ἌΡΗ Ἰο θῖο. ἕω okies! csi Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2009 httos://archive.org/details/criticalexegetico6meye ΚΡ ταν νον PNK bh ἐδ ἢ F git. eM Ἂν, ‘ a ih: o τὰ 5 ee CRITICAL AND EXEGHTICAL HAND-BOOK THE EPISTLE 10 THE ROMANS BY HEINRICH AUGUST WILHELM MEYER, Tx.D. OBERCONSISTORIALRATH, HANNOVER. TRANSLATED FROM THE FIFTH EDITION OF THE GERMAN BY Rey. JOHN C. MOORE, B.A., AND REV. EDWIN JOHNSON, B.A. THE TRANSLATION REVISED AND EDITED BY WILLIAM P. DICKSON, D.D. PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW. WITH A PREFACE AND SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES TO THE AMERICAN EDITION BY TIMOTHY DWIGHT, PROFESSOR OF SACRED LITERATURE IN YALE COLLEGE. NEW YORK FUNK & WAGNALLS, PUBLISHERS 10 AND 12 DEY STREET 5 1884 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1884, By FUNK & WAGNALLS, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D.C. PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. In Dr. Dickson’s General Preface to the English Translation of Meyer’s Commentary on the New Testament, which is placed at the beginning of the volumes on the Epistle to the Romans, the following sentences descriptive of its character are found. ‘‘ In estimating the character and value of Dr. Meyer’s work, it is essential that we should always bear in mind the precise standpoint from which it is written. That is simply and solely the standpoint of the exegete, who endeavours in the exercise of his own independent judgment to arrive, by the use of the proper means, at the historical sense of Scripture. His object is not to seek support for the doctrines, nor does he bind himself or regulate his operations by the definitions or decisions, of any particular church. On the contrary, he reaches his results by a purely exegetical process, and places them, when so found, at the disposal of the Church.’’ In other words, his Commentary is what an exegetical commentary ought to be. For this reason, the introduction of this work, a few years since, to the knowledge of English and American students of the New Testa- ment who had no acquaintance with the language in which it was origi- nally written, was an event of much significance in the progress of Bibli- cal learning. In our own country, by reason of the peculiar circum- stances of our history, the study of Theology began, and for a long period was carried forward, almost wholly on the doctrinal and philo- sophical side. A few scholars, indeed, like Moses Stuart and Josiah W. Gibbs, investigated the Scriptures in the purely exegetical way, and thus became leaders in the right path. But itis only within the last quarter of a century that such investigation has made its great advasce move- ment among us and assumed for itself its proper relative position. That the effect of German scholarship in this department of study has been greatly beneficial to our Theology cannot be questioned. It has tended directly and strongly to the end of bringing us to the immediate, fair- minded, intelligent examination of the New Testament words, and to the interpretation of them, as the thing of primary importance, according iv PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. to strict grammatical and linguistic principles. No better example of the right method of explaining and commenting has ever been presented to the student than that which Meyer has given. He was eminently fitted, both by his learning and his spirit, to be an interpreter of the Apostolic writings, and, like all candid and large-hearted seekers after the truth, he entered more fully into the possession of its treasures as the years of his life moved onward. The knowledge and influence of such a commen- tator’s writings are of peculiar value in the study of the Epistle to the Romans, in the atmosphere of which our theological thinking needs continually to be brought to measure and adjust-itself by the true prin- ciples of interpretation. The design of the publishers of the present edition of Meyer’s work is to place it within the reach of the largest possible number of theo- logical students and ministers, in order that the influence of its profound scholarship, its true methods, its honest truth-seeking purpose, its relig- ious spirit and its manly confidence in Christianity may be most widely extended. The commentary is printed in full and precise accordance with the English Translation—except that, in many instances, references to authorities and to Greek writers are transferred from the page to foot- notes—and by an arrangement with the English publishers. The translation of this volume was made, as indicated on the title-page, by the Rev. John C. Moore and the Rev. Edwin Johnson; the work of the former covering the first eight chapters, and that of the latter the remainder of the Epistle. The translation, it is believed, has com- mended itself to those who have used it since its first publication. The Rev. Dr. William P. Dickson, of the University of Glasgow, was the superintending editor of the work when this portion of it was pre- pared, and the entire translation, so long as his editorship continued, was reviewed and revised by him, As the Commentary on the Romans was the first of the series which was published, Dr. Dickson introduced it by aGeneral Preface. This preface it has been thought proper to omit in this edition, inasmuch as the principal facts connected with Meyer’s life, which it contained, have been already stated in the volume on the Acts, edited by Dr. Ormiston, and because the Commentary is now so much better known than when it was first issued in Edinburgh, that such introductory words seem to be scarcely necessary. The Topical Index at the end of the volume has been prepared by the Rev. G. F. Behringer, of Brooklyn, N. Y., who has kindly exercised a general supervision of the work, while passing through the press. As to my own share in the present volume, as American Editor, I may be permitted to say a few words. The limitations of the volume have allowed me to add only about eighty pages of annotations. Within so PREFACE BY ΤῈ AMERICAN EDITOR. Vv small a space it was manifestly impossible to consider with fulness or freedom all the points of interest which the Epistle presents, or even to set forth and establish by arguments the view which I hold of its character, its design and purpose, its line of thought, its circle of doctrinal teach- ing’, or what, if the expression may be allowed me, I may call its peculiar Paulinism. The discussion of these and other questions would demand -avolume, which I hope that, at some future time, I may be able to prepare. All that I have attempted to do, at present, is to give some brief notes, at the close of each chapter, upon words or sentences re- specting which it has seemed to me that suggestions might be helpful towards a true understanding of the Apostle’s meaning. In connection with the setting forth of this meaning, I have occasionally raised the inquiry whether Paul intended to declare a particular doctrine in a particular verse or passage, and have sometimes endeavored to show that he had no such intention. But I have not deemed it to be within my sphere in these annotations—a sphere which is purely exegetical— to affirm or to deny that any such doctrine belonged to the Pauline system. For this reason, also, as well as because the book 1s intended, as the English editor says in his Preface, for the professional scholar, who can endure in a writer some views with which he may not himself agree, I have not considered it necessary to discuss any doctrinal opinions to which Meyer has incidentally given expression in his re- marks upon points with which they have no vital and essential con- nection. I have purposely made but few references in the notes to commentators and writers upon the Epistle. As I have long been en- gaged in the work of theological instruction in the department of New Testament Greek, it will not be supposed, I trust, that the omission is due to any want of reading the works of such writers, or of acknowledg- ment of what I have gained in my studies from their views or thoughts. Occasional allusions to some of the most recent authors appeared to me not inappropriate, but the limited space at my command rendered it im- practicable to mention names, as Meyer himself has done so constantly and abundantly. The edition of Meyer’s work on the Epistle which was published about two years since by Dr, Bernhard Weiss has been referred to somewhat frequently, because it gives—where he differs from Meyer, as well as where he adds his assent to what Meyer had said—the views of the scholar who is, at present, perhaps more prominent than any other, in this line of studies, in Germany. It is a matter of satisfaction to me that in some important points, respecting which my own opinions were formed many years ago, I find myself confirmed by the words of this very able writer. In some cases mentioned in my notes, on the other hand, where I am constrained to take a position opposite to his, I hope -- ΥἹ PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. that the reasons presented may be regarded as not unworthy of serious consideration. Ina number of these cases I have the pleasing con- sciousness of standing with Meyer himself. If the few pages which I have inserted in this volume shall prove to be helpful to any students of the Pauline writings—especially, if they shall te viewed as, in any measure, deserving of a place in such near connection with the words and thoughts of a commentator whom I have long held in so much honour, I shall be glad to have had the privilege of associating my name, even in the most unpretending way, with his, as his work goes forth for a wider circulation among the clergy and the members of Theological Schools in our country. To those who have been connected with the Divinity School of Yale College during the past twenty-six years,—in whose life and work I have a personal and most friendly interest, —I commend the volume in all its parts. Timotny Dwieut, Yair Cotiecs, February 18, 1884. Norz.—In my own annotations, the edition of Meyer’s work by Weiss is com- monly referred to as Weiss ed. Mey. The letters T. R. are used to designate the Textus Receptus. The references to Winer’s Grammar are tuo the American translation. Imay state that, for the convenience of students, I have inserted the numbers of the pages of the American translations of both Buttmann’s and Winer’s Grammars, wherever Meyer has cited these works in his notes, In regard to other abbreviations, see page xxiv. The reader will allow me to correct one or two errors, which were accident- ally overlooked by me in revising the proof-sheets of my notes. In the first line of page 75, ““ οἰκονόμους), so etc.” should be read, instead of *‘oix). So ete.” In the seventh line of page 79, for ‘‘ Gal. iii.”” read Gal. vy. On page 108, Note XX., line 7, for ‘*to the approving’ read ‘‘of the approving.’’ Page 254, line 3, for ‘‘ ver. 20’’ read “ἐν. 20,” and page 255, line 2, for ‘‘ vv. 12-19” read “ἐν. 12-19,” and at the end of Note LXXIII. read “ver. 20’ for “‘ ver. 19." On the other hand, on page 294, line 15 of Note LXXXVI., for ‘* v. 25” read “ ver. 25.’’ On page 289, Note LXXVII. in the last two lines let the words “ first” and ‘‘ second” exchange places. These cases include all, I think, which are of any importance and which the reader will, without trouble, adjust for himself, PD, PREFACE SPECIALLY WRITTEN BY THE AUTHOR FOR THE ENGLISH EDITION. Ir cannot but be of great importance in the interests of a thorough, sure, and comprehensive knowledge, that the results of progressive effort and research in the wide domain of the sciences should be mutually exchanged and spread from people to people, and from tongue to tongue. In this way of a living fellowship of mind, penetrating to the farthest limits of civilization, the various scientific peculiarities of national development and culture are necessarily more and more elevated into common property as regards their excellences, while their several defects and shortcomings are reciprocally compensated and supplied ; and thus the honest efforts and labours of individuals, pressing forward in com- mon towards a deeper and clearer knowledge, are at once encouraged by their mutual respect and stimulated by a generous rivalry. Especially, and in an eminent degree, does this hold true within the sphere devoted to the highest object of human effort—the sphere of scientific theology. To the cultivation of this science, in accordance with its healthy life springing from the Divine Word and with its destination embracing time and eternity, belongs inan eminent sense the noble vocation of applying every gift received from God freely and faithfully to the service of the great whole—the building up of His kingdom. In its view the nations with their various characteristic powers, capacities, and tongues, are members of the one body, to which they are to hail each other as belonging in the fellowship of the one Head, which is Christ, and of the one Spirit, whose motions and influences are not restrained by any limits of nation or of Janguage. From this point of view it cannot but be in every sense a matter for congratulation that in our day more than formerly those literary works of German theology, which have on their native soil obtained a fair position in the literature of the science to which they relate, should by translation into the English tongue have that more extended field opened ὙΠ] PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION. up to them, whose only limit is the ever-increasing diffusion and prev- alence of that language in both hemispheres. Thus German theological labor goes forth into the wide world ; becomes at home in distant lands and in a foreign dress ; communicates what has been given to it, in order, by the mutual working of the Spirit, to receive in its turn from abroad ; stimulates so far as in it lies, in order that it may itself find stimulus and furtherance, instruction and correction ; and in all this lends its aid, that the divided theological strivings of the age and the various tendencies of religious national character may be daily brought closer together, and united in the eternal focus of all genuine science, which is truth and nothing but truth—and in the realin of theology the high- est truth of all, that of divine revelation. In the transplanting of the literary products of German theology to the soil of the English language the well-known publishing house of the Messrs. T. & T. Clark, of Edinburgh, have earned special distinction ; and their efforts, supported by select and able professional scholars, have already found, and continue increasingly to find, an appreciation cor- responding to their merits both in British and American circles, I have therefore readily and willingly given my consent to the proposal of the above-mentioned honorable publishers to set on foot and to issue an English translation of my Commentary on the New Testament ; and with no less readiness have my esteemed German publishers, Vanden- hoeck and Ruprecht in Gittingen, declared their agreement to it. I earnestly wish that the version thus undertaken, the first portion of which is given to the public in the present volume, may not fail to receive, in the field of the English language and of the science which it represents, an indulgent and kindly reception, such as, during a long series of years, has been accorded to the German work by the German theological public. And if I venture to couple with this wish some measure of a hope corresponding to it, Iam induced to do so simply by the fact that even in the German idiom these works have already found their way, in no inconsiderable numbers, both to England and America. Respecting the object and intention of my Commentaries no special explanation is needed, since, in point of fact, these are obvious on the face of them. They aim at exactly ascertaining and establishing on due grounds the purely historical sense of Scripture. This aim is so clear and so lofty, that all the produce of one’s own thoughts and subjective speculation must fall entirely into the background, and must not be allowed to mix up anything of its own with what objectively stands forth in the revelation of the New Testament and simply seeks to be understood just as itstands. For exegesis is a historical science, because PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION, ΙΧ the sense of Scripture, the investigation of which is its task, can only be regarded and treated as an historical fact; as positively given, it can only be known, proved, established, and set forth so as to be clearly and surely ynderstood, by the positive method of studying the grammar, the usus loguendi, and the connection in detail as well as in its wider and widest sense. Exegetical research therefore cannot regard any defini- tions of the doctrinal system ofa Church as binding or regulative for its operations, as if forsooth, in cases where the Confession has spoken, its duty were to seek only what it was ὦ priori directed to seek, and there- upon to find only what it so seeks. No! it is just when perfectly unprejudiced, impartial, and free—and thus all the more consciously and consistently guided simply and solely by those historically given factors of its science —that it is able with genuine humility to render to the Church, so far as the latter maintains its palladium in the pure Word of God, real and wholesome service for the present and the future. Unhappily the Church of Rome, by its unchangeable tradition beyond the pale of Scripture, and now completely by its Vaticanum, has refused to receive such service in ali points affecting its peculiar doctrine. But with the Evangelical Church it is otherwise. ΠΟΛ ΟΝ deep may be the heavings of conflicting elements within it, and however long may be the duration of the painful throes which shall at last issue—according to the counsel of God and when His hour has come—in a happier time for the Church when men’s minds shall have attained a higher union, the pure word of Scripture, in its historical truth and clearness and in its world- subduing divine might, disengaged from every addition of human scholasticism and its dividing formulae, must and shall at length become once more a wonderful power of peace unto unity of faith and love. The Evangelical Church bears inalienably in its bosom the Word as the living and imperishable leaven of that final development. Such is the ideal goal, which the scientific exposition of Scripture, while it desires nothing else than to elucidate and further the true his- torical understanding of Scripture, may never lose sight of in regard to the Church, which is built on the Word. But how limited is the meas- ure of the attainments and of the gifts conferred upon the individual ! and how irresistibly must it impel him, in the consciousness of his fragmentary contributions, to the humbling confession, ‘‘ Not as though Thad already attained !’’? Nevertheless let each strive faithfully and honestly, according to what has been given to him, for that noble goal in the field of Scripture-science, in firm assurance that God can bless even what is little and be mighty in what is weak. And so may the gracious God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ accompany my hum- ble labors on His Word, as they are now going forth in the dress of Σ PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION. another language to far distant brethren, with the blessing on which all success depends, that they may conduce to the knowledge of His Truth, to the service of His Church, and to the glory of His Holy Name. Dr. HEIN. AUG. WILH. MEYER, OBERCONSISTORIALRATH. Hannover, March, 1873. PREFACE TO THE GERMAN EDITION. Forry years have now elapsed since my Commentaries on the New Testament were first given to the public. The first edition of the first volume-—the weak commencement—appeared in January, 1832. A scientific work, which has passed through a long course of development and still continues that course, has always a history—a biography—of its own, which of course is intimately interwoven with that of its author. Yet in this retrospect I can only be filled with praise and thanksgiving to the divine grace ; of myself I have nothing to say. The indulgence of friendly readers, which I have experienced so long, will not, I hope, fail to be still extended to me, when my day’s work is drawing to its end. This fifth edition of the Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans is based—as was of course to be expected, and may be inferred from the increase in the number of the sheets—on a new and careful revision of the fourth edition, which was issued in 1865. This enlargement— although in particular instances much has been abridged or even deleted —could not be avoided, if on the one hand the more recent publications relating to the Epistle were to meet with due attention,’ and if on the 1 T could not take into consideration the treatise of Dr. Eklund : “ σάρξ vo- cabulum, quid ap. Paulum significet,’’ Lund, May, 1872, which, cautiously pro- ceeding by a purely exegetical method, in the definition of the ethical side of that notion arrives substantially at the explanation of Augustine and Luther— a result, nevertheless, in which I am still precluded from concurring, as regards the Epistle to the Romans, by the contrast of σώρξ and νοῦς, as well as that of σώρξ and the moral ἐγώ in ch, vii.—I must here also make supplementary mention of Hilgenfeld’s dissertation ** Petrus in Rom und Johannes in Kl. Asien” (Zeitschrift, 1872. 3); in it he declares himself in favor of the nearly contem- porary martyrdom of Peter and Paul in Rome as a historically accredited fact, and, ἃ5 1 must still even after the doubts of Lipsius assume, with just reason, even as respects its independence of the Simon legend.—During the very printing of this Preface there have come into my hands the two dissertations by Harmsen, who defends the reference of the doxology in ix. 5 to God, and Hilgenfeld, who maintains the genuineness of chapters xv, and xvi, (in the latter’s Zeitschrift, 1872. 4). xi PREFACE TO THE GERMAN EDITION. other hand the general plan of the book—according to which it has to provide along with the exposition itself a critical view of the interpreta- tions contrasting with it, and so of the detailed history of the exegesis —was to be preserved. But on what portion of the New Testament could the Jabour and troubie—which are being continually renewed, wherever exegetical sci- ence conscientiously strives to reach its pure and clear historic aim—be less spared than on this, the grandest and richest in contents of all the Apostle’s letters? Especially at the present time. The Epistle to the Romans still stands forth as a never silent accuser confronting the Ro- man ecclesiasticism, which has strained to the uttermost spiritual arro- gance in the dethroned head, and Loyolist submissiveness in the mem- bers, of its hierarchy (perinde ac si essent cadavera) ; it is still the stead- fast divine charter of the Reformation, as formerly our Luther found mainly in it the unyielding fulerum by the aid of which he upheaved the firmly-knit Roman structure from its old foundations, Amidst the vehement and pretentious conflicts, which continually surround us in the field of evangelic belief, we still have in this Epistle—just because it sets clearly before us the pure apostolic Gospel in its deepest and most com- prehensive scope—the clearest and most prominent criterion for the rec- ognition of what belongs to the pith and marrow of the Confession, in order that we may distinguish with steadfast eye and conscience that which is essential from all the fleeting, temporary, controversial or scholastic forms, with which it has become connected and interwoven through the historical relations of ecclesiastical symbols ; a distinction, to which even the Introduction to the Formula Concordiae, although this most of all bears the theological impress of the time, significantly enough points, and which better meets the exigencies of the restless present than the overbearing cry—recklessly transcending limit or meas- ure—after unity of doctrine, which yet does not remove or even so much as conceal the dissensions among the criers themselves. The unity which they desire—were it uniformly established, as it were in the Jump, for ad/ doctrinal definitions of the Confession—would be Roman, and the very negation of truth and truthfulness in the church, because it would be contrary to the freedom of conscience in the understanding of Scripture, which has its ground and support, its standard and limit, and the holy warrant of its upright confidence, not beyond the pale of Scripture, but iz it, and in it alone. Let us only advance with clearness along the straight path of pure historical exegesis, in virtue of which we have always to receive what Scripture gives to us, and never to give to it aught of our own. Other- wise we run a risk of falling into the boundless maze of an interpreta- PREFACE TO THE GERMAN EDITION. xill tion of Scripture at our own pleasure, in which artificial and violent ex- pedients are quickly enough resorted to, with a view to establisn results which are constructed from foregone premisses, and to procure doctrines which are the creations—obtruded on Scripture—of a self-made world of thought and its combinations. Exegetes of this sort—whose labours, we may add, are usually facilitated by a lack of sure and thorough phi- lological culture,’ and of needful respect for linguistic authorities—have the dubious merit of provoking refutation more than others do, and thereby indirectly promoting the elucidation of the true sense of Script- ure. Yet they may, as experience shows, attain fora time an influence, especially over younger theologians who have not yet reached the stead- iness and soberness of mature exegetic judgment, by the charm of nov- elty and of a certain originality, as well as of a dialectic art, which veils wits mistakes so that they they are not at once recognized—an influence under which good abilities are misled and learn to be content with ex- tracting from the words of Scripture a meaning which, originating from their own presuppositions, belongs really to themselves. Indeed, if such a mode of handling Scripture, with its self-deceptions and with its often very singular caprices, could become dominant (which, looking to the present state and progress of science, 1 do not reckon possible), there would be reason to fear that gradually the principle of Scripture authority, which preserved in its full objectivity is the aegis of the evangelical churches, would become ¢lusory. All the worse and more confusing is it, when such an exegesis employs as the organ of present- ing and communicating its views a mode of expression, the quaint drapery of which hinders us from clearly discerning the substance of the meaning lying beneath it, and in fact frequently permits the effort 1 We theologians are far too much given to neglect a comprehensive and precise knowledge of the Greek grammar. If the exegete of the present day supposes himself adequately furnished with such a Grammar as that of Rost (whose memory, as my former Gymnasial teacher, I gratefully revere) he is mistaken ; it is no longer sufficient. We ought not to overlook the progress of philology in the field of the classics, but should be diligent in turning to ac- count, for the New Testament, whatever the contributions of the present day furnish. Otherwise we neglect an eminently important part of our duty. I cannot but here recommend very urgently to the theologian, in the interest of pure exegesis, the second edition of Kiithner’s Large Grammar (in two parts, 1869-1872)—to which my citations will always henceforth refer—as the most complete and most solid work on the structure of the Greek language regarded from the present standpoint of science. This entirely remodelled edition isa glorious monument of thorough and comprehensive erudition, and of clear and ripe familiarity with the genius of the language of classic Hellenism. ΧΙΥ PREFACE TO THE GERMAN EDITION. of translating it into current forms of speech, which cannot mislead, to be attended with but dubious success.’ For the critical remarks the part of the editio octava of Tischendorf’s New Testament, which inciudes the present Epistle, was in good time to be turned to account. As it deviates in many cases from the edztio septima, and this diversity is partly due to a modification of the critical principles adopted, I have deemed it advisable to specify not merely the readings of the octava, but also those of the septima. The one I have indicated by Tisch. (8), the other by Zwsch. (7); but where the two editions agree, I put merely Tisch. With confidence then in God, who sits as Ruler and knows how to guide all things well, this work is left to make its way once more into the much agitated theological world. May He ward off harm, so far as it contains what.is erroneous, and grant His blessing, so far as it may* minister to the correct, unstinted, and undisguised understanding of His revealed Word. Dr. MEYER. Hannover, 24th July, 1872. 1 In presence of such wretched evils of style we may be allowed to recall the simple rule, which the epigrammatist bids the rhetoricians (Andthol. Pal. xi. 144, 5 f.) lay to heart : Nov - aa ὭΣ AG ny? aa , ee ἁνοὺν UTOKELOUGAL VEL τοῖς YPAUUATL Kas φράσιν αὐτῶν εἶναι κοινοτέραν, ὥστε νοεῖν ἃ λέγεις. EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. [For Commentaries, and collections of Notes, embracing the whole New Testament, see Preface to the Commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew. The following list includes works which deal with the Apostolic or the Pauline Epistles generally, or which treat specially of the Epistle to the Romans, Works mainly of a popular or practical character have, with a few exceptions, been excluded, since, however valuable they may be on their own account, they have but little affinity with the strictly exegetical character of the present work. Several of the older works named are of little value ; others are chiefly doctri- nal or controversial. Monographs on chapters or sections are generally noticed by Meyer in loc. The editions quoted are usually the earliest ; al. appended denotes that the work has been more or less frequently reprinted. + marks the date of the author’s death, ο. = circa, an approximation to it. | ApBariaRD (Peter), { 1142, Scholastic : Commentariorum super 8. Pauli Episto- lam ad Romanos libri v. [Opera.] Axxstus [or ΗΑΤ ΕΒ] (Alexander), { 1565, Prof. Theol. at Leipzig : Disputationes in Epistolam ad Romanos, cum P. Melancthonis praefatione. 8°, Vitemb. 1553. ALEXANDER Natalis. See Norn (Alexandre). Autine (Jacobus), { 1679, Prof. Theol. at Gréningen : Commentarius theoreti- co-practicus in Epistolam ad Romanos. [Opera. ] 2°, Amstel. 1686. AMBIANENSIS (Georgius), { 1657, Capuchin monk at Paris : Trina Pauli theologia . . Seu omnigena in universas Pauli epistolas commentaria exegetica, tropologica et anagogica. 29, Paris. 1649-50. AMBROSIASTER [or Psrupo-AmBrostus], ¢. 380, generally identified with Hilarius the Deacon: Commentarius in Epistolas xiii. B. Pauli. [Ambrosii Opera. ] AnsELMus [or Hervevus], c. 1100: Enarrationes in omnes 8. Pauli Epistolas. 2°, Paris. 1533. Aquinas (Thomas), + 1274, Scholastic : Expositio in omnes Epistolas 8. Pauli. 2°, Basil. 1475 al. ArBorevs (Joannes), ο. 1550, Prof. Theol. at Paris: Commentarius in omnes Pauli Epistolas. 29, Paris. 1553. AnreEtius (Benedictus), + 1574, Prof. Theol. at Berne: Commentarii in omnes Epistolas 1). Pauli, et canonicas, 2°, Morgiis, 1683. Baupur (Friedrich), + 1627, Prof. Theol. at Wittenberg : Commentarius in omnes Epistolas apostoli Pauli. . . (Separately, 1608-1630). 49, Francof. 1644 al. Baumeartren (Sigmund Jakob), { 1757, Prof. Theol. at Halle: Auslegung des Briefes Pauli an die Romer. 4”, Halae, 1749. BaumGarten-Crustus (Ludwig Friedrich Otto), + 1843, Prof. Theol. at Jena: Commentar zum Rémerbrief. 8°, Jena, 1844. Berpa Venerabilis, { 735, Monk at Jarrow : Expositio in Epistolas Pauli [a Ca- tena from the works of Augustine, probably by Florus Lugdunensis, ὁ. 852], et In Epistolas septem catholicas liber. [Opera.] XV1 EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. Breen (Jean-Théodore), Τὺ. C. Prof. of Or. Lang. at Louvain : Commentarius in Epistolam ὃ. Pauli ad Romanos. 8°, Lovani, 1854. Brrr (Joseph Agar), A Commentary on St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans. London, 1877. 3ELSHAM (Thomas), { 1829, Unitarian minister in London: The Epistles of Paul the Apostle translated, with an exposition and notes. 49 Lond. 1822. BrENECKEE (Wilhelm), { 1837, retired Hamburg merchant : Der Brief Paulian die Romer erlautert ; 8°, Heidelb. 1831. Translated... . 8°, Lond. 1854, Bispine (August), R. C. Prof. Theol. at Mimster: Exegetisches Handbuch zu den Briefen des Apostels Paulus. 8°, Minster, 1854-8 al, Borume (Christian Friedrich), { 1844, Pastor at Lucka near Altenburg : Epis- tola Pauli ad Romanos Graece cum commentario perpetuo. 8°, Lips. 1806. Brats (Etienne de), ο. 1680, Prof. Theol. at Saumur : Epistolae Pauli ad Roma- nos analysis paraphrastica cum notis. 4°, Salmurii, 1670. Brent (Johann), + 1570, Provost at Stuttgard : Commentarius in Epistolam ad Romanos. 2°, Francof. 1564 al. Brown (David), D.D., Prof. Theol. Free Church College, Aberdeen : Commen- tary on the Epistle to the Romans, embracing the last results of crit- icism. 12°, Glasg. 1860. Brown (John), D.D., { 1858, Prof. Exeg. Theol. to the United Presbyterian Church, Edinburgh : Analytical Exposition of the Epistle of Paul. . . to the Romans. 8°, Edin. 1857. Bruno, ¢ 1101, Founder of the Carthusian Order: Commentarius in Omnes Epistolas Pauli. 2°, Paris. 1509. Bucer (Martin), ¢ 1551, Prof. Theol. at Cambridge : Metaphrasis et enarratio in Epistclam Pauli ad Romanos. 2°, Basil. 1562. BuGENHAGEN (Johann), { 1558, Prof. Theol. at Wittenberg: Interpretatio Epistolae Pauli ad Romanos. 8°, Hagenoae, 1523. BuiwinceEr (Heinrich), { 1575, Pastor at Ziirich : Commentarii in omnes Epis- tolas apostolorum. 2°, Tiguri, 1537 al. Casetanvs [Tommaso da Vio], ¢ 1534, Cardinal : Epistolae 5. Pauli et aliorum apostolorum ad Graecam veritatem castigatae et juxta sensum literalem enarratae. 20 Venet. 1531 al. Catrxtus (Georg), { 1656, Prof. Theol. at Helmstadt : Expositiones litterales in Epistolas ad Romanos, ad Corinthios priorem et posteriorem, ad Ga- latas, ad Ephesios, ad Philippenses, ad Colossenses, ad Thessalonienses . et ad Titum. 40. Helmstadii, 1664-66. Cavin [CHAvvin] (Jean), { 1564: Commentarii in omnes Epistolas Pauli apos- toli atque etiam Epistolam ad Ebraeos ; necnon in Epistolas canoni- cas, 2°, Genevae, 1551 al. Caretus [CappEt] (Louis), ¢ 1658. See Acts. Jarpzov (Johann Benedict), { 1803, Prof. Theol. and Greek at Helmstadt : Stricturae theologicae et criticae in Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos... . 8°, Helmstad. 1758. Casstoporus (Magnus Aurelius), + 563, Chancellor of the Ostrogoth empire : Complexiones in Epistolas apostolorum, in Acta etin Apocalypsim quasi brevissima explanatione decursas. . . . 8°, Florent. 1721 al. Catartno (Ambrogio), See Porrrt (Lanzelotto), Cuatmers (Thomas), D.D., { 1847, Principal of F. C. College, Edinburgh : Lectures on the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans. 12°, Glasg. 1842 al. Curysostomus (Joannes), + 407, Archbishop of Constantinople : Homiliae in Epis- tolas Pauli. [Opera.] Cuyrrarus [or Kocuuare] (David), { 1600, Prof. Theol. at Rostock : Epistola Pauli ad Romanos, brevi ac dialectica dispositione partium et gram- matica declaratione textus . . . explicata. 80 ἢ. p: 1699. CiauDE (Jean), + 1687, Minister at the Hague: Commentaire 51} ]’Epitre aux Romains. [Oeuvres. ] EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. ΧΥΪΙ Conrarrt (Gaspare), ¢ 1542, Cardinal: Scholia in Epistolas Pauli. [Opera.] 29, Paris. 1571 al. ContzEn (Adam), + 1618, Jesuit at Mentz: Commentaria in Epistolam 8. Pauli ad Romanos. 2°, Colon. 1629. ConyBEARE (William John, M.A.), Howson (John Saul), D.D.: Life and Epis- tles of St. Paul. 4°, Lond. 1852 al. Cox (Robert), M.A., P. C. of ‘Stonehouse, Devon: Horae Romanae, or an at- tempt to elucidate St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans, by an original translation, explanatory notes, and new divisions, 8°, Lond. 1824. Cramer (Johann Andreas), ¢ 1788, Prof. Theol. at Kiel: Der Brief Pauli an die Romer aufs neue tibersetzt und ausgelest. 4° Leip. 1784. Cretu (Johann), ¢ 1633, Socinian teacher at Cracow ; Commentarius in Epis- tolam Pauli ad Romanos, ex praelectionibus ejus conscriptus a Jona Schlichtingio.... 8°, Racov. 1636. CrucicEr [CREUZINGER] (Kaspar), { 1548, Pastor at Leipzig : Commentarius in Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos. 8°, Vitemb. 1567. Date (John) : Analysis of all the Epistles of the New Testament. 12° Oxf. 1652. Damascrnvs (Joannes), { 754, Monk at S. Saba: Ex universa interpretatione J. Chrysostomi excerpta compendiaria in Epistolas S, Pauli. [Opera.] Dewirzscx (Franz), Prof. Theol. at Leipzig: Briefan die Rémer aus dem grie- chischen Urtext in das hebriische uebersetzt und aus Talmud und Midrasch erliutert. 8°, Leip. 1870. Dickson (David), { 1662, Prof. Theol. at Glasgow and Edinburgh : Expositio ana- lytica omnium apostolicarum Epistolarum. .. . 40, Glasg. 1645. and Analytical Exposition of all the Epistles. 2°, Lond. 1659. Drersce (August), Prof. in the Univ. at Bonn: Adam und Christus. Rom. V. 12-21 8° Bonn, 1871. Drev (Louis de), + 1642, Prof. in the Walloon College at Leyden : Animadver- siones in Epistolam ad Romanos. Accessit spicilegium in reliquas ejusdem apostoli, ut et catholicas epistolas. 4°, Lugd, Bat. 1646. Dionysius Carruustanus [Denys DE Rycxenn], { 1471, Carthusian monk: Elu- cidissima in divi Pauli Epistolas commentaria. 8°, Paris. 1531. Epwarps (Timothy), M.A., Vicar of Okehampton, Devon: Paraphrase, with critical annotations on the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians, with an analytical scheme of the whole. 40. Lond. 1752. Est [Estrus] (Willem Hessels van), + 1613, R. C. Chancellor of Douay : In omnes beati Pauli et aliorum apostolorum Epistolas commentarius. 2°, Duaci, 1614-16, al. Ewap (Georg Heinrich August), Prof. Or. Lang. at Géttingen ; Die Sendschrei- ben des Apostels Paulus tibersetzt und erklirt. 8°, Gotting. 1857. Ewsrank (William Withers), M.A., Incumbent at Everton: Commentary on the Kpistle of Paulto the Romans. . . 8°, Lond. 1850-51. Faber Stapulensis (Jacobus) [Jacques Lefevre dEtaples], { 1536, resident at Nerac : Commentarius in Epistolas Pauli... 2°, Paris. 1512 al. Farrar (F. W.), Canon of Westminster: The Life and Works of St. Paul. Lond. 1879. Faye (Antoine de la), { 1616, Prof. at Geneva : Commentarius in Epistolam ad Romanos. 8°, Genevae, 1608. Feit (Joun), + 1686, Bishop of Oxford : A Paraphrase and annotations upon all the Epistles of St. Paul, by Abraham Woodhead, Richard Allestry and Obadiah Walker. Corrected and improved by Dr. John Fell. [First issued anonymously in 1675.] 8°, Lond. 1708. FrrmMe (Charles), + 1617, Principal of Fraserburgh College: Analysis logica in Epistolam ad Romanos. 12°, Edin. 1651 αἱ. Frervus [Wiztp] (Johannes), { 1554, Cathedral Preacher at Mentz: Exegesis in Epistolam Paulli ad Romanos, 8°, Paris. 1559. FrevarDEnt (Francois), ¢ 1612, Franciscan preacher at Paris : Commentarius in Epistolam ad Romanos. 8°, Paris. 1599. Fuart (Johann Friedrich von), ¢ 1821, Prof. Theol. at Tiibingen : Vorlesungen aw x Ais i> ἢ XVill EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. iiber den Brief Pauli an die Rémer, herausgegeben yon Ch. D. F. Hoff- mann. 8°, Tubing. 1825. Frorus Lugdunensis, c. 852. See Brpa. Forsrs (John),-LL. D., Prof. of Oriental Languages at Aberdeen: Analytical commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, tracing the train of thought : by the aid of parallelism. 8°, Edinb. 1868. FrirzscHk (Karl Friedrich August), { 1846, Prof. Theol. at Rostock : Pauli ad Romanos Epistola. Recensuit et cum commentariis perpetuis edidit. 8°, Halis, 1836-43. Fromonp (Libert), + 1653, Prof. Sac. Scrip. at Louvain : Commentarius in om- nes Epistolas Pauli apostoli et in septem canonicas aliorum aposto- lorum epistolas. 2°, Lovan. 1663 al, GaaniKEe (Jean de), { 1549, Rector of the University of Paris: Brevissima et facillima in omnes divi Pauli et canonicas epistolas scholia. 8°, Paris. 1543 al. GerHarD (Johann), { 1637, Prof. Theol. at Jena: Adnotationes posthumae in Epistolam ad Romanos, cum Analectis Jo. Ernesti Gerhardi. 4°, Jenae. 1666 al. Girrorp (E. H.), Rector of Much Hadham; Introduction, Commentary, and Critical Notes on the Epistle to the Romans. Vol. III. of Bible Com- mentary, edited by F. C. Cook, Canon of Exeter. Lond. 1881. GxiéckLEeR (Conrad} : Der Brief des Apostel Paulus an die Rémer erklirt. 8°, Frankf.-a.-M. 1834. GoveEt (F.) Prof., in the Theol. Faculty at Neuchatel : Commentaire sur 1 Epitre aux Romains. 8°, Paris. 1879-80. {Translated by A. Cusin, Edinburgh, 1881.] Gomar (Frangois), + 1641, Prof. Theol. at Gréningen: Analysis et explicatio Epistolarum Pauli ad Romanos, Gal. Philipp. Coloss. Philem. He- braeos. [Opera.] 2°, Amstel. 1644. Grare (Ed.): Ueber Veranlassung und Zweck des Rémerbriefes. Freiburg, 1881. GRONEWEGEN (Henricus), + 1692, Minister at Enkhuizen : Vytleginge van den Zendbrief Paulli aan de Romeynen. 4° Gorinchem, 1681. GUALTHER [WALTHER] (Rudolph), + 1586, Pastor at Zurich: Homiliae in om- nes Epistolas apostolorum. 2°, Tiguri, 1599. GuILu1Aup (Claude), + 1550, Theological Lecturer at Autun : Collationes in om- nes Epistolas Pauli. 4°, Lugd. 1542 al. Haxpane (Robert), of Airthrey, { 1842 : Exposition of the Epistle to the Ro- mans, with remarks on the Commentaries of Dr. Macknight, Prof. Tholuck, and Prof. Moses Stuart. 12°, Lond. 1842 al. Haymno, + 853, Bishop of Halberstadt [or Remierus] : Commentarius in Epis- tolas S. Pauli. 20 Paris, 1556. αἱ. Hemminec [or Hemmincsen] (Niels), + 1600, Prof. Theol. at Copenhagen : Com- mentarius in omnes Epistolas apostolorum. 2°, Lips. 1572 al. HemseEn (Johann Tychsen), + 1830, Prof. Theol. at Gottingen: Der Apostel Paulus, sein Leben, Wirken, und siene Schriften herausgegeben von F. Luecke. 8°, Gotting. 1830. HenGEL (Wessel Albert van), Prof. Theol. in Leyden: Interpretatio Epistolae Pauli ad Romanos. 8°, Lugd. Bat. 1854-9. Herveus Dotensts, ὁ. 1130, Benedictine. See ANSELMUS. Hesuustvs (Tilemann), + 1588, Prof. Theol. at Helmstadt: Commentarius in omnes Epistolas Pauli. 2°, Lips. 1605. Hipstep (Johann), + 1681, Prof. in Gymnasium at Bremen: Collationes phi- lologicae in Epistolam ad Romanos. 40, Bremae, 1675. Hopas (Charles), D.D., Prof. Theol. at Princeton : Commentary on the Epis- tle to the Romans. 80, Philadelphia, 1835 al. Hormann (Johann Christian Konrad von), Prof. Theol. at Erlangen : Die Heilige Schrift Neuen Testaments zusammenhingend untersucht. 111. Theil. Brief an die Rémer, 8°, Nérdlingen, 1868. HonstEn (C.) : Zum Evangelium des Paulus und des Petrus. Rostock, 1868. EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. ἘΠ Hueco ΡῈ S. Vicrorg, {1141, Monk at Paris : Quaestiones circa Epistolas Pauli. [Opera. ] Hyveritus [GERHARD] (Andreas), +1564, Prof. Theol. at Marburg : Commentarii in Pauli Epistolas. 2°, Tiguri, 1583, Jarno (Georg Friedrich) : Director of Gymnasium at Hildesheim : Pauli Brief an die Rémer nach seinem inneren Gedankengange erliutert. 8°, Hildesheim, 1858-9. JoweErr (Benjamin), M.A., Master of Balliol College, Oxford : The Epistles of St. Paul to the Thessalonians, Galatians, Romans, with critical notes and dissertations. 8°, Lond. 1855. JUSTINIANI [GrusTINIANI] (Benedetto), + 1622, 5. J. Prof. Theol. at Rome : Ex- planationes in omnes Pauli Epistolas [e¢ in omnes catholicas]. 2°, Lugd. 1612-21. KisTEeMAKER (Johann Hyazinth), { 1834, R. C. Prof. Theol. at Miinster : Die Sendschreiben der Apostel (und die Apocalypse), ttbersetzt und erklart. 8°, Minster, 1822-3. Kurx (Heinrich), + 1840, R. Ὁ. Prof. Theol. at Miinich : Commentar iiber des Apostel Pauli Sendschreiben an die Romer. 8°, Mainz, 1830. Knicut (Robert) : A Critical Commentary on the Epistle of St. Paul the Apostle to the Romans. 8°, Lond. 1854. KtosrerMann (August), Prof. in the Univ. at Kiel: Korrekturen zur bisherigen Erklairung des Rémerbriefes, Gotha, 1868. K6énuner (Wilhelm Heinrich Dorotheus Eduard), c. 1850, Prof. Theol. at Got- tingen : Commentar zu dem Briefe des Paulus an die Rémer. 8°, Darmst. 1834. Krenu (August Ludwig Gottlob), + 1855, Prof. Pract. Theol. at Leipzig: Der Brief an die Romer ausgelegt. 8°, Leip. 1849. Lanrranc, + 1089, Archbishop of Canterbury : Commentarii in omnes 1). Pauli Epistolas. [Opera.] Lariwe (Cornelius ἃ) [VAN DEN STEEN], + 1637, 8. J. Prof. of Sacred Scripture at Louvain ; Commentaria in omnes D. Pauli Epistolas. 2°, Antwerp. 1614 εἰ al. Launay (Pierre de), Sieur dela Motte : Paraphrase et exposition sur les Epistres de 8. Paul. 40. Saumur et Charenton, 1647-50. Lrevwen (Gerbrand van), + 1721, Prof. Theol. at Amsterdam: Verhandeling van den Sendbrief Paulli aan de Romeynen. 40 Amst. 1688-99. Lewin (Thomas), M.A.: The Life and Epistles of 5. Paul. 8°, Lond. 1851. Limsorcy (Philipp van), + 1712, Arminian Prof. Theol. at Amsterdam : Com- mentarius in Acta Apostolorum et in Epistolas ad Romanos et ad Ebraeos. 2°, Roterod. 1711. Livermore (Abiel Abbot), Minister at Cincinnati: The Epistle of Paul to the Romans, with a commentary and revised translation, and introductory essays. 12°, Boston, 1855. Locke (John), + 1704. See Ganarrans. Lomparvus (Petrus), + 1160, Scholastic: Collectanea in omnes Epistolas D. Pauli ex. SS. Patribus. 20 Paris. 1535 al. Lucut (H.): Uber die beiden letzten Kapitel des Rémerbriefes. Eine Kritische Uutersuchung. 8°, Berlin, 1871. Macxrnicut (James), D.D., + 1800, Minister at Edinburgh : A new literal trans- lation . . . of all the apostolical Epistles, with a commentary and notes, philological, critical, explanatory and practical . . . 40, Edin. 1795 αἱ. Mater (Adalbert), R. C. Prof. Theol. at Freiburg : Commentar iiber den Brief Pauli an die Romer. 8°, Freiburg, 1847, Mancoup (Wilhelm), Prof. Theol. at Bonn: Der Rémerbrief und die Anfinge der Rémischen Gemeinde. Eine kritische Untersuchung. 1866. Also, Der Rémerbrief und seine geschichtliche Voraussetzungen, 1884, Marburg. ΧΧ EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. Martyr (Peter) [Vermicr1], + 1562, Prof. Theol. at Strasburg : In Epistolam ad Romanos commentarii .. . 2°, Basil. 1558, al. Meurine (H. J. F.): Der Brief Pauli an die Rémer uebersetzt und erklirt. 8°, Stettin, 1859. ΜΈΓΑΝΟΗΤΗΟΝ (Philipp), + 1560, Reformer : Adnotationes in Epistolas Pauli ad Romanos, et Corinthios. . . 4°, Basil, 1522. — Commentarii in Ep. Pauli ad Romanos. 8° Argent. 1540.—Epistolae Pauli ad Romanos scriptae enarratio... 8°, Vitemb. 1556 al. MetvittzE (Andrew), + 1622, Principal of St. Mary’s College, St.Andrews : Com- mentarius indivinam Pauli Epistolam ad Romanos .. . 8°, Edin. 1849. Momma (Willem), + 1677, Pastor at Middelburg : Meditationes posthumae in Epistolas ad Romanos et Galatas. 8°. Hag. Com. 1678. Morison (James), D.D. Prof. Theol. to the Evangelical Union, Glasgow: An exposition of the Ninth chapter of Paul’s Epistle to the Romans. 8°, Kilmarnock, 1849. And A critical exposition of the Third chapter... 8°, Lond. 1866. Morus (Samuel Friedrich Nathanael), + 1792, Prof. Theol. at Leipzig : Prae- lectiones in Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos. Cum ejusdem versione Latina, locorumque quorundam N. T. difficiliorum interpretatione. Ed. J .T. S. Holzapfel. 8°, Lips. 1794. Muscuuws [or Mevsstin] (Wolfgang), + 1563, Prof. Theol. in Berne: In Epis- tolam ad Romanos commentarius. 2°, Basil. 1555 al. Nruisen (Rasmus), Prof. Theol. at Copenhagen ; Der Brief Pauli an die Romer entwickelt ... 8°, Leip. 1849. Norn, (Alexandre) [Narauis], + 1724, Dominican teacher of Church History at Paris : Expositio litteralis et moralis in Epistolas D. Pauli. 2°, Paris. 1710. Oxcumentus, c. 980, Bishop of Tricca ; Commentaria in Acta Apostolorum, in omnes Pauli Epistolas, in Epistolas catholicas omnes... . 2°, Veronae, 1532 al. OurraMaRE (Hugues), Minister at Geneva: Commentaire sur ]’Epitre aux Romains. [I—V. 11.] 8°, Geneve, 1843. OricEenrs, + 254, Catechete at Alexandria: Fragmenta in Epistolas Pauli [Opera. Osorio (Jeronymo), { 1580, Bishop of Sylvas : In Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos libri quatuor. [Opera.] 2°, Romae, 1592. Parevus [or WAENGLER] (David), + 1622, Prof. Theol. at Heidelberg : Commen- tarius in Epistolam ad Romanos. 4°. Francof. 1608 al. Pautus (Heinrich Eberhard Georg), { 1851. See Gaxarrans. Prrz (Thomas Williamson), D.D., Vicar of Luton : Annotations on the apos- tolical Epistles, designed chiefly for the use of students of the Greek text. 8°, Lond. 1848-52. Prxiacius, c. 420, British monk : Commentarii in Epistolas 8. Pauli. [Hierony- mi Opera. 7 Priniprr (Friedrich Adolph), Prof. Theol. at Rostock : Commentar tber den Brief an die Romer. 8°, Erlangen and Frankf. 1848-52. [Translated from the 3d ed. by J. 5. Banks. Edinburgh, 1879.] Pricquieny (Bernardin) [Brrnarpinus A Prconro], Cistercian monk: Epistolarum Pauli triplex expositio, cum analysi, paraphrasi et commentariis. 20 Paris. 1703. Porritt (Lanzelotto) [Amprocio CaTartno], + 1553, Archbishop of Conza : Com- mentarius in omnes divi Pauli et alias septem canonicas Epistolas. 2°, Romae, 1546 al. Posseitt (August), c. 1715, Pastor at Zittau: Richtige Erklirung der EHpistel Pauli an die Romer... 40. Zittau, 1696, Prmasivus, c. 550, Bishop of Adrumetum : Commentaria in Epistolas Pauli. [Bibl. Max. Patrum, X.] EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE, XX1 Przrezcov or PrzypKowsky (Samuel), + 1670, Socinian teacher: Cogitationes sacrae ad omnes Epistolas apostolicas. : 2°, Eleutheropoli [Amstel.], 1692. Purpvue (Edward), M.A. : A Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, with a revised translation. 8°, Dubl. 1855. Pyuz (Thomas), D.D., + 1756, Vicar of Lynn: A Paraphrase, with some notes on the Acts of the Apostles and on all the Epistles of the New Tes- tament. 8°, Lond. 1725 al. QuistorP (Johann), + 1648, Superintendent at Rostock : Commentarius in omnes Epistolas Paulinas. 4°, Rostoch, 1652. Rasanus Maurus, { 856, Archbishop of Mentz: Enarrationum in Epistolas B. Pauli libri triginta. [Opera.] Rampacn (Johann Jakob), + 1735, Superintendent in Giessen: Ausfiihrliche und griindliche Erklirung der Epistel Pauli an die Romer. 4°, Bremae, 1738. Introductio historico-theologica in Ep. P. ad Romanos, cum Martini Lutheri Praefatione variis observationibus exegeticis illustrata. 8°, Halae, 1727. RetcHe (Johann Georg), Prof. Theol. in Gottingen: Versuch einer ausfiihr- lichen Erklirung des Briefes Pauli an die Romer, mit historischen Einleitungen und exegetisch-dogmatischen Excursen. 8°, Gotting. 1833-4. Commentarius criticus in Novum Testamentum, quo loca graviora et difficiliora lectionis dubiae accurate recensentur et explicantur. Tom. 1.-- Π|. Epistolas Paulinas et catholicas continentes. 40 et 8°. Gétting. 1853-62. REITHMAYR (Franz Xaver), + 1871, R. C. Prof. Theol. at Munich : Commentar zum Briefe an die Romer. 8°, Regensburg, 1845. Remicius (of Auxerre), +899. See Haymo. Roxuock (Robert), + 1598, Principal of the University of Edinburgh : Analysis dialectica in Pauli apostoli Epistolam ad Romanos... 80 Edin. 1594 al. Rorue (Richard), Prof. Theol. in Heidelberg: Neuer Versuch einer Auslegung der Paulinischen Stelle Romer V. 12-21. 8°, Wittenberg, 1836. Riicxerr (Leopold Immanuel), c. 1845, Prof. Theol. at Jena : Commentar tiber den Brief an die Romer. 8°, Leip, 1831. Sapatrer (A.): L’Apotre Paul. Esquisse d’une histoire de sa pensée. : Paris, 1881. SADOLETO (Jacopo), + 1547, Cardinal : Commentarius in Epistolam ad Romanos. 8°, Venet. 1536 al. SatmEron (Alphonso), + 1585, Jesuit: Commentarii in Epistolas S. Pauli. (Opera. ] Sanpay (William), Principal of Hatfield Hall, Durham: The Epistle to the Ro- mans. In Vol. Il. of New Testament Commentary for English Read- ers. Edited by C. J. Ellicott, Lord Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol. ‘ London. Scuarr (Philip), Prof. in Union Theol. Sem. New York: A Popular Commen- tory on the New Testament by English and American Scholars. Vol. II, The Epistle to the Romans, By Profs. Philip Schaff and Matthew B. Riddle. New York, 1882. ScHxiicHtine (Jonas), + 1664. See Cretn (Johann). Scumrp (Sebastian), + 1696, Prof. Theol. at Strassburg: Commentarii in Epis- tolas Pauli ad Romanos, Galatas et Colossenses, una cum paraphrasi epistolae prioris ad Corinthios, utriusque ad Thessalonicenses, prioris ad Timotheum, epistolae ad Philemonem et cantici Mariae. [Pre- viously issued separately. ] 49, Hamb. 1704. Scumip (Christian Friedrich), + 1778, Prof. Theol. at Wittenberg: Annotationes in Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos, philologicae, theologicae et criticae. 8°, Lips. 1777. Xxli EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. Scuott (Theodor): Der Rémerbrief seinem Endzweck und seinem Gedanken- gang nach ausgelegt. 8°, Erlangen, 1858. SepuLius Scotus Hiberniensis, c. 800?: In omnes 8. Pauli epistolas collec- taneum. 2°, Basil. 1528, SemueR (Johann Salomon), + 1791, Prof. Theol. at Halle: Paraphrasis Epistolae Pauli ad Romanos cum notis et translatione vetusta. 8°, Halis, 1769. SreLNEcceR (Nicolaus), + 1592, Prof. Theol. in Leipzig: In omnes Epistolas Pauli apostoli commentarius plenissimus. 2°, Lips. 1599. Suepp (William G. T.), Prof. Theol. in New York: A Critical and Doctrinal Commentary upon the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans. New York, 1879. SHuTTLEWorRTH (Philip Nicholas), D.D., Bishop of Chichester: A Paraphrastic translation of the apostolical Epistles, with notes. 8°, Oxf. 1829 al. SiapE (James), + 1860, Rector of West Kirby : Annotations on the Epistles ; being a continuation of Mr. Elsley’s Annotations. 8°, Lond. 1824 al. Soro (Domingo de), { 1560, Prof. Theol. at Salamanca : Commentarius in Epis- tolam Pauli ad Romanos. 2°, Antverp. 1550, SpENER (Philipp Jakob), + 1705, Provost at Berlin: Auslegung des Briefes an die Rémer aufs neue herausg. von H. Schott. 8°, Leip. 1859 al. STEINHOFER (Friedrich Christoph), + 1761 : Erklarung des Epistel Pauli an die Romer ; mit einem Vorwort von J. T. Beck. 8°, Tiibing. 1851. Srencet (Liborius), +1835, R.C. Prof. Theol. at Freiburg : Commentar tiber den Brief des Paulus andie Rémer.. . 8°, Freiburg, 1836. SrEenEeRsEN (Stener Johannes), + 1835, Prof. of Church History at Christiania : Epistolae Paulinae perpetuo commentario illustratae. Vol. I. Ep. ad Rom. Voll, 11. Ill. Epp. ad Corinth. IV. Ep. ad Galat. 8°, Christiania, 1829-34. Sruart (Moses), + 1852, Prof. of Sacred Literature at Andover : A Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, with a translation and various excur- SUSse60 8°, Andover, 1832 al. Taytor (John), D.D., + 1761, Minister at Norwich : A Paraphrase with notes on the Epistle to the Romans: to which is prefixed a Key to the apos- tolic writings. 49, Lond. 1746 al. Trrrot (Charles Hughes), D.D., Bishop, Edinburgh : The Epistle to the Romans, with an introduction, paraphrase and notes. 8°, Lond. 1828. Turoporetvs, { ὁ. 458, Bishop of Cyrus : Commentarius in omnes Pauli Epis- tolas. [Opera, et. ] 2°, Lond. 1636. ᾿ Turoporus, + 429, Bishop of Mopsuestia: Commentarii in Epistolas Pauli. [Fragments in the Catenae, collected by Fritzsche : Theodori Mops. Commentaria in N. T. 1847. From Galatians to Philemon, in a Latin translation, incorporated in Rabanus Maurus. ] THeopHyLactus, 6. 1070, archbishop of Acris in Bulgaria: in Ὁ. Pauli Epis- tolas commentarius Graece et Latine cura A. Lindselli.. . 2°, Lond. 16386 al. Tuouuck (Friedrich August Gottreu), Prof. Theol. at Halle: Auslegung des Briefes Pauli an die Rémer, nebst fortlaufenden Ausziigen aus den exegetischen Schriften der Kirchenviter und Reformatoren. 8°, Berl. 1824 al.—Translated by the Rey. Robert Menzies, D.D. 8°, Edin. 1842. Tr (Salomon van), + 1713, Prof. Theol. at Leyden : De Sendbrieven van Paullus aan de Romeinen en Filippensen, ontleedt, verklaardt en betoogt. 4°, Haarlem, 1721. 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Wryzer (Julius Friedrich), + 1845, Prof. Theol. at Leipzig: Adnotationes ad loca quaedam Epistolae Pauli ad Romanos. 40, Lips. 1835. Wrrticu (Christoph), + 1687, Prof. Theol. at Leyden : Investigatio Epistolae ad Romanos . . . una cum paraphrasi, 49, Lugd. Bat. 1685. WoopHEAp (Abraham). See Frxu (John). ZACHARIAE (Gotthilf Traugott). +1777, Prof. Theol. at Kiel : Paraphrastische Erklarung des Briefes Pauli an die Romer. 8°, Gotting. 1786. ABBREVIATIONS. al., etal. = and others ; and other passages ; and other editions. ad. or in loc., refers to the note of the commentator or editor named on the particular passage. ef. = compare. comp. = compare, ‘‘Comp. on Matt. iii. 5” refers to Dr. Meyer’s own com- mentary on the passage. So also ‘‘See on Matt. 111. 5.” codd. = codices or manuscripts. The uncial manuscripts are denoted by the ι usual letters, the Sinaitic by &. min. = codices minusculi, manuscripts in cursive writing. Where these are individually quoted, they are marked by the usual Arabic numerals, as 33, 89. Rec. or Recepta = Textus receptus, or lectio recepta (Elzevir). lc. = loco citato or laudato. ver. = verse, vv. = verses. f. ff. = and following. Ver. 16f. means verses 16 and 17. vy. 16 ff. means verses 16 and two or more following. vss. = versions. These, when individually referred to, are marked by the usual abridged forms. Εἰς. Syr. = Peshito Syriac ; Syr. p. = Philox- enian Syriac. Pp. pp. = page, pages. .g. = exempli gratia. c. = scilicet. ; N. T. =New Testament. O. T. = Old Testament. A. Υ. = The Authorized English Version of the New Testament. R. V. = The Revised English Version of the New Testament. .R. V. = The American Appendix to the Revised English Version of the N. T. T.A. = καὶ τὰ λοιπά. ; he colon (:) is largely employed, as in the German, to mark the point at which a translation or paraphrase of a passage is introduced, or the transi- tion to the statement of another’s opinions. . . . . indicates that words are omitted. The books of Scripture and of the Apocrypha are generally quoted by their usual English names and abbreviations. Eccles. = Ecclesiasticus. 3 Esd., 4 Esd. (or Esr.) = the books usually termed 1st and 2d Esdras. The classical authors are quoted in the usual abridged forms by book, chapter, etc. (as Xen. Anab. vi. 6, 12) or by the paging of the edition generally used for that purpose (as Plat. Pol. p. 291 B. of the edition of H. Stephanus). The names of the works quoted are printed in Italics. Roman numerals in small capitals are used to denote beoks or other internal divisions (as Thuc. iv) ; Roman numerals in large capitals denote volumes (as Kiihner, IT.). 2 The references to Winer’s and Buttmann’s N. T. Grammars, given in brackets thus [E. T. 152], apply to the corresponding pages of Prof. Thayer's English translations of these works. THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. INTRODUCTION. § 1. Skercn or THE APosTLn’s LIFE. : On AUL, who received this Roman name, according to Jerome, Catal. 5—and from Acts xiii. 9, this view seems the most probable —en occasion of the conversion of Sergius Paulus the Roman Proconsul of Cyprus, but was at his circumcision named TINY? was the son of Jewish parents belonging to the tribe of Benjamin (Rom. xi. 1 ; Phil. iii. 5), and was born at Tarsus ®* (Acts ix. 11, xxi. 39, xxii. 3), ἃ πόλις μεγάλη καὶ εὐδαίμων (Xen. Anab. i. 2, 23) of ancient renown, founded according to the legend by Perseus, in Cilicia. The year of his birth is quite uncertain (A.p. 10-15 2) ; but it is certain that he was of Pharisaic descent (see on Acts xxiii. 6), and that his father was a Roman citizen (see en Acts xvi. 37). He therefore possessed by birth this right of citizenship, which subsequently had so important a bearing on his labours and his fate (Acts xxii. 27 f.). Of his first youthful training in his native city, where arts and sciences flourished (Strabo, xiv. 5, 18, p. 673), we know nothing ; but it was probably conducted by his Pharisaic father in entire accordance with Pharisaic principles (Phil. iii. 5 ; Gal. i. 14), so that the boy was prepared for ἃ Pharisaic rabbinical school at Jerusalem. While yet in early youth (Acts xxii. 3, xxvi. 4, comp. vil. 58 ; Gal. i. 14 ; Tholuck, overeame Elymas as the little David over- came Goliath. 1 See the particulars on Acts xiii. 9. 2 Since beth names were generally cur- rent, every attempt to explain their mean- ing in reference to ovr Paul is utterly arbitrary—from that of Augustine, accord- ing to whom he was called Saw as persecutor (as Saul persecuted David), and Paulus as praedicator (namely, as the minimus apos- tolorum, 1 Cor. xy. 9), down to Umbreit’s play on the word “}5 (the made one, created anew) in the Stud. u. Krit. 1852, p. 377 f., and Lange’s fancy that the Apostle was called the Jittle, because he 3 Not at Gischala in Galilee, according to the statement of Jerome, de Vir. ill. 5 (comp. also what he says on Philem. 23), which cannot be taken into consideration after the Apostle’s own testimony (see especially Acts xxii. 3), unless with Krenkel (Paulus ad. Ap. d. Heiden, 1869, p. 215) we distrust the accounts of the Book of Acts even in such a point lying beyond the scope of its dogmatic tendency. 2 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. in the Stud. u. Krit. 1835, p. 364 #.; also in his Vermischte Schr. I. p. 274 ff.) he was transferred to Jerusalem, where he had perhaps even then rela- tives (Acts xxiii. 16), though there is no evidence that the entire family migrated thither (Hwald). He entered a training-school of Pharisaic theol- ogy, and became a rabbinic pupil of the universally honoured (Acts ν. 34) Gamaliel (Acts xxii. 8), who, notwithstanding his strict orthodoxy (Light- foot, ad Matt. p. 33), shows himself (Acts v. 34 ff.) a man of wise modera- tion of judgment.’ In accordance with a custom, which was rendered nec- essary by the absence of any regular payment of the Rabbins and was very salutary for their independence (see on Mark vi. 3, and Delitzsch, Handwer- kerleben zur Zeit Jesu,* 1868, V.), the youthful Saul combined with his rab- binical culture the learning of a trade—tentmaking (Acts xviii. 3)—to which he subsequently, even when an apostle, applied himself in a way highly honourable and remarkably conducive to the blessing of his official labours, and for that reason he felt a just satisfaction in it (Acts xviii. 3, xx. 34; 1 Thess. ii. 9; 2 Thess. iii. 7 ff. ; 1 Cor. iv. 12, ix. 6, xii. 15; 2 Cor. xi. 8, xii. 13). At the feet of Gamaliel he of course received an instruction which, as to form and matter, was purely rabbinic ; and hence his epistles exhibit, in the mode in which they unfold their teaching, a more or less distinct rab- binico-didactic impress. But it was natural also that his susceptible and active mind should not remain unaffected by Hellenic culture, when he came into contact with it; and how could he escape such contact in Jerusa- lem, whither Hellenists flocked from all quarters under heaven? This serves to explain a dilettante * acquaintance on his part with Greek literary works, which may certainly be recognized in Acts xvii. 28, if not also in 1 Cor. xv. 33 (Tit. i. 12); and which, perhaps already begun in Tarsus, may have been furthered, without its being sought, by his subsequent relations of intercourse with Greeks of all countries and of all ranks. It is impossible to determine how much or how little of the virtues of his character, and of the acuteness, subtlety, and depth of lofty intellect which he displayed as apos- tle, he owed to the influence of Gamaliel ; for his conversion had as its re- sult so entire a change in his nature, that we cannot distinguish—and we should not attempt to distinguish—what elements of it may have grown out of the training of his youth, or to what extent they have done so. We can only recognize this much in general, that Saul, with excellent natural gifts, 1 See traits of the mild liberality of senti- ment, which marked this grandson of the celebrated Hillel, quoted from the Rabbins in Tholuck, /.c. p. 378. The fact that never- theless the youthful Saul developed into a zealot cannot warrant any doubt, in opposi- tion to Acts viii. 34 ff.,as to his having been Gamaliel’s pupil (such as Hausrath ex- presses, neut. Zeitqgesch. ΤΙ. p. 419 ff.). 2 The exaggerations of the older writers (see e.g. Schramm, de sTUPENDA eruditione Pauli, Herborn. 1710) are pure inventions of fancy. So too is Schrader’s opinion, that Paul had by Greek culture prepared him- self to be a Jewish missionary, a prose- lytizer. It cannot even be proved that he formed his diction on the model of particu- lar authors, such as Demosthenes (K6ster in the Stud. u. Krit. 1854, p. 305 ff.). The comparisons instituted with a view to es- tablish this point are too weak and general. How many similar parallels might be col- lected, e.g. from Plato, and even from the tragedians ! On the whole the general re- mark of Jerome, at Gal. iv. 24, is very ap- propriate: ‘* P. scisse, licet non ad perfectum, literas saeculares.”” * Translation pub. by Funk & Wagnalls. SKETCH OF THE APOSTLE’S LIFE. 3 with the power of an acute intellect, lively feelings, and strong will, was, under the guidance of his teacher, not merely equipped with Jewish theo- logical knowledge and dialectic art, but had his mind also directed with lofty national enthusiasm towards divine things ; and that, however deeply he felt sin to be the sting of death (Rom. vii. 7 ff.), he was kept free (Phil. iii. 6) from the hypocritical depravity which was at that time prevalent among Pharisees of the ordinary type (Schrader, II. p. 23 ff.; comp. also Keim, Gesch. Jesu, I. p. 265). Nevertheless it is also certain that the mod- eration and mildness of the teacher did not communicate themselves to the character of the disciple, who, on the contrary, imbibed in a high degree that prevailing rigour of Pharisaism, the spirit of which no Gamaliel could by his individual practical wisdom exorcise. He became a distinguished zealot for the honour of Jehovah and the law (Acts xxii. 3), as well as for Pharisaic principles (Gal. i. 14), and displayed all the recklessness and vio- lence which are wont to appear, when fiery youthful spirits concentrate all their energies on the pursuit of an idea embraced with thorough enthusiasm. His zeal was fed with abundant fuel and more and more violently inflamed, when the young Christian party growing up in Jerusalem became an object of hostility as dangerously antagonistic to the theocracy and legal orthodoxy (comp. Acts vi. 13, 14), and at length formal persecution broke out with the stoning of Stephen. Even on that occasion Saul, although still in a very subordinate capacity, as merely a youth in attendance,’ took a willing and active part (Acts vill. 1, xxii. 20) ; but soon afterwards he came forward on his own account as a persecutor of the Christians, and, becoming far and wide a terror to the churches of Judaea (Gal. i. 22 f.), he raged against the Christians with a violence so resolute and persistent (Acts xxii. 3 f., XXxvi. 10 ff.), that his conduct at this time caused him ever afterwards the deepest humiliation and remorse (1 Cor. xv. 8, 9; Gal. i. 18 ; Eph. ni. 8; Phil. 11]. 6; comp. 1 Tim. i. 13). Yet precisely such a character as Saul—who, full of a keen but for the time misdirected love of truth and piety, devoted with- out selfish calculation his whole energies to the idea which he had once em- braced as his highest and holiest concernment—was, in the purpose of God, to become the chief instrument for the proclamation and extension of the divine work, of which he was still for the moment the destructive ad- versary. A transformation so extraordinary required extraordinary means. Accordingly when Saul, invested with full powers by the Sanhedrin (Acts ix. 1, xxvi. 9), was carrying his zealous labours beyond the bounds of Pales- tine, there took place near Damascus (35 A.D.) that wonderful appearance to him of the exalted Jesus in heavenly glory (see on Acts ix. 3; 1 Cor. ix. 1, xv. 8) which arrested him (Phil. 111. 12), and produced no less a result than that Saul—thereby divinely called, and subsequently favoured with an in- ward divine revelation of the Son of God? (see on Gal. i. 15 f.)—gradually 1Not as a married man or already a sent the Gospel of Paul as having originated widower, of about thirty years of age, from the intrinsic action of his own mind, (Ewald, Hausrath); comp. on Acts vii. 58. and the event at Damascus as a visionary 2The attempts of the Tiibingen school picture drawn from his own spirit, are (especially of Baur and Holsten) to repre- noticed and refuted at Acts ix., and by ‘ 4 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. became, under the further guidance of the divine Spirit and in the school of his own experiences so full of trial, the Apostle, who by the most extensive and most successful proclamation of the Gospel, especially among the Gen- tiles, and by his triumphant liberation of that Gospel from the fetters of Mosaism on the one hand and from the disturbing influences of the current theosophic speculations on the other, did more than all the other apostles— he, the Thirteenth, more than the Twelve, who had been called in the first instance for the δωδεκαφύλον of Israel (Gal. ii. 9 ; 1 Cor. xv. 10). His con- version was completed through Ananias, who was directed to him by means of an appearance of Christ (Acts ix. 10 ff.); and, having been baptized, he at once after a few days, in the resolute consciousness of his spiritual life transformed with a view to his apostolic vocation (Gal. i. 16), preached in the synagogues of Damascus Jesus’ as being the Son of God (Acts x. 19 f.). For all half-heartedness was foreign to him ; now too he was, whatever he was, thoroughly, and this energetic: unity of his profound nature was now sanctified throughout by the living spirit of Christ. His apostolic labours at Damascus, the birthplace of his regenerate life, lasted three years, inter- rupted however by a journey to Arabia (Gal. i. 17), the object of which most probably was to make merely a preliminary and brief trial of his ministry in a foreign field.? Persecution on the part of the Jews—which was subsequently so often, according to the Divine counsel, the salutary means of extending the sphere Beyschlag in the Stud. u. Krit. 1870, 1. Compare generally Dorner, Gesch. αἱ. prot. Theol. p. 829 ff. 1 The chief facts in the life of Jesus could not but have been already known to him in a general way, whilst he was actively opposing the Christians at Jerusalem; but now, for the first time, there dawned upon him the saving knowledge of these facts and of their ἐγ, and his constant intercourse with believers henceforth deepened more and more this saving knowledge. ‘Thus, following the living historical tradition within the circle of Christianity under the influence of the Christ revealed in him, he became the most important witness for the history of Jesus apart from’ the Gospels. Comp. Keim, Geschichte Jesu, I. Ὁ. 36 ff.; also Hiausrath, newt. Zeitgesch. 11. p. 457. But that he had seen Christ Himself, cannot be inferred from 2 Cor. vy. 16; see on that passage. 2 Schrader, Kéllner, Kohler (Adfassungen α΄. epistol. Schr. p.43f.), Riickert, and Schott on Gal. 1.6., Holsten, D6éllinger, Krenkel, and others, think that Paul withdrew im- mediately after his conversion to a neigh- bouring desert of Arabia, in order to pre- pare himself in retirement for his calling. Compare also Hausrath, newt. Zeitgesch. I. p. 455. This view is decidedly at variance with Acts ix. 19, 20, where the immediate public teaching at Damascus, a few days after the conversion, receives very studious prominence. But we should only have to assume such an inconsistency with the pas- sage in Acts, in the event of that assumed object of the Arabian journey being eme- getically deducible from the Apostle’s own words in Gal. i. 17, which, however, is by no means the case. Luke, it is true, makes no mention at all of the Arabian journey ; but for that very reason it is highly improbable that it had as its object asilent preparation for his official work. For in that case the analogous instances of other famous teach- ers who had prepared themselves in the desert for their future calling (Ex. xxiv. 18, xxxiv. 28; Deut, ix. 9; 1 Kings xix. 8), and the example of John the Baptist, and even of Christ Himself, would have made the fact seem too important either to have re- mained wholly unknown to Luke, or to have been passed over without notice in his history ; although Hilgenfeld and Zeller suppose him to have omitted it intentionally. On the other hand, we cannot suppose that the sojourn in Arabia extended over the whole, or nearly the whole of the three years (Eichhorn, Hemsen, Anger, Ewald, Laurent, and olderexpositors). See gener- ally on Gal. i. 17. SKETCH OF THE APOSTLE’S LIFE. 5 of the Apostle’s labours—compels him to escape from Damascus (Acts ix. 19-26 ; 2 Cor. xi. 32 f.); and he betakes himself to the mother-church of the faith on account of which he has suffered persecution in a foreign land, proceeding to Jerusalem (A.D. 38), in order to make the personal acquaint- ance of Peter (Gal. i. 18). At first regarded by the believers there with dis- trust, he was, through the loving intervention of Barnabas (Acts ix. 27 f.), admitted into the relation of a colleague to the Apostles, of whom, however, only Peter and James the brother of the Lord were present (Gal. i. 19). His first apostolic working at Jerusalem was not to last more than fifteen days (Gal. i. 18); already had the Lord by an appearance in the temple (Acts xxii. 17 ff.) directed him to depart to the Gentiles ; already were the Hellenists resident in the city seeking his life; and he therefore withdrew through Syria to his native place (Acts ix. 30; Gal. i. 20). Here he seems to have lived and worked wholly in quiet retirement, till at length Barnabas, who had appreciated the greatness and importance of the extraordinary man, went from Antioch, where just at that time Gentile Christianity had estab- lished its first church, to seek him out at Tarsus, and brought him thence to the capital of Syria ; where both devoted themselves for a whole year (A.D. 43) without interruption to the preaching of the Gospel (Acts xi. 25, 26). We know not whether it was during this period (see Anger, temp. rat. p. 104 ff.), or during his sojourn in Cilicia (see Ewald, apost. Zeit. p. 440, ed. 3), that the Apostle became the subject of that spiritual ecstasy and revelation which, even after the lapse of fourteen years, continued to be re- garded by him as so extremely remarkable (2 Cor. xii. 2-4). But the great famine was now approaching, which, foretold at Antioch by the prophet Agabus from Jerusalem, threatened destruction to the churches of Judaea. On this account the brethren at Antioch, quite in the spirit of their new brotherly love, resolved to forward pecuniary aid to Ju- daea ; and entrusted its transmission to Barnabas and Saul (Acts xi. 27-80). After the execution of this commission (A.p. 44), in carrying out which however Saul at least cannot have gone all the way to Jerusalem (see on Gal. ii. 1), the two men were formally and solemnly consecrated by the church at Antioch as apostles to the Gentiles (Acts xiii. 1-3); and Saul now undertook—at first with, but afterwards without, Barnabas—his missionary journeys so fruitful in results. In the course of these journeys he was wont, where there were Jews, to attempt the fulfilment of his office in the first in- stance among them, in accordance with what he knew to be the divine order (Rom. i. 16, xv. 8 ff.), and with his own deep love towards his nation (Rom. ix. 1 ff.); but when, as was usually the case, he was rejected by the Jews, he displayed the light of Christ before the Gentiles. And in all va- riety of circumstances he exhibited a vigour and versatility of intellect, an acuteness and depth, clearness and consistency, of thought, a purity and steadfastness of purpose, an ardour of disposition, an enthusiasm of effort, a wisdom of conduct, a firmness and delicacy of practical tact, a strength and freedom of faith, a fervour and skill of eloquence, a heroic courage amidst dangers, a love, self-denial, patience, and humility, and along with all this a lofty power of gifted genius, which secure for the Saul whom 0 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. Christ made His chosen instrument the reverence and admiration of all time.’ In accordance with the narrative of Acts, three? missionary journeys of the Apostle may be distinguished; and in the description of these we may insert the remaining known facts of his history. (1.) On his consecration as Apostle to the Gentiles, Paul went along with Barnabas the Cyprian, and -with Mark accompanying them as apostolic ser- vant, first of all to the neighbouring Cyprus; where, after his advance from Salamis to Paphos, his work was crowned by a double success—the humilia- tion of the goetes Elymas, and the conversion of the proconsul Sergius Pau- lus (Acts xiii. 6-12). Then Pamphylia, where Mark parted from the apos- tles (xiii. 13), Pisidia and Lycaonia became in turn fields of his activity, in which, together with Barnabas, he founded churches and organized them by the appointment of presbyters (xiv. 23). At one time receiving divine honours on account of a miracle (xiv. 11 ff.), at another persecuted and stoned (xiii. 50, xiv. 5, 19), he, after coming down from Perga to Attalia, returned to the mother-church at Antioch. While Paul and Barnabas were here enjoying a quiet sojourn of some du- ration among the brethren (Acts xiv. 28), there came down from Judaea Pharisaic Christians jealous for the law, who required the Gentile converts to submit to circumcision as a condition of Messianic salvation (Acts xv. 1; Gal. ii. 4). It was natural that this demand should encounter a decided opponent in the highly enlightened and liberal-minded Paul, whose lively assurance of the truth, resting on revelation and upheld by his own experi- ence, could tolerate no other condition of salvation than faith in Christ; and in consequence both he and the like-minded Barnabas became entangled in no small controversy (Acts xv. 2). The dispute involved the fundament- al essence and independent standing of Christianity and the whole freedom of a Christian man, and was therefore of such importance that the church at Antioch, with a view to its settlement, deputed their most influential men, Paul, who also received a revelation for this purpose (Gal. ii. 2), and Barnabas along with some others (Paul also took Titus with him, Gal. ii. 1), to proceed to Jerusalem (fourteen years after the Apostle’s first journey thither, A.p, 52), and there discuss with the apostles and elders the points 1CGomp. Holsten, 1.56. Hvang. d. Paul. u. Petr. Ὁ. 88 ff.; Luthardt, d. Ap. Pail. e. Le- bensbild, 1869; Krenkel, Paul. ἃ. Ap. d. Hei- den, 1869; Hausrath, newt. Zeitgesch. TI. 1872; Grau, Hntwickelungsgesch. αἱ. neutest. Schriftth. 1871, Il. p. 10f.; also Sabatier, Uapotre Paul, esquisse Mune histoire de sa pensée, Strasb. 1870. Still the history of the spiritual development of the Apostle can- not be so definitely and sharply divided in- to periods as Sabatier has tried todo. See, against this, the appropriate remarks of Gess, Jahrb. f. D. Theol. 1871, p. 159 ff. The motive power and unity of all his working lay in his inward fellowship with Christ, with His death and resurrection—in the subjective living and moving in Christ, and of Christ in him. Comp. Grau. /.c. p. 15 ff. 2 The supposition that there were other chief journeys, which, it is alleged, are left unnoticed in the Acts (Schrader), is quite incompatible with the course of the history as there. given. He must, however, have made many subordinate journeys, for the Book of Acts is far from giving a complete account of his labours, as is clearly shown by various intimations in the Epistles. For example, how many journeys and events not noticed in the Acts must be assumed in connection with 2 Cor. xi. 14 ff. ? ~ SKETCH OF THE APOSTLE’S LIFE. γ in dispute. And how happy was the result of this so-called Apostolic Coun- cil! Paul laid the Gospel which he preached to the Gentiles before the church, and the apostles in particular, with the best effect (Gal. ii. 2, 6); and, as to the point of circumcision, not even his apostolic associate Titus, a Gentile, was subjected to the circumcision demanded by members of the church who were zealous for the law. With unyielding firmness Paul con- tended for the truth of the Gospel. The apostles who were present—James the brother of the Lord, Peter and John—approved of his preaching among, and formally recognized him as Apostle to, the Gentiles (Gal. ii. 1-10); and he and Barnabas, accompanied by the delegates of the church at Jerusalem, Judas Barsabas and Silas, returned to Antioch bearers of a decree (Acts xv. 28-30) favourable to Christian freedom from the law, and important as a provisional measure for the further growth of the church (Acts xvi. 4 f.), though not coming up to that complete freedom of the Gospel which Paul felt himself bound to claim, and for this reason, as well as in virtue of his consciousness of independence as Apostle to the Gentiles, not urged by him in his Epistles. Here they prosecuted afresh their preaching of Christ, though not always without disturbance on the part of Jewish Christians, so that Paul was compelled in the interest of Christian freedom openly to op- pose and to admonish even Peter, who had been carried away into dissimu- lation, especially seeing that the other Jewish Christians, and even Barna- bas, had allowed themselves to be tainted by that dissimulation (Gal. ii. 11 ff.).. Paul had nevertheless the welfare of his foreign converts too much at heart to permit his wishing to prolong his stay in Antioch (Acts xv. 36). He proposed to Barnabas a journey in which they should visit those con- verts, but fell into a dispute with him in consequence of the latter desiring to take Mark (Acts xv. 37-39)—a dispute which had the beneficial conse- quence for the church, that the two men, each of whom was qualified to fill a distinct field of labour, parted from one another and never again worked in conjunction. (2.) Paul, accompanied by Silas, entered on a second missionary journey (A.D. 52). He went through Syria and Cilicia, strengthening the Christian life of the churches (Acts xv. 41) ; and then through Lycaonia, where at Lystra (see on Acts xvi. 1) he associated with himself Timothy, whom he circumcised—apart however from any connection with the controversy as to the necessity of circumcision (see on Acts xvi. 3)—with a view to prevent his ministry from causing offence among the Jews. He also traversed Phry- gia and Galatia (Acts xvi. 6), in the latter of which he was compelled by bodily weakness to make a stay, and so took occasion to plant the churches there (Gal. iv. 135). When he arrived at Tvoas, he received in a vision by night a call from Christ to go to Macedonia (xvi. 8 ff.). In obedience to this call he stepped for the first time on the soil of Europe, and caused Christianity to take permanent root in every place to which he carried his ministry. For in Macedonia he laid the foundation of the churches at Phi- lippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea (Acts xvi. 12 ff., xvii. 1 ff., 10 4f.); and then, driven away by repeated persecutions (comp. also 1 Thess. ii. 1 f., i. 6)—but leaving Silas and Timothy behind in Beroea (Acts xvii. 14)—he brought to 8 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. Christ His first-fruits even in Athens, where he was treated by the philoso- phers partly with contempt and partly with ridicule (Acts xvii. 16 ff.). But in that city, whence he despatched Timothy, who had in the mean- while again rejoined him, to Thessalonica (1 Thess. iii. 1 ff.), he was unable to found a church. The longer and more productive was his labour in Corinth, whither he betook himself on leaving Athens (Acts xviii. 1 ff.). There, where Silas and Timothy soon joined him, he founded the church which Apollos afterwards watered (1 Cor. 111. 6, 10, iv. 15, ix. 1); and for more than a year and a half (Acts xviii. 11, 18; a.p. 53 and 54)—during which period he received support from Macedonia (2 Cor. xi. 9), as he had previously on several occasions from the Philippians (Phil. iv. 15 f.)—over- came the wisdom of the world by the preaching of the Crucified One (1 Cor. ii. 1 ff.). The relation here formed with his fellow-craftsman Aquila (Acts xviii.1 ff.), who as a Roman emigrant was sojourning with his wife Priscilla in Corinth, could not fail to exercise essential influence on the Christian church at Rome (Rom. xvi. 3). In Corinth he wrote also at this time the first of his doctrinal Epistles preserved to us—those to the Thessalonians. Corinth was the terminus of his second missionary journey. From Corinth he started on his return, not however taking a direct course, but first mak- ing by way of “Zphesus (whither he brought Aquila and Priscilla with him) a journey to Jerusalem to attend a festival (Acts xvili. 18-22; a.p. 55), whence, without prolonging his stay, he returned to the bosom of the Syrian mother-church. But he did not remain there long (Acts xviii. 23); his apostolic zeal soon impelled him to set out once more. (3.) He made his third missionary tour through Galatia and Phrygia, strengthening the churches which he had founded from town to town (Acts Xviii. 23); and traversed Asia Minor as far as Hphesus, where for nearly three years (A.D. 56-58) he laboured with peculiar power and fervour and with eminent success (Acts xix. 1-xx. 1), although also assailed by severe trials (Acts xx. 19; 1 Cor. xv. 32, comp. 2 Cor. 1. 8). This sojourn of the Apostle was also highly beneficial for other churches than that at Ephesus; for not only did he thence make a journey to Corinth, which city he now visited for the second time (see on 2 Cor. introd. § 2), but he also wrote towards the end of that sojourn what is known to us as the First Epistle to the Corinthians, receiving subsequently intelligence of the impression made by it from Timothy, whom he had sent to Corinth before he wrote, as well as from Titus, whom he had sent after writing it. The Epistle to the Gala- tians was also issued from Ephesus. He was impelled to leave this city by his steadfast resolution now to transfer his labours to the far West, and in- deed to Rome itself, but before doing so to revisit and exhort to steadfast- ness in the faith his Macedonian and Achaean converts (Acts xix. 21, xx. 2), as well as once more to go to Jerusalem (Acts xix. 31). Accordingly, after Demetrius the silversmith had raised a tumult against him (Acts xix. 24 ff.), which however proved fruitless, and after having suffered in Asia other se- vere afflictions (2 Cor. i. 8), he travelled through Macedonia, whither he went by way of Troas (2 Cor. ii. 12). And here, after having been joined by both Timothy and Titus from Corinth, Paul wrote the Second Kpis- SKETCH OF THE APOSTLE’S LIFE. 9 tle to the Corinthians. He then remained three months in Achaia (Acts xx. 3) where he issued from Corinth—which he now visited for the third time (2 Cor. xii. 14, xiii. 1)—his Epistle to the Romans. Paul now regards his calling in the sphere of labour which he has hitherto occupied as fulfilled, and is impelled to pass beyond it (2 Cor. x. 15 f.); he has preached the Gospel from Jerusalem as far as Illyria (Rom. xv. 19, 23); he desires to go by way of Rome to Spain, as soon as he shall have conveyed to Jerusalem a collection gathered in Macedonia and Greece (Rom. xv. 28 ff.). But it does not escape his foreboding spirit that suffering and tribulation await him in Judaea (Rom. xy. 30 ff.). The Apostle’s missionary labours may be regarded as closed with this last sojourn in Achaia ; for he now entered on his return journey to Jerusalem, in consequence of which the capital of the world was to become the closing scene of his labours and sufferings. Hindered solely by Jewish plots from sailing directly from Achaia to Syria, he returned once more to Macedonia, and after Easter crossed from Philippi to Troas (Acts xx. 3-6), where his companions, who had set out previously, awaited him. Coming thence to Miletus, he bade a last farewell with touching fervour and solemnity to the presbyters of his beloved church of Ephesus (Acts xx. 17 ff.) ; for he was firmly convinced in his own mind, filled as it was by the Spirit, that he was going to meet bonds and afflictions (xx. 23). At Tyre he was warned by the Christians not to go up to Jerusalem (xxi. 4); at Caesarea Agabus an- nounced to him with prophetic precision the approaching loss of his free- dom (xxi. 10 ff.), and his friends sought with tears to move him even now to return ; but nothing could in the least degree shake his determination to follow absolutely the impulse of the Spirit, which urged him towards Jerusalem (xx. 22). He went thither (4.p. 59) with heroic self-denial and yielding of himself to the divine purpose, in like manner as formerly the Lord Himself made His last pilgrimage to the Jewish capital. Arriving there shortly before Pentecost—for his object was not only to convey to the brethren the gifts of love collected for them, but also to celebrate the national festival, Acts xxiv. 17—he was induced by James and the pres- byters to undertake immediately on the following day, for the sake of the Judaists, a Nazarite vow (xxi. 17 ff.). But, while it was yet only the fifth day of this consecration (see on Acts xxiv. 11), the Asiatic Jews fell upon him in the temple, accusing him of having, as an enemy of the law and the temple, brought Gentiles with him into the holy place ; and they would have killed him, had not the tribune of the fort Antonia rescued him by military force from their hands (xxi. 28-34). In vain he defended himself before the people (Acts xxii.), and on the following day before the Sanhedrin (xxiii. 1-10) ; but equally in vain was a plot now formed by certain Jews who had bound themselves by an oath to put him to death (xxiii. 11-22) ; for the tribune, when informed of it, had the Apostle conducted imme- diately to the Procurator Felix at Caesarea (xxiii. 28-35). Felix was base enough, in spite of Paul’s excellent defence, to detain him as a prisoner for two years, in the expectation even of receiving a bribe ; and on his depart- ure from the province, from a wish to gratify the Jews, left the Apostle to 10 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. be dealt with by Porcius Festus his successor (summer, A.D. 61), Acts xxiv. Even from the more equitable Festus, before whom the Jews renewed their accusations and Paul the defence of his innocence, he did not receive the justice that was his due ; wherefore he found himself compelled to make a formal appeal to the Emperor (xxv. 1-12). Before this date however, whilst living in the hope of a speedy release, he had written at Caesarea his Epis- tles to the Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon (which are usually assigned to the Roman captivity) ; see on Eph. introd. ὃ 2. His appeal, notwithstand- ing the unanimously favourable opinions pronounced regarding him (Acts xxvi.) after his solemn defence of himself before King Agrippa II. and his sister (xxv. 13 ff.), was necessarily followed by his transference from Caesarea to Rome. During the autumn voyage, on which he was accompanied by Luke and Aristarchus, danger succeeded danger, after the Apostle’s wise warnings were despised (Acts xxvii. 10, 11, 21) ; and it was only in conse- quence of his advice being afterwards followed (Acts xxvii. 80-36) that all were saved and, after the stranding of their vessel at Malta, happily landed to pass the winter on that island. In the following spring he saw Rome, though not—as it had been so long his earnestly cherished wish to visit it (Rom. i. 10 ff.)—as the free herald of the Gospel. Still he there enjoyed the favour—after receiving a custodia militaris—of being permitted to dwell in his own hired house and to continue without interruption his work of in- struction among all who came to him, This mild imprisonment lasted two full years (from the spring of 62) : and as at this time his intrepid fidelity to his office failed. not to make oral proclamation of the kingdom of God (Acts xxviii. 80, 51 ; Phil. i. 12 ff.), so in particular the Hpistle to the Philip- pians, which emanated from this time of captivity, is a touching proof of that fidelity, as well as of the love which he still received and showed, of the sufferings which he endured, and of the resignation and hope which alter- nated within him. This letter of love may be called his swan’s song. The two years’ duration of his further imprisonment did not decide his cause ; and it does not make his release by any means self-evident,’ for Luke re- ports nothing from this period respecting the progress of the Apostle’s trial. But now all at once we lose all trustworthy accounts bearing on the further course of his fate; and only thus much can be gathered from the testi- monies of ecclesiastical writers as historically certain, that he died the death of a martyr at Rome under Nero, and nearly at the same time* as Peter suffered crucifixion at the same place. See the testimonies in Credner, Hin. I. p. 318 ff. ; Kunze, praecip. Patrwm testim., quae ad mort. P. spect., Gott. Rome—as, following Baur and others, Lip- sius, Chronol. d. Rdm. Bischéfe, 1869, and Quellen d. Rom. Petrussage, 1872, and Gun- 1 Τῇ opposition to Stélting, Beitr. z. Haxeg. d. Paul. Br. p. 195. 2 Whether Peter suffered martyrdom somewhat earlier than Paul (Ewald), or some time later, cannot be made out from Clement, Cor. I. 5, any more than from other sources. Moreover this question is bound up with that as to the place and time of the composition of the First Epistle of Peter. But that Peter never came to dert in the Jahrb. f. D. Th. 1869, p. 306 ff., seek to prove (see the earlier literature on the question in Bleek’s Hinleitung, Ὁ. 562)— cannot, in view of the church tradition, be maintained. The discussion of this question in detail belongs to another place. SKETCH OF THE APOSTLE’S LIFE. 11 1848 ; and generally Baur, Pavlus, I. p. 243 ff. ed. 2; Wiescler, p. 547 ff. ; Otto, Pastoralbr. Ὁ. 149 ff. ; from the Catholic point of view, Déllinger, Christenth. und Kirche, p. 79 ff. ed. 2. The question however arises, Whether this martyrdom (beheading) was the issue of his trial at that time (Petavius, Lardner, Schmidt, Eichhorn, Heinrichs, Wolf, de altera Pauli captivit. Lips. 1819, 1821, Schrader, Hem- sen, K6lner, Winer, Fritzsche, Baur, Schenkel, de Wette, Matthies, Wieseler, Schaff, Ebrard, Thiersch, Reuss, Holtzmann, Judenth. ει. Christenth. p. 549 f., Hausrath, Hilgenfeld, Otto, Volckmar, Krenkel, and others, including Rudow, Diss. de argumentis historic., quibus epistolar. pastoral. origo Paul. impugnata est, Gott. 1852, p. 6 ff.), or of a second Roman captivity, as has been assumed since Eusebius (ii. 22) by the majority of ancient and modern writers, including Michaelis, Pearson, Hinlein, Bertholdt, Hug, Heiden- reich, Pastoralbr. II. p. ὁ ff., Mynster, hl. theol. Schr. p. 291 f., Guericke, Bohl, Abfassungsze. d. Br. an Timoth. u. Tit., Berl. 1829, Ὁ. 91 ff., Kohler,? Wurm, Schott, Neander, Olshausen, Kling, Credner, Neudecker, Wiesinger, Baumgarten, Lange, apost. Zeitalt. 11. i. p. 386 ff., Bleek, Déllinger, Sepp, Gams, ὦ. Jahr d. Martyrertodes d. Ap. Petr. u. Paul. 1867, Ewald, Huther, and others. Since the testimony of Eusebius, /.c., which is quite of a gen- eral character, confessedly has reference merely to a tradition (λόγος Eyer), which was acceptable to him on account of 2 Tim. iv. 16 f., the historical decision of this question turns on the statement of Clemens Romanus.? He says, according to Dressel’s text,? 1 Cor. 5: Διὰ ζῆλον καὶ ὁ ἸΤαῦλος ὑπομονῆς βραβεῖον ὑπέσχεν, ἑπτάκις δεσμὰ φορέσας, φυγαδευθεὶς, λιθασθεῖς. ἹΚῆρυξ γενόμενος ἔν τε τῇ ἀνατολῇ καὶ ἐν τῇ δύσει, τὸ γενναῖον τῆς πίστεως αὐτοῦ κλέος ἔλαβεν, δικαιο- σύνην διδάξας ὅλον τὸν κόσμον, καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως ἐλθὼν, καὶ μαρτυρῇσας Οὕτως ἀπηλλάγη τοῦ κόσμου, καὶ εἰς τὸν ἅγιον τόπον ἐπορεύθη, ὑπομονῆς γενόμενος μέγιστος ὑπογραμμός. This passage, it is thought, indicates clearly enough that Paul before his death, passing beyond Italy, had reached the farthest limit of the West, Spain,‘ and that therefore a second Roman ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων. 718). The variations however of the dif- ferent revisions of the text, whichis only 1 Who, curiously enough, further assumes a third and fourth captivity. 2 Nothing at all bearing upon our question can be derived from the testimony of Dionysius of Corinth, quoted by Euseb. ii. 25, to which Wiesinger still attaches weight. It merely affirms that Peter and Paul having "come to Italy, there taught, and died as martyrs. Comp. Caius ap. Eus. 1. 6... Iren. Haer. iii. 1; Tertull. Scorp. 15, praescr. 36; and even the κήρυγμα Πέτρου (Clem. Strom. vi. 5). These testimonies do not in the least suggest the idea of a second presence in Rome. 8 Dressel follows the recension of Jacob- son (Oxon. 1838, and 2d ed. 1840), who col- lated Cod. A anew, and carefully rectified its text of the Epistle first issued by Patri- cius Junius (Oxon. 1633), followed substan- tially in that form by Cotelerius (Paris 1672), and then amended by Wotton (Cantabr. preserved, and that in a very faulty form, in Cod. A, do not essentially affect the pres- ent question. Even the form in which Laurent (neutest. Stud. p. 105 ff., and in the Stud, κι. Krit. 1870, Ὁ. 135 ff.) gives the text of the passage in Clement on the basis of Tischendorf’s reproduction of Cod. A, is without influence on our question. This holds true also with respect to the latest critical editions of the Clementine Epistles by Hilgenfeld (V. 7. extra canonem, 1866, I.), by Lightfoot (S. Clement of Rome. The two Ppistles, ete. 1869), andby Laurent (Clem. Rom. ad Cor. epistula, ete. 1870). 4 So also Ewald, apost. Zeit. p. 620 ff. ed. 3, who supposes that, when Paul heard in Spain of the horrors of the Neronian perse- cutions, he hurried back to Rome to bear witness for Christianity ; that there he was 12 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. imprisonment must be assumed. See especially Credner, Gesch. d. Kanon, p- 51 ff. ; Huther, Pastoralbr. Hinl. p. 32 ff. ed. 3; Lightfoot 1.6., who un- derstands by τέρμα τ. 6. Gades. In opposition to this view we need not seek after any different interpretation of τὸ τέρμα τ. δύσεως 3 Whether it may be taken to signify the western limit appointed to Paul (Baur, Schenkel, Otto)— which certainly would be very meaningless—or the line of demarcation be- tween East and West (Schrader, Hilgenfeld, apost. Vater, p. 109) ; or even the centre of the West (Matthies). But it is to be observed :—1st. That the language generally bears a highly rhetorical and hyperbolical character, and, were it only for this reason, it is very hazardous to interpret the ‘‘limit of the West” (τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως) with geographical accuracy. And is ποῦ even the immediately preceding δικαίοσ. διδάξας ὅλον τὸν κόσμον a flourish of exaggeration? 2d. Clement does not speak of East and West from his own Roman standpoint, but, as was most naturally accordant with the connection and design of his statement, from the standpoint of Paul, into whose local relations he in thought transports himself. While the Apostle laboured in Asia, he was in the Hast: then he passed over to Greece, and thus had become, from his Oriental point of view, a herald also in the West. But in the last crisis of his destiny he came even to the far West, as far as Rome : and for this idea how naturally, in the midst of the highly coloured language which he was using, did the expression ἐπὲ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως ἐλθών suggest itself ! It could not have been misunderstood by the readers, because people at Corinth could not but énow the place where Paul met hisdeath. 3d. "Er? τῶν ἡγουμένων denotes (in allusion to Matt. x. 18) the rulers generally, be- fore whom Paul gave testimony concerning Christ (μαρτυρήσας), after he had reached this τέρμα τῆς δύσεως. If the latter denotes Rome, then we may without hesitation, on historical grounds, conclude that the rulers are those Roman magistrates before whom Paul made his defence in Rome. But if Spain should be the ‘‘ goal of the West,” we should find ourselves carried by the μαρτυρήσας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμ. to some scene of judicial procedure in Spain ; and would it not in that case be necessary to assume a sojourn of the Apostle there, which that very trial would render ‘specially memorable ? But how opposed to such a view is the fact, that no historical trace, at all certain, is preserved of any church founded by Paul in Spain! For the testimonies to this effect adduced by Gams, Hirchengesch. v. Spanien, p. 26, Sepp, Gesch. der Ap. p. 314, ed. 2, and others, contain nothing but traditions, which have merely arisen from the hypothetical Spanish journey of Paul. And to say with Huther that the Apostle had travelled (ἐλθών) to Spain, but had not laboured there, is to have recourse to an explanation at variance with the in- trinsic character of Paul himself and with the context of Clement. Besides, according to Rom. xv. 23 f., Paul desired to transfer his ministry, that was accomplished in the East, to Spain. 4th. If ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τ. δύσεως ἐλθών was intended to transport the reader to Spain, then it would be most natural, since οὕτως sums up the previous participial clauses, to transfer the ἀπηλλάγη arrested, placed once more on trial, and the Book of Acts itself, at i. 8, points by condemned to death. According to Ewald way of anticipation to the Spanish journey. SKETCH OF THE APOSTLE’S LIFE. 19 tov κόσμου also to Spain; for just as this ἀπηλλ. 7. x. is manifestly correlative to the δικαιοσύνην διδάξ. ὅλον τ. κόσμον, 80 εἰς τ. ἅγιον τόπον ἐπορεύθη Corresponds with the ἐπὶ τ. so that Paul, starting from the τέρμα τ. δύσεως, Which he has reached, and where he has borne his testimony before the rulers, enters on his journey to the holy place. It is only, there- fore, when we understand Jtaly as the western limit, that the language of Clement is in harmony with the historical circumstances of the case.’ See, moreover, Lipsius, de Clem. Rom. ep. ad Cor. 1. p. 129, and Chronol. d. rém. Bis- chéfe, p. 163 ff. It cannot withal be overlooked that in the so-called Epist. Clem. ad Jacobum, c. 1, there is manifestly an echo of our passage, and yet Rome alone is designated as the final goal of the Apostle’s labours : τὸν éodu- evov ἀγαθὸν ὅλῳ τῷ κόσμῳ μηνύσαι βασιλέα, μέχρισ ἐνταῦθα TH “Ῥώμῃ γενόμενος, τέρμα τ. δύσεως K.T.A. ; εοβουλήτῳ διδασκαλίᾳ σώζων ἀνθρώπους, αὐτὸς τοῦ νῦν βίου βιαίως τὸ ζὴν μετήλλαξεν. After this the conjecture of Wieseler (and Schaff, Hist. of Apost. Church, p- 342), who, instead of ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα, as given by Junius, would read ὑπὸ τὸ τέρμα, and explain it ‘‘before the supreme power of the West,” is un- necessary. It is decisive against this view that Jacobson, as well as Wotton, found ἐπὶ in the Cod. A, and that Tischendorf likewise has attested the existence of καὶ ἐπὶ as beyond doubt. But, besides, Wieseler’s expe- dient would not be admissible on grounds of linguistic usage, for τέρμα in the sense assumed is only used with ἔχειν ; see Eur. Suppl. 617, Or. 1848, Jacobs. ad Del. epigr. p. 287. From the very corrupt text of the Canon Muratorii,? nothing can be gathered bearing on our question, except that 1 Tf we render μαρτυρήσας martyrium pas- sus (Credner, Lange, and older writers), this result comes out the more clearly, since at all events Paul died in Rome ; along with which indeed Déllinger further finds in ἐπὶ τῶν ἥγουμ. an evidence for the year 67 that has been the traditional date since Euse- bius, Chron. (comp. also Gams, Jahr d. Martyrertodes, etc.; and Sepp, 1.6. p. 379), when Nero was absent and the Prefecis ruled in Rome. See his Christenth vw. Kirche, p. 101, ed. 2. Against that chrono- logical determination, see generally Bax- mann, dass Petr. u. Paul nicht am 29. Junius 67. gemartert worden sind, 1867. 2The passage in question runs, ‘‘ Acta autem omnium apostolorum sub uno libro sunt. Lucas optime Theophile comprindit (comprehendit), quia sub praesentia ejus singula gerebantur, sicuti et semote pas- sionem Petri evidenter declarat, sed profec- tionem Pauli ab urbe ad Spaniam proficis- centis.” Wieseler conjectures that after proficiscentis the word omittit has been left out ; that semote means: at a separate place, viz.not in the Acts of the Apostles, but in the Gospel, xxii. 31-33. A very forced con- jecture, with which nevertheless Volkmar (in Credner’s Gesch. d. Kanon, p.343) agrees, supposing that a non has dropped out after proficiscentis. Credner, 1.6. p. 155 f., con- jectured semofa (namely loca, which is sup- posed to refer to John xxi. 18 ff., and Rom. xv. 24), and thene¢ instead of sed. Otto, p. 154, would read sic e¢ instead of sed ; mak- ing the meaning: ‘‘consequently (sic) he declares openly, that just as (wi eZ) in his absence the martyrdom of Peter took place, so likewise (sic e¢) the journey of Paul,” ete. But how much must we thus introduce into the semote/ Laurent alters into: ‘ semota passione... et profectione,” ete. Various suggestions are made by others ; see Ewald, Jahrb. VIL. p. 126, whose own procedure is the boldest. Hilgenfeld, Kanon u. Krit. d. N. 7T., p. 42, thinks that the author has “ quessed”’ the martyrdom of Peter and the Spanish journey of Paul from the abrupt close of the Acts of the Apostles. Such a theory should have been precluded by the “evidenter declarat,’ for which indeed Ewald would read ‘‘ evidenter decerpit” or “decollat.” If we must resort to conjecture (and it is necessary), it seems the simplest course, instead of ef semote, to insert id semotam, and then instead of sed, et. This would yield the sense: as this circumstance (id), viz. the writing down only what took place in his presence, evidently explains the exclusion (semotam) of the passion of Peter ana 14 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. the author was already acquainted with the tradition of the journey to Spain afterwards reported by Eusebius; not, that he wished to refute it (Wieseler, Ὁ. 536). On the other hand, Origen (in Euseb. 111. 1: τί δεῖ περὶ Παύλου λέγειν ἀπὸ 'ΤἹερουσαλὴμ μέχρι τοῦ ᾿Ιλλυρικοῦ πεπληρωκότος τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ ὕστερον ἐν τῇ Ῥώμη ἐπὶ Νέρωνος μεμαρτυρηκότος) tacitly excludes the Spanish journey. The tradition regarding it arose very naturally out of Rom. xv. 24 (Jerome: ‘‘ad Italiam quoque et, ut dpse scribit, ad Hispanias—portatus est”), and served as a needed historical basis for the explanation of 2 Tim., acquiring the more general currency both on this account and because it tended to the glorification of the Apostle. It is further worthy of attention that the pseudo-Abdias, in his Historia Apos- tolica, ii. 7, 8 (in Fabricius, Cod. Apocr. p. 452 ff.), represents the execution as the issue of the captivity reported in the Acts. Had this author been a be- liever ina liberation, as well as in a renewed missionary activity and second imprisonment, he would have been the last to refrain from bringing forward wonderful reports regarding them. Substantiaily the same may be said of the Acta Petri et Pauli in Tischendorf, Act. ap. apocr. Ὁ. 1 ff. Nole.—If we regard the Epistles to Timothy and Titus—which, moreover, stand or fall together—as genuine, we must take, as Eusebius in particular has done with reference to 2 Tim., the tradition of the Apostle’s liberation from Rome and of a second captivity there as an historical postulate,! in order to gain the room which cannot otherwise be found for the historical references of those Epistles, and the latest possible time for their other contents. But the more defective the proof of the second imprisonment is, the more warranted remain the doubts as to the genuineness of these Epistles, which arise out of their own contents ; while in virtue of these doubts the Epistles, in their turn, cannot themselves be suitably adduced in proof of that captivity. Besides, it cannot be left out of view that in all the unquestionably genuine Epistles which Paul wrote during his imprisonment, every trace of the previously (Rom. xv, 24) cherished plan of a journey to Spain has vanished ; and that in the Epistle to the Philippians, which was certainly not written till he was in Rome (i. 25 f., ii. 24), he contemplates as his further goal in the event of his liberation, not the far West, but Macedonia, or in other words a return to the Kast. From Acts xxiii. 11, however, no evidence can be adduced against the Spanish journey (as Otto contends), because in this passage there is no express mention of a last goal, excluding all further advance. of the journey of Paul from Rome to Spain. On both of these occasions the author accordingly thinks that Luke was not pres- ent, and thereby the fact that he has omitted them in his book is explained. 1 This isthe ground assumed by the latest expositors of the Pastoral Epistles, who maintain their genuineness, Wiesinger and Huther; whilst Rudow, again, in the al- ready mentioned Dissert. 1852, only rejects the First Ep. to Timothy (comp. Bleek), and calling in question a second captivity, as- cribes the Second Ep. to Timothy to the first imprisonment, and the Ep. to Titus to the sojourn at Ephesus. So also Otto, with respect to the two last-named Epistles ; but he regards the First Ep. to Timothy as aletter of instruction for Timothy in view of his mission to Corinth, consequently as nearly contemporaneous with the Ep. to Titus. See, in opposition to Otto, Huther on the Pastoral Epistles, Introd. ed. ὃ. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AT ROME. 15 ὃ 2. Tae Curistran Cuurcn AT Rome.' That the Christian Church in Rome had been in existence for a consider- able time when Paul wrote to it, is clear from 1: 8-18 and xiii. 11, 15; and that it was already a church formally constituted, may be gathered from the general analogy of other churches that had already been long in exists ence, from xii. 5 ff., and less certainly from xvi. 5. Especially may the existence of a body of presbyters, which was essential to church organiza- tion (Acts xiv. 23), be regarded as a matter of course. In the Acts of the Apostles the existence of the Church is presupposed (xxviii. 15) as something well known ; and the author, who follows the thread of his Apostle’s biog- raphy, had no occasion to narrate its origin or development. The origin of the Roman Church cannot therefore be determined with certainty. It is not incredible that even during the lifetime of Jesus faith in Him had taken root, in individual cases, among the Roman Jews (comp. Clem. Recogn. i. 6). For among the pilgrims who flocked to the festivals at Jerusalem from all countries Romans also were wont to be present (Acts ii. 10), and that too in considerable numbers, because the multitude of Jews in Rome had since the time of Pompey become extraordinarily great (see Philo, leg. ad. Caj. Il. p. 568; Dio Cass. xxxvi. 6; Joseph. Antt. xvii. 11, 1), in- cluding Jews directly from Palestine (prisoners of war, see Philo, /.c.),-of whom. a large portion had-attained-to freedom, the rights of citizenship, and even wealth. Is it unlikely that individual festal pilgrims from Rome, im- pressed by the words and works of Jesus in Jerusalem, carried back with them to.their homes the first seeds of the-faith ? To this view it cannot-be-objected (as by Reiche), that Christianity~did-not..spread. beyond the bounds of Palestine until after the miracle of Pentecost ; for there is mention, in fact, in Matt. x. of the official missionary activity of the Apostles, and in Acts viii. 1 ff. of that of emigrants from Jerusalem. If the former and the latter did not labour in foreign lands until a subsequent period, this by no means excludes the possibility of the conversion of individual foreigners, partly Jews, partly proselytes, who became believers in Jerusalem. It is further prob- able that there were some Romans among the three thousand who came over to the Christian faith at the first Pentecost (Acts 11. 10) ; at least it would be very arbitrary to exclude these, who are expressly mentioned among the witnesses of what occurred at Pentecost, from participation in its reswlis. Lastly,it_is probable that the persecution-which broke out with the stoning of Stephen drove some Palestinian Christians to take refuge even in the distant capital of the world, distinguished by its religious toleration, and in fact inclined to Oriental modes of worship (Athenaeus, Deipnos. I. p. 20 B., calls it ἐπιτομὴν τῆς οἰκουμένης, and says: καὶ yap ὅλα τὰ ἔθνη ἀθρόως αὐτόθι 1 See Th. Schott, α΄. Rémerbriefs. Endzweck ἰ. Krit. 1867, p. 627 ff. ; comp. also Grau, 2. u. Gedankengang nach, Erl. 1858; Mangold, Hinfiihr. in ἃ. Schriftth. N. T., Stuttg. 1868, d. Réimerbr. u. d. Anfinge ἃ. rém. Gem. and his Entwickelungsgesch. d. neut. Schriftth. Marb. 1866; Wieseler in Herzog’s Eneyht. TI. 1871, p. 102 ff.; Sabatier, 7?apdire Paul, XX. p. 583 ff. (1866) ; Beyschlag in the Stud. 1870. 16 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. For that this dispersion of the Christians of Jerusalem was not confined to-Samariaand_Judaea (an objection here urged by Reiche and K6llner), is proved by Acts xi. 19, where emigrants are mentioned who had gone_as far as Phoenicia and Cyprus. And how easily might some find their way even to Rome, seeing that the brisk maritime intercourse between these places and Italy afforded them opportunity, and seeing that they might expect to find admittance and repose among their countrymen in Rome, who were strangers to the fanatical zeal of Palestine. But although, in consequence of the constant intercourse maintained by the Jews at Rome with Asia, Egypt, and Greece, and especially with Palestine (Gieseler, Kirchengesch. I. § 17), various Christians may have visited Rome, and _vari- ous. Jews from Rome may have become Christians, all.the influences hitherto mentioned could not establish a Christian congregational life in Rome. In- dividual Christians were there, and certainly also Christian fellowship, but still no organized church. ΤῸ plant such a church, there was needed, as is plain from the analogy of all other cases of the founding of churches with which we are acquainted, official action on the part of teachers endowed directly or indirectly with apostolic authority. Who the founder of the Roman congregational life was, however, is utterly unknown. The Catholic Church names the Apostle Peter; concerning whom, along with the gradual development of the hierarchy, there has been a gradual development of tradition, that he came to Rome in the second year, or at any rate about the beginning of the reign of the Emperor Claudius (according to Gams, A.D. 41), to overcome Simon Magus, and re- mained there twenty-five years (Gams : twenty-four years and an indefinite number of days), till his death, as its first bishop. See Eusebius, Chron. (in Mai’s Script. vet. nov. coll. VII. p. 876, 378) ; and Jerome, de vir. ill. 1.1 But that Peter in the year 44, and at the date of the apostolic conference in the year 52, was still resident in Jerusalem, is evident from Acts xil. 4, xv. 7, and Gal. ii. 1 ff. From Acts xii. 7 a journey to Rome cannot be in- ferred.? Further, that still later, when Paul was living at Ephesus, Peter had not been labouring in Rome, is evident from Acts xix. 21, because Paul followed the principle of not interfering with another Apostle’s field of labour (Rom. xv. 20 ; comp. 2 Cor. x. 16) ; and, had Peter been in Rome ΄ συνῴκισται . explained an old inscription as referring to Simon Magus. Comp. also Uhlhorn, d. 1 See generally, Lipsius, α. Quellen d. Rom. Petrussage, Kiel, 1872. As to the way in which that tradition, the germs of which are found in Dionysius of Corinth (Euseb. H. #. ii. 25), gradually developed itself into the complete and definite form given above, see Wieseler, chronol. Synops. p. 571; regard- ing the motley legends connected with it, see Sepp, Gesch. d. Ap. p. 341, ed. 2; con- cerning the unhistorical matter to be elim- inated from the report of Jerome, see Huther on 1 Peter, Introd.; comp. Credner, Kinl. 11. p. 882. The alleged presence of Simon in Rome is probably the mere prod- uct of a misconception, by which Justin, Apol. i. 26 (comp. Irenaeus, Haer. i. 23), Homil. τι. Recogn. αἰ. Clem. p. 378 ἔν; Moller in Herzog’s Encykl. X1V. p. 392 ff.; Bleek, p.563 f. 2 Even if Peter had actually, in the course of his foreign travels (1 Cor. ix. 5), visited Rome once in the time of Claudius (comp. on Acts xii. 17), which Ewald (apost. Zeit. p. 606 f. ed. 8.) concedes to ecclesiastical tradition, not calling in question even a meeting with Simon Magus there, yet we cannot regard this as involving the founda- tion of the Roman church and the episcopal position. Otherwise Paul would have in- truded on anotherlabourer’s field. See the sequel. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AT ROME. 1? when Paul wrote to the Romans, he would have been saluted by the latter before all others; for the numerous salutations in ch. xvi. presuppose an accurate acquaintance with the teachers who were then in Rome. Peter cannot have been labouring in Rome at all before Paul himself was brought thither, because the former, as Apostle to the Jews, would have brought Christianity into closer contact with the Jewish population there than is apparent in Acts xxviii. 22. It is even in the highest degree improbable that Peter was in Rome prior to the writing of the Epistle to the Philip- pians—the only one which was certainly written by Paul in Rome—or at the time of its being written ; for it is inconceivable that Paul should not in this letter have mentioned a /fellow-Apostle, and that one Peter, especially when he had to complain so deeply of being forsaken as at Phil. ii. 20. Consequently the arrival of Peter in Rome, which was followed very soon by his execution—and which is accredited by such ancient and strong tes- timony (Dionysius of Corinth, in Euseb. ii. 25; Caius, in Euseb. ii. 25 ; Origen, in Euseb. iii. 1; Irenaeus; Tertullian, etc.) that it cannot be in itself rejected—is to be placed only towards the end of Paul's captivity, sub- sequent to the composition of the Epistle to the Philippians. If, therefore, the tradition of the Roman Church having been founded by Peter—a view disputed even by Catholic theologians like Hug, Herbst, Feilmoser, Klee, Ellendorf, Maier;-and Stengel, who however are vehemently opposed by Windischmann, Stenglein, Reithmayr, and many others’—must be en- tirely disregarded (although it is still defended among Protestants by Ber- tholdt, Mynster, and Thiersch), it is on the other hand highly probable, that a Christian church was founded at Rome only subsequent to Paul’s trans- ference of his missionary labours to Europe ; since there is no sort of indi- cation, that on his first appearance in Macedonia and Achaia he anywhere found a congregation already existing. He himself in fact stood in need of a special direction from Christ to pass over to Europe (Acts xvi. 9 f.) ; and so another official herald of the faith can hardly before that time have pen- etrated as far as Italy. But, when Paul was labouring successfully in Greece, it was very natural that apostolic men of his school should find motive and occasion for carrying their evangelic ministry still further west- 1 Dollinger, Christenth. u. Kirche, Ὁ. 95 ff. ed. 2, still seeks to support it on the usual grounds, and in doing so starts from the purely fanciful ἃ priori premiss, that the Roman Church must have been founded by an Apostle, with the equally arbitrary con- clusion: ‘‘and that Apostle can only have been Peter.” He gives to the twenty-five years’ duration of the Petrine episcopatus a curious round-about interpretation, accord- ing to which the episcopate is made to mean merely ecclesiastical dignity in gen- eral; see p.317. The passage of Dionysius of Corinth in Euseb. ii. 25 is misinterpreted by him.—It ill accords with the Roman epis- copate of Peter that in Euseb. iii. 2, and Trenaeus, iii. 8, Zinws is expressly named as the jirst Roman bishop; and in fact in the Constit. ap. vii. 46, 1, it is said that he was appointed by Paul; while Peter only nom- inated the second bishop (Clemens) after the death of Linus. According to this state- ment Peter had nothing to do with the founding of the Roman episcopate, and neither Paul nor Peter was bishop in Rome. On the whole it is to be maintained that no Apostle at all was bishop of a church. The apostolate and the presbyterate were two specifically distinct offices in the service of the Church. In Rome especially the succes- sion of bishops can only be _ historically proved from Xystus onward (οὐ. 125) ; see Lipsius, J. ¢. WH / 18 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. , -ward,—to the capital of the Gentile world. The expulsion of the Jews from Rome under Claudius (Sueton. Claud. 25 ; Acts xviii. 2) served, under Divine guidance, as a special means for this end. Refugees to the neigh- bouring Greece became Christians, Christians of the Pauline type, and then, on their return to Rome, came forward as preachers of Christianity and organizers-of-a-church. We have historical confirmation of this in the instance of Aquila and Priscilla, who emigrated as Jews to Corinth, dwelt there with Paul for upwards-of-a—year-and-a-half,and at the date of our Epistle had again settled in Rome, where they appear, as previously in Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 19), according to Rom. xvi. 3 as teachers and_ the pos- sessors of a house where the Roman church assembled.’ It is probable that others also, especially among the persons mentioned in ch. xvi., were in similar ways led by God ; but it is certain that a chief place among the founders of the church belongs to Aquila and Priscilla ; since among the many who are greeted by Paul in the 16th chap. he presents to them the Jirst salutation, and that with a more laudatory designation than is accorded to any of the others. Christianity, having taken root in the first instance among the Jews, found the more readily an entrance among the Gentiles in Rome, because the pop- ular heathen religion had already fallen into a contempt inducing despair both among the cultivated and uncultivated classes (see Gieseler I. i. § 11- 14 ; Schneckenburger, newtest. Zeitgesch. p. 59 f.; Holtzmann, Judenthumu. Christenthum, Ὁ. 305 ff.). Hence the inclination to Monotheism was very general ; and the number of those who had gone over to Judaism was very great (Juvenal, Sat. xiv. 96 ff. ; Tac. Ann. xv. 44, Hist. v. 5 ; Seneca, in Augustine, de civ. Dei, vii. 11 ; Joseph. Antt. xviii. 3, 5). How much at- tention and approval, therefore, must the liberal system of religion, elevated above all the fetters of a deterrent legal rigour, as preached by Aquila and other Pauline teachers, have met with among the Romans dissatisfied with heathenism ἢ From the description of most of the persons named in ch. xvi., from the express approval given to the doctrine in which the Romans had been instructed, xvi. 17, vi. 17, and even from the fact of the composition of the letter itself, inasmuch as not one of the now extant letters of the Apostle is directed to a non-Pauline church, we may with certainty infer that Pauline Christianity was preponderant in Rome ; and from this it is a further neces- sary inference that a very important part of the Roman church consisted of Gentile- Christians. This Gentile-Christian part must have been the prepon- derating one, and must have formed its chief constituent element (in opposi- tion to Baur, Schwegler, Krehl, Baumgarten-Crusius, van Hengel, Volkmar, Reuss, Lutterbeck, Thiersch, Holtzmann, Mangold, Grau, and Sabatier), 1 That this married pair came to Corinth, not as Christians, but as still Jews, and were there converted to Christianity through Paul, see on Acts xviii. 1,2. Comp. Reiche, J. p. 44 f.; Wieseler, 1.6. p. 586.—Moreover, that the Christians, (Jewish-Christians) res- ident in Rome were driven into exile along with other Jews by the edict of Claudius, can neither be proved nor yet controverted from the well-known passage in Sueton. Claud. 25 (see on Acts xviii. 1); for at that time the Christian body, which at all events was very small and isolated, was not yet independent, but still united with the Jew- ish population. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AT ROME, 19 since Paul expressly and repeatedly designates and addresses the Romans in general as belonging to the ἔθνη (i. 6, 18, xi. 18) ; and asserts before them the importance of his calling as Apostle to the Gentiles (xv. 15 f., i. 5 ; comp. xvi. 4, 26). Comp. Neander, Gesch. ἃ. Pflanzung, etc., ed. 4, p. 452 ff., Tholuck, Philippi, Wieseler, Hofmann. Indeed, we must presume, in ac- cordance with the apostolic agreement of Gal. ii. 7 ff., that Paul would not have written a doctrinal Epistle to the Romans, especially one containing his entire gospel, if the church had been, in the main, a church of the περι- τομὴ and not of the axpofvoria.’ Even ch. vii. 1, where the readers are de- scribed as γινώσκοντες νόμον, as well as the numerous references to the Old Testament, and proofs adduced from it, are far from attesting the predomi- nance of Jewish Christianity in Rome.? They are fully explained, when we recollect that in the apostolic age all Christian knowledge was conveyed. through the channel of the Old Testament (xvi. 26) ; that an acquaintance with the law and the prophets, which was constantly on the increase by their being publicly read in the assemblies (comp. on Gal. iv. 21), was also to be found among the Gentile-Christians ; and that the mingling of Jews and Gentiles in the churches, even without a Judaizing influence being exerted on the latter (as in the case of the Galatians), could not but tend to further the use of that Old Testament path which Christian preaching and knowl- edge had necessarily to pursue. The grounds upon which Baur (in the Tubing. Zeitschr. 1836, 3, p. 144 ff., 1857, p. 60 ff., and in his Paulus, I. p. 343 ff. ed. 2 ; also in his Christenth. ἃ. drei erst. Jahrb. p. 62 ff. ed. 2 ; see also Volkmar, d. Rém. Kirche, p. 1 ff.; Holsten, 2. Hv. d. Paul. u. Petr. p. 411) seeks to establish the preponderance of Jewish Christianity will be dealt with in connection with the passages concerned ; as will also the defence of that preponderance which Mangold has given, while correcting in many re- spects the positions of Baur. The middle course attempted by Beyschlag, lec. p. 640—that the main element of the church consisted of native Roman proselytes to Judaism, so that we should regard the church as Gentile- Ohris- tian in its lineage, but as Jewish- Christian in its habits of thought—is unsupport- ed by any relevant evidence in the Epistle itself, or by any indication in par- ticular of a previous state of proselytism. But even if there was merely a considerable portion of the Christian church at Rome consisting of those who had been previously Jews (as, in particular, xiv. 1 ff. refers to such), it must still appear strange, and might even cast a doubt upon the existence of a regularly organized church (Bleek, Beitr. p. 55, and Hinl. p. 412 ; comp. Calovius and others), that when Paul arrives i By this Epistle he would have gone be- yond the line laid down by him for his own field of labour (comp. 2 Cor. x. 13 ff.), and would have interfered in the sphere not assigned to him—the Apostleship to the Jews. 3 Even in the Epistle of Clement, written in the name of the Roman Church, with its numerous O. T. references, the Gentile- Christian and Pauline element of thought predominates, although there is a manip- ulation of Pauline views and ideas in ac- cordance with the ‘Christian legalism” (Ritsch], altkath. K. p. 274 ff.) of a later period. Comp. Lipsius, de Clem. Rom. Ep. ad Vor. pr. 1855; and Mangold, p. 167 ff. I cannot agree with Wieseler and others that this Epistle was written before the destruc- tion of Jerusalem, but with Ritschl and others assign it to the time of Domitian ; comp. Cotelerius. 20 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. as a prisoner in Rome, and wishes to acquaint himself with the Jewish com- munity there, the leaders of the latter make no mention of a Christian con- gregation at Rome, but evince merely a superficial cognizance of the Christian sect in general (Acts xxviii. 22). But the Jewish leaders are here speaking as officials, and, as such, are not inclined without special immediate occasion to express their views before the captive stranger as to the position of the Christian body which existed in Rome itself. A designation of the Christian sect generally in accordance with its notorious outward reputation—such as might bring it into suspicion—is enough for them ; but as to the precise relation in which this sect stands to them in Rome itself they do not feel them- selves called upon to say anything for the present, and, with discreet reserve, are therefore wholly silent respecting it. This narrative therefore of Acts is neither to be regarded as a fiction due to the tendency of the author (Baur, Zeller, Holtzmann), nor to be explained, arbitrarily and inadequately, by the expulsion of the Jews under Claudius (Olshausen), which had induced the Roman Jewish-Christians to separate themselves entirely from the Jews, so that on the return of the latter from exile the former remained unnoticed by them. Neither is it to be accounted for, with Neander—overlooking the peculiar character of Jewish religious interests—by the vast size of the me- tropolis ; nor, with Baumgarten, by the predominance of the Gentile-Chris- tians there ; nor yet, with older writers, by the hypothesis—unjust and inca- pable of proof—that the Roman Jews acted a dishonest and hypocritical part on the occasion. Not dishonesty, but prudence and caution are evinced in their conduct (comp. Schneckenburger, Philippi, Tholuck, Mangold), for the explanation of which we do not require, in addition to what they them- selves express in ver. 22, to assume any special outward reason, such as that they had been rendered by the Claudian measure more shy and reserved (Phi- lippi ; comp. Ewald, apost. Zeit. p. 588, ed. 3) ; especially seeing that there is no just ground for referring the words of Suetonius, ‘‘ Judaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit” (Claud. 25), to disputes between Jews and Christians relative to the Messiahship of Jesus, contrary to the definite expression ‘‘ tumultuare.” ὦ We may add that our Epistle—since Peter cannot have laboured in Rome before it was written—is a fact destructive of the historical basis of the Papacy, 1 The Chrestus of Suetonius was a Jewish agitator in Rome, who was actually so called. See on Acts xviii. 2, and Wieseler, p. 585. Every other interpretation is fanci- ful, including even the one given above, which is adopted by the majority of mod- ern writers, among others by Baur, Holtz- mann, Keim, Grau,and Mangold. Thiersch is peculiar in adding to it the groundless assertion, that ‘“‘the disturbances arose through the testimony of Peter to the Mes- siah in Rome, but that Peter had again left Rome even before the expulsion of the Jews by Claudius.’? Groundless is also the opinion of Philippi, that, if Chrestus is to be taken as an agitator, he must have beena pseudo-Messiah. 'The pseudo-Messiahs ap- peared much later. But after the analo- gies of Judas and Theudas, other insur- gents are conceivable enough—enthusiasts for political freedom and zealots. Bey- schlag, p. 652 ff., likewise taking Chrestus as equivalent to Christus, infers too rashly, from the passage in Suetonius, that the Roman Church was chiefly composed of proselytes, who, when the native -born Jews were expelled, remained behind. Miircker (Lehre von der Erlis. nach d. Réimerbr. Meining, 1870, p. 3) rightly rejects the interchange of the names Chrestus and Christus. OCCASION, OBJECT AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE. 21 in so far as the latter is made to rest on the founding of the Roman church and the exercise of its episcopate by that Apostle. For Paul the writing of such a didactic Epistle to a church of which he knew Peter to be the founder and bishop, would have been, according to the principle of his apostolic in- dependence, an impossible inconsistency. ὃ 3. Occasion, OBJECT AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE.’ Long before writing this epistle (ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἐτῶν, xv. 23) the Apostle had cherished the fixed and longing desire (Acts xix. 21) to preach the Gospel in person at Rome (i. 11 ff.)—in that metropolis of the world, where the flourishing of Christianity would necessarily exert an influence of the utmost importance on the entire West ; and where, moreover, the special relation — in which the church stood to the Apostle through its Pauline founders and teachers, and through the many friends and fellow-labourers whom he pos- sessed in the city (ch. xvi.), claimed his ardent and loving interest. His official labours in other regions had hitherto prevented the carrying out of this design (i. 13, xv. 22). Now indeed he hoped that he should soon accomplish its realization ; but, partly because he wished first to undertake his collection-journey to Jerusalem (xv. 23-25), and partly because Spain, and not Rome (xv. 24-28), was to be the goal of his travels to the West, a lengthened sojourn in Rome cannot have formed part of his plan at that time. Accordingly, in pursuance of his apostolic purpose with reference to the Roman church, he could not but wish, on the one hand, no longer to withhold from it at least such a written communication of his doctrine, which he had so long vainly desired to proclaim orally, as should be suitable to the church’s present need ; and on the other hand, by this written com- munication to pave the way for his intended personal labours in such fitting manner as to render a prolonged stay there unnecessary. This twofold de- sire occasioned the composition of our Epistle, for the transmission of which the journey of the Corinthian deaconess Phoebe to Rome (xvi. 1) afforded an opportunity which he gladly embraced. He could not fail to possess a sufficient acquaintance with the circumstances of the church, when we con- sider his position towards the teachers saluted in ch. xvi., and the eminent importance of the church itself—of whose state, looking to the active inter- course between Corinth and Rome, he was certainly thoroughly informed— as well as the indications afforded by ch. xii. xiv. xv. That the Epistle was called forth by special communications made from Rome itself (possibly by Aquila and Priscilla) is nowhere apparent from its contents ; on the con- trary, such a view is, from the general nature of the contents, highly im- probable. Of all the Apostle’s letters, our present Epistle is that which has least arisen out of the necessity of dealing with special caswal circumstances. According to Baur, the readers, as Jewish Christians (imbued also with erroneous Ebionite views), gave rise to the letter by their opposition to Paul, in so far, namely, as they saw in Paul’s apostolic labours among the Gentiles 1 See, besides the works quoted in § 2, Riggenbach in the Luther. Zeilschr. 1868, p. 38 ff. , 22 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. a detriment to the Jews, contrary to the promises given to them by God, and therefore asserted the national privileges of their theocratic primacy in an exclusive spirit as opposed to the universalism of the Pauline teaching. Comp. also Schwegler, nachapost. Zeit. I. p. 285 ff. ; Volkmar, 1.6. p. 7 ff. ; and also Reuss, Gesch. d. NV. T. ὃ 105 ff. ed. 4. In this view the Epistle is made to assume a specifically polemic character, which it manifestly has not (how very different in this respect the Ep. to the Galatians and those to the Corinthians !) ; it is assumed that the Church was a Jewish-Christian one ; and an importance, too great in relation to the whole, and indefensible from an exegetical point of view,*is attached to the section, chs. ix.—xi. (even in Baur’s second edition, which contains on this point a partial retrac- tation), while, on the other hand, the two last chapters have to be sacrificed to critical doubts that have no foundation. In no other Pauline Epistle is the directly polemical element so much in the background ; and where it does find expression, it is only for the moment (as in xvi. 17—20),—a sure proof that it was least of all the concrete appearance and working of Anti- paulinism which the Apostle had occasion in this Epistle to oppose. Against that enemy he would have waged a very different warfare, as is shown in particular in the case of the Epistle to the Galatians, so nearly allied in its contents. Nor is that enemy to be discovered in the weak in faith of xiv. 1 ff. Ofcourse, however, Paul could not present his Gospel other- wise than in antagonism to the Jewish righteousness of works and arrogance, which it had already overcome and would continue to do so ; for this an- tagonism belonged to the essence of his Gospel and had to assert itself, wherever there was Judaism—only in various forms and degrees according to the given circumstances—and therefore at Rome as well. The view of Thiersch (Kirche im apostol. Zeitalt. p. 166), that Paul desired to elevate the Jewish Christian church, which had consisted of the simple followers of Peter, from their still somewhat backward standpoint to more enlarged views, rests on the erroneous opinion that Peter had laboured in Rome. The object of our Epistle, accordingly, was by no means the drawing up of a systematic doctrinal system in general (see, against this view, Késtlin in the Jahrb. f. Deutsche Theol. 1856, p. 68 ff. ; Grau, Hntwickelungsgesch. If. p. 114) ; but it is not on the other hand to be restricted more specially than by saying: Paul wished to lay before the Romans in writing, for their Christian edification (i. 11, xvi. 25), his evangelic doc- trine—the doctrine of the sole way of salvation given in Christ—viewed in its full, specific character as the superseding of Judaism, in such a way as the necessities and cireumstances of the church demanded, and as he would have preached it among them, had he been present in person (i. 11). The mode in which he had to accomplish this was determined by the circumstance, that he deemed it necessary for his object fully to set forth before the 1 Baur previously, after his dissertation Huther’s Zweck u. Inhalt ἃ. 11 ersten Kap. a. in the 772d. Zeitschr. 1836, 3, found even the Rémerbr. 1846, p. 24f. Baur, in his Chris- principal theme of the whole Epistle in chs. tenth. d. drei ersten Jahrh. p. 62 ff. ed. 2, has ix.-xi., for which chs. i—viii. only serve modified his view on this point. as introduction. See against this view OCCASION, OBJECT AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE, 23 Roman church, in a manner proportioned to the high importance of its position, this Gospel as to which his disciples had already instructed them, in the entire connection of its constituent fundamental principles. In no other letter has he done this so completely and thoroughly ;? hence it is justly regarded as a grand scheme of his whole teaching,* in the precise form which he held to be suitable for its presentation to the Romans. How much he must have had this at heart ! How much he must have wished to erect such a complete and abiding memorial of Ais Gospel in the very capital of the Gentile world, which was to become the Antioch of the West! Not merely the present association of Jews and Gentiles in the church, but, gen- erally, the essential relation in which according to the very Pauline teach- ing, Christianity stood to Judaism, required him to subject this relation in particular, viewed in its strong antagonism to all legal righteousness, to an earnest and thorough discussion. This was a necessary part of his design ; and consequently its execution, though on the whole based on a thoroughly didactic plan, nevertheless assumed, in the presence of the given points of an- tagonism, partly an apologetic, partly a polemic form, as the subject required ; without however any precise necessity to contend against particular doctri- nal misconceptions among the Romans, against divisions and erroneous views, such as had appeared, for example, among the Galatians and Corinthians ; or against a Judaistic leaven brought with them by the Jews and Jewish- Christians who had returned to Rome (comp. Grau). The actual dangers | for the moment in the Church were more of a moral than a dogmatic char- acter—a remark which applies also to the opposition between the Gentile Christians strong in faith, and the scrupulous Jewish Christians—and have merely given occasion to some more special notices (xiii. 1 ff. ; xiv. 1 ff.), and hints (xvi. 1 ff.) in the hortatory portion of the Epistle. The Judaistic opponents of Pauline Christianity had not yet penetrated as far as Rome, and were not to arrive there till later (Ep. to the Philippians). It was therefore an untenable position when even before the time of Baur, who assumed the object of the Epistle to be the systematic and radical refutation of Jewish exclusiveness, its aim was very frequently viewed as that of a polemic against Jewish arrogance, which had been specially aroused on account of the calling of the Gentiles (Augustine, Theodoret, Melanchthon, Michaelis, Eichhorn, Schmidt, Flatt, Schott, and others). The same may be said of the hypoth- esis that Paul wished, in @ conciliatory sense, to obviate minunderstandings between Jewish and Gentile Christians (Hug). There is no evidence in 1 Against which Hofmann unjustifiably urges amo μέρους and ws ἐπαναμιμνήσκων ὑμᾶς ἴῃ xv. 15. See on that passage. 2 So completely, that we can well enough understand how this Ep. could become the basis of Melanchthon’s loci communes. 3 Comp. Hausrath, neut. Zeitgesch. Il. Ὁ. 514 ff. Observe, at the same time, that though the Epistle deals very much with legal notions, this does not arise from its being destined for the Romans to whom Paul had become a Roman (Grau, 1.6. p: 113), but from the very nature of the Pau- line Gospel in general, and is therefore found 6... also in the Epistle to the Gala- tians. 4 Comp. van Hengel, who assumes that Paul desired to instruct the Romans how lo refute the subtleties of the Jews with reference to the calling of the Gentiles, and to free them from errors and doubts thence aris+ ing. . 24 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. the Epistle of actual circumstances to justify any such special definitions of its object ; and even from xvi. 20 it cannot be assumed that Judaistic temptation had already begun (as Grau thinks). The comprehensiveness of the object of our Epistle—from which, however, neither the combating of Judaism, which arose naturally and necessarily out of the nature of the Pauline Gospel, nor (seeing that the futwre coming forward of his opponents could not be concealed from the Apostle) the prophylactic design of it, may be excluded—has been justly defended by Tholuck, Riickert, de Wette, Reiche, Kéllner, Fritzsche, Philippi, Wieseler, Hausrath and others. Comp. Ewald, p. 317 f. Along withit, however, Th. Schott (comp. also Mangold, Riggenbach, Sabatier) has assumed a special personally apologetic purpose on the part of the Apostle ;! namely that, being now on the point of proceed- ing with his Gentile mission-work in the far West, Paul wished to gain for his new labours a fixed point of support in the Roman church,’ and on this account wished to instruct the Romans as to the significance and justifica- tion of the step, and to inspire them with full confidence regarding it, for which reason he exhibits to them in detail the nature and principles of his work. Against this view it may be urged, in general, that Paul no- where gives expression to this special purpose, though the announcement of it would have been of decided importance, both for his own official interests and for the information of the Roman church (they could not read it between the lines either in the preface, vv. 1-15, or in the conclusion, xv. 14-44) ; and in particular, that the Apostle’s intention of visiting the Romans only in passing through, without making a lengthened sojourn, is in- compatible with the assumed purpose which he is alleged to have formed regarding the church. Moreover, a justification on so great a scale of the Gentile mission would presuppose not a Gentile-Christian, but a Jewish- Christian, church and its requirements. Hence Mangold, holding the same view that the Epistle contains a justification of the Gentile apostleship, has the advantage of consistency in his favour ; his theory is nevertheless based on the unsatisfactory ground adopted by Baur, namely, that the Church was Jewish-Christian. See, further, Beyschlag, 1.6, p, 686 ff., and especially Dietzsch, Adam. u. Christus, p. 14 ff. 1 Hofmann also makes the object of the Apostle personal. Paul assumes it to be a matter of surprise in Rome that he, the Apostle of the Gentiles, should have hither- to always kept aloof from the world’s capital, and even now had not come to it. It might seem as if the church, that had arisen without his aid, had no interest for him; or as if he were afraid to proclaim the message of salvation in the great eentre of Gentile culture. This twofold erroneous notion he was especially desirous to refute. Asa proof how far he was from being thus afraid, he sets forth what in his view the message of salvation was, etc., etc. Thus he might hope that the church in the metropolis of the world would be just as steady a point of support for his ministry in the farthest West, as if it had been founded by himself. In this way, however, assumptions and objects are as- signed to the Epistle which are not ex- pressed in it, but are imputed to it on the ground of subordinate expressions, as will be shown in the exposition. 2 Compare also Sabatier, 2’apétre Paul, p. 160 f., who at the same time affirms of the “στα Πα missionaire :” dont ambition était aussi vaste que le monde. According to Sabatier, Paul gives down to chap. Vili. the defence of his doctrine, and in chaps. ix.-xi. that of his apostleshap. OCCASION, OBJECT AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE. ra) As to contents, our Epistle, after the salutation and introduction (i. 1-15), falls into two main portions, a theoretical and a hortatory, after which follows the conclusion (xv. 14—-xvi. 27). The theoretic portion (i. 16—xi. 36) bears its theme at the outset, i. 16, 17: “ Righteousness before God, for Jews and Gentiles, comes from faith.” Thereupon is established, in the first place, the necessity of this plan of salvation, as that which the whole human race required, Gentiles and Jews alike, because the latter also, even according to their own law, are guilty before God, and cannot attain to righteousness (i. 17-ili. 20). The nature of this plan of salvation is then made clear, namely, that righteousness really and only comes from faith ; which is especially obvious from the justification of Abraham (111. 21—iv. 25). The blessed results of this plan of salvation are, partly the blissful inward condition of the justified before God (vy. 1-11); partly that justification through Christ is just as universally effective, as Adam’s fall was once uni- versally destructive (v. 12-21) ; and partly that true morality is not only not endangered by the manifestation of grace in Christ, but is promoted and quickened by it (chap. vi.), and made free from the fetters of the law (vii. 1-6). This last assertion demanded a defence of the law, as that which is in itself good and holy, but was abused by the sinful principle in man, against his own better will, to his destruction (vii. 17-25)—a sad variance of man with himself, which could not be removed through the law, but only through Christ, whose Spirit produces in us the freedom of the new divine life, the consciousness of adoption, and assurance of future glory (ch. viii.). From the lofty description of this blessed connection with Christ, Paul now suddenly passes to the saddening thought that a great part of that very Jewish people, so signally favoured of God, has rejected the plan of redemp- tion ; and therefore he develops at length a Theodicy with regard to the exclusion, apparently irreconcilable with the divine promises, of so many members of the theocracy from the attainment of salvation in Christ (chs. ix.-xi.). The hortatory portion (chs. xii.-xv. 13) gives the essentials of the Pauline ethical system, partly in the form of general exhortations (xii. 1-21; xiii. 8-14), and partly in some special discussions which were deemed necessary in the circumstances of the Romans (xiii. 1-7, xiv. 1—xv. 13). The conclusion comprises in the first place—corresponding to the in- troduction (i. 8-15)—personal explanations with regard to the Apostle’s in- tended journey by way of Rome to Spain (xv. 14-33) ; then the recom- mendation of Phoebe (xvi. 1 ff.) and salutations (xvi. 3-16) ; a warning with a closing wish (xvi. 17-20) ; some supplementary salutations with a second closing wish (xvi. 21-24) ; and finally, a concluding doxology (xvi. 25-27). “ This Epistle is the true masterpiece of the N. T., and the very purest Gospel, which is well worthy and deserving that a Christian man should not only learn it by heart, word for word, but also that he should daily deal with i as with the daily bread of men’s souls, For it can never be too much or too welt read or studied ; and the more it is handled the more precious it becomes and the better it tastes,”—Luther, Preface. 20 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL ΤῸ THE ROMANS. ὃ 4, PLAcE AND TIME OF CoMPOSITION.—GENUINENESS OF' THE EPISTLE. Since the Apostle, when he composed his letter, was on the point of con- veying to Jerusalem the proceeds of a collection made in Macedonia and Achaia (xv. 25-27), and intended to journey thence by way of Rome to Spain (xv. 28, comp. Acts xix. 21), we are thus directed to his last sojourn—of three months—in Achaia, Acts xx. 3. His purpose was to cross over directly from Achaia to Syria in order to reach Jerusalem, but he was led, owing to Jewish plots, to take quite a different route, namely, back through Macedonia (Acts xx. 3). This change in the plan of his journey had not been made when he wrote his Epistle ; otherwise he would not have failed to mention in ch. xv.—where he had at vv. 25 and 31 very immediate inducement to do so—a circumstance so remarkable on ac- count of its novelty and importance. We justly infer therefore—even apart from the fact that the composition of swch an epistle presupposes a some- what lengthened and quiet abode—that it was written before Paul again de- parted from Achaia. Although Luke mentions no particular city as the scene of the Apostle’s three months’ residence at that time, still it is, ὦ priori, probable that he spent at least the greater part of the time in Corinth. For Corinth was the principal church of the country, and was in the eyes of the Apostle pre-eminently important and precious on account of his earlier labours there. But our attention is also directed to Corinth by the passages 1 Cor. xvi. 1-7, 2 Cor. ix. 4, xii. 20-xili. 3, from which it is plain that, on his journey down from Macedonia to Achaia, Paul had chosen that city as the place of his sojourn, where he wished to complete the business of the collection, and from which he would convey the money to Jerusalem. Now, since the recommendation of the deaconess Phoebe from the Corinthian seaport Cenchreae (xvi. 1, 2), as well as the salutation from his host Gaius (xvi. 28, comp. with 1 Cor. i. 14), point to no other city than Corinth, we may, beyond all doubt, abide by it as the place of writing, and not with Dr. Paulus (de orig. ep. P. ad Rom. paralip. Jen. 1801, and Rémerbrief, p. 231), on account of xv. 19 (see on that passage) put forward a claim on behalf of a town in Illyria. Theodoret has admirably proved in detail its composition at Corinth. The time of composition accordingly falls in a.p, 59, when Paul regarded his ministry in the East as closed, and (see xv. 19, 23) saw a new and vast scene of action opened up to him in the West, of which Rome should be the centre and Spain the goal. The genuineness is decisively attested by the testimonies of the orthodox church (the first express and special quotations from it are found in Irenaeus, Haer. iii. 16, 3, 9, while previously there are more or less certain echoes of its language or traces of its use),! as well as of the Gnostics Basilides, Val- entinus, Heracleon, Epiphanes, and Theodotus ; and there is not a single 1 Clem. Cor. i. 385; Polyearp, ad Phil. 6; Churches of Vienne and Lyons in Euseb. Theoph. ad Autol. i. 20, iii. 14; letter of the Vays GENUINENESS OF THE EPISTLE. Ale trace that even the Judaizing heretics, who rejected the authority of the Apostle, at all rejected the Pauline authorship of our Epistle. In order to warrant any doubt or denial of its authenticity, therefore, the most cogent internal grounds would need to be adduced ; and in the utter absence of any such grounds, the worthless scruples of Evanson (Dissonance of the four generally received Evangelists, 1792, p. 259 ff.) and the frivolities of Bruno Bauer could find no supporters. The Epistle bears throughout the lively original impress of the Apostle’s mind, and his characteristic qualities, in its matter and its form ; is the chief record of Ais Gospel in its entire connec- tion and antagonism ; and is therefore also the richest original-apostolic charter and model of all true evangelical Protestantism. The opinion of Weisse (philosoph. Dogm. I. p. 146), which ultimately amounts to the sug- gestion of a number of interpolations as interwoven throughout the Epistle (see his Beitr. 2. Krit. d. Paul. Br., edited by Sulze, p. 28 ff.), rests simply on a subjective criticism of style, which has discarded all weight of external evidence. The originality of the Epistle extends also to its language, the Greck, in which Paul dictated it to Tertius." The note of the Syrian Scholiast on the Peshito, that Paul wrote his letter in Zatin—a theory maintained also, but for a polemical purpose, by Hardouin, Salmeron, Bellarmine, Corn. ἃ Lapide, and others—is based merely upon a hasty inference from the native language of the readers. Its composition in Greek however corresponds fully, not only with the Hellenic culture of the Apostle himself, but also with the linguistic circumstances of Rome (see Credner’s Hin/. I. p. 383 f.; Bern- hardy, Griech. Literat. ed. 2, p. 483 ff.), and with the analogy of the rest of the ancient Christian writings addressed to Rome (Ignatius, Justin, Irenaeus, et al.). That the two last chapters are genuine and inseparable parts of the Epistle, see in the critical remarks on ch, xv. 1 The reason why Paul himself did not in his apostolic position. In this, when he usually write his Epistles is to be sought, had to enter on written communication, not in a want of practice in the writing of instead of the oral preaching for which he Greek—which is a supposition hardly rec- was called, friendly and subordinate hands oncilable with his Hellenic culture—but were at his service. Comp. on Gal. vi. 11. 28 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. Παύλου ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους. The simplest and most ancient superscription is ; πρὸς ἹΡωμαίους, in ABC δ, CHAPTER I. Ver. 1. Ἰησοῦ X.] Tisch., following B, reads Χριστοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ against decisive testimony.—In ver. 7 ἐν ‘Poy, and in ver. 15 τοῖς ἐν Ρώμῃ, are wanting in G. Born; and on ver. 7 the scholiast of cod. 47 remarks: τὸ ἐν Ῥώμῃ ovre ἐν τῇ ἐξηγήσει, οὔτε Ev τῷ ῥητῷ μνημονευει (Who? probably the codex, which lay before the copyist). This quite isolated omission is of no critical weight ; and is in no case to be explained by the very unnatural conjecture (of Reiche) that Paul in several Epistles (especially in that to the Ephesians) addressed the readers simply as Christians, and that then the place of residence was inserted by the copyists in accordance with the context or with tradition. In ver. 7 the omis- sion might be explained by the reading ἐν ἀγάπῃ which G and a few other authorities give instead of ἀγαπητοῖς ; but, since τοῖς ἐν ‘P. is wanting in ver. 15 also, another unknown reason must have existed for this. Perhaps some church, which received a copy of the Epistle from the Romans for public read- ing, may have, for their own particular church-use, deleted the extraneous desig- nation of place, and thus individual codices may have passed into circulation without it. Riickert’s conjecture, that Paul himself may have caused copies without the local address to be sent to other churches, assumes a mechanical arrangement in apostolic authorship, of which there is elsewhere no trace, and which seems even opposed by Col. iv. 16. — Ver. 8. ὑπέρ] A BC D* K, δὲ, min., Dam, read περί, which Griesb. has recommended, and Lachm. and Tisch. have adopted : justly, on account of the preponderant attestation, since both prep- ositions, though ὑπέρ less frequently (Eph. i. 16; Phil.i. 4), were used for the expression of the thought (in opposition to Fritzsche). — Ver. 13. The less usual position τινὰ καρπόν (Elz. κ. τ.) is established by decisive testimony ; as also ὁ Θεὸς γάρ (Elz. ὁ. y. 0.) in ver. 19; and δὲ καί (Elz. τὲ καὶ) in ver, 27, although not on equally strong authority.—Instead of οὐ θέλω in ver. 13, D* E G, It. and Ambrosiaster read οὐκ οἴομαι. Defended by Rinck. But the very assurance already expressed in vv. 10, 11 might easily cause the οὐ θέλω to seem unsuitable here, if due account was not taken of the new element in the prog- ress of the discourse contained in rpoeféunv.—After εὐαγγ. in ver. 16 τοῦ Χρισ. τοῦ (Elz.) is omitted on decisive authority ; πρῶτον, however, which Lachmann has bracketed, ought not to be rejected on the inadequate adverse testimony of BG, Tert. as it might seem objectionable along with πιστεύοντι (not so in 11. 9 f.).— Ver. 24. The καί is indeed wanting after διό in A BC δὲ, min., Vulg. Or. al. ; but it was very easily passed over as superfluous ; comp. ver. 26; ii. 1. Nevertheless Lachm. and Tisch. (8) have deleted it. — ἐν ἑαυτοῖς Lachm., and Tisch. read ἐν αὐτοῖς following ABC D* &, min. But how frequently was CHAP a. re the reflexive form neglected by the copyists. It occurred also in ver. 27 (B K). — Ver. 27. appevec] B D* G, 73, Or. Eus. Oee. read ἄρσενες. Adopted by Lachm. Fritzsche and Tisch. (7). Since two different forms cannot be sup- poses to have been used in the same verse, and in that which follows ἄρσενες ἐν ἄρσεσι 15 undoubtedly the true reading (only A* δὲ, min., and some Fathers reading uniformly dp. ἐν ἀῤῥ.), we must here adopt the fore dpoerec almost invariably used in the N. T. (only the Apocal. has 4(/.).— Ver. 29. πορνείᾳ] wanting after ἀδικ. in A BC K Νὰ, min., and several vss. and Fathers. Deleted by Lachm. Fritzsche, and Tisch., and rightly so ; it is an interpolation introduced by those who did not perceive that the naming of this vice was not again appropriate here. It was writtenin the margin, and introduced at dif- ferent places (for we find it after πονηρίᾳ also, and even after κακίᾳ), so that it in some instances even supplanted zornpia.—The placing of κακίᾳ immediately after ἀδικίᾳ (Lachm. on weak authority), or according to A δὲ, Syr., after πονηρίᾳ, (Tisch. 8), is explained by the aggregation of terms of a similar kind.—Ver. 31. After ἀστόργους Elz. and Scholz read ἀσπόνδους, which Mill condemned, and *Lachm. and Tisch. have omitted. It is wanting in A Β D* E G and &*, Copt. Clar. Germ. Boern. and several Fathers. It is found before ἀστόργ. in 17, 76, Theophyl. Taken from 2 Tim, iii. 3. — Ver. 32. After ἐπιγνόντες, D ΕἸ Bas. read οὐκ ἐνόησαν, and G, οὐκ ἔγνωσαν. That death isthe wages of sin—this Christian doctrinal proposition seemed not at all to correspond with the natural knowledge of the Gentiles.—Instead of αὐτὰ ποιοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ Kai συνευδοκοῦσι B reads αὐτὰ ποιοῦντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ συνευδοκοῦντες ; so Lachm. in margin. This arose from the fact, that εἰσίν was erroneously taken for the chief verb in the sentence’; or else it was a consequence of the introduction of οὐκ ἔγνωσαν, which in other witnesses led to the insertion of γάρ or δὲ after ob μόνον. Vv. 1-7.—The Apostolic salutation. Ver. 1. Παῦλος] See on Acts xiii. 9. [See Note I. p. 72.1 ---- δοῦλος. evayy. Θεοῦ is the exhaustive statement of his official dignity, proceeding from the general to the particular, by which Paul earnestly—as dealing with the Church of the metropolis of the world, which had as yet no person- al knowledge of him—opens his Epistle as an official apostolic letter; with- out, however, having in view therein (as Flatt thinks) opponents and calum- niators of his apostleship, for of the doings of such persons in Rome the Epistle itself contains no trace, and, had such existed, he would have set forth his dignity, not only positively, but also at the same time negatively (comp. Gal. i. 1). — In the first place Paul describes by δοῦλος ’I. X. [See Note II. p. 73.]—his relation of service to Christ, as his Ruler, whose servant he is, and that in general (comp. on Phil. i. 1), just as the Old Testament my TAY expresses the relation of service to Jehovah, without marking off in itself exclusively any definite class, such as the prophetic or the priestly (see Josh. 1. 1, xiv. 7, xxii. 4; Judg. ii. 8; Ps. cxxxii_10; comp. Acts xvi. 17). This relation of entire dependence (Gal. i. 10; Col. iv. 12) is then specifically and particularly indicated by κλητὸς ἀπόστολος, and for this reason the former δοῦλος "I. X. cannot be rendered merely in general Christi cultor (so Fritzsche), which is inadequate also at 1 Cor. vii. 22; Eph. vi.6. Paul was called to his office, like all the earlier Apostles; he did not arrive at it 90 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. by his own choice or through accidental circumstances. For the history of this divine calling, accomplished through the exalted Christ Himself, see Acts ix. (xxii. 26), and the remarks thereon. This κλητός presented itself so naturally to the Apostle as an essential element *in the full description of his official position which he meant to give (comp. 1 Cor. i. 1), that the supposition of a side-glance at uncalled teachers (Cameron, Gléckler) seems very arbitrary. — ἀφωρισμένος εἰς ebayy. Θεοῦ] characterizes the κλητὸς ἀπόστολος more precisely: set apart (definitely separated from the rest of mankind) for Gods message of salvation, to be its preacher and minister (see on Eph. iii. 7). The article before evayy. elsewhere invariably given in the N. T., is omitted here, because Paul views the message of God, of which he desires to speak, primarily under its qualitative aspect (comp. also van Hengel and Hofmann). Concrete definiteness is only added to it gradually by the further clauses delineating its character. This mode of expression implies a certain festal tone, in harmony with the whole solemn character of the pregnant opening of the Epistle: for a@ gospel of God, which He promised before, ete. Still we are not to understand, with Th. Schott, a work of proclamation, since εὐαγγ. is not the work of conveying a message, but the message itself. Θεοῦ is the genitive subjecti (auctoris), ver. 2, not objects (Chrysostom). See on Marki. 1. It is God who causes the message of salvation here referred to, which is His λόγος (Acts x. 36), to be proclaimed ; comp. xv. 16; 2'Cor. xi. 7; 1 Thess. il. 2, 8, 9; 1 Pet. iv. 17. The desig- nation of Apostle to the Gentiles is involved in ἀφωρ. εἰς eb. O. though not expressed (against Beza and others). Further, since ἀφωρ. is parallel with the previous κλητός, it is neither to be explained, with Toletus and others, including Olshausen, by Acts xiii. 2, nor with Reiche, Ewald, and van Hen- gel (following Chrysostom and others) by Gal. i. 15, comp. Jer. 1. 5; but rather by Acts ix. 15 (σκεῦος ἐκλογῆς), comp. xxvi. 16 ff. The setting apart took place as a historical fact in and with his calling at Damascus. Entire- ly different is the mode of presenting the matter in Gal. i. 15, where ἀφορίσας μὲ ἐκ κοιλ. μητρ. as the act of predestination in the counsel of God, is placed before the καλέσας, as the historically accomplished fact. The view of Dru- sius (de sectis, 11. 2, 6) and Schoettgen (comp. Erasmus and Beza), which Dr. Paulus has again adopted, viz. that Paul, in using the word ἀφωρ.;, al- ludes to his former Pharisaism (‘‘the true Pharisee in the best sense of the word”), is based on the Peshito translation (see Grotius), but is to be re- jected, because the context gives no hint of so peculiar a reference, for which also no parallel can be found in Paul’s other writings. Ver. 2. A more precise description of the character of this εὐαγγέλιον Θεοῦ, according to its concrete peculiarity, as far as ver. 5 inclusive, advancing and rising to a climax under the urgent sense of the sacredness of his office, which the Apostle has frankly to assert and to establish before the church of the metropolis of the world, personally as yet unknown to him. — ὃ προεπηγγεί- λατο «.7.A.| How natural that the Apostle with his Old Testament training should, in the light of the New Testament revelation which he had re- 1 See Weiss in the Jahrd. f. Deutsche Theol. 1857, p. 97 ff. CHAP. τὶ, Ὁ: 4 Bal ceived, first of all glance back at the connection divinely established in the history of salvation between the gospel which he served and ancient proph- ecy, and should see therein the sacredness of the precious gift entrusted | to him ! To introduce the idea of an antithetic design (‘‘ ut invidiam novi- tatis depelleret,” Pareus, Estius, Grotius and others, following Chrysostom and Theophylact) is quite arbitrary, looking to the general tenor of vv. 1-7. The news of salvation God has previously promised (προεπηγγείλατο, 2 Cor. ix. 5; Dio Cass. xlii. 32) through His prophets, not merely in so far as these, , acting as the organs of God (αὐτοῦ), foretold the Messianic age, with the dawn of which the εὐαγγέλιον, as the ‘‘publicum de Christo exhibito prae- conium” (Calovius), would necessarily begin, but they foretold also this praeconium itself, its future proclamation. See x. 18, xv. 21; Isa. xl. 1 ff., xlii. 4, lit. 1 ff.; Zeph. iii. 9; Ps. xix. 5, Ixviii. 12; Deut. xviii. 15, 18. It is the less necessary therefore to refer 6, with Philippi and Mehring, to the contents of the gospel. —rav προφητῶν] is not to be limited, so as either to in- clude merely the prophets proper in the narrower sense of the word, or to go back—according to Acts iii. 24, comp. xiii. 20—only as far as Samuel. The following ἐν γραφαῖς dy. suggests, on the contrary, a reference to all who in the O. T. have prophesied the gospel (even Moses, David and others not excluded); comp. Heb. 1. 1. — ἐν γραφαῖς ἁγίαισ] Not : in the holy Script- ures (80 most expositors, even Fritzsche), in which case the article must have been used; but qualitatively: in holy writings. The divine promises of the gospel, given through the prophets of God, are found in such books as, being God’s records for His revelations, are holy writings. Such are the prophetic writings of the O. T.; thus designated so as to lay stress on their qualitative character. Ina corresponding manner is the anarthrous γραφῶν προφητικῶν to be understood in xvi. 26. Vv. 3, 4.1 We must, with Lachmann and Tischendorf, set aside the view which treats τοῦ γενομένου. . . . νεκρῶν, and vv. 5, 6, as parentheses, be- cause we have to deal with intervening clauses which accord with the construction, not with insertions which interrupt it. See Winer, p. 526 [E.T. 565]. — περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ] [See Note III. p. 73.] ‘‘ Hoc refertur ad illud quod praecessit εὐαγγέλιον ; explicatur nempe, de quo agat ille sermo bona nuntians,” Grotius. So, also, Toletus, Cajetanus, Calvin, Justiniani, Bengel, Flatt, Reiche, Kéllner, Winzer, Baumgarten-Crusius, Krehl, Umbreit, Th. Schott, Hofmann, and others. But it may be objected to this view, on the one hand, that περί is most naturally connected with the nearest suitable word that precedes it ; and on the other that evayy., frequently as it is used with the genitive of the object, nowhere occurs with περί in the N. T.;2 and still further, that if this connection be adopted, the important thought in ver, 2 appears strangely isolated. Therefore, the connection of περί with ὃ xpoernyy., is to be preferred, with Tholuck, Klee, Riickert, Fritzsche, 1 Comp. Pfleiderer in Hilgenfeld’s Zeitschr. would have only needed to repeat the eis 1871, p. 502 ff. εὐαγγέλιον With rhetorical emphasis, in order 3 Hofmann erroneously thinks that Paul then to add the object in the genitive (τοῦ could not have added the object of his di- υἱοῦ a.), Comp. Dissen. ad Dem. de cor. Ὁ. ᾿ Vine message otherwise than by wept. He 315. 32 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. Reithmayr, Philippi, van Hengel, Ewald, Mehring, and others, following Theodoret ; so that the great personal object is introduced, to which the divine previous promise of the gospel referred ; consequently, the person concerning whom was this promise of the future message of salvation. God could not (we may remark in opposition to Hofmann’s objection) have previously promised the gospel in any other way at all than by speaking of Christ His Son, who was to come and to be revealed ; otherwise his προεπαγγέλλεσθαι εὐαγγέλιον would have had no concrete tenor, and consequently no object. — τοῦ γενομένου down to νεκρῶν describes under a twofold aspect (κατά) the evalted dignity of Him who had just been designated by τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ : (1) κατὰ σάρκα, He entered life as David’s descendant ; (2) κατὰ πνεῦμα ἁγίωσ., He was powerfully instated as Son of God by His resurrection. Nevertheless ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ, in the words περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ (not αὑτοῦ), is not by any means to be taken in the general, merely historical theocratic sense of Messiah (Winzer, Progr. 1835, p. 5 f.; comp. also Holsten, 2. Hv. d. Paul. u. Petr. p. 424 ; and Pfleiderer, /.c.), because this is opposed to the constant usage of the Apostle, who never designates Christ as υἱὸς Θεοῦ otherwise ὁ than from the standpoint of the knowledge which God had given to him by rev- elation (Gal. 1. 16) of the metaphysical Sonship (viii. 3, 32 ; Gal. iv. 4 ; Col. i. 13 ff.; Phil. 11. 6 ff. a/:) ; and the hypothesis of a modification having taken place in Paul’s view (Usteri, Ké6llner ; see, on the other hand, Rickert) is purely fanciful. Here also the υἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ is conceived in the metaphysical sense as He who had proceeded out of the essence of the Father, like Him in substance (not, as Baur thinks, as organ of the Spirit, which is the purer form of human nature itself), and is sent by Him for the accom- plishment of the Messianic counsel. But since it was necessary for this accomplishment that He should appear as man, it was necessary for Him,— and these essential modal definitions are now added to the υἱοῦ τοῦ αὐτοῦ, --- as a human phenomenon, (1) to be born κατὰ σάρκα, and indeed of the seed of David,’ and yet (2) to be actually instated κατὰ πνεῦμα, as that which, although from the time of His birth in appearance not different from other men (Phil. ii. 7; Gal. iv. 4), He really was, namely the Son of God. These two parallel clauses are placed in asyndetic juxtaposition, whereby the second, coming after the first, which is itself of lofty and honourable Mes- sianic significance, is brought out as of still greater importance.* Not per- ceiving this, Hofmann fails to recognize the contrast here presented between the two aspects of the Son of God, because Paul has not used κατὰ πνεῦμα δὲ ὁρισθέντος in the second clause. — κατὰ σάρκα] in respect of flesh ; for the Son of God had a fleshly mode of being on earth, since His concrete manifesta- tion was that of a materially human person. Comp. ix. 5 ; 1 Tim. ii. 46 ; iPet iy 18 se hi, τι Roms sy. δ; Cor πο ἢ iar δ. Το 1 Comp. Gess, v. d. Pers. Christi, p. 89 ff.; the two main epochs in the history of the Weiss, bibl. Theol. p. 309. Son of God, as they actually occurred and 2 But at the same time the idea of ‘‘ an ac- had been already prophetically announced. commodation to the Jewish-Christian mode 3 See Bernhardy, p. 448; Dissen. ad Pind. of conception ” (Holsten, z. Hv. Paul. u. Petr. Exe, I., de Asynd., p. 275. p. 427), is not to be entertained. Paul giyes CHAP: T., 35.4: 99 the σάρξ belonged in the case of Christ also, as in that of all men, the ψυχή as the principle of the animal life of man ; but this sensuous side of His nature was not, as in all other men, the seat and organ of sin. He was not σαρκικός (vii. 14), and ψυχικός (1 Cor, 11. 14), in the ethical sense, like all ordinary men, although, in virtue of that sensuous nature, he was( capable -of-being |} tempted (Heb. ii. 18 ; iv. 15). Although in this way His body was ἃ σῶμα τῆς σαρκός (Col. i. 22), yet He did not appear ἐν σαρκὶ ἁμαρτίας, but ἐν ὁμοιώματι σαρκὸς ἁμαρτίας (Rom. vill. 2). “Withreference to His fleshly nature, therefore, 7.6. in so far as He was a materially-human phenomenon, He was born (γενομένου, comp. Gal. iv. 4), of the seed (as descendant) of David, as was necessarily the case with the Son of God who appeared as the promised Messiah (6 πὸ χα 6 5! Ps: exxxa. 110+ Matt’ xxi. 42) John vii. 42 ; Acts xili. 23 ; 2 Tim. ii. 8). In this expression the ἐκ σπέρματος Δαυΐδ is to be understood of the male line of descent going back to David (comp. Acts ii. 30, ἐκ καρποῦ τῆς ὀσφύος), as even the genealogical tables in Matthew and Luke give the descent of Joseph from David, not that of Mary ;* and Jesus Himself, in John v. 27 (see on that passage), calls Him- self in contradistinction to His Sonship ef God, son of a mai, in which case the correlate idea on which it is founded can only be that of fatherhood. It is, therefore, the more erroneous to refer ἐκ σπ. Δαν. to Mary (‘‘ex semine David, i.e. ex virgine Maria,” Melanchthon ; comp. also Philippi), especially since Paul nowhere (not even in viii. 3, Gal. iv. 4) indicates the view of a supernatural generation of the bodily nature of Jesus,” even apart from the fact that the Davidic descent of the mother of Jesus can by no means be established from the N. T. It is the more unjustifiable, to pro- nounce the metaphysical divine Sonship without virgin birth as something inconceivable * (Philippi). —There now follows the other, second mode in which the Son of God who has appeared on earth is to be contemplated, viz. 1 Τὴ opposition to Hofmann, (Weissaq. w. Erfill. ΤΙ. p.49 (comp. the Erlangen Zeiischr. 1868, 6, p. 359 f.), who generalizes the sense of the words in such a way as to con- vey the meaning that Christ appeared as one belonging to the collective body which traces its descent back to David. But in fact it is simply said that Christ was Born of the seed of David. The reading γεννωμένον (in min., and MSS. used by Augustine) is a correct gloss; and Hofmann himself grants (heil. Schrift N. T., in loc.) that γίγνεσθαι ἐκ here signifies descent by virth. And even if γενομένου be taken as meaning: who ap- peared, who came (comp. on Mark i. 4; Phil. ii. 7; so Ewald), still the genetic relation to the σπέρμα of David remains the same. He camé κατὰ σάρκα of the seed of David, and that in no other way than through His birth. This remark holds good also against other obscure evasions to which Hofmann resorts in his Schriftzew. 11. 1, Ὁ. 113; in his hei. Schr. N. T. he adheres substantially to his earlier view (‘‘ come of the race which called itself after David, because tracing its descent to his ancestry”). No, the σπέρμα of David is nothing else than his semen virile, out (ex) of which, transmitted (comp, ἀπό, Acts xiii. 23) through the male line from yevea to yevea (Matt. i. 6 ff.), at length the Son of God κατὰ capka—Christ, the David’s son of prom- ise—was born. See besides, against Hof- mann, Rich. Schmidt, 7.c.—Because Christ was ἐκ σπέρματος of David, He might also Himself be called σπέρμα of David, in the same way as He is called in Gal. iii. 16 σπέρμα “ABpadu ; and He is so called Matt. j.1. Comp. further on ἐκ σπέρματος, in the sense of fatherhood, Soph. 0. C. 214: τίνος εἶ σπέρματος... πατρόθεν. 3 Usteri, Lehrbegr. p. 328 ; Rich. Schmidt, Paulin. Christol. p. 140 ff. ; Pfleiderer, /.c. 3 This opinion rests on a premiss assumed ἃ priori, on an abstract postulate, the pro- priety of which it is impossible to prove. Comp. on Matt. i, 18, ποία. 84 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. with reference to the spirit of holiness, which was in Him. The parallelism between κατὰ σάρκα and κατὰ πνεῦμα ay., apparent even in the position of the two elements, forbids us to understand κατὰ πν. dywo. as denoting the pre- supposition and regulative cause of the state of glorious power ascribed to the Son of God (Hofmann). In that case Paul must have used another preposition, conveying the idea on account of, perhaps διά with the accusative (comp. the διό, Phil. 11. 9), in order to express the thought which Hofmann has discovered, namely, that the holiness of His spirit, and therefore of His life, «was to make His divine Sonship a state of glorious power. Regarding the view taken of ἐν δυνάμει in connection with this, see the sequel. ‘Ayiw- σύνη, in Paul’s writings as well as in the Sept. (in Greek authors and in the other writings of the N. T. it does not occur), invariably means foliness (2 Cor. vii. 1 ; 1 Thess. iii. 13 ; Ps. χουν 6, xevii. 12, exliv. 5), not sanctiji- cation (as rendered by the Vulgate, Erasmus, Castalio, and many others, including Gléckler and Schrader). So also in 2 Mace. iii. 12. The genitive is the gen. qualitatis,’ and contains the specific character of the πνεῦμα. This πνεῦμα ἁγιωσ. 18, In contradistinction to the σάρξ, the other side of the being of the Son of God on earth ; and, just as the σάρξ was the outward element perceptible by the senses, so is the πνεῦμα the inward mental element, the substratum of His νοῦς (1 Cor. ii. 16), the principle and the power of His INNER life, the intellectual and moral ‘‘ Ego” which receives the communi- cation of the divine—in short, the ἔσω ἄνθρωπος of Christ. His πνεῦμα also was human (Matt. xxvii. 50 ; John xi. 33, xix, 30)—altogether He was an entire man, and the Apollinarian conception is without support in the N. T. teaching—but it was the seat of the divine nature belonging to His person ; not excluding the specialty of the latter (in opposition to Beyschlag, Christol. pp. 212, 231), but being rather that which contained the metaphysical υἱότης Θεοῦ, or—according to the Johannine type of doctrine—the seat and the organ of the Adyoc, which became flesh in the human person of Jesus, as also of the fulness of the Holy Spirit which bore sway in Him (John iii. 34 ; Acts 1. 23; 2 Cor. iii. 17). Consequently the πνεῦμα of Christ, although human (comp. Pfleiderer), was exalted above all other human spirits, because essentially filled with God, and thereby holy, sinless, and full of divine unpolluted life, as was no other human πνεῦμα ; and for this reason His unique quality is characterized by the distinguishing designation πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης, t.e. spirit full of holiness. This purposely-chosen expression, which is not to be abated to the stwdium sanctitatis (van Hengel), must, seeing that the text sets forth the two sides of the personal nature of Christ, absolutely preclude our understanding it to refer to the πνεῦμα ἅγιον," the third person of the divine Trinity, which is not meant either in 1 Tim. iii. 16, or in Heb. ix. 14. Nevertheless, the majority of commentators, since Chrysostom, have so explained it ; some of them taking it to mean : “secundum Sp. S. ei divinitus concessum” (Fritzsche ; comp. Beza, Calixtus, 1 Hermann, ad Viger, pp. 887, 891 ; Ktihner, 588, πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης, in so far as it produces Tale 90. holiness. 2 This is called in the Zest. ΧΙ]. Patr. p. 3 ~ r € 9 CHAP. I., 3, 4. Wolf, Koppe, Tholuck, and others),' some referring it to the miraculous working of the Holy Spirit (Theodoret) or to the bestowal of the Spirit which took place through Christ (Chrysostom, Oecumenius, Theophylact, Luther, Estius, Béhme, and others). Since the contrast between σάρξ and πνεῦμα is not that between the human and the divine, but that between the bodily and the mental in human nature, we must also reject the interpretation which refers the words to the divine natwre (Melanchthon, Calovius, Bengel, and many others); in which case some take ἁγιωσύνη, as equivalent to θεότης (Winzer) ; others adduce in explanation of πνεῦμα the here irrelevant πνεῦμα ὁ Θεός, John iv. 24 (Beza, Winzer, Olshav- sen, Maier, Philippi); others take the expression as substantially equiv- alent to the Johannine λόγος (Riickert, comp. Reiche, ‘‘the principle of His higher essence’), and thus have not avoided an Apollinarian con- ception. The correct interpretation is substantially given by Kéllner, de Wette, Baumgarten-Crusius, Ewald (also in his Jahrb. 1849, p. 93), and Mehring. Comp. Hofmann (‘‘spirit which supposes, wherever it is, a con- dition of holiness”), and also Lechler, apost. wu. nachapost. Zeitalt. p. 49, who nevertheless understands the divine nature of Christ as also in- cluded.* — ὁρισθέντος] The translation of the Vulgate, gui praedestinatus est, based on the too weakly attested reading προορισθέντος (a mistaken gloss), drew forth from old writers (see in Estius) forced explanations, which are now properly forgotten. Ὁρίζειν, however, with the double accusative, , means to designate a person for something, to nominate, to instate (Acts x. 42 ; comp. Meleager in the Anthol. xii. 158, 7: σὲ θεὸν ὥρισε δαίμων), nor is the meaning different here.* For although Christ was already the Son of God before the creation of the world, and as such was sent (viii. 3 ; Gal. iv. 4), nevertheless there was needed a fact, by means of which He should receive, after the humiliation that began with His birth (Phil. ii. 7 f.), instating into the rank and dignity of His divine Sonship ; whereby also, as its necessary , consequence with a view to the knowledge and conviction of men, He was legitimately established as the Son. The fact which constituted instatement was the resurrection, as the transition to His δόξα ; comp. on Acts xiii. 33 ; and ἐποίησε in Acts ii. 86. Inaccurate, because it confounds that consequence with the thing itself, is the gloss of Chrysostom: δειχθέντος, ἀποφανθέντος, κριθέντος ; and that of Luther: ‘‘shewn.” Umbreit’s rendering is errone- 1 Comp. also Zeller in the ¢heol. Jahrb. 1842, p. 486. In his view (2 Cor. iii. 17), the πνεῦμα is the element of which the higher person- ality of Christ consists. According to Baur, Paulus 11. Ὁ. 375, it is the Messianic spirit, the intrinsic principle constituting the me siahship of Christ. According to Holsten, 2s. Ev. ἃ. Paul. u. Petr. Ὁ. 425, it is in itself a transcendent pneumatic force, which produces the ἁγιωσύνη, a radiance of the divine πνεῦμα ἅγιον. 2 A more accurate and precise definition of the idea may be found in Weiss, did. Theol. p. 313; also Rich. Schmidt, p. 105f. ; Pfleiderer in Hilgenfeld’s Zeitschr. 1871, p. 169, 503 f. 3 But not in the sense: destined to become something, as Hofmann thinks: nor gener- ally, in the sense: qui destinatus est, but rather: qui constitutus est (was instated). For otherwise the aorist participle would be unsuitable, since it must necessarily indi- eate an act following the γενομένου, ete. ; whereas the divine destination would be prior to the birth. Consequently, were that sense intended, it must have been, as in Acts x. 42, ὡρισμένου. Oe THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. ous: ‘‘ separated,” namely from all men. — ἐν δυνάμει] Not : through omnip- otence (Umbreit), but : mightily (Luther), forcibly ; for this installation of the Son of God as Son of God was ὦ work of divine power, which (see what follows) was accomplished by means of the resurrection from the dead. Thus commanding power, divinely-energetic and effectual, forms the char- acteristic quality in which the ὁρισμός took place. On ἕν, as paraphrase of the adverb (Col. i. 29; 2 Thess. i. 11), see Bernhardy, p. 209. ἐν δὺν. is not, with Melanchthon, Schoettgen, Pareus, Sebastian Schmid, and others, including Paulus, Baumgarten-Crusius, Philippi, Mehring, Holsten, Hof- mann, and Pfleiderer, to be connected with υἱοῦ Θεοῦ (as the mightily powerful Son of God) ; for it was here of importance to dwell, not on a special pred- icate of the Son of God,! but, in contradistinction to the ἐκ σπερμ. Aav. κατὰ σάρκα, upon the divine Sonship in itself ; of which Sonship He was indeed the hereditary possessor, but yet needed, in order to become instated in it with glorious power, resurrection from the dead. Thus, however, ἐν δυνάμει, even when rightly connected with ὁρισθ., is not, with Chrysostom and Theophy- lact, to be taken as ‘‘per virtutem, i.e. per signa et prodigia” (Calovius, comp. Grotius) ; nor with Fritzsche: οὐ οἱ daté; for Paul himself defines the how of the mighty ὁρισμός by : ἐξ ἀναστ. νεκρῶν. This, namely, was the causal fact, by virtue of which that ὁρισμός was accomplished ; for by the res- urrection of Christ, God, who raised Him up (comp. 2 Cor. xiii. 4), accom- plished in point of fact His instating declaration : Thou art my Son, this day, ete., Acts xiii. 33. Paul might accordingly have written διά, but ἐκ is more expressive of the thought that Christ in virtue of the resurrection, etc. On ἐκ, used of causal issuing forth, see Buttmann’s neut. Gr. p. 281 [E. T. 3827] ; Ellendt, Lex. Soph. I. p. 550 ἢ. The temporal explanation, since or after (Theodoret, Erasmus, Luther, Toletus, and others, including Reithmapyr ; comp. Flatt, Umbreit, and Mehring) is to be rejected, because the raising up of Jesus from the dead was itself the great divine act, which, completed through the majesty of the Father (vi. 4), powerfully instated the Son, in the Son’s position and dignities ; hence it was also the basis of the apostolic preach- ing, Acts i. 22, ii. 24 ff., xiii. 30, xvii. 31 f., xxvi. 23 ; Rom. iv. 24; 1 Cor. xv. 3 ff. Weare not to take the expression ἐξ avaor. vexp., a8 is often done, for ἐξ avaor. ἐκ vexp., the second ἐκ being omitted for the sake of euphony : but it must be viewed as a general designation of the category (νεκρῶν, see on Matt. 11. 20): through resurrection of the dead, of which category the personal rising of the dead Jesus was the concrete case in point. 1 As if only a change of His attributes was concerned, or the transition into the full reality of the divine Sonship (Pfleiderer). The question concerned the installation of the Son of God as such, as it were His en- thronization, which had not taken place previously, but was accomplished by the resurrection with a mighty power. By means of the latter He received—as the Son of God, which from the beginning and even in the days of His flesh He really was—a de Comp. xvii. 32. Facto instatement, which accomplished itself in a way divinely powerful. What accrued to Him thereby, was not the full reality (see viii. 3; Gal. iv. 4), but the fuil efficiency of the Son of God; because He was now exalted above all the limitations of the state of His κένωσις (Phil. ii.; 2 Cor. viii. 9); comp. 6.5. Vi. 9; xi. 33 f.; v. 10; 2 Cor--xiii. 4; and numerous other passages. The Son was now the κύριος πάντων, had the name above every name, etc., etc. ᾿ CHAP. ΤΣ, (Os ὃ. So, also, de Wette, Hofmann ; comp. Philippi, who however, following Erasmus and Bengel, introduces also the idea, foreign to this passage, that our resurrection is involved in that of Christ. — The following ᾿Τησοῦ Χριστοῦ is in apposition to τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ in v. 3 ; not necessary in itself, but in keep- ing with the fulness of expression throughout this opening portion of the Epistle, which exhibits a character of majesty particularly in vv. 3, 4. — Ob- serve, further, that the exhibition of the holy and exalted nature of Christ in our passage serves to express the high dignity of the apostolic office. Of diversities in faith and doctrine in Rome regarding the person of Christ there is not a trace in the whole Epistle.’ Ver. 5. To the general τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν, which designates Christ as the | Lord of Christians in general, Paul now adds the special relation in which he himself stands to this common κύριος. He entertained too lively a con- sciousness of the bliss and dignity of that relationship, not to set it forth once more (comp. ver. 1) in this overflowing salutation ; this time, however, with closer reference to the readers, in accordance with his definite character as Apostle of the Gentiles.-— Vv. 5, 6 are not to be enclosed in a paren- thesis ; and only a comma should be placed after ver. 6. — δέ οὐ] through whom, denotes nothing else than the medium ; nowhere, not even in Gal. i. 1, the causa principalis. The view of the Te occe is, as Origen rightly per- poe that he had received grace and apostleship through the mediation of Christ, through whom God called him at Damascus. Regarding Gal. i. 1, see on that passage. — ἐλάβομεν] He means himself alone, especially since © in the address he specifies no joint author of the letter ; not however—as Reiche, following Estius and many others, aa el at the plural out of modesty (in the solemnity of an official epistolary greeting ?), but rather (comp. iii. 9) in accordance with the custom, very common among Greek authors, of speaking of themselves in the plural of category (Kriiger, § 61, a: Kuliner, ad Xen. Mem. i. 2, 46). This is, no doubt, to be fered pee to the conception ‘‘T and my equals ;” but this original conception was in course of use entirely lost. The opinion, therefore, that Paul here includes along with himself the other apostles (Bengel, van Hengel) is to be all the more rejected as unsuitable, since the subsequent ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ἔθνεσιν points to Paul himself alone as the Apostle of the Gentiles. To understand Paul’s official assistants as included (Hofmann) is forbidden by the subsequent ἀποστολήν, Which does not mean mission in general, but, as invariably in the N. T., specially apostleship. — χάριν x. ἀποστολὴν] grace (generally) and (in ΕΠ ἢ apostleship. [866 Νοίο ΤΥ. p. 74.1] Χάρων is to be understood, not merely of pardoning grace (Augustine, Calvin, Calovius, Reiche, Tholuck, Olshausen, and others), or of the extraordinary apostolic gifts of grace (Theo- doret, Luther, and others, including Flatt and Mehring) ; for such special references must be demanded by the context ; but on the contrary gener- ally of the entire divine grace, of which Paul was made partaker through Christ, when he was arrested by Him at Damascus in his career which was hateful to God (Phil. iii. 12 ; 1 Cor. xv, 10), converted, enlightened (Gal. i. 1 Comp. Gess, von d. Pers. Chr. Ὁ. 56. 98 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. 16), and transferred into the communion of God’s beloved ones and saints. The special object (Gal. i. 16) and at the same time the highest evidence of this χάρις which he had received, was his reception of the arocroA#,’ and that for the Gentile world. Others find here a ἕν διὰ δυοῖν (Chrysostom, Beza, Piscator, Grotius, Glass, Rich. Simon, Wetstein, Semler, Koppe, Boéhme, Fritzsche, Philippi, and others : χάριν ἀποστολῆς. This might cer- tainly be justified in linguistic usage by the explicative καί 37 but it arbitra- rily converts two elements, which taken separately yield a highly appropri- ate sense, into one, and fails to recognize—what is involved in the union of the general and the particular—the fulness and force of the discourse moving the grateful heart. This remark applies also against Hofmann, according to whom the Apostle terms one and the same vocation ‘‘a@ grace and a mission ;” in which view ἀποστ. is erroneously rendered (see above), and in consequence thereof-eie-trax. π. is then joined merely to χάρ. kK. ἀπι; and not also to ἐλάβ. --- εἰς ὑπακ. xiot.] Object of the ἐλάβ. χάρ. x. ἀποστ. : in order that obedience of faith may be produced, i.e. in order that people may sub- jett-themselves to the faith, in order that they may become believing. [See Note V. p. 75.] Comp. xvi. 26; Acts vi. 7; 2 Cor. x. 5f. ; 2 Thess. i. 8. To take πίστις for doctrina jfidei (Beza, Toletus, Estius, Bengel, Heumann, Cramer, Rosenmiiller, Flatt, Fritzsche, Tholuck, and others), is altogether contrary to the linguistic usage of the N. T., in which πίστις is always swb- jective faith, although often, as in the present instance, conceived of object- ively as a power. Comp. xvi. 26; Gal. i. 23. The activity of faith in producing works (Reithmayr), however, is not contained in the expression. The πίστις is, according to Paul, the conviction and confidence (assensus and Jfiducia) regarding Jesus Christ, as the only and perfect Mediator of the divine grace, and of eternal life, through His work of atonement. Faith alone (to the exclusion of works) is the causa apprehendens of the salvation promised and obtained through Christ ; but, because it transfers us into living and devoted fellowship with Him, altogether of a moral character, it becomes the subjective moral power of the new life regenerated through the power of the Holy Spirit—of the life iz Christ, which, however, is the necessary consequence, and never the ground of justification. See Luther's Preface.—The genitive πίστεως, in accordance with the analogy of the expressions kindred in meaning ὑπακοὴ τοῦ Χριστοῦ in 2 Cor. x. 5, and ὑπακ. τῆς ἀληθείας in 1 Pet. i. 22, necessarily presents itself (comp. Acts vi. 7 ; Rom. x. 16 ; 2 Thess. i. 8 ; also 2 Cor. ix. 13) as denoting that to which the obedience is rendered ; not (Grotius, following Beza) the causa efficiens : ‘Cut Deo obediatur per fidem,” in which explanation, besides, the ‘‘ Deo” is arbitrarily introduced.* Hofmann is also wrong in taking the genitive 1 Augustine aptly remarks: “ Gratiam 3 So also van Hengel, on the ground of cum omnibus fidelibus, apostolatum autem _ passages like ν᾿ 19; Phil. ii. 12, where how- non cum omnibus communem habet.’’ ever the sense of obedience fo God results Comp. Bengel: “‘ Gratia et singularis gratiae from the context; and Ernesti, Urspr. d. mensura apostolis obtigit.”’ Stinde, Il. p. 281 ff., who urges against our 2 Fritzsche, ad Matth. p. 850; Nigelsbach, view that it makes ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόμ. αὐτοῦ su- z. Ilias, iii. 100. perfluous. But the glory of Christ is pre- CHAP. 1.; 6. 39 πίστεως as eperegetical (an obedience consisting in faith). —év πᾶσι τοῖς ἔθνεσιν] is to be joined with εἰς ὑπακ. πίστεως, beside which it stands ; the ἔθνη, however, are not all nations generally, inclusive of the Jews (so most expositors, in- cluding Riickert, Reiche, Kéllner, Fritzsche, Baur), but, in accordance with the historical destination’ of the Apostle (Gal. i. 16 ; Acts ix. 15, xxvi. 17 f.), and in consequence of the repeated prominence of his calling as Gentile Apostle in our letter (ver. 18, xi. 13, xv. 16), all Gentile nations, to which also the Romans belonged (Beza, Tholuck, Philippi, de Wette, Baumgarten- Crusius, van Hengel, Ewald, Hofmann and others) ; and these regarded not from a geographical point of view (Mangold, p. 76), but from a popular one, as Ὁ ; which precludes us from thinking—not as to a section, but at any rate as to the mass, of the Roman congregation—that it was Jewish-Christian. This his apostolic calling for the Gentiles is meant by Paul in all passages where he describes the ἔθνη as the object of his labours (Gal. 1. 16, ii. 2, 8, 9; Eph. iii. 1, 8; Col. 1. 27; 1 Thess. 11. 16).—inép τοῦ ὀνόμ. αὐτοῦ] belongs, in the most natural connection, not to aap... . . ἀποστ. (Riickert) or to δ ov . . . - ἔθνεσιν (de Wette, Mehring, Hofmann), but to εἰς ὑπακοὴν : . ἔθνεσιν ; ‘‘in order to produce obedience to the faith among all Gentile nations for the sake of (for the glorifying of, comp. Acts v. 41 ; Phil. i. 18) His name.” Acts ix. 15, xv. 26, xxi. 13; 2 Thess. 1. 12, serve to illustrate the matter referred to. The idea of wishing to exclude the glori- fying of his own name (Hofmann) is not for a moment to be imputed to the Apostle. He would have needed a very special motive for doing 80. L Ver. 6. Application of the contents of ver. 5 to the relation in which the Apostle stood to his readers, whereby he indicates how he is officially entitled to address them also, teaching, exhorting, and so forth — ἐν οἷς ἐστε καὶ ὑμεῖς κλητοὶ I. X.] To be written thus, without a comma after ὑμεῖς, with Heumann, Lachmann, Tischendorf, de Wette, Hofmann, and Bisping : among whom also are ye called (ones) of Jesus Christ. Among the Gentile © nations the Roman Christians were, like other Gentile-Christian churches, called of the Lord ; amidst the Gentile world, nationally belonging to it (in opposition to Mangold’s mere geographical interpretation), they also shared this high distinction. The reference of the καὶ to Paul (Th. Schott), and consequently the interpretation : as J, so also ye, is erroneous, because the Apostle has asserted concerning himself something far higher than the mere Christian calling. The common interpretation of κλητοὶ ᾽Ι. X. as an address (so too Riickert, Fritzsche, Philippi, van Hengel, Mehring) makes the ἐν οἷς ἐστε k. ὑμ. quite a meaningless assertion ; for Bengel’s suggestion for meet- ing the difficulty, that ἐν οἷς has the implied meaning : among which con- verted nations, is purely arbitrary. — Since the calling (to the Messianic salva- tion ; see on Gal. i. 6 ; also 1 Cor. vii. 17) is invariably ascribed by Paul to God (viii. 30, ix. 24 ; 1 Cor. i. 9, vii. 15, 17; 1 Thess. ii. 12 ; 2 Thess. ii. 14), we must explain it, not as : called by Christ (Luther, Riickert, Mehring, cisely the lofty end of all ὑπακούειν τῇ πίστει. § 127; what Schmidt urges in opposition, in Where it takes place, it is acknowledged Rudelbach’s Zeitschi'. 1849, 11. p. 188 ff. is that Jesus Christ is Lord, Phil. ii. 11. untenable. 1 Comp. Usteri, p. 281; Weiss, bid/. Theol. 40 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. Hofmann, and others), but as : called (by God) who belong to Christ (so Eras- mus, Beza, Estius, and most modern commentators, also Winer, p. 183 [Ε΄ T. 195]). The genitive is possessive, just as in the analogous τοὺς ἐκλεκτοὺς αὐτοῦ in Matt. xxiv. 31. With the substantive nature of κλητός (comp. Butt- mann, neut. Gr. p. 147 [E. T. 169]) the genitive by no means admits mere- ly the interpretation which points to the calling subject, as in 2 Sam. xv. 11 ; 1 Kingsi. 41,49 ; Zeph. i. 7 ; but admits of very different references, as 6.0. in Homer, Od. xvii. 386, κλητοί ye βροτῶν are not those called by mor- tals, but those who are called among mortals (genitive totius). Ver. 7. Now for the first time, brought by ver. 6 nearer to his readers, Paul passes from the throng of the great intervening thoughts, ver. 2 ff., in which he has given full and conscious expression to the nature and the dignity of his calling, to the formal address and to the apostolic salutation. — πᾶσι x.7.A.]| directs the letter to all beloved of God who are in Rome, etc., and there- fore to the collective Roman Christian church, Phil. i. 1 ; Eph. i. 1 y Col. 1. 1),* but not, as Tholuck thinks,” at the same time also to those foreign Chris- tians who were accidentally staying in Rome, for against this view ver. 8, in which ὑπὲρ πάντων ὑμῶν can only refer to the Romans, is decisive. The πᾶσι would be self-obvious and might have been dispensed with, but in this Epistle, just because it is so detailed and is addressed to a great church still far away from the Apostle, πᾶσι carries with it a certain diplomatic character. Similarly, though from other grounds, Phil. i. 1. —ayaryr. Θεοῦ, κλητοῖς ἁγίοις] Characteristic special analysis of the idea ‘‘ Christians” in accordance with the high privileges of their Christian condition. For, as reconciled with God through Christ, they are beloved of God (v. 5 ff., viii. 39 ; Col. iii. 12); and, as those who through the divine calling to the Mes- sianic salvation have become separated from the κόσμος and consecrated to God, because members of the new covenant of grace, they are called saints ; comp. 1 Cor. i. ἢ. This saintship is produced through the justification of the called (viii. 30), and their accompanying subjection to the influence of the Holy Spirit (1 Cor. i. 30). De Wette erroneously interprets : ‘‘ those who are called to be saints.” So also Baumgarten-Crusius. The calling always refers to the salvation of the Messiah’s kingdom. But that the ἁγιότης is to be understood in that Christian theocratic sense after the analogy of the Old Testament wap, and not of individual moral holiness (Pareus, Toletus, Estius, Grotius, Flatt, Gléckler, de Wette, and others), is plain from the very fact, that αἱ Christians as Christians are ἅγιοι. ---- χάρις. . .. εἰρήνη] See Otto, in the Jahrb. f. ἃ. Theol. 1867, p. 678 ff. Χάρις is the disposition, the subjective feeling in God and Christ, which the Apostle wishes to be entertained towards and shown to his readers ; εἰρήνη is the actual result, which is produced through the manifestation of the χάρις : 1 With these parallels before us, it is un- stood inno relation whatever to the church. reasonable to ask why Paul does not desig- The ὄντες ἐν ᾽᾿Ρώμῃ «.7.A. are the church, and nate the readers as achurch. Bengel and it is to the churches that he has written van Hengel are of opinion that no regular where he does not write to specified per- congregational bond was as yet in exist- Sons. ence. Th. Schott thinks that Paul as yet 2 Comp. Turretin, Wolf, and Bohme. CHAP, 115. 8. 41 grace and salvation ( ΟΥ̓), the latter in every aspect in which it presents it- self as the Christian issue of the χάρις. Comp. Melanchthon. The specifi- cally Christian element in this salutation’ lies in ἀπὸ Θεοῦ πατρὸς. . . . Xpiorov. Comp. 1 Cor. i. 3 ; 2 Cor. i. 2; Eph. i. 2; Phil. i. 2; 1 Thess. fee ae hressy si) 1 1.1. Tim, 18's 2° Dim, 16, Ses) Wise ae 4. Phivlennis 8) The special rendering of εἰρήνη, peace, which, following Chrysostom and Jerome, the majority, including Reiche, Olshausen, Tholuck, Philippi, Um- breit, and others retain (the higher peace which is given, not by the world, but by the consciousness of divine grace and love, see especially Umbreit, p- 190 ff.), must be abandoned, because χάρις καὶ εἰρήνη represent the general epistolary χαίρειν (Acts xv. 23; James i. 1), and thus the generality of the salutation is expressed in a way characteristically Christian. —xarfp ἡμῶν means God, in so far as we, as Christians, are His children through the υἱοθεσία (see on Gal. iv. 5 ; Rom. viii. 15). — καὶ κυρίου] ¢.e. καὶ ἀπὸ κυρίου, not, as Gléckler, following Erasmus, takes it, ‘‘and the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ,” for against this view stands the decisive fact that God is never called our and Christ’s Father ; see also Tit. 1. 4 : 2 Tim. i. 2. The formal equalization of God and Christ cannot be certainly used as a proof (as Philippi and Mehring contend) of the divine nature of Christ—which, however, is otherwise firmly enough maintained by Paul—since the different predicates πατρός and κυρίου imply the different conceptions of the causa principalis and medians. For this purpose different prepositions were not required ; comp. on Gal. i. 1. Vv. 8-15. First of all the Apostle now—as under various forms in all his epistles, with the exception of that to the Galatians (also not in 1 Timothy and Titus)—expresses with thanksgiving towards God his pious joy at the faith of his readers ; and then assures them of his longing to be with them and to labour among them personally. The thanksgiving is short, for it relates to a church not only personally unknown to him, but also far removed from the sphere of labour which he had hitherto occupied ; but the expression of it is in accordance with the position of the church in the metropolis of the world. Ver. 8. Πρῶτον μὲν] [See Note VI. p. 75:] Tothat, which Paul desires jirst of all to write, there was meant to be subjoined something further, possibly by ἔπειτα δέ. But, amidst the ideas that now crowd upon him, he abandons this design, and thus the μέν remains alone. Comp. iii. 2; and on Actsi. 1; 1 Cor. xi. 18.2— τῷ Θεῷ μου] οὗ εἰμὶ, ᾧ καὶ AaTpeiw, Acts xxvii. 23 ; comp. 1 Cor. i. 4; Phil. i. 3, iv. 19; Philem. 4.— διὰ "Iyood Χριστοῦ] These words—to be connected with εὐχαριστῶ, not with μου, as Koppe and Gléckler think, against which vii. 25 and Col. 111. 17 are clearly decisive-—contain the medi- ation, through which the εὐχαριστῶ takes place. The Apostle gives thanks not on his own part and independently of Christ, not dv’ ἑαυτοῦ, but is con- scious of his thanksgiving being conveyed through Jesus Christ, as one who is present to his grateful thoughts ; inso far, namely, as that for which he thanks 1 Regarding Otto’s attempted derivation 2 Schaefer, ad Dem. IY. p. 142; Hartung, of it from the Aqaronic benediction, see on 1 Partikel, If. p. 410. Cor. i. 3. 42 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. God is vividly perceived and felt by him to have been brought about through Christ. Comp. on Col. iii. 17 ; Eph. v. 20. Thus Christ is the mediating causal agent of the thanksgiving. To regard Him as its mediating presenter (Origen, Theophylact, Bengel, and others, including Hofmann) cannot be justified from Paul’s other writings, nor even by Heb. xiii. 15. Theodore of Mopsuestia well observes : tov Χριστοῦ ταύτης ἡμῖν τῆς εὐχαριστίας τὴν αἰτίαν παρασχομένου. --- ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν] quite simply : your faith (on Christ) ; the praiseworthy character of the πίστις is only set forth by the conteat (καταγγέλλ. ἐν ὅλῳ τ. x.) afterwards. Everywhere one hears your faith openly spoken of. Comp. xvi. 19. Observe how this flattering expression of the Apostle and the thanksgiving coupled with it, as also the στηριχθῆναι k.t.A., In vv. 11, 12, point to the church not as Jewish-Christian, but as Pauline. Mangold’s reference to Phil. i. 15-18, in opposition to this inference, leaves out of view the quite different personal sitwation under which the latter was written. Comp. on Phil. i. 18, note. — ἐν ὅλῳ τ. κόσμῳ] a popular hyperbole, but how accordant with the position of the church in that city, towards which the eyes of the whole world were turned! Comp. 1 Thess. i. 8. It is, more- over, obvious of itself, that the subjects of the καταγγέλλειν are the believers. As to the unbelievers, see Acts xxvili. 22. Ver. 9. Tap| The pith of the following proof of the assurance conveyed in ver. 8 lies in ἀδιαλείπτως, not in the desire to come to Rome, which is not subjoined till ver. 10 (Th. Schott). The interest felt by the Apostle in the Romans, which was so vivid that he wnceasingly remembered them, etc., had even now urged him to his εὐχαριστῶ τῷ Θεῷ k.7.A. —pdprue . . . . Θεὸς] The asseveration in the form of an oath (comp. 2 Cor. i. 23, xi. 81 ; Phil. 1. 8) is intended solemnly to strengthen the impression of what he has to say ; viewed with reference to the circumstance which might readily excite sur- prise, that he, the Apostle of the Gentiles, had never yet laboured in the church—which nevertheless was Pauline—of the capital of the Gentile world. See vv. 10-13. The hypothesis of ‘‘ iniguos rumores,” that had reached his ears from Rome (van Hengel), is unnecessary and unsupported by any trace in the letter. — ᾧ λατρεύω x.7.2.] added to strengthen the assev- eration with respect to its sacred conscientiousness : to whom I render holy service in my spirit, i.e. in my moral self-consciousness, which is the living inner sphere of that service.t| This ἐν τῷ πν. μου, on which lies the practical stress of the relative clause, excludes indeed all λατρεύειν of a merely exter- nal kind, exercising itself in works, or even impure ; but is not intended to suggest a definite contrast to this, which would here be without due motive. It is rather the involuntary expression of the profoundly vivid Seeling of inward experience. The Apostle knows and feels that the depths of his innermost life are pervaded by his λατρεύειν. Comp. ᾧ λατρεύω. . .. ἐν καθαρᾷ συνειδήσει, in 2 Tim. i. 3; also Heb. xii. 28. Τὸ πνεῦμα pov cannot be the Holy Spirit (Theodoret),? but Paul bore the witness of that Spirit in 1 Comp. Ernesti, Urspr. α΄. Stinde, ΤΙ. p. 89 stowed on the Apostle (nov). See, against f.; see also on John iv. 23. this view, Rich. Schmidt, Paul. Christol. Ὁ. 2 Holsten also (z. Hv. d. Pail. u. Petr. Ὁ. 33 ff. 886) understands it of the Holy Spirit as 4e- CHAP UT MOS AR τον 43 his own spirit (viii. 16 ; ix. 1). — ἐν τῷ evayy. τ. υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ] in the gospel of his Son, which I preach, defend, etc. That is the great sphere to which He is called in the service of God, in the consciousness of which he is impelled by an inward necessity to devote to his readers that fervent sympathy of which he assures them. Grotius and Reiche think there is an implied contrast to the λατρεία ἐν τῷ νόμῳ, Which however is quite foreign to the connection. Can we think of a side-glance at the Jewish style of teaching—when the discourse breathes only love and warmth of affection ?— ὡς ἀδιαλ.] ὡς does not stand for ὅτε (as following the Vulgate, the majority, including Fritzsche, think), but expresses the manner (the degree). God is my witness, how un- ceasingly, etc. Comp. Phil. i. 8; 2 Cor. vii. 15; 1 Thess. ii. 10; Acts x. 28 ; Calvin ; Philippi ; van Hengel.’ The idea of modality must be every- where retained, where ὡς takes the place of ὅτι. 3 --- pv. bu. ποιοῦμ. | make men- tion of you, viz. in my prayers. See ver. 10. Comp. Eph. i. 16 ; Phil. i. 3 ; 1 Thess. i. 2. Ver. 10. Πάντοτε. . . δεόμενος] annexes to ὡς ἀδιαλ. the more precise defini- tion: in that (so that) I always (each time) in my prayers request. ἐπί, which is to be referred to the idea of definition of time (Bernhardy, p. 246), indi- cates the form of action which takes place. Comp. 1 Thess. i. 2; Eph. i. 16; Philem. 4 ; Winer, p. 352 [E. T. 576]. -- εἴπως ἤδη ποτέ] if perhaps at length on some occasion. For examples of ἤδη, already (Baeumlein, Part. p- 138 ff.), which, comparing another time with the present, conveys by the reference to something long hoped for but delayed the idea at length, see Hartung, Partikel. I. p. 238 ; Klotz, ad Devar. p. 607 ; comp. Phil. iv. 10, and the passages in Kypke. Th. Schott incorrectly renders πάντοτε, under all circumstances, which it never means, and ἤδη πότε as if it were ἤδη viv or ἄρτι. The mode of expression by εἵπως implies somewhat of modest fear, arising from the thought of possible hindrances. * — εὐοδωθήσομαι] 7 shall have the good fortune. The active εὐοδοῦν is seldom used in its proper signification, to lead well, expeditum iter praebere, as in Soph. O. C. 1487; Theophr. de caus. pl. v. 6, 7; LXX. Gen. xxiv. 27, 48; the passive, however, never means via recta incedere, expeditum iter habere, but invariably (even in Prov. Xvil. 8) metaphorically: prospero successu gaudere.* Therefore the explana- tion of @ prosperous journey, which besides amounts only to an accessory modal idea (Beza, Estius, Wolf, and many others following the Vulgate and Oecumenius ; including van Hengel and Hofmann), must be rejected, and not combined with ours (Umbreit). — ἐν τῷ θελ. τ. Ccoi|in virtue of the will of God ; on this will the εὐοδωθ. causally depend. Ver. 11. ᾿Επιποθῶ] not valde cupio, but denoting the direction of the long- ing. Comp. on 2 Cor. v. 2; Phil. i. 8. — χάρισμα πνευματικόν] Paul calls that, which he intends to communicate tothe Romans through his longed-for per- sonal presence among them (ἰδεῖν ; comp. Acts xix. 21, xxviii. 20) @ spiritual 1 See also Ellendt, Zex. Soph. IT. p. 1000. 4See Herod. vi. 73; 1 Cor. xvi. 2; 8 John 2 See the passages in Heindorf, ad Plat. 2; LXX. 2 Chron. xiii. 12; Ps. i. 8, and fre- Hipp. maj. p. 281, Jacobs. ad Ach. Tat. p. 566. quently ; Ecclus. xi. 16, xli. 1; Tob. iv. 19, v. $Comp. xi. 14; and on Phil. iii. 11; 1 16; Test. XII. Patr. p. 684. Mace. iv. 10. 44 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. gift of grace ; because in his apprehension all such instruction, comfort, joy, strengthening, etc., as are produced by means of his labours, are regarded not as procured by his own human individuality, but as a result which the πνεῦμα ἅγιον works by means of him—the gracious working of the Spirit, whose organ heis. While it was highly arbitrary in Toletus, Bengel, Michaclis, and others to refer the expression to the apostolic miraculous gifts—against which the εὐαγγελίσασθαι in ver. 15 is conclusive—it was a very gratuitous weakening of its force to explain it (as is done by Morus, Rosenmiiller, Kéllner, Maier, Th. Schott) as a gift referring to the (human) spirit ; ‘‘a gift for the inner life,” Hofmann. In such an interpretation the specifically. Christian point of view (1 Cor. xii. 4 ; comp. εὐλογία πνευματική, Eph. i. 9) is left out of account ; besides, πνευματικόν would imply nothing characteristic in that case ; for that Paul did not desire to communicate any gifts of another sort, 6.0. external, would be taken for granted. — The expression 7... χάρ. is modest (μετριάζοντος, Oecumenius). Note also the arrangement by which the words are made to stand apart, and this delicate τι, the substantial χάρισμα, and the qualifying πνευματικόν, are brought into the more special promi- nence.’ — εἰς τὸ στηρ. ὑμᾶς) Object of the intended communication of such a gift ; that ye may be established, namely, in the Christian character and life. [See Note VII. p. 75.]. See ver. 12; comp. Acts xvi. 5; Rom. xvi. 25; 1 Thess. 11. 2. The στηρίξαι is conceived as being divinely wrought by means of the Spirit, hence the passive expression ; it was to be accomplished however, as Paul hoped, through him as the instrument of the Spirit. Man- gold, p. 82, has, without any ground in the text, assumed that this estab- lishment has reference to ‘‘ their abandoning their Jewish-Christian scruples regarding the mission to the Gentiles,” whereas ver. 12 rather testifies to the Pauline Christianity of the Romans. This remark applies also against Sabatier, p. 166, who understands ‘‘une conception de l’évangile de Jésus plus large et plus spirituelle.” Ver. 12. Τοῦτο dé ἐστι] This, however, which I have just designated as my longing (namely, ἰδεῖν ὑμᾶς, ἵνα. στηριχθ. ὑμᾶς) means, thereby I intend to say nothing else than, etc. By this modifying explanation, subjoined with humility, and expressed in a delicate complimentary manner (Erasmus puts the matter too strongly, ‘‘ pia vafrities et sancta adulatio”), Paul guards himself, in presence of a church to which he was still a stranger, from the possible appearance of presumption and of forming too low an estimate of the Christian standpoint of his readers.* — συμπαρακληθῆναι) must be under- 1On μεταδιδόναι τινί τι (instead of τινί τινος), comp. 1 Thess. ii. 8; Tob. vii. 9; 2 Maee. i. 35. So sometimes, although sel- dom, in classic authors, Herod. viii. 5, ix. 34; Xen. Anab. iv. 5, 5; Schaef. Aelet. Ὁ. 21; Kdiihner, IT. i. p. 295. 2 The delicate turn which he gives to the matter is this: ‘‘ fo see you, in order that I,” οἷο. means nothing more than “to be quickened along with and among you,’ ete. Consequently συμπαρακλ. is parallel to the ἰδεῖν; for both infinitives must have the same subject. If συμπαρακλ. κιτιλ. had been meant to be merely a delicate explanation of στηριχθῆναι ὑμᾶς (the wswal exposition after Chrysostom), then ἐμέ must neces- sarily have been added to συμπαρακλ. Gro- tius aptly says: “᾿συμπαρακλ. regitur ab ἐπιποθῶ." The true interpretation is given also by Bengel and Th. Schott; comp. Olshausen, Ewald, and Hofmann, who erro- neously imputes to me the common view. CHAP. I.,. 13. 45 stood not, with the Peshito, Vulgate, Valla, Erasmus, Luther, Piscator, de Dieu, and many others, including Koppe and Ewald, in the sense of comfort or of refreshment (Castalio, Grotius, Cramer, Rosenmiiller, Bbhme)—which it would be necessary that the context should call for, as in 1 Thess. iii. 2 ; 2 Thess. ii. 17, but which it here forbids by the general ἰδεῖν ὑμᾶς, iva x.7.A. —but in the quite general sense of Christian encouragement and quicken- ing. The ovu.—however is not to be explained by ὑμᾶς καὶ ἐμαυτόν ; on the contrary, the ἐν ὑμῖν renders it necessary that Paul alone should be con- ceived as the subject of συμπαρακληθῆναι. He desires to be quickened among the Romans (ἐν ὑμῖν) at the same time with them, and this by the faith com-_ mon to both, theirs and his, which should mutually act and react in the way of the Christian sympathy that is based on specific harmony of faith. That the readers are not the subject of the συμπαρακλ. (Fritzsche, van Hen- gel) is certain from ἐν ὑμῖν, which, if it meant 77 animis vestris (van Hengel), would be a perfectly superfluous addition. — The compound συμπαρακλ. occurs only here in the N. T., and is not found in the LXX. or Apocr. :} --- ἐν ἀλ- λήλοις πίστις, More significant of the hearty character of the faith than ἡ ἀλ- λήλων πίστις, is the faith of both viewed in its mutual identity, so that the faith which lives in the one lives also in the other. — ὑμῶν te καὶ ἐμοῦ] placed in this order with delicate tact. Ver. 13. My longing towards you has often awakened in me the purpose of coming to you, in order also among you, ete. Paul might have placed a καί before zpoef., but was not obliged to do so (in opposition to Hofmann’s objection); and he has not put it, because he did not think of it. The dis- course proceeds from the desire (ver. 11) to the purpose, which is coming nearer to realization. Hence it is the less necessary to transfer the weight of the thought in ver. 13 to the clause expressive of purpose (Mangold), — ov θέλω δὲ tip. ayv.] The Apostle lays stress on this communication. Comp. on xi. 25. The δὲ is the simple μεταβατικόν. --- καὶ ἐκωλ. ἄχρι τοῦ δεῦρο] is a parenthesis separated from the structure of the sentence, so that iva attaches itself to προεθ. 220. rp. i. The καὶ, however, is not to be taken as adversative, as K6llner still thinks (see, in opposition to this, Fritzsche), but as the simple and marking the sequence of thought, which here (comp. John xvii. 10) intervenes parenthetically. For the view which makes it still dependent on ὅτι, so that it introduces the second part of what the readers are to know (Hofmann), is precluded by the following clause of purpose, which can only apply to that resolution so often formed. — δεῦρο] used only here in the N. T. as a particle of time, but more fre- quently in Plato and later authors; see Wetstein. That by which Paul had been hitherto hindered, may be seen in xy. 22; consequently it was neither by the devil (1 Thess. ii. 18) nor by the Holy Spirit (Acts xvi. 6 f.). Gro- tius aptly observes (comp. xv. 22): ‘‘ Magis urgebat necessitas locorum, in quibus Christus erat ignotus.” — iva τινὰ καρπὸν x... | is entirely parallel in sense with ἵνα re μεταδῶ x.7.2. in ver. 11, and it is a gratuitous refining on the figurative καρπόν to find specially indicated here the conversion of unbe- 1 But see Plat. ep. p. 555 A; and Polyb. vy. 83, 3, “40 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. lievers beyond the range which the church had hitherto embraced (Hofmann) ; comp. also Th. Schott, and even Mangold, who takes the Apostle as an- nouncing his desire to take in hand the Gentile mission also among his read- ers, so that the καρπός would be Gentiles to be converted. No; by καρπόν Paul, with a complimentary egotism flattering to the readers, describes that which his personal labours among the Romans would have effected—conse- quently what had been said without metaphor in ver. 11—aceording toa current figure (John iv. 36, xv. 16; Phil. i. 22; Col. i. 6), as harvest-fruit which he would have had among them, and which as the produce of his labour would have been his (ideal) possession among them. But in this view the literal sense of ἔχειν (comp. vi. 21 f.) is not even to be altered by tak- ing it as consequi (Wolf, Kypke, Koppe, Ké6llner, Tholuck, and others). To postpone the having the fruit, however, till the last day (Mehring) is quite alien to the context. —Kxafo¢ καὶ ἐν τοῖς Aout ἔθν.] as also among the re- maining nations, i.e. Gentiles (see on ver. 5), namely, I have fruit. In the animation and fulness of his thought Paul has inserted twice the καὶ of comparison, inasmuch as there was present to his mind the twofold concep- tion: (1) ‘‘among you also,’ as among ;” and (2) ‘‘ among you, as also among.” So frequently in Greek authors.? There is therefore no grammatical reason for commencing the new sentence with καθώς (Mehring), nor is it in ac- cordance with the repetition of the ἐν. Vv. 14, 15. Fuller explanation regarding the previous iva τινὰ καρπ. σχῶ καὶ ἐν ὑμῖν, καθὼς καὶ ἐν τ. λοιπ. ἔθνεσιν. — Respecting BapBapos (ὄνομα τὸ οὐχ ᾿Ελληνικόν, Ammonius), which, according to Greek feeling and usage, denotes generally all non- Greeks (Plat. Polit. p. 262 D)—all who were strangers to Greek nationality and language—see Dougt. Anal. II. p. 100 f.; Hermann, Staatsalterth. § 6, 1. How common it was to designate all nations by thus dividing them into ‘EAA. x. βάρβ.. seein Wetstein and Kypke, with examples from Philo in Loesner, p. 248. Of course the Hellenes in- cluded the Jews also among the βάρβαροι (a view which is attributed even to Philo, but without sufficient ground), while the Jews in their turn applied this designation to the Hellenes. See Grimm on 2 Mace. ii. 21, p. 61. Now it may be asked : did Paul include the Romans among the "EAAnvec or among the βάρβαροι ? The latter view is maintained by Reiche and K6llner, follow- ing older writers ; the former is held by Ambrosiaster, Estius, Kypke, and others, and the former alone would be consistent with that delicacy which must be presumed on the Apostle’s part, as in fact, since Hellenic culture 1That the ‘“ you”? must mean the Roman Christians, and not the still wnconverted Romans (Th. Schott), is clearly shown by all the passages, from ver. 8 onward, in which the ὑμεῖς occurs; and especially by the ὑμῖν τοῖς ἐν ᾿ῬΡώμῃ in ver.15. As regards their nationality, they belong to the cate- gory of Gentiles. Comp. xi. 13, xvi. 4; Gal. ii. 12, 14; Eph. iii. 1. But if Paul is the Aposile of the Gentiles, the Gentiles already converted also belong to his apostolic sphere of labour, as 6... the Colossians and Laodiceans, and (vy. 5, 6) the Romans. Schott is compelled to resort to very forc- ed suggestions regarding ἐν ὑμῖν and ὑμῖν, especially here and in ver. 15; as also Man- gold, who can only find therein a geograph- ical designation (comp. Hofmann: ‘“‘ he addresses them as a constituent portion of the people of Rome’), Comp. on ver. 15. 2 See Baeumlein, Partikell. p. 153; Stall- baum, ad Plat. Gorg. p. 457 Εἰ ; Winer, p. 409 [E. T. 440]. CHART T?, ΤᾺΣ 15. 47 had become prevalent in Rome, especially since the time of Augustus, the Roman community was regarded from the Roman point of view as separated from the barbaria, and only nations like the Germans, Scythians, etc., were reckoned to belong to the latter.’ But the following σοφοῖς te καὶ ἀνοήτοις, as also the circumstance that the Romans, although they separated themselves from the barbarians (Greek authors included them among these, Polyb. v. 104, 1, ix. 37, 5, Krebs and Kypke in loc.), are nowhere reckoned among the Hellenes or designated as such, make it evident that the above question is to be entirely excluded here, and that Paul’s object is merely to set forth gener- ally his obligation as Apostle of the Gentiles in its wniversality. This he does in the form of a twofold division, according to nationality, and accord- ing to condition of culture, so that the thought which he would express is : ; Tam in duty bound to a// Gentiles, without distinction of their nationality or of their culture ; therefore I am ready, to you also, ete. — ὀφειλέτης] Paul re- gards the divine obligation of office, received through Christ (ver. 5), as the undertaking of a debt, which he has to discharge by preaching the Gospel among all Gentile nations.’— οὕτω] so, that is, in accordance with this relation, by which I am in duty bound to the "EAAyo τ. x. BapB., to the cod. τ. κ. avoft. It does not refer to καθώς, ver. 13, which is dependent on the pre- ceding καὶ ἐν ὑμῖν, but gathers up in itself the import of “Βλλησι. . .. εἰμι: 80 then, ita, sie igitur.* Bengel well says : ‘‘ est quasi ephiphonema et illatio a toto ad partem insignem.” — The οὕτω τὸ κατ᾽ ἐμὲ πρόθυμον (86. ἐστί) is to be translated : accordingly, the inclination on my part |lit. the on-my-part ineli- nation] 8, so that τὸ belongs to πρόθυμον, though the expression τὸ κατ᾽ ἐμὲ πρόθυμον, is not substantially different from the simple τὸ πρόθυμόν μου, but only more significantly indicative of the idea that Paul on his part was will- ing, etc. Comp. on Eph. i. 15. He says therefore : in this state of the case the inclination which exists on his side is, to preach to the Romans also. At the same time κατ᾽ ἐμὲ is purposely chosen out of a feeling of dependence on a higher Will (ver. 10), rather than the simple τὸ πρόθυμόν μου, instead of which τὸ ἐμοῦ πρόθυμον would come nearer to the expression by κατ᾽ ἐμέ." The above connection of τὸ... . . πρόθυμον is adopted by Seb. Schmid, Kypke, Reiche, Fritzsche, Philippi, van Hengel, Mehring, and others. So also Th. Schott, who however takes οὕτω in a predicative sense ; as does likewise Hofmann : Thus the case stands as to the fact and manner of the in- clination on my part. This however is the less appropriate, because ver. 14 contains, not the mode, but the regulative basis of the προθυμία of ver. 15. If τὸ κατ᾽ ἐμέ be taken by itself, and not along with πρόθυμον, there would re- sult the meaning : there is, so far as I am concerned, an inclination ; comp. de Wette. But, however correct in linguistic usage might be τὸ κατ᾽ ἐμέ, 1 Comp. Cicero, de fin. ii. 15, “non solum 4 On the substantival πρόθυμον, in the Graecia et Italia sed etiam omnis bar- sense of προθυμία, comp. 3 Mace. vy. 26; Plat. baria.” Leg. ix. p. 859 B; Eur. Med. 178 ; Thue. iii. 2 Comp. inreference to this subject, Acts 89, 8; Herodian, viii. 3, 15. XXvi.17f.; Gal. ii. 7 ; 1 Cor. ix. 16. 5 See Schaefer, ad Bos. Ell. p. 278; Mat- 3 See Hermann, ad Luc. de hist. conscr. Ὁ. thiae, p. 734. 161; Buttmann, newt. Gr. p. 807 [E. T. 357]. 48 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. which would here yield the sense pro mea virili, as in Dem. 1210, 20, the πρόθυμον without a verb would stand abruptly and awkwardly, because not the mere copula ἐστί, but ἐστί in the sense of πάρεστι, adest, would require to be supplied. Beza, Grotius, Bengel, Tholuck, Rickey Kollner, Baumgar- ten-Crusius, take τὸ κατ᾽ ἐμέ as a periphrasis for ἐγώ, sd that πρόθυμον must be taken as the predicate (Ion my part am disposed). Without sanction from the wsus loquendi; what is cited by KG6llner from Vigerus, p. 7 f., and by Tholuck, is of a wholly different kind. The Greek would express this mean- ing by τὸ γ᾽ ἐμὸν πρόθυμον. "--- καὶ ὑμῖν] as also included in that general obliga- tion of mine ; and not: although ye belong to the σοφοί (Bengel, Philippi), which the text does not suggest. But τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ is added with emphasis, since Rome (‘‘ caput et theatrum orbis terrarum,” Bengel) could Jeast of all be exempted from the task assigned to the Apostle of the Gentiles. Hof- mann erroneously holds (comp. Mangold, p. 84) that Paul addresses the readers by ὑμῖν, not in their character as Christians, but as Romans, and that εὐαγγελίσασθαι Means the preaching to those still wnconverted ; comp. Th. Schott, p. 91. No, he addresses the Christian church in Rome, to which he has not yet preached, but wishes to preach, the tidings of salvation, which they have up to the present time received from others. As in every verse, from the 6th to the 18th, so also here the ὑμεῖς can only be the κλητοὶ 1. X., ver. 6 f., in Rome.? Vv. 16, 17. Transition to the theme (οὐ yap ἐπαισχ. τ. evayy.), and the theme itself (δύναμις. . . . ζήσεται). Ver. 16. Tap] Paul confirms negatively his προθυμία. . . . εὐαγγελίσασθαι; for which he had previously assigned a positive motive. — ov γὰρ ἐπαισχ. T. evayy.| Written, no doubt, with a recollection of what he had experienced in other highly civilized cities (Athens, Corinth, Ephesus), as well as, gen- erally, in reference to the contents of the Gospel as a preaching of the eross (1 Cor. i. 18).° Hence the negative form of the expression, as in contrast with the feeling of shame which that experience might have produced in him, as if the Gospel were something worthless, through which one could gain no honour and could only draw on himself contempt, mockery, etc. Comp. 2 Tim. i. 12. — ἐπαισχύνομαι (Plat. Soph. p. 247, D ; 2 Tim. i. 8), and αἰσχύνομαι, with accusative of the object : see Kitihner, II. i. p. 255 f.; Bernhardy, p. 113. — δύναμις yap Θεοῦ ἐστιν] Ground of the οὐκ ἐπαισχ. τ. ebayy. Power of God genitive of the subject) is the Gospel, in so far as God works by means of the message of salvation. By awaking repentance, faith, comfort, love, peace, joy, courage in life and death, hope, etc., the Gospel manifests itself as poaer, as a mighty potency, and that of God, whose revelation and work the Gospel is 1Stallbaum, ad Plat. Rep. p. 533 A. 2 See besides, against Mangold, Beyschlag in the Stud. u. Krit. 1867, p. 642 f. 3 From his own point of view, viz. that the church in Rome was Jewish- Christian, Mangold, p. 98 f., suggests theocratic scru- ples on the part of the readers regarding the Apostle’s universalism. An idea incon- sistent with the notion conveyed by émacx., and lacking any other indication whatever in the text; for the subsequent Ἰουδαίῳ τε πρῶτον «.7.A. cannot have been designed cautiously to meet such doubts (see, on the other hand, ii. 9); but only to serve as ex- pressive of the objective state of the case as regards the historical order of salvation, in accordance with the doctrinal development of principles which Paul has in view. CHAPS Τὶ 17. 49 (hence τὸ εὐαγγ. τοῦ Θεοῦ, xv. 16 ; 2Cor. xi. 7 ; 1 Thess. ii. 2). Comp. 1 Cor. i. 18, 94. The expression asserts more than that the Gospel is ‘‘a powerful means in the hand of God” (Riickert), and is based on the fact that it is the living self-manifestation and effluence of God, as ῥῆμα Θεοῦ (Eph. vi. Le Paul knew how to honour highly the message of salvation which it was his oftice to convey, and he was not ashamed of it. but the message itself. — εἰς σωτηρίαν] Working of this power of God : unto salvation, consequently with saving power. And what salvation is here meant, was understood by the reader ; for σωτηρία and σώζεσθαι are the standing ex- pressions for the eternal salvation in the Messianic kingdom (comp. ζήσεται, ver. Here also, as in vv. 1, 9, . τὸ evayy. is not the work or business of conveying the message (Th. Schott), ἢ 17), the opposite of ἀπώλεια (Phil. i. 28 ; comp. θάνατος, 2 Cor. ii. 16). Comp. generally, James i. 21, τὸν λόγον τὸν δυνάμενον σῶσαι τὰς ψυχὰς ὑμῶν. ΑΒ to how the Gospel works salvation, see ver. 17. --- παντὶ τῷ πιστεύοντι] shows ! to whom the Gospel is the power of God unto salvation. [See Note VIII. p. 76.| Faith is the condition on the part of man, without which the Gospel cannot be to him effectually that power ; for in the unbeliever the causa ap- prehendens of its efficacy is wanting. Comp. ver. 17. Melanchthon aptly says : ‘‘ Non enim ita intelligatur haec efficacia, ut side calefactione loquere- mur : ignis est efficax in stramine, etiamsi stramen nihil agit.” — παντί gives emphatic prominence to the wniversality, which is subsequently indicated in detail. Comp. iii. 22. —’Iovdaiw te πρῶτον x. “Βλληνι] τε. . . . καὶ denotes the equality of what isadded.' πρῶτον expresses the priority ; but not merely in regard to the divinely appointed order of szccession, in accordance with which the preaching of the Messiah was to begin with the Jews and thence extend to the Gentiles, as Chrysostom, Theodoret, Theophylact, Grotius, and many others, including Olshausen, van Hengel and Th. Schott, have understood it ; but in reference to the jirst claim on the Messianic salvation in accordance with the promise, which was in fact the ground of that external order of succession in the communication of the Gospel. So Erasmus, Calo- vius, and others, including Reiche, Tholuck, Riickert, Fritzsche, de Wette, Philippi, Ewald, Hofmann. That this is the Pauline view of the rela- tion is plain from iii. 1 f. ; ix. 1 ff. ; xi. 16 ff. ; xv. 9; comp. John iv. 22; Matt. xv. 24; Acts xiii. 46. The Jews are the viol τῆς βασιλ., Matt. viii. 12. ---“Ἑλληνι] denotes, in contrast to ’Iovdaiw all Non-Jews. Acts xiv. 1; 1 Cor. x. 32 al. Ver. 17 illustrates and gives a reason for the foregoing affirmation : δύναμις Θεοῦ ἐστιν εἰς σωτ. π. τ. πιστ., Which could not be the case, unless δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ κ.τ.2. [See Note IX. p. 76.] — δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ] That this does not denote, as in iii. 5, an attribute of God,* is plain from the passage cited in proof 1 See Hartung, Partikell, I. p. 99; Baeum- lein, Part. Ὁ. 225. 2It has been understood as the truthful- ness of God (Ambrosiaster) ; as the justitia Det essentialis (Osiander); as the justitia distributiva (Origen, and several of the older expositors, comp. Flatt) ; as the good- ness of God (Schoettgen, Semler, Morus, Krehl); as the justifying righteousness of God (Mircker). According to Ewald it is the divine righteousness regarded as power and life-blessing, in the goodness of which man may and must fully participate, if he would not feel its sting and its penalty. 50 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. from Hab. ii. 4, where, by necessity of the connection, ὁ δίκαιος must denote the person who is in the state of the δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, Comp. iii. 21 ff. It must therefore be an ethical relation of man that is meant ; and the genitive Θεοῦ must (otherwise in Jas. i. 20)’ be rendered as the genitive of emanation from, consequently : rightness which proceeds from God, the relation of being right into which man is put by God (i.e. by an act of God declaring him righteous).? This interpretation of the genitive as gen. originis, acutely and clearly set forth anew- by Pfleiderer,* is more specially evident from iii. 23, where Paul himself first explains the expression δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, and that by δικαιούμενοι δωρεὰν τῇ αὐτοῦ χάριτι, Which is turned in ver. 26 to the active form : δικαιοῦντα τὸν ἐκ πίστεως 3 Comp. ver. 30, viii. 33, according to which the genitive appears equivalent to ἐκ Θεοῦ (Phil. iii. 9), in contrast to the ἐμή and ἰδία δικαιοσύνη (Rom. x. 8), and to the δικαιοῦν ἑαυτόν (Luke xii. 15). The passage in 2 Cor. v. 21 is not opposed to this view (as Fritzsche thinks) ; see in loc. ; nor are the expressions δικαιοῦσθαι ἐνώπιον Θεοῦ (ili. 20), and παρὰ Θεῷ (Gal. iii. 11), for these represent a special form under which the relation is conceived, expressing more precisely the judicial nature of the matter. Hence it is evident that the interpretation adopted by many modern writers (including Kéllner, Fritzsche, Philippi, Umbreit), following Luther : ‘‘ righteousness before. God,” although correct in point of substance, is unsuitable as regards the analysis of the genitive, which they take as geni- tive of the object. This remark applies also against Baur, who (Paulus, II. p. 146 ff.) takes the genitive objectively as the δικαιοσύνη determined by the idea of God, adequate to that idea ; whilst in his newtest. Theol. p. 134, he prefers to take the genitive subjectively: the righteousness produced through God, i.e. ‘‘the manner in which God places man in the adequate relation to Himself.”—The following remarks may serve exegetically to illustrate the idea of δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, Which in the Gospel is revealed from faith :—Since God, as the holy Lawgiver and Judge, has by the law imposed on man the task of keeping it entirely and perfectly (Gal. iii. 10), He can only receive and treat as a δίκαιος who is such, as he should be—as one normally guiltless and upright, who should be so, therefore, habitwally—the person who keeps the whole law ; or, in other words, only the man who is perfectly obedient to the law can stand to God in the relation of δικαιοσύνη. Such perfection however no man could attain ; not merely no Gentile, since in his case the natural moral law was obscured through immorality, and through dis- obedience to it he had fallen into sin and vice ; but also no Jew, for natural desire, excited by the principle of sin in him through the very fact of legal prohibition, hindered in his case the fulfilment of the divine law, and ren- Comp. Matthias on iii. 21: a righteousness, Wette, Winer, p. 175 [E. T. 186]; Winzer such as belongs to God, consequently, ‘‘a de vocid. δίκαιος, δικαιοσύνη, et δικαιοῦν in ep. righteousness which exists also inwardly ad Rom. p. 10); Bisping, van Hengel, Er- and is in every respect perfect.” nesti, Urspr. ἃ. Stinde, I. p. 153; Mehring ; 1 Where whatis meant is the rightness re- also Hofmann (comp. his Schriftbew. I. p. quired by God, which man is supposed to 627); Holsten, z. Hu. ἃ: Paul. u. Petr. p. realize through exerting himself in works. 408f.; Weiss, bibl. Theol. Ὁ. 380f.; Rich. 2 Comp. Chrysostom, Bengel, and others, Schmidt, Paulin. Christol. p. 10. including Riickert, Olshausen, Reiche, de 3 In Hilgenfeld@’s Zeitschr. 1872, p. 168 ff. CHAP ἡ 17, δὶ dered him also, without exception, morally weak, a sinner and object of the divine wrath. If therefore man was to enter into the relation of a righteous person and thereby of a future participator in the Messianic blessedness, it was necessary that this should be done by means of an extraordinary divine arrangement, through which grace and reconciliation should be imparted to the object of wrath, and he should be put forward for the judgment of God as righteous. This arrangement has been effected through the sending of His Son and His being given up to His bloody death as that of a guiltless sacrifice ; whereby God’s counsel of redemption, formed from eternity, has been accomplished,—objectively for all, subjectively to be appropriated on the part of individuals through faith, which is the ὄργανον ληπτικόν. And, as this plan of salvation is the subject-matter of the Gospel, so in this Gospel that which previously, though prefigured by the justification of Abraham, was an unrevealed μυστήριον, namely, righteousness from God, is revealed (ἀποκαλύπτεται), inasmuch as the Gospel makes known both the accomplished work of redemption itself and the means whereby man appropriates the redemption, namely, fwith in Christ, which, imputed to him as righteousness (iv. 5), causes man to be regarded and treated by God out of grace and δωρεάν (111. 24) as righteous (δίκαιος), so that he, like one who has perfectly obeyed the law, is certain of the Messianic bliss destined for the δίκαιοι. ἢ The so-called obedientia Christi activa is not to be included in the causa meritoria of the divine justification ; but is to be regarded as the fulfilment of a preliminary condition necessary to the death of Jesus, so far as the jus- tification of man was objectively based on the latter ; without the complete active obedience of Christ (consequently without His sinlessness) His passive obedience could not have been that causa meritoria (2 Cor. v. 21). — ἀποκα- λύπτεται) is revealed ; for previously, and in the absence of the Gospel, the δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ Was and is something quite hidden in the counsel of God, the 1 Justification is simply imputative, an actus forensis, not inherent, and therefore not a gradual process, as Romang anew maintains, but produced by the imputation of faith. The new moral life in Christ is the necessary consequence (Rom. vi. 8), so that regeneration comes after justification— a divine order of salvation inconsistent with all Osiandrian views. See Ritschl, in the Jahrb. 7. Deutsche Theol. 1857, p. 795 ff., altkath. Kirche, p. 76 ff. The regenerate lifeis neither a part (Baumgarten-Crusius) nor the positive side (Baur) of justification, the con- ception of which is not to be referred either to the consciousness of liberation from guilt given with conversion (Schleiermacher) ; or to the unity of forgiveness with the éins¢ill- ing of love (Marheineke) ; or to an anticipa- tion of the judgment of God on faith in respect to the divine dife which develops itself from it as its fruit (Rothe, Martensen, Hundesha- gen, and others, including Tholuck on vy. 9, and Catholics like Déllinger, see on iy. 8)--- so that, with regard to its truth, it would have to be made dependent on sanctijica- tion (Nitzsch), or the dying out of sin (Beck), and so forth,—or to the establishment of the new sanctified humanity in the person of Christ (Menken-Hofmann). The Form. Cone., p. 687, rightly warns: ‘‘ne ea quae fidem prae- cedunt et ea quae eam sequuntur articulo de justificatione, tanquam ad justificationem pertinentia, admisceantur.”” Respecting the sensus forensis of justification, which is by no means a product of medizyal scholas- ticism (in opposition to Sabatier, p. 263), comp. Kd6stlin in the Jahrb. f. Deutsche Theol. 1856, p. 89 ff.; and in its purely exegetical aspect, especially Wieseler on Gal. ii. 16, Pfleiderer in Hilgenfeld’s Zet/schr. 1872, p. 161 ff., and Weiss, 0id/. Theol. §112. We may add that with Luther’s doctrine of justifica- tion Zwingli substantially concurs. See, for defence of the latter (against Stahl), Ritschl, Rechtfert. u. Verséhnung, 1870, I. p. 165 ff. 52 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. knowledge of which is first given in the Gospel (comp. xvi. 25; Acts xvii. 30). The prophecies of the Old Testament were only preparatory and promissory (ver. 2), and therefore were only the means of introducing the evangelical revelation itself (xvi. 26). The present is used, because the Gospel is conceived of in its continuous proclamation. Comp. the perfect, mepavépwrat, iii, 21, and on the other hand the historical aorist φανερωθέντος in xvi. 26. Through the ἀποκάλυψις ensues the φανεροῦσθαι, through the revelation the being manifest as object of knowledge. — ἐκ πίστεως εἰς πίστιν] may not be connected with δικαίοσ. (Luther, Hammond, Bengel, Koppe, Riickert, Reiche, Tholuck, Philippi, Mehring, and others), but rather—as the only arrangement which the position of the words admits without arbi- trariness—with ἀποκαλύπτεται. So also van Hengel and Hofmann ; comp. Luke ii. 85. The δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, namely, is revealed in the Gospel ἐκ πίστεως, inasmuch as in the Gospel faith on Christ is made known as the subjec- tive cause from which righteousness comes. Thus the Gospel, as the ῥῆμα τῆς πίστεως (x. 8) and λόγος τῆς καταλλαγῆς (2 Cor. v. 19), makes the divine right- eousness become manifest from faith, which it in fact preaches as that which becomes imputed ; for him who does not believe the ἀκοὴ πίστεως (Gal. ili. 2), it leaves this δικαιοσύνη to remain a locked-up unrevealed bless- ing. But it isnot merely ἐκ πίστεως, but also εἰς πίστιν ; to faith (comp. 2 Cor. ii. 16). Inasmuch, namely, as righteousness is revealed in the Gospel from faith, faith is aimed at, i.e., the revelation spoken of proceeds from faith, and is designed to produce faith. This sense, equivalent to ‘‘ wt jfides habeatur,” and rightly corresponding alike with the simple words and the context, is adopted by Heumann, Fritzsche, Tholuck, Krehl, Nielsen, and van Hengel. It is not ‘‘ too meaningless” (de Wette), nor ‘‘ saying pretty nearly nothing” (Philippi); but is on the contrary emphatically appropriate to the purpose of representing faith as the Fuc totum (‘‘ prora et puppis,” Bengel, comp. Baur, II. p. 161).} Therefore εἰς πίστιν is not to be taken as equivalent to εἰς τὸν πιστεύοντα, for the believer (Oecumenius, Seb. Schmid, Morus, Rosenmiiller, Riickert, Reiche, de Wette, Olshausen, Reithmayr, Maier, and Philippi), a rendering which should have been precluded by the abstract correlative ἐκ πίστεως. Nor does it mean : for the furtherance and strengthening of faith. (Clem. Al. Strom. v. 1, 11. p. 644. Pott., Theophylact, Erasmus, Luther, Melanchthon, Beza, Cornelius 4 Lapide, and others, including Kéllner ; comp. Baumgarten-Crusius, Klee, and Stengel ; for the thought : ‘‘from an ever new, never tiring, endlessly progressive faith” (Ewald) * is here foreign to the connection, which is concerned only with the great fundamental truth in its simplicity ; the case is different in 2 Cor. iii. 18. Quite arbitrary, moreover, was the interpretation : ‘‘ ex Jide legis in fidem evangelit” (Tertullian).* Finally, to take πίστιν as faith- JSulness, and to understand πίστις εἰς πίστιν in the sense of faith in the Saithfulness of God (Mehring), is to introduce what is neither in the words 1 See also Hofmann, Schrifibew. I. p. 629 f. 3 Comp. Origen, Chrysostom, Theodoret : Comp. vi. 19; 2 Cor. ii. 16. δεῖ yap πιστεῦσαι Tots προφήταις, Kat de % Comp. Lipsius, Rechtfertigungst. p. 7, 116, ἐκείνων εἰς THY τοῦ εὐαγγελίου πίστιν and Umbreit. ποδηγηθῆναι, Zeger, and others. CHAP. I., 18: 53 nor yet suggested by the context. Ewald in his Jahrb. LZ. yp. 87 ff., inter- prets : faith in faith, the reference being to the faith with which man meets the divine faith in his power and his good will (?). But the idea of ‘‘ faith from beneath on the faith from above,” as well as the notion generally of God believing on men, would be a paradox in the N. T., which no reader could have discovered without more clear and precise indication. After ἐκ πίστ. every one could not but understand εἰς πίστ. also as meaning human faith ; and indeed everywhere it is man that believes, not God. — καθὼς γέγραπται] represents what has just been stated, δικαιοσύνη. . . . πίστιν, as taking place in accordance with a declaration of Scripture, consequently according to the necessity of the divine counsel of salvation. He who from faith (on Christ) is righteous (transferred into the relation of the δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ) shall live (be partaker of the Messianic eternal life). This, as the Messianic sense intended to be conveyed by the Spirit of God (2 Peter 1. 21) in the prophetic words, Hab. ii. 4, ‘‘ the righteous shall by his faithfulness * live” (attain the theocratic life-blessedness), is recognized by Paul, and ex- pressed substantially in the language of the LXX., rightly omitting the μου, which they inaccurately add to πίστεως. In doing so Paul might, in ac- cordance with the Messianic reference of the passage, connect ἐκ πίστεως (1N}1383)—seeing that on this causal definition the stress of the expression lies—with ὁ δίκαιος ; because; if the life of the righteous has πίστις as its cause, his δικαιοσύνη itself can have no other ground or source. That he has really so connected the words, as Beza and others rightly perceived (see especially Hélemann, de justitiae ex fide ambab. in V. T. sedibus, Lips. 1867), and not, as most earlier expositors have supposed (also de Wette, Tholuck, Delitzsch, on Hab. /.c., Philippi, Baumgarten-Crusius, van Hengel, Ewald, and Hofmann, ἐκ πίστ. ζήσεται, is plain from the connection, according to which it is not the life ἐκ πίστ., but the revelation of righteousness ἐκ rior. that is to be confirmed by the Old Testament. The case is different in Heb. x. 38. See further, generally, on Gal. iii. 11.—The δέ is, without having any bearing on the matter, adopted along with the other words from the LXX. Comp. on Acts ii. 17. A contrast to the unrighteous who shall die (Hof- mann) is neither here nor in Hab. ii. 4 implied in the text. Vv. 18-32. [See Note X. p. 77.] Proof of ver. 17 deduced from experience, and that in the first instance with respect to Gentile humanity (the proof in regard to the Jews begins at ch. ii.). Ver. 18. This great fundamental proposition of the Gospel, ver. 17, is / proved (yap) agreeably to experience, by the fact that, where there is no πίστις, there is also no ἀποκάλυψις of righteousness, but only of the wrath of God. ‘‘ Horrendum est initium ac fulmen,” Melanchthon, 1540. — ἀποκαλύπ- terat] Emphatically placed, in harmony with the ἀποκαλ. in ver. 17, at the beginning. -- ὀργὴ Θεοῦ] The antithesis of δικαίοσ. Θεοῦ, ver. 16. The ὀργὴ of God is not to be explained with several of the Fathers (in Suicer), Eras- 1 This faithfulness, in the prophet’s sense, trustful self-surrender to God. Comp. Um- the MW, and the πίστις inthe Christian breit, p. 197. sense, have the same fundamental idea, δ4 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. mus, and many later authorities, as poena divina, which is nothing but a rationalizing interchange of ideas, but rather in the proper literal sense : wrath, an affection of the personal God, having a necessary connection with His love. The wrath of God, the reality of which is indisputable as the very presupposition of the work of atonement, is the love of the holy God (who is neither neutral nor one-sided in his affection), for all that is good in its energy as antagonistic to all that is evil.1 See on Matt. iii. 7; Eph. ii. 3. —4a7’ οὐρανοῦ) is neither to be connected with ὀργὴ Θεοῦ, as Beza, Estius, and many others hold, nor with the bare Θεοῦ (Mehring), but, as the order of the words and the parallel definition ἐν αὐτῷ in ver. 17 require, belongs to ἀποκαλύπτεται ; SO that heaven, the dwelling-place and throne of God (comp. on Matt. vi. 9), is designated as the place from which the ἀποκάλυψις of the ὀργὴ Θεοῦ issues. ‘‘ Majestatem irati Dei significat,” Bengel. The reve- lation of righteousness takes place ἐν εὐαγγελίῳ, ver. 17, as something spirit- ually brought home to the consciousness through the medium of the Gospel ; but that of the divine wrath descends from heaven, manifested as a divine matter of fact ; by which description, however, the destructive character of this working of divine power is not expressed (Th. Schott), although it is in fact implied in the entire context. But what revelation of divine wrath is meant? Paul himself supplies the information in ver. 24 ff., in which is described what God in His sufficiently well-grounded (vv. 19-238) wrath did (παρέδωκεν αὐτούς). God’s wrath therefore is revealed from heaven in this way, that those who are the objects of it are given up by God to terrible retribution in unchastity and all vice. Against this interpretation (comp. Mehring), which is adopted also by Tholuck, Weber (vom Zorne Gottes, p. 89), and Th. Schott, it cannot be objected, with Hofmann, that Paul must have written ἀπεκαλύφθη ; for he here in fact expresses the general proposi- tion of experience, to which the concrete historical representation subse- quently shall correspond ; the divine aziom is placed first (present), and then the history of it follows (aorist). . Irrelevant is also the objection of Philippi, that ἀποκαλύπτειν always denotes a supernatural revelation. For ἀποκαλύπτειν means to reveal what was previously unknown, what was veiled from our cognition, so that it now becomes manifest ; and, in reference to this, it is a matter of indifference whether the revelation takes place in a natural or in asupernatural manner.? The mode of revealing is not indicated in the word itself, but in the context ; and hence according to the connec- tion it is used also, as here, of a revelation in fact, by which a state of things pre- viously unknown comes to our knowledge (Matt. x. 26; Luke ii. 35 ; 2 Thess. ii. 3, 6, 8). Moreover, even according to our interpretation, a divine revelation is meant, by which there is certainly brought to light a μυστήριον, namely, the connection of the phenomenon with the divine ὀργή. According to 1 The idea of the divine ὀργή is diamet- rically opposed to every conception of sin as anecessity interwoven with human de- velopment. Even Lactantius has aptly re- marked, de ira Dei, v.9: “51 Deus non iras- citur impiis et injustis, nec pios justosque diligit ; in rebus enim diversis aut in ut- ramque partem moveri necesse est, aut in neutram.” 2 In this case it cannot make any differ- ence whether (God is or is not the revealing subject, as is most plainly seen from Matt. qa bly CHAP. 1., 18. 55 others, Paul means the inward revelation of the divine wrath, given by means of reason and conscience (Ambrosiaster, Wolf, and others, including Reiche and Gléckler), in support of which view they appeal to ver. 19. But, on the contrary, ax’ οὐρανοῦ requires us to understand an ἀποκάλυψις cognizable by the senses ; and ver. 19 contains not the mode of the manifesta- tion of wrath, but its moving cause (διότι). Others hold that the ἀποκάλυψις of the divine wrath has come through the Gospel (‘‘ continens minas,” Grotius), and that ἐν αὐτῷ is to be again supplied from ver. 17. So Aquinas, Bellar- mine, Corn. ἃ Lapide, Estius, Grotius, Heumann, Semler, Morus, Béhme, Benecke, Maier ; comp. Umbreit, who includes also the Old Testament. It is decisive against this view that az’ οὐρανοῦ, just because it is parallel to ἐν αὐτῷ in ver. 17, lays down a mode of manifestation quite different from ἐν αὐτῷ. Had the latter been again in Paul’s mind here, he would have repeated it with emphasis, as he has repeated the ἀποκαλύπτεται. Others hold that the manifestation of wrath at the general judgment is meant (Chrysos- tom, Theodoret, Theophylact, Oecumenius, Toletus, Limborch, Koppe, Philippi, Reithmayr, and Ewald). The present, considered in itself, might be chosen in order to express a vivid realization of the future, or might be accounted for by the ἐν αὐτῷ, which, it is alleged, is to be again mentally supplied (Ewald) ; but the former explanation is to be rejected on account of the preceding purely present ἀποκαλ. in ver. 17 ; and against the latter may be urged the very fact, that ἐν αὐτῷ is not repeated. Had this been the meaning, moreover, the further course of the exposition must have borne reference to the general judgment, which it by no means does ; and there- fore this interpretation is opposed to the connection, as well as unwarranted by i. 5 (where the mention of the revelation of judgment belongs to quite a different connection) ; and not required by the idea of ἀποκαλύπτειν itself, since that idea is adequately met by the divine matter-of-fact revelation of wrath here intended (see above), and besides, the word is repeated inten- tionally for rhetorical effect. Lastly, while others have contented themselves with leaving the ἀποκάλυψις here in its entire generality (Olshausen, Tholuck ; comp. Calovius), and thus relieved themselves from giving any explanation of it, the reference to the religion of the O. T. (Bengel and Flatt) seems entirely arbitrary and groundless, and the interpretations which apply it to evils generally affecting the world as an expression of the divine wrath (Hof- mann), or to the external and internal distress of the time (Baumgarten-Cru- sius), are too general and indefinite, and thereby devoid of any concrete import in keeping with the text. —éri πᾶσ. ἀσέβ. x. adix. ἀνθρ.] contains the hostile direction (comp. Dem. 743, 22) of the ἀποκαλύπτεται . . .. οὐρανοῦ : against every ungodliness and immorality of men, which, etc. ’AcéBeca and ἀδικία ' are distinguished as irreligiousness and immorality, so that both describe the improbitas, but under different aspects, in reference to the fear of God and to the standard of morals ; hence the former, as involving the idea of impiety, is the stronger expression.?, That the distinction between them is 1 Plat. Prot. Ὁ. 823 ἘΠ: Xen. Cyr. viii. 8, 7; 2 Comp. Dem. 548, 11: ἀσέβημα, οὐκ ἀδίκημα Tittmann, Synon. N. T. p. 48. μόνον. δ0 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. not to be understood, with Kéllner, following Theophylact, Grotius, Calo- vius, Wolf, and many others, as profanitas in Deum and injuria in proximum, is proved by the following ἐν ἀδικίᾳ κατεχ. ---- τῶν τ. ἀλήθ. ἐν ἀδικ. Katey. | who keep down the truth through immorality, do not let it develop itself into v power and influence on their religious knowledge and their moral condition. The article (quippe qui) introduces that characteristic of the ἀνθρώπων, not yet more precisely defined, which excites the divine wrath. Rightly in the Vulgate : corwm qui. See Winer, p. 127 [E. T. 134]. It may be paraphras- ed: ‘‘of those, I mean, who.” Comp. Kiihner, ad Xen. Anab. ii. 7, 13. Bengel, moreover, aptly remarks : ‘‘ veritas in mente nititur et urget, sed homo eam impedit.” This is the peculiar, deeply unfortunate, constant self-contradiction of the heathen character.’ On κατέχειν, to hinder, comp. 2 Thess. 11. 6 ; Luke iv. 42 ; 1 Macc. vi. 37.525 Against the interpretation of Michaelis, Koppe, and Baur, who take κατέχειν here as meaning to possess (1 Cor. vil. 80 ; 2 Cor. vi. 10), ‘‘ who possess the truth-in anrighteousness, who know what God’s will is, and yet sin,” ver. 21 is decisive, where the contin- uous possession of the truth is negatived by ἐματαιώθησαν . . . καρδία ; where- fore also it cannot be rendered with Melanchthon and van Hengel : who hold the truth in the bondage of immorality (vii. 6 ; Gen. xxxix. 20, xlii. 19). The ἀλήθεια is correctly interpreted in the sense of divine truth generally ; the mode of revelation, in which it is presented to man’s knowledge, is fur- nished by the context, here, by ver. 19 f., as the truth apparent by natural revelation in the works of God ; not therefore in the sense of the doctrine of the Gospel, which is hindered in its diffusion by Jews and Gentiles (Ammon, comp. Ewald). —év ἀδικία) instrumental. To make it equivalent to ἀδίκως (Reiche, following Theophylact, Beza, Calvin, Piscator, Raphel, and others ; comp. ἐν δυνάμει in ver. 4) arbitrarily deprives the representation of an ele- ment essential to its fulness and precision, and renders it tame ; for it is self-evident that the κατέχειν τ. ἀλ. is unrighteous or sinful, but not so much so that it takes place through sin. — Finally, it is to be noted that Paul, in ἀνθρώπ. (correlative of Θεοῦ) τῶν τ. ἀλήθ. ἐν ἀδικ. Katey., expresses himself quite generally, making apparent by ἀνθρώπ. the audacity of this God-oppos- ing conduct ; but he means the Gentiles, as is indicated even by ἐν ἀδικίᾳ (comp. 1 Cor. vi. 1), and as is confirmed beyond doubt by the continuation of the discourse in ver. 19 ff. Koppe supposed that Paul meant the Jews especially, but included also the Gentiles ; Benecke, that he speaks of the whole human race in general, which view Mehring specially defends. But the peculiar character of what is contained in vy. 21-82 shows that the Jews are to be entirely excluded from the description which is carried on to the end of the chapter. It is not till ch. ii. 1 that the discourse passes over to them, and makes them suddenly see themselves reflected in the Gentile mirror, Ver. 19. Διότι] propterea quod—only to be separated by a comma from the foregoing—specifies more precisely the causal relation, on account of which the . 1Comp. Nigelsbach, Homer. Theol. I. Ὁ. 2 Plat. Phaed. Ὁ. 117 C; Soph. #7. 754; ΤΠ ἘΠ Pind. Jsthm. iii. 2, and Dissen in loc. CHAPS 1.5719, 57 wrath of God comes upon such men, etc. (ver. 18). They keep down the truth through immorality ; if they did so out of ignorance, they would be excusable : but they do not do so out of ignorance, and therefore God’s wrath is manifested against them. This view of the connection is suggested by the literal meaning of διότι itself, and confirmed by εἰς τὸ εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἀναπολογ. Comp. Hofmann. So also Fritzsche, who, however, takes διότε as equivalent to yap, as does also Philippi,—a use of it that never occurs, not even in Acts xviii. 10. This linguistically erroneous interpretation of διότε condemns also the view of Tholuck, Riickert, de Wette, and Reithmayr, who discover here the proof, that the Gentiles keep down the truth by immorality ; or (so Th. Schott) that Paul rightly describes them as κατέχοντες κιτ.Δ. No; for the very reason that they have the γνωστὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, Which renders them iénexrcus- able, does the wrath of God go forth against the κατέχοντες ; ver. 18. —rd γνωστὸν tov Θεοῦ] that which is known concerning God, not: that which is knowable concerning God, a signification which, though adopted by Origen, Theophylact, Oecumenius, Erasmus, Beza, Castalio, Calvin, Piscator, Estius, Grotius, Wolf, Koppe, Riickert, Kéllner, Baumgarten-Crusius, Maier, Ewald, Umbreit, Mehring, Hofmann, and others, is never conveyed by γνωστός in the N. T. or in the LXX. and Apocrypha, though it frequently occurs in classic authors.’ In all the places where it occurs in the Scriptures, as also, though less frequently, in the classics,? it means quod notum est (Vulgate), and is therefore equivalent to γνωτός or γνώριμος, also in Acts iv. 16 ; Eccles. xxi. 7. The opposite: ἄγνωστος, Acts xvii. 23. Comp. Luther, 1545: “das (nicht : dass) man weiss, das (nicht : dass) Gott sei.” That which is known of God excludes that which needed a special revelation to make it known, as in particular the contents of the Gospel ; the former is derived from the general revelation of nature. If we should take γνωστόν as know- able, the assertion of the Apostle would be incorrect without some limiting qualification ; for the positively revealed belonged to that which was know- able, but not to that which was known of God,* into which category it was brought only through special revelation, which it would otherwise not have needed. —év αὐτοῖς] i.e. in their consciousness, ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις αὐτῶν, 11. 15. Comp. Gal. i. 16. The explanation inter ipsos, which Erasmus and Grotius (both referring it arbitrarily to the Gnosis of the philosophers among the Gentiles), K6llIner and Baumgarten-Crusius give, is to be rejected for this reason, that αὐτοῖς ἐφανέρωσε, compared with νοούμενα καθορᾶται, points to a manifestation of the γνωστόν τοῦ Θεοῦ which is inward, although conveyed through the revelation of nature. — ἐφανέρωσε] God—and this subject is 1 See the passages from Plato quoted by Ast, Zex. I. p. 401; Dorvill. ad Charit. p. 502; Hermann, ad Soph. Oed. T. 361; comp. ἄγνωστος, which in Plato invariably means unknowable. 2Xen. Cyr. vi. 3, 4: Arrian. pict. ii. 20, 4; Aesch. Choeph. 702; Beck, Antiatt. p. 87, 25: 3 Which, however, is not to be trans- formed, with Fritzsche, Tholuck, Krehl, and others, into the subjective scientia Dei —which has no precedent in usage, is un- suitable to the following φανερόν ἐστι, and is not to be supported even by the LXX. Gen. ii. 9; in which passage, if the text be not corrupted, τὸ ξύλον τοῦ εἰδέναι γνωστόν καλοῦ κ. πονηροῦ must be rendered : the tree by which they were to learn what is known of good and evil, 7.e. by which they were to become aware of that which they—by the very enjoyment—had known of good and evil. 58 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. again named with emphasis—ias laid it clearly before them, made it lie openly before their view as an object of knowledge. Comp. on the matter itself Acts xiv. 17, xvii. 26 f. ; 1 Cor. i. 21. Ver. 20 f. Τὰ γὰρ ἀόρατα. . . . θειότης] Giving a reason for, and explain- ing, the previous ὁ Θεὸς γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐφανέρωσε. --- τὰ ἀόρατα αὐτοῦ] His invisible things, the manifold invisible attributes, that constitute His nature. [See Note XI. p. 77.] Paul himself explains it afterwards by ἡ ἀΐδιος αὐτοῦ δύναμις καὶ θειότης ; therefore it is not actiones Dei invisibiles (Fritzsche ; comp. Theodoret). —vootyeva καθορᾶται] through the works are scen becoming dis- cerned ; νοούμενα Aefines the manner in which the καθορᾶται takes place, otherwise than through the senses (the νοεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ὄμμασι θεωρεῖν, Plat. Rep. p. 529 B), in so far as it is effected by means of mental discernment, by the agency of intelligent perception. The καθορᾶται forms with ἀόρατα a strik- ing oxymoron, in which the compound selected for that purpose, but not elsewhere occurring in the N. T., heightens still further the idea conveyed by the simple form.*— τοῖς ποιήμασι] embraces all that God as Creator has produced, but does not at the same time include His governing in the world of history, as Schneckenburger thinks, Beitr. p. 102 f.; for NWN, with which ποίημα corresponds (LXX. Eccles. iii. 11, vii. 18, al.), is the formal expression for God’s works of creation ; as also Paul himself, in Eph. ii. 10, describes the renewing of man as analogous to creation. It is only of the works of creation that the Apostle could assert what he here says, especially: Since, moreover, τοῖς ποιήμασι, by means of the works, contains the instrumental definition appended to νοούμενα καθορᾶται, ἀπὸ κτίσ. κόσμου cannot be taken in a causal sense (see Winer, p. 348 [E. T. 9107), as the mediwm cognoscendi (so' Luther and many others, including - Calovius, Pearson, Homberg, Wolf, Heumann, Morus, and Reithmayr), but only in the sense of temporal beginning : since the creation of the world they are so perceived. —# Te ἀΐδιος αὐτοῦ div. x. θειότης] A more precise definition of the previous τὰ ἀόρατα αὐτοῦ. ’ Aidsoc, everlasting, belongs to both substantives ; but «ai annexes the general term, the category, of which the δύναμις is a species. See Fritzsche ad Matt. p. 80. Its relation to the preceding τέ consists in its completing the climax and cumulation, for which τέ prepares the way. Hartung, Partikell. I. p. 98. Hofmann is un- supported by linguistic usage in inferring from the position of τέ, that ἀΐδιος is not meant to apply also to θειότης. It is just that position that makes ἀΐδιος the common property of both members (see especially Hartung, /.c. p. 116 f.), so that, in order to analyze the form of the conception, we may again supply ἡ ἀΐδιος αὐτοῦ after καὶ. The θειότης is the totality of that which as he adds ἀπὸ κτίσεως κόσμου. 1Comp, Xen. Cyr. iii. 8, 31: εἰ yao. . ἡμᾶς οἱ πολέμιοι θεάσονται. . . . πάλιν καθο- Pind. Pyth. ix. 45. : On the oxymoron itself, comp. Aristotle, de mundo, 6, p. 399, 21. Bekk: ἀθεώρητος ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν τῶν ἔργων θεωρεῖται (ὃ θεός). 2Not merely to νοούμενα (Hofmann), which is closely bound up with καθορᾶται as ρῶντες ἡμῶν TO πλῆθος. οἷσθα.. .. εὖ καθορᾷς. showing the manner of it, so that both together are defined instrumentally by tots ποιήμασι. On νοεῖν, aS denoting the intel- lectual animadvertere in seeing (Hom. 124. A. 599, in the inverse position: τὸν δὲ ἰδὼν ἐνόησε), comp. Nigelsb. z. Jdias, Ὁ. 416, ed. 3; Duncan, ed. Rost, p. 787. 3 Stallbaum, ad Plat. Crit. p. 48 B.; Schaefer, Poet. gnom. p. 73; Schoemann, CHAP. I., 20. 59 God is as a Being possessed of divine attributes, as Aeov,—the collective sum of the divine realities.! This comprehensive sense must by no means be lim- ited. The eternal power—this aspect of His θειότης which comes into prom- inence at first and before all others—and the divinity of God in its collect- ive aspect, are rationally perceived and discerned by means of His works. Arbitrary is the view of Reiche, who holds that Paul means especially wisdom and goodness, which latter Schneckenburger conceives to be intended ; and also that of Hofmann (comparing Acts xvii. 29; 2 Pet. i. 4), that the spiritual nature of the divine being is denoted. We may add that Rickert holds the strange view, that θειότης, which could not properly be predicated of God, is only used here by Paul for want of another expression. It might be and was necessarily said of God, as being the only adequate comprehensive expression for the conception that was to be denoted thereby. For analo- gous references to the physico-theological knowledge of God, see Wetstein, and Spiess, Logos spermaticos, 1871, Ὁ. 212. The suggestion of Philo as the ge Apostle’s scource (Schneckenburger) is out of the question. Observe further how completely, in our passage, the transcendental relation of God to ~ the world—the negation of all identity of the two—lies at the foundation of the Apostle’s view. It does not exclude the immanence of God in the world, but it excludes all pantheism. See the passages from the Ὁ. T. dis- cussed in Umbreit. —ei¢ τὸ εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἀναπολ.] has its logically correct ref- erence to the immediately preceding τὰ γὰρ ἀόρατα . . . . θειότης, and there- fore the parenthesis, in which Griesbach and others have placed τὰ yap ἀόρ. . . νον θειότης, must be expunged. The εἰς cannot be said of the result, as Luther, and many others, including Reiche, K6llner, de Wette; Riickert, Fritzsche, Reithmayr, Philippi, Ewald, following the Vulgate (fa ut sint inexcusabiles), have understood it ; for the view, which takes it of the pur- pose, is not only required by the prevailing usage of εἰς with the infinitive? (see on 2 Cor. viii. 6), but is also more appropriate to the connection, because the καθορᾶται is conceived as a result effected through God’s revelation of Himself (ver. 19), and consequently the idea of the divine purpose in εἰς τὸ εἶναι k.7.A. ig not to be arbitrarily dismissed. Comp. Erasmus (‘‘ne quid haberent,” etc.), Melanchthon (‘‘ propter quas causas Deus,” ete.), Beza, Calvin (“ὧν hoe ut’), Bengel, and others. But Chrysostom, even in his time, ex- pressly opposes this view (comp. also Oecumenius), and at a later period it ad 75. p. 325 f.; also Winer, 559]. 10n the difference between this word p. 520) [ἘΞ 1 Appropriately rendered in Vulgate by d- vinitas. 2 Kis, with an infinitive having the article, and θεότης (Col. ii. 9), which denotes Deitas, Godhead, the being God, see Elsner, Odss. p 6, and Fritzsche in foc. Van Hengel has er- roneously called in question the distinction. In Wisd. xviii. 9, namely, ὁ τῆς θειότητος νόμος is not the law of the Godhead, but the law whose nature and character is divinity —of a divine kind; and in Lucian, de Calumn. 17, ἡ Ηφαιστίωνος θειότης is the di- vinity of Hephaestion, his divine quality. In Plutarch θειότης very frequently occurs. is not used in a single passage, of the Epistle to the Romans in particular, in any other than a ¢elic sense. Seei. 11, iii. 26, iv. 11, 16, 18, vi. 12, vii. 4, 5, viii. 29, xi. 11, xii. 2, 3, xv. 8, 18,16. Far too hastily de Wette terms this interpretation in our passage senseless, and Baumgarten-Crusius agrees with him. Tholuck calls it grammatical terrorism. Hofmann recognizes the telic view as the true one in all cases where εἰς is used with the infinitive. 00 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. became a subject of contention between the Lutherans and the Reformed. See Calovius. The view, which interprets it of the result, hesitates to admit the conception of a divine decree, under which Paul places the inexcusable- ness of men ; and yet not only may this stand to the perception of God from His works which has existed since the beginning in the relation of result, but, in accordance with the thoroughly Scriptural idea of destiny (comp. 6.0. V. 20), it must stand to it in the relation of that decree. In this con- nection, which inserts the results in the divine counsel, the inexcusableness of man appears as telically given with the self-manifestation of God. Ver. 21, as in general even ver. 18, contains the perverse conduct of men manifesting itself in the course of human history, on account of which God, who foresaw it, has in His natural self-manifestation made their inexcusableness His aim. Inexcusable they are intended to be ; and that indeed on account of the fact, that, although they had known God (namely from that natural revelation), they have not glorified Him as God. — διότι] as in ver. 19, only to be separated by a comma from what precedes : inexcusable on this account, because. [See Note XII. p. 78,]—yvévrec] not : cum agnoscere potwissent (Flatt, Nielsen ; also as early as Oecumenius) ; nor yet : although they knew God, so that it would be contemporaneous with οὐχ . .. . ἐδόξασαν. So Philippi and van Hengel ; also Delitzsch, bibl. Psychol. Ὁ. 846. They had attained the knowledge from the revelation of nature (for to this, according to vv. 19, 20, we must refer it, and not, with Rickert, to the history in Genesis of the original revelation), but only actu directo, so far as that same sclf-manifesta- tion of God had presented itself objectively to their cognition ; the actus reflecus remained absent (comp. Delitzsch, Ὁ. 347), and with them who keep down the truth ἐν ἀδικίᾳ, ver. 18, the issue was not to the praise of God, ete. ; so that γνόντες is thus previous to the οὐχ. . . . ἐδόξασαν. Paul sets forth the historical emergence of that for which they were inexcusable. They had known God, and yet it happened that they did not praise Him, etc. —ovy ὡς Θεὸν ἐδόξασαν ἢ niyap.| It would have been becoming for them to have rendered to God as such, agreeably to His known nature, praise and thanks ; but they did neither the one nor the other. Regarding ὡς in the sense : according to the measure of His divine quality, comp. on John 1. 14. The praising and thanksgiving exhaust the notion of the adoration, which they should have offered to God. —aawv ἐματ. ἐν τοῖς διαλ. αὐτῶν] but they were frustrated in their thoughts (comp. 1 Cor. iii. 20), so that the concep- tions, ideas, and reflections, which they formed for themselves regarding the Deity, were wholly devoid of any intrinsic value corresponding with the truth. Comp. Eph. iv. 17. The ματαιότης is a specific attribute of heathen- ism. Jer. ii. 5; 2 Kings xvii. 5; Ps. xciv. 11. Comp. also Acts xiv. 15 ; Judith νἱ. 4. -- καὶ ἐσκοτίσθη x.7.A.] forms a climax to the foregoing. Comp. Eph. iv. 18, i. 18. Their heart that had been rendered by the ἐματαιώθησαν unintelligent, incapable of discerning the true and right, became dark, completely deprived of the light of the divine ἀλήθεια that had come to them by the revelation of nature. καρδία, like 32, denotes the whole internal scat of life, the power which embraces all the activity of reason and will within the personal consciousness. Comp. on Eph, i. 18 ; Delitzsch, p. 250. CHAP. I., 22, 23. 61 To take ἀσύνετος here in a proleptic sense (see on Matt. xii. 18) is quite inap- propriate, because it destroys the climax. Comp. moreover on ἀσύνετος, Wisd. xi. 15; as also on the entire delineation of Gentile immorality, ver. 20 ff. ; Wisd. xiiixv. This passage as a whole, and in its details, pre- sents unmistakable reminiscences of this section of the book of Wisdom.’ Without reason Tholuck argues against this view. Vv. 22, 23. In a false conceit of wisdom (comp. 1 Cor. i. 17 ff.) this took place (viz. what has just been announced in ἐματαιώθησαν . . « καρδία), and what a horrible actual result it had !— The construction is independent, no longer hanging on the διότε in ver. 21 (Gléckler, Ewald); the further course of the matter is described. While they said that they were wise (comp. 1 Cor. iii. 21), they became foolish. Comp. Jer. x. 24 f. This becoming foolish must be understood as something sel/-incwrred—produced through the conceit of independence—as is required by the description of God’s retribution on them in ver. 24 ; therefore the ‘‘ dirigente Deo,” which Grotius understands along with it in accordance with 1 Cor. i, 21, is here foreign to the connection. The explanation of Kéllner, Baumgarten-Crusius, and others, including Usteri : ‘‘ they have shown, themselves as fools,” is erroneous, because the aorist passive in ver. 21 does not admit of a similar rendering. —For examples of φάσκειν, dictitwre, in the sense of unfounded assertion (Acts xxiv. 9, xxv. 19; Rev. 11. 2), see Raphel, Xenoph. and Kypke. Comp. Dem. Phil. i. 46, iii. 9 ; Herodian, ii. 12, 9. Their pretended wisdom was a μάταιος δοξοσοφία, Plat. Soph. p. 231 B. We may add that this definition is not aimed at the Gentile philosophers, who came much later, and in fact did not do what is declared in ver. 23 (comp. Calvin), but gen- erally at the conceit of wisdom (1 Cor. i. 21), which is necessarily connected with an estrangement from divine truth, and from which therefore idolatry also, with its manifold self-invented shapes, must have proceeded. For heathenism is not the primeval religion, from which man might gradually have risen to the knowledge of the true God, but is, on the contrary, the result of a falling away from the known original revelation of the true God in His works. Instead of the practical recognition and preservation of the truth thus given comes the self-wisdom rendering them foolish, and idolatry in its train. —«al ἤλλαξ. «.7.2.] and they exchanged the maj- esty of the imperishable God for a likeness of an image of a perishable man, etc., i.e. instead of making, as they ought to have done, the glory of the eternal God manifested to them in the revelation of nature—W7) 133, i.e. His glorious perfection (ver. 20)—the object of their adoration, they chose for that purpose what was shaped like an image of ὦ perishable man, etc. 5 comp. Ps. cvi. 20; Jer. ii, 11. The ἐν (comp. Ecclus. vii. 18) is instru- mental, as is elsewhere the simple dative (Herod. vii. 152 ; Soph. Niob. fr. 400, Dind.) : thereby, that they made and adored such an ὁμοίωμα, and on the other hand rejected the glory of God, which they ought to have wor- shipped. Comp. LXX. Ps. 1.6. ; ἠλλάξαντο τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν ἐν ὁμοιώματι μόσχου." Itis not mere similarity, but conformity with the object of compari- 1 See Nitzsch in the Deutsch. Zeitschr. 1850, 2 On the genitive εἰκόνος comp. also 1 Mace. Ῥ. 387 ; Bleek in the Stud. τι. Krit. 1858, Ὁ. 8401, ἢ]. 48; Rev. ix: 7; and on ὁμοίωμα itself in 7 < 62 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. son concerned as agreeing therewith in appearance.'— καὶ rerewv. k. τετραπ. K. épz.| No doubt as Paul, in using ἀνθρώπου, thought of the forms of the Hellenic gods, so in zerevv. «.7.4. he had in his mind the Egyptian worship of animals (Ibis, Apis, serpents).? We may add that, like the previous φθαρτοῦ ἀνθρώπου, the genitives πετεινῶν x.7.A. are dependent on εἰκόνος, not on ὁμοιώματι (van Hengel), which is less natural and not required by the singu- lar εἰκόνος, that in fact refers to each particular instance in which a man, birds, etc. were copied for purposes of divine adoration by means of statues and other representations. Ver. 24. Wherefore (as a penal retribution for their apostasy) God also gave them up in the lusts of their hearts to impurity. [See Note XIII. p. 78.] καὶ, also, indicates the giving up as a thing corresponding to the guilt, Comp. on Phil. 11. 9. ---ἐν ταῖς ἐπιθ. τ. x. αὐτ.] contains that, in which they were in- volved, i.e. the moral condition in which they were found when they were given up by God to impurity. Comp. ver. 27 ; Eph. ii. 3 ; Bernhardy, p. 209. The instrumental rendering (Erasmus, Er. Schmid, Gléckler, and Krehl) is unnecessary, because the immediate literal sense of év is quite suf- ficient, and the former is less suitable as to sense, since it conveys something which is obvious of itself. — παρέδωκεν) expresses the real active giving up on the part of God. The favourite explanation of it by εἴασε, so often resort- ed to since Origen and Chrysostom, is nothing but a rationalizing gloss at variance with the literal meaning. To the Apostle God is the living God, who does not passively permit the retributive consequences of fidelity or of apostasy—thus, as it were, letting them run their course, as an artificer does with his wheel work—but Himself, everywhere active, pervades and effect- ively develops the arrangements which He has made. If then God has so arranged that man by apostasy from Him should fall into moral impurity, and that thus sin shall be punished by sin (and this connection of sin with sin is in accordance both with experience and Scripture, Is. vi.10 ; Job viii. 4; Ps. lxix. 28, lxxxi. 13 ; Mark iv. 12), this arrangement can only be car- ried out in reality through the effective action of its originator ; and God Himself must give up the apostates unto impurity, inasmuch as it is by His doing that that moral connection is in point of fact accomplished.* Con- sequently, if the understanding of παρέδωκεν in its strictly proper and posi- tive meaning is quite in keeping with the universal agency of God, in His physical and moral government of the world, without, however, making God appear as the author of sin, which, on the contrary, has its root in the the sense of likeness, v. 14, vi. 5, viii. 3; Phil. ii. 7; Ecclus. xxxvili. 28 ; 2 Kings xvi. Dougtaeus, Anal. 69, p. 102, Grotius and Wetstein. 10; Isa. xl. 18; 1 Sam. vi. 5; Plat. Phaedr. p. 250 A; Parm. Ὁ. 182 D. 1 See also Holsten, z. Hv. des Paul. u. Petr. p. 440; Pfleidererin Hilgenfeld’s Zeitschr. Ὁ. 523 f. 2 Philo. Leg. ad. Caj. p. 566, 570. For passages from profane authors respecting the folly (at which the $@aprod here also points) of image-worship, see especially 3Comp. Acts vii. 42; Rom. ix. 19; also 2 Thess. ii. 11 f.; and the rabbinical passages quoted by Schoettgen, especially from Pirke Aboth, c. 4: ‘‘Festina ad praeceptum ijeve tanquam ad grave, et fuge transgressionem; praeceptum enim trahit praeceptum ct transgressio transgressionem : quia merces praecepti praeceptum est, et transgressionis transgressio. CHAP. I., 24. 63 ἐπιθυμίαι τ. kapd., We must reject as insufficient the privative interpretation * that became current after Augustine and Oecumenius, which Calovius has adopted in part, and Riickert chanel Comp. Philippi, who thinks of the withdrawal of the Divine Spirit and its results, though in the sense of a posi- tive divine infliction of punishment. This withdrawal, through which man is left in the lurch by God, is the immediate negative precursor of the rapé- δωκεν (Eeclus. iv. 19). Reiche thinks that Paul here avails himself, with more or less consciousness of its being erroneous, of the general view of the Jews regarding the origin of the peculiar wickedness of the Gentiles (Ps. ΠΣ 18 ; Prov. xxi. 8; Ecclus. iv. 19; Wisd. x. 12, xiii. 1; Acts vii. 42) 5 an that this representation of moral ae avity asa divine ἐπ ετ is to be Ἢ tinguished from the Christian doctrinal system of the Apostle. But how very inconsistent it is with the character of Paul thus consciously to bring forward what is erroneous, and that too with so solemn a repetition (vv. 26, 28) And is it not an arrangement accordant with experience, that apostasy from God is punished by an ever deeper fall into immorality ? Can this arrangement, made as it is by God ‘‘ justo judicio” (Calvin), be carried out otherwise than by God? Analogous are even heathen sayings, such as Aesch. Agam. 764 ff., and the heathen idea of the θεοβλάβεια." But just as man, while his fidelity is rewarded by God through growth in virtue, remains withal free and does not become a virtuous machine ; so also he retains his freedom, while God accomplishes the development of His arrangement, in accordance with which gin is born of sin. He gives himself up (Eph. iv. 19), while he is given up by God to that tragic nexus of moral destiny ; and he becomes no machine of sin, but possesses at every moment the capacity of μετάνοια, which the very reaction resulting from the feeling of the most terrible mis- ery of sin—punished through sin—is designed to produce. Therefore, on the one hand, man always remains responsible for his deterioration (ver. 32, ii. 6, iii. 5, vii. 14) ; and, on the other, that punishment of sin, in which the teleo- logical law of the development of evil fulfils itself, includes no contradiction of the holiness of God. For this reason the view of Kéllner—that the Apos- tle’s idea is to be separated from its Jewish and temporal form, and that we must assume as the Christian truth in it, that the apostasy of men from God has brought them into deepest misery, as certainly as the latter is self-inflict- ed—is a superfluous unexegetical evasion, to which Fritzsche also has re- course. — ἀκαθαρσίαν] spurcitia, impurity, and that lustful (comp. Gal. v. 19 ; Eph. iv. 19 ; Col. iii. 5), as is plain from the following context ; not gen- erally : ‘all action and conduct dishonouring the creaturely glory of man” (Hofmann). The τοῦ ἀτιμάζεσθαι may be taken either as the genitive of the purpose : that they might be dishonoured (Riickert, Philippi, van Hengel), 1 Τῷ is at bottom identical with the per- missive rendering. Therefore Chrysostom not only explains it by εἴασεν, but illustrates the matter by the instance of a general who leaves his soldiers in the battle, and thus deprives them of his aid, and abandons them to the enemy. Theodoret explains it: τῆς οἰκείας προμηθείας ἐγύμνωσε, and em- ploys the comparison of an abandoned ves- sel. Theophylact illustrates the παρέδωκεν by the example of a physician who gives up a refractory patient (παραδίδωσιν αὐτὸν τῷ ἐπὶ πλέον νοσεῖν). 2 Comp. also Ruhnken, ad Vellej. ii. 57, 8. 64 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. or as the genitive of more precise definition depending on ἀκαθαρσ. (impurity of the becoming dishonoured, t.e. which consisted therein ; so Fritzsche, Winer, Tholuck, and de Wette). The latter’ is the more probable, partly because the ἀτιμάζεσϑαι «.7.A. already constitutes the impurity itself, and does not merely attend it as a result ; and partly on account of the parallel in ver. 28, where ποιεῖν x.7.A. is likewise eperegetical. ἀτιμάζεσϑαι is not however the middle, whereby the αὐτοπαϑές would be expressed, for which there is no empirical usage, but the passive: that their bodies were dishonoured among themselves, mutually. This ἐν ἑαυτοῖς refers to the persons (αὐτῶν, not to be written αὑτῶν), not asserting that the ἀτιμάζεσϑαι takes place on themselves, which is in fact already conveyed by τὰ σώματα αὐτῶν," but rather based on the nature of participation in unchastity, according to which they bring one on the other reciprocally the dishonouring of the body. In this personal reci- procity of those who practise unchastity with each other lies the character- istic abominableness of the dishonouring of the body ; and this point is des- ignated by ἐν ἑαυτοῖς more expressly, because in contrast to non-participating third persons, than it would have been by ἐν aaagaow.* —The vices of un- chastity, which moreover are still here referred to quite generally (it is other- wise in ver. 26 f.), and not specially as unnatural, according to their dis- graceful nature, in whatever forms they may have been practised, are specifi- cally heathen (in fact, even partially belonging to the heathen ecultws), as a consequence of apostasy from the true God (comp. 1 Thess. iv. 5). As they again prevail even among Christians, wherever this apostasy spreads through unbelief, they must verify even in Christendom their heathen nature, and, along with the likewise essentially heathen πλεονεξία, pre-eminently exclude from the salvation of the Messiah (Eph. v. 5 f.; Col. iii. 5 ; 1 Cor. vi. 9 f.). —With ἀτιμάζ. τ. σώμ. compare the opposite, 1 Thess. iv. 4, where τὸ ἑαυτοῦ σκεῦος must be explained of the body as the vessel of the Ego proper. Ver. 25. Οἵτενες μετήλλαξαν κ.τ.}.} as those who exchanged, etc. In this de- scription of the character of those who are given up, attached to ver. 24, Paul makes once more apparent the motive which determined God to give them up. The words are a renewed tragic commentary (comp. vv. 22, 238) on the διό, ver. 24. On ὅστις, guippe qui, which brings up the class to which one belongs, and thereby includes the specification of the reason, see Her- mann, ad Soph. Oed. R. 688 ; Matthiae, p. 1073. Hofmann erroneously makes a relative protasis begin with οἵτινες, with which then διὰ τοῦτο x.7.A., ver. 26, would be connected by way of apodosis : them, who exchanged, etc., God has therefore given up. This would not be inconsistent with αὐτούς in ver. 26, which would then be resumptive ; but the very praise of God, in which ver. 25 terminates, and still more the concluding ἀμήν, which can only indicate the end of the sentence (comp. ix. 5, xi. 86 ; Gal. i. 5 ; Eph. iii. 1See Buttmann, neut. Gr. p. 280 f. [E. T. semet ipsis. With the reading ἐν αὐτοῖς we 268]. 2 Hofmann refers the reading which he follows, ἐν αὐτοῖς, to the σώματα, but ex- plains this: the body of each person in himself ; consequently, as if the expression were ἐν ἑαυτοῖς, and that in the sense in should rather render it simply: in order that among them (i.e. in their common inter- course) their bodies should be dishonoured. Such was to be the course of things among them. 3 Kiihner ad Xen. Mem. ii. 6, 20. CHAP. I., 25. 65 21), ought to have decidedly precluded such a forced intermixture of sen- tences, which is not to be justified by subtleties. — The compound μετήλλ. (exchanged) is more significant than ἤλλαξαν (changed) in ver. 23. — τὴν ἀλήϑ. τοῦ Θεοῦ] to be taken entirely in harmony with the expression τὴν δόξαν τοῦ Θεοῦ in ver. 23; therefore τοῦ Θεοῦ is to be taken as genitive of the subject : the truth of God, the true divine reality,* so as to make it in point of actual meaning, though not in the abstract form of the conception, identical with : “true God” (Luther, and most expositors, including Riickert, de Wette, Tholuck, Fritzsche, Philippi, van Hengel). It is differently rendered by Wolf, whom Kdllner follows: the truth revealed to the Gentiles by God. Reiche and Mehring (following Pareus, Camerarius, Estius, Seb. Schmid, and Cramer) take it as the true knowledge of God, so that Θεοῦ would be geni- tive of the object. Compare Piscator, Usteri, and Glickler, who understand by it the original consciousness of God. Opposed to these views is the exact parallel in which ver. 25 stands to ver. 23, so that τοῦ Θεοῦ ought not to be taken without necessity as having a different reference in the two verses. τὴν ἀλήϑ. τ. Θεοῦ is explained concretely by τὸν κτίσαντα in the second half of the verse. — ἐν τῷ ψεύδει] with the lie ; ἐν as in ver. 23. By this Paul means, in contrast to τὴν ἀλήϑ. τ. Θεοῦ (but otherwise than in iii. 7), the false gods, which are κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν the ψεῦδος in conereto, the negation of the truth of God. Comp. on 1 Cor. viii. 4 f., x. 20. Grotius has aptly said: ‘‘ pro Deo vero sumserunt imaginarios.” ?— καὶ ἐσεβάσϑησαν. . . . κτίσαντα] More precise explanation of the first clause of the verse. — ἐσεβ. k. éAatp.| The former is general (coluerunt), the latter took place through sacrifices, and other definite rites and services; hence Paul designates his own specific service of God in ver. 8 by λατρεύω. σεβάζομαι, in Homer : to be afraid of (Ll. vi. 167, 417), is employed in the later Greek like σέβομαι in the sense to revere, Orph. Arg. 550, Aq. Hos. x. 5. In the N. T. it only occurs here. — τῇ κτίσει] Corresponding with the verb standing next to it, so that the ac- cusative is to be supplied with éceB. See Matthiae, ὃ 428, 2. — παρὰ τ. κτί- σαντα] in the sense of comparison: prae creatore, in which case the context alone decides whether the preference of the one before the other is only relative, or whether it excludes the latter altogether (see on Luke xviii. 14 ; and van Hengel on our passage). The second case is that which occurs here, in accordance both with the nature of the case, seeing that the Gen- tiles did not worship the Creator at all, and with the immediate connection (μετήλλαξαν. . . . ἐν τῷ ψεύδε). The sense therefore substantially amounts to praeterito creatore (Hilary), or relicto creatore (Cyprian), i.e. they honoured. the creature and not the Creator, whom they ought to have honoured. Theophylact says aptly, with reference to the comparative παρά : ἐκ τῆς ovy- κρίσεως τὸ ἔγκλημα ἐπαίρων. So in substance also Beza, Estius, and others, including Reiche, Tholuck, Olshausen, de Wette, Baumgarten-Crusius, Krehl, Reithmayr, Maier, Philippi, van Hengel. The relative interpretation : 1 Not ‘the truth, which God Himself 48)" of His δόξα. (Hofmann) ; but that, which God is in true 2 Comp. Is. xliv. 20; Jer. iii. 10, xiii. 25, reality. Thatis just the adequate substance xvi. 19, αἰ. ; Philo, vit. Mos. p. 678 C, 679 A. 66 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. more than the Creator (Vulgate, Erasmus, Luther, Castalio, Grotius, Ammon, Riickert, and others), is therefore in point of fact erroneous. The contra ereatorem, which Hammond, Koppe, Flatt, Fritzsche, and Mehring find here, may likewise be traced to the sense of comparison,’ but has against it the fact, that in the whole context Paul presents the matter in the light of a μετάλλαξις, of an exchanging the true for the false, not of hostility to the true. From that point of view the Gentiles have worshipped the creature, and not the Creator. Quite parallel is rap’ ἐκεῖνον in Luke, xviii. 14, Lachm. — The doxology : who is praised, })12, not : celebrandus (comp. on Eph. i. 3; 2 Cor. xi. 31; Mark xiv. 61), for ever! Amen,—is a natural effusion of deeply-moved piety, called forth by the detestable contrast of the Gentile abominations just described, without any further special design (Koppe : ‘‘ne ipse in majestatem divinam injurius videri possit :)) comp. Tholuck). Vv. 26. 27. Διὰ τοῦτο] Beginning an independent sentence (against Hof- mann, see on ver. 25), refers to the description οἵτινες. . . . tained in ver. 25. The giving up is set forth once more (comp. ver. 24, διό) as the punishment of apostasy, and now indeed with such increasing force of delineation, that out of the category which is kept quite general in ver. 24 unnatural sensual abominations are specially adduced. — εἰς πάϑη ἀτιμίας] Genitive of quality.? Parallel to the passions of a disgraceful character is εἰς ἀκαϑαρσίαν in ver. 24; comp. Col. iii. 5; but the stronger expression here selected prepares the way for the following description of a pecul- iarly abominable form of vice. Still the wnnatural element is not implied in πάϑη ἀτιμίας itself (Hofmann: they are a dishonouring, not merely of the body, but of ““ hwmanity’’), since morally dishonouring passions are the agents, not only in the case of unnatural, but also in that of natural unchastity.* — The expressions ϑήλειαι and ἄρσενες, their females and their males, not γυναῖκες and ἄνδρες, are chosen because the predominant point of view is simply that of sex; Reiche thinks: out of contempt, because the words would also be used of beasts; but in fact, such unnatural things are foreign to the very beasts. Besides, the words are used even of the gods (Homer, 71. viii. 7, and frequently). — rv φυσικὴν χρῆσιν) of their sex, not: of the male, which is unsuitable to the vice indicated. Regarding χρῆσις in the sense of sexual use, see Wetstein and Kypke, also Coray, ad Heliodor. Aeg., p. 31.4—That ὁμοίως δὲ καί after the preceding τέ makes the latter an anakoluthon, is commonly assumed, but altogether without foundation, because in τὲ γάρ the τέ does not necessarily require any κτίσαντα COn- Schoettgen, Hor. in loc.) was the so-called Lesbian vice, λεσβιάζειν (Lucian, D. Mer. 5. 1See Bernhardy, p. 259; Winer, p. 377 [E. T. 404]; and the passages from Plato in Ast. 1.65. III. p. 28. 2 Comp. on πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης in ver. 4, and Bornemann, Schol. in Luc. p. 21. 3 Respecting τὲ yap, namgue, for... indeed (vii. 7 ; 2 Cor. x. 8), see Hermann, σα Soph. Trach. 1015; Hartung, I. p. 115; Klotz, ad Devar. p. 749 ff. 4 How very prevalent among the Gentiles (it was found also among the Jews, see 1), women with women abusing their sex (tribades, in Tertullian jvrictrices), see Sal- masius, foen. Trapez. Ὁ. 143 f., 152 f. ; and the commentators on Ael. V. ZZ. iii. 19. Comp. the ἑταιρίστριαι in Plat. Symp. Ὁ. 191 EH, and the ἀσέλγεια τριβακή in Luc. Amor. 28; and see Ruhnken. ad Tim. p. 124, and generally Rosenbaum, Gesch. d. Lustseucheim Alterth. ed. 2, 1845. CHAP. I., 28. 67 correlative. See Klotz 1.5. If it were put correlatively, we should have in ὁμοίως δὲ καί the other corresponding member really present (as is actually the case, e.g. in Plat. Symp. p. 186 E), which however would in that case inappropriately stand out with greater emphasis and weight than the former.’ The reading ré (instead of dé) in Elz., as well as the entire omission of the particle (C, min., Origen, Jerome), is a too hasty emendation. Stronger than the simple form.? Such a state is the πυροῦσϑαι in 1 Cor. vii. 9. Moreover, Paul represents here not the heat that precedes the act of unchastity, but that which is kindled in the act itself (κατεργαζόμενοι . . arrohauBdvovtec). — ἄρσενες ἐν ἄρσεσι] whilst they, males on males, performed the (known, from ver. 26) wnseemliness. On the emphatic juxtaposition of dpe. ἐν ἄρσ. comp. generally Lobeck, ad Aj. 522, and in particular Porphyr. de abstin. iv. 20 ; and Wetstein in loc. On κατεργάζεσϑαι, which is used both of evil (ii. 9, vii. 9, xv. 17 1.) and good (v. 8, xv. 18; Phil. ii. 12), but which, as distinguished from ἐργάζεσϑαι, always expresses the bringing to pass, the accomplishment, comp. especially ii. 9, and van Hengel thereon ; 1 Cor. v. 3; 2 Cor. vii. 10, and the critical remarks thereon. On ἀσχημ. see Gen. χχχίν. 7. --- τὴν ἀντιμισϑίαν «.7.A.] The aberration, which Paul means, see in vy. 21-23, 28 ; it is the aberration from God to idols, not that implied in the sexual perversion of the divine order (Hofmann), which perversion, on the con- trary, is brought by διό in ver. 24, and by διά τοῦτο in ver. 26, under the point of view of penal retribution for the πλάνη. By the recompense for the πλάνη Paul does not at all mean that the men ‘‘ have that done to them by their fellows, which they themselves do to theirs” (Hofmann), but rather, in har- mony with the connection of cause and effect, the abominable wnnatural lusts just described, to which God has given up the Gentiles, and thereby, in recompensing godlessness through such wicked excesses (ver. 18), re- vealed His ὀργή. Therefore also ἣν ἔδει is added, namely, in accordance with the necessity of the holy divine order. See vv. 24, 26, 28. On ἀντι- μισϑία comp. 2 Cor. vi. 13 ; Clem. Cor. Il. 1. It occurs neither in Greek authors, who have the adjective ἀντίμισϑος (Aesch. Suppl. 273), nor in the LXX. or Apocrypha. —év ἑαυτοῖς] on themselves mutually (ἐν ἀλλήλοις), as in ver. 24. It enhances the sadness of the description. For a number of pas- sages attesting the prevalence of unchastity between man and man, espe- cially of paederastia among the Gentiles, particularly the Greeks (it was for- bidden to the Jews in Lev. xviii. 22), see Becker, Charikl. I. p. 346 ff. ; Hermann, Privatalterth. § 29; Bernhardy, Griech. Lit. ed. 2, p. 50 ff. Moreover, Bengel aptly observes regarding the whole of this unreserved ex- posure of Gentile unchastity : ‘‘ In peccatis arguendis saepe scapha debet ἐξεκαύϑησαν] 1 Stallbaum, ad Plat. Polit. p. 270 D, Rep. p. 867 C; Dissen. ad Pind. Ol. viii. 56; Klausen, ad Aesch. Choeph. p. 199. Hof- mann thinks that with ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ x.7.A. the argument ascends fo the greater danger Sor the continuance of the human race. But that is a purely imported thought. The Apostle’s point of view isthe moral ἀτιμία, which, in the case of female depravity, comes out most glaringly. And therefore Paul, in order to cast the most tragic light possible on these conditions, puts the brief delineation of female conduct in the fore- ground, in order then symmetrically to subjoin, with ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ, the male vice as the second part of the filthy category. 2 Comp. Alciphr. iii. 67; ἐξεκαύθην els ἔρωτα. 08 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS, scapha dici. Pudorem praeposterum ii fere postulant, qui pudicitia carent. . . . Gravitas et ardor stili judicialis proprietate verborum non violat verecundiam, ” Observe, nevertheless, how the Apostle delineates the female dishonour in less concrete traits than the male. He touches the matter in ver. 26 briefly and clearly enough, but with delicate avoidance of detailed description. Ver. 28. From the previous exclusive description of the sensual vice of the Gentiles, Paul now proceeds to a summary enumeration of yet other vices to which they had been given up by God in punishment of their apos- tasy. —xa¥ac]| is not causal, but guemadmodum. The giving them up was something corresponding to their disdainful rejection of the knowledge of God, proportionate as punishment. — οὐκ ἐδοκίμασαν] they deem God not worth (1 Thess. 11. 4) ; ob γὰρ ἀγνοίας, ἀλλὰ μελέτης εἶναι φησὶ τὰ τολμήματα, Chrysos- tom. — ἔχειν ἐν ἐπιγνώσει] Their γνῶναι τὸν Θεόν, derived from the revelation of nature (ver. 21), ought to have been brought by cultivation to an ἐπιγνῶ- vat, that is, to a penetrating and living knowledge of God (see on Eph. i. 17 ; 1 Cor. xiii. 12) ; thus they would have attained to the having God ἐν ἐπιγνώσει ; but they would not, and so became τὰ ἔϑνη τὰ μὴ εἰδότα τὸν Θεόν, 1 Thess. iv. 5; Gal. iv. 8; Eph. ii. 12; Acts xvii. 30. On ἔχε ἐν with an abstract noun, which represents the object as appropriated in the action, so that it is possessed in the latter (here in ἐπιγνῶναι), comp. Locella, ad Xen. Eph. p. 255. Similar is ἐν ὀργῇ ἔχειν, and the like, Kriiger on Thucyd. ii. 8, Ὁ, -- εἰς ἀδόκ. νοῦν] An ingenious paronomasia with οὐκ édoxiu., to set forth the more prominently the recompense, to which the emphatically repeated ὁ Θεός also contributes : as they did not esteem God worthy, etc., God gave them up to an unworthy, reprobate νοῦς (the collective power of the mind’s action in theoretic and moral cognition.)’ The rendering judicii expers (Beza, Gléckler and others) is opposed to the genius of the language, even as Bengel turns it, and Weiss, bibl. Theol. Ὁ. 280, defines it. The ἀδόκιμον of the νοῦς is its blameworthiness according to an objective moral standard, but does not express the mode of thinking which they themselves must condemn among one another (Th. Schott ; comp. Hofmann), which is neither to be taken by anticipation from ver. 32, nor extracted from jj. — ποιεῖν τὰ μὴ καϑήκοντα] to do what is not becoming, what is not moral. Comp. 3 Macc. iv. 16. The Stoical distinction between καϑῆκον and κατόρϑωμα Paul has not thought of (as Vitringa conceives). The infinitive is epexegetical : so that they do. The participle with μή indicates the genus of that which is not seemly (Baeum- lein, Partik. p. 296) ; τὰ ov καϑέήκοντα (comp. Eph. v. 4), would be the wn- seemly. The negative expression is correlate to the ἀδόκιμος νοῦς. Vv. 29-31. Πεπληρωμένους πάσῃ ἀδικίᾳ] a more precise definition of ποιεῖν τὰ μὴ καϑήκ. : as those who are full of every unrighteousness (ver. 18). This is the general statement, and all the points subsequently introduced are its several species, so that μεστοὺς φϑόνου and then ψιϑυριστὰς «.7.2. are appositions 1 Comp. on vii. 23, and Kluge in the Jahrb. not determine the ethical conduct in accord- f. D. Th. 1871, p. 829. The νοῦς is ἀδόκιμος ance withit. when, not receptive for divine truth, it does CHAP, τὴν 9. οἷς 69 to πεπληρ. π. adix. Similar catalogues of sins are 2 Cor. xii. 30; Gal. v. 19 ff.; Eph. v. 3f.; 1 Tim. i. 9 f.; 2 Tim. iii. 2 ff. — πονηρίᾳ: . κακίᾳ] ma- lignity (malice), comp. Eph. iv. 31; Col. iii. 8; Tit. {Π|..8΄. . vileness (meanness), the latter, in Aristotle and other writers, opposed to ἀρετή, and translated in Cicero, Tusc. iv. 15, 34, by vitiositas. Comp. 1 Cor. v. 8. — φόνου] Conceived here as the thought which has filled the man, the μερμηρίζειν φόνον, Homer, Od. xix. 2, comp. Acts ix. 1. On the paronomasia with φϑόνου comp. Gal. v. 21. The latter is just the σημεῖον φύσεως παντάπασι πονηρᾶς, Dem, 499, 21. — κακοηϑείας] malicious disposition, whose peculiarity it is ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ὑπολαμβάνειν τὰ πάντα (Aristotle, Fhet. ii. 18). As the con- text requires a special vice, we may not adopt, with Erasmus, Calvin, and Homberg, the general signification perversitas, corruptio morum (Xen. Cyn. xiii. 16 ; Dem. 542, 11; Plat. Rep. p. 348 D).1— ψεϑυρ. whisperers, tale- bearers, consequently secret slanderers (Dem. 1358, 6) ; but κατάλαλοι, calum- niators, detractors generally, not precisely open ones (Theophylact, Kéllner, de Wette, and others). Comp. ψιϑυρισμούς te καὶ καταλαλιάς, Clem. Cor. i. 35. The construction of καταλάλους as an adjective with y.3vp (Hofmann), must be rejected, because none of the other elements has an adjectival definition an- nexed to it, and because καταλάλ. would not add to the notion of ψιϑυρ. any- thing characteristic in the way of more precise definition. ψιϑυρ would be better fitted to form a limiting definition of καταλ. But in 2 Cor. xii. 20 also, both ideas stand independently side by side. — ϑεοστυγεῖς] hated by God, Deo odibiles (Vulgate). This passive rendering of the word which be- longs especially to the tragedians (Pollux, i. 21), so that it is equivalent to Θεῷ ἐχϑαιρόμενος (comp. Soph. Aj. 458), is clearly attested by the wsus loquendi as the only correct one.? Since no passage whatever supports the active signification, and since even Suidas and Oecumenius clearly betray that they knew the active meaning adopted by them to be a deviation from the usage of the ancient writers,’ we must reject, with Koppe, Riickert, Fritzsche, de Wette, Philippi, Baumgarten-Crusius, and Hofmann, the in- terpretation, Dei osores, that has been preferred by the majority since the time of Theodoret.* Even the analogous forms that have been appealed to, ϑεομισῆς, βροτοστυγῆς (Aesch. Choeph. 51, Prom. 799), are to be taken as 1 See regarding the word generally Hom- berg, Parerg. Ὁ. 196 ; Kypke, 11. Ὁ. 155 f. 2See Eurip. JVroad. 1213, Cycl. 395, 598, Neophr. ap. Stob. sevm. 20, p. 172. Comp. θεοστύγητος in Aesch. Choeph. 635, Fritzsche in loc., and Wetstein. 3 Suidas says: Θεοστυγεῖς θεομίσητοι, οἱ ὑπὸ Θεοῦ μισούμενοι καὶ οἱ Θεὸν μισοῦντες: παρὰ δὲ τῷ ἀποστόλῳ θεοστυγεῖς οὐχὶ οἱ ὑπὸ Θεοῦ μισοῦ- μενοι, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μισοῦντες τὸν Θεόν. Oecume- nius: Θεοστυγεῖς δὲ οὐ τοὺς ὑπὸ Θεοῦ μισουμέ- νους, οὐ γὰρ αὐτῷ τοῦτο δεῖξαι πρόκειται νῦν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς μισοῦντας Θεόν. These negative definitions, which both give, manifestly point to the use of the word in other authors, from which Paul here departs. It ° is doubtful whether Clement, Cor. I. 35, where thereis an echo of our passage, had in view the active or the passive sense of θεοστυγεῖς. He uses indeed the evidently active θεοστυγία, but adds at the close of the list of sins: ταῦτα οἱ πράσσοντες στυγητοὶ τῷ Θεῷ ὑπάρχουσιν. Chrysostom does not express his opinion regarding the word. 4 The Dei osores was taken to refer to the heathen vice of wrath against the gods con- ceived as possessing human passions. See Grotius and Reiche. Others have under- stood it variously. Tholuck thinks of ac- cusers of providence,.Promethean characters; Ewald, of dlasphemers of God; Calvin, of those who have a horror of God on account of His righteousness. Thus there is intro- duced into the general expression what the 20 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. passives, and therefore testify against the active interpretation.’ Comp. ϑεοβλαβής, stricken of God, Herod. viii. 137, al. In particular, ϑεομισής is quite the same as ϑεοστυγῆς the opposite of ϑεοφιλής, beloved of God.? The accentuation ϑεοστύγης, approved of even by Grotius and Beza, to distinguish it from the passive ϑεοστυγής, is nothing but an ancient (Suidas) unsupported fiction.* _— God-hating is expressed by μισόϑεος, Lucian, Tim. 35, Aesch. Ag. 1090 ; comp. φιλόϑεος, God-loving. The adoption, nevertheless, of the active sense was occasioned by the consideration : ‘‘ut in passivo positum dicatur, nulla est ratio, quum P. hic homines ex vitiis evidentibus reos faciat,” Cal- vin ; but even granting a certain unsuitableness in the passive sense, still we should not be justified in giving an explanation contrary to the usus loquendi ; we should be obliged to abide by the view that Paul had mixed up a less suitable term among the others. But this objection is diminished, if we take ϑεοστ., in accordance with the idea of divine holiness, as a char- acteristic designation of infamous evil-doers in general. So Fritzsche, and also Philippi.* And it vanishes altogether, if, leaving the word in its strict signification, hated of God, we recognize in it a summary judgment of moral indignation respecting all the preceding particulars ; so that, looking back on these, it forms a resting point in the disgraceful catalogue, the continuation of which is then carried on by ὑβριστὰς x.7.A. According to Hofmann, ϑεοστυγ. is an adjective qualifying ὑβριστάς. But we do not see why precisely this single point " in the entire catalogue, insolence (the notion of which is not to be arbitrarily heightened, so as to make it denote ‘‘the man-despiser who treads upon his fellows”), among so many particulars, some of them even worse, should be accompanied by an epithet, and one, too, of so extreme severity. — The continuation begins with a threefold description of se/f-eral- tation, and that in a descending climax. Regarding the distinction between ὑβρισταί, the insolent (qui prae superbia non solum contemnunt alios, sed etiam contumeliose tractant, comp. 1 Tim. i. 13), ὑπερήφανοι, the proud (who, proud of real or imaginary advantages, despise others), and ἀλαζόνες (boast- ers, swaggerers, without exactly intending to despise or insult others with their vainglory), see Tittmann, Synon. N. T. p. 73 1.5 If ὑπερηφ. be taken as adjective with the latter (Hofmann), then the vice, which is invariably and intrinsically immoral,’ would be limited merely to a particular mode of it. context gives no hint of. This applies also to Luther’s gloss: ‘‘the real picureans, who live asif there were no God.” 1 Evenin Clem. Hom. i. 12, there is nothing whatever in the connection opposed to the passive rendering of θεοστυγεῖς. 2See Plat. Rep. p. 612 E, Huth. p. 8 A; Dem. 1486, ult. ; Arist. Ran. 443. Comp. θεῷ μισητοί, Wisd. xiv. 9; and, as regards the idea, the Homeric ὅς κε θεοῖσιν ἀπέχθηται μακάρεσσιν, Od. κ. 74. . 3 See Buttmann, II. p. 371, Winer, p. 53 [E. T. 53]. 4Comp. Plat. Zegg. viii. p. 838 B: θεο- “lo... . καὶ αἰσχρῶν αἴσχιστα, 5 For neither καταλάλ. nor ὑπερηῷ. are to be taken as adjectives. See on those words. Hofmann seems to have adopted such a view, merely in order to gain anal- ogies in the text for his inappropriate treat- ment of the objectionable θεοστυγεῖς as an adjective. ὁ Comp. Grotius and Wetstein ; on ἀλας, especially Ruhnk. ad. Tim. p. 28, Ast, ad. Theophr. Char. 28. 7 See Xen. Mem. i. 7, 1 ff., where ἀλαζονεία is the antithesis of ἀρετή. It belongs to the category of the ψεύδεσθαι, Aesch. adv. Ctesiph. 99; Plat. Lys. p. 218 Ὁ. Compare also 2 Tim. 111. 2; Clem. Cor. I. (35, CHAP. 1., 32. 71 — ἐφευρ. κακῶν] devisers (Anacr. xli. 8) of evil things, quite general ; not to be limited to things of lwawry, with Grotius ; nor, with Hofmann, to evils which they desire to do to others.'— dovvérove| irrational, unreflecting, who, in what they do and leave undone, are not determined by the σύνεσις, by morally intelligent insight. Luther rightly says: ‘‘Mr. Unreason going rashly to work [Hans Unvernunft, mit dem Kopfe hindurch].” So also Eccles. xv. 7. The rendering devoid of conscience (according to Suidas) de- viates from the proper signification of the word. — ἀσυνϑέτους] makes a par- onomasia with the foregoing, and means, not wnsociable (Castalio, Tittmann, Ewald, comp. Hofmann), for which there is no warrant of usage, but cove- nant-breakers.2 On ἀστόργ. (without the natural affection of love) and ἀνελεῆμ (unmerciful), see Tittmann, Synon. p. 69.— The succession of the accumu- lated particulars is not arranged according to a systematic scheme, and the construction of such a scheme leads to arbitrary definition of the import of individual points ; but still their distribution is so far in accordance with approximate categories, that there are presented :— 1st, The general heathen vices, πεπληρωμένους . . . . κακίᾳ ; 2nd, dispositions inimical to others, μεστοὺς . . . . κακοηϑείας, and calumniatory speeches, ψιϑυρ., καταλάλ.. ; both series concluding with the general θεοστυγεῖς ; then, drd, The arrogant character, ὑβριστὰς... . ἀλαζόνας ; and finally, 4th, A series of negative particulars (all with @ privative), but headed by the positive, general ἐφευρ. κακῶν. This negative series portrays the want of dutiful affection in family life (γον. ἀπειϑ.), of intelligence (ἀσυνέτ.), fidelity (aovvd.), and love, (ἀστόργ-.. ave2..), consequently the want of every principle on which moral action is based. [See Note XIV. p. 78.] Ver. 32. Oirwec] quippe qui, of such a character, that they, cannot be the specification of a reason, as in ver. 25, and cannot consequently be intended to repeat once more the laying of the blame on themselves, since ver. 32 merely continues the description of the wickedness. It rather serves to introduce the awful completion of this description of vice; and that in such a way, that the Gentile immorality is brought clearly to light as an opposition to knowledge and conscience, and is thereby at the last very evi- dently shown to be wholly inexcusable (comp. 11]. 1). --- τὸ δικαίωμα τ. Θεοῦ] i.e. that which God as Lawgiver and Judge has ordained ; what He has deter- mined, and demands, as right.* Paul means the natural law of the moral consciousness (ii. 15), which determines : ὅτι οἱ τὰ τοιαῦτα πράσσοντες K.T.A. This ὅτι «.7.A. therefore is not to be treated as a parenthesis. — ἐπεγνόντες] although they have discerned (comp. on ver. 28), not merely γνόντες ; but so ἡ much the greater is the guilt. — ϑανάτου] What in the view of the heathen was conceived of as the state of punishment in Hades (comp. Philippi and Weiss, bibl. Theol. p. 277), which was incurred through vice and crime, Paul designates, in accordance with the truth involved in it (comp. Plat. Rep. p. 330 D), from his standpoint as ϑάνατος, and by this he means eternal death 1 Comp. 2 Mace. vii. 21, and the passages also Dem. 388, 6. from Philo in Loesner; also Tacit. Ann. iy. 3Comp. Kriiger on Zhuc. i. 41, 1; and 11, and Virg. Aen. ii. 161. see on Vv. 16. 2 Jer. iii. 8,10 f.; Suidas, Hesychius ; see 72 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. (comp. 2 Thess. i. 8) ; not temporal (Bengel, van Hengel, Mehring) ; or execution (Grotius, Hofmann) ; also not indefinitely severe punishments,’ the misery of sin, and so forth (so even Fritzsche and de Wette). — συνευδοκ. τοῖς πράσσ.] they are consenting with them that do them (comp. Luke xi. 48 ; Acts viii. 1; 1 Cor. vii. 12; 1 Macc. i. 60; 2 Macc. xi. 24. They not only do those things, but are also in their moral judgment (so wholly antagonistic to conscience has the latter become in the abandonment unto which God has decreed them, ver. 28) in agreement with others who so act. Bengel well remarks : ‘‘ pejus est συνευδοκεῖν ; nam qui malum patrat, sua sibi cupiditate abducitur,” etc., and how sharply are we otherwise ourselves accustomed to see and judge the mote in the eye of another! (Matt. vii. 3). This cli- max’ to the description of immorality, moreover, is neither to be referred with Grotius and Baumgarten-Crusius to the philosophers, who approved of several vices (paederastia, revenge, etc.) or regarded them as adiaphora ; nor with Heumann and Ewald to the magistrates, who left many crimes unpunished and even furthered them by their own example ; but, in har- mony with the quite general delineation of Gentile depravity, to be taken as a general feature marking the latter, which is thus laid bare in the deep- est slough of moral perversity. — The πράσσοντες and πράσσουσι are more com- prehensive than the simple ποιοῦσιν (do), designating the pursuit of these immoralities as the aim of their δου νιν. ὃ Notes py AMERICAN EprtTor. I. Ver. 1. Παῦλος. The view of the origin of the name Paul advocated by Meyer in his Introduc- ‘tion to the Epistle, § 1, and in his notes on Acts xiii. 9—that it was received on occasion of the conversion of Sergius Paulus—is also given by Olshausen, Ewald, and some others, but it is rejected by most writers of recent times, and by Weiss in his edition of Meyer's work. Weiss holds that it is rendered improbable by the fact that the name is mentioned in the Acts three verses earlier than the statement of the conversion of the proconsul. It may be questioned whether this argument can be regarded as having, in itself, special or decisive force. But, when the manner of introducing the new name into the narrative is considered, as related both to the preceding and following con- text, it will be observed that there is nothing, except what may easily be a mere accidental juxtaposition of words to favor the derivation suggested ; while, on the other hand, there is, in addition to the improbability that the Apostle would have adopted a name from one of his converts, a noticeable absence of any such indication that he did thus adopt it, as might naturally be expected if the his- torian had intended to convey this idea. It seems better, therefore, to hold that the Apostle had two names : one connected with his Hebrew origin, and the other with his Roman citizenship. 1Melanchthon says well against this 2 The climax lies necessarily in ἀλλὰ Kat view : ‘“‘P. non loquitur de politica guber- (in opposition to Reiche, Comm. crit. p. 6). natione, quae tantum externa facta punit : 3 See on John iii. 20. Comp. Rom. ii. 3, verum de judicio proprio in cujusque con- vii. 15, xiii. 4 ; Dem. de cor. 62: τί προσῆκον scientia intuente Deum.” ἣν ἑλέσθαι πράττειν κ. ποιεῖν. NOTES. 16) II. δοῦλος ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ. The word δοῦλος involves two ideas—that of belonging to a master, and that of service as a slave. As connected with the latter idea, the δοῦλος is in a δουλείᾳ, which answers to our conception of slavery ; as connected with the former, though he may, indeed, be in this condition, yet he also may not be. When speaking of Christian disciples, Paul always uses the word in the former sense. To his view, the believer, so far as his work and life are concerned, passes at his conversion out of the state of δουλεία into that of ἐλευθερία. The only slavery is that of sin. The service of Christ is perfect freedom. Whether the word is here used as referring to official position or with a more general meaning, cannot be determined with absolute certainty. As we find it, how- ever, when employed in connection with the names of individual persons, always applied to those who had some special work as teachers or ministers, and as in most of the places where it is thus applied it occurs in the opening salutations of the Apostolic letters, it seems probable that it carries with it the official reference. Yet this reference must be regarded as quite general (as Meyer says), and the idea of the word—as when used of the private Christian —is that of wholly belonging to Chriss. TI. Ver. 3. περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ, κ.τ.λ. The following points must be regarded as established by the manifest parallelism of the clauses: (a) that two things are declared respecting the Son, one on the σώρξ side of his nature, and the other on the πνεῦμα side ; the πνεῦμα being, thus, not the Holy Spirit, but the Son’s own spirit, and dy. being a characteristic or descriptive genitive ; (b) that the former of these two things is his descent from David and birth in the line of David’s family, while the lat- ter is designated by ὁρισθέντος---δυνάμει. That σάρξ, as used in the former state- ment, does not, in itself, exclude the idea of a descent from David so far as the human πνεῦμα is concerned, is evidenced by the common representation, in the Pauline Epistles (as well as the other N. T. writings), of Jesus as a complete man, and by the fact that there is nothing in the contrast of this particular sentence which necessarily contradicts the general representation. That there is nothing of this character is clear, because the contrasted πνεῦμα here may refer to the divine nature in Christ as distinguished from his human nature ; and if, on the other hand, it is interpreted as referring to his human spirit, the statement of the clause must be understood as made with reference to it,—and as declaring what was true of it,—only after the resurrection. It must be admitted, however, that the phrase ‘‘ according to the flesh’’ may be employed here, as often in the case of similar expressions in common speech, to call attention to the physical origin, without making prominent—though, indeed, it does not deny—the human-spiritual descent ; and thus that the mere use of this phrase cannot properly be considered as decisive proof that the human nature is contrasted with the divine, and that πνεῦμα must refer to the divine nature, The fact, however, that the contrast is thus filled out to greater fulness, and its introduction is more satisfactorily accounted for ; that the expression πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης is not only a peculiar one, which would not be expected when speaking of men, but one haying a near affinity to πνεῦμα ἅγιον, the name given to the Divine Spirit ; and that Paul elsewhere exalts Christ above all other beings 74 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. except God, or even gives him Divine exaltation, must be regarded as strongly pointing to the conclusion that something more is intended by the word than the mere ‘‘éow ἄνθρωπος, which receives the communication of the divine,” and that to the writer’s mind there was in Christ a peculiar divine element of nature, by virtue of and in accordance with which he was constituted Son of God with power by his resurrection. In respect to ὁρισθέντος, Meyer has satisfactorily shown that it is equivalent to qui constitulus est, The verb carries with it the idea of marking as bya boundary, and so, when connected with the matter of office, position, etc., of constituting, appointing, in which sense it is used in Acts x. 42, xvii. 31. It is -evident, however, that the Apostle does not mean to affirm that Christ was constituted Son of God, in connection with his resurrection, in any such sense as would involve the declaration that he was not Son of God before this. Such a declaration would be clearly opposed to the Pauline doctrine, as exhibited in all his Epistles. Moreover, the constituting did not consist sim- ply in a demonstrating or proving him to be Son of God to the view of men. This idea is neither presented in the participle itself, nor in any other words of the sentence. That the writer, however, in sucha statement, would not fail to set forth the precise sense in which he designed to use the word, is altogether probable. If we connect ἐν δυνάμει with υἱοῦ Θεοῦ we have such an explanatory phrase which meets the demands of the case and accords with New Testament teaching. Otherwise there is none. We may regard this as the true construction, therefore, rather than that which is favored by Meyer (with whom de Wette, Godet, Alford, Gifford, Shedd, and others agree), although the possibility of the latter must undoubtedly be admitted. It was by the resurrection that Christ was made Son of God with power, as he had not been in his earthly condition and as born of the seed of David. Weiss ed. Mey. agrees with this view. IV. Ver. 5. χάριν καὶ ἀποστολήν. The explanation of these words is to be sought, (a) in connection with such passages as Rom. xii. 6-8; Eph. iii. 7-12; Gal. 11. 9; Rom. xii. 3; xv. 15; 1 Cor. iii. 10. From these passages it is evident, that, in addition to his conception of di- vine grace as bestowed upon all believers, and as lying at the basis of their Christian life, Paul had the thought of a special impartation of this grace to individual men, for the purpose of fitting them for various offices and duties. In his own case, it had been given in such measure and manner as to qualify him to be a preacher of the Gospel, an apostle, a missionary to the Gen- tiles rather than the Jews, a founder of churches in regions into which others had not previously entered. It is also to be sought, (b) in connection with passages such as Gal. iv. 2, in which aword of amore specific character is added by καί to one that is more general, the design of the addition being to point the reader to that particular application of the general word which is, at the time, in the writer’s mind. The form of expression in such cases is not precisely a hendiadys (as if in this verse, e.g. the words were equivalent to χάριν ἀποστολῆς ; but the latter word is nevertheless explanatory, and carries with it the principal thought. As the writer says of the heir of an estate in Gal. iv. 2, that, in his minority, he is under guardians (ἐπιτρόπους, the general — word), and [i.e.to mark more particularly the relation tothe point in hand] NOTES. ie guardians in the matter of property (οἰκονόμους). So here he declares of him- self, that he had, through Jesus Christ, received grace, and, specially, the gift of and qualification for the apostolic office. The striking similarity in the main thought of this verse and that of xv. 15, 16 can scarcely fail to be noticed as confirming this view of the meaning here, It is this particular and peculiar gift of grace, on which the Apostle founds his claim to address and admonish the Gentile churches. V. Ver. 5. εἰς ὑπακοὴν πίστεως. That Meyer is correct in his explanation of these words, as against the view of Calvin, Hofmann, Godet, and others, including Weiss ed. Mey., who regard πίστεως as gen. appos., obedience which consists in faith, and that of Sanday, Shedd, and others, who hold it to be a gen. subj. obedience which springs from faith, is proved by the fact that in all other cases, where ὑπακοῇ is used ina similar way, the gen., whether denoting a person or thing, is objective, and also by the fact that where a kindred expression is employed having the kindred verb ὑπακούειν, the object and not the source, of the obedience is referred to. Philippi, de Wette, Alford, Gifford, Olshausen, Schaff, Beet, and others agree with Meyer, Godet and Weiss claim that faith is never in N. T. conceived of objectively as a power, and hence that Meyer’s view has no foundation. But this claim can hardly be substantiated, in view of Acts vi. 7 ; Gal. i. 23 (cf. Gal. 111. 2, 5; 2 Tim. iv. 7). The correctness of Meyer’s opinion, that πίστις here means subjective faith, and not doctrina fidei or the gospel, is admitted by the larger part of the best modern commentators. It is doubtful, to say the least, whether faith is ever used in N. T. as having the sense of the faith, i.e. the system of Christian doctrine, and certain that it does not ordinarily have this meaning. The probability against this sense of the word is, therefore, exceedingly strong in this and all similar cases. VI. Ver. 8. πρῶτον μέν. The second point of the introductory passage, which is indicated by his use of πρῶτον as in the writer’s mind, is his desire to visit the readers. He is led, however, in the progress of his sentences, to bring out this desire in a gram- matical subordination to the expression of his thankfulness for the widespread knowledge of their Christian life, and, thus, to abandon his original design of introducing it by a δεύτερον or ἔπειτα. The presentation, in such ἃ grammat ically subordinate way, of thoughts which are logically co-ordinate with others already expressed, belongs to the epistolary style as distinguished from that of a formal treatise, and is especially characteristic of the style of the Pauline letters. VII. Ver. 11. εἰς τὸ στηριχθῆναι ὑμᾶς. This verb is found again in xvi. 25 ;—at the beginning, thus, and the end of the letter. It indicates what the Apostle hoped might be the result of a per- sonal visit to the readers, if he should be permitted to make such a visit, and also what he thought of as the great blessing which God was able to bestow upon them. As this letter was apparently written in order that it might bea kind of representative of himself, until the hoped-for visit should be accom- plished, we can scarcely doubt that in the idea of this verb is to be found the final purpose of his writing. However fully the epistle has the doctrinal 76 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. character, it was designed to accomplish a practical result—namely, to estab- lish and strengthen the Roman believers in the Christian life. This, and not the mere knowledge of true doctrine, was what he desired as the fruit of his labors (ver. 13), and by reason of this he expected to be encouraged when he saw the evidence of their faith (ver. 12), as, at the same time, he trusted that they would be encouraged by the manifestation of his own. VIII. Ver. 16. παντὶ τῷ πιστεύοντι. What the Apostle means by the word παντί is manifest from that which he adds at the end of the sentence —to the Jew first, and also to the Greek. The same thing is seen in ii. 9, 10, iii. 9, 19 ; cf. iii. 22, 23, 29; iv. 16; cf. iv. 11, 12; that is, in all those passages (from the beginning to the end of his direct argument for his doctrine of justification), in which the relations of the faith system and the legal system are set forth, in their contrast with each other, by the use of this word. It is of all men as distinguished from Jews only, and not of all men as opposed to all with the exception of a certain portion or number, that he speaks in his discussion of the method of salvation. The Pauline universalism finds its opposite in the limitations of Judaism. According to the latter, jus- tification is confined to those who are born into the Jewish nation, or are united with it as proselytes ; according to the former, it is open to men every- where, Gentiles equally with Jews,—to all who believe, without regard to na- tional distinctions or boundaries. IX. Ver. 17. δικαιοσύνη γὰρ Θεοῦ x.7.A. Ver. 17 may be regarded as containing in itself the subject of the Epistle, or the proposition which the writer undertakes to establish and defend: ight- eousness is by faith. This proposition, however, isnot presented in an indepen- dent and formal way. On the contrary, it is made, through the γάρ at the beginning of the verse, to be a proof that the gospel is the power of God unto salvation to every believer ; and this latter statement, again, through the γάρ by which it is introduced, is brought forward as the ground of the writer’s declaration, that he is not ashamed of the gospel. The form of expression in the 17th verse is naturally affected by this manner of its introduction, and hence we have the words as they stand: A (or the) righteousness of God is revealed in it [the gospel] as proceeding from faith. The argument which follows, however, is directed to the end of proving the truth of the proposition in its simplest statement. The interpretation of ἐκ πίστεως as denoting the subjective source or cause from which righteousness comes is proved to be correct, (a) from the fact that this verse stands in the relation above described to the entire discussion of the Epistle, which is upon righteousness by faith ; (Ὁ) from the meaning of ἐκ πίστεως in the confirmatory passage cited, in the latter part of the verse, from O. T. ; (ὦ from the use of διὰ πίστεως in the parallel passage, iii. 21, 22 ; (d) from the fact that Paul in several places employs the expression δικαιοσύνη ἐκ πίστεως (e.g. ix. 30, x.6; cf. Gal. v. 5) in this sense, but mever in any other. The explanation of εἰς πίστιν, on the other hand, is suggested by the mode of arguing adopted by the writer (see Note X. also). The phenomena of the case are as follows: The proposition presented in ver. 17 is proved by showing that the only other doctrine supposable--namely, that of justification NOTES. 77 by works—cannot be maintained. This negative proof is evidently completed at iii. 20. The only thing remaining to be done, at that point, is, accordingly, to repeat the original proposition, as having been already established. There is, in fact, such a repetition in iii. 21, 22, as we must admit from the striking simi- larity, both in the thought and expression of those verses, to what is found in i. 17. We cannot doubt, therefore, that the Apostle intended to restate, in the later verses, what he had said in the earlier ones, and that, if so, the two must throw light upon each other. As we examine the passages, however, we find that δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ occurs in both ; that πεφανέρωται of the latter answers to ἀποκαλύπτεται of the former ; that dia πίστεως corresponds with ἐκ πίστεως ; and that γωρὶς νόμου suggests the idea of ἐν αὐτῷ: This being so, the proba- bility becomes overwhelming that εἰς τοὺς πιστεύοντας answers to εἰς πίστιν so far as to give us the author’s meaning in the latter phrase. The πίστις of 1.17 is, accordingly, that which is in the minds and hearts of the persons re- ferred to in 111. 22, and that which makes them οἱ πιστεύοντες It is that in them to which the revelation of righteousness comes and the offer of justifica- tion is presented. X. Ver. 18. ἀποκαλύπτεται γὰρ ὀργὴ Θεοῦ. The discussion, which is entered upon at the 18th verse and continued as far as iii. 20, assumes as athing admitted by both parties to the controversy, that there is a method by which men can be justified. It also assumes that, if there is such a method, it must be either in the line of faith or in that of works. These things being granted at the outset, it was evidently necessary for the Apostle only to prove that justification is not by works, in order to the estab- lishment of the proposition that it is by faith. It is this indirect course which he takes in his argument—the direct proof being, in this part of the Epistle, left entirely without consideration. The negative argument is divided into two sections, the first having reference to the Gentiles, the second to the Jews. This division is connected with the defence of the doctrine as against Judais- tic views, for, whatever opinion we may have as to the design or character of the Epistle, it cannot be doubted that the discussion takes hold upon the great question between the Pauline and Jewish Christianity. XI. Ver. 20. τὰ ἀόρατα κ.τ.λ. Evidently the invisible things are the everlasting power and divinity men- tioned afterward. The evidence for the existence of God here presented is that which the visible creation furnishes to the mind. The creation proves a creator with power adequate to produce it, i.e. an omnipotent creator ; om- nipotence carries with it the proof of the other divine attributes ; and thus the things that are made are, and ever since the beginning of time have been, bearing witness to God—a witness which is clearly understood, so soon as the νοῦς is directed to it and it is intelligently considered (νοούμενα). In this way the knowledge of God was manifested from the first, and is manifest still, to the Gentile nations ; and because of this fact, their turning away to idolatry is due, not to a want of revelation of the truth, but to a repressing of the truth, (κατεχόντων ver. 18), and a preventing it from having its legitimate influence upon their minds, through their own unrighteousness. 8 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. XII. Ver. 21. διότι--ηὐχαρίστησαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐματαιώθησαν. διότι justifies and confirms the preceding word, ἀναπολογήτους, and the two following verbs set forth the attitude which, as the natural and legitimate re- sult of knowing God, they should have held toward Him: they should have glorified Him for what He is in Himself, and have had thankfulness to Him for what He had given to them. Neither of these things had they done, but —the very opposite of this—they had turned away to the worship of idols. This turning to idolatry is set forth in ἐματαιώθησαν x.t.4., as the result of the vain and empty speculations (διαλογισμοῖς) into which they were led by reason of wilfully preventing (ἐν ἀδικίᾳ) the knowledge of God from having its true influ- ence upon their thoughts, and of the consequent darkness and folly in which they were involved. Weiss ed. Mey. denies any immediate connection be- tween ἐματαιώθησαν and the use of μάταια as employed in O. T. of idols, such as Meyer and many others hold, and regards it as pointing only to the fact that they directed their thoughts, not to the highest object of all thought, the true God, but to earthly things. He thus accords substantially with the view ex- pressed above. XIII. Ver. 24. διὸ παρέδωκεν κ. τ. A. The evidence that there is no justification by works for the Gentiles, but rather a revelation of wrath, is presented by a mere setting forth of the works which characterize them. For such works there can be nothing but condemna- tion. In his unfolding of the heathensins, the writer lays the foundation of all in idolatry (vv. 18-23), and then brings forward other evils as the result of this. These other evils he divides into two sections—(1) the sins of impurity (vv. 24-27), and (2) all other sins (vv. 28-32). Among these other sins, it is noticeable that the first specific one is πλεονεξία, covetousness (ἀδικία, πονηρία, and κακία, having a general character). The relation of all sin among the Gentiles to idolatry, and the development of idolatry on the side of impu- rity and of covetousness, seem to have been prominent before the mind of Paul, as we find him connecting them elsewhere. He also presents these latter evils as the two chief and distinguishing evils of the heathen nations. The paral- lelizing of impurity, in the first of the two sections here, with sins of every other sort, as if in one great class, in the second, is very suggestive. It is noticeable, also, that these multitudinous evils which spring from idolatry are presented before the reader as arising from it in the way of a divine judgment : God gives over these who thus voluntarily abandon the truth respecting Him- self, to the consequences in moral action of their own chosen errors. XIV. Ver. 29-31. ἀδικία---ἀνελεήμονες, That there is no designed arrangement according to a definite classification in vv. 29-31, is rendered altogether probable by the following considerations : (a) in the midst of a series of words which designate particular kinds of evil- doers, we find general words applicable to all evil-doers, θεοστογεῖς, ἐφευρέτας κακῶν. [The explanation of the former of these by Meyer, as a general word closing the list which conveys the idea of hostility, and of the latter as a positive opening the negative series (with ἀ privative), seems quite unsatisfactory, be- cause θεοστυγεῖς, on the one hand, is as truly inclusive of the words which im- NOTES. 79 mediately follow it, as of those which precede, and ἐφ. κακ., on the other, is not peculiarly related in its signification to the compound words which it is supposed to introduce] ; (0) the arrangement within the individual classes is not so accurate as such a purposed classification would 681] for ; e.g. the words from φθόνου to κακοηθείας ; (0) in other cases, where similar lists of words are found, there are difficulties of the same character in the supposition of any such formal division, e.g. Gal. 111. 22, 23; Heb. xi. 36, 37 ; (d) these accumulations of descriptive terms generally occur (as here, and in Heb. l.c.), in parts of the author’s discourse where he is rising towards the climax of his thought, and also towards the highest point of feeling—that is, in just those places where he would be least disposed to classify with care. All these lists of this character are, doubtless, to be explained as accumulations for rhetorical effect. In this way, rather than in any other, we may account in the present instance, not only for the insertion of general words, as indicated above, but also for the succession of negative compounds at the end, the force of which, as the apos- tle uttered them one after another when dictating to his amanuensis, can be easily appreciated. 80 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. CHAPTER AE Ver. 5. After ἀποκαλ. D*** K L &**, min., and several versions and Fathers, including Or., read xai, which is adopted by Mill, Wetst. Matth. and Fritzsche.! Against it is the greatly preponderant authority of the uncials, and the suspicion of having been added by way of relief to the accumulation of genitives. — Ver. 8. μέν after ἀπειθ. is wanting in B D* G &*, and is omit- ted by Lachm. and Tisch. (8), but was easily psssed over from inattention as seeming superfluous. —The order ὀργὴ καὶ θυμός (thus also Lachm. and Tisch.) is decisively attested. — Ver. 13. The article before véuov, which Elz. and Fritzsche read both times, but which Lachm. and Tisch. both times omit, is wanting in A Β Ὁ E (which however has it in the first case) G 8, 31, 46, Damasc, ; and betrays itself in the general form of the saying as inserted in order to denote the Mosaic law. — Ver. 14, ποιῇ] Lachm. and Tisch. read ποιῶσιν, following A B 8, min., Clem. Or. Damasc. (D* G have ποιοῦσιν). The plural is an amend- ment suggested by the context. — Ver. 16. Instead of ὅτε Lachm. following A and some Fathers, has 7. ; an interpretation ; as is also ἐν 7 ἡμέρᾳ in Β. — Ver. 17. εἰ δέ] The too weakly attested Recepta ide or ἰδέ is either a mere copyist’s error, or an alteration to get rid of the supposed anakoluthon. See Reiche, Comm. crit. Ver. 1.—ch. iii. 20. Having shown, ch. i. 18-32, in the case of the Gen- tiles, that they were strangers to the δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, Paul now, ΟἿ. 11.--111, 20, exhibits the same fact with reference to the Jews, and thus adduces the second half of the proof as to the universal necessity of justification by faith. [See Note XV. p. 105.] Naturally the Apostle was chiefly concerned with this second half of the proof, as the ἀδικία of heathenism was in itself clear ; but we see from ch. ii. that the detailed character of that deline- ation of Gentile wickedness was intended at the same time as a mirror for degenerate Judaism, to repress all Jewish conceit. Comp. Mangold, p. 102. Ver. 1. Διό] [See Note XVI. p. 105.] refers back to the main tenor of the whole previous exposition (vv. 18-82), and that indeed in its more special aspect as setting forth the moral condition of heathenism in respect to its imexcusable- ness. This reference is confirmed by the fact, that ἀναπολόγητος εἶ is said with a manifest glancing back to i. 20 ; it is laid down by Paul as it were as a finger-post for his διό. The reference assumed by Reiche, Fritzsche, Krehl, de Wette, and older writers, to the proposition in ver. 32, that the rightful demand of God adjudges death to the evil-doers ; or to the cog- nizance of that verdict, in spite of which the Gentiles were so immoral 1 Defended also by Philippi and Reiche, pearing not to receive more precise defini- Comm. crit., who thinks that the καί has tion. See on the other hand yan Hengel. been rejected on account of amoxadA. ap- CHAP, ΕΣ. Ἢ. 81 (Philippi, Baur, Th. Schott, Hofmann, Mangold), has against it the fact that this thought formed only a subsidiary sentence in what went before ; whereas here a new section begins, at the head of which Paul very naturally has placed a reference, even expressly marked by ἀναπολόγητος, to the entire section ending with ver. 32, over which he now throws once more a retro- spective glance. The connection of ideas therefore is : ‘‘ wherefore,” i.e. on account of that abomination of vice pointed out in vv. 18-82, ‘‘ thou art in- excusable,” ete. ; ‘‘for”—to exhibit now more exactly this “wherefore” — wherein thou judgest the other, thou condemnest thyself, because thou doest the same thing. In other words : before the mirror of this Gentile life of sin all excuse vanishes from thee, O man who judgest, for this mirror reflects thine own conduct, which thou thyself therefore condemnest by thy judgment. A deeply tragic de te narratur / into which the proud Jewish consciousness sees itself all of a sudden transferred. A proleptie use of διό (Tholuck) is not to be thought of ; not even γάρ is so used in the N. T. (see on John iv. 44), and διό neither in the N. T. nor elsewhere. —6 ἄνϑρωπε πᾶς ὁ κρίνων] Just as Paul, i. 18, designated the Gentiles by the general term ἀνϑρώπων, and only brought forward the special reference to them in the progress of the discourse ; so also he now designates the Jews, not as yet by name (see this first at ver. 17), but generally by the address ἄνϑρωπε, which however already implies a trace of reproach (ix. 20);! while at the same time he makes it by his πᾶς ὁ κρίνων sufficiently apparent that he is no longer speak- ing of the class already delineated, but is turning now to the Jews con- trasted with them ; for the self-righteous judging respecting the Gentiles as | rejected of God? was in fact a characteristic of the Jews. Hence all the more groundless is the hasty judgment, that this passage has nothing whatever to: do with the contrast between Jews and Gentiles (Hofmann). Comp. ver. 17 ff. And that it is the condemning κρίνειν which is meant, and not the: moral capacity of judgment in general (Th. Schott) and its exercise (Hof- mann) (comp. on Matt. vii. 9), follows from the subsequent κατακρίνεις more: precisely defining its import. Consequently the quite general interpreta- tion (Beza, Calovius, Benecke, Mehring, Luthardt, vom freien Willen, p. 416) seems untenable, as well as the reference to the Gentiles as the judging subjects (Th. Schott), or to all to whom i. 32 applied (Hofmann), or even specially to Gentile authorities (Chrysostom, Theodoret, Theophylact, Oc- cumenius, Cajetanus, Grotius).°—év 6] either instrumental : thereby, that, equivalent to ἐν τούτῳ ὅτι (Hofmann) ; or, still more closely corresponding to: the τὰ yap αὐτὰ πράσσεις : in which thing, in which point. Comp. xiv. 22. The temporal rendering : eodem tempore quo (Kollner, Reithmayr), arbi- trarily obscures the moral identity, which Paul intended to bring out. The: κατακρίνεις however is not facto condemnas (Estius, van Hengel), but the , judgment pronounced upon the other is a condemnatory judgment upon thy- — self, namely, because it applies to thine own conduct. On the contrast be- 1 Luke xii. 14; Plat. Prot. p.330D, Gorg. and many other passages. p. 452 B, and the passages in Wetstein, 3 Regarding the nominative as further ethi- Ellendt, Lex. Soph. I. Ὁ. 164. calepexcgesisof thevocative,see Bernhardy, 3 Midr. Tillin f. 6, 3; Chetubb. f. 8,3: p. 67, Buttmann, Newt. Gr. Ὁ. 123. [E. T. 141.] 82 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. tween ἕτερον and σεαυτόν comp. ver. 21; 1 Cor. x. 24, 29; Gal. vi. 4; Phil. ii. 4. -- τὰ αὐτά] the same sins and vices, not indeed according to all their several concrete manifestations, as previously described, but according to their essential moral categories ; see vv. 17-24. Comp. on the idea John vill, 7. — ὁ κρίνων) with reproachful emphasis. Ver. 2. Oidayev] Paul means to pronounce it as in his own view and that of his readers an undoubted truth (comp. iii. 19), that the judicial decision which God will one day pronounce, etc. The δέ carries on the discourse, and the entire sentence forms the propositio major to what is now (ver. 3) to be proved, namely, that the person judging (the Jew), who yet makes himself guilty of wickedness similar to the things (τὰ τοιαῦτα) in question, deceives himself if he thinks to escape the true judgment of God (ver. 5). Thus τὸ κρίμα ' τ. Θεοῦ has the emphasis of contrast with that human judgment so inconsistent with their own conduct. The predicate of being κατὰ ἀλήϑειαν ἐπὶ τοὺς κιτ.λ. belongs not to the latter, but to the divine κρίμα. Th. Schott erroneously emphasizes πράσσοντας, dislocating the clear train of thought, as if Paul were treating of the truth that the Gentile’s knowledge of what was right would not shield him from sin and condemnation. Hofmann also introduces a similar confusion. — κατὰ ἀλήϑειαν] contains the standard, in accordance with which the judgment of God is pronounced against the τὰ τοιαῦτα πράσσοντες : in accordance with truth, so that it is, without error or partiality, entirely adequate to the moral condition of these subjects. Ra- phel, Kéllner, Krehl, Mehring, and Hofmann take it as equivalent to ἀληϑῶς, really (4 Macc. v. 15 ; and in Greek writers), so that the meaning would be : it is iv reality issued over them. But it could not be the object of the Apostle to remind them of the reality of the divine judicial sentence, which was under all circumstances undoubted and undisputed, so much as of its truth, for the sake of the Jews who fancied that that judgment would con- demn the Gentiles, but would spare the descendants of Abraham as such, and on account of their circumcision and other theocratic privileges ; by which idea they manifestly denied the ἀλήϑεια of the κρῖμα τοῦ Θεοῦ, as if it were an untrue false sentence, the contents of which did not correspond to the existing state of the facts. Ver. 3. Antithesis of ver. 2, ‘‘That God judges evildoers according to truth, we know (ver. 2) ; but judgest thou (in the face of that proposition) that thou shalt . . . . escape?” This would indeed be at variance with the ἀλήϑεια of the judgment. Comp. Matt. iii. 7; and the passages from pro- fane writers in Grotius. The non-interrogative rendering of vv. 3, 4 (Hof- mann) is not called for by the connection with the assertive declaration in ver. 5 ; it weakens the lively force of the discourse, and utterly fails to suit the ἢ in ver. 4, so prevalent in double questions. — τοῦτο] preparing with emphasis (here : of surprise) for the following ὅτε σὺ éxd. «.7.A.; Bernhardy, p. 284. — σὺ] Thou on thy side, as if thou madest an exception ; opposed to the Jewish self-conceit (Matt. iii. 7 ff.; Luke iii. 7 f.). The emphasis is 1 Not κρίμα. With Lachmannit is to be 418. Lipsius is of a different opinion as accentuated κρῖμα ; see Lobeck, Paralip. p. regards the N. T. (grammat. Unters, Ὁ. 40 f.). CHAP? ΤΙΣ, 45 δὲ 83 not on Θεοῦ (Chrysostom, Theophylact, and others). — ἐκφεύξῃ] not : through acquittal (Bengel),* but inasmuch as thou shalt not be subjected to the κρῖμα of God, but shalt on the contrary escape it and be secure afar off from it. Comp. 2 Macc. vi. 26, vii. 35 ; 1 Thess. v. 3 ; Heb. ii. 83. According to the Jewish illusion only the Gentiles were to be judged (Bertholdt, Christol. p- 206 ff.), whereas all Israel were to share in the Messianic kingdom as its native children (Matt. viii. 12). Ver. 4. [See Note XVII. p. 106.] Or—in case thou hast not this illusion— despisest thou, etc. The ἢ draws away the attention from the case first put as a question, and proposes another ; vi. 3 ; 1 Cor. ix. 6, and often elsewhere.? —The despising the divine goodness is the contemptuous unconcern as to its holy purpose, which produces as a natural consequence security in sinning (Eccles. v. 5 f.).— τοῦ πλούτου τῆς χρηστ.] πλοῦτος, as designation of the ‘‘abundantia et magnitudo” (Estius), is a very current expression with the Apostle (ix. 23, xi. 38); Eph. i. 7, ii. 4, 7, iii. 16 ; Col. i. 27), but is nota Hebraism (Ps. v. 8, Ixix. 17 a/.), being used also by Greek authors ; Plat. Huth. p. 12 A, and see Loesner, Ὁ. 245.— χρηστότητος] is the goodness of God, in accordance with which He is inclined to benefit (and not to punish). Comp. Tittmann’s Synon. p. 195. —avoyy and μακροϑ.. patience and long- suffering—the two terms exhausting the one idea—denote the disposition of God, in accordance with which He indulgently tolerates the sins and de- lays the punishments.* ---- ἀγνοῶν] inasmuch as it is unknown to thee, that ete. By this accompanying definition of the καταφρονεῖς the (guilty) folly of the despiser is laid bare as its tragic source. Bengel says aptly : ‘‘miratur Paulus hancignorantiam.” The literal sense is arbitrarily altered by Pareus, Reiche, de Wette, Maier, and others, who make it denote the not being «will- ing to know, which it does not denote even in Acts xvii. 23 ; Rom. x. 3; by K6élner, who, following Grotius, Koppe, and many others, holds it to mean non considerans ; and also by Hofmann : ‘‘to perceive, as one ought.” Comp. 1 Cor. xv. 34. — ἄγει] of ethical incitement by influencing the will.‘ But it is not to be taken of the conatus (desires to urge), but of the standing relation of the goodness of God to the moral condition of man.*° This re- lation is an impelling to repentance, in which the failure of result on the part of man does not cancel the act of the ἄγει itself.° Ver. 5. A vividly introduced contrast to the preceding proposition ὅτε τὸ χρηστὸν... . ἄγει ; not a continuation of the question (Lachmann, following Koppe and others ; also Baumgarten-Crusius, Ewald), but affirmative (by which the discourse becomes far more impressive and striking) as a setting forth of the actual position of things, which is brought about by man through his impenitence, in opposition to the drawing of the divine kind- ness ; for the words can only, in pursuance of the correct interrogative ren- dering of ver. 3, be connected with ver. 4, and not also (as Hofmann holds) 1 Comp. Dem. 602, 2, Aristoph. Vesp. 157 al. 4 Plat. Rep. Ὁ. 572 D, al. See Kypke and 2 Baeumlein, Partikell. p. 132. Reisig, ad. Soph. O. C. 253. Comp. viii. 14. 3See Wetstein, and the passages from δ Therefore no predestination to damna- the Fathers in Suicer, Zhes. II. p. 994. tion can be supposed. Comp. Tittmann, Synon. p. 194. 6 Comp. Wisd. xi. 23; Appian. ii. 63. 84 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. with ver. 3. — κατά] in accordance with ; in a causal sense. Comp. on Phil. iv. 11. On oxdnp x. ἀμεταν. kapd. comp. Acts vii. 31. It is correlative with the previous εἰς μετάνοιαν. --- ϑησαυρίζεις σεαυτῷ ὀργὴν] Wolf aptly says: ‘ in- nuitur.... irae divinae judicia paulatim coacervari, ut tandem universa promantur.”? The purposely chosen word glances back to the previous τοῦ πλούτου k.T.2. and σεαυτῷ, to thyself, heightens the tragic nature of the foolish conduct that redounds fo one’s own destruction ; comp. ΧΙ]. 2. — ἐν ἡμέρᾳ opy. } not to be taken with Luther, Beza, Castalio, Piscator, Calvin, Estius, and many others as in diem irae (Phil. 1. 10 ; Jude 6; Tob. iv. 9), belongs to ὀργήν : which breaks out on the day of wrath. Comp. 1 Thess. iii. 13. Re- garding the repetition of ὀργῆς after ὀργήν Bengel correctly remarks : ‘‘ dev- νότης Sermonis magna vi.” Whose wrath, is self-evident, without its being necessary to connect ὀργής with Θεοῦ (Hofmann), which is forbidden by the intervening ἀποκαλ. and by the previous absolutely put ὀργήν. The article was not required by ἡμέρᾳ on account of the genitive definitions ; 1 Cor. vi. 2; Eph. iv. 30 ; Phil. i. 6, a/.2— Paul characterizes the day of judgment, and with what powerful emphasis! by an accumulation of genitives and weighty expressions, with reference to the fate of the bad as ἡμέρα ὁργῆς, but with reference to its general destination (afterwards ver. 6 ff. to be further carried out in detail) for good and bad as a day aroxad δικαιοκρισ. τ. Θεοῦ, 1.6. on which God’s righteous judgment (which until then remains hidden) is re- vealed, publicly exhibited. With the exception of passages of the Fathers, such as Justin, de resurr. p. 223, δικαιοκρισία occurs only in an unknown translation of Hos. vi. 5 (where the LXX. read κρίμα) and the Test. XII. Patr. p. 547 and 581. Ver. 6. Compare Ps. Ixii. 13; Prov. xxiv. 12; analogies from Greek writers in Spiess, Logos spermat. p. 214. — κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ] 1.6. according as shall be commensurate with the moral quality of his actions. [See Note XVIL. p.106.] On this, and on the following amplification down to ver. 16, it is to be observed :—(1) Paul is undoubtedly speaking of the judgment of the world, which God will cause to be held by Christ, ver. 16; (2) The subjects who are judged are Jews and Gentiles, ver. 9 ff., consequently all men, ver. 16. The distinction, as to whether they are Christians or not, is left out of view in this exposition, as the latter is partly intended to intro- duce the reader to a knowledge of the necessity of justification by faith (down to iii. 20) ; and it is consequently also left out of view that judgment according to works cannot result in bliss for the unbelievers, because there is wanting to them the very thing whose vital action produces the works in accordance with which the Judge awards bliss, namely, faith and the accompanying regeneration. (8) The standard of the decision is moral action and its opposite, vv. 6-10 ; and this standard is really and in fact the only one, to which at the last judgment all, even the Christians themselves, shall 1Comp. Calovius; and see Deut. xxxii. see Alberti, Obss. p. 297; Mtinthe itn doc., 83-85; Prov. i. 18, ii. 7; Ecclus. iii. 4. For from Philo: Loesner, p. 246. passages of profane writers, where θησαυρός 2 Winer, p. 118 f. [E. T. 125] ; Kiihner, IL. and θησαυρίζειν are used to express the accu- 1, p. 524. mulation of evils, punishments, and the like, ΘΕΆ ΤΟ: δῦ be subjected, and by which their fate for eternity shall be determined, Matt. xvi. 27, xxv. 31 ff.; 2 Cor. v. 10; Gal. vi. 7 ff.; Eph. vi. 8 ; Col. iii. 24; Rev. ii. 23, xx. 12, xxii. 12. But (4) the relation of moral action in the case of the Christian to the jides salvifica, as the necessary effect and fruit of which that action must be demanded at the judgment, cannot, for the reason given above under (2), be here introduced into the discussion. (5) On the contrary, the law only (in the case of the Jews the Mosaic, in the case of the Gentiles the natural), must be presented as the medium of the decision, ver. 12 ff.; a view which has likewise its full truth (compare what was remarked under (3) above), since the Christian also, because he is to be judged according to his action, must be judged according to law (compare the doctrine of the tertius legis usus), and indeed according to the πλήρωσις τοῦ νόμου introduced by Christ, Matt. v.17. Comp. xxv. 31 ff.; Rom. ΧΙ]. 8-10,—although he becomes partaker of salvation, not through the merit of works (a point the further development of which formed no part of the Apostle’s general discussion here), but through faith, of which the works are the practical evidence and measure.* Accordingly the ‘‘phrasis legis” (Melanchthon) is indeed to be recognized in our passage, but it is to be apprehended in its full truth, which does not stamp as a mere theoretic abstraction (Baur) the contrast, deeply enough experienced by Paul him- self, between the righteousness of works and righteousness of faith. It is neither to be looked upon as needing the corrective of the Christian plan of salvation ; nor as an inconsistency (Fritzsche) ; nor yet in such a light, that the doctrine of justification involves a partial abrogation of the moral order of the world (Reiche), which is, on the contrary, confirmed and established by it, iii. 31. But our passage yields nothing in favour of the possibility, which God may grant to unbelievers, of turning to Christ after death (Tholuck), or of becoming partakers of the salvation in Christ in virtue of an exercise of divine power (Th. Schott): and the representation employed for that purpose,—that the life of faith is the product of a previous life-tendency, and that the épya perfect themselves in faith (Luthardt, Tholuck),—is erro- neous, because incompatible with the N. T. conception of regeneration as a new creation, as a putting off of the old man, as a having died and risen again, as a being begotten of God through the Spirit, etc., ete. The new life (vi. 4) is the direct opposite of the old (vi. 19 ff.). The possibility referred to is to be judged of in connection with the descensus Christi ad inferos, but is irrelevant here. Ver. 7. To those, who by virtue of perseverance in morally-good work 8061; to obtain glory and honour and immortality, eternal life sc. ἀποδώσει. Conse- quently καθ᾽ trou ἔργου ἀγαθ. contains the standard, the regulative principle, by which the seeking after glory, honour, ete. is guided, and ἔργου ἀγαϑοῦ," 1 Τῷ is rightly observed by Calovius: 2 The singular without the article indi- “secundum opera, i.e. secundum testimo- cates the thing in abstracto ; the rule is for nium operum,” is something different every given case: perseverance in good work. from ‘‘ propter opera, i.e. propter meritum The idea that the work of redemption is re- operum.” Comp. Apol. Conf. A, art.3,and ferred to (Mehring, in accordance with Beza in loc. Phil. i. 6), so that ὑπομ. ἔργ. ay., Would be 86 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. which is not with Beza to be connected with δόξαν, is the genitive of the object to which the ὑπομονή refers (1 Thess. i. 8 ; Polyb. iv. 51, 1; Theophr. Char. 6, 1) 3 while δόξαν x. τιμὴν k. ἀφϑαρσ. is an exhaustive description of the future salvation according to its glorious appearing (2 Cor. iv. 17 ; Matt. xiii. 43), according to the honour united with it (for it is the prize of vic- tory, 1 Cor. ix. 25; Phil. mi, 14; 2 Tim. ν. 8... dames i. 124 1 Pet. v.4; the joint heirship with Christ, viii. 17, the reigning along with Him, 2 Tim. ii. 12), and according to its imperishableness (1 Cor. xv. 52 ff.; Rev. xxi. 4; 1 Pet. i. 4). Paul presents the moral effort under a character thus specifically Christian, just because he can attribute it only to Christian Jews and Gentiles ; and hence he is only able to give his description of this first half of the subjects of future judgment, notwithstanding the generality of his language, in the Christian form, in which alone it really takes place. In keeping with this is also the ζωὴν αἰώνιον, t.e. eternal life in the kingdom of the Messiah, v. 21, vi. 22 f.; Gal. vi. 8. The above construction of the words is already followed by Theophilus, ad. Autol. i. 20, ed. Wolf, and by most expositors, including Tholuck, Rickert, K6llner, de Wette, Olshausen, Philippi, Maier, van Hengel, Umbreit. The objection raised against it by Reiche and Hofmann, that according to the analogy of ver. 6 ka trou. ἔργ. ay. must contain the standard of the ἀποδώσει, and cannot therefore belong to ζητοῦσι, is untenable, because xa’ trou. ἔργ. ay., though attached to ζητοῦσι, nevertheless does contain (indirectly) the standard of ἀποδώσει ; so that there remains only an immaterial difference, which however is in fact very consonant to the lively versatility of the Apostle’s thought. Still less weight attaches to the objection, that to seek glory and honour is not in itself a praiseworthy thing ; for the moral tenor of the ζητεῖν δόξαν κ.τ.λ. (comp. Matt. vi. 33 ; John v. 44) is most definitely assured by καϑ’ trop. ἔργ. ay. Utterly unfounded, in fine, is the objection of clumsiness (Hof- mann) ; the symmetrical fulness of vv. 7, 8, has a certain solemnity about it. Reiche and Hofmann, following Oecumenius,’ Estius, and others, arrange it so that to δόξαν. x. τιμ. kK. ἀφϑαρσίαν they supply ἀποδώσει, Whilst ζητοῦσι 15 to be combined with ζωὴν αἰών. and regarded as an apposition or (Hofmann) reason assigned to τοῖς μέν, Πα ka ὑπομ. ἔργ. ay. is the standard of ἀποδώσει. Substantially so also Ewald, No syntactic objection can be urged against this rendering; but how tamely and heavily is the ζητοῦσι ζωὴν αἰών. subjoined ! Paul would have written clearly, emphatically, and in harmony with the contrast in ver. 8: τοῖς. . . . ἀγαϑοῦ ζωὴν αἱ. ζητοῦσι δόξαν κ. τιμ. K. abd. Ver. 8. Τοῖς δὲ ἐξ ἐριϑείας] sc. οὖσι : paraphrase of the substantive idea, to be explained from the conception of the moral condition as drawing its origin thence (comp. iii. 26 ; iv. 12, 14; Gal. iii. 10; Phil. i. 17, al.). equivalent to ὑπακοὴ πίστεως, ought to have been precluded by the parallel in ver. 10. Comp. ver. 2. ‘ 1 To ὑπερβατὸν οὕτω τακτέον' τοῖς καθ᾽ ὑπο- μονὴν ἔργον ἀγαθοῦ ζητοῦσι ζωὴν αἰώνιον, ἀπο- δώσει δόξαν καὶ... . ἀφθαρσίαν. But there is no ground whatever for the assumption of a hyperbaton, in which Luther also has entangled himself. Very harshly Bengel, Fritzsche, and Krehl separate tots καθ᾽ ὑπομον. ἔργου ay. from what follows, and supply οὖσι; and then take δόξαν. ζητοῦσι aS apposition to Tots... . ἔργον, but make ζωὴν ai. likewise dependent on ἀποδώσει. CHAP, ἘΠῚ 8. 87 See Bernhardy, Ὁ. 288 f. Comp. the use of υἱοί and τέκνα in Eph. ii. 2. We are precluded from taking (with Hofmann) ἐκ in a causal sense (in con- sequence of ἐριϑεία), and as belonging to are. κιτ.λ. by the καί, which would here express the idea, unsuitable to the connection : even.’ This καί, the simple and, which is not however with Hofmann to be interpreted as if Paul had written μᾶλλον or τοὐναντίον (‘instead of seeking after eternal life, rather,” etc.), clearly shows that τοῖς dé ἐξ ἐριϑείας is to be taken by itself, as it has been correctly explained since the time of the Vulgate and Chrysos- tom. —épdeia] is not to be derived from ἔρις or ἐρίζω, but from éputoc, a hired labourer,* a spinner ; hence ἐρεϑεύω, to work for hire (Tob. 11. 11), then also : to act selfishly, to lay plots. Compare ἐξερεϑεύεσϑαι, Polyb. x. 25, 9, and ἀνεριϑεύτος (without party intrigues) in Philo, p. 1001 E. ἐριϑεία has therefore, besides the primary sense of work for hire, the twofold ethical signification (1) mercenary greed ; and (2) desire of intrigue, pursuit of par- tisan courses ; Arist. Pol. v.2f. See Fritzsche, Hxzewrsus on ch. 11. ; regard- ing the composition of the word, see on 2 Cor. xii. 20. The latter significa- tion is to be retained in all passages of the N. T. 2 Cor. xii. 20; Gal. v. 20; Phil. i. 16, ii. 3; James iii. 14, 16.—oi ἐξ ἐριϑείας are therefore the intriguers, the partisan actors ; whose will and striving are conducive not to the truth (for that in fact is a power of an entirely different kind, opposed to their character), but to immorality, wherefore there is added, as further characterizing them: καί ἀπειϑοῦσι. Compare Ignatius, ad Philad. 8, where the opposite of ἐριϑ. is the χριστομάϑεια, 1.6. the discipleship of Christ, which excludes all selfish partisan effort. Haughtiness (as van Hengel explains it), and the craving jor self-assertion (Mehring and Hofmann) are combined with it, but are not what the word itself signifies. The intepre- tation formerly usual : qui sunt ex contentione (Vulg.), those fond of strife (Origen, Chrysostom, Oecumenius, Theophylact, Erasmus, Luther, Beza, Calvin, etc.), which was understood, for the most part as those rebelling against God, is based partly on the erroneous derivation from épic, partly on the groundless assumption that in the other passages of the N. T. the sense of quarrelsomeness is necessary. Since this is not the case, Reiche’s conject- ure is irrelevant, that the vulgar usus loguendi had erroneously derived the word from ἔρις and had lent to it the corresponding signification. Kéllner explains it rightly as partisanship, but gratuitously assumes that this was a special designation for ‘‘ godless character” in general. So in substance also Fritzsche : ‘‘homines neguam.” The very addition, further describing these men, καὶ ἀπειϑοῦσι. . . . ἀδικίᾳ, quite allows us to suppose that Paul had before his mind the strict and proper meaning of the word partisanship ; and it is therefore unwarrantable to base the common but linguistically erroneous explanation on the affinity between the notions of partisanship and of contentiousness (Philippi). The question to be determined is not the cate- gory of ideas to which the épvdetew belongs, but the definite individual idea which it expresses. —opy7 «. ϑυμός] sc. ἔσται. In the animation of his 1 Baeuml. Partik. Ὁ. 150, also Xen. Afem. i. Dem. 1313, 6; LXX. Is. xxxvili. 19. See 8, 1. Valck. ad Theocr. Adoniaz. p. 373. Com- 3 Tomer, xviii. 550, 560; Hesiod, ἔργ. 600f.: pare συνέριθος frequent in Greek authors. 88 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. description Paul has broken off the construction previously followed. ° To connect these words with what follows (Mehring) disturbs unnecessarily the important symmetry of the passage. On the distinction between the two words, see Tittman’s Synon. p. 131 ff. ϑυμός : vehement passion, in Cic. Tuse. iv. 9, 21 rendered excandescentia, here, as also in Gal. v. 20, Eph. iv. 31, Col. iii. 8, Rev. xvi. 19, xix. 15, often also in the O. T. and the Apoc- rypha, made known by its combination with ὀργή, and by its being put last as the more vehement, as the holy divine wrath.* Vv. 9, 10. Emphatic recapitulation of vv. 7 and 8, inverting the order, and in addition, giving special prominence to the universality of the retri- bution. The placing the penal retribution first gives to this an aspect the more threatening and alarming, especially as the terms expressing it are now accumulated in one breath. — ϑλέψις x. στενοχωρία] Tribulation and anguish, se. ἔσται. The calamity is thus described as pressing upon them from with- out (ϑλίψις), and as felt inwardly with the sense of its being beyond help (orevox.), Vili. 85 ; 2 Cor. iv. 7, vi. 12 ; compare LXX. Is. xxx. 6 ; Deut. Xxvili. 58. — ἐπὲ πᾶσαν ψυχὴν avdp.|] denotes not simply ‘‘ upon every man” (so even Philippi), but ‘‘ wpon every soul which belongs to a man” who practises evil. The ψυχή is thereby designated as that which is affected by the dim. x. otevoy. (Acts ii. 43 5 Matt. xxvi. 28, al.) ; comp. Winer, p. 147 [E. T. 156]. It is the part which feels the pain.? — πρῶτον] Quite as ini. 16. The Jews, as the people of God, in possession of the revelation with its prom- ises and threatenings, are therefore necessarily also those upon whom the retribution of judgment—not the reward merely, but also the punishment —has to find in the jirst instance its execution. In both aspects they have the priority based on their position in the history of salvation as the theo- cratic people, and that as certainly as God is impartial. ‘‘ Judaei particeps Graecus,” Bengel. The Jewish conceit is counteracted in the first clause by ’Iovdaiov te πρῶτον, im the second by καὶ “Ἕλληνι, and counteracted with sternly consistent earnestness. The second πρῶτον precludes our taking the first as ironical (Reiche). — εἰρήνη] welfare, by which is intended that of the Messiah’s kingdom, as in viii. 6. It is not materially different from the ἀφϑαρσία and ζωὴ αἰώνιος of ver. 7 ; the totality of that which had already been described in special aspects by δόξα and τιμή (comp. on ver. 7). — Re- garding the distinction between épyaf. and κατεργαζ. (works and brings to pass) see on i. 27. ; Ver. 11. Ground assigned for vv. 9 and 10, so far as concerns the "Iovd. mp. Kk. Ἕλλην. --- προσωποληψία] Partial preference from personal considera- tions. See on Gal. ii. 6. Melancthon : ‘‘ dare aequalia inequalibus vel inequalia aequalibus.” The ground specified is directed against the Jew- ish theocratic fancy. Comp. Acts x. 34 f. ; Ecclus. xxxii. (xxxv.) 15. Ver. 12. Assigns the ground in point of fact for the proposition con- tained in ver. 11, in special reference to the future judgment of condemna- tion.* — ἀνόμως] 1.6. without the standard of the law (without having had it). 1 Compare Isoc. xii. 81: ὀργῆς κ. θυμοῦ 2 See Ernesti, Urspr. d, Siinde, II. p. 101 ff. μεστοί. Herodian, viii. 4, 1: ὀργῆ «. θυμῷ 2 Only in reference to the judgment of χρώμενος. Lucian, decalumn, 28, al. condemnation, because the idea of a Messi- CHAP, TI.5 19. 89 [See Note XIX. p. 107.] Comp. 1 Cor. ix. 21; Wisd. xvii. 2. Those whose sins were not transgressions of the Mosaic law (but of the moral law of nature), the sinful Gentiles, shall be transferred into the penal state of eternal death without the standard of the law, without having their con- demnation decided in accordance with the requirements of a νόμος to which they are strangers. The ἀπολοῦνται, which is to set in at the final judgment, not through natural necessity (Mangold), is the opposite of the σωτηρία, i. 16, of the ζήσεται, 1. 17, of the ζωὴ αἰώνιος, ii. 7, of the δόξα x.7.2., ii. 10 ; comp. John iii. 15 ; Rom. xiv. 15; 1 Cor. i. 18. This very ἀπολοῦνται should of itself have precluded commentators from finding in the second ἀνόμως an element of mitigation (Chrysostom, Theophylact, Oecumenius), as if it was meant to exclude the severity of the law. The immoral Gentiles may not hope to remain unpunished on account of their non-possession of the law ; punished they shall be independently of the standard of the law. This is the confirmation of the ἀπροσωποληψία of God on the one side, in re- gard to the Gentiles.—The καί before ἀπολ. is the also of a corresponding relation, but not between ἀνόμως and ἀνόμως, as if Paul had written καὶ avon. ἀπολ., but between ἥμαρτον and aod. : as they have sinned without law, so shall they also perish without law. In this way ἀνόμως retains the emphasis of the specific how. Compare the following. The praeterite ἥμαρτον is spoken from the standpoint of the time of the judgment. — καὶ ὅσοι ἐν νόμῳ x.t.A.] This gives the other aspect of the case, with reference to the Jevs, who do not escape the judgment (of condemnation) on account of their privilege of possessing the law, but on the contrary are to be judged by means of the law, so that sentence shall be passed on them in virtue of 7 (see Deut. xxvii. 26; comp. John vy. 46). --- ἐν νόμῳ] Not on the law (Luther), which would be εἰς νόμον, but the opposite of ἀνόμως: with the law, é.€. In possession of the law, which they had as a standard,’ Winer, Ὁ. 361 [E. T. 386]. On νόμος without the article, used of the Mosaie law, see Winer, p. 117 [E. T. 123]. So frequently in the Apocrypha, and of partic- ular laws also in classical writers. To question this use of it in the N. T. (van Hengel, Th. Schott, Hofmann, and others) opens the way for artificial and sometimes intolerable explanations of the several passages. — κρειϑήσ.] an unsought change of the verb, suggested by διὰ νόμου. Ver. 13 proves the correctness of the proposition, so much at variance with the fancy of the Jews, ὅσοι ἐν νόμῳ ἥμαρτον, διὰ νόμου kpvdjoovrar.—The placing of vv. 13-15 in a parenthesis, as after Beza’s example, is done by Grotius, Griesbach, and others, also by Reiche and Winer, is to be reject- ed, because ver. 13, which cannot be placed in a parenthesis alone (as Koppe and Mehring do), is closely joined with what immediately precedes, and it is only in ver. 14 that an intervening thought is introduced by way anic bliss of unbelievers was necessarily 1 This opposition does not extend beyond foreign to the Apostle; as indeed in vv. 7 the νόμον μὴ ἔχειν and νόμον ἔχειν, ver. 14. and 10 he was under the necessity of de- Therefore ἐν νόμῳ is ποῦ : within the law as scribing those to whom Messianic bliss was the divine order of common life (comp. iii. to be given in recompense, in terms of a 19) as Hofmann takes it. Christian character. 90 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL ΤῸ THE ROMANS, of illustration. The parenthesis is (with Baumgarten-Crusius) to be limit- ed to vv. 14, 15, as is done also by Lachmann. See on ver. 16. — οἱ axpoa- vai] A reference to the public reading of the Thorah on the Sabbath. Comp. Acts xv. 21 ; 2 Cor. iii. 14; John xii. 34; Josephus, Ant. v. 1, 26, v. 2, 7. The substantive brings out more forcibly than the participial form of expression would have done the characteristic feature : those, whose business is hearing.’— παρὰ τῷ Θεῷ] ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ 111. 20, according to God's judgment. 1 Cor. iii. 9 ; 2 Thess. i. 6 ; Winer, p. 869 [E. T. 395).— δικαιω- dno.) They shall be declared as righteous, normal. See oni.17. This οἱ ποιη- ταὶ νόμου δικαιωϑήσονται is the general fundamental law of God who judges with righteousness (Gal. iii. 12) ; a fundamental law which required to be urged here in proof of the previous assertion ὅσοι ἐν νόμῳ ἥμαρτον, διὰ v. κριϑήσ. Compare Weiss, bibl. Theol. ὃ 87. How in the event of its being impossible for aman to be a true ποιητὴς νόμου (ili. 9 ff.) faith comes in and furnishes a δικαιοσύνη ἐκ πίστεως, and then how man, by means of the καινότης ζωῆς (vi. 4) attained through faith, must and can fulfil (viii. 4) the law completed by Christ (the νόμος τοῦ πνεύματος τῆς ζωῆς, Vili. 2), were topics not belong- ing to the present discussion. Compare on ver. 6. ‘‘ Haec descriptio est justitia legis, quae nihil impedit alia dicta de justitia fidei,” Melanchthon. Vv. 14-16. The οἱ ποιηταὶ νόμου δικαιωϑήσονται just asserted did not require proof with regard to the Jews. But, as the regulative principle of the last judgment, it could not but appear to need proof with regard to the Gentiles, since that fundamental rule might seem to admit of no application to; those who sin ἀνόμως and peri®h ἀνόμως. Now the Gentiles, though beyond the pale of the Mosaic law and not incurring condemnation according to the standard of that law, yet possess in the moral law of nature a certain substitute for the Mosaic law not given to them. It is in virtue of this state of things that they present themselves, not as excepted from the above rule οἱ ποιηταὶ νόμου δικαιωϑ., but as subjected to it ; namely, in the indirect way that they, although ἄνομοι in the positive sense, have nevertheless in the natural law a substitute for the positive one—which is apparent, as often as Gentiles do by nature that which the positive Mosaic law not given to them enjoins. The connection may therefore be paraphrased somewhat thus: ‘* With right and reason I say: the doers of the law shall be justified ; for as to the case of the Gentiles, that ye may not regard them as beyond reach of that rule, it is proved in fact by those instances, in which Gentiles, though not in possession of the law of Moses, do by nature the requirements of this law, that they are the law unto themselves, because, namely, they thereby show that its obligation stands written in their hearts,” ete. It is to be observed at the same time that Paul does not wish to prove a justification of the Gentiles really occurring as a result through the fulfilment of their natural law—a misconception against which he has already guarded himself in ver. 12,—but he desires simply to establish the regulative principle of justification through the law in the case of the Gentiles, Real actual justification by the law takes place neither among Jews nor Gentiles ; because in no case is there a complete fulfil- 1 Compare Theile, ad Jac. i. 22, p. 76. CHAP. 117 14. 91 ment, either, among the Jews, of the revealed law, or, among the Gentiles, of the natural law—which in fact is only a substitute for the former, but at the same time forms the limit beyond which their responsibility and their judgment cannot in principle go, because they have nothing higher (in opposition to Philippi, who refers to the πλήρωμα νόμου, xiii. 10).—The connection of thought between ver. 14 and what precedes it has been very variously apprehended. According to Koppe (compare Calvin, Flatt, and Mehring) vy. 14-16 prove the condemnation of the Gentiles asserted in ver. 12, and ver. 17 ff. that of the Jews ; while ver. 13 is a parenthesis. But, seeing that in the whole development of the argument γάρ always re- fers to what immediately precedes, it is even in itself an arbitrary proceed- ing to make ὅταν γάρ in ver. 14, without any evident necessity imposed by the course of thought, refer to ver. 12, and to treat ver. 13, although it contains a very appropriate reason assigned for the second part of ver. 12, as a parenthesis to be broken off from connection with what follows ; and decisive against this view are the words ἢ καὶ ἀπολογουμένων in ver, 15, which place it beyond doubt that vv. 14-16 were not intended as a proof of the ἀπολοῦνται in ver. 12. Philippi regards ver. 14 as establishing only the first half of ver. 18 : ‘‘ not the hearers of the law are just before God, for even the Gentiles have a law, 2.96. for even the Gentiles are ἀκροαταὶ τοῦ νόμου." But we have no right to exclude thus from the reference of the γάρ just the very assertion immediately preceding, and to make it refer to a purely negative clause which had merely served to pave the way for this assertion. The reference to the negative half of ver. 18 would only be warranted in accordance with the text, had Paul, as he might have done, inverted the order of the two parts of ver. 13, and so given to the negative clause the second place.’ And the less could a reader see reason to refer the yap to this negative clause in the position in which the Apostle has placed it, since ver. 14 speaks of Gentiles who do the law, by which the attention was necessarily directed, not to the negative, but to the affirma- tive, half of ver. 13 (οἱ ποιηταὶ «.t.4.).2 Such a mode of presenting the connection is even more arbitrary than if we should supply after ver. 13 the thought : ‘‘and therewith also the Gentiles” (K6llner and others), which however is quite unnecessary. Our view is in substance that given already by Chrysostom (οὐκ ἐκβάλλω τὸν νόμον, φησὶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐντεῦϑεν δικαιῶ τὰ ἔϑνη), Erasmus, and others ; more recently by Tholuck, Riickert, Reiche, K6ll- ner, Fritzsche, de Wette, Baumgarten-Crusius, Reithmayr, van Hengel, Ewald, Th. Schott, though with very various modifications. Ver. 14. “Ὅταν] quando, supposes a case which may take place at any time, and whose frequent occurrence is possible, as ‘‘eventus ad experi- entiam revocatus” (Klotz, ad Devar. p. 689) : in the case if, 80 often as. — yap| introducing the proof that the proposition of ver. 13 also holds of the 1 Only thus—but not as Paul has actually Hofmann, who, substantially like Philippi, placed it—could the negative clause be re- takes vy. 14-16 as a proof, that in the matter garded as the chief thought, for which Phi- of righteousness before God nothing can depend lippi is obliged to take it, p. 54 f. 3d ed. on whether one belongs to the number of those * These reasons may also be urged against who hear the law read to them. 92 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. Gentiles. See above. — ἔϑνη] not to be understood of the Gentiles collectively, to which Reiche, de Wette, K6llner, Philippi refer it—for this must have been expressed by the article (against which view neither ix. 30 nor iii. 29, nor 1 Cor. i. 23, is to be adduced), and the putting of the case ὅταν. . . . ποιῇ With respect to the heathen generally would be in itself untrue—but Paul means rather Gentiles among whom the supposed case occurs. — τὰ μὴ νόμον ἔχοντα) they who have not the law ; a more precise definition bearing on the case, and bringing forward the point on which here the argument turns. See Winer, Ὁ. 127 [E. T. 139]. Observe the distinction between μὴ νόμον ἔχ. and νόμον μὴ ἔχ. The former negatives—while the contrast of the φύσει floats before the mind—the possession of the law, instead of which they have merely a natural analogue of it ;* the latter negatives the possession of the law, which és wanting to them, whilst the Jews have it. — dice: τὰ τοῦ γόμου ποιῇ] Most expositors uphold this connection, including Riickert, 2d ed. Onthe other hand Bengel and Usteri join φύσει to μὴ vou. ἔχοντα, but thus make it superfluous and even unsuitable, and deprive it of all weight in the connection, especially as the word φύσις has here no other sense ‘than nativa indoles, i.e. the original constitution given with existence, and not moulded by any extraneous training, culture, or other influence beyond the endowments of nature and their natural development (comp. on Eph. ii. 8) ; φύσει : ‘quia natura eorum ita fert,” Stalb. ad Plat. Phaedr. p-. 249. The dative denotes the mediating cause. And that it is the moral prompting of conscience left to itself, which Paul means by φύσει in con- trast to the divine leading of the law, is plain from ver. 15. The φύσει ποιεῖν lies beyond the sphere of positive revelation and its promptings, leadings, etc. It takes place in virtue of an indoles ingenita, not interventu disciplinae divinae formata, so that the thought of an operation of grace or of the Logos taking place apart from Christ is quite foreign to this passage, and its affirmation is not in harmony with the truncus et lapis of the Formula Concordiac.* — τὰ τοῦ νόμου] what belongs to the law, i.e. its constituent ele- ments, its precepts. Paul does not say simply τὸν νόμον ; for he is thinking not of Gentiles who fulfil the law as @ whole, but of those who in concrete cases by their action respond to the particular portions of the law concerned. Compare Luthardt 1.6. p. 409. The close relation, in which the ποιεῖν τὰ τοῦ νόμου here stands to ποιηταὶ νόμου in ver, 13, is fatal to the view of Beza, Joh. Cappell., Elsner, Wetstein, Michaelis, Flatt, and Mehring, who ex- plain it as quae lex facit, namely, the commanding, convincing, condemn- ing, Οἵα. --- ἑαυτοῖς εἰσὶ νόμος] They are the law unto themselves, i.e. their moral nature, with its voice of conscience commanding and forbidding, supplies to their own Ego the place of the revealed law possessed by the Jews. Thus in that ποιεῖν they serve for themselves as a regulator of the conduct that agrees with the divine law.* Observe further that here, where the participle stands without the article—consequently not οἱ νόμ. μὴ 1 Compare Stalb. ad Plat. Crit. p. 47 Ὁ. 3 For parallels (Manil. vy. 495, a/.: ipse δὲ δὲ 2 See the later discussions of dogmatic lex est, Arist. Nicom. iv. 14: νόμος ὥνἑαυτῷ writers as to this point in Luthardt, v. freien αἰ.) see Wetstein ; compare also Porph, ad Willen, p. 366 ff. Mare. 25, p. 304. ΘῊΡ ΡΣ ΣΤΈΓΟΣ 95 ἔχοντες (as previously τὰ μὴ. . . . &yovra)—it is to be resolved by since they, because they ; which however does not convey the idea: because they are conscious of the absence of the law (as Hofmann objects), but rather : be- cause this want occurs in their case. See Buttmann’s nevt. Gr. Ὁ. 301 [E. T. 306]. The resolution by although (Th. Schott) is opposed to the connection ; that by while (Hofmann) fails to convey the definite and logical meaning ; which is, that Gentiles, in the cases indicated by ὅταν «.r.A. would not be ἑαυτοῖς νόμος, if they had the positive law.—The οὗτοι com- prehends emphatically the subjects in question.’ Ver. 15. Oirivec x.7.4.] quippe qui. See on i. 25. The οὗτοι of ver. 14 are characterized, and consequently the ἑαυτοῖς εἰσὶ νόμος, just asserted, is confirmed : being such as show (practically by their action, ver. 14, make it known) that the work of the law is written in their hearts, wherewithal their conscience bears joint witness, ete. —That ἐνδείκνυνται should be‘understood of the practical proof which takes place by the. ποιεῖν τὰ τοῦ νόμου (not by the testimony of conscience, Bengel, Tholuck) is required by the σὺν in συμμαρ- τυρούσης, Which is not a mere strengthening of the simple word (Kd6llner, Olshausen ; comp. Tholuck, following earlier expositors ; see, on the other hand viii. 16, ix. 1), but denotes the agreement of the internal evidence of conscience with the external proof by fact.2 It is impossible to regard the ἐνδείκνυνται as taking place on the day indicated in ver. 16 (Hofmann), since this day can be no other than that of the last judgment. See on ver. 16. -- τὸ ἔργον τοῦ νόμου] The work relating to the law, the conduct corresponding to it, fulfilling it. The opposite is ἁμαρτήματα νόμου, Wisd. 11. 12. Com- pare on Gal. ii. 16. The singular is collective (Gal. vi. 4), as a summing up of the ἔργα τ. νόμου (111. 20, 28, ix. 32 ; Gal. 11. 16, 11. 2, 5, 10). Compare τὰ tov νόμου above. This stands written in their hearts as commanded, as moral obligation,*® as ethical law of nature. — γραπτόν) purposely chosen with reference to the written law of Moses, although the moral law is ἄγραφος. ἡ ! 1 Kiihner, 11. 1, p. 568; Buttmann 1.6. p. 262 f. 2 Where συμμαρτυρεῖν appears to be equiv- alent to μαρτυρ., it is only an apparent equiv- alence; there is always mentally implied an agreement with the person for whom wiiness is borne, as é.g. Thue. viii. 51,2; Plat. Zipp. Maj. p. 282 B: συμμαρτυρῆσαι δέ σοι ἔχω ὅτι ἀληθῆ λέγεις, if that is meant is not a testi- mony agreeing with others (as Xen. Hist. Gr. Vii. -1, 2, iii. 3, 2), or, as here, one that agrees with a thing, aphenomenon, a proof by fact, or the like. Compare Isoc. p. 47 A. In the passage, Plat. Legg. iii. p. 680 D, ξυμμαρτυρεῖν is expressly distinguished from μαρτυρ ; for, after the τῷ σῷ λόγῳ ἔοικε μαρτυρεῖν preced- ing, the vai: ξυμμαρτυρεῖ yap must mean: he is my joint-witness, whose evidence agrees with what I say. If the reference of συμ. in our passage to the proof by fact be not adopted, then αὐτοῖς would need be sup- plied ; but wherefore should we do so? Ac- cording to Tholuck συμ. indicates merely the agreement of the person witnessing with the contents of his testimony. This is never the case, and would virtually de- prive the συμ. of all significance. 8 This inward law is not the conscience it- self, but the regulative contents of the con- sciousness of the conscience ; consequently, if we conceive the latter, and with justice (in opposition to Rud. Hofmann, Lehre vom Gewissen, 1866, p. 54, 58 f.), as presented in the form of a syllogism, it forms the sub- ject of the major premise of this syllogism. Comp. Delitzsch, bibl. Psychol. p. 136 f. 4Plato, Legg. Ὁ. 481 B, Thue. ii. 87, 3, and Kriiger, in loc. p. 200; Xen. Mem. iv. 4, 19; Soph. Ant. 450; Dem. 317, 23, 689, 22; Dion. Hal. vii. 41). Compare Jer. xxxi. 33; Heb. viii. 10, and the similar designations among the Rabbins in Buxtorf, Lea Talm. p. 852, 1849. 94 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. The supplying of ὄν serves to explain the adjective, which is used instead of the participle to denote what continues and is constant.’— συμμαρτυρούσης αὐτῶν συνειδήσεως, καὶ μεταξὺ x«.7.A.] while they make known outwardly by their action that the ἔργον of the law is written in their hearts, their inner moral consciousness accords with it ; namely (1), in reference to their own, personal relation : the testimony of their own consciences ; and (2), in regard to their mutual relation : the accusations or vindications® that are carried on between Gentiles and Gentiles (μεταξὺ ἀλλήλων) by their thoughts, by their moral judgments. This view of the sense is required by the correlation of the points αὐτῶν and μεταξὺ ἀλλήλων placed with emphasis in the foreground (μεταξὺ occurring in Paul’s writings only here, and therefore all the more intentionally chosen in this case) ; so that thus both the personal individual testimony of conscience (αὐτῶν) and the mutual judgment of the thoughts (μεταξὺ ἀλλήλων), are adduced, as accompanying internal acts, in confirma- tion of the ἐνδείκνυνται. The Gentiles, who do the requirement of the law, practically show thereby that that requirement is inscribed on their hearts ; and this is attested at the same time, so far as concerns the actors themselves, by their (following) conscience, and, so far as concerns their relation to other Gentiles, by the accusations or the vindications which they reciprocally practise in their moral thoughts, the one making reflections of a condemnatory or of a justifying nature on the other.* The prominence thus given to αὐτῶν and μεταξὺ ἀλλήλων, and the antithetical correlation of the two points, have been commonly misunderstood (though not by Castalio, Storr, Flatt, Baumgar- ten-Crusius), and consequently κ. μετ. ἀλλ. τῶν διαλογ. κιτ.2. has been taken merely as an explanatory description of the process of conscience, in which the thoughts accuse or vindicate one another (i.e. one thought the other) ; so that ἀλλήλων is referred to the thoughts, and not, as is nevertheless required by the αὐτῶν standing in contradistinction to it, to the ἔϑνη. This view ought even to have been precluded by attending to the fact that, since συμμαρτ. . . συνειδήσεως Must, in harmony with the context, mean the approving conscience [See Note XX. p. 108.], what follows cannot well suit as an exposi- tion, because in it the κατηγορούντων preponderates. Finally, it was an arbi- trary expedient, rendering μεταξὺ merely superfluous and confusing, to separate it from ἀλλήλ., and to explain the former as meaning at a future time, viz. ἐν ἡμέρᾳ x.T.A. (Koppe), or between, at the same time (Kollner, Jatho). Ver. 16 has its connection with what goes before very variously defined. While Ewald goes so far as to join it with ver. 5, and regards everything intervening as a parenthesis, many, and recently most expositors, have con- nected it with the immediately preceding cuypapr. . . . . ἀπολογ. ; in which 1 Compare Bornemann, ad Xen. Mem. i. 5,1; Symp. 4, 25. See the truly classic de- scription of this inner law, and that as di- vine, in Cicero, de Repubdl. iii. 23; of the Greeks, comp. Soph. 0. 7. 838 ff., and Wun- der, 27 loc. 2 The καί added to the 7 is based on the view taken of the moral state of the Gen- tiles, that the κατηγορεῖν forms the rule. See Baeumlein, Partik. p. 126. 3 Compare Weiss, bibl. Theol. p. 277: “Τὸ is testified by the conscience, which teaches them to judge the quality of their own and others’ actions.” CHAP, 11.,.16. 95 case, however, ἐν ἡμέρᾳ cannot be taken for εἰς ἡμέραν (Calvin), nor the pres- ent participles in a future sense (Fritzsche), since, in accordance with the context, they are contemporary with ἐνδείκνυνται. And for that very reason we must reject the view, which has been often assumed, that Paul suddenly transports himself from the present into the time of the judgment, when the exercise of conscience in the Gentiles will be specially active, and that for this reason he at once adds ἐν ἡμέρᾳ x.t.A. directly without inserting a καὶ τοῦτο μάλιστα, OY καὶ τοῦτο γενήσεται, Or the like (Riickert, Tholuck, de Wette, Reithmayr, Philippi, van Hengel, Umbreit ; comp. Estius). The supposition of such an illogical and violent leap of thought in so clear and steady a thinker as Paul is thoroughly arbitrary and wholly without analogy. Moreover, the simple temporal self-judgment of the Gentiles fits into the + connection so perfectly, that Paul cannot even have conceived of it as an anticipation of the last judgment (Mehring). Quite an incorrect thought, repugnant to ver. 12 and to the whole doctrinal system of the Apostle, is obtained by Luthardt (v. freien Willen, p. 410 f.), when, very arbitrarily joining it only with ἢ καὶ ἀπολογουμένων, he discovers here the hope ‘that to such the reconciling grace of Christ shall one day be extended.” This is not confirmed by ver. 26.