BV 3773 .C28 1904 Candler, Warren A, 1857- 1941. Great revivals and the grea GREAT REVIVALS AND THE GREAT REPUBLIC BY WARREN A. CANDLER, D.D., LL.D. Scarcely can a more memorable exhibition of God be found than that presented by a revival of re- ligion. Historians seldom take note of so obscure an event; yet if the secret connections of revivals with the destiny of nations could be disclosed, they would appear to be more critical evolutions of his- tory than the Gothic invasions. A volume has been compiled narrating the decisive battles of the world.- But more significant than this, and probing deeper the divine government of the world, would be the history of revivals. — -'l//5//« PItclps. Nashville, Fenn.; Dallas, Tex. Publishing House of the M. E. Church, South Smith & Lam^r, Agents 1904 Copyright, 1904, By warren a. CANDLER. CONTENTS. CHAPTER Preface I. Religion and National Life . II. A Nation Founded by Faith . III. PvEVivals in the Old World Gave Rise /TO Colonies in the New IV. The Great Awakening . . V. The Wesleyan Revival . VI. The Great Revival of 1800 . VII.^HE Revival of 1858 VIII. The Revival in the Days of Moody and Sankey IX. Evangelical Christianity the Security OF THE Great Republic and the Hope OF the World X. The Next Great Awakening . Index PAGE 1 5 13 25 41 101 161 203 281 281 309 329 (vii) PREFACE. PREFACE. This volume is a study of American history from a standpoint which has been generally overlooked by writers upon both the secular and the religious history of the United States. It has been prepared with a view of doing good to both Church and State by the promo- tion of a pious patriotism and the stimulation of a patriotic piety. In its pages, it is hoped, will be found disclosed such a connection between the religious history and the civil development of the "Great Republic" as will inspire the patriot with fresh devotion and move the Chris- tian to renewed zeal. It is especially desired that men of all classes and of all shades of opinion may be led to a just appreciation of that evangelical and evangelistic type of Chris- tianity which must be the security of our insti- tutions for the years to come, as it has been their inspiration and preservation in the days that are gone. It is believed that a careful and unprejudiced consideration of the facts pre- sented will lead to the conclusion that a revival- istic religion— the prevalent form of Christian- ity in American Churches— is at once the salva- tion of our own country and the hope of other lands. (3) 4 Authorities Belied On, The authorities relied on to establish the statements and confirm the inferences of the book are sufficiently acknowledged in the cur- rent of the discussion, but with a view to com- mending the restudy of certain valuable works — some of which, strangely enough, have been permitted to drop out of print — the author makes mention of his special indebtedness in the prep- aration of this volume to "Religion in Amer- ica," by Robert Baird; Tracy's "History of the Great Awakening;" Jonathan Edwards's "On Revivals;" Luke Tyerman's Biogi-aphies of Whitefield and Wesley; "A Handbook of Re- vivals," by Henry C. Fish, D.D.; "History of American Christianity," by Leonard Woolsey Bacon; "Christian Leaders of the Last Cen- tury," by the Bishop of Liverpool; "Wesley and Methodism," by Isaac Taylor; "Christian- ity aid the Nation," by Bishop Charles B. Galloway; "The Great Revival of 1800," by William Speer, D.D.; "Christ in the Camp," by Rev. J. William Jones, D.D. ; and the "Wes- ley Memorial Volume," by J. O. A. Clark, LL.D, Nothing outside the study of the Bible itself could contribute more directly to the. pro- motion of a national revival than a general and prayerful perusal of these highly interesting and exceedingly stimulating treatises. I. RELIGION AND NATIONAL LIFE. To my miud the great epochs in the world's history are marked not by the f oimdatiou or the destruction of empires, by the migration of races, or by French rev- ohitions. . . . The real history of man is the history of religion. . . . This is the foundation that under- lies all profane history; it is the light, the soul and life of history; without it all history would be profane. — Max Midler, ' From history we learn that the great function of re- ligion has been the founding and sustaining of States. — Prof. Sceley. Never was a State founded that did not have religion as its basis. — Bousseau. We know that religion is the basis of civil society and the fruitful source of all blessing and comfort in human intercourse. — Eclnnind Burke. All political and social questions refer for their ulti- mate solution to the religious principle. — Guizot. (6) I. RELIGION AND NATIONAL LIFE, The forms and forces of national life take their rise in the religion of the people. National life is feeble or strong according as the faith of the people is faint or vigorous. The fruitful periods of a nation's history are those during which religion is flourishing, and periods of religious declension are marked by the withering of all social and political vitality. Literature and art have no such vital relation to political institutions. They may flourish with- out invigorating national life and fail without enfeebling it. They have often attained to their highest development during periods of national decay, and some of their finest forms have sprung up amid political ruins. But such is not the case with religion. When it withers the State wanes. When faith begins to perish, all things else begin to die, as if the dew of heaven had been denied, or the former and the latter rain had been withheld. This was manifest in the history of ancient (7) 8 Atheistic Governments Unsteady, Israel, and not less so in the history of the Grecian and Roman commonwealths. The book of Judges in the Old Testament is a record of backsliding and bondage, and of revivals and restored prosperity. The annals of Greece and Rome equally reveal the connection between a loss of faith and a loss of power. Declension in religion was followed by declension in morality, and that, in turn, by the enfeebling of national life and the loss of political freedom. The history of modern France emphasizes the lesson taught by the records of the world's earlier governments. French governments have lacked steadiness and stability because they were not rooted in the depths of religion, from which spring the conservative and inspiring powers of national life. Lamartine lamented this fact in the history of his people. He says: ''I know, and I sigh when I think of it, that hitherto the French people have been the least religious of all the nations of Europe. . . . The repub- lic of these men without a God was quickly stranded. The liberty, won by so much hero- ism and so much genius, did not find in France a conscience to shelter it, a God to avenge it, a people to defend it, against that atheism which was called glory. " Faith of the Founders. 9 The founders of the American republic, which has remained stable in spite of many shocks, established it in a nobler spirit, and erected it upon a more enduring basis. They recognized the vital connection of national strength and religious life, and cherished faith as the forma- tive force of the nation. At the outset of the War of Independence, Congress, by formal action, expressed its desire "to have the people of all ranks and degrees duly impressed with a solemn sense of God's superintending providence, and of their duty to rely in all their lawful enterprises on his aid and direction." Accordingly, a general fast was proclaimed, that the people might, "with united hearts, confess and bewail their manifold sins and transgressions, and by a sincere re- pentance and amendment of life appease God's righteous displeasure, and through the merits and mediation of Jesus Christ obtain his pardon and forgiveness." In the midst of the war General Washington issued an order commanding a proper observ- ance of the Sabbath by the army, and through- out his illustrious career he gave the force of both his precept and example to the mainte- nance of Christian faith. 10 FranJclin^s Speech, In the Convention, assembled after the war to frame the Federal Constitution, Benjamin Frank- lin, then above eighty years of age, offered a motion for daily prayers in the body, and, in support of the Y)roposition, said: ''In the begin- ning of the contest with Great Britain, when we were sensible of danger, we had daily prayer in this room for divine protection. Our pra3^ers, sir, were heard, and they were graciously an- swered. All of us who were engaged in the struggle must have observed the frequent in- stances of a superintending Providence in our favor. To that kind Providence we owe this happy opportunity of consulting in peace on the means of establishing our future national felicity. And have we now forgotten this power- ful Friend? Or do we imagine that we no longer need his assistance? I have lived, sir, a long time, and the longer I live the more con- vincing proofs I see of this truth that God gov- erns in the affairs of men. And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it possible that an empire can rise without his aid? ^ye have been assured, sir, in the sacred writings, that 'except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that build it.' 1 firmly be- lieve this; and I also believe that without his Political Systems and Religious Faith, 11 concurring aid we shall succeed, in this po- litical building, no better than the builders of Babel." These were remarkable words, com- ing from a man of liberalistic opinions. They point to a prevalence of religious sentiment which reached and affected the astutest among the rationalists even. 3Ien who were descend- ants of the first colonists could not rid themselves of the convictions which had driven their ances- tors to the New World, nor utterly renounce the faith from which their colonial institutions had sprung. They knew, as their forefathers had be- lieved and taught, that commonwealths not founded in religion rest precariously on shift- ing sands. It must be so. The deepest and most influ- ential thing in the life of- any people is its re- lio'ion, and its customs and codes must inevitably be colored and controlled by its moral convictions. Atheism breeds anarchy as like begets like, and in all the gradations of civil government, from the lowest absolutism to the highest types of free institutions, the character of the political system is exactly determined by the faith that underlies it; The governments of all heathen lands are despotisms by the very law of their being. 12 The Product and Propagcdor of Religion. Civil freedom cannot live in an atmosphere of pagan superstition. Nations that forget God do thereby forge chains for their own hands. And in the nominally Christian lands it will be found that the power of political institutions is in direct proportion to the purity of the Christianity with which they coexist. Accord- ing to the different degrees of religious intelli- gence in the nations of Christendom will be found the elevation or degradation of their po- litical systems. Romanism has made South America and Southern Europe what they are, and Protestantism has made England, Germany, Holland, and North America what they are. As Romanism wanes in Italy, freedom waxes stron- ger; but when a chill falls upon the Protestant Churches of the United States, the moral vigor of the nation is impaired. From the widest observation of the political systems of mankind, in all lands and in all times, we derive, therefore, the generalization that national life roots itself in religious conditions, and that it is feeble or powerful according to the religion from which it springs. Religion makes and molds States; irreligion mars them. With governments, as with individuals, godli- ness with contentment is great gain. II. A NATION FOUNDED BY FAITH. Religion gave birth to Anglo-American society. — M. de Tocqueville. They were driven forth from their fatherland, not by earthly want or by the greed of gold or by the Inst of adventure, but by the fear of God and the zeal for a Godly worship. — From Green's ''Short History of the English People.'" It concerneth New England always to remember that she is a religious plantation and not a plantation of trade. The profession of purity of doctrine, worship, and discipline is written upon her forehead. — From Prijicc's ''Christian History.'"' A work which may, by the Providence of Almighty God, hereafter tend to the glory of His Divine Majesty in the propagating of the Christian religion to such people as yet live in darkness and miserable ignorance of the true knowledge and worship of God. — One of the reasons assigned for the grant m the first charter of the Colony of Virginia. It is remarkable that in every charter granted to the Southeru Colonies the "propagation of the gospel" is mentioned as one of the reasons for undertaking the planting of them. — FromDaird's "Religion in America.^* (U) 11. A NATION FOUNDED BY FAITH. "The great migrations of mankind,'^ says Golclwin Smith, "are the great epochs of his- tory." To the same pm'pose speaks Whipple, affirming that "there was never a great migra- tion which did not give rise to a new form of national life." These observations are abun- dantly confirmed by the history of that migra- tion which has resulted in the American Repub- lic. It gave rise to a unique form of national life, in exact conformity to its own moral char- acter. This migration, the greatest in the history of mankind, was not begun under the obscuring mists of a remote past; it began in the open, be- fore the eyes of the nations of modern times, and it is not clouded by the uncertain myths and doubtful traditions of a prehistoric period. We know with absolute certainty its origin and the course it has run. We may analyze with accu- racy the forces which gave rise to it and mark with precision the flow of its current. And it is beyond question that religion was the prime (15) 16 "Great in Their Unconsciousness,** and moving cause that gave rise to the migra- tion which, beginning with the Jamestown and Plymouth settlements and continuing to the present time, has created the republican nation known as the United States. The call of Abra- ham and his departure from Chaldea, and the exodus from Eg^^pt, while attended by more miraculous circumstances, were no more truly re • ligious events than the founding of the American colonies. The coming of the colonists was a movement from religious impulses as devout and far more intelligent than the inspiration which produced the Crusades, and it can scarce- ly be doubted that the religious results which have followed their coming will affect the des- tiny of mankind during the centuries to come, when the influence of the Crusaders will be an utterly spent force. The colonists did not go to make a republic, nor did they come with any preconceived plans of political government. Following God, they founded States almost unconsciously and builded more wisely than they knew. In his noble ad- dress entitled ''The Founders Great in Their Un- consciousness" Horace Bushnell has stated the case of all in describing that of the New En- gland colonists. ''Their end," he says, "was re- ''The Last Effort of Divine Providence" 17 ligion, simply and only religion. Out upon the lone ocean, feeling their way cautiously, as it were, through the unknown waves, exploring in their busy fancies and their prayers the equally unknown future before them, they as little con- ceived that they had in their ship the germ of a vast republic that in two centuries would com- mand the respect and attract the longing desires of the nations, as that they saw with their eyes the lonely wastes about them whitening with the sails and foaming under the swift ships of that republic already become the first commercial power of the world. ... No! they crossed the sea in God's name only, sent by Him, as they believed, to be the voice of one crying in the wilderness, 'Prepare ye the way of the Lord, make his paths straight.' But whither those straightened paths will lead and in what shape the new kingdom of the Lord will come, they as little conceive as John the Baptist himself." It is impossible to form an adequate concep- tion of this far-reaching movement to the shores of North America if the providential purpose of God or the pious submission of the colonists to the divine direction be left out of the account. Emerson is not extravagant when he declares: "Our whole history appears like a last effort 2 18 Neither the Bich nor the Babble. of Divine Providence in behalf of the human race." In the colonization out of which came the Great Republic, Providence selected the best stocks of the Old World for the purpose of the divine kingdom in the New World. By perse- cutions and trials of faith, a process of election was operated, whereby a chosen seed was secured for a land prepared and reserved to be the home of a type of evangelical religion such as had not been in the earth for centuries. With what precision that process worked to its end is seen in the character of the emigrants who constituted at the first the primal germ of the nascent nation, whose aftergrow^th has been conformed to the original type which they gave to it. After a careful analysis of their colonial charters, customs, and laws, Dr. Robert Baird, in his monumental work entitled "Religion in America," thus summarizes their case: "1. They were not composed of the rich, the voluptuous,the idle, the effeminate, and the prof- ligate; neither were they, generally speaking, composed of poor, spiritless, dependent, and helpless persons. They rather came from that middle class of society, which is placed in the happy medium between sordid poverty and over- grown wealth. They knew that whatever com- Virtuous and Religious, 19 fort or enjoyment they could look for in the New World was only to be attained by the bless- ing of God upon their industry, frugality, and temperance. "2. They were not an ignorant rabble, such as many ancient and some modern States have been obliged to expel from their borders. Taken in the mass, they were well-informed — many of them remarkably so for the age in which they lived and which in the case of none of them was an age of. darkness. . . . With few excep- tions, they had acquired the elements of a good education. There were few persons in any of the colonies that could not read. "3. They were a virtuous people; not a vicious herd, such as used to be sent out by ancient States and such as chiefly colonized South Amer- ica and Mexico — men of unbridled passions and ' slaves to the basest lusts. The morality of the early colonists of the United States was unri- valed in any connnunity of equal extent and has been lauded by almost all who have written about them, as well as by those who have governed them. "4. They were religious men. They believed and felt that Christianity is no vain fancy — a fact that holds true even as respects those of 20 Bihh-Reading Protestants. them with whom religious motives were not the chief motive for expatriating themselves. The overwhelming majority stood acquitted of the slightest approach to infidelity. Neither were , they what are called ' philosophers,' attempting to propagate certain new theories respecting hu- man society and suggesting new methods for rendering it perfect. By far the greater num- ber of them were simple Christians, who knew of no way by which men can be good or happy but that pointed out by God in his Word. "5. AVith few exceptions, the first colonists were Protestants; indeed, Lord Baltimore's was the only Roman Catholic colony, and even in it the Romanists formed but a small minority long before the Revolution of 1775. The great mass had sacrificed much — some their all — for the Protestant faith. They were Protestants in the sense of men who took the Bil^le for their guide and who believed what it taught, not what hu- man authority put in its place. 'What saith the Lord?' This was what they desired to know first of all and above all. And it was the study of the Bible that opened their eyes to truths that bore upon every possible relation of life and upon every duty. And while they learned from the Bible what were their duties. Asylums for the Persecuted, 21 so they learned also what were their rights. This led them at once to practice the former and to demand the latter. "6. The great majority of them had suffered much oppression and persecution, and in that se- vere ])ut effectual school had learned lessons not to be acquired in any other. It had led them to question many things to which otherwise their thoughts might never have been directed, and it gave them irresistible power of argument in fa- vor of the right of the human mind to freedom of thought. Indeed it is remarkable how large a proportion of the early colonists were driven from Europe by oppression. Although Virginia and the Carolinas were not expressly established as asylums for the wronged, yet during the com- monwealth in England they afforded a refuge to the 'Cavalier' and the 'Churchman,' as they did afterwards to the Huguenot and the German Protestant. Georgia was colonized as an asylum for the imprisoned and 'persecuted Protestants;' Maryland as the home of persecuted Roman Catholics; and the colony of Gustavus Adolphus was to be a general blessing to the 'whole Prot- estant world,' by offering a shelter to all who stood in need of one. Even New York, though founded by Dutch merchants, with an eye to 22 Exiled for Freedom and Faith, trade alonej^ opened its arms to the persecuted Bohemian and to the inhabitants of the Italian valleys. So that, in fact, all of these colonies were originally peopled more or less, and some of them exclusively, by the victims of oppres- sion and persecution; hence the remark of one of our historians (Bancroft) is no less just than eloquent, that 'tyrann}^ and injustice peopled America with men nurtured in suffering and ad- versity. The history of our colonization is the history of the crimes of Europe.' " 7. Though incapable of emancipating them- selves from all the prejudices and errors of past ages, with respect to the rights of conscience, they were at least in advance of the rest of the world on these points, and founded an empire in which religious liberty is at this day more fully enjoyed than anywhere else — in short, is in every respect perfect. "8. Lastly, of the greater number of the early colonists it may be said that they expatri- ated themselves from the Old World, not mere- ly to find liberty of conscience in the forests of the New, but that they might extend the king- dom of Christ by founding States where the Truth should not be impeded by the hindrances which opposed its progress elsewhere. This Pilgrims of Faith. 23 was remarkably the case of the Puritans of New England; but a like spirit animated the pious men who settled in other parts of the country. They looked to futurity and caught glimpses of the glorious progress which the gospel was to make among their children and children's chil- dren. This comforted them in sorrow and sus- tained them under trials. They lived by faith, and their hope was not disappointed." It is thus evident how the Great Republic, in the earliest stages of its history, was formed by religion and conformed to the Word of God. As no other of modern times, it is a nation founded by faith. As soon as the first settlers who came to the Western world had landed, pub- lic worship was commenced and Churches were organized. The place of religious service was from the first center of life in the colonies. Thither went the entire population every Sab- bath, and in some of the colonies citizenship was conditioned on Church membership. They professed, as the controlling motive for their coming into the wilderness, "a great hope and inward zeal they had of laying some good foun- dation (or at least to make some way thereunto) for propagating and advancing the gospel of the kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of the 24 Moses the Model. world." The corner stones of their civilization were liberty and law, education and religion. The laws of Moses were the models of their codes, and the doing of God's will was the aim of their endeavor. They sought to fashion their lives according to the pattern of the mount, and, working by faith, builded more wisely than they knew and attained to the greatness of " Souls destined to o'erleap the vulgar lot And mold the world unto the scheme of God." III. REVIVALS IN THE OLD WORLD GAVE . RISE TO COLONIES IN THE NEW. These meu came out from amid great awakenings; and after the first plantations every arrival from the old country brought them news of the revivals which took place under the Bunyans and Baxters of England. —Henry C. Fish, D.D. The period of the settlement of this country was singularly identical with that of the breaking up of the old religious life of Europe. Indeed, since the Crusades, the Old World had passed through no such convulsions as shook her whole religious, political, intellectual, and social framework at a time when every nation was sending forth her sons — albeit, many exiles in the num- ber — to establish themselves on the Atlantic coast of this continent. It was not from any stagnant nations that immigrants came to our wooded shores, but from, stirred and aroused peoples. . . . Europe's best blood was hot with aspirations — we might better call them inspirations — at the very moment when this new field was opened for the greatest fulfillment in modern history. — Bisho]? Jolin F. Hurst. When the colonies in America were planted, both from England and the Continent, the people who con- stituted them arrived at the moment of Europe's awak- ening. They brought the best aspirations of the Old World, and determined to realize them in the New. The hour of American colonization was the fittest one in all modern times for the New World to receive the best which the Old World had to give.— Ibid. (26) III. REVIVALS IN THE OLD WORLD GAVE RISE TO COLONIES IN THE NEW. Whence came these founders to the shores of North America ? With reference to their former residence, and speaking geographically, the most of them came from the British Isles — in the main, from England. So predominant were these English elements that as late as 1775 four-fifths of the peo- ple were of British origin and spoke the English language. In the earlier days the proportion of English to the whole population was even larger. Having reference to their ecclesiastical ante- cedents and their religious position, they were cast on these shores by the expulsive forces of the Reformation and the religious convulsions in Europe consequent upon that mighty move- ment. 'Most of them were Protestants, and Protestants of the most evangelical type. In this fact was found the main cause of their coming to America. The Reformation had set all Europe in a fer- ment. Before it began Christianity had been connected with the State in all European lands, (27) 28 Persecuting Popes and Princes, and the papal throne was higher than that of any secular prince or sovereign. The Pope as- sumed to confer crowns and to exercise lord- ship over kings. The supreme pontiff was a sort of king of kings as well as the head of the Church. Dissent from the dogmas of Ro- manism was a civil offense as well as an ec- clesiastical sin. Heresy was a crime. A dread- ful absolutism extended its rule over the human mind and soul, enforcing its decrees with the power of the civil arm. Against this ecclesias- tical monarchy by which the spirits of men were enslaved, and to which crowned heads bowed, the Reformation was a revolt. In the very nature of things, such a movement was resisted by the hand of persecution. The Pope and his subservient allies were bound to join hands against it. Princes who derived influence from papal recognition took up arms to suppress it. The superstitious multitudes, who knew nothing of the faith that justifies, were aroused to fury against it by the appeals of priests whose craft and gains were endangered by it. The vicious opposed it because of its purity. Its adherents at first were found only among that class which is always in the minority — the men who are too intelligent to believe fables, too pure to in- The Beligioiis Element Dominant. 29 dalge vice, and too loyal to God to fear earthly usurpers of divine authority. Such men can no more fail in a work of faith than they can escape the persecution of the faith- less. Therefore, the movement speedily attained to the magnitude of a moral revolution. Into it at length were swept the masses and the classes. Some princes, even, who had long been restive un- der papal pretensions, availed themselves of the opportunity to rid themselves of a galling yoke. Political elements thus entered into what, in the beginning, was a revival of spiritual religion, and that alone. But the religious element was al- ways dominant, and the heavenly fire within it increased the heat of the earthly flames which burned every where. It was an era of fierce con- troversies and not of tepid religious convictions. And it inaugurated an epoch during which evangelical faith steadily advanced in clearness of vision, and purity of life through a succession of struggles and triumphs which may be justly called revivals. This was especially true in England and Scotland, where Eidley and Lati- mer and Cranmer and Knox wrought righteous- ness and subdued kingdoms, and where the Pu- ritans and the Covenanters subsequently con- tended earnestly for the faith once delivered to 30 From Sires to Sons, the saints. From these revival centers, and out of these fights of faith, driven by persecution and drawn by the hope of religious freedom, came the first colonists to America. Grandsires of the men who composed the Jamestown settlement were contemporaries of the Protestant martyrs of the British Isles. The hearts of these settlers in the New World had been stirred by stories of the stormy times and the heroic deeds of their ancestors. Perhaps from eyewitnesses of those martyrdoms some of the first colonists had heard how, "without Bocardo Gate," opposite Baliol College, on a day in October, 1555, the dauntless and saintly Latimer had died, exclaiming to his companion in suffering and glory: "Be of good comfort, Master Ridley, and play the man; we shall this day light such a candle, by God's grace, in England, as, I trust, shall never be put out." From the lips of saintly sires mayhap others had heard the story of Rowland Taylor, the good Vicar of Hadleigh, who went to his death, by burning, amid the lamentations of his parish- ioners, who burst out crying: "Ah, good Lord, there goeth our shepherd from us! God save thee, good Dr. Taylor; God strengthen thee and help thee; the Holy Ghost comfort thee!" "The People of a Boohr 31 The colonists themselves had suffered persecu- tions Avhich, though less fierce, were not less per- sistent than the trials endured by their holy sires. They had been hindered by bitter opposition and helped by great revivals, as had their fore- fathers been hindered and helped. Particularly they had been affected by a revival, the iuilu- ence of which is felt throughout the English- speaking world to the present moment. They had been inspired and enlightened by the great revival which the extraordinary reading of the Bible had produced in England during the last quarter of the sixteenth century. Of that period, Green, in his "Short History of the English People,'' says: "Ko greater moral change ever passed over a nation than passed over England during the years which parted the reign of Elizabeth from the meeting of the Long Parliament. England became the people of a book, and that book was the Bible. It was yet the one English book which was familiar to every Englishman; it was read at churches and read at home, and every- where its words, as they fell on ears which cus- tom had not deadened, kindled a startling en- thusiasm. . . . The whole moral effect which is produced nowadays by the religious newspaper, the tract, the essay, the lecture, the ' 32 Meu of Like Mold. missionary report, the sermon, was then pro- duced by the Bible alone; and its effect in this way, hoAvever dispassionately Ave may examine it, was simply amazing. One dominant influ- ence told on human action; and all the activi- ties that had been called into life by the age that was passing away were seized, concentrated, and steadied to a definite aim by the spirit of re- ligion. The whole temper of the nation felt the change. A new conception of life and of man superseded the old. A new moral and re- ligious impulse spread through every class." With such memories, and from amid such events and influences, came the first colonists to Jamestown in 1607, and to Plymouth in 1620. In the years that followed they drew after them men of like mind and mold. From the moment of their establisjhment in the New World the eyes of the pious and persecuted Protestants in every part of Northern Europe, and especially the eyes of their kindred fellow- Christians in England, were fixed upon. them. Drawn by the bonds of a common faith and natural affection, multitudes of congenial spirits soon hastened to join them in their Western home. Besides their friends and kinsmen from Enofland, there flocked after them Huo^uenots The Reformation a Revival, 33 from France, pious Swedes, saintly Swiss, and devout Dutch, together with sturdy Scotch and ardent spirits from the north of Ireland. The colonies which were the offspring of evangelical religion were thereby strengthened and replenished with a like precious faith. — n| It thus appears that the founding of the colonies at the first, and their subsequent growth during the first century of their exist- ence, were the results of great revivals of re- ligion. As has been intimated, the Reforma- tion itself was, strictly speaking, a revival, and gave rise to a series of movements from which have been developed the evangelical .type of life and the evangelistic methods of propa- gating Christianity which are to-day the hope of the world. It is a great mistake to consider that mighty revolution to have been only a change of speculative tenets, or a secular strug- gle, under the pretense of religion, for freedom of thought only. True, purification of doctrine and liberty of conscience were involved, but only because of the deep spiritual struggle which underlay them. It was the personal and intense struggle of souls, hungering and thirsting after righteousness, which, at the outset, raised the great issues between the Romanists and the Re- 3 34 The Bevival in Scotland, formers. Not since the days of the apostles were so many souls anxiously inquiring, " What must we do to be saved '^ " and never before were there so many genuine conversions. The cor- respondence of the Reformers, especially that of Luther and Calvin, shows that much of their time was spent giving counsel to inquiring souls and leading such souls to Christ. The subjects uppermost in their discussions were just those themes which to this day are considered of par- amount importance in a revival season. The Reformation in Scotland bore the same marks. Kirkton says of it: ''The whole nation was converted by lump. Lo! here a nation born in one day; yea, molded into one congre- gation, and sealed as a fountain with a solemn oath and covenant." Fleming, in his "Fulfill- ing of Scripture," says: "It is astonishing, and should be matter of wonder and praise for after ages, to consider that solemn time of the Refor- mation (in Scotland) when the Lord began to visit his Church. What a swift course the spreading of the kingdom of Christ had; and how professors of the truth thronged in amidst the greatest threatenings of those on whose side authority and power then was!" In Holland, France, and Switzerland a similar spirit pre- Revival Centers and Preachers, 35 vailed among the reformers. We may be sm*e that it was not for mere speculative dogmas, or for motives of faction, that men endured torture and gave themselves to death. Nothing less than the personal experience of that 'Moving- kindness of God" which "is better than life" could have nerved them for the mighty struggles through which they passed on behalf of the freedom of the faith. If dogma was dear to them, it was because it was the symbol of loyalty to the Lord of life and salvation. In the British Isles, whence most of the early colonists came, the contest between evangelical Christianity and its enemies was longest and fiercest. There, also, were the triumphs of a pure faith most signal and fruitful. In the cen- tury in which the first colonies were founded there were many revival centers from which the ranks of the colonists were constantly recruited. Such men as Richard Baxter, John Owen, John Bunyan, John Howe, and John Flavei called sin- ners to repentance and edified the Churches of England in ministries of great power. Their writings, which remain, reveal how evangelical were their teachings, how fervent was their spirit, and how abundant were their labors. The va- rious acts of Parliament leveled aojainst such 36 Fused in Revival Fires pious endeavors show how bitterly they were op- posed, and those statutes reveal also how great was the influence of those flaming evangelists and their followers. The Act of Uniformity, passed in 1662 and strenuously enforced for twenty-five years, the Conventicle Act, passed in 166tl:, and the Five Mile Act, passed in 1665, all show how persistent and how ineffectual was the persecution of those mighty men who stood for a pure faith in a corrupt age. This proscrip- tive legislation did also send to the American colonies some of the choicest spirits that the world ever saw. They had been fused and fash- ioned in revival fii-es, and they came to the New World in the spirit of the evangelism by which they had been encompassed from birth, and for which they and their fathers had suffered so much. Of how nearly the revivals of this period of British history resemble the revivals of our day we may judge by reading the accounts of a re- vival which prevailed in the north of Ireland in 1625. It was from the labors of a company of faithful men who went over from Scotland — Brice, Glendenning, Ridge, Blair, and others. They began in Ulster, and endeavored with apos- tolic zeal to evangelize the whole island. The work continued for a considerable time, and of Harvests and Harvesters 3? it Stewart says: "The ministers were indefati- gable in improving the favorable opportunity thus offered for extending the knowledge and in- fluence of the gospel. The people, awakened and inquiring, many of them both desponding and alarmed, both desired and needed guidance and instruction. The judicious exhibition of evangelical doctrine^ and promises by these faithful men was in due time productive of those happy and tranquilizing effects which were early predicted as the characteristic of gospel times. Adopting the beautiful imagery of the prophets, the broken-hearted were bound up and comfort- ed, the spirit of bondage and of fear gave way to a spirit of freedom and of love, the oil of joy was poured forth instead of mourning, and the spirit of heaviness exchanged for the garments of praise and thankfulness." In the same year there was in Scotland a great work of grace which, from the place of its be- ginning — Stewarton — was named by the godless as the "Stewarton Sickness." Of this move- ment Fleming says: "Truly this great spring- tide, as I may call it, of the gospel was not of a short time, but of some years' continuance; yea, .thus, like a spreading moor-burn, the power of godliness did advance from one place to another, 38 Stewarton and Kidderminster which put a marvelous luster on those parts of the country, the savor whereof brought many from other parts of the land to see its truth." Of the same sort was Baxter's work at Kidder- minster. He himself gives us a glimpse of it in these words: "The congregation was usually full, so that we were led to build five galleries after my coming hither, the church itself being very capacious — the most commodious and con- venient that ever I was in. Our private meet- ings were also full. On the Lord's day there was no disorder to be seen in the streets, but you might hear a hundred families singing psalms and repeating sermons as you passed through the streets." Of the extent of his influence we may draw some inference from the fact that in a time when the population of England was not nearly so dense as now, nor reading nearly so general, his great work entitled "A Call to the Unconverted" attained a circulation of twenty thousand copies within the first twelvemonth after its publication. What must have been the popular interest in the subject to secure so great and so speedy a circulation for a work of that kind! How powerfully must his call have af- fected the nation, and especially that class of the people who were migrating to America! Bevivals at Northampton 39 These facts all go to show how true is the statement that the first colonists, who gave to the rising commonwealths in the New World their initial type of life, which type has domi- nated and assimilated to itself all subsequent im- migration, "came out of great awakenings." The colonists were not unaccustomed to reviv- als when they came, nor were they startled when similar works of grace appeared among them in the New World. The "Venerable Stoddard," grandfather of Jonathan Edwards and the pas- tor of the Church at Northampton (where the great awakening of 1740 began) from 1672 to 1729, had, daring the nearly sixty years of his ministry, five sweeping revivals in his parish. In his "Narrative of the Surprising Work of God," Jonathan Edwards thus alludes to these seasons of grace in the ministry of his grand- father: "As he was eminent and renowned for his gifts and graces, so he was blessed from the beginning with extraordinary success in his min- istry in the conversion of many souls. He had five harvests, as he called them: the first was about fifty-seven years ago, the second about fifty-three years, the third about forty, the fourth about twenty-four, and the fifth and last about eighteen years ago. Some of these times 40 Apostolic Succession of Revivals were much more remarkable than others, and the ingathering of souls more plentiful. Those that were about fifty-three, forty, and twenty-four years ago were much gi-eater than either the first or the last; but in each of them, L have heard my grandfather say, the greater part of the young people in the town seemed to be mainly concerned for their eternal salvation." Reckon- ing, therefore, from the date of the "Narrative" by Edwards, we find there were harvest times at Northampton in 1679, 1683, 1696, 1712, and 1718. These revivals were not novelties to the colo- nists nor breaks in their religious history, but they were fruits of the religious awakenings in the Old World and forerunners of the great awakening which presently came to the New. They sprang up amid tender memories and holy ancestral traditions, and they renewed in the hearts of the colonists the fervent experiences of their forefathers. They are links in that apostolical succession of revivals which stretch- es from the Reformation to the great awaken- ings of the eighteenth century. lY. THE GREAT AWAKENING. (41) The •work is very glorious if vre consider the extent of it, being in tliis respect vastl}^ ]:>eyond an}' former outpouring of tlie Spirit that ever was knoTv^n in New England. There has formerly sometimes been a re- markable awakening and success of the means of grace in some particular congregation, and this used to be much taken notice of and acknowledged to be glorious, though the towns and congregations round about con- tinued dead; but now God lias l)rought to pass a new thing; he has wrought a great work of this nature, that has extended from one end of the land to the other, be- sides Avhat has been wrought in other British Colonies in America. — JonatlLcin Edwards. In the period before the awakening, the sole organ of follov.'ship reaching through the whole chain of the British Colonies was the correspondence of the Quaker meetings and missionaries. In the glow of the revival the continent awoke to the consciousness of a common spiritual life. Ranging the continent literally, from Georgia to Maine, with all his weaknesses and indiscre- tions, and witli his incomparable eloquence, welcomed by ever}'' sect, yet refusing an exclusive allegiance to any, Whitefield exercised a true apostolate, bearing daily the care of all the Churches, and becoming a mes- senger of mutual fellowship, not only between the ends of the continent, but between the Christians of two hemispheres. Remote Churches exchanged offices of service. Tennent came from New Jersey to labor in New England; Dickinson and Burr and Edwards were the gift of the Northern Colonies to the college at Princeton. The quickened sense of a common religious life and duty and destiny Avas no small part of the preparation for the birth of the future n^iiion.— Leon- ard Woolsey Bacon, in ''A History of American Chris- tianity. '' (42) • IV. THE GREAT AWAKEN^ING. Notwithstanding the revivals in the Old World out of which the first colonists had come to the New, notwithstanding the heroic and pious purposes which had inspired their coming, and notwithstanding the seasons of grace and the ex- ercise of religion which they had enjoyed after their arrival, in the second and third generations following them w^as seen the most grievous moral and religious deterioration. Their fa- thers had fled to the wilderness to secure freedom of faith, but their descendants had turned liberty into license. Migrations are periods of great peril to spirit- ual life. The transplanting of the best human stocks is attended with the greatest moral dan- gers. An emigrant people in a new and strange land are cut off from those vitalizing forces of life which issue from a well-established social system and which can be supplied from no other source. Restraints that are wholesome are thrown off and associations are contracted upon other than moral bases. Dire necessity is invoked to excuse misconduct, and friendships are estab- (43) 44: Peculiar t)angers and Difficulties lished in bonds of desperate need rather than in spiritual affinity. ''All the old roots of local love and historic feeling, the joints and bands that minister nourishment, are left behind, and' nothing remains to organize a living growth but the two unimportant incidents, proximity and a common interest." 1 Besides these perils, which inhere in all mi- / grations, the American colonists were beset by \ difficulties peculiarly their own and arising from the unprecedented conditions with which they were surrounded. No colonists had ever before removed so far from their original seats or been so effectually separated from the lands that sent them forth. They had no central government to bind them together in anything akin to na- tional unity, but, on the contrary, were divided into separate and jealous colonies of divers ec- clesiastical orders until their religious convic- tions became, by reason of excessive intenseness, a peril to their souls. They reached a point at length where they would hate men for a dogma and sin for a sect. The French and Indian wars had fed all the fiercest passions of human nature within them and relaxed all moral convictions and restraints. Manners became coarse and mental cultivation w^as sadly neglected. A wild Eagles Turning to Oivls 45 and adventurous spirit possessed the people as morals declined and religion decayed. Secret apostasies and flagrant sins corrupted and enfee- bled the Churches. Intemperance,prof ane swear- ing, licentiousness, and every form of vice pre- vailed as never before in their history. The first race was gone and its successors of the sec- ond and third generation were of a distinctly lower type. "We feel, in short, that we have descended to an inferior race. It is somewhat as if a nest of eagles had been filled with a brood of owls." Such were the moral conditions on the eve of the great awakening. In seeking to make religious commonwealths, citizenship had been by the founders conditioned on Church membership, and, as is always and inevitably the result in such methods, citizenship had not been elevated to a nobler level, but Church mem- bership had been degraded to the low plane of political expedient. Even the "Venerable Stod- dard" had been corrupted in doctrine by the pressure of such a situation, and had pub- lished a sermon in which he maintained that " sanctification is not a necessary qualification to partaking of the Lord's Supper," and that "the Lord's Supper is a converting ordinance." 46 A^i Evil Leaven Such teaching accorded well with the popular desire to enjoy the credit and secure the advan- tages of Church membership without the expe- rience of personal piety or the inconveniences imposed by a life of self-denial. The godless spirit of the times, coupled with his command- ing influence, spread the evil leaven far and wide, and a subtle sacramentarianism, mingled with a pervasive power, derived from the political motives in which it was originated, filled the Churches with an unconverted membership and threatened the very life of religion wherever it came. Men felt no need of any justification or new birth beyond what submission to the ordinances of baptism and the Lord's Supper offered, and the vital experience of godliness was lost in a conventional observance of reli- gious ceremonials. The sense of sin was dead- ened and the need of salvation was scarcely felt. Dr. Increase Mather, in a book entitled "Tne Glory Departing from New England," bewailed the situation on this wise: ""We are the pos- terity of the good old Puritan Nonconformists in England, who were a strict and holy people. Such were our fathers who followed the Lord into the wilderness. O, New England, New England, look to it that the glory be not re- Dawning of the Day, 47 moved from thee, for it begins to go! O, de- generate New England, what art thou come to at this day! How are those sins become so common in thee that were not so much as heard of in this land!" Of the state of religion in New Jersey, Jonathan Dickinson reports: "Re- ligion was in a very low state, professors gener- ally dead and lifeless, and the body of our peo- ple careless, carnal, and secure." The case in Pennsylvania Rev. Samuel Blair thus sadly states: "Religion lay, as it were, dying, and ready to expire its last breath of life in this part of the visible Church." The same conditions obtained everywhere throughout all the colonies, from New England to the far South. But, despite the general deadness in the Churches, here and there were not a few devout men whose hearts God had touched. They be- gan about the year 1730 to revive the all but forgotten doctrine of justification by faith and to call men to repentance. Most prominent among these may be mentioned Jonathan Ed- wards, the Tennents (Gilbert and William), Bellamy, Griswold, Wheelock, Robinson, and Blair. These were the American leaders of the great awakening, and they were mightily assisted in 1740 by that most remarkable man, 48 Edwards at Northampton. George Whitefield, who came over from En- gland in 1739. The movement began at Northampton, where Edwards, after being the associate pastor with his grandfather for two years, became his suc- cessor on his death. It began in the latter part of December, lT3i. "Then it was," says Ed- wards, "that the Spirit of God began extraordi- narily to set in, and wonderfully to w^ork among us; and there were very suddenly, one after an- other, five or six persons who were, to all ap- pearance, savingly converted, and some of them wrought upon in a very remarkable manner. Particularly, I was surprised with the relation of a young woman who had been one of the greatest company-keepers in the whole town. When she came to me I had never heard that she was in any wise serious, but by the con- versation I then had with her it appeared to me that what she gave an account of was a glorious work of God's infinite power and sov- ereign grace, and that God had given her a new heart, truly broken and sanctified. I could not then doubt of it, and have seen much, in my acquaintance with her since, to confirm it. The news of it seemed to be almost like a flash of lightning upon the hearts of the Noise Among the Dry Bones, 49 young people all over the town, and upon many others. Those persons among us who used to be farthest from seriousness, and that 1 most feared would make an ill improvement of it, seemed greatly to be awakened by it; many went to talk with her concerning what she had met with, and what appeared in her seemed to be to the satisfaction of all w^ho did so. Pres- ently, upon this, a great and earnest concern about the great things of religion and the eternal world became universal in all parts of the town, and among persons of all degrees and ages; the noise among the dry bones waxed louder and louder; all other talk but about spiritual and eternal things was soon thrown by; all the conversation in all companies, and upon all occasions, was upon these things only, unless so much as was necessary for people carrying on their ordinary secular business. Other dis- course than of the things of religion would scarcely be tolerated in any company. . . . There was scarcely a single person in the town, either old or young, that was left unconcerned about the great things of the eternal world. . . . And the work of conversion was car- ried on in the most astonishing manner, and in- creased more and more; souls did, as it were, 4 60 Full of Love and Joy, come by flocks to Jesus Christ. From day to day, for many months together, might be seen evident instances of sinners brought out of drjL'kness into marvelous light, and delivered out of a horrible pit and from the miry clay, and set upon a rock with a new song of praise to God in their mouths. This work of God as it was carried on, and the number of true saints multiplied, soon made a glorious alteration in the town, so that in the spring and summer fol- lowing, anno 1735, the town seemed to be full of the presence of God — it never was so full of love, nor so full of joy, and yet so full of dis- tress as it was then. There were remarkable tokens of God's presence in almost every house. It was a time of joy in families on account of salvation being brought to them — parents rejoi- cing over their children as newborn, and hus- bands over their wives, and wives over their husbands. The doings of God were then seen in his sanctuary, God's day was a delight and his tabernacles were amiable." Such is the account of the beginning of this great work, given by a man the farthest pos- sible removed from fanaticism— a man of phi- losophic mind, a graduate of Yale College, and of whom Robert Hall said; "1 consider him A Contagious Blessing, 51 the greatest of the sons of men." Many per- sons from the neighboring towns came to see the wonderful work. "Many," to use the words of Edwards, "that came to town on one occasion and another had their consciences smitten and awakened, and went home with wounded hearts and with impressions that never wore off until they had hopefully a saving is- sue; and those that before had serious thoughts had their aw^akenings and convictions greatly in- creased." Thus the work spread, reaching rap- idly South Hadley, Suffield, Sunderland, Deer- field, Hatfield, Northfield, and many other points throughout New England. At a little later time there was, quite inde- pendently of the work at Northampton, an awakening in New Jersey, principally in con- nection with the labors of William and Gilbert Tennent. While it is true that in the latter part of May, 1735, the work at Northampton began to decline, and continued to do so, with various fluctuations, until the coming of Whitefield in 1710, it did not utterly perish. Many of its best effects re- mained. In the towns and Churches to which it had been communicated there was a marked im- provement in spirituality and a notable uplift in 52 Tlie Leaven of a New Life, morals. More clear and correct views of the re- ligious life prevailed. Men began to realize the wide difference between a real and a nominal Christian, and of the great change by which that difference is brought to pass. Revivals like that at Northampton came again, as in former times, to be regarded as very desirable; so that they were prayed for and expected. And prayer was answered in that after the decline of the work at Northampton there were many awaken- ings at various points in the colonies until, by 1739, such events had become numerous and conspicuous. In August, 1739, there was a re- markable revival at Newark, N. J., under the ministry of Jonathan Dickinson, which, begin- ning mainly among the young people, increased in power and extent until, by November fol- lowing, the whole town was brought under its influence. At Harvard, Mass., under the min- istry of Rev. John Seccomb, a similar work of grace began in September of the same year. In March of the next year, at New Londonderry, Pa., under the ministry of Rev. Samuel Blair, there was an awakening of considerable interest. These, and other instances which might be men- tioned, show how the leaven of a new life was working in many places widely separated from A Great Evangelist Comes. 53 each other, })ut all disclosing remarkably similar conditions and results. But the great awakening did not reach its culmination until Whitefield came. It was in the spring of the year 1735, when the town of Northampton Avas all ablaze with the first reviv- al under Edwards, that this matchless evangelist was converted at Oxford, England. In 1736 he was ordained a deacon in the Church of England, and in May, 1738, when the glow of the awak- ening at Northampton had nearly vanished away, he arrived at Savannah, Ga. After a three months' stay in the new colony, he returned to England to secure for himself priest's orders, and to collect much-needed funds for the orphan- age hie had projected. He secured both the or- ders and the funds, and, being providentially de- tained in the United Kingdom, he began that wonderful career as an evangelist which he con- tinued until his death. His amazing eloquence and irresistible fervor drew hundreds to the churches in which he first appeared. The mul- titudes so thronged to his ministry that the churches were eventually closed to him, and the Bishop of London issued a pastoral letter warning the people against him. Then he went to the fields, whither thousands of every rank 54 Whifefiekl in Philadelphia. and station of life followed him to hear the won- derful words of life which fell from his youth- ful lips, touched with heavenly fire. As soon as the embargo, whereby he had been detained in England, was lifted, he sailed for America, tak- ing passage for Philadelphia, but bound for Georgia. His great and sudden fame had pre- ceded him to the New World, notwithstanding the slow methods of communication common in those days. The party w^ith which he started back to his work in Georgia consisted of seven- teen persons, including himself and William Seward. After a voyage of eleven weeks they came to land, on October 30, 1739, at Lewistown, about a hundred and fifty miles from Philadel- phia. On the next day he preached by request, and at five oclock in the afternoon, in company with Seward and another friend, set out on horse- back for Philadelphia, the rest of his party, which he called his "family," proceeding thither by water. By 11 p. m. , November 2, with his two friends, he arrived at the "City of Brotherly Love." Next morning he ''went aboard the Elizabeth to see his family;" then visited the officials of the town, and, after holding commun- ion "with some precious souls," he "hired a house at a very cheap rate and was quite settled "Much Comforted:' 55 in it before ni^ht." He was a man of swift movements, and he began preaching at once in the churches and on the "courthouse stairs," preaching twice or thrice every day while he re- mained in the city, and holding earnest conver- sations with men and women, ministers and lay- men of all the Churches, including Episcopalians, Quakers, Baptists, and Presbyterians. Thou- sands flocked to hear him. The population of the city at that time did not exceed 12,000 souls, yet his audiences when he preached from the courthouse stairs numbered from 6,000 to 8,000. It thus appears that he drew not only the peo- ple of the city, but those also of neighboring places. Among others who came to see and hear him was the venerable William Tennent, founder of the famous "Log College," and fa- ther of Charles, John, William, and Gilbert Tennent. He was now keeping an academy at Neshaminy, and met Whitefield on November 10 in Philadelphia, and by his coming Whitefield "was much comforted." On November 12 the ofreat evanofelist set out overland for New York. to to On the way he preached at "Burlington in the Jerseys." At Brunswick he preached in the church of Gilbert Tennent, whom he describes as a man of about forty years of age, and of 56 Whitefield and Tennent in New York. whom he says: "He and his associates are now the burning and shining lights in this part of America." Tennent joined his party in the visit to New York, where they arrived at about four o'clock in the afternoon of November 14, having spent the time on the w^ay "most agreeably in telling one another what God had done for their souls. " They were hospitably received by a Mr. Noble, and at night in the "meetinghouse" (not "the church") Tennent preached. Of the ser- mon Whitefield says: "I never before heard such a searching sermon. He convinced me more and more that we can preach the gospel of Christ no further than we have experienced the power of it in our own hearts. Being deeply convicted of sin by God's Holy Spirit, at his fii'st conversion, Mr. Tennent has learned ex- perimentally to dissect the heart of the natural man. Hypocrites must soon be converted or en- raged at his preaching. He is a son of thunder and does not fear the faces of men." The evan- gelist tarried but four days in New York, preach- ing in the open air and in the Presbyterian "meetinghouse" in charge of Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton, because the Episcopal Church and the town hall were both denied him. Cf his four days' ministry in New York a correspond- Personal Appearance of Wliitefield, 57 ent of Prince's Christian Eistorij (a period- ical founded by the suggestion of Jonathan Ed- wards to promote the gi'eat revival by publish- ing the results of the work as it progressed) wrote: "I never saw in my life such attentive audiences as Mr. Whitefield's in New York. All he said was demonstration, life, and power. The people's eyes and ears hung upon his lips. They greedily devoured every word. He preached during four days, twice every day. He is a man of middle stature, of a slender body, of a fair complexion, and of a comely appearance. He is of a sprightly, cheerful temper, and acts and moves with great agility and life. The endow- ments of his mind are uncommon; his wit is quick and piercing: his imagination lively and florid; and, as far as I can discern, both are un- der the direction of a solid judgment. He has a most ready memory and, I think, speaks en- tirely without notes. He has a clear and music- al voice, and a wonderful command of it. He uses much gesture but with great propriety. Every accent of his voice, every motion of his body speaks; and both are natural and unaffect- ed. If his delivery be the product of art, it is certainly the perfection of it, for it is entirely concealed. He has a gi-eat mastery of words, 68 Whitefield in Xeiv Jersey. but studies much plainness of speech. He spends not his zeal in trifles. He breathes a most cath- olic spirit, and prof esses that his whole design is to bring men to Christ, and that if he can obtain this end his converts may go to what Church and worship God in what form they like best." What a picture of a preacher just twenty-four years of age ! Nobody thought of such a man as a ''boy preacher," for his power was not in any juvenile peculiarity of person, precocity of mind, or eccentricity of manner, but in demonstration of the Spirit. From New York he proceeded to Elizabeth- town, N. J. , in response to a letter from the Kev. Jonathan Dickinson, the pastor of the Presbyte- tian Church at that place. There he preached on November 19, and then went on to New Bruns- wick, w^here on November 20 he preached three times in Gilbert Tennenfs church. In his con- gregation was present that day Rev. Theodore J. Frelinghuysen, wdio was pastor of the Dutch Reformed Church at Raritan, N. J., and who later was very efficient in the promotion of the great evangelical movement. From New Bruns- wick he went to jVIaidenhead, where he preached from a wagon to about fifteen hundred people. Rev. John Rowdand, an irregular but exceeding- One of the Old Prophets. 59 ly effective revivalist, who was very useful in his day, having arranged for the service in the open air. From Maidenhead he went to Tren- ton, attended by a company of "above thirty horse," where he preached in the courthouse. Leaving Trenton on Thursday, November 22, he set out for Neshaminy, twenty miles away, where the venerable William Tennent, the keeper of the academy, had made an appointment for him to preach. He was delayed until a])Out twelve o'clock in reaching the place, and when he arrived he found the aged minister and teach- er preaching to a congregation of above three thousand people. When the belated evangelist came up, the old man stopped his discourse. After the singing of a Psalm, Whitefield began to speak, and at the conclusion of his discourse Gilbert Tennent, who had come with him from New Brunswick, gave a word of exhortation. The exercises being over, they went home with "old Mr. Tennent, who entertained them like one of the ancient prophets," says Whitefield in his journal. Of this visit to the founder of the "Log College," a visit of great importance in the history of the great awakening, the journal says: "His wife seemed to me like Eliz- abeth and he like Zacharias; both, as far as I '60 The Log College. can find, walk in all the ordinances and com- mandments of the Lord, blameless. We had sweet communion with each other and spent the evening in concerting measures for promoting our Lord's kingdom. It happens very provi- dentially that Mr. Tennent and his brethren are appointed to be a presbytery by the synod, so that they intend breeding up gracious youths, and sending them out into the Lord's vineyard. The place where the young men study now is in contempt called 'the College.' It is a log house, about twenty feet long and nearly as many broad; and to me it seemed to resemble the school of the old prophets. From this de- spised place seven or eight worthy ministers of Jesus have lately been sent forth; more are al- most ready to be sent; and a foundation is now laying for the instruction of many others. The devil will certainly rage against them; but the work, I am persuaded, is of God and will not come to naught. Carnal ministers oppose them strongly, and because people, when awakened by Mr. Tennent or his brethren, see through them, and therefore leave their ministry, the poor gentlemen are loaded with contempt, and looked upon as persons who turn the world up- side down." ''The Log CoUege Mejir 61 And those "Log College men" were of the company of them who were to bear a consider- able part in turning the New World upside down. The present-day graduates of Princeton University do not affect more influentially the republic of to-day than those men who then went forth from the "Log College" affected the colonies. Among them were the four sons of William Tennent, and Rowland and Robinson and Samuel Blair. Whitefield was touching one of the very fountain heads of the great awaken- ing when he preached on that bleak Novem- ber morning at Neshaminy, and in the evening conferred with the Tennents and concerted "measures for promoting the Lord's kingdom." From Neshaminy he rode to Abingdon, ten miles distant, and preached "to above two thou- sand people from a porch window belonging to the meetinghouse." From Abingdon he has- tened to Philadelphia, where he found his "fam- ily" in good order and all things carried on ac- cording to his desire. On the journey to and from New York he was gone from Philadelphia ten days — from November 13 to November 23. But in that brief space he had stirred the young metropolis of the coming nation, kindled reviv- al fires all along the way he had passed over, 62 In Philadelphia Again. and contracted a lifetime friendship with the Tenneuts. All this meant rouch to the progress and power of the great awakening. He remained in Philadelphia six days, and then, after settling all the affairs of his "family" to his satisfaction, he directed them to set sail for Georgia immediately after his own departure from Philadelphia by land. During those six days, excepting November 27, when he went to German town for a service, he preached twice a day in the city. The church not being able to hold the people who thronged to hear him, on Wednesday, November 28, he went to the fields' and ' ' preached for an hour and a half, from a balcony, to upward of ten thousand hearers, very attentive and much affected." On the day he left Philadelphia, November 21), the people crowded around the door of the house where he lodged, from seven o'clock in the morning, weeping bitterly as they parted from him. Nearly a score of men accompanied him and William Seward out of town, and seven miles out they were joined by another company who were waiting to meet them, so that they proceeded to Chester in a band of "nearly two hundred horse. " They reached Chester by three in the afternoon, and from a balcony he preached From Philadelphia SoiithivarcL 63 to ''about five thousand people," nearly a thou- sand of whom had followed him from Philadel- phia. Of the influence of Whitefield's ministry upon the people of Pennsylvania, Benjamin Franklin wrote in his journal: "From being thoughtless and indifferent about religion, it seemed as if all the world were growing reli- gious, so that one could not walk through Phila- delphia in the evening without hearing Psalms sung in different families of every street." From Chester he went to Wilmington, Del., where he met another of the Tennents, William the younger, whom he describes as "a faithful minister of Jesus Christ." Thence he went on to Newcastle, Christian Bridge, and Whiteclay Creek, which last place he reached on December 2. There he preached to about ten thousand peo- ple, assembled under a tent "erected by order of Charles Tenuent, whose meetinghouse was near the place." "The weather was rainy and cold," but the people came together to hear him despite all discomforts and inconveniences. "Many souls were melted down," he says, at the two services he held under the tent at White- clay Creek. From there he went into Maryland, preaching at North East, Joppa, Newton, Ann apoli s, and 64 Sermo7is and Subjects. Upper Marlborough. He passed on through Virginia and the Carolinas, preaching as he went, and after a journey of five weeks' duration, through primeval forests, uncultivated plains, and miasmal swamps, he reached Savannah, January, 1740. His ' ' family " he sent by water, while he went by land, as ''the voice of one crying in the wilderness." Arrived at Savannah he busied himself with the erection of his Orphan House, and with preaching almost every day. His themes, ac- cording to the "Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia," by William Stephens, Esq., were ''Justification by Faith" and "Regeneration," which subjects, and the sermons of Whitefield upon them, it should be remarked, the said William Stephens, Esq., and his associates in Georgia did not relish. He remained in Savannah about a month, when, on February 11, he started to Frederica "to pay his respects to General Oglethorpe, and to fetch the orphans in the southern part of the colony" to his Orphan House at Savannah. He was gone seventeen days on this journey, and returned to the orphanage on February 28 with four orphans. A fortnight afterwards he embarked for Charleston to see his brother, who Called Northward, 65 was *' lately arrived there from England/' On March 21 he was back again in Savannah, hav- ing spent from the loth to the 20th in Charles- ton, where he preached daily in the Independent and Baptist "meetinghouses," being denied ad- mission to the pulpit of "the Church" by the Rev. Alexander Garden, the pompous little "commissary" of the Bishop of London in the Colony of South Carolina. After a stay of nine days in Savannah, on the 30th day of March he took affectionate leave of his parishioners, "because it appeared that Prov- idence called him toward the northward." In their own sloop, the Savannah^ be and Wil- liam Seward set oat on the journey which occu- pied the next two months, touching at Charles- ton, from which port they sailed on April 2. After a voyage of ten days, they landed at Newc astle, in Pennsylvania, on April 13, which was Sunday. Whitefield preached in the Epis- copal Church in the morning, and after the service Seward rode to Christian Bridge and Whiteclay Creek (where Charles Tennent was pastor) to announce that the great evangelist would preach again at Newcastle in the after- noon. Quickly Tennent and others, to the number of two hundred, mounted their horses 6 66 At Newcastle aftd Wilmington, and galloped away to Newcastle to hear him.' From Newcastle he proceeded to Philadelphia, stopping at Wilmington on the way, where, from the balcony of the house in which he lodged, he preached to about 3,000 people. By this route he had gone southward, and now, re- turning northward, he was met with many and striking evidences of the effectiveness of his first preaching in America. At Newcastle Charles Tennent told him how that, as a result of his former visit to that region, "a general outward reformation was visible," and how "many min- isters had been quickened and congregations in- creased." At Wilmington many persons came to see him, among them Mr. Jones, the Baptist minister, who informed him of the progress of the awakening, particularly mentioning the cases of two other ministers who had been awakened by Whitefield's preaching. One of them, Mr. Morgan, on his conversion had at once become active in the work, and "had gone forth preaching toward the seacoast in the Jerseys;" the other, Mr. Treat, "had told his congregation that he had been hitherto deceiv- ing himself and them, and that he could not preach again at present, but desired them to join in prayer with him." These accounts Back in Philadelphia, 67 deeply impressed and greatly encouraged White- field, who, in a letter written on the day he reached Philadelphia, says: "I find that God has been pleased to do great things by what he en- abled me to deliver when here last year. Two ministers have been convinced of their formal state, notwithstanding they held and preached the doctrines of grace. One plainly told the congregation that he had been deceiving himself and them, and could not preach any more, but desired the people to pray with him. The other is now a flame of fire, and has been much owned of God. Very many, I believe, of late have been brought savingly to believe on the Lord Jesus. The work much increases. A primitive spirit revives." He arrived in Philadelphia on April 14, and remained until the 23d— nine days. The par- ish church was now denied him, as had not been the case on his previous visit. But this turned out to the furtherance of the gospel through him, for his friends erected a stage for him on what was called Society Hill, around which, as if drawn by magic, congregations, numbering from five to fifteen thousand people, gathered to hear him. During the nine days he preached not only to multitudes in the city, but also to 68 Meets Peter Bolder. thousands at neighboring points, visiting Ab- ingdon, Whitemarsh, German town, Greenwich, and Gloucester. Besides reviving the Churches ah'eady in ex- istence in Philadelphia, Whitefield's ministry led to the establishment of the Presbyterian Church of which Gilbert Tennent some years later became the pastor. It began in a build- ing erected for the use of the Tennentsand their associates. This building afterwards became the first seat of the University of Pennsylvania. From Philadelphia, he proceeded over his former track to Neshaminy, Shippack, Amwell, and New Brunswick. At Shippack he first met the celebrated Moravian, Peter Bohler, who was so intimately connected with John Wesley at a critical moment in the history of that great man. At Amwell, Gilbert Tennent and three other Presbyterian preachers from New Brunswick came to meet him, in whose company he went to New Brunswick, and preached on Sunday, April 27, to congregations of seven or eight thousand souls. From New Brunswick, he "dispatched" Wil- liam Seward to England, to "bring over a fel- low-laborer, and to transact several affairs of importance," while he went on his itinerary, From Philadelphia to Kew York. 69 preaching at Woodbridge, Elizabethtown, and other points. On April 29 he arrived at New York, where he "preached on the common to five or six thou- sand." During the night the people erected for him a scaffold from which on April 30 he preached twice, to congregations which, it was estimated, were composed of over eight thousand people. He stayed at New York four days, during which time, besides preaching eight times in the city, he preached once in a church which the Dutch ministers of Long Island opened to him. Then, returning toward Philadel- phia, he preached to multitudes at Freehold, Allentown, Burlington, and Bristol. On May 8 he preached in Philadelphia twice, to larger congregations than ever before there. There he remained till May 12, preaching daily, as before, to immense assemblies. Then he set his face southward, preaching at Derby, Ches- ter, Wilmington, Whiteclay Creek, Nottingham, Fagg's Manor, and Newcastle. At the last-men- tioned place his sloop, the Savannah, awaited him, which he boarded on May 15. In the brief space of one month he had preached twice a day at points all along the way from Newcastle to New York, and back again, and thereby stirred the 7Q Back in Georgia. people in all the intervening region as they had never been moved before. It is quite probable that he came as near preaching to every person in- the whole district thus traversed as did John the Baptist in Palestine, when the excited multi- tudes of Jerusalem and Judea and the region around about Jordan went out to hear the gos- pel of repentance preached with unearthly pow- er by the fiery prophet of the wilderness. After an absence of nine weeks, he was again in Savannah on June 5. . He found revival fires kindled in the Orphanage, and fanned them to a flame. On June 13 he wrote to a minister at New York: "Wonderful things have been done since my arrival at Savannah. Such an awak- ening among little children, I never saw before." On June 23 he went up to Ebenezer to visit the Saltzburghers, of which visit he says: "I had sweet communion with their ministers." He stayed with them two days and returned to Sa- vannah, where he remained until June 30. Of his preaching at this time, William Stephens, Esq., in his "Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia," says: "Mr. Whitefield always preaches and prays extempore. For some time past he has laid aside his surplice, and has managed to get justification by faith and the new birth into Believing without Preaching Election, 71 every sermon." Robes and rituals had come to be of small importance to this man whose fer- vent soul was fixed on the great essentials of that life which is by the living Spirit. Unpersua- sive dogmas, without practical value in inducing men to come to Christ, were also reckoned as of secondary importance; for while it is beyond doubt that he was an ardent Calvinist, he writes John AYesley, on June 25: "For Christ's sake, dear sir, if possible, never speak against elec- tion in your sermons. No one can say that I ever preached it in public discourse, whatever my private sentiments may be." On June 30 he left Savannah and went to Charleston, S. C, where he remained three weeks, from July 2 to July 2J:, the twenty-two days being spent in preaching in the city and at neighboring points, and in defending himself against the persecutions and prosecutions of ''Commissary Garden." Then he returned to Savannah, where he tarried about two weeks. On August 21 he was back in Charleston, preach- ing during a brief sojourn there once every day and twice on Sundays. The diverting ''Com- missary Garden" was still frothing and fuming against him. Some impression of the situation in Charleston may be gr.thered from the follow- 72 Catholicity of Spirit, ing passage taken out of bis journal: ''The audi- ences were more numerous than ever. It Avas supposed that not less than four thousand were in and about the meetinghouse when I preached my farewell sermon. Being denied the sacra- ment 'at church, I administered it thrice in a private house — namely, yesterday, yesterday sev- en-night, and this morning. Never did I see anything more solemn. The room was large, and most of the communicants were dissolved in tears. Surely Jesus was evidentl}^ set forth be- fore us. Baptists, Churchmen, and Presbyteri- ans all joined together, and received according to the Church of England, excepting two, who desired to have it sitting. I willingly complied, knowing that it was a thing quite indifferent." What catholicity of spirit was this, and that, too, in an age marked by theological contro- versy! This scene showed a characteristic fea- ture of Whitefield's ministry — he was not con- cerned for things "indifferent," and the multi- tudes whom his sermons influenced caught from him the same spirit. It was well that such a ministry came to America at this time, and that it inspired such a spirit among the people. If the colonists had been less tenacious of their denominational tenets at an earlier day, re- Sails for Xeiv England. 73 li^ion would have been suffocated by indiffer- / ence; if a more genial spirit of tolerance and catholicity had not now begun to be prevalent, Christianity would have perished in the throes of faction, and national unity of action would have been impossible thirty years later, when the revolutionary contest with Great Britain began. A few days afterwards he sailed for New England, and landed at Newport, R. I. , on Sun- day evening, September 14, 1740. There he remained until the morning of the ITth, preach- ing, as was the case wherever he went, to vast congregations. On the evening of the 18th he arrived in Boston, which was at that time the largest city in any of the colonies, having, as it did, above 15,000 inhabitants. He went to Boston on the invitation of the Rev. Dr. Col- man, and was welcomed by all the Bostonians "except a famous doctor of divinity, who met him in the streets, and said, 'I am sorry to see you here;' and to whom Whitefield quietly remarked, 'So is the devil.'" He spent ten days in Boston and its immedi- ate neighborhood, preaching daily to immense congregations. The next seven days were oc- cupied with visiting several important towns at 74 I^^ Boston. a greater distance, including Ipswich, Marble- head, Salem, and Newbury. In the four days he rode one hundred and seventy-eight miles and preached sixteen times. Returning, then, to Boston, he tarried there and in the vicinity seven other days, preaching during the week at Charleston and Cambridge. On October 12th he preached his farewell sermon to the Bosto- nians, assembled in the open air on the com- mons. The governor of the colony carried him in his coach to the service, where ho was met by a congregation of nearly 20,000 people, of which occasion he writes in his journal: "I preached ni}^ farewell sermon to nearly twenty thousand people— a sight which I have not seen since I left Blackheath." In the month which had passed since he landed at Newport he had preached twice a day, and had addressed more people in New England than any public speaker had ever addressed before. Departing, he writes thus of this, his first visit to Boston and the surrounding region: "God works by me more than ever. I am quite well in bodily health. Ministers, as well as people, are stirred up, and the government is exceeding civil. . . . God shows me that America must be my place for action." WMfefield with Edwafds. \ 75 At his suggestion and request Gilbert Ten- nent came to Boston, two months, afterwards, to carry on the w^ork, and continued to labor there nearly four months. This w^ondrous movement, thus begun at Boston by Whitefield and prosecuted by Gilbert Tennent, continued for a year and a half. As a result of it thou- sands united with the Churches, the zeal of those who had been members of the Churches previous to Whitefield's coming was kindled into a flame, the ministers preached as never be- fore, and thirty new religious societies were in- stituted in the city. Similar results followed in the neighboring towns. Leaving Boston, Whitefield preached at Con- cord, October 13, Sudbury and :Marlborough on the 14:th, and reached Northampton, the home of Jonathan Edwards, on the ITth. He tarried with Edwards until the 20th, preaching daily in the church of which that extraordinary man was pastor. They had never met before. White- field describes Edwards as ''a solid, excellent Christian," and Edwards speaks of Whitefield's work while in Northampton on this wise: "The congregation was extraordinarily melted by every sermon, almost the whole assembly be- ing in tears. His sermons were suitable to the 76 From Xorthampton to Xeir Yo7'l\ circumstances of the town, containing just re- proofs for cur backslidings, and, in a most moving and affecting manner, making use of GUI' great mercies as arguments with us to re- turn to God, from whom we had departed. Irn^ mediately after this the minds of the people in general appeared more engaged in religion. The revival was at first principally among pro- fessors, to whom Mr. Whitefield had chiefly ad- dressed himself, but in a short time there was deep concern among young persons. By the middle of December a very considerable w^ork of God appeared, and the revival continued to in- crease." The work at Northampton and vicinity con- tinued, with scarcely a perceptible interruption or decline, for the next two years. Thus, in 1740, Whitefield revived Edwards's revival of 1735. Leaving Northampton, Whitefield proceeded to New York, preaching at Hatfield, Westfield, Suffield, Hertford, Weathersfield, Middletown, New Haven, Milford, Stratford, Fairfield, New- ark, and Stanford during the ten days he was on the way. The region thu« traversed had been blessed in the awakening which began at Northampton five years before, and AYhitefield Best-Known Man in America. 77 DOW rekindled the dying fires all along the journey as he passed. He remained four days in New York, and preached seven times. "There was a o^reat and gi-acious melting among the people," he says. Thence he started to Philadelphia, and during • the five days of his journey thither he preached at Staten Island, Newark, Baskinridge, New Brunswick, and Trenton. At New Brunswick he met Gilbert and William Tennent, and, as previously stated, arranged that the former should go and help carry on the work in Boston —an epochal step in the history of the great awakening. About the first of November he reached Philadelphia, and wrote to Howell Har- ris: "Little did I think, when Mr. E J wrote, that I should preach in all the chief cities of America; but that is now done." And it was even so, although he had been in the country only a little more than a year. In that time he had twice covered the distance between New York and Savannah, had made repeated visits to Charleston, S. C, had made the voy- age to New England, stirred Boston and all the surrounding country, had passed over the track of the revival of 1735, revisited New York, preached for the third time over / 78 Preachin(j in a Boofless Church. the way between New York and Philadelphia, and was now back at the latter place, where a year before he had seen the first great tri- umphs of his gospel in the New World. It is certain that he was now known by sight to more people in America than was any other man in the colonies. On Sunday morning, November 9, he preached in the house that had been built since his last visit, and which, as has been before mentioned, became the home of Gilbert Tennent's Presby- terian Church in Philadelphia, and eventually the first seat of the University of Pennsylvania. He describes it thus: *'It is a hundred feet long and seventy feet broad. It was never preached in before. The roof is not up yet, but the peo- ple raised a convenient pulpit and boarded the bottom." During the following week, spent so happily among his friends in Philadelphia, he preached in this roofless building twice every day except one morning, when there was so much snow within the walls that it became nec- essary to repair to "the Presbyterian meeting- house." He left Philadelphia November 17, and started for Savannah, preaching as he went to assembled thousands at Gloucester, Greenwich, lietuDis to EyKjland, 79 Piles Grove, Cohansie, Salem, Newcastle, White- clay Creek, Fago:'s jNIanor, Nottingham, Bo- hemia, St. George's, Reedy Island, and Charles- ton, S. C. He arrived at Savannah Saturday, December 13, after an absence of eighteen weeks, during which time he had preached near- ly two hundred times, and had kindled great re- vival fires throughout all the colonies. Thus he closed the year 1740, and the "Great Awaken- ing of 1740" was so called from the year in which he completed for the first time his circuit of the entire country. He remained in Savannah until New Year's Day, 1741. \yhile nominally incumbent of the parish for the three preceding years, he had re- ally spent less than four months during the whole period in the Colony of Georgia. Leaving Savannah January 1, 1741, he went again to Charleston, where he arrived on Janu- ary 4. He remained in Charleston twelve days, during which time he was brought before the civil magistrate in a proceeding for libel, which was no doubt instigated by "Commissary Gar- den." Nevertheless, he preached twice every day to large congregations. On January 16 he went aboard the lUnerva and took passage for England, landing at Falmouth on March 11. 80 WhitefielcVs Work in America, Thus was ended his second visit to America. This detailed account of his movements during that eventful period of a year and a half is given because, without such a particular narra- tion, his part in the great awakening can- not be justly measured, nor can that mighty movement be fully comprehended. Moreover, this first circuit of the colonies is typical of all his five subsequent visits, except that his fourth visit was cut suddenly short, when it had scarce- ly begun, and that in his later visits he more deeply affected Virginia and the other Southern colonies, and extended his labors to the Bermu- das. Having narrated so particularly the events of this second visit to America, a minute history of these subsequent visits is unnecessary. His ministry to America may be expressed in this statement: On behalf of this Western world he crossed the Atlantic, in slow-sailing vessels, thirteen times; evangelized the British Colonies from Maine to Georgia; rekindled the expiring fii-es of the revivals begun by Edwards and the Tennents, fanning them to a flame which eventu- ally swept as a general conflagration throughout all the colonies; and, by repeated circuits of the country, prolonged the revival movement in a greater or less degree of vigor until his death, in Preparing the Way for Others, 81 1770, a few years before the outbreak of the War for Independence, and a year after the arrival in the New World of the first Wesleyan preachers, by w^hom, and tlieir successors, mighty revivals were brought to pass in later years. Dr. Abel Stevens thus summarizes some of the more striking results of AVhitetield's minis- try in America: "The Congregational Churches of New England, the Presbyterians and Bap- tists of the Middle States, and the mixed colo- nies of the South owe their religious life and energy to the impulse given by Whitefield's powerful ministration. The great awaken- ing, under Edwards, had not only subsided be- fore Whitefield's arrival, but had reacted. Whitefield restored it, and the New England Churches received, under his labors, an inspira- tion of zeal and energy which has never died out. He extended the revival from the Congre- gational Churches of the Eastern to the Presby- terian Churches of the Middle States. In Penn- sylvania and New Jersey, where Frelinghuysen, Blair, Rowland, and the two Tennents had been laboring with evangelical zeal, he was re- ceived as a prophet of God; and it was then that the Presbyterian Church took that attitude of evangelical power and aggression which has 6 82 His Influence in the South, ever since characterized it. AYhitefield's preach- ing, and especially the reading of his printed sermons in Virginia, led to the founding of the Presbyterian Church in that State, whence it has extended to the South and Southwest. The stock from which the Baptists of Virginia and those in all the South and Southwest have sprung was also Whiteheklian. And, though .Whitelield did not organize the results of his labors, he prepared the way for Wesley's itiner- ants. When he descended into his American grave they were already on his track. They came not only to labor, but to organize their la- bors; to reproduce, amid the peculiar moral ne- cessities of the Kew World, both the spirit and method of the great movement as it had been organized by Wesley in the Old." Before passing from AVhitefield's part in the great awakening, it is important to notice several peculiarities of his work which wonder- fully adapted it to exercise a controlling and be- nign influence during that period of the nation's history when the colonies were to come together in a federal union. And first, let it be remarked that his doctrines of evangelical and experimen- tal Christianity, as opposed to sacrainentarianism and formalism in religion, mightily contributed Faith and Freedom. 83 to the development of the spirit of freedom. A man who, without the intervention of priestly absolution or sacramentarian ceremony, feels that he is justified by faith and born of the Spirit, receiving directly from God the assur- ance of his deliverance from the guilt and power of sin, inevitably conceives that he must be free. Priestcraft in religion and absolutism in govern- ment go naturally together; but where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty, even political liberty in the end. Puritan experience of that liberty, wherewith Christ makes men free, de- stroyed absolutism in England, and the same spirit, aroused and invigorated by the revival under Whitefield's ministry, prepared the way in no small degree for constitutional freedom in the United States. And this spirit of liberty, it should be observed, differs from that mad frenzy that made and marred the French Revolution by so much as it is, by virtue of the fervent love with which it coexists in the divinely renewed heart, purged from the dross of selfishness and the virus of vin- dictiveness. One who is a son of God by the adoption of the new birth not only conceives respect for his own manhood, but reverence for the manhood of all other men. He claims 84 Whitefield^ s Calvinism and Catholicity, freedom for himself and denies not liberty to others. Whitefield was a Calvinist of the Calvinists; otherwise he could never have secured access to the Churches which represented the organized Christianity of the colonies at his coming. They would with one consent have rejected Wesley as a heretic and have closed their doors against him. But Whitefield did not, as he wrote Wes- ley, preach his Calvinism. He laid the empha- sis of his ministry on the experimental doctrines of justification by faith and the new birth, leav- ing men to find their election by experiencing saving grace. Had he come preaching and be- lieving Arminianism as Wesley did, he would have raised a continental controversy that would have hindered all the forces of union and multi- plied all the divisive tendencies of the times. But coming with his gospel of saving grace, omitting to preach election, in which he believed, the revival which resulted from his ministry fused the discordant elements of the heteroge- neous peoples of the colonies into one family of God. The Baptists even united with him in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper. Thus the colo- nists, being mainly of British ancestry and who had some bond of unity by birth, came to X Whitefiel'l, Not Wesley, Needed. 85 have a far nobler and more effective kinship by the new Inrth, And the spirit of unity was the more promoted because Whitefield organized no new Church, as Wesley most certainly would have done under similar circumstances. It was Whitefield, not Wesley, that America needed just at that moment. But it would have been most unfortunate if Whitefield's sermons, by which the hearts of men were so strongly drawn and so firmly knit to him, had been of a character to forestall the Methodist itinerants of a little later day. This most surely would have been the case had he preached with his wonted zeal the Calvinism which he sincerely believed. But this he did not do, and the meetings of the Wesleyan preach- ers, when they came, were more like Whitefield's revival than Whitefield's meetings were like the services of the Calvinists of the colonies when he came. This meant much in the making of the nation. Having examined in detail the history of the great awakening, from its local beginnings under the ministry of Edwards and the Tennents, to its culmination in a national revival under the leadership of Whitefield, we arej)repare(Lta sum up its effects' and to measure its influence 86 Excesses and Exuherances, on the British Oolonies, as they, moved toward the unity of a single nation, during this event- ful period of their history. In estimating the force and appraising the value of the great movement, it must be can- didly conceded that it was not unattended with some things which cannot be approved. There were extravagances and irregularities wholly foreign to the spirit of Christ, such, for example, as the follies and foibles manifested by James Davenport. There w^as also a spirit of censori- ousness sometimes engendered, which even Whitefield did not escape, and which he subse- quently confessed most frankly and lamented most sincerely. But all these things are almost inevitable when such a work is done. A great springtime cannot burst upon the world with the precision and orderliness of a mechanically directed movement. It will give rise,by its very nature, to exuberances and excesses. Such was the case in the Corinthian and Thessalonian Churches in apostolic times. Similar conditions attended the labors of Martin Luther and John Knox and Wickliffe. The greatest danger to religion at such a time, however, is not the un- wise and excessive fervor of inexperienced souls, but the cold, calculating criticism with which Fire and Smoke. 87 the worldly and phlegmatic members of the Church seek to restrain and correct the irregu- larities of the enthusiastic. A newly kindled fire will smoke most inconveniently and uncom- fortably at the first; but if we seek to get rid of the smoke by smothering the blaze, we only make the matter worse; It is far better to help the fire to burn itself into a clear, smokeless flame. Paul's remedy for the disorders at Thes- salonica was indicated by the exhortation "Quench not the Spirit. Despise not prophe- syings." The critics of the great awakening were not so wise. They vainly attempted to clear away the smoke by putting out the fire. Thereby they made more smoke around them- selves, and so came very naturally to say that the benign movement was all smoke. But the ire of Heaven was in it, and when all subtrac- tons are made on account of the mistakes and siis of some who were identified with it, the fol- lo\