiq. xi. 6. 
 
INTRODUCTION 301 
 
 the Maccabean wars, and this date or one near it has 
 been generally fixed upon by recent scholars. The 
 embittered narrow national sentiment of the book suits 
 no period so well as this one. 
 
 The references to Jewish proselytes in viii. 17 and ix. 27 
 prove that the book could not have been written earlier 
 than the third century B. c. 
 
 That the author was a Jew is made evident by the 
 intense nationalism which he displays and also by the 
 excellent Hebrew in which he writes, ii, 5 gives some 
 support to the view that he was a Benjamite. The fact 
 that he makes no reference to Jerusalem, the Temple, 
 sacrifice, or the feasts, goes far to prove that he was 
 not a resident at Jerusalem, or even in Palestine. The 
 Persian words he uses and the Persian complexion which 
 the book bears makes it likely that he had lived long in 
 Persia, though more than that one may not say with any 
 confidence. 
 
 VII. The Feast Purim and the Word 'Pur.' 
 
 The present writer has of set purpose held back his 
 necessarily brief discussion of the above points to the 
 close of this Introduction, as he is of opinion that a clear 
 conception of the aim and drift of this book can be 
 obtained without their consideration. Opinions on both 
 these questions have been so numerous and conflicting 
 that they are greatly in danger of hiding the main issue 
 and of confusing the reader. In order to understand the 
 plays of Shakespeare one is not bound to know all or 
 much about the sources which he has used, though for 
 a history of the plays, as for a history of the rise of 
 Esther, a study of sources is unavoidable. For the view 
 of the book which has been given ^ it is necessary to 
 assume that the Feast of Purim is of non-Jewish origin, but 
 that it came to have such vogue among Jews that it could 
 
302 ESTHER 
 
 not be got rid of. It was therefore made into a Jewish 
 feast and commended by a romance based on Babylonian 
 (or Persian?) mythology, which served to express and 
 foster the patriotism which recent events had called forth. 
 Many scholars, however^ hold that this feast arose for the 
 first time on Jewish ground, most of these holding with 
 J. D. Michaelis, Reuss, &c., that it was instituted to 
 commemorate the victory of Judas Maccabaeus over 
 Nicanor, general of the Syrian army, on the 13th Adar, 
 161 B. c} Paul Haupt ably and interestingly defends this 
 view in his Purzm.^ If, however, the festival had a Jewish 
 origin it must have received a Jewish name. But Ptir is 
 admittedly not a Hebrew word, and Haupt himself 
 derives it from * an old Persian equivalent of the Vedic 
 ptirti = portion ' : so Purijn = portions, gifts (Esther 
 ix. 19, 22). Moreover, no Jew at this period of national 
 awakening and of narrow national zeal would have dreamt 
 of calling in a tale based on heathen mythology to bolster 
 up a native feast. 
 
 The view which commands the strongest support 
 among modern scholars is that which regards Purim as 
 the continuation of the Babylonian New Year's Feast Zag- 
 muk held in the month Nisan (March-April : see on Ezra 
 X. 9, 17). So Zimmern^, Jensen, Noldeke, Winckler, and 
 Frazer*. Zimmern, following a hint of Lagarde, derived 
 pur from the Babylonian piikhru (' an assembly '), another 
 name of the above Babylonian feast, so called because on 
 that day the gods, presided over by Marduk, met in 
 assembly to decide by lot the events of the opening year. 
 It is, however, hard to see how ///-r can come {rompuMru, 
 and Zimmern has now abandoned this etymology ^ 
 
 Zimmern further connects the names *Mordecai' and 
 'Marduk ^' and the names 'Esther' and ' Ishtar,' as is 
 
 ^ See I Mac. vii. 40-45 ; Jos. Antiq. xii. 408. 
 2 8vo, pp. S3, Leipzig, 1906. ^ stade's ZA TIV. 1891, 157 ff. 
 * Golden Bough"^, iii. p. 151 flf. ^ See KATS') 518. 
 
 ^ lb. 395 ; see on Esther ii. 5. 
 
INTRODUCTION 303 
 
 now generally done. Jensen has pointed out the mteresting 
 coincidence that Marduk and Ishtar are cousins. But it 
 must be admitted that Marduk the god and Mordecai the 
 Jew play very different parts, and it is to be noted that 
 Zagmuk was held in the very beginning of Nisan, Piirim 
 in the middle of the preceding month. 
 
 Jensen has developed the theory of Zimmern still further, 
 making, however, many modifications as well as additions. 
 He holds that in Esther the principal source is Baby- 
 lonian, but that Elamite mythology has been also drawn 
 upon, and in particular the Gilgames legend, which 
 Jensen makes the source of most of the tales in the O.T., 
 the Iliad, and of even the life of Christ. Hadassah, 
 Esther's other name = the Babylonian hadashattc, bride, 
 used as a title for goddesses. 
 
 Haman = Humban or Humman, the chief god of the 
 Elamites, in whose chief city, Susa, the events of the book 
 occur (yet Haman was no god !). Vashti is connected 
 with the Mashti or Vashti of the Elamite inscriptions. 
 Other names in the book are similarly explained. Jensen 
 derives Pur from a hypothetical Babylonian ptcru or bum 
 = ' a stone,' then (but what proof is there of this ?) * a lot ' ; 
 but we now know that the word should be read barti. 
 
 Bruno Meissner^ adopting most of what Zimmern says, 
 holds that we have at the basis of Esther an Ishtar, not 
 a Marduk legend. 
 
 Lagarde traces the Purim Feast to the Persian All- 
 Saints Festival held in honour of the departed, and the 
 word pur to the Persian name of that Feast of the Dead, 
 Farwardigdn. In this etymology he was, however, anti- 
 cipated by von Hammer in 1872,^ and even by that 
 rare English theologian and Orientalist, Thomas Hyde 
 (d. 1703), who assisted Walton in his Polyglot, and wrote 
 a very learned work in Latin on the ' Religion of the 
 Ancient Persians.' But this derivation has been proved 
 
 1 ZDMG. 1896, p. 266, &c. = IVien. Jahrb.fiit Lit. 
 
 X 
 
304 ESTHER 
 
 to be philologically impossible ^ and Lagarde himself gave 
 it up in later years in favour of an etymology (the Mandaic 
 puJr,'d, meal) said to be akin to that afterwards adopted 
 by Kommel and Zimmern "^ {pukhru, ' a festive assembly '). 
 
 Schwally^ accepts Zimmern's former etymology pukhm, 
 but with it combines Lagarde's identification of the feasts 
 Purimandthe Persian Farwardigan. In both there is feasting, 
 in the latter the dead being supposed to share (cf. Jer. xvi. 7) ; 
 in both presents were exchanged. With Schwally, as later 
 with Jensen, the descent of Gilgames into the lower world 
 sugge3ted the doctrine of the resurrection \ The absence 
 of Divine names from the book is to be attributed (Schwally 
 thinks) to the unwillingness of Jewish scholars to admit 
 the book into the Canon unless the name of God was left out 
 of a composition admittedly based on the cult of ancestors. 
 
 Gratz's theory of a Greek origin for Purim ( = Pithorgia) 
 and his Hebrew etymology of the word [purah, 'winepress,' 
 so previously J. D. Michaelis) have found no followers. 
 
 For full and excellent discussions of the whole question 
 see Introductions to the commentaries of Wildeboer and 
 Paton, and the monographs by Paul Haupt (already 
 mentioned), Wilhelm Erbt, Die Ptirimsage in der Bibel 
 (Berlin, 1900), and (from the Jewish conservative point of 
 view) Sigmund Jampel, Die Beiirteilung des Estherbuches 
 und des Puri^nfestes (Pressburg, 1905). 
 
 For interesting accounts of the mediaeval and modern 
 observance of Purim see I. Abraham's yi^w/j/^ Life in the 
 Middle Ages, p. 260 ff. (he calls it the Jewish Carnival), 
 Jeiuish Encyc, ' Purim,' and The Home atid Synagogue of 
 the Mode7'n feiu,^. 139 ff. The thirteenth day is observed 
 as a fast. On the fourteenth the Roll of Esther is read. 
 The fifteenth is kept as a very merry day, many excesses 
 (drinking, &c.) being often indulged in. 
 
 ^ See Haupt, op. cit. p. 21. 2 ZATW. 1891, 157 ff. 
 
 ' Das Lehen nach dent 7 ode (1892), p. 42-5. 
 * See this matter ably discussed by Orr, The Resurrection 
 of Jesus, 242 ff. 
 
INTRODUCTION 305 
 
 For list of abbreviations see pp. 35 ff. 
 Literature. 
 
 The following is a list of the important exegetical works on 
 Esther used by the author, most of them referred to in the 
 notes. The present writer has consulted many other works, 
 ancient and modern, though in every case he has tried to give 
 his own judgement after consulting the text, versions, Tar- 
 gums, &c. 
 
 The commentaries by the following include Esther as well 
 as Ezra-Nehemiah (see p. 36) : — 
 
 Adeney, W. P., Bertheau and Ber.-Rys., Kamphausen, Keil, 
 Oettli, Rawlinson, F. W. Schultz, Siegfried. 
 
 Note besides commentaries on Esther by the following : — 
 Cassel, D. : Trans, by A. Bernstein. 
 
 Haley, J. W. (and others) : Many useful hints and references. 
 Paton, L. B. (T. & T. Clark) : The most up-to-date com- 
 mentary existing and the fullest in English, though the 
 writer withholds his own opinion too much or it is lost 
 in the details of other opinions. 
 Scholz, A. (German) : Contains a great mass of materials, but 
 
 very fanciful in its interpretations. 
 Streane, A. W. : Camb. Bible, short but good and reliable. 
 Wildeboer, D. G. (^German) : Brief but scholarly. 
 
 The following new and suggestive essay came into the 
 author's hands as the proofs of the present work were being 
 corrected : — Le Prologue — Cadre des Mille et Uue Nuits : Les 
 Le'gendes perses et Le Livre d' Esther, par J. Cosquin, Paris, 
 1909 : see p. 363. 
 
 X 3 
 
THE BOOK OF ESTHER 
 
 1 Now it came to pass in the days of ''^Ahasuerus, (this is 
 ^ Or, Xerxes Heb. Ahashverosh. 
 
 [Apoc. Esther xi. 2-xii. 6. Mordecai's dream ; the manner 
 in which he secured the king's favour.]^ 
 
 Ch. I. The King makes two Banquets (i-8) and the Queen 
 ONE (9). The Queen put away for her Disobedience to 
 the King (10-22). 
 
 1-4. The king's banquet foy his officials. 
 
 1. Now it came to pass : the Hebrew for this is that usually 
 translated 'And it came to pass,' and it implies generally a con- 
 nexion with something preceding. It suitably begins the historical 
 books Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Nehemiah, since such a con- 
 nexion exists, but this is not the case in the first verse of Ruth, 
 Ezekiel, Jonah, or in the present verse. In fact * waw consecu- 
 tive ' construction became in course of time a tense form pure and 
 simple, and it should be here so regarded. Render therefore, 
 ' It came to pass,' &c. In non-Semitic languages, including classi- 
 cal (not Hellenistic, but cf. the views of Deissmann, Thumb and 
 Moulton) Greek, the main verb would not be thus introduced. 
 Arab., Heb., &c., instead of saying 'And Jesus spake' would 
 prefer, ' And it came to pass that Jesus spake.' 
 
 Ahasuerns : though the LXX, Jos., render Artaxerxes (see 
 Ezra iv. 7) no other king than Xerxes (485-465 b. c.) can be meant. 
 This has been generally admitted by scholars from a comparison 
 of what is said in Herodotus, &c., and in this book. Of no other 
 Persian king could the author of Esther write as he does of the king 
 mentioned in this verse. The question has, however, been finally 
 set at rest by the deciphering of the trihngual inscriptions of 
 Behistun, in the Babylonian column of which the name of this 
 king appears in a form differing very little from the Hebrew 
 {Akhashwerosh), here transliterated Ahasuerus : see on Ezra iv. 6. 
 this is Ahasuerus, &c. : added to distinguish him from 
 others with the same name. 
 
 * The Apocryphal additions occur in the LXX where in this 
 Commentary the passages are mentioned as above in square 
 brackets. 
 
ESTHER 1. 2, 3 307 
 
 Ahasuerus which reigned, from India even unto Ethiopia, 
 over an hundred and seven and twenty provinces :) that 2 
 in those days, when the king Ahasuerus sat on the throne 
 of his kingdom, which was in Shushan the ^palace, in the 3 
 third year of his reign, he made a feast unto all his 
 princes and his servants ; the power of Persia and Media, 
 * Or, castle 
 
 from India . . . Ethiopia, an hundred and seven and 
 twenty provinces : so viii. 9, Apoc. Esther xiii. i, xvi. i, and (of 
 Darius Hystaspis) i Esd. iii. 2. India (Heb. Hoddu, from the 
 Old Pers.) denotes here, as in classical geography, the territory 
 watered by the seven streams of the Indus (whence it gets its 
 name) and not the entire peninsula now so called. Ethiopia 
 (Heb. Kttsh) stands for Nubia. 
 
 over : omit ; it is not in the Heb. The following words are 
 simply an explanation of from India even unto Ethiopia. 
 
 The phrase an hundred and seven and twenty provinces (see 
 the other examples of its use) is a gross exaggeration, exceeded, 
 however, by Josephus, who says ^ that Darius the Mede exercised 
 rule over 360 provinces, though in the present passage he agrees 
 with the M. T. According to Dan. vi. 2 the kingdom of Darius the 
 Mede contained 120 provinces. Herodotus 2, on the other hand, 
 says that Darius divided his kingdom into 20 satrapies, and con- 
 temporary Darius inscriptions confirm this. It is quite possible 
 that we are here, as certainly in Ezra ii. i, Neh. vii. 6, to under- 
 stand sub-satrapies. But we have no non-biblical confirmation of 
 such usage except in Josephus, who follows the O.T. almost 
 exclusively. 
 
 2. Shushan the palace : better, < Susa the fortress.' In ix 
 the fortified part of Susa (ver. 7) is distinguished from the rest of 
 Susa (ver. 15) ; see on ii. 5 and on Neh. i. 2. 
 
 3. in the third year : i. e. in 483. 
 
 feast: lit. *a drinking meal,' 'a sj'^mposium,' because drink- 
 ing wine, &c., formed the principal part. But (see on v. 4) what 
 was the purpose of so representative a banquet 1 No one knows, 
 though many guesses have been made. 
 
 princes: render, 'officials' (see on Ezra ix. i). Govern- 
 ment officials are meant. 
 
 servants : members of the royal court, stewards, and the 
 
 ^ Antiq. X. 11.5; lit., 'He (Daniel) was one of the three satraps 
 whom he (Darius the Mede) appointed over the 360 satrapies.' 
 2 iii. 8q. 
 
3o8 ESTHER 1.4,5 
 
 the nobles and princes of the provinces, being before 
 
 4 him : when he shewed the riches of his glorious kingdom 
 and the honour of his excellent majesty many days, even 
 
 5 an hundred and fourscore days. And when these days 
 were fulfilled, the king made a feast unto all the people 
 that were present in Shushan the palace, both great and 
 small, seven days, in the court of the garden of the king's 
 
 like, courtiers (see iii. 21, iv. 11, v. 11 ; i Kings v. 15; Jer. xxxvi. 
 24, &c.). 
 
 the power of Persia, &c. : read (with Ryss., Buhl, &c.), 
 ' (servants) and the officers of the army of Persia,' &c. The words 
 corresponding to 'and the officers of have fallen out by haplo- 
 graphy. 
 
 Persia and Media: a Medo-Persian kingdom was founded 
 by Cyaxares the Mede (635-584). In 549 Cyrus the Persian 
 became head of what came to be known as tlie equivalent of Perso- 
 Media or Persia and Media. 
 
 nobles : the word in the M. T. is a Hebrew form of the 
 Persian =* first men.' The members of the aristocracy are 
 meant. 
 
 4. Render, * When he showed (them) his glorious royal wealth 
 and the costliness (lit. * preciousness ') of his majesty's apparel.' 
 
 an hundred and fourscore days: not, of course, to be 
 understood literally — it is part of the romance. No banquet could 
 last so long which had in it so many government functionaries 
 from all parts of the known world. Clericus tries to evade the 
 difficulty by imagining that the guests partook of the banquet in 
 successive batches, but there is no hint of that here. 
 
 5-8. The king's banquet for non-official residents and visitors — 
 the people, &c. It is possible, and is usually taken for granted, 
 that the participants in the first banquet shared also in this, but it 
 seems to the present writer improbable. 
 
 5. that were present : the Heb. ( = 'that could be found ') in- 
 cludes visitors as well as residents (see on Ezra viii. 25). 
 
 in the court, &c. : in the enclosed court paved with mosaic 
 which (court) formed part of the park or '■ paradise ' surrounding 
 the royal palace (see Xen. Cyro. i. 3, 12, 14). 
 
 6. The text is evidently very corrupt, and every critical editor 
 has his own way of restoring (?) it. The following rendering in- 
 volves changes which are few and for the most part vouched for 
 in the versions : ' The awnings were of blue cotton fastened ' (the 
 participle, though singular, may in good Hebrew qualify 'awn- 
 
ESTHER 1. 6-8 309 
 
 palace; there were hangings of ^\s\i\iQ doth^ ^/^green, and 6 
 
 of blue, fastened with cords of fine linen and purple to 
 
 silver rings and pillars of marble : the couches were of 
 
 gold and silver, upon a pavement cof red, and white, and 
 
 yellow, and black marble. And they gave them drink in 7 
 
 vessels of gold, (the vessels being diverse one from 
 
 another,) and royal wine in abundance, according to the 
 
 <i bounty of the king. And the drinking was according 8 
 
 * Or, fine cloth, white and blue ^ Or, cotton 
 
 '^ Or, 0/ porphyry, and white marble, and alabaster, and stone of 
 blue colour ^ Heb. hand. 
 
 ings ') ' by purple linen cords ' (omit ^ and ' before ' purple') ' to 
 silver rings (or rods ?) and (to) white marble pillars.' 
 
 white cloth: Heb. (one word) 'whiteness.' Read, 'awnings,' 
 the Heb. word for the latter (yri'oih) could be easily read for that 
 in the M. T. in a blurred copy. 
 
 of green: the word in the M.T. is Persian and means 
 * cotton.' 
 
 and {of blue) : omit and join ' cotton ' to ' blue,' ' cotton of 
 blue ' = (in Heb. idiom) '■ blue (or purple") cotton.' 
 
 rings : this rendering is supported by Cant. v. 14 (where 
 alone the word occurs besides here), by the etymology and by the 
 sense. There were rings attached to the marble pillars, and to 
 these the linen cords were fastened. The awnings would serve to 
 keep off the intense heat and blaze of the sun. 
 
 conches : i. e. divans on which the ancient Persians reclined 
 during meals. The custom, though not originally a Hebrew one, 
 existed among the Hebrews in the eighth century B.C. (see Amos vi, 
 4V and in later times was universal among the Jews. It is still usual 
 in Palestine, &c. The couches were made of solid gold and silver, 
 not merely covered with cloth of gold and silver. Herodotus 
 speaks of gold and silver couches and tables among the Persians. 
 
 npon a pavement : render, * upon a mosaic pavement of 
 alabaster and white marble and mother-of-pearl and black marble.' 
 The words characterizing the pavement are names of materials, 
 not of colours, though there is uncertainty as to what exactly some 
 of the terms denote as they occur nowhere else in the O. T. 
 
 7. the vessels being diverse: this was the case on very 
 grand occasions. In banquets depicted on the monuments the 
 vessels are uniform in size, shape, and material. 
 
 (according to the) bounty: lit. 'hand,' i.e. means of the 
 king. So ii. 18 ; i Kings x. 13 ; cf. Neh. ii. 8, 
 
3ro ESTHER 1. 9, 10 
 
 to the law ; none could compel : for so the king had 
 appointed to all the officers of his house, that they should 
 
 9 do according to every man's pleasure. Also Vashti the 
 queen made a feast for the women in the royal house 
 
 10 which belonged to king Ahasuerus. On the seventh day, 
 
 when the heart of the king was merry with wine, he 
 
 commanded Mehuman, Biztha, Harbona, Bigtha, and 
 
 Abagtha, Zethar, and Carcas, the seven ^^ chamberlains 
 
 * Or, eitnuchs (and so in ver. 12, &c.) 
 
 8. (according to) the law: i. e. that made for the present occa- 
 sion. The ancient Persians are known from Herodotus and others 
 to have been heavy drinkers, and at banquets each guest was ex- 
 pected to drink at least a certain minimum quantity. During this 
 feast there was perfect freedom on the matter. 
 
 9. Vashtt's banquet for the women : why this separate women's 
 feast, for in Xerxes' time women in Persia could eat and drink with 
 men? It was hardly, as some suppose, because there was no room : 
 perhaps the writer unconsciously projects into the picture drawn 
 the customs of his own country and time. 
 
 Vashti : Xerxes' wife according to Herodotus ^ was Amestris, 
 which may be the same word varied by phonetic changes and in 
 part by corruption. Jensen identifies the name with that of the 
 Elamite Vashti (or Mashti) : see p. 303. 
 
 royal house: Ht., 'house of the kingdom.' The women's 
 banquet was held in a part of the palace proper, as was perhaps 
 that of the officials (ver. 3 ff.). 
 
 lo-iQ. Vashti refuses to appear before the guests as the king desires. 
 
 10. seventh day : i.e. of the banquet, when the heart of the king 
 was merry with wine. These words are intended to account for 
 the foolish request of the king. 
 
 Mehuman, &c. : the spelling of these seven names varies 
 much in the MSS. and versions, and their etymology is very un- 
 certain, as perhaps they were borne by men of several nation- 
 alities. 
 
 the seven (chamberlains) : on the sacred number * seven ' 
 see on Ezra vii. 14, and cf. ver. 14. 
 
 chamberlains : render, ' eunuchs ' here and in ver. 12, &c. 
 In Persia, Assj'ria, Babylon, Egypt, Palestine, &c., men-servants 
 w^ho had to wait on women or to have access to them needed to 
 be eunuchs, as is the case in the modern Orient. 
 
 ' vii. 61. 
 
ESTHER 1. 11-14 311 
 
 that ministered in the presence of Ahasuerus the king, 
 to bring Vashti the queen before the king with the crown 1 1 
 royal, to shew the peoples and the princes her beauty : 
 for she was fair to look on. But the queen Vashti 12 
 refused to come at the king's commandment by the 
 chamberlains : therefore was the king very wroth, and 
 his anger burned in him. Then the king said to the 13 
 wise men, which knew the times, (for so was the king's 
 manner toward all that knew law and judgement ; and the 14 
 next unto him was Carshena, Shethar , Admatha, Tarshish, 
 Meres, Marsena, and Memucan, the seven princes of 
 
 that ministered : LXX * who were deacons,* i. e. servants. 
 
 11. the crown (royal) : the word in the M.T. {kether) occurs 
 here and in ii. 17 of what the queen wore and in vi. 8 of what was 
 placed on the king's horse. It occurs nowhere else in the O.T. 
 Probably it is the Heb. form of the Persian kidans, a. tall, stiff, 
 bejewelled cap worn by Persian kings on the ancient moMuments 
 The usual word for crown is found in viii. 15 for what Mordecai 
 wore. See Layard, Nineveh and its Remains ^^\ p. 320, n. f. 
 
 13-22. The zvise men consulted by the king advise him to put 
 Vashti away. 
 
 13-15. The king consults his wise men, showing that there was 
 no law dealing with the conduct of the queen. 
 
 13. wise men: usually explained as embracing (i) astrologers 
 (see Dan. ii. 27, v. 15), men *who knew the times,' and ''2) those 
 who understood the principles and practice of equity (who 'knew 
 law and judgement'), i.e. those who sought guidance from the 
 Supreme Mind as He revealed it in the heavenly bodies, and 
 those who decided from their knowledge and experience of men's 
 way. But one class only is suggested by the words and by the 
 context, the alternate descriptions being due merely to parallel- 
 ism. Those who took knowledge of the times understood the 
 principles and customs of the law courts. 
 
 for so, &c. : render, * for so was the king's business brought 
 before all that knew,' &c. 
 
 14. Of the wise men mentioned in ver. 13, seven stood nearest 
 the king, constituting, in fact, his privy council. 
 
 Carshena, &c. : the exact spelling of these seven names is 
 uncertain, as the text is corrupt and MSS. and versions differ: 
 see on ver. 10. 
 
 seven (princes) : see on Ezra vii. 14, and cf. ver. 10. 
 
312 ESTHER 1. 15-19 
 
 Persia and Media^ which saw the king's face^ and sat 
 
 15 first in the kingdom :) What shall we do unto the queen 
 Vashti according to law, because she hath not done the 
 bidding of the king Ahasuerus by the chamberlains? 
 
 16 And Memucan answered before the king and the princes, 
 Vashti the queen hath not done wrong to the king only, 
 but also to all the princes, and to all the peoples that are 
 
 17 in all the provinces of the king Ahasuerus. For this 
 deed of the queen shall come abroad unto all women, to 
 make their husbands contemptible in their eyes, when it 
 shall be reported. The king Ahasuerus commanded 
 Vashti the queen to be brought in before him, but she 
 
 18 came not. And this day shall the princesses of Persia 
 and Media which have heard of the deed of the queen 
 a say the like unto all the king's princes. So shall there 
 
 19 arise ^much contempt and wrath. If it please the king, 
 
 "^ Or, iell it ^ Or, enough 
 
 16-20. What the wise men advised. Memucan seems to be the 
 spokesman for the whole body. 
 
 16. Vashti had wronged the king and set a dangerous example 
 to his subjects. 
 
 17. to make, &c. : render (more literally"), 'so that it will 
 make them (the women) despise their husbands in their eyes, as 
 they (the women) sa}^ the king,' &c. 
 
 husbands : the word = ' owner,' ' master,' and well suits the 
 connexion. It occurs also in Gen. xx. 3 ; Deut. xxiv. 4 ; Hos. ii. 15. 
 The common Hebrew word for husband is ish = Latin j/;V, Greek aner. 
 
 wben . . . reported : the Hebrew may as in the E.VV. be 
 understood impersonally or as in above rendering personally. The 
 irregularity of the suffix in the latter case will give no Hebraist 
 the least trouble. 
 
 18. say: the verb has no expressed object, but the context 
 makes it quite clear that the incident of Vashti's refusal is intended 
 to be so understood : ' Shall . . . say (about this) to all,* &c. 
 
 princes : see on ver. 3. 
 
 So shall, 8cc. : read, making a slight change in the Heb., 
 'and whenever (on the part of the wife) there is contempt there 
 is (on the part of the husband) wrath.' 
 
 19. If it please : see on Neh. ii. 5. 
 
ESTHER 1. 20-2 2 313 
 
 let there go forth a royal commandment from him, 
 and let it be written among the laws of the Persians 
 and the Medes, '"^that it be not altered, that Vashti 
 come no more before king Ahasuerus ; and let the 
 king give her royal estate ^unto another that is better than 
 she. And when the king's decree which he shall make 20 
 shall be published throughout all his kingdom, (for it is 
 great,) all the wives shall give to their husbands honour, 
 both to great and small. And the saying pleased the 21 
 king and the princes; and the king did according to 
 the word of Memucan : for he sent letters into all the 22 
 king's provinces, into every province according to 
 * Heb. that it pass not away. ^ Heb. jinto her conipaitioi. 
 
 vinto another : the translation is quite correct, the R.Vm. 
 * Heb. unto her companion ' being inaccurate. The same noun in 
 its masc. form occurs in the idiom ' (we must love) each the 
 other.' 
 
 20. great and small : i. e. men of all ranks of society. 
 
 21 f. 77?^ king follows out the advice given hint. 
 
 22. letters: better 'dispatches,' as the former word sug- 
 gests much that is not meant. The Heb. noun is generally trans- 
 lated 'book' (books), see ii. 23; Neh. viii. i, &c. ; 'books' and 
 ' dispatches ' (letters) differed then almost exclusively in size 
 only. 
 
 Persia had in the time of Xerxes (who, according to Herodotus *, 
 founded it) an excellent postal service which made use of couriers 
 (Heb. * runners,' see iii. 13) and horses (viii. 10). In Palestine 
 and other mountainous countries the couriers (fleet footmen) were 
 principally used, but in level countries and especiallj'' for great 
 distances these couriers rode on swift horses, making journej-s 
 off the main road on foot. In Jer. xii, 5 there is a reference to the 
 quicker movement of the horses as compared with the footmen. 
 Jer. li. 31 suggests that at the time implied a courier-post was all 
 that existed in Babylon. It should be remembered, however, that 
 the ancient Persian postal system, fully described by Herodotus ^ 
 andXenophon^ was used exclusively by the king and the govern- 
 ment. The poorer people had no official mode of communication. 
 province : see on ver. 7 and cf. p. 55. 
 
 ^ viii. 98. ^ Cyr. viii. 6, § 17. 
 
314 
 
 ESTHER 1. 2 2—2. 2 
 
 the writing thereof, and to every people after their 
 language, that every man should bear rule in his own 
 house, and should publish it according to the language 
 of his people. 
 
 2 After these things, when the wrath of king Ahasuerus 
 was pacified, he remembered Vashti, and what she had 
 
 2 done, and what was decreed against her. Then said the 
 
 writing" . . . langfuage, «&c : in the dispatches various 
 scripts (Arabic, Aramaic, Assyrian, Hebrew, Greek — all different) 
 as well as languages would have to be used. Had Xerxes in his 
 court scribes capable of all this? Trilingual inscriptions have, 
 however, been discovered in Persia. But there is reason for be- 
 lieving that Aramaic was the lingua franca of the western portions 
 of the Persian dominions at that time : cf. the recently found Aramaic 
 papyri. It should be added that in parts of modern Persia and 
 Russia postal arrangements are much the same as is implied in 
 this book, only not so ' up to date ! ' 
 
 every man should bear rule, &c. : woman has always 
 held a low place in the East, though to a less degree among the 
 ancient Persians. 
 
 and should publish: render, 'and should speak,' &c., the 
 meaning of which appears to be that the language of the hus- 
 band must be that of the home, so that his wife, if a foreigner, 
 must learn and speak it. But it is better (with Hitzig and most 
 moderns) to read 'and should speak ( = order) what he pleases.' 
 See on iii. 12. 
 
 ii. 1-18. Esther chosen Queen instead of Vashti. 
 1-4. The king, on the advice of his courtiers resolves to select a 
 S7iccessor to Vashti from virgins to be brought from all parts of his 
 dominions. 
 
 1. was pacified: Heb, ' had subsided' : so vii. 10. The verb 
 = ' to sink,' and occurs in Gen. viii. i (* and the waters abated^). 
 
 he remembered Vashti : with remorse for what he had 
 done and with renewed affection. He was evidently minded, if 
 possible, to take her back. Many ways of evading this, the natural 
 sense, have been proposed. The LXX inserts the negative 
 (' remembered not '). 
 
 2. The courtiers wished to make the king's resolve irrevocable, 
 as they had counselled the rejection of Vashti. Hence the}' pro- 
 pound their scheme for securing another queen. 
 
 Wh}' did not the king forthwith raise to the now vacant queen- 
 ship one of his concubines '"see ver. 14) or another wife — if he 
 had one? 
 
ESTHER 2.3,4 315 
 
 king's servants that ministered unto him, Let there be 
 fair young virgins sought for the king : and let the king 3 
 appoint officers in all the provinces of his kingdom, that 
 they may gather together all the fair young virgins unto 
 Shushan the palace, to the house of the women, unto the 
 custody of '^Hegai the king's chamberlain, keeper of 
 the women; and let their things for purification be 
 given them : and let the maiden which pleaseth the king 4 
 be queen instead of Vashti. And the thing pleased the 
 king ; and he did so. 
 
 a Heb. Hege. 
 
 kingr's servants : see on i. 3. 
 
 3. officers: the Heb. noun is cognate with the verb which 
 governs it (Met the king appoint men appointecV)., and in Neh. 
 xi. 9 (see on) is translated 'overseer.' In Nehemiah the LXX 
 has episcopos (our ' bishop '), but in the present passage komarkhas, 
 or tillage chiefs,' is the Greek word used. 
 
 provinces : see on i. i. 
 
 virgins: this specification was more needful then, and in 
 the East is still, than with us. 
 
 Sliushan the palace : see on i. 2 and especially on Neh. i. 2. 
 
 house of the women : the harem or guyiaikeion, situated (as 
 recent excavations go to show) at the north-west of the com- 
 plex of royal buildings. In ver. 8 it is called the 'king's house,' 
 an expression which in ver. 9 and iv, 13 stands for the palace 
 buildings as a whole, though in ii. 13 and v. i it denotes the king's 
 private apartments. 
 
 Hegai : in the Hebrew we have in this chapter two spell- 
 ings for this name, Hege and Hegai. The latter is correct. 
 
 chamberlain: i.e. eunuch (see on i. 10). Hegai could not 
 have had access to these women norShaashgaz to the concubines 
 (ver. 14) had they not been eunuchs. 
 
 things for purification : lit. ' things to rub with,' i. e. cos- 
 metics, specified in ver. 12. These had to be applied for a whole 
 year before the several candidates presented themselves for the 
 royal hand (see ver. 12}, as if twelve months could do more 
 than twelve days or even hours towards the desired end (attrac- 
 tiveness). 
 
 4. and let the maiden ... be queen : on the improbability of 
 such a method of choosing a queen see Introd., p. 298. 
 
3i6 ESTHER 2. 5,6 
 
 5 There was a certain Jew in Shushan the palace, whose 
 name was Mordecai, the son of Jair, the son of Shimei, 
 
 6 the son of Kish, a Benjamite ; who had been carried 
 away from Jerusalem with the captives which had been 
 
 5-7. Short account of Mordecai and his cousin Esther. This sec- 
 tion is introduced here because the story cannot go further for- 
 ward without it. In the Hebrew, where connexion is generally 
 indicated (by ' waw-consecutive,' &c.), there is nothing joining 
 this paragraph with what precedes, suggesting that we have some- 
 thing brought in ab extra, though this conclusion is not inevitable. 
 5. a Jew in Shtishan the palace : there must have been a 
 goodly number of Jews resident in the fortified part of Susa (ix. 7) 
 as well as in the city itself ix, 15). Some would belong to the 
 army, some would be in business (for the fortress quarters must 
 have contained business houses), while others would act as arti- 
 sans, servants, &c. ' The palace ' is a very inaccurate and mis- 
 leading translation. 
 
 Mordecai : usually explained as = ' a devotee of the (Babylo- 
 nian) god Marduk ' ( ^ Merodach) ^ This does not mean, however, 
 that every man so called is what the name implies, for it was and 
 is a frequent name among Jews. Every man called ' Thomas ' is not 
 a twin, nor is every one called * Fisher' what the name implies. 
 
 the son of Jair, &c. : the word ben rendered 'son' means 
 here as often fsee on Ezra vii. i") descendant, certainly in the case 
 of Shimei, David's bitter foe (2 Sam. xvi. 5 ff.), and Kish the father 
 of Saul (i Sam. ix. i, &c.), who are remote ancestors of Mordecai, 
 as was also, perhaps, Jair. It is perhaps hinted that as Saul con- 
 quered Agag (i Sam. xv) so his descendant Mordecai would com- 
 pass the ruin of Haman the Agagite (iii. i). Rawlinson and many 
 others hold that the father, grandfather, and great-grandfather are 
 meant, but the coincidence of the two latter names tells against this. 
 
 a Benjamite : referring, according to Hebrew usage, 
 directly to Mordecai, though for that reason applicable to the 
 other names, 
 
 8. who had been, &c. : the word can belong tq Mordecai only, 
 as he is the main subject of verses 5 f. But in this verse the writer 
 is guilty of an anachronism, for Jeconiah ( = Jehoiachin, 2 Kings 
 xxiv. 4) and his fellow exiles were removed to Babylon in 598, 
 115 years before the period implied in the present context. For 
 the real purpose of the story, however, this error makes no differ- 
 ence, though it is an artistic flaw. No doubt, in the mind of the 
 writer, this Mordecai is identical with the man of that name men- 
 tioned in Ezra ii. 2 (see on) and Neh. vii. 7 : so both Targums here. 
 
 ^ See p. 302. 
 
ESTHER 2. 7,8 ^x^ 
 
 carried away with •'^Jeconiah king of Judah, whom 
 Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon had carried away. 
 And he ^brought up Hadassah, that is, Esther, his uncle's 
 daughter : for she had neither father nor mother, and the 
 maiden was fair and beautiful ; and when her father and 
 mother were dead, Mordecai took her for his own 
 daughter. So it came to pass, when the king's command- 
 ment and his decree was heard, and when many maidens 
 were gathered together unto Shushan the palace, to the 
 custody of Hegai, that Esther was taken into the king's 
 •^ In 2 Kings xxiv. 6, Jehoiachin. "^ Heb. nourished. 
 
 Nebuchadnezzar : more correct would be Nehiichodonnozot 
 
 (Haupt, cf. LXX and Babylonian). The older form (Jeremiah, 
 
 Ezekiel) xs, Nebuchadrezzar sgq Jer. xlix. 28, &c.); see on Ezraii. i. 
 
 *l. he brought up : lit. ' he was foster-father to.' The same 
 
 Heb. noun occurs in Num. xi. 12 ; Isa. xlix. 23. 
 
 Kadassah, that is, Esther : the names are explained largely, 
 especially by the older authors, as denoting respectively * myrtle ' 
 and 'star' (cf. Greek aster). Why in that case she received 
 these names, and which of them is the original one, has been 
 much disputed see Ber.-Rys., and Paton). The latest scholars 
 hold that we have the original of Esther in the name of the Baby- 
 lonian goddess Ishtar (cf. Ashtoreth}, and that ^Hadassah' is 
 merely a Babylonian title for this goddess : see Introd., p. 302 f. 
 
 his uncle's daughter : Mordecai and Esther were therefore 
 cousins. The fact that they lived in such close relations— for he 
 treated her as a daughter — has led many to think that Mordecai 
 was a eunuch. If he was, this would explain the ease with which 
 he gained access to the harem, and the fact that we never read of 
 his wife ; it would also go well with the view that he was a palace 
 official (see on ver. 21). 
 
 fair : Heb. ' beautiful of form.' 
 
 beautiful : Heb. ' good looking ' ; lit. * good as regards 
 appearance.' 
 
 8-1 1. Esther's entrance into the palace and the favourable im- 
 pression she made. 
 
 8. This verse (cf. ver. 3) takes up the thread of the narrative 
 dropped for the purpose of bringing in verses 5-7. 
 
 was taken : the Heb. verb is the regular one for marrying a 
 woman (Gen. iv. 19, vi. 2, &c.), and has in it no hint at the use 
 of compulsion, though according to both Targums and Apoc. Esther 
 
3i8 ESTHEfl 2. 9, lo 
 
 house, to the custody of Hegai, keeper of the women. 
 9 And the maiden pleased him, and she obtained kindness 
 of him ; and he speedily gave her her things for purifica- 
 tion, with her portions, and the seven maidens, which 
 were meet to be given her, out of the king's house : and 
 he removed her and her maidens to the best place of 
 10 the house of the women. Esther had not shewed her 
 people nor her kindred : for Mordecai had charged her that 
 
 xiv. 15, 18, Esther had been forced against her will into the royal 
 harem. The natural impression which the O.T. story gives is that 
 the two cousins are consenting parties all through, and rejoice ex- 
 ceedingly at Esther's success when she wins the queenship. All 
 this, as also the fact that she eats the food of the heathen — for her 
 nationality is kept a secret — prove that the Judaism of Mordecai and 
 Esther are of a much less stringent type than, say, that of Ezra and 
 Nehemiah, who did so much to put down marriages with aliens. 
 
 9. maiden : i. e. Esther. 
 
 pleased him: i. e. more than her rivals. 
 
 and he : i. e. the king, though he acted through his courtiers. 
 
 speedily (gave) : so that her year of preparation might the 
 sooner expire (see ver. 12). 
 
 thing's for purification : see on ver. 3. 
 
 portions: each virgin received not only cosmetics to per- 
 fume and beautify, but also special diet (see Dan. i. 5), though the 
 special dieting is not mentioned in ver. 12. Esther does not seem 
 to have made any objection to the food, though it could not have 
 been such as Jewish laws permitted. 
 
 the (seven maidens) that each candidate had for attendants. 
 Seven maidens each is implied in the use of the definite article. 
 
 meet : lit. 'seen ' ; then ' looked out,' and so * selected.' 
 
 the king's house : here = palace complex, as in iv. 13. 
 See on ii. 3. 
 
 10. Esther had not shewed (O.E. = reported, disclosed) her 
 people (=- nationality), nor her kindred (= family, and in par- 
 ticular her relationship to Mordecai). 
 
 To have been known as Jewish must at the time implied, it 
 not at the time of writing, have meant some disadvantages. 
 But to have concealed these things from the king, the eunuchs, 
 and her rivals required extraordinary adroitness, but, if true, 
 exhibit but little steadfastness of principle on the part of Esther or 
 her cousin. See on verses 8 f and on vi. 10. 
 
 J 
 
ESTHER 2. 11-13 319 
 
 she should not shew it. And Mordecai walked every n 
 day before the court of the women's house, to know how 
 Esther did, and what should become of her. Now 12 
 when the turn of every maiden was come to go in to king 
 Ahasuerus, after that it had been done to her according 
 to the law for the women, twelve months, (for so were 
 the days of their purifications accomplished, to wit, six 
 months with oil of myrrh, and six months with sweet 
 odours, and with the things for the purifying of the 
 women,) then in this wise came the maiden unto the king, 13 
 
 11. walked: Heb, 'used to walk.' 
 
 before: i.e. on the eastern side of the court: see on Neh. 
 xii. 31. Perhaps at the time of the rising of the sun each day the 
 inmates of the palace, male and female, would congregate for 
 purpose of worship on the sunrise side of the royal buildings. The 
 two cousins might thus easily meet daily, though silently recoiling 
 from the sun-worship around. Mordecai's anxiety to learn of the 
 state and prospects of his cousin must have been great. One must 
 not imagine that among the Persians in those days the relations 
 between the sexes was so strictly guarded as in the modem 
 Orient. 
 
 12-15. -^ozt; the king made the selection. 
 
 The candidates passed in turns (how the order was settled we 
 do not know) night by night into the king's room, just as was 
 done by the wives of Pseudo-Smerdis S with which and with the 
 present narrative compare the Introduction to the Arabian Nights, 
 the tale of Shahriar 2. 
 
 12. twelve months: as if a year's perfuming, &c., could effect 
 more for the beautifying of the virgins than say that of twelve 
 hours ! 
 
 myrrh : Heb. ntor, the same word. 
 
 sweet odours : Heb. bosem (in the plural), i. e. * balsam * (with 
 inserted '1 '). 
 
 and (with the things) = 'even,' the words that follow merely 
 summing up the cosmetics aforementioned. 
 
 ver. 13 joins on to the beginning of ver. 12, repeated here after 
 the interruption following 12*. Render, ' 12 Now whenever the 
 turn of each girl was to go in to the king, &c. 13 Even (when) 
 in this (her turn) the girl came to the king, whatever she used to 
 
 * Herod, iii. 69. ' See Additional Notes, p. 363. 
 
 y 
 
320 ESTHER 2. 14-17 
 
 whatsoever she desired was given her to go with her out 
 
 14 of the house of the women unto the king's house. In the 
 evening she went, and on the morrow she returned into 
 the second house of the women, to the custody of 
 Shaashgaz, the king's chamberlain, which kept the 
 concubines : she came in unto the king no more, except 
 the king dehghted in her, and that she were called by 
 
 15 name. Now when the turn of Esther, the daughter of 
 Abihail the uncle of Mordecai, who had taken her for 
 his daughter, was come to go in unto the king, she 
 required nothing but what Hegai the king's chamberlain, 
 the keeper of the women, appointed. And Esther 
 obtained favour in the sight of all them that looked 
 
 16 upon her. So Esther was taken unto king Ahasuerus into 
 his house royal in the tenth month, which is the month 
 
 17 Tebeth, in the seventh year of his reign. And the 
 
 demand (cosmetics, jewellery, &c.) it was the custom to give her 
 to take (lit. enter) with her out of,' &c. Each girl was helped 
 in every way to make herself as winsome as she could. 
 
 Note in ver. 13 the explicit differentiation between the house 
 of the women and that of the king. See on ver. 3 and on v. i. 
 
 14. On the morning each candidate had to leave the king's 
 room and to pass into the concubines' department, not repeating 
 her visit to the king unless specially requested. In the Arabian 
 Nights' tale each maid had to be killed in the morning. 
 
 Shaashgaz : Haupt says we should read ' Shashegaz.' 
 cliaiuhexlain : render ' eunuch ' : see on ver. 3 and i. 10. 
 
 15. Esther's personal charms were so great, and she was so 
 conscious of them (or was it her modesty ?) that she desired no 
 special aid to recommend her to the king. 
 
 Abigail: in LXX here and ix. 29 Aminadab ( = Abinadab). 
 16-18. Esther chosen as queen. 
 
 16. was taken : i. e. as wife (so Targ.f^)) : see on ver. 8. 
 
 Ms house royal : lit. ' the house of his kingdom ' = the house 
 of the king in ver. 13. 
 
 the tenth month : i.e. Dec-Jan. : see on Ezra x, i6. 
 
 Teheth: a Babylonian name, nowhere else mentioned in 
 the O.T. 
 
 in the seventh year: i.e. in 478, four years after Vashti's 
 
ESTHER 2. i8, 19 321 
 
 king loved Esther above all the women, and she obtained 
 grace and favour in his sight more than all the virgins ; 
 so that he set the royal crown upon her head, and made 
 her queen instead of Vashti. Then the king made a 18 
 great feast unto all his princes and his servants, even 
 Esther's feast ; and he made a ^ release to the provinces, 
 and gave gifts, according to the ^ bounty of the king. 
 And when the virgins were gathered together the second 19 
 
 * Heb. rest. b Heb. hand. 
 
 deposition (i. 3). It was during this period that Xerxes con- 
 ducted his ill-starred expedition into Greece, the battle of Salamis 
 taking place in 480. Some ascribe the delay in making the selec- 
 tion to this expedition. The writer, however, viewing those 
 years in the distance, sees nothing going on in Susa but this con- 
 tinual testing of virgins. We must remember that we are reading 
 a romance and not strict history. 
 
 17. above all the women: i.e. above the concubines (and 
 wives?) already in the harem and the virgins who were Esther's 
 rivals. 
 
 crown : see on i. 12. 
 
 18. a ^eat feast : Josephus says ' a wedding feast.' Great 
 events were celebrated and distinguished persons honoured by 
 banquets then as now. 
 
 release : Heb., 'a causing to rest' (the root in the Heb. for 
 Noah), but from what ? Probably from prison (see i Mace. x. 33 ; 
 Matt, xxvii. 15), not from taxes (i Mace. x. 29), which in Persia 
 were unknown, nor from military service (as LXX, Targ. (^^ 
 assume). 
 
 gifts : the Hebrew is singular, though it may bear a plural 
 sense. The same word in Jer. xl. 5 is translated ' present ' ; in 
 Amos v. II it means ' tribute,' which may be its sense here, * he 
 gave (back) the tribute,' though Persian custom is against this. 
 
 boxinty : see on i. 7. 
 
 19-23. Mordecat exposes a plot to take the king's life. 
 
 19. Render, * And when the virgins were being gathered 
 together, then Mordecai,' &c., referring back to ver. 8. 
 
 the second time : omit. The one Hebrew word so trans- 
 lated was inserted from a view of the passage which assumed 
 that another assembly of girls took place in addition to that 
 spoken of in verses 8 ff. We have, however, in verses 19-23 an 
 episode which took place while the virgins were being brought 
 in (verses 8 fF.). Haupt omits the verse on account of its difficulty, 
 
 Y 2 
 
322 ESTHER 2. 20-23 
 
 20 time, then Mordecai sat in the king's gate. Esther had 
 not yet shewed her kindred nor her people; as Mordecai 
 had charged her : for Esther did the commandment of 
 Mordecai, like as when she was brought up with him. 
 
 21 In those days, while Mordecai sat in the king's gate, two 
 of the king's chamberlains, Bigthan and Teresh, of those 
 which kept the a- door, were wroth, and sought to lay hands 
 
 22 on the king Ahasuerus. And the thing was known to 
 Mordecai, who shewed it unto Esther the queen ; and 
 
 23 Esther told the king thereof in Mordecai's name. And 
 
 '>■ Heb. threshold. 
 
 and if the words ' the second time ' are kept. Haupt's suggestion 
 is the only possible one. 
 
 the kind's gate : a favourite resort of Mordecai's (see ver. 21, 
 &c.). It stood probably at the entrance to the palace grounds, 
 and, like city gates in the East commonly, it was a place of 
 public resort and perhaps the place where justice was adminis- 
 tered. Some infer, from the fact that Mordecai is often mentioned 
 in connexion with it, that he was a government official (see on 
 ver. 7 and cf. vi. 10). 
 
 20. Esther had not yet, &c. : a more literal rendering would 
 be, 'Esther was not one that declared,* &c., i. e. during these 
 proceedings she used to keep silent about, &c. 
 
 shewed . . . kindred : see on ver. 10. 
 
 21. In those days : i. e. while the girls were being brought 
 (verses 8 ff. and 19). 
 
 chamberlains : render, ' eunuchs ' : see on i. 10. 
 
 Bigthan : called in i. lo ' Bigtha ' and in vi. 2 ' Bigthana.' 
 
 door : Heb. * threshold.' These two men had apparently 
 charge of the king's sleeping-room, and could easily compass his 
 death. According to both Targs., the plan hit upon was to put 
 a venomous reptile in the king's cup when he was about to drink. 
 As a matter of fact, this Xerxes lost his life in 465 through a con- 
 spiracy of the kind, as did also Artaxerxes III (Ochus) in 338. 
 
 were wroth : why ? No one knows, though the Targumists, 
 commentators, &c., offer innumerable explanations : see Berth., 
 Ryss., and Paton. 
 
 to lay hands on : i. e. to put to death : so iii. 6, ix. 2. 
 
 22. was known: better, 'came to be known.' How? We 
 are not told, though here again many surmises have been offered. 
 
 shewed: see on ver. 10. 
 
 in Mordecai's name : if the queen mentioned her cousin's 
 
ESTHER 2. 23—3. i 323 
 
 when inquisition was made of the matter, and it was 
 found to be so, they were both hanged on a tree : and it 
 was written in the book of the chronicles before the 
 king. 
 
 After these things did king Ahasuerus promote Haman 3 
 
 name when disclosing the affair to the king — and the words can 
 mean nothing else— how could the king have so soon forgotten all 
 about it, especially as Persian kings were proverbial for the way 
 in which they rewarded outstanding merit among their soldiers ? 
 
 23. hanged: better 'impaled* (so Streane, Haupt, &c.), this 
 being the mode of capital punishment prevalent in Persia at the 
 time 1 : cf. * on a tree ' ; see on Ezra vi. 11. Death by hanging or 
 strangulation is but twice mentioned in the Bible, and in both 
 cases as a mode of suicide : see 2 Sam. xvii. 23 and Matt, xxvii. 5 ; 
 cf. Nahum ii. 13, where the same Hebrew verb occurs as in the 
 former passage. According to Joseph., Jero., and perhaps the 
 Syr., * crucified ' is the proper translation, but this was the Roman 
 mode of capital punishment. Paton defends the ordinary render- 
 ing hang-ed, relying chiefly on v. 14 (see on). But up to the 
 present (1909) no example has been seen on the ancient monu- 
 ments of Babylon, Assyria, or Persia, of hanging by the neck or 
 of fastening to a cross. 
 
 the book of the chronicles : the Hebrew name for the 
 canonical ' Books of Chronicles,' though of course the latter books 
 are not here meant. The Hebrew means literally * the book of 
 daily acts,' i.e. 'the diary.' Such annals were preserved by 
 the kings of Persia', of Assyria, Babylonia, and also^ of Israel. 
 Herod, says that the Persian kings in such records preserved the 
 names of men who deserved special honour \ This book is referred 
 to by a longer name in vi. i f. See Mai. iii. 16 ; cf. Isa. iv. 31 ; 
 Ezek. xiii. 9 ; Phil. iv. 3, &c. ; and on Ps. cxxxix. 16 {Century 
 Bible), 
 
 iii. i-iv. 17. Haman's Promotion to be Grand Vizier and his 
 Plot to destroy the Jews. 
 
 1-6. Mordecai refusing to bow before the new prime minister, the 
 latter formed a design to destroy the Jews. 
 
 1. After these things : an indefinite statement, implying some 
 time between 478 (ii. 16) and 473 (ver. 7). 
 
 ^ See Herod, iii. 159, iv. 43; Layard, Nin, and Bab., p. 355 n. 
 The latter says this mode of punishment obtained in Turkey in his 
 o^vn time. 
 
 ^ Ezra iv. 15 (see on). Her. vii. 100, &c. 
 
 ' 1 Kings xiv. 19, &c. * viii. 25. 
 
324 ESTHER 3. 2, 3 
 
 the son of Hammedatha the Agagite, and advanced him, 
 and set his seat above all the princes that were with 
 him. And all the king's servants, that w^ere in the king's 
 gate, bowed down, and did reverence to Haman : for the 
 king had so commanded concerning him. But Mordecai 
 bowed not down, nor did him reverence. Then the king's 
 
 Hainan: originally, according to Jensen, the name of an 
 Elamite deity {Humman or Huntban) : see Introd., p. 303, and 
 Ber.-Rys., Paton. 
 
 Hammedatlia : a compound (Jensen thinks) of Haman and 
 a verb: perhaps = *a gift of Haman' ( = 'Humman'): cf. 
 ' Theodore ' and ' Nathaniel.' 
 
 the Agag-ite : i. e. probably a descendant of Agag (i Sam. 
 xv), and therefore an Amalekite : see on ii, 5. It is strange, 
 though perhaps where nationalites were so mixed not impossible, 
 that an Amalekite should have been Persia's prime minister. In 
 Great Britain a Jew (Disraeli) was prime minister not very long 
 ago. There are many other explanations of '■ Agagite ' : see 
 Ber.-Rys., and Paton. 
 
 set Ms seat: render, 'gave him a position.' The word 
 rendered 'seat' {kisse) means 'seat,' then 'throne' (see on i. 12), 
 and then, as here, 'position.' 
 
 above all, &c. : i. e. he made him Grand Vizier, who had 
 immeasurably greater power than our prime minister. 
 2. the king-'s servants : see on i. 3. 
 
 "bowed down ( = fell on their knees) and did reverence = (pros- 
 trated themselves) in the true Oriental fashion before superiors 
 and in the manner of modern Mohammedans during prayer. 
 
 s^'-e. Mordecai refuses to join the multitude in bending, &c., before 
 Haman. Han-tan^s anger and scheme of revenge. What objection 
 could Mordecai, though a Jew (ver. 4), have to performing the 
 acts of respect and submissiveness for the chief minister which 
 other subjects performed, and which accord with the ways of 
 Orientals to-day? The commentators (Rawlinson, &c.), Jewish 
 and Christian, say it was Divine homage that Haman demanded. 
 Probably, however, the writer brought in this incident as a literary 
 necessity. It was needful in some way to explain the rivalry and 
 ill-feeling between Mordecai and Haman, and to make Mordecai 
 deny to the new prime minister the usual homage, whatever the 
 implied cause, seemed a fit means towards this end. 
 
 the king had so commanded : in ordinary cases no such 
 command was necessary. Perhaps Haman had risen from a low 
 family, and a special command was needed to secure the recog- 
 nition ordinarily shown to holders of the office. 
 
ESTHER 3. 4-7 325 
 
 servants, that were in the king's gate, said unto 
 Mordecai, Why transgressest thou the king's command- 
 ment ? Now it came to pass, when they spake daily unto 4 
 him, and he hearkened not unto them, that they told 
 Haman, to see whether Mordecai's «' matters would stand : 
 for he had told them that he was a Jew. And when 5 
 Haman saw that Mordecai bowed not down, nor did him 
 reverence, then was Haman full of wrath. But he 6 
 thought scorn to lay hands on Mordecai alone ; for they 
 had shewed him the people of Mordecai : wherefore 
 Haman sought to destroy all the Jews that were through- 
 out the whole kingdom of Ahasuerus, even the people 
 of Mordecai. In the first month, which is the month 7 
 
 * Or, words 
 
 3. the king-'s gate : see on ii. 19. 
 
 4. matters : perhaps this is a plural of intensity, * great affair ' 
 = ' strange conduct.' The R.Vm. * words' may be safely ignored, 
 though the Hebrew allows it. 
 
 (whether Mordecai's matters) would stand : better * could 
 stand,' i. e. judicial examination, whether or not the law allowed 
 such conduct. 
 
 6. he thought scorn, &c. : Wildeboer (followed by Kent and 
 Paton) well expresses the sense of the Hebrew, * held it beneath 
 his dignity to,' &c. 
 
 sought to destroy, &c. : Rawlinson and others have pointed 
 to many Oriental parallels to this projected butchery of the Jews, 
 as the great massacre of the Magi {Magophonia) at the accession 
 of Darius I, and the slaughter of the Scythians about a century 
 earlier. One may refer to the butchery of whole hordes of Jews 
 in quite recent times in Russia and elsewhere. If, however, 
 Haman or any other prime minister had schemed a wholesale 
 massacre of Jews he would have set about it at once. But it 
 was necessary for the denouement of the tale that Mordecai and 
 Esther should have time and opportunity for the overthrow of 
 Haman's project, and that could be secured by introducing the 
 incident about the lot, though the writer could not have had 
 much faith in such things. The delay was literally * allotted.' 
 
 7-1 1. The king agrees to Haman's proposal and promises help 
 towards realizing it. 
 
 7. the first month . . . Nisan : see on Ezra x. 9, 17. 
 
326 ESTHER 3. 7 
 
 Nisan^ in the twelfth year of king Ahasuerus, they cast 
 Pur, that is, the lot, before Haman from day to day, and 
 
 the twelfth year, &c. : i. e. in 473. 
 
 they (cast Pur, &c.) : who ? In Hebrew the verb is 
 singular, and some make Haman the subject. It is, however, 
 probably a case of the impersonal construction so common in 
 Hebrew (' one cast,' &c. = ' Pur . . . was cast ') : see p. 103. 
 
 Pur : whatever the etymology of the word (see Introd., 
 pp. 301 ff.), the writer takes it to mean * lot,' which is all one need 
 to know in order to follow the thread of the tale. 
 
 the lot: better 'lots.' In Hebrew the singular is constantly 
 used for the plural ; it indicates the thing meant. Or we have 
 perhaps the generic article ; cf. ' the lion.' 
 
 Divination by lot (arrows, strips of wood, or bits of paper, 
 pebbles, &c.) was very widespread in ancient times,^ prevails still 
 among people of low culture, and is not dead even in Great 
 Britain among professedly Christian people. 
 
 For what purpose was the present lot taken ? Almost certainly 
 to find out a lucky day for the horrid deed which Haman had in 
 mind : so nearly all commentators. Paton, however, argues that 
 the object was to ascertain a lucky day on which to lay the pro- 
 ject before the king, and he refers to the fact that, as soon as 
 a day had been pronounced lucky, Haman went in to the king 
 (ver. 8). But Haman wished to present himself with the decision 
 of the lot not only as to the day, but also as to the feasibility of 
 the fact itself. To fix upon a day for the slaughter carried with it 
 approval of the slaughter itself. Besides the day settled by lot 
 (see on ver. 7) was also that for the massacre (see ver. 13 and cf. 
 ix. 18 f.). 
 
 How was the lot taken ? Probably as follows : There would 
 be twelve lots, marked i to 12, put into a box ; whichever of 
 these was taken out was to decide the month, in the present 
 case the twelfth month (Adar). Then there would be thirty lots, 
 marked i to 30, put into the same or a larger box ; whichever was 
 taken out was to decide the day, in the present case the thirteenth 
 day (see ver. 13). 
 
 The words ' from day to day and from month to month ' refer 
 merely to the succession of numbers indicating months and days. 
 Paton holds that on every month and day from the first month 
 (ver. 7) the lot was taken afresh to know if the day in question 
 was the one for visiting the king. In that case they were drawing 
 lots for some eleven months ! 
 
 ' See Magic, Divination, and Demonology among the Hebrews 
 and Related Peoples, by the present writer, p. 75, &c. 
 
ESTHER 3. 8, 9 327 
 
 from month to month, to the twelfth months which is the 
 month Adar. And Haman said unto king Ahasuerus, 8 
 There is a certain people scattered abroad and « dispersed 
 among the peoples in all the provinces of thy kingdom ; 
 and their laws are diverse from those of every people ; 
 neither keep they the king's laws : therefore it is not ^for 
 the king's profit to suffer them. If it please the king, 9 
 let it be written that they be destroyed: and I will 
 pay ten thousand talents of silver into the hands of those 
 
 * Or, separated ''Or, meet for the king 
 
 to the twelfth month . . . Adar: read and render (with 
 LXX, Old Lat., and virtually all modern scholars), ' And the lot fell 
 for the 13th (LXX 14th) of the month, Adar.' The mistake in 
 the LXX (14th day) may be due to the influence of ix. 19. The 
 M.T. gives no sense. 
 
 Adar : see on Ezra vi. 15 and x. 9. Paton is wrong when 
 he says that Adar is mentioned only in Esther. 
 
 8. scattered abroad : living among people of all nationalities. 
 dispersed: render, as in the R.Vm., 'separated': they 
 
 keep apart, do not eat with or as others, will not intermarry, &c. 
 The description applies to the Jews of to-day. When due to 
 religious principles the separateness of the Jew is to his credit 
 rather than the reverse. No people on the face of the earth have 
 paid or pay more dearly for their religion than the Jews. 
 
 their laws are diverse : i. e. their religious laws. 
 
 neither keep they the king's laws : i. e. when opposed to 
 their religion. The same could be said of Christian martyrs. 
 
 not for the king-'s profit : probably better than the R.Vm. 
 The verb occurs in v. 13 ('is not enough for me'), vii. 4 (end; 
 ('not have compensated,' see on), and is restored (?) in i. 22 (see 
 last note on). 
 
 9. If it please the king : see on Neh. ii. 5. 
 written : i. e. written down as a decree. 
 
 I will pay, &c. : evidently out of his own pocket, not out of the 
 proceeds of the Jewish massacre. There is no condition attached. 
 
 ten thousand talents of silver : about £3,360,000 (see on 
 Ezra viii. 26), rather more than two-thirds of the annual revenue 
 of the Persian empire. Rawlinson calls attention to Pythius, 
 who offered this same king (not Darius, as Paton says) a gift of 
 money equal to about 4^ millions sterling^ — a sum regarded, 
 however, by Grote as fabulous and false. But the requirements of 
 
 1 Her. vii. 28. 
 
328 ESTHER 3. 10-12 
 
 tliat have the charge of the king's business, to bring it 
 
 10 into the king's treasuries. And the king took his ring 
 from his hand, and gave it unto Haman the son of 
 
 11 Hammedatha the Agagite, the Jews' enemy. And the 
 king said unto Haman, The silver is given to thee, 
 the people also, to do with them as it seemeth good to 
 
 12 thee. Then were the king's «- scribes called in the first 
 month, on the thirteenth day thereof, and there was 
 written according to all that Haman commanded unto the 
 king's satraps, and to the governors that were over every 
 
 ^ Or, secretaries 
 
 the story and what it is intended to teach do not necessitate our 
 taking these details quite seriously. NOldeke thinks that this 
 exact sum has been made up by a process of Rabbinical calcula- 
 tion : see E.B. ii. 1401, and Targ. (2) here and on iv. i. 
 
 those that have charge of the kind's business : i. e. those 
 who had charge of the revenues : see ix. 3 and cf. 2 Kings xii, 1 1 
 and Neh. xi. 16, 22, &c. 
 
 10. Xing: better 'signet ring.' Signatures are still made in 
 the East by seals, not by pens. By handing over to Haman his 
 seal he gave him the right of signing documents and of thus 
 enforcing his own authority in the name of the king (see viii. 2, 8 ; 
 Gen. xli. 42; i Mace. vi. 15). The seal was sometimes suspended 
 from the neck by a cord and sometimes attached to a cylindrical 
 framework held in the hand. 
 
 the Jews' enemy : to be an Agagite meant this : see on 
 vii. 6, 
 
 11. The king promises men and money for the gruesome task. 
 It is strange, if true, that Xerxes should consent to help in 
 butchering his Jewish subjects, including those in Palestine ! 
 
 12-15. The decree sent forth throughout the king's dominions. 
 
 12. scribes: they must have been very numerous or very 
 learned to be able to write in the script and language of each 
 nationality embraced in the Persian empire of the day : see on 
 i. 22. 
 
 They began their work on the thirteenth day of the first month 
 (Nisan), just eleven months before the massacre was ordered to 
 take place (ver. 13). For this long interval see on ver. 6. 
 
 satraps : the heads of the twenty Persian provinces : see on 
 i. I and on Ezra viii. 36. 
 
 governors: heads of sub-satrapies, such as Zerubbabel and 
 Nehemiah of Judah : see on i. i and on Ezra viii. 36. 
 
ESTHER 3. 13, 14 329 
 
 province, and to the princes of every people ; to every pro- 
 vince according to the writing thereof, and to every 
 people after their language ; in the name of king Aha- 
 suerus was it written, and it was sealed with the king's 
 ring. And letters were sent by posts into all the king's pro- 13 
 vinces, to destroy, to slay, and to cause to perish, all 
 Jews, both young and old, little children and women, in 
 one day, even upon the thirteenth day of the twelfth 
 month, which is the month Adar, and to take the spoil 
 of them for a prey. A copy of the writing, ^ that the 14 
 decree should be given out in every province, was 
 published unto all the peoples, that they should be ready 
 
 * Or, to be given out for a decree 
 
 princes : see on Ezra ix. i. 
 
 13. posts : Heb. * runners,' a sense surviving in ' /osZ-haste ' : 
 cf. Job ix. 25, ' my days are swifter than z post.'' From denoting 
 the fixed positions between which couriers conveyed letters, &c., 
 it came to be used for the couriers themselves. In the present 
 case horses do not seem to have been used, as speed was no 
 object. Contrast what is said in viii. 10. See on i. 22. 
 
 to destroy, &c. : note the aggregation of synonyms common 
 in legal documents : cf. viii. 11. 
 
 thirteenth day of the twelfth month: see on verses 7, 12. 
 The LXX (Ap. Esther xiii. 6, in the copy of the king's letter) has 
 'fourteenth day,' but in ix. i it has 'thirteenth.' Modern Jews 
 keep the fourteenth and fifteenth, perhaps under the influence of 
 the Passover Feast, which begins Nisan 14th. 
 
 [Ap. Esther xiii. 1-7. The king's letter. This is as anti-Jewish 
 a document as was ever penned. In it the Jews are spoken of as 
 * a malignant people with laws differing from those of all other 
 peoples ; they set at defiance the king's authorities, are all men's 
 foes, and work mischief of every kind. Wherefore it is they, 
 their wives and children, must be consigned to Hades.'] 
 
 14. copy : see on Ezra iv. 11, where the same Persian word is 
 used with the difference of one letter {t for r). Probably we 
 should render, * a copy of (a part of) the writing ; let the decree 
 be given out in every province and let it be published to all the 
 peoples,' &c. The words 'copy of the writing' introduce the 
 very words of the official letter to Artaxerxes in Ezra iv. 11 
 (see on). 
 
330 ESTHER 3. 15—4. 2 
 
 15 against that day. The posts went forth in haste by the 
 king's commandment, and the decree was given out in 
 Shushan the palace : and the king and Haman sat down 
 to drink ; but the city of Shushan was perplexed. 
 
 4 Now when Mordecai knew all that was done, Mordecai 
 rent his clothes, and put on sackcloth with ashes, and 
 went out into the midst of the city, and cried with a 
 
 2 loud and a bitter cry : and he came even before the 
 
 that day : the thirteenth of Adar (see ver. 13). 
 15. While the couriers hurried to make the proclamation in 
 the provinces the decree was publicly announced in the fortress 
 of Susa. Note the contrast : the king and his minister were sitting 
 to their wine (or to a banquet, Paton) as unconcerned over the 
 impending massacre of Jews as Nero was chanting the ' Fall of 
 Troy ' and admiring the beautiful (st'c) sight of Rome ablaze ; on 
 the other hand, the city (or at least the Jewish element in it) was 
 perplexed 1 See on viii. 15. 
 
 IV-VII 
 
 Through the Intervention of Esther the threatened 
 Slaughter of Jews is averted and Haman impaled on 
 the Tree prepared by his Instructions for Mordecai. 
 
 1-3. Great lamentation 0/ Mordecai and other Jews. 
 
 knew : better * got to know.' How ? See on i. 22. 
 
 all that was done : including the part played by Haman ; 
 see ver. 7. 
 
 rent his clothes (see on Ezra ix. 3), and put on sackcloth 
 with ashes (see Dan. ix. 3 ; Jonah iii. 6), each act an expression of 
 grief; the coming together of all indicates intense grief. 
 
 sackcloth : a coarse dark cloth made from the hair of goats 
 and camels. ' Haircloth ' would be a better rendering. The 
 Hebrew word is sack (whence * sackcloth '), but its derivation and 
 meaning are very uncertain. 
 
 with ashes : the construction is that called a zeugma, the 
 reader having to supply the appropriate verb. The Hebrew has 
 simply * put on haircloth and ashes,' i. e. * and strewed ashes (on 
 the head).' The versions supply the verb understood, but the 
 Hebrew does not require it. 
 
 These expressions of grief are explained (by Schwally) as 
 survivals of the cult of the dead. 
 
 2. even before : better (as Hebrew) ' as far as before.' 
 
ESTHER 4. .^-6 331 
 
 king's gate : for none might enter within the king's gate 
 clothed with sackcloth. And in every province, whither- 3 
 soever the king's commandment and his decree came, 
 there was great mourning among the Jews, and fasting, 
 and weeping, and wailing; and «many lay in sackcloth and 
 ashes. And Esther's maidens and her chamberlains 4 
 came and told it her ; and the queen was exceedingly 
 grieved: and she sent raiment to clothe Mordecai, and 
 to take his sackcloth from off him : but he received it 
 not. Then called Esther for Hathach, one of the king's 5 
 chamberlains, whom he had appointed to attend upon 
 her, and charged him to go to Mordecai, to know what 
 this was, and why it was. So Hathach went forth to 6 
 * Heb. sackcloth and ashes were spread under many. 
 
 for none might, &c. : because used as a sign of mourning 
 during a death, the haircloth came to be regarded as unclean, as 
 was everything connected in any way with a dead body. 
 
 the king's gate : see on ii. 19. 
 
 3. great mourning: the acts mentioned were probably 
 religious ones — confession, prayer, &c. 
 
 fasting : this has bulked largely in the religions of the 
 ancient world, especially among the Chinese, Hindus, and 
 Persians ; to a less degree among the Semites, and still less did 
 it prevail among the classical nations. In the O. T. it is invariably 
 the accompaniment of prayer, and in ver. 16 (see on) the fasting 
 spoken of really includes prayer. 
 
 many : Heb. ' the many,' which, as in Greek = ' the majority,' 
 * most.' 
 
 lay in sack ( = hair) cloth, &c. : the sense is May on a hair- 
 cloth strewn with ashes.' 
 
 4-9. Esther ascertains the cause of MordecaCs grief. 
 
 4. maidens . . . chamberlains ( = eunuchs) : an Oriental queen 
 would be sure to have maidens (see on ii. 9) and eunuchs (see on 
 i. 10) to wait on her. 
 
 she sent raiment, &c., to enable Mordecai to enter the 
 place that he might explain matters : see on ver. 2. 
 
 6. Hathach : LXX Akharthaion ; Targ.O, Talm., * Daniel.' 
 
 chamberlains : see on i. 10. 
 
 what this was, &c. : what the haircloth, &c., meant — a sign 
 of mourning, and what was the cause of the mourning. 
 
332 ESTHER 4. 7-1 1 
 
 Mordecai unto the broad place of the city, which was 
 
 7 before the king's gate. And Mordecai told him of all 
 that had happened unto him, and the exact sum of the 
 money that Haman had promised to pay to the king's 
 
 8 treasuries for the Jews, to destroy them. Also he gave 
 him the copy of the writing of the decree that was given 
 out in Shushan to destroy them, to shew it unto Esther, 
 and to declare it unto her ; and to charge her that she 
 should go in unto the king, to make supplication unto 
 him, and to make request before him, for her people. 
 
 9 And Hathach came and told Esther the words of Mor- 
 
 10 decai. Then Esther spake unto Hathach, and gave him 
 
 1 1 a message unto Mordecai, saying-. All the king's servants, 
 and the people of the king's provinces, do know, that 
 whosoever, whether man or woman, shall come unto the 
 
 6. broad place : see on Ezra x. 9. 
 the king's gate : see on ii. 19. 
 
 7. the exact sum, &c. : see on iii. 9 and on Neh. viii. 8 
 ('exactly'). The Heb. noun here used occurs besides only in 
 X. 2. 
 
 8. the (better *a') copy (see on iii. 14) . . . given out in 
 Shushan (see iii. 15) : it is probable that tlie king had a good 
 number of copies prepared to be exhibited at important centres 
 and shown to important personages. But of course printing, 
 typing, and modern methods of copying were unknown in those 
 far-off days. Had men then some method of multiplying other 
 than the drudgery of writing separate copies ? 
 
 the (copy): the Hebrew can, and here does, mean 'a,' 
 though the absence of the article in Hebrew is no proof in itself 
 that the noun ('copy') is indefinite, for in Semitic, as in Keltic, 
 a noun, though definite, drops its article before a genitive. 
 
 10-12. Esther' s first answer : she could do nothing. 
 
 11. No one was allowed to enter the king's inner apartments 
 unbidden. Esther therefore could not present herself before the 
 king. Herodotus ^, however, says that any subject could gain access 
 to the royal presence if he previously announced himself and was 
 not an objectionable personage. Either the writer is ignorant of 
 
 * iii. 118, 140. 
 
ESTHER 4. 12-14 333 
 
 king into the inner court, who is not called, there is one 
 law for him, that he be put to death, except such to whom 
 the king shall hold out the golden sceptre, that he may 
 live : but I have not been called to come in unto the 
 king these thirty days. And they told to Mordecai 12 
 Esther's words. Then Mordecai bade them return answer 13 
 unto Esther, Think not with thyself that thou shalt 
 escape in the king's house, more than all the Jews. 
 For if thou altogether boldest thy peace at this time, 14 
 then shall relief and deliverance arise to the Jews from 
 another place, but thou and thy father's house shall 
 
 court etiquette in the time of Xerxes or he intentionally sacrifices 
 accuracy to the desire of magnifying Esther's courage in visiting 
 the king notwithstanding the danger involved. 
 
 inner court: cf. 'the outer court,' vi. 4. From the former 
 the king could be seen on his throne (see v. i). 
 
 tlie golden sceptre : see v, 2. As represented on the monu- 
 ments, it resembled a long tapering rod with a headhke ornament 
 at one end and a loop at the other. Xenophon says that three 
 hundred sceptre-bearers attended the elder Cyrus. 
 
 thirty days : had Esther's place in the king's affections 
 been taken by another? v. 2 suggests a negative answer. 
 
 (and) they (told) : read (with the versions), ' he ' (i. e. 
 Hathach). 
 
 13 f. MordecaCs remonstrance. If the royal edict is executed 
 neither Esther nor her father's house (Mordecai) will be able to 
 escape. 
 
 13. Think not with thyself; lit. 'imagine not in thy soul " 
 ( = self). 
 
 king's house : here the palace complex, as in ii. 9 ; see on 
 
 ii. 3- 
 
 14. relief: lit. ' breadth,' ' spaciousness.' Among the Semites 
 and also in Persian, Sanskrit, &c., a state of comfort is conceived 
 as one of * roominess ' ; the contrary state as one of 'straitness.' 
 The Hebrew verb rendered ' to deliver,' which is cognate to 
 'Joshua' and 'Jesus,' means literally ' set at large ^.' 
 
 from another place : i. e. from God : see Jer. xxxi. 35-37. 
 The Divine name is, however, carefully avoided. The two Targs., 
 
 ^ See Brief Studies in Psalm Criticism, by the present writer in 
 Orientalische Studien (NOldeke Memorial), vol. ii. 64S f. 
 
334 ESTHER 4. 15-17 
 
 perish : and who knoweth whether thou art not come to 
 
 15 the kingdom for such a time as this ? Then Esther bade 
 
 16 them return answer unto Mordecai, Go, gather together 
 all the Jews that are present in Shushan, and fast ye for 
 me, and neither eat nor drink three days, night or day ; 
 I also and my maidens will fast in like manner ; and so 
 will I go in unto the king, which is not according to the 
 
 17 law : and if I perish, I perish. So Mordecai went his 
 way, and did according to all that Esther had com- 
 manded him. 
 
 Joseph., and Lat. insert 'God.' Perhaps, however (so Siegfried), 
 the writer has in mind deliverance from another nation— Rome. 
 See I Mace. viii. 17, xii. i. 
 
 for such a time as this : i. e. to deliver. 
 15 f. Esthers second reply : she "will stake all for her people. 
 
 16. the Jews that are present : see on i. 5. From the fact 
 that the Jews at Susa could put to death three hundred men (see 
 ix. 15) it may be inferred that their number was not incon- 
 siderable. 
 
 fast ( = pray) ye for me: see on ver. 3 (fasting'). The word 
 * prayer' seems studiously avoided, though the thing is implied, 
 because the former — the word — would too obviously suggest 
 God : see on ver. 13 (another place). 
 
 three dajrs : parts only of three days (i. e. some thirty-six 
 hours) may be intended : see Matt. xii. 40 ; cf. xxviii. i. If we 
 assume this, the force of what the older commentators say — 
 Esther trusted in God, not in her beauty, or she would not 
 endanger the latter by long fasting — is (as Wild., &c., say) 
 diminished. 
 
 if I perish, I perish = 'what must be must be ' : see Gen. 
 xliii. 14 for a parallel expression. 
 
 17. Mordecai assents to Esther'' s request. 
 
 went (his way) : the Hebrew verb (cognate with *Ibri 
 = Hebrew, one that has crossed (the Jordan or the Euphrates)), 
 means primarily 'to cross,' 'pass over'; then 'to transgress,' 
 and then, as Gen. xviii. 5, and here (perhaps also in Neh. ii. 14, 
 see on) it= ' to depart' (i. e. to pass over the distance before one). 
 Jewish expositors, however (the Targs., &c.), explain the verb 
 as = *to transgress,' understanding that Mordecai transgressed the 
 law by fasting during the Passover (Nisan 14), when there should 
 be only rejoicing. But did he fast during Passover ? 
 
 [Ap. Esther xiii, 8-18, Mordecai's prayer ; xiv. 1-19, Esther's 
 
ESTHER 5. 1-3 335 
 
 Now it came to pass on the third day, that Esther put 5 
 on her royal apparel, and stood in the inner court of the 
 king's house, over against the king's house : and the king 
 sat upon his royal throne in the royal house, over against 
 the entrance of the house. And it was so, when the king 2 
 saw Esther the queen standing in the court, that she 
 obtained favour in his sight : and the king held out to 
 Esther the golden sceptre that was in his hand. So Esther 
 drew near, and touched the top of the sceptre. Then 3 
 said the king unto her. What wilt thou, queen Esther? 
 
 prayer. In these prayers the Divine names * Lord,' * God,' ' God 
 of Abraham,' ' King of the Gods,' &c., occur with more frequency 
 than is the case in other books, suggesting, what other con- 
 siderations make practically certain — that the purpose of the 
 apocryphal additions is to make some amends for the absence of 
 the religious element in the canonical parts of the book.] 
 
 V 
 
 I f. The king receives Esther. 
 
 1. on the third day : i. e. since the fasting began (iv. i6 : see 
 on). This shows that the fasting did not last three days. 
 
 put on her royal apparel: this rendering assumes the 
 insertion of a word ( = apparel) found in the versions but lost in 
 the M.T. 
 
 stood : better, ' came to a stand.' The Hebrew expression 
 really = ' entered and stopped ' : see Joshua x. 17 ; Judges ix. 33. 
 
 inner court: see on iv. 11. In this court was situated the 
 entrance to the pillared hall at the opposite end of which sat the 
 king on his throne. As the queen entered the inner court the 
 king could probably see her through the doorway. 
 
 king's house : the king's private apartments ; see on ii. 3. 
 Dieulafoy, the distinguished French explorer of Susa, says that 
 here the throne-room is alone meant. 
 
 over against has reference to Esther. 
 
 2. held out . . . the golden sceptre : see on iv. 11. 
 touched : Vulg. * kissed.' 
 
 3-8. The queen, encouraged by the king, makes two requests : that 
 the king should accept invitations to dine with her on two separate 
 occasions. 
 
 Since the king has offered much more than that, why does not 
 the queen at once ask for the life of Haman and a reversal of the 
 
336 ESTHER 5. 4-8 
 
 and what is thy request ? it shall be given thee even to the 
 
 4 half of the kingdom. And Esther said, If it seem good unto 
 the king, let the king and Haman come this day unto the 
 
 5 banquet that I have prepared for him. Then the king 
 said, Cause Haman to make haste, that it may be done 
 as Esther hath said. So the king and Haman came to 
 
 6 the banquet that Esther had prepared. And the king 
 said unto Esther at the banquet of wine. What is thy 
 petition ? and it shall be granted thee : and what is 
 thy request ? even to the half of the kingdom it shall be 
 
 7 performed. Then answered Esther^ and said, My petition 
 
 8 and my request is ; if I have found favour in the sight of 
 the king, and if it please the king to grant my petition, and 
 to perform my request, let the king and Haman come to 
 the banquet that I shall prepare for them, and I will do 
 
 cruel edict? Perhaps because the plan of the romance required 
 delay : historical probability is sacrificed to literary necessity. 
 The book must be judged from its character and aim— a romance 
 expressing and helping to sustain the patriotism of the people. 
 
 3. What wilt thou ? lit., * what is to thee?' i. e. as in Joshua 
 XV. 13, * what desirest thou ? ' 'it shall be given,' &c. Render, 
 * (desirest thou anything) up to the half of the kingdom ? Then 
 it shall be given ; ' cf. Mark vi. 23. Note the exaggeration born of 
 Oriental politeness. When to-day in the bazaars of Cairo or 
 Jerusalem one begins to bargain, the vendor will often say, '■ Oh, 
 take it for nothing' : see Gen. xxiii. 11. 
 
 4. If it seem good, &c. : see on Neh. ii. 5. 
 
 let the king- and Haman come : the initials of the Hebrew 
 words so translated make up the consonants of Yahweh (Jehovah) 
 — vowel signs were unknown until some centuries after Christ. 
 Jehring, Bullinger, and others say this Divine name is intended to 
 be thus brought into the book, which otherwise has no name for 
 God. But we have here merely an interesting coincidence. 
 
 6. hanquet of wine : referring to the Persian custom of hand- 
 ing round fruit, and especially wine after the meal proper ^ : see 
 vii. 2, 7 ; Dan, i. 5, 8. 
 
 even to, &c. : render as in ver. 3, changing the verb only. 
 
 1 H 
 
 er. 1. 133. 
 
ESTHER 5. 9-II 337 
 
 to-morrow as the king hath said. Then went Haman 9 
 forth that day joyful and glad of heart: but when 
 Haman saw Mordecai in the king's gate, that he stood 
 not up nor Amoved for him, he was filled with wrath 
 against Mordecai. Nevertheless Haman refrained him- 10 
 self, and went home; and he sent and fetched his friends 
 and Zeresh his wife. And Haman recounted unto them n 
 the glory of his riches, and the multitude of his children, 
 
 * Or, trembled before him 
 
 8. to-morrow : Esther wants the king and Haman to be her 
 guests at another banquet, then she will tell the king her petition 
 (see vii. 7 ff.). In itself the reticence of the queen after the king's 
 double assurance (verses 4, 6) is inexplicable, but from the point 
 of view of the tale one may understand it all. Of course some 
 things said or done at the banquet might have had a close con- 
 nexion with Esther's purpose, though that is not stated or 
 hinted at. 
 
 9-13. Haman' s pride and envy. 
 
 9. Mordecai in the king's grate (see on ii. 19) : he had now 
 evidently taken off his mourning garb : see on iii. 2. 
 
 nor moved, &c. : better, * nor trembled before him,' as 
 R.Vm. 
 
 10. Haman refrained himself, &c. : surely, however, he acted 
 a wise part in consulting his wife and friends, though Paton 
 thinks he ought at once to have wreaked his vengeance on Mordecai. 
 
 friends : in vi. 13 called ' wise men.' 
 
 Zeresh : the origin of this name is very uncertain. Some 
 scholars (J. Oppert, &c.) derive it from the Persian s^r='gold,' 
 with ending sh, so 'golden': cf. the Greek names 'Chryses,' 
 ' Chryseis.' Jensen, desiring a mythological explanation, has 
 at different times sought the origin of the name in Kirisha^ the 
 name of an Elamite goddess, and in Siris^ the name of a Babylonian 
 goddess — both suppositions philologically impossible. 
 
 11. his riches: see on iii. 9. 
 
 the multitude of his children : he had ten sons (see ix. 
 7 ff.). The Targ.C) says he had in all two hundred and eighteen 
 sons. Among Jews\ Persians", &c., it was thought a great 
 honour to have many sons. 
 
 children: this is correct, though the Hebrew is the 
 usual one for * sons ' ; but we do not say 'sons of Israel.' 
 
 ^ Gen. XXX. 20; Ps. cxxvii. 4f. ^ Her. i. 136. 
 
 Z 2 
 
338 ESTHER 5. 12—6. i 
 
 and all the things wherein the king had promoted him, 
 and how he had advanced him above the princes and 
 
 1 2 servants of the king. Haman said moreover, Yea, Esther 
 the queen did let no man come in with the king unto the 
 banquet that she had prepared but myself; and to- 
 morrow also am I invited by her together with the king. 
 
 13 Yet all this availeth me nothing, so long as I see Mordecai 
 
 14 the Jew sitting at the king's gate. Then said Zeresh his 
 wife and all his friends unto him. Let a^ gallows be made 
 of fifty cubits high, and in the morning speak thou unto 
 the king that Mordecai may be hanged thereon : then go 
 thou in merrily with the king unto the banquet. And the 
 thing pleased Haman; and he caused the gallows to 
 be made. 
 
 6 On that night ^ could not the king sleep ; and he com- 
 "■ Heb. tree. ^ Heb. the king's sleep /led from him. 
 
 princes . . . servants : see on i. 3, 
 
 12. did let no man come : better, ^ brought no one.' There is 
 in the language an allusion to the custom of sending servant-men to 
 bring guests : see v. 14 ; Luke xiv. 17. 
 
 13. availeth me nothing : lit. ' is not enough for me ' : see on 
 i. 22 and iii. 8. 
 
 14. The advice of Haman' s wife and friends. 
 
 gallows : better, * stake or pole for impaling,' lit. ' tree ' ; then 
 * wood,' and so * anything made of wood': see Gen. xl. 19 ; Joshua 
 viii. 29, &c. ; see on ii. 23. The length — about 80 feet — is very 
 great, whether we understand gallows or stake : perhaps the text 
 has suffered corruption. According to vii. 9, it could be put into 
 Haman's house. The two Targs. and Joseph, make sundry in- 
 teresting additions at this point : see Paton, 240 if. 
 
 hanged : render * impaled ' : see on ii. 23 and on Ezra 
 vi. II. 
 
 VI. 1-13. Mordecai for his Services to the King honoured 
 
 AND promoted. 
 
 I f. The king, learning of Mordecai's loyal conduct, wishes to 
 reward hint. 
 
 1. could not . . . sleep: see R.Vra. for literal rendering. 
 
ESTHER 6. 2-5 339 
 
 manded to bring the book of records of the chronicles, 
 and they were read before the king. And it was found 2 
 written, that Mordecai had told of Bigthana and Teresh, 
 two of the king's chamberlains, of those that kept the 
 ^door, who had sought to lay hands on the king Ahasuerus. 
 And the king said, What honour and dignity hath been 3 
 done to Mordecai for this? Then said the king's servants 
 that ministered unto him, There is nothing done for him. 
 And the king said. Who is in the court ? Now Haman 4 
 was come into the outward court of the king's house, to 
 speak unto the king to hang Mordecai on the gallows 
 that he had prepared for him. And the king's servants 5 
 said unto him, Behold, Haman standeth in the court. And 
 * Heb. threshold. 
 
 Targs., LXX, &c., give as cause of the king's sleeplessness that 
 God took his sleep away. 
 
 the book of records, &c. : see on ii. 23, where a shorter 
 name occurs for the same. Such records would hardly supply 
 the most entertaining reading for a sleepless monarch ; but the 
 moral of the tale hangs on the reading just now of these 
 memorials. 
 
 and they were read : better, as in the Hebrew, ' they were 
 being read,' i. e. through the whole night. 
 
 2. For this verse see on ii. 21. 
 
 3. It is passing strange that the king should have forsaken 
 a benefactor who had saved his life : see on ii. 22 (end of note). 
 
 king's servants : see on i. 3. 
 4-12*. Haman commanded to heap honours upon his great foe 
 and rival. 
 
 4. Who is in the court? Some high officials would be always 
 in charge of the court. It happened that Haman was now one 
 of them. 
 
 outward conrt: see iv. it and v. i. The exact plan of the 
 palace complex is a matter of uncertainty, though the excavations 
 of Loftus, and especially of the French engineer Dieulafoy, have 
 helped considerably to make a reconstruction possible. See 
 Driver, ' Daniel,' Camb. Bible, p. 125. 
 
 Haman dares not enter the inner court uncommanded : see iv. 
 II and V. I. 
 
 for hangr ■ • • fifallows substitute * impale . . . stake,' 
 
340 ESTHER 6. 6-9 
 
 6 the king said, Let him come in. So Haman came in. 
 And the king said unto him, What shall be done unto the 
 man whom the king delighteth to honour ? Now Haman 
 said in his heart. To whom would the king delight to do 
 
 7 honour more than to myself? And Haman said unto the 
 king, For the man whom the king delighteth to honour, 
 
 8 let royal apparel be brought which the king useth to wear, 
 and the horse that the king rideth upon, a- and on the 
 
 9 head of which a crown royal is set : and let the apparel 
 and the horse be delivered to the hand of one of the 
 king's most noble princes, that they may array the man 
 
 * Or, and the crown royal which is set upon his head 
 
 5. come in : i. e. to the royal bedchamber. 
 
 6-9. Haman, saying ' in his heart ' ( = thinking) that he only 
 could be meant, proposed the very highest distinctions for 'the 
 man whom the king delights to honour,' Compare a contrary 
 example in the Nathan-David incident reported 2 Sam. xii. i ff. 
 ('Thou art the man'). 
 
 6. The Talm. Meg., 7A, says that since the writer of Esther 
 knew what was in Haman's heart he must have been inspired ! 
 
 7 f. Per the man, &c. : though the Hebrew can bear this con- 
 struction (ace. of reference), we have here probably an anaco- 
 luthon, due to the king's haste in speaking, well imitated by the 
 author: 'The man . . . honour, and let (for him) royal,' &c. 
 The division of verses here is peculiarly unfortunate. 
 
 In 8 f. Haman enumerates the things which Persian kings were 
 wont to consider marks of high honour for meritorious subjects : 
 see on ii. 23. 
 
 8. wMch the king* useth, &c. : render, according to the 
 Hebrew, ' which the king has (actually) worn.' Plutarch^ (cited by 
 Wild.) refers to an incident in Persian history in which a king gives 
 Tiribaz the coat which he had on, though he was not to wear it. 
 and on the head, &c. : horses wearing crownlike orna- 
 ments can be seen on the Assyrian monuments : see Layard, 
 Nineveh and its Remains (^), ii. pp. 353, 356, &c. 
 
 The rendering of the R.Vm.(so Vulg. and Targ.^^) (not Targ.O)), 
 which is contrary to the Hebrew, is due to the difficulty of conceiving 
 of * crowned horses.' Modern discovery has removed this difficulty. 
 A crown is not among Mordecai's decorations in verses 9 and 11. 
 
 ^ Artax. 24. 
 
ESTHER G. 10-13 341 
 
 withal whom the king delighteth to honour, and cause 
 him to ride on horseback through the street of the city, 
 and proclaim before him. Thus shall it be done to the 
 man whom the king delighteth to honour. Then the 10 
 king said to Haman, Make haste, and take the apparel and 
 the horse, as thou hast said, and do even so to Mordecai 
 the Jew, that sitteth at the king's gate : let nothing fail of 
 all that thou hast spoken. Then took Haman the apparel 1 1 
 and the horse, and arrayed Mordecai, and caused him to 
 ride through the street of the city, and proclaimed before 
 him. Thus shall it be done unto the man whom the king 
 delighteth to honour. And Mordecai came again to the 12 
 king's gate. But Haman hasted to his house, mourning 
 and having his head covered. And Haman recounted 13 
 unto Zeresh his wife and all his friends every thing that 
 had befallen him. Then said his wise men and Zeresh 
 his wife unto him, If Mordecai, before whom thou hast 
 
 and proclaim, &:c. : D. Cassel refers to a story in the 
 Arabian Nights, in which a disgraced Arab chief is led through 
 a city seated backwards on a camel, the people hurling at him 
 epithets of reproach. 
 
 9. Cf. Gen. xli. 43. The writer (as Rosenthal first pointed 
 out) seems to have before his mind the history of Joseph : see 
 viii. 6. 
 
 10. Mordecai tlie Jew: a member of the doomed race, as was 
 Esther, though the slory has so far proceeded as if up to the 
 present this was unknown : see on ii. 8-10. 
 
 tliat sitteth at the king's g-ats : favouring the view (so the 
 versions, &c.) that Mordecai held an official position: see on 
 ii. 19. 
 
 11. Haman obeyed the king's orders, though inwardly he must 
 have rebelled. 
 
 12^-13. Haman returns home bitterly disappointed. 
 
 \2,^. head covered : a sign of grief: see vii. 8 ; 2 Sam. xv. 30; 
 Jer. xiv. 4, &c. 
 
 13. his friends . . . his wise men: the same men are 
 meant : see v, 10, 14. 
 
 If Mordecai, &c. : the words rest on the prediction that 
 
342 ESTHER 6. 14—7. 4 
 
 begun to fall, be of the seed of the Jews, thou shalt not 
 
 prevail against him, but shalt surely fall before him. 
 14 While they were yet talking with him, came the king's 
 
 chamberlains, and hasted to bring Haman unto the 
 
 banquet that Esther had prepared. 
 7 So the king and Haman came ^ to banquet with Esther 
 
 2 the queen. And the king said again unto Esther on the 
 second day at the banquet of wine, What is thy petition, 
 queen Esther ? and it shall be granted thee : and what is 
 thy request ? even to the half of the kingdom it shall be 
 
 3 performed. Then Esther the queen answered and said. 
 If I have found favour in thy sight, O king, and if it 
 please the king, let my life be given me at my petition, 
 
 4 and my people at my request : for we are sold, I and my 
 people, to be destroyed, to be slain, and to perish. But 
 if we had been sold for bondmen and bondwomen, I 
 
 * Heb. to drink. 
 
 Israel should subdue Amalek, Haman being a member of that 
 race : see on iii. i and see Exod. xvii. 16; Num. xxiv. 20; 
 Deut. XXV. 17-19 ; i Sam. xv ; 2 Sam, i. 8ff. 
 
 14-VII. 4. Esther's second Banquet: Her great Request 
 
 AT last uttered — THAT SHE AND HER PeOPLE MAY BE 
 SPARED. 
 
 14. the king''s cham'berlains = eunuchs, 
 hasted to bring- Haman, &c. : see on v. 12. 
 the banquet : see v. 8, 12. 
 vii. 1. to banquet : the verb is a denominative from the noun 
 rendered 'feast' (= banquet) : see on i. 3. The R.Vm. is alto- 
 gether v^rrong, and is due to a superficial knowledge of Hebrew. 
 2. See V. 3, 6. 
 
 banquet of wine : see on v. 6. 
 3f Why does the queen hold back her real request until now? 
 Perhaps to avoid divulging the fact of her being a Jewess, but 
 see on v. 8. 
 
 4. we are sold, &c. : referring to Haman's bribe (iii. 9 : 
 see on). 
 
 But if, &c. : the sense of this very difficult clause appears 
 to be — 'for the ( = our) distress (in such slavery) would not have 
 
ESTHER 7. 5-8 343 
 
 had held my peace, « although the adversary could not 
 have compensated for the king's damage. Then spake 5 
 the king Ahasuerus and said unto Esther the queen, Who 
 is he, and where is he, that durst presume in his heart to 
 do so ? And Esther said, An adversary and an enemy, even 6 
 this wicked Haman. Then Haman was afraid before the 
 king and the queen. And the king arose in his wrath 7 
 from the banquet of wine and went into the palace 
 garden : and Haman stood up to make request for his life 
 to Esther the queen ; for he saw that there was evil 
 determined against him by the king. Then the king re- 8 
 * Or, for our affliction is not to he compared with the king's damage 
 
 been (great) enough (to be removed) at the price of the king's 
 loss (were we to be set free).' This rendering, including the 
 bracketed words, can be all of it obtained from the Hebrew text 
 without changing a single consonant and but one vowel, though 
 in other parts of the book (see ver. 67) the word rendered 
 ' distress ' (lit. * straitness ' : see on ii. 18) means * adversary.' 
 The next best of a dozen or more other renderings is that 
 suggested by Oettli, which makes a slight change in the Hebrew : 
 * for the deliverance (from this bondage) would not be (great) 
 enough (to be obtained) at the price of the king's loss.* 
 5-10. Fall and punishment of Haman. 
 
 5. The king and queen being now alone, the latter mentions 
 by name the man to whom the project for massacring the Jews 
 was due. 
 
 that durst presume in his heart: Heb., 'whose heart has 
 filled him to do so ' : see Acts v. 3. In the psychology of the 
 Hebrews the heart is the seat of the understanding, and so stands, 
 as here, for the intellect itself. 
 
 6. An adversary ... an enemy : the first word has reference 
 to conduct — ' one who acts against ' ; the second word to feeling 
 — ' one who has ill-will towards ' : so the Hebrew words may be 
 differentiated. 
 
 7. arose : Heb., ' was rising.' 
 banquet of wine : see on v. 6. 
 
 and went : the words are implied (pregnantly) in the 
 preposition, and need not be italicized. 
 
 palace gfarden : sec on i. 5. 
 
 determined: Heb., ' completed' : see i Sam. xx. 7 ; 2 Sam. 
 XXV. 17 ; Ezek. v. 13 (for same verb). 
 
344 ESTHER 7. q, to 
 
 turned out of the palace garden into the place of the 
 banquet of wine; and Haman was fallen upon the 
 couch whereon Esther was. Then said the king, Will he 
 even force the queen before me in the house ? As the 
 word went out of the king's mouth, they covered Haman's 
 face. Then said Harbonah, one of the chamberlains 
 that were before the king. Behold also, the ^ gallows fifty 
 cubits high, which Haman hath made for Mordecai, who 
 spake good for the king, standeth in the house of Haman. 
 And the king said, Hang him thereon. So they hanged 
 Haman on the gallows that he had prepared for Mordecai. 
 Then was the king's wrath pacified. 
 
 * Heb. tree. 
 
 8. Haman was fallen, &c. : the words mean simply that 
 Haman was lying suppliantwise at the queen's feet in the manner 
 of the country and time (see the monuments), and the king must 
 have known this. Perhaps, however, he was glad to have any 
 pretence for the punishment he intended to inflict upon Haman. 
 
 couch : see on i. 6. 
 
 they ( = the eunuchs) covered Haman's face, just as the 
 Macedonians, Romans, and apparently (as here) the Persians, did 
 in the case of prisoners condemned to death : see the references 
 in Rawlinson (Comm.) ; cf. vi. 12 (see on). 
 
 The king's word or question (will he, &c.) was equivalent to 
 a sentence of death to those who knew him. Condamin, &c., 
 
 spending on the LXX, slightly alter the 
 face grew red,' which is much simpler., 
 
 9. Harbonah : in i. 10 the final consonant is different, 
 chamberlains : see on i. 10. 
 
 g'allows : see on ii. 23. 
 
 for Mordecai: LXX 'for impaling (hanging?) Mordecai.' 
 
 who spake good, &c. : see ii. 21 f., vi. 2 f. ; cf. i Sam. xxv. 
 30 ; Jer. xxxii. 42. 
 
 in the house of Haman : how could an eighty-foot long 
 pole be got into any one's house? See on v. 14. 
 
 Hang- : better, ' impale ' : see on ii. 23. 
 
 10. Ps. vii. 15 f. was fulfilled in Haman's end. 
 hanged : render, ' impaled.' 
 pacified : see on ii. i. 
 
 J 
 
ESTHER 8. 1-4 345 
 
 On that day did the king Ahasuerus give the house of 8 
 Haman the Jews' enemy unto Esther the queen. And 
 Mordecai came before the king ; for Esther had told what 
 he was unto her. And the king took off his ring, which 2 
 he had taken from Haman, and gave it unto Mordecai. 
 And Esther set Mordecai over the house of Haman. And ^ 
 Esther spake yet again before the king, and fell down 
 at his feet, and besought him with tears to put away the 
 mischief of Haman the Agagite, and his device that he 
 had devised against the Jews. Then the king held out 4 
 to Esther the golden sceptre. So Esther arose, and 
 
 VIII. 
 
 I f, Mordecai succeeds to Hainan's honours, wealth, and position. 
 
 1. The king transfers Haraan's property to the queen. In Persia 
 the property of criminals doomed to death was confiscated by the 
 state (see Her. iii. 129 ; Jos. Antiq. xi. i, 3 and 4, 6). 
 
 the house of Hajnan : i. e. his property (see Gen. xxxix. 4, 
 xliv. I ; I Kings xiii. 8 ; Job viii. 15). 
 
 for Esther had told, &c. : prior to this the king does not 
 seem to have known that Esther and Mordecai were cousins (see 
 ii. 7, II. 22, iv. 4-16). 
 
 For his personal service in rescuing the king Mordecai had been 
 (as Wild, remarks) rewarded (see vi. 6 flF.). The fresh honours and 
 emoluments came to him through his connexion with the queen, 
 though, of course, his previous conduct had predisposed the king 
 towards him. 
 
 2. his ring- : see on iii. 10. Through being invested with the 
 signet ring Mordecai became Grand Vizier in succession to 
 Haman. 
 
 Esther set, &c. : Mordecai became steward of Haman's 
 estate, which must have been considerable (see iii. 9, 11, v. 11, 
 ix, 10). 
 
 3-17. Neutralizing of the anti-Jewish decree. 
 
 3-6. Esther's petition for the revocation of the decree. Since 
 'Mordecai the Jew ' was now prime minister, and the date fixed 
 for the massacre was nearly a year off, there seems no urgent 
 reason why Esther should again risk her life (see ver. 4) to plead 
 for the withdrawal of the decree. Perhaps the aim is to exalt the 
 patriotism of Esther. 
 
 3. fell down at his feet : see on vii. 8 and cf. v. 2. 
 
 th« ki&ir ^elA out . . . the flroldeu sceptre : Esther must once 
 
346 ESTHER 8. 5-8 
 
 5 stood before the king. And she said, If it please the 
 king, and if I have found favour in his sight, and 
 the thing seem right before the king, and I be pleasing 
 in his eyes, let it be written to reverse the letters devised 
 by Haman the son of Hammedatha the Agagite, which 
 he wrote to destroy the Jews which are in all the king's 
 
 6 provinces : for how can I endure to see the evil that 
 shall come unto my people ? or how can I endure to see 
 
 7 the destruction of my kindred ? Then the king Ahasue- 
 rus said unto Esther the queen and to Mordecai the Jew, 
 Behold, I have given Esther the house of Haman, and 
 him they have hanged upon the gallows, because he laid 
 
 8 his hand upon the Jews. Write ye also ^ to the Jews, as 
 
 * Or, concerning 
 
 more have presented herself before the king unbidden (see on iv. 
 11). But the queen on the present occasion has begun to speak 
 before the sceptre is held out to her. 
 
 5. If it please, &c. : see on Neh. ii. 7. The heaping up of 
 adulatory epithets accords well with the ways of the East even 
 now. 
 
 right : Heb. kdsher (cf. kosher). In post-biblical Hebrew 
 the word stands for what is in accordance with religious laws — 
 food, drink, &c. 
 
 reverse : better, ' revoke ' : lit. ' cause to return.* 
 
 letters: see iii. 12-14, and for the word on i. 22. 
 
 devised by Hainan, and therefore revocable. But the king 
 cannot accept the argument. It was the king's decree and could 
 not be altered. 
 
 6. Cf. Gen. xliv. 34, and see on vi. 9. 
 kindred: see ii. 10, 20. 
 
 7 f. The king consents, in his own way, to meet Esther's 
 wishes. He cannot call back the edict which has gone forth, for 
 no Persian law is alterable (i. 19), but he can and will send forth 
 another decree which will make the other of no effect (ver. 11). 
 
 7. and to Mordecai the Jew : Esther and the kimg seem up to 
 this time. to be alone, and this clause, omitted by most of the ver- 
 sions, is rejected by many modern editors. But see ver. 8, 'Write 
 ye,^ &c. 
 
 8. Write ye, &c. : Mordecai, having now the king's seal, could 
 himself, as Haman had done (iii. 11 f.), issue and send forth a new 
 
ESTHER 8. 9, lo 347 
 
 it liketh you, in the king's name, and seal it with the king's 
 ring : for the writing which is written in the king's name, 
 and sealed with the king's ring, may no man reverse. 
 Then were the king's scribes called at that time, in the 9 
 third month, which is the month Sivan, on the three and 
 twentieth day thereof; and it was written according to all 
 that Mordecai commanded unto the Jews, and to the 
 satraps, and the governors and princes of the provinces 
 which are from India unto Ethiopia, an hundred twenty 
 and seven provinces, unto every province according to 
 the writing thereof, and unto every people after their 
 language, and to the Jews according to their writing, 
 and according to their language. And he wrote in the 10 
 name of king Ahasuerus, and sealed it with the king's 
 ring, and sent letters by posts on horseback, riding on 
 
 edict. Here Esther is associated with Mordecai. It looks as if 
 some words between verses 7 f. had fallen out. 
 seal, &c. : see on iii. 10. 
 reverse : see on ver. 5. 
 9-14. The measures taken by Mordecai. See notes on iii. 12-15, 
 where in describing the steps taken by Haman in issuing the first 
 decree, the language and matter are much the same. 
 
 9. This verse is the longest in the hagiographa. 
 
 the third month . . . Sivan, &c. : i. e. two months and ten 
 days later than the issue of Haman's decree (iii. 12 f.). What 
 happened in the interval ? See iv. i to viii. 2. 
 
 Sivan : one of the Babylonian month names (see on Ezra ix. 
 17), corresponding roughly to our May-June. 
 
 satraps . . . governors . . . princes: see on iii. 12. 
 
 hundred twenty and seven provinces : see on i. i. 
 
 10. sealed : see on iii. 10. 
 
 letters : better, ' dispatches ' (see on i. 22). 
 
 posts : see on iii. 13. 
 
 posts on horseback : better, 'mounted couriers.' 
 
 ridingr, &c. : render, 'riding on swift steeds bred of royal 
 studs.' For this translation the only textual change necessary is 
 the removal to the last placeof the verse of the one word rendered 
 above ' royal ' (R.V. 'used in the king's service'"^ which comes from 
 a Persian noun kshatra ( = ' kingdom '). 
 
348 ESTHER 8. 11-13 
 
 a swift steeds that were used in the king's service, bred of 
 
 1 1 the stud : wherein the king granted the Jews which were 
 in every city to gather themselves together, and to stand 
 for their hfe, to destroy, to slay, and to cause to perish, 
 all the power of the people and province that would 
 assault them, tJieir little ones and women, and to take the 
 
 1 2 spoil of them for a prey, upon one day in all the provinces 
 of king Ahasuerus, Jiamely^ upon the thirteenth ^qy of the 
 
 13 twelfth month, which is the month Adar. A copy of 
 the writing, ^that the decree should be given out in every 
 province, was published unto all the peoples, and that 
 
 * Or, swift steeds, nmleSy and young dromedaries 
 ^ Or, io be given out for a decree 
 
 used in the king-'s service : in Heb. one word = * royal,' 
 or literally ' belonging to the kingdom ' (see above and ver. 14). 
 
 stud: judging from the Persian and Arabic the word in the 
 M.T. = lit. * mares.' Then it probably came, as here, to have a col- 
 lective sense, as in the E.VV. In post-biblical Hebrew the word 
 = < mule,' but * bred ' of ( = 'descended from ') ' mules ' gives no 
 good sense. 
 
 11. Contents of the new decree. On the day fixed for the 
 slaughter of the Jews, who were supposed in the first decree to 
 calmly submit to their fate, the Jews were authorized to defend 
 themselves, and in addition (see ver. 13) to take vengeance upon 
 their foes. 
 
 their life = themselves (Semitic idiom). 
 to destroy, &c. : see on iii. 13. 
 
 12. See on iii. 13. 
 
 [Apoc. Esther xvi. 1-24. The letter of Artaxerxes. In this the 
 king revokes the former decree (see on verses 7 f. and cf. i. 19), 
 charges Haman with trying to get Persia into the hands of the 
 Macedonians, while the Jews are said to live by very just laws 
 and not to be evil doers. The letter bears on its face clear marks 
 of its spuriousness, though it is followed by Josephus, &c. It is 
 very different from the royal edicts of Ezra-Nehemiah : see 
 p. 12 ff".] 
 
 13 f. See on iii. 14 f. Note how the tables are again turned. 
 Mordecai's adversary has been impaled on the stake prepared for 
 himself. In the new edict the Jews are not only to resist being 
 massacred, but to turn upon their foes and massacre them— and 
 they did (ix. 12, 16). 
 
ESTHER 8. 14-17 349 
 
 the Jews should be ready against that day to avenge 
 themselves on their enemies. So the posts that rode 14 
 upon swift steeds that were used in the king's service 
 went out^ being hastened and pressed on by the king's 
 commandment ; and the decree was given out in Shushan 
 the palace. And Mordecai went forth from the presence 1 5 
 of the king in royal apparel of blue and white, and with 
 a great crown of gold, and with a robe of fine linen and 
 purple : and the city of Shushan shouted and was glad. 
 The Jews had light and gladness, and joy and honour. 16 
 And in every province, and in every city, whithersoever 17 
 the king's commandment and his decree came, the Jews 
 had gladness and joy, a feast and a good day. And 
 
 14. posts : see on iii. 13. 
 
 that rode upon : render, ' that rode upon swift royal 
 steeds.' 
 
 beingr hastened, &c. : what need was there ? See on 
 verses 3-6. 
 
 Shushan the palace : see on i. 2 and on Neh. i. 2. 
 
 15-17. Jewish feasting and rejoicing. 
 
 15. royal apparel : see vi. 8, where the same Hebrew words 
 are used though a different garment is intended. The grand vizier 
 was allowed to dress much as the king did, though, according to 
 Rawlinson, the king's own outer garb was purple, or purple em- 
 broidered with gold. 
 
 crown: not the Heb. word in i. 11 (see on), ii. 17, vi. 8. 
 
 the city . . . shouted, &c. : contrast with what is said in iii. 15 
 (see on) ' the city was perplexed.' Would the whole city be so 
 much moved by what affected the Jews? Have we not here and 
 in iii. 15 an exaggeration for the sake of magnifying Jewish in- 
 fluence in Persia? 
 
 16. light: a symbol of prosperity (see Job xxii. 22, xxx. 24 ; 
 Ps. xxvii. I, xxxvi. 9. &c.). 
 
 g-ladness : contrast with the sadness of iv. 3. 
 
 17. province : see on i. i. 
 
 a good day: i.e. a festal day, as in ix. 19, 22. In 
 post-biblical Hebrew the word is constantly used in this sense. 
 One of the treatises of the Tosephta is called by this name 
 ^Yont Tob). 
 
350 ESTHER 9. r, 2 
 
 many from among the peoples of the land became Jews ; 
 for the fear of the Jews was fallen upon them. 
 
 Now in the twelfth month, which is the month Adar, 
 on the thirteenth day of the same, when the king's 
 commandment and his decree drew near to be put in 
 execution, in the day that the enemies of the Jews hoped 
 to have rule over them ; whereas it was turned to the 
 contrary, that the Jews had rule over them that hated 
 them ; the Jews gathered themselves together in their 
 cities throughout all the provinces of the king Ahasuerus, 
 to lay hand on such as sought their hurt: and no man 
 could withstand them ; for the fear of them was fallen 
 
 many . . . became Jews : no other rendering of the words 
 is possible, though others have been proposed. Once more the 
 tables are turned (see ver. 13). Less than three months back it was 
 dangerous to be known as a Jew (see ii. 10, &c.). Now it is dan- 
 gerous to be thought anything else — and that in Persia, not 
 Judaea ! 
 
 This mention of proselytes, the earliest in the O.T., proves that 
 the book is not older than the Greek period (cf. ix. 27). 
 
 peoples of the land : see on Ezra iii. 3. 
 
 the fear of, &c. : objective gen. (see ix. 2 f. and cf. Gen. 
 XXXV. 5 ; Exod. xv. 16 ; Deut. xi. 25, &c.). 
 
 IX. 
 
 i-io. The Jews resist and slaughter thet'r foes. It is quite evi- 
 dent that the Jews did much more than defend themselves (see on 
 ver. 13 and on viii. 13 f.). They put to death (i) 500 in the for- 
 tified quarters (ver. 6), (2) 300 in the civilian quarter (ver. 15), and 
 (3) 75jOOo ii^ the provinces (ver. 16). 
 
 1. in the twelfth month: i.e. about nine months after the 
 issuing of the second decree (viii. 9). The narrative is silent as 
 to the doings of this interval. 
 
 to have rule : better, ' to have the mastery,' lit. ' to have 
 power.' 
 
 over them, &c. : punctuate and render (as Siegfried, &c.\ 
 'over them it was turned about (-the tables were turned, see 
 on viii. 13 f.), so that the Jews got the mastery over their enemies.' 
 
 2. See viii. 11. 
 
 to lay hand on: see on ii. 21. 
 
ESTHER 9. 3-9 351 
 
 upon all the peoples. And all the princes of the provinces, 3 
 and the satraps, and the governors, and they that did the 
 king's business, helped the Jews ; because the fear of 
 Mordecai was fallen upon them. For Mordecai was 4 
 great in the king's house, and his fame went forth through- 
 out all the provinces : for the man Mordecai waxed 
 greater and greater. And the Jews smote all their 5 
 enemies with the stroke of the sword, and with slaughter 
 and destruction, and did what they would unto them 
 that hated them. And in Shushan the palace the Jews 6 
 slew and destroyed five hundred men. And Parshan- 7 
 datha, and Dalphon, and Aspatha, and Poratha, and 8 
 Adalia, and Aridatha, and Parmashta, and Arisai, 9 
 
 3. princes . . . satraps . . . sfovernors : see on iii. 12. 
 they that did the king's business : see on iii. 9. 
 
 helped the Jews : by so doing the official class would be 
 helping themselves. See what follows in this and the next two 
 verses. 
 
 4. his fame : this word = ' what is said ' (from the point of view 
 of the speaker). The Heb. word = ' what is heard ' (from the point 
 of view of the hearer). 
 
 5. the Jews smote all, &c. : Paton, guided by an excessive 
 literalism, renders * so among their enemies the Jews made a 
 smiting,' &c. The preposition rendered 'among' (b) often intro- 
 duces a direct object, and it does so with this very verb in i Sam. 
 xiv. 31, xxiii. 2, &c. The E.VV. are therefore correct. 
 
 and with slangrhter and destruction: in Hebrew this is 
 simply an adverbial or circumstantial clause adding force to the 
 principal verb. The idiom is very common in Hebrew, but seems 
 odd when put literally into English. 
 
 6. Shushan the palace : see on i. 2 and on Neh. i. 2. Note the 
 sharp differentiation between the military (ver. 6) and the civilian 
 quarters (ver, 14 f.) of Shushan. 
 
 7-9. The name of Haman's ten sons appear in various forms in the 
 versions, those in the LXX differing much from the orthography 
 of the Hebrew. The names are generally held to be of Persian 
 origin, and gallant attempts have been made to prove this. The 
 M.T. has many peculiarities in the forms and positions of the letters 
 and in the arrangement of the names, and the Massorites and 
 others have busied themselves much in explaining these things 
 (see Ber.-Rys., Wild., Paton, &c.). 
 
 A a 
 
352 ESTHER 9. 10-14 
 
 10 and Aridai, and Vaizatha, the ten sons of Haman the 
 son of Hammedatha, the Jews' enemy, slew they ; but 
 
 11 on the spoil they laid not their hand. On that day the 
 number of those that were slain in Shushan the palace 
 
 13 was brought before the king. And the king said unto 
 Esther the queen, The Jews have slain and destroyed 
 five hundred men in Shushan the palace, and the ten 
 sons of Haman ; what then have they done in the rest 
 of the king's provinces ! Now what is thy petition ? and 
 it shall be granted thee : or what is thy request further ? 
 
 13 and it shall be done. Then said Esther, If it please the 
 king, let it be granted to the Jews which are in Shushan 
 to do to-morrow also according unto this day's decree, 
 and let Haman's ten sons be hanged upon the gallows. 
 
 14 And the king commanded it so to be done : and a decree 
 was given out in Shushan; and they hanged Haman's 
 
 10. but on the spoil they laid not their hand, though the 
 terms of the edict allowed them to (viii. 11). Why did the}' thus 
 restrain themselves ? There are many guesses, one that the 
 Jews wished to remove all suspicion that they were actuated by 
 mercenary considerations : cf. Gen. xiv. 22. 
 
 11-15. Esthet- by her earnest petition secures from the king an 
 additional day in which the Jews may take vengeance on their foes — 
 this titne in the civilian quarters. 
 
 12. The Jews have slain 500 men, including Haman's ten sons. 
 Is the queen satisfied ? She is not (see next verse). 
 
 13. Esther's petition : viz. that the Jews may have another day 
 granted them to massacre their enemies in the civil as they had in 
 the military quarters (ver. 6), and that Haman's sons, already killed 
 (verses 7-9), should be impaled. The petition does not say much 
 for the queen's humanity, or even for the humanity of the writer 
 who created her character. 
 
 14. The king assents and issues a decree embodying both the 
 requests of the queen. 
 
 they hanged: render, 'impaled.' In the present case, at all 
 events, even if not usually, persons impaled had been previously 
 put to death (see on Ezra vi. 11). 
 
ESTHER 9. 15-19 353 
 
 ten sons. And the Jews that were in Shushan gathered 15 
 themselves together on the fourteenth day also of the 
 month Adar, and slew three hundred men in Shushan ; 
 but on the spoil they laid not their hand. And the other 16 
 Jews that were in the king's provinces gathered themselves 
 together, and stood for their lives, and had rest from their 
 enemies, and slew of them that hated them seventy and 
 five thousand ; but on the spoil they laid not their hand. 
 This was done on the thirteenth day of the month Adar ; 17 
 and on the fourteenth day of the same they rested, and 
 made it a day of feasting and gladness. But the Jews 18 
 that were in Shushan assembled together on the thirteenth 
 day thereof, and on the fourteenth thereof ; and on the 
 fifteenth day of the same they rested, and made it a day 
 of feasting and gladness. Therefore do the Jews of 19 
 
 15. the foturteentli day: see on verses 16-19. 
 
 three hundred men : cf. ver. 6. One would have ex- 
 pected a larger number in the civilian quarter, where the popu- 
 lation was greater. 
 
 on the spoil, &c, : see on ver. 10. 
 
 16-19. The institution of Piirim ; oHgitt of the two different ctays 
 of its observance. The provincial Jews brought their acts of de- 
 fence and vengeance to an end in one day, the thirteenth, resting 
 on the following day. The Susa Jews filled two days with 
 such acts, the thirteenth and fourteenth, resting on the fifteenth 
 day. This difference is made to explain the divergent usage as 
 regards the day when Purim was observed, in Susa the fifteenth 
 day, in the provinces the fourteenth. This is, however, a case 
 of making history to explain custom : cf. what are called ' Aetio- 
 logical myths,' the ritual coming first, the myth explaining (?) it 
 coming after ^ 
 
 Verses i6f. should be read closely together, thus: — 
 
 ' 16 Now the other Jews . . . seventy and five thousand (though 
 onthespoilthey laid not their hand) 17 on the thirteenth day,' &c. 
 
 18. assembled, &c., for self-defence and slaughter (see verses 
 
 a day of, &c. : see ver. 17 and viii. 17. 
 
 19. Render, ' Therefore the Jews of unwalled cities (towns and 
 
 1 See W. R. Smith, Rel. SemS'^^ 17 f. 
 A a 2 
 
354 P:STHER 9. 20-22 
 
 the villages, that dwell in the unwalled towns, make the 
 fourteenth day of the month Adar a day of gladness and 
 feasting, and a good day, and of sending portions one to 
 another. 
 
 20 And Mordecai wrote these things, and sent letters 
 unto all the Jews that were in all the provinces of the 
 
 21 king Ahasuerus, both nigh and far, to enjoin them that 
 they should keep the fourteenth day of the month Adar, 
 
 22 and the fifteenth day of the same, yearly, as the days 
 
 villages) are accustomed to keep the fourteenth of the month Adar 
 as a source of joy, as a banquet, as a feast day, and as (a time for) 
 sending portions to one another.' 
 
 villages: the Heb. word = ' cities,' 'towns/ or 'villages with- 
 out walls of defence ' (see Ezek. xxxviii. ii ; Zech. ii. 8). In Deut. 
 iii. 5 they are contrasted with ' walled cities.' 
 
 that dwell in the unwalled towns : this clause adds nothing, 
 and was, no doubt, originally a marginal gloss to the one Heb. word 
 translated in the E.VV. ' of the villages.' 
 
 sending portions : see on Neh.viii. 10. 
 
 Some codd. of the LXX add what is essential to the sense and 
 probably stood originally in the M.T. : * But dwellers in the cities 
 keep also the fifteenth of Adar as a joyful and festal day, sending 
 portions to their neighbours.' 
 
 20-32. Two dispatches concerning the observance of Purim, one 
 sent forth in the name of Mordecai (20-22), the other in the names of 
 Mordecai and Esther (29-32). Since the time of J. D. Michaelis 
 (d. 1791) many scholars have been inclined to regard the whole 
 of verses 20-32 as an independent piece added by the writer of the 
 rest of the book to complete the history. The evidence is not 
 very decisive either wa}', though on the whole language and 
 matter favour this conclusion (seep. 299). 
 
 20-22. Mordecai' s decree. 
 
 20. these things: i.e. what the letters (dispatches) enjoin, 
 not the present book. 
 
 letters : see on i. 22. 
 
 21. keep: Heb. ' continue to keep ' (part.). 
 
 fourteenth . . . fifteenth day: i. e. both days are to be 
 kept by all Jews. According to verses 17-19 the countrj' 
 Jews kept the fourteenth, those of Susa the fifteenth. We have 
 here probably the post eventum justification of the later (and 
 modern) practice of observing both days (see on ix. 16-19) ; cf. 
 
ESTHER 9. 23-25 355 
 
 wherein the Jews had rest from their enemies, and the 
 month which was turned unto them from sorrow to 
 gladness, and from mourning into a good day : that they 
 should make them days of feasting and gladness, and of 
 sending portions one to another, and gifts to the poor. 
 And the Jews undertook to do as they had begun, and 23 
 as Mordecai had written unto them ; because Haman the 24 
 son of Hammedatha, the Agagite, the enemy of all the 
 Jews, had devised against the Jews to destroy them, and 
 had cast Pur, that is, the lot, to consume them, and to 
 destroy them ; but when the matter came before the king, 35 
 
 the Jewish custom of keeping two New Year's days, and even in 
 early times two Sabbaths, to be sure that all the nation kept the 
 festival on the same day. 
 
 22. The words as the days . . . into a good day are paren- 
 thetic. 
 
 the xuouth : render, ' as the month.' 
 good (i.e. festival; day. 
 23-28. Mordecai'' s cornmanci obeyed. 
 
 23. undertook : the Hebrew verb (cognate with qabbalah) 
 means to accept and recognize as traditional, and therefore obliga- 
 tory. It is a great word in post-biblical Judaism, but in this 
 sense occurs in the O.T. only here and in ver. 27. 
 
 The Jews look upon them (i) to keep on doing as they had 
 begun (verses 17-19) ; ''2) to carry out Mordecai's behest (verses 
 31 f.) : but how could they do contradictory things? See on 
 ver. 21. 
 
 24 f. An account of Haman^ s plot , differing from that in iii. 7-15 
 (see below). 
 
 24. Eaman . . . the Agagite : see on iii. i. 
 the enemy, &c. : see on iii. 10. 
 devised : see viii. 3. 
 
 Pnr : see on iii. 7. 
 
 (to) constime them : Heb. httniniam, with a word-play on 
 'Haman.' The verb ( ^' to confound ') does not occur ini-ix. ig, 
 and has been unnecessarily rejected by some editors. It occurs in 
 Jer.li. 34 (E.VV. ' crushed';. 
 
 25. the matter: as this expression is implied in the feminine 
 T — neuter) forms of the verb the italics should be dispensed with. 
 Some (Syr., the Targs,, Ryssel, &c.', make the feminine suffix 
 refer to Esther, 'When she came,' &c. But she has not been 
 
356 ESTHER 9. 26, 27 
 
 he commanded by letters that his wicked device, which 
 he had devised against the Jews, should return upon his 
 own head ; and that he and his sons should be hanged 
 
 26 on the gallows. Wherefore they called these days Purim, 
 after the name of Pur. Therefore because of all the 
 words of this letter, and of that which they had seen 
 concerning this matter, and that which had come unto 
 
 27 them, the Jews ordained, and took upon them, and 
 upon their seed, and upon all such as joined themselves 
 unto them, so as it should not fail, that they would keep 
 these two days according to the writing thereof, and 
 according to the appointed time thereof, every year ; 
 
 mentioned since ver. 13. It will be noted that in the present 
 account, as above explained, Esther's part (see v-vii) is entirely 
 ignored, which is suggestive of a different source. 
 
 lie commanded by letters : the Heb. here is strange and 
 unparalleled. Besides, we know elsewhere of no written decision 
 of the king pronouncing sentence upon Haman. Probably the 
 words are a copyist's marginal gloss. 
 
 lie and his sons should be hanged (see on ii. 23) on the 
 gallows ( = ' stake ') : apparently at one time, but according to 
 vii. 10, ix. 14 Haman's sons were impaled after their father. 
 
 26. This explains for the first time in the book why lot is called 
 Pur, i.e. to connect the tale incidents of the book and its patriot- 
 ism with the already existing Persian feast Purim (see ver. 24, 
 iii. 7). 
 
 Purim: the Persian (?) word is pluralized as if Hebrew. 
 
 Therefore should be immediately joined with ver. 27, ' the 
 Jews ordained,' &c. The words between form a parenthesis. 
 
 this letter : see on Ezra iv. 8, where the Aramaic form of the 
 same word occurs. The reference is, of course, to Mordecai's 
 dispatch (verses 21 f). 
 
 this matter : the theme of the letter (ver. 20 ' letters '). 
 27 gives the contents of Mordecai's dispatch (21 f.), not (as 
 Paton) the substance of ver. 19. 
 
 such as joined themselves : i. e. proselytes (see on viii. 17). 
 
 writing : the ' letters ' of ver. 20. 
 
 thereof: Heb., 'their' (writing); the possessive pronoun 
 refers in both cases to the two days. 
 
 the appointed time: see on ver. 21. 
 
ESTHER 9. 28-31 357 
 
 and that these days should be remembered and kept 28 
 throughout every generation, every family, every province, 
 and every city; and that these days of Purim should 
 not fail from among the Jews, nor the memorial of them 
 a perish from their seed. Then Esther the queen, the 29 
 daughter of Abihail, and Mordecai the Jew, wrote with 
 all ^authority to confirm this second letter of Purim. 
 And he sent letters unto all the Jews, to the hundred 3° 
 twenty and seven provinces of the kingdom of Ahasuerus, 
 ivith words of peace and truth, to confirm these days of 31 
 
 » Heb. he ended. *» Heb. strength. 
 
 28. family, or clan, subdivision of a tribe (seep. 52). 
 seed : descendants. 
 
 No nation in history has shown such solidarity and persistence 
 in upholding the ways of the fathers as the Jews. 
 
 29-32. Mordecai' s {and Esther s) second dispatch {letter) enjoin- 
 ing fasting and loud lamentation as a part of the Feast. The text 
 has evidently been tampered with, for while Esther and Mordecai 
 are the agents elsewhere, in ver. 30 it is one only, ' he ' (unless we 
 explain impersonally). This and the fact that in ver. 32 Esther 
 confirms by special command what is prescribed in ver. 31 make 
 it likely that this second letter is sent to supply what was lacking 
 in the first. 
 
 29. Esther . . . daughter of Abihail : see on ii. 15. 
 
 wrote: the verb is fem. and implies a fem. subject, though, 
 of course, it may be a case of the verb agreeing (in Heb.) with the 
 nearest subject Paton omits all reference to Mordecai in this verse 
 and makes this second dispatch one of the queen's onlj'. 
 
 with all authority: i.e. probably (as Keil, Scholz, &c.) 
 * with emphasis.' 
 
 this second letter (' dispatch ') : referring to what follows 
 (ver. 31). For the word letter see on ver. 26. 
 
 30. Not in the LXX. 
 
 he : i. e. Mordecai, if the text is correct (see on 29-32). 
 
 letters : see on i. 22. 
 
 hundred twenty and seven provinces : see on i. r. 
 
 with words, &c. : render, ' with words of greeting and of 
 faithfulness.' Probably these words were on the outside of each 
 dispatch (letter) sent out. There is no need to italicize with, 
 as it is contained in the accus. case implied. 'Words of are 
 hardly in apposition with letters (as Bertheau-Ryssel, &c.). 
 
358 ESTHER 9. 32— 10. 2 
 
 Purim in their appointed times, according as Mordecai 
 the Jew and Esther the queen had enjoined them, and 
 as they had ordained for themselves and for their seed, 
 
 32 a in the matter of the fastings and their cry. And the 
 commandment of Esther confirmed these matters of 
 Purim ; and it was written in the book. 
 
 10 And the king Ahasuerus laid a tribute upon the land, 
 
 2 and upon the isles of the sea. And all the acts of his 
 
 power and of his might, and the full account of the 
 
 greatness of Mordecai, whereunto the king advanced 
 
 * See ch. iv. 3. 
 
 31. to confirm (or 'establish') these days, &c. : with special 
 reference to what is mentioned in the end of the verse. The pur- 
 pose of the second dispatch was to estabhsh fasting and loud 
 lamentation (see iv. i, 3) as an essential part of the feast. 
 
 in the matter of, &c. : better, ' as regards the acts of fasting 
 and their (accompanying) lamentation.' See for the idiom * words ' 
 or ' things of ( = * instances ' or * acts of ' ) * Brief Studies in Psalm 
 Criticism ' by the present writer in Orientalische Studien (Noldeke), 
 ii. 648. 
 
 their (cry) : refers to the acts of fasting, the loud lamenta- 
 tion accompanying fasting (see iv. i, 3). 
 
 32. The queen issues a mandate confirming what Mordecai had 
 in his two dispatches enjoined. 
 
 the book : the word in plural is translated ' letters ' in ver. 20 
 (see on i. 22). Perhaps Esther issued a dispatch of her own, 
 endorsing what her cousin had done. 
 
 X. 1-3. 77!^ king and his tribute. Mordecai's greatness. This 
 section hangs loosely on to what precedes, and is almost certainly 
 an addition made from a larger record (see on ver. 2) for the pur- 
 pose of extolling the king and his prime minister, who bulk so 
 largely in the book. 
 
 1. laid a tribute : the purpose is not stated. 
 
 isles of the sea = the lands washed by the Mediterranean 
 Sea. The extent of the king's dominions shows that no other than 
 Xerxes can be meant. 
 
 With this verse and the first half of the next the account of 
 Xerxes abruptly ends, though in the sources used there was 
 probably a detailed record of that king's reign and his doings. 
 
 2. might: the Heb. word is used collectively for heroic or 
 valiant deeds, as in i Kings xv. 23 ; i Cliron. xxix. 30, &c. 
 
ESTHER 10. 3 359 
 
 hirrij are they not written in the book of the chronicles 
 of the kings of Media and Persia ? For Mordecai the 3 
 Jew was next unto king Ahasuerus, and great among 
 the Jews, and accepted of the multitude of his brethren ; 
 seeking the good of his people, and speaking peace to all 
 his seed. 
 
 book of the chronicles, 8cc. : the allusion is to a history of 
 the kings of Media and Persia, probably the official records kept 
 year by year and reign by reign, referred to in ii. 23 and vi. i. 
 There is no reason to doubt that every Persian subject and even 
 others properly recommended could consult such records. The 
 part dealing with the reign of Xerxes might be expected to give 
 full information about such a grand vizier as this book makes him 
 out to be. Though the book is not written for the history in it, 
 yet its tale must at least bear the appearance of history, hke the 
 Hellenized romances of Ktesias. 
 
 3. accepted of = ' liked * (so the Hebrew). 
 
 speaking- peace : render (with Sieg., &c,), ' caring for the 
 well-being of ' (see Ps. Ixxxv. 8 (9) ; Zech. ix. 10). The word 
 translated * peace * never means that, nor is the idea of peace in its 
 root, verbal or nominal : it = * completeness', then ' perfect well- 
 being ' — nothing lacking (see on Ps. cxix. 165, Century Bible). 
 
 [Ap. Esther x. 4-13. Epilogue describing how the Feast of 
 Purim was established.] 
 
ADDITIONAL NOTES^ 
 
 I. WAS CYRUS THE GREAT A ZOROASTRIAN? 
 
 It will be seen from the notes in this volume (see pp. 14, 40, 102) 
 that the present writer answers the above question in the 
 affirmative, as have nearly all writers in the past and as do most 
 modern writers. It must be admitted, however, that the evidence 
 is scanty and indecisive. The number of Cyrus inscriptions that 
 have been found is but small, the most important being the 
 Cyrus Cylinder 2 (see p. 14) and the Nabonidus-Cyrus Chronicle 3, 
 both in the British Museum. In both Cyrus speaks of himself as 
 a worshipper of Marduk and as recognizing other Babylonian 
 deities, Bel, Nebo, &c., just as in Ezra i. 2 he ascribes to Yahweh 
 the victories he had won, and as Darius I at a later time recog- 
 nized Apollo. But in no extant inscription of Cyrus is there the 
 remotest hint of his connexion with Zoroastrianism. This may 
 be due to the fact that almost all the contemporary records of his 
 reign have been lost — assuming that a goodly number of such 
 at one time existed, in harmony with the customs of the time. 
 It should be remembered, however, that there is not a syllable in 
 the Cyrus inscriptions known to us intimating that this great king 
 professed any other religion than that of Zarathustra : they are 
 simply silent as to his own religion. Some have interpreted the 
 free way in which he allows himself to be written down as 
 a worshipper of the gods of Babylon as well as of Yahweh 
 as a proof of indifferentism or Agnosticism in religion, and that 
 his tolerance was dictated by policy pure and simple (see p. 40). 
 But the trilingual inscriptions found at Behistun, Persia*, prove 
 that Darius Hystaspis was an almost fanatical upholder of 
 Mazdaism ( = Zoroastrianism) ; yet in the Gadatas inscription ^ 
 he associates himself with the worshippers of Apollo as if he were 
 
 ^ The author regrets that he has failed to obtain access to an article 
 by Professor A. V. Williams Jackson in The Journal of the American 
 Oriental Society, vol. xxi, pp. 160-84. The subject treated of 
 is ' The Religion of the Achaemenian Kings,' and its value is vouched 
 for by the name of the writer : Dr. L. H. Gray adds an Appendix. 
 
 2 See text and translation in SchvaLd&TtKeilinschriftlicheBibliotheky 
 iii. 121 ff. ; H. C. Rawlinson, Journal of the R. A. S., 1S80, 71 ff. 
 
 2 Schrader, op. cit.y 167 ff.; Pinches, JSBA., I. vii. 139-76- 
 
 * See JRAS., 1847, for text and translation by H. C Rawlinson, 
 and especially the new and greatly improved edition issued in 1907 
 by the British Museum. See, for a revised translation, Records of 
 the Past, i. 109 ff. ^ See p. 102. 
 
ADDITIONAL NOTES 361 
 
 of the same religion as themselves. The toleration displayed by 
 the early Persian kings is to be explained rather from the lofty 
 ethical principles of the religion they professed (see p. 15) — 
 Zarathustraism (Zoroastrianism), as the present writer maintains. 
 Yet as Darius is so explicit in his utterances concerning his religion 
 it is admittedly strange that Cyrus should have kept silence re- 
 garding the matter. Perhaps, however, if we possessed Cyrus in- 
 scriptions in as great an abundance as we do inscriptions of Darius 
 it would be found that he too was a zealous adherent of the same 
 faith, though, of course, he might have been less outspoken than 
 Darius on religious questions : it is not always the man who 
 speaks most about religion that is most religious. 
 
 There is nothing in the records which have come down to us 
 that suggests a change in the religion of Persia between 529 when 
 Cyrus died and 521 when Darius I began to reign. If the two 
 kings were of different religions some indication of the consequent 
 changes in the religious attitude of the government must have 
 survived. Among those who say that Cyrus was a Zarathustran 
 the following may be named, leaving out the older writers who 
 were practically all of this opinion: Ewald^, Kuenen^^ Renan^, 
 McCurdy* (who, however, wrongly identifies the old Iranian 
 religion with Zoroastrianism), Noldeke', Guthe^, GunkeP, 
 Bertholet^, Budde^, Wilhelm^ (Jena), and Staerk^ (Jena). 
 
 Several recent scholars, however, hold that Darius I was the 
 first Persian king to profess Zarathustraism: thus Sayce®, 
 Pinches ''^ (who says Cyrus, as his Anzan forefathers, was a 
 Polytheist), E. Meyer ^, and Sir Henry Howorth^. Dr. E. 
 Lehmann of Copenhagen ^ comes to the conclusion that the 
 evidence is insufficient to permit of a decision on either side 
 of this controversy. But it is hard to think that the king of Persia 
 in 521 supported a different religion from that of his predecessors 
 during the foregoing eight or nine years, without there being the 
 slightest indication of the change in any of the records which 
 have reached us. Note, moreover, that Darius I claims that on 
 coming to the throne he restored the religion of his ancestors 
 which Gaumata the Magian had suppressed ^^. 
 
 ^ History of Israel ^ v. 40. ^ The Religion of Israel, ii. 139 f. 
 
 ^ History of the People of Israel, iii. 382. 
 
 * History, Prophecy, and the Monuments, iii. 439 ff., cf. p. 307. 
 
 ^ Communic?,ted orally to the writer. '^ Herodotus, p. 440. 
 
 "^ The Old Testament in the Light of the Historical Records 
 of Assyria and Babylon, 423. ^ Geschichte, &c. iii. 126. 
 
 ^ Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte^^J, edited by Chantepie de la 
 Saussaye, ii. 156. 
 
 ^° Behistun inscriptions, col. i. 14 : Records of the Past, i. p. 1 15 ,* 
 British Museum edition, p. 16S. 
 
362 ADDITIONAL NOTES 
 
 2. WERE THE EARLY PERSIAN KINGS TOLERANT 
 TOWARDS THE VOTARIES OF OTHER RELIGIONS 
 THAN THEIR OWN? 
 
 This question is asked and answered with special reference to 
 Cyrus (Ezra i-iii), Darius I (Ezra v f.), and Artaxerxes I (Ezra vii 
 to end of Nehemiah), and the present writer answers unhesi- 
 tatingly in the affirmative : see for illustration and proof what 
 is said on pp. 14 f., 40, and 102. It has been repeatedly stated that 
 the sympathy shown by the early Persian kings towards the Jews 
 and their religion arose from their consciousness of the close 
 affinity between Zarathustraism and Yahwism : but even if the 
 affinity were as close as it is held to be (Zarathustra was not 
 strictly a monotheist but a duotheist), how came Cyrus and 
 Darius I to show equal favour towards the polytheisms and 
 ethically inferior religions of Babylon and Greece ? It is probable 
 that the official decrees in which the above kings are made to 
 speak of themselves as worshippers of the gods of Babylon and 
 Greece as well as of Yahweh were worded by the priests of the 
 various cults concerned ; but it is highly improbable that these 
 kings would allow foreign priests to make them say what was 
 false, especially if there was a tendency in what was written to 
 compromise them with the priests of their own religion and 
 therefore with the leaders among their own people. 
 
 Lehmann^ seems to think that Zarathustraism was intolerant, 
 and he refers to the Avesta for support, since in it poHtical as 
 well as religious opponents are classed with what belongs to the 
 kingdom of evil, and are therefore in the name of Ahuramazda to 
 be persecuted out of existence. But the author does not specify 
 the period to which his description applies. It is known that the 
 Avesta as we have it, including the often ferocious Gathas, belongs 
 to the time of the Sassanids (a. d. 226-641), when all the great 
 religions seem to have given themselves up very freely to the 
 bitterest persecution. 
 
 It has been pointed out as an illustration of the intolerance of 
 the early Persian kings that Cambyses destroyed the Egyptian 
 temples, though he spared the Jewish temple at Yeb^ because 
 the religion was akin to his own. But when Cambyses invaded 
 Egypt on the occasion referred to his purpose was to punish the 
 priests of Memphis for some acts of disloyalty against Persia of 
 which they had been guilty. The sacred bull Apis was killed by 
 the Persian army, the leading spirits among the priests being 
 
 * Op. cit., p. 183 (3rd ed., p. 201). 
 ^ Sachau Papyri, i. 14. 
 
ADDITIONAL NOTES 363 
 
 cither imprisoned or put to death ^ This was prolxibly the 
 occasion on which Cambyses did what the Sachau Papj'ri ascribe 
 to him ; the dates agree well. But this destruction of the 
 Egyptian temples was a political not a religious act. as was the 
 destruction of the Magian temple by Darius 1 2. 
 
 For a contrary view of Cambyses' conduct see G. Rawlinson, 
 Ancient Monarchies <*>, iii. 394. 
 
 3. NOTE TO EZRA VIII. 21 (see page 128). 
 
 Clay has found an interesting parallel to this notching in the 
 Kassite tablets (b. c. 1800-1200), on some of which are lists of 
 names ticked off by a stylus applied to the clay. 
 
 4. NOTE TO ESTHER II. 12-15 (see page 319). 
 
 In his newly-issued work (see p. 305 for full title) Cosquin 
 submits to a testing examination the theories of the Esther legend 
 represented by de Goeje, Jensen, and Paul Haupt. The first 
 (followed by Kuenen, August Miiller, and Dyroff) held that we are 
 to seek the origin alike of the Esther romance and of the Shahriar 
 tale of the Thousand and One Nights in an old Persian tale^ 
 Cosquin follows A. W. O. Schlegel in tracing this old Persian 
 tale back to a Sanskrit source. He points out, moreover, that the 
 Esther legend differs too much to have a common origin with 
 either the Persian or Arabian romance. As against Jensen's 
 identification of Vashti (Mashti) with an alleged Elamite goddess 
 Vashti, Cosquin summons the authority of the greatest living 
 Elamite palaeographer, R. P. Scheil, for the statement that the 
 Elamite name is Parti, not Vashti (Mashti), Parti being daughter 
 of Tarisa. The author, a member of the (French) Institute, more 
 interested apparently in archaeology than in theology, is as 
 much opposed to the composite theory of Paul Haupt as he 
 is to the Persian theory of de Goeje or the Elamite-Babylonian 
 theory of Jensen. 
 
 ^ Herodotus, iii. 27 if. 
 ^ See reference in note 10 on p. 361. 
 
 ^ Encyclopaedia Britannica *^^, vol. xxiii, Thousand and One 
 Nights. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Aaron, chief priest, 114. 
 
 Aaronites, 17, 6r. 
 
 Ab (Abib), or fifth month, 116. 
 
 Abassaros, 47. 
 
 'Abominations,' used of mixed 
 marriages, 135, 141. 
 
 Abrahams, Israel, 304. 
 
 Accad, 39, 42. 
 
 Access to the king, 332, 
 
 Accusative, Hebrew b intro- 
 ducing, 174, 351. 
 
 Achaemenes, 39. 
 
 Acmetha = Ecbatana, loi, 103. 
 
 Adar, month of, 109, 327. 
 
 Adonai = Lord, 20. 
 
 Adonikam, 57. 
 
 Adverbial clause, 351. 
 
 Adversaries, 194. 
 
 Adversary and enemy, 343. 
 
 Aetiological myths, 353. 
 
 Agagite, 324. 
 
 Ahasuerus, or Xerxes, 85, 306. 
 
 Ahava, River, 6, 124, 128. 
 
 Ahura mazda, 15, 40, 102, 12 r. 
 
 Ai,58. 
 
 Alexander, Archibald, 8, 
 
 Alexander the Great, 19. 
 
 Amalekite, see Haman, 
 
 Amen, 222. 
 
 Amenophis III, King of Egypt, 
 102. 
 
 American Journal of Semitic 
 Languages, 14. 
 
 Amestris, Queen, 298. 
 
 Ananiah {Beit Hannina), 262. 
 
 Anathoth, 57. 
 
 Andreas, 120. 
 
 'Another portion,' 183, 187. 
 
 Anshan, 39. 
 
 Anthropomorphism, 235. 
 
 Antilegomena, 292. 
 
 Antiochus III, conquest of 
 Palestine b}', 34. 
 
 Antiochus IV (Epiphanes), 
 34. 
 
 Antiphonal singing in Jewish 
 music, 79. 
 
 Antonia, 169. 
 
 Aparsathchites, Arphasites, 88, 
 91, 105. 
 
 Apis, the sacred bull, 362. 
 
 Apocryphal Additions to Es- 
 ther, 294. 
 
 Apollo, priests of, 15, 121. 
 
 — worship of, 102. 
 Apothecaries = mixers, 183. 
 Arabian Nights, 319. 
 Arabic, 314. 
 
 Aramaic, as language of diplo- 
 matic letters, 13, 168. 
 
 — documents, 12, 16, 23, 8r. 
 
 — language, 13, 109, 314. 
 
 — Papyri, 6, 13, 14, 85, 102, 
 132, 146. 
 
 Archaeology, Proceedings of 
 Society of 13, 28, 29, 71. 
 
 Archevites, 88, 
 
 Archives, kept in man}' capi- 
 tals, 103. 
 
 Arise = set about, 145. 
 
 Armenia, 94. 
 
 Armoury, 187. 
 
 Artaxerxes,I(Longimanus), de- 
 cree of, 117. 
 
 — as King of Babylon, 100, 
 112. 
 
 Artaxerxes II (Mnemon), 26, 
 33, 114, 116, 165. 
 
366 EZRA, NP:HEMIAH, AND ESTHER 
 
 AitaxerxcsIII (Ochus),34, 165. 
 
 Article, definite for our in- 
 definite, 332. 
 
 Aryan, 39. 
 
 Asaph, 168, 
 
 Asaphites, 63, 
 
 Ascent of the Corner, 191. 
 
 Ashamed, Heb. verbs for, 138. 
 
 Ashes, 330. 
 
 Ashurbanipal, 83. 
 
 Assembly, of the Gods, 302. 
 
 Asses, 69. 
 
 Assyria, 82, 91, 94, 113, 169. 
 
 Assyrian, 314. 
 
 Astonied = dumbfoundered, 
 136, 137- 
 
 Athanasius, 292. 
 
 Atonement, Day of, 10, 71, 
 218, 225. 
 
 — to make: Heb/ to cover,' 249. 
 Avesta, the, 362. 
 
 Azgad, 57. 
 Azmaveth, 58. 
 
 Baba Bathra, 3. 
 
 Babylon, 4, 5, 6, 11, 22, 24, 
 26,31, 42, 43,46, 51, 55,61, 
 81, 82, 91, 92, 94, loi, 113, 
 160, 169, 202, 254. 
 
 — conquest of, 32. 
 
 — route taken on departure 
 from, 50, 116, 169. 
 
 Babylonian contracts, 96, 244. 
 
 — months, 152, 160. 
 
 — tablets, 96, 103, 168. 
 
 — Talmud, 3. 
 
 — unlucky days, 235. 
 Baentsch, 128. 
 Baer, 174. 
 
 Bagohi (Bagoas), 40, 204. 
 
 Balawat, The Bronze Gates of, 
 108. 
 
 Bani, house of, 154. 
 
 Banishment = excommunica- 
 tion, 122. 
 
 Ban's, 161, 169. 
 
 Bars, 180. 
 
 Barsillai, 65. 
 
 Batten, L. W., 21. 
 
 Baudissin, 3, 13, 54, 61, 64, 
 114, 133, 242, 246, 299. 
 
 Beam, used as instrument for 
 punishment, 107. 
 
 Beard, plucking off of as sign 
 of sorrow, 136. 
 
 Bedouins, 199. 
 
 Beer-sheba, 261. 
 
 Behistun Inscriptions, iir, 323, 
 360, 361. 
 
 Beiroth, 58. 
 
 Beit Jibrin, 261. 
 
 Beit Nettef, 57. 
 
 Bel, 40, 42. 
 
 Benjamin and Judah, 45, 147. 
 
 Benjamites, 45, 257. 
 
 Ben-Sira, 22, 
 
 Benzinger, 136, 199, 248. 
 
 Berit, 244. 
 
 Berosus, 40. 
 
 Bertheau, 21, 50, 54, 70, 99, 
 106, 152, 156, 157, 170, 182, 
 195, 205, 221, 283, 286. 
 
 Bertheau- Ryssel, 90, 155, 255, 
 300, 324,351, 357. 
 
 Bertholet, 13, 28, 40, 43, 44, 
 50, 60, 66, 70, 73, 87, 90, 95, 
 98, lor, 102, 103, 104, 105, 
 106, 109, no. III, 119, 121, 
 126, 128, 130, 133, 136, 143, 
 167, 170, 173, 182, 189, 190, 
 194, 195, 227, 240, 242, 248, 
 249, 250, 254, 255, 265, 266, 
 267, 271, 276, 277, 283, 286, 
 322, 361, 
 
 Bethel, 58. 
 
 Beth cssentiae, 195. 
 
 Beth-zur, 186. 
 
 Beyond the river ■■= Transpo- 
 tamia, 87. 
 
 Bible, Hebrew^, 3, 27. 
 
 — English. 3. 
 
 — Welsh, 3. 
 
 — Old Testament, 6, 8, 25. 
 Bigtha, 322. 
 
INDEX 
 
 367 
 
 Bigthan, 322. 
 JBigthana, 322. 
 Biyket-cl-Hamm, 174, 185. 
 Bitket-es-Silwan, 185. 
 Bisbel, 29. 
 Bliss, Dr., 173, 177. 
 Blush = to be distressed, 138. 
 Bohlenius, 70. 
 ImjUs, 180. 
 Book. 313, 358. 
 
 — of the law of Moses, 219. 
 Books, binding of, 157, 222. 
 Booths, 226. 
 
 Borrowing and lending, 198. 
 
 Boswellia, a tree, 279. 
 
 Bowing down as sign of rever- 
 ence, 324. 
 
 Bows, 195. 
 
 Brereton, 294. 
 
 Briggs, C, 30. 
 
 Broad place, 148. 
 
 Broad wall, 183. 
 
 Brook, or Wady, 175. 
 
 Budde, 10 (n.), 13, 54, 220, 
 242, 361. 
 
 Buhl. Franz, 26, 170, 308. 
 
 Build — rebuild, 72, 167, 208, 
 214. 
 
 BuUinger, 336. 
 
 Burnt offerings, see Offerings. 
 
 Butler, 165. 
 
 Callistus, Nicephorus, 292. 
 Cambridge Bible, i6i. 
 Cambyses, 15, 16, 39, 83, 109. 
 
 — conquest of Egypt, 32, 362. 
 Camels, 69. 
 
 Canaanites, 135, 232. 
 Canon. Jewish, 3. 
 Canticles, 291. 
 
 Capital punishment, among As- 
 syrians. ro8. 
 
 Hebrews, 108. 
 
 Persians. 107. 
 
 Captivity, children of, 55, 82. 
 Carchemish, 50. ti6. 169. 
 Carthage, Council of, 292. 
 
 Cassel, D., 341. 
 
 Castle, 169. 
 
 Cell, 130, 190. 
 
 Cenhiry Bible, 31, 32, 43» 56, 79, 
 
 94, 106, n6. 122, 141, 173, 
 
 189, 192, 208, 252, 268, 323. 
 Chaldeans, 99. 
 — language of, 99. 
 Chamber, great, 279. 
 Chamberlains — eunuchs, 310, 
 
 315, 320. 
 Chambers, 130, 190. 
 Chancellor = counsellor, 87, 92. 
 Chantepie de la Saussaye, 361 
 
 (n.). 
 Chargers = libation cups, 48. 
 Chemosh, 121. 
 Chephizah, 58. 
 Cheyne, 15 (n.), 21, 23, 28, 30, 
 
 31, 32, 40, 48, 81. 
 Chief priest, 114. 
 Chigi, 28. 
 Children of, meaning of phrase, 
 
 63- 
 Chisianus Codex, 28. 
 Chislev (Kislew\ or ninth 
 
 month, 147, 160. 
 Choaspes (a river), 161. 
 Chronicler, 4, 14, 16, 40, 41, 
 
 54. 81, 109, 112, 177, 254, 
 
 258, 267. 
 Chronicles, Book of, 323, 358. 
 Chronology, comparative table 
 
 of, 32. 
 Cicero, birth of, 34. 
 Circumstantial clause, 351. 
 Cities, meaning of Hebrew 
 
 word for, 149. 
 City records, 15. 
 
 — walls, repairing of, 84. 
 Clans, lay, 124. 
 
 — local, 53. 
 
 — personal, 52. 
 Clericus, 304. 
 Coats of mail, 196. 
 
 Codes. Deuteronomic Code, 10, 
 i8, 22, 33, 129, 137, 331, 277. 
 
 b 
 
368 EZRA, NEHEMIAH, AND ESTHER 
 
 Codes, Ezekiel's Code, 9. 
 
 — Hammurabi Code, 9(11.), 199. 
 
 — Holiness Code, 10. 
 
 — Priestly Code, 9, 10, 20, 22, 
 33, III, 113, 129, 161, 218, 
 279. 
 
 Codomannus, see Darius III. 
 Commandments, 163. 
 Commission appointed re mixed 
 
 marriages, 144, 157. 
 Commission of Artaxerxes I to 
 
 Nehemiah, 168. 
 Commissions of Artaxerxes I to 
 
 Ezra, 117, 132. 
 Condamin, 344. 
 Confession of Ezra, 137, 157. 
 Confession, to make = to praise, 
 
 to give thanks, Hebrew word 
 
 for, 137, 143, 148. 
 Congregation, 68, 144, 220. 
 Continual — daily, 74. 
 Cook, Stanley, 199. 
 Coriti (measures), 120. 
 Corner Gate, 181. 
 Cornill, 9, 13, 133. 
 Cosmetics, 315, 319. 
 Cosquin, 363. 
 Couches, 309. 
 
 Counsellors, see Chancellors. 
 — Seven, ii8. 
 Couriers, 329. 
 Cousinship of Mordecai and 
 
 Esther, 316, 317. 
 Covenant, sure, 244. 
 Covering of head as si'gn of 
 
 grief, 341. 
 Craftsmen, Valley of, 262. 
 Crown, 311. 
 Crowned horses, 340. 
 Crucifixion, 108. 
 Cunaxa, battle of, 33. 
 Cuneiform inscriptions, 40, 96, 
 
 360. 
 Cupbearer, 165. 
 Curse, 246. 
 Custom (tax), 90. 
 Cuthaean, 179. 
 
 Cyaxares, 308. 
 
 Cymbals, played by Levites, 78. 
 Cyprus, 169. 
 
 Cyrus, a worshipper of Bel, 
 Marduk, and Nebo, 360. 
 
 — Aryan by descent, 39. 
 
 — called King of Babylon, 99, 
 
 IIS- 
 
 — called King of Persia, 19, 41. 
 
 — clay cylinder of, 14, 360. 
 
 — edict of, 40, loi, 138. 
 
 — policy of toleration of, 40, 
 362. 
 
 — Zoroastrian in religion, 360. 
 
 Damascus, 169. 
 
 Damasias, 167. 
 
 Daniel, 123. 
 
 Daric, derivation of the word, 
 
 70, 130. 
 Daric and Darius, 70. 
 Dariku, 70. 
 Darius I (Hystaspis), a fanatical 
 
 Zoroastrian, 360. 
 
 — called King of Assyria, loo, 
 112. 
 
 — inserted for name Cyrus, 50. 
 
 — tolerance of, 13, 102, 360, 
 362. 
 
 Darius \l (Nothus), 33. 
 Darius III (Codomannus), 20, 
 
 34- 
 
 Dates, comparative, 32. 
 
 Dathe, 286. 
 
 Daughters = dependent town- 
 ships, 184. 
 
 David, 92. 109. 
 
 — as originator of Temple 
 music, &c., 64, 79. 
 
 — city of, 185. 
 
 — sepulchre of, 186. 
 Davies, T. Witton, 208, 235, 
 
 268, 292, 323, 333, 358. 
 Day, length of, 197. 
 Days, unlucky, 235. 
 Debts, 248. 
 Decree of Cyrus, 40, loi, 138. 
 
INDEX 
 
 369 
 
 Decree of Darius referring to 
 
 rebuilding of Temple, loi. 
 Dedication, Feast of, 109. 
 
 — of Temple, 109. 
 
 — of wall of Jerusalem, 268. 
 Dehaites, 88. 
 Deissmann, 28, 306. 
 Delitzsch, Franz, 8, 26. 
 
 — Friedrich, 47, 87, 90, 104, 
 249. 
 
 Deliver, to, 333. 
 Deuteronomic legislation, 6i, 
 ii5> 135- See under Codes. 
 Devoted, of cities, property, &c., 
 
 147. 
 Dibon (Dtmonah), 261. 
 Dillmann, 128, 226, 248, 251. 
 Dinaites, 88. 
 District, Hebrew word for, 183, 
 
 187. 
 Divorce, of foreign wives, 25, 
 
 112. 
 Documents used in Ezra, see 
 
 Sources. 
 Door = leaf of parchment book, 
 
 157. 
 
 — ^ threshold, 322. 
 
 — of city gate, 180, 206. 
 
 — of Temple, 209. 
 Dough, 251. 
 Doughty, C. M., 199. 
 Dragon's Well, 173. 
 Drink offering, 74, 106, 137. 
 Driver, 13, 31, 61, 67, 94, i33, 
 
 248, 252, 300. 
 Dualism, 15. 
 Duff, A., 164. 
 Duhm, 31, 81. 
 Duncker, i6g (n.). 
 Dung Gate, 173, 270. 
 Dyroff, 363. 
 
 East, Hebrew terms for, 271. 
 
 — Gate, 190. 
 Ecbatana, loi. 
 Ecclesiastes, 292. 
 
 Edfu, Egyptian temple at, 102. 
 
 Edomites in S. Palestine (J), 53, 
 
 73- 
 EgirtUy 87, 
 Egypt, 15, 169. 
 
 — conquest of, 32. 
 
 — revolt of, 32. 
 Elam, Elamite, 39. 
 Elders, 147. 
 Elephantine, temple at, 32. 
 
 — appeal of Jews at, 33. 
 Eliashib, 17, 19, 178, 279. 
 Elul, or sixth month, 210, 266. 
 el Wad, 173. 
 
 Encyclopaedia Biblica, 171. 
 Enemy = robbers in general, 
 
 128, 131, 196. See Adver- 
 sary. 
 
 Ephraim Gate, 177, 227, 273, 
 
 Episcopos, 315. 
 
 Erbt, 304. 
 
 Eru, 9. 
 
 Esar-haddon, 83. 
 
 Esdras I, 27, 127, tt passim. 
 
 Esther, Queen, 293, 299. 
 
 — age of, 297. 
 
 — conceals her nationality, 318. 
 
 — cousin of Mordecai, 316, 317. 
 
 — cruelty of, 293, 352. 
 
 — Judaism of, 318. 
 
 — origin of name, 302. 
 
 — petition of, 335, 342, 352. 
 Esther, Book of, abstract of 
 
 contents of, 295. 
 
 aim and character of, 296. 
 
 date and authorship of, 299. 
 
 name of, 291. 
 
 place in Canon of, 291. 
 
 unity and integrity of, 298. 
 
 Ethiopia, 207. 
 
 Eunuchs, Rev. V. : ' chamber- 
 lains *, 310. 
 
 Euphrates, 87, 169. 
 
 Euting, 173. 
 
 Evening oblation, 137. 
 
 Ewald, 19, 20, 29, 48, 50, 73, 
 168, 211, 242, 265, 267, 293, 
 361. 
 
 13b 
 
370 EZRA, NEHEMIAH, AND ESTHER 
 
 Excommunication, 122. 
 Exiles returned under Zerub- 
 babel, 23, 44. 
 
 list of, 50. 
 
 Ezra, 122. 
 
 — extent of area occupied by, 
 147, 254, 256, 260. 
 
 Expositor, 235 11. 
 Expressed = ticked off, 128. 
 Ezra, arrival at Jerusalem of, 
 
 113, 133,. 157. 
 
 — commission to, 117. 
 
 — confession of, 137, 157. 
 
 — conspectus of chief events in 
 the life of, 157. 
 
 — death of, 158. 
 
 — doxology of, 122. 
 
 — genealogy of, 114. 
 Ezra =^ help, 114. 
 
 Faricaydigdn, 303. 
 Fasting, as sign of mourning, 
 128, 146, 331. 
 
 — before a journey, 128. 
 
 — includes prayer, 334. 
 Fathers' houses, heads of, 45. 
 Feast (banquet), lit. 'drinking 
 
 meal,' 307. 
 
 — of Dedication of Temple, 
 log. 
 
 New Moons, 75. 
 
 Passover, 5, 10, 11 1. 
 
 Passover and Unleavened 
 
 Bread, iii. 
 
 Pentecost, 10. 
 
 Tabernacles, 5 , 7 , i o, 1 6, 7 1 , 
 
 73.75,133, 156,158,218,225. 
 
 Weeks, 10, 75. 
 
 Feasts, observance of resumed 
 
 after the return, iii. 
 
 — original character of, 73. 
 Fire offering, 104. 
 
 Firstborn sons, traces of prac- 
 tice of sacrificing, 251. 
 Firstborn of animals, 251. 
 Firstfruits, 250. 
 Fish Gate, 180. 
 
 Flesh = human being, 200. 
 For •=^ on behalf of, 149. 
 Forest of the king, 168, 
 Fountain Gate, 174, 270. 
 Fox, 192. 
 
 Frankincense, 279. 
 Frazer, John, 302, 304. 
 Freewill offerings, 75. 
 Fritsche, 29. 
 
 Gadatas, 15, 102. 
 
 Gadatas inscription, 14, 102. 
 
 117, 121, 360. 
 Gall, 173. 
 Gallows, 338. 
 Gap between Ezra and Nehe- 
 
 miah, 159. 
 Garments, rending of, as sign 
 
 of grief, 136. 
 Gashmu, 176. 
 Gates: Corner Gate, 181. 
 
 — Dung Gate, 173, 270. 
 
 — East Gate, 190. 
 
 — Ephraim Gate, 177, 227, 273. 
 
 — Fish Gate, 180. 
 
 — Fountain Gate, 174, 270. 
 
 — Golden Gate, 190. 
 
 ■ — Hammiphkad, Gate of, 191. 
 
 — Horse Gate, 189. 
 
 — King's Gate, 322, 341. 
 
 — Old Gate, 181. 
 
 — Sheep Gate, 179, 189. 
 
 — Valley Gate, 172, 184, 270. 
 Gates, doors in, 206. 
 
 — keepers of, 63. 
 
 — structure of, 206, 284. 
 Geba, 58. 
 
 Geissler, 10, 23, 277. 
 
 Genealogies, see Lists. 
 
 Genitive, objective, 224, 350. 
 
 Ger, 229. 
 
 Gerizim, temple on, 179, 287, 
 
 Gershom, 123. 
 
 Gerund, 44. 
 
 Gesenius, 67, 70, 250, 286. 
 
 Ghetto, 44. 
 
 Gibbar, 57. 
 
INDEX 
 
 371 
 
 Gibeonite';. 63, 
 
 Gifts = freewill offerings, 75, 
 
 321. 
 Gihon (Virgin's Spring), 185, 
 
 189. 
 Gilgames legend, 303. 
 Ginsburg, 28, 29, 174. 
 Gittaim, 262. 
 God, favour of displajj'ed, 140. 
 
 — of Heaven, 41, 107. 
 
 Jerusalem, 119. 
 
 our Fathers, 122. 
 
 Goeje, de, 363. 
 
 Gola, 24. 
 
 Golden Gate, 190. 
 
 Goldsmiths, 182, 191. 
 
 Good day = festal day, 349. 
 
 Goods = v^realth, possessions, 
 106. 
 
 Gordon, A. R., 235. 
 
 Gracchus, Caius, Roman Tri- 
 bune, 34. 
 
 Grace =-- favour, 138. 
 
 Graetz, 14, 54, 84, loi, 304. 
 
 Graf, 6r. 
 
 Gray, G. B., no, 224, 251 
 
 Great Synagogue, 8, 220. 
 
 Greek, 306, 314. 
 
 — Hellenistic, 306. 
 Green, W. H,, 8. 
 Grief, signs of, 136. 
 Grote, 327. 
 Grotius, 198. 
 Guard Court, 188. 
 Guilt offering, 153. 
 Gunkel, 361. 
 
 Guthe, 40, 43, 44, 48, 58, T04, 
 130, 173, 174, 177, 190, 193- 
 195. 198, 240, 265, 266, 271, 
 273, 280, 287, 361. 
 
 Guthe-Batten, 36, 28r>, 
 
 Gwyn, Dr., 29. 
 
 Hacaliah, read Khakkcleyah, 
 
 160. 
 Hadassah, or Esther, 303, 317. 
 Haggai, 5, 23, 94. 
 
 Haglographa, 3. 
 
 — longest verse in the, 347. 
 Hair, plucking out of, as sign of 
 
 sorrow, 136. 
 Haircloth, see Sackcloth. 
 Hakkepharim, 206, 207. 
 Halevy, 25. 
 
 Hallelujah, meaning of, 79. 
 Haman, an Amalekite, 298, 324. 
 
 — cruelty of, 293. 
 
 — derivation of name, 303. 
 
 — impaledwith his sons (?), 299. 
 
 — made Grand Vizier, 323. 
 
 — property of. confiscated, 345. 
 Haman's sons, names of, vari- 
 ously given, 351. 
 
 Hammeah, Tower of, 179. 
 Hammedatha, 324. 
 Hammer, Von, 303. 
 Hammiphkad, Gate of, 191. 
 Hammurabi Code, 9(n.), 199. 
 Hananel, Tower of, 180. 
 Hanan, 282. 
 Hanani, 212. 
 Hananiah, 212. 
 Hand of our God, 128, 131. 
 Hang {see Impale), 107, 323. 
 Hannibal, treaty of Philip with, 
 
 34. 
 Haplography, 308. 
 Harim, 59, 60, 263. 
 Harsith Gate, 173. 
 Harvey, Lord A. J., 54. 
 Harvey-Jellie, 173. 
 Hastings' Dictionary ofUu Bible, 
 
 252. 
 
 — Small Dictionary of the Bible, 
 201. 
 
 Haupt, 9 (n.),97, 104, 214, 236, 
 
 302, 304, 322, 323. 
 Havernick, 296. 
 Hazor, 262. 
 Head covered, a sis:n of grief, 
 
 341- 
 Heart, 208. 
 
 — sorrow of, t66. 
 Heathen, 201. 
 
372 EZRA, NEHEMIAH, AND ESTHER 
 
 Heave offering, 252, 275, 
 Heaven, God of, 41, 107. 
 
 — of Heavens, 2, 31. 
 Heavens, four quarters of, 271. 
 Hebrew Bible, 3. 
 
 — language. 314. 
 
 — Old Testament, 8. 
 
 — Rabbinical, 8. 
 
 — of Palestine in Ezra's time, 
 223, 285. 
 
 Hebron, 261. 
 Hegai, 315. 
 Hengstenberg, 8, 67. 
 Herodotus, 307, 332. 
 
 — and Aeschylus, 32. 
 Herzfeld, 29, 279. 
 Hexapla, Origen's, 3, 28. 
 Hexateuch, 8, 10, n. 
 
 . — publications of, 33. 
 
 Hezekiah, 39. 
 
 High priesthood, 53, 59, 114. 
 
 See Priests, chief. 
 Hinnom, Valley of, 172, 173. 
 Hiphil, Inner, 220. 
 Hiram, King of Tyre, 19. 
 Historicity of Book of Esther 
 
 improbable, 297. 
 Hittites, 233. 
 Hitzig, 314. 
 Hodaviah, 63, 
 Holzinger, 128. 
 Hommel, 304. 
 Hoonacker, v., 13, 21, 25, 26, 
 
 47, 84, 116, 126, 151. 
 Horeb, 293. 
 Horonite, 170, 178. 
 Horse Gate, 189. 
 Horses, 69. 
 
 — crowned, 340. 
 
 House = subdivision of Jewish 
 clan, 44, 65. 
 
 — = treasure house of his God. 
 46. 
 
 — of the mighty men, t86. 
 
 women, 315. 
 
 Howorth, Sir Henry H., 13, 
 
 21, 28, 29, 71, 361, 
 
 Humban, 303. 
 Humiliation, 137, 
 Humman, 303. 
 Hupfeld, 251, 
 Hystaspis, see Darius I. 
 Hyde, Thomas, 303. 
 Hyrcanus, John, reign of, 34. 
 
 Ibn Ezra, 49. 
 
 Iddo, 126, 
 
 'Iggereth, 87. 
 
 Imbert, 25, 47. 
 
 Immer, 60. 
 
 Impale, Impalement, 107, 323. 
 
 Impersonal verb, see Indefinite 
 
 subject, 
 Inaros, revolt of, 32. 
 Indefinite subject, 78, 103, 152, 
 
 213, 229, 267, 312, 326, 357. 
 India, 307. 
 
 Infinitive absolute, 209, 
 Inscriptions, Persian, 39, 314, 
 
 360. 
 
 — trilingual, 314. 
 Interest, 199. 
 Interpreter, 292. 
 Isles of the sea, 358. 
 
 Israel, 24, 26, 31, 71, 109, 112. 
 
 — rebellion and punishment 
 of, 138. 
 
 — meaning whole community, 
 24, 26, 31, 144. 
 
 laity, 109, 145, 153, 256. 
 
 Ishtar, 302, 303. 
 
 — legend, 303. 
 
 Jaddua (Yaddua), 19, 20, 34, 
 
 146, 178, 264, 
 Jaffa Gate, 173. 
 Jahn, G., 103. 
 
 Jamnia, Synod of, 3, 13, 292. 
 Jampel, 82, loi, 102, 103, 304. 
 Jannaeus, Alexander, 34. 
 Jebus, Jebusitcs, 233. 
 Jehohanan, son of Eliashib, 146. 
 
 — chamber of, 146. 
 Jehring, 336. 
 
INDEX 
 
 373 
 
 Jensen, P., 302, 303, 324, 363. 
 Jericho, 59, 180. 
 Jerome, 3, 323. 
 Jerome's Version, 294. 
 Jerusalem, arrival of Nehemiah 
 at, 169. 
 
 — second arrival of Nehemiah 
 at, 278, 280. 
 
 — capture of, 34. 
 
 — destruction of, by Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, 84, 91. 
 
 — efforts to increase population 
 of, 214. 
 
 — mighty kings of, 92, 
 
 — population of small, 214. 
 
 — state of, on arrival of Ezra, 
 
 113- 
 
 — the Holy City, 254. 
 
 — walls of, see Walls. 
 Jerusalem and Judah (Judah 
 
 and Jerusalem), 55, 95, 118, 
 140. 
 Jeshua (Joshua), 4, 22, 51. 56, 
 
 63. 72, 75. 77, 95. 
 Jesus and Joshua, 333. 
 Jevi's, as bondmen, 139. 
 
 — confiscation of property of, 
 147. 
 
 — language of, 285. 
 
 — modern, 329. 
 
 — music of, 78, 79. 
 
 — new religious community of, 
 in Jerusalem, 89. 
 
 — neighbours of, 148. 
 
 — officials of, 14. 
 
 — remnant of, 142. 
 
 — return of, 32, 159, 
 
 — second return of, 33. 
 
 — separateness of, 327. 
 Jewish Encyclopaedia, 304. 
 Joel, prophecy of, 33. 
 Johns, C. H. W. , 199, 235. 
 Johnstone, 235. 
 
 Jonathan, made high-priest, 34. 
 
 Jonathan, should be John, 264. 
 
 Josephus, 3, 19, 28, 40, 67, T04, 
 
 109, i33t 146, 156, T57i ^68. 
 
 T70, 179, 2TT, 248, 286, 300, 
 307, 323- 
 
 Josephus and Esdras, 28. 
 Judah, post-exilic inhabitants 
 
 of, 254. See Map, p. 38. 
 Judah, province of, 147, 256, 
 
 257, 260. 
 
 — read Hodaviah, 78. 
 Judah and Benjamin, 45, 147. 
 Judaism, 15, 293. 
 
 — reorganization of, 6. 
 Judge (verb), 121. 
 Judgements, 163. 
 Judges, or Shophetim, 150. 
 Julius Caesar, birth of, 34. 
 Justi, Ferdinand, loi. 
 
 Kadmiel, 63. 
 
 Kalisch, 67. 
 
 Kamphausen, 299. 
 
 Kassite tablets, 363. 
 
 Kaulen, 295. 
 
 Kautzsch, 90, 197, 267, 295. 
 
 Keil, 8, 20, 29, 49, 54, 76, 106, 
 
 156, 157, 173, 254, 255, 296. 
 Keilah, 186. 
 Keltic, 332. 
 Kent, 5, 14, 21,84, ^o^> i04> ^°5» 
 
 III, 133, 177, 195, 273, 325. 
 Kenushata, 271. 
 Ketubim, 3, 291. 
 Khanukah, no, 268. 
 Kidron, 175. 
 Kikkar, 269. 
 King, business of, 328. 
 
 — forest of, 168. 
 
 — gardens of, 174. 
 
 — house of, 105. 
 
 — gate of, 322, 34 T. 
 
 — how to be approached, 332. 
 
 — pool of, 174. 
 
 — treasure house of, T05. 
 King of Persia, of Cjtus, 19, 41. 
 Kiriath-arba, 261. 
 Kiriath-arim, 58. 
 
 Kirisha, 337. 
 Kirkpatrick, 18. 
 
374 EZRA, NEHEMIAH, AND ESTHER 
 
 Kislew (Chislev^, or ninth 
 
 month, 147, 160, 268. 
 Kittel, 73. 
 Klostermann, to, 18. 21, 48, 
 
 84* 95i 133? 220, 226, 300. 
 Kenig, 133, 299. 
 Korahites, 62. 
 Kosher (Kasher), 346. 
 Kosters, 21, 23, 25, 26, 40, 47, 
 
 48,54, 84, 9T, loi, ri6, 133, 
 
 136, T40, 162, 226, 229, 242, 
 
 247, 275, 277. 
 KoyunjikjOr Nineveh, 100, T03. 
 Ktesias, 91, 103, 165, 167, 359. 
 Kuenen, 10, 18, 21, 48, 84, 89, 
 
 95, 133, 220, 226, 300, 361. 
 Kuthaean, 179. See Cuthaean. 
 
 Lagarde, 302, 303, 304. 
 Lamentations, 292. 
 Land, of captivity, 192, 
 
 — unclean, 140. 
 
 Lands = heathen lands, 138. 
 
 Langen, 295. 
 
 Lap, 203. 
 
 Law, as to drinking, 310, 
 
 — reading of the, 156, 158. 
 
 — of Moses, &c., in Ezra and 
 Nehemiah, 9, 72, 115. 
 
 Book of the, 219. 
 
 Laymen, 71. 
 Lee, 286. 
 
 Lehmann, 361, 362. 
 Lending and borrowing, 198. 
 Letters = dispatches, 86, 87, 
 207, 313, 358. 
 
 — of complaint sent to Per- 
 sian Court, 84. 
 
 Levi, 60. 
 
 Levita, Elias, 220. 
 Levites, absence of, among re- 
 turned exiles, 126. 
 
 — as musicians, &c., 62, 78, 
 258. 
 
 — courses of, no. 
 
 — fewness of, among returned 
 exiles, 61, 126. 
 
 Levites, functions of, 6r, 126. 
 
 — generic and specific use of 
 term, 61, 78, 158. 
 
 — organization of, 159. 
 
 — return of from exile, 60, 
 
 — years of service of, 77. 
 Light = prosperity, 349. 
 
 List of names in Ezra and Nehe- 
 miah discussed, 52. 
 Lists, genealogical, 54, 214, 
 
 254- 
 Little ones, Hebrew word 
 
 sometimes includes wives, 
 
 128. 
 Lod, or Lydda, 59. 
 Lod and Ono, 59. 
 Lohr, 69, 182, 273. 
 Longimanus, see Artaxerxes L 
 Lord (Yahweh), 162, 
 Lot, division by, 326. 
 Lots, see Purim. 
 Lucky and unlucky days, 235. 
 Luther, 293. 
 Lydians, 39. 
 
 Maccabaean uprising, 26, 34, 
 297. 
 
 Maccabaeus, Judas, victory over 
 Nicanor, 302. 
 
 Macedonian war, first, 34. 
 
 Madden, 70. 
 
 Magistrates and judges, 121. 
 
 Magnesia, 14, 102. 
 
 Malachi, 8, 31. 
 
 Malachi and Isaiah, composi- 
 tion of, 33. 
 
 Man, Hebrew Adam = human 
 being, 171. 
 
 Manna, 236. 
 
 Manasseh, Prayer of, 291. 
 
 Manasses, son of Jaddua, 179. 
 
 Mantle, rending of as sign of 
 grief, 136. 
 
 Marathon, battle of, 32. 
 
 Marble, 309. 
 
 Marduk (Merodak), 14. 40, 42, 
 46, 98, 302. 
 
INDEX 
 
 375 
 
 Marquart, 36, 81. tot, T02. T03, 
 120. 162, 277, 289. 
 
 Marrj', Hebrew word means ' to 
 give a home to,' 144. 
 
 Marti, Karl, T9, 32, 81, 104. 
 
 Masons and, in Hebrew, stone- 
 cutters, 76. 
 
 Massacre of non-Jews by Jews, 
 350. 352. 
 
 Massorah, 3. 
 
 Massorites, 72. 
 
 Mazdaism, 360. 
 
 Mazdaist, 42, 121. 
 
 McCurdy, 361. 
 
 Meal (cereal) offering, 9, i 
 74, 106, 137, 247, 279. 
 
 Measure of wheat, 120. 
 
 Meat (flesh offering >, 137. 
 
 Mecca, 138. 
 
 Meconah (Mekenua), 261. 
 
 Medes, 39. 
 
 Media, 94. 
 
 Medo-Persian kingdom, 308. 
 
 Megabysus, revolt of. 33, 
 
 Megillah, 291. 
 
 Megilloth, 291. 
 
 Mehanem, King of Israel, 92. 
 
 Meinhold, 235, 270. 
 
 Meissner, 87, 96, 303. 
 
 Melito, Bishop of Sardis, 292. 
 
 Memoirs of Nehemiah, 7. 
 
 Memorial, 177. 
 
 Monti, 87. 
 
 Merchants, 190, 19T. 
 
 Mercy, 122, 165. 
 
 Meremoth, 181. 
 
 Merrill, Selah, 172. 
 
 Meshullam, t8t, 190, 221. 
 
 Mesopotamia, 87. 
 
 Messiah, expectation of, 94. 
 
 Meyer, E., 13. 23,47, 48, 5^.66, 
 68, 70, 80, 8t, 87, 91, 94, 97, 
 
 T02(n.\ TIT, 116,121, 132. 136. 
 
 T69, T69 (n.), T82, T85, 246, 
 254, 255, 272, 275, 278, 361. 
 Michaelis, J. D., 68, 156, 227, 
 299, 302, 304, 354. 
 
 Michaelis, J. H., 67 
 
 Michmas, 58. 
 
 Ministers, 127. 
 
 Minkhah, 9, 18, 74, to6, T37, 
 247, 279. 
 
 Mishnah, 4, 220. 
 
 Mitchell, 173. 
 
 Mithredath, subordinate offi- 
 cial, 86. 
 
 — treasurer to Cyrus, 47, 85. 
 Mixed marriages, 6, 18, 25, 26, 
 
 3^- . . . 
 
 — commission in connexion 
 
 with, T44, 157. 
 
 — Ezra's grief at, T57, 
 
 — means used by Ezra to end, 
 
 133, 134. 
 
 — protest of Nehemiah against, 
 159, 285. 
 
 — repentance of people on 
 account of, 143. 
 
 Mizpah, district of, 185. 
 
 — town of, 182, 186. 
 Mnemon, see Artaxerxes II. 
 Modem discovery, 340. 
 Molek, 173. 
 
 Mommert, 168, 169, 172. 
 
 Months, Jewish and Baby- 
 lonian, 152, 160, 
 
 Mor, 319. 
 
 Mordecai, age of, according to 
 Book of Esther, 297, 316. 
 
 — a Jew, 341. 
 
 — cruelty of, 293. 
 
 — etymology of name, 302,316. 
 
 — Judaism of, 318. 
 
 — refusal to bend before 
 Haman, 324. 
 
 — relationship to Esther (317) 
 concealed, 298, 318. 
 
 — sitting at the king's gate, 
 322, 341. 
 
 — succeeds Haman, 345. 
 Mordecai and Esther, edict of, 
 
 357- 
 Morgan, de, 39. 
 Mortgage of lands. 200. 
 
ZIG EZRA, NEHEMIAH, AND ESTHER 
 
 Moses, five books of, ii. 
 
 — Law of, 115, 219, 226. 
 'Most holj'' things,' 67. 
 Moulton, J. H., 28, 306. 
 Mourning, acts of, 331. 
 
 — signs of, 136. 
 Muhlau, 186. 
 Mules, 69. 
 Myrrh, 319. 
 
 Nabonidus, 39, 42. 
 
 Nabonidus - Cyrus Chronicle, 
 
 360. 
 Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, 
 
 99. 
 Nabunaid, 14. 
 Nahamani, 55. 
 Nail, 139. 
 
 Name, significance of, 164. 
 Nations = heathen, 207. 
 Nazianzen, Gregory, 292. 
 Neanias, 144. 
 Nebo, the God, 40, 42. 
 
 — a town, 58. 
 Nebuchadnezzar, 5, 46, 84, 91, 
 
 92. 
 
 — spelling of name, 55, 99, 317. 
 Nehemiah, a Jerusalemite, 166. 
 
 — arrival in Jerusalem, 169. 
 
 — second arrival in Jerusalem, 
 278, 280. 
 
 — confession and prayer, 162. 
 
 — inspection of walls of Jeru- 
 salem, 172. 
 
 — meaning of name, 160. 
 
 — memoirs of, 7, 
 
 — protest against mixed mar- 
 riages, 159, 285, 
 
 — route taken by to Jeru- 
 salem, 169. 
 
 Nekoda, 65. 
 
 Nestle, 28, 29. 
 
 Nethinim, in Temple, 62, 63, 
 
 64, 71, 121, 127, 190. 
 Netophah, 57, 269. 
 New Moons, Feast of, 75. 
 
 — Year, 152. 
 
 Nikaso, daughter of Sanballatf 
 
 179. 
 Nikel, J., 97. 
 Nisan, month of, 116, 131, 152, 
 
 165. 
 Nit, 15. 
 Noadiah, the prophetess, 210. 
 
 — son of Binnui, 131. 
 Nob, 262. 
 
 Nobles = first men, 308. 
 
 — = freedmen, 175. 
 
 — = powerful ones, 181, 247, 
 Noldeke, 14, 20, 91, 146, 302, 
 
 328, 358, 361. 
 Nominal apposition, 135. 
 North, Hebrew terms for, 271, 
 Now, two Hebrew words so 
 
 rendered, 163. 
 Nowack, 19. 
 Number of those who returned, 
 
 52. 
 
 — of vessels restored by Cjtus, 
 49. 
 
 Numbers, significant, 51, 118, 
 310- 
 
 Oath, 203. 
 
 Objective genitive, 224, 350. 
 
 Occasions when vessels were 
 
 removed from Temple, 46. 
 Ochus, see Artaxerxes III. 
 Oettli, 36, 106, 140, 276, 299, 
 
 305, 343- 
 Offerings, burnt, 72, 73, 74, 
 106, 132, 137. 
 
 — drink, 74, 106, 137. 
 
 — fire, 104, 
 
 — freewill, 75. 
 
 — guilt, 153. 
 
 — heave, 252, 275. 
 
 — meal, or minkhah, 9, 18, 74, 
 106, 137, 247, 279. 
 
 — meat (flesh), 137. 
 
 — sin, no, 132, 249. 
 
 — wood, 250. 
 Officer, 315. 
 Old Gate, 181. 
 
INDEX 
 
 377 
 
 Olive branches, 226. 
 
 Onias, appointment of as high 
 priest, 34. 
 
 Ono, 59, 206. 
 
 Ophel, 189. 
 
 Open places, 195. 
 
 Oppert, J., 337. 
 
 Organization of Persian king- 
 dom, see Persian kingdom. 
 
 Orientalische Studien, 333, 358. 
 
 Origen, 3. 
 
 Origen's Hexapla, 28. 
 
 Orr,304 (n.). 
 
 Osnappar, 88. 
 
 Outward Court, 339. 
 
 Overseer, 259, 315. 
 
 Padali = redeemed, 164. 
 Pahath-Moab, 56. 
 Palace, or fortress, 161, 307. 
 Palace, inner court of, 335. 
 
 — outer court of, 339. 
 Palestine, 14, 96. 
 
 — as bridge between Egypt 
 and Babylon, 102. 
 
 — condition of on arrival of 
 Ezra, 113. 
 
 — conquered by Antiochus III, 
 
 34. 
 
 Papyri, Aramaic, 6, 13, 14, 
 32 (n.), 33 (n-)» 40 (n.), 42, 
 85, 88, 96, 102, 103, 107, 132, 
 146, 161, 170, 177, 204, 209. 
 
 Paradise, 168. 
 
 Parchment roll, leaves of mixed, 
 
 157. 
 
 Parti, 363. 
 
 Partia, 94. 
 
 Participle passive, used adver- 
 bially, 92. 
 
 Pasagarda, roi. 
 
 Pashhur, 60. 
 
 Passover, 5. 
 
 Paton, L. B., 172, 292, 299, 300, 
 304, 322. 323, 324, 325. 326, 
 
 327. 330, 351- 
 Paulus of Telia, 28. 
 
 Pavement, 309. 
 
 Payment of workmen in mone}', 
 
 75. 
 Peace, incorrect translation of 
 Hebrew term of greeting, 97, 
 
 359. 
 Pedaiah, 282. 
 
 Pekhah (Ass.) Pak/iat, 132, 169. 
 Peloponnesian War, 33. 
 Pentateuch, 8. 
 Pentecost, 10. 
 People = laity, 125. 
 Peoples of the lands = heathen 
 
 in general, 73, 83, 136. 
 Perfumes, 315, 319. 
 Persepolis, lor. 
 Persia, conqueror of, 34. 
 
 — kings of, 140. 
 
 — officials of, 5, 26. 
 
 — monuments of, 39, 360. 
 
 — supremacy of, 19. 
 
 Persian exchequer, money in, 
 120. 
 
 — kingdom, organization of, 
 87, 132, 307, 328. 
 
 end of, 34. 
 
 Persians, heavy drinkers, 310. 
 
 Peters, 245 (n,). 
 
 Petrie, F., 196. 
 
 Petition of Esther, 335, 342,352. 
 
 Phoenicia, 169. 
 
 Pinches, 235, 360 (n.), 361. 
 
 Pisistratus, 32. 
 
 Place = Jewish quarter, 43. 
 
 Plain, meaning of Hebrew word 
 
 so translated, 187, 269. 
 Plainly (distinctly), 92. 
 Plataea and Mycale, battle of, 
 
 32. 
 Plural of intensity, 148, 195. 
 Plutarch, 340, 
 Pohlmann, 28. 
 Poll tax, 9, 248. 
 Polyglot, of Walton, 28. 
 Poor, suffering and complaint 
 
 of in Jerusalem in time of 
 
 Nehemiah, 198. 
 
178 EZRA, NEHEMIAH, AND ESTHER 
 
 Population of Jerusalem small, 
 
 214. 
 Porters, in Temple, 62, 63, 71, 
 
 153, 212. 
 Portions, or diet, for maidens, 
 
 318. 
 Postal service in time of Xerxes, 
 
 313- 
 * Post-haste,' 329. 
 Posts = 'runners,' 329. 
 Pound, 71. 
 
 Praise, to, see Confession. 
 Prayer, spreading out of hands 
 
 during, 138. 
 Precious things, 46. 
 Priest, chief (high), 53, 59, 114, 
 
 178. 
 
 — absence of at reading of the 
 Law, 221. 
 
 Priests, city and country, 61. 
 
 — dominance of in Chronicles, 
 
 17. 
 
 — garments of, 70, 71. 
 
 — laxity of, 18, 278. 
 
 — return from exile of, 60. 
 
 — chiefs of, leading members of 
 priestly class, 129. 
 
 Priests and Levites, 17, 18, 44, 
 
 7T, 145- 
 Princes, 130, 134, 136, 147, 149. 
 Proceedings 0/ Society of Biblical 
 
 Archaeology, 13, 28, 29, 71. 
 Prophecy = to play the part of 
 
 a prophet, 95. 
 Proselytes, 246, 301, 350, 356. 
 Province, 55, 307. 
 Psalteries and harps, 268. 
 Pseudo-Smerdis,reign of, 32,83. 
 Ptolemy I (Lagos), 34. 
 
 — II (Philadelphus), 34. 
 Piikhrd, 303. 
 
 Pukhru, 302. 
 
 Pulpit, 221. 
 
 Punic Wars, 34. 
 
 Pur, meaning of word, 302, 303, 
 
 326. 
 Purah (winepress), 304. 
 
 Purification, by priests and 
 
 Levites, 269. 
 Purim, Feast of, 291, 293, 296, 
 
 301. 
 
 — institution of, 353. 
 
 Qanah (redeemed), 20 r. 
 
 Qetoret, 279. 
 
 Qoheleth (Ecclesiastes), 292. 
 
 Queen, influence of, and deriva- 
 tion of Hebrew word so ren- 
 dered, 167. 
 
 Quran, 199. 
 
 Rabbi ben Lakish, 293. 
 
 Rabshakeh, 165. 
 
 Rain, Great, 148. 
 
 Ram as guilt offering, 153. 
 
 Ramah, 58. 
 
 Rashi, 49, 174. 
 
 Rawlinson, 20, 92, 221, 250,254, 
 267, 270, 297, 316, 324, 325, 
 327, 344. 349, 360 (n.), 363. 
 
 Reading of the Law by Ezra, 
 156,. 158. 
 
 Reclining at meals, 309. 
 
 Records, Babylonian, 51. 
 
 — city (Jerusalem), 15, 152. 
 
 — Persian, 90, 323, 339. 
 
 — Temple, 12, 54. 
 
 — of the past, 39, 360. 
 Redeemed (Heb. Qanah), 201. 
 
 Padah, 164. 
 
 Redundancies in Nehemiah, 
 
 204, 206. 
 Register, 66 ; cf. Lists. 
 Rehoboam, King of Israel, 19. 
 Rehum, 85, 86, 93, 96, 263. 
 
 — king's answer to, 92. 
 Release, 321. 
 
 Relief, 333. 
 
 Religious centralization, 39. 
 
 Religious element, absent from 
 
 Esther, but introduced in the 
 
 Greek additions, 294. 
 Remnant, 138, 142. 
 Renan, 22, 30, 40, 47, 48, 361. 
 
INDEX 
 
 379 
 
 Reuss, 20, 30, 40, 47, 48. 
 
 Revenue ol' Persian kingdom, 
 327- 
 
 Review of Theology and Philo- 
 sophy, 235. 
 
 Right, or fixed share, 177. 
 
 Ring, signet, 328. 
 
 Robinson, Dr. E., 172. 
 
 Roll (clay tablet), 103. 
 
 Roman Senate, 92. 
 
 Romans, war with Samnites, 34. 
 
 Roof, flat, 227. 
 
 Roominess = deliverance, 333. 
 
 Rosenzweig, 20, 126. 
 
 Route taken by Zerubbabel, &c., 
 50 ; and by Nehemiah, 169. 
 
 Royal apparel, 349. 
 
 — house, 105. 
 
 Ruler (governor), 136, 175. 
 
 Ruth, 31, 292. 
 
 Ryle, 3> i3» 21, 43, 48, 50, 
 99, 116, 133, 157, 165, 167, 
 173, 185, 252, 255, 270, 282, 
 283, 292. 
 
 Ryssel, 21, 50, 54, 70, 99, 133, 
 156, 197,242, 267, 282, 283, 
 286, 299, 308, 322, 355. 
 
 Sabasare, 47. 
 
 Sabbatic year, 10. 
 
 Sabbath, observance of, 8, 31, 
 i59j 234. 
 
 Sachau, Aramaic Papyri, 32 
 (n.), 33 (n-)j 4° In.), 42, 96, 
 102, 103, 107, 146, 161, 170, 
 177, 204, 209, 362 (n.), 363. 
 
 Sackcloth, 229, 330. 
 
 Sacrifice, as a meal, 106. 
 
 Sacrifices, see Offering. 
 
 Sacrificial regulations, 72. 
 
 — S3'stem, restored after the 
 exile, 74. 
 
 Sais, 15. 
 
 Salamis, battle of, 321. 
 
 Salt, 120. 
 
 — to cat, significance of phrase, 
 90. 
 
 Samaria, army of, 191. 
 
 — province of, 170, 260. 
 
 — Sanballat Governor of, 170, 
 260. 
 
 — town of, 83, 89, 170. 
 Samaritan officials, 92. 
 
 — opposition to Nehemiah, 171, 
 206. 
 
 — party, 81, 94, 160. 
 
 — party, secession of, 33, 178. 
 
 — Temple, building of, 33. 
 Samaritans, broadmindedness 
 
 of, 26, 81, 171, 178. 
 
 — letter of accusation against 
 Jews, sent by to Artaxerxes 
 I, 85. 
 
 — would join in building the 
 Temple, their offer refused, 80. 
 
 Sanballat, the Horonite, 170, 
 178, 206, 207. 
 
 — the Kuthaean, 179. 
 Sanctify = to set apart, 276. 
 Sanabassar, 47. 
 Sanskrit, 333. 
 
 Sargon, 42, 82, 83, 176. 
 
 Sarini, 134. 
 
 Sassabassaros, 47. 
 
 Sassanian kings, 363. 
 
 Satan, 86. 
 
 Satraps, 132, 328. 
 
 Saul, King of Israel, 19. 
 
 Saulcy, De, 25. 
 
 Saviours (judges), 239. 
 
 Sayce, A. H., 3,' 21, 39, 47, 70, 
 
 87 (n.), 88 (n.), 103, 233, 248, 
 
 303, 361. 
 Sayce-Cowley Papyri, 32 (n.^, 
 
 85, 88. 
 Sceptre, golden, 333. 
 Schechter, 220. 
 Scheil, R. P., 363. 
 Schick, 173, 177. 
 Schlatter, 170. 
 Schlegel, A. W. v., 363. 
 Scholz, A., 295. 
 Schrader, 50, 81, 83, 133, 242, 
 
 360 ^n.). 
 
38o EZRA, NEHEMIAH, AND ESTHER 
 
 Schulz, 84, 119, 156, 283, 297. 
 Schurer, 36, 44, 250 ;n.). 
 Schwally, 304. 
 Scribe, 115, 117, 314, 328. 
 Sealing of the Covenant, 245. 
 
 — ring, 328. 
 
 Secretary of Sanballat (To- 
 biah?), 206, 207. 
 
 'Seek,' two meanings of, 116, 
 129. 
 
 Seganim, 136, 175. 
 
 Sekhikhint, 195. 
 
 Selalim, 195. 
 
 Sellin, 21, 50, 85, 94. 
 
 Semler, 297. 
 
 Senaah, 59. 
 
 Separated themselves, those 
 who had, 112, 246. 
 
 Sepulchre of David, 186. 
 
 Sepulchres of Nehemiah's an- 
 cestors, 66. 
 
 Servant, 171. 
 
 Servants, i. e. Nehemiah's suite, 
 196. 
 
 Service, 127. 
 
 Seven, a sacred number, 1 18. 
 
 Seven counsellors, 118, 311. 
 
 — eunuchs, 310. 
 
 — princes, 311. 
 Shaashgaz, 315, 320. 
 Shahriar, 319, 363. 
 Shdmar, ndtar — to keep, 141. 
 Shebaniah, 263. 
 Shecaniah, 263. 
 
 Sheep Gate, 179, 189, 191. 
 Shekel, 9, 129. 
 Shelah, Pool of, 185. 
 Shelemiah, 282. 
 Shemaiah, 209. 
 Shenazzar, 47. 
 
 Sheshbazzar, Prince over Judah, 
 47, 55, 56, 105, 156. 
 
 — not identical with Zerub- 
 babel, 47, 100. 
 
 Shethar-bozenai, 96. 
 Shew, i.e. report to, 318. 
 Shewbread, 248. 
 
 Shield, two words so rendered, 
 
 196. 
 Shiloakh, 185- 
 Shimshai, 85, 86, 96. 
 Shishak, King of Tyre, 19. 
 Shushan, see under Susa. 
 
 — fortress, or palace of, i6r, 
 169, 307, &c. 
 
 Shushanchites, 88. 
 
 Shut up, 209. 
 
 Siegfried, 13, 48, 58, 66, 98, 
 105, 106, 107, 119, 133, 189, 
 193, 195, 206, 210, 227, 228, 
 230, 254, 260, 267, 272, 286, 
 
 350, 359- 
 Signet ring, 328. 
 Silence of sixty years, 113. 
 Siloam, Pool of, 185. 
 Simon made high-priest and 
 
 prince, 34. 
 Sin offering, 110, 132, 249. 
 Sinai, Mt., 233. 
 Singers, included in Levites, 62, 
 
 78, 258. 
 
 — not included in Levites, 62, 
 
 63, 71- 
 
 Singing men and singing 
 women, 69. 
 
 Sira, Ben, 22. 
 
 5ms, 337. 
 
 Sisinnes, 96. 
 
 Sitnah, Hebrew word = accusa- 
 tion, 86. 
 
 Sivan, or third month, 347. 
 
 Skinner, J., 210. 
 
 Sleeplessness of the king, 339. 
 
 Smend, Rudolph, 52, 60, 6i, 
 133, 246, 255. 
 
 Smith, G. A., 134, 147, 170, 171, 
 172, 173, 173 (n.)j 177, 189, 
 233- 
 
 — H. P., 21. 
 
 — W. Robertson, 19, 173, 210, 
 
 277, 353 (n.). 
 Sojourners, 229. 
 Solidarity of nation, 137, 143. 
 Solomon, 75, 92. 
 
INDEX 
 
 381 
 
 Solomon, height of porch in 
 Temple of, 104. 
 
 — servants of, 64. 
 
 Son = descendant, 316. 
 
 — = grandson of, 94. 
 
 — ^ having the property of, 
 63, 82. 
 
 — ^ one or more of a specified 
 class, 269. 
 
 Sources of Ezra and Nehemiah, 
 
 II. 
 South, Hebrew terms for, 271. 
 Southern Kingdom, 45. 
 Spears, 195. 
 Spencer, 67. 
 Spinoza, 297. 
 Stade, 10, 48, 68, 89, 98, 133, 
 
 173, 267, 270, 304 (n). 
 Staerk, 361. 
 
 Stairs (near Jerusalem), 185. 
 Stand, 230. 
 Statutes, 163. 
 Steuemagel, 248. 
 Strack, 13. 
 
 Straight way, a, 128. 
 Straitness (distress), 333. 
 Strange women, 144, 148, 149, 
 
 152, 155, 156. 
 Strangers = non-Jews, 229. 
 Streane, 323. 
 Stud, 348. 
 
 Stuff, household, 280. 
 Sumer, 42. 
 Sunrise and sunset in Palestine, 
 
 197. 
 Sure covenant, 244. 
 Susa, 97, loi, 120, 158, 298, 
 
 306, 307. 
 
 — fortress (palace) of, 169, 316. 
 Susiana, 94. 
 
 Swete, 294. 
 
 Swords, 195. 
 
 Syene, 161. 
 
 Synagogue, Great, 8, 220. 
 
 Synod of Jamnia, 3, 13. 
 
 Syria, 169. 
 
 Sythian, 39. 
 
 Tabeel, 85, 86. 
 
 Tabernacles, Feast of, 5, 7, 10, 
 
 16, 71, 73, 75, 133, 156, 158, 
 
 218, 225. 
 Tablets, Cuneiform, 91, 96, 102, 
 
 103, 135, 168, 300. 
 Talent of gold, 130. 
 
 — of silver, 120, 129, 327. 
 Talmud, 3, 62, 199, 213. 
 Taphj 144. 
 
 Tarpehtes, 88. 
 
 Tattenai, 96, 97, loi, 105, 
 108. 
 
 Teachers, Levites as, 126. 
 
 Tebet, or tenth month, 152. 
 
 Tekoa, 181, 
 
 Tel-el-Amarna, clay tablets 
 found at, 91, 102, 135, 168. 
 
 Temple, first (Solomon's), 75, 
 80 ; destroyed by Nebu- 
 chadnezzar, 99. 
 
 — second, Cyrus authorizes 
 rebuilding of, 46 ; prepara- 
 tions for rebuilding, 75 ; 
 foundation laid, 76, 100 ; 
 work hindered, 80; recom- 
 menced, 105; completed, 108 ; 
 dedicated, 109. 
 
 — to be rebuilt to receive the 
 Messiah, 94. 
 
 — chambers or cells in, 130. 
 
 — contributions towards, n8 
 
 — doors of, 209. 
 
 — officials of, 51, 59, 152. 
 
 — outward business of, 258. 
 
 — poll-tax for upkeep of, 
 248. 
 
 — records of, 12, 51. 
 
 — servants of: — Nethinim, 62, 
 63, 64, 71, 121, 127, 190; 
 porters, 62, 63, 71, 153, 212; 
 singers, 62, 63, 71, 153. 
 
 — stones, great, of, 98. 
 Tertu, 9. 
 Thackeray, 29. 
 
 Thanks, to give, see under 
 Confession. 
 
382 EZRA, NEHEMIAH, AND ESTHER 
 
 Thenius, 173. 
 Theodotian, 28, 29. 
 Thermopylae and Salamib, 
 
 battle of, 32. 
 Thompson, 294. 
 Thousand and One Nights, The, 
 
 363. 
 
 Thumb, 306. 
 
 Tiberius, Roman Tribune, 34. 
 
 Tiribaz, 340. 
 
 Tirshatha, 66, 70, 156, 224, 
 
 245. 
 Tischendorf-Nestle, 294. 
 Tishri (sacred month), 71, 75, 
 
 15a, 218. 
 
 — first day of, 220. 
 Tithe, 18, 252. 
 
 Titus, arch of, at Rome, 92. 
 Tobiah the Ammonite, 171, 178, 
 
 206, 207. 
 Tolerance of early Persian 
 
 kings, 15, 40, I02, 360, 362. 
 Toll, 90. 
 Tomh, or Book of the Law, 8, 
 
 9, 10, II, 115. 293. 
 Torrey, 5, 14, 16. 21, 22, 28, 40, 
 
 54, 62, loi, III, 133, 177, 
 
 230, 246, 262, 275. 
 Tower of Furnaces, 184. 
 
 — Hammeah, 179. 
 
 — Hananel, i8o. 
 Tradition, 27. 
 
 Transgress, trespass, 144, 146, 
 
 148, 162. 
 Transpotamia, commander or 
 
 recorder of, 86, 96. 
 
 — governors and satraps of, 169. 
 
 — Judah a part of, 55. 
 
 — judges and magistrates in, 
 121. 
 
 — meaning of word, 87. 
 
 — treasury of, 119. 
 Treasurer, 120. 
 Treasury, 119. 
 Tribe, 52. 
 Tribute, 90, 92. 
 Trito-Isaiah, 31. 
 
 Trouble, to. 83. 
 Trumpets, Feast of, 71. 
 Trumpets blown by priests, 
 
 78. 
 Twelve, significance of the 
 
 number, 51. 
 Tyropoeon Valley, 173, 185. 
 
 Ukhulgal, 235. 
 Umon Lakish, 261. 
 Unclean land, 140. 
 Unwalled villages, 354. 
 Upon, 270. 
 
 Uriah, high-priest, 181. 
 Urim and Thummim, 67. 
 Ustannai, Governor of Trans- 
 potamia, 96. 
 Uzahor, 15. 
 
 Valley Gate, 172, 184, 270. 
 Valley of Craftsmen, 262. 
 Vashti, 303, 310, 314. 
 Verb, impersonal, see Indefinite 
 Subject. 
 
 — agreement of, 357. 
 Vernes, 23, 25. 
 
 Verse, the longest in the Hagio- 
 
 grapha, 347. 
 Vessels of banquet, 309. 
 
 — Temple restored by Cyrus, 
 46. 
 
 Viewed, 174. 
 Virgins, 315. 
 Virgin's Spring (Gihon), 185, 
 
 189. 
 Vitringa, 20. 
 
 Wady-el-V/ad, 173. 
 
 Wady-er-Rababi, 172, 173. 
 
 Wall, sense of Hebrew word 
 so rendered, 96. 
 
 Walls, i. e. fences or protec- 
 tions, 140. 
 
 Wallsof Jerusalem, eastern, 177. 
 
 — north-eastern, 178. 
 
 — south-eastern, 178. 
 
 — southern, 1 78. 
 
INDEX 
 
 383 
 
 Walls of Jerusalem, western, 
 178. 
 
 — completion of and time 
 occupied therewith, 210. 
 
 — dedication of, 268. 
 
 — procession round, 269. 
 
 — repairing of, Hebrew word 
 explained, 193. 
 
 Walton, Polyglot of, 28. 
 
 Ward, kept the, 276. 
 
 Warren, 177. 
 
 Watches, 213. 
 
 Water Gate, 188, 270. 
 
 ' Waw consecutive' forms, 41, 
 
 254,316. 
 Wedding feast, 321. 
 Weeks, Feast of, 10, 75. 
 Wellhausen, 9, 14, 19, 26, 40, 
 
 48, 70,94, 96, 115, 116, 242, 
 
 250, 254, 255. 
 West, Hebrew terms for, 271. 
 Westcott,292. 
 Whiston, 28. 
 Whitehouse. 31, 32, 165. 
 Wildeboer, 292, 299, 304, 325, 
 
 340, 345, 351- 
 Wilhelm, E., 361. 
 Winepress {piira/t), 304. 
 Wise men, 311. 
 
 Wives, read 'foreign wives,' 145. 
 Woman, low position of in the 
 
 East, 314. 
 Women, separate feast for, 310. 
 
 — ate with men in Persia, 297, 
 
 310- 
 
 — strange, 144, 148, 149, 1.52, 
 
 155) 156. 
 
 — when first put away, 112. 
 Wood-offering, 250. 
 Worship, centralization of, 74. 
 Wright. F. F., 172. 
 Writing, modes of and materials 
 
 for, 103, 168. 
 
 Xenophon, 40. 
 
 Xerxes I (Ahasuerus), extent 
 of kingdom of, 306. 
 
 Xerxes I, letter sent to, 84. 
 
 — name in Hebrew, and so on, 
 307- 
 
 — consults his wise men, 311 ; 
 dismisses Vashti, 313 ; 
 chooses Esther, 329 ; agrees 
 to Haman's proposal to 
 slaughter the Jews, 325 ; 
 withdraws the edict, 345 ; 
 sentences Haman to death, 
 344 ; allows the Jews to 
 slaughter their enemies, 348, 
 350. 
 
 Yahweh, the Hebrew word, 
 how represented in English, 
 and so on, 162. 
 
 — the national God of Israel, 
 120, 162. 
 
 — worship of by Samaritans, 
 81. 
 
 Yahwism, 68. 
 
 — favour shown to by early 
 Persian kings, 102. 
 
 Year, first month of, 152. 
 
 — sacred and secular, 152. 
 Yeb, Jewish Temple of Yahu 
 
 at, 15, 32, 161, 362. 
 spared by Cambyses, 102. 
 
 Zabbai, or Zaccai, 154. 
 Zaccur, i8o. 
 Zadok, 282. 
 Zadokites, 62. 
 Zagmuk, Feast of, 302. 
 Zamzagu, 158. 
 Zanoah (Zanu'a), 261, 
 Zarathustra (Zoroaster), 360, 
 
 362. 
 Zebakh, 19. 
 Zeboim, 262. 
 Zechariah, son of Iddo, 5, 23, 
 
 94. 
 Zeresh, 337. 
 Zerubbabel, first governor of 
 
 Judah, 204. 
 
 — meaning of name, 56. 
 
 C C 
 
384 EZRA, NEHEMIAH, AND ESTHER 
 
 Zerubbabel, not identical with | Zimmern, 9 n., 165, 302,303,304. 
 
 Sheshbazzar, 47. 
 
 — thought to be the expected 
 Messiah, 94. 
 
 — with Joshua built the altar, 
 72 ; laid the foundation of the 
 Temple, 76 ; commenced the 
 building of the Temple, 95. 
 
 ZOckler, 108 (n. 2). 
 
 Zoroaster ;Zarathustra), 39, 
 
 360, 362. 
 Zoroastrian, Cyrus a, 40, 360. 
 Zoroastrianism (Zarathustra- 
 
 ism), 15, 360. 
 Zunz, 4, 20. 
 
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