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 LIBRARY 
 
 OP THE 
 
 Theological Seminary, 
 
 PRINCETON, N.J. 
 
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SKETCHES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 AMERICA. 
 
 By JAMES THOMSON CALLENDER. 
 
 [entered according to law.] 
 
 N 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 
 t^on the press of snowden & m'corkie, no. 47» 
 north fourth-street. 
 
 1798. 
 
 fPiice one dollar.] 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 OINCE this volume was written, the diiP- 
 pute of Mr. Adams with France hath reached a cri- 
 lis. The diredlory difmiffed with difdain our triple 
 Braintree embafTy. The robbery of American fliip- 
 ping has burfl into tenfold magnitude ; and our pre- 
 fident's bofom beats with rapture at the approach- 
 ing confummation of his wifhes. Oppofed as con- 
 tending partifans, the republic might addrefs this 
 moft infatuated of all ftatefmen in the language of 
 the poet. 
 
 One look from Crononhotonthologos 
 Shall ftare thee into nothing ! 
 
 The French may begin by blockading American 
 feaports with ten or twelve frigates. Immediate- 
 ly, the merchants lay up their fhipping. Their 
 bills are protefted by quires. The counting houfes 
 are deferted. The jails are crouded. Stocks 
 tumble to forty per cent, below par. The banks 
 bblt their doors. Hard money vaniflies. Drays un- 
 yoked rot by dozens on every wharf. The treafury 
 fufpends payment, and cannot borrow a fhilling ; 
 beoaufe, after deducting import duties, its own 
 expences, and the interefl of public debt, become 
 twelve times greater than the public income^. 
 Of courfe the federal government expires* 
 
 ? Vide Araeticaa Annual Regider, 
 
( iv ) 
 
 Mr. Sitgreaves fpoke of dying in the laft ditch. 
 If Jourdan diiembarks at Newcaftle, he may- 
 find an excellent opportunity for dying in the 
 firft ditch. We have nine hundred thoufand negroes 
 ripe for inlurrection ; and not a fmglc fort fit to 
 be the pigeon-houfe of a Flanders ballion. Even 
 the Alps and Pyrenees have been fcaled in their 
 mod maccelfible faflneffes ; while five years of 
 French yidioxy have eclipfed five centuries of Ro- 
 man fame. Many people fay that the United States 
 arc popular in France, and that the government 
 dares not to declare war. This argument is only fit 
 for a drowning ideot catching at a flraw. The di- 
 rcOioxy need but to print a few columns from Mr. 
 Fenno's gazette, and the charm is diJTolved. At the 
 end of the conteft in Europe, France will overflow 
 with turbulent veterans, and a diftant expedition 
 may very likely be planned, merely for the fake 
 offending them out of the country. 
 
 All men of property are interefted in pcrfuadlng 
 Mr. Adams immediately to retire from office. An 
 hundred thoufand, or even a million of dollars, 
 would be wifely beftowed to purchafe his refigna- 
 tion. And if the fenate of the fifth congrefs fhall 
 give that example, they will ad as the negative 
 faviours of their country. 
 
 Philaddphia^ February 12, 1798. 
 
 Now ready for the prejs^ andvjill be publijke< /before 
 the rifinp of congrejs ^ a work entitled^ 
 
 SEDGWICK & Co. ; 
 
 OR, 
 
 A Key to the Six Per Cent, Cabinet. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 America, — Its difcovery, — European niijlakes re- 
 fpeding it. — Dr, Rohertfon* — His theory as to the 
 extreme cold of the new world. — Its at77ioJphere , — 
 Alledged inferiority in animal produdions * — Dr, 
 Adam Smith. —His mifinfermation as to North- 
 America. — Ahjurd defcriptio?n of Philadelphia by 
 Payne and Guthrie. — European title to fettlements 
 in the new world. — Their defence* — Prejent num- 
 ber of inhabit ants in America^ - , 9 
 
 CHAP. 11. 
 
 European fupremacy. — Britain. — Summary of her 
 colonial fyflem. — At no expence in founding her 
 colonies . — IVars of 16^^^ J 7 o 2 , and ly^^ . — IV ar 
 4/' 1756. — The real cauje of that war. — Its enor- 
 mous expence^ and abfurd co7idud on the part of 
 Britain. — Infignificance of Canada to that conn* 
 try. — Approaching Jubverfion of European Juprc-- 
 macy in every part of America. — Mr. Harper'' s 
 propofal, - .... 35 
 
( vi ) 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Federal plan for the conquejl of Mexico, — Britifk 
 captures of Port-au-Prince* — Cafe of the pilot 
 
 Butler. Pre/idential Canting, The caiifes of 
 
 Mr, Jeffcrfon^s refgnation, — Letter to Maz- 
 zei,^— Defence of it, — Review of the political cha- 
 rader of Virginia, — Extravagant fchemes of the 
 truly federal party, — Important ajiecdote, — Mr^ 
 Gerry, — ^Servility of the firfi congrefs , 5 3 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 The cafe of Edward Hulen, — More Britifk amity, -^ 
 True inotives for the acceptance ofjay^s treaty, — 
 Capture of the Mount Vernon, — Re772arks on the 
 cojrvention ofiy^j , — Authentic copy of the plan of 
 government propofed by Mr, Hamilton, — Com- 
 mentary on that paper ^ - - 7 1 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 J^emarks on Mr, Alexander Hamilton*s explanation 
 of his correjpondence ivith James Reynolds^ 89 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Remarks on the lueflern expedition^ - 1 1 at 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Maiilius on democratic focieties , — ■//// notorious ca- 
 lumnies, — Negligence of the executive, — Judge 
 Iredell's charge, — Federal difcipline, — Judge Pc^ 
 
( vii ) 
 
 ters . — -His fingular vigilance arid hiimaniiy. — Par^ 
 liamentary definition of excije, — Partial indemni- 
 fication to fufferers in the whi/ky riots, — Remarks 
 on the federal conflitution, — On arbitrary impri- 
 fonment, — Prefidential power of adjourning con- 
 grefs* — Its, dangerous tendency^ - 162 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 i5r. Ames, — Remarks on his fpeech on the Britl/fi 
 treaty, — Projed of the jmate^ in ijZ^)^ for intro- 
 ducing titles. — Thornas P aine ,—Refolutions of con- 
 grefs in his favour,^-The fpeech of B arras to 
 Monroe, — Mr, Femio, — Examination of the dif 
 patches of Mr, Pifickney^ and the conduci of Mr, 
 Adams ^-^—Defence of the French difedory, — Phi- 
 7i€a$ Bond, — Ruffian treaty luith Ertgland, — On 
 the banks of Philadelphia, —Partiality againfl the 
 republican party in granting dif counts, — Fatal ef 
 fed to American manufadures from an excefs of 
 paper money ^ and from ufury, — Citation fr 0771 Mr, 
 Fenno^ — From Fauchet, — Card from Mr, Muh- 
 lenberg^ - - " - 162 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 General remarks on the flat e of the union. — Dearth 
 of provijions, — Hardships of the poor, — Methods 
 in Europe to prevent famine, — Playi for relieving 
 the po or,-'— Unequal preffure of taxes. — Double- 
 head^ s horfes ,—Oppreffive Juperiority of the Ame^ 
 rican landed inter ejl: — On the prefefzt fear city of 
 ca/h.' — hnporiance of American manufadures .-^ 
 Hifiory of the A^nerkan ?2avy, — Summary of the 
 prefent fituatlon of the United States^ J 94 
 
( viii ) 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Extra^s from the prefidential gatetts .-^Remarks: 
 on the firft fpeech of Mr, Adams to congrefs ."-' 
 Correjpondence of Pinckney and Pickering,— Pro^ 
 ceedings of congrejs in May^ 1797- — Compari- 
 fhn between the treatment of Adet and Pinckney. — 
 ^ Candid condud of Mr. Bache,— Speech of Mr. 
 Nicholas.— Of Dr. Smith.— Of Mr. Otis.— Ob- 
 Jervations on the condud of our executive ^ 221 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 
 The fpeech of Mr. Otis continued. — Explanation of the 
 difpute between France and the United States. — 
 Mr. Giles. — Mr. Swanwick. — Mr.Livingfon. — 
 Mr. Coit.' — Mr. Harper ^ — His equivoque. — Its 
 detection by Mr. Living flon. — Trimming encomium 
 on Pinckney by Mr. Giles. — Mr. Gallatin. — Har- 
 per verfas Buonaparte. — Strange wafie of time, on 
 an anfiuer to the prefidenfs fpeech. — Admijfion by 
 prefident Adams, that Tz/d' ^rd' ^ divided people. — 
 htvafion of Pennjylvania by the Sufquehanna com* 
 pany^ /- - . « • • 240 
 
SKETCHES, &c- 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 America.-— Its difcovery, -^European mi flakes r<?-. 
 Jpeding it, — Dr, Robertfofi, — His theory as to 
 the extreme cold of the new 'world. — ^Its atmop- 
 phere, — Alledged inferiority in animal produc-' 
 tions. — -Dr, Adam Smith, — -His mifinforniation 
 as to North- America, — Ahfiird defer iptions of Phi-- 
 ladelphia by Payne and Guthrie, — Eiiropea7Z title 
 tofettlements irl the nezv is or Id, — Their defence,—^ 
 Prefent number of inhabitants in America, 
 
 ^XMERIC A was difcovercdby Chrifto- 
 pher Columbus on the 12th of October, 1492. The 
 north-eafl: extremity of Afia approaches within thir- 
 ty-nine miles of the north-weflern coaftofthc new- 
 world^. The pafTage over this narrow ftr ait is faci- 
 litated by two intermediate inlands. Perhaps, in are- 
 mote sera, fome wandering families of Tartars crofP- 
 cd over by this route; and, in the courfeofages, theie 
 pofterity difpcried a fcanty population over this 
 great divilion of the globe. The Efquimaux alone, 
 upon the north- e after n coaft of the continent, are 
 of a different race, and appear to have been a co- 
 lony from Greenland. 
 
 The habitable part of the globe is computed to 
 
 * Amsiican Edition of \!^t Britilh Encyclopedia ; vqI, L p» 
 568, ^ . . - ^ 
 
 1 
 
 '^, 
 
I* SKETCHES OlF THE 
 
 contain upwards of thirty millions of geogl'Sphical 
 fquare miles. Of thefe, at leaft nine millions arc 
 comprehended in America*. This area is about 
 ninety times slarger than that of Britain and Ireland, 
 which pofTefs a population of fourteen millions. 
 When the forge, and the plough fliall have flretched 
 their dominion to the fburccs of the Miffouri, when 
 a regular body of civiliz:ed nations, extending from 
 the St. Laurence to Patagonia, Ih-Al cheer and 
 gladden tlic furface of the earth, America may, 
 "Without difficulty, fupport a thoufandmillionsof in- 
 habitants ; or Hiofl likely, a much greater number* 
 
 Though, this continent hath been difcovered for 
 three centuries, it is yet but imperfedlly known to 
 the iiations of Europe. Travellers, in defcribing it, 
 have Liiilimed their wonted privileges of embellifli- 
 ment and diflortion* The flrangeil fables have 
 been circulated and believed, Vv^ith regard to its 
 cliiuate, its afpecl, its natural produdions, and the 
 manners of its people. 
 
 When an American opens one of thofe nu- 
 suerous defcriptions of this country, that are pub* 
 lifned in Europe, lie is commonly flruck with the 
 multiplicity of miflakes that occur in almoft every 
 page. To give an accurate account of any country 
 requires a confiderable (hare both of induflry and 
 accutenefs. But peculiar difficulties attend this 
 talli, on the weflern fide of the Atlantic. The 
 habits of the people are more various and fludluat- 
 ing, than in regions which have been long and 
 thickly fettled. Alterations and improvements of 
 all kinds advance with fuch rapidity, at leaft in 
 the territory of the United States, that what was, 
 five years before, a juft pi<^ure, often differs widely 
 from the prefent condition of the fame territory. 
 
 * Carey 'g American E^iiion of -Gudirie's Geographical Gram- 
 Kftf, vol. I, ^\ 36. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. u 
 
 The imnicnfe extent of the continent prefciits i'jch 
 a. variety of temptations to the ibrniii^g of new fet- 
 tlements, thefe are To widely diverfrfied from each 
 other, in their fitnation, climate, and produce, and 
 lach numbers of people are conftantly retiring 
 backwards from the eadern coafl, into the receffes 
 of the wildernefs, that many years muft pafs over 
 before it can be poflible to f]<:etch a picfture cf 
 America, which will remain for any confiderable 
 time, an exaft refemblance of the original*. This 
 country may be compared with a child rifmg, by the 
 moft rapid growth , into the dimenlions of a giant ; 
 but confequently requiring a much longer period, 
 before it aiTumes a completenefs of form, than an 
 pbje£l of far inferior bulk. 
 
 As a fpecimen of the ilrange mifreprefentations, 
 with regard to America, which are current in 
 Europe, a few pafTagcs fliail be here felecT-ed from 
 fome of the books popular in that part of th.^ world- 
 Dr. Robertfon informs us that, " Over all the con- ' 
 " tinent of North-America, a north-wefteriy wind 
 •* Tind ex ceffive cold2sc fynonimous terms. Even in 
 *' the mofifultry weather^ the moment that the wind 
 " veers to that quarter, its penetrating influence is 
 *' felt in atranfition from heat to cold no iefs violent 
 ** than fudden. To this powerful caule we may af- 
 " cribc the extraordinary dominion of cold, and its 
 ** violent inroads into the fouthcrn provinces in that 
 »• part of the globet." 
 
 Charlevoix is quoted as an authority for this tale. 
 When he wrote it, he muft have been thinking of 
 
 * A farmer of Kentucky, fometlme ago, mentioned in Phila- 
 delphia, that he had refided in that ftdte, for about eighteen months. 
 He fettled on the fidrts oi the cleared land, next the woods, his 
 own houfe being the farthell in that diredion. Since his arrival^ 
 fo many new fettlers had come, that plantations, were extcndvi 
 fifteen miles beyond his into the defart, 
 
 i fiiilor/ of America, Book IV« 
 
12 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 the north-wefl wind of Canada, through which he 
 travelled. He did not vifit the Brit if h colonies; 
 £o that he could not fay whether fuch a phenomenon 
 prevailed in them or not. From extravagant 
 accounts of this kind, it is not furprifing that the 
 people of Europe form an alarming idea of the 
 American climate. To the greater part of the 
 territory of the United States, perhaps to the whole 
 of it, this dcfcription bears no refemblancc. Char- 
 levoix wrote abor^ feventy years ago ; and even 
 though his account had been accurate for that time, 
 yet the climate has fincc undergone great alter- 
 ations, Mr.Jefferfon relates*, that formerly the fnows 
 in Virginia covered the ground, for about three 
 months in every winter, but that now, in the lower 
 parts of the country, they very feldom lie aweek. 
 He remarks, that, ^'In Virginia, both heats and 
 *' colds have become much more moderate within the 
 "memory even of the middle-aged." Dr. Robert- 
 Ion mentions a prodij?:ious frofl, at Charlefton, in 
 South-Carolina, in Febri-ary, 1747. For many years 
 paft, fnowand ice have been hardly feen in that city. 
 The fame hiftorian attempts to explain the pri- 
 mitive caufe of the extreme degree of cold in Ame* 
 rica. • His reafonings appear to be fomcwhat incoti- 
 ilftent. As to the northern extremity of the con- 
 tinent he obferves that, '• though the utmoft extent 
 *' of America towards the north be not yet difcover- 
 ••ed, we know that it advances nearer to the pole 
 •* than either Europe or Afia. The latter have large 
 " feas to the north, which are open during part of 
 •' the year ; and even when covered with ice, the 
 «' wind that blows over them is lefs intenfely coldM^T^ 
 «' that -which blows over I mid m the the fame high la- 
 *' titudes. But in America the landftretches fromttiQ 
 
 * Notes on Virginia, Art, Climatb, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 15 
 
 * river St. Laurence towards the pole, and fprcads 
 " out immenlely to the weft. A chain of enormous 
 " mountains, covered v/ith inow and ice, runs thro* 
 ** all this dreary region*.*' He g®es on to afcribc the 
 peculiar feverity of the north- weft American winds 
 to their blowing over ^Tuch an extent of high and 
 " frozen laizd" The refult of his inqniry is, that the 
 climate of North-America is more cold than that of 
 Europe becaufe the land is broader and approaches 
 nearer to the north pole. The doftor has omitted 
 to give us any reafon, why a wind that blows over 
 frozen land mud be colder than another which blows 
 over a frozenjea'^ fothat his theory of -explanation 
 refts on a mere afTamption. But let us admit the 
 juftice of his afTertion, that the northern extremity 
 of the continent is colder than that of Europe, be- 
 caufe it is broader^ and advances ?iearer to tJie pole. 
 We are certain then, that the fouthern extremity 
 of America, muft be a great deal warmer than the 
 lame latitude in Europe ; for the land approaches 
 only within thirty four degrees of the fouth pole, 
 that is, to the latitude of Dunbar, a town in the 
 foutlveaflcrn part of Scotland. The continent, 
 befides, is very narrow ; and its fituation is indeed 
 a perfe<^ contrafl to the northern extremity. But 
 here again, the author takes up a quite different 
 doctrine. " The moft obvious and probable caufe 
 ** of this fupcrior degree of cold towards the fouthern 
 *' extremity of America, feems to be Xh^form of the 
 ** continent there. Its breadth gradually decreafes^ 
 *• and its dimenfions are 77iuch contraCledJ' This hy- 
 pothefishe explains in a long note. Thus in one end 
 of America, the breadth^ and in another end the 
 narroiv7iefs of the continent, is advanced as a phi- 
 Jofophical explanation of extreme cold. 
 
 * Hiftory ©f America, Book IV. 
 
,4 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 " x\nother peculiarity in the climate of Americst 
 ** is itsexceffive jnoifture in general. In fome places, 
 •• indeed, on the weftern coall, rain is not known ; 
 " but in all other parts, the moiflnefs of the climate 
 "is as remarkable as the cold. The foreils where- 
 ** with it is every where covered, no doubt, partly, 
 •* occafion the moiftureof its climate ; but the mod 
 -* prevalent and obvious caufe is tiievafl, and Pacific 
 " Oceans, with which America is envb'oned on all 
 '' fides "^V, The Cape of Good-Hope is furrounded 
 by immcnfe oceans; yet the climate is remarkably 
 dry^ This cannot therefore be a latisfa(f"rojy expla- 
 nation for the cxccfs of moifcure in the American 
 atmofphere. But if it were fo, the writer, to make 
 his theory confident, ought to have demonftrated, 
 for what reafon rain is not known, in fome places 
 on the wejlern cnafl. Peru extends alonp; the fliorc 
 of the great Pacific Ocean, by far the broadeft on the 
 furface of the globe, and yet thirty years are faid to 
 have fometimeselapfedin that country without rain. 
 It does not appear, on any found evidence, that the 
 climate of this country is more wet than that of 
 many others. Let us hear the account that is given 
 of the weather of England by pcrfons who oblerve 
 it. In thcGentlem.an's Magazine, for February 1793, 
 there is an article, dated the 27th of that month, 
 which may ferve to ailift us, in forming ideas on 
 this point. *' The climate of England," fays the 
 writer, '' in the opinion of many, has, of late years, 
 ** undergone a confiderable change. Formerly we 
 ** ufed to have fmart frofls in winter; and hot and 
 *• ^omc^timcs dry Jummers. For fome years back, both 
 ♦* v*7inters and fummcrs h^wc ge?ieraUy beenwet^with 
 " fo little ice, that luxury, by its agents, has been 
 *^ obliged to procure it from foreign parts. In the 
 »' courfe of lail year, thofc who kept a regiftcr of 
 
 f Encyclopedia, vol. I, p» 5^9. 
 
HISTORV of AMERICA. j| 
 
 **thc weather, tell ns, there were but one hundred 
 " and three dry days I For the little that is pafTed of 
 ** the prefent year, we have Icarcely had ^\r. dry 
 *• days.*' It is not eafy to conceive a more dreadful 
 picfhire of the atmofphere of any part of the tem- 
 perate zones, than what is here fct before us. As 
 it comes from the Englifli themfelves, and is 
 attefted in a refpecLable publication, it would be 
 trifling to doubt of its general accuracy. Nor is 
 fuch a quantity of rain and moiflure a novelty, as 
 the author feenis to hint, in the Britifh iflands. 
 *' We have rain,'*' fays a proverb, '' for nine 
 ** months in the year, and wet weather for all the 
 " refl of it/' Even Americans ^ttm. to have adopted 
 an erroneous opinion refpe^ling the comparative 
 moifturc of their climate. Yjt, Morfe has obfcrved, 
 that, " the quantity of rain which falls in England 
 ** annually is computed to be twenty four inches ; in 
 ** France eighteen inches, and in New-England from 
 *' forty-eight to fifty inches ; and yet in New-England 
 *' they fuffer more from^ drought than in either of the 
 " fore-mentioned countries, although they have more 
 ** than double the quantity of rain.''* In New-England 
 '' they luifer more from drought," becaufe there is 
 not one-half, nor, perhaps, one-fixth part of the 
 rain annually that falls in England* where, as Ive 
 have feen above, there is rain for five days in the 
 week. If double the quantity of rain adually fell 
 in New-England, it would follow, as a necefTarv 
 confequence, that every day in the year mufl: be 
 wet ; but on the contrary, weeks together often 
 pafs in New-Englarrd without a fingle fhower. 
 
 The American climate is colder than that of 
 European countries under the fame latitudes, where 
 the woods have been cleared, and the foil culti- 
 vated for many centuries. But this implies not, as It 
 
 * American Univerfal Geography, vcl, I, p, ;!{o> 
 
j6 sk'^tches of the 
 
 has been ignoranily pretended, any fingular malig- 
 nity in the climate of the new world. France, Italy^ 
 and Spain, v/ere much colder, in ancient times, than 
 at prefent, and for the very iame reafon. Char- 
 levoix even fays, that the French fettiersin Canada 
 confidered the climate as improved by the very 
 flight degree of cultivation vi^hich exifted in that 
 province, about feventy years ago. Our thick and 
 boundlefs foreAs prevent the rays of tlie fun from 
 penetrating to the uirfacc of the earth ; hence the 
 fnow cannot diiTolve fo quickly, as in an open 
 country. The north-weft wind ruihing over fo vafl 
 a tra-ib of ice and fnow, ftiil further cools the air. 
 But this wind is only felt extremely cold, while 
 fnow covers the ground. Whatever may foraierly 
 have been the cafe, the ftate of Pennfylvania, and 
 the others to the fouthward, feel at prefent very 
 little inconvenience from it. " In the moft fultry 
 ** weather,'' it is extremely falutary and refrefliing, 
 and not an cbjecfi; of terror, as Dr. Kobertfon, and 
 fome other writers have reprefented it to be*. 
 
 In the courfe of two or three generations, at 
 fartheft, tbe climate will correfpond with that under 
 
 * In an Englifli verfion of CbaOellux's Travels, there is a note 
 fuhjoined, by the tranflator, which contains theTe words, <* In the 
 " middle of the hotteftday injuly, or Auguft, where the heat was (o 
 ••intolerable as aunoft to prevent rcfpi ration, I have frequently known 
 " the wind fliift fuddenly round to the north- weft, attended with a 
 " blaft, fo cold and humid, as to make it immedi?.tely neceffary to 
 ** (hut all the doors and windows, and light large fires." Vol. II. 
 p. 52. This is a very high degree of colouring. That heat ftiould 
 be fo cxccflivc, in this country) as to endanger rcfpiration, is fome- 
 what next to incredible. The fummer of 1793, \^ as the hotteft 
 remembered in Philadelphia, for many years palt ; yet there was no 
 difficulty in rcfpiration. This writer acknowledges, in the fame 
 note, that the climate is improving fo rapidly as to make the change 
 ftrikingly perceptible in a few years. In his fecond volume, a note 
 appears rcfpet^ting the young men and women of Philadelphia, 
 which is fo very invlecent, as well as untrue, that it cannot admit of 
 an extiad. 
 
ttfSfORV of AMElsitCA. 15 
 
 the faine degree of latitude in Europe. Many tracl^ 
 of land, that now lie buried in fnow, for fix months 
 of the year, will then rival the nncfl: regions of the 
 world* (Quebec flands a degree and fifty-five minutes 
 to the fo.rch of Paris, Halifax, in Nova-Scotia, fonr 
 degi^ees and ten minutes to the fouth of it, and 
 only one degree and four minutes north of Mont* 
 pelier in Langucdoc. Montreal is but ten minutes 
 * north of MiliU in Italy, and one degree andfifty-nine 
 minutes north o£ Montpeliei^ Philac'elphia is only 
 two minutes north from the lame latitude with 
 Pekin in China ; and in this city, for half of the year, 
 we enjoy delightful weather* Even the coldeil 
 winters are confidered as the mod healthy. In 
 autumn, for a month together, there is frequently 
 not a fingle v-rloud to be Ccen^ while a regular and 
 plentiful dew fupercedes the fear of drought. At 
 the fame time of the year, the rains of Britain frc- 
 qnently continue during a confidcrable time, for fix 
 days in the week, and rot the harveft, while Brit ilh 
 philofophers are gravely employed in defcribingand 
 deprecating the malignant nioiflure of America* 
 In Pennlylvania, afthmatic complaints are faid to 
 be lefs frequent than in Britain, which is a necelTary 
 confequence from the fuperior mildncfs and purity 
 of our fl<.y. The climate of London is fuppofed to 
 be equal to that of mofl other parts of England, 
 and is certainly much better than that of lomc 
 counties, fuch as Lancafter and Cornwall. Yet 
 from a writer there, we learn that of the fir ft fifty- 
 eight days in the year 1793, hardly fix were dry. 
 We are told, on the fame authority, that in the year 
 1792, England had two hundred and fixty-two days 
 of rain, which is more than a proportion of five 
 days in the week. The Britifh climate alfo is 
 thought to be growing worfe ; while it is remarked 
 all over this continent, that oufs i^ cwftajitly jjfQW- 
 
 C 
 
j% SKETCHES OF THE' 
 
 ing better- Marflies are every where begun to be 
 drained. Whole forelts are daily cut down. The 
 free circulation of air is thus promoted, while 
 an exuberance of moifhire is checked. Ten times 
 more land is now cleared in one year, than was 
 cleared in the fame fpace of time before the war 
 of 1756. We may infer that the iinprovement of 
 the climate will bear fomething like an equally 
 augmented proportion. Hence it ip weak in a 
 inodcrn hiftorian, to refer implicitly, upon this 
 head, to writers of fifty or an hundred years old. 
 He ought to enquire with diligence how circum- 
 ilances actually exift. A literary man is apt to ima- 
 gine that he knows much, when he has only read 
 much. He finds twenty different travellers concur 
 in aiferting that the climate of a diflant country is 
 extremely inteinper ate. Like Dr. llobertfon, he veiis 
 with conlidence on fuch complicated atteflations, 
 though, perhaps, three-fourths of thefe writers have 
 oijly tranfcribed the opinions of each other. 
 
 The beftevidence of the falubrity of an atmofphere 
 js derived from the fuperior good health of its inha- 
 bitants :and, excepting theiow lands, towards thefea, 
 in Delaware, and the fouthern flates, the continent 
 iTi^y, in tjiis refpecl, bear a favourable comparifoii 
 with Europe. This fift will be heft illuftrated by 
 examining the proportion of births to that of deaths, 
 in the two continents. 
 
 Mr. Barton '-^ has coUecfled a variety of eflimates 
 of this kind for particular periods of time, from 
 which are feieded a few fpecimens. 
 
 Decilhs. 
 
 At Salem, in 178Z and 1783, the pro- j ,^3 ^ivths 49.00 
 
 porncn was to J ^^ 
 
 At Hincbam, in M^fTaclmfelts, for fifty- "1 ,. 
 
 r ^ \ >icoGitto— — 4Q.50 
 
 four year?, to J ^^ ^ 
 
 ♦American Philofophical Tranfa^ilions, vol. III. p. 25, et feq. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. i<^ 
 
 Deaths, 
 At FhiMelphia. for_>7Sq and .790, .he! .^^^,,,^,_ 
 
 biJls for the white irJ'.abi rants gave to J ^^ ^^ 
 
 England, in general, according to fir Vvil 1 ^^^ ^j.^^^_ ^^^^ 
 
 liarn rcrty, to J 
 
 I, ivcrpool, for five years, rooilltto — M2.70 
 
 Cheder, four y^'^rs, 100 airr:^ — J07.42 
 
 Northampton, *■ 100 diti) — 123.23 
 
 London, twenty-fix years, loodirio — ^2492 
 
 There is a copious collef^ion of cflimates of tliis 
 kind, whicli afcertain, that the number of births is 
 ill proportion to the number of deaths much greater 
 in North-America than in Europe. Mr. Barton lias 
 liAevvife printed comparative tables of the longc- 
 yity of the inhabitants of Britain and Amei-ica ^ 
 and it appears that the advantage is not on the fide 
 of the former country, Ii* Conne^fi:icut, fevent}^-* 
 four perfons, out of every tlioufand who are born, 
 furvive the age of eighty years ; vvliereas, at North- 
 ampton in England, only forty furvive that period ; 
 and at Norwich in the fame country, but thirty- 
 one. The citizens of the northern and middle Hates 
 6f this Continent may red- perfectly fatisfied by the 
 <::onvidion, that they have an equal chance for health 
 and long life, with the natives of any other quarter 
 of the globe. To complaints of heat and cold, thef? 
 calculations give a fatis factory anfwer. 
 
 Dr. Robertfon tells us, that '' the vaO: number, 
 ** as well as enormous fize of the trees in Amei'ica, 
 " indicate the extraordinary vigour of the foil in its 
 " native ftate/^-^" 'Fo believe many European wri- 
 ters as to the growth of American trees, one would 
 imagine, that every tree whatever, in theforefls of 
 America, grows from four to feven or eight feet 
 in diameter, and from fixty to an hundred and 
 twenty feet in height. In fa^t, a very large propor- 
 tion of American trees are of the common fizQ 
 
 f Hiftory cf America, Book IV. 
 
2P SKETCHES OF THS 
 
 of thofe in the old world, and there are ftill to be 
 fcen in England, the remains of fc\ era! very ancient 
 oaks,, of a greater magnitude than ■i.uy trees yet 
 heard of in America. Some of theie, iiiuced, rife 
 to a larger bulk than is ufuai in Europe, but in 
 general, the diiference in this refpecl iv only trifiing. 
 In America, vegetation is more vigorous than in the 
 Britifli iflands, and a tree has acquired in this country 
 a greater magnitude in twenty years than it canr 
 generally reach in England during forty yeais. 
 
 Thei'e is a common fuppoiition, among the wri-» 
 ters of the old world, concerning the woods of 
 Americf^, -which has been countenanced by Dr. 
 Robertion: '' As trees and plants derive a great 
 *' part of their nourishment from air and water, if 
 " they were not defiroyed by man and other ani- 
 *' mals, they would render to the earth more, per- 
 *' haps, than they take nom it, and feed rather than 
 •' iIr^po^'erii]7 it. Thus the unoccupied foil of Ame?- 
 ** rica might go on, enriching for many ages."* 
 
 This fource of American fecundity is chimerical. 
 It is true that here, as in the old world, the forefts 
 fhed their leaves during autumn, and thefe cover 
 the ground in prodigious quantities, but without 
 ' forming or perceptibly deepening the foil. Vv ben 
 thefe leaves are turned up to the depth of four, fix, 
 or perhaps twelve inches, the fuvface of the earth 
 is frequently found heaped with naked (tones, with- 
 out alm^^il: a fmgle mark of vegetation ; and this is, 
 fomedn :>, the cafe for whole miles together. 
 What, en, has become of thofe immenle mafTes 
 of vegetable putrefacftion that have been heaped on 
 the ground for at lead four thoufand years ? Or 
 where is that peculiar mould of earth, formed by 
 thofe leaves, of which the writers in Europe arc. 
 
 * Hiflor)' of Amcvica, Book IV* 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA, 21 
 
 freaking ? The proper anfwer feems to be, thaC 
 they do not exiil. In Europe, a large extent of 
 coantry is often covered with forcits, and whien 
 the land has been cleared, the foil is frequently 
 found barren. Fut if the rotting of the failing 
 leaves in America forms a mould of peculiar fertility, 
 the fame cauies muic in Europe have produced 
 Mie fame eonfequences. As in that coctinent, how- 
 ever, no fach eonfequences are to be met with, i 
 moderate degree of reflexion might have convinced 
 the advocates of tiiis idea, that the famecale mull 
 hrippen in America. Many trails of this country 
 are entirely divciled of trees, and yet are equally 
 fertile vvith any other part of the continent. By this 
 i^/ilem, however they fhould have been compari- 
 timely barren. Befides, a doctrine of this kind 
 leads to extravagant concludons. If the fall of 
 leaves is to deepen the foil at all, we may at 
 leaft billow an additional depth of the twentieth pare 
 of an inch annually, or five inches in thecourfe of a 
 century. At the end of four thoufand years, the fur- 
 face of the earth in North America, ihould, by thi^ 
 calculation, have been bedded with a mould to th^ 
 depth of two hundred inches, or upwards of fix- 
 teen feet and an half. But no perfon willalhrm, that 
 fuch a depth of foil is, perhaps, any v/here to be 
 found. It is in vain to fabricate plaufxblc theories 
 in oppofition to the teiiimony of the human fenfes; 
 Dpr is it of the fmaliell: weight, that fuch adoClrinCf 
 may have been adorned by the combined eloquence 
 of Raynal, Robertfon, and BufFon. 
 
 As an evidence of the malignity of the American' 
 atmofphere, it has been remarked, by Dr, Roberta 
 {on, that the animals in this country, when difco^ 
 vered by Columbus, were Icfs various in their fpe-. 
 uies than thofe of the old world. " Nature was not 
 " only lefi prolific in the new world, but fhc ap** 
 
22 SKETCHESOFTHE 
 
 ** pears likewiie to have been lefs vigorous iti 
 *' her productions. The animals, GrigiruJly be* 
 " longing to this quarter of the globe, appear 
 " to be of an inferior race, neither fo robuft, 
 '* nor fo iierce, as thofe of tlie other continent. 
 *' America gives birth to no other creature of 
 *' fuch bulk as to be compared with the Elephant 
 *' or rhinoceros, or that equals the lion and tygcr 
 ** in ilrcngth and ferocity. 1 he /J/^j^r of Rrafil, the 
 " qaadrnped of tYL^fij'ft magnitude in the new world, 
 " is not larger than a calf of {iyi months old. The 
 " puma and jagitar^ its fierceit beafts of prey, which 
 ** the Europeans have inaccurately denominated 
 " lions and tygers, poflefs neither the undaunted 
 **; courage of the former, nor the ravenous cruelty 
 '** of the latter. They are inaLT:ive and timid, harctiy 
 ** formidable to man, and often turn their backs 
 *' upon the Icaft appearance of refi(i:ance. (So much 
 the better.) The fame qualities in the climate of 
 " America which dinted the growth, and enfeebled 
 *' the fpirit of its 7iative animals, have proved per- 
 *' nicious to fach as have migrated into it Volun^ 
 ** tarily from the other continent, or have been 
 " traniported thither by the Europeans. The bears, 
 " the wolves, the deer of Am. erica, are not equal 
 •* in fize to thofe of the old world. Mod of the 
 *"* domeflic anir^ials, with w^hich the Europeans 
 ** flored the provinces wherein they fettled, have 
 " degenerated with relpedl to their bulk or quality, 
 " in a country, wiiofe tem.perature and foil feem to 
 " be lefs favour able to \.\\t frcngth and perfeCUon of 
 ** the animal creation.''* 
 
 This pafTage is inferted here at full length, bc- 
 caufe it contains a fummary of the Ipeculations of 
 Buffon and others on this branch of natural hif- 
 
 *H)ftory of America, Book IV. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. i^ 
 
 ftory, TMr. jeii^rfon, in his Notes on Virginia, has 
 luliy vindicated the climate of America from 
 thefe Unjuit imputations, and the reader \yiliturn, 
 with peculiiir fatisfartion, to a work, which 
 unites the fweetnefs of Xenophon with , the force 
 of Poly bins, Information without parade, and 
 eloquence without effort. Mr. Williams, alio,' 
 in his hidory of Vermont, proves, by a multitude of 
 examples, that many animals in America exceed 
 the balk of the fame fpecics in the eld world. Somd 
 places in this citation, deferve particular notice. 
 
 From the infpired writings we learn, that, all 
 quadrupeds, now on the face of the gjobe, emi- 
 grated from Afia, after the deluge. It is hard then 
 to fay, what the writer means by animals originally 
 belonginp^ to this continent, and riative animals 5 
 which he holds up in oppofition to thoie which have 
 migrated into it voluntarily. If he fuppofcs that the 
 tapyr, the puma, and jaguar have been the produce 
 of feparate creation, or that, as he exprefles it,' 
 America has ^iven birth to them, it is as likely that 
 the bears, wolves, and deer, of America, have alfo 
 been created in the new world. We ar€ fortunate 
 in wanting the flrength and perfeftion of the rhin- 
 oceros, the lion, and the tyger, for we certainly 
 never fnonld have been the better for them, But the 
 mammoth alone was much larger than the elephant, 
 the rhinoceros, and all the carnivorous quadrupeds 
 put together. This is furely a fuihcient evidence 
 of the vigour of nature. Mr. Jefferfon mentions nn 
 American bifon that weighed eighteen hundred 
 pounds, a bear, four hundred and ten pounds, and 
 a red deer, two hundred and eighty-eight pounds. 
 He quotes Eytfon, as admitting that the beaver, the 
 otter, and Ihrew-moufe, are larger in America 
 than in Europe » The black moofe, is faid by Kalm, 
 to be as high as a tall horfe, and by Catefbeyj to be 
 
44 Si^ETCHSS OF THE 
 
 about the bignels of a middle-rized ox. Mr. Jeffcf* 
 foil adds, that the white bear is as large in America 
 as in Europe. If the domeflic animals of North- 
 America are inferior to thofe of Europe, it is only 
 fiom want of care in thofe who breed them. 
 '' It may be afiirmed with truth, that in thofe 
 *' countries, and witli thofe individuals of America, 
 ^^ w^here necedity or curiofity has produced equal 
 *' attention, as in Europe, to the nourifhment of 
 ^' animals, the hories, cattle, fliecp, and hogs q£ 
 " the one continent are as large as thofe of the 
 *' other. '^^ BufFon reckons two hundred ap.d 
 twenty-ilx difrerei:jt fpecies of quadrupeds. Of 
 thefe, it appears from tables printed by Mr. Jef- 
 ferfon, that an hundred arc peculiar to America, 
 and that before its diicovery, it contained twenty- 
 fix others common to Europe. Dr. Robertfon was 
 miftaken in faying^ upon the authority of Euffon, 
 that '' of two hundred different kinds of animals, 
 *' ipread over the face of the earth, only about 
 *' one-third exifled in America, at the time of its 
 ^' difcovery.''t 
 
 If Dr. Robertfon hadrefidedforfix months in Ken* 
 tucky, he might have avoided iomc errors in his 
 account ofthecharad:erand condition of the favages. 
 He v/ould have underftood more from fludying 
 t/i^ir manners.^ living as they rife^ than any other 
 perfon will learn on that fubjedl, from peru^ng his 
 elaborate dilTertation of an hundred and thirty-eight 
 quarto pages. It is told and believed, on the other 
 fide of the .Atlantic, that very few people of either 
 fex, in this cDuntry are unmarried at the age of 
 twenty, and that nothing is more common than to 
 fee a couple, whofe ages together eg iiot exceed 
 thirty, Bolfon, New- York, and Philadelphia, con- 
 
 ♦ Notes '^n the State of Virginia. AJiT, Fzo^yCTiOKff. 
 + ibid. 
 
H I f T O R Y C V AM E R 1:0 A. 2; 
 
 tain ii) ^yliole, abqiit an hiaiulrcd and twenty thou- 
 land iuhaijitants leis or more ; and in thcic three, 
 ci'vie^i, it is hardy probable,^ that three iuch couples 
 ;irQ,tp be, Siiiiuk Speaking of North-AniCi ica, Dr, 
 ^inith lays, ^' Labour is there To well rewarded^ 
 '• that a numerous family of children, 'inf-ead of 
 *v being a burthen, is a ib jLirce of opulence and 
 V' proiperity to the p:-,r,entsi, The labour of eacii, 
 '^ child, Ldbrti^ il can leave the hcufe^ is computed to 
 " be \vorth one hundred pounds clear gain to them. 
 ^' A young \yido.vy, with f;>ur or five yourg children, 
 '^ who, among tb'^middlingor inferior ranksofpeo- 
 '> pie in Europe, would have little chance for a 
 *' fecond hiii^^ap^d, is tiicre frequently confidered 
 V as a fort affajrtune. The x'e7/z/6' of children is the 
 '' .greateft qf all inducements to marriage. V/e 
 " cannot, tjiercfore,, wonder that the people ia 
 '.' lS[orth America fhould generally marry ver^ 
 ^^ young, Notwithflanding the great increafe occa- 
 ' ■ lioned by fuch early marriages, there is a con- 
 '*'. tinu^il complaint of the fcarcity of hands jn North- 
 '^ Am.e/ica."f The author h^d been mifi 11 formed 
 i'lr every particular. K family of children is not 
 fuch a burthen here as in Europe, unlefs in the fea- 
 port towns, becaufe the plenty of land, and the 
 iightneis of our taxes, have introduced ,a general 
 eaic of circumilances. But examples are rare, 
 where children have. been a fqurce of opulence and 
 profperity to their parents. The reverie is fre- 
 quently the cafe; though jafc as in England it may 
 fometimes happen. As to the hundred pounds of 
 clear (jaln^ by the /.<?Z''i;z//- of each child before it can 
 leave the honfe, an hundred cents would have 
 been a more probable calcidation. 'The yotiniJ widow ^ 
 will have juil; as little chance for a hufband, in one 
 
 * Incjuiry into die Nature and Caufs of the Wealth of Nations* 
 Book l.chao. viii, 
 
 D 
 
46 SKltTCRES OF THli 
 
 of the iea-port towns of the United States, where 
 fnhCdlencc has univerfally become very expcr.flvc, 
 as in any part of En-laiid. Yet, fuch marriages 
 occaflonally take place in both countries. la the 
 country, where food may be had for a trifle, an 
 i\inerican fanner might not be much afraid of fuch 
 an ipxcumbrance with a wife, yet he would coniider 
 four or five children to be one. The value of chil* 
 dren, regarded merely as working machines, would 
 be an idle motive to matrimony, fmce it would be 
 more expedient to hire fervants. The prefent 
 generation is fuillciently dilpofed to leave another 
 behind it ;^ but not for the money that is to be ac- 
 quired by rearing of children. As to the great 
 increafe by fuch e^rly marriiiges, in a confiderablc 
 portion, at lea^l, of this continent, marriages arc 
 not perceptibly more early than in Europe, or, if 
 a difference can be foundj it is but fmall. Mr. 
 Barton, in the article before quoted, has made a 
 lar<re colle<ftion of the various amount of births in 
 proportion to marriages, in France, England, Prui^ 
 fia, Switzerland, 2nd other parts of P^urope. For 
 thcfc four countries, the births arc about four to 
 4;very marriage, '©r fomewhat Jefs. He quotes the 
 irecrilfcr of m'^'riav^cs and births for a town in Maf* 
 iachufetts, during the courfe of fifty- four years. 
 The former ajiiountcd to five hundred and twenty- 
 one, the latter to two thoufand two hundred and 
 forty-feven. This gives four births to every mar- 
 jfiage, with an overpJL'.s of one hundred and fixty- 
 three, oi* lefs than one third* But no fingle inftancc 
 can be a fatisfa»fl:ory evidence of the fuperior num- 
 ber of births to a marriaoe, for the whole of io 
 vad a continent. 
 
 One would imagine that, at leafl, of the gre«t 
 fea-port towriS in America, the writers of Europe 
 fhould have a competent knov/ledpc. This does not 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. «,7 
 
 always appear to be the cafe. Mr, Payne, in de- 
 icribing Philadelphia, has favoured his readers wim 
 the following information, '' It (the ^ity) is ieated 
 '' between two navigable rivers, the Del.ivvare on the 
 *' wej?^ and tne Sc/'nylkill on the e<'ij^. Every owner of 
 '' a thoufand acres has his houfe in one of the two 
 '^ fronts facing thrrivsr^ or in the high fiireet, riin- 
 " ning from the middle of one front to the middlti 
 *' of the other. — Several canals are let into the town 
 " from cadi ?'ivei\ v/hich add to the beauty and 
 " convenience of the place. — lis quay is two hua~ 
 *' drcd feetfquare.^ — ^The city contains about twenty 
 " thoufand inhabitants/^* Thisdeicriptlpnischieiiy 
 boiTowed fj om Guthrie, with a few variations, at 
 the fancy of the tranfcriber. Guthrie, who, in bir> 
 turn, borrows from Burke, has placed the Delaware 
 on the north^ and the Schuylkill on tnQjouth of the 
 city, to which be aligns thirty thouj'and inhabi- 
 tants^'. To .in American reader, fwch defcripticns 
 require no criticifm. The city and liberties exteiid 
 about two miles and an half in length from north. 
 to fouth, but. with a fmall inclination to If e eafi, 
 clofe upon the wcilern bank of the Delaware. The 
 city fpreads for about half a mile from the bank 
 of that river towards the Schuylkill, which runs \\\ 
 a parallel line to the Delaware, wefl of it, about > 
 two miles. As to '^ the two fronts facing the ri.ier, 
 *' and the canals let into the town from each river,'* 
 there is nothing like them. By a report, dated the 
 19th of Auguit, 179 1, the city contained forty-two 
 thoufand five hundred and twenty inhabitants. 
 The fever, in fuxiimer, 1793^ fwept off about 
 five thoufand people, yet the number is at prefent 
 perhaps more than fifty thoufand. 
 
 * Uriiverfal Geograpliy, Book IV, p. 3©^. This book was print- 
 ed at Dublin, in 17^ 3> in t'A'O large quswio volumes. 
 
 ■f Geographical Grammar, London Qn,arto lydidon, i7C)2j p^ 
 
iS SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 Hundreds cf miftn.kcs cf all forts may be coilefred 
 from Payne and Guthrie. The former tells us, for 
 example, that Maryland contains'^' r^h hjitidred end 
 ^' thirty thoiijartd Inliabilants/' By the cciifiis of 
 1 79 1, Maryland had three hundred and nine t}'^- 
 xC^'Q.-^ tlioufarid feven hundred and t^Yenty-cight 
 inhabltanls. It is neecllcfsto fpend further time upon 
 Payne and Guthrie, " upon faults too evident for 
 " detection, and too profs for aggravation*'. 
 
 One chargg yet rem-^insto be noticed, which has 
 been repeated in a tlioufand different' forms. ItTs 
 here inferted, in the wcrds of Dr. Johnfon, 
 in liis " Obfervations on the State of Alfidrs, in 
 *'' 1756."" After obferving of the contef]: between 
 France and England,- -about their boundaries, in 
 North-Anvzrica, '' that ho hone.'^ fnan can lieartily 
 '^ wifli fuccefs to either party," he proceeds thus, 
 ss to the general title oi the European. fettlers to 
 their lands on this continent : 
 
 "■ It cannot be faid, tliat the Indiar.s originally 
 " invited us to their coails ; we went un.callcd, and 
 "^ une?i:peclcd, to nations who had no imagination 
 '' that the cartli contained any inhabitants fo dif- 
 *' tant and fo different from themfelves. We af^ 
 " tonidicd tliem with our fliips, with our arms, 
 '' and with our general fuperiority. They yielded 
 " to us as to beings of anotlier and htgher race^ 
 '' fent among them from fome unknown regions, 
 '' with power, which naked Indiaiis could not re- 
 ^' fifi ; and v.'liich they were-, therefore, by every 
 ^' aft of humility, to propitiate, -that tliey, who 
 ^' could fo cafdy deliroy, niight 'be induced to 
 *' fpare. 
 
 * Dr. b^hnfon on Cym')din'*. A rifu' cciitlon of Guthrie's Geo- 
 graphical Grammar, hr.s Ir^cn printed ir» Plilladelphia. 'I'hat part ot" 
 the vyork which rclnred, to the Unitcil Stat^^s, was written rotircl/ 
 pvcr'agaii]. The crigiaal was 100 impcrfcvl for criicndation. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 29 
 
 *' To this influence, and to this o My, are to b^ 
 *' attributed ail therC(!''iio'ns aD<l fubmiilions of the 
 *' Indian princes, if, indeed, any inch cejjlons rcere 
 ^^ e'&er made-^ of which vvc have had no witnefs'bnt 
 " thofewho claim from them, and there is nop ixai: 
 " malignity iri iiKpedingt^iatthoic who \\d^c rolled 
 ^"'^iiave alib lied"^ . 
 
 'W\z quertion h^3 been warmly debated, what 
 ri^^ht'EuVopeanc cv(?r4iad to territories. in America? 
 When the Spaniards i'lid wall^ |»cpiiIons and civi- 
 lized empires,, the naUire'ef their condiift needs 
 no il Li drat ion . W c friiril here ipeak onJy of the fet-^ 
 tiement of thol^ colonies, thst are now compre- 
 hended in the federal union.' With re^^ard to tiicm, 
 hiiirory will not inpport or jirrrify the harih langijag^ 
 that lic.s been fomctimes emplc}7ed. 
 
 New-England contains nearly one-vifth, part of 
 the people in the United States. It vras originally 
 colonized by perlons who conducted themfclves on 
 the principles of Rricl jairicr. in March, 1621, 
 r>iafi^.(roitj one of the principal Indian chiefs, vifited 
 tlie Plymouth fettlers. He entered into a treaty 
 \vith them. It was inviolably obferved by himfeif 
 and his fiicceiTors for fifty years; and, at this day, 
 the name of MafafToit is remembered in Nev/- 
 Engiand Vv^ith refpe-fV and gratitude. Nevv'-York was 
 firfl planted by the Dutch ; and this event does not 
 feem to be marked by any flrong fymptor.is of hol- 
 tility, or of fraud. 1 he lands of Pennlylvania were 
 honeflly purchaled from the Indians. They adhered 
 pcacealDly to their bargain, and no third party is 
 entitled to objedl againfl it. As to Virginia, Mr. 
 JefFerfon, in his Notes, obferves, " that the lands 
 " of this country were taken from them (the na- 
 '' tives) by concuefl-, is not fo general a truth as is 
 
 t Murpby's E'4it'on of Johnfon's Worksj Vol. II, p. 282; 
 
^' SKETCHES OF THB 
 
 '' foppcied. I find, in our biftorians and records^ 
 ^^ repeated proofs of pur chafe, whicU cover a corr 
 '^ liderable part of the lower countrv ; and many 
 ^' more would, doubtlefs, be four^d on farther 
 ^^ fearch. The upper country we kuow has been 
 '• acquired altogether by purchjie, made /;/ t/ie niofi 
 ** unexceptionable prm^' As for tlie other flates, 
 we fhall find, that, in general, the lands have 
 been acquired at a price which w^-^s confidcred 
 as adequate, by both parties. Siibfequent breaches 
 of treaty have been committed on each fide. In 
 confcquence, quarrels cnfned, jail- as they do in 
 Europe. They coulii not always be avoided here, 
 any more than in the old world, unlefs the new 
 iettlers had defertcd their lands and left North- 
 America to remain a v/ilc^M'nefs. 
 
 In fome parts of Virginia, Mr. Jeiterfon com- 
 putes, that the Indians were as or^e to every fquare 
 mile. Other regions of the continent were flill 
 more defolate. Of this Dr. Robertlbn gives the 
 following infbanccs. Amiffionary travelled from the 
 Illinois to Machilhmackinac. In twelve days, the 
 party ^i^ not meet with a finglc human creature. 
 Dr. Brickell, in an excurfion from North-Carclina 
 towards the mountains, did not, in the courfe of fif- 
 teen days, meet any pcrfon whatever. I'he continent, 
 with a few exceptions, contained, perhaps, not more 
 than a thouiandth part of the people whom it was 
 capable of fabfifling. Such vafl tracls of excellent 
 land ought not to lie wafle ; and they never would 
 have been peopled by the Indians. The Europcan$ 
 purchafed extenfive territories on the coafl, and 
 colonized them. If the natives found themfelve§ 
 incommoded for want of room, they had it in 
 their Option to retire backwards into the defart ^ 
 where a hunter might range for a fortnight without 
 meeting a rival. They had, therefore, no gi'cat rea- 
 
HISTORY OF AMFRiCA. 31 
 
 fcn to be difcontectei:]. It might be Cdidy that they^ 
 coal J fabfiib by hunting only, and that to deprive 
 them of their hunting ground was to ilarve them. 
 AVe muil: admit, with m.any exceptions, the idea that 
 their chief rabfiitcrice was derived from the chacc. 
 The tribes on the north and fouth-weflern frontier 
 of the union, havelirge plantations of Indian corn, 
 and raife cattle 9 fo that they now, at lead, are in 
 very little dang^^r of ftarving, though they ihoulcl 
 HCver hunt at all. When general Sullivan m-srched 
 into the country of the Six Nations, he found exten- 
 Hve orchards and cornfields. General Wayne^ iu 
 Augull:, 1794, declared, that the Pviiamis had the 
 largejfl:,corn fields which he ever faw in America; 
 and it has been faid, that they extended to five thou- 
 fand acres. Some writers indeed feem to think th^^^t 
 it was culpable to take Indian jands, upon any term.s, 
 and expatiate on the trifling prices paid for them. 
 But thefe lands are in reality worth very little to a 
 tribe of hunters compared with their value to a na- 
 tion of farjners and manufacfiurers. There is no 
 harm in buyin^^ ground from an Indian community 
 any more than froma private perfon in Europe. Why 
 fhould a tribe of two or tiiree hundred Imnters 
 cngrolb :in extent of land eqnai to the fupport of 
 five hundred thoufand or a million of people? The 
 Indians on our frontier are not, at prefent, famed 
 for iimplicity; as wull appear in a future part of this 
 volume. 
 
 Mr. Guthrie, in his Geographical Grammar, ef^ 
 timates the whole inhabitants of America at one 
 hundred and fifty millions. This is a very wild 
 miilake. The amount may be afcertained with to- 
 lerable accuracy.. The fubje^ri; is curious and de- 
 ferves our attention. 
 
 oy the cenilisof 1791, the United States contain-- 
 cdj three iiiiliior.s, nine biir.dred^and twenly-r.ine- 
 
32 SKETGn^ES OF THE 
 
 thoiif^nd, thfGSjhiindred and twenty- Hx pcrfqps,; 
 £cin\e diflrlfti were not included. I'he vvhois, ac- 
 cording to Morfe, vol I. p. 207, may have beeP; 
 three millions, nine hundred and fifty thoufLin j/ 
 In 1784, Canada, by a cenilis, was found to have 
 one hundred and thirteen thou^fand and twelve in-. 
 |iab;taiits^, befides ten thoufand loyalifts, in the up- 
 per parts of the province. The total population of 
 thsBriti.Oi dominions of North-America can fcarce- 
 ly exceed tv« o hundred thoufaiid. The native In- 
 diihs may be gu;:'ircd at ^n equal number ; and the 
 fcutlcrs in th^Spaniih part of Korih America, at an 
 hundred thpcUind., Thefe make together half a 
 m.ilhon. About "feyep-y ears have elapfed, ilnce the 
 cenilis of the/vJn.-ted pt:r.ties. The people may be 
 nor ^u^^-cientsd ,by one miiliqn, Thus, if weallov/ 
 iive miiUons to the ^fderal government,- and five 
 hvindre.d thoufand tothe8painards, theBritifh, and 
 Indians, we l^ave, in whole, five millions, an4 
 ail half*. Theesppire .91 Mexico is divided into nine 
 dioccfes ; and in .ij^i^ a csnfus -was made of the 
 pjrople in four of .ti^eie, and in fp me part of-a fifth. 
 The Indian families were two iiundretcl and ninety- 
 four thouland, three hundred and ninety-one, which, 
 at n ve to ^ fm}ily,^,j:iiake one miilion, four hundred 
 ar=d fv?vent:y-Qii>c thou land, pine hundred and ffty- 
 five. Dr. Robertfog^ .who gives this ftatemcnt, fub^ 
 joins, th T of the diocefes omitted, " the In- 
 
 '^ dian r. .■.. ,^ xnore numerous than /n any (other) 
 .*' p::rt of I\-iv Spain.^^ In Nova.Galicia, v^hich he 
 terms. avail: pro ; ipcQ^: the people^ of only ^' a fmall 
 '*• part of 11,-' \ycrf',nuiiabsrcd. We may, therefore, 
 •Con c 1 J. de, t h at tb e fo,iir diflri<Sls , V7 lier e th e In ch an s 
 vvers apt. number ed.. at ail,' ^and that part of Nova 
 Gall cia w^hich was left unrurve3:ed, contains, at leaf!:, 
 as many Indians,' as the other part of the empire. 
 The hifi;vrian5 therefor:?, v/as certciinly inaccuriit^ 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. $$ 
 
 in faying, that '' the number of Indians in the Mex* 
 *' lean empire exceeds tivo miilions." By his own 
 account, tiicy mufl have been not lefs than three 
 millions, in 1741, when this imperfecl cenius was 
 made in four dioceies only, and part of a ffth one, 
 out of the whole nine. About fifty-three years have 
 iince elapied. They are, upon the whole, increafing, 
 of wuich Dr. Smith has brought ibme evidence^, 
 fo that by this time, they are, nioft likely, four 
 millions. The other inhabitants of ]\iej<ico are, by 
 the higiieft computation of Dr. Robertion, three 
 millions. Thus we have feven millions for Me^iico, 
 «ndPera is not beieived tobe more populous t Ad- 
 mitting tbefe two empires to contain fourteen mil- 
 lions ofinhabitants, and the other Spanhh dominions 
 on the continent of South-America two millions, 
 we have thus fixtcen millions. Four millions will be 
 fufficient for Brafil and Paraguay. Ihe reft of that 
 continent, afewfpots excepted, is a defart. Hence 
 the cotal number of inhabitants in South-America 
 does not amount to more than twenty millions, nor 
 thofe in North-America to more than five millions 
 and an half; at ieaft the over-plus cannot be confi- 
 derables. 
 
 The inhabitants of the United States liavCj by 
 various calculations, been found to double upon 
 a medium, in twenty-five years* Hence, in 1847, 
 their prefeht population of five millions Will have 
 ex-tended to twrhty, and in 1897, to eighty mil- 
 lions. By the fame progrefs, the clofe of the nine- 
 teenth century would comprehend an augmen- 
 tation to twelve hundred and eighty millions ; and 
 as, before that time, the northern continent niuft be 
 over ftocked with people, the over-plus will nati»- 
 rally find vent in the fouthern continent. Under 
 
 ♦ Inquiry into th« WcaUh cf Nations, B«ok ¥• Chap, vij. Van IV 
 
;4 SKETCHES OF THB 
 
 ' many clifHculties, the people of Ncw^Englandj m 
 1 ]>articular, have continued for an hundred and fifty 
 V years to multiply in the preceding proportion ; and 
 there is no reafon to think, that the ratio will here- 
 , after decreafe. 
 
 Peru was conquered about two hundred and 
 . fifty years ago, and Mexico at a more early period- 
 . Since that time, thefe countries have remained in 
 ■ ti'anquUiity ; and yet it is very jdoubtfui whether, 
 including every colour, they contain at prcfentfive 
 -times the number of people whicli were to be found 
 fin them imm.ediatcly after the Spanifa conqueft. 
 
 .Since the firfl torrent of emigration., in the reign 
 of Charles I. very f&w individuals have ever gons 
 ' to fc^ttle in New-England ; but there has been a con- 
 . Ibant ftreani of emigration from it into the other 
 •colonies. The original lettlers amounted, by 
 Hutx:hinion's account, to about twenty thoufand, 
 and, including Vermont, that part of the union 
 : has now a million of people. Thus, in a century 
 and an half, the firft colony has augmented to fifty 
 times its primitive rmraber ; while the increafe in 
 -the Spanifn provinces bears not anything that ap- 
 proaches to a corrcfpondent proportion. Such is 
 the eternal difference bet^veen freedom and fiavery. 
 i Under a government like ours> the Spanifli colo- 
 , nies might, by this time, have made the banks of 
 'the Amazon and tlieLa Plata, as populous as thofe 
 of the Delaware and the Hudfon. 
 
H n T O R Y (J F ■ A !vf K I^IV A, 
 
 - ■ C H A P T E R ir. 
 
 European Supremacy .--^Britmn.—-Sui72nmry of her 
 colonial ^yjiem^' — At no expence in foiiriditi<y her 
 colonics. — IVarjof 1689, 1702, andiji^. — /Var 
 of 1756. — •T'he real caiije of that war. ^^ Its enor^ 
 7,ious cxpence^ and ahjurd con dud on the part of 
 Brifain^^—Injignificance of Canada to that coun- 
 try. — Approaching fubverjion of European Jupre^ 
 ?nacy in every part of America. — Mr. Harpy's 
 prcpofal. 
 
 jl\ S the native Americans were, in ^ 
 « great mcafarc, defencelcfs, thefovereignsof Eu- 
 rope immediately marked out this continent for their 
 prey ; and a confidcrable portion of it continues to 
 lang aif]i in their fetters. Bytiacrrant ufurpation, they 
 aiTumed the right of granting patents and charters, 
 for difcovery and colonization, on the wedern fhore 
 of the Atlantic. If Coliinibus had accomplifhrd 3 
 voyage to tlie moon, or if Cabot had aicended to 
 the planet Herfchel, a king of Spain or England, 
 might, with equal plauflbility, have claimed a title 
 of parcelling but thefe regions to Cortez, or to Penn, 
 This was a violation of natural jnftice, Which had 
 no precedent among the ancients. When the Giey 
 cian republics difperfed colonies on the coafl: of 
 Alia, they never attempted to alTume that lort of 
 dominion, which hath fincc been claimed by the 
 monarchs of Europe. The Americans, during the 
 late«rev6lation, might have fpared much of their 
 labour in- proving what rights they, h^d acquired^ 
 
^i SKETCHES ©F THE 
 
 by their charters, from the Britif]i crown. All gs.^ 
 vernment, which is not founded on the legitiraatc 
 confent of the people, and condu^lted by thc/^ re- 
 prefentatives, is, in itfelf, ufurpation Hence/ vheu 
 a British monarch gave a title to countries which 
 were not his own, it was to be fuppofed that his 
 fucceflbrs, in the fame fpirit of robbery, would em* 
 brace the firfl temptation to bieak their part of the, 
 engagement. But tliis breach, on their fide, was of 
 little confequence; becauie, fuch patents and diar* 
 ters formed an infuit upon common fcnfe, and the 
 priinitive rights of mankind, 
 
 If the Britifli government iiad been at an)'- charge 
 in founding colonies in North America, there might 
 Jiave been fome rcafon for aiTuming a privik^e to 
 give them laws, to linother their manufa^lures, and 
 reftric^ their navigation. But, in place of money 
 or alFiflance, fhe gave them nothing, or next to 
 liothing, but charters, for poirelling tcrritoi ies tiiat 
 were not her^s to bellov/, and of which Ihe did not 
 always know under what degree of latitude they 
 were plac,ed. The numerous miftakes in extendingj 
 royal v^rants have produced confufion and l^i^a- 
 Ipion in the colonies. The fettlers oi America were 
 able, without foreign alllitance, to h?^ve madelaws,> 
 and marked out boundaries for themfclves. Eng- 
 land intcrpofed in this w^ay for one fingle purpofo 
 only, that, as foon as the colonies became a fit ob- 
 j^6l for taxation, or monopoly, ftie might fecure tQ 
 laerfeif the whole benefits that could be drawn froni 
 them. People, to this day, and even on this lido 
 of the Atlantic, perfiil in terming Britain th© 
 fiiothcr country. If her relation to her colonies de- 
 ferved a domeftic name, it was that of a jealous aj»4 
 bloody flep-mother. 
 
 In the exportation of their own furplus producCjj 
 the Britiih coloaies,. both of North-America^ aii4 
 
HISTORY OF AMSRIOA. sj 
 
 tlic Weft-Indies, were greatly refrri^icd by a<fls of 
 parliament. Part of their produiftions could be ex* 
 ported orjly to Britain. By confining tobacco and 
 cotton, for inllancc-, to the iiome market, the Bri- 
 tilh meichAnts expeded that they would be able ta^ 
 buy them cheaper in the plantations, and to fell 
 them with abetter profit in Britain . 1 he\ likewife 
 propofed, by this regulation, to^cilablifh, in tucirown 
 favour, between the colonies and foreign countiies, 
 zn advantageous carrying trade^ of which Britain 
 was to be the centre, as the only country in Eui opa 
 h:!to which tlicfe commodities were hrii to be im- 
 ported, Britain encouraged America in the manu- 
 fa£lurc of pig and bar iron, by exempting thera- 
 from duties to w^hich the iiice commodities were 
 fubjedlcd, when imported from any other country^ 
 Yet an abfolute prohibition was irnpofed upon tiia 
 crevHrion of (leel furnaces, and Hitting mills in any 
 cf the colonies. England would not iulier her co- 
 loniits to work in thole more refined manufa (.'hires, 
 even for their own confumption. They were to 
 purchafe, from her merchatits and manufacturers, 
 ;a;il goods of this kind, for which they had oceafion. 
 She prohibited the exportation from one pro-' 
 vince to another by water, and even the carriage 
 by land upon horfeback, or in a cart, of hats, of- 
 wools and woollen goods of the produce of Ame- 
 fica. This regulation prevented the eilabliihpient 
 of any manufadlures of fuch commodities for cil^ 
 tant fale; and confined the induilry of the Ame- 
 ricans in this way, to fuch coarfe and houfliold mar 
 fiufadtures, as a private family commonly make$ 
 for its own ufe, or for that of fome of its neigh- 
 bours in the fame province. After reciting thefo 
 reflridlions. Dr. Smith adds, that '' to prohibit a 
 *' great people from making all that they can of 
 *f every part pf their owj> proditeej of ftani emploj^-' 
 
38 SKETCHES OF THE ' 
 
 •^' ing their (lock and induftry in the way that they ^ 
 *' judge moft advantageous to themfelves, is a ma^ 
 ^^ nijcfl violation of the mojl facred rights of man" 
 '^ kind^'.*' The Englifh nation had originally af- 
 iliraed a right of enabling laws to Vv hich they had 
 no lawful or honefl claim ; and a multitude of the 
 ftatutes which they made were in '^ manifeft vio- 
 *' lati®n of the mod facred rights of mankind/^ 
 Nor is this an liafly or unguarded expreflion. For 
 the author adds, that theic prohibitions were " onlj'' 
 *' impertinent badges offlavery impofed upon them 
 ^* (the colonics) without any furricisnt reafon, by 
 '' the groundleisjealoufy of the merchants andma- 
 '' nufafturcrs of the viother countr}- /' 
 
 This account oudit to cahn the raptures of Anie- 
 rican gratitude towards the iuprcmacy of Britain, 
 even in its belt days, and its mildelt form. Her 
 commercial regulations have always been adapted, 
 or, at Icaft, defigned, to ferve her own inlerefl at 
 the expence of the reft of the world, her colonies 
 liot excepted. How far ihe was fuccefsful in this 
 effort, may be gathered from the intercfling llate- 
 mcnt exhibited by the fame authort. We (hall now. 
 inveftigate fome of the pnncipal features of her 
 adininiilration, where the concerns of the mercan-- 
 tile interefl did not give an imprefiion. 
 
 In the fi^d place, it does not appear that the crown 
 of England bore almoft any part of the charges of 
 founding the colonies, that nowcompofe the fixteen 
 United States. Before the year 1589, Sir Walter 
 Raleigh had expended forty thouland pounds flcr- 
 ling, in attempting to fettle adventurers in Virginia. 
 This fum was equal in valu^ to one hundred and 
 fifty or two hundred thoufand pounds flerling at 
 
 * Inquiry into the Nature and Gaufes of the Vv^calthof Natiojif* 
 Boolv IV. Chap, vii. Part li. 
 
 Ilbid. Part III, ■ ' ..-.-. 
 
H.IS.TORY CJ'.- AMERICA. , S9 
 
 ^ Jihls day.Kalcigh was " ob[lru<51edocQ.aGonally hy the 
 *' crown, without, a JiiiUing of aid fro7n it'^^\ His 
 fubfequcnt expcnccs inufl like wife have been very- 
 great. Raleigh was, in 1603, inipriibned, and^ in 
 . 1609, James thc^firfb, granted a charter for fettling 
 ^Virginia to a company. 
 
 " The king and company quarrelled^ and, by a 
 ** mixture of law and force, the latter were oufted 
 *' of all their rights, iviikont retribution^ after hav- 
 ; *' ing expended a hundred thoufand pounds frer- 
 ^' ling in cflvibliflilng the color.y, -without the Jmdlefl 
 ^' aid from government , King James fnfpended their 
 ** po^vers by proclamation of July 15th, 16^4, and 
 " Charles the firll took the government into his 
 " ovvm handst'\ Mr. Jefrbrfon mentions a variety 
 of- fiibfequent ufurpations. The grant of Maryland 
 to lord Baltimore is one of the number. This was 
 obtained in 1632, from Charles the fir^. It was not: 
 till after many years of folicitation, that Charles 
 the fecond permitted William Penn to found the 
 colony of Pennfylvania. Yet Charles himfelf had 
 no title, to the country, except that general one de- 
 . rived from the voyage of John Cabott; and the 
 . grant itfelf was to coft him nothing. This was the 
 infolencc, perverfencfs, and rapacity of a court. 
 Charles the fecond, had owed confidcrable fums to 
 admiral Penn, father to .William, fo that the grant 
 was the, difqharge of a debt. New-York and Nevv'« 
 Jerfey were torn from the Dutch by Charles the fe- 
 
 * Jefferfon's Notes orf Virginia, Art. CoNSTITUTIo^•. 
 
 -^Jhi^^-. 
 
 ;^ In 1496, this mariner failed from Kngland, in quefl: of China, 
 
 He- fell in with the north fide of Terra Labrador. On this notable 
 
 atchievefnent w^xt founded the territorial titles of the eronn of 
 
 England to hcT North- Americr.ii domlntons. The French, in cneoif 
 
 . their voyages to China, f.^iind themfelves, in May, \ 944, in the: 
 
 Gulph of St, La;vrence; a circumftancc, from ivhence th^y deduced 
 
 their right to Canads ; Carey's Asicrican JEdition of Guthrie, Vvl. 
 
 ■ llvpi244. ■ .'• ., '^' ':. ''■..'■ ::,..- :. ' • v.-^ 
 
40 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 cQn{f, in one of his piratical wars againfl tlicir r^ 
 public. He afterwards made a gift of New-Jerfey 
 to his brother, Jaines the fecond, who iold it to 
 private adventurers. The twojGarolinas and Georgia 
 were fettled in the fame way; and, if the founders 
 received pecuniary aid from the Britifh government, 
 it was too trifling to deferve detailed notice. 
 
 Maffachufetts wasfirfl fettled in 1620. A number 
 of Englifh partizans, periecuted at home, purchafed 
 a trad of territory, fitiiated u ithin the jurifdicT:ioii 
 of the Plymouth company. Theie emigrants were 
 driven from their native country v/ith every mark 
 of hoftllity and contempt. Archbifliop Laud, under 
 the auipices of Charles the firft, perfecuted all 
 tinds of n on- con foi mills with unrelenting fury. 
 The puritans, on the other hand, were ready to 
 fubmit to all the rigour of perfecution, rather than 
 to give ttp their religious opinions, and conform to 
 the church of England. America opened an exten- 
 five field; and Laud, even from principles of poli- 
 tical expediency, fliould have been glad to free Eng- 
 land from fuch diifatisfied and dangerous inhabi- 
 tants. The vengeance of this clergyman was not 
 appeafed by the exile of thofe who differed from 
 his tenets. Many thoufands of diffenters, indeed, 
 cfcaped from their infular confinement ; but had 
 not Laud interpofed his prohibition, the population 
 of Nevz-England might, at this day, have doubled 
 its prefent amount. 
 
 Befides the difficulty of obtaining leave to fet- 
 tle in America, the colonifts had another formid- 
 able obRacIe to encounter and furmount. The crown 
 of England had parcelled out the country to fome 
 6f its hungry dependents. To thefc men a new co- 
 lony v/as of no value, but for what could be fqueez- 
 cd out of it. They were careful'to exert their au- 
 thority in a ilyle y/oithy of the &urce frpi« which 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA, 41 
 
 it was derived. The arbitrary proceedings of the 
 king and parliament, in afTuming a power to make 
 liws for the colonies without their concurrence, 
 filled up the meafure of American wrongs. Britain, 
 evidently thruft herfelf into the government of this 
 country for tlie fake of what (lie could get ; and, 
 accordingly, when the colonies had made fomc pro- 
 grefs in agriculture, flie was ca^reful to cramp their 
 commerce and induliry, by vcjvatious and opprellive 
 eJi£i:3. In this account there appear no traces of 
 maternal alTeclion. The royal, or parliamentary au- 
 thority, along with that of the patentees, was, in 
 all cafes, and without: exception, a gro{s defpotifm, 
 foanded on the helplefsnefs of the original iettlers. 
 Between the patentees, however, a diiiindiion rnufl 
 be made. Of Gorges and P^laibn, the colony of 
 Maffachufetts knev/ little, but by the law-fuits raif^ 
 ed in fapport of their claims. As far as they or 
 Penn had expended money in fettling or improving 
 the colonics, they were entitled to compcnfation ; 
 and certainly no farther. 
 
 This kind of reafoning cuts (hort all claims of 
 gratitude on the part of America towards England.. 
 As England never had any right of making laws for 
 America, it Is not worth while to defcend to particu- 
 lar inflances, where thefe laws wereoppreffive, be- 
 caule the wifeil and befi: of them were, in equity, 
 as truly void, as the gift of an cflate by a pcrfon 
 who is not the lawful owner. The conftant trans- 
 portation of all forts of criminals from Britain to 
 the colonies, was an infult, of that kind, which 
 might have excufed the Americans, for overlook- 
 ing even the greatefl obligations. Lewis the four- 
 teenth, if aficed, would very chearfully have ceded 
 Canada, Cape Breton, and Nova Scotia to England. 
 Thefe opportunities were neglected. Judge Hutch- 
 infon thinks it likelv, that, if the French h^d been 
 
 F 
 
42 SKETCHES or THE 
 
 driven out of Canada, an hundred years foonerj 
 Islew-England, at the time of his writing, iii 1767, 
 might have contained two hundred thouiaKd addi- 
 tional j5eople. Under the notion of England being 
 a parent ftate, this neglecSt was iiighly culpable. In 
 reality, it does not appear that the P^nglifh govern* 
 inent, in any Tingle inftance, paid ferious atten- 
 tion to the intcrcfl of the colonies. This is not the 
 limguage of party or prejudice, but the plain in- 
 ference from a feries of legifiath e ed.cls, and hi!- 
 torical events. "WithreipecSt tothe Vvarsof 1759, and 
 J 756, Britain has aslittleto boaftof gencrolity, as in 
 r.ny fpnTier part of her conduifl towards America. Dr. 
 K^imi'th. has {poke of thele vv'ars in terms, which can- 
 not be JLifliiied by a fober detail of facls. He fays, 
 that ^' the lad war (that of 1756) which v/as un- 
 *' dertaken altogether on account of the colonies^ 
 *^ coil Great Britain, it has already been obferved, 
 *' more than ninety millions. The SpaniQi war, of 
 * ' i 7 39^ ^'^^'^^ pyincipaUy undertaken on tkeir account ; 
 *^ in which, and in the French war. that was the 
 '^ confequence of it, Great Brit in fpcnt upwards 
 *' of forty millions, a great part of which ought 
 ^' /V{/^/y to be charged to the colonies^'^\ From this, 
 the writer feems to infer, that the colonies ought 
 to pay a fnare of the public debts of England. 'I o 
 paumerate the various caufes of the war in 17 39> 
 would require much room ; but every perfon who 
 confuks hiftory, v/ill fee that the Eritifa nation had 
 a moltiplicity of pretences ; for flie^ had no reajons^ 
 to commence that war, entirely difbncl from any 
 attachment to her North American provinces , Her 
 merchants liad, for many years, fmuggled immenfe 
 qaantities of goods into the Spanifli colonics. The 
 court of Madrid determined to check this praclice, 
 
 * Inquiry, Book III. Chap. V. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 43 
 
 and hoflilities enllied*. On ti is Spai)ifli quarrel, 
 George the lecond engrafted another on the coiii.i- 
 nent of Europe. Americii had no natural concerns 
 in fuch ineaiares. If any of her traders embarked 
 in a contraband cominercetotheSpanifa dominions, 
 it *vas the intereft of the reft of tlie people :o leave 
 then alone, to fight their own battles. At this r^te, 
 and with leis impropriety, the United States nught 
 now declare war againil; France, Spain, and Bri- 
 tain, for interrupting their navigation. In this w^r^ 
 Fr nee attacked us, not as American republics, biit 
 ts BritiCi colonies. At the fiege of J..oMi{bourg, in 
 1745*, the provinces of New- Hampfl:are and MafTa- 
 chuietts loil between two and three thoufand men; 
 a jofs, that, as Mr. Hutchinion obferve^, was very 
 fevcrely felt, and it may be fafely afcribed to the 
 turbiiient ambition of Britain. Americ!a, not with- 
 {landing the affirmation of Dr. Smith, had no rea* 
 fon to thank tne court of London, for this war, and 
 confequently ihe was under no moral obligation to 
 pay any part of its charges. 
 
 As to tiie war of 1756, Dr. Franklin had pro- 
 poCed to defend Pennfyivania, by embodying aii 
 A nerican miHtia. The colonies, if united, could 
 with eatc have defended themfelves agaihfl: any 
 force which the French ever brought into Canadao 
 That they did not aciualiy do fo, mud: be attributed 
 to Englirh jealoufy. " I'he d<-^fence of ner colonies 
 " was a great expencc to Great Britain. l"he mod 
 *' eFedual mode of lelfening this, was to put arms 
 '' into the hands of the inhabitants, to teach them 
 ^' their ufe. But England wirtied not that the Aliie- 
 ^' ricans (Iiould become acquainted with their own 
 ^' Itrsngth, She was apprehenfive, that, as fbon as 
 *' this period arrived, they would no longer fubmit 
 
 * Confult on this fubjea Robertf^n's Hiftory of America, Book 
 VIII. 
 
44 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 *' to that monopoly of their trade, which to them 
 *' was higiily injurious, but extremely advantage- 
 *' ous to the mother country. In comparison with the 
 '' profits of this, the expence of maintaining armies 
 '' and fleets to defend them was trifling. She fought 
 ^* to keep them dependent upon her for protedion, 
 ^J" the bell plan which could be devifed for retaining 
 *' them in peaceable fuhjedion. The leafl appear- 
 ^' ance of a military fpirit was therefore to be guard- 
 " ed againft ; and, although a war then raged, the 
 *^ acT:, organizing a militia, was difapproved of by 
 " the miniftry. The regiments which had been 
 " formed under it, were difbandcd, andthe defence 
 ^' of the province entruCled to regular troops*/* 
 Tiie generofity of Britain, in that war, was one of 
 the principal arguments, employed by the advo- 
 cates, for reducing the Americans to unconditional 
 ftib. niflion. Thelimits of Canada, for which it com- 
 menced are likely to produce, at fome future time, a 
 fecond quarrel on this continent. It may, therefore, 
 be wortii while to examine more fully the real caufes 
 of the w^ar of 1756, and the real importance of 
 Canada to the refl: of the Britifh empire. 
 
 The animofity of the Englifh nation towards 
 France, has plunged them into many unprovoked 
 wars againft that people. One of the }>rincipal caufes 
 of that in queftion, was their jealoufy of the (hare 
 which the French had in trade with the Indians. 
 Some of the latter pafTed by Albany to Montreal, 
 two iiundred and fifty miles farther, to buy goods, 
 which they could have had cheaper at Albany, 
 Guthrie, in his Geographical Grammar, ftatcs this 
 circumllance, and adds^ with a tone of regretj '• ^o 
 *^. much did the French exceed us in the aits of 
 ** winning the aife(flions of thefe favages/^ If the 
 
 * London Edition of Franklin's Works, vo!. I, p. 256. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 4^ 
 
 Indians preferred the French to the Englirti mrrket, 
 it mafl have been becaufe they were better treated 
 at Montreal than at Albany ; fo that the remark, 
 though deiigned by the writer as an oblique farcaini 
 on French ctinnin^-, is a tacit acknowledgement of 
 t'>e iiiperior prudence and integrity of the French 
 nation. But tliis cjiminutive advantage on the fide 
 of France, dclerved not to have been, as it really 
 was, an objerft of envy to the people of Enghind. 
 Thefe two rival nations traverfed an ocean above 
 a thoafand leagues wide, that they might open dram 
 fhops, for the debauchery and extirpation of a race 
 of naked barbarians. This traffic was not an objecSt 
 of rational ambition to either party. Their common 
 eagernefs to purfue it, may readily be traced to 
 their Ilrong defire of purchafmg furs from the In- 
 dians, at a very cheap rate, in order to fell thenv 
 at an exorbitant price in F.urope. The fpiritous 
 liquors, which formed a flaple commodity in this 
 commerce, have utterly deflroyed whole tribes of 
 the primitive Americans : of thofe who fliil exill, 
 tflie havoc has been very great. The Six Nations, 
 for example, are faid to have fliruuk from a very 
 Tuperior number, to hardly fifteen hundred fighting 
 men*. In a moral fenfe, tlierefore, this trade was 
 extremely deteftable. But, even as a fource of 
 wealth, its expediency might have been very doubt- 
 ful. We are told that the Indians wc.uld fomietimes 
 give away their whole property for a dram. But the 
 traders were frequently robbed and murdered, by 
 the favagcs, whom they had intoxicated for the 
 purpofe of cheating them. This is the natm^al pro- 
 
 * " There are in the Six Nations, according to an r.ccuratc efti- 
 <f mate, lately made by the reverend Mr. Kirkland, miifionary 
 <* among them, fix thoufand, three hundred, and thirty fouls. He 
 *jy adds, that among thefe there r;, comparatively ^ but very kv/ chil- 
 <* cjrcn,'' Morfe^ vol. I, p. 4^. 
 
^^ SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 grefs and termination of knavery. After all, the 
 furs were to be tfaniported acrois tiie Atlantic, be- 
 fore thejr could be fold again. Hence, if we take 
 into coiifideration, the numerous hazards of ail 
 IiiTids that were to be furmonnted, before the fkin 
 of a beaver was finally brought to market, it ieems 
 very likely, that, upon the whole, theie wandering 
 pedlars from Europe, would have been employed 
 more honourably and more profitably, both for their 
 countrymen and themfelves, at home, in the ordi- 
 nary DccupatioDs of domeftic life. But the futility 
 of this plan of commerce is placed beyond all doubt 
 ^y another confideration. Canada was the princi- 
 pal caufe of the bloody w^arof 1756. This war coll 
 England one hundred ane. eleven niillions, two 
 hundred and feventy one thoafand, nine hundred 
 and ninety-fix pourds fterliiig of public money*'- 
 The expences of France were certainly as great. 
 Thus It is evident that a frnple campaign cofc either 
 nation more than all the furs in the world were 
 worth. Since Britain became poiTcired of Caiiada, 
 her Li ade w-:tb that country 1 as been computed to 
 employ about (ixty (hips, and a tboufand feamen. 
 The exports from the province, at an average of 
 three years, in fkins, furs, ginfeng, fnake-root, ca- 
 pillaire, and wheat, amounted to one hundred and 
 five thoufand, five hundred pounds llerling per an- 
 num. '1 he imports from Britain were eftimnted 
 about the fame fumt. It may be fuppofed, that the 
 number of (hips and feamen engaged in this trade, 
 is at prefent much greater, than has been above 
 dated; for the trade itfelf li,as, of late years, been 
 conliderably augmented. In 1786, the cvports from- 
 the province of Canada amounted to three hundred 
 
 * Hiftory of the Public Revenue of the Britifh Empire, by fir 
 To^n Sinclair, vcl. II. p, 0.5, 
 . t Gu%if; p. 887, 
 
-HISTORY OF AMERICA* ^^ 
 
 aiid forty-three thoafand, two hundred and fixty* 
 three pounds fteriing. The imports of the lame 
 year, were three hundred and twejty-five thou- 
 land, one hundred and fixtecn pounds flerling*, 
 1 iius the extent of- the commerce between Britain 
 and Canada lesms to have trebled fmce the peace 
 of 1763. VVe fliall lay afide the extravagant ex- 
 pence of the conquefl, as well as that of preceed- 
 ing wars for Canada, and of its defence in the re- 
 volution of iz/y* Let us then eilimate the prefent 
 advantages derived by Britain from this addition to 
 her dominions* The amount of Britiih goods ex- 
 ported to Canada, fmce the conquefl, in 1763, can- 
 not, upon an average up to this time, (Janus ry, 
 1798) DC higner than two hundred tlioufand pounds 
 (lerling per annum. This calculation may be fafely 
 rcited on the particular ilatements above mention- 
 ed. It is always reckoned a good trade, where a 
 clear profit is to.be gained of ten per cent. At this 
 rate, England obtains, by the poffefiion of Canada, 
 tvve ity tnoufand pounds annually. It is ufual, in ef- 
 timating the beneiits arifmg to a nation in Europe, 
 from one of its American colonies, to fj^eak of the 
 whole profits of the commerce, as if they were fomc 
 pecidiar fpecies of emolument, that could have 
 been acquired only by the pofTeflion of that indivi- 
 dual fpot. This fort of political fophidry has pro- 
 duced fome very bloody and fruitlefs wars. In the 
 cafe before us, for inilance, the fame capital could 
 have been employed by Britifli merchants in other 
 branches of trade; and therefore the acquifition of 
 the country did not deferve a flruggle. W^e are, 
 indeed, informed, of the immenfe advantages that 
 are obtained by the procuring from Canada of raw 
 materials for manufaiflurest. This is another pait 
 
 * Morfe, vol, L p, 109. i Sec Guthrie, p. g?7> 
 
48 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 of the mercantile catechifm, that has impelled man/» 
 kind to innumerable crimes. The raw materials of 
 raanufaclurcs may always be had, by thofe, v/ho, 
 liiie the Biitifn nation, are able to pay for them. 
 But we ftiall admit that they could only be found 
 in Canada, and that upon theie raw materials, there 
 is a lecond clear profit often per cent, amounting 
 altogether, to a benefit of forty thoufand pounds 
 per annum, to Britain. Still that nation is a great 
 loier by the retention of Canada. The expences of 
 her civil and military ellablifhment cannot be cx- 
 aclly afcertained, yet they will hardly come to iefs 
 than an hundred thoufand pounds a year ; for the 
 fingle fortrefs of Gibraltar, even in time of peace, 
 'colls England annually twice that fum*^. In time of 
 war, the expences both of Gibraltar and of Canada, 
 become infinitely greater. If the military eftablifli- 
 nient in Canada be two thoufand men, thefe are fo 
 m-^ny hands fubtra^^ed from the domeflic manufac- 
 tures of Britain, to an extent of lofs, perhaps, not 
 Iefs than fifty thoufand pounds a year. Thus, in 
 one way or other, this province draws from Britain 
 an hundred and fifty thoufand pounds flerling per 
 annum, even intime of peace, while its profits are 
 forty thouiand. Ireland, in the reign of Elizabeth, 
 required for its peace eiUbiifhment, more than four 
 times the producl of the whole revenue that tyranny 
 could rend from its vitalst. Canada is, in this re. 
 fped", v/hat Ireland was to Britain at the clofe of 
 the fixteenth century. How flriking is the folly of 
 nations, ofitatefmen, and of kings 1 In the war of 
 1756 only, the Itruggle for Canada, cofl France and 
 England, between them, two hundred millions fler- 
 ling, and the lives of five hundred thoufand men; 
 and, after all, the dominion of the province, if it 
 
 * Hiftory of the Public Revenue, vol. II. p. 172. 
 
 t Carey's Amtrican Edition of Guthrie, vol, I. p. 387. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 49 
 
 could have been had for nothing, was dbfolutely 
 jijt worth acceptance ! In 1784, the expcnce of col- 
 Jecling the cultoms in Quebec, Halifax, St. John's, 
 and Newfoundland, exceeded their whole amount 
 by a clear lofs of fev^n hundred and twenty-five 
 pounds llerling** 
 
 The preceeding ftatement of fa<n:s, proves the 
 right of this country to political independence, and 
 furniilies a fatisfavfrory aniwer to the aCcufation of 
 ingratitude^ fo loudly thundered in our ears, by the 
 orators of Britain. 
 
 For the fake both of Europe and America, it is to 
 be delired, that the colonial fupremacy, held by the 
 former, over fome regions of the latter, may foon 
 expire. This ufurped authority has uniformly pro* 
 duced bad confequenccs to all parties. Spain, for 
 inftance, with the mofl wealthy and tempting por- 
 tion of the new world, hath been reduced to ruin. 
 Her colonies, at the fame time, groan under odious 
 oppredion. Peru and Chili excepted, the culture of 
 the vine and oliv^ are forbidden to the Spanifn co- 
 lonifts. They mud buy the wine and oil for which 
 they have occafion from old Spain. The difficulty 
 of transporting fuch bulky articles acrofs the ifl:h- 
 mus of Panama, is the only reafon for exempting 
 Peru and Chili from this cdi^l of defolation. No 
 vefTel belonging to the Spanifli colonies was ever 
 permitted to carry the commodities of America to 
 Europe. No vclTel of any foreign nation is openly 
 received into the harbours of the Spaniili dominions 
 on the continent of America, The pains of death^ 
 and the confifcaticn of moveables, arc denounced 
 againfl; every inhabitant who trades with them. Yet> 
 in fpitc of all thefe regulations, the king of Spain 
 IS defrauded of half his revenues. An author, quot« 
 
 * See Political ^io^xz{% of Britain, Third Edition, Chap, vii^ 
 
 G 
 
p , ^k:f.tches of the 
 
 eel byDr-tlobertfon, gives a flriking pi^nre of thji 
 flate of govei'Dment in tiie Spainfh coJoiiics. W^ 
 ^^ h^ve/* £.\y% he, *' viceroys, prcfideiits, ^ovtr- 
 ^' nors, oydors, corrigidors, alcaioes, and thoui .nds 
 '' of aiguazils abound every where; but, doiv;:];- 
 ^V^aiidinj?- all thtfe, public abiiies continue to n/ul- 
 ^' tiply*." With fuch a icene before then], ti.e citi* 
 zens of the United States cannot be luhiciently tliai k- 
 ful, that they have efc aped from the talors oi the ,v;<?* 
 i'ker ccmntry. Had the king of Britain iucceeded in 
 his plan o£ conqueil:, the liTijCilih of Sp^in vvo^ld 
 have fqund no caufe to envy the condition cf Bii- 
 tiPa coln^nies. 
 
 it ii pleail'-ig to obferve Iiow the rapacity of 
 Ciefpo^^iiln overihoots its aim. The.Spaniards, Loth in 
 E irope and America, liave their invention continual- 
 ly on the Hretch to elude the royal edicfls. This fpirit 
 defcends ironi the higheft dcp?rtments in govern* 
 ment tothcloweil. 1 he very officers ;ippoirted to 
 check contrabandtrade, are often employed as inRru- 
 merits in carrying it on ; and the be irds inflituted to' 
 reilrain and pimifli it, are the channels through vv iiich 
 at flows. In Mexico and Pern, the annual eliab- 
 liO^ment for defraying the charge of adminiilration, 
 exceeds one-halfof the revenue collecPfed.The annu- 
 al amount, in ilcrling money, exacted by Spain from 
 America and the Phillipinc ifiands, is computed by 
 Dr. Robertfon at only two millions and fcven hun- 
 dred thoufand pounds ilerling, of which one-haif is 
 expended in fupport of the adminiflration. If tiiefe 
 dominions contain fifteen millions of people, the 
 king of Spain gains by them about one fliiliing and 
 eight pcnc^ per head. A poor reward for the fa- 
 vcry of a human being! But for their opprefTed 
 lltuatioD, the Spanifli colonies might, perhaps, have 
 
 * Piiflcr;- of America, Bock VIII. 
 
IflSTORY OP AMERICA. 51 
 
 been thrice as populous, and ccitainiy much more 
 improved than they are at preieiit, opain has had a 
 Hill worfe bargain of her colonies than Britnin, 
 Even in point of economy, it would have been 
 for her advantage, to declare them independent an 
 hundred years ago. 1 he bloody war of 1739, 
 excluiive of many other quarrels, rauft have cofl 
 her altpgether, at lealt twenty-live or thirty mil- 
 lions ilerling. The very intered of this Turn u^ould 
 have been more than the v/hole net revenue that 
 ilie draws from, her colonies. By callirg open 
 their trade, (he would fliil e:iToy as great a hiare of 
 it, as -e coald manage. England, by the fepa ra* 
 tiun of her colonies, ad the breaking up of iier mo- 
 nopoly tr?ide, has not loif a Gngle farthing ;4ince 
 her com inerce with the Jnited States is much more 
 cxccifive taan that with her North American colo- 
 nics ever was before the revolution. Ihis aiighC 
 be a Icflbn to the crown of ^pain. 
 
 The following is a remark made in an Englifli 
 magazine for tne year 179 1. — "* Such is the fanati* 
 ^' ciim and ignorance of the Spaniards, that it is 
 '^' .Aali probable their fettlements will be iri 
 " the hands of the United States ^ before their 
 *' eyes are opened to the light of knowledge an4 
 *' liberty." 'i he United States will certainly un- 
 deriland their own intereft better than to attempt 
 fucii an acquifition, or even to accept of it, if prof- 
 fered for nothing. The fupremacy of Spain will 
 not^ liowever, be loaig lived. '^ Her violent and ar- 
 *' bitrary government has, upon many occaiions, 
 *' bee -J obliged to recall or foftcn the orders which 
 ^' had been given for the government of her colC' 
 " nics, for fear of a general infurrediion^." 
 
 * Inquiry into the Wealth of Nations, Book IV. Ch?p. VIL 
 Tart n. No hint of this impoiva.aV circyzpib.r.ce occurs in Di, Ro 
 bextfon's Hillory ©i America, 
 
fi SKETCHES OF THS 
 
 It may have been fo ; but that is, at prefcnt^ no 
 concern of ours. In fuinmer laft, Mr. Robert Har- 
 per held out to Congrcfs, the conqueft of the two 
 Mexicos, as a temptation for America to league 
 with England ap^ainft France. The above detail 
 fhews how infignilicant theie pofTellious are even to 
 Spain herfelf; and thus, on the {^idc of avarice, 
 the fcheme is blafled, even if the regions deltined 
 to federal plunder could be feized without rchliance, 
 Mr. Harper, at the fame time, railed at the French 
 for conquering the dominions of monarchs, who 
 h^d endeavoured to conquer them. Spain hatli 
 not warred againft the United States, fo that his 
 own plan was evidently by far more atrocious than 
 any which he had afcribed to the republic. A pro- 
 fal for robbery more unprovoked, more fliameiefs, 
 more criminal, was never fuggefted in the cabin of 
 Blackbeard, or the camp of Brandt. Had his end 
 been to liberate an injured people, the humanity of 
 the vifion migi?t have atoned for its madnefs. The 
 view in which the member held out his fcheme 
 was not the difpenfation of freedom to Haves, but 
 the acquifition of booty to conquerors. The luoft 
 ferious conuderation is, that the incendiary of Nine- 
 tv Six, fpoke, to be fure, onl)^ as the avaunt courier 
 of his party, who zO: with the regularity of a Ro^ 
 jnan legion''^', 
 
 * On Decemher 2 3d, 1 7^7, Mr. Harper, in a private convcrfation 
 ix\ the fiatehoufe, faid, that he wiflied to fee ihe BoM-hons n-jhrcd to 
 the throne of Francpi and the nobility to their ancient prhileges. Some 
 of the company appeared to feel furprife; upon which, Mr. Harper 
 fubjoined, that he was willing to grant a legiflaturc of fome fort. 
 He faid, that the beft friends to Francej would wifn for a rejioration 
 of royalty. It was replied, that, in this cafe, it would likewife be bet- 
 ter for the United Stales to reftore the Brjtifh monarchy. He re- 
 joined, that the American government would end in royalty, and it 
 would fuit the country beR, but the minds of the people were «of 
 
 J// ripe fur it. 
 
 This converfation is related on the authority of members of coij*^ 
 |ref§j who were prcfcnr. 
 
KISTORY OP AMHRICA. 531 
 
 CHAPTER III, 
 
 Federal plan for the conqiiejl of Mexico. ^ — Bntlfh 
 captures at Port-au-Prince, — Caje of the pilot 
 
 Butler, Frefidential Canting, ^The caujes of 
 
 Mr, JefferJon*s refignation, — Letter to Maz- 
 zei, — Defence of it, — Review of the political cha- 
 rader of Virginia, — 'Extrarjagwit jchevies of the 
 truly federal party . — Import cmt anecdote, — Mr . 
 Cerry, — Servility of the fir fi congrejs, 
 
 A HE way to empire cannot be too 
 *' fhort," faid Tuliia, when (lie drove her chariot 
 over her father^s dead body. " The way to Spanilli 
 *' gold cannot be too tliort/' exclaims the federal 
 orator to congreis. The wifdom of Mr. Harper'i 
 fcheme is equal to its honefty. For the trifling ex- 
 pence of ten millions of dollars, the United States 
 might aflemble twenty thoufand men at the mouth 
 of the Ohio. They have then only to defcend with 
 the ftream, till they gain fome proper place for dii- 
 embarking. They next daih throiigh a foreft three 
 hundred leagues wide, which leads them to the ca- 
 pital of New Mexico. Some flight objedlions occur. 
 Three-fourths of the army will die of hunger ca 
 the march, from the difficulty of taking fufRcient 
 provifions along with them. Three-fourths 01 the 
 remainder will perifh of fatigue and the iiux ; and 
 the Indians may, probably, knock the reft on the 
 head. But theie are the petty cavils of cowardice. 
 Cortez did not calculate, and why fhould we ? 
 
 If this plan had only been fpouted in a fit of paA 
 fion, it had not been w©ithy of attentive rcmait. 
 
^4 SKETeHES OF THS 
 
 Bat iMr. Harper, in a printed letter to bis conflittv 
 ents, dated May 25th. 1797, dwells upoD the idea; 
 Recommending an alliance with England, he fays, 
 that the colonies of Holland and iSpain " muit link 
 *^ under the arms of the two countries:" viz. of 
 Britain and the United States. A long e: traft, con* 
 tai .ing this afTertion, has been circulated in one, at 
 leaiir, if not others, of the feaeral iiewipspers. If 
 the friends of order, in congrefs, iiad never propa« 
 >gated any icheme equally profiigate and audacious 
 with this, cliarity would be led to fuppofe, that Mr. 
 Harper a£led only by the mipuUeof his own felly; 
 But their ilruggle for rejedling the Indhm, Algerine, 
 and Spanidi treaties, unlefs linked with that of Jsy, 
 was a bra?ich from the fame root. The war m ith 
 France, into which they make Uich vigorous efforts 
 for driving America, is altogether as fi-antic as Mr. 
 Harper's plan; and hence it is not injuring th'^m 
 to believe that they approved of bis propofai for 
 the Mode an expedition. 
 
 On the 2d of Jnne, 1797, a number of American 
 captains at Port-au-Frince, in St. Domingo, pi ticn- 
 ted a petition to governor Simcoe. They reprcfen' 
 ted that eleven American vcfTels, with cargoes, 
 amounting to three hundred thoufand dollars, bad 
 teen captured by Brithh privateers, and were then 
 lying at th it port, in expectation of a trial. Ty.cy 
 liad applied foi it, and had been told in anfwer, that 
 they were to be fent for adjudication to Moie St. 
 Nicholas. They ttate, that fonie of the vefTels can- 
 not proceed to that place without confiderable re» 
 pairs: others, had been abandoned by their crews. 
 Some, with their cargoes, were likcwife in a fiatc 
 of fijffering. Man}?- of the petitioners, beiiig entire 
 ftrangers, werercduced to inconvenience from, want 
 or money. Some crews and fnper cargoes, fron'j 
 fickneis, clifapptjlatments, and mortifications, were 
 
HISTORY O^ AMERICA. sS 
 
 ■*f duccd to the moii diftrciling circumRances* Tht-y 
 a.-irm, that taey had e^irkd on a Ifgai trade, zgi'ta- 
 ajly CO the Bricifii treaty. They lupphci:tc that a 
 court of admii ally may be appointed at Port-au- 
 Prince tor trying their cauks, and Gonclucle vvitli 
 {bme compiiaients to the perfonal character cf ^.nx- 
 coe hunielf. 
 
 His aolWer was haughty and reproachful. He 
 proniilcd to recommend to the jadge of th.e ad- 
 miralty, Mr. Combauld, to decide their cafes at an 
 early period ; hut he gave them no reafon to tiiirk 
 that mere would be a court ercdied for that end at 
 f'ort-au-Pnnce. He hoped that they would be ac- 
 qiittecl of that contraband tratuc which many ci- 
 tizens of the United States carried on with the 
 FiCnch i!.overnnieDt in St. Do.mingo. He clofed 
 withtelhng tnem that this illicit trade might, at no 
 renu te diilancc, ^' ferioufiy diilurb the national rC'* 
 " poi'e, and arte <!!: the /ffcurity of the American con- 
 ^' cin'^nt.^' This menace appears fomewhnt inex- 
 plicible. He cannot furely mean that England 
 is tc arFefl: our fecurity by land, as a confcquence 
 of her having robbed our fiiips at fea. The lat- 
 ter was, of itfelf, enough in all confcience. Thus 
 American vefiels are liable to be taken into an Eng- 
 lifli port, and to be kept there tiji their crews defert, 
 their cargoes fpoil, and themfelves rot for want of 
 an Eugliih trial. When no longer capable of fail- 
 ing, they are ordered to make a voyage in qnefl: of 
 adjudication. Mr. Harper and his friends think 
 that they have gained every thing, becaufe they 
 have at lafl exafperated the French into the fame 
 fyftem of privateering, which the BritiHi have car- 
 ried on for four ye%s and an half, and in which 
 they Pi ill ardently perfift. , 
 
 It would require confiderable room to enume- 
 rate all the Britifh confifcations of Aaicrican pr©« 
 
5fi SKETCHESOFTHf. 
 
 perty in the Weft-Indies, within the laft fix months. 
 Captain Dunlevy remained in Hifpaniola, from the 
 9th of June, to the 20th of Oiftobcr, 1797. The 
 following is a fummary of his account, as to Mr* 
 Conibauld's operations. Eighteen vcfTels, v/ith 
 their cargoes, were condemned. Two of the cap- 
 tains of thcfc friips were detained three months be- 
 fore they could get their papers, which could have 
 been had with eafe in three days, or a much left 
 time. Another of thefe captains * died of grief. 
 A nineteenth velFel, with her cargo, was fold to 
 pay the cofts of court. A twentieth was cleared, 
 bat the cargo condemned. Seven were difcharged 
 on paying cofts. This is manifeft injiiflice ; for, 
 if die Engliih were not warranted in leizing them, 
 it was highly oppreilive to make tliem pay any ex- 
 pence whatever. They fliould rather have them 
 reimburfed for their detention. But what could 
 be expecled, v/hen the fame nation were both par- 
 ties and judges ? Some others in the above lift were 
 under trial, when captain Dunlevy came away* 
 The whole amount to thirty one, and feveral vef» 
 fels were like wife detained, of which the trials had 
 not come on. Many fuch details of the prefent 
 year might be given, as to Englifii piracy. Yet 
 the Adamites always fpeak as if piracy were confix 
 ned to the French only. 
 
 The relative fplrit of the American miniftry to* 
 wards the two nations is fully exhibited in the fol- 
 lowing narrative. Citizen Adet had complained 
 to Mr. Pickering refpefting the French corvette 
 L'Eiperance. §hc was taken by the Britifii fhip 
 Argonaut, who v/cnt with her prize into Lynnha- 
 ven bay, in Virginia. According to Adet, the cor- 
 vette was there fitted out by admiral Murray, as 
 a Britifii cruifer, and this Adet urged as a violation 
 of the treaty of Paris. Pickering; in his letter to 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. f^ 
 
 Charles Pinckney, undertakes to anfwcr this cbm* 
 plaint. He firft remarks, that the captain of the 
 corvette, and the French conful at Norfolk, had 
 both been applied to, and fliewed no difpofitlon to 
 complain of any improper condud on the part ojf 
 the captors. Thus far all is well ; but Mr. PicI^,- 
 ering proceeds thus : '^ the governor (of Virginia) 
 " having heard that a refpecftable pilot by the name 
 ^' o£ Butler^ was acquainted with the circumRan- 
 " ces of this affair, he dirededhis depoCtion to be 
 " taken; it was taken, and impoited, that admiral 
 '' Murray himfeif, purchafcd the prize and manned 
 '' and fitted her in Lynnhaven bay for a cruize; 
 " but Builcr's dcpofi ti on was afterwards taken on 
 '' the part of tlie BritiQi, i^ which he C072tr£iMiCied 
 *' all the material fads recited in tJie forrner dspQj% 
 '' tion^ which he accounted for by faying, that he 
 '' could neither write nor read, and that there had 
 *' been inferted in his firft dcpofition what he had 
 ^' never faid^.'^ Mr. Pickering then mentions 
 to Pinckney his anxiety for further information* 
 This had been ftipplied by the Eritifh ininifler, Mr- 
 Hammond, in a letter from admiral Murray, who 
 declared that he fent the corvette back to fea, as 
 foon as wind and weather would permit. 
 
 From the face of thi^ liory, it feems that onr fe- 
 cretary of flate aiflrd right* The French conful 
 and captain, at Icait as he pretends, would have no- 
 thing to do with complaining. Butler, the only 
 evidence againfl Murray, retraced upon oath ; and 
 (ince the admiral himtfelf denied his having fitted 
 out the L'Efperance, as a privateer, Mr. Pickering 
 had no choice but to give him credit. 
 
 Now comes the oppofite fide of the queflion. On 
 the 24th of March, 1795, Butler emitted \i\zfirfi 
 
 * MefTag^ from the Prefident, of January 19th 1797^ p* 4^' 
 
J8 SKfl^TCHES OF THE 
 
 dcpofiticn, purpoitirig, as above, that tiie corvette 
 was fitted out by adnjiral Murray;^ for a privateer* 
 Belt it is :.0T true, as IVlr. Pickering aflirms, that 
 Jprjtler ever conti adisftcd this teiliinony in a ilcond 
 t^oMon, lijat of the 24th of March, 1795'; 
 yT irnniediat^-ly f^nt fo] ward to Mr. Pickering, 
 and bv theiattcr comrnuriicated to Mr. Hanimond, 
 "WlVo icnt a copy of it to captain Cochrane of the 
 Thetis, vvhich vr as then under repair at Ncrfolk, 
 When Cochrane was ready to fet fail, he felected 
 Butler, as his pilot ; and after the ihip had got 
 hita Hampron roads, he began to charge the man 
 with having acred as a fpy on board of EnoiiOi 
 Xhips. Ke read, in evidence, a copy of Butler'3 
 dcpofition of the 24th of March, and threatened to 
 carry h'ni off, and treat him as a fpy. L'nder thefc 
 circiimilances, Cochrane prefented a paper, which 
 Le called of the, nature of a counter declaration, 
 Sin J required Bntlcr to fubfcribe it. The pilot 
 was glad to fign any thing, leather than run the im- 
 inediate hazard of being carried away from his bu- 
 fmefs, his family, and his country; befides the 
 profpecl of being ilarved, flogged, and probably 
 murdered b}'- a gang of barbarians. He was not; 
 indulged wdth a copy of the paper, nor made ac- 
 quainted with its contents. Captain Cochrane did 
 hot offer to adminifter an oath. 
 
 VX'^hen Butler got on Oiore, he ma.de a dcpofition 
 before three magifrrates cf the county of Norfolk, 
 and in preleace of a nunil>er of refped:abie citi- 
 zens. He therein related the clrcumftances of fur- 
 prife, compulfion, and alarm, under which Coch- 
 rane compeilcd him to fign a paper contradidory 
 to his depoHtioMof the 24th of March. This fccond 
 depofition was taken on the^4th of May, 1795, ^"^ 
 forwarded to Mr. Pickering. Yet our fccretary, 
 takes not the leafl notice of it, and modeflly gives 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. ... .j<^ 
 
 tlie title of a depofition to, tiie paper obtained 
 by captain Cochrane. Theie particulars are 
 abridged from a copious detail fuinifhcd by co- 
 lonel Jofrah Parker, who has been ^isc timel elec- 
 ted as a reprefentative to congrels, and who, for 
 clafTical propriety of expreiTion, is excell(Td by no 
 fpeaker in that houfe. This gentlemen has docu- 
 ments for proving what is above related. After this 
 cxplanatioii, it will be difficult to dcfeiu' the vera- 
 city of colonel Pickering, Mr. Wafliington, along 
 wita a copy of this letter to Pinckney, fcnt to con- 
 grefs, as ufual, an introdue^ory nieiTage. It con- 
 cludes in thefe words : '' A government whicli 
 " required only a knowledge of the truth tojiiRify 
 ^' its meafures, could not but be anxious to ha\ei 
 *^ this fully and frankly difplayed." Canting is 
 always fufpicious. Mr, Wafliington, in the una- 
 voidable exercife of his mind, 7mijl have knov/n 
 that this inflammatory letter contained other bun- 
 giiTig atteiupts at impofture, as well as that about 
 the Norfolk pilot. Such cobwebs may lafl for a 
 day, but tiie brufli of hiftory quickly fwceps them 
 down, and configns them to their native dungl ill. 
 
 This is the cabinet that makes fo much noife 
 about its morality. From contemplating the prefent 
 iecretary of ilate, v/e naturally turn to one of his 
 predecefTors. For a long time before Thomas Jef- 
 ferfon refigned his place, the federal prints were 
 diligent in reproaching him, as unworthy to be en- 
 truRed with fo high an oillce. Since he gave it wvi^ 
 they have cenfured him for a refignation, of which 
 they were extremely glad. The Minerva con- 
 tains a letter, copiei into a Jerfcy Gazette, of 
 OtHiober nth, 1797, which has thefe w^ords : " The 
 *' good and the wife faw him fuddenly retreat fioiti 
 '' a poft of honour, and eifential fervice, ct a mo- 
 *' ment, when his country was in a fitualion fo cr^ 
 
r^ SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 ^' tital as to require all the erTorts of wifdom, and 
 
 ^^ the poflure of firmncfs and dignity." 
 
 If Mr. JefFerfon is fo dangerous a man as the fix 
 per cent, writers have conflantiy repreiented him 
 to be, it was unfuitablc to regret his retreat. Anie- 
 rica was well rid of him. But thefe fcribbiers had 
 terms to keep with the great body of citizens, upon 
 whom his abilities and his fervices had made a laftin^ 
 imprefhon. His retirement was heard of with uni- 
 verfai concern, unlefs among the immediate leaders 
 and agents of the ftock-holding and Britifli fatftion; 
 and with them it \vas necejflary to conceal their 
 triumph. Enlightened men looked around them, 
 and law no other character capable to fill the gap. 
 Motives of prudence compel Mr. Jefferfon's ad- 
 verfaries, Phocion excepted, to fpeak with defer- 
 ence of his talents. 
 
 The caufc of refignation ma}^ be told in a few 
 words. The late preHdent has a referved fullen 
 temper, v/hich of itfelf muft be extremely tirefome. 
 He had likewife a flrotig bias to the Hamiltonian 
 and Antigallican fyflem, fo that Mr. Jefferfon found 
 himfelf in very frequent minorities. When the 
 three fecretaries, and Mr. Rsandolph, attorney ge- 
 neral, were convened with the prefident, report fays, 
 that Randolpli ufed to argue on che fide ot JefFer- 
 fon, and when the vote came, to agree with Knox 
 and Hamilton. To a man of independent fortune, 
 and of a literary turn, this fituation could have 
 no charms ; and as few arofefrom the emoluments 
 of office. Thele reafons form a good apology for 
 his retiring ; as the events that fucceeded his re- 
 treat, eompofe the beft encomium on his abilities. 
 Within three fliort months thereafter, the prefident 
 flumbled into that pit of deftrucflion, the phn for a 
 Britifli treaty. The next four months produced 
 \ym% Mr. Hamilton chofe to call a rebellion, AH the 
 
HISTORY QF AMERICA. ex 
 
 rell of our hiflory has been as calamitous as it well 
 could be, when fliort of actual war. At lafl,' matters 
 grew £o very bad, tliat general Wafliington himielf 
 diirfl: no longer hold the helm. If relignation, at a 
 <;ritical moment, be culpable, the charge falls ml 
 thoufand times more heavily on the prefident tha^i 
 oa his fecretary. 
 
 And here, iniiead of what has been done, let fancy 
 fuppofe what might have been done, fmce the fatal 
 1 6th of x\pril, 1794, if Mr* Jcfferibn, v/ith a found 
 majority of congrefs to fupport hinri, had condutfled 
 the adminiflration of America, InRead of aukward 
 inffcru<flions, which the executive bliifted to pro^ 
 dace, the mcfTage would have been open, concife, 
 and decifive ; and the reprefentatives would have 
 been confalted about it. " Send back,'' it would 
 fay, *' our imprdlfcd fellow citizens, with double 
 '' wages for the time of their detention. Send back 
 " our veiTels, taken in contempt of juftice. The 
 *' fubjecH: is complicated, and v/ill require time,^ 
 " But as a pledge of your flncerity, depofit in cur 
 " treafury before hand, a million of dollars, for 
 " the relief of the families of imprefled feamnen*, 
 " and of thofe merchants v/ho have gone to jail 
 '' in confequeace of your piracies. Unlefs you 
 '^ do fo, we forbid the exportation of provi- 
 " fions to the Britilh Weft-Indies, and {Iiall anni- 
 ** hilate your armies without firing a piftol. We 
 ^^ want no treaty of commerce v^ith you, till the 
 '^ end of the war iliall decide your future ntnatioii,^" 
 
 By this firm but reafonable tone, England mi-gi.it 
 have learned to refpedlthe United States. France, 
 
 * Notice, on this head, the whining of Mr. Pickering. When 
 affigning the motives for Jay's^nii/Tion, he fays, — <' Did not theim- 
 «' preffment of our feamen, like the fpoliations on our commerce, ex. 
 *' cite an univ>erfal complaint ?" Letter to Pinckney, p. i ^. TUc 
 public have already fecn the two cqricus cards refpctfiingimpicd- 
 ineat, between jay and Grenvills* 
 
^2 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 courting their amity, would have reilraincd he? 
 cruifers, as (lie ad:ua]iy did, till July, 1796, when 
 fhe heard of the final ratification of the Bntifh trea- 
 ty, which is the confcifed caufe of her prcfent de- 
 preciations. 
 
 As for the weilcrn infurretfrion, Mr. Jefferfon has 
 Tjever cxprefied mipatience for the burning of Pittf* 
 l)urgh ; of conrfe, he would have quelled the riots 
 in their infancy, ai an expence of {ive hundred dol- 
 lars. Inflead of refufing to pay the militia who 
 burnt Nickaj^ck, inftead of inveighing againfl de- 
 mocratic focieties, and boafting of Creek friendfliip, 
 he v/ould have author Ifed generals Clarke and Pick- 
 ens to enter the country of thcfe cut throats, at the 
 headof five thoufand men, toteachthem fomerefpctt 
 for treaties, and fome dread for oil^ended juftice. 
 
 The writer in the Minerva proceeds to declaim 
 upon a letter faid to be written from Mr. Jefferron 
 to one Mazzei at Florence. Much clutter has 
 been made about this piece, which, unfortunately 
 for the enemies of Mr. Jefferfon, contains only 
 {tri£i truth, The following is themofi: interefting 
 part of it. 
 
 '^ Oar political lituation is prodigioufly changed 
 *' fince you left ns. Inflead of that noble love of 
 *' liberty, and that republican governroent, vi^hich 
 carried us 'triumphantly through the dangers of 
 the war, an Anglo-monarchico-arillocratic par- 
 ty has arifen. — ^Their avowed objeft is toimpofc 
 on us the fubilance, as they have already given 
 us the form, of the Britifh government. Never- 
 ** thelefs,the principal body of our citizens remains 
 ^^ faithful to republican principles. x\ll our pro- 
 ^' prietors of lands are friendly to thofe principles, 
 *' as alfo the mafs of men of talents. We have 
 " againil us (republicans) the executive power, 
 *' the judiciary power, (tv/o of the three branches 
 
•HISTORY OF A ?/! E ni C A. 6^ 
 
 *' of onr government,) all the officers of govern* 
 *' raenr, all vvho are icckingoiffces, all timid meii^ 
 '' wii6 prefer the calmof defpotiim to the tcmpcflu- 
 ^^ oiis lea of liberty, the Britfh merchants and the 
 "Americans whd trade onBritifh capitr^is, the 
 '' fpecLilaLors. j^erfons interefted in the haiik-/and 
 *' l-fic public f'jnds ; eftablifhments invented Vv'ith 
 '^'' views of corruption/ancl to affimilatc us to the 
 '^ Brit lui model \\\ its corrupt parts/' 
 
 This letter v/as originally tranflated from a 
 .French newspaper by Webfter, ^vho fpoke of it as 
 .^f it had been trenfon, Ihat an Eng^lifh faction haS 
 . fen, and obtained an andiie influence in govern* 
 ment, carl hardly be denied, when, befides a mil- 
 lion of other traits, we fee one prefidcnt after ano-» 
 ther haranguing againO: French piracy, and paffm^ 
 over in guarded iilcncc, the fea-robberies of Britain. 
 The conitiiution, of whicn the letter (peaks, is, 
 upon the whole, a good inftrument, but liable to 
 numerous and important ohje<fi:ions. One of thefe 
 is the immenfe patronage bcftowed on theprefident, 
 and a fecond, the univerfal negative of the fenate. 
 It has been fliewn^, that a prefidcnt, v/ith eleven 
 feuators to help him, can abfolutely flop the whole 
 bofmefs of the Icgiilature. This may be called re- 
 prefentative government, but it is evidently the 
 dregs of monarchy and ariftocraey. 
 
 The fame piece in the Minerva, that has been 
 above cited, fpeaks of Virp-inia as uncommonlv 
 prone to infurre^lion. The American Annual Regit- 
 ter*, andtheHiilory of 1796, comprehend a variety 
 of remarks in anfvver to the calumnies heaped upda 
 that if ate by the federal party. Theiubjecl lias not, 
 however, been exhanfl^ed, aiid it is «f infinite con- 
 cern to undeceive the people w^ho may have bccii 
 
 *Hiaory of 1795, Chap. Vin. 
 
64 sk:£tchesofthe 
 
 mifled by their Prtificcs. The fa6t then is, that if 
 true republicanifm, if a genuine fenfe of order and 
 of freedom, fliall be driven from every other flat© 
 in the union, their iafc (land will be made in Virgi- 
 nia. Previous to the actual commencement of hol^ 
 tiiities in 1775, little or nothing was heard of mobs 
 in that province 5 for its inhabitants were fenfible 
 that the burning of effigies, the bedaubing of a de- 
 iVncelefs individual with tar and feathers, was not 
 the way to refiecc honour on a ilruggle for inde- 
 pendence-^. While the Britifh newfpapers were fil- 
 led with the noify and tumultuous proceedings of 
 Other colonies, Virginia remained in comparative 
 order and tranquility. Her loyalty was a conflant 
 iiibjecl ofminiderial exultation ; for it feemcd plain 
 enough, that if fiie ilood by the old country, all the 
 projet^ts of New-England were to end in difappoint- 
 ment. When matters, however, came to an extremi- 
 ty, it was found, that Virginia was as zealous in the 
 common caulc as any other fliate, and much mere 
 £0 than men: of them. Connedlicut tories fupported 
 ti bloody fiiare in the partizan w^ar of the frontiers. 
 Mr. Williams, one of the reprefentatives of New- 
 York, faid, lafl winter, in congrefs, that at the 
 copimencement of the revolution, one half of the 
 people of that flate were tories. In Pennlylvania, 
 the revolutionary party never could have flood upon 
 their legs, but by the concurrence of Irifli emi- 
 grants. In the two Carolinas and Georgia, the peo- 
 ple fought defperatcly among themfelves. But it is 
 believed that, during the whole war, no body of 
 Virginian citizens ever raifed the Britifh flandard. 
 They did not even iubmit, when Britifli armies 
 entered the Hate. Fvamfay fays, that, in general, 
 
 * It is not here afHrmed that Ko/hh!^ q( th?X kind may have takea 
 phct; but thi-.t; upon the whole, the behaviour of the colony was 
 
 exemplary. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. C^ 
 
 thty chofe to retire out of the way, when Corn* 
 wallis was burning all before him. In battle they 
 were inferior to no troops in the union. The fa- 
 vages, whom they fubdued, ufed to fay, that Vir- 
 ginia vvas the gre if knife. 
 
 This (late, fo frequently ftigmatized as anii-- 
 federal^ was the very firll: that fuggelled a fede- 
 ral union. In 1785, this propofal was made 
 in the Virginian houfe of delegates. In confe- 
 qnence, an imperfect continental convention was, 
 in 1 7865 held at Annapolis, and this proved the feed- 
 bed of that convention which formed the prefcnt 
 conftitution. '' Virginia,^' fays Morie, '' has taken 
 '' a leading, active, and influential part in bringing 
 ^' about the late grand revolution in onr federal 
 '^ government'^.'' Ever fmce that time, the flate 
 has remained in tranquility, and in perfed: fabmif^ 
 fion to the laws. To Virginia, America is, in a 
 a great meafure, indebted both for her indepen- 
 dence, and her prefent conftitution. To upbraid 
 her then, as antifederal, is the very pinnacle of in- 
 gratitude, of audacity, and fid:ion. 
 
 The flo ck'jobbing party accufe tlrls flate as de- 
 firous of a war with England. No Virginian above 
 ideotifm, ihould ever defire a foreign v/ar. Inter-' 
 fefted alfnoli: throughout by navigable flreams, 
 Virginia lies more open to the ravages of a mari- 
 time enemy than any other ftate in the union. This 
 truth was feverely felt during the war of 1775; 
 and confequently, this will be one of the lafl flares 
 tiliat would ever wifli for aiftual hcflility. The cla-' 
 mour excited againd her, as anxious for a war v/ith 
 England, is, only a branch of the truly federal ^y^- 
 tern of impoflure. 
 
 Virginia has been reproached for permitting the 
 continuance of flavery. But we have the authority 
 ■* American Gcooraphy, London Edition of 17925 p. 400, 
 
6^ SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 of Mr. Jefferfon* for faying, that, long before the 
 y^volution, the fiate w.anted to prohibit the imp(*r^ 
 tation of ilaves ; a tneafure prevented by England4 
 In 1786, the afTembly, by an ad", put an end to this 
 vile commerce ; and a general abolition is gradu- 
 ally going forward. In a petition, lately prefented 
 ,to congrcfs, by fome negroes, it tranipired, that 
 Virginia aiibrds an afylum to fugitive flaves from 
 the more fout hern dates. She does not, with the 
 favagenefs of North-Carolina, prohibit their eman- 
 cipation. While MafTachufetts connives at eccle- 
 fiaflical oppreflion, Virginia has eflablifhed an uni- 
 verfal right of confcience, and no man is obliged to 
 pay for religion, unlefshe plcafes. The clergymen 
 of New-England, or a part of them, cannot avoid 
 being much hurt at a precedent, fo dangerous to 
 the commercial interel't of the church ; and they 
 Lave, undoubtedly, fweMed the torrent of calumny 
 with which Virginia has been overv»^helmed in the 
 eafiern fcates. 
 
 The vindication of Virginia has been tak^n up 
 in this place, becaufe the federal party appear very 
 much difpofed to extrude her from the union. Ma- 
 r^y of their projecfts and menaces are fo clofejy in- 
 terwoven \vith downright madnefs, that it feems 
 diiticult to believe the fincerity of the party^ And 
 yet, after their attempt for a conditional rejeL^ion 
 of three foreign treaties, nnlefs they could obtain a 
 fourth ; after their propofed (landing army of twen- 
 ty-five thoufand ment ; their doctrine of partitioning 
 .^-iie United States^ ; their French war; their Mexi- 
 can excurfion, with other frenzies equally wild ana 
 diilrac^ed, wonder ceafes at the propofed extru- 
 fion of Virginia ; or, as Webder and other federal 
 writers term it, a feparation from the whole fou- 
 
 * Notes en Virginia* i American Annual Regifter. i Ibid. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. ^j 
 
 thern ftates. By fuch a disjundion, the continent, 
 as to all its external relations, would fink into the 
 low eft infignificance and wretchcdncis. Yet a 
 Connecticut newlprinter has publiilied a lerie?i 
 of letters in defence of this propofed feparation ; 
 which, among other effe^ifts, iuiplies an immcdi- 
 ate annihilation of public and private credit, and 
 confequently of the national debt. The federal 
 party revile Virginia, becaufe its menibers*in con- 
 grcfs have coaftantly oppofed their funding fyftem, 
 the overgrowth of prefidential influence, and other 
 matters conneclied with thefe. Yet if left to them- 
 felves, Mr. Sedgwick and Co. would long fmce 
 have extinguiflied the prefent government, the 
 funds, and ail together. If they can juil now en- 
 tangle the union in a French war, this catailrophe 
 may flill be exped:cd. The following anecdote 
 difplays the genuine fpirit of the ftockholding 
 party. 
 
 '' When the bill for edablifliing a national bank 
 *' was under confideration, he (Mr. Madifon) had 
 '' oppofed it, as 720t war-ranted in the conjtitution^ 
 " and incidently remarked, that in the convention 
 '' a motion was made and negatived, for giving 
 '' congrefs a power to grant charters of corpora- 
 ^' tion-^'.'' Mr. Madifon fubjoins, that, for thisihght 
 reference to the convention, he was attacked by 
 feveral fpeakers, and among others by Mr. Gerry 
 of Maffachufetts, who bad been a member of the 
 convention. 
 
 On the fubje<fl: of this bank, Mr. Alexander 
 Hamilton gave in to congrefs a report, dated 13th 
 of December, 1790, and which fills tv/enty-one 
 folio pages, He fays not a fingie word as to its be- 
 ing authorifed by the conflitution, which undoubt- 
 
 * Bache's Debates en theBritifli Treaty, vol. X. i\ 378. 
 
6S SKETCHESOFTHE 
 
 ediy gives no fuch power. But here we learn that 
 it was dire(n:ly negatived by the framers of that in- 
 ilmment ; and expreisly coiUradidted the fpirit 
 and defign of it. Indeed, a power of creating 
 corporations, w^ouid have veiled in congrefs an op- 
 preiiive degree of influence, repugnant to the geni- 
 us of a free government. 
 
 Mr. Madiibn was cenfured for referring to what 
 pafTcd ill the convention. When an o'oicure paflage 
 occurs in a living author, the beil mode of expla- 
 nation is by an appeal to himielf. When a bond or 
 indenture r.ppears ambiguous, the lured way to get 
 its meaning is, by enquiry at the parties who drew 
 and fubfcribed it* T he reference to the conven- 
 tion was, therefore, llri'ftly proper ; and Gerry, 
 and others who objected to it, betrayed impene- 
 trable effrontery. The bare omiilionof fuch power 
 in the conflitution, was enough to warrant the re- 
 jcdion of the plan; but when the point had been 
 abiblutely debated and negatived in the convention, 
 this added, if poillble, to the ftrength of the cafe. 
 Congrefs had fworn to fnpport the conftitution. 
 By p^fhng the law for incorporating the bank of 
 ■the United States, they, at the fame inllant, broke 
 their own oaths of office, and violated the confti- 
 tution. So far from pocketing the reproof for refer- 
 ence, Mr. Pvladilon and his friends ought to have 
 advertifed, in the newfpapers, the true picture of 
 this enormous ftride of venality. Yet this junto af- 
 feft peculiar reverence for the conftitution^ and 
 hold themfeives out as its exclufive guardians. All 
 who queftion their purity are its enemies. What 
 aftonifliing hardinefs ! 
 
 Gerry, and great part of his majority, were dei^ 
 tined to be partners of the future bank, thus found- 
 ed on a breach of the conftitution. Theie are the 
 iiniBaculatc Icgifiators wKom Virginia detefts^ and 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. C^ 
 
 Connedlicut admires. If the firfl federal congrefs 
 
 wanted the compreheniive information, the dignity 
 of ientiment, and enthiiriafai of eloquence, that 
 fometimes mark a Britiih parliament, they did 
 not fall fhort of the lervility, meanneis, and cor- 
 ruption of its blackeft era. 
 
 'A writer in the New-Jerfey Centinel of Freedom^ 
 of January, 1797, has well drawn the portrait of 
 fach partifans as V/ehfcer. '•'• The writer of this 
 -*' paragraph,'^ fays he, '' by good government only 
 ** means the Hamiitonian adminiftration ; by 
 *' good order, fubmiiiiGn to this adminillration ; by 
 *' federal ticket, a ticket favourable to this admi- 
 *' nillration ; and by peace, peace with England 
 '^ and war with France. It is curious to cbi'erve 
 '' with what efirontery fome people talk of good 
 ''government, good order, peace, and federaiiim. 
 *' Every one knows that the Hamiitonian par- 
 '' ty have difcovered a much greater dil'pofition 
 " towards antifederalifm than their political oppo- 
 '' nents ; for they have on all occafions endeav6iu- 
 "■' ed to quarrel Tuith the foiithern fiatcs^ and dif- 
 ^' affe^l them to the union. Their love of order 
 *' has only been difcovered by their fubmiiTicn to 
 '' an adminiftration under their own controul ; but 
 '' as foon as the majority of the houfe of repre- 
 '' fentatives checked their progrefs to dominion, 
 ^' they immediately became refraftory, abuiive, 
 " and attempted to menace the immediate repre- 
 " fentatives of the people into an unconditional 
 '' compliance with their will : their love of peace 
 "^ has only been fliewn by an humiliating fubmifilon 
 '' to Britiih infolence and depredation, and in a 
 '' profiituted commendation of a treaty that has tar- 
 '^ nilhed the lufire of America." 
 
 7'hc fulfome compliments which have con- 
 flantly paifed between the prcfident and congrefs, 
 
70 SK15TCHESOFTHE 
 
 betray that fpirit of monarchy, of which the letter 
 to rvlszzei complains. This ferviiity is carried far- 
 ther by congrefs than in the Britifh houle of com- 
 mons, where a royal fpeech is always criticized 
 with freedom and minutenefs. Among other en- 
 comiums bandied between Mr. Wafhington and 
 the iirft congrefs, one turned on his accepting of 
 no falary but for his perfonal expences. *•' I muft 
 '' decline," fays he, '^ as inapplicable to myfelf, 
 *' any fnare in the perfonal emoluments. — And pray 
 *^ that the pecuniary eflimates for the flation in 
 ^'' which I am placed, may, during my contmuance 
 '^ in it, be limited to fuch actual expenditures as tlie 
 *' public good may be thought to require**- 
 
 The anfvver of the reprefentatives, dated May 
 5th, 1789, tells him that this reflri(n:ion5 '^cannot 
 ^' fail to demiOndrate the purity^ whilfi: it increafes 
 " the Iii/Ire of a chara(fler, which has fo many ti- 
 *' ties to adrMration /" Thus they began, and thus 
 they have ever fmce gone on. Of all the ^ailgar 
 artifices for popularity ever heard of, this as to 
 accepting of no falary is perhaps the mod: pitiful ; 
 and yet fuch has been public infatuation, that, 
 while drawing for every cent of his allowance, 
 general Wailiington has been celebrated for refu- 
 fmg to take more than his net houfliold charges. 
 The granting of fo large a fum had bad efre(n:s, by 
 adding the wet of avarice to that of ambition. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 
 
 CHAPTER IV* 
 
 fhe cafe of Edward Hulen.^ — More Britifh amity .^-^ 
 'True 7notives for the acceptance ofjay^s treaty. — 
 Capture of the Mount Vernon. — Remarks on tke 
 convention of ij^y . — Authentic copy of the plan of 
 gover?iment propojed by Mr, Hamilton. — Com-* 
 nicntary on that paper. 
 
 i\. S our prefidents and friends of ordcr^ 
 are fo wonderfully delicate on the fubjed of Englifh 
 piracies and imprefrments, this chapter fliall begin 
 with fome recent anecdotes of that kind. Every 
 federal artifice has been employed, from the two 
 fpeeches of Mr. Adams to congrefs, down to the 
 fcurrilous paragraphs in Mr. Fenno^s gazette, with 
 the view of exciting the temped of public indig- 
 nation againft France. A fummary, like that which 
 follows, will help to prefcrve in cquipoife the ba- 
 lance of refentment* 
 
 On the 27thof July) I797, Nathaniel Silfbee, cap- 
 tain of the fliip Betfey, addrelTed a letter to the prin- 
 ter of a Salem newfpaper. He had arrived at Sa- 
 lem three days before, from Madras. He left in 
 that port nine EngliQi fliips of war. One of thcfe 
 was the Sybille frigate, captain Cook, whoprefTed 
 from captain Silfbee Edward Hulen, a native of 
 Salem. He alfo threatened that if complaint, fnould 
 be made by Silfbee to the governor, on fliorc, he 
 would not only take every f^samen, but alfo every 
 officer from the Betfey. He did not commit this 
 violence from fcarcity of hands ; for he told cap- 
 tain SiilbcG that he had thirtv-five xn^w over and 
 
72 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 abov^ his jliip^s complement. He added, that he be- 
 lieved fifteen of them to be real American born 
 citizens. He faid that he had prefled them from 
 on board of American fnips at Lifbon, in ipite of 
 the remonftrances of the American conful at that 
 place. Cooke farther declared, that he would keep 
 theie men in perfect: fecarity, till the end of the 
 war. 
 
 After the imprefTment of Hulen, the Betfey 
 ■was 'daily vifited by a lieutenant from the Sy- 
 bilie. Daring his flay on board, this officer 
 took fall command of the fliip, miiftered the crew 
 regularly on the quarter deck, and would not fuf- 
 fer any (liip's duty to be carried on at thefe times. 
 He farther threatened to correal the A^merican 
 ofRcers for not manning the Hiip's fide, and paying 
 him Aieh refneiH: as he faid that the prefence of 
 any Britilh ofiicer ought to command. Hulen 
 has left an aged and difconfolate mother, who 
 depended entirely for fupport upon hcrfon. Cap- 
 tain Silfbee adds that feveral other x\mericanfeamen 
 were, about the fame time, prefTed from other Ame- 
 rican (hips atMVIadras. The cafe of Edward Hulen, 
 mufl- ai^icl every friend to the United States. But it 
 will give joy to that Britifli junto, in this city, -who, 
 by a recent mxCailire, have done tiieir utmeft for 
 promoting afTaffi nation. The late and prefent be- 
 haviour of American tories afford an able vindi- 
 cation for the prudent feverity of the French re- 
 public. 
 
 A letter from a Philadelphian captain, dated Cape 
 Nicholas Mole, i :^th July, 1797, gives the following- 
 account. Off "^rortuga, his vefTcl, which was bound 
 for Gonaives, a French port, was taken by an En- 
 gliili frigate. That fame evening, while the fliips 
 were lying within twenty yards of each other, the 
 frigate fired a twelve pound fhot *•' in hopes to fjnk 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA, ^^ 
 
 *' me,'^ fays the captain. On arriving at Cape Ni- 
 cholas, his papers were examined, and returned-; 
 but government would neither buy his provifions, 
 nor permit hmi to proceed on his voyage; '' they 
 '' pay no attention to the treaty here.'* The rea- 
 fon for detaining him feems to have been Icfl: he 
 fhould fail for a French port; as he fubjoinsthat he 
 was to fail for Kingfton by the firfl convoy. The 
 captain further fays that the Englifli bring in foi- 
 adjudication all American veflels going to or co- 
 ming from French ports. Thofe oo/ViiJ* to are libel- 
 led for having in their invoices. nails and, knives, 
 Frencii letters, French fupercargr^cs ; or in fliort 
 any trifle ferves as a pretence, and they are gene- 
 rally condemned. Thofe comi7ig from FrencIi 
 iflands are libelled for having coffee 6u board, fliip^ 
 ped by the French admin iftration^ and are generally" 
 condemned as FrencJi Americans. 
 
 Thus the f:^ngHQi confider Jay^s tranfacTtion as a 
 mere jeft. The twenty fifth article of that paper 
 fays that '^ nothing in this treaty contained fhaU, 
 '' however, be conflrued or operate contrary to 
 '' former and exifling public treaties with other ^o- 
 " vereigns or ftates." Now, before this war begaH^ 
 England did not pretend that flie had any title to 
 flop Am.erican veffeis bound to a Frewch port ; nor 
 did (lie ever attempt to flop them. 1'he violation 
 would not have been endured in a fmgle inflanee, 
 and was in itfelf too extravagant ever to have been 
 projected. 
 
 By the twenty-third article of the treaty of com- 
 merce, figned at Paris, in 177B, it is declared, tha^ 
 " free fliips Ihall alfo give a freedom to goods;'" 
 thus, that Englifli property in an American fliip 
 fliall be fecurc from a French privateer. The 
 twenty-fifth claufe of Jay, as juft now quoted, com- 
 prehends a protet'lion of the treaty of Paris: and 
 
 K ^ ' ' 
 
-4 sfcEtCHfiS Ot tH^ 
 
 /yet^ In pradlice, the PiLnglifli have bVokcn it m^iiy 
 hundreds of times, to the entire ruin of a multitude 
 both of French and American citizens. They were 
 not contented with this* They feized, alio, Ameri- 
 can veiTels bound to or from French iflands, which 
 tended diretlly to dedroy the trade of the latter. 
 Thus the French were put upon the mod unequal 
 and diflreffing fcoting. They were not to interrupt 
 American trade with the Englifh Weft-Indies, while 
 England was deflroying American trade with the 
 French Wefl-]ndies« Inllead of interfering, our 
 palfied executive, through the medium of thefenate^ 
 were encouraging Mr. Fenno to publifh daily co- 
 lumns of invcd:ive againflthe French revolution. 
 
 It was not to be fuppofed, that any people, and 
 much lefs that a people intoxicated with vi(!l:ory*, 
 v/ere long to endure fuch partial treatment as that 
 ^bove deicribed, without feeling refentment and 
 meditating vengeance. The frigid negled of Mr. 
 Wafhington has been fucceded by the boyifli petu- 
 lence, or faJlious malignity of Mr. Adams; and both 
 have gone directly to the extirpation of the Ameri- 
 can mercantile intereft. Had Mr. JefFerfon been 
 eletfled prefident, France would have placed fome 
 
 * The French government lately ptrblifhec! a ftateraent 6ft this 
 head, from the 8th of September, »793> to the iqth of February^ 
 j'jgj. The republic has, by this account, gained thirty-one pitched 
 battles, and two hundred and thirty leffer adions. Her troops have 
 killed an hundred and fifty-ttvo thoufand, fix hundred men ; and 
 fzken, an hundred and nlnety-feven thoufand, fcven hundred and 
 eighty-four prlfoners ; feven thotifand, nine hundred, and fixtV-threc 
 pieces of cannon; an hundred and eighty-fix thoufand, feven hun- 
 dred and fixry-two firelocks; four millions, three hundred and 
 eighty eight thoufand poiinds v eight of powder, and five hundred 
 and fifty-fe^'cn important cities, or camps, fortsj redoubts, and othef 
 places of ftrength. 
 
 This IS fuch a catalogue of fucccfs, as, perhaps, no other nation 
 fver could exhibit. The number of the flain is certainly not magni- 
 fied. Thofe who perifticd in hofpitals were, nioft likely, four times 
 '^ numerous^ 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 7^ 
 
 confidence in the known purity of liis republican 
 *' princrples. This national choice, would have held 
 out a kind of pledge for the general good will of the 
 citizens of the United States ; and the deluge of 
 commercial defolation muft, in that cafe, have had 
 a fair chance for being, in fome degree, fulpended. 
 But when the French found, that Mr. Adams, the 
 friend of England, was railed to the chair, they 
 forefaw that extremities were to be the fole re-^ 
 fource. 
 
 And here it is grateful to obferve, how com- 
 pletely deceit has overfliot its mark. With many 
 honourable exceptions, the great body of the mer- 
 cantile intereft, in this city, is devoted to England^ 
 as exifting, in fome meafure, by credit obtained in 
 that country. The printed ticket, the ballot-box, 
 and pofl-officc manoeuvres, as well as the legal 
 opinion^ £0 timeoufly tendered, during the late elec- 
 tion for prefident, were the work of the federal 
 party, of whom our Britifh merchants compofe fuch 
 a powerful divifion. Having, by the mofi: fcandalous 
 artifices, obtained the election of Mr. Adams, as 
 prefident, they now reap the fruits of it in the ruin 
 of their trade, and the probability of a French war, 
 into which their hero is {training every nerve to 
 plunge them. Had they permitted the election to 
 proceed in an honcfc way, Mr. Jeiferfon muft have 
 been prefident, and our affairs with France might 
 have been in a train of accommodation. 
 
 The letter from the Weft-Indies, laft quoted, 
 has neither the name of the fhip nor captain, and 
 this might afford room for doubting its authenticity. 
 But the fubftance of its contents has been verified 
 from a thoufand other channels. The printer of 
 the Philadelphia Gazette has no difpofition to teli 
 faults of England, but on the beft evidence. The 
 fiippreiliQii of the veffers name ariiesj mod Ukcly, 
 
76 SKETCHES OF THE, 
 
 from the prudence of its owner. His bill^, indorfed 
 by fome federal friend, are, probably, lying pro- 
 tefled at the banks ; and the guilt of having fent 
 fiich a piece to the prefs, would be an adequate 
 reafon for fending him to prifon. He muft know 
 little of the paper-money party, who fancies them 
 incapable of fucli a proceis. It will be wonderful 
 indeed, if, before this time, the Scotch tories at 
 Norfolk, have not commenced the ruin of the pilot 
 Butler. 
 
 It is not true, by the way, that even yet the 
 French univerfally capture American fiiips. Here 
 follows an inftance to the contrary. On July 28th, 
 1797, the fchooner William, captain Linnei, arriv- 
 ed at Norfolk, from Grenada* On the 4th current, 
 while in company with a fchooner, of and for New- 
 London, two French privateers brought them too. 
 After examining their papers, the French told them 
 that they had particular orders not to flop or dif^ 
 turb any American vefFel, and were very forry for 
 having put them out of their courfe. The mate of 
 the William had fix hundred dollars under his care, 
 and they told him that he had no occafion to hide 
 them, as they iliouid take nothing but what appeared 
 to be Englidi property. A French failor was feverely 
 threatened by his captain for attempting to ileal a 
 pig. On the 23d of May, 1797, James Ilanimond, 
 an American feaman, was prejfT'ed from the fliip 
 Hope of New- York, captain Pierce, at Madeira. 
 This was done by captain James, of the Britifh brig 
 of war. El Corfo. Some days after, the fame brig 
 imprefled five others of his men, two of whom 
 were, with difficulty, recovered. Ham.mond and 
 other three were kept. On the 28th of June, the brig 
 Abigail, capt. Lake, while lying in the port of Gi^ 
 braltar, was boarded by the Hamadryade, a Britifli 
 frigate, Fpur of his crevi^ were forcibly tal^en &way. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 77 
 
 Tv/0 of tjiem had been recently redeeined from 
 flavery at Algiers. Captain Lake, who gave this, 
 account, arrived at Philadelphia on the gift of 
 Augufl, 1797' Other inliances of Britilh ImprefT- 
 ment might be collec'ied, butthele ai\efiifficient for 
 afample of the admirable effeds of our Britilh al- 
 liance*. 
 
 The Hiftory of 1796, exhibits oceans of demon- 
 llration that the dread of a Britilh war, in the 
 event of congrefs rejetiiing Jay's barpain, was the 
 joint of oftspring of ignorance, and knavery. Dr. 
 Smith, Mr. Sedgwick, and the other fix per cent, 
 leaders, panted for nothing io much as alliance 
 witii a monarchy, which fyrnifbed ample pre-^e- 
 dents for every fpeciesof tinancial corruption, and' 
 which held their political opponents in mortr^l ab- 
 horrence. The merchants kept in view compen- 
 fation for previous piracies, a perpetuity and ex- 
 tenfion of their Britilh credit, and the domefHc 
 danger of perfecution from the banks, if they re- 
 jedled this conclufive flcp of the Hamiltonian fyi- 
 tern. The people, at large, who could have no 
 intereft but that of thrir country, believed aiTer- 
 tions, which the timid republican reprefentativcs 
 hardly ventured to contradi«fi:. Thus was the wel- 
 
 * A Bofton nevvfpaper, of December 8th, 1797, has the following 
 fingular fpecimen o-f Britifh frieridfliip. Captain Coffin, in the Joanna of 
 Nantucket, had failed en a voyage to the South lea vvliaie nnicry. 
 After great hardfhips in attempting to double Cape Horn, he retu rued 
 to FiChby to repair. He would then have made a plentiful car|»o, 
 but was prevented by a Britifh letter of marque, the captain whereof 
 had orders not to let any American veflel c.uch n(h, till the Britim 
 ihips were .fnpplied. Thus captain Cofiin lay idle during half the 
 feafon, till the letter of marque failed away. The Britiih fiihers then 
 fuffered him to proceed in his bufmefs ; hut they fi-iewed him a pro 
 clamation, excluding ail American vellels from killing whalci, till 
 the Britifli^had left the ftation. 
 
 As the United States have, for fome years pafl, become a mere 
 receptacle for external indignities, no trl^e cif this kind can be fu|> 
 pofcd 10 rtiake an impreffioii. 
 
78 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 fare of^ the United States facrificed to the fhbrt- 
 lighted profpedls of intereft: and fear. General infa- 
 tuation overlooked the moral certainty that France, 
 baving already broke down one half of Europe, 
 would demand and extort from America a tenfold 
 atonement for the ungrateful and injurious prefer- 
 ence given to the moft detefted of her enemies. 
 
 The feafon of repentance and degredation has at 
 length arrived. Like Cefar's ides of March, it has 
 come, but it has not gone. On this head, the Ma- 
 ryland Journal of Ji^ne i8th, 1796, contains a few 
 remarks that, like the prophecies of CalTandra, 
 will find belief when it is too late. They were oc- 
 calioned by the capture of the Mount Vernon, a 
 few days before, and are as follows. 
 
 " Phosdrus, tells a flory of a man with whom 
 f * two females were in love. His hair was half 
 '' black and half grey. One of his admirers pul- 
 " led out all the grey hairs to make him look young ; 
 '* and the other all the black hairs to make him 
 *' look old. He very foon became bald 
 
 " The prefent condition of American commerce 
 *^ may be quoted as a corrollary to this fable. On 
 ^' one hand, the Britifh, under the moft frivolous 
 '^ or fcandalous pretences, feize, plunder, and 
 ^' confifcate American veffels, beat or prefs the 
 '*' crew, and in the cafe of Mr. Boffon, murder the 
 ^' captain. On the other hand, the French captain 
 *^ of the Flying Fifh deliberately leaves his dwelling 
 ** houfe at No. 399, North Front-ftrect, Philadel- 
 ^' phia, goes aboard of his veflel, fails down the ri- 
 ^' ver, captures one of our merchantmen, and fhews 
 *^ the mafter 51 lift of others which he is refolved 
 ^' to take. He then ftands in for the coaft, turns 
 '* the crew into a pilot boat, gives them his name 
 ^' ?Lnd addrefsj and tells them that he has orders to 
 
HiStORt Qt AMERICA. *jg 
 
 *^ Ceitc every vefFel which he knew or cven/u/pec^ 
 *' /i^ J of being bound to or from Britain. 
 
 " Thus the head of the axe is at once buried in 
 ** therootof our comLmcrce. Citizen Paris plain- 
 '' ly confiders himfelf as ailing by legal authority* 
 *' He does not hide his candle under a bufliel. He 
 '' hasrefidedin Philadelphia, where his family and 
 *' houfhold furniture are ftill very likely to be 
 *' found, and where he is himfelf well known. 
 *' When boarding th« Mount Vernon, he behaves 
 '' like a man confcious of rectitude, and difdainful 
 *' of oppofition, frankly tells his name, his place 
 '^ of refidence, his inflru^lions, and his intentions. 
 ^' It requires very little judgement to fee that the 
 ''" captain of the Flying Fifli is not a pirate. He 
 '' muft therefore be fomething elfe ; and it is not 
 ^' prefurnptuous to think hivn only part of ajlupen- 
 *' dous luhole; in a word, that five hundred other 
 '^privateers, belonging to the republic, have, or 
 *' very foon v/ill have, commiflions of the fame te~ 
 *' nor with his« 
 
 " The circumftances announce profound con- 
 ^* tempt for this country. If France did not like 
 '' our treaty with her Britilh enemy, (he might have 
 ** attempted to defeat it by negociation. But this 
 •' flie fcorned to do ; for, though the Bofton Centi- 
 *' nel and the Minerva, have repeatedly faid that 
 *' about fifty members of congrefs are traitors to 
 *' their country and French tools, no body is weak 
 '' enough to believe fo impudent an affertion. 
 *' France finds that fhc can, by this time, do with- 
 ^' out us, and fcorns to enquire what are our de- 
 *' ligns. Provifions are now as cheap and plentiful 
 *' in France as here, and the want of them was 
 ** the chief reafon why fhe courted our good wiU 
 .*' with fo much ailiduity. 
 

 
 io sKtJEtches of THE 
 
 Inclseci many features in our beiiaviour t-o 
 France feem clefigned to ciifguit her. Nevvfpa- 
 peis and pamphlets have teemed with abufe of 
 '' the mod inPiammatory and indecent nature againfl; 
 the republic. They have been circulated with 
 indufiry, and read with approbation, by a very 
 numerous party among us. The vjord jacobi7t 
 *' has been traniplanted into the vocabulary of Amc- 
 ^' rican billingigate ; and, in fine, grinning where 
 " they could not bite, one half of our political au- 
 '' thors, orators, and printers, have reprefented the 
 " French, by the lump, as the vileft monfters that 
 " ever difgraced the human form. It Was impoi- 
 *' fible that the French fhould not be offended at 
 '' fuchqhildifn infolence, fuch toothlefs malignity. 
 ^' We arc nov/ reaping the harveft that we have 
 *^ fown. 
 
 '' The naval power of Britain is a juft objecl: of 
 *' terror to this, pountry ; but that of France, 
 *' though inferior to the fonner, is yet, by a mil- 
 *' lion of times, fijperior to that of a nation who.fe 
 '^ navy confifls, of three or four frigates, that have 
 *' been for two years on the ftocks, and are like- 
 ^' ly to remain there. By a quarrel with Britain 
 ^' we might have had the miferable revenge of plu.n- 
 '' dcring part of her commerce, but, from France, 
 *' \ve can gain nothing better than bloody nofes and 
 ^' wooden legs. She has few trading (liips at fea ; 
 ^"^ and, as for taking her privateers, the Flying Fifli 
 ^' would hardly fell at vendue for as much powder 
 '* an<i ball as, in tlie common rate of lighting, would 
 ^' be wanted to Hnk her. ^ 
 
 *' Pretences for fea-robbery are ahvays to be had. 
 ^^ The republic may declare Britain to be in a (late 
 " of iiege; and with as much reafon as the Britifli 
 *' have declared Guadaloupe to be fo. She is then^ 
 *' by the Icivv' of iiations, warranted to capture all 
 
HISTORY OF AMfikiC A. Bl 
 
 *' that goes but or comes in ; and, between the two 
 *' rivals, America is exa^lly in the fame plight with 
 *' the man in Phcedrus between his two miflrefles. 
 
 '^ If France had Cent a dozen men of war to at- 
 *' tack our Tea coaft, it would have (liown that fhe 
 '' at leaffc thought us capable of refiflance ; but 
 *' when a canoe of fix nine pounders is made the 
 *' inftrument of alarm and Vengeance, we may 
 *' guefs that her refentment is exceeded by her 
 ^' contempt* 
 
 '' Much has been faid of the benefits refulting to 
 *' America from the privilege of trading in neutral 
 *' bottoms during the prefent war. But the war 
 ^' has caufed a rife in the price of provifions ruin- 
 *' ous to many individuals. For one example, out 
 *' of an hundred thoufand, there is a peribn now 
 *' in a printing-office in Baltimore, whofe wager> 
 *' were^ three years ago^ a dollar per Week higher 
 ^' than they are now ; while, at the fame time, a 
 *' dollar will not go half as far now as it did then. 
 '' Individuals who are in this fituation, plainly paj^ 
 *' a perfonal tax, extending to half their income, 
 *^' on account of the war. To them it i^i evidently and 
 ^' highly opprefiive* 
 
 " TheEngii(h have often envied the rapid pro- 
 *' grefs of America in the carrying trade. They 
 *' have laboured in vain to thruft her out of it. By 
 ^' a policy more acute than honourable, Eng- 
 *' land is now within light of afTedingher purpofe^ 
 '' France, has, for many years, been fighting the bati~ 
 *' tics of America, but citizen Paris has now begun to 
 '' fight thofe of Britain. If he ads without autho- 
 '' rity, the miflakemay cofl him his life, in a coun- 
 *' try like France, where the head of a man is 
 ^^ fometimes cut off with as little ceremony as the 
 
 quarters of a bull frog. 
 
32 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 It 13 generally nnderflood, that, in tbe co2ivei>- 
 tion of 1787, a form of government, in fubilance 
 monarcliical, was propofed and rejc(5led. Ivlr. Ha- 
 milton conducted this party. At the period of accept- 
 ing the conftitution, the republicans were difplealed 
 by the length of time for Vv hich the fenate hold their 
 feats ; and, it has been affirmed, that their friends 
 in tlie convention, only acceded to it as a m Jitter of 
 compromife. If the arillocratical party had carried 
 the point of a prefident and fenate elected for 
 tv-elvc, ov even eight years, this would have an- 
 fwcrca^ very completely, all the purpofes of mo- 
 narchy. They could, as at prefent, throw out every 
 bill from the reprefentatives, Vv^hich did not fuit 
 their views. In the meantime, their chief, the pre*- 
 fident, had the abfolntc difpofal of the loaves and 
 fifhes ; and fo long a period of ulelefs refiflancc, 
 cnuld not fail to wear out the obilinacy of almofi: 
 any republican in the lower houfe. Here then, be- 
 liold royalty in all its deformity of flrength and cor- 
 ruption ! The federal fenate of twelve years were 
 likely to have been more flexible, jii ore abjecTl:, than 
 even a Britifli houfe of peers. The latter, in general, 
 enjoy an independent property twenty or forty times 
 greater than that of moii American fenators. Hence 
 the former are lefs acceflible than the latter, either 
 to foreign or domeliic corruption. Had Mr. Ha- 
 milton, therefore, and his party, obtained this objecl: 
 of a longer period for the election of a fenate and 
 prefjdcnt, the whole fruits of tlie revolution mud 
 have been forfeited. Of the two fyflems, Britifii fu- 
 premacy would have been the ieffer evil. There 
 is no peculiar fuMimity in American legiflators, that 
 would render them impenetrable to an argument 
 from the mint. Franking, for inftance, was not: 
 more odly perverted by an Englifn member to pay 
 the wages of his footman, than by Roger Shcnnan 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 85 
 
 trannnitting his dirty linen from Piiiladelphia to a 
 ConnedlicLit wafhinu; tub. 
 
 The adliial plan of a federal conftitution, as Icrid 
 before the convention by Mr. Hamilton, was never 
 cxpofed to the public view. A copy of it has been 
 obtained for infertion in this volume. It was com- 
 municated by a gentleman who has long held an 
 important fituation in the government of the coun-^ 
 try. By fmgalar good fortune, his character has 
 efcaped the fliafts even of fede^-al calumny; and 
 his name is at the fervice either of Mr. Hamilton, 
 or of any'gentleman wdio fhall, at his defire, enquire 
 for it. In two or three fentences he may have va- 
 ried a word, from inaccuracy of tranfcription, but 
 he is pofitive as to having preferved the ideas, in 
 every article, with (Iricl fidelity. The paper has 
 alfo been read, in prefenceof two members of con- 
 grefs, to a gentleman who fat in the convention ; 
 and he declared his belief that it was a faithful copy 
 of the plan fuggefted by Mr. Hamilton. After this 
 previous explanation, as to the authenticity of the 
 paper, nothing remains but to give a copy of it, 
 annexing to fome of the articles a fev/ obferva- 
 tions. 
 
 PROPOSITION OF Colonel HAMU.TON op NEW- 
 YORK, ix THE CONVEN riON for ESTABLISHING a 
 CONSTITUTION of GOVERNMENT for the UNI- 
 TED STATES. 
 
 I. " The fupreme legiflative power of the Uni ♦ 
 " ted States of America to be vefted in two differ- 
 *' ent bodies of men ; the 07te to be called the aflem- 
 " bly ; the ot%er the fenate, who together (hall form 
 " the legiflature of the United States, with power 
 ** to pafs all laws whatfoevcr, fubjed to thQ negatrc:^ 
 ** hereafter mentioned. 
 
84 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 II. '** Thc^fTembly to confifl: of perfons elecledby 
 " the people, to ferve for three years." 
 
 [One year is long enough. The Senate arc re- 
 markably liftlefs about the trifling bufmefs which 
 they have to do ; and this may be juftly afcribed to 
 the length of time for which tiiey are elected. 
 The nation cannot hold its legiflators by too Ihort 
 a bridle,] 
 
 III. " Thc^ fenate to confifl: of per Tons elecled 
 ^* to ferve during good behaviour; their eleftion 
 '* to be made by electors chofen for that purpofe 
 *' by the people ; in order to this the flates to be 
 " divided into eledion diflricSls. On the death, re- 
 *' moval, or refignation of any fenator, his place to 
 " be filled out of the diltricft from which he came.'* 
 
 [This claufe is exceptionable. To fcrve during 
 good behaviour means to hold the office for life; 
 fmce if a fenator votes with the majority, it is about 
 impoffible to get him difmiffed. This has been 
 proved by two well known cafes in the prefent 
 ienate, As for this mode of elet^ing by electors, 
 it gave room for that juggling by which Mr. Adams 
 obtained the preiidency. The paper mud imply,, 
 though it has not beenfo exprefTed, that the fenate 
 were to have a negative on the a([ls pafTed by the 
 reprefentatives. Thus legiflation would ilTue in 
 an aridocracy holding their feats for life. It would 
 be far preferable to fend back for an Elnglifh go- 
 vernor.] 
 
 IV. '* The fupreme executive authority of the 
 ^* United States to be veiled in a governor to be 
 *• eleifted during good behaviour ; the eletdion ta 
 ** be made by ele(!:l:ors chofen by the people in the 
 *' ele<dion diftricls aforefaid : the authorities and 
 •• funtSlions to be as follows : to have a fieirative 
 
 7 O 
 
 " upon all laws about to be pafTed, and the execu-» 
 *.' tion of all laws pafTed 3 to have th^ dire<^ioa of 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. $^ . 
 
 " war, when authoriied or begun ; to have, with 
 *' the advice and conicnt of the fenate, the power 
 *' of making siU treaties; to have the fole appoint* 
 " ment of the heads or chief officers of finance and 
 •' foreign affairs ; to have the nomination of ail 
 ** other officers, ainbafradors to foreign nations in- 
 *' eluded, fubjecl to the approbation, or rejeiTrion of 
 " the fenate ; to have povv^er ©f pardoning all of- 
 ** fences, except treaibo, which he fhali not pardon 
 *' without the approbation of the fcnate. 
 
 [America has been taught, by experience, that 
 the fenatoriai check on the prefident is a irserc 
 fiiadow. The number of fenators is fo fmall, 
 and the offices which he has to bcflow are fo 
 many, that a prefident always has command 
 ded, and always may command, the acquiefcence 
 of a majority in any meafm^e that he thinks fit, 
 The contrary can only happen by a very unuiual 
 combination of v:ircumflances. But when this go- 
 vernor and fenate hold their feats for life, nothing 
 but jobbing and corruption can be e^q^eded to 
 enfue. The executive negative on the laws en-** 
 truftiog the welfare of a whole people to the judg- 
 ment or folly of a fingle man, is one of the very- 
 worfl features in monarchy. The power of making 
 treaties, as explained by congrefs in the cafe of Jay, 
 implies any thing and everything. Inftcadof holding 
 his office for life, a prefident fiiould not hold it for 
 more than two years at a time, leaving the peo^ 
 pie to ele(Sb him a feeond time if they faw proper. 
 This would diminiffi the probability of his becom- 
 ing a penfioner to fome foreign power ; as the 
 (liortnefs of his ftay in office would make it lelk 
 v/orth while to purchafe him. Such a fale is far 
 within the chapter of poffibilities. Suppofe that 
 ibme future chief magiftrate of America ill all 
 v/rite an encomium ^ ia three volumes, on X\iq 
 
S6 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 conflitiitlon of Ruflia; that the latter country fhall 
 be at war with England ; and that he iliall, in de- 
 fiance of the interelt of his conflituents, and to 
 tiie apparent ruin of the government itfelf, attempt 
 to plunge America into the quarrel, as an ally of 
 RuiTia. Reafon muft conclude, that the court of 
 Peterfourgh has paid him handfomely for his efforts. 
 The probability of a fecret peniionwili be increaf- 
 cd, if it fiiall tranfpire, that this prefident, before 
 his elevation, correfpondcd, in a very diilionourablc 
 mode, with fonie fpy or informer at Peterfburg. 
 
 With the powcps conferred by Mr. Hamilton's 
 propofal, an American goreryior w^ould want no- 
 thing of royalty but the name.] 
 
 v. " On the death, refignation, -or removal of 
 " the governor, his authorities to be exercifed by 
 *• the prefident of the fenate, till afucceffor be ap- 
 ** pointed. 
 
 VI. '* The fenate to have the foie power of de- 
 " daring war, the poweiv'^^f advifmg and approv- 
 " ing ail treaties, the power' of approving and re- 
 " jecHng all appointments of officers, except the 
 " heads or chiefs of the departments of finance, 
 •* war, and foreign affairs.'^ 
 
 [The fole power of declaring war is, in itfelf, 
 fuch a fweeping privilege, as could not be fafely 
 entrufled but to the immediate reprefentatives of 
 the people. This would be a complete ariftocracy.J 
 
 VII. *' The fupreme judicial authority of the 
 •* United States, to be veft^ed in judges, to hold their 
 " office during good behavi^'Ur, with adequate and 
 •* permanent falaries; the court to have original 
 " jurifdiclion in all caufes of capture, and an appel- 
 ** late jurifdiction in all caufes on which the reve^ 
 *' nues of the general government, or the citizens 
 *^ of foreign nations, are concerned. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERI9A. V 
 
 Vill. '* The legiflature of the United States to 
 
 •' have power to inflitute courts in each ftate, lx>r 
 
 *' the determination of all matters of general con- 
 
 *' cern. 
 
 IX. *' The governors, fenators, and all officers 
 " of the United States to be liable to impeachment 
 *• for mal and corrupt conduct ; and, upon convic- 
 *^ tion, to be removed from office, and difqualified 
 "for holding any place of truft and profit, And all 
 " impeachments to be tried by a court to confift of 
 *' the chief --^^ or judge of the fuperior 
 " court of law of e?ich (late, provided fucl^ judge 
 " hold his place during good behaviour and have a 
 ** permanent falary." 
 
 [A governor, in the previous appointment of 
 judges, could readily feleS: men from whofe ver- 
 dict he fnouid have nothing to fear,] 
 
 X. " x\ll laws of the particular ftates, contrary 
 *' to the conilitution or laws of the United States, 
 ** to he utterly void ; and the better to prevent fuch 
 ** laws being paiTed, the governor or prelident of 
 *' each ftate fliall be appointed by the general go- 
 " vernment, and ffiali have a negative upon the 
 *' laws about to be pafTed in the flate of which he is 
 " governor or prefident/^ 
 
 [This (7ppomtme?2t and negative would reduce 
 the ftate alTemblies to perfed: infignificance.] 
 
 XI. " No ftate to have any force, land or navaJ^ 
 •* and the militia to be under the foie and excluftve 
 *' direftion of the United States, the officers of 
 *' which to be appointed and commiffioned by 
 " them.'' 
 
 Theiaft word, undoubtedly, applies to thefenate 
 and governor, whom the fourth and fixth articles 
 had already veftcd with the power of all appoint- 
 
 * Here is a blank ia tbe raanufcriDt, 
 
'^8 SI^ItTCHES OF THh. 
 
 mcnts. So immenle an accumulation of patfbfiage^ 
 would have made them as abfolute as the late kings 
 of France. Such a fyftem as that here fKCtched out 
 was a dired extirpation of the liberties of America. 
 General Wafliington, as a member of the conven- 
 tion, knew this plan ; and that it met Vi,'ith his ap- 
 probation is plain ; for when raifed to the preu- 
 dency, he appointed Mr. Hamilton to be fecretary 
 of che treafury . This office, in the way by which Mr* 
 Hamilton conducted it, immediately ^comprehend* 
 ed twenty times the real influence enjoyed by Mr. 
 JerTerfon, as fecretary of ftate. The prefident 
 thereafter continued to foUer Mr. Hamilton with 
 augmenting confidence, and never fsiled to ratify 
 all the (latutes of his majority. Thcfe circum- 
 fiances fpeak^very diftinclly ; nor will the prefident's 
 tuneful periods in praife of republican govern- 
 ^iient obliterate the ilain. Mr. VVafhington ought 
 to have held in deteftation every man capable of 
 inventing or defending fo vile a fcheme. Infl:cad 
 of that, the apoilie of a federal throne was preiTed 
 to his bofom. 
 
 When fuch plans were in agitation, it is not for- 
 prifmg th-at a party in the convention became fo- 
 licitous to Ihut their doors. But time has, at length, 
 rent the veil of fecrecy ; and the primitive prin- 
 ciples and projcdls of Mr. Hamilton and his friends 
 are now fairly committed to the world. 
 
 When, in the convention of 1787, the vote was 
 carried for (hutting the doors, the republican par- 
 ty fnould have walked out of the houfe. 1 heir 
 want of firmnefs hath been the fole caufe of their 
 deprcflion. It v/as of infinite confcquence that 
 the opinions and arguments of every member in 
 the convention (liould be exa<R:ly known. There- 
 publicans could not have committed a greater er- 
 ror than by flinching from the publicity of debatcsrr 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. S^ 
 
 As the convention met in order to frame a repre- 
 fentative government, their numbers ought to 
 have borne fome proportion to the importance of 
 the flates from whence they came. For though the 
 meeting voted feperately by dates, and not in an indi- 
 vidual mafs, yet ftill that flate which fent the grea- 
 teft number of reprefentatives had the bell chance 
 of obtaining its own wiihes. Five lawyers in a 
 caufc have the advantage over two of equal abili- 
 ties. To this convention Pennfylvania fent eight 
 reprefentatives, Delaware five, MafTachufetts two, 
 Virginia three, and New-York one. The confli- 
 tution was indeed to be thereafter fubmitted to the 
 ftates feperately ; but, when once framed, it was 
 difficult to get an alteration without rejeding the 
 whole plan 6 
 
 CHAPTER V, 
 
 Remarks on Mr, Alexander Hamilton's explanation 
 of his correjpondence with James Reynolds. 
 
 O 
 
 N Augufl: 25th, 1797) apamphlet was 
 publiflied at Philadelphia, under the following title : 
 " Obfervations on Certain Documents, contained 
 *' in No. V. and VL of the Hijlory of the United 
 ^' States^ for the year 1796, in which the Charge 
 *^' of Speculation, againft Alexander Hamilton^ 
 " late Secretary of the Treafury, is fully refuted* 
 " Written by Himfelf.^' 
 
 This piece extends to thirty-five pages, befidcs 
 an appendix of fifty-eight. The firil part comprifes 
 the author's reply to the accufation againfl him. 
 The latter contains fifty-fix letters and other papers* 
 
 M 
 
SKETCHES O^ THE 
 
 Mr. ttamllton opens his pamphlet with a dc^ 
 Cription of the jacobms of America. In his dialeclj 
 the word jacobin compreliends one-half of the ci- 
 tizens of the United States ; for, at the late election 
 of prefident, the two parties, under the refpcftive 
 names of Adams and Jefferfbn, were exactly ba- 
 lanced. By accident, or fraud, a part of the ci- 
 tizens of Pennfylvania were prevented from tranl- 
 mitting their votes to this city, within the time re- 
 quired by law. Hence Mr. Jeffcrlon had only thir- 
 teen fuft rages from this flate, when the voice of 
 the people had given him fifteen. The transference 
 of thefe two votes to the oppofite fcaie, decided 
 againfl Mr. Jeftcrfon. He lofl the prelidency by a 
 minority of fixty-eight fuffrages againft feventy- 
 one. Had the remainder of the Pennfylvania votes 
 been accepted, he would have been prefident by 
 fevcnty againft fixty-nine. 
 
 When two parties are thus minutely polfed, they 
 fhould, if poliible, fi")eak about each other with 
 temper and decency. Such condut^ ought elpccially 
 to be expccHied from Mr. Hamilton; who filled, for 
 about feven years, one of the firfh offices under the 
 federal government. An idea of gravity and dig- 
 nity is annexed to fuch a ftation. 
 
 Of American jacobins ooir ex-fccretary fpeaks 
 thus. '' The moft diretft faliboods are invented and 
 *' propagated, with undaunted effrontery, and un- 
 *' relenting pcrfeverance. Lies, often detccT:ed and 
 " refuted, are ftill revived and repeated, in the 
 ^' hope that the refutation may have been forgotten, 
 *' or that the frequency and boidnefs of accufation 
 *' may fupply the place of truth and proof. — If truly 
 " this be, as every appearance indicates, a confpiracy 
 '^ of .vice againfl virtue, ought I not rather to be 
 
HI<?TORY©F AMERICA, 91 
 
 ^' Fxattered, that I have been fo long and £0 pecuii- 
 " arly an objc'fi: of pcrlecution* r'' 
 
 This martyr of virtue, this exulting objed: of 
 perfecution, this antagonifl of falfliood, has publifii- 
 ed ninety-three pages to prove, that he was guilty 
 of conjugal infidelity, that is of breaking an oath ; 
 for the latter is one of the crimes comprehended 
 within the former. This is the man, \vho, at the 
 fame moment, has the hardiiiefs to announce '' a 
 " confpiracy of vice againft virtue." Mr. Hamil- 
 ton fhould fpeak with referve as to the faults of 
 others. The portrait which he draws of American 
 jacobins, correfponds, precifeiy, with the publica- 
 tions andmeafurcs common, though not univerfal, 
 among the writers and leaders of the federal painty. 
 No man has plunged farther than Mr. Hamilton 
 himfelf into the ocean of calumn)^. He lliould, 
 therefore, be one of the laft men to complain 
 about it. 
 
 The entire form and effence.of this vindication 
 isfo viie, fo difgufting, fo grofsly indecent, that one 
 hardly knows either how to tranfcribe or abridge 
 it. Some of the principal faiTts are as follows. 
 
 In fummer, 179 1, Maria, the wife ox James 
 Reynolds, waited upon Mr. Hamilton at his houfe 
 in Philadelphia. 8hc told him that her hufoand 
 had treated her with cruelty, and deferted her ; 
 that her relations refided in the ftateof New- York, 
 and (he folicited money to pay the expence of re- 
 turning to them. Mr. Hamilton, for the purpofe of 
 beftowing charity, paid a vifitto Mrs. Reynolds at 
 her lodgings. '' She met me, " fays he, '^ and con- 
 *' dueled me into a bed room." 
 
 '' After this," adds our author, '^ I had frequent 
 *^ meetings with her, mod of them at my owj> 
 
 * Obfervations, &c. i>* 4* 
 
gt SKETCHES OF THE- 
 
 '^hoiife; Mrs, Hamilt 071^ with her children^ being 
 *' ahfent on a vifit to her father.^* Observations, 
 p. 1-8. The ex-fecrctary might have fpared the ad- 
 ditional offence of this palliation. If he had really 
 felt that reniorfe and (hame to which he pretends, 
 Mr. Hamilton never could have printed this lug- 
 gage of circumftances. They were not requifite even 
 to '• wipe away d. more Jerioiis Jlain,^' Observa- 
 tions, p. 10. Their omiffion could not have im- 
 paired the force, but they add to the ignominy of 
 his exculpation. Mr. Hamiltonmight have copied 
 the delicacy of the painter, who cafh a veil over the 
 face of Agaminenon, to conceal what it was impof- 
 fible to exprefs. 
 
 An indignant hufband foon makes his appearance ; 
 and Mrs. lleynolds, in a letter to the colonel, fays 
 that he had Leefj fwearing he would write to 
 Mrs. Hamilton. This was in December 1791. 
 No. IL of the appendix is a letter from the hufband 
 dcmanding/atisfacJion^ which he affirms that hcivill 
 have, ''before one day paiTes me more." In No. 
 IV*. he fays '' I have this propofal to make to you. 
 •' Give me the fum of one thoufand dollars.'* 
 There next follow two receipts for this money, the 
 one for fix and the other for four hundred dollars. 
 The lady was unwilling to quit fo good a friend. She 
 addreffes him in love fiok epiflles, real or forged^ 
 and declares that till he fhall vifit her, " my brealt 
 *.' will be the feate of pain and woe.*' 
 
 Reynolds himfelf, alfo, writes a letter to the 
 colonel, dated March 24th, 1792. He expatiates 
 qn his own good nature in permitting the ex-fecre- 
 tary's vifits, gives hints of his power to be trouble- 
 some, and of his difpofition to oblige. Some other 
 letterss fucceed, demanding money. They had 
 been complied with, for it appears by No. XV. da- 
 ^ed April izth, 1792, that the colonel continued 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. ^^ 
 
 his vifits. On the 2d of May, he received a formal, 
 prohibition from ever feeing the lady again. ^' I 
 *' was in hopes," fays Reynolds, " that it would 
 *' ware off, but I find their is no hopes." SoIii:itn- 
 tions for money follow. The two hundred dollars 
 mentioned by Cllngman* were obtained to fit up a 
 boarding houfe. The laft letter is dated Augufl 
 goth, 1792. In the Observations p. 9, Mr, Ha* 
 milton calls this an amorous connecfiion. If this 
 account be true, it merited a coarfer name. 
 
 The objed: in publifhing this correfpondence is 
 to prove that the conne^lion betv/een Reynolds 
 and the ex-fecretary did not refer to the purchafc 
 of certificates, but to the charms of Mrs* Reynolds. 
 
 Yet Mr* Hamilton and his friends have always 
 enlarged on his poverty. The fcale of expenc<* 
 in this affair difagrecs with that fuppofition. lu 
 eighteen months Maria, mufl have coft him at leaO: 
 about eighteen hundred dollars. The expence is ex- 
 travagant in proportion to its end. It revolts againll* 
 Jiis well known character for economy. He fayi 
 that he was afraid of having the matter known to 
 Mrs. Hamilton. Yet in her abfencc, he had frequent 
 interviews with Mrs. Reynolds at his own houjc>» 
 This betrays but fraall regard for the fecret. ^-^ Ser- 
 *' vants, have ears, as well as other people," fayg 
 Slipflop. It appears, likewife, that he received nu* 
 mcrous mefTages and letters from the parties, an4 
 that Reynolds paid him feveral viiits at his houfe. 
 All this discovers little attention to the dread of 
 difclofure ; and indeed the llory was well enough 
 known. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton refls much upon the profligate 
 charadler of the parties, and the improbability of 
 his having cntrufled fuch a being as Reynolds with 
 
 ♦ Documents, No, 4, 
 
^4 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 his fccrets of fpeculation. But, by his own ac- 
 count, he cHd commit his confidence to this man, 
 and protra^ed the conned:ioi/ with his wife during 
 a whole year after he had been menaced with a 
 difcovery. 
 
 His pamphlet, full as it is of defiance and de- 
 famation, puts a clofc to his claims for fuperior ve- 
 racity. He who acknowledged the reality of fuch 
 epildes, could feel no fcruple to forge them, 1 he 
 latter fuppofition is as favourable as the former to 
 his good name. He fpeaks much about his attach- 
 ment to Mrs. Hamilton, while he fquandered what 
 was due to his family, and rambled, as he pre- 
 tends, for eighteen months in the embraces of pol- 
 lution. 
 
 The evidence or prefnmption againfl the rfathen- 
 ticity of the letters printed by Mr. Hamilton flands 
 thus. Reynolds affirms, that Mr. Hamilton had em- 
 ployed him as an agent of fpeculation. This the 
 cx-fecretary denies ; but, their probity being upon 
 a par, we know not which of them to believe. Mrs. 
 Reynolds adds her teftimony, as to the belief of 
 {peculation, and fays, that the correfpondence and 
 receipts for money, fmce publifiied by Mr. Hamil- 
 ton, were fabricated by him and her hufband*. But 
 jf they adually were £o^ it remains to be guelTed 
 Tuky^ vjhen^ and -where they were compofed. 
 
 On this hypothefis we are to believe that Mr. 
 Hamilton, on the motive of threats from Reynolds, 
 and of his being viiited in pri'fon by MelFrs. Muh- 
 lenberg, Monroe, and Venable, hafled his enlarge- 
 ment. This happened, on the evening of Wednef- 
 day, the 12th of December, 1797. The interview 
 between Mr. Hamilton and the members was on 
 the evening of Saturday following. The corref- 
 
 * Documents, No. V. See Hlftory of 1796, Chap. VJ, The ^<^ 
 lonel has reprinted the other papers, but leaves out No, V, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICaA 9^ 
 
 ^ondcnce muft have been framed in the interval ; 
 and a day or a few hours were fufficient for that 
 eifca. 
 
 in No. IV. Clingman, fays, that Reynolds, on 
 the night of his liberation, fent a mellage to Mr. 
 Hamilton, and by deilre waited "on him on Thurfday 
 morning. In No. V. he relates fonie particulars, 
 which, according to his account from Reynolds^ 
 pad at this interview. Clingnian, in a pofl-fcript 
 to No. V. fays, that, as Mrs. Reynolds alTured him, 
 the letters wtvt fabricated by her hujband and Air, 
 Hamilton* The latter, in this publication, takes no 
 notice of the allegation byClingman, that //d*, (Mr. 
 Hamilton) Jaiv Reynolds after his enlargement. He 
 ought, in confiflency to have denied it. But he had 
 already owned the fac^ to the three members. 
 Mr. Hamilton, a rake, and Mr. Reynolds, a fwin- 
 dler, alternately give each other the lie. The pro- 
 bability of untruth and fraud upon each fide is 
 fo great, that it is impradlicable to determine be- 
 tween them*. 
 
 In the appendix, No. XXXIII. we meet with a 
 letter to Mr. Hamilton, from Mcffrs. Muhlenberg 
 and Monroe, dated 17th of July, 1797, whereia 
 they write thus: " the explanation of the nature 
 \^ of your connection with Reynolds, which you 
 " then gave, removed the fufpicion^ we had before 
 " entertained of your being connected with him iii 
 *^ fpeculation.'' There is another from Mr. Vena- 
 ble to the fame effecl. The ex-fccretary rells much 
 upon this admidion. But every other peribn is now 
 equally well qualified with thefe gentlemen to judge 
 of the evidence ; io that this is nothing more than 
 the opinion of three individuals. 
 
 * In the Hiftory of 1796, it is faid, by miftake, tliat Mr. Hamil- 
 ton received a copy of the whole documents therein puhlillied. 
 From the Obfervations it comes out, that he never faw Ko, V. till i« 
 ptint. 
 
|6 SKETCHES 0|f f Hfi 
 
 Yet even their opinion is unfortunately mutila* 
 ted. Mr. Hamilton has printed thirteen letters 
 that pafTed between himfelf and Mr. Monroe. From 
 thefe it appears that Mr. Monroe ftill entertained 
 confiderable doubts. They were grounded on the 
 information given by Clingman, which clofcs No. 
 V, and bears date the 2d of January, 1793. ^^ 
 one letter Mr, Monroe fays, " whether the im> 
 '' putations againfl you as to fpeculation, are well 
 ** or ill founded, depends upon the fa^fls and cir- 
 *' cumftances, which appear againft you upon your 
 " defence. If you (hew that they are ill founded, 
 *' I fliall be contented." Mr. Hamilton, in a fuc- 
 ceeding letter, writes thus: '' the refult in my mind 
 *' is, that you have been and are aifluated by mo- 
 *' tives towards me malignant and diflionourahle,^^ 
 The parties wrote on till they were at the point of 
 fighting a duel. The fecond clafs of doubts excited 
 in Mr. Monroe, by Clingman, as to the innocence 
 of the ex-iecretary, did not take place till fome 
 weeks after the three members had received the 
 explanation from Mr. Hamilton. The one circum- 
 ftance happened on the 15th of December, 1792, 
 and, the other on the 2d of January thereafter. 
 Now, the exculpatory letters from the three mem- 
 bers refer to nothing fubfequent to the former date ; 
 and as the fufpicions of Mr. Monroe were revived 
 by Clingman, it is natural to imagine that thofe of 
 MefTrs. Muhlenbero- and Venable were likewife ex- 
 cited. Whether this was the cafe, or not, appears 
 of little confequence, unlefs, becaufe it fhews the 
 very Hippery nature of the vindication derived 
 from them. If this was the bed defence which 
 they would give to Mr. Hamilton, he has but fcan- 
 ty room for triumph. 
 
 The-eolonei dwells, with much complacency, oti 
 bis awn tranfcendant dignity of charader. "It is 
 
HISTORY OV AMERICA. 9^ 
 
 " morally impofTible/' fays he, " I fhould have 
 " been foolifh as well as depraved eiioughto em- 
 *' ploy fo vile an inftrument as Reynolds for fuch 
 '' infignificant ends, as are indicated by different 
 '' parts of the flory itfelf. ** Observations, p- 
 10. The ends alledged v^^ere, fpeculation to the 
 extent of thirty thoufand dollars. Mr* Hamilton 
 pretends that he employed Reynolds as a conveni- 
 ent hufband* This end was infinitely more infig- 
 nificant than the other ; fo that the inference in the 
 above paffage evidently contradid:s the fai^. 
 
 On p. 13, he fpeaks of the general improbablli" 
 ^' ty, that I fliould put myfelf upon paper with fo 
 '' defpicable a perfon, on a fubjecl which might ex- 
 *' pofe me to infamy. *^ The improbability has ad:u- 
 ally been fulfilled. 
 
 ^' As to the difappearancc of the parties after the 
 '' liberation, how am I anfwerable for it ? Is it not 
 '^ prefumable, that the inftance difcovered at the 
 " treafury was not the only offence of the kind of 
 ^^ ivhich they -vOere guilty f After one detection, is 
 *' it not very probable that Reynolds fled to avoid 
 *' dete(fi:ion in other cafes ? — Pveynolds was confide- 
 *' rably in debt. What more natural for him than 
 '' to fly from his creditors ? ^' Observations, p. 
 
 35. '' Could it be expe^^ed that I fhould fo debafe 
 ^' myfelf as to think it ncceffary to my vindication 
 '^ to be confronted with a perfon fuch as Reynolds I 
 " Could I have borne to fuffer my veracity to be 
 *' expofed to the humiliating competition I " Ibid p* 
 
 36. This tone does not become Mr. Hamilton. 
 People of regular morals, think that the profligate, 
 who debauches another man's wife, cannot he degra- 
 ded by confronting her hufband. 
 
 As to the difappearance of Reynolds, afler his 
 enlargement, Mr. Hamilton has not even offered 
 to deny the having feen him privately on the fac- 
 
 N 
 
^8 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 ceeding day at his own hoiife. In No. V. of the 
 docunhents, he owned to the three members of con- 
 grefs, " that he had received a note from Reynolds 
 ^' in the nighty at the time dated in Clingman^s pa- 
 " per, and that he had likewife feen him in the-^ 
 " 7norning folloivingy This looks fomewhat myC- 
 terious. The difmiilion of Reynolds fiom prilon, 
 M'ithout trial, remains to find a decent apology ; but, 
 if it was prefumable that he had been guilty of other 
 and fjmilar olFences, this highly aggravated the im- 
 propriety of difcharging him. As to his running 
 away for debt, there does net appear any particular 
 reafon for thinking that he fled on this account. 
 P^evnolds, in his torn letter to Clino-man, (5-ave a 
 more natural and limple account of his intended 
 difappearance. '' He has offered to furnifli me and 
 ^' Mr§. Reynolds with money to carry us off. If I 
 *^ will go, he will fee that fhe has money to follow 
 " me»^^ The word he can refer only to Mr. Ha- 
 milton, •U'hich is clear from the reft of the letter. 
 He was writing in full coniidence to Clingman, and 
 could have no imaginable reafon to frame a fi(5lion. 
 The confronting of R.eynolds with Hamilton, 
 before the three members of congrefs, would have 
 been more fatisfadrory to them than the produdion 
 of any papers. Refides, although our ex-fecrctary 
 profefTes fuch difdain of being placed in a ftate of 
 comparifon with him, yet the inftinclive indigna- 
 tion of innocence, would have prompted moft peo- 
 ple, to drag forward fo perfidious an accufer ; and, 
 in prefence of the gentlemen, to have extorted a 
 confefiion of his fraud. 7 he fame fliynefs of ap- 
 pealing to the original parties, appears in this pam- 
 phlet. Clingman and the lady have been married. 
 They refide, now at Alexandria. Reynolds himfelf 
 lives, it is faid, in New- York. If the letters pub- 
 Jifued by Mr. Hamilton in the name of Maria arc 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 99 
 
 genuine, it would be very eafy to obtain her attei- 
 tation of the facTt. A juflice of peace, at Alexandria, 
 could difpatch the bufinefs in half an hour. She 
 could be direi^cd to give afample of her hand ; and, 
 by comparing this with the letters, it would be af- 
 certained whether or not they really came from her 
 peq. But Gamillus dares not to meet this tell. 
 
 Indead of fuch an obvious aud deciGve elucida- 
 tion, Mr. Hamilton* brings forward Mary, Willi- 
 ams, keeper of a boarding houfe in Philadelphia. 
 This woman fvvears, that Hie is well acquainted with 
 the hand writing of Mrs. Reynolds, and that (lie is 
 well /atis/ied of the letievs being genuine. She gives 
 no particulars of her acquaintance with Mrs. Rey- 
 nolds, except the declining to admit of her as a lod- 
 ger. This is as lame a kind of evidence as can well 
 be conceived". Why not appeal to the ladyherfelf, 
 in place of fiich a circuitous method? 
 
 Thefe letters from Mrs. Reynolds are badly fpelt 
 and pointed. Capitals, alfo, occur even inthemidll 
 of words. But waving fuch excrefcences, the 
 flile is pathetic and even elegant. It does not bear the 
 marks of an illiterate writer. The conilruftion of 
 the periods difagrees with this apparent incapa- 
 city of fpelling. The officer who can marfiiail a 
 regiment, mufl know how to level a mufquet. A 
 few grofs blunders are interfperfed, and thefe 
 could readily be devifed ; but, when ftript ofluch 
 a veil, the body of the compofition is pure and cor- 
 real. In the literary world, fabrications of this na- 
 ture have been frequent. Our ex-fecretary admits 
 that he has been in the habit of writing to this fa- 
 mily in a feigned character. The tranOtion was. 
 eafy to the writing in a feigned flile. Mrs. Rey- 
 nolds herfdf may have wrote thefe epiflles from 
 
 *' Appendix, Ko, XLI, 
 
100 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 the dicflating of the colonel ; for '' the variety of 
 ^' fhapes which this woman could alTume was end- 
 ^' lefs*/' It is natural, then, to fufpea, that fhe real- 
 ly may have afted that part. But if the colonel is 
 not afraid of her fpringing a leak in the bottom of 
 his tale, why does he avoid her teftiraony, and try 
 to divert our attention by the prattle of Mary Wil- 
 liams I 
 
 But even admitting that the love letters and 
 others were genuine, this does not take away the 
 probability of a fwindling connection between Rey- 
 nolds and Hamilton. The way in which the colo- 
 xiel and Maria became acquainted refls on the fm- 
 gle evidence of himfelf, Reynolds does not ap- 
 pear to have dropped to Clingman even a hint of in- 
 continency, Mrs. Reynolds! told the three mem- 
 bers of congrefs that Ihe had burned a confidera- 
 ble number of letters from Mr. HaxiiJlton to her 
 liufhand. The dread that her depofition mayftum- 
 ble upon this fadl, appears the only reafon why the 
 colonel chufes to keep her out of the way. 
 
 Hence, if the Jetters from Mrs. Reynolds are in 
 her hand writing, this does not prove that they were 
 the real effufions of a libidinous correfpondence. 
 If that correfpondence had a being, it does not 
 deftroy the poflibility of another, of a quite dif- 
 ferent fort, between the colonel and the hulband. 
 Speculation in June may well cenfifl with adul- 
 tery in December. The whole proof in this pam- 
 phlet refts upon an allufion. " I am a rake, and 
 *' for that reafon I cannot be a fwindler. I con- 
 ^' fefs that I ftole a horfe j but, if you fay that I 
 ^' ftole a cow, I fcorn to be confionted with my 
 ♦^ accufers." This is an edifying and convenient 
 fpecies of logic. Both Reynolds and his lady af^ 
 
 * Olpfemtionsi p. ^r, + Documents, No, III, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. loj 
 
 iirm that there was a fpeculation, and until they 
 uadergo a thorough examination, before fbme pro- 
 per authority, the doubt never can be refolved. 
 Under fuch circumftances, it wasproper that Mr. 
 Monroe Ihould fufpend his judgment. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton fays*", that, during his difcuflion 
 with the three members, he difcovered nofymptom, 
 different from that oi a proud conjcioiiffiejs of kinc-- 
 tence^ What pride, what confcious innocence, any 
 man could feel, in the mi all of fuch an acknow- 
 ledgment, the reader is left to judge. 
 
 Thus much for the main points in Mr. Hamil- 
 ton's piece. A fewepifodes remain to be handled. 
 It now comes out that the improper communica- 
 tions from the treafury office to Reynolds and Cling- 
 man were made by Fraunces^ a clerk therein • 
 This man afterwards prefented a memorial to 
 congrefs arraigning Mr. Hamilton. His charge 
 was rejected as groundlefs. In a note, the ex- 
 fecretary adds, "* would it be believed, after all 
 "^ this, that Mr. Jeiferfon, vice-prefident of the 
 ''• United States, would wi'ite to this Fraunces 
 *' friendly letters .^ Yet fuch is the fa(^. '' In the 
 appendix, we find thefe alarming epiflles. Obferve 
 now, to what a deftitution of materials the ene- 
 mies of Thomas Jeiferfon are reduced! The firfl: 
 letter, dated June 27th, 1797, muft have been in 
 anfwer to fome requefl for money. '^ I fhail not 
 '^ have one dollar to fpare,^^ fays the vice-prefident. 
 Arnother, dated next day, refufes a certificate of 
 character. This is the wonderful friendfhip fo fliock- 
 ing to the nerves of our iifcal Atlas ! The letters are, 
 in themfelves, entirely unimportant. Theyhavouo 
 reference to any part of the ex-fecretary^s budget. 
 In what way he got them, or for what reafon ho 
 
 ^ Obfervationsa p. 8. 
 
ro2 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 printecl them, is yet to be told. They cannot lefTen, 
 by the value of one cent, the reputation of our vice- 
 prefident. If this correlpondence is one of the great- 
 eft faults in Mr. JelTerfon which hatr^ed can difco- 
 ver, and fury reveal, he enjoys thepurefl charafter 
 which has adorned hiilory. But flnce Hamilton 
 fpeal^s of difreputable correfpondcnce, we may re- 
 mind him of that which he fupported, for a twelve 
 month, with Mr. P^eynolds, and of his crouching 
 under the menaces of this precious agent*. If any 
 thing, within one million of degrees of fuch dii- 
 grace, can be fixed on Mr. Jcfferfon, pray let us 
 hear it; for, in that lexicon of lies and calumnies, 
 printed by our Portugucfe ambaffador, Dr. Smith, 
 hardly one article, granting it to be true, has the 
 veilige of common fenfe. 
 
 Iijftead of inveighing againdthe republican party, 
 as propagators of flander, Mr. Hamilton ought to 
 thank them for a degree of forbearance and deli- 
 cacy of which his friends have very feldom fet an 
 example. During the time of this connexion, it w^as 
 known to many members of congrefs. If any repub- 
 lican chara^Tfcer had been the hero of the ftory, it 
 would infallibly have been echoed from one end of 
 the continent to the other* Yet that party, with 
 much good nature, obferved profound filence. Mr. 
 .Jefferfon had received a copy of thefe documents. 
 He never (hewed them, nor ever fpoke of them, tQ 
 any perfon. In fummer, 1797, when the vice-pre- 
 fident heard of the intended publication,, he advifed 
 that the papers fhould be fupprefied. Benevolence 
 could not go farther, but his interpofition came too 
 
 * " Mrs. Reynolds, more than once, communicated to me, that 
 ^* Reynolds would occafionally rt lapfe into difcontent at Mx^fituatm ;■ 
 •"^ would treat her very ill, hint at tlie afiafTination of me, and more 
 <« openly threatcn,oby nay of revenge, to inform Mrs. Hamilton*'* 
 
 Obfervations, p. 15. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. lo; 
 
 late. Mr. Hamilton well knew that Mr. Jefferfon 
 was mailer of his fccret, and had kept it ; and yet 
 he took the opportunity of this pamphlet to attack 
 his benefatT:or's reputation. If the papers had been 
 printed four years fooner, the befl effeds might 
 have eniued to America, for the prefidcnt would 
 undoubtedly have difmifled Camillus. 
 
 Qiiitttng thefe two letters from Jefferron to Fraun- 
 ces, we come to the offence for which Reynolds 
 was imprifoned, and the caufes for which he was 
 difcharged. Mr. Wolcott^" fays, that Reynolds 
 and Clingman were profecuted for h?iViv\gJuborned 
 a perjon to commit perjury. After the profccution 
 commenced, Clingman confciled that he and Rey- 
 nolds had lifts of the names and Turns due to cer- 
 tain creditors of the United States, and which had 
 been obtained from a clerk in the treafury, with a 
 view to the forgery of warrants on it, in the 
 name of fuch creditors. As to the name of this 
 clerk, Hamilton, in No. V, intimated to the mem- 
 bers that it w^as Duer. But Wolcottt atHrms, that 
 Duer had no concern with it. Thus, the two gen- 
 tlemen contradid each other, and on a point which 
 mufl have been equally well known to both. Mr. 
 Wolcott explains the reafon for withdrawing the jf] 
 
 profecution, w^iich was, that the offenders gave up 
 the lifts of creditors obtained fnom the treafury, 
 and told the name of the unfaithful clerk. This 
 he calls " an important difcovery," As for deli- 
 vering the lifts, thefe were only copies, and not 
 original papers. It was quite eafy for the parties 
 to keep other copies, and proceed to fabricate 
 warrants ; indeed they might vvithhold and conceal 
 part of the very lifts which they had got from the 
 treafury. 
 
 • Appendix No. XXIV. f Ibi^. 
 
 % 
 
104 v^KErettES OF THIS 
 
 Mr. Hamilton, fpeaking of this dirmiflion, faysj> 
 *' it was certainly of more confequence to the peb- 
 ^' lie to deteft and expel from the bofom of the 
 *' treafury department, an uilfaithful clerk, to pre- 
 '' vent future and extenfive milchief, than to dif- 
 ^* grace and punifti twp worthlefs individuals/* — 
 Observations, p. 34. But the ex-fecretary fliould 
 have proved that the difmiffion of the one was ne- 
 cefFary towards the difcovery of the other ; and 
 this he has not done. " The culprits were compel- 
 ,*^ led to give a real and fuhflantial equivaknt for the 
 *^ relief which they obtained from a department 
 *' ever which I prejided'^ Ibid. The fubftantiaiity 
 is very doubtful. As for prefidi72g^ the comptroller 
 is independent. Either Mrs. Reynolds was the real 
 and ultimate caufe of this difcharge, or it refuited 
 from fome invifible machinery, which the movers 
 do not chufe to bring forward. It revolts againfc 
 propriety, and the official judgment of Mr. Wol-» 
 cott, to fay, that he would difmifs two criminals for 
 fo trifling a reafon. Clingman, of himlelf, confefTed 
 ♦o Wolcott, the affair of the ftolen lifts of namer, 
 from the treafury. From the certificate of the lat- 
 ter'*, it is to be underftood, that he made the con- 
 felTion, unfoli cited, and even unfufpei^ed. But adds 
 the comptroller, " both Clingman and Reynolds 
 *' obftinately refufed, for fometimc, to deliver up 
 '■^ the lifts, or to difclofe the name of the perfon 
 ^^ through whofe infidelity they had been obtain- 
 *' ed." All this muft clearly be a ftiam. The cul- 
 prits were under profecution fc-r another crime, 
 the fubornation of perjury. Their defpair is evi- 
 dent, from the voluntary confefiion of Clingman. 
 The delivery of the lifts, and the difclofure of the 
 name of their affociate, were matters of courfe. 
 
 ♦ Appendix, No. XXIV. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA, 105 
 
 The comptroller had only to proceed with his fuit, 
 and could, at any period, havcenfared the promul- 
 gation of every fecret which they had. When a 
 public officer, like Mr, Wolcott, conjures up an 
 abfurd excuie for having deferted his duty, thofe 
 who pay his falary have a right to criticife him. 
 Mr. Wolcott difmiiTcd, with impunity, two offen- 
 ders that, as he fays, he might reach Frauiices, a 
 clerk in the treafury. Had the comptroller been 
 a boy or a fool, reafon might have Imiled at his 
 frivolity of triumph. But fince he is a man of long 
 experience in bufinefs, and free from the fallies 
 of a florid imagination, it is juft to infer that fome- 
 thing deeper than vanity lies at the bottom of the 
 pool. 
 
 Other fiaffages in this pamphlet might admit of 
 remark, but the above appears to be a fufficient 
 ipecimen. The arguments and the teflimony pro- 
 duced by our ex-fecretary are alike unfatisfaclory. 
 fie lays much v/eight upon the purity and elevation 
 of his perfonai charadrer. His own performance 
 explodes it. He triumphs in an exculpation from 
 the three members of congrefs. Yet, as to MefTrs% 
 Monroe and Muhlenberg, his auxiliary writerr> 
 conftantly reprefent them as traitors to their coun- 
 try. According to Mr. Hamilton's own defcrip-* 
 tion of jacobins, they mufi; be the vilefb of mankind | 
 and their atteflation can defervc no credit what- 
 ever; but yet it fills him with pride. An impar- 
 tial by lliander might addrefs him thus* 
 
 " If Muhlenberg, and his two friends, are the fire- 
 *'. brands of fadion, which you reprefent them to 
 " be, then it was unworthy of your innocjence to 
 " aflc a vindication from them. The oak does not 
 *' lean upon the bramble ; nor flrength court the 
 '* protediion of weaknefs. But fmce you have ap- 
 " pealed to thefe gentlemen, ia defence of yoijir 
 
 O 
 
i66 SKETCHES O^ THE 
 
 '*' characfber, you betray an evident confcioufners 
 *' that tliey have a characler to lofe. This earnefl 
 '* recourie to their honour difcovers that you dif^ 
 ** believe youf own general portrait of jacobins ; 
 *' and the peculiar reproaches that your Icribblers 
 *' have poured on MeiFrs. Miihienbeig and Monroe. 
 ** A veilal does not prop her purity by the evidence 
 '* of a bawd ; nor a Sully v^afii his hands while 
 *' Cartouche holds the balbn. You arraign thefe 
 ** men' as calumniators ; and, on the fame page, 
 *' you refer to their veracity in defence of yours. 
 '' This is a contradiclion. You placed yourielf in 
 *' a delicate fituation. If they had refufed, as they 
 *' vrell might have done, to take notice of your ap- 
 " plication, your fame was, by your own arrange- 
 ** ment, in a dangerous way. The confidence that 
 ** you repofed in them, and the alacrity which, in 
 *' fpite of ail provocations, they have manifefted to 
 *' ferve you, refute your clamours againfb them. 
 "' The firfl itep in fupport of your fame, fixes you 
 *' in deterred calumny. 
 
 *' You give an infufficient reafon, for the releafc 
 *' of Reynolds from jail. .You received avifit from 
 *' him before fanrife on the enfuing morning. He 
 *' then difappeared ; and when the three gentlemen 
 ** waited on you refpecling his accufations, you tell 
 *' a long hiftory of an intrigue, and produce a bun- 
 " die of letters concerning it* That they are the 
 *^ real hand writing of the parties we h^ve no proof 
 ** but your word, and a depofition from thcmillrefs 
 ** of a bonrding-houfe. On the contrary, Reynolds 
 *' never fpoke to Clingman of anything but fyecu- 
 *' lation. His w.'fe addsJ her fufpicion ; and affirms, 
 '* that the love epillles, and receipts for money, 
 *' are a fabrication by her hufband and you. The 
 *' whole collet^ion would not have required above 
 " an evening to write them. At the dillance of four 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. lo? 
 
 " yc'dYZ and an half, and when warned and chaU 
 *' ienged to produce the parties themlelves, you ftill 
 *' avoid a perfonal reference. You Ipeak as if it was 
 *"* impoffible to invent a fevj letters. Yet, upon this 
 •' very bufineis, you wrote in a feigned hand. And 
 '*'" what is your molehill appendix, altogether, to the 
 *' gigantic fabrications of Pfalmanazar and of Chat- 
 " terton ? Send for the lady, or pay her a vifit. Take 
 ** her before a magiilrate, and let us hear v/hat flie 
 *' has to fay. Your avoiding a public meeting with 
 " her, holds out a llrong prefumption of her inno- 
 " cence. Try, alfo, to find out Reynolds. Never 
 " pretend that youfcorn to confront accufers. 'I'he 
 " world will believe that vou dare not.^' 
 
 To this addrefs the ex-fecretary v/ouid bepuzzled 
 to make a found anfwer. Some of his friends are 
 lefs fore than he is on the fa bjefl of fpeculation. 
 In fpring, 1794, commodore Giilon, replying, in 
 congrefs, to Dr. William Smith, faid, " what makes 
 " the gentleman angry ? Did I fpeak a word of pilot 
 ^^ boats f The doilor pocketed this hint, which 
 was equally well underftood by every man in the 
 houfe. Dr. Smith has always been among the fore- 
 moft in the battles of the exTecretary ; and no fac^t 
 is beter believed, than that many others of the fe- 
 deral members did fpeculate in certificates to the 
 amount of millions. Of this party, Mr. Hamilton 
 was the centre and th© foul. He not merely plan- 
 ned, but diclated their meafures; a circumflancc 
 eflabliQied by the uniform correfpondence between 
 his reports and the flatute book of the firfl: and fe- 
 cond congrefs. Now, if he really did not touch a 
 cent of their earnings, ftill he muft own that he 
 kept forry company. If Mr. Hamilton fhook from 
 about his ears the golden fhower, and trampled 
 imder foot the wages of fpeculation. he can be i\Q^ 
 .thing lefs than a fecond AbdicL 
 
1^8 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 " Of all the vile attempts Vv/hich have been made 
 ^' to injure my character," fays Mr. Hamilton, 
 ^' that which has been lately revived in No V. and 
 " VI. of the Hiflory of the United States, for 1796, 
 '' is the moft vile, — A jiiH: pride, with reluiflance 
 " ftoops to a formal vindication againfl fo defpica- 
 ^^* hie a contrivance, and is inclined rather to op- 
 ^ ' pofe to it the uniform evidence of a?i upright clia- 
 ^' raCier. 
 
 ^' This would be my conduct on the prefent oc- 
 " cafion, did not the tale derive fome fanction from 
 *' the names of three men of fome weight and con« 
 '' fequence.^^ Observations, p. 9. 
 
 As for the vilenefs of the atte?npt^ &c. it is as fair 
 as an}^ thing can be. In committing the documents 
 to prefs, the publiflier exercifed a right and a duty. 
 It did not appear, from any thing on the face of 
 thefe papers, that the three gentlemen were fatis- 
 iied with Mr. Hamilton's explanation. And he knew 
 that they were not unanimous in the acquittal. The 
 enquiry was a public concern, and the public were 
 entitled to judge for themielves. 
 
 With regard to uniform uprightnefs of charaCiery 
 there is no man in America, whofe good name has 
 encountered fuch violent oppofition as that of Mr. 
 Hamilton. If he is to anfwer ev^ery charge againfl 
 him, that has been made on refpe<n:able authority, 
 this piece does not complete the tafl^. Mr. Findley, in 
 his Hiflory of the W^eftern Infurrecflion, has urged 
 many accufations, as bad as that of jobbing in cer- 
 tificates. The following are two inftances. Mr. Ha- 
 milton has not attempted to deny any part of them. 
 
 The commander of the army lodged for fome 
 time in the houfe of major Powers, about thirty 
 miles from the town of Washington. This man had 
 been acSlive in promoting a fettlement. '' His fer- 
 \'- vices were acknowledged, while head-quarter^ 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. ic^ 
 
 ^' were at his houfe, and he was paid a larger funi 
 ■ ' than he demanded, for his trouble and ex- 
 " pences*." 
 
 Sornetime after this payment, Mr. Hamilton fent 
 for major Powers to Wafhington. He then exaaiin- 
 ed him concerning the condud: of Albert Gallatin^, 
 andof fome other perfons with whom the major was 
 not even acquainted. The anfwers were uniatisfac- 
 tory, and an ofiicei' was ordered to condu<ft him into 
 another apartment, where he might, for an hour, re,- 
 freili his memory. He was thrufl into a room, am^ong 
 a croud of prifoners, under the point of the bayonet. 
 When called out again, he told Mr. Hamilton that 
 he had nothing farther to recollect. The fecretary 
 reproved him infevere terms for coficealing truth. 
 He was immediately committed a clofe prlfoner. 
 The bell: bail was offered for his appearance and 
 refufed. The military conducted him to PittilDurg 
 and kept him in cuflody till the eighth day. Mr/ 
 Hamilton being then gone, " the judge" lent for 
 major Powers, and politely JiiTured him that he had 
 BO charge whatever againfl him. 
 
 Thus a meritorious citizen, whofe fervices had 
 b^en gratefully rewarded, was, without warrant, 
 accufer, or even a pretence of guilt, imprifoned 
 fore^ght days. The motive to this outrage was 
 yet bafer than the adl itfelf, Mr. Hamilton wan- 
 ted Powers to turn evidence againfi: people of whom 
 he knew no harm. The crime of Reynolds and 
 Clingman was faid to be fubornation of perjury. 
 The proceedings of the fecretary came very near 
 it. He had, by the way, no legal authority to commit 
 anybody. He held no regular trufl of that nature. As 
 for the judge, who endured fuch tranfa(flions before^ 
 his eyes, it may be hazardous to fay much about 
 him. The other of the two cafes is as follows, 
 ..» Findley, Chap. XVIU. 
 
ii^ SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 John Hamilton was, at that time, high fhcriff 
 of Wafhington county, and colonel of the Min- 
 go Creek regiment of militia. Mr. Findley enu* 
 inerates his fuccefsfLil exertions to prevent mifchief. 
 This man, hearing that a charge had been lodged 
 againft him, went thirty miles to prefent himfeif 
 to judge Peters. Kis honour had not time to exar 
 mine him. He was, hov/ever, arreted, and fent to 
 the tov/n of Wafhington. He applied again to the 
 jud^e for examination ; but in vain. He was fent 
 priibner to Philadelphia, a winter journey of more 
 than three hundred miles. He was paraded, alotig 
 with others, through the Greets, with a badge in 
 his hat, and cafl into the cells. After near two 
 jviONTHs AND AN HALF, he obtained an examination, 
 and was admitted to bail. In- the fequel, not a 
 fafpiciou^ circumfiance could be found aginft him*. 
 The reafon for this outrage is given by Mr. Find- 
 ley. The fecretavy of the treafary had refolved 
 on his deftruction. For aclions like thefe, James 
 thefecond was turned out of England, and George 
 the third expelled from this continent. 
 
 If Mr. Hamilton wanted to drive the w^eflern 
 people into the arms of Britain, and to excite a 
 fecond infurredion, worfe than the firft, this beha- 
 viour was judicious ^nd confident. But while he 
 has thus coolly trampled on law, juflice, humanity, 
 and every maxim of found policy, our ex-fecreta- 
 l-y Ihould not refer to his uniform uprightnefs of 
 character. In palling, we cannot withhold a tri- 
 bute of admiration to the Ipirited and important 
 part a<^ed by the American bench. It is to be la- 
 mented that fome patriotic citizens did not raile a 
 flibfcription for fnpportiiig an aiftion of damages 
 ^gainfi judge Peters. 
 
 * Findlcy Chap X v'lll. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. rn 
 
 Thus the fherifF of a county was illegally taken 
 from the exercife of his office, an office as facred 
 and important as that of judge Peters himfelf ; 
 and, at that time, of high confequence to the 
 peace of the country. Bccaufe the judge had not 
 leifure to examine him, he was hauled to Philadel- 
 phia, and confined, for about feventy days, before 
 he could obtain a hearing. Mr. Peters, when at 
 Wafhipgton, had promifed to examine him with- 
 in half an hour. What a fine fpecimen of judicc 
 was this to hold out before the people beyond the 
 mountains ! John Hamilton had to make a fecond 
 journey to this city, in June, 1795, ^^ ftand trial, 
 fo that, firll, and lafl, he mud have travelled fifteen 
 hundred miles. Yet this was one of the very mea 
 who prevented David Bradford from feizing the 
 arms and ammunition in the garrifon at Pittiburgh; 
 and a thoufand dollars would but poorly have 
 compenfated fiierifF Hamilton for his imprifon- 
 ment ; while the flab inflii^ed wpon public juftice 
 demanded more fevere remembrance. Our fede- 
 ral literati are conflantly talking about the atro- 
 city of the weU'ern riots, which they dignify or 
 degrade with the name of rebellion. They fliould 
 refietft, alfo, upon the behaviour of a great part 
 of that army by whom it was crufhed*. 
 
 * Some farther notice of Mr. Hamijton's pamphlet will appear h 
 the fequel of this volume. 
 
in l^EtCHES CF TH^ 
 
 CHAPTER Vi. 
 
 Remtr^rks on the zuejlern expedition < 
 
 I 
 
 T is a ma>:im deeply ingrafted in tha^ 
 ^^^ dark fyftem, (the jacobin) tiiat no charadler, 
 *' however upright, is a match for conllantly rei- 
 *' tcrated attacks, however falfe. — Every calumny 
 *' makes fome profelites, and even retains fome ; 
 *^ fince juftifi cation feldom circulates as rapidly 
 '' and as widely asflander/' Observations, p. 8. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton himfelf is fond of attacking per- 
 fonal charatfters. A conliderable portion of Mr. 
 Findley's book confiils of details refpecT:ing the ca- 
 lumnious accufations which the fecretary circulat- 
 ed, v/hilc a(fling in his incomprehenfible capacity 
 on the weftern expedition. It is believed that not 
 even a lyllable of thefe charges has been contra- 
 dicted, and far lefs refuted, either by himfelf, or 
 by any body for him. It is impoflTible and ufeleis to 
 quote in this place a tenth part of thefe details* 
 They were ushered into the ^v^^rld under a name 
 knov/n and refpecled. They ^e as explicit as they 
 im. a gin ably could be ; and as indefeufible as either 
 truth or calumny, or hiflory or fable, could make 
 them. A fampls or two ifhall be felec^ed from the 
 mafs. 
 
 Two judges of Weflmoreland county waited on 
 Mr. Hainilton and judge Peters, to enquire in 
 what way they ought to proceed againft oilenders. 
 Inflead of a fuitable anfwer, they were urged to 
 accufe Mr. Gallatin, as having '' expreffed him-^ 
 ^' felf in a treafonable manner at the iirft Parkinfon 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA, jtj 
 
 '^^- meeting. And when they denied having heard 
 *' any fuch expreiiions, the fecretary afFerted, that 
 *^ he had jufficient proofs of them, already > They 
 " however, pcrfiflcd in aflerting that he ufed no 
 */ fuch expreiiions"*." They further fubjoined, that 
 his eiforts had tended more than perhaps thofe of 
 any other perfon, to the refloration of order. They 
 were fifted, alfo, regarding Mr. John Smilie, but 
 to no effect. At this inquifition, Mr. Hamilton faid, 
 that he never would forgive Findley, who " had 
 '^ told or wrote lies about himt." 
 
 One John Baldwim was treated yet worfe* He 
 refufed to give evidence againit (beriif Hamilton « 
 For this he was infulted, told that he evaded fwear- 
 ing truth, and that he had forfeited the benefit of 
 the amnefty by not giving the teffcimony demand- 
 ed. Somebody Vaughan, a light horfeman from Phi- 
 ladelphia, aiiifted the fecretary at this fcene. 
 
 Such behaviour was only fuitable to an Eng]il7> 
 flar chamber, or a Scots court of jufticiary. If 
 judge Peters had affumcd the command of a wing 
 of the army, or if general Morgan, or any other 
 military officer, had placed himfelf on the bench 
 with Mr. Peters, the groifnefs of the fa6l would 
 have been inftantly difcerncd, and the continent 
 have refounded with outcries of indio-nation. 
 But the fecretary had no office, either civil or mi- 
 litary. He was, in every fhape, and in every 
 fenfe of the word, an intruder and an uiurper, and 
 be e-xercifed his authority as might have been ex- 
 pecScedfrom the way in vv'-hich he obtained it. Behold 
 him afcending the bench, aflifbed by a diftricft attor- 
 ney, an infpe(rtor of excife, and a light-horfeman» 
 This knot of felf-created magiftrates attempt to dic- 
 tate the depofition of a v/itnefs \ and, as in the cafe 
 of Baldwin, they threaten his life on the event «f 
 * Findley, Chap, XIX. f Ibid. 
 
 P 
 
^4 sitEtdHEs ot rnt 
 
 his refiifaL Obferve, alfo, the tremulous judg^^ 
 Ihrinking into the back ground of the picture, while 
 the laws and liberties of the people are troden under 
 -foot. Mr. Hamilton, " by his own authority, wrote 
 ^' a fevere reprimand to the commander in chief* 
 *' of the right wing of the army, in confequence of 
 " which, he was treated in a manner not becoming 
 *' his rank^.^' This was defbroying difcipline, the 
 back bone of an army* It was a lelf-created power, 
 by far more dangerous, than any contemplated by 
 democratic focieties. The prefident fuifered Mr. 
 Hamilton to aflume it, and forebore calling him to 
 account for it* 
 
 Here is another fample of Mr. Hamilton's dif^ 
 cretion. He expreffed much furpfife at the w^eftern 
 people for repofing fo much confidence in fo* 
 feigners. He faid, that Gallatin and Findley " were 
 **■ both foreigners, and therefore not to he triift-^ 
 '^ ed\,^^ Mr. Findley has been longer, by many 
 years, in the country than our fecretary himfelf, 
 whofe father was from Scotland, and his mother 
 from Ireland. Their fon was born at fea, or in an 
 ifland of the Weft-Indies. He had no right to con- 
 temn foreigners. This is the general cant of his 
 party. x\bove all, they deteft Iriilimen, becaufethc 
 latter, coming from a moft opprefled country, have a 
 natural bias to political inveftigatioH. A great part 
 of the people in the four weftern counties are na- 
 tives of that ifland, fo that this language held out 
 an infult upon the community at large. It was one 
 of the many direvH: meafures, employed by Mr. Ha- 
 milton, for the excitement of deep and durable 
 mifchief. At the houfe of captain Dicky, he com- 
 plained of the thirteen letters^ publiflied fometimc 
 before the infurreftion, by Mr. Findley. He fworc 
 
 ♦ Findley, Chap. XVIIL \ Ibid, Chap. XIX. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. u^ 
 
 that they contained lies againft him. His landlord 
 replied, that he believed their contents to be true* 
 5ucha foolifh dcmean<Dur, of which Mr. Hamilton 
 afforded many examples, would have bcenfcarccly 
 pardonable in a boy. 
 
 Another trait in the coloneFs conduct de- 
 serves attentive reileiflion. The money for de- 
 fraying the expencc of this army, was fupplied 
 by him in diredi oppofition to the conflitution. 
 Tliat inftrnment, article i. fcc^ion ix. claufe vi. 
 fays, that " no money (hall be drawn from the 
 '' treafury, but in confequcnce of appropriations 
 *-^'^ade by law»^' There exifled a llatute autho- 
 riflng the prefident to call out the militia, in cafe 
 of an infurredlion ; but by an overfight in fram- 
 ing the law, he had no power to take money 
 from the treafury to fupport them. '' The monies 
 *' drawn from the treafury on that occafion (the 
 ** weftern expedition,) were paid out of a fund 
 *' appropriated for other mid dijlind piirpofes ; they 
 *' were not drawn, agreeable to the conflitution, 
 '' in confequence of any appropriation made by 
 .*^ law. It might be a defeft in the law, authorifing 
 *^ the expence, not to have provided the means; 
 " but that defeft fhould have been remedied by 
 ^' the only competent authority, by convening 
 ^' congrefs*." This omiffion in the law flicws the 
 iiiaflerly itile in which our ftatutcs are lometimejt 
 compofed. 
 
 If the bombardment of a Britifh fleet, or the 
 difembarkation of a French army had not left one 
 moment to fpare, cngulphing neceffity would juflly 
 have fuperceded all forms, and vindicated the ir- 
 regular abftraclion of a million of dollars. Yet 
 even in that cafe, the prefident, at the next mcet-.. 
 
 5 Gallatin, p. S^, 
 
iy6 sketches of THE 
 
 ting of congrefs, ought to have explained and apo- 
 logized for the meafnre. 
 
 But no faeh imminent danger had a being. There 
 was ample time to have alTembled congrefs. Ne- 
 ville the infpedor's houfe was burnt on the 17th of 
 July, 1794. ^^^^ ^^^ proclamation by the prefident 
 was IfTued on the 7th of Auguffc, and the fecond 
 on the 25th of September following. It was not' 
 till after the latter date, that the miliiia were or- 
 dered to march. The feven Vv^eeks intervening 
 between the two proclamations allowed full time 
 for aiTembling the legiflature. Of this Mr. Adams 
 hath afforded an inilance, in the firfc fellion of 
 the fiflh congrefs. Inflead of this legal and 
 pradicable meafure, the prefident and Mr. Ha- 
 milton walked ftraight through the conflitution, 
 through the privileges of the legiflature, and the 
 duties of their own refpeclive offices. 
 
 If congrefs had been previoufly called, the very 
 report of their afFenibling would have flruck a 
 mortal damp into this thoughtleis rabble, who 
 had neither plans, leaders, nor refources. The 
 iblemnity of the flep was fure of making a con- 
 iiderable impreflion. Time would have been 
 gained, alfo, for more accurate information ; and 
 as the fifteen thoufand militia, who did march 
 over the mountains, never faw an enemy, it is 
 to be fuppofcd that five thoufand could have dona 
 the bufmefs equally well. 
 
 But Mr. Hamilton had many good reafons for 
 not wifliing to call congrefs. The found policy of 
 the excife law would have met with a fevere dif- 
 cuffion. The expence and danger of a civil war 
 mufl have rendered excife completely odious. 
 Every lenient meafure was fure to have been 
 tried before a fingle regiment would be ordered to 
 lU^rch, and the fequel (hews that they mud havo 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. tij 
 
 been fuccdsful. The fober and fubftantial mafs 
 of the wcftern citizens, though averfe to exciie, 
 were yet firm on the fide of government. In 
 the profpedl of an agreement, Hamilton fav/ no- 
 thing but the reprobation of his meafures, and 
 the • fradlure of his importance. 'The parties in 
 congrefs are nicely poifed ; but every legiilative 
 aflembly has a number of doubtful members, and 
 the natural averfion to civil bloodflied, held ont 
 an irrefiflible caufe, or a folid pretence, , for 
 univerfally deferting the fix per cent, flandard. 
 In this cafe, the latter could not, probably, have 
 muftered one-third of the members, and mino- 
 rities are always dangerous to a political par- 
 ty. The republicans abhor the ex-fecretary with 
 a cordiality of hatred equal to his own. They 
 confiderhim as afecond Pandora's box, from whof^ 
 tranfcendant capacities for mifchief have exclu- 
 fively and collectively iprung the whole political 
 misfortunes of America. The utmofl force of the 
 party was certain, therefore, to have been levelled 
 perfonally at him, and his vulnerable fides offer- 
 ed an ample verge for the quivers of invedive. 
 Hence he fliunned a previous meeting of congrefs, 
 where it was more than an equal chance that he 
 fiiould find not protection and triumph, but re- 
 proach and defeat. This feems to be the only 
 rational key to his condutSt in hazarding a ci- 
 vil war, and a rape upon the treafury, without 
 confulting the legidature. 
 
 The inflgnificance of their conducH: when they 
 did meet, fhewed, that the vidlory of Mr. Hamil- 
 ton was as complete in Philadelphia as at Pittlburg. 
 On the 19th of November, 1794, ^^'^^ prefident ad- 
 dreifed the two houfes. He began, as ufual, with a 
 reference to divine goodnefs, and to the riches, 
 power? and happinefsj for which America feems 
 
,,g SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 deflined. A pompous and exaggerated iketch was 
 ^hen given of the inlarreASlion. Certain felf-creatcd 
 focieties were referred to, as having allumed the 
 tone of condemnation towards the meafures of go 
 vernment. But the prefident forgot to mention, 
 and much lefs to apologize, for the felf-created 
 power of taking a million of dollars from the pub- 
 lic treafury. When he related the outrages com-* 
 mitted upon officers of government, he overlooked 
 the provocations by which they had been excited, 
 the numerous instances of mifmanagcment on the 
 part of the fecretary of the treafury, by which they 
 had been foflered, and the thoufand-fold enormities 
 of the federal army, and of that feci^tary, under 
 which they had been overwhelmed. There is a 
 French fable, of a gardener and a hare, that fomc- 
 times came through the hedge, and cropt his cab- 
 bages. He reprefented the cafe to a gentleman, who, 
 next day, with a pack of hounds, entered the gar- 
 den in chace of her. The dogs did more mifchief 
 in five minutes, than the hare could have done in 
 feven years, and after all, pufs got away. 
 
 This is a concife and impartial picture of the fe- 
 deral army, with one fmall diftint^ion, that the gar- 
 dener was a fool, and the fecretary a knave, Never 
 think that you underftand the ftory of this infur- 
 re«5lion, till you read Findley and Brackenridge. 
 Compare their copious and interefting narratives 
 with the collection of papers publiflied by govern- 
 ment. The temperate and manly flile of the for- 
 mer hiflorian is fometimes clogged with a tirefome 
 Jlength of periods. His reference to dates is occa- 
 fionaliy confufed^', and the remarks which he in- 
 
 * Almofl: every fne of the ancient hiftorians lias been remarkably 
 negligent on this point. Salluft, Livy, and Tacitus, for example, arc 
 often inextricably imperfcft. Try to follow Csfar through hisovvn 
 account of his firft campaign in Belgium, or in his two invafions of 
 Britain. A modern general gives you the date of every tranfadion. 
 Tq foi:bcaj it, would be pufoing out the right eye yf his parrauvc. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 219 
 
 teifperfesj might improve by concentration. But 
 thefe are trifling fpecks, and only mentioned here 
 to obviate the lioiHlity of lifcal criticifm. Mr. 
 Findley was a farmer, and a foldier in the Ameri- 
 can army, for many years before he became a pro- 
 fclFed author ; and the wonder ought to be that his 
 faults arc fo few. His accuracy has been attcfi:ed by 
 the filencc of the fecretary, while the toothlefs 
 fcurrility of the treafury newspapers announces that 
 he has drawn blood. 
 
 Mr. Brackenridge writes with more eafe and 
 vivacity than Mr. Findley. His perfpicuity, his 
 fimplicity, his pitSturcfque minuteneis, conduct his 
 reader into the fccne of aclion. You fee, hear, and 
 feel, jull: as the author acThially did ; and this itfelf 
 is a talent of high excellence. x\midfl: much en- 
 tertainment, candour will forgive the ferioos or 
 affetHied vanity that fometimes peeps through the 
 curtain of his mind. Thefe two writers have been 
 neglected. An eftimate of the fales may induce 
 a belief that they have never been perufed by more 
 than two or three thoufand American citizens, 
 that is to fay, by perhaps a two-hundredth part of 
 the community at large. Without fuch a perufal^ 
 however, it is impoflible to comprehend the nature 
 and effcfe of the wcflern riots. The declama- 
 tion that fills the federal gazettes and pamphlets 
 cannot afford a juft or luminous conception of this 
 all-important fubje£l ; which is, therefore, grofsly 
 and almoft univerfally mifunderflood. Next to 
 the compofition of a good book by yourfclf, one of 
 the bed fervices to the public is the recommending 
 of another which has been overlooked. 
 
 After thus explaining where a proper account 
 of the infurrecflion may be found, we go back to the 
 prefident, his congrefs, and his fpeech. '^ It has 
 
 been a ipc^ftaclc/' fays he, '' difplaying to thc 
 
 €( 
 
!20 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 ^' higheil: advantage, the value of republican govern- 
 *' ment, to behold the moil and the lead wealthy 
 *' of our citizens ftanding in the ranks as private 
 '' foldiers, pre-eminently diftiriguifhed by being the 
 ^' army of the conllitution." He ought to have faid, 
 of monarckicrd government, for every part of the 
 buOnefs bore the ftamp of defpotifm. In the firft 
 place, the four counties were outlawed, on the fin- 
 gle notification of judge Wilfon. That any fmgls 
 man (liouid liave been entrufted with fo vafl a dif- 
 cretionary power was inconfiilent with republican 
 freedom. 
 
 General Wafhington fent commiflioners to treat 
 with the infurgents, but if Hamilton had been pre- 
 fident, he would immediately have marched againfl 
 them, and the four counties muft have been co- 
 vered with blood and allies, by the official temerity 
 of one man, and the ferocious impetuofity of ano- 
 ther. This is but a poor fpecimen of republican go- 
 vernment, and yet it might take place. 
 
 Again, the army was raifed on principles purely 
 monarchical. The prefident a<^ed folely on the au- 
 thority of a law in veiling him, during the recefs of 
 congrefs, with unlimited power, a law that may one 
 day overturn the conilitution. Let us explain it by 
 tlie following fuppofition. The prefeht congreis 
 will ceafe to exiil, on the 3d of March, 1799. On 
 the 4th, Mr. Adams may get a certificate from fome 
 coniidential judge, that Virginia or TennefTee is in 
 a ftate of rebellion. Whether the flory be true or 
 faUe, refls entirely within his breaft. He dire<Slly 
 calls out the militia, and, as this infurrecHiion is ten 
 times more dangerous than that of Braddock's field, 
 he requires an hundred and fifty thoufand men. He 
 fetsout at their head, parades four or eight hundred 
 miles, renews the horrors of the wcfiern expedition, 
 and, till the firft Monday of December thereafter, he 
 
tllStORY OF AMERICA. jzi 
 
 and his militia are abfblute maflcrs of America i 
 
 They proceed, at an expence of two hundred thou- 
 
 fand dollars per day, to be drawn from a treafury 
 
 which has not one fpare fliilling. No part of the 
 
 conftitution can, prad:icaliy, (lop Mr. Adams in his 
 
 progrefs. The legiflature does not ailemble till the 
 
 firfl Monday of December, unlefsthe mere accident 
 
 of a law, by their predecellbrs, mayliave ordained 
 
 a more early date. Even this remedy could eafily 
 
 be prevented. On a preconcerted plan, the majority 
 
 in the fenate would be fure f.o rejed: any bill for 
 
 the more early meeting of congrefs* Ihus nine 
 
 months of a royal i72terrcgnum might readily put 
 
 an end to the government. The pi^ecedent fet 
 
 by general Wafhingtcn, for emptying the treafury, 
 
 w^ould -greatly facilitate fuch a coiifpiracy. The 
 
 above explanation clearly proves, that, according 
 
 to laixj^ our lives and properties may fcon be at the 
 
 mercy of fome chief magidrate. 
 
 The federal army did not, then, difplay the 
 fpeclacle of a repuhiic^ but the embryo of royalty 
 hatched in the dregs of legiflative ignorance. Con- 
 grefs gave the prefident authority as good as unli- 
 mited, for raifing an army ; but they forgot to in- 
 form him in what way that army was to be paid. 
 This was, as if a merchant fhould fend a flup to 
 the Wefl-Indies, and forget to furnifli her with bil- 
 cuit or water. What imbecility, Vv^hat unacquain- 
 tance with the firfl principles of legillation, are un- 
 folded in tills congreffional performance 1 Its vv^orfi: 
 parts might be amended by a claufe like the fol- 
 lowing. 
 
 The prefident fliall not be permitted to call 
 out the militia, till he has held a council with 
 the vicc-prefident, the three fecretaries, the at- 
 torney-general, and the governors of at lead 
 *' four of the ftates nearefl to the feat of the fede- 
 
 O 
 
 ii 
 cc 
 <c 
 
i2t SKfitCHfiS OF THE 
 
 *' ral government. Of thefe nine, fix with hlmfelf 
 *' may form a quorum ; and a majority of at leaft 
 *' five members, fliall decide. Every opinion fhall 
 *' be given in writing, and each of the council fliall 
 '^ be aniwerable and impeachable for his vote. 
 '' I'he proclamation for the aftual calling out of 
 *' the militia ihould be diredled tc; contain a fum- 
 '' mons for the meeting of congrefs, it being other- 
 ^' wife high treafon to obey the call. Leave fiiould 
 alfo be granted to take the requifite fum3 
 from the treafury ; or if not there, a cafe very 
 likely, the council might be authorized to open a 
 
 Till fome amendment of this kind fliall be made, 
 the liberty of the United States muft be in feri- 
 Gus hazard* General ^Vafliington went to the 
 treafury. Some future prefident may go to the 
 bank. The one (lep will not be a jot worfe than 
 the other. The atTt, when amended, fhouldbe an- 
 TjCxed to the conflitution, left fome future congrefs 
 miglit dare to repeal it. The profpecl of mifchief 
 is not diftant. Its approach may foon be expelled* 
 Deriving, like Venus, his birth from the deep, the 
 United States have already been harraffed with their 
 Machiavel. If Wafhington did not aft that of 
 Cromwell, it may be afcribed to the foundnefs 
 of his judgment, and the confcioufnefs that a party 
 -who bafked under the fplendour of his name, left 
 him almofl nothing to be defired. 
 
 We return to the prefident's fpe^ch. He advi- 
 fes the citizens of the America to cheridi their con- 
 flitution, not merely for their own fakes, but '*' for 
 ^' the fake of thofe, who, from every clime, arc 
 *' daily feeking a dwelling in our land.'' This 
 founds very well ; and, if Mr. Jay's treaty had con- 
 tained one line for the protection of emigrants from 
 the Britifh dominions to America, it might have 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 123 
 
 been believed that, in the above expreflion, Mr* 
 Wafhington was fincere. The prcfling of men 
 from Irifii pafTcnger fliips, on the coaft of America, 
 is not only, in itielf, an adof fhocking crnelty, but 
 an egregious infalt on this country. In Novem- 
 ber, 1794, when this fpcech v/as delivered, Mr. 
 AVafhington had profefTedly put himfelf at the head 
 of that party who revile emigrants in the rnafs, 
 who want to exclude them from voting at elections, 
 and who, in fummer 1797, wanted to pafs a flamp 
 duty of an hundred dollars, on their admiilion a:; 
 citizens. 
 
 In a fubfequent paragraph, the preddent fpeaks 
 of havipg extended his protedion to the Creeks. 
 This pafTage has already been criticiled*; but I, 
 fubjoin a circumflance that has not yet reached 
 the newfpapers. On the 8th of November, 1794, 
 only eleven days before the deliveryof this fpeech-, 
 the fecretary at war received a letter from the go- 
 vernor of Georgia. It inclofed a depofition concern- 
 ing two murders by the Greeks. Q\\ X-Xxc 30th of 
 September, preceeding, they had, near fort Fidius, 
 fhot down and fcalped Catharine CeiTna, a young 
 lady. Five of them had, alfo, (hot and fcalped a ne- 
 gro woman. Governor Matthews further mentions^ 
 fome thefts of negroes and hcrfes, committed by 
 Indians, in Liberty county ; and that the'Tallifec 
 king, and Broken Arrow, were both for v/ar. W itli 
 this letter before him, the prefident came forward, 
 and, without one word about avenging the blood 
 of Catharine Ceffna, and of a multitude of fnnilar 
 vi^flims, harangued on his fuccefs in the protection 
 of her afTailins. This cafe is only afample of, per- 
 haps, a thoufand, equally horrid, and equally un- 
 avenged. The honour of America, if one may ipeak 
 
 * Hii1:ory of the United Statss for 1796^ Chap. Vll» 
 
iH SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 of non-entities, hath been as bafely prcilrated by 
 
 land as by Tea. 
 
 Hovv little reafon thofe favages had to cofnplain, 
 appears from the copy of a talk with them, tranf- 
 inittcd by the goVfCrnor of Georgia to the fecretary 
 of war, in a letter dated Augufta, Augufl 19th, 
 1794. ^^^^ piece is too long to be inferted here ; 
 but the following extra-fls are made fiom an atteil- 
 ed manufcript of it. After dating the treaty of New- 
 York, he fays, ^^ fome goods were promifed to you, 
 '' which you received, and you were to make a 
 "^ plain line between our people and yours. This 
 ^* yon failed to do/' He then relates, that when they 
 and their families were in w^ant of corn, the prefi- 
 0ent fent them a gratuitous fupply. He alio opened a 
 i}ore at St. Mary*s to furniih them with goods. 
 They murdered the men who kept it, and carried 
 €>if the goods. 'I'he murderers were not puniflied, 
 jior any fatisfaction given. '' You have killed many 
 ^^ of our citizens,'' fays the governor, '^ and car- 
 ^^ ried away a great number of our horfes, cattle, 
 ^^ and negroes. All this your father, general Wafli- 
 '• ington, has borne witk^ from a wifh to be the 
 ^' friend of your nation.— You a& about forts. — 
 ^' They are on the ^jorth fide of the river, and on 
 *' the land that was given by your nation at the 
 ^^ treaty at New- York, for which you have been 
 '' paid; and f cannot fee why you complain of it. 
 *^' By that treaty your nation is to receive twelve 
 ^' hundred dollars a year for the lands, which is ten 
 " times as much as all the game you can kill on // 
 •■ in one year is worth. I cannot fee how your na- 
 ^' tion can difpute the river's being the line, as it 
 ^' was agreed on at three treaties in Georgia, and 
 'f^ the one at New- York.'' Such were the people 
 to whom the prefident gave his prQtecrion. The 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 12; 
 
 fpeech has not even one hint about the defence of 
 citizens on the Georgian frontier. 
 
 " From a defire, aUb/' fays the prefident, " to 
 " remove the difcontents of the Six Nations, a fet- 
 "^ tlement meditated at Prefqa' Ifle, on lake Erie^ 
 '^ has been fiifpended; and an agent is now cndea- 
 '' vouring to rectify any 7TuJconceptwn^ into which 
 ^^ they may, have fallen." The matter was ihortjy 
 this. No mifconception exifted on the part of the 
 Indians, excepting from Ewglifh bribery. A letter 
 from general VViJkins to Cle,ment Biddle, quarter- 
 mafter general of Pennfylvania-, explains the flory. 
 It is dated April 25th, i794-> ^'^^ mentions, that 
 Gornplanter and other Indians had been invited to 
 an. Englifli council at Buffaloe creek. " On the re- 
 '•^ fult of that council,'' fays the general, '' feems 
 " to hang war or peace between us and the Six Na- 
 *^ tions. There have been a great deal of paiiis iifed 
 '' lately by the Englifh to jour their rnbids^ a7id the'xf 
 ^^ jeem^ infonie meajiire^ to have effsded itJ^ A let- 
 ter from general Gibfon to governor MifBin, dated 
 Pittfburg, June nth, 17945 inclofes a depofition by 
 David Ranfom, informing, that Cornplanter had 
 been bought by the Britifli, and that there had been 
 a plot to cut off the fettlers at Prefqu'Iile. Captain 
 Denny, in a letter to general Gibibn, dated 14th 
 and i6th of June, 1794, conlu'ms this intelligence. 
 The corrcfportdence contains many other circum- 
 ftances, proving the hoflile dedgns of the Britifli. It 
 was not, therefore, an Indian mifconception, but 
 an Englifli confpiracy ; and if the prefident did not 
 chufe to tell the uory candidly, he fliould have been 
 filent. Even without defending Genet, one cannot 
 fay that he came within an hundred degrees of the 
 guilt of governor Simcoe. Genet wanted the United 
 States to attack the enemies of France ; but Simcoe 
 Wanted the Indians to attack the United States, We 
 
,26 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 had not clone the fmalletl injury either to the Six 
 Nations or to England. The perfidy of the latter can- 
 not, therefore, admit of aggravation. The French 
 had affilled this country in obtaining her liberty, 
 and now lolicited her to affifl in the fecuring of 
 theirs. It rai^>;ht be improper in America to grant 
 the requefh, but it was extremely natural in the 
 French to make it. 
 
 Palling over the reft of this fpeech, we come 
 next to the anfwer of the fenate. It ran as ufual, 
 in a falfome echo. x\s if this trifle had been worth 
 aiotice, the preiident replied with much fatisfa<5i:ion 
 on finding that his condu6l was approved by *"' the 
 " enligliiened reprefentatives of a free nation." 
 In the'laft fentence, he alluded to '' tho£e jiuiicmis 
 ^' Rud /panted exertions, which have brought vic- 
 *^ TORY to our weflern army." He was at the 
 head of an army for feven years and an half. He 
 was feveral times beaten. His fame, as a conquer- 
 or, reds on the captme of nine hundred HeUians'^. 
 Hence, general Wadiington may have mifynder- 
 fiiood themeaningof the word wVi'or)/. But in com- 
 mon language a battle mufl always ^o before a 
 victory. Now, the weftern army never faw a 
 perfon in p'ms againil them. They flabbed a man 
 who was in liquor or mad. They lliot a boy, 
 who was fickt ; and thefe tv/o acts of homicide, 
 or murder, include the whole bloodfiied ol the 
 campaign. The troop^ did not fo much as meet 
 with any fnare of that fugitive oppofition, exerted by 
 a gang of Engliih Imugglers on the coafl of SufTex. 
 
 • Vvh?.t a figure would our Ameucan campaigns make befide 
 the hifvory of the war of feven years ! In two lines, Frederic relates 
 that Winterfeldt overtook three thoufand Pa-idours, cut them to 
 pieces, or drove them into a maiih, 'J'his is all vvc hear of the 
 tlory. 
 
 i Findley ChaJ. Xll, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. iz'^ 
 
 From what hath fince trafifpired, a fingle Bi'itiil^ 
 regiment of foot, another of hoiTe, and two field 
 pieces would, at a twentieth part of the expence, 
 have been altogether equal to the performances of 
 our fifteen thoufand militia. 
 
 The anfwer of congratulation from the fenatc 
 pad: immediately''. That from the reprefentatives 
 coft more time. They began to debate on Monday 
 the 24th of November, 1794; ^"^ ^^^^ iirft day 
 was fpent on a notable difj)ute. One part of the 
 propoied addrefs had theie words : *' we cannoc 
 " otherwife than warmly approve of^ policy in 
 *' our foreign affairs.'' Sec, Toitr policy was recom- 
 mended as better. After oiat^ly twenty fpeeches 
 upon it, the claufe M'as wholeiy withdrawn, as 
 the houfe could not agree, and were ^.lllamed to 
 divide on the refpe<Slive merits of the article and 
 the pronoun. The prefident had caft an oblique 
 YQ^Q€t\on on felf-created focieties 2i% fomenting the 
 infurredion. It was propofed that the anfwer 
 fhould echo this cenfure verbatim. The debate 
 lafled till Thurfday afternoon ; and the precife 
 echo was rejeiTted by forty-feven votes again!!: forty- 
 fix. Next morning, fome loquacious members wan- 
 ted to renew the contefl. On this, Mr. M*^Doweil 
 faid, that twenty-five days of the feffion were now 
 elapfed, and he was as at a iofs to know what the 
 houfe had been doing. The words combinations of 
 men were put in fie ad of f elf-created focieties mioth^ 
 repercuflion of cenfure. Thus the anfwer pail. 
 
 It is proper to take fome notice of thefe traits^ 
 as a warning to future legiflatures. Af?:er all this 
 wrangling, the paper in queftion proved but a poor 
 produiflion. If truth or reafon, or the public fer- 
 vice, had been at all coniulted, the houfe would 
 have begun by allying the executive v/by he took 
 from the treafury eleven hundred thoufand dollars, 
 
128 SKETCHES O:^ TPIE 
 
 without their leave, and inccntcmpt of the con^:- 
 tution ? Why he did not take iheafures, as he ve- 
 ry v/ell might have done, for checking this riot in 
 the bud ? Why he raifed an army of fuch cnor^ 
 moiis numbers, when a fifth part of them, at the 
 utmofi:, could have done the bufinefs ? Why he 
 permitted x^lexander Hamilton to engrofsfuch ex- 
 travagant authority ? Why the v/hole country was 
 infulted, the prifoners, and even witnefTes fo bar- 
 baroLifly treated ? And why he was awed by fuch 
 diminutive enemies as the TalifTee king, Broken 
 Arrow, and the Cornplanter ? 
 
 It Vv'as not from want t>f good will, in forty-feven 
 members, that thefe queflions were avoided. But, 
 inch was the popularity of the prefident, and tlie 
 nniverfal rage excited againfl the rioters, that the 
 fmalieil: refiftance to adulation of the executive, 
 would have been held as bad as treafon. In allu- 
 llon to the alfembling of the militia, the rcpre- 
 lentatives, amidfl other encomiums,, have the 
 following words : " the fpeclacle, therefore, when 
 ^' viewed in its true light, may well be affirmed to 
 '' difplay, in equal luflre, the virtues of the Ame- 
 ^' rican characler, and the value of republican 
 ^' government/' Such a racket has been made 
 about the raifmg of this weftern army, and the 
 fublime patriotliin by Vvhich it v/as inipired, that 
 lomethingmore fiiali be faid upon it. 
 
 If the weflern people had been able or willing 
 to Hand an attack, not one half of the militia were 
 fit for fighting. The ranks w^ere cronded by 
 young men, altogether unacquainted with the uie 
 of arms*. On the 9th of January, 1795, general 
 
 * A journeyman prijiter, from the oJFficeof tlie Philadclpliia Ga- 
 zette, went out upon bis firlt eflay, as a private. He was one of 
 the fe!ed corps left in the weftern country, and reriirncd next fpring, 
 with the rank of lieutenant or captain. Ex pide Herczilem* 
 
HISTORY Of AMERICA. ng 
 
 Smith told the hoiife of reprefentativcs that '' nuni- 
 *' bers of the militia did not know how to fet up a 
 " tent. The Virginian militia who went out, were 
 '> neither trained nor difciplined. As for the Ma- 
 '' ry landers, when he drew part ot them out, and 
 '' ordered them to load, he found that fifty of them 
 " had put down the ball before the charge ofpow^ 
 '' d^r. Some of them did not even know how 
 " to lay a gun over their fhoulders/' A merchant^ 
 would notentruft, as his book-keeper, a clerk, wjio 
 pat the wrong end of his pen into an ink-flandifh ; 
 or who was ignorant of the difference between addi- 
 tion and fubtraclion. Yet fuch a novice would 
 be juft as fit for the delk, as thefe militia w^ere for 
 the camp. When yoa take up the fubjecl in this 
 point of view, when you refiecl on the folly of con- 
 dueling troops like theie into actual fervice, your 
 mind mud feel a fadden opprellion under the burfh 
 of afconifhment. There could be no ufe in fending 
 fuch people to reduce an iniurredrion. It was the 
 mofl unmilitary management conceivable. If fight- 
 ing v/as wanted, thefe raw recruits were ufeleis. 
 If the country beyond the mountains was peceable, 
 their multitude v/ould only make them infolent and 
 mifchievous. A fmall part of their own number 
 of French or Britifli veterans w^ould have cruihed 
 them like an apple in the cyder prefs. In his hif- 
 tory of the war of feven years, the king of Pruffia 
 gives a lefFon on this head. ' He fays that when 
 his- armies had been ordered into winter quarters^ 
 the recruits for the next campaign were collct^led 
 as early as poflible, becaufe it required three or 
 four months to teach them the cxercife. Between 
 the two proclamations of the prefident, the one 
 for being in readinefs, and the fecond for marching, 
 only feven weeks intervened^ and within that time 
 nut all the drill fergeants of Potzdam could have 
 
 R 
 
33d SKETGtlES OF THE 
 
 taught them the ufe of arms. But if Frederic re- 
 quired three or four months to form a foldier^ 
 the befl officer in the United States would need 
 longer time. Whatever then congrefs, or the pre- 
 fident, might think of fuch a Jpedacle^ no reader 
 of fober and impartial underflanding will ad- 
 mire that kind of generalfhip which alTembled fe- 
 veral thoufands of raw lads from the plough and 
 the workfhop, and difpatched them three hundred 
 miles in queft of an enemy. 
 
 Put the cafe that out of thefe troops one third 
 were real foldiers, who had feen fervice, and ac- 
 quired military feelings. The other ten thoufand 
 who put in the ball before the charge, or wHo 
 committed atfts of equivalent ignorance, were a 
 mere burden on the profelhonal men. The latter 
 Would have been more formidable without them. 
 Thefe matters are fo very clear that it is aim oft a 
 fhame to repeat them. Yet, if the government 
 of a country chufes to commit its character by 
 fuch proceedings, the public have a right to re- 
 view them. 
 
 We fhall be fafe in computing that the fuper- 
 numeraries of the excife army, coft fix hundred 
 thoufand dollars of extra and ufelefs expence. Five 
 thoufand good foldiers, if the camp contained as 
 many, would have been quite equal to the bufinefs. 
 Suppofe that the remaining ten thoufand were ab- 
 fent from their common employments for ninety 
 "i^^orking days. At the common and moderate com- 
 putation of a dollar per day, the lofs of labour, by 
 the enliftment of thefe ten thoufand hands, comes 
 to nine hundred thoufand dollars. Add this to, per- 
 haps, fix hundred thoufand dollars, of money ad- 
 vanced from the treafury, for the expence of the 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. i^i 
 
 inarch of fupernumeraries, the two fums make to- 
 gether dollars, 1,5003000 
 
 Intercft for three years, from '^ 
 November ift, 1794? ^^ ^°"" 
 vember ift, 1797? at thuty per 
 
 1,350,000 
 
 cent, per annum. 3 ^""^tL^^lSl? 
 
 For the lafi: three years, or thereabouts, two and 
 an half per cent, per month has been a common rate 
 of intereft among many of our merchants. It has 
 often been at five per cent. The above eftimate of 
 thirty per cent, a year falls by far Ihort of the loweft 
 of thefe two rates, as the monthly compound in- 
 terefl is kept out of fight. Here we fee that the in- 
 furre£lion was fupprelled at an enormoufly greater 
 cxpence than was neceflary. A general alarm was 
 raifed in behalf of the conPdtution, an alarm very 
 laudable, if it had been exacflly founded on facls. 
 This, along with the ultimate fuccefs of the expe- 
 dition, and the interefled encomiums of Mr. Ha- 
 milton's regiment, have fhed a luftre over the w^hole 
 tranfaftion, that no part of it deferves. Before the 
 citizens of the United States rufh upon the extirpsi- 
 tion of a fecond infurrciflion, they will do well to 
 be fure of its exiftence. 
 
 A cafe has been imagined, in a former page, of 
 a prefident, during the recefs of congrefs, hafting 
 the country into a civil war. It is pollible that his 
 condudr might merit impeachment ; and for this, 
 or other offences, the conftitution has referved a 
 remedy. He is to be tried by the fen ate, and the 
 chief juftice fliall prefide. He cannot be convit9:ed 
 unlefs by the concurrence of two-thirds of the 
 members prefent. The latter claufe is equitable ; 
 for candour will prefume that a prefident acSls for 
 the bed ; and it would be iniquitous to condemn 
 him by the cafting vote of a fenator, who, in the 
 eye of law, and moft likely of reafon j is not a better 
 
f5« SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 man than himfelf. But a ferious objedtion lies againfl 
 the tribunal before which he is to be tried. One of 
 the mofh likely cafes of an impeachment would re- 
 gard foreign treaties, becaufe, in thefe there would 
 be the greateH rifle of corruption, andof confequcnt 
 treachery. Here the conflitution leaves us, like a 
 whale on the flrand, for the prefjdent cannot ad: 
 without the advice and confent of the fenate*, and 
 if he and two- thirds of them flaould think fit to fell 
 America, fhe has only to fubmit to the purchafer. 
 Even in the event of domeftic mifmanagement, as 
 little can be' hoped from the vigilance or virtue of 
 the upper houfe. They have already broached a 
 doctrine the v/ildefl and moR criminal, that has pro- 
 bably been ever heard of in a legifiative aflemblyt ; 
 and general Mafon did only one-half of his duty to 
 the country, v/hen he forbore to publifli that en- 
 gulpbing tenet. There is no afTurance, nor, indeed, 
 much probability, that any future fenate will pof- 
 iefs more information, or integrity, or indepen- 
 dence, than the members now in office. A prefident 
 has always m his gift a variety of appointments, 
 fufficient to fecure a majority of two-thirds. This 
 tiibunal, then, for the purpofeof his impeachment, 
 is entirely ufelefs. ^ 
 
 The profped: of juflice would not be much im- 
 proved by a transference to the houfe of reprefen- 
 tatives. Perhaps the fafeft and fairefl way of pro- 
 fecuting the chief magiflrate might be to name de- 
 legates from each of the ftates, in the numbers and 
 proportions that fhould be found advifeable. Sucli 
 perfons only ought to be eligible as have never held 
 an office of p^rofit under the general government, 
 
 * Mr. Wafhington, at the nomination of John Jay, did, in fub- 
 f rnce, make a partial breach of this part of the conftituttoftt See 
 Hiftory of the Untied States for 1796, Chap. V. 
 
 \ American Annual Regider, (^hap, V, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 135 
 
 and who fliall, by acceptance of this trufl:, be ren- 
 dered incapable to exercife any fuch office for a cer- 
 tain term of years to come. Thefe remarks apply 
 to 720 particular Jed of politicians , They point at an 
 evident and immenfe gap in the conllitution ; for, 
 under the prefent form, it is plain that the trial of a 
 jprclident could be nothing but a farce. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Manliuv on democratic focieties , — His notorious ca- 
 lumnies, — 'Negligence of the executive, — Judge 
 IredelVs charge, — Federal dijcipli?ie, — Judge Pe^ 
 ters, — His fmgnlar vigilance and humanity, — Par- 
 liamentary definition of excije, — Partial indeinni^ 
 
 fication to fufferers in the whifiy riots,- — Remarks 
 on the federal conftitution, — On arbitrary impri- 
 
 fonment, — Prefidential power of adjourning con^ 
 grejs, — Its dangerous tendency. 
 
 Wi 
 
 H O E V E R is converfant in the writ- 
 ings of the federal party, muft have obferved, that, 
 amidfl mountains of declamation, they labour under 
 a diftreffing famine even of alledgcd fa^ls. The 
 bribery of Randolph by Fauchet ; the inflitution of 
 democratic focieties ; their confpiracy with Genet ^ 
 the encouragement which they gave to theweftcrn 
 mob ; and, finally, the grand rebellion itfelf, com- 
 pofe almoft the only intelligible charges of all thofe 
 on which the fix per cent, cymbals are eternally 
 tinkling. As to Randolph, the party contented them- 
 felves with railing. They never entered the field 
 of argument ; but, in as far as evidence and argu- 
 Pient can go, the point has been decided without 
 
tj^ SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 their aid*. In defence of democratic focieties^ 
 fomcthing has been ahxady advanced! ; and as for 
 Genet, it has been proved that, whenever he was 
 iinderflood to have quarrelled with the prefident, 
 the great mafs of republicans immediately deferted 
 himl. Nay, it is remarkable,, and to candid minds 
 it muft be decifive, that the favourite of all thefe 
 focieties was then, and is now, Thomas Jefferfon', 
 the very man who freed this country from Genet. 
 It muft, at the fame time, be allowed, that, in many 
 refpefts. Genet was hardly and uncandidly dealt 
 with ; but of him, his inflrucT:ions, and his proceed- 
 ings, more will be faid hereafter. 
 
 Seven letters, under the fignature of Manlins, 
 appeared, fometime ago, in the Columbian Centi- 
 nel. The firfh of them is dated the 3d, and the laft, 
 on the 17th of September, 1794. I'^^y confift of 
 furious invective againft the republican party. In 
 No. III. the writer complains, that '* Mr. Dexter, 
 *' noted for folidity of judgment, ftrength and 
 '' perfpicuity of reafoning, elegance and accuracy 
 *' of lliie, in an anarchical gazette of Philadelphia, 
 *' h xaid^ to \.2.\k like a JcIiGol boy " If Manlius want- 
 ed to mock Mr. Dexter, his attempt is fuccefsful. 
 If he wanted the public to believe his panegyric, 
 he betrays his own want of judgment or veracity. 
 No perfon has, for the laft four years, ever fo in- 
 tolerably tired the patience of congrefs, as Mr. 
 Dexter, if we except Robert Harper, and even the 
 latter is greatly fupcrior to the former. He has in- 
 genuity, information, and an eafy delivery, if he 
 could only know when to flop. In the feffion of 
 November, 1796, he made two very interefling 
 Ipeeehes ; the one for the widow of John de Neuf- 
 
 * Arrerican Annual Rpgifter, Chap, VII, & VIII. 
 
 + Ibid. Chap. VII. 
 
 J Hiftory of 1796, Chap. II, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. i^; 
 
 ville, and the other, for the inhabitants of Savan- 
 nah. 
 
 Of democratic foGieties, Manlius, No. I. {peaks 
 thus. '' They have oppofed their veto to the doings 
 '^ of theprefident, to the laws of the union, and to 
 '^ the will of the whole people." \yeto is a word 
 borrowed from the tribunes of ancient Rome. By 
 pronouncing it, they prevented the enaifting of a 
 law. The ibcieties never made even a motion vx 
 any legiflature whatever, nor have they endeavour- 
 ed to obRrudr the execution of any law. If they had 
 done fo, they would have been apprehended, and 
 the difpute would have been decided in a court of 
 juftice. They did nothing more than publifli their 
 opinions. They were warranted to do fo, by the 
 conftitution, which declares, that " congrcfs fliall 
 ^' make no law abridging the freedom of Jpeech^ or 
 ^' of the prcjs^." If they went too far the attorney 
 general could flop them.] " They have arraigned/' 
 lays Manlius, '' the condu6l of the mod wife and 
 *' virtuous citizen now on earth; they have de- 
 *' clared that this beloved firfl: magiftrate hath 
 " trampled on the conftitution." [There never was 
 a chief magiftratc in the world, who efcaped with- 
 out arraignment. We might as well attempt to 
 keep mankind from coughing, or fneezing, as ex- 
 pecSt that any government can give univerfal fatis- 
 fa<n:ion. The democratic focieties only did what 
 occurs in every affembly of the human race. They 
 cenfured their government, and fo do theflavesof 
 Dahomey and Morocco.] '' They have excited 
 *' oppofition to the laws ; and, an armed rebellion, 
 " probably, in confequencc of their falfe fuggel- 
 '^ tions, is adiually raifed in the very centreof the 
 " United States. Many of our fellow citizens have 
 
 * Additional Artickc, No. III. 
 
136 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 *' been murdered^ and their dwellings burnt to the 
 ^' ground. They have endeavoured to involve the 
 ^^ country in all the diftrefTes of war ; while they 
 '' have oppofed the adoption of every meaiure to 
 *' prepare for this dreadful calamity." 
 
 This extract prefents a fair fample of the ftile 
 of Manllus. His letters have been reprinted in a 
 pamphlet, and enjoy fome fort of reputation. The 
 preceding pafTage is one of thofe few, wherein we 
 can difrobe him of the mill: of declamation, and 
 grafp him on the ground of fafts. '' Many of our 
 ^'^ fellow citizens have bee?i 7}iiirdered,^' The ])apers 
 publifhed by government fpeak ofnofuch mur- 
 ders. But previous to the burning of Neville's 
 houfe, and in a feries of three years, about eight 
 perfons had been maltreated. On the 6th of Sep- 
 tember, 179 1, Robert Johnfton, an exciic officer, 
 was tarred and feathered at Pigeon-creek, in 
 Wafiiington county, by a party in difguife. Four 
 other cafes of the fame nature occurred foon 
 after. One of the fufferers v/as a lunatic, and 
 another a private perfon, wh© had innocently re- 
 marked, that, when people did not obey govern- 
 ment, they could not look for its protection. It 
 does not appear that any punifhrnent was inflic- 
 ted on thefe offenders, and hence the executive 
 muft have expected a continuation of outrages. 
 An office of infpeclion for Wafhington county 
 was opened in Augufl, 1792, at the houfe of cap- 
 tain William Faulkner. This man was foon after 
 threatened with deftru^lion, unlefs he turned away 
 the infped:or. He did fo and no perfonal violence 
 was committed. Diforderly meetings went on, 
 and flill the executive forbore to cruili them. 
 
 In April, 1793, ^ party in difguife, broke, du- 
 ring the night, into the houfe of an excife officer 
 in Fayette county. He was from home, but they 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. ij) 
 
 abufed his family. Warrants for apprehending 
 them were delivered to the IherifF at Fayette. He 
 did not, and probably durft not, execute them. Still 
 government perfifled in its want of energy. If re- 
 bellion had been the object of the cabinet of Phi- 
 ladelphia, this was the very way to nurfe it. Such 
 apparent lenity was the height of real barbarity. 
 Every new ^d: of blackguardifm fanv^ioned that 
 which w^as to come next ; and every day mufr. 
 have increafed the difrefpet!^ for focial order. It 
 was in a high degree culpable for government thus 
 tamely to fland by, and permit the flames of bru- 
 tality and fedition to extend unrefilled from one 
 year to another. 
 
 On the 2 2d of November, 1793, ^ party agaia 
 vifited the houfe of the colleclor of excife in Fav- 
 ette county, for whom they had fearched in April. 
 He gave up his books and commiflion. Yet it is own- 
 ed that about the end of 1793, ^^^ ^^^""^ appeared to 
 be gaining ground. The fmalicfl exertion of execu- 
 tive power mufl have enfured its ultimate fuccefs. 
 Some of the principal recufant diftillers began to 
 comply, and others difcovereda difpofition to do fo. 
 One of the former had his barn burnt. The flill- 
 houfe of a fecond was deflroyed ; that of a third 
 narrowly efcaped the fame fate ; and his griil: and 
 faw mills were damaged. The blame mud fall 
 entirely on the timidity or negligence of admini- 
 ftration. '' The mofl wife and virtuous citizen now 
 ^' on earth,'' can gain no more honour by this ama- 
 zing inattention to his duty than he formerly did 
 by (liooting the French officer who advanced with 
 a flag of truce*. On the 6th of June, 1794, ^" ^^ 
 of violence occurred in Wafiiington county. The 
 
 * See Smollet's Hiftcry of the War of 1756. The court of Ver- 
 faiiles made all Europe ring with complaints on this flrange con- 
 
 5 
 
iS% SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 office of excife was kept in the houfe of John Lynii^ 
 who was tarred, feathered, and tied to a tree, 
 Some days after, part of his houfe was pulled 
 down. From the firil violence committed on Ro- 
 bert Johnflon to the laft date, two years and nine 
 months had elapfed. Dm^ing this long interval, 
 the executive looked on, like the mariner, who fees 
 his velFel fpringing aleak, but who lets the hold be 
 half filied with water before he tries to flop it. If 
 a thoufand well affedted militia had been quartered 
 in the vicinage of the rioters who affaulted Pvlr. 
 Johnflon, if they had been driven out of tbe coun- 
 try, or fent to the workhoufe, we (liouJd have heard 
 Bothing of aweflern infurredlion ; or of a wafle of 
 public money, of property, and of time, to the va- 
 lue of fome millions of dollars. It is well known 
 that a rabble, whenunrefifled, always proceed from 
 bad to worfe, till the violence of the diforder pro- 
 duces a remedy, which is often more dangerous 
 than the difeafe. The fmallefl political forefight 
 might have difcovered that, firfl: or lad, it would 
 be needful to extend the arm of power, and that 
 the fooner this was done fo much the better. 
 
 This detail cf circumflances mufl, in every can- 
 did mind, alleviate the blame of the weflern riot- 
 ers. Their ignorance was as much to be pitied, as 
 their barbarity was to be detefled. They were 
 permitted to advance by gradual and even by an- 
 nual fleps to the brink of deftrudlion. They 
 were then pitched over the precipice, with an in- 
 folence and ferocity of vengeance that fink the 
 judge to a level with the criminal. As for Man- 
 lius, and his numerous 7nurders^ they are the 
 ofFspririg of his ov.^n calumnious fancy. The 
 infurgents do not feem ever to have (lied fo much 
 as a Tingle drop of blood, excepting at Nevilic'iS 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 139 
 
 houfe, where three of the defenders were wounded. 
 From the publications of t}ie times, Manlius niuft 
 have known that his affertion was an untruth. 
 With his eyes open, he circulated this falfehood 
 to promote incendiary and infamous purpofes. 
 Such is the patriot, who rails at democratic fo* 
 cieties. 
 
 Of this wedern infurre^^ion it has become the 
 mark of a party to fpeak in fbrong terms. On 
 April 1 2th, 1796, judge Iredell, of the fupreme 
 court of the United States, refei^ing chiefly to this 
 rupture, delivered a charge to the grand jury of 
 Pennfylvania. Some parts of it are open to objec- 
 tion. Defcribing the fuperior excellence of the 
 American conftitution, he fays, that, in other coun- 
 tries, " fufpicion has fupplied the place of. evi- 
 " dence.— The higheil inltances of public virtue 
 " have been doomed to the punifliment of the high-- 
 '* eft public offences. Happily for the United States, 
 " fuch fcenes have been known to them only by the 
 " kiftory of other nations,^' This is wrong. In the 
 cafes of Randolph, and of Iheriff Hamilton, themofl 
 dire^H: evidence was fet afidc by fufpicion. The 
 numerous inftances of oppreffion committed in the 
 weft, under the eye, though not by the' defire of 
 judge Peters, prove, that here, as in other coun- 
 tries, government may opprefs with impunity. The 
 judge then alludes to the fuppreflion of the infur- 
 re^Ttion, '' a period which will form as bright a 
 ^' page, as any in the American annals." 
 
 This brightnefs muft be produced by the parti- 
 cles of luftre flowing from '' the army of the con- 
 " ftitution." Carlifle is only an hundred and feven- 
 teen miles well from Philadelphia. When the troops 
 arrived there, ,they quarrelled among themfelves. 
 They were on the brink of mutual maffacre. " The 
 ^' fceets and avenues of Garliflc were occupied by 
 
I40 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 *' the army, during the night ; and an apprehenfion 
 "of the town being burnt excited a general pa- 
 ^' nic*/' The rational part of the troops could not 
 preferve order ; and, it was believed, that nothing 
 but the arrival of the prefident prevented ferious 
 mirchleft. MefTrs. Redick and Findley, deputies 
 from the weftern country, ran the rifk of being al- 
 fallinated. As for the infur^ents, it was common to 
 fvvear, that " there was no need of judges or juries. 
 '' Let them only fee the men, and they would J/dewer 
 '' tkemX.** Thofe of the troops, who alledged that 
 they were merely come in aid of the law, and that 
 they ought not to ufurp its funftions, were branded 
 with the title of ivhifiy men ; and, as fuch, were 
 the objeds of menace and indignation. The prefi- 
 dent obliged thofe who had killed the two perfons 
 above mentioned§, to give fecurity for (landing their 
 trial. Som.e perfons, of no mean rank, were morti- 
 ced r*t this meafiire. Some foolifh people having, 
 at different times, mixed with the left wing of the 
 army, ge-neral Morgan kept his men from killing 
 them, by threatening that he would kill them him- 
 felf. He took them out of the way, and difmilTcd 
 them privately. On the march, It was his rule to 
 keep his troops on the parade, till he had called on 
 the inhabitants refiding near the encampment. He 
 immediately paid them for what had been taken or 
 dcftroyedjl . Yet even this officer did fometimes for- 
 get himfelf. He was guilty of the firft breach of 
 peace in the weftern country. James M\\ili(ler 
 ^' had charged a quarter of a dollar for a quart of 
 " whiflvey to a foldier. The general knocked him 
 
 * Findley, Chap. XII. 
 
 + When the army came to CarliHe, the inhabitants (Imt up their 
 ftores. It was not until after a day or two. and forae threats, that 
 they could be induced to refumc trade. So f^ys Clement Biddle. 
 
 + Findley, Chan. XII. J Ibid, fu^na Ch.p, VI, 
 
 jl Findley, Chap. XII, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 14J 
 
 '^ down with the butt of his whip, and abufed him 
 '' confiderably^. x\t fort Cumbei-iand, general Smith 
 of Baltimore, diicharged about fifty diforderlynicii 
 in one day ; he did his utmolf, and with confidcr- 
 able fuccefs, to enfoixe dilcipline. In the camp 
 at Carnaghan's, in Weftmoreland, the moll expe- 
 rienced officers were afraid, that the diforders com- 
 mitted by the army would rwin the country. Gene- 
 ral Irwin, at fome rifk,^reizcd two culprits. They 
 were feverely puniflied, and the example had a pro- 
 ]per effect. But it was a fervice of danger. While 
 the fentence was executed, fears were entertained, 
 that the regiment to which the offenders belonged, 
 might interpofe to refcue them 5 fo that general 
 Chambers, v/ith his brigade, v/as placed in a iitua- 
 tion inftantly to charge, in cafe of mutiny. 
 
 ^Vhen judge Iredell, Manlius, and other friends 
 of order, indulge themfeivcs in praifes of the 
 weftern army ; in declamations againlt the in- 
 furgents ; and, in arraignments againd: the demo- 
 cratic focieties, they will do wifely to reflect on the 
 particulars here dated. Such an army was, wlien 
 taken collectively, as great an objccT: of terror as 
 the infurrC(5lion itfelf. No democratic fociety has 
 done any adl that approaches to the bacchanalian 
 projecl: of burning Carliile. It is affirmed, that the 
 focieties wanted to plunge x\merica into a Britifli 
 war. This project did poffibly float in the brains of 
 a fmall number of madmen. That it could be the 
 defire of any confiderable part of the members is 
 untrue. . But even a Britifh war was ftill lefs dreadful 
 than a civil one; and if it had not been for fome 
 officers of experience, and, above all, for the rcipcft 
 paid to the preiident, this fan^lified weftern army 
 would have produced a fecond rebellion, before at- 
 
 ♦ Brackenridge, Vol. III. Chap. VIL 
 
J4.2 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 tempting to quell the firft one. The fober portion 
 of the troops were on the point of being obliged to 
 attack the rioters within their own ranks. 
 
 How dreadful mufl have been the condition of 
 
 the United States, if Carlifle had actually been de- 
 
 flroyed. It is weaknefs to (brink from the retrofpeft 
 
 of this woeful probability, or to hold up " the army 
 
 *' of the coiijlitution^^ as a pattern for future ages. 
 
 From the hurry with which that corps was huddled 
 
 together, nothing fplendid could juflly be e:cpet^ed. 
 
 Jf Alexander Hamilton had advifed the previous 
 
 calling of congrefs, or if he had, in 1791, purfued 
 
 proper meafijres to check the outfet of the riots, 
 
 he would have rendered an eminent fervice to the 
 
 United States. Proceeding with judge Iredell, he 
 
 tells the grand jury, that the infurgents were le- 
 
 duced " by the bafefl artifices, and the groffefl mif- 
 
 " reprefentations of a few defigning men ; \^'hofe 
 
 *' views, in all probability, were much deeper, and 
 
 '* more malignant than they were avowed to heJ* 
 
 The judge ought to have fpecified who thefe/^w 
 
 defigning men are, otherwife he fmks to the fame 
 
 rank with Manlius, Curtius, Camillus, aad the refl 
 
 of that tribe, who prattle about confpiracies alike 
 
 incomprehenfible to themfelves and every perfon 
 
 c\^^. If he refers to Findley, Smilie, Brackenridge, 
 
 and Gallatin, Mr. Hamilton flrained every nerve, 
 
 without finding a fpark of evidence againft them. 
 
 The judge cannot furely want to trump up another 
 
 edition of Fauchet's romance ; and if that is not his 
 
 objetl, he fliould, in defence of his own reputation, 
 
 declare what was his meaning. 
 
 Again, we hear that the infurre^lion was fup- 
 prefTed in a manner " worthy of the government 
 *' of a free people." Ke fnould have added, as in 
 the inflance of fheriff Hamilton, of major Powers, 
 of the deputies of fubmiilion menaced with murder, 
 
HISTORY OF* AMERICA. 14^ 
 
 of the exped:ecl conflagration of Carlifle, or of the 
 man knocked down for afking the price of a quart 
 of whifl<ey. To this paper the grand jury replied, 
 that theinfurrecHrion " has, however, been attended 
 ^' with good conlequences. — It has olFered another 
 " proof o^ the firmnefs, the wifdom, and bencvo- 
 ^Mence of our much beloved prefident. — It has 
 '' opened the eyes of a once deluded people.'^ This 
 is the fum total of advantages named by the jury. 
 They have coft a wafleof tv/o or three millions of 
 dollars ; two or three millions of calumnies in the 
 federal newfpapers ; and vexation, oppreiiion, and 
 ruin to a great number of people. Eyes have, in- 
 deed, been opened ; but v/hat have they feen ? the 
 horrors of military defpotillTi, inflided by a raw* 
 militia ; the impoilibility, in moR cafes, of obtaining 
 redrefs ; the ufurpation of both civil and military 
 powers, by a fecretary of the treafury, who had no 
 title to interfere with either. The grand jury clofe 
 with referring to the " unexampled prolperity of 
 *' our dear and happy country,'' — -excmpliiied in 
 the devaftation of commerce ; the cxpicfion of cre- 
 dit ; the contempt of England; and the prol]:)etfc of 
 hoftilities with France. 
 
 Of the w^eflern army, more yet remains to be 
 faid. Andrew Watfon, William H, Beaumont, Te- 
 remiah Sturgeon, and George Robinfon, reilded, 
 in 17945 at Pittfburg. Mr. Brackenridge declares, 
 that the town did not contain four lefs fufpecled, or 
 lefs offending men. They '' were dragged out of 
 ''^ their beds, at two o'clock in the morning ; not 
 ^' fuffered to drefs themfelves, but in an unHnifl:ed 
 ^' manner ; obliged to march, fome of them, with-- 
 out putting on their flioes, which they had to car- 
 ry with them in their hands ; dragged out of their 
 beds amidil the cries of children, and the tears 
 of mothers; treated with language of the moil; 
 
,44 SKETCHES OF tHE 
 
 " infulting opprobrium, by thofe apprehending 
 *' tiiem ; driven before a troop of horfe, at a trot, 
 *' through muddy roads, feven m,iles from PittA 
 '^ burg; impounded in a pe7i^ on the wet foil '^ the 
 '' guard baying them, and afl^ing them how they 
 '' would like to be hanged \ [what a precious fpe- 
 cimen of the federal army 1] " fome offering a dol- 
 •"' lar to have the privilege of /hooting at them ; car- 
 '' ried thence four miles towards the town ; obliged 
 '' to lie all night upon the wet earth, without cover- 
 " hig, under a feafon of ftect, rain, and fnow ; dri- 
 ^' ven from the tire with bayonets ; when fome of 
 '' tliem, perifiiing, had crawled, endeavouring to 
 '' be unfeen, towards it ;'' [This is no better than 
 the hiftory of Kirk and his regiment ; or of the 
 Scots prelbyterians, under Charles the fecond.] 
 '■'" next day, impounded in a wafte houfe, and de- 
 " tained tiiere five days; then removed to a newly 
 " built and damp room, Vv4thout fire, in the gar- 
 ^' rifonatPitcfburg; at the end of ten days brought 
 '*^ before the judiciary, and the information aganft 
 *' them found 7iot to be regarded V^ [Ohmofllamc 
 r.nd impotent concliifion IJ "Was this the way 
 ^' to quell an iniurrec^ion ? '' [No but it was the 
 way to make one, and that was what Mr. Hamil- 
 ton wanted.] '' Was this the w^ay to make good ci- 
 *' tizens ? Do I blam.e the judiciary ? No." [But 
 every body elfe will. Mr. Brackenridge is a law- 
 yer, and mod likely unwilling to offend judge Pe- 
 ters. In the Scots court of feiiion, it is a rule with 
 their lordfhips to ruin every praftitioner who quar- 
 rels with them. Something of this fort, perhaps 
 prevails at Pittil^urg. Judge Peters, when he dii- 
 mifled thefe four men Vvould certainly blufli to 
 look in their faces. Haul people out of their 
 beds at midnight, drag them eleven miles at a trot, 
 barefooted through the mire, impound them for 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 14^ 
 
 ten days in mud, before ypii examine them, and 
 then difcharge them, for want of evidence! 
 
 « I'd rather be a dog, and bay the moon, 
 *' Than fuch a JUDGE.*' 
 
 It fignifies nothing to rail about JefFerle?, or the 
 prefent lord juftice clerk of Scotland, or the other 
 monfters of juridical proftitution, who have fo fre- 
 quently polluted the eaflern fhorc of the Atlantic* 
 Thefe feats have been at^ed under our eyes ; and 
 you niuft either admire the gentry who atchieved 
 them, or you are an enemy to order, a diforganizer, 
 a jacobin, and a penfioner of France.] '' I blame 
 *' the management of thofe concerned to injure 
 '^ them. Thefe were neighbours and friends 
 " of mine, and that is the iecret of their fuiferr- 
 '' ings"^.'' A poor apology for the bench ! On thp 
 march, Andrew Watfon fell Tick. The captain of 
 the guard lent his horfe to the prifoner. " Gene- 
 '' ral Chanibers coming up, ordered him to difmount 
 '' with opprobrious appellationst.'' From fuclibad 
 treatment, the health of Beaumont and Robinfon 
 fuffered feverely. Thefe details fliould be univer- 
 fally known ; when prefidential fpeeches, charges to 
 grand juries, and the whole mafs of federal pam- 
 phlets andnewfpapers are crouded with the exploits 
 of the i^rmy pf the conftitution.' Nothing can be 
 more terrible to any country than a tumultuous 
 body of foldiers, direfted by a revengeful ftatef- 
 man, and fandlioned by an underftrapping judge. 
 
 To this black narrative, let us fee v/hat can be 
 con#p;ared on the fide of democratic focieties. Man- 
 lius, No. ly, aflisif Americans will confide in men, 
 *' who inure their arms to the dextrous ufe of 
 " this inflrument of deatht; in horrid pomp, by its 
 'V means, execute the image of one of your firil pa- 
 
 * Brackenridgc Vol. 11. Chap. X. + Ibid, + The guillotine. 
 
 T 
 
145 S K E T C H E S O F T H E 
 
 '^ triots*; in men who have already excited an ar- 
 *' nied rebellion againft the lav*'s of their country; 
 " and fpread havoc and defolation over the peace- 
 ^* fill dwellings of our fellow citizens ; who have 
 " already produced treafon and murder,^' And 
 again — "' the treafons and murders of Pitliburg.'* 
 The only blood fpilt was, as already faid, by the ar- 
 my ; and as for havoc and defolation, that committed 
 by the infurgents was but like a grain to the bufhel 
 of the excife heroes. Manlius, in a long note, 
 condefcends upon particulars. In May, 1794, ^^^^ 
 people of Lexington in Kentucky burnt in effigy 
 John Jay. And what then ? before the burning 
 they guillotined him. The defence of Mr. Adams 
 was fufpended about his neck, and in his left hand 
 he held *' Swift's lafl fpeech in congrefson the fub- 
 '' jetl of BritiOi depredation." This childiih fto- 
 ry formed a triumphant article in fomc Kentucky 
 newlpaper. Maniius cites it at full length, and 
 adds; '' thefe are famples of the doings and the 
 '* refblulions of the anarchifts. Theje people are 
 
 *^ novo in 
 
 Hiftorical knowledge mufl: be at a very low^ ebb 
 in Bofton ; otherwife no writer durfl: have forged 
 the notorious fiction ju ft quoted. If, in 1794, ^^^^ 
 people of Kentucky had been in arms, they might 
 have remained fo. No federal army, or indeed 
 any other, could have reached them. But, happi- 
 ly, this is the firft and laft notice which we have 
 received of a rebellion in that quarter The lie 
 was good or bad enough to pleafe the tradefinen' 
 and farmers of Maffachufctts. In their irritation, 
 Maniius reaps the harveftofhis labours. He prints 
 ?. fwarm of inflammatory fables, and proceeds t# 
 rail 9it inflammation. 
 
 * Joi)n Jay, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 147 
 
 It does not appear that any democratic fociety 
 had concern in burning of Jay's eliigy. Maniius, 
 as the feoond, and only other faCt^ quotes mi- 
 nutes of a meeting held at Pittfburgh, on the 29th 
 of April, 1794. They contain warm exprelTions, 
 cenfurc the appointment of Jay, the fyftem of 
 flockholding, and declare that ^^ we are almoll 
 ^* ready to wifli for a flate of revolution/' The 
 parties alTcmbled were of no confequence, and Mr. 
 Fenno, and Maniius himfeif, have employed num- 
 beriefs expreffions quite as inflammatory againfl 
 the republican party, as thefe are againil the parti- 
 fans of Britain. 
 
 On the 26th of November, i794) I^^- Ames, in 
 a fpeech to the reprefentatives, attacked democra- 
 tic focicties. He repeated the above circumflances 
 from Maniius. He added others. The focie-^ 
 ty, at Charieflon, in South Carolina, had folici- 
 tcd the jacobin club of Paris to adopt it. This 
 was in Odober, 1793. ^^^ plan, it feems, had 
 come to nothing. "The club of Pinckney dillricl, 
 '* in Carolina," fays Dr. Ames, ^' had voted in fa- 
 '' vour of war, and againfl paying taxes." He 
 flaould have recited a copy of the vote, but this, 
 alfo, ended in fmoke. " Are the refolves of the 
 *' clubs of this place and New- York forgotten ?" 
 fubjoined he. '' Could outrage and audacity 
 ^' be expe;^ed to venture further ? One condcm- 
 " rted the excife as odious and tyrannical ; the 
 *' other, inforcing thatfcntiment, publifhed its con- 
 '' demnation of Mr. Jay's miffion of peace." Some 
 notice hath already been taken of this fpeech*. 
 As to excife, a committee of the Britifh houfe of 
 commons, in one of their reports, declared it to be 
 a fyftem '' pernicious to the manners of the pco« 
 
 * American Annual Rcgifter, Chap. VII. 
 
h8 sketches of the 
 
 ''' f>le ; repugnant to all good government ; and 
 '^ which threatens the defi;ru(n:ion of that very re- 
 *' venue, which it is its objeCl tojecure^,^^ This is the 
 flile of a Britifli parliament ; an authority quite 
 in point. 
 
 There was another fa^l omitted both by Dr. 
 Ai^es andManlius. The former and his friend, Dr. 
 Smith, were burnt in effigy at Charlefton, (S. C.) for 
 oppofing Madifon's refolutions. Perhaps this, alfo, 
 may be afcribed to democratic focieties. But all 
 thefe indecencies put together, do not balance even 
 half a page of Findley or Brackenridge. It (igniiies 
 nothing to burn one judge in effigy, compared with 
 the dragging of another to the diftance of three 
 hundred and fifty miles from his diftrid:, and, with- 
 out examination, confining him for feventy days in 
 the cells of Philadelphia jail. But let us go back to 
 the federal army. It would have been happy for 
 the four weftern counties, if the troops had con- 
 fined themfelves to burning of an effigy. When 
 they departed, a feled: body remained behind. 
 *^ They were noify in taverns, late in their patroles 
 ^' through the ftreets (of Pittfburg). The cow of 
 ^' one man, that had but one, was ftabbed; the 
 *' horfe of Another run through the bodyt." Some 
 cifficcrs quarrelled with a waggoner, '' Two or 
 '^ three flices were taken from his fcull, and a finger 
 *' was cut oftt." An hundred and fifty dollars were 
 paid as a compofition to the fuiferer. M'Dermot, 
 who gave the wounds, was at the head of a fecond 
 outrage. After forcing a man, whofe wife was Tick, 
 to give them entertainment, the company confined 
 him to his chamber, made flrokes at him with 
 their fwords, threw hi:^ bedding on the floor, danc- 
 
 * See aSh&rt Hijiory of Eac'ife /• 27 ; a work wherein the reader 
 Vili find many interelling particulars, relative to this fubjed, 
 t j^rackenridge, Vol. \\h Chap. VII. % Ibid. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 14^ 
 
 ed upon it, broke his tables., chairs, and other fur- 
 niture. The bill of damages was paid, with many 
 imprecations*. Mr. Brackenridge relates other 
 cafes of this fort, and makes a general reference to 
 many more. Thefe anecdotes fhould be read and 
 fludied by every man who values the lives and pro- 
 perties of American citizens. Dr» Ames would not 
 iell one of his fingers for an hundred and fifty thou*- 
 fand dollars. Mr. Jay would rather be burnt in ef- 
 figy, daily, for an hundred years together, than part 
 with the leaft (lice of his fcull. To celebrate, with- 
 out difcrimination, the exploits of fuch an army, 
 is infulting the truth of hiflory. Deiperadoes, like 
 M'Dermot, ought to have been turned out of this 
 Jehd corps, with every mark of difgrace. No fjch 
 flep has been heard of; and hence we may look 
 for (imilar treatment from the next conftitutlonal 
 army. 
 
 Among the prifoners, Mr. Findley enumerates 
 colonel Crawford and fon, Mr. Sedgwick, a juftice 
 of the peace, Mr. Corbly, a baptift minifter, and 
 others. He never could learn that Mr. Sedgwick 
 had done any thing to Jay a foundation even for 
 fufpicion. Thefe people ailert, that they had not 
 the opportunity of figning the terms of the com- 
 inifiioners, until the appointed day was paft. xAfter 
 an imprifonment o^ fe-ueral months^ they were ad- 
 mitted to bail. On their trial, no bill was found 
 againfl anyof themt. 
 
 In the American Annual Regifter, Chap.X. fome 
 obfervations are made on the correfpondent cafe of 
 George Lucas, another pretended infurgent, fuch 
 as Mr. Sedgwick and Co-. Compare this with what 
 follows. The prefident, in his fpeechto congrefs, on 
 the 19th of November, 1794, fti'ongiy recommends 
 
 * Brackenridge, Vol, III. Chap, VII. f Findky, Chap. XVI. 
 
ijo SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 Sfi indemnification to perfons in office, who had 
 fufFered in defence o^ government ; fuch as Neville, 
 the infpe^lor, whole houfe was burnt. " The ob- 
 ligation/' fays he, '' and policy of indemnifying 
 " them, are ftrong and obvious. It may alfo merit 
 attention, whether policy will not enlarge this 
 provifion to the retribution of other citizens, 
 who, though not under the ties of office, may 
 have fnffered damage by their generous exertions 
 " for upholding the conllitution and the laws. 
 '^ The amount, even if all the injured were includ- 
 " ed, would not be great ; and, on future emer- 
 *' gencies, the government would be amply repaid 
 " by the influence of an example, that he who in- 
 '* curs a lofs in its defence, fhall find a recompence 
 '* in its liberality." 
 
 This I'eads very well. Send your fervant on a 
 mefTage, and order him to mount an unruly horfe, 
 He is, in fpite of his efforts, thrown off and briiifed. 
 You cannot chufe but to pay the furgeon's bill. 
 Thus far we go with the prefidcnt; for the go- 
 vernment of a countr)?^ proceeds on the fame prin- 
 ciples with tliat of a family, only that it covers a 
 more extended fcale. Put the cafe then, that your 
 courier ffiall, with or without defign, ride over a 
 dozen palfengers on the road. The furgeon brings" 
 in a fecond account. This alfo will fall to be paid 
 cither by him or you. Equity requires that ultimate 
 compeniation fliould be made by the owner of this 
 horfe, who put him into the way of doing the harm. 
 It demands no depth to fee the fairnefsof this pro- 
 pofition, and the propriety of its application to juflice 
 Sedgwick, to colonel Crawford, ferjeant Lucas, and 
 Mr. Corbly. In confequence of the prefident'sre^ 
 commendation, a bill paft to indemnify thofe who 
 fuffered loifes in the fervice of government by the 
 inlurgents. The fame bill fliould have contained 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. i^i 
 
 a claufe for indemnifying thofe who had been grofsJIy 
 abufed by the weflcrn army, or who had endu- 
 red unjuft imprifonment by themiflake of govern- 
 ment. Humanity, juftice, and found policy, 
 pled as warmly in the latter inftance as in the 
 former. The cafe was even Wronger rhan that 
 of paflengers rode down by a horfe. The federal ar- 
 my, that inftrument which executed fuch a mifappli- 
 cation of punKhment, was, in part, raifed at the ex- 
 pence of its victims. It was only, by their own con- 
 fent, granted feven years before, that, as it regarded 
 them, the prefident held his oftice 3 for if they had, in 
 1787, fet up an independent government, it would 
 have been diliicult or impoffible to hinder them ; nor 
 fhould it be forgotten that the conflitution was re- 
 conciled to their choice by confidcrable manage- 
 ment, folicitation, and artifice. The officers of ex- 
 cife, who loll property, or were abufed perfonally, 
 had reaped perfonal emoluments from the execu- 
 tive. Lucas and Sedgwick had not. They drew 
 only blanks in this lottery; while they w^ere jufl 
 as well entitled to prote(flion, and retribution, as 
 officers of excife, or any other clafs of citizens. 
 Nay fome of them, fheriff Hamilton, and major 
 Powers, for example, had been aclive inflruments 
 in fuppreffing the riots. Their claim to compen- 
 fation was of the moll forcible nature. They 
 got none. 
 
 The policy of fuch a meafure is no lefs evident 
 than its juftice. By paying only the fufferers on 
 one fide, congrefs were placing thcmfelves at the 
 head of a party, and what is yet worfe, of that par- 
 ty who were moft in the wrong ; for, after the 
 explanation already made, candour will admit, that 
 the outrages perpetrated by the whifliymen, vanifk 
 in a comparifon with the barbarities and villainies 
 committed by part of the army, and of its conduce 
 
,..2 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 tors. Now, the government of a party is, in itfelf, 
 illegal, and but for the fake of expediency, de- 
 lerves no attachment. The people to theweftward 
 could not help feeing, and reprobating fiich grofs 
 partiality againft their magiftrates, and other fel- 
 low citizens, and in favour of excife officers. Their 
 reientment may, at this time, beheld of fmall con- 
 fequence. But they are a growing fociety. In the 
 cenfus of 1791, the four counties were eftimated 
 to contain about feventy thou land people. At pre- 
 fent, they can hardly have fewer than an hundred 
 thoufand, and, as the country is in a rapid pro- 
 grePiion, twelve years more will double their num- 
 bers. In new fettlements, the proportion of able 
 bodied men to the general population is very 
 great^'. The two hundred thoufand inhabitants of 
 the year 18 10, will probably be able to mufter 
 forty thoufand armed citizens. The mountains 
 that leper ate their territory from the Atlantic coun- 
 try are equivalent to a fecond army. The mafters 
 «f Louifiana and Canada will be ready to furnifli 
 them with arms ; an affiflance equally to be ex- 
 pelled from Spain, France, and England. In cafe 
 of ferious provocation, and actual inlurreiTtion, the 
 memory of ancient injuries will make the people 
 defperate. SheriffHamilton, will hardly give him- 
 felf up, a fecond time to a tribunal, that he knows, 
 by experience, to be prejudiced and defpotic. In- 
 flead of driving to cruih mifchief, he may poffibly, 
 at the head of his Mingo creek regiment, fcize a 
 poft on the Alleghany, and bid defiance to congrefs 
 and excife. Major Powers will not likely become 
 a fecond time, an embalfador of obedience, that he 
 may be imprifoned, for eight days, at the point of 
 the bayonet. A revolt like this, would far better 
 
 * See Hiftory of Vermont ; a ftate wherein more than a fiftk 
 par: of the people are enrolled in ihc militia. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 1^5 
 
 promote the views of Britifli ambition than an al- 
 liance with the Miamis, or Simcoe's pitiful cpnipi- 
 racy with the Six Nations. On this fubjed: the 
 remark of general Smith was very fair. " Gen- 
 ^' tlemen fay that they hope there will be no 
 '^ more infurrecTiions. I hope fo too. But docs 
 " that infure^the thing f I lielieve not fir. Nothing 
 '^ was farther from the thoughts of the houfc, 
 *' at lad feilion, than an infarre6lion^^'' This 
 fliort view explains the impolicy of railing at 
 wefiern people in the mafs ; a pradlice fo carefully 
 followed by the federal party. They fiiould like- 
 wife refiec^:^ upon its injuflice. " Though out- 
 " rages had been committed on excife oincers, yet 
 " no flieriff nor conflable, had been oppofed in 
 *' arrefting the offenders. They had been brought 
 " in upon procefs, and profecuted at the court. 
 '' There was no reafon in the difrinflion ; but it 
 " was madc\J' If the fix per cent, orators wants a 
 fecond infurre^ion, their conRant yelping is the 
 mod certain way to raife it. The fliortefl method 
 for making. a rafcal of any man, is by affuring him 
 that you know him to be one. 
 
 The fixth article of the amendments to the con- 
 ftitution fays, that ^' no Vv^arrants fliall iiTue, but 
 *' upon probable caufe, fiipported by oath or affir- 
 '' mation." In many of the cafes already quoted^ 
 the fpirit of this amendment was plainly violated, 
 and, in that of Powers, even the letter ; for; after 
 being kept fo long a prifoncr, the judge difcharged 
 him without even examination. 
 
 The feventh amendment enjoins, that no perfon 
 fhall " be deprived of life, liberty, or property, 
 *' without due procefs of law J^ The fiiipulation is 
 illufivc, by the generality of the flile; for, the con- 
 
 * Debates of congrefs, January ^th, 179^. 
 + Brackenridge, vol. I. Chap, I, 
 V 
 
n4 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 ftitution niould either have defined what is meant 
 
 by due procejs^ or ^t ifTues in mere words. 
 
 The eighth amendment declares, that, '' in all 
 *' criminal profecutions, the accufed fhall enjoy the 
 *' riglit to a fpcedy and public trial, by an impartial 
 ^' jury, of the ftate and diftricl wherein the crime 
 *' (liall have been committed." 
 
 This amendment is, likewife, unfatisfacflory ; for 
 2. jpeecly trial is an indefinite phrale, that may be 
 (] retched to intolerable delay. Thus, in the cafes 
 of the weftern people, about fix months, or up- 
 wards, intervened between arrefhment and trial. 
 This was any thing, furely, but fpeed. The word 
 difiriCi lies, alfo, open to objecftion. The flate of 
 Pennfylvania is a diflridl four hundred miles broad. 
 A perfon dragged to that diftance, a whifl^ey rioter, 
 for example, is completely fcparated from his con- 
 nections, and lofes every benefit of trial by jury 
 from the vicinage. The very length of the journey 
 is, in itfelf, a fevere punifliment to any man, who 
 has bufinefs to mind. Siippofe that he gets bail, re- 
 turns home, comes back to Philadelphia, and is ac- 
 quitted, or, perhaps the grand jury throws out the 
 bill, fo that he does not even ftand a trial. His three 
 journies amount to twelve hundred miles, which, 
 at twenty miles per day, employ fixty days. His 
 expences, in travelling, cannot belefsthan a dollar 
 per day, and his lofs of time about as much more. 
 Here is a fine of more than an hundred dollars, and, 
 perhaps, he has not one dollar of his own. This 
 calculation does not include his wafte of time in at- 
 tending the court, and three prefatory months in 
 prifbn, before he could find bail for his appearance, 
 or, perhaps, before judge Peters found leifure to 
 examine him. To the pooreft man brought from the 
 wxftern country, the arreflment mufb, in itfelf, have 
 been equal to an exadion of three or four hundred 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 155 
 
 dollars. The above three amendments to the con- 
 ftitution point out no explicit principle to i>rote<Et 
 him. As for compenfation, I fuipecT: that no writer 
 on law, has ever fo much as fuggeflied a hint of it. 
 The extreme iniquity of this omiffion has already- 
 been explained*. Amidft the numerous projects for 
 political reformation, I have never met with an ef- 
 fedlual remedy propofed for arbritraryimpt'ijonment^ 
 before trial^ on the part of government. 
 
 We have fecn a few of the abufes in this way, 
 which occurred during the weftern inrurre(ri:ion. 
 While they can be repeated with impunity, it is 
 raOi to fay much about the rights and liberties of 
 an x\merican citizen. While your government can 
 apprehend you, make you walk four hundred miles 
 on foot, and thereafter lie three months in jail, be- 
 fore examination, it is childifh, it is i;ven imperti- 
 nent, to raife a racket about the fuperi n- public vir- 
 tue of American citfzens, or the fupe^;ior purity of 
 the federal conftitutibn.If the forrfer had fhone 
 with peculiar fplendour, it is likely, that a certain 
 judge would, long fince, have been impeached, fined^ 
 anddifmifTed. If the latter had been as excellent, as 
 it is faid to be, it would have held out a warning 
 fufficient to deter him. As for the fecretary of the 
 treafury, his non-impeachment by the houfe of re- 
 prefentatives, was an eminent neglect of duty. It is 
 true that two-fifths of them, or, perhaps, a majo- 
 rity, would have oppofed any motion of that fort. 
 The fenate, alfo, were fure to have acquitted the 
 criminal. Yetvdifficulties, like thefe, ought not to 
 hinder an honefl member of congrefs from obeying 
 the di(5lates of his confcience* Some eider reprelen- 
 tatives affed to fmile at the blunt but refpeclable 
 Sncerity of colonel Lyon, of Vermont. It would 
 
 * American Annual Rcgiller, Ch^p. X. 
 
10 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 be well for the country if every member dm'fl: fpeak 
 
 his fentiments with as much honelly. * 
 
 To the amendments "above cited, the follow- 
 ing addition might be an improvement. '' Every 
 ^^ man, apprehended for any crime, fliall be entitled 
 ^' to an examination as early as poflible ; to bail, 
 '' if the offence be bailable, and to d fpcedy trial. 
 *' But as it is hnpolTible, in fuch matters, to fix 
 *' a precife rule, the following provifions will en- 
 '^ lure the circumfpctflion of government in ifTu- 
 *' ing warrants to apprehend the accufed, and its 
 '' difpatch iii decidii;!g their fate. From the day 
 ^' of his arrefl, till that of trial, he (hall receive 
 *' wholefome and plentiful diet, and be lodged in 
 '' an apartment dry, and as well aired as may be*. 
 '^ In the event of an acquittal he fhall be entitled to 
 ^^ treble th^j ordinary wages of a labourer, in 
 ^- that part jof the countr}' where he refides ; or, 
 ^' if he is a tradefman, to treble the wages that a 
 '• journeymai|:of his profeffion can, upon a medi- 
 '' dium, earn. The quantum is to be determined by 
 ^' a jury of ^is own vicinage, as early as poflible, 
 ^- after his d^fcharge. Over and above this fum, 
 *' it {hall bear a weekly compound intereft of one 
 ^' per cent, from the day of the prifone-r being ap- 
 ^' prehended, until the day that hdAliall be ultimately 
 ^' paid the balance found due to him by the ver- 
 *' dicl of the jury. In cafe of his death before' 
 '' trial, one half of the fums fo due, on his being 
 *' acquitted, lliall be awarded to his nearefl heir 
 
 * In the criminal apartment of the jail of PhiTadelpliia, a prifoncr 
 IS reftri<^kd to the 6'\ct of the houfe, that is, to femi-ftarvation. He 
 is not even allowed to buy food for himfelf, out of his own pocket. 
 Thus, even 6e/br^ trkiU he A feverely punilhed by famifie. Ameri- 
 cans ought not to fpeak pf Algcrine favagenefs, while fnch enor- 
 iT'ities cxift 3; home, After trial, there may be good caufes for {liu- 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. ij7 
 
 ^^ at law; the amount being f^xcd as aforcfaid, 
 " and the proportional compound interefl conti- 
 *' nuing to accumulate till the day of payment. 
 '' If ftrong fufpicions remain of the prlibner's 
 *^ guilt, or, if the accidental death or abfence of a 
 '' witncfs hath mutilated the evidence of the pnb~ 
 '' lie profecutor, the jury of the vicinage are to 
 "have a difcretionary power of reducing the priu- 
 " cipal fumto one half, and the compound intereft 
 " to one per cent, per week of the remaining moi- 
 *' tey. If tiie prilbner (hall be compelled to travel 
 '* on foot for more than fifty miles to the place of 
 *' confinement, or of trial, he faail receive at the 
 " rate of one day's wages for every thirty miles 
 " fuch of diilance. In court, he is to be allowed 
 " able counfel, and any reafonable number ofw.it- 
 *' nefFes, whom he may wifli for, [liail be paid 
 at public expcnce. His damages, on acquittal, 
 are to be defrayed by the county, diftrid:, or 
 government, at whofe inftance he has been tri- 
 ed. If his health flilFeres materially from 
 " bad diet, or an unwholeibme apartment, addi- 
 " tional damages maybe afiigncd at the difcretion 
 " of the jury. For the time of his enlargement upon 
 " bail^ the prifoner, if finally acquitted, (hall only 
 " be entitled 'to the expence af travelling to and 
 " from the place where he refides." 
 
 The reader may fmiie at this effufion of fancy, 
 but until a fimilar regulation fliall be adopted, the . 
 conftitution muft labour under an important defecl. 
 The point of juftice is not worth an argument, 
 fmce every candid heart muft echo approbation. 
 This pradice of arbitrary imprifonment, both be- 
 fore and after trial, has, in the old countries, been 
 an inftrument of general and enormous tyranny. 
 In Scotland, when a culprit had been condemned to 
 tranfportatioa for a number of years, it was, fomc- 
 
158 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 times, two or three years before government fent 
 him off. In equity, this interval (houkl have been 
 dediicled from the ipace of banifliment; but that 
 was Kot the practice. The following anecdote 
 refers to this cuflom. It is publifhed here by way 
 of confolation, as fhewing that public juftice can- 
 not be more ftupid or brutal in America, than flie' 
 often is in Europe. Not many years ago, twb 
 brothers were capitally convicTted at Edinburgh 
 for houie breaking. One of them was to be refpi- 
 ted ; but, by a blunder in drawing out khc paper, 
 the wrong chriftian name crept in, and on this mit 
 take he u-as hung. Tke furvivor, whom it had 
 faved, undcrv/cnt a long and painful imprifonment, 
 till, feeing no termination of mifcry, he attempted 
 aa efcape. He was detecled, and the blood-thirfty 
 bench inftantly obtained from the king an order 
 for his execution. One of their lordiliips, lefs bar- 
 barous than the reft, obferved that the imprifon- 
 ment which this man had endured was too dread- 
 ful for human patience, and hinted that he was a 
 much fitter objeft of pity than of a halter. The 
 remark was in vain, for pity very feldom touches 
 the breafl: of a judge, or at leail of a Scots one. 
 
 From this excurfion, v/e go back to the propo- 
 fcd amendment. As government is ere<fl:ed for an 
 univerfal difpenfation of juftice, it is completely 
 monflrous that government itfelf fliould be placed 
 beyond the reach of julHce. With regard to ac- 
 quitted pi'ifoncrs, nobody can deny the fa«fl. When 
 a man is apprehended either here, or in Europe, 
 for a capital offence, he is often half flarved to 
 death, of cold and hunger, before his trial comes 
 on. If, in the fequel, he mufl die, that alone is 
 .enough ; and if he is difch^rged, the court can 
 make no atonement equal to his previous fufferings. 
 Thus is Jurifprudence transformed into aprofUtute, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 159 
 
 a daemon, fuch as (he diiplayed herfelf on the wei- 
 tern expedition. 
 
 To an acquitted prifoner the retribution propofed 
 cannot be thought extravagant. Even with the pre- 
 vious aiTurance of fafety, if that were pofTibie, a 
 labourer, or a journeyman mechanic, would much 
 rather continue at the axe or the anvil, than undergo 
 a fcene that, like a in ail on the wall, is fure of 
 leaving flime behind it. The treble Vv^ages offer no 
 temptation. To a perfon in extenfive bufmefs, they 
 offer much worfe than none. They hold out the 
 profpeft of certain lols, which, however, he is bet- 
 XGr able to fapport thc:n a poorer man. The com- 
 pound intercil: would enfure expedition, as thofe in 
 hazard of paying it, would effedually fpur the 
 judge to an early difcharge of his duty. The tra- 
 velling expences might tend to moderate the incon- 
 venient diRance to which a perfon accufed may 
 fometimcs be dragged. The probability of retri- 
 bution could hold out no encouragement to real 
 guilt ; befides, that the jury of the vicinage 
 could cut compenfation through the middle- 
 The chance of paying fmartly for miftakes would 
 render a court cautious in granting warrants. The 
 fame profpecT: would retard the acquittal of a pri- 
 foner, when he is known to be guilty. On the 
 3d of March, 1795, ^^^^ ^^Y ^^^ which the third 
 congrefs diffolved, Mr. Dexter laid before the houfc 
 of reprefentatives a relolution for mitigating, in 
 fome inftances, the feverity of penal laws. He 
 faid, that he had known a prifoner come to the bar 
 laughing, becaufe, though guilty, he knew before 
 hand that the jury would acquit him. Condemning 
 the feverity of the law, they refufcd to condemn 
 the prifoner. JuRice, or cruelty overfliot its mark ; 
 and he was difcharged in contempt of evidence. 
 But if the jury knew that fuch an ^Cz of perjury. 
 
i62 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 on their part, was to produce a heavy fine on the 
 county or diftrit^, we fhould hear no more of this 
 corrupted mercy. It would refletH: fingular dignity 
 on the jurifprudence of America, to fet the firft ex- 
 ample to the world of fuch a magnanimous regula- 
 tion. It might blunt the derifion that pofterity muft 
 feel, at thofe torrents of felf applaufe which the 
 prcfent age iiath fo bountifully poured upon itfelf. 
 Such an article in the conflitution would augment 
 the fafcty, and promote the indemnification of in-.- 
 iiocence, while, at the fame time, it multiplied the 
 dangers of guilt. Of fuch an article every party 
 may, in turn, feel the benefit, or fuffer by the want. 
 The unavenged excefTes of the fall of 1794, P^ove, 
 that, till fomething of this nature fliall be adopted, 
 the v&unted liberties of America are but the frag- 
 ments of a fyftem. If the fixth year of our govern- 
 ment hath reached fuch Mamaluke maturity of def- 
 potifm, what prodigies may be expeiSled in the ac- 
 cumulation of a century ! 
 
 Here it may be ufeful to notice another defe<n: in 
 the federal conftitution. The king of England can, 
 at ple^iure, diffolvehis parliament. Whenever they 
 become unmanageable, he has a right of directing 
 them to difperfe. If they negletfl his orders, there 
 is nothing to hinder his guards from fliooting them, 
 under the riot a^l. This royal privilege has ob- 
 vious and dreadful confequences to the indepen- 
 dence of parliament. A member in oppofition, 
 has, perhaps, expended one-half of his eflate in 
 canvafTing for his borough. By a fingle meffagc 
 from the crown, the labour of years, and the svafte 
 itf ten thoufand guineas are rendered abortive; and 
 he muft, afecond time, contend with the profufion 
 of minifterial bribery. Charles the iirfl confented 
 to fufpend this prerogative ; and that overfight paved 
 the way to the foundation of the commonwealth 
 
HiS'rORY OF AMERICA. i^t 
 
 bf England. It was by a bold exertion of the right 
 of di(r©lation, that William Pitt, in 1784, broke up 
 the coalition parliament . The expedient has been 
 often adopted. It is a fure card in the hand of a de- 
 cifive minifler, and one of the flrongefl links in the 
 chain of corrupted influence. 
 
 With fuch an example before them, the framers 
 of the conftitution of 1787, have granted, in fab- 
 fiance, the very fame prerogative to the prefident. 
 They could not have betrayed a flrongcr mark of 
 incapacity. In article ii. fec^ioniii. are thefe words : 
 *' He may, on extraordinray occafions, convene 
 " both houfcs, or either of them ; and, in cafe of 
 " difagreement between them, with refped to the 
 '' time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to fuch 
 '' time as HE fJjall think proper .^^ 
 
 In article i. fection ii. it is provided, that '' con- 
 *' grefs fliall aflemble at leaffc once in every year.'^ 
 The prefidential privilege reduces this rule to a 
 nullity. Before they have been a week in feflion, 
 his fenate may propofe an adjournment. The two 
 houfes difagree, and the prefident determines that 
 they fliali rife. With a view to this emergency, the 
 appropriation bill may be ported through botii 
 houfcs within a i^v7 days after they fit down. If the 
 reprefentatives become rcflive, he can difmifs them^ 
 without an appropriation aft. He has only to quote 
 the precedent of Mr. Wafhington, and march to 
 the bank or the treafury* 
 
i6t SKETCHES OF THI: 
 
 CHAPTER VIIL 
 
 Dr> Aynes ,~R€:-narks on kii fpeech on the Bt'itlfli 
 treaty, Projeci of the jeitate^ m 1"]%^^ for intro- 
 diicijigtitles , — Thomas Paine, — Refolntmis of con* 
 
 . ■grefs in his favour, -—The fpeech of B arras to 
 Monroe. — Mr, Fenno.' — Examination of the dij^ 
 patches of Mr. Pinckney^ and the condiid of Mr, 
 Adams. — Defence of the French directory ,^--Phi^ 
 neas Bond. — Ruffian treaty with •England. — On 
 the hanks of Philadelphia. ^ — Partiality againfl the 
 republicati party in granting dif counts. — Fatal ef 
 fed to Ainerican manufadures from a72 excefs of 
 
 , paper moneys ajid from iif try . — Citation fro7n Mr, 
 Fenno. — From Fauchet. — Card from Mr, Muh- 
 lenberg, 
 
 '^N April 28th, 1796, Dr. Ames deli- 
 vered, in congrefs, a fpeech in defence of the Bri- 
 tifli treaty. '' If a treaty/' fays he, " left king 
 '• George his ifland, it would not anfwer ; not if 
 *' he flipulated to pay rent for it.^' fThis is wild 
 exaggeration.] '*• It has been faid, [And pray, by 
 whom has it been faid ? fbr no fuch language ever 
 addreiled the ears of cdngrefs.] '' the world ought 
 " to rejoice if Britain was funk in the fea 5 if, where 
 ^' there are now men, and wealth, and laws, and 
 '' liberty, there was no more than a fand-bank for 
 *' the fea monders to fatten on ; a fpacc for the 
 '' florms of the ocean to mingle in conflid*." 
 
 * Bache's Debates, Vol. II. p. 319, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 165 
 
 Dr. Ames has not fpecifled where, or by whom 
 this object of rejoicinn; wa<s propoied. If any demo- 
 cratical member of congrefs had uttered that wifli, 
 Mr. Fcnno v/oald liave refrefiied the public with 
 an hundred editions of it. To afcribe to a party 
 opinions which they do not hold is uncandid, and 
 ferves only to embitter poHtical animofity. This 
 Citation helps to afccrtain the credit due to fome 
 other aflTertions in that fpeech"*. 
 
 In a note fubjoined to this fpeech, Dr. Ames adds, 
 that the prefent war " has done more injury to the 
 ** morals and happme/s of nations than all the wars 
 ^^ of the laii century." As to the quantity of blood 
 fhed in the revolution, the party have already been 
 told, and they dare not deny the facl, that, in Ben- 
 gal only, the Englidi have deftroyed about as many 
 people as the late kingdom of France contained. 
 Stale obje^lions deierve flale anfwers. The guillo- 
 tine is tender mercy compared wdth the rack and 
 the wheel, both of which have been aboliflied by 
 the revolution. It has like wife put an end to the 
 French Have trade, which England continuesto cul- 
 tivate. Robefpierre, and his chief accomplices, ex- 
 piated their crimes on the fcaffold ; and even they 
 were not worfe than Turrene, ravaging the Pala- 
 tinate, than Cromwell, extirpating the Iritli nation, 
 than the New-England faints, of the iafl century, 
 burning witches, or, than the Connecticut tories, 
 with Brandt and Butler at their head, breaking up 
 the fettlement of Wioming. Smith's Wealth of Na- 
 tions, and Arthur Young's Travels through France, 
 will inform Dr. Ames, that, as to morals and hap- 
 pinefs^ 2l very large majority of the French nation 
 could fear no change for the worfe. They have freed 
 
 * Something likp this hath been qaoted, be an eminent federal 
 writer, as from The Politcal frogrefs of Brita^i where m fucb feoU-? 
 mcijt is to be found;} 
 
554 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 themfeives from an opprcliivc monarchy and nobi-* 
 lity; and from a clergy of enormous c^spence. The 
 government, as in the United States, is reprefenta-- 
 tive, and religion left at liberty. The French were 
 jufl as .well entitled to freedom as the Americans. 
 Their revolution has been attended with much vi- 
 olence and iniquity; but fo was ours. In the affair 
 of September, 1797, the fim.ple exile of the vanquiih- 
 ed leaders, difplays unexampled lenity. The French 
 have not merely freed themfeives. They have like- 
 M^fe delivered other nations from flavery. The 
 perfidious lladtholder is expelled from his office. 
 The bifliop of Liege no longer uplifts a revenue from 
 the gaming tables of Aix-la-Chapelle. Flanders, 
 Nice, and Savoy, are admitted to fliare in the go- 
 vernment of the republic. The Auftrian ufurpers 
 are driven from Italy ; and, in a few years, the 
 whole peninfula will enjoy a reprefentative govern- 
 ment. The corporation of German tyrants hath 
 been fliaken to the root, and lopped of numerous 
 branches. Every campaign has been pregnant with 
 horrors, but not more fo than thofeof former w^ars. 
 The progrefs of republican principles hath been 
 gradual, but irrefiililjle. Mankind begin to fee that 
 they are capable of legifiating for themfeives, and 
 to laugh at their previous veneration for cmperora 
 and kings. 
 
 This prolpecl ought to gladden the heart of a true 
 republican ; but the AmericaH revolution feems to 
 have gone too far for the feelings of many people 
 in this country. No fooner had the New-Englanders 
 got rid of their Britifli monarch, than a confider- 
 able part of them beg'^n to look out for fomething 
 very like another. It was chiefly through them that 
 the: new conflitution conferred fuch immenfe power 
 iuid influence on Ibe office of prefident. And, ever 
 ijncej molt of the New-England members of con- 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 163 
 
 grefs have been diipofed to ftrain his prerogatives, 
 Obferve what follows. 
 
 The conftitLition, article i. fec^ion ix. claiife vii. 
 fays that " no title of nobility fhali be granted by 
 " the United States." On April 24th, 1789, the 
 reprefentatives received a mefTage from the fcnatc. 
 It ftated, that they had appointed a committee to 
 confider " w\\9.tj?ile or titles it will be proper to 
 '' annex to the office of prefident and vicc-prefi- 
 '' dent, if any other than thofe given in the confH- 
 ^' tution/' The reprefentatives refufed their con- 
 currence, and the affair was dropt. Nothing coul4 
 in itfelf, be more defpicable, nothing could be more 
 oppofite even to the letter of the conftitution, or 
 betray a (Ironger tafte for monarchy than this pro- 
 pofal. The conftitution prohibits titles of nobility. 
 The fenate recommend titles^ and certainly not of 
 degradation. Of courfe they mufl: have been adap- 
 ted, like the fimilies of Mr. Baycs, to elevate and 
 furprife. Moft ferene, moil potent, moft illuftrious, 
 or any luggage of that kind, would have excited 
 ridicule inftead of refpctl. But in fmiling at the 
 childifhnefs of the fcheme, wc ihould not overlook 
 its ultimate tendency. The nsxt propofalwas, pro- 
 bably, to have been by what title fnali members 
 addrefs each other ; and the continent might foon 
 have refounded with babbling appellations. — *' This 
 ^' day his grace the moft ferene John Adams, vice- 
 " prefident, Sec, fet out for his feat at Braintree.— - 
 '*' Laft night arrived, in this city from Mount 
 " Vernon, his high mightinefs, the niofl potent and 
 *' illuftrious George Wa(l]ington,&c. — To-morrov/ 
 *' his excellency, the right honom'able Alexander 
 '' Hamilton, ^yith his lady, and their fuite proceed 
 '' to New- York, on a vifit to his excellency the 
 *' mod illullrious colonel Duer.- — Their ferene 
 '«' higlmeffes, the moll puifTant the fenate of the 
 
!6<> SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 *' United States, have rcfolvcd that in futiire itfliali 
 " not be lawfiil for any fenator to pick his teeth, 
 ^* to yawn, or emit the like fymptoms of intellec- 
 ^' tual vacancy, till half an hour after prayers have 
 '' been finiihed/' It was from the fame fpirit, that 
 MeUrs. Dexter and Sedgwick wanted, on the ift 
 of January, 1795', to engraft, on our government, 
 a foreign nobility*. In both inftances, the innova- 
 tion would have raifed infinite difcontent, and it 
 vi^as to produce no good efFed: of any kind. It 
 breathed the pare fpirit of dijorganizntion ; a fa- 
 vourite term of reproach with the federal party. 
 On titles, Thomas Paine has written with great 
 faccefs ; and this is one reafon why the friends of 
 order hate him, Abufe of this author is now as 
 naturally expected in a federal newfpaper as tea and 
 chocolate in a grocery's flore. To fuch things, com- 
 pare two refolutions of congrefs of the 26th of Au- 
 gull, and 3d of October 1785. In confequence of his 
 '' early, unfolicited, and continued labours in ex- 
 *' plaining and enforcing the principles of the late 
 ^' revolution, by ingenious and timely publications, 
 '' upon the nature of liberty, and civil govern- 
 '' ment," they direct the board of treafury to pay 
 him three thoufand dollars. This atteftation out-? 
 weighs the clamour of the fix per cent, orators. 
 They dread, they revile, and if able, they would 
 perfecute Thomas Paine, becaufc he pofTelTes ta^ 
 lents and courage fufficient to rend afunder the 
 mantle of fpeculation, and to delineate the ricketty 
 growth of our public debt. 
 
 In his fpeech to congrefs, on May i6th, 1797, 
 Mr. Adams complains heavily of France, as wan- 
 ting to promote civil difcord in America. The pajC- 
 ^age that has almofl produced a French war, claims 
 
 * See American Annual RegiSer, Chap, 
 
 \T 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 1^7 
 
 pcirticular notice, and is in thefe words. France 
 '' will not abafe herfelf by calculating the confe- 
 ^' quences of the condefcenfion of the American 
 ^' government in liftening to the fnggeftioiis of her 
 '' former tyrants. Moreover, the French repub- 
 '' iichopesthat the fucceilbrs of Columbus, Fvaleigh, 
 *' andPenn, always proud of their liberty, will ne- 
 '' ver forget that they owe it to France, They 
 '' will v/eighin their wifdom the magnanimous be- 
 '' nevoience of the French people v/ith the crafty 
 '' careiTcsof certain perfons who meditate bringing 
 '' them back to their former flavery." Thefe were 
 the words of Barras, prefident of the diredory, 
 on the 30th December, 1796, in his farewell reply 
 to Mr. Monroe. The ftile betrays oflentation that 
 might have been fpared ; and contempt which has 
 been deferved ; but not a fpirit of anim.ofity. It 
 is certain that, humanly Ipeaking, America could 
 not have compelled Cornwallis to furrender, but 
 for the interference of France; and even the va- 
 nity of a felfilh benefa^Slor fliould be endured 
 with refped:. It would have been wife in the 
 prefident to take no notice whatever of this fatiri- 
 cal flight. He opened the door to fuch harangues 
 as had not before been heard in congrefs. AiBong 
 other polite repartees, Mr. Thatcher obferved that 
 Barras mull: have been either jnad or drimk. Tlius, 
 in half a minute, we turned the balance of ci- 
 vility to the fide of France. 
 
 But there is the bed reafon for affirmlnp; that the 
 indignation of Mr. Adams was affetPred ; that he 
 wanted to find a pretence for quarrelling with the 
 republic ; and that, if expreffions far llronger than 
 thofe of Barras had been employed by lord Gren- 
 A^ille, not a murmur would have been heard about 
 them. We fliall examine each of thefe tv.^o points, 
 
 Fir/l^ That the prefident defired, and fliU dc- 
 
tU SKETCHES or TH£ 
 
 Tires, a French rupture, is evident from bis patrtJii- 
 age of the Gazette of the United States. Its edi- 
 tor, Mr. Fenno, is printer to the fenate, and a§ 
 much at the nod of Mr. Adams, and of them, 
 as their clerk or door keeper. He vindicates all 
 the meafurcs of the federal party; and, fmce 
 the beginning of the French revolution, he has 
 railed at that people in the moil violent tone. 
 The following paragraphs are copied from his 
 newfpaper, fo late as the 20th of September, 
 1797. Read them ; and then af]^ yourfelf whether 
 Mr. Adams and his fenate can be fmcere in wifhinix 
 for a reconeilement with France ? While they 
 countenance the publifner of fuch invetflives, they 
 cannot be fuppofed either to expert or defire Frencli 
 amity. It is of the utmoft importance to afcertain 
 whether our executive is ferious in its efforts for 
 pacification. Judge if the following language is 
 of that fort. 
 
 '' By the advices this day publiflied, it is rcn- 
 '' dered probable that the conftitution-makers of 
 " fans-cullotte land, that great nurfery of pirates, 
 ••^ alTaffins, and robbers, are, ere this, once more 
 '•' blozun up," [Thfs is abundantly brutal, but the 
 v/ritcr goes from bad to worfe.] 
 
 ^' A new, long, and violent conteft will fucceed * 
 *' but the iflue will be favourable to France, and 
 '' mankind. The ya^q Jhall have his own again ; 
 PThis is charming doctrine for a republic. Few 
 people will hereafter be hardy enough to deny 
 that there is a monarchical faction among us ; and 
 as the printer is the mere organ of his employers, 
 it is but candid to rank Mr. x\dams, and his fede- 
 ral majority in the fenate, as the leaders of that 
 fatfcion.J " and America and the world flaall have* 
 " peace. Adieu, then, to Meflidor, and Prairial^ 
 *' to Nivofe, Pluvoifcj and Ventofe, and Sans-Cul- 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. i6^ 
 
 ^^ lotides, and all the long train of cabaliRic non- 
 " fenfe, which have poifoned the French name in 
 " all quartej's of the world. 
 
 *' Surge, [he means Mr. Bache,] take thy h(h 
 ^^ fubfidy ; feize on it quickly, for thy mafters, ere 
 " this, are no more. Thy occupation's gone !*^ 
 [Every body knows in what way Mr. Fenno is 
 fubfidizcd. As for Surgo, the French do not value 
 the fentinients of America, and v/ouldfcorn to hire 
 a printer for attempting to direct them. To 
 the arms of the United States the republic is about 
 as impregnable as the moon. She can bombard 
 our fea-ports, deftroy our commerce, and leave 
 us to kick again fi t/ie pricks '^K 
 
 But v/hile the prefidcntial gazette cjc^^s fuch 
 filth, we cannot, in reafon, hope for a favourable 
 conclufion from the triumvirate embaffy. Indeed, 
 if our envoys pofTefs common fenfibility, theymufl 
 look fomewhat foolif^!, if they are admitted into 
 the prefence ofBarras. Put the cafe that he ha3 
 on the table before him a volume of Mr, Fenno's 
 iievw^fpaper, and that he fliall afK them who are the 
 patrons and prompters of that editor ? Their an- 
 iV/er, if they ipeak truth, muft be, that it is the 
 funnel ef government. He may then tell them 
 that they are hypocritical rafcals ; that, with the 
 olive branch in one hand, they hold a flink-pot in 
 the other ; that, in the midft of fuch publications, 
 their embaffy is an additional infult ; and that they 
 may be thankful to get fafely out of the territo- 
 ries of the republic. 
 
 The refiiive and fuUen demeanour of Charles 
 Cotefv/orth Pinckney, at Paris, was both ufelefs and 
 
 * Sixteen days before this prediciion ifTued from the prefidential 
 prefs, the ftorm had burft at Paris ; and like every one that we«t 
 fecfore it, has eaded in the ruia of the royal partizani. ^ 
 
37© SKETCHES OF ITHE 
 
 impertinent. It defer ved no part of that pralfe; 
 conferred on it by Mr. Gilesj and other members, 
 in the kte feffion of congrefs. France, in thepcr- 
 fon of her reprefentative, had endured a thoufand 
 affronts from the preifes of Philadelphia.' She 
 had finally, and with intimation of her difgufl, re- 
 called citizen Adct. She did not, however, enjoin 
 Tvlr. Monroe to quit Paris, but a fuccelTor having 
 been appointed in his room, this removal prefen- 
 ted a decent opportunity for getting entirely quit 
 of American ambaiTadors. If Monroe had not been 
 recalled, it is Jikely that he might ftill have been 
 permitted to reniain at Paris. America would then 
 have efcaped from eighty thoufand dollars of ex- 
 pence, on account of the late extra feffion of con- 
 grefs, befides about thirty or forty thoufand, as the 
 extra charges of theprefent triple deputation*. What 
 was yet more important, fhe would have efcaped 
 from the fpeech of the i6th of May, 1797 ; from 
 all the improper harangues of which it was the 
 fountain head ; and from all the bad effeds which 
 are to be expelled by the farther irritation of France. 
 As the republic had recalled her ambaffador 
 from the United States, flic could not be fuppo- 
 fcd anxious for the refidence of an American en- 
 voy at Paris. My declaration, that I fhall no lon- 
 ger enter your houfe, amounts to a tacit prohibi- 
 bition of your coming into mine. Befides, the 
 
 * The exaft amount of this expence cannot yet be ftated, Mr. 
 Wolcott, in his report and eftimates for 1797> p. 16. reckons nine 
 thoufand dollars, as the outfit of an ambaflador to FraHce. We 
 have at pr* fent two fuch outfits, befides thaf ofFinckney. This 
 comes in all to twenty-feven thoufand dollars, that might have been 
 faved by letting JVlonroe keep his place. As for falary, Mr, Wolcott 
 fiates four foreign minifters, at nine thoufand dollars each, and 
 •ne at four thoufand five hundred. At the lowefl: rate, the ex- 
 pence of three minifters to France will come to thirteen thoufand 
 five hundred dollars^ per annum, inftcad of paying only one falary. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA, 171 
 
 tlire^ory well knew why Monroe was recalled. 
 His crime confifled in 2 cordial attachment to the 
 French revolution. They were, therefore, to look 
 with a jealous eye on the perfon appointed to 
 fucceed him. This alone would have enfured 
 to Mr. Pinckney a cold reception ; even if the 
 recall of Adet had not afforded a plaufible reafou 
 for refufing to receive him. He was wrong for 
 not leaving France, on the firfl injuntSlion of de- 
 parture. He improved his delay into a quar- 
 rel with the French minifter. Hence it was highly 
 injudicious in Mr. Adams to fend him back, as he 
 has done, a fecond time. This, in itfelf, is a fpe- 
 cies of difrefpec^ to the French government. If 
 peace with the republic was the point in view, 
 the furefl way would have been to fend back J^t- 
 ferfon or Monroe. The directory would recog- 
 Dize them, not merely as ambalfadors, but as liVends, 
 From fuch a deputation there would at lead be a 
 chance for the return of mutual confidence. From 
 the prefent choice of envoys there can be but little^. 
 That it was improper to fend Mr. Pinckney back 
 to France, appears from kis own printed correfpon- 
 dence. It contains various exprellions highly difre- 
 fpedful to the diredory. The remarks may be very 
 juft, but the good policy of Mr. Adams, in expof- 
 ing them to the world, admits of doubt. Mr. Pinck- 
 ney gave his letters of credence to the French mi- 
 nifler, De la Croix, on December 9th, 1796. On 
 the I ith, the latter informed Mr. Monroe, that no 
 envoy could be received, till America had granted 
 the redrefs of grievances demanded by France. 
 
 * When Mr. Walbington wanted to gain the good will of England, 
 he fcnt over Jay, the profeffed advocate of the Britilh intereft in 
 America. To fecure its continuance, he next difpatched Rufus 
 King, a perfon of the fame priucipkSt France has an eaual title 
 10 attention of tHi kind. 
 
172 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 De la Croh:, by addrefling Monroe, gave a broad 
 enough hint that he wanted to have no bufmefs with 
 Pinckney. Yet, next morning, our envoy fent him 
 a long letter, enquiring, whether hcfiiould quit the 
 republic. ^On the 15th, the French miniPier lignifi- 
 ed his opinion, that this was the defiie of the direc- 
 tory ; but that he would conflilt them again. Mr. 
 Pinckne}^ HooJ on the ground of diplomatic privi- 
 leges, though he adds, that the directory had recent- 
 ly lent off thirteen foreign miniflers. On the 26th, 
 he again fent to enquire of De la Croix, whether 
 he might redde in the republic. He received a 
 fliarp anfvver, which his fecretary Vv/ anted the 
 French miniller to put into writing. This was re- 
 fafed, witli fome bad humour. De la Croix wonder- 
 ed at Mr. Pinckney, for having flaid fo long, after 
 he ha*' been informed that it was impoffible to al- 
 low him. Still he lingered in Paris, till the 5th of 
 the enfuing February, having teafed the dire»ftory, 
 till they gave him a written order to quit the French 
 territories. His letter, conveying this lafl news, con- 
 cludes v/ith an ardent wifii for a return of the good 
 fenfe and good humour of the republic. 
 
 This bickering would not be worth an analyfis ; 
 but as the federal party make a prodigious clamour 
 about it, the particulars rife above their natural de- 
 f^ree of interefl. Inflead of haraffing De la Croix, 
 and the direftory, and (landing upon the tiptoe of 
 diplomatic privilege, Pinckney would have ferved 
 the United States better, by quitting France on the 
 iirfl intimation, that he could not be received in an 
 official charader. The previous difmiffal of thirteen 
 minifters, might have convinced him, that the di- 
 recHiory would remain inflexible, and that impor- 
 tunity couid only ferve to widen the breach. Ad- 
 iiiitting that the French were in the wrong, and 
 tliat is extremely doubtful, a v/ife envoy v/oultl 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 175 
 
 have made fome allowance for the pride and info- 
 lence of vi<Story. It is theinfeparable tribute of hu- 
 man infirmity, at the ihrine of fortune. Both parties 
 were highly chagrined, in the aS: of Mr. I^inckney's 
 ultimate difmiflion. Afic yourfcjf, then, whether it 
 was a prudent flep to fend him a fecond time to 
 Paris ? The quarrel of nations had been exafpcrat- 
 ed into that of perfons*. 
 
 Mr. Adams has completed this individual rup- 
 ture. If Pinckney could have had any chance of 
 doing fervice, the pulication of his confidential cor- 
 refpondencev/ith the executive, has infallibly put an 
 end to it. The French may come to an agreement, be 
 caufe thcyanay not be prepared for attacking us. But 
 this truce willrefemble the fcate of Rome, after the 
 death of Otho. Fotiiis belliwi ceff'erat^ fays Tacitus, 
 quam pax C£perat\, Tq fiiew the good lenfe of our ' 
 prefident, and his plan for pleafing France, it is 
 worth while to cite a few of the pallages in Pinck- 
 ney's letters, that muft be fure of offending the di- 
 re 6lory. 
 
 " I think the ground I have taken has puzzled 
 '' them ; they wifli me gone, but they apprehend 
 '' that it would be too harfh a meafure, to fend Iff, 
 " in a peremptory manner, the minifter of mj 
 '' country^.'' [He foon faw how little they cared 
 for that ; but the dlre<rtory did not want to be harfti, 
 till civility had failed.] 
 
 * " Ambafiadors hare a jud natural right to tlemand that their pro- 
 <^ pofals fiioukl be delivered. But as to an allowance to relide'any 
 << time in the ftatc to which they are feiit, they may claim it'>as due 
 «* out of humanity, but cannot inlift c\\ it as a perfect right. Since 
 <« the bnfmers of the more adive ambaiTadors is much the fame with 
 ** that of fpies upon the nations where they refide." Ilutchefon's 
 hitroduaion to Moral Piiiiofophy, Book III. Chap X. 
 
 + '^Warhad rather ended than peace btgun." 
 
 :*. DocumcntSj &c. p. 17. 
 
174 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 " The letter of the 2ifl: of Frimaire, from M. 
 ^' De la Croix to Mr. Monroe, above recited, fhews 
 *' the cUflirKSlion which this government attempts 
 '* to make betvjeen the American people and their 
 '' gover7iment'^ .■'' [The letter alluded to, comprifes 
 only a few common-place exprefiions of refpedl and 
 kindnefs for the x\mericans. Its total infignilicance 
 makes the paiTage worth quoting, as it thus more 
 ilrongly marks the jealoufy of the federal party.] 
 *' I pray you to be periiiaded, citizen miniftcr," 
 fays De la Croix, '' that this determination! hav- 
 ^' ing become neceiTary, allows to fubfift between 
 *' the French republic, and the American people, 
 " the afleiftion founded upon former benefits, and 
 *' reciprocal interefts ; an affetSlion, which you your- 
 *' felf have taken a pleafure in cultivating, by every 
 '^ means in your powerl^.'/ 
 
 [Thefe words convey little meaning, and certain- 
 ly no harm. Nothing but the delirium of faction, 
 or the fournefs of difappointed felf-conceit, can fee, 
 in this compliment, any defign to make an alarm- 
 ing diiiinftion between the government and people 
 of America. One-half of the fhort but wicked ad- 
 drcfs from Barras to Monroe, contains a polite 
 turn in the fame flyle ; and, on thefe high and migh- 
 ty mifdemeanours, Mr. Adams, in his fpeech to 
 congrefs, founds the charge of inflammation againfl: 
 France. After the above reference, Mr. Pinckney 
 fubjoins :] <^ 
 
 '' I trull, that America will fliew that her fenti- 
 *' ments and thofeof her government are one ; and 
 *^ that fhe will never fuffer any foreign nation to 
 ^' interfere in her concerns; and that an attempt to 
 *' divide her citlzers will be thefignal for rallying, 
 
 * Documents, hz, p. i8. 
 
 f Not to receive an ambalTador from the United States. 
 
 t Documents, &c, p. ic. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. if^ 
 
 *^ afid render them the more united*." [Mr. Pinck- 
 ney brings no evidence that France, on thisoccafion, 
 attempted to m/^fr/dTd", or ^/w/d'. His fudden bounce 
 upwards, was needlefs and malicious. But lie had 
 known the temper of government, and its wifhes 
 for a handle to charge France with the plan of fow- 
 ing fedition in this country. He had received nine 
 thoufand dollars of outfit, being eight thoufar.d, 
 five hundred, more than were neceifaryt ; and he 
 was impatient to prove his gratitude. When you 
 fuffer the executive of a nation to pay public officers 
 extravagantly, they are almoft fure of degenerating 
 into the mere creatures and apes of their immedi- 
 ate employer. Mr. Pinckney well knew, that the 
 complimentary phrafes of Barras fignified no more 
 than your humble Jervant^ at the bottom of a chai- 
 1 an get.] 
 
 '' I need not,'' fays Pvlr. Pinckney, ^' comment 
 '' on fo ftrange a compofition ;" (the fpeech of Bar- 
 ras) '' it, however, evinces the difpofition of the 
 '* directors of this country towards us, and the iyP' 
 *' tern which they have adopted*, by endeavouring 
 *' to perfuade our countrymen that they can have 
 *' a different intereft from their fellow citizens, 
 '' whom themfelves have chofen to manage their 
 " joint concerns||." [Never was a fentence cf the 
 Bible, or of Ariflotle, more woefully tortured than 
 
 * Documents, &c. p. i8. 
 
 + What is the reafon why four of our foreign minlflers ^^t nine 
 thoufand dollars of falary, and a fifth, only half that fiim ? Place the 
 whole five on the fmallcr allowance. It is fufficient ; and efpeciall/ 
 at Paris, where living is far cheaper than in Philadelphia. The re- 
 du(5lion of the four larger falaries would fave eighteen thoufand dol- 
 lars a year. This would enable congrefs to take off one of the tiMS 
 cents per pound of excife upon refined fugar, which, in i yoCi pic* 
 duced only thirty-eight thoufand dollars. 
 
 % This comparifon is borrowed frow brd Gfieilerfieii* 
 
 % Documents,}), z8» 
 
i7« SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 tViis unhappy fpccch. If Barras was to fay any thing 
 111 the fliape of ccnfure, he could not have faid Icfs ; 
 and he knew, as well as Mr. Fincknf y, that the 
 Eritifh treaty was the work of a party. The federal 
 newfpspers are conflantly reviling the French na- 
 tion . They defpife all notice of fuch foolery ; though 
 they know, and cannot fail to refent it. But while 
 the Gazette of the United States declares theFrench, 
 €11 77iafje^ to be robbers and afTafTms, while it hopes 
 thattiieir goverament is hloxvii np^ and that theBour- 
 bons will be reflored ; with what grace can John 
 Adams, or this Charles Cotefworth Pinckney, pre,- 
 tend to complain of Barras ?] 
 
 *' There are now twent^v-five thoufand French 
 " troops inBatavia (Holland) ; and, it is here no fe- 
 *' cret, th?.t they can dirccl what meafures they 
 " pleafe*.'' [Had tlie dirediory, like our executive, 
 time andpatience to pick ftraws, could they link to 
 the frivolity of the Anglo-federal cabinet, a fonnida- 
 ble chargemight be reared up againft Pinckney, for 
 confpiring to feparate Holland from the republic. 
 The one accufat^n would be jafl as plaufible 
 as tlie other.] 
 
 *■' I am happy to find that Mr. Adet's diforganiz- 
 *• in g manoeuvres have been treated, by my country- 
 '^ men, as they deferved, and that his attempts to 
 *^ divide, have tended to unite themt.'' The plaii^ 
 terof adulation is here laid on pretty thick. When 
 Genet behaved with petulance to Mr. Wadiington, 
 he had, at leail, the merit of aifting above board. 
 Here is a man, who, .under covert, feems to do eve- 
 ry thing in his power to fefler the animoilty of our 
 executive againll: France. It has been thought of 
 importance to enter into this diiTection of his of- 
 ficial correfpondence. It was from his rubbifli of 
 
 ♦Documents, ^c. p. 30# "I Ibid. p. 62. 
 
HiStORY OF AMERICA. 177 
 
 materials, tkat Mr. x\dams fabricated his military) 
 harangue. When the papers were read in the houf^ 
 of reprefentatives, the fpirited behaviour of Pinck- 
 ney met with loud applaufe. The fpeech of BarraJ 
 Was condemned by every member who took notice 
 of it. 
 
 Prefident Adams would find it difficult to give a 
 good reafon for prefenting this correipondence, in its 
 full extent, to congrefs. He well knew that it would 
 be printed, that copies of it would be fent to France, 
 that many parts of it were fure to offend the direc- 
 tory, and that, from the day of its arrival, they 
 would regard Pinckney as a calumniator and afpy* 
 If the prefident wanted the directory to refufe, for 
 a fecond time, the admiflion of his credentials, this 
 was the mod likely way to fuccced. Mr. Fcnno 
 himfelf would have been as commendable a choice 
 as Mr. Pinckney. 
 
 In an early part of this chapter it was affirmed, 
 that Mr. Adams " defired, and flill defires a rup- 
 '' ture with France.'' Evidence on this charge has 
 now been examined, and the ^blic will decide ai> 
 to its juflicc. 
 
 Along with the above, another point w^as ftated, 
 that, " if cxpreflions far ftronger than thofe of Bar- 
 " ras had been employed by lord Gren villc. Dot a 
 '' murmur would have been heard about them." 
 
 In proof of this affirmation, there is a letter from 
 Thomas Pinckney, dated London, January 9th3 
 1794. I" ^ converfation with Pinckney, Grenvilie 
 made a 'reference to " evil difpofed perfons among 
 " us, who, according to the intelligence he had re- 
 *' ceived, were endeavouring to irritate our peo- 
 *' pie againft Great Britain, as well as to oppofc the 
 '' meafures of our own government, and, infhort) 
 *' to reduce us to the prcfent fituation of France ; a 
 '^ misfortune which they dcprecatedj as wcU for 
 
 Z 
 
t7S SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 •' our fakes, as for the common welfare and trar*- 
 
 '^ quility of mankind.'' 
 
 x4s for the convmoii ivelfare of mank'md^ it wa$ 
 jufl a month after this converfation that Dorcheller, 
 by defire of Grenvillc, delivered his war-talk .la 
 the Indians. 
 
 Genet was accufcd of threatening to appeal from 
 the prefident to the people. But here fomething in- 
 finitely worfe has been actually performed. Gren- 
 ville ^t once appeals from the people to the prefi- 
 dent. He charges a great part of them witli wifliing 
 to involve the continent in anarchy and bloodf?ied, 
 and gives notice, in a ftile plain enough, that Eng- 
 land would be glad to alTifi: our executive in fupport 
 of order. Compared to this infblence, the glance 
 of Barras fades beneath criticifm. If one drop of 
 republican blood had warmed the heart of Thomas 
 Pinckney, he never would have become the agent 
 of this communication. The prefident did not like 
 Genet's propofed appeal to the people, but he waS: 
 highly fatisfied with this appeal to himfelf. From 
 that day forward, li|p drew more clofely the bonds 
 of union with England. The hint w^ould have fuit- 
 ed queen Elizabeth, or Philip the fecond ; in ad- 
 drefiing the earl of Murray, or a leader of the 
 French league. 
 
 The refidence of Phineas Bond in Philadelphia^ 
 as Britidi conful, pi'efents an evidence of pitiful 
 tamenefs. '' Noflate," fays Hutch efon, '' is bound 
 *' to admit any exiled criminal or fugitive fubjei^ 
 " of theirs, as an ambaffador from any neighbour- 
 '' ing itate. But if fuch a one is fent with fuch com- 
 V.^miirionp he cannot juflly be feized or punifhed, 
 'i but he. may be immediately ordered to quit our 
 '' coantry''^.'' Bond was fo much attached to ISlr» 
 
 ♦ linitkfon, Book lU. Chap. X, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 179 
 
 Guelph, that he accoinpanied the Britifli army from 
 this city. He did not return to America till fome 
 years after the revolution. No ad; of indemnity has 
 been extended to him. His Britifli commilTion alone 
 faves him from the penalties of an outlaw, which 
 his fubfequent infolence has highly dcferved. If ge- 
 neral Lee had furvived the late war, and been fent 
 as a conful or ambafTador to England, the court of 
 London v/ould have refented the nomination as an 
 infult, and he might, perliaps without much impro- 
 priety, have been committed to tlie tower. But the 
 Britifli government has a fenfe of dignity, which 
 America is yet to learn. By the way, our tories 
 clamour greatly at the feverc fate of French emi- 
 grants, while their own condud: (hews how dange- 
 rous indulgence might be. It is needl^fs to a£t a re- 
 volution by halves. When American prifoners were 
 flarved to death at New- York, the republicans 
 fhould have ufed theirs exacT:ly in the lame manner. 
 If retaliation had been inftantly begun, it would 
 have faved many thoufands o£valuable lives. But 
 wh2Lt could be expelled from America, when her 
 Ibldiers blubbered under the gibbet of a Britifli 
 Ipy* ? 
 
 On February sifl:, 1797, a treaty of com- 
 merce, between England and Ruflia, was fign- 
 ed at Peterfl^urgh. By the third article, RuflTian 
 iailors are amply le cured from imprefTment ; as 
 alio the paflTengers on board of their veflTels, Britifli 
 fubjecfls alone excepted. The tenth efliabliflies the 
 maxim th^it free bottoms make free goods ; a maxim 
 by which an American veflel might convey a cargo 
 of French coffee from St. Domingo to Btjkirdeaux. 
 A realbnable exception is made againfl: fupplying a 
 
 * Andre. This circumftance was related \>y an officer tlien on 
 th« fpot. 
 
j8o SKETCH ESOFTHE 
 
 nation, at war with either party, with arms or am^ 
 munition ; and efpecially places under fiege or block'» 
 ade. " But in all other cafes," fays the treaty, '' (hall 
 '' the faid fubjedls freely carry into thofe places, 
 '' paffengers and all kinds of goods, except aiiimu^ 
 ^' nition." 
 
 The eleventh article fpeciiies ammunition, as a 
 term fi:ri(il:ly confined to military llores. It adds, 
 that, in cafe of feizure, '^ neither the veiTels, nor 
 *' the palfengers, nor the other goods, fliall be dc- 
 '^ tained, or hindered in the profecution of their 
 '' voyage*." 
 
 Compare this treaty with ours, in four different 
 points, and then confefs that Americans are- 
 unequally dealt with. Firft^ As for imprefTment no 
 fecurity is granted. 5'^<:o^2^, The feventeenth article 
 gives up the privilege of neutral bottoms. '' If any 
 ^^ property of an enemy fhall be found on board fuch 
 ^' velTel, that part only, which belongs to the enemy 
 ^^ fliall be made prize J' Third^ By the fecond para- 
 graph of the eighteenth article, ' ' provifions and other 
 ^^ articles, not geneHlly contraband," maybe feiz- 
 ^d, the Britifh government paying for them. A jar« 
 gon ftipulation is introduced of their being only feiz- 
 able when '' becoming contraband according to M(? 
 '' laws of nations ^^- The latter phrafe, like a poly- 
 pus, or a ftocking, may, without injury to its te:x- 
 ture, have its infide turned out. But the above is 
 the real and praiTtical fignification of the claufc. 
 IvuHian provifions are, in no cafe whatever, feizabie* 
 Fourth^ The next paragraph of the eighteenth arti- 
 cle is as inferior as all the refl to the Fvuflian treaty. 
 An American veffel attempting to enter a place be- 
 fieged, is, in the firft inflance, to be turned away^ 
 andj on a fecond attempt to get entrance, her cargo^ 
 
 '^Auroral September 4th^ 17970 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. iSi 
 
 though not contraband, fliall be coniifcated. But a 
 Ruilian /hip may enter at any time, and with "" all 
 " kinds of goods, except arrjnunitionJ* 
 
 Thus, in four points, of ihe higheit confequencc, 
 the RuHian treaty has tlie advantage of ours. K 
 flranger might wonder that any man in America is 
 capable of defending Jay. Some of his advocates 
 have been impelled by motives diflinc^ from in- 
 ternal approbation. Four hundred and thirteen 
 merchants and traders, in Philadelphia, gave an 
 addrefs of thanks to the prefident for palTing of 
 the treaty. Of this number, it is charitable to be- 
 lieve, that one-half ad:ed under the hope of pleaf- 
 ing, or the dread of offending Mr. Thomas Wil- 
 ling, prefident of the bank of the United States^ 
 and who appears at the head of the lifl. With 
 feveral, it was a fufficient motive to fee their names 
 in fuch reputable company. Many dozens of 
 the fubfcribers have fince become bankrupt. 
 Morris and Nicholfon were fo at the time* ; and 
 certainly were not "^ more immediately concerned 
 ^' than any other clafs of menfl" fmce the real in- 
 tcrcft lay with thofe to whom they were indebted. 
 The following enquiry will prove fome of the ob- 
 ligations which this country has to Mr. Willing, and 
 to a part of the gentlemen with whom he had the 
 honour to aCL 
 
 A bank is eftablifhed by permidion from the go-, 
 vernment of a country, for the univerfal conveni- 
 ence of its citizens. Hence its directors have na 
 title to make a diftind:ion bet\veen perfons or par- 
 ties, any farther than refpe<Sling \.\\q\v Jolvency, A 
 bank is, or ought to be, defigned for the good c^ 
 
 * At leaft they were indebted to the extent ef many millions of 
 dollars ; none of their creditors could get a cent ; and their bills 
 \(vere fold at a reduced price. 
 '\ The words of the addrefs. 
 
igj SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 fociety ^.t b.rge. Individuality of difcouragcment^or 
 of favour, is excliidfd from thefchcmc. Such par- 
 tiality would transform it into a nuifance. 
 
 But equality of trcitment (hould more efpecially 
 be the cafe with the bank of the United States. 
 One fifth part of its paper money capital belongs 
 to the national government. For this reafon, eve- 
 ry citizen i<?, at fecond hand, a partner in it ; as 
 lie pays a proportion cf taxes to the public flock, 
 from whence that fifth fliare was derived. But it is 
 iK)torio-us that thi^ bank has been employed as an 
 cn<?;inc of government, to ferve the views of Britilh 
 intereif. Difconnts have often been refufed at this 
 national bank to mcnof mofl undoubted opulence, 
 merely on account of the republican principles of 
 thofe who drew or accepted of the bill. The 
 defpotifm of paper money pervades every 
 mulclc and Vein of Philadelphian fociety. Tke 
 dcniination of Britijh cujl oin-hQuj e officers has been 
 exchatigedfor that of American Jlockjehhers^ , As 
 a minute exampl^ feveral gentlemen of confl- 
 derable property, declared that they durfl 
 not fubfcribe for the late Hiflory of 1796 ; but 
 that they would be fure to buy it as foon as prin- 
 ted. They feared federal vengeance ; of which 
 a flcppage cf difcounts at the bank is the foremofl 
 and favourite weapon. The efre<ns of fuch a flo])- 
 page would infallibly ruin the mercantile chara£ler 
 of any m.an in Mr. Willing's lift. 
 
 It has been remarked!, that Philadelphia has 
 thirty offices exclufively for printing of books. 
 This was a yesr ago ; but, fmce that time, and 
 owing to the» late torrent of bankruptcies, fome 
 
 * Br the af^ of incorporation, three-fifths of-ihe funds are paya-* 
 V\t in fix }jer cent, public flock. Compare fedtions gd and nth. 
 f American Annual Regiftcr, Chap. V, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. ,g, 
 
 have been Ihut up, and others have become half 
 
 Idle If the paper money of this country had been 
 
 eonfined Within one-fixth part of its preLt limits 
 
 thefc bankruptcies would have been rcftridc^ 
 
 m a leaft as great a proportion. InRead of thirty 
 
 printing. o.hces, but indifferently employed, the e 
 
 might have been fifty well employed, ^n E 1 n! 
 
 burgh or Glalgow, a good journeyman printer will 
 
 In'DSbH'" I -''"^^ ''^'"^'"S °"- - g-"- per weei 
 pT , ^' ''.'s F^ge? are, it is true, higher, but 
 
 SlnH f :^ ^'^'-'^'^c^ i" fl'e expeiice of labour 
 at.ends, alfo, the manufafiurc of paper. By much 
 the greater part of this.fuperior rate of wag^esm y 
 
 excefs of bank notes, and the confeqi ent rife of 
 markets. Thedearthof wages, tj^thdc two clliTes 
 of workmen, renders it difficult to pay them 
 Hence the employer muft fometimes b!n/ow Sol 
 "ey, at an high intereft, in order to clear thch- 
 accounts. The difference of wages, with apr' 
 muim for the advance of moneyf is laid by ^ e 
 paper-maker on his manufacture. A fecond upon 
 his own work, is fuperadded by the printer a"d 
 a third by the bookfeller. It is partly bV t"^ 
 means that books -are dea.^er in i4iiaddpL o^ 
 New-York than in England, thouph we ht^ e 
 comparatively, but very few taxes, Ind thepe ul 
 liar advantage arifing from an «nlx,u„ded extent 
 of fertile territory. The fureft way to augnen 
 tne circulation of a commodity is to be able to 
 
 de fold'"'?-. • '^" '^"f"^=*" P''"'^'- '^ 9f'-n - - 
 printer,^ who has labour at a price onelthird lower, 
 in i.onoou, wages are higlier than probably .inv 
 where elfe m Britain. A journeyman hookup i"^ 
 ter, who emts hiinfdf, can clesr two guineas per 
 
,8^ SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 week, but even there, by dint of large capitals, 
 and the fuperiority of an old eftablitliment, the 
 printer and bookfellcr can afford to deal for lefs^ 
 profit, and to give longer credit than a printer in 
 America, v/here the interefl of money is fo much 
 higher than in England. 
 
 It will be replied that, before the bank of the 
 United States was opened, a journeyman prin- 
 ter could be had for three, or four dollars, 
 that trade was then very dull, and that Englifti 
 books were imported as faft as they are nov/. 
 In reafoning, it is common to afcribe effecl:s to im- 
 aginary caufes, merely becaufe the latter occurred 
 at the fame time with the former. Yefterday, at 
 noon, the clock fir uck twelve, but the fun would 
 have crbfTed the zenith, wiiether the clock had 
 ft ruck or not. It will be fuppofed that bank pa- 
 per arrived only by degrees at its prefent opprel- 
 iive magnitude ; that at firfl it promoted a prudent 
 extent of foreign trade ; and that trade in turn ftimu- 
 lated internal manufad:ures. It is not the ufe, biit 
 the abufe of paper money, that rs liable to objec- 
 tion. Had the quantum of its circulation become 
 ftationary, fiye or fix years ago, it might have done 
 well ; but, inftead of this, it has gone forward to fet 
 open fuch floodgates of gambling and of ufury, as 
 hardly ever overwhlemed any country before. If 
 the expence of print and paper had remained fla- 
 tionary hnce 1792, the volume which now cofls a 
 dollar, could have been had for four or live {hil- 
 lings. This mufi: have excluded in whole or nearly 
 -fo, the prefent large importation of paper, and it 
 muft, at the fame time, have greatly augmented 
 the^ prefent manufadlure of printing. The like 
 increafe would have enfued in fome other bran- 
 ches, more readily than in this one. Both here 
 and in Britain the wages of a printer are higher 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. i8; 
 
 than thofe of moft other tradefnien, and nearer the 
 lame level in the two countries. This is, no 
 doubt, one reafon why book-printing has thriven 
 more rapidly here than fo many other manufac- 
 tures. On the contrary, look at weavers. In the 
 old country their wages are fo low, and their work 
 can be fnrniflied fo cheap, that, in feveral branches, 
 no cflablifhment in America can compete them. 
 
 Internal manufaclures are a more important, be- 
 caufc a more fafe and durable acquifition than foreigii 
 commerce. They can involve no external quarrel^ 
 and they are beyond the reach of e!:\ternal piracy. 
 The tanner, at Lancafler,. has nothing to fear from 
 the corfairs of Barbary ; and a potter, or cutler, 
 on the Sufquehanna, may fmlle at the menaces of 
 the Britilh navy. Twice the prefent number of 
 American tradefnien, though purchafed by lofmg 
 half the prefent number of American merchants, 
 would produce a very deflrable alteration in the 
 real ftrength and refources of the United States. 
 
 Tlie v/hole force of the banking fyftem has been 
 direded entirely towards the promotion of foreign 
 trade. The encouragement which it aftbrded to 
 domeflic improvement v/as but as by proxy, through 
 the medium of that wealth which commerce ten- 
 ded to produce. But naturally fpeaking, matters, 
 if left more freely to their own operation, and l^fs 
 impeded by mountains of paper money, would 
 have taken a furer courfe. A multitude of manu- 
 facturing villages, planted over the continent, 
 are preferable to an immenfe quantity of (hipping 
 difperfed over the ocean . A carpenter, or a black- 
 fmith, is more likely to be fober, long-lived, and 
 to leave a family behind him, than that part of onr 
 feamen employed in diftant voyages. Dr. Blane, 
 a Scots pbyfician, who {>rved under admiral Rod- 
 
 A a 
 
i86 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 ney, remarks, that faiicrs look, for the mof!: part^ 
 older by ten ^^ears than landfmen of the fame age* 
 Great numbers are annually loft at fea or periHi 
 by the hardfhips peculiar to their profelTion. Per- 
 haps not one-half of the aggregate body enjoy the 
 comforts of a dry death. Of thofe engaged in 
 voyages to foreign countries, only a few are mar- 
 ried. The Tailors of New-Erlgland have the re- 
 putation of being orderly, and attached to their 
 families ; but this is not, in moft parts of the 
 world, the general chara6ler of mariners. Of 
 their extreme utility and value to tlie United 
 States, notice has been formerly taken*. But 
 internal manufacTturers are a ftill more elfential clafs 
 in the fcale of national profperity. If you can find a 
 taylor, or ihoemaker, at the next plantation, it is 
 furely more profitable to employ him than to fend 
 your wheat three or four thoufand miles by fea, 
 to be exchanged- for cloaths and flices. Befides 
 the rill^, and the wade of additional labour in the 
 voyage, the tradefman whom you employ in France 
 or England is not your fellow citizen. A mecha- 
 nic, refiding in America, forms a part of the nation. 
 His earnings are expended among us. His family 
 are blended with and augment the general mafs of 
 population ; v/hereas a failor is often but (lightly 
 conneol:ed with his native country, in which he is 
 indeed a ftranger, while the foreign manufi6lurer, 
 v/ho is to confume your commodities, has no alli- 
 ance whatever with it, but the tranfitory profpecSt 
 of receiving employment. Mr. Gallatint computes 
 the number of American feamen at near forty 
 thoufand. Cf thefe, it is much to fay that fix- 
 teen thoufand are mnrried, and raife families. Here 
 then we have tvv^entv-four thoufand batchelors, to 
 
 * American Annual R-egiilcr, Chap, III. i Pag« 16, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 187 
 
 fupport whofe numbers, recruits are much more 
 frequently wanted than by any other body of men. 
 If they had been on fliore, as mechanics, five out 
 of fix of them would have married, and three 
 children to each, arriving at an adult age, would 
 make an increafe of fixty thoufand people. Thefe 
 hints are thrown out not to depreciate the real 
 value of the banking fyftem, and much lefs of fo- 
 reign commerce ; but merely to Ihew what is now 
 indeed, univerfally granted, that the former has 
 been driven to a ruinous excefs, and that the latter 
 ought not to be encouraged at the expence of do- 
 meftic manufactures, which, of the two fyflems^ 
 greatly deferve the prefei-ence. 
 
 A ihort review v/ill difcover what an enormous 
 mafs of paper has been liTucd in this city. The 
 bank of North America, the eldeft on the continent, 
 was firfl: incorporated by an a6l of congrefs, dated 
 April ifl, 1782. Its prefent charter, granted by 
 the flate of Pennfylvania, bears date the 17th of 
 March, I787» 
 
 Dollars. 
 Its capital flock is reflridled to, 2,000,000 
 
 The acH: of incorporation by congrefs ^ 
 
 of the bank of the United States, j 
 
 was approved on the 251!! of Fe- ^ 10,000,000 
 
 bruary, 179 1. Its capital is limi- 
 ted to, - - - - 
 The ftatute of afTembly for the bank 
 
 of Pennfylvania is dated March 
 
 30th, 1793, 2,nd its flock is not 
 
 to exceed, " ° ~ 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 Total, 15,000,000 
 
 Thus,/ within the fpace of only fcven years, 
 from 1787, to 1793, inclufivCj three batteries of 
 
iS8 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 paper money, extending to fifteen ]\!ILLions of 
 jDvOLLARS, were opened, and flill continue to play 
 againfl the antient fortrefs of gold and illver. The 
 capitals of other banks on the continent amount 
 to about five millions. Bring twice as many tur- 
 kies to the market as you can poiTibly fell ; and 
 the price of money will inllantly rife, or, accor- 
 ding to common ideas, that of turkies will fall. 
 In the fame way, by thrufting fo many thoufand 
 reams of artificial money into the market, gold 
 foon became of much inferior value. Like Swift's 
 pippin, the honefl: old milled dollar, that never de- 
 ceived any body, that makes its vifits always wel- 
 come, and is the only lledfafl friend, found itfelf 
 joflled out of the market by five or fix upftarts. 
 By degrees, < as the operations of the banks exten- 
 ded, the neceffaries of life grew dearer, till, in 
 f()me inftances, they arrived at an intolerable pitch. 
 Three hundred dollars per annum were lately gi- 
 ven for a houfe in VVater-flreet, Philadelphia, that 
 Vv^ould not turn rain, and that had not a fmgle 
 tolerable room. Even on the fl^irts of the city, 
 an hundred dollars are often paid for an hovel of 
 rotten boards, comprehending two or three apart- 
 ments rather wider than a centry box, and which 
 would not, in the vicinage of London, bring a 
 rent of three guineas. It was v/ell obferved, fome- 
 time ago, by an old ^citizen, that, if Philadelphia 
 could get but another bank, we fliould foon pay a 
 dollar for a bunch of afparagus. Some copies of 
 this book will reach France and England ■ inten- 
 ded emigrants are requefled to compare thefe de-' 
 tails with that cant of the peculiar facility with 
 luhick a family can be rai fed in America ; and, in 
 the name of all that is facred, let them not envy 
 ^he happinefs of refiding in an American fea-port. 
 If the capitals of the three banks had extendedj 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 189 
 
 colledively, to three or four millions, they niip^ht 
 have clone fervice ; as fifty drops of laudanum will 
 cure a cholic,' when five hundred would kill the 
 patient. But when congrefs, by a la Vv% which thcj/' 
 had nt)t the fmalleil title to make, abruptly opened 
 an enormous (luice of ten miilions of dollars, they 
 a6led with the forefight of the Ihepherd, who wifh- 
 ed for the Ganges to run through his fields, llic 
 bank of Pennfylvania came next, with its three 
 millions, like the fecond three hundred lafijes on 
 tlie back of a Britifli foldier, who has frolen a cou- 
 ple of hens. No fcarcafm is intended on the foun- 
 ders of this inftitution. They did not forefee its 
 confequences to the public at large. It has been of 
 much pecuniary advantage to the government of 
 this ftate ; and the afi[enibly reafonably fuppofed, 
 that, while fuch great fums were made by banking, 
 they had an equal right, with otliers, to the profit 
 of an adventure. Their eftablifiiment had another 
 elfe^l of fome value. Its operations tended to weak- 
 en the vortex of influence which ten millions of ca- 
 pital gave to the bank of the Ugited States. After 
 this explanation, it may be fafely afi[erted, that the 
 bank of Pennfylvania was injurious to the country, 
 not from any peculiarity in the efuablifliment itfelf, 
 but becaufethe market was previoufly overflocked. 
 In one refpecT; it is greatly fuperior to the Hamilton 
 bank. The government of Pennfylvania derives a 
 confiderable revenue from its bank, and which is 
 faid to defray its whole expences. Congrefs gains 
 only forty thoufand dollars, and even that is ac- 
 quired by a fecond breach of the conflitution, as 
 illegal as the acftof incorporation itfelf. 
 
 Of the ten millions of paper capital held by the 
 bank of the United States, two millions were ad- 
 vanced by government, in virtue of a claufe in the 
 charter. But if it was irregular to found a bank, it 
 
i^o , SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 miifiil^e flili more fo to fport in (liares of it with 
 public money. In the annual reports from the 
 treafury to congi'efs, an hundred and iixty thoufand 
 dollars are ftatcd as the fnareof government in the 
 dividends. The two millions of dollars were bor- 
 rowed, at fix per cent, from the bank itfelf. Thus, 
 afier flriking off an hundred and twenty thoufand 
 dollnrs of intcreft, the clear profit, as above (lated, 
 is only forty thoufand. It is believed, that either of 
 the banks of North-America, or of Pennfylvania, 
 would give a large fam for the additional conve- 
 nience and repute of handling public money. A dif- 
 tinvftion of this nature is intereiling to any banking 
 company. The remittances of revenue from Scot- 
 land to the exchequer at London, pafs, of courfe, 
 through the hands of an Edinburgh banker. The 
 agency is faid to be worth ten thoufand pounds fler- 
 ling per annum, and it fometimes produces a fharp 
 competition. William Ramfay,W"ho is underftood to 
 have a fortune of at leaf!: three or four hundred 
 tiioufand pounds derling, and who was thus far 
 aboveconteflingfora trifle, milTed this employment, 
 fome years ago, in a hard flruggle with fir VVilliam 
 Forbes, the foreman of Thomas Muir's jury. 
 
 From thefe obfervations it refults, that, though 
 banks have promoted the extend on of commerce, 
 the too great amount of their notes in circulation, 
 and the monftrous ufury for which paper opened an 
 avenue, have, in the ifllie, filled Philadelphia with 
 infulvencies. By previoufly flretching the price of 
 labour to twice its natural height*, they have mate- 
 rially impeded the maturity, or rather infancy, of 
 American manufadlures. 
 
 in the prefent, as in other parts of this volume, a 
 
 * From the fcarcity of hands In this country, the price of labour 
 ui!! always be higher, in proportion to th^t of provifions, than it is 
 in Europe. But that will not account for itsprcfent exorbitant rife. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. ,,( 
 
 boWnefs of language has been, fomctimcs, unavoid- 
 able. Before the friends of order haflen to condeirn 
 It, let them look at Mr. Fcniio's cazette cf March 
 
 1"'' 'l?l:- /\^r """^ ^'■^'^^'^ ^hich begins 
 thus. Died laft evening, of a two years con- 
 ^^ lumption, the /lonje of reprejcntatives of the Unit- 
 
 ed States. The remains of this ;«a«v-/,farffrf wo-- 
 
 sTER like unto thofeof the Levite's concubine," 
 &c.— Ihe reft of the paragraph correfponds with 
 Inch a beginning. Mr. Fenno would certainly be 
 very glad if the houfe of reprefentatives were 
 abo inied. If any writer fhould fneak in this wav 
 of thelenate, the fame editor would arraign hiim k 
 a jacobin. Fothe admirers of thefenatorial p-azette 
 an author may reply in the words of Boileau • " S^-' 
 ^1 while you can relifh fuchverfes as thofe of your 
 
 marquis, you will do me a particular pleafure bv 
 
 deipihng mine." 
 
 " If the lledaaeur*," fays citizen Fauchet "h^d 
 contained againft the federal government, the 
 " hundredth part of what is daily to be found in 
 the Gazet e of the United States, againft the di- 
 rectory ; the legiflative body ; and, in general, 
 agamft the republic; fome forward deputies 
 with good realon, perhaps, would, Iope; aeo' 
 have made a motion for calling the direaorv"/^ 
 ^ ah account on the Juhjea. A writer, openJv known 
 ; to De.n the pay of the Britift legation, p^.blifhes, 
 ^ periodically, m Philadelphia, the moft atrocious 
 ... '!'?"'\l/Sainft us; and it is almoft certain, tl-t 
 ■ this libeller is encouraged by all thofe who com- 
 pofe the adminiftrationt." 
 
 Prefident Adams has obligingly afcertained, that 
 this Britin, agent enjoys his patronage, by pJrmit- 
 tmg tlie man to publifti an edition of his Defence. 
 I \ r^™'!! "'■T*"'''^". "'■■='" ■''■'= '■"«"»« of theaireacrv. 
 
192 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 No peiTon has been more feverely attacked by 
 tne friends of order than Mr. Frederick Auguflus 
 Muhlenberg. At the fame time, his political friends 
 have been offended by his cafting vote in favour 
 of Jay's treaty. The following paper^ written by 
 himfelf, explains the motives of his conduct. 
 
 *' Since the decifion of the treaty bufinefs, I 
 *' have been charged with defertingthe republican 
 " ca>iic, and aiSling with duplicity. A fhort hiftory 
 •' or iiate of fads is fubmittcd to impartial 
 " friends. 
 
 *' I was oppofed to the treaty from its firfi: cp- 
 *' pearance, and was one of the committee who 
 *' applied to the executive not to ratify it. When 
 " tlie queiiion for pading the laws necejffary to 
 " carry it into eiievfr was agitate^d in the commit- 
 *' tee of the v/hole, I continued to oppofe to it, 
 *' But finding the numerous petitions in favour of 
 ** it ; the unufual fenfation, and party rancour, it 
 " had occafioned, particularly to the eaftward, and 
 *' confidering that it had been ratified by two-thirds 
 '- of the fenate and the prefident, I did not think 
 *' it was prudent to carry the oppoiition farther, 
 '* unlefs it appeared probable that there would be 
 
 a refpeclable majority in the houfe to counterba- 
 " lance the weight of its friends and fupporters. I 
 " felt a decided beliefthatotherV.'ifeoppofilion would 
 " tend more to injure than benefit the republican 
 
 caufc. I avowed this opinion, at feveral private 
 '*■ meetings of members of the houfe, at one of 
 *' wli i ch I was pointedly aiked what I deemed a refpec- 
 *' table majority, and whether I deemed fifteen, fuch 
 *' as had appeared on the queflion for obtaining 
 ** the papers, a refpeclable one ? I replied that I did, 
 ** and that I thought eight refpedable, but in this in- 
 •* fiance would even be content with five. I ex- 
 " preifed my doubts whether that number would 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 155 
 
 '* eventually appear, although the gentlemen pre- 
 *' fent were of a different opinion. From the know- 
 *' ledge which I had of the lentiments of the members, 
 *' which I exprefTed to feveral of my friends on 
 *' the morningof theday on which the decifion took 
 ** place, it terminated m.uch in the manner that I 
 *' expefted. To many members of the then con- 
 *' grefs I can appeal for the truth of the above ; 
 *• and I challenge any one of my acquaintances, 
 " either in or out of congrefs, to prove that I ever 
 •* pledged myfeif, at all events, to vote againil 
 " appropriations. I had an opinion of my o^vn, 
 *' and was determined to vote as exifting circum- 
 *' ftances fhould dire^Tt to be molt prudent, and for 
 *' the real benefit of my country. As to a feem- 
 ** ing inconriitency in my conduct, w^hen tiie qucf- 
 " tioa was before the lioufe, i equally deny that. 
 " I was for the preamble, w^hich declares the treaty 
 " objeftionable. By calling the yeas and nays, I 
 knew that this opinion, whether it prevailed or 
 not, would be brought on the journals, v/here 
 my name appears in the affirmative. This being 
 ** e[feAed,IcaredleIs about the final decifion, though 
 " the imperious circumxflances which prefentcd 
 " themfelves led me to confent to the meafnre, lea- 
 " ving the refponfibility with thofe who had for- 
 ** med and ratified the treaty, and had been fo 
 "' indefatigable in raifmg the ftorm, and bringing 
 *' thehoufe, and this country, into fo difgraceful a 
 dilemma. If I have erred, I have experienced 
 *' the human lot. If I have injured my country, 
 " which I cannot yet fee, it was not done defign- 
 " edly. Suffice it to fay, I a6led according to the 
 *' beil of my judgement, v/ithout intereflcd views, 
 ** and with a full knowledge that it would injure 
 *' me with thofs v/ho deem themfelves excluilve 
 '* patriots and republicans. But as neither that 
 
 Bb 
 
194 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 '• confideration, nor any interefted views whatever 
 *' have, fo I trufl that they never will have, an 
 " inl^uence on my own opinion and judgment in 
 *' public affairs. Whatever improper motives may 
 " be afcribed to me, a conrGioufneis of having ac- 
 " ted uprightly will confole me, whilfl I am fatif^ 
 ** fied that I have tlie genuine republican intereil: of 
 *' this country as much at heart, as any one, though 
 '* I may raife leis clamour about it. So far from 
 ** having deferred it, I can with greater truth and 
 ** propriety ailert, that many of my quondam re- 
 ^' publican friends have deferted me, and treated 
 ** me uDgeneroufly. 
 " Philadelphia, 1 
 ^^ January ijh 1798.'* / 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 General rejnarks on the [late of the union. — Dearth 
 of provifions. — Hard/hips of the poor .^^ Met ho els 
 i?z Europe to prevent f amine.-' — Plan for relieving 
 the poor. "^Unequal prejjure of taxes. — Double- 
 head's horfes.'—OppreJflveJuperiority of the Ame- 
 rican landed inter eft. ^^On the prefent j car city of 
 cafJi. — hnportance of Ainerican manufaChires .* — ■ 
 Hiftory of the American navy ^-^—Summary of the 
 prefent Jituation of the United States, 
 
 1 T is clear, at the firft glance, that fome- 
 thing mufl be unnatural in the prefent condition of 
 the United xState^.,, Except in fome parts of New- 
 England, they are fi'ee from the cxpcnfive ufurpa- 
 tion of an eftabliraed church. Induftry is not cranil^- 
 ed by corporation laws. Excellent land may be had 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 195- 
 
 for a trifle. The people, in proportion to their 
 numbers, are taxed, upon an average, above iGwea 
 times lefs than thofe of Britain-'^. Yet with all theie 
 circumftances, fo prodigioufly favourable to prof- 
 perity, government flaggers under a heavy debt, 
 df which the interefl is paid by an effort. Congrefs 
 want to borrow farther funis, and it is hard to fee 
 where the fmallefl loan can be had. Their inge- 
 nuity has been racked in devifing taxes, of which 
 fome were unprodut^ive, like that upon fnuif, and 
 others, like the fugar excife, wereoppreffive. Both 
 impofb and internal taxes are carried as far as they 
 can go ; and the laft and prefent houfe of^reprefen- 
 tatives have, by a large majority, rejected a land- 
 tax. 
 
 Within lefs than nine years from the birth of her 
 new conflitutiont, America feems to have com- 
 pleted the career of her funding fyftem, and to be 
 as firmly wedged in all its evils, as the monarchy 
 of France was, jufi; before it expired. By fea, an 
 attempt was made to build fix frigates. After dri- 
 velling for fome years, without being able to finifh 
 them, the propofed number was reduced to three. 
 By land, it has been found burdenfome to fupport 
 an eftablifhment of three thoufand regulars. At fea, 
 our commerce has been plundered with impunity, 
 by every nation that chofe to do fo ; while the 
 whole weftern frontier has been violated by a few 
 folitary tribes of favages, who make treaties only 
 to break them, and whofe fufpenfion of hoflility is 
 
 * If this country contains five millions of inhabitants, the net 
 amount of taxes for the year ending on September 3cth, 1796, came 
 to a dollar and one-third per head. Britain has a population of ten 
 millions. They now (January 1798) are faid to pay twenty-two mil- 
 lions and an half fterling of annual taxes, which make ten dollars 
 per head. The fupplies for the current year are not here included. - 
 
 + Congrefs met, for the firft time, at New- York, on April i^j 
 
ig^ SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 always courted by government with frefh prefents. 
 It is hard to conceive a more confummatepicTliirc of 
 political debility. With excellent. Tailors, and the 
 bed fnip timber in the world, America cannot ob- 
 tain a fleet. With a militia of immenle numbers, 
 the Indians are yet permitted to murder families by 
 tUe dozen. 
 
 In the fea-port towns of this country provinons 
 were, for Ibme years pail, at a higher price than, 
 in common fealons, they coft in any part of Europe, 
 Yet, in 1797, ^^e exports comprifed an hundred 
 and forty one thoufand bufnels of wheat ; tv/o mil'- 
 lions one hundred^and eighly-feven thoufand bufliels 
 of other grain and pulfe ; fix hundred and eighty- 
 feven thoufand barrels of flour ; an hundred and 
 feventy-nine thoufand barrels of meal and bread ; 
 an hundred and tij^irty-eight thoufand tierces of rice ; 
 two hundred and one thoufand barrels of beef, 
 pork, and lard ; four hundred thoufand quintals, and 
 fifty-fix thoufand barrels offifli ; twenty-three thou- 
 fand hundred weight of cheefe ; twenty-eight thou- 
 fand firkins of butter ; and fix hundred and ninety- 
 five thoufand bulhels of potatoes and onions. Nor 
 is this year felecled for any peculiar magnitude of 
 exports. In 1790, there were fhipped feven hundred 
 and tv»'enty-four thoufand barrels of fiour ; in 1791, 
 fix hundred and nineteen thoufand; in 1792, eight 
 hundred and twenty- four thoufand; in 1793, ^^^^ 
 million and foventy-four thoufand 3 and, in 1794, 
 €ight hundred and twenty-eight thoufand. During 
 1796, an hundred and ninety-feven thoufand bar- 
 rels of flour were fliipped at the port of Philadel- 
 phia only. In the marili-market of Baltimore, five 
 hundred turkies have been fometimes fold in a fni- 
 gle day. New-York is famous for the peculiar ex- 
 cellence and variety of its fifxi; and Philadelphia 
 4i amply fupi^lied with every article of fubfiflcnce. 
 
H I S T O II Y O F AMERICA. 197 
 
 How then did it happen,. that tbefe markets were, 
 for fo long a period, exorbitantly dear? How did 
 it come to pals that, wliile America kept other na- 
 tions from llarving, the manufai!l:urers, and la- 
 bouring poor, in the fca-ports, and through fome 
 parts of the country, were condemned to extortion ? 
 At fifteen dollars per barrel, a pound of flour 
 comes to four-pence, and one-feventh flerling. Add 
 one-third for the profit of the baker. It then cods 
 fix-pence flerling, or ten-pence currency. At this 
 price, a labouring man, with a dolI?ir per working 
 day, a wife and four children, could only buy, out 
 of his dollar, nine or ten pounds of bread; and on 
 Sunday he mufl have faded. For fix perfons this 
 pittance was jail: able to keep foul and body toge- 
 ther. But what was he to do for a relifn to ills bread ? 
 Himfelf and family could not go naked. Afwarm of 
 incidents v/ere to rulh upon his pocket^^. 
 
 Each day commences with a cloud of biils. 
 For taylors, iiurfes, fpelling-books, and piiis; 
 To-night, more cradles he rr.uft buy or borrow. 
 And a twelfth fexton's fee pay down to-morrow. 
 
 Houferent, alfo, was an important item. He had,, 
 if in town, to pay, at lead, forty dollars per an- 
 num for fome hole, befide which, an EngliPn far- 
 mer's pig-dye was another temple of Ephefus. It is 
 amazing to think of the patience with which poor 
 people do, in this country, endure fuch treatment ; 
 and of the profound filence, regarding their wrongs, 
 that is obferved by our admirable newfpapers. 
 When a tradefman cannot, with his utmofl induflry, 
 keep his children from ftarving ; when not a fingle 
 flatute interpofes for his relief, what ought he to 
 
 * In 1780, in the midil of a bloody war, in a country compara- 
 lively barren, and over-loaded with innGimerable taxes, fourteen 
 ounces of the fiaeft wheaten bread were fold at Kdinburgh, for ono 
 penny ilerling. 
 
198 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 care who fiiall be prefident, or what becomes of the 
 legidature of the flate wherein he lives, or of the 
 reprefentatives of the union ? The man to whom 
 government does not exte.nd fiiitable protection, 
 has no obligation to feel towards it either gratitude, 
 attachment, or relpeLT:. The wages of labour did 
 not rife in any thing like an equal proportion to the 
 price of provifions, and the general expence of liv- 
 ing.- Thus the poor were placed, like Tantalus, jufl: 
 within reach of plenty, which they were forbid- 
 den to talle. The bed eccnomiil in Philadelphia 
 would be puzzled to fupport a family of fu^ per- 
 fbns, though he had ten dollars per week, when 
 flour was at fifteen, or even twelve dollars, per bar- 
 rel. But it is certain that great numbers of tradei^ 
 men and labourers protracted the exiflence of them- 
 felves and their families, upon a w^eekly income of 
 fix or eisrht dollars, while flour flood at fifteen dol- 
 lars, and while fome of Mr. Thomas Wiliing's com- 
 purgators* were borrowing and lending wind-bills 
 and paper dollars to each other, at live per cent, a 
 irionth, to facilitate the exportation of feven hun^ 
 dred thoufand barrels of flour. Both fides of this 
 picflure explain why the prifon of Philadelphia has 
 long been as populous as a bee-hive, and why, in 
 the yellow fever of Augufl, 1797, numbers of citi- 
 zens were compelled to remain and perifl), becaufe 
 tl^ey could dot mufler the expences requilite for a 
 removal. The poor form the pedeftal on which fo- 
 ciety does ultimately refi: ; and this is the degree of 
 attention which they and their hardfliips meet with, 
 from the government and police of this wifefl of 
 nations. 
 
 Such a vafl: and fadden rifain the rate of fubfiflence 
 mufi:, in England, have produced an aclual famine, 
 
 * Sec the laft chapter. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 199 
 
 Jind thoLifands were fure to have died of hunger, 
 though admimftration would undoubtedlyhave done 
 every thhig poflible to prevent it. A London nev/.{^ 
 paper of December, 1795, ^^ysj that two millions 
 llerlinghad, in that year, been paid for bounties on 
 the importation of corn. This bounty proved a trap- 
 door to American merchants. Flour was bought 
 here at fourteen dollars per barrel, and fold in Li- 
 verpool for eight dollars. The bounty might, per- 
 haps, cover the expence of freight. Members 
 of parliament, and others, entered into refolutions 
 for eating coarfe bread, and the homelinefs of 
 that ferved up at the royal table was defcribed, 
 in a miniderial print, v/lth minutenefs and ex- 
 ultation. But in America, mifery, like that then 
 felt in England, can hardly take place ; becaufc 
 the cheapnefs of land outweighs many iegilla- 
 tive imperfedions. Nine-tenths of people arc 
 farmers, and of confequence take care, in the firft 
 place, to feed themfclves. Of the refl, a large 
 majority pofTefs property of fome kii^d, and do not 
 live, as the phrafe is, fiom hand to mouth. Hence 
 the pollitive fafFerers formed a much leffer propor- 
 tion to the community than they would have done 
 in France, ,or England. Now, it always happens 
 that a poor man, refidingin the midll of ten others 
 richer than himfelf, contrives to jofllc on with 
 more eafe than if all his neighbours were, like him, 
 neceflitous. This is one main reafon why the 
 more dependent clafs in the fea-ports did not en- 
 dure that awful extremity of diflrefs which, in 
 1795, almofh overwhelmed Britain. Befides, if a 
 poor maa has a num.erous family, he can find 
 Ibme perfon who v/ill take healthy children on an 
 indenture, as fervants or apprentices*. 
 
 * This is the cafe in Pennfylvania, but New-England difTcrs 
 from it. A perfon there will, it is faid, be glad to fupport his 
 {f>r\ during an apprenticefhip, for the fake of his learning the 
 trade. 
 
%00 SK E T C H E S O F T H S 
 
 f But, for thefe alleviating circumflances, no thanks 
 are due to the rulers of America ; and though 
 people did not abfolutely die of hunger, yet there 
 exilted between that and_ competency many modes 
 of iubftantial hard fortune. It was culpable in 
 our legiflators to (land tamely by, while part of 
 its citizens laboured under fuch peculiar penury. 
 Yet it is more eafyto point out misfortunes than 
 to provide an etFetStual remedy.- In Europe, five 
 different methods have been practifcd to prevent or 
 to remove the diftrelTes of famine. One of thefe 
 is to prolfer a bounty on the inflant importation of 
 foreign grain. The fecond gives premiums for 
 the improvement of agriculture. As for Ameri- 
 can fcarcity, both of thefe plans are out of the 
 queftion. Provifions always abound, but the poor 
 cannot fometimes get at them. A third expedient 
 is to prohibit by law the exporting of victuals, 
 when they have rifen in the market beyond a cer- 
 tain price. The maridme parts of Britain are, 
 with this view, divided into difrricfls*, and the (he- 
 riff of each county, has ander fomc reftridions, 
 Ji difcretionary powef of opening or fliutting 
 the ports. But the Britidi corn lav/s do not invite 
 imitation. The^/ propagate fo much confu- 
 fion and mifchief as to difcour^ge regulations of 
 that n^.tur€. A fourth fource of relief has bxcn 
 by the difiiribution of money, or provilions, at 
 the public expence. In the cafe of the fire at Sa- 
 vannah, the houfe of reprefentatives determined 
 that the cdndiitution did not allow them to beflow 
 charity. The- aflembly of Penfylvania, however, 
 gkve, on the fame occafion, fifteen thoufand dol- 
 lars. But this prz^ftice of donations, befides being 
 
 ■■-r 
 
 * See rartico'ars in TZr Political Progufs of Britaifi, Part iftj 3"^ 
 iediiion, Chap. 4: a. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 26t 
 
 altogether a dirccH: and heavy expence, becomes 
 veiy liable to abufe. 
 
 A fifth fcheme, praiflifed in Geneva, and Swit- 
 zerland, is to have large granaries conflantly flock- 
 ed with' flour. By a peculiar procefs of beating 
 it into a hard fubftance, flour is preferved, Vv^ith- 
 out injury, for feveral years, as lord Gardenflone 
 was aifured on the fpot, by people concerned in 
 the budnefs. Nov/, although congrcfs cannot give 
 money, they can lend it. Fifty thoufand dolkri-. were, 
 in 1795, appropriated for trading with the Indi- 
 ans, and, in 1796, an hundred and fifty thoufand dol- 
 lars*. Congrefs have alfo wandered to the depth 
 of two millions of dollars in banking. It would 
 feeni as agreeable both to found policy, and to the 
 conflitution, to eflablilh granaries in a few of the 
 principal towns on the fea-coaft that are moft lia- 
 ble to a rife of markets. Individual pride, and 
 Tome rules of rellric^ion, would hinder the rich, or 
 thofe in eafy circumflances, from battening upon 
 this inftitution. Let a number of poor families 
 be enrolled, and fupplied from this fource with 
 flour, at all feafons of the year, for fix dollars per 
 barrel. This would place the lower clafTes more 
 at their cafe, and tend greatly to cheapnefs of 
 labour, increafe of emigration, and the facility 
 of efbablifning manufactures. 
 
 Befides the good policy of fuch a plan, of which 
 the above hints are a faint outline, juftice requires 
 retribution to the inhabitants of fea-ports, who 
 bear, beyond all proportion, the greateft weight 
 of public taxes. In 1796, the duties on merchan- 
 dize and tonnage amounted to twelve times more 
 than the whole produce of internal taxes. But 
 it is evident that the inhabitints of the fea-port 
 
 * Folwell's edition of Acls of Congrefs, vol, iii, p. 252 and 259. 
 C c 
 
ioi SKETCHES OP THE 
 
 towns confume a greater quantity of the imports 
 than an equal number of people in the country^ 
 efpecially at a diftance from the fea-coall:. For 
 inilance, take the article of clothing. In towns, 
 a weaver is generally a rare phsenomenon. It is 
 believed that Philadelphia does not contain even a 
 fingle weaver. But in the country, and efpeci- 
 ally remote from the fca, the people make their 
 own cloth. In the debates on Mr. Madifon's re- 
 iolutior,*, general Scott, of ^Vailiington county, 
 in thls-flate, obferved, that the uwion contained 
 ,aboiit four millions and five hundred.thoufand peo- 
 ple, and that their bedding and cloathing could 
 Hot come to lefs than ten dollars annually per 
 head, being, in the whole, forty- five millions of dol- 
 lars. '' Where faid he, '^ do all thefe manufactures 
 ^' come from ? Suppofe that Britilli imports were 
 *' two millions fterling, and one half of them in 
 *' clothing. The amount is only about four mil- 
 *^ lions and live hundred thoufand dollars, or one- 
 ^' tenth part of the annual confumption.^' None 
 of thefe calculations can be rigidly exacT:*. Yet 
 they clearly fl^ew that one great branch of impoll; 
 falls by far the moft heavily on people in the fea- 
 ports, who, at lead to the fouth of New-England, 
 wear, in general, Britifli or Irifti manufactures, 
 \vhile inland inhabitants are fpinning and weaving 
 for themfelves. Other articles, fuch as wine, tea, 
 fagar, and coffee, are ufed much more commonly 
 in towns than in the country. It has always been 
 a favourite maxim in congrefs to tiirow the flrefs 
 of taxation upon iniyofl:, and recently on excife. 
 Hence, it is likely, that the fifty or fixty thoufand 
 inhabitants of Philadelphia pay thrice as much 
 
 * The duty ort articles of wearing does not, probably, exceed 
 cne-fourth part of the whole impoft, Confult Mr, Galliatin p. iS. 
 
HISTORY O^' AMERICA. 203 
 
 money to government as the four weflern coun- 
 ties of Pennfylvania, the flates of Vermont, 
 TenncfTee, and Kentucky collectively. While the 
 legiflature give fix hundred and twenty dollars 
 for the fare of Doublehead's horfcs*, and lixty-four 
 thoufand dollars per annum in the thape of pcn- 
 fions and rations to the favagest, it would not 
 certainly be extravagant to lay out fifty or an hun* 
 dred thoufand, upon granaries for the benefit of 
 a mod ufeful body of citizens. 
 
 The landed intereil; enjoys, indeed, entire af- 
 cendany, in the federal government. The con- 
 iiitution, article i. fe»5lion ix. fays, that ^' n6 
 " tax or duty f!iall be laid on articles '^exported 
 *' from any Hate/' Section x. apparently rev erfes 
 this article by declaring, that " no flate fliall, 
 *' without the confcnt of congrefs ^ lay any impofts 
 " or duties on imports, or exports^ except what 
 *^ may be abfolutely neceiTary for executing its 
 '' infpcc^ion laws." By the iirfl claufe, defining 
 the power of congrefs, they are difabled from lay- 
 ing any duty on exports. By the fecond, they can 
 exprefsly grant a power to individual ftates of lay- 
 ing duties on exports, beyond what is needful 
 for the purpofe of inrpe<n:ion. They are authori- 
 zed to give a right, which they dare not exercife 
 in their own capacity. But painng over this feem- 
 ing inconfiftency, the received doi^rine is tKat 
 no duty can be levied on exports. By this ex- 
 emption, the farmers gain an immenfe, and appa- 
 rently an unfair advantage. A barrel of flour, or 
 a hogdiead of tobacco, when exported, brings as 
 
 * '* To David Whitmore, on account of horfc keeping for fundry 
 
 « Indians, 620 dollars." 
 
 Trcafurers Accounts f^r l']Cj6t p. 12.3, 
 
 + Mr. WoIcott*s report for 1797, p. 22, where the firil five arti- 
 cles of the Indian department^ are exclufively for the ufc of ladian;^ 
 ^nd come to that fum. 
 
204 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 clear profit to its owner as a loaf of refined fa- 
 gar ; nor is it obvious that there ihoiild be a diflinc- 
 tion in the right of taxing them. When feven or 
 eight liundred thoufand barrels of flour are expor- 
 ted in a fingje year, at the exorbitant price of 
 twelve or fifteen dollars, one fhould imagine that the 
 farmer might well afford to pay a duty of one dollar 
 per barrel. This clafs reap undifturbed the profit of 
 ^n immenfe exportation, while they call: the burden 
 of public expence almoft entirely on the manufac- 
 turers, and confumersof exports. A land tax lias 
 been oppofed as impracticable to be levied. A du- 
 ty on exports might be collected without the addi- 
 tion of many revenue officers, 9.rid perhaps without 
 the fmallefl increafe of their prefent number. 
 
 From the prodigious advance in the amount of 
 exports, a quefiion has been ftarted as totliefcarcity 
 of money, for the two lail: years. Mr. Harper, in 
 his firH: letter to his confcituents, fays, p. 21, that 
 ^' it would be very much for our intereft for Bri- 
 '' tain to remain at war with all Europe, becaufe 
 ^' flie and her enemies are obliged to purchafe our 
 *' proviftons at an eiior.vioi^s price^ and our neutra- 
 ^^ lity gives us immenfe advanta?,es in the carrying 
 ^^ trade. ^^' If foreign nations could be prevented 
 from fea-robbery, the United States might certainly 
 derive benefit, though it would be purchafed on 
 ihocicing conditions. There is a greater advantage 
 to be hoped from it. The contending powers, by 
 the v/eakening of each other, may, for fome years, 
 be difabled from tyrannizing fo much as they would, 
 perhaps, be otherwife difpofed to do, over the de~ 
 fencelefs navigation of America. The captures 
 which' they have made afford one great reafon for 
 the decline of credit. This lofs falls chiefly on the 
 mercantile interefi:, and the fcarcity of cafli is mofl 
 felt in that quarter. With augmented profits, the 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 205 
 
 farmers have, undoubtedly, much augmented their 
 expence of houfe-keeping. Their demands for ma~ 
 nufadlures increaicd confiderably, at lead in forac 
 parts of the union, during 1796. But beddes, the 
 country holds out an immenfe field for impi'ovc- 
 ment, and it is improving rapidly in fpite of the 
 alledged fcarcity of cafli. x\ man dealing to the va- 
 lue pL ten thoufand dollars, makes often .larger 
 gains, than from turning over only two thouiand , 
 but as his projeds frequently augment much falter 
 than his capital, he very ofien finds himfelfmore 
 ftraitened than when his expelled profits were 
 much fmaller. The fpirit of exceffive land-jobbing 
 on one fide may turn out as dillrefling as that of 
 over-trading on the other. EacK difteniper will, in 
 due time, partly cure itfelf. If matters could be 
 reduced to a proper level, it will be found that 
 there has been rather a diftortion, and partial mif- 
 application, than a diminution of general wealth, 
 whi^h, when matters can be duly tempered and ba- 
 lanced, has undoubtedly, within the lall three years, 
 received fome increafe. In every part of the coun^ 
 try, the area of cultivated land is hourly augment- 
 ing. Every newfpapcr announces the formation of 
 additional fettlements, the planning of roads and 
 bridges, and fometimes of canals, and though our 
 numbers are daily augmenting, yet every man con- 
 net'l:cdwit'h agriculture, finds employment and com- 
 penfation. Withinxthe lafl twelve months, land has^ 
 indeed, fallen much in its value, and efpecially in 
 the back countries ; but that is becaufe it had been 
 racked beyond its real worth by the dreams of fpe- 
 culation. That fever is now fubfiding, and the pulfe 
 of prices, by returning to its former and more ileady 
 height, promifes, not a decline ©f vigour, but the 
 reftoration of political health. One of our infolvent 
 land-jobbcrsj whofe bills are advertifed for aucTrion, 
 
'*'5i«^6 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 and knocked down at a (lulling or fix-pence per 
 pound, will, perhaps, tell a creditor, that he is one 
 of the richeft men in the country^ but that the 
 bankruptcies in Europe caiifed the return of bis 
 bills under proteU, and he cannot fubmit to fell his 
 lands, at this jun(n:ure, whei^ they would not bring 
 oiic-hgif of their real value. He, therefore, locks 
 himfelf up, and till the return of better days, bids 
 defiaiire to jallice. In this explanation, however, 
 that he gives, there occurs no accrual deftruaion of 
 real property, but of that which was imaginary. He 
 obtained immenfe fums in paper money, which .he 
 never could have procured in gold and fllver. He 
 became entangled with the brokers, at thirty or {]xty 
 per cent, amd, in his explofion, ruined an immenle 
 number of creditors. Still, however, the land re- 
 m:m'i3. The grafs will grow; the corn will ripen; 
 andthe ifl:>ilwiil, in due time, bring its natural price, 
 yift as if he and his projects never had exilied. The 
 r^in of fo many individuals is a confiderable mif- 
 fortune ; but ftiU it is one of that kind from which 
 th- coun!:ry r.t large, though not the immediate fuf- 
 ferers, will foon recover. The bankof Ayr, in North 
 Britain, which broke near thirty years ago, is a cafe 
 in point. After a fhort, but rapid progrels, it ftopt 
 payment, having granted credit almofl indifcrimi- 
 natcly, to every adventurer. To have feen the lifts 
 of bankruptcies, and the notices of the fale of lands, 
 one miglp/c have fuppofed that the nation was irre- 
 deemably ruined. Befides every other fort of mif- 
 chicf, laud wasj within a few years, fold, to pay the 
 company's debts, to the value of feven hundred 
 thoufand pounds fterling. But amidil all this alarm, 
 it Vw-as not an extin(!l:ion but only a transference of 
 property. Agriculture continued to extend its pro- 
 grefs, \v\th more than iifual rapidity ; and notwitfi- 
 flanding the wreck of fo much private credit^ the 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA, ,,. 
 
 effeas were not vifible in the general mafs of pro^ 
 perty. This faft, however unaccountable, was re- 
 iierally remarked at the time; and as the natural 
 relources of America are infinitely greater than thofe 
 of North. Britain, flie will overcome this embarrafP 
 ment with full greater f^iciiity. 
 
 To haften this amendment, a check Hionld be 
 given to the enormous extent of paper currency. 
 No expeoient appears lefs dil-lreiling to individuals 
 or more fimple and expeditious in its operation than 
 to aoohOi all notes under fifty dollars. An inter- 
 val of time would, no doubt, be granted to prevent 
 too fudden a jerk in the ftate of circulation. Some 
 effeftual fleps ought likewife to be taken for the 
 fupprelfion of ufury. Till that bramble fhall be 
 gruobed from the roots, all other regulations will 
 be found incomplete, 'for the recovery of mcrcn- 
 tile foundnefs. This truth is fo trite as to be re- 
 peated in this place with rciuaance. But the prac- 
 tice of exacling enormous interefl, has become ib 
 frequent, and its profelTorB are now fo numerous 
 that to give, or to receive thirty per cent, is not con- 
 lidered as difgraceful. 
 
 It cannot be too often repeated that till the e- 
 orbitant quantity of paper money /liall be reduced 
 and till the^pracTtice of ufury fhall alfo be checked! 
 all hopes of being able to manufacture entireiv for 
 ourfelves muft end with difappointment The 
 importance of that object has been flated in an 
 advertifementof a late edition of Shakefpeare, and 
 the following extract merits prefervation. ''The 
 independence of the United States cannot be 
 ^^fecure tillwe fhall be much farther removed 
 than at prefent, from the neceffity of importinjr 
 ^ the manufacWes of Europe. It is ridiculon! 
 
 and humiliating, that we fliould ib frequently 
 fend four taoufaiid niiles for ^ p*ir of blankets, 
 
2o8 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 " a pen -knife, a pfalm-book- and a quire of pa- 
 ^' per. This fitpation, fo unnatural and abfurd, 
 ^' cannot laft long, and, the fooner that we put 
 '"^ an end to it, the better. It was the conflant 
 *' policy of Britain, to rivet the (hackles of this 
 *' country, by ftraUgling in their cradle, her in- 
 *' fant manufactures. Chatham, whofe f!:atue has 
 " been ereCled and demolillied hi this country, 
 '' declared, in parliament, that he would not fuf- 
 *' fer the colonies to manufat^iire a hob-nail for a 
 ^' horfedioe. If this antagonill: of America, could 
 '' exprefs himielf in fuch language, wc know upon 
 *^ what quarter public intereft calls for exertion. 
 ^' VVe no longer fend for hob-nails, becaufe, by a 
 ''late ingenious invention, we make nails better, 
 ^^ quicker, and cheaper than any other people ; and 
 '• we may ibon expecft other difcoveries of utility. 
 '' Of manufatftures few deferve encouragement 
 ^' better than that of paper. But it can never 
 ^' reach maturity, while we continue to import 
 *• annually from Europe, fuch immenfe quanti- 
 *^ ties of printed books. As paper itfelfismade 
 *' out of rags, and as this is the only ufe to which 
 *^ they can be put, the price of paper manufadrur- 
 *' cd in America, is, in a great meafure, clear 
 " gain to the country. This is one reafon why 
 ^' the ere(ri:ion of paper mills claims patronage 
 *' from every friend to the United States. 
 
 " But that is not all. By extending the fcale of 
 *^ making paper, we may exped: to lovvxr its price, 
 '^^ and by lowering the price of paper, we encou- 
 ^' rage another great and moll; ufeful trade, that 
 "'of printing. The latter, within the laft ten 
 '^ years, has arifen in this city from almoft nothing, 
 ^' to a confiderable extent. Typography augments 
 " the flock of public knowledge, and knowledge 
 '' improves the mgrals, and flimulates the diligence 
 
jnSTORYOF AMERICA 
 
 <'tntcr:i/7f:;- ^°/«r^'- is Britain to ."r 
 " hti I' u ^"' ^^^P"'^' "i^t no book which 
 has ever been printed in that ifland is nZ^A 
 . ^o be imported into it. If fach a book ft]]™ 
 ^, of print the nation niuft remain ^.i^houfi nn 
 lefs a Bntifhbookreller fball republS' ' ""* 
 « Pn.V '^ .confiderations fhevv the propriety of 
 " tha- r^'"^ ' I'ubiicatipn liJce ours!^ ItTsIinfe 
 - tak: i!TT" "'^"^'^"^<^'^»-" fhouid beg n to 
 
 :: kinds of domeftic td"'.":,. ^%rr]t :- 
 
 ^eaual method to explode the fcl emes of t 
 c '-^'g^^onopoly, and 'the confpirac es of Fui^ 
 ; pean defpotifm, to invigorate tIe POLiJrr.T 
 " bSs'^^r:.?"" y-^-'^-tes:tTexte:K e' 
 " S^ndenS"' '^■°'^""^^' ^"'^ ^"^"^ '^- in- 
 
 of'^hfat^e^iS toS' ^'^P'"' "°''^^ -- t^''- 
 
 Such ^^Si^:r::::: zt:c^- -^i^- 
 
 ronnfrTr f^ 1 ^^cvcrcan lacceed in thi^; 
 
 eT ^he Srf. P"'-Pf ' 'i'i -ages are redt 
 
 aT]er.^:f5Sr- etieX:^rr;7 
 
 now eniov rte T?°''r"'f"' '^ '^''' which we 
 
 £fl,u',^e of P r',^'''" '"'''"^ n,embersoft4 
 
 commiffion Was in i fH^ "}»"7'th a puUic 
 
 public order Rn^^^' "'"* °^ difrefpeft to 
 P order. But the not was perpetrated on the 
 
 •P^S^S. -f "'ft°rrof,796, Char.VII. 
 
ir<5 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 federal ^i(jiQ^ and that would have beert accepted 
 *as an ample excnle, by his prciient employers, al- 
 though his rabble had burnt the ftate-houfe. No 
 aiiortal, excepting a Philadelphian l?oardof admiral- 
 ty, ever dreamed of paying the captain of a fliip 
 for three or four years before fiie was built. This 
 is an undifguifed theft of public money ; yet al- 
 though theft is its only proper name, not one of 
 our reprefentatives has dared to challenge it. The 
 ialary is nine hundred dollars per annum ; and 
 fuppofing it held for three years before the launch, 
 then each of our three 'captains has cofl two thou- 
 sand feven hundred dollars before he had any vef- 
 fel to command. Our executive might as well 
 have call thefe eight thoufand one hundred dollars, 
 into the Delaware. The duke of Richmond's tax 
 upon coals is a larger but not a plainer job; nor 
 has the falary of Dr. James Meafe, at Mud Illand, 
 been more woefully thrown away* From fuch a 
 fample the inference is that prodigality has engraf- 
 ted itfelf upon every other part of the expendi- 
 ture of the eleven hundred thouland dollars ; and 
 that it is imprudent to truft our exifling ru- 
 lers with any money that can be kept out of their 
 hands. Thefe penfions to captains are like an 
 Englifh county^mark on a fliarper's cheek, which 
 at once unfolds the recefies of his charader. This 
 would have been a powerful anfwer from Mr* 
 Chriftie, toMefTrs. Parker andSwanwick's defence 
 of the hx frigates. 
 
 • On June 24th, 1797, Mr. Gallatin faid, in con- 
 grefs, that the building of the frigates would coil 
 double, and the payment of their fcan^en, almoft 
 treble of what they would have done in Britain. 
 This is.one of the confequences of an.exccfs of pa- 
 per money. A million of dollars, in 1796, were not, 
 in reality, worth ;nore than feven hundred thou- 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. sir 
 
 fiind, or thereby, three years before. The altera- 
 tion in value has been ieverely felt by governments 
 From 0<f^ober id, 1795, to September golh, 1796, 
 the charges of the military department amounted 
 to twelve hundred andiixty-three thouiand dollars. 
 Of this fum, it is likely that one-third or fourth part 
 would have been faved, if flour had not rifen be- 
 yond eight dollars .per barrel. If congrefs had been 
 able to lay a duty upon exports, ^his inconvenience 
 mud: have found a remedy. A duty of three dollars 
 per barrel on exportation was fure of making flour as 
 much cheaper at home. But at prefent, the imme- 
 furable influence of the landeii interefl overbears 
 every other part of the community. Commerce 
 cannot be prote^Slcd without a fleet, and yet the 
 farmers, who reap the largefl fhare of the benefits 
 of commerce, refufe even a penny to build one. 
 *'*Youfhall not tax our exports," fays theconftitu- 
 tion. ''You fliali not tax our lands," exclaim the 
 farming majority in congrefs. "Buy our flour, 
 *' at double the former price. Enfure and (liip it, 
 '' You and the underwriters mnfl look to that. If 
 " we are paid, it is a matter of indifference in our 
 ^' eyes, whether your vefiels are captured or not. 
 *' We fiiall not pay for mounting a iingle tier of 
 *' guns to protedl them." The farmers have treated 
 the merchants v/ith as much ungenerofityj as the 
 latter have exhibited towards their feamen^'. 
 
 The original objedl of the frigates was to fail to 
 the coaftof Africa, and attack the Algerines. The 
 abfurdity of that plan has already been provedt ; 
 but the inference does not follow, that American 
 commerce can ever be fecure without a navy. Four 
 material objections occur againfl; proceeding, at pre- 
 fent, in the bufinefs. Fir/l^ Government has no 
 
 *Hi{lory of 1796, Chap. III. 
 
 i American Annual Regifter, Chap. IXL <& IX* 
 
212 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 money, and could not borrow a fum equal to any 
 ferious equipment. Second^ Unleis there is either 
 a land-tax, or an amendment of the conftitution, 
 as to taxing of exports, the treafurymufl always be 
 in a mendicant condition, and incapable to fiipport 
 a navy, though it were built for nothing. Iliird^ 
 It is admitted, that the frigates have coft much 
 more than they fhould have done, after: allow- 
 ing for the rife of wages. Hence, it is difagreeable 
 to vote money for fuch bad managers. Fourth^ If 
 Mr. Ad am 5 pofTeffed a fleet of any tolerable force, 
 he would never be quiet, until he got into fome 
 quarrel with the French. navy. x\n American fqua- 
 dron is highly needful, but till the fyllem of finance 
 has been improved, the plan of building one cannot 
 be fuGcefsful. At the fame time, till public money 
 fnall be under more frugal m.anagement, it could 
 hardly be advifeable. 
 
 The following is a fliort hiflory of the progrefs 
 and expence of the federal navy. On March 27th, 
 1794, ^" ^^ P^^ f<^r building four frigates of for- 
 ty-four guns, and two of thirty-fix. A fecond a6l 
 of June 9th, 1794, appropriated fix hundred and 
 eighty-eight thouiand, eight hundred and eighty 
 eight dollars, and eighty two cents '^ to defray the 
 '' expences which fliall be incurred, purfuant to" 
 that acSt. This expreffion is not correft. The 
 former law had likewife appointed the number of 
 the crews, their wages and rations ; but the ap- 
 propriation of money, of June 9th, did not extend 
 to thefe articles. It regarded only the charge of 
 building the fix frigates*. The eflimates of this 
 expence bore an appearance of great exaftnefs, 
 
 * In the Aurora, of January i8th, 1798, a writer fays that this 
 fum comprehended y/.v months pro^ijions, 1 find nothing in the fta- 
 tvite book to fu|)port fuch an affertion. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 213 
 
 when they extended to eighty-two odd cents. But 
 notice the fequel. Early in June, 1794, ^" ^^^ 
 paft for the equipinent of galHes, and that of June 
 9th, the lad day of the felhon, appropriated eigh- 
 ty thoufand dollars for this ufe.- 'I'he law for 
 the gallies was iince repealed, and, on April 20th, 
 1796, congreis added the fum appointed for them 
 to the fund for the frigates. At the fame time, 
 the latter were reduced from fix to three, viz. to 
 two of forty-four guns and one of thirty-llx. 
 
 Notwithllandingthis redudion^ an at^ of March 
 gd, 1797, granted an hundred and feventy*two 
 thoufand additional dollars "^ for finifhing the fri- 
 '^ gates United States^ Conjlitiition^ and Conftella- 
 '"• tion ;" befides five thoufand for the pay and fub- 
 fiftence of three captains^ and of labourers employ- 
 ed in taking care of the three frigates. An a6l of 
 July loth, 1797, adlgned two hundred thoufand 
 dollars more for completing of thefe frigates. 
 
 The whole funis appropriated flood thus. 
 
 Dollars* Cts. 
 
 For the fix frigates - - 688,888 8^ 
 
 Additional to finifli 1 
 
 three of thefe vei- \ 80,000 
 
 fds, - - J 
 
 172,000 
 
 452,000 
 
 Total, 1,140,888 82 
 
 By the flrft eflimate, fix frigates were to be com- 
 pleted for {\i^ hundred and eighty-eight thoufand 
 dollars ; and, yet with four hundred and fifty-two 
 thoufand as a fupplement, three were not finiflied. 
 In the prefent fellion, of November 1797, an hun- 
 dred and fifty thoufand dollars were again ailicd. 
 
ir4 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 Sarprifed by this new demand, Mr. Livingfloft 
 brought into the houfe of reprefentatives a relb- 
 lution for appointing a committee of enquiry into 
 the expenditure of money, which had been appro- 
 priated for the naval fervice. 
 
 The refolution was taken upon the 15th of Ja- 
 nuary, 1798. Mr. Harper objected to it, as im- 
 plying a cenfare en public oiFicers, which was 
 improper ; fmce there had not been fpecified any 
 ground of fufpicion againfl them. He faid that 
 itatements from the public offices were, within a 
 few days, to be laid before the houie, agreeably 
 to a previous order, and recommended that no com- 
 mittee fhould be appointed, till tbefe papers had 
 been examined . If they did not prove fatisfav^ory, 
 he Ihould vote for enquiry. 
 
 Mr. Livingflon replied that the patience of the 
 houfe had been worn out by thefe repeated appli- 
 cations for money. The expence had exceeded 
 all belief. The mofi: extenfive imagination could 
 not have conceived an amount like that which con- 
 grefs had, from time to time, been blindly led to 
 appropriate. The flatements expecHred, and re- 
 ferred to by Mr. Harper, came down only to Ja- 
 nuary ill:, 1797. They could not, therefore, even 
 if the houfe had them, give adequate fatisfaclion. 
 The three hundred and feventy-two thoufand dollars 
 granted fmce January ift, 1797, and the demand 
 now made, did not come within the period of 
 thefe papers. This was the main fcopc of Mr. 
 Livingfton's obfervations. The refolution paft, 
 and a committee were appointed. 
 
 Next day, January 1 6th, 1798, fome documents 
 from the war-office were laid before the houfe. 
 Inilead of an hundred and fifty thoufand dollars, 
 the fum formerly applied for, only an hundred 
 gnd fifteen thoufandj eight hundred and thirty-tlirec 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 4r^ 
 
 dollars, are reported as neceiTary. The total charge 
 will then fland thus. 
 
 Dollars. Ccnfs, 
 Former grants, - * - 1,140,888 82 
 
 Wanted now, - - - 1 15,835 
 
 00 
 
 Total expence, 1,256,721 82 
 Original eflimate for fix ditto, 6B8,888 82 
 
 Overplus, upon the original erdmate, 567,833 00 
 
 By the computation of March, 1794, each of the 
 fix frigates vv^as to coft a fraclion leis than one hun- 
 dred and fifteen thoufand dollars. By the a<!l:ual 
 iflue, in January, 1798, each of thefe three fliips 
 that were to be completed, will coft, as above 
 fj3ecified, an overplus of an hundred and eighty- 
 nine thoufand dollars. This makes, upon a medium 
 for each frigate, three hundred and four thoufand 
 dollars, inflead of the original eflimate of an hun- 
 dred and fifteen thoufand. 
 
 Tliree fiiips are not to be finiOied. The materials 
 mud either be fold or laid up. It is natural to be- 
 lieve that a confiderable part of them would heap- 
 plied to the completion of the other three veffels. 
 liencc the real cofl of the latter will exceed three 
 hundred and four thoufand dollars each, as trench- 
 ing on more than their proportion of the materials, 
 bought with the original {va hundred and eighty- 
 eight thoufand dollars. In a word, it may fafely be 
 affirmed, that the United States^ and her two fiflers, 
 have required thrice as much money as they v^ere 
 exped:ed to cod ; and double the fum for which an 
 architetft on the river Thames would have built 
 them. Almoft four years have been occupied, and 
 this American armada is not yet completed. 
 
 In I794> when the plan was firll adopted. Dr. 
 
2i6 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 Saiith, and his friends, affirmed, that the frigates 
 might be built, manned, and blgckading the ftreights 
 of Gibraltar, within a year. At the end ot^ two years, 
 the prefidcnt informed congrefs, that fome of their 
 keels were laid, and fome of their llern-pofts raifcd, 
 all in the hejl manner. So fldlful were the calcula- 
 tions of Dr. Smith, and fo rapid the progrefs of our 
 admiralty I The above documents, of January i6th, 
 ellimate the pay and fubfiflence of the officers and 
 crews for a year, at two hundred and eighty thou- 
 fand, three hundred andfeventy-nine dollars. Thus, 
 the total fum wanted immediately, amounts to three 
 hundred and ninety-fix thoufand, two hundred and 
 twelve dollars. 
 
 This money can only be raifed by loan ; and, in 
 the fulinefs of time, the intereft of that loan 
 2Tiufl alfo be borrowed. On July 6th, 1797, an acfc 
 pail for a ftamp duty on vellum, parchment, and 
 paper. But fuch an uproar has been excited againil 
 it, that, in the prsfent feffion, the operation of the 
 law has been fufpended until the firft of July next. ^ 
 On July 8th, when a number of reprefentatives had 
 gone to the country, an ac^ pad for an additional 
 duty on fait. It originated in the diligence of Dr. 
 Smith. A refolution is, at prefent, before congrefs 
 for the repeal both of thefe fait ^ and ftamp duties. 
 They were the only taxes laid in the firft feffion of 
 the fifth congrefs, and they are mofl likely to be 
 repealed!-. In the preceeding feffion, although the 
 want of money was ftrongly urged, no more than 
 two flatutes of taxation were pafl. The one laid an 
 additional duty on certain imported articles. The 
 
 * In the feHion of December, 1796, Mr. Findley told the repre- 
 fentatives that, before leaving the weriern country, he had paid fix 
 guineas for fix bufncls of fait. In that part of Pennfylvania, it is faid 
 to have fometimes coft eight dollnrs per buHiel. 
 
 + The excife onTefined fu^ar ought to (bare the fame fate. 
 
HISTORY OF AMl^RICA. 217 
 
 other altered the mode of cxciling ftilis. If they 
 produce any augmentation whatever, of the reve* 
 nue, it can be but trifling. In the interim, the def- 
 trudlion of trade enfures an immenfe mutilation of 
 impofi: duties, for 1797. We fhall foon fee the par- 
 ticulars in a report from the treafury. 
 
 The expences of government are in a flate of 
 conftant augmentation. The abortive efforts of the 
 two laft feflions prove, that its pradical fources of 
 new revenue are almofl exhaufted. When expence 
 uniformly exceeds income, the refult is known. In 
 the event of a French war, the ruin of commerce 
 would enfure an annual deficit^ at the treafury, of 
 feveral millions of dollars. The intereft of the 
 national debt could no longer be paid; and bank- 
 ruptcy mud, of com^fe, enfue. Yet, in fumm.er 
 laft, penfioner Harper told congrefs that, '*• if 
 " we threv/ our fword into the Britifli fcale, the 
 " French would kick the beam /" America can be 
 but a cracker at the tail of England's explofion. Mr. 
 Allen, inthefamefeflion, declared, that, 'Mf France; 
 *' obtained Louifiana from Spain, we ought to de^ 
 '' dare war againft the republic.'' He did not in- 
 form the houfe on what right he refled their claim 
 to dired: Spain in the difpoial of her colonies. On 
 the fame ground, if congrefs were to aflign Rhode- 
 Illand, or Nantucket, to the Dutch, England, or 
 Sweden, would be warranted in commencing hof* 
 tilities againft this country. W^e need not ftartle at 
 jacobin rapacity, or the partition of Poland, or the 
 Britifh in the Old Jerfey, or the Dutch at Amboyna, 
 or Titus at Jerufalem, when one of our own ine{^ 
 timable reprefentatives recommends a projeift the 
 hermaphrodite offspring of Newgate and of bedlam. 
 It is time to fpeak diftimTtly, when a few lunatics 
 or traitors have brought this continent to the brink 
 of a French war, that is, to the brink of perdition, 
 
 E c 
 
iit SKETCHES O:? THE 
 
 In three months after it iliall begin, the value of 
 ground property, in, Philadelphia, will fink to iifty 
 per cent, of its prefent value. 
 
 Another fure confequence mufl: be the breaking 
 up of the union. Kentucky and TennefTee have been 
 long and juilly exafperated at the Hamiltonian fyf- 
 tem of defending the frontiers. The approaching 
 clofe of this volume does not leave room for infert- 
 ingan invejfliigationof that amazing bufinefs^. Many 
 tyrants have wantonly murdered their fubje6ts ; hut 
 the Waihington cabinet exhibits the firft example 
 in hiftory, of a government, that will neither |ie- 
 fend its people, nor fuffer them to defend themfelves. 
 On the Atlantic fide of the continent, this fubjc<rc is 
 as grofsly mifapprehended, as the weflern expedi- 
 tion hitherto has been. Kentucky and TennefFee are 
 in a rapid progrefs of populationt. They know the 
 real caufe which retards the execution of the 
 Spanifh treaty, and the letting open of the weflern 
 waters. France is enraged at the compad: Vvith Eng- 
 land. She fways, with irrefiflable weight, in the 
 court of Madrid ; and the treaty with Spain will 
 never be fulfilled, till that with England has been 
 modified or diiFolved. The fouth-weftern citizens 
 regard a free navigation as the chief object of their 
 wifhes. The republic, by the medium of Spain, has 
 only to hold out this temptation, as the fignal of re- 
 volt. The Philadelphians would not confent to fliut 
 up the Delaware, for the fake of protrading their 
 
 * A pap^r on this head is. ready for the prefs, and will appear at 
 an early opportunity. 
 
 + In i7q6, twenty-two thoufand white people, and eleven thou- 
 fand blacks, emip^ratcd into the wcftern part of 'rcnnelTec. They 
 had to crofs Cumberland river by two ferries, at which an ac- 
 count was kept of their numbers. I had this from Mr. Andrew 
 Jackfon, one of the fcnators from diat ilate, in the prefent congrefs. 
 He computes the total amouwt of emigrants; in 1796, at between 
 forty and fifcy thoufand. 
 
HISTORY OK AMERICA. „<, 
 
 nnron with Keiitucky. They cannot require that 
 ieli-denial which they would not exert. 
 
 By the calculation, above inferted, of three 
 times the original cftimate of the three frio-ates 
 the final outfit of each of them comes to three 
 hundred and forty-five thoufand dollars, or in whole 
 to one million and thirty-five thoufand dollars. They 
 carry ai, hundred and twenty-four guns, which 
 thus coft within a minute fraction, eight thoufand 
 .hree hundred and forty-fix dollars, and three 
 fourths per gun. -In fterling nioney this amounts 
 
 ItZT-u'"' ''""f'"' ^""^ leventy-eight pounds, 
 eight ihiJlings and four-pence halfpcnnv. In Eng- 
 land, the common computation for every .mn, is 
 a thoufand pounds, including ftores for fix m°onths. 
 1 neie do not come within the above American 
 euxmate; fo that England can fend a fliip to fea, 
 at half our charge. Yet, from the decline of 
 teip-Duilding, in confequencc of jay's treaty 
 wages are, at this time, comparatively low. The 
 current wages of American feamen are tliirtv 
 
 n°P '"',?<^' r"""""' ' ^ '■"^^ ""'^^^'■'^ «f ^" the French 
 orEnghfli fervice. With fuch an odds of eicpence 
 againll the United States, it is needlefs to drink 
 or a navy. 
 
 Indians have been fpoke of in this chapter. On 
 January 1 8th, 1798, an eflimate was laid before 
 
 Imountw^'f "'" Cherokees. The whole Lr 
 
 and ei Jl t , 7'"'^'^'" ''^°"^^"^' «^ight hundred 
 
 dolla^-ff ^ °".'''- ^^^^'^ '"^^''-^^ fifteen thoul>..r^ 
 
 five h JT 'TT?, '" ''"" '^"'^^^^ I"^li^"s ; »-i 
 five thoufand dollars for prefers. It ipu h ^e 
 
 InveTeve '1''^^^''^-'^""=' '' ^^'^ - "- Creei;: 
 hem 'Their'"" 'r f'"?'^ ^S'""-^"' -ade with 
 
 uferrn / '' '° '^^ ^'■^'"^^' there can be no 
 
 ufeforthepreftnceof two thoufand fay ages. Two 
 
220 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 hundred are fufficient ; and this would fave thir- 
 teen thoufand five hundred dollars. Thefvims an- 
 nually wafted on thefe people are very confidera- 
 ble. It is time to try another way of treating. 
 OxTer an hundred dollars per fcalp for the firft 
 three hundred Cherokee warriors, who (hall be cut, 
 or (hot down. The fouth-weflrrn riflemen will foon 
 earn the money. This may be called inhumani- 
 ty. But if one of thefe Indians had ftabbed your 
 father, and ftuck the hearts of your children, on 
 the point of his fcalping knife, perhaps you might 
 endure the propofal. Government is afraid of a 
 frontier militia. Were the rampart of favages 
 removed, thoufands of families would inflantly 
 wander beyond the reach of cuftoms and excife. 
 The prefident and fenate, fupported by a party 
 of reprefentatives, chufe rather to give the Indi- 
 ans every polTible meafure of countenance and 
 prote(flion, to expend very large fums of money 
 in the purchafe of treaties that are fure to b& 
 broken, and to connive at fome hundreds of annu- 
 al murders. 
 
 Oar prefent; political afpecl does not promife 
 much. It combines the helplefsnefs of infancy Vv^ith 
 the decrepitude of age ; the feeblenefs of a young 
 government without its alledged purity, and the 
 corruption of an old one, without its readinefs of 
 refources. The world never faw a more com- 
 plicated fcene of w^eaknefs, ignorance, and folly, 
 than that now difplayed in the United States. The 
 j^refident, on May i6th, 1797, delivers a fpeech 
 againfl France, that is only'juft lefs than a declara- 
 tion of war. In the fame moment, he pretends 
 to defire a peace with the French. For this pur- 
 pofe he fends back to Paris Pinckney, the very 
 iuan wlio had juft quarrelled with the dire<n:ory, 
 iiiid whoj by his obftinacy and impertinence, had 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. iit 
 
 forced them to thruft him out of their territories. 
 To cut up all chance of future confidence between 
 the two governments, Mr. Adams iafFers, or invites 
 congrefs to print Pinckney's confidential correfpon- 
 dence. The reprefentatives defire a lift of French 
 and Britifli depredations. MefTrs. Adams and Pick- 
 ering fupprefs the Britilh lift, and fend down the 
 French one, with an apology confiding of a noto- 
 rious falfehood^'. The reprefentatives pocket 
 this violation of their orders ; an infidt that would 
 not have been endured with filence in the tamefl 
 houfe of commons which England ever faw. 
 
 H A P T E R X. 
 
 Extrads from the Prefidential Gazetts» — Remarks 
 
 on the firji fpeech of Mr, Adams to congrefs, — 
 
 Correjpondence of Pinckney and Pickering, — Pro< 
 
 ceedings of congrejs in May^ ^191^ — Co?npari^ 
 
 fen between the treatment of Adet and Pinckney. — 
 
 s. Candid conduCl of Mr, Bache, — Speech of Mr, 
 
 Nicholas,— Of Dr. Smith.— Of Mr. Otis,— Ob- 
 
 fervatiojis on the conduCl of our executive. 
 
 
 1 HE Gazette of the United States is 
 the profefTed organ of the political fentiments of 
 IVIr. Adams and his friends. Hence its princi-^ 
 pies become important, lefs by their intrinfic value 
 than on account of the fource from v/hence they 
 fpring. 
 
 In Mr. Fenno's paper, of January loth, 1798, 
 a writer fpeaks of " nine hundred and fifty millions 
 
 * HiRory of 1796, Chap. VU. 
 
222 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 ^' of men corrupt, anarchical, hateful and hatinw 
 *Vone another, turned loofcr from religious and civil 
 ^* redraint, and blended in one firry democ?-acy^ , If 
 ** malice could vent itfelf in prayer, the a<n:ual 
 *' ftate of our enemies^ the French, exceeds its lafi 
 ' ^ J'ipi^€'''ii^ ejaculation . '' 
 
 If the French have become our enem.ies, this 
 arifes from the mean, pedlar-like fpirit of ©nr po- 
 licy. Their acinal ftate is certainly different from 
 ours. France is the terror, and the United States 
 are the contempt of Europe. Their friendfhip is 
 imiveiTally courted, and ours univerfally defpifed. 
 In confidence that the republic would be overtur- 
 ned, America hafted to defert her benefac^refs. 
 By an eventual and oifenfive treaty, flie guaranteed 
 the French dominions, at a period when, but for 
 the /ake of form, her guarantee was not worth 
 acceptance. In 1794, ^^ could not fulfil the fli- 
 pulations of 1778 ; but, to prove that her ingrati^ 
 tude was equal to her weaknefs, (lie inverted them. 
 Jay's treaty comprifes a multitude of conditions in- 
 jurious to the republic. The plan of this agreement 
 was made by Mr. Wadungton, in April, 1794. ^^ 
 
 * The Britifli party avow their diflike to tltis term. It fig- 
 nifies a government by the people. The conftitution begins in 
 thefe words : " We the people of the United States, do ordain," 
 &c. To that the defign was evidently democratical. If the Adam- 
 ites difapprove this preamble, they might fugged an amend- 
 ment. *< We, the well-born holders of bank, and fix per ctnt. 
 *' flock, do ©rdain." A paper at Walpole, in New- Ha modi ire, late- 
 ly referred to the leprojy f?/" republicanism. A federaliii, as 
 he figns hiiTifelf, fpeaks, in the fame print, of a late fire at Bof- 
 ton. *' The /^w^- fftrity" fays he, " which lighted a flame in 
 ** fe^eniy~fix'€y would forvey with indifference a blazing ftreet in 
 ** vinfty-Jt^^etii rather than forget the {\ii\y fpirit of oppofiiion.'" ff 
 this raiu has any meaning, it implies a csnfure on the revo- 
 lution. Probably the printer, at Walpole, is likewife poft-maftcr. 
 This is. a' frefjuenc executive arrangement, and fecures aprefs \^ * 
 the party. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. li^ 
 
 that time France, like C^far at Miinda, contended 
 not for empire, but exigence. Admit that this 
 compacfl, if it had been faithftdly fuKilled, was 
 beneficial to the mercantile intered; of x\merica. 
 Still, a generous man would have defpifed profits 
 that were to be gained by facrificing the intereO: 
 of his deprelTed friend. An honejl man mufl 
 have regarded every conceffion againft France, as 
 a real violation of the treaty of Paris*. A ivife 
 man might, in July, 1795, ^^^^ time of ratification, 
 have forefeen that the republic would be ultimate- 
 ly victorious. 
 
 As for the aClurd Jlate^ look at ours ; a waflcd 
 commerce; an empty excliequer ; a government 
 without confidence, and a people without union ; a 
 bench, where land-jobbing does not difplacc a judge ; 
 a legiflature, where perjury does not unfeat a 
 fenator; a prefs, from whence an adulterer expa- 
 tiates on his proud confcionfnefs of innocence; a 
 cabinet, countenancing publications, which a knot 
 of London porters would be aftiamed to read. In 
 this city of brotherly love^ ufury fits on her native 
 thronet ; opinions are decided by the bludgeon; and 
 
 * ** As foon," fays Fauchet, " as the conftitntional government 
 " was fettled, and that the diredory was in a fuuation to follow 
 *< any fyftem as to external aiTiiirs, it could not be long wit [lout 
 ** perceiving how we had been the dupes of America. 1 he treaty 
 ** of London had completely opened all eyes. The material 
 •* change which was openly effefted in the neutrality of theUni- 
 *' ted States, by virtue of that treaty, has put the feal of dupiicicy 
 ** and of faifehood on the afiuranccs /2) often repeated , that the treaty 
 *« (hould make ro change in the Hate of things prior to that 
 *' treaty." A Sketch, &c. p. 26. 
 
 He adds in a note tliat, *« the French rainifter v/as notified, 
 ** after the exchange of raUacations, that we fiiould no longer en- 
 **joy the advantage, which till then had been granted us, to 
 " fell in the American ports our Engtifti prizes. 
 
 + '' I have been referred to individuals in Mulh'^rry-itrt>;t, Cred 
 " nut-ftreet, Second-Ilreet, Third-ftreet, Wrucr-llrccr, and other 
 <* flreets, as known ufurcrs, or agents a^Sting '^*^' companies of ufurcis! 
 
234 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 a ruffian may come behind his ncighbonr*s back, 
 knock him down, leave him for dead on the fpot, 
 laugh, like a recent felon, in the faces of the jury^ 
 and march triumphant from the bar, for a fine of 
 fifty dollars 1 
 
 We return to Mr. Fenno's correfpondent. *' Hu* 
 *' man happinefs," fays he, '' will not be encreafed, 
 *' till all the prefent atlors of the farce of innova- 
 *' ticn^ are rotLed and forgotten. To ameliorate the 
 *' fc'ate of fociety, by deftroying tyranny ^.w^Juper- 
 ^^ Jiition^ is a benevolent wiih. I have liftened to, 
 '' ;MKi repeated, thofe fairy tales myfelf. It is a 
 ^' drea?/}. !'' Thefe are the manly fentiments propa- 
 gated by our executive. They imply an exprefs 
 ceniure of the American revolution, which attempt- 
 ed to overturn tyranny, but only half completed its 
 defign. '1 he party who at prefent hold the govern- 
 ment, found means to faddle America with a debt 
 which daily grows larger ; and they have now taken 
 the ground and the doiflrines of George the third. 
 
 Air. Fenno pronounces, that, to attempt the 
 improvement of fociety, by deflroying tyranny 
 and fLiperftition, is a fairy tale and a dream. 
 The mind cannot conceive, nor can language ex- 
 prefs, a more hateful maxim. Candour will place no 
 confidence in a party capable of inculcating fuch 
 opinions. As for the attack on France, it chimes in 
 uniibn with the two fpeeches of prefident Adams. 
 
 << And I have been confidentially aflured, that thofe very indivi- 
 *' dunls (with fliamebe it mentioned !) can, and do obtain, difcounta 
 *f re.giilarly at t'wo of the banks." Vid. A Lttter to certain bank dircdon 
 from'a merchant^ dated December, 1 796, p. S. This letter was really- 
 written by a merchant, a native of this city, and very refpedably 
 conneded. Bl-^ckilone, Book IV. Chap. XII. Scdi. IV. ftates intereil 
 to be reduced, by an ad in the twelfth of queen Anne, to five per 
 cent, and adds, " wherefore, not only all contrads for taking more arc 
 *< in themfclvcs totally void, but alfo the lender (hall forfeit treble 
 *< the money boirowed," 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 225 
 
 A few extracts from the firft of thefe prodinniions 
 will prove this to be true. In that of May i6th, 
 1797, he fpeaks thus : 
 
 ''The refafal, on the part of France, to receive 
 ^' our minifler, is, then, the denial of a right ; but 
 '' the refufal to receive him until we hav^ acceded 
 " to their demands, without difcufiion, is to treat 
 '' us neither as allies nor as friends, nor as a fove- 
 '' reign people.'' — As for the matter o^ right ^ Vat- 
 tel contradicts Mr. Adams'-^. General Wafhington 
 refufed to open a letter from lord Howe ; and the 
 old congrefs would not treat with Carlifle, and the 
 reft of North's commifTioners. Citizen Adet had 
 attempted to negociate at Philadelphia. He was 
 treated with negled:, and Mr. Adams and his friends 
 encouraged a Britifh agent to lampoon him. As for 
 allies or friends^ the United States had no claim 
 to either title. Jay's treaty put an end to it. 
 
 x\gain. — " There is reafon to believe, that the 
 '' executive dire6^ory paft a decree, on the 2d of 
 " March laft, contravening, in part, the treaty of 
 '' amity and commerce of 1778, injurious to onr 
 '' lawful commerce, and endangering the lives of 
 '' our citizens." They afted only in felf-defence. 
 This decree is fully explained in the next chapter. 
 The Britifh were then, and arc flill feizing Ameri- 
 can (hips, and preffing their feamen ; but Mr. Adams 
 pafTes over that. 
 
 " Endeavours have been employed to eflabli/h 
 "^ and foiler a divifion between the government and 
 '' people of the United States. To inveftigate the 
 '' caufes which have encouraged this attempt is not 
 '^ necefTary." — The moll likely caiife is Englifli 
 gold. Webfter and RufTel, that ideot of editors, 
 who has defended Hamilton's Defence^ would not 
 
 * See the fpecch of Mr. Freeman, in the Tequel of this chapter. 
 
 Ff 
 
iiS SKETCHES Oii' THE 
 
 write fo much noriienfe to lerve Pitt, unlefs he paid 
 them. No man in his wits will believe that Camil^ 
 ius wrote his thirty-eight letters for nothing. Did 
 he ever plead thirty-eight caiifes without a fee ? 
 
 But Mr* Adams refers not to thefe gentry, for 
 they are his intimate Iriencls. He alludes to the 
 fpeech of Barras, as alarming; though this trifle 
 Could make no more imxpreflion on the public mind 
 of America, than a pifiol-ball on the baflions of 
 Luxembourg. The fuppofition, that it was to have 
 a dangerous effecH: here, betrays grofs affeftation, 
 hypocrify, and impoflure. The people of this coun- 
 try care very little about two or three fentences of 
 a ipeech delivered in Paris. But, if Barras was 
 able to do fo much mifchief, theprefidcnt ought to 
 have fuppreffed thefafcafm. Mortui iion mordents 
 It could do no harm, if vv^e heard nothing about it. If 
 a previous traDflation had efcaped into the Aurora, 
 a fortnight muil; have funk it in forgetfulnefs. But 
 the point with Mr* Adams was to make a buflle, in 
 order to make a quarrel. This is the plain truth* 
 Mr. Adams may yet hear of a fpeech from BaTi as, 
 that fhailmake both him and congrefs tremble. 
 
 " It muft not be permitted to be doubted,'' fays 
 he, " whether the people of the United States wdll 
 *•' fupport the government, eflablifned by their vo- 
 " luntary confent, and appointed by their free 
 " choice/^ True. But if they fee that government 
 evidently driving them into a ruinous war, without 
 taking any one rational ftep to ihun it, they wull not 
 be tardy in making their importance felt. 
 
 Mr. Adams then pledges himfelf to fupport the 
 .Britifli treaty. '' Convinced that the condu(!l: of the 
 *' government has been jufl and impartial to foreign 
 *' nations, — nothing will ever be done by me to im* 
 '' pair the national engagements ; to innovate upon 
 '* principles, which have been fo deliberately and 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 227 
 
 * ' uprightly eftablKhed ; or to furrender, in any man- 
 " ner, the rights of the government.'' As the com- 
 padl was made for fear of an Englifli war, it may 
 iuitably be repealed for fear of a French one. The 
 purport of this bouncing pafTagc is to affiire the 
 French, that they have no chance for concelhons 
 from the United States, if Mr. Adams can difap- 
 point them. 
 
 In one of his letters, publiilied by congrefs, 
 Charles Pinckney, when fpeaking of his difmiilioa 
 by the directory, puts this queftion. " You will 
 *^' judge whether the anjiuer of the Senate aiid the 
 '' houje of rep'efentatives to the prefidenfs Jpeech"^^ 
 '^ and the late fuccefles in Italy, have not concur- 
 '' red to occafion itt? " The aniVers were only an 
 echo to the fpeech itfelf, which was quite as in- 
 flammatory as them. But the envoy, in a letter to 
 the fecretary, could not with politenefs, include 
 that facred performance^^ among the caufes of ir- 
 ritation. This notice of the tendency of fach 
 addreffes and Ipeeches, on the minds of the direc- 
 tory, might have made Mr, Adams cautious in 
 what way he conveyed his fentiments to congreis, 
 
 Mr. Fenno's gazette of January i8th, 1798, 
 has this paifage. ''Like the Romans, whom they 
 *' (the French) imitate, war and rapine are necei- 
 '' fary to their exiilence. — If England is not delh oy~ 
 " ed by internal faiflion, flie will be able to keep 
 '' the MONSTERS in their den^ until they devour 
 ^' each other." This writer has forgot the unpro- 
 voked conipiracy of Pilnitz, by which the crowned 
 heads were to revive in France the tragedy of 
 
 * On the 7th of December, 1796. + Documents p. 62. 
 
 X The infallibility of general Wafhington is a doctrine ftarted 
 lince the war. At one period of the revolution, he was on the 
 point of being fupercedcd, as commander Jin chief, by the talents 
 xnd popularity of goveraor Mifi^ia? 
 
228 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 Pciand. He has forgot that the duke of Bruns- 
 wick menaced Paris, and its eight hundred thoufand 
 inhabitants, with mihtary execution. 
 
 Mr. Adams afFed:s to defire a peace with France. 
 The perfon who believes him is completely divei- 
 ted of common fenfe. Look at the ftile of his 
 own newfpaper. No farther evidence can be 
 wanted. Pitch a barrel of tar into a bonfire, 
 and fay that you intend to extinguifh it. Such is 
 the pifture of fomebody. This old man cannot 
 defcend to the grave in peace, till he has entan- 
 gled his conftituents in a war that muft put an end 
 to the government of the country, and replunge 
 her into the horrors of 1780. Thefe ^re our 
 thanks for twenty-five thoufand dollars a year, for 
 eminence, adulation, and immeafarable patronage. 
 For the complete model of depravity, wh)^ fhould 
 we refer to another world ? Can a fallen angel be 
 as bale as man ? 
 
 In Mr. Pickering's letter to Pinckney, p. 91, he 
 fpeaks thus of citizen Adet. ^' x\fter an exhibition 
 *"*• of complaints in a uflile fo exceptionable, he 
 *' could add but one more improper ad^ tliat of 
 " pubiifliing his notes in the newfpaper s : he had 
 *' fcarcely tranfmitted them to the executive 
 '' before he forwarded thein to the printer for pith- 
 *' llcationJ^ Mr. Pickering here complains of Adet 
 for his precipitate appeal to the prefs. Granting, 
 what is untrue, that the envoy atSted wrong, Pick- 
 ering did an offence againftthe dirctftory of the fame 
 kind. This letter to Pinckney at Paris bears date 
 the 1 6th of January, 1796. A copy of it was, on 
 the 19th, fent by the prefident to congrefs, by 
 them inflantly to the prefs, and of courfe to the 
 newfpapers, It was fit that congrefs fliould be 
 acquainted with the letter, but its publication was 
 a flill greater affront upon the direvTtory than the 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 229 
 
 printing of Adet's notes was upon Pickering. 
 The Frenchman did not fend his pieces to the 
 prefs till they had reached their place of deftina- 
 .tion. This was a degree of politenefs negle^Tted 
 by Mr. Pickering. 
 
 It will be anfwered, that when the prefident 
 fent the papers to congrcfs, he did not know whe- 
 ther the reprefentatives would print them, and 
 that they had a right of doing fo. When a fri- 
 gate is to be bniit, or a iliip to be freighted with 
 ammunition, for the dey of Algiers, a prefident 
 knows in what way to communicate with the le- 
 gillature, and yet to prever\t his papers from being 
 expofed to the public eye. The fedea^al repre- 
 fentatives fapport a due undenlanding with the 
 executive ; and unlefs they had known that the 
 publication would be acceptable to him, the con- 
 tents of Mr. Pickering's letter would have been 
 kept fecret. 
 
 Mr. Pinckney obferves, that the French '' widi 
 ^^ to deilroy the trade of Great Britain, and they 
 *"' look upon us as one of her bed cuflomers, and, 
 '' to obtain their objei^, they care not uohat wefiif- 
 "/L-r*." This may be very true, but it comes 
 to a plain declaration that the French are interefted 
 and faithlefs, while the publication permitted by 
 the prefident implies that the remark enjoys his 
 approbation. There is particular reafon to believe 
 that Rufus King hath tranfmitted to our executive 
 moil unfavourable accounts of England* Bat not 
 a word of them tranfpires from the cabinet. The 
 truth of Pinckney's obfervation would not juftify 
 its publication. If every man were to tell exaiflly 
 what he thinks of each of his acquaintances, foci- 
 ety would be transformed into a laear-garden, and 
 
 j ' 
 
 * Documents, p. 6^* 
 
230 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 the field of diplomacy into a field of battle* On 
 the plain fcore of difcretion and civility, it will 
 be diiiicult to defend the mcafures of MeHrs, Adams 
 and Pickering towards the French nation. Thele 
 remarks explain the degree of merit in om^ execu- 
 tive. Let us now, in a flight flvetch, examine whe- 
 ther congrcfs itfelf a<rted better. 
 
 The two houfes met on May i^lih, 1797- The 
 fpeech was made on the i6th. The lenate did. 
 not prefent their aniwer till the 24th. Thus, upon 
 this trifle, they fpent eight days, and twelve or fif^ 
 teen hundred dollars worth of their time. They 
 might have made a proper anfwer in fifteen minutes. 
 '' We learn,'' fay they, '^ with flncere concern, 
 *' that attempts are in operation to alienate the af- 
 '^ feclion of our fellow citizens from their govern- 
 '' ment. Attempts fo wicked, wherever they ex- 
 ** ifl, cannot fail to excite our iitmoft abhorrence.'' 
 They muft furely then have abhorred their own 
 printer, Mr. John Fenno, for calling the preceding 
 houfe of reprefentatives a many-headed moiijler. 
 The fpeech of Barras was made at a diflance ; and, 
 before they went fo far in queft of affronts offered 
 to this government, the fenate fnouldhave filenced 
 this organ of difcontent, for it v/as ten thoufand 
 times louder than the French directory. The 
 anfwer of the fenate was dull and toad-eating, 
 but much lefs faulty than the one reported on May 
 22d, from the feled committee ; and which, with 
 a few flight alterations, was ultimately preien- 
 ted. This committee confifled of five members. 
 The majority, Mr. Kittera, Mr. Fi-utledge, and 
 Mr. Grifwold, were truly federal. 
 
 Their report was as complaifant to the fpeech as 
 Mr. Adams could dehre it to be. — '' While we. 
 y- view with fatisfac^ion the wifdom, dignity, and 
 ^' moderation, which have marked the ineafuresof 
 
H 1st ok Y OF AMERICA. 331 
 
 *^ the fuprcme executive of our country, in its at- 
 *' tempts to remove, by candid explanations, the 
 " complaints and jealoufics of France, we feel the 
 ^' foil force of that indignity which has been offer- 
 '' ed our country, in the rejection of its minijler.** 
 The law of nations, as laid down by Dr. Hutche- 
 fon, gave the French a right of fending Finckney 
 out of their territories ; and his own letters fl-iCW, 
 that,_^whiie he remained in Paris, he proved an in- 
 flammatory and dangerous rehdent. The felesfl com- 
 mittee will not certainly pretend, that the dircc- 
 toiy were obliged to read and anfwer any papers 
 that Mr. Pinckney might widi to prefent. They were 
 to be maflers of their own time. They had already, 
 by citizen Adet, explained, as far as they thought 
 neceffary, their demands upon America. If Mr. Kit- 
 tera becomes tired of a correlpondent, he will think 
 himfelf at liberty to return his letters unopened. 
 
 Thus much for the rejection of our minifler ; but 
 put thecafethathehad been adually received. Ahire- 
 ling, in the pay of an Englifli agent, is next ordered 
 to write pamphlets againfl him ; and, among other epi- 
 thets, to call him an imprincipled hiilly ; a gajconading 
 impudent bluff; and a dog"^. Inflead of interfering, 
 as every other government would infallibly do, to 
 check fuch behaviour, a Frencli Oliver Wolcott 
 viHts the bookfeller, thanks him for the perfor- 
 mance, and offers to make him editor of the Redac- 
 teur\. In the interim, that executive publication 
 loads the United States with every abufive appella- 
 tion that malice, or brutality, can fuggefl: ; exe- 
 crates their revolution ; reproaches them as athe- 
 ifls ; and, finally, exprefTcs an ardent hope that con- 
 
 * See remarks on this hofpitable treatment, in the Americati An- 
 nual Regiiler, Chap. VI. 
 
 + A Paris newfpaper, under the influence of the directory-. See 
 the fad alluded to in Britilh Honour and Humanity, p. SS* 
 
232 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 grefs are blown up^ and that George the third Ihall 
 once more have his own agaifi. This ufage con- 
 tinues, not for a day, or a month, but for four years 
 at a rcretch. 
 
 Mr, Pinckney would be worfeufed, by permifTitDn 
 to lefide in Paris, under fuch circumftances, than 
 by a direcl difiniiral. A manof fph'it would prefer 
 the latter. The above was precifeiy the iituation of 
 A:let, in Philadelphia. Hence, our complaint, as to 
 t^ie r-ejedion of Pinckney, betrayed the utmofHiar- 
 dijK^fs or flupidity. The report next promifes to 
 Goi'vince the world " that we are not a degraded 
 " p.:ople.'' In refpecl to foreign envoys, we have 
 d" -raied ourfelves. After the infolence and rib- 
 b>' Irv wantonly poured upon Adet, and the che- 
 vp: zr de Yrujo, neither the king of Spain, nor the 
 di '.?\^ or y, can undervalue any reputable man of 
 bufiuefs, by deilring him to refide in this country. 
 
 ^' Knowing, as v/e do/' adds the report, " the 
 *' GO in den ce repofed by the United States in their 
 *' government, we cannot hefitate in expreiTmg 
 '^ oar indignation," &c. This relates to Barras, 
 a topic already worn to tatters. As for confidence^ 
 it is now, on tlie part of the republicans, at an end. 
 On the acceilion of Mr. Adams, they were very 
 well dlfpofed to live on good terms with him. Mod 
 of thc^m were ignorant of his correfpondence v/ith 
 fir John Scott. Several of his late oppofers declar- 
 ed their belief of his being an honefl man, and that 
 h>" h M^ too much fpirit to be led by any party. With 
 g!f*:.^ candour and propriety, Mr. Bache refufedto 
 admit remarks unfavourable to Mr x\dams. " Let 
 '' us oive him a fair trial,'' faid this editor, to one 
 of his correfpondents, '' and then, if he adually 
 " does wrong, our ceniures will fall with the grea- 
 " ter weight." The Aurora was, accordingly, 
 ciammcd, for forae time, with encomiums on Mr. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 23^ 
 
 Adams, deduced from the profellions of republi- 
 canifm that he made in fome fpeeches. For condud: 
 fofuU of juftice and of good nature, Mr. Bache has 
 been fmce upbraided in the fix per cent, newfpapers* 
 From the i6th of May, 1797, downwards, Mr- 
 Bache firmly believed, that Mr. Adams was only 
 the leader of a party. His amicable ftile, until the 
 v'ifclofure of that day, deferved praife in place of 
 cenfure. Mr. Adams then convinced all impartial 
 men, that he had entangled himfelfinthe Britifh 
 intereft. Hence he will conftantly meet with their 
 cordial oppolition. This the fele6l committee well 
 knew. 
 
 They proceed to fay, that '^ fully ImprefTed with 
 *' the uncertainty of the refult, v^^e fliall prepare to 
 *' meet, with fortitude, any unfavourable events 
 '' which may occur, with ail the fldli we pofTefs^ 
 *' and all the efforts in our power.'* 
 
 On this report, Mr. Nicholas, in flrong terms, 
 recommended a conciliating flile. Upon the anfvver, 
 about to be given, the peace of the United States 
 might, in a great meafnre, depend. He propofed an 
 amendment, which was, upon the w^hole, proper. 
 Yet it had this expreflion. '' The rejecTting of our 
 '^ minifter, and the manner of difmiiiing him from 
 '' the territories of France, have excited our x^/^r;??^ 
 ^^ fenfihility J^ This complaint might have been fpar- 
 ed. Mr. Nicholas, inhisfpeech, alfofaid, that '^ he 
 *' hoped, on this occafion, they fhould get rid of 
 *' that irritation, v^hich injury naturally produced 
 '' in the mind. He declared, that he felt for the in- 
 ^^ Jult which had been oifered to Mr. Pinckney; 
 *' and he felt more for him, from the dig7iity witli 
 " w^hich he had borne it, and which had proved him 
 '' to be a proper character for the embajjy.^' A rea- 
 fonablc fufpicion may be entertained that this re- 
 fpetSlable member exprcifed more flrongly than he 
 
 G g 
 
tU SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 felt. He faw that the Brithh party were very iflrong 
 in the houfe, and that direcl oppofition to the main 
 principle of the addreis would be hopelefs. But 
 llich half-way declarations, although fomctimes ex- 
 pedient within doors, have a tendency to niiilead 
 the public at large. Mr. Nicholas, indeed, after far- 
 ther compliments on Mr. Pinckney, and his good 
 temper^ '' confelTed, that the builneis did not ftrikc 
 " him with all the force with which it feemed to 
 " have impreiTed the mind of that refpedlable 
 '' character.*' 
 
 . Mr. Nicholas added, that '^ he confidered the 
 *"^ anTsver, reported to them, as going to decid? the 
 qiieftion of peace or luflr for this country. He 
 thought it .a thing of that fort, which might have 
 the worll: pofTihle effeiTc, and could have no good 
 eite;^:. It might tend to irritate, to prevent any 
 ' fort of enquiry or fcttlement taking place, but it 
 '' could not tend towards an adjuftment of differ- 
 '' ences- — We are condemning the French govern- 
 '' ment, bccaufe they a& for redrcfs, without liften- 
 *' ing to negociation ; yet we fay to them, lue are 
 " right ; you have no caufe to complain.'^ Mr. Ni- 
 cholas fhewed the inconfiftcncy of this prejudging 
 tone. He ftated, by the way, that the houfe had the 
 ilrongeH: proofs, even the Hecraration of an Englifa 
 governor, that, in cafe of fnccefs againfi: France^ 
 England had defigned to declare war againfi Ame- 
 rica. The fpeech, with a fmall exception, was 
 commendable. 
 
 Dr. William Smith rofe next. He entered into 
 the feelings of Mr. Pinckney, and the hijurious treat- 
 ment which he had received from De la Croix and 
 the directory. He then took a furvey of the me- 
 rits of the Eritirii treaty. '' The gentlemen,'* faid 
 he, " teil us we are feeble. They know that we 
 *' are ?iol feeble } and that, if occafion calls us forth, 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 2)^ 
 
 " we fliall be found able to defend oiirfelves." The 
 United States have the grcatell; natural refources for 
 defence by land, and for attack by Tea. But as go- 
 vernment neither has money, nor can tel] where to 
 get any important fura, a war would run the ut- 
 moft ri{k of overturning it. This difablity of raif- 
 ing cafti arifcs from the half-crown certificates, the 
 bungling affumption a(^, and the deluge of bank 
 notes. The do^ftor had, no doubt, by this time, a 
 prefciencc of his embaffy to Portugal. Yet he might 
 have reflecT:ed that (ix months of a French war would 
 link the ftocks to thirty per cent. 
 
 Mr. Freeman read a long pafTage from VateL 
 The fubftance of it was, that nations were not 
 obliged to receive a perpetual fucccilion of fo.reigi\ 
 minifters, when there was nothing particular to be 
 negociated. They might be allowed to meet fucli 
 envoys upon the frontiers, to receive their melTage^ 
 and difmifs them, without once permitting thenx 
 to enter upon the territory of the nation to which 
 they were fent. Vatel added, that republics, ia 
 particular, might have very good reafons for not 
 choofing to permit an ambaffador to rcfide among 
 them ; becaufe, fach a character was frequently 
 employed to excite difcontent among the citizens*. 
 Thus he agrees exaftly with the law of nations, as 
 already cited from Hutchefon*. Mr. Freeman re- 
 ferred to the recent difmilTion, by the directory, of 
 thirteen other miniflers. This (hewed that no par- 
 ticular indignity had been offered to the United ' 
 States. 
 
 Mr. Giles moved that the committee of the whole. 
 houle fnould rife, in order to refer the report, and 
 amendment by Mr. Nicholas, back to thefejed: com- 
 mittee, 
 
 * Supra Chapter VIII, 
 
2j5 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 This propofal was objecled to, with great vio- 
 lence. At that part of the debate, Mr. Otis made 
 his maiden fpeech. A few extrafts fliall be given 
 from a copy of it written by himfelf. — " His con- 
 ^' flituents, and himlelf, were difpofed to regard 
 '' the inhabitants of the fouthern Hates as brothers,'*^ 
 [The party who fcnt Mr. Otis to congrefs, take 
 e\^ery opening to calumniate tlie fouthern ftates. 
 To fpeak plainly, the reafons are as follows. FirJ}^ 
 At the time of funding the national debt, moft of the 
 fouthern rcprefentatives, refifled the ftock-jobbing 
 views of eaftern members. Second^ If the Virginians 
 could obtain an afcendency in the two houfes, it is 
 likely that they would proceed to tax the public 
 flocks, and to lay an impreflive ftamp duty on bank 
 notes. If their plan of paying the national debt 
 had been adopted. Dr. Smith, and Mr. Hiilhoufe, 
 %\^ould have only got the ten-pence or half-crown 
 per pound, which they ai^ually paid for certi- 
 tificates. Thus twenty or thirty millions of dollars 
 might have been faved. Seven years ago, four mil- 
 lions of dollars were fufficient for building ten fliips 
 of the line, and twenty frigates-^. This force, ready 
 to be fupported by three hundred privateers, 
 would have compelled either France or England to 
 look, like Pompey, both before and behind them, 
 previous to their molefling an American merchant- 
 man. But inftead of a commanding navy, and a 
 commerce invulnerable in every corner of the 
 globet, the United States have a regiment of credi- 
 tors, with doctor William Smith at their head, 
 
 * In I794> the fix frigates were expesfted to be built for fix hun- 
 <!red and ninerv thoufand dollars; and in 1790, they could probably 
 have been built for that Turn, Allow then, an hundred thoufand 
 dollars each, for twenty frigates, and two hundred thoufand dollars 
 each, for ten fhips of the line. This makes up the four millions. 
 
 + Still it muft be obferved, that nothing but an Algerine treaty 
 f O'jld eofure our trade in the Mediterranean. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 23^ 
 
 feafting on the piiblic revenue, and receiving fixty, 
 eighty, or an hundred per cent, for the real funis 
 that they advanced. While this is the cafe, you can- 
 not walk five miles in any inhabited diftricl of Ame- 
 rica, without meeting fome one who will tell that 
 he was formerly half beggared by the explofion of 
 congrefs paper money. His claim on government is 
 eight or ten times julier than that of Sedgwick or 
 William Smith, yet he gets not a (ingle cent. They 
 receive twenty iliiilings per pound, while he, pol- 
 fibly with a wooden leg, or a palfy, earned in the 
 fervice, mufl: pay taxes to defray the demands of 
 thefe creditors, who fat in congrefs, and voted 
 themfelves into opulence, at the expence of their 
 fellow citizens. This is the fort of people under 
 whofe banner Mr. Otis hath enlifted. His fpeecli 
 proceeds thus:] 
 
 '^ The injuries fafrained by us were of a high 
 *' and atrocious nature, confiding in the capture of 
 *' our vefTels, depredations upon the property and 
 ^' perfons of our citizens, the indignity oifcred 
 " to our minifter ; bat what was more aggrava- 
 " vating than the reft, was, the profefTed deter- 
 '' mination not to receive our minifler until the 
 " complaints of the French fliould be redreffed^ 
 " without explanation and without exception ; 
 " until we fhould violate treaties, repeal laws, 
 " and do what the conditution would not authorifc^ 
 ^' vacate folemn judp^ments of our courts of law. '^ 
 
 This extract fhall have a full anfv/er. To be- 
 gin with the Britifh treaty, it was an injury of a 
 high and atrocious nature towards France, it 
 contravened our previous treaty with her. Be- 
 fides an hundred other writers, Mr. Dallas, in his 
 Features^ has clearly proved this point. With a 
 general reference to that pamphlet, Part V. one or 
 two inflances are here infertcd. 
 
ftjS SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 By the eleventh* article of the treaty of alliance 
 betv/een Louis XVI. and the United States, the lat- 
 ter guarantee to the former " the prefent pofTeflions 
 '^ of the crown of France in America, as well as 
 *' tliofe which it may acqiiirc by the future treaty 
 '' of peace/' The king, on his part, guarantees 
 the. territories of the United States. The federal 
 party have ipent thoufands of pages to prove that 
 America owes nothing to France, on the fcore of 
 gratitude, Vv^hich was exclufively due to the king 
 himfelf. Nav Tome of them have aliedped that 
 tlic treaties hety/een the two countries v/cre voided 
 by the di^Tolution of the monarchy. If the latter 
 pofition is true, France cannot be blamed /^r break-. 
 ifUr obligations that ccajc to exifi, 
 
 Alexander Kamilton, in his long-wlnded letters 
 ofPacificiis^ argues that the guarantee became void, 
 becaufe the treaty was entitled not offenfivc and de- 
 fenfive, but only eventu&l and defenfive ; and as the 
 French were the firO: to declare war againft Eng- 
 land, hence they were the offenfive party, and the 
 guarantee expired, at lead for this time. Such ap- 
 pears to be his inference. 
 
 If this was the view of the treaty, it fnould 
 have been fo exprefTed. But the twelfth article, 
 though explanatory, makes no didinc^ion, and the 
 f'onclufion ought to be that the two powers never 
 or»ce thought of it. The guarantee is in general 
 terms. If we forbear to guarantee the French Weft- 
 Indies, we fhould certainly not alfifl: England in at- 
 tacking them. If the treaty had any fignification 
 whatever, this was' implied in it, for its whole 
 avov^ed ohjetT: was to refift Britain, Without pro- 
 vi (ions from the United States, the Englifli could 
 jRot have attacked Martinique, or Guadaloupe* 
 
 ♦ Mr. Dallas, by roiftakc, cites it as ikc niniht 
 
HISTORY OF. AMERICA. 23^ 
 
 Every barrel of pork or flonr fhipped from this 
 continent to the Britifli We£l-Indies, was as clearly 
 afiifling England againft France, as if we had lent 
 our three frigates. A fulpenfion of finpping provii 
 ilons would haveentirely prevented EngliO^ military 
 operations, and have ilarved the Englifli iilands. This 
 was to render to France a very important iervicc; 
 and, being merely of the negative kind, it furRi(h- 
 ed to England no pretence for hoililities. 
 
 It will, be faid that fuch a prohibition was to 
 facrifice commerce. Every guarantee implies a facri- 
 fice. If a man is never to fulfil a treaty, when 
 it crofTes his perfonal intereft, it is entirely ufeleis 
 to make treaties. By ilepping forward in this way, 
 America could have Ihewed that flie was not, what 
 llie now is, the mere anvil of the belligerent world. 
 To iave her Weft-Indies, England could not have 
 helped acceding to a peace ; v/hiie, placed upon 
 an ifthmus, between the oppoiilc tides of hofli- 
 iity, America might, in fome meafure, have di(fl:a- 
 ted the terms of an agreement. By doing nothing, 
 by a mere ad" of negation, flie was to have done 
 every thing. By an embargo againlV England, 
 for only four months, America could not have loft 
 more than five or fix millions of dollars, and verv 
 probably not half that fum. The whole exports of 
 1793, came only to twenty-fix millioAS of dollars ; 
 and, on a medium, thofe of four months, came to 
 lefs than nine millions. Of thefeninc millions a great 
 part did not confifl of provifions. Such were cotton, 
 indigo, and fifty-nine thoufand nine hundred 
 and forty-feven hogRieads of tobacco. Of the pro- 
 vifions various kinds, as pork and beef, were m 
 no danger of fpoiiing. Much of the fiour would 
 have been exported, with other vivres, to the Weft- 
 Indies, in French bottoms. Much of the remain- 
 der could have been kept Vv ithout fuflering damage. 
 
24» . SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 putting thefe matters together, it %vill be feen that^ 
 by four months of patience and fidelity, and at the 
 iofs, comparatively fmall, of one, two, or three 
 miiliocs of dollars, America might have preferved 
 her character, along with French amity. She had 
 only to prohibit every American or foreign vefTel 
 from exporting provifions, with the (ingle exception 
 of France. At prefcnt, the republic may, in fa- 
 miliar language, explain herfelf thus. You pro- 
 miil'd to help me in defending my houfe. I did 
 not afk your aid, but you have lent the robber a 
 hatchet to break vip my door. This volume is 
 addrefTed only to men, who refpecl thefpirit as 
 well as the htter of a bargain. To them enough 
 has been faid in demonflration of American fel- 
 fifhnefs, ignorance, and duplicity. French depre- 
 dations are a bitter dofe, for which America may 
 thank herfelf. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 The fpeech of Mr. Otis continued. — Explajiation of the 
 difpiite between France and the United States, — 
 Mr, Giles. — Mr, Swanwick. — Mr. Living fton. — 
 /yfr. Coit. — Mr. Harper. — His equivoque, — Its 
 detection by Mr, Living fion. — Tri^mming enco^nium 
 C7i Pinckney by Mr, Giles. — Mr, Gallatin. — Har^ 
 per verfus Buonaparte. — Strange uo aft e oftime^ on 
 an anfwer to the prefidenfs fpeech, — Admijjton by 
 Prefident Adams., that we are a divided people. — 
 Invafion of Pennjylvania by the Sifquekanna com- 
 pany , 
 
 -r\LONG with the treaty of alliance 
 eventual and defenfive, there was iubfcribed at 
 Paris another of amity and commerce. The latter 
 indrument, in a fpirit of liberality very different 
 
HISTORY OF" AMERICA. 24! 
 
 from Jay's, had fixed the rulQthsX free bottoms make 
 free goods. The twenty-thh'd article fays, that k (hail 
 be lawful '* to fail with the fliips and merchan- 
 " difes aforementioned, and to trade with the fame 
 '' liberty and fe cur ity from the places, ports, and 
 *' havens of thofewho are enemies of both or either 
 " party ^ without any oppofition, or diflnrbance 
 '' whatfoever, not only directly from the places of 
 *' the enemy aforementioned to neutral places ; but 
 '' alfo from one place belonging to an enemy ^ to ano- 
 '^ ther place belonging to an enemy. — And it is 
 " hereby ftipulated, that Iv^o^ fliips iliall alfo give 
 " a freedom to goods.*' The article has much 
 more to this effect. The twenty-fourth enumerates 
 all ^ovts> of provifions as coming v/ithin tlie definition 
 of free goods. This treaty is dated at Paris, Fe- 
 bruary 6th, 1778. 
 
 The eighteenth article of the Britifli treaty has 
 beenaboye cited, and befidesabolifbingthe privilege 
 of free bottoms, it warrants the feizure of provi- 
 fions, on paying the price of them. 
 
 The twenty-fifth article does, indeed, fay, that, 
 '' nothing in this treaty contained fliall, however, be 
 *' conftrued or operate contrary to former and exifl- 
 " ingpublic treaties with other fovereigns or fates J^ 
 If this (lipulation had been obferved, it feems 
 that tlie republic would have had no caufe to com- 
 plain of that eighteenth article. But the meafurcs 
 of England have been a fyftematic violation of it. 
 In fpite of the treaty of Paris, America has con- 
 flantly fuffered French goods to be taken out of 
 her bottoms. Vad quantities of provifions have 
 been feized from American fliipping bound for 
 France, at the very time, when the Englifli were 
 boaftingthat they would flarve her^. In the face 
 
 * The plan of ftarving tlu^ French nation was the mod diaboli- 
 cal that ever entered into the heart even of an emperor, or a king. 
 
 Hh 
 
242 SiCETCHES OF^ THS: 
 
 of fucli matters^ it is not wonderful that the Frenck 
 
 are angry. 
 
 Mr. Jay's friends reply, th^t France, by the 
 fecond article of the treaty of Paris, was enti- 
 tled to"^' any particular favour in refpeiTt of com- 
 '' merce and navigation'^ that fnould be granted 
 by the United States to another nation. Of con-» 
 ieqiience, when jay gave np the right of free bot- 
 tomSjandofprovifionvefTelsj to England, the French 
 came to have the fame privilege of flopping them. 
 But the twenty-fifth article, above quoted, 
 fner/s that Jay had really faved the republic, in 
 this point. Yet the exception of the French, as 
 to provifions, and free bottoms, ought, at fo criti- 
 cal a time, to have been fully and fairly named- 
 The defertion of neutral rights, even in the (light- 
 ell way, opened a pretence for abufe. 
 
 The cafe between France and America appears 
 to be Oiortly this. Jay, in his treaty, gave up the 
 principle of free bottoms, with the exception of 
 treaties already made by the United States. This 
 was wrong ; yet the twenty-fifth article ought to 
 
 It conld nor fcrve to dlfDand French armies, but mufl have hatd atl 
 oppofite efFecl. 
 
 In f 709} France wns ravaged by a terrible famine ; and the ranks 
 of their armies were overwhelmed with vokmteers; for hunger is ari 
 admirable recruiting officer. The very fame circumftance has 
 happened both before and fince. A fcarcity of provifions alone would 
 be fufficient to fill the batrnlions. 
 
 The military part of a nation, are always^ in the lafl refort, it* 
 maPcers. Hence, in a general famine, they are the laft clafs of 
 citi/ens who feel the extremity of hunger. The firfl part of the 
 French nation which die of it muftbe their old men, women, and 
 children. 
 
 The Engliih are fond of reprefenting their neighbours as hi 
 a (iaie cf Jiarz-ing, When they with to revile the Welch, the 
 Scotch, the Irifti, or the French, goat-milk cheefe, oatmeal, po- 
 tatoes, and frogs are favourite topics. Time ahcut is fair plcy, fayi 
 the proverb. Many thoufanJs of peopic in England have, fines that 
 fchemc of ilAiving France, died of hunger. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 24J 
 
 have faved France. The Englidi, in reading their 
 copy of the treaty, overleaped this excepting arti> 
 cle, and, juft as if it never had been written, con- 
 tinued to feize French property on board of x\meri' 
 can vefTels, as likewife American provifions freight- 
 ed for any part of the republic. When thii trea- 
 ty was publi/hed in America, the directory were 
 bufy in arranging affairs of intricate complication, 
 and ftupendous importance. The recent conquefl 
 of Flanders and Holland called for their whole 
 attention. Compared with fuch objecfts, the cap- 
 ture of five hundred veffels, either by their ene- 
 mies or fro77tthcmy was a trifle. Bcfides, oppod- 
 tion to Jay's treaty became i^o violent in America 
 that there was the greateft chance for congrefs 
 overfetting it, as indeed it cfcaped in the end on- 
 ly by a fingle vote* out of ninety- feven. 
 ' In fummer, 17 9^ t a fplendid prize was to be 
 contended for in Italy, and till that difpute had 
 been partly decided, the diredory did not wifti to 
 entangle themielves in American negociation* 
 Buonaparte, whofe name hath fmce become fynoni- 
 mous to viiflory, foon convinced the world what 
 was to be the fate of Lombardy, When the di- 
 redlory perceived the republic to be profperous 
 on that fide, tliey of courfe turned their attention 
 to this country. Obfervc the following dates. 
 
 Jay's treaty had been figned on the 19th of No- 
 vember, 1794. I^ ^^^ ratified by the £cu:ite, on 
 June 24th, 1795*, ^"^ t>y Mr. Randolph, as 
 fecretary of llate, on Auguft 14th, 1795. 
 The appropriations for effe^ling the British 
 treaty were not ageeed to, by the rcprefenta- 
 tives, till April 30th, 1796. During this whole 
 
 * That of Mr. Muhlenberg, \n a committee of the whole houfa 
 of reprefentatjvess 
 
244 SKETCHESOFTKE 
 
 time, the French did not plunder Ainerican 
 vefTels, unlefs in two or three rare inflances, 
 while the Britifh were feizing them by hundreds. 
 That this was the cafe has been afcertained in 
 the Hiftory of 1796, which contains a copious ac- 
 count of all captures made by French, or Englifh 
 privateers up to about the end of April. The detail 
 was then fuipended from want of room. 
 
 This forbearance, on the part of France, from the 
 time that the treaty had been approved by the pre- 
 lident, till appropriations w^ere made for it by con- 
 grcfs, was the refult of honourable and found poli- 
 cy. By commencing the capture of American (liip- 
 ping, while the fate of Jay's treaty was A^et unde- 
 cided, they would have been fure to exafperate the 
 people of this country, and run the chance of driv- 
 ing them into a flill clofer connet^ion with England. 
 They did not furnifh America with any pretence or 
 provocation to quarrel with them, while, at the 
 fame time, they left her to the free operation of her 
 own mind. The republic, during this interval, fuf- 
 fered feverely by the treaty ; for they refpefted 
 that of Paris, while the United States permitted Eng- 
 land to break it. The French, agreeably to its fti- 
 pulations, allowed Britifli property to go free, if 
 protected by an American bottom ; while the Bri- 
 tifh, in exprefs violation of the twenty-fifth and 
 laving article of Jay's treaty, feized French pro- 
 perty in American fhipping. 
 
 Thefe are fafts inconteflably trwe ; and they place 
 France in the mofi: favourable light, when com- 
 pared to Britain. Under very great difadvantage, 
 the republic adhered to her treaty of 1778, while 
 England was inceffantly violating the one, dilated 
 by herfelf, that fhe had juft made with Jay. The 
 republic thus ac^ed with flrid honour, while Eng- 
 |'4rid difplayed treachery. Yet even this perfidy and 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 24^ 
 
 effrontery had no elfecfl: in ronfing America to manly 
 feelings. On the contrary, in ipring, 1796, while 
 the treaty was before congrefs, and v/hile Britilh 
 captures and imprefFnients filled every newipaper, 
 Meffrs. Harper and Tracy flood up in the houle to 
 deny their exigence. An artificial caterwauling was^ 
 in the meanwhile, excited all over the country, that 
 unlefs the United States agreed to Jay's treaty, 
 England would declare war. In vain did Mr. Gal- 
 latin, and others, urge, that, before the appropria- 
 tion for effet^ring it, England (liould be compelled 
 to fufpend her piracies. For urging a propofitioa 
 fo jiift in itfelf, and fo important to America, they 
 were, in the brutal, paper-jobbing diakiSJ:, reproach- 
 ed as pen doners of France. 
 
 The republic, in the unavoidable exercife of her 
 judgment, could not help defpifing a people fo com- 
 pletely enfeebled by pufillanimity, by felfiflincis, and 
 by fa<^ion. Almoft one half of congrefs were fo far 
 from wanting to redrefs the Britifn injuries com- 
 mitted on their allies, and even on their own con- 
 ftituents, that they cenfured every member who 
 wiflied to complain. When the directory faw 
 that the federal fatStion w^ere entirely vi(ilorious ; 
 that England continued to feize French property in 
 American bottoms ; and that our executive took 
 no effecfiive fleps to prevent it ; having waited as 
 long as juftice to their fellow citizens could permit 
 them to wait; they, on July 2d, 1796, pafTed 
 a decree, of which Mr. Pickering gives this ac- 
 count. " It announces, that the con du 61 of France 
 " towards neutrals, will be regulated by the man- 
 " ner in which they ihould fufFer the Englifh to 
 " treat them*." If they were to be ruled by that 
 precedent, they could never be at a lofs to vindi- 
 
 * MeiTage from the Prefident, of zzd June, 1797? p, 6. 
 
$.6 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 cate all forts of crimes. Though the idecreQ 
 avas dated July 2tJ, 1796, it was not, as Mr. 
 Pickering obierves, '' in general operation, untii 
 *'• OcT-ober." From this account it clearly follows, 
 that French depredations are the confequence of 
 congrefs having appropriated for Jay's treaty, with- 
 out malcingeven an atiempt to enforce that of Paris, 
 for the protedtion of French property under the 
 ^mericafi flag. 
 
 The principle laid down in the decree is, in itfelf, 
 equitable. It has been followed, on the 2d of March, 
 1797-^ '^y ^^^^ f^^li more explicit, and which forms 
 No. ll. of the documents, already cited, laid before 
 congrefs, by Mr. Adams, on June 2 2d, 1797, 
 An abridgement of the chief articles in the latter 
 edi'rt, v/ill explain the greater part of the prefent 
 grounds of complaint, which France has againft 
 America, and which are fairly deducible from Jay's 
 unhappy defcrtion of the dod:rine, that free bottoms 
 make free goods ; that a French cargo is fafe under 
 the American flag. 
 
 The direiEtory begin by quoting a law of May 
 9th, 1793, ^^ which, the prefent decree is little 
 more than a fecond edition. This law, which had 
 either been long fufpended, or, indeed, never exe- 
 cuted, fats out with complaining that the enemies 
 of France violate the flag of neutral powers to her 
 prejudice, and therefore, fays, that (lie can no longer 
 fulfil, towards thofe neutral powers in general, the 
 wiOi that (he has conftantly manifefted for the en- 
 tire freedom of commerce and navigation. 
 
 The law of 1793, ^^^^ enjoins, that neutral vef- 
 fels ma}* be llopt, when the property of an enemy 
 is found on board of them. Thus, if a merchant in 
 London, comes over to Norfolk, in Virginia, buys 
 a quantity of tobacco, and Ihips it for England, in 
 an American bottonij the cargo will be fcizable. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 247 
 
 llic vefTel, however, is to be difcharged, as foori 
 as unloaded, and what American property Ihe may 
 contain is alio free. She is to be paid the freight for 
 which fiie was hired, with a juil indemnification for 
 the time of her being detained. French tribunals 
 are appointed to determine thofe matters. The ]aw, 
 witli equity, adds, that its operations againfi: neutral 
 bottoms are to ceafe, whenever the enemy fhall de- 
 clare that they will no lonp;er molefl French pro- 
 perty in the like fituation* All this, with the long 
 forbearance of France, till fo late as Ocftober, 1796, 
 evidently proves, that the republic was driven into 
 the prefent attack upon neutral bottoms, by the ne- 
 ceiiity of creating a counterbalance to the previous 
 and ftill continued piracies of Britain* 
 
 Having cited this law, the decree ne:j^t refers to 
 Jay's treaty, and that of Paris. It explains wherein 
 they differ, and in what way they mufl be recon- 
 ciled, in order to fecure an equal advantage to 
 France as to England. The direifrory quote, in their 
 defence, the fecond article of the treaty of Paris, 
 whicli begins in thefe terms. 
 
 '' The moll chriftian king, and the United States, 
 *' engage, mutually, not to grant any particular fa- 
 *' vour to other nations, in reipedr of commerce and 
 '' navigation, whick fhall not immediately be com- 
 '' mon to the other party, who (hall enjoy the fame 
 *' favour.'^ 
 
 After explaining the neccffity for taking 
 advantage of this llipulation, the decree quotes 
 the feventeenth article of Jay's treaty, and, 
 grounding precifely on the fame footing, declares, 
 th^t free piips SFc not to make free cargoes. It next: 
 refers to the eighteenth article, and in like manner 
 extends the lift of contraband goods beyond what: 
 was fettled by the treaty of Paris. Jay had admit- 
 ted fliip-timbcr, pitch, tar, hemp, and fome other 
 
a^S SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 articles to be ieizable, even though American pro- 
 perty. The decree follows up this blow, and jullice 
 cannot blame it. 
 
 Jay, by ti^e twenty-finl: article, tonfented, that an 
 American Tailor, lighting on board of a French vefTel, 
 and taken prifoner by England, fnall be treated as 
 a pirate. The French decree copies this claufe, and 
 then maF.es the lame declaration. It farther adds, 
 that an American fball not be permitted to plead 
 impff:[;ment. This is hard upon individuals, but as 
 to die United States at large, they never made any 
 ferioLis efforts to hinder Englifh kidnapping. Their 
 negligence caufed great numbers of Americans to 
 be impvefTed, and v/hether as volunteers, or by 
 compuifion, they are equally elie«51iv eagainflFr an cc. 
 Hciice the republic is warranted, in her own de- 
 ,fei:ce, to ufe every method for compelling the Uni- 
 tc?d States to do juftice to themfelves, and to her. 
 
 Mr. Pinckney* iays, that American failors are 
 Ttt preient detained in Breft, as prifoners of war, 
 and " fuller much by clofe confinement and bad 
 '' provifions." They may thank the miferablc 
 clii'iie wiiich declared them liable to be confidered 
 as pirates, if they enlifled on board of French fliips 
 of war. But for that claufe, the French would 
 have been glad to fet them free, and take them 
 into their own fervice. At prefent, many Ameri- 
 cans are, in Ipite of the treaty, in the French 
 .r.avy, and thefe prifoners in Breft will be kept mofl 
 likely, as a pledge, in cafe that Barney, or fome 
 oti^er Americans, in the French fervice, (liall be 
 captured by the Englifi:i. Jay has authorifed Gren- 
 ville to hang Barney, and the direcftory keep ano- 
 ther fet of Americans for the halter of retaliation. 
 To fuch a climax of independence, re{]3ecT:, and 
 
 * Documents, &c, p. 33. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 249 
 
 dignity, lus this country been elevated by the 
 maflerly politics of the federal party. It is im- 
 poilible that we fliould efcape t^ie imiverfal con- 
 tempt of Europe. The fix percent, cabinet have 
 converted the national chara(n:er into a fort of po- 
 litical common fev/er for the reception of every 
 indignity from every government on earth. 
 
 The two decrees of the French directory, of 
 July 2d, I79'6, and March 2d, I797, are evi- 
 dently engrafced on the principles of the iSritilh 
 treaty, and mufl be afcribed exclufively to it. The)" 
 differ effentialh^ from the buccaneering proclama- 
 tions of the Britifli king, for tlie legal adjudication 
 of American veiTels. They go precifely es far as 
 the United States already faffered England to go, and 
 not a ftep farther. In executing thefe French de- 
 crees, many feizures have taken place, which they 
 did not apparently contemplate. Many horrid out- 
 rages have been committed on the property and 
 perfoias of Americans; for the crew of a Freneli 
 privateer are compofed of as coarfe materials as 
 thofe of an Englifh one* But the conduft of our 
 government led exactly to fuch a fituation. For 
 fome yejtrs paft it has beat np for external indigni- 
 ties. It has fent out riders to take in commif- 
 fions for infult. Such were thofe factors of de- 
 gradation, Thomas Pinckney and John Jay. " If 
 " the treaty is ratified,'* faid prefident Wafliing- 
 ton, '/ the partifans of the French, or rather of 
 " war and confufion, will excite them to hoflilc 
 '' meafures ; or at leafl: to unfriendly fentiments''^." 
 In every word he was miflaken. The treaty was 
 oppofsd by friends of peace and order. Since it 
 paft, they have never excited the French to hoftili- 
 ties. But war and confufion were juftly forefeen, 
 
 * Randolph p. 37, 
 
 li 
 

 i^o SKETCHES OF THK 
 
 as the obvious conlcquence of the treaty itfelf. It 
 was framed under the aufpices of a party in pro- 
 feffed enmity to France. '' The fucccfs of the 
 duke of Brunfwick was moll earneftly wifhed 
 
 or by the principal agents of this ariftocratic 
 *' and fiical party, who had not even the decency 
 ^' to conceal their fentiments upon the fubjecTt. — 
 '' The pulie of the whole party beat in unifon 
 '' with him, as he advanced towards Paris, and 
 **^ witii him they v/ere covered witli fharne and 
 " mortification as he retreated*.'' Yet, with their 
 nfu al fmcerity, "they affeft to date their dread of 
 France from the arrival of Genet, about eight 
 months after* 
 
 This explanation has been fomewhat loiig, but 
 it accounts for the prefent conduit of the French. 
 It (liews that they have received atrocious provo- 
 cation ; that they bore it for a confiderable time, 
 witli patience, till they faw that no redrefs was 
 to be expecfled. They are now ailing, from honeft 
 refeiitment, what England did from wanton info- 
 Icnce. This is the real diilindiion between the pi- 
 racies of the two nations. When a man becomes 
 both judge and avenger in his own caufe, he is apt 
 not only to get juflice, but fomething more than 
 jnilice. This is, no doubt, the way with the French ; 
 but for the original mifchief, we are to blame fuch 
 legiilators as Ilarrifon Otis, to whoie harangue we 
 are now to return. 
 
 '' Where,'' faid Mr. Otis, " arc your failors ? 
 *' Lillen to the palling gale of the ocean, and 
 *' you v»"ill hear their groans ifluing from French 
 ^' prifon iljips." If they were taken in Englifh fhips 
 of war, the Frencli are well entitled to confine them. 
 \Vhile the Britifii imprelFed Americans by thoufands, 
 
 * An Examination of the late Pfoccc^iBga in Congrcfs, See, p. 2 j. 
 
HISTORY 0¥ AMERICA. 25^1 
 
 the federal party were troubled with an invincible 
 deafncfs. But whenever the French begin to oilend 
 in the fame way, they become quick of hearing. 
 
 Mr. Otis *' dsfied the ingenuity of any gentle- 
 *' man to draw a coniparifon between the ^i- 
 *' reiHiory and the Eritifli parliament, to the ad- 
 *' vantage of the former; and infijled that the de- 
 *' mands of Charles de la Croix were upon a para- 
 '' lei with thofeof lord North." If the orator means 
 to compare the parliament of 1775, with the pre- 
 fent directory, or to fay that the difmiflion of Piuck- 
 ney amounts to another Boflon port bill, he com- 
 mits a grofs violation of truth. Incendiaries, like 
 Mr. Otis, have hurried this country into a fcries of 
 meafures offcnfivcto France, and previoufly defign- 
 cd tobefo. America muft now retrace her fleps. If 
 La Croix had feBt forty thoufand men to invade this 
 continent, there would be fomc meaning in the defi- 
 ance of Mr. Otis. Bat now, it is the challenge of ig- 
 norance, debility, andimpofture. 
 
 '' There was a time when he (Mr. Otis) was ani- 
 ^' mated with enthufiafm in favour of the French 
 " revolution, and he cheriflied it, while civil liberty 
 '' appeared to be the objed: ; but he now confidered 
 ^* that revolution as completely atchieved, and that 
 *' the war was continued, not for liberty, but for 
 *' conqueft and aggrandizement, to which he did 
 '' not believe it v/ss the inter eft of this count ly to 
 *' contribute,^' 
 
 The p«wer of France may become dangerous to 
 the United States, becaufe they have treated her as, 
 an alien. This cannot be helped. They are but in 
 the griftle of political flrength, and mxuft fail with 
 the flream. As for the revolution being co77ipletely 
 atchieved^ Mr. Fcnno hath fince affirmed, that it is 
 oii the eve of being hloivn up*". The hope of a dif* 
 * Supra Chap. VIJI, 
 
n^t SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 ference between the diredory and the council of 
 five hundred, induced Mahiiefbury, as the French 
 affirm, to retard, for fome time, bis fecond nego- 
 ciation. This v/e learn by a mefiTage from the for- 
 mer body to the latter. Such a delay, at this late 
 period of the war, flicvvs the good will and unex- 
 tinguiflied hope of the combined powers. Civil li- 
 berty is as much the objcL^l: of the revohjtion as it 
 ever was. Mr. Otis and his party pretend to be re- 
 publicans. Hence, inftead of regretting, they iliould 
 have been glad at the eiiablhhnient of an Italian 
 republic. They ought to wi(h for a fimilar refor- 
 mation in the German empire; that mankind might 
 have a choice of their own, and be no longer driven 
 into military fcrvice, like an ox to the flaughter. A 
 true republican will rejoice as much at the fuccefs 
 of his principles, as a true chriftian at the propaga- 
 tion of the gofpel. Had Otis been an Iriili peafant, 
 cxiiling, with his family, upon fix-pence flerlicg per 
 day, he v/ouid have feen the propriety of an alte- 
 ration in government*. If his father, an Auflrian 
 farmer, had cut off his thumbs to fecure him from 
 confcription, our fpokefman would have panted for 
 the depofition of his imperial majefty. The reft of 
 this long fpeech may, without injuring the fame of 
 Mr. Otis, be fuffered to fmk in oblivion. 
 
 * A London newfpaper of September 25;, 1796, gives a report 
 from a committee of the whig club of Ireland. They fay, that, in 
 many parts of that country, a labourer, during the preceding win- 
 ter, and fpring, had only fix-pence per day, while oatmeal was at 
 eighteen-pence, and potatoes at three-pence farthing per ftone. 
 
 At fix-pence per day, the labour of a week amounts to three iliil- 
 L'ngs. With this, the man could buy two ftones, or thirty-two pounds 
 cf mealj for himfelf, his wife, and three children. This came to 
 jfburteen- o-ances and an half of oatmeal per day, for each, c« the 
 fuppofition that the family could live without fire," clothes, or lodging. 
 The report adds, that the price of oatmeal and potatoes, during the 
 ^bave period, 'had been, nor lefs, but often confiderably dcaier than 
 ♦ii;ie rates; 'and that, fcir the IaJI three years, the general i^ate of thQ 
 ^^c^' b^d been but in a (rpall degree bc;ter^ 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. 253 
 
 Mr. Giles role ibon after. He remarked, that 
 while we were lb loudly denying ourfelves to be a 
 divided people, the very debate proved us to be To, 
 This inconteftable oblervation, strikes at the root of 
 the prefident's fpeech. Barras had only faid what 
 all mankind know to be true. 
 
 Mr. Swanwick fpoke in defence of the amend- 
 ment of Mr. Nicholas. He '^ thought, that a niim- 
 '' ber of gentlemen had already /Zx<f^//^<?/r opinio7is 
 ^^ for A French war. — It was laid, that it would 
 *' be dilating to the executive to exprefs our opi- 
 '^ nion of what mcafures oiight to be taken. Mr. 
 " Swanwick did not underltand this language. The 
 '^ executive had called us together to tell us the 
 " prcfent flate of affairs. And are we to fit with 
 *' our arms folded \ Are we to go into the merits 
 *^ of the ipcech ; its arguments ; and the circuni- 
 " fiances attending it ; and not to fay a fmgle word 
 " of what ought to be done, becaule it is not our 
 " department I What 1 Is not the peace of the coim- 
 try ivithin our department f Are we called toge- 
 ther only to vote for taxes f xAre we fo muzzled 
 ' by the conftitution, that we muft be filent about 
 the great concerns of the nation \ ^Ve are not 
 *^' now interfering with the treaty-making power, 
 " but merely giving a general opinion. Could fuch 
 *' filence have been in the view of the framers of 
 *' the conftitution ? We may not give an advice 
 ■ ' before hand 1 After the treaty is made it is the 
 ^' law, and the houle hav^e no right of doing any 
 " thing but to give their money." 
 This aro-ument was unanfwerable. 
 If the federal patriots could obtain their apparent 
 object:, the legidature would fmk into a mere office 
 for the regiilration of taxes. No Britidi minifter 
 durft forbid a member of parliament from difcuf- 
 ^i-^% the preference of peace or war. 
 
254 SKETCHES OF TH© 
 
 Mr. Livingflon was for the amendment. *' If \vc 
 '' adhere^" faidhe, *' totheflile of the addrefs as re- 
 '\ ported, goto war we mml. War is the idea of the 
 ^"^ Jpccch, — Mr. Livingfton afked, if we were to fight 
 *^ the French becaufe they CKprefTed good wiflies 
 ^' for the people of America/' (This referred to 
 the fpeech of Barras.) " Mr. Livingilbn thought, 
 " that the Dutch had fully as much reafon to be 
 " offended with Quincy Adams, as we had to com- 
 " plaia of 3arras." Here he read the paffage in Mr. 
 Adams'? letter, whichidefcribcs the dependent flatc 
 of tlie patriotic party in Holland. 
 
 Mr. Coit propofcd fever al additions and altera- 
 tions of his own. He was forry that the houfc had 
 ever got into the habit of anfwering prefidential 
 fpeeches. He recommendcdtheomillion of all which 
 related to Barras, and the infcrtion of fomething in 
 a fofter tone. 
 
 Mr. Livingfton had fpoke of the impreffment 
 of thoufands of American fcamen. Mr. Harper, 
 in contradi(fl:ion to this, declared that he could 
 produce very good authority ; being that of the 
 gentleman himfelf. He was appointed chairman 
 of a committee to report on the fubje^l ; and, af- 
 ter an enquiry of fcveral months, the refult ftood 
 thus : 
 
 American fcamen impreffed, 42 
 
 Natives of Britain, 12 
 
 Foreigners, 16 
 
 Country unknown, 17 
 
 Total, 97 
 
 Tlijs he thought a fufficient reply. 
 
 Mr. Livingflon faid, that, with regard to the itii- 
 prelTment, returns had only been made by five 
 or fix collectors 5 fo that the accounts contained 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. i|^ 
 
 nothing like a fLatement of the real amount of 
 imprefiinents. — Among others, the great port of 
 New- York had fent no return. Even thole tliat 
 were made out referred only to a few months > 
 from the beginning of January, 1796 ; and thou- 
 fands of feamen might have been impreflcd befoie 
 that account began. Mr. Livingflon had never 
 heard that any of the above people were rcleafed. 
 
 To this explanation Harper made no anfwer. 
 He ftood plainly convitflied of an attempt to deceive 
 thehoufe. He wanted, as Henry Fielding expreffes 
 it, to convey A lie in the words of triitJu The 
 report contained, indeed, only ninety fcvcn names ; 
 but then, as Harper well knew, it v/as confined 
 to a mere handful of the imprcffmcnts. 
 
 Mr. Giles made a long fpcech in favour of the 
 amendment of Mr. Nicholas. He '' gave Mr. Pinck- 
 '' ney great credit for his behaviour. He had ac- 
 *' quired as much reputation, as, in fuch an exigen- 
 '' cy, it was poiTible to acquire. But Mr. Giles 
 " could not fay that the difmiffion was entirely 
 ^' groundlefs." It was very well grounded, as hath 
 already been proved. Mr.Pinckneydefeved nopart 
 of this encomium. Mr. Giles faid, that '' the ten- 
 '' dency of the fpeech and report was to declare 
 '' war. — France would think it equal to a declara- 
 *' tion of a war, if this amendment was rejected.— 
 '' It was MO fecret that the United States had not 
 " clone jujlice to France.*' 
 
 Mr. Gallatin adverted to thefmgular docflrine of 
 the houfe not being at liberty to give their opi- 
 nion on tlie preference of peace or war, becaufc 
 it interfered with the power of making treaties. 
 Mr. Gallatin faid, that " he could cover the tabic 
 '' with parliamentary precedents for giving fuch 
 " opinions, even in a country where the king is 
 '' cntrufted with the ibk power ©f making war.'' 
 
^35 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 In a fubfequent fpeech, on May 27th, Mr. liar* 
 per faid that Buonaparte was fit only for the per- 
 petration of atrocities ; that he was a man who had 
 eflablifhed a reputation upon crimes ; that he could 
 be compared to none but the leaders of Goths and 
 Vandals ; with other phrafes, foreign to the fub- 
 jecl, yet well fitted for inflaming his audience 
 againft France, and the latter againd them .^ The 
 attempts of Harper to involve the continent in a 
 French and Spanifh war, cafl: Nero and his confla- 
 gration into the fhade. In prefence of the Spa- 
 nifli ambafTador, he laft fummer named his catho- 
 lic majefly to congrefs as the vajj'al king of Spain. 
 Mr. Harper has not received the education, nor docs 
 he pofiefs the feelings of a gentleman ; otherwile 
 this burii of vulgarity could not have efcaped from 
 his lips. Behold the being that hiiTes at the Corii- 
 can hero ! 
 
 After fuch doings, Mr. Harper and his party 
 pretend to be angry at the difmiiTion of Pinckncy. 
 Put the cafe that Barras had granted him an audi- 
 ence, and had fpoke as follows. '' Your prefident 
 ^' is an old doating fool. His head is turned with 
 *' his elevation. He fuifers hinifelf to be led by 
 ''.the nofe by a circle of afTociates in the pay of 
 *' Britain. But unlefs he and his congrefs chufe 
 " to correcl their flile, the republican navy (hall 
 *' lay New- York and Philadelphia as flat as the floor 
 *' that yow /land on J* Such a harrangue would not 
 be more brutal or infolent than the menace which 
 Harper has throv/n out of conquering the Spanifli 
 colonics. Pluck out the bea?n before you feek for 
 the mote. 
 
 The words of this legiflative luminary were 
 taken down, and pnbliflied a few days after, in the 
 Merchant's Advertifer, as a part of his fpeech. By 
 this tune he had begun to be afliamcd of it. He 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. i^^f 
 
 went to Mr. Bradford's office, made a confidera-^ 
 ble noifc, and obtained admillion for a correCfed co-' 
 py of his harangue. It appeared, for the fecond 
 time, on the loth of June. Mr. Harper therein 
 ogly fays, that B'lonaparte was ^' a great man, trn- 
 *^ ly qualified to be the inPcrument of fuch oppref^ 
 ^^ fion.'* He afterwards printed a t^ird edition of 
 it, in three fucceffive numbers of another newfpa- 
 per, wherein it fwelled to the incredible bulk of 
 feven folio pages* It is hard to believe that one 
 half of this matter was ever pronounced in the 
 houfe, for they fit only four or five hours. 
 
 We fliall here conclude this impcrfeft glance ai: 
 the debates on the prefident^s fpeech* The repre- 
 ientatives did not get their addrcfs ready, till the 
 fecond of June. They had met on the 15th of May^ 
 heard the oration on the i6th, and had tugged for 
 fixteen days inclufive, from the i/th, to the 2d of 
 June following. The amendment of Mr* Nicholas 
 was rejected 4 x^ll the pafTages, quoted in the outfet: 
 of this flictch, were retained* The yeas and nays 
 were called over feven times. The addrefs finally 
 paft, by fixty-two votes againft thirty-fix ; and, witli 
 admirable confiflency, ccnfured the dircclory, for 
 gently hinting to Monroe, that we are a divided 
 people. This paper affirmed, alfo, that '^ the con- 
 '^ du6t of the government has been jtij? and mipar- 
 *^ tial to foreign nations.'* The affirmation is uni- 
 verfally known to be falfc^ ; and as fuch, had been 
 conftantly contradid:ed by the republican fide of the 
 houfe. The-feffion ended on July 5th, 1797, hav-- 
 
 * Among other glaring inftances of partialify, oliferve the fol- 
 lowing. France and England are at war. Gov'erniiient permits the 
 latter, unmoleftedi to prefs our feamen. At the fame time we agree 
 to a treaty forbidding them to enter into French fervice. Befidcs 
 that the French are greatly in want of able faiiors, an American, b/ 
 fpeaking the Eiiollfli language, and being acquainted with the fea* 
 xnanlhip of that people, would be of peculiar ufe in a Fiengh privateer, 
 
 Kk 
 
^5S SKETGHElS OF THE 
 
 ing lafled exa^lly fifty-two days. Of thefe, fixteeti 
 were fpent upon an anfvver to the prefident. The 
 whole charge of the feflion, by an account given in, 
 was about eighty thoufand dollars, or fifteen hun- 
 dred and thirty eight dollars, and a fraiTtion, per 
 day. Thus the addrefs required twenty-four thou- 
 farid fix hundred dollars worth of time, and amount- 
 ted, in the judgment of the minority, to a decla- 
 ration of war againft France. The journal ®f the 
 wliole feflion forms but an hundred and forty pages. 
 The reply of Mr- Adams to this addrefs, ends on 
 the forty-fourth. 
 
 So much buflle about a prefident's fpeech, evi- 
 dently fliews that we are ambitious of polling to- 
 wards monarchy, Speaking*of the late birth day of 
 general Wafhington, a federal newfpaper has thefe 
 words. — '' Two public companies, and many pri- 
 '' vate parties, obferved this political christ- 
 *' MAS, and HALL0\7ED it* 1" It is believed that no 
 Englifh print was ever polluted with fuch abjed: 
 profanation. Mr. Adams was not contented with 
 fcolding at France. He hath fince been inveighing 
 againfi: thofe who difapprove his tondu6b. He waS 
 angry at Barras for attempting, as he alledged, tb 
 feparate the people from their government. He nov/ 
 declares, that fuch a project has a^^ually been fram- 
 ed in the United States ; and that it has a high pro- 
 bability of jiiccefsl The particulars are thus* 
 
 ©n Augufl 7th, 1797, Mr. Adams dined at F^- 
 rueil Hall, in Bofton, with tw^o hundred and fifty 
 of his fellow citizens. An addrefs was prefented to 
 liim, which has tliis pafTage. ''When domeilric/^c-. 
 ^' tion appears to have confpired with foreign in- 
 " trigue, to deflroy the peace of our country ; when 
 *' our conflituted authorities are reviled and inful- 
 
 * Aurora, 7th March, 1797. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. %^<) 
 
 ^^ tedi^ ; and the moft daring attempts to feparate 
 ■ ' the people from their government are openly 
 ^' made and avowed ; at fiich acrifis we are excited, 
 " no leis by our inclination than our duty, to re- 
 *' probate/' &c, 
 
 To this yell of malice and ftupidity, the pred- 
 dent made a moft gracious reply. The addrefs ha^ 
 fourteen lines upon faftion. Mr. Adams rung the 
 changes through forty-eight. " I cannot," fays he, 
 '' but be of the opinion, that the profligate fpirit of 
 ^' falfehood and malignity, which has appeared \\\ 
 ^' feme, and the unguarded difpofition in others to 
 '^* encourage it, are ferious evils, and bear a threat- 
 • ' ening afpec^ upon the union of the dates, their 
 '' conftitution of government, and the moral cha^ 
 '' ra(5lcr of the nation.*^ 
 
 Thus hath our prefident proclaimed his refent- 
 ment becaufe a minority of congrefs were unwil- 
 ling to embark in his French war. He feems to 
 juftify an obfervation made by Mr. Paine. " I have 
 '^ always," fays he, '' been oppofed to the mode of 
 '' refining government up to an individual, or what 
 ^' is called a fmgle executive. Such a man will al^ 
 ^' ways be the chief of a party, A plurality is far 
 ^' better. It combines the mafs of a nation better 
 *' together ; and, befides this, it is necefTary to the 
 *' manly mind of a republic, that it lofes the debai- 
 " ing idea of obeying an individualt.*' 
 
 The houfe of reprefentatives have always pof- 
 felFed a number of men, equal to Mr. Adams. 
 Nothing but the fpirit of fervility would excite 
 fuch a noife about hisfpeech. The debate on mak- 
 ing an anfwer to it produced a dozen ipeeches equal. 
 
 * The greateft infult was that on the reprefentatives, of their not 
 being at liberty to giv« an opinion to the prefident for or againft ^ 
 rupture with France. 
 
 i ?aine to Walhington, p, |, 
 
^63 SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 to his. But then Mr. Adams has the right 
 of appointment to many inug places, with an 
 jinnual finecure to hiinfeif of twenty-five thou- 
 iand dollars. Tlicie be thy gods O Ifrael ! But for 
 his high falary, and his unbounded patronage, an 
 anisver to a preiident's fpeech would be very con- 
 cife, and the debates upon it very cool. 
 
 If the change to a quintuple directory can be 
 accompliihed, without interrnediatemifchief, it may 
 be as well for America if Mr. Adams (liall beherlafl 
 prefident. This remark is not levelled at the gen- 
 tleman, but the office. Matters have come to fuch 
 a height that Mr. Jefferfon, if chofen at the next 
 election, will, perhaps,^ be forced to take refngc in 
 Ins party, They can hardly- commit as much harni 
 as their predeceiTors have done. The certificates 
 are funded. The bank government is eftahlifhed. 
 Yet, after all, democratical afcendency will ftiJl be, 
 ipibil likely, but the domination of a party, Anative 
 citizen of the county of Philadelphia, of the firft 
 clafs, both in point of information and of fortune, 
 wasaflccd, daring the late prefidcntial canvals, whe- 
 ther he preferred Adams or Jeiferfon. '' I widi for 
 *^' the latter,'^ he replied, '' as, by far, mod likely to 
 ^^ keep us out of a French war. But J would rather 
 "^^ fee a flick of wood in the chair than either of the 
 *' candidates. The very buftle that you make about 
 ^' thi^ ele/tion proves that your conllitution is a 
 ^' monarchy, A pure republic will reft nothing upon 
 ^^ the choice of a hngle man.'^ 
 
 The aniVer to the fpeech fliould be circumfcri- 
 ped to a verbal melTage ; and congrefs ought to 
 give up the cuflom of vifiting a prefident at 
 |us levees, and on his birth day. A gradual exti^ic- 
 ^lon fhoyld be promoted of that fulibme flile with 
 which, for thefe nine yc^rsj our prcfidents havc^ 
 hzGn addrcilcd. 
 
HISTORY OF AMERICA. a6i 
 
 In his anfwer to the Boflon addrels, Mr. Adams 
 fpeaks of " a threatening afpec^ upon the wtion of 
 ** the ftatcs." The ftrongeil: alped of that kind 
 appears in Conned icut. On December 23d, 1796, 
 there was diftributed to the aiTembiy of Penniyl- 
 vania, a pamphlet, entitled, Papers Kejpediiig in" 
 triijioits by Co?2nediciit Claimants » It begins with a 
 circular letter of x\pril i6th, 1796, from the go- 
 vernor of this (late to thole of New-Jeriey, New- 
 York, Rhode-Ifland, Connedicut, and MafTachu- 
 Ictts. This inclofed the copy of a proclamation, 
 idbed by him, at the inftance of the affembly, for 
 preventing intrufions. h requefl was fubjoined that 
 it might be publifhed in ^lieir refpeclive itates ; and, 
 that if any attempts were made to emigrate into 
 Pennfylvania, they might be oppofed. 
 
 Obferve the various reception that this letter met 
 with from thefe five governors. As New-York has 
 ^, fimilar quarrel with ConnedUcut, Mr. Jay not 
 only publifhed the Pennfylvanian manifeflo, but 
 fuperadded another of his own. New-Jerfey and 
 MalTachufetts have no fuch intereft in the caufe, 
 and in thefe two Hates it was fent to the newfpapers, 
 without fuch an appendage. Rhode-Ifland, influen- 
 ced by its Connedicut neighbours, appears to have 
 done nothing at all. The governor of Connedicut 
 declined perfbnal agency in printing the proclama- 
 tion, but, with an obliging anfwer, laid it before 
 the two branches of the legiflaturc. 
 
 From the other papers we learn, that, early in 
 May, 1796, aland furveyor, from Connecticut, and 
 four afliflants, were on the Pennfylvania line, near 
 the one hundred and twenty-nin«milc ftone. They 
 defigned to run off 'li'^ townftiips within this flate. A 
 letter from Lycoming county, of June i8tli, 179^? 
 informed, that there were five fetts of furveyors on 
 the fame buGnefs. On June 22d, a committee of 
 
%Sz SKETCHES OF THE 
 
 that county was held to counteraft the invaders. In 
 a letter of July 6th, to the governor, the committee 
 write thiii. '''' We have further been informed, 
 " that, Ibme few days iince, a party, of fifteen or 
 '' twenty men, were feen, -well armed %vith 7'ifies^ 
 *' and equipped, proceeding on into the country up 
 '' the Cawanefque, in the neighbourhood of the 
 " ftate line; and that a party of fifteen furvcyors, 
 '' with their hands, were to fet out from about the 
 ^' mouth of Tioga river, to furvey in the fame coun- 
 " try. General report fays, that this proceeding 
 '' has taken place, fince a council was refolved upon 
 '^ and holden at Tioga point, /;^ cofifequejtce of your 
 ^^ excellency's proclarnatmibeing jent i7ito that coun- 
 '^ try. We are afTured, that they are in numerous 
 *' parties, throughout the northern parts of this 
 ^' country, and we apprehend that tliey expect 
 refiflance to their intrufions. We are decidedly 
 ef opinion, that a civil magiflrate, unprotected 
 by an armed force, would be in imminent danger 
 in attempting to arref]: any of the intruders." 
 Meafures were taken to repel them, and their pro- 
 jecft v/ai, for that time, fufpended. 
 
 Here v/e fee, that a party of armed men entered 
 Pennfylvania, with a purpofe to refifl the governor's 
 proclamation. Granting their claim to be well 
 founded, it ought not to be fupported by rifles. A 
 fimilar conduft in other difpntes about land, would 
 fill the continent with carnage. A purchafer, jofl:- 
 led out of his farm, has only to charge his gun, and 
 level at his enemy. This precedent is the moft 
 alarming, the moll antifederal, that can well be 
 imagined. It came from a body of people firmly 
 devoted to Mr. Adams. If any other flate had inva- 
 ded Conned:icut with a detachment of men in arms 
 the whole union would have rung with reproaches, 
 from Trumbail, Webfter, and the refl of her lite^ 
 
HISTORY OF AMEHICA, iO^ 
 
 i^ati. The defign was dropt from dread of a fuperiof 
 force, but will, it is likely, be renewed with the 
 firfl: opportunity. Our prefident may point out, if he 
 can, what other flate entertains any plans which 
 arc half fo dangerous to the general peace. If go- 
 vernor Mifllin had refufed to publifh a proclamation 
 againfl the weflern infurgents, he would have be- 
 haved precifely as the governor of ^onned:icut didi 
 in the aifah' o/the Sufquehanna company: 
 
 ITHE EN Ji. 
 
SNOWDEN & M'CORKLE, 
 
 No, A7^ North Fourth-fir eet^ Philadelphia^ 
 HAVE JUST PUBLISHED, 
 ^ V THE 
 
 HI STORY 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 United States for the year 1796, 
 
 Among a variety of other intcrefting poll- 
 tied information, this work contains a copious and 
 authentic abflrad of 
 
 JAY'S INSTRUCTIONS, 
 
 And fome important anecdotes of Mr. HAMIL* 
 ton's connci^ion with James Reynolds. 
 
 K"^' 
 
 Said Snowden & M^Corkle 
 
 EXECUTE ALL KINDS OF 
 
 LETTER-PRESS PRINTING 
 
 WITH 
 
 Neatnefs, Accuracy, and Difpatch* 
 

 
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