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CRITICAL AND EXEGHTICAL
HAND-BOOK
THE EPISTLE 10 THE ROMANS
BY
HEINRICH AUGUST WILHELM MEYER, Tx.D.
OBERCONSISTORIALRATH, HANNOVER.
TRANSLATED FROM THE FIFTH EDITION OF THE GERMAN BY
Rey. JOHN C. MOORE, B.A., AND REV. EDWIN JOHNSON, B.A.
THE TRANSLATION REVISED AND EDITED BY
WILLIAM P. DICKSON, D.D.
PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW.
WITH A PREFACE AND SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES TO THE AMERICAN EDITION BY
TIMOTHY DWIGHT,
PROFESSOR OF SACRED LITERATURE IN YALE COLLEGE.
NEW YORK
FUNK & WAGNALLS, PUBLISHERS
10 AND 12 DEY STREET
5 1884
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1884,
By FUNK & WAGNALLS,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D.C.
PREFACE
BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR.
In Dr. Dickson’s General Preface to the English Translation of Meyer’s
Commentary on the New Testament, which is placed at the beginning
of the volumes on the Epistle to the Romans, the following sentences
descriptive of its character are found. ‘‘ In estimating the character and
value of Dr. Meyer’s work, it is essential that we should always bear in
mind the precise standpoint from which it is written. That is simply
and solely the standpoint of the exegete, who endeavours in the exercise
of his own independent judgment to arrive, by the use of the proper
means, at the historical sense of Scripture. His object is not to seek
support for the doctrines, nor does he bind himself or regulate his
operations by the definitions or decisions, of any particular church.
On the contrary, he reaches his results by a purely exegetical process,
and places them, when so found, at the disposal of the Church.’’ In
other words, his Commentary is what an exegetical commentary ought
to be. For this reason, the introduction of this work, a few years since,
to the knowledge of English and American students of the New Testa-
ment who had no acquaintance with the language in which it was origi-
nally written, was an event of much significance in the progress of Bibli-
cal learning. In our own country, by reason of the peculiar circum-
stances of our history, the study of Theology began, and for a long
period was carried forward, almost wholly on the doctrinal and philo-
sophical side. A few scholars, indeed, like Moses Stuart and Josiah W.
Gibbs, investigated the Scriptures in the purely exegetical way, and thus
became leaders in the right path. But itis only within the last quarter
of a century that such investigation has made its great advasce move-
ment among us and assumed for itself its proper relative position. That
the effect of German scholarship in this department of study has been
greatly beneficial to our Theology cannot be questioned. It has tended
directly and strongly to the end of bringing us to the immediate, fair-
minded, intelligent examination of the New Testament words, and to
the interpretation of them, as the thing of primary importance, according
iv PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR.
to strict grammatical and linguistic principles. No better example of the
right method of explaining and commenting has ever been presented to
the student than that which Meyer has given. He was eminently fitted,
both by his learning and his spirit, to be an interpreter of the Apostolic
writings, and, like all candid and large-hearted seekers after the truth,
he entered more fully into the possession of its treasures as the years of
his life moved onward. The knowledge and influence of such a commen-
tator’s writings are of peculiar value in the study of the Epistle to the
Romans, in the atmosphere of which our theological thinking needs
continually to be brought to measure and adjust-itself by the true prin-
ciples of interpretation.
The design of the publishers of the present edition of Meyer’s work
is to place it within the reach of the largest possible number of theo-
logical students and ministers, in order that the influence of its profound
scholarship, its true methods, its honest truth-seeking purpose, its relig-
ious spirit and its manly confidence in Christianity may be most widely
extended. The commentary is printed in full and precise accordance
with the English Translation—except that, in many instances, references
to authorities and to Greek writers are transferred from the page to foot-
notes—and by an arrangement with the English publishers. The
translation of this volume was made, as indicated on the title-page, by
the Rev. John C. Moore and the Rev. Edwin Johnson; the work of
the former covering the first eight chapters, and that of the latter
the remainder of the Epistle. The translation, it is believed, has com-
mended itself to those who have used it since its first publication. The
Rev. Dr. William P. Dickson, of the University of Glasgow, was the
superintending editor of the work when this portion of it was pre-
pared, and the entire translation, so long as his editorship continued,
was reviewed and revised by him, As the Commentary on the Romans
was the first of the series which was published, Dr. Dickson introduced
it by aGeneral Preface. This preface it has been thought proper to omit
in this edition, inasmuch as the principal facts connected with Meyer’s
life, which it contained, have been already stated in the volume on the
Acts, edited by Dr. Ormiston, and because the Commentary is now so
much better known than when it was first issued in Edinburgh, that such
introductory words seem to be scarcely necessary. The Topical Index at
the end of the volume has been prepared by the Rev. G. F. Behringer,
of Brooklyn, N. Y., who has kindly exercised a general supervision of
the work, while passing through the press.
As to my own share in the present volume, as American Editor, I may
be permitted to say a few words. The limitations of the volume have
allowed me to add only about eighty pages of annotations. Within so
PREFACE BY ΤῈ AMERICAN EDITOR. Vv
small a space it was manifestly impossible to consider with fulness or
freedom all the points of interest which the Epistle presents, or even to
set forth and establish by arguments the view which I hold of its character,
its design and purpose, its line of thought, its circle of doctrinal teach-
ing’, or what, if the expression may be allowed me, I may call its peculiar
Paulinism. The discussion of these and other questions would demand
-avolume, which I hope that, at some future time, I may be able to
prepare. All that I have attempted to do, at present, is to give some
brief notes, at the close of each chapter, upon words or sentences re-
specting which it has seemed to me that suggestions might be helpful
towards a true understanding of the Apostle’s meaning. In connection
with the setting forth of this meaning, I have occasionally raised the
inquiry whether Paul intended to declare a particular doctrine in a
particular verse or passage, and have sometimes endeavored to show
that he had no such intention. But I have not deemed it to be within
my sphere in these annotations—a sphere which is purely exegetical—
to affirm or to deny that any such doctrine belonged to the Pauline
system. For this reason, also, as well as because the book 1s intended,
as the English editor says in his Preface, for the professional scholar,
who can endure in a writer some views with which he may not himself
agree, I have not considered it necessary to discuss any doctrinal
opinions to which Meyer has incidentally given expression in his re-
marks upon points with which they have no vital and essential con-
nection. I have purposely made but few references in the notes to
commentators and writers upon the Epistle. As I have long been en-
gaged in the work of theological instruction in the department of New
Testament Greek, it will not be supposed, I trust, that the omission is
due to any want of reading the works of such writers, or of acknowledg-
ment of what I have gained in my studies from their views or thoughts.
Occasional allusions to some of the most recent authors appeared to me
not inappropriate, but the limited space at my command rendered it im-
practicable to mention names, as Meyer himself has done so constantly
and abundantly. The edition of Meyer’s work on the Epistle which was
published about two years since by Dr, Bernhard Weiss has been referred
to somewhat frequently, because it gives—where he differs from Meyer,
as well as where he adds his assent to what Meyer had said—the views of
the scholar who is, at present, perhaps more prominent than any other,
in this line of studies, in Germany. It is a matter of satisfaction to me
that in some important points, respecting which my own opinions were
formed many years ago, I find myself confirmed by the words of this
very able writer. In some cases mentioned in my notes, on the other
hand, where I am constrained to take a position opposite to his, I hope
--
ΥἹ PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR.
that the reasons presented may be regarded as not unworthy of serious
consideration. Ina number of these cases I have the pleasing con-
sciousness of standing with Meyer himself.
If the few pages which I have inserted in this volume shall prove to
be helpful to any students of the Pauline writings—especially, if they
shall te viewed as, in any measure, deserving of a place in such near
connection with the words and thoughts of a commentator whom I have
long held in so much honour, I shall be glad to have had the privilege
of associating my name, even in the most unpretending way, with his,
as his work goes forth for a wider circulation among the clergy and
the members of Theological Schools in our country. To those who have
been connected with the Divinity School of Yale College during the
past twenty-six years,—in whose life and work I have a personal and
most friendly interest, —I commend the volume in all its parts.
Timotny Dwieut,
Yair Cotiecs, February 18, 1884.
Norz.—In my own annotations, the edition of Meyer’s work by Weiss is com-
monly referred to as Weiss ed. Mey. The letters T. R. are used to designate
the Textus Receptus. The references to Winer’s Grammar are tuo the American
translation. Imay state that, for the convenience of students, I have inserted
the numbers of the pages of the American translations of both Buttmann’s and
Winer’s Grammars, wherever Meyer has cited these works in his notes, In
regard to other abbreviations, see page xxiv.
The reader will allow me to correct one or two errors, which were accident-
ally overlooked by me in revising the proof-sheets of my notes. In the first
line of page 75, ““ οἰκονόμους), so etc.” should be read, instead of *‘oix). So ete.”
In the seventh line of page 79, for ‘‘ Gal. iii.”” read Gal. vy. On page 108, Note
XX., line 7, for ‘*to the approving’ read ‘‘of the approving.’’ Page 254, line
3, for ‘‘ ver. 20’’ read “ἐν. 20,” and page 255, line 2, for ‘‘ vv. 12-19” read “ἐν.
12-19,” and at the end of Note LXXIII. read “ver. 20’ for “‘ ver. 19." On
the other hand, on page 294, line 15 of Note LXXXVI., for ‘* v. 25” read “ ver.
25.’’ On page 289, Note LXXVII. in the last two lines let the words “ first”
and ‘‘ second” exchange places. These cases include all, I think, which are
of any importance and which the reader will, without trouble, adjust for
himself, PD,
PREFACE
SPECIALLY WRITTEN BY THE AUTHOR FOR THE ENGLISH
EDITION.
Ir cannot but be of great importance in the interests of a thorough,
sure, and comprehensive knowledge, that the results of progressive
effort and research in the wide domain of the sciences should be
mutually exchanged and spread from people to people, and from tongue
to tongue. In this way of a living fellowship of mind, penetrating to
the farthest limits of civilization, the various scientific peculiarities of
national development and culture are necessarily more and more elevated
into common property as regards their excellences, while their several
defects and shortcomings are reciprocally compensated and supplied ; and
thus the honest efforts and labours of individuals, pressing forward in com-
mon towards a deeper and clearer knowledge, are at once encouraged by
their mutual respect and stimulated by a generous rivalry. Especially,
and in an eminent degree, does this hold true within the sphere devoted
to the highest object of human effort—the sphere of scientific theology.
To the cultivation of this science, in accordance with its healthy life
springing from the Divine Word and with its destination embracing time
and eternity, belongs inan eminent sense the noble vocation of applying
every gift received from God freely and faithfully to the service of the
great whole—the building up of His kingdom. In its view the nations
with their various characteristic powers, capacities, and tongues, are
members of the one body, to which they are to hail each other as
belonging in the fellowship of the one Head, which is Christ, and of the
one Spirit, whose motions and influences are not restrained by any limits
of nation or of Janguage.
From this point of view it cannot but be in every sense a matter for
congratulation that in our day more than formerly those literary works
of German theology, which have on their native soil obtained a fair
position in the literature of the science to which they relate, should by
translation into the English tongue have that more extended field opened
ὙΠ] PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION.
up to them, whose only limit is the ever-increasing diffusion and prev-
alence of that language in both hemispheres. Thus German theological
labor goes forth into the wide world ; becomes at home in distant lands
and in a foreign dress ; communicates what has been given to it, in
order, by the mutual working of the Spirit, to receive in its turn from
abroad ; stimulates so far as in it lies, in order that it may itself find
stimulus and furtherance, instruction and correction ; and in all this lends
its aid, that the divided theological strivings of the age and the various
tendencies of religious national character may be daily brought closer
together, and united in the eternal focus of all genuine science, which
is truth and nothing but truth—and in the realin of theology the high-
est truth of all, that of divine revelation.
In the transplanting of the literary products of German theology to
the soil of the English language the well-known publishing house of the
Messrs. T. & T. Clark, of Edinburgh, have earned special distinction ;
and their efforts, supported by select and able professional scholars, have
already found, and continue increasingly to find, an appreciation cor-
responding to their merits both in British and American circles, I have
therefore readily and willingly given my consent to the proposal of the
above-mentioned honorable publishers to set on foot and to issue an
English translation of my Commentary on the New Testament ; and
with no less readiness have my esteemed German publishers, Vanden-
hoeck and Ruprecht in Gittingen, declared their agreement to it. I
earnestly wish that the version thus undertaken, the first portion of
which is given to the public in the present volume, may not fail to
receive, in the field of the English language and of the science which it
represents, an indulgent and kindly reception, such as, during a long
series of years, has been accorded to the German work by the German
theological public. And if I venture to couple with this wish some
measure of a hope corresponding to it, Iam induced to do so simply
by the fact that even in the German idiom these works have already
found their way, in no inconsiderable numbers, both to England and
America.
Respecting the object and intention of my Commentaries no special
explanation is needed, since, in point of fact, these are obvious on the
face of them. They aim at exactly ascertaining and establishing on due
grounds the purely historical sense of Scripture. This aim is so clear
and so lofty, that all the produce of one’s own thoughts and subjective
speculation must fall entirely into the background, and must not be
allowed to mix up anything of its own with what objectively stands
forth in the revelation of the New Testament and simply seeks to be
understood just as itstands. For exegesis is a historical science, because
PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION, ΙΧ
the sense of Scripture, the investigation of which is its task, can only be
regarded and treated as an historical fact; as positively given, it can
only be known, proved, established, and set forth so as to be clearly and
surely ynderstood, by the positive method of studying the grammar, the
usus loguendi, and the connection in detail as well as in its wider and
widest sense. Exegetical research therefore cannot regard any defini-
tions of the doctrinal system ofa Church as binding or regulative for its
operations, as if forsooth, in cases where the Confession has spoken, its
duty were to seek only what it was ὦ priori directed to seek, and there-
upon to find only what it so seeks. No! it is just when perfectly
unprejudiced, impartial, and free—and thus all the more consciously
and consistently guided simply and solely by those historically given
factors of its science —that it is able with genuine humility to render to
the Church, so far as the latter maintains its palladium in the pure Word
of God, real and wholesome service for the present and the future.
Unhappily the Church of Rome, by its unchangeable tradition beyond
the pale of Scripture, and now completely by its Vaticanum, has refused
to receive such service in ali points affecting its peculiar doctrine. But
with the Evangelical Church it is otherwise. ΠΟΛ ΟΝ deep may be
the heavings of conflicting elements within it, and however long may be
the duration of the painful throes which shall at last issue—according to
the counsel of God and when His hour has come—in a happier time for
the Church when men’s minds shall have attained a higher union, the pure
word of Scripture, in its historical truth and clearness and in its world-
subduing divine might, disengaged from every addition of human
scholasticism and its dividing formulae, must and shall at length become
once more a wonderful power of peace unto unity of faith and love.
The Evangelical Church bears inalienably in its bosom the Word as the
living and imperishable leaven of that final development.
Such is the ideal goal, which the scientific exposition of Scripture,
while it desires nothing else than to elucidate and further the true his-
torical understanding of Scripture, may never lose sight of in regard to
the Church, which is built on the Word. But how limited is the meas-
ure of the attainments and of the gifts conferred upon the individual !
and how irresistibly must it impel him, in the consciousness of his
fragmentary contributions, to the humbling confession, ‘‘ Not as though
Thad already attained !’’? Nevertheless let each strive faithfully and
honestly, according to what has been given to him, for that noble goal
in the field of Scripture-science, in firm assurance that God can bless
even what is little and be mighty in what is weak. And so may the
gracious God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ accompany my hum-
ble labors on His Word, as they are now going forth in the dress of
Σ PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION.
another language to far distant brethren, with the blessing on which
all success depends, that they may conduce to the knowledge of His
Truth, to the service of His Church, and to the glory of His Holy
Name.
Dr. HEIN. AUG. WILH. MEYER,
OBERCONSISTORIALRATH.
Hannover, March, 1873.
PREFACE
TO THE GERMAN EDITION.
Forry years have now elapsed since my Commentaries on the New
Testament were first given to the public. The first edition of the first
volume-—the weak commencement—appeared in January, 1832. A
scientific work, which has passed through a long course of development
and still continues that course, has always a history—a biography—of
its own, which of course is intimately interwoven with that of its author.
Yet in this retrospect I can only be filled with praise and thanksgiving
to the divine grace ; of myself I have nothing to say. The indulgence
of friendly readers, which I have experienced so long, will not, I hope,
fail to be still extended to me, when my day’s work is drawing to its end.
This fifth edition of the Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans is
based—as was of course to be expected, and may be inferred from the
increase in the number of the sheets—on a new and careful revision of
the fourth edition, which was issued in 1865. This enlargement—
although in particular instances much has been abridged or even deleted
—could not be avoided, if on the one hand the more recent publications
relating to the Epistle were to meet with due attention,’ and if on the
1 T could not take into consideration the treatise of Dr. Eklund : “ σάρξ vo-
cabulum, quid ap. Paulum significet,’’ Lund, May, 1872, which, cautiously pro-
ceeding by a purely exegetical method, in the definition of the ethical side of
that notion arrives substantially at the explanation of Augustine and Luther—
a result, nevertheless, in which I am still precluded from concurring, as regards
the Epistle to the Romans, by the contrast of σώρξ and νοῦς, as well as that of
σώρξ and the moral ἐγώ in ch, vii.—I must here also make supplementary
mention of Hilgenfeld’s dissertation ** Petrus in Rom und Johannes in Kl. Asien”
(Zeitschrift, 1872. 3); in it he declares himself in favor of the nearly contem-
porary martyrdom of Peter and Paul in Rome as a historically accredited fact,
and, ἃ5 1 must still even after the doubts of Lipsius assume, with just reason,
even as respects its independence of the Simon legend.—During the very
printing of this Preface there have come into my hands the two dissertations
by Harmsen, who defends the reference of the doxology in ix. 5 to God, and
Hilgenfeld, who maintains the genuineness of chapters xv, and xvi, (in the
latter’s Zeitschrift, 1872. 4).
xi PREFACE TO THE GERMAN EDITION.
other hand the general plan of the book—according to which it has to
provide along with the exposition itself a critical view of the interpreta-
tions contrasting with it, and so of the detailed history of the exegesis
—was to be preserved.
But on what portion of the New Testament could the Jabour and
troubie—which are being continually renewed, wherever exegetical sci-
ence conscientiously strives to reach its pure and clear historic aim—be
less spared than on this, the grandest and richest in contents of all the
Apostle’s letters? Especially at the present time. The Epistle to the
Romans still stands forth as a never silent accuser confronting the Ro-
man ecclesiasticism, which has strained to the uttermost spiritual arro-
gance in the dethroned head, and Loyolist submissiveness in the mem-
bers, of its hierarchy (perinde ac si essent cadavera) ; it is still the stead-
fast divine charter of the Reformation, as formerly our Luther found
mainly in it the unyielding fulerum by the aid of which he upheaved
the firmly-knit Roman structure from its old foundations, Amidst the
vehement and pretentious conflicts, which continually surround us in the
field of evangelic belief, we still have in this Epistle—just because it sets
clearly before us the pure apostolic Gospel in its deepest and most com-
prehensive scope—the clearest and most prominent criterion for the rec-
ognition of what belongs to the pith and marrow of the Confession, in
order that we may distinguish with steadfast eye and conscience that
which is essential from all the fleeting, temporary, controversial or
scholastic forms, with which it has become connected and interwoven
through the historical relations of ecclesiastical symbols ; a distinction,
to which even the Introduction to the Formula Concordiae, although
this most of all bears the theological impress of the time, significantly
enough points, and which better meets the exigencies of the restless
present than the overbearing cry—recklessly transcending limit or meas-
ure—after unity of doctrine, which yet does not remove or even so
much as conceal the dissensions among the criers themselves. The
unity which they desire—were it uniformly established, as it were in the
Jump, for ad/ doctrinal definitions of the Confession—would be Roman,
and the very negation of truth and truthfulness in the church, because
it would be contrary to the freedom of conscience in the understanding
of Scripture, which has its ground and support, its standard and
limit, and the holy warrant of its upright confidence, not beyond the
pale of Scripture, but iz it, and in it alone.
Let us only advance with clearness along the straight path of pure
historical exegesis, in virtue of which we have always to receive what
Scripture gives to us, and never to give to it aught of our own. Other-
wise we run a risk of falling into the boundless maze of an interpreta-
PREFACE TO THE GERMAN EDITION. xill
tion of Scripture at our own pleasure, in which artificial and violent ex-
pedients are quickly enough resorted to, with a view to establisn results
which are constructed from foregone premisses, and to procure doctrines
which are the creations—obtruded on Scripture—of a self-made world of
thought and its combinations. Exegetes of this sort—whose labours,
we may add, are usually facilitated by a lack of sure and thorough phi-
lological culture,’ and of needful respect for linguistic authorities—have
the dubious merit of provoking refutation more than others do, and
thereby indirectly promoting the elucidation of the true sense of Script-
ure. Yet they may, as experience shows, attain fora time an influence,
especially over younger theologians who have not yet reached the stead-
iness and soberness of mature exegetic judgment, by the charm of nov-
elty and of a certain originality, as well as of a dialectic art, which veils
wits mistakes so that they they are not at once recognized—an influence
under which good abilities are misled and learn to be content with ex-
tracting from the words of Scripture a meaning which, originating from
their own presuppositions, belongs really to themselves. Indeed, if
such a mode of handling Scripture, with its self-deceptions and with its
often very singular caprices, could become dominant (which, looking to
the present state and progress of science, 1 do not reckon possible),
there would be reason to fear that gradually the principle of Scripture
authority, which preserved in its full objectivity is the aegis of the
evangelical churches, would become ¢lusory. All the worse and more
confusing is it, when such an exegesis employs as the organ of present-
ing and communicating its views a mode of expression, the quaint
drapery of which hinders us from clearly discerning the substance of
the meaning lying beneath it, and in fact frequently permits the effort
1 We theologians are far too much given to neglect a comprehensive and
precise knowledge of the Greek grammar. If the exegete of the present day
supposes himself adequately furnished with such a Grammar as that of Rost
(whose memory, as my former Gymnasial teacher, I gratefully revere) he is
mistaken ; it is no longer sufficient. We ought not to overlook the progress of
philology in the field of the classics, but should be diligent in turning to ac-
count, for the New Testament, whatever the contributions of the present day
furnish. Otherwise we neglect an eminently important part of our duty. I
cannot but here recommend very urgently to the theologian, in the interest of
pure exegesis, the second edition of Kiithner’s Large Grammar (in two parts,
1869-1872)—to which my citations will always henceforth refer—as the most
complete and most solid work on the structure of the Greek language regarded
from the present standpoint of science. This entirely remodelled edition isa
glorious monument of thorough and comprehensive erudition, and of clear and
ripe familiarity with the genius of the language of classic Hellenism.
ΧΙΥ PREFACE TO THE GERMAN EDITION.
of translating it into current forms of speech, which cannot mislead, to
be attended with but dubious success.’
For the critical remarks the part of the editio octava of Tischendorf’s
New Testament, which inciudes the present Epistle, was in good time
to be turned to account. As it deviates in many cases from the edztio
septima, and this diversity is partly due to a modification of the critical
principles adopted, I have deemed it advisable to specify not merely the
readings of the octava, but also those of the septima. The one I have
indicated by Tisch. (8), the other by Zwsch. (7); but where the two
editions agree, I put merely Tisch.
With confidence then in God, who sits as Ruler and knows how to
guide all things well, this work is left to make its way once more into
the much agitated theological world. May He ward off harm, so far
as it contains what.is erroneous, and grant His blessing, so far as it may*
minister to the correct, unstinted, and undisguised understanding of His
revealed Word.
Dr. MEYER.
Hannover, 24th July, 1872.
1 In presence of such wretched evils of style we may be allowed to recall the
simple rule, which the epigrammatist bids the rhetoricians (Andthol. Pal. xi.
144, 5 f.) lay to heart :
Nov - aa ὭΣ AG ny? aa , ee
ἁνοὺν UTOKELOUGAL VEL τοῖς YPAUUATL Kas φράσιν αὐτῶν
εἶναι κοινοτέραν, ὥστε νοεῖν ἃ λέγεις.
EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE.
[For Commentaries, and collections of Notes, embracing the whole New
Testament, see Preface to the Commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew.
The following list includes works which deal with the Apostolic or the Pauline
Epistles generally, or which treat specially of the Epistle to the Romans,
Works mainly of a popular or practical character have, with a few exceptions,
been excluded, since, however valuable they may be on their own account, they
have but little affinity with the strictly exegetical character of the present work.
Several of the older works named are of little value ; others are chiefly doctri-
nal or controversial. Monographs on chapters or sections are generally noticed
by Meyer in loc. The editions quoted are usually the earliest ; al. appended
denotes that the work has been more or less frequently reprinted. + marks the
date of the author’s death, ο. = circa, an approximation to it. |
ApBariaRD (Peter), { 1142, Scholastic : Commentariorum super 8. Pauli Episto-
lam ad Romanos libri v. [Opera.]
Axxstus [or ΗΑΤ ΕΒ] (Alexander), { 1565, Prof. Theol. at Leipzig : Disputationes
in Epistolam ad Romanos, cum P. Melancthonis praefatione.
8°, Vitemb. 1553.
ALEXANDER Natalis. See Norn (Alexandre).
Autine (Jacobus), { 1679, Prof. Theol. at Gréningen : Commentarius theoreti-
co-practicus in Epistolam ad Romanos. [Opera. ] 2°, Amstel. 1686.
AMBIANENSIS (Georgius), { 1657, Capuchin monk at Paris : Trina Pauli theologia
. . Seu omnigena in universas Pauli epistolas commentaria exegetica,
tropologica et anagogica. 29, Paris. 1649-50.
AMBROSIASTER [or Psrupo-AmBrostus], ¢. 380, generally identified with Hilarius
the Deacon: Commentarius in Epistolas xiii. B. Pauli. [Ambrosii
Opera. ]
AnsELMus [or Hervevus], c. 1100: Enarrationes in omnes 8. Pauli Epistolas.
2°, Paris. 1533.
Aquinas (Thomas), + 1274, Scholastic : Expositio in omnes Epistolas 8. Pauli.
2°, Basil. 1475 al.
ArBorevs (Joannes), ο. 1550, Prof. Theol. at Paris: Commentarius in omnes
Pauli Epistolas. 29, Paris. 1553.
AnreEtius (Benedictus), + 1574, Prof. Theol. at Berne: Commentarii in omnes
Epistolas 1). Pauli, et canonicas, 2°, Morgiis, 1683.
Baupur (Friedrich), + 1627, Prof. Theol. at Wittenberg : Commentarius in
omnes Epistolas apostoli Pauli. . . (Separately, 1608-1630).
49, Francof. 1644 al.
Baumeartren (Sigmund Jakob), { 1757, Prof. Theol. at Halle: Auslegung des
Briefes Pauli an die Romer. 4”, Halae, 1749.
BaumGarten-Crustus (Ludwig Friedrich Otto), + 1843, Prof. Theol. at Jena:
Commentar zum Rémerbrief. 8°, Jena, 1844.
Berpa Venerabilis, { 735, Monk at Jarrow : Expositio in Epistolas Pauli [a Ca-
tena from the works of Augustine, probably by Florus Lugdunensis,
ὁ. 852], et In Epistolas septem catholicas liber. [Opera.]
XV1 EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE.
Breen (Jean-Théodore), Τὺ. C. Prof. of Or. Lang. at Louvain : Commentarius
in Epistolam ὃ. Pauli ad Romanos. 8°, Lovani, 1854.
Brrr (Joseph Agar), A Commentary on St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans.
London, 1877.
3ELSHAM (Thomas), { 1829, Unitarian minister in London: The Epistles of
Paul the Apostle translated, with an exposition and notes.
49 Lond. 1822.
BrENECKEE (Wilhelm), { 1837, retired Hamburg merchant : Der Brief Paulian die
Romer erlautert ; 8°, Heidelb. 1831.
Translated... . 8°, Lond. 1854,
Bispine (August), R. C. Prof. Theol. at Mimster: Exegetisches Handbuch zu
den Briefen des Apostels Paulus. 8°, Minster, 1854-8 al,
Borume (Christian Friedrich), { 1844, Pastor at Lucka near Altenburg : Epis-
tola Pauli ad Romanos Graece cum commentario perpetuo.
8°, Lips. 1806.
Brats (Etienne de), ο. 1680, Prof. Theol. at Saumur : Epistolae Pauli ad Roma-
nos analysis paraphrastica cum notis. 4°, Salmurii, 1670.
Brent (Johann), + 1570, Provost at Stuttgard : Commentarius in Epistolam ad
Romanos. 2°, Francof. 1564 al.
Brown (David), D.D., Prof. Theol. Free Church College, Aberdeen : Commen-
tary on the Epistle to the Romans, embracing the last results of crit-
icism. 12°, Glasg. 1860.
Brown (John), D.D., { 1858, Prof. Exeg. Theol. to the United Presbyterian
Church, Edinburgh : Analytical Exposition of the Epistle of Paul. . .
to the Romans. 8°, Edin. 1857.
Bruno, ¢ 1101, Founder of the Carthusian Order: Commentarius in Omnes
Epistolas Pauli. 2°, Paris. 1509.
Bucer (Martin), ¢ 1551, Prof. Theol. at Cambridge : Metaphrasis et enarratio
in Epistclam Pauli ad Romanos. 2°, Basil. 1562.
BuGENHAGEN (Johann), { 1558, Prof. Theol. at Wittenberg: Interpretatio
Epistolae Pauli ad Romanos. 8°, Hagenoae, 1523.
BuiwinceEr (Heinrich), { 1575, Pastor at Ziirich : Commentarii in omnes Epis-
tolas apostolorum. 2°, Tiguri, 1537 al.
Casetanvs [Tommaso da Vio], ¢ 1534, Cardinal : Epistolae 5. Pauli et aliorum
apostolorum ad Graecam veritatem castigatae et juxta sensum literalem
enarratae. 20 Venet. 1531 al.
Catrxtus (Georg), { 1656, Prof. Theol. at Helmstadt : Expositiones litterales in
Epistolas ad Romanos, ad Corinthios priorem et posteriorem, ad Ga-
latas, ad Ephesios, ad Philippenses, ad Colossenses, ad Thessalonienses
. et ad Titum. 40. Helmstadii, 1664-66.
Cavin [CHAvvin] (Jean), { 1564: Commentarii in omnes Epistolas Pauli apos-
toli atque etiam Epistolam ad Ebraeos ; necnon in Epistolas canoni-
cas, 2°, Genevae, 1551 al.
Caretus [CappEt] (Louis), ¢ 1658. See Acts.
Jarpzov (Johann Benedict), { 1803, Prof. Theol. and Greek at Helmstadt :
Stricturae theologicae et criticae in Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos... .
8°, Helmstad. 1758.
Casstoporus (Magnus Aurelius), + 563, Chancellor of the Ostrogoth empire :
Complexiones in Epistolas apostolorum, in Acta etin Apocalypsim quasi
brevissima explanatione decursas. . . . 8°, Florent. 1721 al.
Catartno (Ambrogio), See Porrrt (Lanzelotto),
Cuatmers (Thomas), D.D., { 1847, Principal of F. C. College, Edinburgh :
Lectures on the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans.
12°, Glasg. 1842 al.
Curysostomus (Joannes), + 407, Archbishop of Constantinople : Homiliae in Epis-
tolas Pauli. [Opera.]
Cuyrrarus [or Kocuuare] (David), { 1600, Prof. Theol. at Rostock : Epistola
Pauli ad Romanos, brevi ac dialectica dispositione partium et gram-
matica declaratione textus . . . explicata. 80 ἢ. p: 1699.
CiauDE (Jean), + 1687, Minister at the Hague: Commentaire 51} ]’Epitre aux
Romains. [Oeuvres. ]
EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. ΧΥΪΙ
Conrarrt (Gaspare), ¢ 1542, Cardinal: Scholia in Epistolas Pauli. [Opera.]
29, Paris. 1571 al.
ContzEn (Adam), + 1618, Jesuit at Mentz: Commentaria in Epistolam 8. Pauli
ad Romanos. 2°, Colon. 1629.
ConyBEARE (William John, M.A.), Howson (John Saul), D.D.: Life and Epis-
tles of St. Paul. 4°, Lond. 1852 al.
Cox (Robert), M.A., P. C. of ‘Stonehouse, Devon: Horae Romanae, or an at-
tempt to elucidate St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans, by an original
translation, explanatory notes, and new divisions, 8°, Lond. 1824.
Cramer (Johann Andreas), ¢ 1788, Prof. Theol. at Kiel: Der Brief Pauli an die
Romer aufs neue tibersetzt und ausgelest. 4° Leip. 1784.
Cretu (Johann), ¢ 1633, Socinian teacher at Cracow ; Commentarius in Epis-
tolam Pauli ad Romanos, ex praelectionibus ejus conscriptus a Jona
Schlichtingio.... 8°, Racov. 1636.
CrucicEr [CREUZINGER] (Kaspar), { 1548, Pastor at Leipzig : Commentarius in
Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos. 8°, Vitemb. 1567.
Date (John) : Analysis of all the Epistles of the New Testament. 12° Oxf. 1652.
Damascrnvs (Joannes), { 754, Monk at S. Saba: Ex universa interpretatione
J. Chrysostomi excerpta compendiaria in Epistolas S, Pauli. [Opera.]
Dewirzscx (Franz), Prof. Theol. at Leipzig: Briefan die Rémer aus dem grie-
chischen Urtext in das hebriische uebersetzt und aus Talmud und
Midrasch erliutert. 8°, Leip. 1870.
Dickson (David), { 1662, Prof. Theol. at Glasgow and Edinburgh : Expositio ana-
lytica omnium apostolicarum Epistolarum. .. . 40, Glasg. 1645.
and Analytical Exposition of all the Epistles. 2°, Lond. 1659.
Drersce (August), Prof. in the Univ. at Bonn: Adam und Christus. Rom. V.
12-21 8° Bonn, 1871.
Drev (Louis de), + 1642, Prof. in the Walloon College at Leyden : Animadver-
siones in Epistolam ad Romanos. Accessit spicilegium in reliquas
ejusdem apostoli, ut et catholicas epistolas. 4°, Lugd, Bat. 1646.
Dionysius Carruustanus [Denys DE Rycxenn], { 1471, Carthusian monk: Elu-
cidissima in divi Pauli Epistolas commentaria. 8°, Paris. 1531.
Epwarps (Timothy), M.A., Vicar of Okehampton, Devon: Paraphrase, with
critical annotations on the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians, with
an analytical scheme of the whole. 40. Lond. 1752.
Est [Estrus] (Willem Hessels van), + 1613, R. C. Chancellor of Douay : In
omnes beati Pauli et aliorum apostolorum Epistolas commentarius.
2°, Duaci, 1614-16, al.
Ewap (Georg Heinrich August), Prof. Or. Lang. at Géttingen ; Die Sendschrei-
ben des Apostels Paulus tibersetzt und erklirt. 8°, Gotting. 1857.
Ewsrank (William Withers), M.A., Incumbent at Everton: Commentary on the
Kpistle of Paulto the Romans. . . 8°, Lond. 1850-51.
Faber Stapulensis (Jacobus) [Jacques Lefevre dEtaples], { 1536, resident at
Nerac : Commentarius in Epistolas Pauli... 2°, Paris. 1512 al.
Farrar (F. W.), Canon of Westminster: The Life and Works of St. Paul.
Lond. 1879.
Faye (Antoine de la), { 1616, Prof. at Geneva : Commentarius in Epistolam ad
Romanos. 8°, Genevae, 1608.
Feit (Joun), + 1686, Bishop of Oxford : A Paraphrase and annotations upon all
the Epistles of St. Paul, by Abraham Woodhead, Richard Allestry and
Obadiah Walker. Corrected and improved by Dr. John Fell. [First
issued anonymously in 1675.] 8°, Lond. 1708.
FrrmMe (Charles), + 1617, Principal of Fraserburgh College: Analysis logica in
Epistolam ad Romanos. 12°, Edin. 1651 αἱ.
Frervus [Wiztp] (Johannes), { 1554, Cathedral Preacher at Mentz: Exegesis in
Epistolam Paulli ad Romanos, 8°, Paris. 1559.
FrevarDEnt (Francois), ¢ 1612, Franciscan preacher at Paris : Commentarius in
Epistolam ad Romanos. 8°, Paris. 1599.
Fuart (Johann Friedrich von), ¢ 1821, Prof. Theol. at Tiibingen : Vorlesungen
aw x
Ais
i>
ἢ
XVill EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE.
iiber den Brief Pauli an die Rémer, herausgegeben yon Ch. D. F. Hoff-
mann. 8°, Tubing. 1825.
Frorus Lugdunensis, c. 852. See Brpa.
Forsrs (John),-LL. D., Prof. of Oriental Languages at Aberdeen: Analytical
commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, tracing the train of thought
: by the aid of parallelism. 8°, Edinb. 1868.
FrirzscHk (Karl Friedrich August), { 1846, Prof. Theol. at Rostock : Pauli ad
Romanos Epistola. Recensuit et cum commentariis perpetuis edidit.
8°, Halis, 1836-43.
Fromonp (Libert), + 1653, Prof. Sac. Scrip. at Louvain : Commentarius in om-
nes Epistolas Pauli apostoli et in septem canonicas aliorum aposto-
lorum epistolas. 2°, Lovan. 1663 al,
GaaniKEe (Jean de), { 1549, Rector of the University of Paris: Brevissima et
facillima in omnes divi Pauli et canonicas epistolas scholia.
8°, Paris. 1543 al.
GerHarD (Johann), { 1637, Prof. Theol. at Jena: Adnotationes posthumae in
Epistolam ad Romanos, cum Analectis Jo. Ernesti Gerhardi.
4°, Jenae. 1666 al.
Girrorp (E. H.), Rector of Much Hadham; Introduction, Commentary, and
Critical Notes on the Epistle to the Romans. Vol. III. of Bible Com-
mentary, edited by F. C. Cook, Canon of Exeter. Lond. 1881.
GxiéckLEeR (Conrad} : Der Brief des Apostel Paulus an die Rémer erklirt.
8°, Frankf.-a.-M. 1834.
GoveEt (F.) Prof., in the Theol. Faculty at Neuchatel : Commentaire sur 1 Epitre
aux Romains. 8°, Paris. 1879-80.
{Translated by A. Cusin, Edinburgh, 1881.]
Gomar (Frangois), + 1641, Prof. Theol. at Gréningen: Analysis et explicatio
Epistolarum Pauli ad Romanos, Gal. Philipp. Coloss. Philem. He-
braeos. [Opera.] 2°, Amstel. 1644.
Grare (Ed.): Ueber Veranlassung und Zweck des Rémerbriefes.
Freiburg, 1881.
GRONEWEGEN (Henricus), + 1692, Minister at Enkhuizen : Vytleginge van den
Zendbrief Paulli aan de Romeynen. 4° Gorinchem, 1681.
GUALTHER [WALTHER] (Rudolph), + 1586, Pastor at Zurich: Homiliae in om-
nes Epistolas apostolorum. 2°, Tiguri, 1599.
GuILu1Aup (Claude), + 1550, Theological Lecturer at Autun : Collationes in om-
nes Epistolas Pauli. 4°, Lugd. 1542 al.
Haxpane (Robert), of Airthrey, { 1842 : Exposition of the Epistle to the Ro-
mans, with remarks on the Commentaries of Dr. Macknight, Prof.
Tholuck, and Prof. Moses Stuart. 12°, Lond. 1842 al.
Haymno, + 853, Bishop of Halberstadt [or Remierus] : Commentarius in Epis-
tolas S. Pauli. 20 Paris, 1556. αἱ.
Hemminec [or Hemmincsen] (Niels), + 1600, Prof. Theol. at Copenhagen : Com-
mentarius in omnes Epistolas apostolorum. 2°, Lips. 1572 al.
HemseEn (Johann Tychsen), + 1830, Prof. Theol. at Gottingen: Der Apostel
Paulus, sein Leben, Wirken, und siene Schriften herausgegeben von
F. Luecke. 8°, Gotting. 1830.
HenGEL (Wessel Albert van), Prof. Theol. in Leyden: Interpretatio Epistolae
Pauli ad Romanos. 8°, Lugd. Bat. 1854-9.
Herveus Dotensts, ὁ. 1130, Benedictine. See ANSELMUS.
Hesuustvs (Tilemann), + 1588, Prof. Theol. at Helmstadt: Commentarius in
omnes Epistolas Pauli. 2°, Lips. 1605.
Hipstep (Johann), + 1681, Prof. in Gymnasium at Bremen: Collationes phi-
lologicae in Epistolam ad Romanos. 40, Bremae, 1675.
Hopas (Charles), D.D., Prof. Theol. at Princeton : Commentary on the Epis-
tle to the Romans. 80, Philadelphia, 1835 al.
Hormann (Johann Christian Konrad von), Prof. Theol. at Erlangen : Die
Heilige Schrift Neuen Testaments zusammenhingend untersucht.
111. Theil. Brief an die Rémer, 8°, Nérdlingen, 1868.
HonstEn (C.) : Zum Evangelium des Paulus und des Petrus. Rostock, 1868.
EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE. ἘΠ
Hueco ΡῈ S. Vicrorg, {1141, Monk at Paris : Quaestiones circa Epistolas Pauli.
[Opera. ]
Hyveritus [GERHARD] (Andreas), +1564, Prof. Theol. at Marburg : Commentarii
in Pauli Epistolas. 2°, Tiguri, 1583,
Jarno (Georg Friedrich) : Director of Gymnasium at Hildesheim : Pauli Brief
an die Rémer nach seinem inneren Gedankengange erliutert.
8°, Hildesheim, 1858-9.
JoweErr (Benjamin), M.A., Master of Balliol College, Oxford : The Epistles of
St. Paul to the Thessalonians, Galatians, Romans, with critical notes
and dissertations. 8°, Lond. 1855.
JUSTINIANI [GrusTINIANI] (Benedetto), + 1622, 5. J. Prof. Theol. at Rome : Ex-
planationes in omnes Pauli Epistolas [e¢ in omnes catholicas].
2°, Lugd. 1612-21.
KisTEeMAKER (Johann Hyazinth), { 1834, R. C. Prof. Theol. at Miinster : Die
Sendschreiben der Apostel (und die Apocalypse), ttbersetzt und erklart.
8°, Minster, 1822-3.
Kurx (Heinrich), + 1840, R. Ὁ. Prof. Theol. at Miinich : Commentar iiber des
Apostel Pauli Sendschreiben an die Romer. 8°, Mainz, 1830.
Knicut (Robert) : A Critical Commentary on the Epistle of St. Paul the Apostle
to the Romans. 8°, Lond. 1854.
KtosrerMann (August), Prof. in the Univ. at Kiel: Korrekturen zur bisherigen
Erklairung des Rémerbriefes, Gotha, 1868.
K6énuner (Wilhelm Heinrich Dorotheus Eduard), c. 1850, Prof. Theol. at Got-
tingen : Commentar zu dem Briefe des Paulus an die Rémer.
8°, Darmst. 1834.
Krenu (August Ludwig Gottlob), + 1855, Prof. Pract. Theol. at Leipzig: Der
Brief an die Romer ausgelegt. 8°, Leip. 1849.
Lanrranc, + 1089, Archbishop of Canterbury : Commentarii in omnes 1). Pauli
Epistolas. [Opera.]
Lariwe (Cornelius ἃ) [VAN DEN STEEN], + 1637, 8. J. Prof. of Sacred Scripture
at Louvain ; Commentaria in omnes D. Pauli Epistolas.
2°, Antwerp. 1614 εἰ al.
Launay (Pierre de), Sieur dela Motte : Paraphrase et exposition sur les Epistres
de 8. Paul. 40. Saumur et Charenton, 1647-50.
Lrevwen (Gerbrand van), + 1721, Prof. Theol. at Amsterdam: Verhandeling
van den Sendbrief Paulli aan de Romeynen. 40 Amst. 1688-99.
Lewin (Thomas), M.A.: The Life and Epistles of 5. Paul. 8°, Lond. 1851.
Limsorcy (Philipp van), + 1712, Arminian Prof. Theol. at Amsterdam : Com-
mentarius in Acta Apostolorum et in Epistolas ad Romanos et ad
Ebraeos. 2°, Roterod. 1711.
Livermore (Abiel Abbot), Minister at Cincinnati: The Epistle of Paul to the
Romans, with a commentary and revised translation, and introductory
essays. 12°, Boston, 1855.
Locke (John), + 1704. See Ganarrans.
Lomparvus (Petrus), + 1160, Scholastic: Collectanea in omnes Epistolas D.
Pauli ex. SS. Patribus. 20 Paris. 1535 al.
Lucut (H.): Uber die beiden letzten Kapitel des Rémerbriefes. Eine Kritische
Uutersuchung. 8°, Berlin, 1871.
Macxrnicut (James), D.D., + 1800, Minister at Edinburgh : A new literal trans-
lation . . . of all the apostolical Epistles, with a commentary and
notes, philological, critical, explanatory and practical . . .
40, Edin. 1795 αἱ.
Mater (Adalbert), R. C. Prof. Theol. at Freiburg : Commentar iiber den Brief
Pauli an die Romer. 8°, Freiburg, 1847,
Mancoup (Wilhelm), Prof. Theol. at Bonn: Der Rémerbrief und die Anfinge
der Rémischen Gemeinde. Eine kritische Untersuchung. 1866.
Also, Der Rémerbrief und seine geschichtliche Voraussetzungen, 1884,
Marburg.
ΧΧ EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE.
Martyr (Peter) [Vermicr1], + 1562, Prof. Theol. at Strasburg : In Epistolam ad
Romanos commentarii .. . 2°, Basil. 1558, al.
Meurine (H. J. F.): Der Brief Pauli an die Rémer uebersetzt und erklirt.
8°, Stettin, 1859.
ΜΈΓΑΝΟΗΤΗΟΝ (Philipp), + 1560, Reformer : Adnotationes in Epistolas Pauli ad
Romanos, et Corinthios. . . 4°, Basil, 1522. — Commentarii in Ep.
Pauli ad Romanos. 8° Argent. 1540.—Epistolae Pauli ad Romanos
scriptae enarratio... 8°, Vitemb. 1556 al.
MetvittzE (Andrew), + 1622, Principal of St. Mary’s College, St.Andrews : Com-
mentarius indivinam Pauli Epistolam ad Romanos .. .
8°, Edin. 1849.
Momma (Willem), + 1677, Pastor at Middelburg : Meditationes posthumae in
Epistolas ad Romanos et Galatas. 8°. Hag. Com. 1678.
Morison (James), D.D. Prof. Theol. to the Evangelical Union, Glasgow: An
exposition of the Ninth chapter of Paul’s Epistle to the Romans. 8°,
Kilmarnock, 1849. And A critical exposition of the Third chapter...
8°, Lond. 1866.
Morus (Samuel Friedrich Nathanael), + 1792, Prof. Theol. at Leipzig : Prae-
lectiones in Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos. Cum ejusdem versione
Latina, locorumque quorundam N. T. difficiliorum interpretatione.
Ed. J .T. S. Holzapfel. 8°, Lips. 1794.
Muscuuws [or Mevsstin] (Wolfgang), + 1563, Prof. Theol. in Berne: In Epis-
tolam ad Romanos commentarius. 2°, Basil. 1555 al.
Nruisen (Rasmus), Prof. Theol. at Copenhagen ; Der Brief Pauli an die Romer
entwickelt ... 8°, Leip. 1849.
Norn, (Alexandre) [Narauis], + 1724, Dominican teacher of Church History
at Paris : Expositio litteralis et moralis in Epistolas D. Pauli.
2°, Paris. 1710.
Oxcumentus, c. 980, Bishop of Tricca ; Commentaria in Acta Apostolorum, in
omnes Pauli Epistolas, in Epistolas catholicas omnes... .
2°, Veronae, 1532 al.
OurraMaRE (Hugues), Minister at Geneva: Commentaire sur ]’Epitre aux
Romains. [I—V. 11.] 8°, Geneve, 1843.
OricEenrs, + 254, Catechete at Alexandria: Fragmenta in Epistolas Pauli
[Opera.
Osorio (Jeronymo), { 1580, Bishop of Sylvas : In Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos
libri quatuor. [Opera.] 2°, Romae, 1592.
Parevus [or WAENGLER] (David), + 1622, Prof. Theol. at Heidelberg : Commen-
tarius in Epistolam ad Romanos. 4°. Francof. 1608 al.
Pautus (Heinrich Eberhard Georg), { 1851. See Gaxarrans.
Prrz (Thomas Williamson), D.D., Vicar of Luton : Annotations on the apos-
tolical Epistles, designed chiefly for the use of students of the Greek
text. 8°, Lond. 1848-52.
Prxiacius, c. 420, British monk : Commentarii in Epistolas 8. Pauli. [Hierony-
mi Opera. 7
Priniprr (Friedrich Adolph), Prof. Theol. at Rostock : Commentar tber den
Brief an die Romer. 8°, Erlangen and Frankf. 1848-52.
[Translated from the 3d ed. by J. 5. Banks. Edinburgh, 1879.]
Pricquieny (Bernardin) [Brrnarpinus A Prconro], Cistercian monk: Epistolarum
Pauli triplex expositio, cum analysi, paraphrasi et commentariis.
20 Paris. 1703.
Porritt (Lanzelotto) [Amprocio CaTartno], + 1553, Archbishop of Conza : Com-
mentarius in omnes divi Pauli et alias septem canonicas Epistolas.
2°, Romae, 1546 al.
Posseitt (August), c. 1715, Pastor at Zittau: Richtige Erklirung der EHpistel
Pauli an die Romer... 40. Zittau, 1696,
Prmasivus, c. 550, Bishop of Adrumetum : Commentaria in Epistolas Pauli.
[Bibl. Max. Patrum, X.]
EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE, XX1
Przrezcov or PrzypKowsky (Samuel), + 1670, Socinian teacher: Cogitationes
sacrae ad omnes Epistolas apostolicas.
: 2°, Eleutheropoli [Amstel.], 1692.
Purpvue (Edward), M.A. : A Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, with a
revised translation. 8°, Dubl. 1855.
Pyuz (Thomas), D.D., + 1756, Vicar of Lynn: A Paraphrase, with some notes
on the Acts of the Apostles and on all the Epistles of the New Tes-
tament. 8°, Lond. 1725 al.
QuistorP (Johann), + 1648, Superintendent at Rostock : Commentarius in omnes
Epistolas Paulinas. 4°, Rostoch, 1652.
Rasanus Maurus, { 856, Archbishop of Mentz: Enarrationum in Epistolas B.
Pauli libri triginta. [Opera.]
Rampacn (Johann Jakob), + 1735, Superintendent in Giessen: Ausfiihrliche
und griindliche Erklirung der Epistel Pauli an die Romer.
4°, Bremae, 1738.
Introductio historico-theologica in Ep. P. ad Romanos, cum Martini
Lutheri Praefatione variis observationibus exegeticis illustrata.
8°, Halae, 1727.
RetcHe (Johann Georg), Prof. Theol. in Gottingen: Versuch einer ausfiihr-
lichen Erklirung des Briefes Pauli an die Romer, mit historischen
Einleitungen und exegetisch-dogmatischen Excursen.
8°, Gotting. 1833-4.
Commentarius criticus in Novum Testamentum, quo loca graviora et
difficiliora lectionis dubiae accurate recensentur et explicantur.
Tom. 1.-- Π|. Epistolas Paulinas et catholicas continentes.
40 et 8°. Gétting. 1853-62.
REITHMAYR (Franz Xaver), + 1871, R. C. Prof. Theol. at Munich : Commentar
zum Briefe an die Romer. 8°, Regensburg, 1845.
Remicius (of Auxerre), +899. See Haymo.
Roxuock (Robert), + 1598, Principal of the University of Edinburgh : Analysis
dialectica in Pauli apostoli Epistolam ad Romanos...
80 Edin. 1594 al.
Rorue (Richard), Prof. Theol. in Heidelberg: Neuer Versuch einer Auslegung
der Paulinischen Stelle Romer V. 12-21. 8°, Wittenberg, 1836.
Riicxerr (Leopold Immanuel), c. 1845, Prof. Theol. at Jena : Commentar tiber
den Brief an die Romer. 8°, Leip, 1831.
Sapatrer (A.): L’Apotre Paul. Esquisse d’une histoire de sa pensée.
: Paris, 1881.
SADOLETO (Jacopo), + 1547, Cardinal : Commentarius in Epistolam ad Romanos.
8°, Venet. 1536 al.
SatmEron (Alphonso), + 1585, Jesuit: Commentarii in Epistolas S. Pauli.
(Opera. ]
Sanpay (William), Principal of Hatfield Hall, Durham: The Epistle to the Ro-
mans. In Vol. Il. of New Testament Commentary for English Read-
ers. Edited by C. J. Ellicott, Lord Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol.
‘ London.
Scuarr (Philip), Prof. in Union Theol. Sem. New York: A Popular Commen-
tory on the New Testament by English and American Scholars. Vol. II,
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Xxli EXEGETICAL LITERATURE OF THE EPISTLE.
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ABBREVIATIONS.
al., etal. = and others ; and other passages ; and other editions.
ad. or in loc., refers to the note of the commentator or editor named on the
particular passage.
ef. = compare.
comp. = compare, ‘‘Comp. on Matt. iii. 5” refers to Dr. Meyer’s own com-
mentary on the passage. So also ‘‘See on Matt. 111. 5.”
codd. = codices or manuscripts. The uncial manuscripts are denoted by the
ι usual letters, the Sinaitic by &.
min. = codices minusculi, manuscripts in cursive writing. Where these are
individually quoted, they are marked by the usual Arabic numerals,
as 33, 89.
Rec. or Recepta = Textus receptus, or lectio recepta (Elzevir).
lc. = loco citato or laudato.
ver. = verse, vv. = verses.
f. ff. = and following. Ver. 16f. means verses 16 and 17. vy. 16 ff. means
verses 16 and two or more following.
vss. = versions. These, when individually referred to, are marked by the
usual abridged forms. Εἰς. Syr. = Peshito Syriac ; Syr. p. = Philox-
enian Syriac.
Pp. pp. = page, pages.
.g. = exempli gratia.
c. = scilicet. ;
N. T. =New Testament. O. T. = Old Testament.
A. Υ. = The Authorized English Version of the New Testament.
R. V. = The Revised English Version of the New Testament.
.R. V. = The American Appendix to the Revised English Version of the N. T.
T.A. = καὶ τὰ λοιπά. ;
he colon (:) is largely employed, as in the German, to mark the point at which
a translation or paraphrase of a passage is introduced, or the transi-
tion to the statement of another’s opinions.
. . . . indicates that words are omitted.
The books of Scripture and of the Apocrypha are generally quoted by their
usual English names and abbreviations. Eccles. = Ecclesiasticus. 3
Esd., 4 Esd. (or Esr.) = the books usually termed 1st and 2d Esdras.
The classical authors are quoted in the usual abridged forms by book, chapter,
etc. (as Xen. Anab. vi. 6, 12) or by the paging of the edition generally
used for that purpose (as Plat. Pol. p. 291 B. of the edition of H.
Stephanus). The names of the works quoted are printed in Italics.
Roman numerals in small capitals are used to denote beoks or other
internal divisions (as Thuc. iv) ; Roman numerals in large capitals
denote volumes (as Kiihner, IT.). 2
The references to Winer’s and Buttmann’s N. T. Grammars, given in brackets
thus [E. T. 152], apply to the corresponding pages of Prof. Thayer's
English translations of these works.
THE
EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
INTRODUCTION.
§ 1. Skercn or THE APosTLn’s LIFE.
: On AUL, who received this Roman name, according to Jerome,
Catal. 5—and from Acts xiii. 9, this view seems the most
probable —en occasion of the conversion of Sergius Paulus
the Roman Proconsul of Cyprus, but was at his circumcision
named TINY? was the son of Jewish parents belonging to the
tribe of Benjamin (Rom. xi. 1 ; Phil. iii. 5), and was born at Tarsus ®* (Acts ix.
11, xxi. 39, xxii. 3), ἃ πόλις μεγάλη καὶ εὐδαίμων (Xen. Anab. i. 2, 23) of ancient
renown, founded according to the legend by Perseus, in Cilicia. The year
of his birth is quite uncertain (A.p. 10-15 2) ; but it is certain that he was
of Pharisaic descent (see on Acts xxiii. 6), and that his father was a Roman
citizen (see en Acts xvi. 37). He therefore possessed by birth this right of
citizenship, which subsequently had so important a bearing on his labours
and his fate (Acts xxii. 27 f.). Of his first youthful training in his native
city, where arts and sciences flourished (Strabo, xiv. 5, 18, p. 673), we
know nothing ; but it was probably conducted by his Pharisaic father in
entire accordance with Pharisaic principles (Phil. iii. 5 ; Gal. i. 14), so that
the boy was prepared for ἃ Pharisaic rabbinical school at Jerusalem. While
yet in early youth (Acts xxii. 3, xxvi. 4, comp. vil. 58 ; Gal. i. 14 ; Tholuck,
overeame Elymas as the little David over-
came Goliath.
1 See the particulars on Acts xiii. 9.
2 Since beth names were generally cur-
rent, every attempt to explain their mean-
ing in reference to ovr Paul is utterly
arbitrary—from that of Augustine, accord-
ing to whom he was called Saw as persecutor
(as Saul persecuted David), and Paulus as
praedicator (namely, as the minimus apos-
tolorum, 1 Cor. xy. 9), down to Umbreit’s
play on the word “}5 (the made one,
created anew) in the Stud. u. Krit.
1852, p. 377 f., and Lange’s fancy that the
Apostle was called the Jittle, because he
3 Not at Gischala in Galilee, according to
the statement of Jerome, de Vir. ill. 5
(comp. also what he says on Philem. 23),
which cannot be taken into consideration
after the Apostle’s own testimony (see
especially Acts xxii. 3), unless with Krenkel
(Paulus ad. Ap. d. Heiden, 1869, p. 215) we
distrust the accounts of the Book of Acts
even in such a point lying beyond the scope
of its dogmatic tendency.
2 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
in the Stud. u. Krit. 1835, p. 364 #.; also in his Vermischte Schr. I. p. 274
ff.) he was transferred to Jerusalem, where he had perhaps even then rela-
tives (Acts xxiii. 16), though there is no evidence that the entire family
migrated thither (Hwald). He entered a training-school of Pharisaic theol-
ogy, and became a rabbinic pupil of the universally honoured (Acts ν. 34)
Gamaliel (Acts xxii. 8), who, notwithstanding his strict orthodoxy (Light-
foot, ad Matt. p. 33), shows himself (Acts v. 34 ff.) a man of wise modera-
tion of judgment.’ In accordance with a custom, which was rendered nec-
essary by the absence of any regular payment of the Rabbins and was very
salutary for their independence (see on Mark vi. 3, and Delitzsch, Handwer-
kerleben zur Zeit Jesu,* 1868, V.), the youthful Saul combined with his rab-
binical culture the learning of a trade—tentmaking (Acts xviii. 3)—to
which he subsequently, even when an apostle, applied himself in a way
highly honourable and remarkably conducive to the blessing of his official
labours, and for that reason he felt a just satisfaction in it (Acts xviii. 3, xx.
34; 1 Thess. ii. 9; 2 Thess. iii. 7 ff. ; 1 Cor. iv. 12, ix. 6, xii. 15; 2 Cor. xi. 8, xii.
13). At the feet of Gamaliel he of course received an instruction which, as to
form and matter, was purely rabbinic ; and hence his epistles exhibit, in
the mode in which they unfold their teaching, a more or less distinct rab-
binico-didactic impress. But it was natural also that his susceptible and
active mind should not remain unaffected by Hellenic culture, when he
came into contact with it; and how could he escape such contact in Jerusa-
lem, whither Hellenists flocked from all quarters under heaven? This
serves to explain a dilettante * acquaintance on his part with Greek literary
works, which may certainly be recognized in Acts xvii. 28, if not also in
1 Cor. xv. 33 (Tit. i. 12); and which, perhaps already begun in Tarsus, may
have been furthered, without its being sought, by his subsequent relations of
intercourse with Greeks of all countries and of all ranks. It is impossible to
determine how much or how little of the virtues of his character, and of the
acuteness, subtlety, and depth of lofty intellect which he displayed as apos-
tle, he owed to the influence of Gamaliel ; for his conversion had as its re-
sult so entire a change in his nature, that we cannot distinguish—and we
should not attempt to distinguish—what elements of it may have grown out
of the training of his youth, or to what extent they have done so. We can
only recognize this much in general, that Saul, with excellent natural gifts,
1 See traits of the mild liberality of senti-
ment, which marked this grandson of the
celebrated Hillel, quoted from the Rabbins
in Tholuck, /.c. p. 378. The fact that never-
theless the youthful Saul developed into a
zealot cannot warrant any doubt, in opposi-
tion to Acts viii. 34 ff.,as to his having been
Gamaliel’s pupil (such as Hausrath ex-
presses, neut. Zeitqgesch. ΤΙ. p. 419 ff.).
2 The exaggerations of the older writers
(see e.g. Schramm, de sTUPENDA eruditione
Pauli, Herborn. 1710) are pure inventions of
fancy. So too is Schrader’s opinion, that
Paul had by Greek culture prepared him-
self to be a Jewish missionary, a prose-
lytizer. It cannot even be proved that he
formed his diction on the model of particu-
lar authors, such as Demosthenes (K6ster
in the Stud. u. Krit. 1854, p. 305 ff.). The
comparisons instituted with a view to es-
tablish this point are too weak and general.
How many similar parallels might be col-
lected, e.g. from Plato, and even from the
tragedians ! On the whole the general re-
mark of Jerome, at Gal. iv. 24, is very ap-
propriate: ‘* P. scisse, licet non ad perfectum,
literas saeculares.””
* Translation pub. by Funk & Wagnalls.
SKETCH OF THE APOSTLE’S LIFE. 3
with the power of an acute intellect, lively feelings, and strong will, was,
under the guidance of his teacher, not merely equipped with Jewish theo-
logical knowledge and dialectic art, but had his mind also directed with
lofty national enthusiasm towards divine things ; and that, however deeply
he felt sin to be the sting of death (Rom. vii. 7 ff.), he was kept free (Phil.
iii. 6) from the hypocritical depravity which was at that time prevalent
among Pharisees of the ordinary type (Schrader, II. p. 23 ff.; comp. also
Keim, Gesch. Jesu, I. p. 265). Nevertheless it is also certain that the mod-
eration and mildness of the teacher did not communicate themselves to the
character of the disciple, who, on the contrary, imbibed in a high degree
that prevailing rigour of Pharisaism, the spirit of which no Gamaliel could
by his individual practical wisdom exorcise. He became a distinguished
zealot for the honour of Jehovah and the law (Acts xxii. 3), as well as for
Pharisaic principles (Gal. i. 14), and displayed all the recklessness and vio-
lence which are wont to appear, when fiery youthful spirits concentrate all
their energies on the pursuit of an idea embraced with thorough enthusiasm.
His zeal was fed with abundant fuel and more and more violently inflamed,
when the young Christian party growing up in Jerusalem became an object
of hostility as dangerously antagonistic to the theocracy and legal orthodoxy
(comp. Acts vi. 13, 14), and at length formal persecution broke out with the
stoning of Stephen. Even on that occasion Saul, although still in a very
subordinate capacity, as merely a youth in attendance,’ took a willing and
active part (Acts vill. 1, xxii. 20) ; but soon afterwards he came forward on
his own account as a persecutor of the Christians, and, becoming far and
wide a terror to the churches of Judaea (Gal. i. 22 f.), he raged against the
Christians with a violence so resolute and persistent (Acts xxii. 3 f., XXxvi.
10 ff.), that his conduct at this time caused him ever afterwards the deepest
humiliation and remorse (1 Cor. xv. 8, 9; Gal. i. 18 ; Eph. ni. 8; Phil. 11].
6; comp. 1 Tim. i. 13). Yet precisely such a character as Saul—who, full
of a keen but for the time misdirected love of truth and piety, devoted with-
out selfish calculation his whole energies to the idea which he had once em-
braced as his highest and holiest concernment—was, in the purpose of God,
to become the chief instrument for the proclamation and extension of the
divine work, of which he was still for the moment the destructive ad-
versary. A transformation so extraordinary required extraordinary means.
Accordingly when Saul, invested with full powers by the Sanhedrin (Acts
ix. 1, xxvi. 9), was carrying his zealous labours beyond the bounds of Pales-
tine, there took place near Damascus (35 A.D.) that wonderful appearance to
him of the exalted Jesus in heavenly glory (see on Acts ix. 3; 1 Cor. ix. 1,
xv. 8) which arrested him (Phil. 111. 12), and produced no less a result than
that Saul—thereby divinely called, and subsequently favoured with an in-
ward divine revelation of the Son of God? (see on Gal. i. 15 f.)—gradually
1Not as a married man or already a sent the Gospel of Paul as having originated
widower, of about thirty years of age, from the intrinsic action of his own mind,
(Ewald, Hausrath); comp. on Acts vii. 58. and the event at Damascus as a visionary
2The attempts of the Tiibingen school picture drawn from his own spirit, are
(especially of Baur and Holsten) to repre- noticed and refuted at Acts ix., and by
‘
4 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
became, under the further guidance of the divine Spirit and in the school of
his own experiences so full of trial, the Apostle, who by the most extensive
and most successful proclamation of the Gospel, especially among the Gen-
tiles, and by his triumphant liberation of that Gospel from the fetters of
Mosaism on the one hand and from the disturbing influences of the current
theosophic speculations on the other, did more than all the other apostles—
he, the Thirteenth, more than the Twelve, who had been called in the first
instance for the δωδεκαφύλον of Israel (Gal. ii. 9 ; 1 Cor. xv. 10). His con-
version was completed through Ananias, who was directed to him by means
of an appearance of Christ (Acts ix. 10 ff.); and, having been baptized, he
at once after a few days, in the resolute consciousness of his spiritual life
transformed with a view to his apostolic vocation (Gal. i. 16), preached in
the synagogues of Damascus Jesus’ as being the Son of God (Acts x. 19 f.).
For all half-heartedness was foreign to him ; now too he was, whatever he
was, thoroughly, and this energetic: unity of his profound nature was now
sanctified throughout by the living spirit of Christ. His apostolic labours at
Damascus, the birthplace of his regenerate life, lasted three years, inter-
rupted however by a journey to Arabia (Gal. i. 17), the object of which most
probably was to make merely a preliminary and brief trial of his ministry in
a foreign field.?
Persecution on the part of the Jews—which was subsequently so often,
according to the Divine counsel, the salutary means of extending the sphere
Beyschlag in the Stud. u. Krit. 1870, 1.
Compare generally Dorner, Gesch. αἱ. prot.
Theol. p. 829 ff.
1 The chief facts in the life of Jesus could
not but have been already known to him
in a general way, whilst he was actively
opposing the Christians at Jerusalem; but
now, for the first time, there dawned upon
him the saving knowledge of these facts and
of their ἐγ, and his constant intercourse
with believers henceforth deepened more
and more this saving knowledge. ‘Thus,
following the living historical tradition
within the circle of Christianity under the
influence of the Christ revealed in him, he
became the most important witness for the
history of Jesus apart from’ the Gospels.
Comp. Keim, Geschichte Jesu, I. Ὁ. 36 ff.; also
Hiausrath, newt. Zeitgesch. 11. p. 457. But
that he had seen Christ Himself, cannot be
inferred from 2 Cor. vy. 16; see on that
passage.
2 Schrader, Kéllner, Kohler (Adfassungen
α΄. epistol. Schr. p.43f.), Riickert, and Schott
on Gal. 1.6., Holsten, D6éllinger, Krenkel,
and others, think that Paul withdrew im-
mediately after his conversion to a neigh-
bouring desert of Arabia, in order to pre-
pare himself in retirement for his calling.
Compare also Hausrath, newt. Zeitgesch. I.
p. 455. This view is decidedly at variance
with Acts ix. 19, 20, where the immediate
public teaching at Damascus, a few days
after the conversion, receives very studious
prominence. But we should only have to
assume such an inconsistency with the pas-
sage in Acts, in the event of that assumed
object of the Arabian journey being eme-
getically deducible from the Apostle’s own
words in Gal. i. 17, which, however, is by no
means the case. Luke, it is true, makes no
mention at all of the Arabian journey ; but
for that very reason it is highly improbable
that it had as its object asilent preparation
for his official work. For in that case the
analogous instances of other famous teach-
ers who had prepared themselves in the
desert for their future calling (Ex. xxiv. 18,
xxxiv. 28; Deut, ix. 9; 1 Kings xix. 8), and
the example of John the Baptist, and even
of Christ Himself, would have made the
fact seem too important either to have re-
mained wholly unknown to Luke, or to
have been passed over without notice in
his history ; although Hilgenfeld and Zeller
suppose him to have omitted it intentionally.
On the other hand, we cannot suppose that
the sojourn in Arabia extended over the
whole, or nearly the whole of the three
years (Eichhorn, Hemsen, Anger, Ewald,
Laurent, and olderexpositors). See gener-
ally on Gal. i. 17.
SKETCH OF THE APOSTLE’S LIFE. 5
of the Apostle’s labours—compels him to escape from Damascus (Acts ix.
19-26 ; 2 Cor. xi. 32 f.); and he betakes himself to the mother-church of
the faith on account of which he has suffered persecution in a foreign land,
proceeding to Jerusalem (A.D. 38), in order to make the personal acquaint-
ance of Peter (Gal. i. 18). At first regarded by the believers there with dis-
trust, he was, through the loving intervention of Barnabas (Acts ix. 27 f.),
admitted into the relation of a colleague to the Apostles, of whom, however,
only Peter and James the brother of the Lord were present (Gal. i. 19).
His first apostolic working at Jerusalem was not to last more than fifteen
days (Gal. i. 18); already had the Lord by an appearance in the temple
(Acts xxii. 17 ff.) directed him to depart to the Gentiles ; already were the
Hellenists resident in the city seeking his life; and he therefore withdrew
through Syria to his native place (Acts ix. 30; Gal. i. 20). Here he seems to
have lived and worked wholly in quiet retirement, till at length Barnabas,
who had appreciated the greatness and importance of the extraordinary man,
went from Antioch, where just at that time Gentile Christianity had estab-
lished its first church, to seek him out at Tarsus, and brought him thence
to the capital of Syria ; where both devoted themselves for a whole year
(A.D. 43) without interruption to the preaching of the Gospel (Acts xi. 25,
26). We know not whether it was during this period (see Anger, temp. rat.
p. 104 ff.), or during his sojourn in Cilicia (see Ewald, apost. Zeit. p. 440,
ed. 3), that the Apostle became the subject of that spiritual ecstasy and
revelation which, even after the lapse of fourteen years, continued to be re-
garded by him as so extremely remarkable (2 Cor. xii. 2-4).
But the great famine was now approaching, which, foretold at Antioch
by the prophet Agabus from Jerusalem, threatened destruction to the
churches of Judaea. On this account the brethren at Antioch, quite in the
spirit of their new brotherly love, resolved to forward pecuniary aid to Ju-
daea ; and entrusted its transmission to Barnabas and Saul (Acts xi. 27-80).
After the execution of this commission (A.p. 44), in carrying out which
however Saul at least cannot have gone all the way to Jerusalem (see on
Gal. ii. 1), the two men were formally and solemnly consecrated by the
church at Antioch as apostles to the Gentiles (Acts xiii. 1-3); and Saul now
undertook—at first with, but afterwards without, Barnabas—his missionary
journeys so fruitful in results. In the course of these journeys he was wont,
where there were Jews, to attempt the fulfilment of his office in the first in-
stance among them, in accordance with what he knew to be the divine
order (Rom. i. 16, xv. 8 ff.), and with his own deep love towards his nation
(Rom. ix. 1 ff.); but when, as was usually the case, he was rejected by the
Jews, he displayed the light of Christ before the Gentiles. And in all va-
riety of circumstances he exhibited a vigour and versatility of intellect, an
acuteness and depth, clearness and consistency, of thought, a purity and
steadfastness of purpose, an ardour of disposition, an enthusiasm of effort,
a wisdom of conduct, a firmness and delicacy of practical tact, a strength
and freedom of faith, a fervour and skill of eloquence, a heroic courage
amidst dangers, a love, self-denial, patience, and humility, and along with
all this a lofty power of gifted genius, which secure for the Saul whom
0 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Christ made His chosen instrument the reverence and admiration of all
time.’
In accordance with the narrative of Acts, three? missionary journeys of
the Apostle may be distinguished; and in the description of these we may
insert the remaining known facts of his history.
(1.) On his consecration as Apostle to the Gentiles, Paul went along with
Barnabas the Cyprian, and -with Mark accompanying them as apostolic ser-
vant, first of all to the neighbouring Cyprus; where, after his advance from
Salamis to Paphos, his work was crowned by a double success—the humilia-
tion of the goetes Elymas, and the conversion of the proconsul Sergius Pau-
lus (Acts xiii. 6-12). Then Pamphylia, where Mark parted from the apos-
tles (xiii. 13), Pisidia and Lycaonia became in turn fields of his activity, in
which, together with Barnabas, he founded churches and organized them
by the appointment of presbyters (xiv. 23). At one time receiving divine
honours on account of a miracle (xiv. 11 ff.), at another persecuted and
stoned (xiii. 50, xiv. 5, 19), he, after coming down from Perga to Attalia,
returned to the mother-church at Antioch.
While Paul and Barnabas were here enjoying a quiet sojourn of some du-
ration among the brethren (Acts xiv. 28), there came down from Judaea
Pharisaic Christians jealous for the law, who required the Gentile converts
to submit to circumcision as a condition of Messianic salvation (Acts xv. 1;
Gal. ii. 4). It was natural that this demand should encounter a decided
opponent in the highly enlightened and liberal-minded Paul, whose lively
assurance of the truth, resting on revelation and upheld by his own experi-
ence, could tolerate no other condition of salvation than faith in Christ;
and in consequence both he and the like-minded Barnabas became entangled
in no small controversy (Acts xv. 2). The dispute involved the fundament-
al essence and independent standing of Christianity and the whole freedom
of a Christian man, and was therefore of such importance that the church
at Antioch, with a view to its settlement, deputed their most influential
men, Paul, who also received a revelation for this purpose (Gal. ii. 2), and
Barnabas along with some others (Paul also took Titus with him, Gal. ii. 1),
to proceed to Jerusalem (fourteen years after the Apostle’s first journey
thither, A.p, 52), and there discuss with the apostles and elders the points
1CGomp. Holsten, 1.56. Hvang. d. Paul. u.
Petr. Ὁ. 88 ff.; Luthardt, d. Ap. Pail. e. Le-
bensbild, 1869; Krenkel, Paul. ἃ. Ap. d. Hei-
den, 1869; Hausrath, newt. Zeitgesch. TI.
1872; Grau, Hntwickelungsgesch. αἱ. neutest.
Schriftth. 1871, Il. p. 10f.; also Sabatier,
Uapotre Paul, esquisse Mune histoire de sa
pensée, Strasb. 1870. Still the history of the
spiritual development of the Apostle can-
not be so definitely and sharply divided in-
to periods as Sabatier has tried todo. See,
against this, the appropriate remarks of
Gess, Jahrb. f. D. Theol. 1871, p. 159 ff. The
motive power and unity of all his working
lay in his inward fellowship with Christ,
with His death and resurrection—in the
subjective living and moving in Christ, and
of Christ in him. Comp. Grau. /.c. p. 15 ff.
2 The supposition that there were other
chief journeys, which, it is alleged, are left
unnoticed in the Acts (Schrader), is quite
incompatible with the course of the history
as there. given. He must, however, have
made many subordinate journeys, for the
Book of Acts is far from giving a complete
account of his labours, as is clearly shown
by various intimations in the Epistles. For
example, how many journeys and events
not noticed in the Acts must be assumed in
connection with 2 Cor. xi. 14 ff. ?
~
SKETCH OF THE APOSTLE’S LIFE. γ
in dispute. And how happy was the result of this so-called Apostolic Coun-
cil! Paul laid the Gospel which he preached to the Gentiles before the
church, and the apostles in particular, with the best effect (Gal. ii. 2, 6);
and, as to the point of circumcision, not even his apostolic associate Titus, a
Gentile, was subjected to the circumcision demanded by members of the
church who were zealous for the law. With unyielding firmness Paul con-
tended for the truth of the Gospel. The apostles who were present—James
the brother of the Lord, Peter and John—approved of his preaching among,
and formally recognized him as Apostle to, the Gentiles (Gal. ii. 1-10); and
he and Barnabas, accompanied by the delegates of the church at Jerusalem,
Judas Barsabas and Silas, returned to Antioch bearers of a decree (Acts xv.
28-30) favourable to Christian freedom from the law, and important as a
provisional measure for the further growth of the church (Acts xvi. 4 f.),
though not coming up to that complete freedom of the Gospel which Paul
felt himself bound to claim, and for this reason, as well as in virtue of his
consciousness of independence as Apostle to the Gentiles, not urged by him
in his Epistles. Here they prosecuted afresh their preaching of Christ,
though not always without disturbance on the part of Jewish Christians, so
that Paul was compelled in the interest of Christian freedom openly to op-
pose and to admonish even Peter, who had been carried away into dissimu-
lation, especially seeing that the other Jewish Christians, and even Barna-
bas, had allowed themselves to be tainted by that dissimulation (Gal. ii. 11
ff.).. Paul had nevertheless the welfare of his foreign converts too much at
heart to permit his wishing to prolong his stay in Antioch (Acts xv. 36).
He proposed to Barnabas a journey in which they should visit those con-
verts, but fell into a dispute with him in consequence of the latter desiring
to take Mark (Acts xv. 37-39)—a dispute which had the beneficial conse-
quence for the church, that the two men, each of whom was qualified to fill
a distinct field of labour, parted from one another and never again worked
in conjunction.
(2.) Paul, accompanied by Silas, entered on a second missionary journey
(A.D. 52). He went through Syria and Cilicia, strengthening the Christian
life of the churches (Acts xv. 41) ; and then through Lycaonia, where at
Lystra (see on Acts xvi. 1) he associated with himself Timothy, whom he
circumcised—apart however from any connection with the controversy as to
the necessity of circumcision (see on Acts xvi. 3)—with a view to prevent
his ministry from causing offence among the Jews. He also traversed Phry-
gia and Galatia (Acts xvi. 6), in the latter of which he was compelled by
bodily weakness to make a stay, and so took occasion to plant the churches
there (Gal. iv. 135). When he arrived at Tvoas, he received in a vision by
night a call from Christ to go to Macedonia (xvi. 8 ff.). In obedience to
this call he stepped for the first time on the soil of Europe, and caused
Christianity to take permanent root in every place to which he carried his
ministry. For in Macedonia he laid the foundation of the churches at Phi-
lippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea (Acts xvi. 12 ff., xvii. 1 ff., 10 4f.); and then,
driven away by repeated persecutions (comp. also 1 Thess. ii. 1 f., i. 6)—but
leaving Silas and Timothy behind in Beroea (Acts xvii. 14)—he brought to
8 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Christ His first-fruits even in Athens, where he was treated by the philoso-
phers partly with contempt and partly with ridicule (Acts xvii. 16 ff.).
But in that city, whence he despatched Timothy, who had in the mean-
while again rejoined him, to Thessalonica (1 Thess. iii. 1 ff.), he was unable
to found a church. The longer and more productive was his labour in
Corinth, whither he betook himself on leaving Athens (Acts xviii. 1 ff.).
There, where Silas and Timothy soon joined him, he founded the church
which Apollos afterwards watered (1 Cor. 111. 6, 10, iv. 15, ix. 1); and for
more than a year and a half (Acts xviii. 11, 18; a.p. 53 and 54)—during
which period he received support from Macedonia (2 Cor. xi. 9), as he had
previously on several occasions from the Philippians (Phil. iv. 15 f.)—over-
came the wisdom of the world by the preaching of the Crucified One (1 Cor.
ii. 1 ff.). The relation here formed with his fellow-craftsman Aquila (Acts
xviii.1 ff.), who as a Roman emigrant was sojourning with his wife Priscilla
in Corinth, could not fail to exercise essential influence on the Christian
church at Rome (Rom. xvi. 3). In Corinth he wrote also at this time the
first of his doctrinal Epistles preserved to us—those to the Thessalonians.
Corinth was the terminus of his second missionary journey. From Corinth
he started on his return, not however taking a direct course, but first mak-
ing by way of “Zphesus (whither he brought Aquila and Priscilla with him)
a journey to Jerusalem to attend a festival (Acts xvili. 18-22; a.p. 55),
whence, without prolonging his stay, he returned to the bosom of the
Syrian mother-church. But he did not remain there long (Acts xviii. 23);
his apostolic zeal soon impelled him to set out once more.
(3.) He made his third missionary tour through Galatia and Phrygia,
strengthening the churches which he had founded from town to town (Acts
Xviii. 23); and traversed Asia Minor as far as Hphesus, where for nearly
three years (A.D. 56-58) he laboured with peculiar power and fervour and
with eminent success (Acts xix. 1-xx. 1), although also assailed by severe
trials (Acts xx. 19; 1 Cor. xv. 32, comp. 2 Cor. 1. 8). This sojourn of the
Apostle was also highly beneficial for other churches than that at Ephesus;
for not only did he thence make a journey to Corinth, which city he now
visited for the second time (see on 2 Cor. introd. § 2), but he also wrote
towards the end of that sojourn what is known to us as the First Epistle to
the Corinthians, receiving subsequently intelligence of the impression made
by it from Timothy, whom he had sent to Corinth before he wrote, as well
as from Titus, whom he had sent after writing it. The Epistle to the Gala-
tians was also issued from Ephesus. He was impelled to leave this city by
his steadfast resolution now to transfer his labours to the far West, and in-
deed to Rome itself, but before doing so to revisit and exhort to steadfast-
ness in the faith his Macedonian and Achaean converts (Acts xix. 21, xx. 2),
as well as once more to go to Jerusalem (Acts xix. 31). Accordingly, after
Demetrius the silversmith had raised a tumult against him (Acts xix. 24 ff.),
which however proved fruitless, and after having suffered in Asia other se-
vere afflictions (2 Cor. i. 8), he travelled through Macedonia, whither he
went by way of Troas (2 Cor. ii. 12). And here, after having been joined
by both Timothy and Titus from Corinth, Paul wrote the Second Kpis-
SKETCH OF THE APOSTLE’S LIFE. 9
tle to the Corinthians. He then remained three months in Achaia (Acts xx.
3) where he issued from Corinth—which he now visited for the third time
(2 Cor. xii. 14, xiii. 1)—his Epistle to the Romans. Paul now regards his
calling in the sphere of labour which he has hitherto occupied as fulfilled,
and is impelled to pass beyond it (2 Cor. x. 15 f.); he has preached the
Gospel from Jerusalem as far as Illyria (Rom. xv. 19, 23); he desires to go
by way of Rome to Spain, as soon as he shall have conveyed to Jerusalem a
collection gathered in Macedonia and Greece (Rom. xv. 28 ff.). But it
does not escape his foreboding spirit that suffering and tribulation await
him in Judaea (Rom. xy. 30 ff.).
The Apostle’s missionary labours may be regarded as closed with this last
sojourn in Achaia ; for he now entered on his return journey to Jerusalem,
in consequence of which the capital of the world was to become the closing
scene of his labours and sufferings. Hindered solely by Jewish plots from
sailing directly from Achaia to Syria, he returned once more to Macedonia,
and after Easter crossed from Philippi to Troas (Acts xx. 3-6), where his
companions, who had set out previously, awaited him. Coming thence to
Miletus, he bade a last farewell with touching fervour and solemnity to the
presbyters of his beloved church of Ephesus (Acts xx. 17 ff.) ; for he was firmly
convinced in his own mind, filled as it was by the Spirit, that he was going
to meet bonds and afflictions (xx. 23). At Tyre he was warned by the
Christians not to go up to Jerusalem (xxi. 4); at Caesarea Agabus an-
nounced to him with prophetic precision the approaching loss of his free-
dom (xxi. 10 ff.), and his friends sought with tears to move him even now
to return ; but nothing could in the least degree shake his determination to
follow absolutely the impulse of the Spirit, which urged him towards
Jerusalem (xx. 22). He went thither (4.p. 59) with heroic self-denial and
yielding of himself to the divine purpose, in like manner as formerly the
Lord Himself made His last pilgrimage to the Jewish capital. Arriving
there shortly before Pentecost—for his object was not only to convey to the
brethren the gifts of love collected for them, but also to celebrate the
national festival, Acts xxiv. 17—he was induced by James and the pres-
byters to undertake immediately on the following day, for the sake of the
Judaists, a Nazarite vow (xxi. 17 ff.). But, while it was yet only the fifth
day of this consecration (see on Acts xxiv. 11), the Asiatic Jews fell upon
him in the temple, accusing him of having, as an enemy of the law and the
temple, brought Gentiles with him into the holy place ; and they would
have killed him, had not the tribune of the fort Antonia rescued him by
military force from their hands (xxi. 28-34). In vain he defended himself
before the people (Acts xxii.), and on the following day before the Sanhedrin
(xxiii. 1-10) ; but equally in vain was a plot now formed by certain Jews
who had bound themselves by an oath to put him to death (xxiii. 11-22) ;
for the tribune, when informed of it, had the Apostle conducted imme-
diately to the Procurator Felix at Caesarea (xxiii. 28-35). Felix was base
enough, in spite of Paul’s excellent defence, to detain him as a prisoner for
two years, in the expectation even of receiving a bribe ; and on his depart-
ure from the province, from a wish to gratify the Jews, left the Apostle to
10 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
be dealt with by Porcius Festus his successor (summer, A.D. 61), Acts xxiv.
Even from the more equitable Festus, before whom the Jews renewed their
accusations and Paul the defence of his innocence, he did not receive the
justice that was his due ; wherefore he found himself compelled to make a
formal appeal to the Emperor (xxv. 1-12). Before this date however, whilst
living in the hope of a speedy release, he had written at Caesarea his Epis-
tles to the Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon (which are usually assigned to
the Roman captivity) ; see on Eph. introd. ὃ 2. His appeal, notwithstand-
ing the unanimously favourable opinions pronounced regarding him (Acts
xxvi.) after his solemn defence of himself before King Agrippa II. and his
sister (xxv. 13 ff.), was necessarily followed by his transference from Caesarea
to Rome. During the autumn voyage, on which he was accompanied by
Luke and Aristarchus, danger succeeded danger, after the Apostle’s wise
warnings were despised (Acts xxvii. 10, 11, 21) ; and it was only in conse-
quence of his advice being afterwards followed (Acts xxvii. 80-36) that all
were saved and, after the stranding of their vessel at Malta, happily landed
to pass the winter on that island. In the following spring he saw Rome,
though not—as it had been so long his earnestly cherished wish to visit it
(Rom. i. 10 ff.)—as the free herald of the Gospel. Still he there enjoyed
the favour—after receiving a custodia militaris—of being permitted to dwell
in his own hired house and to continue without interruption his work of in-
struction among all who came to him, This mild imprisonment lasted two
full years (from the spring of 62) : and as at this time his intrepid fidelity
to his office failed. not to make oral proclamation of the kingdom of God
(Acts xxviii. 80, 51 ; Phil. i. 12 ff.), so in particular the Hpistle to the Philip-
pians, which emanated from this time of captivity, is a touching proof of
that fidelity, as well as of the love which he still received and showed, of the
sufferings which he endured, and of the resignation and hope which alter-
nated within him. This letter of love may be called his swan’s song. The
two years’ duration of his further imprisonment did not decide his cause ;
and it does not make his release by any means self-evident,’ for Luke re-
ports nothing from this period respecting the progress of the Apostle’s trial.
But now all at once we lose all trustworthy accounts bearing on the further
course of his fate; and only thus much can be gathered from the testi-
monies of ecclesiastical writers as historically certain, that he died the death
of a martyr at Rome under Nero, and nearly at the same time* as Peter
suffered crucifixion at the same place. See the testimonies in Credner, Hin.
I. p. 318 ff. ; Kunze, praecip. Patrwm testim., quae ad mort. P. spect., Gott.
Rome—as, following Baur and others, Lip-
sius, Chronol. d. Rdm. Bischéfe, 1869, and
Quellen d. Rom. Petrussage, 1872, and Gun-
1 Τῇ opposition to Stélting, Beitr. z. Haxeg.
d. Paul. Br. p. 195.
2 Whether Peter suffered martyrdom
somewhat earlier than Paul (Ewald), or
some time later, cannot be made out from
Clement, Cor. I. 5, any more than from
other sources. Moreover this question is
bound up with that as to the place and
time of the composition of the First Epistle
of Peter. But that Peter never came to
dert in the Jahrb. f. D. Th. 1869, p. 306 ff.,
seek to prove (see the earlier literature on
the question in Bleek’s Hinleitung, Ὁ. 562)—
cannot, in view of the church tradition, be
maintained. The discussion of this question
in detail belongs to another place.
SKETCH OF THE APOSTLE’S LIFE. 11
1848 ; and generally Baur, Pavlus, I. p. 243 ff. ed. 2; Wiescler, p. 547 ff. ;
Otto, Pastoralbr. Ὁ. 149 ff. ; from the Catholic point of view, Déllinger,
Christenth. und Kirche, p. 79 ff. ed. 2.
The question however arises, Whether this martyrdom (beheading) was
the issue of his trial at that time (Petavius, Lardner, Schmidt, Eichhorn,
Heinrichs, Wolf, de altera Pauli captivit. Lips. 1819, 1821, Schrader, Hem-
sen, K6lner, Winer, Fritzsche, Baur, Schenkel, de Wette, Matthies, Wieseler,
Schaff, Ebrard, Thiersch, Reuss, Holtzmann, Judenth. ει. Christenth. p. 549 f.,
Hausrath, Hilgenfeld, Otto, Volckmar, Krenkel, and others, including
Rudow, Diss. de argumentis historic., quibus epistolar. pastoral. origo Paul.
impugnata est, Gott. 1852, p. 6 ff.), or of a second Roman captivity, as has
been assumed since Eusebius (ii. 22) by the majority of ancient and modern
writers, including Michaelis, Pearson, Hinlein, Bertholdt, Hug, Heiden-
reich, Pastoralbr. II. p. ὁ ff., Mynster, hl. theol. Schr. p. 291 f., Guericke,
Bohl, Abfassungsze. d. Br. an Timoth. u. Tit., Berl. 1829, Ὁ. 91 ff., Kohler,?
Wurm, Schott, Neander, Olshausen, Kling, Credner, Neudecker, Wiesinger,
Baumgarten, Lange, apost. Zeitalt. 11. i. p. 386 ff., Bleek, Déllinger, Sepp,
Gams, ὦ. Jahr d. Martyrertodes d. Ap. Petr. u. Paul. 1867, Ewald, Huther,
and others. Since the testimony of Eusebius, /.c., which is quite of a gen-
eral character, confessedly has reference merely to a tradition (λόγος Eyer),
which was acceptable to him on account of 2 Tim. iv. 16 f., the historical
decision of this question turns on the statement of Clemens Romanus.? He
says, according to Dressel’s text,? 1 Cor. 5: Διὰ ζῆλον καὶ ὁ ἸΤαῦλος ὑπομονῆς
βραβεῖον ὑπέσχεν, ἑπτάκις δεσμὰ φορέσας, φυγαδευθεὶς, λιθασθεῖς. ἹΚῆρυξ γενόμενος
ἔν τε τῇ ἀνατολῇ καὶ ἐν τῇ δύσει, τὸ γενναῖον τῆς πίστεως αὐτοῦ κλέος ἔλαβεν, δικαιο-
σύνην διδάξας ὅλον τὸν κόσμον, καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως ἐλθὼν, καὶ μαρτυρῇσας
Οὕτως ἀπηλλάγη τοῦ κόσμου, καὶ εἰς τὸν ἅγιον τόπον ἐπορεύθη,
ὑπομονῆς γενόμενος μέγιστος ὑπογραμμός. This passage, it is thought, indicates
clearly enough that Paul before his death, passing beyond Italy, had reached
the farthest limit of the West, Spain,‘ and that therefore a second Roman
ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων.
718). The variations however of the dif-
ferent revisions of the text, whichis only
1 Who, curiously enough, further assumes
a third and fourth captivity.
2 Nothing at all bearing upon our question
can be derived from the testimony of
Dionysius of Corinth, quoted by Euseb. ii.
25, to which Wiesinger still attaches weight.
It merely affirms that Peter and Paul having
"come to Italy, there taught, and died as
martyrs. Comp. Caius ap. Eus. 1. 6... Iren.
Haer. iii. 1; Tertull. Scorp. 15, praescr. 36;
and even the κήρυγμα Πέτρου (Clem. Strom.
vi. 5). These testimonies do not in the least
suggest the idea of a second presence in
Rome.
8 Dressel follows the recension of Jacob-
son (Oxon. 1838, and 2d ed. 1840), who col-
lated Cod. A anew, and carefully rectified
its text of the Epistle first issued by Patri-
cius Junius (Oxon. 1633), followed substan-
tially in that form by Cotelerius (Paris 1672),
and then amended by Wotton (Cantabr.
preserved, and that in a very faulty form,
in Cod. A, do not essentially affect the pres-
ent question. Even the form in which
Laurent (neutest. Stud. p. 105 ff., and in the
Stud, κι. Krit. 1870, Ὁ. 135 ff.) gives the text
of the passage in Clement on the basis of
Tischendorf’s reproduction of Cod. A, is
without influence on our question. This
holds true also with respect to the latest
critical editions of the Clementine Epistles
by Hilgenfeld (V. 7. extra canonem, 1866, I.),
by Lightfoot (S. Clement of Rome. The two
Ppistles, ete. 1869), andby Laurent (Clem.
Rom. ad Cor. epistula, ete. 1870).
4 So also Ewald, apost. Zeit. p. 620 ff. ed. 3,
who supposes that, when Paul heard in
Spain of the horrors of the Neronian perse-
cutions, he hurried back to Rome to bear
witness for Christianity ; that there he was
12 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
imprisonment must be assumed. See especially Credner, Gesch. d. Kanon,
p- 51 ff. ; Huther, Pastoralbr. Hinl. p. 32 ff. ed. 3; Lightfoot 1.6., who un-
derstands by τέρμα τ. 6. Gades. In opposition to this view we need not seek
after any different interpretation of τὸ τέρμα τ. δύσεως 3 Whether it may be
taken to signify the western limit appointed to Paul (Baur, Schenkel, Otto)—
which certainly would be very meaningless—or the line of demarcation be-
tween East and West (Schrader, Hilgenfeld, apost. Vater, p. 109) ; or even
the centre of the West (Matthies). But it is to be observed :—1st. That the
language generally bears a highly rhetorical and hyperbolical character, and,
were it only for this reason, it is very hazardous to interpret the ‘‘limit of
the West” (τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως) with geographical accuracy. And is ποῦ
even the immediately preceding δικαίοσ. διδάξας ὅλον τὸν κόσμον a flourish of
exaggeration? 2d. Clement does not speak of East and West from his
own Roman standpoint, but, as was most naturally accordant with the
connection and design of his statement, from the standpoint of Paul, into
whose local relations he in thought transports himself. While the Apostle
laboured in Asia, he was in the Hast: then he passed over to Greece, and
thus had become, from his Oriental point of view, a herald also in the West.
But in the last crisis of his destiny he came even to the far West, as far as
Rome : and for this idea how naturally, in the midst of the highly coloured
language which he was using, did the expression ἐπὲ τὸ τέρμα τῆς δύσεως ἐλθών
suggest itself ! It could not have been misunderstood by the readers, because
people at Corinth could not but énow the place where Paul met hisdeath. 3d.
"Er? τῶν ἡγουμένων denotes (in allusion to Matt. x. 18) the rulers generally, be-
fore whom Paul gave testimony concerning Christ (μαρτυρήσας), after he had
reached this τέρμα τῆς δύσεως. If the latter denotes Rome, then we may without
hesitation, on historical grounds, conclude that the rulers are those Roman
magistrates before whom Paul made his defence in Rome. But if Spain
should be the ‘‘ goal of the West,” we should find ourselves carried by the
μαρτυρήσας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμ. to some scene of judicial procedure in Spain ; and
would it not in that case be necessary to assume a sojourn of the Apostle
there, which that very trial would render ‘specially memorable ? But how
opposed to such a view is the fact, that no historical trace, at all certain, is
preserved of any church founded by Paul in Spain! For the testimonies to
this effect adduced by Gams, Hirchengesch. v. Spanien, p. 26, Sepp, Gesch.
der Ap. p. 314, ed. 2, and others, contain nothing but traditions, which
have merely arisen from the hypothetical Spanish journey of Paul. And to
say with Huther that the Apostle had travelled (ἐλθών) to Spain, but had not
laboured there, is to have recourse to an explanation at variance with the in-
trinsic character of Paul himself and with the context of Clement. Besides,
according to Rom. xv. 23 f., Paul desired to transfer his ministry, that was
accomplished in the East, to Spain. 4th. If ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα τ. δύσεως ἐλθών was
intended to transport the reader to Spain, then it would be most natural,
since οὕτως sums up the previous participial clauses, to transfer the ἀπηλλάγη
arrested, placed once more on trial, and the Book of Acts itself, at i. 8, points by
condemned to death. According to Ewald way of anticipation to the Spanish journey.
SKETCH OF THE APOSTLE’S LIFE. 19
tov κόσμου also to Spain; for just as this ἀπηλλ. 7. x. is manifestly correlative
to the δικαιοσύνην διδάξ. ὅλον τ. κόσμον, 80 εἰς τ. ἅγιον τόπον ἐπορεύθη Corresponds
with the ἐπὶ τ. so that Paul, starting from the τέρμα
τ. δύσεως, Which he has reached, and where he has borne his testimony
before the rulers, enters on his journey to the holy place. It is only, there-
fore, when we understand Jtaly as the western limit, that the language of
Clement is in harmony with the historical circumstances of the case.’ See,
moreover, Lipsius, de Clem. Rom. ep. ad Cor. 1. p. 129, and Chronol. d. rém. Bis-
chéfe, p. 163 ff. It cannot withal be overlooked that in the so-called Epist.
Clem. ad Jacobum, c. 1, there is manifestly an echo of our passage, and yet
Rome alone is designated as the final goal of the Apostle’s labours : τὸν éodu-
evov ἀγαθὸν ὅλῳ τῷ κόσμῳ μηνύσαι βασιλέα, μέχρισ ἐνταῦθα TH “Ῥώμῃ γενόμενος,
τέρμα τ. δύσεως K.T.A. ;
εοβουλήτῳ διδασκαλίᾳ σώζων ἀνθρώπους, αὐτὸς τοῦ νῦν βίου βιαίως τὸ ζὴν μετήλλαξεν.
After this the conjecture of Wieseler (and Schaff, Hist. of Apost. Church,
p- 342), who, instead of ἐπὶ τὸ τέρμα, as given by Junius, would read ὑπὸ
τὸ τέρμα, and explain it ‘‘before the supreme power of the West,” is un-
necessary. It is decisive against this view that Jacobson, as well as
Wotton, found ἐπὶ in the Cod. A, and that Tischendorf likewise has attested
the existence of καὶ ἐπὶ as beyond doubt. But, besides, Wieseler’s expe-
dient would not be admissible on grounds of linguistic usage, for τέρμα in
the sense assumed is only used with ἔχειν ; see Eur. Suppl. 617, Or. 1848,
Jacobs. ad Del. epigr. p. 287. From the very corrupt text of the Canon
Muratorii,? nothing can be gathered bearing on our question, except that
1 Tf we render μαρτυρήσας martyrium pas-
sus (Credner, Lange, and older writers), this
result comes out the more clearly, since at
all events Paul died in Rome ; along with
which indeed Déllinger further finds in ἐπὶ
τῶν ἥγουμ. an evidence for the year 67 that
has been the traditional date since Euse-
bius, Chron. (comp. also Gams, Jahr d.
Martyrertodes, etc.; and Sepp, 1.6. p. 379),
when Nero was absent and the Prefecis
ruled in Rome. See his Christenth vw.
Kirche, p. 101, ed. 2. Against that chrono-
logical determination, see generally Bax-
mann, dass Petr. u. Paul nicht am 29. Junius
67. gemartert worden sind, 1867.
2The passage in question runs, ‘‘ Acta
autem omnium apostolorum sub uno libro
sunt. Lucas optime Theophile comprindit
(comprehendit), quia sub praesentia ejus
singula gerebantur, sicuti et semote pas-
sionem Petri evidenter declarat, sed profec-
tionem Pauli ab urbe ad Spaniam proficis-
centis.” Wieseler conjectures that after
proficiscentis the word omittit has been left
out ; that semote means: at a separate place,
viz.not in the Acts of the Apostles, but in
the Gospel, xxii. 31-33. A very forced con-
jecture, with which nevertheless Volkmar
(in Credner’s Gesch. d. Kanon, p.343) agrees,
supposing that a non has dropped out after
proficiscentis. Credner, 1.6. p. 155 f., con-
jectured semofa (namely loca, which is sup-
posed to refer to John xxi. 18 ff., and Rom.
xv. 24), and thene¢ instead of sed. Otto, p.
154, would read sic e¢ instead of sed ; mak-
ing the meaning: ‘‘consequently (sic) he
declares openly, that just as (wi eZ) in his
absence the martyrdom of Peter took place,
so likewise (sic e¢) the journey of Paul,” ete.
But how much must we thus introduce into
the semote/ Laurent alters into: ‘ semota
passione... et profectione,” ete. Various
suggestions are made by others ; see Ewald,
Jahrb. VIL. p. 126, whose own procedure is
the boldest. Hilgenfeld, Kanon u. Krit. d.
N. 7T., p. 42, thinks that the author has
“ quessed”’ the martyrdom of Peter and the
Spanish journey of Paul from the abrupt
close of the Acts of the Apostles. Such a
theory should have been precluded by the
“evidenter declarat,’ for which indeed
Ewald would read ‘‘ evidenter decerpit” or
“decollat.” If we must resort to conjecture
(and it is necessary), it seems the simplest
course, instead of ef semote, to insert id
semotam, and then instead of sed, et. This
would yield the sense: as this circumstance
(id), viz. the writing down only what took
place in his presence, evidently explains the
exclusion (semotam) of the passion of Peter ana
14 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
the author was already acquainted with the tradition of the journey to
Spain afterwards reported by Eusebius; not, that he wished to refute
it (Wieseler, Ὁ. 536). On the other hand, Origen (in Euseb. 111. 1:
τί δεῖ περὶ Παύλου λέγειν ἀπὸ 'ΤἹερουσαλὴμ μέχρι τοῦ ᾿Ιλλυρικοῦ πεπληρωκότος τὸ
εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ ὕστερον ἐν τῇ Ῥώμη ἐπὶ Νέρωνος μεμαρτυρηκότος)
tacitly excludes the Spanish journey. The tradition regarding it arose very
naturally out of Rom. xv. 24 (Jerome: ‘‘ad Italiam quoque et, ut dpse
scribit, ad Hispanias—portatus est”), and served as a needed historical basis
for the explanation of 2 Tim., acquiring the more general currency both on
this account and because it tended to the glorification of the Apostle. It
is further worthy of attention that the pseudo-Abdias, in his Historia Apos-
tolica, ii. 7, 8 (in Fabricius, Cod. Apocr. p. 452 ff.), represents the execution as
the issue of the captivity reported in the Acts. Had this author been a be-
liever ina liberation, as well as in a renewed missionary activity and
second imprisonment, he would have been the last to refrain from bringing
forward wonderful reports regarding them. Substantiaily the same may be
said of the Acta Petri et Pauli in Tischendorf, Act. ap. apocr. Ὁ. 1 ff.
Nole.—If we regard the Epistles to Timothy and Titus—which, moreover, stand
or fall together—as genuine, we must take, as Eusebius in particular has done
with reference to 2 Tim., the tradition of the Apostle’s liberation from Rome
and of a second captivity there as an historical postulate,! in order to gain the
room which cannot otherwise be found for the historical references of those
Epistles, and the latest possible time for their other contents. But the more
defective the proof of the second imprisonment is, the more warranted remain
the doubts as to the genuineness of these Epistles, which arise out of their own
contents ; while in virtue of these doubts the Epistles, in their turn, cannot
themselves be suitably adduced in proof of that captivity. Besides, it cannot
be left out of view that in all the unquestionably genuine Epistles which Paul
wrote during his imprisonment, every trace of the previously (Rom. xv, 24)
cherished plan of a journey to Spain has vanished ; and that in the Epistle to
the Philippians, which was certainly not written till he was in Rome (i. 25 f.,
ii. 24), he contemplates as his further goal in the event of his liberation, not
the far West, but Macedonia, or in other words a return to the Kast. From
Acts xxiii. 11, however, no evidence can be adduced against the Spanish
journey (as Otto contends), because in this passage there is no express mention
of a last goal, excluding all further advance.
of the journey of Paul from Rome to Spain.
On both of these occasions the author
accordingly thinks that Luke was not pres-
ent, and thereby the fact that he has
omitted them in his book is explained.
1 This isthe ground assumed by the latest
expositors of the Pastoral Epistles, who
maintain their genuineness, Wiesinger and
Huther; whilst Rudow, again, in the al-
ready mentioned Dissert. 1852, only rejects
the First Ep. to Timothy (comp. Bleek), and
calling in question a second captivity, as-
cribes the Second Ep. to Timothy to the
first imprisonment, and the Ep. to Titus to
the sojourn at Ephesus. So also Otto, with
respect to the two last-named Epistles ;
but he regards the First Ep. to Timothy as
aletter of instruction for Timothy in view
of his mission to Corinth, consequently as
nearly contemporaneous with the Ep. to
Titus. See, in opposition to Otto, Huther
on the Pastoral Epistles, Introd. ed. ὃ.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AT ROME. 15
ὃ 2. Tae Curistran Cuurcn AT Rome.'
That the Christian Church in Rome had been in existence for a consider-
able time when Paul wrote to it, is clear from 1: 8-18 and xiii. 11, 15; and
that it was already a church formally constituted, may be gathered from
the general analogy of other churches that had already been long in exists
ence, from xii. 5 ff., and less certainly from xvi. 5. Especially may the
existence of a body of presbyters, which was essential to church organiza-
tion (Acts xiv. 23), be regarded as a matter of course. In the Acts of the
Apostles the existence of the Church is presupposed (xxviii. 15) as something
well known ; and the author, who follows the thread of his Apostle’s biog-
raphy, had no occasion to narrate its origin or development.
The origin of the Roman Church cannot therefore be determined with
certainty. It is not incredible that even during the lifetime of Jesus faith
in Him had taken root, in individual cases, among the Roman Jews (comp.
Clem. Recogn. i. 6). For among the pilgrims who flocked to the festivals at
Jerusalem from all countries Romans also were wont to be present (Acts ii.
10), and that too in considerable numbers, because the multitude of Jews in
Rome had since the time of Pompey become extraordinarily great (see Philo,
leg. ad. Caj. Il. p. 568; Dio Cass. xxxvi. 6; Joseph. Antt. xvii. 11, 1), in-
cluding Jews directly from Palestine (prisoners of war, see Philo, /.c.),-of
whom. a large portion had-attained-to freedom, the rights of citizenship, and
even wealth. Is it unlikely that individual festal pilgrims from Rome, im-
pressed by the words and works of Jesus in Jerusalem, carried back with them
to.their homes the first seeds of the-faith ? To this view it cannot-be-objected
(as by Reiche), that Christianity~did-not..spread. beyond the bounds of
Palestine until after the miracle of Pentecost ; for there is mention, in fact,
in Matt. x. of the official missionary activity of the Apostles, and in Acts
viii. 1 ff. of that of emigrants from Jerusalem. If the former and the latter
did not labour in foreign lands until a subsequent period, this by no means
excludes the possibility of the conversion of individual foreigners, partly
Jews, partly proselytes, who became believers in Jerusalem. It is further prob-
able that there were some Romans among the three thousand who came over
to the Christian faith at the first Pentecost (Acts 11. 10) ; at least it would
be very arbitrary to exclude these, who are expressly mentioned among the
witnesses of what occurred at Pentecost, from participation in its reswlis.
Lastly,it_is probable that the persecution-which broke out with the stoning
of Stephen drove some Palestinian Christians to take refuge even in the
distant capital of the world, distinguished by its religious toleration, and in
fact inclined to Oriental modes of worship (Athenaeus, Deipnos. I. p. 20 B.,
calls it ἐπιτομὴν τῆς οἰκουμένης, and says: καὶ yap ὅλα τὰ ἔθνη ἀθρόως αὐτόθι
1 See Th. Schott, α΄. Rémerbriefs. Endzweck ἰ. Krit. 1867, p. 627 ff. ; comp. also Grau, 2.
u. Gedankengang nach, Erl. 1858; Mangold, Hinfiihr. in ἃ. Schriftth. N. T., Stuttg. 1868,
d. Réimerbr. u. d. Anfinge ἃ. rém. Gem. and his Entwickelungsgesch. d. neut. Schriftth.
Marb. 1866; Wieseler in Herzog’s Eneyht. TI. 1871, p. 102 ff.; Sabatier, 7?apdire Paul,
XX. p. 583 ff. (1866) ; Beyschlag in the Stud. 1870.
16 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
For that this dispersion of the Christians of Jerusalem was not
confined to-Samariaand_Judaea (an objection here urged by Reiche and
K6llner), is proved by Acts xi. 19, where emigrants are mentioned who had
gone_as far as Phoenicia and Cyprus. And how easily might some find
their way even to Rome, seeing that the brisk maritime intercourse between
these places and Italy afforded them opportunity, and seeing that they
might expect to find admittance and repose among their countrymen in
Rome, who were strangers to the fanatical zeal of Palestine. But although,
in consequence of the constant intercourse maintained by the Jews at Rome
with Asia, Egypt, and Greece, and especially with Palestine (Gieseler,
Kirchengesch. I. § 17), various Christians may have visited Rome, and _vari-
ous. Jews from Rome may have become Christians, all.the influences hitherto
mentioned could not establish a Christian congregational life in Rome. In-
dividual Christians were there, and certainly also Christian fellowship, but
still no organized church. ΤῸ plant such a church, there was needed, as is
plain from the analogy of all other cases of the founding of churches with
which we are acquainted, official action on the part of teachers endowed
directly or indirectly with apostolic authority.
Who the founder of the Roman congregational life was, however, is utterly
unknown. The Catholic Church names the Apostle Peter; concerning
whom, along with the gradual development of the hierarchy, there has been
a gradual development of tradition, that he came to Rome in the second
year, or at any rate about the beginning of the reign of the Emperor
Claudius (according to Gams, A.D. 41), to overcome Simon Magus, and re-
mained there twenty-five years (Gams : twenty-four years and an indefinite
number of days), till his death, as its first bishop. See Eusebius, Chron. (in
Mai’s Script. vet. nov. coll. VII. p. 876, 378) ; and Jerome, de vir. ill. 1.1
But that Peter in the year 44, and at the date of the apostolic conference in
the year 52, was still resident in Jerusalem, is evident from Acts xil. 4, xv.
7, and Gal. ii. 1 ff. From Acts xii. 7 a journey to Rome cannot be in-
ferred.? Further, that still later, when Paul was living at Ephesus, Peter
had not been labouring in Rome, is evident from Acts xix. 21, because Paul
followed the principle of not interfering with another Apostle’s field of
labour (Rom. xv. 20 ; comp. 2 Cor. x. 16) ; and, had Peter been in Rome
΄
συνῴκισται .
explained an old inscription as referring to
Simon Magus. Comp. also Uhlhorn, d.
1 See generally, Lipsius, α. Quellen d. Rom.
Petrussage, Kiel, 1872. As to the way in
which that tradition, the germs of which
are found in Dionysius of Corinth (Euseb.
H. #. ii. 25), gradually developed itself into
the complete and definite form given above,
see Wieseler, chronol. Synops. p. 571; regard-
ing the motley legends connected with it,
see Sepp, Gesch. d. Ap. p. 341, ed. 2; con-
cerning the unhistorical matter to be elim-
inated from the report of Jerome, see
Huther on 1 Peter, Introd.; comp. Credner,
Kinl. 11. p. 882. The alleged presence of
Simon in Rome is probably the mere prod-
uct of a misconception, by which Justin,
Apol. i. 26 (comp. Irenaeus, Haer. i. 23),
Homil. τι. Recogn. αἰ. Clem. p. 378 ἔν; Moller in
Herzog’s Encykl. X1V. p. 392 ff.; Bleek, p.563 f.
2 Even if Peter had actually, in the course
of his foreign travels (1 Cor. ix. 5), visited
Rome once in the time of Claudius (comp.
on Acts xii. 17), which Ewald (apost. Zeit.
p. 606 f. ed. 8.) concedes to ecclesiastical
tradition, not calling in question even a
meeting with Simon Magus there, yet we
cannot regard this as involving the founda-
tion of the Roman church and the episcopal
position. Otherwise Paul would have in-
truded on anotherlabourer’s field. See the
sequel.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AT ROME. 1?
when Paul wrote to the Romans, he would have been saluted by the latter
before all others; for the numerous salutations in ch. xvi. presuppose an
accurate acquaintance with the teachers who were then in Rome. Peter
cannot have been labouring in Rome at all before Paul himself was brought
thither, because the former, as Apostle to the Jews, would have brought
Christianity into closer contact with the Jewish population there than is
apparent in Acts xxviii. 22. It is even in the highest degree improbable
that Peter was in Rome prior to the writing of the Epistle to the Philip-
pians—the only one which was certainly written by Paul in Rome—or at the
time of its being written ; for it is inconceivable that Paul should not in
this letter have mentioned a /fellow-Apostle, and that one Peter, especially
when he had to complain so deeply of being forsaken as at Phil. ii. 20.
Consequently the arrival of Peter in Rome, which was followed very soon
by his execution—and which is accredited by such ancient and strong tes-
timony (Dionysius of Corinth, in Euseb. ii. 25; Caius, in Euseb. ii. 25 ;
Origen, in Euseb. iii. 1; Irenaeus; Tertullian, etc.) that it cannot be in
itself rejected—is to be placed only towards the end of Paul's captivity, sub-
sequent to the composition of the Epistle to the Philippians. If, therefore,
the tradition of the Roman Church having been founded by Peter—a view
disputed even by Catholic theologians like Hug, Herbst, Feilmoser, Klee,
Ellendorf, Maier;-and Stengel, who however are vehemently opposed by
Windischmann, Stenglein, Reithmayr, and many others’—must be en-
tirely disregarded (although it is still defended among Protestants by Ber-
tholdt, Mynster, and Thiersch), it is on the other hand highly probable, that
a Christian church was founded at Rome only subsequent to Paul’s trans-
ference of his missionary labours to Europe ; since there is no sort of indi-
cation, that on his first appearance in Macedonia and Achaia he anywhere
found a congregation already existing. He himself in fact stood in need of
a special direction from Christ to pass over to Europe (Acts xvi. 9 f.) ; and
so another official herald of the faith can hardly before that time have pen-
etrated as far as Italy. But, when Paul was labouring successfully in
Greece, it was very natural that apostolic men of his school should find
motive and occasion for carrying their evangelic ministry still further west-
1 Dollinger, Christenth. u. Kirche, Ὁ. 95 ff.
ed. 2, still seeks to support it on the usual
grounds, and in doing so starts from the
purely fanciful ἃ priori premiss, that the
Roman Church must have been founded by
an Apostle, with the equally arbitrary con-
clusion: ‘‘and that Apostle can only have
been Peter.” He gives to the twenty-five
years’ duration of the Petrine episcopatus a
curious round-about interpretation, accord-
ing to which the episcopate is made to
mean merely ecclesiastical dignity in gen-
eral; see p.317. The passage of Dionysius
of Corinth in Euseb. ii. 25 is misinterpreted
by him.—It ill accords with the Roman epis-
copate of Peter that in Euseb. iii. 2, and
Trenaeus, iii. 8, Zinws is expressly named as
the jirst Roman bishop; and in fact in the
Constit. ap. vii. 46, 1, it is said that he was
appointed by Paul; while Peter only nom-
inated the second bishop (Clemens) after the
death of Linus. According to this state-
ment Peter had nothing to do with the
founding of the Roman episcopate, and
neither Paul nor Peter was bishop in Rome.
On the whole it is to be maintained that no
Apostle at all was bishop of a church. The
apostolate and the presbyterate were two
specifically distinct offices in the service of
the Church. In Rome especially the succes-
sion of bishops can only be _ historically
proved from Xystus onward (οὐ. 125) ; see
Lipsius, J. ¢.
WH
/
18 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. ,
-ward,—to the capital of the Gentile world. The expulsion of the Jews
from Rome under Claudius (Sueton. Claud. 25 ; Acts xviii. 2) served, under
Divine guidance, as a special means for this end. Refugees to the neigh-
bouring Greece became Christians, Christians of the Pauline type, and then,
on their return to Rome, came forward as preachers of Christianity and
organizers-of-a-church. We have historical confirmation of this in the
instance of Aquila and Priscilla, who emigrated as Jews to Corinth, dwelt
there with Paul for upwards-of-a—year-and-a-half,and at the date of our
Epistle had again settled in Rome, where they appear, as previously in
Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 19), according to Rom. xvi. 3 as teachers and_ the pos-
sessors of a house where the Roman church assembled.’ It is probable that
others also, especially among the persons mentioned in ch. xvi., were in
similar ways led by God ; but it is certain that a chief place among the
founders of the church belongs to Aquila and Priscilla ; since among the
many who are greeted by Paul in the 16th chap. he presents to them the
Jirst salutation, and that with a more laudatory designation than is accorded
to any of the others.
Christianity, having taken root in the first instance among the Jews, found
the more readily an entrance among the Gentiles in Rome, because the pop-
ular heathen religion had already fallen into a contempt inducing despair
both among the cultivated and uncultivated classes (see Gieseler I. i. § 11-
14 ; Schneckenburger, newtest. Zeitgesch. p. 59 f.; Holtzmann, Judenthumu.
Christenthum, Ὁ. 305 ff.). Hence the inclination to Monotheism was very
general ; and the number of those who had gone over to Judaism was very
great (Juvenal, Sat. xiv. 96 ff. ; Tac. Ann. xv. 44, Hist. v. 5 ; Seneca, in
Augustine, de civ. Dei, vii. 11 ; Joseph. Antt. xviii. 3, 5). How much at-
tention and approval, therefore, must the liberal system of religion, elevated
above all the fetters of a deterrent legal rigour, as preached by Aquila and
other Pauline teachers, have met with among the Romans dissatisfied with
heathenism ἢ From the description of most of the persons named in ch. xvi.,
from the express approval given to the doctrine in which the Romans had been
instructed, xvi. 17, vi. 17, and even from the fact of the composition of the
letter itself, inasmuch as not one of the now extant letters of the Apostle is
directed to a non-Pauline church, we may with certainty infer that Pauline
Christianity was preponderant in Rome ; and from this it is a further neces-
sary inference that a very important part of the Roman church consisted of
Gentile- Christians. This Gentile-Christian part must have been the prepon-
derating one, and must have formed its chief constituent element (in opposi-
tion to Baur, Schwegler, Krehl, Baumgarten-Crusius, van Hengel, Volkmar,
Reuss, Lutterbeck, Thiersch, Holtzmann, Mangold, Grau, and Sabatier),
1 That this married pair came to Corinth,
not as Christians, but as still Jews, and were
there converted to Christianity through
Paul, see on Acts xviii. 1,2. Comp. Reiche,
J. p. 44 f.; Wieseler, 1.6. p. 586.—Moreover,
that the Christians, (Jewish-Christians) res-
ident in Rome were driven into exile along
with other Jews by the edict of Claudius,
can neither be proved nor yet controverted
from the well-known passage in Sueton.
Claud. 25 (see on Acts xviii. 1); for at that
time the Christian body, which at all events
was very small and isolated, was not yet
independent, but still united with the Jew-
ish population.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AT ROME, 19
since Paul expressly and repeatedly designates and addresses the Romans in
general as belonging to the ἔθνη (i. 6, 18, xi. 18) ; and asserts before them
the importance of his calling as Apostle to the Gentiles (xv. 15 f., i. 5 ; comp.
xvi. 4, 26). Comp. Neander, Gesch. ἃ. Pflanzung, etc., ed. 4, p. 452 ff.,
Tholuck, Philippi, Wieseler, Hofmann. Indeed, we must presume, in ac-
cordance with the apostolic agreement of Gal. ii. 7 ff., that Paul would not
have written a doctrinal Epistle to the Romans, especially one containing
his entire gospel, if the church had been, in the main, a church of the περι-
τομὴ and not of the axpofvoria.’ Even ch. vii. 1, where the readers are de-
scribed as γινώσκοντες νόμον, as well as the numerous references to the Old
Testament, and proofs adduced from it, are far from attesting the predomi-
nance of Jewish Christianity in Rome.? They are fully explained, when we
recollect that in the apostolic age all Christian knowledge was conveyed.
through the channel of the Old Testament (xvi. 26) ; that an acquaintance
with the law and the prophets, which was constantly on the increase by their
being publicly read in the assemblies (comp. on Gal. iv. 21), was also to be
found among the Gentile-Christians ; and that the mingling of Jews and
Gentiles in the churches, even without a Judaizing influence being exerted
on the latter (as in the case of the Galatians), could not but tend to further
the use of that Old Testament path which Christian preaching and knowl-
edge had necessarily to pursue. The grounds upon which Baur (in the
Tubing. Zeitschr. 1836, 3, p. 144 ff., 1857, p. 60 ff., and in his Paulus, I. p.
343 ff. ed. 2 ; also in his Christenth. ἃ. drei erst. Jahrb. p. 62 ff. ed. 2 ; see
also Volkmar, d. Rém. Kirche, p. 1 ff.; Holsten, 2. Hv. d. Paul. u. Petr. p.
411) seeks to establish the preponderance of Jewish Christianity will be dealt
with in connection with the passages concerned ; as will also the defence of
that preponderance which Mangold has given, while correcting in many re-
spects the positions of Baur. The middle course attempted by Beyschlag,
lec. p. 640—that the main element of the church consisted of native Roman
proselytes to Judaism, so that we should regard the church as Gentile- Ohris-
tian in its lineage, but as Jewish- Christian in its habits of thought—is unsupport-
ed by any relevant evidence in the Epistle itself, or by any indication in par-
ticular of a previous state of proselytism.
But even if there was merely a considerable portion of the Christian church
at Rome consisting of those who had been previously Jews (as, in particular,
xiv. 1 ff. refers to such), it must still appear strange, and might even cast a
doubt upon the existence of a regularly organized church (Bleek, Beitr. p.
55, and Hinl. p. 412 ; comp. Calovius and others), that when Paul arrives
i By this Epistle he would have gone be-
yond the line laid down by him for his own
field of labour (comp. 2 Cor. x. 13 ff.), and
would have interfered in the sphere not
assigned to him—the Apostleship to the Jews.
3 Even in the Epistle of Clement, written
in the name of the Roman Church, with its
numerous O. T. references, the Gentile-
Christian and Pauline element of thought
predominates, although there is a manip-
ulation of Pauline views and ideas in ac-
cordance with the ‘Christian legalism”
(Ritsch], altkath. K. p. 274 ff.) of a later
period. Comp. Lipsius, de Clem. Rom. Ep.
ad Vor. pr. 1855; and Mangold, p. 167 ff. I
cannot agree with Wieseler and others that
this Epistle was written before the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem, but with Ritschl and
others assign it to the time of Domitian ;
comp. Cotelerius.
20 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
as a prisoner in Rome, and wishes to acquaint himself with the Jewish com-
munity there, the leaders of the latter make no mention of a Christian con-
gregation at Rome, but evince merely a superficial cognizance of the Christian
sect in general (Acts xxviii. 22). But the Jewish leaders are here speaking
as officials, and, as such, are not inclined without special immediate occasion
to express their views before the captive stranger as to the position of the
Christian body which existed in Rome itself. A designation of the Christian
sect generally in accordance with its notorious outward reputation—such as
might bring it into suspicion—is enough for them ; but as to the precise
relation in which this sect stands to them in Rome itself they do not feel them-
selves called upon to say anything for the present, and, with discreet reserve,
are therefore wholly silent respecting it. This narrative therefore of Acts is
neither to be regarded as a fiction due to the tendency of the author (Baur,
Zeller, Holtzmann), nor to be explained, arbitrarily and inadequately, by
the expulsion of the Jews under Claudius (Olshausen), which had induced
the Roman Jewish-Christians to separate themselves entirely from the Jews,
so that on the return of the latter from exile the former remained unnoticed
by them. Neither is it to be accounted for, with Neander—overlooking the
peculiar character of Jewish religious interests—by the vast size of the me-
tropolis ; nor, with Baumgarten, by the predominance of the Gentile-Chris-
tians there ; nor yet, with older writers, by the hypothesis—unjust and inca-
pable of proof—that the Roman Jews acted a dishonest and hypocritical part
on the occasion. Not dishonesty, but prudence and caution are evinced in
their conduct (comp. Schneckenburger, Philippi, Tholuck, Mangold), for
the explanation of which we do not require, in addition to what they them-
selves express in ver. 22, to assume any special outward reason, such as that
they had been rendered by the Claudian measure more shy and reserved (Phi-
lippi ; comp. Ewald, apost. Zeit. p. 588, ed. 3) ; especially seeing that there
is no just ground for referring the words of Suetonius, ‘‘ Judaeos impulsore
Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit” (Claud. 25), to disputes between
Jews and Christians relative to the Messiahship of Jesus, contrary to the
definite expression ‘‘ tumultuare.” ὦ
We may add that our Epistle—since Peter cannot have laboured in Rome
before it was written—is a fact destructive of the historical basis of the Papacy,
1 The Chrestus of Suetonius was a Jewish
agitator in Rome, who was actually so
called. See on Acts xviii. 2, and Wieseler,
p. 585. Every other interpretation is fanci-
ful, including even the one given above,
which is adopted by the majority of mod-
ern writers, among others by Baur, Holtz-
mann, Keim, Grau,and Mangold. Thiersch
is peculiar in adding to it the groundless
assertion, that ‘“‘the disturbances arose
through the testimony of Peter to the Mes-
siah in Rome, but that Peter had again
left Rome even before the expulsion of the
Jews by Claudius.’? Groundless is also the
opinion of Philippi, that, if Chrestus is to be
taken as an agitator, he must have beena
pseudo-Messiah. 'The pseudo-Messiahs ap-
peared much later. But after the analo-
gies of Judas and Theudas, other insur-
gents are conceivable enough—enthusiasts
for political freedom and zealots. Bey-
schlag, p. 652 ff., likewise taking Chrestus
as equivalent to Christus, infers too rashly,
from the passage in Suetonius, that the
Roman Church was chiefly composed of
proselytes, who, when the native -born
Jews were expelled, remained behind.
Miircker (Lehre von der Erlis. nach d.
Réimerbr. Meining, 1870, p. 3) rightly rejects
the interchange of the names Chrestus and
Christus.
OCCASION, OBJECT AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE. 21
in so far as the latter is made to rest on the founding of the Roman church
and the exercise of its episcopate by that Apostle. For Paul the writing of
such a didactic Epistle to a church of which he knew Peter to be the founder
and bishop, would have been, according to the principle of his apostolic in-
dependence, an impossible inconsistency.
ὃ 3. Occasion, OBJECT AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE.’
Long before writing this epistle (ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἐτῶν, xv. 23) the Apostle had
cherished the fixed and longing desire (Acts xix. 21) to preach the Gospel
in person at Rome (i. 11 ff.)—in that metropolis of the world, where the
flourishing of Christianity would necessarily exert an influence of the utmost
importance on the entire West ; and where, moreover, the special relation —
in which the church stood to the Apostle through its Pauline founders and
teachers, and through the many friends and fellow-labourers whom he pos-
sessed in the city (ch. xvi.), claimed his ardent and loving interest. His
official labours in other regions had hitherto prevented the carrying out of
this design (i. 13, xv. 22). Now indeed he hoped that he should soon
accomplish its realization ; but, partly because he wished first to undertake
his collection-journey to Jerusalem (xv. 23-25), and partly because Spain,
and not Rome (xv. 24-28), was to be the goal of his travels to the West, a
lengthened sojourn in Rome cannot have formed part of his plan at that
time. Accordingly, in pursuance of his apostolic purpose with reference to
the Roman church, he could not but wish, on the one hand, no longer to
withhold from it at least such a written communication of his doctrine, which
he had so long vainly desired to proclaim orally, as should be suitable to
the church’s present need ; and on the other hand, by this written com-
munication to pave the way for his intended personal labours in such fitting
manner as to render a prolonged stay there unnecessary. This twofold de-
sire occasioned the composition of our Epistle, for the transmission of which
the journey of the Corinthian deaconess Phoebe to Rome (xvi. 1) afforded
an opportunity which he gladly embraced. He could not fail to possess a
sufficient acquaintance with the circumstances of the church, when we con-
sider his position towards the teachers saluted in ch. xvi., and the eminent
importance of the church itself—of whose state, looking to the active inter-
course between Corinth and Rome, he was certainly thoroughly informed—
as well as the indications afforded by ch. xii. xiv. xv. That the Epistle was
called forth by special communications made from Rome itself (possibly by
Aquila and Priscilla) is nowhere apparent from its contents ; on the con-
trary, such a view is, from the general nature of the contents, highly im-
probable. Of all the Apostle’s letters, our present Epistle is that which has
least arisen out of the necessity of dealing with special caswal circumstances.
According to Baur, the readers, as Jewish Christians (imbued also with
erroneous Ebionite views), gave rise to the letter by their opposition to Paul,
in so far, namely, as they saw in Paul’s apostolic labours among the Gentiles
1 See, besides the works quoted in § 2, Riggenbach in the Luther. Zeilschr. 1868, p. 38 ff. ,
22 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
a detriment to the Jews, contrary to the promises given to them by God,
and therefore asserted the national privileges of their theocratic primacy in
an exclusive spirit as opposed to the universalism of the Pauline teaching.
Comp. also Schwegler, nachapost. Zeit. I. p. 285 ff. ; Volkmar, 1.6. p. 7 ff. ;
and also Reuss, Gesch. d. NV. T. ὃ 105 ff. ed. 4. In this view the Epistle is
made to assume a specifically polemic character, which it manifestly has not
(how very different in this respect the Ep. to the Galatians and those to the
Corinthians !) ; it is assumed that the Church was a Jewish-Christian one ;
and an importance, too great in relation to the whole, and indefensible
from an exegetical point of view,*is attached to the section, chs. ix.—xi.
(even in Baur’s second edition, which contains on this point a partial retrac-
tation), while, on the other hand, the two last chapters have to be sacrificed
to critical doubts that have no foundation. In no other Pauline Epistle is
the directly polemical element so much in the background ; and where it
does find expression, it is only for the moment (as in xvi. 17—20),—a sure
proof that it was least of all the concrete appearance and working of Anti-
paulinism which the Apostle had occasion in this Epistle to oppose.
Against that enemy he would have waged a very different warfare, as is
shown in particular in the case of the Epistle to the Galatians, so nearly
allied in its contents. Nor is that enemy to be discovered in the weak in
faith of xiv. 1 ff. Ofcourse, however, Paul could not present his Gospel other-
wise than in antagonism to the Jewish righteousness of works and arrogance,
which it had already overcome and would continue to do so ; for this an-
tagonism belonged to the essence of his Gospel and had to assert itself,
wherever there was Judaism—only in various forms and degrees according
to the given circumstances—and therefore at Rome as well. The view of
Thiersch (Kirche im apostol. Zeitalt. p. 166), that Paul desired to elevate the
Jewish Christian church, which had consisted of the simple followers of
Peter, from their still somewhat backward standpoint to more enlarged
views, rests on the erroneous opinion that Peter had laboured in Rome.
The object of our Epistle, accordingly, was by no means the drawing up of
a systematic doctrinal system in general (see, against this view, Késtlin
in the Jahrb. f. Deutsche Theol. 1856, p. 68 ff. ; Grau, Hntwickelungsgesch.
If. p. 114) ; but it is not on the other hand to be restricted more
specially than by saying: Paul wished to lay before the Romans in
writing, for their Christian edification (i. 11, xvi. 25), his evangelic doc-
trine—the doctrine of the sole way of salvation given in Christ—viewed
in its full, specific character as the superseding of Judaism, in such a way
as the necessities and cireumstances of the church demanded, and as he would
have preached it among them, had he been present in person (i. 11). The mode
in which he had to accomplish this was determined by the circumstance,
that he deemed it necessary for his object fully to set forth before the
1 Baur previously, after his dissertation Huther’s Zweck u. Inhalt ἃ. 11 ersten Kap. a.
in the 772d. Zeitschr. 1836, 3, found even the Rémerbr. 1846, p. 24f. Baur, in his Chris-
principal theme of the whole Epistle in chs. tenth. d. drei ersten Jahrh. p. 62 ff. ed. 2, has
ix.-xi., for which chs. i—viii. only serve modified his view on this point.
as introduction. See against this view
OCCASION, OBJECT AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE, 23
Roman church, in a manner proportioned to the high importance of its
position, this Gospel as to which his disciples had already instructed them,
in the entire connection of its constituent fundamental principles. In no other
letter has he done this so completely and thoroughly ;? hence it is justly
regarded as a grand scheme of his whole teaching,* in the precise form
which he held to be suitable for its presentation to the Romans. How much
he must have had this at heart ! How much he must have wished to erect
such a complete and abiding memorial of Ais Gospel in the very capital of
the Gentile world, which was to become the Antioch of the West! Not
merely the present association of Jews and Gentiles in the church, but, gen-
erally, the essential relation in which according to the very Pauline teach-
ing, Christianity stood to Judaism, required him to subject this relation in
particular, viewed in its strong antagonism to all legal righteousness, to an
earnest and thorough discussion. This was a necessary part of his design ;
and consequently its execution, though on the whole based on a thoroughly
didactic plan, nevertheless assumed, in the presence of the given points of an-
tagonism, partly an apologetic, partly a polemic form, as the subject required ;
without however any precise necessity to contend against particular doctri-
nal misconceptions among the Romans, against divisions and erroneous views,
such as had appeared, for example, among the Galatians and Corinthians ;
or against a Judaistic leaven brought with them by the Jews and Jewish-
Christians who had returned to Rome (comp. Grau). The actual dangers |
for the moment in the Church were more of a moral than a dogmatic char-
acter—a remark which applies also to the opposition between the Gentile
Christians strong in faith, and the scrupulous Jewish Christians—and have
merely given occasion to some more special notices (xiii. 1 ff. ; xiv. 1 ff.),
and hints (xvi. 1 ff.) in the hortatory portion of the Epistle. The Judaistic
opponents of Pauline Christianity had not yet penetrated as far as Rome, and
were not to arrive there till later (Ep. to the Philippians). It was therefore
an untenable position when even before the time of Baur, who assumed the
object of the Epistle to be the systematic and radical refutation of Jewish
exclusiveness, its aim was very frequently viewed as that of a polemic against
Jewish arrogance, which had been specially aroused on account of the calling
of the Gentiles (Augustine, Theodoret, Melanchthon, Michaelis, Eichhorn,
Schmidt, Flatt, Schott, and others). The same may be said of the hypoth-
esis that Paul wished, in @ conciliatory sense, to obviate minunderstandings
between Jewish and Gentile Christians (Hug). There is no evidence in
1 Against which Hofmann unjustifiably
urges amo μέρους and ws ἐπαναμιμνήσκων
ὑμᾶς ἴῃ xv. 15. See on that passage.
2 So completely, that we can well enough
understand how this Ep. could become the
basis of Melanchthon’s loci communes.
3 Comp. Hausrath, neut. Zeitgesch. Il. Ὁ.
514 ff. Observe, at the same time, that
though the Epistle deals very much with
legal notions, this does not arise from its
being destined for the Romans to whom
Paul had become a Roman (Grau, 1.6. p:
113), but from the very nature of the Pau-
line Gospel in general, and is therefore
found 6... also in the Epistle to the Gala-
tians.
4 Comp. van Hengel, who assumes that
Paul desired to instruct the Romans how lo
refute the subtleties of the Jews with reference
to the calling of the Gentiles, and to free
them from errors and doubts thence aris+
ing. .
24 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
the Epistle of actual circumstances to justify any such special definitions of
its object ; and even from xvi. 20 it cannot be assumed that Judaistic
temptation had already begun (as Grau thinks). The comprehensiveness of
the object of our Epistle—from which, however, neither the combating of
Judaism, which arose naturally and necessarily out of the nature of the
Pauline Gospel, nor (seeing that the futwre coming forward of his opponents
could not be concealed from the Apostle) the prophylactic design of it, may
be excluded—has been justly defended by Tholuck, Riickert, de Wette,
Reiche, Kéllner, Fritzsche, Philippi, Wieseler, Hausrath and others. Comp.
Ewald, p. 317 f. Along withit, however, Th. Schott (comp. also Mangold,
Riggenbach, Sabatier) has assumed a special personally apologetic purpose on
the part of the Apostle ;! namely that, being now on the point of proceed-
ing with his Gentile mission-work in the far West, Paul wished to gain for
his new labours a fixed point of support in the Roman church,’ and on this
account wished to instruct the Romans as to the significance and justifica-
tion of the step, and to inspire them with full confidence regarding it, for
which reason he exhibits to them in detail the nature and principles of
his work. Against this view it may be urged, in general, that Paul no-
where gives expression to this special purpose, though the announcement of
it would have been of decided importance, both for his own official interests
and for the information of the Roman church (they could not read it
between the lines either in the preface, vv. 1-15, or in the conclusion, xv.
14-44) ; and in particular, that the Apostle’s intention of visiting the
Romans only in passing through, without making a lengthened sojourn, is in-
compatible with the assumed purpose which he is alleged to have formed
regarding the church. Moreover, a justification on so great a scale of the
Gentile mission would presuppose not a Gentile-Christian, but a Jewish-
Christian, church and its requirements. Hence Mangold, holding the same
view that the Epistle contains a justification of the Gentile apostleship, has
the advantage of consistency in his favour ; his theory is nevertheless based
on the unsatisfactory ground adopted by Baur, namely, that the Church was
Jewish-Christian. See, further, Beyschlag, 1.6, p, 686 ff., and especially
Dietzsch, Adam. u. Christus, p. 14 ff.
1 Hofmann also makes the object of the
Apostle personal. Paul assumes it to be
a matter of surprise in Rome that he, the
Apostle of the Gentiles, should have hither-
to always kept aloof from the world’s
capital, and even now had not come to it.
It might seem as if the church, that had
arisen without his aid, had no interest for
him; or as if he were afraid to proclaim
the message of salvation in the great
eentre of Gentile culture. This twofold
erroneous notion he was especially desirous
to refute. Asa proof how far he was from
being thus afraid, he sets forth what in
his view the message of salvation was, etc.,
etc. Thus he might hope that the church
in the metropolis of the world would be
just as steady a point of support for his
ministry in the farthest West, as if it had
been founded by himself. In this way,
however, assumptions and objects are as-
signed to the Epistle which are not ex-
pressed in it, but are imputed to it on the
ground of subordinate expressions, as will
be shown in the exposition.
2 Compare also Sabatier, 2’apétre Paul, p.
160 f., who at the same time affirms of the
“στα Πα missionaire :” dont ambition était
aussi vaste que le monde. According to
Sabatier, Paul gives down to chap. Vili.
the defence of his doctrine, and in chaps.
ix.-xi. that of his apostleshap.
OCCASION, OBJECT AND CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE. ra)
As to contents, our Epistle, after the salutation and introduction (i. 1-15),
falls into two main portions, a theoretical and a hortatory, after which
follows the conclusion (xv. 14—-xvi. 27). The theoretic portion (i. 16—xi. 36)
bears its theme at the outset, i. 16, 17: “ Righteousness before God, for
Jews and Gentiles, comes from faith.” Thereupon is established, in the
first place, the necessity of this plan of salvation, as that which the whole
human race required, Gentiles and Jews alike, because the latter also, even
according to their own law, are guilty before God, and cannot attain to
righteousness (i. 17-ili. 20). The nature of this plan of salvation is then
made clear, namely, that righteousness really and only comes from faith ;
which is especially obvious from the justification of Abraham (111. 21—iv. 25).
The blessed results of this plan of salvation are, partly the blissful inward
condition of the justified before God (vy. 1-11); partly that justification
through Christ is just as universally effective, as Adam’s fall was once uni-
versally destructive (v. 12-21) ; and partly that true morality is not only not
endangered by the manifestation of grace in Christ, but is promoted and
quickened by it (chap. vi.), and made free from the fetters of the law (vii.
1-6). This last assertion demanded a defence of the law, as that which is
in itself good and holy, but was abused by the sinful principle in man,
against his own better will, to his destruction (vii. 17-25)—a sad variance
of man with himself, which could not be removed through the law, but only
through Christ, whose Spirit produces in us the freedom of the new divine
life, the consciousness of adoption, and assurance of future glory (ch. viii.).
From the lofty description of this blessed connection with Christ, Paul now
suddenly passes to the saddening thought that a great part of that very
Jewish people, so signally favoured of God, has rejected the plan of redemp-
tion ; and therefore he develops at length a Theodicy with regard to the
exclusion, apparently irreconcilable with the divine promises, of so many
members of the theocracy from the attainment of salvation in Christ (chs.
ix.-xi.). The hortatory portion (chs. xii.-xv. 13) gives the essentials of the
Pauline ethical system, partly in the form of general exhortations (xii.
1-21; xiii. 8-14), and partly in some special discussions which were
deemed necessary in the circumstances of the Romans (xiii. 1-7, xiv. 1—xv.
13). The conclusion comprises in the first place—corresponding to the in-
troduction (i. 8-15)—personal explanations with regard to the Apostle’s in-
tended journey by way of Rome to Spain (xv. 14-33) ; then the recom-
mendation of Phoebe (xvi. 1 ff.) and salutations (xvi. 3-16) ; a warning with
a closing wish (xvi. 17-20) ; some supplementary salutations with a second
closing wish (xvi. 21-24) ; and finally, a concluding doxology (xvi. 25-27).
“ This Epistle is the true masterpiece of the N. T., and the very purest
Gospel, which is well worthy and deserving that a Christian man should not
only learn it by heart, word for word, but also that he should daily deal with i
as with the daily bread of men’s souls, For it can never be too much or too welt
read or studied ; and the more it is handled the more precious it becomes and
the better it tastes,”—Luther, Preface.
20 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL ΤῸ THE ROMANS.
ὃ 4, PLAcE AND TIME OF CoMPOSITION.—GENUINENESS OF' THE EPISTLE.
Since the Apostle, when he composed his letter, was on the point of con-
veying to Jerusalem the proceeds of a collection made in Macedonia and
Achaia (xv. 25-27), and intended to journey thence by way of Rome
to Spain (xv. 28, comp. Acts xix. 21), we are thus directed to his last
sojourn—of three months—in Achaia, Acts xx. 3. His purpose was to
cross over directly from Achaia to Syria in order to reach Jerusalem,
but he was led, owing to Jewish plots, to take quite a different route,
namely, back through Macedonia (Acts xx. 3). This change in the plan of
his journey had not been made when he wrote his Epistle ; otherwise he
would not have failed to mention in ch. xv.—where he had at vv. 25 and 31
very immediate inducement to do so—a circumstance so remarkable on ac-
count of its novelty and importance. We justly infer therefore—even apart
from the fact that the composition of swch an epistle presupposes a some-
what lengthened and quiet abode—that it was written before Paul again de-
parted from Achaia. Although Luke mentions no particular city as the
scene of the Apostle’s three months’ residence at that time, still it is, ὦ
priori, probable that he spent at least the greater part of the time in
Corinth. For Corinth was the principal church of the country, and was in
the eyes of the Apostle pre-eminently important and precious on account of
his earlier labours there. But our attention is also directed to Corinth by
the passages 1 Cor. xvi. 1-7, 2 Cor. ix. 4, xii. 20-xili. 3, from which it is
plain that, on his journey down from Macedonia to Achaia, Paul had
chosen that city as the place of his sojourn, where he wished to complete
the business of the collection, and from which he would convey the money
to Jerusalem. Now, since the recommendation of the deaconess Phoebe
from the Corinthian seaport Cenchreae (xvi. 1, 2), as well as the salutation
from his host Gaius (xvi. 28, comp. with 1 Cor. i. 14), point to no other
city than Corinth, we may, beyond all doubt, abide by it as the place of
writing, and not with Dr. Paulus (de orig. ep. P. ad Rom. paralip. Jen.
1801, and Rémerbrief, p. 231), on account of xv. 19 (see on that passage) put
forward a claim on behalf of a town in Illyria. Theodoret has admirably
proved in detail its composition at Corinth.
The time of composition accordingly falls in a.p, 59, when Paul regarded
his ministry in the East as closed, and (see xv. 19, 23) saw a new and vast
scene of action opened up to him in the West, of which Rome should be the
centre and Spain the goal.
The genuineness is decisively attested by the testimonies of the orthodox
church (the first express and special quotations from it are found in Irenaeus,
Haer. iii. 16, 3, 9, while previously there are more or less certain echoes of
its language or traces of its use),! as well as of the Gnostics Basilides, Val-
entinus, Heracleon, Epiphanes, and Theodotus ; and there is not a single
1 Clem. Cor. i. 385; Polyearp, ad Phil. 6; Churches of Vienne and Lyons in Euseb.
Theoph. ad Autol. i. 20, iii. 14; letter of the Vays
GENUINENESS OF THE EPISTLE. Ale
trace that even the Judaizing heretics, who rejected the authority of the
Apostle, at all rejected the Pauline authorship of our Epistle. In order to
warrant any doubt or denial of its authenticity, therefore, the most cogent
internal grounds would need to be adduced ; and in the utter absence of
any such grounds, the worthless scruples of Evanson (Dissonance of the four
generally received Evangelists, 1792, p. 259 ff.) and the frivolities of Bruno
Bauer could find no supporters. The Epistle bears throughout the lively
original impress of the Apostle’s mind, and his characteristic qualities, in its
matter and its form ; is the chief record of Ais Gospel in its entire connec-
tion and antagonism ; and is therefore also the richest original-apostolic
charter and model of all true evangelical Protestantism. The opinion of
Weisse (philosoph. Dogm. I. p. 146), which ultimately amounts to the sug-
gestion of a number of interpolations as interwoven throughout the Epistle
(see his Beitr. 2. Krit. d. Paul. Br., edited by Sulze, p. 28 ff.), rests simply
on a subjective criticism of style, which has discarded all weight of external
evidence.
The originality of the Epistle extends also to its language, the Greck, in
which Paul dictated it to Tertius." The note of the Syrian Scholiast on the
Peshito, that Paul wrote his letter in Zatin—a theory maintained also, but
for a polemical purpose, by Hardouin, Salmeron, Bellarmine, Corn. ἃ Lapide,
and others—is based merely upon a hasty inference from the native language
of the readers. Its composition in Greek however corresponds fully, not
only with the Hellenic culture of the Apostle himself, but also with the
linguistic circumstances of Rome (see Credner’s Hin/. I. p. 383 f.; Bern-
hardy, Griech. Literat. ed. 2, p. 483 ff.), and with the analogy of the rest of
the ancient Christian writings addressed to Rome (Ignatius, Justin, Irenaeus,
et al.).
That the two last chapters are genuine and inseparable parts of the Epistle,
see in the critical remarks on ch, xv.
1 The reason why Paul himself did not in his apostolic position. In this, when he
usually write his Epistles is to be sought, had to enter on written communication,
not in a want of practice in the writing of instead of the oral preaching for which he
Greek—which is a supposition hardly rec- was called, friendly and subordinate hands
oncilable with his Hellenic culture—but were at his service. Comp. on Gal. vi. 11.
28 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Παύλου ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους.
The simplest and most ancient superscription is ; πρὸς ἹΡωμαίους, in ABC δ,
CHAPTER I.
Ver. 1. Ἰησοῦ X.] Tisch., following B, reads Χριστοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ against decisive
testimony.—In ver. 7 ἐν ‘Poy, and in ver. 15 τοῖς ἐν Ρώμῃ, are wanting in G.
Born; and on ver. 7 the scholiast of cod. 47 remarks: τὸ ἐν Ῥώμῃ ovre ἐν τῇ
ἐξηγήσει, οὔτε Ev τῷ ῥητῷ μνημονευει (Who? probably the codex, which lay before
the copyist). This quite isolated omission is of no critical weight ; and is in
no case to be explained by the very unnatural conjecture (of Reiche) that Paul
in several Epistles (especially in that to the Ephesians) addressed the readers
simply as Christians, and that then the place of residence was inserted by the
copyists in accordance with the context or with tradition. In ver. 7 the omis-
sion might be explained by the reading ἐν ἀγάπῃ which G and a few other
authorities give instead of ἀγαπητοῖς ; but, since τοῖς ἐν ‘P. is wanting in ver. 15
also, another unknown reason must have existed for this. Perhaps some
church, which received a copy of the Epistle from the Romans for public read-
ing, may have, for their own particular church-use, deleted the extraneous desig-
nation of place, and thus individual codices may have passed into circulation
without it. Riickert’s conjecture, that Paul himself may have caused copies
without the local address to be sent to other churches, assumes a mechanical
arrangement in apostolic authorship, of which there is elsewhere no trace, and
which seems even opposed by Col. iv. 16. — Ver. 8. ὑπέρ] A BC D* K, δὲ, min.,
Dam, read περί, which Griesb. has recommended, and Lachm. and Tisch. have
adopted : justly, on account of the preponderant attestation, since both prep-
ositions, though ὑπέρ less frequently (Eph. i. 16; Phil.i. 4), were used for the
expression of the thought (in opposition to Fritzsche). — Ver. 13. The less
usual position τινὰ καρπόν (Elz. κ. τ.) is established by decisive testimony ;
as also ὁ Θεὸς γάρ (Elz. ὁ. y. 0.) in ver. 19; and δὲ καί (Elz. τὲ καὶ) in ver, 27,
although not on equally strong authority.—Instead of οὐ θέλω in ver. 13, D* E
G, It. and Ambrosiaster read οὐκ οἴομαι. Defended by Rinck. But the very
assurance already expressed in vv. 10, 11 might easily cause the οὐ θέλω to seem
unsuitable here, if due account was not taken of the new element in the prog-
ress of the discourse contained in rpoeféunv.—After εὐαγγ. in ver. 16 τοῦ Χρισ.
τοῦ (Elz.) is omitted on decisive authority ; πρῶτον, however, which Lachmann
has bracketed, ought not to be rejected on the inadequate adverse testimony of
BG, Tert. as it might seem objectionable along with πιστεύοντι (not so in 11. 9
f.).— Ver. 24. The καί is indeed wanting after διό in A BC δὲ, min., Vulg. Or.
al. ; but it was very easily passed over as superfluous ; comp. ver. 26; ii. 1.
Nevertheless Lachm. and Tisch. (8) have deleted it. — ἐν ἑαυτοῖς Lachm., and
Tisch. read ἐν αὐτοῖς following ABC D* &, min. But how frequently was
CHAP a. re
the reflexive form neglected by the copyists. It occurred also in ver. 27 (B K).
— Ver. 27. appevec] B D* G, 73, Or. Eus. Oee. read ἄρσενες. Adopted by
Lachm. Fritzsche and Tisch. (7). Since two different forms cannot be sup-
poses to have been used in the same verse, and in that which follows ἄρσενες
ἐν ἄρσεσι 15 undoubtedly the true reading (only A* δὲ, min., and some Fathers
reading uniformly dp. ἐν ἀῤῥ.), we must here adopt the fore dpoerec almost
invariably used in the N. T. (only the Apocal. has 4(/.).— Ver. 29. πορνείᾳ]
wanting after ἀδικ. in A BC K Νὰ, min., and several vss. and Fathers.
Deleted by Lachm. Fritzsche, and Tisch., and rightly so ; it is an interpolation
introduced by those who did not perceive that the naming of this vice was not
again appropriate here. It was writtenin the margin, and introduced at dif-
ferent places (for we find it after πονηρίᾳ also, and even after κακίᾳ), so that it
in some instances even supplanted zornpia.—The placing of κακίᾳ immediately
after ἀδικίᾳ (Lachm. on weak authority), or according to A δὲ, Syr., after πονηρίᾳ,
(Tisch. 8), is explained by the aggregation of terms of a similar kind.—Ver. 31.
After ἀστόργους Elz. and Scholz read ἀσπόνδους, which Mill condemned, and
*Lachm. and Tisch. have omitted. It is wanting in A Β D* E G and &*,
Copt. Clar. Germ. Boern. and several Fathers. It is found before ἀστόργ. in
17, 76, Theophyl. Taken from 2 Tim, iii. 3. — Ver. 32. After ἐπιγνόντες, D ΕἸ
Bas. read οὐκ ἐνόησαν, and G, οὐκ ἔγνωσαν. That death isthe wages of sin—this
Christian doctrinal proposition seemed not at all to correspond with the natural
knowledge of the Gentiles.—Instead of αὐτὰ ποιοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ Kai συνευδοκοῦσι B
reads αὐτὰ ποιοῦντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ συνευδοκοῦντες ; so Lachm. in margin. This
arose from the fact, that εἰσίν was erroneously taken for the chief verb in the
sentence’; or else it was a consequence of the introduction of οὐκ ἔγνωσαν, which
in other witnesses led to the insertion of γάρ or δὲ after ob μόνον.
Vv. 1-7.—The Apostolic salutation.
Ver. 1. Παῦλος] See on Acts xiii. 9. [See Note I. p. 72.1 ---- δοῦλος.
evayy. Θεοῦ is the exhaustive statement of his official dignity, proceeding
from the general to the particular, by which Paul earnestly—as dealing
with the Church of the metropolis of the world, which had as yet no person-
al knowledge of him—opens his Epistle as an official apostolic letter; with-
out, however, having in view therein (as Flatt thinks) opponents and calum-
niators of his apostleship, for of the doings of such persons in Rome the
Epistle itself contains no trace, and, had such existed, he would have set
forth his dignity, not only positively, but also at the same time negatively
(comp. Gal. i. 1). — In the first place Paul describes by δοῦλος ’I. X. [See
Note II. p. 73.]—his relation of service to Christ, as his Ruler, whose servant
he is, and that in general (comp. on Phil. i. 1), just as the Old Testament
my TAY expresses the relation of service to Jehovah, without marking off
in itself exclusively any definite class, such as the prophetic or the priestly
(see Josh. 1. 1, xiv. 7, xxii. 4; Judg. ii. 8; Ps. cxxxii_10; comp. Acts xvi.
17). This relation of entire dependence (Gal. i. 10; Col. iv. 12) is then
specifically and particularly indicated by κλητὸς ἀπόστολος, and for this reason
the former δοῦλος "I. X. cannot be rendered merely in general Christi cultor
(so Fritzsche), which is inadequate also at 1 Cor. vii. 22; Eph. vi.6. Paul
was called to his office, like all the earlier Apostles; he did not arrive at it
90 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
by his own choice or through accidental circumstances. For the history of
this divine calling, accomplished through the exalted Christ Himself, see
Acts ix. (xxii. 26), and the remarks thereon. This κλητός presented itself
so naturally to the Apostle as an essential element *in the full description
of his official position which he meant to give (comp. 1 Cor. i. 1), that the
supposition of a side-glance at uncalled teachers (Cameron, Gléckler) seems
very arbitrary. — ἀφωρισμένος εἰς ebayy. Θεοῦ] characterizes the κλητὸς ἀπόστολος
more precisely: set apart (definitely separated from the rest of mankind) for
Gods message of salvation, to be its preacher and minister (see on Eph. iii.
7). The article before evayy. elsewhere invariably given in the N. T., is
omitted here, because Paul views the message of God, of which he desires
to speak, primarily under its qualitative aspect (comp. also van Hengel and
Hofmann). Concrete definiteness is only added to it gradually by the
further clauses delineating its character. This mode of expression implies
a certain festal tone, in harmony with the whole solemn character of the
pregnant opening of the Epistle: for a@ gospel of God, which He promised
before, ete. Still we are not to understand, with Th. Schott, a work of
proclamation, since εὐαγγ. is not the work of conveying a message, but the
message itself. Θεοῦ is the genitive subjecti (auctoris), ver. 2, not objects
(Chrysostom). See on Marki. 1. It is God who causes the message of
salvation here referred to, which is His λόγος (Acts x. 36), to be proclaimed ;
comp. xv. 16; 2'Cor. xi. 7; 1 Thess. il. 2, 8, 9; 1 Pet. iv. 17. The desig-
nation of Apostle to the Gentiles is involved in ἀφωρ. εἰς eb. O. though not
expressed (against Beza and others). Further, since ἀφωρ. is parallel with
the previous κλητός, it is neither to be explained, with Toletus and others,
including Olshausen, by Acts xiii. 2, nor with Reiche, Ewald, and van Hen-
gel (following Chrysostom and others) by Gal. i. 15, comp. Jer. 1. 5; but
rather by Acts ix. 15 (σκεῦος ἐκλογῆς), comp. xxvi. 16 ff. The setting apart
took place as a historical fact in and with his calling at Damascus. Entire-
ly different is the mode of presenting the matter in Gal. i. 15, where ἀφορίσας
μὲ ἐκ κοιλ. μητρ. as the act of predestination in the counsel of God, is placed
before the καλέσας, as the historically accomplished fact. The view of Dru-
sius (de sectis, 11. 2, 6) and Schoettgen (comp. Erasmus and Beza), which
Dr. Paulus has again adopted, viz. that Paul, in using the word ἀφωρ.;, al-
ludes to his former Pharisaism (‘‘the true Pharisee in the best sense of the
word”), is based on the Peshito translation (see Grotius), but is to be re-
jected, because the context gives no hint of so peculiar a reference, for
which also no parallel can be found in Paul’s other writings.
Ver. 2. A more precise description of the character of this εὐαγγέλιον Θεοῦ,
according to its concrete peculiarity, as far as ver. 5 inclusive, advancing
and rising to a climax under the urgent sense of the sacredness of his office,
which the Apostle has frankly to assert and to establish before the church of
the metropolis of the world, personally as yet unknown to him. — ὃ προεπηγγεί-
λατο «.7.A.| How natural that the Apostle with his Old Testament training
should, in the light of the New Testament revelation which he had re-
1 See Weiss in the Jahrd. f. Deutsche Theol. 1857, p. 97 ff.
CHAP. τὶ, Ὁ: 4 Bal
ceived, first of all glance back at the connection divinely established in the
history of salvation between the gospel which he served and ancient proph-
ecy, and should see therein the sacredness of the precious gift entrusted |
to him ! To introduce the idea of an antithetic design (‘‘ ut invidiam novi-
tatis depelleret,” Pareus, Estius, Grotius and others, following Chrysostom
and Theophylact) is quite arbitrary, looking to the general tenor of vv. 1-7.
The news of salvation God has previously promised (προεπηγγείλατο, 2 Cor.
ix. 5; Dio Cass. xlii. 32) through His prophets, not merely in so far as these, ,
acting as the organs of God (αὐτοῦ), foretold the Messianic age, with the
dawn of which the εὐαγγέλιον, as the ‘‘publicum de Christo exhibito prae-
conium” (Calovius), would necessarily begin, but they foretold also this
praeconium itself, its future proclamation. See x. 18, xv. 21; Isa. xl. 1 ff.,
xlii. 4, lit. 1 ff.; Zeph. iii. 9; Ps. xix. 5, Ixviii. 12; Deut. xviii. 15, 18. It
is the less necessary therefore to refer 6, with Philippi and Mehring, to the
contents of the gospel. —rav προφητῶν] is not to be limited, so as either to in-
clude merely the prophets proper in the narrower sense of the word, or to
go back—according to Acts iii. 24, comp. xiii. 20—only as far as Samuel.
The following ἐν γραφαῖς dy. suggests, on the contrary, a reference to all
who in the O. T. have prophesied the gospel (even Moses, David and others
not excluded); comp. Heb. 1. 1. — ἐν γραφαῖς ἁγίαισ] Not : in the holy Script-
ures (80 most expositors, even Fritzsche), in which case the article must
have been used; but qualitatively: in holy writings. The divine promises
of the gospel, given through the prophets of God, are found in such books
as, being God’s records for His revelations, are holy writings. Such are
the prophetic writings of the O. T.; thus designated so as to lay stress on
their qualitative character. Ina corresponding manner is the anarthrous
γραφῶν προφητικῶν to be understood in xvi. 26.
Vv. 3, 4.1 We must, with Lachmann and Tischendorf, set aside the view
which treats τοῦ γενομένου. . . . νεκρῶν, and vv. 5, 6, as parentheses, be-
cause we have to deal with intervening clauses which accord with the
construction, not with insertions which interrupt it. See Winer, p. 526
[E.T. 565]. — περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ] [See Note III. p. 73.] ‘‘ Hoc refertur ad illud
quod praecessit εὐαγγέλιον ; explicatur nempe, de quo agat ille sermo bona
nuntians,” Grotius. So, also, Toletus, Cajetanus, Calvin, Justiniani, Bengel,
Flatt, Reiche, Kéllner, Winzer, Baumgarten-Crusius, Krehl, Umbreit, Th.
Schott, Hofmann, and others. But it may be objected to this view, on the
one hand, that περί is most naturally connected with the nearest suitable
word that precedes it ; and on the other that evayy., frequently as it is used
with the genitive of the object, nowhere occurs with περί in the N. T.;2 and
still further, that if this connection be adopted, the important thought in
ver, 2 appears strangely isolated. Therefore, the connection of περί with
ὃ xpoernyy., is to be preferred, with Tholuck, Klee, Riickert, Fritzsche,
1 Comp. Pfleiderer in Hilgenfeld’s Zeitschr. would have only needed to repeat the eis
1871, p. 502 ff. εὐαγγέλιον With rhetorical emphasis, in order
3 Hofmann erroneously thinks that Paul then to add the object in the genitive (τοῦ
could not have added the object of his di- υἱοῦ a.), Comp. Dissen. ad Dem. de cor. Ὁ. ᾿
Vine message otherwise than by wept. He 315.
32 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Reithmayr, Philippi, van Hengel, Ewald, Mehring, and others, following
Theodoret ; so that the great personal object is introduced, to which the divine
previous promise of the gospel referred ; consequently, the person concerning
whom was this promise of the future message of salvation. God could not (we
may remark in opposition to Hofmann’s objection) have previously promised
the gospel in any other way at all than by speaking of Christ His Son, who
was to come and to be revealed ; otherwise his προεπαγγέλλεσθαι εὐαγγέλιον
would have had no concrete tenor, and consequently no object. — τοῦ
γενομένου down to νεκρῶν describes under a twofold aspect (κατά) the evalted
dignity of Him who had just been designated by τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ : (1) κατὰ
σάρκα, He entered life as David’s descendant ; (2) κατὰ πνεῦμα ἁγίωσ., He was
powerfully instated as Son of God by His resurrection. Nevertheless ὁ υἱὸς
τοῦ Θεοῦ, in the words περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ (not αὑτοῦ), is not by any means
to be taken in the general, merely historical theocratic sense of Messiah
(Winzer, Progr. 1835, p. 5 f.; comp. also Holsten, 2. Hv. d. Paul. u. Petr.
p. 424 ; and Pfleiderer, /.c.), because this is opposed to the constant usage
of the Apostle, who never designates Christ as υἱὸς Θεοῦ otherwise ὁ than
from the standpoint of the knowledge which God had given to him by rev-
elation (Gal. 1. 16) of the metaphysical Sonship (viii. 3, 32 ; Gal. iv. 4 ; Col.
i. 13 ff.; Phil. 11. 6 ff. a/:) ; and the hypothesis of a modification having
taken place in Paul’s view (Usteri, Ké6llner ; see, on the other hand,
Rickert) is purely fanciful. Here also the υἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ is conceived in the
metaphysical sense as He who had proceeded out of the essence of the Father,
like Him in substance (not, as Baur thinks, as organ of the Spirit, which is
the purer form of human nature itself), and is sent by Him for the accom-
plishment of the Messianic counsel. But since it was necessary for this
accomplishment that He should appear as man, it was necessary for Him,—
and these essential modal definitions are now added to the υἱοῦ τοῦ αὐτοῦ, ---
as a human phenomenon, (1) to be born κατὰ σάρκα, and indeed of the seed of
David,’ and yet (2) to be actually instated κατὰ πνεῦμα, as that which,
although from the time of His birth in appearance not different from other
men (Phil. ii. 7; Gal. iv. 4), He really was, namely the Son of God. These
two parallel clauses are placed in asyndetic juxtaposition, whereby the
second, coming after the first, which is itself of lofty and honourable Mes-
sianic significance, is brought out as of still greater importance.* Not per-
ceiving this, Hofmann fails to recognize the contrast here presented between
the two aspects of the Son of God, because Paul has not used κατὰ πνεῦμα δὲ
ὁρισθέντος in the second clause. — κατὰ σάρκα] in respect of flesh ; for the Son
of God had a fleshly mode of being on earth, since His concrete manifesta-
tion was that of a materially human person. Comp. ix. 5 ; 1 Tim. ii. 46 ;
iPet iy 18 se hi, τι Roms sy. δ; Cor πο ἢ iar δ. Το
1 Comp. Gess, v. d. Pers. Christi, p. 89 ff.; the two main epochs in the history of the
Weiss, bibl. Theol. p. 309. Son of God, as they actually occurred and
2 But at the same time the idea of ‘‘ an ac- had been already prophetically announced.
commodation to the Jewish-Christian mode 3 See Bernhardy, p. 448; Dissen. ad Pind.
of conception ” (Holsten, z. Hv. Paul. u. Petr. Exe, I., de Asynd., p. 275.
p. 427), is not to be entertained. Paul giyes
CHAP: T., 35.4: 99
the σάρξ belonged in the case of Christ also, as in that of all men, the ψυχή
as the principle of the animal life of man ; but this sensuous side of His
nature was not, as in all other men, the seat and organ of sin. He was not
σαρκικός (vii. 14), and ψυχικός (1 Cor, 11. 14), in the ethical sense, like all
ordinary men, although, in virtue of that sensuous nature, he was( capable
-of-being |} tempted (Heb. ii. 18 ; iv. 15). Although in this way His body
was ἃ σῶμα τῆς σαρκός (Col. i. 22), yet He did not appear ἐν σαρκὶ ἁμαρτίας,
but ἐν ὁμοιώματι σαρκὸς ἁμαρτίας (Rom. vill. 2). “Withreference to His fleshly
nature, therefore, 7.6. in so far as He was a materially-human phenomenon,
He was born (γενομένου, comp. Gal. iv. 4), of the seed (as descendant) of
David, as was necessarily the case with the Son of God who appeared as the
promised Messiah (6 πὸ χα 6 5! Ps: exxxa. 110+ Matt’ xxi. 42) John
vii. 42 ; Acts xili. 23 ; 2 Tim. ii. 8). In this expression the ἐκ σπέρματος
Δαυΐδ is to be understood of the male line of descent going back to David
(comp. Acts ii. 30, ἐκ καρποῦ τῆς ὀσφύος), as even the genealogical tables in
Matthew and Luke give the descent of Joseph from David, not that of
Mary ;* and Jesus Himself, in John v. 27 (see on that passage), calls Him-
self in contradistinction to His Sonship ef God, son of a mai, in which case
the correlate idea on which it is founded can only be that of fatherhood.
It is, therefore, the more erroneous to refer ἐκ σπ. Δαν. to Mary (‘‘ex
semine David, i.e. ex virgine Maria,” Melanchthon ; comp. also Philippi),
especially since Paul nowhere (not even in viii. 3, Gal. iv. 4) indicates the
view of a supernatural generation of the bodily nature of Jesus,” even apart
from the fact that the Davidic descent of the mother of Jesus can by no
means be established from the N. T. It is the more unjustifiable, to pro-
nounce the metaphysical divine Sonship without virgin birth as something
inconceivable * (Philippi). —There now follows the other, second mode in
which the Son of God who has appeared on earth is to be contemplated, viz.
1 Τὴ opposition to Hofmann, (Weissaq. w.
Erfill. ΤΙ. p.49 (comp. the Erlangen Zeiischr.
1868, 6, p. 359 f.), who generalizes the
sense of the words in such a way as to con-
vey the meaning that Christ appeared as
one belonging to the collective body which
traces its descent back to David. But in fact
it is simply said that Christ was Born of the
seed of David. The reading γεννωμένον (in
min., and MSS. used by Augustine) is a
correct gloss; and Hofmann himself grants
(heil. Schrift N. T., in loc.) that γίγνεσθαι ἐκ
here signifies descent by virth. And even
if γενομένου be taken as meaning: who ap-
peared, who came (comp. on Mark i. 4; Phil.
ii. 7; so Ewald), still the genetic relation to
the σπέρμα of David remains the same. He
camé κατὰ σάρκα of the seed of David, and
that in no other way than through His birth.
This remark holds good also against other
obscure evasions to which Hofmann resorts
in his Schriftzew. 11. 1, Ὁ. 113; in his hei.
Schr. N. T. he adheres substantially to his
earlier view (‘‘ come of the race which called
itself after David, because tracing its descent
to his ancestry”). No, the σπέρμα of David
is nothing else than his semen virile, out (ex)
of which, transmitted (comp, ἀπό, Acts xiii.
23) through the male line from yevea to yevea
(Matt. i. 6 ff.), at length the Son of God
κατὰ capka—Christ, the David’s son of prom-
ise—was born. See besides, against Hof-
mann, Rich. Schmidt, 7.c.—Because Christ
was ἐκ σπέρματος of David, He might also
Himself be called σπέρμα of David, in the
same way as He is called in Gal. iii. 16
σπέρμα “ABpadu ; and He is so called Matt.
j.1. Comp. further on ἐκ σπέρματος, in the
sense of fatherhood, Soph. 0. C. 214: τίνος
εἶ σπέρματος... πατρόθεν.
3 Usteri, Lehrbegr. p. 328 ; Rich. Schmidt,
Paulin. Christol. p. 140 ff. ; Pfleiderer, /.c.
3 This opinion rests on a premiss assumed
ἃ priori, on an abstract postulate, the pro-
priety of which it is impossible to prove.
Comp. on Matt. i, 18, ποία.
84 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
with reference to the spirit of holiness, which was in Him. The parallelism
between κατὰ σάρκα and κατὰ πνεῦμα ay., apparent even in the position of the
two elements, forbids us to understand κατὰ πν. dywo. as denoting the pre-
supposition and regulative cause of the state of glorious power ascribed to
the Son of God (Hofmann). In that case Paul must have used another
preposition, conveying the idea on account of, perhaps διά with the accusative
(comp. the διό, Phil. 11. 9), in order to express the thought which Hofmann
has discovered, namely, that the holiness of His spirit, and therefore of His
life, «was to make His divine Sonship a state of glorious power. Regarding
the view taken of ἐν δυνάμει in connection with this, see the sequel. ‘Ayiw-
σύνη, in Paul’s writings as well as in the Sept. (in Greek authors and in the
other writings of the N. T. it does not occur), invariably means foliness
(2 Cor. vii. 1 ; 1 Thess. iii. 13 ; Ps. χουν 6, xevii. 12, exliv. 5), not sanctiji-
cation (as rendered by the Vulgate, Erasmus, Castalio, and many others,
including Gléckler and Schrader). So also in 2 Mace. iii. 12. The genitive
is the gen. qualitatis,’ and contains the specific character of the πνεῦμα. This
πνεῦμα ἁγιωσ. 18, In contradistinction to the σάρξ, the other side of the being
of the Son of God on earth ; and, just as the σάρξ was the outward element
perceptible by the senses, so is the πνεῦμα the inward mental element, the
substratum of His νοῦς (1 Cor. ii. 16), the principle and the power of His
INNER life, the intellectual and moral ‘‘ Ego” which receives the communi-
cation of the divine—in short, the ἔσω ἄνθρωπος of Christ. His πνεῦμα also
was human (Matt. xxvii. 50 ; John xi. 33, xix, 30)—altogether He was an
entire man, and the Apollinarian conception is without support in the N. T.
teaching—but it was the seat of the divine nature belonging to His person ;
not excluding the specialty of the latter (in opposition to Beyschlag, Christol.
pp. 212, 231), but being rather that which contained the metaphysical υἱότης
Θεοῦ, or—according to the Johannine type of doctrine—the seat and the
organ of the Adyoc, which became flesh in the human person of Jesus, as
also of the fulness of the Holy Spirit which bore sway in Him (John iii. 34 ;
Acts 1. 23; 2 Cor. iii. 17). Consequently the πνεῦμα of Christ, although
human (comp. Pfleiderer), was exalted above all other human spirits,
because essentially filled with God, and thereby holy, sinless, and full of
divine unpolluted life, as was no other human πνεῦμα ; and for this reason
His unique quality is characterized by the distinguishing designation πνεῦμα
ἁγιωσύνης, t.e. spirit full of holiness. This purposely-chosen expression,
which is not to be abated to the stwdium sanctitatis (van Hengel), must,
seeing that the text sets forth the two sides of the personal nature of Christ,
absolutely preclude our understanding it to refer to the πνεῦμα ἅγιον," the
third person of the divine Trinity, which is not meant either in 1 Tim. iii.
16, or in Heb. ix. 14. Nevertheless, the majority of commentators, since
Chrysostom, have so explained it ; some of them taking it to mean :
“secundum Sp. S. ei divinitus concessum” (Fritzsche ; comp. Beza, Calixtus,
1 Hermann, ad Viger, pp. 887, 891 ; Ktihner, 588, πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης, in so far as it produces
Tale 90. holiness.
2 This is called in the Zest. ΧΙ]. Patr. p. 3
~
r
€
9
CHAP. I., 3, 4.
Wolf, Koppe, Tholuck, and others),' some referring it to the miraculous
working of the Holy Spirit (Theodoret) or to the bestowal of the Spirit which
took place through Christ (Chrysostom, Oecumenius, Theophylact, Luther,
Estius, Béhme, and others). Since the contrast between σάρξ and πνεῦμα
is not that between the human and the divine, but that between the
bodily and the mental in human nature, we must also reject the
interpretation which refers the words to the divine natwre (Melanchthon,
Calovius, Bengel, and many others); in which case some take ἁγιωσύνη,
as equivalent to θεότης (Winzer) ; others adduce in explanation of πνεῦμα
the here irrelevant πνεῦμα ὁ Θεός, John iv. 24 (Beza, Winzer, Olshav-
sen, Maier, Philippi); others take the expression as substantially equiv-
alent to the Johannine λόγος (Riickert, comp. Reiche, ‘‘the principle of
His higher essence’), and thus have not avoided an Apollinarian con-
ception. The correct interpretation is substantially given by Kéllner, de
Wette, Baumgarten-Crusius, Ewald (also in his Jahrb. 1849, p. 93), and
Mehring. Comp. Hofmann (‘‘spirit which supposes, wherever it is, a con-
dition of holiness”), and also Lechler, apost. wu. nachapost. Zeitalt. p. 49,
who nevertheless understands the divine nature of Christ as also in-
cluded.* — ὁρισθέντος] The translation of the Vulgate, gui praedestinatus est,
based on the too weakly attested reading προορισθέντος (a mistaken gloss),
drew forth from old writers (see in Estius) forced explanations, which are
now properly forgotten. Ὁρίζειν, however, with the double accusative, ,
means to designate a person for something, to nominate, to instate (Acts x. 42 ;
comp. Meleager in the Anthol. xii. 158, 7: σὲ θεὸν ὥρισε δαίμων), nor is the
meaning different here.* For although Christ was already the Son of God
before the creation of the world, and as such was sent (viii. 3 ; Gal. iv. 4),
nevertheless there was needed a fact, by means of which He should receive,
after the humiliation that began with His birth (Phil. ii. 7 f.), instating into
the rank and dignity of His divine Sonship ; whereby also, as its necessary ,
consequence with a view to the knowledge and conviction of men, He was
legitimately established as the Son. The fact which constituted instatement
was the resurrection, as the transition to His δόξα ; comp. on Acts xiii. 33 ;
and ἐποίησε in Acts ii. 86. Inaccurate, because it confounds that consequence
with the thing itself, is the gloss of Chrysostom: δειχθέντος, ἀποφανθέντος,
κριθέντος ; and that of Luther: ‘‘shewn.” Umbreit’s rendering is errone-
1 Comp. also Zeller in the ¢heol. Jahrb. 1842,
p. 486. In his view (2 Cor. iii. 17), the πνεῦμα
is the element of which the higher person-
ality of Christ consists. According to Baur,
Paulus 11. Ὁ. 375, it is the Messianic spirit,
the intrinsic principle constituting the me
siahship of Christ. According to Holsten, 2s.
Ev. ἃ. Paul. u. Petr. Ὁ. 425, it is in itself a
transcendent pneumatic force, which produces
the ἁγιωσύνη, a radiance of the divine πνεῦμα
ἅγιον.
2 A more accurate and precise definition
of the idea may be found in Weiss, did.
Theol. p. 313; also Rich. Schmidt, p. 105f. ;
Pfleiderer in Hilgenfeld’s Zeitschr. 1871, p.
169, 503 f.
3 But not in the sense: destined to become
something, as Hofmann thinks: nor gener-
ally, in the sense: qui destinatus est, but
rather: qui constitutus est (was instated).
For otherwise the aorist participle would be
unsuitable, since it must necessarily indi-
eate an act following the γενομένου, ete. ;
whereas the divine destination would be
prior to the birth. Consequently, were that
sense intended, it must have been, as in
Acts x. 42, ὡρισμένου.
Oe THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
ous: ‘‘ separated,” namely from all men. — ἐν δυνάμει] Not : through omnip-
otence (Umbreit), but : mightily (Luther), forcibly ; for this installation of
the Son of God as Son of God was ὦ work of divine power, which (see what
follows) was accomplished by means of the resurrection from the dead.
Thus commanding power, divinely-energetic and effectual, forms the char-
acteristic quality in which the ὁρισμός took place. On ἕν, as paraphrase of
the adverb (Col. i. 29; 2 Thess. i. 11), see Bernhardy, p. 209. ἐν δὺν. is
not, with Melanchthon, Schoettgen, Pareus, Sebastian Schmid, and others,
including Paulus, Baumgarten-Crusius, Philippi, Mehring, Holsten, Hof-
mann, and Pfleiderer, to be connected with υἱοῦ Θεοῦ (as the mightily powerful
Son of God) ; for it was here of importance to dwell, not on a special pred-
icate of the Son of God,! but, in contradistinction to the ἐκ σπερμ. Aav. κατὰ
σάρκα, upon the divine Sonship in itself ; of which Sonship He was indeed the
hereditary possessor, but yet needed, in order to become instated in it with
glorious power, resurrection from the dead. Thus, however, ἐν δυνάμει, even
when rightly connected with ὁρισθ., is not, with Chrysostom and Theophy-
lact, to be taken as ‘‘per virtutem, i.e. per signa et prodigia” (Calovius,
comp. Grotius) ; nor with Fritzsche: οὐ οἱ daté; for Paul himself defines
the how of the mighty ὁρισμός by : ἐξ ἀναστ. νεκρῶν. This, namely, was the
causal fact, by virtue of which that ὁρισμός was accomplished ; for by the res-
urrection of Christ, God, who raised Him up (comp. 2 Cor. xiii. 4), accom-
plished in point of fact His instating declaration : Thou art my Son, this day,
ete., Acts xiii. 33. Paul might accordingly have written διά, but ἐκ is more
expressive of the thought that Christ in virtue of the resurrection, etc. On
ἐκ, used of causal issuing forth, see Buttmann’s neut. Gr. p. 281 [E. T. 3827] ;
Ellendt, Lex. Soph. I. p. 550 ἢ. The temporal explanation, since or after
(Theodoret, Erasmus, Luther, Toletus, and others, including Reithmapyr ;
comp. Flatt, Umbreit, and Mehring) is to be rejected, because the raising up
of Jesus from the dead was itself the great divine act, which, completed through
the majesty of the Father (vi. 4), powerfully instated the Son, in the Son’s
position and dignities ; hence it was also the basis of the apostolic preach-
ing, Acts i. 22, ii. 24 ff., xiii. 30, xvii. 31 f., xxvi. 23 ; Rom. iv. 24; 1 Cor.
xv. 3 ff. Weare not to take the expression ἐξ avaor. vexp., a8 is often done,
for ἐξ avaor. ἐκ vexp., the second ἐκ being omitted for the sake of euphony :
but it must be viewed as a general designation of the category (νεκρῶν, see on
Matt. 11. 20): through resurrection of the dead, of which category the personal
rising of the dead Jesus was the concrete case in point.
1 As if only a change of His attributes was
concerned, or the transition into the full
reality of the divine Sonship (Pfleiderer).
The question concerned the installation of
the Son of God as such, as it were His en-
thronization, which had not taken place
previously, but was accomplished by the
resurrection with a mighty power. By
means of the latter He received—as the Son
of God, which from the beginning and even
in the days of His flesh He really was—a de
Comp. xvii. 32.
Facto instatement, which accomplished
itself in a way divinely powerful. What
accrued to Him thereby, was not the full
reality (see viii. 3; Gal. iv. 4), but the fuil
efficiency of the Son of God; because He
was now exalted above all the limitations
of the state of His κένωσις (Phil. ii.; 2 Cor.
viii. 9); comp. 6.5. Vi. 9; xi. 33 f.; v. 10; 2
Cor--xiii. 4; and numerous other passages.
The Son was now the κύριος πάντων, had the
name above every name, etc., etc.
᾿ CHAP. ΤΣ, (Os ὃ.
So, also, de Wette, Hofmann ; comp. Philippi, who however, following
Erasmus and Bengel, introduces also the idea, foreign to this passage, that
our resurrection is involved in that of Christ. — The following ᾿Τησοῦ Χριστοῦ
is in apposition to τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ in v. 3 ; not necessary in itself, but in keep-
ing with the fulness of expression throughout this opening portion of the
Epistle, which exhibits a character of majesty particularly in vv. 3, 4. — Ob-
serve, further, that the exhibition of the holy and exalted nature of Christ
in our passage serves to express the high dignity of the apostolic office.
Of diversities in faith and doctrine in Rome regarding the person of Christ
there is not a trace in the whole Epistle.’
Ver. 5. To the general τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν, which designates Christ as the |
Lord of Christians in general, Paul now adds the special relation in which
he himself stands to this common κύριος. He entertained too lively a con-
sciousness of the bliss and dignity of that relationship, not to set it forth
once more (comp. ver. 1) in this overflowing salutation ; this time, however,
with closer reference to the readers, in accordance with his definite character
as Apostle of the Gentiles.-— Vv. 5, 6 are not to be enclosed in a paren-
thesis ; and only a comma should be placed after ver. 6. — δέ οὐ] through
whom, denotes nothing else than the medium ; nowhere, not even in Gal. i.
1, the causa principalis. The view of the Te occe is, as Origen rightly per-
poe that he had received grace and apostleship through the mediation
of Christ, through whom God called him at Damascus. Regarding Gal. i.
1, see on that passage. — ἐλάβομεν] He means himself alone, especially since ©
in the address he specifies no joint author of the letter ; not however—as
Reiche, following Estius and many others, aa el at the plural out of
modesty (in the solemnity of an official epistolary greeting ?), but rather
(comp. iii. 9) in accordance with the custom, very common among Greek
authors, of speaking of themselves in the plural of category (Kriiger, § 61,
a: Kuliner, ad Xen. Mem. i. 2, 46). This is, no doubt, to be fered pee
to the conception ‘‘T and my equals ;” but this original conception was in
course of use entirely lost. The opinion, therefore, that Paul here includes
along with himself the other apostles (Bengel, van Hengel) is to be all the
more rejected as unsuitable, since the subsequent ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ἔθνεσιν points
to Paul himself alone as the Apostle of the Gentiles. To understand Paul’s
official assistants as included (Hofmann) is forbidden by the subsequent
ἀποστολήν, Which does not mean mission in general, but, as invariably in the
N. T., specially apostleship. — χάριν x. ἀποστολὴν] grace (generally) and (in
ΕΠ ἢ apostleship. [866 Νοίο ΤΥ. p. 74.1] Χάρων is to be understood, not
merely of pardoning grace (Augustine, Calvin, Calovius, Reiche, Tholuck,
Olshausen, and others), or of the extraordinary apostolic gifts of grace (Theo-
doret, Luther, and others, including Flatt and Mehring) ; for such special
references must be demanded by the context ; but on the contrary gener-
ally of the entire divine grace, of which Paul was made partaker through
Christ, when he was arrested by Him at Damascus in his career which was
hateful to God (Phil. iii. 12 ; 1 Cor. xv, 10), converted, enlightened (Gal. i.
1 Comp. Gess, von d. Pers. Chr. Ὁ. 56.
98 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
16), and transferred into the communion of God’s beloved ones and saints.
The special object (Gal. i. 16) and at the same time the highest evidence of
this χάρις which he had received, was his reception of the arocroA#,’ and
that for the Gentile world. Others find here a ἕν διὰ δυοῖν (Chrysostom,
Beza, Piscator, Grotius, Glass, Rich. Simon, Wetstein, Semler, Koppe,
Boéhme, Fritzsche, Philippi, and others : χάριν ἀποστολῆς. This might cer-
tainly be justified in linguistic usage by the explicative καί 37 but it arbitra-
rily converts two elements, which taken separately yield a highly appropri-
ate sense, into one, and fails to recognize—what is involved in the union of
the general and the particular—the fulness and force of the discourse
moving the grateful heart. This remark applies also against Hofmann,
according to whom the Apostle terms one and the same vocation ‘‘a@ grace
and a mission ;” in which view ἀποστ. is erroneously rendered (see above),
and in consequence thereof-eie-trax. π. is then joined merely to χάρ. kK. ἀπι;
and not also to ἐλάβ. --- εἰς ὑπακ. xiot.] Object of the ἐλάβ. χάρ. x. ἀποστ. : in
order that obedience of faith may be produced, i.e. in order that people may sub-
jett-themselves to the faith, in order that they may become believing. [See
Note V. p. 75.] Comp. xvi. 26; Acts vi. 7; 2 Cor. x. 5f. ; 2 Thess. i. 8.
To take πίστις for doctrina jfidei (Beza, Toletus, Estius, Bengel, Heumann,
Cramer, Rosenmiiller, Flatt, Fritzsche, Tholuck, and others), is altogether
contrary to the linguistic usage of the N. T., in which πίστις is always swb-
jective faith, although often, as in the present instance, conceived of object-
ively as a power. Comp. xvi. 26; Gal. i. 23. The activity of faith in
producing works (Reithmayr), however, is not contained in the expression.
The πίστις is, according to Paul, the conviction and confidence (assensus and
Jfiducia) regarding Jesus Christ, as the only and perfect Mediator of the
divine grace, and of eternal life, through His work of atonement. Faith
alone (to the exclusion of works) is the causa apprehendens of the salvation
promised and obtained through Christ ; but, because it transfers us into
living and devoted fellowship with Him, altogether of a moral character,
it becomes the subjective moral power of the new life regenerated through
the power of the Holy Spirit—of the life iz Christ, which, however, is the
necessary consequence, and never the ground of justification. See Luther's
Preface.—The genitive πίστεως, in accordance with the analogy of the
expressions kindred in meaning ὑπακοὴ τοῦ Χριστοῦ in 2 Cor. x. 5, and
ὑπακ. τῆς ἀληθείας in 1 Pet. i. 22, necessarily presents itself (comp. Acts vi. 7 ;
Rom. x. 16 ; 2 Thess. i. 8 ; also 2 Cor. ix. 13) as denoting that to which the
obedience is rendered ; not (Grotius, following Beza) the causa efficiens :
‘Cut Deo obediatur per fidem,” in which explanation, besides, the ‘‘ Deo”
is arbitrarily introduced.* Hofmann is also wrong in taking the genitive
1 Augustine aptly remarks: “ Gratiam 3 So also van Hengel, on the ground of
cum omnibus fidelibus, apostolatum autem _ passages like ν᾿ 19; Phil. ii. 12, where how-
non cum omnibus communem habet.’’ ever the sense of obedience fo God results
Comp. Bengel: “‘ Gratia et singularis gratiae from the context; and Ernesti, Urspr. d.
mensura apostolis obtigit.”’ Stinde, Il. p. 281 ff., who urges against our
2 Fritzsche, ad Matth. p. 850; Nigelsbach, view that it makes ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόμ. αὐτοῦ su-
z. Ilias, iii. 100. perfluous. But the glory of Christ is pre-
CHAP. 1.; 6. 39
πίστεως as eperegetical (an obedience consisting in faith). —év πᾶσι τοῖς ἔθνεσιν]
is to be joined with εἰς ὑπακ. πίστεως, beside which it stands ; the ἔθνη, however,
are not all nations generally, inclusive of the Jews (so most expositors, in-
cluding Riickert, Reiche, Kéllner, Fritzsche, Baur), but, in accordance with
the historical destination’ of the Apostle (Gal. i. 16 ; Acts ix. 15, xxvi. 17
f.), and in consequence of the repeated prominence of his calling as Gentile
Apostle in our letter (ver. 18, xi. 13, xv. 16), all Gentile nations, to which
also the Romans belonged (Beza, Tholuck, Philippi, de Wette, Baumgarten-
Crusius, van Hengel, Ewald, Hofmann and others) ; and these regarded not
from a geographical point of view (Mangold, p. 76), but from a popular one,
as Ὁ ; which precludes us from thinking—not as to a section, but at any
rate as to the mass, of the Roman congregation—that it was Jewish-Christian.
This his apostolic calling for the Gentiles is meant by Paul in all passages
where he describes the ἔθνη as the object of his labours (Gal. 1. 16, ii. 2, 8,
9; Eph. iii. 1, 8; Col. 1. 27; 1 Thess. 11. 16).—inép τοῦ ὀνόμ. αὐτοῦ]
belongs, in the most natural connection, not to aap... . . ἀποστ. (Riickert)
or to δ ov . . . - ἔθνεσιν (de Wette, Mehring, Hofmann), but to εἰς ὑπακοὴν
: . ἔθνεσιν ; ‘‘in order to produce obedience to the faith among all
Gentile nations for the sake of (for the glorifying of, comp. Acts v. 41 ; Phil.
i. 18) His name.” Acts ix. 15, xv. 26, xxi. 13; 2 Thess. 1. 12, serve to
illustrate the matter referred to. The idea of wishing to exclude the glori-
fying of his own name (Hofmann) is not for a moment to be imputed to the
Apostle. He would have needed a very special motive for doing 80. L
Ver. 6. Application of the contents of ver. 5 to the relation in which
the Apostle stood to his readers, whereby he indicates how he is officially
entitled to address them also, teaching, exhorting, and so forth — ἐν οἷς ἐστε
καὶ ὑμεῖς κλητοὶ I. X.] To be written thus, without a comma after ὑμεῖς, with
Heumann, Lachmann, Tischendorf, de Wette, Hofmann, and Bisping :
among whom also are ye called (ones) of Jesus Christ. Among the Gentile ©
nations the Roman Christians were, like other Gentile-Christian churches,
called of the Lord ; amidst the Gentile world, nationally belonging to it (in
opposition to Mangold’s mere geographical interpretation), they also shared
this high distinction. The reference of the καὶ to Paul (Th. Schott), and
consequently the interpretation : as J, so also ye, is erroneous, because the
Apostle has asserted concerning himself something far higher than the mere
Christian calling. The common interpretation of κλητοὶ ᾽Ι. X. as an address
(so too Riickert, Fritzsche, Philippi, van Hengel, Mehring) makes the ἐν οἷς
ἐστε k. ὑμ. quite a meaningless assertion ; for Bengel’s suggestion for meet-
ing the difficulty, that ἐν οἷς has the implied meaning : among which con-
verted nations, is purely arbitrary. — Since the calling (to the Messianic salva-
tion ; see on Gal. i. 6 ; also 1 Cor. vii. 17) is invariably ascribed by Paul to
God (viii. 30, ix. 24 ; 1 Cor. i. 9, vii. 15, 17; 1 Thess. ii. 12 ; 2 Thess. ii.
14), we must explain it, not as : called by Christ (Luther, Riickert, Mehring,
cisely the lofty end of all ὑπακούειν τῇ πίστει. § 127; what Schmidt urges in opposition, in
Where it takes place, it is acknowledged Rudelbach’s Zeitschi'. 1849, 11. p. 188 ff. is
that Jesus Christ is Lord, Phil. ii. 11. untenable.
1 Comp. Usteri, p. 281; Weiss, bid/. Theol.
40 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Hofmann, and others), but as : called (by God) who belong to Christ (so Eras-
mus, Beza, Estius, and most modern commentators, also Winer, p. 183
[Ε΄ T. 195]). The genitive is possessive, just as in the analogous τοὺς ἐκλεκτοὺς
αὐτοῦ in Matt. xxiv. 31. With the substantive nature of κλητός (comp. Butt-
mann, neut. Gr. p. 147 [E. T. 169]) the genitive by no means admits mere-
ly the interpretation which points to the calling subject, as in 2 Sam. xv.
11 ; 1 Kingsi. 41,49 ; Zeph. i. 7 ; but admits of very different references,
as 6.0. in Homer, Od. xvii. 386, κλητοί ye βροτῶν are not those called by mor-
tals, but those who are called among mortals (genitive totius).
Ver. 7. Now for the first time, brought by ver. 6 nearer to his readers,
Paul passes from the throng of the great intervening thoughts, ver. 2 ff., in
which he has given full and conscious expression to the nature and the dignity
of his calling, to the formal address and to the apostolic salutation. — πᾶσι
x.7.A.]| directs the letter to all beloved of God who are in Rome, etc., and there-
fore to the collective Roman Christian church, Phil. i. 1 ; Eph. i. 1 y Col. 1.
1),* but not, as Tholuck thinks,” at the same time also to those foreign Chris-
tians who were accidentally staying in Rome, for against this view ver. 8,
in which ὑπὲρ πάντων ὑμῶν can only refer to the Romans, is decisive. The
πᾶσι would be self-obvious and might have been dispensed with, but in this
Epistle, just because it is so detailed and is addressed to a great church
still far away from the Apostle, πᾶσι carries with it a certain diplomatic
character. Similarly, though from other grounds, Phil. i. 1. —ayaryr. Θεοῦ,
κλητοῖς ἁγίοις] Characteristic special analysis of the idea ‘‘ Christians” in
accordance with the high privileges of their Christian condition. For, as
reconciled with God through Christ, they are beloved of God (v. 5 ff., viii.
39 ; Col. iii. 12); and, as those who through the divine calling to the Mes-
sianic salvation have become separated from the κόσμος and consecrated to
God, because members of the new covenant of grace, they are called saints ;
comp. 1 Cor. i. ἢ. This saintship is produced through the justification of
the called (viii. 30), and their accompanying subjection to the influence of
the Holy Spirit (1 Cor. i. 30). De Wette erroneously interprets : ‘‘ those
who are called to be saints.” So also Baumgarten-Crusius. The calling
always refers to the salvation of the Messiah’s kingdom. But that the
ἁγιότης is to be understood in that Christian theocratic sense after the analogy
of the Old Testament wap, and not of individual moral holiness (Pareus,
Toletus, Estius, Grotius, Flatt, Gléckler, de Wette, and others), is plain
from the very fact, that αἱ Christians as Christians are ἅγιοι. ---- χάρις. . ..
εἰρήνη] See Otto, in the Jahrb. f. ἃ. Theol. 1867, p. 678 ff. Χάρις is the
disposition, the subjective feeling in God and Christ, which the Apostle
wishes to be entertained towards and shown to his readers ; εἰρήνη is the
actual result, which is produced through the manifestation of the χάρις :
1 With these parallels before us, it is un- stood inno relation whatever to the church.
reasonable to ask why Paul does not desig- The ὄντες ἐν ᾽᾿Ρώμῃ «.7.A. are the church, and
nate the readers as achurch. Bengel and it is to the churches that he has written
van Hengel are of opinion that no regular where he does not write to specified per-
congregational bond was as yet in exist- Sons.
ence. Th. Schott thinks that Paul as yet 2 Comp. Turretin, Wolf, and Bohme.
CHAP, 115. 8. 41
grace and salvation ( ΟΥ̓), the latter in every aspect in which it presents it-
self as the Christian issue of the χάρις. Comp. Melanchthon. The specifi-
cally Christian element in this salutation’ lies in ἀπὸ Θεοῦ πατρὸς. . . .
Xpiorov. Comp. 1 Cor. i. 3 ; 2 Cor. i. 2; Eph. i. 2; Phil. i. 2; 1 Thess.
fee ae hressy si) 1 1.1. Tim, 18's 2° Dim, 16, Ses) Wise ae 4. Phivlennis 8)
The special rendering of εἰρήνη, peace, which, following Chrysostom and
Jerome, the majority, including Reiche, Olshausen, Tholuck, Philippi, Um-
breit, and others retain (the higher peace which is given, not by the world,
but by the consciousness of divine grace and love, see especially Umbreit,
p- 190 ff.), must be abandoned, because χάρις καὶ εἰρήνη represent the general
epistolary χαίρειν (Acts xv. 23; James i. 1), and thus the generality of the
salutation is expressed in a way characteristically Christian. —xarfp ἡμῶν
means God, in so far as we, as Christians, are His children through the
υἱοθεσία (see on Gal. iv. 5 ; Rom. viii. 15). — καὶ κυρίου] ¢.e. καὶ ἀπὸ κυρίου, not,
as Gléckler, following Erasmus, takes it, ‘‘and the Father of our Lord
Jesus Christ,” for against this view stands the decisive fact that God is
never called our and Christ’s Father ; see also Tit. 1. 4 : 2 Tim. i. 2. The
formal equalization of God and Christ cannot be certainly used as a proof
(as Philippi and Mehring contend) of the divine nature of Christ—which,
however, is otherwise firmly enough maintained by Paul—since the different
predicates πατρός and κυρίου imply the different conceptions of the causa
principalis and medians. For this purpose different prepositions were not
required ; comp. on Gal. i. 1.
Vv. 8-15. First of all the Apostle now—as under various forms in all his
epistles, with the exception of that to the Galatians (also not in 1 Timothy
and Titus)—expresses with thanksgiving towards God his pious joy at the
faith of his readers ; and then assures them of his longing to be with them
and to labour among them personally. The thanksgiving is short, for it
relates to a church not only personally unknown to him, but also far
removed from the sphere of labour which he had hitherto occupied ; but
the expression of it is in accordance with the position of the church in the
metropolis of the world.
Ver. 8. Πρῶτον μὲν] [See Note VI. p. 75:] Tothat, which Paul desires jirst
of all to write, there was meant to be subjoined something further, possibly by
ἔπειτα δέ. But, amidst the ideas that now crowd upon him, he abandons this
design, and thus the μέν remains alone. Comp. iii. 2; and on Actsi. 1; 1
Cor. xi. 18.2— τῷ Θεῷ μου] οὗ εἰμὶ, ᾧ καὶ AaTpeiw, Acts xxvii. 23 ; comp. 1 Cor.
i. 4; Phil. i. 3, iv. 19; Philem. 4.— διὰ "Iyood Χριστοῦ] These words—to be
connected with εὐχαριστῶ, not with μου, as Koppe and Gléckler think,
against which vii. 25 and Col. 111. 17 are clearly decisive-—contain the medi-
ation, through which the εὐχαριστῶ takes place. The Apostle gives thanks
not on his own part and independently of Christ, not dv’ ἑαυτοῦ, but is con-
scious of his thanksgiving being conveyed through Jesus Christ, as one who is
present to his grateful thoughts ; inso far, namely, as that for which he thanks
1 Regarding Otto’s attempted derivation 2 Schaefer, ad Dem. IY. p. 142; Hartung,
of it from the Aqaronic benediction, see on 1 Partikel, If. p. 410.
Cor. i. 3.
42 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
God is vividly perceived and felt by him to have been brought about through
Christ. Comp. on Col. iii. 17 ; Eph. v. 20. Thus Christ is the mediating
causal agent of the thanksgiving. To regard Him as its mediating presenter
(Origen, Theophylact, Bengel, and others, including Hofmann) cannot be
justified from Paul’s other writings, nor even by Heb. xiii. 15. Theodore
of Mopsuestia well observes : tov Χριστοῦ ταύτης ἡμῖν τῆς εὐχαριστίας τὴν αἰτίαν
παρασχομένου. --- ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν] quite simply : your faith (on Christ) ; the
praiseworthy character of the πίστις is only set forth by the conteat (καταγγέλλ.
ἐν ὅλῳ τ. x.) afterwards. Everywhere one hears your faith openly spoken of.
Comp. xvi. 19. Observe how this flattering expression of the Apostle and
the thanksgiving coupled with it, as also the στηριχθῆναι k.t.A., In vv. 11, 12,
point to the church not as Jewish-Christian, but as Pauline. Mangold’s
reference to Phil. i. 15-18, in opposition to this inference, leaves out of view
the quite different personal sitwation under which the latter was written.
Comp. on Phil. i. 18, note. — ἐν ὅλῳ τ. κόσμῳ] a popular hyperbole, but how
accordant with the position of the church in that city, towards which the
eyes of the whole world were turned! Comp. 1 Thess. i. 8. It is, more-
over, obvious of itself, that the subjects of the καταγγέλλειν are the believers.
As to the unbelievers, see Acts xxvili. 22.
Ver. 9. Tap| The pith of the following proof of the assurance conveyed in
ver. 8 lies in ἀδιαλείπτως, not in the desire to come to Rome, which is not
subjoined till ver. 10 (Th. Schott). The interest felt by the Apostle in the
Romans, which was so vivid that he wnceasingly remembered them, etc.,
had even now urged him to his εὐχαριστῶ τῷ Θεῷ k.7.A. —pdprue . . . . Θεὸς]
The asseveration in the form of an oath (comp. 2 Cor. i. 23, xi. 81 ; Phil. 1.
8) is intended solemnly to strengthen the impression of what he has to say ;
viewed with reference to the circumstance which might readily excite sur-
prise, that he, the Apostle of the Gentiles, had never yet laboured in the
church—which nevertheless was Pauline—of the capital of the Gentile
world. See vv. 10-13. The hypothesis of ‘‘ iniguos rumores,” that had
reached his ears from Rome (van Hengel), is unnecessary and unsupported
by any trace in the letter. — ᾧ λατρεύω x.7.2.] added to strengthen the assev-
eration with respect to its sacred conscientiousness : to whom I render holy
service in my spirit, i.e. in my moral self-consciousness, which is the living
inner sphere of that service.t| This ἐν τῷ πν. μου, on which lies the practical
stress of the relative clause, excludes indeed all λατρεύειν of a merely exter-
nal kind, exercising itself in works, or even impure ; but is not intended
to suggest a definite contrast to this, which would here be without due
motive. It is rather the involuntary expression of the profoundly vivid
Seeling of inward experience. The Apostle knows and feels that the depths
of his innermost life are pervaded by his λατρεύειν. Comp. ᾧ λατρεύω. . ..
ἐν καθαρᾷ συνειδήσει, in 2 Tim. i. 3; also Heb. xii. 28. Τὸ πνεῦμα pov cannot
be the Holy Spirit (Theodoret),? but Paul bore the witness of that Spirit in
1 Comp. Ernesti, Urspr. α΄. Stinde, ΤΙ. p. 89 stowed on the Apostle (nov). See, against
f.; see also on John iv. 23. this view, Rich. Schmidt, Paul. Christol. Ὁ.
2 Holsten also (z. Hv. d. Pail. u. Petr. Ὁ. 33 ff.
886) understands it of the Holy Spirit as 4e-
CHAP UT MOS AR τον 43
his own spirit (viii. 16 ; ix. 1). — ἐν τῷ evayy. τ. υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ] in the gospel of his
Son, which I preach, defend, etc. That is the great sphere to which He is
called in the service of God, in the consciousness of which he is impelled by
an inward necessity to devote to his readers that fervent sympathy of which
he assures them. Grotius and Reiche think there is an implied contrast to
the λατρεία ἐν τῷ νόμῳ, Which however is quite foreign to the connection.
Can we think of a side-glance at the Jewish style of teaching—when the
discourse breathes only love and warmth of affection ?— ὡς ἀδιαλ.] ὡς does not
stand for ὅτε (as following the Vulgate, the majority, including Fritzsche,
think), but expresses the manner (the degree). God is my witness, how un-
ceasingly, etc. Comp. Phil. i. 8; 2 Cor. vii. 15; 1 Thess. ii. 10; Acts x.
28 ; Calvin ; Philippi ; van Hengel.’ The idea of modality must be every-
where retained, where ὡς takes the place of ὅτι. 3 --- pv. bu. ποιοῦμ. | make men-
tion of you, viz. in my prayers. See ver. 10. Comp. Eph. i. 16 ; Phil. i. 3 ;
1 Thess. i. 2.
Ver. 10. Πάντοτε. . . δεόμενος] annexes to ὡς ἀδιαλ. the more precise defini-
tion: in that (so that) I always (each time) in my prayers request. ἐπί, which
is to be referred to the idea of definition of time (Bernhardy, p. 246), indi-
cates the form of action which takes place. Comp. 1 Thess. i. 2; Eph.
i. 16; Philem. 4 ; Winer, p. 352 [E. T. 576]. -- εἴπως ἤδη ποτέ] if perhaps
at length on some occasion. For examples of ἤδη, already (Baeumlein, Part.
p- 138 ff.), which, comparing another time with the present, conveys by the
reference to something long hoped for but delayed the idea at length, see
Hartung, Partikel. I. p. 238 ; Klotz, ad Devar. p. 607 ; comp. Phil. iv. 10,
and the passages in Kypke. Th. Schott incorrectly renders πάντοτε, under
all circumstances, which it never means, and ἤδη πότε as if it were ἤδη viv or
ἄρτι. The mode of expression by εἵπως implies somewhat of modest fear,
arising from the thought of possible hindrances. * — εὐοδωθήσομαι] 7 shall have
the good fortune. The active εὐοδοῦν is seldom used in its proper signification,
to lead well, expeditum iter praebere, as in Soph. O. C. 1487; Theophr. de
caus. pl. v. 6, 7; LXX. Gen. xxiv. 27, 48; the passive, however, never
means via recta incedere, expeditum iter habere, but invariably (even in Prov.
Xvil. 8) metaphorically: prospero successu gaudere.* Therefore the explana-
tion of @ prosperous journey, which besides amounts only to an accessory
modal idea (Beza, Estius, Wolf, and many others following the Vulgate and
Oecumenius ; including van Hengel and Hofmann), must be rejected, and
not combined with ours (Umbreit). — ἐν τῷ θελ. τ. Ccoi|in virtue of the will
of God ; on this will the εὐοδωθ. causally depend.
Ver. 11. ᾿Επιποθῶ] not valde cupio, but denoting the direction of the long-
ing. Comp. on 2 Cor. v. 2; Phil. i. 8. — χάρισμα πνευματικόν] Paul calls that,
which he intends to communicate tothe Romans through his longed-for per-
sonal presence among them (ἰδεῖν ; comp. Acts xix. 21, xxviii. 20) @ spiritual
1 See also Ellendt, Zex. Soph. IT. p. 1000. 4See Herod. vi. 73; 1 Cor. xvi. 2; 8 John
2 See the passages in Heindorf, ad Plat. 2; LXX. 2 Chron. xiii. 12; Ps. i. 8, and fre-
Hipp. maj. p. 281, Jacobs. ad Ach. Tat. p. 566. quently ; Ecclus. xi. 16, xli. 1; Tob. iv. 19, v.
$Comp. xi. 14; and on Phil. iii. 11; 1 16; Test. XII. Patr. p. 684.
Mace. iv. 10.
44 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
gift of grace ; because in his apprehension all such instruction, comfort, joy,
strengthening, etc., as are produced by means of his labours, are regarded not
as procured by his own human individuality, but as a result which the πνεῦμα
ἅγιον works by means of him—the gracious working of the Spirit, whose organ
heis. While it was highly arbitrary in Toletus, Bengel, Michaclis, and others
to refer the expression to the apostolic miraculous gifts—against which the
εὐαγγελίσασθαι in ver. 15 is conclusive—it was a very gratuitous weakening of
its force to explain it (as is done by Morus, Rosenmiiller, Kéllner, Maier, Th.
Schott) as a gift referring to the (human) spirit ; ‘‘a gift for the inner life,”
Hofmann. In such an interpretation the specifically. Christian point of
view (1 Cor. xii. 4 ; comp. εὐλογία πνευματική, Eph. i. 9) is left out of account ;
besides, πνευματικόν would imply nothing characteristic in that case ; for
that Paul did not desire to communicate any gifts of another sort, 6.0.
external, would be taken for granted. — The expression 7... χάρ. is
modest (μετριάζοντος, Oecumenius). Note also the arrangement by which the
words are made to stand apart, and this delicate τι, the substantial χάρισμα,
and the qualifying πνευματικόν, are brought into the more special promi-
nence.’ — εἰς τὸ στηρ. ὑμᾶς) Object of the intended communication of such a
gift ; that ye may be established, namely, in the Christian character and life.
[See Note VII. p. 75.]. See ver. 12; comp. Acts xvi. 5; Rom. xvi. 25;
1 Thess. 11. 2. The στηρίξαι is conceived as being divinely wrought by
means of the Spirit, hence the passive expression ; it was to be accomplished
however, as Paul hoped, through him as the instrument of the Spirit. Man-
gold, p. 82, has, without any ground in the text, assumed that this estab-
lishment has reference to ‘‘ their abandoning their Jewish-Christian scruples
regarding the mission to the Gentiles,” whereas ver. 12 rather testifies to the
Pauline Christianity of the Romans. This remark applies also against
Sabatier, p. 166, who understands ‘‘une conception de l’évangile de Jésus
plus large et plus spirituelle.”
Ver. 12. Τοῦτο dé ἐστι] This, however, which I have just designated as my
longing (namely, ἰδεῖν ὑμᾶς, ἵνα. στηριχθ. ὑμᾶς) means, thereby I intend to
say nothing else than, etc. By this modifying explanation, subjoined with
humility, and expressed in a delicate complimentary manner (Erasmus puts
the matter too strongly, ‘‘ pia vafrities et sancta adulatio”), Paul guards
himself, in presence of a church to which he was still a stranger, from the
possible appearance of presumption and of forming too low an estimate of
the Christian standpoint of his readers.* — συμπαρακληθῆναι) must be under-
1On μεταδιδόναι τινί τι (instead of τινί
τινος), comp. 1 Thess. ii. 8; Tob. vii. 9; 2
Maee. i. 35. So sometimes, although sel-
dom, in classic authors, Herod. viii. 5, ix. 34;
Xen. Anab. iv. 5, 5; Schaef. Aelet. Ὁ. 21;
Kdiihner, IT. i. p. 295.
2 The delicate turn which he gives to the
matter is this: ‘‘ fo see you, in order that I,”
οἷο. means nothing more than “to be
quickened along with and among you,’ ete.
Consequently συμπαρακλ. is parallel to the
ἰδεῖν; for both infinitives must have the same
subject. If συμπαρακλ. κιτιλ. had been
meant to be merely a delicate explanation
of στηριχθῆναι ὑμᾶς (the wswal exposition
after Chrysostom), then ἐμέ must neces-
sarily have been added to συμπαρακλ. Gro-
tius aptly says: “᾿συμπαρακλ. regitur ab
ἐπιποθῶ." The true interpretation is given
also by Bengel and Th. Schott; comp.
Olshausen, Ewald, and Hofmann, who erro-
neously imputes to me the common view.
CHAP. I.,. 13. 45
stood not, with the Peshito, Vulgate, Valla, Erasmus, Luther, Piscator, de
Dieu, and many others, including Koppe and Ewald, in the sense of comfort
or of refreshment (Castalio, Grotius, Cramer, Rosenmiiller, Bbhme)—which
it would be necessary that the context should call for, as in 1 Thess. iii. 2 ;
2 Thess. ii. 17, but which it here forbids by the general ἰδεῖν ὑμᾶς, iva x.7.A.
—but in the quite general sense of Christian encouragement and quicken-
ing. The ovu.—however is not to be explained by ὑμᾶς καὶ ἐμαυτόν ; on the
contrary, the ἐν ὑμῖν renders it necessary that Paul alone should be con-
ceived as the subject of συμπαρακληθῆναι. He desires to be quickened among
the Romans (ἐν ὑμῖν) at the same time with them, and this by the faith com-_
mon to both, theirs and his, which should mutually act and react in the
way of the Christian sympathy that is based on specific harmony of faith.
That the readers are not the subject of the συμπαρακλ. (Fritzsche, van Hen-
gel) is certain from ἐν ὑμῖν, which, if it meant 77 animis vestris (van Hengel),
would be a perfectly superfluous addition. — The compound συμπαρακλ. occurs
only here in the N. T., and is not found in the LXX. or Apocr. :} --- ἐν ἀλ-
λήλοις πίστις, More significant of the hearty character of the faith than ἡ ἀλ-
λήλων πίστις, is the faith of both viewed in its mutual identity, so that the
faith which lives in the one lives also in the other. — ὑμῶν te καὶ ἐμοῦ] placed
in this order with delicate tact.
Ver. 13. My longing towards you has often awakened in me the purpose
of coming to you, in order also among you, ete. Paul might have placed a
καί before zpoef., but was not obliged to do so (in opposition to Hofmann’s
objection); and he has not put it, because he did not think of it. The dis-
course proceeds from the desire (ver. 11) to the purpose, which is coming
nearer to realization. Hence it is the less necessary to transfer the weight
of the thought in ver. 13 to the clause expressive of purpose (Mangold), —
ov θέλω δὲ tip. ayv.] The Apostle lays stress on this communication.
Comp. on xi. 25. The δὲ is the simple μεταβατικόν. --- καὶ ἐκωλ. ἄχρι τοῦ
δεῦρο] is a parenthesis separated from the structure of the sentence, so
that iva attaches itself to προεθ. 220. rp. i. The καὶ, however, is not to
be taken as adversative, as K6llner still thinks (see, in opposition to this,
Fritzsche), but as the simple and marking the sequence of thought, which
here (comp. John xvii. 10) intervenes parenthetically. For the view which
makes it still dependent on ὅτι, so that it introduces the second part of
what the readers are to know (Hofmann), is precluded by the following
clause of purpose, which can only apply to that resolution so often formed.
— δεῦρο] used only here in the N. T. as a particle of time, but more fre-
quently in Plato and later authors; see Wetstein. That by which Paul had
been hitherto hindered, may be seen in xy. 22; consequently it was neither
by the devil (1 Thess. ii. 18) nor by the Holy Spirit (Acts xvi. 6 f.). Gro-
tius aptly observes (comp. xv. 22): ‘‘ Magis urgebat necessitas locorum, in
quibus Christus erat ignotus.” — iva τινὰ καρπὸν x... | is entirely parallel in
sense with ἵνα re μεταδῶ x.7.2. in ver. 11, and it is a gratuitous refining on
the figurative καρπόν to find specially indicated here the conversion of unbe-
1 But see Plat. ep. p. 555 A; and Polyb. vy. 83, 3,
“40 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
lievers beyond the range which the church had hitherto embraced (Hofmann) ;
comp. also Th. Schott, and even Mangold, who takes the Apostle as an-
nouncing his desire to take in hand the Gentile mission also among his read-
ers, so that the καρπός would be Gentiles to be converted. No; by καρπόν
Paul, with a complimentary egotism flattering to the readers, describes that
which his personal labours among the Romans would have effected—conse-
quently what had been said without metaphor in ver. 11—aceording toa
current figure (John iv. 36, xv. 16; Phil. i. 22; Col. i. 6), as harvest-fruit
which he would have had among them, and which as the produce of his
labour would have been his (ideal) possession among them. But in this view
the literal sense of ἔχειν (comp. vi. 21 f.) is not even to be altered by tak-
ing it as consequi (Wolf, Kypke, Koppe, Ké6llner, Tholuck, and others).
To postpone the having the fruit, however, till the last day (Mehring) is
quite alien to the context. —Kxafo¢ καὶ ἐν τοῖς Aout ἔθν.] as also among the re-
maining nations, i.e. Gentiles (see on ver. 5), namely, I have fruit. In the
animation and fulness of his thought Paul has inserted twice the καὶ of
comparison, inasmuch as there was present to his mind the twofold concep-
tion: (1) ‘‘among you also,’ as among ;” and (2) ‘‘ among you, as also among.”
So frequently in Greek authors.? There is therefore no grammatical reason
for commencing the new sentence with καθώς (Mehring), nor is it in ac-
cordance with the repetition of the ἐν.
Vv. 14, 15. Fuller explanation regarding the previous iva τινὰ καρπ. σχῶ
καὶ ἐν ὑμῖν, καθὼς καὶ ἐν τ. λοιπ. ἔθνεσιν. — Respecting BapBapos
(ὄνομα τὸ οὐχ ᾿Ελληνικόν, Ammonius), which, according to Greek feeling and
usage, denotes generally all non- Greeks (Plat. Polit. p. 262 D)—all who were
strangers to Greek nationality and language—see Dougt. Anal. II. p. 100
f.; Hermann, Staatsalterth. § 6, 1. How common it was to designate all
nations by thus dividing them into ‘EAA. x. βάρβ.. seein Wetstein and Kypke,
with examples from Philo in Loesner, p. 248. Of course the Hellenes in-
cluded the Jews also among the βάρβαροι (a view which is attributed even to
Philo, but without sufficient ground), while the Jews in their turn applied
this designation to the Hellenes. See Grimm on 2 Mace. ii. 21, p. 61. Now
it may be asked : did Paul include the Romans among the "EAAnvec or among
the βάρβαροι ? The latter view is maintained by Reiche and K6llner, follow-
ing older writers ; the former is held by Ambrosiaster, Estius, Kypke, and
others, and the former alone would be consistent with that delicacy which
must be presumed on the Apostle’s part, as in fact, since Hellenic culture
1That the ‘“ you”? must mean the Roman
Christians, and not the still wnconverted
Romans (Th. Schott), is clearly shown by
all the passages, from ver. 8 onward, in
which the ὑμεῖς occurs; and especially by
the ὑμῖν τοῖς ἐν ᾿ῬΡώμῃ in ver.15. As regards
their nationality, they belong to the cate-
gory of Gentiles. Comp. xi. 13, xvi. 4; Gal.
ii. 12, 14; Eph. iii. 1. But if Paul is the
Aposile of the Gentiles, the Gentiles already
converted also belong to his apostolic
sphere of labour, as 6... the Colossians and
Laodiceans, and (vy. 5, 6) the Romans.
Schott is compelled to resort to very forc-
ed suggestions regarding ἐν ὑμῖν and ὑμῖν,
especially here and in ver. 15; as also Man-
gold, who can only find therein a geograph-
ical designation (comp. Hofmann: ‘“‘ he
addresses them as a constituent portion of
the people of Rome’), Comp. on ver. 15.
2 See Baeumlein, Partikell. p. 153; Stall-
baum, ad Plat. Gorg. p. 457 Εἰ ; Winer, p.
409 [E. T. 440].
CHART T?, ΤᾺΣ 15. 47
had become prevalent in Rome, especially since the time of Augustus, the
Roman community was regarded from the Roman point of view as separated
from the barbaria, and only nations like the Germans, Scythians, etc., were
reckoned to belong to the latter.’ But the following σοφοῖς te καὶ ἀνοήτοις, as
also the circumstance that the Romans, although they separated themselves
from the barbarians (Greek authors included them among these, Polyb. v.
104, 1, ix. 37, 5, Krebs and Kypke in loc.), are nowhere reckoned among the
Hellenes or designated as such, make it evident that the above question is to
be entirely excluded here, and that Paul’s object is merely to set forth gener-
ally his obligation as Apostle of the Gentiles in its wniversality. This he
does in the form of a twofold division, according to nationality, and accord-
ing to condition of culture, so that the thought which he would express is : ;
Tam in duty bound to a// Gentiles, without distinction of their nationality or
of their culture ; therefore I am ready, to you also, ete. — ὀφειλέτης] Paul re-
gards the divine obligation of office, received through Christ (ver. 5), as the
undertaking of a debt, which he has to discharge by preaching the Gospel
among all Gentile nations.’— οὕτω] so, that is, in accordance with this relation,
by which I am in duty bound to the "EAAyo τ. x. BapB., to the cod. τ. κ.
avoft. It does not refer to καθώς, ver. 13, which is dependent on the pre-
ceding καὶ ἐν ὑμῖν, but gathers up in itself the import of “Βλλησι. . .. εἰμι:
80 then, ita, sie igitur.* Bengel well says : ‘‘ est quasi ephiphonema et illatio
a toto ad partem insignem.” — The οὕτω τὸ κατ᾽ ἐμὲ πρόθυμον (86. ἐστί) is to be
translated : accordingly, the inclination on my part |lit. the on-my-part ineli-
nation] 8, so that τὸ belongs to πρόθυμον, though the expression τὸ κατ᾽ ἐμὲ
πρόθυμον, is not substantially different from the simple τὸ πρόθυμόν μου, but
only more significantly indicative of the idea that Paul on his part was will-
ing, etc. Comp. on Eph. i. 15. He says therefore : in this state of the case
the inclination which exists on his side is, to preach to the Romans also. At the
same time κατ᾽ ἐμὲ is purposely chosen out of a feeling of dependence on a
higher Will (ver. 10), rather than the simple τὸ πρόθυμόν μου, instead of
which τὸ ἐμοῦ πρόθυμον would come nearer to the expression by κατ᾽ ἐμέ."
The above connection of τὸ... . . πρόθυμον is adopted by Seb. Schmid,
Kypke, Reiche, Fritzsche, Philippi, van Hengel, Mehring, and others. So
also Th. Schott, who however takes οὕτω in a predicative sense ; as does
likewise Hofmann : Thus the case stands as to the fact and manner of the in-
clination on my part. This however is the less appropriate, because ver. 14
contains, not the mode, but the regulative basis of the προθυμία of ver. 15.
If τὸ κατ᾽ ἐμέ be taken by itself, and not along with πρόθυμον, there would re-
sult the meaning : there is, so far as I am concerned, an inclination ; comp.
de Wette. But, however correct in linguistic usage might be τὸ κατ᾽ ἐμέ,
1 Comp. Cicero, de fin. ii. 15, “non solum 4 On the substantival πρόθυμον, in the
Graecia et Italia sed etiam omnis bar- sense of προθυμία, comp. 3 Mace. vy. 26; Plat.
baria.” Leg. ix. p. 859 B; Eur. Med. 178 ; Thue. iii.
2 Comp. inreference to this subject, Acts 89, 8; Herodian, viii. 3, 15.
XXvi.17f.; Gal. ii. 7 ; 1 Cor. ix. 16. 5 See Schaefer, ad Bos. Ell. p. 278; Mat-
3 See Hermann, ad Luc. de hist. conscr. Ὁ. thiae, p. 734.
161; Buttmann, newt. Gr. p. 807 [E. T. 357].
48 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
which would here yield the sense pro mea virili, as in Dem. 1210, 20, the
πρόθυμον without a verb would stand abruptly and awkwardly, because not
the mere copula ἐστί, but ἐστί in the sense of πάρεστι, adest, would require to
be supplied. Beza, Grotius, Bengel, Tholuck, Rickey Kollner, Baumgar-
ten-Crusius, take τὸ κατ᾽ ἐμέ as a periphrasis for ἐγώ, sd that πρόθυμον must be
taken as the predicate (Ion my part am disposed). Without sanction from
the wsus loquendi; what is cited by KG6llner from Vigerus, p. 7 f., and by
Tholuck, is of a wholly different kind. The Greek would express this mean-
ing by τὸ γ᾽ ἐμὸν πρόθυμον. "--- καὶ ὑμῖν] as also included in that general obliga-
tion of mine ; and not: although ye belong to the σοφοί (Bengel, Philippi),
which the text does not suggest. But τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ is added with emphasis,
since Rome (‘‘ caput et theatrum orbis terrarum,” Bengel) could Jeast of all
be exempted from the task assigned to the Apostle of the Gentiles. Hof-
mann erroneously holds (comp. Mangold, p. 84) that Paul addresses the
readers by ὑμῖν, not in their character as Christians, but as Romans, and that
εὐαγγελίσασθαι Means the preaching to those still wnconverted ; comp. Th.
Schott, p. 91. No, he addresses the Christian church in Rome, to which he
has not yet preached, but wishes to preach, the tidings of salvation, which
they have up to the present time received from others. As in every verse,
from the 6th to the 18th, so also here the ὑμεῖς can only be the κλητοὶ 1. X.,
ver. 6 f., in Rome.?
Vv. 16, 17. Transition to the theme (οὐ yap ἐπαισχ. τ. evayy.), and the
theme itself (δύναμις. . . . ζήσεται).
Ver. 16. Tap] Paul confirms negatively his προθυμία. . . . εὐαγγελίσασθαι;
for which he had previously assigned a positive motive. — ov γὰρ ἐπαισχ. T.
evayy.| Written, no doubt, with a recollection of what he had experienced
in other highly civilized cities (Athens, Corinth, Ephesus), as well as, gen-
erally, in reference to the contents of the Gospel as a preaching of the eross
(1 Cor. i. 18).° Hence the negative form of the expression, as in contrast with
the feeling of shame which that experience might have produced in him, as
if the Gospel were something worthless, through which one could gain no
honour and could only draw on himself contempt, mockery, etc. Comp. 2
Tim. i. 12. — ἐπαισχύνομαι (Plat. Soph. p. 247, D ; 2 Tim. i. 8), and αἰσχύνομαι,
with accusative of the object : see Kitihner, II. i. p. 255 f.; Bernhardy, p.
113. — δύναμις yap Θεοῦ ἐστιν] Ground of the οὐκ ἐπαισχ. τ. ebayy. Power of God
genitive of the subject) is the Gospel, in so far as God works by means of the
message of salvation. By awaking repentance, faith, comfort, love, peace,
joy, courage in life and death, hope, etc., the Gospel manifests itself as poaer,
as a mighty potency, and that of God, whose revelation and work the Gospel is
1Stallbaum, ad Plat. Rep. p. 533 A.
2 See besides, against Mangold, Beyschlag
in the Stud. u. Krit. 1867, p. 642 f.
3 From his own point of view, viz. that
the church in Rome was Jewish- Christian,
Mangold, p. 98 f., suggests theocratic scru-
ples on the part of the readers regarding
the Apostle’s universalism. An idea incon-
sistent with the notion conveyed by émacx.,
and lacking any other indication whatever
in the text; for the subsequent Ἰουδαίῳ τε
πρῶτον «.7.A. cannot have been designed
cautiously to meet such doubts (see, on the
other hand, ii. 9); but only to serve as ex-
pressive of the objective state of the case as
regards the historical order of salvation, in
accordance with the doctrinal development
of principles which Paul has in view.
CHAPS Τὶ 17. 49
(hence τὸ εὐαγγ. τοῦ Θεοῦ, xv. 16 ; 2Cor. xi. 7 ; 1 Thess. ii. 2). Comp. 1 Cor.
i. 18, 94. The expression asserts more than that the Gospel is ‘‘a powerful
means in the hand of God” (Riickert), and is based on the fact that it is the
living self-manifestation and effluence of God, as ῥῆμα Θεοῦ (Eph. vi. Le
Paul knew how to honour highly the message of salvation which it was his
oftice to convey, and he was not ashamed of it.
but the message itself. — εἰς σωτηρίαν] Working of this power of God : unto
salvation, consequently with saving power. And what salvation is here meant,
was understood by the reader ; for σωτηρία and σώζεσθαι are the standing ex-
pressions for the eternal salvation in the Messianic kingdom (comp. ζήσεται, ver.
Here also, as in vv. 1, 9, .
τὸ evayy. is not the work or business of conveying the message (Th. Schott), ἢ
17), the opposite of ἀπώλεια (Phil. i. 28 ; comp. θάνατος, 2 Cor. ii. 16). Comp.
generally, James i. 21, τὸν λόγον τὸν δυνάμενον σῶσαι τὰς ψυχὰς ὑμῶν. ΑΒ to
how the Gospel works salvation, see ver. 17. --- παντὶ τῷ πιστεύοντι] shows !
to whom the Gospel is the power of God unto salvation. [See Note VIII. p.
76.| Faith is the condition on the part of man, without which the Gospel
cannot be to him effectually that power ; for in the unbeliever the causa ap-
prehendens of its efficacy is wanting. Comp. ver. 17. Melanchthon aptly
says : ‘‘ Non enim ita intelligatur haec efficacia, ut side calefactione loquere-
mur : ignis est efficax in stramine, etiamsi stramen nihil agit.” — παντί gives
emphatic prominence to the wniversality, which is subsequently indicated in
detail. Comp. iii. 22. —’Iovdaiw te πρῶτον x. “Βλληνι] τε. . . . καὶ denotes
the equality of what isadded.' πρῶτον expresses the priority ; but not merely
in regard to the divinely appointed order of szccession, in accordance with
which the preaching of the Messiah was to begin with the Jews and thence
extend to the Gentiles, as Chrysostom, Theodoret, Theophylact, Grotius,
and many others, including Olshausen, van Hengel and Th. Schott, have
understood it ; but in reference to the jirst claim on the Messianic salvation
in accordance with the promise, which was in fact the ground of that external
order of succession in the communication of the Gospel. So Erasmus, Calo-
vius, and others, including Reiche, Tholuck, Riickert, Fritzsche, de Wette,
Philippi, Ewald, Hofmann. That this is the Pauline view of the rela-
tion is plain from iii. 1 f. ; ix. 1 ff. ; xi. 16 ff. ; xv. 9; comp. John iv. 22;
Matt. xv. 24; Acts xiii. 46. The Jews are the viol τῆς βασιλ., Matt. viii.
12. ---“Ἑλληνι] denotes, in contrast to ’Iovdaiw all Non-Jews. Acts xiv. 1; 1
Cor. x. 32 al.
Ver. 17 illustrates and gives a reason for the foregoing affirmation : δύναμις
Θεοῦ ἐστιν εἰς σωτ. π. τ. πιστ., Which could not be the case, unless δικαιοσύνη
Θεοῦ κ.τ.2. [See Note IX. p. 76.] — δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ] That this does not denote,
as in iii. 5, an attribute of God,* is plain from the passage cited in proof
1 See Hartung, Partikell, I. p. 99; Baeum-
lein, Part. Ὁ. 225.
2It has been understood as the truthful-
ness of God (Ambrosiaster) ; as the justitia
Det essentialis (Osiander); as the justitia
distributiva (Origen, and several of the
older expositors, comp. Flatt) ; as the good-
ness of God (Schoettgen, Semler, Morus,
Krehl); as the justifying righteousness of
God (Mircker). According to Ewald it is
the divine righteousness regarded as power
and life-blessing, in the goodness of which
man may and must fully participate, if he
would not feel its sting and its penalty.
50 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
from Hab. ii. 4, where, by necessity of the connection, ὁ δίκαιος must denote
the person who is in the state of the δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, Comp. iii. 21 ff. It
must therefore be an ethical relation of man that is meant ; and the genitive
Θεοῦ must (otherwise in Jas. i. 20)’ be rendered as the genitive of emanation
from, consequently : rightness which proceeds from God, the relation of being
right into which man is put by God (i.e. by an act of God declaring him
righteous).? This interpretation of the genitive as gen. originis, acutely and
clearly set forth anew- by Pfleiderer,* is more specially evident from iii. 23,
where Paul himself first explains the expression δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, and that by
δικαιούμενοι δωρεὰν τῇ αὐτοῦ χάριτι, Which is turned in ver. 26 to the active
form : δικαιοῦντα τὸν ἐκ πίστεως 3 Comp. ver. 30, viii. 33, according to which
the genitive appears equivalent to ἐκ Θεοῦ (Phil. iii. 9), in contrast to the
ἐμή and ἰδία δικαιοσύνη (Rom. x. 8), and to the δικαιοῦν ἑαυτόν (Luke xii. 15).
The passage in 2 Cor. v. 21 is not opposed to this view (as Fritzsche thinks) ;
see in loc. ; nor are the expressions δικαιοῦσθαι ἐνώπιον Θεοῦ (ili. 20), and
παρὰ Θεῷ (Gal. iii. 11), for these represent a special form under which the
relation is conceived, expressing more precisely the judicial nature of the
matter. Hence it is evident that the interpretation adopted by many
modern writers (including Kéllner, Fritzsche, Philippi, Umbreit), following
Luther : ‘‘ righteousness before. God,” although correct in point of substance,
is unsuitable as regards the analysis of the genitive, which they take as geni-
tive of the object. This remark applies also against Baur, who (Paulus, II.
p. 146 ff.) takes the genitive objectively as the δικαιοσύνη determined by the
idea of God, adequate to that idea ; whilst in his newtest. Theol. p. 134, he
prefers to take the genitive subjectively: the righteousness produced through
God, i.e. ‘‘the manner in which God places man in the adequate relation to
Himself.”—The following remarks may serve exegetically to illustrate the
idea of δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, Which in the Gospel is revealed from faith :—Since
God, as the holy Lawgiver and Judge, has by the law imposed on man the
task of keeping it entirely and perfectly (Gal. iii. 10), He can only receive
and treat as a δίκαιος who is such, as he should be—as one normally guiltless
and upright, who should be so, therefore, habitwally—the person who keeps
the whole law ; or, in other words, only the man who is perfectly obedient
to the law can stand to God in the relation of δικαιοσύνη. Such perfection
however no man could attain ; not merely no Gentile, since in his case the
natural moral law was obscured through immorality, and through dis-
obedience to it he had fallen into sin and vice ; but also no Jew, for natural
desire, excited by the principle of sin in him through the very fact of legal
prohibition, hindered in his case the fulfilment of the divine law, and ren-
Comp. Matthias on iii. 21: a righteousness, Wette, Winer, p. 175 [E. T. 186]; Winzer
such as belongs to God, consequently, ‘‘a de vocid. δίκαιος, δικαιοσύνη, et δικαιοῦν in ep.
righteousness which exists also inwardly ad Rom. p. 10); Bisping, van Hengel, Er-
and is in every respect perfect.” nesti, Urspr. ἃ. Stinde, I. p. 153; Mehring ;
1 Where whatis meant is the rightness re- also Hofmann (comp. his Schriftbew. I. p.
quired by God, which man is supposed to 627); Holsten, z. Hu. ἃ: Paul. u. Petr. p.
realize through exerting himself in works. 408f.; Weiss, bibl. Theol. Ὁ. 380f.; Rich.
2 Comp. Chrysostom, Bengel, and others, Schmidt, Paulin. Christol. p. 10.
including Riickert, Olshausen, Reiche, de 3 In Hilgenfeld@’s Zeitschr. 1872, p. 168 ff.
CHAP ἡ 17, δὶ
dered him also, without exception, morally weak, a sinner and object of the
divine wrath. If therefore man was to enter into the relation of a righteous
person and thereby of a future participator in the Messianic blessedness, it
was necessary that this should be done by means of an extraordinary divine
arrangement, through which grace and reconciliation should be imparted
to the object of wrath, and he should be put forward for the judgment of
God as righteous. This arrangement has been effected through the sending
of His Son and His being given up to His bloody death as that of a guiltless
sacrifice ; whereby God’s counsel of redemption, formed from eternity, has
been accomplished,—objectively for all, subjectively to be appropriated on
the part of individuals through faith, which is the ὄργανον ληπτικόν. And,
as this plan of salvation is the subject-matter of the Gospel, so in this Gospel
that which previously, though prefigured by the justification of Abraham,
was an unrevealed μυστήριον, namely, righteousness from God, is revealed
(ἀποκαλύπτεται), inasmuch as the Gospel makes known both the accomplished
work of redemption itself and the means whereby man appropriates the
redemption, namely, fwith in Christ, which, imputed to him as righteousness
(iv. 5), causes man to be regarded and treated by God out of grace and
δωρεάν (111. 24) as righteous (δίκαιος), so that he, like one who has perfectly
obeyed the law, is certain of the Messianic bliss destined for the δίκαιοι. ἢ
The so-called obedientia Christi activa is not to be included in the causa
meritoria of the divine justification ; but is to be regarded as the fulfilment
of a preliminary condition necessary to the death of Jesus, so far as the jus-
tification of man was objectively based on the latter ; without the complete
active obedience of Christ (consequently without His sinlessness) His passive
obedience could not have been that causa meritoria (2 Cor. v. 21). — ἀποκα-
λύπτεται) is revealed ; for previously, and in the absence of the Gospel, the
δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ Was and is something quite hidden in the counsel of God, the
1 Justification is simply imputative, an
actus forensis, not inherent, and therefore
not a gradual process, as Romang anew
maintains, but produced by the imputation
of faith. The new moral life in Christ is
the necessary consequence (Rom. vi. 8), so
that regeneration comes after justification—
a divine order of salvation inconsistent
with all Osiandrian views. See Ritschl, in
the Jahrb. 7. Deutsche Theol. 1857, p. 795 ff.,
altkath. Kirche, p. 76 ff. The regenerate lifeis
neither a part (Baumgarten-Crusius) nor the
positive side (Baur) of justification, the con-
ception of which is not to be referred either
to the consciousness of liberation from guilt
given with conversion (Schleiermacher) ; or
to the unity of forgiveness with the éins¢ill-
ing of love (Marheineke) ; or to an anticipa-
tion of the judgment of God on faith in respect
to the divine dife which develops itself from
it as its fruit (Rothe, Martensen, Hundesha-
gen, and others, including Tholuck on vy. 9,
and Catholics like Déllinger, see on iy. 8)---
so that, with regard to its truth, it would
have to be made dependent on sanctijica-
tion (Nitzsch), or the dying out of sin (Beck),
and so forth,—or to the establishment of
the new sanctified humanity in the person of
Christ (Menken-Hofmann). The Form. Cone.,
p. 687, rightly warns: ‘‘ne ea quae fidem prae-
cedunt et ea quae eam sequuntur articulo de
justificatione, tanquam ad justificationem
pertinentia, admisceantur.”” Respecting
the sensus forensis of justification, which is
by no means a product of medizyal scholas-
ticism (in opposition to Sabatier, p. 263),
comp. Kd6stlin in the Jahrb. f. Deutsche Theol.
1856, p. 89 ff.; and in its purely exegetical
aspect, especially Wieseler on Gal. ii. 16,
Pfleiderer in Hilgenfeld’s Zet/schr. 1872, p.
161 ff., and Weiss, 0id/. Theol. §112. We may
add that with Luther’s doctrine of justifica-
tion Zwingli substantially concurs. See, for
defence of the latter (against Stahl), Ritschl,
Rechtfert. u. Verséhnung, 1870, I. p. 165 ff.
52 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
knowledge of which is first given in the Gospel (comp. xvi. 25; Acts
xvii. 30). The prophecies of the Old Testament were only preparatory and
promissory (ver. 2), and therefore were only the means of introducing the
evangelical revelation itself (xvi. 26). The present is used, because the
Gospel is conceived of in its continuous proclamation. Comp. the perfect,
mepavépwrat, iii, 21, and on the other hand the historical aorist φανερωθέντος
in xvi. 26. Through the ἀποκάλυψις ensues the φανεροῦσθαι, through the
revelation the being manifest as object of knowledge. — ἐκ πίστεως εἰς πίστιν]
may not be connected with δικαίοσ. (Luther, Hammond, Bengel, Koppe,
Riickert, Reiche, Tholuck, Philippi, Mehring, and others), but rather—as
the only arrangement which the position of the words admits without arbi-
trariness—with ἀποκαλύπτεται. So also van Hengel and Hofmann ; comp.
Luke ii. 85. The δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, namely, is revealed in the Gospel ἐκ
πίστεως, inasmuch as in the Gospel faith on Christ is made known as the subjec-
tive cause from which righteousness comes. Thus the Gospel, as the ῥῆμα τῆς
πίστεως (x. 8) and λόγος τῆς καταλλαγῆς (2 Cor. v. 19), makes the divine right-
eousness become manifest from faith, which it in fact preaches as that
which becomes imputed ; for him who does not believe the ἀκοὴ πίστεως
(Gal. ili. 2), it leaves this δικαιοσύνη to remain a locked-up unrevealed bless-
ing. But it isnot merely ἐκ πίστεως, but also εἰς πίστιν ; to faith (comp. 2 Cor.
ii. 16). Inasmuch, namely, as righteousness is revealed in the Gospel from
faith, faith is aimed at, i.e., the revelation spoken of proceeds from faith,
and is designed to produce faith. This sense, equivalent to ‘‘ wt jfides
habeatur,” and rightly corresponding alike with the simple words and the
context, is adopted by Heumann, Fritzsche, Tholuck, Krehl, Nielsen, and
van Hengel. It is not ‘‘ too meaningless” (de Wette), nor ‘‘ saying pretty
nearly nothing” (Philippi); but is on the contrary emphatically appropriate
to the purpose of representing faith as the Fuc totum (‘‘ prora et puppis,”
Bengel, comp. Baur, II. p. 161).} Therefore εἰς πίστιν is not to be taken as
equivalent to εἰς τὸν πιστεύοντα, for the believer (Oecumenius, Seb. Schmid,
Morus, Rosenmiiller, Riickert, Reiche, de Wette, Olshausen, Reithmayr,
Maier, and Philippi), a rendering which should have been precluded by
the abstract correlative ἐκ πίστεως. Nor does it mean : for the furtherance
and strengthening of faith. (Clem. Al. Strom. v. 1, 11. p. 644. Pott.,
Theophylact, Erasmus, Luther, Melanchthon, Beza, Cornelius 4 Lapide, and
others, including Kéllner ; comp. Baumgarten-Crusius, Klee, and Stengel ;
for the thought : ‘‘from an ever new, never tiring, endlessly progressive
faith” (Ewald) * is here foreign to the connection, which is concerned only
with the great fundamental truth in its simplicity ; the case is different
in 2 Cor. iii. 18. Quite arbitrary, moreover, was the interpretation : ‘‘ ex
Jide legis in fidem evangelit” (Tertullian).* Finally, to take πίστιν as faith-
JSulness, and to understand πίστις εἰς πίστιν in the sense of faith in the
Saithfulness of God (Mehring), is to introduce what is neither in the words
1 See also Hofmann, Schrifibew. I. p. 629 f. 3 Comp. Origen, Chrysostom, Theodoret :
Comp. vi. 19; 2 Cor. ii. 16. δεῖ yap πιστεῦσαι Tots προφήταις, Kat de
% Comp. Lipsius, Rechtfertigungst. p. 7, 116, ἐκείνων εἰς THY τοῦ εὐαγγελίου πίστιν
and Umbreit. ποδηγηθῆναι, Zeger, and others.
CHAP. I., 18: 53
nor yet suggested by the context. Ewald in his Jahrb. LZ. yp. 87 ff., inter-
prets : faith in faith, the reference being to the faith with which man meets
the divine faith in his power and his good will (?). But the idea of ‘‘ faith
from beneath on the faith from above,” as well as the notion generally of
God believing on men, would be a paradox in the N. T., which no reader
could have discovered without more clear and precise indication. After
ἐκ πίστ. every one could not but understand εἰς πίστ. also as meaning human
faith ; and indeed everywhere it is man that believes, not God. — καθὼς
γέγραπται] represents what has just been stated, δικαιοσύνη. . . . πίστιν, as
taking place in accordance with a declaration of Scripture, consequently
according to the necessity of the divine counsel of salvation. He who from
faith (on Christ) is righteous (transferred into the relation of the δικαιοσύνη
Θεοῦ) shall live (be partaker of the Messianic eternal life). This, as the
Messianic sense intended to be conveyed by the Spirit of God (2 Peter 1. 21)
in the prophetic words, Hab. ii. 4, ‘‘ the righteous shall by his faithfulness *
live” (attain the theocratic life-blessedness), is recognized by Paul, and ex-
pressed substantially in the language of the LXX., rightly omitting the μου,
which they inaccurately add to πίστεως. In doing so Paul might, in ac-
cordance with the Messianic reference of the passage, connect ἐκ πίστεως
(1N}1383)—seeing that on this causal definition the stress of the expression
lies—with ὁ δίκαιος ; because; if the life of the righteous has πίστις as its
cause, his δικαιοσύνη itself can have no other ground or source. That he has
really so connected the words, as Beza and others rightly perceived (see
especially Hélemann, de justitiae ex fide ambab. in V. T. sedibus, Lips. 1867),
and not, as most earlier expositors have supposed (also de Wette, Tholuck,
Delitzsch, on Hab. /.c., Philippi, Baumgarten-Crusius, van Hengel, Ewald,
and Hofmann, ἐκ πίστ. ζήσεται, is plain from the connection, according to
which it is not the life ἐκ πίστ., but the revelation of righteousness ἐκ rior. that
is to be confirmed by the Old Testament. The case is different in Heb. x. 38.
See further, generally, on Gal. iii. 11.—The δέ is, without having any
bearing on the matter, adopted along with the other words from the LXX.
Comp. on Acts ii. 17. A contrast to the unrighteous who shall die (Hof-
mann) is neither here nor in Hab. ii. 4 implied in the text.
Vv. 18-32. [See Note X. p. 77.] Proof of ver. 17 deduced from experience,
and that in the first instance with respect to Gentile humanity (the proof in
regard to the Jews begins at ch. ii.).
Ver. 18. This great fundamental proposition of the Gospel, ver. 17, is /
proved (yap) agreeably to experience, by the fact that, where there is no
πίστις, there is also no ἀποκάλυψις of righteousness, but only of the wrath of
God. ‘‘ Horrendum est initium ac fulmen,” Melanchthon, 1540. — ἀποκαλύπ-
terat] Emphatically placed, in harmony with the ἀποκαλ. in ver. 17, at the
beginning. -- ὀργὴ Θεοῦ] The antithesis of δικαίοσ. Θεοῦ, ver. 16. The ὀργὴ
of God is not to be explained with several of the Fathers (in Suicer), Eras-
1 This faithfulness, in the prophet’s sense, trustful self-surrender to God. Comp. Um-
the MW, and the πίστις inthe Christian breit, p. 197.
sense, have the same fundamental idea,
δ4 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
mus, and many later authorities, as poena divina, which is nothing but a
rationalizing interchange of ideas, but rather in the proper literal sense :
wrath, an affection of the personal God, having a necessary connection with
His love. The wrath of God, the reality of which is indisputable as the
very presupposition of the work of atonement, is the love of the holy God
(who is neither neutral nor one-sided in his affection), for all that is good in
its energy as antagonistic to all that is evil.1 See on Matt. iii. 7; Eph. ii.
3. —4a7’ οὐρανοῦ) is neither to be connected with ὀργὴ Θεοῦ, as Beza, Estius,
and many others hold, nor with the bare Θεοῦ (Mehring), but, as the order of
the words and the parallel definition ἐν αὐτῷ in ver. 17 require, belongs to
ἀποκαλύπτεται ; SO that heaven, the dwelling-place and throne of God (comp.
on Matt. vi. 9), is designated as the place from which the ἀποκάλυψις of
the ὀργὴ Θεοῦ issues. ‘‘ Majestatem irati Dei significat,” Bengel. The reve-
lation of righteousness takes place ἐν εὐαγγελίῳ, ver. 17, as something spirit-
ually brought home to the consciousness through the medium of the Gospel ;
but that of the divine wrath descends from heaven, manifested as a divine
matter of fact ; by which description, however, the destructive character of
this working of divine power is not expressed (Th. Schott), although it is
in fact implied in the entire context. But what revelation of divine wrath is
meant? Paul himself supplies the information in ver. 24 ff., in which is
described what God in His sufficiently well-grounded (vv. 19-238) wrath did
(παρέδωκεν αὐτούς). God’s wrath therefore is revealed from heaven in this
way, that those who are the objects of it are given up by God to terrible
retribution in unchastity and all vice. Against this interpretation (comp.
Mehring), which is adopted also by Tholuck, Weber (vom Zorne Gottes, p.
89), and Th. Schott, it cannot be objected, with Hofmann, that Paul must
have written ἀπεκαλύφθη ; for he here in fact expresses the general proposi-
tion of experience, to which the concrete historical representation subse-
quently shall correspond ; the divine aziom is placed first (present), and
then the history of it follows (aorist). . Irrelevant is also the objection of
Philippi, that ἀποκαλύπτειν always denotes a supernatural revelation. For
ἀποκαλύπτειν means to reveal what was previously unknown, what was veiled
from our cognition, so that it now becomes manifest ; and, in reference to
this, it is a matter of indifference whether the revelation takes place in a
natural or in asupernatural manner.? The mode of revealing is not indicated
in the word itself, but in the context ; and hence according to the connec-
tion it is used also, as here, of a revelation in fact, by which a state of things pre-
viously unknown comes to our knowledge (Matt. x. 26; Luke ii. 35 ; 2 Thess. ii.
3, 6, 8). Moreover, even according to our interpretation, a divine revelation
is meant, by which there is certainly brought to light a μυστήριον, namely,
the connection of the phenomenon with the divine ὀργή. According to
1 The idea of the divine ὀργή is diamet-
rically opposed to every conception of sin
as anecessity interwoven with human de-
velopment. Even Lactantius has aptly re-
marked, de ira Dei, v.9: “51 Deus non iras-
citur impiis et injustis, nec pios justosque
diligit ; in rebus enim diversis aut in ut-
ramque partem moveri necesse est, aut in
neutram.”
2 In this case it cannot make any differ-
ence whether (God is or is not the revealing
subject, as is most plainly seen from Matt.
qa bly
CHAP. 1., 18. 55
others, Paul means the inward revelation of the divine wrath, given by
means of reason and conscience (Ambrosiaster, Wolf, and others, including
Reiche and Gléckler), in support of which view they appeal to ver. 19.
But, on the contrary, ax’ οὐρανοῦ requires us to understand an ἀποκάλυψις
cognizable by the senses ; and ver. 19 contains not the mode of the manifesta-
tion of wrath, but its moving cause (διότι). Others hold that the ἀποκάλυψις
of the divine wrath has come through the Gospel (‘‘ continens minas,” Grotius),
and that ἐν αὐτῷ is to be again supplied from ver. 17. So Aquinas, Bellar-
mine, Corn. ἃ Lapide, Estius, Grotius, Heumann, Semler, Morus, Béhme,
Benecke, Maier ; comp. Umbreit, who includes also the Old Testament. It
is decisive against this view that az’ οὐρανοῦ, just because it is parallel to
ἐν αὐτῷ in ver. 17, lays down a mode of manifestation quite different from
ἐν αὐτῷ. Had the latter been again in Paul’s mind here, he would have
repeated it with emphasis, as he has repeated the ἀποκαλύπτεται. Others hold
that the manifestation of wrath at the general judgment is meant (Chrysos-
tom, Theodoret, Theophylact, Oecumenius, Toletus, Limborch, Koppe,
Philippi, Reithmayr, and Ewald). The present, considered in itself, might
be chosen in order to express a vivid realization of the future, or might be
accounted for by the ἐν αὐτῷ, which, it is alleged, is to be again mentally
supplied (Ewald) ; but the former explanation is to be rejected on account
of the preceding purely present ἀποκαλ. in ver. 17 ; and against the latter
may be urged the very fact, that ἐν αὐτῷ is not repeated. Had this been the
meaning, moreover, the further course of the exposition must have borne
reference to the general judgment, which it by no means does ; and there-
fore this interpretation is opposed to the connection, as well as unwarranted
by i. 5 (where the mention of the revelation of judgment belongs to quite a
different connection) ; and not required by the idea of ἀποκαλύπτειν itself,
since that idea is adequately met by the divine matter-of-fact revelation of
wrath here intended (see above), and besides, the word is repeated inten-
tionally for rhetorical effect. Lastly, while others have contented themselves
with leaving the ἀποκάλυψις here in its entire generality (Olshausen, Tholuck ;
comp. Calovius), and thus relieved themselves from giving any explanation
of it, the reference to the religion of the O. T. (Bengel and Flatt) seems
entirely arbitrary and groundless, and the interpretations which apply it to
evils generally affecting the world as an expression of the divine wrath (Hof-
mann), or to the external and internal distress of the time (Baumgarten-Cru-
sius), are too general and indefinite, and thereby devoid of any concrete
import in keeping with the text. —éri πᾶσ. ἀσέβ. x. adix. ἀνθρ.] contains the
hostile direction (comp. Dem. 743, 22) of the ἀποκαλύπτεται . . .. οὐρανοῦ :
against every ungodliness and immorality of men, which, etc. ’AcéBeca and
ἀδικία ' are distinguished as irreligiousness and immorality, so that both describe
the improbitas, but under different aspects, in reference to the fear of God
and to the standard of morals ; hence the former, as involving the idea of
impiety, is the stronger expression.?, That the distinction between them is
1 Plat. Prot. Ὁ. 823 ἘΠ: Xen. Cyr. viii. 8, 7; 2 Comp. Dem. 548, 11: ἀσέβημα, οὐκ ἀδίκημα
Tittmann, Synon. N. T. p. 48. μόνον.
δ0 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
not to be understood, with Kéllner, following Theophylact, Grotius, Calo-
vius, Wolf, and many others, as profanitas in Deum and injuria in proximum,
is proved by the following ἐν ἀδικίᾳ κατεχ. ---- τῶν τ. ἀλήθ. ἐν ἀδικ. Katey. | who
keep down the truth through immorality, do not let it develop itself into
v power and influence on their religious knowledge and their moral condition.
The article (quippe qui) introduces that characteristic of the ἀνθρώπων, not
yet more precisely defined, which excites the divine wrath. Rightly in the
Vulgate : corwm qui. See Winer, p. 127 [E. T. 134]. It may be paraphras-
ed: ‘‘of those, I mean, who.” Comp. Kiihner, ad Xen. Anab. ii. 7, 13.
Bengel, moreover, aptly remarks : ‘‘ veritas in mente nititur et urget, sed
homo eam impedit.” This is the peculiar, deeply unfortunate, constant
self-contradiction of the heathen character.’ On κατέχειν, to hinder, comp. 2
Thess. 11. 6 ; Luke iv. 42 ; 1 Macc. vi. 37.525 Against the interpretation of
Michaelis, Koppe, and Baur, who take κατέχειν here as meaning to possess (1
Cor. vil. 80 ; 2 Cor. vi. 10), ‘‘ who possess the truth-in anrighteousness, who
know what God’s will is, and yet sin,” ver. 21 is decisive, where the contin-
uous possession of the truth is negatived by ἐματαιώθησαν . . . καρδία ; where-
fore also it cannot be rendered with Melanchthon and van Hengel : who
hold the truth in the bondage of immorality (vii. 6 ; Gen. xxxix. 20, xlii. 19).
The ἀλήθεια is correctly interpreted in the sense of divine truth generally ;
the mode of revelation, in which it is presented to man’s knowledge, is fur-
nished by the context, here, by ver. 19 f., as the truth apparent by natural
revelation in the works of God ; not therefore in the sense of the doctrine of
the Gospel, which is hindered in its diffusion by Jews and Gentiles (Ammon,
comp. Ewald). —év ἀδικία) instrumental. To make it equivalent to ἀδίκως
(Reiche, following Theophylact, Beza, Calvin, Piscator, Raphel, and others ;
comp. ἐν δυνάμει in ver. 4) arbitrarily deprives the representation of an ele-
ment essential to its fulness and precision, and renders it tame ; for it is
self-evident that the κατέχειν τ. ἀλ. is unrighteous or sinful, but not so much
so that it takes place through sin. — Finally, it is to be noted that Paul,
in ἀνθρώπ. (correlative of Θεοῦ) τῶν τ. ἀλήθ. ἐν ἀδικ. Katey., expresses himself
quite generally, making apparent by ἀνθρώπ. the audacity of this God-oppos-
ing conduct ; but he means the Gentiles, as is indicated even by ἐν ἀδικίᾳ
(comp. 1 Cor. vi. 1), and as is confirmed beyond doubt by the continuation
of the discourse in ver. 19 ff. Koppe supposed that Paul meant the Jews
especially, but included also the Gentiles ; Benecke, that he speaks of the
whole human race in general, which view Mehring specially defends. But
the peculiar character of what is contained in vy. 21-82 shows that the Jews
are to be entirely excluded from the description which is carried on to the
end of the chapter. It is not till ch. ii. 1 that the discourse passes over to
them, and makes them suddenly see themselves reflected in the Gentile
mirror,
Ver. 19. Διότι] propterea quod—only to be separated by a comma from the
foregoing—specifies more precisely the causal relation, on account of which the .
1Comp. Nigelsbach, Homer. Theol. I. Ὁ. 2 Plat. Phaed. Ὁ. 117 C; Soph. #7. 754;
ΤΠ ἘΠ Pind. Jsthm. iii. 2, and Dissen in loc.
CHAPS 1.5719, 57
wrath of God comes upon such men, etc. (ver. 18). They keep down the
truth through immorality ; if they did so out of ignorance, they would be
excusable : but they do not do so out of ignorance, and therefore God’s wrath
is manifested against them. This view of the connection is suggested by the
literal meaning of διότι itself, and confirmed by εἰς τὸ εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἀναπολογ.
Comp. Hofmann. So also Fritzsche, who, however, takes διότε as equivalent
to yap, as does also Philippi,—a use of it that never occurs, not even in Acts
xviii. 10. This linguistically erroneous interpretation of διότε condemns also
the view of Tholuck, Riickert, de Wette, and Reithmayr, who discover here
the proof, that the Gentiles keep down the truth by immorality ; or (so Th.
Schott) that Paul rightly describes them as κατέχοντες κιτ.Δ. No; for the
very reason that they have the γνωστὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, Which renders them iénexrcus-
able, does the wrath of God go forth against the κατέχοντες ; ver. 18. —rd
γνωστὸν tov Θεοῦ] that which is known concerning God, not: that which is
knowable concerning God, a signification which, though adopted by Origen,
Theophylact, Oecumenius, Erasmus, Beza, Castalio, Calvin, Piscator, Estius,
Grotius, Wolf, Koppe, Riickert, Kéllner, Baumgarten-Crusius, Maier,
Ewald, Umbreit, Mehring, Hofmann, and others, is never conveyed by γνωστός
in the N. T. or in the LXX. and Apocrypha, though it frequently occurs in
classic authors.’ In all the places where it occurs in the Scriptures, as also,
though less frequently, in the classics,? it means quod notum est (Vulgate),
and is therefore equivalent to γνωτός or γνώριμος, also in Acts iv. 16 ; Eccles.
xxi. 7. The opposite: ἄγνωστος, Acts xvii. 23. Comp. Luther, 1545:
“das (nicht : dass) man weiss, das (nicht : dass) Gott sei.” That which is
known of God excludes that which needed a special revelation to make it
known, as in particular the contents of the Gospel ; the former is derived
from the general revelation of nature. If we should take γνωστόν as know-
able, the assertion of the Apostle would be incorrect without some limiting
qualification ; for the positively revealed belonged to that which was know-
able, but not to that which was known of God,* into which category it was
brought only through special revelation, which it would otherwise not have
needed. —év αὐτοῖς] i.e. in their consciousness, ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις αὐτῶν, 11. 15.
Comp. Gal. i. 16. The explanation inter ipsos, which Erasmus and Grotius
(both referring it arbitrarily to the Gnosis of the philosophers among the
Gentiles), K6llIner and Baumgarten-Crusius give, is to be rejected for this
reason, that αὐτοῖς ἐφανέρωσε, compared with νοούμενα καθορᾶται, points to a
manifestation of the γνωστόν τοῦ Θεοῦ which is inward, although conveyed
through the revelation of nature. — ἐφανέρωσε] God—and this subject is
1 See the passages from Plato quoted by
Ast, Zex. I. p. 401; Dorvill. ad Charit. p.
502; Hermann, ad Soph. Oed. T. 361; comp.
ἄγνωστος, which in Plato invariably means
unknowable.
2Xen. Cyr. vi. 3, 4: Arrian. pict. ii. 20,
4; Aesch. Choeph. 702; Beck, Antiatt. p. 87,
25:
3 Which, however, is not to be trans-
formed, with Fritzsche, Tholuck, Krehl,
and others, into the subjective scientia Dei
—which has no precedent in usage, is un-
suitable to the following φανερόν ἐστι, and
is not to be supported even by the LXX.
Gen. ii. 9; in which passage, if the text be
not corrupted, τὸ ξύλον τοῦ εἰδέναι γνωστόν
καλοῦ κ. πονηροῦ must be rendered : the tree
by which they were to learn what is known
of good and evil, 7.e. by which they were to
become aware of that which they—by the
very enjoyment—had known of good and
evil.
58 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
again named with emphasis—ias laid it clearly before them, made it lie
openly before their view as an object of knowledge. Comp. on the matter
itself Acts xiv. 17, xvii. 26 f. ; 1 Cor. i. 21.
Ver. 20 f. Τὰ γὰρ ἀόρατα. . . . θειότης] Giving a reason for, and explain-
ing, the previous ὁ Θεὸς γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐφανέρωσε. --- τὰ ἀόρατα αὐτοῦ] His invisible
things, the manifold invisible attributes, that constitute His nature. [See
Note XI. p. 77.] Paul himself explains it afterwards by ἡ ἀΐδιος αὐτοῦ δύναμις
καὶ θειότης ; therefore it is not actiones Dei invisibiles (Fritzsche ; comp.
Theodoret). —vootyeva καθορᾶται] through the works are scen becoming dis-
cerned ; νοούμενα Aefines the manner in which the καθορᾶται takes place,
otherwise than through the senses (the νοεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ὄμμασι θεωρεῖν, Plat.
Rep. p. 529 B), in so far as it is effected by means of mental discernment, by
the agency of intelligent perception. The καθορᾶται forms with ἀόρατα a strik-
ing oxymoron, in which the compound selected for that purpose, but not
elsewhere occurring in the N. T., heightens still further the idea conveyed
by the simple form.*— τοῖς ποιήμασι] embraces all that God as Creator has
produced, but does not at the same time include His governing in the world
of history, as Schneckenburger thinks, Beitr. p. 102 f.; for NWN, with
which ποίημα corresponds (LXX. Eccles. iii. 11, vii. 18, al.), is the formal
expression for God’s works of creation ; as also Paul himself, in Eph. ii. 10,
describes the renewing of man as analogous to creation. It is only of the
works of creation that the Apostle could assert what he here says, especially:
Since, moreover, τοῖς ποιήμασι, by means of
the works, contains the instrumental definition appended to νοούμενα καθορᾶται,
ἀπὸ κτίσ. κόσμου cannot be taken in a causal sense (see Winer, p. 348 [E. T.
9107), as the mediwm cognoscendi (so' Luther and many others, including
- Calovius, Pearson, Homberg, Wolf, Heumann, Morus, and Reithmayr), but
only in the sense of temporal beginning : since the creation of the world
they are so perceived. —# Te ἀΐδιος αὐτοῦ div. x. θειότης] A more precise
definition of the previous τὰ ἀόρατα αὐτοῦ. ’ Aidsoc, everlasting, belongs to
both substantives ; but «ai annexes the general term, the category, of which
the δύναμις is a species. See Fritzsche ad Matt. p. 80. Its relation to the
preceding τέ consists in its completing the climax and cumulation, for
which τέ prepares the way. Hartung, Partikell. I. p. 98. Hofmann is un-
supported by linguistic usage in inferring from the position of τέ, that ἀΐδιος
is not meant to apply also to θειότης. It is just that position that makes
ἀΐδιος the common property of both members (see especially Hartung, /.c. p.
116 f.), so that, in order to analyze the form of the conception, we may again
supply ἡ ἀΐδιος αὐτοῦ after καὶ. The θειότης is the totality of that which
as he adds ἀπὸ κτίσεως κόσμου.
1Comp, Xen. Cyr. iii. 8, 31: εἰ yao. .
ἡμᾶς οἱ πολέμιοι θεάσονται. . . . πάλιν καθο-
Pind. Pyth. ix. 45. :
On the oxymoron
itself, comp. Aristotle, de mundo, 6, p. 399,
21. Bekk: ἀθεώρητος ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν τῶν ἔργων
θεωρεῖται (ὃ θεός).
2Not merely to νοούμενα (Hofmann),
which is closely bound up with καθορᾶται as
ρῶντες ἡμῶν TO πλῆθος.
οἷσθα.. .. εὖ καθορᾷς.
showing the manner of it, so that both
together are defined instrumentally by tots
ποιήμασι. On νοεῖν, aS denoting the intel-
lectual animadvertere in seeing (Hom. 124. A.
599, in the inverse position: τὸν δὲ ἰδὼν
ἐνόησε), comp. Nigelsb. z. Jdias, Ὁ. 416, ed. 3;
Duncan, ed. Rost, p. 787.
3 Stallbaum, ad Plat. Crit. p. 48 B.;
Schaefer, Poet. gnom. p. 73; Schoemann,
CHAP. I., 20. 59
God is as a Being possessed of divine attributes, as Aeov,—the collective sum
of the divine realities.! This comprehensive sense must by no means be lim-
ited. The eternal power—this aspect of His θειότης which comes into prom-
inence at first and before all others—and the divinity of God in its collect-
ive aspect, are rationally perceived and discerned by means of His works.
Arbitrary is the view of Reiche, who holds that Paul means especially
wisdom and goodness, which latter Schneckenburger conceives to be intended ;
and also that of Hofmann (comparing Acts xvii. 29; 2 Pet. i. 4), that the
spiritual nature of the divine being is denoted. We may add that Rickert
holds the strange view, that θειότης, which could not properly be predicated
of God, is only used here by Paul for want of another expression. It might
be and was necessarily said of God, as being the only adequate comprehensive
expression for the conception that was to be denoted thereby. For analo-
gous references to the physico-theological knowledge of God, see Wetstein,
and Spiess, Logos spermaticos, 1871, Ὁ. 212. The suggestion of Philo as the
ge
Apostle’s scource (Schneckenburger) is out of the question. Observe
further how completely, in our passage, the transcendental relation of God to ~
the world—the negation of all identity of the two—lies at the foundation
of the Apostle’s view. It does not exclude the immanence of God in the
world, but it excludes all pantheism. See the passages from the Ὁ. T. dis-
cussed in Umbreit. —ei¢ τὸ εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἀναπολ.] has its logically correct ref-
erence to the immediately preceding τὰ γὰρ ἀόρατα . . . . θειότης, and there-
fore the parenthesis, in which Griesbach and others have placed τὰ yap ἀόρ.
. . νον θειότης, must be expunged. The εἰς cannot be said of the result, as
Luther, and many others, including Reiche, K6llner, de Wette; Riickert,
Fritzsche, Reithmayr, Philippi, Ewald, following the Vulgate (fa ut sint
inexcusabiles), have understood it ; for the view, which takes it of the pur-
pose, is not only required by the prevailing usage of εἰς with the infinitive?
(see on 2 Cor. viii. 6), but is also more appropriate to the connection, because
the καθορᾶται is conceived as a result effected through God’s revelation of
Himself (ver. 19), and consequently the idea of the divine purpose in εἰς τὸ
εἶναι k.7.A. ig not to be arbitrarily dismissed. Comp. Erasmus (‘‘ne quid
haberent,” etc.), Melanchthon (‘‘ propter quas causas Deus,” ete.), Beza, Calvin
(“ὧν hoe ut’), Bengel, and others. But Chrysostom, even in his time, ex-
pressly opposes this view (comp. also Oecumenius), and at a later period it
ad 75. p. 325 f.; also Winer,
559].
10n the difference between this word
p. 520) [ἘΞ 1 Appropriately rendered in Vulgate by d-
vinitas.
2 Kis, with an infinitive having the article,
and θεότης (Col. ii. 9), which denotes Deitas,
Godhead, the being God, see Elsner, Odss. p
6, and Fritzsche in foc. Van Hengel has er-
roneously called in question the distinction.
In Wisd. xviii. 9, namely, ὁ τῆς θειότητος
νόμος is not the law of the Godhead, but the
law whose nature and character is divinity
—of a divine kind; and in Lucian, de
Calumn. 17, ἡ Ηφαιστίωνος θειότης is the di-
vinity of Hephaestion, his divine quality.
In Plutarch θειότης very frequently occurs.
is not used in a single passage, of the Epistle
to the Romans in particular, in any other
than a ¢elic sense. Seei. 11, iii. 26, iv. 11, 16,
18, vi. 12, vii. 4, 5, viii. 29, xi. 11, xii. 2, 3, xv.
8, 18,16. Far too hastily de Wette terms this
interpretation in our passage senseless,
and Baumgarten-Crusius agrees with him.
Tholuck calls it grammatical terrorism.
Hofmann recognizes the telic view as the
true one in all cases where εἰς is used with
the infinitive.
00 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
became a subject of contention between the Lutherans and the Reformed.
See Calovius. The view, which interprets it of the result, hesitates to admit
the conception of a divine decree, under which Paul places the inexcusable-
ness of men ; and yet not only may this stand to the perception of God from
His works which has existed since the beginning in the relation of result,
but, in accordance with the thoroughly Scriptural idea of destiny (comp.
6.0. V. 20), it must stand to it in the relation of that decree. In this con-
nection, which inserts the results in the divine counsel, the inexcusableness
of man appears as telically given with the self-manifestation of God. Ver. 21,
as in general even ver. 18, contains the perverse conduct of men manifesting
itself in the course of human history, on account of which God, who foresaw
it, has in His natural self-manifestation made their inexcusableness His aim.
Inexcusable they are intended to be ; and that indeed on account of the fact,
that, although they had known God (namely from that natural revelation), they
have not glorified Him as God. — διότι] as in ver. 19, only to be separated by
a comma from what precedes : inexcusable on this account, because. [See
Note XII. p. 78,]—yvévrec] not : cum agnoscere potwissent (Flatt, Nielsen ;
also as early as Oecumenius) ; nor yet : although they knew God, so that it
would be contemporaneous with οὐχ . .. . ἐδόξασαν. So Philippi and van
Hengel ; also Delitzsch, bibl. Psychol. Ὁ. 846. They had attained the
knowledge from the revelation of nature (for to this, according to vv. 19,
20, we must refer it, and not, with Rickert, to the history in Genesis of the
original revelation), but only actu directo, so far as that same sclf-manifesta-
tion of God had presented itself objectively to their cognition ; the actus
reflecus remained absent (comp. Delitzsch, Ὁ. 347), and with them who
keep down the truth ἐν ἀδικίᾳ, ver. 18, the issue was not to the praise of
God, ete. ; so that γνόντες is thus previous to the οὐχ. . . . ἐδόξασαν. Paul
sets forth the historical emergence of that for which they were inexcusable.
They had known God, and yet it happened that they did not praise Him,
etc. —ovy ὡς Θεὸν ἐδόξασαν ἢ niyap.| It would have been becoming for them
to have rendered to God as such, agreeably to His known nature, praise and
thanks ; but they did neither the one nor the other. Regarding ὡς in the
sense : according to the measure of His divine quality, comp. on John 1. 14.
The praising and thanksgiving exhaust the notion of the adoration, which
they should have offered to God. —aawv ἐματ. ἐν τοῖς διαλ. αὐτῶν] but they
were frustrated in their thoughts (comp. 1 Cor. iii. 20), so that the concep-
tions, ideas, and reflections, which they formed for themselves regarding
the Deity, were wholly devoid of any intrinsic value corresponding with the
truth. Comp. Eph. iv. 17. The ματαιότης is a specific attribute of heathen-
ism. Jer. ii. 5; 2 Kings xvii. 5; Ps. xciv. 11. Comp. also Acts xiv. 15 ;
Judith νἱ. 4. -- καὶ ἐσκοτίσθη x.7.A.] forms a climax to the foregoing. Comp.
Eph. iv. 18, i. 18. Their heart that had been rendered by the ἐματαιώθησαν
unintelligent, incapable of discerning the true and right, became dark,
completely deprived of the light of the divine ἀλήθεια that had come to
them by the revelation of nature. καρδία, like 32, denotes the whole internal
scat of life, the power which embraces all the activity of reason and will
within the personal consciousness. Comp. on Eph, i. 18 ; Delitzsch, p. 250.
CHAP. I., 22, 23. 61
To take ἀσύνετος here in a proleptic sense (see on Matt. xii. 18) is quite inap-
propriate, because it destroys the climax. Comp. moreover on ἀσύνετος,
Wisd. xi. 15; as also on the entire delineation of Gentile immorality, ver.
20 ff. ; Wisd. xiiixv. This passage as a whole, and in its details, pre-
sents unmistakable reminiscences of this section of the book of Wisdom.’
Without reason Tholuck argues against this view.
Vv. 22, 23. In a false conceit of wisdom (comp. 1 Cor. i. 17 ff.) this took
place (viz. what has just been announced in ἐματαιώθησαν . . « καρδία), and
what a horrible actual result it had !— The construction is independent, no
longer hanging on the διότε in ver. 21 (Gléckler, Ewald); the further
course of the matter is described. While they said that they were wise (comp.
1 Cor. iii. 21), they became foolish. Comp. Jer. x. 24 f. This becoming
foolish must be understood as something sel/-incwrred—produced through
the conceit of independence—as is required by the description of God’s
retribution on them in ver. 24 ; therefore the ‘‘ dirigente Deo,” which Grotius
understands along with it in accordance with 1 Cor. i, 21, is here foreign to
the connection. The explanation of Kéllner, Baumgarten-Crusius, and
others, including Usteri : ‘‘ they have shown, themselves as fools,” is erroneous,
because the aorist passive in ver. 21 does not admit of a similar rendering.
—For examples of φάσκειν, dictitwre, in the sense of unfounded assertion
(Acts xxiv. 9, xxv. 19; Rev. 11. 2), see Raphel, Xenoph. and Kypke.
Comp. Dem. Phil. i. 46, iii. 9 ; Herodian, ii. 12, 9. Their pretended
wisdom was a μάταιος δοξοσοφία, Plat. Soph. p. 231 B. We may add that
this definition is not aimed at the Gentile philosophers, who came much later,
and in fact did not do what is declared in ver. 23 (comp. Calvin), but gen-
erally at the conceit of wisdom (1 Cor. i. 21), which is necessarily connected
with an estrangement from divine truth, and from which therefore idolatry
also, with its manifold self-invented shapes, must have proceeded. For
heathenism is not the primeval religion, from which man might gradually
have risen to the knowledge of the true God, but is, on the contrary, the
result of a falling away from the known original revelation of the true
God in His works. Instead of the practical recognition and preservation
of the truth thus given comes the self-wisdom rendering them foolish,
and idolatry in its train. —«al ἤλλαξ. «.7.2.] and they exchanged the maj-
esty of the imperishable God for a likeness of an image of a perishable man,
etc., i.e. instead of making, as they ought to have done, the glory of the
eternal God manifested to them in the revelation of nature—W7) 133, i.e.
His glorious perfection (ver. 20)—the object of their adoration, they chose
for that purpose what was shaped like an image of ὦ perishable man, etc. 5
comp. Ps. cvi. 20; Jer. ii, 11. The ἐν (comp. Ecclus. vii. 18) is instru-
mental, as is elsewhere the simple dative (Herod. vii. 152 ; Soph. Niob. fr.
400, Dind.) : thereby, that they made and adored such an ὁμοίωμα, and on
the other hand rejected the glory of God, which they ought to have wor-
shipped. Comp. LXX. Ps. 1.6. ; ἠλλάξαντο τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν ἐν ὁμοιώματι
μόσχου." Itis not mere similarity, but conformity with the object of compari-
1 See Nitzsch in the Deutsch. Zeitschr. 1850, 2 On the genitive εἰκόνος comp. also 1 Mace.
Ῥ. 387 ; Bleek in the Stud. τι. Krit. 1858, Ὁ. 8401, ἢ]. 48; Rev. ix: 7; and on ὁμοίωμα itself in
7
<
62 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
son concerned as agreeing therewith in appearance.'— καὶ rerewv. k. τετραπ. K.
épz.| No doubt as Paul, in using ἀνθρώπου, thought of the forms of the
Hellenic gods, so in zerevv. «.7.4. he had in his mind the Egyptian worship
of animals (Ibis, Apis, serpents).? We may add that, like the previous
φθαρτοῦ ἀνθρώπου, the genitives πετεινῶν x.7.A. are dependent on εἰκόνος, not on
ὁμοιώματι (van Hengel), which is less natural and not required by the singu-
lar εἰκόνος, that in fact refers to each particular instance in which a man,
birds, etc. were copied for purposes of divine adoration by means of statues
and other representations.
Ver. 24. Wherefore (as a penal retribution for their apostasy) God also gave
them up in the lusts of their hearts to impurity. [See Note XIII. p. 78.] καὶ,
also, indicates the giving up as a thing corresponding to the guilt, Comp.
on Phil. 11. 9. ---ἐν ταῖς ἐπιθ. τ. x. αὐτ.] contains that, in which they were in-
volved, i.e. the moral condition in which they were found when they were
given up by God to impurity. Comp. ver. 27 ; Eph. ii. 3 ; Bernhardy, p.
209. The instrumental rendering (Erasmus, Er. Schmid, Gléckler, and
Krehl) is unnecessary, because the immediate literal sense of év is quite suf-
ficient, and the former is less suitable as to sense, since it conveys something
which is obvious of itself. — παρέδωκεν) expresses the real active giving up
on the part of God. The favourite explanation of it by εἴασε, so often resort-
ed to since Origen and Chrysostom, is nothing but a rationalizing gloss at
variance with the literal meaning. To the Apostle God is the living God,
who does not passively permit the retributive consequences of fidelity or of
apostasy—thus, as it were, letting them run their course, as an artificer does
with his wheel work—but Himself, everywhere active, pervades and effect-
ively develops the arrangements which He has made. If then God has so
arranged that man by apostasy from Him should fall into moral impurity,
and that thus sin shall be punished by sin (and this connection of sin with
sin is in accordance both with experience and Scripture, Is. vi.10 ; Job viii.
4; Ps. lxix. 28, lxxxi. 13 ; Mark iv. 12), this arrangement can only be car-
ried out in reality through the effective action of its originator ; and God
Himself must give up the apostates unto impurity, inasmuch as it is by His
doing that that moral connection is in point of fact accomplished.* Con-
sequently, if the understanding of παρέδωκεν in its strictly proper and posi-
tive meaning is quite in keeping with the universal agency of God, in His
physical and moral government of the world, without, however, making
God appear as the author of sin, which, on the contrary, has its root in the
the sense of likeness, v. 14, vi. 5, viii. 3;
Phil. ii. 7; Ecclus. xxxvili. 28 ; 2 Kings xvi.
Dougtaeus, Anal. 69, p. 102, Grotius and
Wetstein.
10; Isa. xl. 18; 1 Sam. vi. 5; Plat. Phaedr.
p. 250 A; Parm. Ὁ. 182 D.
1 See also Holsten, z. Hv. des Paul. u. Petr.
p. 440; Pfleidererin Hilgenfeld’s Zeitschr. Ὁ.
523 f.
2 Philo. Leg. ad. Caj. p. 566, 570. For
passages from profane authors respecting
the folly (at which the $@aprod here also
points) of image-worship, see especially
3Comp. Acts vii. 42; Rom. ix. 19; also
2 Thess. ii. 11 f.; and the rabbinical passages
quoted by Schoettgen, especially from Pirke
Aboth, c. 4: ‘‘Festina ad praeceptum ijeve
tanquam ad grave, et fuge transgressionem;
praeceptum enim trahit praeceptum ct
transgressio transgressionem : quia merces
praecepti praeceptum est, et transgressionis
transgressio.
CHAP. I., 24. 63
ἐπιθυμίαι τ. kapd., We must reject as insufficient the privative interpretation *
that became current after Augustine and Oecumenius, which Calovius has
adopted in part, and Riickert chanel Comp. Philippi, who thinks of the
withdrawal of the Divine Spirit and its results, though in the sense of a posi-
tive divine infliction of punishment. This withdrawal, through which man
is left in the lurch by God, is the immediate negative precursor of the rapé-
δωκεν (Eeclus. iv. 19). Reiche thinks that Paul here avails himself, with more
or less consciousness of its being erroneous, of the general view of the Jews
regarding the origin of the peculiar wickedness of the Gentiles (Ps. ΠΣ
18 ; Prov. xxi. 8; Ecclus. iv. 19; Wisd. x. 12, xiii. 1; Acts vii. 42) 5 an
that this representation of moral ae avity asa divine ἐπ ετ is to be Ἢ
tinguished from the Christian doctrinal system of the Apostle. But how very
inconsistent it is with the character of Paul thus consciously to bring forward
what is erroneous, and that too with so solemn a repetition (vv. 26, 28) And
is it not an arrangement accordant with experience, that apostasy from God
is punished by an ever deeper fall into immorality ? Can this arrangement,
made as it is by God ‘‘ justo judicio” (Calvin), be carried out otherwise than
by God? Analogous are even heathen sayings, such as Aesch. Agam. 764
ff., and the heathen idea of the θεοβλάβεια." But just as man, while his
fidelity is rewarded by God through growth in virtue, remains withal free
and does not become a virtuous machine ; so also he retains his freedom,
while God accomplishes the development of His arrangement, in accordance
with which gin is born of sin. He gives himself up (Eph. iv. 19), while he
is given up by God to that tragic nexus of moral destiny ; and he becomes
no machine of sin, but possesses at every moment the capacity of μετάνοια,
which the very reaction resulting from the feeling of the most terrible mis-
ery of sin—punished through sin—is designed to produce. Therefore, on the
one hand, man always remains responsible for his deterioration (ver. 32, ii. 6,
iii. 5, vii. 14) ; and, on the other, that punishment of sin, in which the teleo-
logical law of the development of evil fulfils itself, includes no contradiction
of the holiness of God. For this reason the view of Kéllner—that the Apos-
tle’s idea is to be separated from its Jewish and temporal form, and that we
must assume as the Christian truth in it, that the apostasy of men from God
has brought them into deepest misery, as certainly as the latter is self-inflict-
ed—is a superfluous unexegetical evasion, to which Fritzsche also has re-
course. — ἀκαθαρσίαν] spurcitia, impurity, and that lustful (comp. Gal. v. 19 ;
Eph. iv. 19 ; Col. iii. 5), as is plain from the following context ; not gen-
erally : ‘all action and conduct dishonouring the creaturely glory of man”
(Hofmann). The τοῦ ἀτιμάζεσθαι may be taken either as the genitive of the
purpose : that they might be dishonoured (Riickert, Philippi, van Hengel),
1 Τῷ is at bottom identical with the per-
missive rendering. Therefore Chrysostom
not only explains it by εἴασεν, but illustrates
the matter by the instance of a general who
leaves his soldiers in the battle, and thus
deprives them of his aid, and abandons
them to the enemy. Theodoret explains
it: τῆς οἰκείας προμηθείας ἐγύμνωσε, and em-
ploys the comparison of an abandoned ves-
sel. Theophylact illustrates the παρέδωκεν
by the example of a physician who gives
up a refractory patient (παραδίδωσιν αὐτὸν
τῷ ἐπὶ πλέον νοσεῖν).
2 Comp. also Ruhnken, ad Vellej. ii. 57, 8.
64 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
or as the genitive of more precise definition depending on ἀκαθαρσ. (impurity
of the becoming dishonoured, t.e. which consisted therein ; so Fritzsche, Winer,
Tholuck, and de Wette). The latter’ is the more probable, partly because
the ἀτιμάζεσϑαι «.7.A. already constitutes the impurity itself, and does not
merely attend it as a result ; and partly on account of the parallel in ver.
28, where ποιεῖν x.7.A. is likewise eperegetical. ἀτιμάζεσϑαι is not however the
middle, whereby the αὐτοπαϑές would be expressed, for which there is no
empirical usage, but the passive: that their bodies were dishonoured among
themselves, mutually. This ἐν ἑαυτοῖς refers to the persons (αὐτῶν, not to be
written αὑτῶν), not asserting that the ἀτιμάζεσϑαι takes place on themselves,
which is in fact already conveyed by τὰ σώματα αὐτῶν," but rather based on
the nature of participation in unchastity, according to which they bring one
on the other reciprocally the dishonouring of the body. In this personal reci-
procity of those who practise unchastity with each other lies the character-
istic abominableness of the dishonouring of the body ; and this point is des-
ignated by ἐν ἑαυτοῖς more expressly, because in contrast to non-participating
third persons, than it would have been by ἐν aaagaow.* —The vices of un-
chastity, which moreover are still here referred to quite generally (it is other-
wise in ver. 26 f.), and not specially as unnatural, according to their dis-
graceful nature, in whatever forms they may have been practised, are specifi-
cally heathen (in fact, even partially belonging to the heathen ecultws), as a
consequence of apostasy from the true God (comp. 1 Thess. iv. 5). As they
again prevail even among Christians, wherever this apostasy spreads through
unbelief, they must verify even in Christendom their heathen nature, and,
along with the likewise essentially heathen πλεονεξία, pre-eminently exclude
from the salvation of the Messiah (Eph. v. 5 f.; Col. iii. 5 ; 1 Cor. vi. 9 f.).
—With ἀτιμάζ. τ. σώμ. compare the opposite, 1 Thess. iv. 4, where τὸ ἑαυτοῦ
σκεῦος must be explained of the body as the vessel of the Ego proper.
Ver. 25. Οἵτενες μετήλλαξαν κ.τ.}.} as those who exchanged, etc. In this de-
scription of the character of those who are given up, attached to ver. 24,
Paul makes once more apparent the motive which determined God to give
them up. The words are a renewed tragic commentary (comp. vv. 22, 238)
on the διό, ver. 24. On ὅστις, guippe qui, which brings up the class to which
one belongs, and thereby includes the specification of the reason, see Her-
mann, ad Soph. Oed. R. 688 ; Matthiae, p. 1073. Hofmann erroneously
makes a relative protasis begin with οἵτινες, with which then διὰ τοῦτο x.7.A.,
ver. 26, would be connected by way of apodosis : them, who exchanged, etc.,
God has therefore given up. This would not be inconsistent with αὐτούς in
ver. 26, which would then be resumptive ; but the very praise of God, in
which ver. 25 terminates, and still more the concluding ἀμήν, which can only
indicate the end of the sentence (comp. ix. 5, xi. 86 ; Gal. i. 5 ; Eph. iii.
1See Buttmann, neut. Gr. p. 280 f. [E. T. semet ipsis. With the reading ἐν αὐτοῖς we
268].
2 Hofmann refers the reading which he
follows, ἐν αὐτοῖς, to the σώματα, but ex-
plains this: the body of each person in
himself ; consequently, as if the expression
were ἐν ἑαυτοῖς, and that in the sense in
should rather render it simply: in order
that among them (i.e. in their common inter-
course) their bodies should be dishonoured.
Such was to be the course of things among
them.
3 Kiihner ad Xen. Mem. ii. 6, 20.
CHAP. I., 25. 65
21), ought to have decidedly precluded such a forced intermixture of sen-
tences, which is not to be justified by subtleties. — The compound μετήλλ.
(exchanged) is more significant than ἤλλαξαν (changed) in ver. 23. — τὴν ἀλήϑ.
τοῦ Θεοῦ] to be taken entirely in harmony with the expression τὴν δόξαν τοῦ
Θεοῦ in ver. 23; therefore τοῦ Θεοῦ is to be taken as genitive of the subject :
the truth of God, the true divine reality,* so as to make it in point of actual
meaning, though not in the abstract form of the conception, identical with :
“true God” (Luther, and most expositors, including Riickert, de Wette,
Tholuck, Fritzsche, Philippi, van Hengel). It is differently rendered by
Wolf, whom Kdllner follows: the truth revealed to the Gentiles by God.
Reiche and Mehring (following Pareus, Camerarius, Estius, Seb. Schmid,
and Cramer) take it as the true knowledge of God, so that Θεοῦ would be geni-
tive of the object. Compare Piscator, Usteri, and Glickler, who understand
by it the original consciousness of God. Opposed to these views is the exact
parallel in which ver. 25 stands to ver. 23, so that τοῦ Θεοῦ ought not to be
taken without necessity as having a different reference in the two verses.
τὴν ἀλήϑ. τ. Θεοῦ is explained concretely by τὸν κτίσαντα in the second half of
the verse. — ἐν τῷ ψεύδει] with the lie ; ἐν as in ver. 23. By this Paul means,
in contrast to τὴν ἀλήϑ. τ. Θεοῦ (but otherwise than in iii. 7), the false
gods, which are κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν the ψεῦδος in conereto, the negation of the truth
of God. Comp. on 1 Cor. viii. 4 f., x. 20. Grotius has aptly said: ‘‘ pro
Deo vero sumserunt imaginarios.” ?— καὶ ἐσεβάσϑησαν. . . . κτίσαντα] More
precise explanation of the first clause of the verse. — ἐσεβ. k. éAatp.| The
former is general (coluerunt), the latter took place through sacrifices, and
other definite rites and services; hence Paul designates his own specific
service of God in ver. 8 by λατρεύω. σεβάζομαι, in Homer : to be afraid of (Ll.
vi. 167, 417), is employed in the later Greek like σέβομαι in the sense to
revere, Orph. Arg. 550, Aq. Hos. x. 5. In the N. T. it only occurs here. —
τῇ κτίσει] Corresponding with the verb standing next to it, so that the ac-
cusative is to be supplied with éceB. See Matthiae, ὃ 428, 2. — παρὰ τ. κτί-
σαντα] in the sense of comparison: prae creatore, in which case the context
alone decides whether the preference of the one before the other is only
relative, or whether it excludes the latter altogether (see on Luke xviii. 14 ;
and van Hengel on our passage). The second case is that which occurs
here, in accordance both with the nature of the case, seeing that the Gen-
tiles did not worship the Creator at all, and with the immediate connection
(μετήλλαξαν. . . . ἐν τῷ ψεύδε). The sense therefore substantially amounts
to praeterito creatore (Hilary), or relicto creatore (Cyprian), i.e. they honoured.
the creature and not the Creator, whom they ought to have honoured.
Theophylact says aptly, with reference to the comparative παρά : ἐκ τῆς ovy-
κρίσεως τὸ ἔγκλημα ἐπαίρων. So in substance also Beza, Estius, and others,
including Reiche, Tholuck, Olshausen, de Wette, Baumgarten-Crusius,
Krehl, Reithmayr, Maier, Philippi, van Hengel. The relative interpretation :
1 Not ‘the truth, which God Himself 48)" of His δόξα.
(Hofmann) ; but that, which God is in true 2 Comp. Is. xliv. 20; Jer. iii. 10, xiii. 25,
reality. Thatis just the adequate substance xvi. 19, αἰ. ; Philo, vit. Mos. p. 678 C, 679 A.
66 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
more than the Creator (Vulgate, Erasmus, Luther, Castalio, Grotius, Ammon,
Riickert, and others), is therefore in point of fact erroneous. The contra
ereatorem, which Hammond, Koppe, Flatt, Fritzsche, and Mehring find
here, may likewise be traced to the sense of comparison,’ but has against it
the fact, that in the whole context Paul presents the matter in the light of
a μετάλλαξις, of an exchanging the true for the false, not of hostility to the
true. From that point of view the Gentiles have worshipped the creature,
and not the Creator. Quite parallel is rap’ ἐκεῖνον in Luke, xviii. 14, Lachm.
— The doxology : who is praised, })12, not : celebrandus (comp. on Eph. i.
3; 2 Cor. xi. 31; Mark xiv. 61), for ever! Amen,—is a natural effusion of
deeply-moved piety, called forth by the detestable contrast of the Gentile
abominations just described, without any further special design (Koppe :
‘‘ne ipse in majestatem divinam injurius videri possit :)) comp. Tholuck).
Vv. 26. 27. Διὰ τοῦτο] Beginning an independent sentence (against Hof-
mann, see on ver. 25), refers to the description οἵτινες. . . .
tained in ver. 25. The giving up is set forth once more (comp. ver. 24, διό)
as the punishment of apostasy, and now indeed with such increasing force
of delineation, that out of the category which is kept quite general in ver.
24 unnatural sensual abominations are specially adduced. — εἰς πάϑη ἀτιμίας]
Genitive of quality.? Parallel to the passions of a disgraceful character is
εἰς ἀκαϑαρσίαν in ver. 24; comp. Col. iii. 5; but the stronger expression
here selected prepares the way for the following description of a pecul-
iarly abominable form of vice. Still the wnnatural element is not implied
in πάϑη ἀτιμίας itself (Hofmann: they are a dishonouring, not merely
of the body, but of ““ hwmanity’’), since morally dishonouring passions are
the agents, not only in the case of unnatural, but also in that of natural
unchastity.* — The expressions ϑήλειαι and ἄρσενες, their females and their
males, not γυναῖκες and ἄνδρες, are chosen because the predominant point
of view is simply that of sex; Reiche thinks: out of contempt, because
the words would also be used of beasts; but in fact, such unnatural
things are foreign to the very beasts. Besides, the words are used even
of the gods (Homer, 71. viii. 7, and frequently). — rv φυσικὴν χρῆσιν) of
their sex, not: of the male, which is unsuitable to the vice indicated.
Regarding χρῆσις in the sense of sexual use, see Wetstein and Kypke, also
Coray, ad Heliodor. Aeg., p. 31.4—That ὁμοίως δὲ καί after the preceding
τέ makes the latter an anakoluthon, is commonly assumed, but altogether
without foundation, because in τὲ γάρ the τέ does not necessarily require any
κτίσαντα COn-
Schoettgen, Hor. in loc.) was the so-called
Lesbian vice, λεσβιάζειν (Lucian, D. Mer. 5.
1See Bernhardy, p. 259; Winer, p. 377
[E. T. 404]; and the passages from Plato in
Ast. 1.65. III. p. 28.
2 Comp. on πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης in ver. 4, and
Bornemann, Schol. in Luc. p. 21.
3 Respecting τὲ yap, namgue, for...
indeed (vii. 7 ; 2 Cor. x. 8), see Hermann, σα
Soph. Trach. 1015; Hartung, I. p. 115; Klotz,
ad Devar. p. 749 ff.
4 How very prevalent among the Gentiles
(it was found also among the Jews, see
1), women with women abusing their sex
(tribades, in Tertullian jvrictrices), see Sal-
masius, foen. Trapez. Ὁ. 143 f., 152 f. ; and the
commentators on Ael. V. ZZ. iii. 19. Comp.
the ἑταιρίστριαι in Plat. Symp. Ὁ. 191 EH, and
the ἀσέλγεια τριβακή in Luc. Amor. 28; and
see Ruhnken. ad Tim. p. 124, and generally
Rosenbaum, Gesch. d. Lustseucheim Alterth.
ed. 2, 1845.
CHAP. I., 28. 67
correlative. See Klotz 1.5. If it were put correlatively, we should have
in ὁμοίως δὲ καί the other corresponding member really present (as is actually
the case, e.g. in Plat. Symp. p. 186 E), which however would in that case
inappropriately stand out with greater emphasis and weight than the former.’
The reading ré (instead of dé) in Elz., as well as the entire omission of the
particle (C, min., Origen, Jerome), is a too hasty emendation.
Stronger than the simple form.? Such a state is the πυροῦσϑαι in 1 Cor.
vii. 9. Moreover, Paul represents here not the heat that precedes the act of
unchastity, but that which is kindled in the act itself (κατεργαζόμενοι . .
arrohauBdvovtec). — ἄρσενες ἐν ἄρσεσι] whilst they, males on males, performed the
(known, from ver. 26) wnseemliness. On the emphatic juxtaposition of dpe.
ἐν ἄρσ. comp. generally Lobeck, ad Aj. 522, and in particular Porphyr. de
abstin. iv. 20 ; and Wetstein in loc. On κατεργάζεσϑαι, which is used both of
evil (ii. 9, vii. 9, xv. 17 1.) and good (v. 8, xv. 18; Phil. ii. 12), but which,
as distinguished from ἐργάζεσϑαι, always expresses the bringing to pass, the
accomplishment, comp. especially ii. 9, and van Hengel thereon ; 1 Cor. v.
3; 2 Cor. vii. 10, and the critical remarks thereon. On ἀσχημ. see Gen.
χχχίν. 7. --- τὴν ἀντιμισϑίαν «.7.A.] The aberration, which Paul means, see in
vy. 21-23, 28 ; it is the aberration from God to idols, not that implied in the
sexual perversion of the divine order (Hofmann), which perversion, on the con-
trary, is brought by διό in ver. 24, and by διά τοῦτο in ver. 26, under the
point of view of penal retribution for the πλάνη. By the recompense for the
πλάνη Paul does not at all mean that the men ‘‘ have that done to them by
their fellows, which they themselves do to theirs” (Hofmann), but rather, in har-
mony with the connection of cause and effect, the abominable wnnatural
lusts just described, to which God has given up the Gentiles, and thereby,
in recompensing godlessness through such wicked excesses (ver. 18), re-
vealed His ὀργή. Therefore also ἣν ἔδει is added, namely, in accordance
with the necessity of the holy divine order. See vv. 24, 26, 28. On ἀντι-
μισϑία comp. 2 Cor. vi. 13 ; Clem. Cor. Il. 1. It occurs neither in Greek
authors, who have the adjective ἀντίμισϑος (Aesch. Suppl. 273), nor in the
LXX. or Apocrypha. —év ἑαυτοῖς] on themselves mutually (ἐν ἀλλήλοις), as in
ver. 24. It enhances the sadness of the description. For a number of pas-
sages attesting the prevalence of unchastity between man and man, espe-
cially of paederastia among the Gentiles, particularly the Greeks (it was for-
bidden to the Jews in Lev. xviii. 22), see Becker, Charikl. I. p. 346 ff. ;
Hermann, Privatalterth. § 29; Bernhardy, Griech. Lit. ed. 2, p. 50 ff.
Moreover, Bengel aptly observes regarding the whole of this unreserved ex-
posure of Gentile unchastity : ‘‘ In peccatis arguendis saepe scapha debet
ἐξεκαύϑησαν]
1 Stallbaum, ad Plat. Polit. p. 270 D, Rep.
p. 867 C; Dissen. ad Pind. Ol. viii. 56;
Klausen, ad Aesch. Choeph. p. 199. Hof-
mann thinks that with ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ x.7.A.
the argument ascends fo the greater danger
Sor the continuance of the human race. But
that is a purely imported thought. The
Apostle’s point of view isthe moral ἀτιμία,
which, in the case of female depravity,
comes out most glaringly. And therefore
Paul, in order to cast the most tragic light
possible on these conditions, puts the brief
delineation of female conduct in the fore-
ground, in order then symmetrically to
subjoin, with ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ, the male vice as
the second part of the filthy category.
2 Comp. Alciphr. iii. 67; ἐξεκαύθην els ἔρωτα.
08 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS,
scapha dici. Pudorem praeposterum ii fere postulant, qui pudicitia
carent. . . . Gravitas et ardor stili judicialis proprietate verborum non
violat verecundiam, ” Observe, nevertheless, how the Apostle delineates
the female dishonour in less concrete traits than the male. He touches the
matter in ver. 26 briefly and clearly enough, but with delicate avoidance of
detailed description.
Ver. 28. From the previous exclusive description of the sensual vice of
the Gentiles, Paul now proceeds to a summary enumeration of yet other
vices to which they had been given up by God in punishment of their apos-
tasy. —xa¥ac]| is not causal, but guemadmodum. The giving them up was
something corresponding to their disdainful rejection of the knowledge of
God, proportionate as punishment. — οὐκ ἐδοκίμασαν] they deem God not worth
(1 Thess. 11. 4) ; ob γὰρ ἀγνοίας, ἀλλὰ μελέτης εἶναι φησὶ τὰ τολμήματα, Chrysos-
tom. — ἔχειν ἐν ἐπιγνώσει] Their γνῶναι τὸν Θεόν, derived from the revelation
of nature (ver. 21), ought to have been brought by cultivation to an ἐπιγνῶ-
vat, that is, to a penetrating and living knowledge of God (see on Eph. i.
17 ; 1 Cor. xiii. 12) ; thus they would have attained to the having God ἐν
ἐπιγνώσει ; but they would not, and so became τὰ ἔϑνη τὰ μὴ εἰδότα τὸν Θεόν,
1 Thess. iv. 5; Gal. iv. 8; Eph. ii. 12; Acts xvii. 30. On ἔχε ἐν with
an abstract noun, which represents the object as appropriated in the action,
so that it is possessed in the latter (here in ἐπιγνῶναι), comp. Locella, ad Xen.
Eph. p. 255. Similar is ἐν ὀργῇ ἔχειν, and the like, Kriiger on Thucyd. ii. 8,
Ὁ, -- εἰς ἀδόκ. νοῦν] An ingenious paronomasia with οὐκ édoxiu., to set forth
the more prominently the recompense, to which the emphatically repeated ὁ
Θεός also contributes : as they did not esteem God worthy, etc., God gave
them up to an unworthy, reprobate νοῦς (the collective power of the mind’s
action in theoretic and moral cognition.)’ The rendering judicii expers
(Beza, Gléckler and others) is opposed to the genius of the language, even
as Bengel turns it, and Weiss, bibl. Theol. Ὁ. 280, defines it. The ἀδόκιμον of
the νοῦς is its blameworthiness according to an objective moral standard, but
does not express the mode of thinking which they themselves must condemn
among one another (Th. Schott ; comp. Hofmann), which is neither to be
taken by anticipation from ver. 32, nor extracted from jj. — ποιεῖν τὰ μὴ
καϑήκοντα] to do what is not becoming, what is not moral. Comp. 3 Macc. iv. 16.
The Stoical distinction between καϑῆκον and κατόρϑωμα Paul has not thought
of (as Vitringa conceives). The infinitive is epexegetical : so that they do.
The participle with μή indicates the genus of that which is not seemly (Baeum-
lein, Partik. p. 296) ; τὰ ov καϑέήκοντα (comp. Eph. v. 4), would be the wn-
seemly. The negative expression is correlate to the ἀδόκιμος νοῦς.
Vv. 29-31. Πεπληρωμένους πάσῃ ἀδικίᾳ] a more precise definition of ποιεῖν
τὰ μὴ καϑήκ. : as those who are full of every unrighteousness (ver. 18). This is
the general statement, and all the points subsequently introduced are its
several species, so that μεστοὺς φϑόνου and then ψιϑυριστὰς «.7.2. are appositions
1 Comp. on vii. 23, and Kluge in the Jahrb. not determine the ethical conduct in accord-
f. D. Th. 1871, p. 829. The νοῦς is ἀδόκιμος ance withit.
when, not receptive for divine truth, it does
CHAP, τὴν 9. οἷς 69
to πεπληρ. π. adix. Similar catalogues of sins are 2 Cor. xii. 30; Gal. v. 19
ff.; Eph. v. 3f.; 1 Tim. i. 9 f.; 2 Tim. iii. 2 ff. — πονηρίᾳ: . κακίᾳ] ma-
lignity (malice), comp. Eph. iv. 31; Col. iii. 8; Tit. {Π|..8΄. . vileness
(meanness), the latter, in Aristotle and other writers, opposed to ἀρετή, and
translated in Cicero, Tusc. iv. 15, 34, by vitiositas. Comp. 1 Cor. v. 8. —
φόνου] Conceived here as the thought which has filled the man, the μερμηρίζειν
φόνον, Homer, Od. xix. 2, comp. Acts ix. 1. On the paronomasia with
φϑόνου comp. Gal. v. 21. The latter is just the σημεῖον φύσεως παντάπασι
πονηρᾶς, Dem, 499, 21. — κακοηϑείας] malicious disposition, whose peculiarity
it is ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ὑπολαμβάνειν τὰ πάντα (Aristotle, Fhet. ii. 18). As the con-
text requires a special vice, we may not adopt, with Erasmus, Calvin, and
Homberg, the general signification perversitas, corruptio morum (Xen. Cyn.
xiii. 16 ; Dem. 542, 11; Plat. Rep. p. 348 D).1— ψεϑυρ. whisperers, tale-
bearers, consequently secret slanderers (Dem. 1358, 6) ; but κατάλαλοι, calum-
niators, detractors generally, not precisely open ones (Theophylact, Kéllner, de
Wette, and others). Comp. ψιϑυρισμούς te καὶ καταλαλιάς, Clem. Cor. i. 35.
The construction of καταλάλους as an adjective with y.3vp (Hofmann), must be
rejected, because none of the other elements has an adjectival definition an-
nexed to it, and because καταλάλ. would not add to the notion of ψιϑυρ. any-
thing characteristic in the way of more precise definition. ψιϑυρ would be
better fitted to form a limiting definition of καταλ. But in 2 Cor. xii. 20
also, both ideas stand independently side by side. — ϑεοστυγεῖς] hated by
God, Deo odibiles (Vulgate). This passive rendering of the word which be-
longs especially to the tragedians (Pollux, i. 21), so that it is equivalent to
Θεῷ ἐχϑαιρόμενος (comp. Soph. Aj. 458), is clearly attested by the wsus
loquendi as the only correct one.? Since no passage whatever supports the
active signification, and since even Suidas and Oecumenius clearly betray
that they knew the active meaning adopted by them to be a deviation from
the usage of the ancient writers,’ we must reject, with Koppe, Riickert,
Fritzsche, de Wette, Philippi, Baumgarten-Crusius, and Hofmann, the in-
terpretation, Dei osores, that has been preferred by the majority since the
time of Theodoret.* Even the analogous forms that have been appealed to,
ϑεομισῆς, βροτοστυγῆς (Aesch. Choeph. 51, Prom. 799), are to be taken as
1 See regarding the word generally Hom-
berg, Parerg. Ὁ. 196 ; Kypke, 11. Ὁ. 155 f.
2See Eurip. JVroad. 1213, Cycl. 395, 598,
Neophr. ap. Stob. sevm. 20, p. 172. Comp.
θεοστύγητος in Aesch. Choeph. 635, Fritzsche
in loc., and Wetstein.
3 Suidas says: Θεοστυγεῖς θεομίσητοι, οἱ ὑπὸ
Θεοῦ μισούμενοι καὶ οἱ Θεὸν μισοῦντες: παρὰ δὲ
τῷ ἀποστόλῳ θεοστυγεῖς οὐχὶ οἱ ὑπὸ Θεοῦ μισοῦ-
μενοι, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μισοῦντες τὸν Θεόν. Oecume-
nius: Θεοστυγεῖς δὲ οὐ τοὺς ὑπὸ Θεοῦ μισουμέ-
νους, οὐ γὰρ αὐτῷ τοῦτο δεῖξαι πρόκειται νῦν,
ἀλλὰ τοὺς μισοῦντας Θεόν. These negative
definitions, which both give, manifestly
point to the use of the word in other
authors, from which Paul here departs. It °
is doubtful whether Clement, Cor. I. 35,
where thereis an echo of our passage, had
in view the active or the passive sense of
θεοστυγεῖς. He uses indeed the evidently
active θεοστυγία, but adds at the close of
the list of sins: ταῦτα οἱ πράσσοντες στυγητοὶ
τῷ Θεῷ ὑπάρχουσιν. Chrysostom does not
express his opinion regarding the word.
4 The Dei osores was taken to refer to the
heathen vice of wrath against the gods con-
ceived as possessing human passions. See
Grotius and Reiche. Others have under-
stood it variously. Tholuck thinks of ac-
cusers of providence,.Promethean characters;
Ewald, of dlasphemers of God; Calvin, of
those who have a horror of God on account
of His righteousness. Thus there is intro-
duced into the general expression what the
20 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
passives, and therefore testify against the active interpretation.’ Comp.
ϑεοβλαβής, stricken of God, Herod. viii. 137, al. In particular, ϑεομισής is
quite the same as ϑεοστυγῆς the opposite of ϑεοφιλής, beloved of God.? The
accentuation ϑεοστύγης, approved of even by Grotius and Beza, to distinguish
it from the passive ϑεοστυγής, is nothing but an ancient (Suidas) unsupported
fiction.* _— God-hating is expressed by μισόϑεος, Lucian, Tim. 35, Aesch. Ag.
1090 ; comp. φιλόϑεος, God-loving. The adoption, nevertheless, of the active
sense was occasioned by the consideration : ‘‘ut in passivo positum dicatur,
nulla est ratio, quum P. hic homines ex vitiis evidentibus reos faciat,” Cal-
vin ; but even granting a certain unsuitableness in the passive sense, still
we should not be justified in giving an explanation contrary to the usus
loquendi ; we should be obliged to abide by the view that Paul had mixed
up a less suitable term among the others. But this objection is diminished,
if we take ϑεοστ., in accordance with the idea of divine holiness, as a char-
acteristic designation of infamous evil-doers in general. So Fritzsche, and
also Philippi.* And it vanishes altogether, if, leaving the word in its strict
signification, hated of God, we recognize in it a summary judgment of moral
indignation respecting all the preceding particulars ; so that, looking back on
these, it forms a resting point in the disgraceful catalogue, the continuation
of which is then carried on by ὑβριστὰς x.7.A. According to Hofmann,
ϑεοστυγ. is an adjective qualifying ὑβριστάς. But we do not see why precisely
this single point " in the entire catalogue, insolence (the notion of which is
not to be arbitrarily heightened, so as to make it denote ‘‘the man-despiser
who treads upon his fellows”), among so many particulars, some of them even
worse, should be accompanied by an epithet, and one, too, of so extreme
severity. — The continuation begins with a threefold description of se/f-eral-
tation, and that in a descending climax. Regarding the distinction between
ὑβρισταί, the insolent (qui prae superbia non solum contemnunt alios, sed
etiam contumeliose tractant, comp. 1 Tim. i. 13), ὑπερήφανοι, the proud (who,
proud of real or imaginary advantages, despise others), and ἀλαζόνες (boast-
ers, swaggerers, without exactly intending to despise or insult others with
their vainglory), see Tittmann, Synon. N. T. p. 73 1.5 If ὑπερηφ. be taken
as adjective with the latter (Hofmann), then the vice, which is invariably and
intrinsically immoral,’ would be limited merely to a particular mode of it.
context gives no hint of. This applies also
to Luther’s gloss: ‘‘the real picureans,
who live asif there were no God.”
1 Evenin Clem. Hom. i. 12, there is nothing
whatever in the connection opposed to the
passive rendering of θεοστυγεῖς.
2See Plat. Rep. p. 612 E, Huth. p. 8 A;
Dem. 1486, ult. ; Arist. Ran. 443. Comp.
θεῷ μισητοί, Wisd. xiv. 9; and, as regards
the idea, the Homeric ὅς κε θεοῖσιν ἀπέχθηται
μακάρεσσιν, Od. κ. 74. .
3 See Buttmann, II. p. 371, Winer, p. 53 [E.
T. 53].
4Comp. Plat. Zegg. viii. p. 838 B: θεο-
“lo... . καὶ αἰσχρῶν αἴσχιστα,
5 For neither καταλάλ. nor ὑπερηῷ. are to
be taken as adjectives. See on those
words. Hofmann seems to have adopted
such a view, merely in order to gain anal-
ogies in the text for his inappropriate treat-
ment of the objectionable θεοστυγεῖς as an
adjective.
ὁ Comp. Grotius and Wetstein ; on ἀλας,
especially Ruhnk. ad. Tim. p. 28, Ast, ad.
Theophr. Char. 28.
7 See Xen. Mem. i. 7, 1 ff., where ἀλαζονεία
is the antithesis of ἀρετή. It belongs to
the category of the ψεύδεσθαι, Aesch. adv.
Ctesiph. 99; Plat. Lys. p. 218 Ὁ. Compare
also 2 Tim. 111. 2; Clem. Cor. I. (35,
CHAP. 1., 32. 71
— ἐφευρ. κακῶν] devisers (Anacr. xli. 8) of evil things, quite general ; not to
be limited to things of lwawry, with Grotius ; nor, with Hofmann, to evils
which they desire to do to others.'— dovvérove| irrational, unreflecting, who,
in what they do and leave undone, are not determined by the σύνεσις, by
morally intelligent insight. Luther rightly says: ‘‘Mr. Unreason going
rashly to work [Hans Unvernunft, mit dem Kopfe hindurch].” So also
Eccles. xv. 7. The rendering devoid of conscience (according to Suidas) de-
viates from the proper signification of the word. — ἀσυνϑέτους] makes a par-
onomasia with the foregoing, and means, not wnsociable (Castalio, Tittmann,
Ewald, comp. Hofmann), for which there is no warrant of usage, but cove-
nant-breakers.2 On ἀστόργ. (without the natural affection of love) and ἀνελεῆμ
(unmerciful), see Tittmann, Synon. p. 69.— The succession of the accumu-
lated particulars is not arranged according to a systematic scheme, and the
construction of such a scheme leads to arbitrary definition of the import of
individual points ; but still their distribution is so far in accordance with
approximate categories, that there are presented :— 1st, The general
heathen vices, πεπληρωμένους . . . . κακίᾳ ; 2nd, dispositions inimical to
others, μεστοὺς . . . . κακοηϑείας, and calumniatory speeches, ψιϑυρ., καταλάλ.. ;
both series concluding with the general θεοστυγεῖς ; then, drd, The arrogant
character, ὑβριστὰς... . ἀλαζόνας ; and finally, 4th, A series of negative
particulars (all with @ privative), but headed by the positive, general ἐφευρ.
κακῶν. This negative series portrays the want of dutiful affection in family
life (γον. ἀπειϑ.), of intelligence (ἀσυνέτ.), fidelity (aovvd.), and love,
(ἀστόργ-.. ave2..), consequently the want of every principle on which moral
action is based. [See Note XIV. p. 78.]
Ver. 32. Oirwec] quippe qui, of such a character, that they, cannot be the
specification of a reason, as in ver. 25, and cannot consequently be intended
to repeat once more the laying of the blame on themselves, since ver. 32
merely continues the description of the wickedness. It rather serves to
introduce the awful completion of this description of vice; and that in
such a way, that the Gentile immorality is brought clearly to light as an
opposition to knowledge and conscience, and is thereby at the last very evi-
dently shown to be wholly inexcusable (comp. 11]. 1). --- τὸ δικαίωμα τ. Θεοῦ]
i.e. that which God as Lawgiver and Judge has ordained ; what He has deter-
mined, and demands, as right.* Paul means the natural law of the moral
consciousness (ii. 15), which determines : ὅτι οἱ τὰ τοιαῦτα πράσσοντες K.T.A.
This ὅτι «.7.A. therefore is not to be treated as a parenthesis. — ἐπεγνόντες]
although they have discerned (comp. on ver. 28), not merely γνόντες ; but so ἡ
much the greater is the guilt. — ϑανάτου] What in the view of the heathen
was conceived of as the state of punishment in Hades (comp. Philippi and
Weiss, bibl. Theol. p. 277), which was incurred through vice and crime, Paul
designates, in accordance with the truth involved in it (comp. Plat. Rep. p.
330 D), from his standpoint as ϑάνατος, and by this he means eternal death
1 Comp. 2 Mace. vii. 21, and the passages also Dem. 388, 6.
from Philo in Loesner; also Tacit. Ann. iy. 3Comp. Kriiger on Zhuc. i. 41, 1; and
11, and Virg. Aen. ii. 161. see on Vv. 16.
2 Jer. iii. 8,10 f.; Suidas, Hesychius ; see
72 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
(comp. 2 Thess. i. 8) ; not temporal (Bengel, van Hengel, Mehring) ; or
execution (Grotius, Hofmann) ; also not indefinitely severe punishments,’ the
misery of sin, and so forth (so even Fritzsche and de Wette). — συνευδοκ. τοῖς
πράσσ.] they are consenting with them that do them (comp. Luke xi. 48 ; Acts
viii. 1; 1 Cor. vii. 12; 1 Macc. i. 60; 2 Macc. xi. 24. They not only do
those things, but are also in their moral judgment (so wholly antagonistic to
conscience has the latter become in the abandonment unto which God has
decreed them, ver. 28) in agreement with others who so act. Bengel well
remarks : ‘‘ pejus est συνευδοκεῖν ; nam qui malum patrat, sua sibi cupiditate
abducitur,” etc., and how sharply are we otherwise ourselves accustomed to
see and judge the mote in the eye of another! (Matt. vii. 3). This cli-
max’ to the description of immorality, moreover, is neither to be referred
with Grotius and Baumgarten-Crusius to the philosophers, who approved of
several vices (paederastia, revenge, etc.) or regarded them as adiaphora ;
nor with Heumann and Ewald to the magistrates, who left many crimes
unpunished and even furthered them by their own example ; but, in har-
mony with the quite general delineation of Gentile depravity, to be taken
as a general feature marking the latter, which is thus laid bare in the deep-
est slough of moral perversity. — The πράσσοντες and πράσσουσι are more com-
prehensive than the simple ποιοῦσιν (do), designating the pursuit of these
immoralities as the aim of their δου νιν. ὃ
Notes py AMERICAN EprtTor.
I. Ver. 1. Παῦλος.
The view of the origin of the name Paul advocated by Meyer in his Introduc-
‘tion to the Epistle, § 1, and in his notes on Acts xiii. 9—that it was received
on occasion of the conversion of Sergius Paulus—is also given by Olshausen,
Ewald, and some others, but it is rejected by most writers of recent times, and
by Weiss in his edition of Meyer's work. Weiss holds that it is rendered
improbable by the fact that the name is mentioned in the Acts three verses
earlier than the statement of the conversion of the proconsul. It may be
questioned whether this argument can be regarded as having, in itself, special
or decisive force. But, when the manner of introducing the new name into
the narrative is considered, as related both to the preceding and following con-
text, it will be observed that there is nothing, except what may easily be a mere
accidental juxtaposition of words to favor the derivation suggested ; while, on the
other hand, there is, in addition to the improbability that the Apostle would
have adopted a name from one of his converts, a noticeable absence of any such
indication that he did thus adopt it, as might naturally be expected if the his-
torian had intended to convey this idea. It seems better, therefore, to hold
that the Apostle had two names : one connected with his Hebrew origin, and
the other with his Roman citizenship.
1Melanchthon says well against this 2 The climax lies necessarily in ἀλλὰ Kat
view : ‘“‘P. non loquitur de politica guber- (in opposition to Reiche, Comm. crit. p. 6).
natione, quae tantum externa facta punit : 3 See on John iii. 20. Comp. Rom. ii. 3,
verum de judicio proprio in cujusque con- vii. 15, xiii. 4 ; Dem. de cor. 62: τί προσῆκον
scientia intuente Deum.” ἣν ἑλέσθαι πράττειν κ. ποιεῖν.
NOTES. 16)
II. δοῦλος ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ.
The word δοῦλος involves two ideas—that of belonging to a master, and that
of service as a slave. As connected with the latter idea, the δοῦλος is in a
δουλείᾳ, which answers to our conception of slavery ; as connected with the
former, though he may, indeed, be in this condition, yet he also may not be.
When speaking of Christian disciples, Paul always uses the word in the former
sense. To his view, the believer, so far as his work and life are concerned,
passes at his conversion out of the state of δουλεία into that of ἐλευθερία. The
only slavery is that of sin. The service of Christ is perfect freedom. Whether
the word is here used as referring to official position or with a more general
meaning, cannot be determined with absolute certainty. As we find it, how-
ever, when employed in connection with the names of individual persons,
always applied to those who had some special work as teachers or ministers,
and as in most of the places where it is thus applied it occurs in the opening
salutations of the Apostolic letters, it seems probable that it carries with it the
official reference. Yet this reference must be regarded as quite general (as
Meyer says), and the idea of the word—as when used of the private Christian
—is that of wholly belonging to Chriss.
TI. Ver. 3. περὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ, κ.τ.λ.
The following points must be regarded as established by the manifest
parallelism of the clauses: (a) that two things are declared respecting the Son,
one on the σώρξ side of his nature, and the other on the πνεῦμα side ; the πνεῦμα
being, thus, not the Holy Spirit, but the Son’s own spirit, and dy. being a
characteristic or descriptive genitive ; (b) that the former of these two things
is his descent from David and birth in the line of David’s family, while the lat-
ter is designated by ὁρισθέντος---δυνάμει. That σάρξ, as used in the former state-
ment, does not, in itself, exclude the idea of a descent from David so far as the
human πνεῦμα is concerned, is evidenced by the common representation, in the
Pauline Epistles (as well as the other N. T. writings), of Jesus as a complete
man, and by the fact that there is nothing in the contrast of this particular
sentence which necessarily contradicts the general representation. That there
is nothing of this character is clear, because the contrasted πνεῦμα here may
refer to the divine nature in Christ as distinguished from his human nature ;
and if, on the other hand, it is interpreted as referring to his human spirit, the
statement of the clause must be understood as made with reference to it,—and
as declaring what was true of it,—only after the resurrection. It must be
admitted, however, that the phrase ‘‘ according to the flesh’’ may be employed
here, as often in the case of similar expressions in common speech, to call
attention to the physical origin, without making prominent—though, indeed,
it does not deny—the human-spiritual descent ; and thus that the mere use of
this phrase cannot properly be considered as decisive proof that the human
nature is contrasted with the divine, and that πνεῦμα must refer to the divine
nature,
The fact, however, that the contrast is thus filled out to greater fulness,
and its introduction is more satisfactorily accounted for ; that the expression
πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης is not only a peculiar one, which would not be expected when
speaking of men, but one haying a near affinity to πνεῦμα ἅγιον, the name given to
the Divine Spirit ; and that Paul elsewhere exalts Christ above all other beings
74 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
except God, or even gives him Divine exaltation, must be regarded as strongly
pointing to the conclusion that something more is intended by the word than
the mere ‘‘éow ἄνθρωπος, which receives the communication of the divine,”
and that to the writer’s mind there was in Christ a peculiar divine element of
nature, by virtue of and in accordance with which he was constituted Son of
God with power by his resurrection.
In respect to ὁρισθέντος, Meyer has satisfactorily shown that it is equivalent
to qui constitulus est, The verb carries with it the idea of marking as bya
boundary, and so, when connected with the matter of office, position, etc., of
constituting, appointing, in which sense it is used in Acts x. 42, xvii. 31. It is
-evident, however, that the Apostle does not mean to affirm that Christ was
constituted Son of God, in connection with his resurrection, in any such sense
as would involve the declaration that he was not Son of God before this.
Such a declaration would be clearly opposed to the Pauline doctrine, as
exhibited in all his Epistles. Moreover, the constituting did not consist sim-
ply in a demonstrating or proving him to be Son of God to the view of men.
This idea is neither presented in the participle itself, nor in any other words
of the sentence. That the writer, however, in sucha statement, would not
fail to set forth the precise sense in which he designed to use the word, is
altogether probable. If we connect ἐν δυνάμει with υἱοῦ Θεοῦ we have such an
explanatory phrase which meets the demands of the case and accords with
New Testament teaching. Otherwise there is none. We may regard this as
the true construction, therefore, rather than that which is favored by Meyer
(with whom de Wette, Godet, Alford, Gifford, Shedd, and others agree),
although the possibility of the latter must undoubtedly be admitted. It was by
the resurrection that Christ was made Son of God with power, as he had not
been in his earthly condition and as born of the seed of David. Weiss ed.
Mey. agrees with this view.
IV. Ver. 5. χάριν καὶ ἀποστολήν.
The explanation of these words is to be sought, (a) in connection with such
passages as Rom. xii. 6-8; Eph. iii. 7-12; Gal. 11. 9; Rom. xii. 3; xv. 15; 1 Cor. iii.
10. From these passages it is evident, that, in addition to his conception of di-
vine grace as bestowed upon all believers, and as lying at the basis of their
Christian life, Paul had the thought of a special impartation of this grace to
individual men, for the purpose of fitting them for various offices and duties.
In his own case, it had been given in such measure and manner as to qualify
him to be a preacher of the Gospel, an apostle, a missionary to the Gen-
tiles rather than the Jews, a founder of churches in regions into which others
had not previously entered. It is also to be sought, (b) in connection with
passages such as Gal. iv. 2, in which aword of amore specific character is
added by καί to one that is more general, the design of the addition being to
point the reader to that particular application of the general word which is,
at the time, in the writer’s mind. The form of expression in such cases is not
precisely a hendiadys (as if in this verse, e.g. the words were equivalent to
χάριν ἀποστολῆς ; but the latter word is nevertheless explanatory, and carries
with it the principal thought. As the writer says of the heir of an estate in
Gal. iv. 2, that, in his minority, he is under guardians (ἐπιτρόπους, the general —
word), and [i.e.to mark more particularly the relation tothe point in hand]
NOTES. ie
guardians in the matter of property (οἰκονόμους). So here he declares of him-
self, that he had, through Jesus Christ, received grace, and, specially, the gift of
and qualification for the apostolic office. The striking similarity in the main
thought of this verse and that of xv. 15, 16 can scarcely fail to be noticed as
confirming this view of the meaning here, It is this particular and peculiar
gift of grace, on which the Apostle founds his claim to address and admonish
the Gentile churches.
V. Ver. 5. εἰς ὑπακοὴν πίστεως.
That Meyer is correct in his explanation of these words, as against the view
of Calvin, Hofmann, Godet, and others, including Weiss ed. Mey., who regard
πίστεως as gen. appos., obedience which consists in faith, and that of Sanday, Shedd,
and others, who hold it to be a gen. subj. obedience which springs from faith, is
proved by the fact that in all other cases, where ὑπακοῇ is used ina similar way,
the gen., whether denoting a person or thing, is objective, and also by the
fact that where a kindred expression is employed having the kindred verb
ὑπακούειν, the object and not the source, of the obedience is referred to. Philippi,
de Wette, Alford, Gifford, Olshausen, Schaff, Beet, and others agree with Meyer,
Godet and Weiss claim that faith is never in N. T. conceived of objectively
as a power, and hence that Meyer’s view has no foundation. But this claim
can hardly be substantiated, in view of Acts vi. 7 ; Gal. i. 23 (cf. Gal. 111. 2, 5;
2 Tim. iv. 7). The correctness of Meyer’s opinion, that πίστις here means
subjective faith, and not doctrina fidei or the gospel, is admitted by the larger
part of the best modern commentators. It is doubtful, to say the least, whether
faith is ever used in N. T. as having the sense of the faith, i.e. the system of
Christian doctrine, and certain that it does not ordinarily have this meaning.
The probability against this sense of the word is, therefore, exceedingly
strong in this and all similar cases.
VI. Ver. 8. πρῶτον μέν.
The second point of the introductory passage, which is indicated by his use
of πρῶτον as in the writer’s mind, is his desire to visit the readers. He is led,
however, in the progress of his sentences, to bring out this desire in a gram-
matical subordination to the expression of his thankfulness for the widespread
knowledge of their Christian life, and, thus, to abandon his original design of
introducing it by a δεύτερον or ἔπειτα. The presentation, in such ἃ grammat
ically subordinate way, of thoughts which are logically co-ordinate with others
already expressed, belongs to the epistolary style as distinguished from that of
a formal treatise, and is especially characteristic of the style of the Pauline
letters.
VII. Ver. 11. εἰς τὸ στηριχθῆναι ὑμᾶς.
This verb is found again in xvi. 25 ;—at the beginning, thus, and the end
of the letter. It indicates what the Apostle hoped might be the result of a per-
sonal visit to the readers, if he should be permitted to make such a visit, and
also what he thought of as the great blessing which God was able to bestow
upon them. As this letter was apparently written in order that it might bea
kind of representative of himself, until the hoped-for visit should be accom-
plished, we can scarcely doubt that in the idea of this verb is to be found
the final purpose of his writing. However fully the epistle has the doctrinal
76 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
character, it was designed to accomplish a practical result—namely, to estab-
lish and strengthen the Roman believers in the Christian life. This, and not
the mere knowledge of true doctrine, was what he desired as the fruit of his
labors (ver. 13), and by reason of this he expected to be encouraged when he
saw the evidence of their faith (ver. 12), as, at the same time, he trusted that
they would be encouraged by the manifestation of his own.
VIII. Ver. 16. παντὶ τῷ πιστεύοντι.
What the Apostle means by the word παντί is manifest from that which he adds
at the end of the sentence —to the Jew first, and also to the Greek. The same thing
is seen in ii. 9, 10, iii. 9, 19 ; cf. iii. 22, 23, 29; iv. 16; cf. iv. 11, 12; that is, in
all those passages (from the beginning to the end of his direct argument for his
doctrine of justification), in which the relations of the faith system and the
legal system are set forth, in their contrast with each other, by the use of this
word. It is of all men as distinguished from Jews only, and not of all men as
opposed to all with the exception of a certain portion or number, that he
speaks in his discussion of the method of salvation. The Pauline universalism
finds its opposite in the limitations of Judaism. According to the latter, jus-
tification is confined to those who are born into the Jewish nation, or are
united with it as proselytes ; according to the former, it is open to men every-
where, Gentiles equally with Jews,—to all who believe, without regard to na-
tional distinctions or boundaries.
IX. Ver. 17. δικαιοσύνη γὰρ Θεοῦ x.7.A.
Ver. 17 may be regarded as containing in itself the subject of the Epistle, or
the proposition which the writer undertakes to establish and defend: ight-
eousness is by faith. This proposition, however, isnot presented in an indepen-
dent and formal way. On the contrary, it is made, through the γάρ at the
beginning of the verse, to be a proof that the gospel is the power of God unto
salvation to every believer ; and this latter statement, again, through the γάρ
by which it is introduced, is brought forward as the ground of the writer’s
declaration, that he is not ashamed of the gospel. The form of expression in
the 17th verse is naturally affected by this manner of its introduction, and hence
we have the words as they stand: A (or the) righteousness of God is revealed
in it [the gospel] as proceeding from faith. The argument which follows,
however, is directed to the end of proving the truth of the proposition in its
simplest statement.
The interpretation of ἐκ πίστεως as denoting the subjective source or cause from
which righteousness comes is proved to be correct, (a) from the fact that this
verse stands in the relation above described to the entire discussion of the
Epistle, which is upon righteousness by faith ; (Ὁ) from the meaning of ἐκ πίστεως
in the confirmatory passage cited, in the latter part of the verse, from
O. T. ; (ὦ from the use of διὰ πίστεως in the parallel passage, iii. 21, 22 ; (d)
from the fact that Paul in several places employs the expression δικαιοσύνη
ἐκ πίστεως (e.g. ix. 30, x.6; cf. Gal. v. 5) in this sense, but mever in any
other. The explanation of εἰς πίστιν, on the other hand, is suggested by the
mode of arguing adopted by the writer (see Note X. also). The phenomena of
the case are as follows: The proposition presented in ver. 17 is proved by
showing that the only other doctrine supposable--namely, that of justification
NOTES. 77
by works—cannot be maintained. This negative proof is evidently completed
at iii. 20. The only thing remaining to be done, at that point, is, accordingly,
to repeat the original proposition, as having been already established. There is,
in fact, such a repetition in iii. 21, 22, as we must admit from the striking simi-
larity, both in the thought and expression of those verses, to what is found in
i. 17. We cannot doubt, therefore, that the Apostle intended to restate, in the
later verses, what he had said in the earlier ones, and that, if so, the two must
throw light upon each other. As we examine the passages, however, we
find that δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ occurs in both ; that πεφανέρωται of the latter answers
to ἀποκαλύπτεται of the former ; that dia πίστεως corresponds with ἐκ πίστεως ;
and that γωρὶς νόμου suggests the idea of ἐν αὐτῷ: This being so, the proba-
bility becomes overwhelming that εἰς τοὺς πιστεύοντας answers to εἰς πίστιν
so far as to give us the author’s meaning in the latter phrase. The πίστις of
1.17 is, accordingly, that which is in the minds and hearts of the persons re-
ferred to in 111. 22, and that which makes them οἱ πιστεύοντες It is that in
them to which the revelation of righteousness comes and the offer of justifica-
tion is presented.
X. Ver. 18. ἀποκαλύπτεται γὰρ ὀργὴ Θεοῦ.
The discussion, which is entered upon at the 18th verse and continued as far
as iii. 20, assumes as athing admitted by both parties to the controversy, that
there is a method by which men can be justified. It also assumes that, if
there is such a method, it must be either in the line of faith or in that of works.
These things being granted at the outset, it was evidently necessary for the
Apostle only to prove that justification is not by works, in order to the estab-
lishment of the proposition that it is by faith. It is this indirect course which
he takes in his argument—the direct proof being, in this part of the Epistle,
left entirely without consideration. The negative argument is divided into
two sections, the first having reference to the Gentiles, the second to the Jews.
This division is connected with the defence of the doctrine as against Judais-
tic views, for, whatever opinion we may have as to the design or character of the
Epistle, it cannot be doubted that the discussion takes hold upon the great
question between the Pauline and Jewish Christianity.
XI. Ver. 20. τὰ ἀόρατα κ.τ.λ.
Evidently the invisible things are the everlasting power and divinity men-
tioned afterward. The evidence for the existence of God here presented is
that which the visible creation furnishes to the mind. The creation proves
a creator with power adequate to produce it, i.e. an omnipotent creator ; om-
nipotence carries with it the proof of the other divine attributes ; and thus
the things that are made are, and ever since the beginning of time have been,
bearing witness to God—a witness which is clearly understood, so soon as the
νοῦς is directed to it and it is intelligently considered (νοούμενα). In this way
the knowledge of God was manifested from the first, and is manifest still, to
the Gentile nations ; and because of this fact, their turning away to idolatry is
due, not to a want of revelation of the truth, but to a repressing of the truth,
(κατεχόντων ver. 18), and a preventing it from having its legitimate influence
upon their minds, through their own unrighteousness.
8 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
XII. Ver. 21. διότι--ηὐχαρίστησαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐματαιώθησαν.
διότι justifies and confirms the preceding word, ἀναπολογήτους, and the two
following verbs set forth the attitude which, as the natural and legitimate re-
sult of knowing God, they should have held toward Him: they should have
glorified Him for what He is in Himself, and have had thankfulness to Him for
what He had given to them. Neither of these things had they done, but —the
very opposite of this—they had turned away to the worship of idols. This
turning to idolatry is set forth in ἐματαιώθησαν x.t.4., as the result of the vain
and empty speculations (διαλογισμοῖς) into which they were led by reason of
wilfully preventing (ἐν ἀδικίᾳ) the knowledge of God from having its true influ-
ence upon their thoughts, and of the consequent darkness and folly in which
they were involved. Weiss ed. Mey. denies any immediate connection be-
tween ἐματαιώθησαν and the use of μάταια as employed in O. T. of idols, such as
Meyer and many others hold, and regards it as pointing only to the fact that
they directed their thoughts, not to the highest object of all thought, the true
God, but to earthly things. He thus accords substantially with the view ex-
pressed above.
XIII. Ver. 24. διὸ παρέδωκεν κ. τ. A.
The evidence that there is no justification by works for the Gentiles, but
rather a revelation of wrath, is presented by a mere setting forth of the works
which characterize them. For such works there can be nothing but condemna-
tion. In his unfolding of the heathensins, the writer lays the foundation of all
in idolatry (vv. 18-23), and then brings forward other evils as the result of this.
These other evils he divides into two sections—(1) the sins of impurity
(vv. 24-27), and (2) all other sins (vv. 28-32). Among these other sins,
it is noticeable that the first specific one is πλεονεξία, covetousness (ἀδικία,
πονηρία, and κακία, having a general character). The relation of all sin among
the Gentiles to idolatry, and the development of idolatry on the side of impu-
rity and of covetousness, seem to have been prominent before the mind of Paul,
as we find him connecting them elsewhere. He also presents these latter evils
as the two chief and distinguishing evils of the heathen nations. The paral-
lelizing of impurity, in the first of the two sections here, with sins of every
other sort, as if in one great class, in the second, is very suggestive. It is
noticeable, also, that these multitudinous evils which spring from idolatry are
presented before the reader as arising from it in the way of a divine judgment :
God gives over these who thus voluntarily abandon the truth respecting Him-
self, to the consequences in moral action of their own chosen errors.
XIV. Ver. 29-31. ἀδικία---ἀνελεήμονες,
That there is no designed arrangement according to a definite classification
in vv. 29-31, is rendered altogether probable by the following considerations :
(a) in the midst of a series of words which designate particular kinds of evil-
doers, we find general words applicable to all evil-doers, θεοστογεῖς, ἐφευρέτας
κακῶν. [The explanation of the former of these by Meyer, as a general word
closing the list which conveys the idea of hostility, and of the latter as a positive
opening the negative series (with ἀ privative), seems quite unsatisfactory, be-
cause θεοστυγεῖς, on the one hand, is as truly inclusive of the words which im-
NOTES. 79
mediately follow it, as of those which precede, and ἐφ. κακ., on the other, is
not peculiarly related in its signification to the compound words which it is
supposed to introduce] ; (0) the arrangement within the individual classes is
not so accurate as such a purposed classification would 681] for ; e.g. the words
from φθόνου to κακοηθείας ; (0) in other cases, where similar lists of words are
found, there are difficulties of the same character in the supposition of any
such formal division, e.g. Gal. 111. 22, 23; Heb. xi. 36, 37 ; (d) these accumulations
of descriptive terms generally occur (as here, and in Heb. l.c.), in parts of the
author’s discourse where he is rising towards the climax of his thought, and
also towards the highest point of feeling—that is, in just those places where he
would be least disposed to classify with care. All these lists of this character
are, doubtless, to be explained as accumulations for rhetorical effect. In this
way, rather than in any other, we may account in the present instance, not
only for the insertion of general words, as indicated above, but also for the
succession of negative compounds at the end, the force of which, as the apos-
tle uttered them one after another when dictating to his amanuensis, can be
easily appreciated.
80 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
CHAPTER AE
Ver. 5. After ἀποκαλ. D*** K L &**, min., and several versions and
Fathers, including Or., read xai, which is adopted by Mill, Wetst. Matth. and
Fritzsche.! Against it is the greatly preponderant authority of the uncials,
and the suspicion of having been added by way of relief to the accumulation
of genitives. — Ver. 8. μέν after ἀπειθ. is wanting in B D* G &*, and is omit-
ted by Lachm. and Tisch. (8), but was easily psssed over from inattention as
seeming superfluous. —The order ὀργὴ καὶ θυμός (thus also Lachm. and Tisch.)
is decisively attested. — Ver. 13. The article before véuov, which Elz. and Fritzsche
read both times, but which Lachm. and Tisch. both times omit, is wanting
in A Β Ὁ E (which however has it in the first case) G 8, 31, 46, Damasc, ; and
betrays itself in the general form of the saying as inserted in order to denote
the Mosaic law. — Ver. 14, ποιῇ] Lachm. and Tisch. read ποιῶσιν, following A B
8, min., Clem. Or. Damasc. (D* G have ποιοῦσιν). The plural is an amend-
ment suggested by the context. — Ver. 16. Instead of ὅτε Lachm. following A and
some Fathers, has 7. ; an interpretation ; as is also ἐν 7 ἡμέρᾳ in Β. — Ver. 17.
εἰ δέ] The too weakly attested Recepta ide or ἰδέ is either a mere copyist’s error,
or an alteration to get rid of the supposed anakoluthon. See Reiche, Comm.
crit.
Ver. 1.—ch. iii. 20. Having shown, ch. i. 18-32, in the case of the Gen-
tiles, that they were strangers to the δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, Paul now, ΟἿ. 11.--111, 20,
exhibits the same fact with reference to the Jews, and thus adduces
the second half of the proof as to the universal necessity of justification by
faith. [See Note XV. p. 105.] Naturally the Apostle was chiefly concerned
with this second half of the proof, as the ἀδικία of heathenism was in itself
clear ; but we see from ch. ii. that the detailed character of that deline-
ation of Gentile wickedness was intended at the same time as a mirror for
degenerate Judaism, to repress all Jewish conceit. Comp. Mangold, p. 102.
Ver. 1. Διό] [See Note XVI. p. 105.] refers back to the main tenor of the whole
previous exposition (vv. 18-82), and that indeed in its more special aspect as
setting forth the moral condition of heathenism in respect to its imexcusable-
ness. This reference is confirmed by the fact, that ἀναπολόγητος εἶ is said
with a manifest glancing back to i. 20 ; it is laid down by Paul as it were
as a finger-post for his διό. The reference assumed by Reiche, Fritzsche,
Krehl, de Wette, and older writers, to the proposition in ver. 32, that the
rightful demand of God adjudges death to the evil-doers ; or to the cog-
nizance of that verdict, in spite of which the Gentiles were so immoral
1 Defended also by Philippi and Reiche, pearing not to receive more precise defini-
Comm. crit., who thinks that the καί has tion. See on the other hand yan Hengel.
been rejected on account of amoxadA. ap-
CHAP, ΕΣ. Ἢ. 81
(Philippi, Baur, Th. Schott, Hofmann, Mangold), has against it the fact
that this thought formed only a subsidiary sentence in what went before ;
whereas here a new section begins, at the head of which Paul very naturally
has placed a reference, even expressly marked by ἀναπολόγητος, to the entire
section ending with ver. 32, over which he now throws once more a retro-
spective glance. The connection of ideas therefore is : ‘‘ wherefore,” i.e. on
account of that abomination of vice pointed out in vv. 18-82, ‘‘ thou art in-
excusable,” ete. ; ‘‘for”—to exhibit now more exactly this “wherefore” —
wherein thou judgest the other, thou condemnest thyself, because thou doest the
same thing. In other words : before the mirror of this Gentile life of sin all
excuse vanishes from thee, O man who judgest, for this mirror reflects thine
own conduct, which thou thyself therefore condemnest by thy judgment. A
deeply tragic de te narratur / into which the proud Jewish consciousness
sees itself all of a sudden transferred. A proleptie use of διό (Tholuck) is
not to be thought of ; not even γάρ is so used in the N. T. (see on John iv.
44), and διό neither in the N. T. nor elsewhere. —6 ἄνϑρωπε πᾶς ὁ κρίνων]
Just as Paul, i. 18, designated the Gentiles by the general term ἀνϑρώπων,
and only brought forward the special reference to them in the progress of
the discourse ; so also he now designates the Jews, not as yet by name (see
this first at ver. 17), but generally by the address ἄνϑρωπε, which however
already implies a trace of reproach (ix. 20);! while at the same time he
makes it by his πᾶς ὁ κρίνων sufficiently apparent that he is no longer speak-
ing of the class already delineated, but is turning now to the Jews con-
trasted with them ; for the self-righteous judging respecting the Gentiles as |
rejected of God? was in fact a characteristic of the Jews. Hence all the more
groundless is the hasty judgment, that this passage has nothing whatever to:
do with the contrast between Jews and Gentiles (Hofmann). Comp. ver.
17 ff. And that it is the condemning κρίνειν which is meant, and not the:
moral capacity of judgment in general (Th. Schott) and its exercise (Hof-
mann) (comp. on Matt. vii. 9), follows from the subsequent κατακρίνεις more:
precisely defining its import. Consequently the quite general interpreta-
tion (Beza, Calovius, Benecke, Mehring, Luthardt, vom freien Willen, p.
416) seems untenable, as well as the reference to the Gentiles as the judging
subjects (Th. Schott), or to all to whom i. 32 applied (Hofmann), or even
specially to Gentile authorities (Chrysostom, Theodoret, Theophylact, Oc-
cumenius, Cajetanus, Grotius).°—év 6] either instrumental : thereby, that,
equivalent to ἐν τούτῳ ὅτι (Hofmann) ; or, still more closely corresponding to:
the τὰ yap αὐτὰ πράσσεις : in which thing, in which point. Comp. xiv. 22.
The temporal rendering : eodem tempore quo (Kollner, Reithmayr), arbi-
trarily obscures the moral identity, which Paul intended to bring out. The:
κατακρίνεις however is not facto condemnas (Estius, van Hengel), but the ,
judgment pronounced upon the other is a condemnatory judgment upon thy- —
self, namely, because it applies to thine own conduct. On the contrast be-
1 Luke xii. 14; Plat. Prot. p.330D, Gorg. and many other passages.
p. 452 B, and the passages in Wetstein, 3 Regarding the nominative as further ethi-
Ellendt, Lex. Soph. I. Ὁ. 164. calepexcgesisof thevocative,see Bernhardy,
3 Midr. Tillin f. 6, 3; Chetubb. f. 8,3: p. 67, Buttmann, Newt. Gr. Ὁ. 123. [E. T. 141.]
82 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
tween ἕτερον and σεαυτόν comp. ver. 21; 1 Cor. x. 24, 29; Gal. vi. 4; Phil.
ii. 4. -- τὰ αὐτά] the same sins and vices, not indeed according to all their
several concrete manifestations, as previously described, but according to
their essential moral categories ; see vv. 17-24. Comp. on the idea John
vill, 7. — ὁ κρίνων) with reproachful emphasis.
Ver. 2. Oidayev] Paul means to pronounce it as in his own view and that of
his readers an undoubted truth (comp. iii. 19), that the judicial decision which
God will one day pronounce, etc. The δέ carries on the discourse, and the
entire sentence forms the propositio major to what is now (ver. 3) to be
proved, namely, that the person judging (the Jew), who yet makes himself
guilty of wickedness similar to the things (τὰ τοιαῦτα) in question, deceives
himself if he thinks to escape the true judgment of God (ver. 5). Thus τὸ
κρίμα ' τ. Θεοῦ has the emphasis of contrast with that human judgment so
inconsistent with their own conduct. The predicate of being κατὰ ἀλήϑειαν
ἐπὶ τοὺς κιτ.λ. belongs not to the latter, but to the divine κρίμα. Th. Schott
erroneously emphasizes πράσσοντας, dislocating the clear train of thought, as
if Paul were treating of the truth that the Gentile’s knowledge of what was
right would not shield him from sin and condemnation. Hofmann also
introduces a similar confusion. — κατὰ ἀλήϑειαν] contains the standard, in
accordance with which the judgment of God is pronounced against the τὰ
τοιαῦτα πράσσοντες : in accordance with truth, so that it is, without error or
partiality, entirely adequate to the moral condition of these subjects. Ra-
phel, Kéllner, Krehl, Mehring, and Hofmann take it as equivalent to ἀληϑῶς,
really (4 Macc. v. 15 ; and in Greek writers), so that the meaning would
be : it is iv reality issued over them. But it could not be the object of the
Apostle to remind them of the reality of the divine judicial sentence, which
was under all circumstances undoubted and undisputed, so much as of its
truth, for the sake of the Jews who fancied that that judgment would con-
demn the Gentiles, but would spare the descendants of Abraham as such,
and on account of their circumcision and other theocratic privileges ; by
which idea they manifestly denied the ἀλήϑεια of the κρῖμα τοῦ Θεοῦ, as if it
were an untrue false sentence, the contents of which did not correspond to
the existing state of the facts.
Ver. 3. Antithesis of ver. 2, ‘‘That God judges evildoers according to
truth, we know (ver. 2) ; but judgest thou (in the face of that proposition)
that thou shalt . . . . escape?” This would indeed be at variance with the
ἀλήϑεια of the judgment. Comp. Matt. iii. 7; and the passages from pro-
fane writers in Grotius. The non-interrogative rendering of vv. 3, 4 (Hof-
mann) is not called for by the connection with the assertive declaration in
ver. 5 ; it weakens the lively force of the discourse, and utterly fails to suit
the ἢ in ver. 4, so prevalent in double questions. — τοῦτο] preparing with
emphasis (here : of surprise) for the following ὅτε σὺ éxd. «.7.A.; Bernhardy,
p. 284. — σὺ] Thou on thy side, as if thou madest an exception ; opposed
to the Jewish self-conceit (Matt. iii. 7 ff.; Luke iii. 7 f.). The emphasis is
1 Not κρίμα. With Lachmannit is to be 418. Lipsius is of a different opinion as
accentuated κρῖμα ; see Lobeck, Paralip. p. regards the N. T. (grammat. Unters, Ὁ. 40 f.).
CHAP? ΤΙΣ, 45 δὲ 83
not on Θεοῦ (Chrysostom, Theophylact, and others). — ἐκφεύξῃ] not : through
acquittal (Bengel),* but inasmuch as thou shalt not be subjected to the κρῖμα
of God, but shalt on the contrary escape it and be secure afar off from it.
Comp. 2 Macc. vi. 26, vii. 35 ; 1 Thess. v. 3 ; Heb. ii. 83. According to
the Jewish illusion only the Gentiles were to be judged (Bertholdt, Christol.
p- 206 ff.), whereas all Israel were to share in the Messianic kingdom as its
native children (Matt. viii. 12).
Ver. 4. [See Note XVII. p. 106.] Or—in case thou hast not this illusion—
despisest thou, etc. The ἢ draws away the attention from the case first put as
a question, and proposes another ; vi. 3 ; 1 Cor. ix. 6, and often elsewhere.?
—The despising the divine goodness is the contemptuous unconcern as to its
holy purpose, which produces as a natural consequence security in sinning
(Eccles. v. 5 f.).— τοῦ πλούτου τῆς χρηστ.] πλοῦτος, as designation of the
‘‘abundantia et magnitudo” (Estius), is a very current expression with the
Apostle (ix. 23, xi. 38); Eph. i. 7, ii. 4, 7, iii. 16 ; Col. i. 27), but is nota
Hebraism (Ps. v. 8, Ixix. 17 a/.), being used also by Greek authors ; Plat.
Huth. p. 12 A, and see Loesner, Ὁ. 245.— χρηστότητος] is the goodness of God,
in accordance with which He is inclined to benefit (and not to punish).
Comp. Tittmann’s Synon. p. 195. —avoyy and μακροϑ.. patience and long-
suffering—the two terms exhausting the one idea—denote the disposition
of God, in accordance with which He indulgently tolerates the sins and de-
lays the punishments.* ---- ἀγνοῶν] inasmuch as it is unknown to thee, that ete.
By this accompanying definition of the καταφρονεῖς the (guilty) folly of the
despiser is laid bare as its tragic source. Bengel says aptly : ‘‘miratur
Paulus hancignorantiam.” The literal sense is arbitrarily altered by Pareus,
Reiche, de Wette, Maier, and others, who make it denote the not being «will-
ing to know, which it does not denote even in Acts xvii. 23 ; Rom. x. 3;
by K6élner, who, following Grotius, Koppe, and many others, holds it to
mean non considerans ; and also by Hofmann : ‘‘to perceive, as one ought.”
Comp. 1 Cor. xv. 34. — ἄγει] of ethical incitement by influencing the will.‘
But it is not to be taken of the conatus (desires to urge), but of the standing
relation of the goodness of God to the moral condition of man.*° This re-
lation is an impelling to repentance, in which the failure of result on the part
of man does not cancel the act of the ἄγει itself.°
Ver. 5. A vividly introduced contrast to the preceding proposition ὅτε τὸ
χρηστὸν... . ἄγει ; not a continuation of the question (Lachmann, following
Koppe and others ; also Baumgarten-Crusius, Ewald), but affirmative (by
which the discourse becomes far more impressive and striking) as a setting
forth of the actual position of things, which is brought about by man
through his impenitence, in opposition to the drawing of the divine kind-
ness ; for the words can only, in pursuance of the correct interrogative ren-
dering of ver. 3, be connected with ver. 4, and not also (as Hofmann holds)
1 Comp. Dem. 602, 2, Aristoph. Vesp. 157 al. 4 Plat. Rep. Ὁ. 572 D, al. See Kypke and
2 Baeumlein, Partikell. p. 132. Reisig, ad. Soph. O. C. 253. Comp. viii. 14.
3See Wetstein, and the passages from δ Therefore no predestination to damna-
the Fathers in Suicer, Zhes. II. p. 994. tion can be supposed.
Comp. Tittmann, Synon. p. 194. 6 Comp. Wisd. xi. 23; Appian. ii. 63.
84 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
with ver. 3. — κατά] in accordance with ; in a causal sense. Comp. on Phil.
iv. 11. On oxdnp x. ἀμεταν. kapd. comp. Acts vii. 31. It is correlative with
the previous εἰς μετάνοιαν. --- ϑησαυρίζεις σεαυτῷ ὀργὴν] Wolf aptly says: ‘ in-
nuitur.... irae divinae judicia paulatim coacervari, ut tandem universa
promantur.”? The purposely chosen word glances back to the previous τοῦ
πλούτου k.T.2. and σεαυτῷ, to thyself, heightens the tragic nature of the foolish
conduct that redounds fo one’s own destruction ; comp. ΧΙ]. 2. — ἐν ἡμέρᾳ opy. }
not to be taken with Luther, Beza, Castalio, Piscator, Calvin, Estius, and
many others as in diem irae (Phil. 1. 10 ; Jude 6; Tob. iv. 9), belongs to
ὀργήν : which breaks out on the day of wrath. Comp. 1 Thess. iii. 13. Re-
garding the repetition of ὀργῆς after ὀργήν Bengel correctly remarks : ‘‘ dev-
νότης Sermonis magna vi.” Whose wrath, is self-evident, without its being
necessary to connect ὀργής with Θεοῦ (Hofmann), which is forbidden by the
intervening ἀποκαλ. and by the previous absolutely put ὀργήν. The article
was not required by ἡμέρᾳ on account of the genitive definitions ; 1 Cor. vi.
2; Eph. iv. 30 ; Phil. i. 6, a/.2— Paul characterizes the day of judgment,
and with what powerful emphasis! by an accumulation of genitives and
weighty expressions, with reference to the fate of the bad as ἡμέρα ὁργῆς, but
with reference to its general destination (afterwards ver. 6 ff. to be further
carried out in detail) for good and bad as a day aroxad δικαιοκρισ. τ. Θεοῦ, 1.6.
on which God’s righteous judgment (which until then remains hidden) is re-
vealed, publicly exhibited. With the exception of passages of the Fathers,
such as Justin, de resurr. p. 223, δικαιοκρισία occurs only in an unknown
translation of Hos. vi. 5 (where the LXX. read κρίμα) and the Test. XII.
Patr. p. 547 and 581.
Ver. 6. Compare Ps. Ixii. 13; Prov. xxiv. 12; analogies from Greek
writers in Spiess, Logos spermat. p. 214. — κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ] 1.6. according
as shall be commensurate with the moral quality of his actions. [See Note
XVIL. p.106.] On this, and on the following amplification down to ver. 16,
it is to be observed :—(1) Paul is undoubtedly speaking of the judgment of
the world, which God will cause to be held by Christ, ver. 16; (2) The
subjects who are judged are Jews and Gentiles, ver. 9 ff., consequently all
men, ver. 16. The distinction, as to whether they are Christians or not, is
left out of view in this exposition, as the latter is partly intended to intro-
duce the reader to a knowledge of the necessity of justification by faith
(down to iii. 20) ; and it is consequently also left out of view that judgment
according to works cannot result in bliss for the unbelievers, because there
is wanting to them the very thing whose vital action produces the works in
accordance with which the Judge awards bliss, namely, faith and the
accompanying regeneration. (8) The standard of the decision is moral action
and its opposite, vv. 6-10 ; and this standard is really and in fact the only
one, to which at the last judgment all, even the Christians themselves, shall
1Comp. Calovius; and see Deut. xxxii. see Alberti, Obss. p. 297; Mtinthe itn doc.,
83-85; Prov. i. 18, ii. 7; Ecclus. iii. 4. For from Philo: Loesner, p. 246.
passages of profane writers, where θησαυρός 2 Winer, p. 118 f. [E. T. 125] ; Kiihner, IL.
and θησαυρίζειν are used to express the accu- 1, p. 524.
mulation of evils, punishments, and the like,
ΘΕΆ ΤΟ: δῦ
be subjected, and by which their fate for eternity shall be determined,
Matt. xvi. 27, xxv. 31 ff.; 2 Cor. v. 10; Gal. vi. 7 ff.; Eph. vi. 8 ; Col. iii.
24; Rev. ii. 23, xx. 12, xxii. 12. But (4) the relation of moral action in
the case of the Christian to the jides salvifica, as the necessary effect and
fruit of which that action must be demanded at the judgment, cannot, for
the reason given above under (2), be here introduced into the discussion.
(5) On the contrary, the law only (in the case of the Jews the Mosaic, in the
case of the Gentiles the natural), must be presented as the medium of the
decision, ver. 12 ff.; a view which has likewise its full truth (compare what
was remarked under (3) above), since the Christian also, because he is to
be judged according to his action, must be judged according to law (compare
the doctrine of the tertius legis usus), and indeed according to the πλήρωσις
τοῦ νόμου introduced by Christ, Matt. v.17. Comp. xxv. 31 ff.; Rom. ΧΙ].
8-10,—although he becomes partaker of salvation, not through the merit of
works (a point the further development of which formed no part of the
Apostle’s general discussion here), but through faith, of which the works
are the practical evidence and measure.* Accordingly the ‘‘phrasis legis”
(Melanchthon) is indeed to be recognized in our passage, but it is to be
apprehended in its full truth, which does not stamp as a mere theoretic
abstraction (Baur) the contrast, deeply enough experienced by Paul him-
self, between the righteousness of works and righteousness of faith. It is
neither to be looked upon as needing the corrective of the Christian plan of
salvation ; nor as an inconsistency (Fritzsche) ; nor yet in such a light, that the
doctrine of justification involves a partial abrogation of the moral order of the
world (Reiche), which is, on the contrary, confirmed and established by it,
iii. 31. But our passage yields nothing in favour of the possibility, which
God may grant to unbelievers, of turning to Christ after death (Tholuck),
or of becoming partakers of the salvation in Christ in virtue of an exercise
of divine power (Th. Schott): and the representation employed for that
purpose,—that the life of faith is the product of a previous life-tendency,
and that the épya perfect themselves in faith (Luthardt, Tholuck),—is erro-
neous, because incompatible with the N. T. conception of regeneration as a
new creation, as a putting off of the old man, as a having died and risen
again, as a being begotten of God through the Spirit, etc., ete. The new
life (vi. 4) is the direct opposite of the old (vi. 19 ff.). The possibility
referred to is to be judged of in connection with the descensus Christi ad
inferos, but is irrelevant here.
Ver. 7. To those, who by virtue of perseverance in morally-good work 8061; to
obtain glory and honour and immortality, eternal life sc. ἀποδώσει. Conse-
quently καθ᾽ trou ἔργου ἀγαθ. contains the standard, the regulative principle,
by which the seeking after glory, honour, ete. is guided, and ἔργου ἀγαϑοῦ,"
1 Τῷ is rightly observed by Calovius: 2 The singular without the article indi-
“secundum opera, i.e. secundum testimo- cates the thing in abstracto ; the rule is for
nium operum,” is something different every given case: perseverance in good work.
from ‘‘ propter opera, i.e. propter meritum The idea that the work of redemption is re-
operum.” Comp. Apol. Conf. A, art.3,and ferred to (Mehring, in accordance with
Beza in loc. Phil. i. 6), so that ὑπομ. ἔργ. ay., Would be
86 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
which is not with Beza to be connected with δόξαν, is the genitive of the
object to which the ὑπομονή refers (1 Thess. i. 8 ; Polyb. iv. 51, 1; Theophr.
Char. 6, 1) 3 while δόξαν x. τιμὴν k. ἀφϑαρσ. is an exhaustive description of the
future salvation according to its glorious appearing (2 Cor. iv. 17 ; Matt.
xiii. 43), according to the honour united with it (for it is the prize of vic-
tory, 1 Cor. ix. 25; Phil. mi, 14; 2 Tim. ν. 8... dames i. 124 1 Pet. v.4;
the joint heirship with Christ, viii. 17, the reigning along with Him, 2
Tim. ii. 12), and according to its imperishableness (1 Cor. xv. 52 ff.; Rev.
xxi. 4; 1 Pet. i. 4). Paul presents the moral effort under a character thus
specifically Christian, just because he can attribute it only to Christian Jews
and Gentiles ; and hence he is only able to give his description of this first
half of the subjects of future judgment, notwithstanding the generality of
his language, in the Christian form, in which alone it really takes place.
In keeping with this is also the ζωὴν αἰώνιον, t.e. eternal life in the kingdom
of the Messiah, v. 21, vi. 22 f.; Gal. vi. 8. The above construction of the
words is already followed by Theophilus, ad. Autol. i. 20, ed. Wolf, and by
most expositors, including Tholuck, Rickert, K6llner, de Wette, Olshausen,
Philippi, Maier, van Hengel, Umbreit. The objection raised against it by
Reiche and Hofmann, that according to the analogy of ver. 6 ka trou. ἔργ.
ay. must contain the standard of the ἀποδώσει, and cannot therefore belong
to ζητοῦσι, is untenable, because xa’ trou. ἔργ. ay., though attached to
ζητοῦσι, nevertheless does contain (indirectly) the standard of ἀποδώσει ; so
that there remains only an immaterial difference, which however is in fact
very consonant to the lively versatility of the Apostle’s thought. Still less
weight attaches to the objection, that to seek glory and honour is not in
itself a praiseworthy thing ; for the moral tenor of the ζητεῖν δόξαν κ.τ.λ.
(comp. Matt. vi. 33 ; John v. 44) is most definitely assured by καϑ’ trop.
ἔργ. ay. Utterly unfounded, in fine, is the objection of clumsiness (Hof-
mann) ; the symmetrical fulness of vv. 7, 8, has a certain solemnity about
it. Reiche and Hofmann, following Oecumenius,’ Estius, and others, arrange
it so that to δόξαν. x. τιμ. kK. ἀφϑαρσίαν they supply ἀποδώσει, Whilst ζητοῦσι 15 to
be combined with ζωὴν αἰών. and regarded as an apposition or (Hofmann)
reason assigned to τοῖς μέν, Πα ka ὑπομ. ἔργ. ay. is the standard of ἀποδώσει.
Substantially so also Ewald, No syntactic objection can be urged against
this rendering; but how tamely and heavily is the ζητοῦσι ζωὴν αἰών. subjoined !
Paul would have written clearly, emphatically, and in harmony with the
contrast in ver. 8: τοῖς. . . . ἀγαϑοῦ ζωὴν αἱ. ζητοῦσι δόξαν κ. τιμ. K. abd.
Ver. 8. Τοῖς δὲ ἐξ ἐριϑείας] sc. οὖσι : paraphrase of the substantive idea, to
be explained from the conception of the moral condition as drawing its
origin thence (comp. iii. 26 ; iv. 12, 14; Gal. iii. 10; Phil. i. 17, al.).
equivalent to ὑπακοὴ πίστεως, ought to have
been precluded by the parallel in ver. 10.
Comp. ver. 2. ‘
1 To ὑπερβατὸν οὕτω τακτέον' τοῖς καθ᾽ ὑπο-
μονὴν ἔργον ἀγαθοῦ ζητοῦσι ζωὴν αἰώνιον, ἀπο-
δώσει δόξαν καὶ... . ἀφθαρσίαν. But there
is no ground whatever for the assumption
of a hyperbaton, in which Luther also has
entangled himself. Very harshly Bengel,
Fritzsche, and Krehl separate tots καθ᾽
ὑπομον. ἔργου ay. from what follows, and
supply οὖσι; and then take δόξαν.
ζητοῦσι aS apposition to Tots... . ἔργον,
but make ζωὴν ai. likewise dependent on
ἀποδώσει.
CHAP, ἘΠῚ 8. 87
See Bernhardy, Ὁ. 288 f. Comp. the use of υἱοί and τέκνα in Eph. ii. 2.
We are precluded from taking (with Hofmann) ἐκ in a causal sense (in con-
sequence of ἐριϑεία), and as belonging to are. κιτ.λ. by the καί, which would
here express the idea, unsuitable to the connection : even.’ This καί, the
simple and, which is not however with Hofmann to be interpreted as if
Paul had written μᾶλλον or τοὐναντίον (‘instead of seeking after eternal life,
rather,” etc.), clearly shows that τοῖς dé ἐξ ἐριϑείας is to be taken by itself, as
it has been correctly explained since the time of the Vulgate and Chrysos-
tom. —épdeia] is not to be derived from ἔρις or ἐρίζω, but from éputoc, a
hired labourer,* a spinner ; hence ἐρεϑεύω, to work for hire (Tob. 11. 11), then
also : to act selfishly, to lay plots. Compare ἐξερεϑεύεσϑαι, Polyb. x. 25, 9,
and ἀνεριϑεύτος (without party intrigues) in Philo, p. 1001 E. ἐριϑεία has
therefore, besides the primary sense of work for hire, the twofold ethical
signification (1) mercenary greed ; and (2) desire of intrigue, pursuit of par-
tisan courses ; Arist. Pol. v.2f. See Fritzsche, Hxzewrsus on ch. 11. ; regard-
ing the composition of the word, see on 2 Cor. xii. 20. The latter significa-
tion is to be retained in all passages of the N. T. 2 Cor. xii. 20; Gal. v.
20; Phil. i. 16, ii. 3; James iii. 14, 16.—oi ἐξ ἐριϑείας are therefore the
intriguers, the partisan actors ; whose will and striving are conducive not to
the truth (for that in fact is a power of an entirely different kind, opposed
to their character), but to immorality, wherefore there is added, as further
characterizing them: καί ἀπειϑοῦσι. Compare Ignatius, ad Philad. 8,
where the opposite of ἐριϑ. is the χριστομάϑεια, 1.6. the discipleship of Christ,
which excludes all selfish partisan effort. Haughtiness (as van Hengel
explains it), and the craving jor self-assertion (Mehring and Hofmann) are
combined with it, but are not what the word itself signifies. The intepre-
tation formerly usual : qui sunt ex contentione (Vulg.), those fond of strife
(Origen, Chrysostom, Oecumenius, Theophylact, Erasmus, Luther, Beza,
Calvin, etc.), which was understood, for the most part as those rebelling
against God, is based partly on the erroneous derivation from épic, partly on
the groundless assumption that in the other passages of the N. T. the sense
of quarrelsomeness is necessary. Since this is not the case, Reiche’s conject-
ure is irrelevant, that the vulgar usus loguendi had erroneously derived the
word from ἔρις and had lent to it the corresponding signification. Kéllner
explains it rightly as partisanship, but gratuitously assumes that this was a
special designation for ‘‘ godless character” in general. So in substance also
Fritzsche : ‘‘homines neguam.” The very addition, further describing
these men, καὶ ἀπειϑοῦσι. . . . ἀδικίᾳ, quite allows us to suppose that Paul
had before his mind the strict and proper meaning of the word partisanship ;
and it is therefore unwarrantable to base the common but linguistically
erroneous explanation on the affinity between the notions of partisanship and of
contentiousness (Philippi). The question to be determined is not the cate-
gory of ideas to which the épvdetew belongs, but the definite individual idea
which it expresses. —opy7 «. ϑυμός] sc. ἔσται. In the animation of his
1 Baeuml. Partik. Ὁ. 150, also Xen. Afem. i. Dem. 1313, 6; LXX. Is. xxxvili. 19. See
8, 1. Valck. ad Theocr. Adoniaz. p. 373. Com-
3 Tomer, xviii. 550, 560; Hesiod, ἔργ. 600f.: pare συνέριθος frequent in Greek authors.
88 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
description Paul has broken off the construction previously followed. ° To
connect these words with what follows (Mehring) disturbs unnecessarily
the important symmetry of the passage. On the distinction between the
two words, see Tittman’s Synon. p. 131 ff. ϑυμός : vehement passion, in Cic.
Tuse. iv. 9, 21 rendered excandescentia, here, as also in Gal. v. 20, Eph. iv.
31, Col. iii. 8, Rev. xvi. 19, xix. 15, often also in the O. T. and the Apoc-
rypha, made known by its combination with ὀργή, and by its being put last
as the more vehement, as the holy divine wrath.*
Vv. 9, 10. Emphatic recapitulation of vv. 7 and 8, inverting the order,
and in addition, giving special prominence to the universality of the retri-
bution. The placing the penal retribution first gives to this an aspect the
more threatening and alarming, especially as the terms expressing it are now
accumulated in one breath. — ϑλέψις x. στενοχωρία] Tribulation and anguish,
se. ἔσται. The calamity is thus described as pressing upon them from with-
out (ϑλίψις), and as felt inwardly with the sense of its being beyond help
(orevox.), Vili. 85 ; 2 Cor. iv. 7, vi. 12 ; compare LXX. Is. xxx. 6 ; Deut.
Xxvili. 58. — ἐπὲ πᾶσαν ψυχὴν avdp.|] denotes not simply ‘‘ upon every man”
(so even Philippi), but ‘‘ wpon every soul which belongs to a man” who practises
evil. The ψυχή is thereby designated as that which is affected by the dim.
x. otevoy. (Acts ii. 43 5 Matt. xxvi. 28, al.) ; comp. Winer, p. 147 [E. T.
156]. It is the part which feels the pain.? — πρῶτον] Quite as ini. 16. The
Jews, as the people of God, in possession of the revelation with its prom-
ises and threatenings, are therefore necessarily also those upon whom the
retribution of judgment—not the reward merely, but also the punishment
—has to find in the jirst instance its execution. In both aspects they have
the priority based on their position in the history of salvation as the theo-
cratic people, and that as certainly as God is impartial. ‘‘ Judaei particeps
Graecus,” Bengel. The Jewish conceit is counteracted in the first clause
by ’Iovdaiov te πρῶτον, im the second by καὶ “Ἕλληνι, and counteracted with
sternly consistent earnestness. The second πρῶτον precludes our taking the
first as ironical (Reiche). — εἰρήνη] welfare, by which is intended that of the
Messiah’s kingdom, as in viii. 6. It is not materially different from the
ἀφϑαρσία and ζωὴ αἰώνιος of ver. 7 ; the totality of that which had already
been described in special aspects by δόξα and τιμή (comp. on ver. 7). — Re-
garding the distinction between épyaf. and κατεργαζ. (works and brings to
pass) see on i. 27. ;
Ver. 11. Ground assigned for vv. 9 and 10, so far as concerns the "Iovd.
mp. Kk. Ἕλλην. --- προσωποληψία] Partial preference from personal considera-
tions. See on Gal. ii. 6. Melancthon : ‘‘ dare aequalia inequalibus vel
inequalia aequalibus.” The ground specified is directed against the Jew-
ish theocratic fancy. Comp. Acts x. 34 f. ; Ecclus. xxxii. (xxxv.) 15.
Ver. 12. Assigns the ground in point of fact for the proposition con-
tained in ver. 11, in special reference to the future judgment of condemna-
tion.* — ἀνόμως] 1.6. without the standard of the law (without having had it).
1 Compare Isoc. xii. 81: ὀργῆς κ. θυμοῦ 2 See Ernesti, Urspr. d, Siinde, II. p. 101 ff.
μεστοί. Herodian, viii. 4, 1: ὀργῆ «. θυμῷ 2 Only in reference to the judgment of
χρώμενος. Lucian, decalumn, 28, al. condemnation, because the idea of a Messi-
CHAP, TI.5 19. 89
[See Note XIX. p. 107.] Comp. 1 Cor. ix. 21; Wisd. xvii. 2. Those whose
sins were not transgressions of the Mosaic law (but of the moral law of
nature), the sinful Gentiles, shall be transferred into the penal state of
eternal death without the standard of the law, without having their con-
demnation decided in accordance with the requirements of a νόμος to which
they are strangers. The ἀπολοῦνται, which is to set in at the final judgment,
not through natural necessity (Mangold), is the opposite of the σωτηρία, i.
16, of the ζήσεται, 1. 17, of the ζωὴ αἰώνιος, ii. 7, of the δόξα x.7.2., ii. 10 ;
comp. John iii. 15 ; Rom. xiv. 15; 1 Cor. i. 18. This very ἀπολοῦνται
should of itself have precluded commentators from finding in the second
ἀνόμως an element of mitigation (Chrysostom, Theophylact, Oecumenius), as
if it was meant to exclude the severity of the law. The immoral Gentiles
may not hope to remain unpunished on account of their non-possession of
the law ; punished they shall be independently of the standard of the law.
This is the confirmation of the ἀπροσωποληψία of God on the one side, in re-
gard to the Gentiles.—The καί before ἀπολ. is the also of a corresponding
relation, but not between ἀνόμως and ἀνόμως, as if Paul had written καὶ avon.
ἀπολ., but between ἥμαρτον and aod. : as they have sinned without law, so
shall they also perish without law. In this way ἀνόμως retains the emphasis
of the specific how. Compare the following. The praeterite ἥμαρτον is
spoken from the standpoint of the time of the judgment. — καὶ ὅσοι ἐν νόμῳ
x.t.A.] This gives the other aspect of the case, with reference to the Jevs,
who do not escape the judgment (of condemnation) on account of their
privilege of possessing the law, but on the contrary are to be judged by
means of the law, so that sentence shall be passed on them in virtue of 7
(see Deut. xxvii. 26; comp. John vy. 46). --- ἐν νόμῳ] Not on the law
(Luther), which would be εἰς νόμον, but the opposite of ἀνόμως: with the law,
é.€. In possession of the law, which they had as a standard,’ Winer, Ὁ. 361
[E. T. 386]. On νόμος without the article, used of the Mosaie law, see
Winer, p. 117 [E. T. 123]. So frequently in the Apocrypha, and of partic-
ular laws also in classical writers. To question this use of it in the N. T.
(van Hengel, Th. Schott, Hofmann, and others) opens the way for artificial
and sometimes intolerable explanations of the several passages. — κρειϑήσ.]
an unsought change of the verb, suggested by διὰ νόμου.
Ver. 13 proves the correctness of the proposition, so much at variance
with the fancy of the Jews, ὅσοι ἐν νόμῳ ἥμαρτον, διὰ νόμου kpvdjoovrar.—The
placing of vv. 13-15 in a parenthesis, as after Beza’s example, is done by
Grotius, Griesbach, and others, also by Reiche and Winer, is to be reject-
ed, because ver. 13, which cannot be placed in a parenthesis alone (as
Koppe and Mehring do), is closely joined with what immediately precedes,
and it is only in ver. 14 that an intervening thought is introduced by way
anic bliss of unbelievers was necessarily 1 This opposition does not extend beyond
foreign to the Apostle; as indeed in vv. 7 the νόμον μὴ ἔχειν and νόμον ἔχειν, ver. 14.
and 10 he was under the necessity of de- Therefore ἐν νόμῳ is ποῦ : within the law as
scribing those to whom Messianic bliss was the divine order of common life (comp. iii.
to be given in recompense, in terms of a 19) as Hofmann takes it.
Christian character.
90 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL ΤῸ THE ROMANS,
of illustration. The parenthesis is (with Baumgarten-Crusius) to be limit-
ed to vv. 14, 15, as is done also by Lachmann. See on ver. 16. — οἱ axpoa-
vai] A reference to the public reading of the Thorah on the Sabbath.
Comp. Acts xv. 21 ; 2 Cor. iii. 14; John xii. 34; Josephus, Ant. v. 1,
26, v. 2, 7. The substantive brings out more forcibly than the participial
form of expression would have done the characteristic feature : those, whose
business is hearing.’— παρὰ τῷ Θεῷ] ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ 111. 20, according to God's
judgment. 1 Cor. iii. 9 ; 2 Thess. i. 6 ; Winer, p. 869 [E. T. 395).— δικαιω-
dno.) They shall be declared as righteous, normal. See oni.17. This οἱ ποιη-
ταὶ νόμου δικαιωϑήσονται is the general fundamental law of God who judges
with righteousness (Gal. iii. 12) ; a fundamental law which required to be
urged here in proof of the previous assertion ὅσοι ἐν νόμῳ ἥμαρτον, διὰ v. κριϑήσ.
Compare Weiss, bibl. Theol. ὃ 87. How in the event of its being impossible
for aman to be a true ποιητὴς νόμου (ili. 9 ff.) faith comes in and furnishes
a δικαιοσύνη ἐκ πίστεως, and then how man, by means of the καινότης ζωῆς (vi.
4) attained through faith, must and can fulfil (viii. 4) the law completed
by Christ (the νόμος τοῦ πνεύματος τῆς ζωῆς, Vili. 2), were topics not belong-
ing to the present discussion. Compare on ver. 6. ‘‘ Haec descriptio est
justitia legis, quae nihil impedit alia dicta de justitia fidei,” Melanchthon.
Vv. 14-16. The οἱ ποιηταὶ νόμου δικαιωϑήσονται just asserted did not require
proof with regard to the Jews. But, as the regulative principle of the last
judgment, it could not but appear to need proof with regard to the Gentiles,
since that fundamental rule might seem to admit of no application to; those
who sin ἀνόμως and peri®h ἀνόμως. Now the Gentiles, though beyond the pale
of the Mosaic law and not incurring condemnation according to the standard
of that law, yet possess in the moral law of nature a certain substitute for
the Mosaic law not given to them. It is in virtue of this state of things
that they present themselves, not as excepted from the above rule οἱ ποιηταὶ
νόμου δικαιωϑ., but as subjected to it ; namely, in the indirect way that they,
although ἄνομοι in the positive sense, have nevertheless in the natural law
a substitute for the positive one—which is apparent, as often as Gentiles
do by nature that which the positive Mosaic law not given to them enjoins.
The connection may therefore be paraphrased somewhat thus: ‘* With
right and reason I say: the doers of the law shall be justified ; for as to the
case of the Gentiles, that ye may not regard them as beyond reach of that rule,
it is proved in fact by those instances, in which Gentiles, though not in possession
of the law of Moses, do by nature the requirements of this law, that they are the
law unto themselves, because, namely, they thereby show that its obligation stands
written in their hearts,” ete. It is to be observed at the same time that Paul
does not wish to prove a justification of the Gentiles really occurring as a
result through the fulfilment of their natural law—a misconception against
which he has already guarded himself in ver. 12,—but he desires simply to
establish the regulative principle of justification through the law in the case
of the Gentiles, Real actual justification by the law takes place neither
among Jews nor Gentiles ; because in no case is there a complete fulfil-
1 Compare Theile, ad Jac. i. 22, p. 76.
CHAP. 117 14. 91
ment, either, among the Jews, of the revealed law, or, among the Gentiles,
of the natural law—which in fact is only a substitute for the former, but
at the same time forms the limit beyond which their responsibility and
their judgment cannot in principle go, because they have nothing higher
(in opposition to Philippi, who refers to the πλήρωμα νόμου, xiii. 10).—The
connection of thought between ver. 14 and what precedes it has been very
variously apprehended. According to Koppe (compare Calvin, Flatt, and
Mehring) vy. 14-16 prove the condemnation of the Gentiles asserted in
ver. 12, and ver. 17 ff. that of the Jews ; while ver. 13 is a parenthesis.
But, seeing that in the whole development of the argument γάρ always re-
fers to what immediately precedes, it is even in itself an arbitrary proceed-
ing to make ὅταν γάρ in ver. 14, without any evident necessity imposed by
the course of thought, refer to ver. 12, and to treat ver. 13, although it
contains a very appropriate reason assigned for the second part of ver. 12,
as a parenthesis to be broken off from connection with what follows ;
and decisive against this view are the words ἢ καὶ ἀπολογουμένων in ver, 15,
which place it beyond doubt that vv. 14-16 were not intended as a proof
of the ἀπολοῦνται in ver. 12. Philippi regards ver. 14 as establishing only
the first half of ver. 18 : ‘‘ not the hearers of the law are just before God,
for even the Gentiles have a law, 2.96. for even the Gentiles are ἀκροαταὶ τοῦ
νόμου." But we have no right to exclude thus from the reference of the
γάρ just the very assertion immediately preceding, and to make it refer to
a purely negative clause which had merely served to pave the way for this
assertion. The reference to the negative half of ver. 18 would only be
warranted in accordance with the text, had Paul, as he might have done,
inverted the order of the two parts of ver. 13, and so given to the negative
clause the second place.’ And the less could a reader see reason to refer
the yap to this negative clause in the position in which the Apostle has
placed it, since ver. 14 speaks of Gentiles who do the law, by which the
attention was necessarily directed, not to the negative, but to the affirma-
tive, half of ver. 13 (οἱ ποιηταὶ «.t.4.).2 Such a mode of presenting the
connection is even more arbitrary than if we should supply after ver. 13
the thought : ‘‘and therewith also the Gentiles” (K6llner and others), which
however is quite unnecessary. Our view is in substance that given already
by Chrysostom (οὐκ ἐκβάλλω τὸν νόμον, φησὶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐντεῦϑεν δικαιῶ τὰ ἔϑνη),
Erasmus, and others ; more recently by Tholuck, Riickert, Reiche, K6ll-
ner, Fritzsche, de Wette, Baumgarten-Crusius, Reithmayr, van Hengel,
Ewald, Th. Schott, though with very various modifications.
Ver. 14. “Ὅταν] quando, supposes a case which may take place at any
time, and whose frequent occurrence is possible, as ‘‘eventus ad experi-
entiam revocatus” (Klotz, ad Devar. p. 689) : in the case if, 80 often as. —
yap| introducing the proof that the proposition of ver. 13 also holds of the
1 Only thus—but not as Paul has actually Hofmann, who, substantially like Philippi,
placed it—could the negative clause be re- takes vy. 14-16 as a proof, that in the matter
garded as the chief thought, for which Phi- of righteousness before God nothing can depend
lippi is obliged to take it, p. 54 f. 3d ed. on whether one belongs to the number of those
* These reasons may also be urged against who hear the law read to them.
92 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Gentiles. See above. — ἔϑνη] not to be understood of the Gentiles collectively,
to which Reiche, de Wette, K6llner, Philippi refer it—for this must have
been expressed by the article (against which view neither ix. 30 nor iii. 29,
nor 1 Cor. i. 23, is to be adduced), and the putting of the case ὅταν. . . .
ποιῇ With respect to the heathen generally would be in itself untrue—but
Paul means rather Gentiles among whom the supposed case occurs. — τὰ μὴ νόμον
ἔχοντα) they who have not the law ; a more precise definition bearing on the
case, and bringing forward the point on which here the argument turns.
See Winer, Ὁ. 127 [E. T. 139]. Observe the distinction between μὴ νόμον
ἔχ. and νόμον μὴ ἔχ. The former negatives—while the contrast of the φύσει
floats before the mind—the possession of the law, instead of which they
have merely a natural analogue of it ;* the latter negatives the possession
of the law, which és wanting to them, whilst the Jews have it. — dice: τὰ τοῦ
γόμου ποιῇ] Most expositors uphold this connection, including Riickert,
2d ed. Onthe other hand Bengel and Usteri join φύσει to μὴ vou. ἔχοντα,
but thus make it superfluous and even unsuitable, and deprive it of all
weight in the connection, especially as the word φύσις has here no other
sense ‘than nativa indoles, i.e. the original constitution given with existence,
and not moulded by any extraneous training, culture, or other influence
beyond the endowments of nature and their natural development (comp. on
Eph. ii. 8) ; φύσει : ‘quia natura eorum ita fert,” Stalb. ad Plat. Phaedr.
p-. 249. The dative denotes the mediating cause. And that it is the
moral prompting of conscience left to itself, which Paul means by φύσει in con-
trast to the divine leading of the law, is plain from ver. 15. The φύσει ποιεῖν
lies beyond the sphere of positive revelation and its promptings, leadings,
etc. It takes place in virtue of an indoles ingenita, not interventu disciplinae
divinae formata, so that the thought of an operation of grace or of the
Logos taking place apart from Christ is quite foreign to this passage, and
its affirmation is not in harmony with the truncus et lapis of the Formula
Concordiac.* — τὰ τοῦ νόμου] what belongs to the law, i.e. its constituent ele-
ments, its precepts. Paul does not say simply τὸν νόμον ; for he is thinking
not of Gentiles who fulfil the law as @ whole, but of those who in concrete
cases by their action respond to the particular portions of the law concerned.
Compare Luthardt 1.6. p. 409. The close relation, in which the ποιεῖν τὰ
τοῦ νόμου here stands to ποιηταὶ νόμου in ver, 13, is fatal to the view of Beza,
Joh. Cappell., Elsner, Wetstein, Michaelis, Flatt, and Mehring, who ex-
plain it as quae lex facit, namely, the commanding, convincing, condemn-
ing, Οἵα. --- ἑαυτοῖς εἰσὶ νόμος] They are the law unto themselves, i.e. their
moral nature, with its voice of conscience commanding and forbidding,
supplies to their own Ego the place of the revealed law possessed by the
Jews. Thus in that ποιεῖν they serve for themselves as a regulator of the
conduct that agrees with the divine law.* Observe further that here,
where the participle stands without the article—consequently not οἱ νόμ. μὴ
1 Compare Stalb. ad Plat. Crit. p. 47 Ὁ. 3 For parallels (Manil. vy. 495, a/.: ipse δὲ δὲ
2 See the later discussions of dogmatic lex est, Arist. Nicom. iv. 14: νόμος ὥνἑαυτῷ
writers as to this point in Luthardt, v. freien αἰ.) see Wetstein ; compare also Porph, ad
Willen, p. 366 ff. Mare. 25, p. 304.
ΘῊΡ ΡΣ ΣΤΈΓΟΣ 95
ἔχοντες (as previously τὰ μὴ. . . . &yovra)—it is to be resolved by since they,
because they ; which however does not convey the idea: because they are
conscious of the absence of the law (as Hofmann objects), but rather : be-
cause this want occurs in their case. See Buttmann’s nevt. Gr. Ὁ. 301
[E. T. 306]. The resolution by although (Th. Schott) is opposed to the
connection ; that by while (Hofmann) fails to convey the definite and logical
meaning ; which is, that Gentiles, in the cases indicated by ὅταν «.r.A.
would not be ἑαυτοῖς νόμος, if they had the positive law.—The οὗτοι com-
prehends emphatically the subjects in question.’
Ver. 15. Oirivec x.7.4.] quippe qui. See on i. 25. The οὗτοι of ver. 14
are characterized, and consequently the ἑαυτοῖς εἰσὶ νόμος, just asserted, is
confirmed : being such as show (practically by their action, ver. 14, make it
known) that the work of the law is written in their hearts, wherewithal their
conscience bears joint witness, ete. —That ἐνδείκνυνται should be‘understood of
the practical proof which takes place by the. ποιεῖν τὰ τοῦ νόμου (not by the
testimony of conscience, Bengel, Tholuck) is required by the σὺν in συμμαρ-
τυρούσης, Which is not a mere strengthening of the simple word (Kd6llner,
Olshausen ; comp. Tholuck, following earlier expositors ; see, on the other
hand viii. 16, ix. 1), but denotes the agreement of the internal evidence of
conscience with the external proof by fact.2 It is impossible to regard the
ἐνδείκνυνται as taking place on the day indicated in ver. 16 (Hofmann), since
this day can be no other than that of the last judgment. See on ver. 16.
-- τὸ ἔργον τοῦ νόμου] The work relating to the law, the conduct corresponding
to it, fulfilling it. The opposite is ἁμαρτήματα νόμου, Wisd. 11. 12. Com-
pare on Gal. ii. 16. The singular is collective (Gal. vi. 4), as a summing up
of the ἔργα τ. νόμου (111. 20, 28, ix. 32 ; Gal. 11. 16, 11. 2, 5, 10). Compare
τὰ tov νόμου above. This stands written in their hearts as commanded, as
moral obligation,*® as ethical law of nature. — γραπτόν) purposely chosen with
reference to the written law of Moses, although the moral law is ἄγραφος. ἡ
!
1 Kiihner, 11. 1, p. 568; Buttmann 1.6. p.
262 f.
2 Where συμμαρτυρεῖν appears to be equiv-
alent to μαρτυρ., it is only an apparent equiv-
alence; there is always mentally implied an
agreement with the person for whom wiiness
is borne, as é.g. Thue. viii. 51,2; Plat. Zipp.
Maj. p. 282 B: συμμαρτυρῆσαι δέ σοι ἔχω ὅτι
ἀληθῆ λέγεις, if that is meant is not a testi-
mony agreeing with others (as Xen. Hist. Gr.
Vii. -1, 2, iii. 3, 2), or, as here, one that agrees
with a thing, aphenomenon, a proof by fact,
or the like. Compare Isoc. p. 47 A. In the
passage, Plat. Legg. iii. p. 680 D, ξυμμαρτυρεῖν
is expressly distinguished from μαρτυρ ; for,
after the τῷ σῷ λόγῳ ἔοικε μαρτυρεῖν preced-
ing, the vai: ξυμμαρτυρεῖ yap must mean: he
is my joint-witness, whose evidence agrees
with what I say. If the reference of συμ.
in our passage to the proof by fact be not
adopted, then αὐτοῖς would need be sup-
plied ; but wherefore should we do so? Ac-
cording to Tholuck συμ. indicates merely
the agreement of the person witnessing
with the contents of his testimony. This
is never the case, and would virtually de-
prive the συμ. of all significance.
8 This inward law is not the conscience it-
self, but the regulative contents of the con-
sciousness of the conscience ; consequently,
if we conceive the latter, and with justice
(in opposition to Rud. Hofmann, Lehre vom
Gewissen, 1866, p. 54, 58 f.), as presented in
the form of a syllogism, it forms the sub-
ject of the major premise of this syllogism.
Comp. Delitzsch, bibl. Psychol. p. 136 f.
4Plato, Legg. Ὁ. 481 B, Thue. ii. 87, 3,
and Kriiger, in loc. p. 200; Xen. Mem. iv.
4, 19; Soph. Ant. 450; Dem. 317, 23, 689, 22;
Dion. Hal. vii. 41). Compare Jer. xxxi. 33;
Heb. viii. 10, and the similar designations
among the Rabbins in Buxtorf, Lea Talm.
p. 852, 1849.
94 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
The supplying of ὄν serves to explain the adjective, which is used instead
of the participle to denote what continues and is constant.’— συμμαρτυρούσης
αὐτῶν συνειδήσεως, καὶ μεταξὺ x«.7.A.] while they make known outwardly by
their action that the ἔργον of the law is written in their hearts, their inner
moral consciousness accords with it ; namely (1), in reference to their own,
personal relation : the testimony of their own consciences ; and (2), in regard
to their mutual relation : the accusations or vindications® that are carried on
between Gentiles and Gentiles (μεταξὺ ἀλλήλων) by their thoughts, by their
moral judgments. This view of the sense is required by the correlation of
the points αὐτῶν and μεταξὺ ἀλλήλων placed with emphasis in the foreground
(μεταξὺ occurring in Paul’s writings only here, and therefore all the more
intentionally chosen in this case) ; so that thus both the personal individual
testimony of conscience (αὐτῶν) and the mutual judgment of the thoughts
(μεταξὺ ἀλλήλων), are adduced, as accompanying internal acts, in confirma-
tion of the ἐνδείκνυνται. The Gentiles, who do the requirement of the law,
practically show thereby that that requirement is inscribed on their hearts ;
and this is attested at the same time, so far as concerns the actors themselves,
by their (following) conscience, and, so far as concerns their relation to other
Gentiles, by the accusations or the vindications which they reciprocally practise
in their moral thoughts, the one making reflections of a condemnatory or of
a justifying nature on the other.* The prominence thus given to αὐτῶν and
μεταξὺ ἀλλήλων, and the antithetical correlation of the two points, have been
commonly misunderstood (though not by Castalio, Storr, Flatt, Baumgar-
ten-Crusius), and consequently κ. μετ. ἀλλ. τῶν διαλογ. κιτ.2. has been taken
merely as an explanatory description of the process of conscience, in which the
thoughts accuse or vindicate one another (i.e. one thought the other) ; so that
ἀλλήλων is referred to the thoughts, and not, as is nevertheless required by
the αὐτῶν standing in contradistinction to it, to the ἔϑνη. This view ought
even to have been precluded by attending to the fact that, since συμμαρτ.
. . συνειδήσεως Must, in harmony with the context, mean the approving
conscience [See Note XX. p. 108.], what follows cannot well suit as an exposi-
tion, because in it the κατηγορούντων preponderates. Finally, it was an arbi-
trary expedient, rendering μεταξὺ merely superfluous and confusing, to
separate it from ἀλλήλ., and to explain the former as meaning at a future
time, viz. ἐν ἡμέρᾳ x.T.A. (Koppe), or between, at the same time (Kollner,
Jatho).
Ver. 16 has its connection with what goes before very variously defined.
While Ewald goes so far as to join it with ver. 5, and regards everything
intervening as a parenthesis, many, and recently most expositors, have con-
nected it with the immediately preceding cuypapr. . . . . ἀπολογ. ; in which
1 Compare Bornemann, ad Xen. Mem. i.
5,1; Symp. 4, 25. See the truly classic de-
scription of this inner law, and that as di-
vine, in Cicero, de Repubdl. iii. 23; of the
Greeks, comp. Soph. 0. 7. 838 ff., and Wun-
der, 27 loc.
2 The καί added to the 7 is based on the
view taken of the moral state of the Gen-
tiles, that the κατηγορεῖν forms the rule. See
Baeumlein, Partik. p. 126.
3 Compare Weiss, bibl. Theol. p. 277: “Τὸ
is testified by the conscience, which teaches
them to judge the quality of their own and
others’ actions.”
CHAP, 11.,.16. 95
case, however, ἐν ἡμέρᾳ cannot be taken for εἰς ἡμέραν (Calvin), nor the pres-
ent participles in a future sense (Fritzsche), since, in accordance with the
context, they are contemporary with ἐνδείκνυνται. And for that very reason
we must reject the view, which has been often assumed, that Paul suddenly
transports himself from the present into the time of the judgment, when
the exercise of conscience in the Gentiles will be specially active, and that
for this reason he at once adds ἐν ἡμέρᾳ x.t.A. directly without inserting a
καὶ τοῦτο μάλιστα, OY καὶ τοῦτο γενήσεται, Or the like (Riickert, Tholuck, de
Wette, Reithmayr, Philippi, van Hengel, Umbreit ; comp. Estius). The
supposition of such an illogical and violent leap of thought in so clear and
steady a thinker as Paul is thoroughly arbitrary and wholly without analogy.
Moreover, the simple temporal self-judgment of the Gentiles fits into the +
connection so perfectly, that Paul cannot even have conceived of it as an
anticipation of the last judgment (Mehring). Quite an incorrect thought,
repugnant to ver. 12 and to the whole doctrinal system of the Apostle, is
obtained by Luthardt (v. freien Willen, p. 410 f.), when, very arbitrarily
joining it only with ἢ καὶ ἀπολογουμένων, he discovers here the hope ‘that to
such the reconciling grace of Christ shall one day be extended.” This is
not confirmed by ver. 26. for he is not a Jew, who is
80 openly, 7.e. not he who shows himself to be an Ιουδαῖος in external visible
1 Thiersch, § 354, 5 b.; Kiihner, ad Xen.
Mem. ii. 10, 2.
2 Ellendt, Lew. Soph. I. p. 880.
3 Not so, that God in judging will apply
the Gentile obedience of the law as a stand-
ard for estimating the Jewish transgression
of it (Th. Schott), which is gratuitously
introduced. The standard of judgment re-
mains the law of God (ver. 12f.); but the
example of the Gentile, who has fulfilled it,
exposes and practically condemns the Jew
who has transgressed it.
4 Th. Schott arbitrarily: who with the
possession of the law and circumcision does
not cease to be a transgressor and /o pass for
such.
δ᾽ See Bornemann, Schol. in Luc. p. 116.
104 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
exhibition (in profession, circumcision, dress, ceremonial service, and the
like) is a genuine, aAndivéc, "Iovdaiog answering to the idea.’ The second
half of ver. 28, in which ἐν σαρκί forms an apposition to ἐν τῷ φανερῷ, more
precisely defining it, is to be taken as quite parallel. — Ver. 29 is usually
rendered : But he who is a Jew in secret (scil. is a true Jew), and circumeision
of the heart, in the spirit, not in the letter (scil. is true cirewmcision.) But
against this view it may be urged that ὁ ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ is so completely par-
allel to the 6 ἐν τῷ φανερῷ in ver. 28, that a different mode of connection
cannot but seem forced. Hence the following construction and exposition
result more naturally (comp. Luther, Erasmus, and others ; also Fritzsche) :
But he is a Jew (in the true sense) who is so in secret (in the invisible inner
life), and (instead of now saying, in parallel with ver. 98 : ἡ ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ
περιτομή, Paul defines both the ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ and the true spiritual mean-
ing of περιτομῇ More precisely, and says) cirewmeision of the heart resides (the
ἐστί to be supplied) in the spirit, not in the letter.* Stripped of figure, περι-
τομὴ καρδίας is: the separation of all that is immoral from the inner life ;
for circumcision was accounted even from the earliest times as σύμβολον
ἡδονῶν ἐκτομῆς (Philo). The uncircumcised heart is ἀμετανόητος, ver. 5. —
ἐν πνεύματι) is the power, im which the circumcision of the heart finds its
causal ground, namely, in the Spirit, 1.6. in the Holy Spirit, through whose
- power it takes place, not in the letter, which effects the outward circum-
cision by its commandment. In true Judaism also the Holy Ghost is the
divine active principle (comp. vii. 14). So much the less reason is there
for making πνεύμα in our passage mean the true Jewish public spirit proceed-
ing from God (de Wette, comp. Tholuck), or the spirit of the law, in con-
trast to its outward observance (van Hengel, who wrongly urges the ab-
sence of the article); or the new life-principle in man, wrought in him by the
Spirit of God (Riickert, comp. Luther’s gloss) ; on the contrary, the πνεῦμα
is to be left as the objective, concrete divine πνεῦμα, as the Holy Spirit
in the definite sense, and as distinguished from the spiritual conditions and
tendencies which He produces. The correct and clear view is held by Gro-
tius, Fritzsche, and Philippi ; compare Hofmann. Others, as Theodore
of Mopsuestia, Oecumenius (Chrysostom and Theophylact express them-
selves very indefinitely), Erasmus, Beza, Toletus, Heumann, Morus, Rosen-
miiller, Reiche, Mehring, take πνεῦμα as meaning the spirit ef man. But
that the circumcision of the heart takes place in the spirit of man, is self-
evident ; and the similar contrast between πνεῦμα and γράμμα, vii. 6 and 2
Cor. iii. 6, clearly excludes the reference to the human spirit. — oi] of which,
is neuter, and refers to the entire description of the true Jewish nature in
1 See Matthiae, p. 1533, Buttman, newt. Gr.
p. 335 f. [E. T. 392].
_ 2 Ewald, who likewise follows our con-
struction in the first clause of the verse,
takes in the second half of it καρδίας as pred-
icate : and circumcision is that of the heart.
But in that case, since περιτομή in itself
would be the ¢rwve circumcision, we should
expect the article before it.
3 See Lev. xxvi. 41; Deut. x. 16, xxx. 6;
Jer. iv. 14, ix. 26 ; Ez. xliv.7; compare Phil.
111. 3; Col. ii. 11; Acts vii.51; Philo, de Sac-
rif. Ὁ. 58: περιτέμνεσθε τὰς σκληροκαρδίας, τόδε
ἐστι τὰς περιττὰς φύσεις τοῦ ἡγεμονικοῦ, ἃς ai
ἄμετροι τῶν παθῶν ἔσπειράν τε καὶ συνηύξησαν
ὁρμαὶ καὶ ὃ κακὸς ψυχῆς γεωργὸς ἐφύτευσεν,
ἀφροσύνη, μετὰ σπουδῆς ἀποκείρεσθε. See also
Schoettgen, Hor. p. 815.
NOTES. 105
ver. 29. The epexegetical relative definition bears to it an argumentative
relation : id quod laudem suam habet etc. οὗ ye would be still more em-
phatic. To interpret it as masculine with reference to ’Iovdaioc (Augustine,
Erasmus, Beza, Bengel, and many others ; including Reiche, Riickert,
KG6llner, de Wette, Olshausen, Tholuck, Fritzsche, Philippi, Ewald, and
Hofmann ; compare van Hengel) is, especially seeing that Paul has not
written ὧν, as in iii. 8 (Schoem. ad Js. p. 243), a very unnecessary violence,
which Grotius, who is followed by Th. Schott, makes still worse by twist-
ing the construction as if the ἐστίν of ver. 28 stood immediately before οὗ (dz
is not the evident Jew, etc., whose praise, etc). As is often the case in classic
authors, the neuter of the relative belongs to the entire sentence.'—6é ἔπαινος]
2.€. the due praise (not recompense). See on 1 Cor. iv. 5. Compare, on the
matter itself, John v. 44, xii. 48. Oecumenius rightly says : τῆς γὰρ κρυπτῆς
καὶ ἐν καρδία περιτομῆς οὐκ ἔσται ἐπαινέτης ἄνϑρωπος, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ ἐτάζων καρδίας Kat
νεφροὺς Θεὸς. Compare the δόξα Θεοῦ ill. 23. This praise is the holy satis-
faction of God [His being well-pleased], as He has so often declared it to the
righteous in the Scriptures.—Observe how perfectly analogous ver. 28 f. in
its tenor of thought is to the idea of the invisible church, Compare on ver.
25.
Notes py ΑΜΈΒΙΟΑΝ Eprror.
XV. Ver. 1—ch. 111. 20.
It may be said, with Meyer, that Paul ‘‘adduces here the second half of the
proof as to the wniversal necessity of justification by faith,’’ or, rather, as to the
fact that there is no justification by works, which fact carries with it this uni-
versal necessity. This second half of the proof is that with which the Apostle
chiefly concerns himself, not only because the unrighteousness of the Gentiles
was more plainly manifest, but also because the Jewish party would readily ad-
mit that this unrighteousness excluded the Gentiles from justification—while, on
the other hand, this party would not easily acknowledge the same thing, and
make the same admission, respecting themselves. It is for this reason that
he approaches the declaration of the fact as related to the Jews more gradually,
and with more careful preparation of the way, than he had done in the other
ease. He begins his argument in the most general form, and only at the 17th
verse does he make the direct application to the Jews of what has previously
been said.
XVI. Ver. 1 ff. διὸ ἀναπολόγητος el, K.7.A.
The argument in the first verses may be considered in two aspects. (1)
With reference to the main thoughts, ver. 2 contains the major premise; the
judgment of God is against those who habitually commit such sins as are
charged upon the Gentiles in the first chapter; ver. 1b.c. contains the minor
premise : the person who condemns others (in the case supposed) habitually
commits these sins; ver. la., we must conclude, therefore, that this person,
whoever he may be, will be condemned at the Divine judgment. The ar-
gument, as thus indicated, is complete and decisive ; and the conclusion must
be of universal application, unless some way of escape from the general rule
1 See especially Richter, de anac. gr. linguae, § 28; Matthiae, II. p. 987 f.
106 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
of the divine government can be discovered for the particular man in question.
But is there any such way? If so, it must be either on the man’s side, because
of some special privilege appertaining to himself as distinguished from others,
or on God’s side, because of His goodness, which is so great that it will forbear
to inflict the penalty. The question as to these two suppositions is raised in
the following verses: the former in ver. 3, and the latter in ver. 4. To the
former a negative answer is implied in the mode of presenting the question.
To the latter is added a detailed proof of the negative, which extends from
ver, 5 to ver. 16. The omission of a similar full statement as connected with
ver. 3 is to be explained from the desire on the part of the author to defer it
until after he should have applied his general reasoning to the Jews ; and, ac-
cordingly, we find it set forth in vv. 25-29. (2) With reference to the grammat-
ical connection and the sequence of the sentences. διό, whetheritisto be regarded
as referring to i. 32 (with de Wette, Alford, and others), or to the main idea of
i. 18-32 (with Meyer), brings the new affirmation respecting πῶς ὁ κρίνων into
close connection with the statements of the preceding chapter. Hence it is,
that the order of thought is changed throughout ; the minor premise, as given
above, being introduced as a proof of this affirmation, and the major premise
placed in an independent sentence. According tothe grammatical connection,
the thought proceeds as follows: On the foundation of what is said in the
first chapter, the man who condemns another must be declared to be without
excuse, for in condemning the other he condemns himself, since he does the
same things ; and we know that the judgment of God is against all who do
these things,
XVII. Ver. 4. 7---καταφρονεῖς.
This verse—as in some other cases in Paul’s writings, eg. Gal. ii. 17—
seems to unite two sentences (one interrogative and the other declarative), in
one; here, the question and its answer. The answer is found in the word
καταφρονεῖς, and is further developed in ver. 5. The verb of the question is
suggested by the context. Dost thou rely upon, or trust to, the riches of God’s
goodness to set thee aside from the rules of His general administration? To
do so, while continuing in the sins described, is a treating his goodness with
contempt (not recognizing even its object and purpose, which is to lead to re-
pentance, and not to further wrong-doing), and a laying up for the final day a
greater measure of divine wrath.
XVHUI. Ver. 6. ὃς ἀποδώσει ἑκάστῳ κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ.
The question as to the consistency of this statement with the doctrine of
salvation by faith hasbeen unnecessarily raised by some writers. The Apostle
is here speaking only of the legal system, and discussing the matter of jus-
tification by works. On the legal system men are rewarded according to
their works, When they sin, therefore, there is no hope of justification.
He does not return to the matter of faith until iii. 21. This verse and its con-
text are sometimes used as an argument against the view which holds that the
heathen may have a probation hereafter, on the ground that they do not have
a fair opportunity of obtaining salvation in this life. The argument rests,
however, upon a misapprehension as to what the view in question necessarily
involves. By having a fair opportunity, in the sense in which this term is
NOTES. 107
employed, is not meant such an opportunity on the legal system. Both parties
alike may admit Paul’s teaching to be, that all men—the heathen nations as
well as others—have light enough to make their condemnation, on that system,
just. But anew system, through the mercy of God, has been introduced—one
of faith and forgiveness ; and it is claimed by advocates of the opinion alluded
to, that the question arises, in view of this fact, whether if, in His abound- ᾿
ing goodness, God has thus opened to sinners, who had put themselves
beyond all hope from law, a new way of entrance into His kingdom, it is not,
by reason of that very goodness, probable that He will give all men alike the
knowledge of this wonderful way—that He will grant such knowledge and the
opportunity to use it for the end in view—hereafter, in case, for wise reasons
of His own, He does not grant it here, Will He not give the unenlightened and
the enlightened among mankind an equal possibility under the light of the faith-
‘system? To this question this section of the Epistle, having reference only to
works, gives no answer. Arguments against this view, when thus under-
stood, may be drawn from other N. T. passages, or from the general indications
of N. T. teaching, but not from these verses,
XIX. Ver. 12. ἀνόμως--ἐν νόμῳ.
That ἀνόμως and ἐν νόμῳ refer to the Mosaic law must be regarded as al-
together probable, (a) Because the immediately preceding context presents
before us the division of mankind into Jews and Gentiles. The close con-
nection of this verse with vy. 9, 10, through the γάρ which opens it and that
which opens ver. 11, shows that the same division is intended here. The
point of difference between the two, however, was the possession or non-pos-
session of the Mosaic law. (Ὁ) Because ri τοῦ νόμου (ver. 14) clearly refers to
the requirements of the law of Moses. This being so, the contrast of the verse
naturally suggests the same law as intended by μὴ νόμον ἔχοντα. (c) Because
the thing which the Jews rested upon (ver. 17), and gloried in (ver. 23), was
not law, but the law of Moses, (d) Because, in the contrast presented in
vv, 25, 27, the keeping τόν νόμον (cf. τοῦ νόμου, ver. 26) is placed in opposition
to transgression νόμου. For the force of the contrast, νόμου must be regarded
as the same with τοῦ νόμον. (6) Because it is wholly unlikely that the writer
meant a different thing by παραβάσεως τὸυ νόμου in ver, 23 and παραβάτης [παρα-
βάσεως] νόμον, only two verses afterward. The former expression, however,
evidently refers to the Mosaic law. (f) Because circumcision, as a distin-
guishing mark of the Jews, was connected with the law of Moses. When
therefore practising what νόμος requires is declared to be essential to the en-
joyment of any advantage from this distinction, νόμος must mean this partic-
ular law. (4) Because all the kindred words throughout the entire passage,
περιτομή, γράμμα, ᾿Ιουδαῖος, point to this law as in the mind of the author. (ἢ)
Because the doctrine of justification by works which Paul was here proving
to be untrue was, as held by the Jewish party, connected with the law of Moses.
Throughout these verses (12-29), accordingly, wherever νόμος occurs (with the
possible exception of the last instance in ver. 14), it must be understood as
the same with ὁ νόμος ;—this word being used as a kind of proper name (cf.
Winer, p. 123).
The true position with regard to this word seems to be this : that, whether
with or without the article, it means the Mosaic law, in all cases in Paul’s
108 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Epistles, except a very insignificant number in which either the necessities of
the sentence itself, or the unquestionable indications of the context, prove,
beyond a doubt, that it does not have this meaning.
Weiss ed. Mey., Bp. Lightfoot, and some other recent writers oppose the
view above stated, and hold that νόμος without the article denotes any positive
law, or positive law in the abstract. Their presentation of the matter appears
unsatisfactory and their arguments inconclusive ; and it seems scarcely too
much to say, with Meyer, that their view ‘‘ opens the way for artificial and
sometimes intolerable explanations.’’ The question can be properly settled by
a careful examination of all the cases where the word occurs, Such an ex-
amination, it is believed, will confirm, at every step, the position taken in
this note.
XX. Ver. 15. συμμαρτυρούσης--- ἀπολογουμένων.
Weiss ed. Mey.—though denying the position of Meyer, that the context
shows the reference to be to the approving conscience—objects to the view
against which Meyer is arguing, that such a wavering of judgment (as the
application of μετ. ἀλλ, doy. x.T.A. to the process of conscience in the individu-
al man implies), would tend rather to render doubtful, than to prove the ex-
istence of an objective rule or standard in the heart. The Apostle, however,
does not speak of such a wavering of judgment, as Weiss supposes, but to the
approving or condemning judgment which the particular case may call for.
Weiss also holds that κατηγούντων x.T.A. is not to be joined with λογισμῶν as
forming a second gen. abs. clause, but as an attributive phrase—there
being but one gen. abs. clause, in which συμμαρτυρούσης is united both
with ovveid. and with Aoy. Holsten takes the same view, but Godet, with
reason, objects to this construction as forced. Godet, Alford, Shedd, Schaff
(Pop. Comm.), Philippi, agree with de Wette and others in holding that ἀλλη-
λῶν refers to λογισμῶν. ‘* There takes place, as it were, a dialogue between the
thoughts, one accusing, the other acquitting’’ (Phil.). The argument for this
view is, that the other parts of the description seem to be limited to the indi-
vidual soul in itself, and not to refer to any relations to others. The emphatic
position of μεταξὺ ἀλλ, and the suggestion of contrast with αὐτῶν are the strong
points favoring Meyer’s explanation.
XXI. Ver. 23. ὃς ἐν νόμῳ καυχᾶσαι.
The change in the form of expression in this clause, as compared with those
which precede, does not, indeed, prove Meyer’s view of the verse, as a categor-
ical answer, to be correct, but it suggests that it may be; and the sentence
gains in emphasis and force, if explained in this way.
XXII. Ver. 25. περιτομὴ μὲν γὰρ ὠφελεῖ.
ὠφελεῖ carries back the thought to the emphatic σύ of ver. 3, and in sub-
stance, though not in form, confirms the negative answer to the question of that
verse. While admitting that there is a certain advantage connected with cir-
cumcision [to be more fully explained at a later point], provided the cir-
cumcised person fulfils the requirements of the law, the Apostle denies to
the Jew, so long as the law is not fulfilled, any such favored position as he
NOTES. 109
was prone to claim with respect to the judgment and the application of the rules
of the Divine administration. The ydp, which opens this verse, connects it with
the statement implied in ver. 23—namely, that condemnation will rest upon
those who thus dishonour God, no matter how much they may glory in the law,
for circumcision will avail nothing while they commit such sins.
110 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
CHAPTER III.
Ver. 2. μὲν γάρ] Lachm. following B D* E G, min. vss., Chrys. Aug. reads
μέν. The yap was easily lost in consequence of its seeming unnecessary, and
of the recollection of i. 8 ; but is supported by 1 Cor. xi. 18.—Ver. 9. προεχόμεθα]
D* G 31, Syr. Erp. Chrys. ms. Theodoret have προκατέχομεν (or κατέχ.) περισσὸν,
and, with several other authorities, omit οὐ πάντως. This προκατ. περισσ. is an
erroneous gloss ; and the omission of οὐ πάντως is explained by its being no
longer suitable after the adoption of τί οὖν προκατέχομεν περισσόν ; see Reiche,
Comm. crit, — Ver. 11. In important codices the article is wanting before
συνίων and ἐκζητῶν. But see LXX. Ps. xiv. 2.—Ver. 22. καὶ ἐπὶ πάντας] is
wanting in A BC P 8%, Copt. Aeth. Arm. Erp. Clem. Or. Cyr. Aug. Deleted
by Lachm. and Tisch. 8. But when we consider that a gloss on εἰς πάντας was
quite unnecessary, and on the other hand that καὶ ἐπὶ πάντας was equally un-
necessary to complete the sense, we may assume that the twice repeated πάντας
may have even at a very early date occasioned the omission of καὶ ἐπὶ πάντας.
—Ver. 25. τῆς xiot.] τῆς 18 wanting in C* D* F G δὲ, min., and several Fathers
(A and Chrys. omit the whole διὰ τ. zior.). Suspected by Griesb., and deleted
by Lachm. and Tisch. Still the omission of the article might easily occur if
the copyist, as was natural, glanced back at διὰ πίστ., ver. 22.—Ver. 26. πρὸς
ἔνδειξ.1 Following A B Ο D* P &, min., we should read with Lachm. and
Tisch. πρὸς τὴν évderE. The article was passed over in accordance with ver. 25.
- Ἰησοῦ is wanting in F G 52 It.; and is expanded in other authorities (Χριστοῦ
᾽Ιησοῦ, or τοῦ κυρίου ju. ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ). Notwithstanding the preponderating
testimony in its favour, it is properly deleted by Fritzsche and Tisch. 7. Sup-
plied from looking back to ver. 22.—Ver. 28. yap] Elz. and Tisch. 7. read οὖν,
against very preponderating testimony, by which also the arrangement δικ.
πίστ. ἄνθρωπον (Elz.: π. 6. a.) is confirmed. Since according to the different
modes of apprehending the connection, the emendation might be οὖν as well
as γάρ, external attestation only can here be regarded as decisive.—Ver. 29.
The reading μόνων (so Tisch. 7. instead of μόνον) is insufficiently attested by B,
min. and Fathers ; and arose easily out of the context.—odyi καί] Elz.: οὐχὶ δὲ
καί, against decisive testimony. The δὲ was easily introduced into the text by
the contrast, whether the two questions might be taken separately, or togeth-
er as one —éreizep] A BC D** 8, min., Clem. Or. Cyr. Didym. Damasc. : εἴπερ.
Recommended by Griesb.; adopted by Lachm. and Tisch. 8. But how easily
may the ἐπείπερ only occurring here in the N. T., and therefore unfamiliar to
the copyists, have been exchanged for the familiar eizep!
Vy. 1,’2. As an inference (οὖν) from 11. 28, 29, the objection might now
be made from the Jewish standpoint against the Apostle, that he quite
1 On chap. iii. see Matthias, emeget. gramme), Hanau 1851; and the same author’s
Abhandlung tiber vv. 1-20 (a school -pro- work: das dritte Kap. ἃ. Br.an ἃ. Rém.,
CHAPEL ΠΩ: 111
does away with the advantage of Judaism and the benefit of circumcision.
This objection he therefore raises in his own person, in order to remove it
himself immediately, ver. 2 ff. — τὸ περισσὸν x.t.A.] [See Note XXIII. p. 146.]
the superiority * of the Jew, ὁ.6. what he has as an advantage over the Gen-
tile, the Jewish surplus. The following ἢ (or, to express it in other words)
τίς ἡ ὠφέλ. τ. περιτ. presents substantially the same question in a more spe-
, cific form, — x02] Much, namely, is the περισσόν of the Jew or the benefit
of circumcision.* The neuter comprehends the answer to both ; and it
must not therefore be said that it applies only to the first question, leaving
the second without further notice. It is moreover clear from what pre-
cedes and follows, that Paul meant the περισσόν not in a moral, but in a ~
theocratic sense ; comp. ix. 4 f.— «ara πάντα τρόπον] in every way (Xen.
Anab. vi. 6, 30), in whatever light the matter may be considered.’ It is an
undue anticipation to take the expression as hyperbolical (Reiche), since we
do not know how the detailed illustration, which is only begun, would be
further pursued. — πρῶτον] first of all, yirstly, it is a prerogative of the Jew,
or advantage of circumcision, that, etc. The Apostle consequently begins
to illustrate the πολύ according to its individual elements, but, just after
mentioning the first point, is led away by a thought connected with it, so
that all further enumeration (possibly by εἶτα, Xen, Mem. iii. 6, 9) is dropped
[See Note XXIV. p. 146.] and not, as Grotius strangely thinks, postponed to
ix.4. Compare oni. 8 ; 1 Cor. xi. 18. As the μέν was evidently meant to be
followed by a corresponding δέ, it was a mere artificial explaining away of
the interruption of -the discourse, to render πρῶτον praecipue (Beza, Calvin,
Toletus, Estius, Calovius, Wolf, Koppe, Gléckler, and others ; compare
also Hofmann : ‘‘ before all things”), or to say with Th. Schott that it indi-
cates the basis from which the πολύ follows. — ὅτι ἐπιστ. τ. λόγια τ. Θεοῦ] that
they (the Jews) were entrusted with the utterances of God, namely, in the holy
Scriptures given to them, devoutly to preserve these λόγια as a Divine treas-
ure, and to maintain them for all ages of God’s people as their and their
children’s (comp. Acts ii. 39) possession. On the Greek form of expression
πιστεύομαί τι (1 Cor. ix. 17; Gal. 11. 7), see Winer, p. 244 [E. T. 260]. —ra
λόγια τ. Θεοῦ] eloguia Dei. [See Note XXV.p. 146.] That by this general ex-
pression (γρησμοὺς αὐτοῖς ἄνωϑεν κατηνεχϑέντας, Chrysostom), which always
ein exeg. Versuch, Cassel 1857; James Mori-
son, A critical exposition of the Third Chap-
ter of St. Paul’s Epistie to the Romans, Lond.
1866.
1 Matt. v. 47, xi. 9; Plat. Ap. S. p. 20 C.
Lucian. Prom. 1; Plut. Demosth. 3.
2 This answer is ‘he Apostle’s, not the re-
ply of a Jew asserting his περισσόν, whom
Paul then interrupts in ver. 4 with μὴ γένοιτο
(Baur in the ¢heol. Jahrb. 1857, p. 69)—a
breaking up of the text into dialogue,
which is neither necessary nor in any way
indicated, and which is not supported by
any analogy of other passages. According
to Mehring, Paul has written ver. 2, and in
fact onward to ver. 8, as the sentiments of
a Jew to be summarily dealt with, who in
πρῶτον had it in view to enumerate yet
further advantages, but whose mouth was
closed by ver. 9. The unforced exposition
of the successive verses does not permit
this view ; and ii. 25-29 is not at variance
with ver. 2, but, on the contrary, leaves
sufficiently open to the Apostle the recog-
nition of Jewish privileges, which he begins
to specify ; comp. ii. 25and ix. 4 f.
3 See examples in Wetstein. The oppo-
site: κατ᾽ οὐδένα τρόπον, 2 Macc. xi. 31;
Polyb. iv. 84, 8, viii. 27, 2.
112 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
receives its more precise definition from the context (Acts vii. 38 ; Heb. v.
12; 1 Pet. iv. 11),’ Paul means here κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν the Messianic prophetic ut-
terances, is shown by ver. 3, where the ἀπιστία of the Jews leaves no room
for mistake as to the contents of the λόγια. Compare ai érayyedia, ix. 4.
These λόγια τ. Θεοῦ are contained not merely in the prophets proper (Acts iii.
24), but even in the Pentateuch (covenant with Abraham, the promise of
Moses) ; yet the law is not meant, nor even jointly included (Matthias),
against which ver. 3 testifies. Just as little is there meant: all making
known of God in the history of salvation (Hofmann), which is too general,
and is extended by Hofmann even to the New Testament revelations.
Ver. 3. Not an objection to the preceding [See Note XXVI. p. 147.], but @
guarantee of the ἐπιστεύϑ. τὰ λόγια τ. Θεοῦ just mentioned, as something that
has not been cancelled and revoked through the partial unbelief of the peo-
ple. ‘‘ For how? what is the case?* If some refused the faith, will their un-
belief make void the faithfulness of God ?” will it produce the effect that God
shall now regard the promises once committed to the Jews as void, and
Himself as no longer bound to His word therein pledged? The ἠπίστησαν
and the ἀπιστία are by the context necessarily referred to the λόγια τ. Θεοῦ 5
the unbelief of a part of the Jews in the promises manifested itself, namely,
by their rejecting the Messiah who had appeared according to the promise.
So in substance also Matthias, who nevertheless apprehends the notion of
ἀπιστ. as unfaithfulness towards what was entrusted to them, which the révec¢
did not use for the purpose of letting themselves be led thereby to Christ.
But ἀπιστεῖν and ἀπιστία (even in 2 Tim. ii. 13) mean specifically throughout
the N. T. (see in this Epistle iv. 20, xi. 20, 23 ; compare Morison, p. 23) un-
belief not unfaithfulness, although Hofmann also ultimately comes to adopt
this notion. This remark also applies against the supposition of Kéllner, de
Wette, Mehring, and older writers, that Paul meant the wnfaithfulness (the
disobedience) of the Jews in the times before Christ.* Such a view is opposed to
the context ; and must not the idea, that the earlier breaches of covenant on
the part of the Jews might possibly annul the λόγια, have been wholly
strange to Paul and his Jewish readers, since they knew from experience
that, even when the Jews had heaped unfaithfulness upon unfaithfulness,
God always committed to them anew, through His prophets, the promises
of the Messiah? In the mind of the Apostle the idea of the πάρεσις τῶν
1 Compare the passages from the Septua-
gint in Schleusner, 7hes. III. p. 464, from
Philo in Loesner, p. 248; and see especially
Bleek on Hed. 11. 2, p. 114 f.
2 Regarding the classic use of λόγια, proph-
ecies, see Kriiger on Thuc. ii. 8, 2, and gen-
rally Locella, αα Xen. Hph. Ὁ. 152f. The
word is not a diminutive form (Philippi,
who finds in it the usual brevity of oracular
utterances), but the neuter form of λόγιος.
The diminutive conception, little utterances,
is expressed not by λόγιον, but by λογίδιον
Plat. Eryx. p. 401 E. This applies also in
opposition to Morison.
3 τί yap ; compare Phil. i. 18. Elz., Ben-
gel, and Lachm. place the sign of interroga-
tion after τινές. Van Hengel follows them,
also Th. Schott and Hofmann. It is impos-
sible to decide the question. Still even in
classic authors, the τί yap; standing alone
is frequent, “‘ubi quis cum alacritate qua-
dam ad novam sententiam transgreditur,”
Kiihner, ad Xen. Mem. ii. 6, 2; Jacobs. ad Del.
epigr. vi. 60; Baeumlein, Partik. p. 73 1.
4 Especially would τίνες be quite unsuita-
ble, because it would be absolutely untrue.
All were disobedient and unfaithful. See
ver. 9 ff.
CHAP. III., 4. 118
προγεγονότων ἁμαρτημάτων was fixed (ver. 25; Acts xvii. 30). Therefore we
cannot understand (with Philippi) unbelief in the promises shown in the
period before Christ to be here referred to. But according to the doctrine
of faith in the promised One who had come, as the condition of the Mes-
sianic salvation, the doubt might very easily arise: May not the partial
unbelief of the Jews since the appearance of Christ, to whom the λόγεα re-
ferred, possibly cancel the divine utterances of promise committed to the
nation? Notwithstanding the simple and definite conception of ἀπιστεῖν
throughout the N. T., Hofmann here multiplies the ideas embraced so as to
include as well disobedience to the law as unbelief towards the Gospel and
unbelief towards the prophetic word of promise—a grouping together of
very different significations, which is the consequence of the erroneous and
far too wide sense assigned to the λόγια τ. Θεοῦ. -- τὴν πίστιν τ. Θεοῦ] The gen-
itive is necessarily determined to be the genitive of the subject, partly by
ἡ ἀπιστία αὐτῶν, partly by ver. 4, and partly by Θεοῦ δικαιοσ. in ver. 5. There-
fore : the jides Dei in keeping the Ady:a, keeping His word, in virtue of which
He does not abandon His promises to His people.t| Compare 2 Tim. ii. 13,
and the frequent πιστὸς ὁ Θεός, 1 Cor. i. 9, x. 18; 2 Cor. i. 18 al.—Observe
further that Paul designates the unbelievers only by τινές, some, which is not
contemptuous or tronical (Tholuck, Philippi ; compare Bengel), nor intended
as a milder expression (Grotius), but is rather employed to place in a stronger
light the negation of the effect under discussion ; and, considering the relative
import of τινές, it is not at variance with the truth, for although there were
many (τινές καὶ πολλοί ye, Plat. Phaed. p. 58 D), still they were not all.
Compare xi. 17, and on 1 Cor. x. 7; Kriiger, § 51, 16, 14.
Ver. 4. [See Note XXVII. p. 147.] Let it not be (far be it)! but God is
to be truthful, 1.6. His truthfulness is to be the actual result produced
(namely, in the carrying out of His Messianic plan of salvation), and every
man a liar. To this it shall come ; the development of the holy divine
economy to this final state of the relation between God and men, is what
Paul knows and wishes. — μὴ γένοιτο] The familiar formula of negation by,
which the thing asked is repelled with abhorrence, corresponding to the
τ (Gen. xliv. 17; Josh. xxii. 29; 1 Sam. xx. 2), is used by Paul par-
ticularly often in our Epistle, elsewhere in Gal. ii. 17, iii. 21, 1 Cor. vi. 15,
always in a dialectic discussion, In the other writings of the N. T. it oc-
curs only at Luke xx. 16, but is current in later Greek authors.? — γενέσϑω]
not equivalent to φανερούσϑω, ἀποδεικνύσϑω (Theophylact), but the historical
result which shall come to pass, the actual Theodicée that shall take place.
This indeed in reality amounts to a φανεροῦσϑαι, but it is expressed by yw-
1 Τὸ is the fides, qua Deus promissis stat, be moved by that ἀπιστία τινων to become
notin reality different from the idea of the
ἀληϑής in ver. 4. The word πίστις, however,
is selected as the correlative of ἀπιστία. De-
spite the Jewish ἀπιστία it continues the
case, not that God has been πίστος (in that,
namely, He has spoken among the people,
Hofmann thinks), but that He is πίστος, in
that, namely, He does not allow Himself to
likewise ἄπιστος, which He would be if He
left His own λόγια committed to the Jews
unfulfilled. He will not allow this case of
the annulling of His πίστις to occur. Com-
pare 2 Tim. ii. 13.
3 Raphel, Arrian. in loc.; Sturz, de dial:
Al. p. 204,
114 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
ἔσϑω, according to its objective reality, which demonstrates itself. In that
which God (and man) does, He becomes actually what according to His
nature He is. — πᾶς δὲ av p. ψεύστ.] By no means unessential (Riickert), or
merely a concomitant circumstance (Th. Schott), is designed, and that all
the more forcibly without a preceding μέν, to appropriate the ἀλήϑεια
exclusively to God, in contrast to ἠπίστ. τινες, ver. ὃ, outbidding this τινές by
πᾶς. Every man is a liar, if he does not perform the service to which he
has become bound, as is brought to light in the case of the τινές by their
ἀπιστία, Since as members of the people of God they had bound themselves
to faith in the divine promises. That Paul had Ps. exvi. 11 in view
(Calvin, Wolf, and many others) is the more doubtful, seeing that he im-
mediately quotes another passage. —oérac¢ ἂν dix. κ.τ.2.} Ps. li. 6 exactly
after the LXX. Independently of the more immediate connection and
sense of the original text, Paul seizes on the type of the relation discussed
by him, which is involved in the words of the Psalm, in the form in which
they are reproduced by the LXX.’ and that in the sense : that thow mayest
be justified, i.e. acknowledged as faultless and upright, in thy words, and pre-
vail (in substance the same as the previous δικαιωθῇς) when thou disputest,
namely, with men against whom thou defendest and followest out thy right.
From this second clause results that πᾶς dé ἄνϑρ. ψεύστης. The exact appro-
priateness of this view in the connection is decisive against the explanation
commonly adopted formerly after the Vulgate and Luther, and again pre-
ferred by Mehring, which takes κρίνεσϑαι as passive (when thou art subjected
to judgment).* -- ἐν τοῖς λόγοις σου] 1.6. in that which thou hast spoken. And
that is the category to which those λόγια belong, as to which the Apostle has
just repelled the idea that God will not keep them on account of the ἀπιστία
of the τινές and will thereby prove untrue. The sense ‘‘ in sententia ferenda,”
when thou passest a sentence (Philippi), cannot be taken out of ἐν r.Ady. σου,
since God is not represented as judge, but as litigant, over whom the justi-
fying judicial decision is pronounced. The view of Hofmann is also er-
roneous : that it denotes the accusations, which God may bring against men.
For the text represents God indeed as the party gaining the verdict and
prevailing, but not as the accuser preferring charges ; and the λόγοι, in re-
spect of which He is declared justified, point back so directly to the λόγια
in ver. 2, that this very correlation has occasioned the selection of the par-
ticular passage from Ps. li. — νικᾶν, like vincere, used of prevailing in a
process ; compare Xen. Mem. iv. 4, 17; Dem. 1436, 18 al. The opposite :
ἡττᾶσϑαι: --- On ὅπως (here in order that in the event of decision) see Hartung,
Partikell. 11. p. 286, 289 ; Klotz, ad Devar. p. 685.
1 The inaccuracies in the translation of
the LXX. must be candidly acknowledged ;
‘still they do not yield any essential differ-
ence of sense from the idea of the original
‘text. These inaccuracies consist in NDIA
(insons sis) being rendered in the LXX. by
νικήσης, and JWDWI (cum judicas) being
translated ἐν τῷ κρίνεσϑαί oe,
2 On the use of the middle, to dispute with,
compare LXX. Job ix. 3, xiii. 19, and other
passages in Schleusner, Thes. 11]. p. 885 f.
This use has been properly maintained by
Beza, Bengel, and others; also Matthias,
Tholuck, Philippi, van Hengel, Ewald, Hof-
mann, and Morison. Compare 1 Cor. vi. 1;
Matt. v. 40.
OHAP. TIT. ὃς, 0; 115
Vv. 5, 6. In vv. 3 and 4 it was declared that the unbelief of a part of
the Jews would not make void the truthfulness of God, but that, on the
contrary, the latter should be triumphantly justified. But how easily might
this be misconstrued by a Jew of the common type as a pretext for his im-
morality : ‘‘the unrighteousness of man in fact brings out more clearly the
righteousness of God, and therefore may not be righteously punished by
God !” To preclude this misconception and false inference, which ‘so ab-
ruptly run counter to his doctrine of universal human guilt, and to leave no
pretext remaining (observe beforehand the τί οὖν ; προεχόμεϑα in ver. 9),
Paul, having in view such thoughts of an antagonist, proposes to himself and
his readers the question : ‘‘ But if our unrighteousness show forth the right-
ecousness of God, what shall we say (infer)? Is God then unrighteous, who
inflicteth wrath?” And he disposes of it in the first instance by the categor-
ical answer (ver. 6) : No, otherwise God could not be judge of the world. 'The
assumption, that this question is occasioned really and seriously by what goes
before, and called forth from the Apostle himself (Hofmann), is rendered
untenable by the very addition κατὰ ἄνϑρωπον λέγω. ---ἡ ἀδικία ἡμῶν] Quite
general : our unrighteousness, abnormal moral condition. To this general
category belongs also the ἀπιστία, ver. 3. * Paul has regarded the possible
Jewish misconception, the notion of which occasions his question, as a gen-
eral, but for that reason all the more dangerous inference from vv. 3 and 4,
in which the words ἀδικία and δικαιοσύνη are suggested by the passage from
the Psalms in ver. 4. — ἡμῶν] is said certainly in the character of the ἄδικοι
in general, and stands in relation to the πᾶς δὲ ἄνϑρωπος ψεύστης in ver. 4.
But as the whole context is directed against the Jews, and the application
to these is intended in the general expressions, and indeed expressly made
in ver. 19, Paul speaks here also in such a way that the Jewish conscious-
ness, from which, as himself a Jew, he speaks, lies at the bottom of the
general form of his representation. — The protasis ei. . . . συνίστησι is a con-
cessum, which is in itself correct (ver. 4) ; but the inference, which the Jew-
ish self-justification might draw from it, is rejected with horror. Observe
in this protasis the emphatic juxtaposition ἡμῶν Θεοῦ ; and in the apodosis
the accent which lies on ἄδικος and τὴν ὀργήν. --- Θεοῦ δικαιοσ. συνίστησι) proves
God’s righteousness (comp. v. 8 ; 2 Cor. vi. 4, vii. 11 ; Gal. 11. 18 ; Susann.
61; frequently in Polyb., Philo, etc.) ; makes it apparent beyond doubt, that
God is without fault, and such as He must be. The contrast to ἡ ἀδικία ἡμῶν
requires δικαίοσ. to be taken thus generally, and forbids its being explained
of a particular attribute (truth: Beza, Piscator, Estius, Koppe, and others ;
goodness: Chrysostom, Theodoret, Grotius, Rosenmiiller), as well as its be-
ing taken in the sense of i. 17 (van Hengel). —The τί ἐροῦμεν (3 Esr. viii.
82) is used by Paul only in the Epistle to the Romans (iv. 1, vi. 1, vii. 7, viii.
31, ix. 14, 30).1— μὴ ἄδικος ὁ Θεὸς ὁ ἐπιφ. τ. ὀργήν] [See Note XXVIII. p. 147. }.
This question? is so put that (as in ver. 3) a negative answer is expected,
since Paul has floating before his mind an impious objection conceived of
1 Compare, however, generally on such Aesch. Pers. 1013, Dissen, σα Dem. de cor. p.
questions arousing interest and enlivening 346 f.
the representation, Blomfield, Gloss. in 2 After μή, ἐροῦμεν is not again to be un-
116 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
κατὰ ἄνϑρωπον. Hence : God is not unrighteous then, who dealeth wrath?
This in opposition to Riickert and Philippi, who make the questioner ex-
pect an affirmative answer, which can never be the case. In those passages
in Greek authors, where an affirmative reply notwithstanding follows, it in-
variably does so contrary to the expectation of the questioner ; see Kiihner,
ΤΙ. 2, p. 1024. ἄδικος, prefixed with emphasis, is, on account of its relation
to ὁ ἐπιφ. τ. ὀργήν, to be understood in the strict judicial signification wn-
righteous, which is confirmed by vv. 6 and 7.2 The article with the parti-
ciple indicates the relation as well-known ; and τὴν ὀργήν (Sin.* adds αὐτοῦ)
denotes the wrath definitely conceived of as judicial, inflicted at the judg-
ment.*— Kata ἄνϑρωπον λέγω] To preclude his being misunderstood, as if
he were asking εἰ δὲ ἡ ἀδικία judy... . μὴ ἄδικος x.7.A. from his own enlight-
ened Christian view, Paul remarks parenthetically that he says this aecord-
ing toa human standard * after the fashion of ordinary humanity, quite
apart from his own higher standpoint of divine enlightenment, to which the
idea expressed in that question would be foreign, and speaking only in ac-
cordance with mere human reason. Compare 1 Cor. ix. 8; Gal. iii. 15 ;
Soph. Aj. 761: κατ’ ἄνϑρωπον φρονεῖ. “41 say this just as an ordinary man,
not under the influence of the divine Spirit, may well say it.” Respecting
the expression κατὰ dv3p., which is capable according to the context of great
variety of meaning, compare Fritzsche in loc. It is wrongly inferred from
κατὰ avdp. λέγω that the question μὴ ἄδικος x.7.A. was meant to receive an
affirmative answer, because asa negative query it would not be κατὰ ἄνϑρ.
(see Philippi). But this view overlooks the fact that the whole thought,
which is implied in the question calculated though it is for a negative reply,
—the thought of the unrighteousness of God in punishing—can in fact
only be put into expression κατὰ ἄνϑρωπον ; in the higher Christian insight
a conception so blasphemous and deserving of abhorrence can find neither
place nor utterance. The apology however, involved in κατὰ ἄνϑρ. λέγω, 15
applicable only to what goes before, not to what follows, to which Mehring, Th.
Schott and Hofmann refer it. This is the more obvious, since what imme-
diately follows is merely a repudiating μὴ γένοιτο, and the ἐπεί «.r.4., which
assigns the ground for this repudiation, is by no means an idea outside the
range of revelation, the application of which to a rational inference, and one
too so plainly right, cannot transfer it to the lower sphere of the κατὰ ἄνϑρ.
λέγειν. -- Ver. 6. ἐπεί] gives the ground of the μὴ γένοιτο ; for (if the God
who inflicts wrath is unrighteous) how will it be possible that He shall judge the
world? 'The future is to be left in its purely future sense, since it refers to
a future act taking place at any rate, as to which the only difficulty would
be to see how it was to be accomplished, if, etc. On ἐπεί, for otherwise, see Butt-
derstood, and then ἄδικος x.7.A. to be taken Hartung, Partikell. Il. p. 159; Baeumlein,
as a question ensuing thereon (Mangold, p. p. 302 f.
106). A breaking up of the construction 2 For examples of ἐπιφέρειν used to ex-
without due ground. Compare, rather, ix. press the practical infliction of wrath or
14, a passage which in form also is perfectly punishment, see Raphel, Polyb.; Kypke, I.
parallel to this one. p. 160.
1See Hermann, ad Viger, p. 789, 810; 3 Compare Ritschl, de ira Dei, p. 15.
4 Bernhardy, p. 241.
OHAP: 111,, ἢ. Lay
mann, newt. Gr. Ὁ. 808 [E. T. 8697. κρινεῖ has the emphasis. — τὸν κόσμον is
to be taken, with most expositors, generally as meaning all mankind (com-
pare ver. 19). To be judge of the world and yet, as ἐπιφέρων τ. dpy., to be
ἄδικος, is a contradiction of terms ; the certainty that God is the former
would become an impossibility if He were the latter. Compare Gen. xviii.
25. Koppe, Reiche, Schrader, Olshausen, and Jatho, following older author-
ities, take it only of the Gentile world (xi. 12 ; 1 Cor. vi. 2, xi. 82): “Τὴ that
case God could not punish even the Gentile world for its idolatry, since it is
only in contrast therewith that the true worship of God appears in its full
value” (Reiche). But, in this explanation, the very essential idea : ‘‘ since
. appears” has first of all to be imported, an expedient which, in pres-
ence of the simplicity and clearness of our view, cannot but seem arbitrary.
Even the following proof, ver. 7 f., does not present a reference directly to
the judgment of the Gentiles. The argument itself rests on the premiss that
God can carry out the judgment of the world only as One who is righteous in
His decreeing of wrath. The opposite would be impossible, not only sub-
jectively, in God Himself (Th. Schott), but also objectively, as standing in
contradiction to the notion of a world-judgment. Sce ver. 7 ἢ. This
proposition however is so perfectly certain to the consciousness of faith, out of
which Paul asserts it, that there is no ground either for complaining of the
weakness of the proof (Riickert), or for reading the thoughts that form the
proof between the lines (Fritzsche and Mehring, with varying arbitrariness) ;
the more especially as afterwards, in ver. 7, a still further confirmation of the
ἐπεί. . . . κόσμον follows.
Ver. 7 f. The ἐπεὶ πῶς ὁ κρινεῖ Θεὸς τ. κόσμ. receives its illustrative confirma-
tion ; for as to the case of God, who would thus be unrighteous and never-
theless is to judge the world, every ground for judging man as a sinner
must be superseded by the circumstance already discussed, viz. that His
truth has been glorified by man’s falsehood (ver. 4 f.) ; and (ver. 8) as to
the case of man himself, there would result the principle directly worthy of
condemnation, that he should do evil in order that good might come.
Comp. Th. Schott, and in substance also Hofmann and Morison. The ar-
gument accordingly rests on the basis, that in the case put (ἐπεί from ver. 6)
the relation of God to the judgment of the world would yield two absurd
consequences. (See this, as early as Chrysostom.) Another view is that
of Calvin, Beza, Grotius, Wolf, and many others, including Riickert, K6ll-
ner, Tholuck, Philippi, and Umbreit, that the objection of ver. 5 is here am-
plified. But it is quite as arbitrary and in fact impossible (hence Philippi
resorts to the violent expedient of putting in a parenthesis not only xara
ἄνϑρ. λέγω, but also «μὴ γένοιτο... . κόσμον), with the reference of γάρ, to
overleap entirely ver. 6, as it is strange to make the discourse so completely
abrupt and to represent the Apostle as making no reply at all to the first
part of the alleged amplification of the objection (to ver. 7), and as replying
to the second part (ver. 8) only by an anathema sit! (ὧν τ. xp. ἔνδ. 2.).
Against the view of Reiche, who, following Koppe, Rosenmiiller, and
Flatt, thinks that the Gentile is introduced as speaking in ver. 7 (compare
Olshausen), we may decisively urge the close connection therewith of ver.
118 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
8, where Paul includes himself also, but does not ‘‘take speech in hand again”
(Reiche). See besides on τὸν κόσμον, ver. 0. --- ἀλήϑεια and ψεύσματι are terms
chosen in reference to ver. 4, because the question proposed in ver. 5 was
in fact suggested by that verse ; but they represent, as ver. 5 proves, the
ideas of δικαιοσύνῃ and ἀδικία ; hence: the moral truth, i.e. the holy right-
-eousness of God (see on John iii. 21; Eph. v. 9; Phil. iv. 8), and the moral
‘ Falsehood, i.e. the immorality (Rey. xxii. 15), wickedness of man.’— érepio-
σευσεν εἰς τ. δόξ. αὐτοῦ] has abounded richly to His glory, that is, has shown
itself in superabundant measure, which redounds to His glory. The stress
of this protasis lies on ἐν τῷ ἐμῷ ψεύσματι. --- The aorist denotes the result of
the having abounded, which subsists at the day of judgment (realized as
present by ri . . . . κρίνομαι) as up to that point accomplished fact. — ἐτῇ
namely, after that assumed result has occurred. —xayé] emphasizing the
contradictory relation to the contents of the protasis, according to which
this ἐγώ seems actually to have deserved something of God : even I (Baeum-
lein, Partik. p. 150) who have notwithstanding glorified God through my
ψεύσμα. So in substance (‘‘ just I” according to Hermann, ad Viger. p. 837)
also Tholuck and Morison ; compare Philippi: ‘‘ even J still.” There lies in
the expression something of boldness and defiance ; but it is not equivalent
to καὶ αὐτός, Or αὐτός ἐγώ, to the meaning of which Th. Schott and Hofmann
ultimately bring it (‘‘even personally still”). Wemay add that this first
person, individualizing just like the preceding one (ἐν τ. ἐμῷ ψ.), of course
represents the sinner in general (with an intended application to the Jevs,
see on ver. 5 f.), and not the Apostle himself, as Schrader and Fritzsche
think. Against this latter theory it is decisive that κρίνομαι after ver. 6
must indicate, not the judgment of enemies, but necessarily the divine act
of judging. — ὡς duapr.| as a sinner, not ‘as a Gentile” (Reiche, Mehring,
and others.) — Ver. 8. καὶ μή] Before μή we must again supply τί
should we not, etc. Respecting ri μή, quidni, see Hartung, Partikell. 11.
p- 162. Accordingly, as καί continues the question, only a comma is to be
placed after κρίνομαι. ---- As regards the construction, Paul has dropped the
plan of the sentence begun with καὶ μή (and why should we not do evil, etc.),
being led away from it by the inserted remark, and has joined ὅτι ποιήσωμεν
in direct address (let us do) to the λέγειν, so that ὅτι is recitative. But on
account of this very blending there is no necessity either to make a paren-
thesis or to supply anything.? Many erroneous attempts have been made
by commentators (see the various explanations in Morison) to bring out an
unbroken construction, as e.g. the supplying of ἐροῦμεν or some such word
after μή (Erasmus, Calvin, Wolf, Koppe, Benecke, and others, also van
: and why
Hengel).
1 Those who take ver. τ f. as spoken in
the person of the Gentile (see especially
Reiche) explain the ἀλήϑεια Θεοῦ of the true
religion (how entirely opposed to ver. 4!),
ψεύσματι Of idolatry, and ἁμαρτωλός as Gen-
tile.
2For similar attractions (compare es-
pecially Xen. Anad. vi. 4,18)in which the
Even the expedient of Matthias is untenable.*
The same may
discourse is interrupted by an intervening
clause,and then continued in aregimen de-
pendent on the latter and no longer suit-
able to the beginning, see Hermann ad
Viger. Ὁ. 745, 894 ; Bernhardy, p. 464; Dissen,
ad Dem. de cor. Ὁ. 846, 418; Kriiger, gramm.
Unters. Ὁ. 457 Τῇ.
3 He brings forward the modal definition :
CHAP. III., 8. 119
be said of that of Hofmann, who supplies an ἐστίν after καὶ μή, and renders:
‘“ Why does it not happen to me according to that, as (καϑώς) we are slandered,”
etc. But if it is quite gratuitous to supply ἐστί, it is still more so to make
this ἐστί equivalent to γίνεταί μοι. Besides the negation, which, according
to our construction, harmonizes with the deliberative sense, would neces-
sarily be not μή but od, since it would negative the reality of the εἶναι under-
stood (1 Cor. vi. 7 ; Luke xix. 23, xx. 5 al.). The correct view is held also
by Winer and Buttmann (p. 235, 211), Philippi and Morison. — καϑὼς
βλασφημ.} as we (Christians) are calumniated, namely, as if we did evil in
order that, etc. Then the following καὶ καϑὼς . .. . λέγειν contains the
accusation, current possibly in Rome also, that the Christians were in the
habit of repeating this maxim even as a doctrinal proposition. As to the
distinction between φημί (to assert) and λέγω, compare on 1 Cor. x. 15.
What may have occasioned such slanders against the Christians? Certainly
their non-observance of the Mosaic law, to which they ventured to deem
themselves not bound, in order to gain eternal life by the grace of God
through faith in the redemptive work of Christ, which was an offence to
the Jews. The plural is not to be referred to Paul alone, which would
be arbitrary on account of the preceding singular; the Christians are
conceived as Pauline (comp. Acts xxi. 21) ; and on the part of Jews and
Judaizers (τινές, certain people, as in 1 Cor. xv. 12) are slanderously and
falsely (for see v. 20, vi. 1, 15 ff.) accused of doing evil that good might come
(might ensue as result). Under this general category, namely, the calumni-
ators reduced the bearing of the Christians, so far as the latter, without
regulating their conduct by the Mosaic law, were nevertheless assured, and
professed, that they should through faith in Christ obtain the divine bless-
ings of salvation. That general accusation was an injurious abstract infer-
ence thence deduced. — ὧν] i.e. of those, who follow this principle de-
structive of the whole moral order of God. They form the nearest logical
subject. With just indignation the Apostle himself, having a deep sense
of morality, makes us feel in conclusion by ὧν τὸ κρῖμα x.7.2. how deserving
of punishment is the consequence, which, if God be regarded as an unright-
eous judge of the world, must ensue for moral conduct from the premiss that
God is glorified by the sin of men. The reference of ὧν to the slanderers
(Theodoret, Grotius, Tholuck, Mehring, Hofmann) is unsuitable, because it
separates the weighty closing sentence from the argumentation itself, and
makes it merely an accessory thought. —7d κρῖμα] The definite judicial
ὡς ἁμαρτωλός as the main element; thenthe text. With this artificial interpretation,
modality of the κρίνομαι opposed to this is
Kal μὴ καϑὼς βλασφημ. K.T.A.: ““ Why thenam
even I still judged like a sinner, and not
rather according to that, which we are
slanderously reported of, and which some
affirm that we say: namely, according to
this, Let us do evil, that good may come?”
Instead of saying : καὶ μὴ ὡς ποιήσας τὰ ἀγαϑά,
Paul, in the indignation of excited feeling,
gives to the thought which he had begun
the different turn which it presents in the
we must remember that Paul would have
written καὶ οὐ instead of καὶ μή, since it is an
objective relation that is here in question
(compare Col. ii. 8 a@.); that instead of
καϑώς we should have expected the repeti-
tion of the ὡς ; and that the notion of κρίνειν,
as it prevails in the connection (compare
also the following τὸ κρῖμα), does not suit
the assumed thought, ὡς ποιήσας τὰ ἀγαϑά,
Comp. also Morison, p. 79,
120 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
sentence, decree of punishment at the last judgment. — ἔνδικον] accordant
with justice, rightful. Compare Heb. 11. 2. Frequently used in classic
writers.
Ver. 9. When Paul, in vv. 6-8, has defended the righteousness of God as
decreeing wrath (ver. 5) in the face of the proposition, correct in itself,
that human sin turns out to God’s glory, he has thereby also deprived the
sinner of all the defence, which he might derive from the misapplication of
that proposition. This position of the case, as it results from vv. 6-8 (οὗν),
she now expresses, and that in the lively form of an interrogation, here accom-
panied by a certain triumph : What then? Are we in the position to apply a
defence for ourselves? We cannot therefore with most expositors (including
Tholuck, Philippi, Bisping) assume that Paul here reverts to ver. 1. — That
the punctuation should not be τί οὖν προεχόμεϑα ; as It is given by Oecu-
menius, 1, Koppe, Th. Schott) is plain from the answer, which is not οὐδὲν
πάντως, but οὐ πάντως. And that in adopting the general inclusive form
Paul speaks from the standpoint of the Jewish consciousness, and not in
the person of the Christians (Hofmann), is apparent from the context both
before (see vv. 8, 5, 7) and after (‘Iovdaiove te καὶ "EAA., and see ver. 19). —
τί οὖν] sc. ἐστί (Acts xxi. 22; 1 Cor. xiv. 15, 26), what takes place then? how
is then the state of the case? Compare vi. 15, xi. 7; frequent in classical
writers ; comp. on vv. 3, 5. — προεχόμεϑα] Do we put forward (anything) in
our defence? Is it the case with us, that’ something serves us as a defence,
that can secure us against the punitive righteousness of God? προέχειν,
which in the active form means to hold before, tohave in advance, to bring
Jorward, and intransitively to be prominent, also to excel (see Wetstein, also
Reiche, Comment. crit. I. p. 24), has in the middle simply the signification
to hold before oneself, to have before oneself, either in the proper sense, e.g. of
holding forth spears for defence (Hom. 71. xvii. 355), or of having oxen in
front (Od. 111. 8), or of holding in front the ram’s head (Herod. ii. 42), etc.,
or in the ethical sense : to put forward, πρόσχημα ποιεῖσϑαι, to apply something
Sor one’s own defence, as in Soph. Ant. 80: σὺ μὲν τάδ᾽ ἂν rpobyor, Thue. 1.
140, 5 and Kriiger im loc., and also Valckenaer, ad. fr. Callim. p. 227.7
This sense of the word is therefore rightly urged by Hemsterhuis, Venema,
Koppe, Benecke, Fritzsche (‘‘ utimurne praetextu ?”), Krehl, Ewald, Mor-
ison; compare also Th. Schott. This explanation is the only one war-
ranted by linguistic usage,* as well as suited to the connection (see above).
1 More frequent in Greek writers is the ject be self-evidently implied in the idea it-
form προΐσχεσϑαι, in this sense, as 6.0. Thue.
1, 26, 3. Compare also πρόφασιν προΐσχεσϑαι,
Herod. vi. 117, viii. 3; Herodian, iv. 14, 3;
Dem. in Schol. Hermog. p. 106, 16: προΐσ-
χεσϑαι νόμον.
2 Also adopted by Valck. Schol. in Lue. p.
258. Stillhe would read προεχώμεϑα and take
τί οὖν mpoex. together. But the absolute
position of mpoex., which has been made an
objection to our explanation (Riickert,
Tholuck, de Wette, Philippi, Hofmann),
does not affect it, since all verbs, if the ob-
self, may be used so that we can mentally
supply a τί (Winer, p. 552 [E. T. 593 1.1). And
the subjunctive, which van Hengel also re-
gards as necessary with our view, is not re-
quired ; the indicative makes the question
more definite and precise (Winer, p. 267
[E. T. 284]). Ewald. likewise: reads τί οὖν
προεχώμεϑα (Subjunctive); but expunges
yap afterwards, and takes οὐ interroga-
tively, ‘‘ What shall we now put forward in
defence ? did we not already, at the outset,
prove altogether that Jews,” etc. But the
CHAP. III., 9. 121
The most usual rendering (adopted by Tholuck, K6éllner, de Wette, Riickert,
Baumgarten-Crusius, Philippi, Baur, Umbreit, Jatho and Mangold) is that
of the Peshito and Vulgate (praecellimus eos?), and of Theophylact :
ἔχομέν τι πλέον. . . . Kat εὐδοκιμοῦμεν οἱ ᾿Τουδαῖοι, ὡς τόν νόμον Kai τὴν περιτομὴν
Compare Theodoret: τί οὖν κατέχομεν περισσόν; Philippi: ‘‘ Have
we any advantage for ourselyes?’ and now also Hofmann (who held
the right view formerly in his Schriftbew. I. p. 501) : ‘‘Do we raise our-
selves above those, upon whom God decrees His judgment of wrath ?”
But the mere usus loguendi, affording not a single instance of the middle
employed with the signification antecellere, raising oneself above, surpassing,
or the like, decisively condemns this usual explanation in its different mod-
ifications.1 And would not the answer ov πάντως, in whatever sense we take
it, so long as agreeably to the context we continue to understand as the
subject the Jewish, not the Christian ee (as Hofmann takes it), be at variance
with the answer πολὺ κατὰ πάντα τρόπον given in ver. 2? The shifts of ex-
positors to escape this inconsistency (the usual one being that Paul here
means subjective advantages in respect of justification, while in ver. 2 he
treats of objective theocratic advantages) are forced expedients, which, not
at all indicated by any clause of more precise definition on the part of Paul
himself, only cast suspicion on the explanation. Wetstein, Michaelis,
Cramer, Storr, and recently Matthias, take zpoey. as the passive : are sur-
passed: [See Note XXIX. p. 148.] ‘‘ Stand we (at all) at a disadvantage ?
Are we still surpassed by the Gentiles ?”? But how could this question be
logically inferred from the foregoing without the addition of other thoughts ?
And in what follows it is not the sinful equality of the Gentiles with the
Jews, but that of the Jews with the Gentiles which is made conspicuous.
See also ver. 19. Mehring, in thorough opposition to the context, since
not a single hint of a transition to the Gentiles is given, makes the question
(comp. Oecumenius, 2), and that in the sense ‘‘ Are we at a disadvantage ?”
be put into the mouth even of a Gentile. — οὐ πάντως] Vulgate : nequaquam ;
Theophylact : οὐδαμῶς. This common rendering (compare the French poiné
de tout) is, in accordance with the right explanation of προεχόμεϑα, the only
proper one. The expression, instead of which certainly πάντως οὐ might
have been used (1 Cor. xvi. 12), is quite analogous to the οὐ πάνυ, where it
means in no wise,’ so that the negative is not transposed, and yet it does
δεξάμενοι.
omission of γάρ is only supported by D*.
Van Hengel despairs of a proper explana-
tion, and regards the text as corrupt.
1 Reiche (and similarly Olshausen) retains
the same exposition in his exegetical Com-
mentary; but takes προεχ. as passive, are
preferred, referring in support of his view
to Plut. de Stoic. contrad. 13 (Mor. p. 1038 C),
where, however, in τοῖς ἀγαϑοῖς πᾶσι ταῦτα
προσήκει kar’ οὐδὲν προεχομένοις ὑπὸ τοῦ Atos,
the meaning of’this προεχομένοις is becoming
surpassed. In his Commentar. crit. I. p.
26 ff., he has passed over to the linguis-
tically correct rendering praetexerc, but un-
derstands nevertheless the first person of
Paul himself, and that in the sense: ‘“‘ num
Judaeis peccandé praetextum porrigo ?” But
the middle means invariably to hold some-
thing (for protection) before oneself; as
προφασίζομαι also, by which Hesychius prop-
erly explains the word, always refers to
the subject, which excuses iése/f by a pre-
text.
2 Compare Xen. Ando. iii. 2,19; Plut. Mor.
p. 1038 Ὁ.
3 Asin Xen. Mem. iii. 1. 11; Anabd.i. 8.143
Herodian; vi. 5,11; Dem. OJ. iii. 21; Plat.
Lach. Ὁ. 189 C; Lucian, Tim. 24 (see Har-
122 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
not cancel the idea of the adverb, but on the contrary is strengthened by
the adverb. By this means the emphatic affirmation, which would have
been given by the πάντως alone, is changed into the opposite.’ Compare
Winer, p. 515 f. [E. T. 554 1.1. The comparison with 5- (Buttmann,
neut. Gr. p. 334) [E. T. 389] is utterly foreign, since the expression is a pure
Greek one.? The explanation, on which van Hengel also insists : not alto-
gether, not in every respect (Grotius, Wetstein, Morus, Flatt, Kéllner, Mat-
thias, Umbreit, Mehring, and Mangold), as in 1 Cor. v. 10, fails to tally with
the true explanation of προεχόμεϑα and the unrestricted character of the fol-
lowing proof. — προῃτιασάμεϑα] namely, not just from ver. 5 onward (Hof-
mann), but, in accordance with the following ’Iovdeiove τε κ. “Βλληνας, in 11. 1
ff. as to the Jews, and ini. 18 ff. as to the Gentiles.* It is therefore as ini. 5 and
frequently elsewhere, the plural of the author, not : we Christians (Hofmann).
As to the construction, πάντας may either be joined as an adjective to ’Iovd.
τ. κι "EAA., or as a substantive to the infinitive, in either case expressing
the idea of all collectively, nemine excepto. The latter mode of connection is
preferable, because it gives a more marked prominence to the idea of total-
ity, which harmonizes with the following vv. 10-12. Hence : we have before
brought the charge against Jews and Gentiles, that all, etc. Comp. Hofmann
and Morison. There is elsewhere no instance of the compound προαιτ. ;
the Greeks use προκατηγορεῖν. ---- ὑφ᾽ ἁμαρτ. εἶναι] They are—while still unre-
generate, a more precise definition that is self-evident—all wnder sin, an ex-
pression denoting not merely a state of sin in general, but moral dependence
on the power of sin. Compare vii. 25; Gal. ili. 22. But if this be the case
with Jews and Gentiles (not merely on the Gentile side), then the Jew, after
the way of escape indicated in ver. 5 has been cut off by vv. 6-8, has no
defence left to him as respects his liability to punishment any more than
the Gentile.* Accordingly the idea of liability to punishment is not yet ex-
pressed in ὑφ᾽ ἁμαρτ. εἶναι, but is meant only to be inferred from it.
Vv. 10-18. Conformity with Scripture of the charge referred to, ’Iovdaiove
τε καὶ "Ελλην. πάντ. ὑφ᾽ ἀμ. εἶναι, so far (ver. 19) as this charge cuts off from
the Jews every προέχεσϑαι of ver. 9. — The recitative ὅτε introduces citations
from Scripture very various in character, which after the national habit
(Surenhusius, καταλλ. thes. 7) are arranged in immediate succession. They
_are taken from the LXX., though for the most part with variations, partly
tung, Partikell, II. p. 87). Those passages
where ov πάνυ negatives with a certain sub-
p. 146, ed. 3; Duncan, Lex. Hom. ed. Rost,
p. 888. Compare οὐδὲν πάντως, Herod. v.
tlety or ironical turn (not quite, not just), are
not cases here in point; see Schoemann, ad
Is. Ὁ. 276.
1 Bengel: ‘‘Judaeus diceret πάντως, at
Paulus contradicit.”
2 Compare Theognis, 305, Bekker : οἱ κακοὶ
ov πάντως (by NO Means) κακοὶ ἐκ γαστρὸς
γεγόνασιν. Hp. ad Diogn. 9:
ἐφηδόμενος. (Dy NO Means rejoicing) τοῖς
Per-
fectly similar is also the Homeric οὐ πάμπαν,
decidedly not ; see Nagelsbach on the Jliad,
οὐ πάντως
ἁμαρτήμασιν ἡμῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνεχόμενος.
84, 65.
8 Paul however does not say Gentiles and
Jews, but the converse, because here again,
as in previous cases where both are group-
ed together (in the last instance ii. 9 f.), he
has before his mind the divine historical
order, which in the very point of sinfulness
tells against the Jew the more seriously.
4For statements of Greek writers re-
garding the universality, without any ex-
ception, of sin, see Spiess, Logos spermat, p.
220 f.
CHAP. 1Π1., 10-18. 123
due to quotation from memory, and partly intentional, for the purpose of
defining the sense more precisely. The arrangement is such that testimony
is adduced for—t1st¢, the state of sin generally (vv. 10-12) ; 2nd, the practice
of sin in word (vv. 13, 14) and deed (vv. 15-17) ; and 3rd, the sinful sowrce
of the whole (ver. 18). More artificial schemes of arrangement are not to
be sought (as e.g. in Hofmann), not even by a play on numbers.’— οὐκ ἔστι
δίκαιος οὐδὲ εἰς] There exists not a righteous person (who is such as he ought
to be), not even one. Taken from Ps. xiv. 1, where the Sept. has ποιῶν
χρηστότητα instead of δίκαιος ; Paul has put the latter on purpose at once, in
accordance with the aim of his whole argument, prominently to characterize
the ὑφ᾽ ἁμαρτ. εἶναι as a want of δικαιοσύνη. Michaelis regards the words as
the Apostle’s own, ‘under which he comprehends all that follows.” So also
Eckermann, Koppe, Kéllner, and Fritzsche. But itis quite at variance
with the habit of the Apostle, after using the formula of quotation, to pre-
fix to the words of Scripture a summary of their contents ; and this suppo-
sition is here the more improbable, seeing that the Apostle continues in
ver. 11 in the words of the same Psalm, with the first verse of which our
passage substantially agrees.?— Ver. 11 is from Ps. xiv. 2, and so quoted,
that the negative sense which results indirectly from the text in the Hebrew
and LXX. is expressed by Paul directly : there exists not the understanding
one (the practically wise, ὁ.6. the pious one; see Gesenius, Thes. 8. Ὁ. 051):
there exists not the seeker after God (whose thoughts and endeavors are direct-
ed towards God, Heb. xi. 6, and see Gesenius, 8. Ὁ. 01). The article de-
notes the genus as a definite concrete representing it. Compare Buttmann’s
neut. Gr. Ὁ. 253 f. [E. T. 295] * — ἐκζητ. 1 stronger than the simple form ; com-
pare 1 Pet. i. 10 ; very frequent in the LXX. — Ver. 12. From Ps. xiv. 3 closely
after the LXX. ἐξέκλιναν, namely from the right way, denotes the demor-
-
alization (see Gesenius, 8. Ὁ. 1D), as does also ἠχρειώϑησαν, NIN : they
have become useless, corrupt, good for nothing, ἀχρεῖοι (Matt. xxv. 30);
Polyb. i. 14, 0, 1. 48, 9. The following ποιῶν χρηστότητα is correlative.
This ἅμα (altogether) ἠχρειώϑ. has still πάντες for its subject. — ἕως ἑνός] The
ovk ἔστιν holds as far as to one (inclusively), so that therefore not one is ex-
cepted. Compare Jud. iv. 16. Hebraism, see Ewald, Lehrb. § 217, 3.
The Latin ad wnum omnes is similar. — Ver. 13 as far as ἐδολ. is from Ps. v.
10, and thence till αὐτῶν from Ps. ΟΧ]. 4, both closely after the LXX.*—
τάφος ἀνεῳγμ. ὁ Adp. ait.] Estius : ‘‘Sicut sepulcrum patens exhalat tetrum
1 According to Hofmann the first and
second parts consist each of seven proposi-
tions. Thus even the conclusion of ver. 12,
οὐκ ἔστιν ἕως ἑνός, is to bereckoned as a
separate proposition ! How all the parallel-
ism of Hebrew poetry is mutilated by such
artifices !
2 Regarding οὐδὲ els see on 1 Cor. vi. 5, and
Stallbaum, ad Plat. Symp. Ὁ. 214 D.
3 Onthe idea, whichis also classical, of sin
as folly, see Nigelsbach, Hom. Theol. VI. 2.
The form συνίων, 580 accentuated by Lach-
mann ; compare Buttmann, I. p. 543), or
συνιὼν (though the former is the more
probable ; compare Winer, p. 77 f. [E. T. 81],
also Ellendt, Zex. Soph. Il. p. 768), is the
usual one in the Sept. (instead of συνιείς,
Ps. xxxiii. 15). Ps. xli. 1; Jer. xxx. 12;
2 Chron. xxxiy. 12 δέ αἱ.
4The MSS. of the LXX. which read the
whole passage vv. 13-18 at Ps. xiv. 8, have
been interpolated from our passage in
Christian times. See Wolf, Cur. on ver. 10.
124 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
ac pestiferum foetorem, ita ex ore illorum impuri, pestilentes noxiique
sermones exeunt.” Comp. Pelagius, Bengel, Tholuck, Mehring, and Hof-
mann. But it is more in harmony with the further description, as well as
the parallel in Jer. v. 16 (where the quiver of the Chaldeans is compared
with an open grave), to find the comparison in the point that, when the
godless have opened their throats for lying and corrupting discourse, it is
just as if a grave stood opened (observe the perfect) to which the corpse
ought to be consigned for decay and destruction.’ So certainly and una-
voidably corrupting is their discourse. Moreover λάρυγξ, which is here to
be taken in its original sense (as organ of speech, not equivalent to φάρυγξ,
the gullet) is more forcibly graphic than στόμα, representing the speech as
passionate crying. Compare λαρυγγίζειν, Dem. 3823, 1, and λαρυγγισμός, of
crying lustily. — ἐδολιοῦσαν] they were deceiving. The imperfect denotes
what had taken place as continuing up till the present time ; and on this
form of the third person plural, of very frequent occurrence in the LXX.,
see Sturz, Dial. Al. p. 60; Ahrens, Dial. 11. p. 304, I. p. 237. —id¢ ἀσπίδων]
The poison of asps, a figure for the insidiously corrupting.?—Ver. 14 is from
Ps. x. 7, taken freely from the LXX., who however with their πικρίας devi-
ate from the Hebrew 411), because they either read it otherwise or trans-
lated it erroneously. — πικρία, figurative designation of the hateful nature.
Comp. Eph. iv. 31; Acts vill. 23; James 11], 14 ; see Wetstein.—Vv. 1ὅ--
17 are from Is. lix. 7, 8, quoted freely and with abbreviations from the
LXX. — év ταῖς ὁδοῖς αὐτῶν] Where they go, is desolation (fragments TW) and
misery, which they produce. — ὁδὸν εἰρ. οὐκ ἔγν.] 1.6. a way on which one
walks peacefully (the opposite of the ὁδοί, on which is σύντριμμα. κ. ταλαιπ.),
they have not known (2 Cor. v. 21), it has remained strange to them.—Ver.
18 is from Ps. xxxvi.1. The fear of God, which would have preserved
them from such conduct and have led them to an entirely different course,
is not before their eyes. ‘‘ There is objectivity ascribed to a condition
which is, psychologically, subjective.” Morison.
Ver. 19. The preceding quotations (‘‘in quibus magna est verborum
atrocitas,” Melanchthon) were intended to prove that Jews and Gentiles are
collectively under the dominion of sin (ver. 9); but how easily might it be
imagined on the part of the conceited Jews* that the above passages of
Scripture (of which those in vv. 10, 11 and 12, taken from Ps. xiv., really
refer originally to the Gentiles, to Babylon), however they might affect the
Gentiles, could have no application to themselves, the Jews, who had no
need therefore to take them to themselves, as if they also were included in
the same condemnation. Such a distinction, however, which could only
promote a self-exaltation and self-justification at variance with the divine
purpose in those declarations of His word, they were to forego, seeing that
everything that the Scripture says has its bearing for the Jews. The
1 The metaphorical representation in 2 See similar passages in Alberti, Odss. p.
classical passages, in which, e¢.g., the 301.
Cyclops is termed ζῶν τύμβος (Anth. Pal. xiv. 3 See especially Eisenmenger’s entdecktes
109, 3), or the vultures ἔμψυχοι τάφοι (Gor- Judenthum, I. Ὁ. 568 ff.
gias, ap. Longin. 3), is not similar.
CHAP, III., 19. 125
Apostle therefore now continues, and that with very emphatic bringing out
of the ὅσα in the first half of the verse and of the πᾶν and πᾶς in the second :
we know however (as in 11. 2) that whatsoever the law saith, it speaketh to those
that are in the law, consequently that the Jews may not except themselves
from the reference of any saying in Scripture. —éca] whatsoever, therefore
also what is expressed in such condemnatory passages as the above, with-
out exception. — ὁ νόμος] in accordance with its reference to vv. 10-18, is
necessarily to be taken here as designation of the O. 7. generally (comp. 1
Cor. xiv. 21; John x. 34, xii. 34, xv. 25 ; 2 Macc. ii. 18); not, with Hun-
nius, Calovius, Balduin, and Sebastian Schmid, of the law in the dogmatic
sense (comp. Matthias); or of the Mosaie law, as Ammon and Gléckler, Th.
Schott and Hofmann take it, confusing in various ways the connection.’
So also van Hengel, who quite gratuitously wishes to assume an enthymeme
with a minor premiss to be understood (bué the law condemns all those sin-
ners). The designation of the Ὁ. T. by 6 νόμος, which forms the first, and
for Israel most important, portion of it, was here occasioned by τοῖς ἐν τῷ
νόμῳ, t.e. those who are in the law as their sphere of life. — λέγει. . .. λαλεῖ]
All that the law says (materially, or respecting its contents, all λόγοι of the .
law), it speaks (speaks out, of the outward act which makes the Adyo: be
heard, makes known through speech) to those who, etc. Comp. on John
vill. 48 ; Mark i, 34; 1 Cor. ix. 8, xii. 3. The dative denotes those to
whom the λαλεῖν applies (Kriiger, ὃ 48, 7, 18). Those who have their state
of life within the sphere of the law are to regard whatsoever the law says as
addressed to themselves, whether it was meant primarily for Jews or Gentiles.
How this solemnly emphatic quaecungue heaps wpon the Jews the Divine
sentence of ‘‘ guilty,” and cuts off from them every refuge, as if this or
that declaration did not apply to or concern them ! — ἵνα πᾶν στόμα κ.τ.λ.]
in order that every mouth (therefore also the Jew) may be stopped (Heb. xi. 33;
Ps. evii. 42; Job v. 16; and see Wetstein), etc. This, viz. that no one_
shall be able to bring forward anything for his justification, is represented
in iva—which is not ita ut—as intended by the speaking law, ὁ.6. by God
speaking in the law. Reiche unjustly characterizes this thought as absurd
in every view and from every standpoint ; the ἵνα πᾶν κ.τ.2. does not an-
nounce itself as the sole and exclusive end, but on the contrary, without
1 According to Hofmann (compare his
Schriftbeweis, I. p. 623 f.; so too, in sub-
stance, Th. Schott) the train of thought is :
after ver. 9 ff. the only further question
that could be put is, whether anything is
given to Christians that exempts them from
the general guilt and punishment. The
law possibly? No, “they know that this
law has absolutely (ὅσα) no other tenor than
that which it presents to those who belong to
iis domain, for this purpose, that the whole
world, in the same extent in which itis under
sin, must in its own time (this idea being con-
veyed by the aorists φραγῇ and γένηται),
when it comes to stand before God its Judge, be
dumb before Him and recognize the justice of
His condemning sentence.” This interpreta-
tion, obscuring with a far-fetched in-
genuity the plain sense of the words, and
wringing out of it a tenor of thought to
which it is a stranger, is a further result of
Hofmann’s having misunderstood the zpoe-
χόμεϑα in ver. 9,and having referred it, as
also the subsequent προῃτιασάμεϑα, to the
Christians as subject, an error which neces-
sarily deranged and dislocated for him the
entire course of argument in vv. 9-20. At
the same time it would not be even histor-
ically true that the law has absolutely no
other tenor, ete.
126 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
negativing other and higher ends, merely expresses one single and special
teleological point, which is however the very point which the connection
here required to be cited. The time to be mentally supplied for φραγῇ and
γένηται is the future generally reckoned from the present of λαλεῖ, not that
of the jinal judgment, which does not harmonize with the thought in ver. 9
to which the series of Scripture testimonies in vv. 10-18 is appended. —
ὑπόδικος] punishable, κατάκριτος, ἀπαῤῥησίαστος, Theophylact; frequently used
by classic writers, but elsewhere neither in the N. T. nor in the LXX. or
Apocrypha. — τῷ Θεῷ ] belongs, not to φραγῇ (Matthias), but, after the man-
ner of the more closely defining parallelism, merely to ὑπόδικ. γένηται : to
God, as the Being to whom the penalty is to be paid.’ — γένηται] The result
which is to manifest itself, as in ver. 4. — πᾶς ὁ κόσμος] quite generally (ver.
9); comp. Eph. ii. 8. And if Paul has described’ this generality (comp.
also ver. 23) thus ‘‘insigni figura et verborum emphasi” (Melancthon), the
‘result extending to all humanity is not contradicted by the virtue of indi-
viduals, such as the patriarchs ; for from the ideal, but at the same time
legally true (comp. Gal. iii. 10), standpoint of the Apostle this virtuousness
is still no δικαιοσύνη (but only a minor degree of the want of it), and does
not therefore form an exception from the category of the ὑπόδικον εἶναι τῷ
Θεῷ. See ver. 20. Though different as respects degree, yet all are affected
᾿ and condemned by the declarations quoted ; every one has a share in this
corruption. ὃ
Ver. 20. [See Note XXX. p. 148.] Διότι] propterea quod, i. 19, not prop-
terea (Beza, Rosenmiiller, Morus, Tholuck), is to be divided from the pre-
ceding only by a comma, and supplies the objective reason of that iva x.7.A.
of the law : because the relation of righteousness will accrue to no flesh from
works of the law. For if δικαιοσύνη should come from works of the law, the
law would in fact open up the way of righteousness, and therefore that iva
πᾶν x.T.A. would not be correct.* As to πᾶσα σάρξ, equivalent to πᾶς ἄνϑρωπος,
but conveying the idea of moral imperfection and sinfulness in presence of
God, see on Acts 11. 17 ; 1Cor. i. 20 ; and compare generally on Gal. ii. 16.
That with regard to the Gentiles Paul is thinking of the natural law (Gi. 14)
1The opposite is ἀναίτιοσ ἀϑανάτοισιν,
Hesiod, ἔργ. 825, and ϑεοῖς ἀναμπλάκητος,
Aesch. Agam. 352. Comp. Plat. Zeqg. viii.
p. 816 B: ὑπόδικος ἔστω τῷ βλαφϑέντι, p. 868
D, 11, p. 9832; Dem. 518, 8 al.
2 From the poetic tenor of the passage
ἵνα πᾶν «.7.A. Ewald conjectures that it re-
produces a passage from the O. T. that is
now Jost. But how readily may it be con-
ceived that Paul, who was himself of a
deeply poetic nature, should, in the vein of
higher feeling into which he had been
brought by the accumulated words of
psalm and prophecy, spontaneously ex-
press himself as he has done! That ὑπόδι-
«kos does not again occur in his writings,
matters not; ἔνδικος also in ver. 8 is not
again used.
3 Compare Ernesti, Urspr. d. Stinde, II.
p. 152 f.
4 According to Hofmann, in pursuance
of his erroneous interpretation of ver. 19,
διότι «.7.A. is Meant to contain the speci-
fication of the reason “‘ why the word of the
law was published to the Jews for no other ob-
ject, than that the whole world might be pre-
cluded from alt objection against the condemnr-
ing sentence of God.” Compare also Th.
Schott. But Paul has not at all expressed
in ver. 19 the thought ‘for no other object ;”’
he must in that case, instead of the simple
ἵνα which by no means excludes other ob-
jects, have written μόνον ἵνα, or possibly eis
οὐδὲν εἰ μὴ ἵνα, or in some other way con-
veyed the non-expressed thought.
CHAP. III., 20. 127
cannot be admitted, seeing that in the whole connection he has to do with
the law ef Moses. But neither may the thought be imported into the pas-
sage with reference to the Gentiles : ‘‘if they should be placed under the
Jaw and should have ἔργα νόμου" (Riickert, comp. Philippi and Mehring),
since, according to the context, it is only with reference to the Jews (ver. 19)
that the question is dealt with as to no flesh being righteous—a general re-
lation which, as regards the Gentiles, is perfectly self-evident, seeing that
the latter are ἄνομοι, and have no ἔργα νόμου in the proper sense whatever. —
Respecting ἔργα νόμου," works in harmony with the law of Moses, the ἔργα
being the prominent conception, works which are fulfilments of its precepts,
comp. on ii. 156. Moreover that it is not specially the observance of the
ritual portions of the law (Pelagius, Cornelius ἃ Lapide, Semler, Ammon),
but that of the’ Mosaic law in general which is meant, is clear partly from
the expression itself, which is put without limitation, partly from the con-
textual relation of the clause to what goes before, and partly from the fol-
lowing διὰ yap νόμου k.t.A., from which the ethical law is so far from being
excluded,’ that it is on the contrary precisely this aspect of the νόμος which
is specially meant. — ob δικαιωϑῆσ.] See oni. 17. The future is to be un-
derstood either of the moral possibility, or, which is preferable on account
of iii. 20, purely in the sense of time, and that of the futwre generally: ‘‘In
every case in which justification (1.6. the being declared righteous by God)
shall occur, it will not result from,” etc., so that such works should be the
causa meritoria. The reference to the future judgment (Reiche) is contro-
verted by the fact that throughout the entire connection justification is re-
garded as a relation arising immediately from faith, and not as something
to be decided only at the judgment. See ver. 21 ff. and chap. iv. For
this reason there is immediately afterwards introduced as the counterpart of .,
the δικαιοσύνη, which comes directly from faith, the ἐπίγνωσις ἁμαρτίας, which
comes directly from the law. It is certain, moreover, that in οὐ δικαιωϑ.
x.T.2. Paul had Ps. cxliii. 2 in view, but instead of πᾶς ζῶν he put πᾶσα
σάρξ aS more significant for the matter in hand. — Jn what sense now shall
no one from works of the law become righteous before God, i.e. sach that God
looks upon him as righteous ?* Not in the sense that perfect compliance
with the law would be insufficient to secure justification, against which the
fundamental law of the judge : of ποιηταὶ νόμου δικαιωϑήσονται (11. 18), would
be decisive ; but in the sense that no man, even with an outwardly faultless
observance of the law (comp. on Phil. iii 6), is in a position to offer to it
that full and right obedience, which alone would be the condition of a jus-
1 For ἔργων νόμου cannot be taken as daw
of works, as Miarcker uniformly wishes.
Comp. on ii. 15.
2 Paul always conceives the law as an un-
divided whole (comp. Usteri, p. 36), while
he yet has in his mind sometimes more the
ritual, sometimes more the moral, aspect
of this one divine νόμος, according to his
object and the connection (Ritschl, αἰέ-
kathol. K. p. 78). Comp. on Gal. ii. 16.
3In opposition to Hofmann, who in his
Schriflo. I. p. 612 urges the ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ
against the imputative sense of the passive
δικαιοῦσϑαι, see Wieseler on Gal. p. 192 f.
It is quite equivalent to παρὰ τ. Θεῷ, judice
Deo, Gal. iii. 11. See generally the thor-
ough defence of the sensus forensis of
δικαιοῦσϑαι in the N. T., also from classic
authors and from the O. T. in Morison, p.
163 ff.
128 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
tification independent of extraneous intervention ; in fact, it is only through
_the law that man comes to aclear perception and consciousness of his moral
imperfection by nature (his unrighteousness). See Luther’s preface. That
this was the Apostle’s view, is proved by the reason which follows : διὰ yap
νόμου x.t.A. See, besides, especially chs. vii. and viii.; Gal. iii. 10. There
is here no mention of the good works of the regenerate, which however are
only the fruits of justification, ch. vi. viii. 2 ff.; Eph. ii. 10 al. Comp.
Philippi and Morison. — διὰ yap νόμου ἐπίγν. ἀμ. The law, when it places its
demands before man, produces in the latter his first proper recognition of his
moral incongruity with the will of God. ‘‘ With these words Paul strikes
at the deepest root of the matter,” Ewald. Respecting yap Calvin’s note is
sufficient : ‘‘ a contrario ratiocinatur. . . . quando ex eadem scatebra non
prodeunt vita et mors.” The propriety of the argument however rests on
the fact that the law does not at the same time supply the strength to con-
quer sin (viii. 3), but stops short at the point of bringing to cognition the
‘‘interiorem immunditiem ” which it forbids; ‘‘ hance judicat et accusat
coram Deo, non tollit,”” Melanchthon. It is different in the case of civil laws,
which are designed merely to do away with the externa scelera, and to judge
the works in and for themselves, xiii. 3 ff.
Vv. 21-30. [See Note XXXI. p. 149.] Paul has hitherto been proving that
all men are under sin, and guilty before God. This was the preparatory por-
tion of the detailed illustration of the theme set forth in ch. i. 17; for be-
fore anything else there had to be recognized the general necessity of a
δικαιοσύνη not founded on the law—as indeed such a legal righteousness has
shown itself to be impossible. Now however he exhibits this δικαιοσύνη pro-
vided from another souree—the righteousness of God which comes from
faith to all without distinction, to believing Jews and Gentiles. Hofmann
rejects this division, in consequence of his having erroneously taken προε-
χόμεϑα in ver. 9 as the utterance of the Christians. He thinks that the
Apostle only now comes to the conclusion, at which he has been aiming
ever since the fifth verse: as to what makes Christians, as distinguished
from others, assured of salvation.
Ver. 21.1 Νυνί is usually interpreted here as a pure adverb of time (‘‘ nostris
temporibus hac in parte felicissimis,” Grotius). So also Tholuck, Reiche,
Riickert, Olshausen, Baumgarten-Crusius, Winzer, Reithmayr, Philippi, van
Hengel, Mehring, Th. Schott, and others. But since what precedes was
not given asa delineation of the past, there appears here not the contrast
between two periods, but that between two relations, the relation of depend-
ence on the law and the relation of independence on the law (διὰ νόμου. . . .
χωρὶς νόμου). Hence with Beza, Pareus, Piscator, Estius, Koppe, Fritzsche,
de Wette, Matthias, and Hofmann, we render : but in this state of the case.*
— χωρὶς νόμου] placed with full emphasis at the beginning as the opposite of
διὰ νόμου, belongs to πεῴφαν. Aptly rendered by Luther: ‘‘ without the ac-
1 See Winzer, Comm. in Rom. iii. 21-28, Part. p. 95; Ellendt, Zea. Soph. ΤΙ. p. 181.
Partic. Τ. and TI. 1829. Compe vil) 17: ἘΞ Cor: vy. 11. xis 18) Σ1Π[ 15:
2 See regarding this dialectic use of the al.,; 4 Macc. vi. 33, xiii.38. By Greek authors
νῦν Hartung, Partikell. II. Ὁ. 25; Baeuml. νυνί is not thus used, only νῦν.
CHAP. III., 22. 129
cessory aid of the law,” 1.6. so that in this revelation of the righteousness of
God the law is left out of account. Reiche’ joins it with δικαιοσ. : ‘‘ the
righteousness of God as being imparted to the believer without the law,
without the Mosaic law helping him thereto.” Compare also Winzer,
Klee, Mehring. But apart from the coactior constructio, with which Estius
already found fault, we may urge against this view the parallel of διὰ
νόμου, ver. 20, which words also do not belong to ἐπέγνωσις duapr. but to
the verb to be supplied. — πεφανέρωται] is made manifest and lies open to view,
so that it presents itself to the knowledge of every one ; the present of the
completed action, Heb. ix. 26. The expression itself presupposes the pre-
vious κρυπτόν (Col. 111. 3 f.; Mark iv. 22), the having been hidden, in accord-
ance with which the righteousness of God has not yet been the object of ex-
perimental perception. To men it was an unknown treasure. The mode of
the πεφανέρωται however consists in the δικαίοσ. Θεοῦ having become actwal,
having passed into historical reality, and having been made apparent, which
has been accomplished without mixing up the law as a co-operative factor
‘in the matter. —japrop. ὑπὸ τ. vou. Kk. τ. προφ.}] An accompanying charac-
teristic definition of δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, so far as the latter is made manifest :
being witnessed, ete. If it is thus the case with regard to it, that in its πεφ-
avépwra it is attested by the witness of the law and the prophets, then this
precludes the misconception that the δικαιοσύνη revealed χωρὶς νόμου is oppos-
ed or foreign to the O. T., and consequently an innovation without a back-
ground in sacred history. Comp. xvi. 26 ; John v. 39. ‘‘ Novum testa-
mentum in vetere latet, vetus in novo patet,” Augustine. In this case we are
not to think of the moral requirements (Th. Schott), but of the collective Mes-
sianic types, promises and prophecies in the law and the prophets, in which is
also necessarily comprised the δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ as that which is necessary to
participation in the Messianic salvation. Comp. i. 2, 111. 2; Acts x. 43,
Xxviii. 23 ; Luke xxiv. 27 ; from the law, the testimony of Abraham, iv. 3 ff.
and the testimonies quoted in x. 6 ff. — Observe further that μαρτυρουμ. has
the emphasis, in contrast to γωρίς, not ὑπὸ τοῦ νόμου (Bengel, Fritzsche and
others). We may add Bengel’s apt remark : ‘‘ Lex stricte (namely, in χωρὶς
νόμου) et late (in ὑπὸ τοῦ νόμου) dicitur.”
Ver. 22. A righteousness of God, however, (mediated) through faith in Jesus
Christ. On δέ, with the repetition of the same idea, to be defined now
however more precisely, the δικαιοσυνη Θεοῦ; (not merely δικαιοσύνη, as Hof-
mann insists contrary to the words) ; comp. ix. 30. See on Phil. ii. 8. —
The genitive I. X. contains the object of faith* in accordance with prevail-
1 Following Augustine, de grat. Chr. 1, 8,
and de spir. et. lit. 9, Wolf, and others.
“fides, quae auctore Jesu Christo Deo
habetur” (Berlage). Against this view we
2 This view of the genitive is justly ad-
hered to by most expositors. It is with
πίστις aS With ἀγάπη, in which the object is
likewise expressed as well by the genitive
as by eis. Nevertheless, Scholten, Rauwen-
hoff, van Hengel, and Berlage (de formulae
Paulinae πίστις 1. Χριστοῦ signif., Lugd. B.
1856) have recently taken it to mean the
may decidedly urge the passages where the
genitive with πίστις is a thing or an abstract
idea (Phil. i. 27; 2 Thess. ii. 13; Acts iii. 16 ;
Col. ii. 12); also the expression πίστις Θεοῦ
in Mark xi. 22, where the genitive must
necessarily be that of the object. Comp.
the classical expressions πίστις ϑεῶν and
the like. See besides Lipsius, Rechtfer-
130 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
ing usage (Mark xi. 22; Acts iii. 16; Gal. 11. 16, 20, iii: 22; Eph. iti. 12,
iv. 13; Phil. iii. 9; James ii.1). The article before διὰ rior. was not need-
ed for the simple reason that δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ is without it. Therefore, and
because the point at issue here was not the mode of becoming manifest, but
the specific characterizing of the righteousness itself that had become mani-
fest, neither διὰ rior. (Fritzsche, Tholuck) nor the following εἰς πάντας x.7.2.
(de Wette, Fritzsche, Tholuck, Winer, Mehring and others) is to be made
dependent on redavépwra. — εἰς πάντας x. ἐπὶ π. τ. πιστ.] scil. οὖσα. The
expression is an earnest and significant bringing into prominence of the uni-
versal character of this δικαιοσύνη διὰ rior. ᾽1. X.: which is for all, and upon
all who believe. Both prepositions denote the direction of aim, in which the
δικαιοσύνη presents itself, though with the special modification that under
the εἰς lies the notion of destination (not ‘‘ the immanent influx,” Reithmayr),
under the ἐπί that of extending itself over all. On the peculiar habit, which
the Apostle has, of setting forth a relation under several aspects by different
prepositional definitions of a single word, see Winer, p. 390 [E. T. 418] ;
compare generally Kiihner II. 1, p. 475 f. While recent expositors (includ-
‘ing Riickert, Reiche, Kollner, de Wette) have often arbitrarily disregarded
the distinction in sense between the two prepositions,” and have held both
merely as a strengthening of the idea a// (‘‘ for all, for all without exception,”
Koppe), the old interpreters, on the other hand, forced upon the εἰς and ἐπί
much that has nothing at all in common with the relation of the prepositions ;
e.g. that εἰς x. applies to the Jews and ἐπὶ 7. to the Gentiles.*—oi: yap ἐστι διαστ. |
Ground assigned for the πάντας τ. mist. ‘‘ For there is no distinction made,
according to which another way to the δικαιοσύνῃ Θεοῦ would stand open for
a portion of men, perchance for the Jews,” and that just for the reason that
(ver. 23) all have sinned, ete.
Ver. 929.. “Ἡμαρτον] [See Note XXXII. p. 149.] The sinning of every man
is presented as an historical fact of the past, whereby the sinful state is
produced. The perfect would designate it as a completed subsisting fact.
Calvin, moreover, properly remarks that according to Paul there is nulla
justitia ‘‘ nisi perfecta et absoluta,” and ‘‘ si verum esset, nos partim operibus
justificari, partim Dei gratia, non valeret hoc Pauliargumentum.” Luther
aptly observes : ‘‘ They are altogether sinners, etc., is the main article and
the central point of this Epistle and of the whole Scripture.” — καὶ torep. |
They have sinned, and in consequence of this they lack, there is wanting
to them, etc. This very present expression, as well as the present participle
tigungsl. Ὁ. 109 f.; Weiss, δὲδί. Theol. p. rison, p. 229 ff.) have already done. After
335.
1 See Bornemann, ad Xen. Symp. 4, 25.
2 For in none of the similar passages are
the prepositions synonymous. See iii. 20,
xi. 86; Gal. i.1; Eph. iv. 6; Col. i. 16. See
also Matthias and Mehring in /oc. The lat-
ter, following out his connection πεφανέρ.,
explains: ‘‘ manifested fo all men and for
all believers.” But it is arbitrary to take
τοὺς πιστεύοντας as defining only the second
πάντας, aS Morus and Flatt (see also Mo-
the emphatic δικαιοσύνη δὲ Θεοῦ διὰ πίέσ-
Tews the πιστεύειν is so much the specific
and thorough mark of the subjects, that
τοὺς πιστεύοντας must define the πάντας in
both instances.
3 Thus Theodoret, Oecumenius, and many
others, who have been followed by Bengel,
Bohme, and Jatho (and conversely by Mat-
thias, who explains ἐκ and eis in i. 17 in the
same way).
CHAP. III., 23. ; 131
δικαιούμενοι, Ought to have kept Hofmann from understanding πάντες of all
believers ; for in their case that ὑστερεῖσϑαι no longer applies (v. 1 f., viii. 1 @/.),
and they are not δικαιούμενοι but δικαιωϑέντες ; but, as becoming believers, they
would not yet be πιστεύοντες. --- τῆς δόξης τ. Θεοῦ] The genitive with ὑστερεῖσϑαι
(Diod. Sic. xviii. 71 ; Joseph. Antt. xv. 6, 7) determines for the latter the sense
of destitui. See Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 237. Comp. on 1 Cor. i. 7. They lack
the honour which God gives,’ they are destitute of the being honoured by
God, which would be the case, if the ἥμαρτον did not occur ; in that
case they would possess the good pleasure of God, and this, regarded
as honour, which they would have to enjoy from God : the δόξα τοῦ Θεοῦ.
Comp. ii. 29 ; John xii. 43, compared withv. 44. Kd6llner’s objection to this
view, which first offers itself, of τ. Θεοῦ as the genitive auctoris, which is
also held by Piscator, Hammond, Grotius, Fritzsche, Reiche, de Wette,
Tholuck, and others, following Chrysostom (comp. Philippi), that it is not
the fault of men if they should not have an honour, which proceeds from God,
is of no weight ; since it certainly is the fault of men, if they render it im-
possible for a holy God to give them the honour which proceeds from Him.
Moreover, Kéllner’s own explanation : honour before God (quite so also Cal-
vin ; and comp. Philippi), which is said according to the analogy of human
relations, in point of fact quite coincides with the above view, since in fact
honour before God, or with God (Winzer), is nothing else than the honour
that accrues to us from God’s judgment. Comp. Calvin : ‘‘ita nos ab hu-
mani theatri plausu ad tribunal coeleste vocat.”” Accordingly, the genitive
is here all the less to be interpreted coram, since in no other passage (and.
especially not in δικαίοσ. Θεοῦ, see on i. 17) is there any necessity for this
interpretation. This last consideration may also be urged against the inter-
pretation of others : gloriatio coram Deo; ‘‘non habent, unde coram Deo
glorientur,” Estius. So Erasmus, Luther, Toletus, Wolf, Koppe, Rosen-
miiller, Reithmayr, and others. It is decisive against this view that in all
passages where Paul wished to express gloriatio, he knew how to employ
the proper word, καύχησις (ver. 27; 2 Cor. vii. 14, viii. 24 al). Others,
again, following Oecumenius (Chrysostom and Theophylact express them-
selves too indefinitely, and Theodoret is altogether silent on the. matter),
explain the δόξα τ. Θεοῦ to mean the glory of eternal life, in so far as God
either has destined it for man (Gléckler), or confers it upon him (Boéhme,
comp. Morison) ; 07 in so far as it consists in partaking in the glory of God
(Beza, comp. Bengel and Baumgarten-Crusius). Mehring allows a choice
between the two last definitions of the sense. But the following δικαιούμενοι
proves that the δόξα τοῦ Θεοῦ cannot in reality be anything essentially dif-
ferent from the δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, and cannot be merely future, Utterly erro-
neous, finally, is the view of Chemnitz, Flacius, Sebastian Schmid, Calovius,”
1The genitive τ. Θεοῦ cannot, without God,” i.e. the glory of personal holiness.
arbitrariness, be explained otherwise than 2 He takes δόξα τοῦ Θεοῦ as “‘ gloria homini
was done in the case of δικαιοσύνη τ. Θεοῦ. a Deo concessa in creatione ;” this gloria
In consequence of his erroneous exposition having been the divine image, which we
“of δικαίοσ. τ. Θεοῦ (see on i. 17), Matthias forfeited after the fall.
understands here “ glory such as is that of
132 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Hasaeus, Alting, Carpzov, Ernesti, recently revived by Riickert, Olshausen,
. and Mangold, that the δόξα τοῦ Θεοῦ is the image of God ; ““α godlike δόξα,"
as Riickert puts it, and thus gets rid of the objection that δόξα is not synon-
ymous with εἰκών. But how arbitrarily is the relation of the genitive thus
defined, altogether without the precedent of a similar usage (2 Cor. xi. 2 is
not a case in point)! That the idea of the image of God is not suggested
by anything in the connection is self-evident, since, as the subsequent
δικαιούμενοι x.T.2. abundantly shows, it is the idea of the want of righteous-
ness that is under discussion. Hofmann and Ewald have explained it in the
same way as Riickert, though they take the genitive more accurately (a δόξα
such as God Himself possesses). The latter’ understands ‘‘the glory of
God which man indeed has by creation, Ps. viii. 8, but which by sin he
may lose for time and eternity, and has now lost.” Compare Hofmann:
‘¢ Whatsoever is of God has a share, after the manner of a creature, in the
glory of God. If this therefore be not found in man, the reason is that he
has forfeited the relation to God in which he was created.” - But even apart
from the fact that such a participation in the glory of God has been lost
already through the fall (v. 12 ; 1 Cor. xv. 22), and not for the first time
through the individual ἥμαρτον here meant, it is decisive against this exposi-
tion that the participation in the divine δόξα nowhere appears as an original
blessing that has fallen into abeyance, but always as something to be conferred
only at the Parousia (v. 2 ; 1 Thess. ii. 12) ; as the συνδοξασϑῆναι with Christ
(vili. 17 f.; Col. 111. 4) ; as the glorious κληρονομία of God (comp. also 2
Tim. iv. 8 ; 1 Pet. v. 4); and consequently as the new blessing of the future
αἰών (1 Cor. ii. 9). That is also the proleptic ἐδόξασε in viii. 30, which how-
ever would be foreign to the present connection.
Ver. 24. Δικαιούμενοι] [See Note XXXIII. p. 149.] does not stand for the
finite tense (as even Riickert and Reiche, following Erasmus, Calvin and
Melanchthon, think) ; nor is, with Ewald, ver. 23 to be treated as a paren-
thesis, so that the discourse from the accusative im ver. 22 should now
resolve itself more freely into the nominative, which would be unnecessarily
harsh. But the participle introduces the accompanying relation, which here
comes into view with the ὑστεροῦνται τῆς δόξης τ. Θεοῦ, namely, that of the
mode of their δικαίωσις : so that, in that state of destitution, they receive justi-
Jication in the way of gift. Bengel aptly remarks : ‘‘repente sic panditur
scena amoenior.” The participle is not even to be resolved into καὶ δικαιοῦν-
ται (Peshito, Luther, Fritzsche), but the relation of becoming justified is
to be left in the dependence on the want of the δόξα Θεοῦ, in which it is con-
ceived and expressed.*— δωρεάν] gratuitously (comp. v. 17, and on the
adverb in this sense Polyb. xviii. 17, 7; 1 Macc. x. 33; Matt. x. 8; 2 Thess.
iit. 8 ; 2 Cor. xi. 7) they are placed in the relation of righteousness, so that
1 Similarly already Melanchthon: ‘ gloria
Dei, i.e. luce Dei fulgente in natura incor-
quam Deus approbat.”
2 Against the Osiandrian misinterpreta-
rupta, seu ipso Deo carent, ostendente se et
accendente ardentem dilectionem et alios
motus legi congruentes sine ullo peccato.”’
Previously (1540) he had explained : ‘‘ gloria,
tions in their old and new forms see Me-
lanchthon, Znarr. on ver. 21; Kahnis, Dogm.
I. p. 599 ff.; and also Philippi, Glaubenslehré,
IV. 2, p. 247 ff.
CHAP. III., 25. 133
this is not anyhow the result of their own performance ; comp. Eph. ii. 8 ;
Tit. iii. ὅ. --- τῇ αὐτοῦ yap. διὰ τῆς ἀπολ. τῆς ἐν X. ᾽1.1 in virtue of His grace .
through the redemption that is in Christ Jesus. This redemption is that which
Jorms the medium of the justification of man taking place gratuitously
through the grace of God. By the position of the words τῇ αὐτοῦ χάριτι,
the divine grace, is, in harmony with the notion of δωρεάν, emphasized pre-
cisely as the divine, opposed to all human co-operation ; comp. Eph. ii. 8.
In ἀπολύτρωσις * the special idea of ransoming (comp. on Eph. i. 7 ; 1 Cor. vi.
20 ; Gal. iii. 13) is not to be changed into the general one of the Messianic
liberation (vill. 23 ; Luke xxi. 28 ; Eph. i. 14, iv. 30; and see Ritschl in
the Jahrb. 7. ἃ. Theol. 1863, p. 512) ; for the λύτρον or ἀντίλυτρον (Matt. xx.
28 ; 1 Tim. ii. 6) which Christ rendered, to procure for all believers remis-
sion of guilt and the δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, was His blood, which was the atoning’
sacrificial blood, and so as equivalent accomplished the forgiveness of sins,
2.6. the essence of the ἀπολύτρωσις. See ver. 25; Eph.i. 7; Col. i. 14;
Heb. ix. 15 ; comp. on Matt. xx. 28; 1 Cor. vi..20 ; Gal. iii. 13 ; 2 Cor.
v. 21. Liberation from the sin-prineiple (from its dominion) is not the
essence of the ἀπολύτρωσις itself,* but its consequence through the Spirit, if it
is appropriated in faith (viii. 3). Every mode of conception, which refers
redemption and the forgiveness of sins not to a real atonement through the
death of Christ, but subjectively to the dying and reviving with Him guar-
anteed and produced by that death (Schleiermacher, Nitzsch, Hofmann,
and others, with various modifications), is opposed to the N. T.—a mixing
up of justification and sanctification. * — ἐν X. ’Ιησοῦ] 1.6. contained and rest-
ing in Him, in His person that has appeared as the Messiah (hence the
Χριστῷ is placed first), To what extent, is shown in ver. 25.—Observe
further that justification, the causa efficiens of which is the divine grace (rq
αὐτοῦ χάριτι), is here represented as obtained by means of the ἀπολύτρωσις,
but in ver. 22 as obtained by means of faith, namely, in the one case object-
ively and in the other subjectively (comp. ver. 25). But even in ver. 22 the
objective element was indicated in πίστ.᾽Τησοῦ Χριστοῦ, and in ver. 24 f.
both elements are more particularly explained.
Ver. 25.1— dv προέϑεζο x.t.4.| whom God has openly set forth for Himself.*
This signification, familiar from the Greek usage,® is decidedly to be
adopted on account of the correlation with εἰς ἔνδειξιν κ.τ.λ. (Vulgate, Pela-
gius, Luther, Beza, Bengel and others ; also Riickert, de Wette, Philippi,
1 Comp. Plut. Pomp. 24, Dem. 159, 15.
2 Lipsius, Pechtfertiqungsl. p. 147 f.
3 Comp. on ver. 26; also Ernesti, Hthik ἃ.
up to view as ἱλαστήριον. In Greek authors
the word προτίϑεσϑαι is specially often used
to express the exhibition of dead bodies
Ap. P.p.-27 f.
4 See on ver. 25f. Ritschl,in the Jahrb. f.
Deutsche Theol. 1863, p. 500 ff.; Pfleiderer in
Hilgenfeld’s Zeitschr. 1872, p. 177 ff.; the
critical comparison of the various explana-
tions in Morison, p. 268 ff.
§ Which has been done by the erwcifixion.
Compare the discourse of Jesus where
He compares Himself with the serpent of
Moses, John iii. Christ has been thus hed
(Kriiger on Thue. ii. 34, 1; Stallbaum, ad
Plat. Phaed. p. 115 E.). Weare not to sup-
pose however that ¢his usage influenced
the Apostle in his choice of the word, since
he had Christ before his eyes, not as a dead
body, but as shedding His blood and dying.
ὁ Herod. iii. 148, vi. 21; Plat. Phaed. Ὁ. 115
E; Eur. Alc. 667 ; Thue. ii. 84, 1, 64, 3; Dem.
1071, 1; Herodian, viii. 6, 5; also in the
xXx.
184 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Tholuck, Hofmann and Morison) ; and not the equally classic signification :
to propose to oneself, adopted by Chrysostom, Oecumenius, Theophylact,
Toletus, Pareus, de Dieu, Elsner, Heumann, Bohme, Flatt and Fritzsche
(i. 13; Eph. i. 9; 3 Mace. 11. 27): ‘‘ quem esse voluit Deus piaculare sacri-
ficium,” Fritzsche.’ In that case an infinitive must have been required ;
and it was with the publicity of the divine act before the whole world that
the Apostle was here concerned, as he has already indicated by redavépwra
in ver. 21. Matthias explains it : whom He caused to be openly made known,
to be preached. But the classical use of προτίϑημι, in the active and middle,
in the sense of promulgare is here foreign, since it refers to the summoning .
or proclamation of assemblies * or to the promulgation of laws. Besides the
ἔνδειξις τῆς δικαιοσύνης Of God rests, in fact, not on the preaching of the atoner,
but on the work of atonement itself, which God accomplished by the προέ-
Seto K.T.A. — God’s own participation therein (for it was His ἱλαστήριον, willed
and instituted by Himself) which is expressed by the middle, is placed be-
yond question by the εἰς ἔνδειξιν κ.τ.λ., and decisively excludes Hofmann’s
conception of the death of Christ as a befalling. Compare on ver. 26, —
ἱλαστήριον] is the neuter of the adjective ἱλαστήριος, used as a substantive, and
hence means simply erpiatorium in general, without the word itself convey-
ing the more concrete definition of its sense. The latter is supplied by the
context. Thus, for example, in the LXX. (in the older profane Greek the
word does not occur) the lid of the ark of the covénant, the Kapporeth, as
the propitiatorium operculum, is called τὸ ἱλαστήριον (see below), which des-
ignation has become technical, and in Ex. xxv. 17 and xxxvii. 6 receives
its more precise definition by the addition of ἐπίϑεμα. They also designate
the ledge (choir) of the altar for burnt offerings, the WY, (Ez. xliii. 15, 17,
20) in the same way, because this place also was, through the blood of rec-
onciliation with which it was sprinkled, and generally as, an altar-place,
a place of atonement. When they render D3 in Amos ix. 1 (knob) by ἱλασ-
τήριον, it is probable that they read N33. See generally Schleusner, Thes.
Ill. p. 108 f. The word in the sense of offerings of atonement does not oc-
cur in the LXX., though it is so used by other writers, so that it may be
more specially defined by ἱερόν or ϑῦμα.5 Even in our passage the context |
makes the notion of an atoning sacrifice (comp. Lev. xvii. 11) sufficiently
clear by ἐν τ. αὐτοῦ αἵματι ; compare Pfleiderer 1.6. p. 180. The interpreta-
1.Ewald has in the translation predestined,
but in the explanation exhibited. Van Hen-
gel declares for the latter.
2 Soph. Ant. 160, and Hermann in loc.;
Lucian, Vecyom. 19, and Hemsterhuis in 100.»
Dion. Hal. vi. 15 a/.; see Schoem. Comit. Ὁ.
104; Dorvill. ad Charit. p. 266 f.
3 Thus in Dio Chrys. Orat. xi. 1, p. 355
Reiske : ἱλαστήριον ᾿Αχαιοὶ τῇ ᾿Αϑηνᾷ τῇ Ἰλιάδι,
where a votive gift bears this inscription,
and is thereby indicated as an offering of
atonement, as indeed votive gifts generally
fall under the wider idea of offerings
(Ewald, Alterth. Ὁ. 96; Hermann, gottesd.
Alterth. § 25, 1); again in Nonnus, Dionys.
xiii. p. 883: ἱλαστήρια (the true reading in-
stead of ἱκαστήρια) Topyots. 4 Mace. xvii.
22: διὰ τοῦ αἵματος τῶν εὐσεβῶν ἐκείνων καὶ τοῦ
ἱλαστηρίου τοῦ [The article is, critically, un-
certain; but at all events the blood is con-
ceived as atoning sacrifice-blood ; comp.
ver. 19.] ϑανάτου αὐτῶν. Hesych.: ἱλαστήριον"
καϑάρσιον. Comp. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. ii. 487,
where λωφήϊα ἱερά is explained by ἐξιλασ-
τήρια ; also the corresponding expressions
for sacrifices, σωτήριον (Xen. Anabd. ili. 2, 93
v. 1,1; LXX. Ex. xx. 24); καϑάρσιον (Herod.
i. 35; Aeschin. p. 4, 10) ; καϑαρτήριον (Poll. 1.
CHAP! ΤΙ. 20: 135
tion expiatory sacrifice is adopted by Chrysostom (who at least represents
the ἱλαστήρ. of Christ as the antitype of the animal offerings), Clericus, Bos,
Elsner, Kypke, and others, including Koppe, Flatt, Klee, Reiche, de Wette,
K6lner, Fritzsche, Tholuck, Messner and Ewald ; Weiss (bibl. Theol. p.
324) is in doubt between this and the following explanation.’ Others, as
Morus, Rosenmiiller, Riickert, Usteri and Gléckler, keep with the Vulgate
( propitiationem) and Castalio (placamentum), to the general rendering : means
of propitiation. So also Hofmann (comp. Schriftbew. 11. 1, p. 338 f.), com-
paring specially 1 John iv. 10, and σωτήριον in Luke ii. 30; and Rich.
Schmidt, Paul. Christol. p. 84 ff. But this, after the προέϑετο which points
to a definite public appearance, is an abstract idea inappropriate to it (as
‘* propitiation”), especially seeing that év . . αἵματι belongs to προέϑετο,
and seeing that the view of the death of Jesus as the concrete propitiatory
offering was deeply impressed on and vividly present to the Christian con-
sciousness (Eph. v. 2; 1 Cor. v. 7 ; Heb. ix. 14, 28; 1 Pet. i. 19; Johni.
29, xvii. 19 al.). Origen, Theophylact, Erasmus, Luther, Calvin, Piscator,
Pareus, Hammond, Grotius, Calovius, Wolf, Wetstein, and others,’ have
rendered ἱλαστήριον in quite a special sense, namely, as referring to the can-
opy-shaped cover suspended over the ark of the covenant (see Ewald, Alterth.
p. 164 ff.), on which, as the seat of Jehovah’s throne, the blood of the sac-
rifice was sprinkled by the high priest on the great day of atonement (Ex.
xxv. 22 ; Num. vii. 89; Lev. xvi. 13 ff. ;? and which therefore, regarded as
the vehicle of the divine grace,‘ typified Christ as the atoner.® That the
Kapporeth was termed ἱλαστήριον is not only certain from the LXX.° (Ex.
xxv. 18, 19, 20, xxxi. 7 al.), but also from Heb. ix. 5, and Philo (οὐδ. Mos.
p- 668, Dand # ; de profug. p. 465 A), who expressly represents the covering
of the ark as a symbol of the ἵλεω δυνάμεως of God. Compare also Joseph.
32); χαριστήριον (Xen. Cyr. iv. 1,2; Polyb.
xxi. 1, 2); εὐχαριστήριον (Polyb. v. 14, 8).
Compare also such expressions as ἐπινίκια
Sve; and see generally Schaefer, ad Bos.
Fill. p. 191 ff.
1 Hstius also explains victimam . .. propi-
tiatoriam, but yet takes ἱλαστ, as masculine.
It was already taken as masculine (propitia-
tor) in the Syriac (compare the reading
propitiatorem in the Vulgate) by Thomas
Aquinas and others; also Erasmus (in his
translation), Melanchthon and Vatablus ;
more recently also by Vater, Schrader,
Reithmayr and van Hengel. But to this it
may be objected that there is no example
of ἱλαστήριος used with reference to persons.
This remark also applies against Mehring,
who interprets powenful for atonement.
Kahnis, Dogm. I. p. 584, and similarly Man-
gold properly retain the rendering . expia-
tory offering ; and even Morison recognizes
the sacrificial conception of the ‘‘ propitia-
tory,” although like Mehring he abides in
substance by the idea of the adjective.
2 Also Olshausen, Tholuck (ed. 5), Philippi,
Umbreit, Jatho, Ritschl in the Jahrb. f
Deutsche Theol. 1863, p. 247, and altkathol.
Kirche, p. 85; Weber, vom Zorne Gottes, p.
273; Delitzsch on Heb. p. 719, and in the il-
lustrations to his Hebrew translation, p. 79;
Miarcker, and others.
3 Keil, Arch. I. § 84, and generally Lund,
Jiid. Heiligth. ed. Wolf, p. 37 ff.
4See Bahr, Symbolik, 1. p. 387 ff ; Hengs-
tenberg, Awthent. des Pentateuches, Il. p.
642; Schulz, alttest. Theol. I. p. 205. ,
5 So also Funke, in the Stud. τι. AKvrit. 1842,
p. 214 f. The old writers, and before them
the Fathers, have in some instances very
far-fetched points of comparison. Calo-
vius, ¢.g., specifies five: (1) quoad causam
efficientem ; (2) quoad materiam (gold and
not perishable wood—divine and human
nature); (3) quoad numerum (only one) ;
(4) quoad objectum (all); (5) quoad usum
et finem.
6 The LXX. derived the word Kapporeth,
in view of the idea which it represented,
from 455, condonavit. Comp. also the Vul-
gate (‘‘ expiatorium”’).
136 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Antt. iii. 6, 5. There is consequently nothing to be urged against this expla-
nation, either as respects the wsws loquendi or as respects the idea, in accord-
ance with which Christ, the bearer of the divine glory and grace, sprinkled
with His own sacrificial blood, would be regarded as the antitype of the
Kapporeth. But we may urge against it : (1) that τὸ ἱλαστήρ. does not stand
with the article, as in the Sept. and Heb. ix. 5, although Christ was to be des-
ignated as the realized idea of the definite and in fact singly existing 1153
(τὸ ἀληϑινὸν ἱλαστήριον, Theodoret) ; (2) that even though the term ἱλαστήριον,
as applied to the cover of the ark, was certainly familiar to the readers from
its use by the LXX., nevertheless this name, in its application to Christ,
would come in here quite abruptly, without anything in the context prepar-
ing the way for it or leading to it ; (8) that προέϑετο would in that case be
inappropriate, because the ark of the covenant, in the Holy of Holies, was
removed from the view of the people ; (4) that, if Christ were really thought
of here as D195, the following εἰς ἔνδειξιν τῆς δικαιοσύνης αὐτοῦ would be
inappropriate, since the 0153 must have appeared rather as the ἔνδειξις of
the divine grace (comp. Heb. iv. 16) ; (5) and lastly, that the conception of
Christ as the antitype of the cover of the ark is found nowhere else in the
whole N. T., although there was frequent opportunity for such expression ;
and it is therefore to be assumed that it did not belong to the apostolic modes
of viewing and describing the atoning work of Christ./ Moreover, if it is ob-
jected that this interpretation is unsuitable, because Christ, who shed His own
blood, could not be the cover of the ark sprinkled with foreign blood, it ison
the other hand to be remembered that the Crucified One sprinkled with His
own blood might be regarded as the cover of the ark with the same propri-
ety as Christ offering His own blood is regarded in the Epistle to the He-
brews as High Priest. If, on the other side, it is objected to the interpre-
tation expiatory offering (see Philippi), that it does not suit προέϑετο because
Christ offered Himself as a sacrifice to God, but God did not present Him
as such to humanity, the objection is untenable, since the idea that God
has given Christ to death pervades the whole N. T.—not that God has there-
by offered Christ as a sacrifice, which is nowhere asserted, but that He has
set forth before the eyes of the universe Him who is surrendered to the world
by the very fact of His offering Himself as a sacrifice in obedience to the
Father’s counsel, as such actually and publicly, namely, on the cross. An
exhibition through preaching (as Philippi objects) is not to be thought of,
but rather the divine act of redemption which took place through the sacri-
ficial death on Golgotha. — διὰ τῆς πίστεως] may be connected either with
προέϑετο (Philippi, following older writers) or with ἱλαστήριον (Riickert,
Matthias, Ewald, Hofmann, Morison, and older expositors). The latter is
the right construction, since faith, as laying hold of the propitiation, is the
very thing by which the ἱλαστήριον set forth becomes subjectively effective ;
but not that whereby the setting forth itself, which was an objective fact
independent of faith, has been accomplished. Hence: as ὦ sacrifice pro-
Φ.
1 Even had no one believed on the Cruci- view of the divine: πρόγνωσις could not
fied One—a contingency indeed, which in really occur—He would still have been set
CHAP. III., 25. 137
ducing the ἱλάσκεσϑαι through faith. Without faith the ἱλαστήριον would not
be actually and in result, what it is in itself ; for it does not reconcile the
unbeliever. —iv τῷ αὐτοῦ αἵματι] belongs to προέϑετο «.7.A. God has set
forth Christ as an effectual expiatory offering through faith by means of His
lUlood ; 1.6. in that He caused Him to shed His blood, in which lay objectively
the strength of the atonement. Observe the position of αὐτοῦ : “quem
| proposuit ipsius sanguine.” Kriiger, ὃ 47, 9, 12. Comp. xi. 11 ; Tit. iii.
5; 1 Thess. ii. 19 ; Heb. ii. 4 αἱ. Comp. ver. 24. Still ἐν τ. air. αἷμ. is not
to be joined with ἱλαστήριον in such a way as to make it the parallel of
διὰ τ. πίστ. (Wolf, Schrader, Kéllner, Reithmayr, Matthias, Mehring, Hof-
mann, Mangold, and others) ; for εἰς ἔνδειξιν «7.2. requires that ἐν τ. air. αἵμ.
shall be the element defining more closely the divine act of the προέϑετο κ.τ.λ.,
by which the divine righteousness. is apparent ; wherefore also ἐν. τ. abt aip.
is placed immediately before εἰς ἔνδειξιν «.7.2., and not before ἱλαστήριον
(against Hofmann’s objection). Other writers again erroneously make ἐν
νον νον, αἵματι dependent on πίστεως (Luther, Calvin, Beza, Seb. Schmid, and
others ; also Koppe, Klee, Flatt, Olshausen, Tholuck, Winzer, and Morison),
joining διὰ τ. rior. likewise to ἱλαστήριον : through faith on His blood. In that
case ἐν would not be equivalent to εἰς, but would indicate the basis of faith
(see on Gal. iii. 26) ; nor can the absence of the article after πίστ. be urged
against this rendering (see on Gal. 1.6.}.: but the ἐν τῷ air. αἵμ. becomes in
this connection much too subordinate a point. Just by means of the shedding
of His blood was the setting forth of Christ for a propitiatory offering accom-
plished ; in order that through this utmost, highest, and holiest sacrifice of-
fered for the satisfaction of the divine justice—through the blood of Christ—
that justice might be brought to light and demonstrated. From this connec-
tion also we may easily understand why ἐν τῷ air. αἵμ., which moreover, fol-
lowing ἱλαστήριον, was a matter of course, is added at all ; though in itself un-
necessary and self-evident, it is added with all the more weight, and in fact
with solemn emphasis. For just in the blood of Christ, which God has not
spared, lies the proof of His righteousness, which He has exhibited through
the setting forth of Christ as an expiatory sacrifice ; that shed blood has at
once satisfied His justice, and demonstrated it before the whole world.
On the atoning, actually sin-effacing power of the blood of Christ, according
to the fundamental idea of Lev. xvii. 11 (compare Heb. ix. 22), see v. 9 ;
Matt. xxvi. 28 ; Acts xx. 28; Eph. i. 7; Col. i. 14; Rev. v. 9 al. ; 2 Cor.
v. 14, 21; Gal. iii. 18 al. Comp. Kahnis, Dogm. I. Ὁ. 270 ff., 584 f.
Reiche considers that διὰ τῆς riot. should be coupled with δικαιούμ., and
ὃν. - - - ἱλαστ. should be a parenthesis, whilst ἐν τ. air. αἷμ. is to be co-
forth as a propitiatory offering, though this
offering would not have subjectively ben-
efited any one.
1This ἐν τῷ αὐτοῦ αἵματι secures at all
events to the Apostle’s utterance the con-
ception of a sacrifice atoning, ὁ.6. doing
away the guilt, whichever of the existing
explanations of the word ἱλαστήριον We may
adopt. This also applies against Rich.
Schmidt 7.c., according to whom (comp.
Sabatier, p. 262 f.) the establishment of the
ἱλαστήριον consisted in God actually passing
sentence on sin itself in the flesh of His
Son, and wholly abolishing it as an object-
ive power exercising dominion over hu-
manity—consequently in the destruction of
the sin principle. Regarding viii. 3 see on
that passage.
138 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
ordinated with the διὰ τ. rior. But by this expedient the discourse is only
rendered clumsy and overladen. —ei¢ ἔνδειξ. τ. dix. αὐτοῦ] purpose of God in
the rpoédero . The δικαιοσύνη is righteousness, as is required by
the context (διὰ τ. πάρεσιν . . . . ἐν TH ἀνοχῇ τ. Θεοῦ), not : truth (Ambro-
siaster, Beza, Turretin, Hammond, Locke, Béhme), or goodness (Theodoret,
Grotius, Semler, Koppe, Rosenmiiller, Morus, Reiche, also Tittmann,
Synon. p. 185)—significations which the word never bears. It does not
even indicate the holiness (Fritzsche, Reithmayr, Klaiber, Neander, Gurlitt
in the Stud. u. Krit. 1840, p. 975 ; Lipsius, Rechtfertigungsl. p. 146 ff.) ;
or the righteousness, including grace (Ritschl) ; or generally the Divine moral
order of justice (Morison) ; or the self-equality ef God in His bearing (Hof-
mann) ; but in the strict sense the opposite of ἄδικος in ver. 5, the judicial
(more precisely, the punitive) righteousness (comp. Ernesti, Urspr. d. Siinde.
I. p. 169 ff.), which had to find its holy satisfaction, but received that sat-
isfaction in the propitiatory offering of Christ, and is thereby practically.
demonstrated and exhibited. On ἔνδειξις, in the sense of practical proof,
comp. 2 Cor. viii. 24, and on εἰς Eph. ii. 7: Following ver.
26, Chrysostom and others, including Krehl and Baumgarten-Crusius, take
it unsatisfactorily as justifying righteousness. Anselm, Luther, Elsner,
Wolf, and others, also Usteri, Winzer, van Hengel, and Mangold, hold that
it is, as in ver. 21, the righteousness, that God gives. On the other hand,
see the immediately following εἰς... . δίκαιον. ---- διὰ τὴν πάρεσιν K.T.A.] on
account of the passing by of sins that had previously taken place, i.e. because He
had allowed the pre-Christian sins to go without punishment, whereby His
righteousness had been lost sight of and obscured,’ and therefore came to
need an ἔνδειξις for men.? Thus the atonement accomplished in Christ be-
came the ‘‘ divine Theodicée for the past history of the world” (Tholuck),
and, in view of this ἔνδειξις, that πάρεσις ceases to be an enigma. — πάρεσις,
which occurs only here in the N. T.* ; erroneously explained by Chrysostom
as equivalent to νέκρωσις, is distinguished from ἄφεσις in so far as the omis-
sion of punishment is conceived in πάρεσις as a letting pass (ὑπεριδών, Acts
xvii. 80 ; comp. xiv. 16), in ἄφεσις (Eph. i. 7; Col. 1. 14) as a letting free.
Since Paul, according to Acts 1.6., regarded the non-punishment of pre-
Christian sins as an ‘‘ overlooking” (comp. Wisd. xi. 28), we must consider
the peculiar expression, πάρεσις, here as purposely chosen. Comp. παριέναι,
Ecclus. xxiii. 2. If he had written ἄφεσις, the idea would be, that God,
instead of retaining those sins in their category of guilt (comp. John xx.
23), had let them free, i.e. had forgiven them.* He has not forgiven
do 6 Wien
ἵνα ἐνδείξηται.
1 Compare J. Miiller, v. α. Stinde, 1. p. 352,
ed, 5.
2 The explanation that “ διά here indicates
that, whereby the δικαιοσύνη manifests it-
self ’’ (Reiche ; so also Benecke, Koppe, and
older expositors) is incorrect, just because
Paulin all cases (even in viii. 1land Gal. iv.
13) makes a sharp distinction between διά
with the accusative and with the genitive.
This interpretation has arisen from the er-
roneous conception of δικαιοσύνη (as good-
ness or truth).
3 See however Dionys. Hal. vii. 37 ; Phalar.
Epist. 114; Xen. de praef. eg. 7, 10; and
Fritzsche én doc. ; Loesner, p. 249.
4 Τῇ ἄφεσις the guilt and punishment are
cancelled ; in πάρεσις both are tacitly or ex-
pressly left undealt with, but in their case
it may be said that ‘‘ométtance is not acquit-
tance.” For the idea of forgiveness ἄφεσις
“OMAP. ΠῚ 2D: 139
them, however, but only let them go unpunished (comp. 2 Sam. xxiv. 10),
neglevit. The wrath of God, which nevertheless frequently burst forth
(comp. i. 17 ff.) in the ages before Christ over Jews and Gentiles (for Paul,
in his perfectly general expressions, has not merely the former in view),
was not an adequate recompense counterbalancing the sin, and even in-
creased it (i. 24 ff.) ; so that God’s attitude to the sin of the time before
Christ, so long as it was not deleted either by an adequate punishment, or
by atonement, appears on the whole.as a letting pass (comp. Acts xiv. 16) and
overlooking. As the correlative of πάρεσις, there is afterwards appropriately
named ἀνοχή (comp. 11. 4), not χάρις, for the latter would correspond to
ἄφεσις, Eph. i. 7. —The pre-Christian sins are not those of individuals prior
to their conversion (Mehring and earlier expositors), but the sum of the
sins of the world before Christ. The ἱλαστήριον of Christ is the epoch and
turning-point in the world’s history (comp. Acts xvii. 30, xiv. 16.) —év τῇ
ἀνοχῇ τ. Θεοῦ] in virtue of the forbearance (tolerance, comp. ii. 4) ef God,?
contains the ground which is the motive of the πάρεσις. It is not to be at-
tached to προγεγ. (Oecumenius, Luther, and many others ; also Riickert,
Gurlitt, Ewald, van Hengel, Ritschl, and Hofmann), which would yield the
sense with or ‘‘during the forbearance of God.” Against this view we may
urge the very circumstance that the time when the sins referred to took
place is already specified by προγεγονότων, and expressed in a way simply
and fully corresponding with the contrast of the viv καιρός that follows, as
well as the special pertinent reason, that our mode of connecting ἐν τ. ἀνογῇ
τ. Θ. with διὰ τ. πάρεσιν x.t.A. brings out more palpably the antithetical re-
lation of this πάρεσις to the divine δικαιοσύνη. Moreover, as avoy4 is a moral
attribute, the temporal conception of év is neither indicated nor appropriate.
What is indicated and appropriate is simply the use, so common, of ἐν in
the sense of the ethical ground. Reiche connects ἐν τῇ ἀνοχῇ τ. Θεοῦ with
εἰς évd. τ. δικ. αὐτ., Making it co-ordinate with the διὰ. ‘the
δικαιοσύνη Showed itself positively in the forgiveness of sins, negatively in
the postponement of judgment.” Incorrect, on account of the erroneous
explanation of διά and δικαιοσ. thus necessitated.—Our whole interpretation
of the passage from διὰ τ. πάρεσιν to Θεοῦ is not at variance (as Usteri thinks)
with Heb. ix. 15 ; for, if God has allowed pre-Christian sins to pass, and
then has exhibited the atoning sacrifice of Christ in proof of His righteous-
ness, the death of Christ must necessarily be the λύτρον for the transgres-
sions committed under the old covenant, but passed over for the time being.
But there is nothing in our passage to warrant the reference to the sins of
the people of Jsrael, as in Heb. 1.6. (in opposition to Philippi).
-
- AapT.:
and ἀφιέναι alone form the standing mode
of expression in the N. T. And beyond
doubt (in opposition to the view of Luther
and others, and recently Mangold) Paul
would here have used this form, had he in-
tended to convey that idea. The πάρεσις is
intermediate between pardon and punish-
ment. Compare Ritschl in the Jahrb. f. D.
Th. 1863, p. 501.
1 Paul writes Θεοῦ, not again αὐτοῦ, be-
cause he utters the διὰ τὴν mapeow....
Θεοῦ from his own standpoint, so that the
subject is presented objectively. Comp. Xen.
Anab.i. 9,15. But even apart from this the
repetition of the noun instead of the pro-
noun is of very frequent occurrence in all
Greek authors, and also in the N. T. (Winer,
p. 186 [E. T. 144]).
140 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Ver. 26. Πρὸς τὴν ἔνδειξιν] Resumption of the εἰς ἔνδειξιν in ver. 25, and
that without the δέ, ver. 22 (comp. on Luke i. 71); while εἰς is exchanged
for the equivalent πρός unintentionally, as Paul in ver. 30, and also frequent-
ly elsewhere (comp. on Eph. i. 7 and Gal. ii. 16) changes the prepositions.’
The article, however (see the critical notes), serves to set forth the definite,
historically given ἔνδειξις, which is in accord with the progress of the repre-
sentation ; for Paul desires to add now with corresponding emphasis the
historical element ἐν τῷ viv καιρῷ not previously mentioned. The resumption
is in itself so obvious, and also in such entire harmony with the emphasis
laid upon the ἔνδειξις τῆς δικαιοσύνης αὐτοῦ as the chief point, that for this very
reason the interpretation of Riickert and Gurlitt (comp. Beza), which joins
πρὸς τὴν ἔνδειξιν κιτ.. With διὰ τ. πάρεσιν. . . . Θεοῦ, and takes it as the
aim of the πάρεσις or the ἀνοχή (Baumgarten-Crusius ; comp. Hofmann and
Th. Schott), at once falls to the ground. Mehring, rendering πρός in ref-
erence to or in view of, understands the δικαιοσύνη in ver. 26 to mean imputed
righteousness, and finds the ἔνδειξις of the latter, ver. 26, in the resurrection
of Jesus ; but a decisive objection to his view is that Paul throughout gives
no hint whatever that his expressions in ver. 26 are to be taken in any other
sense than in ver. 25 ; and a reference to the resurrection in particular is
here quite out of place ; the passage goes not beyond the atoning death of
Christ. — εἰς τὸ εἶναι «.7.2. Cannot stand in an epexegetical relation to the
previous εἰς ἔνδειξεν x.7.2. because that ἔνδειξις has in fact already been doubly
expressed, but now the further element καὶ δικαιοῦντα «.t.A. is added, which
first brings into full view the teleology of the ἱλαστήριον. εἰς τὸ εἶναι x.7.A. 18
therefore the definition presenting the final aim of the whole affirmation
from ὃν προέϑετο to καιρῷ. It is its keystone : that He may be just and justi-
Sying the believers, which is to be taken as the intended result (comp. on ver.
4): in order that, through the ἱλαστήριον of Christ, arranged in this way and
for this ἔνδειξις, He may manifest Himself as One who is Himself righteous,
and who makes the believer righteous (comp. ἱλαστήρ. διὰ τ. πίστεως, ver. 25).
He desires to be both, the one not without the other. The εἶναι however is
the being in the appearance corresponding to it. The ‘ estimation of the
moral public” (Morison) only ensues as the consequence of this. Regarding
Tov éx πίστ. comp. On οἱ ἐξ ἐριϑείας, ii. 8. The αὐτόν however has not the
force of ipse or even alone (Luther), seeing it is the subject of the two predi-
cations δίκαιον κ. δικαιοῦντα ; but it is the simple pronoun of the third person.
Were we to render with Matthias and Mehring®* καὶ δικαιοῦντα : even when He
justifies, the «ai would be very superfluous and weakening ; Paul would have
said δίκαιον δικαιοῦντα, or would have perhaps expressed himself pointedly by
δίκαιον κ. δικαιοῦντα ἀδίκους ἐν πίστεως "I. Observe further that the justus et jus-
tificans, in which lies the summum paradoxon evangelicum as opposed to the
O. T. justus et condemnans (according to Bengel), finds its solution and its
harmony with the Ο. T. in τὸν ἐκ πίστεως (see chap. iv., i. 17). The Roman
Catholic explanation of inherent righteousness (see especially Reithmayr) is
here the more inept. It is also to be remarked that according to vy. 24-26
1Comp. Kiihner, II. 1, p. 475 f. 2 They are joined by Ernesti, Hihik ἃ. Ap. P. p. 32.
‘
CHAP. III., 2%. 141
grace was the determining ground in God, that prompted Him to permit the
atonement. He purposed thereby indeed the revelation of His righteousness ;
but to the carrying out of that revelation just thus, and not otherwise,
namely, through the ἱλαστήριον of Christ, He was moved by His own χάρις.
Moreover the ἔνδειξις of the divine righteousness which took place through the
atoning death of Christ necessarily presupposes the satisfactio vicaria of the
Hofmann’s doctrine of atonement (compensation) * does not per-
mit the simple and—on the basis of the O. T. conception of atoning sacrifice
—historically definite ideas of vv. 25, 26, as well as the unbiassed and clear
representation of the ἀπολύτρωσις in ver. 24 (comp. the λύτρον ἀντί, Matt.
Xx. 28, and ἀντίλυτρον, 1 Tim. 11. 6) to subsist alone with it. On the other
hand these ideas and conceptions given in and homogeneously pervading the
entire N. T., and whose meaning can by no means be evaded, exclude the
theory of Onin: not merely in form but also in substance, as a deviation
evading and explaining away the N. T. type of doctrine, with which the
point of view of a ‘‘ befalling,” the category in which Hofmann invariably
places the death of Jesus, is especially at variance. And Faith in the aton-
ing death has not justification merely ‘‘in its train” (Hofmann in loe.), but
justification takes place subjectively through faith (vv. 22, 25), and indeed in
such a way that the latter is reckoned for righteousness, iv. 5, consequently
immediately (ἐξαίφνης, Chrysostom).
Ver. 27. Paul now infers (οὖν) from vv. 21-26—in lively interchange of
question and answer, like a victor who has kept the field—that Jewish
boasting (not human boasting generally, Fritzsche, Krehl, Th. Schott) is
excluded.? [See Note XXXIV. p. 149.] The article indicates that which
ἱλαστήριον.
1**Tn consequence of man’s having allowed
himself to be induced through the working
of Satan to sin, which made him the object
of divine wrath, the Triune God, in order
that He might perfect the relation consti-
tuted by the act of creation between Him-
self and humanity into a complete fellow-
ship of love, has had recourse to the most
extreme antithesis of Father and Son, which
was possible without self-negation on the
part of God, namely, the antithesis of the
Father angry at humanity on account of
sin, and of the Son belonging in sinlessness
to that humanity, but approving Himself
under all the consequences of its sin even
unto the transgressor’s death that befell
Him through Satan’s agency ; so that, after
Satan had done on Him the utmost which he
was able to do to the sinless One in conse-
quence of sin, without obtaining any other
result than His final standing the test, the
relation of the Father to the Son was now
a relation of God to the humanity begin-
ning anew in the Son—a relation no longer
determined by the sin of the race spring-
ing from Adam, but by the righteousness
of the Son.”” Hofmann in the Zi. Zeitschr.
1856, p. 179 f. Subsequently (see espec.
Schriftb. ΤΙ. 1, p. 186 ff.) Hofmann has sub-
stantially adhered to his position. See the
literature of the entire controversy car-
ried on against him, especially by Philippi,
Thomasius, Ebrard, Delitzsch, Schneider,
Weber, given by the latter, vom Zorne
Gottes, p. xliii. ff. ; Weizsicker in the Jahrb.
7. Deutsche Theol. 1858, p. 154 ff. It is not to
the ecclesiastical doctrine, but to Schleier-
macher’s, and partially also Mencken’s sub-
jective representation of it, that Hofmann’s
theory, although in another form, stands
most nearly related. Comp. on ver. 24:
and for a more detailed account Ritschl,
Rechtfertigung und Versdhnung, 1870, I. p.
569 ff., along with his counter-remarks
against Hofmannat p. 575 ff. As to keeping
the Scriptural notion of imputed right-
eousness clear of all admixture with the
moral change of the justified, see also Kést-
lin in the Jahrb. fiir Deutsche Theol. 1856, p.
105 ff., 118 ff., Gess, in the same, 1857, p. 679
ff., 1858, p. 718 ff., 1859, p. 467 ff. ; compared
however with the observations of Philippi
in his Glaubenslehre, iv. 2, p. 237 ff., 2nd edi-
tion.
2 Hofmann’s misconception of ver. 9 still
affects him, so astto make him think here
142 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
is known, and has been before mentioned (ii. 17 ff.), looking back to vv. 9
and 1. --- ποῦ] As it were, seeking that which has vanished from the sphere
of vision, Luke viii. 25; 1 Cor. i. 20, xv. 55; 1 Pet. iv. 18; 2 Pet. iii, 4;
also frequently used thus by classic writers. — The καύχησις is not the object
of boasting (Reiche), which would be καύχημα, but the vaunting itself, which
is presented with vivid clearness as that which no longer exists. — ἐξεκλείσ-
Sy] οὐκ ἔτι χώραν ἔχει, Theodoret. — διὰ ποίου νόμου :] 561]. ἐξεκλείσϑη, not
δικαιούμεϑα, which Mehring, following Michaelis, wholly without logical
ground wishes to be supplied. The exclusion, namely, must necessarily
have ensued through a /aw no longer allowing the καύχησις ; but through
what sort of a law ? of what nature is it? Is it one that demands works ὃ
No, but a law of faith. In these attributes lies the ποιότης of the law, which
is the subject of inquiry. This cannot have the quality of the Mosaic law,
which insists upon works, but thereby fosters and promotes the parade of
work-righteousness (ii. 17) ; it must, on the contrary, be a law that requires
faith, as is done by the Christian plan of salvation, which prescribes the
renunciation of all merit through works, and requires us to trust solely in
the grace of God in Christ. The Christian plan of salvation might be in-
cluded under the conception of a νόμος, because the will of God is given in
it by means of the Gospel (comp. 1 John iii. 23), just as in the O. T. revela-
tion by means of the Mosaic law. And the expression was necessary in the
connection, because the question διὰ ποίου νόμον ; required both the old and
new forms of the religious life to be brought under the one conception of
νόμος. Therefore the literal sense of νόμος remains unchanged, and it is
neither doctrine (Melanchthon and many others) nor religious economy.
Comp. ix. 31.
Ver. 28 gives the ground of the οὐχί «.7.2. — λογιζόμεϑα] οὐκ ἐπὶ ἀμφιβολίας
λέγεται (Theodore of Mopsuestia) : censemus, we deem, as in 11. 3, viii. 18 ;
2 Cor. xi. 5. The matter is set down as something that has now been
brought between Paul and his readers to a common ultimate judgment,
whereby the victorious tone of ver. 27 is not damped (as Hofmann objects),
but is on the contrary confidently sealed. —ricre:| On this, and not on
δικαιοῦσϑαι (Th. Schott, Hofmann), lies the emphasis in accordance with the
entire connection ; χωρὶς ἔργ. νόμου is correlative. Paul has conceived oy.
y. dix. together, and then placed first the word which has the stress’; compare
the critical observations. The dative denotes the procuring cause or medi-
um, just like διὰ πίστεως. Bernhardy, p. 101 f. The word ‘‘ alone,” added
by Luther—formerly an apple of discord between Catholics and Lutherans
(see the literature in Wolf)—did not belong to the translation as such,’ but
is in explanation justified by the context, which in the way of dilemma ‘‘ cuts
off all works utterly” (Luther), and by the connection of the Pauline doc-
trinal system generally, which excludes also the fides formata.? All fruit
of faith follows justification by faith ; and there are no degrees in justifica-
of Christian καύχησις. Comp., for the right “* only through faith.”
view, especially Chrysostom. 2 See Form. Conc. Ὁ. 585 f., 691. Comp. on
1 Luther has not added itin Gal. ii. 16, Gal. ii. 16, Osiander in the Jahrb. f. Deutsche
where the Niirnberg Bible of 1483 reads Theol. 1863, p. 703 f. ; Morison in loc.
CHAP, III., 29, 30. 143
tion.’— χωρὶς ἔργ. νόμου] Without the co-operation therein of works of the
law (ver. 20), which, on the contrary, remain apart from all connection with
it. Comp. ver. 21. — On the quite general ἄνϑρωπον, a man, comp. Chrysos-
tom : τῇ οἰκουμένῃ τὰς ϑύρας ἀνοίξας τῆς σωτηρίας, φησὶν, ἄνϑρωπον, τὸ κοινὸν τῆς
φύσεως ὄνομα ϑείς. See afterwards περιτομὴν. . .. καὶ ἀκροβυστ., ver. 30.
Comp. Gal. ii. 16.
Ver. 29. Or—in case what has just been asserted in ver. 28 might still be
doubted—is it only Jews to whom God belongs? and not also Gentiles ? He
must, indeed, have only been a God for the Jews, if He had made justifica-
tion conditional on works of the law, for in that case it could only be
destined for Jews,* insomuch as they only are the possessors of the law.
Consequently vv. 29, 30 contain a further closing thought, crowning the
undoubted accuracy of the confidently expressed λογιζόμεϑα κ.τ.}. in ver. 28.
The supplying of a predicative Θεός (Hofmann, Morison, and earlier expos-
itors) is superfluous, since the prevailing usage of εἶναί τίνος is amply suf-
ficient to make it intelligible, and it is quite as clear from the context that
the relationship which is meant is that of being God to the persons in
question.—How much the ναὶ καὶ ἐϑνῶν, said without any limitation whatever
—in their case, as with ᾿Ιουδαίων, God is conceived as protecting them, and
guiding to salvation—run counter to the degenerate theocratic exclusive-
ness.* But Paul speaks in the certain assurance, which had been already
given by the prophetic announcement of Messianic bliss for the Gentiles,
but which he himself had received by revelation (Gal. 1. 16), and which the
Roman church, a Pauline church, itself regarded as beyond doubt.
Ver. 30 is to be divided from the previous one merely by a comma. Re-
garding ἐπείπερ, whereas (in the N. T. only here) introducing something
undoubted, see Hermann, ad Viger. Ὁ. 786 ; Hartung, Partikell. I. p. 842
f.; Baeumlein, p. 204.—The unity of God implies that He is God, not merely
of the Jews, but also of the Gentiles ; for otherwise another special Deity
must rule over the Gentiles, which would do away with monotheism. — ὃς
δικαιώσει] who shall (therefore) justify. This exposition contains that which
necessarily follows from the unity of God, in so far as it conditions for both
parties one mode of justification (which however must be χωρὶς ἔργων, ver.
28). For Jewsas well as for Gentiles He must have destined the way of
righteousness by faith as the way of salvation. The future is neither put
for δικαιοῖ (Grotius, and many others), nor to be referred with Beza and
Fritzsche to the time of the final judgment, nor to be taken as the future of
inference (Riickert, Mehring, Hofmann), but is to be understood as in ver.
20 of every case of justification to be accomplished. Erasmus rightly says,
‘‘Respexit enim ad eos, qui adhuc essent in Judaismo seu paganismo.”—
The exchange of ἐκ and διὰ is to be viewed as accidental, without real dif-
ference, but also without the purpose of avoiding misconception (Mehring).
Comp. Gal. ii. 16, iii. 8 ; Eph. 11. 8. Unsuitable, especially for the impor-
1 Comp. Riggenbach (against Romang) in they would cease to be Gentiles.
- the Stud. τ. Krit. 1868, p. 227 ff. 3See on Matt. iii. 9, and in Eisenmen-
2 Not for the Gentiles also, unless they ρου entdeckt. Judenth. I. Ὁ. 587 f.
become proselytes to Judaism, whereby
144 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
tant closing thought, is the view of Calvin, followed by Jatho, that there
is an irony in the difference : ‘‘ Si quis vult habere differentiam gentilis a
Judaeo, hanc habeat, quod ille per fidem, hic vero ez fide justitiam con-
sequitur.” Theodore of Mopsuestia, Wetstein, Bengel, Hofmann, and
others explain it by various other gratuitous suggestions : van Hengel is
doubtful—The interchange of πίστεως and τῆς rior. (from faith through the
faith), in which the qualitative expression advances to the concrete with the
article, is also without special design, as similar accidental interchanges
often occur in parallel clauses (Winer, p. 110 [E. T. 1167). ὁ
Ver. 31—iv. 24. The harmony of the doctrine of justification by faith with
the law, illustrated by what is said in the law regarding the justification of
Abraham.—The new chapter should have begun with ver. 31, since that
verse contains the theme of the following discussion. If we should, with
Augustine, Beza, Calvin, Melanchthon, Bengel, and many others, including
Flatt, Tholuck, Kélner, Riickert, Philippi, van Hengel, Umbreit, and Meh-
ring, assume that at iv. 1 there is again introduced something new, so that
Paul does not carry further the νόμον ἱστῶμεν, v. 31, but in iv. 1 ff. treats of
a new objection that has occurred to him at the moment, we should then
have the extraordinary phenomenon of Paul as it were dictatorially dismiss-
ing an objection so extremely important and in fact so very naturally suggest-
ing itself, as νόμον οὖν καταργοῦμεν x.t.A., merely by an opposite assertion,
and then immediately, like one who has not a clear case, leaping away to
something else. The more paradoxical in fact after the foregoing, and
especially after the apparently antinomistic concluding idea in ver. 30, the
assertion νόμον ἱστῶμεν must have sounded, the more difficult becomes the
assumption that it is merely an anticipatory declaration abruptly interposed
(see especially Philippi, who thinks it is enlarged on at viii. 1 ff.); and the
less can ver. 20, διὰ y. νόμου ἐπίγνωσις auapt. be urged as analogous, since
that proposition had really its justification there in what preceded. Accord-
ing to Th. Schott, νόμος is not meant to apply to the Mosaic law at all, but
1 Bengel : ‘“‘ Judaci pridem in fide fuerant;
gentiles fidem ab illis recens nacti erant.”
Comp. Origen. Similarly Matthias: in the
case of the circumcised faith appears as the
ground, in that of the uncircumcised as the
means of justification; ἐκ mor. signifies:
because they believe,dca τ. πίστ: if they be-
lieve. In the case of the circumcised faith
is presupposed as covenant-faithfulness.
Comp. also Bisping. According to Hof-
mann, Paul is supposed to have said in the
ease of the circumcised in consequence of
faith, because these wish to become right-
eous in consequence of legal works ; but in
the case of the uncircumcised dy means of
faith, because with the latter no other pos-
sible way of becoming righteous was con-
ceivable. In the former instance faith is the
preceding condition ; in the latter the faith
existing for the purpose of justification
(therefore accompanied by the article) is
the means, by which God, who works it,
helps to righteousness. This amounts toa
subjective invention of subtleties which
are equally incapable of proof as of refuta-
tion, but which are all the more groundless,
seeing that Paul is fond of such inter-
changes of prepositions in setting forth the
same relation (comp. ver. 25 f., and on 2 Cor.
iii. 11, and Eph. i. 7). How frequent are
similar interchanges also in classic authors |
Moreover, in our passage the stress is by
no means on the prepositions (Hofmann),
but on περιτομήν and ἀκροβυστίαν. And as
to the variation of the prepositions, Augus-
tine has properly observed (de Spir. et lit.
_ 29) that this interchange serves non ad
aliquam differentiam, but ad varietatem locu-
tionis. Comp. on ἐκ πίστεως δικαιοῦν (here
said of Jews) also of Gentiles, Gal. iii. 8;
Rom. ix. 30, and generally i. 17.
»
CHAP. ΤΠ 31. 145
to the fact that, according to ver. 27, faith is a νόμος, in accordance with
which therefore Paul, when making faith a condition of righteousness, as-
cribes to himself not abrogation of the law, but rather an establishment of
it, setting up merely what God Himself had appointed as the method of
salvation. The discourse would thus certainly have a conclusion, but by a
jugglery’ with a word (νόμος) which no reader could, after ver. 28, under-
stand in any other sense than as the Mosaic law. Hofmann explains sub-
stantially in the same way as Schott. He thinks that Paul conceives to
himself the objection that in the doctrine of faith there might be found a
doing away generally of all law, and now in opposition thereto declares that
that doctrine does not exclude, but includes, the fact that there is a divine
order of human life (2).
Ver. 31. (See Note XXXY. p. 150.) Οὖν] The Apostle infers for himself
from his doctrine of .justification ἐκ πίστεως... .. χωρὶς ἔργων vouov—just
discussed—a possible objection and reproach : Do we then make away with
the law (render it invalid) through faith ὃ — νόμον] emphatically put first, and
here also to be understood neither of the moral law, nor of every law in
general, nor of the entire O. T., but, as is proved by the antithesis between
νόμος and πίστις and the reference as bearing on ver. 28, of the Mosaic law.
Comp. Acts xxi. 28, Gal. iv. 21 f. — διὰ τῆς riot. | ὁ.6. thereby, that we assert
faith as the condition of justification. — νόμον ἱστῶμεν] Not : we let the law
stand (Matthias), but : we make it stand, we produce the result that it, so
far from being ready to fall, in reality stands upright (βεβαιοῦμεν, Theodoret)
in its authority, force, and obligation. Comp. 1 Macc. xiv. 29, 11. 27 ; Ec-
cles. xliv. 20-22. This ἱστάνειν of the law, whereby there is secured to it sta-
bility and authority instead of the καταργεῖσϑαι, takes place by means of (see ch.
iv.) the Pauline doctrine demonstrating and making good the fact that, and
the mode in which, justification by the grace of God through faith is already
taught in the law, so that Paul and his fellow teachers do not come into antag-
onism with the law, as if they desired to abolish and invalidate it by a new
teaching, but, on the contrary, by their agreement with it, and by proving
their doctrine from it, secure and confirm it in its position and essential
character. — The νόμον ἱστῶμεν, however, is so little at variance with the
abrogation of the law as an institute of works obligatory in order to the becom-
ing righteous, which has taken place through Christianity (x. 4; 2 Cor. iii.
7; Gal. iii.; Rom. vii. 4; Gal. ii. 19; Col. ii. 14), that, on the contrary,
the law had to fall in this aspect, in order that, in another aspect, the same
law, so far as it teaches faith as the condition of the δικαιοσύνη, might be by
the gospel imperishably confirmed in its authority, and even, according to
Matth. v. 17, fulfilled. For in respect of this assertion of the value of faith
the law and the gospel appear one. —If the νόμον ἱστῶμεν and its relation
to the abrogation of the law be defined to mean that ‘‘ from faith proceeds
the new obedience, and the love develops itself, which is the πλήρωμα νόμου,.
xiii. 10” (Philippi ; comp. Riickert, Krehl, Umbreit, Morison), as Augus-.
1This objection in no way affects the very ποίου placed along with it requires the
question διὰ ποίον νόμου, yer. 27 (in opposi- general notion of νόμου.
tion to Hofmann’s objection), where the 2 Comp. Weiss, Lidl. Theol. p. 333.
146 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
tine, Melanchthon, who nevertheless mixes up with it very various elements,
Luther, Calvin, Beza, Vatablus, Calovius, and others assumed (comp. also
Apol. C. A. p. 88, 223), the further detailed illustration of ch. iv. is quite
as much opposed to this view, as it is to the interpretations which conceive
the law as pedagogically leading to Christ (Grotius, Olshausen), or as fulfilled
in respect of its object, which is justification by faith (Chrysostom, Oecume-
nius, Theophylact, and others.’) In the case of the two latter views, faith
appears as something added to the law, which is just what Paul combats in
ch. iv. On the form ἱστῶμεν, from ἱστάω, see Matthiae, p. 482, Winer, p. 75
[E. T. 78]. Still the ἱστάνομεν, recommended by Griesbach and adopted by
Lachmann and Tischendorf, has preponderant attestation (so also 8* ; but
x** has ἱστῶμεν), which is here decisive (in opposition to Fritzsche), espe-
cially when we take into account the multitude of other forms in MSS. (στά-
vouer, ἵσταμεν, συνιστῶμεν, συνιστάνομεν et al.).
Notres py AMERIcAN EDIToR.
XXIII. Ver..1. τὸ περισσόν.
τὸ περισσόν is the superiority of the Jew over the Gentile, which was con-
nected with the old covenant, and ἡ ὠφέλεια the advantage which circumcision
gave, as the sign of this superiority. To the Judaistic party of the Apostle’s
day the position taken in ii, 25-29 would naturally seem to deny any superi-
ority whatever ; and thus the objection was sure to arise, at this point, which
the Apostle now proceeds to meet. He explains that the Jew stands at an ad-
vantage in many points, which are summed up, indeed, in the possession of the
O. T. Scriptures—and that this is the true meaning of that in which they
gloried ; but that, in the matter of justification by works before God, they
were on the same level with the Gentiles. All alike must fail of such justi-
fication, because all alike had sinned.
XXIV. Ver. 2. πρῶτον piv γὰρ x.t.A.
The explanation given by Meyer of the omission of other points which would
naturally follow the first is undoubtedly correct—that the writer was led away
from his original intention by the question of ver. 3. We may believe, how-
ever, that he did not return to the plan of enumerating the other advantages,
after concluding the line of thought in vv. 3-8, because he felt that the one
‘mentioned really involved in itself all the rest.
XXV. Ver. 2. τὰ λόγια τοῦ Θεοῦ.
The oracles of God, in the sense here intended, are the O. T. Scriptures,
viewed as containing the covenant of God with its law and promises, and not
merely the Messianic prophetic utterances, The argument for the latter
reference, which is founded on a supposed necessity of giving to ἀπιστία and
190 yap ἤϑελεν 6 νόμος, τουτέστι τὸ δικαιῶσαι τελειοῖ: ὁμοῦ yap τῷ πιστεῦσαι τίνα δικαιοῦται;
ἄνϑρωπον, οὐκ ἴσχυσε δὲ ποιῆσαι, τοῦτο ἡ πίστις Theophylact.
aa
NOTES. 147
ἀπιστεῖν the sense of unbelief, is, as Weiss also intimates, unsound ; the contrary,
being proved, as he says, by 2 Tim. ii. 13, The entire view of Meyer with
regard to these words in this and the following verse is, as de Wette well re-
marks, altogether opposed to the Apostle’s standpoint in these verses, which
is outside of the Christian system, and to the connection with the preceding
and following contéxt, in which the transgressions of the law on the part of
the Jews, and the judgment of God on purely legal principles, are under dis-
cussion.
XXVI. Ver. 3. τί γὰρ εἰ ἠπίστησάν τινες ;
The more probable view of this verse is, that the Apostle anticipates a
question which might be pressed by an opponent in the discussion—namely,
does not this statement, that the Jews have the O. T., involve the admis-
sion of all that they claim (cf. σύ, ii. 3), for, surely, the want of faithfulness to
the covenant on the part of some will not destroy God’s fidelity to His promise.
To this latter point (ver. 3) he replies by the emphatic μὴ γένοιτο, which involves
two elements—a negative answer to the question, and an utter rejection of the
thought as abhorrent to right feeling. It is to the second of these two elements
that ver. 4, with its Psalm-quotation, attaches itself. In a similar way, at ver.
5, he again supposes a question suggesting itself from the other party: If, as
is implied in ver. 4, God’s righteousness is even rendered conspicuous by their
unrighteousness, does it not show injustice in God to inflict a penalty on those
who thus contribute to His glory? ΤῸ this question he replies with the same
emphatic phrase, and attaches to the first of its two elements (see above), the
following verses, which contain a confirmation of the negative. Such a posi-
tion would do away with all Divine judgment, and would lead to the pernicious
and untenable doctrine, that we may do evil that good may come.
XXVIII. Vv. 5, 6. μὴ γένοιτο. --- κατὰ ἄνθρωπον.
μὴ γένοιτο is used by Paul only in the Epistles of the same section and class
to which this Ep. belongs (Rom., Gal., Cor.). It always has the meaning given
in the preceding note, and the connection of the following words with it may
vary in different cases, as it does in this context. κατὰ ἄνθρωπον also occurs
only in these Epistles—everywhere meaning, after the manner of a man outside
of the Divine sphere. The particular signification, within the limits of this gen-
eral sense, is determined in each instance by the context.
XXVIII. Ver. 5. μὴ ἄδικος ὁ Θεός.
The Apostle is not to be regarded, in this passage (vv. 1-8), as introducing
an opponent into his discourse, as if in a dialogue, or directly quoting his
language. The form of the question in ver. 5, μὴ ἄδικος x.7.4. is clear evidence
of this, for the objector would have put the inquiry in the form which looks
for an affirmative answer, and not, as here, for a negative one. On the other
hand, he carries forward his entire argument in his own person, and formulates
for himself the objections, difficulties, or questions which, as he conceives,
might be presented.
148 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
XXIX. Ver. 9. mane ὩΣ
The explanation of προεχόμεθα, to which Meyer here refers, has in its favor
the fact that the passage from Plutarch may be cited as justifying it, while no
passage is found sustaining the interpretation given by Tholuck, de Wette, and
others, or, where the verb stands without an obj. accusdtive, that given by
Meyer himself. Every other argument which the case affords, however, seems
to bear against this explanation--are we surpassed. (a) There is nothing in
the preceding context, or in the position which Paul maintains anywhere, to
suggest such a question. (b) His entire course of reasoning from ii. 1 onward
is intended to show that the Jew is ona level with the Gentile in respect to
justification by works, not that he stands on a lower position. (c) The follow-
ing verses do not harmonize with this view of the word. They do not set
forth the proof that the Gentiles are not better than the Jews, but that the
Jews are not better than the Gentiles. (d) Such a question would not readily
come from the Jewish side. (e) Ver. 19 shows that in vv. 10-18 he had
special reference to the Jews, and that his object in this passage is the same as
that which he had in view in the previous chapter. This explanation, which
is. adopted in R. V. by the English revisers, must, accordingly, be rejected.
The view of Meyer must also be set aside. Τὸ hasno greater support from
usage than that of de Wette and A. V. Indeed, it is less difficult to suppose
that the writer uses the middle voice of this verb, after the analogy of many
other verbs, in the simple active sense, or, with Grimm and Philippi, as mean-
ing have we an advantage for ourselves, than that he fails to insert τι, which is
called for by Meyer's view, and could so easily have been expressed. More-
over, the following context is not suited to the question, Do we put forward
anything in our defence (as Weiss ed. Mey. also agrees), while it is precisely
adapted to the question, Have we any advantage or superiority? The American
revisers have rightly favored this latter explanation (R. V., Appendix). The
objection made by Meyer to this view of the word, that it is at variance with
ver. 2, is without force, since, after showing that the possession of the O. T.,
though giving the Jews a superiority to the Gentiles in a certain degree, did not
place them at any advantage in respect to the matter in discussion (i.e. the
escaping the divine condemnation), it was most natural that the question
should be renewed, Do the Jews have any real advantage in this vital point ὃ
The view of Godet, that the verb means are we sheltered, seems to accord
neither with usage nor with the context.
XXX. Ver. 20. διότι ἐξ ἔργων νόμου, «.7.A.
This verse is grammatically connected with the preceding, as Meyer explains.
At the same time, the first part of the verse contains what is, in substance, a
statement of the result of the foregoing argument, i. 18-iii. 19—namely, that
from works of the law there is no justification for any one. This negative re-
sult being reached, the positive conclusion follows without proof (see note on
i. 17 above) in ver. 21 ff. The second part of the verse adds a confirmation of
this negative statement, by pointing to the fact that the law leads to a full
knowledge of sin—thus, to a very different end from justification. The author
does not dwell on this latter point, as it is outside of the line of his present
thought todo so. His purpose is answered here by the mere presentation of it.
ἂν
NOTES. 149
XXXI. Ver. 21. νυνὶ δὲ χωρὶς νόμου δικαιοσύνη k.T.A,
In vv. 21, 22, the proposition of i. 17 15 repeated, as ΠΟῪ established. γάρ of
the last clause of ver. 22 introduces this clause as connected with πάντας τοὺς
πιστ.---αἰϊ, for there is no distinction, and then ver. 23 is added in immediate
connection with this ; there is no distinction, for (yap, ver. 23) all sinned, etc.
These clauses, in their relation to each other and to the entire preceding argu-
ment, clearly show, that the distinction referred to is that between Jews and
Gentiles, and that all means Jews as well as Gentiles, as opposed to Gentiles only.
Vy. 23-26 are subordinate to vy. 21, 22 through these two particles (yap) ; never-
theless, in these verses the writer incidentally and easily passes to a more full
statement—almost a definition—of justification by faith. They constitute in
one aspect, therefore, a very important part of this passage in which the origi-
nal proposition is repeated.
XXXII. Ver. 23. πάντες yap ἥμαρτον.
This verb is translated in A. V. and R. V. have sinned. The aor. is to be ex-
plained from the standpoint taken by the author :—the sinning is a thing defi-
nitely past when the question of their present position before God is raised.
Dr. Charles Hodge says on this word, as here used, ‘‘ The idea that all men
now stand in the posture of sinners before God might be expressed either by
saying all have sinned (and are sinners), or all sinned. The latter is the form
adopted by the Apostle.’’ Cf., however, his view of the same verb and tense
in v. 12.
XXXII. Ver. 24. δικαιούμενοι x.7.A.
δικαιούμενοι is, viewed grammatically, a circumstantial participle connected with
ὑστεροῦνται. According to the underlying thought, this word, with the following
context, brings out the only method of justification for all who have sinned.
In the explanation of the method thus given, we find (a) the gratuitous char-
acter of the justification, δωρεάν ; (Ὁ) the origin of it (here expressed, indeed,
by the dat. instrum.) τῇ αὐτοῦ χάριτι ; (c) the objective means, διὰ τῆς ἀπολ ; (d)
the subjective means, διὰ πίστεως ; (e) the relation to it of Christ’s sacrifice,
προέθετο ἱλαστήριον ἐν τῷ abt. αἵματι ; (f ) the reason for this sacrifice, εἰς ἔνδειξιν
τῆς Ou, κιτ.λ ; (g) the final purpose, εἰς τὸ εἷναι--- Ἰησοῦ.
XXXIV. Ver. 27. ποῦ οὖν ἡ καύχησις.
Two points should be noticed here. (1) The glorying alluded to in the pre-
vious part of the Epistle is that of the Jews concerning the advantageous po-
sition which they claimed for themselves as related to the judgment of God.
This glorying, therefore, must be that which is intended by ἡ καύχησις of this
verse. (2) The question which is raised and answered respecting this glory-
ing is introduced by the particle οὖν. It is, accordingly, suggested to the writ-
er’s mind as a natural result of the immediately preceding verses (21-26).
In view of these points, we must hold that Meyer’s understanding of this verse
and those which follow (28-30) is correct, and that we have here an inference
or corollary from the proposition, vv. 21, 22. This proposition, being estab-
lished, carries with it the exclusion of all such Jewish boasting. Godet’s expla-
nation, which makes vv. 27-31 a proof of the harmony of justification by
150 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
faith with the true meaning of the law (vv. 27, 28 showing that the gospel ex-
cludes justification by works, as vv. 9-20 had already shown that the law ex-
cluded it), is contrary to the indications of the passage as stated above, and is
so artificial as to render it improbable. Weiss ed. Mey. agrees with Fritzsche
and Schott in referring the καύχησις to ““ human glorying in general.’’ But this
view is at variance with the points indicated above,
XXXY. Ver. 31. νόμον οὖν καταργοῦμεν k.7.A.
We may determine the meaning and connection of this verse by the obser-
vation of certain facts in the case. (1) νόμου, as here found, immediately fol-
lows νύμου of ver. 28 (vv. 29, 30 being merely a proof of the statement of ver,
28). The reference in the two cases must, therefore, be to the same law. In
the former verse, however, inasmuch as it is connected with ἔργων and contrast-
ed with πίστει, νόμου means the Mosaic law. The view of Hofmann, therefore
(with whom, on this point, Weiss ed. Mey. apparently agrees), that the refer-
ence in ver, 31 is to ‘‘a divine order in human life,’’ must be rejected. Hof-
mann argues for his view from νόμου of ver. 27, but the word is evidently there
used in a peculiar sense, for the special purposes of that verse. Moreover, as
νόμου has there a connection with faith as well as with works (the one economy or
system being contrasted with the other), the question of ver. 31, had this sense
been intended, would hardly have been presented with νόμον only ; it would
have asked as to the doing away with any divine ordering, or all idea of divine
ordering. (2) The next chapter discusses the case of Abraham; that is, it
presents the proof of justification by faith which is derived from the fact that
this was the system involved in the covenant with the father of the Jewish
people. This is the same argument for the Pauline doctrine which is brought
forward in the Epistle to the Galatians, chap. iii. vy. 6-10. The first half of
this fourth chapter (vv. 3-12) corresponds very closely with Gal. iii. 6, 7, and
the second half, ver. 13 ff. with Gal. iii. 8-10. Following the more general
argument (i. 18—iii. 30) we have, therefore, that which comes from the older
Scriptures ; and between the two this verse is inserted. This position of the
new question and its answer indicates that they are designed by the writer to
be in the direct line of his argument, and thus that they open the way for
the fourth chapter. The view of Shedd, Hodge, Philippi, Morison, and others,
that the question has reference to a nullification of the law in its moral obli-
gation, or that the Apostle’s reply defends the faith-system from the charge of
having an antinomian tendency, is accordingly excluded. This view of these
writers is also rendered improbable by the fact alluded to by Meyer, that, if it
be adopted, we must regard the Apostle as having raised an objection of a very
serious character, which he dictatorially dismisses with no proof of his neg-
ative answer.
CHAP, IV., 1: 151
CHARTER LY.
Ver. 1. ’ABpadu . . . εὑρηκέναι] Lachm. and Tisch. (8) read εὑρηκ. ᾿Αβρ. τὸν
προπάτορα ἡμῶν, which Griesb. also approved. This position of the words has
indeed preponderant attestation (AC DE FG δὲ, min., Copt. Arm, Vulg. It.
and several Fathers), but may be suspected of being a transposition intended to
connect κατὰ σάρκα with τὸν πατέρα ju., as in fact this construction was prev-
alent among the ancients. προπάτορα (Lachm.) though attested by A B C* &,
5, 10, 21, 137, Syr. Copt. Arm. Aeth. and Fathers, appears all the more proba-
bly a gloss, since πατέρα here is not used in a spiritual sense as it is afterwards
in vv. 11, 12, 17, 18. — Ver. 11. περιτομῆς] Griesb. recommended περιτομῆν, which
however is only attested by A. C*, min., Syr. utr. Arm. and some Fathers ; and
on account of the adjoining accusatives very easily slipped in, especially in
the position after ἔλαβε. --- καὶ αὐτοῖς] καί is wanting in A B &*, min. Ar. pol.
Vulg. ms. Orig. in schol. Cyr. Damase, Condemned by Mill and Griesb.,
omitted by Lachm., and Tisch. (8). But after the final syllable NAIJ the καί,
not indispensable for the sense, was very easily overlooked. On the other hand
the ground assumed for its addition, by Reiche, that ‘‘ the copyists would not
have the Jews altogether excluded,” cannot be admitted as valid, because in
fact the Jews are immediately after, ver. 12, expressly included. — The article
before δικαιοσύνην, which Tisch, (8) has omitted, has preponderant attestation.
Its omission is connected with the old reading (A) εἰς δικαιοσύνην (comp. ver. 9,
v. 3). Ver. 12. τῆς ἐν τῇ ἀκροβ. πίστ.]. The reading τῆς πίστ. τῆς ἐν τ. ἀκροβ.,
recommended by Griesb. and adopted by Scholz, lacks the authority of most
and the best uncials, and seems a mechanical alteration after ver. 11. The
article τῇ however is, with Tisch. in accordance with decisive testimony, to be
deleted, and to be regarded as having been likewise introduced from ver. 11 (not
as omitted after ver. 10, as Fritzsche thinks). — Ver. 15. od yap] A B C &*, min.,
Copt. Syr. p. (in margin), Theodoret, Theophyl. Ambr. Ruf. read ov δέ.
Recommended by Griesb. and adopted by Lachm. Fritzsche, Tisch. (8), An
alteration, occasioned by the contrast on failing to perceive the appropriateness
of meaning in the ydp. — Ver. 17. ἐπίστευσε] F G and some vss. and Fathers
read ἐπίστευσας (so Luther). The κατέναντι οὗ «.7.2. was still regarded as belong-
ing to the passage of Scripture. — Ver. 19. οὐ] Wanting in A BC 8, 67**, 93,
137, Syr. Erp. Copt. Chrys. Damasc. Julian. Condemned by Griesb. and
deleted by Lachm. and Tisch. (8), But this omission of the od, as well as the
very weakly attested ὡς and licet, manifestly arose from incorrectly having re-
gard here to Gen. xvii. 17 (as is done even by Buttmann, new. Gr. p. 305 f.
[E. T. 355 f.] and Hofmann). See the exegetical remarks. — ἤδη] Wanting in
B FG 47 et. al. and several vss, and Fathers, Bracketed by Lachm. deleted by
Fritzsche and Tisch. It is to be regarded as an addition, which suggested it-
self very easily, whereas there would have been no reason for its omission.
152 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Ver. 1. οὖν] Accordingly, in consequence of the fact that we do not abro-
gate the law through faith, but on the contrary establish it.' This οὖν
brings in the proof to be adduced from the history of Abraham (‘ confir-
matio ab exemplo,” Calvin), for the νόμον ἱστῶμεν just asserted (iii. 31), in the
form of an inference. For if we should have to say that Abraham our father
has attained anything (namely, righteousness) κατὰ σάρκα, that would presup-
pose that the law, which attests Abraham’s justification, in nowise receives
establishment διὰ τῆς πίστεως (111. 31). Hence we have not here an objection,
but a question proposed in the way of inference by Paul himself, the an-
swer to which is meant to bring to light, by the example of Abraham, the
correctness of his νόμον ior. [See Note XXXVI. p.173.] His object is not to
let the matter rest with the short and concise dismissal of the question in iii,
31, but to enter into the subject more closely ; and this he does now by at-
taching what he has further to say to the authoritatively asserted, and in
his own view established, νόμον ἱστάνομεν in the form of an inference. More-
over, the whole is to be taken as one question, not to be divided into two
by a note of interrogation after ἐροῦμεν ; in which case there is harshly and
arbitrarily supplied to εὑρηκέναι (by Grotius, Hammond, Clericus, Wetstein,
and Michaelis) δικαιοσύνην, or at least (van Hengel) the pronoun ἐΐ represent-
ing that word, which however ought to have been immediately suggested
by the context, as in Phil. iii. 12.? In the affirmation itself ’Ap. is the sub-
ject (quid dicemus Abrahamum nactum esse?). Th. Schott, by an unhappy
distortion of the passage, makes him the object (‘‘ why should we then say that
we have gained Abraham in a fleshly, natural sense for our ancestor 55) This
misconception should have been precluded by attending to the simple fact,
that in no passage in our Epistle (and in other Epistles the form of expres-
sion does not occur) does the τί in τί οὖν ἐροῦμεν mean why. Hofmann, who
had formerly (Schriftb. II. 2, p. 76 ff.) apprehended it in substance much
more correctly, now agrees with Schott in so far that he takes τέ οὖν ἐροῦμεν
as a question by itself, but then explains ᾿Αβραάμ likewise as the object, so
that the question would be, whether the Christians think that they have found
Abraham as their forefather after the flesh? ‘The origin of the church of
God, to which Christians belong, goes back to Abraham. Jn fleshly fashion
he is their ancestor, if the event through which he became such (namely,
the begetting of Isaac) lie within the sphere of the natural human life ; in
spiritual fashion, on the other hand, if that event belong to the sphere of
the history of salvation and its miraculous character, which according to
the Scripture (comp. Gal. iv. 28) is the case.” This exposition cannot be
disputed on linguistic grounds, especially if, with Hofmann, we follow
Lachmann’s reading. But it is, viewed in reference to the context, errone-
ous. For the context, as vv. 2, 3 clearly show, treats not of the contrast
1 Observe, in reference to ch. iv. (with
jii. 31), of what fundamental and profound
importance, and how largely subject to
controversy, the relation of Christianity to
Judaism was in the Apostolic age, particu-
larly in the case of mixed churches. The
minute discussion of this relation, there
fore, in a doctrinal Epistle so detailed, can-
not warrant the assumption that the church
was composed mainly of Jews, or at least
(Beyschlag) of proselytes.
2 Comp. Nagelsbach on J/. 1, 76, 302, ed. 3.
CHAP ATV, sil.
between the fleshly and the spiritual fatherhood of Abraham in the case of
Christians, but of the justification of the ancestor, as to whether it took place
κατὰ σάρκα or by faith. Moreover, if ’A8p. was intended to be the object,
Paul would have expressed himself as unintelligibly as possible, since in vv.
' 2, 3 he in the most definite manner represents him as the subject, whose ac-
‘tion is spoken of. If we take Hofmann’s view, in which case we do not at
all see why the Apostle should have expressed himself by εὑρηκέναι, he would
have written more intelligibly by substituting for this the simple εἶναι, so
that ᾿Αβρ. would have been the subject in the question, as well as in what
follows. Finally the proposition that Abraham, as the forefather of believ-
ers as such, Was so not κατὰ σάρκα, Was so perfectly self-evident, both with
reference to the Jewish and the Gentile portion of the Ἰσραὴλ Θεοῦ, that Paul
would hardly have subjected it to discussion as the theme of so earnest a
question, while yet no reader would have known that in κατὰ σάρκα he was
to think of the miraculous begetting of Isaac. For even without the latter
Abraham would be the προπάτωρ of believers κατὰ πνεῦμα, namely, through
his justification by faith, ver. 9 ΠῚ ---- τ. πατέρα ju.) ‘‘fundamentum conse-
quentiae ab Abrahamo ad nos,” Bengel. Comp. ver. 11 f. ἡμῶν however
(comp. James ii. 21) is said from the Jewish standpoint, not designating
Abraham as the spiritual father of the Christians (Reiche, Hofmann, Th.
Schott), a point that is still for the present (see ver. 11) quite out of view.
---κατὰ σάρκα] [See Note XXXVII. p. 174] is, following the Peshito, with
most expositors to be necessarily joined to ebpyx.; not, with Origen, Ambro-
siaster, Chrysostom, Photius, Theophylact, Erasmus, Castalio, Toletus,
Calvin, whom Hofmann, Th. Schott, Reithmayr, Volkmar in Hilgenfeld’s
Zeitschr. 1862, p. 221 ff., follow, to τ. πατέρα ju. (not even although Lach-
mann’s reading were the original one); for the former, and not the latter,
needed the definition. Abraham has really attained righteousness, only not
κατὰ σάρκα, and ἐξ ἔργων in ver. 2 corresponds to the κατὰ σάρκα. Besides with
our reading the latter connection is impossible. — The σάρξ on its ethical
side 1 is the material-psychic human nature as the life-sphere of moral weak-
ness and of sinful power in man, partly as contrasted with the higher intel-
lectual and moral nature of the man himself, which is his πνεῦμα along with
the νοῦς (i. 9, vii. 18, 25, and see on Eph. iv. 23), and partly as opposed to
the superhuman divine life-sphere and its operation, as here ; see the se-
quel. Hence κατὰ σάρκα is: conformably to the bodily nature of man in ac-
cordance with its natural power, in contrast to the working of divine grace,
by virtue of which the εὑρηκέναι would not be κατὰ σάρκα, but κατὰ πνεῦμα,
because taking place through the Spirit of God. Comp. on John iii. 6.
1 The most recent literature on this sub-
ject: Ernesti, Urspr.d Stinde, I. p. ΤΊ f£.;
Tholuck in the Stud. u. Krit. 1855, 3; Hahn,
Theol. ἃ: N. Test. 1. p. 426 ff. ; Delitzsch,
Psychol. p. 374 ff.; Holsten, Bedeutung des
Wortes capéim N. Test. 1855, and Hy. d. Paul.
u. Petr. p. 365 ff. ; Baur in the Theol. Jahrb.
1857, p. 96 ff.; and Meut. Theol. Ὁ. 142f.;
Wieseler on Gal. p. 443 ff. ; Beck, Lehrwiss.
§ 22 ; Kling in Herzog’s Zncyhi. TV. p. 419 ff.;
Hofmann, Schriftbew. I. Ὁ. 557 ff.; Weber,
vom Zorne Gottes, p. 80 ff.; also Ritschl,
altkath. Kirche, p. 66 ff.; Luthardt, vom freien
Willen, Ὁ. 394 ff.; Rich. Schmidt, Pazilin.
Christol. 1870, p. 8 ff. ; Weiss, bibl. Theol. § 93;
Philippi, Glaudensl. III. p. 207 ff., and the
excursus thereon, Ὁ. 231 ff., ed. 9. For the
earlier literature see Ernesti, p. 50,
154 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Since the épya are products of the human phenomenal nature and conditioned
by its ethical determination, not originating from the divine life-element,
they belong indeed to the category of the κατὰ σάρκα, and ἐξ ἔργων is the cor-
relative of κατὰ σάρκα (wherefore also Paul continues, ver. 2, εἰ yap ᾽Αβρ. ἐξ
ἔργων k.7.2.), but they do not exhaust the whole idea of it, as has often been
assumed, following Theodoret (κατὰ σάρκα τὴν ἐν ἔργοις, λέγει, ἐπειδήπερ διὰ
τοῦ σώματος ἐκπληροῦμεν τὰ ἔργα), and is still assumed by Reiche. KdOllner,
limiting it by anticipation from ver. 4, holds that it refers to the human
mode of earning wages by labour. Entirely opposed to the context, and also
to the historical reference of ver. 3, is the explanation of cirewmcision (Pela-
gius, Ambrosiaster, Vatablus, Estius, and others ; including Koppe, Flatt,
Baur, and Mehring) which Riickert also mixes up, at the same time that he
explains it of the ἔργοις. Philippi also refers it to both. — On εὑρηκ., adep-
tum esse, comp. εὑρεῖν κέρδος, Soph. E17. 1297, ἀρχήν, Dem. 69,1. The middle
is still more expressive, and more usual ; see Kriiger, § 52, 10, 1, Xen. ii. 1,
8, and Kiihner in loc. The perfect infinitive is used, because Abraham is
realized as present ; see ver. 2.
Ver. 2. The question in ver. 1 contained the negative sense, which had
therefore necessarily to be limited by κατὰ σάρκα : ‘* We may not assert that
Abraham has obtained anything according to the flesh.” The reason for
this is now assigned (yap) : ‘‘ For, assuming that Abraham has been justified
by works” (as was the Jewish opinion),’ ‘‘he has cause for boasting,” namely,
that he has attained righteousness through his actions, but he has not this
ground of boasting with respect to God (as if his justification were the
divine act), since, namely, in the case supposed it is not God to whom he
owes the justification, but on the contrary he has himself earned it, and God
would simply have to acknowledge it as a human self-acquirement. God
has not, in that supposed case, done anything for him, on account of which
he might thus boast with regard to God as his justifier ; for ἡ τῶν ἀγαϑῶν
ἔργων πλήρωσις αὐτοὺς στεφανοῖ τοῦς ἐργαζομένους, τὴν δὲ τ. Θεοῦ
φιλανϑρωπίαν ov δείκνυσιν, Theodoret. Comp. also Chrysostom, Oecu-
menius, and Theophylact. Thus for the proper understanding of this
difficult passage (Chrysostom : ἀσαφὲς τὸ εἰρημένον) we must go back to the
explanation of the Greek expositors, which is quite faithful both to the
words and the context. Comp. on vv. 3, 4. This interpretation, now
adopted also by Tholuck (comp. Reithmayr and Th. Schott), has especially
this advantage, that ἐδικαιώϑη is not taken otherwise than in the entire
development of the δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, not therefore as somewhat indefinite and
general (‘‘ justus apparuit,” Grotius), in which case it would remain a ques-
tion by whom Abraham was found righteous (Riickert, Philippi ; comp.
Beza and others ; also Grotius and Koppe, and, with trifling variation, de
Wette, likewise Spohn in the Stud. wu. Krit. 1843, p. 429 ff., Volkmar, and
others, That Abraham was justified with God was known to no Jew other-
ΤῊ the Talmud it is even inferred from 2; Beresch. rabba f. 57,4. Comp. the pas-
Gen. xxvi. 5 that Abraham kept the whole sages from Philo quoted by Schnecken-
law of Moses. Kiddusch f. 82,1; Joma f. 28, burger in the Stud. u. Krit. 1833, p. 185.
CHAP. IV., 2. 155,
wise,’ and no reader could in accordance with the entire context understand
ἐδικαιώϑη Otherwise, than in this definite sense, consequently in the solemn
absolute sense of the Apostle (in opposition to Lipsius, Rechtfertigungsl. p.
35). The only question was, whether ἐξ ἔργων or ἐκ πίστεως. If we suppose
the former case, it is indeed for Abraham worthy of all honour, and he may
boast of that which he has himself achieved, but with reference to God, as
if He had justified him, he has no ground for boasting.* Observe besides,
that πρὸς is used not in the sense of ἐνώπιον, coram (Hofmann : over against),
or apud (Vulgate), but in accordance with the quite common usage of ἔχειν
with the object of the thing (to have something to do, to say, to boast, to
ask, to censure, etc.), and with specification of the relation of reference to
some one through πρός twa. The opposite of ἔχειν καύχημα πρός is ἔχειν
μομφὴν πρός, Col. iii. 18. The special mode of the reference is invariably
furnished by the context, which here, in accordance with the idea of
δικαιοσύνη Θεοῦ, Suggests the notion that God is the bestower of the blessing
meant by καύχημα. To that the ἔχειν καύχημα of Abraham does πού refer, if
he was justified by works. In the latter case he cannot boast of himself :
Reiche and Fritzsche, following Calvin,
Calovius, and many others, have discovered here an incomplete syllogism.
[See Note XXXVIII. p. 174], in which ἀλλ᾽ ob πρὸς τ. Θεόν is the minor
premiss, and the conclusion is wanting, to this effect : ‘‘Si suis bene factis
Dei favorem nactus est, habet quod apud Deum glorietur. . .. ; sed non
habet, quod apud Deum glorietur, quum libri s. propter θην, non propter
pulchre facta eum Deo probatum esse doceant (ver. 3)... . ; non est
igitur Abr. ob bene facta Deo probatus,” Fritzsche.* Forced, and even
contrary to the verbal sense ; for through the very contrast ἀλλ᾽ ov π. τ. Θ.
the simple xaiyyua is distinguished from the καύχημα πρὸς τ. Θεόν, as one that
takes place not πρὸς τὸν Θεόν. Paul must have written : ἔχει καύχημα πρὸς
τὸν Θεόν᾽ ἀλλ᾽ (Or ἀλλὰ μὴν) οὐκ ἔχει. Mehring takes ἀλλ᾽ ov πρὸς τὸν Θεόν as a
question: ‘‘Tf Abraham has become righteous by works, he has glory, but
has he it not before God?” But in what follows it is the very opposite of
the affirmation, which this question would imply, that is proved. If the
words were interrogative, ἀλλὰ μή must have been used instead of ἀλλ᾽ οὐ (but
yet not before God?) Hofmann, in consequence of his erroneous exposition of
ver. 1, supposes that Paul wishes to explain how he came to propose the ques-
tion in ver. 1, and to regard an answer to it as necessary. What is here
involved, namely, is nothing less than a contradiction between what Chris-
tians say of themselves (when they deny all possibility of becoming righteous
ὁ Θεὸς με ἐδικαίωσε, Θεοῦ; τὸ δῶρον.
1Comp. Eccles. xliy. 19 ff.; Mamnass. 8;
Joseph. Antt. xi. 5, 7; Eisenmenger, entdeckt.
Judenth. I. p. 322, 343.
2 Van Hengel places a point after καύχ.,
and takes ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πρὸς τ. Θεόν as an inde-
pendent sentence, in which he supplies se-
cundum literas sacras, making the sense:
“Atqui gloriandi materiam Deum Abra-
hamo denegare videmus in libris sacris.”
But that is, in fact, not there. Against my
own interpretation in the 1st ed. (making
ei... . ἐδικαιώϑη the question, and then
ἔχει. . . . Θεόν the answer negativing it)
see Philippi. The «i must be the dialectic
if.
3 50 ἴῃ substance also Kraussold in the
Stud. τι. Krit. 1842, p. 783; Baur in the Theol.
Jahrb. 1857, p. 71; Koéstlin in the Jahrd. f.
Deutsche Theol. 1856, p. 92.
156 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
by their own actions), and what holds good of ‘‘an Abraham,” the father of
the people of God. Τί the latter has become righteous through his own
action, he has glory, and by this very cirewmstance his ancestorship is dis-
tinguished from that of all others. But then the Scripture teaches that
what God counted worthy in Abraham was his faith, and it is therefore
clear that the glory which he has, if he has become righteous by works, is
no glory in presence of God, and consequently is not jitted to be the basis of his
position in sacred history. This is a chain of ideas imported into the pas-
sage ; instead of which it was the object of the Apostle himself merely to
set forth the simple proposition that Abraham was not justified by works,
and not at all to speak of the mode in which the Christian ancestorship of
the patriarch came to subsist. —xabyyua (comp. on Phil. 1. 26, ii. 16) is
throughout the N. T. materies gloriandi ; as also in the LXX. and Apoc-
rypha ; although in classic authors’ it also occurs as the equivalent of
καύχησις, gloriatio. In Gal. vi. 4, also, it is joined with ἔχειν.
Ver. 3. I am right in saying : ob πρὸς τὸν Θεόν, for Scripture expressly de-
rives the justification of Abraham from his faith, not from his works, and
indeed as something received through imputation ; so that he consequently
possesses, not the previously supposed righteousness of works, but the
righteousness of faith as a favour of God, and has ground for boasting of
his righteousness in reference to God. That righteousness by works he would
have earned himself. Comp. ver. 4. The emphasis lies on ἐπίστευσε and
ἐλογίσϑη, not on τῷ Θεῷ (Mehring). See ver. 4 f. The passage quoted is
Gen. xv. 6, according to the LXX., which renders the active 72UM) by the
passive κ. ἐλογίσϑη. In the Hebrew what is spoken of is the faith which
Abraham placed in the divine promise of a numerous posterity, and which
God put to his account as righteousness, 1? 7%, ὁ.6. as full compliance with
the divine will insact and life; comp. on Gal. ili. 6. Paul however has not
made an unwarrantable use of the passage for his purpose (Riickert), but has
really understood δικαιοσύνη in the dogmatic sense, which he was justified in
doing since the imputation of faith as NPT¥ was essentially the same judi-
cial act which takes place at the justification of Christians. This divine
act began with Abraham, the father of the faithful, and was not essentially
different in the case of later believers. Even in the πιστεύειν τῷ Θεῷ on the
part of Abraham Paul has rightly discerned nothing substantially different
from the Christian πίστις (compare Delitzsch on Gen. /.c.), since Abraham’s
faith had reference to the divine promise, and indeed to the promise which
he, the man trusted by God and enlightened by God, recognized as that
which embraced in it the future Messiah (John viii. 56). Tholuck, because
the promise was a promise of grace, comes merely to the unsatisfactory view
of “ἃ virtual parallel also with the object of the justifying faith of Chris-
tians.” Still less (in opposition to Neander and others) can the explanation
of the subjective nature of faith in general, without the addition of its spe-
cific object (Christ), suffice for the conception of Abraham as the father of all
believing in Christ ; since in that case there would only have been present
1 Pind. Jsthm. y. 65; Plut. Ages. 31.
CHAP. Iv., 4, 5. ΤῸ
in him a pre-formation of faith as respects its psychological quality gener-
ally, and not also in respect of its subject-matter, which is nevertheless the
specific and distinguishing point in the case of justifying faith. — We may
add that our passage, since it expresses not a (mediate) isswing of right-
eousness from faith, but the imputation of the latter, serves as a proof of
justification being an actus forensis ; and what the Catholic expositors
(including even Reithmayr and Maier) advance to the contrary is a pure
subjective addition to the text." | It is well said by Erasmus : that is im-
puted, ‘‘ quod re persolutum non est, sed tamen ex imputantis benignitate pro
soluto habetur.” 2 Instead of the καί in the LXX., Paul, in order to put the
ἐπίστ. with all weight in the foreground, has used δέ, which does not other-
wise belong to the connection of our passage. — εἰς dix.] Comp. 11. 26. [See
Note XXXIX. p. 174.]—On the passive ἐλογίσϑη see Bernhardy, p. 341 ;
Kiihner, II. 1, p. 105.
Vv. 4, 5. These verses now supply an illustration of ver. 3 in two general
contrasted relations, from the application of which—left to the reader—to the
case of Abraham the non-co-operation of works (the χωρὶς ἔργων, ver. 6) in
the case of the latter’s justification could not but be clear. — δέ] is the sim-
ple μεταβατικόν. --- τῷ ἐργαζομένῳ] to the worker, here, as the contrast shows,
with the pregnant sense : to him who is active in works, of whom the épya
are characteristic. Luther aptly says: ‘‘ who deals in works.” —6 μισϑός]
i.e. the corresponding wages (comp. ii. 29), justa merces. The opposite :
ἡ δίκη, merita poena; see Kiihner, ad Xen. Anab. 1. 8, 90. --- οὐ λογίζ. κατὰ
χάριν, ἀλλὰ κατὰ ὀφείλημα] [See Note XL. p. 175.] Comp. Thue. ii. 40, 4:
οὐκ ἐς χάριν ἀλλ᾽ ἐς ὀφείλημα τὴν ἀρετὴν ἀποδώσων. The stress of the contrast
lies on «. χάρ. and κ. ὀφείλ., not in the first part on λογίζεται (Hofmann),
which is merely the verb of the Scripture quotation in ver. 3, repeated for
the purpose of annexing to it the contrast that serves for its illustration.
Not grace but debt is the regulative standard, according to which his wages
are awarded to such an one ; the latter are not merces gratiae, but merces
debiti. As in Abraham’s case an imputation κατὰ χάριν took place (which
Paul assumes as self-evident from ver. 3) he could not be on ἐργαζόμενος ; the
case of imputation which occured in relation to him is, on the contrary, to be
referred to the opposite category which follows : but to him that worketh not,
but believeth on Him who justifieth the ungodly, his faith is reckoned as right-
eousness. Looking to the exact parallel of vv. 4 and 5, the unity of the cate-
gory of both propositions must be maintained ; and ver. 5 is not to be re-
garded as an application of ver. 4 to the case of Abraham (Reiche), but as
likewise a locus communis, under which it is left to the reader to classify the
case of Abraham in accordance with the above testimony of Scripture.
Hence we cannot say with Reiche : ‘the μὴ ἐργαζόμενος and ἀσεβής is Abra-
ham.”* On the contrary, both are to be kept perfectly general, and ἀσεβής
1 Not even with the exception of Déllinger ness. Comp. however on i. 17, note.
(Christenth τι. K. p. 188, ed. 2), who says that 2 Comp. also Philippi im Joc., and Hoele-
God accounts the principle of the new free mann, de justitiae ex fide ambabus in V. T.
obedience (the faith) as already the whole ser- sedibus, 1867, p. 8 ff.
vice to be rendered, as the finished righteous- 3 ἀσεβής in his view is an allusion to the
158 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS,
is not even to be weakened as equivalent to ἄδικος, but has been purposely
selected (comp Vv. 6), in order to set forth the saving power of faith? by as
strong a contrast as possible to δικαιοῦντα. --- ΟΠ. πιστεύειν ἐπί τινα, expressing
faith in its direction towards some one, comp. ver. 24; Acts ix. 42, xi. 17;
Wisd. xii. 2.
Vv. 6-8. Accordance (καθάπερ) of ver. 5 with an assertion of David, ‘that
great and revered Messianic authority. That it is only what is said in ver.
5 that is to be vouched by David’s testimony, and consequently that the
quotation forms only an accessory element in the argument, appears from its
being annexed by καθάπερ, from the clear intended relation in which ᾧ ὁ
Θεὸς Aoy. dix. appears to Aoy. ἡ. πίστ. avr. εἰς dix. Ver. 5, as well as χωρὶς ἔργων
to τῷ μὴ ἐργαζ. in the same verse, and from the fact that Paul immediately,
in ver. 9, returns to Abraham. Vv. 6-8 cannot therefore be regarded as a
second example of justification from the O. T. (Reiche and many others), or
even as the starting-point of the reply to the question of ver. 1 (Hofmann).
This is forbidden by the proper conception of νόμος in 111. 31, in accordance
with which Paul could only employ an example from the daw : and such an
example was that of Abraham, Gen. xv., but not that of David. —iéye τ.
μακαρ.} asserts the congratulation ; μακαρισμός 065 not mean Olessedness, not
even in Gal. iv. 15, see in loc.?—doyiterar δικαιοσύνην] Here δικαιοσύνην is
conceived directly as that, which God reckons to man as his moral status.
The expression λογίζεσθαί τινί ἁμαρτίαν is perfectly analogous. In the classics
λογίζεσθαί τινί τι is also frequently met with. — γωρὶς ἔργων] belongs to
λογίζεται. For, as David represents the λογίζεσθαι δικαιοσύνην as the forgive-
ness of sins, it must be conceived by him as ensuing without any participa-
tion (111. 21) of meritorious 1007}8. ---- μακάριοι κ.τ.}.}] Ps. xxxii. 1, 2 exactly
after the LX X. — ἐπεκαλύφθ. The amnesty under the figure of the covering
over of sin. Comp. Augustine on Ps. l.c., ‘‘Si texit Deus peccata, noluit
animadvertere ; si noluit animadvertere, noluit punire.”” Comp. 1 Pet. iv. 8.—
ov μὴ λογίσηται) will certainly not impute. It refers to the future generally,
without more precise definition,* not specially to the jinal judgment (de
Wette).
Vv. 9, 10. From the connection (καθάπερ, ver. 6) of this Davidic μακαρισ-
μός With what had previously been adduced, vv. 3-5, regarding Abraham,
earlier idolatry of Abraham, reported by
Philo, Josephus, and Maimonides, on the
ground of Joshua xxiy. 2. This was also
the view of Grotius, Wetstein, Cramer,
Michaelis, Rosenmiiller, and Koppe; comp. ἢ
also Dollinger, Christenth u. K. Ὁ. 197, ed.
2. The rabbins have a different tradition,
to the effect that Abraham demolished the
idols of his father Terah, etc. ; see EHisen-
menger, evtdeckt. Judenth. I. p. 490 ff., 941.
1 Consequently subjective faith is meant,
not its objective ground, the righteousness
of Christ, i.e. according to the Form. Conc.
p. 884 f., the active and passive obedience of
Christ, which is ‘‘applied and appropriated”
to us through faith. The merit of Christ al-
ways remains the causa meritoria, to which
we are indebted for the imputation of our
faith. But the apprehensio Christi, which is
the essence of justifying faith, must not be
made equivalent to the apprehensus Christus
(Calovius; comp. Philippi). The former
is the subjective, which is imputed; the
latter the objective, on account of which the
imputation by God takes place. The For-
mula Concordiae in this point goes ulira quod
scriptum est.
2 Comp. Plat. Rep. p. 591 D; Aristot. Rhet.
i. 9, 4.
3 Hermann, ad Soph. Oed. C. 858; Hartung,
Partikell, I, p. 156 f.
CHAP: IV., Ll. 159
it is now inferred (οὖν) that this declaration of blessedness affects, not the
circumcised as such, but also the uncircumcised [See Note XLI. p. 175] ; for
Abraham in fact, as an wneirewmcised person, was included among those
pronounced blessed by David. — ἐπὶ τ. repit.] The verb obviously to be sup-
plied is most simply conceived as ἐστέ (the μακαρισμός extends to etc. ; comp.
ii. 9; Acts iv. 33 et al.). Less natural is λέγεται from ver. 6 (Fritzsche) ;
and πίπτει (Theophylact, Bos) is arbitrary, as is also ἦλθεν (Oecumenius), and
ἔρχεται (Olshausen). Comp. ver. 13, and see Buttmann, newt. Gr. p. 120 f.
[E. T. 136 f.]. — ἐπὶ τ. περιτ. x.7.4.] to the cireumeised, or also to the uncirewm-
cised ὃ The καί shows that the previous ἐπὲ τ. zepit. is conceived as exclusive,
consequently without a μόνον. ---- λέγομεν γάρ x.t.2.] In saying this, Paul can-
not wish first to explain, quite superfluously, how he comes to put such ques-
tions (Hofmann), but, as is indicated by λέγομεν, which lays down a prop-
osition as premiss to the argument that follows, he enters on the proof (yap)
from the history of Abraham for the καὶ ἐπὶ τ. ἀκροβ. which is conceived as
affirmed. The present denotes the assertion pointing back to ver. 3 as con-
tinuing : for our assertion, our proposition is, etc. The plural assumes the
assent of the readers. The emphasis however is not on τῷ ’Afp. (Fritzsche,
de Wette, Baumgarten-Crusius, Maier, Philippi, and others), which Paul
would have made apparent by the position of the words ὅτι τῷ ’Afip. ἐλογίσθη 5
nor on ἐλογίσθη, which in that case would necessarily have a pregnant mean-
ing not indicated in the whole connection (as a pure act of grace, indepen-
dent of external conditions) ; but on ἡ πίστις εἰς δικαιοσύνην (and thus pri-
marily on πίστις brought together at the end, by which the import of ver. ὃ,
ἐπίστευσε . . . . δικαιοσύνην, is recapitulated. — πῶς οὖν ἐλογίσθη) The prop-
osition, that to Abraham, etc., is certain ; consequently the point at issue is
the question quomodo, viz. under what cirewmstances as to status (whether in
his circumcision, or whilst he was still uncircumcised) that imputation of
his faith to him for righteousness took place.’ Hofmann places the first
mark of interrogation after πῶς οὖν, so that the second question is supposed
to begin with ἐλογίσθη. But without sufficient ground, and contrary to the
usage elsewhere of the interrogative πῶς by Paul, who has often put τί οὖν
thus without a verb, but never πῶς οὖν. We should in such case have to un-
derstand ἐλογίσθη ; but this word, according to the usual punctuation, is
already present, and does not therefore need to be supplied. — οὐκ ἐν περιτομῇ,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἀκροβ.] scil. ὄντι. The imputation in question took place as early as
Gen. xv. ; circumcision not till Gen. xvii. ; the former at least fourteen
years earlier.
Ver. 11. [See Note XLII. p. 176.] An amplification of the οὐκ ἐν repir.,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἀκροβ. viewed as to its historical bearings, showing namely the re-
lation of Abraham’s circumcision to his δικαιοσύνη, and therefore only to be
separated by a comma from ver. 10. ‘‘ And he received a sign of cirewmeision
as seal (external confirmation, 1 Cor. ix. 2, and see on John iii. 33) of the
righteousness of faith (obtained through faith, vv. 3, 5), which he had in un-
1 Respecting the form of the discourse, ma, cujus altera parte rejecta alteram
Erasmus aptly observes: ‘‘ Praeter interro- evincit. Nullum enim argumentandi genus
gationis gratiam multum lucisaddit dilem- _ vel apertius vel violentius.”
100 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS,
circumcision.” That τῆς ἐν τ. ἀκροβ. is not to be connected with δικαιοσ.
(Riickert, Reiche) is plain from the following context (πιστευόντων dv ἀκρο-
βυστίας ver. 11, and τῆς ἐν τῇ ἀκροβ. πίστεως ver. 12). The genitive περιτομῆς
is usually taken as that of apposition: the sign consisting in circumeision.
But in that case the article could not be omitted before σημεῖον (the absence
of it drove van Hengel to the reading περιτομῆν, which Hofmann also pre-
fers),' since the concrete, historically definite sign would here be meant
(compare 2 Cor. v. 5; Eph. ii. 14 eal.). Itis therefore to be rendered :
And ὦ sign, which took place through cireumeision, a signature which was
given to him in the fact that he was circumcised, he received as seal, etc.
The genitive is thus to be taken simply as completing the notion of σημεῖον, 4.e.
as defining it more precisely as respects its modal expression. Observe at the
same time the dislocation in the order of the words, which brings into em-
phatic relief the idea of the σημεῖον. According to Gen. xi. 17 circumcision
was the sign of the covenant? which God made with Abraham. But with
correct dogmatic consistency Paul represents it as the significant mark
which had been the seal of the righteousness by faith, since in that covenant
what God promised was the Messianic κληρονομία (Gen. xv. 5, 18), and
Abraham on his part rendered the faith (Gen. xv. 6) which God imputed to
him for righteousness. — εἰς τὸ εἶναι αὐτὸν k.t.4.] im order that he might be,
ete., contains the divinely appointed aim of the σημεῖον ἔλαβε περιτ. k.T.A.
This telic rendering is grammatically necessary (see oni. 20), as more in
keeping with the biblical view * and with the importance of the matter,
than the ecbatic explanation καὶ οὕτως ἐγένετο πατήρ, Which has been justly
abandoned of late. — πατέρα πάντων τῶν riot. δ ἀκροβ.1 The essence of this
spiritual fatherhood is the identity of the relation forming the basis of the
sacred historical connection of all believers with the patriarch without in-
tervention of circumcision—a relation which began with Abraham justified
through faith whilst still uncircumcised. Thus the Jewish conception of
the national-theocratic childship of Abraham is elevated and enlarged by
Paul (comp. Matt. iii. 9; John viii. 37, 39), into the idea of the purely
spiritual-theocratic childship, which embraces, not Jews and proselytes as
such, but the believers as such—all uncircumcised who believe, and (ver. 12)
the believing circumcised. For Abraham’s righteousness through faith was
attained, when as yet there was no distinction between circumcised and un-
circumcised ; and to this mode of becoming just before God, independent
of external conditions, Christianity by its δικαιοσύνη ἐκ πίστεως leads back
1 Hofmannexplains: and (8 ὦ sign he re-
ceived circumcision, as seal (apposition to
one.) In that case περιτομήν must have had
the article (John vii. 22; otherwise in ver.
23). For to take λαμβάνειν περιτομήν as
equivalent to περιτέμνεσϑαι is forbidden by
σημεῖον, With which the περιτομή can be cor-
relative only as asubstantive conception.
2 Τῇ the Talmud also it is presented as
the sign and seal of the covenant. See
Schoettgen and Wetstein. To the formula-
ty of circumcision belonged the words:
“ Benedictus sit, qui sanctificat dilectum ab
utero, et signum (KS) posuit in arne, et
filios suos sigillavit (DNM) stgno foederis
sancti." Berachoth ἢ. 13, 1.
36 γὰρ τῶν ὅλων ϑεὸς προειδὼς ws Peds, ws
ἕνα λαὸν ἐξ ἐϑνῶν καὶ ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀϑροίσει καὶ διὰ
πίστεως αὐτοῖς τὴν σωτηρίαν παρέξει, ἐν τῷ πα-
τριάρχῃ ABp. ἀμφότερα προδιέγραψε, Theodo-
ret.
CHAP, Iv., 12. 161
again, and continues it. — dv ἀκροβ.] with foreskin, although they are un-
circumcised.’ — εἰς τὸ λογισθῆναι x.t.2.] is taken by many, including Tholuck
and Philippi, as a parenthetical illustration of εἰς τὸ εἶναι αὐτὸν πατέρα K.T.A.
But as we can attach εἰς τὸ λογισθῆναι κιτ.λ. Without violence or obscurity to
πιστευόντων, there is no necessity for the assumption of a parenthesis (which
is rejected by Lachmann, Tischendorf, van Hengel, Ewald, Mehring, and
Hofmann). Nevertheless εἰς τὸ λογισθ. is not : who believe on the fact, that
to them also will be imputed (Hofmann), for the object of faith is never ex-
pressed by εἰς with a substantival infinitive ;? but, quite in accordance with
the telic sense of this form of expression (as in the εἰς τὸ εἶναι previously) :
who believe (on Christ) in order that (according to the divine final purpose
ruling therein) to them also, ete. —xai αὐτοῖς] to them also, as to Abraham
himself ; τὴν δικαιοσύνην expresses the righteousness which is under dis-
cussion, that of faith.
Ver. 12. The construction carries onward the foregoing πατέρα πάντων
and father’ of circumcision, i.e. father of cireumcised persons (not of all
circumcised, hence without the article). And in order to express to what
circumcised persons this spiritual fatherhood of Abraham belongs, Paul adds,
by way of more precise definition : for those (dativus commodi, comp. Rev.
xxi. 7; Luke vii. 12) who are not merely circumcised (comp. ii. 8), but also
walk in the footsteps, etc. With this rendering (Chrysostom, Oecumenius,
Ambrosiaster, Erasmus, Beza, Calvin, Estius, and others ; including Ammon,
Béhme, Tholuck, Klee, Riickert, Benecke, Reiche, Gléckler, K6llner, de
Wette, Philippi, and Winer) it must be admitted (against Reiche and K6llner,
whose observations do not justify the article) that τοῖς is erroneously repeated
before στοιχοῦσι. [See Note XLIII. p. 176.] Paul wnsuitably continues
with ἀλλὰ καί, just as if he had previously written an οὐ μόνον τοῖς. AS any
other rendering is wholly inadmissible, and as καὶ τοῖς cannot be an inver-
sion for τοῖς καί (Mehring), we are driven to the assumption of that errone-
ous insertion of the article, as a negligence of expression. The expression
in Phil. i. 29 (in opposition to Fritzsche) would be of the same nature only .
in the event of Paul having written τοῖς.
. τοῖς στοιχοῦσι k.7.A. Others take τοῖς οὐκ for οὐ τοῖς (as 387,
80, Syr. Arr. Vulg. Slav. and several Fathers read as an emendation), thus
making a distinction to be drawn here not between merely circumcised and
unbelieving Jews, but between Jews and Gentiles (ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς κ.τ.}.). So
Theodoret, Luther, Castalio, Koppe, Storr, Flatt, Schrader (Grotius is doubt-
ful). But such an inversion is as unnatural (comp. ver. 16) as it is unpre-
cedented (it is an error to refer to ii. 27; 1 Thess. i. 8) ; and how strange
it would be, if Paul should have once more brought forward the fatherhood
ἘΠΩ͂Ν Σ
«ον οὗ μόνον τοῖς ἐκ περιτομῆς,
ἀλλὰ καὶ.
1 Comp. on ii. 27, Barnab. Lp. 13: τέϑεικα
σεπατέρα ἐϑνῶν τῶν πιστευόντων δι᾽ ἀκροβυστίας
τῷ κυρίῳ.
2 Not even in ver. 18. And Acts xv. 11, to
which Hofmann appeals as an analogous
passage, tells directly against him, because
there the construction of the infinitive ob-
tains in the usual way, that the subject of the
governing verd is understood, as a matter of
course, with the infinitive. Comp. Hofmann
himself above on ver. 1 ; Kriiger, ὃ 55, 4, 1.
Besides the result, according to Hofmann’s
interpretation, would be an awkward
thought, not in keeping with the faith of
Abraham.
162 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
as to the believing Gentiles, but should have left that relating to the Jews
altogether without conditioning definition! Hofmann (comp. also his
Schriftbew. 11. 2, p. 82) understands περιτομῆς, after the analogy of ὁ Θεὸς τῆς
δόξης K.T.A., as the genitive of quality (‘‘a father, whose fatherhood is to be
designated according to cirewmeisedness ;” as a circumcised person he has begot-
ten Isaac, etc.) ; then assumes in the case of τοῖς οὐκ ἐκ περιτομῆς μόνον the
suppressed antithesis to complete it, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐκ πίστεως ; and finally explains
ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς στοιχ. aS a Supplementary addition, while he takes ἀλλὰ καὶ to
mean not but also, but also however. A hopeless misinterpretation ! For,
as genitive of quality, περιτομῆς must have had the article (comp. Acts vii.
2; 2 Cor. i. 3; Eph. i. 17 αἷ.), and every reader must have understood περι-
τομῆς in conformity with πάντων κ.τ.}., ver. 11, as a specification whose father
Abraham further is. The reader could all the less mentally supply after
τοῖς οὐκ ἐκ περιτ. a Suppressed contrast, since the expressed contrast follows im-
mediately with ἀλλὰ καί ; and for that reason, again, it could occur to no one
to understand this ἀλλὰ καί in any other sense than elsewhere after negations,
namely, but also, not also however. (How inappropriate is Hofmann’s cita-
tion of Luke xxiv. 22, where no negation at all precedes !) Wieseler’s at-
tempt (in Herzog’s Hncyklop. XX. p. 592) is also untenable, since he imports
into τοῖς οὐκ ἐκ περιτ. μόνον the sense : ‘‘ who do not make circumcision the ev-
clusive condition of salvation,” and likewise renders ἀλλὰ καί also however ; thus
making Paul indicate (1) the Jewish Christians who were not rigid partisans
of the law (such as were to be found in Palestine especially), and (2) the
Pauline Jewish Christians. — τοῖς ἔχνεσι x.7.A.] Who so walk (see on Gal. v.
25) that they follow the footsteps which Abraham has left behind through his
faith manifested in his uncircumcised condition, 7.e. who are believers after
the type of the uncircumcised Abraham, The dative, commonly taken as
local, is more correctly, in keeping with the other passages in which Paul
uses the dative with στοιχεῖν (Gal. v. 16, 25, vi. 16 ; Phil. iii. 16), interpret-
ed in the sense of the norm.
Ver. 13. Ground assigned for the foregoing, from εἰς τὸ εἶναι αὐτὸν πατέρα
onwards. ‘‘The father of all believing Gentiles and Jews ;” for it was
not the law, but the righteousness of faith, that procured for Abraham or his
seed the promise of possessing the world. [See Note XLIV. p. 177.] Had
the law been the agent in procuring that promise, then the Jews, as posses-
sors of the law, would be the children of Abraham who should receive what
was promised ; as it is, however, it must be the believers, no matter whether
Jews or Gentiles, since not the law has been at work, but on the contrary
the righteousness of faith. — διὰ νόμου] [See Note XLV. p. 177] through the
agency of the law, is not to be arbitrarily limited (Piscator, Calovius,
and others : per justitiam legis ; Pareus and others : per opera legis) ; for,
as the Mosaic law’ was not yet even in existence, it could in no way procure
the promise. Hence it is not to be rendered with Grotius : ‘‘ sb conditione
observandi legem Mosis,” because διὰ δικαίοσ. πίστ. does not admit of a cor-
1 For to this διὰ νόμου must be referred brought under the wider conception of the
(see ver. 14 ff.) not to circumcision, which is law (Mehring),
CHAP. Iv., 138. 163
responding interpretation. — ἡ ἐπαγγελία] scil. ἐστι. The supplying of this
(usually : ἐγένετο) is quite sufficient ; comp. on ver. 9. The relation is real-
ized as present. — ἢ τῷ σπέρμ. αὐτοῦ] neither to Abraham nor to his seed, ete.
With ἢ τῷ σπέρμ. ait. Paul takes for granted that the history of the promise
in question is known ; and whoare meant by the σπέρμα under the Messianic
reference of the promise cannot, according to the context (see especially ver.
11), be doubtful, namely the believers, who are the spiritual posterity of
Abraham (ix. 6 ff.; Gal. iv. 22 ff.); not Christ according to Gal. iii. 16
(Estius, Cornelius ἃ Lapide, Olshausen); but also not the descendants of
Abraham proper (van Hengel). —70 κληρ. ait. εἶναι κόσμου] Epexegesis of ἡ
ἐπαγγελία." The αὐτόν, referring to Abraham, is so put not because ἢ τ. σπ.
αὐτοῦ is only incidentally introduced (Riickert), but because Abraham is
regarded as at once the father and representative of his σπέρμα included
with him in the promise. — κόσμου] The inheritance of the land of Canaan,
which God promised to Abraham for himself and his posterity (Gen. xii. 7,
xiil. 14, 15, xv: 18, xvii. 8, xxii. 17 ; comp. xxvi. 3 ; Ex. vi. 4), was in the
Jewish Christology taken to mean the universal dominion of the Messianic the-
ocracy, Which was typically pointed at in these passages from Genesis.* The
idea of Messianic sovereignty over the world, however, which lies at the bot-
tom of this Jewish particularistic conception, and which the prophets in-
vested with a halo of glory,* is in the N. T. not done away, but divested of
its Judaistic conception, and raised into a Christological truth, already
presented by Christ Himself (comp. Matt. v. 5) though in allegoric form
(Matth. xix. 28 ff.; Luke xxii. 30; Matt. xxv. 21). Its necessity lies in
the universal dominion to which Christ Himself is exalted (Matt. xxviii. 18 ;
John xvii. 5 ; Phil. ii. 9 ff.; Eph. iv. 10 a/.), and in the glorious fellowship
of His believers with Him. Now as the idea of this government of the
world, which Christ exercises, and in which His believers (the spiritual
children of Abraham) are one day to participate, was undeniably also the
ideal of Paul (viii. 17 ; 1 Cor. vi. 2; comp. 2 Tim. ii. 12), it is arbitrary to
take κόσμου here otherwise than generally, and either to limit it to the sphere
of earth (Koppe, Kéllner, Maier), or to explain it as relating to the dominion
of the Jews over the Gentile world (van Hengel), or the reception of all peo-
ples into the Messianic kingdom (Beza, Estius, and others) or Messianic bliss
generally (Wetstein, Flatt, comp. Benecke aud Gléckler), or the spiritual
dominion of the world (Baumgarten-Crusius), as even Hengstenberg does :
‘“the world is spiritually conquered by Abraham and his seed ” (Christol. 1.
p. 49). The interpretation which takes it to mean the extension of the
spiritual fatherhood over all nations (Mehring) would only be possible in the
absence of ἢ τῷ σπέρματι αὐτοῦ, and would likewise be set aside by the firmly
established historical notion of the ΤΠ). The κληρονόμον εἶναι τοῦ κόσμου Of
believers is realized in the new glorious world (ἐν τῇ παλιγγενεσίᾳ, Matt.
xix. 28, comp. Rom. viii. 18, 2 Pet. iii. 18) after the Parousia ; hence the
Messianic kingdom itself and all its δόξα, as the completed possession of
1 See Kiihner, II. 1, p. 518, and ad Xen. dum dedit coelum et terram,” Tanchuma, p.
Anab. ii. 5, 22. 165, 1, and see Wetstein.
2“ Abrahamo patri meo Deus possiden- 3 Comp. Schultz, alttest. Theol. I. p. 225 ff.
104 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
salvation promised to believers, is designated by the theocratic technical
term κληρονομία (see on Gal. 111. 18). — διὰ dix. rior. ] Since the νόμος was not
the procurer of the promise, but Abraham was righteous through faith (ver.
3), the δικαιοσύνη πίστεως must necessarily have been that which procured the
promise (moved God to grant it), See ver. 14. It is true that the promise
in question was given to Abraham prior to his justification by faith (Gen. xii.
7, ΧΙ. 14 f.); but it was renewed to him subsequently (xv. 18, xvii. 8); hence
we must assume that here Paul had only these latter passages in view.
Vv. 14-17. Proof of the antithesis ov διὰ νόμου. . . . ἀλλὰ κ.τ.λ. I Ver.
-13, conducted not historically (as in Gal. ii. 13 ff.), but dogmatically, ὦ
priori, from the nature of the law, from which results the opposite of the
latter, the πίστις, as cause of the κληρονομία.
Ver. 14. Here also νόμος is not (as Flatt and others take it) the moral law
(to which however the saying may certainly be applied), but the law of
Moses, viewed in excluding antithesis to the πίστις. By οἱ ἐκ νόμου, ‘‘ those
of the law” (Luther), are meant those who belong to the law, are as such
subjected to it ; consequently the Jews at all events, but just so far as they
are not believers, not belonging to the ᾿Ισραὴλ τοῦ Θεοῦ (Gal. yi. 16). The
opposite : οἱ ἐκ πίστεως, 111. 26, Gal. 111, 7. That they wish to attain to the
κληρονομία by the way of the law, is true in itself, but is not expressed in the
mere οἱ ἐκ νόμου (in opposition to Hofmann). —kexévwrar ἡ πίστις k.t.2.] then
faith is made void and the promise done away, i.e. faith is thereby rendered
inoperative and the promise of no effect. If it be true that to be subject to
the law is the condition of obtaining the possession of the world, nothing
further can be said either of a saving power of faith (comp. 1 Cor. i. 17), or
of the validity of the promise (comp. 111. 31, Gal. iii. 17). And why not ?
Because (ver. 15) the law, to which in accordance with that protasis the
κληρονομία would be appended, has an operation so entirely opposed to the
essence of faith (which trusts in the divine χάρις) and of the promise (which
is an emanation from this χάρις), (comp. ver. 16), that it brings about the
divine wrath, since its result is transgression. On this ground (διὰ τοῦτο, ver.
16) because the law worketh wrath, its relation to the κληρονομία, laid down
in ver. 14, cannot exist ; butron the contrary the latter must proceed from
faith that it may be according to grace, etc., ver. 16.—The πίστις is the
Christian saving faith, of which Abraham’s faith was the beginning and
type, and the ἐπαγγελία is the Divine promise of the κληρονομία, given to
Abraham and his seed, ver. 13.
Ver. 15. On the connection see above. The assigning of a reason (yap)
has reference to the previous κεκένωται ἡ πίστις K. KaTHpY. ἡ. Etayy., Which are
closely connected (see ver. 16), and not merely to the κατήργ. ἡ éxayy. (Chry-
sostom, Fritzsche, Mehring, and others). The law produces wrath. It is the
divine wrath that is meant, not any sort of hwman wrath (against the judg-
ment of God, as Melanchthon thought). Unpropitiated, it issues forth on
the day of judgment, ii. 5 ff., iii. 5, ix. 22; Eph. ii. 3, v. 6 5 Col. iii. 6 al.;
Ritschl, de ira Dei, p. 16 ; Weber, vom Zorne Gottes, p. 826 f.— οὗ yap οὐκ
ἔστι νόμος κ.τ.}.1 [See Note XLVI. p. 177.] Proof of the proposition that
the law worketh wrath: jor where the law is not, there is not even (οὐδέ)
CHAP, TV., 16, 17%. 165
transgression, namely, which excites the wrath of God (the Lawgiver). This
short, terse and striking proef—which is not, any more than the three
previous propositions introduced by γάρ, to be reduced to a ‘‘ justifying
explanation” (Hofmann), or to be weakened by taking οὐδέ to mean ‘‘ just as
little’ (Hofmann)—proceeds ὦ causa ad effectum ; where the cause is want-
ing (namely, παράβασις), there can be no mention of the effect (ὀργή). This
negative form of the probative proposition includes—in accordance with the
doctrine of the Apostle elsewhere regarding the relation of the law to the
human ἐπιθυμία (Rom. vii. 7 ff.; 1 Cor. xv. 56; Gal. 111. 19 al.), which is
kindled on occasion of the law by the power of sin which exists in man—
the positive counterpart, that, where the law is, there is also transgression.
Paul however expresses himself negatively, because in his mind the negative
thought that the fulfilment of the promise is not dependent on the law still
preponderates ; and he will not enter into closer analysis of the positive
side of it—viz., that faith is the condition—until the sequel, ver. 16 ff.
Observe moreover that he has not written οὐδὲ ἁμαρτία, which he could not
assert (ver. 13), but οὐδέ παράβασις, as the specific designation of the ἁμαρτία
in relation to the Jaw, which was the precise point here in question. Comp.
li. 28, 25, 27, v. 14; Gal. 11. 18, 111. 19. Sins without positive law (ver. 13)
are likewise, and indeed on account of the natural law, ii. 14, objects of the
divine wrath (see i. 18 ff.; Eph. ii. 3); but sins against a given law are, in
virtue of their thereby definite quality of transgression, so specifically and
specially provocative of wrath in God, that Paul could relatively even deny
the imputation of sin when the law was non-existent. See on ver. 13.
Ver. 16 f. Διὰ τοῦτο] Inference from ver. 15, consequently from the
wrath-operating nature of the law, on account of which it is so utterly in-
capable of being the condition of the κληρονομία, that the latter must on the
contrary result from the opposite of the law—from faith, etc. Comp. on
ver. 14 f. This conclusion is so evident and pertinent that it required only
the incomplete, but thus all the more striking expression : ‘ therefore of
Suith, in order that according to grace,” to the end that, etc. — ἐκ πίστεως]
scil. οἱ κληρονόμοι εἰσί, according to ver. 14. The supplying, by Fritzsche and
others, of ἡ ἐπαγγελία γίνεται or ἐγένετο from ver. 13 is forbidden by the con-
trast in which ἐκ πίστ. stands to ἐκ νόμου, ver. 14. — ἵνα κατὰ χάριν] The pur-
pose of God in ἐκ πίστεως : ‘in order that they might be so by way of grace,”
not by way of merit. Comp. ver. 4 and δωρεάν 111. 24. — εἰς τὸ εἶναι βεβαίαν
x.7.A.| contains now in turn the divine purpose,’ which prevails in the κατὰ
χάριν. They shall be heirs by way of grace ; and why by way of grace? In
order that the promise may be sure, i.e. may subsist in active validity as one
to be realized (the opposite of κατήργηται, ver. 14) for the collective posterity
(i.e. for all believers, see v. 11, 18), not for those alone, who are such out of the
law (not solely for believers who have become so out of the legal bond of
Judaism), but also for those who ure such out of the faith of Abraham,’ i.e.
1 Here also the peculiar deeper scope of 2 ἐν riot. ᾿Αβραάμ. goes together (in oppo-
the view given is often left unnoticed, and sition to Fritzsche, who has conceived the
cis τὸ εἶναι 15 taken as inference; so that, ete. σπέρματι to be supplied as before ’ABp., and
See on the other hand on i. 20, made the genitive ᾿Αβραάμ dependent on it),
100 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
whose Abrahamic kinship is based on Abraham’s faith, the uncircumcised
believers.! If anything else than χάρις (such as ὀφείλημα) were the reason
determining God to confer the κληρονομία, then both halves of the σπέρμα, in
their legal imperfection, would be unsecured with respect to the promise.
As it is, however, believing Jews as also believing Gentiles have in the
divine χάρις the same guarantee that the κληρονομία shall be imparted to
them ἐκ πίστεως. --- ὅς ἐστι Twat. πάντ. ἡμῶν] reiterated (comp. vv. 11, 12)
solemn setting forth of the fatherhood of Abraham for all (πάντων) believers
(ἡμῶν), which was indeed the pith and fundamental idea of the entire argu-
ment (since ver. 9) ; there is therefore no new point raised here (Hofmann),
but this fatherhood of the patriarchin the history of salvation, already
clearly laid down, is summarily expressed afresh, in order (ver. 17), after
the insertion of a testimony from Scripture, to present it, by means of
κατέναντι ov k.T.4., in its holy, divine guarantee and dignity. — ὅτε πατέρα
πολλῶν x.T.A.| Gen. xvii. 5, closely after the LXX.; therefore ὅτι, for, which
in the original text specifies the reason of the name Abraham, is repeated
by Paul without any special bearing on his connection, simply as forming
part of the words of Scripture. — πατέρα πολλῶν é6v.] Aptly explained, in
the sense of the Apostle, by Chrysostom and Theophylact : ob κατὰ φυσικὴν
In this spiritual sense—which the
passage of Scripture expresses typically—he is constituted by God as father
of many nations (in so far, namely, as all believers from among the Jews
and all Gentile peoples are to be, in the history of salvation, his spiritual
σπέρμα), i.e. appointed, and thus made so.* Even the original text cannot
have meant by 0°14 merely the twelve tribes of Israel (Hofmann). It means
the posterity of Abraham, in so far as Gentile peoples also shall be sub-
jected to it. The Israelite tribes would be Ὁ... ---- κατέναντι οὗ ἐπίστ. Θεοῦ]
is connected, after the parenthesis (καθὼς . . . . ce), With ὃς ἐστε πατὴρ πάντ.
ἡμῶν. To get rid of the parenthesis by supposing a suppressed intervening
thought (Philippi), or an asyndeton, as if it were καὶ κατέναντι k.T.A. (Van
Hengel), is a harsh and arbitrary course ; while it is impossible to regard
κατέναντι κ.τ.2. as explanation of the καθὼς γέγραπται (Hofmann), because
καθὼς yéyp. can only be taken as the quite common (occurring thirteen times
in our Epistle) simple formula for quoting a Scripture proof, and not as:
‘in harmony with the Scripture passage.” —xarévavte, equivalent to the
classical κατεναντίον, means over against (Mark xi. 2, xii. 41 ; Luke xix. 30),
i.é. here: in presence of (κατενώπιον), coram, as after the Heb. frequently in
the LXX. and Apocrypha.* The attraction is to be resolved into :
τοῦ Θεοῦ, κατέναντι ov ἐπίστευσε : coram Deo, coram quo credidit.4 Quite anal-
΄ ᾿ S " ᾿ , ,
συγγένειαν, ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ οἰκείωσιν πίστεως.
κατέναντι
since it is not Jews and Christians, but Jew-
ish and Gentile believers who are placed side
by side, and in the latter the faith of Adra-
ham (comp. ver. 10) is the characteristic.
1 Theophylact : παντὶ τῷ σπέρματι, τουτέστι
πᾶσι τοῖς πιστεύουσιν" οὐ μόνον τοῖς ἐκ νόμου,
τουτέστι τοῖς ἐμπεριτόμοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἀκρο-
βύστοις, οἵτινές εἰσι σπέρμα ᾿Αβραὰμ. ἐκ πίστεως
αὐτῷ γενηϑέντες.
2 Compare Heb. i. 2; 1 Mace. x. 65, xiv. 34;
Hom. Od. xv. 258, 11. vi. 800; Plat. Theaet.
p. 169 E; Pind. OJ. xiii. 21.
8. See Biel and Schleusner.
4 The coram, in presence of, is neither to
be explained ad exemplum (Chrysostom,
Theodoret, Theophylact and others), nor
“according to the will’ (Reiche, Krehl and
others), nor “according to the judgment”
CHAP. Iv.,.17. 167
ogous are such passages as Luke i. 4, wept ὧν κατὴ χήθης λόγων, Instead of περὶ
τῶν λόγων περὶ ὧν katyy., Matt. vii. 2 al.’ So also rightly Philippi and Hof-
mann ;? comp. Miircker. The mode of resolving it adopted by most com-
mentators (Thomas Aquinas, Castalio, Calvin, Beza, Er. Schmid, Grotius,
Estius, and others ; also Tholuck, Riickert, Reiche, K6llner, Fritzsche, .
Ewald, van Hengel, Buttmann) : κατέναντι Θεοῦ ᾧ ἐπίστευσε, is at least at
variance with the wsval mode of attraction, since the attraction of the rela-
tive, which, not attracted, would stand in the dative, has no precedent in
the N. T., and even in Greek authors very seldom occurs. * Finally, the ex-
planation which takes κατέναντι οὗ as equivalent to κατέναντι τούτου, ὅτι, and
the latter as equivalent to ἀνθ᾽ οὗ, propterea quod, and in accordance with,
which Θεοῦ «.7-2. is then taken as genitive absolute (‘‘ whilst God, who quick-
eneth the dead, calleth also to that which is not, as though it were present,”
Mehring), is wrong just because κατέναντε has not the sense supposed, — τοῦ.
ζωοπ. τ. νεκροὺς, καὶ x.7.A.] Distinguishing quality of God as the Almighty,
selected with practical reference to the circumstances of Abraham (vv.
18-21) : ‘‘who quickeneth the dead and ealleth the non-evistent as though it
were,” and certainly, therefore, can quicken the decayed powers of procrea-
tion, and dispose of generations not yet in existence. A reference to the
offering of Isaac, whom God could make alive again (Erasmus, Grotius,
Baumgarten-Crusius, and Mangold), is so foreign to the connection that it
would have required definite indication. The ζωοποιεῖν τοὺς νεκρούς 18. a
formal attribute of the almighty God. 1 Sam. ii. ὁ ; Wisd. xvi. 13 ; Tob.
xiii. 2; comp. Deut. xxxii. 9. See also John: v5-21 ΣΦ Cor. i, ἢ: 1 "Tim.
vi. 13. Origen, Ambrosiaster, Anselm, erroneously hold that the νεκροί are,
spiritually dead, a view which the context must have rendered necessary +
comp. Olshausen, who holds that wor. and «ad. indicate typically the
spiritual awakening and the new birth ; also Ewald, who will have the ap-
plication made to the revivifying of the dead Gentiles into true Christians.
- καλοῦντος τὰ μὴ ὄντα ὡς ὄντα] 1.6. ‘who utters His disposing decree over that
(Riickert, Kéllner, Fritzsche, Maier, Um-
breit and others), nor ‘‘ vi atque potestate
divina” (Koppe), nor “before the omnis-
cience of God” (Olshausen), but is to be left
without any modifying explanation. Abra-
ham is realized as present, just as he stands,
πατὴρ πάντων ἡμῶν face to face with the God
who had appeared to him, and has become
a believer in conspectu Det. This vivid reali-
zation of the believing patriarch, as if he
were standing there as father of us all be-
fore the face of God, just as formerly in
that sacred moment of history, is a plastic
form of presentation which, inaptly con-
demned by Hofmann, quite accords with
the elevated and almost poetic strain of the
following words. It also fully warrants
the coupling of κατέναντι «.7.A. With ὃς ἐστι
πατὴρ πάντων ἡμῶν ; it is unnecessary to seek
a connection with ὅτε πατέρα... τέϑεικά σε,
either with Bengel, who compares Matt.
ix. 6,or with Philippi, who, thereby getting
rid of the parenthesis, inserts after τέϑεικά
σε the thought: “and as such he has been
appointed.”
1 See Bornemann, Schol. in Luce. Ὁ. 1775
Schmid in the Tvib. Zeitschr. 7. Theol. 1831,
2, p. 137 ff.; Winer, p. 155 f. [B. T. 164] ;
comp. on Acts xxi. 16.
2 Who, nevertheless, in consequence of
his incorrect view οἵ καϑὼς γέγραπται, pro-
fesses to illustrate the κατέναντι thus: ** At
that time, when he believed, he stood face to
face with God as Him who quickeneth the
dead, etc.; and by the fact, that God has
shown Himself to be just the same as Him
before whom he then stood, it has so come ta
pass, that he is now before Him, the Sather of
us all.”
3 Kiihner, ad Xen. Mem. ii. 2, 5, Gramme
II. 2, p. 914.
108 _THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
which does not exist, equally as over the existing.” What a lofty expression of
all-commanding power! And how thoroughly in harmony with the then
position of Abraham ! For as he stood before God and believed (Gen. xv.
6), God had just showed to him the stars of heaven, with the promise οὕτως
ἔσται τὸ σπέρμα cov! So that God hereby issued his potent summons (so
shall it be!) to something that was not (the σπέρμα of Abraham) as though
it had been. This explanation (followed also by Riickert and Philippi) is
perfectly faithful to the sense of the words, and as muchin harmony with
the vividly realized situation of Abraham, as it is appropriate to the paral-
lelism ; for the latter is climactic, leading from the νεκροῖς to the τὰ μὴ dvra. |
καλεῖν like δ», does not here mean to name Hofmann, (comp. Loesner and
Benecke), which would refer to the name of father pronounced by God, and
have in view the divine knowledge, but on the contrary, correlative with the
mighty ζωοποιεῖν τ. vexp. (comp. δυνατός ver. 21), it denotes the call of the
Ruler, which He issues to that which is subject to His power. Comp. Ps.
1. 1; Is. xl. 26 ;* ὡς is the simple as of comparison. Parallels in point are
found in Philo, de Jos. p. 544 C, where it is said of the force of imagination,
that it pictures τὰ μὴ ὄντα ὡς ὄντα ; and Artemidor. i. 53, p. 46, ed. Rigalt.
where it is said of the painter, that he represents τὰ μὴ ὄντα ὡς ὄντα. Paul
could also have, like Clement, Cor. 11. 1, used ra οὐκ ὄντα (the non-exist-
ent, Xen. Mem. ii. 2, 3), as the contradictory antithesis of τὰ ὄντα (comp.
also Plat. Rep. p. 476 E); but the negation is conceived subjectively, from
the standpoint of the subject who calls : he calls the things, which he knows
as non-existent, as if they were.? Still what Delitzsch, Psychol. p. 37 f.,
deduces from τὰ μὴ évra—that that which enters into historical existence was
not previously an absolute nothing, but an object of divine knowledge—is
based on the common conception of καλεῖν in the sense of creative activity,
which is erroneous. No doubt καλεῖν, as is well known, often denotes the
ereating call of God (Isa. xxii. 12, xli. 4, xIviii. 18 ; 2 Kings viii. 1 ; Wisd.
xi. 25; Philo, de creat. prine. Ὁ. 728 B, where τὰ μὴ ὄντα ἐκάλεσεν is further
defined by εἰς τὸ εἶναι ; comp. de Opif. p. 13 E). In this case we should
have to think by no means of the historical act of creation out of nothing
(Piscator, Estius and others), but rather, on account of the present participle,
either of the continuous creative activity (Kéllner), or (better still on ac-
count of the parallel of Cwor.) of an abiding characteristic of God generally,
from which no time is excluded. But this whole interpretation of καλεῖν is
set aside here by ὡς ὄντα. For ὡς cannot be taken for εἰς (Luther, Wolf,
and others), because an use so utterly isolated in the N. T. is in itself very im-
probable, and because, where ὡς stands in classic authors in the sense of εἰς, it
1 Quite contrary to the context Erasmus,
Ch. Schmid, Koppe ana Bohme take cadetvin
the dogmatic sense. And yet even Fritzsche
and Mangold have gone over to this ex-
planation: “ hominesnondum in lucem edi-
tos ad vitam aeternam invitat.”” Van Hengel
takes καλεῖν as arcessere, and τὰ μὴ ὄντα that
which is of no account (see on 1 Cor. i. 28), so
that the sense would be: ‘‘ quaecunque nul-
lius numeri sunt arcessivit (to the childship
of Abraham), quasi sint in pretio.” But this
peculiar interpretation of μὴ ὄντα and ὄντα
must have been specifically suggested by
the context, especially as it strips off the
whole poetical beauty of the expression.
2 Comp. Xen. Anabd. iv. 4, 15, and Kiihner
in loc. ; Baeumlein, Partik. p. 278.
CHAP. IV., 19-21. 169
is only so used in reference to persons,’ or, at the most, where what is personal
is represented by neuter objects. Some desire ὡς ὄντα to be taken for ὡς ἐσό-
μενα (de Wette), or as a summary expression for εἰς τὸ εἶναι ὡς ὄντα (Reiche,
K6llner, Tholuck, de Wette, Bisping), but these expedients are arbitrary in
themselves, and, in the case of the latter especially—seeing that ὄντα would
have to be taken in the sense of the result, as only adjectives are elsewhere
used (see on Matt. xii. 43, and Breitenbach, ad. Xen. Oec. 4, '7)—é¢ would
only be superfluous and confusing.
Vv. 18-21. More particular setting forth of this faith of Abraham, ac-
cording to its lofty power and strength. Εἶδες πῶς τίθησι καὶ τὰ κωλύματα καὶ
τὴν ὑψηλὴν τοῦ δικαίου γνώμην πάντα ὑπερβαίνουσαν, Chrysostom.
Ver. 18. Ὃς] Parallel to the ὅς ἐστι «.7.2. ver. 10 ; therefore only a comma
or a colon need be put after ὡς ὄντα. --- ἐπ’ ἐλπίδι] on hope, is the basis of the
éxiot. Comp. 1 Cor. ix. 10 ; frequent in Greek authors. See also Tit. i. 2.
Abraham’s faith was opposed to hope (παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα, frequent in classical
writers) in its objective reference, and yet not ἀνέλπιστος, but rather based on
hope in its subjective reference, —a significant oxymoron. — εἰς τὸ γενέσθαι k.7.A. |
Rightly Luther : in order that he might be. Comp. Riickert, Tholuck,
Philippi. It contains the end, ordained by God, of the érior., thus ex-
hibiting Abraham’s faith in its teleological connection with the divine de-
cree, and that in reference to the word of God, ver. 17 ; hence, it is less in
harmony with the context to take εἰς τὸ γενέσθαι x.t.A. as the purpose of
Abraham. Ver. 11, εἰς τὸ εἶναι αὐτὸν k.7.A. is quite analogous. Following
Beza, many writers (including even Reiche, K6llner, Baumgarten-Crusius,
Krehl, Mehring, Hofmann, take εἰς τὸ γεν. as the object of ézior.; quite
contrary to the usage of the N. T. ; see on ver. 11. Here, as in every case
previously, the object of faith (the divine promise) is quite self-evident.
The view which explains it of the consequence (B6hme, Flatt, Fritzsche,
following older writers) for καὶ οὕτως ἐγένετο, is linguistically erronéous (see
on i. 20), and quite at variance with the tenor of the discourse; for’ in vv.
19-21 the delineation of the faith itself is still continued, so that at this stage
the result (it is introduced in ver. 22) would be quite out of place. — κατὰ
τὸ eipnu.| belonging to γενέσθαι k.7.A., not to ἐπίστευσε (Hofmann, in accord-
ance with his incorrect view of εἰς τὸ .7.A.). —ottwc] What is meant by
this, Paul assumes to be familiar to his readers ; and therefore the corre-
sponding part is by no means wanting. Β' G and several Fathers (also Vulg.
ms.) have after cov the addition : ὡς οἱ ἀστέρες τοῦ οὐρανοῦ καὶ ἡ ἄμμος τῆς
θαλάσσης. The first half only is a proper gloss ; the καὶ ἡ ἄμ. τ. θαλ. does not
lie in the οὕτως, Gen. xv. 5, but is imported from Gen. xii. 16.
Vv. 19-21 are still dependent on ὅς, completing the description of the
believing Abraham : and (who), because he was not weak in faith, regarded not
his own dead body.* Theophylact has properly expressed the meiosis in μὴ
ἀσθ. : μὴ ἀσθενήσας τῇ πίστει, ἀλλ᾽ ἰσχυρὰν αὐτὴν ἔχων. By μή the ἀσθεν. is neg-
1 Hermann, ad Viger. p. 853; ῬΟΡΡο, αὐ dead. Therefore vevexp. without the article.
Thuc. ΤΠ. 1, p. 318 ff. Comp. Kiihner, ad Xen. Anab. iv. 6,1; Stall-
2 See Doderlein, philolog. Beitr. Ὁ. 303 ff. baum, ad Plat. Rep. p. 573 A.
3 i.e. his own body: which was one already
170 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
atived from the point of view of the subject. Comp. on ver. 17. — οὐ
κατενόησε] [See Note XLVII. p. 178.] he did not fix his attention thereon.
Comp. Heb. iii. 1, x. 24 ; Luke xii. 24 ; Judith x. 14. This remark is no
historical blunder inconsistent with Gen. xvii. 17 (de Wette ; comp.
Riickert), but is quite in harmony with the account given in Gen. xv. 5, 6,
where, immediately after the divine promise οὕτως ἔσται τὸ σπέρμα σου it is
said: καὶ ἐπίστευσεν Ap. τῷ Θεῷ. This (and not what is related in
*Gen. xvii. 17) is the fact which Paul here exhibits in greater detail, inas-
much as he depicts the καὶ ἐπίστευσε of Gen. 1.6.. in its strength at first neg-
atively (in the non-consideration of bodily obstacles) and then positively.
The immediately decided faith of Abraham in Gen. xv., to which Paul here
refers, is not inconsistent with the subsequent hesitation, Gen. xvii. (the
account of which, moreover, belongs to another author) ; the latter is a
wavering which may easily be understood from a psychological point of
view. Comp. the doubt of the Baptist as tothe Messiahship of Jesus, Matt.
xi. 2 ff. —vevexpwpévov and νέκρωσις conveying the idea of decrepitude with
reference to the powers of procreation and of conception respectively.
Comp. Heb. xi. 12; Kypke, II. p. 164. — ἑκατονταέτης x.7.4.] although so
advanced in years that he might naturally have regarded, etc., yet he did
not do so. The ποὺ is the circiter in approximate statements of number ;
Herod. i. 119; vii. 5; Diog. L. viii. 80. Comp. Xen. Oe. 17, 3. Not
used by Paul elsewhere. Abraham was then ninety-nine years old. See
Gen. xvii. 1, 17, xxi. 5. ‘*‘ Post Semum nemo centum annorum generasse
Gen. xi. legitur,”” Bengel.’—- Observe, as to καὶ τ. véx., that the negation ob
κατένοησε extends to both the objects of the sentence. Hofmann’s objection
to our reading,’? and his declaration that instead of καί we should expect
οὐδέ are erroneous.* The νέκρωσις is the deadness of the womb attested as
having already set in at Gen. xviii. 11. Was Sarah still to become a
mother é« πολιᾶς γαστρός (Pind. Pyth. iv. 98) !— εἰς δὲ τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν κ.τ.λ.]
[See Note XLVIII. p. 178.] The negative proposition in ver. 19 is, in the
first place, still more specially elucidated, likewise negatively, by εἰς. . . .
ἀπιστία (dé, the epexegetical autem), and then the positive opposite relation is
subjoined to it by ἀλλ᾽ ἐνεδυν. κιτ.Δ. In the former negative illustrative
clause the chief element giving the information is εἰς τ. ἐπαγγ. τ. Θεοῦ, Which
is therefore placed first with great emphasis: ‘‘but with regard to the
promise of God he wavered not incredulously, but waxed strong in faith,” etc.
1 With regard to the children subsequent-
ly begotten with Keturah, Gen. xxv. 1 ff.,
the traditional explanation, already lying
2 With the reading without ov (see the crit.
remarks) the thought conveyed is: and
without having been weak in faith he regarded,
at the foundation of Augustine, de Civ. D.
Xvi. 28, is sufficient, viz. that the power of
begetting, received from God, continued
after the death of Sarah.—On ἑκατονταέτης
comp. Pind. Pyth.iv. 503. According to the
uncertain canon of the old grammarians
(see Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 406 f.) it ought to
have been written here as an oxytone (so
Lachmann) because it is the predicate of a
person. Comp. Kiihner, I. p. 420.
etc., but did not become doubtful in respect to
the promise of God, ete. Comp. Hofmann.
But μὴ acd. τ. riot. would thus be super-
fluous, and even logically unsuitable in re-
lation to ver. 20. Simply and clearly Paul
would only have written : καὶ κατενόησε μὲν
τὸ ἑαυτοῦ σῶμα κ.τ.λ. εἰς δὲ THY ἐπαγγ. K.T.A.
3 5606 Winer, p. 460 [E. T. 493 f.]; Butt-
mann, neut. Gr. Ὁ. 315 [E. T. 868 f.]. Comp.
also Jacobs, ad Del. epigr. vi. 10, not. crit.
CHAP. Iv., 19-21. Tt
Since in this way the discourse runs on very simply and suitably to the
sense, it is unnecessary to resort to the more awkward suggestion, that
Paul already begins the antithetic statement with dé (however, see Hartung,
Partikell. 1. p. 171), to which nevertheless he has again given the emphasis
of contrast through the negative and positive forms (Philippi, who, how-
ever, admits our view also; comp. Tholuck and others). In no case,
however, can it be said, with Riickert, that Paul wished to write. εἰς
δὲ τ. ἐπαγγ. τ. Θεοῦ ἐπίστ. μηδὲν διακρινόμενος, but that his love for antitheses
induced him to divide the idea of ἐπίστ. into its negative and positive
elements, and that therefore εἰς should be referred to the ἐπίστ. at first
thought of. De Wette (comp. Krehl) conjectures that, according to the
analogy of πιστεύειν εἰς, εἰς is the object of duexp. It is the quite usual im
regard to, as respects; see Winer, p. 371 [E. T. 9971]. ---- διακρίνεσθαι] To
waver, the idea being that of a mental struggle into which one enters, xiv.
23 ; Matt. xxi. 21; Acts x. 20; see Huther on James i. 6. This usage is
so certain in the N. T., that there is no need to translate, with van Hengel :
non contradixit, referring to Gen. xvii. 17 ff., in which case τῇ ἀπιστίᾳ is
supposed to mean : ‘‘quanquam in animo volvebat, quae diffidentiam inspi-
rarent.” Such a thought is foreign to the connection, in which everything
gives prominence to fwith only, and not to a mere resignation. —rq ἀπιστίᾳ,
is instrumental, in the sense of the producing cause, but τῇ πίστει, on
, account of the correlation with ἀσθεν. τῇ πίστει in ver. 19, is to be taken as
the dative of more precise definition, consequently : he wavered not by means
of the unbelief (which in such a case he would have had), but became strong
as respects the faith (which he had). Hofmann’s explanation is erroneous,
because not in keeping with the ἀσθεν. τ. πίστ. above. He takes τῇ πίστει as
causal : by faith Abraham was strengthened ‘to an action in harmony with
the promise and requisite for its realization.” 'This addition, which can
hardly fail to convey a very indelicate idea, is a purely gratuitous impor-
tation. — ἐνεδυναμώθη] became strong, heroic in faith ; passive. Comp. Aq.
Gen. vii. 20 : ἐνεδυναμώθη τό ὕδωρ. Heb. xi. 84; Acts ix. 82 ; Eph. vi. 10;
LXX. Ps. 1. 7: ἐνεδυναμώθη ἐπὶ τῇ ματαιότητι αὐτοῦ. In Greek authors the
word does not occur. — δοὺς δόξαν τῷ Θεῷ] while he gave God glory, and*
was fully persuaded (xiv. 5; Col. iv. 12) that, ete. The qaorist participles
put the διδόναι δόξαν x.7.2. not as preceding the ἐνεδυναμώθη, or as presupposed
in it, but as completed simultaneously with it (comp. on Eph. i. 5). — διδόναι
δόξαν (33 112) τῷ Θεῷ denotes generally every act (thinking, speaking or
doing) that tends to the glory of God (Josh. vii. 19; Jer. xiii. 16 ; Esr. x.
11; Luke xvii. 18; John ix. 24; Acts xii, 23) ; and the context supplies
the special reference of its meaning. Here: by recognition of the divine
omnipotence (not cireumcisione subeunda, as van Hengel thinks), as is shown
by what follows, which is added epexegetically. ‘‘Insigne praeconium
fidei est, gloriam Deo tribuere,” Melanchthon. The opposite : 1 Johnv. 10.
— ἐπήγγελται] in a middle sense, Winer, p. 246 [E. T. 262].
1The evidence against καί is too weak. the δοὺς δόξ. τ. ©. Oecumenius has aptly re-
Without it tAnpod, would be subordinated to marked on πληροφ.: οὐκ εἶπε πιστεύσας,
‘
172 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Ver. 22. Result of the whole disquisition, emphatically pointing back to
ver. 3 (ἐλογίσθη αὐτῷ εἰς δικαιοσύνην). ---- διὸ Kai] on which account also-(i. 24),
namely because Abraham believed so strongly as is described in vv. 18-21.
— The subject of ἐλογίσθη (it was reckoned) is self-evident, viz. the believing.
Comp. Niigelsbach, zur Ilias, p. 60, ed. 3.
Vv. 23-25. Relation of the Scripture testimony as to Abraham’s justifi-
cation to the justification of Christians by faith ; with which the proof for
the νόμον ἱστῶμεν διὰ τῆς πίστεως (111. 81) is completed. — dr? αὐτόν] on his ac-
count, in order to set forth the mode of his justification. Then, corresponding
thereto : dv’ ἡμᾶς. Comp. Beresch R. 40, 8-: ‘‘Quicquid scriptum est de
Abrahamo, scriptum est de filiis ejus.” On the idea generally comp. xiv.
4; 1 Cor. ix. 10, x. 6, 11; Gal. 111. 8.— μέλλει λογίζεσθαι) namely the πισ-
tevev, Which, in accordance with the divine ordination, is to be reckoned
to us Christians (wéAAer),—to us, as those who believe on Him that raised up
Jesus. μέλλει (Comp. on vill. 13) is therefore not to be taken for ἔμελλε,
(Béhme, comp. Olshausen), but contains what God has willed, which
shall accomplish itself continwously as to each concrete case (not for the first
time at the judgment, as Fritzsche thinks) where Christ is believed on.
The ἡμεῖς, i.e. the community of believers (not however conceived as becon-
ing such, as Hofmann supposes), are the constant recipients of the fulfilment
of that which was once written not merely for Abraham’s sake but also for
theirs. —roi¢ πιστεύουσιν] not : who from time to time become believing (Hof-
mann), which is not consistent with ἡμᾶς, but : quippe qui credunt. The
ἐπὶ τὸν éyeipavta x.7.A. that is added then points out the specific contents,
which is implied in the μέλλει λογίζεσθαι, for the πιστεύειν that has not yet
been more precisely defined. In and with this faith we have constantly the
blessing of the λογίζεσθαι divinely annexed to it. Comp. viii. 1. And the
ἐπὶ τὸν ἐγείραντα K.T.A. (Comp. X. 9) is purposely chosen to express the charac-
ter of the faith, partly on account of the necessary analogy with ver. 17,’
and partly because the divine omnipotence, which raised up Jesus, was at
the same time the strongest proof of divine grace (ver. 25). Regarding ἐπί,
comp. on ver. 5. — παρεδόθη] standing designation for the divine surrender of
Christ, surrender wnto death (viii. 32), perhaps after Is. liii. 12. It is at the
same time self-surrender (Gal. ii. 20 ;, Eph. v. 2), since Christ was obedient
to his Father. — διὰ τὰ παραπτ. ἡμῶν on account of our sins, namely, that they
might be atoned for by the ἱλαστήριον of Jesus, iti. 24 f., v. 8 f. — διὰ τὴν
τ΄ δικαίωσιν ἡμῶν) on account of our justification, in order to accomplish on us
the judicial act of transference into the relation of δικαιοσύνη. Comp. v. 18.
For this object God raised Jesus from the dead ;? for the resurrection of
ἀλλ᾽ ἐμφατικώτερον. It corresponds with the gians (comp. also Gerhard in Calovius) took
full victory of the trial of the patriarch’s
faith at the c/ose of its delineation.
1But in point of fact to ‘‘believe on
Christ’ and to “‘ believe on God who raised
Christ,” are identical, because in both cases
Christ is the specific object.
2 Compare Weiss, idl. Theol. p. 329. For
the view which the older Reformed theolo-
of the state of the case as an acquittal from
our sins, Which was accorded to Christ and
to us with Him through His resurrection,
see Ritschl, Rechifertigung und Verséhnung,
I. p. 288 f. According to Beza, Christ could
not have furnished the atonement of our
sins, if He had not, as the risen victor, van-
quished death. But the case is rather
NOTES. 173
the sacrificed One was required to produce in men the JSaith, through which
alone the objective fact of the atoning offering of Jesus could have the ef-
fect of δικαίωσις subjectively, because Christ is the ἱλαστήριον διὰ τῆς πίστεως,
ili. 25, Without His resurrection therefore the atoning work of His death
would have remained without subjective appropriation ; His surrender διὰ
Ta παραπτ. ἡμῶν would not have attained its end, our justification. Comp.
especially 1 Cor. xv. 17; 2 Cor. v. 20 f., xv.; 1 Pet. i. 21. Moreover the
two definitions by διά are not two different things, but only the two aspects
of the same exhibition of grace, the negative and the positive ; of which,
however, the former by means of the parallelism, in which both are put in
juxtaposition, is aptly attributed to the death as the objective ἱλαστήριον, and
the latter to the resurrection, as the divine act that is the means of its ap-
propriation.* Melanchthon has well said: « Quanquam enim praecessit
meritum, tamen ita ordinatum fuit ab initio, ut tunc singulis applicaretur
cum fide acciperent.” The latter was to be effected by the resurrection of
Jesus ; the meritwm lay in His death, but the raising Him up took place for
the δικαίωσις, in which His meritwm was to be realized in the faithful. Comp.
vill. 34. Against the Catholic theologians, who referred du. to sanctification
(as Maier, Bisping, Dillinger, and Reithmayr still do), see Calovius. Nor
is intercession even (viii. 34) to be introduced into διὰ τὴν δικαίωσιν ἡμῶν
(Calvin and others ; also Tholuck and Philippi), since that does not take
place to produce the δικαιοσύνη, but has reference {0 those who are already
justified, with a view to preserve them in the state of salvation ; consequently
the δικαίωσις of the subjects concerned precedes it.
Notts spy American Eprror.
XXXVI. Ver. 1. τί οὖν ἐροῦμεν εὑρηκέναι ᾿Αβραὰμ κατὰ σάρκα;
It seems better to regard this question as involving an objection or difficulty
anticipated by the Apostle as arising from the other side. If the doctrine of
faith establishes the law in its truest meaning and follows out the line cf the
O. T., it was natural to ask from the Judaistic standpoint, What can we hold that
Abraham gained according to the flesh, i.e, in the sphere to which works belong?
To this question, as taken up into the Apostle’s discourse and presented in his
own language, the answer is, Nothing—nothing, that is, in respect to the great
matter under consideration, The question implies this answer, and the fol-
lowing verses confirm it. Weiss ed. Mey., indeed, declares this to be an arbi-
trary assumption, and maintains that a question involving such a negative
conceived as the converse: Christ could
not have risen, if His death had not expi-
ated our sins. In this way Christ has not
merely died ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν, but has also been
raised again (2 Cor. ν. 15); without His sav-
ing power, however, having been in itself
conditioned only by the resurrection (to
which, in the main, the views of Ottinger
and Menken ultimately come).
1 The reference to the fellowship with the
death of Christ, whereby believers have
died to their former life, and with His res-
urrection as an entrance into a new state
of life no longer conditioned by the flesh
(see Rich. Schmidt, Paulin. Christol. p. 74),
is inadmissible ; because it does not corre-
spond to the prototype of Abraham, which
determines the entire representation of
justification in this chapter.
174 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
could not be derived from iii. 31, because in that verse there is no indication
of anything calling for it. But is an assumption arbitrary which enables us
to connect with this verse the following context in a natural and a simple way,
and saves the necessity of giving to γάρ, as Weiss does, the sense (very uncom-
mon, if ever found in the N. T. in such sentencés) of namely, or indeed? And as
for iii. 31, there was surely, to the Jewish mind, if not to the mind of the mod-
ern commentator, a suggestion in the claim of that verse of a depreciation of
the glory of Abraham, and just such a suggestion as might call for and occasion
the entire course of reasoning which fills this fourth chapter.
XXXVII. Ver. 1. κατὰ σάρκα.
The words κατὰ odpxa, whether we read εὑρηκέναι after ἡμῶν, with T. R. Meyer,
Godet, ete., or after ἐροῦμεν, with Tisch., Weiss, etc., are probably to be connected
with that verb (so Meyer, Weiss). The question considered in the next verses
is, not whether he gained anything, but whether he gained anything κατὰ σάρκα.
R. V. text makes according to the flesh qualify forefather. A. R. V. joins the
phrase with the verb. The text of Westcott and Hort omits εὑρηκέναι altogether,
with B and 47. The meaning, then, is, What shall we say of Abraham our
forefather according to the flesh? This text is recognized in R. V. marg.
XXXVIIT. Ver. 2. εἰ γάρ ᾿Αβραὰμ κ.τ.λ.
After all the discussion of this verse, and the various attempts made to ex-
plain it, the view of Calvin, Hodge, etc. seems to be the most satisfactory
that can be offered. The only serious objection to it is that which Meyer sug-
gests—that the words πρὸς θεόν occur only after ἀλλ᾽ οὐ, instead of being in-
serted after ἔχει καύχημα of the preceding clause. But when we consider that,
if this view be adopted, we have a simple and complete proof of the negative
answer which is suggested by ver. 1; that we have the O. T. argument for
the Pauline doctrine introduced, ina most natural way, as starting from the
question of that verse; and that the writer may have placed the words πρὸς
θεόν where they are, because the following verses were to direct attention to
God's accounting of faith as righteousness,—while they would easily be carried
back by the reader’s mind to the previous clause also, inasmuch as glorying
before God is manifestly in the line of thought,—this objection loses much of
its force, and must be regarded as overbalanced by the other considerations.
XXXIX. Ver. 3. ἐλογίσθη εἰς δικαιοσύνην.
The meaning of the phrase ἐλογίσθη εἰς δικαιοσύνην is rendered clear, (a) by
the passages in which Paul uses this verb (with εἰς) with reference to other
subjects than the one here under consideration, Rom. ii. 26, ix. 8 (οἵ, Acts
xix, 27) ; (Ὁ) by the passages in which he uses the same verb with ὡς, Rom.
vili. 86; 1 Cor. iv. 1. (cf. Rom. vi. 11, a kindred passage, although ὡς is
omitted) ; (c) by the passages in which the verb occurs, with either of the two
prepositions, in the LXX. (εἰς, 1 Kings i. 13; Job xli. 23; Ps. ev. 31; Isa.
RI 15 KO 10; ΧΙ 17: Iuam. iva 2: ΗΙῸΒ. νἷὖ ρ- ὡς θη. χΧεσὶ Ὁ: 90"
xli. 20; Ps. xliii. 22 ; Isa. v. 28, xxix. 16, xl. 15; Dan. iv. 32; Amos vi. 5); (d)
by kindred passages in the Apoc. books (with εἰς, Wisdom of Sol. ii. 16, ix. 6 ;
1 Mace. ii. 52—with ὡς, Eccl. xxix. 6). The comparison of these passages
NOTES. 178
proves, beyond reasonable doubt, that the phrases ἐλογίσθη εἰς and ἐλ. ὡς are sub-
stantially equivalent to each other. They differ only as our expressions : to
count a person for a wise man, and to count him asa wiseman. To urge, as
some have done, that εἰς σωτηρίαν, εἰς μετάνοιαν, ete., sometimes, in other con-
nections, mean, that they might be saved, etc., has no force. We have here a
peculiar phrase, used by many of the Scripture writers. They all employ it
with asingle and definite meaning. They never, when using it, give the telic
sense to the preposition. If they do not give it this sense where there isno
reference to the case of Abraham, the conclusion is irresistible that they do
not where there is such a reference. When Abraham believed, therefore—
such is the Apostle’s statement—his faith was reckoned to him by God for, i.e.
as if it were, actual righteousness. Faith is not-actual righteousness, but,
in view of the provision made by the grace of God for the forgiveness of sins,
it is accounted as if it were: compare ii. 26, where the uncircumcision of the
Gentile, in the supposed case, is reckoned as circumcision, though actually it
is not circumcision. Faith, in the Christian system, is thus accepted of God
in the place of the perfect righteousness which, on the legal method, was
required for justification ; and the man who believes is declared right before
the Divine tribunal—all obstacles on the governmental side having been
removed by the sacrifice of Christ (cf. 111. 24-26). It may be noticed, also,
that in no passage in Paul’s writings, or in other parts of the N. T. where
λογίζεσθαι εἰς, or the verb alone, is used, is there a declaration that anything
belonging to one person is imputed, accounted, or reckoned to another (the
use of the kindred verb éAAdya (Philem. 18) constituting no proper excep-
tion), or a formal statement that Christ’s righteousness is imputed to believers.
It is the believer's own faith—as it was in the case of Abraham—which is
reckoned to him.
XL. Ver. 5. λογίζεται---εἰς δικαιοσύνην.
The parallelism of vv. 4 and 5 would call for the words οὐ λογίζεται κατὰ
ὀφείλημα, ἀλλὰ κατὰ χάριν at the end of verse 5, instead of those which are found
there. The substitution of these latter words is easily accounted for as arising
from the inserted πιστεύοντι «,7.A., and also as designed to meet the thought of
the following verse ; and even more easily, on account of the fact that the sub-
stituted words carry with them, also, the idea of those whose place they fill.
XLI. Ver. 9. ὁ μακαρισμὸς οὗν οὗτος k.T.2.
The question suggested here is the one which naturally follows after the
preceding context. If justification is shown in the O. T. to be by faith,
because Abraham was thus justified, how far does it extend? Is it limited
to the circumcision, or does it reach out to the uncircumcision also? The
question is suitably put in this form, because Abraham was, in the course of
his life, in both conditions ; and it can be readily answered by noticing the
fact, that he is spoken of in the history as having had his faith accounted to
him for righteousness while he was yet uncircumcised. |
In the manner of introducing the question of this verse, a peculiarity of
Paul’s style may be observed. The allusion to David is not for the purpose of
bringing forward a second example, but only (as Meyer also says) to give a
confirmation from David’s words of what is established by the single example
176 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
of Abraham. This passage concerning David’s macarism, therefore, is paren-
thetical as related to the main line of thought. But here, as in other places in
his epistles, when the Apostle returns, at the end of the parenthesis, to the
direct course of the argument, he remains, in his phraseology, under the
influence of what he has just before been saying. A striking instance of this
may be seen in v. 18, 19, comp. with v. 15-17. Here it may be noticed in the
words μακαρισμὸς οὖν οὗτος.
XLII. Ver. 11. εἰς τὸ εἶναι αὐτὸν πατέρα, «.7.A.
In vv. 11, 12 we find a correspondence with Gal. iii. 7. The grammatical
connection with the immediately preceding context is different, indeed, in the
two passages, and consequently the presentation of the thought in its details is
also different. But the central point in relation to the reasoning is the same.
In both cases we have—in substance here, and formally in Gal.—the conclusion
which follows from the fact that Abraham was justified by faith. If he re-
ceived his justification by this means, all believers (whether Gentiles or Jews)
may likewise receive it. In Gal. this thought is expressed by saying that
those who have faith (and they only) are sons of Abraham ; in these verses,
by saying, that Abraham is the father of all who have faith.
XLITI. Ver. 12. ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς στοιχοῦσιν.
Westcott and Hort suppose τοῖς to be a ‘‘ primitive error [the original read-
ing not having been rightly preserved in any existing document] for αὐτοῖς."
Alford says, ‘‘ The inversion of the article appears to be in order tu bring out
more markedly” the two ideas—‘‘who are not only of ἐκ mepit., but also of
ototy.” Shedd, with a similar thought apparently, regards the second arti-
cle as employed for the purpose of more emphatically calling attention to the
added characteristic. Godet considers the first τοῖς as a pronoun, but the
second as a simple definite article: ‘‘those who are not only of the circum-
cision, but, at the same time, dhe (individuals) walking, οἷο. Weiss ed. Mey.
suggests that the true explanation may be in the fact, that here also, as in
ver, 11, the essential condition to a sharing in what Abraham had is a similar
faith to his—to those who are not only circumcised, but—also in this case,
only to those who walk, etc. Philippi says, ‘‘It is to be borne in mind that
negligences of expression occur in the most practised and correct writers.”’
rifford supposes that the Apostle himself, or his amanuensis, or one of the
earliest transcribers of the Epistle, inserted a superfiuous article. The expla-
nation of Godet appears fanciful, and is contrary to all the probabilities of the
case. That of Weiss involves, to say the least, a very unusual form of express-
ing the supposed idea. That of Alford and Shedd assumes an emphasis which
can hardly be proved to inhere in the repeated article. The Greeks did not,
apparently, adopt this course to secure emphasis, and it is doubtful whether
any such design on the part of the writer would have been suggested to the
reader’s mind by the repetition, The textual conjecture of Dr. Hort (W. & H.)
may be an ingenious one, but has no external support. It seems better to
hold, with Meyer, de Wette, etc., that the article is erroneously repeated, or, as
Winer and Philippi say, that there is here an instance of negligence of style.
The irregularity may, very probably, be explained in connection with the fact
that Paul was not writing, but dictating.
NOTES. aire
XLIV. Ver. 13. οὐ γὰρ διὰ νόμου ἡ ἐπαγγελία K.T.A.
At ver. 13 the thought—although, here again, the grammatical connection
and the manner of introducing the new point are different—turns to what in
the Epistle to the Galatians is presented in 111]. 8-10. The O. T. proof
for justification by faith, as founded on the case of Abraham, rests not
only upon the fact that he was justified in this way, but also upon the
peculiarity of the promise which was given tohim. The argument in Galatians
is this: The promise was a promise of blessing ; those who are of the law are
under a curse, and hence cannot be sharers in the blessing ; consequently the
men who receive the fulfilment of the promise must be believers, and only
believers. In the passage before us, it is changed somewhat by reason of the
exigencies of the context, but, in substance, it is the same. The promise is
here described in its relation to Abraham—that he should be heir of the
world ; in Galatians, in its relation to his believing successors—that all the
nations should be blessed in him. Of this promise it is said that it did not
come to Abraham through the law, but through faith, and the proof presented
is (like that in Galatians), that the law works toward a result opposite to the
one indicated in the promise— namely, toward wrath, and not blessing. The
experience of the fulfilment of the promise, therefore, could not be secured to
any—much less to all the true seed of Abraham (both Jews and Gentiles), if it
were attainable only through the law. On the other hand, it is and can be
made sure only through faith.
ΧΙ. Ver. 13. διὰ νόμου.
That νόμος, in vy. 138, 14, means the Mosaic law is evidenced, (a) by the fact
that, when the Apostle presents in ver. 15 the proof of the statement which he
makes respecting νόμος in ver. 14, he uses the words ὁ νόμος. In order to the
completeness of this proof, the two expressions must refer to the same thing ;
(b) by the parallelism, in its main thought, of this passage with Gal. iii.
8-10. The proof there offered (ver. 10) requires the same correspondence
between the two which is demanded here; (c) by the contrast, in the verses
which immediately follow, both here and in Galatians, between faith and the
law—where the reference is clearly to the law of Moses ; (d) by the fact that
in Gal. iii. 18—where a similar statement is found to that of ver. 14 here,
and νόμου is used—the preceding verse to which this statement is subordinate
has ὁ νόμος, and is in the midst of a surrounding context which deals especially
with the position and effect of that particular law which the Jews knew.
Meyer holds that νόμος of the last clause of ver. 15 also means the Mosaic
law—where the law is not, ete.—and this is very probably, though not certainly,
the true explanation. If, however, this be not the meaning, the peculiar form
of expression—with the negative—must be regarded as indicating the more
universal sense, where there is no law.
XLVI. Ver. 15. οὐδὲ παράβασις.
παράβασις, παραβάτης, and παραβαίνω, refer to that particular sort of sin or
wrong which consists in transgression of positive or revealed or written law. The
use of the first of these words here, therefore, shows that Paul certainly did
not mean by νόμος of this verse any law whatever, whether revealed law or the
law of nature, This view of the meaning has been held by some writers, but
178 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
is quite indefensible. ‘‘Transgression,’’in the Pauline language, always pre-
supposes the existence of revealed or positive law. The evidence respecting
the use of these words may be seen by examining the passages in which they
occur: παραβαίνω, Matt. xv. 2,3; Acts 1. 25; 2 John 9 (T. R.); παραβάτης,
Rom. ii. 25, 27; Gal. ii. 18 ; James ii. 9, 11; παράβασις, Rom. ii. 23, iv. 15, v.
Π1: ΘᾺ τὴν. 19): iam) in. 18. Elebiii2r πχ 10.
ΧΙ]. Ver. 19. οὐ κατενόησεν.
In opposition to the view of Meyer, who adopts οὐ, T. R. (see his critical
remarks at the beginning of the chapter), W. & H., Tisch., Treg., Weiss, Godet,
and others, omit it. Weiss ed. Mey. claims that Meyer’s explanation of the
negative μῇ before ἀσθενήσας, as being from the point of view of the subject, is
to be rejected because Abraham cannot be regarded as reflecting on the char-
acter of his faith, and that a rhetorical meiosis, such as is supposed by Mey,
Philippi, and others (following Theophylact), would certainly have been
expressed with οὐκ. The μῦ, he thinks, can only deny such an ἀσθενεῖν as
apparently would be necessarily united with karevinoev ; and hence he holds
that the οὐ before the last mentioned verb cannot have been in the original
text. As against Meyer’s view respecting μή Weiss seems to be correct, but it
is doubtful whether his own positive position can be maintained. Can we not,
with Winer, p. 486, account for μὴ (if we read οὐ κατενόησεν), as Introducing a
supposition or conception which is to be denied? Philippi claims, on the
other hand, that the od cannot be dispensed with, because the subjoined δέ
(ver. 20) would, in that case, have required the insertion of μέν after κατενόησεν.
Buttm. (p. 356), however, shows that while μέν would be demanded ina
classical writer, there is more looseness of usage in the case of Paul and the
other N. T. authors. The attempt to determine on absolute grounds that the
one or the other reading must, of necessity, be adopted seems to be vain, and
the question must be decided according to the probabilities of the case, both
external and internal. The external evidence undoubtedly favors the omission
of od. The internal argument is more evenly balanced, but the connection
with ver. 18, in which Abraham is represented as resting his belief upon hope
in God, where there seemed to be no ground for hope on the human side, and
the fact that Gen. xvii. 17 is the passage in the O. T. narrative to which the
language of the verse is most nearly conformed, may be regarded as, on the
whole, confirming the evidence of the oldest mss. If οὐ is omitted, μὴ ἀσθενῆσας
may be translated, with R. V. and Weiss, without being weakened [or weak] in
faith, or, perhaps better, with Buttm. (cf. Godet), not being weak, etc. —the clause,
as Godet expresses it, ‘‘ controlling all that follows,” as if a sort of negative cause.
The former rendering is exposed, in some degree, to the objection presented
by Meyer, that the clause thus becomes superfluous. He holds, however (see
his note), that this is the true rendering of the text, if read without οὐ, and
presents the objection as an argument against that text.
XLVIII. Ver. 20. εἰς δὲ τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν.
Tf οὐ is omitted before κατενόησεν, dé is to be explained as equivalent to on the
other hand, or yet; although he considered the facts which made the result
promised seem impossible, he yef was so far from wavering through unbelief,
that he was even strengthened, ete.
CHAP. V. 179
CHAPTER: Vc
Ver. 1. ἔχομεν] Lachm. (in the margin), Scholz, Fritzsche, and Tisch. (8) read
ἔχωμεν, following A B¥ C Ὁ K L δ, min., several vss. (including Syr. Vulg.
It.) and Fathers. But this reading,’ though very strongly attested, yields a
sense (lef us maintain peace with God) that is here utterly unsuitable ; because
the writer now enters ona new and important doctrinal topic, and an exhortation
at the very outset, especially regarding a subject not yet expressly spoken of,
would at this stage be out of place.'| Hence the ἔχομεν, sufficiently attested by
B** §** F G, most min., Syr. p. and some Fathers, is to be retained ; and the
subjunctive must be regarded as having arisen from misunderstanding, or
from the hortatory use of the passage. — Ver. 2. τῇ πίστει] wanting in BD EF
G, Aeth. It. ; omitted by Lachm. and Tisch. (7), as also by Ewald. Following
ver, 1, it is altogether superfluous ; but this very reason accounts for its omis-
sion, which secured the direct reference of εἰς τ. yap. ταύτ to mpooay. The gen-
uineness of τῇ πίστει is also attested by the reading ἐν τῇ πίστει (So Fritzsche)
in A 8** 93, and several Fathers, which points toa repetition of the final letters
of éoyjxawEN,—Ver. 6. After ἀσθενῶν preponderating witnesses have ἔτι, which
Griesb. Lachm. and Tisch. (8) have adopted. A misplacement of the ἔτι before
yap, because it was construed with ἀσθενῶν, along with which it came to be
written. Thus ἔτει came in twice, and the first was either mechanically allowed
to remain (A C D* δ), or there was substituted for it εἴγε (B), or εἰς τί (F G), or
εἰ yap. The misplacement of the ἔτε came to predominate, because a Church-
lesson began with Χριστός. -- - Ver. 8. ὁ Θεός, which a considerable number of
witnesses have before εἰς ἡμᾶς (so Tisch. 7) is wanting in B. But as the love
of Christ, not that of God, appeared from ver. 7 to be the subject of the dis-
course, ὁ Θεός was omitted. — Ver 11. καυχώμενοι] F G read καυχῶμεν ; L, min.,
and several Fathers καυχώμεθα. Also Vulg. It. Arm. Slav. express gloriamur,
An erroneous interpretation. See the exegetical remarks, — Ver. 12. The sec-
ond ὁ θάνατος is wanting in DE F G62, It. Syr. p. Aeth. and most Fathers, also
Aug. In Syr. with an asterisk; Arm. Chrys. Theodoret place it after διῆλθεν.
Tisch. (7) had omitted it. But as the word has preponderant testimony in its
favour, and as in order to the definiteness of the otherwise very definitely ex-
pressed sentence it cannot be dispensed with, if in both halves of ver, 12 the
relation of sin and death is, as is manifestly the design, to be expressly put for-
ward, ὁ θάνατος, omitted by Tisch., must be defended. Its omission may have
arisen from its apparent superfluousness, or from the similarity between the
final syllables of av@p6IIOYS and OavaTOS. — Ver. 14. μή] is wanting in 62, 63,
67**, Or. and others, codd. in Ruf, and Aug., and is declared by Ambrosiaster
1 This even, in opposition to the opinion vero non videtur.”? Hofmann also has not
of Tisch. (8), that on account of the weighty been able suitably to explain the ἔχωμεν
testimony in its favour ἔχωμεν cannot be which he defends. See the exegetical re-
rejected, ‘‘ nisi prorsus ineptum sit ; ineptum marks.
180 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
to be an interpolation. But it is certified partly by decisive testimony in its
favour ; partly by the undoubted genuineness of the cai; and partly because
the μή apparently contradicts the erroneously understood ἐφ᾽ © (in quo) πάντες
ἥμαρτον in ver. 12. See Reiche, Commentar. crit. I. p. 39 fi. — Ver. 16. ἁμαρτῆ-
σαντος] DE F 6, 26, 80, and several vss. and Fathers read ἁμαρτήματος, which
Griesb. recommended. A gloss occasioned by the antithesis ἐκ πολλ. wapar-
Twpatov. — Ver. 17. τῷ τοῦ ἑνὸς παραπτώματι] So also Lachm. and Tisch.
(8) following BC KL P 8, vss., and Fathers, But ἃ F ἃ read ἐν ἑνὶ παραπτ.,
Ὁ E ἐν τῷ ἑνὶ παραπτ. 47, Or. ἐν ἑνὸς παραπτ. The original reading was most prob-
ably the simplest, ἐν évi παραπτ., which, though not most strongly, is neverthe-
less sufficiently attested (also recommended by Griesb. and adopted by Tisch. (7),
because from it the rise of the other variations can be very naturally explained.
By way of more specific indication in some cases, the article was added (D E),
in others ἑνί was changed into ἑνός (47, Or.). But, seeing that in any case the
sense was quite the same as in the τῷ τοῦ ἑνὸς παραπτ. read in ver. 15, this was
at first written alongside asa parallel, and then taken into the text.
ConTENTS.—Paul has hitherto described the δικαιοσίνη ἐκ πίστεως in respect
of its necessity (i. 18-iii. 21); of its nature (111. 21-30); and of its relation
to the law (ili. 31-iv. 25). He now discusses the blessed assurance of salvation
secured for the present and the future to the δικαιωθέντες ἐκ πίστεως (ver. 1-11);
and then—in order clearly to exhibit the greatness and certainty of salvation
in Christ, more especially in its divine world-wide significance as the blissful
epoch-forming counterpart of the Adwmite ruin—he presents us with a de-
tailed parallel between this salvation and the misery which once came through
Adam (vv. 12-19), and was necessarily augmented through the law (vv. 20,
21).
Ver. 1.’ Οὖν draws an inference from the whole of the preceding section,
iii, 21—-iv. 25, and develops the argument in such a form that δικαιωθέντες,
following at once on διὰ τήν δικαίωσιν ἡμ., heads the sentence with triumph-
ant emphasis. What a blessed-asswrance of salvation is enjoyed by believers
in virtue of their justification which has taken place through faith, is now
to be more particularly set forth ; not however in the form of an exhortation
(Hofmann, in accordance with \the reading ἔχωμεν) ‘‘to let our relation to
God be one of peace” (through a life of faith), in which case the emphasis,
that obviously rests in the first instance on δικαίωθ. and then on εἰρήνην, is
taken to lie on διὰ τοῦ κυρίου iu. ᾽1. X. — εἰρήνην ἔχ. π. τ. Θεόν] [See Note
¢ XLIX. p. 220.] He who is justified is no longer in the position of one to
| whom God must be and is hostile (ἐχθρὸς Θεοῦ, ver. 9 f.), but on the con-
trary he has peace (not in a general sense contentment, satisfaction, as Th.
Schott thinks) in his relation to God. This is the peace which consists in
the known objective state of reconciliation, the opposite of the state in which
\one is subject to the divine wrath and the sensus irae. With justification
this peace ensues as its immediate and abiding result.? Hence δικαιωθέντες
. . ἔχομεν (comp. Acts ix. 31; John xvi. 83). And through Christ (διὰ
1 On vy. 1-8 see Winzer, Commentat. Lips. 1869, p. 3 ff.
1832. On the entire chapter St6lting, Bei- 2 Comp. Dorner, die Rechtfert. durch den
trage 2. Hxegese ἃ. Paul. Briefe, Gottingen, Glauben, p. 12 f.
CHAP. V., 2. 181
τοῦ κυρίου k.T.A.) as the εἰρηνοποιός is this pacem obtinere (Bremi, ad Isoer.
Archid. p. 111) procured ; a truth obvious indeed in itself, but which, in
consonance with the strength and fulness of the Apostle’s own believing ex-
perience, is very naturally again brought into special prominence here, in
order to connect, as it were, triumphantly with this objective cause of the
state of peace what we owe to it respecting the point in question, ver. 2.
There is thus the less necessity for joining διὰ τοῦ κυρίου x.t.A. with εἰρζνην
(Stélting); it belongs, like πρὸς τ. Θεόν, in accordance with the position of
ἔχομεν, to the latter word. — πρὸς (of the ethical relation, Bernhardy, p. 265),
as in Acts il. 47, xxiv. 16.1 It is not to be confounded with the divinely
wrought inward state of mental peace, which is denoted by εἰρήνη τοῦ Θεοῦ in
Phil. iv. 7; comp. Col. iii. 15. The latter is the subjective correlate of the
objective relation of the εἰρήνη, which we have πρὸς τὸν Θεόν; although in-
separably combined with the latter.
Ver. 2. A’ οὗ καὶ x.7.A.] Confirmation and more precise definition of the
preceding διὰ. . Ἴησου X. The καί does not merely append (Stélting),
but is rather the ‘‘also” of corresponding relation, giving prominence pre-
cisely to what had here an important practical bearing i.e. as proving the
previous διὰ κυρίου «.7.A. Comp. ix. 24; 1 Cor. iv. 5; Phil. iv. 10. The
climactic interpretation here (Kéllner: ‘‘a heightened form of stating the
merit of Christ ;’ comp. Riickert) is open to the objection that the προσαγωγὴ
εἰς τ. yap. is not something added to or higher than the εἰρήνη, but, on the
contrary, the fowndation of it. If we were to take καὶ. . . . καί ἴῃ the sense
‘“as well. . . . as” (Th. Schott, Hofmann), the two sentences, which are
not to be placed in special relation to iii. 23 would be made co-ordinate,
although the second is the consequence of that which is affirmed in the first.
—riv προσαγωγήν] the introduction,? Xen. Oyrop. vii. 5, 45 ; Thuc. i. 82, 2;
Plut. Mor. p. 1097 Εἰ, Lucian, Zeux. 6 ; and see alsoon Eph. 11. 18. Through
Christ we have had our introduction to the grace, etc., inasmuch as He
Himself (comp. 1 Pet. iii. 18) in virtue of His atoning sacrifice which re-
moves the wrath of God, has become our προσαγωγεύς, or, as Chrysostom
aptly expresses it, μακρὰν ὄντας προσήγαγε. In this case the preposition διά,
which corresponds with the διά in ver. 1, is fully warranted, because Christ
has brought us to grace in His capacity as the divinely appointed and di-
vinely given Mediator. Comp. Winer, p. 354 f. [E. T. 378 f.]. — Τὸ τ. προσαγ.
ἐσχήκ. belongs εἰς τ. χάριν ταύτην ; and τῇ πίστει, by means of faith, denotes the
1 Comp. Herodian, viii. 7, 8: ἀντι πολέμου
μὲν εἰρήνην ἔχοντες πρὸς ϑεούς. Plat. Pol. v.
p. 465 Β: εἰρήνην πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἱ ἄνδρες
ἄξουσιν ; Legg. xii. p. 955 B; Ale. 7. p. 107,
"D; Xenoph. and others.
2 Προσαγωγή ought not to be explained as
access (Vulg. accessum, and so most inter-
preters), but as leading towards, the mean-
ing which the word always has (even in
Eph. ii. 18, iii. 12). See Xen. ἐ.6.. τοὺς ἐμοὺς
φίλους δεομένους προσαγωγῆς. Polybius uses
it to express the bringing up of engines
against a besieged town, ix. 41, 1, xiv. 10,
9 ; comp. i. 48, 2; the bringing up of ships to
the shore, x. i. 6; the bringing of cattle into
the stall, xii. 4, 10. In Herod. ii. 58 also the
literal meaning is: a leading up, carrying
up in solemn procession. Tholuck and van
Hengel have rightly adopted the active
meaning in this verse (comp. Weber, vom
Zorne Gottes, p. 816); whilst Philippi, Um-
breit, Ewald, Hofmann (comp. Mehring)
abide by the rendering ‘ access.” Chrysos-
tom aptly observes on Eph. ii. 18: οὐ yap
ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν προσήλθομεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ
προσήχϑημεν.
189 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
subjective medium of τ. προσαγ. ἐσχήκαμεν. On the other hand, Oecumenius,
Bos, Wetstein, Michaelis, Reiche, Baumgarten-Crusius take τ. rpocaywy. ab-
solutely, in the sense of access to God (according to Reiche as a figurative
mode of expressing the beginning of grace), and εἰς τὴν yap. ταῦτ. as belong-
ing to τῇ πίστει. In that case we must supply after zpocoay. the words πρὸς
τ. Θεόν from ver. 1 (Eph. ii. 18, 111. 12) ; and we may with Bos and Michae-
lis explain προσαγωγή by the usage of courts, in accordance with which
access to the king was obtained through a rpocaywyetc, sequester (Lamprid.
in Alex. Sev. 4). But the whole of this reading is liable to the objection
that πίστις εἰς τὴν χάριν would be an expression without analogy in the N. T.
--- ἐσχήκαμεν] Not : habemus (Luther and many others), nor nacti sumus et
habemus (most modern interpreters, including Tholuck, Riickert, Winzer,
Ewald), but habuimus, namely, when we became Christians. So also de Wette,
Philippi, Maier, van Hengel, Hofmann. Comp. 2 Cor. i. 9, ii. 13, vil. 5.
The perfect realizes as present the possession formerly obtained, as in Plat.
Apol. p. 20 Ὁ, and-see Bernhardy, p. 879. --- εἰς τὴν yap. ταῦτ. The divine
grace of which the justified are partakers ἡ is conceived as a field of space, into
which they have had (ἐσχήκαμεν) introduction through Christ by means of
faith, and in which they now have (ἔχομεν) peace with God. — ἐν ἡ ἑστήκαμεν]
does not,refer to τῇ πίστει (Grotius), but to the nearest antecedent, τὴν χάριν,
which is also accompanied by the demonstrative : in which we stand. The
joyful consciousness of the present, that the possession of grace once en-
tered upon is permanent, suggested the word to the Apostle. Comp. 1 Cor.
xv. 1; 1 Pet. v. 12. —xat καυχώμεθα] [See Note L. p. 221.] may be regarded
as a continuation either of the last relative sentence (ἐν ἡ ἑστήκ., 80 van
Hengel, Ewald, Mehring, Stélting), or of the previous one (δ οὗ καὶ x.7.A.),
or of the principal sentence (εἰρήν. ἔχομεν). The last alone is suggested by
the context, because, as ver. 3 shows, a new and independent element in the
description of the blessed condition is introduced with kai καυχώμεβθα. ---
καυχᾶσθαι expresses not merely the idea of rejoicing, not merely ‘‘the inward
elevating consciousness, to which outward expression is not forbidden”
(Reiche), but rather the actual glorying, by which we praise ourselves as
privileged (‘‘ what the heart is full of, the mouth will utter”). Such is its
meaning in all cases. — On ἐπί, on the ground of, i.e. over, joined with kavy.,
comp. Ps. xlviii..6 ; Prov. xxv. 14; Wisd. xvii. 7 ;. Ecclus. xxx. 2. No
further example of this use is found in the N. T.? It is therefore unneces-
sary to isolate καυχώμεθα, so as to make ἐπ’ ελπίδι independent of it (iv. 18 ;
so van Hengel). Comp. on the contrary, the σεμνύνεσθαι ἐπί τινε frequent in
Greek authors. The variation of the prepositions, ἐπί and in ver. 3 ἐν, is
1 For to nothing else than the grace ex- ogy.—The demonstrative ταύτην implies
perienced in justification can εἰς τ. xap. τ. be
referred in accordance with the context
(δικαιωϑέντες)---ηαοῦ to the blessings of Chris-
tianity generally (Chrysostom and others,
including Flatt and Winzer; comp.
Riickert and Kéllner); not to the Gosped
(Fritzsche) ; and not to the εἰρήνη (Mehring,
Stolting), which would yield a tame tautol-
something of triumph. Compare Photius.
The joyful consciousness of the Apostle is
still full of the high blessing of grace,
which he has just expressed in the terms
δικαίωσις and δικαιωϑέντες.
2 But see Lycurgus in Beck. Anecd. 275, 4;
Diod. S. xvi. 70; and Kiihner, II. 1, p. 436.
CHAP. V., 3, 4. 188.
not to be imputed to any set purpose ; comp. on iii. 20 ; iii. 25 f. al. —The
δόξα τ. Θεοῦ is the glory of God, in which the members of the Messiah’s
kingdom shall hereafter participate. Comp. 1 Thess. ii. 12 ; John xvii. 22,
also viii. 17 ; Rev, xxi. 11 ; 1 John iii. 2 ; and see Weiss, bibl. Theol. Ὁ. 376.
The reading of the Vulg.: gloriae jfiliorum Dei, is a gloss that hits the right
sense. Reiche and Maier, following Luther and Grotius, take the genitive
as a genit. auctoris. But that God is the giver of the δόξα, is self-evident and
does not distinctively characterize it. Riickert urges here also his exposition
of iii. 23; comp. Ewald. But see on that passage. _Flatt takes it as the
approval of God (iii. 23), but the ἐλπίδι, pointing solely to the glorious future,
is decisive against this view. It is aptly explained by Melanchthon : ‘‘ quod
Deus sit nos gloria sua aeterna ornaturus, i.e. vita aeterna et communicatione
sui ipsius.”” ;
Vv. 3, 4.7 Οὐ μόνον δέ] 501]. καυχώμεθα ἐπ’ ἐλπίδι τῆς δόξης τ. Θεοῦ. --- ἐν ταῖς
θλίψ.7 of the tribulations (affecting us), as commonly in the N. T. ἐν is con-
nected with καυχᾶσθαι (ver. 11 ; 2 Cor. x. 15; Gal. vi. 13). Comp. Senec.
de prov. iv. 4: ‘‘gaudent magni viri rebus adversis non aliter quam fortes
milites bellis triumphant.” As to the ground of this Christian καύχησις, see
the sequel. On the thing itself, in which the believer’s victory over the
world makes itself apparent (viii. 35 ff.), comp. 2 Cor. xi. 30, xii. 9 ; Matt.
v. 10, 12 ; Acts v. 41; 1 Pet. iv. 12 1. Observe further, how with the joy-
ful assurance of ample experience the triumphant discourse proceeds from
the ἐλπὶς τῆς δόξης, as subject-matter of the καυχᾶσθαι, to the direct opposite
(ἐν ταῖς θλίψεσιν), which may be likewise matter of glorying. Others
(Gléckler, Baumgarten-Crusius, St6lting) erroneously render ἐν as in, which
the contrast, requiring the object, does not permit, since ἐν τ. 64. is not oppos-
ed to the ἐν ἡ in ver. 2. — ὑπομονῇν] endurance,* namely, in the Christian
faith and life. Comp. ii. 7 ; Matt. x. 22, xxiv. 13. Paul lays down the ἡ
θλίψις ὑπομ. κατεργάζ. unconditionally, because he is speaking of those who
have been justified ἐκ πίστεως, in whose case the reverse cannot take place
without sacrifice of their faith. — δοκιμήν] triedness, 2 Cor. ii. 9, viii. 2, ix.
13 ; Phil. ii. 22, ‘‘ quae ostendit fidem non esse simulatam, sed veram, vivam
et ardentem,” Melanchthon. ‘Triedness is produced through endurance (not
made known, as Reiche thinks) ; for whosoever does not endure thereby be-
comes ἀδόκιμος. There is here no inconsistency with Jamesi. 3. See Huther.
— ἐλπίδα) namely, τῆς δόξης τ. Θεοῦ, as is self-evident after ver. 2. _The hope,
it is true, already exists before the δοκιμῆ ; nevertheless, the more the Chris-
tian has become tried, the more also will hope (which the ἀδόκιμος loses) con-
1Seea climax of description, similar in
point of form in the Tractat. MW 9, 15
(see Surenh. III. 309): ‘‘ Providentia parit
alacritatem, alacritas, innocentiam, inno-
centia puritatem, puritas abstinentiam, ab-
stinentia sanctitatem, sanctitas modestiam,
modestia timorem, timor sceleris pieta-
tem, pietas spiritum sanctum, et spiritus
sanctus resurrectionem mortuorum.” In
contrast with this, how fervent, succinct,
and full of life is the climax in our passage !
For other chains of climactic succession,
see Vili. 29 ff., x. 14 ff. ; 2 Pet. i. 5 ff.
3 Examples of the usage (ver. 11, viii. 23,
ix. 10; 2 Cor. viii. 19) may be seen in Kypke,
II. p. 165 ; Vigerus. ed. Herm. Ὁ. 543; Heind.
and Stallb. ad Phaed. p. 107 B. Comp.
Legg. vi. p. 752 A; Men. p. 71 B.
3‘*In ratione bene considerata stabilis
et perpetua permansio,” Cic. de inv. li. 54,
184 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
sciously possess him. Comp. Jamesi. 12. Hope is therefore present, and
yet withal is produced by the emergence of the δοκιμή, just as faith may be
present, and yet be still further produced through something emerging
(John ii. 11).1— Observe further, how widely removed from all fanatical
pride in suffering is the reason assigned with conscious clearness for the
Christian καυχᾶσθαι ἐν ταῖς θλίψεσι in our passage. In it the ἐλπίς is uniformly
meant and designated as the highest subjective blessing of the justified person,
who is assured of the glorious consummation (not in ver. 3 f. as conduct and
only in ver. 2 as blessing, as Hofmann thinks).’
Ver. 5. Ἢ δὲ ἐλπίς] not, ‘‘ the hope thus established” (Oecumenius, Olshau-
sen, Stélting), but, in accordance with the analogy of the preceding ele-
ments, and without any excluding limitation, the hope (of glory), as such,
consequently the Christian hope. This deceives no one who has it. It is
self-evident, and the proof that follows gives information as to the fact, that
this is uttered in the consciousness and out of the inward assurance of real
living justification by faith.* — οὐ καταισχύνει] maketh not ashamed, i.e. ““ ha-
bet certissimum salutis (of the thing hoped for) exitum,” Calvin, as will be
shown at the judgment. ““ Spes erit res,” Bengel. Comp. ix. 33 ; Ecclus.
li. 10 ; Bar. vi. 39 ; Ps. xxii. 6. Comp. also Plat. Conv. p. 183 ἘΠ, λόγους
Polit. p. 268 Ὁ ; Dem. 314, 9. The expression
of triumphant certainty in the present is not to be removed by changing it
into the futwre (Hofmann, who would read καταισχυνει). --- ὅτι ἡ ἀγάπη τ. Θεοῦ
x.T.A.] Ground of ἡ δὲ ἐλπίς ob καταισχ. The divine love,‘ effectually present
in the heart through the Holy Spirit, is to the Christian consciousness of
faith the sure pledge that we do not hope in vain and so as to be put to
shame at last, but that God will on the contrary fulfil our hope. Θεοῦ is
the genitive of the subject ; the love of God to us (so most expositors follow-
ing Origen, Chrysostom, and Luther), not of the object : love to God (Theo-
doret, Augustine, Anselm, and others ; including Klee, Gléckler, Umbreit,
Hofmann, Stélting), which appears from ver. 8, as incorrect.* Comp. viii.
39 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 13. As respects the justified, the wrath of God has given
place to His Jove, which has its presence in them through the Spirit, its
dwelling and sphere of action in believing hearts ; and thus it is to them,
like the Spirit Himself, ἀῤῥαβών of the hoped-for δόξα, 2 Cor. i. 22, v. 5. —
ἐκκέχυται) Figure for abundant, living effective communication (Acts ii. 17,
x. 45). The idea of abundance is already implied in the sensuous image of
outpouring, but may also, as in Tit. iii. 6, be specially expressed.* — ἐν ταῖς
καρδίαις] denotes, in accordance with the expression of the completed fact,
the being spread abroad in the heart (motus in loco). Comp. LXX. Ps. xlv.
2. — διὰ πνεύματος κ.τ.λ.} Through the agency of the Spirit bestowed on us,
καὶ ὑποσχέσεις καταισχύνας.
1 Comp. Lipsius, Recht ογ 1 γεηρϑῖ., p. 207 f.
2 Comp. the ἡδεῖα ἐλπίς, Which ἀεὶ πάρεστι,
in contrast to the ζῆν μετὰ κακῆς ἐλπίδος in
Plato, Rep. p. 331 A.
3 Comp. Diisterdieck in the Jahrb. 7. D.
Th. 1870, p. 668 ff.
#As is well said by Calovius: ‘‘ quae
charitas effusa in nobis non qua inhaesionem
subjectivam, sed qua manifestationem et qua
éffectum vel sensu ejusdem in cordibus
nostris effusum.’? Comp. Melanchthon
(against Osiander).
5 Among Catholics this explanation of ac-
tive love was favoured by the doctrine of
the justitia infusa.
δ. Comp. generally Suicer, 7hes. I. p. 1075.
CHAP. V., 6. 185
who is the principle of the real self-communication of God, the divine love
is also poured out ii our hearts ; see viii. 15, 16 ; Gal. iv. 6.
Ver. 6. Objective actual proof of this ἀγάπῃ τ. Θεοῦ, which through the
Spirit fills our hear. Comp. as to the argument viii. 39. ‘‘ Mor Christ,
when we were yet wea, at the right time died for the wngodly.” -- - ἔτι] can in
no case belong to ἀπέθανε (Stdlting), but neither does it give occasion for
any conjecture (Fritzsche : 7 τί). Paul should perhaps have written : ἔτι
yap ὄντων qu. ἀσθενῶν Χριστός k.7.A., OF : Χριστὸς yap ὄντων ἡμῶν ἀσθενῶν ἔτι
k.t.A. (hence the second ἔτε in Lachmann) ; but amidst the collision of em-
phasis between ἔτε and the subject both present to his mind, he has ex-
pressed himself inexactly, so that now ἔτι seems to belong to Χριστός, and
yet in sense necessarily belongs, as in ver. 8, to ὄντων x.t.2.1 To get rid of this
irregularity, Seb. Schmid, Oeder, Koppe, and Flatt have taken ἔτει as insuper,
and that either in the sense of adeo (Koppe, also Schrader), which however
it never means, not even in Luke xiv. 26 ; or so that a “for further, for
moreover” (see Baeumlein, Partik. p. 119) introduces a second argument for ἡ
δὲ ἐλπὶς ov καταισχ. (Flatt, also Baumgarten-Crusius). Against this latter
construction ver. 8 is decisive, from which it is clear that vv. 6-8 are meant
to be nothing else than the proof of the ἀγάπη τ. Θεοῦ. On ἔτι itself, with the
imperfect participle in the sense of tune adhuc, comp. Ellendt, Lex. Soph. 1.
p- 698. It indicates the continued existence, which the earlier condition
still had.? — dvtav ἡμ. ἀσθενῶν] when we were still (ἔτι) without strength, still
had not the forces of the true spiritual life, which we could only receive
through the Holy Ghost. The sinfulness is purposely described as weakness
1 Comp. Plat. Rep. p. 503 E: ἔτι δὴ ὃ τότε
παρεῖμεν νῦν λέγομεν ; Ὁ. 863 D: οἱ δ᾽ ἔτι τούτων
μακροτέρους ἀποτείνουσι μισϑούς (Where ἔτι
ought to stand before μακρ.). Achill. Tat.
ν. 18 : ἐγὼ δὲ ἔτι coi ταῦτα γράφω παρϑένος, and
see Winer, p. 515 LE. T. 553). Buttmann,
neut. Gr. Ὁ. 333 f. [E. T. 389] ; and Fritzsche
in loc. Van Hengel decides in favour
of the reading with the double ἔτι (Gries-
bach, Lachmann, see the critical remarks) ;
he thinks that Paul had merely wished to
say: ἔτι yap X. κατὰ καιρ. ὑπ. ἀσεβ. ἀπέϑ., but
had in dictation for the sake of clearness
inserted after Χριστός the words ὄντων ἡμῶν
ἀσϑ. ἔτι. Mehring also follows Lachmann’s
reading. He thinks that Paul intended to
write, with emphatic repetition of the ἔτι:
ἔτι yap Χριστὸς, ἔτι ὑπὲρ ἀσεβῶν ἀπέϑανε, but
interrupted the sentence by the insertion
of ὄντων ἡμ. aod. Ewald, holding ei yap or
εἴγε to be the original (see critical remarks)
and then reading ἔτι after ἀσϑενῶν, finds in
ver. 9 the apodosis of ver. 6, and takes vv.
7,8 as a parenthesis. Comp. also Usteri,
Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 119. Th. Schott also follows
the reading εἰ yap (and after aod: ἔτι), but
finds the apodosis so early as ver. 6, by
supplying after aod. ἔτι : ἀπέϑανε ; whereas
Hofmann (in his Schriftbew. II. Ὁ. 347), fol-
lowing the same reading, like Ewald, made
ver. 9 fill the place of the apodosis, but now
prefers toread ἔτι at the beginning as well
as also after ἀσϑενῶν, and to punctuate
thus: ἔτι γ. Χριστὸς ὄντων ἡμῶν ἀσϑενῶν, ἔτι
κατὰ καιρὸν ὑπ. ἀσεβ. ἀπέϑ. With this read-
ing Hofmann thinks that the second ἔτι be-
gins the sentence anew, so that with
Χριστὸς ἀπέϑανεν an ἔτι stands twice, the
first referring to ὄντων ἡμῶν ἀσϑενῶν, and
the second to ὑπὲρ ἀσεβῶν. But itis self-
evident that thus the difficulty is only
doubled, because ἔτει would both times be
erroneously placed, which would yield, es-
pecially in the case of the second ἔτι, ἃ
strange and in fact intolerable confusion,
since there would stand just beside it a
definition of time (κατὰ καιρόν), to which
nevertheless the word elsewhere, so fre-
quently used with definitions of time, is
not intended to apply—a fact which is not
to be disguised by subtleties. Marcker
also would read ἔτι twice, but render the
first ἔτι ‘* moreover,’ which, however,
would be without reference in the text.
3 Baeumlein, p. 118; Schneider, ad Plat.
Rep. Ὁ. 449 Ο.
180 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
(need of help), in order to characterize it as the motive for the love ef God
interfering to save. The idea of disease (Theodoret : τῇ; ἀσεβείας περικειμένων
τὴν νόσον ; comp. Theophylact, Umbreit, and others), or that of minority
(van Hengel), is not suggested by anything in the context. — κατὰ καιρόν]
may either (1) be rendered according to the time, according to the nature of
the time, so that with Erasmus, Luther, Flacius, Castalio, Pareus, Seb.
Schmid, also Schrader and Th. Schott, it would have to be connected with
ἀσθ. ;1 or (2) it may belong to ὑπὲρ ἀσεβ. ἀπέθανε, and mean, in, accordance
with the context, either at the appointed time (Gal. iv. 4), as it is here taken
usually, also by de Wette, Tholuck, Philippi, Maier, Baumgarten-Crusius ;
or (3) at the proper time (see Kypke) ;? the same as ἐν καιρῷ, ἐς καιρόν, ἐπὶ
καιροῦ ; Phavorinus : κατὰ τὸν εὔκαιρον Kk. προσήκοντα καιρόν ; and so the bare
καιρόν (Bernhardy, p. 117), equivalent to καιρίως, the opposite of ἀπὸ καιροῦ
and παρὰ καιρόν. In the jirst case, however, x. x. would either assign to the
ἀσθ. an inappropriate excuse, which would not even be true, since the ἀσθένεια
has always obtained since the fall (ver. 13) ; or, if it was meant directly to
disparage the pre-Christian age (Flacius, ‘‘ ante omnem nostram pietatem,”
comp. Stélting and Hofmann), it would characterize it much too weakly.
In the second case an element not directly occasioned by the connection
(proof of God’s love) would present itself. Therefore the ἐν interpre-
tation alone : at the right time (so Ewald and van Hengel) is to be retained.
The death of Jesus for the ungodly took place at the proper season, because,
had it not taken place then, they would, instead of the divine grace, have
experienced the final righteous outbreak of divine wrath, seeing that the
time of the πάρεσις, 111. 25, and of the ἀνοχή of God had come to an end.
Comp. the idea of the πλήρωμα τῶν καιρῶν, Eph. i. 10; Gal. iv. 4. Now or
never was the time for saving the ἀσεβεῖς ; now or never was the καιρὸς δεκτός,
2 Cor. vi. 2; and God’s love did not suffer the right time for their salvation
to elapse, but sent Christ to die for them the sacrificial death of atonement. *
— ὑπέρ] for, for the benefit of *
the object of Christ’s death.
1Comp. Stdlting: “conformably to the
time,” i.e. as it was suitable for the time,
namely, the time of ungodliness. Similarly
Hofmann, ‘‘in consideration of the time,”
which was atime of godlessness, ‘* without
the fear of God on the part of individuals
making any change thereon.”
2 Comp. Pind. Jsthm. ii. 32; Herod. i. 30;
Lucian, Philops. 21; LXX. Is. lx. 22; Job v.
16 5 xxxix. 18; Jer. v. 24.
3 According to my former explanation of
the passage the meaning would be, that, if
Christ had appeared and died later, they
would have perished unredeemed in their
ἀσϑένεια, and would have had no share in
the act of atonement. But this view is un-
tenable; because Paul cannot have looked
on the divine proof of love, given in the re-
deeming death of Christ, otherwise than in
So in all passages where there is mention of
Luke xxii. 19, 20; Rom. viii. 32, xiv. 15; 1
a quite general light, 8.6. as given to all
mankind, as it appears everywhere in the
N. T. since John iii. 16. Comp. Philippi,
with whose view I now in substance con-
cur, although in κατὰ καιρόν, by explaining
it as ‘‘ seasonably,”’ I find more directly an
element of the dove, which the context pro-
poses to exhibit.
4 Comp. Eur. Ale. 701: μὴ ϑνῆσκ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦδ᾽
ἀνδρὸς οὐδ᾽ ἐγὼ πρὸ σοῦ, ph. A. 13889; Soph.
Trach. 705; Aj. 1290; Plat. Conv. p. 179 Β:
ἐϑελήσασα μόνη ὑπὲρ TOD αὑτῆς ἀνδρὸς ἀποϑα-
very; Dem. 690, 18; Xen. Cyr. vii. 4, 9 f.;
Isoer. iv. 77; Dio. Cass. xiv. 18; Ecclus.
XXix. 15: ἔδωκε yap THY ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ ὑπὲρ σοῦ ;
2 Mace. vi. 28, vii. 9, viii. 21; comp. also
Ignatius, σα Rom. 4: ὑπὲρ Θεοῦ ἀποϑνήσκω.
Comp. the compound ὑπερϑνήσκειν with
genit., so frequent especially in Euripides.
CHARS ὙΦ ἢ .8: 187
Cor, ts 9. (ΟΣ. γα 14s Gal. “anh isis) Ephs wis) 1 Whess. νον θ 10.5.1
Tim, ii. 6; Tit. ii. 14.1. That Paul did not intend by ὑπέρ to convey the
meaning instead of, is shown partly by the fact, that while he indeed some-
times exchanges it for the synonymous? περί (Gal. i. 4, like Matt. xxvi. 20 ;
Mark xiv. 25), he does not once use instead of it the unambiguous ἀντί
(Matt. xx. 28), which must nevertheless have suggested itself to him most
naturally ; and partly by the fact, that with ὑπέρ as well as with περί he
puts not invariably the genitive of the person, but sometimes that of the
thing (ἁμαρτιῶν), in which case it would be impossible to explain the prepo-
sition by instead of (viii. 3; 1 Cor. xv. 3). It is true that he has certainly
regarded the death of Jesus as an act furnishing the satisfactio vicaria, as is
clear from the fact that this bloody death was accounted by him as an expi-
atory sacrifice (iii. 25; Eph. v. 2; Steiger on 1 Pet. p. 342 f.), comp.
ἀντίλυτρον in 1 Tim. ii. 6 ; but in no passage has he expressed the substitu-
tionary relation through the preposition. On the contrary his constant con-
ception is this : the sacrificial death of Jesus, taking the place of the pun-
ishment of men, and satisfying divine justice, took place as such im com-
modum (ὑπέρ, περί) of men, or—which is the same thing—on account of their
sins (in gratiam), in order to expiate them (περί or ὑπὲρ ἁμαρτιῶν). This we
hold against Flatt, Olshausen, Winzer, Reithmayr, Bisping, who take ὑπέρ
as loco. That ὑπέρ must at least be understood as loco in Gal. iii. 13 ; 2 Cor.
v. 14 (notwithstanding ver. 15); 1 Pet. iii. 18 (Riickert, Fritzsche, Phi-
lippi), is not correct. See on Gal. 1.6. and 2 Cor. Jc. ; Philem. 13 is not
here a case in point. —dce3év] Paul did not write ἡμῶν, in order that after
the need of help (ἀσθενῶν) the unworthiness might also be made apparent ;
ἀσεβῶν is the category, to which the ἡμεῖς have belonged, and the strong ex-
pression (comp. iv. 5) is selected, in order now, through the contrast, to set
forth the more prominently the divine love in its very strength.
Vv. 7, 8. Illustrative description (γάρ) of this dying ὑπὲρ ἀσεβῶν as the
practical demonstration of the divine love (ver. 8). Observe the syllogistic
relation of ver. 8 to ver. 7 ; which is apparent through the emphatic ἑαυτοῦ.
— Scarce, namely, for a righteous man (not to mention for ἀσεβεῖς) will any one
die. This very contrast to the ἀσεβεῖς completely shuts out the neuter inter-
pretation of δικαίου (‘‘ pro re justa,” Melanchthon, comp. Olshausen, Jerome,
Erasmus, Annot., Luther). On account of the same contrast, consequently
because of the parallel between ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ and ὑπὲρ δικαίου, and because
the context generally has to do only with the dying for persons, τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ
also is to be taken not as neuter,* but as masculine ; and the article denotes
the definite ἀγαθός who is in question in the case concerned. Since, moreover,
an essential distinction between δίκαιος and ἀγαθός * is neither implied in the
1See also Ritschl in the Jahrb. fiir
Deutsche Theol. 1863, p. 242.
2 Bremi ad Dem. Οἱ. iii. 5, p. 188, Goth.
3 Koster also in the Stud. u. Kvrit. 1854, p.
312, has taken both words as neuter:
“hardly does one die for others for the
sake of their (mere) right; sooner at all
events for the sake of the manifestly good,
which they have.”
4 Comp. on the contrary Matt. v. 45;
further, ἀνὴρ ἀγαϑὺὸς x. δίκαιος in Luke xxiii.
50; ἡ ἐντολὴ ἁγία x. δικαία x, ayady in Rom,
Vii. 12; ὃ δίκαιος ἡμῖν ἀναπέφανται ὧν ἀγαϑός
τε καὶ σοφός, Aesch. Sept. 576; Eur. Hipp.
427 ; Thes. fr. viii. 2.
188 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
context, where on the contrary the contrast to both is ἀσεβῶν and ἁμαρτωλῶν,
nor is in the least hinted at by Paul, no explanation is admissible that is
based on an essential difference of idea in the two words ; such as that τοῦ
ἀγαθοῦ should be held to express something different from or higher than
Jixaiov. Therefore the following is the only explanation that presents itself
as comformable to the words and context: After Paul has said that one
will hardly die for a righteous man, he wishes to add, by way of confirma-
tion (γάρ), that cases of the undertaking such a death might possibly occur, and
expresses this in the form : for perhaps for the good man one even takes it wpon
him to die. Thus the previously asserted ὑπὲρ δικαίου τις ἀποθανεῖται, although
one assents to it viv et aegre, is yet said with reason,—it may perhaps occur.
Paul has not however written τοῦ δικαίου in the second clause of the verse,
as he might have done, but introduces τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ, and prefixes it, In order
now to make still more apparent, in the interest of the contrast, the category
of the quality of the person for whom one may perhaps venture this self-
sacrifice. This is substantially the view arrived at by Chrysostom, Theodoret,
Theophylact, Erasmus, in the Paraphr., Beza, Calvin (‘‘rarissimum sane
inter homines exemplum exstat, ut pro justo mori quis sustineat guamquam
allud nonnunquam accidere possit”), Castalio, Calovius, and others ; recently
again by Fritzsche (also Oltramare and Reithmayr) ; formerly also by Hof-
mann (in his Schriftbew. 11. 1, p. 348). It has been wrongly alleged that it
makes the second half of the verse superfluous (de Wette) and weakening
_ (K6lner and Riickert) ; on the contrary, in granting what may certainly
' now and again occur, it the more emphatically paves the way for the con-
trast which is to follow, that God has caused Christ to die for quite other
persons than the δικαίους and ayaotc—for us sinners. Groundless also is the
objection (of van Hengel), that in Paul’s writings the repeated τὶς always
denotes different subjects ; the indefinite ric, one, any one, may indeed even
here represent in the concrete application different subjects or the same.
Comp. 2 Cor. xi. 20. And, evenif δικαίου and τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ be regarded as two
distinct conceptions, may not the second ric be the same with the first ? But
the perfect accordance with the words and context, which is only found in
the exposition offered, shuts out every other. Among the explanations thus
excluded, are: (1) Those which take τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ as neuter, like the render-
ing of Jerome, Erasmus, Annot. (‘‘bonitatem”), Luther, Melanchthon (‘‘ pro
bona et suavi re, i.e. incitati cupiditate aut opinione magnae utilitatis”),
and more recently Riickert (‘‘for the good, i.e. for what he calls his highest
good”), Mehring (‘‘ for for his own advantage some one perhaps risks even life”) ;
now also Hofmann (‘‘ what is én itself and really good... . a moral value,
for which, when it is endangered, one sacrifices life, in order not to let it
perish”’). — (2) Those explanations which indeed take τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ properly as
masculine, but yet give self-invented distinctions of idea in reference to
δικαίου : namely (a), the exposition, that ὁ ἀγαθός means the benefactor : hardly
does any one die for a righteous man (who stands in no closer relation to him) ;
Sor for his benefactor one dares perchance (out of gratitude) to die. So Flacius,’
1 Clav. I. Ὁ: 693. ‘* Vix accidit, ut quis eo tamen, gué alicut valde est utilis, forsitan
suam vitam profundat pro justissimis ; pro mori non recuset.”’
CHAPS γον co 189
Knatchbull, Estius, Hammond, Clericus, Heumann, Wolf, and others ; in-
cluding Koppe, Tholuck, Winer, Benecke, Reiche, Gliéckler, Krehl, Maier,
Umbreit, Bisping, Lechler, and Jatho. They take the article with ἀγαθοῦ
as: the benefactor whom he has, against which nothing can be objected
(Bernhardy, p. 315). But we may object that we cannot at all see why
Paul should not have expressed benefactor by the very current and definite
term εὐεργέτης ; and that ἀγαθός must have obtained the specific sense of be-
neficence (as in Matt. xx. 15 ; Xen. Cyr. iii. 3, 4, al. ap. Dorvill. ad Charit.
p. 722; and Tholuck 7x loc. from the context—a want, which the mere ar-
ticle cannot supply (in opposition to Reiche). Hence, in order to gain for
ἀγαθός the sense beneficent in keeping with the context, δίκαιος would have to
be taken in the narrower sense as just (with Wetstein and Olshausen), so as
to yield a climax from the just man to the benevolent (who renders more than
the mere obligation of right binds him to do).’ But in ver. 8 there is no
reference to ἀγαθός in the sense assumed ; and the narrower sense of δίκαιος
is at variance with the contrasting ἁμαρτωλῶν in ver. 8, which demands for
dix precisely the wider meaning (righteous). Besides the prominence which
Paul intends to give to the love of God, which caused Christ to die for sin-
ners, while a man hardly dies for a δίκαιος, is weakened just in proportion
as the sense of δίκαιος is narrowed. The whole interpretation is a forced
one, inconsistent with the undefined τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ itself as well as with the en-
tire context. — (ὦ) No better are the explanations which find in τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ
a greater degree of morality than in δικαίου, consequently a man more worthy
of haying life sacrificed for him. So, but with what varied distinctions !
especially Ambrosiaster (the δίκαιος is such ezercitio, the ἀγαθός natura), Ben-
gel (dix. homo innowius, ὁ ἀγαθός, omnibus pietatis numeris absolutus. ... Vv. δ.
pater patriae), Michaelis, Olshausen, K6llner (δέκ. : legally just, ἀγαθ. : per-
fectly good and upright), de Wette dix. : irreproachable, aya. : the noble),
Philippi and Th. Schott (both substantially agreeing with de Wette),
also van Hengel (dix. : probus coram Deo, i.e. venerabilis, dya9. : bonus in
hominum oculis, i.e. amabilis), and Ewald, according to whom δέκ. is he
‘‘who, in a definite case accused unto death, is nevertheless innocent in
that particular case,” while the ἀγαθός is “πο, who not only in one such in-
dividual suit, but predominantly in his whole life, is purely useful to others
and guiltless in himself 1.) 5 comp. St6lting, who finds in dix. the honest up-
right man, and in ἀγαθός him whom we personally esteem and love. But all
these distinctions of idea are artificially created and brought in without any
hint from the context.* — On τάχα, fortasse, perhaps indeed, expressing possi-
1 An apt illustration of this would be
Cicero, de off. iii. 15: “51 vir bonus is est,
ff., also rightly recognizes this; but ex-
plains the second half, contrary to the
qui prodest quibus potest, nocet nemini,
recte justum virum, bonwm non facile re-
periemus.”
2 Ewald supposes an allusion to cases like
these in 1 Sam. xiv. 45, xx. 17; but that it is
also possible, that Paul might have in view
Gentile examples that were known to him-
self and the readers.
3 Kunze, in the Stud. u. Krit. 1850, p. 407
words, as if the proposition were expressed
conditionally (εἰ καί), ‘for if even some one
lightly ventures to die for the good man,
still however God proves his love,” ete.
Comp. Erasm. Paraphr.—Miircker explains
itin the sense of one friend dying for an-
other ; and suggests that Paul was thinking
of the example of Damon and Pythias.
190 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
bility not without doubt, comp. Xen. Anab. v. 2, 17; Philem. 15 ; Wisd.
xiii. 6, xiv. 19. In classic authors most frequently τάχ᾽ ἄν. --- καὶ τολμᾷ]
etiam sustinet, he has even the courage,’ can prevail upon himself, audet. The
καί is the also of the corresponding relation. In presence of the good man,
he ventures also to die for him. — We may add, that the words from ὑπὲρ yap
τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ down to ἀποθανεῖν are not to be put (with Lachmann) in a paren-
thesis, since, though they form only a subordinate confirmatory clause, they
cause no interruption in the construction. — Ver. 8. δέ] Not antithetical
(‘‘such are men, but such is God,” Mehring), as if the sentence began with
ὁ δὲ Θεός, but rather carrying it onward, namely, to the middle term of the
syllogism (the minor proposition), from which then the conclusion, ver. 9,
is designed to result. — συνίστησι] proves, as in iii. 5. The accomplished fact
of the atoning death is conceived according to its abiding effect of setting
forth clearly the divine love ; hence the present. The emphasis indeed -
lies in the first instance on συνίστησι (for from this proof as such a further
inference is then to be drawn), but passes on strengthened to τὴν ἑαυτοῦ be-
cause it must be God’s own love, authenticating itself in the death of Christ,
that gives us the assurance to be expressed in ver. 9. God Himself, out of
His love for men, has given Christ to a death of atonement ; iii. 24, viii.
32; Eph. ii. 4 ; 2 Thess. 11, 16 ; John 11. 16 ; 1 John iv. 10e¢ al. To find
in τ. ἑαυτοῦ ἀγαπ. the contrast to owr love towards God (Hofmann ; comp.
on ver. 5) is quite opposed to the context, which exhibits the divine demon-
stration of love in Christ’s deed of love. That is the clear relation of ver.
8 to ver. 6 f., from which then the blessed inference is drawn in ver. 9.
Hence we are not to begin a new connection with συνίστησι δέ κ.τ.λ. (Hofmann,
‘*God lets us know, and gives us to experience that He loves us ; and this
He does, because Christ,” etc.). The ὅτε cannot be the motive of God for His
συνίστησι K.T.A., since He has already given Christ out of love ; it is meant on
the contrary to specify the actual ground of the knowledge of the divine proof
of love (=ei¢ ἐκεῖνο, ὅτι, comp. on 2 Cor. i. 18 ; John ii. 18). --- εἰς ἡμᾶς]
belongs to ovvior. — ἔτι ἁμαρτ. ὄντ. ἡμ.} For only through the atoning death
of Christ have we become δικαιωθέντες. See ver. 9.
Ver. 9. To prove that hope maketh not ashamed (ver. 5), Paul had laid
stress on the possession of the divine love in the heart (ver. 5) ; then he had
proved and characterized this divine love itself from the death of Christ
(vv. 6-8) ; and he now again infers, from this divine display of love, from
the death of Christ, that the hoped-for eternal salvation is all the more as- ~
sured to us. — πολλῷ οὖν μᾶλλον] The conclusion does not proceed a minori ad
majus (Estius and many, including Mehring), but, since the point now turns
on the carrying out of the divine act of atonement, ὦ majori (vv. 6-8) ad
minus (ver. 9). — πολλῷ μᾶλλον] expresses the enhancement of certainty, as
in vv. 15-17 : much less therefore can it be doubted that, etc. ; viv stands in
reference to ἔτε ἁμαρτωλῶν ὄντων ἡμῶν in ver. 8. — σωθησόμεθα ἀπὸ τ. ὀργῆς] we
shall be rescued from the divine wrath (1 Thess. i. 10 ; comp. Matt. iii. 7),
1 Respecting τολμᾶν see Wetstein, who Stallbaum, ad Plat. Rep. p. 360 B; Monk,
properly defines it: “ quidpiam grave in ad Hur. Alc. 284; Jacobs in Addit. ad Athen.
animum inducere et sibiimperare.’”’ Comp. p. 309 f.
CHAP. V., 10. 191
so that the latter, which issues forth at the last judgment (ii. 5, iii. 5), does
not affect us. Comp. Winer, p. 577 [E. T. 621] ; Acts ii. 40. This negative
expression for the attainment of the hoped-for δόξα renders the inference
more obvious and convincing. For the positive expression see 2 Tim. iv.
18, — δέ αὐτοῦ] 1.6. through the operation of the exalted Christ, ἐν τῇ ζωῇ
αὐτοῦ, ver. 10. — Faith, as the ληπτικόν of justification, is understood as a
matter of course (ver. 1), but is not mentioned here, because only what has
been accomplished by God through Christ is taken into consideration. If
faith were in the judgment of God the anticipation of moral perfection (but
see note on i. 17), least of all could it have been left unmentioned. Observe
also how Paul has justification in view asa wnity, without different degrees
or stages.
Ver. 10. More special development (yap, namely) of ver. 9. — ἐχθροί]
namely, of God, as is clear from κατηλλ. τῷ Θεῷ. But it is not to be taken in
an active sense (hostile to God, as by Riickert, Baur, Reithmayr, van Hengel,
‘Mehring, Ritschl in the Jahrb. f. Deutsche Theol. 1868, p. 515 f. ; Weber,
com Zorne Gottes, p. 293, and others ; for Christ’s death did not remove the
enmity of men against God, but, as that which procured their pardon on
the part of God, it did away with the enmity of God against men, and there-
upon the cessation of the enmity of men towards God ensued as the moral
consequence brought about by faith. And, with that active conception,
how could Paul properly have inferred his 70/4 μᾶλλον x.t.2., since in point
of fact the certainty of the σωθησόμεθα is based on our standing in friendship
(grace) with God, and not on our being friendly towards God ? Hence the +
passive explanation alone is correct (Calvin and others, including Reiche,
Fritzsche, Tholuck, Kreh, Baumgarten-Crusius, de Wette, Philippi, Hof-
mann : enemies of God, i.e. those against whom the holy θεοσεχθρία, the ὀργῇ
of God on account of sin, is directed ; θεοστυγεῖς, i. 80 3 τέκνα ὀργῆς, Eph. ii.
3. Comp. xi. 28; and see on Col. i. 21.’ This does not contradict the
ἀγάπη Θεοῦ praised in ver. 8 (as Riickert objects), since the very arrange-
ment, which God made by the death of Jesus for abandoning His enmity
against sinful men without detriment to His holiness, was the highest proof
of His love for us (not for our sins). — Consequently κατηλλάγημεν and
καταλλαγέντες must also be taken not actively, but passively : reconciled with
God, so that He is no longer hostile towards us, but has on the contrary, on
account of the death of His (beloved) Son, abandoned His wrath against
us, and we, on the other hand, have become partakers in His grace and’
favour ; for the positive assertion (comp. ver. 1 f.), which is applicable to all
believing individuals (ver. 8), must not be weakened into the negative and
general conception ‘‘ that Christians have not God against them” (Hofmann).
See on Col. i. 21 and on 2 Cor. v. 18. Tittmann’s distinction between
διαλλάττειν and καταλλάττειν (see on Matt. v. 24) is as arbitrary as that of
Mehring, who makes the former denote the outward and the latter the in-
ward reconciliation.* — ἐν τῇ ζωῇ αὐτοῦ) by His life ; more precise specification
. 1 Comp. Pfleiderer in Hilgenfeld’s Zeit- 2 Against this view, comp. also Philippi’s
schr. 1872, p. 182. Glaubenslehre, Il. 2, p. 270 ff.
.
192 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
of the import of δ αὐτοῦ in ver. 9 ; therefore not ‘‘cum vitae ejus simus
participes” (van Hengel, comp. Ewald). The death of Jesus effected our
reconciliation ; ali the less can His exalted 7ife leave our deliverance unfin-
ished. The living Christ cannot leave what His death effected without final
success. This however is accomplished not merely through His intercession,
viii. 84 (Fritzsche, Baumgarten-Crusius), but also through His whole work-
ing in His kingly office for His believers up to the completion of His work
and kingdom, 1 Cor. xv. 22 ff.
Ver. 11. Οὐ μόνον δέ] Since καυχώμενοι cannot stand for the finite tense (as,
following Luther, Beza, and others, Tholuck and Philippi still would have
it) ov μόνον dé cannot be supplemented by σωθησόμεθα (Fritzsche, Krehl,
Reithmayr, Winer, p. 329, 543 [E. T. 351, 583], following Chrysostom), so
as to make Paul say : we shall be not only saved (actually in itself), but also
saved in such a way that we glory, etc. Moreover, the present καυχᾶσθαι
could not supply any modal definition at all of the future σωθησόμεθα. No,
the participle καυχώμ. compels us to conceive as supplied to the elliptical οὐ
μόνον dé (comp. on ver. 3) the previous participle καταλλαγέντες (Koller,
Baumgarten-Crusius, Hofmann ; formerly also Fritzsche) ; every other ex-
pedient is arbitrary. This supplement however, according to which the
two participles answer to each other, is confirmed by the concluding refrain :
dv ov νῦν τ. καταλλ. ἐλάβ., which is an echo of the καταλλαγέντες understood
with οὐ μόνον δέ. Accordingly we must render : not merely however as recon-
ciled, but also as those who glory, etc. Thus the meaning is brought out,
that the certainty of the σωθήσεσθαι ἐν τ. ζωῇ αὐτοῦ (ver. 10) is not only based
on the objective ground of the accomplished reconciliation, but has also
subjectively its corresponding vital expression in the καυχᾶσθαι ἐν τῷ θεᾷ
x.T.A., in which the lofty feeling of the Christian’s salvation reveals itself.—
ἐν τῷ Θεῷ] Luther’s gloss is apt: ‘‘that God is ours, and we are His, and
that we have in all confidence all blessings in common from Him and with
Him.” That is the bold and joyful triwmph of those sure of salvation. —
διὰ τ. κυρίου κ.τ.2.1] This glorying is brought about through Christ, because
He is the author of our new relation to God ; hence: dv οὗ viv τ. καταλλ.
ἐλάβ. The latter is that κατηλλάγημεν of ver. 10 in its subjective reception
which has taken place by faith. —viv is to be taken here (differently from
ver. 9) in contrast, not to pre-Christian times (Stélting), but to the future
glory, in reference to which the reconciliation received in the present time
(continuing from the conversion of the subjects of it to Christ) is conceived
as its actual ground of certainty.
Vv. 12-19. Parallel drawn between the salvation in Christ and the ruin that
has come through Adam. {See Note LI. p. 221.] — πἰπὼν, ὅτι ἐδικαίωσεν ἡμᾶς ὁ
Χριστὸς, ἀνατρέχει ἐπὶ τὴν pilav τοῦ κακοῦ, τὴν ἁμαρτίαν καὶ τὸν θάνα-
1 Most arbitrary of all is the view of Meh-
ring, that ov μόνον δέ refers back to ἐν τῇ
ζωῇ αὐτοῦ ; and that Paul would say: not
merely on the /ife of Christ do we place our
hope, but also onthe fact that we now
glory in our unity with God(?). Th. Schott
refers it to σωϑησόμεϑα, but seeks to make
καυχώμενοι Suitable by referring it to the
entire time, in which the salvation is still
future, as if therefore Paul had written:
οὐ μόνον δέ σωϑησόμεϑα, ἀλλὰ καὶ νῦν, OF ἐν TO
νῦν καιρῷ καυχώμεϑα.
s
ΘΈΓΑΙΡ. V.,, 19. 199
τον, καὶ δείκνυσιν ὅτε ταῦτα τὰ dbo δ ἑνὸς ἀνθρώπου, τοῦ Addu, εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸν
κόσμον. . . . . καὶ αὖ de ἑνὸς ἀνῃρέθησαν ἀνθρώπου, τοῦ Χριστοῦ, Theophylact ;
comp. Chrysostom, who compares the Apostle here with the physician who
penetrates to the sowrce-of the evil. Thus the perfect objectivity of the sal-
vation, which man has simply to receive, but in no way to earn, and of
which the Apostle has been treating since chap. i. 17, is, by way of a grand
conclusion for the section, set forth afresh in fullest light, and represented
in its deepest and most comprehensive connection with the history of the
world. The whole μυστήριον of the divine plan of salvation and its history
is still to be unfolded before the eyes of the reader ere the moral results
that are associated with it are developed in chap. vi.
Ver. 12." Διὰ τοῦτο] Therefore, because, namely, we have received through
Christ the καταλλαγή and the assurance of eternal salvation, ver. 11. The
assumption that it refers back to the whole discussion from chap. i. 17
(held by many, including Tholuck, Riickert, Reiche, Kéllner, Holsten,
Picard) is the more unnecessary, the more naturally the idea of the καταλ-
λαγή itself, just treated of, served to suggest the parallel between Adam
and Christ, and the δέ οὗ τὴν καταλλαγὴν ἐλάβομεν in point of fact contains
the summary of the whole doctrine of righteousness and salvation from i.
17 onward ; consequently there is no ground whatever for departing, as to
διὰ τοῦτο, from the connection with what immediately precedes.? This re-
mark also applies in opposition to Hofmann (comp. Stélting and Dietzsch),
who refers it back to the entire train of ideas embraced in vv. 2-11. A re-
capitulation of this is indeed given in the grand concluding thought of
ver. 11, that it is Christ to whom we owe the reconciliation. But Hofmann
quite arbitrarily supposes Paul in διὰ τοῦτο to have had in view an evhorta-
tion to think of Christ conformably to the comparison with Adam, but to
have got no further than this comparison. — ὥσπερ] There is here an ἀναντα-
πόδοτον as in Matt. xxv. 14 ; and 1 Tim. i. 3. The comparison alone is ex-
pressed, but not the thing compared, which was to have followed in an
apodosis corresponding to the ὥσπερ. The illustration, namely, introduced
in vv. 13, 14 of the ἐφ᾽ ¢ πάντες ἥμαρτον now rendered it impossible to add
the second half of the comparison syntactically belonging to the ὥσπερ, and
1 See Schott (on vv. 12-14) in his Opusc. I.
p. 313 ff. ; Borg, Diss. 1839 ; Finkhin the Τ᾽.
Zeitschr. 1830, 1, p. 126 ff. ; Schmid in the
same, 4, p. 161 ff.; Rothe, newer Versuch 6.
Auslegung d. paul. Stelle Rom. v. 12-21,
Wittemb. 1836; J. Miiller, v. ἃ. Svinde, II. p.
481, ed. 5; Aberle in the ¢heol. Quartalschr.
1854, Ὁ. 455 ff.; Ewald, Adam τι. Christus
Rom. vy. 12-21, in the Jahrb. 7. bibl. Wis-
sensch. II. p. 166 ff. ; Picard, Hssai exégét. sur
Tom. vy. 12 ff. Strassb. 1861; Hofmann,
Schriftbew. I. Ὁ. 526 ff.; Ernesti, Urspr. d.
Stinde, Il. Ὁ. 184 ff.; Holsten, z. Hv. ἃ. Paul.
u. Petr. p. 412 ff. ; Stdlting, Zc. p. 19 ff. ;
Kloépper in the Stud. u. Krit. 1869, p. 496 ff. ;
Dietzsch, Adam u. Christus Rom. v. 12 ff.,
Bonn 1871. Compare also Lechler’s apost.
Zeit. p. 102 ff.
3 The close junction with yer. 11 is main-
tained also by Klépper, who unsuitably
however defines the aim of the section, vy.
12-21, to be, to guard the readers against ἃ
timid littleness of faith, as though, notwith-
standing justification, they were still with
reference to the future of judgment not
sure and certain of escaping the divine
wrath ; a timid mind might see in the tribu-
lations anticipations of that wrath, ete.
But how far does the entire confession of
vy. 1-11 stand elevated above all such little-
ness of faith! In the whole connection
this finds no place whatever, and receives
therefore in vy. 12-21 not the slightest men-.
tion or reference.
194 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
therefore the Apostle, driven on by the rushing flow of ideas to this point,
from which he can no longer revert to the construction with which he
started, has no hesitation in dropping the latter (comp. generally Buttmann’s
neut. Gr. p. 331 [E. T. 386] ; Kiihner, II. 2, p. 1097), and in subsequently
bringing in mere/y the main tenor of what is wanting by the relative clause
attached to ’Addéu: ὅς ἐστι τύπος τοῦ μέλλοντος in ver. 14. This ὅς. ...
μέλλ. 18 consequently the substitute for the omitted apodosis, which, had it
not been supplanted by vv. 13, 14, would have run somewhat thus : so also_
through one man has come righteousness, and through righteousness life, and 80
life has come to all. Calvin, Flacius, Tholuck, Kéllner, Baur, Philippi,
Stdlting, Mangold, Rothe (who however without due ground regards the
breaking off as intended from the outset, in order to avoid sanctioning the
Apokatastasis) find in ὅς ἐστι τύπ. τ. μέλλ., in ver. 14, the resumption and
closing of the comparison,’ not of course in form, but in substance ; com-
pare also Melanchthon. According to Riickert, Fritzsche (in his commen-
tary), and de Wette, Paul has come, after vv. 13, 14, to reflect that the,
comparison begun involved not merely agreement but also diserepancy, and
has accordingly turned aside from the apodosis, which must necessarily
have expressed the equivalence, and inserted instead of it the opposition in
ver. 15. This view is at variance with the entire character of the section,
which indeed bears quite especially the stamp of most careful and acute
premeditation, but shows no signs of Paul’s having been led in the progress
of his thought to the opposite of what he had started with. According to
Mehring, ver. 15, following vv. 13, 14 (which he parenthesises) is meant to
complete the comparison introduced in ver. 12, ver. 15 being thus taken
interrogatively. Against this view, even apart from the inappropriateness
of taking it as a question, the ἀλλ᾽ in ver. 15 is decisive. Winer, p. 503
[E. T. 570] (comp. Fritzsche’s Conject. p. 49), finds the epanorthosis in
πολλῷ μᾶλλον, ver. 15, which is inadmissible, because with ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ in ver.
15 there is introduced the antithetical element, consequently something else
than the affirmative parallel begun in ver. 19. Others have thought that
vv. 13-17 form a parenthesis, so that in ver. 18 the first half of the compar-
ison is resumed, and the second now at length added (Cajetanus, Erasmus,
Schmid, Grotius, Bengel, Wetstein, Heumann, Ch. Schmid, Flatt, and
Reiche). Against this view may be urged not only the unprecedented
length, but still more the contents of the supposed parenthesis, which in
fact already comprehends in itself the parallel under every aspect. In ver.
18 f. we have recapitulation, but not resumption. This much applies also
against Olshausen and Ewald. Others again have held that ver. 12 contains
the protasis and the apodosis completely, taking the latter to begin either
with καὶ οὕτως (Clericus, Wolf, Gléckler), or even with καὶ διά (Erasmus,
Beza, Benecke), both of which views however are at variance with the par-
allel between Adam and Christ which rules the whole of what follows, and
1The objection of Dietzsch, p. 43, that bring forward a very definite special state-
τύπος asserts nothing real regarding the ment regarding the typical relation which
second member of the comparison, is un- he now merely expresses in general terms.
satisfactory, since Paul is just intending to
CHAPS γι} he. 195
are thus in the light of the connection erroneous, although the former by
no means required a trajection (καὶ οὕτως for οὕτω καί). While all the ex-
positors hitherto quoted have taken ὥσπερ as the beginning of the first
member of the parallel, others again have thought that it introduces the
second half of the comparison. So, following Elsner and others, Koppe, who
after διὰ τοῦτο conceives ἐλάβομεν καταλλαγὴν δ αὐτοῦ supplied from ver. 11 ;
so also Umbreit and Th. Schott (for this reason, because we σωθησόμεθα ἐν
τῇ ζωῇ αὐτοῦ, Christ comes by way of contrast to stand just as did Adam).
Similarly Mircker, who attaches διὰ τοῦτο to ver. 11. These expositions are
incorrect, because the wniversality of the Adamite ruin, brought out by
ὥσπερ k.T.4., has no point of comparison in the supplied protasis (the expla-
nation is d/ogical) ; in Gal. iii. 6 the case is different. Notwithstanding van
Hengel (comp. Jatho) thinks that he removes all difficulty by supplying
ἐστί after διὰ τοῦτο ; while Dietzsch, anticipating what follows, suggests the
supplying after διὰ τοῦτο : through one man life has come into the world. — δὲ
ἑνὸς ἀνθρώπου] through one man, that is, δ ἑνὸς ἁμαρτήσαντος, ver. 16. A
single man brought upon all sin and death ; ὦ single man also righteousness
and life. The causal relation is based on the fact that sin, which previously
had no existence whatever in the world, only began to exist in the world (on
earth) by means of the first fall. ve, so far as the matter itself is con-
cerned (Ecclus. xxv. 14; 2 Cor. xi. 3; 1 Tim. ii. 14; Barnab: Hp. 12),
might as well as Adam be regarded as the εἷς ἄνθρ. ; the latter, because he
sinned as the first man, the former, of whom Pelagius explained it, because
she committed the first transgression. Here however, because Paul’s object
is to compare the One man, who as the bringer of salvation has become the
beginner of the new humanity, with the One man who as beginner of the old
humanity became so destructive, in which collective reference (comp. Hof-
mann’s Schriftbew. I. p. 474) the woman recedes into the background, he has
to derive the entrance of sin into the world from Adam, whom he has in
view in dv ἑνὸς ἀνθρώπου. Comp. 1 Cor. xv. 21 f., 45 f. This is also the
common form of Rabbinical teaching.? — ἡ ἁμαρτία] not : sinfulness, habitus
peceandi (Koppe, Schott, Flatt, Usteri, Olshausen), which the word never
means ; not original sin (Calvin, Flacius, and others following Augustine) ;
but also not merely actual sin in abstracto (Fritzsche : ‘‘nam ante primum
facinus patratum nullum erat facinus’”), but rather what sin is according to
its idea and essence (comp. Hofmann and Stélting), consequently the deter-
mination of the conduct in antagonism to God, conceived however as a force,
as a real power working and manifesting itself—exercising its dominion—
in all cases of concrete sin (comp. ver. 21, vi. 12, 14, vii. 8, 9, 17 al.).
This moral mode of being in antagonism to God became existent in the
human world through the fall of Adam, produced death, and spread death
over all. Thus our verse itself describes the ἁμαρτία as a real objective
power, and in so doing admits only of this explanation. Compare the not
substantially different explanation of Philippi, according to which the
1 Not merely came to light as known sin 2 See Eisenmenger’s entdeckt. Judenth. IL.
(Schleiermacher, Usteri). See Lechler, p. pisit.
104,
196 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
actual sin of the world is meant as having come into the world potentialiter
through Adam ; also Rothe, who conceives it to refer to sin as a principle,
but as active ; and Dietzsch. — On εἰς τ. κόσμον, which applies to the earth
as the dwelling-place of mankind (for in the universe generally sin, the devil,
was already in existence), comp. Wisd. ii. 24, xiv. 14; 2 John 7 ;.Clem.
Oor. 1. 3; Heb. x. 5. Undoubtedly sin by its entrance into the world
came into human nature (Rothe), but this is not asserted here, however de-
cisively our passage stands opposed to the error of Flacius, that man 1s
in any way as respects his essential nature ἁμαρτία." -- The mode in which
the fall took place (through the devil, John viii. 44 ; 2 Cor. xi. 3) did not
here concern the Apostle, who has only to do with the mischievous effect
of it, namely, that it brought ἁμαρτία into the world, etc. —xai διὰ τ. ἁμαρτ.
ὁ θάνατος] scil. εἰς τ. κόσμον εἰσῆλθε. The θάνατος is physical death (Chrysos-
tom, Theodoret, Augustine, Calovius, Reiche, Fritzsche, Maier, van Hengel,
Képper, Weiss, and many others), viewed as the separation of the soul
from the body and its transference to Hades (not as ‘‘ citation before God’s
judgment,” Mehring), with which however the conception of the φθορά and
ματαιότης Of the κτίσις in ch. viil., very different from the θάνατος of men,
must not be mixed up (as by Dietzsch), which would involve a blending of
dissimilar ideas. The interpretation of bodily death is rendered certain
by ver. 14 as well as by the considerations, that the text gives no hint
of departure from the primary sense of the word; that the reference
to Gen. ii. 17, 111. 19 could not be mistaken by any reader ; and that on
the basis of Genesis it was a universal and undoubted assumption both
in the Jewish and Christian consciousness, that mortality was caused
by Adam’s sin.* Had Paul taken θάνατος in another sense therefore, he
must of necessity have definitely indicated it, in order to be understood. *
This is decisive not only against the Pelagian interpretation of spiritual
death, which Picard has repeated, but also against every combination what-
ever—whether complete (see especially Philippi and Stélting), or partial—of
bodily, moral (comp. νεκρός, Matt. viii. 22), and eternal death (Schmid,
Tholuck, Kéllner, Baumgarten-Crusius, de Wette, Olshausen, Reithmayr ;
Riickert undecidedly) ; or the whole collective evil, which is the consequence
of sin, as Umbreit and Ewald explain it ; compare Hofmann : ‘‘all that
runs counter to the life that proceeds from God, whether as an occurrence, which
puts an end to the life wrought by God, or as a mode of existence setting in
with such occurrence.” As regards especially the inclusion of the idea of
ready before the fall, only not having yet
attained to objective manifestation.
1 Compare Holsten, zum Hv. d. Paul. u.
Petr. p. 418: who thinks that the unholi-
ness lying dormant in human nature first -
entered actually into the visible world as a
reality in the transgression of Adam ; also
Baur, neut. Theol. p. 191, according to whom
the principle of sin, that from the beginning
had been émmanent in man, only came forth
actually in the παράβασις of the first parent.
In this way sin would not have come into the
world, but must have been in the world al-
2 See Wisd. ii. 24; John viii. 44; 1 Cor. xv.
21; Wetstein and Schoettgen, im /loc.; and
Eisenmenger’s entdeckt. Judenthum, Il. Ὁ.
81 f. Compare respecting Eve, Ecclus.
Xxy. 24.
3 This remark holds also against Mau in
Pelt’s theol. Mitarbd. 1838, 2, who understands
the form of life after the dissolution of the
earthly life.
ΘΗ ΡΟ ΩΣ ΤΩΝ
moral death (the opposite of the spiritual ζω), the words θάνατος and
ἀποθνήσκειν are never used by Paul in this sense ; not even in vii. 10 (see in
loc.), or in 2 Cor. ii. 16, vii. 10, where he is speaking of eternal death.’ The
reference to spiritual death is by no means rendered necessary by the con-
trast of δικαιοσ. ζωῆς in ver. 18, comp. ver. 213 since in fact the death
brought into the world by Adam, although physical, might be contrasted
not merely in a Rabbinical fashion, but also generally in itself, with the Cay
that has come through Christ ; for to this ¢w# belongs also the life of the
glorified body, and it is a life not again subject to death. — καὶ οὕτως) and
in such manner, i.e. in symmetrical correspondence with this connection
between the sin that entered by one man and the death occasioned by it.
Fuller explanation is then given, by the ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πάντες ἥμαρτον, respecting the
emphatically prefixed εἰς πάντας, to whom death, as the effect of that first
sin of the One, had penetrated. Since οὕτως sums up the state of the case
previously*expressed (comp. e.g. 1 Cor. xiv. 25 ; 1 Thess. iv. 17) any further
generalization of its reference can only be arbitrary (Stélting : ‘‘ through
sin”). Even the explanation : ‘‘in virtue of the causal connection between
sin and death” (Philippi and many others) is too general. The οὕτως, in
fact, recapitulates the historical state of the case just presented, so far as it
specifies the mode in which death has come to al/, namely, in this way, that
the One sinned and thereby brought into the world the death, which conse-
quently became the lot of all. — διῆλθεν] came throughout (Luke v. 15).
This is the progress of the εἰς τὸν κόσμον εἰσῆλθε in its extension to all indi-
viduals, εἰς πάντας ἀνθρώπ. [see Note LIL. p. 222], which in contrast to the δι᾿
ἑνὸς ἀνθρ. is put forward with emphasis as the main element of the further de-
scription, wherein moreover διΐλθεν, correlative to the εἰσῆλθε, has likewise em-
phasis. On διέρχεσθαι εἴς twa comp. Plut. Alcib. 2. Compare also ἐπί τινα in
Hz. v. 17 and Ps. Ixxxvii. 17. More frequent in classic authors with the simple
accusative, as in Luke xix. 1. — ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πάντες ἥμαρτον)" [see Note LIII. p. 222],
on the ground of the fact that, i.e. because, all sinned, namely (and for this the
momentary sense of the aorist is appropriate’) when through the One sin
entered into the world. Because, when Adam sinned, αὐ men sinned in and
with him, the representative of entire humanity (not : ‘‘evemplo Adami,”
Pelagius ; comp. Erasmus, Paraphr.), death, which came into the world
vy. 15. It is mere empty arbitrariness in
Thomasius 1.6. p. 316, to say that our ex-
planation is grammatically unjustifiable.
Why so? Stélting (comp. Dietzsch) objects
to it that then ὁ ϑάνατος διῆλϑεν must also
be taken in the momentary sense. But
2
this by no means follows, since ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πάντ.
1Τὴ 2 Tim. i.10 ϑάνατος is used in the
sense of efernal death, which Christ (by His
work of atonement) has done away; the
opposite of it is ζωή καὶ ἀφϑαρσία, which He
has brought to light by His Gospel. Not
less is Eph. ii. 1 to be explained as meaning
eternal death.
Neverthe-
2 The most complete critical comparison
of the various expositions of these words
may be seen in Dietzsch, p. 50 ff.
8 Hofmann erroneously holds (Schriftbew.
Zc.) that the imperfect must have been used.
What is meant is in fact the same act,
which in Adam’s sin is done by all, not
another contemporaneous act. Comp. 2 Cor.
ne. is a special relative clause.
less even that ὃ ϑάνατ. διῆλϑ. is Not some-
thing gradually developing itself, but a
thing done in and with the sin of the One
man. Zhis One has sinned and has become
liable to death, and thereby ai/ have be-
come mortal, because Adam’s sin was the
sin of ail.
198 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
through the sin that had come into it, has been extended to ail in virtue of
this causal connection between the sin that had come into existence through
Adam and death. Ali became mortal through Adam’s fall, because this
having sinned on the part of Adam was a having sinned on the part of all ;
consequently τῷ τοῦ ἑνὸς παραπτώματι οἱ πολλοὶ ἀπέθανον, ver. 15. Thus it is
certainly on the ground of Adam that all die (ἐν τῷ ᾿Αδὰμ πάντες ἀποθνήσκουσιν,
1 Cor. xv. 22), because, namely, when Adam sinned, all sinned, all as ἁμαρτωλοὶ
κατεστάθησαν (ver. 19), and consequently the death that came in through his
sin can spare none. But itisin a linguistic point of view erroneous, accord-
ing to the traditional Catholic interpretation after the example of Origen,
the Vulgate, and Augustine (Estius, Cornelius ἃ Lapide, Klee ; not Stengel,
Reithmayr, Bisping, and Maier ; but revived by Aberle), to take ἐφ᾽ ¢ as
equivalant to ἐν @, in quo 5011. Adamo, as also Beza, Erasmus Schmid, and
others do ; compare Irenaeus, Haer. v. 16, 3. The thought which this expo-
sition yields (‘‘omnes ille unus homo fuerunt,” Augustine) is essentially
correct, but it was an error to derive it from ἐφ᾽ ᾧ, since it is rather to be
derived from πάντες ἥμαρτον, and hence also it is but arbitrarily explained
by the sensuous notion of all men having been in the loins (Heb. vii. 9, 10)
of Adam (Origen, Ambrosiaster, Augustine). Chrysostom gives in general
the proper sense, though without definitely indicating how he took the ἐφ’
ᾧ : ““τί δέ ἐστιν ἐφ’ ᾧ πάντες ἥμαρτον 3 ἐκείνου πεσόντος καὶ οἱ μὴ φαγόντες ἀπὸ τοῦ
ἐύλου γεγόνασιν ἐξ ἐκείνον πάντες θνητοί." So also substantially Theophylact,
though explaining, with Photius, ἐφ᾽ © as equivalant to ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Αδάμ. The
right view is taken by Bengel (‘‘ quia omnes peccarunt. . . . Adamo pee-
cante’) ; Koppe (‘‘ipso actu, quo peccavit Adamus”’), Olshausen, Philippi,
Delitzsch, Psychol. p. 126, 369, and Kahnis, Dogm. I. p. 590, HI. p. 308 f. ;
comp. also Klépper.' The objection that in this way the essential defini-
ition is arbitrarily supplied (Tholuck, Hofmann, Stélting, Dietzsch, and
others) is incorrect ; for what is maintained is simply that more precise
definition of ἥμαρτον, for which the immediate connection has necessarily
prepared the way, and therefore no person, from an unprejudiced point of
view, can speak of ‘‘an abortive product of perplexity impelling to arbi-
trariness” (Hofmann). Nor is our view at variance with the meaning of
οὕτως (as Ernesti objects), since from the point of view of death having been
occasioned by Adam’s sin (οὕτως) the universality of death finds its explana-
tion in the very fact, that Adam’s sin was the sin of all. Aptly (as against
Dietzsch) Bengel compares 2 Cor. v. 14: εἰ εἷς ὑπὲρ πάντων ἀπέθανε, ἄρα οἱ
πάντες ἀπέθανον (namely, Christo moriente) ; see on that passage. Others,
and indeed most modern expositors (including Reiche, Riickert, Tholuck,
Fritzsche, de Wette, Maier, Baur, Ewald, Umbreit, van Hengel, Mehring,
Hofmann, Stélting, Thomasius, Mangold, and others), have interpreted
ἥμαρτον of individual sins, following Theodoret : ob yap διὰ τὴν τοῦ προπάτορος
1 Who, although avoiding the direct ex-
pression of our interpretation, nevertheless
in substance arrives at the same meaning,
p. 505: ‘‘All however sinned, because
Adam’s sin penetrated to them, inasmuch
‘
as God punished the fault of Adam so
thoroughly that his sin became shared by
all his descendants.’’ For Kl6pper properly
explains the ἐφ᾽ ᾧ defining the relation as
imputation of Adam’s sin to all.
ΘΕΆ ΒΕ τ ole. 199
ἁμαρτίαν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν οἰκείαν ἕκαστος δέχεται τοῦ θανάτου τὸν ὅρον. [See Note LIV.
Ῥ. 224.] Compare Weiss, bibl. Theol. p. 263 ; Mircker/l.c. p.19. But the tak-
ing the words thus of the universal having actually sinned as cause of the
universal death (see other variations further on) must be rejected for the sim-
ple reason, that the proposition would not even be true : and because the
view, that the death of individuals is the consequence of their own
actual sins, would be inappropriate to the entire parallel between Adam
and Christ, nay even contradictory to it. For as the sin of Adam brought
death to all (consequently not their own self-committed sin), so did the
obedience of Christ (not their own virtue) bring life to all. Comp. 1 Cor.
xv. 22. This objective relation corresponding to the comparison re-
mains undisturbed in the case of our exposition alone, inasmuch as ἐφ᾽ ¢
πάντ. ἥμαρτ. Shows how the sin of Adam necessarily brought death to ail.
To explain ἥμαρτον again, as is done by many, and still by Picard and
Aberle : they were sinful, by whichis meant original sin (Calvin, Flacius,
Melanchthon in the Hnarr.: ‘‘omnes habent peccatum, scilicet pravita-
tem propagatam et reatum”), or to import even the idea poenam Iluere
(Grotius), is to disregard linguistic usage ; for ἥμαρτον means they have
sinned, and nothing more. This is acknowledged by Julius Miiller (ὁ. d.
Siinde, II. Ὁ. 416 ff. ed. 5), who however professes to find in ἐφ᾽ ᾧ 7. jp.
only an accessory reason for the preceding, and that in the sense : ‘‘ as then”
all would besides have well deserved this severe fate for themselves by their actual
sins. Incorrectly, because ἐφ ᾧ does not mean ‘‘ as then” or ‘‘as then also”
(i.e. ὡς καί) ; because the statement of the reason is by no means made ap-
parent as in any way merely secondary and subjective, as Neander and Mess-
ner have rationalised it, but on the contrary is set down as the single, com-
plete and objective ground ; because its alleged purport would exercise an
alien and disturbing effect on the whole development of doctrine in the pas-
sage ; and because the sense assigned to the simple ἥμαρτον (this severe fate
they would have all moreover well merited) is purely fanciful. Ernesti takes
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ not of the objective ground, but as specifying the grownd of thinking
80, ἴ.6. the subjective ground of cognition : ‘‘ about which there can be no doubt,
in so far as all have in point of fact sinned ;” this he holds to be the logical
1 Namely, in respect to the many millions
of children who have not yet sinned. The
reply made to this, that Paul has had in
view only those capable of sin (Castalio, Wet-
stein, Fritzsche, and others) is least of all
applicable in the very case of this Apostle
and of the present acutely and thoroughly
considered disquisition, and just as little is
an appeal to the disposition to sin (Tholuck)
which children have (Paul says plainly
ἥμαρτον.) This way out of the difficulty
issues in an exegetical self-deception.—He
who seeks to get rid of the question re-
garding children must declare that it is not
here raised, since the passage treats of the
human race as a whole (comp. Ewald, Jahrb.
VI. p. 182, also Mangold, p. 118 f.) This
would suffice, were the question merely of
universal sinfulness; for in such a case
Paul could just as properly have said
πάντες ἥμαρτον here, with self-evident refer-
ence to all capable of sin, as in iii. 23.
But the question here is the connection be-
tween the stn of all and the dying of all, in
which case there emerges no self-evident
limitation, because all, even those still in-
capable of peccatum actuale, must die.
Thus the question as to children still re-
mains, and is only disposed of by not taking
ἥμαρτον in the sense of having individually
sinned ; comp. Dietzsch, p. 57 f. This also
applies against Stdlting, according to whom
Paul wishes to show that sin works death
in the case of all sinners without exception.
200 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
ground for the οὕτως «.7.2. But, as there is no precedent of usage for this
interpretation of ἐφ᾽ ¢ (Phil. i. 12 is unjustifiably adduced), Ernesti is com-
pelled to unite with ἐφ᾽ ᾧ vv. 13 and 14 in an untenable way. See on ver.
13 f., remark 1, and Philippi, Glaubensl. III. Ὁ. 222 ff. ed. 2. — Respect-
ing ἐφ᾽ ᾧ, which is quite identical with ἐφ᾽ οἷς, we have next to observe as
follows : It is equivalent to ἐπὶ τούτῳ ὅτι, and means on the ground of the fact
that, consequently in real sense propterea quod,’ because (dieweil, Luther), of
the causa antegressa (not jinalis), as also Thomas Magister and Favorinus have
explained it as equivalent to διότι. So in the N. T. at 2 Cor. v. 4 and Phil.
iii. 12.2 Rothe (followed by Schmid, bib]. Theol. p. 260) has taken it as :
“‘under the more definite condition, that” (ἐπὶ τούτῳ ὥστε), so that individual
sins are the consequence of the diffusion of death through Adam’s sin over
mankind. But this view is wholly without precedent in the usus loquendi,
for the very frequent use of ἐφ᾽ 6, wnder the condition, that (usually with the
infinitive or future indicative), is both in idea and in practice something
quite different ; see Kiihner, 11. 2, p. 1006. Ewald formerly (Jahrb. II. p.
171), rejecting the second 6 θάνατος, explained : ‘‘ and thus there penetrated
to all men that, whereunto all sinned,” namely death, which, according to Gen.
ii. 17, was imposed as punishment on sin, so that whosoever sinned, sinned
so that he had to die, a fate which he might know beforehand. ‘In this
way the ἐφ᾽ ᾧ would (with Schmid and Glickler, also Umbreit) be taken cf
the causa jinalis* and the subject of διῆλθεν (τοῦτο) would be implied in it.
But, apart from the genuineness of ὁ θάνατος, which must be defended, there
still remains, even with the explanation of ἐφ᾽ 6 as final, so long as ἥμαρτον
is explained of individual actual sins, the question behind as to the truth of
ἐξηρτήσω σαυτοῦ κ. ἐποίησας εἶναι σούς. See
further Josephus, Antt. i. 1, 4: ὃ ὄφις
1 Baur also, II. Ὁ. 202 (comp. his neutest.
Theol. Ὁ». 138), approves the rendering δὲ-
cause, but foists on this because the sense:
“which has as its presupposition.” Thus it
should be understood, he thinks, also in 2
Cor. vy. 4 and Phil. iii. 12; and thus Paul
proves from the universality of death the
universality of sin. See, in opposition to
this logical inversion, Ernesti, p. 212 ff.
2 Comp. Theophilus, ad Aufol. ii. 40, ed.
Wolf: ἐφ᾽ ᾧ οὐκ ἴσχυσε ϑανατῶσαι αὐτούς (e-
cause he was unable to put them to death),
Diod. Sic. xix. 98: ἐφ᾽ ᾧ.. . .. τὸ μὲν μεῖζον
καλοῦσι ταῦρον, τὸ δὲ ἔλασσον μόσχον (because
they call the greater a bull, etc.); just so
ἐφ᾽ ots, Plut. @e Pyth. orac. 29. Favorinus
quotes the examples:
εἰργάσω, and ἐφ᾽ ols τὸν νόμον ov τηρεῖς,
κολασϑήση. Thomas Magister cites the ex-
ample from Synesius ep. 73: ἐφ᾽ & Τεννάδιον
ἔγραψεν (propterea quod Gennadium accu-
sasset, comp. Herm. ad Viger. p. 710). An-
other example from Synesius (in Devarius,
ed. Klotz, p. 88) is: ἐφ᾽ οἷς yap SexodvSov εὖ
ἐποίησας (on the ground of this, that, i.e. be-
cause thou hast done well to Secundus)
ἡμᾶς ἐτίμησας, καὶ ἐφ᾽ ols οὕτω γράφων τιμᾷς,
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὴν κλοπὴν
συνδιαιτώμενος τῷ. τε ᾿Αδάμῳ καὶ TH γυναικὶ
φϑονερῶς εἶχεν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς (propterea quod) αὐτοὺς
εὐδαιμονήσειν ὠέτω πεπεισμένους τοῖς τοῦ Θεοῦ
Antt. xvi. 8, 2:
παϑεῖν, ἐφ᾽ ois ἀλλήλους ἠδίκησαν,
προλαμβάνοντες μόνον.
3 Of a similar nature are rather such pas-
sages as Dem. 518, 26; ἕν yap μηδέν ἐστιν, ἐφ᾽
ᾧ τῶν πεπραγμένων οὐ δίκαιος ὧν ἀπολωλέναι
φανήσεται [upon the ground of which he will
not seem worthy, ete.) ; de cor. 114 (twice) ;
as well as the very current use of ἐπὶ τούτῳ,
propterea (Xen. Mem. i. 2, 61) of ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ
τούτῳ, for this very reason (Dem. 578, 26;
Xen. Cyr. ii. 8, 10), ete.; and further, such
expressions as ἐπὶ μιᾷ δή ποτε δίκῃ πληγὰς
ἔλαβον (Xen. Cyr. i. 3, 16), where ἐπί with
the dative specifies the ground (Kiihner, II.
1, p. 436).
4Xen. Cyr. vill. 8, 24: οὐδέ ye Speravy-
φόροις ἔτι χρῶνται, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ Κῦρος αὐτὰ ἐποιήσατο,
111. 8, 36, ὑπομιμνήσκειν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς τε ἐτρεφόμεϑα,
Thue. i. 134, 1, a@/.; and see especially Wisd.
11. 23.
παραγγέλμασι. καὶ τὸ δικαίως
ry a
αυτοι
ΘΈΓΑΙΡ Veyube. 201
the proposition, since not all, who die, have actually sinned ; and indeed
the view of the death of all having been caused by the actual sins of all is
incompatible with what follows.’ See also Ernesti, p. 192 ff. ; comp. his
Eithik. d. Ap. P. p. 16 1. Moreover the telic form of expression itself would
have to be taken only in an improper sense, instead of that of the necessary,
but on the part of the subjects not intended, result, somewhat after the idea
of fate, asin Herod. 1. 68 : ἐπὶ κακῷ ἀνθρώπου σίδηρος ἀνεύρηται. Subsequently
(in his Sendschr. d. Ap. P.) Ewald, retaining the second ὁ θάνατος, has as-
sumed for ἐφ᾽ ᾧ the signification, so far as (so also Tholuck and van Hengel) ;
holding that by the limiting phrase ‘‘ so far as they all sinned,” death is thus
set forth the more definitely as the result of sin, so that ἐφ᾽ 6 corresponds to
the previous οὕτως. But even granting the not proved limiting signification
of ἐφ᾽ ᾧ (which ἐφ᾽ ὅσον elswhere has, xi. 13), there still remain with this
interpretation also the insurmountable difficulties as to the sense, which
present themselves against the reference of ἥμαρτον to the individual sins.
Hofmann (comp. also his Schriftbew. I. p. 529 f.) refers ἐφ᾽ ᾧ to ὁ θάνατος, so
that it is equivalent to οὗ παρόντος : amidst the presence of death ; making
the emphasis to lie on the preposition, and the sense to be: ‘‘ death was
present at the sinning of all those to whom it has penetrated ; and it has not been
invariably brought about and introduced only through their sinning, nor always
only for each individual uho sinned.” Thus ἐπί might be justified, not indeed
in a temporal sense (which it has among poets and later prose writers only
in proper statements of time, as in Homer, 71. viii. 529, ἐπὶ yuri), but per-
haps in the sense of the prevailing cireumstance, like the German ‘‘ bei” [with,
amidst? (see Kiihner, II. 1, p. 484). But apart from the special tenor of the
thought, which we are expected to extract from the bare ἐφ᾽ ῴ, and which
Paul might so easily have conveyed more precisely (possibly by ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἤδη
παρόντι OY ov ἤδη παρόντος), this artificial exposition has decidedly against it
the fact that the words ἐφ᾽ © πάντες ἥμαρτον must necessarily contain the ar-
gumentative modal information concerning the preceding proposition κ. οὕτως
εἰς πάντας ἀνῃρώπους ὁ θάν. διῆλθεν, Which they in fact contain only when our
view is taken.°
1 Along with which it may be observed
that there is the less warrant for mentally
supplying, in the contrasted propositions
on the side of salvation, a condition corre-
sponding to the ἐφ᾽ ᾧ π. ἥμαρτ. (Mangold:
ἐὰν πάντες πιστεύσωσιν, Which is implicitly
involved in λαμβάνοντες, ver. 17), the more
essential this antitypical element would be.
2 So also Dietzsch has taken it, in sub-
stantial harmony with Hofmann, less arti-
ficially, but not more tenably: amidst the
presence of death. He thinks that the Apos-
tle desires to emphasize the view that
death, originating from the One, is and pre-
vails in the world, quite apart from the
sinning of individuals ; that independently
of this, and prior to it, the universal do-
minion of death springing from Adam is
already in existence. But with what
They must solve the enigma which is involved in the mo-
strange obscurity would Paul in that case
have expressed this simple and clear idea !
How unwarranted it is to attach to his
positive expression the negative significa-
tion (apart from, independently of)! With
just as little warrant we should have to
attach to the πάντες, since inno case could
it include the children who have not yet
sinned, a limitation of meaning, which yet
it is utterly incapable of bearing after the
cis πάντας ἀνϑρώπους just said. The exposi-
tion of Dietzsch, no less than that of Hof-
mann, is a laboriously far-fetched and
mistaken evasion of the proposition clearly
laid down by Paul : ‘‘ because they all sinned,”
namely, when through one man sin came
into the world and death through sin.
3 This applies equally against the similar
exposition of Thomasius (Chr. Pers. κι.
202 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
mentous οὕτως of that clause ; and this enigma is solved only by the state-
ment of the reason : because all sinned, so that the θανάσιμος ἁμαρτία of Adam
was the sin ef all, Against Hofmann, compare Philippi’s Glaubensl. III. p.
221 f. ed. 2.
Remark 1, The Rabbinical writers also derived universal mortality from the
fall of Adam, who represented the entire race in such a way that, when Adam
sinned, all sinned. See the passages in Ammon, Opusc. nov. p. 72 ff. Even
perfectly righteous persons are ‘‘comprehensi sub pcena mortis’’ (R. Bechai in
Cadhackemach ἢ. 5, 4). It may reasonably be assumed therefore that the doc-
trine of the Apostle had, in the first instance, its historical roots in his Jew-
ish (comp. Ecclus. xxv. 23 ; Wisd. ii. 23 f.; xiv. 14) and especially his Rabbin-
ical training, and was held by him even prior to his conversion ; and that in
his Christian enlightenment he saw no reason for abandoning the proposition,
which on the contrary he adopted into the system of his Christian views, and
justified by continuing to assert for it in the development of the divine plan
of redemption the place which is here assigned to it, as even Christ Himself
traces death back to the fall (John viii. 44). Comp. 1 Cor. xv. 22 : ἐν τῷ ᾿Αδὰμ
πάντες ἀποθνήσκουσιν, on Which our passage affords the authentic commentary.
We may add that, when Maimonides is combating (More Nevoch. iii. 24) the
illusion that God arbitrarily decrees punishments, there has been wrongly
found in the dogmatic proposition adduced by him, “‘ non est mors sine peccato,
neque castigatio sine iniquitate,” the reverse of the above doctrine (see espe-
cially Fritzsche, p. 294). The latter is on the contrary presupposed by it.
Remark 2. That Adam was created immortal, our passage does not affirm,
and 1 Cor. xv. 47 contains the opposite. But not as if Paul had conceived
the first man as by his nature sinful, and had represented to himself sin as a
necessary natural quality of the σάρξ (so anew Hausrath, neut. Zeitgesch. II. p.
470), but thus : if Adam had not sinned in consequence of his self-determina-
tion of antagonism to God, he would have become immortal through eating of
the tree of life in Paradise (Gen. 111. 22), As he has sinned, however, the
consequence thereof necessarily was death, not only for himself, seeing that
he had to leave Paradise, but for all his posterity likewise.! From this conse-
quence, which the sin of Adam had for ail, it results, in virtue of the neces-
sary causal connection primevally ordained by God between sin and death, by
reasoning back ab effectu ad causam, that the fall of Adam was the collective
fall of the entire race, in so far as in fact all forfeited Paradise and therewith
incurred death. — If ἐφ᾽ 6 πάντες ἥμαρτον be explained in the sense of individual
actual sins, and at the same time the untenableness of the explanation of Hof-
mann and Dietzsch be recognized, it becomes impossible by any expedients,
such as that of Rothe, I. p. 314, ed. Schenkel, to harmonize the view in our
passage with that expressed in 1 Cor. xv. 47; but, if it be referred to the fall
of Adam, every semblance of contradiction vanishes.
Ver. 19 1. Demonstration, that the death of all has its ground in the sin of
Werk. I. p. 316 f.), amidst the presence of impossibility, which Finckh also presents.
which relation (ᾧ as neuter). As if pre- 1Comp. Jul. Miiller, dogmat. Abhandl.
viously a “‘ relation’? had been expressed, 1870, p. 89 f. Schultz, alttest. Theol. I. Ὁ.
and not a concrete historical fact! Weisse 994.
took ἐφ᾽ ᾧ even as although, —a linguistic
a
CHAP, V., 13: 203
Adam and the causal connection of that sin with death. This argument,
conducted with great conciseness, sets owt from the undoubted historical
certainty (it is already sufficiently attested in Gen. iv.—vi.) that during the
entire period prior to the law (ἄχρι νόμου = ἀπὸ ᾿Αδὰμ μέχρι Μωΐσέως, ver. 14)
there was sin in humanity ; then further argues that the death of individuals,
which yet has affected those who also have not like Adam sinned against a
positive command, cannot be derived from that sin prior to the law, because
in the non-existence of law there is no imputation ; and allows it to be thence
inferred that consequently the death of all has been caused (ἐφ᾽ ὦ πάντες ἡμαρτον)
by the sin of Adam (not by their individual sins). Paul however leaves
this inference to the reader himself ; he does not expressly declare it, but
instead of doing so he says, returning to the comparison begun in ver. 12 :
ὃς ἐστι τύπος τοῦ μέλλοντος, for in that death-working operation of Adam’s
sin for all lay, in fact, the very ground of the typical relation to Christ.
Chrysostom aptly says : εἰ γὰρ ἐξ ἁμαρτίας ὁ θάνατος τὴν ῥίζαν ἔσχε, νόμου δὲ οὐκ
ὄντος ἡ ἁμαρτία οὐκ ἐλλογεῖται, πῶς ὁ θάνατος ἐκράτει ; ὅθεν δῆλον ὅτι οὐκ αὐτὴ ἡ
ἁμαρτία ἡ τῆς τοῦ νόμου παραβάσεως, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνη τῆς τοῦ ᾿Αδὰμ παρακοῆς, αὕτη ἣν ἡ
πάντα λυμαινομένη. Καὶ τίς ἡ τούτου ἀπόδειξις 3 τὸ καὶ πρὸ τοῦ νόμου πάντας ἀποθ-
νήσκειν" ἐβασίλευσε γὰρ κιτ.2. Compare Oecumenius. —aypz νόμου] [See Note
LY. p. 224] ἐ.6. in the period previous to the giving of the law, comp. ver.
14; consequently not during the period of the law, ἕως ὁ νόμος ἐκράτει," Theodo-
ret ; comp. Origen, Chrysostom, and Theodore of Mopsuestia. — ἐλλογεῖται]
preserved nowhere else except in Boeckh, Jnscript. I. p. 850 A, 35, and Phi-
lem. 18 (text ree.), but undoubtedly meaning : is put to account (consequent-
ly equivalent to λογίζεται, iv. 4), namely, here, according to the context, Sor
punishment, and that on the part of God ; for inthe whole connection the sub-
Ject spoken of is the divine dealings in consequence of the fall. Hence we are
neither to understand ab judice (Fritzsche), nor ; by the person sinning ; so Au-
gustine, Ambrosiaster, Luther, (‘then one does not regard the sin ”) Melanch-
thon (*‘non accusatur in nobis ipsis,”) Calvin, Beza, and others, including
Usteri, Riickert, J. Miiller, Lipsius, Mangold, and Stélting (‘there
the sinner recognizes not his sin as guilt”), whereby a thought quite
irrelevant to the argument is introduced. —j) ὄντος νόμου] without the
evistence of the law ; νόμος, as previously ἄχρι νόμου, meaning the Mosaic law,
and not any law generally (Theodore of Mopsuestia, and many others, in-
cluding Hofmann), as ἁμαρτία already points to the divine law. Comp. iv.
15. The proposition itself : ‘‘ Sin is not imputed, if the law is absent,” is set
down as something universally conceded, as an aviom ; therefore with repeti-
tion of the subject (in opposition to Hofmann, who on account of this
repetition separates ἁμαρτία dé «.7.2. from the first half of the verse and
attaches it to what follows), and with the verb in the present. The propo-
sition itself, inserted as an intervening link in the argument with the
metabatic δέ, without requiring a preceding μέν, which Hofmann is wrong
1 As is well known, Peyrerius (Praead- law given to Adam in Paradise ; and found
amitae s. exercitat. exeg. in Rom. vy. 12-14, thus a proof for his Preadamites.
Amst. 1655) referred the νόμου here to the
-
204 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL ΤῸ THE ROMANS.
in missing (see Dietzsch and Kihner, II. 2, p. 814), has its truth as well as
its more precise application in the fact, that in the absence of law the
action, which in and by itself is unlawful, is no transgression of the law
(iv. 15), and cannot therefore be brought into account as such. That Paul
regarded the matter in this light, and had not, as Hofmann thinks, sinning
generally, ‘‘as it was one and the same thing in the case of all,” in view
apart from the sins of individuals, is plain also from καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς μὴ ἁμαρτ.
ἐπὶ τῷ ὁμοιώματι τῆς παραβάσ. "Addu, in ver. 14. His thought is : If the death.
of men after Adam had been caused by their own sin, then in the case of
all those who have died during the period from Adam till the law, the sin
which they have committed must have been already reckoned to them as
transgression of the law, just as Adam’s sin was the transgression of the
positive divine command, and as such brought upon him death ; but this
is inconceivable, because the law was not in existence. In this Paul leaves
out of consideration the Noachian commands (Gen. ix.), as well as other
declarations of God as to His will given before the law, and likewise
individual punitive judgments, such as in the case of Sodom, just because
he has only the strict idea of real and formal legislation before his mind,
and this suggests to him simply the great epochs of the Paradisaic and
Sinaitic legislations. A view, which does not subvert the truth of his
demonstration, because mankind in general were without law from Adam
until Moses, the natural law, because not given positively, remaining out of
the account ; it makes the act at variance with it appear as sin (ἁμαρτία),
but not as παράβασις νόμου, which as such ἐλλογεῖται. ---- Ver. 14. ἀλλ᾽] at, yet,
although sin is not put to account in the absence of the law. It intro-
duces an apparently contradictory phenomenon, confronting the ἁμαρτία οὐκ
ἐλλογεῖται κιτ.}. ; One, however, which just proves that men have died, not
through their own special sin, but through the sin of Adam, which was put
to their account. — ἐβασίλευσεν] prefixed with emphasis : death has not per-
chance been powerless, no, it has reigned, 1.6. has exercised its power
which deprives of life (comp. vv. 17-21). Hofmann (comp. also Holsten,
Aberle, and Dietzsch) finds in the emphatic ἐβασ. the absolute and abiding
dominion, which death has exercised independently of the imputation of
sins (ἀλλὰ being taken as the simple but), ‘‘ just as a king, one by virtue of
his personal position once and for all entitled to do so, exercises dominion
over those who, in virtue of their belonging to his domain, are from the
outset subject to him.” But no reader could educe this qualitative definite
sense of the βασιλεύειν, with the highly essential characteristic elements
ascribed to it, from the mere verb itself ; nor could it be gathered from the
position of the word at the head of the sentence ; on the contrary, it must
unquestionably have been expressed (by érupdvvevoev possibly, or τυραννικῶς
ἐβασίλευσεν) seeing that the subsequent καί (even over those, etc.) does not
indicate a mode of the power of the (personified) death, but only appends
the fact of its dominion being without exception. — μέχρι Moic. | equivalent
to ἄχρι νόμου in ver. 13. ) that in ver.
34 Christ is not at all described as a judge, which would be in keeping with
Θεὸς ὁ δικαιῶν" τίς ὁ κατακρίνων ; and
. ἡμῶν" τίς ἡμᾶς χωρίσει κ.τ.}. 3 SO
1The difficulty started by Philippi, that
corresponding to the tis ἐγκαλ. κατὰ ἐκλ. Θεοῦ
in ver. 33, there is introduced, with the ris
ne. xwp. «.7.A. Of ver. 85, a question for
which nothing prepares the way, and which
is not answered in the foregoing ver. 34—is
incorrect in itself, since the answer to this
question is certainly yielded by ver. 34; and
it mistakes, moreover, the truly Zyric char-
acter of the magnificent passage. Tholuck’s
objections, as also those of Hofmann, re-
garding the second half (from Χριστὸς ὃ
ἀποϑανών onwerds), are quite unimportant.
The latter lays particular stress on the fact
that Paul has not added ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν to ἀποϑαν-
ov. As if that purpose of the amo}. were
not perfectly self-evident, especially amidst
such a vehement flight of the discourse !
940 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
the 6 κατακρίνων, but, on the contrary, as redeemer and intercessor ; (ὦ) that,
if τίς ἐγκαλέσει is at once disposed of by Θεὸς ὁ δικαιῶν, it must he already
quite self-evident that there can be no κατακρίνων, and consequently τίς ὁ
κατακ, as a new question, would be something superfluous and out of keeping
with so compressed an utterance of emotion ; (d) and, finally, that in the
entire context thereis no mention of the last judgment. 2. The theory,
that came into vogue after Augustine, doctr. Chr. 111. 3, and Ambrosiaster
(adopted in modern times by Koppe, Reiche, Kéllner, Olshausen, Baum-
garten-Crusius, de Wette, and Maicr, also by Griesbach and Lachmann ;
Tholuck is undecided), consists in supplying ἐγκαλέσει with Θεὸς ὁ δικαιῶν, and
taking it as a question, and dealing in a corresponding manner with Χριστὸς
. ἡμῶν also: Who shall accuse? Shall God do so, who justifies? Who
shall condemn? Shall Christ do so, who has died, etc.? But against this view
it suffices to urge the decisive reason, that to conceive of God as accuser (be-
fore Christ) is destitute of scriptural analogy, and could not at all have oc-
curred to the apostle. Hofmann takes Χριστὸς. . . évtvyy. ὑπὲρ ju. asa question
with two dissimilar relative adjuncts, of which the first declares how it was possi-
ble, after the question τίς ὁ xaraxp., to subjoin the further question, whether it
might not be feared with regard to Christ that He should condemn where
God acquits ; while the second shows the impossibility of such a fear. But
this artificial interpretation, in connection with which the first and second
καὶ (see the critical remarks) are condemned as not genuine and this con-
demnation is acutely turned to account, fails, so far as the substance is con-
cerned, on the very ground that the thought of its being possible perhaps
for Christ to condemn where God acquits would be an absurd idea, which
could not occur to a Christian consciousness ; and, so far as form is con-
cerned, on the ground that the second relative clause is annexed to the first
with entire similarity, and therefore does not warrant our explaining it, as
if Paul, instead of ὃς καὶ ἐντ., should have written ἀλλὰ καὶ évr. —In detail,
observe further : The designation of Christians in ver. 33 as ἐκλεκτοὶ Ocov is
selected as having a special bearing on the matter, and renders palpable at
once the fruitlessness of every ἔγκλησις ; while Θεός coming immediately after
Θεοῦ has rhetorical emphasis. — κατὰ ἐκλ. Θεοῦ] i.e. against those whom God
has chosen 1 out of the κόσμος (John xvii. 6) to be members of His Messianic
peculiar people to be made blessed for Christ’s sake, according to His eter-
nal decree (Eph. i. 4) ; comp. on ver. 30. This is the Christian conception
(comp. 1 Pet. ii. 9) of the Old Testament ἐκλεκτ. (Ps. cv. 48, evi. δ; Isa.
xlii. 1, Ixv. 9; Wisd. iii. 9, a/.). The elect constitute the Israel of God,
Gal. vi. 16. Regarding the genitive Θεοῦ (ἐκλ. is used quite as a substan-
tive ; comp. Col. iii. 12 ; Matt. xxiv. 31 αἱ.), see Fritzsche, Diss. II. p. 31 ;
Pflugk, ad Hur. Hee. 1135. The absence of the article (comp. ver. 27) in the
case of ἐκλ. Θεοῦ brings out the quality of the persons. —The predicates of
Christ in ver, 34—under which His death is to be conceived as an atoning
death, His rising again as having taken place διὰ τὴν δικαίωσιν ἡμῶν (iv. 25),
1 Against Hofmann, who (Schriftbew. I. p. 223 f.) calls in question the reference to others,
non-elect, see on Eph. i. 4.
CHAP. VIII., 33. 841
and His being αὐ the right hand of God as personal participation in the gov-
ernment of the world (Eph. i. 20, Col. iii, 1, αἰ. ; comp. also Dissen, ad
Pindar. Fragm. xi. 9) in the heavenly dwelling-place of the Father's glory
(see on Matt. vi. 6)—exclude the possibility of any one separating us from
the love of Christ. For, as regards His past, He has proved by His death
the abundance of His love (v. 6 f. ; Eph. iii. 18 f.), and this demonstra-
tion of His love has been divinely confirmed by His resurrection ; and as
regards His present, through His sitting at the right hand of God He possesses
the power to do for His own whatever His love desires, and through His
intercession He procures for them every protection and operation of grace
from the Father (Heb. vii. 25, ix. 24; 1 Johnii. 1). But this intercession
(comp. ver. 26 f.) is the continuous bringing to bear of His work of atone-
ment, completed by His ἱλαστήριον, on the part of Christ in His glory with
the Father ; which we are to conceive of as real and—in virtue of the elori-
fied corporeity of the exalted Christ, as also in virtue of the subordination
in which He even as σύνθρονος stands to the Father—as request properly so
called (évrevéic) through which the ‘‘continwus quasi vigor” (Gerhard) of
redemption takes place. Comp. John xiv. 16. There has been much dog-
matic and philosophical explaining away of this passage on the part of sys-
tematists and exegetes. Some apt observations are to be found in Diister-
dieck on 1 John ii. 1, who nevertheless, without assigning his exegetical
grounds, Calls in question that the intercession is vocalis οἵ oralis. As such,
however, it must be conceived, because it is made by the glorified God-man ;
though the more special mode in which it takes place is withdrawn from
the cognizance of our earthly apprehension. Comp. Philippi, Glaubens!.
IV. 2, p. 336, ed. 2. -- μᾶλλον δὲ is the imo vero, vel potius, by which the
speaker amends his statement (see on Gal. iv. 9) ; for what would Christ’s
having died have been of itself ? how could it have been to us the bond and
the security of His love against all distresses, ete., ver. 35 f., if the divine
resurrection had not been added to it ? Paul therefore appends to the bare
ἀποθανών, by way of correction : imo vero etiam resuscitatus, in which the καί,
also, signifies : non solum mortuus, sed etiam resusc, ; comp. Eph. v. 11. It
is thus clear that (contrary to Hofmann’s view) this καί was quite essential
and indispensable ; for it was not the ἀποθανών itself, but its having been
mentioned alone and without the resurrection belonging to it, that needed
correction. It is, moreover, self-evident that all this application of the cor-
rective expression is here merely of a formal nature, serving to bring into
marked prominence the two elements in their important correlation. —T he
ὃς καὶ occurring twice has a certain solemnity. — Ver. 35. ric] Paul puts the
question by ric, not τί, in conformity with the parallel τίς ὁ κατακρίνων. The
circumstance that he subsequently specifies states and things, not persons—
which, however, naturally suggest themselves to the conception of the
reader—cannot lead any one astray, least of all in such a bold flight of
rhetoric. - ard τῆς ἀγάπ. τ. Χριστοῦ] Most expositors take τοῦ X. (comp. Eph.
iii. 19) as genitive of the subject, and rightly, because this view was alr Δαν
prepared for by ver. 34 (in which the great acts of Christ’s love toward us
are specified), and is confirmed by ver. 87 (διὰ τοῦ ἀγαπ. ἡμᾶς), and by ver.
342 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
39, where the ἀγάπη τοῦ Θεοῦ ἡ ἐν Χριστῷ comes in the place of the ἀγάπη τοῦ
X. This excludes the interpretation of others, who understand it of the love
to Christ (Origen, Ambrosiaster, Erasmus, Majus, Heumann, Morus, Kollner,
and Ewald). Kd6llner’s objections to our view do not touch its true sense,
since the point in question is not a possible interruption of the love of Christ
to us, nor yet the hindering of our access to it (Philippi), but a possible sep-
aration from the love of Christ (that helps to victory, ver. 37) through hin-
drances intervening between it and us, which might nullify its manifestation and
operation upon us and might thus dissolve our real fellowship with it.’ It was
therefore very unwarranted in de Wette (comp. Calvin, Riickert, and Tho-
luck), to convert, in accordance with v. 5, the love of Christ into ‘‘the joy-
ful feeling of being loved by Christ,” which ver. 37 does not permit, where
manifestly the aid of the exalted Christ, who has loved us (comp. Matt.
Xxvill. 20 ; Phil. iv. 13), is meant.
Ver. 36. The marks of parenthesis are to be expunzed because the con-
struction is unbroken, and ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τούτ. πᾶσιν in ver. 87 refers to ver. 35 and
ver. 86. On the accumulation of designations that follows, comp. 2 Cor.
vi. 4 f. ; and on the so frequently repeated 7, Xen. Mem. i. 1. 7, Soph. 0. Ὁ.
251! By way of scriptural proof for the most extreme element mentioned,
for ἡ μάχαιρα, Paul quotes a passage, in accordance with which even the
slaying sword has here its place already prophetically indicated beforehand.
In Ps. xliv. 23 (quoted exactly from the LXX.), where the historical mean-
ing refers to the daily massacres of Jews in the time of the Psalmist (in an
age after the exile, but not solate as the Maccabean), he recognizes a type
of the analogous fate awaiting the Christian people of God, as their sacred-
historic destiny. Κατάλληλος τοῖς προκειμένοις ἡ μαρτυρία" ἐκ προσώπου yap
ἀνδρῶν εἴρηται τὸν αὐτὸν ἐσχηκότων σκοπόν, Theodoret. Therein lies the justiji-
cation of this typical view. But since our passage specially mentions only
the being put to death and the slaying, we have no right to make the refer-
ence which Paul gives to them extend, with Hofmann, to the treatment in
general which the Christians should have to experience, instead of leaving
it limited to μάχαιρα.---ὗτι] for. A part of the quotation, without relevant
reference to the connection in our passage.
évexev cov] There is no reason
whatever for departing, with Kéllner (comp. Hofmann), from the reference
of the original text to God, and referring σοῦ to Christ. For, in the first
place, the probative point of the quotation does not lie in ἕνεκεν ood (but in
Gavar. and ἐλογ. ὡς πρόβ. od.); and in the second place, the very massacres of
the Christians took place on account of God, because they continued faithful
to Him in Christ, while the denial of Christ would have been a denial of
God, who had sent Him. Hence martyrdom was regarded as a δοξάζειν
θανάτῳ τὸν Θεὸν (John xxi. 19), — ὅλην τὴν ἡμ.1 Not quotidie (Castalio, Gro-
1 The tribulations, etc., are, forsooth, not act upon us. Philippi introduces a foreign
something which might form a wall of sep-
aration between us and the love of Christ,
such as they might produce perhaps in hu-
man fellowship—so that the affection of
any one should be unable toreach us or
element, when he holds that the tribula-
tions might seem to us signs of the divine
wrath, and thus mislead us into unbelief in
the existence of the divine love.
4
CHAP. VIII., 37-39. 948
tius, and Gléckler); Paul follows the LXX., who thus translate pin-53,
It means : the whole day (comp. x. 21; Isa. Ixii. 6; Ex. x. 15; 1 Sam.
xix. 24; 1 Mace. v. 50) are we murdered, so that at every time of the day
murder is committed upon us (now on this one, now on that one of us); it
ceases not the livelong day. And this is the consequence of the fact, that we
have been counted (aorist) as sheep for the slaughter, reckoned like sheep des-
tined for slaughter.
Ver. 37. But in allthis—namely, what is specified in vers. 35 and 386—we
conquer, etc. This ἀλλὰ does not break off an incomplete sentence (Hof-
mann), but is rather the simple antithetic at, but, whatever sufferings and
dangers may await us. — imepvix.] We gain a victory that is more than victory ;
we are over-victorious. Luther well renders : ‘‘ weovercome far.” Comp. v.
20. It does not involve more than this ; neither the easiness of the victory
(Chrysostom, Theophylact), nor the ‘‘in eruce etiam gloriamur” (Beza),
which is rather the consequence of this victory ; for a sublime testimony to
the latter, see 2 Cor. iv. 8-11. In the ancient Greek ὑπερνικ. is not extant,
but it occurs in Socr. H. £. iii. 21, Leo Tact. xiv. 25, although in a deroga-
tory sense (νικᾶν μὲν καλόν, ὑπερνικᾶν δὲ ἐπίφθονον). Nevertheless there is con-
tained in our passage also a holy arrogance of victory, not selfish, but in the
consciousness of the might of Christ. —0d.a τοῦ ἀγαπ. ἡμᾶς] He who hath
loved us is the procurer of this our victory, helps us to it by His power.
Comp. esp. 2 Cor. xii. 9. That it is not God (Chrysostom, Estius, Grotius,
Bengel, and others, including Reiche, Kéllner, Olshausen, and van Hengel)
that is meant, but Christ (Riickert, de Wette, Philippi, Tholuck, Ewald,
and Hofmann), follows, not indeed from Phil. iv. 13, but from the necessary
reference to τίς qu. yop. ἀπὸ τ. ay. τ. X. in ver. 35 ; for ver. 87 contains the
opposite of the separation from the love of Christ. — ayazjc.] denotes the act
of love κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν, which Christ accomplished by the sacrifice of His
life. This reference was self-evident to the consciousness of the readers.
Comp. v. 6 ; Gal. ii. 20 ; Eph. v. 2, 20.
Vy. 38, 39. Paul now confirms what he had said in ver. 37 by the enthu-
siastic declaration of his conviction that no power, in whatever shape it
may exist or be conceived of, ete. For the singular πέπεισμαι there is as
little necessity for seeking a special reason (Hofmann, ¢.g., thinks that Paul
wished to justify the confidence with which he had expressed ver. 37) as in the
case of λογίζομαι in ver. 18, especially as ver. 37 contains only the simple as-
sertion of a state of fact, and not a how of that assertion. —The following
expressions (θάνατος «.7.A.) are to be left in the generality of their sense,
which is, partly in itself and partly through the connection, beyond doubt ;
every arbitrary limitation is purely opposed to the purpose of declaring
everything—everything possible—incapable of separating the believers from
the love of God in Christ. Hence : οὔτε θάνατος οὔτε ζωή : neither death nor
life, as the two most general states, in which man can be. We may die or
live : we remain in the love of God. The mention of death jirst was
occasioned very naturally by ver. 36. It is otherwise in 1 Cor. iii. 22.
Grotius (following Chrysostom and Jerome, ad Aglas. 9) imports the idea :
‘“metus mortis ; spes vitae,” which Philippi also regards as ἃ ‘‘ correct para-
944 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
phrase of the sense.” — οὔτε ἄγγελοι οὔτε ἀρχαί] Neither angels (generally) nor
(angelic) powers (in particular). dyy. is, with Chrysostom, Theophylact,
Beza, Tholuck, Philippi, Fritzsche, Hofmann, and others, to be understood
of good angels, because the wicked are never termed ἄγγελοι without some
defining adjunct (Matt. xxv. 41; 2 Cor. xii. 7; 2 Pet. ii. 4; comp. Jude
6). The objection repeated by Reiche (who, with Clemens Alexandrinus,
Toletus, Grotius, Estius, and others, understands it of wicked angels), that
an attempt on the part of the good angels to separate Christians from God
is inconceivable, does not hold, since, according to Gal. i. 8, the case of
such an attempt falling within the sphere of possibility could certainly be
—not believed, but—conceived ex hypothesi by Paul. Theophylact already
aptly says: οὐχ ὡς τῶν ἀγγέλων ἀφιστώντων τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀπὸ Χριστοῦ, ἀλλὰ
καθ᾽ ὑπόθεσιν τὸν λόγον τιθείς. Against the view that ἄγγ. denotes good and
wicked angels (Wolf, Bengel, Koppe, and van Hengel), the linguistic usage
is likewise decisive, since according to it the absolute ayy. signifies nothing
else than simply good angels. Comp. on 1 Cor. iv. 9. --- ἀρχαί] obtains,
through its connection with ayy., its definite reference to particular powers
in the category of angels—those invested with power in the angelic world.
Paul recognizes a diversity ' of rank and power in the angelic hierarchy (of
the good and the wicked), and finds occasion, especially in his later epistles,
to mention it (Col. i. 16 ; Eph. i. 21; 1 Cor. xv. 24; Eph. vi. 12 ; Col. ii.
15) ; without, however (comp. on Eph. i. 21), betraying any participation in
the fluctuating definitions of the later Jews.? Olearius, Wetstein, Loesner,
Morus, Rosenmiiller, Flatt, and Weiss, bibl. Theol. p. 460, refer apy. to human
ruling powers ; van Hengel to ‘‘ principatus guoslibet.” Against these its con-
nection with ayy. is decisive, because no contrast issuggested of non-angelic
powers. Just as little, because without any trace in the text, are we to
understand with Hofmann the ἀρχαί, in contrast to the good God-serving
ἄγγελοι, as spirits ‘‘ that in sehf-will exercise a dominion, with which they do not
live to the service of God,” i.e. as evil spirits. —obre ἐνεστῶτα οὔτε μέλλοντα]
neither that which has setin nor that which is future. Comp. 1 Cor. 111. 22.
Quite general, and not to be limited to sufferings (Vatablus, Grotius, Flatt,
and others). éveor., however, does not absolutely coincide with the idea
things present (as it is usually taken), which is in itself linguistically possible,
but is never the case in the N. T. (see on Gal. i. 4) ; but it denotes rather
what is in the act of having set in, has already begun (and μελλ. that, the
emergence of which is still future). So, according to Gal. i. 4 ; 1 Cor. iii.
22, vil. 26 ; 2 Thess. ii. 2. Aptly rendered by the Vulgate: ‘‘instantia.”
Comp. Lucretius, i. 461: ‘‘ quae res instet, quid porro deinde sequatur,”” —
οὔτε δυνάμεις] nor powers ; to be left in its utmost generality, personal and im-
personal (Hofmann arbitrarily limiting it to the latter). The common inter-
pretation, angelic powers, would be correct, if its position after ἀρχαί were
right ; but see the crit. remarks. The incongruity of the apparent isolation of
1 Τὴ opposition to Hofmann, who without 2 See, respecting these definitions, Barto-
any reason denies this (Schriftbew. I. 347). locci, Bibl. rabb. I. p. 267 ff.; Eisenmenger,
See Hahn, Theol. N. 7. I. 282 ff.; Philippi, entdecktes Judenthum, 11. Ὁ. 370 ff.
Glaubens!. ΤΙ. 307 ff., ed. 2.
NOTES. 345
this link vanishes on observing that Paul, in his enumeration, twice arranges
the elements in pairs (θάνατος. . . ἀρχαῖ), and then twice again in threes (viz.
obte ἐνεστ. οὔτε μέλλ. οὔτε δυνάμ., and οὔτε ὕψωμα οὔτε βάθος οὔτε τίς κτίσις ἑτέρα),
and the latter indeed in such a way, that to the two that stand contrasted
he adds a third of a general character. — οὔτε ὕψωμα οὔτε βάθος] neither height
nor depth ; likewise without any alteration or limitation of the quite general
sense of the words. No dimension of space can separate us, etc. Arbitrary
definitions are given : heaven and hell or the nether world (Theodoret, Bengel,
Wetstein, Michaclis, Klee, Baumgarten-Crusius, Ewald, and Hofmann) ;
heaven and earth (Fritzsche ; comp. Theophylact, Morus, and Flatt) ; the
height of bliss and the depth of misery (Koppe) ; spes honorum and metus
ignominiae (Grotius, Rosenmiiller) ; sapientia haereticorum and communes
oulgi errores (Melanchthon) ; neque altitudo, ex qua quis minaretur praecipt-
tium, neque profundum, in quo aliquis minaretur demersionem (Thomas
Aquinas, Anselm, Estius).—oire τίς κτίσις ἑτέρα] nor any other created thing
whatever, covers all not yet embraced in the foregoing elements ; and thus
the idea of ‘‘ nothing in the world in the shape of a creature” is fully exhausted.
The attempt to bring the collective elements named in their consecutive
order under definite logical categories leads to artificialities of exposition,
which ought not to be applied to such enthusiastic outbursts of the moment.
— Instead of τῆς ay. τοῦ Χριστοῦ (ver. 35), Paul now says, τῆς dy. τοῦ Θεοῦ τῆς
ἐν X. Ἴ., not thereby expressing something different, but characterizing the
love of Christ (toward us) as the love of God which is in Christ Jesus. The
love of Christ, namely, is nothing else than the love of God Himself, which
has its seat and place of operation in Christ. God is the original fountain,
Christ the constant organ and mediating channel of one and the same love ;
so that in Christ isthe love ef Ged, and the love of Christ is the love of God
in Christ. Comp, νυ, 6, 8.
Notes spy American Eprror.
XCI. Ver. 1. οὐδὲν dpa viv κατάκριμα k.T.A.
ἄρα νῦν Meyer affirms, as against Philippi, never to be equivalent to dpa οὖν.
This position seems to be correct. Here, at least, it may be confidently held
that viv has the temporal sense, referring to the state following the interven-
tion of Christ which is alluded to in vii. 25. To what is there said, as con-
nected with what precedes it (also summed up in 25)), dpa points, and draws
from it the declaration of this verse asaninference. The progress of the thought
and its connection with the foregoing context, thus, show what is in the au-
thor’s mind. The deliverance through Christ is from the condition described
in vii. 14-23 ; that condition is one in which, whatever may be the better im-
pulses or the interior conflict, the man is uniformly and hopelessly subjected
as a slave to sin as his master. It is from the power and dominion of this mas-
ter that Christ frees him. Through the aid of this Divine helper he ceases to be
a δοῦλος ἁμαρτίας, and becomes ἐλεύθερος. The fact that he is thus free, accord-
ingly, isthe ground of the fact that there is for him now no condemnation. This
view of the meaning is confirmed by the following verses. The reason given in
ver. 2 for this statement of ver. 1, that there is no condemnation, is that ‘*‘ the law
940 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
of the Spirit freed me (or thee) from the law of sin ;” i.e. that the man has pass-
ed out of the control of sin into a new and opposite condition, And the aorist
tense ἠλευθέρωσεν declares that this change was wrought at the time indicated
in vii. 25a. Ver. 4 ff. also set forth, (1) the idea of a fulfilling of the require-
ments of the law in the case of those who come under the controlling influence
of the new principle ; (2) the fact that, where this new principle thus gains
control, the ‘‘mind’’ is wholly turned towards the things of the Spirit, which
are the exact opposite to those of the flesh ; and (3) the declaration that if a
man has this ‘‘mind’’—though his bodily part remains still subject to death
on account of sin—his spiritual part is already possessed of life because of
righteousness. The entire context, therefore, points in one direction and to
one conclusion. The same general thought is brought out in Gal. v. 18 ff.,
where the statement that, in case we are led by the Spirit, we are not under
the law [i.e. its condemnation], is founded upon an enumeration of the fruits
of the Spirit, against which the law has no condemnatory judgment to pro-
nounce. ‘The man has ceased to sin, having been made free, and hence can-
not be condemmed.
It must be borne in mind here, as in chap. vi., that the Apostle is in this en-
tire section of the Epistle discussing an objection to his doctrine—that it tends
to sin,—and is showing that there is no such tendency. When he describes
the state of the man who has become a Christian, therefore, he naturally pre-
sents it in accordance with the ideal involved in the doctrine. In the realiza-
tion of this ideal there is and must be a complete change of masters and govern-
ing principles at the turning-point of life. All before this is under sin ; all
after this under Christ, the Spirit, righteousness. The doctrine is thus com-
pletely vindicated, when it is exhibited in its true light. That individual hu-
man experience does not always answer to this ideal is plainly admitted by the
Apostle in the fact that, immediately after these verses, he exhorts the Chris-
tian readers to conform their lives to the doctrine, ver. 12 (cf. vi. 12, Gal. v.
25). But whether the individual believer does thus live or not, the legitimate
tendency of the doctrine itself is the same; and, wherever he does not, the
same exhortation, and this only, is the one to be given.
XCII. Ver. 2-11.
In the passage extending from ver. 2 to ver. 11 the following points may be
noticed. (a) The connection of ἐν Xp. ᾿Ιησοῦ (ver. 2) with ἠλευθέρωσεν, which
is favored by Meyer, is to be preferred. Meyer founds this view of the con-
struction upon ver. 3. Weiss, in his ed. of Mey., inserts, in place of ‘ver. 3,”’
“the manifest reference to τοῖς ἐν Xp. Inc. ver. 1.’’ We may properly include
both of the verses alluded to, and also vii. 25a, in the argument, for this
verse has a close relation to them all, and they all support this understanding
of the sentence. (Ὁ) The textual reading oe after ἠλευθ. is placed by West. and
Hort. (as by Tisch., 8th ed.) in the text. They indicate doubts, however, re-
specting its genuineness, and in their ‘‘Notes on Select Readings,’’ after
presenting the facts of the case, they say, ‘‘The distribution of documents,
combined with internal evidence, favors the omission of both pronouns ;”
adding the remark (comp. Meyer), ‘‘ce, a very unlikely reading, is probably only
an early repetition of—ce.” [i.e. from ἠλευθέρωσε.]. Weiss ed. Mey., on the
other hand, seems to regard the substitution of we for ce by a copyist as readily
NOTES. 347
to be supposed, by reason of the J and me of the preceding context. The con-
nection of the verse with the preceding context certainly favors strongly the
reading je, as compared with ce. But, while it must be admitted that this fact
might have induced a copyist to change the text from ce to με, ἃ careful obser-
vation of the progress of the thought will lead rather to the conviction that the
Apostle himself wrote με, as still bringing forward his own personality. (c)
The law of sin and of death, from which the man is freed, is the same law which
is mentioned at the end of vii. 23, to whose power he was always brought into
captivity before the deliverance. The addition of τοῦ θανάτου is suggested by
vii. 24. (d) The sense in which κατέκρινε (ver. 3) is to be understood must be
determined (1) by the force of the verb itself ;—it is a judicial word, and hence
we must find in it this element ; (2) by ἐν τῇ σαρκί, which qualifies the verb ;—
this denotes the sphere within which the condemnation was effective ; (3) by
τὸ ἀδύνατον τοῦ νόμου ;—this phrase, being appositional with the sentence of
which κατέκρινε is the leading verb, shows that the condemnation referred to is
one which the law could not accomplish ; (4) by ἐν ᾧ ἠσθένει διὰ τῆς σαρκός ;—
these words contain the ground of this inability of the law; (5) by the fact
that throughout the entire passage from vii, 14 to this point ἁμαρτία is con-
ceived of in the light of a master and lord. Sin is declared in this verse,
therefore, to be condemned, not in the ordinary meaning of the word, but in a
peculiar one. In the ordinary sense, the law could condemn it. It could pro-
nounce judgment and secure the infliction of penalty. To this end there was
no weakness of the law through the flesh. But in the sense of a judicial deposing
of sin from its lordship, and of excluding it from the domain where it had held
sway, the Mosaic law had no power of condemnation. It was hopelessly weak
as related to the accomplishment of this result, because of that element of
man’s nature over which sinruled. It could reveal the will of God and demand
righteousness, but, by reason of what is set forth in vii. 14-23, could do no
more. This practical, or as Meyer calls it de facto, condemnation is, according-
ly, what was in the writer’s mind. (6) The means by which God effected
what the law had not been able to accomplish was the sending of his Son ἐν
ὁμοιώματι σαρκὸς ἁμαρτίας καὶ περὶ ἁμαρτίας. In the former of these two phrases
the genitive ἁμαρτίας is not to be explained, with Meyer, as a gen. of quality,
but, with Weiss ed. Mey., as expressing the relation of sin as amaster. In the
latter phrase the same idea is probably suggested, and thus the preposition,
which is indefinite in itself, is to be taken, not as involving the thought of an
offering for sin, but as referring to the destruction of sin’s power. As Weiss
justly remarks, these verses speak of sin only with respect to this point. The
Son was sent ἐν σαρκί (as Meyer also says), but not ἐν σαρκὶ ἁμαρτίας, only ἐν
ὁμοιώμ. σαρκ. ἅμ. He was sent with reference (περί) to sin in different senses,
but here the attention of the reader is confined to the one sense indicated by the
context. Meyer, on the other hand, holds that in περὶ dy. is contained the
whole category of the relations in which Christ stood to sin. (f) In accordance
with all that has been said, and with all the indications of the passage, δικαίωμα,
ver. 4, must be interpreted as meaning ordinance, requirement, ““ what the la~ lays
down as its rightful demand ’’ (Meyer). The end in view of the condemnation
is the fulfilment of this demand. This verse, accordingly, confirms the view
of the preceding verse which has been stated, and, in its turn, has its own true
meaning indicated and established by what the former verse declares. (g) In
ver. 7b the ground on which is founded the affirmation that the mind of the flesh
948 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS,
is enmity against God is set forth in the words, ‘‘for it does not subject itself
to the law of God ;” and then this latter statement is strengthened by the
clause ‘‘for not even can it do so.”’ This ov δύναται and similar phrases else-
where are not to be regarded as stating anything respecting the ability or ina-
bility of the will, as a faculty, to rid itself of the dominion of sin. What is
said here is only that the mind of the flesh cannot subject itself, etc. It can-
not, because a thing cannot be its opposite. If the man, in the exercise of his
will, submits to God, the mind of the flesh, ipso facto and at that moment,
ceases to exist. (h) Vv. 10, 11 state what is already secured for the Christian
while he lives on earth, according to the proper idea of the doctrine of justifica-
tion by faith, and what will be realized hereafter, Already in this life, so far
as the πνεῦμα is concerned, there is ζωή because of righteousness, but neverthe-
less the body is dead. Hereafter the body of the believer is to share in the
ζωή, and thus the work of the deliverer from the power of sin is to be completed.
That δικαιοσύνη here means conformity to right, and not righteousness by faith,
is indicated by the context, even from the beginning of this section. Weiss
ed. Mey. recognizes this, rejecting the view of Meyer. νεκρόν clearly reiers to
physical death (comp. θνητά, ver. 11), and the sentence is put in this form for the
purpose of contrast with (a7) :—the spirit is life, the body is dead. So far as
relates to the matter of time, the death of the body is, for the living man, a
thing of the future. Meyer takes the sentence proleptically. Weiss regards it
as said from the standpoint of the end of life, when the result which Christ
accomplishes for us here is made manifest. The view of Meyer seems more
correct, for the declaration with regard to the spirit (as shown by the preced-
ing verses) has reference to what is before the end. (i) With respect to the
manner of the ζωοποιεῖν, or the view which we are to regard the Apostle as
holding concerning the resurrection, it is to be remarked that his most full
and distinct utterance on this subject is found in 1 Cor. xv. Expressions of a
more general nature, like the present—at least those written so soon after-
wards—must be explained, in their minuter points, by that chapter. Evident-
ly Paul did not look for a literal resurrection of the earthly body. (j) As to
the textual reading in ver. 11, it must be admitted that the thought of the pre-
ceding verses points strongly towards 614 τὸ ἐνοικοῦν... πνεῦμα. The fact, also,
which is urged by many, that the Spirit is not represented in the N. T. as the
instrumental agent in the resurrection, favors the same text. In a case where
the external evidence is so nearly evenly divided as itis here, the evidence
derived from the passage itself may properly have great weight. Tisch. 8th
ed., West. and Hort, R. V., adopt the genitive reading ; W. & H. and R. V.,
however, record the other in the margin. Tregelles, Alford, Godet, Weiss,
Gifford, and others prefer the accusative reading.
XCIII. Ver. 12. dpa οὖν ὀφειλέται ἐσμέν k.7.A.
The remarks of Meyer on this verse are evidently correct. It may be added,
(a) that the statement of the former part of the verse involves and (though the
thought is expressed only on the negative side) is equivalent in substance to
an exhortation to the readers to make their living correspond with the ideal
indicated (see preceding notes) ; and (b) that the cause of the omission of the
positive part (but to the Spirit, ete.) is undoubtedly the same which we
discover in many other instances—namely, that the writer is led away by his
NOTES. 349
desire to introduce the proof of the negative part, and, after this has been
presented, regards the positive as suggested with sufficient clearness for his
purpose.
XCIV. Ver. 17. εἴπερ συμπάσχομεν iva καὶ συνδοξασθῶμεν.
The connection both of the clauses and the thought is very close from ver. 12
to ver. 17a. But a new thought is evidently suggested in ver. 170. ‘‘We
are heirs, if we suffer,” etc. To this new thought the entire passage vy. 18-39
is attached. It may be noticed, as connected with 17b, that iva seems to ex-
press the end in view which belongs to the very idea of συμπάσχομεν, rather
than that which alone moves the man thus to suffer: Jf we move on inthat course
of suffering in union with Christ which looks, as it also leads, to a union with Him in
glory. It may also be remarked that εἴπερ assumes the condition as a fact, and
although the position of Hermann ad Viger. p. 834, referred to by Grimm and
many commentators, may be admitted—that this particle is used ‘* de re, quae
esse sumitur, sed in incerto relinquitur utrum jure an injuria sumatur’’—
yet in the N. T. it is found almost universally (if not, indeed, without any
exception in cases where it is not joined with some other particle), as it is
here, in suppositions which are clearly regarded by the writer as justly assumed.
As in ver. 9 he takes it for granted, since they are Christians, that the readers
(ὑμεῖς) have the Spirit of God dwelling in them—and considers himself justified
in so taking it,—so here he presents a condition which, as he holds, will nat-
urally be fulfilled by the followers of Christ to whom he was writing. For the
use of εἴπερ comp. ver. 9, also Rom. iii. 30 (where some texts read ἐπείπερ),
1 Cor. viii. 5; 2 Cor. v. 3 (where Tisch. and W. & Hort read εἴγε); 2 Thess. i. 6 ;
1 Pet. ii. 3 (when 8* A B read εἰ)δ. With ἄρα it occurs in 1 Cor. xv. 15, where
dpa conveys the idea of in the case supposed in the preceding context. In that
case it may be justly held that the dead are not raised.
XCV. Ver. 18 ff.
The relation of vv. 18-39 to ver. 170 is correctly given by Meyer. The pas-
sage sets forth three grounds of encouragement to endure the sufferings which
are toend in the glory. The first of these is connected with the future and
with hope. The other two relate to the present life. Weiss ed. Mey. objects
to this view on the ground that ver. 17 does not contain an exhortation. It does
not, indeed, inform, but it does by way of suggestion and through its close union
with ver. 18. That the latter verse is introduced as a reason for something
which precedes it, is evident from the γάρ with which it opens. That the
particular thing to which it refers is the entire clause, συμπάσχομεν ἵνα καὶ
συνδοξασθῶμεν, is indicated by the fact that it compares the sufferings with the
glory. That the reference is to this clause as suggesting an exhortation we must
hold, because there is no proof given in the verse of the only fact stated in ver.
17b—namely, that we are God's heirs and Christ’s fellow-heirs if, or only if, we
suffer, ete. Weiss admits that this fact, considered in itself, is not established
by ver. 18, but regards the verse as proving that, whereas the suffering might
seem to be inconsistent with that fatherly love of God on which our confidence
in the final consummation of our salvation must depend, there was, nevertheless,
to the mind of Paul, no such inconsistency. To any inconsistency of this sort
or any difficulty likely to arise in connection with it, however, there is no
a
800 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
allusion in ver. 18 or the verses which follow ; the first clearly manifest sug-
gestion of such an idea being found near the close of the chapter, and in what
must be considered as another paragraph, —at vy. 35, 36.
According to Godet, ‘‘Paul seemed, in the previous verses, to assume that
the work had already reached its goal, and that nothing remained but to pass
into glory.’’ The words of 170 are added to remove this possible misapprehen-
sion of his meaning, and in connection with them he is led to ““ develop two
ideas,”’ ver. 18 ff. : (1) ‘‘the world’s state of misery in its present condition
demonstrated by the groaning of the creation, by that of believers themselves,
and by that of the Holy Spirit,” and (2) the certainty, notwithstanding all, of
the future glory, But this view seems less simple, natural, and accordant with
the progress of the thought, and must be rejected.
XCVI. Ver. 18-25.
The relation of the verses in this passage is indicated by the repeatedly
occurring γάρ. (a) Ver. 19 is introduced as a confirmation of ver. 18. Meyer
thinks it is intended to prove the certainty suggested by the emphatic μέλλουσαν ;
but, though this participle has a prominence by reason of its position, it does
not apparently contain the main thought of the verse—which is, that the
glory, which is certainly to be revealed, far outweighs the present sufferings. It
is, then, the greatness of the glory, rather than its indubitableness, which we
must regard as in the Apostle’s mind in ver. 18 also. If even the κτίσις (the
entire irrational creation) is patiently waiting for the revelation of this
glory, with earnest expectation, it must be something with which “the light
afflictions which are but for a moment” can bear no comparison. (0) Vv. 20, 21
give the ground of the fact that the κτίσις thus waits with expectation—namely,
because its original subjection to the law of decay was accompanied by a hope
for itself of future deliverance from the bondage of corruption, and of participa-
tion in the freedom therefrom which belongs to the glorified state of the chil-
dren of God. (c) Ver. 22 presents a proof of the statement of vv. 20, 21. This
statement is not that the κτίσις was subjected to vanity, but that it was thus
subjected in hope. The view of Meyer, at this particular point, must, therefore,
be correct, The ever-continued sighing for deliverance indicates the hope of
it. (d) With regard to ver. 23, however, it seems better, with Weiss ed. Mey.,
to hold that its connection is with ver, 18, and that it has a sort of parallelism
with ver. 19, than, with Meyer, to make it a climax of the proof of the ἐπ᾽
ἐλπίδι of ver. 20. From ver. 19 to ver. 22 the waiting expectation of the κτίσις
is presented and explained. The similar longing and waiting of the children
of God themselves is now set forth. We who have the first-fruits of the Spirit,
Paul says, groan within ourselves, waiting out the completeness of our adoption,
the redemption of the body. This, which has been already alluded to in
vy. 10, 11, as not yet accomplished, but as the promise of the future, is the
final consummation of that which Christ works out for us through the deliver-
ance referred to in vii. 25. The body is redeemed from the power of sin,
which causes its death, and is made free from the bondage of corruption. (e)
Ver. 24 adds a reason for ‘‘ our” groaning and looking forward ; that the salva-
tion which ‘‘ we’’ gained as we entered the Christian life was a salvation in
hope, and not in the actual experience of all that it involves. By this word
**hope,” the thought is brought into a correspondence with the idea of hope as
NOTES. 351
predicated of the κτίσις ; and the two together give the double proof, not simply
of the cerlainty, but of the greatness of that which awaits the sons of God.
(f) Having thus developed his thought, the Apostle turns, at the close of the
paragraph, to an inference which includes within itself an exhortation. If our
condition is one of hopeful expectation of a glory which we do not yet realize,
we may well wait for it with a steadfast endurance under whatever sufferings
we may be called to experience.
XCVITI. Vv. 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25.
As regards the individual words and phrases of the passage, the following
points may be noticed : (4) τοῦ viv καιροῦ does not necessarily indicate that the
Parousia was, to the Apostle’s thought, near at hand, but may imply this, and is
entirely consistent with any statements of the Epistles which convey this idea.
The evidence for or against the view that he had this thought must, however,
be sought elsewhere. (Ὁ) εἰς ἡμᾶς. This form of expression shows, not that
the revelation of the glory is to ws or in us, but that it finds its end—terminates,
as it were—inus. Hence we have, also, in ver. 19 the revelation of the sons of
God. R. V. renders ‘‘ to us-ward.’’ Godet says, ‘‘in and for us.” (0) ἀποκαρα-
δοκία, ἀπεκδέχεται. There is here a personifying of the κτίσις so far that the
imperfection and perishableness seen everywhere in nature, which suggest the
idea of, and seem to demand, an answering perfection, are conceived as a
longing desire and earnest hope for this completeness. (ὦ) That the explana-
tion of κτίσις given by Meyer is the right one is satisfactorily proved by the ar-
suments and suggestions presented in his note. (e) ματαιότητι refers to thes
perishableness alluded to above, or the law of decay to which all things in the
natural world are subject. The subjection, however, is not a hopeless and
perpetual one. (jf) dv. Tisch. (8) reads. with δὲ D* F G, διότι, and Weiss
ed. Mey. regards this as probably the original text, the first syllable having
subsequently been omitted by reason of the occurrence of the same letters at
the end of the next preceding word, ἐλπίδι. If we read διότι we must, and if ὅτι
we may, translate because. It is apparently, however, much more in the Apos-
tle’s line of thought here to state the contents of the hope—namely, thal there
will be a deliverance, than to declare this fact as a ground of the affirmation
that there was a subjecting in hope. This being the case, and the external evi-
dence being strong for ὅτε (A BC Ὁ. E K LP, etc.), it seems better to adopt
this reading with W. & Hort, and to translate, as R. V. text, that. The other text
and rendering are, however, properly recognized by R. V. in the margin. (q)
That δόξης is not equivalent to an attributive adjective belonging to ἐλευθερίαν
(A. V. the glorious liberty), is clear not only from the universal usage of the N. T.,
but also because of the δουλείας τῆς φορᾶς which precedes. 'The genitivesin both
cases, it may be added, are not gen. of apposition (the bondage which consists
in corruption, etc.),as Meyer holds, but rather gen. of possession or the gen.
indicating that the bondage and freedom appertain to the corruption and glory.
The contrast between φηορᾶς and δόξης, and the connection with ματαιότητι and
ἐλπίδι of the previous clause, make it evident that φθορά, as here used, corre-
sponds substantially with ματαιότης. (ἢ) αὐτοί τὴν ἀπαρχὴν Tov πνεύματος ἔχοντες.
The view of Meyer with reference to these words must be rejected, because
there seems to be no occasion for thus referring to the first believers in distine-
tion from others ; because we do not find this idea expressed elsewhere by
352 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
similar words ; and because there is nothing in the context to suggest such an
interpretation. The context, on the other hand, suggests the thought of the
perfected condition connected with the δόξα. The first-fruit of this perfec;
tion is the gift of the Spirit bestowed already upon the Christian. The evident
connection in thought between this verse and vv. 10, 11 renders it almost
certain that this is the true meaning, and that the genitive πνεύματος is apposi-
tional. (i) vio#ecia in connection with ἀπεκδεχ is used in a peculiar sense.
It does not here designate the adoption which takes place at the beginning of
the Christian life (cf. ver. 15 ; also Gal. iv. 5 ; Eph, i. 5), but the full realization
of what that adoption involves in itself and brings to the soul in the future. (j)
The word ἀπολύτρωσις is used, apparently, because, in the passage to which this
paragraph is attached (vii. 25-viii. 17), the Apostle has set forth the effects of
Christ’s work of deliverance, together with their present limitations. In the
redemption from the power of sin, the body participates latest. Death is the
last enemy destroyed (1 Cor. xv. 26). (k) τῇ ἐλπίδι ἐσώθημεν] The aorist tense
points to the time of conversion (vii. 25), and ἐλπίδι denotes the respect in
which salvation was then secured. The dative, as Winer and Meyer express
the idea of it, ‘‘ designates the sphere to which the predicate is to be conceived
as confined.”” In hope, not by hope, is thus the meaning. So the Amer. Ap-
pendix to R. V., as against the rendering of R. V. text. That this is the cor-
rect view is indicated (1) by the fact that this clause is introduced as account-
ing for our longing desire for a future completeness. We have this longing
because we have thus far attained full salvation only in hope ; (2) by the 25th
verse, which refers to us as having something before us not yet realized, and
accordingly as being still within the region of hope and expectation ; (3) by the
parallelism of ver, 23 with vy. 21, 22, which is connected with this word ; (4)
by the fact alluded to by Meyer and others, that, while Paul represents us as
saved by faith, he does not represent us as saved by hope.
XCVIII. Ver. 28. τοῖς κατὰ πρόθεσιν κλητοῖς.
These words are added as confirming the statement of the earlier part of the
verse. The purpose of God is placed at the foundation of the assurance that
all things do, and must, work together for good to those who love Him. The
strength of the assurance is the certainty (vv. 29, 30) that God’s purpose
will be carried out. The persons whom He foreknew and predestinated He
will glorify at the end. No sufferings or afflictions can prevent the result, or
issue in final evil. The doctrine of predestination, so far as it is alluded to
here, is not presented for its own sake, as if the Apostle would set it forth in
detail ; it is introduced incidentally, and as subordinate to the main thought
which is expressed in ver. 28a. It will be noticed, also, that it is introduced—
as, indeed, it is generally by the N. T. writers who refer to it at all—at the
point where it gives encouragement to the believer. If he believes and loves
God he may have all hope and confidence, for his eternal life rests on the pre-
destinating purpose. The presentation of it where it burdens the mind with
difficulties and throws it into doubts belongs to post-apostolic times.
XCIX. Ver: 28. προέγνω.
That προέγνω has a different meaning from προώρισεν is proved not only by
the fact that they occur, as different words, in the same sentence, but also by
the manifest intention of the Apostle to move on from step to step in a progress
NOTES. 353
from the first beginning to the final consummation. This progressive devel-
opment of the sentence, moreover, shows that what is indicated by προέγνω pre-
cedes in the order of sequence that to which zpodp. refers. Meyer maintains
that προέγνω never in the N. T. means anything else than to know beforehand,
and affirms, also, the impossibility of proving that in classic usage it ever has
any other signification. But, whether this view is pressed to an absolute nega-
tive or not, both common usage and the facts of vv. 29, 30 render it altogether
probable that foreknow is the meaning here. Before the adoption of His plan
of creation, God foreknew what persons under the circumstances and con-
ditions involved in the plan would love Him. These persons He—even by and
with the adoption of the plan —predestinated to be conformed to the image of
His Son. In the development of the plan He calls and justifies them, and, at
the end, He will give them the glory of the sons of God. The successive parts
of the fulfilment which are accomplished in the present or the future are all
earried by the Apostle’s form of expression into the past (see the aorist tenses
throughout), since he desired to gather them up into and centre them all in the
eternal purpose.
CG. Vv. 33-35. Θεὸς ὁ δικαιῶν x.T.A.
The explanation of these clauses given by Meyer, following Erasmus and
the Greek fathers, is, as Dr. Gifford says, ‘‘the only one that fully preserves
the simplicity, freedom, and vigor of this loftiest flight of Christian elo-
quence.’’ Meyer’s arguments for this explanation and against others are
sufficient, Among the very recent commentators, however, Godet and Weiss
object to this view and adopt that of Luther, Calvin, and others, mentioned in
Meyer’s note. Godet’s objections are the following : (1) The question : who
will condemn, cannot be the reproduction, negatively, of the question, who will
accuse, To this may be answered : It is not such areproduction ; it is a part
of the reply to that question. The thought, presented apart from the inter-
rogative form, is this: If no one can condemn when God justifies, there will
appear no accuser to bring any charge against those for whom God’s justifying
judgment is sure. (2) A then would be indispensable in the questions, who
shall condemn and who shall separate. But why indispensable? It might have
been inserted, had such been the desire of the writer. But, when we consider
the form of the sentence, ‘‘ God is the one who justifies, who is the one who
condemns?” the insertion cannot be deemed necessary. Indeed, such an
insertion would weaken the force of the two abruptly contrasted clauses, (3)
The question, who shall separate, finds its answer in ver. 99 : nothing shall
separate, and hence cannot express the conclusion of what precedes. The more
correct view of ver. 39, or of vv. 35b-39, however, is that they do not so much
answer the question of ver. 35a, as unfold the negative which is involved in it.
These verses add no new idea to that which ver. 35a has already suggested. (4)
This question, who shall separate, is followed by an enumeration of the sufferings
which are calculated to separate the believer from his Saviour, and thus we are
prohibited from regarding this question as a conclusion. The reply to this is
very simple. They may be “calculated,” indeed, thus to separate him ; he
may be apprehensive that they will ; but the declaration of the Apostle is that
they actually will not, and this is the very conclusion involved in the question,
“who shall separate us?’ Weiss, on the other hand, calls the explanation
unnatural, and says that it forees a meaning upon what, when taken in a
354 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
natural and simple way, would not suggest it. It seems difficult to understand,
however, in what manner Paul could have expressed himself more simply and
naturally, if he had desired to bring the two clauses into a contrasted paral-
lelism with each other, than by writing these words, Θεὸς ὁ δικαιῶν" τίς ὁ
κατακρίνων; Why, in case he wished to make the latter question parallel with τίς
ἐγκαλέσει (as Weiss holds), did he take pains to put it in a form which corre-
sponds, not with this phrase, but with the other? The course adopted might,
at the least, mislead the reader. Paul must have known, it would seem, that it
probably would mislead him.
(oh)
Cr
οι
CHAP. IX.
CHAPTER IX.
Ver. 3. The verbal order ἀνάθεμα εἶναι αὐτὸς ἐγώ (recommended by Griesb.,
adopted by Lachm. and Tisch.) receives preponderant attestation from A B Ὁ
E F G, min., vss., and Fathers; as also from δὰ, reading εἶναι before aval.
Erroneously attached to ηὐχόμην, αὑτὸς ἐγώ became placed before avai, (Elz.).
—Ver. 4. ai διαθῆκαι] B DE F G,min., Vulg., with several Fathers, read 7
διαθήκη, which Lachm, has adopted. An alteration, because the plural was
understood of the Old and New Test. (Gal. iv. 24), and yet the latter could not
be considered as a privilege of the Jews. — Ver. 11. κακόν] Lachm. and Tisch.
read φαῦλον, according to A B δὲ, min., Or. Cyr. Damase. Rightly; the more usual
opposite of ἀγαθόν easily intruded. — Ver. 15, The order τῷ Movcei yap is
decidedly to be received, with Lachm. and Tisch., following BDEFG%.
The Recepta τ. y. M. isa mechanical alteration. — Ver. 16. éheodvto¢] A B* Ὁ E
EGP &, 39, read ἐλεῶντος ; so Lachm. and Tisch. But since in no other pas-
sage of the N, T. is éAedw, the form belonging to the κοινή (see Etym. M. 327. 30),
to be found ; and in ver. 18 only D* F G have ἐλεῶ instead of ἐλεεῖ (and yet in
both places Paul doubtless used one form) ; it is most probable that Q instead
of OY was merely an early copyist’s error, which, as the form -aw was actually
in existence, became diffused, and also induced in some Codd. the alteration
éAed in ver, 18 (so Tisch. 7). — Ver. 27. κατάλειμμα] A Β &* Eus, read ὑπόλειμμα ;
so Lachm. and Tisch. Rightly ; see LXX. Isa. x. 22. — Ver. 28. ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ,
ὅτι λόγον συντετμημένον] is wanting in A Β &*, 29", 47*, 67**, Syr. Aeth. Erp. ~
Copt. Eus. Damasc. Aug. It certainly bears the suspicion of being an addition
from the LXX. ; but its deletion, which Lachm. and Tisch. 8 have carried out,
is precluded by the ease with which it was possible for transcribers to turn
from συντέμνων at once to συντετμημένον. --- Ver. 31. The second δικαιοσύνης is
wanting in A BD EG δὲ, 47, 67**, 140, Copt. It. Or. and several Fathers, and
is marked with an obelus in F. Omitted by Lachm. and Tisch. 8. But the
omission admits of no sense accordant with the context. See the exeg. notes.
The weight of the omitting codd. is much diminished by the counter-testimony
of ancient vss. (including Syr. and Vulg.) and of most Greek Fathers. The
omission itself might easily, from the frequent recurrence of the word in vy.
30, 31, occur through a homoeoteleuton, which led, in the first instance, to the
disappearance of the words εἰς νόμ. δικαιοσύνης (they are still absent from 2
min.), followed by their incomplete restoration. — Ver. 32. νόμου] Wanting in
AB F αὶ δὰ", min., Copt. Vulg., and several Fathers. Rightly deleted by
Lachm. and Tisch. A defining addition. —The γάρ after προσέκοψαν, which is
wanting in AB D* FG &* 47*, Copt. It. Vulg. ms, Goth. Ambr. Ruf. Dam.
(and is omitted by Lachm. and Tisch. 8), is simply a connective insertion. —
Ver. 33. πᾶς] has preponderant evidence against it, and must, with Lachm.
and Tisch., be struck out. An addition from x, 11, where it stands in all the
witnesses.
356 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS,
Chap. ix.-xi.’ [See Note CI. p. 396.] On the non-participation hitherto of
the greater part of the Jews in the Christian plan of salvation ; and specially
(a) the lamentation over this (ix. 1-5) ; (Ὁ) the Theodicée on its account, (ix.
6-29) ; (ὦ the fault thereof, which rests upon the Jews themselves (ix. 80--
33 and x. 1-21) ; (d) the consolation in reference to this (xi. 1-32), with
final giving glory to God (xi. 33-36). Paul could not do otherwise, he must
still settle this great problem ; this is inevitably demanded by all that had
gone before. For if the whole previous treatise had as its result, that only
believers were the recipients of the promised salvation, and if nevertheless
the Messianic promise and destination to salvation had their reference in
the first place (comp. i. 16) to the Israelites, concerning whom, however,
experience showed that they were for the most part wibelieving (comp. John
1. 11), this contradictory relation thus furnished an enigma, which Paul, with
his warm love for his people, could least of all evade, but in the solution of
which he had on the contrary to employ all the boldness and depth of his clear
insight into the divine plan of redemption (Eph. iii. 4 ff.). The defence of the
efficacy of hisGentile apostleship (Th. Schott, and in another way Mangold and
Sabatier) is not the object of the section—that object Paul would have known
how to meet directly—but such a defence results indirectly from it, since we
see from the section how fully the apostle had recognized and comprehended
his place in connection with the divine plan of salvation. The problem itself,
the solution of which is now taken in hand by the apostle, was sufficiently
serious and momentous to be treated with so much detail in this great and
instructive letter to the important mixed community of the world’s capital,
which, however, does not thereby appear to have been a Jewish-Christian
one, :
Vy. 1-3.°} The new section is introduced without connection with the
foregoing, but in a fervent outburst of Israelitish patriotism, the more sorrow-
ful by contrast with the blessedness of the Christian previously extolled and
so deeply experienced by the apostle himself. This sorrow might be deemed
incredible, after the joyous triumph which had just been exhibited. Hence
the extremely urgent asseveration with which he begins’: truth I speak in
Christ, that is, in my fellowship with Christ ; ἐν X. is the element, in which
his soul moves. Just so Eph. iv. 17; 1 Thess. iv. 1; 2 Cor. ii. 17, xii. 19.
The explanation adopted by most of the older commentators (especially
Joh. Capellus, Clericus, Locke), and by Nésselt, Koppe, Béhme, Flatt,
Reiche, Kéllner, and others, of ἐν in the sense of adjuration, is a perfectly
1 On this section, see Nésselt in his Opuse.
I. p. 141 ff.; Beck, Vers. 6. pnewmatisch her-
meneutischen Entwickel. d. neunten Kap.,
ete., Stuttg. 1833; Steudel in the vib.
Zeitschr. 1836, I. p. 1 ff.; Baur, ἐδ. III. p. 59 ff.;
Haustedt in Pelt’s Mitarbeiten, 1838, 3;
Meyer, ἐδ. Hofmann, Schriftbew. I. p. 240 ff.;
Krummacher, Dogma von der Gnadenwanhl,
Duisb. 1856, p. 142 ff. (though less for the
purpose of strict scientific exegesis) ; Weiss,
Pridestinationstehre d. Ap. P.in the Jahrb. 7.
Deutsche Theol. 1857, p. 54 f.; Lamping, Pauli
de praedest. decreta, Leovard. 1858, p. 127 ff.;
Beyschlag, @d. Paulin. Theodicee Rom. ix.-xi.,
1868 ; also Th. Schott and Mangold. — Ac-
cording to Weisse’s criticism, based on
style, the whole section, chap. ix.-xi.,
would be an interpolation ; according to the
view on which Baur proceeds (see Introd.
§ 3), the three chapters would be the chie/
portion of the whole epistle.
2 On vy. 1-5, see Winzer, Progr. Lips. 1882.
CHAP, ΤᾺ 1-3. 357
arbitrary departure both from the manner of the apostle, who neyer swears
by Christ, and also from Greek usage, which would have required πρός
with the genitive (Kiihner, II. 1, p. 448 ; Ellendt, Ler. Soph. II. p. 647) ;
and cannot at all be justified from Matt. v. 84, LXX. Jer. v. 7, Dan. xii. 7,
Rev. x. 6, because in these passages duview expressly stands beside it. — οὐ
ψεύδομαι] πρότερον δὲ διαβεβαιοῦται περὶ ὧν μέλλει λέγειν" ὅπερ πολλοῖς ἔθος ποιεῖν.
ὅταν μέλλωσί τι λέγειν παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀπιστούμενον (comp. e.g. Acts xxi. 21),
καὶ ὑπὲρ οὗ σφόδρα ἑαυτούς εἰσι πεπεικότες, Chrys. Compare 1 Tim. ii. 7. Con-
versely, Lys. iv. 12 : ψεύδεται x. οὐκ ἀληθῇ λέγει. ---- συμμαρτ. μοι τῆς ovvetd. μου]
ground assigned for the οὐ ψεύδ. : since with me (agreeing with my express
assurance) my conscience gives testimony. Compare 11, 15, viii. 16. —év πνεύμ.
ἁγίῳ] is by no means to be connected with τῆς συνειδ. μου (Grotius and sev-
eral others, Semler, Ammon, Vater: ‘‘conscientia a Spiritu sancto guber-
nata’’), because otherwise τῆς would not be wanting ; but either with οὐ
ψεύδομαι (Cramer, Morus, Nosselt, Koppe, Rosenmiiller, Flatt, Winzer,
Reiche, Kéllner, Fritzsche ; of whom, however, only Winzer and Fritzsche
take it not as an oath, but as equivalent to ὡς ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ ὧν), or—which
is the nearest and simplest—with συμμαρτ. (Beza, Béhme, Tholuck, Riick-
ert, de Wette, Maier, Philippi, van Hengel, Hofmann, and others). Com-
pare Matt. xxii. 48 ; Luke ii. 27 ; Mark xii. 36 ; 1 Cor. xii. 3. The testimony
of his conscience, Paul knows, is not apart from the πνεῦμα that fills him, but
“‘Spiritu sancto duce et moderatore” (Beza) in ἐμαύ πνεῦμα. And thus the
negative ov peid. receives its sacred guarantee through a concurrent testi-
mony of the conscience ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ, as the positive ἀλήθ. λέγω had
received it through ἐν Χριστῷ. This very appropriate symmetry dissuades
us from joining συμμαρτ. μοι k.t.2. to ἀλήθ. λέγω, 50 that οὐ ψεύδ. would be
only ‘thrown in between” (Hofmann). — ὅτι λύπη «.7.2.] that, etc. A comma
only preceding. Over what is this sorrow? Over the exclusion of a great
part of the Jews from the Messianic salvation. With tender forbearance
Paul does not express this, but leaves it to be gathered by the reader from
what follows, in which he immediately, by γάρ, assigns the ground for the
greatness and continuance of his sorrow. — ηὐχόμην] I would wish, namely,
if the purport of the wish could be realized to the advantage of the Israel-
ites. Comp. on Gal. iv. 20, where also no ἄν is annexed. But van Hengel
takes it of a wish which had actually arisen in the mind of Paul amidst
his continual sorrowfulness. So also Hofmann: the wish had entered
his mind, though but momentarily. But a thing so incapable of being ful-
filled he can scarce have actually wished ; he would only wish it, if it were
capable of being fulfilled ; this is expressed by ηὐχόμην, and that without ἄν,
as a definite assurance ; comp. on Acts xxv. 22; Gal. iv. 20 ; Buttmann,
neut. Gr. Ὁ. 187 [E. T. 217] ; Kiithner, II. 1, p. 178. On the wish itself,
comp. Ex. xxxii, 89..-- ἀνάθεμα] or, in the Attic form, ἀνάθημα," in Greek
writers (also Luke xxi. 5 ; 2 Mace. ii. 13, et al.) a votive offering, corre-
sponds frequently in the LXX. to the Hebrew 01M, and means something
devoted to God without redemption (Lev. xxvii. 28) ; then—in so far as such
1 Lobeck, ad Phryn. pp. 249, 445, and Paralip. p. 391 ff.
358 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
a thing was devoted to the divine wrath, and destined to destruction (see
Ewald, Alterth. p. 101 ff.)—something abandoned to destruction ; a curse-
offering. Sointhe N. T. See Gal. i. 8,9, 1 Cor. xii. 3, xvi. 22, which
passages at the same time prove that the (later) special sense of D7, as
denoting the Jewish curse of excommunication, is not to be here introduced.
The destruction, to which Paul would fain yield himself on behalf of his
brethren, is not to be understood of ὦ violent death (Jerome, Limborch,
Elsner, and others, also Michaelis, Nésselt, Flatt), but, as ἀπὸ τ. X. renders
necessary, of the everlasting ἀπώλεια. It has been objected that the wish
must thus be irrational (Michaelis : ‘‘a frantic prayer”) ; but the standard of
selfish reflection is not suited to the emotion of unmeasured devotedness
and love out of which the apostle speaks. Groundlessly, and contrary to
Paul’s usage elsewhere, Hofmann weakens the positive notion of the ex-
pression into the negative one of the being excluded from Christ. This ele-
ment is implied in ἀπὸ τοῦ X. as the specific accompanying relation of the
ἀνάθεμα. Bengel well remarks that the modulus ratiocinationum nostrarum
as little comprehends the love of the apostle, as does a little boy the animos
heroum bellicorum. — αὐτὸς ἐγώ] belonging to εἶναι by attraction (Kiihner, 11.
2, p. 596) : I myself, I, as far as my own person is concerned. Comp. on vii.
25. Paul sees those who belong to the fellowship of his people advancing
to ruin through their unbelief ; therefore he would fain wish that he himself
were a curse-offering, if by means of this sacrifice of his own self he could
only save the beloved brethren. The contrast, with reference to which αὐτὸς
ἐγώ is here conceived, lies therefore in ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀδελῴ. μου, Whose unhappy
state appears already in vv. 1, 2 so sad in the eyes of the apostle ; not in
the duty of the apostle’s calling (Th. Schott) ; and least of all in a ‘‘nescio
quis alius” (Fritzsche). Theodoret and Theophylact (comp. Chrysostom)
refer back to vill. 39 (I myself, whom nevertheless nothing can separate,
etc.) ; but this lies too far off. Van Hengel (after Krehl) : ‘‘Ipse ego, qué
me in Christi communione esse dizi.” But ἐν X. in the previous instance was
merely an accessory definition. — ἀπὸ τοῦ X.] away from Christ, separated
from Him. Comp. 2 Thess. i. 9; Gal. v. 4; 2 Cor. v. 6, xi. 8; Lev.
XXvil. 29 ; and see generally, Nagelsbach on J/ias, p. 188, ed. 3 ; Ameis on
Hom. Od. Anh. =, 525 ; Buttm. newt. Gr. p. 277 [E. T. 322]. Christ is not
conceived as author of the ἀνάθ. (Nésselt, Morus, Flatt, and others) ; for ἀπὸ
(comp. Ley. xxvii. 29) does not stand for ὑπό, which latter Ὁ E G actually
read in consequence of this erroneous view. — ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀδελφ. μοῦ] ὑπέρ is
here also not instead of (Riickert, Tholuck, Olshausen, and many others), but
Jor the advantage of, for their deliverance. Grotius aptly paraphrases : ‘‘ Si
ea ratione illos ad justitiam veram et ad aeternam salutem possem per-
ducere.” — κατὰ o.] subjoined, without the connective of the article, as a
familiar accessory definition, which blends with the principal word into a
single notion. Comp. 1 Cor. x. 18 ; Eph. ii. 11, vi. 5. Moreover, there
lies in the addition τ. ovyy. u. x. σ. already something conveying with it the
wish of love, and that from the natural side ; the theocratic grounds for it
follow, ver. 4 ff.
Ver. 4. Οἴτινες «.7.2.] quippe qui, who indeed ; a description—assigning the
CHAP, IXx., 4. 359
motive for what is said in ver. 3—of the ἀδελφῶν κατὰ . . . σάρκα according
to their theocratic privileges, and first of all by significant designation ac-
cording to their ancient and hallowed (Gen. xxxii. 28, xi. 1 ; 2 Cor. xi. 21
f. ; Phil. iii. 5 ; John i. 48) national name ᾿Ισραηλῖται. To the latter are
then attached the relative definitions, which are threefold (dv... dv... ἐξ
ὧν) ; the first of them embraces siz particulars connected by kai,—purely
sacred-historical divine benefactions. —7 υἱοθεσία] the adoption. They are
those adopted by God into the place of children, which must of course be
understood, not in the Christian (chap. viii.) but in the old theocratic sense,
of their adoption, in contradistinction to all Gentile peoples, to be the people
of God, whose Father is God. Comp. Ex. iv. 22 ff., xix. 5; Deut. xiv. 1,
xxxii. 6 ; Hos. xi. 1, et al. In the viodecia of the N. T. (see on viii. 15), the
specific essence of which is the reconciliation obtained for Christ’s sake,
there has appeared the antitype and the completion of that of the O. T. —
καὶ ἡ δόξα) The fivefold καί lends an emphatic weight to the enumeration. ἡ
δόξα is the glory κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν, i.e. WT 23 (Ex. xxiv. 16, xl. 34, 35 ; 1 Kings
viii. 10, 11; Ezek. i. 28 ; Heb. ix. δ), the symbolically visible essential com-
munion of God, as it was manifested in the wilderness as a pillar of cloud
and fire, and over the ark of the covenant ; the same as 123, of which the
Rabbins maintained (erroneously, according to Lev. xvi. 2) that it had hov-
ered as a cloud of light continually over the ark of the covenant. See
Ewald, ad Apoc. p. 311. But ἡ δόξα is not the ark of the covenant itself
(Beza, Piscator, Hammond, Grotius), for in 1 Sam. iv. 22 the ark of the
covenant is not called ‘‘the glory of Israel,” but this is only predicated of it.
Others understand the whole glory of the Jewish people in general (De Dieu,
Calovius, Estius, Semler, Morus, Béhme, Benecke, K@llner, Gléckler,
Fritzsche, Beck). Incorrectly, since it is merely individual privileges that
are set forth. — αἱ διαθῆκαι] not the tables of the law (Beza, Piscator, Pareus,
Toletus, Bglduin, Grotius, Semler, Rosenmiiller), which it cannot denote
either in itself or on account of the following νομοῦ. nor yet the O. and
NV.T. (Augustine, Jerome, Calovius, and Wolf, in accordance with Gal. iv.
24), which would be entirely unsuitable in respect of the N. T. ; but the
covenants concluded by God with the patriarchs since Abraham. Compare
Wisd. xviii. 22 ; Ecclus. xliv. 11 ; 2 Macc. viii. 15 ; Eph. ii. 12. —% νομο-
Gecia] The (Sinaitic) giving of the law. This is ‘“‘una et semel habita per:
Mosen ;” but the ‘‘testamenta frequenter statuta sunt,” Origen. There is no
ground for taking it, with others (including Reiche, de Wette, Fritzsche),
not of the act, but of the contents, like νόμος (why should not Paul have
written this ?). Certainly, he who has the νομοθεσία has also the νόμος ; but
on that account the two significations are to be kept distinct even in places
like 2 Mace. vi. 23. The giving of the law was a work (comp. Plat. Legg.
vi. p. 751 Β : μεγάλου τῆς νομοθεσίας ἔργου ὄντος), by which God, who Himself
was the νομοθέτης, had distinguished the Israelites over all other peoples. —
ἡ λατρεία] the cultus κατ’ ἐξοχήν, the service of Jehovah in the temple. Comp.
Heb. ix. 1. It corresponds to the vouof., in consequence of which the λατρεία
came into existence ; just as the following ai ἐπαγγελίαι (κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν, the col-
lective Messianic promises) is correlative to the ai διαθῆκαι, on Which the érayy.
360 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
were founded. The chiasmus in this order of sequence (comp. Bengel) is not
accidental ; but αἱ ἐπαγγελίαι is intentionally put at the end, in order that
now, after mention of the fathers, to whom in the first instance the promises
were given, the Promised one Himself may follow.
Ver. 5.! Now, after that first relative sentence with its six theocratic dis-
tinctions, two other relative clauses introduce the mutually correlative per-
sons, on whom the sacred-historical calling of Israel was based and was to
reach its accomplishment. — oi πατέρες] Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, who
are per eacellentiam the patriarchs, Ex. iii. 13, 15, iv. 5; Acts ili. 13, vil.
32. —xal ἐξ ὧν κ.τ.2.1 The last and highest distinction of the Israelites :
and from whom Christ descends, namely, according to the human phenomenal
nature, as a human phenomenon, apart from the spiritually-divine side of His
personality, according to which He is not from the Jews, but (as υἱὸς Θεοῦ
κατὰ πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης, i. 4) is ἐκ τοῦ Θεοῦ. Regarded in the light of His
supernatural generation, He would be also κατὰ σάρκα of God. Comp. Clem.
Oor. 1. 89. : ἐξ αὐτοῦ ὁ κύριος ᾿Τησοῦς τὸ κατὰ σάρκα. On the article τὸ x. o.,
see Heind. ad Gorg. p. 228 ; Buttm. neut. Gr. p. 84 [E. T. 95 6.1. The καὶ
before ἐξ ὧν forbids the refer ence of the latter to οἱ πατέρες. --- ὁ ὧν ἐπὶ πάν-
των Θεὸς evdoy. εἰς τ. αἰῶνας] This passage, which has become of dogmatic
importance, has received two different leading interpretations, by the side
of which yet a third way, namely, by taking to pieces the relative sentence,
came to be suggested. (1) The words are referred (placing a comma after
σάρκα) to Christ, who is God over all, blessed for ever.” So, substantially, Ire-
naeus (Haer. iii. 16. 8), Tertullian (adv. Praw. § 18, p. 2101, ed. Seml.),
Origen, Cyprian, Epiphanius, Athanasius, Chrysostom, Theodore of Mop-
suestia, Augustine, Jerome, Theodoret, and later Fathers ; Luther, Eras-
mus, Paraphr., Flacius, Calvin, Beza, and most of the older expositors ; and
of the later, Michaelis, Koppe, Tholuck, Flatt, Klee, Usteri, Benecke, Ols-
hausen, Nielsen, Reithmayr, Maier, Beck, Philippi, Bisping, Gess, Krum-
macher, Jatho, Hahn, Thomasius, Ebrard, Ritschl, Hofmann, Weiss, Didi.
Theol. p. 306, Delitzsch, and others; in a peculiar fashion also, Herm.
Schultz (see below) ; de Wette is undecided. (2) The words are regarded
(placing a period after σάρκα, as do Lachm. and Tisch.) as a dowology to God,
isolated from the foregoing : ‘‘ Blessed for ever be the God who is over all.”
So none of the Fathers (as to those erroneously adduced by Wetstein, see
Fritzsche, p. 262 ff.*), at least not expressly ; but Erasmus in his Annot.,
1 See on ver. 5, Herm. Schultz, in the
Jahrb. f. Deutsche Theol. 1868, p. 462 ff.,
πάντων, that Christ is designated as natu-
raliter Deus.
-where also a list of the earlier literature is
given; Grimm, in Hilgenfeld’s Zeitschr.
1869, p. 311 ff. Among the English oppo-
nents of the Unitarians there is to be es-
pecially noted, in defence of the orthodox
explanation, Smith, Scripture Testimony to
the Messiah, 1847, ed. 4, 11. p. 370 ff.
2 So also the Catech. Racov. 159 f. But, in
“its view, since there are not two Gods,
“qui natura sit Deus” cannot be under-
stood. Conversely, Flacius infers from ἐπὶ
3 Yet the non-reference to Christ is in-
directly implied in Ignatius, 7678. inter-
pol. 5 (οὐκ αὐτός ἐστιν ὁ ἐπὶ πάντων Θεός κ.τ.λ.),
and Phil. interpol. 7. Thereference to God
is also found ina fragment ascribed to Diod-
orus, in Cramer, Caten. p. 162, where it is
said: ἐξ αὐτῶν φησιν ὃ Χριστός. Θεὸς δὲ ov
μόνον αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ κοινῇ ἐπὶ πάντων ἐστι Θεός.
In the Arian controversies our passage was
not made use of. But at a later period it
was triumphantly made available against
CHAP. IX., 5. 901
Wetstein, Semler, Stolz, and several others, and recently Reiche, Kéllner,
Winzer, Fritzsche, Gléckler, Schrader, Krehl, Ewald, van Hengel, and,
though not fully decided, Riickert.*| Now the decision, which of the two
leading interpretations fits the meaning of the apostle, cannot be arrived at
from the language used,” since, so far as the words go, both may be equally
correct [See Note CII. p. 396.] ; nor yet from the immediate connection,
since with equal reason Paul might (by no means : must, against which is
the analogy of ver. 8 ; and the divine in Christ did not belong here, as in i.
8, necessarily to the connection) feel himself induced to set over-against the
human side of the being of Jesus its divine side (as ini. 3), or might be de-
termined by the recital of the distinctions of his nation to devote a doxology
to God, the Author of these privileges, who therefore was not responsible
for the deeply-lamented unbelief of the Jews ; just as he elsewhere, in pe-
culiar excited states of piety, introduces a giving glory to God (i. 25; 2
Cor. xi. 81 ; Gal. i. 5; comp. 1 Tim. i. 17). Observe, rather, with a view
to a decision, the following considerations : Although our passage, referred
to Christ, would term Him not ὁ Θεός, but (who is God over all) only Θεός pre-
dicatively (without the article), and although Paul, by virtue of his essential
agreement in substance with the Chiistology of John, might have affirmed,
just as appropriately as the latter (i. 1), the predicative Θεός (@f divine essence)
of Christ, because Christ is also in Paul’s view the Son of God in a meta-
physical sense, the image of God, of like essence with the Father, the agent
in creation and preservation, the partaker in the divine government of the
world, the judge of all, the object of prayerful invocation, the possessor of
divine glory and fulness of grace (i. 4, x. 12 ; Phil. ii. ὁ ; Col. Deel a) it al
9 ; Eph. i. 20 ff. ; 1 Cor. viii. 6 ; 2 Cor. iv. 4, viii. 9) ; yet Paul has never *
the Arians. Thus Oecumenius, 6.5. ex- placed after σάρκα. Such prepositional
claims: ἐνταῦθα λαμπρότατα Θεὸν τὸν Χριστὸν
ὀνομάζει ὃ ἀπόστολος" αἰσχύνθητι τρισάθλιε
*Apeie, ἀκούων παρὰ Παύλου δοξολογούμενον τὸν
Χριστὸν Θεὸν ἀληθινόν ! Comp. Theophylact ;
also Proclus, de fide, p. ὅ8, who says gener-
ally of our passage: παρείσδυσιν συκοφαντίας
ἀποστειχίζει τοῖς φιλολοιδόροις. In Cyril of
Alexandria this passage is insisted on in
opposition to the assertion of Julian, that
only John calls Christ God; whilst the
πρακτικά of the Synod of Ephesus make no
reference to it, which is, however, care-
fully done in the Synod of Antioch. See
the passages in question in Tisch. 8, who
also observes that, among the codd. C. L. 5,
47, place a full stop after σάρκα.
1 See also Baur, II. p. 231; Zeller, in the
Theol. Jarb. 1842, p. 51; Ribiger, Christol.
Pau. p. 26 f. ; Beyschlag, Christol. p. 210.
2As van Hengel has attempted, who
starts from the idea that the contrast to, be
thought of in τὸ κατὰ σάρκα (according to ᾿ς
him: ‘‘non quatenus spiritus divini parti-
ceps erat’) excludes a wider antithesis, and
therefore a point must necessarily be
definitions with the accusative of the ar-
ticle τό or τά (see also Kiihner, 11. 1, p. 272)
certainly denote a complete contrast,
which is either expressly stated (ase.g. Xen.
Cyr. ν. 4, 11, viv τὸ μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἐμοὶ οἴχομαι, τὸ δ᾽
ἐπὶ σοὶ σέσωσμαι : Plat. Min. p. 820C; Rom.
xii. 5, τὸ δὲ καθ᾽ εἷς), or may be self-evident
from the context, asi. 15, xii. 18, and very
frequently in the classics. The latter would,
however, be the case in our passage ac-
cording to the ancient ecclesiastical expo-
sition, inasmuch as the contrast obviously
implied in τὸ κατὰ σάρκα would permit us
mentally to supply a τὸ κατὰ πνεῦμα as sug-
gesting itself after ὁ ὦν, That self-evident
negative antithesis: non quoad spiritum,
would thus have in ὁ ὧν ἐπὶ πάντων Θεός k,7.A,
its positive elucidation. =
3 Not even in 2 Thess. i. 12 (in opposition
to Hofmann’s invention), or in Eph. y. 5.
As regards the Pastoral Epistles, if they
actually denominated Christ Θεός, this
would be one of the signs of a post-apos-
το]. epoch. But not once do they do this.
The most specious passage is still Tit. ii. 13,
362 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
used the express Θεός of Christ, since he has not adopted, like John, the
Alexandrian form of conceiving and setting forth the divine essence of
Christ, but has adhered to the popular concrete, strictly monotheistic termin-
ology, not modified by philosophical speculation even for the designation of
Christ ; and he always accurately distinguishes God and Christ ; see, in
opposition to such obscure and erroneous intermingling of ideas, Rich.
Schmidt, Paulin. Christol. p. 149 ff. John himself calls the divine nature
of Christ Θεός only in the introduction of his Gospel, and only in the closest
connection with the Logos-speculation. And thus there runs through the
whole N. T. a delicate line of separation between the Father and the Son ;
so that, although the divine essence and glory of the latter is glorified with
the loftiest predicates in manifold ways, nevertheless it is only the Father,
to whom the Son is throughout subordinated, and never Christ, who is act-
ually called God by the apostles (with the exception of John i. 1, and the
exclamation of Thomas, John xx. 28)—not even in 1 Johnv. 20. Paul,
particularly, even where he accumulates and strains to the utmost expressions
concerning the Godlike nature of the exalted Christ (as Phil. 11. 6 ff. ; Col.
1. 15 ff., ii. 9), does not call Him Θεός, but sharply and clearly distinguishes
Him as the κύριος from Θεός, even in x. 9, 1 Cor. xii. ὃ (in opposition to
Ritschl, Altkath. K. p. 79 f.). The post-apostolical period (and not at all 2
Pet. i. 1, see Huther) first obliterated this fine line of separation, and often
denominated Christ Θεός, ὁ Θεὸς ἡμῶν, and the like. So, 6...» already several
of the Ignatian epistles in the shorter recension (not those ad Magnes., ad
Philadelph., ad Trall., not even chap. vii.) and the so-called second epistle—
not the first —-of Clement, nor the epistle of Polycarp. In the closest inter-
nal connection herewith stands the fact, that in the properly apostolical writ-
ings (2 Pet. iii. 18 does not belong to them, nor does Heb. xiii. 21) we never
meet with a doxology to Christ in the form which is usual with doxologies to
God (not evenin 1 Pet. iv. 11) ; therefore, in this respect also, the present pas-
sage would stand to the apostolic type in the relation of a complete anomaly.’
Besides the insuperable difficulty would be introduced, that here Christ would
be called not merely and simply Θεός, but even God over all, and consequently
would be designated as Θεὸς παντοκράτωρ, which is absolutely incompatible
with the entire view of the N. T. as to the dependence of the Son on the
Father (see Gess, v. d. Pers. Chr. p. 157 ff. ; Kahnis, Dogm. I. p. 457 ff.),
and especially with passages like viii. 84 (ἐντυγχάνει), 1 Cor. iii. 23, viii. 6,
xi. 8, Eph. iv. 5, 6, and notably 1 Cor. xv. 28. Accordingly, the doxology
of our passage cannot be referred to Christ, but must be referred to God ;
respecting which, however, Huther is in the
right, and Philippi, Glaubenslehr. 11. p. 208,
ed. 2, is incorrect. In 1 Tim. iii. 16, ds is to
be read, with Lachm. and Tisch. ; on Tit. i. 4
even Philippi desires to lay no particular
stress ; it has, in fact, no bearing whatever on
our passage, any more than Col. ii. 2 (see
an loc.).
1 There certainly occurs at chap. ii. in
Clement, the expression τὰ παθήματα αὐτοῦ
(i.€. τοῦ Θεοῦ), Where we are not to correct
it into μαθήματα, with Hilgenfeld. This ex-
pression, however, is fully explained, with-
out Christ being named Θεός, from the
Pauline view: Θεὸς ἣν ἐν Χριστῷ κόσμον
καταλλάσσων ἑαυτῷ, 2 Cor. τ. 19.
3 The doxology in xvi. 27 does not refer
to Christ. 2 Tim. iv. 18 certainly refers to
Christ ; but this is just one of the traces of
post-apostolic composition.
CHAP. ΚΝ ὃς 363
although Philippi continues of opinion that the former reference has ail in its
favor and nothing against it. On the other hand, Tholuck (see also Schmid, δ].
Theol. 11. p. 540, ed. 2) does more justice to the objections against the old
ecclesiastical interpretation, which Messner also, Lehre d. Ap. Ὁ. 236 f., prefers,
but only with a certain diffidence ; whilst Herm. Schultz (comp. Socinus, in
Calovius, p. 153) comes ultimately to a lower acceptation of the notion of Θεός,
which is meant not metaphysically, but only designates the fulness of power
committed toChrist for behoof of His work, and excludes neither dependence and
coming into being, nor beginning and end. Against the latter suggestion it
may be decisively urged, that thus characteristics are attached to the notion
Θεός, which, compared with the current Pauline mode of expression, directly
annul it, and make it interchangeable with κύριος, as Paul uses it of Christ
(Eph. iv. 5, 6; Phil. 11. 11; 1 Cor. vill. 6, and many other passages). See,
in opposition to it, also Grimm. If we suppose the quite singular case here
to occur, that Paul names Christ God, yea God over all, we need not shrink
from recognizing, with the orthodox interpreters, an expression of the fact
that Christ is not nuneupative, but naturaliter God (Flacius, Clav. IL. p. 187).
(3) Another way, that of taking to pieces the relative clause, was suggested
by Erasmus, who proposed to place the point (as in Cod. 71) after πάντων
(in which Locke, Clark, Justi, Ammon, Stolz, Grimm, /.c., and in de Johann.
Christol. indole Paulinae compar. p. 75 f., Baumgarten-Crusius, Ernesti,
Urspr. d. Siinde, I. p. 200 ff., and Miircker follow him), so that gud est super
omnia (or omnes) refers to Christ (comp. Acts x. 36), and then the doxology
to God follows. But how intolerably abrupt is this !—not merely the brief
description given of Christ, but also the doxology itself, which with 6 ὧν ἐπὶ
πάντων loses its natural connection with the preceding. Again, with this
separation would disappear the motive for Paul’s not having put εὐλογ. in the
Jirst place, as usually (comp. 2 Cor. i. 3; Eph. 1. 3 ; also the doxologies in
the LXX). This motive is, namely, the emphasis which Θεός obtains by the
characteristic description ὁ ὧν ἐπὶ πάντων (the God who is over all).* Still more
disjointed and halting the language becomes through the punctuation of
Morus (who, however, concurs in referring the whole to Christ): ὁ dv ἐπὶ
πάντων, Θεὸς, evdoy. εἰς τ. ai.2 Why Reiche, whom Krehl and van Hengel
have followed, although rightly referring the whole to God, has adopted this
punctuation (He who is over all, God, be praised for ever), we cannot perceive ;
1 With emphasis, too, in the LXX. Ps.
Ixviii. 20, κύριος ὁ Θεός appears to be prefixed
to εὐλογ. Yet the translator must have had
793 twice in the original text.
2 Otherwise Hofmann (comp. his Schrift
bew. I. Ὁ. 144; also Kahnis, Dogmat. I. Ὁ. 453
from the result, that Paul hasnamed Christ
ὁ ὧν ἐπὶ πάντων Θεός, This artificial abate-
ment is thus brought out by Hofmann: he
takes ἐπὶ πάντων asin contradistinction to
ἐξ ὧν, and Θεός as in contradistinetion to
κατὰ σάρκα, after which arbitrary analysis
f.): Paul predicates ὁ ὧν ἐπὶ πάντων of
Christ, and then causes Θεὸς εὐλογ. eis τ.
αἰῶν. to follow as a second predicate. But if
we once believe that the sentence must be
referred to Christ, itis in any case far more
in keeping with the emotional flow of the
language to leaye the whole unbroken,
without making an artificial abatement
the twofold antithetic sequence of thought
is supposed to be: “116 who supremely rules
over all has come forth out of this people, and,
in respect of the self-transmitting human cor-
poreal nature, there has come forth out of this
people He whois God.” As though Paul had
written: ἐξ ὧν ὁ Χριστὸς ὁ ἐπὶ πάντων TO κατὰ
σάρκα, ὃ ὧν Meds εὐλογητὸς εἰς τ. αἰῶνας, GESS.
364 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
ὁ ὧν ἐπὶ πάντων Θεός, taken independently, forms in fact, according to a
quite customary manner of expression, one phrase, so that Θεός is not with-
out the article. Comp. 1 Cor. ili. 7; Kiihner, II. ὃ 464, 8, ὁ. Finally,
Grotius (not also Schoettgen, as Schultz states) would consider Θεός as not
genuine, and would refer ὁ ὧν ἐπὶ π. εὐλ. to Christ, to whom ‘‘laus et honor
debetur supra omnes, i.e. etiam supra Abrah., Isaac. et Jacob.” But that
Θεός is not wanting in the Peshito, as Grotius maintains, is decisively settled
(see Koppe), and the witnesses who actually omit it (edd. of Cyprian, and
Hilary, Leo once, Ephraem) are much too weak and doubtful ; see Bengel,
Appar. crit. in loc. Quite arbitrary is the conjecture of Sam. Crell (Arte-
monius) : ὧν ὁ ἐπὶ K.T.A. — ἐπὶ πάντων] neuter. The limitation which takes
it as masc. (Syr., Beza, Grotius, Socinus, Justi, Hofmann, and others), in
which case it is by some held to apply to men generally, by others to the
patriarchs,’ must have been presented by the context ; but it is not at all
suggested by anything, not even in the reference of the sense, which
Fritzsche introduces : ‘‘ qui omnibus hominibus prospicit Deus, ut male
credas Judaeos ab eo destitutos esse, etc.’’ —éri indicates the relation of the
rule over all things.? God is the παντοκράτωρ, 2 Cor. vi. 18 ; often in the
Apocalypse, ὁ μόνος δυνάστης ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν βασιλευόντων x.7.A., 1 Tim.
vi. 15, 16.
Vy. 6-13. First part of the Theodicée: God’s promise, however, has not be-
come untrue through the exclusion of a part of the Israelites ; for it applies only
to the true Israelites, who are such according to the promise, which is confirmed
from Scripture.
Ver. 6. Having in vv. 4, 5 adduced the great divine prerogatives of his
people, and given honour to God for them, as his Israelitish sympathies
impelled him to do,* his thought now recurs to that utterance of grief in
vv. 2, 3, over-against which (dé) he now proposes to justify the God of his
people. [See Note CIII. p. 399.] Quite unnecessarily Lachmann has put
vv. 3-5 in a parenthesis. — οὐχ οἷον δὲ, ὅτι] Goes not mean : but it isnot possi-
ble that (Beza, Piscator, Grotius, Homberg, Semler, Ch. Schmidt, Morus,
Bohme, Rosenmiiller, Benecke, Ewald) ; for in that case ὅτε would not be
allowable, but the infinitive must follow (Matthiae, ὃ 479 ; Kriiger, § 55. 3.
1) ; moreover as Calvin has rightly observed, οἷόν re would be found, at least
according to the invariable usage (4 Macc. iv. 7; Xen. Anab. ii. 2. 3, vil.
7, 22 ; and Bornemann, in loc. ; de Rep. Ath. ii. 2; Mem. iv. 6. 7; Thue.
vii. 42; 8; Soph. Prd. 918; Ὁ: C. 2420; Ast. Ler. Plat. II. p. 425),
instead of which scarcely an uncertain example (as Gorgias, pro Palam, in
Wetstein) is forthcoming of the simple οἷον without τέ, whilst the masculine
οἷός εἰμι (without τέ) is frequent (see Schémann, ad Js. Ὁ. 465 ; Weber, Dem.
Aristocr. p. 469 ; Kihner, 11. 2, p. 702. 580). It is rather to be explained
by the very current usage in later Greek (Lennep. ad Phalar. p. 258 ;
1 Van Hengel assumes that the Zsraelites 3 And yet Hofmann terms the words ὁ ὧν
and patriarchs and Christ are intended. ἐπὶ πάντων Θεός «.7.A., taken as a doxology,
2See Lobeck, ad Herodian. p. 474, ad an uncalled-for, and aimless, insufferable in-
Phryn. pp. 164, 174; Babr, ad Plut. Ale. Ὁ. terruption. Psychologically, a very unjust
162. judgment.
CHAP. IX., 6. 365
Fritzsche on our passage) of οὐχ οἷον with a following finite tense ; (¢.g. οὐχ
οἷον ὀργίζομαι in Phryn. p. 872, and the passages from Polybius in Schweig-
hiiuser, p. 403). According to this usage, the attracted οἷον is not to be re-
solved, with Hermann, ad Viger. p. 790, into τοῖον οἷον, because the following
verb does not suit this, but with Fritzsche into τοιοῦτον ὅτι : the matter zs not
of such a nature, that. But since Paul has here expressed 671, he caanot have
conceived it as contained in οἷον : in reality he has fallen into a mixing up of
two kindred modes of expression—namely, of οὐχ οἷον with a finite tense,
and oby ri, i.e. οὐχ ἐρῶ ὅτι.: Without this intermingling he would have
written οὐχ οἷον dé ἐκπέπτωκεν ; but consequent on this intermingling he wrote
οὐχ οἷον δὲ, bre éxt., Which accordingly may be analyzed thus : οὐ τοῖον δὲ
λέγω. οἷον ὅτι, I do not speak of a thing of such kind, as (that is) that. So also
substantially Buttmann, newt. Gr. p. 319 [E. T. 372 f.], and previously, by
way of suggestion, Beza. The deviation from Greek usage into which Paul
has fallen renders also necessary this solution, which deviates* from the
analysis of the Greek οὐχ οἷον δὲ ἐκπέπτ. (without ὅτι) ; and we have here,
amongst the many solecisms falsely ascribed to the apostle, a real one. Ob-
serve, moreover, the strength of the negation implied in οὐχ οἷον ; for this
affirms that the lament of the apostle was to be somethiag quite other than a
lament over the frustration of the divine word. According to Hofmann, .
ηὐχόμην is to be again supplied to οὐχ οἷον, and ὅτε to be taken as because,* so
that thus Paul would deny that he had for that wish the grownd which is
named is ὅτι ἐκπέπτωκεν x.t.A. This is—independently of the arbitrariness of
the insertion of 7iy6uyv—incorrect, just because the thought that this ηὐχόμην
could have had that grownd would be an absurd thought ; for it would sup-
pose a fact, which is inconceivable as a motive of the wish. — ἐκπέπτωκεν] has
fallen out of its position, i.e. fallen through, become unavailing, without re-
sult. So διαπίπτειν, Josh. xxi. 45; Judith vi. 9; and πίπτειν, Josh. xxiii.
14 ; both in use also among the Greeks ; comp. ἐκβάλλεσθαι, Dissen, ad
Pind. Nem. xi. 30. The opposite is μένειν, ver. 11. Comp. also 1 Cor. xiii.
8. — 6 λόγος τ. Θεοῦ] namely, not the Dei edictum (ver. 28) as to the bestowal
of blessing only on the election of the Israelites, as Fritzsche, anticipating,
would have it, but generally the promise given by God to the Israelites, by
which the assurance of the Messianic salvation is obviously intended. This
sense the context yields generally, and especially by ἐξ ov ὁ Χριστὸς τὸ k. o.,
ver. 5, without our having exactly to think of Gen. xii. 3, where the promise
is to Abraham (Th. Schott). — ob yap πάντες x.7.2.] for not all who spring
from Israel, not all υἱοὶ Iopaga (ver. 27), are Israelites (Israel’s children, ac-
cording to the divine idea), so as to be all destined to receive the salvation
promised to the Israelites. Comp. Gal. iv. 29, vi. 16. The jirst ᾿Ισραήλ is
1See Tyrwhitt, ad Arist. Poet. Ὁ. 128; Hengel proposes to resolve the expression
Hartung, Partikell. 11. Ὁ. 153 f. ; Kiihner, IT. thus : τοιόνδε λέγων, οἷον τοῦτό ἐστιν, οὐ λέγω
2, p. 800 f. ὅτι,
2 Fritzsche prefers to assume a constructio 3 Comp. also Erasmus, Castalio, Reith-
πρὸς τὸ σημαινόμενον, so that Paul has mapyr.
written ὅτι because in οὐχ οἷον δέ lies the 4 See Plut. Τὴ. Gracch. 21; Ael. V. H. iv.
essential meaning : sed multwin abest.—Van 7; Kypke, II. p. 173 f.
366 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
the name of the patriarch ; the second, instead of which the old reading
᾿Ισραηλῖται (Ὁ). Chrys.) contains a correct gloss, is the name of his people (xi.
2, 7, 26, al.). Mistaking the subtle emphatic character of this mode of ex-
pression, Hofmann, in spite of the clear oi és, takes the first Ἴσρ. also as a
name of the people, so that the sense would be : the wnity of the people is
something other than the swm of its members. To oi ἐξ ’Iop. corresponds
σπέρμα ’ABp., ver. 7.
Ver. 7. Nor yet, because they are descendants of Abraham, are they all (his)
children.—Before οὐδ᾽ a colon only is correct, because the discourse proceeds
continuously, annexing denial to denial. — εἰσί] The subject is that of the
previous clause, οἱ ἐξ Ἰσραήλ. The τέκνα of Abraham, as significantly con-
trasted with the mere bodily descendants (σπέρμα), are those destined by
God to receive the promised salvation. Comp. Matt. 111. 9; John viii. 33,
39; Justin, 6. Tryph. 44. That it is not God’s children that are to be
understood (although they ae such), as, after Theodoret and several others,
Glicker afresh takes it, is manifest from the foregoing parallel οὗτοι ᾿Ισραῆλ,
and from the fact that it is not till afterwards that τέκνα τ. Θεοῦ are spoken
of.—Wrongly, but in consequence of his erroneous understanding of the
ὅτι, ver. 6, Hofmann regards οὐδ᾽ ὅτι εἰσὶ om. ’ABp. as the negation of a
second ground of the ηὐχόμην, so that then a new sentence begins with
πάντες τέκνα. This view the obvious correlation of οὐδ᾽. . . τέκνα with the
preceding οὐ yap πάντες x.t.A. should have precluded. — After ἀλλ᾽ we are
not to supply γέγραπται or οὕτως ἐῤῥέθη, Which would be quite arbitrary ; but
the saying in Gen. xxi. 12, which is well known to the reader as a saying of
God, is subjoined unaltered and immediately (comp. Gal. iii. 11, 12 ; 1 Cor.
xv. 27) without a καθὼς γέγραπται (xv. 3; 1 Cor. i. 81) or the like being
introduced, or the second person being altered into the third ; simply be--
cause it is taken for granted that the saying is one well known. — ἐν Ἴσ. κληθῇ.
σοι σπέρμα] closely after the LXX., which renders the original literally. In
the original text we read YM 1? NYP? pY3: through Isaac posterity
shall be named to thee, i.e. through Isaac ‘ will come to pass to thee, that
posterity of thine shall have the status and the name of the ozépua’Afp.
(comp. Heb. xi. 18) ; the descendants of Isaac (consequently not the Ish-
maelites) shall be recognized as thy posterity (and therewith as the heirs of
the divine promise).! But the apostle has otherwise apprehended the sense of
the passage according to its typical reference ; for it is evident from the rela-
tion of ver. 9 to ver. 8, that he limited that saying to the person of Isace him-
self, who (not Ishmael) was the promised child of Abraham, and thus repre-
sented in himself the character of the true posterity of Abraham accounted
as such by God. Hence, in the sense of the apostle: ‘‘ In the person of Isaac
will a descendant be named to thee ;” i.e., Isaac will be he, in whose person
the notion ‘‘ descendant of Abraham” shall be represented and recognized,
1 According to Hofmann, the sense is: quire pry? pv3, and in the Greek τῷ
“The race, whose ancestor Abraham is ὀνόματι (isa. xiii. 7) or (xlviii. 1) ἐπὶ τῷ
assumed to be, shall bear Isaae’s name.” ὀνόματι Ἰσαάκ.
This sense would, instead of pista, re-
CHAPS Ex. 9. 367
Paul finds in this divine declaration the idea enunciated (ver. 8), that not
on bodily descent (which was also the case with Ishmael), but on divine
promise (which was the case with Isaac, ver. 9), the true sonship of
Abraham is founded. Usually (not by Philippi and Ewald, who concur
with our view) the passage is understood, conformably to the historical
sense of the original, not of the person of Isaac, but of his posterity ; which,
because Isaac himself was the son of promise, represents the true descend-
ants of Abraham according to the promise. But to this posterity all
Israelites certainly belonged, and it would therefore be inappropriate to set
them down, by virtue of their extraction from Isaac, as the type of the true
sonship of Abraham, when the very claim to that sonship, resting upon
bodily descent, is to be withdrawn from them. The person of Isaac himself,
as contrasted with Ishmael, was this type,which was thereupon repeated
in Jacob, as contrasted with Esau (in their persons), vv. 10-13. Chry-
sostom aptly indicates the reference to Isaac himself : διὰ yap τοῦτο εἶπεν"
ἐν Ἴσ. kA. σ. σπ.,) ἵνα μάθης, ὅτι οἱ τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ γεννώμενοι τῷ κατὰ TOV
Ἰσαὰκ, οὗτοι μάλιστά εἰσι τὸ σπέρμα τοῦ ᾿Αβραάμ᾽ πῶς οὖν ὁ Ἰσαὰκ ἐγεννήθη ;
οὐ κατὰ νόμον φύσεως, οὐδὲ κατὰ δύναμιν σαρκὸς, ἀλλὰ κατὰ δύναμιν
ἐπαγγελίας. --- κληθήσεται] ποηυϊγα ίξι».} The opinion of Reiche, that καλ.
denotes to call out of nothing (see on iv. 7), which it signifies also in Gen.
xxi. 12, so that the sense would be: ‘‘In the person of Isaac a descendant
will be imparted to thee,” is erroneous, because that saying of God was
uttered after the birth of Isaac. — σοι] Dative of ethical reference. —roi7’
ἔστιν] This purports, thereby the idea is expressed. Rightly Grotius : ‘‘ Hacc
vox est explicantis ὑπόνοιαν latentem, quod W717 dicitur Hebraeis.” — τέκνα
τ. Θεοῦ] Paul characterizes the true descendants of Abraham, who are not so
from bodily generation, as God’s children, that is, as such descendants of the
ancestor, whose Abrahamic sonship is not different in the idea of God from
that of sonship to Him, so that they are regarded and treated by God as His
children. —ra τέκνα τῆς ἐπαγγ.} might mean : the promised children (so van
Hengel) ; for the promised child of Abraham was Isaac (ver. 9), whose birth
was the realization of a promise, (and so Hofmann takes it). But that Paul
had the conception that Isaac was begotten by virtue of the divine promise, is
evident from Gal. iv. 23 (see in loc.), and therefore the genitive (as also pre-
viously τῆς σαρκός) is to be taken causatively: the children of Abraham who
originate from the divine promise, who are placed in this their relation of
sonship to Abraham through the creative power of the divine promise,
analogously to the begetting of Isaac ; ἡ τῆς ἐπαγγελίας ἰσχὺς ἔτεκε τὸ παιδίον,
Chrysostom. — λογίζεται] by God. Comp. iv. 3, ὅ. --- εἰς σπέρμα] that is, as
an Abrahamic posterity. See ver. 7. To understand Gentiles also, is here
foreign to the context (in opposition to Beyschlag); see vv? 9-13, Abra-
hams race is treated of, to which not a// who descend from him are without
distinction reckoned by God as belonging.
Ver. 9. Proof of the foregoing ἀλλὰ τὰ τέκνα τῆς ἐπαγγελίας. ‘‘The chil-
dren of promise, I say, for a word of promise is that which follows: about this
1 See Winer, p. 571 f. [E. T. 615]; Eur. 1160. 625, and Pflugk in loc.
908 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
time, etc.” Hence, therefore, we see that not the bodily descent, but the
divine promise, constitutes the relation of belonging to Abrahain’s father-
hood. The quotation is freely put together from Gen. xviii. 10 and
xviii. 14, after the LXX. — To κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον, as this time (namely,
of the next year), corresponds ‘11 j{2 in the original (comp. 2 Kings iv.
16, 17; Gen. xvii. 21), which is to be explained :as the time revives, that
is, when the time (which is now a thing of the past and dead) returns to
life ; not with Fritzsche : in the present time (of the next year), which
suits the words of the LXX.,—where, by way of explanation, the classical
εἰς ὥρας, over the year, is added,—but not the Hebrew. See Gesenius, Thes.
I. p. 470 ; Tuch and Knobel on Gen. xviii. 10. On the whole promise,
comp. Hom. Od. xi. 248 f., 295.
Ver. 10. A fresh and still more decisive proof (for it might be objected
that, of Abraham’s children, Sarah’s son only was legitimate) that only the di-
vine disposal constituted the succession to Abraham which was true and valid '
in the sight of God. Comp. Barnab. 138. The more definite notion of
promise, which was retained in the preceding, is here expanded into the
more general one of the appointment of the divine will as made known. — οὐ
μόνον δέ] See generally on v. 3. What is supplied must be something that
is gathered from the preceding, that fits the nominative ‘PeBéxca, and that
answers as regards sense to the following ἐῤῥέθη αὐτῇ. Hence, because τῇ
Σάῤῥᾳ precedes, and with ἀλλὰ καί another mother’s name is introduced, we
must supply, as subject, not Abraham (Augustine, Beza, Calvin, Reithmayr,
van Hengel ; comp. also Hofmann, who however thinks any completing
supplement useless), but Σάῤῥα ; and moreover, not indeed the definite λόγον
ἐπαγγελίας εἶχεν or ἐπηγγελμένη ἦν (Vatablus, Fritzsche, Winer, Krehl, Baum-
garten-Crusius), but the more general λόγον or ῥῆμα Θεοῦ εἶχεν, Which 18
suitable to the subsequent éppé077 , as well as to the contents of the sayings
adduced in vv. 12, 13: ‘‘ But not only had Sarah a saying of God, but also
Rebecca, etc.” ‘We must therefore throw aside the manifold arbitrary sup-
plements suggested, some of which are inconsistent with the construction,
not suiting the nominative ‘Pef., as e.g. : ‘‘non solum id, quod jam diximus,
documentum est ejus, quod inferre volumus ; Rebecca idem nos docet” (so
Grotius, also Seb. Schmid, Semler, Ch. Schmid, Cramer, Rosenmiiller, and
several others ; comp. Tholuck and Philippi) ; or: τοῦτο ἣν (Riickert, de
Wette), so that the nominative Ῥεβ. forms an anacoluthon, and the period be-
gun enters with ver. 11 upon quite another form (how forced, seeing that vv.
11 and 12 in themselves stand in perfectly regular construction !). It is only
the semblance of an objection against our view, that not Sarah, but Abraham,
received the word of promise, ver. 9 ; for Sarah was, by the nature of the
case, and also according to the representation of Genesis, the co-recipient
of the promise, and was mixed up in the conversation of God with Abraham
in reference to it (Gen. xviii. 13-15) ; so that Paul, without incurring the
charge of contradicting history, might have no scruple in stating the con-
trast as between the mothers, as he has done. — ἐξ ἑνὸς κοίτην ἔχουσα] Who had
cohabitation of one (man), the effect of which was the conception of the twin
children. The contextual importance of this addition does not consist in
&
CHAP το. ty 12: 369
ἡ
its denying that there was a breach of conjugal fidelity, but in its making
palpably apparent the invalidity—for the history of salvation—of bodily
descent. She was pregnant by one man, and yet how different was the
divine determination with respect to the two children !— ἐξ ἑνός] mascu-
line, without anything being supplied ; for "Ic. τ. 7. ju. is in apposition.
κοίτῃ, couch, bed, often Ywarriage bed (Heb. xiii. 4), is found seldom in the
classical writers,’ with whom εὐνῇ and λέχος often have the same sense, eu-
phemistically used as equivalent to concubitus, but frequently in the LXX.
See Schleusner, Thes. III. p. 847. Comp. Wisd. iii. 19, 16. — τοῦ πατρ. gy. |
from the Jewish consciousness ; for the discourse has primarily to do with
the Jews. Comp. iv. 1. If Isaac were to be designated as the father of
Christians (Reiche, Fritzsche), the context must have necessarily and defi-
nitely indicated this, since believers are Abraham’s (spiritual) children. We
may add that Ic. τοῦ πατρ. ἡμῶν is not without a significant bearing on the
argument, inasmuch as it contributes to make us feel the independence of
the determination of the divine will on the theocratic descent, however
legitimate.
Vv. 11, 12. Although, forsooth, they were not yet born, and had not done any-
thing good or evil, in order that the purpose of God according to election
might have its continued subsistence, not from works, but from Him who calls, i
was said to her, etc. [See Note CIV. p. 9599. 1-- μήπω] not οὔπω, because the
negative relation is intended to be expressed subjectively, that is, as placed
before the view of God and weighed by Him in delivering His utterance.’
—The subject (αὐτῶν) to the participles is not expressed, according to a well-
known classical usage (Matthiae, ὃ 563 ; Kiihner, ad Xen. Anab. i. 2. 17),
but it would be self-evident to the reader from the history familiar to him,
that the twins of Rebecca were intended ; Winer, p. 548 [E. T. 589]. — The
sentence expressive of purpose, iva. . . καλοῦντος, is placed with emphasis be-
fore ἐῤῥέθη, and therefore not to be placed in a parenthesis. —iva] introduces
the purpose which God had in this, that, notwithstanding they were not yet
born, etc., He yet gave forth already the declaration of ver. 12. LHe thereby
purposed, namely, that 1718 vesolve—conceived in the mode of an election made
amongst men—to bestow the blessings of the Messianic salvation should subsist,
etc.—7 κατ᾽ ἐκλογ. πρόθεσις] can neither be so taken, that the ἐκλογῇ precedes
the πρόθεσις in point of time (comp. viii. 28), which is opposed to the nature
of the relation, especially seeing that the πρόθεσις pertains to what was ante-
cedent to time (see on viii. 28) ; * nor so that the ἐκλογή follows the πρόθεσις,
1 Eur. Med. 151, Hippol. 154; not Anacr.
23, see Valck. Schol. 11. p. 594.
2 See Winer, p. 450 [E. T. 483 f.] ; Baeum-
lein, Partik. p. 295. Comp. Xen. Cy7. iii, 1. 37.
3 Taken by Beck in a rationalistic sense:
“The fundamental outline which serves as
a standard for the temporal training of the
ἐκλογή, and pervades their temporal devel-
opment in all its parts’.
4 Since the divine πρόθεσις is antecedent to
time (Eph. iii. 11 ; 2 Tim. i. 9), as is also the
ἐκλογή (Eph. i. 4; and see Weiss, did. Theol.
§ 126), we cannot, with Beyschlag, p. 38,.
understand it of the plan developing itself
in history, pertaining to the history of God's
kingdom, as God forms it inthe calling of
Abraham and executes it up to the apostolic
present. Mistaken also is van Hengel’s
view, according to which the κατ᾽ ἐκλογ.
πρόθ is to be limited to the determination
of choice respecting the two brothers, and
μένῃ to the abiding realization of it in the
posterity of both sides, while οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων, add’
ἐκ τοῦ καλοῦντος is supposed to be a gloss.
370 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
whether it be regarded as the act of its fulfilment (Reiche) or as its aim
(Krehl). These latter interpretations might certainly be justified linguisti-
cally (see Kiihner, I. 1, pp. 412, 413), but they would yield no specific pecu-
liarity of the act of the πρόθεσις. Yet, since κατ᾽ ἐκλογήν must be the char-
acteristically distinctive mark of the purpose, it cannot by any means dec-
note : the resolution adopted in respect of an election (Grotius, Riickert) ;
but it must be apprehended as an essential inherent of the πρόθεσις, expressing
the model character of this divine act : the purpose according to election, 1.6.
the purpose which was so formed, that init an election was made. The πρόθεσις
would have been no πρόθ. κατ᾽ ἐκλογήν, no ‘‘propositum Dei electivwm”
(Bengel), if God had resolved to bless all without exception. 1118 resolve to
vouchsafe the Messianic blessedness did not, however, concern all, but those
only who were to be comprehended in this very resolve (by virtue of His
πρόγνωσις, Vili. 29), and who were thereby, by means of the πρόθεσις itself,
chosen out from the rest of men (xi. δ), and thus the πρόθεσις was no other
than ἡ κατ᾽ ἐκλογὴν πρόθεσις (comp. Bengel, Flatt, Tholuck, Beck, Fritzsche,
Philippi, Lamping). In a linguistic aspect κατ’ éxdoy. (frequently in
Polybius, see Raphel) comes under the same category with the well-known
expressions Κατὰ κράτος, Ka? ὑπερβολήν κιτ.λ.} Comp. xi. 21; 1 Tim. vi. ὃ.
But it is incorrect to alter, with Carpzov, Ernesti, Cramer, BOhme, Ammon,
Rosenmiiller, the signification of ἐκλ., and to explain ἡ κατ᾽ ἐκλ. πρόθ. as
ἃ propositum Dei liberwm.” For, as election and freedom are in themselves
different conceptions, so in those passages which are appealed to (Joseph.
Bell. Jud. ii. 8. 14; Psalt. Sal. ix. 7), ἐκλ. is none other than electio ; and
especially in the N. T. ἐκλογή, ἐκλέγεσθαι, and ἐκλεκτός are so statedly used for
the dogmatic sense of the election to salvation, that no alteration can be ad-
mitted. In general, Hofmann has rightly understood it of the quality, which
the purpose has from the fact that God chooses ; along with which, however,
he likewise transposes the notion of the ἐκλογή into that of the free act of will,
‘‘which has its presupposition only in the chooser, not on the side of the
chosen.” This anticipates the following, which, moreover, joins itself not
to ἐκλογή, but to the abiding of the κατ᾽ ἐκλ. πρόθεσις ; hence ἐκλογῆ must
be left in its strict verbal sense of election. The ἐκλογή may in and by itself
be even an unfree act of will ; its freedom does not lie in the notion in itself,
but it is only to be inferred mediately from what is further to be said of the
μένειν of the κατ᾽ ἐκλ. πρόθεσις, Vid. οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων k.7.2. — μένῃ] The opposite
of ἐκπέπτωκεν, ver. 6.2 It is the result aimed at in such a declaration as God
caused to be given to Rebecca before the birth of her two sons : His purpose
according to election is meant to remain unchangeable, etc., so much He
would have to be settled in His giving that declaration. — οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων k.7.A. |
is by most joined, through a supplied οὖσα, to πρόϑεσις τ. Θεοῦ ;° by Fritzsche
1 Bornem. ad Cyrop.i. 4. 23; Bernhardy, αὐτῇ. But this last has already its defining
wp. 241. clause in μήπω «.7.A., and that a clause
2 Comp. Xen. Anab. ii. 8, 24; Eurip. Jph. after which οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων x.7.A., annexed
‘T. 959; Werod. iv. 201. to the ἐῤῥέθη αὐτῇ as a definition of mode,
3Tuther, however, with whom agree would be something self-evident and su-
Hofmann and Jatho, connects with ἐῤῥέθη + perfluous. Hofmann insists, quite ground-
CHAP. EN elk} Te 371
regarded even as a supplementary definition to κατ᾽ ἐκλογήν, in which he is
followed by Lamping, as though Paul had written ἡ οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων κιτ.Δ. But
for rejecting the natural and nearest connection with μένῃ there is absolutely
no ground from the sense which thus results : the elective resolution must
have its abiding character not on account of works, which the subjects concerned
would perform, but on account of God Himself, who calls to the Messianic salva-
tion. Accordingly, οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων «.7.2. is a causal specification annexed to
the—in itself independent—yévy, namely, of its objective actual relation
(hence οὖ, not μή), and should be separated from μένῃ by a comma (Paul
might more formally have written : καὶ τοῦτο οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων κ.τ.2.). Hence the
objection that μένειν ἐκ is not found is of no importance, since μένῃ ia
itself stands absolutely, and é« is constantly employed in the sense of by vir-
tue of, by reason of. See Bernhardy, p. 230; Ellendt, Lex. Soph. I. p. 551.?
— On the form ἐῤῥέθη, which, instead of the Recepta ἐῤῥήθη, is to be adopted
with Lachmann and Tischendorf, following the preponderance of testimony,
in all passages in Paul, see on Matt. v. 21, and Kiihner, I. p. 810 f.—The
quotation is Gen. xxv. 23, closely following the LXX. ; ὅτι forms no part of
it, but is recitative. In the connection of the original text, ὁ μείζων and ὁ ἐλάσσ.,
the greater and the smaller, refer to the two nations represented by the elder
and younger twin sons, of which they were to be ancestors ; and this pre-
diction was /fuljilled first under David, who conquered the Edomites (2 Sam.
viii. 14) ; then, after they had freed themselves in the time of Joram (2
Kings vill. 21), under Amaziah (2 Kings xiv. 7; 2 Chron. xxv. 11) and
Uzziah (2 Kings xiv. 22 ; 2 Chron, xxvi. 2), who again reduced them to
slavery ; and lastly, after they had once more broken loose in the time of
Ahaz (2 Chron. xxviii. 17 ; according to 2 Kings xvi. 6, they had merely
wrested the port of Elath from the Jews), under Johannes Hyrcanus, who
completely vanquished them, forced them to be circumcised, and incorpo-
rated them in the Jewish state (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 9. 1). Paul, however, has
in view, as the entire context vv. 10, 11, 13 evinces, in ὁ μείζ. and τῷ ἐλάσσ.,
Esau and Jacob themselves, not their nations ; so that the fulfilment of the
δουλ. is to be found in the theocratic subjection into which Esau was reduced
through the loss of his birthright and of the paternal blessing, whereby the
theocratic lordship passed to Jacob. But inasmuch as in Gen. 1.6. the two
brothers are set forth as representatives of the nations, and their persons and
their destiny are not consequently excluded,—as, indeed, the relation indi-
cated in the divine utterance took its beginning with the brothers them-
selves, by virtue of the preference of Jacob through the paternal blessing
lessly, that, according to the ordinary
connection of οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων «.7.A., instead of
οὐκ, μή must have been used. On account
of the following ἀλλ᾽ «.7.A., on which the
main stress is meant to be laid, οὐκ, even
in a sentence expressing purpose, is quite
in its place. See Buttm. Weut. Gr. Ὁ. 302,
8 [Εἰ. T. 852]. The negation adheres to the
ἐξ ἔργων, see Kiihner, IL. 2, p. 747 f.
1 This characteristic designation of God
as ὁ καλῶν makes it apparent that the at-
tainment of the salvation entirely depends
on Him.
3. Not essentially different from our view
is that of Tholuck, de Wette, Philippi, who
regard οὐκ ἐξ ἔργων «.7.A. asasubjoined def-
inition of the whole final clause : “* And this
indeed was not to be effected by virtue ot
works, ete.’ (Philippi). But Riickert in-
correctly explains it, as though the passage
Tan μένῃ μὴ ἐξ ἔργ. K.7.A,
372 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
(Gen. xxvii. 29, 37, 40),—the apostle’s apprehension of the passage, as he
adapts it to his connection, has its ground and its warrant, especially in
view of similar hermeneutic freedom in the use of Ὁ. T. expressions. — ὁ
μείζων and τῷ ἐλάσσ. have neither in the original nor in Greek the significa-
tion: the first-born and the second-born, which indeed the words do not
denote ; but Esau, who is to come to birth first, is regarded as the greater
of the twins in the womb, and Jacob as the smaller.
Ver. 13. ‘‘ This utterance (ἐῤῥέθη) took place in conformity with the ex-
pressly testified (in Mal. i. 2, 3, freely cited from'the LXX.) love of God
towards Jacob and abhorrence of Esau.” Thus, that utterance agrees with
this. But just like Paul, so the prophet himself intends by ᾽Τακώβ and "Head,
not the two nations Israel and Edom, but the persons of the two brothers ;
God loved the former, and hated the latter (and therefore has exalted Israel
and destroyed Edom).—The qaorists are, in the sense -of the apostle—as the re-
lation of καθὼς yéyp. to the preceding, imparting information respecting the
subjective ground of the divine declaration in ver. 12, shows—to be re-
ferred to the love and abhorrence entertained towards the brothers before
their birth, but are not to be understood of the de facto manifestation of love and
hatred by which the saying of Gen. xxv. 23 had been'‘in the result confirmed
(van Hengel). ᾿Ἐμίσησα, moreover, is not to have a merely privative sense as-
cribed to it : not to love, or to love less (as Fessel, Glass, Grotius, Estius, and
many, including Noésselt, Koppe, Tholuck, Flatt, Beck, Maier, Beyschlag),
which is not admissible even in Matt. vi. 24, Luke xiv. 26, xvi. 13, John
xii. 25 (see, against this and similar attempts to weaken its force, Lamping) ;
but it expresses the opposite of the positive ἠγάπ., viz. positive hatred. See
Mal. i. 4. And as that love towards Jacob must be conceived of as com-
pletely independent of foreseen virtues (ver. 11), so also this hatred towards
Esau as completely independent of foreseen sins (in opposition to the Greek
Fathers and Jerome on Mal. i.). Both were founded solely on the free elec-
tive determination of God ; with whom, in the necessary connection of that
plan which He had freely adopted for the process of theocratic develop-
ment, the hatred and rejection of Esau were presupposed through their op-
posite, namely, the free love and election of Jacob to be the vehicle of the
theocracy and its privileges, as the reverse side of this love and choice,
which the history of Edom brought into actual relief.
Vv. 14-18. [See Note CV. p. 400.] Second part of the Theodicée: God
does not deal unrighteously, in that His πρόθεσις according to election is to have
its subsistence, not ἐξ ἔργων, but ἐκ τοῦ καλοῦντος; for He Himself main-
tains in the Scripture His own freedom to have mercy upon or to harden whom
He will.—This reason has probative force, in so far as it is justly presupposed
in it, that the aziom which God expresses respecting Himself is absolutely
worthy of Him. Hence we are not, with Beyschlag, to refer the alleged
injustice to the fact that God now prefers the Gentiles to the Jews, which is
simply imported into the preceding text, and along with which, no less gra-
tuitously, the following receives the sense: ‘‘the Jews have indeed become
what they are out of pure grace ; this grace may therefore once again be directed
towards others, and be withdrawn from them” (Beyschlag).
CHAP. IX., 14-16. 919
Ver. 14. A possible inference, unfavourable to the character of God, from
vy. 11-13, is suggested by Paul himself, and repelled. —p7 ἀδικ. rapa τῷ
Θεῷ ;} but is there not unrighteousness with God? Comp. the question in iii.
5. παρὰ, with qualities, corresponds to the Latin in. See Matthiae, ὃ 588.
6. Comp. i. 11.
Ver. 15. Reason assigned for the μὴ γένοιτο, not for the legitimacy of the
question μὴ ἀδικία π. τ. Θ. (Mangold, p. 184), so that the opponent's language
continues, until it ‘‘culminates in the audacious exclamation of ver. 19.”
Tép after μὴ γένοιτο always relates to this. Bengel rightly remarks on yap :
‘Nam quod asserimus, Dei assertum est irrefragabile.” —76 Mois. y. (see
critical remarks) brings into strong relief the venerated recipient of the word,
which makes it appear the more weighty (comp. x. 5, 19). The citation is
Ex. xxxili. 19, verbally following the LXX. (which would have more closely
translated the Heb. by ἐλεῶ ὃν ἂν ἐλεήσω κ.τ...).} In the original tert it is an
assurance by God to Moses of His favour now directly extended towards
him, but expressed in the form of a divine aviom. Hence Paul, following
the LXX., was justified in employing the passage as a scriptural statement
of the general proposition : God’s mercy, in respect of the persons con-
cerned, whose lot it should be to experience it, lets itself be determined
solely by His own free will of grace: ‘‘Z will have mercy upon whosoever is
the object of my mercy ;” so that I am therefore in-this matter dependent on
nothing external to myself. This is the sovereignty of the divine compas-
sionating will. Observe that the futwre denotes the actual compassion, ful- |
filling itself in point of fact, which God promises to show to the persons
concerned, towards whom He stands in the mental relation (ἐλεῶ, present) of
pity. The distinction between ἐλεῶ and οἰκτείρω is not, as Tittmann, Synon.
p. 69f., defines it, that ἐλ. denotes the active mercy, and oixr. the compas-
sionate kindness, but that the same notion misereri is more strongly expressed
by olxr. See Fritzsche. Comp. Plat. Huthyd. p. 288 Ὁ : ἐλεήσαντέ pe καὶ
οἰκτείραντε. The latter denotes originally bewailing sympathy, as opposed
to μακαρίζειν (Xen. Anab. ili. 1.19). Comp. οἶκτος (to which ὀδυρμός, Plat.
Rep. iii. p. 387 D, corresponds), οἰκτίζω, οἰκτρός x.7.A. On the form οἰκτειρήσω,
see Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 741. --- ὃν ἂν] The av is that everywhere usual with
the relative in the sense of ewngue. Hence conditionally expressed : if to
any one 1 am gracious, etc. See generally Hartung, Partikell. II. p. 293 f. ;
Ellendt, Ler. Soph. I. p. 119. Consequently, not merely the mercy in itself,
but also the determination of those who should be its objects, is designated
as a free act of God, resting on nothing except on His elective purpose, and
affecting the persons according to it ; for the emphasis lies in the relative
clause on the repeated ὃν ἄν, as ἄν generally has its place after the emphatic
word.
Ver. 16. Paul now infers from this divine word the doctrine implied in
it of the causality of the divine redemption. —ov τοῦ θέλοντος] 86. ἐστί.
Accordingly, therefore, it (the participation in that which has just been des-
1 Even thus ἐλεήσω would be future indic- Xen. Apol. 16; Poppo, ad Cyrop. ii. 1. 18;
ative, not subjunctive (in opposition to Stallbaum, ad Plat. Rep. p. 61.5 Ὁ.
Fritzsche’s criticism). See Bornemann, ad
914 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
ignated in the divine utterance as ἔλεος and οἰκτιρμός) is not of him that
wills, nor of him that runs, but of God who is merciful ; it depends not on
the striving and urgent endeavour of man, but on the will of the merciful
God.’ The relation of the genitive is: pencs. See Bernhardy, p. 165;
Kiihner, II. 1, p. 316 f. —rpéyev, a figurative designation of strenuously
active endeavour, borrowed originally from the competitive races (1 Cor. ix.
24). Comp. Gal. ii. 2, v. 7; Phil. 11. 16; also in the classical writers.
Incorrectly, Reiche (following Locke and others) thinks that θέλοντος was
probably chosen with reference to the wish of Abraham to instal Ishmael,
and of Isaac to instal Esau, in the heirship ; and rpéy. with reference to the
fruitless running in of Esau from the chase (Theophylact understands it of
his running off to the chase). For Paul, in fact, draws an inference with
his dpa οὖν only from the divine utterance issued to Moses ; and hence we are
not even to conjecture, with van Hengel, a reference to Pharaoh’s hasty
pursuit of the Israelites. Not on the runner himself depends the successful
struggle for the prize (in opposition to Reiche’s objection), but he, whom
God has chosen to obtain it, now on his part so runs that he does obtain it.
Consequently the conception is, that man by his τρέχειν never meritoriously
acquires the divine favour ; but, fulfilling the predetermination of God, he,
in the power of the grace already received, demeans himself conformably to it ;
hence Paul, in another place, where the context suggests it, exhorts to the
τρέχειν (1 Cor. ix. 24). Beck’s opinion, that θέλειν and τρέχειν are here
intended not in the moral sense, but metaphysically and juridically, is noth-
ing but an exegetically groundless deviation from the simple and clear mean-
ing of the words. —r. ἐλεοῦντος Θεοῦ"] to be taken together. Had Paul intend-
ed τ. ἐλεοῦντος as independent, and Θεοῦ as an apposition, he would have only
weakened the antithetic emphasis by the very superfluously added Θεοῦ (in
opposition to Hofmann).
Ver. 17. Tap] Establishment of this doctrine e contrario,’ as the inference
of ver. 18 shows.— ἡ γραφή] for in it God speaks ; comp. Gal. 111. 8, 22. —ro
Φαραώ] Paul has selected two very striking contemporaneous and historically
connected examples, in ver. 15 of election, and here of rejection. The quo-
tation is Ex.’ix. 16, with a free and partly intentional variation from the
LXX. -- ὅτι] does not form part of the declaration, but introduces it, as in
ver. 12. --- εἰς αὐτὸ τοῦτο] brings the meaning into stronger relief than the
ἕνεκεν τούτου of the LXX. : for this very purpose (for nothing else). Comp.
xill. 6; 2 Cor. v. 6, vii. 11; Eph. vi. 22; Col. iv. 8.— éyepd oe] The
guage of Scripture to Pharaoh testifies,—
what is said in ver. 16 thus receives a further
1The proposition in the generality with
which it is expressed forbids the assump-
tion of a particular reference to Jsrael (Bey-
schlag), whose moral and religious endeay-
our (ver. 21) hinders not the right of God’s
world-ruling majesty to open the heart of
the Gentiles for the gospel, and not that of
the Jews.
2 The counterpart of that ἔλεος is, namely,
the divine hardening ; and if this likewise
presents itself as dependent only on the
divine determination of will,—as the lan-
serjptural confirmation from the correlative
counterpart. Beyschlag also recognizes a
reasoning 6 contrario, but sees in Pharaoh
the type of Israel, unto whom the Gospel
has not merely remained strange, but has
tended to hardening. Thus in this type
“the present exchange of 7déle between
Israel and the Gentile world is illustrated in
a terrible manner.” This change of 76le is
imported.
CHAP. ΤΣ 1%: 375
LXX. translates PUVILN by διετηρήθης, 1.6. vivus servatus es, and so far,
leaving out of view the factitive form of the Hebrew word (to which, how-
ever, a reading of the LXX. attested in the Hexapla with διετήρησά ce corre-
sponds), correctly in the historical connection (see Ex. ix. 15). Paul,
however, expands the special sense of that Hebrew word to denote the whole
appearance of Pharaoh, of which general fact that particular one was a
part ; and he renders the word according to this general relation, which
lies at the bottom of his view, and in reference to’ which the active form
was important, by : I have raised thee up, that is, caused thee to emerge ; thy
whole historical appearance has been brought about by me, in order that,
ete. Comp. the current use of ἐγείρειν in the N. T., as in Matt. xi. 11, xxi~
11; John vii. 52, οὐ al.; Ecclus. x. 4; 1 Mace. iii. 49 ; and the Hebrew
DiI. So, in substance, Theophylact (εἰς τὸ μέσον ἤγαγον), Beza, Calvin,
Piscator, Bengel, and various others, including Reiche, Olshausen, Riickert,
Beck, Tholuck, Philippi ; formerly also Hofmann ; comp. Beyschlag : ‘I
have allowed thee to arise.” The interpretation : civum te servavi (Vorstius,
Hammond, Grotius, Wolf, and many, including Koppe, Morus, Béhme,
Rosenmiiller, Nésselt, Klee, Reithmayr), explains the Hebrew, but not the
expression of the apostle ; for Jas. v. 15 ought not to have been appealed
to, where the context demands the sense of ‘‘ erigere de lecto graviter decum-
bentem.” Yet even now Hofmann compares Jas. v. 15, and explains
accordingly : I have suffered thee to rise from sickness. But this would only
be admissible, provided it were the sense of the original text, which was
assumed by Paul as well known ; the latter, however, simply says : 7 allow
thee to stand for the sake of, etc. (comp. Knobel, in loc.), with which also
the LXX. agrees. Others explain : I have appointed thee to be king (Flatt,
Benecke, Gléckler). Others : I have stirred thee up for resistance (Augus-
tine, Anselm, K6éllner, de Wette, Fritzsche, Maier, Bisping, Lamping, comp.
Umbreit), as ἐγείρειν and ἐξεγείρ. denote, in classical usage, to incite, both in
a good and bad sense ; comp. 2 Macc. xiii. 4 ; Hist. Sus. 45. But these
special definitions of the sense make the apostle say something so entirely |
different both from the original and from the LXX., that they must have ©
been necessitated by the connection. But this is not the case ; not even in
respect to the view of Augustine, etc., since in ver. 18 ὃν δὲ θέλει, σκληρύνει
is not inferred from the verbal sense of ἐξήγ. ce, but from the relation of the
ὅπως K.T.A. to the ἐξηγειρά σε (εἰς αὐτὸ τοῦτο evinces this),—a relation which
would presuppose a hardening of Pharaoh on the part of God, and for the
reader who is familiar with the history (Ex. iv. 21, vii. 3, xi. 10, xiv. 4,
et al.), actually presupposes it. — ὅπως ἐνδείξ. «.7.2.] namely, by means of thy
final overthrow ; not : by means of the leading out of Israel (Beyschlag),
against which is ἐν coi. —évdeif] may show, may cause to be recognized in
thy case. Comp. ili. 25 ; Eph. ii. 7 ; 1 Tim. i. 16. — δύναμιν] LXX.: ἰσχύν.
With Paul not an intentional alteration, but another reading according
to the Hexapla (in opposition to Philippi). — dvayy.| might be thoroughly
published. Comp. Luke ix. 60 ; Plat. Protag. p. 317 A; Pind. Nem. v. 5 ;
1“ Deus Pharaonem a se profectum dicit eique hance impositam esse personam.”
910 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Herodian, i. 15. 3, ii. 9. 1; Plutarch. Camill. 24. —7d ὄνομά μου] As naming
Him who has shown Himself so mighty in the case of Pharaoh. For the
opposite, see ii. 24; 1 Tim. vi. 1.—év πάσῃ τῇ γῇ}] im the whole earth; a
result, which in the later course of history (comp. Eusebius, praep. ev. ix.
29), especially was fulfilled in the dispersion of the Jews and the spread of
Christianity, and continues to be fulfilled. The explanation : in the whole
land (van Hengel), is less in keeping with the tendency of the original text
than the all-comprehensive destination of this great judgment of God.
Ver. 18. Result from vv. 15-17. — σκληρύνει] Opposite of ἐλεεῖ, not merely
negative like οὐκ ἐλεεῖ (Bengel), but positive : He hardens him, makes him
thereby incapable of being a σκεῦος ἐλέους (ver. 23). Such an one becomes
σκληρός τε καὶ ἀμετάστροφος (Plato, Crat. p. 407 D), oka. καὶ ἀπειθής (Plato,
Locr. p. 104 C), in amoral respect.1 Comp. Acts xix. 9 ; Heb. iii. 8, 13,
15, iv. 7 3 oxAnpoxapdia, Matt. xix. 8; Mark xvi. 14; Rom. ii. Ὁ." Vv. 19
ff. prove that all warping or alteration of this sense of the word is errone-
ous ; that the suggestion, e.g., in Origen and several Fathers, in Grotius,
Koppe, Flatt, Klee, Maier, and others, that only the divine permission is
intended (comp. Melanchthon : ‘‘Indurat, i.e. sinit esse durum, nec con-
vertit eum’), is erroneous ; and equally erroneous is the interpretation
duriter tractat (Carpzov, Semler, Cramer, Ernesti, Schulthess, Haeg. Forsch.
II. p. 186 ; comp. Beck, p. 75 f.), which is contrary to the signification of
the word (also in the LXX. Job xxxix. 16).* Evidence to the same effect
is supplied by the twofold representation given of the hardening of Pharaoh
in Exodus, where it appears partly as self-produced (viii. 15, 32, ix. 34 ;
comp. 1 Sam. vi. 6), partly as effected by God (iv. 21, vii. 3, ix. 12, x. 20,
27, xi. 10). Of these two ways of regarding the matter, however, Paul,
suitably to his object, has expressly adopted the latter ; Pharaoh hardened
by God is to him the type of all who obstinately withstand the divine coun-
sel of salvation, as Israel does. In opposition to Beck’s evasive expedients,
see Lamping. On the hardening itself Olshausen remarks :—(1) That it
presupposes already the beginnings of evil.
(2) Thatit is not an aggravation
But Pharaoh’s history
(3) That the total hardening is an expression of simple
penal justice, when sin has become sin against the Holy Ghost. But in that
case there could be no mention of a ὃν θέλει. The clear and simple sense
of the apostle is, that it depends on the free determination of God’s will
whether to bless with His saving mercy, or, on the other hand, to put into
But this is at variance with
ὃν θέλει and ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ φυράματος, Ver. 21.
of sin, but a means of preventing its aggravation.
is against this.
1For an analogous pagan conception, d. Stinde, p. 113 ff.
comp. especially Euripides, in Lycurgus
adv. Leocr. Ὁ. 198 (§ 92):
ὅταν yap ὀργὴ δαιμόνων βλάπτῃ τινά,
τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ πρῶτον ἐξαφαιρεῖται φρενῶν
τὸν νοῦν τὸν ἐσθλὸν, εἰς δὲ τὴν χείρω τρέπει
γνώμην, ἵν᾽ εἰδῇ μηδὲν ὧν ἁμαρτάνει.
See also Rubnken, ad Vell. Paterc. ii. 57, p.
265 ff.
2 See also Soph. 41. 13840, Trach. 1250; Lo-
beck, ad Aj. p. 884; from the O. T., Umbreit
3 In Job, 1.6., ἀπεσκλήρυνε, LXX., is said of
the ostrich, which renders hard, i.e. makes
hardy, its young ones. Comp. Leon. Tarent.
11; Athen. I. p. 24 D; Theophr. C. pi. iii. 16,
2,v. 15. 6. Such is also the meaning of
ἀποσκληρόω. The sense of the original
(ΠΡ ΤΠ) is not decisive. The LXX. has
understood it as ἀπεσκληρ. Comp. Lamping,
p. 188 f.
CHAP. Ix., 18. 377
that spiritual condition, in which aman can be no object of His saving
mercy (but rather of His ὀργή only). Accordingly, the will of God is here
the absolute will, which is only in the ἐλεεῖ a will of grace, and not also in
the σκληρύνει (in opposition to Th. Schott). Of the style and manner in
which the older dogmatic interpreters have here introduced qualifying
clauses in the interests of opposition to absolute predestination, the devel-
opment of the matter by Calovius may serve as an example. He main-
tains, that when it is said that God hardens, this is not to be taken ἐνεργητι-
κῶς or effective, but (1) συγχωρητικῶς, propter permissionem ; (2) ἀφορμητικῶς,
propter oceasionem, quam ex 115, quae Deus agit, sumunt reprobi ; (8) éyxara-
λειπτικῶς, Ob desertionem, quod gratia sua deserat reprobos ; (4) παραδοτικῶς,
ob traditionem in sensum reprobum et in ulteriorem Satanae potestatem.
But Philippi’s suggestion of the immanent /aw which the divine freedom
carries within itself,—according to which God will have mercy upon him
who acknowledges His right to have mercy on whom He will, and to harden
whom He will; and will harden him who denies to Him this right, —will only
then come into consideration by the side of what Paul here says, when (see
remarks after ver. 33) we are in a position to judge of the relation of our
passage and the connection that follows it to the moral self-determination
of man, which the apostle teaches elsewhere ; seeing that no further guiding
hint is here given by Paul, and, moreover, that immanent law of the divine
freedom, as Philippi himself frankly recognizes, is not at all here expressed.
For now the apostle has been most sedulously and exclusively urging
nothing but the complete independence of the divine willing in ἐλεεῖν and
oxAnpoverv,’ which the Form. Cone. p. 821 does not duly attend to, when it
“maintains that Paul desired to represent the hardening of Pharaoh as an
example of divine penal justice. Not ‘‘ut eo ipso Dei justitiam declararet,”
has Paul adduced this example, although it falls historically under this
point of view, but asa proof of the completely ree se!f-determination of God
to harden whom He will. Accordingly, the hardening hererappears by no
means, as has been lately read between the lines, ‘‘ as ὦ consequence of pre-
ceding conceited self-righteousness” (Tholuck), or ‘‘ such as the man himself has
willed it” (Th. Schott), or conditioned by the divine standard of holiness
confronting human sin (Weiss), or with an obvious presupposition of human
self-determination (Beyschlag). Elsewhere the hardening may be adjudged
as a punishment by God (Isa. vi. 9 ff. ; Ps. lxix. 28 ; see Umbreit, p. 310
f.), but not so here. The will of God, which in truth can be no arbitrary
pleasure, is no doubt holy and just ; but it is not here apprehended and
set forth under this point of view, and from this side, but in reference to its
independence of all human assistance, consequently in accordance with its
absolute ascitas, which is to be retained in its clear precision and without
any qualifying clause to the words ὃν θέλει ἐλεεῖ," and must not be obscured
by ideas of mediate agency that are here foreign.
1 Observe that in ὃν θέλει the emphasis
falls on θέλει, not—as in ver. 15, where av
was added—on ov. In the second clause
this emphatic ov θέλει is then repeated, on
which occasion δέ (again, on the other hand)
brings out the corresponding symmetry of
the relative definition on both sides (Har-
tung, Partik. I. Ὁ. 168 f.).
2 Hofmann rightly remarks: the ἐλεεῖν is
designated as an act, whose object one is, in
378 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Vv. 19-21. Third part of the Theodicée : But man is not entitled to dis-
pute with God, why He should still jind fault. For his relation to God is as
that of the thing formed to its former, or of the vessel to the potter, who has
power to fashion out of a single lump vessels to honour and dishonour.
Ver. 19. An objection supposed by the apostle (comp. xi. 19) which might
be raised against ver. 18, not merely by a Jew, but generally. — οὖν] in pur-
suance of the ὃν dé θέλει σκληρύνει. ---- ἔτι] logical, as iniii. 7, and frequently :
If He hardens out of His own determination of will, why does He still find
Fault? That fact surely takes away all warrant from the reproaches which
God makes against hardened sinners, since they have been hardened by the
divine will itself, to which no one yet offers opposition (with success). —7@
yap Bova. x.r.4.] ground assigned for the question, τί ἔτι μέμφ. --- ἀνθέστηκε]
Who withstands? whereby, concretely, the irresistibility of the divine decree
is set forth. The divine decree is exalted above any one’s opposition. Accord-
ing to the present opinion of Hofmann (it was otherwise in the Schriftbevw. I.
p. 246 f.), the opponent wishes to establish that, if the words ὃν θέλει, σκλη-
pover be correct, no one may offer opposition to that which God wills,’ and there-
fore God can in no one have anything to censure. But thus the thought of
the question τίς ἀνθέστηκε would be one so irrational and impious (as though,
forsooth, no sinner would be opposed to God), that Paul would not even have
had ground or warrant to have invented it as an objection. That question
is not impious, but tragic, the expression of human weakness in presence of
the divine decree of hardening. — On the classical βούλημα (more frequently
βούλευμα), the thing willed, i.e. captum consilium (only here in Paul), see van
Hengel, Lobeck, ad Aj. 44. Comp., as to the distinction between βούλομαι
and θέλω (Eph. i. 11), on Matt. i. 19.
Ver. 20. Μενοῦνγε] Imo vero, here not without irony : Yea verily, O man
(11. 1), who art thou (quantulus es) who repliest against God? See on Luke xi.
28 ; also Ast, Lev. Plat. Il. p. 808. On σὺ τίς εἶ, comp. xiv. 4 ; Plato, Gorg.
Ῥ. 452 B: σὺ δὲ. . . τίς εἶ, ὦ ἄνθρωπε ; Paul does not give arefutation of the ri
ἔτι μέμφ., but he repudiates the question as unwarranted ; ‘ abrumpit quaesti-
onem” (Melanchthon), and that wholly from the standpoint of the entirely
unlimited divine omnipotence, on which he has placed himself in the whole
of the present connection, and consistently with that standpoint. —6 ἀντα-
moxpw.| For in τί ἔτει... ἀνθέστ. there is contained an oppositional reply,
namely, to God's finding fault, not to the saying of Scripture, ver. 17 (Hof-
mann), which the apostle’s present train of thought has already left behind.
On the expression, comp. Luke xiv. 6 ; Judg. v. 29 ; Job xvi. 8, xxxii. 12.
The word is not found in the Greek writers. But ἀνταποκρίνεσθαι, says Paul,
as little belongs to man against God, as to the thing formed belongs the
question addressed to its former: Why hast thou made me thus (as 1 am) ?
virtue of the fact that God wills to make him its {Widerpart] does not correspond with suf-
object. Just so it stands with the σκληρύνειν, ficient definiteness to the notion of ἀνθέστη-
by which God fulfils His own will in the κε, Since the latter everywhere signifies the
person concerned, without haying his real and active resistere. So alsoin Paul
action and character as a ground of deter- (xii. 2; Gal. ii. 11; Eph. vi. 13). Comp.
mination in the matter. Soph. Fragm. 234; Dindorf : πρὸς τὴν ἀνάγκην
1The general expression ‘ opposition” οὐδ᾽ "Ἄρης ἀνθίσταται Plato, Symp. p. 196 Ὁ.
CHAP. IX., 21. 919
This comparison is logically correct (in opposition to Usteri, Lehrbegr. p. 269),
since the tertium comparationis generally is the constituting of the quality.
As the moulder produces the quality of the vessel formed by him according
to his own free will, so God constitutes the moral quality (fitted for blessed-
ness or not so) of men as He will. Only when it is maintained that the
comparison with the thing formed must properly refer only to the first for-
mation of men, and not to the subsequent ethical moulding of those created
(as in Pharaoh’s case, whom God hardened), can its logical correctness be
denied. But Paul wrote in a popular form, and it is to do him injustice to
press his simile more than he himself, judging by the tenor of the entire
connection, would have it pressed. Gléckler (following Pareus) finds in
μὴ ἐρεῖ κιτ.λ. and ver. 21 an argumentatio a minore ad majus: ““Τῇ not even in
the case of an effigy can such a question be addressed to its former, how
much less can man, etc.” But this also is to be quite laid aside, and we
must simply abide by the conception of a simile, since that question on the
part of the thing formed cannot certainly be conceived as really taking
place, and since the simile itself is of so frequent occurrence in the O. T.,
that Paul has doubtless employed it by way of reminiscence from that source.
see Isa: xxix. 16, xlv..9; Jer. xvii. 6 5. Wisd. xv..% ; Eeclus. xxxvi. 13:
Vv. 21-23 also show that Paul sets forth God Himself under the image of
the potter. According to Hofmann, the sense of the question resolves it-
self into a complaint over the destiny, for which the creature is created by
God. But the contextual notion of ποιεῖν is not that of creation, but that of
preparation, adjustment (vv. 21, 22), correlative to the making of the potter,
who does not create his vessels, but forms and fashions (πλάσαντι) them thus
or thus ; and οὕτως simply specifies the mode of the making : in such shape, in
such a kind of way, that I have not issued from thy hands as one of another
mould. Comp. Winer, p. 434 [E. T. 465]. It is the τρόπος of the ποιεῖν,
which presents itself in the result.
Ver. 21. “H] The sense, without an interrogation, is: Unless perhaps the
potter should not have power over his clay (τοῦ πηλοῦ), to make (ποιῆσαι, the in-
finitive of more precise definition,) etc. Comp. Wisd. xv. 7. —é« τοῦ αὐτοῦ
gupdu.| The φύραμα (comp. on xi. 16 ; 1 Cor. v. 6) is the lump of the πηλός,
mixed with water and kneaded, out of which the potter makes the different
vessels, In the application of the simile, the same lump denotes human
nature in and by itself, as it is alike in all with its opposite moral capabili-
ties and dispositions,’ but not yet conceived of in its definite individual
moral stamp. Out of this, like the potter out of the clay-dough which is
susceptible of various moulding, God—who does not merely ‘‘ allow to come
into being” the different moral quality of individuals, in order then to fulfil
on them the ἐλεεῖν or σκληρύνειν which He will (Hofmann), but effectively
produces it—makes partly such as are destined to stand in honour (namely,
as partakers of the Messianic glory), partly such as are to stand in dishonour
1 This massa is by Augustine onesidedly muntur in gratiam, and the vessels εἰς ἀτιμίαν
viewed as “‘peccalo originali infecta, cor- those which ad luendum debitum relinquun-
rupia damnationique obnoxia,”’ so that then tur.
the vessels eis τιμήν are those which assu-
3880 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
(namely, through the eternal ἀπώλεια). Comp. vv. 22, 238. See also 2 Tim.
ii. 20, 21. The former is the effect of His ἐλεεῖν, as in the case of Moses ;
the latter that of His σκληρύνειν, as in the case of Pharaoh. Much too gen-
eral and rationalizing, in opposition to the text, is van Hengel’s view, that
the figure refers generally to the ‘‘inexplicabiles divini rerum humanarum
regiminis rationes ;” and Beyschlag’s view amounts to the same thing :
‘out of the material of the human race (?) which is at His disposal as it
continues to come into existence, to stamp individuals with this or that histor-
ical destination” (?). — εἰς τιμήν] This is the destination of the vessel ; it is
either to be honoured, so that it has τιμήν (as e.g. a sacred vase), or is to expe-
rience the opposite, so that ἀτιμία cleaves to it (as e.g. an utensil destined to
foul use). — Observe the purposely-chosen arrangement of the words: the jux-
taposition of οὐκ ἔχει (or lacks), the juxtaposition of ὁ κεραμεὺς τοῦ πηλοῦ
(although τοῦ πηλ, belongs to ἐξουσ. ; comp. Buttmann, newt. Gr. p. 332,
[E. T. 387]) and the prefixing of εἰς τιμήν.
Vv. 22-29. Mourth part of the Theodicée : God, full of long-suffering, has
borne with vessels of wrath, in order withal to make known His glory on vessels
of mercy, as which He has also called us Christians both out of the Jews and out
of the Gentiles. Comp. on vv. 22, 23 ; Wisd. xil. 20, 21. These two kinds
of σκεύη are necessarily the same as those meant in ver. 21 (in opposition to
Weiss, p. 66 f., and bid1. Theol. Ὁ. 383). This is shown by the retention of
σκεύη, aS well as by the attributes κατηρτισμένα and ἃ προητοίμασεν correspond-
ing to the ποιῆσαι of ver. 21, just as εἰς ἀπώλειαν aptly corresponds to the εἰς
ἀτιμίαν, and εἰς δόξαν to the εἰς τιμήν, ver. 21. The former vessels as κατηρ-
τισμένα εἰς ἀπώλειαν are necessarily oxeby ὀργῆς, for the divine ὀργή and ἀπώλεια
are correlates, which suppose one another. But the guilt, whichis supposed
by the notion of ὀργῆ, is, in the entirely consistent connection of our pas-
sage, presented—hby the καταρτίζειν which precedes the guilt, and in virtue
of which God has made them such as they are and not otherwise—as the
consequence of the moral development conditioned by this previous prepa-
ration. Weiss fails to recognize the onesidedness of the mode of view here
necessarily intended and boldly carried out by the apostle, which will not,
moreover, bear the attempts of Hofmann to explain it away, or those of
Beyschlag to twist the notion ; the latter least of all, on the subjective
ground that the strictly understood notion of σκεύη ὀργῆς is incapable of fulfil-
ment, which at the absolute standpoint of the text it is not.
Ver. 22 f. forms a conditional interrogative sentence, the apodosis of
which is not expressed, but is gathered from the context, viz. : Wilt thou still
beable to venture the ivraroxpivecba τῷ Θεῷ of ver. 20 f. ὃ Must thou not utterly
become dumb with thy replies? Comp. on John vi. 61; Acts xxiii. 9 ;
Luke xix. 41.’ This aposiopesis with εἰ δὲ corresponds perfectly to our : but
how if, etc. It is to be translated : ‘‘ But how if God, although minded to
manitest His wrath and to make known His power, has endured with much long-
suffering vessels of wrath, which are nevertheless adjusted for destruction, in
1See also Calvin and Calovius, in Joc. ; Fritzsche, Conject. p. 80; Hartung; Partikell.
ΤΙ. p. 212; Dissen, ad Dem. de cor. Ὁ. 297.
CHAP? 1X;,,) 22. 381
order also to make known the riches of His glory on vessels of mercy, which He
has prepared beforehand for glory?” Paraphrased, the sense is: ‘‘ But if God,
notwithstanding that His holy will disposes Him not to leave un manifested His
wrath and His power, but practically to make them known, has nevertheless
hitherto, full of long-suffering, endured such as are objects of His wrath, and
spared them from the destruction, to incur which they are nevertheless constituted
and fitted like a vessel by the potter—endured them and spared them not merely
as a proof of such great long-suffering towards them, but also with the purpose
in view of making known, during the period of this forbearance, the fulness of
His glorious perfection in respect to such as are objects of His mercy, whom He,
as the potter fashions a vessel, has prepared beforehand, and put in order for
eternal glory,—how, in presence of that self-denying long-suffering of God
towards vessels of wrath, and in presence of this gracious purpose, which He
withal, at the same time, cherishes towards the vessels of mercy, must any
desire to dispute with God completely depart from thee !’—in detail the
following points are to be observed : δὲ is neither equivalent to οὖν, nor re-
sumptive, but the simple μεταβατικόν, making the transition to something
Surther, namely, from the previous dismissal of the objector to the refutation
which puts him to shame.’ Tholuck (comp. also Weiss, Reithmayr, and
others) takes it antithetically, so that the sequence of thought would be :
1 assert this as God’s absolute right against you, if you choose to take
your stand on the point of right ; but how if God has not so much as even
dealt thus, ete. ?” But such an interpretation, which would require the
contrast to be much more strongly marked than by the mere δὲ, is at vari-
ance with the retention in the sequel of the figurative cxein and their pre-
paredness ; because it is thence evident, that what Paul had previously said
concerning the freedom of God to prepare men of different character and
destiny like potters’ vessels, he by no means intended to cancel, as if God
had not thus dealt. Θέλων is, with Fritzsche, Philippi, Lamping, and
several others, to be resolved by although, because only thus is there yielded
the logically correct preparation for the notion of πολλὴ μακροθυμία, which is
a self-denying one ; the θέλειν ἐνδείξασθαι x.7.2. is the constant essential char-
acteristic of the holy God, and yet He has borne, etc. The analysis : because
God willed (so most, including de Wette, Riickert, van Hengel), yields the
sense that God has, in order thereupon to issue all the more evidently a penal
judgment, endured patiently, etc. ; but this would not amount to a πολλὴ
μακροθυμία, but in fact to a delay occasioned by an ungodlike motive, and
having in view the heaping up of wrath. Unworthy of God, and only ren-
dered possible by the importation of parenthetical thoughts, is the sense
which Hofmann educes : God has not so borne with those men, that He
would first sce how it would be with them, in order then to deal with them
accordingly ; but He has done so with the will already withal firmly settled,
to prove, ete. That negative and this already firm settlement of will are
read between the lines. —Oé/uv is placed at the head of the sentence, in
1 Hofmann asserts, with singular dogma- to a stronger reply. Why not? It intro-
tism, that the metabatic δὲ (Hartung, I. p. duces a new point (Bauemlein, p. 90).
165) is not fitted to introduce the transition
382 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
order by contrast the more forcibly to prepare the mind for the notion for
which it is intended to prepare, that of the μακροθυμία.
what is possible to Him, what He is in a position to do. Comp. viii. 3, τὸ
ἀδύνατον τοῦ νόμου. Xen. Hell. i. 4. 18, τοῦ τῆς πόλεως δυνατοῦ. As to the
matter itself, see 3 Macc. ii. 6. The aorist ἤνεγκεν does not refer to the long
forbearance with Pharaoh (Chrysostom, de Wette, and most) ; the reference
to him has been already concluded with ver. 18 ; but Paul intends generally
the time hitherto (which will in like manner run on under this divine long-
suffering up to the Parousia), when God has still restrained the will of His
holiness, and has not yet accomplished the destruction of the objects of His
wrath, which He will do for the first time in judgment. The σκεύη ὀργῆς,
without the article, vessels of wrath, denotes not some, but such σκεύη gen-
erally,’ qualitatively understood, namely, vessels which are prepared (ver.
20 f.) to experience God’s wrath on themselves, to be the objects of it.
The effect of this wrath, which will go forth at the judgment, is everlasting
destruction ;? hence κατηρτ. εἰς ἀπώλ., adjusted for destruction (not ‘‘ripe for
destruction,” as Weiss and Hofmann explain), serves to bring the μακροθυμία
into still clearer relief, which is not that which waits for the self-decision of
human freedom (Beyschlag), especially for amendment (in opposition to
Bengel, Tholuck, and others), but that which delays the penal judgment
(comp. on Luke xviii. 7), the prolongatio irae, Jer. xv. 15, et al. [See
Note CVI. p. 401.] The passage ii. 4 f. is no protest against this view,
since the apostle does not there, as in the present passage, place himself at
the standpoint of the absolute divine will. The subject who has adjusted
those concerned for ἀπώλεια is God ;* and any saving clause whereby the
passive sense is made to disappear, or the passive expression—which, after
ver. 20 f., not even a certain refinement of piety is to be suggested as un-
derlying—is made to yield the sense that they had adjusted themselves for
destruction, or had deserved it (see Chrysostom, Theodoret, Oecumenius,
Theophylact, Grotius, Calovius, Bengel, and many ; also Steudel, Olshausen,
Reithmayr, Beck, Hofmann, and Krummacher), is opposed to the literal
meaning and to the context (ver. 21). See also Lamping, p. 213. Hof-
mann’s interpretation especially : ‘‘who had advanced to that point, and
found themselves therein,” is wrecked on his incorrect explanation of τί pe
ἐποίησας οὕτως, ver. 20. In καὶ iva k.t.A., καί is also, introducing, in addition
to the object involved in the previous ἐν πολλῇ μακροθυμίᾳ, that accessory ob-
ject which God had in view in enduring the vessels of wrath in reference to
vessels of mercy (the use of the genit. ἐλέους corresponds to that of ὀργῆς, ver.
Τὸ δυνατὸν αὐτοῦ is
1 And that so that both kinds of vessels
exist among Jews and Gentiles (see ver.
24); in opposition to van Hengel, who
thinks that the vessels of wrath represent
only the Jewish people; comp. also Weiss
and others.
2 Hahn, Theol. ἃ. N. 7.1. p. 166 f., errone-
ously refers the ὀργή and the ἀπώλεια to
time, aS opposed to eternity. The employ-
ment of εἰς δόξαν in contrast is decisive
against this view. Comp. Ritschl, De tra
Dei, p. 15. This remark also applies against
Beyschlag, p. 57, who thinks that I change
notions pertaining to the history of God's
kingdom into abstract dogmatic ones. As
though the everlasting ἀπώλεια and the ever-
lasting δόξα were not precisely the issues of
that kingdom’s history !
3Comp. also Estius and Lechler, apost.
Zeit. Ὁ. 128.
CHAP: DXi 5: 999
22). Besides His great long-suffering towards those, He would also make
known how rich in glory He was towards these. For had He not so
patiently tolerated the σκεύη ὀργῆς, but already caused the penal judgment
to set in upon them (which is to be thought of as setting in along with the
Parousia, not antecedently to this, like the destruction of Jerusalem), He
would have had no space in which to make known His glory on σκεύεσιν
ἐλέους. [See Note CVII. p. 401.] But this purpose was to be served ex-
actly by that long period of forbearance, during which such σκεύη as were
prepared beforehand by God for-eternal δόξα should through their calling
(ver. 24) be led to Christ, and thereby the fulness of the divine glory should
be made known in respect to them ; which making known is matter of fact
(Eph. iii. 10). In τῆς δόξ. αὐτοῦ, the context directs us to think of the
divine majesty in relation to its beneficent glory, its glory in the bestowal of
blessing ; but εἰς δόξαν, as the opposite of εἰς ἀπώλ., denotes the everlasting
Messianic glory (viii. 21, 30). The verbs ἑτοιμάζειν and καταρτίζειν are not as
different from one another as evistence (Dasein) is from mode of existence
(Sosein),—an assertion of Hofmann’s as incorrect as it is devoid of proof,—
but ἑτοιμάζειν also denotes to constitute qualitatively, to prepare in the cor-
responding quality (1 Cor. ii. 9; Eph. ii. 10; Philem. 22; Matt. iii. 3 5
Luke i. 17, ii. 81; John xiv. 2, e¢ al.). Comp. here especially 2 Tim. ii.
21. Against such an error the well-known reflexive use of ἑτοιμάζειν ἑαυτόν
(Rev. viii. 6, xix. 7) should have warned him, as well as the equivalent use
of the middle (1 Mace. v. 11, xii. 27, and very frequently in the classics).
It is solely with a viéw to variety and illustration that Paul uses for the
same notion the two verbs, of which Hofmann rationalizes the ἑτοιμάζειν to
mean : ‘that it is God who has caused those who attain to glory to come in-
to being for the end of possessing the glory, to which they thereupon attain
by the fact that He pours forth His own upon them.” Nor is there any-
thing peculiar to be sought behind the change from passive to active ; the
transition to the active was more readily suggested by the thought of the
activity of love. The προ in προητοίμασεν is not to be disregarded (see on
Eph. ii. 10) ; nor is it to be referred to the time before birth, nor to the
aeterna electio (the latter is the act of God, which before time preceded the
praeparatio) ; but to the fact that God has so previously fashioned the σκεύη
ἐλέους, before He makes known His glory on them (just as the potter fash-
ions the vessel), that is, has constituted in them that ethical personality,
which corresponds to their destination to obtain eternal δόξα through Christ.’
In ἐπὶ the act of making known is contemplated as extending over the men,
who are its objects. If, with Beza and Fritzsche (Conject. p. 29; not
abandoned in his Comment. p. 843 f., but placed alongside of the ordinary
mode of connection), we should make καὶ iva γνωρίσῃ x.7.2, dependent, if not
1 Thus the προετοιμάζειν, to prepare before- Delitzsch, Psychol. p. 40, amounts, who rep-
hand, is to be understood according to the resents God as haying eternally before Him
context (vy. 21, 22), in the real sense, there- ‘the whole future state of the facts as to the
fore, of actual constituting, as previously decision” of the subjects, and dealing ac-
κατηρτ., and notin the sense of the mere cordingly. Comp, Matt, xxy. 34, 41; 2 Tim.
predestination in the divine counsel (Phi- 11.21; Eph, ii. 10.
lippi), to which also the explanation of
984 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
simply on κατηρτισμένα (Riickert), yet on κατηρτ. εἰς ἀπώλειαν (so also Bey-
schlag), in which case καὶ would have to be taken most simply as and, the
entire balance of the discourse would be deranged, inasmuch as the impor-
tant thought καὶ iva γνωρίσῃ «.7.2., On which the whole sequel depends,
would be subordinated to a mere secondary definition. The centre of
gravity of the argument lies in the bearing with the vessels of wrath on the
part of the divine long-suffering ; and therzof in ver. 23 there is brought
forward an explanation glorifying God, which is added in respect to the
The connection above referred to would also certainly yield a
severity of thought, a rigour of telic view, which, granting all the boldness
of deduction with which Paul follows out the idea of predestination, yet
finds nothing further in accord with it in the whole treatise ; the thought,
namely, that God has made ready the σκείῃ ὀργῆς for destruction, in order,
through the effect of the contrast,* the more fully to make known His glory in
the σκεύεσι ἐλέους. ---- Τῦ is further to be remarked, (1) That the interrogative
conditional sentence forming an aposiopesis terminates with ver. 23, and is
not (with Fritzsche) to be extended to ver. 24, since all that follows from
ver. 25 onward belongs to the topic started in ver. 24. (2) That we are not,
following Reithmayr and older commentators with Philippi,* to supply a
second εἰ between καί and iva in ver. 23, and to assume that Paul had intended
at the close of ver. 23 to say, ἐκάλεσεν αὐτούς, but that he at once directed
his glance at the concretes, and therefore wrote οὖς καὶ ἐκάλεσεν ἡμᾶς instead
Thereby a rambling and confusion in the presenting of
his thoughts is, quite unnecessarily, imputed to the apostle, which would be
very glaring, particularly in a dialectic passage so stamped throughout with
clearness, definiteness, and precision as the present. Similarly,’ but still
, “ὴ 7 1
σκεύη ἐλέους.
of ἐκάλεσεν αὐτούς.
1 Beyschlag incorrectly objects, that thus
the notion of long-suffering is deprived of
sistent interpolation, with an elastic inter-
pretation of the strict notions conveyed by the
its value ; for it isno more such, if it is ex-
ercised not for the sake of its objects, but
for the love of others. This does not take
account of the fact that Paul has certainly
expressed with sufficient definiteness, by his
καί before ἵνα, that he is speaking only of
an aim which subsisted along with others,
not of that which took place alone.
2 Beyschlag here pushes to the utmost
his explanation from the history of God’s
kingdom, in order to obtain the very oppo-
site of this rigour: “Τῇ God now drives the
Jewish people through hardening towards
destruction, He does certainly no more
towards them than what they have richly
deserved (?); but, at the same time, by
breaking the brittle shell of Judaism, in
which the gospel has germinated (?), He
turns the same to account for the unfet-
tered adoption of the Gentile world, and
brings in, along with the day of judg-
ment (Ὁ on Israel, the day likewise (Ὁ) of the
glorification of the community chosen (?)
by Him out of all the world.’ This is con-
words.
8 Τὴ regard to my explanation, Philippi
stumbles especially at the fact that Paul
has not written ἐπὶ πλείονα σκεύη ἐλέους.
But the apostle has in truth the two kinds
of σκεύη in view solely according to their
quality ; the opposition thought of by him
is purely qualitative ; a numerical compar-
ison did not concern him. Had God ποῦ
been so long-suffering towards vessels of
wrath, He would not have been able to
make known how richin glory He was
towards men of an opposite sort—towards
vessels of grace. The reflection is not con-
cerned with how many of one and the other
class were in reality extant; but with the
fact that God, with His long-suffering exer-
cised in spite of His holy will towards the
first category, had purposed at the same
time the making known of His δόξα respect-
ing the second category. Philippi’s doubt,
still expressed in the third edition, touches
Fritzsche’s exposition, but hardly mine.
CHAP. IX., 24, 25.
99
more confusedly, Tholuck. The language in vv. 22, 23 is condensed and
rich in thought, but runs on according to plan and rule in its form. (8)
The apodosis (which on our understanding is not expressed) is not to be
found in ver, 23, because this would only be possible by arbitrarily supplying
hoe fecit, or the whole preceding chief sentence. So Ewald : ‘so He did that
also, in order that He might make known, on the other hand, the riches of
His glory, etc. ;” so also Th. Schott and Hofmann. — With our explanation
agree substantially Calvin, Grotius, and several others ; including Winer,
Ῥ. 530 [E. T. 570] ; Baur, in the Theol. Jahrb. 1857, p. 200 ; Lamping and
van Hengel, whilst Umbreit educes something which has no existence in the
passage, as though it ran: . GAN ἤνεγκεν x.t.A. (He
has, on the contrary, endured, etc.).
Ver. 24. [See Note CVIII. p. 401.] Not a confirmation of the design of
the divine endurance expressed in ver. 23 (Hofmann), but as the continu-
ation of the relative construction most readily suggests, the conerete more
precise designation of those intended by σκεύη ἐλέους, and that for the confirma-
tion of what was said of them by ἃ προητοίμασεν εἰς δόξαν. The καί denotes what
is added to this προητοίμ. ἑ. δ. : as which σκεύη He has also called us to this
glory of the Messianic kingdom. — otc] attracted by ἡμᾶς into the same gen-
der. See Bernhardy, p. 302; Winer, p. 156 f. [E. T. 166]. The relative
after an interrogative sentence has the emphasis of an οὗτος γάρ (Kiihner, ad
Xen. Mem. i. 2. 64) ; but the masculine is first introduced here, not in the
preceding relative sentence (against Hofmann’s objection), because the
neuter expression ἃ προητοίμ. was required by the conformity with the cor-
relate κατηρτισμένα. ---- ov μόνον x.t.A.]| Therefore without preference of the
Jews. ‘‘Judaeus credens non est eo ipso vocatus, guod Judaeus est, sed
vocatus est ex Judacis,” Bengel.
Ver. 25. Of the καὶ ἐξ ἐθνῶν" it is shown that it is in accordance with (ὡς) a
divine prophetic utterance. The ἐξ ’Iovdaiwy required no confirmation from
prophecy ; but the other statement required it the more, inasmuch as it was
exactly the Gentiles who had become believing that had been introduced
as σκεύη ἐλέους, in place of the Jews who had remained unbelieving. —
comp. Mark i. John vi. 45 ; Acts vii. 42.
εἰ δὲ ἔθελεν ὁ Θεὸς.
2 5
ἐν τῷ Ὥσ.] in libro. Hosene :
The passage Hos. i 5 (the citation varies both from the LXX. and the:
original text) treats of the idolatrous people of the ten tribes, to whom God
announces pardon and renewed adoption as the people of God. The apostle
recognizes in this pardon the type of the reception of the Gentiles to salva-
tion, and consequently, as its prophetically Messianic sense, a prediction of
the calling of the Gentiles ; and from this point of view, which has its war-
1 According to Hofmann (comp. his JWeis-
sag.u. Erp. 11. Ὁ. 215, and Schriftbew. 1. p. 251),
Paul has referred the quotation to the Jew-
ish people, in so far, namely, as it was
called out of free grace, according to which
the bestowal of grace promised by Script-
ure appears as an act of God not founded
on the condition of the subjects. But this
after the immediately preceding ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐξ
ἐθνῶν is quite inadmissible, as it is also for-
bidden by the transition to Jsrael, which
first appears in ver. 27. Very rashly, Hof-
mann terms the establishing of the typi-
cally prophetic reference to the Gentiles
an “idle talk.” Comp. 1 Pet. ii. 10, with
Wiesinger and Huther thereon. See also
on xX. 20. The simply correct view is
already given by Chrysostom.
386 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
rant in the likeness of category to which the subjects belong (comp. Heng-
stenberg, Ohristol. I. p. 251), he has also introduced the deviations from the
words of the original and of the LXX., transposing the two parallel sen-
tences, and rendering the thought ἐρῶ τῷ οὐ λαῷ pov κ.τ.. (UXX.) by καλέσω
«.T.A., because the divine κλῆσις of the Gentiles loomed before him as the
Messianic fulfilment of the saying. Yet we are not thereby justified in
understanding καλέσω and κληθήσονται, ver. 26, immediately in the sense of
vocation (Fritzsche) ; for καλεῖν τινά τι, to call any one to something, is without
linguistic warrant, and the departure thus assumed from the original and
from the LXX. would be unnecessary, and would amount to a mechanical
proceeding. On the contrary, καλεῖν is to be left in its ordinary significa-
tion to name (comp. Hos. 1. 6) ; the divine naming, however, as ‘‘ my people,
my beloved,” of which the Gentiles were previously the very opposite, is in
point of fact none other than just their calling to Messianic salvation, in con-
sequence of which they are then named also from the human side υἱοὶ Θεοῦ
ζῶντος (ver. 26), and are therewith recognized according to the theocratic
status which they have obtained. The vivid thought laid hold of the ex-
pression καλέσω the more readily, since in this word to cal] and to name form
a single notion. Accordingly we must translate : J will name that which is
not my people, my people; and her who is not beloved, beloved. Both expres-
sions refer in the original to the significant names of a son (DY x) and of a
daughter (WIT) x) of the prophet, which he had been directed to give
them as symbolically significant of the rejection of the people, Hos. i. 6-9.
—On the οὐ standing beside the noun with the article, where the denial
refers to a concrete definite subject, see Baeumlein, Partik. p. 276.
‘Ver. 26. Hos. ii. 1 (almost literally from the LXX., i. 10) is joined to the
former passage, so that both are regarded as forming one connected decla-
ration. Often so in Rabbinical usage, even when the passages belong to
different writers. See Surenhusius, καταλλ., p. 464. 45. — καὶ ἔσται] ™),
and it (the following) will come to pass. Comp. Acts. ii. 21. These words
are included in those of the prophecy (see also the LXX.), and therefore a
colon is not to be placed after καί, as though they were the apostle’s (Hof-
mann and others).—These words also treat, in Hosea himself, of the theo-
cratic restoration of the exiled people of the kingdom of Ephraim, so that
ἐν τῷ τόπῳ ov denotes Palestine, whither the outcasts were to return (not the
place of exile, as Hengstenberg, I. p. 248, and others think). But Paul
recognizes the antitypic fulfilment, as before at ver. 25, in the calling of the
Gentiles, who, previously designated by God as not His people, become now,
in consequence of the divine calling, sons of the living (true) God. Sce on ver.
25. But in this sense of Messianic fulfilment, according to Paul, the τόπος
οὗ ἐῤῥέθη αὐτοῖς x.r.2. cannot be Palestine, as itis in the historical sense of the
prophet ; nor yet is it ‘‘the communion of saints” (de Wette, comp. Baum-
garten-Crusius : ‘‘the ideal state, the divine kingdom”), nor the ‘‘ coetus
Christianorum, ubi diu dubitatum est, an recte gentiles reciperentur”
\(Fritzsche) ; but simply—and this is also the ordinary explanation—the local-
1 For analogous examples of οὗ after ἐν τ, τόπῳ, see Bornemann, Schol. in Luc. Ὁ. 182.
OHAP: IX. 27,28. 387
aty of the Gentiles, the Gentile lands. There, where they dwelt, there they,
called by God to the salvation of the Messiah, were now named sonseof the
true God ; and there, too, it had been before said to them: Ye are not my
people ! in so far, namely, as this utterance of rejection was the utterance
of God, which, published to the Gentiles, is conceived, in the plastic spirit
of poetry, as resounding in all Gentile lands. To suppose the locality with-
out significance (Krehl), is inconsistent with its being so carefully designated.
And to take ἐν τῷ τόπῳ οὗ, with Ewald, not in a local sense at all, but in
that of instead that, even if it agree with the Hebrew (comp. Hitzig), can-
not be made to agree with the Greek words. The LXX. understood and
translated WS DIP locally, and rightly so.
Vv. 27, 28. If Paul has, in vv. 25, 26, shown ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐξ ἐθνῶν to be based
on prophecy, he now begins, seeing that the accepted Gentiles have taken
the place of the excluded Jews, also to adduce prophetical evidence of the
exclusion of the greater part of Israel. —dé] leads over to another prophet,’
who prophesies something further, and that concerning Israel: ‘‘ But
Esaias cries respecting Israel, etc.” --- κράζει] Of the loud crying, and there-
with peculiarly impassioned, profoundly moved, and urgent call of the
speaker, comp. Acts xxiii. 6, xxiv. 21; John vii. 28, 37, xii. 44, i. 15. —
ὑπέρ] Like περί, in respect of} as, since Demosthenes, frequently with verbs
of saying. The quotation is Isa. x. 22 f., not quite closely following the
LXX., and with a reminiscence (ὁ ἀριθμ. τ. υἱῶν Iop.) of Hos. ii. 1. — τὸ
ὑπόλειμμα ow09.| The remnant concerned (with emphatic accentuation, i.e. not
more than the remnant) will be saved , that is, in the sense of the apostle :
out of the countlessly great people only that small number which remains after
the rejection of the hardened mass will attain to the Messianic salvation.2 With
1 Only this view agrees with the connec-
tion, since the prophet Hosea was previous-
ly cited by name, and now another is like-
wise introduced by name. Therefore we
are not to say, with van Hengel, that by δέ
the prophet is placed in contradistinction
to God Himself speaking. But Hofmann’s
opinion, that the position of ὑπὲρ τοῦ Ἴσρ.
(for Paul has not placed ὑπὲρ δὲ τοῦ Ἴσρ.
first) proves that ver. 25 refers to Israel, is in-
eorrect; because, if ver. 25 did not refer to
the Gentiles, Paul would have had no rea-
son for here adding ὑπὲρ τ. Iop., since in
the very passage under citation Israel is ex-
pressly named. The train of thoughtis: (1)
Hosea gives the divine prediction respect-
ing the not-God’s-people (respecting the
Gentiles), VV. 25, 26; (2) but Zsaiah utters a
prophecy which contains information re-
specting the relation of Zsrael to the recep-
tion of salvation. Thus both prophets estab-
lish what was said in ver. 24, οὐ μόνον ἐξ
᾿Ιουδαίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐξ cOvOv,—namely, Llosen
the καὶ ἐξ ἐθνῶν, and Isaiah the οὐ μόνον ἐξ
Thus the emphasis in yer. 27
lies primarily on Heaias δέ, whose prophecy,
᾿Ιουδαίων.
differing from the oracle of Hosea, is to be
introduced by the significant κράζει ὑπὲρ τ.
Ἴσρ. Paraphrase somewhat thus: But
Isaiah, what do we hear from him? We
hear the cry respecting Jsrael, etc.
3 Hofmann misinterprets the passage in
Isaiah, making it to mean that the whole
people Israel, which shall return, be it never so
numerous, is called a ‘‘remnant,’’ for the
reason that it has come out of a severe time
of distress. In correspondence with this
sense, the passage, which is incorrectly
translated by the LXX. (because they have
ἐὰν γένηται, and add αὐτῶν to κατάλειμμα), is
held to be rightly understood by Paul:
“that the remnant which obtains salvation is
one with the people, of which the case is sup-
posed, that it is then as numerous as the sand
by the sea.” Against this it may be urged
(1) that 13 33W? INW according to the con-
text (comp. also vii. 3) cannot mean : the
return of the people will be the return
of a remnant, so that the latter would be
the people itself, but only: a remaining
part (not the mass) will return in the people,
388 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
this understanding Paul employed the translation in the LXX.—not verb-
ally exact, but corresponding to the Messianic reference—of 23” by σωθήσε-
ται (which they understood of the deliverance by a return into Palestine) in
the Messianic sense. In Isaiah the word refers to the return to God, és con-
verted, of which the Messianic σώζεσθαι is just the consequence. .
Ver. 28. The Hebrew runs: ‘238 T¥IN2 772 3 APIs Aww yn 70.953
yIs-03 21) My NX TM. Hetirpation is decided,} streaming justice
(i.e. penal justice) ; for extirpation and decision (penal decision) the Lord
Jehovah Zebaoth makes (i.e. is on the point of executing) in the midst of the
whole earth (on Zion). The LXX. did not understand these words, and
translated them incorrectly (on how they came to do so, see Fritzsche, also
Maier, in the Theol. Jahrb. 1845, I. p. 190 f.). This cannot be denied ; nor
are we, with Olshausen, to attempt to conceal or smooth over the fact by
arbitrary interpretation of the Hebrew. Paul has nevertheless felt no
scruple in abiding by their translation with a few unimportant deviations,
since its sense is not less suitable than that of the original to the connection
and object which the declaration here subserves. The words, as Paul has
them, mean: ‘‘ For utterance-accomplishing and (as matter of fact, through
a speedy execution of it) short-cutting in righteousness (is He) ; for a short-
cut utterance (i.e. a saying in which the whole penal decision is summarily
included) will the Lord bring to pass on the earth.” In reference to single
expressions, remark : (1) λόγον, which belongs to both participles, is neither
deeree (usually so taken, but this is not its meaning), nor matter of fact
(Beza, Melanchthon, Castalio, Calvin, Koppe, Reithmayr, formerly also
Hofmann, Weissag. αν. Hrf. 11. p. 213, and various others), which it never
denotes with Paul, nor reckoning,*? which, in connection with ποιεῖν, would
be contrary to idiom, but dictwm, an utterance, which He has delivered ;
and this indeed, in the first clause of the verse, which expresses the execu-
tive justice of God in general, is to be understood quite generally ; comp.
rasmus, Paraphr. : ‘‘ quicquid dixit, plene praestet et quidem compendio.”
In the second clause, on the other hand, which adduces proof of that gen-
i.e. among the people,—the rest not. (2)
The LXX. have understood the original
Job xv. 1), and because ΓΟ ἽΝ is understood
with Drechsler contrary to the context,
substantially with perfect correctness,
inasmuch as, instead of writing word
for word τ. κατάλ. σωθήσ. ἐν αὐτοῖς, they
give the explanation: τ. κατάλ. αὐτῶν
σωθήσ. (3) Paul follows the LXX. in this, only
passing over the self-understood αὐτῶν.
That the LXX. render Wi by γένηται, and
Paul writes ἢ instead, is entirely unessen-
tial.
1 According to Hofmann, AT must be
not predicate, but adjective : ‘“‘ an end-mak-
ing, which actually and truly makes an end,”
which permits no further extension of the
present state of the world; such an end-
making will bring in the state of righteous-
ness as with the force of waves. IJncor-
rectly, because thus 7) is made to con-
tain something which is not in it (even at
and unsuitably to the figurative How
(comp. Vili. 7, xxviii. 15, 18). :
2 So now Hofmann, omitting (see critical
notes) the words ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ" ὅτι λόγον συν-
τετμὴμ. The λόγον ποιεῖν is supposed to be
the appointment of an accounting, which is
designated by συντελεῖν as a settlement of ac-
count, and by συντέμνειν as an abridged pro-
cess of accounting. The notion of holding a
reckoning is certainly expressed in the
Greek writers by the familiar phrases λό-
γον λαμβάνειν, ὑπὸ τὸν λόγον ἄγειν, λόγον αἰτεῖν
etc., but not by λόγον ποιεῖν, which has
quite other significations, and in which
λόγος never means reckoning. Besides, συν-
τέμνειν With λόγον demands for the latter,
according to constant usage, the significa-
tion of speech, saying.
GCHAR. Ὑχὸν 20. 389
eral description of God with the concrete case, the occurrence of which is
predicted, the divine saying of ver. 27, delivered through the prophet, is in-
tended. (2) συντέμνειν, used of something that is said (speeches, answers,
and the like), like συναιρεῖν, never denotes in Greek anything else than to
cut short,’ and it is therefore inadmissible to depart from this signification
of the συντομία λόγων (Plato, Phaedr. p. 267 B). We must, however, observe
that in συντέμνων this ““ comprising in short” must be ὦ matter of fact, con-
sisting in the short summary despatch of the matter (comp. LXX. Isa, xxviil.
22; Eur. hes. 450), like our ‘‘cut it short ;” while, on the other hand,
συντετμημένον (perfect) refers to the concise, short, and stern style in which
the saying itself is conceived (τὸ ὑπόλειμμα σωθήσεται !).2 Passages in which
συντέμνειν denotes ovagtake and the like (as Soph. Ant. 1090) have no bearing
on the present one. Woither are we to adopt what Tholuck reads into it,
that God will accomplish the promise delivered in Isa. x. 20, 21, only with
great limitation of the number of the people, which would, besides, be not at
all suitable to the perfect participle συντετμημένον. Moreover, the LXX.
cannot have meant λόγον of the word of promise, but, according to the sense
of the original, only of the penal judicial declaration. (9) ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ does
not stand for the righteousness of faith (Fritzsche), but is to be referred, ac-
cording to the context, as in the Hebrew, to the judicial righteousness of
God. (4) The participles συντετ. and συντέμνων require only ἐστί to be sup-
plied.* See Hermann, ad Viger. p. 776 ; Bernhardy, p. 470 ; Kiihner, 11.
1, p. 37. And (5) as respects the argumentative force of the γάρ, it lies in
the fact that, if God causes such a penal judgment to be issued on Israel,
the part of the people remaining spared, which obtains salvation, can only
be the ὑπόλειμμα out of the mass, that which remains over. Incorrectly Hof-
mann, in accordance with his erroneous interpretation of vv. 27, 28, ex-
plains : So long as this present world-period endures, Israel’s final salvation
might remain in suspense ; ‘‘ but Jehovah leaves it not on this footing, He makes
an end and settles accounts with the world, and the remnant which is then Israel's
people returns to Him and attains to salvation.”
Ver. 29. Since the preceding prophecy was not introduced by καθώς or ὡς,
we must here punctuate καὶ, καθὼς προείρηκεν Ἡσαΐας, εἰ μὴ x.T.A., 50 that Paul
adopts as his own‘ the words of Isa. i. 9 (closely following the LXX.):
1 Plato, Protag. p. 334 D, Zp. 3, Ὁ. 318 B;
Aeschines, p. 32. 23; Euripides, Jph. A.
1249, Acol. fr. v. 2; Lucian, bis. accus. 28 ;
Soph. jfragm. 411, Dind.; 2 Macc. x. 10;
Pflugk, ad Hur. Hee. 1180.
2The Vulgate has, with literal correct-
ness, rendered brevians and breviatum, Van
Hengel abides by this signification, but as-
sumes as the sense of συντέμνων : de ipsa
tamen minatione nonnihil detrahens, so that
God, in virtue of His righteousness, does
not reject all, but saves a small part, con-
sisting of the less refractory ; συντετμημένον
he then makes dependent on moujoer: “ fa-
ciet, ut dictum suum incisum sit, i.e. ut mina-
tio sua plerosque tantum Judacorum attin-
gat, de ea detrahens ad salutem pauciorum.”
But so συντέμνειν would amount to the
sense of subjecting something in part to de-
duction ; but it is not employed thus of
speeches, but only of things, Thue. viii. 45. 2
τήν τε μισθοφορὰν ξυνέτεμεν), Xen. Hier. iv. 9,
(τὰς δαπάνας συντέμνειν).
3 The subject, God, is here understood of
itself according to the following context,
so that it is unnecessary to parenthesize
ὅτι... ποιήσει in order to gain κύριος as
subject, as van Hengel artificially pro-
poses.
4 To supply an apodosis (Philippi: οὕτω καὶ
νῦν ἔχει) is therefore completely superfluous,
and consequently arbitrary.
990 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL ΤῸ THE ROMANS.
“ And, as Isaiah has prophesied, if the Lord of Zebaoth had not left behind to
us ὦ seed (in the sense of the apostle, this is that very ὑπόλειμμα of ver. 27,
which, like seed out of which new fruit grows, preserves and continues the
true people of God), we should have become as Sodom, and like to Gomorrah ;”
the whole nation (by exclusion from Messianic salvation) would have with-
out exception perished (fallen unto ἀπώλεια). ---- προείρ.] Not to be under-
stood, with Baumgarten-Crusius and van Hengel, following Erasmus, Beza,
Calvin, Grotius, Michaelis, and others: has said at an earlier place, for local
specifications of this kind are quite unusual in quotations with Paul, and
here such reference would be without significance. It is used in the pro-
phetic sense ; the prophet has said of the fate of the people in Ais time, with
a forecast of its corresponding fate in the present time, what holds good
of Israel's present ; the mass of its people is hardened by divine judgment,
and forfeits salvation, and only a holy σπέρμα is left to it.~— ὡς Tou. | Two
modes of conception are intermixed : become like, and become as, LXX., Hos.
iv. 6; Ezek. xxxiil. 2; Fritzsche, ad Marc. Ὁ. 140 f. Compare the classical
connection of ὅμοιος and ὁμοίως With ὡς and ὥσπερ.
Vv. 30-33. [See Note CIX. p. 402.] The blame of their exclusion rests
upon the Jews themselves, because they strove after righteousness not by faith, but
by works ; they took offence at Christ. Observe how Paul here ‘‘ with the
fewest words touches the deepest foundation of the matter” (Ewald).
Vv. 30, 31. From the preceding prophecies, ver. 25 ff. (not with particular
regard to ver. 16, as de Wette), Paul now, in order to prepare the transition
to the διατί; ὅτι κ.τ...,) ver. 32, draws the historical result, and that in the
form of question and answer : ‘‘ What shall we say then ? (we shall say) that
Gentiles, they who strove not after righteousness, have obtained righteous-
ness, but righteousness which proceeds from faith ; while Israel, on the
contrary, in spite of its endeavour after the law which justifies, has not
attained to this law.” Others take 67: . . . ἔφθασε to be a question, namely
either : ‘‘ What are we to say to the fact, that Gentiles, etc.?” So, following
Theodore of Mopsuestia and others, Heumann, Flatt, Olshausen, also Morus,
who takes ὅτι as because. Or: ‘‘ What are we therefore to say? Are we to
say that Gentiles, etc. Ὁ) So Reiche, who is then compelled to consider du.
δὲ τὴν ἐκ πίστ. aS an answer inserted as in a dialogue, and to see in ver. 32
the ‘‘removal of the ground of the objection by a disclosure of the cause of
the phenomenon, which has now no longer anything surprising init.” But
Reiche’s view is to be rejected, partly on the ground that the insertion of a
supposed answer, dx. δὲ τ. ἐκ 7., is a makeshift and unexampled in Paul’s
writings ; partly because ὅτε. . . ἔφθασε, even with the exclusion of dvx. δὲ
τ. ἐκ π., contains complete Pauline trwth, and consequently does not at all
resemble a problematic inquiry, such as Paul elsewhere introduces by τί
ἐροῦμεν, and then refutes as erroneous (see iv. 1). This, too, in opposition to
Th. Schott, who, taking τί οὖν... δικαιοσύνην; as a single independent
question (What shall we now say to the fact, that Gentiles, etc.), then finds
1Comp. on προείρ., Acts i. 16; Plato, Rep. p. 619 C; Lucian, Jov. Frag. 30; Polyb.
vi. 3. 2.
CHAP. IX., 31, 32. 891
the answer in δικαιοσύνην δὲ ἐκ πίστεως, but afterwards, no less strangely than
groundlessly, proposes to connect διατί immediately, no punctuation being
previously inserted, with the proposition ᾿Ισραὴλ δὲ K.7.A. Finally, it is
decisive against Heumann and others, that the answer of ver. 82, ὅτε οὐκ K.T.A.,
does not concern the Gentiles at all (see ver. 30). — ἔθνη] Gentiles (comp. ii.
14), not the Gentiles as a collective body. | On the part of Gentiles righteous-
ness was obtained, ete. — τὰ μὴ διώκ.} They, whose endeavour (for they had
not a revelation, nor did they observe the moral law) was not directed towards
becoming righteous, they obtained righteousness, but—and hereby this
paradox of sacred history is solved—that which proceeds from faith. In
the first two instances duc. is used without any special definition from the
Christian point of view ; the latter only comes to be introduced with the
third dcx. — δὲ] comp. iii. 22 ; Phil. ii. 8. —On the figurative διώκειν, borrow-
ed from the running for the prize in the racecourse, as also on the correlate
καταλαμβάνειν, comp. Phil. iii, 12-14; 1 Cor. ix. 24; 1 Tim. vi. 11, 12;
Ecclus. xi. 10, xxvii. 8 ; on διώκειν δικαιοσύνην, Plato, Rep. p. 545 A. Ob-
serve the threefold δικαιοσύνην, as in ver. 31 the repetition of νόμον δικαιοσ.
The whole passage is framed jor pointed effect : ‘‘ Vehementer auditorem
commoyet ejusdem redintegratio verbi. . . quasi aliquod telum saepius
perveniat in eandem partem corporis.” but only until he has done justice to the polemical object
which he has in view. He then returns (see vv. 30 ff.) from that abstraction to
the human-moral standpoint of practice, so that he allows the claims of both
modes of consideration to stand side by side, just as they exist side by side
within the limits of human thought. The contemplation—which lies beyond
these limits—of the metaphysical relation of essential interdependence between
the two,—namely objectively divine, and subjectively human, freedom and ac-
tivity of will,—necessarily remained outside and beyond his sphere of view ;
as he would have had no occasion at all in this place to enter upon this prob-
lem, seeing that it was incumbent upon him to crush the Jewish pretensions
with the one side only of it—the absoluteness of God. The fact that, and the
extent to which, the divine elective determination is nevertheless no “ delectus
militaris,” but is immanently regulated in God Himself by His holiness, and
consequently also conditioned by moral conditions on the human side, does /
not enter into his consideration at all for the moment. It is introduced, how-
ever, in ver. 30 ff., when the one-sided method of consideration temporarily
pursued, is counterbalanced, and the ground, which had been given up for a
while in an apologetic interest to the doctrinal definition of an absolute decree,
is again taken away. Comp.also Beck l. 6. and Baur, neut. Theol. Ὁ. 182 fi.
But when Beyschlag places chap. ix. under (he point of view, that the discus-
sion therein relates not to a decree, antecedent to time, for men’s everlasting salva-
tion or perdition, but only to their adoption or non-adoption into the historical
kingdom of God (thus into Christianity), and that of the Jews and Gentiles as
the two groups of mankind, not of individual men, and when he finds the true
key of exposition in this view; his idea cannot be justified by the simple ex-
1 To say nothing at all of the modern ma-
terialism (Vogt, Moleschott, Biichner, and
others), according to which spirit is replac-
ed by the exertion of force in brain-sub-
stance, nerve-material, change of matter,
and in material substrata generally. See on
it, and its relation to theology, Rosenkranz
in Hilgenfeld, Zeitschr. 1864, p. 225 ff.
2TIle says by no means only how God
could proceed without violating a claim of
right (Julius Miiller, ὁ. ἃ. Stinde, I. Ὁ. 514,
ed. 5), but how He does proceed. Older ex-
positors have also endeayoured to help
themselves with this problematic paraphra-
sis. See, ¢.g., Flacius, Clay. II. p. 387.
396 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
egesis of chap. ix., and without anticipating the contents of chap. x. and xi. ;
and the difficulty in principle, which is involved in the entirely free self-deter-
mination of the divine will, remains—while it is transferred to the sphere of
the action of God in the historical government of the world—even thus unremoved.
Nores py AMERICAN EprITor.
CI. Chaps. ix.-xi.
In chapters ix.-xi. the second main objection to the doctrine of justification by
faith is considered —namely, that, by reason of the rejection of all unbelieving
Jews which it involves, it contradicts the promises of God and His covenant with
His chosen people. The preceding section (vi.—vili.) has reference to an objec-
tion of ageneral character ; this section refers to one that arises from the Jewish
standpoint and belongs in the sphere of the thought and controversy of the time
when the Epistle was written. (See Note LXIV.) Accordingly we find the Apos-
tle, as he turns to the discussion of this difficulty, proceeding in a similar course
to that which he takes in ch. ii. He prepares the way carefully—in this case,
by a declaration of his affection for and sympathy with the Jews as his own
countrymen—for the statement of the true view of the covenant and promises
which they had fatally misinterpreted. This declaration is repeated, in sub-
stance, at the opening of chs. x. and xi.—a fact which shows the delicacy of the
task which he was now undertaking. There are in this section three principal
subdivisions, which correspond very nearly with the arrangement of the
chapters ; only that the second one begins at ix. 30, instead of x.1. The sub-
ject of these divisions is given in Meyer’s note introductory to the chapters.
The final purpose of the Apostle is to show that in this darkest and most mys-
terious part, as it might seem, of God’s administration of the world, the end in
view was mercy and blessing to all—Jews and Gentiles alike. The sumntation
of the whole, as it were, is in the exclamation of wonder and praise, x1. 33-36.
As everywhere in the Epistle, so even in this portion of it, Paul’s mind is filled
with a sense of the infinite goodness of God, and with joy in the thought of
the jree salvation which was designed for men of all nations, and was finally to
be extended to all.
CII. Ver. 5. ὁ ὧν ἐπὶ πάντων Θεὺς εὐλογητός k.T.A.
Meyer admits that these words may be interpreted as referring to Christ, and
thus makes the question concerning them one of probabilities. The unpreju-
diced investigator of the meaning will accept the latter position, as well as the
former. He will also admit that they may refer to God, even though beliey-
ing, for himself, that they have reference to Christ. The grounds on which
Meyer rests his view—that the words are a doxology to God—are substantially
the same with those presented by other advocates of that understanding of the
clause. They are the following : (1) that Paul does not, elsewhere, apply the
name Θεός to Christ ; (2) that some passages in his Epistles (e.g. 1 Cor. viii. 6 ;
Eph. iv. 5, 6) make a marked distinction between Christ and ὁ ἐπὶ πώντων Θεός
or Θεός ; (3) that doxologies to Christ are not found in the writings of the
Apostles ; (4) that εὐλογητός is not used of Christ in the N. T.
To the first of these arguments it is answered : (a) that Christ is called Θεός
by Paul in Acts xx. 28 ; Tit. ii. 13 (some also hold the same view with respect
NOTES. 39%
to Col. ii. 2; Eph. v. 5; 2 Thess. i. 12), [to which, however, reply is made that
such an interpretation of the passage in Acts is founded on a wrong text, and
of the one in the Ep. to Titus on a wrong construction] ; (b) that, even admit-
ting that there is no such use of Θεός elsewhere in Paul's Epistles, he may have
given this name to Christ in a single instance, as John does in only one or two
cases, though he employs the word Θεός (referring to God) quite as many times
as does Paul in proportion to the extent of his writings [but to this, also, a reply
is made that John uses the word in connection with the Logos idea pecul-
iar to his writings, and that the calling Christ God over all is incompatible with
the N. T. view of the dependence of the Son on the Father].—To the second
argument it is answered, that the distinction made in the verses alluded to is
not inconsistent with the application of the name Θεός to Christ here. He may
be Θεός and ὁ ὧν ἐπὶ πάντων Θεός in His own nature and in Himself ; and yet, as
distinguished from the Father and as related to the work of redemption
(Eph. iv. 3 ff., through the expressions, one body, one hope, one faith, one bap-
tism, turning the reader’s thought to this work], He may be called κύριος,
while the Father is described as Θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ πάντων, ὁ ἐπὶ ravTwv.—In an-
swer to the third argument, instances are pointed out where doxologies refer to
Christ : e.g., as some maintain, 1 Pet. iv. 11; as most writers admit, 2 Tim. iv.
18 ; and, beyond question, 2 Pet. 111. 18; Rev. i, 6, v. 18. [Reply, however, is
made with regard to the first of these cases, that, when the verse is properly
explained, the reference to God becomes clear, and with regard to all the others,
that they occur in non-apostolic writings].—The fourth argument is answered
by calling attention to the fact that the number of instances in which the word
εὐλογητός occurs (only four others in Paul’s Epp. and seven in the entire Ν. T.)
is too small to afford any such evidence of usage as to exclude the possibility
of employing it with reference to Christ.
On the other side, the following points are urged by those who regard the
words as descriptive of Christ : (1) That, inasmuch as Χριστός immediately pre-
cedes ὁ dv at the opening of this clause, it is the most natural and simple ex-
planation of the sentence to make these words refer to Xp. as an antecedent.
This argument has been pressed by some authors beyond its legitimate force ;
and the affirmation, as thus understood, has been denied. Itis believed, how-
ever, that the greater simplicity of this construction, unless overborne by
other considerations, will be admitted by all as favoring, at least in some de-
gree, the reference to Christ. (2) That τὸ κατὰ σάρκα suggests a contrast, and
that the expression, rather than the omission, of that which forms the other
side of the contrast is to be expected—some claim that it is demanded. To
this argument, even in the milder form of stating it, a reply is offered, (a) by
calling attention to cases where the antithesis is omitted—one such case ocecur-
ring only two verses earlier than that which contains this clause ; (Ὁ) by saying
that there is an implied antithesis, which answers the demands of the case here,
of another sort than that suggested by interpreting these words of Christ—
namely, the relation of Christ in his redemptive work to all men, as contrasted
with his membership as a man in the Jewish race ; and (c) on van Hengel’s
part, by declaring that τὸ κατὰ capxa, according to the usage of Greek writers,
requires a period afterit, and cannot be followed by such an antithetical clause.
This position of van Hengel’s, however, is not defended by most others, and it
seems to be untenable. If itis abandoned, the case stands thus with respect
to κατὰ σάρκα. This phrase naturally suggests to the reader’s mind an anti-
398 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
thetical statement. There is a certain antecedent probability that this state-
ment would be made in words by the author, and not left to be supplied in the
thought of the reader. If the clause ὁ ὦν x.r.2. is regarded as descriptive of
Christ, the author gives such an expression of the contrast ; otherwise he does
not. That which is expressed in these words, as thus explained, is the antithe-
sis adapted to the Apostle’s purpose, which is to set forth the honor put upon
the Israelites by God. κατὰ σάρκα, therefore, points towards this construction
of the sentence. —(3) That the position of εὐλογητός in the clause is the right
and natural one if the words are descriptive of Christ, but not so if adoxology
to Godis intended. This word, it is claimed, is in all instances of doxologies of
this character throughout the Scriptures placed at the beginning of the sentence
(the case in LXX. Ps. Ixvii. 20, which is sometimes cited, forming no proper
exception) ; and not only this, but it is affirmed also that it is of the very nature
of such a sentence that this should be the arrangement. It is maintained, in
answer to this argument, that the entire matter of the order of words ina
Greek sentence is dependent on emphasis ; and that while, in ordinary doxo-
logical sentences, the doxological word is designed to be emphatic, this is not
necessarily the case ; and furthermore, that it is not so in this particular sen-
tence. The fact that God is over all is suggested by the previously-mentioned
blessings ; and,—as this is the natural suggestion, —when the thought turns from
an enumeration of His gifts to Himself as their author and source, ruling over
all, the words describing Him must be most emphatic. It is denied, however,
by advocates of the reference to Christ, that the Scriptural writers varied their
usage respecting the doxological word, whatever emphasis might appertain to
the subject of the sentence; and it is added that, if the subject in this
clause*had been designed to be made so much more prominent than the word
of blessing as to necessitate its holding the first position, it would have been
placed in the dative, τῷ ὄντι ἐπὶ πάντων OeG@—a mode of expression which
would have prevented all misunderstanding.—(4) That the use of the words ὁ
Ov ἐπὶ πάντων is readily accounted for if the writer wished to set forth the
glory and exaltation of Christ, but is not so well adapted to express the idea of
the superintending providence of God as connected with the blessings be-
stowed upon the Jewish people. Some other expression for the latter idea
would have been more appropriate. It is claimed by some, also, that if the
Apostle had desired to introduce an ascription of praise to God with reference
to the gifts which had just been mentioned, he would have glorified Him for
His goodness, and not for His controlling providence or power. —(5) 'That a dox-
ology to God is out of place here, at the close of a passage which is a lamenta-
tion over the lapse of the Jews. To this, however, it is answered that there is
here, not a lamentation, but an enumeration of privileges and distinguishing
honors, and for these it was most natural to praise God, who in His sovereignty
had ordered it thus.—(6) That this interpretation was given by the Christian
Fathers, or the great majority of them, It is claimed on the other side, how-
ever, that the Fathers are not so unanimous as has been supposed ; that many
of them simply adopted that view of an ambiguous passage which agreed with
their doctrinal opinions ; that as exegetes they do not in many or most cases
deserve special regard—their qualifications in this respect being often moder-
ate and their interpretations sometimes fanciful or even absurd. The English
Revisers of the Auth. Ver. of the N. T. seem to have given much weight to the
views of the Fathers respecting this clause, for, in recording other explanations,
NOTES. 399
they refer to them as represented by ‘‘ some modern interpreters’’—words which
are not elsewhere used in their marginal notes.
The strength of the argument for the reference of the words to Christ lies in
the fact that each phrase and element of the clause indicates a probability, as
connected with itself, that this is the true explanation. That of the argument
for the other view—that they are a doxology to God—is centred, mainly or
wholly, in the fact that Paul uses the word Θεός in only one or two other in-
stances (as affirmed by the advocates of this view, in no other instance), as
descriptive of Christ. When, however, it is borne in mind that the apostolic
writers, by reason of the very work to which they were consecrated—the per-
suading men to become reconciled to God through Christ—were naturally led
to speak of Christ almost wholly as in his mediatorial office and as man, the
force of the alleged fact is very largely diminished. It is believed that it can-
not sustain the weight of the opposing considerations, and that the interpreta-
tion which applies the word to Christ must be adopted as the more probable
one.
The construction of the words which places a period after πάντων has less
ground for acceptance than that which makes the whole a doxology, for by it
all supposed justification for placing εὐλογητός after the subject is taken away,
and the words which are regarded as alluding to the superintending providence
of God—and thus as connecting the ascription of praise with the statement of
the privileges—are removed from the doxological sentence.
A full discussion of this matter cannot be presented within the limits here
allowed. The object of this note is to set forth, in outline, the considerations
urged by the two parties, and to indicate what conclusion the probabilities of
the case may lead us to adopt. The reader will find in the Journal of the
(American) Society of Biblical Literature and Exegesis for 1881 an extended
paper on the subject by Professor Ezra Abbot, defending with great learning
and ability the view which refers the words as a doxology to God, and in the
same Journal a paper advocating the other view by the writer of this note.
The latter paper was prepared on a somewhat different plan from Prof.
Abbot's, and is much shorter, but was designed to give a full and fair presenta-
tion of the case. It may be added, that Weiss, in his edition of Meyer's work,
rejects the view of Meyer and adopts the opposite one, applying the words to
Christ.
CIII. Ver. 6. οὐκ οἷον δὲ ὅτι ἐκπέπτωκεν K.T.A.
The explanation of these words and of their connection with vv. 2, 3, which
is given by Meyer, is to be accepted. As related to the main thought and
progress of discussion in the Epistle, this verse may be regarded as carrying
with it the declaration, that the doctrine of faith which the Apostle defends
does not involve in itself any failure of God’s promises to His people. In this
way he meets, at the beginning of the section, the objection or difficulty which
made the writing of these chapters necessary.
CIV. Ver. 11. μήπω γὰρ γεννηθέντων μηδὲ πραξάντων τι ἀγαθὸν ἢ φαῦλον.
The object of these words is evidently to show that God’s choice in such
cases is not made in dependence on, and after, human action. It is, on the
other hand, determined before such action, That the passage refers to an
400 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
election to salvation in Jacob’s case and a non-election in that of Esau cannot
be proved, for the context does not necessitate the giving of this meaning
to the illustrative example, and we are nowhere informed in the Scriptures that
Hsau failed of salvation. That Esau and his descendants were not placed by
God in the historic line of the spiritual plan is evident, but nothing beyond
this. Dr, Shedd, following Calvin, Augustine, and some others, holds that while
these two children had as yet no actual sin, they had original sin as being
descendants of Adam. They were not innocent, he says, because salvation to
which one of them was elected presupposes sin and condemnation. Having
already a physical and psychical existence in the mother’s womb, they became
subject to the divine decision, and this decision was for eternal life for one of
the two, not for the other. That they had such a physical and psychical exist-
ence he founds upon Heb. vii. 10.—the only N. T. passage cited. This passage
states that Levi was in the loins of his great-grandfather, but can scarcely be
understood as affirming that he had a psychical and physical life when Mel-
chisedek met Abraham. Of the only action assigned to Levi by the verse, also,
it is said that it was action in a figurative sense. The bearing of Levi's ex-
perience therefore on original sin, or on the innocent condition of Jacob and
sau just before birth, does not seem to be more decisive than does that of the
context here or the O. T. history on the eternal future of the two. Godet re-
marks, in his annotations on these verses: ‘‘In speaking of Jacob and Esau,
either as men or as nations, neither Genesis, nor Malachi, nor St. Paul has
eternal salvation in view ; the matterin question is the part they play regarded
from the theocratic standpoint.” The view of Godet is favored by all the in-
dications which the passage and the relation of these chapters to the plan of the
Epistle afford.
CV. Ver. 14, μὴ ἀδικία παρὰ τῷ Θεῷ ;
The evidence that God’s plan involves selection, which is furnished by the
cases occurring in the earliest stage of its development, having been given, the
Apostle now proceeds to consider the question whether such selection shows
injustice on God’s part. This question, like similar ones arising in previous
chapters from the opposite side in the discussion (e.g. vi. 1, vii. 7, cf. vi. 15), is
introduced by τί οὖν ἐροῦμεν ; itis answered by μὴ γένοιτο ; and the negative is
then proved. The proof, in this case, consists of two points: (1) An argument
addressed to those on the Jewish standpoint :—the O. T., in what it says re-
specting Moses and Pharaoh, declares that God acts in this way. A represen-
tation of God, however, which is found in the O. T., the Jew must admit to
be consistent with justice. To this extent it is an argumentum ad hominem.
(2) The dealing of God with all in the way of long-suffering and mercy is ir-
reconcilable with such an idea of Him as the question suggests. His benevo-
lence establishes the fact of Hisrighteousness. This argument is equally adapt-
ed to the minds of all, Gentiles or Jews. It is prefaced, in vv. 19-21, by a
passage which is designed to rebuke the presumption of the objector and ex-
press the shocked feeling of the Christian mind at the presentation of the
question. That this is the true view of these three verses, and that they are
not strictly a part of the proof, is indicated by the fact that they are not neces-
sary to the argument, and, also, by the additional fact that no valid argument
can be drawn for the justice of God in relation to the destiny of immortal and
NOTES. 401
intelligent creatures from the right which the potter has to fashion lifeless clay
according to his arbitrary will. It is evident, accordingly, as this paragraph
(vv. 14-29) is carefully examined, that the main point in the writer’s mind is the
goodness of God —long-suffering even towards those who are rejected. This
fact may well be borne in mind in interpreting the statement with regard to
Pharaoh. In connection with the same statement the primary reference of the
entire section to nations, and not to individuals, should be remembered. The
same thing is worthy of consideration as we inquire as to the meaning of spe-
cial words in the 22d verse.
CVI. Ver, 22. ἐν πολλῇ μακροθυμίᾳ.
The view of Meyer that μακροθυμία here means the prolongatio irae, and not
that which waits for the self-decision of human freedom, is justly rejected by
Weiss, who says that the latter idea is evident from the very nature of the case,
and is distinctly declared by Paul in ii. 4. Godet also calls attention to the
fact that this human self-decision is brought forward in the next following
context, ver. 30 ff. Weiss further holds, as against Meyer, that σκεύη ὀργῆς does
not denote the vessels which are prepared to experience God’s wrath on them-
selves—to serve for a manifestation of His wrath, which, especially in connec-
tion with ver. 21, would require ox. εἰς ὀργῆν, but vessels which appertain to,
i.e. have fallen under His wrath, i.e. through their own acts. κατηρτισμένα he
regards as to be taken in an adjective sense, ready, ripe for (so also Godet). He
refers, as a proof that it does not mean prepared or fitted by God, to the variation
from the construction ἃ προητοίμασεν of the next verse, which is apparently in-
tentional. The observation of such points as these makes evident the weak-
ness of the supports on which the more extreme views of individual election,
as connected with these verses, rest. Individual election is an inference from
what is said in the chapter, rather than a distinct declaration of any of its
words,
CVII. Ver. 23. iva γνωρίσῃ K.T.A.
The relation of ver. 23 to ver. 22 is as given by Meyer. The vessels of wrath
are borne with in mercy and long-suffering to give them opportunity for repent-
ance, bnt there is also an additional purpose—namely, that God may make
known the riches of His glory (i.e. in the manifestation of it in mercy and
blessing) to the vessels of mercy. This view does not involve the idea that
God’s design of good for the vessels of mercy is of secondary importance ; but
only that their good is, in the matter of His dealing with the vessels of wrath,
a thing secondary to His purpose with reference to the latter class. The ex-
planation of this second design by supposing the Apostle to mean that, if
penal judgment had come upon the σκεύῃ ὀργῆς without such delay, no time
would have been open for the exhibition of merey to the σκεύη ἐλέους, is not
necessary, though it may be not improbable. A thought somewhat similar to
this, though connected with a different subject and a different class of persons,
may be found in Heb. xi. 39, 40.
CVIII. Ver. 24. οὖς καὶ ἐκάλεσεν: κ.τ.1.
The Apostle now declares the vessels of mercy to be called of God not merely
from among the Jews but also the Gentiles. Three points may be noticed :
402 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
(1) that he again expressly sets forth the division into the two classes which
have been so prominent throughout the Epistle, and the union of which makes
the πάντες of Whom he thinks; (2) that in the words ’lovd. «.7.A, and also in
the proof-passages cited from the O. T. in the following verses, the national,
and not the individual, reference of the thought is manifested ; (8) that the
course of God’s action and the sovereignty of His plan with regard to the
Jews (and now, at the end, the Gentiles also), in the historic development of the
spiritual system are the things set forth in the entire passage vv. 6-29. This
is true of what is said of Sarah and Rebecca and their children (comp. also
Gal. iv. 24 ff.) ; of God’s word to Moses, also, and to Pharaoh ; of the potter
and the clay ; of the vessels of wrath, and of the call of Gentiles and Jews who
are vessels of mercy. This view gives unity to this chapter as related to the
two which follow, and also as related to the whole doctrinal part of the Epistle.
Paul is not discoursing upon a series of doctrines, as if in a treatise on The-
ology, but is discussing a single subject of vital interest, at the time, in con-
nection with the controversy between Judaistic views and the Pauline Chris-
tianity ; and he follows the course of his thought steadily and undeviatingly
through the proofs and the objections and difficulties. Everywhere the uni-
versal and national ideas are prominent.
CIX. Ver. 30.
At ver. 30 we have the reason of the lapse of the Jews introduced. This
reason is stated briefly, at first, vv. 30-33, and then, after a few words of the
same general character with those at the opening of this chapter, it is develop-
ed more fully x. 3-21. In presenting the reason for the lapse, however, he
adds at the beginning a word (as was natural because of the preceding context)
respecting the ground of the acceptance of the Gentiles. The fact which has
been referred to as connected with the sovereign and independent choice of
God is now traced to its source in human action. The Jews failed because
they did not submit themselves to God’s method of justification.
CEVA sek, le. 403
CHAPTER X.
Ver. 1. ἡ before πρός is wanting according toa large preponderance of ey-
idence, and is omitted by Lachm. and Tisch. A hasty grammatical emendation,
as ἐστίν before εἰς is supplied in Elz. — αὐτῶν] Elz: τοῦ ᾿Ισραῇλ, against deci-
sive evidence. With ver. 1 a church-lesson begins. — Ver. 3. After ἰδίαν, δικαιοσ-
ὕνην is wanting in A Β Ὁ E P, min., and several versions (including Vulg.) and
Fathers. Omitted by Lachm. But the very emphasis of the thrice-occurring
word, so obviously intended (comp. ix. 30}, speaks for its originality ; and how
easily the omission of the second δικαιοσύνην might arise, as that of a supposed
quite superfluous repetition !— Ver. 5. αὐτοῖς] Lachm. and Tisch. 8 : αὐτῇ, ac-
cording to A B &*, 17, 47, 80, Copt. Arm. Vulg. Germ. Damasc. Ruf. But this
would involve that, with the most of these, and with yet other witnesses, the
preceding αὐτά should be omitted, as also Tisch. 8. has done. However, both
αὐτῇ and the omission of αὐτά appear like an emendatory alteration, since the
context contains no reference for αὐτά and αὐτοῖς. In the same light we must
also regard the reading ὅτι τὴν δικαιοσύνην τὴν ἐκ νόμου (instead of τὴν dix. .
ὅτι), as Tisch. 8. has it, in A ΤῊ δὲ Ἐς and some min., Vulg., and some Fathers.
— Ver. 15. εἰρήνην, τῶν evayy.] is wanting in A B C δὲ", min., Copt. Sah. Aeth.
Clem. Or. Damasc. Ruf, Omitted by Lachm. and Tisch. 8. Copyist’s omis-
sion, through the repetition of. eiayy. If it had been interpolated from the
LXX. (Isa. 111. 7), ἀκοὴν εἰρήνης would have been written instead of the mere
εἰρήνης. The article before ἀγαθά is, with Lachm., on decisive evidence to be
omitted, although it is also wanting in the LXX.— Ver. 17. Θεοῦ] Lachm. and
Tisch. 8 : Χριστοῦ, according to B C D* E &*, min., several vss., Aug. Pel. Am-
brosiast. There is no genitive at all in F G, Boern. Hilar. But how readily
this omission might suggest itself by a comparison of ver. 8! Χριστοῦ, how-
ever, appears to be a more precise definition of the sense of the divine ῥῆμα, the
expression of which by ῥ. Θεοῦ is found already in Syr. and Clem. — Ver, 19.
The order 'Ἴσρ. ov« ἔγνω is supported by decisive evidence ; Elz; οὐκ ἔγνω Ἰσρ.
Vv. 1-18. More particular discussion of the guilt of the Jews specified in ix.
32 ; introduced (vv. 1, 2) by a reiterated assurance of the most cordial interest
in their salvation.
Ver. 1. ’AdeAgoi] Address to the readers, expressive of emotion. Comp.
1 Cor, xiv. 20 ; Gal. iii. 15. — μέν] without a corresponding dé ; the thought
following in ver. 3 loomed before the apostle, as standing in the relation of
opposition to his heartfelt interest, of which the solicitude thus remained
unfulfilled through the perverted striving after righteousness of the people.
--- εὐδοκία] does not denote the wish, the desire (Chrysostom, Theodoret,
Theophylact, and many, including Riickert, Reiche, Kéllner, de Wette,
Olshausen), It may mean pleasure, delight (Bengel : ‘‘lubentissime auditu-
rus essem de salute Israelis ;’ comp. Philippi), Matt. 111. 17, xi. 265 or
404 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
goodwill (Phil. 1. 15, 11.13), 1.6. propensa animi voluntas. See generally
Fritzsche. The latter signification is that most immediately suggested by
the connection here ; comp. van Hengel, ‘‘ benevola propensio.” It is indeed
the intention of the will (Hofmann), but conceived of and designated as the
being well-disposed of the heart, as it was such.—rpoc τὸν Θεὸν is joined to ἡ
δέησις, hence there was no need of the (not genuine) article (Acts viii. 24 ;
Winer, p. 128 f. [E. T. 135]) ; to the connection with ἐστί to be understood,
εὐδοκία would not be suitable. Hence: The goodwill of my heart and my
petition to God are on their behalf towards this end, that they might obtain
salvation ; σωτηρία is the goal which my εὐδοκία wishes for them, and my
prayer entreats for them. In this view ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν belongs so necessarily
to the completeness of the thought, that we are not to assume a tacit con-
trast to a κατά (Hofmann). The article before δέησις represents, accord-
ing to the context, the personal pronoun (ἡ ἐμὴ 6.); Winer, p. 103 [E. T.
108]; Kiihner, II. 1, p. 515. —On the distinction between δέησις and προσ-
εὐχή, petition and prayer, see on Eph. vi. 18. Bengel aptly remarks :
‘* Non orasset Paulus, si absolute reprobati essent.”
Ver. 2. Reason assigned why ἡ εὐδοκία... εἰς σωτηρίαν. ---- ζῆλον Θεοῦ] zeal
for God. Comp. Acts xxi. 20, xxii. 3; Gal. i. 14; John ii. 1753 1 Macc.
ii. 58. This their zeal makes them worth that interest of my heart. —ov κατ᾽
ἐπίγνωσιν) knowledge is not that, according to the measure of which they are
zealous for God. We must here again (comp. on i. 28) note the composite
expression ; for the Jews were not wanting in γνῶσις generally, but just in
the very point, on which it depended whether their γνῶσις was the right
and practically vital ἐπίγνωσις.
Ver. 3. Confirmatory elucidation of οὐ κατ᾽ ἐπίγνωσιν : ‘for else they ©
would not, unacquainted with the divine righteousness (see on i. 17), have
insisted on their own righteousness, and striven against the divine.” This
is just the actual proof that their zeal for God is wanting in knowledge. —
ἀγνοοῦντες] does not mean any more than at ii. 4, 1 Cor. xiv. 38,’ anything
else than not knowing ; Reiche, de Wette, Tholuck, Ewald, and several
others : misapprehending ; Hofmann : overlooking. The guilt of this not-
knowing Paul does not further enter into, not so much (comp. Acts ili. 17,
xvii. 30) from mild forbearance (Rickert and others), but because he had
simply nothing else than the οὐ κατ᾽ ἐπίγνωσιν to explain. — τὴν ἰδίαν δικαιο-
σύνην] τὴν ἐκ τοῦ νόμου, THY ἐξ ἔργων ἰδίων καὶ πόνων κατορθουμένην, Theophylact.
Comp. Phil. iii. 9, and see on i. 17. — στῆσαι] stabilire, to make valid. Comp.
ii. 31 ; Heb. x. 9. -- - ὑπετάγησαν] The dix. Θεοῦ is conceived of as a divine
ordinance, to which one subjects oneself (through faith). The sense is not
that of the passive, as viii. 20, but that of the middle, as in viii. 7, xiii. 1,
and frequently, expressing the obedience. As to the subject-matter, comp.
προσέκοψαν K.T.A., IX. 32.
Ver. 4. Hor the validity of the law has come to an end in Christ, in order
that every believer may be a partaker of righteousness. Herewith Paul, for the
1 In the classical passages also, which are Dem. 151. 7, e¢ al.), the sense of not know is
adduced for the signification misapprehend to be maintained.
(as Xen. Mem. iv. 2. 25, 29, Cyr. iv. 1. 16;
CHAP: χα 5. 405
further confirmation of what was said in ver. 3, lays down the great prin-
ciple of salvation, from the non-knowledge of which among the Jews that
blinded and perverted striving after righteousness flowed. — Τέλος νόμου,
which is placed first with great emphasis, is applied to Christ, in so far as,
by virtue of His redemptive death (Gal. iii. 13, iv. 5), the divine dispensa-
tion of salvation has been introduced, in which the basis of the procuring
of salvation is no longer, as in the old theocracy, the Mosaic νόμος, but faith,
whereby the law has therefore ceased to be the regulative principle for the
attainment of righteousness.’ Only this view of τέλος, end, conclusion (adopt-
ed after Augustine by most of the modern expositors), is conformable to
what follows, where the essentially different principles of the old and new
δικαιοσύνῃ are stated. For its agreement with the doctrinal system of the
apostle, see vii. 1 ff. [See Note CX. p. 421.] Contrary to the meaning of the
word τέλος (even in 1 Tim. i. 5), and contrary to the inherent relation of
what follows, Origen, Erasmus, Vatablus, Elsner, Homberg, Estius, Wolf,
Ch. Schmidt, Jatho, and several others, take it as : fulfilment of the law
(‘‘quicquid exigebat lex moralis praestitit perfectissime,” Calovius), which
many dogmatic expositors understood of the satisfactio activa, or of the activa
and passiva together (Calovius). Linguistically faultless, but at the same
time not corresponding to the connection, is the interpretation of Chrysos-
tom, Theophylact, Melanchthon, Beza, Michaelis, and others, that the object
_and aim of the law was the making men righteous, and that this was accom-
plished through Christ ; or (Theodoret, Toletus, Vorstius, Grotius, Wetstein,
Loesner, Heumann, Klee, Gléckler, Krummacher), that Christ was called
the object and aim of the Jaw, because everything in the law, as the παιδαγω-
γὸς εἰς Χριστόν (Gal. iii, 24), led up to Him ; ‘‘quicquid praecipiat, quic-
quid promittat, semper Christum habet pro scopo,” Calvin. Observe fur-
ther, that Χριστός must be the definite historical person that appeared in Jesus,
and not the promised Saviour generally, without regard to whether and in whose
person He appeared (Hofmann), an abstraction which would have been im-
possible to Paul, particularly here, where all righteousness is traced back
only to definite faith in contrast to works—as impossible as is the reference
combined with it, of νόμος to any law whatever, no law has validity any
longer, if the promised Saviour be at hand. See, in opposition to this, im-
mediately below, ver. 5 ff. — εἰς δικαίοσ. παντὶ τῷ rior. | aim, for which Christ
is the end of the law : in order that every one who believes may obtain right-
eousness. The principal stress lies on πίστ., as the opposite of that which
the law required in order to righteousness ; see vv. 5, 6, iii. 21 ff.
Ver. 5. Now follows, as far as ver. 10, the proof of ver. 4, and that from
Moses himself. — γράφει τὴν 6ix.] writes concerning righteousness, John i. 46 ;
Hermann, ad Hur. Phoen. 574. As to the use of the present tense, comp. the
frequent λέγει in scriptural citations, — The passage introduced by the reci-
tative ὅτι is Lev. xviii. 5, almost exactly after the LXX. Comp. Neh. ix.
1 The πλήρωσις τοῦ νόμου, Matt. v. 17, does which Christ has freed from its limitations.
not conflict with the present passage. For See on Matt. d.c. Comp. also Lipsius,
the ideal, purely moral import of the law Rechtfert. p. 85 ff.
cannot be annulled, and it is exactly this
400 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
29; Ezek. xx. 21; Gal. iii. 12. — αὐτά] refers in the original, and so also
here, to the προστάγματα Θεοῦ, which Paul supposes as well known ; but the
principal stress lies upon ποιήσας : he who shall have done them, so that thus
Moses exhibits the doing as the condition of the attainment of ζωή (which is
referred by Paul not to the happy and prosperous life in Palestine, but to its
antitype, the Cw αἰώνιος). --- ἐν αὐτοῖς] i.e. by the fact, that they are fulfilled.
Vv. 6-8. [See Note CXI. p. 421.] The righteousness which comes from
faith is personified (comp. Heb. xii. 5), so that the following words of
Moses, in which Paul recognizes an allegorically and typically prophetic descrip- ©
tion of this righteousness, appear as its self-description. An increasing anima-
tion, and indeed triumphant tone in the representation, which thus intro-
duces over-against that dark background (ver. 5) the bright picture the
more immediately in concrete vividness. Hofmann artificially imports the
antithesis, that the righteousness of the law is found only in a description of the
lawgiver, but the righteousness of faith itself speaks as one existing and present.
There is the less room for this supposition, since vv. 6 ff. are also Mosaic
expressions. But that Paul actually regarded the words of Moses as a pro--
phetical testimony to the nature of the righteousness of faith, is an opinion —
sanctioned only by a minority of expositors (Augustine, de nat. et grat. 83 ;
Bucer, Balduin, Calovius, Semler, Ch. Schmidt, Reiche, Kéllner, Olshausen,
Benecke, Fritzsche, Baumgarten-Crusius, Ewald, Umbreit). The majority,
on the other hand, assume that Paul only clothed his own thoughts in the
words of Moses, and used the latter asa suitable substratum for the formeré
So Tholuck, Flatt, Riickert, Reithmayr, Maier, Philippi: ‘‘a holy and
charming play of the Spirit of God upon the word of the Lord ;” van Hen-
gel and several others, as formerly Chrysostom, Luther,* Beza, Calvin, Cor-
nelius ἃ Lapide ; Bengel : ‘‘ suavissima parodia.” But against this view is”
d bo) fo)
the fact that ver. 5 begins with γάρ a demonstration of the τέλος νόμου Χριστός,
of which ver. 5 contains only the one, and vv. 6-8 the other, side ; both
sides, however, unite their probative force in Μωῦσῆς yap γράφει. Therefore
it is quite wrong (see esp. Riickert, Philippi) to look upon ἡ δὲ ἐκ mor. δικ.
as the opposite to Μωῦΐσῆς, and to suppose that the parallel would be more
sharply drawn if Paul had said : But Christ speaks thus, etc. No, dé places
the righteousness of faith in opposition to the previously mentioned δικαιο-
σύνη ἡ ἐκ Tov νόμου ; and for these two modes of righteousness the testimony
of the lawgiver himself is introduced by Motojc yap γράφει. ‘* For Moses
writes of the righteousness of the law, ete.; but the other kind of right-
eousness, the righteousness of faith, says (in the same Moses) thus, ete.”
The Μωῦσ. y. yp. thus holds good not only for ver. 5, but also covers vv. 6-8 ;
therefore the absence of a formula of quotation before ver. 6 is no valid
argument against our view. This applies likewise against Hofmann, accord-
ing to whom that, which the righteousness of faith speaks, is intended to
recall Deut. 1.6. ;? in such a way, however, that the word of which Moses
1 Luther, on Deut. /.c., says that Paul has, 2 Hofmann arrives at the sense: ‘* What
abundante spiritu, taken occasion from Israel could not say in respect of the re-
Moses against the justitiarios velut novumet vealed law of God, after possessing it, that
proprium tegtum componendi. should he, to whom the righteousness of
[Δ
lL
CHAP. X., 6058, 407
speaks is related to that which the righteousness of faith means, as the O. T.
T. to the N. T.,’ and thus the former is a prediction of the latter. Ground-
less is the further objection, that Paul nowhere else thus mixes up a
biblical passage with comments. For we are acquainted with comments in
the style of the Midrash in Paul’s writings (ix. 8; Gal. iii. 16, iv. 28, 24) ;
and that they are here interspersed is unessential, and was very naturally sug-
gested by the opposed ava. εἰς τ. οὐρανόν and kara. εἰς τ. ἄβυσσον. In con-
clusion, we must further observe that, if Paul had given the biblical words
only as the clothing of his own representation, yet we should have to assume,
and that for the very sake of the honesty of the apostle (which Philippi
thinks endangered by our view), that he actually found in the saying the
typical reference to the righteousness of faith ; even the holy ‘ play” upon—
words of the Spirit can be no erroneous play. Theodoret took the right
view : διδάσκει πάλιν νόμου καὶ χάριτος τὴν διαφορὰν, Kal, ἀμφοτέρων εἰσάγει
Erasmus, Paraphr.: ‘‘utriusque justitiae
imaginem Moses ipse depinxit.” Comp. also Hofmann, Weissag. wu. 1777. 11.
p. 217. The Mosaic declaration itself is Deut. xxx. 12-14, with free devia-
tions bearing on his object, from the original and the LXX. Moses has
there said of the commandment of God to Israel to fulfil His law (for the
passage speaks of nothing else according to its historical sense) in ver. 11,
that this commandment does not transcend the sphere of what is capable of
accomplishment, nor does it lie at strange distance ; and he then adds, ver.
12 ff., in order more precisely to depict this thought : Jt is neither in heaven
nor beyond the sea, so that one must first ascend to the former or sail over the
latter (comp. Bar. iii. 29, 30) to fetch it, that one may hear and do it ; rather
is it quite near, in the mouth and in the heart (and in the hands, an addition of
LXX., and in Philo) ; that is, the people itself carries it in its mouth, and
it is stamped upon its heart, in order that they may accomplish it ὑπ»).
Paul finds here a type, and therewith an indirect prophecy, of the demand
which the righteousness of faith presents, entirely different from that ποιεῖν
which is demanded by the righteousness of the law, inasmuch as the righteous-
ness of faith forbids only unbelief in reference to Christ, as though He had not
come from heaven, or had not risen from the dead, and directs men, on the other:
hand, to the word of faith, which, through its preachers, is laid in their mouth
and heart. 'The sum and substance of this typically prophetic sense is there-
fore : ‘* Benot unbelieving, but believing ;”? and here the grand historical points,
to which faith as well as unbelief relate, could not be brought into relief more ]
definitely and significantly * than by means of the Χριστὸν καταγαγεῖν and ἀνα-
Μωΐσέα τὸν νομοθέτην διδάσκαλον.
faith speaks, not think in respect of the re-
vealed and perfect Saviour.” But how
eould Paul, without any indication what-
ever, have expected of the reader that he
should infer, from mere reminiscence of
the Mosaic words, the point of the thought
intended, that what the one could not, the
others should not?
1 But for this purpose Hofmann employs
an incorrect reference and understanding
of ὅτι, ver. 9.
2 The allegorical and typical signification
of the apostle finds its correct logical point
of connection in the fact that every one
who, instead of bearing the ῥῆμα of God in
his mouth and in his heart, asks, Who will
ascend into heaven for us, and bring it to
us? puts a question of unbelief.
3 For he who thinks that one must ascend
into heaven to bring Christ down, Cenies
thereby that Christ has come in the flesh ;
and he who supposes that one must de-
408 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
yayeiv (in opposition to Tholuck’s objection). According to Fritzsche (comp.
Calovius), the sense meant is : no one can become righteous through works,
‘« faciendo et moliendo,” vv. 6, 7 ; for in fact one must otherwise have been
able—since the becoming righteous rests upon the incarnation, death, and
resurrection of Christ—to ascend into heaven in order to bring Him down,
or to descend into the lower world in order to bring Him up ; but (ver. 8)
after that salvation has been obtained by Christ, we are to have faith only.
But in this case, vv. 6, 7 would surely be a warning from the mouth of the
righteousness of faith against a facere et moliri, which would be of quite
another kind thanthat of the righteousness of the law, and which even would
have included in abstracto, as a presupposition, this very faith in the incarna-
tion, death, and resurrection of Christ. Still less can we, with Chrysostom,
Theodoret, Theophylact, Grotius, and several others (comp. also Reithmayr,
Philippi, and Krummacher), find in vv. 6, 7 the denial of the difficulty, and
then in ver. 8 the assurance of the facility, of becoming righteous. For
against this view is the fact, in the first place, that in what Paul subjoins,
ver. 9 ff., nothing at allis said of difficulty and facility ; secondly—and this
is decisive—the fact that vv. 5-8 is to be a proof founded on Moses of the
statement, τέλος νόμου Χριστός ; but it isevident, that not from the facility of
the Christian δικαιοσύνη, but from its being essentially different from the old
(the latter resting on doing, the former on faith), it follows that with Christ,
the Mediator of the new δικαιοσύνη, the νόμος must have reached its end.
This, too, in reply to Knapp, Ser. var. arg. II. p. 558 f., who, besides the
erroneous point of view of difficulty and facility, reads otherwise between
the lines the most essential. points of his interpretation. See, on the other
hand, van Hengel, who, however, on his side assumes that Paul desired
“‘arocare” unsettled Jewish Christians ‘‘a salutis duce longe quaerendo, quum
quisque, qui Christi communione utatur, per fidem in Deo positam possideat, quod,
at ex legis alicujus observatione, sie etiam aliunde afferri non possit.” The con-
nection with ver. 4 likewise tells against this view, as does also the circum-
stance that, if only the longe quaerere were the conception presented, it would
not be easy to see why Paul should have inserted at all his explanations τοῦτ᾽ ἔστι
«.t.4., and why he should not have retained in ver. 7 the words of the LXX. :
τίς διαπεράσει ἡμῖν εἰς τὸ πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης. --- μὴ εἴπης ἐν τ. Kapd. σου] LXX. :
λέγων, Heb. TON, wherein, according to the connection (‘‘It is not in
heaven that one might speak,” etc.), the forbidding sense indirectly lies.
This Paul expresses directly, because his quotation is severed from the con-
nection of the original ; and he adds ἐν τ. καρδ. σου, because unbelief has its
seat in the heart, and the expression ‘‘to speak in the heart” (as Ps. xiv. 1 ;
Matt. iii. 9; Rev. xviii. 7) was very current in the mention of unholy
thoughts and dispositions (Surenhusius, καταλλ., Ὁ. 479). — τίς ἀναβ. εἰς τ. ovp. |
Who will ascend into heaven? In the sense of the apostle, the inquiry is one
scend into the lower world to bring Christ an impossibility—namely, an ascent into
up from the dead, denies that He arose from heaven, or a descent into the lower world—
‘the dead. This likewise against Hofmann, would be requisite. Therein lies the folly,
p. 436, according to whom it is only meant as if that which we have were at unattain-
‘to be said, that in order to produce Christ, able distance.
CHAP. X., 6-8. 409
not expressive of a wish (‘‘utinam quis sit, qui nos ec longinquo in viam salu-
tis ducat,” van Hengel), nor yet of despair, but—correlative of that τῷ πισ-
τεύοντι in ver. 4, and opposed to the ὁ ποιήσας, ver. 5—the inquiry of unbelief,
which holds the appearance of Christ from heaven, ¢.e. His incarnation, as
not having taken place, and as an impossibilty. Therefore Paul adds the
Midrashistic interpretation : that expresses, that signifies : in order to bring
Christ down—this is the object, which is implied in ἀναβήσεται εἰς τ. obp., and
by its addition Paul thus contributes a more precise explanation of the ques-
tion (τοῦτ᾽ ἔστε : scilicet), namely, as respects its tendency, as respects that at
which itaims.*. Thus more exactly defined, the question would presuppose,
that he who puts it does not believe that Christ has come out of the heavenly
world and has appeared in the flesh (comp. viii. 8), ἐν ὁμοιώματε ἀνθρώπων
(Phil. ii. 6, 7; comp. 1 John iv. 2).2. Following Melanchthon, Castalio,
Calvin, and others, Reiche thinks that unbelief in regard to the session of
Christ on the right hand of God is meant. But if there were here a prohibi-
tion of the desire to behold with the eyes this object of faith (Reiche), the
second question, which nevertheless is manifestly quite parallel, would be
highly inappropriate ; for then an existence of Christ in the ἄβυσσος would of
necessity be an object of faith, which yet it is not at all. Nor could we see
why Paul should have said καταγαγεῖν in ver. 6, since the matter would in fact
turn only on a seeing of Christ in heaven. Moreover, Paul, considering the
freedom with which he handles this passage from Moses, would have trans-
posed the two questions, in order to avoid the glaring historical prothysteron
which occurs, if the first question refers to the session of Christ at the right
hand of God, to which van Hengel also refers it. According to Glickler,
the question, Who will go up into heaven ? means to ask, Who will accom-
plish redemption ? for the ascension was a necessary requisite for the Media-
tor ; and therefore τοῦτ᾽ ἔστι signifies : this would mean to deny the ascension
of Christ. Consistently, Gléckler then understands the second question as,
Who will (voluntarily) go into death ? this would mean to deny the death of
Christ. But by this necessarily consistent view of ver. 7 the whole exposi-
1 Many others (Erasmus, Calvin, Cornelius
a Lapide, Bengel, Usteri, Riickert, Glockler,
ete.) regard τοῦτ᾽ ἔστι as the ground of the
prohibition, and that in the sense: that is
just as much as, etc. So also Philippi:
“Righteousness is for me as distant and
high as if it were in heaven and I must fetch
it down from thence;.. . that is just as
muchas if thou wouldest bring down Christ
from heayen, as if thou didst deny that He
has already come down from heaven and
become man; and afterward, ver. 7:
that is just as much as to deny that He has
already risen from the dead. But it is in-
appropriate to conceive of righteousness
itself as the imagined distant (and to-be-
fetched) object, because righteousness
itself is speaking, and because Paul names
Christ Himself as the object to be fetched.
Inappropriate, too, is the idea of allowing
righteousness in any way to be represented
as found in Hades, and brought up thence,
from whence Christ, indeed, has not
brought it with Him. To this connection
belongs van Hengel’s view: ‘‘Haec quae-
rere nihil aliud est quam Christum indigne
tractare, tanguam 6 locis remotis, at salutis
auctor sit,in terram revocandum.’’ In this
case the Christum indigne tractare is im-
ported. Further, it makes absolutely no
difference to the sense of τοῦτ᾽ ἔστι, whether
it is written divided (Lachm., Tisch.) or
united (τούτεστιν, Hofmann). The codd,
yield no certain basis ; see Lipsius, gramm.
Unters. Ὁ. 181 ff. Τοῦτο is the subject, and
ἔστι the copyla of that which is to be pred-
icated epexegetically of the subject.
2 The Χριστὸν καταγαγεῖν presupposes the
certainty of the personal pre-existence.
Comp. Lechler, Apost. Zeit. p. 50.
410 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
tion is overthrown. For ver. 9 proves that ver. 7 refers to the resurrection
of Christ ; nor did unbelief, in truth, deny the death of Christ, but took
offence at it. Like Gléckler, Lipsius, Rechtfertigungsl. p. 102 7., has essen-
tially misunderstood both verses, and Riickert the question of ver. ἢ. --
ἢ τίς καταβ. εἰς τ. aB.;] The colon after 7 is to be omitted. The question
is, in the sense of the apostle, likewise a question of wnbelief, and that in
reference to the fact and the possibility of the reswrrection of Christ ἐκ
νεκρῶν (ἷ.6. out of Scheol, ἄβυσσος). The LXX., following the original, has :
τίς διαπεράσει ἡμῖν εἰς TO πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης ; But Paul, in his typical refer-
ence to Christ, had sufficient cause and liberty, from the standpoint of the
historical fulfilment, to put expressly, instead of πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης, even
without reflecting that the springs of the sea lie in the lowest depth of the
earth (see Ewald, Jahrb. III. p. 112), the familiar contrast to heaven, εἰς τ.
ἄβυσσον, (Job xi. 8 ; Ps. cvii. 26, cxxxix. 8 ; Amos ix. 2; Ecclus. xvi. 18,
xxiv. 5). For Christ is the object of justifying faitb, not merely as He who
came from heaven, but also as He who descended into Hades, and came up
again thence, and rose from the dead.’ — ἀλλὰ τί réyer;| But what says it (the
righteousness of faith) ? An unexact contrast to μὴ εἴπῃς, ver. 6, as though
previously the negation had stood with λέγει, ver. 6 (οὐχ οὕτω λέγει" εἰπὲ
x.t.2.). The interrogative form serves ‘‘ad attentionem excitandam,” Dissen,
ad Dem. decor. p. 186, 347.
Epexegesis of ἐγγύς cob ἐστιν. ---- τοῦτ᾽ ἔστι «.7.2.] This ῥῆμα, so designated by
the righteousness of faith, signifies the word of faith. The genitive τ. rior.
is genit. objecti (comp. Acts xx. 82; Heb. v. 18 ; Eph. i. 18, vi. 15; Gal.
iii. 2). Note here the two articles ; for that ῥῆμα intended by the righteous-
ness of faith is not generally “(ὦ word of faith,” whose contents desire to be
believed as historical reality (as Hofmann takes it), but the definite specific
kipvywa, Whose entire summary contents are faith in Jesus Christ ; comp.
vv. 4, 9 ff., i. 5, 17. — xyptocouer] we preachers of the gospel. '
Ver. 9. Not a statement of the contents of the ῥῆμα," but assigning the
ground of the immediately previous τοῦτ᾽ ἔστι τὸ ῥῆμα τῆς πίστεως ὃ κηρύσσ.
The force of the argument lies in the fact that, in respect of the ῥῆμα pub-
lished by its preachers, confession and faith (mouth and heart) must be con-
sentaneous in order to obtain salvation, which is what Moses also means of
the ῥῆμα (ver. 8). — ὁμολ. ἐν τ. στόμ. σου] corresponds to ἐν τῷ στόμ. cov (ἐστι)
Comp. Gal. iv. 80. --- ἐν τῳ στόμ. σ. K. ἐν τ. κ. on]
in ver. 8, as afterwards πίστ. ἐν τ. καρδ. σου to ἐν τ. καρδ. cov In ver. 8. — κύριον
as Lord (comp. 1 Cor. xii. 3, viii. 6 ; Phil. ii. 11). ‘‘In hac appellatione
est summa fidei et salutis,” Bengel. It refers to the question τίς ἀναβ. εἰς τ.
1 The descensus Christi isin any case the
undoubted presupposition, which led Paul to
substitute the words of our passage for
those of the original. The passage has
therefore more probative force in favour of
that doctrine than Giider, Lehre von der
Erschein. Christi unter ἃ. Todten, p. 20 f., is
willing to accord to it.
2 So van Hengel and others. But by τῆς
πίστεως the ῥῆμα in yer. 8 is already com-
pletely defined.
3 Which is not with Hofmann to be
leaped over, so that ὅτι refers to ἐγγύς cov τὸ
ῥῆμά ἐστι, and introduces the reason why itis
that we have this word so near, in the mouth
and in the heart. Hofmann strangely ob-
jects to the view taken above, that not 67,
but yap, must then have been used. Why
so?
CHAP. X., 10-12. 411
οὖρ., ver. 6 ; for the whole acknowledgment of the heavenly κυριότης of
Jesus as the σύνθρονος of God is conditioned by the acknowledgment of the
preceding descent from heaven, the incarnation of the Son of God ; viii. 3 ;
Gal. iv. 4 ; Phil. ii. 6, e¢ al. — ἤγειρεν ἐκ νεκρῶν] corresponds to the question
of ver. 7. — σωθήσῃ] corresponds to ζήσεται in ver. 6, but characterizes the
latter, according to the doctrinal system of the apostle (i. 16, v. 9, 10, ef a/.),
as a deliverance from destruction to the Messianic salvation. — The confes-
sion of the mouth (of high essential importance for the relations of every
time, and peculiarly of that time !) and faith in the heart are not separate
things, as though one without the other had as its consequence the σωτηρία,
but they are mutually dependent requisites. Comp. Knapp, p. 565 ff. —
The resurrection of the Lord here appears, as suggested by ver. 7, and accord-
ing to iv. 25 quite justly, as the object of that faith which makes blessed.
Without it, His death would not be the atoning death, 1 Cor. xv. 17, 18,
nor would He Himself be the Son of God, i. 4.
Ver. 10. Elucidation of ver. 9. With rior. and ὁμολ. Jesus is not to be
supplied as subject (Hofmann), which is not even in accordance with the
linguistic usage of the N. T., for 1 Tim. iii. 16 has a singular poetical style ;
but the contents of the faith and of the confession are understood, according
to ver. 9, entirely of themselves. ‘‘ With the heart, namely (yap), one believes
unto righteousness, but with the mouth confesses unto salvation.” In the style
of Hebrew parallelism the thought is thus expressed : ‘‘ With the faith of
the heart is united the confession of the mouth to the result that one obtains
righteousness and salvation.” The righteousness obtained through faith
would, forsooth, fall to the ground again, and would not be attended by
salvation, if faith had not the vital force to produce confession of the mouth
(which speaks out of the fulness of the heart) ; see Matt. x. 832; comp. 2
Cor. iv. 18. We have thus here no merely formal parallelism, but one
framed according to the actual relation of the dispensation of salvation ;
and in this case, moreover, Paul observes the genetic sequence in καρδίᾳ. . .
στόματι, because he is now no longer dependent on ver. 8.
Ver. 11. Now, after that grand proposition : τέλος νόμου Χριστός k.7.A. (ver.
4), has been proved from Moses himself (vv. 5-8), and this proof has re-
ceived its confirmatory discussion (vv. 9, 10), Paul brings forward, as if for
the solemn sealing of all this, once more that weighty word of Scripture which
he has already adduced in ix. 33. But this scriptural saying (Isa. xxviii.
16) now receives, with the object of closely connecting with it what is fur-
ther to follow, the significant addition of the wniversal element πᾶς (perhaps
already with a regard to Joel iii. 5), which indeed is found neither in the
LXX. nor in the Hebrew ; but in the unlimited ὁ πιστεύων in Isaiah, ground
and justification for its appearance was found to the apostle’s mind, since
he had the sacred historical fulfilment of the prophecy before his eyes, and
therein its more particular definitive character.
Ver. 12. Elucidation of rac. — οὐ γάρ ἐστι διαστ. "Iovd. τε καὶ "EAA.| In te-
spect, namely, to the bestowal of blessing on the believing, ver. 11. Comp.
iii. 22. — For the Lord of allis one and the same. This κύριος is Christ [See Note
CXIL. p. 423.] (Origen, Chrysostom, Calovius, Wolf, Bengel, Béhme, Tholuck,
412 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Flatt, Riickert, de Wette, Fritzsche, Philippi, Hofmann, and several others),
the αὐτός of ver. 11, and the κύριος of ver. 18, who is necessarily identical
with this αὐτός. Were God intended (Theodoret, Theophylact, Grotius, and
many, including Ammon, Reiche, Kéllner, Ewald, Umbreit, van Hengel,
Krummacher), it would in fact be necessary first to suggest the Christian
character of the demonstration (as Olshausen : ‘‘God in Christ’’). — κύριος
πάντων] comp. Phil. ii. 11; Acts x. 86; Rom. xiv. 9. --- πλουτῶν] comp.
Eph. ii. 8: ‘‘Quem nulla quamvis magna credentium multitudo exhaurire
potest,” Bengel. Jn what He was rich, the Christian consciousness under-
stood of itself ; it is contained also in the previous καταισχυνθήσεται and in
the subsequent cwfjoerar,—namely, in grace and salvation. Comp. ν. 15, xi.
33, and on 2 Cor. xiii. 19. --- εἰς πάντας] for all, for the benefit of all. See
Bernhardy, p. 219 ; Maetzner, ad Lycurg. 85. — The calling upon Christ, who
nowhere in the N. T. appears as identical with the Jehovah of the O. T. (in
opposition to Philippi), is not the worshipping absolutely, as it takes place
only in respect of the Father, as the one absolute God ; but rather worship
according to that relativity in the consciousness of the worshipper, which is
conditioned by the relation of Christ to the Father (whose Son of like nature,
image, partner of the throne, mediator and advocate on behalf of men, etc.,
He is). This is not imported as an Origenistic gloss (Philippi), but is nec-
essarily founded on the dependence and subordination in which even the
glorified God-man Christ, in virtue of His munus regiwm, stands in relation
to the Father ; see on 1 Cor. iii. 23, xi. 3, xv. 28." He who calls upon
Christ is conscious that he does not call upon Him as the absolute God, but
as the divine-human Representative and Mediator of God exalted to the
divine glory, in whom God’s adequate revelation of salvation has been given.
To the mediatorial relation of Christ Hofmann also reverts. Comp. on Phil.
Tt O de: Cor. τ τις
Ver. 18. Ground assigned for εἰς πάντας τοὺς ἐπικαλ. αὐτόν, ver. 12, and
that with words of Scripture from Joel iii. 5. This passage (LXX. ii. 32,
closely following the LXX.) treats of the coming in of the Messianic era ;
hence Paul might refer κυρίου, which in the original points to God, justly
to Christ, who has appeared in the name of God, and continually rules as
His Representative and Revealer, and Mediator, whose name was now the
very specific object of the: Christian calling on the Lord. That Paul
writes not airot, but κυρίου, is from no particular motive (against Hofmann) ;
he simply reproduces the words of Scripture, which he presumes to be
well known and makes his own.
Vv. 14-21. [See Note CXIII. p. 423.] In order to realize this calling up-
on the Lord, proclaimers of the gospel had of necessity to be sent forth ;
nevertheless all did not obey the gospel ; in which case neither does this
excuse avail, that they had not heard the preaching (ver. 18) ; nor that,
that Israel did not recognize the universality of the preaching (ver. 19 ff.).
1 Comp. Lticke, de invocat. J. Chr., Gott. garded by the Apostle as valid in New
1843. Testament times, for those, and those only,
5 According to Hofmann, the promise who place their confidence of salvation on Jesus
attached to the calling on Jehovah isre- and thus call on Him.
CHAPS RA 14. 413
Thus, following up 1-13, there is still further set forth the people’s own guilt
in their exclusion.
Vv. 14, 15. Introduction : In order now that men should call on the name of
the Lord, it is necessary that they should have been believing, hearing, preaching,
and that the sending forth of preachers should have taken place, which send-
ing forth also the Scripture prophesies. The object of this introduction is
not already to cut off every way of escape from the Jews (Chrysostom,
Theodoret, and several others, including Kéllner), for this is spoken of for
the first time in ver. 18 ff. ; but the necessity of the evangelical ἀποστολή is
Jirst of all to be established generally, in order then to make the disobedience of
the Jews stand out with the force of contrast. Grotius and Michaelis see in
vv. 14, 15 a Jewish objection, which alleges that the gospel had not been
preached to all the Jews in the world, etc. ; Paul then answers in ver. 16 ff.
But how unsuitably he would have answered ἢ Must he not, before every-
thing else, make good—what he only brought in at ver. 18—that all Jews
had heard the announcement of the gospel? The objection here assumed is
made by Paul himself in ver. 18. — oiy|draws an inference from ver. 13 : How
shall they accordingly (in pursuance of the requirement of ἐπικαλεῖσθαι contained
in ver. 13) call on, etc. ? On the future of ethical possibility, see Winer, p. 262
[E. T. 279]. Important codd. and Lachm. have, instead of the futures, the
deliberative subjunctive aorists : How should they, etc.? The attestation in the
case of the different verbs of which Tisch. 8. likewise reads the subjunctive
forms, although he retains instead of ἀκούσωσιν the future form ἀκούσονται, is
so unequal, that we can come to no decision. Comp. generally Lobeck, ad
Phryn. p. 734 . The subject to ἐπικαλέσονται x.t.4. is those who, according
to the passage of Scripture in ver. 13, shall attain to salvation through
calling on the name of the Lord ; that to κηρύξουσιν and ἀποστάλ., the κηρύσ-
covrec. The impersonal rendering (Fritzsche, de Wette, Baumgarten-Cru-
sius, Philippi, van Hengel, and several others) has against it the fact that
κηρύξ. has not the same general subject as the foregoing verbs. —el¢ ὃν οὐκ
éxior.| Him, on whom they have not become believing ; see Buttmann, neut. Gr.
p- 92 [E. T. 105]. — πῶς δὲ πιστεύσουσιν κ.τ.}.} Rightly the Vulg. : ‘‘ Quomodo
credent δὲ, quem non audierunt.” οὗ is not an adverb of place (Hofmann) ;
for thus after εἰς ὅν the symmetry of the discourse would only be hetero-
geneously disturbed. Nor can it denote de guo (Luther, Castalio, and many,
including Philippi and van Hengel), since ἀκούειν τινός in the sense of ἀκ.
περί τινος, without a participle annexed, is entirely foreign both to the
N. T. and to Greek prose (Xen. Mem. 111. 5. 9 is a case of attracted gen-
itive) ; and in Homer only, Od. iv. 114, is the solitary instance of it found.!
Just as little is the object, i.e. the contents of the preaching heard, meant by
ov, Which would rather be expressed by ὃν (Eph. iv. 21) ; but rather the
speaking subject, who is listened to as he from whom the discourse proceeds
(Mark vi. 20, vii. 14 ; Luke ii. 46, e¢ al. ; Winer, p. 187[E.T. 199] ), Christ
being in this case conceived of as speaking through His preachers (see the
1See Kiihner, Il. 1, p. 309; Buttmann, and neut. Gr. Ὁ. 144 f. [E. T. 166]. Comp.
Progr. tib. ad. syntakt. Verbind. der Verba the Homeric πυνθάνεσθαί τινος, equivalent to
ἀκούειν and ἀκροᾶσθαι, Potsd. 1855, pp. 7,12, περί τινος (Nagelsbach, Jiias, p. 104, ed. 3).
414 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
following) ; comp. Eph. ii. 17. On the general thought, comp. Plat. Rep.
p. 827 Ο ; ἢ καὶ δύναισθ᾽ ἂν, ἢ δ᾽ ὃς, πεῖσαι μὴ ἀκούοντας; --- χωρὶς Knpioo. | with-
out their having a preacher, apart from a preacher. Comp. Tittmann,
Synon. p. 95 ; who, however, wrongly explains, οὐ πιστεύσαντες τῷ κηρύσσοντι.
- ἀποσταλῶσι)] Whence? διὰ ῥήματος Θεοῦ, ver. 17, informs us.—The form
of the argument is a sorites, and its conclusion : The appointment of evan-
gelical heralds is the first condition in order to bring about the calling upon
the Lord. This retrograde sorites thus leads us back to the source ; and of
the ἀποστολῇ thus suggesting itself as primarily necessary, the prophetic con-
Jirmation from Isa. 111. 7 (not closely after the LXX.) is then given. This
**dulcissimum dictum” (Melanchthon), because it speaks of the message of
blissful liberation from exile, therein possesses the Messianic character, as
concerning the restoration of the theocracy ; and therefore is legitimately’
understood by Paul—in connection with the Messianic idea and its historical
fulfilment—as a prophecy of the evangelical preachers. These preach sal-
vation (DI Dw, meaning in Isaiah also not merely peace, but the theocratic
saving deliverance), preach good (2.0) ; that is, still more generally, omne
quod felix faustumque est, which is to be received through Christ, the accom-
plisher of the divine dominion. That the Rabbins also understood the
passage in a Messianic sense, and in what way, see Wetstein.—The opposite
of the poetical : how pleasant are the feet (i.e. how welcome the arrival), etc.,
atu. 15; Actsv. 9; Neh. 1. 15.?
Ver. 16. ’AA2’] contrast to the prophetic saying of ver. 15 : But—notwith-
standing that accordingly the blessed sending forth of messengers of salva-
tion did not fail to take place—all did not obey the message of salvation, all did
not submit to the requirement (of faith), which the glad news concerning Mes-
siah and His kingdom placed before them ; comp. 1. 5, xvi. 26 ; 2 Thess. i. 8.
- With Theodore of Mopsuestia, who takes ἀλλ᾽ οὐ «.7.A. as a question (comp.
Theodoret), Reiche thinks that 447’... . evayy. is an opponent’s objection,
which Paul accordingly repels by the passage from Isaiah. Against this view
the presence of the following yap would not be decisive—it would rather be
quite in its proper place in the reply (Herm. ad Viger. p. 829 ; Hartung Par-
tikell. I. p. 473 £.)—but vv. 18 and 19 (comp. xi. 1, 11), to which Reiche ap-
peals, testify directly against it, because there λέγω is found. Fritzsche,
following Carpzov, refers οὐ πάντες to the Gentiles, of whom, however, al-
though van Hengel also understands them to be intended in vv. 14, 15,
nothing is said in the whole context ; hence it is not to be even taken quite
generally (Hofmann), but is to be referred textually to the Jews, of whom so
many, notwithstanding that the lovely feet of the messengers of salvation
came to tread amongst them, yielded no result. The negative expression
for this multitude is a /itotes, forbearing, but making it felt quite tragically
enough, that the opposite of οὐ πάντες should have been found. Comp. iii.
3: ἠπίστησάν τινες. --- γάρ] prophetic confirmation of the sad phenomenon (οὐ
πάντες k.T.A.), Which thus, as already predicted, enters into the connection of
1 Comp. Hengstenberg, Christol. IT. p. 292. Expl. Pind. p. 281; Wunder, ad Soph. EH.
2 See Schaefer, ad Hur. Or. 1217 ; Boeckh, 1357 f. p. 120.
GHAR x4 17, 415
divine destiny, and is not an accidental occurrence. This Hofmann misap-
prehends, extending the reference of the γάρ to the following ἄρα ἡ πίστις
k.T.4., Which is impossible on account of the dpa commencing a new sentence,
since Paul has not written εἰ γὰρ Ἡσαΐας λέγει κ.τ.. . . . ἄρα ἡ πίστις K.T.A.,
whereby to these latter words would fall the definition of the citation, as
Hofmann thinks. —In the lament of the author of Isa. liii. 1 (closely follow-
ing the LXX., even with the κύριε added by them) over the unbelief of his
time in the prophetic preaching (ἀκοή, see on Gal. 111. 2), Paul sees—and on
account of the Messianic character of the entire chapter justly—a prophecy
of the Jewish unbelief of Christian times in the Christian preaching. Comp.
John xii. 38. Following Syr., Calovius, and others, Umbreit and Heng-
stenberg, Christol. II. p. 307, take ἀκού as the thing heard, i.e. ‘‘that which
is announced to us through the word of God (by revelation).” But the very
following ἡ πίστις ἐξ ἀκοῆς Shows, that Paul did not wish to be understood
as meaning the divine communication which the preacher received, but
the preaching of that word heard by the listeners. The historic aorist cor-
responds closely to ὑπήκουσαν. We may add that Theophylact rightly re-
marks : τὸ τίς ἀντὶ τοῦ σπάνιοι κεῖται ἐνταῦθα" τουτέστιν ὀλίγοι ἐπίστευσαν.
Ver. 17. Inference from the prophetic passage, with the view of substan-
tially recapitulating what was said in ver. 14, and then pursuing the sub-
ject in ver. 18. — ἀκοῇ] the same as in ver. 16, the announcement, which is
heard ; comp. on John xii. 38. From this comes faith ; the heard preach-
ing of the gospel brings about in men’s minds faith on Christ ; but preaching
18 brought about by God’s behest (Luke iii. 2; Matt. iv. 4; Heb. xi. 3), set to
work by the fact that God commands preachers to their office. Rightly
have Beza, Piscator, Semler, Cramer, Fritzsche, Gléckler, Tholuck, Baum-
garten-Crusius so understood ῥῆμα Θεοῦ. For the ordinary interpretation
of it, also followed by Hofmann, as the preached word of God, is incorrect
for this reason, that according to it ῥῆμα Θεοῦ in point of fact would not be
different from ἀκού ; and this ῥῆμα Θεοῦ does not point back to ver. 8, but
to ἀποσταλῶσι in ver. 15, as the remaining contents of the verse show, so that
the signification saying obtains textually the more precise definition of its
sense as behest. But when dxo/#’ has been taken in two different senses in
ver. 16 and ver. 17, so that in ver. 16 it signifies the preaching, but in ver.
17 the hearing (Riickert, de Wette, Philippi, according to whom the preach-
ing is to be analyzed into its two elements, the hearing and the word of
God, comp. Tholuck) ; or when in διὰ ῥήματος Θεοῦ, instead of ““ God’s
word,” divine revelation has been substituted (Reiche, van Hengel, comp.
Olshausen, who explains it as equivalent to διὰ πνεύματος Θεοῦ) : these are
just makeshifts in order to separate the incorrectly assumed notion of ῥῆμα
Θεοῦ from that of axo7.°—How could Paul infer also ἡ δὲ ἀκοὴ διὰ ῥήματος Θεοῦ
1 That ἀκοή may denote hearkening, listen-
ing to, is undoubted. See Plato, Theaet. p.
142 Ὁ ; Diod. xix. 41. But more usually it
denotes, even in the classics, either the
Jaculty of hearing, or, as here, the thing
heard, Comp. on Gal. iii. 2.
2 In which they cannot succeed, however,
for ἐξ ἀκοῆς in fact could not be a hearken-
ing in the abstract, but only the hearkening
to the word of God (the gospel). Soalso, the
thing heard would be even in itself the word
of God ; therefore we are not to explain,
with van Hengel: ‘tid vero, quod auditum
est, debetur patefactiont divinae.”
410 ‘ THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
|
Jrom Isaiah? Certainly not from the mere address κύριε, but rather from
the whole attitude of the prophet towards God, as it is expressed in κύριε
. .,. jov,—an attitude in which the prophet stands as the servant and am-
bassador of God, so that God thus appears as He on whose saying, 7.e. on
whose command, the ἀκοή is preached.
Ver. 18. A perhaps possible exculpation for the Jews is suggested by Paul
as a spontaneous objection, and that in the form of a question to be negatived,
and is then repelled with words from Scripture. ‘‘ But I ask : Was it then
in any way not possible for them to come to faith ἐξ ἀκοῆς ? The preaching
surely did not remain unheard by them, surely did not fail to come at all to
their ears Ὁ) The correct view is simply and clearly given by Chrysostom.
Incorrectly Hofmann : After Paul has introduced the prophet as speaking,
he leaps over to the saying something himself, which that prophetic saying
suggests to him. Against this may be urged, (1) that not here for the first
time, but already in ver. 17, it is Paul who speaks ; (2) that he, in placing
himself in contradistinction to the prophet, must have written not merely
ἀλλὰ λέγω, but ἀλλ᾽ ἐγὼ λέγω 3 (8) that ἀλλὰ A. is not to be taken, with Hof-
mann, ‘‘ Well! then I say,” since in that case ἀλλά would have the sense of
agreement or concession (see Baeumlein, Partik. Ὁ. 16), which is suitable
neither here nor in ver. 19.} The ἀλλά isthe quite customary ἀλλά of objection,
which is made by oneself or in the name of the opponent ; Baeumlein, p. 13.
— On the following question : Surely it cannot be that they have not heard?
observe that οὐκ is closely joined to ἤκουσαν, expressing the opposite of
ἤκουσαν (Baeumlein, Ὁ. 277 f. ; Winer, p. 476 [E. T. 511] ; comp. 1 Cor. ix.
4, xi. 22), and that the interrogative μή supposes the negative answer : by no
means has it remained unheard by them, which negation of the οὐκ ἤκουσαν im-
plies the assertion of the ἤκουσαν. --- ἤκουσαν] se. τὴν ἀκοήν. The subject is
those who remained unbelieving (οὐ πάντες ὑπήκ., ver. 16), by whom Paul
certainly means the Jews, although without expressing it directly and exclu-
sively. The reference to the Gentiles (Origen, Calvin, Fritzsche, and others,
including van Hengel and Krummacher) is quite foreign to the connection ;
comp. on ver. 15. —pevovvye| imo vero.” See on ix. 90. --- αὀἰς πᾶσαν k.7.A.]
from Ps. xix. 5 (close after the LXX.), where the subject spoken of is the
universally diffused natural revelation of God ; Paul clothes in these
sacred words the expression of the going forth (ἐξῆλθεν, aor.) everywhere of
the preaching of the gospel. Comp. Justin, 6. Tryph. 42, Apol. i. 40.—6
φθόγγος αὐτῶν] their sound, the sound which the preachers (to these, accord-
ing to the connection, αὐτῶν refers, which in the psalm refers to heaven, the
handiworks of God, day and night) send forth while they preach. In the
LXX. it is a translation of D3), which some have understood, with Luther,
as their measuring line (comp. Hupfeld), some, and rightly so, according
to the parallelism, with the LXX., Symm., Syr., Vulg., and most exposi-
1 Hofmann appeals without pertinence to μενοῦνγε ἐπὶ λύσει κέχρηται,. .. λύων Td
Hartung, II. p. 35. Forthe proinde in chal- ζητούμενον. Comp. on the μὲν οὖν intro-
lenges or exclamations is here entirely ducing a correcting answer, Hermann, ad
heterogeneous. Viger. p. 845; Pflugk, ad Hur. Hec. 1261;
2 Theodore of Mopsuestia aptly says: τὸ Kiihner, IT. 2, Ὁ. 711.
OWA PH Χο 193 417
tors, as their sound. — The answer μενοῦνγε k.t.A. (in which, moreover, Paul
does not adduce the passage from the Psalms as a quotation) confutes the οὐκ
ἤκουσαν very forcibly, because it argues ὦ majori, and even applies to all the
Jews of the dispersion. But the conclusion that, according to our present
passage, the gospel had at that time actwally penetrated everywhere (even
to China, America, etc.), is simply anarrant mistake, contrary to the nature
of the popularly poetical expression, although, in imitation of the older
commentators, renewed by Léhe (υ. d. Kirche, p. 34 ff.), and Pistorius in
the Luther. Zeitschr. 1846, 11. p. 40. The universal extension of the gospel
(comp. Col. i. 6, 23; Clem. Cor. i. 5) set on foot by the apostles on a suffi-
ciently large scale, is continually in course of development. Comp. xi. 25, 26.
Ver. 19. A further possible exculpation,’ introduced in emphatic con-
formity with the preceding, and the repelling of it by means of scriptural
declarations down to ver. 91. On ἀλλά Theodore of Mopsuestia rightly ob-
serves : πάλιν ἑτέραν ἀντίθεσιν ἐπάγει. --- μὴ ᾿Ισραὴλ, οὐκ ἔγνω :] surely it did
not remain unknown to the Israelites 5 The ‘‘it” to be supplied with ἔγνω
(see Niigelsbach, 2. Ilias, p. 120, ed. 3) is: ὅτι εἰς πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν ἐξελεύσεται ὁ
φθόγγος αὐτῶν κιτ.Δ. This universal destination of the preaching of Christ
expressed in ver. 18 must have been known by the Jews, for long ago Moses
and also Isaiah had prophesied the conversion of the Gentiles — Isaiah
likewise, the refractory spirit of opposition thereto of the Jews (vv. 20, 21).
This reference of οὐκ ἔγνω alone (followed also by de Wette, Fritzsche, and
Tholuck) flows purely in accordance with the text from what immediately
precedes, and is at the same time naturally in keeping with the contents of
the corresponding biblical passages ; for the conversion of the Gentiles and
the universality of Christianity are one ; since the former was prophesied to
the Jews, the latter could not be unknown to them ; and they could not
therefore allege as the excuse for their unbelief : We did not know that
Christianity is destined for the whole of humanity—the less could they do
so, since Isaiah places before them the true source of their unbelief in their
own spirit of resistance. The view of the passage which comes substantially
nearest to ours, is that of Thomas Aquinas, Cornelius ἃ Lapide, Piscator,
Pareus, Toletus, Calovius, Turretine, Morus, Rosenmiiller, Koppe, Benecke,
Kollner, Ewald (comp. Tholuck), who supply with οὐκ ἔγνω : that the Gospel
would pass over from the Jews to the Gentiles. So Pelagius and Theodore of
Mopsuestia: τὸ τοὺς ἐξ ἐθνῶν προσειλῆφθαι εἰς τὴν εὐσέβειαν. But this is wrong,
in so far as the object to be supplied is not purely borrowed from the preced-
ing, but is already in part anticipated from what follows. Beza has vaguely
and erroneously supplied Dewm with ἔγνω ; Reithmayr, on the other hand,
thinks no object is to be supplied ; while others imagine the gospel to be the
object (‘‘ Have they not learnt to know the gospel, in order to be able to
believe in it 2). So Chrysostom, Vatablus, Gomarus, Hammond, Estius,
1 The correctness of which would in turn indicates a climax of the increasing urgency
weaken the blamableness pointed out in οἵ the question, and which is the more natu-
ver. 18. Comp. Chrys. rally suggested to Paul,since he has already
3 Those previously meant (in opposition to in view a prophecy directed to the people:
Hofmann) are here expressly named—which ἰη contrast to the Gentiles (ver. 21).
418 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
and several others, including Riickert, Olshausen, van Hengel, Beyschlag,
Mangold, and, with a peculiar turn, Philippialso ; similarly Hofmann and
others, taking up the following πρῶτος (see below). In that case—against
which there is no objection in itself —yy "IppajA οὐκ ἔγνω would be so com-
plete a parallel to μὴ οὐκ ἤκουσαν in ver. 18, that here, as there, the gospel
would have to be supplied. But as this is by no means necessary (in oppo-
sition to Hofmann)—since it fully satisfies the symmetry of the discourse, if
in both instances ἀλλὰ λέγω has its reference to what immediately precedes—
so it is directly opposed by the fact, that the following reply beginning with
πρῶτος would not be suitable. For if we were to assume that Paul has
given an indirect answer (‘‘ when he shows that the Gentiles believe, he says :
How should not, could not /srael have believed, if it had willed ?” Olsh.),
this would only be a makeshift, in which the answer would appear the more
unsuitable in proportion to its indirectness, and still leave open the possi-
bility of the οὐκ ἔγνω. Or if we were to suppose with Riickert, that the
thought is : ‘‘ Want of knowledge is not the cause, but God is now putting
into penal execution what He has threatened, and is allowing salvation to
pass over to the Gentiles, in order thereby to convert the Jews to a better
disposition,” the point of the ἔγνω would not be entered into at all, and
moreover, the essential part of the interpretation would simply be supplied
by the reader. This objection is at the same time valid against van Hengel,
according to whom it is to be made to appear from the following prophetic
quotations that Israel had indeed known, but had shamefully despised, the
gospel. Orif, finally, with Philippi, we are to say that the passages from
the prophets contained not a refutation, but a substantiation, of the fact that
verily Israel’ had rejected the gospel (which rejection lies in οὐκ ἔγνω), this
would be inconsistent with the interrogative form with μή (comp. on iil. 5),
which necessarily presupposes the denial? of the οὐκ ἔγνω (consequently the
‘affirmative : ἔγνω). In entire deviation from the views just given, Reiche
thinks that ᾿Ισραήλ is accusative, and Θεός to be supplied as subject. ‘‘ Did
not God recognize Israel for His people? How could He permit it to be so
blinded and hardened ?” Itis decisive against this view, that to supply
“Θεός as subject, especially after ver. 18, is highly arbitrary, and that the
following passages of Scripture would be quite inappropriate. — πρῶτος] not
in the sense of πρότερος (which, regarded by itself, might indeed be the case
according to the context ; see on Johni. 15); but, since Moses is quoted,
1 Philippi paraphrases: “15. it conceiv-
.able that Israel precisely, the chosen people
of God, did not recognize the Messianic
σωτηρία destined in an especial manner
for it, or the preaching thereof, while yet
‘the Gentiles attained to this knowledge?’
“The adduced passages from the prophets
show now that there was by no means any
cause of wonder over this fact, for thus exact-
Ty it had been predicted in the divine word,
—namely, that the Gentiles would accept,
“put Israel would reject, the salvation.”
2 Philippi, indeed, in eds. 2 and 3, pro-
poses, in the event of the denial of the ques-
tion being retained,— which, however, he
does not concede,—the expedient, that then
the prophetic passages might serve to prove
that the fact of the prophecy, which ap-
peared in itself incredible, had nevertheless
occurred in correspondence therewith.
But the contents of this thought would be
invented, not gathered from the language ;
and self-contradictory besides, for the no
would be involved in the question, and in
πρῶτος «.7.A. the yes, which had yet oc-
curred in accordance with prophecy.
CHAPARS, ΡΟ 91. 419
with whom the testimony of God in the O. T. begins : at the first (who in
Scripture comes forward in opposition to this) speaks Moses. Of the later
testimonies of Scripture, Paul then contents himself with adducing only the
bold divine utterances of Isaiah. Theodore of Mopsuestia well gives it :
εὐθὺς Moivofce. Wetstein, Michaelis, Storr, Flatt, Hofmann, connect πρῶτος
with οὐκ ἔγνω. But the supposed sense : ‘‘ Did not Israel first learn to know
it (the gospel)?” or, as Hofmann expresses it : ‘‘ Was it possibly to stand in
such a position, that Israel did not obtain the jirst experience of it ?” must have
been expressed without μή." --- ἐγὼ παραζ. «.t.A.] Deut. xxxii. 21, almost
exactly after the LXX. God there, in the song of Moses, threatens the
idolatrous Israelites, that He on His part (ἐγώ) will bless a Gentile people, and
thereby incite the former to jealousy and to wrath, as they had incited Him
by their worship of idols. Paul recognizes in this—according to the rule of
the constancy of the divine ways in the history of the development of the
theocracy—a type of the attaining of the Gentiles to participation in the
communion of God’s people, whereby the jealousy and wrath of the Jews
will be excited. —é7w’ οὐκ ἔθνει] DY ΣΕ in respect to a not-people ; for only
the people of God was the real one, the people corresponding to the divine
idea of a people ; every other is the negation of this idea. Comp. ix. 25 ;
1 Pet. ii. 10. On the connection of οὐ with nouns, cancelling the notion
objectively, see Hartung, Partikell. Il. p. 129; Grimm on 2 Mace. iv. 18.
Often found in Thucydides (Kriiger on i. 197. 4). On ἐπί, over, on the
ground, that is, on account of, comp. Demosthenes, 1448. 4: παροξυνθέντων ἐπὶ
τῷ γεγενημένῳ, Polyb. iv. 7, ὅ. ---- ἀσυνέτῳ] τί γὰρ “Ελλήνων ἀσυνετώτερον ξύλοις
καὶ λίθοις προσκεχηνότων ; Theophylact. Comp. i. 21.
Vv. 20, 21. Aé] marking the transition to another prophet, as at ix. 27.
-- ἀποτολμᾷ κ. λέγει] is emboldened and says. The latter is the immediate
consequence of the former ; hence here not a Hebraizing mode of expression
for the adverbial notion (he freely speaks out), but ἀποτολμ. is absolute (Hom.
Il. x. 232, xii. 51, et al.).* —aroroAua]| ἐβιάσατο γυμνὴν εἰπεῖν τὴν ἀλήθειαν καὶ
Yet the prophet of bold speech is
represented as present, as previously Moses in λέγει. The citation is Isa, xv.
1, freely from the LXX., and with undesigned transposition of the two
parallel clauses. According to its historical sense, the passage refers to the
Jews* who had become apostate from God through immorality and idolatry,
on whose behalf the prophet has just begged for grace, to which entreaty
κινδυνεῦσαι ἢ ἀποσιωπῆσαι, Theophylact.
1 By taking πρῶτος with ἔγνω, there would
result the quite preposterous sense of the
question: Surely it is not possibly the case
that Israel first remained unacquainted
with it? i.e. that the Israelites were the
first to whose knowledge the gospel had
not come? Hofmann groundlessly refers
to Buttmann, neut. Gr. Ὁ. 214 [E. T. 248],
and explains as though ov« did not qualify
ἔγνω, but πρῶτος, as though consequently
Paul had said: μὴ Ἰσραὴλ οὐ πρῶτος ἔγνω;
This would be: Surely Israel has not expe-
rienced it only in the second place (the Gen-
tile world in the first)? With strange incor-
rectness, Hofmann says that, according to
our way of taking πρῶτος, εἶπεν should stand
instead of λέγει. Moses speaks and writes
(ver. 5) stidd at this day as πρῶτος in the Ο. T.
2 Comp. Winer, p. 437 f. [E. T. 468 (1.
Buttmann, Ὁ. 249 [E. T. 290]; and see
Maetzner, ad Antiph. Ὁ. 173; Hom. 72. i. 92:
θάρσησε καὶ nida μάντις.
3 Not to the Gentiles (Calvin, Vitringa,
Philippi). See, on the other hand, Delitzsch
on Isa,
420 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Jehovah begins His answer by reminding them how He had given Himself
to be found, and revesled Himself with prevenient undeserved kindness to
the faithless people. But in the apostate Israel, which was in fact sunk
into an idolatrous condition (see esp. Isa. xiv. 6, xv. 3 ff.), and in the re-
lation to it which Jehovah here affirms of Himself, Paul sees a typical repre-
sentation of the Gentile world, which (as ἄθεοι ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ, Eph. ii. 12) did
not concern itself about God, but to which God has given Himself to be
found, and (epexegetic parallel) to be recognized in His self-revelation
(through the gospel). The Gentiles have accepted this prevenient divine
compassion, but Israel in its obstinate apostasy has resisted it ; hence Paul
continues in ver. 21 with πρὸς δὲ τὸν ᾿Ισραὴλ λέγει. The latter clearly indi-
cates that Paul really found in ver. 20 the prophetic reference to the Gen-
tile world (of which Israel is the opposite) ; and not, as Hofmann with strict
adherence to the historical sense of the original supposes, the frwitlessness
of the divine long-suffering towards Israel, which justifies God’s dealing if He
now rests not until He has requited its disobedience. According to this inter-
pretation, πρὸς τὸν Ἰσραήλ would have been already said in ver. 20, against
which view ver. 21 testifies. — εὑρέθην] not : “1 have allowed myself to be
found” (Reiche and others), but : 7 have been found. On the sense, comp.
Acts xvii. 27; and on the connection of etp. and ἐμφ. éyev., Wisd. i. 1 f.
The aorists are, in the sense of the apostle, to be understood of that which
has taken place in the Christian present. — τοῖς ἐμὲ μὴ éxepwor.| who inquired
not of me, namely, respecting revelation ; comp. Ezek. xx. 1 ; Dem. 1072.
12. — Ver. 21. πρός] not adversus (Erasmus, Beza, Calvin, Piscator, Toletus,
Grotius, Cramer, Koppe), since in itself—without a more special indication
of the text which would yield the hostile sense—it denotes only the simple
placing in contrast. Hence, either : in reference to Israel (Estius, Wolf, Ch.
Schmidt, and others, including Tholuck, de Wette, Fritzsche, Philippi),
like Heb. i. 7, 8, Luke xii. 41, xx. 19 ; or, ‘‘ in the case of Israel He declares”
(K6lner, Riickert, Ewald, and others, following Luther and Vulg.). The
former view, which is adopted also by van Hengel, is to be preferred jor this
reason, that dé introduces a contrast, not with those to whom the previous
passage was directed, but with those to whom it refers in respect of its fig-
urative application. — λέγει] Isaiah, namely. That he speaks in the name
of God, is understood of itself. — ὅλην τὴν ἡμέρ.} the whole day, like viii. 36.
Expresses the wnremitting nature of the love. — dre. κ. ἀντιλέγοντα] present
participle, denoting the continuance of the conduct. ἀντιλέγ. is not to be
explained, with Grotius, Reiche, Fritzsche, van Hengel, and most, as to be
refractory, which it does not mean, but to contradict. The Jews—although
God stretched out His saving hands towards them from early morning till
evening (comp. Prov. i. 24)—are disobedient, and say : We will not ! Comp.
Matt. xxiii. 37 ; Tit. ii. 9 ; 3 Macc. ii. 28; Lucian. D. M. xxx. 3; and see
on John xix. 12. Also in Achilles Tatius, v. 27 (in opposition to Kypke and
Fritzsche), ἀντιλέγειν is conceived as contradiction ; as also ἀντιλογία, Heb,
xii. 3. Note how opposed the passage is to absolute predestination, and
particularly to the Calvinistic ‘‘ voluntas beneplaciti et signi.”
NOTES. 421
Norrs py American Eprror.
CX. Ver. 4. τέλος γὰρ νόμου Χριστός.
That Meyer’s view of τέλος is correct is shown both by the preceding and
by the following context. The idea of the Apostle in ix. 30-32, and in the
third verse of this chapter, is that of two opposite and mutually exclusive
systems. The same is true of vv. 5 ff. In these verses he is not discussing
the matter which is under consideration in Gal. iii. 23 ff., but that which
is noticed in Gal. iii. 11, 12. According to the plan adopted, indeed, and
the line of argument pursued, he introduces the point ina different place
and connection in the two Epistles. But the point itself is the same. The
law-system and the faith-system are, in their very nature, contrary to each
other. That which lies at the foundation in the one case is doing: in the
other, it is believing. It will be observed, also, that the same passage from the
O. T. (Levit. xviii. 5)is cited here which appears in Gal. iii. 12. The thought
connected with τέλος must, accordingly, be this: When Christ, who brings in
the completeness of the faith-system, enters upon His work, the law-system is
ended and excluded. Hence, also, it follows that the Jews, in holding to the
law-system, fail of righteousness, which comes only by faith.
The connection, in this underlying idea, between the present passage and
Gal. iii. 11 ἔς, has also an important bearing on the meaning of νόμου in this
verse. In Gal. iii. the fact that ὁ νόμος, which must mean the Mosaic law, occurs
both in ver. 10 and ver. 12, together with the fact that the proof given of the
subjection of those who are ἐξ ἔργων νόμου to a curse is the declaration of the
O. T., that every man who does not continue in all the things which are written
in the book of the law (τοῦ νόμου) is‘accursed, makes it manifest that νόμου and
τοῦ νόμου are intended by the writer to refer to the same thing. If, however,
this is true in the corresponding verses in the letter to the Galatians, it must
be admitted to be true also in the verses now before us, for we find here the
same principal thought confirmed by the same O. T. passage, and not only so,
but we find the cited words, which in the original refer to the Mosaic law (i.e.
6 νόμος), used as giving Moses’ description of the δικαιοσύνη νόμου.
That παντί in this verse has the same sense with that mentioned in Note
VIII., p. 76, is evident from the words ᾿Ιουδαίου τε καὶ “EAAnvoc of ver 12 (comp.
πάντας, ver, 12, πᾶς, vv. 11, 13), and also from yy, 18-21.
Ox Vive 090:
The citation here is from Deut. xxx. 11-14. There can be no doubt that this
passage, as if occurs in the O. T., refers to the law of Moses, and declares to
the people that, inasmuch as that law had been clearly set before their minds,
the fulfilment of its duties was a thing close at hand for them in their daily
living. It is applied, however, by Paul to the faith-system, as descriptive of
its distinguishing peculiarity in contrast with the law-system. In connection
with this fact the following points may be noticed. (a) The writer allows him-
self to use an O. T. citation in a sense different from the primary sense of the
original. That there was a secondary meaning in the passage quoted, which
answers to the one brought out by the Apostle, is indicated only by the fact
that he employs the words as he does, (Ὁ) In his peculiar use and application
422 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
of the words, the Apostle changes the original expressions so far as to adapt
them more fully to his purpose: e.g. ‘‘who shall descend into the abyss,’’
instead of ‘‘ who shall go over the sea for us.’’ (0) He also adds explanatory
words which are connected with his application of the passage, and, in the in-
stance just mentioned, such explanatory words as seem to indicate plainly his
object in altering the original. (d) He does not, however, formally declare that
Moses describes the righteousness of faith in this language, but simply appro-
priates the words of Moses for the purpose of setting forth the description of it.
The passage serves, thus, to show the freedom which the writer exercises in
the matter of quotation, and its phenomena, with those which kindred passages
present, must be fairly considered in any examination or discussion of the
question as to the use made by N. T. writers of words from the ΘΟ. T.
In the attempt to determine the precise thought which the Apostle intends to
express by τίς ἀναβήσεται K.T.A., aS he makes the words descriptive of faith, we
must observe: (1) That the main design of the introduction of the passage is
to set forth the contrast with the law-system. The central idea, thus, is be-
lieving as opposed to doing. (2) That the questions τίς κ.τ.λ. in the O. T. verses
refer to the difficulty and remoteness of the thing in question, as if it must be
brought to us from heaven, or from beyond the sea, in order to our hearing or
doing it. (3) That, in the use of the citation by Paul, we must look for the
second idea (2) as well as the first (1), if we would reach the full significance
of it to his mind. He denies, in the earlier and negative part, that the faith-
system involves the necessity of any great or impossible work, and affirms, in
the positive part, the simple demand for believing. (4) The explanation of the
added words, to bring Christ down from heaven, or up from the dead, is most readi-
ly suggested by the fact that, as connected with the system of faith, His de-
scent to this world and resurrection from the dead accomplished the two great
things which were essential to be done. These two things have been already
accomplished, and the Christian has only to accept them by faith. The un-
derstanding of these questions, therefore, as questions of unbelief, as Meyer
and some others explain them, is unnecessary, and also contrary to the
indications of the passage. Meyer urges that vv. 9 ff. suggest nothing of diffi-~
eulty and facility. This suggestion is made, however, by the ἐγγὺς k.7.4. of ver.
8 in contrast with μὴ εἴπῃς . . . τίς κιτ.}.. of ver. 6 (comp. the verses in Deut.), and
is carried over, without further repetition of it, into vv. 9 ff. He also presses,
as if decisive, the fact that vv. 5-8 are designed to be ‘‘a proof, founded on
Moses, of the statement τέλος νόμου Χριστός, and that the force of the proof
depends on the essential difference between the faith δικαιοσόνη and that of the
law, and not on the facility of the former. No doubt it does thus depend on
the difference. But in the investigation of the τίς questions we are consider-
ing not the central idea of the passage alone, but the cause for introducing certain
words. These words, which are in the negative part of what is said, contain
something more than the mere foundation thought of that part, i.e. not doing.
They refer to the not doing a particular thing, and the point to be determined
is why this particular thing is mentioned. Meyer himself is compelled to
give an answer to this inquiry, and to say that the words imply a denial that
Christ has come in the flesh. There is no hint of such a denial, however, in
any simple application of the O. T. verses, and no necessary suggestion of it
in anything which the Apostle says.
NOTES. 423
CXII. Ver. 12. ὁ γὰρ αὐτὸς κύριος πάντων.
That κύριος here refers to Christ cannot be considered certain. That this
reference is probable, however, must be admitted, because we find the same
word in ver. 9 as the predicate in the confession Jesus is Lord ; because it
occurs here in a sentence introduced for the purpose of proving that every one,
whether Jew or Gentile, who believes on Him, will not be ashamed ; because
with the idea of calling upon this κύριος, which is presented in the last clause
of the verse, is connected the idea of believing, ver. 14 ; and because the hear-
ing, which is intimated to be the necessary antecedent condition to believing,
is said in ver. 17 to come through the word of Christ [Χριστοῦ is the true
reading in that verse].
The remark of Meyer (who accepts the reference of κύριος to Christ), that
*«the calling upon Christ —who nowhere in the N. T. appears as identical with
the Jehovah of the O. T.—is not the worshipping absolutely, as it takes place
only in respect of the Father, as the one absolute God ; but rather worship ac-
cording to that relativity in the consciousness of the worshipper, which is con-
ditioned by the relation [i.e. of ‘dependence and subordination’ of Christ
to the Father,” is not suggested by anything in this chapter or verse. What-
ever foundation may be claimed for it must be discovered elsewhere. Alford,
on the other hand, affirms that ‘‘there is hardly a stronger proof, or one more
irrefragable by those who deny the Godhead of our Blessed Lord, than the
unhesitating application to Him of the name and attributes of Jehovah,’’
CXIII. Ver. 14-21.
The verses from ix. 30 to x. 13 set forth directly the cause of the failure of the
Jews. Vy. 14-21 show that, as related to this cause, they were without excuse.
The cause is their failure to accept and adopt the way of righteousness which
God has provided—righteousness by faith. The only two excuses for this fail-
ure, which they could present, were, fist, that they had not heard of the faith
system, and secondly, that, having heard it, they bad found it to be a system so
inconsistent, in respect to its universality, with the teachings of the O. T.
Scriptures as to render it natural for them to reject it. Both of these points
are considered, and the Apostle gives, in citations from the O. T., a denial of
each of them. The Jews had heard, since the messengers had gone forth far
and wide. The prophets, and even Moses, had pointed to the ingathering of
the Gentile nations, and also to the disobedience and gainsaying of the Jews.
But, after they had heard, they had not yielded to God’s method, vv. 16-18;
and, notwithstanding they had known, they would not accept and believe, vv.
19-21. To these verses, as Meyer also says, a prefatory passage, vv. 14, 15, is
prefixed, which allows that there would be an excuse were there no preachers
sent forth by the Lord to proclaim tie truth. The form and phraseology of
vv. 14, 15 are determined by the preceding verses, out of which they naturally
spring in the progress of the sentences. But in relation to the main line of
the thought, they open a new paragraph.
424. THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
CHAPTER XI.
Ver. 1. After τ. λαὸν αὐτοῦ, A D* 8** and some Fathers have ὃν προέγνω.
So Lachm. in brackets. An addition from ver. 2. — Ver. 2. After ᾿Ισραήλ Elz.
has λέγων, against decisive evidence. — Ver. 3. τὰ θυσιαστ.} Elz.: καὶ τὰ θυσ.,
against so important witnesses, that «ai would appear a connective addition.
Comp. the LXX. — Ver. 6. The addition in Elz., εἰ δὲ ἐξ ἔργων, οὐκέτι ἐστὶ χάρις"
ἐπεὶ τὸ ἔργον οὐκέτι ἐστὶν ἔργον, is wanting in AC DEF GP 8%, 47, Copt. Sah.
Arm. Vulg. It. Dam. Rufin., and all the Latin Fathers. An old interpolation
(found already in B L &**, Syr. Arr. Chrys.), with a view to the completion of
the proof ; rejected by Erasmus, Grotius, Wetstein, Griesbach, Scholz, Lachm. ;
adopted, indeed, by Tisch. 7, but again omitted in ed. 8; after Beza, Bengel,
Matthiae, Rinck, defended most thoroughly by Fritzsche and Reiche (in opp.
to his Commentary) in the Comment. Crit. I. p. 68 ff. But considering the pre-
ponderance of the opposing testimony, the completely superfluous character of
the proposition in the argument, and the anomalous form in which the words
appear in the principal Codex which contains them (B: εἰ δὲ ἐξ ἔργων, οὐκέτι
χάρις" ἐπεὶ τὸ ἔργον οὐκέτι ἐστι» χάρις), and also the other variations in detail
(see Tisch. 8), the defences of them are not convincing. See also van Hengel.
The argument for retaining them, on the ground that an interpolator would
have framed them more closely in conformity with the first half of the verse,
is weakened by the fact that very ancient authorities have éoriv instead of yive-
ται also in the first half of the verse. — Ver, 7. τοῦτο] Elz.: τούτου, against de-
cisive evidence. An emendation in accordance with the usual construction. —
Ver. 13. γάρ] Lachm., Tisch. 8: δέ, according to A B P δὲ, min. Syr. Copt.
Damase. Theodoret. ms. ; C has οὖν ; Aeth. utr. no particle. With such divided
testimony, δέ is the best supported, and to be preferred ; it came to be glossed by
more definite particles. — μέν] is wantingin D E F G, min., which was occasioned
by the apparent absence of reference for the μέν. Lachm., Tisch. 8: μὲν οὖν,
according to A B C P &, Copt., which has therefore the external attestation de-
cidedly in its favour, but is to be explained from the fact that the unrelated
μέν was glossed by οὖν (a new sentence was commenced with ἐφ᾽ ὅσον) ; therefore
these authorities indirectly pass over to the side of the otherwise weakly ac-
credited Recepta. — Ver. 17. τῆς ῥίζης καί] This καί is wanting in Β Ο δὲ», Copt.
Omitted by Tisch. 8 ; but how easily it might be suppressed, owing to the ho-
moeoteleuta ! In D* F G, codd. It. ν΄, τῆς ῥίζης is also wanting from the like
cause. — Ver. 19. κλάδοι] So Rinck, Scholz, Lachm., Tisch. 8, according to de-
cisive testimony. But Elz. and Tisch. 7 have οἱ κλάδοι, the article being me-
chanically introduced in imitation of τῶν κλάδων, vv. 17, 18. Were oi original,
and had it been desired through its omission to designate the τινὲς τῶν κλάδων
in ver. 17 (Matth., Fritzsche), it would have more readily occurred to the me-
chanical tendency of copyists to insert τινές instead of of. — Ver. 20. ὑψηλοφρόνει)
Lachm. and Tisch. 8: ὑψηλὰ φρόνει, according to AB δ. Resolution of the
word—which is only found besides in 1 Tim. vi. 17—into its elements in con-
CHAP ἘΠῚ 425
formity with xii. 16. — Ver. 21. μήπως] is wanting in A BCP δ, min., Copt.
Damase. Ruf. Aug. Omitted by Lachm. and Tisch, 8. But the offence which
was taken partly at the apparent unrelatedness of μήπως (which is therefore
exchanged in Or. for πόσῳ μᾶλλον and πόσῳ πλέον), partly at the following
future, readily induced the omission. For φείσηται, which Elz. has instead of
φείσεται, is very feebly supported by evidence, and has manifestly come in in
accordance with the original μήπως ; wrongly defended anew by Rinck. See
| the exegetical notes ; comp. also Beng. Apparat. Crit. — Ver. 22. In the second
clause Lachm, and Tisch. have, instead of ἀποτομίαν, ἀποτομία, and instead of
χρηστότητα, χρηστότης Θεοῦ ; the former according to A BC δὲ, 67**, Or. Da-
mase. ; the latter according to A B C D* (8 has χρηστότητος Θεοῦ), 67**, Arm.
Or. Eus. Damasce. Rightly; the common reading is a hasty grammatical
emendation. Θεοῦ, too, bears, in its belonging to the reading ypyordr7c, the
stamp of genuineness. — Ver. 25. παρ᾽ éavt.] Lachm. and Tisch. 7: ἐν éuvr.,
according to A B, Damasc. The latter is to be preferred (παρ᾽ éavr. was intro-
duced through a comparison of xii. 16), and it explains, too, the origin of the
bare ἑαυτοῖς in F G; for by the omission of the N the preposition would easily
come to be dropped. — Ver. 30. ὑμεῖς] Elz., Scholz: καὶ ὑμεῖς, against decisive
evidence. — Ver. 31. Before ἐλεηθ. B D* 8, Copt. Dam. have viv ; so Lachm.
in brackets, and Tisch, 8. Inappropriate addition, arising from misconception,
instead of which some min. have ὕστερον. --- Ver. 32. τοὺς πάντας. Instead of
the first τ. 7., D. Ir. et al. have τὰ πάντα, and FG πάντα. Also. Vulg. It. ex-
press the neuter, which, however, is taken from Gal. iii. 22.
Contents :—After the humiliation hitherto expressed, there now fol-
lows the consolation in respect to the exclusion of a large part of Israel. (1)
God has not cast off His people, but has allowed a part of them, according
to a gracious election, to attain to salvation, and has hardened the remain-
der, vv. 1-10. (2) Yet God wills not their final destruction ; nay, their un-
belief subserves the salvation of the Gentiles, and their conversion will have
yet more happy consequences. This is matter for hope, and the Gentile
Christians may not therefore give way to self-exaltation, vv. 11-24. (9)
For the hardening of a portion of the people will last no longer than until
the whole of the Gentiles have become Christians ; and then Israel will ob-
tain salvation, vv. 25-32. How unfathomable are the riches, wisdom, and
knowledge of God! To Him be glory ! vv. 33-36.
Ver. 1. Λέγω οὖν] [See Note CXTYV. p. 458] corresponds to the twofold ἀλλὰ
λέγω, X. 18, 19, but so, that now this third interrogative λέγω is introduced
in an inferential form. In consequence, namely, of what had just been clear-
ly laid down in x. 18 ff., as to the guilt of resistant Israel in its exclusion
from salvation in Christ—over-against the Gentiles’ acceptance of it—the
difficult question might arise : Surely God has not cast off His people? Surely
it is not so tragic a fate, that we must infer it from that conduct of the
people ?* Paul states this question, earnestly negatives it, and then sets
1 Namely, as a divine measure of retri- ing off from Himself is not viewed as the
bution taken in consequence of their spirit cause (against this is x. 21), but as the penal
of resistance to the message of salvation consequence, of the disdaining God’s loving
preached to them. The divine act of cast- will.
420 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
forth the real state of the matter. The opinion of Hofmann, that the apos-
tle starts this question because the scriptural passages x. 18 ΤῈ, show that it is to
be negatived, is the consequence of his incorrect interpretation of those script-
ural sayings, and is confuted by the fact that the negation is first given and
supported in what follows, not drawn from what precedes, but made good by
a quite different scriptural proof, ver. 2. — μὴ ἀπώσατο K.t.4.| Comp. Ps. xciv.
14, xcv. 8 ; 1 Sam. xii. 32 ; on the form, see Winer, p. 86 [E. T. 90]. Reiche
thinks, but erroneously, that the question is not expressed sharply enough,
and that ἅπαντα is to be supplied. ᾿Απώσατο has in truth the emphasis, and
is placed first on that account ; so that Paul’s simple idea is, that the casting
off of God’s peopie, exclusion from the divine decree of the bestowal of sal-
vation, recall of this destination to salvation, may not be inferred from what
has gone before. Rightly, too, Bengel remarks : ‘‘ Ipsa populi ejus appella-
tio rationem negandi continet.” This ratio negandi is then, in ver. 2, addi-
tionally strengthened by ὃν zpoéyvw. — The μὴ γένοιτο expresses horror at the
ἀπώσατο, not at the λέγω (van Hengel), as though Paul had written simply
ἀπώσατο Without μή. --- καὶ γὰρ ἐγὼ «.t.A.] For I also, etc., expresses the motive
for μὴ γένοιτο! ~For Paul, as a true Israelite of patriotic feeling, cannot, in
virtue of his theocratic self-esteem, admit that ἀπώσατο, but can only repel
the suggestion with abhorrence. Comp. de Wette and Baumgarten-Crusius.
A peculiar proof of the οὐκ ἀπώσατο was yet to follow. Usually it is thought
that Paul proves the negation by his own example, since he in truth was not
cast off. So also Philippi. But apart from the consideration, that the ex-
ample of a single elected one, however highly favoured,’ would be far from
convincing, we see no reason why Paul should have added ἐκ σπέρμ. ’ Afp.,
φυλ. Βενίαμ. ; Moreover, it appears from ver. 2, where he defines the negation,
emphatically reiterates it, and then confirms it from Scripture, that he did
not intend till ver. 2 to adduce the argument against the ἀπώσατω, which he
had only provisionally rejected in ver. 1. Without the least indication from
the text, Hofmann introduces into κ. ἐγώ the reference : Even I, the apostle
entrusted with the calling of the Gentile world (which is supposed to imply a
sealing of the sacred historical call of Israel) ; even I, as once upon a time ὦ
persecutor, deserving of rejection. —éx σπέρμ. ᾿Αβρ., ova. Beviay.| added, in
order to exhibit the just and genuine privileges of his birth. Comp. Phil.
iii. 5 ; Acts xiii. 21; Test. XII. Patr. p. 746 ἢ. The tribe of Benjamin was
in truth, along with that of Judah, the theocratic core of the nation after
che exile. 7 Wis. vids) 9:
Ver. 2. Ὃν προέγνω] An element which renders the impossibility of ἀπώσατο
at once palpable ; comp. ver. 29. Others take it as a limiting definition,
τὸν A. αὐτοῦ ὃν tp. being understood of the spiritual people of God destined to
the Christian salvation (Origen, Augustine, Chrysostom, Luther, Calvin, and
others, including Heumann, Semler, Rosenmiiller, Flatt, Gléckler). But
against this view it is decisive that τ. λαὸν avr. in ver. 1, without any limi-
tation, denotes the Jewish nation, and consequently Paul himself would now
1 Theodore of Mopsuestia asks: πῶς yap πίστει σεμνυνόμενον καὶ περὶ ταύτης διδάσκειν
olov... τε ἣν ἀπώσασθαι τὸν Θεὸν τὸν ἐπὶ τῇ ὑπισχνουμενον ἑτέρους ;
CHAP OAR 9: 427
completely disarrange the point in question; the whole chapter has for its
subject, not the spiritual Israel, but the fate of the nation in respect to the
salvation of Messiah. Hence, too, we are not to supply, with Philippi, p.
554, after ὃν προέγνω the limitation: as seminary of the spiritual σπέρμα. ---
The sense of προέγνω has been understood as variously as in viii. 29, but is to
be taken just as there : God knew His people as such beforehand, before it
actually existed ; that is to say, it was to Him, to whom the whole future
development of sacred history was present in His pretemporal counsel and
plan, known and certain : Jsrael is my peculiar people! And consequently
God cannot have afterwards rejected Israel ; for this would in truth pre-
suppose that which is inconceivable with God (comp. Acts xv. 18), and
irreconcilable with the ἀμετάθετον τῆς βουλῆς αὐτοῦ (Heb. vi. 17), namely,
that he had been deceived in His προέγνω ; comp. ver. 30 ff. ΤῸ suppose
the qualitas mala of the people as that which God foreknew (van Hengel) is
inadmissible, for the reason that πρόγνωσις must be the premiss of the
προορίζειν of the people of God (comp. viii. 29) ; hence, too, it is not to be
objected, with Hofmann,’ against our view, that God would surely have
been able to foresee the fact that, and the time when, His people would
cease to be His people. — ἢ οὐκ oidare x.7.2., down to ver. 4, adduces a proof
for οὐκ ἀπώσατο from an historical example of Scripture, according to which
a case analogous to the present of the resistance of the people to God had
once occurred, but God has made the declaration that He had (not indeed
cast off His people, but) reserved to Himself, in the midst of the depravity of
the mass, a number of faithful ones. So (ver. 5) too now there has taken
place, not a rejection of the people, but rather a gracious election out of the
people. [See Note CXYV. p. 458]. — ἐν ’Hiia] belongs to ri λέγει, but is not :
de Elia (Erasmus, Luther, Beza, Calvin, Piscator, Castalio, Calovius, and
others), which would be linguistically erroneous, but : in the passage treat-
ing of Elias. Comp. Thue. i. 9. 8, where ἐν τοῦ σκήπτρου ἅμα τῇ παραδόσει
εἴρηκεν means : at the passage, where he (Homer) treats of the yielding of the
sceptre, he has said, etc. Very prevalent is this mode of quotation in Philo,
and also in the Rabbinical writings (Surenhusius, καταλλ. p. 493.) Comp.
also Mark xii. 26 ; Luke xx. 37, but not Heb. iv. 7. —é¢ ἐντυγχ. τ. ©. κατὰ
τ. Ἰσραήλ] dependent on οὐκ οἴδατε, as a more precisely defining parallel of
ἐν "HA. τί λέγει ἡ yp. Comp. Luke vi. 4, xxii. 61; Acts xi. 16, xx. 20, δὲ
al. ; Goller and Kriiger on Thue. i. 1. 1. On ἐντυγχάνειν (viii. 27, 34 ;
Heb. vii. 25), with dative of the person concerned (frequently in Plutarch,
Polyb., Lucian, etc.), comp. Acts xxv. 24; Wisd. viii. 21, xvi. 28. On
κατά (accusing), comp. 1 Macc. viii. 32 ; 2 Mace. iv. 36.
Ver. 3. 1 Kings xix. 10, 14, freely from the LXX.—dzéxr.] The Israel-
ites, namely, under Ahab and Jezebel. 1 Kings xviii. 4, xili. 22. — κατέσ-
καψ.] have thoroughly destroyed, have razed. Comp. Soph. Phil. 986 : Τροίαν
. κατασκάψαι. Eur. Hee. 22 (of the domestic altar) ; Dem. 361. 20 ; Plut.
1 Who also here (comp. on viii. 29) takes This would amount to the notion of the
προέγνω as an act of the will, by which God προετοιμάζειν in the divine decree (comp.
has beforehand constituted Israel what it, Eph. ii. 10).
in accordance therewith, actually became.
428 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Popl. 10; 2 Mace. xiv. 38 (τὸ θυσιαστήριον). ---- τὰ θυσιαστ. On the plural,
as the temple in Jerusalem was the place exclusively destined for worship,
the view of Estius suffices : ‘‘ Verisimile est, Eliam loqui de altaribus, quae
passim in excelsis studio quodam pietatis Deo vero erecta fuerant ; maxime
postquam decem tribus regum suorum tyrannide prohibitae fuerunt, ne
Jerusolymam ascenderent sacrificii causa. Quamvis enim id lege vetitum
esset [see Lev. xvil. 8, 9; Deut. ΧΙ]. 13, 14] ac recte fecerint Ezechias et
Josias, reges Judae, etiam ejusmodi aras evertendo, tamen impium erat eas
subvertere odio cultus Dei Israel.” Comp. Grotius, also Keil, on the books
of Kings, p. 262, Archdol. I. § 89. — ὑπελείφθ. μόνος] in the sense of Elias:
alone of the prophets ; but according to the application designed by the
apostle, as ver. 4 shows : as the only one of Thy faithful. But in this case
we are not to assume, as Hofmann and others wish to do, that Paul, in order
to suggest this sense, has transposed the original order of the two clauses of
the verse—which is rather to be regarded as accidental ; and this, consider-
ing the freedom of citation otherwise used, we need the less hesitate about,
since Paul could not, even in the original order, see the reference of the
verse which was in his thoughts to be excluded. — On ζητεῖν τ. uy. τινος,
to seck after one’s life, see on Matt. ii. 20.
Ver. 4. ᾿Αλλά] But, although Elijah complained that he had been left
sole survivor. —6 χρηματισμός] the divine oracular utterance (replying to this
accusation). Found here only in N. T. (in the Apocrypha, 2 Mace. ii. 4,
xi. 17) ; but see Diod. Sic. i. 1, xiv. 7, and Suicer, Zhes. II. p. 1532 ; and
respecting χρηματίζω, on Matt. ii. 12. --- κατέλιπον κ.τ.}.} 1 Kings xix. 18,
with free deviation, bearing on his object, both from the LXX. and from
the original. It means: I have left remaining, so, namely, that they are
not slaughtered with the rest. Comp. Xen. Anab. vi. 3. 5: ὀκτῶ μόνους
κατέλιπον (superstites, vivos reliquerunt) ; 1 Macc. xiii. 4. Hofmann incorrect-
ly takes κατέλ. as the third person plural, having the same subject as ἀπέκ-
tevvav. A groundless departure from the Hebrew text and from the LXX.,
according to which God is the subject. And it is God who has guided and
preserved those who remained over. — ἐμαυτῷ] 1.6. to myself as my property,
and for my service, in contrast to the idolatrous abomination. — οἵτινες «.T.A. |
ita comparatos ut, οἷο. --- γόνυ] Not a knee has been bowed by them ;
hence the singular, comp. Phil. ii. 10. -- τῇ Βάαλ] Dative of worship. Bern-
hardy, p. 86. Comp. xiv. 11. The Phoenician divinity bya, the adoration
of which was very widely diffused (Keil, § 91) amongst the Jews, especial-
ly under the later kings, though not of long subsistence (see Ewald, Alterth.
p- 304), is most probably to be regarded as the sun-god (Movers, Phénicier,
I. p. 169 ff. ; J. G. Miiller in Herzog’s Hncyklop. I. p. 639 f.), not as the
planet Jupiter (Gesenius in the Hall. Encyklop. VII. p. 384 ff.). It is re-
markable—seeing that bya (according to different local and ritual forms
also in the plural) is a masculine noun—that in the LXX. and in the Apoc-
rypha it has sometimes, and most frequently, the masculine article (Num.
xxii. 41; Judg. ii. 13; 1 Kings xvi. 31, δέ al.), sometimes the feminine
(Zeph. i. 4 ; Hos. ii. 8; 1 Sam. vii. 4; always in Jer. ; Tob. i. 5, οὐ al.).
That the LXX. should have thought Ὁ. to be of the common gender, and
ΘΕΓΑΙΡ: KI. 15. 429
to denote also Astarte (Reiche), is not probable for this reason, that in the
LXX. not merely are the masculine Baal and Astarte often mentioned to-
gether (Judg. ii. 13, x. 6, et al.), but also the feminine Baal and Astarte (1
Sam. vii. 4). The view that the feminine article was assigned to Βάαλ con-
temptuously (Gesenius, in Rosenmiiller’s Repert. I. p. 139), as also Tholuck
and Ewald, Alterth. p. 302, assume, finds no sufficient support—seeing that
ΡΞ was a very well known divinity—in the feminine designation of idols
unknown to them in the LXX. at 2 Kings xvii. 30, 31 ; cannot be justified
by comparison of the Rabbinical designation of idols as ni ; and cannot
be made good in the particular passages where the LXX. has the masculine
or the feminine. To refer the phenomenon solely to an opinion of the LXX.,
who held 933 to be the name of a god and also that of a goddess, and there-
fore, according to the supposed connection, used now the masculine and
now the feminine article,—the latter particularly, where the word occurs
along with ΠῚ» (Fritzsche), as in Judg. ii. 13, x. 6, 1 Sam. vii. 4,—is
improbable in itself (because of the wnity of the Hebrew name), and cannot
be maintained even in passages like Judg. ii. 7, 2 Kings xxi. 3 (comp. with
1 Sam. xii. 10 ; Hos. 11. 10, 15), without arbitrariness. An historical reason
must prevail, and it appears the most feasible hypothesis that Baal was con-
ceived as an androgynous divinity (Beyer, ad Selden. de Diis Syr. p. 273 f.,
Wetstein, Koppe, Olshausen, Philippi), although more precise historical
evidence is wanting. The feminine article has been also explained by sup-
plying a substantive (εἰκόνι by Erasmus, Luther, Beza, Grotius, Bengel, and
others ; στήλῃ by Glass, Estius ; θρησκείᾳ by Cramer ; even δαμάλει by Dru-
sius, after Tob. i. 5, but see Fritzsche on Tob.) ; but this is both erroneous
and arbitrary, because at least the expression must have run τῇ τοῦ Βάαλ,
since 22 has always the article. This linguistic incongruity van Hengel
avoids only by the precarious conjecture that ἡ Baad signifies the column of
Baal, and ὁ Βάαλ the god Baal.—We have to remark, moreover, that the
LXX. have in our passage the masculine article ; but Paul, acquainted with
the use also of the feminine article, has, in quoting from memory, changed
the article. According to Fritzsche and Ewald, he had found τῇ in his copy
of the LXX. ; but τῇ is now found only in more recent codd. of the LXX.,
into which it has found its way merely from our passage.
Ver. 5. In this way, corresponding to this Old Testament historical
precedent, therefore (in order to make the application of vv. 8, 4), there
has been (there has come into existence, and actually exists—perfect) also in
the present time, in consequence of an election made out of grace, a remnant,
namely, a small part taken out of the hardened mass of the people, 7.e. the
comparatively insignificant number of believing Jews, whom God’s grace has
chosen out of the totality of the people. It is related to the latter as a re-
mainder (Herod. i. 119 ; 2 Kings xix. 4) to a whole, from which the largest
part is removed (vv. 3, 4, ix. 27, 29), notwithstanding Acts xxi. 90, The
point of comparison is the notion of the λεῖμμα in contrast to the remaining
mass; the latter in the typical history has perished, but in the antitypical
event has forfeited saving deliverance. — κατ᾽ ἐκλ. yap.| opposed to the pre-
sumption in reference to works of the Jewish character ; hence, too, the
480 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
emphatic declaration in ver. 6. It is to be connected not. with λεῖμμα as its
more precise definition (Hofmann), but with γέγονεν as its mode. This is
evinced by the following εἰ δὲ χάριτι, sc. γέγονεν, Where χάριτι is equivalent
to the κατ᾽ ἐκλογ. χάριτος.
Ver. 6. This thought is not merely by the way and incidental (Koppe,
Riickert, de Wette, Fritzsche, Maier, and others), but it belongs essentially
to the development of the apostle’s thought to set forth the mode accord-
ing to which λεῖμμα γέγονε, not only positively (κατ᾽ ἐκλ. yap.), but also nega-
tively (ovx ἐξ épy.); because he then, in ver. 7, goes on to argue: ὃ ἐπιζητεῖ
Ἰσραήλ κ.τ.λ., Which ἐπιζητεῖν, in fact, took place exactly ἐξ ἔργων, ix. 32. —
εἰ δὲ χάριτι] but if through grace, sc. λεῖμμα γέγονε. ---- οὐκέτι ἐξ ἔργων] As previ-
ously the individuals who compose the λεῖμμα are conceived as the objects
of the divine grace, through which they belong to the λεῖμμα ; so are they
also (not the people generally, as Hofmann takes it) conceived in this con-
trasted negative statement as the subjects, who do not owe it to legal works
that in them is present the λεῖμμα composing the true community of God.
On the logical οὐκέτι, see on vii. 17. Of ἐξ ἔργων there can be nothing more
said. — ἐπεὶ ἡ χάρις x.t.A.] because (otherwise) grace ceases to be grace (namely,
if ἐξ ἔργων λεῖμμα yéyove)—since in truth ‘‘gratia nisi gratis sit, gratia non
est,” Augustine. Ἢ χάρις is the definite grace, which has made the election,
and γίνεται (not equivalent to éor/) means : it ceases, in its concrete manifes-
tation, to become, i.e. to show itself as, that (comp. on Luke x. 18, et al.)
which according to its nature it is. Positively expressed: it becomes what
according to its essence it is not ; it gives up its specific character.
Ver. 7. Τί οὖν] infers the reswlt from vv. 5 and 6. Since a λεῖμμα has
been constituted according to the election of grace, and therefore not possi-
bly from the merit of works : accordingly Israel (as regards the mass) has
not obtained that which it strives after (namely, δικαιοσύνη, as is known from
ix. 80 ff.)—for it strives, in fact, ἐξ toywv—the election, on the other hand,
namely, that chosen λεῖμμα, has obtained it (for they were the objects of the
divine χάρις) ; but the rest were hardened. In this manner the true state of
the case is now set forth, in contrast to ἀπώσατο, without its being necessary
on this account to refer τέ οὖν to the whole preceding vv. 2-6 (de Wette,
Fritzsche, Philippi, and others) ; since the reference to vv. 5, 6 is quite
sufficient, and quite in keeping with the logical progression. Reiche (comp.
Lachm., who places a note of interrogation after ri οὖν and after ἐπέτυχεν)
makes the question extend to ἐπέτυχεν, to which question of wonder Paul
then answers by ἡ δὲ ἐκλ. κιτ.2. But the futility of Israel’s endeavour has
already been long (ix. 31, 32) known to the reader, and is therefore not ap-
propriate as the subject of such a question. Hofmann also takes ὃ ἐπιζητεῖ
.-. . ἐπέτυχεν asa question, but in the sense whether that which Israel has
not obtained is the same thing as that to which its quest and striving tends
(namely, its own righteousness) ? To the self-evident negation of this ques-
tion dé then relates in the sense of nevertheless, and after the second ἐπέτυχεν
there is to be supplied, not ὃ ἐπιζητ. ᾿Τσραῇλ, but merely ὃ ἐπιζητεῖ (namely,
to be, out of grace, the people of salvation). This complete distortion of
the sense falls to the ground from the very fact, that for the second ἐπέτυχεν,
CHAR. ΧῚ 8. 451
since ὃ ἐπιζητεῖ 18 not appended, no other object can be thought of without
the greatest arbitrariness than that of the first ἐπέτυχεν, namely ὃ ἐπιζητεῖ
Ἰσραήλ, ; and also, as respects the contents of the question, from the consid-
eration, that if we should not be able to say that Israel has not obtained
that for which it strove, this would stand in contradiction to the universal
Pauline dogma of the impossibility of righteousness by the law. — ἐπιζητεῖ
does not denote the zealous pursuit (Fritzsche, Philippi), but its direction,
correlative to ἐπέτυχεν. See on Matt. vi. 33 ; Phil. iv. 17. By the present,
the continuance of the endeavour is admitted.—The τοῦτο (on the accusative
instead of the customary genitive, see Matthiae, ὃ 328 ; Ellendt, Lez. Soph.
II. p. 861) has tragic emphasis : even this it has not reached, — ἡ δὲ ἐκλογῇ]
that is, here ‘‘reliquiae illius populi, quas per gratiam suam Deus elegit,”
Estius. Comp. the use of περιτομή, etce., Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 469.—The
πώρωσις, hardening (not blinding, as Hofmann thinks ; see on 2 Cor, iii. 14),
is the making unsusceptible in understanding and will as respects the ap-
propriation of salvation in Christ. Fritzsche, ad Mare. p. 78 ; Winzer,;
Progr. 1828, p. 8. The subject who hardens is God. Comp. 2 Cor. iii. 14,
and on ix. 8.
Ver. 8. This ἐπωρώθησαν ensued in conformity with that which stands
written, etc. That which is testified of the hardening of the people in the
time of Isaiah, and as early as that of Moses, has its Messianic fulfilment
through the hardening of the Jews against the gospel, so that this hardening
has taken place καθὼς γέγραπται κ.τ.3. This prophetic relation is groundlessly
denied by Tholuck and Hofmann. The agreement denoted by καθ. yéyp. is
just that of prophecy and fulfilment according to the divine teleology.
Comp. Matt. xv. 7.—In the citation itself, Isa. xxix. 10 (as far as κατανύξ.)
and Deut. xxix. 3 (not Isa. vi. 9) are combined into one saying, and quoted
very freely from the LXX. Deuteronomy /.c. has after ἀκούειν : ἕως τῆς ἡμέρας
ταύτης, hence ἕως τῆς σήμ. ἡμ. belongs to the quotation ; and the words καθὼς
- + + ἀκούειν must πού be put in a parenthesis, as Beza, Wolf, Griesbach, and
others have done. — ἔδωκεν] He gave! not mere permission (Chrysostom,
Theophylact, and many). — πνεῦμα κατανύξεως] Heb. WIA 1, i.e. a spirit
producing stupefaction, which is obviously a daemonic spirit. Comp. 2 Cor,
iv. 4; Eph. ii. 3. Elsewhere the LXX. translate T0777 by ἔκστασις (Gen.
ii. 21, xv. 12), or θάμβος (1 Sam. xxvi. 12), or ἀνδρόγυνον (Prov. xix. 15).
They gave the approximate sense of the word differently according to the
connection. But that they understood κατάνυξις actually as stupefaction, in-
toxication, is clear from Ps. lx. 5, where they have rendered noyaA fen
intovicating wine, by οἶνον κατανύξεως. See in general, Fritzsche, Eze. p.
508 ff. This sense of κατάνυξις is explained by the use of κατανύσσεσθαι, com-
pungi, in the LXX. and the Apocrypha to express the deep, inward para-
lyzing shock caused by grief, fear, astonishment, etc., whereby one is stupe-
fied and as if struck by a blow (Schleusner, 7168. III. p- 256 ; comp. on
Acts ii. 87). In classical Greek neither the substantive nor the verh is found.
We may add that every derivation is erroneous, which does not go back to
1 LXX. Isa. xxix. 10: πεπότικεν ὑμᾶς κύριος πνεύματι κατανύξεως.
432 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
νύσσειν (comp. νύξις, Plut. Mor. p. 930 F) ; nor is it admissible (since Paul
certainly knew that κατάν. expressed ITN) to seek explanations which
depart from the notion of N21. Soeg. Calvin: ‘‘ Spiritum vocat .. .
compunctionis, ubi scilicet quaedam fellis amaritudo se prodit, imo etiam
Juror in respuenda veritate.”” Similarly Luther (‘‘an embittered spirit’) and
Melanchthon. Chrysostom, indeed (and Theophylact), hits the thing itself
rightly : κατάνυξιν ἐνταῦθα τὴν περὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἕξιν τῆς ψυχῆς φησὶ THY ἀνιάτως
ἔχουσαν καὶ ἀμεταθέτως, but his analysis of the word : κατανυγῆναι γὰρ οὐδὲν
ἕτερόν ἐστιν ἢ τὸ ἐμπαγῆναι ποῦ καὶ προσηλῶσθαι, is arbitrarily far-
fetched. — τοῦ μὴ βλέπειν] A fatally pregnant oxymoron. The genit. is that
of the aim : eyes, in order that they may not see, etc. Linguistically correct
is also the rendering of Grotius : eyes of not-seeing, i.e. ‘‘oculos ad viden-
dum ineptos,” Fritzsche, comp. Philippi and van Hengel. But the former
view corresponds better at once to the original text (LXX. οὐκ ἔδωκε. . .
ὀφθαλμοὺς βλέπειν Kk. ὦτα ἀκούειν), and to the telic τοῦ μὴ βλέπειν, ver. 10.
Comp. Isa. vi. 9, 10; John xii. 40; Acts xxviii. 27. — ἕως τ. σήμ. ἡμέρ.]
belongs to the whole affirmation ἔδωκεν κ.τ.Δ. Thus interruptedly God dealt
with them. The glance at a future, in which it was to be otherwise (Hof-
mann), is here (comp. ver. 10) still quite remote.
Vv. 9, 10. A further Scripture proof of érwpéyjcav,’ and that from Ps.
lxix. 23, 24, quoted with free deviation from the LXX. The composer of
this psalm is not David (in opposition to Hengstenberg, Hiivernick), but
some one of much later date ; a circumstance which we must judge of anal-
ogously to the expression of Christ, Matt. xxii. 43. The suffering theo-
crat of the psalm is, as such, a type of the Messiah, and His enemies a type
of the unbelieving Jews ; hence Paul could find the fulfilment of the pas-
sage in the πώρωσις of the latter. Consequently, in pursuance of this typi-
cal reference, the sense in which he takes the words is as follows: ‘‘ Let
their table become to them for (let it be turned for them into, comp. John xvi.
20) a snare, and for a chase, and for a trap, and (so) for a retaliation ;” 4.e.,
while they feast and drink securely and carelessly at their well-furnished table,?
let the fate of violence overtake them unawares, just as wild beasts are surprised
in a snare, and by the capture of the chase, and by a trap ; and so must 26-
taliation alight upon them for that which they have done (in rejecting,
namely, faith on Christ). But what violent calamity is meant, the sequel
expresses, namely : ‘‘ Darkened must their eyes become, that they may not see,”
1.6. they must become spiritually blinded, incapable of discerning the truth
of salvation ; and finally the same thing under another figure: ‘‘ And
bend their back always,” denoting the keeping them in bondage, and that,
in the sense of the apostle, the spiritual bondage of the unfree condition
of the inner life produced by the répworc.2 The hardening, therefore,
1 With the simple καί, and, to take which
climactically (Hofmann) is justified neither
by the name of David nor the contents of
the passage. It would place a quite un-
called-for emphasis on Δαυΐδ (even David).
2 To conceive of the ¢ad/e as an outspread
coverlet (Gesenius, Zhes. III. p. 1417, Hof-
mann) in which they entangle themselves,
is to come very unnecessarily and arbitrari-
ly to the aid of the boldness of the poetical
expression.
3 Those who have found in ver. 9 the
destruction of Jerusalem predicted (Mi-
chaelis, after Grotius, Wetstein, and many),
CHAPS ἈΠ ΠΕ: 433
which Paul recognizes as predicted in the passage, does not lie in ἡ τρά-
πεζὰ αὐτῶν (Fritzsche),—which is not to be explained ‘‘of the law and its
works, which was Israel’s food” (Philippi, following older expositors, also
Tholuck),—but in γενηθήτω εἰς παγίδα x.7.A., and is more precisely indicated
in ver. 10. The express repetition in ver. 10 of the becoming blinded, already
designated in ver. 8, forbids our explaining the prophetic images in vv. 9,
10 generally as representations of severe divine judgments like Pharaoh’s over-
throw, in which case the specific point of the citation would be neglected
(in opposition to Hofmann). — καὶ εἰς θήραν] stands neither in the Hebrew nor
in the LXX. ; but θήρα means chase, not net (Tholuck, Ewald), to establish
which signification the solitary passage Ps. xxxv. 8, where the LXX. render
NW inexactly by θήρα, cannot suffice. It often means booty (van Hengel)
in the LXX. and in classical Greek ; but this is not appropriate here, where
the ‘‘ becoming for a booty” is said not of such as men, but of the τράπεζα.
This shall be turned for them into a chase, so that they, in their secure feast-
ing, become like to the unfortunate object of the chase, which is captured
by the hunter.*— σκάνδαλον) corresponding primarily to the classical σκαν-
δάληθρον, the stick set in a trap (Schol. Ar, Ach. 687), is frequently in the
LXX. (see Schleusner, Thes. V. p. 38), and so also here, the translation of
wp, snare, by which we must therefore abide.—ayrazédoua is not found in
classical Greek, but often in the LXX. and Apocrypha, Luke xiv. 12. — καὶ
Tov νῶτον k.7.2.] is to be taken, according to the context, as the expression
of the idea of hardening (represented as a bending together under the yoke
of spiritual servitude), not, with Fritzsche, of rendering miserable through
the withdrawal of the Messianic salvation.
Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 290.
Ver. 11.* At this point begins the teleological discussion respecting the
οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἐπωρώθησαν, ver. 7. See the contents above. — λέγω οὖν] quite as
in ver. 1 : [ask therefore, attaching it by way of inference to the ἐπωρώθησαν
just supported by Scripture. [See Note CXVI. p. 459.] — μὴ éxracay, iva πέσ.]
But their stumbling had not the aim (ordained by God) that they should fall?
ἦ.6., by the fact of their stumbling at Christ (ix. 32, 33), and refusing faith
to Him, has the divine purpose not aimed at their everlasting ἀπώλεια ?
On the masculine ὁ νῶτος, see
This emphasis on πέσωσι (come to be prostrate) involves the climactic relation
to ἔπταισαν (to stumble),
makes the question express nothing further than :
Israel suffered had been its own aim ?
a relation which Hofmann loses sight of when he
whether the fall which
Photius aptly remarks : τὸ πταῖσμα
Others
a Pee Ge A j ; ᾿ πρό της owe ,
αὐτῶν οὐχὶ εἰς κατάπτωσιν τέλειαν γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ μόνον οἷον ὑπεσκελίσθησαν.
so as to refer τράπεζα to the Passover meal,
for the celebration of which the Jews were
in Jerusalem at the very time the city was
invested (Josephus Bell. Jud. vi. 9. 3, 4), or
even (Grotius) to the altar in the temple;
and those who have regarded ver, 10 (καὶ
Tov νῶτον K.T.A.) aS a prophecy of the servi-
tude of the Jews to Rome (so some of the
Fathers) ; could not have given an explana-
tion more opposed in sense to the connec-
tion.
1 How very often θήρα, θηρᾶν and θηρᾶσθαι
are used also in classical Greek in the fig-
urative sense, see in Dorvill, ad Charit. p.
539; Heind. ad Plat. Theaet. p. 143.
2 On vv. 11-33, see Luthardt, Lehre von d.
letzten Dingen, Ὁ. 106 ff.; von Oettingen,
Synagogale Elegik des Volks Israels, 1853, p.
133 ff.
434 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
have found the point of the question not purely in the climax of the two
figurative verbs, but in definitions mentally supplied, which, however, as
such, cannot be admitted. So, in particular, Augustine and many : only
in order that they should fall, as though it ran μόνον iva, as Umbreit still
takes it (comp. Hofmann) ; further Melanchthon : ‘‘non sic impegerunt
Judaei, ut in tota gente nemo sit salvandus,” as though it ran iva πάντες ; and
yet further, Ewald : ‘‘that they might purely in accordance with the divine
design, and therefore without their freedom and their own will, fall into sin
and into destruction,” as though it ran iva ἐξ ἀνάγκης, or the like. We must
simply abide by the view, that πταίειν is a figure for the taking offence at
Christ which refuses faith, and πίπτειν a figure for the being involved in
everlasting destruction ; comp. Heb. iv. 11, Ecclus. ii. 7. In the former
the latter was not present as the aim of God’s purpose. — On ἔπταισαν, comp.
the proverb : μὴ δὶς πρὸς τὸν αὐτὸν λίθον πταίειν, Polyb. xxxi. 19. 5, xxxi. 20,
1; and on the sense of moral stumbling, Jas. ii. 10, iii. 2; 2 Pet. 1. 10;
Eur. Aeg. fr. 11. 1 : πταίσαντ᾽ ἀρετὰν ἀποδείξασθαι. The subject is the λοιποί of
ver. 7, the mass of the people not belonging to the ἐκλογή. ---- τῷ αὐτῶν raparr. |
through their fault consisting in the refusal of faith, through their offence.
Παραπτ. does not refer to πέσωσι (Reiche, Tholuck, and several others),—
which the emphatic sense of πέσ. forbids ; but in substance that πταῖσμα is
meant, which is morally characterized by means of παράπτωμα as delictum
(so rightly Vulg.) as ἁμαρτία (comp. John xvi. 9), according to its stated fig-
urative designation (comp. also iv. 25, v. 15). Quite against the usage of
the N. T., Tholuck renders : defeat (Diod. xix. 100). --- τοῖς ἔθνεσιν] se.
yéyovev. That through the despising of the Messianic salvation on the part
of the Jews its attainment by the Gentiles was effected—this experience
Paul had learnt to recognize as that which it actually was, as the way which
the fulfilment of the divine arrangement, i. 16, took. Comp. Matt. xxi. 43,
xxii. 9; Acts xiii. 46, xxviii. 28. --- εἰς τὸ παραζ. αὐτούς] aim; comp. Calo-
vius : ‘‘Assumtio novi populi directa fuit ad veteris provocationem ad
aemulationem, ut nempe Israelitae . . . seria aemulatione irritati, et ipsi
doctrinae ev. animos suos submitterent.” Comp. x. 19. With this εἰς τὸ
παραζ. avt., exactly the counterpart of iva πέσωσι is expressed.
Ver. 12. Aé] μεταβατικόν, leading over from what has been said in ver. 11
to a very joyful prospect thereby opened into the future. — The conclusion
is a ‘‘ felici effectu causae pejoris ad feli:ciorem effectum caysae melioris.”
— πλοῦτος] for the Gentile world (κόσμος) became enriched with the σωτηρία
(ver. 11), through the παράπτωμα of the Jews. — τὸ ἥττημα abt. πλοῦτ. ἐθνῶν]
and their overthrow riches for Gentile peoples. Parallel to the foregoing. [See
Note CXVII. p. 459.] — ἥττημα] is not found in the old Greek, but only in
the LXX. Isa. xxxi. 8, and 1 Cor. vi. 7 ; it is, however, equivalent to the
classical ἧττα, which is the opposite of νίκη, ! and, corresponding to the
signification of ἡττᾶσθαι, profligari, vinci, means clades, both in its proper
sense, and also generally : succumbing, decline (comp. Dem. 1466, 23, ἦττα
τῆς προαιρέσεως), loss suffered (1 Cor. vi. 7), getting the worse.? Here the
1 Plato, Lach. Ὁ. 196 A, Legg. i. p. 638 A; 2 See Perizon. ad Ael. V. H. ii. 25.
Dem. 1486.3; Xen. ΟὟ}. iii. 1. 19, 20.
ΘΕ ΡΠ 12: 435
proper signification is to be retained, and that, as the contrast of τὸ πλήρωμα
requires, in a numerical respect. So now also Tholuck, likewise Mangold.
Through the fact that a part of the Jews was unbelieving, the people has
suffered an overthrow, has, like a vanquished army, been weakened in num-
bers, inasmuch, namely, as the unbelieving portion by its unbelief practi-
cally seceded from the people of God. Comp. Vulg.: ‘‘diminutio eorum ;”
Luthardt : ‘“‘loss in amount.” If it be explained as : loss of the Messianic
salvation, which they have suffered (Fritzsche and others),’ or : the loss which
the kingdom of God has suffered in their case (Philippi, comp. Kahnis, Dogm.
I. p: 573), the former is not appropriate to the contrast of πλήρωμα, and the
latter introduces the reference to the kingdom of God, as that which has
suffered the detriment, the more unwarrantably, inasmuch as the genit.
αὐτῶν is expressed. The threefold αὐτῶν is to be taken with the like refer-
ence as the genitive of the subject, and applies in each instance to the people
Israel as a whole (whose collective guilt also is the παράπτωμα), in contrast
to the κόσμος and the é@v7—which likewise is not preserved in Philippi’s view.
This very circumstance, and more decisively the utter absence of linguistic
proof, tells also against the traditional usual rendering, according to which
τὸ ἥττημα is Supposed to signify the minority : ‘‘paucitas Judaeorum creden-
tium” (Grotius). So, in substance, Chrysostom, Theodoret, Erasmus, Beza,
Estius, Wetstein, Bengel, and many others, including Reiche, Olshausen,
Baumgarten-Crusius, Maier, Bisping, Reithmayr ; comp. Ewald : ‘their
remaining behind.” --- πόσῳ μᾶλλον τὸ πλήρωμα αὐτῶν] se. πλοῦτος ἐθνῶν γενήῆσε-
tat; how much more their becoming full, that is, how much more will it issue
in the enrichment of the Gentiles with the Messianic salvation, if the Jews,
after the defeat which they have suffered, shall again be reinstated to their
plena copia, so that they will then again in their full amount (ver. 26), as
an integral whole, belong to the people of God,—which will take place
through the conversion of all Israel to Christ (not would, as Luther has it).*
The ἥττημα αὐτῶν is then compensated, and the πλήρωμα αὐτῶν brought in,
which, moreover, may take place even with a continuance of the διασπορά.
On πλήρωμα generally, see Fritzsche, I. p. 469 ff. Comp. on Eph. i. 10.
The numerical reference of the πλήρωμα αὐτῶν is suggested by the correlative
τὸ πλήρωμα τῶν ἐθνῶν in ver. 25 ; and in so far the view which takes it of
the full number of the Jews (Theodoret : πάντες πιστεύσαντες μειζόνων ἀγαθῶν
‘cacw ἀνθρώηοις ἐγένοντο ἂν πρόξενοι, 80 most) is correct. Comp. Ewald :
“their full admission, supplying what is wanting.” With this Umbreit
raixes up at the same time ‘‘ the fulfilment of their predestination ;” whilst
van Hengel sees in the πλήρ. air., not absolutely the full number, but only
the collective body of those destined by God to conversion, which, however,
1S0 also de Wette; similarly Ruckert:
“the loss of their original dignity and glory
as the people of God ;’’ and Hofmann: ‘‘ their
2 Philippi also explains vy. 12 and 15 not
of an ‘actual, but only of ἃ possible
πρόσληψις Of Israel (p. 554). Vv. 13, 14 are
hurt, in that they, by virtue of their unbelief,
are not what they should be.”” Comp. Koll-
ner and Gléckler. Among the older inter-
preters, Calvin: ‘‘ Diminutio honoris sui,
qui fuerant populus Dei gloriosus.”
not in favour of this, where Paul has in
view the intermediate time until the final
πρόσληψις Of the πλήρωμα; and ver. 26 is
decisive against it.
450 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS,
is not expressed, but is supplied by the reader. The various views corre-
spond to the varying explanations of ἥττημα. So e.g. Fritzsche : the fulness
of Messianic salvation, which they will possess ; Philippi: the filling up
—which takes place through their conversion—of the blank in the king-
dom of God which arose through their unbelief ;? Riickert, K6llner : the
restoration of Israel to its befitting position ; Hofmann : the status, in
which they are fully and entirely that which they ought to be (qualitative).
Luthardt also takes the correct view.
Vv. 18, 14. [See Note CXVIII. p. 460.] Not a parenthetical thought
(Reiche), but the connection with the preceding and following is : ‘‘ πόσῳ
μᾶλλον τὸ πλήρωμα αὐτῶν I say: but you precisely, the Gentile Christians,—
who might think that my office belongs only to you and the Gentiles, and
that the conversion of the Jews lies less in my vocation,—you? I hereby make
to know (ὑμῖν λέγω), that I, as apostle of the Gentiles, etc. ; for (motive) the
conversion of the Jews will have the happiest consequence (ver. 16). -- τοῖς ἔθνε-
ow] to the (born) Gentiles, denotes, as an apposition to ὑμῖν, the readers ac-
cording to their chief constituent element, in virtue of which the Christian
Gentile body is represented in them ; comp. i. 138. Observe that Paul does
not write τοῖς δὲ ἔθνεσιν ἐν ὑμῖν λέγω, aS though he intended only a Gentile
Sraction of the otherwise Jewish-Christian community (in opposition to Man-
gold). In contradistinction to his readers, the Jews, although his flesh, are
to him third persons, whom he, as apostle of the Gentiles, might mediately
serve. Baur fails to recognize this, I. p. 871. — ἐφ᾽ ὅσον] not temporal (quam-
diu, Matt. ix. 15 ; 2 Pet. i. 13), but : im quantum, in as far as I, etc. Comp.
Matt. xxv. 40 ; Plato, Rep. p. 268 B; Xen. Cyr. v. 4. 68. Just so εἰς ὅσον
and καθ᾽ ὅσον. ---- μέν] as so often in Paul without a corresponding dé. But
we see from the following that the train of ideas passing before his mind
was this: ‘‘I seek indeed, so far as I am one who has the commission of
Apostle to the Gentiles (observe the emphatic éyé, in which a noble self-
consciousness is expressed), to do honour to my office, but I have in view
withal (for see x. 1, ix. 2, 3) to incite my kinsmen to emulation, etc.” —
εἴπως} whether in any way. The practical honouring of the office, which
consists in a true discharge of it, is an acting, whereby the desired attain-
ment is attempted, see on 1. 10; Phil. iii. 11; Acts xxvii. 12; Buttmann,
neut. Gr. Ὁ. 220 [E. T. 256]. Less in accordance with the text—since the
very εἵπως παραζ. x.7.A presupposes an actual δοξάζειν (2 Thess. ii. 1; John xii.
28).—Reiche and Ewald (after Grotius and many others, including Flatt)
take it as : 7 boast, hold my office something high and glorious. Hofmann,
indeed, understands an actual glorification, but conditioned by ei πῶς k.T.A.,
so that the latter is not whether possibly, but if possibly. From this the illog-
ical relation of present and future which thus arises* must deter us (Paul
1 Comp. Melanchthon: ‘‘Complementum — Jews.
integrae ecclesiae convertendae ex semine 3 Hofmann adduces as an example Xen.
Abrahae.’’ Similarly Origen. Anab. iv. 7.3. But such passages are of a
2 According to the reading ὑμῖν δέ (see quite different kind (see Brunck, ad Arist,
the critical notes). This δέ forms a con- Plut. 1064; Maetzner, ad Lycurg. Ὁ. 251);
trast with the perspective just opened by and tothe necessary connection expressed
moo. μᾶλλ. τ. πλήρ. αὐτῶν in favour of the in them of the consequence with the con-
CHAP: *XI., 15: 437
must have used the future δοξάσω). --- παραζ. and σώσω] future indicative, like
a 10! Onadca, comp.-1 Tim. iv. 16.51 Cor, vil: 16, 1x. 22.) The, enclitie
pov standing before the noun cannot be emphatic (van Hengel), but repre-
sents, at the same time, the dative of interest (whether I shall perhaps rouse
tome my flesh to jealousy), like 1 Cor, ix. 27, Phil. ii. 2, Col. iv. 18, e¢ a/.,
and frequently in classical Greek. —airév] refers to those intended by the
collective τὴν σάρκα. Σάρκα δὲ εἰπὼν γνησιότητα καὶ φιλοστοργίαν ἐνέφηνε, Theo-
phylact. Theodoret quite erroneously thinks that Paul wished to intimate
a denial of spiritual fellowship. On the contrary, πλέον αὐτοὺς οἰκειοίμενος
(Oecumenius), he says μ. τ. σάρκα, which is like τοὺς συγγενεῖς μου κατὰ σάρκα,
ix. 3, but more strongly significant. Gen. xxxvii. 27; Judg. ix. 2; 2 Sam.
v. 1. Comp. Isa. lviii. 7. Note the modesty of the expression τινάς, which,
however, was suggested by the experience of the difficulty of the conversion
of the Jews ; comp. 1 Cor. ix. 22.
Ver. 15. By way of inference, like ver. 12 ; γάρ assigns a motive for vv.
13, 14. — ἀποβολή, casting away; Plato, Legg. xii. Ὁ. 493 E. 944 C; Aq.
Prov. xxviii. 94. By this is meant their exclusion from the people of God
on account of their unbelief, and the opposite of it is their πρόσληψις, recep-
tion in addition (Plato, Theaet. p. 210 A), by which they, having become
believing, are adopted by God into the fellowship of His people. The view
of ἀποβολῇ as loss (Acts xxvii. 22; Plato, Phaed. p. 75 E; Lach. p. 195 E ;
Plut. Sol. 7) is less suitable to this contrast (in opposition to the Vulg.,
Luther, Bengel, and others, including Philippi, who understands the loss,
which the kingdom of God hes suffered in their case). — καταλλαγὴ κόσμου] in
so far, namely, as the converted portion of the Gentiles has attained to δικαι-
οσύνη through faith, and is no‘longer subjected to the ὀργή of God ; and
therewith reconciliation of the Gentile world with God has begun. Comp. v.
11. Itis amore precise definition of the notion expressed in ver. 12 by
πλοῦτος κόσμου. --- ζωὴ ἐκ νεκρ.] 1.6. life, which proceeds from the dead (namely,
when these arise). [See Note CXIX. p. 460.] The πρόσληψις of the still un-
converted Jews, Paul concludes, will be of such a kind (τίς, not τί, is his
question), will be of so glorious a character (comp. Eph. i. 18), that it will
bring with it the last most blessed development, namely, the life beginning
with the resurrection of the dead in the αἰὼν ὁ μέλλων, the ζωὴ αἰώνιος, which
has the awakening from death as its causal premiss. Hence Paul does not
say ἀνάστασις ἐκ νεκρῶν (as Philippi objects) ; for his glance is already pass-
ing beyond this event to its blessed consequence. The transformation of the
living is included in this last development (1 Cor. xv. 51), which is here des-
ignated ὦ potiori ; comp. viii. 11. The conclusion of the apostle does not,
however, rest on Matt. xxiv. 14 (Reiche after Theodoret), but on the fact of
the καταλλαγὴ κόσμου, whose most blissful final development (as it, according
to Paul, must necessarily be occasioned by the blissful opposite of the azo-
oan) can be none other than the blessed resurrection-life which will set in
with the Parousia (Col. iii. 3, 4 ; 1 Thess. iv. 14 ff.). The view which takes
dition, the “if in any way” (possibly), which Kiihner, ad Xen. lc. and Gramm. II. 1, p.
would make the condition problematic, 120.
would be wholly unsuitable. Comp. also
438 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
ζωὴ ἐκ vexp. in the proper sense has been held by Origen, Chrysostom, Theo-
dore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret, Anselm, Erasmus, Toletus, Semler, Reiche,
Glickler, de Wette, Nielsen, Fritzsche, Riickert, Reithmayr, Bisping, Hof-
mann, Beyschlag, and others. Approaching it, but taking the resurrection
by way of comparison, stands the view of Ewald: ‘‘The final completion of
all history down to the last day, and like the very resurrection itself, which
is expected on this day.” Luthardt, too, is substantially in the right, tak-
ing, however, νεκρῶν in the ethical sense : from the dead Israel the new bodi-
ly life of glorification will proceed. : Dan. xii, 7+ Ruth ii, 15. ΠῚ ΠΡ
12).—Aéyer κύριος] is added by Paul according to the elsewhere familiar
O. T. formula. Comp. xii. 19. — ὅτι] that, because in ζῷ ἐγώ is involved the
assurance on oath, that, etc. Comp. 2 Chron. xviii. 13; 1 Sam. xiv. 44 ;
Judith xi. 7 and Fritzsche in loc. — ἐμοί] tome, asthe Judge (so in the sense
of the apostle) for homage and submission. — ἐξομολογ. τ. Θεῷ] Aeparting from
the LXX., which, following the Hebrew, has ὀμεῖται πᾶσα yA. τὸν Θεόν, for the
reading of Cod. A of the LXX. (also δὲ on the margin), ἐξομολογήσεται instead
of ὀμεῖται, was probably—seeing that the Septuagint has very frequently
undergone similar alterations of the text from N. T. citations—first intro-
duced from our passage, and not a reading which Paul found in his copy of
the LXX. (Fritzsche), as is too rashly inferred from Phil. ii. 11. The vari-
ation itself is—as was allowed by the freedom in the handling of Messianic
proof-passages—intentional, because Paul required, instead of the oath of
x0d, a more general conception, which, however, lies at the basis of that
special conception ; for the swearing is the actual acknowledgment and
glorification of God as the Judge. The correct explanation is : and every
tongue shall praise God (as the Judge), and therewith submit to His judi-
cial authority—parallel in sense to ἐμοὶ κάμψει πᾶν γόνυ. ἐξομολογεῖσθαι with
the dative always denotes to praise (xv. 9 ; Matt. xi. 25 ; Luke x. 21 ; fre-
quently in the LXX. and Apocrypha, see Biel and Schleusner, s.v.): it only
denotes to confess, as in later Greek, with the accusative of the object, Matt.
1 This applies also in opposition to Ger- 16, iii.6; 2 Cor. vy. 10; Gal. vi. 7 ff.; Acts
lach, d. letzten Dinge, p. 108 ff. Comp. i. 6, Xvii. 31.
CHAP. XIv., 12-14. 515
iii. 6; Jas. v. 16; Tob. xii. 22. Hence the explanation of Er. Schmid,
Reiche, Kéllner, following Chrysostom, Oecumenius, Theophylact, is erro-
neous : to confess sins, which would only then be admissible if the parallel-
ism obviously suggested the supplying of τὰς ἁμαρτίας. --- With the reading
τῷ βήματι τοῦ Χριστοῦ, ver. 10, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret, Oecu-
menius, Luther, Calvin, and many others, including Philippi, have found in
τῷ Θεῷ a proof for the divinity of Christ. There would rather be implied
the idea, that it is God, whose judgment Christ is entrusted by the Father
to hold ; and this thought is contained also in the reading τ. β. τ. Θεοῦ,
ver. 10.
Ver. 12. What follows from the preceding (from πάντες yap . . . onward).
— The emphasis is neither on περὶ ἑαυτοῦ (so usually) nor on τῷ Θεῷ (Phi-
lippi), but on the ἕκαστος for that purpose prefixed, which corresponds to the
emphatic πάντες, πᾶν, πᾶσα, vv. 10, 11 ; hence it alone bears the stress, not
sharing it with rep? ἑαυτ. and τῷ Θεῷ (Hofmann). Hach of us, none excepted,
will respecting himself, etc. How at variance with this, therefore, to judge
or to despise, as though one were not included in the subjection to this our
universal destiny of having to give a personal account to God ! — δώσει]
purely future in sense, like the preceding futures.
Vv. 138-23. Christians ought not, therefore, mutually to condemn one another,
but rather to have the principle of giving no offence, ver. 13. Further eluci-
dation of this principle, and exhortations to compliance with it.
Ver. 13. Μηκέτι (no more, as hitherto) ἀλλήλους κρίνωμεν is deduced (οὖν) from
ἕκαστος ἡμῶν K.T.A. 3 but κρίνωμεν here refers, as ἀλλήλ. shows, to both parties.
[See Note CXLIII. p. 526. ] — κρίνατε] antanaclasis : the same word, in order
to make the contrast striking (for to the κρίνειεν which is against one’s duty
that which is in accordance with duty is opposed), is repeated, but with the
modification of reference and of sense, that it addresses the freer Christians
(for it was they who gave the offence), and means in general : let this be
your judgment, your moral maxim in this point. [See Note CXLIV. p. 526.
On the infinitive with the article after a preparatory demonstrative,.comp.
2 Cor. ii. 1.’— πρόσκομμα and σκάνδαλον : both quite synonymous in the
metaphorical sense : moral stumbling-block, an occasion for acting contrary
to conscience. But τιθέναι refers to the original proper sense of the two
words. Comp. on ix. 32, 33, xi. 9; LXX. Lev. xix. 14. Judith v. 1. The
twofold designation is an earnest and exhaustive expression of the idea ;
hence to attempt a real distinction between the synonyms, which differ only
figuratively (stone . . . trap), is arbitrary.
Ver. 14. [See Note CXLV. p. 527.] Discussion of the preceding injunction,
giving information regarding it. Paul grants, namely, in principle, that the
freer brethren are right, but immediately adds an exception which arises in
practice, and, in assigning the reason for this addition, declares (ver, 15) the
not attending to the exception a proof of want of love. — καὶ πέπεισμαι ἐν κυρ.
'T.] More precise definition of the preceding oida. — ἐν κυρ.} 1.6. in my fellow-
ship with the Lord ; οὐκ apa ἀνθρωπίνης διανοίας ἡ ψῆφος, Chrysostom. — κοινόν]
1 Xen. de Rep. Lac. 9. 1, and see Haase in loc. ; Breitenbach, ad Xen. Qec. 14. 10.
516 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
corresponding to the βέβηλον of the Greeks : profane, ἀκάθαρτον (Chrysostom),
Acts x. 14, 28, xi. 8; Heb. x. 29. Thus the eating of flesh was held to be
unholy and unclean, and therefore a thing at variance with the holiness of
a Christian’s position. Comp. Ezek. xlii. 20 ; 1 Macc. i. 47, 62. — dv αὐτοῦ]
Since the reflexive αὑτοῦ (with the rough breathing) is generally doubtful in the
N.T. (comp. Buttmann, newt. Gr. Ὁ. 97 f. [E. T. 111]}), and here the personal
αὐτοῦ (with the soft breathing) is quite sufficient and appropriate in sense, the
latter is to be preferred (Bengel, Matthaei, Lachmann, Tischendorf, 7, Hof-
mann) ; not, however, to be referred to Christ (Theodoret, Bisping, Jatho,
and others), but to be explained : through itself, i.e. through its nature. Ind’
αὐτοῦ" is thus implied the objectively existing uncleanness, in contrast (see below)
to that which subjectively accrues per accidens. On account of the laws relat-
ing to food of the O. T., Olshausen thinks that the thought of the apostle
is intended to affirm that ‘‘ through Christ and His sanctifying influence the
creation has again become pureand holy.” This arbitrary importation of a
meaning (followed by Bisping) is overthrown by the very circumstance that
the abstinence of the Roman ascetics was by no means founded on the law
—which did not in fact forbid the use of flesh generally—but was of a supra-
legal Essenic character. Moreover, Paul was clear and certain, so far as
- concerns the O. T. laws of food, that they had outlived the time of obliga-
toriness appointed for them by God, and were abolished by God Himself,
inasmuch as in Christ the end of the law had come, and the temporary di-
vine institute had given place to the eternal one of the gospel as its fulfil-
ment, Matt. v. 17. Comp. on x. 4; Col. ii. 16 ff. ; also on Acts x. 15, 16.
—ei μή] not equivalent to ἀλλά, but nisi, which, without taking δὲ αὐτοῦ
also into account, applies merely to οὐδὲν κοινόν. Comp. on Matt. xii. 4 ;
Gal. 11. 16. — ἐκείνῳ κοινόν] ἐκ. with emphasis, as in 2 Cor. x. 18, Mark vii.
15, 20, and very frequently in John. The uncleanness is in such a case sub-
jective, coming into existence and subsisting actually for the individual
through the fettered condition of his own conscience.
Ver. 15. Tap] According to this reading critically beyond doubt (see the
critical notes), which, however, Philippi, on account of the sense, regards
as ‘‘absolutely untenable,”—the apostle specifies the reason, why he has ex-
pressly added the exception εἰ μὴ τῷ λογιζ. x.7.A. The γάρ belonging to the
principal sentence is, according to a very prevalent usage (see Baeumlein,
Partik. p. 85), taken into the prefixed accessory sentence, so that the argu-
mentative thought is: ‘‘not without good moral ground 6101 say: εἰ μὴ
. κοινόν ; for it indicates a want of love, if the stronger one has not re-
gard to this relation towards the weaker.” — διὰ βρῶμα] on account of food,
#.e. because of a kind of food, which he holds to be unclean and sees thee
eat. —Avreira] not : is injured, which would consist in the ἀπόλλυσθαι (Phi-
lippi, contrary to N. T. usage), but of moral afjliction, i.e. vexation of con-
science, which is occasioned by the giving of ἃ σκάνδαλον (ver. 19). Analogous
is Eph. iv. 30. [See Note CXLVI. p. 527.] To understand it of the making
reproaches on account of narrow-mindedness (Grotius, Rosenmiiller, Ewald),
is gratuitously to import the substance of the thought, and does not corre-
spond to the connection (vv. 13, 14, 20, 21). — οὐκέτι κατὰ ἀγάπ. περιπατεῖς] 7.e.
CHAP. XIV., 10. 517
in that case thou hast ceased to bear thyself conformably to love. This is the
actual state of things which subsists, when what is expressed in the protasis
occurs ; the λυπεῖται, namely, is conceived as the fault of the subject addressed.*
On εἰ. . - οὐκέτι, comp. vii. 20, xi. 6 ; Gal. 111. 18. To take the apodosis
interrogatively (Hofmann), is—considering the definite character, quite in
keeping with the context of the λυπεῖται which is occasioned by the offence
given—quite unwarranted, and does not suit the words.*— The ἀπόλλυε is
the possible result of the λυπεῖται : destroy him not, bring him not into de-
struction, namely, through his being seduced by thy example to disregard
his conscience, and to fall out of the moral element of the life of faith into
the sinful element of variance with conscience. That we are to explain it
of the eternal ἀπώλεια, is clear from ὑπὲρ οὗ X. ἀπέθανε ; for in order to re-
demption from ¢his Christ offered up His life—therefore thou oughtest not
to thrust back into ἀπώλεια thy (so dearly bought) brother through the
loveless exercise of thy free principles. Comp. 1 Cor. viii, 11, 12. ‘Ne
pluris feceris tuum cibum, quam Christus vitam suam,” Bengel.
Ver. 16. Μὴ βλασφημείσθω] namely (comp. 2 Thess. ii. 3; 1 Tim. iv. 12),
through your fault. —ipov τὸ ἀγαθόν] your good κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν, 1.6. ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ
Θεοῦ, ver. 17. [See Note CXLVIL. p. 528.] So also Ewald and Umbreit.
It is the sum of the μέλλοντα ἀγαθά, Heb. ix. 11, x. 1. How easily it might -
come to pass that a schism, kept up by means of condemnation and con-
tempt, on account of eating and drinking, might draw down on that jewel
of Christians—the object of their whole endeavour, hope, and boast—calum-
nious judgments at the hands of unbelievers, as if maxims respecting eat-
ing and drinking formed that on which the Christian was dependent for
attaining the blessing of the kingdom! In opposition to the context in
ver. 17, following the Fathers (in Suicer, Thes. I. p. 14), de Wette holds
that faith is meant ;* Luther, Calovius, and others, including Philippi : the
gospel ; Origen, Pelagius, Beza, Calvin, Grotius, Bengel, and many others,
including Flatt, Borger, Fritzsche, Tholuck, Nielsen, Baumgarten-Crusius,
Reithmayr, Maier, Bisping, with irrelevant appeal to 1 Cor. x. 30: Chris-
tian freedom ; van Hengel generally : quod in vobis Romanis bonum est ; bet-
ter Hofmann : that which, as their essential good, gives Christians the advan-
tage over non-Christians,—a view, however, which leaves the precise defini-
1 Note that the presents λυπεῖται and περι-
πατεῖς COincide in time, as indeed the two
regarded practically coincide in reality.
For that, which causes to the weak one dis-
tress of conscience διὰ βρῶμα, is simply the
unsparing conduct of the strong one no
longer under the guidance of love.
2 According to Hofmann, οὐκέτι «.7.A. 15
designed simply to submit to the person
addressed the question whether he really al-
lows himself to be induced—through the weak-
ness of his fellow- Christian in falling into con-
cern on account of a particular food—to alter
his conduct so as to behave with a want of love.
Jn that case, the apostle must at least have
expressed himself by the future περιπατήσεις
(wilt thou then no longer behave in con-
formity with love ὃ), or by ϑέλεις περιπατεῖν,
or, most clearly, because implying a negative
answer: μὴ οὐκέτι κ. ay. περιπατήσης (thou
wilt not thus cease, etc.?); comp. x. 18; 1
Cor. ix. 4.
3 Among the Fathers, Chrysostom’s view
is very vacillating and indefinite: 7 τὴν πίσ-
τιν φησὶν, ἢ τὴν μέλλουσαν ἐλπίδα τῶν ἐπάϑλων,
THY ἀπηρτισμένην εὐσέβειαν: μὴ χρῶ κακῶς
τελειότητί σου, μηδὲ ποίει ταύτην βλασφημεῖσ-
ϑαι. Theodoret explains definitely of faith ;
so also Photius.
518 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
tion of the notion unsettled. With ὑμῶν, Paul, after having previously ad-
dressed a single party in the singular, turns to all ; hence we are not, with
Fritzsche, to think in jy. of the strong believers only (and in βλασφ. of the
weak believers). Note, further, the emphasis of the prefized ὑμῶν (comp.
Phil. iii. 20): the possession belonging to you, to you Christians, which
you must therefore all the more guard against slander from without.
Ver. 17. Motive for complying with the μὴ βλασφημ. x.7.A., with reference
to the contents of the possible slander. — ἡ βασιλ. τ. Θεοῦ] is not anywhere
(comp. on Matt. 111. 2, vi. 10; 1 Cor. iv. 20 ; Col. i. 13), and so is not here,
anything else than the Messiah’s kingdom, the erection of which begins with
the Parousia,* belonging not to the αἰὼν οὗτος, but to the αἰὼν μέλλων (1 Cor.
vi. 9, 10, xv. 24, 50; Gal. v.21; Eph. v. 5 5 Col. iv. 11; 1 Thess. ti. 12°;
2 Thess. i. 5) ; not therefore the (invisible) church, the regnum gratiae, or
the earthly ethical kingdom of God (Reiche, de Wette, Philippi, Lipsius, fol-
lowing older expositors), res christiana (Baumgarten-Crusius), and the like.
“¢ The Messianic kingdom is not eating and drinking ;” 4.e., the essential char-
acteristic of this kingdom does not consist in the principle that a man, in
order to become a member of it, should eat and drink this or that or every-
thing without distinction, but in the principle that one should be upright,
ete. Less accurate, and, although not missing the approximate sense, readily
liable to be misunderstood (see Calovius), is the view of the Greek Fathers,
Grotius, and many others : the kingdom of God is not obtained through, etc.
Comp. on John xvii. 3. [See Note CXLVIII. p. 529.]— βρῶσις, eating, i.e.
actus edendi, different from βρῶμα, food, ver. 15 (comp. Tittmann, Synon. Ὁ.
159), which distinction Paul always observes (in opposition to Fritzsche) ;
see on Col. ii. 16. --- δικαιοσύνη x. εἰρήνη) can, according to the entire context
(comp. esp. ver. 15), and specially according to ver. 18 (δουλεύων τῷ X.) and
ver. 19 (τὰ τῆς εἰρήνης), be taken only in the moral sense, and therefore as
ethical wprightness and peace (concord) with the brethren ; not in the dog-
matic sense: righteousness and peace (of reconciliation) with God (Calvin,
Calovius, and many others, including Riickert, Tholuck, and Philippi ; de
Wette blends the two meanings). But that these virtues presuppose faith
in Christ as the soil from which they sprang, and as the fundamental prin-
cipium essendi of the kingdom, is self-evident from the whole connection,
— χαρὰ ἐν πνεύμ. ay.] forms one phrase. Comp. 1 Thess. i. 6. It is the holy
joyfulness, the morally glad frame of heart which has its causal basis and sub-
sistence in the Holy Spirit, who rules in the Christian ; comp. Gal. v. 22,
also Phil. iv. 4. It is present even in tribulation, 2 Cor. vi. 10, and does not
yield to death, Phil. ii. 17. The transitive explanation of the joy which the
Christian diffuses over others (Grotius, Koppe, Reiche, and others) is sup-
ported neither by the simple word nor by N. T. usage elsewhere.
Ver. 18. Not an explanation, why he has mentioned by name these three par-
ticulars, as those in which the kingdom consists (Hofmann), but a confirma-
tion of the contents of ver. 17 ; and how greatly must this confirmation have
conduced to the recommendation and support of the precept μὴ βλασφημ.
1 μετὰ τὴν ἀνάστασιν, Theodore of Mopsuestia.
ΟΠ Ps XLV.5, 19; 20: 519
x.t.A. Of ver. 16 as established by ver. 17 !— ἐν τούτοις] (see the critical
notes) refers to the just mentioned three great moral elements. He who in
these (not therefore possibly in βρῶσις and πόσις, and the like unspiritual
things) serves Christ, etc. On ἐν with δουλεύειν, denoting its moral life-
sphere, comp. vii. 0. ---εὐάρεστ. τ. Ocg] ‘‘testimonium, quod expresse adfir-
mat bona opera renatorum placere Deo,” Melanchthon. — δόκεμος τοῖς avOp. |
approved by men ; such is the relation according to its moral nature,—a fact
not annulled by abnormal manifestations, in which misapprehension, perver-
sion of the moral judgment, and the like are at work. ‘‘ Paulus hic de sin-
cero judicio loquitur,” Calvin.
Ver. 19. Hxhortation, inferred from the doctrinal proposition, ver. 17 ;
not a guestion (Buttmann). — τὰ τῆς eip.| what belongs to peace, composes the
substance of peace, not different in matter of fact from’r7v εἰρήνην. See Bern-
hardy, p. 325 f.; Kiihner, 11. 1, p. 280. — τῆς οἰκοδομῆς] figurative designa-
tion of perfecting (here active) in the Christian life. Comp. 2 Cor. x. 8, xiii.
10 ; 1 Cor. xiv. 4. According to the context in each case, the individual,
as here, or the church, or the whole Christian body, is a building of God
(of which Christ is the foundation, 1 Cor. iii. 11 ; Eph. ii. 20, 21), on which
the work of building is to proceed until the Parousia. — εἰς ἀλλήλ.] οἰκοδομεῖτε
el¢ τὸν éva, 1 Thess. v. 11.
Ver. 20. Prohibition of the opposite of τὰ τῆς οἰκοδομῆς τῆς εἰς ἀλλήλ. ---
κατάλυε) pull down. Comp. 2 Cor. v. 1; Gal. 11. 18; Matt. xxvi. 61.— τὸ
ἔργον Tov Θεοῦ] here, according to the context, the building of God, by which,
however, is represented not what is mentioned in ver. 17 (the δικαιοσύνη κ.τ.λ.
so Fritzsche, Baumgarten-Crusius) ; nor yet the faith of one’s fellow-Chris-
tian (Theodoret, Reiche) or his eternal salvation (Chrysostom, Oecumenius,
Theophylact) ; nor all blessings vouchsafed through Christ (K6llner, comp.
Borger) ; but, according to ver. 15, the Christian as such, in so far as his
Christian life, his Christian personality, is God’s work (viii. 29, 30 ; 2 Cor.
v. 17; Eph. ii. 10). Aptly Estius says : ‘‘fratrem, quem Deus fecit fide-
lem.” Accordingly, what was expressed in ver. 15 by μὴ ἐκεῖνον ἀπόλλυε, ὑπὲρ
ov X. ἀπέθανε, is here expressed by μὴ κατάλυε τὸ ἔργον τ. Θεοῦ ; but it is dif-
ferently conceived and presented, in such a way that the brother is thought
of there in his relation of redemption to Christ, here in his relation of spirit-
ual origin to God. The importance of the latter conception is rightly point-
ed out by Calovius: ‘‘non levis est culpa, sed horribilis θεομα χία, opus Dei
destruere.” — πάντα μὲν καθαρὰ κ.τ.}.} the same thought as in ver. 14, repeat-
ed in order to enter further into the μὴ ἕνεκεν βρώματος. ‘* All (all food) in-
deed is clean (not immoral to enjoy in and by itself), bué it is sinful for the
man who eats amidst offence,” who nevertheless uses a food, although he experi-
ences moral offence in the using it—so that he thus against his conscience imi-
tates the freer Christian. Comp. 1 Cor. viii. 9, 10. This reference of the
ethical dative τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τῷ διὰ προσκ. ἐσθ. to the weak in faith (Chrysostom,
Luther, Beza, Carpzov, Semler, and others, including Riickert, K6llner,
1 50 δόκιμος in all N. T. passages (not: however prefers the reading δοκίμοις in B
worthy, esteemed, and the like); see Butt- G* 77 (a copyist’s error).
mann, in the Stud. u. Krit. 1860, p. 368, who
520 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Philippi, Tholuck, Hofmann) is confirmed by the parallel in vv. 13, 14, and
admirably suits the connection, inasmuch as ἀλλὰ «.7.2. unfolds the way and
manner in which ἕνεκεν βρώματος destruction may befall the work of God.
Hence we must reject the explanation (Pelagius, Grotius, Bengel, and others,
including Reiche, de Wette, Nielsen, Baumgarten-Crusius, Fritzsche, Reith-
mayr, Krehl, Umbreit, van Hengel) of the strong in faith, who acts wrongly in
eating under offence given, i.e. although to the offence of the weak. For in
that case we should have here no reference at all relevant to the κατάλυσις of
the ἔργον τ. Θεοῦ, but only the vague remark that it is wrong to eat to the
offence of others. — ἀλλὰ] after μέν ; see Vigerus, ed. Herm. Ὁ. 536; Har-
tung, Partikell. 11. p. 403 f. ; Baeumlein, p. 170. -- κακόν] not hurtful (Riick-
ert), nor yet bad in the sense of what is not good for him (Hofmann), but sin-
ful, the ethical contrast of καθαρά. The subject (it) is to be understood of
itself from what precedes, namely τὸ καθαρόν, the pure in itself. Others
supply πᾶν (Reiche), τὸ βρῶμα (Grotius), τὸ ἐσθίειν (Riickert), τὸ πάντα φαγεῖν
(Fritzsche, Philippi). Hofmann also renders incorrectly, as though it ran,
κακὸν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τὸ διὰ προσκόμματος ἐσθίειν. ---- διά] ἃ5 ἴῃ ii. 97. ὁ
Ver. 21. Maxim for the strong in faith, which results from the preceding
ἀλλὰ κακόν κ.τ.}.: ‘It is excellent, morally right and good, to eat no flesh, and
to drink no wine, and (generally) to do nothing whereby thy brother takes offence,”
etc. Comp. 1 Cor. viii. 13. On μὴ, as joined to the infinitive with the
article, see Bacumlein, p. 296. The article belongs only to μὴ day. kp. With
the second μηδέ, the general ποιεῖν is simply to be supplied! (Winer, p. 542
[E. T. p. 583] ; Buttmann, p. 336 [E.T. 393]), and ἐν @ also refers back to
the eating of flesh and drinking of wine. Riickert and Kéllner (following
Luther, Grotius, Flatt) are mistaken in holding that καλόν is to be taken com-
paratively, and that the comparison lies in ἐν ᾧ «.7./.; in which case we should
have very arbitrarily to assume that the apostle,instead of following it up with
an ἤ «.7.2. (see on Matt. xviii. 8), had been led away from the construction.
According to Hofmann, we should read μηδὲ ἕν. But this would in fact
denote, not, as Hofmann thinks, nor yet anything at all, but neque unum, or
ne unum quidem (see on 1 Cor. vi. 5 ; Johni. 3), which would be unsuitable
here. Quite unfounded withal is the objection against the reading "ἐν ᾧ,
that προσκόπτειν with évis not elsewhere found ; for προσκόπτει is to be taken
by itself (absolutely), and ἐν ¢ means whereby, as ἐν is also to be understood
in Ecclus. xxx. 13; see Fritzsche on Heclus. Ὁ. 167. On the absolute προσ-
κοπτ. comp. Ecclus. xxxiv. 17, xiii. 23, also John xi. 9, 10. — The following
threefold designation of the same thing, namely, of the giving occasion for
conduct opposed to conscience (comp. ver. 18), is explained by the urgency
of the sorrowful thought. — ἀσθενεῖ] not : becomes weak, but, as it always
denotes : is weak, 7.e. morally powerless to withstand temptation and to
follow his moral conviction,—not different in substance from the two pre-
ceding figurative designations already employed in ver. 13.—Further, that
1The zeugmatic breviloquence, which mer onward among the Greek writers (see
leaves the reader to supply, after special Nagelsbach, 2. Zlias, Ὁ. 179, ed. 3). Comp.
notions (such as φαγεῖν and πιεῖν here), a generally, Kriiger, § 62. 3.
more general word, is found also from Ho-
CHAP. XIV., 22, 23. 521
in ver. 21 not a merely problematic extension of abstinence is expressed, as
those suppose who hold the abstinence on the part of the weak not to refer
to all flesh, and to refer to wine either not at all, or only to the wine of
libation (see introd. to the chapter, and on ver. 2), is evident from ver. 2,
where abstinence from ail flesh is expressed ; and hence here, alongside of
the μὴ φαγεῖν κρέα, the μηδὲ πιεῖν οἶνον admits of no other conclusion than that
the weak in faith drank no wine, but held the use of it likewise (see ver. 14)
to be defiling.
Vv. 22, 23. Σὺ πίστιν ἔχεις] [See Note CXLIX. p. 530.] may be viewed
cither concessively (Luther, Beza, and many others, including Scholz, Tischen-
dorf, Fritzsche, Tholuck, Hofmann) or interrogatively (Calvin, Grotius,
Calovius, and most moderns). Comp. on xiii. 3. The latter (already in
‘Oecumenius, and probably also Chrysostom) corresponds better to the increas-
ing animation of the discourse. Paul hears, as it were, how the strong in
faith opposes him with an ἐγὼ πίστιν ἔχω, and he replies thereto : Thou hast
faith? Thou partakest of the confidence of faith grounded on Christ, re-
specting the allowableness of the eating and drinking (vv. 2, 21), which is
here in question ?—Have it for thyself (ἀρκείτω cov τὸ συνειδός, Chrysostom)
before God, so that God is the witness of thy faith, and thou dost not make
a parade of it before men to the offence of the weak. ‘‘ Fundamentum verac
prudentiae et dissimulationis,” Bengel. —éye] not : thou mayest have it
(Reiche), which deprives the imperative expression of its force. — κατὰ ceav-
τόν] for thyself alone ; see Kiihner, II. 1, p. 414." --- μακάριος. . . κατακέκριται
forms a twofold consideration, which must influence the strong one not to
abuse his strong faith to the prejudice of the weaker ; namely, (1) he has in
truth on his side the high advantage, which is expressed by μακάριος.
δοκιμάζει ; on the other hand, (2) the danger is great for the weak one, if he
through the example of the strong one is tempted to a partaking contrary
to his conscience (ὁ δὲ διακρινόμενος k.7.A.). How shouldest thou not content
thyself with that privilege, and spare this peril to the weak ! On the formal
mutual relation of «piv., diaxpiv., and xaraxpiv., comp. 1 Cor. xi. 31, 32,
where, however, the definition of the sense is not as here. — μακάριος] for the
Messianic blessedness, which has been acquired for him through Christ, does
not become lost to him through conscientious doubts in the determining of
his action. — κρίνων] not equivalent to κατακρίνων, as, since Chrysostom, most
interpreters think ; against which the climax κρίνων, διακρινόμενος, κατακέκριται
is decisive. It means: he who does not hold judgment upon himself, i.e. he
who is so certain of his conviction, that his decision for this or that
course is liable to no self-judgment ; he does not institute any such
judement, as the anxious and uncertain one does. —év ᾧ δοκιμάζει]
that which he approves, i.e. ‘agendum eligit” (Estius). Luther aptly ren-
ders: in that which he accepts.2— Ver. 23: But he who wavers (δια-
xpiv., qui dubius haeret., see on iv. 20), as to whether, namely, the eating is
really allowed or not, is, if he shall have eaten, condemned, eo ipso (comp. on
1 Comp. Heliodorus, vii. 16: κατὰ σαυτὸν 2 Comp. 2 Mace. iv. 3; Dem. 1881.6; Plato,
ἔχε kat μηδενὶ φράζε, also the classical αὐτὸς Legg. p. 579 C; Diod. Sic. iv. 7
ἔχε, keep it for thyself.
522 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
xii. 8 ; John iii. 18) Mable to the divine penal judgment, the opposite of μακά-
ρίος ; comp. ἀπόλλυε, ver. 15. The matter is apprehended from the point of
view of morally ideal strictness. Actual self-condemnation (Chrysostom,
Theodoret, Grotius, and others, including Hofmann) would have required a
more precise designation. — ὅτε οὐκ ἐκ πίστεως sc. ἔφαγε. --- πᾶν δὲ k.T.A.] May
be still connected with ὅτε : because he ate not from faith, but all, that comes
not from faith, is sin. If itis taken independently, however, the sense.is more
emphatic. In the conclusion, which proves the κατακέκριται, πᾶν δὲ. ..
duapt. ἐστίν is the major, and οὐκ ἐκ πίστεως sc. ἔφαγε the minor premiss. —
πίστις is here also none other than faith according to its moral quality (‘‘ con-
scientiam informans et confirmans,” Bengel), 7.e. faith in Christ, so far as it
brings with it the moral confidence as to what in general, and under given
circumstances, is the right Christian mode of action. Respecting the con-
duct of the Christian, Paul lays down the axiom which regulates it gener-
ally, and more especially in adiaphora, that all which does not proceed from
that confidence of faith as the moral spring of action is sin ; to express a
moral fundamental law beyond the Christian sphere of life, is foreign to his
intention. Hence it was an alien proceeding to draw from the present
expression, indirectly or directly,—in disregard of the natural law of con-
science (ii. 14, 15),—the inference that the works and even the virtues of ΄ἡ
unbelievers were all of them sins (Augustine, 6. Julian. iv. 3, et. al.; Luther ;
Form. Cone. Ὁ. 700 ; Calovius, and others). Very correctly Chrysostom :
ταῦτα δὲ πάντα περὶ τῆς προκειμένης ὑποθέσεως εἴρηται τῷ Παύλῳ, ov περὶ πάντων.
But against the abuse of this passage, as though it made all accountability
dependent only on subjective moral conviction,’ see Jul. Miiller, von d.
Siinde, I. p. 285, ed. 5 ; comp. also Delitzsch, Psychol. I. Ὁ. 139,
Notes py AMERICAN EDITOR.
CXXXVII. Ver. 1. τὸν ἀσθενοῦντα τῇ πίστει.
ΤῊΘ use of the word πίστις here is kindred to that in xii. 3, though the
special application is not the same. It is evident that the writer’s thought is
not of the strength or weakness of the principle of trust in Christ in itself con-
sidered, but as viewed in its relation to questions of conscience and practice.
As faith develops itself to its full measure in the soul, its natural result is to
give intelligence and Christian freedom in all points belonging to the sphere of
the adiaphora. Faith is not knowledge ; but it manifests itself on the side of
knowledge, so that as the believer grows in his faith he comes more and more
to understand (if, indeed, the faith-growth is a legitimate one) that the adia-
phora are not in themselves wrong. The man who has the fulness of faith
knows that, as there is no idol-god, there can be no polluting influence in
meats taken from animals which have been sacrificed to idols, and that, as the
earth with all that it furnishes for the support of life belongs to God, no food
can be unclean in itself. Hence we find the Apostle speaking of himself, in
1 Τῇ this view, the objective will of God would have been exempted from responsi-
would cease to be the standard of account- bility.
ability. The bloody deed of Sand, e2.g.,
at
NOTES. 523
ver. 14, as knowing and being persuaded in the Lord Jesus of this truth re-
specting meats, and, in 1 Cor. viii. 1 ff., of all who had fully received his
teaching as having knowledge of the nothingness of εἴδωλα. Paul’s conception
of faith, thus, is that of the vital and all-pervading force of the Christian’s life,
which not merely secures him justification and becomes the source of holy liv-
ing, but gives him true understanding in questions of duty and fitness for his
special work, to which he is called of God. Weiss ed. Mey. holds that the
weakness of faith here spoken of consists in such a fear that salvation may
easily be lost as leads one anxiously to avoid, or painfully to do, things which
are irrelevant to its attainment, in order that it may not be forfeited. If this
be accepted as the true explanation, and not improbably it should be, we must
still hold that, as this weakness gives way to growing strength, the knowledge
which removes the fear enters the mind, and thus the increase of faith gives
the man power to do what he shrank from doing before. That such fear and
weakness sometimes arose in the apostolic age from the remaining influence of
old beliefs (cf. 1 Cor. viii. 7) is not to be doubted, but we cannot affirm that
they did in every individual case. That they were always attended by con-
scientious scruples was natural or even necessary.
CXXXVIII. Ver. 1. μὴ εἰς διακρίσεις διαλογισμῶν.
The meaning of this expression, though so uncertain as to preclude any ab-
solute affirmation respecting it, seems to be indicated by the following points.
(@) προσλαμβάνεσῆε is addressed to the ‘‘strong’”’ party, i.e. those who are free
from the weakness referred to. This is evident, because the subject of the
verb is contrasted with the object. It must be the ‘‘not weak’’ who are to
receive the ‘‘weak.” Nor will it be otherwise if, with Meyer, we say ‘‘the ex-
horted subject is the church, in contradistinction to the weak members ;” for
the church, as thus contradistinguished, is the strong party. That this is the cor-
rect view is confirmed by the fact that in Gal. v. 13 ff. (where Paul, not im-
probably, has the same general subject of thought in his mind) and 1 Cor.
viii.—x. the exhortations are mainly addressed to this party in their relation to
the other. If, however, the demand is made of the strong in faith, that they
should take to their kindly fellowship their weaker brethren, it would seem
probable that whatever words are added as bearing upon the purpose of the
reception must describe what the strong are to do, or are to avoid doing, re-
specting the condition of the weak. (Ὁ) μὴ εἰς «.7.2., as indicating the purpose,
sets forth also, as Meyer remarks, a negative more precise definition of the
verb. The reception to fellowship, that is, was to be a reception μὴ x.r.A.
The words διακρίσεις διαλογισμῶν imply, therefore, an unkindly attitude towards
the weak party, and the most natural suggestion is that the unkindness, if
manifested, would consist in some action bearing upon their thoughts or feel-
ings. (0) The primary idea of διαλογισμός is a thinking through or over as with
one’s self, or in one’s own mind. Hence it comes to mean, in the plural,
speculations or reasonings. This primary idea is apparently suggested directly
or indirectly in most, if not indeed ali, of the N. T. passages where it occurs.
It is thus adapted to express that mental state which, in connection with ques-
tions such as are here under consideration, is described by our word scruples.
(d) διάκρισις does not seem to derive from its corresponding verb the meaning
doubts. Of the other possible significations, it is probable that decision or
524 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
judgment is the one here intended, because διάκρισις in the two other cases
where it occurs in the N. T. (1 Cor. xii. 10 ; Heb. v. 14) has this meaning or
the one which lies at the basis of it; and because a dispute or discussion
respecting the subject of the scruples would not, in itself, be necessarily other-
wise than beneficial. The impropriety or undesirableness of it would depend
on the spirit in which it was carried on. On the other hand, the passing of
condemnatory judgments could not but be evil.—The probabilities as to the
sense of each of the two words and the indications of the two clauses of the
verse as related to each other, accordingly, combine together in favour of the
explanation, not for the purpose of passing judgments upon their scruples. Such a
purpose would be contrary to kindly fellowship.
CXXXIX. Ver. 2. ὃς μὲν πιστεύει k.T.A.
That πιστεύει means here not believes that he may, but has faith to, eat all things,
is clear from the ἀσθενοῦντα τῇ πίστει οὗ ver. 1, and from the ἐκ πίστεως Of Ver.
23. There seems to be no reason discoverable from the chapter to lead us to
the belief that any limitation should be put upon the language used in this
verse ; and hence we may hold, with Meyer, that the weak man is represented
as refusing all meats, and not merely all ceremonially unclean meats, or all flesh
sacrificed to idols. The extreme cases are taken for the purpose of emphasis.
CXL. Ver. 3. ἐξουθενείτω --- κρινέτω.
After setting forth the condition of the two parties, as represented by two
supposed cases, the bidding appropriate to each is given. The one who is free
from scruples must not have contempt for the Christian brother who is under
bondage to them ; and the latter must not judge or condemn the former. The
grounds for the command are added : because God has accepted as His own
the one on whom judgment is passed ; because, being the servant of God, he
is responsible to God only ; and because the subjects referred to are such as
involve no sin, provided the man is fully persuaded in his own mind—he may
live to the Lord equally whether he eats or declines to eat.
CXLI. Ver. 5. ὃς μὲν yap κρίνει ἡμέραν K.T.A.
Tisch. (8) adopts γάρ. Treg. Alf. reject it. W. & Hort place it in brackets.
The commentators generally, with Meyer, do not accept it as belonging to the
text. If it is read, the passage respecting ‘‘days” is evidently introduced in a
subordinate way, as an illustrative proof of what is said concerning the matter
of eating, or, according to Hofmann, of the sentence δυνατεῖ. . . αὐτόν (ver. 4).
Tf, on the other hand, γάρ is omitted, there is a certain parallelism between
this verse and ver. 2. The fact alluded to by Meyer, however,—that there is
only a passing reference to this subject, while the other matter fills the whole
remaining portion of the chapter,—makes it evident that the observance or
non-observance of days was a thing of secondary importance to the Apostle’s
present thought. The main point is the question of meats.
We may infer from Gal. iv. 10 and Col. ii. 16, which are apparently kindred
in thought to this verse, that the days here referred to were those observed by the
Jews. Meyer regards them as including both feast and fast days. Weiss ed.
Mey. would limit them to the latter. There seems, however, to be no sufficient
NOTES. 525
ground for this limitation. The different attitude which Paul takes in the
three Epistles does not show that he is thinking of different observances. It
is perfectly explicable without this supposition. He is here, as in the First
Epistle to the Corinthians, addressing the church members with regard to
their private and social life in these matters. They were holding different
opinions, as connected with the stronger or weaker measure of their faith, and
were passing judgments privately on actions and scruples. Under such cir-
cumstances he could write calmly—telling them that the questions of this class
were not of vital importance ; that the kingdom of God was not eating and
drinking, but righteousness ; that, whether one should eat all things or vegeta-
bles only, he would neither gain nor lose anything at the day of final judgment;
that there was no sin in freedom ; that freedom in such things was even the high-
est and normal state for the intelligent believer ; but that, as some believers
were still under the bondage of conscientious scruples, the rule of the Christian
society should be, here as it was everywhere, love to the brethren. Each one
should, for himself, see that he was, before acting, fully persuaded in his own
mind. Each one should, in his relations to others, be animated by the spirit
of Christ. There should be no condemnation of the strong by the weak, and
no contempt of the weak on the part of the strong, In the case of the Galatian
and Colossian churches, on the contrary, there was quite a different condition of
things. In Galatia, he saw his converts, under the influence of teachers who
bitterly opposed his doctrine, moving away from the freedom of the gospel to
the bondage of Judaistic views. At Colossae, there were men who insisted upon
these observances as essential to the highest life, in connection with the idea
of matter as the source of evil. The truth of Christianity was, thus, involved by
reason of the assaults of dangerous and insinuating enemies. He was com-
pelled to arouse his unthinking followers by the sound of alarm, and to bid
them claim independence for themselves as related to the judgment or de-
mand of any who would condemn them. But the subject of controversy was
the same in all cases. The difference was only in the position of the adversa-
ries, and, consequently, of the Apostle himself.
The bearing of this verse upon the observance of the Christian Sunday is
discussed by many writers. The following points may be noticed in a candid
and impartial examination of this question. (a) The primary, and probably
exclusive direct reference of the words, as related to the differences in the
churches addressed by Paul, was to Jewish, not to Christian observances.
(b) An agreement respecting the latter, connected with a difference respecting
the former, is conceivable. (0) The writer may possibly, therefore, have had
no intention of including the Christian Sunday among the days whose
observance or non-observance might be left to the individual judgment.
(d) On the other hand, the contrast in the words of the verse is between
esteeming one day above another and esteeming every day alike. The
universality of the expression is noticeable. (e) No command is given by
the Apostle in any of his Epistles with reference to the Christian Sunday,
and no reference is made to it except in 1 Cor. xvi. 2. (7) The mode of
dealing with the general subject of ‘‘days” must be considered. Is it prob-
able or improbable that Paul would have written as he did in the three Epis-
tles, if the error of the Sabbath-observers had been simply, or mainly, an error
in keeping the seventh day instead of, or in addition to, the first? The deter-
mination of these points and their adjustment in relation to one another are
526 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
necessary to a decision. The decision when made, will not in itself settle the
question as to the grounds or the proper character of Sunday-observance, but
it must find its place in the main argument on that question. What Paul’s
view of the matter was is an important element in the discussion as to whether
the Christian Sunday depends on, and finds its inviolable Divine ordinance in;
the Fourth Commandment. The question in its wider range, however, extends
beyond this point of the relation of the Christian institution to the Mosaic
Law.
CXLII. Ver. 6. ὁ ἐσθίων κυρίῳ ἐσθίει K.7.A.
Paul recognizes the fact that both the eater and the non-eater take the course
of action which they follow with that regard for the Lord and their duty to
Him, which animates the Christian in everything. Whether he lives or dies,
it is not for himself, but for Christ. It is to be observed here, (a) that κυρίῳ
refers to Christ, because the believer, according to the Pauline phraseology, is
δοῦλος (here οἰκέτης, ver. 4) Χριστοῦ, and because Χριστός is used in ver. 9 with
manifest reference to κυρίῳ (comp. also κυριεύσῃ, ver. 9). (2) that living and dy-
ing are mentioned, as in viii. 38, 1 Cor. iii. 22, as the two extremes between
which everything elge must be included :—if for Christ in these, for Him in all
things ; (3) that the proof on which he rests his statement that both parties act
with true regard to the Lord’s service is, that they each of them offer the prayer
of thanksgiving for that which they eat ; (4) that the use of the words no man liv-
eth to himself (ver. 7), which is often made in public discourse, as meaning that
the Christian, according to the law of his life, should live for others, is not jus-
tified by the thought of the passage. Living for others is a teaching of Chris-
tianity, but not of these words.
CXLIM. Ver. 13. μηκέτι οὖν ἀλλήλους κρίνωμεν.
The immediate connection of οὖν is (as Meyer also says) with ἕκαστος x.7.A. of
ver. 12. In the progress of the thought, however, it may be regarded as intro-
ducing a conclusion from all that has been said. As the Christian is not his”
brother-Christian’s servant, but Christ’s ; as the one who eats the meats and
the one who does not both act in devotion to the common Master ; and as the
judgment of God is to decide all questions at the end, the duty of the two par-
ties is to refrain from judging each other. The two words ἐξουθενεῖν and κρίνειν
are here included in κρίνωμεν, because the ἐξουθ. is really a κρίνειν.
CXLIV. Ver. 13. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο κρίνατε μᾶλλον, K.T.A.
From the negative exhortation yyk . .. . κρίν., Which is addressed to both
parties, and in which he also includes himself, Paul turns immediately to a
positive one directed to the ‘‘strong’’ section only. The remainder of the
chapter appeals to them ; bidding them resolve to put no hindrance in the way
of the Christian life and progress of the weak, and setting forth reasons why
they should follow the bidding. These reasons, which, in the earnestness and
natural flow of the thought, are not presented in carefully arranged succession,
are the following : (1) that the weak will be ‘grieved τ (2) that the one for
whom Christ died and in whose life is God’s work may be thus injured or
even destroyed ; (3) that the danger of this injury and loss is occasioned for the
sake of what is not essential to the kingdom of God, but is comparatively
unimportant.
NOTES. 527
CXLY. Vv. 14-23.
The doctrine of Paul on the subject of the ἀδιάφορα, as indicated in these
verses, involves the following points. (a) There is no real ground for con-
scientious scruples in such matters. He distinctly declares himself to be of the
strong and free party. As living in the sphere of Christ, and taught by Him,
he is persuaded, he even knows that nothing is unclean in and through itself.
(b) The man who has this knowledge and persuasion (i.e. this faith to eat all
things) is to be called happy, and may rightly for and by himself enjoy his
freedom before God. (c) The man who is not fully persuaded, i.e., who thinks
a certain thing to be unclean, willdo wrong if he eats. His subjective state
makes the action wrong, not in itself, but for him. (d) The strong, as they are
brought into relations with the weak, must not insist upon the exercise of that
liberty which they may indulge in private, because Christian love must help
and not hinder or harm the weak. (e) The principle of action in all such matters
must be love.
It is evident, however, that Paul did not hold the view that the Christian
body should always limit its opinions, or its acts, by the limitations of those
among its members whose knowledge and faith, in the sense here indicated, are
at the lowest point. He asserts most definitely and emphatically the rights of
the individual conscience. ‘* Why is my liberty judged by another man’s con-
science,” 1 Cor. x. 29. He affirms that conscientious scruples of the class
referred to belong to and are occasioned by imperfect Christian knowledge.
Growth in faith will remove them. Freedom from them is a blessedness. If
they do not exist, they are not to be originated by anxious questioning (comp.
1 Cor. x. 25-27). He expresses apprehension in the case of those who are fall-
ing back into them (Gal. iv. 11), that his labour for their conversion and Chris-
tian life has been in vain. He boldly advocates freedom against the Judaistic
party. Ina word, he preaches the Pauline Gospel.
No interpreter can understand the Apostle’s whole doctrine, who does not
take both sides of the matter into his consideration. No body of Christian
believers, it may be added, can fulfil the apostolic injunction so long as the
men of freedom respecting the indifferent things are alone called upon to obey
its voice, and cease to despise their weaker brethren, The weaker party must
also do what has often been forgotten in later times, as it was in Paul’s day—
cease to condemn those who are raised, through faith and knowledge, into the
understanding that none of these things are unclean in themselves, but that
they are so only to him who thinks them to be so.
CXLVI. Ver. 15. εἰ γὰρ. . .. ὁ ἀδελφὸς λυπεῖται.
λυπεῖται evidently is not the same word as ἀπόλλυε, but the connection of
the sentences shows that it must be either equivalent to that verb or must de-
note something in the line of its meaning. It cannot, therefore, be the mere
feeling of pain that another person does something which we regard as wrong.
It must involve an injury to our Christian life, of greater or less moment.
Whether, however,—this being admitted,—Avreiv is to be regarded (with
Philippi and others) as directly conveying the idea to injure, or (with Weiss ed
Mey.) as pointing to it more indirectly, in that the weaker person, being led
on by the example of the strong, is thrown into much internal conflict and
sorrow, is more difficult todetermine. The comparison of this expression with
§28 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
1 Cor. viii. 9, 10, 11, 12, where there is much similarity in language to the
present passage, though indeed a reference to a different subject, would sug-
gest the latter idea. Comp. especially συνείδησις αὐτοῦ ἀσθενοῦς ὄντος oikodopn-
θήσεται εἰς TO. . . ἐσθίειν and τύπτοντες αὐτῶν τὴν συνείδησιν ὠσθενοῦσατ".
OXLVIL. Ver. 16. μὴ βλασφημείσθω οὖν ὑμῶν τὸ ἀγαθόν.
The similarity of the entire passage to what is found in 1 Cor. viii. suggests
that the reference in τὸ ἀγαθόν is to the “liberty” of the strong party. This
explanation, which is favored by many writers (so Fritzsche, Tholuck, Godet,
Gifford, and others), is rejected by Meyer, Weiss ed. Mey., Hofmann, de Wette,
Alford, Philippi, and others. The last mentioned writers, however, differ in
their views, as to what the good thing referred to is (see Meyer’s note). The
objections urged against the reference to liberty seem to have no real founda-
tion. They are the following : (a) That the plural ‘‘ you’’ being used here, in-
stead of the singular as in ver 15, shows that the writer is addressing the whole
church, and not the strong party. But it should be noticed, (1) that the plural
is used in ver. 13 in addressing this party, and (2) that the whole church is
nowhere spoken of throughout the entire chapter except with the use of the
first person plural. (Ὁ) That the emphatic position of ὑμῶν indicates a ref-
erence to the church. But the position of ὑμῶν is altogether consistent with a
designed prominence given to the strong party in contrast with the weak. Paul
was exhorting the strong with respect to that which belonged to them alone.
Comp. the emphatic ov, ver. 22. (ὁ) That the reading ἡμῶν found in D and
some later authorities, also in the Peshito, indicates the same reference. But
ἡμῶν simply unites the writer with the persons to whom he directs his remarks,
and is just as applicable to the free party as it is to the whole body of believers.
Comp. ἡμεῖς οἱ δυνατοί xv. 1, 1 Cor. xv. 52, and other passages, where Paul refers
to a class of persons and adds himself to them by the use of the ‘*communi-
cative we.’’ Moreover, this reading may have been, at the most, what some
copyist thought to be the Apostle’s meaning, and may have been due to an
error on his part as to what that meaning was. (d) That the verb βλασφημείσθω
points to reproaches of unbelievers against the church. It is to be admitted
that the verb often has this reference, but that it may be used of believers
also, is beyond doubt. It is thus used in 1 Cor. x. 30, where Paul is speaking
of a matter kindred to that which is alluded to here. The argument derived
from that passage as proving the same sense in this place is a very strong one.
(e) That ver. 17 favors the interpretation of ὑμῶν as meaning all the church
members. Not so, it may be answered, when the force of ver. 17 is rightly un-
derstood. As, in 1 Cor. viii. 8, the Apostle urges, as a reason why the strong
party should not allow their liberty to become a stumbling-block to the weak,
the fact that food will not commend (or present) us before the Divine judgment-
seat ; so here he presses the same thing on the ground that the kingdom of
God does not consist in eating and drinking. (f) That τοῖς ἀνθρώποις (ver. 18)
shows that the βλασφημία is that of unbelievers. But there is neither any
statement by the writer, nor any decisive evidence, that ἀνθρώποις means only
unbelievers, and, if it does, there is no evidence that the 18th verse has any
force except as confirming the declaration of ver. 17, or, in other words, that
it has an immediate connection with yer. 16 of such a sort as to have any bear-
ing whatever on the question under consideration. It is worthy of notice that
NOTES. 529
there is no allusion to unbelievers anywhere else in the chapter, but, on the
other hand, that all the other suggestions of every sort have reference to the
two parties of believers in their relation to each other. When we take this fact
into view, and at the same time the insufficiency of the counter arguments,
the parallelism of the expressions in the passage in the First Epistle to the
Corinthians must be allowed its full weight. This parallelism and the natural-
ness of the interpretation when the verse and the context are considered by them-
selves, render the reference of τὸ ἀγαθόν to the liberty of the strong party alto-
gether probable.
CXLVIII. Ver. 17. οὐ γάρ ἐστιν 7 βασιλεία τοῦ Θεοῦ k.7.A.
Meyer claims that the kingdom of God here, and everywhere else, signifies
“nothing else than the Messiah’s kingdom, the erection of which begins with
the Parousia, belonging not to the αἰὼν οὗτος, but to the aidv μέλλων." Weiss
ed. Mey. admits that this is the ordinary meaning of the phrase in Paul's
writings, but he denies that the reference here is to the kingdom as established
hereafter. It is, rather, to the essential idea of the kingdom, which is not
such that a man must eat and drink this or that in order to participate in it.
The view of Weiss is more nearly correct. The vital element of the kingdom
is not eating and drinking, but righteousness. The atmosphere of the king-
dom is righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Spirit. For those whose
life isin this atmosphere the minor questions pertaining only to the physical
life (cf. 1 Cor. vi. 13a) are insignificant.
In regard to the words δικαιοσύνη and εἰρήνη, on the other hand, Meyer seems
to have the right view as compared with Weiss. The latter, with Riickert,
Tholuck, Philippi, Shedd, and others, holds that dix. here means dix. ἐκ πίσ-
τεως and refers to justification, and that εἰρ. means reconciliation with God.
The ordinary sense of dk. is more appropriate to the context and the chapter
—conformity to what one ought to be and do. The context also points to
peace with one another, rather than peace with God, as the idea in the writer's
mind. Comp. vv. 18,19. It is certainly more natural to use the form of ex-
pression found in ver. 18, ὁ δουλεύων Χριστῷ ἐν τούτῳ oY τούτοις, if the words
have the latter meaning. The whole chapter, also, has reference to actions
and relations to the Christian brethren. It is not sufficient to urge, as counter-
balancing the force of these suggestions, that the Apostle is stating what the
essence of God’s kingdom consists in ; for though the things which are funda-
mental to that kingdom are justification and reconciliation, yet, in a true and
proper sense, the essence of the kingdom is righteousness of life and peace,
which is the fruit of love. Weiss objects that love is not mentioned, but it is
plainly suggested in the use of εἰρήνη, and the circumstances of the case called
especially for the mention of this particular manifestation of love.
The words γαρὰ ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ have been made an objection to the refer-
ence of dix. and εἰρήνη favored by Meyer. It is affirmed that this joy is not an
active virtue, but a mere condition subjective to the individual mind. In
answer to this, however, it may be said that joy may here be referred to as
both the origin of and the attendant upon the state of Christian peace, or that
it may be mentioned as one of the chief fruits of the Spirit in connection with
the others, although it is not intended to have precisely the same application.
The strongest argument for the other view is that connected with this ex-
530 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
pression. But everything else points so decidedly towards Meyer’s expla-
nation, that it is to be regarded—not, indeed, as certain—but as the more
probable of the two. Godet, Gifford, Beet, Sanday, Hofmann, and others
among the most recent writers agree substantially with Meyer. Grimm Lex.
N. T. is doubtful. Both views are united by de Wette. If Meyer’s explanation
is adopted, the righteousness and peace are (as he also says himself) those of
the Christian life ;—having faith in Christ as the soil from which they spring
CXLIX. Vv. 22, 23. σὺ πίστιν ἣν ἔχεις, K.T.A.
(1) Meyer, with whom, among recent commentators, Godet, Weiss ed. Meyer,
Philippi, and some others agree, rejects 7v. He supposes it to be occasioned by
a double writing of the last two letters of πίστιν, or to have been added as ex-
planatory. Philippi regards it asa paraphrastic gloss. Godet decides against its
insertion on the ground that the ancient versions generally do not favour it, and
that it is not in keeping with the context. Weiss thinks thatif it had been gen-
uine, we should have found τὴν πίστιν in the text, and not πίστιν. The external
evidence is admitted to be favourable to its insertion, and it is adopted by Treg.
Tisch. (8), W. & Hort. With ἣν the sentence is certainly affirmative ; without jv
it is probably so, though possibly interrogative. R. V. accepts ἣν as the true
reading. (2) πίστιν, by reason of the connection of thought throughout the
chapter, must mean faith in the sense and application of the word suggested
in vv. 1,2. (9) κατὰ σεαυτόν. The emphasis is evidently upon these words,
This, however, does not prove that the sole purpose of the sentence is to for-
bid the pressing of one’s freedom in the presence and to the injury of the
weak. The following clauses, as well as the wording of this clause itself, make
it probable that, along with this idea, itis also implied that the strong may retain
and enjoy and exercise the freedom of his faith when he is ‘‘ by himself,’ and
“before God” only. (4) μακάριος is referred by Meyer to the fact that ‘the
Messianic blessedness [i.e. in the established Messianic kingdom] does not
become lost to him through conscientious doubts.’’ But, more probably, it re-
fers to the present happiness, which the believer who is not troubled by such
doubts in the sphere of the adiaphora must necessarily have. (5) The expla-
nation given by Meyer of ὁ μὴ κρίνων. . . . δοκιμάζει is undoubtedly correct,
The man asks no questions for conscience’ sake (1 Cor. x. 25) before the action,
and subjects himself to no self-judgment in and after it. As he practically ap-
proves it (δοκιμάζει), so he has no inward doubt that it is right. He has faith
for ‘all things.” (6) On the other hand, the one who doubts is condemned,
provided he eats. He moves forward to action before he is inwardly ready for
it. διακρίνεσθαι is here used in the same sense as in Matt. xxi. 21. As Godet
says, ‘‘Conscience has not yet reached oneness with itself; hence the term
diaxpir, to be divided into two men, the one of whom says yes, the other no.”
κατακέκριται refers apparently to God's judgment (Meyer says, ‘‘is liable to the
divine penal judgment’), but does not carry with it the idea that the person
will, necessarily, be a subject of eternal condemnation. (7) ὅτι οὐκ ἐκ πίστεως.
The reason of the condemnation is because the eating, in the case supposed,
does not originate in, have its source in, faith. The man eats all things (ver.
2) while he has faith only to eat vegetables. (8) wav δὲ ὃ οὐκ ἐκ πίστεως ἁμαρτία
ἐστίν. πίστις in this clause is to be understood in the sense in which it is used
throughout the chapter. The interpretation of the clause is determined by
NOTES. 531
this fact. Paul is speaking of the action of Christians in the region of the
adiaphora, and of this only. The explanation which applies the words to all
actions and life, and which even makes them apply to unbelievers, declaring
that everything which they do is sin because they do not believe in Christ, is
founded on a misapprehension of what the Apostle’s purpose is. He has no
reference to this matter, nor indeed to anything beyond the limits of the
chapter.
THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS,
CHAP TER Ve;
Various writers formerly, from the days of Semler,® disputed, not that Paul
was the author of chap. xv. and xvi. (as to the doxology, xvi. 25-27, see, how-
ever, the critical notes on chap. xvi.), but that chap. xv. and xvi. along with chap.
i.-xiv. compose one epistle. Semler himself thought that Paul had given to the
bearers of the letter—of which Phoebe was not the bearer—a list, which they
might exhibit, of the teachers whom they were to visit on their journey by way
of Cenchreae (where Phoebe dwelt) and Ephesus (where Aquila dwelt), and to
whom they were to hand a copy of the letter. This list was in his view chap.
xvi., of which, however, vv. 25-27 had their original place after xiv. 23 (which
also Paulus, Griesbach, Flatt, Eichhorn assumed) ; and chap. xy. was an open
letter to those same teachers, with whom the travellers were to confer respect-
ing the contents.—Paulus (de originib. ep. ad Rom., Jen. 1801, and in his Kom-
mentar, z. Gal. τι. Rom. 1831, Introd.) held chap. xv. to be an appended letter
for those who were enlightened, and chap. xvi. to have been a separate leaf for
the bearer of the letters, with commendations to the overseers of the church and
commissions to those whom they were particularly to greet from Paul. Gries-
bach (curae in hist. text. Gr. epp. P. p. 45, and in his Opuse. ed. Gabl. vol. 11. p.
63 ; comp. in opposition to him, Gabler himself in the Preface, p. xxiv.),
whom in the main Flatt followed, saw in chap. xv. an appendix for the further
discussion of the last subject, subjoined after the conclusion of the letter, while
chap. xvi. consisted originally of various appended leaflets. A similar hypoth-
esis was constructed by Eichhorn (Hinleit. 111. p. 232 ff.), who, however, re-
garded xvi. 1-20 as not belonging to Rome at all, but as a letter of commen-
dation for Phoebe, probably destined for Corinth, but taken along with her to
Rome. Among all the grounds by which these varied assumptions have been
supported, there are none which are valid, not even those which appear the
least to rest on arbitrary assumption. For the statement that Marcion did not
read chap. xv. and xvi. amounts to this, that he, according to his fashion
(see Hahn, d. Hv. Marcion’s, p. 50 ff.), excised them.® See, besides, Nitzsch
in the Zeitschr. f. histor. Theol. 1860, I. p. 285 ff. Further, that Tertullian, c.
1 Comp. Lucht, 7b. α΄. beiden letzt. Kap. ἃ. | —which dissecuit cannot denote a mere mu-
Rémerbriefs, eine krit. Unters., Berlin 1871.
2 Keggemann, praes. Semler de duplici ep.
ad kom. appendice, Wal. 1767, and afterwards
in Semler’s Paraphrase, 1769. See in oppo-
sition to him, Koppe, He. II. p. 400 ff., ed.
Ammon, Flatt, and Reiche.
3 Origen on xvi. 25: “‘Caput hoe (viz. xvi.
25-27) Marcion, a quo scripturae evange-
licae et apostolicae interpolatae sunt, de
hac epistola penitus abstulit ; et non solum
hoe, sed et ab eo loco, ubi scriptum est (xiv.
23): omne autem, quod non ex fide est, pec-
eatum est, usque ad finem cuncta dissecuit,”
lilation (Reiche and others), but must be
equivalent in sense to the preceding abstu-
lit. The validity of this testimony cannot
be overthrown by the silence of Epipbanius
on this omission of Marvcion, as a merely
negative reason against it. Marcion’s stum-
bling-blocks, as regards chap. Xv., were
probably vv. 4 and 8 in particular. Alto-
gether Marcion allowed himself to use
great violences to this epistle, as he, for ex-
ample, extruded x. 5-xi. 32; Tertullian, c.
Mare. ν. 14. Comp. generally, Hilgenfeld, in
the Zeitschr. f. hist. Theol. 1855, iii. p. 426 ff.
CHAP: XV. 533
Marc. v. 14, designates the passage xiy. 10 as to be found in clausula of the
epistle, is sufficiently explained from the fact that he is arguing ayainst Marcion
and hence refers to his copy. Comp. also Rénsch, d. N. 7. Tertullian’s p. 350.
Again, the repeated formulae of conclusion before the final close of the letter
(xvi. 20, 24 ; xv. 33 is merely the concluding wish of a section) are most readily
and naturally understood from the repeated intention of the apostle actually
to conclude ; which was to be done first of all at xvi. 16, but was frustrated
through the intrusion of the further observation ver. 17 ff., and was deferred till
ver. 20, after which, however, some further commissions of greeting were in-
troduced (vv. 21-23), so that not until ver. 24 did the last wish of blessing—
and now, for the complete conclusion of the whole, the ample doxology, vv.
25-27—finish the epistle. Most plausible are the two difficulties felt in refer-
ence to chap. xvi.; namely, (1) that Paul would probably not have had so many
acquaintances in Rome, where he had not yet been at all, as he greets in chap.
Xvi., especially seeing that, in the epistles subsequently written from Rome, he
mentions none of them ; and (2) that Aquila and Priscilla could hardly at that
time have been in Rome (xvi. 3), because they not long before were still dwell-
ing in Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 19), and were at a later period likewise in Ephesus
(2 Tim. iv. 19). This has been regarded as the most serious difficulty by Am-
mon (Praefat. p. 24)—who held chap. xvi. to bea letter of commendation written
by the apostle for Phoebe to Corinth after the imprisonment at Rome—and re-
cently by Dav. Schulz (in the Stud. u. Krit. 1829, p. 609 ff.), Schott (Isag. p. 249
ff.), Reuss (Gesch. d. h. Schrift. § 111), Ewald, Laurent, Lucht. Schulz regards
chap. xvi. as written from Rome to Ephesus ; while Schott’s judgment is as
follows: ‘‘Totum cap. xvi, compositum est fragmentis diversis! alius enjusdam
epistolae brevioris (maximam partem amissae), quam Paulus Corinthi ad coe-
tum quendam Christianum in Asia Minori versantem dederat, ita ut qui schedu-
las singulas haec fragmenta exhibentes sensim sensimque deprehendisset,
continua serie unum adijiceret alteri.’’ Neuss (so also Hansrath and Sabatier)
sees in xvi. 1-20 a letter with which Phoebe, who was travelling to Ephesus, was
entrusted to the church there ; while Ewald (comp. Mangold, also Ritschl in
the Juhrb. f. 1). Theol. 1866, p. 352) cuts out only vv. 3-20, but likewise regards
this portion as having originally pertained to an epistle of the apostle to the
Kphesians, which, according to ver. 7, was written trom the Roman captivity ;
as, indeed, also Laurent (neutest. Stud. p. 31 ff.) extracts from vy. 1-24 a special
commendatory letter for Phoebe, written by the apostle’s own hand to the Ephe-
sians, assuming at the same time marginal remarks ;” and Lucht assigns the
commendation of Phoebe, and the greetings by name in vv. 3-6, to a letter to
the Ephesians, but the greetings following in ver. 7 ff. to the editor of the
Epistle to the Romans. But (1) just in the case of Rome it is readily con-
ceivable that Paul had many acquaintances there, some of whom had come
from Asia and Greece, and had settled in Rome, whether permanently or tem-
porarily (several perhaps as missionaries) ; while others, like Aquila, had been
banished as Jews under Claudius, and then had returned as Pauline Christians.
(2) It is by no means necessary that Paul should have known the whole of those
1 These being vv. 1-16, vv. 17-20, vv. 21-24, than vy. 21, 23, 24. See, in opposition,
VV. 25-27. Ritschl, /.c.. and Lucht, p. 22 f.—Weisse
2 And that to such an extent, that of the would have chap. xvi. together with chap.
16th chapter nothing further is supposed to ix.-xi. directed to Ephesus.
have been written by Paul for the Romans
04 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
saluted by sight ; how many might, though personally unknown, be saluted by
him! (3) The fact that Paul at a later period, when he himself was a prisoner
in Rome and wrote thence (in my judgment, the Epistle to the Philippians here
alone comes into consideration ; see Introd. to Eph. and Col.; the Pastoral
Epistles, as non-apostolic, must be disregarded), does not again mention any
one of those here saluted, may have arisen from the altered circumstances of
the time ; for between the composition of the epistle to Rome and the apostle’s
sojourn in Rome there lies an interval of three years, during which the major-
ity of those referred to might have obtained other places of destination.
Besides, the salutation which Paul in the Episile to the Philippians offers to
others (iv. 22) is merely a quite summary one. (4) There exists no ground at
all for denying that Aquila and Priscilla might, after the writing of our First
Epistle to the Corinthians (1 Cor.,xvi. 19), have returned from Ephesus to
Rome and have informed the apostle of their sojourn and activity there. (5)
The greeting from all churches in ver, 16 is suitable enough for an epistle ad-
dressed to the church of the capital city of the empire ; and the first-fruits of Asia,
ver. 5, was everywhere a distinguishing predicate, so that it does not presuppose
one living precisely in Ephesus.!_ (6) Were vy. 3-20 a portion cast adrift of an
epistle to the Ephesians, or even a separate small letter to the Ephesians, it
would not be easy to see how it should have come precisely to this place; it must
have from the outset lost every trace of the tradition of its original destination to
such an extent, that no occasion was found even afterwards, when an epistle to
the Ephesians was already in ecclesiastical use, to subjoin it to that epistle.
From all this there just as little remains any sufficient ground for severing, in
opposition to all testimony, chap. xvi., as there is for severing chap. xv., having
otherwise so close an external and internal connection with chap. xiv., from the
Epistle to the Romans, and giving up the unity of the latter as handed down.
Tt was reserved at last for the criticism of Baur to contest the apostolic origin
of chap. xy. xvi. (in the Tub. Zeitschr. 1836, 3, and Paulus, I. p. 394 ff., ed. 2 ;
comp. also in the theol. Jahrb. 1849, 4, p. 493 ff. ; Schwegler, nachapostol. Zeitalt.
p. 123 ff. ; Volkmar, in the theol. Jahrb. 1856, p. 321 ff., and Rém. Kirche, 1857,
p. 3). Baur finds in the last two chapters a making of advances towards the
Jewish Christians,? such as does not suit the tenor of the rest of the epistle.
In this view he objects particularly to vv. 3, 8, 14 in chap. xv.; vv. 9-12 isa
mere accumulation of Bible passages to pacify the Jewish Christians ; ver. 15
is irrelevant, ver. 20 no less so; the statement of ver. 19: from Jerusalem to
Illyricum, is unhistorical, derived from a later interest ; vv. 22, 23 do not agree
with i. 10-13; vv. 24, 28, intimating that Paul intended to visit the Romans
only on his route to Spain, are surprising ; vv. 25, 26 have been taken by the
writer from the epistles to the Corinthians for his own purpose, in order to win
over the Jewish Christians ; the long series of persons saluted in chap. xvi.—
a list of notabilities in the early Roman church—was intended to afford proof
that Paul already stood in confidential relations to the best known members of
the church, in connection with which several names, among them the συγγενεῖς
1 Comp. besides, onthe arguments num- the apostle a softening and soothing counter-
bered 1-5, van Hengel, II. p. 783 ff. poise in favor of the Judaists, and in the
2The two chapters are supposed, for- interests of unity... The 15th chapter is
sooth, to belong to a Pauline writer, “ who, supposed to have its original in 2 Cor, x.
in the spirit of the author of the book of Acts, 13-18.—Hilgenfeld has not adhered to Baur’s
wished to oppose to the sharp anti-Judaism of view.
CHAP. XV. 530
of the apostle as well as Aquila and Priscilla, and their characterization are sus-
picious ; vv. 17-20 are unsuitably placed, and without characteristic colouring ;
the position of the final doxology is uncertain ; the entire complaisance towards
the Jewish Christians conflicts with Gal. i. and ii. But this same (so-called)
’ ecomplaisance (according to Volkmar, ‘‘ with all manner of excuses and half com-
pliments’’) is assumed utterly without ground, especially seeing that Paul had
already in an earlier passage expressed so much of deep and true sympathy for
his people (comp. ix. 1 ff., x. 1, 2, xi. 1, 2, 11 ff., οἱ al.) ; and whatever else is
discovered to be irrelevant, unsuitable, and unhistoric in the two chapters is
simply and solely placed in this wrong light through the interest of suspicion ;
while, on the other hand, the whole language and mode of representation are so
distinctively Pauline, that an interpolation so comprehensive would in fact
stand unique, and how singular, at the same time, in being furnished with such
different conclusions and fresh starts! See, further, Kling in the Stud. u. Krit.
1837, p. 308 ff. ; Delitzsch in the Luther. Zeitschr. 1849, p. 609 ff. ; Th. Schott,
p. 119 f& ; Wieseler in Herzog’s Encyklop. XX. p. 598 f. ; Mangold, p. 67 ff. ;
Riggenbach in the Luther. Zeitschr. 1868, p. 41 ff.—Nevertheless Lucht, l.c.,
has once more come into very close contact with Baur, in proposing the hy-
pothesis that the genuine epistle of Paul, extending to xiv. 23, existed in an
incomplete state ; that thereupon, one hand, summing up the main points of
the epistle in the (un-Pauline) doxology, added the latter after xiv. 23 ; while
another further continued the theme broken off at xiv. 23, and subjoined an
epilogue, along with greetings, tothe Romans. In this way two editions arose, of
which one (A) contained chap. i.—xiv. and xvi. 25-27; while the other (B) con-
tained chap. i.-xiv. and xy. 1-16, 24; A and B were then supplemented from
one another. That which Paul himself had appended after xiv. 23, was removed
from it by the Roman clergy, and laid up in their archives (out of consideration
for the ascetics, namely); but subsequently it, along with fragments of an
epistle to the Ephesians, which had also been placed in the archives, had been
worked in by the composer of chap. xv. and xvi. This entire hypothesis turns
upon presuppositions and combinations which are partly arbitrary in them-
selves, and partly without any solid ground or support in the detailed exegesis.
Ver. 2. After ἕκαστος Elz. has γάρ, against decisive witnesses. — Ver. 4. Instead
of the second προεγράφη, BC DE F G δ , 67**, 80, most vss., and several Fa-
thers have ἐγράφη. Approved by Griesb., adopted by Lachm., Tisch., Fritzsche.
Rightly ; the compound is an intentional or mechanical repetition. — Not
so strongly attested (though by A B C*L δ) is the διά repeated before τῆς
παρακλ in Griesb., Lachm., Tisch. 8, which, since the article again follows,
became easily added. — Ver. 7. ὑμᾶς] Elz. : ἡμᾶς, against AC D**, EF GL &,
min., most vss., and several Fathers. A correct gloss, indicating the reference
of ὑμᾶς to the Jewish and Gentile Christians. — Ver. 8, yap] approved by
Griesb., adopted also by Lachm. and Tisch. But Elz. and Fritzsche have δέ ;
against which the evidence is decisive. Moreover, λέγω dé is the customary
form with Paul for more precise explanation, and hence also slipped in here. —
γεγενῆσθαι Lachm. : yevéofa:, according to B C* D* FG, Arm. Ath. But how
readily one of the two syllables TE might be passed over, and then the familiar
(comp. also Gal, iv. 4) γενέσθαι would be produced!—Ver. 11. After πάλιν
Lachm, has λέγει, according to B D E F G, 1, and several vss. ; manifestly an
addition in accordance with ver, 10. --- ἐπαινέσατε] Lachm. and Tisch. : ἐπαινε-
odtwoav, according to ABC DE 8, 39, Chrys. ms. Dam, Both readings are
556 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
also found in the LXX., and may be borrowed thence. The circumstance that
after αἰνεῖτε the forin ἐπαινέσατε, as more conformable, readily offered itself,
speaks in favour of ἐπαινεσάτωσαν. --- Ver. 15, ἀδελφοί] is wanting indeed in A B
C &*, Copt. Aeth. Cyr. Chrys. Ruf. Aug. (omitted by Lachm. and Tisch. 8),
and stands in 3, 108, after μέρους ; but why should it have been added? On
the other hand, its omission was readily suggested, since it had just appeared
for the first time in ver. 14, and since it seemed simply to stand in the way of
the connection of ἀπὸ μέρ. ; hence also that transposition in 3, 108. — Ver. 17.
καύχησιν) Rightly Lachm. and Tisch. : τὴν καύχησιν. The reference of the pre-
ponderantly attested article was not understood. — Ver. 19. ἁγίου] So A Ὁ Ὁ
10 F G, min., and most vss. and Fathers. Adopted also by Griesb , Lachm.,
and Scholz, But Elz. (so also Matth., Fritzsche, Tisch. 8), in accordance with δὲ
and D** L P, most min., Syr. Chrys. and others, has Θεοῦ. In B, Pel. Vigil.
there is merely πνεύματος. So Tisch. 7. Since there is absolutely no reason why
dy. or Θεοῦ should have been omitted or altered, probably the simple πνεύματος
is the original, which was only variously glossed by dy. and Θεοῦ. --- Ver. 20.
φιλοτιμούμενον | Lachm. : φιλοτιμοῦμαι, according to B D* F GP. To facilitate the
construction, — Ver. 22. τὰ πολλά] BD EF G: πολλάκις, so Lachm. An inter-
pretation in accordance with i. 13. — Ver. 23. πολλῶν] Tisch. 7: ἱκανῶν, accord-
ing to Β Ὁ, 37, 59, 71, Dam. A modifying gloss, according to an expression
peculiarly well known from the book of Acts, — Ver. 24. After Σπανίαν Elz. and
Tisch. 7 have ἐλεύσομαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς, which is omitted by Griesb., Lachm., and
Tisch. 8. A contrast to ver. 22, written at the side, and then introduced, but
rejected by all uncials except L 8**, and by all vss. except Syr. p. ; attested,
however, among the Fathers by Theodoret, Theophylact, and Oecumenius, and
preserved in nearly all the cursives. This old interpolation occasioned the
insertion of an illustrative γάρ after ἐλπίζω (so Elz., Tisch., and also Lachm.),
the presence of which also in principal witnesses (as A B C δὲ), in which ἐλεύσ.
xp. ὑμ. is wanting, does not point to the originality of these words, but only to
avery early addition and diffusion of them, so that in fact those witnesses
represent only a half-completed critical restoration of the original text, whilst
those which omit both (as F G) still contain the original text or a complete
purification of the text. —Instead of ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν, Lachm. and Tisch. 7 have ἀφ᾽
ὑμῶν, according to D E F G, min., which presents itself as genuine, and is ex-
plained by ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν on account of the passive. B has ἀπὸ tov. —Ver. 29.
Χριστοῦ] Elz. : τοῦ εὐαγγελίου τοῦ X., against decisive evidence. A gloss. — Ver.
31. διακονία Lachm. : dwpodopia, according to B D* F G, which, however, Paul,
considering the delicacy of designation here throughout observed, can hardly
have written ; it appears to be an explanation. — The repetition of iva before 7
διακ. (in Elz.) is, according to A B C D* F G &*, 80, justly also omitted by
Lachm. and Tisch. — Instead of ἡ εἰς Lachm. has 7 ἐν, according to B D* F G, 213.
Both prepositions are suitable to the sense ; but the omission of the article in
the majority of witnesses enables us to perceive how ἡ ἐν arose. This omission,
namely, carried with it the alteration of εἰς into ἐν (66, Chrys. really have
merely ἐν), and then 7 ἐν arose through an only partial critical restoration. —
Ver. 32. ἐλθω] A Ο &8*, Copt. Arm. Ruf. : ἐλθών with omission of the subse-
quent καί. Too weakly supported ; an emendation of style, yet adopted by
Tisch. 8. —Instead of Θεοῦ, B has κυρίου ᾿Ιησοῦ (so Lachm.); DE F G, It. :
Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ ; 8*: Ἰησοῦ Xp. But the apostle never says dui Oeaju. Χριστοῖ';,
but always ὃ. 0.. Geo (comp. i. 10; 1 Cor. i. 1; 2 Cor. i. 1, viii. 5, efal.), as
ΠΕΡῚ το, cl: 537
throughout he uses θελῆμα constantly of God, when there is mention of His
omnipotence, or gracious will ; where said of Christ, the θελήμα is for him only
the moral will (Eph. v. 17). Hence those readings are to be regarded as un-
suitable glosses after vv. 29, 30. — καὶ cuvavar, ὑμῖν} has been omitted by Lachm.
on the authority of B only, in which he is followed by Buttmann. From 1. 12
συμπαρακληθῆναι would have been employed as an addition, and not ovvavar. ;
D E have ἀναψύξω μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν (2 Tim. i. 16). — Ver. 33. The omission of the ἀμήν
(bracketed by Lachm.) is too weakly attested.
Vv. 1-13.! More general continuation of the subject previously treated :
Exhortation to the strong to bear with the weak, according to Christ's example (vv.
1-4); a blessing on concord (vv. 5, 6); and a summons to receive one another as
brethren, as Christ has received them, Jews and Gentiles (vv. 7-12). Blessing
(ver. 13).
Ver. 1. Connection: To the preceding exposition of the perniciousness of
the eating indicated in xiv. 23, Paul now subjoins the general obligation,*
which is to be fulfilled by the strong, over against (δέ) that imperilling of
the weak. The contrast of δυνατοί and ἀδύνατοι is just as in chap. xiv. ; the
τῇ πίστει of more precise definition in xiv. 1 is so fully understood of itself
after the preceding discussion, that we have here no right either to general-
ize the contrast (Hofmann : of the soundness and frailty of the Christian
state of the subjects generally), or to single out the δυνατοί as a peculiar extreme
party which in their opposition to the weak had gone further and had de-
manded more than the remaining members of the church who did not be-
long to the weak (Mangold, employing this interpretation in favour of his
view as to the Jewish-Christian majority of the church, as if the δυνατοί had
been a Gentile-Christian minority). Against this, ἡμεῖς is already decisive,
whereby Paul, in agreement with xiv. 14, 20, has associated himself with
the strong, making his demand as respects its positive and negative portions
the more urgent. — τὰ ἀσθενήματα) the actual manifestations, which appear as
results of the ἀσθενεῖν τῇ πίστει (xiv. 1). The word is not found elsewhere.
These imbecillitates are conceived as a burden (comp. Gal. vi. 2) which the
strong take up and bear from the weak, inasmuch as they devote to them, in
respect to these weaknesses, patience and the helpful sympathy (2 Cor. ΧΙ:
29) of ministering love.* Thus they, in themselves strong and free, become
1 According to Lucht, p. 160 ff., the entire
passage vy. 1-3 is post-apostolic, not merely
in the mode of its presentation, but also in
that ofits view. In comparison with chap.
xiv., all is delineated too generally and ab-
stractly ; the example of Christ has in no
other place been applied by Paul as it is
here in vv. 3-7; the citations are after the
manner of a later point of view; the argu-
ment in vv. 9-12 is not free from Jewish-
Christian prejudices, ete. All of them
grounds, which do not stand the test of an
unprejudiced and unbiassed explanation of
details—evil legacies from Baur’s method
of suspicion.
2 In opposition to Hofmann, who, assign-
ing to the concluding verses of the epistle
(xvi. 25-27) their place after xiv. 28, places
ὀφείλομεν in connection with τῷ δὲ δυναμένῳ
«.7.A., XVi. 253 See ON XVI. 25-27.
3 βαστάζειν can the less indicate, as the
subjects of the present exhortation, per-
sons who were distinct from those ad-
dressed by προσλαμβάνεσϑε, xiv. 1 (Man-
gold), because in fact προσλαμβ. recurs in
ver. 7. How frequently does Paul give
different forms to the same injunctions!
Mangold also lays an incorrect stress on
the δέ, with which chap. xv. opens, as
though, according to our view, οὖν should
have been used.
538 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
servants of the weak, as Paul was servant of all, 1 Cor. ix. 19, 22. — μὴ éav-
τοῖς ἀρέσκειν] not to please ourselves (1 Cor. x. 33); ‘‘quemadmodum solent,
qui proprio judicio contenti alios secure negligunt,” Calvin. This is moral
selfishness.
Ver. 2. εἰς τὸ ayad.] for his benefit. Comp. 1 Cor. x. 38; 1 Thess. ii. 4.
A more special definition thereof is πρὸς οἰκοδομήν, in order to build up, to
produce Christian perfection (in him). See on xiv. 19. According to
Fritzsche, εἰς τὸ ἀγαθ. is in respect of what is good, whereby immoral men-
pleasing is excluded. But its exclusion is understood of itself, and is also
implied in πρὸς οἰκοδομήν. On the interchange of εἰς and πρός, comp. ili. 25,
26.
Ver. 3. Establishment of this duty by the pattern : for Christ also, ete. —
ἀλλὰ, καθὼς K.7.A.| but, as it is written, the reproaches of those reproaching
thee fell on me. After ἀλλά a comma only is to be placed, and nothing is to
be supplied, neither sii displicuit with Erasmus, nor fecit with.Grotius and
others, nor éyévero (Borger) and the like. Had Paul desired to express him-
self in purely narrative form, he would have written instead of σέ : Θεόν,
and instead of ἐμέ : αὐτόν. But he retains the scriptural saying, which he
adduces, literally, enhancing thereby the direct force and vivacity of the
discourse. Comp. 1 Cor. i. 31; Winer, 534, 556 [E. T. pp. 574, 599].—
The passage is Ps. lxix. 10 (literally after the LXX.), where the suffering
subject is a type of the Messiah (comp. xi. 9 ; John ii. 17, xv. 25, xix. 28).
—That the reproaches of the enemies of God fell on Christ, i.e. that the enemies
of God vented their fury on Christ, proves that Christ was bent on pleasing
not Himself (for otherwise He would have abstained from taking these His
sufferings upon Himself ; comp. Heb. xii. 2, 3, Phil. ii. 6-8), but men, in-
asmuch as He in order to their redemption surrendered Himself, with full
self-renunciation of His αὐτάρκεια, to the enmity against God of His adver-
Jalvin and others: ‘‘Ita se Domino devovisse, ut descinderetur
animo, quoties sacrum ejus nomen patere impiorum maledicentiae videret,”
so that the idea of self-denying devotion to the cause of God (so also de Wette
and Philippi) is expressed. But according to the connection, it is the de-
votion of Christ, not for the cause of God, but for the salvation of humanity
(see ver. 2), into fellowship of suffering with which He entered, that is to
be proposed as an example. Comp. Matt. xx. 28. — ὀνειδισμός belongs to
later Greek. See Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 512.
Ver. 4. In 0. 7. words Paul had just presented the example of Christ as
an encouragement, and not without reason: for all that was previously
written, etc. This reason’ might, in truth, cause the example of Christ set
before them to appear all the more inviting and involving the more sacred
obligation to follow it. — προεγράφη] προ clearly obtains its definition through
saries.
1 Even if the closing verses of chap. xvi.
had their critically correct position at the
end of chap. xiv., we still could not, with
Hofmann, put the yép in our passage into
relation to the designation of God contained
in those concluding verses. This—even apart
from the fact that xvi. 25-27 is an inde-
pendent doxology—would be impossible on
account of the already interposed vy. 2 and
3, and after the καϑὼς γέγραπται just preced-
ing (to which every reader must have re-
ferred the προεγράφη, ver. 4). Comp. 1 Cor.
Kewl
GEAR RVs 539
the ἡμετέραν in the second clause, prefixed with emphasis ; hence: all that
yas written before us, before our time,’ by which is meant the collective con-
tents of the O. T. Wrongly, therefore, Reiche and Hofmann think that it
refers to the Messianic oracles written before their fulfilment. On didack. comp.
2 Tim. 111. 16. — διὰ τῆς brow. x. τ. παρακλ. τ. yp.| through the perseverance and
the comfort which the Scriptures afford to us. That τ. ὑπομ. is to be connected
with τῶν ypag. (in opposition to Melanchthon, Grotius, Ammon, Flatt, van
Hengel, and others), is clear from the fact, that otherwise τ. ὑπομ. would
stand severed from the connection, as well as from ver. 5: ὁ Θεὸς τῆς ὑπομ.
k. τ. παρακλ. The ὑπομονή is here also, according to ver. 3, and conformably
to the connection with παράκλησις, self-denying endurance in all sufferings
(see on v. 3), opposed to ἑαυτῷ ἀρέσκειν ; and the γραφαί are conceived as
““ministerium spiritus” (Melanchthon). Incorrectly Hofmann understands
the ὑπομονὴ τ. ypad. as the waiting upon Scripture (namely, upon that which
stands written in it), upon its fulfilment. Thus there is substituted for the
notion of ὑπομονή that of ἀποκαραδοκία (vill. 19), or ἀναμονή (Symmachus, Ps.
XXXvill. 8, Ixx. 6), which even in 2 Thess. iii. 5 it by no means has (see
Liinemann) ; and how strangely would the only once used τῶν ypad. be forced
into two entirely different references of the genitive !— τὴν ἐλπίδα ἔχωμεν de-
notes having the hope (i.e. the definite and conscious Christian hope of the
Messianic glory) : forto promote the possession of this blessed hope by means
of patience and comfort in Christians, is the object for which the contents of
the O. T. were written for the instruction of Christians. Accordingly
neither is ἔχωμ. to be taken as teneamus, with Beza and others ; nor is ἐλπ.,
with Reiche and others, of the object of hope. Against the latter (see on Col.
i. δ) militates the fact that ἐλπίδα ἔχειν never denotes anything else than the
subjective spem habere. Acts xxiv. 15 ; 2Cor. x. 15; Eph. ii. 12 ; 1 Thess.
iv. 13 ; 1 John iil. 3, οὐ al. ; Wisd. iii. 18 ; Xen. Mem. iv. 2. 28; Polyb. i.
59. 2. Comp. Lobeck, Aglaoph. I. p. 70. But that the ἐλπίς refers to the
conversion of the world of nations is a misunderstanding of Hofmann’s, which
is connected with his erroneous reference of yap, ver. 4 (see on ver. 4). It is
the hope of eternal salvation which, warranted and fostered by the influence
of Scripture imparting patience and consolation, can and should merge and
reconcile all separate efforts of αὐταρέσκεια, which divide men, into the mu-
tual unanimity of Christian sentiment. Comp. Eph. iv. 3, 4.
Ver. 5. Aé] leading over to the wish that God may grant them the concord
which it was the design of the previous exhortation, vv. 1-4, to establish.—
The characteristic designation of God as the author of the perseverance and
of the consolation,* is intended not merely to supply an external connection
with ver. 4, but stands in an internal relation to the following τὸ αὐτὸ ¢po-
νεῖν, Since this cannot exist if men’s minds are not patient and consoled, ¢
that they do not allow themselves to be disturbed by anything adverse in
1The compound is then followed (see patientiae et consolationis auctor est, quia
critical notes) by the simple expression,—a utrumque cordibus nostris instillat per
frequent interchange also in the classics ; Spiritum suum ; verbo tamen suo velut in-
see Stallbaum, ad Plat. Phaed. p. 59 B. strumento ad id utitur.”
2 Calvin aptly remarks: ‘‘ Solussane Deus
~
540 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
the like effort which must take place in their mutual fellowship (ἐν ἀλληλ.).
Through this identity (τὸ αὐτό, comp. on xii. 16) of purpose and endeavour
there exists in a church ἡ καρδία καὶ ἡ ψυχὴ μία, Acts iv. 32.1— κατὰ X. ᾽1.]
conyormably to Christ. Either Christ is conceived as the regulative ideal of
the frame of mind, according to which each is to adjust himself for his part
in the common τὸ αὐτὸ φρονεῖν ; or: according to the will of Christ (comp.
John xvii. 21), like κατὰ Θεόν, viii. 27. The first is to be preferred, since the
model of Christ, ver. 8 (comp. ver. 7), is still the conception present to the
apostle’s mind. Comp. Col. ii. 8; Phil. 11. 5 ; κατὰ κύριον, 2 Cor. xi, 1%, is
somewhat different.
Ver. 6. ᾽ν ἑνὶ στόματι] By this the preceding ὁμοθυμαδόν is not explained
(Reiche)—which is an impossible notion—but ὁμοθ. specifies the source of
the ἐν ἑνὶ or., and is to be closely joined with it : wnuanimously with one
mouth, not : unanimously, with one mouth. It is otherwise, e.g., with Dem.
147. 1 : ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐκ μιᾶς γνώμης, where the explanatory addition has a place.
If God is so praised, that each is led by the like disposition to the like ut-
terance of praise, then all dissension is removed, and the unanimity of the
fellowship has found in this σύμφωνος ὑμνῳδία (Theodore of Mopsuestia) its
holiest expression. On ἐν ἑνὲ στόματι (instrumental), comp. the classical
ἐξ ἑνὸς στόματος, Plato, 640 C, p. 864 A ; Legg. i. p. 634 E; Rep. Anthol. xi.
. 159. — τοῦ κυρίου κ.τ..} belongs simply to πατέρα, not also to Θεόν in opposi-
tion to Grotius, Bengel, and others, including Riickert, Reiche, Tholuck (7%),
Fritzsche), and «ai adds epexegetically the specific more precise definition.
[See Note CL. p. 558.] So throughout with this description of God habit-
ually used by the apostles, as 2 Cor. i. 3, xi. 31; Eph.i.3; Col. 1. 8. 1
Pet. i. 8. This is clear from the passages, in which with zar. the genitive
(Ἰησοῦ X.) is not subjoined, as 1 Cor. xv. 24 ; Eph. v. 20; Col. i. 17; Jas.
i. 27, iii. 9. See on 1Cor. v. 24; 2 Cor. xi. 31; Eph. i. 3. It ought not to
have been objected, that the form of expression must either have been τὸν
Θεὸν ἡμῶν κ. πατέρα I, X. or τὸν Θεὸν τὸν rar. "I. X. Either of these would be
the expression of another idea. But as Paul has expressed himself, τόν binds
the conceptions of God and ‘‘ Father of Christ” into unity.” Rightly Theo-
doret : ἡμῶν Θεὸν ἐκάλεσα τὸν Θεὸν, τοῦ δὲ κυρίου πατέρα.
Ver. 7. Δι6] in order, namely, that this object, ver. 6, may be attained,
that its attainment may not be hindered on your part.* — προσλαμβ.} See on
xiv. 1. That not the strong alone (Hofmann), but doth parties, and thus the
readers collectively, are addressed, and that subsequently ὑμᾶς refers to both
(not merely or principally to the Gentile-Christians, as Riickert and Reiche
think), follows from ἀλλήλους ; and see vv. 8, 9. — προσελάβετο] ‘‘ stbi sociavit,”
Grotius. ‘Comp. xiv. 8. -- εἰς δόξαν Θεοῦ} belongs to προσελάβ. ὑμᾶς, beside
which it stands, and to which, in accordance with vv. 8, 9 ff., it is alone
suitable. Hence it isnot to be connected with προσλαμβ. ἀλλήλ. (Chrysostom,
1 On the form Sy, instead of the older 3TIofmann incorrectly (in accordance
Attic Soim, see Lobeck, αὐ Phryn. p. 346; with his incorrect reference of ver. 1 ff. to
Kiihner, I. p. 644. xvi. 25-27) renders: “for the sake of the
2 Comp. Dissen ad Dem. decor. p. 373f. ; hope,’’ which you may learn from Scripture.
Kiihner, ad Xen. Mem.i. 1.19, ad Anabd. ii. 2.8.
CHAPS XV.5"0; 9. 541
Oecumenius, Erasmus, and others); and just as little with the latter imme-
diately, but with προσελάβ. ὑμᾶς only mediately (as Hofmann splits the refer-
ence). But it means: that God might be thereby glorified, not: ‘ut ali-
quando divinae gloriae cum ipso simus (sitis) participes,” Grotius (so also
Beza, Piscator, Calovius, Klee, Benecke, Gléckler), which is condemned by
vv. 8, 9 ff. as opposed to the context. Comp. Phil. 11. 11; Eph. i. 12.
Vv. 8, 9. A more precise explanation—which furnishes a still more defi-
respecting ὁ Χριστὸς
nite motive for compliance with the προσλαμβ. ἀλλ.
προσελάβ. iu. εἰς δόξ. Θεοῦ, first in respect of Jewish-Christians (ver. 8), and
then of Gentile-Christians (ver. 9), and that in such a manner that the con-
nection of the former with Christ appears as the fulfilment of their theocratic
claim, but that of the latter as the enjoyment of grace ;—a distinction so set
forth, not from the Jewish-Christian narrowness of the author (Lucht), but
designedly and ingeniously (comp. xi. 28, 29), in order to suggest to the
Gentile-Christians greater esteem for their weaker Jewish brethren,’ and
humility. — λέγω yap] Lmean, namely, in order more particularly to explain
myself respecting the προσελάβετο ὑμᾶς x.7.A.; otherwise in xii. 3. But
comp. 1 Cor. i. 12; Gal. iv. 1, v.16. Frequently thusin the Greek writers.
— διάκονον yeyev. περιτ. } διάκ. has emphasis, in order to bring out the original
theocratic dignity of the Jewish - Christians. [See Note CLI. p. 558.}
Christ has become minister of the circumeised ; for to devote His activity to
the welfare of the Jewish nation was, according to promise, the duty of
His Messianic office. Comp. Matt. xx. 28, xv. 94. --- ὑπὲρ ἀληθ. Θεοῦ] more
particularly explained at once by what follows ; hence : for the sake of the
truthfulness of God, in order to justify and to demonstrate it through the
realization of the hallowed promise given to the fathers ; comp. 2 Cor. i. 20.
Thus the προσελάβετο ὑμᾶς in respect of the Jewish-Christians redounded εἰς
δόξαν Θεοῦ; but it redounded to this quite otherwise in respect of the Gen-
tile- Christians, ver. 9. -- ὑπὲρ ἐλέους] contrast to ὑπὲρ ἀληθ. Θεοῦ, ver. 8 : on
behalf of mercy, i.e. for mercy, which God has evinced towards them by His
making them joint partakers in redemption. The references of ὑπέρ in the
two cases are thus not alike. —dofdca, ordinarily understood as dependent
on λέγω, may neither denote : have praised ἴ namely, at their adoption), as
Reiche, Riickert, de Wette, Bisping would explain it, which not merely
introduces an irrelevant idea, but also runs counter to the usage of the aorist
infinitive (even 2 Cor. vi. 1, see in loe.); nor: have to praise (Tholuck,
Philippi, and most), for there is no mention of a duty according to the par-
allelism of the two verses, since λέγω γάρ has not here the sense of command-
ing (see on xii. 3, ii. 22); nor, finally, is it an infinitive without reference to
time (I say, that the Gentiles praise), as Winer, p. 311 f. [E. T. p. 332], and
Fritzsche, after the Vulgate, Luther, and others, take it, which would have
required the present infinitive, because λέγω does not here express the notion
1The contrast of Jewish and Gentile our passage to the supposed editor of the
Christianity is so essentially and radically epistle (Lucht), who has worked up the
connected with the difference respecting Pauline portion of the letter, following xiv.
the use of food, that it is wholly groundless 23, into conformity with a later, entirely
to ascribe the treatment of that contrast in altered state of things.
δ43 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
of willing, hoping, and the like (see Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 749), but simply
that of affirming with statement of the object. Moreover, the qorist infinitive
necessarily leads to this, that δοξάσαι is parallel to the preceding βεβαιῶσαι,
and consequently is not governed by λέγω at all, but is connected with εἰς τὸ,
as Castalio and Beza have rightly perceived ; comp. also Bengel (‘‘ glorifi-
carent”) and van Hengel. Hence: ‘‘in order that He might ratify the
promises of the fathers, but that the Gentiles, on behalf of mercy, might praise
God.” The former, namely, ὑπὲρ ἀληθείας Θεοῦ εἰς τὸ βεβαιῶσαι k.T.A., Was the
proximate design of Christ’s having become minister of the circumcised; and
the more remote design, which was to be attained through the passing of
salvation from the Jews to the Gentiles (comp. Gal. iii. 14), consisted in
this, that on the other hand the Gentile should praise God on account of mercy.
Incorrectly, Hofmann takes δοξάσαι as optative: Paul wishes that the Gen-
tiles, etc. In this way the εἰς δόξαν Θεοῦ, ver. 7, would be something which
was still only to set in, although it had set iv long ago (comp. ix. 24, 25, and
see xv. 16-24). Without ground, Hofmann imports into the simple τὰ ἔθνη
the idea of ‘* the Gentile world as a whole ;” it can in fact according to the
context denote only the Gentile portion of those, whom Christ προσελάβετο
εἰς δόξαν Θεοῦ. --- Observe, moreover, how logically correct is the contrast
of ὑπὲρ ἀληθ. and ὑπὲρ ἐλέους (in opposition to Olshausen, Fritzsche); for
although God had promised the future πρόσληψις of the Gentiles also (in the
prophets), He nevertheless cannot have promised it to the Gentiles themselves, as
He has given the Messianic promise to the Jews themselves and chosen them for
His people, in accordance with which, He, by virtue of His truthfulness, was
bound to His word, and consequently the Jews, not the Gentiles, were de jure
the children in terms of the covenant and heirs of the kingdom ; comp. ix.
4,5; Acts ili. 25; see also Weiss, bibl. Theol. Ὁ. 897. --- καθὼς yéyp.] This
praising by the Gentiles takes place in conformity with (as a fulfilment of)
Ps. xviii. 50, which passage is quoted after the LXX. The historical sub-
ject of the passage, David, is a type of Christ ; hence neither the Gentile-
Christian (Fritzsche), nor the apostle of the Gentiles as the organ of Christ
(Hofmann, comp. Reiche), nor any messenger of salvation generally to the
Gentile world (Philippi), is inthe sense of the apostle the subject of the
fulfilment of the prophecy, but only Christ can be so. The latter says to
God that He, as present among the Gentiles (whom He has made His own
through their conversion), will magnify Him. This, however, is a plastic
representation of the praise of the Gentiles themselves, which in fact takes place
ἐν ὀνόματι κυρίου ᾽Τησοῦ and δ αὐτοῦ (Col. 111. 17). Comp. already Augustine:
«(ΠῚ per me confitebantur gentes.” Bengel aptly says : ‘‘ Quod in psalmo
Christus dicit se facturum, id Paulus gentes ait facere ; nempe Christus
Sacit in gentibus, Heb. 11. 12.” --- διὰ τοῦτο] included as a constituent part of
the citation, but without reference to the matter in hand in Paul’s text. —
ἐν ἔθνεσι) to whom He, through the Spirit, by means of the preaching of the
gospel has come, and has placed them in communion with Himself.—As to
ἐξομολογ. With the dative, comp. on xiv. 11. It presupposes, as well as ψαλῶ
and the corresponding verbs, vv. 10, 11, the divine ἔλεος, which had been
vouchsafed to the Gentiles, as motive.
CHAP. XV., 10-12%. 543
Ver. 10. Πάλῳ] Again, namely, in another passage containing the same
thing. Comp. 1 Cor. iii. 20 ; Matt. iv. 7, v. 89. -- λέγει] se. ἡ γραφή, which
is to be taken from γέγραπται, ver. 9. —The passage is Deut. xxxii. 43,
closely following the LXX., who, however, probably following another
reading (Y2)-N8 in Kennicott), deviate from the Hebrew.’
Ver. 11. Ps. cxvii. 1 (closely following the LXX., but see the critical
notes) contains a twofold parallel summons to the praise of God, addressed
to all Gentile peoples.? In this case αἰνεῖν and ἐπαινεῖν are not different in
degree (Philippi), but only in form, like praise and bepraise [loben and
beloben|.
Ver. 12. Isa. xi. 10, with omission of ἐν rip ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείνῃ after ἔσται, literally
after the LXX., who, however, translate the original inaccurately. The
latter runs: ‘* And it comes to pass at that day, that after the root-shoot of
Jesse, which stands as a banner of peoples (DDL D3) Gentiles shall inquire. ””*
But the words of the LXX., as Paul has quoted them, run as follows:
‘* There shall be the root-shoot of Jesse and (i.e. and indeed, explanatory) He
who arises (raises himself) to rule over Gentiles ; on Him shall Gentiles hope.”
This passage and its entire connection are Messianic, and that indeed in so
far as the idea is therein expressed, that the promised descendant of David,
the ideal of the theocratic king, will extend His kingdom over Gentiles also,
and will be the object of their desire (according to the LXX. and Paul: of
their believing hope). This prophecy likewise Paul sees fulfilled through
the magnifying of the divine mercy by the already converted Gentiles (vv.
7, 9). Observe that ἐθνῶν and ἔθνη are without the article, and hence do not
denote ‘‘the Gentile world” (Hofmann). —7 ῥίζα is here, according to the
Heb. WWW, the root-shoot ; comp. Ecclus. xlvii. 22; Rev. v. 5, xxii. 6; 1
Mace. i. 10; Eccles. xl. 15. He is the root-shoot of Jesse, because Jesse is
the root from which He springs, as the ancestor of the Messianic king,
David, Jesse’s son, sprang from it. This descendant of Jesse is the Messiah
(comp. Isa. xi. 1, lili. 2), who (according to the original text) is a banner for
peoples, and consequently their leader and ruler. Christ has entered on this
dominion at His exaltation, and He carries it out by successive stages
through the conversion of the Gentiles. — ἐπ’ αὐτῷ] of the resting of hope upon
1 The original, according to the present
reading, does not mean : “ Rejoice, ye tribes,
His people’ (de Wette and others ; comp.
Luther: “ all ye who are His people”), since
Ὁ Δ cannot denote the tribes of the Jewish
sages where it is so found, is not joined with
the accusative, but either: is joined with
the dative (7)—as Ps. lxxxi. 2—or stands
absolutely (Ps. xxxii. 11).
2The Messianic fulfilment of this sum-
people ; but, as the Hiphil 1}°}47 allows,
either with the Vulgate: “ laudate, gentes,
populum ejus’ (so Gesenius, Thes. I. p. 272,
and Umbreit, p. 358; comp. Kamphausen,
Lied Mos. p.219f.); or: “make to shout for
Joy, ye Gentiles, His people,” which, however,
does not fit the connection ; or (with Aquila
and Theodotion, comp. Hofmann), Shout
for joy, ye Gentiles, ye who are His peopie.
The latter is to be preferred, because
ry in the sense of Kal, in the few pas-
mons is recognized by Paul in the mag-
nifying of God on the part of the Gentiles
converted to Christ from all nations. This
fulfilment he looks upon already as present
(for see ver. 7), not merely as a fact of the
Suture, * when the Gentile world as aunited
whole’ magnifies God (Hofmann).
3 See Umbreit in the Stud. τ. Krit. 1835, p.
553, and the explanation in reference
thereto, p. 880 f.; Drechsler and Delitzsch.
in loc.
δ44 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
Him,’ 1 Tim. iv. 10, vi. 17 ; LXX. Isa. xlii. 4. Comp. πιστεύειν én’ αὐτῷ, ix.
33, x. 11. The contents of the hope is the attainment of eternal salvation,
which will be fulfilled in them at the Parousia.
Ver. 13. As vv. 1-4 passed into a blessing (vv. 5, 6), so now the hortatory
discourse, begun afresh in ver. 7, passes into a blessing (dé), which forms,
at the same time, the close of the entire section (from chap. xiv. onwards).
— ὁ Θεὸς τῆς ἐλπίδος) God, who produces the hope (of eternal glory), namely,
through His Spirit ; see the closing words of the verse. This description
of God (comp. on ver. 5) attaches itself formally to ἐλπιοῦσιν, ver. 12,” but
rests upon the deeper substantive reason, that the becoming filled with joy-
fulness and peace here wished for is not possible without having hope as its
basis, and that, on the other hand, this becoming filled produces the rich in-
crease of hope itself (εἰς τὸ περίσσ. k.7.2.). — πάσ. χαρᾶς x.7.2.] with all, i.e. with
highest joyfulness.* χαρά and εἰρήνη (peace through concord), as xiv. 17. —
ἐν τῷ πιστεύειν) in the believing, to which without χαρά and εἰρήνη the fruits
would be wanting, and without which no χαρά and εἰρήνη could exist.
Comp. xiv. 17. — εἰς τὸ mepicc. «.t.2.] Aim of the πληρῶσαι k.7.2. : in order
that ye, in virtue of the power (working in you) of the Holy Spirit, may be
abundant in hope, may cherish Christian hope in the richest measure (comp.
LCor xvivos τ νη: Phila: 9 Col: ἢν
Vv. 1433.4 The apostle has now come to an end with all the instructions
and exhortations, which he intended to impart to the Romans. Hence he
now adds, up to ver. 33, an epilogue (which, however, he then follows up in
chap. xvi. with commendations, greetings, etc.). [See Note CLI. p. 558. |
In this epilogue, which in substance corresponds to the introduction, i. 8-16,
and by no means applies only to the section respecting the weak in faith
(Melanchthon, Grotius), but to the whole epistle, he testifies his good confi-
dence towards the readers, and justifies his in a partial degree bold writing by his
Gentile-apostolic calling (vv. 14-16) and working (vv. 17-21), which latter had
also been usually the hindrance to his coming personally to Rome (ver. 22).
This observation leads him to his present plan of travel, the execution of
which will bring him, in the course of his intended journey to Spain, to
Rome, after he has been at Jerusalem (vv. 23-29). For this impending jour-
ney he finally begs the prayers of the Romans on his behalf (vv. 80-85), and
then concludes with a blessing (ver. 33).
Ver. 14. Πέπεισμαι δέ] but I am of the conviction ; viii. 38, xiv. 14. The
δέ is the simple μεταβατικόν, leading over to the concluding portion of the
epistle. — καὶ αὐτὸς ἐγώ] et ipse ego ; comp. on vii. 25. The apostle is, inde-
pendently of the general advantageous estimation in which the Roman
1 Hemsterh. ad Xen. Eph. p. 128.
2 An attachment which, since ὑμᾶς then
addresses the church, does not suit the view
historically correct, but also incorrect
statements, and, on the whole, a non-
Pauline tendency. The parallels with pas-
which holds the latter to be a -Jewish-
Christian one (Mangold).
3 Comp. Theile, ad Jac. p. 8; Wunder, ad
Soph. Phil. 141 f.
4 According to Lucht, vv. 14-33 contain
much that is Pauline and various matters
sages in the Epistles to the Corinthians are
to be explained simply by dependence on
the latter, etc. ; p. 185 ff. These are self-
deceptions of a fanciful criticism, against
which it is vain to contend.
CHAPS IVa LO. 545
church stood with others (i. 8), also for his own personal part of the convic-
tion, ete. The emphasis lies on αὐτός. If the thought were : ‘‘ even I, who
have hitherto so unreservedly exhorted you” (Philippi, comp. de Wette,
Fritzsche, and older interpreters), ἐγώ would have the emphasis (comp. κἀγὼ
αὐτός, Acts x. 26) ; but καὶ αὐτός corresponds entirely to the following καὶ
αὐτοί, et ipsi, i.e. even without first of all requiring injluence, exhortation, etc.,
on the part of others. Comp. afterwards καὶ ἀλλήλους. Thus, accordingly,
Paul denotes by κ. αὐτὸς ἐγώ the autonomy of his judgment, but with a subtle
indication of the judgment of others as coinciding therewith. Comp. Ben-
gel: ‘“‘Non modo alii hoe de yobis existimant.” Paul intends therewith
to obviate the idea as if he for his part judged less favourably of the church,
with reference to the fact, not that he had written this letter generally
(Hofmann), but that he had written it in part τολμηρότερον. This is
shown by the contrast, ver. 16. --- ἀγαθωσύνης] goodness, excellence generally
(that you also of yourselves are very excellent people), not equivalent to χρηστότης
(as Thom. Mag. p. 391 states), not even in Gal. v. 22. Comp. 2 Thess. i. 11 ;
Eph. v. 9; Eccles. ix. 18. The word is not found in the Greek writers. —
The three predicates, μεστοί x.7.2., advance in co-ordination from the general
to the particular. — καὶ ἀλλήλ.] also to admonish you among one another, with-
out having need fora third, who should admonish you. On νουθετεῖν, in
which the notion of its being well-meant, though not involved in the word
of itself, is given by the connection or (as in Isocr. de pace, 72) by express
contrast, see on 1 Cor. xiv. 14, Eph. vi. 4. Paul does not express in this verse
something more than he strictly means (Reiche), but that which he really be-
lieves of the Roman church, taken as ὦ whole ; at which favourable convic-
tion he—apart from the universally-diffused good report of the church (i. 8)
—has arrived by means of experiences unknown to us, and perhaps also in
virtue of his feeling assured that he might draw from the individuals and
influential persons with whom he was acquainted a conclusion respecting
the whole. But the fact that he does express it,—this commendation, —rests
on his apostolic truth, and on that wisdom of teaching which by good and
real confidence attracts a zeal of compliance.
Ver. 15. More boldly, however (than so good a confidence appears to im-
ply), 1 wrote to you in part, ete. ‘* Quasi dicat : σπεύδοντα καὶ αὑτὸν ὀτρύνω,""
Grotius. — τολμηρότερον] adverbially.* The comparative sense is not to be ob-
literated (Bernhardy, p. 433 ; Winer, p. 228 [E. T. p. 243]), but may not
be derived from the lesser right of the apostle? to write to a church not founded
by bim (Hofmann); comp. Bengel, who introduces the further idea : ‘‘ cum
potius ipse venire deberem.” It must, in fact, especially seeing that the more
precise definition ἀπὸ μέρους is added, be necessarily a specification of the
1 Thue. iv. 126. 3; Polyb. i. 17. 7; Lucian,
Icarom. 10.
2 This lesser right is assumed quite with-
out warrant. Paul certainly wrote to
other churches of Gentiles not founded by
him (Colossians, Laodiceans); and how
could he, as the apostle of the Gentiles, be of
opinion that he thereby was taking any
special liberty 2 He had to glorify his office
(xi. 13), in doing which his care for all
churches (2 Cor. xi. 28) certainly suggested
no limitation of epistolary intercourse to
such ashe himself had founded, as if it were
a boldness in him needing excuse, when he
also wrote to others.
546 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
mode, expressing the how of the ἔγραφαᾳ. The repetition of ἀδελφοί flows from
the earnestness of feeling. Comp. 1 Cor. i. 10, 11 ; Gal. v. 11, 13; Jas.
v. 7, 9, 10. — ἀπὸ μέρους) belongs not merely to τολμ. (‘‘ paulo liberius,”
Grotius, following the Peshito), but, as its position shows, to τολμ. ἔγραψα
together : partly, i.e. in particular places, 1 wrote more boldly. This refers
to passages like vi. 12 ff., 19, vill. 9, xi. 17 ff., xii. 3, xiii. 3 ff., 18, 14, xiv.
3, 4, 10, 18, 15, 20, xv. 1, etal. In ἀπὸ μέρους is implied the contrast, that
he has not written τολμηρότερον all that he has written (comp. xi. 25 ; 2 Cor.
i. 14), but only a part thereof. Hofmann has now exchanged his earlier
incorrect view, ‘‘ provisionally and in the meantime” (Schriftbew. 11. 2, p. 95),
for another also incorrect (similarly Th. Schott), namely piecemeal, in con-
trast to a complete exposition of Christian truth, thus equivalent to ἐκ μέρους,
1 Cor. xiii. 10 (not also in 1 Cor. xii. 27). Besides, this arbitrarily import-
ed contrast would suit no Epistle less than the Epistle to the Romans, which
treats the whole gospel in the most complete manner. According to Lucht,
the expression in this passage is only the product of a post-apostolic effort
to wipe away the ‘‘bad impression” of the epistle on the highly esteemed
church, which had in fact been founded by Peter (comp. Theodore of
Mopsuestia). —d¢ ἐπαναμ. ὑμᾶς] as again reminding you,’ i.e. in the way and
manner of one who reminds you, etc.? — διὰ τὴν χάρ.] 1.6. in order to comply
with the apostolic office, with which God has favoured me. See ver. 16.
Ver. 16. Εἰς τὸ εἶναι x.7.A.] Specification of the object aimed at in τὴν
δοθεῖσάν μοι ὑπὸ τ. Θεοῦ. --- λειτουργόν] Comp. on xiii. 6. Paul sets forth the
service of his apostolic office, in the consciousness of its hallowed dignity,
not merely as a public οἰκονομία (Ewald ; ‘‘ steward of the people”), but as
a priestly service of offering, in which Ἰησοῦ X. expresses the λειτουργός as or-
dained by Christ. That Christ should be conceived of as He to whom the offering
is presented (Reiche), is contrary to the conception of offering, which always
refers to God as the receiver of it. Comp. xii. 1; Eph. v. 2; Phil. ii. 17.
But neither is Christ to be conceived of (as by Bengel and Riickert) as high
priest (a conception not of Paul, but rather of the Epistle to the Hebrews,
and applying to Christ as the sole Atoner, in which case the idea of inferior
1JIn opposition to Baur’s erroneous ex- church as yet strange to the apostle and
planation of ἐπαναμ., “further therein to re-
mind,” and its reference to what follows,
see Mangold, p.69, who, however, on his
part, in virtue of the assumption of the
Jewish-Christian character of the church,
limits the ἀπὸ μέρους arbitrarily to those
portions of the epistle (especially chap. ix.
and x.) in which, in the interest of the
Gentile-Christian apostolate, Jeewish-Chris-
tian pretensions had been combated. It is
just such entirely doctrinal discussions as
chap. ix. x. which answer least to the
character of τολμηρότερον, which presup-
poses the ready possibility of offence being
given. The exculpation implied in ver.
15is not calculated for a Jewish-Christian
church (Mangold, p. 72), but rather fora
held in very good repute, towards which
he felt himself not in a like relation as
e.g. to the Galatians and Corinthians, but in
one more delicate and calling for more for-
bearance. Artfully and gently, too, is the
ὡς ἀναμιμν. κιτιλ. added, as if what was
written τολμηρότερον was only meant to bea
help to their memory. ᾿Ανάμνησις δ᾽ ἐστὶν
ἐπιῤῥοὴ φρονήσεως ἀπολειπούσης, Plat. Legg. Vv.
p. 732 B.
2See Bernhardy, p. 476; Buttmann, newt.
Gr. p. 263 [E. T. 307] ; Kiihner, IT. 2, Ὁ. 649f. ;
1 Thess. ii. 4; Heb. xiii. 17. ἐπαναμ. denotes
in memoriam revocare. See Plat. Legg. iii.
p. 688 A; Dem. 74. 7. Comp. ἐπανάμνησις,
Dion. Hal. het. x. 18. Theodore of Mop-
suestia : els ὑπόμνησιν ἄγειν ὧν μεμαϑήκατε,
CHAPURVi, his 547
priests is out of place), but as Lord and Ruler of the church, who has ap-
pointed His apostle, i. 5. Lucht oddly thinks that the writer did not vent-
ure to call Paul, in consequence of his disputed position, ἀπόστολος, but only
λειτουργός. --- εἰς τὰ ἔθνη] in reference to the Gentiles ; for these, as converted
by the apostle, are to form the offering to be presented.—In the sequel,
ἱερουργοῦντα τὸ evayy. τ. Θεοῦ Contains the more precise explanation of λεετουργ.
T. X., and ἵνα γένηται ἡ προσφορὰ τῶν ἐθνῶν K.7.A. that of εἰς τὰ ἔθνη 3 hence
the latter belongs not to ἱερουργ. (Th. Schott, Hofmann), but to what pre-
cedes, and is not (with Buttmann) to be omitted on the authority of B. —
iepoupy. τὸ evayy. τ. Θεοῦ] in priestly fashion administering the gospel of God,
z.e. ‘‘administrans evang. a Deo missum hominibus, eoque ministerio velut
sacerdotio fungens,” Estius ; comp. Chrysostom, Erasmus, and most older
interpreters, also Riickert, Tholuck, Fritzsche, de Wette, Philippi. This
usage of iepovpy. is confirmed by passages like Herodian. v. 3. 16 ; Joseph.
Antt. vi. 6. 2; also by 4 Mace. vii. 8, where ἰδίῳ αἵματι is to be connected
with ἱερουργοῦντας τὸν νόμον (in opposition to Hofmann, who will not admit
the priestly notion in the word), not with ὑπερασπίζοντας (see Grimm, Handb.
p- 829 f.).* Without warrant, Hofmann insists on adhering to the concep-
tion of ‘‘ administering holy service.” The gospel is not indeed the offering
(Luther and others), which is presented, but the divine institute, which is
administered—is in priestly fashion served——-by the presenting of the offer-
ing. As to ebayy. Θεοῦ, see on i. 1.— ἡ προσφορὰ τῶν ἐθνῶν] the offering of
the Gentiles, 1.6. the offering which the Gentiles are, Heb. x. 10 ; Eph. v.
2. The Gentiles converted, and through the Spirit consecrated as God’s
property, are the offering which Paul, as the priest of Jesus Christ, has
brought to God. Observe, however, the stress laid on the prefixed γένηται :
in order that there may prosper (see on this use of γίνεσθαι as regards offer-
ings, Kiihner, ad Xen. Anab. vi. 4. 9), in accordance with which εὐπρόσδ. is
then attributive (as well-pleasing), and ἁγίασμ. é. mv. dy. is subordinated to the
latter as its ground : sanctified through the Holy Spirit, which is received
through the gospel in baptism, Gal. iii. 2, 5; Tit. ii. 5; Eph. v. 26. A
contrast to the ceremonial consecration of the Levitical offerings. Comp.
po Ma be
Ver. 17. [See Note CLIII. p. 559.] How readily might what was said in
ver. 16 carry with it the appearance of vain self-boasting !_ To obviate this,
the apostle proceeds : [have accordingly (in pursuance of the contents of ver.
16) the boasting (τὴν καύχησιν, see the critical notes) in Christ Jesus in respect of
my relation to God; 1.6... my boasting is something which, by virtue of my con-
nection with Christ (whose λειτουργός Lam, ver. 16), in my position towards God
(for 1 administer God’s gospel as an offering priest, ver. 16), properly belongs
tome. The ἔχω is prefixed with emphasis : it does not fail me, like a some-
thing which one has not really as a possession but only ventures to ascribe to
himself ; then follows with ἐν X. ’I. and τὰ mp. τ. Θ., a twofold more pre-
cisely defined character of this ethical possession, excluding everything sel7-
1 Comp. Suicer, Thes. 5. v. ; Kypke in loc.; Joseph. Antt. viii. 4. 5: tepovpyia, 4 Macc.
also ἱερουργός, Callim. jv. 450; ἱερούργημα, iv. 1; Plat. Legg. p. 774 E; Pollux, i. 29.
ὅ48 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
ish.* Accordingly, we are not to explain as though ἐν X. ’I. bore the main
stress and it ran ἐν Χριστῷ οὖν τὴν καύχησιν ἔχω κ.τ.λ. (which is Fritzsche’s
objection to the reading τὴν xaty.); and καύχησις is neither here nor else-
where equivalent to καύχημα (materies gloriandi), but is gloriatio (comp. 1 Cor.
xv. 31), and the article marks the definite self-boasting concerned, which Paul
makes (vv. 16, 18). Reiche connects ἐν X. with τ. καύχησιν, so that τὸ καυ-
χᾶσθαι ἐν Χ. is to be explained as the boasting onself of Christ (of the aid of
Christ). Comp. also Ewald. Admissible linguistically, since the construc-
tion καυχᾶσθαι ἐν (Vv. 3, li. 17, 23 ; Phil. ili. 3) allowed the annexation with-
out the article ; but at variance with the sequel, where what is shown is not
the right to boast of the help of Christ (of this there is also in ver. 16 no
mention), but this, that Paul wil] never boust himself otherwise than as
simply the instrument of Christ, that he thus has Christ only to thank for
the καυχᾶσθαι, only through Him is in the position to boast. — τὰ πρὸς τ. Θεόν]
Comp. Heb. ii. 17, v. 1. Semler and Riickert take the article in a limiting
sense: at least before God. But the ‘‘ at least” is not expressed (τά ye zp. τ.
Θ., or πρός γε τ. O., OY Ta mp. τ. Θ. ye), and Paul has indeed actually here and
elsewhere frequently boasted before men, and with ample warrant, of his
sacred calling.—We may add that this whole assertion of his calling, vv.
17-21, so naturally suggested itself to the apostle, when he was on the
point of extending his activity to Rome and beyond it to the extreme west
of the Gentile world, that there is no sufficient ground for seeking the oeca-
sion of it in the circumstances and experiences of the Corinthian church at
that time (so especially Riickert, comp. also Tholuck and Philippi); espe-
cially since it is nowhere indicated in our epistle (not even in xvi. 17), that
at that time (at a later epoch it was otherwise, Phil. i. 15 ff.) anti-Pauline
efforts had occurred in Rome, such as had emerged in Corinth. See
Introd. § 3.
Ver. 18. Negative confirmation of what is asserted in ver. 17. The cor-
rect explanation is determined partly by the connection, to be carefully
observed, of οὐ with katecpy., partly by the order of the words, according to
which ov κατειργάσατο must have the emphasis, not Χριστός (Theodoret and
others, including Calovius, Olshausen, Fritzsche, Tholuck). Hence : ‘‘for
I will not (in any given case) embolden myself to speak about any of those things
(to boast of anything from the sphere of that) which Christ has not brought
about through me, in order to. make the Gentiles obedient to Him, by means of
word and work.” That is, affirmatively expressed : for I will venture to let
myself be heard only as to such things, the actual fulfilment of which has taken
place by Christ through me, etc. ; I will therefore never pride myself on any-
thing which belongs to the category of those things, which have not been put
into execution by Christ through me.* This would be an untrue speaking of
1 Not exactly specially ‘‘the conscious-
ness of superior knowledge or singular
spirituality,’>’ Hofmann. Comp. generally
1 Cor. xv. 10.
2 The objection of Hofmann: ‘‘ The non-
actual forms no collective whole, as a
constituent element of which a single thing
might be conceived,” is a mere empty
subtlety. Had Paul, ¢.g., boasted that
Christ had wrought many conversions
through him when he wasin Athens, he
would have spoken about something which
would have been a single instance out of
the category of the non-actual, namely, of
CHAP. XV., 19. 549
results, as if the Lord had brought them about through me—which neverthe-
less had not taken place. — εἰς ὑπακ. ἐθνῶν) namely, through the adoption of
faith in Him ; comp. i. ὅ. --- λόγῳ x. ἔργῳ] applies to carecpy .
Ver. 19. In virtue of what powers Christ, by means of word and work,
has wrought through the apostle as His organ :
—this refers back to ἔργῳ ; (2) ἐν duv. xveiuatoc,—this applies to λόγῳ and
ἔργῳ together, and is co-ordinated to the above ἐν δυν. σημ. Kk. τερ, not subor-
dinated, as Beza, Glickler, and others think, whereby the language would
lose its simplicity and half of its import (the δύναμις πνεύμ. would pass into
the background). According to Hofmann, who reads in ver. 20 φιλοτιμοῦ-
μαι (see the critical notes), a new sentence is meant to begin with λόγῳ κ.
ἔργῳ, the verb of which would be φιλοτιμοῦμαι. This yields, instead of the
simple course of the language, a complicated structure of sentence which is
in nowise indicated by Paul himself, as he has not written ἐν λόγῳ x. ἔργῳ
(conformably to the following). Besides, the εὐαγγελίζεσθαι by word and
deed (thus the preaching through deeds), would be a modern conception
foreign to the N. T. The ἔργα accompany and accredit the preaching (John
x. 88, xiv. 11), but they do not preach. Comp. Luke xxiv. 19; Acts vil.
22; 2 Cor. x. 11. If φιλοτιμοῦμαι is to be read, then with Lachmann ὦ new
sentence is to be begun with ver. 20, so that all that precedes remains as-
signed to the efficiency of Christ, which is not the case with the view of
Hofmann, although it is only in entire keeping with the language of hu-
mility which Paul here uses. The genitives are those of derivation : power which
went forth from signs and wonders (which Paul, as instrument of Christ, has
performed), and power, which went forth from the (Holy) Spirit (who was
communicated to the apostle through Christ) upon the minds of men. Comp.
on ἐν δυν. πνεύμ., 1 Cor. ii. 4, ὅ. --- σημεῖα x. τέρατα] not different in sub-
stance ; both miracles, both also denoting their significant aspect. See
Fritzsche, p. 270 f. The collocation corresponds to the Heb. D923 NINs,
hence usually (the converse only in Acts ii. 22, 48, vi. 8, vil. 36, comp. 11.
19) σημεῖα stands first, and where only one of the two words is used, it is
always σημεῖα, because NNS was the striking word giving more immediately
the character of the thing designated. Contrary to the constant usage of
the N. T., Reiche understands not outward miraculous facts, but mental
miracles, which the preaching of the gospel has produced in the hearts of
the newly-converted. Even 2 Cor. xii. 12 is not to be thus understood ;
see in loc. Miracles belonged to the σημεῖα τοῦ ἀποστόλου (2 Cor. l.c.), hence
there is already of itself motive enough for their mention in our passage,
. ἐθνῶν.
(1) ἐν δυνάμ. σημείων κ. τερ.;
and there is no need for the precarious assumption of ἃ reference to pseudo-
apostolic jugglers in Rome (Ewald). —év δυνάμ. πνεύμ. ay.| is related, not
“awkwardly” (Hofmann), to ὧν οὐ κατειργ. Χριστός ; for Christ has, for the
sake of His working to be effected through the apostle (dv ἐμοῦ), given to
that which Christ has not wrought. The converting the Gentiles. But thus, through
view of Hofmann himself amounts to the
sense, that the apostle wished to set aside
all his own, which was not a work of Christ
performed through him, with the object of
the contrast of his own and the work of
Christ, the emphasis would be transposed,
resting now on Χριστός, asif it ran ὧν οὐ
Χριστὸς κατειργάσατο δι᾽ ἐμοῦ,
ὅδ0 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
him the Spirit. Very unnecessarily, and just as inappropriately,—since
ὥστε must comprise all the preceding elements,—Hofmann forces ἐν δυν. rv.
ay., by means of an hyperbaton, into special connection with ore. — ὥστε
«.t.A.| Result, which this working of Christ through Paul has had in refer-
ence to the extension of Christianity. — ἀπὸ, Ἱερουσ.} From this spot, where
Paul first entered the apostolical fellowship, Acts ix. 26 ff. (he had already
previously worked three years, including the sojourn in Arabia, at Damas-
cus; see on Gal. i. 17, 18), he defines the terminus a quo, because he intends
to specify the greatest extension of his working in space (from south-east to
north-west).'— καὶ κύκλῳ] enlarges the range of the terminus a quo: and round
about, embracing not merely Judaea, but, in correspondence to the magni-
tude of the measure of length, Arabia and Syria also. Of course, however,
κύκλῳ is not included in the dependence on ἀπό, but stands in answer to the
question Where? inasmuch as it adds to the statement from whence the
working took place, the notice of the local sphere, which had been jointly
affected by that local beginning as its field of action : from Jerusalem, and
in a circuit round, Paul has fulfilled the gospel as far as Illyria. Flacius,
Calovius, Paulus, Gléckler, following Chrysostom, Theodoret, and others,
refer κύκλῳ to the are which Paul described in his journey from Jerusalem
by way of Syria, Asia, Troas, Macedonia, and Greece to Illyria. According
to this, κύκλῳ would specify the direction in which he, starting from Jerusa-
lem, moved forward. So also Hofmann. This direction would be that of
acurve. But κύκλῳ never denotes this, and is never merely the opposite of
straight out, but always cirewmcirea (comp. Judith i. 2; Mark iii. 34, vi. 6,
36; Luke ix. 12; Rev. iv. 6; very frequently in the Greek writers) ; and
the addition ‘‘and in the are of a cirele,” would have been very superfluous
and indeed like an empty piece of ostentation, seeing that in truth the
straight direction from Jerusalem to Illyria passes for the most part through
water. No reason also would be discoverable for Paul’s adding the καί, and
not merely writing κύκλῳ, in order to express : from Jerusalem in ὦ circular
direction as far as Illyria. — μέχρι τοῦ ᾿Ι1λλυρ.] The idea that Paul, as has
recently been for the most part assumed, did not get to Illyria αὐ all, but only
to the frontier of this western region during a Macedonian by-journey, throws
upon him an appearance of magnifying his deeds, for which the silence of the
Acts of the Apostles, furnishing, as it does, no complete narrative, supplies
no warrant. Now, since in ver. 23 Illyria may not, without arbitrariness,
be excluded from the regions where he has already laboured, because this
country would otherwise have still afforded scope for labour, we must as-
sume that Paul had really made an intermediate journey to Illyria. From
what starting-point, cannot indeed be shown ; hardly so soon as Acts xviii.
4
11, but possibly during the journey mentioned in Acts xx. 1-3 (see Anger,
1Yet he does not say ‘‘from Arabia’
(Gal. Z.c.), because it was very natural for
him significantly to place the beginning at
that spot where all the other apostles had
begun their work and the apostolic church
itself had arisen—in doing which, however,
he, by adding καὶ κύκλῳ, does nothing to the
prejudice of history. The less is there to
be found in ἀπὸ Ἵερουσ. an inconsistency
with the statements of the Epistle to the
Galatians. This in opposition to Lucht,
who sees also in μέχρι τ. Ἴλλυρ. an incorrect
statement, and attributes to both points a
special design.
~
CHAPS XV, Oe eT. 551
temp. rat. p. 84); so that his short sojourn in Illyria took place not long before
his sojourn in Achaia, where he at Corinth wrote the Epistle to the Romans.
Tit. iii. 12 can only be employed in confirmation of this by those who as-
sume the authenticity of the Epistle to Titus, and its composition thus
early (see Wieseler, Philippi). — πεπληρωκέναι τὸ evayy. τ. X.| have brought to
Fulfilment (comp. Col. i. 25) the gospel of Christ. This πληροῦν has taken
place in an extensive sense through the fact that the gospel is spread abroad
everywhere from Jerusalem to Illyria, and has met with acceptance. Anal-
ogous is the conception : ὁ λόγος τοῦ Θεοῦ ἠύξανε, Acts vi. 7, ΧΙ]. 24, xix.
20. So long as the news of salvation has not yet reached its full and des-
tined diffusion, it is still in the course of growth and increase ; but when
it has reached every quarter, so that no place any longer remains for the
labour of the preacher (ver. 23), it has passed from the state of growing in-
crease into the full measure of its dimensions. This view of the sense is alone
strictly textual (see ver. 23), while closely adhering to the literal significa-
tion of etayy., which denotes the message itself, not the act of proclamation
(Th. Schott, Mangold) ; and hence excludes the many divergent interpre-
tations, namely: (1) That of Beza, Piscator, Grotius, Bengel, de Wette,
Riickert, in substance also Kéllner, Tholuck, van Hengel, and permissively,
Reiche, that ehayy. is equivalent to munus praedicandi evang. which it does
not mean ; similarly Ewald ; the executed commission of preaching. (9)
That of Luther, Flacius, Castalio, and others: ‘‘that I have fulfilled every-
thing with the gospel,” which is opposed to the words as they stand, although
repeated by Baur. (3) That of Theophylact, Erasmus, and others, includ-
ing Reiche and Olshausen : πληρ. τὸ ebayy. denotes completely to proclaim
the gospel. But the ‘‘ completely” would in fact have here no relevant
weight at all (such as at Acts xx. 27) ; for that Paul had not éncompletely
preached the gospel, was understood of itself. Others arbitrarily take it
otherwise still, e.g. Calvin : ‘‘praedicationem ev. quasi supplendo diffundere ;
coeperunt enim alii priores, sed ipse longius sparsit ;” Krehl: that I have
put the gospel into force and validity ; Philippi: that I have realized the
gospel, have introduced it into life (the gospel appearing as empty, before
it is taught, accepted, understood) ; Hofmann, with comparison of the not
at all analogous expression πληροῦν τὸν νόμον : the message of salvation
misses its destination, if it remain wnproclaimed—whereby πληροῦν would be
reduced simply to the notion of kypiccev.—The whole of the remark, ver.
19 f., connected with ver. 24, is to be explained, according to Baur, I. p.
307, simply from the intention (of the later writer) to draw here, as it were,
a geographical line between two apostolic provinces, of which the one must
be left to Peter. In opposition to swch combinations, although Lucht still
further elaborates them, it is sufficient simply to put into the scale the al-
together Pauline character and emotional stamp of the language in vv. 19-33,
in its inner truth, simplicity, and chasteness.
Vv. 20, 21. But prosecuting it as a point of honour to preach in this way,
the οὕτω is now first negatively stated : not where Christ was named, then
positively : but, agreeably to the word of Scripture, etc. Hence οὐχ ὅπου, not
ὕπου οὐκ. ---- φιλοτιμ.} Aependent on με, ver. 19. On φιλοτιμεῖσθαι, to prosecute
ὅδῳ THE EPISTLE OF PAUL ΤῸ THE ROMANS,
anything so that one seeks one’s honour in it, comp. 2 Cor. v. 9; 1 Thess. iv.
11 ; see Wetstein and Kypke. This full signification (not merely the more
general one : zealously to prosecute) is to be maintained in ail passages, in-
cluding the classical ones, and admirably suits the context. The matter
was a special point of honour with the apostle in his working ;* 2 Cor. x. 15,
10. --- ὠνομάσθη] His name, as the contents of confession, has been named,
namcly, by preachers and confessors. See ver. 21.—iva μὴ x.t.4.] 1.6... in
order not simply to continue the work of conversion already begun by oth-
ers. Comp. 1 Cor. iii. 10. The reason why Paul did not desire this, lay in
the high consciousness of his apostolie destination (Acts xxvi. 17, 18), accord-
ing to which he recognized the greatest and most difficult work, the found-
ing of the church, as the task of the apostle, and found his apostolie honour in
the solution of this task.” Others, as Reiche, specify as the reason, that he
had sought on account of his freer system of doctrine to avoid polemical
controversies. This would be a principle of practical prudence, correspond-
ing neither to the apostolical idea, nor to Paul’s magnanimous character in
following it out. — καθὼς yéyp.| Isa. 111. 15, closely cited after the LXX.,
who took WS in each case as masculine. The passage runs according to
the original: ““ What was never told to them, they see; and what they have
never heard, they perceive ;” and the subject is the hings, who become dumb
before the glorified Servant of God, not the nations (Hengstenberg, Christol.
II. p. 305 ; Philippi). But the actual state of the case—seeing that, along
with the kings, their peoples also must see the glory of the Servant of God
allowed the apostle here to put the nations as the subject, the Gentile-
peoples, to whom, through him, the Servant of God as yet unknown to them
is made known, ὁ.6. Jesus Christ, in whom the Messianic fulfilment of that
prophetic idea concerning the Servant of God, as the ideal of Israel, had ap-
peared realized.* — περὶ αὐτοῦ] addition of the LXX.— ὄψονται) they shall see,
namely mentally, in knowledge and faith, it (that which the preaching now
brings before them). — οὗ οὐκ axyx.] namely, the news of Him (the gospel).
-- συνήσουσι] shall understand it (this news). Comp. Matt. xiii. 28, xv. 10.
Ver. 22. Διό] because, namely, my apostolic mode of working, just de-
scribed (vv. 20, 21), did not yet permit me to depart from the districts
mentioned, inasmuch as there was still work to do in founding. [See Note
CLIV. p. 560.] Comp. Beza: ‘‘dum huc et illuc avocor, interpellatus et
ita prohibitus.” Incorrectly Bengel, Reiche, and others : because in Rome
the foundation was laid by others. Ver. 23 is decisive against this. — τὰ
πολλά] more than πολλάκις, 1. 13 (πολλά) : in the most cases (πλεῖστα, Plat.
1QLucht here conceives the writer to be to Spain. But to address /etters to a church
dependent even on a mistaken understand-
ing of 2 Cor. x. 15, 16.
2 The objection of Baur, ii. p. 399, that in
truth, if this had been really Paul’s princi-
ple, the Epistle to the Romans itself would
stand in contradiction to it, is invalid,
since that principle referred only to his
working as present in person; whence he
thought of visiting the Romans only as δια-
πορευόμενος (ver. 24), on his intended journey
of a Pauline stamp, which had nevertheless
been founded by others, such as, in fact, he
wrote to the Colossians and Laodiceans,
was not excluded by the above principle,
the point of which was rather the personat
presence at the founding of churches, and the
oral proclamation of salvation.
3 Comp. Schultz, alttestam. Theol. 11. Ὁ.
268 ff.
CHAP. XV., 23, 24. 553
Hipp. maj. p. 281 B), as a rule, not ‘so often” (Th. Schott), The Vulgate
renders correctly : plerwmque.' Paul has had other hindrances also, but
mostly sach as had their ground in the above regulative principle of his
working. Hofmann understands évexorr. of eaternal hindrances ; so that Paul
means that he, even if he would, could not come otherwise than in pursu-
ance of that principle, to Rome (whither that principle did not lead him),
This is at variance with the following νυνὶ δὲ «.7.A., Which in μηκέτι τόπον
ἔχων ἐν τ. KA. τ. expresses the removal now of the hindrance meant by éve-
kort. — τοῦ ἐλθεῖν] genitive dependent on the verb of hindering. See Borne-
mann, ad Xen. Anab. i. 7. 20; Fritzsche, ad Matth. p. 845.
Vv. 23, 24.? But since Ihave now no longer room (scope, %.e. opportunitatem,
see on xii. 19 ; Kypke, I. p. 190) in these regions (from Jerusalem to Illyria,
ver. 19). Paul had in all these countries founded churches, from which
Christianity was now spreading through other teachers, and especially
through his own disciples, over the whole ; and consequently he considered
his apostolic calling to be fulfilled in respect of the region mentioned, His
further working was to belong to the far west, where Christ was not yet
named ; hence he meditated, in the next instance, transferring his activity
in founding churches to Spain—a design, indeed, which Lucht denies that
the apostle entertained, and imputes it to a later conception of his task, in
accordance with which the plan of a journey to Spain was invented. Prob-
ably the comprehensive maxim, that he had no longer a sphere of activity
where Christianity might be planted at the principal places of a district by
his personal exertions, was connected with the expectation of the nearness
of the Parousia, before which the πλήρωμα of the Gentiles, and in conse-
quence of this also all Israel, had to be brought in (xi. 25). — ἐπιποθίαν] not
summum desiderium (Beza), but see on iv. 11. The word is not found else-
where ; but comp. ἐπιπόθησις, 2 Cor. vii. 7.— τοῦ ἐλθεῖν] genitive dependent
on ἐπιποῦ. --- ἀπὸ πολλ. ἐτ.] now for many years ; comp. Luke viii. 438. —a¢
ἄν] simulatque, so soon as. See on 1 Cor. xi. 34; Phil. 11. 28. It is a more
precise definition to what follows, not to the preceding ἐλθεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς (Hof-
mann), because otherwise Paul must have had in mind the plan of the journey
to Spain for many years, which cannot be supposed either in itself or on ac-
count of Acts xvi. 9. This applies also against Tischendorf in his 8th edi-
tion. — Σπανίαν] The usual Greek name is ᾿Ιβηρία (Herod. i. 163 ; Strabo,
iii. 4. 17, p. 166), but Σπανία (although in the passages in Athenaeus and
Diodorus Siculus the variation ‘Ioravia is found) was probably also not rare,
and that asa Greek form (Casaubon, ad Athen. p. 574). The Roman form
1 See Schaefer, ad Bos. Ell. p. 427; Ast,ad results. To parenthesize ἐλπίζω γὰρ... ἐμ-
Piat. Legg. p. 62 f. πλησϑῶ (Lachmann, followed by Buttmann,
2 With the omission of ἐλεύσομαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς
after Sraviav, and of yap after ἐλπίζω (see
the critical notes), the course of the passage
flows on simply, so that νυνὶ δὲ, ver. 23, is
connected with ἐλπίζω, and all that inter-
venes is parenthetical. If ἐλεύσ. πρὸς ὑμᾶς
only be struck out and the yap be retained,
with Lachmann, Hofmann, Tischendorf, 8,
a striking interruption of the construction
1.6. Ὁ. 252 [E. T. 294], comp. also Hofmann) is
not suitable to the contents of the continua-
tion, ver. 25. Ewald extends the parentheses
from ἐλπίζω yap even tO λειτουργῆσαι αὐτοῖς.
ver. 27. But considering the entirely calm
tenor of the whole passage, the probability
of such large parentheses, with all their in-
termediate clauses, is just asslight as the
probability of an anacoluthia (Tisch. 8).
501 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
was ‘Ioravia (1 Macc. viii. 3). Itis the entire Pyrenaean peninsula. See
Strabo, l.c.—That this project of a journey to Spain was not executed, see
Introd. § 1. Primasius aptly remarks: ‘‘ Promiserat quidem, sed dispen-
sante Deo non ambulavit.” Already at Acts xx. 25 a quite different certain-
ty was before the apostle’s mind, and in his captivity he no longer enter-
tained that plan of travel, Philem. 22, Phil. ii. 94. -- διαπορευόμ.] ‘‘ quia
Romae jam fundata est fides,” Bengel. —ag’ ὑμῶν] (see the critical notes) :
JSrom you away. — προπεμφθ. ἐκεῖ] Comp. 1 Cor. xvi. 6, 2 Cor. 1. 16, and on
Acts xv. 8. As was his wont on his apostolical journeys, Paul hoped (‘‘ quasi
pro jure suo,” Bengel) to obtain an accompaniment on the part of some be-
longing to the church from Rome to Spain, by which we must understand an
escort all the way thither, since Paul would without doubt travel by sea from
Italy to Spain, the shortest and quickest way. ἐκεῖ, in the sense of ἐκεῖσε,
according to a well-known attraction. See John xi. 8, e a/., and on Matt.
11. 22. ἀπὸ pép.] ‘‘non quantum vellem, sed quantum licebit,” Grotius.
It is a limitation out of compliment. Comp. Chrysostom. But the reservation
of later complete enjoyment (Hofmann) is an idea imported : πρῶτον denotes im
the first place (before I travel further), as Matt. vi. 38, vii. 5, vill. 21, and
frequently. — ἐμπλησθῶ] of spiritual satisfaction through the enjoyment of
the longed-for personal intercourse (ὑμῶν). The commentary on this is
given at i. 12.
Ver. 25. Νυνὶ dé] is not, like the above νυνὶ dé (ver. 23), to be regarded as
resumptive, as Buttmann and Hofmann, in consequence of the reading ἐλπίζω
γάρ, ver. 24, take it,—a view with which what was previously said of the
journey to Spain by way of Rome does not accord,’ and the passage itself
assumes a very stiff, contorted form. Observe, rather, that the first νυνὶ δέ,
ver. 23, was said in contrast to the past (ἐνεκοπτόμην x.t.A.), but that the
second νυνὶ dé, ver. 25, commencing a new sentence, is said in contrast to
the promised future. ‘‘So I design and hope to do (as stated in ver. 24) :
but at present a journey to Jerusalem is incumbent upon me ; after its ac-
complishment, I shall then carry out that promised one by way of Rome to
Spain (ver. 28).” This νυνὶ dé is more definite than if Paul had said, ‘‘ but
beforehand” (which Hofmann with this view requires) ; for he thinks that
now he is just on the point of travelling to Jerusalem, whereas ‘‘ but beforehand”
would admit a later term of the πορεύομαι. ---- διακονῶν τοῖς ay.| in service for
the saints (Christians in Jerusalem), consequently not delaying the Romano-
Spanish journey in his own interest. The present participle (not future, as
Acts xxiv. 17, and see Bornemann, ad Xen. Anab, vii. 7. 17) designates the
very travelling itself as part of the service.* — The intention, ascribed to the
apostle, of protecting himself in rear by the collection-journey, before he
passed into the far west (Th. Schott), is a purely gratuitous assumption.
1Comp. Hom. Z/. xi. 452; Kypke, II. p. would otherwise at this time see himself destin-
191. ed andimpelled.” This is certainly not ex-
2 Hofmann imports the connection: The pressed.
participial sentence, ver. 23, is intended to 3See Markland and Matthiae, ad Hur.
express, ‘‘ under what circumstances Paw is Suppl. 154; Heindorf, ad Phaed. Ὁ. 249 f.;
now setting out on a journey to Jerusalem,” Dissen, ad Pind. p. 81.
instead of coming to Rome, whither he
”
CHA PAV P20. ce δὺῦ
Ver. 26. More precise information respecting the διακονῶν τοῖς ay. : ““Ρία.-
cuit enim Macedonibus,” etc. On εὐδόκ., they have been pleased, comp. Luke
xii. 82 5 1 Cor. i. 21; Gal. i. 15; Col. 1.19 ; 1 Thess. ii. 8. — κοίνων, rivd
ποιήσ. «.T.A.| to bring about a participation, in reference to the poor, i.e. to
make a collection for them. The contributor, namely, enters into fellowship
with the person aided, in so far as he κοινωνεῖ ταῖς χρείαις αὐτοῦ, Xil. 13 3 κοι-
νωνία is hence the characteristic expression for almsgiving, without, however,
having changed its proper sense communio into the active one of communica-
tion ; ‘‘honesta et aequitatis plena appellatio,” Bengel. Comp. 2 Cor. ix.
13; Heb. xiii. 16. The added τινὰ, of some sort or other, corresponds to the
freedom from constraint, and the consequent indefiniteness, of the amount
to be aimed at. On the collection itself, see 1 Cor. xvi. 1 ff. ; 2 Cor. viii.
9; Acts xxiv. 17. — τοὺς πτωχοὺς τῶν ay.| the poor among the saints at Jeru-
salem. These were thus not all of them poor. Comp. Kiihner, II. 1, p.
290. Of the community of goods there is no longer a trace in Paul. Phi-
lippi incorrectly holds that the πτωχοὶ τῶν ἁγίων are the poor saints generally.
Since the genitive is in any case partitive (even in the passages in Matthiae,
§ 320, p. 791), the expression must at least have been τοὺς (not τῶν) ἐν
Ἵερουσ.
Ver. 27. Information, why they did so, by way of more precisely defining
the mere εὐδόκησαν previously expressed." ‘* They have been pleased, namely,
to do it, and (this is the added element) their debtors they are.”—The Gentiles
have acquired a share (ἐκοινώνησαν) in the spiritual possession of the Chris-
tians of Jerusalem (αὐτῶν), in so far as the mother church of Christianity was
in Jerusalem, so that thus the spiritual benefits of Christianity, which in
the first instance were destined for and communicated to the Jews and sub-
sequently passed over also to the Gentiles, have been diffused from Jerusa-
lem forth over the Gentile world (which march of diffusion so begun con-
tinues), as indeed in Antioch itself the first church of Gentile Christianity
was founded from Jerusalem (Acts xi. 20). — τοῖς πνευματικ) for the benefits
of Christianity (faith, justification, peace, love, hope, etc.) proceed from the
Holy Spirit, are ra τοῦ πνεύματος δῶρα : comp. on Eph. 1. 3. — τοῖς σαρκικοῖς]
for the earthly possessions concern the material and physical phenomenal na-
ture of man, which is his bodily form of existence. Comp. 1 Cor. ix. 11.
— The conclusion is a majori, which they have received, ad minus, with which
they are under obligation to requite it. Comp. Chrysostom. By λειτουργῆ-
σαι, Paul places the almsgiving of love under the sacred point of view of a
sacrificial service (see on xili. 6, xv. 16), which is performed for the benefit
of the recipients. Comp. 2 Cor. ix. 12; Phil. ii. 30, ii. 25. — That further,
as Chrysostom, Calvin, Grotius, and many, including Riickert and Olshau-
sen, assume, Paul intended ‘‘ courteously and gently” (Luther) to suggest
to the Romans that they should likewise bestow alms on those at Jerusalem,
is very improbable, inasmuch as no reason is perceivable why he should not
have ventured on a direct summons, and seeing, moreover, that he looked
upon the work of collection as concluded, ver, 25. Without any particular
1‘ Ast egregia ἀναφορὰ simul cum ἐπανορϑώσει,"" Grotius.
556 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
design in view (Th. Schott thinks that he desired to settle the true relation
between the Gentile Christians and the apostle to the Gentiles), he satisfies
merely his own evident and warm interest.
Ver. 28. Τοῦτο] This work of service for Jerusalem. —k. σφραγισ. K.T.A. |
and when I shall have sealed to them this fruit, i.e. shall have confirmed the
produce of the κοινωνία, ver. 26, to them, secured it as their property.
σφραγίζ. in the jigurative sense : to confirm, to ratify (see on John iii. 33) ;
for by delivery of the moneys they were, on the part of the apostle, con-
firmed to the recipients as the fruit collected for them, after the manner of
the law of possession, as with seal impressed. The expression chosen has a
certain solemnity ; the apostle is moved by the thought that with the close of
the work of love to which he refers he was to finish his long and great
Jabours in the East, and was to take in hand a new field in the far West.
In these circumstances, an unusual thoughtful expression for the concluding
act offers itself naturally. But that which Fritzsche finds in it (rendering
of an account and other formalities) neither lies in the simple figurative
word, nor was it doubtless intended by Paul, considering his apostolical dig-
nity. Others take σφραγισ. in the proper sense, either thus: ‘‘when I have
brought over the money to them, sealed” (Erasmus, Cornelius ἃ Lapide,
Estius), which, however, the words do not express at all, and how paltrily
unapostolic the thought would be! or, referring αὐτοῖς to the Greek
Christians (so already Theodoret) : ‘‘ when I have made them secure with letter
and seal respecting the right delivery of their collection” (Gléckler, and so
already Michaelis), against which, apart from the unsuitableness of the
sense, it is decisive that αὐτοῖς brooks no other reference than αὐτῶν and
αὐτοῖς, ver. 27 (comp. τοῖς ἁγίοις,. ver. 25). This also against Reithmayr,
who brings out even a depositing for the almsgivers in God's treasury !
Ver. 29. Paul is convinced that his advent to the Romans will not be
without rich blessing from Christ ; he will bring with him a fulness (copia,
see on Eph. iii. 19) of Christ’s blessing. On the matter itself, comp. i. 11.
ἐν is to be explained : furnished with. See Bernhardy, p. 209, and on 1
Cor. iv. 21. Quite contrary to the words, Chrysostom, Oecumenius, Calvin,
and others: ‘‘ Scio me . vos inventurum repletos omnibus donis spir-
itualibus,” Estius. — ἐρχόμενος with the same verb ἐλεύσομαι ; see Kiihner,
II. 2, p. 656, and ad Xen. Mem. iv. 2.21. Comp. on 1 Cor, ii. 1; Phil. 11. 2.
Vv. 80, 81. Even now (comp. Acts xx. 22, 23, xxi. 10 ff.) Paul antici-
pates that persecutions await him in Judaea on the part of the unbelieving
1 The act of handing over itself, namely,
was the σφραγίς of the collection for the
recipients. Before the delivery the moneys
were indeed destined for them, but not yet
de facto assured to them as property on the
part of the apostle, the bearer. Theodore
of Mopsuestia well explains the σφραγισάμ.
by ἀποκομίσας καὶ δεδωκώς, and adds, by way
of assigning the reason: εἰ yap καὶ τῇ γνώμῃ
τῶν δεδωκότων τέλειος ἣν ὃ καρπός, ἀλλὰ TH
χρείᾳ ἀτελὴς, οὔπω δεξαμένων ὧνπερ οὖν ἕνεκεν
ἐδόϑη. Without any ground in the text,
Hofmann introduces bearers appointed on
the part of the church, whom the apostle
himself conducts to Jerusalem, thereby
designating the gift to the recipients as one
destined for them with his knowledge and will,
Hofmann’s objection, that the interpreta-
tion given above rather suggests that it
should be termed an wnsealing than a seal-
ing, is a cavil running counter to the figu-
rative usage elsewhere of o¢payigew and
σφραγίς, and which might just as aptly be
applied to Hofmann’s own explanation.
CHAP! XV.; ΘΝ °33. 557
(ἀπειθούντων, inobedientium, who refuse the ὑπακοὴ πίστεως ; comp. xi. 30, 31 ;
John iii. 36 ; Acts xiv. 2) ; but even on the part of the Palestinian Christians
(τ. ἁγίοις), he is not sure of a good reception for his διακονία, because he, the
anti-Judaic apostle (comp. x. 21 ; Acts xxi. 21),had set on foot and conduct-
ed a Gentile-Christian collection. Hence the addition of the exhortation
(παρακαλῶ) to the readers, subjoined by the continuative δέ, and how urgent
and fervent! — διά] belonging to παρακ. : by means of amoving reference to
Christ, as xii. 1, 2 Cor. x. 1.— The ἀγάπη τοῦ πνεῦμ. is the love wrought by the
Holy Spirit (Gal. v. 22) ; ἐξ Paul calls in specially by way of inciting his
readers to compliance. — συνάγων. μοι ἐν ταῖς rpocevy.| to contend along with
me in the prayers which you make, hence : in your prayers. A very correct
gloss is ὑμῶν (after tpocevy.) in codd. and vss.; not one disfiguring the sense,
as Reiche thinks, who explains : in my prayer. So also Ewald. Paul
might certainly, according to the sympathy of the fellowship of love, claim
the joint striving of the readers in /is prayers ; but ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ, which would
otherwise be superfluous, points most naturally to the conclusion that the
προσευχαί are those of the readers ; comp. 2 Cor. i. 11; Col. iv. 19. The
ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ πρὸς τὸν Θεόν is closely, and without the article, attached to ταῖς
προσευχαῖς (similarly to προσεύχεσθαι ὑπέρ, Col. i. 9, et al.): in the prayers
which you address to God for me (for my welfare). Fervent prayer is a striv-
ing of the inner man against the hostile or dangerous powers, which it is
sought to avert or overcome, and for the aims, which it is sought to attain.
Comp. on Col. l.c. —iva ῥυσθῶ ἀπὸ x.7.4.| Aim of the joint striving : in order
that I may be delivered from, etc. See on Matt. vi. 18. It did not pass into
fulfilment ; even now the counsel of his Lord, Acts ix. 16, was to be accom-
plished. — 7} diak. μου ἡ εἰς ‘Tepove.| my rendering of service destined for Jerusa-
lem. See vv. 25, 26. Comp. 2 Cor. viii. 4, ix. 1.
Vv. 382, 33. "Iva] Aim of ver. 31, and so jinal aim of συναγωνίσασθαι κ.τ.λ.,
ver. 30. Comp. Gal. iv. 5. —év χαρᾷ] in joyfulness.’ But as a prisoner he
came to Rome, whither the will of God (διὰ θελήμ. Θεοῦ) led him, neverthe-
less, otherwise than it had been his desire (comp. i. 10). — συναναπαύσωμαι]
refresh myself with you, namely, through the mutual communication of faith,
of inward experiences, of love, of hope, ete. Comp. συμπαρακληθῆναι, i. 12.
—In the closing wish, ver. 33, the designation of God as ὁ Θεὸς τῆς εἰρήνης,
the God who brings about peace, was the more naturally suggested, as
the forebodings of the opposite of εἰρήνη which he was going to encounter
had just been before the apostle’s mind. Hence we have neither to assume a
reference to the differences in xiv. 1 ff. (Grotius and others), nor to take
εἰρήνη of the peace of reconciliation, v. 1 (Philippi), or in the wide sense of
salus (Fritzsche). Comp. rather 1 Cor. xiv. 33 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 11; Phil. iv.
9 ; Rom. xvi. 20: 1 Thess. v. 28.
110 would even with the reading ἐλϑών follows, belong to this word, beside which
(see the critical notes), which Hofmann it stands, not to cvvavam (Hofmann.)
558 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS. ᾿
ΝΟΤΕΒ ΒΥ AMERICAN Eprtor.
CL. Ver. 6. τὸν Θεὸν καὶ πατέρα τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἶ. Xp.
That this phrase may mean the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ cannot
be questioned. Meyer urges against this interpretation the cases in which 6
Θεὺς καὶ πατῆρ Occurs with no genitive following. These cases may be regarded
as having weight, although it may, perhaps, be claimed that a genitive is sug-
gested to the mind in every such instance. Wieseler urges that in cases where
καί is omitted (as Rom. 1. 7, 1 Cor. 1. 3) πατῇρ is evidently appositional and ex-
planatory, showing how God is related to the defining genitive ; and Ellicott
presses the fact that, inasmuch as God is an absolute word and Father a relative
one, it is more natural to connect the genitive with the one only which needs it.
These considerations, when taken together, favor very strongly the view which
makes τοῦ κυρίου "I. X. depend on πατέρα, and not also on Θεόν.
CLI. Vv. 8, 9. λέγω yap... γεγενῆσθαι x.7.A.
If γεγενῆσθαι is the correct textual reading, as it probably is, the construction
of δοξάσαι as parallel with βεβαιῶσαι and dependent on εἰς τό, which is favoured
by Meyer, seems to be the one most accordant with the language. The more
common view, however, regards do£., like yeyev., as dependent on λέγω. Weiss
(who, however, reads γενέσθαι) calls Meyer’s construction artificial. On the
contrary, the parallelism in form of the two verbs, doé. and βεβ., as distin-
guished from yeyev., and the fact that Paul’s representation elsewhere is that
Christ came in the line of the Jews to benefit also the Gentiles, comp. Gal.
iii. 13, 14 (see also xi, 12 ff.), make this the simplest and most natural con-
struction of the passage. The verse is introduced (γάρ) as a ground of the pre-
ceding statement. It thus explains who are meant by ἡμᾶς of ver. 7, and con-
sequently indicates that, in the use of ἀλλήλους of that verse, Paul had in mind
the division between Jews and Gentiles in the church as, approximatively at
least, answering to that between the weak and strong parties.
Whether there is an intentional contrast between ὑπὲρ ἀληθείας and ὑπὲρ
ἐλέους is uncertain, but not improbably this is the case. It was on behalf of
God’s truth, and in fulfilment of the promises, that Christ appeared among and
for the Jews. Though the declarations of the O. T. foreshadowed blessings
also for the Gentiles, the relation of the spiritual plan to them was, in a
certain peculiar sense and degree, a matter more completely of mercy.
CLII. Vv. 14-33.
In this passage, as Meyer remarks, we find the conclusion or epilogue of the
epistle ; the Pauline letters generally having both an introductory and a conclud-
ing section, each consisting of a few verses and being of a more or less general
character. In this case, the conclusion is partly apologetic, and partly expres-
sive of his desire and purpose with respect to visiting Rome. In both parts,
but especially in the latter, there is a correspondence with the introductory
passage, i. 8-15. In that passage he first expresses his thanks to God in view
of their Christian position and advance in faith ; here, again, his apology is
occasioned by his conviction that they have made such progress in knowledge
and goodness as to be able to dispense with his admonitions. The apology
NOTES. 559
which he presents, however, justifies his boldness in writing, in parts of the
epistle, by the special commission which he hasfrom God. This commission he
sets forth with greater minuteness than we find in almost any other place, and
thus, as mentioned in a former note, we get the idea which he had of χάρις as
employed in such cases, His χάρισμα, as stated, also, in that note, was to be a
minister of Christ to the Gentiles in regions where Christ had not been named.
The second thought of the introduction—his long-cherished wish to see the
Roman Christians which he had been prevented from accomplishing thus far,
but hoped that he might now at last realize—is only presented more definitely
in these verses, both as to the past and the future.
CLIIT. Ver. 17 ff. ἔχω οὖν τὴν καύχησιν κ.τ.λ.
These verses, so far as the main thought is concerned, serve only to define
more precisely the Apostle’s mission and work, as giving him the right to ad-
dress the church as he does. In their grammatical connection they are founded,
as an inference or conclusion, on the statement of ver. 16. The position of
éyw indicates (as Meyer says) a special emphasis, which is connected with the
manner in which, in the progress of the sentences, the thought is brought out.
Paul claims that he has, as something which properly appertains to him, the
glorying to which he gives expression,—but it isa glorying in Christ Jesus,
and not in anything which Christ has not wrought by his means. The con-
struction of the following sentences is peculiar and somewhat involved. yap
of ver. 18 confirms the declaration that his boasting is in (not outside of)
Christ Jesus. The confirmatory words are put in the negative form, but they
suggest also the corresponding positive. With that suggested positive, the
connection of ὦστε κιτ.. becomes free of difficulty. Christ has accomplished
through me results, to the end of bringing about obedience to faith among the
Gentiles, by means of my teaching and working accompanied by miracles and
the power of the Divine Spirit ; and this, moreover, so far that I have com-
pleted the work of preaching the gospel from Jerusalem and the region around
it to Hlyricum, always making it my special aim not to preach where there had
been preachers before me, and thus not to build upon foundations laid by
another.
In regard to the individual words and phrases of this passage the following
points may be noticed. (1) καύχησις denotes not the ground of glorying (καύχημα),
but the glorying itself. This the Apostle declares to belong to him rightfully.
(2) ob yap τολμήσω. If he had ventured beyond these things, the boasting in
Christ would not have been thus rightfully his. (9) λόγω and épyw are so far
correlative with ἐν duv. tv. dy., ἐν δυν. σημ. Kk. τεράτ., that the latter words ac-
company in each case the former, (4) κύκλῳ is to be connected with Ἵερουσ. (so
Meyer and many others), and not with Ἰλλυρ. It refers to the circuit, whether
smaller or larger, around Jerusalem, where Paul’s first labours in the gospel were
put forth, not to a circuit which he made in his work of preaching from
Jerusalem to Illyria. (5) πεπληρωκέναι τὸ εὐαγγέλιον. It seems unnecessary to
adopt Meyer’s explanation of these words, as if, so long as the gospel has not
reached every place, it has not attained the full measure of its dimensions, but
is only in a state of growth and increase. It would appear to be according to
the natural usage of any language to make the gospel, in such a sentence,
“ΤΣ,
equivalent to the preaching of the gospel ; and the εὐαγγελίζεσθαι of ver. 20
560 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
favours such a sense in this case. (6) φιλοτιμούμενον is regarded by Meyer as
having here its strict and full meaning, making it a point of honour, and this is, in
all probability, the correct view. (7) οὐκ ὅπου. The corresponding affirmative
ἀλλὰ ὅπου K.7.2. is found in ver, 21, not in form, but substantially —the construc-
tion being changed to introduce a citation from the O. T. (comp. 1 Cor, i. 31
and other passages).
CLIV. Ver. 22. διὸ καὶ ἐνεκοπτόμην K.T.A.
The reason of the ἐκωλύθην ἄχρι τοῦ δεῦρο of i. 13 is here given, or rather the
main reason, for Meyer has probably the right explanation of τὰ πολλά, in most
cases, plerumque, for the most part. 'There were other hindrances, but the chief
one, and the one ordinarily standing in his way, was the labour which he had
to perform before reaching the limits next eastward of Italy. Now, however,
this hindrance was removed, because the work was done.
The view which Paul had as to the completion of the work of preaching the
gospel from Jerusalem to the western boundary of Illyria, and the outlook
towards the regions beyond which seemed to bring the remainder of that
preaching (which was to be, in the largest sense, the πληροῦν τὸ εὐαγγέλιον), so
near, suggest two things respecting the state of his thought. (1) He must, ap-
parently, have regarded the gospel as ‘‘made known’’ in a large region of
country, when churches had been founded in a few of the more prominent
places within its limits. There were many parts of the different provinces
which he had visited, as he well knew, where no sound of the Divine message
had been heard. (2) When we consider the light as compared with the dark-
ness, at the time of his writing these words, and think how great was the
latter and how small the former, it would seem as if he must have expected
some great Divine manifestation, or the Parousia itself, at an early date,—as if
only such an expectation as this could have enabled him to write with such a
feeling, that the work had been accomplished in the east, and would so soon be
accomplished even in the farthest west.
CHAP. XVI. 801
CHAPTER XVI
Ver. 3, Πρίσκαν] Elz. : Πρίσκιλλαν, against decisive evidence. After Acts
xviii. 2; 1 Cor. xvi. 19 (Elz), — Ver. 5. ᾿Ασίας] Elz. has ᾿Αχαΐας, against almost
equally decisive evidence ; but it is defended by Ammon and de Wette on the
testimony of the Peshito, and because 1 Cor, xvi. 15 might certainly give occa-
sion for changing ’Ay. into’Ac. But the reading ’Ay. might readily also have
come into the text through the mere marginal writing of the parallel passage
1 Cor. 1.6., especially if it was considered that Paul wrote his letter in Achaia ;
hence the greatly preponderant external attestation in favor of ’Ac. retains its
validity. — Ver. 6. ὑμᾶς] approved by Griesb., adopted also by Lachm. and Tisch.
8, according to A Ὁ C* 8* min. Syr. utr. Arr. Copt. Aeth. But Elz., Scholz,
Tisch. 7, Fritzsche have ἡμᾶς. Since Paul in the context sends greeting to
persons who stood in a peculiar relation lo himself, and thereby the alteration
of ὑμᾶς into ἡμᾶς was very easily suggested, the more does the external evidence
turn the scale in favour of ὑμᾶς, especially as the reading ἐν ὑμῖν in D EF G,
Vulg. It. Ruf. Ambrosiast. attests the original εἰς ὑμᾶς (of which it is an inter-
pretation). — Ver. 7. οὗ. . . yéyov] DE FG: τοῖς πρὸ ἐμοῦ. Gloss, following
on a mistaken reference of the relative to ἀποστόλοις. --- Ver, 14. The order of
the names : Ἑρμῆν, ΠΠατρόβαν, ‘Epudv (so Lachm. and Tisch., also Fritzsche) is
rendered certain by A B C D* F GPS, min. vss. Ruf. —Ver. 16. πᾶσαι] is
wanting in Elz., but is justly adopted by Griesb., following Mill, and by later
editors on decisive evidence, and because it might easily give offence. —- Ver,
18. καὶ εὐλογίας] is wanting in DE FG, min. It. Omitted through the homoeo-
teleuton. — Ver. 19. ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν] The ordinary reading of τό before ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν has the
greatest preponderance of evidence against it. Lachm. and Tisch. : ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν
οὖν χαίρω as A BC L PS*, min. Dam. Ruf. read. Rightly : the sequence of the
words in the Recepta (ya/pw οὗν first) is the ordinary one. — After ver. 20, ἀμήν
in Elz. is condemned by decisive. testimony. — Ver. 21. ἀσπάζονται] Decisive
witnesses have ἀσπάζεται. Commended by Griesb., adopted by Lachm., Tisch.,
and Fritzsche. The plural came to be introduced on account of the plurality
of persons. — Ver. 24 is wanting entirely in A BC 8, 5, 137; Copt. Aeth. Vulg.
ms.- Harl.* Ruf. ; it is found after ver. 27 in P, 17, 80, Syr. Arm. Aeth, Erp.
Ambrosiast. Omitted by Lachm, and Tisch. 8; rejected also by Koppe and
Reiche, who think that it is an interpolated repetition of the benediction, ver,
20, which, after the transference of vv. 25-27 to the end of chap. xiv., was
added in order not to leave the epistle without a conclusion. But the witnesses
for omission are precisely those which have the doxology vy, 25-27 in the ordi-
nary place, either merely in this place (as B C δὲ, 137), or likewise also after chap.
xiv. (as A P, 5); and the witnesses for the transposition of the verse to the end
are likewise not those, which have the doxology merely after chap. xiv. or not
at all. Hence we may with safety conclude that ver. 24 was omitted or trans-
posed for the reason that copyists stumbled partly at the fact that Paul, contrary
to his manner elsewhere, should have joined a blessing and a doxology together,
562 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
and partly at least at the circumstance that he should have placed the latter
after the former (all other epistles conclude with the blessing).
On the doxology, vv. 25-27. This is found (1) at the end of chap. xvi., in ΒΟ
D* E δὲ, 16, 66,1 80, 137, 176, codd. in Ruf. codd, in Erasm. Syr. Erp, Copt.
Aeth. Vulg. ms. and ed. Clar. Germ. Ruf. Ambrosiast. Pel. and the other
Latin Fathers. (2) It is found at the end of chap. xiv. in Τὶ and almost all min. ;"
further, in the Greek lectionaries, the Arab. vss., in polyglots, Syr. P. Goth. (?)
Slav. ms. and ed. codd. in Ruf. Chrys. Theodoret, Damasc. Theophyl. Oecum.
Theodu]. (9) It is found at both places in A P, 5, 17, 109, lat. Finally (4), it
is not found at all in D***? F G (where, however, after chap. xiv. a gap of six
lines is left), codd. in Erasm. codd. in Jerome,? Marcion. See the complete
examination of the evidence in Reiche, comm. crit., and Tisch. 8, also Lucht,
p. 49 ff. — Among the critics and exegetes, (1) the ordinary position in chap. xvi.
has been maintained by the Complut. Erasm. Steph. Beza (ed. 3-5), Calvin,
Bengel, Koppe, Bohme, Rinck, Lachmann, Kéllner, Scholz, Fritzsche, de Wette,
Riickert, Reithmayr, Philippi, Tischendorf, Tholuck, Ewald, van Hengel, and
others. (2) The position after xiv. 23 has been approved by Grotius, Mill,
Wetstein, and Semler, following Beza (ed. 1 and 2) ; Griesbach and Matthiae re-
moved it to that place in their critical texts ; and Morus, Paulus, Eichhorn,
Klee, Schrader, Hofmann, Laurent, and others agree thereto. (3) The verses
were rejected as spurious by Schmidt, Hinl. in’s N. 7. p. 227, Reiche, Krehl,
Lucht.—Now the questionis:; Is the dowology genuine? and if it is, has it its
original position at the close of chap. xiv. or of chap. κυνὶ. Ὁ Weanswer: I. The dox-
ology is genuine. For (a) the witnesses for entire omission are, as against the
preponderance of those who have it in one of the two passages or in both,
much too weak, especially as the transposition and double insertion are very
capable of explanation (see below). (b) The language and the entire character
of it are highly Pauline,—a fact which even opponents must admit, who ac-
cordingly assume its compilation out of Pauline phrases.4 (0) The contents of
it admirably suit the entire contents of the epistle. (d) The internal reasons
adduced against it by its assailants are completely untenable. It is maintained
(see especially Reiche, and comp. Lucht) : (α) That at each place, where the
doxology appears, it is unsuitable. But it appears as disturbing the connec-
tion only after xiy. 23, and it is not at all unsuitable after chap. xvi., where
it rather, after the closing wishes more than once repeated, forms with
great appropriateness and emphasis the main conclusion which now actually
ensues. (3) That it has not the simplicity of the Pauline doxologies, is pom-
pous, overloaded, etc. It is certainly more bulky and laboured than others ;
but no other Pauline doxology stands at the end of an entire epistle where the
1A transcript of the first Erasmian edi-
tion, which, however, has on the margin the
observation, that ἐν τοῖς παλαίοις ἀντιγράφοις
this doxology stands at the end of chap.
xiv.
2In D, namely, the doxology from the
Jirst hand stands after chap. xvi., but the
emendator indicates it as to be deleted,
without assigning it to the end of chap. xiy.
3 Jerome on Eph. iii. 5: “Qui yolunt
prophetas non intellexisse, quod dixerint
. illud quoque, quod ad Rom. in plerisque
codd. invenitur, ad confirmationem sui dog-
matis trahunt legentes: ei autem, qui
potest vos roborare, etc.” But that already
before Marcion the doxology was wanting in
codd., there is no certain trace.
4Un-Pauline constituent elements and
modes of representation, which Lucht be-
lieves are to be found generally in the two
last chapters, have no existence in reality ;
the grounds of offence are disposed of by
the exposition.
CHAP. XIV. 563
great power of thought in the writing concentrated itself in feeline—no other
at the end of a section, the purport and importance of which can be compared
with that of the entire Epistle to the Romans. Hence it can by no means
appear strange that such a doxology has obtained the character of overflowing
fulness from the whole recollection of what had been written,—a collective
recollection which, so far from being fitted to beget in a rich and lively dispo-
sition only an ordinary and plain thanksgiving to God, is fitted rather to pro-
duce an outpouring of fervor and fulness of thought, under the influence of
which the interest of easy expression and of simple presentation falls into the
background. (y) That the whole conception is uncertain, many expressions
and combinations are obscure, unusual, even quite unintelligible ; and (0) that
the conjunction of ebayy. μου καὶ τ. κήρυγμα "I, X. is un-Pauline and unsuitable ;
as is in like manner φανερωθέντος, which verb is never used by Paul of the utter-
ances of the prophets,—groundless occasions of offence, which are made to disap-
pear by a correct explanation. On such internal grounds Reiche builds the
hypothesis, that in the public reading the merely epistolary last two chapters were omit-
ted ; that the public reading thus ended at xiv. 23 ; and the doxology spoken at the end
of that reading was written first on the margin, afterwards also in the teat, consequently
after xiv. 23, whence copyists, on recognizing its unsuitable position, removed it to the
end of the epistle. It is thus the work of an anagnostes, who compiled it clumsily
from Pauline formulas, and that in imitation of the conclusion of the Epistle of Jude.
In opposition to this whole view, it is particularly to be borne in mind: (1)
that the assumption that only the doctrinal part of the epistle was publicly
read is a pure fancy, and is as much at variance with the high reverence for
what was apostolic, as with the circumstance that, according to the lection-
aries, these very chapters xv. and xvi. consist wholly of sections for reading ;
(2) that at least xv. 1-13 would have been included in the reading, and the
doxology must thus have obtained its place after xv. 13 ; (3) that the presumed
custom of uttering a doxology when the reading of an apostolic writing was
finished, does not at all admit of proof ; (4) that a Pauline doxology would have
been chosen for imitation more naturally than that of Jude 24, 25, as indeed,
conversely, Jude 1.6. would more naturally presuppose an acquaintance with
our passage ; (5) that τὸ edayy. μου was not at all suitable to the person of an
anagnostes ; and indeed an imitative reader was hardly in the position and
mood to pour forth an expression of praise in so overflowing a gush, and
thereby in anacoluthic construction. But when Lucht refuses a Pauline char-
acter to the doxology, in respect not merely of form and diction, but also of
the thought which it contains, and recognizes in it a gnosticizing and concil-
iatory stamp, this judgment rests on misinterpretations in detail and on pre-
suppositions, which lie altogether outside the range of the N. T., along with a
recourse to the rejection of the genuineness not merely of the Pastoral epistles,
but also of the so-called epistles of the captivity.—II. The position of the dowolo-
gy after xvi, 24 is the original one. For (a) the external witnesses for this view
are preponderant, not indeed in number, but in value. See above, and com-
pare Gabler, Praef. ad Griesb., Opusc. Ὁ. 24. (b) Its position at the end of
chap xvi. was quite fitted to excite offence and to occasion a transposition,
partly because no other epistle of the apostle concludes with a doxology ; partly
ΤῊ the Comment. crit. p. 116, Reiche is of opinion that it may have been added “ἃ
homine privato, qui ingenio suo indulgeret.”’
564 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
because here even the usual formal conclusion of an epistle (the apostolical
blessing) immediately precedes ; partly because ὑμᾶς στηρίξαι seemed specially to
refer back to the section respecting the weak in faith. The latter point was
decisive at the same time as to the place to which—the connection between
chap. xiv, and xy. as a unity being far from sufficiently appreciated—the dox-
ology was referred, namely after xiv. 23, where there is the last direct men-
tion of the weak, while xy. 1 then turns directly to the strong. Several other
defenders of the ordinary position (see especially Koppe, Hue. II. p. 404 ; Gab-
ler, l.c. p. 26; Bertholdt, Hinleit. VI. ὃ 715; Hug, Hinl. 11. p. 397, with whom
Reithmayr agrees) thought, indeed, that the omission of at least chap. xvi. in the
reading of the letter had occasioned the beautiful and weighty doxology, which
it was desired should not be excluded from the reading, to be placed after chap.
xiv.—not after chap. xv., either (Bertholdt, Hug) because chap. xv. has already
a conclusion, or because the supposed reference of στηρίξαι to the weak in faith
pointed out that place. But the whole supposition that an integral portion of
the epistle was omitted in reading is entirely incapable of being established.
Not more plausible is the theory to which Rinck has recourse (comp. already
Zeger and Bohme): ‘‘ In codd. ex recensione Marcionis perscriptis librarios, ipso
forlasse Marcione auctore, clausulam ex fine epistolae assuisse, et postguam quod dee-
rat a correctoribus suppletum esset, alios hane clausulam iterasse, alios hine, alios
iline, alios utrimque ejecisse” (Lucubr. crit. p. 135). Marcion himself and his
disciples rejected (Origen, interpr. Ruf.), indeed, the doxology on account of its
contents (see especially ver. 26, διά τε γραφῶν προφητικῶν) ; but the orthodox
certainly did not concern themselves with Marcionitic copies ; indeed, Ori-
gen says expressly, that in the copies ‘‘quae non sunt a Marcione temerata,”
the doxology is found differently placed either after chap. xiv. or after
chap. xvi. Ewald, regarding vy. 3-20 as the fragment of an epistle to the
Ephesians, believes that a reader somewhere about the beginning of the
second century observed the heterogeneous character of that portion, but then
excised too much, namely chap. xy. and xvi. Such acopy, in his view, Marcion
had ; but now that chap. xiv. was without a proper conclusion, at least the
doxology xvi, 25-27 came to be appended thereto by other copyists. But apart
from the above opinion respecting vy. 3-20 in itself (see, in opposition to it,
the critical notes on chap. xv.), it would not be at all easy to see why they
should not have removed merely vv. 3-20 from the copies, and why, instead of
this, chap. xvi. should have been entirely excised, and even chap. xv. in addi-
tion. To explain this, the smaller importance of this chapter—which, more-
over, is assumed without historical warrant—does not suffice.—Further, if the
genuineness of the doxology itself, as well as its customary position, isto be
esteemed assured, it follows at the same time from what we have said (1) in re-
spect of the duplication of the doxology after chap. xiv. and xvi. in critical au-
thorities, that it proceeds from those who, while aware of the difference as to
the place of the words, were not able or did not venture to decide respecting
the original position, and hence, taking the certain for the uncertain, inserted
the words in both places ; (2) in respect of the entire omission in authorities, that
it is the work of an old precarious criticism, which drew from the uncertain
position the conclusion of non-genuineness, along with which there operated
the consideration that the doxology was unsuitable after xiv. 23 as interrupt-
ing the connection, and after xvi. 24 as having its place even after the con-
cluding wish.
CHAP. XVI., 1-4. 565
Vv. 1, 2. Recommendation (συνίστημι, comp. 2 Cor. ν. 12, et al. }" of Phoebe,
who is held to be the bearer of the epistle,—a supposition which there is
nothing to contradict. In the twofold predicate, ἀδελῴ. ἡμῶν (our, 1.6. my
and your Christian sister) and οὖσαν διάκ. x.7.4., there lies a twofold motive,
a more general and a more special one, for attending to the commendation.
— διάκονον] feminine, as Dem. 762. 4 : διάκονον, ἡ τις ἐχρῆτο. The designa-
tion by the word διακόνισσα, not used in classical Greek, is found only sub-
sequently, as frequently in the Constitutt. apost. See, on these ministrae, as
they are called in Pliny, Hp. x. 97, the female attendants on the poor, sick,
and strangers of the church, Bingham, Orig. I. pp. 341-866 ; Schoene,
Geschichtsforsch. iib. εἰ. kirchl. Gebr. WI. p. 102 ff. ; Herzog, in his Eneykl.
Ill. p. 368 ἢ. Very groundlessly Lucht, because this service in the church
was of later date (but comp. xii. 7; Phil. i. 1), pronounces the words
οὖσαν. . . Keyyp. not to belong to Paul, and ascribes them to the supposed
editor. Respecting the χῆραι, 1 Tim. v. 9, see Huther in loc. — Keyypeai
eastern port of Corinth, on the Saronic Gulf. See Wetstein. Comp. on
Acts xvill. 18. —iva αὐτὴν, x.7.2.| Aim of the commendation. —év κυρίῳ]
characterizes the προσδέχεσθαι as Christian ; it is tobe no common service
of hospitality, but to take place in Christ, i.e. so that it is fulfilled in the
fellowship of Christ, in virtue of which one lives and moves in Christ.
Comp. Phil. ii. 29. — ἀξίως τῶν ἁγίων] either : as it is becoming for saints (Chris-
tians) to receive fellow-Christians (so ordinarily), or: ‘‘ sieut sanctos excipi
oportet,” Grotius, Chrysostom. The former (so also Fritzsche and Philippi)
is the correct explanation, because most naturally suggesting itself, as modal
definition of the action of receiving. — καὶ yap αὐτῇ] nam et ipsa, for she also on
her part (not αὕτη haec). — προστάτις] adirectrix, protectress.2 She became (i.e.
se praestitit Kithner, ad Xen. Anab. i. 7. 4) a patrona multorum through the
exercise of her calling. Paul might, indeed, have written παραστάτις, cor-
responding to παραστῆτε ;* but he selects the word which is conformable to
her official position, and more honourable. — καὶ αὐτοῦ ἐμοῦ} and of myself,
my own person (see on vii. 25). Historical proof of this cannot be given.
Perhaps Paul had once been ill during a sojourn with the church of Cen-
chreae.
Vy. 3-16. The apostle’s salutations.
Vv. 3, 4. Πρίσκα (2 Tim. iv. 19) is not different from Πρίσκιλλα ; comp.
on Acts xviii. 2.— Her husband* Aquila was a native of Pontus (Acts
xviii. 1), and Reiche incorrectly conjectures that he was called Pontius
Aquila, which name Luke erroneously referred to his native country ;° for,
1See Jacobs, ad Anthol. IX. p. 488;
Bornemann, ad Xen. Symp. iv. 63, p. 154.
ponderant Christian activity and estimation
were on her side. Hence here, where both
2 Lucian, bis accus. 29; Dio Cass. xlii. 39 ;
Dindorf, Soph. O. C. 459, and Praef. ad
Soph. p. LX1.; Lobeck, Paralip. p. 271.
3 Xen. Mem. ii. 1. 82; Soph. Trach. 891,
Oed. C. 559; comp. ἐν νόσοις παραστάτις,
Musonius, in Sfob. jl. p. 416, 43.
4That Paul names the wife first, isnot to
be regarded as accidental. Probably the pre-
are saluted (comp. 2 Tim. iv. 19), the prece-
dence of the wife,—a distinction for which
in 1 Cor. xvi. 19, where both salute, no ocea-
sion was given. On the precedence given
to the wife in Acts xviii. 18, see in loc.
5 Aquila also, the translator of the Bible,
was, as is well known, from Pontus (Sinope).
566 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
looking to the close connection in which Aquila stood with Paul, and Paul
again with Luke, a correct acquaintance with the matter must be presumed
in the latter. This married couple, expelled from Rome as Jews under
Claudius, had been converted at Corinth by Paul (see on Acts xviii. 1), had
then migrated to Ephesus (Acts xviii. 18, 26 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 19), are now again
in Rome, but, according to 2 Tim. iv. 19, were at a later period once more
in Ephesus. —év Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ) Distinctive character of συνεργούς ; for la-
bour for the gospel lives and moves in Christ as its very element. Comp.
vv. 9, 12. —Ver. 4. The marks of parenthesis are to be. omitted, because
the construction is not interrupted. — οἵτενες «.7.A.] Note the peculiar grounds
assigned (quippe qui) for this and several following greetings. — ὑπέρ] not
instead of, but Jor, in order to the saving of my life. — τὸν ἑαυτ. τράχηλ. ὑπέθ-
nav | have submitted their own neck, namely, under the executioner’s axe. In
the absence of historical information we can just as little decide with cer-
tainty on the question whether the expression is to be taken literally, that is,
of a moment when they were to be actually executed but in some way or
other were still saved, or (so the expositors) jiguratively, of the incurring
of an extreme danger to life—as on the question where the incident referred to
took place ? whether at Ephesus, Acts xix. ? or 2 Cor. i. 8? or at Corinth,
Acts xviii. 6 ff.? or elsewhere ? or, generally, in the midst of labour and
tribulation shared with Paul? Wetstein, Heumann, and Semler think of
bail (ixéOyxav' would then be : they gave pledge; see Lobeck, ad Phyrn. p.
468). Possibly ; but the nearest conception which offers itself as the words
stand is that of τραχηλοκοπεῖν (Plut. Mor. p. 398 Ὁ), whether it be thought
of as a reality or as a figure. The latter, however, is, as being said of both,
the most probable. The readers knew what was meant. —rév ἐθνῶν] On
account of this sacrifice for me, the apostle of the Gentiles. The notice con-
templates the inclusion of the Roman church, which in fact was also a Gen-
tile church.
Ver. 5. Καὶ τὴν κατ᾽ oix. abr. ἐκκλ.] and the church which is in their house.
Considering the size of Rome, it may be readily conceived that, besides the
full assembly of the collective church, particular sectional assemblies were
also formed, which were wont to meet in the houses of prominent members
of the church. Such a house was that of Aquila and Priscilla, who had also
in Ephesus given their dwelling for a similar object, 1 Cor. xvi. 19 ; Col. iv.
15 ; Philem. 2. Such house-churches are related therefore to the collective
community, to which, as such, the epistles are directed, simply as the part,
which has in addition its own special greeting, to the whole. Others (fol-
lowing Origen, Chrysostom, Theophylact, etc., with Koppe, Flatt, Klee,
Glickler) hold that the inmates of the household are intended. An arbitrary
assumption of an unexampled hyperbole in the use of ἐκκλησία. That all
the following saluted persons, up to ver. 12, were members of the house-
church of Aquila and Prisca (Hofmann), is an arbitrary assumption, which is
rendered very improbable by the repeated ἀσπάσασθε, forming in each case a
fresh beginning. —’Ezaiverov'| Unknown like all the following down to ver.
1 On the accentuation of the name, as well gramm. Unters. p. 30. The name itself is
as that of "Epagros, ver. 22, see Lipsius, also frequently found in the Greek writers.
CHAPS ἘΥΠ ὁ. ἡ: 567
15, but see the note on ῬῬοῦφον, ver. 13. The traditions of the Fathers made
most of them bishops and martyrs (see Justiniani, Comm., and Braun, Sel.
sacr. i, 2. 29 ff.), and the Synopsis of Dorotheus places most of them among
the seventy disciples. That Epaenetus had come to Rome with Aquila and
Prisca (Hofmann), is very precariously conjectured from his being mentioned
immediately after that couple. — ἀπαρχὴ τῆς ᾿Ασ. εἰς Χ.] jirst-fruits of Asia
(partitive genitive, see on viii. 23) in reference to Christ, i.e. that one of the
Asiatics, who had first been converted to Christ."—’Ac. is the western por-
tion of Asia Minor, as in Actsii. 9 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 19; 2 Cor. 1.8.
Ver. 6. How far Mary had toiled much for the Romans (εἰς ὑμᾶς), was as well
known to the readers and to the apostle himself, who awards to her on that
account the salutation of acknowledgment and commendation, as it is un-
known to us. It may have happened abroad (as van Hengel and others
think) or in Rome itself through eminent loving activity, possibly in a
special emergency which was now past (hence not xom@, but the aorist).
Reiche refers éxor. to activity in teaching, for which, however, since the text
annexes no definition (asin 1 Tim. v. 17), and since-Mary is not more specially
known, there is no reason, and generally, as respects public teaching (1 Cor.
xiv. 34, 35), little probability. On eic, comp. Gal. iv. 11.
Ver. 7. Ἰουνίαν] is taken by Chrysostom, Grotius, and others, including
Reiche, as feminine (Junia, who is then to be regarded probably as the wife
or sister of Andronicus) ; but by most of the more recent expositors as a
masculine name, Junias, equivalent to Junianus (therefore to be accented
[See Note CLV. p. 581.] No decision can be arrived at, although
the following description, ver. 7 (in opposition to Fritzsche), commends the
the latter supposition. — συγγενεῖς} is explained by many (including Reiche,
de Wette, Hofmann) as member of the same race or people (according to ix.
3). But the explanation kinsmen isto be preferred, partly because the word
itself, without other definition in the context, immediately points to this
(Mark vi. 4 ; Acts x. 24, et al.); partly because it is only in this sense that
it has a significance of special commendation ; especially as in Rome there
were many Jewish-Christians, and hence one does not see how the epithet
was to be something characteristic in the particular case of those named, if
it signified only kindred in the sense of belonging to the same people. We
know too little of the apostle’s kindred (comp. also Acts xxiii. 16), to reject
this explanation on account of vv. 11, 21, or to venture to employ it in
throwing suspicion on the genuineness of the chapter (Baur). But Reiche’s
reason—that Andronicus and Junias are expressly designated as Jews,
because it would just be non-Jews who were saluted—is quite futile, since
the nationality of those previously saluted is unknown to us, and Aquila and
Prisca were likewise Jews.” Just as groundlessly, Hofmann thinks that in
*Tovviac).
1 With the reading ἀπαρχὴ τῆς "Axatas, it be affected. Not less forced would be the
Was necessary, in order not to fall into
variance with 1 Cor. xvi. 15, to take ἀπαρχή,
as a first-fruit, one of the first converted, —
certainly an explanatory makeshift, which
weakens greatly the significance of the
notice, and by which 1 Cor. l.c. would also
combination, by which we should regard
Epaenetus as an inmate of Stephanas’
house, who had been converted at the same
time with him (Tholuck, yet only permis-
sively, following older interpreters).
2 Probably Mary also—the name already
568 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
an epistle to the Gentile-Christian church the kinsmen of the apostle would
be Jews. This is purely arbitrary, and yields, besides, for the designation
of the persons intended an element, which, in the case of the actual relatives
of the Jewish-Christian apostle, is quite obvious of itself, and the mention
of which, moreover, in presence of the Gentile-Christians, would have been
somewhat indelicate.—Where and in what manner they had been imprisoned
with Paul,’ is, owing to the incompleteness of the information in the book
of Acts (comp. on 2 Cor. vi. 5), entirely unknown. Clement, 1 Cor. v.,
states that Paul had seven times borne fetters. Ewald, in connection with
his view that we have here a fragment of an epistle to the Ephesians, as-
sumes that Andronicus and Junias, while Paul was imprisoned in Rome, lay
at the same time confined in Ephesus ; and Lucht perceives only the anach-
ronism of a forger. —érionuot ἐν τ. ἀποστ.] ἐπίσημος, like insignis, a vox media
(comp. Matt. xxvii. 16), here in the good sense: distinguished, i.e. most honour-
ably known by the apostles.? So Beza, Grotius, and others, including Koppe,
Flatt, Reiche, de Wette, Fritzsche, Philippi, van Hengel, Hofmann, and
rightly ; for ἀπόστολος is-used by Paul only in 1 Cor. xv. 7 in the wider
sense (comp. Acts xiv. 4, 14), nevertheless even there with such restriction
that James and the twelve are included in the reference. Hence we must
not, especially considering our entire ignorance of the two persons, explain,
with Origen, Chrysostom, Luther, Calvin, Estius, Wolf, and many others,
including Tholuck, ΚΠ που, Riickert, Reithmayr, Ewald, distinguished among
the apostles (in other words distinguished apostles). That Andronicus and
Junias were held in peculiar honour by the apostles, does not exclude their
repute with the Christians generally, but rather points, for their especial
commendation, to closer relations which they had with the apostles. Lucht
misinterprets the expression oi ἀπόστ. of the original apostles in contrast to
Paul. — πρὸ ἐμοῦ} That they had been converted exactly at Pentecost (Grotius,
Koppe), is just as little capable of proof, as that they had been the first
preachers of the gospel in Rome (Wolf). — γεγόνασιν ἐν X.] not : became
apostles in Christ (Reithmayr, following Origen), but: became Christians,
entered the fellowship of Christ, attained to the ἐν Χριστῷ εἶναι. They were
thus ἀρχαῖοι μαθηταί (Acts xxi. 16). ‘‘Venerabiles facit aetas, in Christo
maxime,” Bengel. On γίνεσθαι ἕν, see Nigelsbach, 2. Ilias, p. 295, ed. 3 3
~
comp. on Phil. 11. 7.
points to this—was a Jewess; indeed, in the service of Christ, their commander-in-
Epaenetus himself appears to have been a
Jew (against Hofmann), since he is charac-
terized generally as the first-fruits of Asia,
not as ἀπαρχὴ τῶν ἐθνῶν of this country,
and according to history, the Christian
first-fruits of a country inhabited also by
Jews were, as a rule, Jews. Comp. Acts
XViil. 6, xxviii. 24 ff.
1 The expression itself places the relation
of their captivity under the figurative con-
ception of captivity in war (vii. 23; 2 Cor.
x. 5; Eph. iv. 8). Comp. Lucian, Asin. 27;
Photius, 121. p. 183, 8. As the Christians,
and peculiarly the teachers and overseers
chief, are συστρατιῶται amongst one another
(see on Phil. ii. 85, Philem. 2), so also are
they, in captivity with one another, ovvary-
μάλωτοι (see on Col. iv. 10, Philem. 23). An
arbitrary play of interpretation occurs in
Hofmann: those whom Christ has won from
the world and made His own, just as the
apostle himself. Aptly Chrysostom points
out the fellowship of suffering with Paul,
implied in συναιχμάλ, as the most glorious
crown of these men.
2 Comp. Eur. Hec. 379: ἐπίσημος ἐν βροτοῖς,
Iippol. 103; Polyb. x. 8. 8, xy. 84. 3; Lucian,
mere. cond. 28.
Ἀ
CHAP. XVI., 8-13. 569
Vv. 8, 9. ᾿Αμπλιᾶν] the abbreviated ᾿Αμπλιάτον, as codd., vss., and Fathers
actually read, a name which (in form like Donatus, Fortunatus, etc., see
Grotius) was frequent ; see Gruter, Jnd. — ἐν κυρίῳ] gives to the ayaz. μ. the
specific Christian character ; comp. on ver. 2. —r. συνεργ. ἡμῶν] ἡμῶν refers,
since Paul speaks always of himself in the singular here, to the readers along
with himself, comp. ver. 1, not to those named in vv. 8-8(van Hengel). He
was probably a stranger who was at this time in Rome, and united his activity
with that of Roman Christians towards the extension and furtherance of the
gospel, whereby he was a fellow-labourer of the apostle and of the readers.
— The name Στάχυς : Inser. 268.
Ver. 10. Apelles (comp. Hor. Sat. I. v. 100) is not to be confounded with
the celebrated Apollos (Acts xviii. 24; 1 Cor. i. 12, iil. 4), as Origen, Theo-
dore of Mopsuestia, Grotius, and others have done. Whether he was a
freedman remains an open question, owing to the frequency of the name,
which also occurs of freedmen. — τὸν δόκιμον ἐν X.] 1.6. the tried Christian.
Christ, the personal object of his believing fidelity, is conceived as the ele-
ment wherein he is approved. Comp. φρόνιμος ἐν X., 1 Cor. iv. 10, and
similar passages. —rod¢ ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αριστοθοίλου] those of the people (perhaps :
slaves) of Aristobulus, comp. 1 Cor. i. 11. That Paul means the Christians
among them, is self-evident ; in the similar salutation, ver. 11, he adds it
Aristobulus himself was therefore no Christian ; unless he (so
Grotius) had been already dead, in which case he might have been a Chris-
tian.
Vy. 11, 12. Narcissus is by Grotius, Michaelis, and Neander, held to be
the powerful freedman of Claudius (Suet. Claud. 28 ; Tacit. Ann. xi. 29 ff.,
xii. 57). It is possible, although Narcissus, according to Tacitus, Ann. xii.
1, was already dead (see Wieseler, Chronol. p. 371 ff.). A decision, however,
cannot be arrived at ; but, considering the frequency of the name, the sus-
picion of anachronism (Lucht) is groundless.—The three women, ver. 12,
perhaps deaconesses, are otherwise unknown. Note how Persis is distin-
guished above the two previously named women ; as also how delicately
Paul has not added μον, after τὴν ἀγαπητῆν, as with the men’s names, vv. 8,
redundantly.
9, although he means Ais sentiment of love towards Persis. Observe, also,
the distinction between κοπιώσας (present) and ἐκοπίασεν. The particular cir-
cumstances of the case are unknown to us.
Ver. 13. Rufus may be the son of Simon of Cyrene, Mark xv. 21. Comp.
The fact that in Mark, who probably wrote in Rome, the man is as-
sumed to be well known, would agree with the eulogy here : τὸν ἐκλεκτὸν ἐν
in loe.
κυρίῳ, the elect one in the fellowship of the Lord, i.e. who is distinguished as a
Christian.! For if these words denoted merely the Christian,‘‘ who in fel-
lowship with the Lord is chosen to blessedness” (Reiche), they would not
1 On ἐκλεκτός, exquisitus, in the sense of
excellens (comp. 1 Tim. y. 21; 1 Pet. ii. 4; 2
John i. 13; Wisd. iii. 14; Bar. iii. 30), be-
cause it is just the selected that is wont to
be the eminently qualified, see Schleusner,
Thes. ΤΙ. p. 289. But IWofmann explains as
if it ran τὸν ἐκλεκτόν μου ; whois to me ὦ choice
Christian brother; he calls the ordinary in-
terpretation unapostolic (wherefore ?), and
groundlessly appeals to τὴν ἀγαπητήν, ver.
12. In the case of the latter the loving sub-
ject is, according to a very common usage,
self-evident.
THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
—as is, nevertheless, the case with all the remaining predicates—express a
special element of commendation. —xai ἐμοῦ] pregnant, delicate, and grate-
ful hint of the peculiar love and care which Paul (where and how, is entirely
unknown’) had enjoyed at her hands. Comp. ver. 2 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 18 ; Phi-
lem. 11 ; and see on 1 Cor. i. 2.
Vy. 14, 15. Hermas was not, as already Origen declared him to be, the
composer of the book ὁ ποιμήν," which, according to the Canon Muratorianus,
is said to have been composed by a brother of the Roman bishop Pius I.,
and in any case belongs to no earlier period than the second century. —k. τ.
σὺν αὐτῷ adeAg.] It is possible, but on account of the more general designa-
tion deviating from ver, 5, not probable, that those named here as well as in
ver. 15 were members, well known to the apostle, of two ἐκκλησίαι in Rome
(so Hofmann), according to which view by the brethren with them would be
meant the remaining persons taking part in these assemblies, for the most part
doubtless unknown to him. Τῦ is possible also that some other Christian as-
sociations unknown to us (Fritzsche and Philippi think of associations of
trade and commerce) are intended. We have no knowledge on this point.
Reiche thinks of two mvission-societies. But πάντες, ver. 15, points to a con-
siderable number, and there is no trace in the Book of Acts of so formal and
numerous mission-societies ; they were doubtless still foreign to that period,
Probably also Paul would have given some thoughtful indication or other of
this important characteristic point.—The whole of the names in vv. 14, 15
are found in Gruter and elsewhere.—Julia appears to have been the wife of
Philologus ; the analogy of the following Νηρέα κ. τὴν ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ makes it
less probable that the name denotes a man (Julias, comp. on ver. 7).
Ver. 16. The series of greetings which Paul has to offer from himself is
concluded. But he now desires that his readers should also exchange greet-
ings among ene another, reciprocally, and that with the loving sign of the
holy kiss. The subject of this greeting is thus every member of the church
himself, who kisses another (see on 1 Cor. xvi. 20), not Paul, so that meo
nomine should be supplied (Bengel, Koppe). This is forbidden by ἀλλήλους.
Comp. 1 Cor. lc. ; 2Cor. xiii. 12; Justin, Ap. i. 65. The case is otherwise
with 1 Thess. v. 26 (see Liinemann in loc.). The ancient custom, especially in
the East, and particularly among the Jews, of uniting a greeting witha kiss,
gave birth to the Christian practice of the ἅγιον φίλημα (1 Pet. v. 14),° termed
ἅγιον, because it was no profane thing, but had Christian consecration, ex-
pressing the holy Christian-fellowship of love.* — πᾶσαι) From many churches
1 Hofmann entertains the conjecture,
which isin no way capable of proof, that
Rufus lived with his mother in Jerusalem
when Paul himself sojourned there; and
that then Paul dwelt in the house of the
mother, and enjoyed her motherly care.—
If, again, the demonstration of love in-
tended fallsin a da/er period of the apostle’s
life, his expression in our passage is the
more courteous ; hence it by no means re-
quires the above precarious combination.
2 The critical discussions as to this work,
quite recently conducted by Zahn, and
Lipsius in particular, have no bearing here.
3 φίλημα ἀγάπης ; Const. ap. ii. 57. 12, viii.
5: τὸ ev κυρίῳ φίλημα, Tertullian, de orat.
5.
"4: osculum pacis.
4 That Paul actually desires that-the re-
ciprocal greeting by a kiss on the part of
all should take place after the reading of
the epistle, ought not to have been disput-
ed (Calvin, Philippi). A ceremony indeed
he does not desire ; but he summons not
merely to dove, but to the kiss of love.
CHAP. XVI., 17. δῚ1
greetings had been doubtless entrusted to the apostle for the Romans, since
he had certainly not previously withheld from them his project of travelling
to Rome (perhaps also, of writing thither beforehand). Concerning the
rest, What Erasmus says holds good: ‘‘ Quoniam cognovit omnium erga
Romanos studium, omnium nomine salutat.”” The wniversal shape of the ut-
terance by no means justifies us in pronouncing this greeting not to be the
apostle’s, and deriving it from 1 Cor. xvi. 19, 20 (Lucht) ; it rather corre-
sponds entirely to that cordial and buoyant consciousness of fellowship, in
which he did not feel himself prompted narrowly to examine his swmmary
expression. Others arbitrarily limit πᾶσαι to the Greek churches (Grotius),
or simply to the churches in Corinth and its ports (Michaelis, Olshausen, and
others), or at least to those in which Paul had been (Bengel).
Vv. 17-20. A warning, added by way of supplement, against the errone-
ous teachers who were then at work. This very supplementary position
given to the warning, as well as its brevity, hardly entering at all into the
subject itself (comp. on the other hand, the detailed treatment in chap. xiv.
xv. of a less important contrast), evinces that Paul is not here speaking, as
Wieseler, following older interpreters, holds, against such as already were
actually making divisions in Rome. We would have treated so dangerous an
evil in the doctrinal connection of the epistle and at length, not in such a
manner as to show that it only occurred to him at the close to add a warn-
ing word. Hence this is to be regarded as directed against an evil possibly
setting in. Doubtless he was apprehensive from the manifold experience
acquired by him, that, as elsewhere (comp. Gal. iii. 6, 11 ff. ; Col. ii. 8 ff. ;
Phil. iii. 2 ff., 18,19 ; 2 Cor. xi. 13 ff.), so also in Rome, Jewish zealots for
the law* might arise and cause divisions in their controversy with Pauline
Christianity. This occasioned his warning, from which his readers knew to
what kind of persons it referred,—a warning, therefore, against danger, such
as he gave subsequently to the Philippians also (Phil. iii.), to whom the
evil must have been all the nearer. Paul might, however, the more readily
consider it enough to bring in this warning only supplementarily and briefly,
since in Rome the Gentile-Christian element was the preponderant one, and
the mind of the church in general was so strongly in favour of the Pauline
gospel (vv. 19, 20, vi. 17), that a permanent Judaistic influence was at pres~
ent not yet to be apprehended. How, notwithstanding, an anti-Pauline
doctrinal agitation took place later in Rome, see Phil. i. 15 ff. Moreover,
the precautionary destination of our passage, and that in presence of the
greatness of the danger, is sufficient to make us understand its contents and
expression as well as its isolated position at the close. At least there does
not appear any necessity for setting it down as an original constituent por-
1 The brief indications, vv. 17,18, donot But this view does not satisfy the concrete
suggest philosophical Gentile - Christians traits in vv. 17,18, 20. See the correct in-
(Hammond, Clericus), but (see or ver. 18) terpretation already in Chrysostom and
Judaizers, against whom Paul offers his Theodore of Mopsuestia. The latter says:
warning. Hofmann prefers to abide by λέγει δὲ περὶ τῶν ἀπὸ Ἰουδαίων, οἱ ἁπαν-
the generality of the warning, whether the ταχόσε περιϊόντες τοὺς ἀπὸ ἐϑνῶν πιστεύ-
troubles might be of Gentile originormight οντας τῆς νομικῆς ἔχεσϑαι παρατηρήσεως πείϑειν
arise from doctrines of Jewish legalism. ἐπειρῶντο.
572 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
tion of an epistle addressed to a church founded by Paul himself, namely,
to the church of the Ephesians (Ewald, Lucht).
Ver. 17. Σκοπεῖν] to have in view, in order, namely, to guard against 5
comp. βλέπετε, Phil. iii. 2; but σκοπεῖν speculari, is stronger, comp. also
Phil. iii. 17. --- τὰς διχοστ.] [See Note CLVI. p. 582.] comp. Gal. v. 20; 1
Mace. iii. 29.1. The article denotes those anti-Pauline divisions and offences,
oxdvdada,—i.e. temptations to departure from the true Christian faith and
life, well known to the readers,—which at that time arose in so many quarters
in Pauline churches, and might readily threaten the Romans also. — éxkai-
yare ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν] turn away from them, shun them, go out of their way. Comp.
1 Pet. ii. 11s) Ps} yexix., 102 + Becluss xxi 1 Thucyd: τς 19: ay ΠΙΌΤΘ
usually with the accusative. Grotius rashly concludes: ‘‘ non fuisse tune
conventus communes aut presbyterium Romae ; alioquin voluisset tales ex-
communicari.” Paul rather counsels a rule of conduct for each individual
member of the church, leaving the measures to be adopted on the part of
the church, in case of necessity, to the church-government there (which was
one regularly organized, in opposition to Bengel, see xii. 6 ff.). The disturb-
ers, besides, against whom they are warned, are in fact viewed not as members
of the church, but as intruders from without. Comp. Acts xv. 1; Gal. ii.
4.—The reference to the doctrine received certainly implies a church having
Pauline instruction, but not exactly one founded by Paul himself (Ewald),
like that at Ephesus. Comp. vi. 17 ; Col. i. 23.
Ver. 18. Reason assigned for the injunction of ver. 17. -- οἱ τοιοῦτοι] ““ δὲ
tales ; notatur substantia cum sua qualitate,” Bengel. — οὐ dova.] Note the
position of the negation ; the thought is : to the Lord they refuse service, but
their own belly they serve. Thereby they belonged to the category of the
ἐχθροὶ τοῦ σταυροῦ τ. Xp., Phil. iii. 18.—On τῇ.κοιλίᾳ δουλεύειν, τῇ
γαστρὶ δουλεύειν abdomini servire (Seneca, de benef. vii. 26), asa designation of
selfishness, bent only on good cheer in eating and drinking, comp. on Phjl.
iii. 19 ; Jacobs, ad Anthol. IX. p. 416. For this object the sectaries sought
to make use of the influence and following which they obtained. Comp.
Lucian, de morte Peregr. 11 ff. Behind their teaching, although this was
not itself of an Epicurean nature (Hofmann), there lurked, hypocritically
concealed, the tendency to epicurean practice. — διὰ τῆς χρηστολ. K. ebdoy.] by
means of the kind (having a good-natured sound) and fair-set language, which
they hold.?, The two words characterize contents (ypyoro2.) and form (evA.) 5
hence it is preferable to take εὐλογ. in the above signification than in the or-
dinary one of praise, extolling (Philippi). Comp. Luther : stately language.
— τῶν ἀκάκων] of the guileless (Heb. vii. 26), who themselves have nothing
evil in their mind, and are prepared for nothing evil.*—The assertion that
Paul appears too severe in the accusation of his opponents (Riickert) cannot
be made good. He writes from long and ample experience.
1 Dem. 423. 4; Plat. Legg. i. p. 680 A ; Dion. εὐλογία, language finely expressed (here:
Hal. viii. 72. fine phrases), Plat. Rep. p. 400 D; Lucian,
2On χρηστολ. comp. Jul. Capitol. vit. Per- Lexiph. 1; Aesop. 229.
tin. 13; Eustath. p. 1437, 53, and the classi- 3 See Wetstein én doc. ; Ruhnken, ad Tim.
cal λόγοι χρηστοί, λέγειν χρηστά x.7.A.; on p.56; Schaefer, ad Greg. Cor. p. 342.
ὉΙΕΠΑΙ ΒΡ. ΤΠ τοῦς 573
Ver. 19. Not a second ground assigned for, or justification of, the
warning of ver. 17 (Tholuck, de Wette, Philippi ; comp. also Reithmayr
and Hofmann) ; for this use of a second really co-ordinated γάρ is nowhere
to be assumed in the N. T. See, on the contrary, on viii. 6. Nor is it to
be taken, with Fritzsche : ‘‘nam vos innocentibus qui facile decipiuntur
hominibus annumerandos esse, ex eo intelligitur, quod vos Christo obedientes
- esse nemo ignorat ;” for the latter is exactly the opposite of ready liability
to seduction. Nor with Riickert : for the general diffusion of the news
that you are such good Christians will soon bring those men to Rome, that
they may sow their tares ; which is not expressed. Nor yet again with
Calvin and others, Reiche, and Kéllner: for you are indeed good Chris-
tians, whereat I rejoice ; but I desire, etc.—against which the expression,
especially the want of μέν and the presence of οὖν, is decisive. In order to
a correct understanding, one should note the emphatically prefixed ὑμῶν,
which stands in correlation—and that antithetic—with τῶν ἀκάκων. Hence
(as also Philippi admits, comp. van Hengel) : ‘‘ not without reason do I
say : the hearts of the guileless ; for you they will not lead astray, because
you do not belong to such as the mere ἄκακοι, but distinguish yourselves so
much by obedience (towards the gospel), that this has become universally
known ; respecting you therefore (here, too, ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν stands first emphatically ;
see the critical notes) I rejoice,’ yet desire that you may be wise and pure,”
—a delicate combination of warning with the expression of firm confidence.
Strangely, Lucht, comparing Acts xx. 29, assigns ver. 19 to an epistle to
the Ephesians. — εἰς τὰ ἀγαθ.] in reference to the good, which you have to do.
By this general expression Paul means specially fidelity towards the pure
gospel. —akepaiove εἰς τὸ κακόν] pure in reference to evil, so that you keep
yourselves unmixed with it, free from it. Comp. Phil. ii. 15, Matt. x. 16;
and see respecting ἀκεραῖος generally, Ruhnken, ad Tim. p. 18.
Ver. 20. Encouraging promise ; hence συντρίψει is not with Flatt to be
taken as optative, contrary to linguistic usage, nor is the erroneous gloss
of the reading συντρίψαι (A, 67**, Theodoret, Oec., Jer., Ambros., Rup.) to
be approved.—Paul regards the sectaries, because they are servants not of
Christ, but of their belly (ver. 18), as organs of Satan (comp. 2 Cor. xi. 15) ;
hence his figurative expression of the thought, founded on Gen. iii. 15:
‘*The God of peace will grant you (when the authors of division appear
amongst you) shortly the complete victory over them.”—As Θεὸς τῆς εἰρήνης
(pacificus) God appears in contrast to those ποιοῦντες τὰς διχοστασίας (ver: 17).
Comp. on xv. 33.—The bruising of Satan and treading him under feet takes
place in God’s power; hence ὁ Θεὸς x.t.A. Comp. 1 Mace. iii. 22 (and
Grimm in loc.), iv. 10, et al. —1 χάρις κιτ.}.1 The grace of our Lord, ete. ;
’
therewith, as with the usual concluding blessing of his epistles, Paul would
1 Τῇ the reading of the Recepta defended 41.9; Schaefer, ad Bos. Hill. p. 277; Kiihner,
by Hofmann, χαίρω οὖν τὸ ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν, χαίρειν
would not have to be supplied after τό (as
Hofmann very oddly thinks); but τὸ ἐφ᾽
ὑμῖν 86. ὄν would, according to a well-known
usage (see Bernhardy, p. 329; Kriiger, § 68.
II. 1, p. 434), be a more precise definition to
χαίρω :1 rejoice, as to what concerns you.
In this case, ἐφ᾽ ὑμῖν would be by no means
dependent on the notion χαίρω, but the
latter would stand absolutely.
Die: THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
close. But he has as yet delivered no special greetings from those around
him at Corinth, whether it be that they are now for the first time entrusted
to him, or that he now for the first time observes that he has not yet mentioned
them in what precedes (as after ver. 16). This induces him now further to
add vy. 21-23 after the conclusion already written down in ver. 20; then
to repeat the above blessing in ver. 24 ; and finally, after recalling anew all
which he had delivered to the Romans, in a full outburst of deeply moved
piety to make the doxology, vv. 25-27, the final close of the entire letter.
Ver. 21. Τιμόθ.] It may surprise us that he is not brought forward at the
head of the epistle as its joint writer (as in 2 Cor. i. 1; Phil. i. 1; Col. i.
1; 1 Thess. i. 1 ; 2 Thess. i. 1), since he was at that time with Paul. But it
is possible that he was absent just when Paul began to compose the epistle, and
hence the apostle availed himself in the writing of it of the hand of a more
subordinate person, who had no place in the superscription (ver. 22) ; it is
possible also that the matter took this shape for the inward reason, that
Paul deemed it suitable to appear with his epistle before the Roman church,
to which he was still so strange, in all his unique and undivided apostolic
authority. — Λούκιος] Not identical with Luke, as Origen, Semler, and others
held ;? but whether with Lucius of Cyrene, Acts xiii. 1, is uncertain, Just
as little can it (even after Lucht’s attempt) be ascertained, whether ‘Idowy is
the same who is mentioned in Acts xvii. 5. Σωσίπατρος may be one with
Σώπατρος, Acts xx. 4; yet both names, Σωσίπ. and Σώπ., are frequently
found in the Greek writers. —ovyyeveic] as vv. 7, 11. Why it should be
reckoned ‘‘more than improbable” (Hofmann) that Paul had at that time
three kinsmen in Rome (vv. 7, 11), and three in his neighbourhood at the
time of writing, it is not at all easy to see.
Ver. 22. Tertius, probably an Italian with whom the readers were ac-
quainted, was at that time with Paul in Corinth, and wrote the letter, which
the apostle dictated to him. The view that he made a fair copy of the apos-
tolic draught (Beza, Grotius) is the more groundless, since Paul was wont to
dictate his epistles (1 Cor. xvi. 21; Gal. vi. 11 ; Col. iv. 16 ; 2 Thess. iii.
17). In his own name Tertius writes his greeting ; for it was very natural
that, when he called the apostle’s attention to his personal wish to send a
greeting, his own greeting (which Grotius and Laurent, without sufficient
ground, relegate to the margin) would not be dictated by the apostle, but
left to himself to express. In ver. 23, Paul again proceeds with his dicta-
tion. Quite groundlessly, Olshausen (following Eichhorn) thinks that Paul
wrote the doxology immediately after ver. 20, and did so on a small sepa-
rate piece of parchment, the other blank side of which the scribe Tertius
used, in order to write on it in his own name vv. 21-24. But how incon-
testably ὁ συνεργός pov, ver. 21, points to Paul himself !— év κυρίῳ] To be
referred to dox.; the Christian salutation, offered in the consciousness of
living fellowship with Christ. Comp. 1 Cor. xvi. 19.
Ver. 23. Τάϊος] Perhaps the same who is mentioned in 1 Cor. i. 14 ; it
1 Considered probable also by Tiele in the the name of the bishop of Cenchreae ap-
Stud. u. Krit. 1858, p. 758. ff.—In the Con- pointed by Paul.
stitt. ap. vil. 46. 2, Lucius is mentioned as
CHAP. XVI., 24. 575
may at the same time be assumed, that the person mentioned in Acts xx. 4
(not also he who appearsin Acts xix. 29) is not a different one, against which
the circumstance that he was of Derbe is no proof. But considering the great
frequency of the name (see also 3 John 1 ; Constitt. ap. vil. 46. 1 ; Martyr.
Polyc. 22), no decision can be given. Origen: ‘‘ Fertur traditione majorum,
quod hic Cajus fuit episcopus Thessalonicensis ecclesiae,” — ξένος, guest-
Sriend, is in the Greek writers not merely the person entertained, but also, as
here, the entertainer.' Paul lodged with Caius, as during his first sojourn in
Corinth with Aquila, and then with Justus (Acts xviii. 1-7). — καὶ τῆς ἐκκλ. 6A. |
Whether this be a reference to the circumstance that Caius gave his house for
the meetings of the church (Grotius), or to the fact that, while the apostle
lodged with him, there were at the same time very numerous visits of persons
belonging to the church of Corinth, whom Caius hospitably received, —a view
which corresponds better to the thoughtfully chosen designation—in any case
ξένος does not stand to τῆς ἐκκλ. ὅλ. In the same strict. relation as to μου.
Comp. ver. 18, τὴν μητέρα αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐμοῦ. If the lodging of those coming from
abroad (Hofmann, following Erasmus and others) were meant, τῆς ἐκκλ. ὅλης
would have been understood of the collective Christian body, and the
hyperbolical expression would appear more jesting than thoughtful. Comp.
rather on ἡ ἐκκλησία ὕλη, 1 Cor. xiv. 238, also v. 11, xv. 22. Nor is the ex-
pression suitable to the Roman church, in so far, namely, as Paul converted
many of its members during their exile (Miircker), because it would be too
disproportionate. — [Ἔραστος] Different from the one mentioned in Acts xix. 22
and 2 Tim. iv. 20 ; for the person sending greeting here was not, like Timo-
thy, atravelling assistant of the apostle, but administrator of the city-chest,
city-chamberlain in Corinth (arcarius civitatis, see Wetstein) ; unless we
should assume—for which, however, no necessity presents itself—that he
had given up his civic position and is here designated according to his for-
mer office (Pelagius, Estius, Calovius, Klee, and others, comp. also Reiche).
For another, but forced explanation, see Otto, Pastoralbr. Ὁ. 55. The
name Erastus was very frequent. The less are we, with Lucht, to discover
an error in Acts xix. 22 and 1 Tim iv. 20. Grotius, moreover, has rightly
observed : ‘‘ Vides jam ab initio, quamquam paucos, aliquos tamen fuisse
Christianos in dignitate positos.” Comp. 1 Cor. i. 26 ff. — Respecting
Quartus absolutely nothing is known. Were ἀδελφός a brother according to
the flesh, namely of Erastus, Paul would have added αὐτοῦ (comp. ver. 15) ;
hence it is to be understood in the sense of Christian brotherhood, and to be
assumed that the relations of this Quartus suggested to the apostle no more
precise predicate, and were well known to the readers.
Ver. 24. In 2 Thess. iii. 16, 18, the closing blessing is also repeated.
Wolf aptly observes : ‘‘Ita hodienum, ubi epistola vale dicto consummata
est, et alia paucis commemoranda menti se adhuc offerunt, scribere solemus :
vale iterum.”
Vv. 25-27. [See Note CLVII. p. 582.] Asa final complete conclusion,
we have now this praising of God, rich in contents, deep in feeling (perhaps
1 See Sturz, Lew. Xen. III. p. 218; Duncan, ed. Rost. p. 799.
576 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
added by the apostle’s own hand), in which the leading ideas contained in
the whole epistle, as they had already found in the introduction, i. 1-5,
their preluding keynote, and again in xi. 33 ff. their preliminary doxological
expression, now further receive, in the fullest unison of inspired piety, their
concentrated outburst for the ultimate true consecration of the whole. No
one but Hofmann, who assigns to these three verses their place after xiv. 23
(see the critical notes), could deny that they form a dowology at all. Accord-
ing to him, τῷ dé δυναμένῳ is to be connected with ὀφείλομεν, xv. 1, and to be
governed by this verb (thus: to Him, who is able. . . we are debtors, etc.).
This is, however, nothing less than a monstrosity of exegetical violence,
and that, first, because the verses carry on their front the most immediate
and characteristic stamp of a doxology (comp. especially Jude 24, 25), in
which even the ἀμήν is not wanting (comp. ix. 5, xi. 86) ; secondly, because
the fulness and the powerful pathos of the passage would be quite dispropor-
tionate as a preparatory basis for the injunction that follows in xv. 1, and
would be without corresponding motive ; thirdly, because in ver. 25 ὑμᾶς
stands, but in the supposed continuation, xv. 1, ἡμεῖς, which is an evidence
against their mutual connection ; and lastly, because the δέ, xv. 1, stands
inexorably in the way. This dé, namely, cou:d not be the antithetic dé of the
apodosis and after participles, especially after absolute participles (Klotz, ad
Devar. Ὁ. 872 ff. ; Kiithner, IT. 2, p. 818 ; Baeumlein, Partih. pp. 92 f., 94),
but only the reswmptive (Kiihner, II. 2, p. 815 ; Baeumlein, p. 97) ; and
then Paul must have written not ὀφείλομεν dé, but either αὐτῷ dé ὀφείλομεν,
which αὐτῷ would reassume the previously described subject, or he must
have put his dé in ver. 27 along with μόνῳ σοφῷ Oem, and therefore some-
what thus : μόνῳ δὲ σοφῷ Θεῷ. . . ὀφείλομεν.
Ver. 25. Στηρίξαι] to make firm and stedfast. Luke xxii. 32 ; Rom. i. 11 ;
1 Thess. iii. 2 ; 2 Thess. ii. 17, ef al. The description of God by τῷ δυναμένῳ
ὑμᾶς στηρίξαι corresponds to the entire scope of the epistle. Comp. i, 11
(in opposition to Lucht). —ipac] ὑμῶν τὰς καρδίας, 1 Thess. 111, 18. — κατὰ τὸ
ebayy. μου] is closely connected with στηρ. (to strengthen in respect of my gos-
pel), so that we are not to supply in jide (Koppe, de Wette, van Hengel) or
the like (Reiche : ‘‘in the religious and moral life,”) ; but the sense is not
different from στηρ. ἐν τῷ ebayy. pov (comp. 2 Thess. ii. 17; 2 Pet. 1. 12),
namely: so to operate upon you that you may remain stedfastly faithful to
my gospel, and not become addicted to doctrines and principles deviatir s
from it. More far-fetched is the explanation of others (taking κατά in the
sense of the rule) ; ‘‘ so to strengthen you, that you may now live and act accord-
ing to my gospel” Kéllner (comp. Chrysostom, Theodoret, Theophylact,
Wolf, Koppe, Tholuck) ; or (κατά of the regulative modal character) : after
the fashion of my gospel (Hofmann).—The expression τὸ ebayyéA. μου, the
gospel preached by me, cannot, secing that in Rome Pauline Christianity was
in the ascendant, be accounted, on an impartial consideration of the apostol-
ic consciousness, and in comparison with ii. 16 (see also 2 Thess. 11. 14 5 2
Tim. ii. 8; Gal. ii. 2), as in itself surprising, least of all when we attend to
the added : καὶ τὸ κήρυγμα ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ. This, namely, far from aiming at
a conciliatory comparison with the preaching of the other apostles (Lucht), is
CHAP. XVI., 25. ΟΥ̓͂Ν
amore precise definition of τὸ εὐαγγ. μου, proceeding from the humble piety
of the apostle. As he wrote or uttered the latter expression, he at once
vividly felt that Ais gospel was withal nothing else than the preaching which
Christ Himself caused to go forth (through him as His organ) ; and by making
this addition, he satisfies his own principle : οὐ γὰρ τολμήσω λαλεῖν τι ὧν ov
κατειργάσατο Χριστὸς Ov ἐμοῦ λόγῳ. x. ἔργῳ, Xv. 18. Comp. on the thought,
Eph. ii. 17 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 3. This Awmility, amidst all the boldness in other
respects of his apostolic consciousness, suggested itself the more to his heart,
because in connection with a praise of God. With this view of the genitive
agree substantially Riickert, de Wette, Fritzsche, Baumgarten-Crusius,
Ewald. The more usual explanation: the preaching concerning Christ
(Erasmus, Luther, Calvin, and many others, including K6llner, Tholuck (%),
Reithmayr, Philippi), yields after τὸ evayy. μου somewhat of tautology, and
forfeits the thoughtful correlation between μου and ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ. The
personal oral preaching of Christ Himself during His earthly life (Grotius,
Wolf, Koppe, Béhme, Hofmann), to which Paul never expressly refers
in his epistles (not even in Gal. v. 1) is not to be thought of. — κατὰ ἀποκά-
λυψιν μυστηρ. k.T.A. | co-ordinated to the preceding κατὰ. . . Χριστοῦ, and like-
wise dependent on στηρίξαι. In the exalted feeling of the sublime dignity of
the gospel, in so far as he has just designated it as the κήρυγμα φγ Jesus Christ,
the apostle cannot leave the description of its character without also desig-
nating it further according to its grand and sacred contents (not according to
its novelty, as Hofmann explains, which lies neither in the text nor in the
connection), and that with a theocratic glance back upon the primitive counsel
of salvation of God : as revelation of ὦ secret kept in silence in eternal times (comp.
Col. i. 26 5 Eph. iii. 9, 1. 4; 1 Cor. ii. 7). Note the bipartite character of
the designation by the twofold κατά, according to which Paul sets forth the
gospel, (1) ratione subjecti, as his gospel and κήρυγμα of Christ, and (2) ratione
objecti, as the revelation of the primitive sacred mystery. —'The second κατά is
to be taken quite like the first (comp. Col. ii. 8) ; but Paul designates the
divine decree of the redemption of the world* as μυστήριον (comp. generally on
xi. 25), in so far as it, formed indeed by God from eternity (hidden in God,
Eph. iii. 9), and in the fulness of time accomplished by Christ, was first
disclosed* through the gospel, i.e. laid open to human contemplation (Eph.
ii. 4, 8, 9, vi. 19) ; hence the gospel is the actual ἀποκάλυψις of this secret.
The article was not requisite with ἀποκ., since the following genitive has no
article, and, besides, a preposition precedes (Winer, p. 118f. [E.T. p. 125] ;
comp. 1 Pet. i. 7). But μυστηρίου, if it was to be in itself the definite secret,
must have had the article (Eph. iii. 3, 9 ; Col. i. 26) ; hence we must explain
“‘ ofa secret,” so that it is only the subsequent concrete description which
1 The bestowal of blessing on the Gentiles preaching of the gospel (i. 17; Gal. iii. 23) is
(Eph. iii. 6) is an essential feature of the meant according to the context, and not
contents of the μυστήριον ; but to refer the “ mihi data patefactio” (van Hengel), which
latter in our passage to this alone (Beza, Paul elsewhere, when he means it, actually
Bengel, Philippi, Tholuck, and others), is expresses. Comp. Gal. i. 16; Eph. iii, 3; 1
not justified by the context. Cor, ii. 10; Eph. iii, 5; Gal. i. 12.
* This disclosure made to men through the
578 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
expresses «what secret is meant : ‘in respect to the revelation of a secret, which
was kept silent in eternal times, but now has been brought to light,” etc. Among
the carying explanations, the only one linguistically correct is that of Fritzsche
(comp. Kéllner, Riickert, Tholuck, and Philippi), who makes κατὰ ἀποκ. μυστ.
dependent not merely on στηρίξαι, but on τῷ dé δυναμ. ὑμᾶς oryp. taken
together, and takes κατά as in consequence of, thus namely : ‘‘ qui potest vos
corroborare in. . . secundum patefactionem arcani, h. 6. postquam facta est
patefactio arcani, ὁ. q. ἐπεὶ ἀπεκαλύφθη μυστήριον 1) more exactly Riickert,
Philippi, Tholuck : in correspondence with the revelation, etc. But no neces-
sity exists for taking κατά here in another sense than previously, (as e.g.
there is such a necessity, obviously, with κατ᾽ ἐπιταγῆν immediately below) ;
on the contrary, after the words, ‘who is in a position to strengthen you
in respect of the gospel,” the idea ‘‘ secundum patefactionem arcani ” would
be superfluous and self-evident, and therefore the weighty mode of its ex-
pression would be without motive and turgid. It would be otherwise if
κατὰ ἀποκάλυψιν κ.τ.}. were intended to establish not the ability of God, but
His willingness. Incorrectly, in fine, Olshausen and older expositors think
that τὸ γεγενημένον should be supplied : ‘‘ which preaching has taken place
through revelation of a secret,” etc. This Paul would have known how to
say properly, had he meant it. — χρόνοις aiwy.| Period in which the ceory. took
place ; Acts viii. 11, xiii. 20; Josh. ii. 20 ; Winer, p. 205 [E. T. p. 218];
Kiihner, IT. 1, p. 386. From the very beginning down to the time of the
N. T. proclamation reach the χρόνοι αἰώνιοι, which are meant and popularly
so designated. Bengel: ‘‘tempora primo sui initio aeternitatem quasi prae-
viam attingentia.” Comp. 2 Tim.i. 9 ; Tit.i. 2. As at almost every word
of the doxology, Lucht has taken offence at the expression χρόνοις αἰων.
And Reiche incorrectly understands the course of eternity down to the time of
the prophets. For by ἀποκάλ. μυστηρ. κ.τ.Δ. Paul wished to designate the
New Testament gospel (κήρυγμα ᾽Τησοῦ Χριστοῦ), which therefore had not been
preached before Christ ; but he thinks of the prophetical predictions as the
means used (ver. 26) for the making it known, and justly, since in them the
publication has not yet taken place, but there is contained merely the still
obscure preindication and preparatory promise (i. 2) which were only to
obtain their full and certain light through the far later ἀποκάλυψις of the
mystery, and consequently were to serve as a medium of faith to the preach-
ing which announces the secret of salvation. Comp. Weiss, bib/. Theol. p.
293. Suggestively Bengel remarks; ‘‘ V. T. est tanquam horologium in suo
cursu tacito ; N. T. est sonitus et pulsus aeris.” The si/ence respecting the
secret was first put an end to by the preaching of the N. T., so that now the
φανέρωσις Came in its place ; and up to that time even the prophetic language
was, in reference to the world, as yet a si/ence, because containing only ovve-
σκιασμένως (Theodoret) what afterwards (‘‘a@ complemento,” Calovius) was to
become through the evangelical preaching manifest, brought clearly to light
1 The fashion, in which he professes to Thus, 6... xpov. αἰων. is held to refer to the
explain the separate elements from a Gnos- Gnostic aeons, σεσιγημ. to the Gnostic Sige,
tic atmosphere, is so arbitrary as to place "διὰ γραφ. προφητ. to the γνῶσις of allegorical
itself beyond the pale of controversy. explanation of Scripiure.
CHAP. XVI., 26. 579
(comp. i. 19, ui. 21°;*Col. iv. 4 31 Pet: 1. 10, 11,205 Tit. 1:2, 3 ;°2 Tim.
110}.
Ver. 26. Contrast of χρόνοις aiwv. σεσιγ. --- But which has been made mani-
Sest in the present time, and by means of prophetic writings, according to the
commandment of the eternal God, in order to produce obedience of faith, has been
made known among all nations. In this happy relation of the present time,
with regard to that which the χρόνοι αἰώνιοι lacked, how powerful a motive
to the praise of God ! — φανερωθέντος δὲ νῦν] Comp. Col. 1. 26, νυνὶ δὲ ἐφανερώθη,
in the same contrast ; but here the stress lies, in contradistinction to the
immediately preceding σεσιγημ. On φανερωθ. Reiche’s observation, that the
φανέρωσις is never attributed to the prophets, is not at all applicable ; for it
is not in fact ascribed to the prophets here, and φανερωθ. is not even con-
nected with διὰ ypad. προφ., which re’ undoubtedly assigns to the following
participle γνωρισθ." The mystery has, namely, in the Christian present been
clearly placed in the light, has been made an object of knowledge (comp. on
i. 19), a result obviously accomplished through the gospel (comp. Col. i. 26;
Tit. i. 3); and with this φανέρωσις, in and by itself, there was connected in
further concrete development the general publication of the secret, as it is
more precisely designated by διά te γραφῶν. γνωρισθ. This general
publication was, namely, one which took place (1) by means of prophetic
writings (comp. i. 2), inasmuch as, after the precedent of Jesus Himself
(John v. 39 ; Matt. v. 17 ; Luke xxiv. 27, 44), it was brought into connec-
tion with the prophecies of the O. T. testifying beforehand (1 Pet. i. 11),
the fulfilment of the same was exhibited, and they were employed as a proof
and confirmation of the evangelical preaching (comp. also Acts xvii. 11),
and generally as a medium enabling the latter to produce knowledge and
faith. (2) It took place at the command of God (x. 17; Tit. i. 3), whose
servants (i. 9) and stewards of His mysteries (1 Cor, iv. 1). the apostles are,
conscious of His command (Gal. i. 1, 15). (8) It was made in order to pro-
duce obedience towards the faith (comp. oni. 5), and that (4) among all nations.
— τοῦ αἰωνίου Θεοῦ] αἰων. is not a faint allusion to χρόνοις αἰωνίοις (Reiche) ;
but stands in a very natural and apt relation of meaning thereto, since it is
only as eternal (Baruch iv. 8, 22 ; Hist. Susann. 42) that God could dispose
of the eternal times and of the present, so that what was kept silent in the
1 Τέ 15. wanting indeed in D E 34, 87, Syr.
Erp. Copt. Aeth. Arm. Slav. Vulg. Clar.
κατ᾽ in versions (Syr. Erp. Aeth.).
2 This, too, against Hofmann, who makes
Germ. Chrys. and some Latin Fathers ; but
this is to be regarded as a hasty deletion,
occasioned by the fact that, without precise
consideration of the sense and of the fol-
lowing connection, διὰ ypad. προφ. was
mechanically attached to φανερωϑ. as near-
est in position, and the necessity in point of
construction for its belonging to γνωρισϑ.,
widely separated by the intervening notices,
was not perceived. In order. thereupon to
supply the want of connection between the
two participles, which arose through the
omission of the τέ, an e¢ was inserted before
διὰ γραφ. προφ. be added to νῦν by means
of τέ, in the sense of ‘just as also.’ But the
τέ must have added to the viv something
homogeneous, supplementing (Baeumlein,
Partik. Ὁ. 211; Kiihner, 11. 2, p. 787), not a
notion dissimilar to it. Generally, it would
not be easy to see why Paul should not
have placed his τέ only after κατ᾽ ἐπιταγήν,
and thereby have given to the second par-
ticipial sentence—which, according to Hof-
mann’s explanation, follows without con-
necting particle—a connecting link in con-
formity with the sense.
580 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
former should be made known in the latter. — εἰς 7. τ. ἔθνη] Consequently
the publication was not confined to the Jews, but was accomplished among
all Gentile peoples ; comp. i. 5. As to εἰς of the direction, comp. John viii.
26, and see on Mark i. 39, xiv. 9.
Ver. 27. Μόνῳ σοφῷ Θεῷ διὰ Ἰησοῦ X.| to be closely connected (without
acomma after Θεῷ) : to the through Jesus Christ only wise God, i.e. to the
God who through Christ has shown Himself as the alone wise, so wise, that in
comparison with Him this predicate can be applied to no other being (comp. |
Luke xviii. 19 ; John xvii. 3; 1,Tim. vi. 15, 16, i. 17 ; 2 Macc. 1. 25), the
absolutely wise.’ The connection : ‘‘to the alone wise God be the glory
through Christ” (Pesch., Chrysostom, Luther, Beza, Calvin, Estius, Grotius,
Morus, van Hengel, and several others), is inadmissible because of ©, which
indeed is omitted by Beza and Grotius after the Complut. edition, but is
critically so certified (it is wanting merely in B) that it can only appear to
have been omitted with a view to relieve the construction ; although Riick-
ert also sees himself forced to omit it, and Ewald (comp. Miircker, p. 8),
while retaining the 4, so translates as if it ran ᾧ διὰ ’I. X. ἡ δόξα. Thus,
too, Hofmann connects the words, seeking through the dative μόνῳ σοφᾷ
Θεῷ to bring them into government with ὀφείλομεν, xv. 1 (see on vv. 25-27).
Instances of such a prefixing of parts of sentences having an emphasis before
the relative are found, indeed, in the Greek writers ;* yet in the N. T. we
have no passage of this kind (wrongly Hofmann adduces 1 Pet. iv. 11, Heb.
xiii. 21, as bearing on this) ; and it would not be easy to perceive any spe-
cial reason why Paul should have so uniquely laid stress on διὰ "I. X. — The
description of God, begun on the side of His power, in ver. 25, passes over
at the conclusion of the doxology into the emphasizing of His wisdom, to
which the representation of the gospel as ἀποκάλυψις μυστηρίου. . . γνωρισ-
θέντος involuntarily led him in a very natural process of thought ; for so long
as the mystery was covered by silence, the wisdom of God in its highest
potency was not yet brought to light,—a result which took place by the
very means of that ἀποκάλυψις. Comp. xi. 32-34. This at the same time
applies against Reiche, who believes μόνῳ σοφῷ to be unsuitable here and to
be taken from Jude 25 var. (the spurious addition σοφῷ, Jude 25, as also in
1 Tim. i. 17, has manifestly flowed from our passage). — διὰ ᾿Τησοῦ Χριστοῦ]
i.e. through the appearance and the whole work of Jesus Christ. Thereby God
caused Himself to be practically recognized as the alone wise. Comp. xi.
33 ff. ; Eph. iii. 8 ff. Similarly, in Jude 25, διὰ ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ «.7.2. is con-
nected, not with the following δόξα, but with the preceding σωτῆρι ἡμῶν.
Too narrowly, Fritzsche limits διὰ ’I. X., in accordance with Col. ii. 3 (but
see im loc.), to the contents of His teaching. It is precisely the facts which
bring to light the wisdom of the divine measures in the execution of the
plan of redemption through Christ,—the death and the resurrection and
exaltation of Jesus (iv. 24, 25, viii. 34, et al.), that form the sum and sub-
stance of the conception of our διὰ ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ. ---- ᾧ] In the lively pressure
1 Comp. Plato, Phaedr. Ὁ. 278 D; Diog. baum, ad Plat. Phaedr. pp. 238 A, 868 A;
Laert. 1. 12; Philo, demiqr. Abr. I. Ὁ. 457. 4. comp. on Acts i. 2.
2 Schaefer, App. ad Dem. TY. p. 462; Stall-
NOTES. 581
of the great intermediate thoughts connected with the mention of the gos-
pel, vv. 24, 25, the syntactic connection has escaped the apostle. Not tak-
ing note that τῷ δὲ δυναμένῳ and the resumptive μόνῳ σοφῷ Θεῷ are still with-
out their government, he adds, as though they had already received it at
the beginning of the over-full sentence (through γάρις dé τῷ δυναμένῳ κ.τ.λ.
or the like), the expression—still remaihing due—of the praise itself by
means of the (critically certain) relative, so that now the above datives are
left to stand as anacoluthic. Comp. Acts xxiv. 5, 6, and the remark thereon.
See also Winer, p. 528 [E. T. p. 567] ; Buttmann newt. Gr. p. 252 [E. T. 293].
Others, indeed, think that Paul allowed himself to be induced by the inter-
mediate thoughts to turn from the doxolgy to God at first designed, and to
direct the tribute of praise to Christ instead, the Mediator and Revealer of
the wisdom of God, so as thereby mediately to praise God Himself. See
especially Philippi, also Reithmayr, Baumgarten-Crusius, and Tholuck
(doubtfully). Such doxologies as if to God, are found addressed to Christ
doubtless in Heb. xiii. 21, 2 Tim. iv. 18, Rev. 1. 6, and later in Clement δέ
al., but in the really apostolical writings nowhere at all (see on ix. 5) ; and
that Paul here still, even after the intermediate observations, retained the
idea of praising God, so that that ᾧ must accordingly be referred not to
Christ, but to God, is quite clearly proved by the resumptive μόνῳ σοφῷ Θεῷ.
For a formally quite similar anacoluthon' in the doxology, see Martyr. Polye.
20 : τῷ δυναμένῳ πάντας ἡμᾶς εἰσαγαγεῖν ἐν TH αὐτοῦ χάριτι κ. δωρεῷ εἰς THY αἰώνιον
αὐτοῦ βασιλείαν διὰ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ μονογενοῦς ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ᾧ ἡ δόξα, τιμὴ;
κράτος, μεγαλωσύνη εἰς αἰῶνας. --- ἡ δόξα] sc. εἴη, not ἐστί, according to 1 Pet.
iv. 11 (Hofmann), where the connection is different and ἔστεν must be writ-
ten (Lachm.), and its emphasis is to be noted. The article designates the be-
Jitting honour, as in xi. 36,
Nores py AMERICAN EDITor.
CLY. Ver. 7. ἐπίσημοι ἐν τοῖς ἀποστόλοις.
The two explanations mentioned by Meyer in his note being alike possible, it
cannot be determined with certainty whether Andronicus and Junias are here
called apostles or not. As we have no mention of them elsewhere, however, and
as the title of apostle, when applied to others than the Twelve, was apparently
limited to a very few of the leading men in the Church, such as Barnabas and
James, the Lord’s brother, it seems probable that the interpretation which
Meyer gives to the words should be adopted. If the two were “ apostles,”’
the person whose name in the accusative is ᾿Ιουνίαν could not have been a
woman, as there is no reason to believe that a woman ever had this title.
The nominative must, in this case, be ᾿Ιουνεᾶς. : If they were not themselves
apostles, but were most honorably known by the apostles, the nominative cor-
responding to ’Iovviav may be either masculine or feminine. That these two
persons were relatives of Paul is, perhaps, not to be confidently affirmed ; but
1 For the suggestion that in this passage simply a violent and very unsuitably devis-
from the Martyr. Polyc. τῷ δυναμ. is depend- ed evasion. Dressel has the unbiassed and
ent on the preceding ἐκλογάς (Hofmann) is correct punctuation.
582 THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS.
from the word that is used, it would seem not improbable that this was the
fact.
CLVI. Ver. 17. τοὺς τὰς διχοστασίας. . . . ποιοῦντας.
There are two noticeable points connected with these words and those
which surround them, which may have an important bearing on the true
understanding of the passage. (1) The articles with διχοστασίας and σκάνδαλα,
the addition to those words of παρὰ τὴν διδαχήν κ.τ.}., and the words in ver, 18
descriptive of the persons alluded to, indicate that Paul has in mind op-
posers of his doctrine. This being the case, and the date of the Epistle being
near to the dates of those addressed to the Galatians and Corinthians, it
must be regarded as probable that the references in all the letters are to
teachers and adversaries of the same general class. The question may be
raised, however, whether the words of ver. 18 do not appear more character-
istic of such adversaries as they were a few years later ; and if such isthe fact,
this verse may have some relation to the time of the writing of the present
chapter as compared with the rest of the Epistle. See, however, Meyer’s notes
on vy. 17-20. (2) The fact that the whole subject of such adversaries and
their influence is passed over with so brief a reference shows that they could
not have, as yet, wrought any considerable evil in the Roman church. Meyer
thinks, and this may be the correct view, that they had not yet actually
appeared at Rome. It was not unnatural that tendencies of this sort should
have manifested themselves in some small beginnings, or, if they had not, that
the Apostle should have apprehended their existence and eyil effects in the
future. The presence of such an exhortation in the chapter is not inconsistent
with the Pauline authorship of it.
CLVII. Ver. 25 ff. τῷ δὲ δυναμένῳ ὑμᾶς στηρίξαι k.7.A.
This final doxology is Pauline in its character and forms an appropriate close
to the Epistle. It gathers into itself (as Meyer also says) some of the funda-
mental thoughts on which the Epistle rests : that his gospel and the preach-
ing of Jesus Christ were for the establishment and confirmation in the Chris-
tian life of the readers, στηρίξαι (comp. i. 11 and note) ; that the revealed mys-
tery was so far contained in the writings of the prophets that when pro-
claimed now, it could be made manifest by their means ; that the end of the
preaching and the revelation, as related to the apostolic mission assigned to
him, was obedience to faith among the Gentiles ; that the whole plan and its
outworking belonged to the marvellous wisdom of the one God. But these
thoughts are wrought into a single truly characteristic Pauline sentence—ex-
pressing praise to God, and, at the same time, showing the desire of his heart
that God would strengthen the Roman church in the truth and in the true way
of living.
ΠΡ JUN Tes"
A.
ABRAHAM, justified by faith, 152, 172
according to the flesh, 152-175 ;
the promise unto, 162, 177; his
promise of fatherhood, 166; an ex-
ample of faith, 168-178 ; receiving
righteousness, 172; his descendants,
366 seq.
Adam, and sin, 193 seq.; death
through, 198 seq.; created mortal,
202.
Adiaphora, The Law of, 522, 530.
Adoption, 315 ; waiting for the, 329.
Adultery, 261.
Analogy of faith, 472, 484.
Ananias, 4.
Anathema, 357 seq.
Andronicus, 567 seq., 581.
Animal worship, 62.
Apostleship, 37, 74, 581.
Apostolic salutation, 29.
Aquila, 565 seq.
Asceticism, Jewish, 505 seq.
Assurance, of salvation, 180 ; of son-
ship, 316.
Atonement of Christ, 134-141 ; for
our sins, 172; for the ungodly,
185-190 ; its ethical result, 230.
Authorship of Chapters xv. and Xvi.,
532 seq.
B.
Baal, 428 seq.
Baptism, into Christ’s death, 230 seq.,
252.
Barbarians, The, 46.
Barnabas, 5; his controversy with
ΡΠ -
Benevolence, Apostolic, 5 ; in Provi-
dence, 333 ; to the poor, 555 seq.
Blessings, implored, 544, 557, 573,
575.
Blood of Christ, The, 137 ; atones, 190.
Boasting in vain, 141, 149.
Body, The human, 310 seq. ;
cation of, 467 seq., 482.
Brotherly Love, 476.
C.
Called of Christ, 39; as Christians,
40 ; of God, 335.
sanctifi-
Calvin, and the decrees, 393 seq.
Capital Punishment, 501.
Charity, the gift of, 474; to the
brethren, 477.
Children of God, 314 seq.; receiving
heirship, 317, 849; in ‘truth, 366
seq.
Christ, His two natures, 31, 73 ; the
Holy Spirit in, 35 ; His resurrection
from the dead, 36; thanksgiving
through, 41; His obedience, 52;
the propitiator, 134-140 ; His sacri-
fice, 172 ; secures peace ‘and rejoic-
ing, 181 ; dies for the ungodly, 185-
190 ; His obedience, 217, 227 ; union
with, 233; the Deliverer, 286 seq.,
296 ; frees from condemnation, 299
seq., 345; His person and nature,
301 seq.; and His heirs, 317, 349 ;
Divinity of, 360 seq., 396 seq;
the corner-stone, 393; the end of
the law, 405, 421; descent into
Hades, 410; as Lerd, 411, 423 ; the
head, 471 ; the Lord and judge, 513 ;
pleased not Himself, 538; a minister
of the circumcised, 541 ;
praised through, 580 seq.
Christians, how called, 40 ; how slan-
dered, 119 ; bound unto righteous-
ness, 248; not under the Mosaic
law, 257 seq.; belong to Christ, 258
seq.; married to Christ, 261 seq.,
290 ; delivered from fear, 316, 337 ;
heirs of Christ, 317, 349; conquering
through Christ, 343; inseparable
from Christ, 343 seq.; their mutual
relations, 471 ; to be zealous, 476 ;
adapting themselves in service, 477,
485; to be charitable and hospitable,
477 ; harmonious and self-sacrific-
ing, 478 ; loving and forgiving, 479
seq.; and their enemies, 481; to
obey the civil authorities, 489 seq. ;
to pay tribute, 492 seq.; to perform
all duties, 493 seq.; to walk worthi-
ly,496 seq. ; to for bear with the w eak,
507 seq., 522 seq., 537 seq.; forbid-
den to judge one another, 510 seq.,
524 seq., 515, 519 seq. 526 ; living for
Christ, 512 seq., 526 seq.; accounta-
ble to God, 515 ; not to give offence,
God is ~
584.
515, 526 seq.; to follow after peace,
519; to be in harmony, 540 seq.;
helping one another, 555 seq.; to
practise hospitality, 565; to be
wise and good, 571 seq.
Church, The, in the family, 566.
Church Invisible, The, 103-105.
Churches founded by Paul, 550, 553.
Circumcision, for Christians, its bear-
ing on the law, 101, 108; its ben-
efits, 111, 146 ; by faith, 143 ; asign
of the covenant, 160, 176.
Clement, Epistle of, 19.
Coals of fire, 481.
Colossians, Wpistle to the, 10.
Commandments fulfilled in love, 495.
Communism, none in Paul, 555.
Concord, prayer for, 539sseq.
Condemnation, through Adam, 215,
226; none in Christ, 299 seq., 345
seq., 339 seq., 353.
Confession of Faith, 410 seq.
Conscience, of the Gentiles, 92-94.
Consecration of man to God, 470 seq.,
483.
Contentiousness, 87.
Conversion of Jews, 445, 448 seq., 463.
Corinthians, First Epistle to the, 8.
Council, Apostolic, 7.
Creator, The, 58 ; dishonoured by the
Gentiles, 65.
Creation, 58 ; longing for deliverance,
320; and the fall of man, 323; to
be delivered, 324.
ΤΣ
Death, physical, 196 seq., 222 seq.,
309 seq.; ethical, 236 seq., 253 ; re-
leasing from sin, 253; eternal, 244
seq., 264, 272; its power over the
body, 311 seq., 348. .
Deaconesses, 565, 569.
Decrees, Divine, 60, 378 seq., 393 seq.
Desire, begotten by sin, 269 seq.
Descent into Hades, 410.
Destructiveness of Sin, 241.
Determinism, 393.
Diaconate, The, 472, 484 seq.
Disobedience, of Adam, 216 seq.
Divinity of Christ, 360 seq., 396 seq.,
ald.
Divorce, 260.
Doxology, to God in Christ, 360 seq..,
396 seq; the closing, 562 seq., 576
seq.
Duties, to be fulfilled, 493 seq.
E.
Ebionites, 506.
Edification, 538.
Election, 334 seq., 352 seq., 356 seq.,
TOPICAL INDEX.
365 seq., 372 seq., 378 seq., 393 seq.»
399 seq., 429 seq., 453 seq.
Encouragement, in the Spirit, 330
seq. ; in God’s will, 333
Endurance, 183.
Enjoyments, immoral, 250.
Enmity against God, 307.
Epaenetus, 566 seq.
Ephesians, Epistle to the, 10.
Epicureanism, 572.
Epilogue, 544, 558.
Errorists, A warning against, 571 seq.,
582.
Ksau, and his birthright, 371 seq.
Essenes, 506.
Eternal Life, 86 ; the gift of God, 251
seq. ; for righteousness’ sake, 311.
Kurope, receives the Gospel, 7.
Evil, to be punished, 88 ; for the sake
of good, 119 ; to be abhorred, 475,
485 ; overcome by good, 481, 482.
Exegesis, true, 283, 295.
Exhortation, The gift of, 472, 484 seq.
Experience, 183 ; constant rule of, 282,
294 ; and conversion, 296.
F.
Faith, 25; apprehending salvation,
88 ; obedience to, 39; as a condi-
tion, 49, 85 ; aimed at by the gospel,
52; begetting life, 53; securing
righteousness, 129-141 ; alone jus-
tifies, 142 ; imputed, 156 seq., 174 ;
illustrated in Abraham, 168-171,
178; unto righteousness, 172 ; jus-
tifies, 180; its righteousness, 406
seq., 421 seq. ; of the heart, 411 ;
conditions of, 413; its measure,
470, 483; analogy of, 472, 484; a
weak, 507 seq., 522 seq. ; towards
the weak brethren, 521, 530.
Fall, The, of man, 323.
Family Religion, 566.
Fear, removed, 337 seq.
Fellowship, social, 43; spiritual, of
Christ, 230, 262 seq., 308, 499 seq.;
practical, 555 seq.; commended,
565.
First-fruits, 439.
Flesh, The, its striving, 306 ; its rule,
313; to be crucified, 500; absti-
nence from, 505 seq., 516 seq., 519
seq., 527 seq.
Forbearance with the weak, 507 seq.,
522 seq., 537 seq.
Foreknowledge of God, 334 seq., 426
seq., 458 seq.
Forgiveness of sins, 133-140; pro-
duces happiness, 158.
Formula Concordiae, The, and origi-
nal sin, 288 seq.
Freedom, 73; under the law, 243,
TOPICAL) INDEX.
954 ; from sin, 246, 264 seq.; the cry
for, 286, 295; moral, 285 seq.; from
condemnation, 299 seq., 345.
G.
Gaius, or Caius, 575.
Galatians, Epistle to the, 8.
Gamaliel, 2.
Gentiles, The, 46; Paul’s relation to,
47 ; forsaking God, 60, 78 ; are in-
excusable, 60 ; conceited in wisdom,
61; abandoned by God, 64, 68;
perverting the truth, 65; worship- ;
ping the creature, 66; their moral
condition, 80 ; how judged, 89-94 ;
their relation to law and conscience,
90-93 ; called of God, 385 seq., 401,
434 ; hear and accept the Gospel,
420, 423 ; grafted on the theocratic
tree, 441 seq., 460 seq.; their uni-
versal salvation, 447, 463; should
praise God’s mercy, 542 seq., 558;
hope in the Messiah, 543; to be-
lieve in the Gospel, 579, 582.
Gifts of Grace, 338; diversity of, 471
seq., 484.
Glorified with Christ, 318, 336 seq.,
900 seq.
God, Knowledge of, 57; through
creation, 58 ; His power and divini-
ty, 59; His punishment of immoral-
ity, 62 ; as Judge, 94seq.; his good.
ness despised, 83; faithfulness of,
112 seq.; a righteous judge, 115;
His glory, 132; justifying the be-
liever, 140; quickening the dead,
167 ; His great love to man, 343 seq. ;
deals righteously, 372 seq., His soy-
ereignty, 373 seq., 378 seq.; His rela-
tion to man, 378 seq.; His forbear-
ance, 380 seq.; His goodness and
severity, 443 seq.; great mercy of,
453 ; wisdom and knowledge of, 455
seq., 464; the source of all, 457;
the author of consolation and perse-
verance, 539; to be glorified, 540,
558 ; praised by the Gentiles, 542,
seq., 558; His power to overcome
Satan, 573 ; 15 praised, 575 seq., 580
seq., 582.
Gospel, The, as the power of God,
48 ; produces faith, 52, 413 ; its joy-
ful message, 414 ; not obeyed by all,
414; proclaimed to the Jews, 417
seq.; refused by them, 420, 423 ;
proclaimed to the Gentiles, 420, 423;
conveys a blessing, 556 ; obedience
to the, 573; is the preaching of
Christ, 577 seq.; to produce obedi-
ence, 579 seq.
Government, Civil, obedience to the,
488 seq., 500 seq.; its divine author-
585
ity, 489 seq.; ground of obedience
to the, 492.
Grace, through Christ, 37 ; for special
offices, 74 ; its outcome in man, 41 ;
in righteousness, 157 ; assures God’s
promise, 165; abundantly given,
209; and the law, 219 seq., 227;
continuance in, 229, 252 ; sovereign
in God’s will, 373 seq.; as saving
power, 429 seq.; may be forfeited,
444 ; implored, 575.
ἘΠ
Hades, 410.
Happiness through forgiveness, 158 ;
upon the faithful, 159, 175 ; through
faith, 182 ; in Christ, 298 seq.
Harmony, commended, 478.
Heart-belief, 411.
Hermas, 570.
Holiness, its fruit, 251.
Holy Spirit, The, 35; and justifica-
tion, 40; gifts of social fellowship,
43; of love, 184; helping man, 330
seq. ; renews the mind, 469; in
righteousness, 518.
Homage to God, 514,
Hope, 183, 184 ; saved by, 329 seq. ;
joyful in, 477.
Hospitality, commended, 477, 565.
Humility, 470, 483, 478; Paul’s lan-
guage of, 549.
Ue
Idolatry, 60, 78.
Idols’ temples, plundered, 100.
Immersion, 252.
Immorality, punished, 62; ends in
death, 250.
Imputation, of Righteousness, 141,
156-158, 161, 174; through faith,
172 ; of sin, 203.
Infants, mortality and salvation of,
199 seq., 224; their relation to
“Adam’s sin, 205, 209, 224.
Innocence, pre-Mosaic, 271 seq.
Intercession, by the Spirit, 331; by
Christ, 341.
Inward Man, The, 283, 294.
Tsaac, and his posterity, 366 seq.
Israelites, The true, 859 seq. ; not
cast away, 426 seq., 458 seq.; a rem-
nant of, faithful, 428 seq., 452.
J.
Jacob and God’s promises, 371 seq.
Jerusalem, The Church at, 555 seq.
Jews, The, their expulsion from
Rome, 18; their conduct before
Paul, 20 ; strangers to God’s right-
eousness, 80 ; their treatment of the
law, 96 seq. ; their life previous to
586
the law, 266 seq.; a remnant saved,
388 seq. ; their exclusion, self-im-
posed, 390 seq., 402; their guilt,
403 seq.; having zeal without
knowledge, 404 ; and righteousness,
404 seq. ; receive the Gospel, 417
seq. ; reject the Gospel, 420, 423 ;
their treatment of God’s prophets,
427 seq.; hardened because of
unbelief, 430 seq. ; as a spiritual
tree, 441 seq., 461 seq.; as fallen,
444; their universal conversion,
445 seq., 453 seq., 463 seq. ; not
cast otf, 426 seq., 458 seq.’; their
restoration, 463 seq.
Joy, in Christ, 192, 414 ; the spirit of
the kingdom, 518.
Judaism, True, 103, 359 seq. ; not
cast off, 426, 458 seq.
Judgment Day, The, 84.
Judgments of God, 55 ; judicial, 82 ;
revealed on the last day, 84, 94 ; in
righteousness, 116 seq. ; upon the
Jews, 432 seq.
Judgments, self-righteous, 81.
Junias, 567, 581.
Justification by faith, imputative, 51 ;
universal, 76; Paul’s argument as
to, 77 ; by the law, 90, 126, 148 ; by
grace, 132, 149 ; by faith alone, 142;
assured to Abraham and to all
Christians, 172 ; not sanctification,
173 ; its blessedness, 180 ; its con-
sequences, 221; the ground of
glorification , 337.
τ
Kiss, The holy, 570 seq.
‘Knowledge of sin, 268, 291 seq.
L
Law, The Moral, and sin, 89; and
the Gentiles, 90 ; and the Jews, 96
seq. ; and circumcision, 101, 107,
108 ; fulfilled in righteousness, 102
seq. ; established through faith,
145, 150 ; working wrath, 164, 177 ;
its relation to sin and grace, 218
seq., 227 ; the life of sin, 270 seq. ;
is holy, 273 ; is spiritual, 272 seq. ;
its moral excellency, 278 ; a rule of
experience, 282, 294; the end of,
405, 421 ; fulfilled in love, 495 seq.
Law, The Mosaic, not binding, 258 ;
and marriage, 260; not immoral,
265 seq., 290; man’s relation to,
265 seq.
Law, Natural, 90.
Letter, serving the, 264 seq.
Liberty, Christian, the law of, 509 seq.,
515 seq., 520 seq., 524 seq., 526 seq.,
530 seq.
TOPICAL INDEX.
Life, with Christ, 237 sey. ; eternal,
250 seq. ; pre-mundane, 271 seq. ;
of the world, 306 seq. ; of Chris-
tians, 307.
Logos, The, 34.
Long-sutiering of God, 380 seq., 400
seq., 420.
Love, for the good, 475, 485 ; exhor-
tation to, 494 ; the fulfilment of the
law, 495 seq.
Love of Christ, to the Christian, 344
seq.
Love of God, 184, 334 seq. ; assured
through Christ’s death, 185; all-
comprehensive, 343 seq.
M.
Mankind under sin, 120 seq., 130,
275 seq.
Man, unregenerate, 275 seq., 292 seq.;
in misery, 285; his relation to
God, 378.
Marriage, 259, 289; how dissolved,
260 seq.
Mary, saluted, 567.
Messianic Kingdom, enlarged, 435 ;
to be glorified, 438 ; its fulness, 447
seq. ; drawing near, 497 seq. ; not
eating and drinking, 518 seq., 529
seq.
Messianic Sovereignty, 163 ; promises
Of, 959.
Mind, Renewal of the, 469.
Miracles, Apostolic, 549 seq.
Modesty, 470, 483 seq.
Morality, a standard of, 84; its rela-
tion to faith, 85 ; promoted by right-
eousness, 228 seq., 252 ; Christian,
251 ; demanded, 305 seq. ; exhorta-
tion to, 498 seq.
Mortality, universal, 198 seq.
Mosaic Law, The, not binding, 258 ;
and marriage, 260 seq.; not im-
moral, 265 ; man’s relation to the,
265 seq.
Moses and righteousness, 406 seq.,
421 seq.
N.
Nature, under sin, 324 seq.; to be
glorified, 325.
O.
Obedience, active and passive, 51 ; to
God, 245 seq., 399 seq, ; to the gos-
pel, not universal, 414 seq. ; civil,
487 seq., 500 seq.: of Christians, 573.
Observance of days, 511; of Sunday,
511 seq., 524 seq.
Omniscience of God, 332 seq.
Oracles of God, 111, 146.
Original Sin, 205-209, 288 seq.
TOPICAL INDEX. 587
ἘΣ:
Paederastia, 67.
Pantheism, excluded, 59.
Parousia, 451 ; drawing near, 497 seq. ;
expected by Paul, 560.
Partisanship, 87.
Passions, Evil, 263.
Patience, 183 ; in hope, 330.
Paul, his birth and parentage, 1 ; his
names ; 72 ; education and occupa-
pation, 2; Pharisaism and conver-
sion, 3; apostolic labors, 4 ; ecstat-
ic vision, 5 ; first missionary jour-
ney, 6 ; second missionary journey,
7; third missionary journey, ὃ ;
experience at Jerusalem, 9 ; impris-
onment at Rome, 10; martyrdom,
11 ; sojourn in Spain, 12 ; origin of
this tradition, 14 ; theory of a sec-
ond captivity, 14 ; his teaching, 23 ;
apostleship, 29, 72; called through
grace, 37 ; in sorrow over the Jews,
357 ; wishes himself accursed, 358 ;
his interest in their salvation, 403
seq. ; glorifying his office, 436 seq.,
460 ; justifies his boldness, 545 seq. ;
exalts his office, 546 seq., 559;
glories in Christ, 547 seq. ; works
miracles, 549 seq.; his preaching
circuits, 550 seq., 560 ; as a founder
of churches, 550, 553 ; contemplates
ajourney to Spain, 553; asks for
prayers, 557 ; salutes the saints, 569
seq. ; warns against false teachers,
571 seq., 582 ; dictates this Epistle,
574; concludes with a Doxology,
575 seq., 582.
Peace, 41 ; through justification, 181 ;
the spirit of the Kingdom, 518; im-
plored, 557, 573.
Perseverance, 85.
Peter, 16 ; his arrival in Rome, 17.
Pharaoh, as God’s instrument, 376 seq.
Philemon, 10.
Philippians, Epistle to the, 10.
Phoebe, 565.
Plan of salvation, God’s, 456 seq.
Popes, succession of, 17 ; against the
Scriptures, 20.
Prayer, help in, 331; persevering in,
477 ; for others, 557.
Preaching, the necessity of, 413 seq. ;
heard everywhere, 416 ; of Christ,
the mystery revealed, 577 seq. ; to
produce obedience, 579 seq.
Predestination, 334 seq., 352 seq., 356
seq., 365 seq., 399 seq., 372 seq.,
378 seq., 393 seq., 444 seq., 453 seq.
Presumption, warned against, 440 seq.,
462.
Pride, spiritual, warned against, 443.
Priscilla, 565 seq.
Probation, after death, 85.
Promises of God, 165, 364 seq.; faith-
fully kept, 458 ; fulfilled in Christ,
541 ; encouraging, 573.
Prophecy, of the O. T., 52 ; fulfilled,
387 seq., 411, 543, 551 seq., 579 seq. ;
the gift of, 472.
Proselytes of the Gate, 102.
Providence, benevolent, 333 seq., 352
seq.
Punishment of sin, 71 ; in righteous-
ness, 115, 147.
Punishment, temporal, 490.
Ri.
Rabbis, Jewish, and Adam’s sin, 202.
Rebecca, and her sons, 370 seq.
Reconciliation, through Christ’s death,
192.
Redemption in Christ, 133.
Remnant, A faithful, 429 seq., 452.
Renovation, Moral, 242, 264, 469.
Reprobacy, 68, 430 seq.
Resolution, The power of, 277.
Restoration, Future, 448 seq., 463 seq.
Resurrection, of Christ, 232, 341;
moral, of man, 232, 312; with Christ,
237.
Revenge, Personal,
forbidden, 481.
Revolution, the right of, 501.
Righteousness, 25 ; not an attribute of
God, 49; a relation of man, 50 ;
how procured, 51; of faith and
works, 85 ; the fulfilling of the law,
102 seq. ; not possessed under the
law, 122 seq.; through faith in
‘Christ, 129-141 ; imputed, 140, 156
seq., 174; a sign of the covenant,
160, 176 ; through Christ’s obedi-
ence, 219; promotes morality, 228
seq., 252; moral, 244; obligatory
upon Christians, 248 seq., 255 seq.;
cives eternal life, 311, 348 ; not ac-
complished by the Jews, 391 seq. ;
their efforts for, 404 seq. ; as the
end of the law in Christ, 405 seq.,
421 seq.; the essence of Christ’s
kingdom, 515 seq. , 529 seq.
Rome, The church at, 15 ; its founder,
15 ; constituent members, 18, 258 ;
praised by Paul, 544, 573.
Rome, The city of, 16.
Romans, The, 46.
Romans, Epistle to the, 9; against the
Papacy, 20 ; occasion of, 21 ; object
of, 22; contents of, 25; place and
time of composition, 26 ; genuine-
ness of, 26; its address, and when
omitted, 28, 40.
unlawful, 479 ;
588 TOPICAL
8.
Sabbath, The Christian, 511 seq., 524
seq.
Sacrifice, Self-, 467 seq., 482.
Saints saluted, 569.
Saintship, how produced, 40.
Salutation, Apostolic, 29 ;
saints, 569 ; by kissing, 570.
Salvation, apprehended by faith, 38 ;
its true meaning, 49 ; its universal-
ity, 192 ; its occasioning cause, 212
seq., 225seq. ; through Christ, 215 ;
by hope, 329 seq. ; made certain,
337 seq. ; its cause in God, 374 ; free
and universal, 412 ; conditions of,
413 seq. ; to be enlarged in scope,
437 seq., 460 seq. ; universal, 445
seq., 463 seq. ; through God’s mer-
cy, 453 seq.; fulness of, 455 seq.,
464 ; drawing near, 497 seq. ; the
comfort of, 539.
Sanctification, 467 seq., 482.
Sarah, and her son, 368 seq.
Satan, to be bruised, 573 seq.
Scriptures, The Holy, a source of com-
fort, 539.
Selfishness, condemned, 538.
Selt-seeking, condemned, 478, 572.
Servants of righteousness, 246.
Sin, and the law, 89, 219 seq., 227 ;
to the
universal, 123, 130,149 ; knowledge, ©
128 ; how forgiven, 133, 140; none
without law, 165 ; universal through
Adam, 193 seq., 222 seq. ; imputed,
203 seq. ; original, 205 seq. ; dying
to, 229, 252; destroyed, 234 seq.,
253 ; not to reign, 239 ; its destruc-
tiveness, 241; its wages, 251 ; be-
gets desire, 269; dead without the
law, 270 seq. ; its power, 274 seq.;
active in man, 280; its bondage,
286 ; condemned in the flesh, 303.
Slaves, and Slavery, 73 ; to immoral-
ity, 243 seq.
Soul-conflict, 274 seq., 292 seq.
Soul, Sanctification of the, 467 seq.,
482,
Spain, 553.
Spiritual Light, dawning, 498.
Spirit, serving the, 264 seq. ; the law
of the, 300; its striving, 306 ; im-
parted, 315 ; testifying within man,
316 ; communicated, 327.
Stumbling-blocks, 516 seq., 526 seq.,
519 seq.
INDEX.
Suffering, for Christ’s sake, 317 seq.,
349 seq., 342 seq. ; holding out in,
477.
Subordination of Christ, 457.
ie
Taxes, to be paid, 492 seq.
Teaching, The gift of, 473, 484 seq.
Tertius, 574.
Thanksgiving,
food, 512.
Thessalonians, Epistle to the, 8.
Timotheus, 574.
Tribulation, 183.
Trinity, The Doctrine of the, 457.
Truth hindered by immorality, 56.
U.
Unbelief of man, 112, 147.
Unchastity, 64, 66.
Union with Christ, 233, 262 seq.,
471, 499 seq.
expressed, 42; for
Vis
Vanity, the creation subject to, 323
seq.
Vengeance, belongs to God, 479 seq.
Victory, with God, 338.
WA
Wickedness, universal, 122 seq.
Will of God, The, 334 seq. ; discern-
ed, 469.
Will, The human, enslaved, 281.
Wine, abstinence from, 505 seq., 516
seq., 019 seq., 527 seq.
Wisdom, human and false, 61.
Word of God, The, begetting faith,
415 ; preached everywhere, 416 seq.
Works, 85 ; of the law, 126, 148; do
not justify, 142, 154; not the cause
of election, 430.
World, The, longing for redemption,
320 seq.
Wrath of God, The, 54; why visited
upon men, 57; foretold, 88; in
righteousness, 116 ; worked by the
law, 164, 177; removed, 190, 191;
exhibited after long-suffering, 381
seq., 401 seq. ; not to be hindered,
479.
Z.
Zeal, without knowledge, 404 ; for the
Christian life, 476.
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