«?-• //l-l w I PRINCETON. N. j. Part of the ADD1S(,N ALEXANDER LIBRARY whuh was presented by Messrs. R. l. ,yD A. gTt7ART> - HaJ52 -H37 1853 1859. ' ^rles, 182l_ ^4°ry °f « e Christi an Jthf. &dd<%+* (M&£**tte<~ r/f W,//, HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. €ambrtDge ; ^prtntetJ be JflctcaUe anti palmer FOR MACMILLAN AND Co. IContJim: GEORGE BELL. ©iforK : J. H. PARKER. ©Ublin: HODGES & SMITH. 3£ton : e. p. williams. lEBinburgl): edmonston & douglas. CEilasgoto: james maclehose. A HISTORY CHRISTIAN CHURCH Mh $p. iriTE FOUR MAPS CONSTRUCTED FOR THIS WORK BY A. KEITH JOHNSTON. CHAELES &ARDWICK, M.A., FELLOW OF ST. CATHARINE'S HALL, AND LATE CAMBRIDGE PREACHER AT THE CHAPEL ROYAL, WHITEHALL. MACMILLAN AND CO. 1853. T. THE MASTER AND FELLOWS ST. CATHARIFE'S HALL, fins iaUtnu iS RESPECTFULLY AND AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED AS A MEMORIAL OF HAPPY YEARS SPENT IN THEIR SOCIETY. PREFACE. xIlthough this volume has been written for the series of Theological Manuals projected by the present Pub- lishers five years ago, it claims to be regarded as an integral and independent treatise on the Media? val Church. I have begun with Gregory the Great, because it is admitted on all hands that his pontificate became a turning- point, not only in the fortunes of the Western tribes and nations, but of Christendom at large. A kindred reason has suggested the propriety of pausing at the year 1520, — the year when Luther, having been extruded from those Churches that adhered to the communion of the pope, established a provisional form of government, and opened a fresh era in the history of Europe. All the intermediate portion is, ecclesiastically speaking, the Middle Age. The ground-plan of this treatise coincides in many points with one adopted at the close of the last century in the colossal work of Schrockh, and since that time by others of his thoughtful countrymen ; but in arranging the materials I have frequently pursued a very different course. The reader will decide upon the merit of these Vlll PEEFACE. changes, or, in other words, he will determine whether they have added to the present volume aught of clear- ness and coherence. With regard to the opinions (or, as some of our Ger- manic neighbours would have said, the stand-point) of the author, I am willing to avow distinctly that I always construe history with the specific prepossessions of an Englishman, and, what is more, with those which of necessity belong to members of the English Church. I hope, however, that although the judgment passed on facts may, here and there, have been unconsciously dis- coloured, owing to the prejudices of the mind by which they are observed, the facts themselves have never once been seriously distorted, garbled, or suppressed. It is perhaps superfluous to remark, that I have uni- formly profited by the researches of my predecessors, ancient, modern, Roman, and Reformed. Of these I may particularize Baronius,1 and, still more, Raynaldus (his continuator), Fleury,2 Schrockh,3 Gieseler,* Neander,5 1 Baronius : best edition, including the Continuation of Raynaldus, and the Critica of Pagi, in 38 volumes, Lucas, 1738. 2 Fleury : in 36 volumes, a Bruxelles, 1713 sq. The Continuation (after 1414) is by Fabre. 3 Schrockh: in 43 volumes, Leipzig, 1768 — 1808. 4 Gieseler. The editions of Gieseler made use of in the present volume are the Edinburgh translation as far as it had been completed, viz. to the end of Division II., and afterwards the German original, viz. Zweit. Band. Zweit. Abth. (Bonn, 1848), Drift. Abth. (Bonn, 1849), and Viert. Abth. (Bonn, 1853). 5 Neander : translated in Bohn's Standard Library, 8 volumes, with a posthumous fragment untranslated (Hamburg, 1852). PREFACE. IX Bollinger,6 and Capefigue.7 Others will be noticed as occasion offers in the progress of the work. But more considerable help was yielded by the numerous writers, whether English or Continental, who have dedicated single treatises to some peculiar branch of this inquiry. I must add, however, that I do not pay a servile deference to any of the second-hand authorities; while in those por- tions of the history that bear upon the Church of England, nearly all the statements I have made are drawn directly from the sources. One may scarcely hope that in a subject where the topics to be handled are so vast, so various, and so complicated, errors will not be detected by the learned and sagacious critic. As my wish is to compile a useful and a truthful hand-book, every hint which he may furnish, tending to remove its blemishes, will be most thankfully received. 6 Dollinger : translated by Cox, 4 volumes. 7 Capefigue : in 2 volumes, a Paris, 1852. Excepting where a given work has not been printed more than once, which happens frequently among the great historical collections (e.g. those of Twysden, Petrie, Bouquet, or Pertz), the particular edition, here made use of, has been specified in the notes. CONTENTS. FIBST PERIOD. FROM GREGORY THE GREAT TO THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE. PAGE 590-814 . . 6-105 CHAPTER I. $ 1. Growth of the Church. In England . ... 6 In Germany and parts adjacent . . 16 In Eastern Asia . . . .28 In Africa ..... 30 § 2. Limitation of the Church. Muhanimedanism . . , .31 CHAPTER II. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH. § 1. Internal Organization . . . .36 § 2. Relations to the Civil Power . . . 52 CHAPTER III. STATE OP RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. Western Church . , . .60 Eastern Church . , , . 69 The Paulicians . . . . .84 CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. STATE OP INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY. PAGE 92 SECOND PERIOD. FROM THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE TO POPE GREGORY VII. 814—1073 . • 108—219 CHAPTER V. §!• Groioth of the Church, . In the Scandinavian kingdoms 108 Among the Slavic or Slavonian races . 120 Moravian Church 121 Bohemian Church 123 Polish Church 125 Wendish Church 127 Russian Church 129 Bulgarian Church . 131 Other Slavonic Churches 134 Among the Hungarians 136 In Central Asia 139 §2. Limitation of the Church . 140 Ravages of the Northmen ib. Persecutions in Spain 143 CHAPTER VI. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH. § 1. Internal Organization § 2. Relations to the Civil Power 145 161 CONTENTS. XlU CHAPTER VII. STATE OF RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. PAGE Western Church . . . . .168 Eastern Church , . . . 189 Separation of East and West . . . 194 Eastern and Western Sects . . . 201 CHAPTER VIII. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY. 205 THIRD PERIOD. FROM GREGORY VII, UNTIL THE TRANSFER OF THE PAPAL SEE TO AVIGNON. 222-331 1073-1305. CHAPTER IX. § 1. Growth of the Church. Among the Finns .... 222 In Pomerania ..... 223 Among the Wends .... 226 Among the Lieflanders and other tribes . . 228 Among the Prussians . . . 230 § 2. Vicissitudes of the Church in other regions. Eastern Asia ..... 233 Spain and Northern Africa . . . 236 Among the Jews .... 237 CHAPTER X. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH. § 1. Internal Organization .... 239 5 2. Relations to the Civil Power . . . .261 XIV CONTENTS. CHAPTER XL STATE OF RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. PAGE Western Church . . . . 275 Eastern Church . Relations of the East and West Eastern and Western Sects Bogomiles Cathari and Albigenses Petrobrusians Waldenses or Vaudois Apostolicals CHAPTER XII. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY. 291 295 302 ib. 305 310 311 314 FOURTH PERIOD. FROM THE TRANSFER OF THE PAPAL SEE TO AVIGNON UNTIL THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF LUTHER. 334-461 1305-1520. CHAPTER XIII. § 1. Growth of the Church. Among the Lithuanians .... 334 Among the Samaites and Lapps . . 336 Among the Kumanians .... ib. In the Canaries and Western Africa . . 337 In America ..... 338 Compulsory Conversion of Muhammedans and Jews 340 CONTENTS. XV CHAPTER XIV. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH. PAGE The Papacy . . . . .343 Other Branches of the Hierarchy . . 364 CHAPTER XV. STATE OF RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. Western Church .... 37-5 Eastern Church .... 386 Relations of East and West . . . 388 Reformatory Efforts .... 396 Wycliffites . . . .399 Hussites .... 426 CHAPTER XVI. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY. 441 CORRIGENDA. Page 21, text, line 12, for 783 read 738. 25, note, col. 2, line 2, /or peccata read peccatis, 48, note, col. 1, line 8, for At read Ut. 89, note, col. 2, line 3, for p. 3 read p. Ill, 128, text, line 1, for 348 read 948. 135, place the note marked 5 after that marked 7, altering the numbers of the intervening notes. 139, note, col. 2, line 10, for n. 35, 36, read m. 35, 36. 141, note, col. 2, line 1, for invitates read civitates. 142, note, col. 2, line 15, for Ireland read Iceland. 149, text, line 3, for Stephen VI. read Stephen VII. 156, note, col. 2, line 20, for poena read poene. 159, note, col. 1, line 3, for the Bold read the Bald. 191, note, col. 1. line 27, for n. 5 read n. 3. 277, note, col. 1, line 6, for indubitantur read indubitanter. 282, note, col. 1, line 5, insert et after obsoluerant. 296, note, col. 1, line 2, for Gra?ca read Graecia. 323, note, col. 1, line 25, dele formerly. — — • col. 2, line 9, for Corpori read Corporis. 326, text, line 7, 8, for Dominicans read Franciscans. 363, text, line 1, for 1452 read 1492. 380, note, col. 2, line 4, for von read vor. Id long. West Green-wiei 0 Long. East Gre Ea£ d- byTf tAK JnhnsT/m EdmT ASIA a i tke middle- of the XtJi CEJVTrRY The M:iLj5rtl'yflr*A.>r.Tiilllsttai£ai- A HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. pttfehl Ikrioir. The period of the Church's life, to be considered in the introduc following pages, will exhibit a variety of features with which the student has been familiarized already in the bistory of earlier times. The foremost article of faith, the Incarnation of our comparative i r, -. i «ii Tk i' v j.1 sameness in Lord, after a long struggle with nationalism on the one the aspect of ide and Spiritualism on the other, was finally elucidated md established at the Council of Chalcedon (45l) : and although we shall hereafter notice sundry forms of mis- belief on this and kindred tenets, they are frequently no nore than reproductions or recurring phases of the past. It ihould also be observed, that not a few of the characteristics )f the Church in her ritual, constitution, and relations to ;he civil power, had been permanently fixed at the opening )f this period ; and most of the external changes afterwards effected are the natural fruit of principles that had long jeen ripening within. The same is true in a considerable neasure of the mediasval Church- writers. Generally speak- ng, they trod in the steps of their innnediate predecessors, pitomizing what they had no longer the ability to equal, md, with bright exceptions in St. Bernard and some of B 2 History of the Christian Church. iNTRODuc tne leading schoolmen, showing little or no depth and TIoy- originality of thought. nccay of hitei- It is true the degree of intelligence was different at Iit/mce and of -..„, . ,, piety. different points of the Middle Ages, and varied also in the several branches of the Church. Perhaps the lowest point for western Christendom at large was the sixth and two following centuries, when society, every where depressed by the recent inroads of barbarians, had not been able to rally from its languor and to mould its chaotic elements afresh. To this, among other causes, we may assign the deterioration of piety as well as of arts and letters, which is painfully prominent in the records of that period : and to the same source is due the admixture of unchristian feelings and ideas that had been blended with the life of the Mediaeval Church, clouding the sense of personal re- sponsibility, or giving birth to a servile and judaizing spirit, that continued, more or less, to keep its hold upon the faithful till the dawn of the Reformation. Growth of the Synchronizing with the decay of literature, the degene- the West. ' racy of taste, and an obscuration of the deeper verities of the Gospel, is the growth of the Papal monarchy, whose towering pretensions are in sight through the whole of the present period. It may have served, indeed, as a centralizing agent, to facilitate the fusion of discordant races, and may have balanced in some sort the encroach- ments of the civil power. Yet on the whole its effect was deadening and disastrous : it perpetuated the use of Latin Service-boohs when the mass of the people could no longer understand them : it weakened the bonds of ecclesiastical discipline by screening the mendicant and monastic orders from the jurisdiction of the bishops : it crippled the spirit of national independence as well as the growth of indi- vidual freedom : while its pride and venality excited a bitter disaffection to the Church, and paved a way for the deep convulsions at the middle of the lGth century. Mediceval Period. 3 But this remark as well as the former on the altered introduc- phases of society, must be confined to the Western or L_ Latin Church, which was in close communion with the Eastern popes. In the Eastern, where the like disturbing powers ferentfrom the r r ' . ° . Western. had operated less, the aspect of religion was comparatively smooth. Islamism, which curtailed it on all sides, but was incapable of mingling with it, did not waken in its members a more primitive devotion, nor inject a fresh stock of energy and health: it had already entered, in the seventh century, upon the calm and protracted period of decline which is continuing at the present day. Yet, notwithstanding the stagnant uniformity in the Proof* o/mr- general spirit of the age, a change had been gradually ef- a* the whole. fected in the limits of the Christian kingdom. True to the promise of the Lord, the Church of God multiplied in all quarters, putting forth a number of new branches in the East and in the West, and, in spite of the dimness of the times, bearing witness to its heavenly origin and strength. As it had already triumphed over the systems of Greece and Rome, and had saved from the wreck of ancient civilization whatever they possessed of the beautiful and true, it now set out on a different mission, to raise the uncultured natures of the North, and to guide the Saxon, the Scandinavian, and eventually the Slave, into the fold of the Good Shepherd. Jfot |teioi} of % gBMt %$$. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH FROM GREGORY THE GREAT TO THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE. 590-814. CHAPTER I. ENGLISH CHURCH. § 1. GROWTH OF THE CHURCH IN ENGLAND. Steps had been already taken for the evangelizing of the Goths in Germany, the Burgundians and Franks in Gaul, and the Picts1 in Scotland ; in all which provinces the labours of the missionary had been very largely blessed. But a race of men, who were destined above others to aid in converting the rest of Europe, was now added to the Christian body. The Anglo-Saxons had been settled on the rains of the British Church for at least a century and a half, when a mission, formed by Gregory the Great,2 Roman mis- appeared in the isle of Thanet. It was headed by his T/igioJaxons, friend Augustine, a Roman abbot, whose companions were a.i>. 597. nearly forty in number.3 Although the Germanic tribes were bordering on the British Christians,4 whom they had driven to the west, and had extended their conquests as 1 Columba, after labouring 32 Bed. i. 25. They were at first years, breathed his last at the time deterred by the hopelessness of the when the Roman missionaries land- undertaking, and only reassured by ed. Annates Cambrice, in Monument. an earnest letter from the Roman Britann. p. 831, c. . bishop: Gregor. Ep. lib. vi. ep.51. 2 The pious design had been con- i Though much depressed, the ceived many years before, while British Church ws far from ex- Gregory was abbot of a monastery tinguished. Bede ^a warm friend in Rome. Beda, Hist. Ecc. n. 1 : and of the Roman missionaries) men- from his own letters we learn that tions ' septem Britonum episcopi intelligence had reached him of a et plures viri doctissimi' n. 2 (cf. desire on the part of the English Stevenson's note, ed. E. H. S.) ; themselves for conversion to the and the monastery of Bancornaburg Christian faith. Lib. v. ep. 58, 59. (.Bangor is-y-Coed), under its abbot 3 'TJt ferunt, ferme quadraginta.' Dinoot, was large and flourishing. Growth of the Church. 7 far as the Church that was already planted in the north5 by a mission from the sister island, they had lost very little of their zeal for Woden, Tiw, and Fricge.6 It is not indeed unlikely that some of them may have gained a slight knowledge of the Gospel from their numerous Keltic slaves ; yet the only Christian of importance on the landing of Augustine was the Frankish queen of iEthel- berht of Kent, whom he espoused on condition of allowing her the free use of her religion.7 The system, therefore, which the Roman missionaries founded was entirely of ex- traneous growth, was built on the Roman model of the period; and as it differed8 not a little from the British and the Irish Churches, its advancement could not fail to place it in collision with those bodies. 5 Bed. in. 4; v. 9. Saxon. Chron. ad an. 565. Ninias, ' the apostle of the southern Picts,' (be- tween the Firth of Forth and the Grampians) had been educated at Rome, and died in 432. His see was at ' Candida Casa' (in Sax. Chron. Hwiteme). It afterwards came into the hands of the ' Angles' (Bed. m. 4), and had to be chris- tianized by the mission of Columba and his successors, whose original establishment was among the northern Picts (the Gael) at Hy- columb-cille, or Iona. 6 For an account of their my- thology see Turner, Anglo-Saxons, Append, bk. n. c. in, and Kem- ble, Saxmis in England, i. 327 — 445. 7 In her retinue was a Frankish bishop, Liudhard, who officiated in the church of St. Martin near Can- terbury, preserved from the time of the Romans. Bed. i. 25, 26. 8 The points of difference were first in the reckoning of Easter. The British and Irish were not indeed Quarto-decimani (Bed. in. 4) : they uniformly solemnized that festival on a Sunday, but in some years (from their use of an anti- quated cycle) on a Sunday different from that observed by the rest of the Western Church. (Bed. n. 2, 19 : cf. Ideler's Chronol. n. 275 seq. Russell's Church in Scotland, i. 49, 50.) The second difference was in the form of the clerical tonsure. (Ussher, Antiq. Brit. 477.) A third in the administering of baptism without chrism. (Ussher, Vet.Epist. Hibern. 72, Dublin, 1632.) Other points of variance in the British Christians were the marriage of the clergy, a peculiar liturgy, and a peculiar code of monastic rules (see authorities in Gieseler, Eccl. Hist. ii. 164, 165, Edinb. 1848) ; but the difficulty which above all others prevented their union with the Roman party rose out of their dif- ferent views on ecclesiastical jriris- diction (see below, pp. 6, 7). Au- gustine professed to waive the other differences for the present, if three points were conceded : ' Quia in multis quidem nostra consuetudini, imo universalis ecclesiaj, contraria geritis: et tamen si in tribus his mihi obtemperare vultis, ut pascha suo tempore celebretis ; ut minis- terium baptizandi, quo Deo renas- cimur, juxta morem sanctas Ro- manse et apostolicse ecclesise com- pleatis ; ut genti Anglorum una nobiscum verbum Domini prsedi- ENGLISIT CHURCH. Growth of the Church. [A.D. 590 ENGLISH CHURCH. The field of Augustine's earlier labours was the princi- pality of Kent. Softened by a Christian consort, the king First steps of was himself baptized ; and in his chief city (Durovernum mission. = Canterbury), Augustine was acknowledged as archbishop, though consecrated afterwards by Etheric of Aries.1 This fact was announced to Gregory the Great by two members of the mission, Laurentius and Peter,'2 who bore a detailed account of its success ; and Gregory3 was able to inform an eastern correspondent, that on Christmas-clay, 597, no less than ten thousand 'Angli' had been baptized by their brother-bishop. Still, in spite of this glowing picture, the conversion of the people was afterwards retarded : numbers of them, only half-weaned from paganism, relapsing to their former state.4 As the sphere of the Roman mission widened, the unfriendly posture of the native Christians would be more and more perplexing. A conference5 was accordingly procured at the request of iEthelberht, with the hope of disarming this hostility and of gaining the cooperation of the British : but the haughty manner of Augustine, threatening an invasion of their freedom, was the signal for a harsh and spirited resistance ; they in- stantly rejected his proposals, and declared that nothing should induce them ' to accept him as their archbishop.' Disagreement u-ith the British Church : 603. cetis, csetera quse agitis, quamvis moribus nostris contraria, aequa- nimiter cuncta tolerabimus.' lied. ii. 2. 1 Bed. i. 27, and Smith's note. 2 Ibid. They carried also a string of questions from Augustine, touch- ing matters in which he was him- self at a loss. The answers of Gregory are preserved in Bede, ih. ' Gregor. Epist. lib. vm. ep. 30. Bede attributes the success of the missionaries to the ' simplicitatcm innocentis vita? ac dulcedinem doc- trina? eorum ccelestis,' l. 26, though Augustine is said to have wrought miracles (i. 31 : cf. Greg. Epist. vm. 30.) 4 e. g. in Kent itself, Eadbald, the next king, restored the heathen worship. 5 Bed. ii. 2 : cf. Palgrave, Engl. Common, i. 238 seq. 6 ' At illi nil horum se facturos neque ilium pro archiepiscopo ha- bituros esse respondebant.' Bed. ibid. The abbot of Bangor (Dinoot), who is mentioned by Bede on this same occasion, made a very spirited protest, granting indeed that the Britons owed to the Roman bishop, in common with all Christians, the deference of love, but denying that any other obedience was due to him. See Spelman's Concil. i. 108. It is true the worth of this docu- —814] Growth of the Church. 9 A similar divergency of usages, combined with this in- English dependent spirit, had produced a similar estrangement _ in the Irish missionaries, who were stationed in the north and with the oi Britain. Laurentius, the successor ot Augustine at arks. Canterbury, with Mellitus of London and Justus of Ro- chester, endeavoured to secure their friendship, in 605, complaining that a prelate of their communion (Daganus) would not even eat bread with the Anglo-Roman party : but this, like the former application to the Britons, was at present void of fruit. Meanwhile the two bands of workmen were proceed- Progress of x the Gospel m ing in their labours, and though parted from each other Kent. felt the blessing of the Lord. At the death of Augustine,8 ! the English Church had been organized in Kent and \ brought into close communion with the Roman ; the pope, ; however, leaving its founder at liberty to select a ritual for it from the Gallican and other ' uses',9 instead of copying the Roman rules entirely. On the accession of Eadbald, the son of iEthelberht, in 616, the prospects of the Church were darkened by the restoration of the pagan worship : and only when Laurentius was on the point of giving up the mission in despair,10 did the king retrace his steps, and bow the knee to Christ. ment has been impugned (cf. Stil- fratribus episcopis, vel abbatibus ling-fleet's Origines Britan. 368 seq. per universam Scottiam.' Lond. 1840), but Dr. Lappenberg, 8 This date, though very im- one of the latest writers on the portant, cannot be accurately as- period, is convinced of its genuine- certained. It ranges from 604 to ness : Hist, of England, under Anglo- 616. See Smith's note on Bed. Saxon Kings, I. 135 (note) ; ed. Hist. Eccl. n. 3. Thorpe. A passage in Bede (n. 20) 9 • Non enim pro locis res, sed proves that the feeling of repug- pro bonis rebus loca amanda sunt, nance on the part of the Britons Ex singulis ergo quibusque eccle- grew up into bitter hatred : 'Quippe siis, quae pia, quae religiosa, quae Cim usque hodie moris sit Brit- recta sunt elige, et hcec quasi in tonum lidem religionemque An- fasciculum collecta, apud Anglorum glorum pro nihilo habere, neque in mentes in consuetudinem depone.' aliquo eis magis communicare quam Bed. i. 27. paganis.' 10 It is difficult to acquit the arch- 7 Bed. ii. 4. The form of address bishop entirely of the charge of a is remarkable : Dominis carissimis fraus pia. Bed. if. 6 : cf. Neander, Church Hist. v. 24, note. 10 Growth of the Church. [a. D. 590 englisii A similar reverse occurred in the neighbouring state of Essex. Its king, Sseberht, was married to the niece of conversion of iEthelberht of Kent: he had received the Gospel1 early Essex. *■ t J from the hands of the Roman missionaries and established a bishopric in London, his chief city. On his death, however, in 616, his sons, who had clung to their heathen habits, made light of the Christian faith, and the refusal of the bishop (Mellitus) to give them a share of the eucharistic bread was followed by his expulsion2 from their kingdom. A gloomy interval succeeded, the faith either languishing in secret, or being utterly subverted,3 till the reign of Sigeberht the Good (653—660). His friendship with Oswiu, king of Northumbria, led the way to his own conversion, while on a visit at that court.4 He was baptized by Finan, one of the Irish missionaries, and took back with him Cedd5 and others, by whom the whole kingdom of Essex was at length added to the Church. Conversion of In Wessex. the Christian faith was planted by the monk Wcssex. . . r . T . . __ xJinnus, sent over by pope Jrlonorius m 634. He suc- ceeded in converting Cynegils, the king, and was bishop of Dorcic (Dorchester) till 649 or 650; but much of his success may be attributed to a visit of Oswald, king of Northumbria, whose brother Oswiu (also of the Irish school) did further service to the Wessex-mission.8 The successor 1 Bed. ir. 3. Gregory had de- his turn succeeded by Justus in signed London as the seat of the 624 (n. 7, 8). southern metropolitan, Epist. lib. 4 Bed. in. 22 ; Florent. Wigorn, ix. ep. 65 : but Bonifacius V. in Chronicon ad an. 653. 625, confirmed the selection of Can- 5 Afterwards consecrated by terbury. Wilkins, Concil. I. 32. Finan and two other Irish prelates 8 Ibid. ii. 5. as bishop of the East-Saxons. Bed. 3 Bed. in. 22. Justus, through ibid. A short relapse ensued on the influence of Eadbald, was re- the death of Sigeberht, but the stored to Rochester, from which new faith was permanently re- he had retired (Bed. n. 5), but stored by the zeal of bishop Jaru- the pagan inhabitants of London man. Bed. in. 30. would not receive their bishop Mel- G Bed. in. 7. 7 Ibid, litus (Ibid. ii. 6). In the follow- 8 Wharton's Anglia Sacra, i. 192. ing year (619) he succeeded Lau- Through the influence of Oswiu, a rentius at Canterbury, and was in Gaul named Agilbert, who had —814] Growth of the Church. H of Cynegils (Cenwealh), a pagan, was driven from the englisT, throne in 643, but afterwards converted at the court of East Anglia. He was distinguished by his Christian zeal. On his restoration, therefore, the extension of the faith was a primary concern, and Wessex, destined to become the leader of the English race, continued from that time a province of the Church. Sussex, like its neighbour Kent, was converted tygmdm* the Eoman party. The task had been reserved for a native of Northumbria, Wilfrith, who combined with his devotion to the pope the earnestness and prudence which are needed for the work of the evangelist. Banished from his diocese in the north of England,9 he was able in five years (678-683) to organize the church of the South- Saxons, who had previously resisted the appeals of a small Irish mission.10 The king, indeed, jEthelwealh, was a Christian already, having been baptized in Mercia, but paganism still kept its hold upon his people, in whose hearts it had found its last entrenchment. The conversion of East-Anglia was attempted in the Sftjjjyf lifetime of Augustine. Kaedwald, the king, had been in- structed at the court of iEthelberht of Kent, but after- wards, through the influence of his wife and friends, the strength of his faith relaxed.11 The assassination of his son (Eorpwald) in 628, was a further -check to the pro- gress of the Gospel, which, at the instance of the king ' spent not a little time in Ireland phew of Agilbert, who was conse- legendarum gratia Scripturarum,' crated in 670, by Theodore, the was chosen to succeed Birinus seventh archbishop of Canterbury. (Bed. in. 7), but his imperfect Bed. ibid. The first Anglo-Saxon knowledge of the English language raised to the episcopal dignity ap- displeasing the king, he returned pears to have been Ithamar of Ko- into Trance. His successor was an Chester : Saxon Chron. ad an. 644. Anglo-Saxon, Wini (664) ; but he 9 Bed. iv. 13. also incurred the displeasure of 10 Ibid. They had a ' monaste- the kins, and migrating to London riolum' at a place named Bosan- (666) was placed in that see by ham. Wilfrith' s bishopric was at the king of Mercia. His post was Selsey. filled for a time by Leutherius, ne- u Bed. n. 15. To satisfy both 12 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 590 English of Northurnbria, he had cordially embraced : and for three church. . . ' . J years it was almost everywhere suppressed. At the end of this interval, however, his brother, Sigeberht, who had been christianized in Gaul, was able to restore it; and with the aid of Felix,2 a native of Burgundy, the see of Dumnoc (Dunwich) was founded for the prelate of the Eastern Counties. But the completion of their work is due to the efforts of an Irish monk, named Fursey,3 whose missionary tours, extending over a period of fifteen years, are said to have produced a marvellous effect on the heathen and the faithful. ^'"rtZtmbria '^ne kingdom of Northurnbria consisted of two parts, Deira (from the Humber to the Tyne), and Bernicia (from the Tyne to the Clyde). They were forcibly united at the opening of this period, under the sway of an enemy to the Christian faith. His defeat led the way to the accession of Eadwine, who on mounting his paternal throne at York (616), was permitted to annex the kingdom of Bernicia. His second wife was a daughter of jEthelberht of Kent, whom he espoused in 625 ; but notwithstanding his residence among the British clergy,4 he was still dis- affected to the Gospel. Several circumstances had con- spired, however, to impress it on his mind,5 and in 627, through the influence of Paulinos, who had accompanied his queen to Northurnbria, he was baptized with a con- parties he reared the altar of Christ s Ibid. The date of his arrival at the side of the ancient ' arula ad in England was 633. Bede gives victimas dsemoniorurn'. l Ibid. a glowing picture of his sanctity * He received his mission from and zeal. Honorius, the fifth archbishop of 4 See Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxons, Canterbury, and presided over the i. 145. see of Dunwich 17 years. Bed. ib. 5 Bed. u. 9—12. Among other Under his advice Sigeberht founded predisposing causes was a letter a school on the plan of those he from Bonifacius V. (625), accom- had seen in Gaul : ' Scholam, in panied by a present, and the ' be- qua pueri Uteris erudirentur . . . . nedictio protectoris vestri B. Petri eisque paedagogos ac magistros apostolorumprincipis', buthiscon- juxta morem Cantuariorum prse- version did not occur till two years bente'. Bed. XXX. 18. later. -814] Growth of the Church. 13 course of his people.8 His death followed in 633, Penda, English king of Mercia, the last champion of the English pagans, ravaging the whole of his dominions and subverting every trophy of the Gospel.7 But the arms of his kinsman Oswald, made a way for its permanent revival in the course of the following year ; and since Oswald had been trained by the Irish missionaries,8 he sent to their principal station at Iona for clergy to evangelize his people, himself acting as interpreter. Aidan was the chief of this band of teachers, and from his see in Lindisfarne (or Holy Island) he guided all the movements of the mission.9 He expired in 651, after an episcopate of seventeen years, the admira- tion of his Roman rivals.10 His mantle fell on Finan, who lived to see religion everywhere established in the northern parts of Britain, and died in 662. To him also Mercia was indebted for its first bishop Conversion of Diuma, in 655. His master Oswiu, king of Northumbria having signalized himself by the overthrow of Penda, was finally supreme in the Midland Comities as well as in the north, and urgent in promoting the conversion of the natives. Addicted in his earlier years to the principles of his instructors, he established a religious system of the 6 See the yery interesting cir- 9 Bed. III. 3. His diocese extend- cumstances in Bed. n. 12. Coin ed as far as Scotland, embracing that (or, in the southern dialect, Ccefi) of York, abandoned by Paulinus. was the last of the pagan high- York did not regain its archiepis- priests. The scene was at God- copal rank till 735. Saxon Chron. mundham, in the East- Biding of ad an. Yorkshire. So great was the sue- 10 ' Hsec autem dissonantia pas- cess of Paulinus in Deira, that on chalis observantise, vivente JEdano, one occasion he was employed for patienter ab omnibus tolerabatur, thirty-six days in baptizing on one qui patenter intellexerant, quia spot. Bed. ii. 14. etsi pascha contra morem eorum 7 Bed. ii. 20. Paulinus, with [i. e. the Irish party], qui ipsum the widowed queen, sought refuge miserant, facere non potuit, opera in Kent. He succeeded to the see tamen fidei, pietatis et dilectionis, of Rochester. juxta morem omnibus Sanctis eon- 8 'Misit ad majores natu Scotto- suetum, diligenter exequi curavit.' rum, inter quos exulans baptismatis Bed. III. 25. sacramenta consecutus erat.' Bed. in. 3. 14 Growth of the Church. [A. D. 590 English Irish (anti-Roman) cast, and three of the Mercian prelates in succession owed their orders to the Irish Church. The planting, therefore, of the Gospel in the Anglo- Saxon provinces of Britain was the work of two rival bands, (1) the Roman, aided by their converts and some teachers out of Gaul, (2) the Irish, whom the conduct of Augustine and his party had estranged from their com- munion. If we may judge from the area of their field of action, it is plain that the Irish were the larger body : Predominance but a host of conspiring causes* gradually resulted in the element in the spread and ascendancy of Roman modes of thought. England. The ritual and other differences, obtaining in the various kingdoms, came painfully to light on the intermarriage of the princes; and it was an occasion of this sort3 that served in no small measure to shape all the after-fortunes of the Church in the northern parts of Britain. The queen of Oswiu, the Northumbrian, was a daughter of the king of Kent, and with Ealhfrith her son,4 the co- regent, she was warm in her attachment to the customs of the south. Oswiu, on the other hand, continued in communion with the Irish, over whom he had placed the energetic Colman as the third bishop of Lindisfarne. The conference at controversy waxing hot in 664, Colman was invited by wiiitby, 664. the k-mg. tQ a gyuod at Streoneshealh (the Whitby of the Danes), to meet the objections of an advocate of Rome, in the person of the rising Wilfrith.5 The end was, that Oswiu and his people,0 undermined by the agents of the 1 Bed. in. 21. s Bed. in. 25: ' TJnde nonmm- 2 e.g. The political predominance quara contigisse fertur illis tem- of Wessex, which had been en- poribus, ut bis in anno uno pascha tirely Romanized by Birinus and celebraretur. Et cum rex pascha his followers, the activity, organi- dominicum solutis jejtmiis faceret, zation, and superior intelligence of tunc regina cum suis persistens the Roman missionaries (such as adhuc In jejunio diem Palmarum Wilfrith), the apostolical descent of celebraret.' the Roman church (one of the * Eddius, Vit. S. Wilfridi, c. vn. secies apostolieee), and the prestige apud Gale, Scriptores xv. it had borrowed from the Roman 5 Bed. III. 25. empire. ° The king was rfraid lest St. -814] Growth of the Church. 15 queen, and dazzled by the halo which encircled (as they dreamt) the throne of the ' chief apostle', went over to the Roman party ; while the clergy, who were slow in complying with the changes of the court, withdrew from the scene of conflict into Ireland.7 But it was not till the time of Archbishop Theodore (668-689) that the fusion of the English Christians was complete.8 The* two leading rulers, of Northumbria and Kent, agreed in procuring his appointment,9 and advancing his designs in the other kingdoms. Aided by a Roman colleague and the ever-active Wilfrith, he was able to annihilate the Irish school ; and while giving to the Church a high degree of culture, he was binding it more closely in allegiance to the popes.11 At his death the island had been Romanized, according to the import of the term in ENGLISH CHURCH. Withdrawal of th e Irish clergy. Influence of Theodore. Peter should finally exclude him from heaven ; and after his decision in hehalf of Wilfrith, ' faverunt adsidentes quique sive adstantes, majores cum mediocribus.' Ibid. 7 Bed. in. 26. For the after-life of Colman, see Bed. iv. 4. Others, however, like Bishop Cedd (Chad), conformed to the Roman customs. Ibid, The next bishop of Lindis- farne, Tuda, had been educated in the south of Ireland, where it seems that the customs in dispute re- sembled those of Rome. Bed. ib. cf. m. 3 (p. 175, A, in Monument. Britan.). This conformity was af- terwards increased by the labours of Adamnan (687—704), v. 15; and finally established at Iona, the stronghold of the Irish party (716 — 729) ; the Britons still persisting in their course : v. 22. 8 Bed. iv. 2 : • Isque primus erat in archiepiscopis, cui omnis Anglorum ecclesia maims dare con- sentiret'. 9 Deusdedit died Nov. 28, 644, and after a vacancy of two or three years Oswiu and Ecgberht sent a presbyter, Wigheard, elected by the church of Canterbury, for consecra- tion at the Roman see. "Wigheard died at Rome ; and after some cor- respondence with the two chief kings of England, Vitalian sent, at their request (Bed. in. 29; iv. 1), a prelate for the vacant see. 10 One of his measures was to impugn the orders of the Irish and the British clergy: ' Qui ordinati sunt Scoltoruni vet Brittonum epis- copi, qui in pascha vel tonsura catholica; non stmt adunati eccle-- siae, iterum a catholico episcopo manus impositiolie confirmentur.' Anglo-Saxon Laws, &c ed. Thorpe, ii. 64. 11 Bed. iv. 2. He was seconded in 673 bv a synod held at Hertford ; Wilkins", Coneil. i. 43. The English sees at the close of the present pe- riod were the following: Province of Canterbury -(1) Lichfield, (2) Leicester, (3) Lincoln (Sidnaces- ter), (4) Worcester, (5) Hereford, (6) Sherborne, (7) Winchester, (8) Elmham, (9) Dunwich, (10) Lon- don, (11) Rochester, (12) Selsey. Province of York— (I) Hexham, (2) Lindisfame, (3) Whiterne. Kemble, Anglo-Saxons, n. 361, 362. 16 • Growth of the Church. [a.D. 590 English the seventh century : but the freer spirit of the Early __ Church still lingered in the north. When, for example, iherCm"mi °f an attempt was made to enforce the mandates of the pope, claims. as distinguished from his fatherly advice, he met w'th a vigorous repulse1 from two successive kings, assisted by their clergy, who thus stand at the head of a line of champions in the cause of English freedom. IN GERMANY AND PARTS ADJACENT. Although the cross had long been planted, here and there,'2 in the heart of the German forests, as well as in the cities which had owned the Roman sceptre, it was not till the present period that religion could obtain a lasting basis and could organize the German Church. The founding of the work was due to foreign immigration. influence of Ireland was at this time conspicuous for its light :3 it was came 0™ '" full of conventual houses, where the learning of the west had taken refuge, and from which, as from missionary schools, the Gospel was transmitted far and near. 1 When "Wilfrith, on his deposi- deferre, cseterum assensum legationi tion from his see, brought his omnino abnuere, quod esset contra grievance to the pope, the sentence rationem homini jam bis a toto in his favour (March 27, 680 ) was Anglorum conciKo damnato propter so far from reversing the decision qualibet apostolica scripta commu- at home, that on his return Ecg- nicare.' Malmesbur. ubi sup. 267. frith of Northumbria threw him A compromise, however, was ef- into prison, and afterwards ba- fected at his death, and "Wilfrith nished him. Bed. iv. 12, 13 : was transferred to another see. Williel.Maimesbur. de Gest. Pontif. • See an interesting account of p. 264, apud Scriptores post Bedam, the labours of Severinus and other ed. Saville. Aldfrith, on a like solitaries in Neander, C. H. v. 33 occasion, having readmitted him seq. Bonn's ed. into the kingdom, was no less op- 3 ' Hibernia quo catervatim istinc posed to his Romanizing conduct, lectoresclassibusadvecticonfluunt.' Having made a fresh appeal to A saying of Aldhelm, the contem- Rorne, and obtained from John VI. porary of Theodore ; Ussher's Epist. a favourable sentence (in 704, see Hibem. p. 27. ' Antiquo tempore', Vit. S. Wilfrid, c. 48 — 52), the says Alcuin at the end of the next bearers of it to the king were ad- century, ' doctissimi solebant ma- dressed in the following terms: gistride Hibernia, Britanniam.Gal- ' Se quidem legatorum personis, liam, Italiam venire et multos per quodessent et vita graves et aspectu ecclesias Christi fecisse profectus.' honorabiles, honorem ut parentibus Ep.ccxxi : Opp. i. 285 ; Ratisb. 1777. musions. -814] Growth of Hie Church. 17 The leader of the earliest band who issued to the german succour of the continent of Europe, was the ardent Co- !_ lunibanus,4 (reared in the Irish monastery of Bangor), jff0"™ °f With twelve young men, as his companions, he crossed 590-615 ; over into Gaul, at the close of the sixth century ; but the strictness of his Rule5 having rendered him obnoxious to the native clergy, and at length to the Burgundian court,6 he was compelled to migrate into Switzerland (610), working first in the neighbourhood of Zurich and next at Bregenz. From thence in 613 he was driven over the Italian frontier, and founded the monastery of Bobbio, where he died in 615. Columbanus was attached to the customs of his mother-church, and the struggle we have noticed in the case of England was repeated in his life- time. The freedom of his language to the Roman bishops7 is a proof that he paid no homage to their see, though his final residence in Italy appears to have somewhat modified his tone. He had a noble fellow-worker in his countryman, Gallus,8 the founder of the monastery of St. ^ j^o ' ' '' Gall, who, with a perfect knowledge of the native dialects, promoted the conversion of the Swiss and Swabians, till 640. Yet these were only drops in a long stream of missions that was now bearing on its bosom, far and near, the 4 See a life of him by Jonas, a facium IV., where he administers monk of his foundation at Bobbio, some salutary warnings to the in Mabillon, Acta Satict. Ord. Be- Church of Rome. In one passage nedict. ssec. n. pp. 2 — 26. he admits that a church, instructed 5 Among his other works in Bi- by St. Peter and St. Paul, and blioth. Patrum, ed. Galland, torn, honoured by their tombs, is worthy xii.; cf. Neander, C. H. in. 41, 42. of all deference ; but he reserves the 6 Three great settlements had first rank for the Church of Jeru- grown out of his labours in Gaul, salem : Eoma orbis terrarum caput the monasteries of Luxeuil, Foil- est ecclesiarum, salva loci dominic India cate of missions. He sent out a large band of monks from the convent of Beth-abe in Mesopotamia, to evangelize the Tatar tribes, who roved in the neighbourhood of the Caspian Sea: and some of them penetrated as far as India8 and China,9 either planting or reviving in those distant parts a knowledge of the Gospel. Two of the episcopal members of the mission, Cardag and Jaballaha, transmitted a report of their success to the Nestorian pa- triarch, who urged them .to perpetuate the impression they had made by ordaining other bishops to succeed them.10 It was also in this period, though the date is not Further ... . influmre of exactly ascertainable.11 that a distinguished Syrian, Mar- {he Neamnam J ' ° • ' m Lantern Thomas (it would seem a merchant1'2), prevailed on the Asia- 5 Neale's Hist, of Eastern Church, is a Syro-Chinese inscription, Introd. i. 143. A ' Notitia' of all brought to light by the Jesuit the sees is given in Asseman, pp. missionaries in 1625, and purport- 705 sq. ing to belong to 782 (in Mosheim, c They were also conspicuous for Hist. Eccl. Tartarorum, App. m. their love of learning. Then- great and elsewhere). According to it, school was at Nisibis, which rose Olopuen, a Nestorian priest, visited out of the ruins of the school of China in 635 from the western Edessa (destroyed about 490) ; frontier of the country. But the Asseman, torn. in. part n. pp. 428, genuineness of this inscription, im- 927. A whole chapter (xv.) is pugned on its first appearance, ia devoted to similar institutions. still a matter of dispute. In favour 7 Ibid, part i. pp. 158 sq. of it, see e.g. Abel Remusat, Nou- H On the earlier traces of Chris- veaux Melanges Asiat. n. 189, a tianity in India, see Neander, C. H. Paris, 1829: against it, Professor in. 164 sq. Neumann, in Jahrbuchern fur wis- 9 David is mentioned as a bishop senschaft. Kritik, 1829, p. 592 sq. ordained for China by the patriarch ]0 The lack of a third prelate to Timotheus ; Asseman, ibid, part II. assist in the consecration of the p. 82. It is by no means improba- new bishops was to be supplied by ble that the Gospel had reached this a copy of the Gospels. Asseman, country at a still earlier date. (See ubi sup. Deguignes, Untersuchung ilber die n Ibid, part in. p. 443 : Neale, jot Iten Jahrhunderte in Sina sich Eastern Church, Introd. i. 146. aufhaltenden Christen, ed. Greifs- 12 This, however, is denied by wald, 1769.) Among other evidence Asseman, p. 444, who concludes 30 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 590 African community of Christians, already stationed on the coast missions. o£ Malabar,1 to place themselves under the jurisdiction of the Nestorian catholicos. By this step he led the way to a further propagation of the Syrian (or Nestorian) creed : and in the ninth century'"5 two bishops of that communion, Sapor and Peroses, are said to have planted the cross to the south-west of Cochin, in the kingdom of Diamper. Ifi AFRICA. The Gospel The only progress to be noted in this corner of the planted in . -, <• « i i • Nubia by the Christian kingdom, is due to the sect ot the Alexandrian Jacobites (Monophysites), who had already in the life- time of Justinian found admission into Nubia.3 In the patriarchate (686—688) of Isaac (a Jacobite) there is further proof of the connexion between that country and Alex- andria; Isaac interposing his authority to settle a dispute between the emperor of Ethiopia and the king of Nubia.4 There is also an interesting notice of an application5 made by a priest from India to Simon, successor of Isaac (689-700), requesting at his hands episcopal consecration; but whether India proper or Ethiopia is here meant, has been much disputed.6 his argument as follows : ' Haberrms Nubie, et en Abysinnie, a Paris, 1832. itaque Thomam non Armenum 4 Renaudot, Hist. Patr. Alexand. mercatorem, neque infra sextum p. 178. Christi seculum, sed circa annum 5 Ibid. pp. 184 sq. Le Quien, 800, sub Timotlieo Nestorianorum Oriens Christianus, n. 454. patriarcha a Jaballaha et Kaxdago 6 See Asseman, ubi swp. 451 sq. Ghilanse et Dailamse metropolitis — It is needless to dwell on the ex monacho ccenobii Beth-Abensis efforts made in this period for the ordinatum episcopum atque in vi- conversion of the Jews, in the west cinam Indiam missum' . by the governments of Spain, and 1 Cf. Neander, in. 166. The in the east by the Emperor Leo, present Christians of Malabar boast the Isaurian ; for their measures of their descent from this Mar- were nearly always coercive, and on Thomas. that account abortive. See a chap- 2 Asseman, ubi sup. p. 442. ter on the subject in Schrockh, s Ibid. torn. it. p. 330 : cf. Le- xix. 298—326. tronne's Christianisme en Egypte, era MOHAM- MEDANISM. -814] ( 31 ) §2. LIMITATION OF THE CHURCH. The countries which had formed the cradle of the Church and the scene of its earlier triumphs, were now destined to behold its obscuration and extinction. Persia, for invasion of . . „ 'the Eastern example, after wresting many Christian provinces out of church from the hands of the Eastern emperor (604—621), among others those of Palestine and Egypt, set on foot a most bloody persecution. All, whom the sword of Kesra (Chosroes) had spared, were forced into union with the hated Nes- torians.7 But the tempest, though terrific, was of short duration; Heraclius being able (621—628) to repair his losses, and to heal the distractions of the Church. Jerusalem, however, had been scarcely rescued from ffise of ,.', ttt i Muhammed- the Persians, when a message was dispatched to the anism. eastern emperor, inviting him to join the Moslems, and to recognize their prophet. Born9 at Mecca in 569 or 570, of the stock of Ishmael, Muhammed10 seems in early life to have been possessed by the persuasion that he was an agent in the hands of God to purify the creed of his fellow-countrymen. The texture of his mind was mystical, inclining him to solitude and earnest contemplation:11 but 7 Theophanes, Chronographia, Muhammed der Prophet, ed. Stutt- pp. 199 sq., apucl Scriptores By- gart, 1843, and Bollinger's Mu- zantin., ed. Venet. 1729. At p. 213, hammed' s Religion nach ihrer innem c, ibid, is the following entry: Entioickelung, etc., ed. Regensburg, 'RvdyKaX,i. Si tous XpLou<; ys- 1838. The last writer looks upon vdo-dat sis ti}v tov Nto-Topiou 6 pit- Mohammedanism as a kind ot (TKtlav -7r/)ds to Tr\i\^ai tov preparation for the Gospel in the fiactXta, [i.e. the emperor]. This southern and eastern world, seems to have been the policy of 10 = Maxovp.it), from which the the Persians throughout in tole- common form Mahomet was derived, rating the Nestorian body. u He retired for a month every 8 Ockley, Hist, of the Saracens, year into a mountain-cavern, aban- p. 51, ed. Bohn. doning his mercantile employments. 9 See Prideaux's Life of Ma- It was nottillhisfortiethyear (609) hornet, and, for his religious system, that the archangel Gabriel (accord- Sale's Koran, with the Preliminary ing to his statement) announced Discourse, and Forster's Mahomet- to him his mission from on high. anism Unveiled, Lond. 1829. Other Abulfeda, quoted in Ockley' s Sara- views may be obtained from Weil's cens, p. 11. According to the second 32 Limitation of the Church. [A.D. 590 mtjham- the spirit of enthusiasm, thus fostered and inflamed, was MKDAXisM. afterwar(js corrupted by the lust of worldly power.1 Some Materials out of the more intelligent around him were monotheists constructed, already, having clung to the tenets of their father Ishmael ; but others, a large section of the Arab tribes, were sunk in idolatry and superstition. * We learn also that on the rise of Islamism many Jews had been long settled in Arabia, where they gained some political importance;3 and that heralds of the Gospel on its earliest promulgation made very numerous converts ; though the Christians at this tune were for the most part Jacobites,4 who had come from the neighbouring lands in quest of an asylum. It is clear, therefore, that materials were at hand out of which to construct a composite religion like that now established by Muhammed ; and when he ventured to unfold his visions to the world in 611, it was easy to discern in their leading its essential features a" distorted copy of the ' Bible.5 While Islamism errors and L J m m impieties. was the foe of all creature-worship, while it preached with an emphasis peculiar to itself the absolute dependency of man and the unity and infinite sublimity of God, its teach- ing even there was meagre and one-sided : it was a harsh and retrogressive movement: it lost sight of what must ever be the essence of the Gospel, the Divinity and In- carnation of the Saviour, the original nobility of man, and his gradual restoration to the likeness of his Maker. It was, in fact, no more than the Socinianism or Deism of Arabia. Clouding over all the attributes of love, Mu- -writer, Muhammed was assisted in impostor from the first ; e. g. White compiling the Koran by a Persian in his Bampton Lectures for 1784, Jew and a Nestorian monk. His passim. own followers maintain that it was * Sale's Preliminary Discourse, shewn to him at once by the Arch- pp. 24 sq. angel, though published only in 3 Ibid. p. 28. detached portions during the next 4 pp. 29, 31. The Nestorians 23 years. also had one bishop. Ibid. 1 Cf. Maurice's Religions of the 5 Traces also of a Gnostic ele- World, pp. 18,19, 2nd edit. Others ment have been found in the Koran, would regard Muhammed as an Neander, C. H. v. 118. —814] Limitation of the Church. 33 hammed could perceive in the Almighty nothing' more miiiam- than a high and arbitrary Will, or a vast and tremendous Power, — views which had their natural result in fatalism, and in fostering a servile dread or weakening the moral instincts.6 His own tribe, the Koreish of Mecca, startled' by his novel doctrine, were at first successful in resisting the pretensions of 'the prophet': but his flight (i.e. the FHght_of 1 . . . Muhammed, Hejrah, July 16, 622), while it served as an epoch in the annals of his followers, entailed a terrific evil on the world. It imparted to the system of Muhammed, hitherto pacific,8 all its fierce and its persecuting spirit. On his arrival at Medina, where he acted in the twofold character of prince and prophet, he was able to enlarge the circle of his influence, and to organize a sect of religious warriors, — and u» «/';"•«' i ~ ° ' to force in so gigantic, that in the tenth year of the Hejrah every part f."1^'"^' of his native land, including Mecca,9 trembled at his word. His death followed in 632, but the ardour he had roused descended to the caliphs, and increased with the number of his converts. Dropping all their ancient feuds, exulting in a fresh and energizing faith, or maddened by the sensual visions of the future, the adherents of the crescent fought their way throuc'h all the neighbouring states. Though Probable " > n ° ° ° reasons of tts some of their progress may be due to the corruption and predominmct J- o •» -1 in the Christian districts. 6 The way in which Islamism now opened what was called ' the was regarded by the Church, in the holy Avar', for the purpose of ex- eighth century, appears from a Dia- terminating all idolaters, and of loyue between a Christian and a making Jews and Christians tri- Moslem, ascribed to John of Da- butary to the crescent. lb. c ix. mascus or to his disciple, Theodore ixvn. : Ockley, p. 32. These ends Abukara: in Biblioth. Patrum, ed. were continually kept in view by Galland, xiii. 272 sq., and (some- the Moslem conquerors. what differently) in. Biblioth. Patrv/m 9 He took this stronghold of his Parisiens, xi. 431 sq. We there enemies in 630, and by way of learn that the points insisted on conciliating the Arabs he adopted against Muhammed were the Di- their national sanctuary (the Kaaba) vinity of Christ, and the freedom as the chief temple of Islamism. of the human will. Ockley, p. 18. This was not the 7 Sale, ib. p. 58. only stroke of policy by which he 8 He was at first tolerant of other circumvented the more supersti- systems {Koran, ch. n, v.), but he tious of his countrymen. D 34 Limitation of the Church. [A.D. 590 muham- distractions of the Church,1 and more to their simple or WEDANISM, , . . «• i i i • . accommodating tenets, very much was enected by their craft in dealing with the Christian body. It was the aim of the caliph, by conciliating the heretical communities, Nestorian and Monophysite especially, to use them as his agents in diminishing the number of the Catholics, who, firm in their allegiance to the emperor, were branded with the name of Melchites.'2 Joining thus the devices of the politician with the fire of the enthusiast, the fortunes of r>s rapid and Islamisui rapidlv advanced. Its second caliph, Omar, took extensive . . conquests. Jerusalem in 637, and was master of the whole of Syria in 639. Egypt was annexed in 640. Persia bowed its head beneatli the crescent in 651. Under the Ommiades (caliphs of Damascus), Islamism had subdued the northern coast of Africa (707), and in 711 it had been established everywhere in Spain, with the exception of a small Gothic kingdom in the mountains : while the Byzantine metropolis itself was made to shudder (669, 717) at the sight of the Moslem armies. Restless even at the foot of the Pyrenees, they spread into France as far as the Loire ; but in 732 were finally repulsed and humbled by the amis of Charles Martel. In 734 they threatened to extend their ravages to the interior of Italy ; and after occupying many of the neighbouring islands, Rome3 was with difficulty rescued from their grasp in 849. 1 ' The sense of a Divine, Al- * In Egypt, for example, the Ja- mighty Will, to which all human cobites were the more numerous •wills were to be bowed, had eva- body, and though not wholly ex- porated amidst the worship of empted from persecution were for images, amidst moral corruptions, the most part favoured by the philosophical theories, religious Moslems. Neale, Eastern Church, controversies.' Maurice, Religions 'Alexandria', u. 72. The Nesto- of the World, p. 23. Overcoloured rums in like manner were protected as this statement is, it is too near by the caliphs of Bagdad, who the truth : ( cf. the language of the owed to them much of their taste emperor Ileraciius in 633, when for literature. Schrockh, xix. 396 the Moslems were now advancing sq. upon Syria : Ockley's Swacetts, s Gibbon, Decline and Fall, v. p. 95). 209 sq. ed. Milman. —814] Limitation of the Church. 35 However much of good eventually resulted from the muham- Saracenic conquests, they were fatal to the present welfare of religion and the progress of the Church. Though tend- The desolation ° . . ° of the Chris- mg to promote the interest of letters4 in a period when tumChunhin ox I AJrtca nml in the other kingdoms of the world were comparatively dark, ""' E"sL they have desolated many a region where the Gospel was supreme, and obliterated all the traces of its earliest pro- pagation. At the time when Boniface5 and his companions were engaged in evangelizing the Teutonic tribes, they heard that the famous Churches of the East, the special husbandry of Christ and His Apostles, were the prey of the antichristian armies of Muhammed. The defenceless patriarchates6 of Jerusalem, of Antioch, and Alexandria, deprived of their rightful pastors, and curtailed on every side, are moving illustrations of the general ruin ; and out of four hundred sees that once shed a salutary light on Africa, four only were surviving in the eleventh century.7 The rest had been absorbed into the vortex of Islamism. 4 Abulfeda, Annates Moslemici, 6 The patriarchs were driven into torn. ii. pp. 73 sq. Leipz. 1754. the Greek empire. In Alexandria See a chapter on the ' Literature the Church was partially restored of the Arabians' in Sismondi's by the election of Cosmas in 727 Literature of the South of Europe, (Neale, Ibid. n. 107) ; but none of i. 48 sq. the Eastern Churches have to this 5 He speaks with alarm of the day recovered from the blow in- Saracenic invasions in Ep. xxxn. flicted by Islamism. In the fifth The ' tribulatio Saracenorum' was century they contained as many as in like manner present to the mind 800 bishoprics. of Zacharias, in 745, when he con- 7 Wiltsch, Atlas Sacer, p. 12, templatcd the growth of the Church Gothae, 1843. among the Frisians: Mansi, xn. 336. ( 3G ) [a.d. 590 CHAPTER II. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. § 1. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION. The model that was followed from the first in the organizing of the Christian body, had continued to pass over to the churches newly planted. Active members of a mission, if not consecrated in the outset1 of their course, were advanced to the rank of bishops when their labours had succeeded.12 With a staff of inferior clergy, who were taken very often in this age from some of the monastic orders, they were foremost in dispensing all the means of grace as well as in the closer supervision of their flocks. While acting3 as the champions of the wronged, the guardians of the foundling and the minor, and of all who were either destitute or unprotected, they were placed in more intimate relations to the clergy, who 1 Under the title ' episcopus re- corum, cd. Baluze, i. 7.) The fol- gionarius': see above p. IS, n. 7 ; lowing extract from a canon of the p. 27. Council of Toledo (a.d. .589) is a 2 Thecase of Liudger (p.2G,n.5.) further instance of this power: is a solitary exception ; but even ' Shit enim prospectores episcopi, he was obliged to conform. secundum regiam admonitionem, 3 e.g. Codex Justin, lib. i. tit. iv. qualiter judices cum populis agant: T)e Episcopali Audientia, \\ 22, 24, nt ant ipsos pnemonitos corrigant, 27,28,30,33. The sphere of their aut insolentias eorum auditibus duties was extended (-560) to the principis innotcscant. Quodsi cor- over.sight of the administration of reptos cmendare ncquiverint, et ab justice. (Clotarii Conslitutio Gene- ccclesia ct a communione sus- raits, in the Capitul. Ileyiim Fran- pendant'. Concil. ed. Labbe, v. 997. —814] Constitution of the Church. 37 had learned to regard their bishop as the centre of all internal rightful action, and the source of the authority deposited tion. in them. But the acts of the diocesan, if arbitrary and unlawful, ?°S <&&&& i J " oy the metro-m might be checked by appealing to another bishop, whom {'"//f^^Z/Zm'S the canons of the Church, in union with the civil power, c;""w"'4'- had raised to superior eminence of rank. This was the metropolitan or primate,4 who presided in a synod of pro- vincial bishops, regulated their election, authorized their consecration, had the power of revising their decision, or of carrying it for judgment to a conclave of his brother- prelates ; and lastly, among other rights inherent in the primate, he was the public organ of communication with the State, — the channel for enforcing its enactments or distributing its bounty. It is true that as the metropolitan constitution of the The decline of Church had grown out of the political divisions of the at this period. empire,5 it had also felt the shock by which the empire was subverted ; and that, compared with its vigour in the former period, it was now very often inefficient, if not altogether in abeyance. Prelates of remoter sees, which they were engaged in reclaiming from the heathen, not unfrequentry regarded the appointment of a primate as a clog on the freedom of their action. This6 was peculiarly apparent in the Franks; nor is it hard to discern in their its effect oh the . . .,.,,.,. . growth of the impatience of control a link in the chain of causes which papal power. was tending to consolidate the empire of the pope. They bowed to his legates and supported his pretensions, to evade what they deemed a vassalage at home. Yet, in spite of the wide-spread disaffection to the 4 See Bingham, Book n. eh. xvi. 6 Cf. Neander, v. 88 sq. 153, 154. §. 12 — 20, and authorities there. The provincial synods, which were 5 This statement may be seen calculated to become the strongest expanded at great length in Cra- agent of the metropolitans, had kanthorp's Defensio Eccl. Anglican. been discontinued in France for no ch. xxii. § 64, sq. less than eighty years : see the letter of Boniface, above, p. 22. 38 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 590 internal government of primates, it was able, here and there, to ORGANIZA- . , ,, , 7 . . . 7 , tion. perpetuate its hold, and even to secure a footing m the newly founded churches. When Boniface was brought into collision with the bishop of Cologne,1 he strenuously- resented every act of interference in the spirit of the Frankish prelates : but in other parts he laboured from che first to organize the metropolitan system, and to use it as the special instrument of Rome. In his view'-* every prelate of a district should be placed in a close dependence tnamzmg bms. Qn ^jie pr[mate, and the primate in subservience to the pope, on whom the correction of the evils, that might baffle a domestic synod, should be finally devolved. After manifold obstructions,3 the design of Boniface was partly carried out. A council at Soissons4 (744) enabled him to fix one metropolitan at Bheims, and a second in the town of Sens. Mentz (Mayence) was awarded to himself; and Metropolitan i i stabltshed in the recently eon verted countries : but with a lio- 1 Ep. xciv. a.d. 753 : 'Et modo vult Coloniensis episcopus sedem supradicti "Willibrordi pra?dieatoris [i.e. Utrecht] sibi contrahere, ut non sit episcopalis sedes, subjecta Romano pontifici, praedicans gentem Fresonum. Cui respondebam, ut Credidi, quod majus et potius fieri debeat prseceptum apostolica? sedes, et ordinatio Sergii papa?, et legatio venerandi prnedicatoris Willibrordi, ut et fiat sedes episcopalis subjecta Romano pontifici prsedicans gentem Fresonum, quia magna pars illorum adhuc pagana est ; quam destructaa ecclesiolce fundamenta diruta, et a paganis conculcata, et per negligen- tiam episcoporum derelicta. Sed ipse non consentit.' - ' Decrevimus autem in nostro synodali conventu, et confessi sumus fidem catholicam, et uni- tatem, et subjectionem Romance cc- clesise, line tcnus vita? nostrse, vellc servare : sancto Petro et vicario ejus vellc sxibjici : synodum per omnes annos congrcgare : metropo- litans pallia ab ilia sedequar ere, etc. . . . Decrevimus, ut metropolitanus qui sit pallio sublimatus, hortetur creteros, et admoneat, et investiget, quis sit inter eos curiosus de salute populi, quisve negligens servus Dei . . . Statuimus quod proprium sit metropolitano, juxta canonum sta- tuta, subjectorum sibi episcoporum investigare mores et sollicitudinem circa populos, quales sint . . Sic enim, ni fallor, omnes episcopi debent metropolitano, et ipse Ro- mano pontifici, si quid de corri- gendis populis apud eos impossibile est, notum facere, et sic alieni fient a sanguine aniniarum perditarum.' Ep. lxiii. a.d. 745 f addressed to Cuthbert, archbp. of Canterbury.) s ' De eo autem, qtiod jam prae- terito tempore de archicpiscopis et de palliis a Romano, ecclesia petendis, juxta promissa Francorum, sancti- tati vestrse notum feci, indulgen- tiam apostolicaj sedis fiagito : quia quod promiserunt tardantes non impleverunt, et adhuc differtur et Tcntilatur, quid inde pcrficere vo- luerint, ignoratur, sed mea voluntate impleta est promissio': Ep. lxxv. (to pope Zacharias, a.d. 751) : cf. Neander, C*. H. v. 89. 4 Labbe, vi. 1552. —814] Constitution of the Church, 39 at the close of the century two others, Arno of Salzburg: internal OPC'AVl/ V- and Hildewald of Cologne, were added to the list of tion. primates. In England0 also we have seen that the Roman mission were in favour of the same arrangement, choosing for their purpose Canterbury6 and York,7 but the dignity intended for the latter was a long while in abeyance. In all cases it was now the custom to create a metropolitan by sending: him the pall or pallium, as a decorative badge. The grant of J ... ... the pallium. At first8 it implied that all, thus distinguished by the pope, were prelates in communion with the Roman see: but in after-times it grew into a symbol of dependence. Much, however, as the papacy had gained by these The papal centralizing; changes, it was equally indebted to the con- vaneei by the r t • ttt, mi • Saracenic. quests of Islamism. While they tended to unite the conquests. Christians of the west, they shook the dominion of the eastern patriarchs ; and three of these we must regard as virtually dethroned.9 They all, in the former period of the 5 It is remarkable that in Ireland machus to Theodore, archbishop of there were no metropolitans, or Laureacum, in Ludewig, Scripiores none at least who wore the pallium, Berum German, n. 352: but Jaffe, till 1151. Roger de Hoveden, An- Regest. Pontif, Roman. (Berolini, nal. Pars Prior: apud Scriptores 1851), places it among the ' Literae post Beciam, p. 490. Spuria;'. In the Eastern Church 6 See above, p. 10, note 1. The all bishops, as such, had worn a primacy of Canterbury, which had pallium (w/Jiocpopiov) : Pertsch, De been disputed, was settled in a pro- origine, usu, et auctorltate pallii ar- vincial synod, 803. Wilkins, 1. 166. chiepiscopalis, pp. 91 sq. Helmst. 7 See above, p. 13, note 9. The 1754: Neale's History of Eastern metropolitans of England ordinarily Church, lixtroA. p. 312. In the west received consecration from each also, after it came into use, it was other : but until York had regained given to simple bishops as well as its archiepiscopal rank in lob, the to primates. Pertsch, ib. 134 sq. prelate- elect of Canterbury was 9 It is true the Nestorians and sometimes consecrated in Gaul, and Jacobites kept up the patriarchal sometimes by a conclave of his own system (see Asseman, Riblioth. suffragans. Kemble, n. 381. Orient, torn. m. part ii. pp. 643 8 One of the earliest instances of seq., and Neale's Eastern Church, such a grant from the pope is that n. 98 seqq., where the forms of of Cresarius, bishop of Aries, to election are given in the two cases whom Symmachus is said to have respectively): but as they were not permitted (513), 'specialiprivilegio, in communion with the Church at pallii usuni'. Vit. S. Ccesar. in the large, they had no Aveight in coun- Acta Sanctorum, August, vi. 71. teracting the encroachments of the For another example of nearly the popes. same date, see a letter of Sym- 40 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 590 internal Church, had exercised a constant check on the pretensions ORGANIZA- e rt r> ti i ■ 1 l 1 i ■ 1 tion. ot the pope 5 tor like him they had extensive powers and were invested with precedence over other bishops : in pro- portion, therefore, as the sphere of their influence was narrowed, that of the larger patriarchates would be suffered to increase ; and the struggle for priority of place among them would be confined to the Roman and Byzantine sees. The envy and ambition of these pontiffs led the way to a multitude of evils ; and resulted, at the close of the following period, in a deep and irreparable schism between the Greek and the Latin Christians. It is true there had long been a feeling of respect (in some, it may be allied to veneration) for the Church that was thought to have been planted by St. Peter in the mother-city of the world2. This feeling was diffused in countries very far from the Italian pale ; it was shared even in the eastern patriarchates, where the many were disposed to grant a primacy of order to the sister-church of Rome. But when the court with its prestige had been transplanted from the west, Constantinople was exalted to a parity of rank,3 and laboured to secure its prominent position. 1 The Roman patriarchate was Constantinople was the seat of the originally small, confined to the ten empire. The Council in Trullo (691) provinces of middle and southern repeated the decree in still clearer Italy and Sicily. SecDe Marca, Con- terms: t«\»j ; but he used the a.d. 4-51, can. xxvni, which con- same language in regard to the firms the decision of the earlier Church ot Rome. Ibid. lib. i. tit. i. council : -ra l, k.t.X., on the ground that weakened the connexion between -814] Constitution of the Church. 41 An example of the contest is supplied at the close of internal , . , 1 T , ' _ rr ., , . ORGANIZA- the sixth century. John the t aster [o vrja-revT^) , pa- tion. triarch of Constantinople, had begun4 (about 587) to make use of the title ' (Ecumenical bishop', in accordance with rim title of the pompous language of Justinian.0 This was peculiarly patriarch: offensive to the Roman prelate, Gregory the Great (590 — 604), who instantly denounced6 the conduct of his rival. For his own part also he was ready to disclaim an appella- tion of that nature,7 on the ground that it detracted from the honour of his colleagues. Yet in spite of these dis- Progress of the i •. , papal power claimers, it is obvious that to him, far more than any under Gregory i- i the Great- of his predecessors, the foundation of the papal monarchy is due.8 He seems to have been possessed by an idea9 the empire and the popes, and left them more at liberty to follow out their centralizing projects. Even then, however, the obstructions they encountered were not few. The archbishop of Aquileia and the Istrian prelates had suspended all communion with the court of Rome in the controversy on the Three Chapters, and were not reconciled till 698 : see Rubeis, Monimenta Ecclesice Aquilejensis, ed. 1740, and Gieseler, n. 129. 4 It is clear from Gregor., Ep. v. 18, that Pelagius II., his prede- cessor, was offended ' propter ne- fandum elationis vocabulum'. 5 Cf. Codex, lib. i. tit. i. 7 : Novell. in., v. and elsewhere. 6 See, among others, a letter ad- dressed to John himself (595), v. IS, and one of the same date to the emperor Maurice, v. 20. 7 a.d. 598, in a letter to Eulo- gius, patriarch of Alexandria, who, in the style of the Eastern Church, had called Gregory ' universalis episcopus'. Gregor. Ep. vin. 30. It continued, however, to be given to the see of Constantinople, and Phocas, the murderer of Maurice, who ascended the imperial throne in G02, rewarded the countenance he had received from the pope (cf. Gregor. Epist. xm. 31), by advo- catinghis pretensions to supremacy: 'Hie (Phocas), rogante papa Boni- facio, statuit sedein Romans et apostolicae ecclesise caput esse om- nium ecclesiarum, quia ecclesia Constantinopolitana primam se omnium ecclesiarum scribebat.' Beda, Chronicon, a.d. 614. The communication of the Roman pre- lates with the court was kept up by an agent (apocrisiarius) at Con- stantinople. Gregory the Great and two of his immediate successors had each held this office in their earlier years. 8 ' Upon the whole, the papal au- thority had made no decisive pro- gress in France, or perhaps any- where beyond Italy, till the pon- tificate of Gregory I.' Hallam, Middle Ages, ch. vn: II. 23; ed. 1818. For a minute account of its inroads and possessions at the be- ginning of the seventh century, see Wiltsch's Handbuch der Kirchlichen Geographic unci Statistik, i. 67 sq. Berlin, 1846. 9 ' De Constantinopolitana eccle- sia', he asks, Epist. ix.. 12, 'quis earn dubitet, apostolicae sedi esse subjectam ':' —but this might imply no more than the priority of Rome as one of the sedes apostolicce: see 42 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 590 internal that the source of all authority for every province of hon. ' " the Church was lodged, by some special grant, in the his successors of St. united with his Peter and the vigour of his mind,1 many Christian virtues, had enabled him to propagate his tenets far and near, not only in the ancient Roman dioceses, but in every province of the west. In contrast with the miseiy at home,2 a field of increasing glory was presented to his view in the mission to the Anglo-Saxons, the conversion of the Arian Visigoths in Spain,3 and the respect with which his counsels were accepted by the Frankish kings and ms successors, prelates.4 He was followed in a quick succession by Sabinian (604), Bonifacius III. (607), Bonifacius IV. (608), Deusdedit(615), Honoring I. (625), Severinus (638?), JohnlV. (640), Theodore I. (642), Martin I. (649), Eugenius I. (654), Vitalian (657), Adeodatus (672), Donus (676), Agatho5 (678), the whole of his letter to Eulogius 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 69. In the last, (vii. 40), where he seems to argue as if Antioch and Alexandria, which had also been indebted to St. Peter, stood on a level with the Roman church. 1 This was shewn by his letters, of which 840 have been preserved, and by his theological Treatises. * Gibbon, ch. xlv : iv. 267, ed. Milman. 3 In a letter to Pechared, king of the Visigoths, a.d. 599, Epist. ix. 122, he praises the zeal of that monarch in reclaiming ' all the nation of the Goths' from the heresy of Arius, and forwards a pallium to Leander, bishop of Seville, at his own request. Ibid. IX. 121. In 701 — 710, however, Witiza the king endeavoured to restore the in- dependence of the Spanish Church, and forbade all appeals to a ' foreign' bishop ; but the conquests of the Saracens soon after put an end to this freer movement. For a careful statement of the evidence respecting "Witiza, see Gicseler, CH. Div. III. § 132. i e.g. Gregor. Ejnst. xi. 55, 56, dated like the others, 601, he asks leave of Brunechild, the Frankish queen, to send a legate into Gaul, with the hope of restraining such priests as lived ' impudice ac ne- quiter'. This intercourse was, how- ever, weakened during the political disturbances of the seventh century, and only reestablished under Pepin and Carloman. Gicseler, ibid. 5 In apologizing for his delay in sending legates to the Council of Constantinople (680), he thus speaks of the growth of his dominion in the west : ' Primum quidem, quod numerosa multitudo nostrorum usque ad oceani regiones extendi- tur, cujus itineris longinquitas in multi temporis cursum protelatur : sperabumus deinde de Britannia Theodorum, archiepiscopum et phi- losophum, ad nostram humilitatem conjungere : et maxime quia in medio gentium, tarn Langobardo- rum, quamquc Slavorum, necnon Francorum, Gallorum, et Gothorum, atquc liritaimorum, plurimi confa- muloram nostrorum esse noscuntur. ' Mansi, xi. 2S6. -814] Constitution of the Church. 43 Leo II. (682), Benedict II. (683?), John6 V. (685), Conon (686), Sergins I. (687), John VI. (701), John VII. (705), Sisinmus (708), Constantine I. (708), Gregory7 II. (715), — whose advocate in forwarding the papal power was Boni- face, the Englishman, — Gregory8 III. (731), Zacharias (741), Stephen II. (752), Stephen9 III. (753), Paul I. (757), Con- stantine II. (767), Philip (768), Stephen IV. (768), Hadrian I. (772), Leo III. (795—816). But although we may trace encroachments in the conduct of these prelates, and a growing boldness in their tone, especially in Gregory II. and in Zacharias, it was not until the papacy10 of Hadrian I. INTERNAL ORGANIZA- TION. 6 It is remarkable that this pope and six of his immediate successors were either Greeks or Syrians, which is to be ascribed to the want of theological scholars in Rome, or still more to the influ- ence of the Byzantine court. Dol- linger, C. H. in. 110. 7 The following passage from a letter to the emperor Leo (729) is very remarkable : ' Nos viam in- gredimur in extremas occidentis regiones versus illos, qui sanctum baptisma emagitant. Cum enim illuc episcopos misissem et sanctae ecclesiae nostra? clericos, nondum adducti sunt, ut capita sua incli- narent et baptizarentur, eorum principes, quod exoptent, ut eorum sim susceptor (f/-i£ iiriX!iiTovvTi iiriytiov '£)(ovcn. 8 In a letter to the English bishops (cir. 731) he informs them that he had constituted Tatwin, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all Britain and his vicar. Wil- kins, i. 81. 9 At his prayer (755) the Franks were induced to rescue his posses- sions from the Lombards ( Scriptores Franc, ed. Duchesne, in. 707), and in this way Italy was lost to the enfeebled emperors of the east, who could no longer keep it in their grasp. The crowning of Charle- magne (Dec. 25, 800)\vith the im- perial diadem, in the church of St. Peter, gave fresh vigour to the inroads of the popes. He added also to their landed property, and made them temporal princes : on which see Hadrian's letter to him (777) ubi sup. 766, and De Marca, De Concordia, lib. HI. c. 12. 10 ' It cannot, I think, be said that any material acquisitions of eccle- siastical power were obtained by the successors of Gregory (the Great) for nearly one hundred and fifty years.' Ilallam, as above. Hadrian I, however, says distinctly (782): ' Sedes apostolica caput to- tius mundi et omnium Dei eccle- siarum', Codex Carolin, ed. Cenni, i. 389 : ' Cujus sollicitudo, delegata di- vinitus, cunctis debetur ecclcsiis' : and other similar expressions are quoted by Neander, v. 166, 167 (notes). On the circulation of the Pseudo-Isidore Decretals (at the close of the eighth century) these notions were apparently supported by a continuous chain of testimony reaching up to the Apostles. Ibid. vi. 2—8. 44 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 590 internal that a claim to the pastorship of all the Christian Church OKGANIZA- j, ,, , i , , ,. , rm . tion. was fully brought to light. The eastern patriarchates, it is true, continued to resist this arrogant demand as firmly and successfully as ever: hut it gained a more general Further acceptance in the west. This will be found especially in increase of the . L papal power.- regions now brought over to the Gospel, and in tribes of Teutonic blood. A large portion of the extant rescripts1 issued at this period were directed to the rulers of the Church of England. While they shew us how profoundly she was moved by sentiments of gratitude and veneration/ they bear witness also to the servile spirit of her children, notwithstanding3 some occasional assertions of their free- dom. And the same must be conceded in the case of Germany, as soon as the Irish school was silenced and subverted. In the council4 at which Boniface presided (742), in his character of Roman legate, he was able to anticipate the fervent wishes of his master. Every scheme he then propounded for the organizing of the German Church was based on subjection to the popes. This ten- dency indeed was balanced for a while by the action of the royal power; but as soon as the diadem of Charle- ys establish- ment among the Anglo- Saxons; and the Germans. 1 See the useful index of Jaffe (Berlin, 1851) entitled Regesta Ponlijhcum Romanorum. a This led to the foundation of an English college at Rome (cir. 790), entitled ' Schola Saxonum'. See Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxons i. 204 — '207. It was afterwards eon- verted into a hospital ' Xenodo- chium Sancti Spiritus', for the entertainment of English pilgrims who, from 720 to the close of the century, were very numerous. Bed. Hist. Heel, v. 7 : Chronicon, in Mo- nument. Britan. p. 101, a. Others, like the youthful monarch Cead- wcalla (689), and his successor Ine (725), took up their permanent abode in Rome, ' ad limina bea- torum apostolorum.' Bed. Hist. Eccl. v. 7. 3 See Wilfrith's case, above, p. 1G, n. 1. Alcuin, also, led astray by a spurious document (Ep. xcn : cf. Neand. v. 168), arrived in the year 800 at the conclusion, that the see of Rome was 'judiciariam, non judicandam' ; and in 796 he ad- dressed the pope (Ep. xx.) in the following terms : ' Sanctissime Pa- ter, pontifex a Deo electus.Vicarius apostolorum, hares patrum.princeps ecclesia?, unius immaculatic co- lumba? nutritor', etc.; though much of this language is to be regarded as empty rhetoric. 4 Ep. lxiii. Carloman, who prompted this synodal action, with- drew from his court in 748, 'ad limina beatorum apostolorum per- venit', and assumed the monastic habit. Annates Lawissenses Minor. in Pertz, i. 115. —814] Constitution of the Church. 45 magne had descended to his weaker and more pliant internal offspring, the aggressive spirit of the papacy unfolded all tion. its might. A second feature in the changes of this period was the negro-icing , .. i> ,i i -i-> • i consideration growing reputation ot the monks. Joeing now not un- „/ the Monks. frequently admitted into orders, and distinguished for their missionary zeal, their swarming numbers, their superior learning, and the strictness of their mode of life, they won the applauses of the multitude as well as of the courts,5 eclipsing the parochial clergy, and evading the exactions of the bishops. It is true, they were subject in most countries6 to the censures of their own diocesans, but in the course of the seventh century they strove to be exempted from this rule, which had sometimes grown ex- ceedingly oppressive;7 and the favour they enjoyed at Rome,8 enabled many convents of the west to realize their wishes.9 They were made to contribute in this way to the fixing of the papal power. The Rules10 of Columbanus, Isidore, and Csesarius of Aries, like the older 5 In England alone, nearly thirty 8 See Gregor. I., Epist. vnr. 15, kings and queens retired into con- addressed (598) to the bishop of vents or reclusion during the llavenna. A Roman synod (1301) seventh and eighth centuries. Dol- drew up constitutions in their fa- linger, ii. 58. And the same, vour, Labbe, v. 1607 : and another though to a less extent, is true of in 610, determined in opposition to a other countries. Schrockh, xx. certain party in England that monks 10 — 12. should be allowed to exercise all G There was an exception in the priestly functions, lb. 1617 : cf. case of Africa, where some of the Council of Seville (Hispalensis), convents placed themselves under 618, can. 10, 11 : Epist. Johan. IV. the protection of distant bishops. apud Labb. Concil. v. 1773. Concil. ed. Mansi, vm. 648. In the 9 The abbey of Medehamsted seventh century exemptions had (Peterborough), a.b. 680, is a re- commenced in the patriarchate of markable instance. \Yilkins, i. 4S. Constantinople. They were do- The abbot was appointed by the noted by the erection, at the clois- pope his legate for all England. ter, of a patriarchal cross. Dbl- 10 See L. Holstein's Codex Regu- linger, n. 285. larum Monasticarum, etc., ed. 1759, 7 On the despotic powers of the and Helyot's Histoire des Ordres bishops at this period and the op- Religieux, etc., ed. 1792. Monas- position (conjurationcs) they pro- ticism retained its variety of form voked, see Guizot, Hist, of Civi- in the eastern patriarchates. For Uzation, &c, n. 55 sq., 94 sq., ed. some idea of its spirit in those Land. 1846. regions, see Moschus (Johan.), Aei- 46 Constitution of the Church. [a.D. 5S0 internal systems of St. Basil, Cassian, and the rest, were gradually rioN. supplanted in the western churches by the order of St. Theimpor- Benedict. He was a native of Umbria, and in 529 es- f/:!'Z/icHne ^Wished the great model-abbey of Monte Cassino. His order. chief aim was to mitigate the harshness and monotony that characterized the eastern systems, though in one re- spect he made his institute more rigid, — by the vow, which, after a noviciate of one year, he claimed of every person who retreated to his cloisters. It was not, however, till some time after his own death (543) that the order was extensively adopted : but in the course of two hundred years it was everywhere diffused in Gaul, in Italy, and Spain ; and it followed in the track of Benedictine monks who laboured in Great Britain, and the northern parts of Europe.1 Much as this order, by its union and its growing numbers, interfered with the freedom of the local churches, and facilitated the incursions of the popes, it must not- withstanding be regarded as a patron of the arts", and as contributing to fan the embers of religion.3 institution of The corruptions which prevailed in the eighth centurv collegiate L . r . ... Oanms. among the major and the minor clerics, as distinguished from the monks, appear to have suggested the idea of H to defer entirely5 to the wisdom of the synods, if the faith in questions f i r-n i ii 1 Mil i • "/ "ootrine. ot the Church was thought to be imperilled : and m cases even where the kings, the bishops, and the nobles were com- bined in one assembly — an arrangement not unusual in the Frankish empire6 and continuing in England till the Norman Conquest7 — there was still a disposition to refer not a few of the civil questions8 that emerged to the ultimate decision of the prelates. 3 See Schrockh, xix. 408 sq. But in the case of the Roman bishop there was generally some kind of election, though it was seldom bona fide. Gregory the Great, like many of his successors, seems to have owed his elevation to his former appointment, as ' apo- crisiarius' at the court of Byzan- tium. He was consecrated by the command of the emperor Maurice, after his election by 'the clergy, senate, and Roman people.' Johan. Diacon. Vit. Gregor. in Gregor. Opp. ed. Bened. IV. 36 : Gregor. Turonensis Hist. Franc, lib. x. c. 1. Some idea of the excitement caused by these popular elections may be derived from the example of Ser- gius i. (687), who is said to have been chosen ' a primatibus judicum, et exercitu Romance militiae, vel cleri seditiosi parte plurima, et prre- sertim sacerdotum atque civium multitudine.' Two other candi- dates, Paschalis and Theodoras, were elected by different factions. Vit. Sergii, in Vignolii Lib. Pontif. i. 303, 304, ed. Rom. 1724. 4 ' Imperator sum et sacerdos' was the claim of the emperor Leo (729): Mansi, Concil. xn. 975. One of the charges brought against Anastasius, a disciple of Maxi- mus, in the Monothelete contro- versy, was that he refused to re- cognize the emperor as a priest, and as possessed of spiritual juris- diction. Maximi Opp. i. 30: ed. Combefis. 5 Cf. Guizot, as above, n. 30. The precedents in which the royal power was most freely exercised have been collected in the great work entitled Preuves des Libertez de V Eglise Gallicane. 6 See the list of persons present at the Councils, in Labbe, or Mansi: and cf. Caroli Magni Capitul. lib. vi. c. 111. 7 Ancient Laics, fyc, ed. Thorpe, i. 495. Before that time the bishop took his place at the side of the ealdorman in the county-court (scir-gemot). Kemble, ii. 385. 8 For an abstract of the varied duties of a bishop at this period, see Ancient Laws, §c, n. 310 sq. 54 Constitution of the Church. [A.;D. 590 RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Points in which the civil power encroached. Discon- tinuance of episcopal elections. Efforts to re- vive the older system : It was different, however, in respect of a second class of questions, where the temporal and ecclesiastical provinces appear to interpenetrate each other. We shall there find the Church compelled to surrender a large portion of her ancient rights. A prominent example is supplied in the filling up of vacant sees. The bishop was at first elected, as a rule1, by the voices of the clergy and the people ; but in the Frankish empire, as well as in other parts, this custom had been suffered to die out, amid the social changes of the times. The arbitrary will of barbaric princes, such as Clovis, Chilperic, and Charles Martel, was able to annihilate the canons of the Church. They viewed all the bishoprics as one kind of feudal tenure2, and as investing their posses- sors with political importance: it is not surprising, therefore, if we find a series of such kings bestowing them at random on the favourites of the court. These lax and iniquitous proceedings3 were not, however, always unresisted by the clergy. Several councils4, in succession, tried in vain to stem the growing evil. They were seconded by Gregory 1 The exceptions, under the old Roman empire, were the bishoprics of the more important cities, which in the east and west alike had been generally filled by the royal nomi- nees. Neander, v. 127. 2 Gieseler, n. 153. Hence the demand of military services, which some of the bishops rendered in person. Gewillieb (above, p. 23) is a striking instance of this usage, though it was less common in the eighth than in the former centuries. Charlemagne (in 801) absolutely forbade all priests from taking part in a battle. Mansi, xin. 1054. 3 In the Historia Francorum by Gregory of Tours (lib. iv. c. 35) it is mentioned as the common way of obtaining a bishopric from the court : ' Offerre multa, plurima pro- mittere.' The same writer else- where (De S. Patrum Vit. c. 3, de S. Gallo) remarks: 'Jam tunc germen illud iniquum coeperat pul- lulare, lit sacerdotium aut venderetur a regibus, aut compararetur a cle- ricis.' The abuse had been mani- fested still more strikingly in Spain, where the Council of Barcelona (599) was under the necessity of forbidding the elevation of lay- men to bishoprics, the king's man- date notwithstanding. Labbe v. 1605. * e.g. that of Auvergne, 533, c. 2 ; Labb. iv. 1804: that of Paris, 557, c. 8; Labb. v. 814. The latter employs the following lan- guage, after directing that the elections should be made by ' the people and the clergy' : ' Quodsi per ordinationem regiam honoris istius culmen pervadere aliquis nimia te- meritate prsesumserit, a comprovin- cialibus loci ipsius episcopus recipi nullatenus mereatur, quern indebite ordinatum agnoscunt' —590] Constitution of the Church. 55 the Great5, and in 615, a synod held at Paris had the relations TO TTTV courage to reiterate the ancient regulations. It declared6 civil' that ' all episcopal elections which have been made without the consent of the metropolitan and bishops of the province, and of the clergy and people of the city, or which have been made by violence, cabal, or bribery, are henceforth null and void'. This canon was at length confirmed by Clothaire II., but not until he had so modified its meaning as to be left in possession of a veto, if not of larger powers7. It was afterwards repeated8 in 624 or 625 at Rheims, with the addition9, ' that no one shall be consecrated bishop of a see, unless he belong to the same district, have been chosen by the people and the bishops of the province, and have been approved by a metropolitan synod'. Under Charle- favoured in , . _ . /~ - . . . , some measure magne, and the rest ot the Oarlovmgian princes, who were by the • • i -n i /~xi i -I Carloringiun anxious to revive the canons ot the liiarly.bnurcn, those princes .• efforts of the Frankish prelates to regain their independence were more uniformly carried out. The freedom of episco- pal elections was, at least in words, conceded10, and the Church was not unwilling in her turn to grant a con- firmatory power to the sovereign11. It resulted, therefore, that a prelate, after his election, could not officiate in his sacred calling till he had received the approbation of the 5 e.g. Epist. a.d. 601, xi. 59, 60, buimus, ut episcopi per electionem 61, 62, 63. cleri et populi, secundum statuta cano- 6 Can. i : Labb. v. 1649. num, de propria diocesi, remota 7 His proviso runs as follows: personarunietmunerumacceptione, ' Episcopo decedente in loco ipsius, ob vitas meritum et sapientiae do- qui a metropolitano ordinari debet num, eligantur, etc.' cum provincialibus a clero et po- u Something like this had been pulo eligatur : et si persona con- already conceded in the council of digna fuerit, per ordinationem prin- Orleans, 549, c. 10: Labb. v. 390, cipis ordinetur : vel certe si de pa- where the election is appointed to latio eligitur, per meritum personae be made cum voluntate regis : cf. et doctrinse, ordinetur.' Ibid. above, note 7. 'The contest between 8 Can. m: Labb. v. 1688, election and royal nomination was 9 Can. xxv. often reproduced: but in every 10 e.g. Capitul. Aquisgranense, case the necessity of [the royal] a.d. 803, c. 2 : ' TJt sancta ecclesia confirmation was acknowledged.' suo liberius potiretur honore, ad- Guizot, II, 31. sensum ordini ecclesiastico pra> 56 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 590 belationb secular authority. But, as we shall see hereafter, even TO TIIK . civil where the princes were most friendly to the Church, they POWER. i J . were loth to he deprived of so strong an engine as the but rovai no. privilege of naming bishops must have placed within their "'ommm* *"" grasp. They seem indeed to have employed it, in some special cases, with the open acquiescence of the clergy 5 for a canon of the council at Toledo,1 681, enacted, with con- ditions, that a primate was at liberty to consecrate those persons whom the king should appoint to the vacant sees : and in England, where the clergy, and the people also, had a voice in the royal council (in the 'witena gemot'), the nomination of a prelate by that body, though in theory an act of the sovereign himself, approximated to the primi- tive election9. f^f'-^f A second point in which the civil and ecclesiastical synods authorities might have come into collision was the gather- ing of church-assemblies. In the former period, general councils had been summoned by the kings, while the pro- vincial and diocesan were held at the pleasure of the bishops. But distinctions of this kind were no longer kept in view, at least in the administration of the newly-planted churches. Numbers of the earliest and most active converts, both in Germany and England, were connected with the royal households ; and in this way it would naturally occur that exercised by measures which related to the organizing of the Church would emanate directly from the king. His power was in fact exhibited not only in the founding of episcopal sees, but in a general supervision of the clergy, and in the convocation of assemblies whether legislative or ju- dicial. In those countries, synods (as already noted) were most frequently combined with the civil diets ; though the. prelates, under Charlemagne, held their sessions in a sepa- 1 c. vi : Labb. vi. 1221. both appointed and displaced by * See Kemble, Saxons in England, a mere act of the royal will, and 11. 377, where it is also shewn that that bishoprics were frequently be- English prelates were sometimes stowed on royal chaplains. -814] Constitution of the Church. 57 rate chamber3; and even where they met to determine a B^^^^s doctrinal question, they were acting, for the most part, in po^'"^. obedience to the royal will4. It is indeed remarkable, that so long as kings were Mutual esteemed the real patrons of the Church5, she felt no wish the civil and , , ■■ . ., •■ ecclesiastical to define exactly her relations to the civil power : the two authorities. authorities, in some way parallel and independent, laboured to enforce obedience to each other. This was manifested more especially in Charlemagne and the Anglo-Saxon princes, who seem to have maintained, with few exceptions, a most friendly bearing to the Church, and to have every- where infused a mutual confidence into the courts, the bishops, and the people. Gifted in this manner with peculiar powers6 in virtue of Effects of this _. _ _ , .on society. their close alliance with the State, the clergy, and especially 3 e.g. this was the usage at the council of Mentz, 813 ; Labb. vn. 1239 : cf. Capitul. a.d. 811, c. 4 ; i. 478, ed. Ealuze. 4 ' Orta qurestione de Sancta Trinitate, et de sanctorum imagi- nibus, inter oricntalem et occiden- talem ecclesiam, id est, Homanos et Gracos, rex Pippinus [a.d. 767], conventu in Gentiliaco villa con- gregate, synodum de ipsa qurcs- tione habuit.' Einhardi Annah-s : Pertz, i. 145. In like manner, numerous councils were convoked by Charlemagne ('jussu ejus'). Ibid. i. 38, 87, 181, 196, 200. 5 Alcuin, writing to Charle- magne, 799, a letter (Ep. lxxx.) in many ways remarkable, thus speaks of his relation to the Church. ' Ecce ! in te solo tota salus eccle- siarum Christi inclinata recumbit. Tu vindex scelerunvtu rector erran- tium, tu consolator mcerentium, tu exaltatio bonorum.' Opp. i. 117. He had just been deploring the evils of the times, and especially the insurrection of the Romans against Leo III.: cf. Annates Lauresham.; Pertz, i. 38. There can indeed be no doubt respecting the extent of the royal prerogative, as it was wielded by the hands of Charle- magne. Though he exempted the clergy more than ever from the jurisdiction of the civil courts (Capit. a.d. 801, c. 1) he retained the highest judicial power in all civil causes, even where the liti- gants were bishops {Capit. a.d. 812, c. 1). By means of the missi (two extraordinary judges, a bishop, and a count), he was able to keep a continual check on the adminis- tration both of ecclesiastical and civil officers {Capitul. in., a.d. 789, c. ii., and elsewhere: cf. Gieseler, n. 242, notes). 6 How multifarious were the rights and duties of the bishops may be seen from the Anglo-Saxon Institutes of Eccl. Polity ; Thorpe, ii. 312. sq. Doubtless one result of their position was to secularize their spirit ; and of this Alcuin frequently complains : e.g. 'Pas- tores curse turbant sgeculares, qui Deo vacare debuerunt' : Ep. cxn. Opp. i. 163. 58 Constitution of the Church. [A. D. 590 relations the prelates, were enabled to exert a salutary influence on TO THE i j .1 <• ii«. civil the daily temper ot the kings, and on the administration POWER. J L . . of the laws. Their frequent intercessions in behalf of criminals, and the asylums1 opened in their churches for the persecuted and the friendless, were effectual in subduing the austerity of justice, and impressing on a rude and a revengeful age the sacredness of human life. A singular effect of the alliance now cemented in the west, between the Church and civil power, was the drafting of a large body of the serfs into the ranks of the working clergy. It was usual for the free-men of a country to assist in the military service ; but as all were exempted who had taken orders, many persons were now anxious to be numbered with the clerics, for the sake of evading the injunction of the State. A law was accordingly passed, forbidding any free-man to become a priest (or even to retire into a convent), until he had secured the acquiescence of the king.2 It happened as an immediate consequence, that prelates3 were con- strained to levy their recruits from a different class of men; and as the serfs were almost everywhere enfranchised as a step to ordination, this enactment of the civil power How the re- lations of Church and State affected slaves. 1 The abuses of the right of sanc- tuary were checked by the inter- position of the civil law. Thus the Capitulare of Charlemagne, a.d. 779, cap. 6, forbids any bishop or abbot to give shelter to a thief or murderer. In England, how- ever, if the criminal took refuge in a church enjoying the privilege of asylum, a law of Ine (688—725) provided that his life should be spared, but that he should make the legal ' bot' , or satisfaction, § o; Thorpe, i. 104. 2 See can. 4 of the council of Orleans (611); Labb. iv. 1403: Baluzii Capitular, n. 386. In 805 Capitul. c. 15, the law is extended to all free-men ' qui ad servitium Dei se tradere volunt', i.e. who wish to become either clerics or monks. 3 In Chrodegang's Begula Sincera (Mansi, xiv., 313 sq.) it is stated that many of the prelates selected their clergy exclusively from the serfs (can. cxrx), and did so in defiance of the laws requiring them to be manumitted before ordination {e.g. Council of Toledo, a.d. 633, can. lxxiv. Labb. v. 1700). The object was to keep them more entirely under the lash of epis- copal discipline (severissimis ver- beribus). -814] Constitution of the Church. 59 was tending in a high degree to humanize and to ennoble relations TO THE CIVIL POWER. the most abject of our race. 4 See Neander's remarks on this point, and on the general feel- ings of the Church with regard to slavery: v. 133 — 139. Another remarkable instance of the change produced by Christianity is seen in the Anglo-Saxon Institutes, §c, ed. Thorpe, n. 314, where the lord is enjoined to protect his thralls, on the ground that ' they and those that are free are equally dear to God, who bought us all with equal value.' ( 60 ) [a.d. 590 CHAPTER III. ON THE STATE OF RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. WESTERN CHURCH. Veneration for the Holy •Scriptures. WESTERN CHURCH. A few of the minor discrepancies1 in the lists of the Scripture-canon had come over to the present period; but in every quarter of the Church a cordial veneration for the teaching of the Bible had continued as of old. It was the treasury of supernatural wisdom and the fountain of religious truth. A personal investigation of it was accordingly required'2 in those who had learned to read, although the number of such persons at this epoch would be relatively small ; while ignorance or meagre knowledge of its pages was regarded as a bar to holy orders.3 1 See Schroekh, xx. 191 sq. and Bp. Cosin, Hist, of the Canon, ch. ix. x. 2 Thus the English canons of Cloves-hoo (747), after complain- ing that too many ' rather pursued the amusements of this present un- stable life than the assiduous study of the Holy Scripture,' proceed as follows : ' Therefore let the boys be confined, and trained up in the schools to the law of sacred know- ledge, that being by this means well-learned, they may become in all respects useful to the church of God.' English Canons, cd. Johnson, I. 246, Oxf. 1850. One of the mo- tives of Charlemagne in forwarding the restoration of letters was a fear lest the prevailing ignorance should lead to misconceptions of the Bible : ' ne sicut minor in scribendo erat prudentia, ita quoque et multo mi- nor in eis, quain recte esse debuisset, esset sanctorum Scripturarum ad in- telligendum sapient ia . Capitul. ed. Baluze, l. 201. 3 e.g. Council of Toledo, 633, can. xxv ; Labb. v. 1700 sq : Aries, 813, can. i; Labb. v. 1231. Alcuin (797) thus exhorts the people of his native land (Ep. lix ; Opp. i. 78): ' Primo omnium qui in ecclesia Christi Deo deserviunt, discant di- —814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 61 From their mode of interpreting the Scriptures, it is western plain that the Latin doctors symbolized with St. Angus- 1 tine, and were generally disposed to follow in his steps. Of his more eminent disciples wre have one in the Roman bishop, Gregory the Great, who forms the transition- Theology ot link in our descent from the early to the mediaeval schools Great. of thought. He had imbibed the predominating spirit of the west: he clung to the authoritative language of the councils with implicit and unreasoning belief.4 His writings, therefore, stand in some way contrasted with the subtler and more independent labours of the eastern theologians, where, especially in men like John of Da- mascus,5 we may trace a continual effort to establish the traditions of the past on dialectic grounds. So far, indeed, The practical r O 5 _ 1 oent of his was Gregory the Great from prying into speculative teaching. ligenter, quomoclo Deo placeant, quomoclo fidem catliolicam, quam prinmm doctores nostri in eis fun- daverunt, obtinere firmiter et prae- dicare valeant ; quia ignorantia Scripturarum ignorantia Dei est ... . Adducite vobis doctores et magis- tros Sancta Scriptures, ne sit inopia apud vos Verbi Dei, etc' In con- futing misbelievers, it was usual to insist on that interpretation of the Scriptures, which accorded with the teaching of the Fathers : e.g. ' Tantum divina voluit procidentia, ut rescriberetur in evangelicse cel- situdinis authoritatem, sanctorum- que patrum probabilibus Uteris, quantum ad nostram sufficere sa- lutem censuit. Illis utamur nomi- nibus de Christo, quce in veteri novoque Testamento inveniuntur scripta. Sufficiat nobis apostolicse authoritatis doctrina, et catholi- corum Patrum longo tempore ex- plorata fides.' Alcuin, adv. Elipan- tum, lib. iv. c. 14. 4 Thus at his consecration, he wrote a synodal letter to the other patriarchs (591) testifying his reve- rence for the (Ecumenical councils. Mansi, ix. 1041. Several Spanish councils (e.g. Toledo, 653) did the same : and the English synod of Cealchythe (785 or 787) particu- larizes the Nicene and six General Councils. Wilkins, n. 145.— The only case in which the Western Church appears to vary from this rule relates to the important clause Filioque, added to the Niceno-Con- stantinopolitan creed. The addi- tion can be clearly traced to Spain (Council of Toledo, 589: Mansi, ix. 981). It excited the displeasure of the Greeks about 767 (see Anna- tes Lauriss. ad an.: Pertz, i. 144); but the dispute did not come to a head till 809. The clause was every where inserted (in the west) at the bidding of Pope Nicholas I. (867): Mansi, xv. 255 ; Neale's Eastern Church, 'Introd.' p. 1155 sq. The defenders of it relied on the ' Atha- nasian Creed,' now quite current in the Latin Church. "Waterland, Hist, of A than. Creed, ch. vi. 5 Scholasticism, properly so called, had its starting-point in him. See below on the ' Eastern Church.' 62 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 western matters, that he seems to have confined himself exclusively . to one (the more practical) aspect of the Augustinian system.1 Like his master, he was strongly conscious of the vast and all-holy attributes of God, the depth and malignity of evil, and the moral impotence of man un- quickened by the Blessed Spirit ; yet was careful to explain at large the power of self-determination, or the freedom of the human will.* He urged on all around him,3 and especially on those who were occupied in teaching,4 their own need of internal holiness and purity of conscience. Although placing a peculiar stress on the liturgic element of worship,6 and on a stern and ascetic training of the body, he was far from losing sight of the essence of reli- gion, or from exalting human merit into rivalry with Christ's.6 The work that presents him to our view in a less favourable light, is made up of a series of Dialogues, in which he has betrayed an excessive credulity. It is there also that the doctrine of a purgatorial fire, which 1 Neander,r. H. v. 197 sq. whose criticism on Gregory the Great is generous and just. The influence exercised by Gregory on the go- vernment of the Church has been pointed out already : see p. 41. 2 ' Quia prseveniente divina gratia in operatione bona, nostrum libe- nim arbitrium sequitur, nosmetip- sos liberare dicimur, qui liberanti nos Domino consentimus,' etc. Mo- ralia in Job, lib. xxiv. § 24. This work, in thirty- five books, consists of a practico-allegorical exposition of the Book of Job, and furnishes a clear view of Gregory's ethical system. He wrote also twenty-two Homilies on Ezekiel, and forty Ho- milies on the Gospels. 3 e.g. Moralia, lib. xix. § 38. 4 See his Regula Pastoralis, which is a fine proof of his ministerial earnestness, and was largely cir- culated in the west. 5 His Liber Sacramentorum for Sacfamentary) was adopted in the countries which received their Christianity from Rome, and has been substantially preserved ever since. For an account of the litur- gical changes due to him, see Palmer's Origines Liturg. i. 113 sq. 126 sq., 4th edit.: Fleury's Ilistoire Eccles. liv. xxxvi. § 146. 6 Homil. in Evangel, xxxiv : 'Habete ergo fiduciam, fratres mei, de misericordia Conditoris nostri, cogitate quae facite, recogitate quae fecistis. Largitatem supernse pie- tatis aspicite, et ad misericordem Judicem, dum adhuc expeetat, cum lachrymis venite. Considerantes namque quod Justus sit, peccata vestra nolite negligere. Conside- rantes vcro quod pius sit, nolite despcrarc. Pro-bet a pud Deum ho- miuis fiduciam Deus homo. Est nobis spes magna poenitentibus, quia Advocatus noster factus est Judex noster.' Opp. n. 441, ed. Paris. 1586. —814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 63 had been long7 floating in the western churches, gained western a fuller and more definite expression. It is principally _J_ based upon the evidence of disembodied spirits8; and as their pains are said to have been mitigated by the ' obla- tion of the salutary host,19 the views which men took henceforward of the sacrament itself would be distorted in the same proportion. Gregory was succeeded in the west by Isidore of Seville Isidore of . . . Seville (Hispalensis), who died in 636. He was a large and (595-636). intelligent contributor to the literature of Spain. In ad- dition to his other writings, he has left a minute description of the Mosarabic (or Old Spanish) liturgy ;10 but his chief treatise in the sphere of dogmatical theology consists of a train of thoughts11 on Christian faith and practice. They are drawn, however, in most cases, from the fertile works of St. Augustine, and from the Moralia of Gregory the Great. In England1'2 one of the ripest scholars13 that the Roman *V. I 7 See Schrockh, xvn. 332 sq. Neander, iv. 442, 443. St. Augus- tine viewed the doctrine of a pur- gatory in the mediaeval sense as somewhat doubtful : ' Incredibile non est, et utrum ita sit, quaeri potest.' Ibid. « Dialog, lib. iv. c. 35, 39, 46, 51, 55. It should be stated that some writers have questioned the genu- ineness of this treatise ; but Ma- billon (Act. Sa?ict. Ordin. Benedict. torn. i. § 2) and the Benedictine editor of Gregory's Works, appear to have the better of the argument. 9 Ibid. c. 55 : Si culpa [i.e. leves culpae, c. 39] post mortem insolu- biles non sunt, multum solet animas etiam post mortem sacra oblatio hostiae salutaris adjuvare,' etc.: cf. Theodori Liber Pcenitent. c. xlv. § 15, where this passage is quoted among others. 10 De Officii* Ecclesiastic is : cf. Palmer's Origines Litur. i. 172 sq. 11 De Sumnio Bono, or, Senten- tiarum Libri Tres. Isidore was fol- lowed in this line by Tajo of Sara- gossa and Ildefonsus of Toledo. On the canons attributed to him, see Blondel's Ps-udo-lsidorus, and above, p. 43, n. 10. 12 Famed as were the ' magistri e Scotia' (Ireland), and high as that country stood in literary merits, it produced no distinguished writer at this period. Columbanus (see above p. 17) is the solitary theo- logian : for Adamnan (d. 704) though perhaps of Irish extraction, composed no more than a treatise De Situ Terrm Sanctte, and a Life of St. Columba. ,s Others were Bp. Aldhelm (656—709), chiefly known by his poem De Laude Virginitatis ; Ed- dius, the biographer of Wilfrith ; Boniface, the missionary, author of fifteen popular Sermons, and the Letters so often quoted in the last chapter. To this number we may add Archbp. Theodore (602—690), Venerable Bede (672-735). 64 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 western mission to the Anglo-Saxons had produced was the Vene- C'TITTROTT rable Bcda (Bede). At the age of seven years he found his way into the monastery of Wearmouth1, in whose cloisters he continued till his death, absorbed by the offices of tranquil worship, or engaged in collecting and commu- nicating knowledge. So ardent was his thirst for learning, that it urged him into almost every field of mediaeval study ; but he has himself informed us, that he found a special satisfaction in the pages of the Bible.'2 His ex- pository works, comprising Sermons and Commentaries, evince a knowledge both of Greek and Hebrew ; in their style and spirit, and in much also of their material, they resemble the more ancient writings of the Fathers, and especially of St. Augustine.3 A bosom-friend of Beda, who transmitted the impression Ecibrrht [1 678-766) whose mission into England was the opening of a new era in the cultivation of all kinds of learning (Bed. Hist. Eecl. iv. 2), and whose Liber Pcenitentialis and Capitida (in Thorpe's Anglo-Saxon Laws, 8;c. ii. 1 — 86) are an important spe- cimen of the disciplinary canons of the Church at that period. They led the way to a number of Confes- sionulia, Pcenitentietlia, §e. A still older example of the class is a work of John the Faster, patriarch of Constantinople (585- — 593), pub- lished in the Appendix of the Hist, de Disciplina Posnitent. by Morinus, Paris, 1651. 1 This was the foundation of Benedict Biscop, who aided more than any other person in the civi- lizing of the north of England. His last anxiety was for his books, ' bibliothccam quam de Roma no- bilissimam copiosissimarnquc ad- vexerat.' See Becla's Life of him in Vit. Abbatum Vuiremuth., (at the end of the Hist. Eccl. ed. Hus- scy), pp. 316—322. 2 . . . . ' cunctumque ex eo tem- pus vitae in ejusdem monastcrii habitatione peragens, omnem medi- tandis Scripturis operam dedi, atque inter observantiam discipline regu- laris et quotidianam cantandi in ecclesia curam, semper ant discere aut docere, aut scribere didce habui.' Hist. Eccl. v. 24. Nothing can be more simple and pathetic than the narrative which a disciple (Cuth- bert) has left us of his last hours. See Wright's Iiiogr. Brit. Literar. i. 267, 268. He had only just completed a translation of St. John's Gospel into Anglo-Saxon, when he died, in the midst of his weeping scholars, with a ' Gloria Patri' on his lips. 3 This connexion is most obvious in the Commentaria in omnes Epis- tolas N. Paidi. The other works of a decidedly theological cast are, Exphinatio in Pentateuchum et Libros Region ; in Samuehm ; in Psalmos ; in Esdram, Tobiam, Job, Proverbia, et Cantica ; in Quatuor Evangelic, et Acta Apostolorum ; in Epistolas Catholicas et Apocalypsin ; besides a number of Sermones de Tempore, and others. —814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 65 he had made on the whole of the Western Church, was western PTTTTTtCH Ecgberht, archbishop of York, where he founded a noble - school and library,4 and was distinguished for his patronage of letters.5 In the crowd6 of enthusiastic pupils, whom his talents had attracted to the north of England, was a native of its mother-city, Alcuin or Albinus, who Ahum was destined to become the master-spirit of the age. His fame having reached the court of Charlemagne, he was pressed to take part in the projects of that monarch for securing a more healthy action in the members of the Frankish church. Directing the scholastic institutions, prompting or attempering the royal counsels, foremost in the work of domestic reformation, and conspicuous for the breadth and clearness of his views with regard to the management of missions,7 Alcuin carried to his grave the admiration of his fellow-countrymen, and of the whole of western Europe. His theology, as it survives in his ex- pository works,8 is like that of Gregory and Beda, with whose writings he had been familiar from his youth : it bears the common Augustinian impress. He has left, however, certain systematic treatises9 on fundamental truths of revelation, as well as on absorbing questions of the day : and in these he has exhibited, not only his entire acceptance of the teaching of the past, but an acute and well-balanced mind. 4 See an account of its contents Vit. Alcuini, c. n, composed in 829, in Wright's Biograph. Liter., pp. and prefixed to his Works, ed. 7, 38. Ratisbon, p. lxi. 5 His own works are, a Dialogus 7 See above, pp. 25, 27. Ecclesiastics Institutionis (in Latin), 8 These are, (Questions and An- Excerptiones (in Latin) from the steers on the Booh of Genesis, Com- canons of the Church, and a Con- mentnries on the Pcenitential Psalms, fessionale and Pcenitentiale (in An- the Hong of Solomon, Ecclesiastes, St. glo-Saxon and Latin) : Thorpe ii. John's Gospel, and three Epistles of 87—239. St. Paul. 6 ' Erat siquidem ei ex nobilium 9 The chief are, Be Fide Trini- filiis grex scholasticorum, quorum talis (a body of Divinity), De Pro- quidam artis grammatical rudi- cessione Spiritus Sancli (defending mentis, alii disciplinis erudieban- the Western view of it), and his tur artium jam liberalium, non- contributions to the Adoptionist nulli divinarum Scripturarum, etc. controversy (see below, p. 66 — 68). F 66 State of He Jig ions Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 590 WESTERN CHURCH. Rise of the Adoption/at heresy. From Alcuin we pass over to a controversy in which he bore a leading part, — the controversy known as the Adopt ionist, but in reality a phase of Nestorianism revived.1 It is the one formidable tempest'2 of- this period which had its birth-place in the Western Church. The authors of it were two Spanish prelates (in the latter half of the eighth century), Elipandus of Toledo and Felix of Urgel (a town of Catalonia), who, as it would seem, in their anxiety to make the truth of the Incarnation less offensive to Mu- hammedans3, maintained4 that our Blessed Lord, as man, was the proper son of David 5 or, in other words, that in respect of His humanity, He was only the adoptive Son of God (' Deus nuncupativus et adoptivus Films'). In iu essential support of their position,5 Felix, the more learned mis- resemblance to . .. , . , „ , -.T mism. believer, ventured to reoccupy the ground ot the JNestonan, though their arguments were put in a somewhat different form. They seized on the expressions of the Bible which unfolded the subordinate relations of the Son, in His me- diatorial work ; and while admitting, that, as God, He waa truly and eternally begotten of the Father,6 they inferred 1 ' Ecce pars queedam rmmdi hsereticse pravitatis veneno infecta est, asserens Christum Jesum Deo Fatri verum non esse Filium, nee proprium, sed adoptivum : et Xes toriana hares is ab oriente . . . longum postliminiuni reviviscens latitando fugit in occidentem' . . Alcuin, Libelhts adv.Haresin Felicis k 2. It is not clear, however, that the authors of the movement were acquainted with the writings of the Syrian (or Nestorian) school. For a complete history of it, see J. C. F. Walch, Hist. Adopt ianorum, and Neander, v. 216 — 233. 2 For minor struggles in England and Germany, see above pp. 7. 22, 23. It is clear also from Alcuin, Epist. ccxxi. that other classes of dissentients (' adversarios Aposto- lic* doctrinae' ) were not wanting. " Neandt . . J 19. 4 . . . . ' dicentes, Deum esse verum, qui ex Deo natus est, et Deum nuncupativum, honiineni ilium, qui de Yirgine factus est'. Alcuin, adv. Elipantum, lib. iv. c.o. They made an appeal to older authorities (see the Epist. Ehpanti ad Albinum; Alcuin, Opp. n. 868 sq.), especially to the language of the Mosarabic (old Spanish) li- turgy, then in use, where the term ' adoption' is employed to denote the assumption of our nature into unity with God. 5 The main authorities are to be found in the works of Alcuin, (1) Libelhts adversus Hceresin Felicis Episcopi, (2) Contra Felicem Urgeli- taniun Episcopum ; Opp. ir. 760 — 859 : to which may be added, (3) the treatise quoted in note 1. G ' Deum Dei Filium ante omnia tempera sine initio ex Patrc geni- I —814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 67 that the humanity of Christ was so dissociable from the western CHURCH Godhead as to be no more than a Temple for the Logos,7 _ — no more than a creature chosen to become the organ of the Lord, in a way not essentially unlike8 the adoption of all Christians, as the family and instruments of God. The creed of Felix did not recognize in the Incarnate Saviour any true assumption of man's nature into fellow- ship with the Divine : he was accordingly most scrupulous in his destruction of the predicates belonging unto each ; jand even went so far as to impute the prayers, the suffer- ings, and the death of Christ to a necessity inherent in I His manhood,9 and not to a voluntary condescension of jthe Godhead with which humanity was made indissolubly one. Adoptionism, in other words, if carried to its logical results, would have resolved the connexion that subsisted in the two-fold natures of our Lord into a moral and extrinsic union : it was fatal, therefore, to a truth which, of all others, will be found to lie the nearest to the core of Christianity, — the Incarnation of the Saviour. After lighting up a controversy in the Spanish church,10 ^"^^ Adoptionism extended into Gothia (the adjacent parts I of France), where it had soon to encounter a decisive overthrow. It was examined, at the wish of Charlemagne, by the synod of Ratisbon11 (792), where Felix, as belonging to the Frankish empire, had been summoned to appear. On witnessing the condemnation of his tenets, he re- turn, non adoptione sed genere, antagonists, Etherius, bishop of neque gratia sed natura, etc' Otlima, and Beatus, a priest. The 7 Alcuin, contra Felicem, lib. vn. latter had employed himself in c. 2. expounding the Apocalypse, and 8 He compared the adoption of was the author of the fragment Christ with that of Christians, ad- Adversus Elipandum, in Canisius, mitting, however, that the relation Led. Antiq. n. 297 — 375, ed. Bas- constituted in the former case was nage. Elipandus, on the other side, higher in degree (' excellentius'). denounced his antagonism as the Aicuin, contra Felicem, lib. n. c.15, work of Antichrist. Ibid. 310. eq., and especially the language of ll Labb. Concil. vu. 1010: cf. Felix himself, lib. iv. c. 2. Schrockh, xx. 465, 466, respecting 9 Ibid. lib. vir. c. 15. the accounts of earlier proceedings. 10 Two ecclesiastics were its chief P2 68 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 western nounced them on the spot, and as a penance was sent — to the court of Rome1, to repeat his abjuration. But no sooner was he lodged, on his return, in the Saracenic provinces of Spain, than he relapsed into his former errors.1* Elipandus3 in the mean time represented the injustice of the recent acts, and earnestly desired the emperor to call another synod. His request led the way to the convoking xujondemna- 0f a more numerous council in 794, at Francfort,4 where the verdict of the former prelates was confirmed. Soon after this decision, Alcuin, who was personally known to Felix, opened . a more friendly5 correspondence with the champions of the system there exploded ; and although by Elipandus, who did not live in the Frankish empire, all his arguments were met with bitterness and scorn, upon the other he was able to produce at least a transi- tory change.6 They had a long interview in the synod held at Aix-la-Chapelle, 799, when Felix, vanquished for awhile by his opponent, promised to abandon the delusion, and in future to be guided by the teaching of the Church. But as few of the prelates were induced to rely upon this promise, they delivered him, with the approval of the emperor, into the custody of Leidrad, archbishop of Lyons. At his death, which occurred in 816, it was plain from and an extant paper that he still adhered to his former creed suppression. * '■ 1 Pcrtz, i. 179. In the following epistolam exhortatoriam, ut se ca- year (793) the pope (Hadrian I.) tholicee jungeret unitati, dirigere -wrote a letter to the Spanish clergy, curavi.' Adv. Elipant. lib. I. c. 16. threatening to proceed against Eli- The letter alluded to is in his pandus. Mansi, xm. 865. Works, i. 783 sq. 2 Alcuin, adv. Elipant. lib. i. 6 Alcuin was assisted by a com- c. 16. mittee of inquiry, whom Charle- 3 See Epist. Episcop. Ilispan. ad magne sent on two occasions into Carolum Magn. in Alcuin. Opp. the districts (chiefly Languedoc), torn. ii. vol. ii. 567, sq. where Adoptionism had gamed a 4 Labb. Condi, vn. 1013—1057. footing. Epist. xcn., p. 136. He A Roman Council (799) appears to had also a coadjutor in Paulinus, have affirmed the last decision. patriarch of Aquileia, who wrote Ibid. 1150. two Treatises, Sacrosyllabus and 5 ' Cui [i.e. Felici] in has ad- Adversus Felicem, in refutation of veniens partes caritatis calamo Adoptionism: Opp. Tenet. 1737. —814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 69 on almost every point.7 It fell, however, into silence and eastern • CHURCH oblivion ere its vacillating author had been taken from I the scene of conflict. EASTERN CHURCH. As the heresy of JSIestorius had been reawakened in the Latin Church, that of Eutyches (or the Monophysite) recurred, in the opening of the present period (633— G$0), to engage the more speculative doctors of the East. It Mono- was held, notwithstanding the definitions of Chalcedon, that Jour belief in the union of Two Natures in the Person of the Son of God, involves, as one of its consequences, our belief in His singleness of will and operation. In the reasoning of this party, known as the Monotheletes* the actions of our Lord, both human and Divine, must be its nature. ascribed to a single energy within Him (evepyeca Oeav- BpiKrj) ; they were said to spring from the Logos only, as the one proper source, although the human element in Christ was not verbally denied, but viewed as the passive agent of His Godhead.9 It resulted, therefore, that the current usage of distinguishing between the natures of our Lord was founded on no difference or duality in J Him, but on abstractions of the human mind. The author of this heresy was an Arabian bishop, The author Theodore of Pharan, who brought over to his views no"' 7 See the Liber adv. Dogma Felicis, see most plainly in the case of byAgobard, who succeeded Leidrad Honorius, bishop of Rome, was in j as archbishop of Lyons : Agobardi admitting that a two-fold will could I Opp. ed. Baluze, 1666. subsist, in one and the same sub- = MovodtXijrai, a name which ject,withoutconflictand opposition, was not given to them till the fol- They placed great stress on a lowing century. phrase fiid (or, as others read, 9 See the Fragments of Theodore Kaivij) dzavSpiKij kvtpyda, which of Pharan in Mansi, xi. 567 sq. occurs in the writings' of the He asserts that in our Lord tlvui Pseudo-Dionysius (Ibid. 563). On fxiav ivipytiav TauTrjs St Tixviri)v the vast influence exercised by this Kal Srifxiovpyov tov Qtov, opyavov author in stimulating the dialectico- \£i T?jy dvOpwiroTt^-ra. The dif- mystical tendencies of the East, see jficulty of the Monotheletes, as we Neander, v. 234 sq. EASTERN CHUKCH. Its growth promoted by political vnjhtenoe. The com pro- mise with the Jacohites in Egypt. Resistance of Sophroniw. 70 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 less a personage than Sergius, the patriarch of the Byzantine capital. He was supported also by the emperor, Heraclius, who thought he could discover in the school of Theodore an apt and auspicious medium for disarming the hostility of the Monophysites, and winning back the Armenian pro- vinces, which by their help had been transferred to the rule of Persia. At his desire a Formulary was composed, which in the hands of the pliant Cyrus,1 formerly of Phasis, but now translated to the see of Alexandria (630), effected a reunion of the Monophysites, or Jacobites, with the Melchites, or the Church (633). It was cemented by nine Articles of concord'2, in the seventh of which the heresy of Theodore was formally acknowledged. A monk of Pales- tine, Sophronius, happening to be then at Alexandria, foresaw the disastrous issues of the compromise, and set out immediately for Constantinople to unburden his dismay to the patriarch in person. Though the protests he there entered were unheeded, he was placed in the following year, by his election to the patriarchal chair of Jerusalem, in a more commanding station. Sergius, now (as it would seem) afraid of his opposition, attempted to enlist the influence of the Roman bishop on the side of the Mono- theletes, and in that he was eminently successful. The surviving letters of Honorius (634) leave no doubt as to his approval of the policy adopted by the eastern emperor, and signify his full agreement with the novelties of Sergius.3 They produced, however, no effect on the patri- 1 He at first seems to have hesi- tated, but his scruples were re- moved by Sergius. Cyri Epist. ad Sergium, Mansi, xi. 561. 8 Mansi, xi. 563. In the 7th Art. it was stated : tov ccvtov 'iva Xjotcr- tov Kal viov ivipyovvTa to. 0eo- irpnrii i:al dvdpw-iriva. flia dtavcpiKij kvipyiia. The Monophysites, who were numerous and powerful in Egypt, looked upon the concordat as a triumph : while not a few of the Melchites quitted the com- munion of Cyrus. Neale, Eastern Church, ii. 63. 3 ' Unam voluntatem fatemur Domini nostri Jesu Christi : utrum autem propter opera Divinitatis et humanitatis una, an geminse opera- tiones debeant derivatse dici vel intelligi, ad nos ista pertinere non debent: relinquentes ea grammati- —814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 71 arch of Jerusalem, who strenuously maintained his ground4 eastern until 637, when the cloud of Islamism which had gathered . L. over Syria shut him out from all further notice. In 638, the emperor, assisted as before, put forth an expository edict5 C'EK0ecns abjured his Monothelete opinions diro tou irapovTO's irepl ivo? dtXij/xa- (645) at Rome, but speedily fell tos rj pia? kvipytia.?, ij 66o zvipyuwv into them afresh and recovered his xal duo dtX^pidTwv, olavo'iJTroTe -npo- see in 664. CHURCH. a synod (649), which condemned the heresy ot the Mono- theletes as well as the ' Ecthesis' and ' Type', and anathe- ^rtinif matized6 its principal abettors, Theodore of Pharan, Sergius, Cyrus, Pyrrhus, and Paul, at that time patriarch of Con- stantinople. Though the emperor was not personally touched by the fulminations of this council, the proceedings had aroused his deepest indignation. He instructed the Byzantine exarch (his governor in Italy) to enforce com- pliance with the ' Type', and ultimately (653) to proceed to the attainder of the pope, who had made himself ob- His attainder 1 A ' and death. noxious to the charge of high treason. The command was punctually obeyed ; and on June 17, 653, Martin was transported to the seat of government, like an ordinary criminal. He did not reach Constantinople till Sept. 17, 654. At his trial he was loaded with indignities, and finally banished to the Crimea, where he died in the following year.7 A still heavier doom awaited Maximus8 Fate of and two of his disciples: they were at first sent into Thrace ; but on refusing to accept the ' Type' were dragged back to Constantinople, anathematized in a synod over which Peter, the new patriarch, presided, and after scourg- ing, mutilation, and a public mockery were banished (662) into the Caucasus, among the Lazians. Maximus survived 6 Ibid. x. 1158. The fourteenth eorum et impiam ecthesin velimpiis- canon will illustrate their view of simum typum et omnes, qui eos vel the controversy: ' Si quis secundum quidquam de his, qua? exposita sunt scelerosos hsereticos cum una vo- in eis, suscipiunt aut defendant, luntate et una operatione, qua? ab seu verba pro eis faciunt in scripto, hoereticis impie confitetur, et duas anathematizavimus.' Ibid. 1170: voluntatespariterqueetoperationes, cf. Martin's letter to the emperor, hoc est, Divinumethujnanum, quae giving him an account of the pro- in ipso Christo Deo in unitate sal- ceedings, p. 790. vantur, et a Sanctis patribus ortho- 7 See the Commemoratio and doxe in ipso prajdicantur, denegat other documents in Mansi, x. 854 et respuit, condemnatus sit.' The sq. encyclic letters of the pope and 8 See the Life of Maximus and synod contain the following violent other ancient documents prefixed expressions : ' Impios hsereticos cum to the edition of his works by omnibus pravissimis dogmatibus Combefis. 74 State of Religions Doctrine and Contreversies. [A.D. 590 EASTERN CHURCH. only a few days, and with him all the zeal of the eastern Duotheletes appears to have been extinguished.1 In the next ten years we meet with few if any traces of resistance in that quarter, though it is probable that in the Latin Church the disaffection to the ' Type' was silently increasing.2 Constans left the throne to Constantine Po- gonatus (668—685) who does not seem to have ever been devotedly attached to the reigning school of doctrine. On the contrary a letter3 which he wrote to Donus, bishop of Rome, 678, expressed an earnest wish to heal the dis- tractions of the Church by summoning a general council. On the arrival of the letter Donus was no more, but it came into the hands of Agatho his successor, who immediately adopted the suggestion, and, convening an assembly of the western bishops4 to deliberate upon it, sent a deputation of them to Constantinople. He also contributed materially to the successful issue of the council, by his full and lucid exposition of the controverted truth5. The sessions, which were eighteen in number, lasted from the 7th November, 680, to the 16th September, 681, the emperor himself presiding not unfrequently in person. After a minute and somewhat critical review of the authorities which had been alleged on either side, Monotheletism was left with an almost 1 The new pope Eugenius, ap- pointed by the exarch, is said to have trodden in the steps of Honorius : at least his figents (apocrisiarii) at Constantinople, had subscribed the ' Type' and had persuaded Maxhnus to yield. Vi- talian also (657 — 672) acquiesced, or made no public stand against the court. Schrockh, xx. 435, 436. 2 In the year 677, the communion between the Churches of Rome and Constantinople was entirely sus- pended, Theodore the Byzantine patriarch proposing to strike the name of Vitalian, as well as of the other Romanbishops afterHonorius, from the diptychs, or sacred ca- talogues of the church. Ibid. 3 Constant, ep. ad Donum in Act. Cone. vi. (Ecumenic. Mansi, xi. 195. 4 Held at Rome, March 27, 680 ; Mansi, xi. 185 : cf. Eddius, Vit. Wilfrid, c. 51. 5 He wrote to the emperor in his own name and that of the synod, containing 125 delegates : Mansi, xi. 286. He cites passages from the Gospels which prove the co- operation in our Lord of the human and Divine wills : dwelling among others on S. Matth. xxvi. 39, which his predecessor Honorius had ex- plained away. The letter was read in the 4th session of the ensuing council. I -814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 75 solitary champion6 in the person of Macarius, patriarch of eastern T'TTT" V f'T i Antioch, who for adhering to his old opinions was eventually deposed by his brother-prelates (March 7, 681). A defini- tion of the true faith7 and an anathema pronounced on all who were infected with the heresy of the Monotheletes (Honorius8 in the number), brought the sittings of the council to a close, and renewed the communion of the Greek and Latin Churches. Their solution of the con- troversy was as follows : that in Christ ' there are two its decision. natural wills and two natural operations, without division, without change or conversion, with nothing like antagonism, and nothing like confusion',— yet they were careful to add a precautionary clause, to the effect that the human will could not come into collision with the Divine, but was in all things subject to it. Their definitions, though confirmed anew by the voice of Attempts to the Trullan Council9 (69l), did not immediately suppress the adethm!'''' Monothelete discussions. On the contrary a later emperor, 6 At the opening of the synod, George I., patriarch of Constanti- nople, took his side, but afterwards declared himself a convert to the opposite party. In the 15th session, Polychronius, a fanatical monk of Thrace, endeavoured to establish the truth of Monotheletism by raising a dead man to life, but after whispering some time in the ear of the corpse, he confessed his inability to work the miracle. He was ac- cordingly deposed from the priest- hood. Thesamepenalty wasinfiicted on a Syrian priest at the following session (Aug. 9). 7 Mansi, xi. 631—637 to dv&pwTrivov auTov 6Z\iifxu dttodiv ovk dvypidi], aiaruicrrai oi fidXXov ...,6vo 6i (pvainds £vipy£ia CtVTUJ TliS KVpLW ijfJLWV .... Soj~dZ,ofx£v. There is some variation in the statements as to the number of bishops present. The subscrip- tions do not exceed one hundred. 8 See above, p. 70, n. 3. Attempts had been made to vindicate the orthodoxy of Honorius (e. g. by Maximus, Mansi, x. 687), and his acquiescence in the creed of Sergius had been studiously passed over in the proceedings of the Roman sy- nods, but here at Constantinople the clause ko.1 'Ovwpiov tov ytvofii- vov irdirav tj/s TrpicrftvTtpas Paj/ii/s, k. t. \. was thrice added to the list of the anathematized. Mansi, xi. 556, 622, 655. Leo II. in notifying his acceptance or confirmation of the council (682), adds a clause to the same effect : he anathematized 'et Honoriuml., qui hanc apostoli- cam ecclesiam non apostolicse tra- ditionis doctrina lustravit, sed pro- fana pr oditione immaculatam fidem subvertere conatus est'. lb. xi. 725. 9 Mansi, xi. 921. On the dis- pleasure which this council had excited in the west, see above, p. 40, n. 3 ; p. 50 ; and cf. Gieseler, ii. 178 sq. 76 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 EASTERN CHURCH. Bardanes, or Philippicus1, commanded the erasure of the recent creed from the Acts of the General Councils, and proceeded (711) with the help of a creature of the court, whom he placed in the see of Constantinople, to revive the exploded errors. But his own dethronement in 713 put an end to the agitation. A small remnant of Monotheletes continued to subsist for ages in the fastnesses of Lebanon. These were the Maronites\ the followers of a civil and ecclesiastical chief- tain, John Marun, who is said to have flourished in the seventh or eighth century. It is not clearly3 ascertained at what time the Monothelete opinions were accepted by this tribe, but we learn that somewhat earlier than 1182, about forty thousand of them recognized the jurisdiction of the Latin patriarch of Antioch, and passed over to the Church of Borne4. It has been mentioned that the task of vindicating orthodoxy at this period had been consigned in no small degree to Maximus. But his works are not all devoted to polemics5. He was the representative of a tendency to dialecticism, which had been long prevailing in the Greek communion. Both his learning and his spirit were trans- mitted to another student, John of Damascus (fl. 740), who has left behind him logical investigations of nearly all the 1 Theophanes, Chronograph. 319 sq. ed. Paris: Combefis, Hist. Hares. Monothel. § n. 201 sq. Paris. 1648. Philippicus, with the same object, ordered the removal of a picture ('imaginem, quam Graci votaream vocant, sex continentem sanctas et universales synodos') from St. Pe- ter's church at Rome ; but his mandate was rejected by Constan- tinel. (712) : lit. Constant in. apud "Vignolii Lib. Pontif. n. 10. ■ See the Biblioth. Orientalis of J. S. Asseman (himself descended from this body), torn. i. 487 sq., and a different account in Combefis, Hist-. Ilceres. Monothel., p. 460 : cf. also Gibbon, iv. 383-385, ed. Mil- man. 3 John of Damascus (Libellus de Vera Senteiitia, c. 8 : Opp. I. 395, ed. Le Quien) already (cir. 750) numbers them among the heretics. He also describes a Monophysite addition to the Trisagion {Ibid, p. 485) by the term NapcovL&iv. 4 Schrockh, xx. 455. The chief authority for this statement is William of Tyre ; but at a later period Abulpharagius (who died 1286) speaks of the Maronites as still a sect of Monotheletes. Ibid. 5 See a review of his theological system in Neander, v. 236 sq. —814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 77 earlier controversies, and of the Monothelete6 among the rest, eastern PTTTIRCTT His work, entitled7 An Accurate Exposition of the Orthodox Faith, is tinctured with the Aristotelian philosophy, and ex- ercised an important influence on the culture of the Eastern churches from that day to our own. It "was in truth the starting-point of their scholastic system, although the mate- rials out of which it grew were borrowed in most cases from the Fathers, and especially from Gregory of Nazianzus. But the pen of Damascenus did not dwell entirely on this class of theological discussions : it invested a less speculative theme with all the subtleties and nice distinctions of the schools8. This was the question of image- worship,9 which x>se °f7thf. r o x 7 Iconoclastic in the reigns of Leo the Isaurian, and his followers (726— c(>ntrover*y- 842), convulsed every province of the Church. It was already an established custom to make use of images and pictures, with the view of exciting the devotion of the people, or of instructing the more simple and unlettered ; but the Western Church, at least until the close of the sixth century, had not proceeded further than this point10. A different feeling was however common in the Eastern, where the softer 6 TIspl twv iv tw XpivTui cvo it was established, in their fifth 6i\rifxaTwv Kai ivtpyawv kuI Xoi- session, commanded that all the ttwv (pvcriKwv loKofxaTwu. writings of the Iconoclastic party 7 "Ek6ojOi/3jjs t-jJs 6pQoS6£ou should be destroyed. On this ac- irterTsais. On his system of religious count the records of the opposition doctrine, see Schrockh, xx. 230 — made by an earlier synod (754), 329: Bitter, Geschichte der Christl. have to be collected from the Acts Philosophie, n. 553; and, for a list of the council of Nicsea, and from the of his multifarious writings, Smith's Libri Carolini; on which see below. Biograph. Dictionary. ,0 e.g. the very remarkable letters 8 In his discourses ITjoos tous of Gregory the Great to Serenus, 3iapd\\ovTa<; tbs a'yi'as s'lKova? : bishop of Marseilles (599) ; Epist. Opp. i. 305 sq. He viewed the lib. ix. ep. 106: 'et quidem zelum Iconoclastic movement as an at- vos, ne quid manufactum adorari tack upon the essence of the Gos- posset, habuisse laudavimus, sed pel ; and the dread of idolatry as frangere easdem imagines non de- a falling back into Judaism, or buisse judicamus ; idcirco enim even into Manichaeism. pictura in ecclesiis adhibetur, ut 9 It is a great misfortune that hi, qui litteras nesciunt, saltern in the surviving authorities are nearly parietibus videndo legant, qua? all on one side, — in favour of image- legere in codicibus non valent' : worship. The council by which cf. lib. xi. ep. 13. 78 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A. D. 590 eastern and more sensuous Greek was frequently betrayed into a CHURCH. . . . - , . . blind and superstitious veneration for the images and picture? of the saints.1 It was, accordingly, at the seat of the Byzan- tine empire that a series of re-actions now commenced. Conduct of Leo Leo, the Isaurian, of a rough and martial temper, was the Isaurian. . . \ ', the nrst 01 the iconoclastic princes. Influenced, it is said, by the invectives of Muhammedans and Jews, who had stigmatized the use of images as absolute idolatry, he ordered3 (726), that the custom of kneeling before them should in future be abandoned. The resistance of the aged patriarch,4 Germanus, and a fiery circular5 from John of Damascus, who was now residing in a convent at Jerusa- lem, incited Leo to more stringent measures. He accord- ingly put forth6 a second edict (729 or 730) in which images and pictures were proscribed, and doomed to unsparing demolition. It extended to all kinds of material represen- Trivmphofthe tations, with the sole exception of the cross.7 The speedy Iconoclasts. , . « execution of this peremptory order drove Germanus from 1 See the instances adduced by of the controversy, see Neander, v. Neander, v. 277, 278. 281—283. He seems to have first 2 One of his advisers was Con- struck out the distinction of a rela- stantine, bishop of Nacolia: another tive worship (irpoo-xvvvcns a-xi-'TlK1'i)> was of senatorial rank, namedBeser, as addressed to the images of Christ : who had passed some time in cap- and affirms that with regard to the tivity among the Saracens. See Virgin and the saints no worship Mendham's Seventh General Council, (KctTptLu) is due to them, much Introd. pp. xii. — xiv. Other at- less to material representations of tempts to explain the antipathy of them. It is plain, however, that Leo may befoundinSchlosser'sGe- the idea of giving some honour to schichte der bilder-stih -mend 'en Kaiser, the pictures of the saints {e.g. pray- pp. 161 sq. Frankf. 1812 : cf. Mansi, ing and placing lights before them) xn. 959. It is not unlikely that a had been worked into his creed, wish to reabsorb the Muhammedans and to abandon it appeared equiva- into the Church was one of the lent to a renunciation of the Gospel, leading motives. 5 See the first of his Orations, 3 The edicts on image-worship above referred to ; p. 77, n. 8. are collected in Goldastus, Im- G Goldastus, ubi sup. note 3 : cf. perialia decreta de cultu Imaginum, Theophanes, Chronograph, pp. 336, ed. Francof. 1608. 343. * Mansi, xm. 99 sq : cf. his 7 On removing an image of our Liber de Synodis, etc. in Spicilegium Lord from a niche in the imperial Romanian, vii. 59 sq. Horn. 1842. palace, he erected the symbol of For the probable nature of his the cross in its place. See Analecta interview with Leo at the opening Gr. Germanus, de 10 The impiety and profligacy of Synod-is, etc. ubi sup. p. 61. The ma- Constantme may have been very jority of the artists at this period much over-coloured by the mo- were inmates of religious houses, nastic chroniclers ; e.^.Theophanes, 80 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 590 eastern which the image-worshippers excited in his absence1 (743), he determined to convoke a synod in the hope of bringing the dispute to an amicable issue, or at least of fortifying the position of the Iconoclastic party. It assembled in 754 at Constantinople, and was composed of three hundred and thirty-eight bishops of Europe and Anatolia.12 The deliberations were continued for the space of six months, and led to a unanimous decision.3 It declared that the worshipping [irpodKvvelv koX aefieaOai) of images and pic- tures was a relapse into idolatry, excited by the malice of the Tempter ; and that consequently emperors were bound, in imitation of the Apostolic practice, to destroy every vestige of the evil.4 At the same time, not a single prelate manifested any wish to vary from the standard language of the Church.5 They opened the proceedings Council of Constantino pie, 754. Its decision. 346 sq., but his cruelty it is impos- sible to question : see the evidence in Schlosser, Geschichte der bilder- stiirm. Kaiser, pp. 228 — 234. 1 It was headed by his brother- in-law, Artavasdes ; Theophanes, p. 347. 2 None of the patriarchs were present at this council. The see of Constantinople was vacant : the heads of the churches of Antioch, Alexandria, and Jerusalem, were subject to the Saracens, and were deterred by the jealousy of their masters from public communication with the Christians of the empire ; while the Church of Rome was invaded by the Lombards, and de- voted to the use of images. Con- stantine II. (767) informs Pepin of France ' qualis fervor sanctarum imaginum orientalibus in partibus cunctis Christianis immineat.' Hist. Franc. Scriptores, ed. Duchesne, in. 825. A Roman council (769) under Stephen IV., confirmed the 'vene- ration of images'. Mansi, xn. 720. It is clear also that the proceedings at Constantinople (754) were re- pudiated by the patriarch of Je- rusalem (Mansi, xn. 1135), who was joined by the patriarchs of Antioch and Alexandria. The pre- sident of the council was Theodo- sius, metropolitan of Ephesus. 3 Mansi, xin. 205. * /U1JKETI ToXfiaV dvdpOOTtOV TOV oIov&i'jttoti. Lit itijcSeusii/ to TOIOVTOV daifiis Kal dvocriov siriTtjosi//uu. Mansi, xin. 328. Their prohibi- tions extended not only to all kinds of images composed ' by the pagan and accursed art' of the painter, but even to the figures (hitherto preserved) upon the sacred vest- ments and church-plate (Mansi, ib. 332) ; although to check any further outbreaks of individual fa- naticism, it was now ordered that the permission of the patriarch, or of the emperor, should be procured to warrant alterations in the eccle- siastical ornaments. 5 They even pronounced an ana- thema on all who do not confess Ti/i/ dtnrdpdtvov Mapiuv Kvpiw: Kal a\ijtfa>s dsoTOKOv, virtpTipav ts tivai •7rac?)S opaT»7? Kal dopaTOv KTictas ; and on all who do not ask for the prayers of her, and of the other saints. Mansi, xm. 345, 348. —814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 81 by acknowledging the doctrine of the Six General Councils, easti b and abjuring every phase of misbelief which had there - been examined and condemned. A long and triumphant reign (741—775) enabled Con- Accession of Btantine to carry out the wishes of his party : and his successor, Leo IV., surnamed Chazarus (775—780), though more lenient than his father, steadily enforced the oath8 which had been issued by that king against the wor- shipping of images and pictures. Leo was espoused to the artful and unscrupulous Irene, who at his decease The empress administered the business of the State in the name of Coustantine VI., her minor son. She had been educated in a family opposed to the Iconoclasts, and was tinged with the superstition of the age : no sooner, therefore, was she mistress of the empire, than her leanings to the monks were frequently betrayed in her distribution of the church-preferment. It was not, however, until the sixth her pi i • • ■ ii i i behalf of year ot her administration, that she ventured to proceed w»< more freely. Hitherto the soldiers, who revered the me- mory of Constantine and took the side of the Iconoclasts, had operated as a formidable check upon her zeal : but the election of Tarasius7 to the patriarchal chair enabled her to make arrangements for the convocation of a synod, which she trusted would reverse the policy adopted in the former reigns. The Eoman bishop, Hadrian L, most *ro".rf r'""" . ('f Aricwa, cordially invited by Irene, sent a deputation of the western V87. clergy to assist her ; but the efforts of Tarasius, who was anxious to secure a like concurrence on the part of the 6 It seems to have been adminis- the emperor, and the irregularity tered to every citizen of Constanti- of his election, together with his nople, if not in all quarters of the use of the title ' (Ecumenical pa- empire : cf. Neander, v. 307, 308. triarch', scandalized the Eoman Leo, however, permitted numbers bishop Hadrian I. (Mansi, xn. of the exiled monks to shew them- 1056, 1077): but in consideration 6elves in public, and thus laid a of his zeal for images, the anger train for the explosion that ensued. of the pope was speedily disarmed. * His predecessor Paul, on the See a Life of Tarasius by his pupil, point of death, retired into a mo- in the Acta Sanctorum, Febr. torn, nastery. Tarasius was secretary to in. pp. 576 sq. G 82 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 n Oriental patriarchates1, were not equally successful. Very _ — !_ many of the delegates assembled at Constantinople, Aug. 1, 786 ; but, owing to an insurrection2 of the military, their proceedings were suspended for a year. They next met at Xicrea in Bithynia, to the number of about three hundred and fifty prelates, and immediately resumed their labours (Sept. 24, 787). In less than a month the busines3 of the synod was completed : and as soon as their ' de- finition' had been formally proclaimed (Oct. 23) in the royal city, images were almost universally restored. A multitude of bishops, who had been hitherto distinguished as Iconoclasts, alarmed in some cases by the evidence5 in favour of the use of images, or anxious to retain their mitres and their incomes, signed a humble recantation' an.i dune, of the tenets now exploded. The decision5 of the Council ran as follows : it enjoined that ' bowing and an honour- able adoration [acnraaixbv Kal rifj,T]TiK7)v Trpoanvvqcnv) should be offered to all sacred images; but this external and inferior worship must not be confounded with the true and supreme worship (rrjv Kara ttIgtiv r^iSiv ak^dtvrjv \arpeiav), which belongs exclusively to God.' ' The messengers of Tarasius, on in adducing spurious works, are reaching Palestine, were informed painfully astounding : e.g. the story by some monks whom they met of a miraculous image at Berytu9 with, that the Moslem authorities was attributed to the great Atha- would not tolerate ageneral council, nasius, and urged as an authority : and that it would be fruitless to cf. Mendham, Seventh General Coin/ - proceed any further on their errand : cil, Introd. pp. mi. sq. but in order that they might secure 4 Cf. Neander, v. 318 — 320. at least a shew of representatives, 5 Mansi, xin. 377. The ir/ooo-- they brought back two Palestinian k-umijo-js would include the offering monks, with the style and title of of lights and incense (dv/xia/nuTwv Legates of the East. On this ac- Kal (f>wTwv irpoaaywyrju) as well as count, the synod has no claim to be bowing down and prostration. The called (Ecumenical ; cf. Palmer, degree of reverence is the same as Treatise on the Church, 11. 151, 152 ; many of the Iconoclasts were not 3rd edit. unwilling to bestow on the sign of 8 Mansi, xn. 990 sq. the cross and on the volume of the s The inaccuracy of the quota- Gospels (t■ of 'Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 THE PAU- LICIANS. ilo} Frankfort, 794: and ■ soenee ufthe E " ('hurch. made no impression on the bishops of the empire. They assembled at Frankfort (794), to the number of three hundred, and determined in the presence of the papal legates, that the recent council of the Greeks had no claim whatever on their notice ;x adding, that all acts of worship, such as many were not indisposed to offer to the images of saints, invaded the prerogatives of God. And as the English Church'2 appears to have united with the Frankish "ofthTisrtgiuh in the passing of this memorable protest, very few of the Western Christians, those of Italy excepted, were com- mitted to the fatal principles established at Nicsea. THE PAULICIANS. But while the strength of the Christian Church was well-nigh exhausted in the midst of domestic conflicts, she had also to encounter a fresh form of thought which threatened her dominion in the East. This was the creed of the Paulicians3 (nav\itaavot). Like the other mediaeval sects, they were distinguished by their opposition to the Rise of l'liuliMinijun. 1 Mansi, sin. 909. The following is the entry of Einhard, Annates, a.d. 794, (Pertz, i. 181): « Sy- nodus etiam, quao ante paucos annos in Constantinopoli sub He- lena (Irene) et Constantino filio ejus congregata, et ab ipsis non solum septima, verum etiam uni- versalis est appellata, ut neo sep- tima nee universalis haberetur di- cereturve, quasi supervacua in totum ab omnibus abdicata est.' * Roger de Hoveden, following Simeon of Durham, (Scriptores x. col. Ill, ed. Twysden,) thus alludes to the correspondence between Charlemagne and the English : ' Anno 792, Carolus rex Francorum misit synodalem librum ad Bri- tanniam, sibi a Constantinopoli directum, in quo libro (heu ! proh dolor ! ) multa inconvenientia, et veroe fidei contraria reperiebantur ; rnaxime, quod pene omnium orien- taliuru doctorum, non minus quam trecentorum, vel eo amplius, epis- coporum unanimi assertione con- firmatum fuerit imagines adorari deber e ; quod omnino ccclesia Dei execralur. Contra quod scripsit Albinus [i.e. Alcuin] epistolam ex authoritate divinarum scriptuntrum mirabiliter amrmatam ; illamque cum eodem libro ex persona cpi-s- coporum, ac principum nostrorum, regi Francorum attulit.' Scriptores post Bedam, p. 405 : cf. Twysden's Vindication, pp. 206 sq., new edit. 3 Otherwise called navXiavWai. Some have looked upon the name HavXiKtavoL as equivalent to Ilau- Xoiwdvi'at (Photius, adversus recen- tiores Manichaos, lib. I. c. 2 : in J. C. Wolf's Anecdota Greeea, torn. i. and ii. ed. Haiub. 1722) ; argu- ing that the founders of the sect were two Manichaeans, Paul and John, sons of Callinice : but there axe strong reasons for doubting the truth of this account. See the — 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 85 whole of the ecclesiastical system, and not merely to the pat peculiar articles of faith. They seem to have been an _1 offshoot from the Marcionites, who lingered4 in the regions of Armenia Prima, where the founder of Paulicianism its found, .>. appeared at the middle of the seventh century (657—684). His former name was Constantine, but at the outset of his mission in behalf of what he deemed the genuine teaching of St. Paul, he chose the expressive title of 'Sylvanus.' Though addicted to the study of the sacred volume, and especially the writings of the great Apostle, whom his predecessor, Marcion, held in equal honour, he was notwithstanding governed all his life-time by the principles of dualism, in which it is likely he was reared. He argued that the Maker of the human body and the Lord of the sensible creation, was to be distinguished from Glaring in. the perfect God, the Author of the world of spirits.5 In mllwiV/. his view, matter, as the agent of the Demiurgus, was the source of every evil; while the soul of man, originally wedded to Divinity itself, had been seduced into union with the body, where she dwelt in a doleful prison.6 Her de- the Essay of Gieseler in the Theolog. * Neander, v. 339. Studien unci Kritiken, for 1829, 5 HpuTov p.iv yap e'o-ti to kot' Heft i. pp. 79 sq. He maintains avrovs yuoopicrp.a to <5Jo dpxds that the name Paulician (ITaiAt/coi cp.o\oys.7v, iroviipov 6e6v nal dyadov leading to HavXtKiavoi) was given kuI dWov elvai tovSz tov k6(t/xou to them on account of the exclusive irouinju kuI ££ovs errors is to be found in the work /uij6a/>i?; Trpos p.i}Sip.iau o\wt Ttjs of Photius (above cited), and the d\i)6zias a'lyXijv tows ia-KOTiar/xevovt Historia Manichceorum of Peter tVio-T/Of'^to-Bai, 6Vt 6 a'yaflos Geo* Siculus (about 800), ed. Ingolstadt, i> dtl ku'i ic-n tcai tarai. Photius, 1604, and elsewhere. lib. u. c. 3. 86 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 the PAU. liverance out ' of this enthralment was the work of the - Redeemer. He descended from the presence of the Highest God, invested with a heavenly body1 ; for, as matter was essentially corrupt, the Saviour did not take our human nature, but was bom of His Virgin Mother'2 only in appearance (co? Sea c-&)A/>}voju|3o\<.ku)S to pi}fxaTa avTOv K(li VTTO bpdv KZL/X£VOV. PllOtiUS, CCUToIs LcLOOV, £OS dpTOV Kal OtVOV. lib. i. c. 7 : cf. Pet. Sicul. ibid. Pet. Sicul. ibid. Yet it appears that some at least G th's 66o nadoXticds .... UtTpou of the Paulicians made use of a tov irpuoraTroo-ToXov oi> dc\ovTai, ■ ■ - . —814] State of Religions Doctrine and Controversies. 87 as the head of the Judaizlng party in the Church. This the pau- anti-Jewish feeling, everywhere apparent, made them 1 — anxious to revive (as they supposed) an apostolic ministry, "fj^.™^'? to simplify the ritual of the Church, and disentangle the the Ckurch- surviving elements of Christianity from numerous after- growths of error. Thus they styled themselves the ' Ca- tholics' and ' Christians' proper, as distinguished from the ' Romans,' or professors of the state-religion.7 They would tolerate no difference of class or order, such as that sub- sisting in the Church between the clergy and the lay. Their ministers3 were simply teachers, standing in a close relation to the Holy Spirit, and at first peculiarly awakened by His impulse. How far the Paulicians had been guilty of the grosser violations9 of the moral law imputed to them by opponents, Their moral it is difficult to ascertain precisely: but one principle on which they acted in the time of persecution is an argument against their purity of conscience. They were ready to disguise their tenets, under pressure, and resorted even dTTEx^f"? Trpds avrov SLaKsiutvot, 8 They rejected not only the name k.t.X. Pet. Siculus, ubi sup, cf. Pho- lepzis but irpscrfivTspoi also, as sa- tius, lib. i. c. 8. They rejected also vouring of Judaism. Pet. Sicul. the writings of the Old Testament p. 20. At the head of their minis- (tjjj/ olavovv fiiflXov iraXaidv), re- terial system were, (1) apostles or garding them as the production prophets, (2) teachers and pastors of a system which was under the (otoa'c/caXot and tto^e' j/ss), (3) itine- dominion of the Demiurgus. Of rant messengers of the truth asso- the writings of the New Testament ciated with the prophets (owek- they seem to have adopted four cii/wi), (4) vwTapioi, perhaps scribes, Gospels (laying stress, however, or copyists of religious records. on that according to St. Luke), Neander, v. 365. The same dread fourteen Epistles of St. Paul (of of Judaism induced them to re- which one was addressed to the linquish the current title vdoi (tem- Laodiceans), the Epistles of St. pies), and to call their places of James, St. John, and St. Jude, assembly 'oratories' (Trpoit. c. xlviii. § 2 : ' Reliquiae tamen sanctorum venerandae sunt, et, si potest fieri, in ecclesia, ubi reliquiae sanctorum sunt, candela ardeat per singulas noctes. Si autcm pau- pcrtas loci non sinit, non nocet eis.' It was customary in the Prankish —814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 101 The deplorable abuse of the imitative arts has been corrup. , . , , f. i TIONS AND noticed in the rise and progress ot the image-controversy, abuses. We there saw that the evil was resisted6 for a time in zmages, the Frankish and the English Churches, while it gained a still firmer hold on other parts of Christendom, and threatened to subside into absolute idolatry. The disposition to erect and beautify religious houses, Beiigimu i-i -i t • i J,. . , , 'foundations. which prevailed m the east and west alike, is otten to be traced to purely Christian feelings6: not unfrequently, how- ever, it proceeded from a mingled and less worthy motive, from the impulses of servile fear, and from a wish in the soul of the promoter to disarm the awakened vengeance of his Judge7. Another form in which these errors came to light was the habit of performing pilgrimages to some Pilgrimages. holy spot or country, where men dreamed of a nearer presence of the Lord, or some special intercession of the saints. A multitude of English devotees8 betook them- empire for chaplains to carry the tationis cruris : see Liber Pontif. relics of St. Martin and others at ed. Vignol. i. 310. the head of their armies ('patro- 6 e.g. Einhard. FiY. Karoli Magn. cinia vel pignora sanctorum' ) : cf. c. 26: Pertz, n. 457. In a ca- Schrijckh, xx. 127, 131: and the pitulary, 811, (Mansi, xm. 1073), same feeling led the persecuted addressed to the prelates of the Spaniard to discover the potent empire, he tells them that, how- relics of St. James (between 791 ever good a work is the building and 842), in the person afterwards of fine churches, the true orna- called St. James of Compostella: ment is to be found in the life of Acta Sanct. Jul. torn. vi. p. 37. the worshippers ('praeferendus est Even Alcuin {Homil. de Natali aedificiis bonorum morum ornatus . 590 CORRUP- TIONS AND ABUSES. Jfassn-s for the dead. selves to Rome : and while it may be granted that excur- sions of this kind were often beneficial to the arts and letters of the country1, no one has denied that many of the pilgrims, more especially the female portion, fell a prey to the laxity of morals which the custom almost everywhere induced. The less intelligent appear to have expected that a pilgrimage would help them on their way to heaven, apart from any influence it might have in stimulating the devotions of the pious : but this fallacy was strenuously confuted by the leading doctors of the age.a It has been shewn already3 that the notion of a pur- gatorial fire, to expiate the minor sins which still adhered to the departed (' leves culpa?'), had been definitely formed under Gregory the Great, and from him was transmitted to the Christians of the West. This notion, while it threw a deeper gloom upon the spirits of the living, led the way to propitiatory acts intended to relieve the sufferings of the dead. It prompted feelings and ideas widely dif- fering from those which circulated in the earlier Church4: for there, when the oblations were presented in the name of a in Francia, aut in Gallia, in qua non sit adultera vel meretrix gene- ris Anglorum : quod scandalum est, et turpitude- totius eeclesiue vestra?' : Ep. lxiii ; Opp. i. 146. 1 This was certainly the case in men like Benedict Biscop, of whom Bcda has remarked, ' Toties mare transiit, numquam, ut est consue- tudinis quibusdam, vacuus et in- utilis rediit, sed nunc librorum copiam sanctorum, nunc reliqui- arum beatorum martyrum Christi vcnerabile detulit, nunc architectos ecclesiye fabricandae, nunc vitri- factores ad fenestras ejus deco- randas ac muniendas, nunc can- tandi et in ecclesia per totam annum ministrandi sccum magis- tros adduxit, etc' Homil. in Natal. Benedict. * Thus the 45th canon of the Council of Chalons (813) condemns all the pilgrimages undertaken in an irreverent spirit, with the hope of securing a remission of past sins, where no actual reformation was desired : but it is no less ready to commend such journeys when accompanied by true devotion (' orationibus insistendo, eleemo- synas largiendo, vitam emendando, mores componendo') : cf. Alcuin, Epist. cxlvii ; Opp. i. 208. 3 Above pp. 62, 63. Stories, like that which is told of Fursey, the Irish monk (Bed. Hist. Eccl. in 19) would deepen the popular belief in a purgatorial fire. 4 Cf. Bp. Taylor's Dissuasive, bk. n. § 2: Works, vi. 545 sq., ed. Eden.;Schri3ckh,xx.l75sq. — With regard to the doctrine of the Eu- charist, considered as a sacrificial act, commemorating the Great BLce, and as the means of feed- -814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 103 CORRUP- TIONS AND ABUSES. departed worthy, they commemorated one already in a state of rest, though sympathizing with his brethren in the flesh, and expecting the completion of his triumph. The result of those mediaeval masses for the dead5 was to occasion a plurality of altars6 in the churches, to commence the pernicious rite of celebrating the Eucharist without a con- gregation (' missee private', or ' solitariaj'), and to reduce ^{^' in many parts the number of communicants :7 but scandals of this kind, like many others then emerging to the sur- face of the Church, were warmly counteracted by the better class of prelates.8 ing upon Christ by faith, more will be observed in the following period, when the views of the Church at large began to be more technically stated. That the dog- ma of a physical transubstantiation of the elements was not held in the 7th Century, is clear from Isidor. Hispalensis, De Eccles. Ojficiis, lib. i. c. 18: Ildefonsus, De Cog- nitione Baptismi (in Baluz. Miscel- lanea, vi. 99). The current doc- trine of the Greek Church is to be sought in a work of Anastasius (a learned monk of Mount Sinai, at the close of the seventh century) entitled 'Od»)yrsion ^n tne evening of his reign, however, when the Saxons tn7,au' of religion Great, 1014—1035), who had been espoused to an English Jjf^2? consort, was assiduous in despatching missionaries10 to evangelize his Scandinavian subjects, until Denmark, as a nation, paid her homage unto Christ.11 In Sweden, where the elements of strife resembled those of Denmark, little progress had been made in the diffusion of the Gospel,1'2 since the happier days of Anskar. Many seeds, however, planted by his care and watered by the visits of his scholar, Rimbert, still continued to bear fruit. The mission was resumed13 ,in 930 by Unni, Fresh efforts ' J 'to convert the Swedes : 6 Respecting his conversion, see flicted on the Church at large by the story of Wittekind, a monk of his persecuting father: and the Corbey, in the Scriptores Rerum same motive, mingled with exces- German. ed. Meibom. i. 660 ; and sive reverence for the pope, im- cf. Neander, v. 397, 398. pelled him to set out on a pilgrimage 7 Adam. Bremensis, Hist. Eccl. to Rome (1027 or 1031): Florent. lib. n. c. 15 sq. "VVigorn. Chron. ad. an. 1031 : cf. 8 Ibid. e. 28, 36: see below, on Lappenberg, Anglo- Saxon Kings, n. the ' Limitation of the Church'. 211 sq. 9 He is even said to have la- u The nephew of Cnut, Sveno boured in behalf of the religion he Estritson, who succeeded to the had formerly betrayed and perse- crown of Denmark in 1044, co- cuted. Saxo Grammaticus, Hist. operated with Adelbert, the arch- Danorum, lib. x. pp. 186 — 188, ed. bishop of Hamburg-Bremen, in pro- Stephan. pagating the Gospel to the northern 10 Bishops and priests are said to islands and elsewhere (Adam. Bre- have been ordained for this pur- men. lib. iv. c. 16) ; but in Fries- pose by iEthelnoth, the archbishop land, on the coast of Schleswig, as of Canterbury. Adam. Bremen. well as in the corners of North lib. ii. c. 36 sq. Miinter, Kirchen- Jutland and of Schonen, paganism gesch. von Danemark, i. 322. The subsisted for a century or more, zeal of Cnut was stimulated at the n Adam. Bremen, lib. t. c. 51. remembrance of the wrongs in- ls Ibid. lib. II. c. 2, c. 16. There I 2 116 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 NOR- WEGIAN CHURCH. triumphant under Olaf Skotkotihiig. Christianity eventually supreme. Planting. of the Gospel in Norway : archbishop of Hamburg; and some other neighbouring prelates joined him in his work. The reign of Olaf Skot- konung, commencing with the eleventh century, was marked by a more vigorous advancement on all sides. He was baptized about 1008, and afterwards secured the help of English clergymen, asSigefrith, Rodulf, Sigeward, and others, who expended all their strength in building up the Scandinavian Churches.1 .The first bishopric of Sweden'2 wa3 now placed at Skara, in West-Gothland, where the Christians more especially abounded ; and the policy of future kings, excepting Svend, the latest champion of idolatry,3 contributed to swell their numbers. In 1075 the public services of Thor and Odin were all absolutely interdicted by a royal order, and the cause of Christianity henceforth was everywhere triumphant. The first entrance of the Gospel into Norway was effected also through an English channel. Hacon (Hagen) is said to have been educated4 at the court of JSthelstan were still, however, many heathen, or but half- converted Christians, even in the north of Sweden : cf. Schrockh, xxi. 361, 362. Among the upper Swedes the pagan system lingered till the middle of the 12th century. 1 Adam. Bremen, lib. n. c. 38, 40, 44. Some of these English missionaries (e.g. Wulfrith), by their violent attacks on paganism, aroused the vengeance of the Swedes. 2 It was filled by an Englishman named Turgofh, but his orders were derived from the archbishop of Hamburg, Unwan. Other Swe- dish bishoprics were soon after- wards founded at Lincoping, Wexio, Upsala, Strengnaes, and Westerahs. Jealousies appear to have arisen between the later prelates of Ham- burg-Bremen and the kings of neighbouringstates( Adam. Bremen, lib. in. c. 15 — 17) : but the dif- ference was adjusted for a while in the time of archbishop Adelbert, who was (1068) acknowledged as the primate of twelve dioceses ("Wiltsch, Kirchl Geograph. i. 390), and also as a kind of Scandinavian pontiff. In 1104, however, the more northern bishops were sub- ordinated to the metropolitan of Lund. Muster, Kircheng. n. 76. 3 The pagan party were exas- perated by the efforts of Adelward, (a bishop sent from Bremen, 1064), to subvert their ancient temple at "Upsala. Adam. Bremen, lib. in. c. 17 ; lib. iv. c. 44. This attempt was prudently resisted by the Chris- tian monarch, Stenkil ; but his son Inge (1067), who yielded to the over-zealous missionaries, was ex- pelled by the heathen under Svend, and restored oidy by the help of his Danish neighbours. 1 This is the account of the Scan- dinavian Chroniclers : see the evi- dence on both sides in Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxon Kings, II. 105, 106. —1073] Growth of the Church. 117 (924—941) ; and on his return to his native country, where Danish he made himself supreme, he laboured, with the aid of Swedish PIITTIM 'H priests from England, to displace the pagan worship.5 '- His endeavours soon aroused the hatred of his subjects, who accordingly compelled him to take part in their sacrificial rites,6 and murdered the promoters of the Chris- tian religion. On his death, which was embittered by the thought of his criminal compliance with idolatry, the Northmen were subdued by Harald Blaatand, king of Denmark (962), who, in order to revive a knowledge of the Gospel, had recourse to oppression and the sword. His measures were reversed soon after by the equal violence of Hacon jarl, an implacable opponent of the truth.7 It was, however, introduced afresh by Olaf Tryggvason (995—1000), who had been converted while engaged in foreign travel,8 and was finally baptized in the Scilly Islands.9 Anxious to diffuse the blessings of the Gospel, he took with him into Norway (977) an ecclesiastic of the name of Thangbrand, but their efforts were too often finally thwarted by the violence with which their teaching was accompanied. The jarls, who governed Norway as the envoys from the courts of Denmark and Sweden, after Olaf was deposed (1000), extended toleration to the Chris- tians, and as soon as the foreign yoke was broken by the 5 See Miinter, as above ; Torfaeus, Germany. In the last-mentioned Hist. Norveffica, torn. u. pp. 118 country, he fell in with Thang- sq. ed. Hafnise, 1711 ; and, for the brand, a soldier-like priest of Bre- rnost ancient authority, the Heim- men, who appears to have turned skringla (Hist.of NorwegianKings), his thoughts to the consideration by Snorro Sturleson, who died in of the Gospel. 1241. 9 He had landed there while 6 He finally consented to eat engaged in a piratical expedition, horse-flesh, after drinking in honor Some time before, in conjunction of Odin, Thor, andBragi[? Fricge]. with Sveud of Denmark, he had Torfaeus, n. 214 — 222. ravaged all the southern coasts. 7 Ibid. 237 sq. He had been Lappenberg, n. 157, 1-58. He was himself a Christian in the previous afterwards confirmed in England, reign, but had apostatized on his which he promised not to visit for accession to the throne. the future as an enemy (Saxon 8 He had travelled in Greece, Chron. a.d. 994). Russia, England, and the north of 118 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 814 Icelandic valour of Olaf the Holy (1017—1033), every stronghold1 CHURCH. • i \ t i n i i ot the pagan system was unsparingly demolished, and the Gospel, partly by instruction,2 but still more by dint of arms,3 was planted on the ruins. IfVT'nd1"0'1 Iceland, which was destined to enjoy the highest re- putation as a seat of mediaeval learning, had been colonized by the Norwegians in 870. But the tidings of the Gospel did not reach it, or at least made no distinct impression,4 till a Saxon prelate, Friedrich, influenced by the reasons of a native chieftain, who had roved the German seas, attempted to secure a footing in 981. He was, however, fiercely counteracted by the scalds (or pagan minstrels) : and after labouring to little purpose, for a period of five years, he gave up the mission in despair. A fresh attempt was made by Olaf Tryggvason, the king of Norway, who persuaded Stefner, a young Christian Icelander (996), to carry back the Gospel to his fellow-countrymen. His labours also were resisted, as were those of the royal chaplain and ambassador, the military Thangbrand (997 —999). But the progress of religion in the mother-country 1 See, among other instances, the to be consecrated either in England account of the destruction of a or in Gaul. Lappenberg, Hamburg. colossal 'Thor' in the province of I'rkund. i. 84. Dalen : Neander, v. 410, 411. s The sufferings of the heathen 2 In this he was assisted by the party predisposed them to assist founding of schools, and by the the English monarch, Cnut, 1028, labours of ecclesiastics out of Eng- in dethroning Olaf (Lappenb. II. land (see above, p. 115, n. 10), 215,216); but the fortunes of the some of whom passed forward into Church were unaffected by this Sweden. The Norwegian sees of conquest. Nidaros (Drontheim), Opslo, Ber- 4 We learn from Miintcr's Ge- gen, Hammer, and Stavanger, were schichtc (as above), i. 520, that not organized until the following when the Northmen landed, they period (Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geor/r. n. found some fcraces of an older 96) : but Olaf was the founder of Christianity which hadbeen planted the mother-church of Drontheim. in Iceland by the agency of Irish Nominally all the Scandinavian missionaries: of. Neander, v. 412, churches were still subject to the note. One of the fullest histories archbishopric of Hamburg, but it of the Icelandic Church is that by seems from a rescript of pope Alex- Finnur Joensen (Finus Joharmseus), ander II. (1061), that it was cua- Hist. Ecchs. Inland ia, Hafnise, 1772 tomary for the Norwegian bishops — 1775. -1073] Growth of the Church. 119 rapidly abated the objections of the colonists, and as early other t v , , . , . , NORTHEKN as 1000 laws were enacted0 by the native legislatures churches. favourable to the ultimate supremacy of the Gospel. While a number of the ancient practices were suffered to remain in secret, it was now determined that all Icelanders should be baptized, and that the public rites of paganism should in future be abolished. A numerous class of natives, as we may suppose, continued to hand down the hereditary creed ;6 but through the teaching of new bands of mission- aries,7 chiefly English and Irish, they were gradually con- verted and confirmed. A fresh accession to the Churches of the North was The G°v>el 'M Greenland : the distant isle of Greenland, also partly colonized from Norway, at the end of the tenth century. Its apostle was an Icelander, Leif, who entered on his work in 999 : and in 1055 the community of Christians had been fully organized by the appointment of a bishop.8 At the same time Christianity was carried to the in thf Orkney, -1 Shetland, and Orkney, Shetland, and the Faroe Islands, which were Faroe Lslands- 5 This step was facilitated by 8 This was bishop Albert, sent whining over (some say, with the by Adelbert of Hamburg-Bremen, help of a bribe) the chief-priest Miinter, i. 555 sq. : cf. the bull of Thorgeir, who was also supervisor Victor II. (1055) confirming the of the legislative acts : Schrockh, privileges of the archbishop of xxi. 389. Hamburg, in Lappenberg, Ham- 6 Some revolting customs, e.g. burg. Urkund., i. 77, and Adam of the exposing of infants, lingered Bremen, De Sihi Danice, c. 244. for a while, notwithstanding the The last glimpse of this ancient attempt of Olaf, king of Norway Church of Greenland is seen in (1019 — 1033), to suppress them: 1408. B,eligion seems to have ex- Torfeus, Hist. Norveg., lib. ii. c. 2 ; pired soon after with the swarm of Neander, v. 419. Icelandic and Norwegian settlers, 7 One of the most conspicuous who gave place to the present was Bernhard, an Englishman, Esquimaux. In 1733, the Moravians sent into Iceland by Olaf the Holy. made a fresh attempt to introduce In 1056 the first diocesan bishop, the Gospel into Greenland. — There Isleif, was placed at Skaalholt is an interesting tradition (Miinter, (Adam of Bremen, De Situ Danice, i. 561) of a Saxon or Irish mis- c. 228). He was consecrated by sionary, who is said to have crossed Adelbert of Hamburg-Bremen. from Greenland into North-Ame- Another see was founded in 1105 rica, in 1059, and there to have at Holum. Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geogr. died a martyr. ii. 96, n. 8. 120 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 814 Moravian peopled mainly by Norwegians.1 In the former cases !_ the success of Olaf Tryggvason was due in no small measure to the force of arms;* and even in the Faroe. Islands, where at first he was able to proceed more calmly^ through the medium of an earnest native, Sigmund,3 not a few of his efforts were coercive. But the work was after- wards resumed, in a better spirit, by succeeding kings of Norway.4 AMONG THE SLAVIC OR SLAVONIAN RACES. Propagation of This large and important family of men,5 extending among the eastward from the Elbe to the Don, and southward from the Baltic to the Adriatic, (with a few exceptions6 in Croatia and Carinthia,) had continued, till the present period, strangers to the Gospel. The exertions made by Amo, the archbishop of Salzburg (800), were repeated in the time of Louis-le-Debonnaire, by Urolf, the archbishop of Lorch7 (Laureacum). It was through this channel that the earliest missions were established in Moravia. But the nation was still conversion of generally addicted to the pagan worship, when two learned and experienced brothers, monks of the Greek communion, entered on the same arena. These were Moravia. 1 Worsaae, Danes and Nonce- investigated by Shafarik, Slawische gians, &c. pp. 220, 221. Alterthiimer, Leipzig, 1843. * See Torfaeus, Orcades, Havniae, 6 See above, p. 27. 1697: Miinter, 1.548. 7 Also called thebishop of Passau, s Torfams, De rebus gestis F,rrey- the two sees having been united ensium, Havn. 1695; Neander, v. since the year 699 (Wiltsch, i. 421. 376) ; but the primate of Laure- 4 On the conversion of the acum disappears for a century, Northmen who settled in Christian and then, after a long struggle countries, see below, § 2, ' Limit- with the archbishops of Salzburg, ation of the Church'. dies out entirely (Ibid. 379): cf. 5 The origin and antiquities of Gieseler, n. 452, n. 1. these races have been thoroughly -1073] Growth of the Church. 121 MORAVIAN CHURCH. Cyril8 (Constantine) and Methodius,9 who had already been successful in a different field of labour. They arrived in Moravia, 861 or 862, and by the use of the native tongue in public worship, and the dissemination of the Scriptures,10 were enabled very soon to gather in a harvest of conversions. But the jealousy which had been re- jeakms&s awakened at this time between the Greek and Latin Greek and Churches, added to a host of diplomatic reasons on the missions. part of the Moravian princes, made it necessary for the leaders of the mission to secure an understanding with the western pontiff, who was anxious on his part to cul- tivate their friendship. Cyril and Methodius went to Rome in 867 ; and the former, either dying on the journey, or (as others say) retiring to a convent, his companion was now chosen by the pope, and consecrated metropolitan of Pannonia and Moravia.11 He immediately resumed his Labours of Methodius. 8 Cyril, in 848, was sent by the emperor Michael to instruct the Chazari (also a Slavonian tribe), who bordered on the Greek pos- sessions in the Crimea. (Asseman, Kalendar. Universes Ecclesia, in. 13 sq. ed. Rom. 1755.) Some of the natives embraced Christianity, but others were perverted by the Jews and Moslems. See below, p. 134. 9 It is possible that the Metho- dius here mentioned is the same person who was instrumental in the conversion of Bulgaria. See below, p. 134: and cf. Schrockh, xxi. 409 sq. There is, however, great diversity in the accounts of these two eminent missionaries. The most critical are the work of Asseman, quoted in the previous note, and two publications of Do- browsky, Cyrill und Methodius der Sloven Apostel, Prag, 1823, and M'dhr. Legendevon Cyrillund Method., Prag, 1826 : cf. also the Russian version in Nestor's Annales, ed. Schlozer, c. x.; torn. m. pp. 149 sq. 10 Whether Cyril actually in- vented the Slavonic writing, or remodelled some existing alphabet, has been disputed ; but there is no doubt as to his translation of the Scriptures into the language of the people : Neander, v. 434, 435. The following is the account given of their missionary labours : ' Ccepe- runt itaque ad id quod venerant peragendum studiose insistere, et parvulos eorum literas edocere, of- ficia ecclesiastica instruere, et ad correptionem diversorum errorum, quos in populo illo repererant, falcem eloquiorum suorum indu- cere'. Vit. Constantini, § 7 : in Acta Sanctorum, Mart. torn. n. pp. 19 sq. 11 This statement is derived from the title of a letter addressed by John VIII. to Methodius (879), in Boczek, Codex Diplomaticus et Epis- tolaris Moravia (Olomuc. 1836), I. 39 : cf. an earlier letter of the same pontiff (circ. 874) to Louis-the- Germanic. Ibid. i. 34. It appears also from a rescript ' ad Saloni- tanos clericos' (Mansi, xvn. 129), that Methodius had certain ' epis- copi regionarii' under him. 122 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 814 Moravian labours (868"! in this new capacity. Soon after, the political OTTIIRf'TT — disturbance, which commenced with the year 870, impelled him to seek refuge in the neighbouring district of Moravia, where the German spirit was supreme, and where a mission had been planted from the see of Salzburg.1 As Metho- dius was devoted all his life-time to the creed and ritual of the Greeks, and constantly made use of the Slavonic lan- guage, he excited the displeasure-2 of his German fellow- workers, who, as soon as they found their influence on the wane, did not hesitate to brand him as a traitor to the faith. In 879 he responded to a summons of the pope,3 whom he convinced (880) of his orthodoxy,4 as well as of the propriety of using the vernacular language5 in the public worship of the Church ; and in the following year he was reinstated in his sphere of duty, and invested Fresh misim- with still larger powers. But meanwhile a serious misun- with the derstandins: had grown up between him and the Moravian German ° ° r party. 1 See the anonymous account of a priest of Salzburg (quoted in p. 27, n. 7). As late as 865, the archbishop of Salzburg consecrated several churches in this district. • Ibid. ... 'usquedum quidam Graecus Methodius nomine, noviter inventis Slavinis Uteris, linguam Latinam doctrinamque Eomanam, atque literas auctorabiles Latinas philosophice superducens, vilescere fecit cuncto populo ex parte missas et evangelia, ecclesiasticumqiie of- ficium illorum, qui hoc Latine ce- lebraverunt. Quod ille [i.e. Rich- bald, the head of the Salzburg mission] ferre non valens, sedem repetivit Juvaviensem' . 3 Above,p.l21,n.ll,andinMansi, xvii. 1 33. The drift of the summons was, ' ut veraciter cognoscamus doctrinam tuam' : cf. Epist. ad Zu- ventapu de Moravna (? Morawa, in Pannonia), in Boczck, tibi sup. i. 40. 4 ' Nos autem ilium in omnibus ecclesiasticis doctrinis et utilitati- bus orthodoxum et prohcuum esse reperientes, vobis iterum ad re- gendam commissam sibi ecclesiam Dei remisimus', etc. Ep. ad Sphen- topulcum com item : Mansi, xvii. 181. Neander (v. 438) infers that the Greek mode of stating the Proces- sion of the Holy Ghost was also conceded by this pope. 5 ' Literas denique Sclavonicas a Constantino quondam philosopho rcpertas, quibus Deo laudes debite resonent, jure laudamus, et in eadem lingua Christi Domini nostri pra;conia et opera ut enarrentur, jubemus .... Nee sanse fidei vel doctrina? aliquid obstat, sive missas in eadem Sclavonics lingua canere, sive sacrum Evangelium, vel lec- tiones divinas novi et veteris Tes- tamenti \>enc translatas et inter- pretatas legere, aut alia horarum officia omnia psallere'. Ibid. The injunction, therefore, was, that in all the Moravian Churches the Gospel should be first read in Latin and then in Slavonic (' sicut in quibusdam ecclesiis fieri videtur'j. -1073] Growth of the Church. 123 king, Swatopluk, who succeeded Wratislav, his uncle (870 Bohemian —894). Other influential persons6 in like manner threw their strength into the German faction, and Methodius, while proceeding with his missionary work in the same earnest spirit as before, was under the necessity of vin- dicating himself a second time from the calumnies of his opponents. He set out for Rome in 881 ; but as there is i no certain trace7 of him after this date, it has been inferred that he did not survive the journey. His Slavonic co- adjutors are said to have been subsequently banished from Moravia ;8 and although a strong reaction was pro- duced by the ensuing reign of Moimar, who was able to dissociate the Moravian church entirely from the inter- meddling of the German,9 all his projects were defeated in 908, when the armies of adjacent countries, more Destructimi of especially Bohemians and Hungarians, trampled on his dependence. crown. For nearly thirty years the progress of the Gospel in Moravia was retarded by these struggles; and when Moravian Christians reappear on the page of history, they are subject to the bishops of Bohemia. Afterwards a see was established at Olmiitz.10 The first seeds of religion had been scattered in The ciospei in Bohemia by the same active hand.11 Its duke, Borziwoi, was 15 e.g. The bishop of Neitra, pendence of the Moravians as a Wiching (a German), whom the violation of the rights of the bishop papal rescript, above quoted, n. 5, of Passau,andoftheGermanChuroh had subordinated to Methodius : at large, from whom, as it is al- see the letter of the same pope leged, the conversion of Moravia (881), Boczek, ubi sup. i. 44 : Asse- had proceeded, man, Kalend. Univers. Eccl., in. 10 See Wiltsch, i. 361, 363. Some 159 sq. place the foundation of this see at 7 See Dobrowsky, Cyrill und the year 1062. Methodius, pp. 115 sq. " The following entry in the 8 Ibid. Fuldenses Annates, a.d. 845, will 9 On the jealousy excited by take us back somewhat further : these controversies, see the re- 'Hludowicus 14 ex ducibus Boe- monstrance of Theotmar, archbp. manorum cum hominibus suis of Salzburg, and of Hatto, archbp. Christianam religionem desideran- of Mayence, addressed to pope tes suscepit, et in octavis Thco- JohnlX. (900 — 901): Mansi.xvni. phaniae baptizari jussit.' Pertz, 203, 205. They view the inde- i. 364. 124 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 814 Bohemian converted by Methodius1 (circ. 871), while on a visit to l_the court of the Moravian king, Swatopluk, who was at that time his feudal lord. On his return to his own dominions, he took with him a Moravian priest, by whom his wife, Ludmilla,2 afterwards conspicuous in devotion, was admitted to the Christian fold. But heathenism,3 in spite of her untiring efforts and the piety of Wratislav her son, maintained its rule in almost every district of Bohemia; and the struggle was prolonged into the reign of her grandson Wenzeslav4 (928—836), who seems to have inherited her faith and saintliness of life. He was mur- dered at the instigation of his pagan brother, Boleslav the Cruel, and for many years the little band of Christians had to brave a most bitter persecution. In 950, Boleslav was conquered by the armies of the German empire, under Otho I.; which paved a way to the establishment and wider propagation of the truth. Still more was effected by the sterner policy of Boleslav the Pious (967 —999); in whose reign also a more definite organization was imparted to the whole of the Bohemian Church by founding the bishopric of Prague.5 It was filled in 983 Adalbert, by a learned German, Adelbert (or Wogteich). Noted of Prague: for the warmth of his missionary zeal,6 he laboured, with 1 This point is not quite estab- Wratislav, who is charged with lishecl, but the evidence in favour the assassination of Ludmilla. of it is considerable. Dobrowsky, 4 See the Life of Wenzeslav Cyrill unci Method, p. 106 : Mdhr. (Wenceslaus), as above, note 2 ; Legende, p. 114 : cf. Neander, v. torn. vn. 825. 442, note. 5 Wiltsch, i. 361, 363, n. 22: but 2 See one Life of Ludmilla, ad- the rescript attributed to John xni., dressed to bishop Adelbert of confirming the foundation of the Prague, about 985, in Acta Sane- bishopric is spurious. Jaffe, Re- tonun, Sept. torn. v. 354, and a gesta Pontif. p. 947. The first second in Dobner's contribution to prelate was Diethmar, a monk of the Abhandlungen der bohmisch, Magdeburg : see Cosmas Pragensis, Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, for who wrote a Bohemian Chronicle 1786, pp. 417 sq. But neither of about 1100: torn. i. pp. 1993 sq. in these Legends is of much historical Mencken. Script. Rer. Germanic. value. 6 He finally died a martyr in a At the head of this party was 997, while seeking to convert the Dragomir or Drahomira, wife of Prussians, in the neighbourhood of -1073] Growth of the Church. 125 POLISH CHURCH. the aid of Boleslav, to drive out the surviving elements of paganism, by circulating a more stringent code of disciplinary injunctions.7 The imprudent haste and harsh- ness of his measures, added to the national dislike of every thing Germanic, soon compelled him to resign his post, when he retreated to a convent. In 994, he was ordered to resume his duties by the voice of the Roman synod,8 and reluctantly obeying the injunction he returned into Bohemia; but the jealous spirit he had stirred in the Slavonian populace ere long ejected him Ms expulsion. afresh. His policy however was triumphantly established in the time of Severus9 a later primate (1038—1067); for although the Slavo-Latin ritual,10 as imported from Moravia, was still cherished here and there, it gradually retired Tnumpho/tke ' ° m J German spirit. before the influence of the Roman or Germanic ' uses.' As the Gospel had passed over from Moravia to Bo- hemia, so the latter was the instrument of God for planting it among; the kindred tribes of Poland. Their dominion TheOospei in Poland. Dantzig. See a Life of Adelbert in Pertz, vi. 574. He had also la- boured in a mission to the Hunga- rians, see below, p. 138. The efforts | of Adelbert in behalf of the fero- |cious Prussians were repeated by- Bruno, the court- chaplain of Otho III : but he too perished in 1008, together with eighteen of his com- panions. Act. Sonet. Orel. Benedict. viii. 79 sq. 7 Among other things he com- bated polygamy, clerical concu- binage, arbitrary divorces, the traffic in Christian slaves which was largely carried on by Jews, &c. See the Life of Adelbert, as above : and cf. SchriJckh, xxi. 440, 441. See both the Lives of him, in Pertz, iv. 589, 602. 9 SchriJckh, xxi. 442 sq. 10 One of the conditions men- tioned in the rescript which relates to the founding of the see of Prague is to the effect that Divine service shall in future be per- formed ' noil secundum ritus aut sectam Bulgaria gentis, vel Ruzue aut Sclavonics lingua, sed magis sequens instituta et decreta apos- tolica,' &c. Boczek, Codex Diplo- maticus Morav. i. 86. But spurious though this rescript is, a multitude of better proofs assure us that the question here suggested was a source of much dispute. See the account of a struggle between the Latin and Slavonic services at the convent of Sasawa, in Mencken. Script. Rer. German, in. 1782 sq. After a vehement letter of Gre- gory VII. (10S0) to Wratislav, duke of Bohemia, prohibiting the use of the Slavonic ritual (Mansi, xx. 296), the monks who adhered to the use of it were (in 1097) ex- pelled, and their service-books de- stroyed (Menken. 1788). In some parts of Bohemia, the vernacular ritual was revived, or kept its ground ; and one convent in the suburbs of Prague retains it at this day. Gieseler, n, 458, n. 17- 126 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 814 POLISH CHURCH. Adoption of coercive measures. at this period was extending northward to the Netze, and embraced all the modern province of Silesia. In 966, the Polish duke,1 Mjesko or Miecislav, who had married a Bohemian princess (Dambrowka), was converted to the Christian faith ; and many of the courtiers following his example were baptized on the same occasion. But his violent suppression of the pagan worship (967), as in cases we have seen already, could not fail to produce an ob- stinate resistance'2 on the part of the uninstructed. In the following reigns, when Poland for a time was no more a feudatory of the German empire, this obnoxious policy continued ; and the slightest violation of the canons of the Church was punished by the civil power.3 A fresh impulse was communicated to the progress of religion by the reign4 of Casimir I. (1034—1058), who was previously an inmate either of the Benedictine house at Clugny, or of a German convent at Braunweiler. By him all the ritual of the Church, that had hitherto retained a portion of the impress it derived from the Christians of Moravia and Bohemia,5 was brought into more general agree- ment with the liturgies and customs of the West.6 (or 1 See Thietmar (or Ditmar), Chronicon, lib. iv. c. 35 : in Pertz, v. 783, and the Polish historian, Martmus Gallus (who wrote about 1130), lib. i. c. 5, ed. Bandtkie, 1824: cf. Schrockh, xxi. 491 sq., where the traces of a somewhat older Christianity have been col- lected. 2 Accordingly we find that the Gospel had made little progress in 980 : Schrockh, xxt. 496. For some time there was but one Polish bishopric, that of Posen, founded (it is said) by the Emperor Otho I. in 970, and subordinated to the metropolitan of Magdeburg. When Poland, in the following century, became an independent kingdom, the archbishopric of Gnesen took the lead of other sees (including Colberg, Cracov, and Wratislav or Breslau) were founded. Wiltsch, i. 395—397: cf. Schrockh, xxi. 497 sq. A council was held in Poland (1000) by the emperor Otho III. Mansi, xix. 267. 3 e.g. Quicunque post septua- gesimam carnem manducasse in- venitur, abscisis dentibus graviter punitur. Lex namque divina in his regionibus noA'iter exorta potes- tate tali, melius quam jejunio ab episcopis instituto, corroboratur. Thietmar, Chron. lib. viii. c. 2. 4 The strange circumstances con- nected with his elevation are re- lated in Marthius Gallus, Chronicon, as above ; and Cromer, dc Rebus Polonorum, lib. IV., p. 50, ed. Colon. 5 See Friese, Kirrhengcschichte des Konigreichs Poland, i. 61 sq., Breslau, 'l 786. 6 As early as 1012, the king of Poland, Boleslav, betrays a strong -1073] Growth of the Church. 127 In addition to the tribes already folded in the Christian wENDisn CHURCH. Church, were others also of Slavonic blood, most commonly entitled Wends. They had settled in the districts border- Attl,m/,/s f(l 'introduce the among ing the Elbe, the Oder, and the Saale, and were already Go's]",! vassals of the German empire. Like the Northern Saxons the " "* ' of the former period, they were men of a fierce and in- domitable spirit, who regarded the persuasions of the missionary as designed to perpetuate their bondage. This political repugnance to his visits was increased by his im- perfect knowledge of the Slavic dialects1 ; and as their nationality was more and more endangered by the heavy yoke" of their oppressors, they were constantly attempting to regain their independence, and extinguish the few glim- merings of truth that had been forced into their minds. Accordingly, the progress of religion in those districts had been slow and superficial ; but the death of their conqueror, Henry I., in 936, was followed by a different mode of treat- ment, and a somewhat larger measure of success. Desirous of promoting their conversion, Otho I. founded many bishoprics3 among the Wends, and placed them under the direction of a better class of men, — of missionaries who had Foundation been distinguished by their skill in other fields of labour, bishoprics. In 946 a prelate of this kind was sent to Havelberg; leaning to the Church of Rome conquirendis'. (Thietmar, Chronic, lib. vi. c. 56), 3 Wiltsch, i. 394, 395. The and many of his successors carried bishopric of Cizi (Zeiz) was in this feeling of deference much 1029 transfered to Naumburg ; that further. of Aldinburg (Oldenburg) was 1 See a striking exemplification transferred to Lubcck in 1163, and of this in Thietmar' s Chronicon, was from the first a suffragan of lib. ir. c. 23. (Pertz, v. 755). the archbishopric of Hamburg- 2 ' Quibus mens pronior est ad Bremen, and not, like the rest, pensiones vectigalium quarn ad of Magdeburg. It seems to have conversionem gentilium,' was the been afterwards divided, and two censure passed upon the Ger- other bishoprics established, for a man conquerors by the then king time, at Ratzeburg and Mecklen- of Denmark. Neander, v. 446, note, burg. See the Chronicon Slavorum The same is the complaint of the by Helmold, a missionary at Bosov, Chronicler Helmold (lib. i. c. 21). about 1150, in Leibnitz's Scriptores ' Semper proniores sunt tributis aug- Brunsv. a. 537 sq. mentandis, quam animabus Domino 128 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 wendish another to Aldenburg, in 348 ; a third to Brandenburg, in — 949. Those of Meissen (Misna), Cizi, and Merseburg followed in 968, and in that, or in the previous year, the organization of the Wendish Church was finished by erect- ing the metropolitical see of Magdeburg, according to a plan propounded by the council of Ravenna* (967.) The first primate, Adelbert, had been educated in the monastery of Treves, and is said to have been chosen several years before to plant a fruitless mission in a distant tribe of Slaves5. His present work was also thwarted by a general insurrection of the heathen Wends, assisted by unstable soldiers of the cross. Impatient of the German rule, or maddened by some special grievances occurring at the time, they ravaged6 all the neighbouring districts, more especially the seats of missionary enterprise ; and though the leader of the movement, Mistewoi, a Christian, afterwards deplored his furious onslaught, it was long ere the wounds he had inflicted on the Church were altogether healed. A salutary change is dated from the reign of his holy grandson, Gottschalk, who is famous in the German annals as the founder of the Wendish empire (1047.) He was trained in a Christian school at Luneburg, and the military ardour he had shown at an earlier period was eventually di- rected to the propagation of the Gospel.7 Aided by an ample The zeal and martyrdom of kiltq Gottschalk. 4 Mansi, xvm. 501—503 ; cf. Schrbckh, xxi. 482 sq. One object of the emperor in urging the foun- dation of this new archbishopric appears to have been a wish to abridge the inordinate power of the see of Mayence. The pall was sent to the new German primate in 968. Mansi, xix. 5. 3 It is generally supposed that the Slavonic tribe in question was that of the Russians ; but Neander (v. 447, 452) argues that the Slavonians in the isle of B tig en were intended by the chroniclers. G See Helmold, as above, lib. r. c. 14. sq. Giesebrecht's Wendische Geschichten (from 780 to 1182), i. 257; Berlin, 1843. When Mistewoi professed himself a Christian, after his repentance, he was compelled to retire from the scene of his im- piety, and died at Bardevik. Hel- mold, ibid. c. 16. 7 He is even said to havepreached, or expounded, the Gospel to his subjects : ' Sane magnae devotioni.j vir dicitur tanto rehgionis Divinie exarsisse studio, ut sermonem ex- hortationis ad populum frequenter in ecclesia ipse fecerit, ca scilicet, quae ab episcopis vel presbyter; -1073] Growth of the Church. 129 staff of clerics, whom he drew more especially from the Russian archbishopric of Bremen5, he proceeded with unwavering . — - zeal in the conversion of his people. Yet so strongly were they wedded to their heathen creed, that after labouring among them twenty years he fell a victim to his Christian fervour (1066), dying6, with a number of his chief assistants, in the midst of revolting tortures. From this period the Extirpation of i p f • • .the Gospel. reaction m behalf of paganism went on rapidly increasing, until few7, if any, traces of the mission had been left. Meanwhile, another family of Slaves, united by a line 9^^^. of Scandinavian8 princes, were engrafted on the Eastern Church. The Russians had now gradually expanded from the neighbourhood of Moscow, on one side to the Baltic, on the other to the Euxine Sea. Their predatory and com- mercial habits brought them pointedly before the notice of the emperors and prelates of the East, and efforts seem to have been made as early as 866 to evangelize9 the warlike tribes that bordered on the Greek dominions. It is proba- mystice dicebantur, cupiens Slavicis 7 Religion, seems to have been verbis reddere planiora'. Helmold, kept alive in some measure among ibid. c. 20. the Sorbi (between the Elbe and 5 Bremen, as the point of de- the Saale), through the zealous jparture for the northern missions, efforts of Benno, bishop of Meissen (seems to have been a rallying-place (1066 — 1106). See a Life of him | for all kinds of unfortunate ecclesi- in Mencken. Script. Ber. German. astics : ' Confmebant ergo in curiam n., 1857 sq. But in other districts iejus [i.e. of Adelbert, or Albrecht, what is stated by the Chroniclers the archbishop] multi sacerdotes will too generally apply : ' Slavi let religiosi, plerique etiam episcopi, servitutis jugum armata maim sub- qui sedibus suis exturbati mensse moverunt, tantaque animi obsti- ejus erant participes, quorum sar- nantialibertatemdefenderenisisunt, cina ipse alleviari cupiens transmisit ut prius maluerint mori quani eos in latitudinem gentium.' Ibid. christianitatis titulum resumere, aut c. 22 : cf. Adam of Bremen, Hist, tributa solvere Saxonum principi- Eccl. c. 142. bus". Helmold. ibid. c. 25. 6 The place of his death was 8 Cf. Milman's note on Gibbon, Leutzen. The last victim was v. 304. Ruric, the father of this the aged bishop of Mecklenburg, dynasty, became the king of Russia [who, after he had been dragged in 862. {through the chief cities of the 9 Photius, the patriarch of Con- |Wendish kingdom, was sacrificed stantinople (Epist. n. p. 58, ed. [to the war-god, Radegost, whose Montague: cf. Pagi, in Baron ii (temple stood at Re thre. Helmold, Annates, a.d. 861), in writing ibid. against the pretensions of the Ro- K 130 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 RUSSIAN CHURCH. their drprn- denee on the Church of Constant'/,* no pic. ble that sundry germs of Christianity1 were carried home already by invaders, who at this and later times had prowled upon the Bosphorus ; and in 945 we see distincter traces of the progress of the Gospel, more especially in Kiev''. But the baptism3 of the princess Olga, who is reverenced as the ' Helena' of Russian Christianity, was the commence- ment of a brighter period in the triumphs of the faith (circ. 955). Her son, indeed, Sviatoslav I. (955—972) resisted all her gentle efforts to embrace him in the Christian fold ; but the suggestions she instilled into the heart of Vladimir, her grandson, led the way, after many painful struggles4, to his public recognition of the Gospel (circ. 980). On his marriage with the sister of the Byzantine emperor, the Church of Russia was more intimately bound to the orthodox man see (866) exults in the con- version of the Russians, by the agency of Eastern missionaries : but his statement is extravagant and overcoloured. See Mouraviev's //*«<. of the Church of Russia, p. 8, trans- lated by Blackmore, Oxf. 1842. An attempt has been made by the archimandrite Macarius, Hist, of Christianity in Russia before St, Vladimir (St. Petersb. 1846) to establish a tradition of the middle ages that St. Andrew preached the Gospel in Russia. 1 In a catalogue of sees subject to Constantinople, there is mention of a metropolitan of Russia as early as 891 (Mouraviev, as above, p. 9): yet many of these earlier ac- counts are not trustworthy through- out. The great authority is Nestor, a monk of Kiev, who wrote in the eleventh century. His Chronicle has been edited in part, with a valuable commentary, bv Schlozer Gottingen, 1802—1809. - In a treaty between king Igor and the Byzantine court (945), there is an allusion to Russian ( Varagian) converts and to a church dedicated in honour of the prophet Elias, at Kiev, the ancient capital of the empire. Nestor, Annal. iv., 95 sq. ed. Schlozer. Kiev became an episcopal see in 988. Wiltsch, i. 429. 3 This took place at Constanti- nople, whither she repaired in order to obtain a knowledge of the truth. The emperor Constan- tine Porphyrogenitus was her god-father. Nestor, v. 58 sq. There is some reason for supposing that she made an application to the German emperor, Otho I., in 959 or 960, requesting him to lend assistance in promoting the exten- sion of the faith : see above p. 128, n. 5 ; and cf. Schrockh, xxi. 515 —517. 4 At first he was like his father, ardently devoted to the pagan wor- ship : he was solicited in succession by Muhammedan and Jewish mis- sionaries from Bulgaria and ad- jacent parts (Mouraviev, pp. 10, 11); and then, after oscillating (it is said) between the Greek and Roman rites, determined to accept the former. See a fragment, De Conversione Russorum, published by Banduri, in the Imperium —1073] Growth of the Church. 131 communions of the East5 : and missionaries from Constanti- bulgaiuan iii !•'/•• i t • i church. noplc ardently engaged in sottenmg and evangelizing the remoter districts of the kingdom. Aided by the royal bounty, they erected schools and churches in the leading towns, and making use of the Slavonic Bible and other Service-books, which were translated to their hands by Cyril and Methodius6, they obtained a ready entrance to the native population, and the Church as an effect of their I judicious zeal expanded freely on all sides. In the time7 of | Leontius, metropolitan of Kiev, the formation of a number of episcopal sees8 presented a substantial basis for the future conquests of the truth ; and under two immediate successors of Vladimir (1019—1077), their empire had been christianized completely. But the fierce irruption of the Mongols (1223), resulting as it did in their occupation of the country till 1462, was fatal to the health and progress of the Russian state ; although the unity of purpose now imparted to it by religion enabled it to wrestle with the infidels, and finally to drive them out. Another tribe, in part at least if not entirely, of Slavonic The oospei i *■ J ' anion// the origin9 was now united to the Eastern Church. It was the Bulgarians. Oriental*, II. 62 sq. and Nean- 6 See above p. 121 ; Mouraviev, der's note v. 453. He was finally p. 8. baptized at Cherson (on the Dnie- 7 Ibid. p. 16. The next king, per), where a bishopric was al- Yaroslav, added greatly to the num- ready planted, and on his return ber of the schools and churches, to Kiev proceeded to destroy the and even translated many books of monuments of heathenism, par- devotion, p. 20. He was also the ticularly the images of Peroun, the chief founder of the Russian con- god of thunder. vents, which adopted the Ride of 5 This was still further shewn the Studium monastery at Con- by the adoption of the Greek canon- stantinople. Ibid. p. 24. law, as well as of the Constanti- H e.g. of Novogorod, of Rostov, nopolitan service-books, &c. Mou- Chernigov, Vladimir, and Belgorod, raviev, pp. 17, 357. Greeks, in like During the oppression of the manner, were employed in con- Mongols, which lasted two hun- structing the first Russian churches, dred years, the metropolitical chair {Ibid. 16), and introducing the was transferred to Vladimir, and choral music of Constantinople, finallv in 1320 to Moscow. {Ibid. p. 22). 9 Gibbon, v. 290, 291, ed. Mil- man : Schrockh, xxi. 399. K2 132 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 814 Bulgarian tribe of the Bulgarians, who were driven by the onward — march of population to the southern borders of the Danube, where they founded a considerable state in Dardania, Macedonia, and Epirus. While a party of their ruder kinsmen on the Volga were embracing the Koran1, a wish had been inspired into the others for instruction in the doctrine of the Gospel. In 811 many hordes of the Bul- garians, after vanquishing Nicephorus L, pursued their devastations to the city of Adrianople, and among the other captives carried off its bishop and a multitude of Chris- tians. In this way it is likely that the seeds of truth2 were scattered in Bulgaria. Somewhat later, Constantine, a captive monk, endeavoured to mature them, and his hands were strengthened by a princess of the country, who was educated as a Christian at Constantinople, whither she had been transported in the wars. By her suggestions, and a spirit-stirring picture of the day of judgment, furnished to her by a Grecian monk and artist — Bogoris3, her brother, the Bulgarian king, (in 863 or 864) was drawn to listen to her creed ; and as the agency by which he had been won proceeded from the Eastern Church, the patriarch of Con- stantinople, Photius, entered on the task of training him more fully in the rudiments of truth, and of planting it among his subjects4. But he seems at first to have been dissatisfied with the ground on which he stood : and either from a wish to obviate the lack of an efficient clergy, and the jangling and uncertainty produced by Quarrel be- tween the Roman and Byzantine patriarchs. 1 The Caliph, Muktedir, sent missionaries among them in 921, at the request of their own chief- tain to complete their training in the system of Muhammed : cf. a Russian work quoted by Gieseler, ii. 486, n. 2. 2 See the continuation of Theo- phancs, in the Scriptores Byzantin. ed. Venet. p. 100. 3 Ibid, lib. iv., c. 13 — 15: cf. Neander, v., 433, 424. It seems doubtful whether the present artist, whose name is Methodius, was identical with the missionary of that name, whom we have seen above, p. 121. Bogoris after his bap- tism was called Michael, the Greek emperor Michael III. standing as his god-father, by proxy. 4 Photii Epist. i. ; "ed. Lond. 1651. -1073] Growth of the Church. 133 rival missions , or from a lower and political dislike to Bulgarian ,.,-.. . . i • • i i /• church. be involved in more intimate relations with the court ot Byzantium, he soon afterwards betook himself for counsel to the Christians of the West. In 866 or 867 an embassy was sent to Ratisbon, invoking the assistance of Louis II.,6 and either then, or a short time earlier, envoys were directed to the pope. Accordingly, in the following year, two Italian bishops7 set out for Bulgaria, bearing with them a long series of directions and decisions from the pen of Nicholas I. As we shall see at large hereafter, this new act of inter- vention in the bounds of a diocese already occupied by others, added fuel to the flames of jealousy and envy, which had long been growing up between the pontiffs of the Greek and Latin Church. As at an earlier period, they were not slow in exchanging fulminations8 ; during which the capricious author of the storm went over to the side 5 It seems, from the letter of Nicholas I. (below, n. 7), that missionaries of different nations were labouring in Bulgaria, and propounding different doctrines, so that the people hardly knew whom to believe : ' multi ex diversis locis Christiani advenerint, qui prout voluntas eorum existit multa et varia loquuntur, id est, Grasci, Armeni, et ex cseteris locis'. 6 Annates Fuldens. a. d. 866 (Pertz, i. 379) : Legati Bulgarum Radesponam ad regem venerunt, dicentes regem illorum cum populo non modico ad Christum esse con- vcrsum, simulque petentes, ut rex idoneos praedicatores Christiana) religionis ad eos mittere non differ - ret'. The emperor appointed a bishop together with a staff of priests and deacons, who might imdertake the mission, but on arriving at Rome they found that the pope had already sent auxiliaries enough for the occasion. Ibid. a.d. 867 : cf. Le Quien, Oriens Chris- tianus, I., 99, sq. 7 Vit. Nicolai, in Vignol. Lib. Fontif. in., 210, 211. In 867 other missionaries, priests, and bishops, were despatched to Bul- garia (Ibid. pp. 212, 213), «ut, quia ipsum Formosum [the archbishop designate of Justiniana Prima in Bulgaria] plebem dimittere sibi creditam non oportebat episcopum, ex his presbyteris ad archiepisco- patum eligatur, et sedi conse- crandus apostolicsemittatur'. The copious answer of Nicolas to the questions of the Bulgarian envoys will be found in Mansi, xv. 401 sq. Among other passages of this memorable document there is an emphatic condemnation of compulsory conversions, such as Bogoris appears to have attempted : c. 41. 8 See the encyclical epistle of Photius to the Oriental patriarchs, in his Epist. ed. Lond. 1651, pp. 47, sq. The following is a speci- men of his vehement language : Kal y<£p O'i, K'a' dird twu ti/s 'lTaAias /xepaii> avvo8iK\\ Tts iiri(TTo\ii 717)09 134 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 814 OTHER SLAVONIC * CHURCHES. Bulgarian filial})/ an- nexed to the Eastern Church. Partial con- version of the Chazars. of Photius and immediately1 compelled the Roman mission to withdraw. The Church of Bulgaria was now organized afresh. according to the Eastern model, and continued for a while dependent on the see of Constantinople'2. The Chazars, who dwelt in the vicinity of the Crimea, on the borders of the eastern empire, followed the example of Bulgaria ; though the preachers of the Gospel had to struggle with a host of proselyting Jews, as well as with the propagandists of Islamism3. About 850, some inquiring members of this tribe implored the emperor (Michael III.) to send a well-instructed missionary among them ; and the agent chosen for that work was Constantine (or Cyril), )|,u(is avaTrffpo'tTriKiV, dppr)Tuiv iy- K\t]fidrwi/ ytpovcra, uTiva Ka-rd too oiKtiov uvtwv ktr lo kott ov ol tj'/v 'iTaXiav oiKouVTti /jCeto ttoWiji KO.Ta.Kpi(Ti.W touched by his glowing* sermons, were converted to the- " truth0, aud permanently associated with the see of Con- stantinople. Still as late as 921, their leading chieftain was a Jew, and others were addicted to the system of Muhammed6. The Chrobatians or Croats, who had emigrated in the seventh century from Poland to the region7 bounded r^"rcrouu "f by the Adriatic and the Saave, were christianized in part, at the commencement of this period. It is said8 that a Roman mission was dispatched among them, at the wish of their chieftain, Porga, which resulted in their subsequent connexion with the pontiffs of the West. Here also may be noted the conversion of some kindred Mwic'tribes. tribes who were impelled into the interior of Hellas9. They were gradually brought under the Byzantine yoke, and, after the Bulgarians had embraced the offers of the Gospel, they attended to the exhortations of the missionaries sent among them by the emperor Basil (circ. 870). The evangelizing of the larger tribe of Servians, who 7<'"j Goml inhabited the numerous mountain-ridges stretching from Semam, the Danube to the shores of the Adriatic, was not equally felicitous and lasting. Through their nominal dependence 4 Above pp. 121 — 124. moires de I'Academie de St. Peters- 5 They were, in part, separated bourg (1822), tome viir. 589 sq. ; from the Adriatic by the narrow and Gieseler, n. 486, n. 3. kingdom of Dalmatia, peopled 8 Dollinger, C. H. n. 22, 23. chiefly by the Slaves, and sub- Croatia was included in the ecclesi- ject at the opening of this period astical province of Dioclea, and to the Roman patriarch : Wiltsch. though subject for a time, at the 399. close of the ninth century, to the 6 Ibid. § 6. see of Constantinople, it was after- 7 The chief authority for this wards (1067) embraced anew in the statement is a Muhammedan am- jurisdiction of the pope. Wiltsch. bassador, who travelled in these i. 399, 400. regions, 921, and reported that 9 Fallmerayer, Geschichte der he found as many Moslems as Halbinsel Morea wahrend des Mit- Christians, besides Jews and idol- telalters, i., 230 sq. In like man- aters. See Frahn, in the Me- ner nearly all the Marnots, the 136 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 814 nux- on Byzantium1, many of them were already gathered to GARIAN . ciiuncH. the Christian Church, but when they were enabled to regain their freedom in 827, they seem to have refused allegiance'2 to the creed of their former masters. Sub- sequently, however, the victorious arms of Basil (circ. 870) made a way to the re-admission of a band of Christian teachers furnished from Constantinople. Through their efforts, aided by vernacular translations3, a considerable change was speedily produced; and early in the tenth century we read4 that an important staff of native clergy Their eccie- were ordained for the Servian Church by the Slavonic position. bishop of Nona (in Dalmatia). From their geographical position on the border-land between the Eastern and the Western Empire, the inhabitants of Servia could retain a kind of spiritual5 as well as civil independence ; but their leanings on the whole were to the Church of Con- stantinople. AMONG THE HUNGARIANS. The one serious obstacle remaining to the spread and perpetuity of truth in every part of Eastern Europe were the settlements of the Hungarians (Magyars). Descended descendants of the ancient Greeks, Uschize) from their own national who had retreated to the rocky clergy. Ibid. p. 10. At other times fastnesses in the neighbourhood of they seem to have been in corn- mount Taygetus, embraced the munication with the court of Rome, Gospel at this period. Ibid, i., 137. which was continually repeating Constantino Porphyrogen. Be Ad- its claims to jurisdiction over all ministrat. Imper. § 50 (ed. Bekker, the Illyrian dioceses (see e.g. a p. 224) speaks of the obstinacy letter of John VIII. to the bishop- with which they had clung to the elect of Nona (879), urging him not pagan worship of the Greeks. to receive consecration from any 1 Ranke, Hist, of Servia, Lond. but the pope himself. Mansi, xvn. 1847, pp. 3, 4. 224). Gregory VII. was the first e Dollinger, n., 23. who saluted the Grand Bhupane of 3 Ranke, p. 4. 4 Ibid. Servia by the title of 'king' ; but 5 The patriarch of Constantinople the attempts to win him over to the granted them the privilege of al- Latin Church were always made in ways electing their archbishop (of vain : Ranke, p. 8. —1073] Growth of the Church. 137 from a Tatar or a Finnish tribe,6 they fell upon the hun- province of Pannonia at the close of the ninth century church. (circ. 885), and, after breathing for a while among their Inrimih of (}ie permanent possessions, hurried onward like a stream of fire, Ma eventually delivered Christendom, and shut the Magyars within their present boundaries upon the Danube. There they mingled with the early settlers (the Avars9), and others whom they carried off as captives from the neighbouring Slavonic tribes.10 At this propitious moment a few seeds of Christianity Mrst seeds of i , , i i l • li p Christianity in were introduced among them by the baptism ot two Hungary. 'Turkish' (or Hungarian) chiefs at Constantinople (948). One of these, however, Bulosudes, speedily relapsed into his former superstitions: and the other, Gylas, though assisted by a prelate1'"* who accompanied him on his return, was not able to produce any powerful impression. The espousing of his daughter13 unto Geisa, the Hungarian 6 Gibbon, v. 294 sq.; ed. Milman. Salzburg and Lorch (Laureacum), The best modern history of them the province of the latter had been isMailath's Geschichte d&r Magyar en, heathenized afresh (' ex viciniorum "Wien, 1828. It is not improbable frequenti populatione barbarorum that the religious system of the deserta et in solitudmem redacta'); heathen Magyars was borrowed Boczek, Codex Diplom. Morav., i. from the Persians. It was dualistic, 93. and the evil principle was named l" This appears from a report af- Armanyos ( = Ahriman). Dolling. terwards sent to the pope in 974 ii. 33. respecting the extension of the 7 Ibid. p. 300. ' Oh ! save and Gospel in Hungary. Mansi, xix. deliver us from the arrows of the 49 sq., and as above, n. 9. From Hungarians', was the cry of the the same source we learn that persecuted Christians, who were many of these captives were al- massacred by thousands. ready Christians, which facilitated 8 Gibbon, ibid. pp. 302, 303. the conversion of their masters. 9 A mission had been organized u C'edrenus, Hist. Compend. in the for them by Charlemagne, who had Scriptores Byzant., ed. Paris. 636: nominally ruled the whole of mo- cf. Mailath, as above, i. 23 sq. dern Hungary, (see above, p. 27 ) : 12 A Constantinopolitan monk, but as we gather from a rescript of named Hierotheos. Ibid. Boniface VII. (974), dividing Pan- 1S See the somewhat conflicting nonia between the archbishops of evidence in Schrockh, xxi. 530. loS Growth of the Church. [a.D. 814 Hux- duke (972—997). was more conducive to the propagation R \ R T W church, of the faith. But her husband, though eventually baptized, was still wavering in his convictions, when the German influence, now established by the victory of Otho (955), was employed in the conversion of the humbled Magyars. As early as 970 missions had been organized by prelates on the German border, none of whom were more assiduous in the work than Piligrin of Passau.1 It is not, however, till the reign of Stephen (Waik), the first ' king' of Hun- gary (997—1038), that the evangelizing of his subjects can be shewn to be complete. Distinguished from his child- hood2 by the interest he took in all that concerned the welfare of religion, he attracted a large band of monks and clerics from adjoining dioceses,3 and endeavoured to enlarge the borders of the Christian fold. Religious houses, schools, and churches started up on every side,4 and Hun- gary was now distributed, like other countries, into parishes and sees, and placed under the archbishopric of Gran3 (Strigonium). More than once, however, Stephen had recourse to the arm of the civil power in advancing the dominion of the faith, especially in 1003, when he had made himself supreme in Transylvania and in one portion of Wallachia.6 The effect of this unchristian element in Thietmar (Ditmar), Chronic, lib. above, p. 125, and cf. Mailath, Gcsch viii., c. 3, (Pcrtz, v. 862) gives dcr Magyaren, i. 31. the following account of the im- 2 Life of Stephen (written about piety of Geisa: ' Hie Deo omnipo-- 1100 by an Hungarian bishop), in tenti variisque cleorum illusionibus Schwandtner. Scriptor. Rer. Hangar . iminolans, cum ab antistite suo ob II. 416 sq. hoc accusaretur, divitem se et ad 3 'Audita fama boni reetoris, hsec facienda satis potentem af- multi ex terris aliis canonici et firmavit'. monachi ad ipsum quasi ad patrera 1 Seep. 137, n. 10. Among other confluebant'. Life of (two Polish missionaries whom he sent was a monks) Zoerard and Benedict, by a Swiss monk of Einsiedeln, who contemporary bishop, in the Acta was afterwards bishop of Ratisbon. Sanctorum, Jul., torn. i. p. 326. But his labours were indifferently * See the Life of Stephen, as received {Life of Wolfgang, in Ma- above, pp. 417 sq. billon, Acta Sanct. 'Ord. Bened., 5 Wiltsch, I. 398, 399. Ssec. v. p. 817). The same field c Life of Stephen, ibid.; cf. Ne- attracted Adclbert of Prague, on ander, v. 460. his expulsion from Bohemia : see -1073] Growth of the Church. 139 his proceedings was a terrible revulsion at his death in Asiatic r & MISSIONS. favour ot the pagan creed. Instead of cleaving to the Churches of the East, by rim Chweh . - . . TT dependent on which the Gospel was at first imparted to them, the Hun- theMomm. garians, under Stephen more especially, were drawn into the closest union with the popes. He married a Bur- gundian princess, widow of duke Henry of Bavaria, and his policy was always to preserve an amicable bearing in relation to the German empire. By the interest of Otho III.,8 he was advanced to the dignity of king, that honour being formally conferred upon him in 10009 by Silvester II. A more lasting symbol of dependence on the West is found in the general use of Latin as the medium for the worship of the Church, and even as the language of the courts of justice.10 IN CENTRAL ASIA. The missionary zeal we have remarked11 in the Nes- fj;^"^"/ torian body, as distinguished from the other Christians of missions. the East, continued to the present period, when it gained its highest point. Protected by the favour of the caliphs,12 the disciples of the Syrian school were able, after strength- ening the Churches they had planted in their ancient seats, 7 He was succeeded by his son accepit'. Thietmar (Ditmar), Chr., Emmerich (Henry), who followed lib. iv. c. 38 (Pertz, v. 784). out his line of government success- 3 Fejer, Codex Diplomaticus Hun- fully, but afterwards on two occa- garia (Budae, 1829), i. 274 : cf. sions (1045 and 1060) a desperate Life of Stephen, as above, p. 417. attempt was made to reestablish But considerable doubts have been paganism by force. See the Hun- expressed as to the genuineness of garian Chronicle, in Schwantner's this papal rescript : see Gieseler, Scriptores Rer. Hungar., i. 99 sq. II. 4G3, Schroehk, xxi. 544 sq. 113 sq. i" Dollinger, < 35, 36. s ' Imperatoris autem gratia et " See above, pp. 28, 29. hortatu generi Heinrici, ducis Ba- ,2 This protection was not, how- wariorum, Waic [= Stephen] in ever, uniformly granted: e.g. in regno subnet episcopales cathedras 849 the Christians of Chaldaa un- faciens, coronam et benedictionem derwent a bitter persecution. Le Quien, Oriens Christ, n. 1130. 140 Limitation of tJte Church. [a.D. 814 missions, to ProPagate a knowledge of the Gospel in the distant ; — -hordes of Scythia. A Tatar or a Turkish chieftain,1 Propagation of . , " , m ' the Gospel m bordering on China, with his subjects to the number of two hundred thousand, was converted at the close of the tenth century; and this would naturally conduce to the formation of ulterior projects in behalf of the adjacent tribes of Turkistan.'2 It seems that from the date of the conversion here recorded, Christianity maintained a stable footing in those quarters till it fell beneath the devastating inroads3 of Timur (or Tamerlane). Its chief promoters were a series of the native khans who had inherited, for 'Prester many generations, the peculiar name of ' Prester John',* or were at least distinguished by that title in the credulous accounts of tourists and crusaders.5 § 2. LIMITATION OF THE CHURCH. nf anti- The desolating march of the Hungarians6 into Europe Uh ri.it ian fury ° ° * °fthe has been noticed on a former page. Yet deeply as those Northmen,. . . ravages were felt, they did not permanently curtail the area of the Western Church. A heavier blow had been inflicted by the ruthless hordes of Northmen (principally Danish and Norwegian vikings), who alighted on the fairest field of Christendom to cover it with violence and death.7 In their unhallowed thirst for gold they pillaged 1 Asseman, Blblioth. Orient., torn. writers have inferred that the ori- ii. 444 sq: Mosheim, Hist. Tartar. ginal ' Prester John' was a Nesto- Eccles., pp. 23 sq., ed. Helmstad. rian priest, who had been raised 1741. He was baptized by the to the throne of the Tatar princes ; Ncstorian primate of Maru in Cho- but others, it would seem more rasan: (cf. Le Quien, Oriens probably, look upon the form Christ., ii. 1261 sq. ) 'Prester' as a western corruption 8 On the spread of Nestorianism of some Persian, Turkish, or Mon- in these regions, see above, p. 28, golian word. arid cf. Wiltsch, i. 461. s e.g. Joinville's Memoirs of St. a Mosheim, ibid. pp. 27 sq. Louis, pp. 477 sq., in Bonn's 1 Asseman, torn. in. part it. p. Chronicles of the Crusaders. 487: cf. the discussion on this point B p. 137. ■ in Schrockh, xxv. 186 — 101. Some ' The best modern account of -1073] Limitation of the Church. 141 almost every church and abbey on their way, in Germany, ravagj s in France, in Belgium, in the British Islands; and, noethmen success inflaming their cupidity, they ventured even to the coasts of Italy and Spain, and came into collision with the other spoilers of the Church, the Moslems and the Magyars. Their path was uniformly marked by ruined towns and castles, by the ashes of the peaceful village and the bones of its murdered inmates: literature was trampled down and buried, order and religion were expiring on all sides ; while the profaneness and brutality of which the Northmen are convicted baffle or forbid description.8 No where did the tempest fall with greater virulence Their estab. than on the borders of the British Church.9 The inroads mBrlLt of the Scandinavian vikings form the darkest passage in /iWi' her annals. Landing year by year a multiplying swarm of pirates, they continued to enchain and spoil her from 78710 until the date of the Norman Conquest. After the disastrous war of 833-851, very many of them left their barks and settled in the conquered districts, more espe- cially the Northern and the Eastern Counties. It now seemed, indeed, as if the Anglo-Saxon had been destined to succumb in turn before the ruder spirits of the North, as he had formerly expelled the British Christians. But this fear was gradually abated when a number of tho and gradual Anglo-Danes, abandoning the gods of the Walhalla, were " absorbed into the Church. Anterior to the treaty11 of 878 these miscreants is in Palgrave's clesias cum clericis incendere, **- Eist of Normandy, i. 297 sq : Lap- vitates, urbes, oppida, villasque penbergs Hist, of England under oremare, agros devastate, strages the Anglo-Saxon Kings, vol. n., and hominum multas agere, miniine Worsaaes Banes and Norwegians in cessabant'. Florent. Wi^orn ad England, Scotland, ami Ireland. Chron. Append, in Monument. Britan. B ihe chronicles of the period p. 640, c. . give intensity of meaning to the 10 Saxon Chron. ad an. A simple cry of the persecuted Church: picture of the barbarities committed , tu£°re Normannorum libera by the Danes has been preserved nos . bee Palgrave, i. 460. in the after- portions of this Chroni- ■> . . . . ' per Angham et circa cle. illam pervagantes monasteria cum " Alfred and Guthrum's Peace, in nionachis et sauctimonialibus, ec- Thorpe, Anglo-Saxon Laws, i. 152 conversion. 142 Limitation of tJie CJmrch. [a.d. 814 ravages between the English, under iElfred, and the Northmen, OF TTIF Northmen, under Guthrum (Gorm), the latter had been well-affected to the Gospel ; and his baptism made a way to the evangelizing of his subjects in East-Anglia, where he governed till his death, 891. As early as 940,1 the religion of the vanquished was extensively adopted by the Danish settlers in Northumbria. Accordingly in the time of the Scandinavian dynasty, beginning with Cnut the Great* (1016—1035), the colonists, who now might be distinguished from the lawless viking that was prowling on the seas, were generally converted to the faith, and blended with the English population. Similar results ensued in Scotland,3 where, at least among the Highlands, the majority of settlers were Norwegian, and united to the crown of Nor* way : while their brethren, who had won important colonies in Ireland, were not slow in copying their example.4 fistm^/hi After paralysing all the vigour of the sons of Charle- Normandy: magne by their desultory inroads, many bands of Northmen settled down in France (circ. 870), and gradually submitted to the Gospel.5 In 876 and following years, their mighty chieftain, Hollo, wasted all the north and midland pro- sq: cf. "Worsaae, pp. 132, 133. The ternal fabric of religion, see Lap- same writer has called attention to penberg, n. 203 sq. Among other the fact that Crowland, so feroci- proofs of a better state of things ously invaded by theVikingsin867, was the institution of a festival in already numbered Danes among its honour of archbishop iElfheah inmates : p. 130. (Elfeg), who had been deliberately 1 Worsaae, p. 133. Among other murdered after the general mas- evidence are coins of the Danish- sacre at Canterbury (1011). Saxon Norwegian kings which had been Chron., ad an. 1012. minted in the north of England, 3 See above, p. 120. Iona was and inscribed with Christian le- again a missionary center for the gends, in the ninth and tenth cen- christianizing of the southern is- turies. At this period Odo, whose lands, and the Gospel was at times father was a Dane and fought conveyed from it to Norway and against the English under Alfred, Ireland. Worsaae, pp. 275, 276. occupied the see of Canterbury : i Ibid. pp. 333 sq. Norwegian and a number of the other clerics kings reigned in Dublin, Water- were of Scandinavian blood. Ibid. ford, and Limerick, for three cen- 134, 135. turies. p. 316. 2 On his zeal in extirpating hea- 5 Palgrave, i. 503, 504. thenism and in restoring the ex- —1073] Limitation of the Church. 143 vinces, but, after a most bloody contest, was bought off perse- ' ' mJ ' . ° CUTIONS IN by the surrender of the Franklsh state of Neustria (911), bpain. and married to a Christian princess. On his baptism,6 in 912, the Gospel was successively diffused in every quarter of the dukedom. Missions7 had been formed already under Herve, primate of the Gauls, and Guido, archbishop of Rouen ; yet, until the final victory of Rollo, many converts and general had been ill-instructed in the faith, and not unfrequently retained their pagan habits and ideas.8 The condition of the Church in the Iberian peninsula ?/Taai7h°f was now less hopeful than in Britain, Germany, or France ; 'Z'J'onf'i!')" '"' for though at first the Moslems9 did not practise anything pau like systematic persecution,10 they resisted all the missionary efforts of the Christians, and by proselyting in their turn extended the dominion of the caliph.11 Nothing daunted by the checks they had received from Charles Martel, they sometimes overleapt the Pyrenasan barrier; and in Spain, the mountain-districts, where the Church had taken refuge, or at least in which alone she dwelt secure and independent, were contracted more and more by the en- croachments of the crescent. She was still more fearfully afflicted in the gloomy period (850— 960), when the Moslems, irritated in some cases by the vehemence with which their system was denounced, adopted a more hostile policy, and panted for the blood of their opponents. At this juncture 6 Ibid. 690. mulacris immolantes idolothyta 7 See the Pastoral of archbp. comederint'. Herve, in trie Concilia Rothoma- 9 See above, p. 34. r/ensis Provin., Rouen. 1717. It 10 See the Memoriale Sanctorum of was based upon instructions given Eulogius, in Schott's Hispania II- him (900) by pope John IX.; lustrata, vol. iv., as adduced by Mansi, xviii. 189 sq. Neander, v. 461, 462; and, on b In the document above cited the general feeling of the Moslems the pope speaks distrustfully of to the Christians at this period, men who and been 'baptized and see Schrockh, xxi. 293 — 299; rebaptized ; et post baptismum Gieseler, n. 305 sq. gentiliter vixerint et paganorum u By intermarriages and other more Christianos interfecerint, as- means : see Geddes, Hist, of the cerdotes trucidaverint, atque si- Expidsio?i of the Moriscoes, in his Miscell. Tracts, I. 104 sq. 144 Limitation of the Church. [x.D. 814 perse- we are told, that multitudes1 of Spanish Christians perished CUTIONS IN spain. by the scourge or in the flames, exhibiting, indeed, the firmness of the earliest martyr, but deficient in his calm forbearance and his holy self-possession. A considerable section of the Church, desirous of restraining what had grown into a kind of passion, drew a difference between these martyrdoms and those of ancient times ; and in a council,1 held at Cordova (852), and prompted, some have said, by Abderrahman II., it was ruled that, for the future, Christians, under persecution, should not rush unbidden to the danger, but should wait until the summons of the magistrate compelled them to assert their faith. The ultimate predominance of these, and other like pacific coun- sels, gradually disarmed the fury of the Moslems ; and the bleeding Church of Spain enjoyed an interval of rest. 1 As in the last note, and in the as unlawful: Memoriale Sand., lib. Indiculus Luminosus of Alvar of n. c. 15 : cf. his Apologeticus jwo Cordova, passim. Martyribus adversus Calumniatorcs, 2 Labbe, vm.76. Eulogius, how- where he -vigorously defends the ever, afterwards C859) the victim of conduct of the most fanatic mar- his stern and unflinching hatred of tyrs. He was followed in this line Islamisrn, has denounced this synod by Alvar, his biographer. -1073] ( 145 ) CHAPTER VI. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. § 1. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION. The form of government prevailing in the Western, as o^^aniz v distinguished from the Eastern Church, was threatening to TI0N- become an absolute autocracy. This change is due entirely Monarchical J ° J form of the to the growth of the papal usurpations, which had almost Tr,s';''.'t reached a climax under Hilclebrand, or Gregory VII. (1073). The Romanizing spirit of the west will consequently form a leading item in our sketch of the internal constitution of the Christian body at this period of its progress. The attention of the reader should especially be drawn f,™"'p^J.',i to one of the mightiest engines in the triumphs of the Decretc papacy, a series of Decretals, known as the Pseudo-Isidore,1 which, had been fabricated, in some measure out of the existing canons, at the close of the eighth century or the 1 Cf. the allusions to this series Geschichte des canon. Redds bis auf above, p. G3, n. 11; p. 43, n. 10. die Zeiten des falschen Isidorus : Some of the documents had already Werken, I. 220 sq. Halle, 1778. It appeared in the collection of Dio- is almost certain that the Pseudo- nysius Exiguus (circ. 528), and Isidore decretals were first pub- others in a later one ascribed to lished, as a body, in Eastern France, Isidore of Seville : but the impostor between the years 829 and 815; [Mohler, Schriften und Aussdtze, i. though some of them appear to 309, makes him only a romanticist !] have been circulated separately in who had assumed the name of the time of Charlemagne. The Isidore, at the beginning of the 9th forgery has been imputed to Riculf, century, fabricated many others, a Spanish archbishop (786—814) ; and professed to carry back the but it is more probably due to arch- series of papal rescripts as far as bishopAutearofMayence(826-847): a.d. 93. A large portion of these see Gieseler, n. 331, n. 12; Guizot, were afterwards received into the Lect. xxvi. The first person who Roman canon-law. See Spittler's critically impugned the genuineness L 146 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 okgani^a- beginning of the ninth 5 and in the latter period, after TIoy- suffering fresh interpolations, were made current in the churches of the west. While tending to exaggerate the power and privileges of the sacerdotal order generally, they strengthened more and more the aspirations of the papal see,1 by representing it, on the authority of ancient usage, as the sole and irresponsible directress of the theocratic system of the Church. As early" as 857, the Pseudo-Isidore decretals had been openly enlisted to repress ecclesiastical commotions,3 and to settle questions of the day ; and subsequently to the year 864,4 they were adduced in many of the papal rescripts, — it would seem, with no shadow of misgiving. Prior to this date the claims to supremacy of power, so steadily advanced by the adherents of the Roman church, were seldom carried out to their natural results. Under ►Stephen V. (816), Paschal 1. (817), Eugenius II. (824), Valentine (827), Gregory IV.5 (827), Sergius II.6 (844), of the collection (as distinguished ad Profuturum, c. 7 ; cf. Mansi, ix. from its binding force) was Peter 29. Comestor in the 12th century; but 2 Cf. above, p. 44, n. 3. the cheat was not generally ex- 3 e. g. Hincmar, who afterwards posed until the time of the llefor- qucstionedtheir binding force, when mation, when the Magdeburg Ccn- cited by the popes against himself, turiators, (cent. 11. c. 7, cent. in. c. could hold them out notwithstand- 7), pointed out the almost incredi- ing as a warning to church-robbers ble anachronisms and other clumsy ( ' raptores et prsedones rcrum eccle- frauds by which the bulk of the siasticarum' ) : E})ist. Synodal, in decretals are distinguished. They Mansi, xv. 127. have since been openly abandoned 4 Gieseler, n. 333, n. 15. by Bellarmine, de Pontif. Roman. b The important letter (Mabillon, lib. ii. c. 14; Baronius, Anna/-. Eccl. Vet. Anal. p. 29S) bearing the ad an. 865, § 8 ; Fleury, Hist. Eccl. name of this pope and addressed to torn. xin. Disc. Prelim, p. 15. bishops everywhere, is at the least 1 e. g. ' Quamobrem sancta Ito- of questionable authority : Jarle, mana Ecclesia ejus (i.e. S.Petri] Re gest. Pontif . Rom. p. 227. One merito Domini voce consecrate, et clause of it runs thus : ' Cum nulli sanctorum Patrum auctoritate ro- dubium sit, quod non solum ponti- borata, primatum tenet omnium iicalis causatio, sed omnis sanctffl ecclesiarum, ad quam tarn summa religionis relatio ad scdem aposto- episcoporumnegotiaetjudiciaatque beam, quasi ad caput, debet referri querelas, quam et majorea cede- et hide normam suroere.' siarum qurcstiones, quasi ad caput, 6 An 'anti-pope' (John), chosen semper referenda sunt.' Vigiliiep. 'satis imperito et agresti populo,' -1073] Constitution of the Church. 147 Leo IV.7 (847), Benedict III.8 (855), they had made no gggg£ measurable progress : but when Nicholas I. (858—867) was TI0N- seated on the throne, the theory of papal grandeur, which ^'f^';,;','",/'' had long been floating iu the mind of western Christendom, jyS&a*/?61' began to be more clearly urged and more consistently established.9 In the course of his reign, however, he ex- perienced more than one indignant check10 from the resistance of a band of prelates who stood forward to uphold the in- dependence of provincial churches, and the ancient honour of the crown. The staunchest of these anti-papal champions was the Frankish primate Hincmar :u but they could not was interpolated after Gregory IV., but soon afterwards expelled, ' urbis principibus.' Liber Pontif. ed Vig- nol. in. 39, 40. Sergius (844) appointed a vicar for all the trans- alpine provinces ; cf. his Epistle in Mansi, xiv. 806. 7 On the death of Leo IV. the papal chair is said to have been occupied by a female pope, Jo- hanna (Johannes Anglicus) : but as the story, in addition to its great improbability on chronologi- cal and other grounds, is not found in any writer of the period, or for centuries later, it is now almost universally rejected by the critics. Prior to the Reformation, few, if any, doubted the existence of the papess. See the evidence fairly stated in Schrockh, xxn. 75 — 110 ; Gieseler, n. 220, n. 1. The story may have possibly originated in the soft or dissolute lives of men like John VIII. and his later namesakes. 8 Another ' anti-pope' Anastasius was elected on the death of Bene- dict III., but speedily deposed. Liber Pontif. in. 154. 9 One of the earliest indications of this purpose may be found in a rescript (S63), where the primacy of Hincmar (of Rheims) is con- firmed on the express condition, ' si tarn in pra;senti quam semper, in nullo ab apostoliccc sedis prceccp- tioiubus quoquomodo discrepavcrit.' Mansi, xv. 374. On the vast in- fluence exercised by Nicholas I. in the establishment of the ultra-papal claims, see Planck, Geschichte des Pabsthums von der mitte des neunten Jalirlmnderts an, i. 35 — 147. 10 e. m *ue early years of Hildebrand, the clergy TI0X- of the Roman see are mentioned as preeminent in every species of corruption.'2 There as elsewhere nearly all of the healthier impulse that was given to the sacred orders by the energy of Charlemagne, had been lost in the en- suing troubles which extinguished the dominion of his house (887). The decline of the cathedral canons3 is a further illus- tration of this change. Materialized by the prevailing lust of wealth, they strove to make themselves completely independent of the bishop 5 and as soon as they had gained the power of managing their own estates,4 we see them falling back into the usual mode of life,5 except in the two particulars of dwelling near each other in the precincts of the cathedral, and dining at a common table. As Decay of the order of Canons. a quo incessanter exigat licitam, simul atque illicitam obediential!!, ita ut plerique inveniantur qui aut ad mensas ministrent', etc. 1 See the works of Ratherius, a reforming bishop of Verona (who died in 924), in D'Achery's Spici- legium, torn. 1. pp. 345 — 392. The ignorance and immorality of his own clergy, and of the Italians generally, appear to have been almost incredible. Another eye- witness speaks in the same strain of the Milanese ecclesiastics : ' Istis temporibus inter clericos tanta erat dissolutio, ut alii uxores, alii mere- trices publico tenerent, alii vena- tionibus, alii aucupio vacabant, par- tim focnerabantur in publico, partim in vicis tabernas exercebant cuncta- que ecclesiastica beneficia more pe- cudum vendebant'. Life of AriaUl (a vehement preacher of the neigh- bourhood, who fell a victim to his zeal in 1067), §2, in Puricelli's History of the Milanese Church ; Milan, 1657. The same scandals and corruptions were prevailing at this period in the East : e. g. Nealc, Church of Alexandria, 11. 190,211. 2 Hildebrand's uncle would not allow him to complete his educa- tion there, ' ne Romanae urbis cor- ruptissimis tunc moribus (ubi omnia pane clems aut simoniacus erat aut concubuiarius, aut etiam vitio utro- que sordebat) inquinaretur setas tenera', etc. See Vidaillan, Vie de Greg., i. 372. 3 Cf. above, pp. 4G, 47. 4 The earliest instance on record is the chapter of Cologne, whose independence was confirmed by Lothaire in 866, and afterwards by a council at Cologne in 873 : Mansi, xvn. 275 ; cf. Gieseler, n. 387 (note). 5 The following is the language of Ivo, the holy bishop of Chartres, who wrote about 1090 : ' Quod vero communis vita in omnibus ecclesiis poena defecit, tarn civilibus clioce- sanis, nee auctoritati sed desuetu- dini et defectui adscribendum est, refrigescente charitate, qua? omnia vult habere communia et regnante cupiditatc, qua; non quaerit, ea, quse Dei sunt ct proximi, sed tantum quae sunt propria' . From the Annates of John of Trittenheim (Trithcmius), a.d. 973, we learn that the example had been set in that year by the canons of Treves : i. 116, cd. 1690. -1073] Constitution of the Church. 157 a body, they had lost their ancient strictness, and were ™TE1i^VL .-,,,, ORGANIZA- idle, haughty, and corrupt. TI0N- In this connexion we may touch on a kindred point, OmHnmneeo/ the marriage, or in other cases the concubinage, of clerics, marriages. At no period did the law of celibacy find a general ac- ceptance,6 notwithstanding the emphatic terms in which it was repeated ;7 and when Hildebrand commenced his task as a reformer, aiming chiefly at ecclesiastical delinquents, numbers of the bishops and the major part of the country- clergy8 were exposed to his stern reproaches. In some Thestwggi °*/ "- _ "■ suppress the quarters, and especially at Milan, where the ordinances m tlte Conti against clerical marriage had been rigorously urged, there was a party9 who contended for the lawfulness of such alliances, deriving their ideas from the Bible and the earlier doctors of the Church. But the great body of the people, blinded by the prejudices of the age,10 and disgusted by the lewdness and corruption which had shewn itself in V to em 6 See above, pp. 49, 50. 7 e.g. Canons at Eanham (1009), § 2, where it is affirmed that some of the English clerics had more wives than one. Johnson, i. 483. 8 e.g. we are told of the Nor- man prelates and the other clergy : 4 Sacerdotes ac summi pontifices li- bere conjugati et anna portantcs ut laici erant'. Life of Herluin, abbot of Bee, inMabillon, Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened., saec. vi. part ii. p. 344. Ratherius of Verona (above, p. 156, n. 1) found it an established custom for the clergy to live in wedlock, and for their sons to be clergymen in their turn : D'Achery's Spicilegium, i. 377, 378. Aventinus {Annates Boiorum, lib. v. c. 13, p. 541, ed. Gundling), speaking of this same period, remarks : ' Sa- cerdotes ilia tempestate publice uxores, sicuti caeteri Christiani, ha- bebant, filios procreabant, sicuti in instiumentis donationum, quae illis templis, mystis, monachis fecere, ubi hae nominatim cum conjugibus testes citantur, et honesto vocabulo presbyterissee nuncupantur , invenio' . According to Mr. Ilallam {Middle Ages, ii. 38) the sons of priests were capable of inheriting by the laws of France and also of Castile. 9 See the controversy at length in Neander, vi. 61 sq. An actual permission to marry was given to his clergy by Cunibert, bishop of Turin, himself unmarried, in the hope of preserving his diocese from the general corruption. Ibid. p. 53. 10 These were so strong that even Ratherius of Verona looked upon the man who was ' contra canones uxorius' in the light of an adul- terer. D'Achery, i. 363. On this account it is not easy to distinguish between the lawful and illicit con- nexions of the clergy. Hildebrand, Damiani, and other zealots spoke of such alliances in general as reproductions of the ' Nicolaitan heresy'. See Damiani's Opuscul. xviii., contra Clericos intemper antes. 158 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 org\n^a1 sP*te °^ tne man'iage of the clerics, took the side of men TIoy- like Hildebrand, abstaining even from the public services conducted by the married priest,1 and indicating their dis- approbation by ridicule and not unfrequently by their assaults on his property or person.* A like spirit is be- trayed in the still earlier movement that was headed by Dumtan's the English primate, Dunstan3 (961—988). He was truly measures for ox \ / J the same end. anxious for the moral elevation of his clergy ; but the measures he adopted to secure it were not able to achieve a permanent success. He hoped to counteract the fearful barbarism and immorality around him by abstracting the ecclesiastics from the world, that is, by prohibiting their marriage : and this object seemed to him most easy of attainment by the substitution of monastic and unmarried clergy in the place of degenerate seculars and canons.4 By his influence, and the aid of the civil power which he wielded at his pleasure, very many of the elder clerics were ejected, and a host of Benedictine monks5 promoted to the leading sees and richer livings. But soon after- wards, this rash proceeding led the way to a violent reaction : and the following period had to witness many struggles for ascendancy between the monks and seculars of England. When the latter gained a victory, we learn that their wives6 were partakers of the triumph. 1 In accordance with the bidding of the Council of Lateran (1059) : Mansi, xix. 907. 2 Arnulph, Hist. Mediol., lib. m. c. 9 : cf. Fleury, liv. lxi. s. 26. 3 See the accounts in Soames, Anglo-Saxon Church, pp. 177 sq., ed. 1835 : and Lappenberg, Anglo- Saxons, ii. 126 sq. * ' . . . statuit [969], et statuendo decretmn confirmavit, videlicet ut canonici omncs, presbyteri omnes, diaconi ct subdiaconi omnes, aut caste viverent aut ecclesias quas tenebant una cum rebus ad cas pertinentibus perderent.' Oswald, bishop of Worcester, was especially active in carrying out this edict, and founded seven monasteries in his own diocese alone. ' . . . Post ha?c in aliis Angliae partibus ad pa- rochiam suam nil pertinentibus insignes ecclesias ob praefixam causam clericis evacuavit, et eas . . . viris monastics institutionis 6ubli- mavit.' Eadmer, Vit. S. Oswaldi (in Wharton's Anglia Sacra, n. 200.) 6 Lappenberg, n. 136, 137. c ' Principes plurimi et optimates abbates cum monachis de monas- teriis, in qnibus rex Eadgerus eos locavcrat, expulerunt, et clericos, ut prius, loco eorum cum uxoribus induxerunt'. Matth. Westmonast. Flor. Hist. p. 193, ed. Franco/. 1601. -1073] Constitution of the Church. 159 Contrary to the idea of Dunstan, the corruptions of the qb^^Ui age had found admission even to the cloisters. It was TIoy- customary7 for the royal patron of an abbey to bestow it, Degeneracy of J p n . . t' the monks. like a common fief, on some favourite chaplain of his court, on parasites, or on companions of his pleasures, paying no regard to their moral character and intellectual fitness. Others gained possession of the convents by ra- pacity and sold them to the highest bidder, not unfre- quently to laymen,8 who resided on them with their wives and families, and sometimes with a troop of their re- tainers.9 It should also be observed, that in the present age, when many of the chief foundations were most anxious to obtain exemptions from the bishops,10 and had no efficient champions in the Roman see, they were deprived of their strongest remedy against the evils which beset them. The appearance of a race of worldly-minded abbots was the signal for the relaxation of monastic discipline11 in every quarter of the west : and this degeneracy produced in turn the open violation of the rules of St. Benedict. 7 Bowden's Gregory the Seventh, I. 46. It was complained of Charles the Bpld that he gave away religi- ous houses recklessly, ' partim ju- ventute, partim fragilitate, partim aliorum callida suggestione, etiam et minorura necessitate, quia dice- bant petitores, nisi eis ilia loca sacra donaret, ab eo deficerent.' Caroli Calvi Capital., in Baluze, ii. 101. 8 Known by the name of abba- comites : cf. Palgrave, Normans, i. 184 sq. 9 Council of Trosle, as below, n. 11. 10 See above, p. 45. The privi- leges actually granted to them did not at first exempt them from the ordinary jurisdiction of the bishop ; although he had no longer any power to modify the rules of the fraternity, e.g. in the Council of Fimes (Concil. apud S. Macram), 8S1, his authority is still recog- nized : for the fourth, canon orders that all monasteries, nunneries, and other religious houses shall be vi- sited by the bishop and the king's commissioners, and a report drawn up of their condition. Labbe, ix. 337. The exemption of the abbey of Clugny was made absolute by Alexander II. in 1063, and other instances soon afterwards occurred. Gieseler, n. 420. In the newly- founded Russian church the com- mon practice of the East obtained ; the bishop having the sole right of appointing the archimandrites and also of depriving them. Moura- viev's Hist, of the Russian Church, pp. 359, 3G0. 11 See the complaints of the coun- cil of Trosle (near Soissons), 909, can. 3, which taxes both the monks and nuns with every species of excess: Mansi, xvnr. l>7<>. The de- generacy is traced to the influence of the lay-abbots, who Avcre then in possession of nearly all the mo- nasteries of Fiance. 160 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 Jtise of the Cl inline monks. An effort, it is true, was made, as early as 817, under Louis-le-Debonnaire, to check these rampant evils in the convents of his kingdom. It was mainly stimulated by the zeal of Benedict1 of Aniane (774—821), who, following at a humble distance in the steps of the elder Benedict and borrowing his name, is honoured as the second founder of monasticism in France.2 Disorders of the grossest kind, however, had continually prevailed until the time of Berno,3 the first abbot of Clugny (910), and Odo,4 his successor (927—941), who endeavoured to effect a thorough reforma- tion. In the hands of the latter abbot, not a few of the ascetic laws were made more stringent and repulsive:5 yet the fame of the order from this period was extended far and wide.6 In spite of an extreme austerity in many of its regulations, they presented a refreshing contrast to the general corruption ; and their circulation gave a healthier tone to all the churches of the west.7 The impulse which had led to this revival of the Be- 1 His measures are detailed in a Capitulary containing eighty arti- cles, which may be viewed as a commentary on the rule of Bene- dict the elder. See Guizot's re- marks upon it, Led. xxvi. Among other things he urges that ' the reformation of the sixth century was at once extensive and sublime : it addressed itself to what was strong in human nature : that of the ninth century was puerile, in- ferior, and addressed itself to what was weak and servile in man.' 2 In the Frankish empire at this period there were eighty-three large monasteries. DoUinger, m. 192. 3 See his Life in Mabillon, Act. Sanct. Orel. Ben., saec. v. pp. 66 sq. 4 Ibid. pp. 150 sq. 5 Among other changes, the Ordo Cluniacensis observed an almost unbroken silence ' in ecclesia, dor- mitorio, refectorio, etcoquina'. See their Consiietxulines (circ. 1070), in D'Achery's Spicikghun, i. 641 sq. 6 In the year of his death, Odo left his successor two hundred and seventy deeds of gift which had been made to the order in thirty- two years. Dollinger, m. 194. The abbots Majolus and Odilo ad- vanced its reputation more and more. See the Life of the latter in Mabillon, sa)C. vi. part I. pp. 597 sq. 7 The greatest difficulty was pre- sented by some of the German monasteries, where the inmates rose into rebellion. See the instances in Gieseler, n. 415, n. 9. The ex- ample, however, of Hanno archbp. of Cologne, in 1068, was followed very generally. Lambert of Hers- feld (al. Sehafnaburgensis), An- nates, in Pertz, vn. 238. The ' congregation of Hirschau' also sprang up at this time (1069) : it was based on the rule of Clugny. Bcrnold's Chronicon, in Pertz, vn. 451. —1073] Constitution of 'the Church. 161 nedictine order, urged a number of congenial spirits to relations take refuge in the mountains and the forests, with the civil hope of escaping from the moral inundation, or of arming — for a future struggle with the world. Of these we may nU^L notice Eomuald,8 who in after-life became the founder^"' (circ. 1018) of a large community of hermits, known as the Camaldulenses ; John Gualbert,9 in whose cell the order of the Coenobites of Vallombrosa had its cradle (circ. 1038) ; and especially the younger Nilus,10 a recluse of Calabria, who stood forward in the tenth century as an awakening preacher of repentance in his own and in the neighbouring districts. § 2. RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH TO THE CIVIL POWER. The influence of the State preponderated as before in all the Eastern churches. This was shewn especially in the appointment of their bishops, who, with the exception of the patriarchates which still languished under the do- minion of the Saracens, were for the most part chosen absolutely by the crown. In Russia11 and the other king- Difference be. doms where the Gospel had been planted by the agency ™7;/v,. 1063, 1071: Pertz, vii. 166, 184). 2 From the first, however, the privilege of appointing to a church could not lawfully be exercised without the approval of the bishop of the diocese, to whose jurisdic- tion also the new incumbent was made subject (see Council of Home, in 826, c. 21 ; Mansi, xiv. 1006: cf. 1009). But this rule, like others of the kind, was continually evaded. 3 Besides taking the oath of al- legiance, like other vassals, prelates were on this ground compelled to render to the king a twofold ser- vice, one of following him in time of war, the other of appearing fre- quently at court. They were also amenable to the judicial sentence of the king, regarded as their liege- lord, and even were at times de- posed by him. Hassc, as below. On the state of feeling with regard to the participation of ecclesiastics in the wars, see Neander, vi. 83 sq. 4 Haste's Life of Anselm, by -1073] Constitution of the Church. 163 We saw that under Charlemagne5 prelates were again Bto*the*S occasionally chosen in obedience to the ancient canons ; and power. the clergy lost no opportunity of pleading this concession in their efforts to retain the freedom it had promised.0 to vacant sees. Still the privilege was scarcely more than verbal at the best ;7 and under Otho I., who laboured to curtail the power of the German and Italian clergy,8 it was formally annulled. He acted on the principle, that popes and bishops were like other functionaries of the empire, and as such were subject to his beck. These fresh assumptions were indeed renounced by Henry II., but soon afterwards repeated : and it was on the absolute appointment of pope Leo IX. (1049) by Henry III. of Germany, that Hildebrand at length emerged from private life, to bring the straggle to a crisis. He was able in 1059, while engaged as the subdeacon of the Roman church, to wrest the nomination of the popes entirely from the civil power,9 although re- Turner, p. 53, Lond. 1850. As consecration was subsequent to in- vestiture, the jurisdiction of the prelate seemed to be derived from the state. The indignation of the Hildebrandine party at this junc- ture may be gathered from Hum- bert's treatise Adversns Simoniacos, lib. m. c. 11 (in Martene's The- saurus Anecdot., torn. v. pp. 629 sq.). 5 pp. 55, 56. 6 Thus, at the council of Va- lence (855), c. 7 (Mansi, xv. 7), it was decreed that ' on the death of a bishop, the monarch should be requested to allow the clergy and the community of the place to make an election according to the canons'. But the synod goes on to intimate that monarchs not un- frequently sent a nominee of their own, and that their permission was in all cases needed before an elec- tion could take place. See the energetic letter of Hincmar to Louis III. of France, on the sub- ject of royal interference in elec- tions : Opp. torn. ii. p. 190. 7 Bowden, Life of Gregory, i. 45 : cf. Guizot, ii. 320. 8 Vidaillan, Vie de Greg. VII. i. 365, 366. After deposing pope Benedict V. (964) and restoring Leo VIII. , Otho held a council at Rome, which, in his presence, granted him and his descendants the right of choosing the popes in future, and of giving investiture to the bishops of the empire. See the acts of this council in Luit- prand, de Rebus Gestis Ottonis, c. 10 sq. (Pertz, v. 342) : and De Marca, DeConcordia, lib. vm. c.12, § 10. This decree was prompted by the growth and bitterness of the political factions which at that time were convulsing every part of Italy. But acts of violence among the po- pulace were not uncommon, at an earlier period, in the tilling up of vacant sees : e.g. the decree of Stephen V. (816), in Mansi, xiv. 147. 9 See above, p. 151, n. 7. M2 164 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 relations serving to it for the present a precarious right of con- TO THE f5 r ... . civil firmation. But this partial victory incited him the more to persevere in his original design of compassing what he esteemed the ancient freedom of the Church. Accord- ingly, as soon as he was elevated to the papal throne, he hastened to prohibit every form of ' lay-investiture' : and the dispute which he had thus embittered was not closed for half a century.1 Encroarh- While it is plain that the civil power exceeded its in flits on tlic r r ctmrch*e own Provmce m suppressing the episcopal elections and in arbitrary misappropriation of the other church-prefer- ment, there was also an aggressive movement on the side of the ecclesiastics. This, indeed, is the most prominent and startling feature of the times. It was of course de- veloped to the greatest height among the popes, who had already shewn themselves peculiarly impatient of the se- cular authority. We saw that under Charlemagne they were able to effect but little in curtailing his imperial powers; and in 823 Paschalis even felt obliged to clear himself by oath before the missi (or commissioners) of Louis-lc-Debonnaire :M yet from this period onwards the pretensions of the Roman court were less and less disputed especially of bv the Carlovingiaii princes.3 Its ascendancy increased the popes J , o I on the dismemberment of the Frankish empire, and still further when all central government was enervated by the progress of the feudal system. Aided by the ' Forged Decretals', which endeavoured among other kindred objects to exalt the Church above the influence of the temporal 1 By the Concordat of Worms, in Gratian (Dccrct. Caus.ii. Qu. vn. 1122 ; see below, ' Relations of the c. 41 ), is one of the latest recogni- Church to the Civil Power', Period tions of the imperial rights: ' Nos, in. si incompetenter aliqnid egimus, et 2 Life of Lottis, by Astronomns, in subditis justae leg's tramitem inPertz, n. 697. Other examples of non conscrvavimus, vestro ac mis- this supremacy of the civil power sorvm cuncta volumus emend arc ju~ at Rome itself may be seen in dicio',etc. 'But everything soon Gieseler, n. 231, 232. changes, and the Church in her 3 The following fragment (circ. turn governs the emperor.' Guizot, 8";0) of a letter from Leo. IV. to n. 326. Louis II., which has been preserved —1073] Constitution, of the Church. 165 princes, Nicholas I.4 was able to achieve a number of B^A^™IS important triumphs. He came forward, it is true, on two pS^^ occasions, as a champion of the wronged, a bold avenger of morality,5 and therefore carried with him all the weight of popular opinion. His success emboldened John VIII. in 876 to arrogate in plainer terms, and as a privilege imparted from on high, the right of granting the imperial crown6 to whomsoever he might choose : and since this claim was actually established in his patronage and coro- nation of the emperor Charles-le-Chauve,7 the intermeddling of the pope in future quarrels of the Carlo vingians, and indeed of other princes, was facilitated more and more. The claim grew up, as we shall see in Hildebrand,to nothing less than a theocratic power extending over all the earth. Nor was the spirit of aggression at this time restricted to the Roman pontiffs. It had also been imbibed by other 1%,"^ °* thc prelates of the west. In England8, it is true, if we except yeneraUy- collisions in the time of Odo and Dunstan, there is little or no proof that the ecclesiastics were forgetting their vocation. While the Church continued, as before, in close alliance with the civil power, she exhibited no tendency to cripple or dispute the independence of the crown. But it was otherwise in continental nations. There we see the monarch struggling on one side with his disaffected nobles, on the other with the prelates of his realm; and 4 A contemporaneous admirer See Golclast's Collectio Constititt. says of him, ' regibus ac tyrannis Imperial, n. 34. imperavit, eisque, ac si clominus 8 As before noticed (p. 53), the orbis terarum, auctoritate prae- civil and spiritual tribunals had fuit'. Regino's Chron. ad an. 868. been acting most harmoniously to- 5 See above, p. 147, n. 10 : and gether till the Norman Conquest. cf. Guizot, n. 341 sq. Some ecclesiastical causes 'were re- 6 Epist. ccexv. cccxvi. : Mansi, ferred to the decision of a synod of xvn. 227, 230. the prelates ; but many others were 7 It should be remarked, how- subjected, like the ordinary causes ever, that Charles the Bald, in of the laity, to the judgment of the earlier life a warm defender of the shire-thanes (in the county- court), liberties of the Frankish Church This extended even to the probate (see above, p. 147), was not, in 876, of wills. Kemble, Saxons, n. 385. entirely made a vassal of the pope's. 166 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 KKiATioxs not unfrequently succumbing to the usurpations of the poavek latter. At the death of Charlemagne, for example, his authority in matters even of religion was so great, that councils1 deemed it proper to address him in a tone which bordered almost on servility: yet more than one of his successors formally acknowledged their dependence on the members of the hierarchy, and submitted to its most hu- miliating censures.* The extent of this vast but ill-defined preponderance is estimable from the transfer that was made of the regalia (royal privileges) to the hands of the superior clergy.3 Some, indeed, of the better class of prelates, while they rendered due obedience to the civil ruler, kept aloof from all Exe^tiota to secular affairs :4 the rest however, more especially through- out the tenth century, had yielded to the worldly spirit of the age ; they could too seldom be distinguished from the other vassals. But this close connexion with the crown was operating as a check on hierarchical ambition : it eventually gave birth to an important school of royalists, 1 e.g. the councils of Aries and synods: e.g. Fimes fapud S. Ma- Mayence, both held in 813, on cram), 881, c. 1; Labbe, ix. 337 ; making a report to him of ecclesi- Trosle, 909, c. 1 ; Labbe, ix. 520. astical matters that were crying for 3 Among these regalia may be a reformation, beg him to supply, mentioned the right of tolls, mar- what he might deem, corrections, kets, and coinage, which was and confirm their work by his au- granted among other privileges by thority. Labbe, vn. 1238, 1241. Louis-le-Debonnaire, on the prin- * e. g. Louis-le-Debonnaire (835) ciple ' ut episcopos, qui propter was deposed and afterwards ab- animarum regimen principes sunt solved by a party of bishops. cceli, ipse eosdem nihilominus prin- Labbe, vn. 1694. See Palgrave, cipes efficeret regni'. Gieseler, II. Hist, of Normandy, i. 295, 296. 255, 377. These grants, however, Louis-le-Germanique was treated were made not unfrequently by the in like manner by a synod at Metz sovereigns with a political object, (859) ; Labbe, vm. 668. In the to secure the allegiance of the bi- synodof Savonieres(Tousi.orToul) shops, and to balance them against held in the same year, Charles-le- the inordinate power of the feudal Chauve acknowledged his depend- lords. Hasse's Life of Anselm, ence on the bishops in the most p. 51. abject terms; Labbe, vm. 674 ; cf. 4 Thus, for example, reasoned Guizot, ii. 326, 327. The general Radbod, archbp. of Utrecht. See principle on which the bishops his Life, in Mabillon, Act. Sanct. claimed to exercise these powers Bened. saec. v. p. 30. was frequently avowed in the —1073] Constitution of the Church. 167 who vindicated the imperial interest5 from the attacks of E^A^^f£ an extreme or Romanizing party. power Of the minor and less obvious benefits accruing to society at large from the exalted power of the ecclesiastics, one is to be foimd in the exertions which they made to Bemtfciai J result of mitigate the ravages of private or intestine wars, now "kried ° ° r i ascendancy. common in all quarters. They were able in the end (circ. 1032) to establish certain intervals of peace6 (' Trevse Dei'), extending from the Thursday to the Monday morn- ing of each week: for which space it was ordered, under pain of excommunication, that all acts of violence as well as law-proceedings should be everywhere suspended. The same influence was directed also, though more feebly, to the abolition of the ordeal-trials, or as they were com- monly entitled, 'judgments of God'. The zealous Agobard of Lyons was conspicuous in this movement:7 but the custom, deeply rooted in antiquity, was not to be sub- verted at a blow. It kept its hold on the Germanic races till a far later period, chiefly through the sanction or connivance of the ill- instructed teachers of the Church. s How large this party grew may water- ordeals. He adds, 'Span- be inferred from the case of Eng- tanea enira confessione vel testium land, where the bishops almost to approbatione publicata delicta . . . a man united with the crown in commissa sunt regimini nostro ju- opposition to archbp. Anselm and dicare : occulta vero et incognita his view of the investiture- contro- Illi sunt relinquenda, qui solus versy. On one occasion he com- novit corda filiorum hominum'. plained of this mostbitterly, adding, Mansi, xvm. 25. On the other ' et me de regno, potius quam hoc hand, the 'judicium aquae frigidre servarent, expulsuros, et a Romana et calidae' was defended even by ecclesia se discessuros'. Epist. lib. Hincmar of Rheims : Opp. torn. it. iv. ep. 4, ed. Paris, 1721. 676. It is remarkable that 'proof 6 See Ducange, under Treva, by duel', which was abolished in Tretiga, seu Treviu Dei : and cf. Ne- Scandinavia by the introduction of ander's remarks, vi. 87, 88. The Christianity, maintained its ground provincial synod of Limoges (1031) in England for centuries. Worsaae, placed a number of refractory p. 167. It was strongly denounced barons, who refused to join in the by the Council of Valence (855), •Treuga Dei', under an interdict: under pain of excommunication Mansi, xix. 542. (can. xn.), which incapacitated 7 e.g. in his treatise Contra Ju- the subject of it for performing dictum Dei. Pope Stephen VI. any civil function. (circ. 886) condemns both fire and ( 168 ) [a.d. 814 CHAPTER VII. ON THE STATE OF EELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. WESTERN CHURCH. westekn The works of St. Augustine had continued to direct CHURCH. the mind of Western Christendom. He was the standard influence of st. author of the age, and to his writings it was commonly indebted for the traces it retained of earnestness and evangelic truth. Inferior only to the sacred penmen, whom his ample expositions of the Scriptures were believed to represent with a peculiar fidelity, he was consulted as the ablest guide in all the speculative provinces of thought : and we shall see in the review of a discussion, which affected many branches of his system of theology, that all the combatants professed a high respect for him, and that the vanquished fled for shelter to his works. In cases and his school, even where the Augustinian spirit did not find its way directly, it Avas circulated, in a milder form,1 by influential writers of his school, especially by Gregory the Great and Alcuin. The majority of authors whom this period has produced will take their place at the beginning of it. They were nearly all of them brought up in the scholastic institutions of the Frankish empire.* One of Alcuin's many pupils, and, like him, an indefatigable friend of education, occupied 1 e.g. Alcuin, de Fide Trinitalis, his view, as we shall see below, c. 8, rejected the extreme position Avas shared by Itabanus Maurus. of a • preedestinatio duplex', and s Some of the principal were —1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 169 the foremost rank of theologians in the west. This was western Eabanus Maurus, who had been the master of the school, and afterwards the abbot, of Fulda (822), before his eleva- Maurus tion to the archbishopric of Mayence (847). His numerous 776~856 " Commentaries* on the writings of the Sacred Canon, and on some of the Apocrypha, evince a familiarity with older Christian literature ; and the devotional feeling which per- vades them may convince us that the piety of better ages, though too frequently declining, was not dead. Another of his works, Be Institutione Glericorum, while important in a liturgical point of view, contributed to the more careful training of the candidates for holy orders, and inspired them with a deeper sense of the importance of their work. Eabanus was a favourite author in the west for many centuries after his death.4 Another of the Carlovingian literati was Agobard,5 Ayobm-a of archbishop of Lyons (813—841), equally conspicuous for (d. 841). his scholarship and his activity in the affairs of state.6 But he is better known as a reformer of religion. Many of his treatises were aimed at the ignorance and super- stitions of the times, especially at those connected with the growing use of images.7 the Schola Palatina (patronized by Literariis in Eispania, qua? Arabes Louisde-Debonnaire, Lothaire, and auctores habiwrunt, Gottinga;, 1810. Charles-le-Chauve), and those of 3 Very many of his works (in- Orleans, Fulda, Corbey (old and eluding Homilies, as well as ethical new), llheims, Tours, Hirschau, and ecclesiological treatises) were Beichenau, and St. Gall. See published, in 6 vols, folio, at Co- Bahr's Geschichte der rdmisch. Lite- logne, 1627 : see also a sketch of Ra- ratur in karoling. Zeitalter, Carls- banus, by Kunstmann, Mainz, 1841. ruhe, 1840. Its character in this, i Mabillon, Act. Sanct. Ord. even, more than in the former Bened. vi. 1 sq. period, was exclusively religious; 5 The best edition of his works science (mathematics, astronomy, is that of Baluze, Paris, 1666, 2 vols, and medicine) being for the most 8vo.: cf. Hundeshagen, de Agobardi part abandoned to the Arabs, Vita et Scriptis, Giesste, 1831. who patronized such studies, more 6 His fame in this capacity is especially in Spain. Their great stained by the countenance he gave college of Cordova, which became to the rebellious sons of Louis-le- for Europe what Bagdad was for Debonnaire, contrasting ill with Asia, was founded in 980. See Rabanus Maurus. Neander.vi. 157. Middeldorpf, Comment, de Institutis 7 e.g. He condemned the ' battle- 170 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 WESTERN CHURCH. Claudius of Turin (d. 839). In this and other points he may be linked with Claudius, bishop of Turin, who died in 839, after an episcopate of eighteen years. Excited, as it seems, by principles which he had learned from holy Scripture and the works of St. Augustine,1 he stood forward to revive, as far as he was able, a more truly Christian spirit in the members of the Church. He ardently declaimed against all forms of creature-worship, not excluding invocation of the saints ; and, on his arrival in his diocese, all symbols, whether pictures, images, or crosses, which could possibly give rise to adoration, were ejected from the churches.2 In addition to his writings on these subjects, of which fragments only are preserved, he was a fertile commentator on the Bible ; yet, with one or two exceptions,3 all his labours in this field of thought are still inedited. trial', and the 'water-ordeal' (see above, p. 167) : and his treatise, De Picturis et Imaginibus, is a re- solute attack on all forms of image- worship, and a protest against the sensuous bias of the Church. He also laboured to reform the liturgy of his province ; and the two works, De Divina Psalmodia and De Cor- rectione Antipho-narii, are a defence of his proceedings. The great number of Jews who had settled in the Frankish empire at that period urged him to take up his pen against them : e. g. De Inso- lentia Judceorum, 1 The adversaries of Claudius have endeavoured to convict him of Adoptionism, on the ground that he was educated in Spain (see above, p. 66) ; but his Augustini- anism is proved by Neander, vi. 120 sq. * In this measure he was strongly resisted by his former friend the abbot Theodemir, by Dungal, an Irishman, by Jonas bishop of Or- leans, and others : but he kept his ground until his death, apparently through the support of the Frankish emperor. See Schrockh, xxm. 407—421 : Dollinger, m. 57, 58. It is remarkable that Jonas of Orleans admitted the flagrant abuse of images prevailing in the Church of Italy, and only found fault with Claudius for supposing that the same abuse existed in the French and German churches. He defends the ' adoration' of the cross ( ' ob re- cordationem passionis dominicre'), but explains the act to mean no more than ' salutare'. See his trea- tise De Cultu Imaginum, in Bibl. Patrum, ed. Lugdun. xiv. fol. 183. This prelate was a stern and faith- ful censor of all forms of immo- rality. See his De Institutione Laicali, in D'Achery's Spicilegium, I. 258—324. 3 His Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians will be found in Biblioth. Patr., ed. Lugdun. xiv. 134 sq., and that on the Epistle to Philemon in the Spicilegium Ro- manian, ix. 109 sq. Introductions to other books have also been pub- lished (Gieseler, n. 262, n. 19) : see, especially, Specimens of his inedited works, with dissertations by liudelbach, Havniae, 1824. —1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. Ill A list of other kindred works, though varying much ^u'rch' in character and worth, was added to the hermeneutical productions ot the age. Ihe chief were, (1) Commentaries Haiberstadt of Haimo4, bishop of Haiberstadt (841—853), and formerly a fellow-student of Rabanus Maurus : (2) the popular and widely-circulated Glossa Ordinaria (or an exposition of the difficult texts of Scripture), compiled by Walafrid Strabo,5 JJJf* abbot of Reichenau (842—849) : but (3) worthy of especial (a. 849). mention is the sober and elaborate Commentary on St. Matthew, by Christian Druthmar,6 a monk of Corbey, and f"'^™ divinity-lecturer in the diocese of Liege, who died about 840. These all, together with the great majority of writers who come forward at the present period, yield a simple and unreasoning assent to the traditions of the past: but in a work of the deacon Fredegis, who had been trained Fredegis. in Alcuin's school at York, we may discover symptoms of a more philosophizing tendency.7 That tendency, how- ever, was betrayed far more distinctly in the Irishman8 John Scotus (Erigena), who was regarded as an oracle John Scotus v ° n ° JErigena of wisdom by the court of Charles-le-Chauve. He was (d. 875 ?] : the earliest of the mediaeval writers in the west, who ven- tured to establish Christian dogmas by a dialectic process ; 4 There is some difficulty in as- pretations of theBible, except when certaining what works are really they are subordinated to the literal his. See Oudinus, De Scriptoribus or historic sense. Neander, vi. 159. Eccl. ii. 330 : Schrockh, xxm. 282 7 See his Epistola de Nihilo et sq. : Mabillon, Acta Benedict, v. Tenebris ad proceres Palatii, in 585 sq. Ealuz. et Mansi, Miscell. n. 56. 5 The Glossa Ordinaria was pub- 8 Neander has pointed out several lished at Antwerp in 6 vols, folio, circumstances which indicate that 1634. Another important work of the Irish monasteries still continued "Walafrid Strabo is of a liturgical to influence the literature of all the character, De Exordiis et Incrementis west; vi. 161, 162 (note). John Rerum Ecclesiasticarum, published Scotus Erigena is to be carefully in Hittorp's collection De Divinis distinguished from a monk, named Officiis, Colon. 1568. John, whom king JElfred invited 6 In the Biblioth. Patrum, ed. from France to the English court. ' Lugdun. xv. 86 sq. The preface to See Mabillon's Annates Benedict. this commentary shews that Druth- ill, 243. mar was averse to mystical inter- 172 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 oturchX wuo? m other words, attempted to evince the union, or consistency at least, of human reason and theology. In schoolmen . but his philo- sophic system that of Nco- I'latonism. a precursor of this respect he must be viewed as a precursor of the the Western l ± schoolmen1 who, in close alliance with the Aristotelian philosophy,2 were bent on systematizing the traditions of the Church, and proving that the Christian faith is truly rational. But Scotus, while agreeing with the schoolmen in his point of departure, differed widely from them all in his results. He was a Neo-Platonist ; and, like the Alexandrian doctors of an earlier age, could see in Chris- tianity no more than a philosophy, — an earthly manifestation of the Absolute, intended to direct and elevate the human spirit and prepare it for eventual absorption into God.3 It is a startling feature of the times that one, whose theories were so divergent from the teaching of the Church, was called to speak as an authority on two of the most awful topics of the faith. These were the doctrines of Predestination and the Eucharist; which, owing to the great activity of thought engendered in the Carlovingian schools, were now discussed with unwonted vehemence. The former of these controversies4 took its rise from 1 For the rise of scholasticism in the East, see above, pp. 61, 76, 77. Its cradle, or at least the earliest school in which it was cultivated by the Westerns, was the monas- tery of Bee in Normandy. Lan- franc and Anselm (afterwards arch- bishops of Canterbury) took the lead in its diffusion (see Mohler's Schriftcn mid Aufsdtze, i. 32 sq.): Lanfranc having first tried the temper of his new weapon in the eucharistic controversy with Be- rengarius : see below. 2 The logical writings of Aris- totle (the first two treatises of the Organon) were known in the West from the ninth century, but only, till the thirteenth, by the Latin translation of Boethius. Cousin's Ouvrages inedites d' Abelard, Introd. p. li. : Smith's Biog. Diet. i. 325. 3 On the whole of his philo- sophico-religious system, see Bitter, Gescli. der Christ. Philosophic, in. 206 sq.; Neander, vi. 163 sq.; and Guizot, Lect. xxvm. His pan- theism is clearly established by the treatise De Divisione Natura, ed. Oxon. 1681 : but OAving to the dormant state of the human in- tellect, very much of his philoso- phizing was unintelligible to the age. He seems to have imbibed that tendency from his familiarity with Greek writers, and especially Avith Dionysius the Areopagite, whom he translated into Latin. This translation excited the sus- picions of pope Nicholas I. (Mansi, xv. 401). 4 The great authority is Mau- guin's collection of ancient authors, De Prcedestinatione et Gratia, Paris, —1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 173 Gottskalk, who in earlier life had been a monk of Fulda, church^ under the eye of Rabanus Maurus : but had left it for ~ , . . , ' , , Gottskalk the cloister of Orbais in the diocese of Soissons. Going (a. 868) i far beyond his favourite author, St. Augustine,5 he main- destmanan -ii • .. i ■• . /. -r^. . controversy. tamed the most rigorous opinions on the subject ot Divine predestination, stating it in such a way as to imperil human freedom. He contended for a twofold system of decrees (' prgedestinatio duplex'), which consigned the good and H^itZnSeme bad, elect and reprobate alike, to portions from eternity allotted to them, irrespectively of their own conduct in the present life. In other words, Divine foreknowledge in his system was identified completely with predestina- tion; and the latter was as arbitrary in relation to the lost as to the saved, — the one infallibly attaining to eternal life, the other being so necessitated to continue in his sins, that he can only be in name a subject of God's grace, and only in ajjpearance a partaker of the sacraments. The Church had hitherto been occupying, on the pre- fZmuZTlf sent as on other kindred points, an intermediate place, the Church- affirming, but with no attempt to reconcile, the absolute necessity of superhuman powers, while she insisted on the salvability of all men. Notwithstanding her profound respect for St. Augustine and her hatred of Pelagianism, she did not countenance the fatalistic theory of grace, which threatens, and constructively subverts, the principle of our responsibility to God. Accordingly, as soon as Gottskalk published his opinions,6 he encountered a de- 1650: cf. Ussher's Gotteschalci ct torum ad requiem, sive reproborum Pro?dest. Controv. Hist. Dublin, ad mortem' is at least as old as 1631; Cellot's Hist. Gotteschalci Isidore of Seville, Sentent. lib. u. Prcedestinatiani, Paris, 1655. c. 6. 5 See a fair statement of this 6 He appears to have had an vexed question in Guizot's Civihza- earlier controversy with Rabanus, tion in France, Leet. v. It is while he was a monk at Fulda plain, however, that in some pas- (Kunstmann's Hrabanus Maurus, sages of St. Augustine he made p. G9) ; but he did not develope use of language bordering on the his opinions fully till some years positions of Gottskalk ; and the later, when he was returning from ' gemina prsedestinatio sive elec- a tour in Italv. He then dis- 174 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 WESTERN CHURCH. Rabanus Maurus his opponent. Gottskalk at the synod of Mayence (848), imprisoned by archbp. Hincmar (849)- cisive opposition from the leading doctors of the age. His old superior, Rabanus Maurus, now archbishop of Mayence, influenced (it may be) to some extent by personal dislike, put forth a vehement reply to what he deemed an utter violation of the faith. Although himself a warm believer in the doctrine of Divine decrees,1 Rabanus shrank from all approximation to the thought that the causality of sin is traceable to God. In his view the Divine foreknowledge is distinguishable from Divine predestination ; and those only whom the Lord foreknows as the incorrigibly wicked, are abandoned to eternal death (' praesciti'). Gottskalk, in the following year (848), defended his positions1' at the council of Mayence, stating (it is said) emphatically that the scriptural phrases which record our Saviour's death for all men should belimited to the ' elect' ; and that the rest of the human family, as the result of a constraining act of God, have been irrevocably destined to perdition.3 As the voice of the synod was against him, Gottskalk was now handed over to his metropolitan, the proud and energetic Hincmar, who soon afterwards (849) procured his con- demnation4 at Kiersy-sur-Oise (Carisiacum), and shut him closed them to Notting, bishop of Verona (847), who brought the question under the notice of lla- banus Maurus. 1 Nearly all the statements in his Epist. ad Noting um (apud Mau- guin, i. 3) are borrowed from the works of St. Augustine and Prosper. Neander, vi. 18-3. 2 See fragments of his defence in Hincmar, de Prcedestinatione, c. 5, c. 21, c. 27 : of. Fuldenses Annates (in Pcrtz) a.d. 848. 3 ltabani Epistola Synodalis ad Jlincmaru/n (Mansi, xiv. 914): ... ■ quod pnedestinatio Dei. sicut in bono, sic ita et in malo : et tales sint in hoc mundo quidam, qui propter prsedestinationem Dei, quae eos cogat in mortem ire, non possent ab errore et peccato sc corrigere ; quasi Deus eos fecisset ab initio incorrigibiles et pcenac obnoxios in interitum ire'. But it must be borne in mind, that this statement of the views of Gottskalk is the work of an adversary, and as such may have been overcolourcd. * Mansi, xiv. 919. By this synod, the unfortunate monk was ordered to be flogged, according to a rule of St. Benedict, for troubling the deliberations on ecclesiastical affairs, and intermeddling with politics. While he lay in prison at the monastery of Hautvilliers, he wrote two more confessions of his faith, adhering to his former tenets : Mauguin, i. 7. The im- portance he attached to the con- troversy may be estimated from the violent language of his prayer — 1073J State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 175 up in a monastic prison, where he lingered under the ban church* of the archbishop till 868, refusing to abjure or modify his errors. But the controversy kindled by him in the Frankish Church was not so easily extinguished. Many influential ^j^T? "* writers, either moved by pity for his barbarous fate5 or by their predilection for his theological opinions, had imme- diately appeared in his behalf. Of these the chief were Prudentius,6 bishop of Troyes ; Servatus Lupus,7 the ac- complished abbot of Ferrieres ; and Ratramnus,8 a learned monk of Corbey ; none of whom, however, would commit himself to the extreme positions of his client. They af- firmed that the predestination of the ivicked is not absolute, but is conditioned on Divine foreknowledge of all sins that would result from the voluntary act of Adam, — holding fast, on this and other points, to the more sober views of St. Augustine. Hincmar and his party were now driven to defend their harsh proceedings, and as they could no longer count upon the help of Rabanus Maurus, who withdrew entirely from John ScoUa 1 ' J writes ayainst the conflict,9 they put forward as the champion of their him • 'Te precor, Domine Deus, gratis to whom Gottskalk had eventually Ecclesiam Tuam custodias, ne sua appealed : Hincmar, Opp. n. 240, diutius earn falsitate pervertant 290, ed. Sirmond. [alluding to his opponents], hare- 6 See his Letter to Hincmar seosque suae pestifera de reliquo pra- (circ. 849) in Cellot's Hist. Gottes- vitate subvertant, licet se suosque chal. Pr. 212. _ ed. D'Aehery, Append. pp.71sq.), ° Seethe statement of the writer 4 ' Crcdimus terrenas sub»tan- quoted above, n. 2. —1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 185 disaffection to the reigning pontiff, made a common cause ^upch* with the more stringent cardinals ; and in 1078, the author of the movement, which continued to distract the Western Church, was cited to appear a second time at Kome.7 Ciie<1 10 . ' r± appear again The pope himself, adducing the authority of Damiani as f*l°me' an equipoise to that of Lanfranc, was at first content with an untechnical confession that ' the bread and wine are, after consecration, the true Body and Blood of Christ'; which the accused was ready to accept.8 But other mem- bers of the Roman church, incited by the cardinal Benno,9 Gregory's implacable opponent, now protested that, as formulas like these did not run counter to the faith of Berengarius, he should be subjected to a stricter test. To this demand the pope was driven to accede,10 and in a numerous council,11 held at Rome in the following Fe- bruary (1079), the faith of the accused again forsook him. He subscribed a new confession teaching: the most rig;orous h%» second ° ~ recantation, form of transubstantiation,12 and retired soon afterwards 1079. from Rome with testimonials of his orthodoxy granted by the pope.13 As in the former case, his liberation was ac- companied by bitter self-reproach ; but though he seems to have maintained his old opinions14 till his death, in 1088, 7 Mansi, xix. 761 sq., and the ia ' Corcle credo ct ore confiteor, account of Berenger himself in panem et vinum, qua? pommtur in Martene and Durand's Thesaur. altari, per mysterium sacrse ora- Anecdot. iv. 103. tionis et verba nostri Redemtoris 8 ' Profiteor panem altaris post substantia-titer converti in veram ct consecrationem esse verum corpus propriam et vivificatricem carncm Christi, quod natum est de Vir- et sanguinem Jesu Christi Domini gine, quod passum est in cruce, nostri, et post consecrationem esse quod sedet ad dexteram Patris ; verum Christi corpus, q\iod natum et vinum altaris, postquam conse- est de Virgine, et quod pro salute cratum est, esse verum sanguinem, mundi oblatum in cruce pependit qui manavit de latere Christi'. .... non tantum per signum et 9 He calls in question the ' or- virtutem Sacramenti, sed in pro- thodoxy' of Gregory himself, as prietatenatura>etvcritute substantia'. •well he might, for fraternizing with 1S D'Achery's Spieileg. in. 413. Berenger. See his work Dc Vita All who call Berengarius a heretic Hildebrandi (in Goldast's ApoJog. are anathematized. pro Henrico IV. p. 3). u See Giescler, n. 411, and Ne- 10 Cf. Neander, vi. 244, 24-5. ander, vi. 247, on the one side ; and 11 Mansi, xx. 523. Dollingcr, in. 79, 80, on the other. 186 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D. 814 WESTERN CHURCH. Summary of liis belief. no further measures of repression were adopted by his foes. With him expired an able but inconstant champion1 of the primitive belief respecting the true Presence in the Supper of the Lord. While he contended that the sub- stance of the elements is not destroyed at consecration, he regarded them as media instituted by the Lord Himself for the communication, in a supernatural manner, of His Body and His Blood to every faithful soul. He argued even for the fitness of the term ' conversion' as equivalent to ' consecration', and in this respect allowed a change in the bread and wine ; a change, however, which, according to his view, was nothing like a physical transubstantiation, but was rather a transfiguration, which the elements ap- peared to undergo when contemplated by a living faith in Christ, who had appointed them as representatives and as conductors of Himself. The great bulk of the church-writers who had been produced in the period under our review, are far less worthy of enumeration. We must not, however, pass in silence men2 like JElfred the Great, the Charlemagne of England (871—901), who, after struggling with the bar- barous Northmen, and at length subduing them, stood ms influence forward as the ardent patron of the Church and a restorer as a patron of n , . . ,, „ . 1 i 1 • h 1 i learning a,ui ot religion. Almost every trace ot native scholarship had been obliterated in the conflict with the Danes, but through the holy efforts of the king himself,4 assisted by a band JElfred the Great (d. 901). 1 The later Roman Catholic writers, Mabillon, Martene, and Durand, admit, after the discovery of some original documents, that he only denied transubstantiation, but conceded a 'real presence'. Gieseler, ibid. It is plain, how- ever, that the movement which he headed, numbered others who denied the presence of the Lord in any sense whatever : see above, p. 183, n. 9. 2 Cf. The Laics of Uoicel the Good, the Cambrian prince and legislator of the 10th century. 3 See above, p. 93, n. 6. 4 A Jubilee edition of his Com- plete Works is now in course of publication. His most valuable treatises (ecclesiastically speaking) are the Anglo-Saxon editions of the Pastoral of Gregory the Great, and Bede's Church- History : to which we may add the freer ver- -1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 187 of literati,5 a new impulse was communicated to the spi- ritual and intellectual progress of the Anglo-Saxon race. The English, it is true, like other churches of the west,6 was not exempted from the corruptions which prevailed so widely in the tenth century : but from the age of iElfred, a more general diffusion of religious truth, in the ver- nacular language, raised the standard of intelligence. His policy was carried out7 by iElfric, the Grammarian, arch- bishop of Canterbury* (995—1006) ; who, in addition to a list of elementary school-books,9 left behind him eighty Anglo-Saxon Homilies, compiled in almost every case from earlier doctors of the west. He found an active coadjutor1" in his namesake and disciple, iElfric Batta (Putta), arch- bishop of York (1023—1051), and in the bishop (? of WESTERN CHURCH. sion of Boethius de Consolatione and the Soliloquies of St. Augustine. The Laics of King Alfred are re- published in Thorpe's Ancient Laws, &c. i. 44 — 101. It was mainly through the influence of king iElfred that so many ver- nacular glosses on the Scriptures and the Service-books were under- taken at this period. See Wright, ubi srip. pp. 426, 427. The Hide of St. Benedict was afterwards trans- lated into Anglo-Saxon by Ethel- wold. Ibid. 440. 5 Some of these Avere Plegmund archbp. of Canterbury, who died 923 ; Wan-frith, bp. of Worcester (d. 915), and Dene wulf, originally a swineherd and afterwards bp. of Winchester. Grimbald, a Prankish monk, and John of Corbey (con- founded with John Scotus Erigena) were some of the foreign coadju- tors : but still more appears to have been due to Asser, the bio- grapher of ^Elfred, and a native of Wales. See Wright's Biograph. Brilan. (Anglo-Saxon Period), pp. 405—418. 6 The almost solitary exceptions on the continent, at least till the close of the tenth century, are Ra- therius of Verona, and Atto of Ver- celli ; see above, p. 156, n. 1; p. 153, n. 7. The latter, it may be added, wrote a Commentary of some value on the Epistles of St. Paul: ed. Vercelli, 1768. 7 See his Preface to the Homilies, where, in declaring that his aim was to edify unlettered people, who knew nothing but ' simple English', he alludes to the 'pru- dent' labours of king /Elfred. 8 The difficulty of distinguishing between the many owners of the name of iElfric is confessed on every hand. See Wharton's Dis- sertatio utrum Elfricns Gramma- ticus? (who makes the most dis- tinguished JElfric an archbishop of York) : and, on the other side, More's De jElfrico Dorobernensi Ar~ chiepiscopo, ed. Thorkelin, Lond. 1789. The editor of the ^Elfric Homilies (Mr. Thorpe) assigns them to the archbishop of York. It may be that the two great iElfrics, tutor and pupil, were joint con- tributors to the vernacular litera- ture. 9 See Wright, ubi sup. 485, 486. 10 Ibid. 497, where it is shewn to be not improbable that^Elfric Batta spoke of the Eucharist in terms resembling those employed by his Mlfric of Canterbury (d. 1006;! Mlfric of York (d. 1051). Wulfstan, or Lupus (? d. 1023). 1 88 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. d. 814 chukch* Worcester) Wulfstan or Lupus, who has also left us many Homilies in the language of the country.1 On the continent of Europe very few of the scholars Gerbert, or had attained to greater celebrity than Gerbert, a monk Silvester II. . .,, -, , , o-i tt / \ (d. 1003). of Aunllac, and subsequently pope bilvester 11. (999—1003). His fund of scientific knowledge was derived from the Muhammedans f and, as the fruit of an awakened intel- lect, he was at first a strenuous adversary of the ultra- papal claims.3 His influence was extended far and near, Ftdbert, bishop especially by a distinguished pupil, Fulbert, in whose ("d. 1028). hands the school of Chartres grew into a mighty agent for diminishing the darkness of the age. By this and other kindred institutions4 it was shewn that a fresh era of comparative illumination had now opened in the west. The seeds of knowledge and of moral culture, planted in the time of Charlemagne, were beginning to produce more salutary fruits ; for though the systems of the schoolmen were in many points imperfect, they may justly be regarded as a great advance upon the barbarism which marked the seventh century, and the materializing spirit of the tenth. fellow-worker of Canterbury in the 8 See above, p. 149, n. 7. His famous Paschal Homily; see above, mathematical and astronomical p. 181, n. 4. learning was suspected; and the 1 See Wanley's Catalogue of vulgar thought him guilty of al- Anglo- Saxon MSS, (inHickes' The- liance with the devil. Only a few saurus), n. 140 — 143. There was of his works have been published. another Wolstan (or Wulfstan) at See especially his Epistles, in the the close of the tenth century. Scriptores Franc, ed. Duchesne, He was a monk of Winchester and II. 787 sq. His treatise on the a respectable Latin poet. Wright, Eucharist is mentioned above, pp. 471— 474. Contemporary with p. 181, n. 8. him was the Latin poetess Ros- 3 See above, p. 149, n. 7. witha, a nun of Gandersheim. 4 Those more especially influ- See her Carmina, ed. Witemb. enced by Gerbert were Bobbio, 1707. Rheims, Aurillac, Tours, and Seus. —1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 189 EASTERN CHURCH. EASTERN CHURCH. The Eastern Church, while it continued to preserve- its former intellectual level,5 manifested a deplorable defect of earnestness and moral health. We gather this especially from records of the image-controversy, which, although it T,,e revival had rapidly subsided after the council of Nicasa (787), iconoclastic . . . v controversy. started into life again at the commencement of the present period. It had been revived, indeed, by some of the Frankish prelates6 (such as Agobard and Claudius of Turin) ; but there, as images were not so grievously abused, the agitation they excited was not permanent. In the Byzantine capital, however, the Iconoclasts grew up into a powerful body, and were able, for a time at least, to sway the fortunes of the Eastern Church. The germs of a reaction seem to have been always cherished in the army, who, as we observed, had been the main support of an Iconoclastic monarch f and when Leo the Armenian (813—820) was invested with the purple, Lco fhe. ' f x l 7 Armenian they rejoiced to see him take the lead in the suppression (d. 320). of all images (the symbol of the cross excepted). Leo strove at first to bring about his reformation by conciliatory 3 Above, pp. 76, 77. Of the prelates there assembled did not Eastern dissenting bodies the Ax- hesitate to censure the prevailing menians, who are like the Jacobites superstitions on this subject, more in nearly every feature, were most especially in Italy (Mansi, xrv. flourishing throughout the present 4124), and also animadverted on the period. See Neumann's Gesch. der language of the pope in his attempt Armenischen Literatur, pp. 114 sq. to answer the Lib) i Carolini (above, Leipzig, 1836. An attempt was p. 83). At the same time they made about 866 to win them over were opposed to the violent pro- to the Eastern Church, but it was ceedings of the Iconoclasts. Some fruitless. See Spicilvg. Rom. torn. x. of the Frankish prelates even went pt. ir. 449. on a mission, first to Rome, and 6 Above, p. 169, 170. In 82o a then to Constantinople, in the ca- synod had been held at Paris under pacity of mediators between the Louis- lc-Debonnaire, for the pur- pope and the emperor Michael II. pose of ascertaining what the See Life of Louis-le-Debonnaire, in Fathers thought of the use of Pertz, n. 631. images in Divine worship. The 7 Above, p. 81. 190 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D. 814 Htudite. church nieans j1 Dut as Nicephorus, the patriarch of Constantinople, was inflexibly devoted to the present ritual of the church, ofiYicephoru/: he fell under the severe displeasure of the court. As in the former time, the spirit of resistance still continued and the to be strongest in the monks." They were now headed Constantino- ° ■•• / * poiitcm monks by the abbot of the SStudion (a great monastery of Con- under stantinople). Theodore Studita (759—826), who maintained Theodore the . . . that an inferior worship (7rpoaKvvr/cn<;) of the sacred images was to be recognized as an essential article of faith.3 His violence, united with the firmness of Nicephorus, impelled the emperor to enter on a strenuous course of action. He forbade the public meetings of the monks, and bound them to maintain a total silence on the subject of dispute ;4 himself avowing no desire at present to expel the images entirely. But as soon as he could count upon the help of many of the bishops, he convened a synod5 at Con- stantinople (815) for this purpose ; and, on finding that Iconoclastic synod (815): 1 He represented, among other things, that the ' people' were op- posed to image- worship (d X«o9 OKav6a\i£,t Tin oid t«v ftKovas, A<=- yOVTtt OTI K0LKW9 a['iT(i^ TTpOtTKVVOV- piV, Ks'"ppe>-s. and died in prison or in exile.7 The accession of the new emperor, Michael II. (820— Gentle policy 829), filled the image- worshippers with hope. He tolerated them on principle, and laboured even to effect a general understanding in the disputants on either side.8 But men like Theodore the Studite could not listen to a propo- sition, which in their eyes would involve a compromise of truth.9 The schism was, accordingly, continued to the end of the present reign. effect a compromise between the opposite extremes. The images or pictures were to be raised into a higher part of the churches, ' ne ab indoctioribus et iniirmioribus adorarentur'. 6 The conforming party, who re- sorted to a kind of mental reserva- tion (oinovo/xia, as they called it), were regarded by the rest as traitors. See the Letter of Theo- dore to Nicephorus, the banished patriarch, lib. n. tp. 18. We learn from another of these letters (lib. ii. ep. 215) that men of his way of thinking travelled into Italy for ordination, shunning the Iconoclasts as nothing less than heretics. They did not, however, yield to the exclusive theory of Rome, but viewed the pope as one of the patriarchs (to irtvTaKopvtpov KpaTos rijs EKicAfjcrias), though granting him the first place in general councils (lib. n. ep. 129). 7 See, besides the Life of Theo- dore, n. §> the touching story of his pupil, JMicetas, another Studite monk, in the Act. Sanct., Febr. torn. i. 5o8 sq. 8 See the Life of Theodore the Studite, as above, c. 102—122. This emperor, in writing to the Western Church (as above, p. 189, n. 16), has left a most melancholy picture of the extravagancies of the image- party. ' Psallebant et adorabant, atque ab eisdem imaginibus auxi- lium petebant. Plerique autem linteaminibus easdem imagines cir- cumdabant, et filiorum suorum de baptismatis fontibus susceptrices [i.e. sponsors] faciebant Quiclam vero sacerdotum et cleri- corum colores de imaginibus ra- dentes, immiscuerunt oblationibus et vino,' etc. Even Theodore him- self, while arguing for the absolute necessity of images for fixing in our minds the truth of the In- carnation, was compelled to ac- knowledge that, in some cases, reverence for them had issued in idolatry. See, for instance, his Epist. lib. ii. ep. 151 : and Ne- ander, vi. 281, 282. 9 Epist. lib. ii. ep. 171. 192 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 li£SSS? Theopliilus, the heir of Michael II., succeeded to the CM U lit .11. ■*■ ' ' throne in 829, and for thirteen years directed all his energies to silence and convert the monks, who clung as Persecutions, formerly to image-worship. Very many of his acts are TheophUus stained by cruelty, although his enemies have been unable to deny that he was zealous in promoting, what he deemed, the cause of God, and upright in discharging his imperial images finally duties.1 But it happened now, as at the death of Leo IV.: restore)/ under _ L | ' rhenium liis able and intriguing relict, Theodora, who administered 843. . . . . affairs in the minority of her son (Michael III.), restored the interdicted worship,'2 banished John the Grammarian, patriarch of Constantinople, who was true to his opinions, and established in his place a zealot named Methodius. On the first Sunday of Lent (Feb. 19, 843), the use of images was introduced afresh into the churches of the eastern metropolis, where the event has been commemo- rated ever since by an annual feast, entitled ' Feast of Orthodoxy'. With some brief exceptions, the Iconoclastic troubles vanish at this stage. The subsequent decrees of councils at Constantinople,3 in 869 and 879, may be re- garded as the formal winding-up of the discussion, — till it was at length reopened by the Western Churches in the sixteenth century. The literary The master-spirit of the image-worshippers, as we have labours of l & . Theodore the SCC11 already, was the abbot Theodore, the Studitc. Nearly Studite. . . . . . . all his published writings bear upon this point : but he lias left a multitude of other works behind him.4 He was held 1 Sep the evidence respecting council of Nica?a was confirmed. him fairly stated in Sehlosser's In 86!', the third canon puts the Geschickte der bilder-stiirm. Kaiser, worship of the sacred image of our pp. 469 sq. Lord upon a level with the worship 2 Ibid. o44 sq. For the strange of the Gospels : Mansi, xvt. 400, ■way in which her scruples, as to 401 ; xvn. 494. Traces of a short the salvation of her husband, were reaction of Iconoclasm, about 860, removed, see the Continuation of are found in an epistle of pope Theoph.an.es, lib. iv. c. 4. Nicholas I.; Mansi, xv. 161. :| Here, as in the earlier synod 4 See above, p. 190, n. 3. (843 J, the language of the second —1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 193 in very high repute, and thus transmitted the impression fr^fcH1 which was made upon the Eastern Church by John of - Damascus, whom in many features he resembled. In the latter half of the ninth century and the commencement of the tenth, there was no lack of scholars at Constantinople, owing to the special patronage afforded to them by the emperors Basil the Macedonian (867—886) and Constantine Porphyrogennetus (913—959). Indeed the whole of the Age of eaten*. present period witnessed a variety of literary labours in the East, although they are too often compilations5 (or Catence) from the older stores of knowledge. Simeon6 (o MeTa$>pa p. 57, n. 4 ; p. 61, n. 4 ; p. 133. ferences there. Dollinger traces the origin of the 6 Neale's Eastern Church, Introd. schism directly to the Council in Dissert, m. The language of John Trullo (691), when the Greek bi- of Damascus (quoted by Neander, shops shewed Avhat he thinks an vi. 295) is as follows : TloO <5t unjustifiable ' fastidiousness on the Hviv/ma, ovx <*>s i£ ovtoC, dXK' subject of the superiority of the «Ie di' ocutoJ Ik tou Tlarpo^ zk- Church of Rome', in. 83 : cf. iropivoptvov p-ovos yap al-rtos 6 Neander, vi. 298, 299. IlaT-jjjO : cf. Laud, Conf. tcith 6 The following is the title of Fisher, pp. 17—20, Oxf. 1839. a tract by Photius : Km-d twv t?";s 7 J3ee the contemporary Life of TraXaids 'Pfo'^js oti ek IlaTjods Ignatius, by Nicetas Paphlngo, a fxovov kKwopi.ii.Tai to Hvtvpa to warm admirer of him, in Mansi, 'Ayiov d\\' otJx' xal Lk tov Ylov. xvi. 209 sq. According to this It is printed in the Panoplia of authority, Bardas had been ex- Euthymius Zigabenus (pp. 112, communicated by Ignatius on the 113, ed. Tergovist. 1710). On charge of incest with the wife of the introduction of the clause Fi- his own son. lioque into the western creeds, see 02 196 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 Th h 1'lwtins sepaea- Bardas, uncle of Michael III., was followed by the ele- TloX OF ' .' J east and vation of Photius to the patriarchal throne of Constant!- nople (858). He was before a courtier and a layman, but, as happened not unfrequently in such an age, he passed at once through the subordinate gradations of the ministry, and in a week had reached the highest honours of the Church.1 Ignatius was, however, far too conscious of integrity to sign his own disgrace, and sentence was accordingly pronounced against him at a council2 drawn l,e conduct of together by his rival in the following year (859). But as the friends of the deposed were still a formidable body,:t Photius ventured to invoke the mediation of the Church of Rome,4 and for that purpose put himself into communi- cation with the equally ambitious pontiff, Nicholas I. The latter, bent as we have seen on carrying out the Pseudo- Isidore Decretals,5 now came forward as an autocratic judge.6 In this capacity he sent two legates to Constan- tinople (860), but they were not proof against the threats and bribery of the court.7 They recognized the claims of the intruder, Photius (861) ; yet their sentence was ere long repudiated8 by a Roman synod (863), which, after weighing all the merits of Ignatius, did not hesitate to launch anathemas upon his rival. This event was fol- lowed by an angry correspondence between the emperor His claims recognized by papal legates . but denial at Rome, 863. 1 Ibid. Photius urged on his own behalf that the appointment was pressed upon him by the clergy as well as by the court. 2 The report of its proceedings was destroyed at the eighth session of the following council in 86Q. 3 See Photii Epist. in. vi. vill.; ed. Montague, Lond. 1651. * 4 See the reply of Nicholas I. (Sept. 25, 8G0) to a letter of the emperor (now lost), in Mansi, xv. 162 : and the somewhat fulsome letter of Photius himself in Ba- ronius, Annulfi, ad an. Sol), $61. 5 Above, pp. 146, 147. He ac- tually rebuked Photius in 862 for his slowness in perceiving the weight of such Decretals. Mansi, xv. 174. 0 In the Letter to the emperor above cited, and another of the same date to Photius. Mansi, xv. 168. 7 Ibid. xv. 216, where.Nicholas informs the emperor that the un- worthy legates have been excom- municated. h Ibid. xv. 17S sq., 245 sq. -1073] State of 'Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 197 Michael and the pope f while Photius,10 throwing off the fES^p mask and waiving all his former courtesy, proceeded in Ej^^ND a council held at Constantinople to denounce the Latin Church in general, and even to anathematize the pope (867). The quarrel was embittered by occurrences already noted Bis qu in the degree of supported as they were by Louis-le-Debonnaire and Charles- intcllmncc. le-Chauve,7 was very widely felt: it ended only when do- mestic troubles, the partition of the empire, and the savage inroads of the Northmen checked all further growth. The same is, speaking generally, true of England ; but the noble efforts of king iElfred8 to revive the ancient taste for learning rescued his dominions, in some way at least, from the barbaric darkness which continued to oppress the continent of Europe, till the dawn of the Hiklebrandine Tenth century reformation. Nearly all the intermediate time is desert, dark!™' one expanse of moral barrenness and intellectual gloom.9 As in the former period,10 the instruction of the masses ^ecfy °f A # ' Latin was retarded by the multiplicity and breaking up of Ian- lan9w*9*- guages, and, most of all, by the adherence of the Western Church to Latin only as the vehicle of worship. It was 7 In the former reign the lite- 8 Above, pp. 186, 187. rature was almost exclusively re- 9 See, for instance, Mabillon, ligious, owing to the predilections Act. Sand. Ord. Bened., saic. v. of the monarch, but the court and Prref. Other writers {e.g. Hallam, schools of Charles-le-Chauve dis- Lit. of Middle Ages, i. 10, ed. 1840) played a stronger relish for more consider the tenth an advance upon general learning ('utriusque eru- the seventh century, more particu- ditionis Divinae scilicet et humange' larly in France, is the language of the council of Sa- 10 See above, p. 94. vonieres in 859) : cf. Guizot, n. 371. the 206 State of Intelligence and Piety. [A.D. 814 grace8 . 45, ed. Erancof. 1601). the Anglo- Saxon Gospels (best edited by Thorpe, Bond. 1842) are also trace- able to this period. The Slavonic churches of Moravia, Bussia, Ser- via, and probably others, possessed the Bible and Service-books in the vernacular. See above, p. 121, p. 131, p. 136 : but it is worthy of remark, that in the cognate church of Dalmatia, subject to the popes, attempts were ultimately made {e.g. council of Spalatro, 1069) to banish the Slavonic ritual and to substitute the Latin. 5 Above, p. 96, n. 5 : and Wright's Biogr. Brit. i. 427. c Louis-le-Debonnaire had a metrical version of the Scriptures made under his direction (Pal- -1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 209 Still, as writers of the age itself complain, a careful 1S?5g,^fD study of the Bible was comparatively rare, especially abuses. throughout the tenth century ; the clerics even giving a decided preference to some lower fields of thought, for instance, to the elements of logic and of grammar.7 The chief source of general reading were the swarming ' Lives Popularity of of Saints', which had retained the universal influence we Samts. have noticed on a former page.8 The Eastern Church was furnished with them even to satiety by Simeon Meta- phrastes;9 and a number of his wildest Legends were transmitted to the West. The general craving for such kinds of food is well attested by the fact that iElfric had himself translated two large volumes at the wish of the English people, and had subsequently been induced to undertake a third for the gratification of the monks.10 The counteraction to this growing worship of the saints SamUeorsMp. was now less frequent and emphatic than before. The voice of a reforming prelate, such as Agobard11 or Claudius grave's Normandy, i. 188), which, most probably is the Heliand ( circ. 830), an Old-Saxon Gospel Har- mony (ed. Schmeller), alliterative in form. Another Harmony, or Paraphrase of the Gospels, is by Ottfried (circ. 868), a monk of Weissenburg. See this and other vernacular pieces in Schilter's Thesaurus Antiq. Tetttonicarum. The Psalms also were translated into the Low- German dialect (ed. Hagen). Raumer (as referred to hove, p. 96, n. 2) will point out many other fragments of this class. In the eleventh century, Notker Labro, a monk of St. Gall, and Wilhram, master of the cathedral- school at Bamberg, added to the stock of vernacular theology ; the former having published a German araphrase of the Psalms, and the atter a German translation and ex- osition of Solomon's Song;. 7 See the complaint of Notker in eander, vi. 177. Agobard of yons, at an earlier date, in his endeavours to reform the Liturgy, and raise the spiritual character of the priesthood, bears the following witness to the evils of his time : 'Quam phirimi ab ineunte pueritia usque ad senectutis canitiem omnes dies vitse suae in parando et con- firmando expendunt, et totum tempus utilium et spiriUialium studiorum, legendi, videlicet, et divina eloquia perscrutandi, in isti- usmodi occupatione consumunt' . De Correctione Antiphon., c. 18, Opp. ii. 99, ed. Baluze. 8 p. 97. 9 Above, p. 193. 10 See the Preface to an Anglo- Saxon Passion of St. George, edited by the present writer, for the late Percy Society, No. lxxxviii. Time for reading would be found on Sundays, which were still most rigorously observed: e.g. Council of Eanham (1009), c. 15, c. 30; Council of Coyaco, in Spain(lOoO), c. 3. 11 De Imaginibus, c. xxxv : Opp, I. 267. 210 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 814 riassAND °^ Turin,1 did little to abate the ruling spirit of the age. abuses, 'pjjg calendar was crowded more and more with names, incrrnsc hi the occasionally, it is true, the names of genuine saints,2 or saints. those of missionaries who expired in the evangelizing of the heathen; but more frequently they represent a host of mythic beings, coloured, if not altogether forged, to satisfy the wants of an uncritical and marvel-hunting generation.3 In some cases, it is probable, the authors of the Legends put them out as nothing more than historical romances, but the ordinary reader did not view them in this light; and therefore the results to which they natu- rally led, in moulding the religious habits and ideas of the Middle Ages, were extensive and profound.4 Tiieexcessu* Qf a\\ the samts whom Christians venerated more and veneration of the rirgm. more, the blessed Virgin was the chief. The story of her exaltation into heaven obtained a general credence, and as men were often vying with each other in attempts to elevate her far above the common sphere of humanity,5 j they now devised a public service for this end, — the Hours, 1 See Neander, vi. 129. in p. 209, n. 10. Agobard informs 2 e.g. count Gerald of Aurilly, us in like manner that it was usual ' whose life was written by Odo, the for some persons to sing the most ; abbot of Clugny, in the Biblioth. heterodox effusions even in the Cluniacensis, ed. Paris. 1614. He churches; ' non solum inepta et is said to have left many clerics superflua sed etiam profana et far behind in his knowledge of the haeretica in ecclesiis decantare'. Scriptures. De Correct. Antiphon. c. xvni. He 3 e.g. Bellarmine even thinks proposes instead of these to have that the productions of Simeon a reformed Antiphonary, ' ex pu- Metaphrastes were indebted largely rissimis Sancte Scripture verbis to his own inventive powers (they sumcientissime ordinatum'. Ibid. were narrations ' non ut res gestae c. xix. fuerant, sed ut gevi 2)otiierant' ) : but 4 We may conceive of this effect this idea is rejected by another of more clearly by remembering that the Roman controversialists, Leo Ignatius Loyola was fired to insti- Allatius, in his De Simeonum Scrip- tute the Order of the Jesuits by tis, pp. 43 — 47. Many legends reading the Lcgenda in a time of also were repeated of different sickness. An account of the Mar- sauits merely with a change of tgrohgies produced by the present names: Giescler, n. 424, 425. The period may be seen in Schrockh, Church besides was deluged at this xxni. 209 sq. period by 'heretical' or ' apocry- 5 e.g. Peter Damiani (Hilde- phal' hymns and martyrologies : brand's coadjutor) has the folio w- see, for instance, the Pre/, quoted ing : ' Numquid quia ita deiricata, —1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 211 I or Office of St. Mary.5 It was gradually accepted in the jioxs^nd monasteries, where the custom of performing mass on abuses. Saturdays7 to the especial honour of the Virgin also took its rise. The saints indeed were worshipped by the more en- (j^'5r$ie lightened on the ground that every act of veneration paid n^inuworsMp to them was ultimately paid to Christ Himself, and would redound to the glory of His grace:8 but in the many it was very different. Owing to their want of spiritual and intellectual culture, a distinction of this kind was for the most part altogether unintelligible. They would naturally confound the courtiers and the king; in other words, the worship of the holy dead, as understood by them, was bordering close upon polytheism. The formal recognition (' canonization') of a saint, not only in one single district but in every province of the Church (a usage dating from the present period9), added greatly to the downward impulse. ideo nostra? humanitatis oblita es? 8 e.g. Such is the language of Nequaquam, domina Data est John XV. in 993 (Mansi, xix. 169) tibi oninis potestas in coelo et in ' quoniam sic adoramus et terra'. Sermo xlv ; Opp. n. 107. colimus reliquias martyrum et con- His sermons on the Virgin are fessorum, ut cum cujus martyres always in this strain : cf. Soames, et confessores sunt adoremus, ho- Bampton Led. pp. 232 sq. noramus servos, ut honor redundet 0 Hymns in honour of the Virgin in Dominum' cte. Even Ratherius are somewhat older, but Damiani of Verona was an advocate of saint- seems to have been among the first worship in this sense : Prceloquia, who engrafted them on the public lib. iv. p. 892, ed. Ballerin. On the worship of the Church : see his other hand, Claudius of Turin Opuscul. xxxiu. c. 3. It was now (above, p. 170) condemned the prac- not unusual to call her ' mater mi- tice. The ideas of king iElfred sericordiaj', 'beata regina mundi', may be gathered from expressions j sae-steorra', etc. Mabillon (Annal. like the following : ' I Alvred king, Benedict, iv. 462 sq.) traces the in honour of God and of the blessed Rosary, or Psalter of the Virgin, Virgin Mary and of all the saints' to the eleventh century, when it etc. ... 'Whosoever shall misappro- existed in England and the Ne- priate this gift, may he be by God therlands. and the holy Virgin Mary and all 7 Damiani, iibi sup. c. 4. He met the saints accursed for ever'. Codex with opposition when he urged this Diplomat icus, ed. Kemble, n. 106. observance on some of the Italian 9 See above, p. 97, n. 4. The convents. A monk, Gozo, resisted earliest well- authenticated instance it on the ground that it was an of a canonization by the pope is innovation : see Gieseler, n. 428, that of Ulrich, bishop of Augsburg, n. 18. which took place in 993 : Mansi, as P2 212 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 814 tions1 and ^e nave g^anced already at the storm excited by the abuses, images and pictures of the saints. It seems that on the images. close of the Iconoclastic troubles they were now employed in East and West alike, although the more intelligent continued to regard them in the light of historical re- membrancers, and not as in themselves the end, or even the especial channels, of devotion.1 Reiks: A perpetual source of mischief and profaneness was the feverish passion to become possessed of relics of the saints. The gross credulity of some, and the unpardonable fraud of others, multiplied the number of these objects of research to a prodigious and most scandalous extent. They grew 'abuse's0™* ect- a^ leilgth into a common article of traffic.5' Monasteries mi, them. m particular, where many of them were enshrined from motives either of cupidity or superstition, reaped a harvest by exhibiting their treasures to the simple-hearted crowd. A few indeed of the disinterested or less credulous abbots interposed occasionally, and shut up some wonder-working relic from the gaze of the tumultuary assemblage whom it had attracted to the spot.3 Too oft, however, ' the religious', running with the stream of popular opinion, in the previous note. The metro- he dug up almost indiscriminately, politans, however, in some districts Numbers of relics now began to be exercised their ancient right till imported by the pilgrims on their 1153: Pagi, Breviar. Pontif. in. visits to the East. Thus, Simeon 115. of Treves (circ. 1030) introduced 1 See above, pp. 167, 170, 189. A relicsof St. Catharine to the Western remarkable specimen of the reign- Church, where she was hitherto ing modes of thought on this subject unknown: Fleury, Hist. Eccles., is supplied by the Laws of king lib. lix. s. 27. Perhaps no more JElfred (Thorpe, i. 44), where the striking characteristic of the spirit second precept of the Decalogue is of the times has been recorded omitted, but in order to complete than the contest respecting a St. the number ten, we have the fol- Martial (one of the companions of lowing addition, ' Make not thou St. Denis the Areopagite ?) whom for thyself golden or silver gods'. the monks of Limoges endeavoured 8 e.g. Life of Rdbanus Mourns, to exalt into the rank of an apostle, in Act. Scmct. Pebr. i. 513. Glaber See an account of the controversy Radulphus (Hist. lib. in. c. 3) tells in Schroekh, xxiii. 1 15 sq. a story of an impostor who wan- 3 e.g. Gesta Abbatum Trudonen- dered (circ. 1020) from place to sium (St. Tron), in D'Achery's place, under different names, as a Spicileg. u. 664. vender of dead men's bones, which —1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 213 acquiesced in the circulation of the vilest cheats.4 The Tjq^and masses were thus more and more confirmed in semi-pagan abuses. notions with respect to amulets and charms; believing everywhere, to some extent at least, in the protective and the therapeutic virtues of the relics. In connexion with this point we may remark, that Extreme x •* J unctwn. a more ancient practice of the Church, in seeking to ward off the ravages of sickness, now obtained an almost universal currency. This was the rite which subsequently bore the name of ' extreme unction'. It was at the first applied by private Christians,5 and was not restricted, any more than the anterior custom noticed by St. James (v. 14), to mortal sickness only. The administration was however, in the eighth century, confined to members of the sacerdotal class,6 the rite itself attaining to the rank of special ordinances, which, in laxer phrase, were not unfrequently entitled ' sacraments'.7 As might be augured from the cheerless aspect of the solitaries age, a number of the more devout of either sex had been impelled into seclusion, where they lived amid inhospitable woods and wilds. These hermits, it would seem, abounded 4 The number of these finally mortal sickness, by the council of suggested the application of the Pavia (850), c. 8. The Anglo-Saxon j fire-ordeal (cf. above, p. 1C7, n. 7) view of unction may be gathered to test the genuineness of relics. from the Pcenitentiale of Ecgberht, SeeMabillon'sFe*. Analecta, p. 568. lib. i. c. 15 (Thorpe, n. 178). In Schrockh (xxm. 180 sq.) enume- the Canons enacted under Edgar rates some of the most cherished (p. 258) it is enjoined that " the of the relics now discovered or priest shall give ' husel' (the eu- transmitted to the West ; e.g. a, charist) to the sick, and unctiow Tear of Christ, Blood of Christ, &c. also, if they desire it". 6 Cf. Neander, vi. 145 : Klee (Ro- 7 e.g. Damiani speaks of twelvh man- catholic), Hist, of Christ. Doct. rites to which this name is appli- (in German), Part n. ch. vi. § 5. cable, unction in the number : Opp. 6 ' Omnes presbyteii oleum in- n. 180. It may be noted here that firmorum ab episcopo expetant se- although communion in both kinds cumque habeant ; et admoneant fi- was still the rule of the Church, deles infirmos illud exquirere ut the consecrated wine was often ad- eodem oleo peruncti a presbyteris sa- ministered, for prudential reasons, nentur' etc. Bonifacii Opp. n. 24, through a tube ('calamus', 'canna', ed. Giles. The usage is again sane- 'fistula'): see Spittler, Gesch. des tioned, more especially in case of Kelches im Abendmahl. 214 State of Intelligence and Piety. CORRUP- TIONS AND ABUSKS. Pilgrimages, Home and to the Holy Sepulchre. [A.D. 814 ir former I I religion i interval jj most in the tenth century.1 Disgusted with their former selves, or with the desperate state of morals and religion in the town, they hoped to find in solitude an interval of holy calm which they might dedicate to prayer and closer self-inspection. A more earthly spirit breathed in the prevailing rage for pilgrimages. Many doubtless undertook them with a mingled class of feelings, differing little, if at all, from those of modern tourists ; while the rest would view such journeys, as the Church herself did for the most part, in relation to the penitential system of the age. As the more hopeful doctrines of the cross had been forgotten or displaced, men felt that the Almighty could no longer be propitious to them while resorting to the common means of grace. Accordingly they acquiesced in the most rigid precepts of their spiritual director and the heaviest censures of the Church. The pilgrimage to Rome stood highest in their favour during all the earlier half of the present period; the extravagant ideas of papal grandeur and the hope of finding a more copious absolution at the hands of the alleged successor of St. Peter, operating very powerfully in all districts of the West.2 But subsequently the great point of confluence was the Holy Sepulchre, which from the year 1030 seems to have attracted multitudes of every grade.3 1 Capefigue, L'Eglise au Moyen Age, i. 251. 2 See above, pp. 152, 153. Such pilgrims were called Rotnei, Homines peregrini et Rotnei, Romipetce. Ni- cholas I. (862) declares, 'Ad hanc sanctam Romanam ecclesiam, de diversis mundi partibus quotidie multi scelcris mole oppressi con- fugiunt, remissionem scilicet, et venialem sibi gratiam tribui sup- plici et ingenti cordis mcerore pos- centes': Mansi.xv. 280. Individual bishops protested against this cus- tom ; and the council of Seligen- stadt (1022) commanded that the German Christians should first per- form the penance prescribed by their own clergy, and then, if they pleased to obtain the permission of their bishop, it allowed them to go to Rome : c. xvm ; Mansi, xix. 398. A similar proof of independ- ence is supplied by archbishop Dunstan : Soames, Anglo-Saxon Church, pp. 209, 210. 3 ' Per idem tempus (circ. 1030) ex universo orbe tarn innumera- bilis multitudo ccepit confluere ad sepulchrum Salvatoris Hieroso- —1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 215 It must, however, be remembered, that the better class t™n^nd of prelates, even where they yielded more or less to the abuses. externalizinc: spirit of the times, have never failed to The peniten- ts 1 ' tial system <>J censure all reliance on these works as grounds of human the church. merit, or as relieving men from the necessity of inward transformation to the holy image of the Lord.4 A number also, it must be allowed, of the ascetics, both in east and west, exhibited the genuine spirit of humility and self- renunciation.5 Yet, upon the other hand, it is apparent that the penitential discipline of the Church was under- mining the foundations of the truth. The theory most commonly adopted was, that penances are satisfactions False views of . „ . penitence. paid by the offender, with the hope of averting the dis- pleasure of Almighty God. Its operation, therefore, would be twofold, varying with the temperament or the con- victions of the guilty. The more earnest felt that the JUtSJSS* effects of sin could only be removed by voluntary suffer- "^ticism. ing, by an actual and incessant mortification of the flesh. Accordingly they had recourse to measures the most violent, for instance, to a series of extraordinary fasts and self-inflicted scourgings,6 not unlike the almost suicidal lymis, quantam nullus horainum of Orleans, passim,, in D'Achery's prius sperare poterat. Primitus Spicileg. i. 258 — 324. enim ordo inferioris plebis, deinde 6 Thus Anskar, the Apostle of vero mediocres, posthaec permaximi the North, who carried the practice quique reges et comites, marchiones of self-mortification to a high pitch, ac prsesules : ad ultimum vero, could pray notwithstanding that he quod nunquam contigerat, mu- might be kept from spiritual pride lieres multaB nobiles cum pauperi- which threatened him at times : oribus illuc perrexere'. Glaber 'Qua de re tristis factus, et ad Radulph. Hist. lib. iv. c. 6. For Domini pietatem totis viribus in earlier instances of these visits, see oratione conversus, postulabat ut Schrockh, xxm. 203 sq., and the Sua eum gratia ab hac pernicio- treatise of Adamnan, De Situ Terra sissima impietate liberaret'. Vit. Sancta, ed. Irgolstadt, 1619. The S. Anskar. c. 35: Pertz, n. 717. fame of St. James (San Jago) of In the same spirit, Theodore the Compostella (above, p. 100, n. 4) Studite could attribute all he had was now increasing in the west. and all he was to God: A*« See Heidegger, Dissert, de Pere- a-irXdyxvov oiKTipp. l i pi i in Eastern continued to unfurl the sacred banner ot the cross, al- Asia.- most without a rival, among the tribes of Eastern Asia. We are told, indeed, that one of the Khans of Kerait, who bore the name of ' Prester-John', despatched an embassy to Rome8 in 1177, and that a leading member of it was there consecrated bishop. But in 12029 the kingdom of Kerait sank before the revolutionary arms of Chinghis-Khan, the founder of the great Mongolian dy- nasty ; although a remnant of the tribe appears to have survived and to have cherished Christianity as late as 1246.10 While hosts of Mongols poured into the steppes tolerated by of Russia (1223), threatening to eradicate the growing Church, in north and south alike,11 and even to contract the limits of the German empire (1240), the Nestorian missionary, as it seems, was still at liberty to propagate 7 See above, pp. 139, 140. The u See the touching narrative of residence of their patriarch was these incursions in Mouraviev, H ist. still Bagdad. of the Russ. Church, pp. 42 sq. The 8 The authorities for this account centre of Russian Christianity, Kiev, are exclusively English. The letter after a bloody siege, was given up of pope Alexander III. (dated to fire and pillage ; and the metro- Sept. 27, 1177) is preserved in politans transferred their residence Roger de Hoveden, ed. Francof., first to Vladimir and then to Mos- p. 581 : cf. Bronipton's Chron. (in cow, where they groaned for two Twysden's Scrip. X.), col. 1132. centuries under the yoke of the The address is ' Ad Johannem Mongols. One of the native princes, regetn Indorum'. Daniel ('dux Russia?'), supplicated 9 D'Herbelot, Bibliotheca Orien- the assistance of pope Innocent IV. , talis, p. 256. who sent a legate into Russia for 10 Dollinger, in. 287. It is even the sake of negociating the admis- said (cf. Neander, vn. 65, 66) that sion of that country into the Latin Chinghis-Khan espoused the Chris- Church ; but Oriental influence tian daughter of Ung-Khan, the baffled the attempt. Capefigue, : priest-king of the period. n. 106. 234 Vicissitudes of the Church. [A.D. 1073 EASTERN ASIA. Their incur- sions into Europe. Negotiations with a view to their conver- sion. Their adop- tion of Lamaism. his creed, and sometimes very high in the favour of the Khan, whose sceptre quickly stretched across the whole of Persia, and the greater part of Central and of Eastern Asia. The incursions of the Mongols into Europe, joined with a report that some of them had shewn an interest in the Christian faith, excited Innocent IV. to send an embassy1 among them in 1245. Soon after three Franciscan monks embarked upon a kindred mission into Tatary itself.2 They found the Khan apparently disposed to tolerate the Gospel, and a number of Nestorian clergy at his court. But this and other hopes3 of his conversion proved illusive. Actuated, as it seems, by a belief that it was necessary to propitiate the gods of foreign lands before he was allowed to conquer them, the Khan attended with an equal affability to the discourses of the Catholics, Nestorians, Buddhists, and Muhammedans, by all of whom he was solicited to cast his lot among them. In the end, when the posterity of Chinghis saw their arms victorious every- where, they set on foot a composite religion,4 — the still thriving Lamaism, — as the religion of the state. The first 1 A report of their journey and negociation with the Mongolian general in Persia is given by Vin- cent of Beauvais (Bellovacensis), in his Speculum Historiale, lib. xxxi. c. 33 sq. The arrogance of the pope and the unskilfulness of his Do- minican envoys only irritated the Mongolian. 2 They were accompanied by an Italian, John de Piano Carpini, whose report is given as above. The fullest form of it appears in the Paris edition of 1838. 3 An embassy of Louis IX. of Prance (in 12.53) grew out of the report that Mangu-Khan, as well as some inferior princes, were dis- posed to join the Church. The leading envoy was a Franciscan, "William de Kubruquis, whose re- port is in the Relation des Voyages en Tartarie, edited by Bergeron, Paris, 1634. He disparages the missionary labours of the Nesto- rians, and draws a gloomy picture of their own condition. This, how- ever, should be taken • cum grano salis'. His discussions with the various teachers of religion are most interesting. Neander (vu. 71 sq.) gives a sketch of them. 4 It was largely intermixed with Buddhism, or rather Buddhism formed the essence and substratum of it. See Schlosser's Weltge- schichte, Band hi. Th. n. Abth. i. p. 269 : cf. M. Hue's Voyages dans la Tartarie etc., in which its numerous, points of resemblance to the me- diaeval Christianity may be at once discerned. —1305] Vicissitudes of the Church. 235 Grand Lama was appointed under Kublai-Khan in 1260, E^^RN for the eastern (or Chinese) division of the empire.5 Chris- tianity, however, even there was tolerated, and at times respected by the Khans. This feeling is apparent in the history of Marco Polo,6 a Venetian, who resided many years at the court of Kublai- Khan (1275—1293) ; and still more obviously in the re- ception given to a genuine missionary of the Latin Church, John de Monte Corvino,7 a Franciscan. After soiourning Mission of . ' J P Johnde a while in Persia and India, he proceeded quite alone, in MonteCormm, 1292, to China, where he preached, with some obstructions, in the city of the Khan, Cambalu (Pekin). He was joined in 1303 by Arnold, a Franciscan of Cologne. His chief opponents were Nestorians, who eventually secured a fresh ascendancy in China, counteracting all his labours. On the death of Corvino (1330), aided though he was at length Extinction of , , . . . - , x . . a the Latin bv other missionaries, every trace ot the Latin influence influence in China* rapidly decayed.8 A notice of the mighty movements, known as the The Eastern ° Crusades. Crusades, belongs more aptly to a future page : for much 6 In Persia (circ. 1258) Hulagu- Psalms into the Tatar language : Khan, whose queen was a Nesto- and one of his converts (formerly rian, favoured Christianity (Asse- a Nestorian), who appears to have man, Bibl. Orien. torn. in. pt. n. been descended from the * priest- pp. 103 sq.), and so did many of kings', began to translate the whole his successors : but this circum- Bible into the vernacular, but died stance aroused the hatred of the prematurely (1299). In 1303, Cle- Muhammedans (who formed the ment V. elevated the Church of great majority of the population), Pekin to the rank of an archbi- till at last the Christian Church shopric. "Wiltsch, n. 325. The was almost driven out of Persia. Nestorians had already occupied Neander, vn. 75, 76. the see (circ. 1282), and kept their 6 His curious work, De Regioni- hold till the beginning of the 16th bus Orientalibus, written after his century. Ibid. 366. return to Europe, has been fre- 8 The next prelate, nominated quently printed. by John XXII., never took posses- 1 The original account of his mis- sion of his diocese, probably on sionary travels is in Wadding's account of the change of dynasty Annates Fratr. Minor, torn. VI.: cf. (1369), by which the Catholics the sketch in Neander, vn. 77 sq. appear to have been expelled. He instituted schools : he translated Asseman, Bibl. Orient., torn. ill. the New Testament and Book of pt. n. 516, 535. 236 Vicissitudes of the Church, [A.D. 1073 SPAIN AND NORTHERN AFRICA. Others in Spain and Africa. Better spirit manifested in RaymondLuU. (d. 1315). as they subserved the interest of the papacy, entangled the relations of the Greek and Latin Church, and modified in many ways the general spirit of the times, they wrought no lasting changes in the area of the Christian fold. The impulse they communicated to the nations of the west is further shewn by the attempts, in part abortive and in part successful, to eject the Moors from Africa and Spain.1 Too oft, however, the conversion of the unbeliever, in the proper meaning of the phrase, was but a secondary object. The enthusiastic Francis of Assisia is one instance of the better class of preachers; a second is supplied in the eventful life of a distinguished scholar, Raymond Lull3 (1236—1315). When he perceived how the Crusaders had in vain attempted to put down the Saracens by force of arms,4 he tried the temper of the apostolic weapons, and endeavoured to establish truth by means of argument and moral suasion. In the intervals between his missionary tours, directed chiefly to the Sa- racens and Jews of his native isle, Majorca, and the north of Africa,5 he hoped to elaborate an argumentative system (' Ars GenerahV), by the help of which the claims of Christianity might be established in so cogent and com- plete a way, that every reasonable mind would yield its 1 Capefigue, n. 82, 83. The chief agents in this work were the Franciscans and Dominicans. 8 See the account of his preaching to the sultan of Egypt in 1219, in Jacob de Vitry's Hist. Occid. c. 32, and Neale's East. Church, n. 286. 3 See Wadding's Annal. Fratr. Minor., ad an. 1275, 1287, 1290, 1293, 1295, and (especially) 1315: cf. also a Life of him in the Act. Sanct. Jun. v. 661 sq. An edition of his very numerous works was published at Mayence in 1722. 4 At first indeed he thought that arms might be of service in sup- porting his appeal (Neander, vn, 263): but subsequently he con- fessed that such a method was un- worthy of the cause (Ibid. pp. 265, 266). One of his projects was to found missionary colleges, in which the students might be taught the languages of heathen countries, and at length (1311) the plan re- ceived the approbation of pope Clement V. and the council of Vienne. Professors of Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic were in future to be supported at Rome, Paris, Oxford, and Salamanca (Ibid. pp. 85, 95, 96). 5 He travelled, on one occasion, into Armenia, with the hope of winning the natives over to the Latin Church. -1305] Vicissitudes of the Church. 237 JEWS. willing homage to the Lord.6 He acted on these prin- ciples, and after eight-and-twenty years of unremitting toil, was stoned to death in the metropolis of the Mu- hammedans, at Bugia (Bejyah). The fanaticism, which found expression in the violence Attempts to f i /~i Ml • i i i i Christianize of the Crusaders, still continued to abhor and persecute the Jeus- the Jews.7 That wondrous people in the present period manifested a fresh stock of intellectual vigour, and so far as learning8 reached were quite a match for their calum- niators and oppressors. It is true that men existed here and there to raise a hand in their behalf:9 and of this number few were more conspicuous than the better class of popes.10 Whenever reasoning11 was employed to draw them over to the Christian faith, their deep repugnance to the Godhead and the Incarnation of our blessed Lord, as well as to the many forms of creature-worship then prevailing in the Church, is strongly brought to light. Occasionally the attempt would prove successful, as we 6 See his Necessaria Demonstratio Articulorum Fidei. 7 A full account of their con- dition at this period may be seen in Schrockh, xxv. 329 sq. 8 Joseph Kimchi (circ. 1160), ■with his sons David and Moses, •were distinguished as Biblical scho- lars (see list of their works in Fiirst's Biblioth. Judaica, Leipzig, 1851). RabbiSolomonlsaac(Rashi) also flourished at the close of the twelfth century. But the greatest genius whom their nation has pro- duced, at least in Christian times, both as a free expositor of Holy Scripture and a speculative theo- logian, was Maimonides (Moses Ebn-Maimun), born at Cordova in 1131 : see Fiirst, Ibid. Th. n. pp. 290—313. 9 e.g. St. Bernard defended them from the onslaught of a savage monk, Rudolph, who, together with the cross, was preaching death to the Jews : Neander, vn. 101, and the Jewish Chronicle there cited. 10 Ibid. pp. 102 sq., where many papal briefs are noticed, all pro- tecting Jews and urging gentle measures in promoting their con- version. But Neander overlooks a multitude of other documents in which the popes and councils of the thirteenth century have handled the Jews more roughly : see Schrockh, xxv. 353. sq. 11 e.g. Abbot Gislebert (of West- minster), Disputatio Judcei cum Christiano de Fide Christiana, in Anselm's Works, pp. 512 — 523, ed. Paris, 1721 : Richard of St. Victor, De Emmanuele, Opp. pp. 280 — 312, ed. Rothomagi, 1650. A more elaborate work is by a Spanish Dominican, Raymond Martini, of the thirteenth century. It is en- titled Pugio Fidei, and directed first against Muhammedans, and next against Jews ; edited by Carpzov, Leipzig, 1687. 238 Vicissitudes of the Church. [1073 jews, gather from the very interesting case of Hermann1 of Their occa- Cologne, who was converted at the middle of the twelfth monai success. century : but issues of this h$ppy kind were most un- questionably rare. 1 See his own narration of the a convent of the Pramonstraten- process, appended to the Ptigio sians at Kappenberg in Westphalia. Fidei, as above. He finally entered -1305] ( 239 ) CHAPTER X. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. § 1. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION Referring to a later page for some account of the qrganiza encroachments now effected by the hierarchy in the TI0N- province of the civil power, as well as for a sketch of the reactions they produced in England, Germany, and France, we shall at present notice only the internal con- stitution of the Church regarded as a spiritual and in- dependent corporation. In the western half of Christendom the pope, who formed its centre, was no more a simple president or primus, charged with the administration of ecclesiastical affairs according to the canons.1 He had gradually pos- sessed himself of the supreme authority: he was the irresponsible dictator of the Church, the only source of lawful jurisdiction, and the representative of Christ.* The ty* cuimina. 1 Cf. the language even of Boni- cases ' ante factum.' See autho- papa power face, p. 20, n. 4 ; and of Dunstan, rities at length in Gieseler, Per. in. p. 214, n. 2. In the present period Div. in. § 6, n. 7. Among the few individuals were not wanting to limitations to which this power was dispute the claim of popes, who subjected is the case when any (promulgated neiv enactments of dispensation would be ' contra Itheir own (e. g. Placidus of No- quatuor evangelia,' or ' contra antula, De Honore Ecclesice, in prteceptum Apostoli,' i. e. ' in iis 'ezii Thesaur. Anecdot. n. pt. II. qua? spectant ad articulos fidei.' p. 75, sq., and especially Grosse- John of Salisbury (ep. 193, ed. esteof Lincoln, see below, p. 246) : Giles) limits the papal power in ut their power of dispensing with the same manner. Le canons of the Church was al- 2 e.g. Innocent III. Ejrist. lib. i. ost everywhere allowed, in many ep. cccxxvi. 240 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 internal claim which lie put forward m the half-century from OEGANIZA- _ TTT 4 __ tion. Innocent III. to Innocent IV The influence of Gregory 711. 1198—1243), though reach- ing to an almost praeterhuman height,1 was very generally allowed. The metropolitans and other bishops, having lost their independence, were content to be esteemed his vassals, instruments, or vicars.'2 They were said to be appointed ' by the grace of God and of the apostolic see.' In other words, the scheme which had been advocated by the Pseudo-Isidore ' Decretals' was at length in active operation. No one clung to this idea so intelligently or promoted its development so much as the indomitable Hildebrand,3 or Gregory VII. (1073). His leading principles are stated, both in reference to the Church and civil power, in certain propositions known as the Dictatus Hildebrandini.i Trained, while serving former pontiffs, in the art of government, he turned his wondrous energy and diplomatic skill to the immediate execution of the projects he had cherished from his youth. These were (1) the absolute ascendancy of papal power, and (2) the reformation of abuses, more es- 1 The former pontiff, in a passage quoted with approbation by Cape- figue (n. 61), styles himself ' citra Deum, ultra hominem,' and again, ' minor Deo, major homine.' Yet in cases where the popes surrendered any of these claims, their partisans contended (e. g. Dollinger, in. 339) that an unpalatable edict of the Roman see could not invalidate the acts of former synods. At the crisis here alluded to, the French bishops almost to a man ('universi psene Francisc episcopi') determined on the excommunica- tion of the pope himself, if he aban- doned any more of the hierarchical pretensions. See Gerhoh of Rei- chersberg, De Corrupto Ecclcsicc Statu, c. 22. 2 Sec Innocent III. Epist. lib. i. epp. ccccxcv, ccccxcvi. The office of a bishop was regarded as a ces- sion made by him of part of his own universal pastorship. In the Canon Laic (Sexti Decret. lib. i., Tit. ii. c. i.) it is affirmed of the Roman pontiff ; ' jura omnia in scri- nio pectoris sui censetur habere.' The same spirit is betrayed in the absolute limitation of the name ' apostolic see' to the Church of Rome ; thereby swallowing up the other ' sedes apostolical. ' 3 Above, pp. 151, sq. 4 Bowden's Life of Greg. VII. ii. 394. Mr. Bowden (Ibid. i. 50, 51) argues that this series, consist- ing of twenty- seven propositions, ought not to be ascribed to Hilde- brand himself; yet it is obvious that they have preserved, in a laconic shape, the principles on which his policy was uniformly based : cf. Neander, vn. 165. —1305] Constitution of the Church. 241 pecially of those which had been generated by the bishops ™™$[£]{ and the clerics.5 Hildebrand was seconded from first to TI0N- last by very many of the nobler spirits of the age,6 who trusted that a sovereign power, if wielded by the Roman pontiffs, might be turned into an agent for the moral exaltation of the Church. But in the Hildebrandine (or ' reforming') party there were many others who had been attracted chiefly by the democratic (or in some, it may be, the fanatic) spirit of the movement.7 They were glad of an occasion for expressing their contempt of married clergymen, or for escaping altogether from domestic rule. The policy of Hildebrand, on this and other questions, ^efrte* ,;/ was adopted in the main by his successors, Victor III. (1086), Urban II. (1088), Paschal II. (1099), Gelasius II. (1118) ; but owing to the bitter conflicts with the German emperor as well as to the coexistence of an influential anti-pope, Clement III.8 (1080—1100), their usurpations in the Church at large were somewhat counteracted. The two following pontiffs, Calixtus II. (1119) and Honorius II. 5 Above, p. 150. Gregory's opinion,' which he lost no time earnestness on this point can in seeking to exasperate : see Ne- hardly be questioned. Wedded ander, vn. 128, 135, 147; Dullin- as he doubtless was to the idea ger, in. 318. This movement of carrying out the papal claims afterwards became unmanageable at any cost, and wanting therefore, (Neander, Ibid. 202), and it seems as he showed himself, in truthful- that not a few of the later forms ness on more than one occasion, of misbelief {e.g. the invalidity of he was, notwithstanding, actuated sacraments administered by un- by a firm, belief that God had worthy clergymen) are traceable raised him up for moral ends, to the workings of the spirit which especially for the repression of the the Hildebrandine principles called worldly spirit which possessed the up. mass of the ecclesiastics {e.g. Epist. 8 On his death Theoderic was lib. l. ep. 9 ; Mansi, xx. 66) : cf. elected by the rival party, but soon Neander, vn. 116 sq. afterwards shut up in a monastery. 6 Neander, Ibid. 125 (note), 153. Albert (also called ' antipapa'j fol- 7 It is plain that Hildebrand al- lowed in 1102, and Silvester IV. ways counted on the succour of the (or Maginulfus i in 1 105. The last populace (cf. above, p. 158), and wns deposed by Henry V. in 1111, in his efforts to put down clero- when his dispute with Paschal II. gamy, as well as customs really had been adjusted for a time. See exceptionable, he relied on what Jaffe, pp. 519-521. called the force of ' public R 242 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 INTERNAL ORGANIZA- TION. (1124), maintained the Hildebrandine principles with almost uniform success, and in the reigns of Innocent II.1 (1130), Ccelestine II. (1143), Lucius II. (1144), Eugenius III. (1145), Anastasius IV. (1153), Hadrian IV. (1154), Alex- ander IIP (1159), Lucius III. (1181), Urban III. (1185), Gregory VIII. (1187), Clement III. (1187), Ccelestine III. (ll9l), the papal claims, though not unfrequently contested at those points in which they trenched upon the civil jurisdiction, were, in sacred matters, still more generally allowed. With Innocent III.3 (1198), the idea of the Roman pontiff as the organ and the representative of God in the administration of all sublunary things was carried, step by step, into the most extravagant results. He was, indeed, the second Hildebrand ; but owing to the circumstances of the age, he far exceeded every other 1 He was opposed, however, first by AnacletusII. (1130—1138), and next by Victor IV. (1 13S) ; but as the schism did not grow out of political considerations, the do- minion of the papacy was not much weakened by it. Innocent II. was supported by the almost papal influence of St. Bernard, and the peace which he effected was consolidated at the council of La- ter an '1139). 2 Under this pontiff an important decree was made for obviating the divisions which arose at the papal elections: Mansi.xxn. 2 17. (Further regulations were introduced with the same object by Gregory X. : cf. Neander, vn. 266). Alexander III. had to encounter a series of formidable rivals, Victor IV. (1159 — 1164), Paschal III. (1164—1168), CaUxtUS III. (1168—1178), Inno- cent III. or Landus Sitinus (1178 — 1180), backed by the imperial interest ; but his triumph was secured by the exertions of men like our English primate, Eeckct, who appear to have carried with them the general feeling of the age. 3 See Xeander's remarks on his character and conduct, vn. 239 sq. Some of his very numerous Letters were edited by Baluze, in 2 vols, folio : cf. Hurter, Gesch. Pajyst Ink nocenz des Britten, Hamburg, 1834. The towering claims of Innocent and his successors were supported by the new school of canonists (' decretists,' afterwards ' decretal- ists'), which had sprung up es- pecially at Bologna. About 1151, Gratian published his Concordia Discordant turn Canonum [the De- cretum Gratiani], in which he forced the older canons into har- mony with the Pseudo-Isidore De- cretals. As the papal edicts multi- plied and superseded more and more the ancient regulations of the Church, a further compilation was required. It made its appear- ance in 1234, under the sanction of Gregory IX., in five books. A sixth (' Liber Sextus') was added by Boniface VIII. in 1298. See Bohmer's Dissert, in his edition of the Corpus Juris Canonici, Hala?, 1747. —1305] Constitution of the Church. 243 pontiff in the grandeur of his conquests and the vigour ^^L^P of the grasp by which they were retained. Honorius III. TI0N- (1216), Gregory IX. (1227), Coelestine IV.4 (1241), and " Innocent VI. (1243), inherited his domineering spirit and perpetuated the efforts he had made in carrying out his theory of papal absolutism : but the tide (as we shall see Decay of the i n \ l 1 papal grau- hereafter) now began to turn, and at the close of the dear. present period many of their worst pretensions, after calling up a spirited reaction, had been tacitly with- drawn. The following are the other members of the series, dating from the time of Innocent IV. to the im- portant epoch, when their honours had begun to droop, and when the papal chair itself was planted at Avignon, —Alexander IV. (1254), Urban IV. (1261), Clement IV.5 (1265), Gregory X. (1271), Innocent V. (1276), Hadrian V. (1276), John XX. or XXI.6 (1276), Nicholas III. (1277), Martin IV. (1281), Honorius IV. (1285), Nicholas IV.7 (1288), Coelestine V.8 (1294), Boniface VIII. (1294), Bene- dict XI. (1303), Clement V. (1305.) The leading agents, or proconsuls, of the pope in the nerast administration of his ever- widening empire, were the thejmpai ° . legates. legates (or ' legati a latere'), whom he sent, invested with the fullest jurisdiction, into every quarter of the world. Officials of this class appeared occasionally in the time of Hincmar:9 but their mission was regarded as intrusive, and excited many hostile feelings in the coun- try whither they were bound.10 The institution was, how- 4 The papal chair, which he his death for two years and three filled only a few days, continued months. vacant until June, 1243. 8 Known as the ' hermit-pope' : 5 Another vacancy, of two years see Dollinger, iv. 79, 80. He ab- land nine months, occurred at his dicated after a brief reign of three Ideath. months. 6 This was the title which the 9 Above, p. 148, n. 2. Ipope himself assumed, although he 10 Thus Chicheley, archbishop of was really the twentieth of the Canterbury, writes at a still later pame. period : ' Be inspection of lawes 1 The Roman see was vacant at and cronicles was there never no K2 244 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 INTERNAL ORGANIZA- TION. ever, an essential element of Hildebrandine despotism:1 and while its operation here and there was salutary, or was tending to correct abuses2 in some ill-conditioned province, it more frequently became an engine of ex- tortion, and thus added to the scandals of the age. The constant intermeddling of the popes in other churches, by the agency of roving legates, indicated more and more the worldly spirit which possessed them, notwithstanding all their affectation of peculiar purity and all their pro- jects of reform. The ' curia1 (or the court) of Rome3 was now the recognized expression ; and no object lay so near the heart of him who bore the legatine au- thority,4 as the advancement of its temporal interests in legat a latere sent into no londe, and specially in to your rengme of Yngland, withowte grete and nota- ble cause .... And yet over that, he was tretyd with or he cam in to the lond, when he shold have exercise of his power, and how myche schold bee put in execu- tion,' &c. Vit. II. Chiehele, p. 36, Lond. 1681. In the year 1100, when the archbishop of Vienue came iuto England in this capacity, he made no impression on the peo- ple, but departed ' a nemine pro legato susceptus, nee in aliquo legati officio functus.' Eadmer, ed. Selden, 1623, p. 58. William Corboyl, however, the archbishop of Canterbury, who had been sent to Rome, to complain of the intru- sion of a legate into England, re- turned in 1125, the bearer of the very office against which the nation had protested (Gervas. Dorobern., in Tvvysden's Script. X., col. 1663); being elevated to that office by Honorius II. (Monaat. Anglic, ed. Dugdale, ill. 117). 1 e.g. see Gregory's Epist. to the duke of Bohemia: Mansi, xx. 73, He exhorted the civil authorities to compel the acquiescence of Jaro- mir, the contumacious bishop of Prague, ' usque ad internieicin.' According to the Dictatus Ililde- brand., § 4, the legate was to take precedence of all bishops. 2 St. Bernard's ideal of a legate will be found in the De Considera- tione ad Eugenium, lib. IV. c. 4. His picture was, however, realized too seldom : ' Nonne alterius scecidi res est, redisse legatum de terra auri sine auro ? transisse per terrain argenti et argentum nescisse?' c. 5. On the general duties of the legate and his influence in promoting the consolidation of the papacy, see Planck, iv. pt. n. 639, sq. 3 ' Neque enim vel hoc ipsum carere macula videtur, quod nunc dicitur curia Banana quae antehac dicebatur ecclesia Rontana.' Ger- hoh of Reichersberg, De Corrupto Ecclesia Statu, c. 63. 4 The legates constantly urged the right of the pope to dispose of vacant benefices, and even bishop- rics. Planck, ubi sup. pp. 713 sq. At first he recommended individuals, by way of ' petition' ; but in the thirteenth century the ' pieces' were changed into ' mandate' ; and he finally insisted on the promotion of his favourites (some- times boys, and chiefly absentees) in the most peremptory manner, by an edict ' non obstante.' It was —1305] Constitution of the Church. 245 opposition to the crown and every species of domestic o^ganiz-v- rule. tiox. The same desire to elevate and to enrich the papacy, Appeals to though blended in some cases with a wish to patronize the feeble and to shelter the oppressed, is seen in a re- quirement now extended in all quarters, that appeals, instead of being settled in the courts at home, should pass, almost indiscriminately,5 to the Eoman, as the ulti- mate tribunal of the West. Attempts,6 indeed, were made (occasionally by the popes7 themselves) to limit this unprincipled recourse to foreign jurisdiction : but the prac- tice, notwithstanding such impulsive acts of opposition, kept its hold on every side, especially in all the newly- planted churches. The development of papal absolutism, though it tended Effect of papal to protect the bishops from the violence of feudal lords, episcopacy'.' and even to exempt them altogether from the civil juris- diction, swallowed up the most important of their rights. a case of this kind (1252) which privilege merely to buy off the stirred the indignation of Grosse- execution of the laws: e.g. Concil. teste, bishop of Lincoln: see the Lateran. (1215), c. vn. He en- account in Matthew Paris, p. 870, joined that the sentence of provin- ed. Lond. 1639. A former pope cial councils should take immediate (Honorius III.) in 1226 (Matthew effect, and that no appeal should Paris, p. 328) had been constrained lie to Rome unless the forms of law to make the most humiliating con- had been exceeded, fession by his legate, Otho: 'Idem 6 In England there was always papa allegavit scandalum sanctaj a peculiar jealousy on the subject Romanae ecelesia? et opprobrium of appeals (cf. above, p. 16, n. 1), vetustissimum, notam scilicet con- and when this feeling was aroused cupiscentiae, quae radix dicitur om- in 1164, provision was distinctly nium malorum: et in hoc prsecipue, made in the 'Constitutions of quod nullus potest aliquod nego- Clarendon,' that all controversies tium in Romana curia expedire whatever should be settled in the nisi cum magna effusione pecuniae home-courts : Matthew Paris, pp. et donorum exhibitione,' etc: cf. 100, 101. The prelates and others John of Salisbury's Polycraticus, in like manner had required a lib. v. c. 16. pledge from Anselm, ' quod nun- 5 See St. Bernard's remarks, quam amplius sedem Sancti Petri, Ad Eugenium, lib. m. c. 2. Inno- vel ejus vicarium, pro quavis qua; cent III., a shrewd administrator, tibi queat ingeri causa appelles.' cheeked the excessive frequency of Eadmer, p. 39. appeals, on the ground that num- i See n. 5. bers would avail themselves of this 246 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 internal The metropolitans, in cases where they did not also fill ORGANIZA- / ' .. , J . . . , tion. the post ot legate, were compelled to yield obedience to the papal nominee,1 though he might often be a priest and nothing more. The vows of servitude imposed on them at the reception of the pallium1' were exacted also from the other bishops,3 who, in order to secure the friendship of the pope, betook themselves to Rome, and sued for confirmation at his hands. The pride, extortion, and untruthfulness of many of the pontiffs stirred them, it is true, at times into the posture of resistance, and a man like Robert Grosseteste4 did not hesitate to warn the pope himself, that by persisting in extravagant de- mands, the Roman Church was likely to become the author of apostasy and open schism. Yet, generally, we find that a belief in the transcendant honours of the Roman see retained the western bishops in their old con- nexion with it. Galling as they felt the bondage, they had not the heart to shake it off. The stoutest advocates of papal usurpation were the Romanizing spirit of the monks. 1 See above, p. 243, n. 10. The English were extremely scandalized when John of Crema ( tl'25) a car- dinal priest, assumed these novel powers : Gervase of Canterbury (Dorobern.) col. 1663. And we may gather from the following passage of a letter addressed to Gregory VII., that m:iny bishops viewed him as the enemy of all authority except the papal : ' Sub- lata, quantum in te fuit, omni po- testate episcopis, qua? eis divinitus per gratiam Spiritus Sancti collata esse dinoscitur, dum nemo jam alicui episcopus aut presbyter est, nisi qui hoc indignissima assenta- tione a fastu tuo emendicavit' ; in Eccard's Script. Rer. Gen-manic, n. 762. * Above, p. 152. 3 See Neander, vn. 276, 277: Dollinger, in. 332. The protes- tantism of Matthew Paris breaks out afresh at this indignity, when it was urged more pointedly in 1257. He calls the papal edict ■ Statutum Romse cruentissimum, quo oportet quemlibet electum personaliter transalpinare, et in suam laesionem, imo eversionem, Romanorum loculos impreegnare' : p. 956. 4 ' Absit autem, absit, quod heec sacratissima sedes, et in ea proesi- dentes, quibus communiter et in omnibus mandatis suis et pr&'ceptis obtemperatur, praecipiendo quic- quam Christi prscceptis et volun- tate contrarium, sint causa verse discessionis.' See the whole of this startling and prophetic Ser- mon in the Opuscula R. Grosseteste, p. 255, published in Brown's Fas- ciculus, Lond. 1690. There is a copious Life of Grosseteste, by Peege. -1305] Constitution of the Church, 247 members of religious orders. Gifted with a verv larsre internal 1. .1 . . ,,. , . , / ■■ 6 ORGANIZA- amount ot the intelligence, the property,5 the earnestness, TI0N- and the enthusiasm of the age, they acted as the pope's militia,6 and became in troublous times the pillars of his throne. On this account he loaded them with favours.7 Many of the elder Benedictines had departed from the strictness of their rule, and in this downward course they were now followed by the kindred monks of Clugny: but a number of fresh orders started up amid the animation of the Hildebrandine period, anxious to redeem the honour of monasticism, and even to surpass the ancient discipline. Of these the order of Carthusians, siseofthe founded by Bruno8 of Cologne (1084), at the Chartreuse, 1084."** near Grenoble, proved themselves the most unworldly and austere. They fall into the class of anchorets, but like the Benedictines they devoted many of their leisure hours to literary occupations.9 Other confraternities10 ap- 5 Their property was very much augmented at the time of the Cru- sades by mortgages and easy pur- chase from the owners, who were bent on visiting the Holy Land. Planck, iv. pt. n. 345 sq. Others also, to escape oppression, held their lands in copy- hold from the religious houses and the clergy. 6 For this reason they incurred the bitter hatred of the anti-Hilde- brandine school, who called them * Pharisees' and ' Obscurantes' (Neander, vn. 133, 134). When the Church was oscillating be- tween Alexander II. and the anti- pope (Victor), the Carthusians and Cistercians warmly took the side of the former, and secured his tri- umph. See Life of Bishop Anthelm in the Act. Sanct., Jun. v. c. 3. 7 e. g. the abbot was allowed to wear the insignia of the bishop, sandals, mitre, and crosier ; and ex- emptions (see above, p. 159, n. 1) were now multiplied in every pro- vince, as a glance at Jaffe's Regesta Tontific. Roman, will abundantly shew. The nature of these privi- leges may be gathered from an epistle of Urban II. (1092) in Mansi, xx. 652. Complaints re- specting them were constantly ad- dressed to the succeeding popes: e. g. that of the archbishop of Can- terbury among the Epist. of Peter of Blois (Blesensis), ep. 68 ; and St. Bernard, Ad Eugenium, lib. m. c. 4. 8 See Mabillon, Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened. vi. pt. n. 52 sq. : Annates, v. 202 sq. Many of the later le- gends respecting Bruno are purely mythical. Akin to the Carthusians was the order of the Carmelites, transplanted from the East (Mount Carmel). They grew up into a somewhat numerous body. See Holstein's Codex. Regular, in. 18 sq., and Fleury, Hist. Eccl. liv. lxxvi. § 55. 9 Labbe has published their In- stitntiones in his Bibliotheca, i. 638 sq. : cf. Neander, vn. 368. 10 e.g. The Ordo Grandimontensis (of Grammont) founded about 1070 248 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 INTERNAL ORGANIZA- TION. Rise of the i 'isterciant, 1098. Influence of St. Bernard. Monastic orders ill adapted to tht times. peared ; but none of them were so successful as the order of the Cistercians (monks of Citeaux near Dijon), who endeavoured to revert in every feature of their system to the model of St. Benedict. The founder,1 Robert, having vainly sought for peace and satisfaction in the life of a recluse, established his new convent in 1098. Its greatest luminary was St. Bernard'2 (1113—1153), who, after spend- ing a short time in the parent institution, planted the more famous monastery of Clairvaux (Clara Vallis), in the diocese of Langres. Aided by the influence of his name and writings, the Cistercian order rapidly diffused itself in every part of Europe,3 and became ere long the special favourite of the popes.4 It formed, indeed, a healthy contrast to the general licence of the age, as well as to the self-indulgence and hypocrisy of many of its coenobitic rivals.5 But however active and consistent they might be, these orders were imperfectly adapted to the wants of the thir- teenth century. As men who had renounced the business (see Life of the founder, Stephen, in Martene and Durand's Amp/iss. Collectio, vi. 1050 sq. ; Mabillon's An miles, v. 65 sq.): the Ordo Fontis-Ebruldi ' (of Fontevraud), founded in 1094 (Mabillon's An- nul, v. 314 sq.). The Order of St. Anthony, founded by Gaston in 1095, attended on the sick, es- pecially the leprous (Act. Sonet. Jan. ii. 160 sq. ) : the Trinitarians (' Fratres Domus Sanctae Trinita- tis'), founded bv John de Hatha and Felix de Valois (1198), en- deavoured to procure the redemp- tion of Christians who had fallen into the hands of the infidels. See Fleury, liv. lxxv. § 9. 1 See Mabillon, as above, v. 219, 393 sq. ; Manrique, Annates Cis- tercienses, Lugd. 164'2; and IIol- stein, as above, if, 386 sq. Among the other features of the institute we notice a peculiar reverence for episcopal authority : see the papal confirmation of their rules (1119) in Manrique, i. 115. 2 See Neander's Life of him. 3 At the death of Bernard ( 1 153) he left behind him one hundred- and-sixty monasteries, which had been formed by monks from Clair- vaux. 4 e. g. Innocent III. and the council of Lateran (1215), c. 12, held it up as a model for all others. 5 One of these was the order of Clugny, presided over ( 1 122 — -1 156) by Peter the Venerable, who, though anxious to promote the reformation of his house, resented the attack which had been made on it by some of the Cistercians. For an account of his friendly con- troversy with Bernard, see Main- land's Dark Ages, pp, 423 sq., 1st ed. —1305] Constitution of the Church. 249 of this world, to make themselves another in the cloisters q^™^a1 where they lived and died, they kept too far aloof from TIQN- secular concerns, and even where they had been most assiduous in the duties of their convent, their attachment to it often indisposed them to stand forward and do battle with the numerous sects that threatened to subvert the empire of their patron. Something ruder and more prac- tical, less wedded to peculiar spots and less entangled by superfluous property, was needed if the Church were to retain its rigid and monarchic form.6 The want was made peculiarly apparent when the Albigenses had be- gun to lay unwonted stress on their own poverty, and to decry the self-indulgence of the monks. At this conjuncture rose the two illustrious orders f^^£/Ae known as mendicants, (1) the Minors or Franciscans, (2) 1207- the Preachers or Dominicans, both destined for two cen- turies to play a leading part in all the fortunes of the Church. The former sprang from the enthusiasm of Francis of Assisi7 (1182—1226). Desirous of reverting to a holier state of things (1207), he taught the duty of re- nouncing every kind of worldly goods,8 and by a strain of spirit-searching, though untutored, eloquence attracted 6 Innocent III. seems to have We find the germs of it in an early- felt this : for, notwithstanding his sect of Euchites, who, from a desire desire to check the multiplication to reach the summit of ascetic holi- of fresh orders of monks (Concil. ness, renounced all kinds of pro- Lateran. 1215, c. 13, * ne quis de perty and common modes of life, csetero novam religionem inve- Neander, C. H. in. 34 '2. niat'), he could not resist the offers 8 In the fashion of the age he now held out by such an army of spoke of Poverty as his bride and the auxiliaries. Franciscan order as their offspring. 7 See the Life of him by Thomas Before ten years had elapsed, five Celanus, his companion (in Art. thousand mendicants assembled at Sand., Octob. n. 683 sq.) ; ano- Assisi to hold the second general ther, by Bonaventura, a Francis- chapter of their order. Sir J. Ste- can (Ibid. 7+2 sq.) : cf. Chavin de phen's Essays, i. 121, 122. TheOrder Malan, V Histotre de 8. Franqois of St. Clara ('Ordo dominarum pau- d' Assise, Paris, 1845 ; Helyot, Hist. perum') was animated by the same des Ordres, etc., torn. tii. The spirit, and adopted the Franciscan great authority on the Franciscan rules: Holstein's Codex, III. 34 sq.: Order generally is Wadding's An- Helyot, vn. 182 sq. nales Minimum, Roma?, 1731 — 1741. 250 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 internal many thousands to his side. The pope1 at first looked tion. down upon this novel movement, but soon afterwards confirmed the rule of the Franciscans, and indeed be- IJith thcUpo,)c came their warmest friend. By founding what was termed an ' order of penitence'15 (the third estate of Friars), they were able to embrace in their fraternity a number of the working classes, who, while pledged to do the bidding of the pope and to observe the general regu- lations of the institute, were not restricted by the vow of celibacy nor compelled to take their leave entirely of the world. utnsl/Zn'ex- The stricter spirits of this school could not, however, tnme party. ^ gQ eag;iy conmiecl within the limits which their chief was anxious to prescribe. They followed out their prin- ciple of sacred communism, or evangelical perfection, to its most obnoxious length, and even ventured to affirm that Christ and the original Apostles had nothing of their own. A quarrel was now opened, in the course of which the rigorous faction3 (' Spirituales' they were called), deriving their ideas4 very mainly from one-sided views of the 1 Innocent III., after hesitating Collect io Privilegiorum, etc., ed. a while, extended to them a cor- Antverp. 1623, pp. 7, 13. dial, but unwritten, approbation 4 These may be gathered from (1209). In 1223, the order was a production called the Introduc- formally adopted by Honorius III.: tortus in Evangelium JEiernum, see Holstein, in. 30 sq. A pledge which appeared at Paris in 1254, of absolute obedience to the pope The subject is exhausted by Gie- is contained in the first chapter. seler, Third Per. Div. m. § 70; Nicholas IV. was so ardently at- and Neander, Tin. 369 sq. When tached to them that he enjoined Nicholas III. ( 1279) explained the the use of their service-books on rule of St. Francis still more the whole Church : Capefigue, u. laxly, the ' spirituales' grew still 180. more indignant. They were headed 2 Holstein, in. 39 sq. : Helyot, by the friar John Peter de Oliva, vii. 216 sq. : cf. Sir J. Stephen's of whose Postilla super Apocalypsi, remarks on this supplemental insti- extracts are preserved in Baluze and tute, i. 127, 128. Mansi, Miscell. II. 258 sq. In com- 3 They professed to be adhering menting on Apoc. xvn., he has the literally to the will of their founder; following passage: ' Nota quod but the popes, especially Greg. IX. haec mulier stat hie pro liomana (1231) and Innocent IV. (124;5), gente et imperio, tam prout fuit took the other (or the laxer) side: quondam in statu paganismi, quam see their bulls in Roderic's JS'ova \>rou.t poslmodum fiat in fide Christi, —1305] Constitution of the Church. 251 Apocalypse, commenced a series of attacks upon the Q^™mzA- members of the hierarchy and the secularizing spirit of TIoN- the age. A party of these mal-contents were drafted off at length into a fresh community, entitled the Cceles- tine-Hermits5 (1294), but in the end they seem to have entirely separated from the Church, and to have been absorbed into the sect of the ' Fratricelli,'6 where, indeed, they underwent a bitter persecution. The twin-order, that of the Dominicans or c Preachers,' ^LhZaLT took its rise in 1215 at Toulouse. Its founder was the 1215- canon Dominic7 (b. 1170), a native of Castile, although the plan was rather due to his bishop Diego (Didacus) of Osma, who, while journeying in the south of France, had noticed with concern that anti-papal and heretical opinions were most rife, and threatened to disturb all orders of society. His object, therefore, was, in con- cert with the prelates of the district, to refute the argu- ments adduced by the heresiarchs, to emulate their poverty, and win their followers back to the communion of the Church. In carrying out this undertaking, Dominic had been distinguished from the first, and when its author died (circ. 1207) he still continued, with a few of his com- panions, in the same sphere of duty. In 1209 the mis- multis tamen criminibus cum hoc tempore Ccelestini papae non fuit in mundo fomicata,' etc. Ecclesia ^>«j»a verzis.' 5 So called from pope Ccelestine 7 The oldest Life of Dominic is V., their patron: Helyot, vn. 45. b3rhis successor Jordanus, printed, They were, however, persecuted with others, in the Act, Sanct. by the rest of the Franciscans (e. g. August, i. 545 sq. For the Con- Wadding, ad an. 1302, §§ 7, 8). stitutions of the Order, see Hol- 6 See Capefigue, n. 147, 148. stein's Codex, iv. 10 sq. At the Among their supporters may be suggestion of Innocent III., the ranked Ubertinus de Casali, a basis of the rule of Dominic was pupil of the Franciscan Oliva borrowed from the Augustmian : above mentioned, n. 4 : see the and soon after, at a general chapter- Articuli Probationum contra fra- meeting (1220), the principles of trem Ubertinum de Casali indue- Francis of Assisi were adopted, in tarum, and his reply before John so far as they abjured all property XXII. in Baluze and Mansi, Mis- and income. Vit, S. Dominici (by cell. ii. 276 sq. One charge brought Jordanus), c. 4. against him is for saying ' quod a 252 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 INTEBNAL ORGANIZA- TION. Its connexion With the Albi. gensian cru- sades. Controversy between the Mendicants and the Uni- versities. believing province of Languedoc was desolated by the earliest of the Albigensian crusades.1 The leaders of that savage movement found a spy and coadjutor in the over- zealous missionary ; and soon after he began to organize and head the larger confraternity, whose foremost object was the spiritual benefit'2 of others and the vindication of the Church. Accompanied by the notorious Foulques3 (or Fulco), bishop of Toulouse, he laid his project at the feet of the sovereign pontiff in an hour when Rome might well have trembled for its empire in the south of France (1215), and readily procured the papal sanction. In the following year the institute was solemnly confirmed4 by Honorius III. It soon attracted many able and devoted members, and diffused itself on every side. Though parted from each other now and then by mutual jealousies,5 the Minorites and Preachers commonly proceeded hand in hand,6 particularly in resisting the at- tacks which they provoked, not only from the clergy and monastic orders,7 but from nearly all the Universities. They constituted the ' Dissenters' of the age. Presuming on their popularity, their merits,8 and the strong protection 1 See below, ' State of Religious Doctrine,' § Sects. 2 . . . . ' studium nostrum ad hoc debet principaliter intendere ut proximorum animabus pos.simus utiles esse.' Constit. Prol. c. 3. :i Cf. Sir J. Stephen's Lect. on the Hist, of France, i. 221, ed. 1851. 4 The bull of confirmation is pre- fixed to the Constitutions of the order, as above, p. 25 1 , n. 7. Accord- ing to the pope's idea the Domini- cans were to become ' pugiles fidei et vera mundi lumina.' 5 See the graphic picture of Matthew Paris, Hist. Major, a. d. 1243, p. 611. They afterwards contended still more sharply touch- ing the immaculate conception of the Virgin, the Franciscans taking the positive, the Dominicans the negative. Klee, Hist, of Christ. Dogmas (German), pt. n. c. iii. § 25. 6 e.g. the generals of the two orders issued a number of caveats in 125.5, with a view to cement or re-establish friendly relations. Wad- ding's Annal. Minor, ad an. 1255, §12. 7 e.g. Matthew Paris, a. d. 1243, p. 612 ; a. d. 1247, p. 727. He was himself a Benedictine, and implaca- ble in his hostility to the new race of teachers. 8 These must originally have been very considerable, for besides their zeal in missionary labour, they conciliated the good opinion of a class of men like Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, who employed them in his diocese. He defended -1305] Constitution of the Church. 2bi of the Roman court,9 they thrust themselves into the pro- fessorial chairs, and not unfrequently eclipsed all other doctors.10 Paris was at present the chief seat of European learning, and in it especially (1251), the Mendicants, al- though in favour with the king, had to encounter a de- termined opposition.11 For a while they were discouraged by a bull of Innocent IV.,1'2 who saw the inroads they were making on the constitution of the Church, and was accord- ingly induced at length to take the part of the University ; but on his death (1254) they found an ardent champion in pope Alexander IV.13 His influence and the writings of the more distinguished members of their body (such as Bonaventura14 and Aquinas15), aided them in bearing down INTERNAL ORGANIZA- TION. them against the opposition of his clergy, and even charged the latter through the archdeacon ' ad indu- cendum efficaciter populum ut Fra- trum utriusque Ordinis pinedica- tiones devote et attente audiat,' etc. : Brown's Fascic. n. 382. He afterwards bequeathed his library to the Franciscans at Oxford, among whom the famous Roger Bacon was being educated (War- ton, Eng. Poetry, II. 89, ed. 1S40) : though Matthew Paris writes that on his death-bed he complained that they had disappointed his expectations, and had begun to degenerate most grievously : Hist. Maj., a. n. 1253, p. 752. 9 e.g. Gregory IX. (1237) begins a grant of privileges in the follow- ing terms : ' Quoniam abundavit iniquitas, et refrixit charitas pluri- morum, sacrum ordinem dilecto- rum Fratrum Minorum Dominus suscitavit,' etc., in Matth. Paris, a.d. 1246, pp. 693 sq. The popes claimed the right of sending Friars anywhere without the acquiescence of the bishops or the clergy. 10 Most of the theological pro- fessors in the University of Naples, founded 1220, were chosen from the Mendicants. Their first es- tablishment in England was at Oxford, 1221, when, for some time, they produced the leading scholars of the age. Warton, as above, pp. 88, 89. 11 SeeBulaeus (DuBoulay), Hist. Univers. Paris, m. 210 sq. ; Cape- figue, ii. 167 sq. The latter is a warm apologist of the Friars. Their most vigorous opponent at the time was William de Saneto Amore, a Parisian doctor of divinity, who composed his treatise De Periculis Novissimorum Temporum, in 1255. It is printed (as two Sermons) in Brown's Fasciculus, n. 43 — 54. The author was condemned by Alexan- der IV., but reconciled to Clement IV. 12 Bulgeus, Ibid., 270 sq. : cf. Ne- ander, vn. 392. 13 Bulseus, 273. In this bull he exempts them from the jurisdic- tion of the bishops and parish priests. u He was general of the Minor- ites, and often argued for them on the plea of necessity, alleging that the ordinary ecclesiastics were so corrupt as to neglect all their sa- cred duties : see e. g. his Liber de Paupertate Christi contra Magist. Gulielmum, etc. 15 See his Opuscul. xix., contra Impugnantes Dei cultum et reli- gionem. 254 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 ^TF.KNAL resistance, and in virtually supplanting for a time the or- Tiox. dinary teachers of the Church. The Mendicants, as we have seen already, fostered in their bosom many germs of misbelief. In this particular they seem to have resembled the still older groups of T1!''BJni!\s Begums or Beghards,1 who finally took refuge (1290) in the third order of the Franciscans.2 They were chiefly females (' Beguinee') in the earlier stages of their history, but, subsequently, when the number of them had pro- digiously increased,3 the principle on which they had as- sociated was borrowed (circ. 1220) by the other sex4 (' Beguini'). They were ridiculed5 as ' pietists' (boni homines), and in the end appear to have adopted most of the opinions held by the extreme or Apocalyptic school of the Franciscans, so that ' Beguin' often was synonymous with heretic. Another wing of the great army which the Christians of the Middle Age employed for their defence and the iordinJ consolidation of the papal empire were the Military Or- ders. Their triumphant struggle with the heathen of the north of Europe has been mentioned on a former page.6 It was their leading object to combine the rules of chivalry and knighthood with monastic discipline, which they de- rived especially from the Cistercian institutions. £»Sf* Tne Knights Templars1 (' Fratres Militise Templi') were 1 See Mosheim, De Beghardis et p. 805) speaks of the German Beguinabns Commentarius, passim. ' Beguinre' as an ' innumerabilis They seem to have existed as early multitudo.' as the eleventh century in Flan- 4 Mosheim, as above, p. 168. ders. The name (see Ducange, 5 See Ducange, under ' Pape- sub voc.) appears to have been ex- lardus.' tended to all kinds of female asso- e pp. 229, 232. ciations ('collegia') where the 7 See, on their general history, secular and monastic life were par- L' Art de verifier les Dates (by the tially combined. The inmates Benedictines), n. 107 sq., and the ('canonissse') could leave the es- Hist. Crit. et Apologet.dcs Chevaliers tablishment and marry. duTemple, Paris, 1789. Their Regula * Helyot, vii. 251. is printed in Holstein, u. 429 sq. 3 Matthew Paris (a. d. 1251, —1305] Constitution of the Church. 255 founded at Jerusalem 1119, and through the powerful ad- internal o -r> • OKGANIZA- vocacy ot fet. Bernard, the idea which they attempted to TI0N- embody won the sanction of the western prelates in the synod of Troyes9 (Jan. 13, 1128). The order soon extended into every part of Europe, where it was most liberally endowed. Amid the stirring incidents of the crusades, the Templars had abundant opportunity for justifying the discernment of their patrons. On the fall of Acre in 1291, they could maintain the Christian cause no longer, and retreated to their rich domains in Cyprus : but suspicions10 Thedissoiutum of the Order. of their orthodoxy which had once been irreproachable were now quite current in the west. A long and shame- ful controversy ended in the dissolution of the order11 at Vienne (March 22, 1312). Their property was all sequestered and in part trans- ferred12 to what are known as the Knights Hospitallers.13 The EnioMs ....... Hospitallers. organized as early as 1048, to wait on the sick pilgrims in the hospital of St. John, at Jerusalem, but not converted into a military order till the twelfth century.14 They also 8 He wrote his Exhortatio ad Philip- le-Bel and his creature, pope Milites Templi at the request of the Clement V., who also carried off a Grand-master, Hugo de Paganis. portion of the spoil, by levying See also his Tract, de Nova Militia. fines on the transfer of the pro- 9 Labbe, x. 922. perty. The Grand-master and 10 The charges brought against others were burnt by the arbitrary them may be classed as follows : act of Philip. (1) Systematic denial of Christ on n See the remarkable statute De their admission into the order, ac- Terris Templariorutn, 17 Edw. II. companied with spitting or tram- st. in. The 'Temple' of London pling on the cross. (2) Heretical was given, by some private ar- opinions concerning the sacra- rangement, to the earl of Pem- ments. (3) Reception of absolution broke (whose widow founded from masters and preceptors, al- Pembroke College, Cambridge), though laymen. (4) Debauchery, but afterwards passed into the (I)) Idolatry. (6) General secrecy hands of the Hospitallers, who of practice. See English Review, leased it to the students of the vol. i. p. 13. laws of England. 11 The Templars were not allowed 13 Helyot, in. 74 sq. ; Vertot's to speak in their own defence, and Hist, des Chevaliers Hospitaliers, all the English, Sjjanish, German etc., Paris, 1726. and some other prelates were ac- u The Rule given to the order cordingly resolved to take no part by Raymond du Puy (1118), in in their condemnation. This was Holstein, n. 445 sq., is silent as the work of the French king to their military duties : but in 256 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 internal were eiected from the Holy Land with the last army of TI0N- Crusaders, but continued to exist for many centuries. Their chief asylum was at Khodes (1309), and finally at Malta (1530). A connecting link between the rest of the religious orders and the seculars, or 'working clergy,' is supplied Theortervjf by the Praemonstrants (canons of Premonstre), who sprang strant canons. Up \n tne diocese of Laon, in 1119. Their founder, Nor- bert,1 was himself a secular, but on awakening to a deeper sense of his vocation, he resolved to organize an institution for the better training of ecclesiastics.'2 With this object he endeavoured to unite the cure of souls and a conventual mode of life. Accordingly, in some respects, the order of Praemonstrants was a reproduction,3 not unlike the order of cathedral canons ; but owing to the deep corruptions of the latter, they were generally opposed to Norbert's project of reform. Power and The canons, in pursuance of their ancient policy,4 with- dcgencracij of ' L *■ •> ' the canon's. drew still further from the reach of their diocesan. At the conclusion of the struggle which the Church maintained against the civil power respecting the episcopal appoint- ments, nearly all the bishops were elected absolutely by the canons of the diocese,5 which could not fail to add fresh the same year they performed a 5 Thus Innocent III. (1215) en- prodigy of valour. Helyot, p. 78. joins respecting the election of a They were taken under the special bishop, ' ut is collatione adhibita protection of pope Innocent II., in eligatur, in quem omnes vel major 1137: Breguiny, Table Chronol. ties vel sanior pars capituli consentit': Diplomes, etc., m. 4, Paris, 1765. Deeret. Gregor. lib. i. tit. vi. c. 42 1 In his Life by a Pnemonstrant (in Coipus Juris Canon.). Before in the Act. Sand., Jun. i. 804 sq., this time a certain right of assent and Hugo's Ord. Proemonst. Annal., had been reserved for ' spiritales et Nanceii, 1734. He died archbishop religiosi viri' (including, perhaps, of Madgeburg, in 1134. the laity): but by an edict of ■ It was commended in 1129 by Gregory IX. (Ibid. c. .36), it is for- popc Innocent II. (Hugo, n. 109), bidden, notwithstanding any usage who afterwards granted to it many to the contrary, ' nc per laicos, cum privileges. Le Paige, Biblioth. cauonicis, pontificis [i.e. ofa bishop] Prcemonst., p. 622, Paris, 1633. electio prtcsumatur.' This right of 3 See above, p. 47, n. 4. election had long been possessed * See above, pp. 156, 157. by the Scotch Culdces (Keledei -1305] Constitution of the Church. 257 weight to their pretensions. They exceeded all the other ictkun al clergy both in rank and in voluptuousness, regarding the tion. cathedral prebend as a piece of private income, suited more especially for men of noble birth,6 and not unfrequently employing substitutes7 (or ' conduct-clerics') to discharge their sacred duties. Many an effort, it is true, was made t£™*%?m. to bring about a reformation8 of the canons, and in some of the western churches the new impulse which accom- panied the Hildebrandine movement may have been con- siderably felt : but, judging from the number of complaints that meet us in the writings of a later period, those reform- ing efforts were too commonly abortive.9 We have seen10 that many of the functions of the chor- episcopi devolved on the archdeacons. In the thirteenth century the supervision of a diocese was often shared by titular or suffragan bishops,11 whom the pope continued to ™"iarjmd ordain for countries which the Saracens had wrested from ashops. = « servants of God'), who were an order of canonical clergy, some, if not all, of them being attached to the cathedral churches. Dollinger, in. 270, 271. ' They were at length superseded in many places by regu- lar canons, and on appealing to Boniface VIII. in 1297, with the hope of recovering their ancient right of electing their bishop, they were unsuccessful. 6 This plea was urged by the chapter of Strasburg in 1232 ; but the pope (Decret. Greg. IX. lib. ill. tit. v. c. 37) replied that the true nobility was ' non generis sed vir- tutum': cf. Neander, vn. 286. 7 ' Clerici conductitii' : see Du- cange, under ' condtictitius.' This point is dwelt upon by a most rigorous censor of the canons, al- though one of their own order, Gerhoh of Reichersberg. See his Dialogus de differentia clerici regu- laris et scecularis, p. 482, in Pezii Tkesaur. Anecd. torn. II. pt. II. 439 sq. 8 As early as 1059, Nicholas II. and a Roman synod had enjoined (c. 3) the strict observance of their rule (Mansi, xix. 897). In very many cases canons were allowed to have private property : but when attempts were made to reform the order, the new canons ( ' canonici regulares') as distinguished from the old (' canonici sseculares') boasted of their ' apostolical' com- munity of goods. Schrockh, xxvu. 223—226. 9 Planck, iv. pt. 11. 570 sq. 10 Above, p. 48, n. 4. 11 ' Episcopi in partibus infide- lium.' The number of these in- creased very much when Palestine became a Turkish province. Coun- cils were then under the necessity of checking their unlicensed minis- trations : e. g. that of Ravenna (1311) speaks in no gentle terms of ' ignoti et vagabundi episcopi, et maxime lingua et ritu dissoni': see Planck, 11. pt. 11. 604 sq. ; Ne- ander, vn. 297, 298. S 258 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 INTERNAL ORG TION anka- ^s hands. These bishops found employment more especially in Germany. Where they did not exist, archdeacons were Exorbitance of unrivalled in the vast extent of their authority,1 which archdeucons. J ' numbers of them seem indeed to have abused by goading the inferior clerics'2 and encroaching on the province of the bishop.3 In the hope of checking this presumption, other ricars-gencrai functionaries, such as c vicars-general' and ' officials,'4 were and officials. > y ' appointed to assist in the administration of the churches of the west. But these in turn appear to have excited the distrust and hatred of the people by their pride, extortion, and irreverence.5 Synods. The more solemn visitations6 of the bishop were con- tinued ; and he still availed himself of the diocesan synod for conferring with the clergy and adjusting purely local questions. Other councils also,7 chiefly what are termed 1 This may be ascertained from the Decret. Gregor. IX. lib. i. tit. xxiii., which contains ten chapters • De officio Archidiaconi.' 3 e. g. John of Salisbury (ep. lxxx.) complains at length of the ' rabies archidiaconorum.' Some of them, however, were most ex- emplary, travelling, staff in hand, through their archdeaconries and preaching in every village. Nean- cler (vn. 293) quotes such an in- stance. 3 Thomassinus, Veins et Nova Eccl-esice Discipl., pt. i. lib. II. c. 18 — 20. Alexander III. found .it necessary to inhibit the archdeacon of Ely for committing the cure of souls to persons ' sine licentia et mandato episcopi.' Mansi, xxn. 364. 4 Ibid. cc. 8, 9 : Schrockh, xxvii. 160 sq. Other duties of the arch- il were transferred to the ' penitentiary' of the diocese, an officer appointed at the council of Lateran (Decret. Gregor. lib. i. tit. xxxi. c. 15) to assist the bishop ' iijii solum in prsedicationis officio, verum etiam in audiendis confes- Bionibus et pcenitentiis injungendis, ac cseteris, qua? ad salutem perti- nent animarum.' 5 See an epistle of Peter Blesen- sis (of Blois), where at the close of the twelfth century he calls the officials ' episcoporuni sanguisuga?': ep. xxv. Other instances are given by Neander, vn. 294. 6 See above, p. 48. The council of Lateran (1179), c. 4, passed some curious regulations limiting the equipages of the prelates and arch- deacons while engaged on these visitation -tours. 7 Their number may be estimated from the list in Nicolas' Ckronol., pp. 239 — 259. What are called by the Church of Rome ' general' or • (ecumenical' councils, those of Lateran (1123), of Lateran (1139), of Lateran (1179), of Lateran (1215), of Lyons (1245), of Lyons (1274), w^ere such neither in their mode of convocation (having no true representatives from other patriarchates), nor in their recep- tion by the Church at large. See Palmer's Treatise on the Church, n. 162 sq., 3rd ed. Provincial synods were commanded to be held every year by the council of Lateran (1215), c. 7. -1305] Constitution of the Church. 259 * provincial' (or, in England, ' convocations'8) were assem- 0p^^zl_ bled through the whole of the present period. Their effect, TI0N- however, was diminished by the intermeddling of the papal legates and the growth of Romish absolutism.9 From these councils, much as they evince of the genuine ^Tr^oni °f spirit of reform, we are constrained to argue, that the 9eneraltif- general system of the Church was now most grievously disjointed and the morals of the clergy fearfully relaxed. Abuses of ecclesiastical patronage10 which Hildebrand and others of his school attempted to eradicate had come to light afresh. A race of perfunctory and corrupted priests, non-residents and pluralists, are said to have abounded in all quarters11 ; and too often the emphatic voice of councils, stipulating as to the precise conditions 8 See above, pp. 53, 56; p. 165, n. 8. A ' national council' was held under Lanfranc in 1075, by the consent of the crown. (' Wil- lielmus rex. . . .permisitque ei con- cilia congregate'). For the par- ticulars, see W illiam of Malmesbury, De Gestis Pontif., pp. 213, 214, ed. Francof. 1601. The term * con- vocation' is first applied to the annual synod of the province of Canterbury in 1125: see the arch- bishop's mandate to the bishop of Llandaff in Wilkins, Concil. i. 408. The first instance of the meeting of convocation, at the same time with the nobles (or state -council), but in a separate place, occurred iu 1127. See Wake's State of the Church, etc., p. 171, Lond. 1703. The leading object of these ' convocations' may be gathered from the mandate in Wilkins, as above. The bishops, archdeacons, abbots, and priors met together ' ad definiendum super negotiis ecclesiastic is,' etc. An early trace of the representative principle occurs in the records of the ' na- tional council' held in 1237 (Wil- kins, i. 648). The members came bearing ' literas procuratorias' : and in the convocation of 1257 (Wilkins, i. 726), it is said to have consisted of the prelates, ' pariter et cleri pro- curatorum.' 9 Capefigue, n. 65, 66. 10 Above, pp. 154 sq. 11 On this subject, see the Verbum Abbrevia.tum of Peter Cantor (a Paris theologian, who died 1197), c. 34, ed. Montibus, 1639, and Gerhoh of Reichersberg, De Cor- rupto Ecclesice Statu, in Ealuze and Mansi, Miscellan. n. 197 sq. The language of men like Bonaventura (Opp. vii. 330, ed. Lugduni), where, in his defence of the Men- dicants, he draws a most gloomy picture of the clergy, should be taken ' cum grano salis'; but his colouring is not very much deeper than that of bishop Grosseteste (ep. cvn), in Brown's Fascic. n. 382 : cf. his Sermo ad clerum, contra pastor es et pralatos malos; Ibid. 263 sq. Schrbckh (xxvn. 175 sq.) has proved at large from the decrees of councils, that simony, which Hilde- brand and others after him de- noimced, was rife in nearly every country, often in its most obnoxious forms. S2 260 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 ' bnatramed celibacy : organiIa- on wnicu sacred offices were to be held, produced no T10'v- visible or permanent effect. One source of the more glaring immoralities,1 which synod vied with synod in denouncing, was the celibacy of the clergy. This had been at length established as the practice of the Western Church through the astute and unremitting efforts of the Roman pontiff. It is true that even Gregory VII. had been constrained to shew in- dulgence'2 in some cases where the married priest appeared incorrigible ; and in England, at the council of Winchester (1076), the rigours of the Hildebrandine legislation were considerably abated3 : but clerogamy, discredited on every its extension, hand, was gradually disused, and died away entirely at the middle of the thirteenth century. The prohibition was at length extended also, after a protracted contest, to sub- deacons and inferior orders4 of the clerical estate. A and effect. darker train of evils was the consequence of this un- natural severity. Incontinence, already general5 among 1 e.g. Schrockh, xxvu. 205, 206. Men like Aquinas saw clearly ' mi- nus esse peccatum uxore uti quam cum alia fornicari' {Ibid. p. 211); but they all felt that the canons of the Church were absolutely bind- ing, and therefore that clerogamy was sinful. 2 The imperial party, now in the ascendant, won the sympathy of many of the married priests, and Hildebrand accordingly advised his legates for the present (1081) to dispense with some of the more rigorous canons on this subject : Mansi, xx. 342. As late as 1114, the council of Gran (Strigoniense) decreed as follows : ' Presbyteris uxores, quas legitimis ordinibus acceperint, moderatius habendas, pnevisa iragilitate, indulaimus' : c. 31 (in Pcterffy's Concil. Hungar. i. 57, ed. Vienna.' Austr. 1742, though i in Mansi, xxi. 106). 3 ' Decretum est, ut nullus cano- nicus uxoreni habeat. iSacerdoturn vero in castellis vel in vicis habi- tantium habentes uxores non co- gantur ut dimittant ; non habentes interdicantur ut habeant,' etc., can. i. ; Wilkins, i. 367. For the later aspects of the struggle in Eng- land and other countries, see the references in Gieseler, Third Period, § 65, n. 4. Zealots like Roscclin (Neander, vm. 9), contended that the sons of clergymen were not eligible to the office of the priest- hood. 4 Thomassinus, Ecel. Disci]), pt. i. lib. ii. c. 65. According to the Decret. Greg. lib. in. tit. hi. c. 1, a cleric under the rank of sub- deacon might retain his wife by relinquishing his office, but sub- deacons and all higher orders are compelled to dismiss their wives and do penance : cf. Svnod of Lon- don (1108), c. 10; Wilkins, i. 387. 5 Thus the Gloss, on Distinct, i.xxxi. c. 0 (in Corpus Jur. Canon.), adds that deprivation is not meant —1305] Constitution of the Church. 261 the higher clergy, now infected very many of the rest. JJgSnzA- Nor was that form of vice the only one which tended to TI0N- debase the spirit of the seculars and counteract the influ- °*£%£™a? ence which they ought to have exerted on their flocks. Their levity, intemperance, and extortion6 had too fre- quently excited the disgust and hatred of the masses, and so far from meeting with the reverence which their sacred office claimed, they were the common butt of raillery and coarse vituperation.7 The more earnest of their charge ™^^ preferred the ministrations first of monks, and then of mendicants, whose popularity must have been chiefly due to their superior teaching and more evangelic lives. Ex- ceptions there would doubtless be in which the humble parish-priest approved himself the minister of God and was the light and blessing of his sphere of duty : but the acts of such are seldom registered among the gloomy an- nals of the age. §2. RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH TO THE CIVIL POWER. The Western Church was now exalted by the papacy f^To/the as the supreme and heaven-appointed mistress of the State J Pon<£. m or looking at the change produced by this conjuncture, to be enforced 'pro simplici forni- of Political Songs, &c, edited by catione' ; urging, as the reason, Mr. Wright for the Camden So- ' cum paaci sine illo vitio inveni- ciety, and ' Latin Poems commonly antur.' attributed to Walter Mapes' (ap- 6 The prevalence of these vices pointed archdeacon of Oxford in may be inferred from the numerous 1196), edited by the same. These complaints of men like St. Bernard specimens, together with the whole (see passages at length, in Gieseler, cycle of Provencal poetry (the sir- as above, § 65, n. 10), and the de- ventes of the Troubadours and the crees of councils {e.g. Lateran, fabliaux of the Trouveres), contain 1215, cc. 14, 15, 16). The same is the most virulent attacks on the strongly brought to light in the re- clerical, and sometimes the monas- forming (anti- secularizing) move- tic, order. Much as satire of this ment headed by Arnold of Brescia : kind was overcoloured by licentious see Neander, vn. 205 sq. or distempered critics, it had, doubt- 7 See, for instance, the Collection less, some foundation. 262 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 EEto TmP from a different point of view, she ran the risk of falling, power. linder Gregory VII., into a secular and merely civil in- stitution. Having generally succeeded in his effort to repress the marriage of the clergy, he began to realize the other objects that had long been nearest to his heart, the abolition of all ' lay-investitures,' the freedom of epis- copal elections, and his own ascendancy above the juris- diction of the crown.1 In carrying out his wishes he advanced a claim to what was nothing short of feudal sovereignty in all the kingdoms of the west,'2 in some upon the ground that they were the possessions (feofs) of St. Peter,3 and in others as made tributary to the popes by a specific grant.4 struggle of the The chief opponent of these ultra-papal claims was pope with the * x * A German em- Henry IV. of Germany5: but his abandoned character, peror, Henry J J 7 IV- his tampering with the church-preferment, and his un- popularity in many districts of the empire, made it easier for the pope to humble and subdue him. The dispute was opened by a Roman synod in 1075, where every form of 1 His own election, it is true, accepting the German emperor as had been confirmed by the emperor lord paramount of his dominions, according to the decree of Nicholas That kingdom is said to be ' Ro- ll, (above, p. 151, n. 7) : but that mame ecclesise proprium. ... a rege is the last case on record of a like Stephano olim B. Petro oblatum.' confirmation. Bowden's Life of The letter goes on to say : ' Prae- Gregory VII., i. 323. terea Heinricus piae memoriae im- 2 In his more sober moments he perator ad honorem S. Petri regnum allowed that the royal power was illud expugnans, victo rege et facta also of Divine institution, but sub- victoria, ad corpus B. Petri lanceam ordinate to the papal. The two coronamque transmisit et pro gloria dignities (' apostolica etregia') are triumphi sui illuc regni direxit in- like the sun and moon : Ej)ist. lib. signia, quo principatum dignitatis vii. ep. 25 (Mansi, xx. 308). An ejus attinere cognovit.' Lib. n. apology for Gregory VII. on claim- ep. 13 : cf. above, p. 139, n. 8. On ing oaths of knightly service from the sturdy language of William the the kings and emperors, is made by Conqueror, when asked to do ho- Dollinger, in. 314 — 316. mage to Gregory, see Turner, Hist. 3 Spain was so regarded (' ab of England, ■ Middle Ages,' i. 131, antiquo proprii juris S. Petri fu- ed. 1S30. isse'J: Epist. lib. i. ep. 7. 5 See Stanzel, Gesch. Deirfschlands 4 Thus Gregory VII. (1071) re- unterdenjrank. Kuisem, i. 248 sq. proaches the king of Hungary for -1305] Constitution of the Church. 263 CIVIL POWER. lay-investiture was strenuously resisted.6 After some pa- ^^thiP cific correspondence, in which Henry shewed himself dis- posed to beg the papal absolution7 for the gross excesses of his youth, he was at length commanded to appear in Home for judgment,8 on the ground that Hildebrand had been entrusted with the moral superintendence of the world. The emperor now hastened to repel this outrage : he deposed his rival,9 and was speedily deposed himself and stricken with the papal ban10 (1076). Supported by a num- ber of disloyal princes who assembled at Tribur, the terri- ble denunciation took effect ; they formed the resolution of proceeding to appoint another king, and Henry's wrath was, for a time at least, converted into fear.11 An abject visit to the pope, whom he propitiated by doing penance at Canossa,12 ended in the reconstruction of his party, and c On the historical connexion of this law, see Jaffe, p. 417. It runs as follows : ' Si quis deineeps epis- copatum vel abbatiam de manu ali- cujus laicae persons susceperit, nullatenus inter episcopos habe- atur,' etc adding, ' Si quis imperatorum, regum, ducum, mar- chionum, comitum, vel quilibet secularium potestatum aut perso- narura investituram episcopatuum vel alicujus ecclesiastics dignitatis dare praesumpserit, ejusdem senten- tise [»'. e. of excommunication] vin- culo se adstrictum esse sciat' : Mansi, xx. 517. Gregory had al- ready (1073) threatened Philip of France with excommunication and anathema for simoniacal proceed- ings : Epist. lib. i. ep. 35. 7 His letter (1073) is given at length in Bowden, i. 340 sq. The hopes which it inspired in Gregory are expressed by his Epist. lib. i. epp. 25, 26. 8 See Bruno, De Bello Saxon. c. 64 (in Pertz, v. 351) ; and Lam- bert's Annates, a.d. 1076. Accord- ing to the latter work Henry was summoned, on pain of anathema, to appear in Rome by Feb. 22 : but cf. Neander, vn. 144, 145. 9 The stronghold of the imperial- ists was the collegiate chapter of Goslar. They were backed on this occasion by the synod of Worms (Jan. 24, 1076), which, not content with a repudiation of the pope, as- sailed his character with the most groundless calumnies : Lambert, as above; Bowden, n. 92 sq. 10 Mansi, xx. 467. ' Heinrico regi totius regni Teutonicorum et Italise gubernacula contradicit, et omnes Ohristianos a vinculo juramenti quod ei fecerint vel facturi sint absolvit, et ut nullus ei, sicut regi, serviat interdicit, et vinculo eum anathematis alligat' : cf. Paul. Bernried, Vit. Gregor. c. 68 sq. This and other works in defence of Gregory will be found in Gretser. Opp. torn. vi. Those which take the opposite (or imperial) side have been collected in Goldast's Apolog. pro Imper. Henrico IV., Hanov. 1611. 11 Neander, vn. 153. 12 See the humiliating circum- stances detailed by Gregory him- 264 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 relations the gradual recognition of his rights.1 The papal ban, civil indeed, was reimposed in 1080 ; but the emperor had strength enough to institute a rival pontiff2 (Clement III.) : and although his arms were partially resisted by the countess of Tuscany3 (Matilda) and the Normans under Robert Guiscard,4 who came forward in behalf of Gre- gory, the subjects of the pope himself were now in turn estranged from him.5 He therefore breathed his last (1085) an exile from the seat of his ambitious projects.6 ))fincipiesde- ^* was mac^e apparent in the course of this dispute that ceiopedbyit. numbers were unwilling to concede the pope a right of excommunicating monarchs, even in extreme cases ; and that others who admitted this denied the further claim to dispossess an emperor of all his jurisdiction and absolve his subjects from their oath of allegiance.7 The relations of the spiritual and temporal authorities were now embarrassed more and more by popes who fol- Further papal lowed in the steps of Gregory. The second Urban, after encroach- „ . . _ a menu. placing Philip I. of France8 under the papal ban (1094), self (Jan. 28, 1077) in a letter hazards. See Gregory's investiture written to the German princes: of their leader, in Mansi, xx. 313. lib. iv. ep. 12. The tone of this 5 See Bowden, n. 318. letter is most unapostolic. 6 One of his last public acts was 1 The enemies of Henry, it is a renewal of the anathema against true, proceeded to elect Rudolph of Henry and the anti-pope : see Ber- Suabia for emperor, the pope re- nold's Chron. a.d. 1084 (Pertz, v. maining neutral at first, and after- 441). wards (1080) espousing (Mansi, xx. 7 Cf. on the one side, Neander, 531) what he thought the stronger vn. 149 sq., Gieseler, §47, n. 25 side : but Rudolph's death soon (4th German ed.), with Dollinger, after left his rival in possession of in. 323 sq. Gregory's own defence the crown, and ruined the designs of his conduct may be seen in his of Gregory. Epist. lib. iv. ep. 2. According to 2 Jaffe, p. 443. Capefigue (i. 294 sq.), the excom- 3 On the relations of Gregory municated emperor was to be with this princess, see Neander, avoided like a leper, and therefore vn. loo (note), and Sir J. Stephen's his deposition followed as a matter Essays, i. 1J sq., 2nd ed. of course. 4 This rude soldier had been ex- 8 In this case as in others (cf. communicated by Gregory in 1074 p. 147, n. 10) the papal fulmina- ( Mansi, xx. 408), but in 10S0 tion was a popular act, Philip (June 29) the services of the Nor- having repudiated his lawful wife, n.an army were secured at all He was resisted by Ives, the bishop —1305] Constitution of the Church. 265 forbade a priest or bishop to swear any kind of feudal RE^o™^s homage9 to the sovereign or to other laymen, — an in- Po\Ve^. junction which, if carried out, would have been absolutely fatal to the union of the Church and civil power. This pontiff also headed the new movement10 of the age for rescuing Palestine from the dominion of the Saracens. The project had been entertained before by Gregory VII.,11 who seems to have expected that Crusades, while strength- jjthe ening his throne, would tend to reunite the Eastern and the Western Christians; but no step was taken for the realizing of his wish until the hermit Peter woke a mighty echo in the heart of Urban II.1'2 Of the many consequences which resulted from that wondrous impulse, none is more apparent than the exaltation of the papal dignity13 at the expense of every other. Rome had thus identified herself with the fanaticism of princes and of people, to secure an easy triumph over both. Paschalis II., known in English history as the supporter of archbishop Anselm14 in his opposition to the crown, had sided with Henry V. in his unnatural effort to dethrone his father (1104) : but soon afterwards he drove the pope of Chartres, who begged the. pope the sad depression of the Eastern (Epist. 46) to adhere to the sen- Church. tence he had pronounced through u See the acts of the council of his legate at the council of Autun. Clermont (Nov. 18 — 28, 1095), in The ban was accordingly pro- Mansi, xx. 815 sq. nounced afresh at the council of 13 Neander, vn. 176. On the Clermont (1095) in Philip's own establishment of the kingdom of territories. Bernold's Chron. a.d. Jerusalem (1099), the power of the 1095 (Pertz, v. 464). pope was fully recognized in tem- 9 See Dollinger's remarks on poral as in spiritual things. what he calls ' the new and severe u See Hasse's Life of Anselm, addition,' in. 330. Lond. 1850; and Turner's Middle 10 On the Crusades generally, see Ages, i. 155 sq. The investiture- Michaud, Hist, des Croisades, Wil- controversy (cf. above, p. 167, n. 5) ken, Gesch. der Kreuzziige, and was settled in England as early as Gibbon, ch. lviii. 1107; the pope and Anselm having 11 Epist. lib. n. ep. 31. In lib. conceded that all prelates should, ti. ep. 49, he begs that men who on their election, take an oath of love St. Peter will not prefer the allegiance to the king. This con- cause of secular potentates to that cordat was accepted in the synod of the Apostle, and complains of of London, 1107 : Wilkins, i. 386. 266 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 REto the'S himself into concessions which were deemed an ignominious power, compromise. Paschalis1 openly surrendered all ecclesiastical ~ — — '. — feofs into the hands of the civil power, on condition that Humiliation L ' of Paschalis ii. the king should in his turn resign the privileges of investi- ture ; but subsequently even this condition was aban- doned, and the over-pliant pontiff went so far as to concede that Henry should invest the prelates, in the usual way, before their consecration. But the pledge was speedily revoked. Amid the crowd of conflicting theories as to the limits of the sovereign power in matters ecclesiastical, there grew up in the popedom of Calixtus II. a more tractable and intermediate party'2; and since all the combatants were Concordat of n0w exhausted by the struggle,3 a concordat was agreed Worms, 1122. . upon at Worms (in beptember 1122), and solemnly con- firmed by the council of Lateran5 in the following year 1 He had already (1106) pro- hibited every kind of lay investi- ture like his predecessors (Mansi, xx. 1209) : but in 1111, on the ad- vance of an imperial army, he pro- posed (1) to resign the regalia held by bishops and abbots, ' i. e. civi- tates, ducatus, marchias, comitatus, monetas, teloneum, mercatum, ad- vocatias regni, jura centurionum, et curtes, quae manifeste regni sunt, cum pertinentiis suis, militia et castra regni' (in Pertz, Leges, u. 68) ; and (2) to grant the king, ' ut regni tui episcopis vel abbatibus libere praeter symoniam et violen- tiam electis, investituram virgae et annuli conferas,' etc. ; Ibid. p. 72. The pope, however (see above, p. 240, n. 1), was soon compelled by his party to revoke these conces- sions: Ibid. Append, pp. 1S1 sq. : cf. Cardinal, de Aragon. Vit. Ca- lixti, in Muratori, Her. Ital. Script. III. part i. 363, and Ncander, vn. 186—194. A very bold and bitter protest was put forth (circ. 1102) against the temporal assumptions of Paschalis, by the church of Liege. Their organ was Sigebert, a monk of Gemblours ( Gemblacen- sis). The letter is printed, among other places, in Mansi, xx. 987. 2 This school was represented by Hugo, a monk of Fleury, whose Tractatus de Regia Potestate et Sacerdolali Digniiate, is preserved in Baluze and Mansi' s Miscellan. iv. 184 sq. 3 The following language of Ca- lixtus to the emperor (Feb. 19, 1122), deserves attention: ' Nihil, Henrice, de tuo jure vendicare sibi quaerit ecclesia ; nee regni nee im- perii gloriam affectamus : obtineat ecclesia quod Christi est, habeat imperator quod suum est,' etc. ; in Neugart's Codex Diplom. Aleman- nice, ii. 50, ed. 1791. 4 See Ekkehard, ad an. 1122 (Pertz, viii. 260) ; Vit. Calixti (as above, n. 1), p. 420: Planck, iv. part i. 297 sq. 5 The canons are most accurately given in Pertz, Leges, n. 182. Dol- linger (in. 345, 346) remarks that on the subject of the oath of ' homage' as distinguished from —1305] Constitution of the Church. 267 (March 27). It was there determined that the emperor relations should cease to claim the right of investiture by ring and S£5j, crosier and should grant to every church the free election of the bishop, while the pope conceded that on their elec- tion prelates should receive the ' regalia' from the king by means of the sceptre, and should thus avow their willingness to render unto Caesar the things that are truly his. But though one topic of dispute was now adjusted, fresh TJIC Gh'htel- o ± ± .17 nnes ana the ones could not fail to be evoked by the aspiring projects P°i'e*- of the papacy: while on the other hand, the opposition offered by the house of Franconia, under Henry IV. and Henry V., was stubbornly continued for a hundred years (1137—1236) by the new line of emperors6 (the Hohen- staufen, Waiblingen or Ghibellines). The pontiff could, however, keep his ground, supported as he was by the political assailants of the empire, and especially the ducal family of Welfs or Guelphs.7 His throne, indeed, was shaken for a time in the im- ^!ie antj- , i i hierarchical petuous movement headed by a minor cleric, Arnold of^Xwfw"" Brescia,8 who came forward as the champion of the volun- tary system, and impugned the right of bishops and of popes themselves to any temporal possession. A republic was proclaimed at Rome (1143) ; the principles of Arnold that of fidelity, the concordat was 8 See Schrockh, xx. 112 sq., and entirely silent, indicating that Ca- 155, 156, on the different views lixtus ' tolerated' it. In a letter respecting him. Neander's esti- dated Dec. 13, 1122, he congratu- mate is favourable (vii. 203 — 209). lates the emperor on his return It appears to be established that ' nunc tandem ad ecclesiae gre- Arnold was a pupil of Abelard : mium' : Mansi, xxi. 280. Ibid. p. 204 (note). Francke, Ar- 6 See Raumer's Gesch. der Ho- noldvon Brescia, Zurich, 1825, tries henstaufen und ikrer Zeit, Leipzig, to connect him with the Waldenses 1840. and Cathari. He was condemned 7 The Guelphs and Ghibellines as early as 1139, at the council of became the ' Whigs' and ' Tories' Lateran, in company with the anti- of this period, the pope allying pope : cf. S. Bernard, Epist. 195, himself with the former : cf. F. written in the following year to von Schlegel, Philos. of History, caution the bishop of Constance p. 369 (Bonn's ed.), who views the against Arnold and his principles, matter differently. 268 Constitution of the Church. [a.D. 1073 R*to TinP sPrea(l m every part of Lombardy, and though repressed power. at ^engtn by the imperial arms,1 the fermentation they ex- cited did not cease for twenty years, after which the mis- guided author of it fell into the hands of the police2 (1155). Early struggle The German empire was now administered by one of »f Frederic r J Barbarwaa the sturdiest of the anti-papal monarchs, Frederic I. or inth the popes. -T r Barbarossa (1152—1191). But after he had proved him- self a match for Hadrian IV.,3 he was compelled (1176) to recognize the claims of Alexander III.,4 who, counting on the disaffection of the Lombards, carried out the Hil- debrandine principles in all their breadth and rigour. He ofBeekeimce was seconded in England by the primate Becket,5 who, although originally a supporter of the royal cause,6 went over to the papal, and expired in its behalf. The point on which he took his stand was the exemption of all clerical offenders from the civil jurisdiction, urging that, whatever were the nature, of their crime,7 they should be tried in the spiritual courts, and punished only as the 1 The Romans in this extremity pope, in 1158, was forced to ex- invited Conrad to resume the an- plain away the obnoxious terms : cient imperial rights : see e.g. the Ibid. c. 22 ; Pertz, Leges, n. 106. two Letters in Martene and Du- i See Raumer (as above), pp. rand's Collect, n. 398. 244 sq ; Dollinger, iv. 19, 20; 2 Hadrian IV. desired the em- Gieseler, § 52, n. 22. peror to give up ' Arnaldum haere- 5 A copious stock of authorities ticum, quern vicecomites de Cam- for the Life of Becket is contained pania abstulerant...quem tamquam in the S. Thomas Cantuariensis, prophetam in terra sua cum honore edited by Giles, 8 vols. Oxf. 1845 : habebant.' Card, de Aragon. Fit. cf. two able Articles entitled Hadriani, in Muratori, as above, ' Becket' in the English Review, vi. p. 442. He was immediately hanged: 37 sq., 370 sq. cf. Ncander, vn. 223. e Several limitations of the cle- 3 He had reminded Frederic rical encroachments had been made (1157) that the imperial crown was under his own auspices: Turner, conferred ('collatam') by the pope, Middle Ages, i. 233, and note, ed. with the addition, 'Nequetamen 1830. The same writer has shewn pcenitet nos desideria tuaj volun- (p. 259) that at one period the tatis in omnibus implevisse, sed clergy were apprehensive lest si majora benejicia excellentia tua Henry should have broken alto- de manu nostro suscepisset, si gether with the pope. fieri posset, non immerito gaude- 7 The number of crimes charged remus': see Radevicus (Radwig), against the clerics (major and mi- Gest. Frid. lib. i. c. 9 ; in Mura- nor) in this reign was fearfully tori, Rer. Ital. Script. vi. 746. The great. Engl. Review, vi. 61, 62. -1305] Constitution of the Church. 269 The kmsr insisted, on the con- delations TO TBE f'TVIL canon law prescribed trary, that clerics, when convicted in his courts, should be degraded by the Church and then remanded to the civil power for execution of the sentence. In a meeting8 called the ' Council of Clarendon' (Jan. 25, 1164), Becket had allowed himself to acquiesce in regulations which he deemed entirely hostile to the Church and fatal to his theory of hierarchical exemption : but the pope immedi- ately absolved him from the oath,9 and afterwards, until his murder (Dec. 29, 1170), countenanced his unremitting opposition to the crown.10 His canonization and the mi- racles11 alleged to have been wrought on pilgrims who had worshipped at his tomb, conspired to fix the tri- umph1" of those ultra-montane principles which he had laboured more than others to diifuse. POWER. 8 It consisted of the king, the two archbishops, twelve bishops, and thirty- nine lay barons ( Wilkins, i. 435). Though purporting to re- enact the ' customs of England', the constitutions of Clarendon in- fringe at many points on the exist- ing privileges of the Church : e.g. the twelfth reduced the patronage of the bishoprics and abbeys almost entirely under the king's control. 9 Epist. S.Thoma, n. 5, ed. Giles. 10 Alexander durst not bring the matter to an open rupture, on ac- count of his own misunderstanding with the emperor Frederic : but (June 8, 1165) he reprimanded Henry {Ibid. n. 115) and incited some of the bishops to exert their influence in behalf of Becket. A- mong other things they were to admonish the king, ' ut in eo quod excesserit satisfaciat, a pravis acti- bus omnino desistat, Romanam ecclesiam solita veneratione respi- ciat,' etc.; Ibid, n. 96: cf. n. 53. Even where he is urging Becket to proceed against his enemies ( April, 1166) he adds: 'Verum de persona regis speciale tibi mandatum non damns, nee tamen jus tibi pontili- cale quod in ordinatione et conse- cratioue tua suscepisti, adimirnus.' Ibid. ii. 12. In a subsequent en- deavour to effect a compromise, Henry insisted on the reservation ' salva dignitate regni', and Becket on ' salva ecclesise dignitate', so that nothing was accomplished. {Eng. Review, vi. 398.) But the king afterwards relented(Jan. 1170) when he found it likely that his kingdom would be placed under an interdict {Epist. S. Thonue, n. 55). 11 See John of Salisbury, Ejnst. c. 286, 287. 12 See the Purgatio Henrici Regis pro morte beati Thomce, and the Charia Absolulionis Domini Regis in Roger de Hoveden, Annal. pp. 529,530; ed. Francof. 1601. The vantage-ground secured to Alex- ander by these acts is shewn in language like the following (Sept. 20, 1172) where he had congra- tidated Henry on the conquest of Ireland : ' Et quia Romana ecclesia aliud jus habet in insula quam in terra magna et continua, nos earn spem tenentes, quod jura ipsius ecclesife non solum conservare velis, sed etiam ampliare, et ubi nullum jus habet, id debeas sibi conferre, rogamus,' etc. Rymer's Feeder a, i. 45, ed. 1S16. 270 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 KFtoVtiie' 'S Meanwhile the conflict with the German emperor had power, been reopened. Lucius III. and his immediate successors (1181—1187) were ejected from the papal city by domestic Frederu Bar- troubles1 : and the restless Barbarossa threatened to reduce barossa renews ' the contest, them into bondage, when he was at length diverted from the theatre of strife to lead an army of Crusaders (1189). He did not survive the expedition.'2 The minority of Frederic II. favoured the encroachments of the Roman pontiff. Innocent III. (as we have seen)3 advanced the most exorbitant pretensions, and by force of character as well as circumstances, humbled nearly all the European courts. His foremost wishes were the conquest of Pales- tine and an extensive ' reformation of the Church,'4 but neither of these ends could be achieved, according to his theory, except by the obliteration of all nationalities and the entire ascendancy of Home above the temporal power. He gave away the crown of Sicily5 and governed there as guardian of the king: he elevated, and in turn de- posed, a candidate for the imperial throne6: he freed the subjects of count Raymond of Toulouse, who was infected with the Albigensian tenets, from their oath of allegiance7 : 1 Dollinger, iv. 21 sq. power of excluding legates, and 2 Raumer, as above, n. 411 sq. prohibiting appeals to Rome, and 3 Above, pp. 240, 242. the arbitrary grant or refusal of i Thus he writes (1215) : 'Illius permission to the bishops to be ergo testimonium invocamus, qui present at councils : see Planck, Testis est in coelo fidelis, quod inter iv. pt. i. 452 sq.; Dollinger, iv. 27. omnia desiderabilia cordis nostri 6 This was Otho IV., duke of duo in hoc sieculo principaliter Saxony, who had renounced all affectamus, ut ad recuperationein participation in ecclesiastical elec- videlicet Terra; Sanctae ac refor- tions and the 'jus spolii,' or title to mationem universalis Ecclcsi* va- the property of deceased bishops leamus intendere cum effectu.' and other clergymen : but aftcr- Mansi, xxn. 960. The foundation wards withdrawingfrom this engage- of the Latin empire at Constanti- ment and seizing some of the tein- nople (1204) added largely to the poralities of the Roman see, he papal empire and excited larger was excommunicated by Innocent expectations. It was destroyed, (1211) and his crown transferred however, in 1261. to Frederic II.: Matthew Paris, 5 Securing from the crown asur- a.d. 1210; Dollinger, iv. 31, 32. render of the following points : the 7 See Sir J. Stephen's Lectures, royal nomination of bishops, the 1.219,220; ed. Ib51. —1305] Constitution of the Church. 271 he made Philip Auguste of France take back his rightful r^0Athi? * queen8 : and, passing over similar achievements, it was he POwer. who forced a sovereign of this country (John) to hold his _ royal dignity as one of the most abject vassals of the pope9 (1213). The ' Magna Charta' was, however, gained in spite of Innocent's emphatic reprobation,10 and his death in 1216 allowed the terror-stricken Ghibellines to breathe afresh and make an effort for diminishing the range of papal abso- lutism. Fretted by their opposition, Gregory IX. betrayed the fiery spirit of his predecessors and pronounced his ban against the second emperor, Frederic11 (1227). A compro- mise ensued, in which the quarrel seemed to have been amicably settled : but the interval of calm was short ; and on the recommencement of hostilities, the fearless monarch was at length proscribed as an incorrigible misbeliever, who had justly forfeited his crown (March 24, 1239). ia The contest thus exasperated did not cease until his death in 1250, after having more and more developed the conviction in his subjects, that some check must be imposed on the ambition of the Roman see. The papacy, indeed, appeared to have come forth tri- f.^f-^'g of against the papacy. 8 Innocent. Epist. lib. in., ep. Fcedera, i. 115, new edit. The tri- ll sq: Roger de Hoveden, pp. 813, bute- money was to be 'mille mar- 814 ; ed. Francof. 1601. cas sterlingorum annuatim.' 9 According to Matthew Paris 10 Ibid. p. 135. the pope 'sententialiter definivit ut n See Matthew Paris, pp. 345 — rex Anglornm Johannes a solio reg- 348. While under this ban Fred- ni deponeretur, et alius, papa pro- eric actually set out on a crusade curante, succederet, qui dignior in spite of the Roman pontiff, issu- haberetur,' etc. p. 232. He had ing his orders ' in the name of God before (1208) laid the whole king- and of Christendom.' dom under the interdict. In John's 12 The grounds on which the deed of cession he speaks of it as papal fulmination rested are given made ' Deo et Sanctis Apostolis at length in the bull of deposition, ejus Petro et Paulo, et Sanctis Ito- Ibid. p. 486 : cf. Frederic's own manae ecclesiae matri nostras, ac letters, Ibid. pp. 490 sq. How far domino nostro papas Innocentio he merited the charge of blas- ej usque catholicis successoribus phemy, infidelity, or free- thinking, pro remissione peccatorum nostro- is discussed by Neander, vn. 248 rum et totius generis nostri tarn sq. pro vivis quam defunctis.' Rymer's 272 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 "tothe8 umPnant wlien tlie last of tne Grhibellines, Conraclin,1 towkr. perished on the scaffold (Oct. 29,1268): but, in spite of the prodigious energy which it continued to evince, its hold on all the European nations was relaxing, while the hope of Eastern conquest faded more and more.2 It is alike remarkable that one of the premonitory blows which Roman despotism provoked had been inflicted, half uncon- sciously, by Lewis IX. (St. Louis) of France, and at this very juncture. What are known as the ' Gallican Liber- ties' are clearly traceable to him. In his ' Pragmatic Sanction' 3 he proceeds on the idea of building up a ' national church' in strict alliance with the civil power. But a more sensible advance was made in this direction under Philip-le-Bel,4 whose conduct in ecclesiastical affairs, however arbitrary and unjust, was tending to reverse the whole of the Hildebrandine policy, and threatened more than once to rend the kingdom from its old connexion with the Roman see. The humbled pontiff, watched and 1 Raumer, Gcsch. der Eohen- a warning letter to the pope, whose staufen, iv. 594. indignation knew no bounds. In the 2 Cf. the remarks of Neander on famous decretal ' Unam Sanetarn', the dying out of the Crusades : which appeared in the following vii. 260 sq. November, and is printed in Cape- 3 Printed in Capefigue, n. 352 figue, n. 355, Boniface asserted the sq. See the critique of this author absolute supremacy of papal power (n.171,172). Another instrument, ('Porro subesse Romano pontifici bearing the title ' Pragmatic Sane- omnem humanam creaturam decla- tion' and more plainly ' Gallican', ramus, dicimus, diffinimus, et pro- was issued by Charles VII. in 1438. nuntiamus omnino esse de nccessi- Louis IX. also contributed to the tatesalutis'). He published the ban foundation of the college of Sor- against his rival (April 13, 1303), bonne (1259), which afterwards but it was powerless. Philip sum- produced a number of intrepid moned the States- General afresh champions in the cause of 'natio- (June 13), where he preferred a nality' as it diverges from the charge of heresy against the pope Roman theory of universalism. and stated his intention of appeal- 4 On his important struggle ing to a general council and a with Boniface VIII., see Gieseler, future pontiff. Boniface, however, § 59, on one side, and Dollingcr, iv. died in October, and the next pope 80 sq. or Capefigue, n. 181 sq. on (Benedict XI.) revoked all the the other. After some preliminary edicts which Boniface had promul- skirmishing, Philip, backed by the gated against the French king. States- General (Ap. 10, 1302), wrote —1305] Constitution of the Church. 273 crippled at Avignon, was for niany years his creature and R^;f™j?s Mr tool 5 CIVIL I11S 1001. POWEK. I There was, indeed, no general wish to question the supremacy of Eome, so long as she confined herself within the sacerdotal province ; but her worldliness, venality, and ^///.w"-'''5 constant intermeddling in the affairs of state, could hardly acilon- fail to lessen the respect with which her claims had been regarded : and as soon as the idea of an appeal from her decisions to a General Council6 was distinctly mastered, it is clear that the prestige by which her usurpations were supported was already vanishing away. The true relations of the regal and ecclesiastical authority7 were now discussed with greater freedom. A reaction had commenced. Mankind were growing more and more per- suaded that prerogatives like those of Hiklebrand or Inno- cent III. were far from apostolic, and could not be safely lodged in sacerdotal hands.8 Prophetic warnings on the fall and secularization of the Church, poured forth by earnest souls like Hildegard and Joachim,9 united with 5 This period of about seventy archbishop of Bourges), in Gol- years is known as 'the Captivity,' dast, as above, u. 95 sq. The and was such when regarded from worst evils of the age were traced the ultra-montane point of view : to the temporal possessions of the see Vita Paparum Avenionensium, pope and to the spurious ' Donatio ed. Baluze, Paris, 1G92. Constantini,' on which those pos- 6 Frederic II. had done this in sessions were believed to rest : cf. his circular Letters to the Christian above, p. 43, n. 9. princes and the cardinals : Matthew 8 See especially the ' Supplication Paris, pp. 491 sq : Neander, vn. du Pueuble de France au Boi contre 248. The example was followed le Pape Boniface le VIII.,' in the by Philip-le-Bel : see above, p. 272, Appendix to Du Puy's Hist, du n. 4. Differ end entre le Pape et Philippes 7 e.g. by the Dominican, John of le Bel, Paris, 1655. Paris, in his Tractatus de Potestate 9 The ' abbot Joachim, in his ex- Regali et Papali, published in Gol- position of Jeremy and the maiden dast's Monarchia sancti Romani Im- Hildegare in the book of her pro- peratoris, u. 108 sq. An analysis phecy,' are frequently cited in these of it is made in the posthumous times by writers on the corrup- volume of Neander, edited by tions of 'the Church: {e.g. in a Schneider (Hamburg, 1852), pp. Sermon preached by R. Wimble- 28 sq. See also the Qucestio dis- don at St. Paul's Cross, a. d. 13S9, putata in utramque partem pro et and printed in London, 1745). contra pontificiam potestatem, by Respecting them and their iniiu- iEgidius of Rome (afterwards ence, see Neander, vn. 298—322. T 274 Constitution of the Church. [a. D. 1073 RELATION- TO THE CIVIL POWER. Premonitory symptoms of the Reforma- tion, s the sneers of chroniclers like Matthew Paris and a host of anti-papal songs,1 in waking the intelligence and pas- - sions of the many: while the spreading influence of the Universities and Parliaments11 was tending, by a different • course, to similar results. The vices of the sacred curia, uncorrected by the most despotic of its tenants, had excited general grief and indignation, even in the very staunchest advocates of Rome. St. Bernard,' for example, in ad- monishing Eugenius III. to extirpate abuses, could not help reverting with a sigh to earlier ages of the faith, when ' the Apostles did not cast their nets for gold and silver but for souls.' And both in Germany and in Eng- land, the impression had grown current that the Church of Rome, who had been reverenced there as a benignant mother, was now forfeiting her claim to such a title by imperious and novercal acts.4 In other words, the struggle with the civil power had been maturing the predispositions that eventually attained their object in redressing ancient wrongs and in a general re-awakening of the Church. 1 Extracts from German ballads of this class have been collected in Staudlin's Archiv fur aite und neu Kirchengcsch. iv. pt. iii. pp. 549 sq. : cf. above, p. 261, n. 7. The unmeasured fulminations of the Albigenscs and other sectaries will be noticed on a future page. Dante (it is well known) associated a Roman bishop with the apocalyp- tic woman riding on the beast ' con le sette teste.' 8 Cf. Capefigue's observations on this point, n. 163. (' On eom- mencait une epoque de curiosite et d'innovation'). ■; Sec his De Consideratione ad En /cm' inn, passim. In epist. 238 (al. 237, ' Amaiitissimo Patri et domino Dei gratia summo Pontifici Eugenio'), he asks: ' Quis mihi asm awakened by his lectures did not die, and as he still adhered to his opinions,1 many charges of heretical teaching were brought against him. Bernard of Clair- vaux, whose tone of mind was so completely different from his, had been induced2 to take the lead in checking the dissemination of his views. The two great doctors were confronted in the council of Sens (June 22, 1140) ; where it was decided that the teaching of Abelard was unsound,3 but that the mode of dealing with his person should, on his appeal, be left to the superior judgment of the pope. The latter instantly (July 16) approved their verdict and condemned the misbeliever to perpetual silence.4 He now published a Confession and Apology' and died soon afterwards, the guest of Peter the Venerable6 and the monks of Clngny (1142) . The zeal of Bernard was now turned against a kindred Gilbert dc la Poree (d. 1154}. Muratori, Her. Ital. Script, torn, vi.) He now retired first to the abbey of St. Denis, and afterwards to an oratory in the diocese of Troyes ( ' the Paraclete' ) . This he trans- ferred to Heloise when he himself became abbot of Ruits in Brittany (1126—1136). 1 Another startling work, his Sic et Non (Cousin's Onvrac/es ineditcs), had probably appeared in the mean time. Its aim was to exhibit the multiformity of Christian truth by placing side by side a number of divergent extracts from the Fa- thers. Other causes of offence were found in his Scito teipsum and his Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans. 2 By William, abbot of St. Thierry, in Bernard. Epist. 391. The ground of Bernard's opposi- tion, which appears to have been first stated to Abelard in private, may be seen in his Letters (Epp. 188, 192, 359), and his Tractates de Erroribus P. Abcelardi ed. Inno- cent II. i Opp. iv. 114 sq. ed. Ma- billon. 3 The charges brought against him were of the most serious kind, e. g. that he made ' degrees' in the holy Trinity, that he denied, or evacuated, the doctrines of grace, and divided the Person of our Lord like the Nestorians. All that is known respecting the proceed- ings of the council has been col- lected in Gieseler, § 73, n. 24. 4 In writing to Bernard and others, Innocent II. declares that he condemned the ' perversa dog- mata cum auctore', Mansi xxi. 564 ; and afterwards commands (p. 566), ' ut Petrum Abailardurn et Arnaldum de Brixia [see above, p. 267], perversi dogmatis fabrica- tors et catholica? fidei impugna- tores, in reiigiosis locis . . . separatim faciatis includi, et libros eorum, ubicumque reperti fuerint, com- buri' . 6 Respecting these and the spirit which suggested them, see Ncan- der, vin. 62, 63. 6 By his influence a reconcilia- tion was effected between Bernard and Abelard : see his Epist. lib. iv. ep. 4, in Bibl. Pair. ed. Lugdun. xxii. 907. —1 305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 281 writer, Gilbert de la Pore"e (Porretanus), bishop of Poitiers ™™*£ (1141), who, in criticising the established language of the Church, had been apparently betrayed into a class of errors bordering on Nestorianism.7 Convicted by a synod held at Paris in 1147, he disarmed his adversaries by recanting in the following year at liheims8 (March 21). Our space will not admit a separate notice of the Modification i- 1 of Scholas- many other writers,9 who in different ways attempted to &»»»■ pursue the philosophic methods of the Schoolmen in the study of theology. The impulse given in that direction by Abelard had been moderated for a time : the calmer views of Anselm having grown predominant, especially among the Victorines, (surnamed from the abbey of S. Vic- tor at Paris) — Hugo,10 Richard,11 and Walter1'2, all of whom Hugo of ' & ' ' . . 7 St. Victor combined the cultivation of the dialectics of the age with (d. 1141). a more spiritual and mystic turn of mind. It was through st.nctof their endeavours more especially that men like Bernard ^ l^h were conciliated by degrees in favour of the general prin- st. victor • i i -i • • (circ- 1180)- ciples from which scholasticism had sprung. 7 The fourth proposition he was the Summa Sententiarum (assigned charged with maintaining is ' Quod incorrectly, with the title Tractatus Divina natura non esset incarnata': Theologicus, to Hildebert of Tours) : cf. Capefigue, i. 357, 358. The see Liebner's Hugo von S. Victor following ' minor' points are al90 und die theol. Richtungen seiner urged against him (Otto Frising. Zeit, Leipzig, 1832, and Hist. Litter. De Gestis Frider. lib. i. c. 50): de la France, xn. 7. Neander (vur. 'Quodmeritum humanum attenu- 65 sq.) gives a striking summary ando, nullum mereri diceret praeter of his modes of thought. Christum: Quod Ecclesise sacra- ll Richard was of Scotch extrac- menta evacuando diceret, nullum tion, and wrote De Trinitate, De baptizari nisi salvandum'. He static interioris hominis, etc. (ed. wrote, among other subjects, on Rotomagi, 1650): cf. Neander, vnt. the Apocalypse ( ed. Paris, 1512). 80—82 ; Schrockh, xxix. 275—290. 8 See the ' Fidei symbolum contra 12 The opposition to Abelard and errores Gilliberti Porretani', in his school was strongest in this Mansi, xxi. 711. writer (otherwise called Walter of 9 e.g. John of Salisbury (d. 1180), Mauretania; see above, p. 279, n.8). a pupil of Abelard, but unlike him His chief work is commonly en- ( Wright's Biogr. Brit. n. 230 sq.) : titled Contra quatuor labyrinthos Rupert of Deutz (d. 1135), a co- Galliee, being a passionate attack pious exegetical writer (Hist. Litter. on the principles of Abelard, Peter de la France, xi. 422 sq.). Lombard, Peter of Poitiers, and 10 His chief works (ed. Rotomagi, Gilbert de la Poree. Extracts only 164S) are De Sacramentis Fidei and are printed in Bukeus, Hist. Univ. 282 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1073 WESTERN church. Robert le Pottle, or Pollen (ft. 1150). Peter Lom- bard, Master of the Sentences (d. 1164). This combination was exhibited afresh in Robert le Poule (or Pollen), for some years distinguished as a preacher1 in Oxford, and at length a Roman cardinal (1144). His treatise called the Sentences'* (' Libri Sententiarum') re- cognized the principle of basing every dialectic process on the Holy Scriptures and the Fathers. But the classical production of this kind is one by Peter Lombard, of Novara, who attained the greatest eminence at Paris,3 where he died as bishop in 1164. His work was also termed The Sentences* (or ' Quatuor Libri Sententianim'}. It consisted of timid arguments upon the leading theolo- gical questions then debated in the schools, supported always by quotations from the older Latin doctors of the Church ; and since the whole is neatly and methodically put together, it was welcomed as a clear and useful hand-book by the students in divinity. Its fame, indeed, extended everywhere, and many able scholars both of Paris, ii. 200 sq., 402 sq., 562 sq., 629 sq. 1 . . . . ' ibique scripturas divinas, qua? per idem tempus in Anglia ob- soluerant, pra3 scholasticis quippe neglectae fuerant, per quinquen- nium legit, onmique die dominico verbum Dei populo praxlicavit, ex cujus doctrina plurimi profecerunt'. Quoted in Wright's Biogr. Britan. ii. 182 (note). Another English- man of distinction in the held of metaphysical theology was Robert de Melun, bishop of Hereford, who wrote a Sum ma Theologite. Ibid. p. 201. Copious extracts from this Summa are printed in Bu- laeus, Histor. Univers. Paris, ii. 5S5— 628. 2 Published at Paris, 1655. He appears to have also written on the Apocalypse, and twenty of his Sermons are preserved among the Lambeth MSS. Wright, Ibid. p. 183. ;i He was opposed by Walter of St. Victor (above, p. 281, n. 12), but received the formal approba- tion of Innocent III. at the council of Lateran (1215), c. 2. 4 The first book treats ' De Mys- terio Trinitatis', the second ' De Rerum corporalium et spiritualium creatione et formatione', the third ' De Incarnatione Verbi aliisque ad hoc spectantibus', the fourth ' De Sacramentis et signis sacramenta- libus'. See Schrockh's account of it and its author, xxviii. 487 — 534. Summa and Sent entire were now multiplied in every quarter, the first being mainly devoted to the free discussion of doctrines and speculative problems, and the se- cond more especially to the ar- rangement of passages derived from the writings of the Fathers. To the former class belongs the Ars Catholiae Fidei ex- rationibus natu- ralibus demonstrate?, of Alanus Mag- nus, a Parisian doctor (d. 1202), in Pez, Thcsaur. Anecdut. I, pt. ii. 475 sq. —1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 283 that and future times wrote commentaries on it, making western ' *5 CHURCH. it the ground-work of more shrewd and independent speculations. Hitherto the influence of the Aristotelic philosophy change of ., feeling with had been confined almost entirely to the single field of respect J w to Aristotle. dialectics, where it served for the defence of Christian dog-mas. Plato was the real favourite of the Church, although a concord6 having been in part established be- tween him and the Stagyrite, the opinions of the latter had indirectly tinctured the theology of many writers in the west. It is remarkable, indeed, that when the other works of Aristotle, through the medium of the Arabs and Crusaders, were more widely circulated in the twelfth century, they were not only treated by the popes and councils with suspicion, but the physical and metaphysical books were actually condemned.7 Yet this antipathy soon afterwards abated,8 and in the more palmy period of the 5 Cf. above, p. 172, n. 2. The other works of Aristotle were, however, studied with enthusiasm in the Moorish schools of Spain, especially after the time of Avi- cenna (Ebn-Sina), who died in 1036. A new impulse in the same direction was given by Averroes (Ebn-Rashid), at the close of the twelfth century, who combined with his belief in the Koran an almost servile deference to the phi- losophic views of the Stagyrite. See authorities in Tennemann's Manual of Philosophy, §§ 255 — 257. From the tenets of Averroes, when imbibed by Christian writers, grew the tendency to scepticism which the profound and ever- active Ray- mond Lull (above, p. 236) especi- ally endeavoured to resist in his Ars Generalis. 6 See Neander, vin. 91, 92, 127 ; and Dr. Hampden's Thomas Aqui- nas, in Encyclop. Metrop., xi. 804, 805. 7 e.g. at the synod of Paris (1209), and afterwards by a papal legate (1215). The 'statute' of the latter (Bulseus, Hist. Univ. Paris, m. 81) is as follows: ' Et quod legant libros Aristotelis de dialectica, tarn de veteri quam de nova in scholis ordinarie et non ad cm-sum Non legantur libri Aristotelis de metaphysica et na- turali philosophia, nee Summse de eisdem aut de doctrina magistri de Dinant aut Amalrici hseretici, aut Mauricii Hispani'. These persons were infected with the Pantheistic principles then spreading in the Moorish schools. The pope (1229) again forbids the introduction of 1 profane science' into the study of Scripture and tradition : cf. Cape- figue's remarks, n. 165, 166. 8 Thus Roger Bacon ( Opus Majus, p. 14, ed. Jebb), writing fifty years later, says that Aristotle's treatises had been condemned ' ob densam ig- norantiam'. Among the works of Robert Grosseteste (see above, p. 246) is a Commentary on parts of Aristotle {in Libros Posterior wn)> ed. Venet. 1552. 284 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1073 WESTERN CHURCH. Albert the Great (Tov, Some of the bishops who resisted passim. Opp. ed. Tafel, 1832. it, when sanctioned by a council, s On the relations of the East were instantly deposed : cf. Nean- and West at this period, see below, der, vni. 252, 253. On a future pp. 295 sq. occasion, when the prelates made a U2 292 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 KASTERN CHURCH. Michael Psellus (d. 1105 ?} Theophylact (d.1112?) Euthymivs '/Agahenus (d. 1118?) Ckrysostom, or Basil, or the Gregories, they must be, not- withstanding, viewed as bright exceptions to the general dulness of the age. Among the foremost scholars of the eleventh century is Michael Psellus, the younger, who, besides composing multifarious treatises1 on jurisprudence, physics, mathe- matics, and philosophy, displayed an aptitude for higher fields of contemplation in his Chapters on the Holy Trinity and the Person of Christ, and his Paraphrases on the Old Testament. Contemporary with him was Theophylact,2 archbishop of Bulgaria, who achieved a lasting reputation by his Commentaries on the Gospels, the Acts, the Epistles of St. Paul, and the Minor Prophets. They are based, how- ever, for the most part on the corresponding labours of St. Chrysostom. Another exegetical writer was a monk of Constantinople, Euthymius Zigabenus,3 who commented on the Psalms, the Gospels, and the Pauline Epistles, in the style, and not imfrequently the language, of the earlier doctors of the East. He also wrote a Panoply*' in refutation of all forms 1 See a list of them in Oudinus, De Script oribas Eccl. n. 646, and the article in Smith's Biogr. Diet. ii. 563, 564. The work on the Trinity and some of the paraphrases have been published. Psellus also ■wrote an ecclesiastical treatise, Eis Tai dyias Ittto. avvodovs, Basil. 1536. 8 Opp. Venet. 1754—1763, 4 vols, fol.: of. Schrockh, xxvm. 315—318. The sober views of Theophylact on the separation of East and West may be gathered from his Lib. de Us in quibus Latini acensantur . 3 Cf. above, p. 193, n. 8. His valu- able Commentary on the Psalms and Gospels is only known through the medium of Latin versions, fre- quently reprinted (Fabricius, Bibl. Urccca, via. 328 sq.) That on the Epistles of St. Paul exists only in MS. (Vatican, No. 636). Gieseler, who mentions this last circum- stance (§ 94, n. 4), writes the name of the author Zigadenus : cf. Schrockh, (xxvm. 306 sq.) on the character of his works. 4 The full title is U.avo-K\ia hoy- (xaTiKi) tiis 6pdoo6£ov TriarTtw;. Part only of the Greek original has been published (at Tergovisto, in AVallachia, 1711). A Latin trans- lation appeared at Venice in 1555: but the thirteenth title, Kwra twv tT;9 TraXcuas 'Pai^jjs, i'jtoi twv Ixa- \wv, on the doctrine of the Pro- cession, is there dropped. See an interesting article (byUllmann), in the Studien und Kritiken, for 1833, m. 665. Another work of this class {A Collection of the Principles of — 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 293 of misbelief, deriving the great bulk of bis materials from ^Iurch* the same quarter. In the following century a kindred work,5 intended as Sf*Js be subversive of religious nationality, and that the 'Roman' ea^tEStND Church was being substituted for the Catholic and Apostolic brotherhood which they were taught to reverence in the creed.6 The founding of a Latin empire at Constantinople by *£££" the French and Venetians, and the brutal pillage that had £*£& been its harbinger (1204), could only deepen the hereditary n°Ple- hatred of the Greeks, and add fresh fuel to the flame.7 It chanced, however, that the new political relations which this Latin dynasty effected, led the way to another series of attempts for binding the autagonistic churches into one. The Eastern emperors, who held their court at Nicaea, watching for an opportunity to stem the furious tide of western domination, ultimately sought to bring about this tfteS»fo»<>/ ,. . •,! ,i _ the Churches. object by negociatmg a religions treaty with the popes. The step originated in the able politician, John III. Vatatzes (1222—1255), who was seconded by two severe but on the whole conciliatory letters8 from the pen of Germanus, the patriarch of Constantinople (1232). Gre- care, imo imperare voluerit: qua founded a ^ collegium Constanti- fratemitas, sen etiam qua patemitas nopolitanum' in Pans for the "hacessepoterit* Quis hoc unquam training of the Greeks who now tequo animo sustinere queat? etc. and then embraced the Latm rite: 6 Hid, Bulseus, Hist. Univ. Paris, m. 10. ' So deep had the aversion grown 8 Preserved in Matthew Paris, that at the date of the council of a. d. 1237, pp. 457 sq. : but mis- Lateran (1215), it was not unusual dated. See an account of the lite for the Greeks to rebaptize those and writings of Germanus in who had been already baptized by Smith's Biog. Diet. n. 264. He the Latins ; c. 4 : cf. above, p. 200, did not hesitate to trace the schism n. 5. Other sweeping charges between the rival churches to the which polemics brought against pride and tyranny of Rome : ' Di- each other may be seen in the visio nostra; unitatis processit a Tractatus contra Grcecorum errores tyrannide vestrse oppressions [ad- de Processione Spiritus S., de ami- dressing the cardinals], et exac- mabus defunctorum, de azymis et tionum Romanse ecclesise, quae de fermentatb et de obedientia Rom. matre facta noverca suos quos dm Ecclesia (1252), in Basnage, The- educaverat, more rapacis _ volucris saur. Monument, iv. 29 sq. In the suos pullos expellentis, filios elon- midst of these dissensions the gavit.' French king, Philip Auguste, 298 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 delations gory IX. attracted by these overtures dispatched his envoys EA\\Tks^D t0 tlie East (1233)- Tlie7 were instructed to declare1 that while he could not tolerate in any one the slightest de- viation from the doctrines of the Roman Church, he would allow the Orientals to retain a few of their peculiar usages, and even to omit, provided they did not repudiate,2 the expression Filioque, in their recitation of the Creed. Although this effort shared the fate of many of its predecessors, an important school with leanings to the Western view of the Procession now arose among the Greeks. The leader of it was an influential ascetic, Nicephorus Blemmidas ;3 and when the policy of John Fresh attempts Vatatzes was continued under Michael Palasologus, who drove the Latins from Constantinople (1261), the plan of a reunion was more widely entertained, and in so far as the Byzantine jurisdiction reached, was almost carried to effect. The emperor himself appears to have been forced into this negociation by his dread of the crusade4 which Urban IV. had organized against him, for the purpose of replacing Balduin II., his Latin rival, on the throne. When every other scheme for warding off the danger failed him, he convened a synod at Constantinople, and enlarging on the critical position of affairs, attempted to win over the reluctant clergy to his side. He argued5 that 1 See the papal Letters in Mat- Perpetua Consensione, lib. n. c. 14) thew Paris, pp. 462 sq. The en- attempts to explain this varia- voys were two Dominicans and tion. Both the treatises are pub- two Franciscans, respecting whose lished in that writer's Gracia negociation, see Raynaldus, Annal. Orthodoxa, i. 1 — 60. The firmness a. d. 1233, \ 5 sq. of Nicephorus in declining to ad- 2 They were even required to minister the sacrament to Mar- burn the books which they had cesina, an imperial mistress, is written against the Latin doctrine applauded by Neander, vin. 265, of the Procession, and to inculcate 266. it in their sermons. i See Gibbon, VI. 96 sq., ed. 3 He wrote two works on the Milman. Procession, in the one maintaining 5 The best account is that of the Greek doctrine, and in the other Georgius Pachymeres, who was manifesting a decided preference advocate-general of the church of for the Latin. Leo Allatius (De Constantinople, and wrote, among —1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 299 the use of leavened or unleavened bread might be in future RopA™| IS left an open question ; that it was imprudent, and uncharit- EjW£SAN1) able also, for the Eastern Christians to require an absolute agreement in the choice of theological terms, and that gtments of b . . Michael they ought to exercise forbearance on such points, pro- raiaoiogus. vided the antagonistic Latins would in turn expunge their Filioque from the Creed; that by agreeing to insert the name of the Roman ponthT in the ' diptychs,' they would not incur the charge of elevating him unduly, nor of derogating from the honour of the Eastern patriarchs ; and lastly, that the exercise of papal jurisdiction in the matter of appeals, if such a claim as that should be in words asserted, could not, owing to the distance of the Eastern empire, be so harsh and burdensome as they were ready to forbode. The patriarch of Constantinople, Joseph, who was ever ^J^T6 an inflexible opponent of the compromise, had found a thcm- warm supporter in the chartophylax Beccus, or Veccus, (keeper of the records in the great church of Constan- tinople). But it seems that the convictions of the latter underwent a thorough change6 while he was languishing in prison, as a penalty for his resistance to the wishes of the court; and afterwards we find him the most able and unflinching champion of the party who were urging on the project of reunion. Palseologus now sent a message7 other things, an Historia Byzantina, works are published by Leo Alla- containing the life of Michael Pa- tius, in the Gra?ca Orthodoxa. lseologus : see especially lib. v. c. 7 Neale, East. Church, ' Alexan- 18 sq., ed. Bonn, 1835, and cf. dria,' n. 315. The displeasure of Schrockh, xxix. 432 sq. the people at this movement of the 6 This change is ascribable, in court is noticed by Pachymeres, as part at least, to the writings of above, lib. v. c. 22. Gibbon men- Nicephorus Blemmidas. Some have tions, however, that the letters of viewed it as no more than hypo- union were ultimately signed by critical pretence. But his subse- the emperor, his son, and thirty- quent firmness, notwithstanding all five metropolitans (vi. 98), which the persecutions he endured from included all the suffragans of that the dominant party, is opposed to rank belonging to the patriarchate : this construction. Many of his yet (as Mr. Neale remarks) they 300 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 RELATIONS OF THE EAST AND WEST. His deputa- tion to the P»pe, 1273. Reunion of Borne and Constanti- nople, at the council of Lyons, 1274. General dis- approbation of the measure. to pope Gregory IX., in which, ignoring the disinclination of the patriarch and the hostility of his own subjects at Constantinople, he expressed a strong desire for unity, and even ventured to hold out a hope of its immediate con- summation (1273). In the following year a larger embassy1 appeared in his behalf at what is called the 'general'2 council of Lyons ; and on June 29, 1274, the formal work of ' reconciliation' was inaugurated, in the presence of the pope himself, with unexampled grandeur and solemnity.3 A future session of the prelates, on July 6, beheld the representatives of Palseologus abjure the ancient schism, and recognize the papal primacy, as well as the distinctive tenets of the Roman Church. On their return, the patriarch Joseph, who had pre- viously retired into a convent waiting for the issue of negociations he had vainly striven to retard, was superseded by his former colleague Beccus :4 but the people of Con- do not address the pope as ' oecu- menical,' but only as the ' great pontiff of the Apostolic see.' Ibid. p. 316. 1 The members of it were Ger- manus, formerly patriarch of Con- stantinople, Theophanes, metropo- litan of Nicaea, and many other court dignitaries. In the letter which they carried with them, Palaeologus, after he had made a statement of his faith according to a form drawn up by Clement IV. in 1267, preferred the following re- quest (Mansi, xxiv. 67) : ' Roga- raus magnitudinem vestram, ut ecclesia nostra dicat sanctum sym- bolum, prout dicebat hoc ante sehisma usque in hodiernum diem,' etc.: but it seems that the delegates themselves had no objection to the clause Filioque, as they chanted the creed with that addition on the 6th of July. 2 The Council was not recog- nized as ' oecumenical' by Eastern churches : it contained no repre- sentatives of Athanasius the patri- arch of Alexandria, nor of Euthy- mius of Antioch, nor of Gregory II. of Jerusalem. The last of these positively wrote against the union. Neale, Ibid. p. 317. The same re- pugnance to the union was felt in Russia. Mouraviev, p. 49. 3 Five hundred Latin bishops, seventy abbots, and about a thou- sand other ecclesiastics were pre- sent, together with ambassadors from England, France, Germany, &c. The pope celebrated high mass, and Bonaventura preached. Aquinas, who had recently com- posed an Opusculum contra Gr«vos, was expected to take part in the proceedings of the council, but died on his journey thither. 4 Pachymeres, as above, lib. v. c. 24 sq., and Neander, vm. 270 sq. Banishment, imprisonment, confis- cation of property, scourging, and personal mutilation were among the instruments employed by Michael Palaeologus in forcing his —1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 301 stantinople viewed the union with unmixed abhorrence, and ^^A™^8 in many cases went so far as to decline religious inter- Ei\vESxND course with any one suspected of the slightest tenderness for Rome. The gentle pen of Beccus was in vain em- ployed to soften the asperity of public feeling; and although he often interceded with the emperor in mitiga- tion of the penalties inflicted by that heartless tyrant on the nonconforming party, his endeavours only tended to increase the general agitation. He resigned his honours, Dec. 26, 1282, convinced that he should never reconcile his flock to the unpopular alliance with the West.0 The Roman pontiffs had in turn grown weary of the Formal dis- A m . . solution of coldness, craft, and insincerity betrayed by Michael and his the <<"io»> son in carrying out the terms of union. They accordingly allowed the crown of the Two Sicilies to fall into the hands of his powerful rival,6 Charles of Anjou (1266) : and when he instigated the revolt of those provinces in 1280, pope Martin IV. restrained himself no longer, breaking up the hollow and unprofitable treaty by his excommuni- cation of the Eastern emperor7 (Nov. 18, 1281). The speedy death of Michael Palseologus (1282) was followed by the overthrow and disappearance of the Latin party, and the formal revocation8 of the acts in which the see of Constantinople had succumbed to that of Rome. subjects into an approval of the 7 See the document in Raynal- union with the Latins. On the dus, Annal. Eccles. a.d. 1281, § 25. other side, the ultra- Greeks were Earlier traces of displeasure are most unmeasured in their animos- noted in Schrockh, xxix. 449. ity and in the charges which they 8 The new emperor Andronicus brought against their rivals. II., although he had joined his 5 Pachymeres (lib. vi. c. 30) says father in negotiating the union on that, with the exception of the em- political grounds, was really op- peror and patriarch, and a few of posed to it : see his Life by Pachy- their immediate dependents, Traj/TEs meres, as above, lib. i. c. 2. He tSuo-nivaivov tj; dpnvri. was also excommunicated, by Cle- 6 Gibbon, vi. 100 sq. ment V., in 1307. 302 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1073 SECTS. Sim and spread nf the Bogomiles. The main features of ti:t:r creed. THE EASTERN AND WESTERN SECTS. The most important of the Eastern sects who flourished at this period were the Bogomiles, or the Massilians,1 kindred (as we have already seen'2) to the Enthusiasts or Euchites. Issuing in the early part of the twelfth century from Bulgaria, where they grew into a formidable body, they invaded other districts in the patriarchate of Con- stantinople, and soon afterwards obtained a footing in Egyptian dioceses.3 At the centre of their theological system,4 which was quasi-dualistic, stood a superhuman being whom they called Satanael, the first-born Son of God, and honoured with the second place in the administration of the world.5 This Being (a distorted image of the Prince of Evil) was ere long intoxicated by the vastness of his power: he ceased to pay allegiance to the Father, and resolved to organize an empire of his own. A multitude of angels, whom he had involved in his rebellion, were ejected with 1 That these names may be re- garded as descriptive of the same body, is proved by the following passage, among others : 'H iroXvai- pu/xos tojv MacrcriXtavojv, eltovv Bo- yofxiXiov diptais iv Trdari ttoXel, Kal \oopa, Kal eirap~)(ia iTrnroXd^ei T«- vvv. Euthymius Zigabenus, in his work entitled, "EXtyx09 Ka^ 6p««.«- /30S T»JS (iXaGcl)1)fXOV Kal TroXvtiSovs uipicriwi toju atiiuov Maa-a-aXiai/wv, -rail/ Kal <&ouvoaLTwv Kal Hoyop.iXwv KaXovp.it/wi/, Kal EuxitoIv, k.t.X. edited by Tollius in his Iter Itali- cum, 1G96, p. 112. 2 Above, p. 202. The colony of the Paulicians at Philippopolis (above, p. 91, n. 8) was still thriving : but their influence was counteracted in a great degree by the foundation of the orthodox Alexiopolis in the reign of Alexius (Jomnenus (1081 — 1118). Seethe Life of that emperor ('Alexias') by his learned daughter Ajina Com- nena (Bonn, 1839), lib. xiv. 3 Neale, n. 240. According to this writer, a treatise, still in MS., was composed by the Alexandrine patriarch Eulogius against the Bo- gomiles. 4 Our information on this sub- ject is derived mainly from the work of Euthymius, above cited, n. 1, and the twenty- third title of his Panoplia (see above, p. 292, n. 4), which was edited separately by Gicseler, Gottingen, 1842. The general truthfulness of eastern writers on the Bogomiles has been established by the close agreement of their narrative with indepen- dent publications of the Western Church in refutation of the kin- dred sect of Cathari. 6 Euthym. Panop. tit. xxm. c. (>: cf. the apocryphal Gospel in Thilo's Codex Apocryph. A*. Test. I. 8 and Neander's summary, vm. 279 sq. SECTS. —1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 303 him from the nearer presence of the Lord, and after fashioning the earth from preexistent but chaotic elements, he last of all created man. The human soul, however, had a higher origin: it was inspired directly into our first parents by the Lord of heaven Himself; the framer of the body having sought in vain to animate the work until he had addressed his supplications to the Author of all Good.6 The very excellences now apparent in mankind inflamed the envy of Satanael. He seduced the mother of the human race; and Cain, the godless issue of that intercourse, became the root and representative of evil: while his brother Abel, on the contrary, the son of Adam, testified to the existence of a better principle in man. This principle, however, was comparatively in- efficacious7 owing to the crafty malice of the Tempter; and at length8 an act of mercy on the part of God was absolutely needed for the rescue and redemption of the human soul. The agent whom He singled out was Christ. A spirit, called the Son of God, or Logos, and identified JJJJf with Michael the Archangel, came into the world, put JgJvgJ on the semblance of a body,9 baffled the apostate angels, and divesting their malignant leader of all superhuman s AiitcptofitvaaTo TTjods tov the Psalter and the Prophets, as ayatiov Yla-rtpa, Kal irapeKiiXitTE well as the New Testament (c. 1 ). irtfjicpdijvai Trap' aurov irvofjv, kiray- Neander thinks (vili. 286) that 7£t\a/u£i-os kolvov thai tov dvdpw- they attributed a paramount autho- "KOV . £u>oTro!)]0?;, Kal 0V0 tov rity to the Gospel of St. John : and yiuovs aurov nrXnpoucrdai tovs kv it is actually stated (c. 16) that a oupavS T-O7T0US twv diroppKpdiuroov copy of that Gospel was laid upon dyyiXmv : Ibid. c. 7. the head of each on his admission 7 Aiyovo-LV, on twv dvQpco'rrwv to the sect. ■jriKpws Tvpawovpivwv, Kal ctTrtji/tos 8 This was said to be in the diroXXvfiivtov, poyis oXiyot Ttvis tj}s 5500th year after the creation of tov TraTpdi fizpioos kylvovTo, Kal £is the world, which corresponded with ttiv twv dyyiXuiv to^iv duL$r\«u.v. the Christian era in the reckoning Ibid. c. 8. One of the acts of Sata- of Constantinople, nael, according to this sect, was to 9 o-dpKa tb (paivopivw fikv vXlkw delude Moses, and through him Kal 6p.oiav dvtipwirov awpaji rtj the Hebrew nation, by giving them d'dXndeia avXov Kal dto-rrptTrv^ c. 8. the Law. The Bogomiles had con- The Incarnation and the Passion of sequently no reverence for the the Christ were, therefore, equal- Pentateuch, although they used ly unreal. Ibid. 304 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 SECTS. and the Jlcly Trinity. Other errors. Their oppo- sition to images and saint-worship attributes, reduced his title from Satanael to Satan, and curtailed his empire in the world.1 The Saviour was then taken up to heaven, where, after occupying the chief post of honour, He is, at the close of the present dis- pensation, to be reabsorbed into the essence out of which His being is derived. The Holy Spirit, in like manner, is according to the Bogomiles, an emanation only, destined to revert hereafter, when His work has been completed, to the aboriginal and only proper source of life. The authors of this scheme had many points in common with the other mediaeval sects. They looked on all the Church as antichristian and as ruled by fallen angels, arguing that no others save their own community were genuine 'citizens of Christ.''2 The strong repugnance which they felt to every thing that savoured of Mosaism3 urged them to despise the ritual system of the Church : for instance they contended that the only proper baptism is a baptism of the Spirit.4 A more healthy feeling was indeed expressed in their hostility to image-worship5 and exaggerated reverence of the saints, though even there 1 According to Euthymius (Ibid.) Satan was shut up in Tartarus (ira^ii Kal jiaptl kXoico KaTadijaai Kal LyK\s~Lo-ai t . . 1119. them to imprisonment for life. An aged monk, named Basil, who came forward as the leader of the sect, resisted the persuasions of Alexius and the patriarch. He ulti- mately perished at the stake, in Constantinople, 1119. His creed, however, still survived and found adherents in all quarters, more especially in minds alive to the corruptions of the Church, and mystic in their texture.9 The communication which existed now between the The rise of the Cat hart or Eastern and the Western world, arising chiefly out of Aibigenws. pilgrimages, commerce, and crusades, facilitated the trans- mission of these errors into Lombardy, the south of France, and ultimately into almost every part of Western Europe. All the varying titles, Bulgri,10 Popelicani,11 Paterini,1* for Constantine Copronymus (above Several councils of Constantinople p. 79). {e.g. 1140, 1143; Mansi, xxi. 551, 6 They abhorred the symbol of 583) anathematized the principles the cross tiaooov aVTOu yvovai^ ed. Milman). fivTE Tijy t£oooi/, c. 8). An Ora- H 'Popelicani'( ='Publicani',and tion was composed by the patri- in Flanders, ' Piphiles') seems to arch of Constantinople, Germanus have been chiefly used in France. (d.1254), In exaltationem verier andce It is probably a corrupted form of crucis et adversus Bogomilos ; in HavXiKiavoi. See Dr. Maitland's Gretser. Comment, de Cruce, n. Facts and Documents illustrative of 157 sq. the History, §c. of the Albigenses and 7 Seetheexpressionsinp.302,n.l. Waldenses, Lond. 1832, p. 91, and 8 For an account of the strata- the same writer's Eight Essays, gem employed by Alexius, see Lond. 1852, p. 172. The Greeks Schroekh, xxix. 462 sq. would pronounce their word Pav- 9 See the sketch given by Ne- liciani. ander of the two monks Chryso- 12 See above, p. 204, n. 5. Mat- malosand Niphon (vin. 289 — 295). thew Paris, a.d. 1236, p. 214, 306 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 The abstract principles of their creed. Passagieri,1 Cathari,'2 and Albigenses,3 indicate, if not the very same, at least a group of kindred sects, all standing in relations more or less immediate with the Bogomiles, and holding certain points in common with Paulicians and the Manichaeans proper.4 At the basis of their speculative system lay the Eastern theories of dualism and emanation. But the former was considerably changed or softened, partly (as it seems) by contact with less impious sectaries, and partly by the independent action of the Western mind. One school5 of Cathari continued, it is true, entirely ditheistic, cherishing the Manicheean view of two opposing Principles, which had alike subsisted from eternity in regions of their own (the visible and the invisible) : but others,6 like the Bogo- writes, ' qui vulgariter dicuntur Patherini et Bulgares.' 1 This name, with its equivalent 'Passagini', is derived from 'pas- sagium', the common word for a 'crusade' (Ducange, sub voc); it therefore will suggest the channel by which Catharist opinions were conveyed at times into the west of Europe. 1 This name ( = the Pure, or Pu- ritans, and connected with ' Boni Homines' and ' Bons-hommes') was most current in Germany. It sur- vives as a generic form in Ketzer. 3 The name ' Albigenses' (mean- ing natives of the district Albige- sium, or the neighbourhood of Alby) does not appear to have been used for marking out the members of this sect until some time after what is called the ' Albigensian' Crusade : ( Maitland, Facts and Documents, &c, p. 96.) They were at first known by some one of the titles above mentioned, or others like them (see Schmidt, Hist, et Doctrine dc la secte des Cathares, Paris, 1849, tomeii. pp. 275— 284); and subsequently, as distinguished from the Waldcnses, they bore the simple name of 'heretics': Mait- land, Eight Essays, p. 178. 4 See the works of Maitland and Schmidt above referred to ; and especially Hahn's Gesch. der Ketzer im Mittelalter, Stuttgart, 1845-7 ; Gieseler, chap. vii. §§ 87 — 90; and Neander, viii. 297—330. The last writer has pointed out many par- ticulars which shew the close affi- nity between the Cathari and Bogomiles, although he thinks (p. 297) that one class of the for- mer may have sprung out of some other (Eastern) sect which differed in the details of its creed from Bo- gomiles or Euchites : cf. Schmidt's reply, ii. 263—266, in which he contends that Bogomilism itself is rather a branch or modification of primitive Catharism. 5 Neander, viii. 298. It is observable that some writers of this party appealed both to the Scriptures and Aristotle in favour of their views ; but they indulged in the most extravagant nights of ' spiritual' interpretation. Among the chief of their dogmatic pecu- liarities they were predestinaiians (p. 301), and represented the Virgin- Mother as an angel (p. 303). 6 Ibid. p. 305 ; with which com- pare Schmidt's ' Appreciation Ge- nerale', u. 167 — 173. —1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 307 miles, while tracing the formation of the present world sects. to absolutely evil agencies, and looking upon matter as irreconcileably opposed to spirit, were nevertheless induced to recognize one only primal God, the Author of all true and permanent existence. The antagonistic powers of darkness had originally paid allegiance unto Him, and as their fall, with its results, at length necessitated the de- scent of Christ, who was a glorious emanation issuing from the Father in behalf of men, the fruit of His redemption will be seen in the eventual recovery of human souls and a return of the material world into the chaos out of which it had been shaped. In noting the more practical phases of this heresy the M.s ",lore P''ac- ° -1 1 J tital aspects. modes of thought we saw prevailing in the Bogomiles continually recur. The Cathari rejected most of the pro- phetic writings of the Old Testament7 as well as the dis- tinctive principles of the Mosaic ritual, on the ground that Satan was the author of them both.7 Contending that the body of the Son of God,9 on His appearance among men, was an ethereal body, or was not in any way derived from the substance of His Virgin-Mother, they repudiated every article of faith that rests upon the doc- trine of the Incarnation. They agreed in substituting novel rites for those administered at church,10 denouncing 7 The Dominican Moneta, who tates quce de veteri Testamento novo wrote his book Adversus Catharos stmt insertce etc., c. 2. et Valdenses about 1240, says (p. 9 Different views existed on this 218) that the Cathari at first re- point. One school of Cathari ad- jected all the prophets except mitted the reality of our Saviour's Isaiah : but they afterwards quote body, but ascribed it to Satan, and these writings in disputing with affirmed that the genuine Christ their adversaries. ('bonus Christus') is purely spi- 8 e. g. Peter, a Cistercian monk ritual and altogether different from of Vaux Sernai (Vallis-sarnensis), the historic Christ (see Peter of whose Hist. Albigensium (as far as Vaux Sernai, as in the former the year 1218) is printed in Bou- note): others held the same opinion quet and Brial's Script. Franc, xix. as the Bogomiles ; above, p. 303. 1 sq. : ' Novum Testamentum be- 10 Their hatred of the whole nigno Deo, Vetus vero maligno church- system is attested by con- attribuebant, et illud omnino re- temporary writers, e.g. Ebrard and pudiabant prater quasdam auctori- Ermengard, edited by Gretser, X2 308 State of Relujious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D. 1C73 sects, with peculiar emphasis the baptism of unconscious chil- dren.1 They were also most ascetic in their discipline ; forbidding matrimony, and, at least in many districts, every kind of animal food. Nor should we deem this rigour hypocritical. The lives of the more spiritual or ' perfect' class2 presented an example of simplicity, and not unfrequently of moral elevation,3 higher than was commonly discernible in members of the Church ; and to this circumstance should be ascribed at least some measure of the popularity and progress4 of the Cathari as soon as they began to circulate their tenets in the West. The cwhari The ground in which those tenets were most deeply most powerful ° _. . t» i south rooted was the south ot r ranee, trom iieziers to .Bordeaux, of France. , . especially throughout the territories of the count of lou- (Ingolstadt, 1614), in a work bear- ing the incorrect title Trias Scrip- torum adv. Waldensium sectam : cf. Gieseler, § 87, n. 25, 26 ; andMait- land, Facts and Documents, pp. 372 —391. 1 Their own rite of initiation was called ' consolamentum' ( cf. above, p. 203, n. 4), a 'baptism of the Spirit' ('Consolator'), which they administered by the laying on of hands and prayer. See Schmidt, ii. 119 sq. respecting this and other rites. The best original authority is Rainerio Sacchoni (circ. 1250), whose work is analysed in Mait- land's Facts and Documents, pp. 400 sq.: cf. pp. 525 sq. 2 The Cathari were divided into (1) the ' Perfecti', or 'Boni Ho- mines", and (2) the 'Credentes', or ' Auditorcs': see Schmidt, n. 91 sq., Neander, vm. 315 sq. It is re- corded that, although the number of the Cathari was immense in all quarters of the world in the first half of the thirteenth century, only four thousand belonged to the class of ' Perfecti' . 3 The picture drawn by Schmidt (i. 194) may be somewhat too fa- vourable, but the superiority of their moral character as compared with that of the prelates cannot be disputed. See the whole of the chapter, pp. 188 sq. 4 e.g. William Little of Newbury, De Rebus Angl. lib. n. c. 13 (ed. Hearne), who died about 1208, de- scribes their rapid growth in France, Spain, Italy, and Germany. Some who found then way into England were suppressed as early as 1160 (or 1166), bv the council of Oxford (Wilkins, i". 438). They were so numerous in the south of France, Guyenne, Provence, and the greater part of Gascony, that foreigners were told how heresy was rapidly infecting more than a thousand towns, and how the followers of Manes in that district were out- numbering those of Jesus Christ. Schmidt, 1. 194. The same is men- tioned with regard to Lombardy and the papal states (Schmidt, i. 142 sq.), where we may gather from the treatise of Bonacursus (circ. 1190), Vita llareticortim, sen Manifestatio Ihrresis Catharorum (in D'Achery, i. 208 sq.), that tin- leaders of the sect (' Passagini') had so far modified their doctrines as to have betrayed a judaizing tendency: cf. Neander, VIII. 332; Schmidt, II. 294. —1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 309 iouse, and in the neighbourhood of Alby. Here, indeed, sects. among the haunts of gaiety, refinement, and romance, the morals both of court and people were most shamelessly- relaxed :5 but on a sudden the attention of the many, rich and poor alike, had been directed into other channels by the forcible harangues of ' Albigensian' preachers. With a few exceptions, all the barons of the neighbourhood became protectors of the heresy ; some even ranking with its most devoted followers, the ' Perfect'.6 In a council held at Toulouse as early as July 8, 1119, a class of tenets such as those maintained among the Cathari,7 were solemnly denounced ; and mission after mission8 laboured to repress their wider circulation. It was not, however, until the Their violent ' ' repression; pontificate of Innocent III.,9 that vigorous measures were adopted for the extirpation of the sect. The murder o£byCrumJts; the papal legate,10 Pierre de Castelnau, in 1208, which was attributed unjustly to count Raymond of Toulouse, a patron of the ' Albigenses', led the way to an atrocious series of Crusades, conducted at the bidding of the pope by Simon 5 Abundant proofs of this are c. 18, and Tours (1163), c. 4, furnished in the ' chanzos' of the adopted the same course. An im- Proven^al poets, collected, for ex- portant conference with the leaders ample, by Raynouard in his Poesies of the Cathari, including their bi- des Troubadours; and in the Fa- shop Sicard Cellerier, was held in bliaux: although these latter more 1165 (Mansi, xxn. 157) at Lombers, commonly refer to the north of near Alby : cf. Schmidt, i. 70 sq. France. 8 That in 1147 consisted of the s Schmidt, i. 195, 196. legate Alberic and St. Bernard: 7 It denounces (can. in.) those, see Bernard. Epist. 241, from which ' qui religionis speciem simulantes we learn that the churches were dominici corporis et sanguinis sa- deserted, the clergy despised, and cramentum, puerorum baptisma, nearly all the south of France ad- sacerdotium, et cseteros ecclesias- dieted to the Cathari : cf. Schmidt, ticos ordines et legitimarum dam- i. 44, 45. In 1181, Henry abbot of nant fcedera nuptiarum' (Mansi, Clairvaux, who had before (1178) xxi. 225, where the date is incor- endeavoured to reclaim the diocese xectly given : cf. Jane, p. 529). At of Alby in a gentler way, began to this council an appeal was made to preach a crusade against it : Ibid. ' potestates exterse', in order to sup- i. 83. press the misbelievers. The de- 9 See above, p. 252, on his pa- crees were echoed at the council of tronage of Dominic, the founder of Lateran (1139): Mansi, xxi. 532. the Preachers. Other councils, e.g. Rheims (1148), 10 Schmidt, i. 217 sq. 310 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 u/iil by the Inquisition. sects. de Montfort, earl of Leicester, and extending over thirty years.1 By this terrific war the swarming misbelievers of Provence were almost literally ' drowned in blood'. The remnant which escaped the sword of the crusaders fell a prey to ruthless agents of the Inquisition, — the tribunal now established permanently by the council of Toulouse* (1229) for noting and extinguishing all kinds of heretical pravity. The fears awakened in the Vatican and in the Western Church at large by the astounding progress of the ' Al- bigenses', were increased by other movements, totally distinct in character, but also finding the great bulk of their adherents in the southern parts of France. The reter of Bruis author of the earliest (1104—1124) was a priest of Bruis named Peter (hence the title Petrobrusiani), who, together with some startling traits of heterodoxy, manifested3 an attachment to the central truths of Christianity, and a desire to elevate the tone of morals in the districts where he taught. He ultimately perished at the stake; but the impression he produced was much extended by a Cluniac 1 SeeBarrau and Darr agon, Hist, des Croisades contre les Albigeois, Paris, 1840, and Schmidt, as above, I. 219—293. 2 Mansi, xxiii. 192 sq. The germ of this institution is contained in the decree of Lucius III. (1184), •Contra ILereticos', (Maitland's Facts, &c., pp. 496—498) ; and its organization was advanced by the council of Lateran (1215), c. 3, (Decret. Gregor. lib. v. tit. 7, c. 13: in the Corpus Juris Canon.). On the general history see Limborch, Hist. Inquisitionis, Amst. 1692. It 6oon found other fields of duty in extinguishing the Cathari of Italy (Schmidt, i. 159 sq.), of Spain (Ibid. i. 372 sq.), of Germany (Ibid. i. 376 sq.), and also in suppressing a politico-religious sect, entitled ' Stedingers' , who had arisen in the district of Oldenburg : Gieseler, § 89, n. 37. 3 Our chief information respect- ing him is derived from a contem- porary Letter of Peter the Venera- ble, Adversus Petrobusianos Heeret. in Biblioth. Patr. ed. Lugdun. xxn. 1033 sq. It seems that Peter of Bruis and his immediate followers rejected infant baptism, on the ground that personal faith is always needed as a precondition, ere the grace of God can take effect ('nos vero tempus congruum fidei ex- pectamus'). For this cause they rebaptized. They undervalued, if they did not absolutely set aside, the Eucharist. They burned the crosses, and denounced church- music and the ritual system of the age. They also censured and de- rided prayers and offerings for the dead: of. Neander, vm. 338—341. —1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 311 monk and deacon, Henry.4 After labouring sedulously sects. in the field which had been overrun by ' Albigensian' and iiemy the . , | . Cluniac monk, missionaries, and attracting many whom their doctrines (silenced did not satisfy,5 he fell (1147) into the hands of a papal legate, who had visited Provence in company with St. Bernard for the purpose of resisting the further propa- gation of heretical opinions. Henry was sentenced at the council of E-heims (1148) to meagre diet and imprisonment for life. How far the influential sect, hereafter known as the The waiaemes 1 Waldenses1,6 were allied with this reforming movement, is not easy to determine. They are certainly to be dis- tinguished from the ' Albigenses'.7 In their creed we find no vestiges of dualism, nor anything which indicates the least affinity to oriental theories of emanation. What those bodies learned to hold in common, and what made them equally the prey of the Inquisitor, was their un- wavering belief in the corruption of the Mediaeval Church, especially as governed by the Koman pontiffs.8 It has 4 See Gesta Hildeberti among the equally true : but all dispassionate Acta Episcoporum Cenomanensium writers of the present day (e. g. [i.e. of Mans], in Mabillon, Vet. Gieseler, Neander, Schmidt) agree Analect. in. 312, and cf. Neander, in the conclusion above stated. vm. 341 — 350 ; Gieseler, § 87, n. 4 Dr. Maitland has discussed the (4th German ed.). question at length in his Facts and 5 Schmidt, i. 40, 41. Documents etc., and in his Eight 6 This name first occurs in an Essays (1852), pp. 178 sq., he ad- edict of Ildephonsus, king of Ar- duces evidence from a record of ragon (1194). (Maitland's Facts the Inquisition of Toulouse (1307 and Documents, &c, p. 181.) The — 1323) which ' completely decides 'Waldenses' are there associated the question'. with the 'Inzabbati' {i.e. persons 8 In 1207, a pastor of the Albi- wearing ' sabots' or wooden shoes), genses maintained that the Church and with the 'Poor Men of Lyons', of Borne was not the Spouse of Another of the names they bore Christ, but the Apocalyptic Ba- was ' Leonistse' (from Leona — bylon. See the extract on this Lyons). subject in Ussher's De Christ. Ecel. 7 This distinction has been ques- Successione et Statu, ch. x. § 23, tioned by two very different schools Opp. n. 341, ed. Elrington. The of theologians, one endeavouring to Waldenses also ultimately urged shew that the tenets of the Albi- the same objection (though at first genses and Waldenses were equally their tone was different), 'Quod false, and the second that they were Ecclesia Romana non est Ecclesia Tlicir founder, Pi ter Waldo: 312 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A. D. 1073 sects. ajs0 jjeen disputed whether the ' Waldenses' dated further back as a religious corporation than the twelfth century. Although this view appears to have been current once with members of the sect,1 or had at least been confidently urged on some occasions when the adversary challenged them to prove the antiquity of their opinions, it is found to have no basis in authentic history. The leader of the agitation out of which they grew (1170) was Peter Waldo (Pierre deVaud), a citizen of Lyons, who renounced his property that he might give himself entirely to the service of religion. He began to circulate a Ro- maunt version of the Gospels and of many other books of Holy Writ,'2 and with the aid of kindred spirits, laymen like himself, to preach among the populace ; their object being, not to tamper with the creeds or revolutionize the eccle- siastical system, but rather to exalt the spirit and to Waldenses (circ. 1444): Ibid. xxv. 278. Schmidt (n. 287—293) has proved that history and tradition are hoth silent on this great an- tiquity until the loth century, and that the sect was really no older than Peter Waldo. Neander (vni. 368, note) thinks Dr. Maitland somewhat too sceptical as to the genuineness of the Nobla Leyczon, a Waldensian summary of doctrines, claiming to belong to the 12th century. It may have been written at the close (and not at the commencement) of the cen- tury (Schmidt, p. 290). 2 As he was himself no scholar, the version was made for him by two ecclesiastics. See a contem- porary account by the Dominican Stephen de Borbone, extracted in D'Argentre, Collectio Judiciorum de Novis Erroribus, qui ab initio xii sccc. usque ad an. 1632 in Ecclesia proscripti sunt, Paris, 1728, I. 87. The same hands translated for him ' auctoritatcs Sanctorum multas per titulos congregatas, quas Sententias appellabant'. Jesu Christi Quod Ecclesia Eomana est ecclesia malignantium, et bestia et meretrix' etc. See Rainerii Summa de Catharis et Leo- nistis, in Martene and Durand's Thesaur. Anecdot. v. 1775. 1 In the Summa, as above quoted, the Waldenses of the thirteenth century affirmed ' quod ecclesia Christi pcrmansit in episcopis et aliis pntlatis usque ad B. Sylves- trum [the contemporary of Con- stantine], et in eo defccit quousque ipsi earn restaurarunt : tamen dicunt, quod semper fuerunt aliqui qui Deum timebant et salvabantur'. But when it was argued, e.g. by the Dominican Moneta (circ. 1240) Adversus Catharos et Valdenses, ed. Ricchini, p. 402, that the Wal- denses were not ' successores Ec- clesise primitive?', and therefore not ' Ecclesia Dei', some of them con- tended that the sect had lasted ever since the time of pope Syl- vester, and others that it was trace- able to the age of the Apostles : sec the Additions to the Summa of llainerio, in Bibl. Patr. cd. Lugdun. xxv. 264, and Pilschdorf, Contra —1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 313 purify the practice of the age. These warm and desultory sects. efforts proved distasteful to the archbishop of Lyons, who compelled the preachers to desist, They carried an appeal to Rome (1179), exhibiting their version of the Bible to pope Alexander III., and suing for his appro- bation both of it and of the new fraternity.3 The papal license was not given, although at present the Waldenses /■»£ ^ did not share in the anathemas pronounced on other bodies papaisanetim. (Cathari included). They were afterwards condemned, however, in 1184, by Lucius III.4 But nothing could repress the sturdy vigour of the men who laboured at all costs to forward what they deemed a genuine reformation of the Church. Their principles were soon diffused in RapMdiffmion Southern France, in Arragon, in Piedmont, in Lombardy,5 principles. and even in the Rhenish provinces.6 Insisting as they always did on the desirableness of personal acquaintance with the Bible, which, in union with their claim to exercise the sacerdotal office,7 constituted the peculiarity in their original creed, they multiplied translations into the ver- nacular, and frequently surpassed the clergy in their 3 See the important record of earum instruct! erant Scripturis their conduct at the council of Sanctis, quas habebant m fketUom- Lateran by one who was an eye- cam translates'. Gesta Trevirorum, witness, Walter Mapes, afterwards i. 319, August. Trevn-. 18o6. archdeacon of Oxford (1196). The 7 e.g. They maintained (in the passage is in his De Nugis Curl- passage above cited, n. 6) that the alibus, Distinct, i. § xxxi. (ed. Eucharist might be consecrated a Wright, 1850), the title being ' De viro et muliere, ordinate et non secta Valdesiorum' . ordinate' : and both males and fe- * ' In primis ergo Catharos et males preached on every side ( tam Patarinos, et eos qui se Humiliates homines quam mulieres, ldiotae et vel Pauperes de Lugduno falso no- illiterati, per villas discurrentes et mine mentiuntur ; Passaginos, Jo- domos penetr antes et m platers sepinos, Arnoldistas perpetuo de- pnedicantes et etiam in ecclesns, ad cernimus anathemate subjacere'. idem alios provocabant . btephen Mansi, xxn. 476. de Borbone (as above, p. 312, n. I). « See authorities at length in They had a ministry, however, Gieseler, § 88, n. 8, 9, 10. nominated by the brotherhood^ and e The following passage is an consisting of ' majorales (- ta- allusion to their progress in the shops? ) and 'barbas (=preachersj: neighbourhood of Treves (1231): see Gieseler, \ 90, n. 29. Iheir ' Et plures erant sectse et multi ministers were married, 314 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 sects, knowledge of the Scriptures.1 Innocent III. endeavoured to unite them with the Church (1210), and he in part succeeded, forming his Waldensian converts into a society entitled Pawperes Catholicif but the majority, estranged by persecution, zealously maintained a separate existence. At the close of the thirteenth century we find a number of them in the valleys of Piedmont,3 where after many dark vicissitudes they are surviving at the present day.4 Their tenets, which were at the first distinguishable in but few particulars from those of other Christians, rapidly developed into forms antagonistic to the common teaching of the Mediaeval Church.5 The Vaudois were indeed to some extent precursors of the Reformation, more especially as it was often carried out in continental Europe. Apostoiicais An allusion has been made already to the aberrations (1260—1307) 0f the stricter school of the Franciscans,6 of the Beghards,7 1 Neander, vm. 360. 2 Innocent III. Epist. lib. xi. epp. 196, 198: lib. xn. epp. 17, 69: lib. xiii. ep. 78. 3 See extracts from a record in the archives of Turin communi- cated by Krone in his Fra Dolcino unddie Patarener, p. 22, Leipz. 1844. 4 They maintained themselves in Provence until 1545, when by uniting with the Calvinists they were violently persecuted and ex- pelled. For an account of their past sufferings and present condi- tion, see Gilly's Narrative &c. 4th edition, and Le™er,Hist.des Vaudois. 5 They denied the sacramental character of orders, unction, con- firmation, and marriage, and the efficacy of absolution and the eu- charist when these were adminis- tered by unworthy persons whether lay or cleric (cf. above, p. 313, n. 7). They did not accept the canon of the Mass, but were in favour of more frequent (even daily) communion. They did not invoke the saints, nor venerate the cross and relics. They did not believe in any kind of purgatory, and made no offerings for the dead. They repudiated tithes, the taking of an oath, military service, and capital punishment. They dispa- raged fasting, all distinction of days (' quod unus dies sit sicut alius'), and every kind of decora- tion in the ritual or the fabric of the church. With regard to bap- tism their opinions are not very clearly stated, but, owing to their strong belief in the necessity of actual preconditions on the part of the recipient, they seem at best to have esteemed it, when adminis- tered to infants, as an empty cere- monial (' Quod ablutio, quae datur infantibus, nihil prosit' : cf. Ne- ander, vm. 365). See on the Wal- densian doctrines the authorities quoted above, p. 312, n. 1, and the Extracts from Limborcli s History of the Inquisition, in Maitland's Facts &c. pp. 229 sq. 6 Above, p. 250. 7 Above, p. 254. Gieseler, § 90, n. 35, has pointed out some fea- tures in which the Beghards (or, -1305] Stateqf Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 315 and the Arnoldists8 (or partisans of Arnold of Brescia), sects. From the impulse which had been communicated by the authors of those movements sprang another sect, entitled 1 Apostolicals'.9 It was confined at first to Lombardy and certain districts of the Tyrol. Its main object was to realize the long-forgotten picture which the Bible seemed to furnish of a truly evangelic poverty, and of a Church where all the members, from the highest to the lowest, are united solely by the bonds of Christian love.10 The exhortations of the Apostolicals were all, however, more or less distempered by fanatical and communistic theories,11 which, rousing the displeasure of the Inquisition and the civil power, at length consigned their hapless leader, Sagarelli,12 to the stake (1300). His able, but mis- sW£nUi> guided follower, Dolcino, after braving almost every kind V016™0- of danger, for the sake of his convictions, met the same unchristian fate13 (1307). as they described themselves) • the Brothers and Sisters of the Free Spirit', were akin to the Waldenses : and it will be shewn hereafter that they were progenitors of the Ger- man (not the English) Lullards, or Lollards. 8 Above, pp. 267, 268. 9 See Mosheim's Gesch. des Apos- tel-ordens, Helmstadt, 1748. A full, but somewhat violent, description of the struggle which the 'Apos- tolicals' excited will be found in Mariotti's Fra Dolcino and his Times, Lond. 1853. 10 ' Sine vinculo obedientise ex- terioris, sed interioris tantum'. 11 Mariotti, pp. 182 sq., pp. 213 sq. Extracts from two of Dolcino' s circulars are given in Muratori, Script. Rer. Ital. ix. 450. The fol- lowing views, among his other predictions, shew that he hoped to witness not only the purification of the papacy but also the founding of a native monarchy: ' Fredericus rex Sicilise debet relevari in im- peratorem, et facere reges novos, et Bonifacium papam pugnando ha- bere et facere occidi cum aliis oc- cidendis. . . .Tunc omnes Christiani erunt positi in pace, et tunc erit unus papa sanctus a Deo missus mirabiliter et electus, . . . et sub illo papa erunt illi, qui sunt de statu Apostolico, et etiam alii de clericis et religiosis qui unienter eis, .... et tunc accipient Spiritus Sancti gratiam, sicut acceperunt Apostoli in Ecclesia primitiva' . For Dante's view of Dolcino and his mission, see Dell' Inferno, cant, xxviii. 55 sq. 18 Mariotti, p. 102. w Ibid. p. 296. In 1320 some branches of the sect of ' Apostoli- cals' existed in the south of France, and traces of them are found in Germany as late as the year 1402. Ibid. pp. 314 sq. { 316 ) [a.d. 1073 CHAPTER XII. ON THE STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY. i*E£5s°L Confining our review to Western Christendom,1 in uKAUi AMI) ' ledge" which alone the aspect of religion underwent a clearly measurable change, we must regard the present as an New impulse age of great activity and very general progress. The Western mind. Crusades had opened a new world of intellectual enter- prise ; the fever of scholasticism arousing all the specu- lative faculties had urged men to investigate the grounds of their belief; while literary institutions, bent on further- ing the spread of secular as well as sacred knowledge, and constructed after the illustrious models in the University of Paris, had sprung up on every side.'2 A somewhat novel feature in the works transmitted to us from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries should not be overlooked. Literature not The literature of Europe until then was almost everywhere exclusively L J ecclesiastical: exclusively ' religious,' or one might affirm at least that it was nearly always penetrated by a strong ecclesiastical element.3 But afterwards a different class of works were published, which, if not entirely hostile to the Church, were 1 On the torpor and monotony Northern Antiquities, pp. 363 sq., of the Eastern Church at this ed. 1847. The two ' general' coun- period also, see above, p. 291. cils of Latcran, a.d. 1179 (c. 18), 2 See above, 253. Colleges and a.d. 1215 (c. 11), enjoin that began to be numerous in France, a schoolmaster shall be provided Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Gcr- in every cathedral church for many (Mohler, Schriften, etc., n. teaching the poorer clerics and 6). This impulse was transmitted the young. as far as Iceland, on the copious 3 Capefigue, L'Eglise au Moyen literature of which, see Mallet's Age, i. 362. 1305] State of Intelligence and PL ty. 117 calculated to impair its old ascendancy and to imperil the means of 1 J x GRACE AND foundations both of faith and morals. Such were many leikt of the amorous pieces4 of the Troubadours, Trouveres, and Minnesingers. Soft and polished as they are, it is too often very obvious that their general tendency was to produce con- tempt for holy things and throw a veil upon the most revolting sensuality. The same is often true of mediaeval romances,5 which, as may be argued from the copious list surviving at the present day, began to fascinate a very numerous circle. The more earnest readers still preferred the ancient 1 Lives of Saints.' 6 These after some recasting were, as in the former age, translated into many dialects of Europe. Ver*«cuiar 07 •' i sources of Some acquaintance with the truths of Christianity might ^,; ;^ also be obtained from versions of the Bible, or at least of certain parts which were occasionally put in circula- tion.7 But the most original method now adopted for 4 See Sismondi, Literature of the South of Europe, c. iv — vm. ; Taylor (Edgar), Lays of the Minne- singers, passim. It appears that one of the earliest of the amorous poets in the north of France was Abelard, the schoolman. Hallam, Liter, of Europe, I. 43, ed. 1840. 5 See Ellis, Sjiecimens of Early Engl. Romances, ed. Halliwell, 1848. 6 The Speculum Historiale of Vin- cent of Beauvais (Bellovacensis), and the Historia Lombardica sive Legenda Aurea de Vitis Sanctorum, of Jacobus de Voragine (di Virag- gio), were the favourite books in Western Europe. The popularity of the latter (the ' Golden Legend') continued to the time of the Re- formation. A specimen of the vernacular hagiology of this period is furnished by a Semi- Saxon Legend of St. Catharine (among the publications of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society). The date is the early part of the 13th cen- tury. 7 e.g. before the year 1200, the Anglo-Normans had translated into their own dialect, in prose, the Psalter and the Canticles of the Church ; and towards the middle of the thirteenth century they seem to have possessed a prose version of the entire Bible. But most of the sacred literature at this period is metrical ; e.g. the Ormulum, writ- ten perhaps about the commence- ment of the thirteenth century, and serving as a paraphrase of the Gos- pels and the Acts. Other instances are quoted in the Preface to the Wyckliffite Bible, p. hi. Oxford, 1S50. The Historia Scholastica of Peter Comestor (circ. 1190) was very generally circulated both in the original and in translations. It contains an abstract of sacred history, disfigured often by absurd interpolations and unauthorized glosses. A version of it, somewhat modified (1294), was known as the first French Bible. See Gilly's Preface to the Romaunt Version of St. John, pp. xiv — xvii. Lond. 1848. 318 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1073 KNOW- LEDGE. Religious plays. gbace8 \nt> imparting rudiments of sacred knowledge were dramatic exhibitions, called ' miracle-plays,' which grew at length into ' moralities.' The object was to bring the leading facts of revelation and church-history more vividly be- fore the ill-instructed mass. The infancy, the public life, and crucifixion of our Blessed Lord were the most favourite topics.1 It is constantly complained, however, even with regard to the more enterprising class of scholars, that the Bible was comparatively thrust into the background,'1 many of them seeming to prefer the study of the pagan writers or the civil law, and others giving all their time to lectures on the ' Book of Sentences.' The Vaudois, on the contrary, like all the other mediae- val sectaries who thought themselves constrained to wrestle with the evils of the times, appealed in every case di- rectly to the Bible3; and although the meaning of the Reading of the Bible. 1 See an abstract of one of them in Sismondi, Lit. of the South of Europe, i. 231 sq. ; Mone's Schau- spiele des Mittelalters, passim, Karls- ruhe, 1846, and Warton's Hist, of English Poetry, u. 24 sq., ed. 1840. It is remarkable that a northern missionary (at Riga) made use of this vehicle in 1204, ' ut fidei Chris- tiana rudimenta gen tilitas fide etiam disceret oculata' : Neander, vn. 51, 52. One of the earliest, and in England the veTy first, of these theatrical pieces was a Ludus S. Catharinte, performed at Dunstable about 1100 : Dugdalc's Monast. u. 184, new ed. 2 Thus Robert le Poule (Pollen), as above, p. 282, read the Scriptures at Oxford, where, as well as in other parts of England, they had been neglected ' prse scholasticis' : cf. the remarkable language of Peter of Blois (Blesensis), arch- deacon of Bath (d. 1200), ep. lxxvi. (i. 224—230, ed. Giles). The fol- lowing words of Roger Bacon (quoted in Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris, in. 383) are to the same effect : ' Baccalaureus, qui legit textum, succumbit lectori Senten- tiarum. Parisiis ille, qui legit Sen- tentias, habet principalem horam legendi secundum suam volunta- tem, habet socium et cameram apud religiosos, sed qui legit Bib- liam caret his,' etc. — But on the other hand numerous instances have been collected, more es- pecially by Ussher (Hist. Dog- matica: Works, ed. Elrington, xn. 317 — 343), in which the ancient reverence for the Scriptures, as the rule of life, is very forcibly ex- pressed. 3 It was the principle of Peter Waldo to persuade all ' ut biblia legerent, atque ex ipso fonte liben- tius haurirent aquam salutarem, quam ex hominum impuris lacu- nis. Soli enim Biblia? scriptune tot divinis testimoniis ornata? at- que confirmatfe conscientias tuto inniti posse.' MS. quoted by Usshcr, as above, p. 331. -1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 319 sacred text was often very grievously distorted in their 3S5fiI8ANii efforts to establish a one-sided or heretical position, the ledge fresh impulse which had now been given to scriptural ., , ... , - , ., Specially pro- inquiry was insensibly transmitted tar and wide among mated by the sect civics* the members of the Church itself.4 At first, indeed, the use to which vernacular translations were applied, awakened the suspicions5 of the prelates and the fury of the Inquisition. The endeavours to suppress them dated Attempted 1 * Jr suppression from the council of Toulouse6 in 1229, allusion being there %^aeular intended more especially to the Romaunt translations circulated by the followers of Peter Waldo. But in spite of this repugnance on the part of the ecclesiastical authorities, the wish to draw instruction personally from translations. 4 e.g. Roger Bacon, as above, p. 209. 5 Thus Innocent III. (1129), lib. ii. ep. 141, after directing the at- tention of the bishop and chapter of Metz to the existence of a ' Gal- lic' version of the Psalter, Gospels, Pauline Epistles, etc., proceeds as follows : ' Licet autem desiderium intelligendi divinas Scripturas, et secundum eas studium adhortandi reprehendendum non sit, sed potius commendandum ; in eo tamen ap- parent merito arguendi, quod tales occulta conventicula sua celebrant, omcium sibi prsedicationis usur- pant, sacerdotum simplicitatem eludunt, et eorum consortium as- pernantur, qui talibus non inhe- rent.' A like feeling had been manifested some time before (1210) in condemning the works of the pantheistic schoolman David of Dinanto (see above, p. 283, n. 7). The prohibition was extended to all ' theological' works in the French language, David having used translations for disseminating his opinions : Neander, vin. 131, 132. 6 Can. 14. It forbids the laity to have in their possession any copy of the books of the Old and New Testament, except perhaps the Psalter and those parts of the Bible contained in the Breviary and the Hours of the blessed Virgin, and most rigorously con- demns the use of vernacular translations. See Fleury's apology for this injunction, Hist. Eccles., liv. lix. § 58. At the council of Tarragona (1234, c. 2), the censure is restricted to all versions ' in Romanico': but in 1246 the council of Beziers (Biterrense), where the Cathari had been most numerous, absolutely urge the Inquisition (c. 36: Mansi, xxiii. 724) to take measures ' de libris thcologicis non tenendis etiam a laicis in Latino, et neque ab ipsis neque a clericis in vidgari.' It is remarkable, how- ever, that notwithstanding these local prohibitions, many parts of the Bible were still translated {e.g. into Italian and Spanish), and apparently authorized : Gilly, as above, pp. xvi., xvii. The reason given for putting out a new edition of the French ' Bible' (see above, p. 317, n. 7) in the reign of Charles V. of France (1364—1380), was to supplant the Waldensian versions : Gilly, p. xxii. On the use made of translations of the Scriptures by the Roman missions to the East, see above, p. 235, n. 7. 320 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1073 means of the oracles of God continued to increase with the diffusion GRACE AND KNOW- LEDGE. Preaching, often com- mitted to the Mendicant Order. of intelligence. The present age was also far superior to the last in the efficiency and number of its public teachers.1 Every parish- priest, as heretofore, was bound2 to inculcate on all the children of his cure at least some elementary knowledge of the Christian faith (by expositions of the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, the Ten Commandments, and at last the Ave Maria, in the vulgar tongue), as well as to be dili- gent in preaching to the rest.3 But more was now effected through the voluntary labours of the Mendicants,4 whose zeal and learning were employed, as they itinerated here and there, in teaching simple truths of Christianity no less than in repelling what were deemed the shafts of misbelief. A prelate, such as Grosseteste,5 anxious for the spiritual advancement of his flock and painfully alive to the incom- petence6 of many of the seculars, occasionally invited Men- dicants to aid him in his holy task ; and even where they had no invitation, they considered that the papal license 1 We may judge of the opportu- nities of instruction now afforded to the working- classes by the fact that all persons were enjoined to go to church (sometimes under a penalty, e. (j. council of Toulouse, a.d. 1229, c. 25) on Sundays, on the greater festivals (see a list of them, Ibid. c. 26, or council of Exeter, a.d. 1217, c. 23), and on Saturday evenings. 2 Cf. above, pp. 206, 207 ; see also the Prcecepta Communia of Odo, bishop of Paris (circ. 1200), § 10, in Mansi, xxu. 681 ; the Sta- tuta Synodal, of Richard of Chi- chester (1246), Ibid, xxiii. 714 : and archbp. Peckham's Constitutions (1281), in Johnson, n. 282 sq. 3 A mighty influence must have been exerted by the sermons of St. Bernard, who often preached in the vernacular language. Speci- mens of this class are printed in the Doeumens sur F Histoirc de France, ed. Le Roux de Lincy, 1841. On the other famous preach- ers of this period, see Schrbckh, xxix. 313 sq. The sermons of Berthold, a Franciscan (d. 1272), are said to have produced a very deep impression on all kinds of hearers. Many of them (surviving in the vernacular) have been edited by Kling, Berlin, 1824. 4 See above, pp. 249 sq. 5 Above, p. 252, n. 8. 6 This was also urged by the Apologist of the Franciscan and Dominican orders. He regarded them as supernumeraries specially authorized by the pope in an emergency to remedy the sad de- fects of the parochial priests : cf. the language of Bonaventura and Aquinas quoted in Neander, vn. 398. -1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 321 AND KNOW- LEDGE. was enough to warrant their admission into any diocese. n^a£9 ?Jt O J GRACE AM The popularity of this abnormal method of procedure indi- cates the growing thirst for knowledge ; and we must infer that, notwithstanding all the gross hypocrisy, fanaticism, and intermeddling spirit which the friars have too commonly betrayed in after times, they served at first as powerful agents in the hands of the Almighty for promoting in- tellectual culture and enlivening the stagnant pulses of religion.7 It was not until this period that the ' sacramental ' system of the Church attained its full development.3 The methodizing and complete determination of the subjects it involved is due to the abstruse inquiries of the School- men. Previously the name of ' sacrament' was used to sacramental J system of the designate9 a ritual or symbolic act in general, — Baptism, church. Confirmation, and the Eucharist belonging to a special class.10 But in the twelfth century the ordinances which 7 The treatise of Humbert de Romanis (circ. 1250), general of the Dominicans, entitled De Eru- ditione Preedicatorum, is a fine proof of the earnestness with which men were enjoined to enter on the work of preaching, though we trace in it a disposition to exaggerate the worth of sermons as compared with other means of grace. See a review of it in Neander, vn. 435—440. The following is the account given by the biographer of Aquinas (c. viii. s. 48, as above, p. 285, n. 8), respecting his style of preaching : ' Praedicationes suas, quibus placeret Deo, prodesset po- pulo, sic formabat, ut non esset in curiosis humanaj sapientia? verbis, Bed in spiritu et virtute sermonis, qui, vitatis qua? curiositati potius quam utilitati deserviunt, in illo suo vulgari natalis soli proponebat et prosequebatur utilia populo.' 8 See Hagenbach, Hist, of Doc- trines, § 189 (vol. ii. pp. 73 sq., Edinb. 1852), on the one side, and Klee, Dogmengesch. (in German), Pt. ii. ch. vi., on the other. 9 St. Augustine's definition was 1 sacra; rei signum,' or ' invisibilis gratia? visibilis forma' (Klee, Ibid. § 1) : but like Damiani (quoted above, p. 213, n. 7), he applied the word ' sacramentum' very generally. The same appears to have been the case with the word /xvaTi'ipiov in the East, although the number of rites to which it was in strictness applicable, was at length reduced to six, — baptism, the Lord's Supper, the consecration of the holy oil (teA.et>j fxupov), priestly orders, monastic dedica- tion (fiovaxiKij TeXEttocris), and the ceremonies relating to the holy dead. Schrockh, xxiii. 127 — 129 ; xxviii. 45. 10 e. g. as late as Pabanus Mau- rus (De Institut. Clericorwn, lib. i. c. 24), and Paschasius Radbert (De Curpore et Sang. Domini, c. 3), and Berengarius (De Ccena Domini, p. 153), the ' sacramenta' are re- Ih.m. 322 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1073 •■t/v^VI'"^ could claim to be admitted to the rank of 'sacraments1 abuses, were found to coincide exactly with the sacred number seven.1 The earliest trace of this scholastic limitation has been pointed out in a discourse of Otho the apostle of the Pomeranians'^ (1124) ; and from the age of Peter 'Zmenis Lombard,3 Bonaventura, and Aquinas, members of the Western Church were taught to pay a large, if not an equal, share of reverence unto all the ' sacraments of the new law,' — Baptism, Confirmation, the Eucharist, Peni- tence, Extreme Unction, Orders, and Matrimony. A dis- tinction was, however, drawn among them in respect of dignity, specific virtues, and importance.4 Preachers also were not wanting to insist upon the need of faith and lr'''u,'c'uny other preconditions in all those, excepting infants,5 who were made partakers of the sacraments. Still it is plain that the prevailing tendency of this and former ages, as distinguished from the period since the Reformation, was to view a sacred rite far too exclusively in its objective stricted in this manner : and when the Bible (e. g. the Waldenses, Alexander of Hales [Sumtna, Pt. above, p. 314, n. 5). iv. Qua-st. viii. Art. 2) accepted 4 Klee, as above, §11. the scholastic terminology he was 5 See the remarkable passage in constrained to allow that only two PeterLombard,.Sew/e«/.lib.iv.,I)ist. sacraments (baptism and the eu- 4, on the benefits of baptism in the charist) were instituted by the case of infants. His language im- Lord Himself ' secundum suam plies that the precise amount of formam.' The same appears to spiritual blessing was disputed, be the view of Hugo de St. Victor, and that some, who thought ori- in his work On the Sacraments ginal sin to be remitted in the case (above, p. 281, n. 10). of every child, contended that the 1 See the varying theories on grace imparted then was given ' in this point in Klee, as above, § 10, munere non in usu, ut cum ad to which may be added the ser- majorem venerint [i.e. cuncti par- mons of the Franciscan Berthold, vuii] aetatem, ex munere sortiantur as above, pp. 439 sq. usum, nisi per liberum arbitrium * Above, p. 224 : cf. Schrockh, usum muneris extinguant peccan- xxv. 227. do, et ita ex culpa eoruni est, non :) Saitent., lib. iv. Dist. i. sq., ex defectu gratia?, quod man' hunt.' •which practically settled the dis- Aquinas discusses the same point, cussion in the Western Church. « utrum pueri in baptismo conse- The sects, however, still continued quantur gratiam et virtutes.' (Sum- to protest against the elevation of ma, Pt. in., Qusest. lxix., Art. vi.), a class of ordinances for which determining it, for the most part, there was no express warrant in in the language of Augustine. -1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. m character6 [i.e. without regard to the susceptibility of those ^o^and to whom it was applied). abuses. These feelings were in no case carried out so far as Definite • i • i ti i ■ mi • /v» establishment m relation to the Eucharist. The doctrine which affirmed of tnmsab- stantiation. a physical ' transubstantiation' of the elements had, on the overthrow of Berengarius,7 gained complete possession of the leading teachers of the West.8 Discussions,9 it is true, were agitated still among the Schoolmen as to the exact intention of the phrase ' to transubstantiate' ; but the em- phatic sentence of the council held at Lateran10 (1215), designed especially to counteract the spreading tenets of the Albigenses and some other sects,11 admitted of no casuistical evasion. One effect of a belief in transubstantiation was to discon- Communion in o/tc kind only. tinue the original practice of administering the Eucharist in both kinds;12 the reason being that our Blessed Lord existed so entirely and so indivisibly in either element that 6 The phrase ' ex opere operate/ was now introduced to represent this mode of viewing sacraments ; e.g. Duns Scotus (Sent. lib. iv. Dist. i., Quaest. 6, § 10) affirms, ' Sacramentum ex virtute operis ope- rati confert gratiam, ita quod non requiritur ibi bonus motus anterior qtu mereatur gratiam ; sed sufficit, quod suscipiens non ponat obicem.' Aquinas (Summa, Pt. in., Quaest. lxii., Art. 1) maintains, however, that the sacrament is no more than the ' instrumentalis causa gra- tia?, while the true agent is God (' Deus sacramentis adhibitis in anima gratiam operator'). 7 See above, p. 186. 8 Gieseler (§ 77, n. 5) has pointed out an instance where the term ' transubstantiatio' occurs as early as Damiani in his Expositio Canonis Missce, in Maii Script. Vet. Collect, vi., pt. ii., 215, Rom. 1825). Other instances formerly belonging to the twelfth century have been collected inBp. Cosin'sHfoi. Tran- substant. c. 7, new edit., which is an important authority on the whole question. 9 See Klee, as above, §25. One of the most independent writers on the subject was the Dominican, John of Paris, (circ. 1300) whose Determinatio de modo existendi Corpori Christi in Sacramento altaris alio quam sit Me, quern tenet Ecclesia was edited by Allix, Lond. 1686 : cf. Neander, vn. 473. 10 ' In qua [i.e. Ecclesia] idem Ipse Sacerdos est et Sacrificium Jesus Christus, cujus corpus et sanguis in sacTamehto altaris sub speciebus panis et vini veraciter continentur, transubstantiatis pane in corpus et vino in sanguinem potestate divina,' etc. c. 1. On the contemporary doctrine of the East- ern Church, see above, p. 103, n. 4 ; Schrockh, xxvni. 72, 73 ; Hagenbach, § 197. 11 Cf. Palmer's Treatise on the Church, part, iv., ch. xi., § 2. 12 Cf. above, p. 213, n. 7. Y2 324 State of Intelligence and Piety. [A.D. 1073 tions and a^ wno were Partakers of the consecrated host received ABU!SES- therein His Body and His Blood.1 This novel theory was called the doctrine of ' concomitance' : but notwith- standing all the specious logic which the schoolmen urged in its behalf, it was not generally accepted till the close of the thirteenth century. thllostT °f Another consequence that flowed immediately from the scholastic dogmas on the Lord's Supper was the adoration of the host. It had been usual long before to elevate* the holy sacrament with the idea of teaching by a symbol the triumphant exaltation of the Lord. A different mean- ing was, however, naturally imparted to the rite,3 where men believed that Christ was truly veiled beneath the sacramental emblems. These in turn became an object of the highest worship, which was paid to them not only in the celebration of the mass, but also when the host was carried in procession to the sick. The annual feast aZ-pufchristi. °f Corpus Christi (on the Thursday after Trinity Sunday) was the point in which these acts of worship culminated. It was authorized expressly in a bull of Urban IV.4 (1264), 1 Anselm (Ejrist. lib. rv., ep. of Heisterbach, De Miraculis, etc., 117) was the first who argued 'in Dialogi, lib. ix. c. 51 (quoted by utraque specie totum Christum Neander, vn. 474). In the Decret. sumi.' Others, quoted at length Gregor. IX , lib. ill. tit. xli. c. 10 by Gieseler (§ 77, n. 11, 12) fol- (Corpus Juris Canon.), we find the lowed his example ; though the following order of Honorius III. cup did not begin to be actually (circ. 1217): ' Sacerdos vero qui- withdraivn from the communicants Hbet frequenter doceat plebem till somewhat later. The steps by suam, ut, cum in celebratione mis- which the change was finally ac- sarum elevatur hostia salutaris, complished have been traced at quilibet se reverenter inclinet, idem length in Spittler, as above, p. 213, faciens cum earn defert presbyter n. 7. ad infirmum.' The Order of St. * Schrockh, xxvm. 74 : Klee, Clara (above, p. 249, n. 8) devoted partn.ch.vi. §32 : L'Arroque, Hist, themselves especially to the adora- ofthe Eucharist, part i. ch. ix. tion of the sacrament. Capefigue, 3 The first recorded instance of II. 21. 'adoration' in Germany (i.e. of 4 Bullarium Romanum, i. 146 sq. kneeling down before the host as Lugdun. 1712. It seems to have an object of worship) is said to existed somewhat earber in the have occurred in the thirteenth diocese of Liege, or at least the in- century (circ. 1225). See Caesarius stitution of it was suggested from —1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 325 and confirmed afresh by Clement V. at the council of otonsajsFd Vienne5 (1311). A3^ses. Although we must acknowledge that the better class Practical .... . result of a of minds may have been stimulated in their pious medita- M}ef in !ran- * L substantia- tions* by thus realizing the immediate presence of the tim- Crucified, the general effect of a belief in transubstan- tiation, and the doctrines in connexion with it, was to thin the number of communicants.7 The Eucharist was commonly esteemed an awful and mysterious sacrifice of which the celebrant alone was worthy to partake, at least from day to day. His flock were present chiefly as spectators of the rite. A grave delusion which had shewn itself already in the J[°ry^;"[ worship of the blessed Virgin was continued to the present age. It now pervaded almost every class of Christians, not excepting the more thoughtful Schoolmen,8 and was one of the prime elements in giving birth to what are called the institutes of 'chivalry.'9 The parallel indeed that quarter. See Gest, Pontif. . . . pus ab ejus perceptione duxerit Leodiens., ed. Ckapeaville, II. 293; abstinendum'). Schrockh (xxvni. Leodii, 1612. lllsq.) has collected other evi- 5 Clementin. lib. Hi. tit. xvi. (in dence, shewing that in Franee and the Corpus Jur. Canon.). England attempts were made to 6 e.g. the treatise De Sacrament, induce the people to communicate Altaris, Pt. n. c. 8 (wrongly as- three times a year. Worthless cribed to Anselm of Canterbury priests now began to enter into and printed in the old editions of pecuniary contracts, binding them- his Works) : ' Cum ergo, de carne selves to offer masses (say for sua, amandi Se tantam ingerit ma- twenty or thirty years) in behalf teriam, magnam et mirificam ani- of the dying and the dead. The rnabus nostris vitse alimoniam mi- better class of prelates did not fail, nistrat, cum dulciter recolligimus however, to denounce the practice, et in ventre memorise recondimus Ibid. p. 113, and Neander, vn. 481. qusecunque pro nobis fecit et passus The practice of administering the «st Christus': cf. Neander, vn. 467. Eucharist to children was discon- 7 The twenty-first canon of the tinued from this epoch, scarcely council of Lateran (1215) is evi- any trace of it appearing after the dence of this infrequency. It en- twelfth century. It was actually joins that all the faithful of either forbidden at the council of Bor- sex shall communicate at least deaux (Burdegalense), a.d. 1255, once a year, viz. at Easter, on pain c. 5 (Labbe, xi. 738), but is still of excommunication ('nisi forte de retained in the Eastern Church, consilio proprii sacerdotis ob ali- 8 e.g. Bonaventura, above, p. 284. quam rationabilem eausam ad tern- 9 See Miller's History Philoso- 326 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1073 CORRUP- TIONS AND ABUSES. which was established at this time between the honours rendered to St. Mary and to God Himself1 is a distressing proof that in the estimation even of her purest votaries she was exalted far above the human level and invested with prerogatives belonging only to her Son. A slight reaction may indeed have been occasioned through the partial failure of the effort, noticed on a previous page,* when the Do- minicans attempted to exact belief in the immaculate con- ception of the Virgin as an article of faith : but it is obvious that the party siding with Anselm, Bernard, and Aquinas was outnumbered by the rest, and that the general current of religious feeling had now set the other way. saint worship. The number of factitious saints, already vast,3 was multiplied by the credulity of some and by the impious fraud of others, who on their return from Palestine were apt to circulate astounding tales among their countrymen, and furnish fresh supplies of relics to the convents on phically Illustrated, n. 14 — 16, 3rd edit. A glance at the Fabliaux (ed. Le Grand) will shew the awful way in which the worship of the Virgin was associated with an al- most diabolical licentiousness : see especially the Contes Devots, in tome v. 1 "We see this feeling manifested strongly in the Curstis B. Maria; (Neander, vn. 117, note), and in the compilation of the Psalterium Minus, the Psalterium Majus B. Virginis Maritv, and of the Biblia Mariana, which (whoever may have been the authors) were circulated at this period (cf. above, p. 284, n. 3 ; and Gicseler, § 78, n. 9, 10, 12). Aquinas first employed the term hyper did ia ( = ' medium inter latriam et duliam'), intending by it the peculiar veneration, short of supreme worship, which was due to the Virgin as distinguished from all other saints (Summa, Secunda Seeundae, Qua>st. cm. Art. iv.). He affirms elsewhere (Part III. Qusest. -\xv. Art. v) 'quod matri Regis non debetur aequalis honor honori qui debetur Regi ; debetur tarn en ei quidam honor consimilis ratione cujusdam excellentiae.' 2 Above, p. 289. The Feast of the Conception of the Virgin (Dec. 8), corresponding with that of her Nativity (Sept. 8: cf. above, p. 99, n. 7) was introduced in the 13th century, but not made absolutely binding ('cujus celebrationi non imponitur necessitas'; Synod of Oxford, a.d. 1222, c. 8 : Wilkins, i. 585). See, on the general ques- tion, Gravois, De Ortu et Progresstt Cultus ac Festi Immac. Concep. Dei Genetricis, Luc. 1762. The council of Easle (Sess. xxxvi.; Sept. 17, 1439) decreed that the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception was a pious opinion, agreeable to the worship of the Church, the catho- lic faith, and right reason. 3 See above, p. 210. To this period belongs the famous legend of the 11,000 virgins of Cologne (perhaps a mis-reading of XI M. Virgines = XI Martyres, Virgines). —1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 327 their way. These practices, however, were most warmly T^£ ^:D reprobated here and there.4 abuses. The rage for pilgrimages had not been diminished, Pilgrimages. even after the idea of rescuing the Holy Sepulchre was generally abandoned5 on all sides. The less distant shrines were still frequented by a crowd of superstitious devotees, attracted thither, as of old, by an idea of light- ft^te^m ening the conscience at an easy cost. Nor was the sterner and ascetic class of penitents extinct :6 although it seems that in the West the spirit of religion had upon the whole become more joyous than was noted in the former period. The influence of the Schools had shewn itself again in Scholastic giving a more scientific shape to the conceptions which Penance. had long been current in the Western Church respecting penance. It is true that many popular abuses of an earlier date7 were still too common both in England and the continent. They kept their ground in spite of all the efforts made by Gregory VII.8 and other prelates to enforce * A fine specimen occurs in the "West (Muratori, Script. Rer. Ital. treatise De Pignoribus Sanctorum vm. 712). of Guibert, abbot of Nogent-sous- 7 See above, p. 216: and cf. Coucy(d. 1124): 0#p. ed.D'Achery, council of York (1195), c. 4 ; of 1651. London (1237), c 4: Wilkins, i. 5 Above, p. 272. The feelings of 501, 647. the more intelligent pilgrims may 8 His letter (1079) to the English be gathered from a tract of Peter bishops (lib. vii. ep. 10 : Mansi, of Blois (ad calc. Opp. n. iv. sq. xx. 295) is very remarkable. He ed. Giles), De Hierosolymitana Pere- argues that true repentance is no- grinatione accelerando,. See extracts thing less than a return to such a of the same general character in state of mind as to feel one's self Neander, vn. 425 — 427. obliged hereafter to the faithful 6 They frequently took refuge performance of baptismal obliga- in some one of the religious Orders, tions. Other forms of penance, if or attached themselves to the third this change of heart be wanting, class of the Franciscans (see above, are said to be sheer hypocrisy. See p. 250). In the Eastern Church also the Epistles of Ives of Char- the self-immolation of the monks tres, epp. 47, 228 (Paris. 1610) ; assumed the most extravagant and the 16th canon of the synod of shapes. See Eustathius, Ad Sty- Melfi (1089): Mansi, xx. 721. The litam que?idam, c. 48 sq. {Opp. ed. sober views of Hildebrand respect- Tafel). The pilgrimages of Italian ing monasticism may be gathered 1 Flagellants' (1260 sq.) are mani- from his Epistles, lib. vi. ep. 7. festations of the same spirit in the 328 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.D. 1073 CORRUP- TIONS AND ABUSES. a worthier and more evangelic doctrine. Peter Lombard, with the Schoolmen generally, insisted on contrition of the heart as one of three1 essential elements in true repent- ance;— the remaining parts, confession of the mouth and satisfaction, being signs or consequences of a moral change already wrought within. According to this view, humili- ation in the sight of God is proved by corresponding acts of self-renunciation, by confession to a priest (a usage absolutely enjoined on all of either sex at Lateran,* 1215), and by performing, in obedience to his will, a cycle of religious exercises (fastings, prayers, alms, and other kindred works). The aim of these austerities, as well as that of penance in all cases, was to expiate the ' poena,' or the temporal effect of sins which, it was argued, cleaves to the offender, and demands a rigorous satisfaction, even after the eternal consequences of them (or the ' culpa') are remitted freely by the pardoning grace of Christ.3 1 The three-fold representation of penance, ' contritio (distinguish- ed from attritio) cordis,' ' confessio oris,' and ' satisfactio operis,' dates from Hildebert of Tours, e.g. Ser- mo iv., Opp. col. 324. It is also found in Peter Lombard (Sentent. lib. iv., Dist. xvi.) and in the schoolmen generally. Peter Ble- sensis, De Confessione Sacramentali (ad calc. Opp. torn. n. p. xlv., ed. Giles) has the following passage: ' Christus autem purgationem pec- catorum faciens, non in judicio, sed in desidcrio, non in ardore, sed in amore, tria nobis purgatoria mi- Bericorditer assignavit, cordis con- tritionem, oris confessionem, carnis afflictionem,' etc. On the names • contrition' and ' attrition', see Klee, part II. eh. vi. § 11. 2 Peter Lombard (as above, Dist. xvu.) asserts the necessity of oral confession, 'si adsit facultas': but the first concilia! authority abso- lutely demanding it of every one, 'postquam ad annos discretionis pervenerit,' is the Concil. Later. (1215), c. 21. See the arguments of Aquinas in the Sum ma, part in. Qusest. lxxxiv. sq. The practice of confessing to laymen was allowed in extreme cases, but in the thir- teenth century, such acts were judged to be non-sacramental : see Gieseler, § S3, n. 2 : Klee, as above, § 19. On the violent controversy which sprang up at this period in the Jacobite communion respecting the necessity of auricular confes- sion, see Neale, Eastern Church, n. 261 sq. 3 e.g. Aquinas, (Summa, Pt. m. Quaest. xviii., Art. 2): 'Illi, qui per contritionem consequutus est remissionem peccatorum, quantum ad culpam, et per consequens quan- tum ad reatum poena (eterncc, quae simul cum culpa dimittitur ex vi clavium, ex passione Christi effica- ciam habentium, augetur gratia, et remittitur temporalis poena, cujus reatus adhuc remanserat post culpa) remissionem: non tamen tota, sicut in baptismo, sed pars ejus,' etc. —1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 329 As many as neglected to complete this satisfaction in the xion^and present life would find a debt remaining still to be dis- abuses. charged in purgatory, — apprehended by the Schoolmen as a place of discipline to which the spirits of the justified, and they alone, have access. Peter Lombard also dealt a heavy blow on those who Absolution. had exaggerated the 'effects of sacerdotal absolution.4 He maintained that any sentence of the priest was valid only in so far as it accorded with the higher sentence of the Lord. But in the many a distinction of this kind was far too often disregarded, and the errors into which they fell would find abundant countenance in some proceedings of the Church itself. Indulgences, for instance, purporting indulgences. to lessen the amount of satisfaction, or, in other words, to act as substitutes for penitential exercises,5 were now issued by the popes, in favour of all Western Christendom, when it was necessary to stir up the zeal of the Crusaders, or advance the interest of the Roman see. The earliest grant of 'plenary' indulgences is due to Urban II.6 (1095). It Treasury of r J a v i merits. 4 'Hoc sane dicere et sentire bon, ed. Milman, v. 413 sq. The possumus, quod solus Deus di- fearful relaxation of morals in the mittit peccata et retinet : et tamen great bulk of the Crusaders fur- Ecclesiae contulit potestatem li- nishes an instructive comment on gandi et solvendi. Sed aliter Ipse this practice. See Aventinus, An~ solvit vel ligat, aliter Ecclesia. nal. Boiorum, lib. vn. c. 3, edit. Ipse enim per se tantum dimittit Gundling. Innocent III. himself peccatum, quia et animam mundat (1215), in Decretal. Greg. IX., lib. v. ab interiori macula, et a debito tit. xxxvm. c. 14, was obliged to seternse mortis solvit. Non autem limit the extension and number of hoc sacerdotibus concessit, qitibus indulgences, and Innocent IV. tamen tribuit potestatem solvendi et (1246), in Mansi, xxm. 600, con- ligandi, i.e. ostendendi homines li- fesses that some of the Crusaders gatos vel solutos. Sentent. lib. iv. ' cum deberent ab excessibus absti- Dist. xviii. This view was, how- nere, propter libertatem eis indultam, ever, far from general : cf. KLee, furta, homicidia, raptus mulierum, § 8. et aha perpetrant detestanda.' The 5 See above, p. 216. inability of the populace to enter 6 ' Quicunque pro sola devotione into the scholastic distinctions on non pro honoris vel pecuniae adep- this point is singularly illustrated tione, ad liberandam Ecclesiam by the language of William of Dei Jerusalem profectus fuerit, iter Auxerre, who viewed the teaching illud pro omni pcenitentia [? ei] re- of the Church as a kind of 'pious putetur: Mansi, xx. 816: cf. Gib- fraud.' Neander, vn. 486. 330 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1073 tions*and was discovered &^so tuat a treasury of merits,1 rising chiefly abuses, out of Christ's, but partly out of those which others, by His grace, had been enabled to contribute, were now placed at the disposal of the popes, who could allot them to the needy members of the Church as an equivalent for un- completed penance. A gigantic illustration of these prin- ciples recurred in 1300, which Boniface VIII. appointed juMiei as ^ie year °f J110^66-* A plenary indulgence was thereby held out to every Christian, who, for certain days, should punctually worship at the tombs of St. Peter and St. Paul. The news of this festivity were spread on every side, attracting a tumultuary host of pilgrims,3 male and female, who set out for the metropolis of Western Christendom, in search of what they hoped might prove itself a general amnesty, at least for all the temporal effects of sin, both present and to come. ?n%7yme?0ai ^n *na* an<^ other like events we see the characteristic aspect of the features of the age. It was an age of feverish excite- ment, where the passions and imagination acted far more strongly than the reason, and accordingly it teemed throughout with moral paradoxes. Elements of darkness and of light, of genuine piety and abject superstition, of extreme decorum and unblushing profligacy, of self-sacrifice approaching almost to the apostolic model and of callous- ness that bordered on brutality, are found not only in immediate juxtaposition, but are often, as it seems, ainal- 1 'Thesaurus meritorum,' or Aquinas (Swnma, Pt. in. Qugest. 'Thesaurus supererogationis per- lxxi. Art. 10). fectorum.' The first advocates of 2 See the Bull in the Extrava- this notion were Alexander of Hales gantesCommunes(Corp. Jur. Canon.), and Albert the Great (see extracts lib. v. tit. ix. c. 1. The pope in Gieseler, § 84, n. 15). With grants to all who are penitent, or regard to souls in purgatory it was shall become so, • in hujusmodi contended that indulgences do not prresenti et quolibet centesimo se- apply auctoritative but impetrative, cuturo annis, non solum plenam, i. c. not directly, but in virtue of sed largiorem, omnino plenissimam the suffrages which are made in omnium suorum veniam peccato- their behalf by the living. The rum.' question is discussed at length by 3 Capefigue, n. 142 sq. —1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 331 gamated and allied. The courtly knight devoted to the t^IsTand special honour of the Virgin, but most openly unchaste, ABUbL&- the grasping friar, the Inquisitor consigning to the faggot men whom he had just been labouring to convert, the gay recluse, the pleasure-hunting pilgrim, the Crusader bending on the blood-stained threshold of the Sepulchre and then disgracing by flagitious deeds the holy sign he had emblazoned on his armour, — these are specimens of the deplorable confusion to be traced in all the ruling modes of thought. But on the other hand we should remember that anom- alies which differ only in degree present themselves in every age of Christianity, nay, more or less, in every human heart; and that in spite of very much to sadden and perplex us in our study of the Middle Age, there is enough in men like Anselm, Bernard, Louis IX. of France, Aquinas, Grosseteste, and if we include the gentler sex, Elizabeth of Hessia, Hedwige of Poland, and a host of others, to attest the permanence of Christian truth and real saintliness of life. frartjr Imob of % Utobk ^ges, s THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH FROM THE TRANSFER OF THE PAPAL SEE TO AVIGNON UNTIL THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF LUTHER, 1305-1520. ( 334 ) [a.d. 1305 CHAPTER XIII. MISSIONS. § 1. GROWTH OF THE CHURCH. The Gospel of our Blessed Lord was now ' in truth or in pretence1 accepted by the vast majority of European tribes, although in much of the Iberian peninsula, in Russia,1 and the modern Turkey ,a its ascendancy was broken or disputed by the adversaries of the Cross. Introduction of the Gospel into Lithua- nia: AMONG THE LITHUANIANS. Almost the only district of importance which remained entirely in the shade of paganism was the grand-duchy of Lithuania, peopled by a branch of the Sarmatian family,3 in close relation to the Slaves.4 As early as 1252 we read5 that Mindove, the son of a Lithuanic chief, embraced the Christian faith, and Vitus, a Dominican, appears to have 1 The Mongols were not expelled till 1462; see above, p. 131. 2 Constantinople itself fell into the hands of the Muhammedans, May 29, 1453 ; the last refuge of the Christians being the church of St. Sophia, which was afterwards converted into a mosque. Gibbon, vi. 312 sq., cd. Milman. 3 Numbers of their kinsmen in the East, instead of realizing the hopes of Catholic and Ncstorian missionaries (cf. above, p. 234), shewed a stronger leaning to Mu- hammedanism. See Mosheim, Hist. Tartar. Eccl., pp. 90 sq. In China also Christianity was well- nigh subverted in 1369 (above, p. 235, n. 8), and the subsequent irruptions (1370—1400) of Timur (or Tamerlane), an ardent patron of the Persian (anti-Turkish) sect of the Muhammedans, while they proved instrumental in curtailing the Ottoman power, were no less fatal to the propagation of the Gospel. See Gibbon, vi. 178 sq., ed. Milman. 4 Dr. Latham's Ethnology of Eu- rope, pp. 154 sq., Lond. 1852. 5 Bollinger, in. 285, 286: but cf. Schrockh, xxx. 496. Russian influences had also been exerted on the other side and in a milder spirit. Mouraviev, p. 42. -1520] Growth of the Church. 335 gone thither, at the bidding of pope Innocent IV., as missions. missionary bishop : but ere long the influence he exerted was reversed, and scarcely aught is heard of Christianity in Lithuania until 1386. In that year Jagal, or Jagello,6 the grand-duke, whose predatory inroads had been long the terror of his Polish neighbours, entered into an alii- through a O ' # Polish ance with them, on condition that he should espouse their ehanna. youthful monarch, Hedwige, and should plant the Church in every part of his dominions. Jagal was baptized at Cracow7 (1386), by the name of Vladislav, and in con- junction with Bodzanta,8 the archbishop of Gnesen, and a staff of Polish missionaries headed by Vasillo, a Fran- ciscan monk, he soon extinguished the more public and revolting rites of paganism. But, strange to say, the work of the evangelist was mainly undertaken by the duke himself,9 the missionaries having little or no know- ledge of the native dialects. The change produced was, therefore, nearly always superficial,10 though, as time went over, the immediate neighbourhood of Wilna,11 where the 6 The chief original authority on Polonia adducto novas vestes, tu- the conversion of Lithuania is the nicas, et indumenta.' The bap- Historia Polonia of John Dlugoss tisms were performed by sprinkling (a canon of Cracow, who died 1480), a large mass of the people at once, ed. Lips. 1711, lib. x. pp. 96 sq. to all of whom was given the same 7 Some of his retinue who had christian name, e. g. Paul or Peter, been formerly baptized according 10 In the middle of the fifteenth to Greek rites could not be induced century, serpent- worship was still ' ad iterandum, vel, ut significan- dominant in many districts (see tiori verbo utar, ad supplendum JEneas Sylvius, De Statu Europce, baptisma.' Ibid. p. 104. c. 26, pp. 275 sq., Helmstad. 1699): * Wiltsch, ii. 261. and traces of heathenism are re- 9 The following entry of the corded even in the sixteenth cen- Polish chronicler is in many ways tury (see Lucas David, Pruss. instructive: 'Per dies autem ali- Chronik. ed. Henning, vu. 205). quot de articulis fidei, quos credere n The see was founded in 1387, oportet, et Oratione Dominica at- in which year, according to a que symbolo per sacerdotes Polo- chronicler (quoted by Raynaldus, norum, magis tamen per Wladislai ad an. § 15), Lithuania passed over regis [ ? operam], qui linguam gen- 'ad ecclesise Romanse obedientiam, tis noverat et cui facilius assentie- optimi principis auctoritate in- bat, edocta, sacri baptismatis unda ducta.' The bishop was placed in renataest, largiente Wladislao rege immediate subjection to the papal singulis ex popularium numero post see, without a metropolitan, susceptum baptisma de panno ex 336 Growth of the Church. [a.D. 1305 missions, bishops lived, was gradually pervaded by a knowledge of the truth. AMONG THE SAMAITES AND LAPPS. Conversion of The arms of the Teutonic knights had forced a way the Samaites; , . •it 1 «i c a • /ci into the region occupied by the tribe ot feamaites (feamo- gitge), which are probably to be connected with the savage and half-christian race of Samoeids,1 at present bordering on the Arctic circle. The slight impression thus produced was afterwards extended (1413) by the labours of a Lithua- nian priest named Withold.'"' He was consecrated bishop of Wornie or Miedniki3 (? 1417), but numbers of his flock appear to have immediately relapsed. The date of their final conversion is unknown. ami Lapps. The Lapps, a kindred tribe4 inhabiting the northern- most extremity of Scandinavia, had submitted to the thriving state of Sweden in 1279. From thence pro- ceeded Christian missions, more particularly in the time of Hemming,5 primate of Upsala (1335), who foimded the first church at Tornea, and baptized a multitude of people. It was not, however, till the sixteenth and two following centuries6 that Christianity became the popular religion. AMONG THE KUMANIANS. conversion These were members of a Turkish familv7 who entered of the * Rumanians. Europe at the close of the eleventh century upon the track of the Magyars. They settled more especially in Volhynia 1 Schrbckh. denies this (xxx. above, n. 9), but owing to the 498), but assigns no reason. On troubles of the period, was not the other hand it is indisputable actually filled until 1417 : cf. that the Samoeids (a section of the Wiltsch, n. 262. Ugrian race) had formerly dwelt 4 Latham, as above, p. 147. in more southern latitudes : cf. 5 See Scheffer's Lapponia, c. 8, Latham, Ethnology of Europe, pp. pp. 63 sq., Francof. 1673. 166 sq. 6 Guerike, Kirchengesch, n. 355, 2 Dlugoss, as above, lib. xi. pp. 356, Halle, 1843. On the earlier 842 sq. labours of Russian monks, see 3 A bishopric had been planted Mouraviev, pp. 70, 97. here in 1387 (see Eaynaldus, as 7 Latham, as above, p. 247. -1520] Growth of the Church. 337 and Moldavia, where, unlike a number of their kinsmen missions. who became Muhammedans, they clung to a degraded form of paganism.7 In 1340 some Franciscan missionaries, who had been established in the town of Szeret (in Bukhovinia), were assassinated by the natives. To avenge this barbarous wrong an ainny8 of Hungarian crusaders inarched into the district and compelled a large proportion of the heathen to adopt the Christian faith and recognize the Roman pontiff.0 But as all Moldavia was ere long subdued by the Walla- chians, the new ' converts' passed thereby into the juris- diction of the Eastern Church.10 IN THE CANARIES AND WESTERN AFRICA. The enterprising spirit of the Portuguese had opened ^S^ a new field for missionary zeal. Incited by the ardour Portuguese. of prince Henry,11 they discovered the important island of Madeira in 1420. Other efforts were alike successful ; and in 1484 Bartolome Diaz ventured round the southern point of Africa, which was significantly termed the ' Cape of Good Hope.' The ground-work of their Indian empire was established in 1508 by Alfonso Albuquerque. Mean- while the authors of these mighty projects had secured the countenance and warrant of the pope, on the condition that wherever they might plant a flag, they should be also zealous in promoting the extension of the Christian faith.1" 7 According to Spondarms, An- 10 Ibid. pp. 340, 349. nales, ad an. 1220 (hi. 109), the n See Mariana, Hist. General de archbishop of Gran had in that Espana, lib. xxv. c. 11 (ii. 166 sq., year baptized the king of the Ku- Madrid, 1678). manians and a large body of his 12 The first arrangement of this subjects : but it does not appear kind was made by Henry of Portu- that Christianity was generally gal with Eugenius IV. in 1443. adopted till a later period: cf. Other instances are cited in Schrockh, xxx. 499, 500. Schrockh, xxx. 501, 502. Mariana 8 See the native Chronicle, c. 46, (lib. xxvi. c. 17) speaks as if it in Schwandtner's Script. Rer. Hun- were a leading object of the ex- gar. i. 195. peditions ' Llevar la luz del Evan- 9 A Latin bishopric was placed gelio a lo postrero del mundo, y at Szeret in 1370 by Urban V.: a la India Oriental.' Whenever Wiltsch, ii. 300, 340. missionary zeal was manifested, it 338 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 1309 missions. This pledge, however, was but seldom kept in view ipathy in throughout the present period ; an immoderate lust of tons. wealth and territorial grandeur strangling for the most rsionof part every better aspiration. The Canary Islands are the Canary F , , , , „ , . , . ,, -^ islands. indeed to be excepted from this class. A party ot Jbran- ciscans,1 about 1476, attempted to convert the natives ; and a letter'2 of pope Sixtus IV. attests their very general suc- cess, at least in four of the southern islands. The same missionaries penetrated as far as the ' western Ethiopians,' on the coast of Guinea.3 And soon after, in 1484, when traffic had been opened with the Portuguese, the seeds of ■»''// Christianity were scattered also to the south of Guinea, on the coast m J . of Guinea. 'm Congo and Benin. But on the subsequent discovery of a passage round the Cape, the speculations of the west- ern merchants were diverted into other channels. I >•)/ of America. IN AMERICA. Columbus, while engaged in the service of Ferdinand and Isabella, landed on the isle of San Salvador in 1492 ; and five years later, a Venetian, Cabot or Gabotta, who had sailed from England, ranged along the actual coast of North America, and was indeed the first of the adven- turers who trod the soil of the new continent.5 In 1499 Brazil was also added to the empire of the Portuguese, was chiefly turned against antago- nistic forms of Christianity. Thus in India, the Portuguese laboured to repress the ' Syrian' Christians (above, p. 30) on the coast of Ma- labar (see Geddcs, Hist, of Church of Malabar, p. 4, Lond. 1G94) ; and the same spirit dictated the first interference of the Portuguese in the Church of Abyssinia, extend- ing over half a century (1490 sq) : Neale, East. Church, n. 343 sq. 1 Raynaldus, ad an. 1476, $ 21. 2 ' Percepimus quod jam Divina c~operante gratia ex septem ipsa- larise insulis habitatores quatuor earundem insularum ad fidem conversi sunt : in aliis vero convertendis tribus non pauca sed magna expectatur populorum et gentium multitudo converti ; nam qui Deum hactenus non noverunt, modo capiunt catholicam fidem suscipere, ac sacri baptismatis unda renasci,' etc. Quoted in Wiltsch, § 522, n. 1. 3 Raynaldus, ad an. 1476, § 22. 4 Ibid, ad an. 14S4, § 82 : SchriJckh, xxx. 503. 5 Cf. the interesting tradition noticed above, p. 119, n. 8. -1520] Growth of the Church. 339 and afterwards, in 1520, Magalhaens achieved the circum- missions. navigation of the globe. Yet owing to the imbecility, the sloth, and moral blindness of the Church in Spain and Portugal, these conquests did not lead at first to any true enlargement of her borders. What was done ostensibly for ' the conversion of the Indians' tended rather *Jw««»«« . •> of the Spanish to accelerate their ruin.6 The fanatic temper of the cotl9uerors •" Spaniard, maddened as he was by recent conflicts with the infidel at home, betrayed him into policy on which Ave cannot dwell without a shudder. Multitudes who did not bend to his imperious will and instantly renounce the ancient superstitions, were most brutally massacred, while slavery became the bitter portion of the rest.7 Their only friend for many years was an ecclesiastic, Bartolome 3^?/ de las Casas, who in sojourning among them (till 1516) drew a harrowing picture of the national and social wrongs he struggled to redress.8 Some measures had indeed been taken for disseminating Christian principles and lightening the yoke of the oppressed. The pope already urged this AtUmpH£ point on making grants of territory9 to the crowns of Spain Ind and Portugal. At his desire a band of missionaries,10 chiefly of the Mendicant orders, hastened to the scene of action ; 6 The title of the contemporary Spaniards to transport a multitude work of Bartolome de las Casas, of Negroes from the coast of Africa, an eyewitness, is pathetically true : Thus started the inhuman ' slave- Belacion de la destruction de las In- trade.' dias. See an account of him and 8 Above, n. 6. He finally re- his writings in Prescott's Conquest treated, almost in despair, to a con- of Mexico, i. 318 sq. Lond. 1850. vent at St. Domingo. His dislike He declares that in forty years his of slavery was, however, shared by fellow-countrymen had massacred the Dominican missionaries, who twelve millions of the natives of appear as the ' abolitionists' of America. that age. " The Tlascalans alone, at the 9 Alexander VI. affected to do recommendation of Cortes, were this (1493) ' de nostra mera libe- exempted from the system of re ■ ralitate ac de apostoiicae potestatis partimiento8(oi compulsory service), plenitudine' : Paynaldus, ad an. Prescott, as above, in. 218 : cf. in. 1493, § 19 : cf. Mariana, lib. xxvi. 284. At first the bondage of the c. 3 (n. 184). In the same year conquered was most abject, but he sent out missionaries to attempt the emperor Charles V. consented the conversion of the natives, § 24. to its mitigation, and allowed the l0 Prescott, in. 2 IS (note). Z2 Tin Moors of Spain : 340 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 1305 missions. and in many of the ordinances which prescribe the service of the Indians, it is stipulated that religious training shall be added. But these measures seldom took effect. In 1520 only five bishoprics1 had been established, and the genuine converts were proportionately rare : although it should be stated that upon the final settlement of Mexico, the conqueror had begun to manifest a deep solicitude for the religious welfare of his charge.2 COMPULSORY CONVERSION OF MUHAMMEDANS AND JEWS. A series of reactions dating from an earlier period had confined the Moorish influence to a corner in the south of Spain ; and when the royal city of Granada ultimately bowed beneath the arms of Ferdinand and Isabella, in 1492, it was their ardent hope to christianize the whole Peninsula afresh. The foremost agent they employed was Ximenes, archbishop of Toledo (1495). His arguments, however, did not always satisfy the audiences to whom they were addressed,3 and therefore he proceeded in the narrow spirit of the age, to which in other points he shewed himself remarkably superior,4 to advise the appli- cation of coercive measures,5 justifying them on grounds of policy. The copies of the Koran were immediately 1 "Wiltsch, § 523, where a letter, Ximenes, i. 136 sq. Paris, 1694. addressed to Leo X. by Peter On the conquest of Granada, Fer- Martyr (an ecclesiastic at the court dinand had positively pledged hirn- of Ferdinand), is quoted. self to tolerate the religion of the 2 Prescott, in. 219. He begged Moors. Mariana, lib. xxv. c. 16 the emperor to send out holy men, (n. 176). not pampered prelates, but mem- 4 He was, for instance, a great bers of religious orders whose lives patron of learning, and contributed would be a fitting commentary on much to the editing of the Poly- their doctrine. The result seems glott Bible which bears his name to have been eminently successful (Fleury, lib. cxix. § 142). A in this case, almost every vestige sketch of his ecclesiastical reforms of the Aztec worship disappearing is given in Prescott's Ferdinand from the Spanish settlements in and Isabella, n. 481 sq. the course of the next twenty 5 On the different views that years. were taken of his conduct, see 3 See Flechier, Hist, du Cardinal Schrockh, xxx. 518, 519. —1520] Growth of the Church. 341 seized and burnt in public, while, to gratify the rage of missions. the fanatic populace, it was resolved at last, in 1501, their conver- that every obstinate Muhanimedan who did not quit the expulsion. country should henceforward be reduced to the position of a serf. As one might naturally expect, a part of the Moriscos now conformed ;6 but many others, who were true to their convictions, crossed the channel hito Barbary.7 The violence with which the Jews were handled by Persecution •> of the Jews, the other states of Europe8 was intensified in the Peninsula, where they had long existed as a thriving and compara- tively learned body.9 The old story of their crucifying children on Good Friday, gained a general currency at the beginning of the present period.10 Laws were framed accordingly for their repression, and a superstitious rabble, stimulated, in the south of Spain particularly, by inflam- portieuim -iy ' ... %n Spain. matory preachers,11 vented their unchristian fury on the Jews, whom they despoiled of property and even life itself. More salutary influence was exerted here and there by magistrates or preachers of the better class f2 and at the 6 Mariana (lib. xxvn. c. 5) re- pp. 64, 65, Cambridge, 1851. At the cords many instances, where thou- same time all Jews were ordered sands were baptized together. to wear a red badge on their left 7 Ibid. shoulder, under heavy penalties. 6 Schrockh (xxx. 551 sq.) has u e.g. those preached at Seville pointed out a number of cruelties 1391, by archdeacon Martinez {lb id. committed on the Jews of Germany, pp. 87 sq.), the effect of which One of the most inhuman persecu- was that many of his audience tions, which he does not mention, rushed into the streets and mur- happened in 1349, when they were dered all the Jews they met. He charged withpoisoningthe wells and was restrained, however, by the causing an unusual mortality (see king (John I. ) : but in the very Pezii Scriptor. Rer. Austr. i. 248). next reign four thousand Jews 9 Their greatest theological lumi- were slain at once. Ibid. p. 92. nary at this time was Rabbi Isaac 12 The conversion (circ. 1390) Abarbanel, a distinguished exege- of the learned Talmudist, Halorqi tical writer, born at Lisbon (1437). (afterwards known as Jeronimo His works on the Old Testament de Santa Fe) is traced to the dis- have been much used and valued courses of an earnest preacher, by Christian commentators. Vincente Ferrer. Ibid. p. 95. 10 Thus in Spain Alfonso X. Pablo (afterwards bishop of Car- enacted a law providing for the tagena) was moved to follow his punishment of such offenders. A. example by reading Aquinas, De de Castro, Hist, of the Jews in Legibus. Ibid. p. 106. Spain, translated by Mr. Kirwan, 342 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 1305 tn convert them. missions, memorable disputation in Tortosa1 which lasted several months (1414), a party of the most accomplished Rabbis owned their inability to answer the opponents, and, with two exceptions, instantly passed over to the Church. But although the conversion of their champions had disarmed to some extent the prejudice of others, it does not appear that Hebrews as a body had been drawn more closely to the Christian faith. The thunders of the Spanish In- quisition, which began its course in 1480, were continually levelled at the Jews and at a growing class of persons whom it taxed with judaizing. Prompted by the same distempered zeal, or captivated by a prospect of replenish- ing the public coffers, Ferdinand and Isabella gave them the alternative of baptism or expulsion.3 Many, as wo noticed in regard to the Moriscos, would be nominally christianized in order to retain their property. A mul- titude of others fled for refuge chiefly into Portugal, but new calamities were thickening on their path. In 1493 the king of Portugal (John II.) ordered4 that the children of the Hebrews should be forcibly abstracted and baptized ; while such of the adults as were unwilling to be taught the truths of Christianity were in the following reign compelled to forfeit their possessions and to emigrate in quest of other homes. 1 Ibid. pp. 96—100. The con- gress was held in the presence of the Spanish anti-pope Bene- dict XIII., who afterwards issued certain decrees condemnatory of Jewish tenets, and among other things requiring that Jews should listen every year to three sermons preached with the design of pro- motingtheir conversion : Ibid.-p.104. A similar decree was passed at the council of Basle in the sixteenth session (Feb. 5, 1434), where the necessity of founding Hebrew and other professorships in the Uni- versities was strongly insisted on. Cf. above, p. 236, n. 4. 2 Ibid. pp. 145 sq. 3 Ibid. p. 164. Accounts differ as to the actual number of the expelled. Mariana (lib. xxvi. c. 1) thinks it might be as great as eight hundred thousand. 4 De Castro, as above, pp. 202 sq. -1520] ( 343 ) CHAPTER XIV. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The numerous changes that were supervening at this P™E, period on the constitution of the Western Church, in ternally regarded, had been so inextricably blended with ulterior questions touching its relation to the secular au- thority, that, in the narrow limits of a volume like the present, the two subjects will be most conveniently ap- proached and earned on together. Viewed by unobservant eyes, the form of e'ovemment Growth of • i rn i ■ t r anti-papal prevailing in the west ot Christendom might otten look fauny. as autocratic as it was in the palmy days of Gregory VII. or Innocent III. ; but on a closer survey we shall find that while political events as well as public opinion had been hitherto conspiring almost uniformly to exalt the papacy, they now were running more and more directly counter to its claims. The very impulses which it had given for civilizing all the influential states of Europe were now threatening to recoil and overwhelm itself. From the commencement of the present period till the former half of the fifteenth century, the consciousness of civil and of intellectual independence had been roused alike in kings, in scholars, and in legislative bodies. The important middle-class, now starting up on every side, had also grown impatient of the foreign bondage ; and although the surface of the Church was somewhat 344 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1305 papacy smoother in the interval between the council of Basle (1443) and the appearance of Luther, it is obvious that a strong sub-current of hostility to Rome had never ceased to work and rankle in men's bosoms. There was still indeed no well-defined intention to revive the theory of local churches, or to limit, in things purely spiritual, the jurisdiction of the Roman see : but as one formidable class of its pretensions had intruded very far into the province of the civil power, the pontiffs daily ran the risk of weakening their sway in general by the arbitrary maintenance of some obnoxious point. The conflict, which at first is traceable in almost every case to the resent- ment of a crushed and outraged nationality, was easily extended to a different sphere of thought, till numbers of the more discerning spirits, keenly smarting under the injustice of the pope, had lost all real faith in his in- fallibility.1 °W» A heavy blow had been inflicted on the temporal su- Q305-1376) Premacy °f Rome when Clement V. submitted to the king of France and fixed his chair within the juris- diction of a papal vassal, Robert of Anjou, at Avignon. The seventy years' captivity,'2 as the Italians often called the papal sojourn in Provence, had tended much to weaken the prestige associated with the mother-city of the West. The pontiffs also, living as they now did far away from their estates, devised new engines of extor- tion3 for replenishing their empty coffers. By this venal 1 e. (j. The following is the Ian- unitatem videlicet, non servant, guage of Marsilius of Padua, sed feed ant, dum zizanias et schis- formerly rector of the University mata seminando ipsius membra of Paris : ' Sic igitur propter tem- lacerant et ab invicem separant,' poralia contendendo non vere de- etc. ; in Goldast, Monorchia Roman. fenditur sponsa Christi. Earn n. 281, ed. Francof. 16G8. etenim, quae vere Christi sponsa 8 ' L'empia Babilonia' is the est, catholicam fidem et fidelium phrase of Petrarch, multitudinem, non defendunt mo- 3 e.g. the appropriation of rich derm Romanorum pontijices, sed of- benefices and bishoprics to the use ft nduni, ilhusque pulchritudinem, of the pope or of his favourites, by -1520] Constitution of the Church. 345 THE PAPACY. and rapacious policy the feelings of the Church were still more deeply irritated and more lastingly estranged.* In spite of the obsequiousness of Clement V. in deal- ing with the crown of France, he shewed as often as he dared that he inherited the domineering temper of the papacy.5 But his pretensions were eclipsed by those of John XXII.6 (1316), whose contest7 with the emperor, Louis of Bavaria, was a prolongation of the %Xe'and mortal feud between the Ghibellines and Guelfs, to which e»>i>eror- allusion has been made above.8 In 1323 (Oct. 8) a papal missive9 called on Louis to revoke his proclamations, to German ?ontestT \°~ what were known as ' reservations' or ' provisions.' Such benefices were held with others ' in commen- dam': cf. above, p. 244, n. 4. The system in this form commenced under Clement V. (Extravagantes Communes, lib. in. tit. ii. c. 2, in ' Corpus Juris Canon.'), and was fully developed by his successsor John XXII., who ' reserved' to himself all the bishoprics in Chris- tendom (Baluze, Fit. Paparum Avenion., i. 722 ; Hallam, Middle Ages, c. vn. pt. ii. : vol. n. p. 234, 10th ed. ; where other instances are given). In England, where the papal mandates for preferring a particular clerk had been dis- puted long before, the system of ' provisions' was most strenuously repelled: see Rot. Pari., 3 Ric. II. § 37, and especially the famous statute of Provisors (1350), 25 Edw. III., stat. 6. Other cases of resistance are cited in Twysden, Vindication of the Church, pp. 80, 81, Camb. ed. Annates, or first- fruits of ecclesiastical benefices, were also instituted by John XXII. , who accumulated in this way a prodigious treasure (Hallam, Ibid. Twysden, pp. 104—107). 4 e. g, Giovanni Villani (Hist. Fiorent. lib. ix. c. 58) draws the following picture of John XXII. : ' Questi fu huomo molto cupido di moneta e simoniaco, che ogni bene- ficio per moneta in sua corte si vendea,' etc. 5 This was exemplified in his laying Venice under the interdict (1309), and even forbidding all commerce with it and empowering any one to seize the property or persons of its subjects. Raynald. ad an. 1309, § 6. 6 Owing to a violent dispute be- tween the French and Italian car- dinals, the papal throne was vacant two years and nearly four months after the death of Clement (1314). It may here be noted that the last important contribution to the Canon Law (the Libri Clementini) was made by this pope in 1313: cf. above, p. 242, n. 3. 7 One of the best accounts of this important struggle will be found in Ohlenscblager, Staats- gesch. des r'om. Kaiserthums in der erst. Hdlfte des liten Jahrhund, pp. 86 sq., Francof. 1755. 8 p. 267. Dante was engaged in this controversy taking the side of the Ghibellines. His book On Monarchy appeared in 1322. 9 See the various Processes against the emperor in Martene and Du- rand's Theswur. Anecd. n. 644 sq., and cf. Dollinger, iv. 106. The people, the jurists, and many of the clergy took the imperial side of the dispute. 346 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1305 papacy abstain from the administration of the empire, and pre- — - sent himself, within three months, a suppliant at Avig- non, if he wished his claims to be allowed. Meanwhile both laymen and ecclesiastics were commanded to with- hold allegiance from him. Goaded by indignities like this, the emperor put forth a counter-manifesto (Dec. 16, 1323), where lie did not hesitate to call his adversary a pre- tender and a fautor of heretical pravity. He also stated his intention of appealing to a General Council.1 But his threats and protests were alike unheeded, and the sen- tence of excommunication was launched against him in the following spring (March 21). Champion* of Amid the tumults which this controversy had pro- the impenal J * i interest. duced, the Church was further startled by the publication of a treatise written by imperialists2 and levelled at the '•'roots of papal, and indeed all other hierarchical, su- premacy. The title of it is Defensor Pacts. As the natural effect of a recoil from Hildebrandine principles, it manifests a disposition to exaggerate the privileges of the laity in matters that affect the Church, contending even that the power of the keys was delegated to the priesthood by their flock or by the emperor himself, who might be viewed as the representative of all.3 In many 1 The document in Ohlenschla- printed in Goldast's Monarch. Ro- ger, as above, Urkundenbuch, p. 84i man. n. 154 sq. Louis admits, however, that the 3 e. g. Conclusio xvi., xvm., Almighty has placed two great xxm., xxxvu. (These Conclusions, lights in the firmament of the forty-one in number, are in the Church, • pontificalem videlicet third Part of the Treatise). The auctoritatem et imperatoriam ma- following is another indication of jestatem, illud ut praeesset diei, the same tendency (Concl. xxx in.): 6piritualia disponendo, alterum ut ' Generate concilium aut partiale praeesset nocti, temporalia judi- sacerdotum et episcoporum ac re- cando' : cf. above, p. 262, n. 2. liquorwn fidelium per coactivam - The leading author was Mar- potestatem congregare, ad ridelem 6ilius of Padua, assisted by John legislatorem aut ejus auctoritate of Janduno, a Franciscan : cf. principantem in communitatibus Neander's posthumous volume, fidelium tantummodo pertinere, edited by Schneider, p. 45, Ham- nee in aliter congregato determi- burg, 1S52. The Defensor Paris is nata vim aut robur habere.' The -1520] Constitution of the Church. 347 points the authors of this work preserved a juster balance ™ and may fairly take their stand with the precursors of the Reformation.4 It is plain that nearly all the anti- papal writings of the age are tinctured with the prin- ciples of the extreme Franciscans, or the ' Spirituales',5 who had long been halting in their loyalty to Rome. Another of that disaffected class is William of Occam, the English schoolman, who had found a shelter at the court of Louis of Bavaria, and contended with a bold- ness hitherto unequalled for the dignity and independence of the empire.6 He questioned the infallibility of the pope in judging even pi doctrinal matters, and, unlike the great majority who shared his feelings on this head, he was unwilling to accept a General Council as the court of ultimate appeal. The cause of John XXII. was defended, among others,7 ^fej^£ °? by an Augustinian hermit of Ancona, Augustino Triomfi Defensor Pads also advocates the theory that priests and bishops were originally equal, and derives the primacy of Rome itself from a grant of Constantine (' qui quan- dam prseeminentiam et potestatem tribuit episcopis et ecclesia? Ro- manse super caateras mundi eccle- sias seu presbyteros omnes'). As above, n. 243. 4 Thus they plainly state, ' quod nullam scripturam irrevocabiliter veram credere vel fateri tenemur de necessitate salutis (eternce, nisi eas quse canonicse appellantur' {Ibid. p. 254) ; reserving, however, the first place in the interpretation of Scripture to general councils (' et ideo pie tenendum, determinationes conciliorum generalium in sensibus scripture dubiis a Spiritu Sancto suse veritatis originem surnere,' Ibid.). 5 See above, p. 250. It was members of this school, headed by Ubertinus de Casali, who stigma- tized the pope as a heretic for maintaining that our Lord and the Apostles ' in speciali non habu- isse aliqua, nee in communi etiam.' See also the Defensorium Wil. Oc- cami contra Johan. papam XXII., in Brown's Fascic. n. 439 — 465. 6 His Disptdatio de Potestate Ec- clesice et Scecidi and other kindred works are printed in Goldast, as above, ii. 314 sq. His anti-popery is almost as hot as Luther's {e.g. p. 390) : cf. Turner, Hist, of Eng- land, Middle Ages, in. 98. 7 The principal was a Franciscan of the milder school named Alvarus Pelagius, who composed his De Planctu Ecclesice about 1330 (ed. Venet. 1560). He maintains 'quod jurisdictionem habet universalem in toto mimdo Papa nedum in spiritualibus, sed temporalibus, licet executionem gladii temporalis et jurisdictionem per filium smirn legitimum imperatorem, cum fu- erit, tanquam per advocatum et defensorem Ecclesise, et per alios reges .... debeat exercere' : lib. i. c. 13. 348 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1305 THE PAPACY. The papal threats inoperative. Attempts at reconciliation, (Triumplms), who, in pushing ultra-montane principles to their legitimate results, asserted that the pope alone could nominate an emperor, and therefore that the college of electors acted only at his beck or through his delegation.1 But the hour was past when writers of this stamp could sway the general mind of Europe. Appealing to a future council,2 Louis braved the excommunication, and at last the interdict,3 of his opponent (1324). He con- fided in the loyalty of his dependents4 and especially in the Franciscan order, one of whom he thrust into the place of John XXII. with the title Nicholas V. These friars never ceased to tax the pontiff as a heretic, alleg- ing, in addition to an older charge respecting his con- tempt of ' evangelical poverty,' that he had absolutely erred while preaching on the beatific vision of the saints.5 The next pontiff, Benedict XII.6 (1334), appears to have been anxious to reform his court, and even can- 1 See the Summa de Potestate Ecclesiastica (eel. Rom., 1582), Quaest. xxxv. Art. i. sq. The papal claims were seldom more offensively stated than in the fol- lowing passage : ' Planum est au- tem, quod papa est omnis juris interpres et ordmator, tamquam architector in lota ecclesiastica hierarchia, vice Curisti ; unde quo- libet jure potest, cum subest causa rationabilis, decimas laicorum, non solum subditorum, verum etiam regum, principum et dommorum recipere et concedere pro ecclesia? utilitate, ac eos, si noluerint dare, compellere.' Quaest. lxxiii. Ait. in. 2 His formal appeal is given in Baluze, Pontif. Avenion. n. 478. 3 In Martene and Durand., as above, n. 660. 4 We learn from the contem- porary Chronicon of Johann von Winterthur (or Vitoduranus), that such of the clergy as observed the interdict were rouglily handled by the people : see Thesaums Hist. Helvetica (Tiguri, 1735), i. 49. 5 According to the Continuator of the Chronicon of William de Nangis (D'Achery, in. 95), he had stated in a sermon (1331), ' quod animae decedentium in gratia non videant Deum per essentiam, nee sint perfecte beatae, nisi post re- sump tionem corporis' : cf. Dollin- ger, iv. Ill (note). The practical deduction from his view is thus stated by Giovanni Villani, lib. x. c. 230: ' Dicendo laicamente, come fedel Christiano, che in vano si pregherebbono i santi, 6 harebbesi speranza di salute per li loro meriti, se nostra donna santa Maria . . . . e li altri santi, non po- tessono vedere la Deitade innno al di del giudicio,' etc. 6 Personally he was not a model for the clergy, being ' comestor maximus et potator egregius,' and the origin of the proverb ' bibamus papaliter': see Neander, posth. vol. p. 76. —1520] Constitution of the Church. 349 celled many grants of benefices which his predecessors pap^y. had made over to themselves.7 He also wished to bring about a reconciliation with Louis of Bavaria: but his efforts were resisted by the king of France, to whom he was in bondage.8 For this cause the interdict of John XXII. long continued to disturb the peace of Germany. In 1338 a meeting of electors9 held at Sense (on the banks of the Rhine) asserted the divine commission of the emperor, and laboured to emancipate him altogether from the trammels of the Roman pontiffs, venturing even to withdraw from them the ancient privilege of confirm- ing: his election. Clement VI. (1342) prolonged the con- Continuant* c ... aw* close of troversy, and on finding the imperialists determined to the struggle. maintain their ground, two other writs of excommunica- tion,10 breathing curses hitherto unequalled in the mani- festoes of the pope, were circulated in all quarters where adherents could be gained (1341, 1346). When Louis died in 1347, the prospects of his house and party had been darkened by the elevation of a rival emperor, Charles of Moravia, who had pledged himself11 to cany out the policy suggested by the king of France and by the conclave at Avignon. Many of the violent Fran- ciscans were now ready to conform, and even William 7 e.g. Baluze, Pontif. Avenion. i. trying to dissolve the marriage of 200. Albert of Strasburg (Argenti- Margaret of Carinthia, and grant - nensis), Chron. in Urstisii German, ing to his son the dispensations Histor. ii. 125. necessary for contracting an alli- 8 Dollinger, iv. 116, 117. ance with her (1342). See Occam, 9 See the document in Ohlen- De Jurisdictione imperatoris in cau- schliiger, as above, p. 188. This act sis matrimonialibus, in Goldast's •was afterwards published (March, Monarch, i. 21, and the Chromcon 1339) as a constitution of the em- of Vetoduranus (as above, n. 4), pire (Goldast, Constit. Imperial. P» 59. in. Ill), and vigorously defended 10 In Raynald. ad an. 1343, § 43 : by Leopold of Bebenburg, after- ad an. 1346, § 3. For the inter- wards bishop of Bamberg, and by vening negociations with the pope, William of Occam. The last men- see documents in Ohlenschlager, tioned writer took the part of pp. 226 sq. Louis in another question, where u Raynald. ad an. 1346, § 19. he far exceeded his prerogative by 350 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1305 THE of Occam ultimately recognized, in words at least, the " jurisdiction of the pope.1 But much as this important victory might seem to benefit the cause of Clement and to prop his sinking for- tunes, they were damaged more and more by his rapacity, his nepotism, and the licentious splendour of his court.* He was succeeded by Innocent VI. (1352), who in a reign of ten years did something3 to produce a healthier tone of morals and to allay the ever-formidable spirit of re- monstrance which was breaking out on every side, espe- cially in parliaments and other public bodies. Urban V. (1362) attempted, notwithstanding the resistance of one faction in the conclave, to replace the papal chair in Italy (1367), but unpropitious circumstances drove him back ;4 and that desire could not be finally accomplished till the iiettamofthe next pontificate (1370), when Gregory XI., relying on the 1376. ' influence of a mm, the able Catharine of Siena,5 occupied the old metropolis (1376). His death, which followed in 1378, gave rise to a dispute, which, next to the long residence at Avignon, was tending more than other agencies to shake the empire of the popes, and stimulate a reforma- The papal fion 0f +]ie Church.6 The present schism, unlike convul- scntsm of *■ > s. 1 Dollinger, iv. 123. of Rome as the metropolis of the 2 See Albert of Strasburg (as popes, and eloquently denouncing above), p. 133, and Matteo Villani the corruptions of Avignon, which (who continued the Historic Fio- he calls the third Babylon : see his reutine of his brother, Giovanni Epistolce nine titulo. A sketch of Villani), lib. m. c. 43 : cf. Dollinger, the rise and fall of Rienzi, and the iv. 124. civil revolutions of which Rome 3 e.g. Baluze, Pontif. Avenion. i. was now the theatre, will be found 394. Under his predecessor almost in Gibbon, ch. i.xx. all the English benefices were re- 5 Some of her works, including served to the pope or other 'aliens', letters on this point, were printed which provoked the famous statute at Paris, 1644 : see her Life in the of Provisors (1350). Innocent VI. Act. Sanct. April, in. 956. Bridget did not repeat his claims, but (Brigitta) of Sweden, also canon- issued a bull Contra Pluralitates in ized, was equally urgent in pro- beneficih (1365): Wilkins, in. 62. moting the return of Gregory: see 4 Raynald. ad an. 1370, § 19. her Ttevelatio7ies, lib. IT. c. 139 sq. Tetrarch {Vie de Petrarque, by De ed. Antverp. 1611. Sadc) was actively engaged in this 6 SeeNcander, posth.vol. pp. 89 dispute, contending for the chums sq. on the rise and important bear- furty ijars. -1520] Constitution of the Church. 351 sions of an earlier period,7 lasted almost forty years (1378 P^S,Y — 1417), 8 and therefore could not fail to give an impulse, hitherto unknown, in calling up the nationality of many a western state, in satisfying it that papal rule was not essential to its welfare, and in thereby adding strength to local jurisdictions. The dislike of ' aliens' and of Roman intermeddling was embittered at the same time by the fresh exactions9 of the rival pontiffs, each of whom was clearly anxious to maintain his dignity at any cost what- ever. The origin of this important feud appears to be as its origin. follows.10 When the cardinals, of whom the great ma- ings of the papal schism. Henry of Hesse {al. Langenstein) , in his Consilium Pads, printed by Von der Hardt in the Concil. Constant. ii. 33 sq., declares (1381) « Haftc tribulationem a Deo non gratis permissam, sed in necessariam op- portunamque ecclesice reformat ionem finaliter convertendam' : cf. Len- fant, Concile de Pise, lib. i. p. 51, Anisterd. 1724. 7 See, for instance, p. 242, n. 1, 2. 8 In this year Benedict XIII. was deposed by the council of Con- stance, but he persisted in his claims until Ms death in 1424. 9 See the treatise, written in HOI, De Ruina Ecclesice ( al. De Corrupto Ecclesice Statu) , attributed generally to Nicholas de Clemanges (Cle- mangis), and printed in Von der Hardt, Concil. Constant, torn. i. pt. in. Neander (as above, pp. 105 — 131), has reviewed this me- morable work, together with a short treatise, De Studio Theologico, in D'Achery, i. 473 sq. The author traces the exile of the popes to their own ' fornicationes odi- biles' {Ruina Eccl. c. 42). In speaking of his own time he writes : * Adeo se et ecclesiam universale™, eorum arbitrio subjecerunt atque dediderunt, ut vix aliquam par- vulam prsebendam nisi eorum man- date vel consensu, in provinciis eorum tribuere ausi essent'. A second writer of the period, Theo- doric de Niem (Nieheim), in his works, De Schismate, and Nenuis Unionis (Argentor. 1629), has fur- nished ample evidence to the same effect. The English parliaments continued to resist, with more or less firmness, the increased exac- tions of the pope, and in 1389 the statute of Praemunire, 13 Ric. II. stat. ii. c. 2 and 3, enlarged and reinforced by 16 Ric. II. c. 5, was levelled at the same offender. No one in future was to send or bring hither a summons or excommuni- cation against any person for exe- cuting the statute of Provisors (cf. above, p. 350, n. 3), and the bearers of papal bulls or other in- struments for the translation of bishops and like purposes, were subjected to the penalty of for- feiture and perpetual imprison- ment. It is remarkable that the statute 16 Ric. II. was enrolled on the desire of the archbishop of Canterbury. Twysden, Vindic. of the Church, p. Ill, Camb. ed. 10 Hallam, Middle Ages, n. 237, 238, 10th ed.: Maimbourg, Hist, du grand Schisme, Paris, 1678 ; and more especially Lenfant, Concile de Pise, who in the first and second books has fairly stated the evidence on both sides. 352 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1305 p/fact J01'ity were French, had met to nominate a successor of Gregory XI., the Roman populace tuinultuously demanded that their choice should fall on some Italian. Influenced by this menace they elected a Neapolitan, the archbishop of Bari, who at his coronation took the name of Urban VI. (April 18, 1378). The cardinals, however, soon repented of their choice, and, when the pressure of the mob had been withdrawn, endeavoured to annul the whole pro- ceeding by the substitution of a member of their own conclave, and a Frenchman, who was crowned as Cle- Baiance, of the ment VII. (Oct. 31). Between these two competitors the tWO OppOSiliy V ' T.-I-11TT1 factions. Western Church was almost equally divided. Urban, who remained at Rome, enjoyed the countenance of Eng- land, Italy, Bohemia, the German empire, Prussia, Poland, and the Scandinavian kingdoms : while his rival, who re- treated to Avignon, was acknowledged in the whole of France,'2 Scotland, Spain, Lorraine, Sicily, and Cyprus. Neither of the factions would consent to the retirement of their leader, and accordingly the quarrel was embittered series of rival and prolonged. The Roman conclave, after the death of popes. r o ^ / Urban, nominated Boniface IX. (1389), Innocent VII. (1404), and Gregory XII. (1406) ; and Clement had an obstinate successor in the cardinal Pedro de Luna, Be- nedict XIII. (1394). Dismayed or scandalized by this unseemly struggle, the more earnest members of the 1 Richard Ullerston (or Ulver- its independence for some time by- stone), whose paper urging an im- recognizing neither of the candi- mediate 'reformation of the church', dates, so that there were three was presented at the council of parties in the Western Church. Pisa (1409), complains of this the Urbanites, the Clementites, and among the other consequences of the Neutrals. The last party, who the schism : ' Quod profecto exinde were looking to a general council patuit, quod regna inter se prius for redress, was represented by divisa partibus a se invicem divisis Henry of Langenstein (cf. above, et inter se de papatu contenden- p. 351, n. 6) : Neander, posth. vol. tibus se pariformiter conjunxe- pp. 90, 91. The influential mani- runt'. See the whole of this festoes issued at this crisis by the remarkable document in Von der university are noticed in Bulseus, Hardt's Concil. Constant, i. 1126 sq. Hist. Lhiiv. Paris, iv. 618 sq. - The university of Paris shewed -1520] Constitution of the Church. 353 Church3 now looked in every quarter for redress. At PA™£Y length they seem to have been forced to a conclusion that the schism was never likely to be healed, except by the assembling of a general council,4 which (in cases where a reasonable doubt existed as to the validity of an election) nearly all the theologians deemed superior to the pope. The council of Pisa& was now summoned in this spirit Council of x Pisa, by the allied cardinals (1409), its object being to secure 1409 : the unity, and stimulate the reformation, of the Church. During the sessions, which extended over many months (March 25 — August 7), the rival pontiffs, on declining to present themselves for judgment, were pronounced contu- macious (March 30), and at last were both formally de- posed6 (June 5) as guilty of schism, heresy, and perjury. The choice of the electors now fell on Peter of Candia (Alexander V.), who pledged himself to purify the Church,7 in head and members 5 but he died in the following year, 3 Others looked upon the ques- tion, it is true, in a very different manner, saying, ' nihil omnino curandum quot papa sint' . Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris, iv. 700. 4 Appeals had been occasionally made already to a general council in the case where Roman absolutism was peculiarly oppressive (see above, p. 73) : but the coexistence of two rival pontiffs vying with each other in the magnitude of their exactions, led men to discuss the subject far more deeply. See, for instance, the remarkable treatise of Mat- thseus deCracovia,bishop of Worms, entitled De Squalor ibus Romanes Curia (in Walch, Moniment. Medii JEvi, i. 1—100, Gotting. 1757). 5 See Lenfant's Hist, du Concile de Pise, Amst. 1 724 : Mansi, xxvu. 1 sq. Among the very numerous prelates here assembled was Robert Hallam, bishop of Salisbury, who took an active part in the proceed- ings, and declared (April 30) that he had authority from the king of England to consent to whatever the council might determine for pro- moting unity. 6 'Christinomineinvocato, sancta et universalis synodus universalem ecclesiam reprsesentans, et ad quam cognitio et decisio hujus causa nos- citur pertinere pronunciat An - gelum Corrano [i.e. Gregory XII.] et Petrum de Luna [i.e. Benedict XIII.] de papatu contendentes et eorum utrumque fuisse et esse notorios schismaticos, et antiqui schismatis nutritores, defensores, .... necnon notorios hsereticos et a fide devios, notoriisque criminibus enormibus perjurii et violationis voti irretitos' etc. On these grounds a definitive sentence is passed upon both, inhibiting them ' ne eorum aliquis pro summo pontifice gerere se preesumat' etc. : cf. Theodoric de Niem, De Schismate, lib. in. c. 44. 7 Lenfant, i. 290. See the dis- course of Gerson, preached before him, on this subject, in Gerson's Works, ed. Du Pin, n. 131. The text was Acts i. 6 ; from which he urged the pope to realize (as far A A 354 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1305 papacy when Balthassar Cossa (John XXIII.), notoriously1 devoid of principle, succeeded to his throne. So far, however, was this council from allaying the religious conflicts of the west, that for a time it only added fuel to the flames. fn&eciuai in The whole of Spain and Scotland still adhered to Bene- repressmg i schism. diet; and as the Roman candidate (Gregory XII.) was not entirely unsupported, Christendom might gaze with horror at the spectacle of three antagonistic popes. A large majority, however, recognized the claim of John XXIII., upon the ground that he was nominated by the lawful conclave who presided in the council of Pisa. But this worthless pontiff afterwards consented, in an evil hour, to summon all the western prelates to another general Council of council held at Constance (1414—1418), and intended, like Constance . iiii 1 (1414—1418) its predecessor, to eradicate abuses, and to heal the papal schism.11 The animus of the assemblage, numbering alto- gether eighteen thousand in ecclesiastics only,3 was dis- played in the first session (Nov. 16, 1414) ; where it was determined4 that not only the prelates (bishops and abbots) as might be) all the ends for which the Church of Christ was founded. 15 ut as many prelates hastened to depart, the question of reform was afterwards postponed until the year 1 (12, when Alexander was to call another council for that purpose ( 'reformareEcclesiam incapite et in membris' ) . This delay was strongly censured by the ardent reformers, such as Nicholas de Clemenges : see his Disputatio super materia Concilii Generate (written in 1416): Opp. ed. Lydius, 1613, p. 70. It is true that a synod was held at Koine in 1412, but, as the same writer complains (Ibid. p. 75), the time was merely wasted ' in rebus supervacius nihilque ad utilitatem ecclesiae pertinentibus'. 1 Nicholas de Clemenges (as above, p. 75) speaks of him in 1416 as ' Balthasar ille perfidissi- mus nuper e Petri scde (quam turpissime fcedavit) ejectus': sec the Life of him by Theodoric de Niem, in Von der Hardt's Coneil. Constant, n. 336 sq.: and cf. Dol- linger, iv. 152. 2 See Lenfant's Hist, du Coneile de Constance, Amst. 1727, and Von der Hardt, Coneil. Constant. 6 vols. Francof. 1700 (additional volume containing Index by Eohnstedt, Berlin, 1742). 3 Dollinger, iv. 155. In the train of this assemblage followed, it is said, no less than seven hundred ' mulieres communes'. See the statistical account of an eyewitness in Von der Hardt, v. pt. II. pp. 10 sq. 4 The advocate of the inferior clergy was the cardinal Peter d'Ailly, bishop of Cambray. See the whole discussion in Von der Hardt, II. 224 sq. The Paris doc- tors, in suggesting the appeal to a general council (1394), had already urged the importance of intro- —1520] Constitution of the Church. 355 but inferior clergy, proctors for the universities, and others, PApH5Y not excluding jurists, should possess a deliberative voice. The princes and ambassadors of Christian states might also vote, except on articles of faith. And as Italian prelates, who were numerous and devoted to the interest of the pope, were not unlikely to impede the progress of reform, if suffrages continued to be taken by the head, Yot*t-by , 7 o J T < nations . it was arranged that all the members of the council should divide themselves into four ' nations',5 the Italian, German, French, and English, each with equal rights, and that no proposition should be carried till it was separately discussed in all the nations, and then passed by a majority. En- trenched upon this vantage-ground, the members of the synod wrung a promise6 of immediate abdication from pope John himself, by whom they were convened, and after he had violated his oath and fled7 to Schaffhausen Deposition of •/titi John XXIII. m disguise (March 21), they did not scruple to assert the 1415. paramount authority of the council, citing him (May 2) to appear before them, and at length completing his de- position8 (May 29, 1415). To these acts indeed they were during doctors of theology and law, nitiones debitas et charitativas', or at least the representatives of and had shewn himself altogether cathedral chapters, monastic orders, incorrigible, they proceed: 'Eum &c. The prelates, as a body, were dicta sancta synodus amovet, privat considered too illiterate for the de- et deponit, universos et singulos cision of so grave a point ('quia Christicolas, cujuscunque status plures eorum proh pudor ! hodie dignitatis vel conditionis existant, satis illiterati sunt'): see Buheus, ab ejus obedientia, fidelitate et ju- Hist. Univ. Paris, iv. 690. ramento, absolutos declarando'. 6 After the renewed deposition Von der Hardt, iv. 280. In a of Benedict XIII. (July 26, 1417), former session (March 30) they had a Spanish ' nation' was added. declared : ' Quod ipsa in Spiritu 6 Von der Hardt, n. 240. Sancto legitime congregata, gene- 7 He hoped that in his absence rale concilium faciens et ecclesiam nothing could be undertaken to his catholicam militantem reprrcsen- detriment, and some of his adhe- tans, potestatem a Christo immediate rents in the council argued ' quod habet, cui quilibet cujuscunque concilium dissolutum esset propter status vel dignitatis, etiamsi papalis, absentiam et recessum dicti Bal- existat, obedire tenetur in his, quae thasaris'. Theod. de Niem, Fit. pertinent ad fidem et ad exstirpa- Joh. xxni. (as above), lib. n. c. 8. tionem dicti schismatis, ac generalem b After stating that he had per- reformationem Ecclesias Dei in ca- severed in evil courses 'post mo- pite et in membris'. Ibid. iv. 89. AA2 356 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1305 THE PAPACY. Influence of Gerson. ostensibly impelled by a memorial,1 charging him with almost every species of depravity: but it is obvious that the real cause of their antagonism was a desire to limit the supremacy of Rome and strangle the more daring of the papal usurpations. Two of the conspicuous leaders in the movement were Peter d'Ailly'2 (de Alliaco) and John Gerson,3 who had been successive chancellors of the uni- versity of Paris. They had warmly advocated the as- sembling of the Pisan council ; and at Constance, the acute and fearless Gerson proved himself the soul of both the anti-Roman and reforming parties. Gregory XII. withdrew his claims (July 4, 1415), and measures were adopted for displacing Benedict XIII. , who was accordingly degraded and deposed (July 26, 1417).' In the forty-first session (Nov. 11, 1417), the cardinals, vnr'p^ef" assiste(l ter this turn by prelates of the different nations, 1417. elected a new pope. He took the style of Martin Y. His earliest promise was to expedite the general reforma- tion of the Church, a point on which the English, French, and German5 deputies insisted strongly, and for which a On this ground rest the famous « Gallican Articles' of 1682. 1 Theodoric de Niem, Vit. Joh. xxin. lib. ii. c. 3 : cf. Hallam, Middle Ages, n. 240, 10th ed. 8 See, for instance, his Monita de necessitate reformations ecclesice (in Gerson, Opp. n. 885 sq. ed. Du Pin)", or his treatise De difficultate reformationis in Concilio universali {Ibid. 867 sq.). 3 His -works on this subject are too numerous for recital (Opp. torn. ii. pt. ii. passim). One of the most severe is entitled, De Mod is uniendi ac rcformandi Ec- clesiam in Concilio universali. For a review of this memorable treatise, see Neander, posth. vol. pp. 176 sq. On the flight of the pope, Gerson, in the name of the French ambas- sadors and the university of Paris, preached an energetic sermon (March 23) affirming the absolute superiority of the council (Ojp. torn. ii. pt. ii. 201 sq.). i Von der Hardt, iv. 1373. 5 The Germans, backed by Sigis- mund, the emperor, were anxious to commence the work of reforma- tion before they elected the new pope : but on this point they finally gave way (Ibid. iv. 1394 sq.). The following is their protest (p. 1424) : 'Protestatur h;uc natio Germanica coram Deo, tota curia ccelesti, uni- versali ecclesia et vobis, quod nisi feceritis prajmissa modo et ordine supra dictis, quod non per earn, sed per vos stat, stetit et stabit, quomi- nus sponsa Christi, sancta mater ecclesia, suo Sponso inconvulsa, purior et immaculata ref'rmetur, et reformata ad pcrfectam reducatur unitatcm'. As early as June lot 1415, a committee, termed the -1520] Constitution of the Church. 357 THE PAPACY. plan6 had been devised in the previous session ; but ere long the council was dissolved by his authority (April 22, 1418) without proceeding to redress the scandalous abuses7 on which Roman despotism was fed. Arrangements had been made8, however, that a second council should be gathered at the end of five years to reconsider this gigantic task. It was convoked accord- ingly at Pavia (1423) by Martin V., who afterwards trans- ferred it to Siena, where the barren sessions were prolonged into the following year. But owing to a further act of prorogation nothing was effected till the western prelates met at Basle (July 23, 1431), soon after the election of the Meeting of the v •* ' ' ' m Council of new pope, Eugenius IV. The objects of this great assem- Basle, 1431. blage9, as enumerated in the outset, were (1) to extirpate rts leading all forms of heresy, (2) to reunite the Eastern and the Western Churches, (3) to promote instruction in the truth, (4) to check the wars then raging among Christian princes, (5) to bring about a reformation of the Church in head and members, (6) to reestablish, in so far as might be, the severity of ancient discipline. The president was the Reformation- college (' Reformato- rium'), had been organized. On its resolutions, see Lenfant, n. 509 sq. e Von der Hardt, rv. 1452. The points enumerated are nearly all of a fiscal and disciplinary charac- ter. The one most ultimately bearing on Christian doctrine is the question of indulgences which in the time of the papal schism had been sold or distributed at random (cf. Von der Hardt, I. 1010). 7 The only exceptions were a few decrees published March 21, 1418, for restraining simony, &c. {Ibid. p. 1535.) The unsuccessful termination of this council natu- rally shook men's faith in the probability of a reformation ; e.g. Gobelinus Persona, a German chronicler, writing at the time (Cosmodromium, in Meibom. Iter. German. Script, i. 345, Helniasstad. 1688), complains as follows : ' Ego quidem jam annis multis statum pertractans ecclesise, per quern modum ad universalis ecclesice re- formationem, scandalis sublatis omnibus, pervenire posset curiosa mente revolvi. Quern quidem mo- dum Dominus fortasse ostendet, cum in spiritu vehementi conteret naves Tharsis'. To abate the disaffection of the states who were most anxious for the remedy of some inveterate disorders, Martin entered into se- parate concordats with them, e.g. with the English, in Von der Hardt, I. 1079 sq. 8 Von der Hardt, iv. 1546. 9 See all the Acts and other documents relating to this council in Mansi, xxix — xxxi. 358 Constitution of the Church. [a.D. 1305 THE PAPACY. Hostility of the pope. ProgrcHs of the straggle. cardinal Juliano Cesarini1, who had been selected for that office by Martin V. and confirmed in the appointment by Eugenius IV. It was plain, however, that the anti-papal spirit which prevailed at Constance had not ceased to animate the western prelates, and accordingly the Roman curia eyed them with suspicion and alarm.'2 On the 12th of November, a bull was issued for transferring the council to Bologna,3 chiefly with the pretext that the Eastern Church was favourable to re-union, and preferred to hold their conference with the Latins in some town of Italy. But notwithstanding this abrupt decision of the pope, the council of Basle, supported by the University of Paris* and emboldened by the arguments of Nicholas Cusanus5 (of Cues, in the diocese of Treves), proceeded with its arduous work ; and in the second session (Feb. 15, 1432) did not hesitate to reaffirm the most extreme decrees of Constance,6 which subordinated all ecclesiastical authority 1 He was at the time engaged in trying to reclaim the Hussites (in Bohemia), and therefore opened the synod by means of two pleni- potentiaries. In the following September he arrived at Basle, when he found only a small muster of prelates. The mode of voting in this synod differed from that which we have noticed at Con- stance. Here indeed, as there, the members were divided into four sections ; but they were taken indiscriminately from any province of the Church. s Capefigue, a consistent ultra- montanist, sees the real ground of this alarm : ■ Je considere les con- ciles de Constance, de Bale, et la Pragmatique Sanction, comme les trois actes qui finissent le moyen age de l'Eglise, en ebranlant la forte et sainte dictature des papes' : if. 335. 3 Raynald. ad an. 1431, §§ 20, 21. 4 See their Epistle, dated Feb. 9, 1432, in Bulacus, Hist. Univ. Paris. v. 412 sq. The university- men also acted the chief part in this assemblage : cf. DollingeT, iv., 184, 207. 5 See his remarkable treatise, De Catholica Concordantia, written at this time, and printed with his other numerous Works, Basil. 1565. He afterwards (circ. 1437) went over to the papal side, and even did his utmost to discredit the pro- ceedings at Basle. In the work above quoted, besides vindicating the supremacy of general councils, he threw suspicion on the Pseudo- Isidore decretals, the ' Donatio Constantini,' etc. 6 Mansi, xxix. 21. The pre- sident (cardinal Juliano) felt him- self constrained to write two ener- getic letters to the pope, his patron, (in Brown's Fasciculus, i. 54 — 67) deprecating the dissolution of the council. He points out that by denying its authority, the pope rejected the council of Constance and ultimately destroyed his own title to the pontifical chair (p. 64). The following sentence is instruc- tive : ' Si niodo dissolvatur con- —1520 Constitution of the Church. 359 to that of universal synods. It was also now decided that pVjKcy the council could not lawfully be transferred, dissolved, or interrupted by any human power, without its own deliberation and consent. Relying on the countenance of Sigismund the emperor, and other princes, the assembly warned, entreated, and required Eugenius (April 29) to present himself within three months7, or send accredited persons who might give his sanction to the whole pro- ceedings. Overtures of peace ensued, and for a while accommodation did not seem impossible : but in the fol- lowing September, the promoters of the council moved that both the pope and cardinals should be pronounced Glared cm- contumacious, on the ground that the obnoxious bull which tumacu/us- these had published for its dissolution was still unrevoked. At length the pope could not resist the urgent prayers of Sigismund and other advocates of peace : and as the coun- cil was now willing to withdraw its threats and censures, representatives, who swore8 (April 8, 1434) that they would faithfully adhere to the decrees of Constance, and ^cognltumZ}' would labour to advance the objects contemplated by the thccouncd' cilium, nonne populi Germanise 18, 1432, Feb. 19, 1433, Sept. 11, videntes se non solum destitutos 1433. On Nov. 6, 1433 (the 14th ab ecclesia, sed deceptos, concor- session) a new respite of three dabunt cum ha;reticis [meaning the months was granted to Eugenius, Hussites], et fient nobis inimiciores at the same time sending to him quam illi ? Heu, heu ! quanta ista three forms of revocation. One of erit confusio ! finis pro certo est. these he employed soon after in Jam, ut video, securis ad radicem annulling all the bulls and other posita est,' etc. p. 59. A like instruments which he had issued foreboding was expressed by a Spa- against the council. His letters nish bishop, Andreas de Escobar, to this effect were read Feb. 5, (1434) writing to the same cardinal 1434. Juliano (see his Gubernaculum Con- 8 Mansi, xxix. 409. In the en- ciliorum, in Von der Hardt, vi. suing session (April 26) it was 182): 'Et timendum est, quod ante resolved that the legates should diem judicii et in brevi, nisi super be permitted to preside in the earn [i.e. the Roman Church] fiat council only on the condition that reformatio et reparatio, desoletur they should acknowledge their et foras mittatur et ab hominibus authority to be derived entirely conculcetur.' from the council : Ibid. p. 90. The 7 This threat was several times number of the prelates at Basle repeated, e.g. Sept. 6, 1432, Dec. was now about one hundred. 360 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1305 THE PAPACY. Departure uf his repre- sentatives. His bull convening n fresh council. Counter - movement at Basle. present meeting, were deputed to attend in his behalf. But when, amid discussions for reducing the pecuniary tribute1 to the pope (June 9, 1435), it was contended that in this respect he was amenable to their control, his emis- saries bitterly protested. Other subjects of dispute arose continually, and in the end the papal nuncios, Juliano'2 with the rest, departed from the council. After their retreat the pope was censured even more emphatically for his backwardness in carrying out the work of reform- ation3; and in person or by deputy was absolutely sum- moned to appear before the council within sixty days. But feeling his position stronger4 than before, his tone was now proportionately changed. Instead of yielding to the summons, he put forth a document (Sept. 18, 1437) in which he sought to stifle the decrees of Basle, and urged the whole of Christendom to meet him hi a council at Ferrara. The new leader of the Basle assembly was the cardinal d'Allcmand0, archbishop of Aries, who shewed himself unflinching in his struggles to promote a reformation of the Church. On March 29, 1438, the 1 After abolishing first-fruits (Mansi, xxix. 104) it is added: ' Et si ( quod absit) Romanus pon- tiles, qui prae cseteris universalium eonciliorum exequi et custodire canones debet, adversus hanc sanctionem aliquid faciendo eccle- siam seandalizet, generali ConcUio deferatur.' This was only one of a number of reforming acts which emanated from the council sub- sequently to July 14, 1433. The last decisions of the kind were made, Jan. 24, 1438: see Mansi, xxix. 159. ! lie appears to have seceded in the twenty-fifth session (May 7, 1437), when his advice, touching certain Greek ambassadors who had come over to negociate a union, was rejected by the council. i Mansi. xxix. 137 sq. They declared that nothing could induce him ' ut aliquam morum emen- dationem Christo placentem, aut notissimorum abusuum correctio- nem in ecclesia sancta Dei efficere satageret.' i When he yielded to the wish of Sigismund and others, and acknowledged the assembly at Basle, his territory was in a state of revolution, and a prey to law- less condottieri (cf. Dollinger, iv. 188). This storm had now blown over, and Eugenius strengthened himself by dispatching nuncios to the several courts of Europe with his own ex- parte version of the subjects in dispute. 5 Respecting him see Schrbckh, xxxii. 65 sq. After the convoca- tion of the synod of Ferrara he was the only cardinal who re- mained at Basle. —1520] Constitution of the Church. 361 rival synod of Ferrara was condemned ; and all who had p™/cy. frequented it, the pope himself among the number, excom- D itUm'of' municated. In a future session he was formally deposed6 i^p°i>e- (June 25, 1439). Into the place of Eugenius (Nov. 17) they elected an aristocratic hermit (formerly the duke of Savoy) who reluctantly assumed7 the name of Felix V. (July 24, 1440). But from this very date the cause of the ' reforming' (anti-papal) party manifestly drooped.8 The empire, Spain, and France were, for the most part, neu- tral, not renouncing their connexion with Eugenius, while they inconsistently professed to recognize the legitimacy of the council of Basle. The English people, with some^T^ others, took his side more warmly, and sent deputies to hu>fawur- Florence, whither his new council of Ferrara was trans- lated (1439). So vast indeed was the discomfiture now suffered by his adversaries, that upon the abdication of Felix V., ten years later, all attempts to limit his supre- macy and purify the west of Christendom, by means of universal synods, were abandoned in despair. The only country where the principles which had been advocated in those synods gamed a lasting hold upon the rulers both in Church and State, was France. In 6 Mansi, xxix. 179. The synod generally. See his work in favour decrees, ' Gabrielem prius nomina- of it (1439) in Mansi, xxxi. 205 sq. turn Eugenium papain IV. fuisse An answer was put forth by et esse notorium et manifestum Johannes de Turrecremata, entitled conuunacem, mandatis seu prae- Summa de Ecclesia, ed. Venet. 1561. ceptis ecclesia? universalis inobe- 7 See the Letter of ^Eneas Sylvius dientem et in aperta rebellione (August 13, 1440), giving an ac- persistentem' etc. There was a count of the coronation of Felix, small party at Basle, headed by in Brown's Fasciculus, i. 52 — 54. Tedeschi archbishop of Palermo, Felix was, however, recognized (Panormitanus) which attempted only in Savoy, Switzerland, Bavaria to avert this crisis by maintaining and some other parts of Germany, that inferior clerics who constituted 8 This was proved by the seces- a large majority should be de- sion of the more influential mem- prived of their deliberative voice, bers from the council. See the Tne bishops, it appears, were not (one-sided) account of Johannes disposed to go so far as the rest dePolemar (1443), in Mansi, xxxi. (cf. Dollinger, iv. 201, 202). Te- 197 sq.; iEneas Sylvius, Descriptio deschi himself, however, was a Germania, c. 10 ; and Hallam, warm adherent of the council Middle Ages, u. 244, 10th ed. 362 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1305 TIIE PAPACY. Pragmatic Sanction of 1438, finally ex- changed for a concordat. Restriction of the influence of the popes : what is known as the Pragmatic Sanction1 of Bourges, enacted under Charles VII. (1438), it was maintained dis- tinctly, with some other kindred points, all adverse to the ultramontane claims, that General Councils are superior to the pope. This edict, which for half a century became the great palladium of the liberties of France, was after- wards repealed by Louis XI. for diplomatic reasons; but as the Parisian parliament would not enregister his act, the ' Sanction^ kept its ground until it was supplanted by a new concordat in the time of Francis I." (1516). Amid the lull which rested on the surface of the Church at large for more than half a century anterior to the Reformation, the cupidity of Rome was far more generally confined within the papal states and their immediate circle3. Nearly all the line of pontiffs, Nicholas V. (1447), Ca- lixtus III. (1447), Pius II. or ^Eneas Sylvius4 (1458), Paul II. (1464), Sixtus IV. (1471), Innocent VIII. (1484), 1 Cf. above p. 272, A history of this document is contained in the first volume of the well-known Traitez des Droits et Libertez de T Eg Use Gallicane. In Germany the pope (Nicholas V.) was able to obtain more copious concessions. The ' concordat of Aschaffenburg' (July, 1447), confirmed at Vienna (Feb. 17, 1448), replaced him nearly on his former ground (cf. above, p. 357, n. 7, and Gieseler, § 133). To the excesses which the Koman court afterwards committed we must trace the Gravamina of 1461, in Walch. Moniment. Med. JEvi, i. 101 sq., and the memorable Centum Gravamina drawn up by the German princes in 1522. 2 Hallam, as above, p. 252. The following is the entry of the learned chronicler G enebrard ( Chronograph. Paris, 1580), relating to this sub- ject: 'Anno 1516 abrogata est in Galliis Pragmatica Sanctio, et Con- cordata, ut vocant, substituuntur, fremente universe clero, scholasticis, populo, bunis deniqne et duct is onuii- bus.' For the vigorous Appellatio of the University of Paris, re- affirming the principles laid down at the council of Basle, see Brown's Fascic. i. 68 — 71. 3 Ranke, Popes during the sixteenth century, translated by Mrs. Austin, i. 43 sq., 2nd ed. Sixtus IV. was the first to carry out this line of politics, and even favoured the conspiracy which led to the at- tempted assassination of Lorenzo de Medici on the steps of the high- altar in the cathedral of Florence. ' Abuse followed abuse, and a dangerous confusion in the ideas of men on the nature of the eccle- siastical power and on the true position of the pope.was the natural consequence.' Dollinger, iv. 220. 4 He was formerly devoted to the anti-papal cause (see his im- portant Commentarius de Gestis Basiliensis Concilii, in Brown's Fascic. i. 1 — 51), but under the influence of the great reaction that ensued, he joined the party of Nicholas V., and received a car- -1520] Constitution of the Church. 363 Alexander VI. (1452), Pius III.5 (1503), Julius II. (1503), p ™*T and Leo X.6 (1513—1522), betrayed increasing love of — pomp and worldly pleasures. Nepotism was the prevailing secuiarUn, motive in their distribution of preferment, while the taxes of their chancery rose from day to day7. Too many also played a leading part in base political intrigues, which, even if successful, tended to destroy the influence and discredit the pretensions of the hierarchy at large. Nor may we pass in silence the appalling profligacy which and profligacy. too often stained the reputation of these later pontiffs, more particularly that of Alexander VI.,8 who is perhaps unequalled in the history of mediaeval crime, except by Caesar Borgia, his son. An effort, it is true, was made under iEneas Sylvius9 and Julius II.10 to resuscitate the Hildebrandine principles, and in the council of Lateran11 dinal's hat from CalixtusIII.(1456). He died of grief (1464) on finding that he could not stir the church to join him in driving back the Turks who had now taken Con- stantinople (May 29, 1453), and occupied Bosnia and Slavonia. See the unsparing Life of him in Platina, Vit. 1'ontif. Roman., and a more favourable one by Campani, in Muratori, Script. Rer. Ital. in, pt. ii. 965 sq. His own Epistolm (often printed) are the best original authority. 5 The first word of this pope after his election (1503) was 'Re- formation.' He died in twenty-six days. Dollinger iv. 229. 6 On the .part taken by this pontiff at the outset of the refor- mation, see Roscoe's Life and Pon- tificate of Leo X., chap. xv. ' Ranke, as above, pp. 57 sq. Dollinger (an ultramontanist) is on these subjects too impartial for his English translator : see note at p. 228. 8 Well might the cry be uttered that the pope was now preparing the way for Antichrist ; and that he laboured to promote the coming of the kingdom, not of heaven, but of Satan. Ranke, i. 51, 52. 9 See, for instance, his Bulla Retractationum (April 26, 1463; Raynald. ad an. § 114 sq.), in which he maintains that the pope has received supreme power over the whole Church directly from Christ Himself, and that all other ministers are his delegates ('per ordinem in omnem diffundit eccle- siam'). He assailed the French ' Pragmatic Sanction,' but Charles VII.(1460)methim by appealing to a general council: see Preuves des Li- bertez de I' EgliseGallicane, c. xn i . § 1 0 . 10 It is of him Macchiavelli says (Ranke, i. 56), that 'formerly no baron was so insignificant as not to despise the papal power : now, a king of France stands in awe of him.' 11 Labbe, xiv. 1—346. In the year preceding the convocation of this synod, Louis XII. of France, quarrelling with pope Julius II., had instigated some of the cardinals to call a council at Pisa (Labbe, xiii. 1486 sq). It met for several months (Nov. 1, 1511 — April 21, 1512), and in the last session ven- tured to suspend the pope : but 364 Constitution of tlie Church. [a.D. 1305 [1512—1517) that effort was in part rewarded when the OTHER BRANCHES iireRAKcnY * rencn, wno nad been hitherto the chief antagonists of Bishops of the period. ultra-papal claims, consented to abandon the Pragmatic Sanction1: yet, meanwhile, a different class of spirits breaking in tumultuously upon the guilty slumbers of the conclave, had begun to wrench away the time-worn pillars on which Roman despotism was reared. The other prelates of the west maintained their old relations to the papacy, with the exception that the lessen- ing of its influence often added to the magnitude of theirs? This happened more especially throughout the forty-years' schism.* The pallium was, however, still procured by all the metropolitans : the Roman legate, where the office was not held by one of them, enjoyed precedence in eccle- siastical assemblies, and in cases where no obstacle3 was made by kings and parliaments his influence was su- preme. Appeals were also not unfrequently transferred from the diocesan and the provincial courts to what was deemed the chief tribunal of the west : but on this subject its members were then dispersed and nothing came of their denun- ciations. Louis XII. in the course of this dispute, struck a coin with the legend ' Perdam Babylonis nonien' : see Thuanus (De Thou), Hist. i. 11, ed. Orleans, 1626. 1 See above, p. 362, n. 2. ' La Pragmatique, veritable source de schisnie et d'heresie, fut heureu- scment revoquee par Louis XL' Capefigue, II. 335 (note). 2 Above, p. 351. On the other hand the growing system of papal ' provisions' (cf. above, p. 344, n. 3) tended to deprive them of a large portion of their former influence. This was confessed by Martin V. (1418), in striving to remedy some of the abuses generated by his precedessors, who exempted * ec- clesias, monasteria, capitula, con- ventus, prioratus, et personas' from the jurisdiction of the bishops ' in grave ipsorum Ordinariorum prsejudicium : ' Von der Hardt, iv. 1535. 3 Such obstacles, however, did continually arise ; e.g. in England, when Henry Beaufort, bishop of "Winchester, was constituted legate by Martin V. (1426), he was ad- mitted to the counsels of the sovereign only on the condition, ' quod quotiens aliqua, materia?, causae, vel negotia ipsum dominum regem aut regna seu dominia sua ex parte una, ac sedem apostolicam ex parte altera concernentia .... idem cardinalis se ab hujusmodi consilio absentet, et communica- tioni eorundem, causarum, materia- rum, et negotiorum non intersit quovis modo etc. Rot. Pari. 10° Hen. VI. 516. It is also very re- markable that a charge brought against Wolsey was, that as legate he had transgressed the ' statute -1520] Constitution of the Cliurch. 365 we observe a corresponding jealousy among the legislative rp ™<^?rs bodies4 of the UUU1Cb* HIERARCHY In appointing bishops there was much variety of usage, — - as the papal or imperial interest predominated. Theo- appointment: retically every prelate was to be elected,5 in accordance with the ancient laws, and one of the most urgent stipu- lations of the council of Basle (July 14, 1433) related to this subject. It was meant to counteract encroachments6 both of Rome and of the civil power. According to the German compact, made in 1448, these free elections7 were to be continued, the appointment of a prelate lapsing to the pope, if the capitular election were not made within the legal time. But, for the most part, it is obvious that the crown was very loath to acquiesce in such arrange- ments, and contrived, while bent on humbling papal arro- gance, to fix the right of nominating to the bishoprics and higher benefices absolutely in itself.8 The French con- of Praemunire' (see above, p. 351, n. 9), by receiving bulls from Rome and acting on them without the king's leave. See the Articles against him in Herbert's Hist, of Henry VIII. pp. 294 sq. Lond. 1672. 4 Cf . Twysden, Vindication of the Church, pp. 51 sq. Camb. ed. 5 Above, pp. 163, 164, 256. 6 See Sess. xii., as above. The prelates had their eye especially on the very numerous ' reserva- tions' (electiones expectanda?) made by the pope in favour of some candidate of his own : but they proceed to exhort princes also to abstain from superseding, or in- termeddling with, capitular elec- tions. This indeed is only one of the measures they originated for securing the independence of the episcopate. Their president (the cardinal archbishop of Aries), after declaring that modern bishops were mere shadows ( ' umbrae qure- dam' ), superior to the presbyters only ' habitu et reditibus,' goes on to state : * At nos eos in statu re- posuimus pristino .... nos eos, qui jam non erant episcopi, fecimus episcopos.' JEn. Sylvius, de Condi. Basil, (in Brown's Fascic. i. 23). 7 Schrockh, xxxn. 164, 165. 8 Ranke, Popes, I. 39 sq. The fla- grant instances, that now meet us, of episcopal pluralities, are trace- able, at least in some degree, to this dictation of the crown. Thus, the royal favourite Wolsey at the close of the present period was farming on easy terms the bishoprics of Bath, Worcester, and Hereford, the real owners being absentees : he also gained successively the bishoprics of Durham and Win- chester, contriving to keep one of them along with his archbishopric : he also held in commendam the abbey of St. Alban's and many other pieces of ecclesiastical pre- ferment, besides enjoying the vir- tual patronage of most of the vacant benefices. Herbert, Hist, of Henry VIII. p. 57. 366 Constitution of the Church. [a.D. 1305 OTHER BRANCHES OF THE HIERARCHY often made by the crown. Attempted reformation by means of diocesan synods. cordat, for example, which restored the annates and some other privileges to Leo X., secured this right to Francis, — the nominee, however, being pledged to seek collation from the pope : and in this country, more particularly during the reign of Henry VII., the power of filling up the vacant sees had generally devolved upon the crown, which also was appropriating to itself one-half of the annates. Every- where, indeed, the civil governments of Europe had be- come possessed of what were long regarded as ecclesiastical prerogatives. The secular element in the Church was threatening to suppress the spiritual or hierarchic, and accordingly throughout the earlier stages of the Refor- mation we shall have to notice the confusion of ideas which this new ascendancy produced.1 In the attempt to reinvigorate episcopacy the council of Basle enjoined (Nov. 25, 1433) that each bishop should hold a diocesan synod once at least every year,1' and by his presence labour to advance the reformation both of pastors and of flocks. But owing to his sad unfitness, intellectual and moral, or his livelong absence3 from the sphere to which his energies were due, the bishop very seldom gave effect to this injunction. It is true that fine exceptions are not absolutely wanting, but the bishops for the most part had grown ignorant, idle, and sensual, or 1 See the just remarks on this point by Bp. Russell, Church in Scotland, i. 164, 165. The royal intermeddling with conventual and other church- property had in Eng- land begun some time before the Reformation ; e.g. several monas- teries were suppressed by Wolsey with the consent both of the king and the pope. Herbert's Hist, of Henry VIII., pp. 146, 147, 163, 164, 251. * Sess. xv.: ' Ad minus semcl in anno ubi non est consuetudo bis annuatim celebrari.' Provincial synods were also ordered to as- semble at least every third year, and in England we occasionally meet with a list of ' Reform anda in convocatione cleri' {e.g. a.d. 1444, Wilkins, III. 539). 3 ' Multi ex eis qui pastorali apice potiuntur, perque annosa tempora potiti sunt, nunquam civi- tates suas intraverunt, suas eccle- sias viderunt sua loca vel dioeceses visitaverunt' etc. Nicholas de Cle- menges(.De ruina Eccleskc, as above), c. 25. Passages might be mul- tiplied to the same effect, especially in reference to those cases where the pope presented his own cour- tiers to the foreign sees. -1520] Constitution of the Church. 367 were often occupied exclusively in search of honors and „ other 1 J BRANCHES emoluments that bound them to the earth.4 m2^™ The monks, as we have seen already,5 gorged with the ecclesiastical endowments, lost the moral elevation6 they 0ftheuwnL>. had shewn throughout the early periods of the 'Church, and with it forfeited their hold on the affections of the people. Except the order of Carthusians7 none of them adhered to the letter of their institute. Their intellectual vigour at the same time underwent a corresponding de- terioration, insomuch that few if any works of merit, either in the field of science or theology, proceeded in this age from cloisters of the west. The councils of Constance8 * e.g. in the Defensor Pads (above quoted p. 346) we have the follow- ing complaint : ■ Nunc vero propter regiminiscorruptionemjo/wrimajuars sacerdotum et episcoporum in sacra Scriptura periti sunt parum, et si dicere liceat insufficienter ; eo quod temporalia beneficiorum, qua? asse- quuntur officiosis, ambitiosi, cupidi, et causidici quidam obtinere volunt et obtinent obsequio, prece velpretio vel saeculari potentia'; p. 258: cf. the frightful picture of the Spanish prelates, at the close of this period, drawn by the Dominican Pablo de Leon in his Guia del Cielo (ex- tracts in De Castro, Sjianish Pro- testants, Lond. 1851, pp. xxv. sq.). He traces many of the evils to the vile example of the Roman court, p. xxix. Other evidence is fur- nished by the decrees of 'the ' Re- formation-college' at Constance : see Lenfant, liv. vn. s. 42 sq. 5 Above, p. 247. The Spanish writer, above quoted, while ac- knowledging that good and holy monks existed, urges their incon- venient wealth as a reason for some change. ' If left alone,' he says, ' every thing will very soon belong to the monasteries,' p. xx. Ac- cording to Turner (Middle Ages, v. 169) the church - property (which had now passed in very many cases, by ' appropriations,' to the conventual bodies; com- prised more than half of the ' military fees,' i.e. more than half of the landed property of this kingdom. 6 See Nicholas de Clemenges (as above), c. 32. The same writer is equally severe in speaking of the nuns. He says that their con- vents were not 'Deisanctuaria, sed Veneris execranda prostibula' (c. 36). And Gerson more than once advances the same charge ; e.g. in a sermon preached before the council of Constance, he declares, ' Et utinam nulla sint monasteria mulierum quae facta sunt prosti- bula meretricum ; et prohibeat ad- huc deterioraDeus.' Opp. n. 550, ed. Dupin. The persecutions to which a nun of the stricter sort was subject are graphically de- scribed in a MS. belonging to the University of Cambridge (Dd. i. p. 372). 7 See the contemporary work of John Buschius De reformatione monaster ior urn, c. 32, (in Leibnitz's Scriptores Brunsv., torn. n). A healthier impulse was, however, given at the close of the fourteenth century to monasticism in Russia, by Sergius of Rostov, on whom see Mouraviev, pp. 61 sq. and notes. 8 On the orders made by the ' Re- formation-college' at Constance, see Lenfant, liv. vn. s. 55. 368 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1305 other and Basle,1 in their endeavours to brace up monastic dis- BRANCHE8 . ' . * . of the ciplme afresh, produced some transitory changes, by m- sisting on the need of reformation and by authorizing fcformthem. & commission of inquiry into many of the German con- vents. But in spite of these remedial measures we are bound to argue, from complaints which rise in every quarter, that monasticism had grown almost incorrigible and was ripening daily for the scythe. As in the former period, numerous congregations, separating one by one from the degenerate Benedictines, organized themselves in fresh Mwcmgrega. societies< Qf tnese tiie prhicipal were (1417) the congre- gation of S. Justina2, or, as it was afterwards called, of Monte Cassino. Offshoots3, in like manner, such as the Observants (1425) and the Bernardines (1497), grew out of the Cistercian order. Tfh™FrUirs While the monks had thus degenerated step by step, the Mendicants retained their former influence. The great bulk of the religious endowments were now lavished upon them, until they rivalled the Establishment which they had bitterly attacked, in the magnificence of their foun- dations and the freedom of their mode of life.4 Confiding in the patronage of popes,5 of kings,6 and noble ladies, 1 See Buschius, as above, pp. satire On the Times of Edw. II., 476 sq. and elsewhere. edited by the present writer for the 2 Helyot, Hist, des Ordres Relig. Percy Society, No. lxxxii. The vi. 230 sq. Paris, 1714. The rise author of the latter poem attacks of other confraternities is men- the vices prevalent among all tioned in the same place. classes of the community, espe- 3 Ibid. v. 56 sq. The Spanish cially the ' Honours [Franciscans] ' Order of the Hieronymites' (her- and Jacobyn' [Dominicans], Car- mits) had been founded as early as mes [Carmelites], and friars of 1370; but they were at first de- what was calledthe order of St. voted to the so-called rule of St. Augustine : stan. 30 sq. In this Augustine. In 1424 they adopted particular he was a precursor of another : see Holstein's Codex, hi. "WyelifFe, on whose controversy 43 sq. with the Mendicants, sec Vaughan's * See Nicholas de Clemenges, as Life, pp. 82 sq., ed. 1853. above, c. 33; the Vision of Piers 3 e.g. Sixtus IV. (himself a Plowman (by Robert Langlande, Franciscan) granted them enor- about 1362), ed. Wright; the Creed mous privileges in a bull entitled of Piers Plowman ; and a still earlier Mare Magnum (Aug. 31, 1474), -1520] Constitution of the Church. 369 they were able to surmount the opposition7 of the Uni- b1?™cues versities and the parochial clergy, who regarded them with o^A™^y mingled fear, abhorrence, and contempt. In spite of mutual jealousies and altercations,8 the four leading orders of Mendicants9 (Franciscans, Dominicans, Carmelites, and Augustines) held themselves together10 and were almost absolute in the administration of the Western Church. Their learning and activity prevented them from forfeiting Thm- eo this prominent position, till the latter half of the fifteenth century, when all of them put forth the symptoms of decay.11 cntual which was confirmed in the ' Bulla Aurea' (July 26, 1479). The pa- rish priest who resisted them was threatened with the loss of his bene- fice. See the Bullarium Romanum, in. 3, 139. The subject was reopened in the seventh session of the coun- cil of Lateran (Dec. 19, 1516). 6 See Turner's Middle Ages, in. 115 sq. The English Franciscans were most favoured by gentle- women, the Dominicans by the nuns. Ibid. 116. 7 Cf. above, pp. 252, 253. Pope John XXII. {Extravagantes Com- munes, lib. v., tit. iii., c. 2, in Corp. Jur. Canon.) took the side (1321) of the Friars against a doctor of the Sorbonne (J. de Poliaco) ; but the Sorbonne gained a victory in 1409 ; Bulffius, Hist. Univ. Paris. v. 189: cf. v. 522 sq. In Brown's Fascic. (n. 466 — 486) will be found a Defensorium Curatorum contra privilegiatos (1357), by Richard, archbishop of Armagh, who spent some years at Avignon, striving to interest the pope in favour of the parish-priests. The convocation of York (1466), under archbishop Nevil, condemned those Friars ('pardoners'), who went about raising funds by preaching (or sell- ing) indulgences, in the name of the pope and other bishops : John- son, English Canons, n. 521, 522. 8 Cf. above, p. 252, and see Warton's Engl. Poetry, n. 87 sq. ed. 1840. 9 Or, as they were now severally termed, the minors, theblack-friars, the white-friars, and the grey-friars. 10 Thus, when they were attacked by the archbishop of Armagh ( above n. 7), the cause of all the four or- ders was defended in common : see Trithemius (John of Trittenheim), Annal. Hirsaug. n. 245. 11 Such was plainly the case in England (see Warton, Ibid. pp. 92, 93). The Carmelites, who were once conspicuous in repelling Lol- lardism (Turner, hi. 122), had lost their reputation both for scholar- ship and orthodoxy about 1460 ; and some time before, the Augus- tines had ruined their cause by preaching seditious sermons. When Leland (circ. 1530) visited the ancient seat of the Franciscans at Oxford, he found in the Hbrary little more than empty shelves covered with dust and cobwebs ('Inveni etiam et libros, sed quos tribus obolis non emerem'). The influence of the Mendicants was great, however, even at the end of the present period : for Erasmus (Epist. cccclxxvii., Opp. ed. Lugd. Batav.) declares that the world was then, among other evils, groan- ing under ' tyrannide Fratrum Mendicantium, qui cum sint sa- tellites sedis Bomana:-, tamen eo BB 370 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1305 hbanches While the Dominicans had been employed especially in Ei- ySjgry counteracting misbelief and guiding the machinery of the Inquisition, an important school of the Franciscans, as we Aberrations of noticed on a former page,1 were hostile to the see of Rome. moors. The feeling which had prompted that hostility was equally aroused by other branches of the Church-establishment. In imion with the Beghards'2, they continued to maintain that truly ' spiritual' persons would subsist exclusively on alms, that personal tithes were not due to the parochial clergy save by usage, and that deadly sin was fatal to the sacerdotal character.8 They also propagated the Apocalyptic theories of earlier times,4 and one at least of their sodality laid claim to the prophetic office.5 The more sober still adhered to the communion of the Church, reverting to the letter of their institute, and finally ob- taining the approbation of the council of Constance6 (1415). As distinguished from the laxer or conventual school of the Franciscans, they were called Friars-Regular. But other groups, in which the Beghard influence7 seems to have preponderated, now appeared in many countries of the west, especially in Flanders and some JFriars- Ilcyular. The Beghards and Lollards. potentiae ac multitiidinis evadunt, ut ipsi Romano pontifici atque ipsis adeo regibus sint formida- biles.' 1 Above, p. 347. 2 Above, p. 250. They were condemned by John XXII. in 1317 ( Extravagantes Johan. XXII. tit. vii., in Corp. Jur. Canon.), who declares that very many of them are persons, who ' a veritate Catho- licae fidei deviantes, ecclesiastica sacramenta despiciunt ac errores alios student multipliciter senii- nare.' Many of this class fell a prey to the Inquisition : cf. a con- temporary account in Baluze, Vit. Avenion. i. 598. :| See, for instance, the proceed- ings against William llussell and other English Franciscans, in Wil- kins, in. 433 sq. 4 Above, pp. 250, 251. The Pos- tilla of Oliva were still most po- pular among them. The Church of Rome was Babylon, the 'mere- trix magna'; John XXII. was 'mys- ticus Antichristus, prreparator vise majoris Antichristi' etc. See the Liber Sententiarum, p. 304, annexed to Limborch's Hist. Inquisitionis. 5 See the Copia Propheticc Fratris Joh. de Rupescissa etc., in Brown's Fascic. ii. 494 sq. For other light on this interesting subject, con- sult Dr. Maitland's Eight Essays (1852), pp. 206 sq. 6 Von cler Hardt, iv. 515. 7 See above, p. 254, and Mo- sheim, as there quoted, pp. 244 sq. -1520] Constitution of the Church. 371 parts of Germany. One section of them, notwithstanding other the indiscriminate censures8 of pope Clement V., had mani- HIk'r^chy fested no desire to vary from the general teaching of the Church. They were religious brotherhoods and sister- hoods distinguished for their zeal in visiting the sick, or, in the case of those to whom the name of Lollards9 (Lullards) was now popularly given, for singing at the funerals and for otherwise assisting in the burial of the dead. But it would seem that the title ' Lollard,' like the older one of Beghard, or Beguin, was at an early date synonymous with heretic10, although the bearers11 of them both were shielded, now and then at least, from the Inquisitor by missives of succeeding popes. Another confraternity which ran the risk of being; con- Common-Ufe Clcvics* founded with the Beghards, owed their origin to Gerhard Groot,12 a clergyman of Deventer, at the middle of the fourteenth century. They soon expanded, under the able 8 e.g. Clementin. Constit. lib. in. tit. xi. c. 1. John XXII., on the contrary, in 1318, took the females commonly called Beghince under his protection. Mosheim, Ibid. pp. 627 sq. 9 As early as the year 1309, we read of 'quidamhypocritsegyrovagi, qui Lollardi, sive Deurn laudantes, vocabantur,' in the neighbourhood of Liege : see the Gest. Pontif. Leod. Script, ed. Chapeaville, n. 350. The derivation thus suggested is from the German Mien (='luH'), re- ferring to the plaintive melody em- ployed by them at funerals : cf. Gieseler, § 115, n. 4 (ed. Bonn, 1849), and Maitland, as above, p. 204. A ballad on Sir John Old- castle, quoted by Turner (in. 144, note), appears to connect ' Lollar- drie' with an English verb ' lolle' . 10 See the last extract. In 1408, archbp. Arundel declares (§ 10) that his province (of Canterbury) was ' infected with new unprofit- able doctrines, and blemished with the new damnable brand of Lol- lardy' (Johnson, u. 470), which implies that the name was then somewhat fresh in England. 11 Thus Boniface IX. (1395) re- calls the exemptions which had been granted to persons of either sex (« vulgo Beghardi, seu Lullardi et Zuestriones, a se ipsis vero pau- peres Fratricelli seu pauperes pue- ruli nominati') by himself or his predecessors, on the ground that heresies were lurking in the insti- tute. Mosheim, as above, p. 409. '* See the deeply interesting Life of him by Thomas a, Kempis (d. 1471) in the Works of the latter, in. 3sq. ed. Colon.; and a Chro- nicon (circ. 1465) of the canons of Windesheim by one of their num- ber, Joh. Buschius, ed. Antverp. 1621. This order had to defend themselves against a virulent attack of a Saxon Dominican {Ibid. pp. 547 sq.), and were supported by the leading men at the council of Constance. Lenfant, Hist, du Con- cile, liv. vi. §§64 sq. One of the grounds of objection to them was bb2 372 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1305 Fearful dege- neracy of the clerics. J™* , patronage of the reformed * canons of Windesheim,' into ,r,^t SSL,, an order called the ' Fratres Vitse Commmiis' : and while elevating in some degree the tone of personal religion, they contributed1 to the more careful training both of laymen and ecclesiastics in the north of Europe. One of their most holy luminaries was Thomas a Keinpis,2 who died in 1471. It may be safely stated that the 'working' (parish) clergy had been never so debased as at the close of the present period. The corruptions we have marked already" were now threatening day by clay to leaven all the lump. In Germany4 and Spain5 particularly, their unblushing that they lived together without adopting monastic vows. They were afterwards protected for a time by Eugenius IV. (Mosheim, as above, pp. 668 sq.) : but num- bers, through their strong resem- blance to the Beghards, were at last compelled to seek a shelter in the tertiary estate of the Francis- cans (cf. above, p. 2-50). 1 Their chronicler Buschius (as a- bove, p. 371, n. 12) asks with justice (p. 214): 'Quanta? in sseculo sunt personam sexus utriusque, qua? ami- citia his conjuncta? asaeculi vanitate per eas [congregationes] conversae, et ad meliora .... ipsarum exemplo inductee et provocatse, quamvis ad omnia evangelica consilia statim arripienda propter multa impedi- menta nondum dare se valent, vitam tamen sanctam a peccatis alienam, ad earum informationem student observare, quis enumera- bit?' Their scholastic and other institutions are described at length by Delprat, Verhandeling over de Broederschapvan G. Groote, Utrecht, 1830 (translated into German, with additions, by Mohnike, Leipz. 1840). 2 It has been disputed whether the De Imitatione Christi is to be classed among his warm-hearted writings (some assigning it to abbot Gerscn, and others to Gerson, the Chancellor of Paris), but the evidence, external and internal, seems to point him out as the real author : cf. Gieseler, § 146, note '". 3 Above, pp. 260, 261. 4 e.g. The cardinal Cesarini (above, p. 358) makes the following report to Eugenius IV. : ' Incitavit etiam me hue venire [i.e. to the reforming council of Basle] defor- mitas et dissolutio cleri Aleman- nise, ex qua laid siqira modum irri- tantiir adversus statum ecclesiasticum . Propter quod valde timendum est, nisi se emendent, ne laici, more Hus sitarum, in totum clerum irruant, ut publice dicunt': in Brown's Fascic. 1.56. 5 See especially De Castro's Spanish Protestants, pp. xvi. sq. Lond. 1851, and the original autho- rities there mentioned. The follow- ing proverb is a sample : Clerigo, fraile 6 judio No lo tengas por amigo. p. xxxvii. For England the evidence that might be cited is overwhelming. Gower, for instance, who denounc- ed ' Antichristes Lollardes', is in the Vox Clamantis a stern censor of the vicious clergy. In this point he quite agrees with Wycliffe. The author of metrical Sermons [r Ri« chard of Hampole], in the Carnh. Univer. MSS., Dd. 1. pp. 188, 1S«), 283, has fine passages on the same subject. —1520] Constitution of the Church. 373 licence, covetousness, pride, and secularity exposed them Br™ctes to the hatred of their flock and to the satire of the whole Hiera™by community. Relieved on one side by exemptions from the jurisdiction of the civil courts, and on the other by the intermeddling zeal of Friars, to whom the actual cure of souls had very frequently devolved, they sank into voluptuous ease and abject ignorance, or at the best con- fined themselves to the mechanical performance of their sacred duties in the church. Unchastity, the fruit of a misguided rigour in ecclesiastical legislation, had been long the darkest blot upon their characters, and in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the proofs that it went on increasing are most lamentably rife. It had infected all the clerical estate, but seems to have been more espe- cially notorious in cathedral-canons.6 To eradicate these old and ulcerating; evils was a leading attempts to o o repress the object in the great reformatory councils of Constance and scandal ■ Basle. One proposition there advanced was to annul the law enforcing celibacy7; but the common feeling, that of Gerson8 with the rest, continued to incline the other way. The ' concubinary' priests (intending also by that name the clerics who might have been secretly married) were condemned with special emphasis at Basle9 (Jan. 22, 1435). 6 See the evidence with regard 7 e.g. Cardinal Zabarella, in Von to Spain in De Castro, as above, der Hardt, i. 524. Platina (Vit. p. xxix. Nicolas de Clemenges, Piill., p. 311) represents that pope De Ruina Eccl. (as before) c. 29, as saying, that if there were good after declaiming against the igno- reasons for prohibiting the mar- ranee and vices of the other clergy riage of priests, there were stronger (c. 24), characterizes the canons as reasons for allowing it: cf. his lan- ' indoctos, simoniacos, cupidos .... gnage in Brown's Faseic. i. 50. adhuc etiam ebriosos, incontinentis- 8 See his Dialogus Sophia et Na- simos, utque qui passim et invere- turce super ccelibatu ecclesiasticorum, cunde prolem ex meretrice sus- (Opp. n. 617 sq. ed. Du Pin). Gie- ceptam et scorta vice conjugum seler (§ 139, note °) has collected domi tenent,' etc. At the same numerous instances of the other period the ' Reforming College' of kind in which the marriage of the Constance passed many regulations clergy was advocated by individual with a view to the improvement of writers throughout the fifteenth these latter. See Lenfant, liv. vn. century. c. 54. 8 Mansi, xxix. 101. This decree 374 Constitution of the Church, [A.D. 1305 bi^vnciies 0Q their conviction they were sentenced, after a brief hierarchy respite, to the loss of their benefices, and in case of new offences made incapable at any future time of holding unsuccessful, church preferment. Still it is too obvious, from the cries of sorrow, indignation, and disgust which rise in every quarter, that these stern injunctions were comparatively futile1. Individuals'2 there would doubtless be, who formed a bright exception to the guilty mass ; but when the Church at length woke up and felt that some reorganization of her system was imperatively needed, if she hoped to keep her hold on the affections of mankind, no scandal was so generally confessed3 as that presented by the lives of the parochial clergy. also condemns a pernicious custom of some bishops, who accepted a pecuniary fine from clergymen with- out compelling them to put away their mistresses. A similar com- plaint had been already made by the House of Commons in 1372 (Rotul. Pari. 46° Edw. III. p. 313). They prayed the king for remedy against ordinaries who took sums of money from ecclesiastics and others 'pur redemption de lour pecche de jour en jour et an en an, de se que Us tiendrent overtement lours concubines.' The evil was however unredressed, as we may learn, among other evidence, from a monstrous anecdote in Erasmus, Opp. ix. 401 : ed. Le Clerc. 1 A long catalogue of authorities will be found in Gieseler, § 139, note v. ■ Such, for instance, were not wanting in Spain itself; De Castro, as above, p. xxxv. 3 The committee of cardinals appointed by pope Paul III. in lt538, to consider what could pos- sibly be done 'de emendanda Ec- clesia', animadverted in the first place on the incompetence and crying vices of the priests and other clerics : ' Hinc innumera scandala, hinc contemptus ordinis ecclesiastici, hinc divini cultus ve- neratio non tantum diminuta sed etiam prope jam extincta.' Le Plat, Monum. Concil. Trident, n. 598 sq., Lovan. 1782 : cf. the pre- sent writer's History of the Articles, pp. 9—11. -1520] ( 375 ) CHAPTER XV. ON THE STATE OF EELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. WESTERN CHURCH. The leading theologians of this period may be ranged western in one of two great classes. They are either speculative, bent on reaching the solution of dogmatic problems f^Jglf through the aid of Greek philosophy; or mystical, re- theol°!>ians- posing on the old foundations of belief and shrinking from all dialectic processes by which the former school had long been struggling to evince the truth and reason- ableness of Christianity. The spirit of inquiry which had been so powerfully stimulated in the two preceding centuries continued to be active in the present. Some indeed, as heretofore,1 continuance of employed scholastic weapons merely for the purpose of defence, for vindicating the established doctrines of the Church, and urging them in such a manner as to satisfy the systematizing genius of the age. On men of this kind, treading in the reverential steps of Anselm and Aquinas, the effect of disputation would be often salu- tary: it imparted a more definite and scientific shape to their convictions. But another train of consequences Devdopmmtof might result from the scholastic exercises. An acute denotes. and daring mind, unsobered by religious culture, might convert them into an arena for evolving its own scepti- 1 See above, pp. 276, 277. 376 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 \vr.sTERN ticism, and thus philosophy would prove herself the parent and the nurse of misbelief. Examples of these rationalistic tendencies appeared at an early date among the Nominalists, in Roscellinus, and still more in the disciples of Abelard. It was not, however, till the four- teenth century that some objections which had hitherto been stated hypothetically in the mock-encounters ofjthe schools were deemed unanswerable by the men who put them forth. In other words, scholasticism which had been ever liable to this perversion,1 not unfrequently broke out at last into rebellion and derided supernatural truth. The nominalistic school, from which these tendencies were mainly to proceed, was now revived under Durand de S. Pourcain'2 (de S. Porciano), a Dominican and formerly a Thomist. But the second founder of it was Durand de S. Povrcain (d. 1333). 1 Fred, von Schlegel (Phil, of Hist. pp. 37-5 sq., ed. 1847) main- tains that the basis of the Aris- totelian philosophy is essentially ' rationalistic,' and that even the genius of Aquinas could not bring it into harmony with revelation. It should be borne in mind, how- ever, that the worst forms of mis- belief sprang up at the end of the fifteenth century, when Platonism had gained predominance afresh : see below, p. 379. Several glimpses of an older unbelief, arising from the false philosophy then preva- lent, occur in the works of Pe- trarch : e. g. in his De ignorantia 8tii i])sius et multorum, he writes of the philosophers whom he en- countered, ' Submotis arbitris op- pugnant veritatem et pietatem, clitnculum in angulis irridentes Christum, atque Aristotelem, quern non intelligunt, adorantes,' etc., Opp. in. 1048. The frightful length to which these blasphemies were carried at the close of the present period is illustrated by the follow- ing extract from a letter of Erasmus (lib. xxvi. ep. 34, Opp. ed. Le Clerc) : ' At ego Romae his auribus audivi quosdam abominandis blas- phemiis debacchantes in Christum, et in Illius Apostolos, idque multis mecum audientibus et quidem im- pune. Ibidem multos novi, qui commemorabant, se dicta horrenda audisse a quibusdam sacerdotibus aula? Pontincia? ministris, idque in ipsa missa, tam clare ut ea vox ad multorum aures pervenerit'. ■ See above, p. 289, n. 8. His Opus super Sententias Lombardi was printed at Venice, 1571. The freedom of his mind is indicated by his title, ' Doctor resolutissi- mus'(cf. SchriJckh, xxxiv. 191 sq.). On many points, especially the doctrine of the sacraments, he ven- tured to depart from Aquinas. He arrived at the conclusion (Lib. iv. Dist. i. Qua?st. 4), that there is in a sacrament no 'virtus causativa gratiaj', the recipients, where they place no bar, deriving grace ' non a sacramento sed a Deo'. He also excludes matrimony from the number of sacraments ' properly —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. %71 a provincial of the English Franciscans, William of ^juKcr^ Occam, born in Surrey, and in earlier life addicted to the principles of Scotus. He was aptly characterized 9&q^T the ' Invincible' and ' Singular Doctor.' We have seen (d- 1347)- the intrepidity with which he vindicated the imperial interest in opposition to the pope,3 and this desire to question every species of traditionary knowledge made him sometimes overleap the common boundaries by which the doctrines of the Church were guarded and defined. An ardent speculator on the nature of ideas, r> ^ he contended finally that thought itself is but subjective, — • • a conclusion which could hardly fail to give the most pernicious handle to freethinkers of the day. Indeed an under-stream of scepticism4 pervades his own pro- ductions. Occam was vehemently opposed by many of spread of , Occamism. the Realists,5 but notwithstanding all their censures and the formal inhibition of his writings in the University of Paris,8 the ascendancy of Nominalism as modified by him so called' (Lib. iv. Dist. xxvi. Quaest. 3). 3 Above, p. 347. It is indeed remarkable, though easily explain- ed, that what are called the • or- thodox' scholastics took the side of Roman despotism, and that the nominalists were very often in the ranks of anti-papists. On this ground we may understand why Occam was at first a special fa- vourite of Luther and Melancthon, while in doctrine they were often quite antagonistic to him. See Laurence, Ba??ipt. Lect. p. 59 (note), 3rd ed. He seems, however, favour- able to the Lutheran view of con- substantiation : see his Quodlibeta Scptem una cum Tractatu de Sacra- mento Altaris, lib. iv. Queest. 35, ed. Argent. 1491. In the latter treatise (c. 3) he says that the Bible does not teach us to believe in the annihilation of the substance of the bread : cf. Schrockh, xxxiv. 195 sq., and, on the philosophical system of Occam, as developed in his Qucestiones in Lib. Sentent. (ed. Lugdun. 1495), and his Centilo- quium Theologicum (ed. Oxon. 1675), see Ritter, Gesch. der Christ. Philos. iv. 579 sq. 4 See an essay by Rettberg, in the Studien und Kritiken for 1839, I. 69 sq. 8 e.g. by Walter Burleigh, a pro- fessor of Oxford, and formerly his fellow- student. 6 Thus, while John Bundan, his pupil, was ' rector' of the univer- sity, the ' doctrina Gulielmi dicti Occam' was condemned (1339) : see Bulseus, Hist. Univ. Paris, iv. 257, and, for a sterner prohibition, Ibid. iv. 265. In 1473 the Realists obtained a fresh victory by means of a royal order (Ibid. v. 706 sq.), which commanded that the books of their opponents should be locked up. But the order was rescinded in 1481 (Ibid. v. 739). 378 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D. 1305 church* was ever7 where apparent, more especially in Germany and England.1 One of the last influential schoolmen Gabriel Biel,2 who died in 1495, adhered almost im- plicitly to him. A less extended notice of these writers3 will suffice, particularly as their disputations do not fall so much into the province of theology as that of meta- physics. It was natural, when scholasticism had almost every- where degenerated into lifeless subtleties, that a new period of reaction would commence. We saw the jealousy with which it was discountenanced by Bernard4 at the first, and in proportion as its vices came to light, a multitude of others turned their arms against it.5 Some of them indeed may have "been actuated mainly by a wish to introduce a purer love of letters, which was Reaction against the Aristotelian sclujlastics. 1 Cf. Mr.Hallam's remark on this circumstance : Literat. of Europe, i. 256, 257, Lond. 1S40. * His chief work is a Collectorium ex Occamo in Lib. Sentent. ed. Tu- bingen, 1502. His Expositio Ca- nonis Missa, important in a litur- gical point of view, has been printed more than once (e.g. Venet. 1576). On his protestantism, see a disser- tation entitled De Gabriele Biel ce- leberrimo papista Antipapista, by H. W. Biel, Viteb. 1719. Biel was succeeded by Cortesius ('the Cicero of dogmatists'), on whom see Schrockh, xxxiv. 217 sq. 3 Some of the chief were Robert Holcot, an Englishman (d. 1349), Gregory of Rimini, or Ariminensis (d. 1358), Richard Swinshead (or Suisset,)anOxford-man(circ.l350), Henry of Hesse (d. 1397). But they Avere all surpassed by Peter d'Ailly (cf. above, p. 356), who was made a cardinal in 1411. He laboured to establish clear distinc- tions between theology and phi- losophy. See his Qucestiones super Lit. Sentent., Argent. 1490, and a list of his other numerous works in Cave, Hist. Liter, ad an. 1396. A Life of him by Du Pin is con- tained in the first volume of Ger- son's Works, ed. Du Pin. 4 p. 275, n. 6. 5 This antagonism was shewn emphatically in Erasmus (b. 1486), whose Morice Encomium (1508), his Ratio perveniendi ad veram Theolo- giam, and other works, are full of severe critiques on the follies of the later schoolmen. He had been preceded by Laurentius Valla ( Opp. Basil. 1543), who died in 1457, by Rodolph Agricola, or Hausmann, d. 1485, (Opp. Colon. 1539). One of his contemporaries who took the same side, was Ulrich von Hutten, d. 1523 (Opp. Berol. 1821 — 5). This German knight had a principal hand in the famous satires EpistolaObscurorum, Virorum ed. Munch, 1827. Luther at the same time was able to rejoice that the ' lectiones sententiaria;' were despised, and that professors who wished to gain an audience must lecture on the Bible, St. Augustine, ' aliumve ecclesiasticae auctoritatis doctorem'. See his Letters, ed. De Wette, I. 57. —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 379 certainly the case with not a few of the Platonic illumi- ^^cil nati, who revived the study of the pagan classics in the- ■ — - second half of the fifteenth century.6 They strove to gfi&«. banish the Stagyrite7 and enthrone a more congenial philosophy in the affections of the Church. That move- ment failed, however, to revive the ancient truths of Christianity. Its general aim was heathenizing, more especially as it has been developed in the works of men like Marsilio Ficino, the favourite of the Medici and others, who not only clad the doctrines of the Gospel in the phraseology of Cicero and Horace, but were threaten- ing to exalt their Grecian master into rivalry with Christ, -?'* n^-etwai ° ^ J tendencies : So prevalent had errors of this class become, that in the eighth session of the Lateran council8 (Dec. 19, 1513), it was necessary to declare the immortality of individual souls (in opposition to the Platonic views of ultimate absorption), and to order all who might profess to teach the doctrines of the old philosophy that they should never hesitate to point out the particulars in which it differed from the Christian faith. The need of this in- junction was peculiarly great in Italy,9 where learning especially m in the fifteenth century, and, more than ever, at the dawn of Luther's reformation, threatened to assume an anti-christian character, — where wanton speculations had become most rife, and where indeed it was an index of good breeding to despise the mysteries of Holy Writ.10 6 See Roscoe's Life of Leo X. which he blended with a multi- II. 87 sq., Lond. 1846; Hallam, tude of wild opinions borrowed Lit, of Europe, i. 273 sq. Ficino, from the Cabbalistic writings of however, wrote an apologetic trea- the Jews : see his Heptaplus, Basil, tise De Religione Christiana, ana- 1601. lysed by Schrockh, xxxiv. 342 8 Labbe, xiv. 187. sq. 9 Cf. the extract from Erasmus, 7 Hallam, Ibid. pp. 203 sq. Pico above, p. 376, n. 1, and others in della Mirandola at one time would Gieseler, § 154, note *•. have fain established the con- 10 'In quel tempo non pareva sistency of the Aristotelian and fosse galantuomo e buon cortegiano Platonic systems : but his own colui che de dogmi della Chiesa leanings were towards the latter, non aveva qualche opinione erronea erf 380 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 muaciL ^u* meanwhile other agents were at work in many parts of Germany. The studies of ecclesiastics had there Soil/ taken a more biblical direction. Men who learned to tieoogums. jcnow themselves were thirsting after something more profound than the scholastic subtleties, more fervent than the cloudy reveries of Plato. Such was the new race of mystics. Here and there we find them swerving into serious errors,1 but more commonly they are distinguished by a simple and unreasoning adherence to the central doctrines of the faith, combining with it a peculiar earnestness and a desire to elevate the tone of personal religion. In the members, therefore, of this school (the 1 Friends of God' as they were called) we may discern precursors2 of a genuine reformation. John Tauicr At the head of them is John Tauler,3 a Dominican of Cologne. He was originally captivated by the dialectic studies of the age, and the effect of them continued to be traceable in all his writings : but his intercourse with a Waldensian,4 Nicholas of Basle (1340), produced a thorough change in his convictions and pursuits. For twenty years he was an indefatigable preacher, stimulated,5 as it seems, by the political distractions of his country and the ravages of a terrific pestilence (' the black death'). His thrilling sermons,6 of which many were preserved in the ver- heretica.' MS. quoted in Ranke, (1329) : see Raynald. ad an. 1329, Po2)es, i. 74, Lond. 1841. §§ 70, 71. 1 e.g. Master Eckart (Aichard), 2 See Ullmann's Reformatoren a Dominican of Cologne, who died voh der Reformation, Hamb. 1841 '<" about 1325, and was one of a class of and 1842. mystics who diverged into Neo- 3 See especially Schmidt's Johan- Platonism, affirming, for example, ties Tauler von Slrassburg, Hamb. that our individuality would be 1841, and his French Essay quoted forfeited at last on our reabsorp- in a previous note, tion into the Divine essence. See 4 On this point, see Neander, Schmidt, Etudes sur le mysticisme posth. vol. pp. 745 sq. allemand au xiv' siecle, a Paris, 5 Ibid. p. 780. It is remarkable 1847, pp. 12 sq.; Neander, posth. that Wycliffe was incited to com- vol. pp. 753 sq., and Hitter, Christl. pose his Last Age of the Church Philos. iv. 498 sq. Some of the (135G) on witnessing a similar ac- doctrines of Eckart were con- cumulation of disasters, demned in a bull of John XXII. 6 The last (modernized) edition —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 381 nacular dialects, are marked by evangelic tenderness and """estern . ... CHUKCH. spiritual depth. They were peculiarly useful in resisting — — — the general tendency to overvalue the liturgic element of worship. Tauler will be found to have had numerous points in John . ! T i -n i i 7 pi i Ituysbroek common with John Kuysbroek, prior ot the canons-regular (d. 1381). at Grondal near Brussels. He was equally desirous of conforming to the public institutions of the Church,8 al- though his language more than once excited a suspicion of his orthodoxy. Gerson9 wrote (1406) against some chapters of a book in which the doctrine of eventual absorption into God appears to be maintained. The works10 of Ruysbroek, in the Flemish language, were ex- tensively circulated. They are characterized by thorough knowledge of the spiritual wants and aberrations of the was printed at Frankfurt, 1826, in 3 vols, octavo. Luther (1516) spoke of them as follows : ' Si te delectat puram, solidam, antiques simillimam theologiam legere, in Germanica lingua effusam, Sermones Johannis Tauleri, praedicatorise professions [i.e. a Dominican], tibi comparare potes .... Neque enim ego vel in Latina vel in nostra lingua theo- logiam vidi salubriorem et cum Evangelio consonantiorem.' Lu- ther's Letters, ed. De Wette, i. 46. 7 See Schmidt, Etudes sur le mys- ticisme etc. pp. 213 sq., Schrockh, xxxiv. 274 sq., and Neander, as above, pp. 767 sq. His works ap- peared in a Latin translation at Cologne, 1552, and subsequently. 8 Extracts in Neander, pp. 737, 738. 9 The title is Ejnst. super tertia parte libri Joh. Ruysbroech de ornatu spiritualium nuptiarum, Opp. I. 59, ed. Du Pin, where the remainder of the controversy will be found. 10 They were translated into Latin (ed. Colon. 1552) and afterwards into German (Offenbach, 1701): cf. Schmidt, Etudes (as above), pp. 213 sq., Neander, posth. vol. pp. 767 sq. A third writer of this school was Henry Suso (1300 — 1365), a Dominican of Suabia, on whom see Diepenbrock, Suso's Leben mid Schriften, Regensburg, 1837- Many other Dominicans fol- lowed in his steps. Thomas a Kempis, one of the ' Common-Life' clerics (see above, p. 372, and Schrockh, xxxiv. 302—339), may be added to the number, and so may the unknown author [?Ebland] of the famous treatise Eyn teutsch Theologia, das ist, eyn edles Biichlein vom rechten Verstand etc., edited by Luther in 1518. He says, in the Preface, that next to the Bible and St. Augustine (his usual mode of speaking) there was no book he prized more highly. The best mo- dern edition is that of Biesenthai, Berlin, 1842. In England the mys- tical school, though far less influ- ential, had a worthy representative in the hermit Richard Rolle, of Hampole near Doncaster, who died in 1348. Very many of his writings are poetical. See Wharton's Ap- pend, to Cave, ad. an. 1340, and Warton's Hist, of Eng. Poetry, II. 35—43, ed. 1840. 382 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1303 church* a£e" ^e s^rove to Wftke afresh the consciousness of in- dividual fellowship with God, in opposition to the modes of thought which prompted men to lean for help on out- ward union with the Church. The faults of Ruysbroek are the common faults of mystical writers, springing from undue development of the imaginative faculty. John Gerson John Gerson, chancellor of Paris (1395). whom we have (1363—1429) . ' . noticed as an adversary of the ultra-papal claims,1 and also as opposed in some degree to Ruysbroek, was himself upon the whole addicted to the principles of mysticism.8 But many of his writings indicate especial aptness for discussing points of practical Christianity.3 He was the most illustrious theologian of the time, and even now is generally revered. The part, however, which he played at Constance in promoting the condemnation of Huss* must ever be a grievous stain upon his character. He died in virtual exile5 at Lyons, 1429. snvnnaroia Another mystic of a warmer temperament than Gerson, but deficient in his mental balance, was the Dominican, Girolamo Savonarola,6 born in 1452 at Ferrara. Some of his contemporaries, it is true, denounce him as a wild and visionary demagogue,7 but the majority bear witness 1 Above, p. 356. 5 Ibid. liv. vi. § 82. 2 See, for example, his De Mys- 6 A Life of him by Pico della tiea Theologia, and other kindred Mirandola, his friend, is contained treatises in the collection of his in the Vit. Select. Virorum, ed. U rorks by Du Pin, torn. in. pt. n. Bates, Lond. 1681, pp. 108 sq. But he never failed to guard against But the best accounts are that in the feverish illusions of enthusiasm: Sismondi, Hist, des Repub. Ital. cf. Schrockh, xxxiv. 291 — 302. tome xn., Meier's Girolamo Savo- 8 On this account he was sur- narola, Berlin, 1836, and The Life named ' Doctor Christianissimus'. and Times of Girolamo Savo?iarola, Schmidt has published an able Lond. 1843. At the end of tbe Essai stir Jean Gerson, Paris, 1839. last- mentioned work is a complete 4 Lenfant, liv. in. §5. It was catalogue of his writings, of him that Huss wrote as follows : 7 He laid especial stress on the • O si Deus daret tempus scribendi Apocalypse, which, after 1485, he contra mendacia Parisiensis Can- expounded atBrescia, Florence, and ccllarii, qui tarn temerarie et in- elsewhere to crowded audiences ;de- juste coram tota multitudine non nouncing the vengeance of heaven est Veritas proximum erroribus against Italy, and even claiming annotare'. Ibid. to himself a kind of prophetic —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 383 to his patriotism, his zeal, his learning, and his saintly western life. The fiery eloquence of Savonarola was evoked8 by _ the unparalleled corruption of the Roman see, as then administered by Innocent VIII. and Alexander VI. How many elements of superstition and fanaticism had been unconsciously blended with his nobler feelings is not easy to determine : but the freedom of his speech9 in censuring the vices and disputing the infallibility of the pope has never been denied. In May, 1497, when he was laid under the ban of excommunication,10 he answered the papal brief in letters full of vehement remonstrances, and even ultimately dared11 to excommunicate the pope in turn (Feb. 18, 1498). His capture, prompted by the rage of his political ad- versaries, followed on the eighth of April, and soon after- wards his ashes were thrown into the Arno at Florence (May 22), with the sanction, if not through the instigation, of Alexander VI.la Savonarola has been called the Luther13 of Italy: but his eventual implication in the quarrels of the Florentines proved fatal both to him and to his cause. A truer prototype of Luther was John Wessel,14 (sur- fohn Vessel r Jr ' v (1420-1489) mission (see Life and Times, as Hieronymi Savonarola viri prophetm above, pp. 97 sq., and Savonarola's Innocentia, which is printed in Compendium Revelationum) . Hebe- Goldast's Monarch, n. 1635 sq. came the head of the Frateschi, or n Life and Times, pp. 320 — 322. republican, party at Florence, who 12 Ibid. p. 351. endeavoured to avert the judgments 13 Attempts have been made, but of God by checking the fearful not successfully, to prove that he spread of immorality {Ibid. p. 155). held the Lutheran view of justifica- 8 Even Dollinger (iv. 227) ad- tion, indulgences, &c. : cf. M'Crie's mits this, and praises ' the eloquent Reformation in Italy, p. 18, Lond. and venerated Dominican'. 1827. 9 Life and Times, as above, pp. u The best authority is Ullmann's 267 sq. His invectives were also Johann. Wessel, ein Vorgdnger Lu- directed generally against the pre- thers, Hamb. 1834, and in the lates of the CraFrch. • Illorum Reformatoren vor der Reformation, libidinem avaritiamque, illorum Hamb. 1842. The Works of Wessel luxus simoniacasque labes msec- (with a Life prefixed) were pub- tabatur, publice privatimque mo- lished at Groningen, 1614. He is nere solitus, a Babylone (Romam not to be confounded with his intelligens) fugiendum esse' etc. acquaintance Johann von Wesel (de Vit. Select. Viror. as above, p. 118. Wesalia), called also Riehrath and 10 It was now that Pico della Burchardus, who was a professor Mirandola wrote his Apologia pro of theology at Erfurt and after- 384 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 ^chukosl namecl Basilius and also Gansfort), bora at Groningen (1420). After studying and then lecturing in the univer- sities of Heidelberg, Paris, Eonie, and elsewhere, he grew dissatisfied with the scholastic theology, and took refuge in a warm but scientific mysticism. On almost every point, on justification, penance, purgatory, and even on the Eucharist, he has anticipated the conclusions of those earnest spirits1 who were destined to commence the Saxon reformation of the Church. John Wessel was alike dis- tinguished as a theologian and a general scholar. He died in peace at Groningen (1439), protected from the Inquisition by the bishop of Utrecht. In Wessel, as in many of his predecessors, there had been awakened a fresh love for biblical studies. This alone had constituted in their hearts a bond of sympathy with men like Wycliffe and the Hussites, more especially perhaps in Germany, where versions of the Holy Scriptures had been made, and very largely circulated,'2 in the latter half of the fifteenth century. Before that time the only Biblical studies. ■wards a • reforming' preacher at Worms. He died in prison (1482), as it seems, for holding intercourse with the Hussites. For his Para- doxa and the proceedings against him, see Brown's Fascic. i. 325 — 333, and "Ullmann, Reform, vor der Ref. i. 3G7 sq. His own writings are printed in Walch, Monim. Med. sEvi, i. pt. i. Ill sq., and n. pt. ii. 115 sq. He denied the su- premacy of the Roman church, and asserted that of Holy Scripture : but, as John Wessel lamented (Opp. ed. 1614, p. 920), his 'eru- ditio et peracre ingenium' not un- frequently betrayed him into no- velties. His 'reforming' principles were shared in some measure by the prior of a nunnery at Malines, John Pupper of Goch, near Cleves (d. 1475). Respecting him and others see Ullmann, as above, and, for some of bis writings, Walch, Monim. Med. JEvi, i. pt. iv. 73 sq., and ii. pt. i. 1 sq. 1 See, for instance, the extracts in Gieseler, § 153, note ». Luther wrote the Preface to a Farrago of his works, ed. Basil. 1522, and ex- pressed himself in the following terms (which furnished Ullmann with a motto): ' Wenn ich den Wessel zuvor gelesen, so liessen meine Widersacher sich diinken, Luther hattc Alles vom Wessel genommen, also stimmet unser Beider Geist zusammen'. * e.g. the old High-German ver- sion, printed first at Mayence 1462, was reprinted ten times before the Reformation (see other evidence in Gieseler, § 146, note "). In like manner an Italian version, printed at Venice as early as 1471, is said to have gone through nine editions in the fifteenth century (seeM'Crie's Reform, in Italy, p. 53, Lond. 1827). —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 385 critical works deserving notice3 are the Postills of Nicholas of Lyra,4 a Franciscan, who applied his Hebrew knowledge with effect to the elucidation of the Old Testament, and Gerson, who was led by corresponding works of St. Au- gustine to construct a Harmony of the Four Gospels.5 But on the resuscitation of the ancient literature and the discovery of printing, stronger impulses had been com- municated in this direction. The superior scholarship and holy taste of Laurentius Valla,6 cardinal Ximenes,7 Reuchlin,8 Erasmus,9 and others, indicated that a brighter period was now dawning on the field of scriptural her- meneutics. Though it be unfair to urge that men were wholly unacquainted with the Bible in the times anterior to the Reformation, we may safely argue that the Re- formation was itself a consequence of the enlightenment which biblical inquiries had produced. WESTERN' CHURCH. Nicholas of Lyra (d. 1340). Gerson (d. 1429). Lauren I i hi Valla (d. 1451). Ximenes (d. 1522). Reuchlin (d. 1522). Erasmus (d. 1536). 3 Exceptions may be made in favour of the English Dominican Robert Holcot (d. 1349), on whose exegetical and other works, see Wharton's Append, to Cave's Hist. Liter, ad an. 1340 ; and of the Spanish prelate Tostatus of Avila (d. 1454), on whom, see Schrockh, xxxiv. 147 sq. * His Postilla? PerpetiKe in Biblia have been often published, first at Rome, 1471, in 5 vols, folio. 6 This work is entitled Monotes- saron, seu unum ex quatuor Eva?i- geliis: Gerson. Opp. ed. Du Pin, iv. 83 sq. He looks upon the va- riations in the Sacred Writers as constituting a ' concordissima dis- sonantia' . 6 His entire works were printed atBasle in 1540. The chief of them in this connexion (cf. above, p. 378, n. 5) is the series of Annotationes in Novum Testamentum, which dis- play great critical ability. His work, De Libero Arbitrio, and still more the famous Declamatio de falsa credita et ementita Constantini Do- natione (cf. above, p. 273, n. 7), have laid him open to Bellarmine's charge of being a precursor of the Lutherans. 7 Cf. above, p. 340. His sagacity and zeal in the preparation of the Complutensian Polyglott (1514 — 1517) were beyond all praise: see Schrockh, xxxiv. 81 sq. The papal sanction was, however, withheld until after the cardinal's death in 1522. 8 Reuchlin' s fame is mainly du j to his restoration of Hebrew litera- ture, in which he was bitterly opposed by many of the German monks. (See Maii, Vit. Reuchlini, passim.) Against them are di- rected the most cutting satires of the Epistolce Obscurorum Virorum (see above, p. 378, n. 5). Reuch- lin's Hebrew grammar and lexicon were published in 1506: and in 1518 a fine edition of the Hebrew Bible appeared at Venice. M'Crie, Reform, in Italy, p. 40. 9 His edition of the New Testa- ment appeared at Basle in 1516 : Ibid. pp. 85 sq. The mighty in- fluence which his theological works CC 386 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 EASTERN CHURCH. Scarcity of ijreat writers. Thpophanes of Kiccea (circ. 1347). Simeon of Thessalonica (circ. 1410). Gcorqn of 2Vebizond (1396-1486) Russian sect of Strigolniks. EASTERN CHURCH. As there was almost nothing in the Eastern Churches corresponding to the Middle Ages in the West, we meet with nothing like the healthy series of reactions just de- scribed. The present period was indeed more sterile and monotonous than all which went before it. Scarcely any theological writer1 of importance can be traced excepting those who figured in the controversy with the Latin Church. The more distinguished of the biblical scholars was Theophanes,2 archbishop of Nicgea, who composed a Harmony of the Old and New Testaments, and also an elaborate Apology, directing both of them against the Jews. A monk of Thessalonica, Simeon,3 wrote a Dialogue against all Heresies, and many other works in vindication of the ' orthodox' (or Greek) communion. George of Trebizond, a somewhat copious author,4 added to the stock of evi- dences in a book on the Truth of Christianity. The state of feeling in the great majority of eastern Christians was so torpid as to cause but few internal ruptures. The Strigolniks5 of Russia, who in 1371 and exerted on the Reformation, more especially in England, where his caution was appreciated, belongs in strictness to the following period. 1 To church-history an important contribution was made by Nioe- phorua Callisti Xanthopuli (circ. 13.'!:]), whose work in eighteen books extends from the Incarnation to the death of Phocas (610) : see Bowling's Introd. to Eccl. Hist. pp. 91 sq., Lond. 1838. 8 See Wharton's Append, to Cave, ad an. 1347. 3 Ibid, ad an. 1410. Leo Alla- tius (the Romanizer) writes with reference to Simeon's Dialogus, that it is 'pius etdoctus, dignusque qui aliquando lucem videat, sed actus a Catholico' . De Si- meonum Scriptis Diatriba, p. 193. Another work of this Simeon is On the Faith and Sacraments of the Church, printed, according to Schrockh (xxxiv. 427), in Moldavia (1683) with the authority of Do- sitheus, patriarch of Jerusalem. ' Wharton, as above, ad an. 1440, and Leo Allatius, De Gcorgiis Dia- triba, pp. 395 sq. 5 See Mouraviev, ed. Blackmore, pp. 65, 379, 380. They maintained that all Christians are invested with the rights of priesthood, and elected their own teachers from among themselves. They also de- nied the necessity of confession, and made no prayers and offerings for the dead. —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 387 afterwards obtained a host of proselytes at Novogorod, ££uTrch. are the only formidable sect that sprang up in this period. They were bitterly opposed to all the members of the sacerdotal order, and their tenets, in some points at least, resemble those now current with the English ' Lollards'. But another controversy,6 that broke out in the neigh- ^J^ffiJst bourhood of Constantinople, also merits our attention, controversy.- yielding as it does some insight into the prevailing modes of thought. A party of the monks who swarmed upon the ' Holy Mountain' (Athos), in their contemplations on the blessedness of ' seeing God', were led to argue that the Christian may arrive at a tranquillity of mind entirely free from perturbation, and that all enjoying such a state may hold an ocular intercourse with God Himself, as the Apostles were supposed to do when they beheld His glory shining forth in the Transfiguration of our Lord. These mystics bore the name of Quietists, or Hesychasts7 (Ho-vxacTTal). They were vehemently assailed8 by Bar-^l*7 laam, (circ. 1341) a learned monk of the Order of St. (circ- 1341)- Basil, and in all his earlier life a staunch defender of the Eastern Church.9 His strictures roused the indignation of ge^f0^ "* Gregorius Palamas,10 hereafter the archbishop designate of Palamas> Thessalonica ; by whose influence several councils,11 held at Constantinople (1341—1350), were induced to shelter, if not absolutely patronize, the Quietists. Their censor, driven to revoke his acrimonious charges, instantly seceded 6 On this controversy, see unlike some of the Hindu and Schrockh, xxxiv. 431 — 451, and other heathen ascetics). Engelhardt, Die Arsenianer [cf. 8 Joh. Cantacuzenus, Hist, lib. above, p. 291, n. 6] unci Hesychasten, n. c. 39 : Niceph. Gregoras, Hist. in lllgen's Zeitschrift, Bd. vm. st. Byzant. lib. xi. c. 10. i. pp. 48 sq. 9 See, for instance, his Tlt.pl t-»js "' Other names given to them by too Ylinra dpxvs, ed. Salmasius, tbeir opponents were Massalians Lugdun. 1645. (above, p. 302, n. 1), and '0/j.))6t), Ka~ra- Sucrv Kal dcpcivicrri. See on the whole subject the work of Syro- pulus (circ.1444), Vera Hist, unionis non vera inter Grcccos ct Latinos, ed. Creyghton, Hagie Comitis, 1660, and the Acts of the councils of Ferrara and Florence, in Labbe, xiii. 1 sq. : cf. Schrockh, xxxiv. 413 sq. * The Russian church at this time was governed by a metro- politan of Kiev, called Isidore, who had been appointed at Con- stantinople under Romanizing in- fluences. He went to the council of Ferrara in spite of the mis- givings of king Basil, and at length espoused the tenets of the western theologians. On his return, how- ever, decorated with the Roman purple, he was for a while shut up in a monastery ; but escaping thence took refuge with the pope. Mouraviev, pp. 76 — 78. 3 See above, p. 358, and p. 360, n. 2. —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 391 Coustautinopolitan creed, (3) Purgatory and tlie interme- Ro£a™tS diate state, (4) the use of unleavened bread in the holy and west. Eucharist, (5) the jurisdiction of the Roman see and the supremacy of the pope. A long delay occurred before the actual business of the conference was opened, owing to the thin attendance4 of the western prelates at Ferrara. But in the following autumn (Oct. 8), when the vigour of the Basle assembly was declining, a debate5 was held respecting the first point of controversy. It continued, jjj£J£Jj *£**" with some interruptions, till the synod was at length ^^noe' transferred, by reason of the plague, to Florence. There the sessions were resumed on Feb. 26, 1439, and with them the discussions as to the Procession of the Holy Ghost. The Latin arguments, adduced by the provincial of the Dominicans in Lombardy, were stigmatized at length as absolutely heretical by Mark of Ephesus,6 but on the other hand Bessarion7 owned himself a convert to secession to . i»ii ii-ifi ^ie Latin the western doctrine, which he now proceeded to defend side. with vigour. A decree,8 embodying; his conclusions, was Decrees on the Procession : put forward, pledging all who signed it to believe that 4 In the first session before the Nicene Creed at Constantinople in arrival of the Greeks there were 381. present only cardinal Juliano, five 6 Respecting him and his nu- archbishops, eighteen bishops, ten merous anti- Latin writings, see abbots, and some generals of mo- Wharton's Append, to Cave, ad an. nastic orders. Many of the Euro- 1436. His Epistola de Synodo Flo- pean princes were in favour of the rentina ad oinnes Christianos, is Basle synod (see above, p. 361), printed in Labbe, as above, pp. and Charles VII. of France, in 677 sq. Another Greek declared particular, at first forbade any of on this occasion, when a threat his subjects to go to Ferrara. had been applied to make him sur- 5 Andrew of Rhodes contended render his belief : ' Mori malo, at great length in the 6th session quam unquam Latinizare'. (Oct. 20) that the clause Filioque, 7 See Wharton, as above. Bes- which the Greeks regarded as a sarion became a Roman cardinal, mere addition, was in truth an ex- and on the death of Nicholas V. plication, ornecessaryconsequence, (1455) was on the point of suc- of what had been maintained ceeding to the popedom. His mu- i'rom the beginning. In the next nificence and abilities contributed session (Oct. 25) he illustrated his much to the diffusion of Greek remark by the enlargement of the literature in Italy. 8 Labbe, xm. 510 sq. 392 State qfBelujious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D. 1305 RotAea8tS tlae Hol}T SPirit is etenia% from the Father and the \sd wkst. g0J1) an(j {Uat jjjs esseuce is eternally from Both as from One principle, and by one only spiration ('tamqnam ab uno principio et unica spiratione') : or, in different lan- guage, that the Son is verily the Cause, or principle, of the subsistence of the Holy Spirit equally with the Father. It was next conceded by the Easterns tha't un- on untiacened leavened bread as well as leavened miarht be lawfully bread: . ° J and efficaciously employed in celebrating the Eucharist.1 on Purgatory : The Latin theories on purgatory also were admitted, the new definition being, that the soul of every penitent who dies in the love of God, before he has made satisfaction for his past misdeeds by bringing forth the fruits of pe- nitence, is aided after death by prayers and other offerings which the faithful make in his behalf; while he himself is undergoing pains ('poenis purgatoriis') in order to his final purification and reception into heaven.2 Whether this effect be due to elemental fire or other agents, is declared to be no matter for a synodal decision. As to on the papal the supremacy (to irpayrelov) of the pope,3 the Greeks 1 The language is remarkable : n. 5), sicuti est, pro meritorum ' In azymo sive fermentato pane tanien diversitate alium alio per- triticeo corpus Christi veraciter fectius; illorum autem aniraas, qui confici [in Bessarion's version -rs- in actuali mortali peccato, vel solo Xflirdai a\i)6oi>;]; sacerdotesque in originali decedunt, mox in infernum altero ipsurn Domini corpiis confi- descendere, pcenis tarnen disparibus cere debere, unumquemque scilicet puniendas'. juxta sua? ecclesia.1, sive occidenta- 3 ' Item diffinimus, sanctam apos- iis, sive orientalis, consuetudinem'. tolicam sedem et Romanuni ponti- 2 Ibid, and cf. SchriJckh, xxxiv. ficem in universum orbcm tenere 429, 430. The other two cases, primatum, et ipsum pontificem where the destination of the spirit Romanum successorem esse beati is either heaven or hell, are put as Petri prmcipis apostolorum, et follows : * Illorumque anurias, qui verum Christi vicarium, totiusque post baptisma susceptum nullam ecclesiae caput et omnium Chris- omnino peccati maculam incurre- tianorum patrem ac doctorem ex- runt, illas etiam, qurc post con- istere' etc. Ibid. The pope, how- tractam peccati maculam vel in ever, it was added, is to act in suis corporibus, vel eisdem exuta? accordance with the canons of the corporibus, prout supcrius dictum Church (*.-atr oV -rpoirov ko.1 iv est, sunt purgatse, in coelum mox tois ■npaKn.Ko"iv oiKov/xtvihdv recipi, et intueri clare ipsum Deum o-ui>68wi>, nal ii> tois [tools kuvoci Trinum et Unum (cf. above, p. 348, oiaXa^aVtTai). —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 393 were willing to acknowledge it in all its latitude, unless RopA™xS indeed the final clause for saving the canonical order, and west. rights, and privileges of the eastern patriarchs were meant to circumscribe his power. This memorable edict was published July 6, 1439, when Completion of 1 J ' the union. it exhibited the signatures of the emperor, the repre- sentatives of the patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, and of many others, not including Mark of Ephesus nor the patriarch of Constantinople, who had lately died at Florence. The great object of so many conferences might seem to have been reached. But when the tidings of reunion were divulged in Russia5 and the Eastern Church6 at large, the synod was immediately re- its rejection pudiated by the several churches. The new patriarch of Constantinople, Metrophanes, became an object both of hatred and contempt to his own suffragans, who forced him in the end to abdicate his throne. All ' Latinizers' were regarded by the populace as abject traitors to the faith of Christ ; and even the compliant patriarchs7 who took a share in the proceedings at Ferrara, soon repented of their aberrations and openly reverted to the ' orthodox' belief. On the annihilation of Byzantine srlory (1453) the reasons Perpetuity of for soliciting the friendship of the Western Church had ceased to operate. The Christians of Constantinople were then permanently disengaged from their alliance with the civil power, and from that day to this, in spite of many 4 On the Latin side the persons 5 See above, p. 390, n. 2. who affixed their names were the 6 Neale's Eastern Church, 'Ales- pope, eighteen cardinals, the Latin andria', n. 337: and Gibbon, ch. patriarchs of Jerusalem and Gra- lxvii. (vi. 260,261, ed. Milman). nada, two episcopal ambassadors 7 See e.g. their synodal letter of the duke of Burgundy, eight (1443) in Leo Allatius, De Perpet. archbishops, forty-seven bishops Consensione, pp. 939 sq., in which (nearly all Italians), four generals they characterize the council of of monastic orders, and forty-one Florence as fiiapuv, and threaten abbots. The Greeks, to the num- to excommunicate all who frater- ber of thirty, arrived at Constant!- nize with the Latins. Their epistle nople, on their return, Feb. 1, to the emperor is quite as denun- 1440. ciatory : Ibid. pp. 942 sq. 394 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D. 1305 relations proselyting efforts, concentrated at the close of the six- axd west, teenth century against the Church of Russia,1 the inveterate quarrels of the East and West have never been composed. toljtoowrffte ^he ^eara awakened at Constantinople by the Turks Armemana, ^ad actecl jjj \^& manner on the court of Armenia. As early as 1317 an embassy2 was sent imploring help from John XXII., and promising as an equivalent to bring about a cordial reconciliation with the Latin Church.3 The briefs, however, which he circulated in the west of Europe with the hope of stirring up a new crusade were fruitless :4 while, upon the other side, hereditary hatred of the council of Chalcedon5 and a strong attachment to their semi-Jewish notions,6 swayed the bulk of the Arme- nian people to resist the tempting offers of the pope. In 1367 their country fell a prey to the Mameluke Turks, 1 Mouraviev, pp. 122 sq. 2 Raynald. ad an. 1317, § 35 : cf. ad an. 1308, § 32, and above, p. 294, n. 6. 3 Ibid, ad an. 1318, §§ 8—17. In the same year (§15) the pope sent a party of Dominicans to facilitate the union ; but it never seems to have extended beyond the court and the nobles of lesser Armenia : 6ee (as below, n. 5) Art. xxxiv. 4 The patience of the Church was already well-nigh exhausted by the levying of tenths and other contri- butions with a similar pretext, for the benefit of the popes and the kings of France : cf. Twysden, Vin- dication, p. 103, Camb.ed. The pope, however, in the present case for- warded pecuniary help to the Ar- menians, {e.g. Raynald. ad an. 1323: Schrockh, xxxiv. 453). 6 See a catalogue of errors al- leged against them in 1341 by Benedict XII. (in writing to the catholicos of Armenia); Raynald. ad an. 1341, §§ 45 sq. It is there stated (Art. ill.) that they held a festival in honour of Dioscorus who was condemned at Chalcedon (Oct. 13, 451), themselves main- taining with him, or at least deduc- ing from his theory, ' Quod sicut in Domino Jesu Christo erat unica Persona, ita erat una Natura, scili- cet Divina, et una voluntas et una operatio' (cf. above, p. 69). They appear to have also held (Art. iv.) that since the Passion of our Lord original sin has been remitted to all the children of Adam ('pueri qui nascuntur ex riliis Adam non suntdamnationi addicti'). They did not believe in a purgatory ('quia, ut dicunt, si christianus contiteatur peccata sua, omnia peccata ejus et licence peccatorum ei dimittuntur,' Art. xvn.) They offered no prayers for the dead with the hope of pro- curing a remission of sins : ' sed generaliter orant pro omnibus mor- tuis, sicut pro beata Maria, Apos- tolis, Martyribus, et aliis Sanctis, ut in die judicii intrent in regnum cceleste' . Ibid.). In Arts, lxxxiv., lxxxv., we are told that they abso- lutely denied the papal supremacy. 6 Thus (Art. xlvi.) they ob- served the legal distinctions be- tween the clean and unclean meats : cf. above, p. 201, n. 11. —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 395 who threatened to erase all vestiges of Christianity.7 RQ^A™rS A remnant it is true survived, and at the council of ANP WEST- Florence, after the departure of the Greeks, a specious ™ie*cdeat edict was drawn up (Nov. 22, 1440) for the purpose of embracing the Armenians in the general peace.8 The kindred sect of Copts (or Jacobites) of Egypt, who had ^^ctftt also undergone a frightful persecution at the hands of the Mamelukes,9 were made the subjects of a like decree10 (Feb. 4, 1441). An emissary of the Coptic patriarch11 ap- peared in Florence, to facilitate this work. In neither case, however, did the overtures prevail except with individuals here and there. A firmer footing was at length obtained ^f^/^'-nL among the Christians of Abyssinia.12 It proceeded from an interchange of salutations at the Florentine synod on the part of their king Zara Jacob and Eugenius IV. The ultimate effect of it was the formation of a Latinizing school, which flourished, for some time at least, under the auspices of the court of Portugal.13 We gather also from the closing acts of the council of Florence, now translated to Lateran (Sept. 30, 1444, and Aug. 7, 1445), that the prelates made gKSX&«. a vigorous effort to win over the Nestorians14 (' Syrians'), MarmUtes. and that numerous section of the Maronites,15 who still adhered to the Monothelete opinions. Whether any kind of change resulted from these later manifestoes of the Western Church, it is not easy to decide. 7 Raynald. ad an. 1382, § 49. 15 Ibid. 1225 sq. (cf. above, p. 76). 8 Labbe, xm. 1197sq.; Schrockh, On the same occasion, deputies xxxiv. 458. presented themselves in the name 9 Renaudot, Hist. Pair. Alexand. of Timotheus, metropolitan of tho Jacob, pp. 602 sq.; Neale, n. 322, ' Chaldaeans' (Nestorians) of Cy- 323. prus. By these proceedings, writes 10 Labbe, Ibid. 1204 sq: Schrockh, the Contmuator of Fleury, (ad an. xxxiv. 416 1445, s. 5) all the eastern sects 11 Neale, n. 336. 12 Ibid. would have been united to the 13 See above, p. 337, n. 12. Church of Rome, ' si ses decrets u Labbe, xm. 1222 sq. This eussent ete re^'us sur les lieux ; mais decree states that Abdalla, archbp. par malheur ils n' eurent point of Edessa, had come to the synod d' effet': cf. Gibbon, vi. 241, ed. in the name of Ignatius, patriarch Milman. of the Syrians. 396 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 REFORMA- T UiY EFFORTS. Reformers in the Church. CONTINUOUS EFFORTS TO WORK OUT A REFORMATION. The name of Reformation1 had been long familiar in the West of Europe. During all the present period, more especially the earlier half of the fifteenth century, it never ceased to vibrate in men's ears. A consciousness that the ecclesiastical system was diseased and lamentably out of joint, as well as a presentiment that things could not long continue as they were, had been awakened on all sides among the earnest and more thoughtful members of the Church. These feelings were occasionally shared by tenants of the Roman court'2 itself: but for the most part it had now become the centre of corruption and a rallying point for all the self-complaceut and reactionary spirits. Hence the origin of the continued struggle made at Pisa, Constance, and Basle, to circumscribe the papal monarchy. The leaders in it felt that such a step was absolutely indispensable for healing the disorders of the age. The council-party, as we saw, enjoyed the patronage of kings and governments ; it was supported almost uni- formly by the lawyers and the more intelligent among the laity. We must, however, bear in mind that few reformers of this class had ever meditated critical in- quiries into the established dogmas of the Church. One section of them were disposed to carry their reformatory principle no further than the temporal branches of the papal jurisdiction or the gross excesses in the lives of clergymen and monks. Accordingly the failure3 of the 1 See e.g. above, p. 22, n. 6 ; p. 270, n. 4. 3 e.g. Pius III., above, p. 363, n. 5. The language of Hadrian VI. (by his nuncio), at the diet of Nu- remberg in 1.522, is most emphatic : Kaynald. ad an. 1522, § 66. 3 See above, p. 357, n. 7. The cry for a general council was re- newed, however, at the end of the fifteenth century, and prolonged by the Germans and English to the middle of the next. We gather from the following expressions of an Inquisitor, in his reply to the • reforming' cardinal, archbishop of Crayn (Hottinger, Hist. Eccl., ssec. xv. p. 413) who died in prison (1484), that little hope was held out of a conciliar reformation : —1520] State of Religious Doctrine mid Controversies. 397 movement they had started, for convening general councils RE£°™?A- periodieally, seemed a blow quite fatal to their projects efforts. of reform. But others who like them were anxious to preserve the outward unity of Christendom at almost any price, went further in applying sanitary measures. Chilled and wearied by the subtleties of a degenerate race of schoolmen, they reverted4 for illumination to the Holy Scriptures, and the writings of the early Church. The great majority, indeed, (for instance men like Gerson or a Kempis) were not conscious of antipathy to the estab- lished creed or ritual institutions of their country. Many doctrines5 which have since been methodized in such a way as to present a sharper, a more startling and more systematic form were tacitly allowed or even strenuously defended : yet meanwhile the general tone of their pro- ductions, as the use to which they were hereafter put by leaders of the Reformation shewed, was adverse6 to the modes of thought and feeling which prevailed before that epoch. * Quia ista deficiunt [i. e. obedientia quae hoc modo tenet.' Opp. in. principum, zelus fidei], quseso, ex 1330, ed. Dupin. He also applies conciliis cujusmodi reformatio pro- the remark to purgatory. Juster veniet .... Ecclesiam per concilium views are advocated in a Wyclimte reformare non poterit omnis hu- treatise (1395) quoted below, p. 399, mana facultas : sed alium modum n. 13, the author asking (p. 79) in Altissimus procurabit, nobis qui- a parallel case : ' Bi what presump- dem pro nunc incognitum, licet cion bryngith in this synful man heu ! prae foribus existat, ut ad this nouelrie, not foundid opinli in pristinum statuui ecclesia redeat.' the lawe of God neithir in reesunr' 4 See above, p. 380. 6 The Catalogus Testium Veritatis, 5 Gerson, for example, recon- qui ante nostram cetatem reclamarunt ciled himself to a belief in the Im- Papce (ed. 1556), though con- maculate Conception of the Virgin, structed in a narrow, grasping, and, on the ground that it was a develop- at times, in something like a dis- ment: 'Doctores addiderunt multas ingenuous spirit, will furnish many veritates ultra Apostolos. Qua- illustrations of this remark. See also propter dicere possumus, hanc Field, 0?i the Church, Append, to veritatem beatam Mariam non fu- Book in. (n. 1 — 387, ed. 1849), isse conceptam in peccato originali who proves at length that the ex- de illis esse veritatibus, qua noviter treme opinions, stereotyped by the sunt revelatce vel declarator, tarn per Council of Trent, were held only miracula quse leguntur, quam per by 'a faction' in the age preceding majorem partem Ecciesiae sanctae, Luther's, 398 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D. 1305 REtokyA" While the timid, calm, or isolated efforts of this kind efforts. were tending in the bosom of the Church itself to some- outouhe thing more emphatic, other agencies external to it had church. been also urging on the work. In spite of the Inquisitors1 who prowled in every part of Europe, many sects, retain- ing more or less of truth, and more or less antagonistic to the hierarchy and the ritual of the Church, continued to recruit their forces. Though the Cathari, or Albigenses, had been massacred'2 in all the south of France (except one miserable remnant3), they were at the middle of the fourteenth century so numerous4 in Croatia, Slavonia, Dalmatia, Albania, Bulgaria, and especially in Bosnia, as to form a large proportion of the populace. The school of Peter Waldo had been similarly thinned by ruthless persecutions,5 but it still survived6 in France, in parts of Germany, and even in Bohemia, as well as in the more sequestered vales and fastnesses of Piedmont.7 The Beghards8 also, with the German Lollards, or at least that section of them which had now revolted absolutely from the Church, including Fratricelli, ' Brothers and Sisters of the Free Spirit,' and a minor group of mystical and antinomian confraternities, appear at intervals on every side. They seemed to thrive not only in their •earlier settlements, but also in the south of France, in Italy and Sicily.9 To these may be subjoined the 1 Schroekh, xxxiv. 468 sq. the end of the fourteenth century * See above, p. 310. (§ 122, n. 5). They appear to have 3 Such are, in all probability, the entered Bohemia at the close of Cagots of the Pyrenees : Schmidt, the twelfth (see The Reformation Hist, des Cathares, etc. i. 360. and Anti- Reformation in Bohemia, i Ibid. i. 125 sq. Loud. 1845, i. 5; and Krasinski, 5 The first of these, in the pre- Reform, in Poland, i. 53). sent period, was set on foot by 7 Above, p. John XXII. (1332), and many 8 See above, pp. 251, 254, 314, others followed : Schrcickh, xxxiv. n. 7, p. 370. In 1322, a person named 488 sq. Walter [ Lollard r] was put to death 9 The numbers in Dauphiny, as at Cologne, for circulating heresy late as 1373, are said to be 'maxima in the vernacular: see John of multitudo' (liaynald. ad an. § 20). Trittenheim (Trithemius), Annal. Tiaces of them in different parts of II. 155. Germany are noted by Gieseler to 9 John XXII. levelled a bull —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 399 Adamites, the Luciferians, the Turlupines (all independent REjo^yA" offshoots from the Beghards10), the disciples of John efforts. Pirnensis11 in Silesia, and a party of Flagellants,1* who, because they pushed ascetic principles to an intolerable length and flogged themselves in public several times a- day, were finally restrained by Clement VI. (1349). They now seceded in great numbers from the Church. A movement altogether disconnected13 from the rest had meanwhile been advancing rapidly in England. Its author was John Wycliffe, (or De Wycliffe), born in a S,^ village of that name, not far from Richmond, Yorkshire (d- 1384)- against them (Dec. 30, 1317), in the Extravagantes Johan. XXI f., tit. vn. ('Corpus Juris Canon.'). From it we gather that they sheltered themselves under the pretext of belonging to the tertiary order of Franciscans. 10 See the literature respecting them in Gieseler, § 122, n. 10, 11, 12. Gerson (as there quoted) charges some of these sectaries with the most unbridled licentiousness. 11 The author of this sect ap- peared in 1341, maintaining among other kindred tenets that the pope was Antichrist, and more espe- cially distinguished by his hatred of the clergy : Krasinski, Reform. in Poland, i. 55, 56. Perhaps they were in some way connected with the Russian Strigolniks (cf. above, p. 386), and many would at length pass over to the more extreme party of Hussites. 12 Cf. above, pp. 215, 216, and see Hahn, Gesch. der Ketzer im Mittelalter, u. 537 sq. The later Flagellants (' Bianchi') wore white garments, and on crossing the Alps into Italy (1399) produced a mar- vellous sensation. Benedict IX., however, finally apprehended the leader, and consigned him to the flames. Members of the sect were found in Thuringia and other parts of Germany at the outbreak of the Reformation. Another group of sectaries, entitled ' Dancers' (from their violent gesticulations under what they deemed the influence of the Holy Ghost) sprang up in Flanders about 1370 : cf. Gieseler, § 119. n. 23. Some of the pheno- mena presented by them may re- mind us of the modern ' electro- biology.' 13 'It is a remarkable fact that the writings of Wycliffe never give us any reason to suppose that he was acquainted in any degree with the history of the Waldenses, the Albigenses, or with any of the con- tinental sects': Vaughan's Wycliffe, p. 46, ed. 1853. The predecessor whom he valued most was Grosse- teste, bishop of Lincoln. ' Seith Robert Grosteed that this [pope's] bulles ben heresies' (MS. quoted in Turner, v. 148, n. 5) — is only one of a multitude of references which he has made to that prelate. In the Wyclimte treatise (1395) lately edited by Mr. Forshall, with the title, Remonstrance against Romish Corruptions (Lond. 1851), there are no less than five such references to 'the worshipful clerk, Grosted, bisshop of Lincolne.' On Dr. Maitland's theory for connecting the English Lollards with the poli- tical and other prophets of the continent (e.g. the abbot Joachim, above, p. 273, n. 9), see his Eight Essays (.1852), pp. 207 sq. 1356 400 Btate of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. D. 1305 EEtoryA' P 1324)' In 1340 ^e was admltte n. 2) 'of accursed memory' . DD2 REFORMA- TS ;y EFFOllTS. Proceedings against him 137s- 404 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 of absolution different from those entrusted to all members of the priesthood ; that ecclesiastical censures ought not to be used for gratifying individual spleen, and that an excommunicated person does not truly fare the worse unless he be already self-ejected from the fellowship of Christians ; that the civil power, in certain cases, may both lawfully and meritoriously punish a delinquent church by appropriating its revenues ; that the Gospel is sufficient as a rule of life for every class of Christians, and that other ' rules' (adopted by religious orders, for example) can add nothing of perfection to the law of God. A papal rescript had directed the authorities at Oxford to lose no time in silencing the author of these formidable tenets, on the ground that they were aiming to subvert the constitution of the Church and would be fatal to the civil government.1 An interval, however, was permitted to elapse before this mandate took effect. The views of Wycliffe, in so far at least as they related to the pope, had many warm adherents both in Oxford'2 and elsewhere : and when he finally appeared before the convocation (Feb. 19, 1378) he was accompanied by the earl marshal, Percy, and by John of Gaunt, the duke of Lancaster. The latter, as the head of a numerous party who were 1 As above, p. 403, n. 6. Another bull, of the same alarming character, had been sent to king Edward III., but he died June 21, 1377, that is, before it could have reached him. Whether Edward, who enacted a statute of Praemunire, (making the execution of all bulls, without the license of the crown, a very grave offence), would have been likely to sanction the proceedings against "VVycliffe, is not easy to determine. 2 The following is part of Wal- singham's entry at the year 1377 (in Script, lierum Angl. ed. 1574, p. 200) : • Diu in pendulo hterebant [i.e. the Oxford authorities] utrum papalem bullam deberent cum honore recipere, vel omnino cum dedecore refutare . . . . Pudet re- cordationis tanta: imprudentiae : et, ideo, supersedeo in hujusmodi materia immorari, ne materna videar ubera decerpere manibus, quee dare lac potum sciential con- suevere.' It appears also that "Wycliffe carried with him a large party (even a majority) of the Londoners (Vaughan, pp. 189, 190), although the municipal authorities, and many of the citizens, who hated John of Gaunt, were active on the other side. —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 405 bent on lowering the pretensions of the English eccle- ^^f^" siastics, manifested a peculiar zeal in his behalf. Home eftokts. verbal skirmishing3 that passed between the bishop of London and these powerful friends of Wycliffc, issued in a riot of the citizens, who could not brook what they esteemed the insult which was put on their diocesan. Amid this angry tumult the inquiry was suspended, and when cited afterwards to Lambeth, a fresh uproar, stirred it seems on this occasion by the partisans of the reformer4 and supported by a message in his favour from the dowager Princess of Wales, determined the archbishop to dismiss him with a reprimand.5 It is important to remark the tone and tactics of the ?*J liiK °f 1 (/■efcnce, culprit while he was arraigned at this tribunal.6 He examined all the several propositions which the papal rescript had alleged against him, urging in the outset that they were a puerile and garbled version of his real tenets, and declaring his willingness to acquiesce in the decisions of ' holy mother Church.' In proving that man- kind had no power to make St. Peter and his successors the political rulers of the world ' for ever,' he appealed to the admitted fact that temporal property could only last until the second advent. Other arguments alike evasive were applied to propositions on the subject of civil dominion and of civil inheritance : but when he finally 3 Le Bas, pp. 161 — 164. In the they became 'velut homo non au- chronology of these events Mr. Le diens, et non habens in ore suo Bas follows Dr. Vaughan. redargutiones.' Their injunction 4 Walsingham (p. 205) com- charging Wycliffe to abstain from plains on this occasion, 'Non dico publishing his opinions, was alto- cives tantum Londinienses, sed gether lost upon him : Ibid. p. 206. viles ipsius civitatis se impudenter 6 The same chronicler taxes him ingerere prsesumpserunt in ean- with dissimulation and crooked dem capellam [i.e. at Lambeth], et dealing in the interview at Lam- verba facere pro eodem, et istud beth ; Ibid. p. 209 : cf. Le Bas, negotium impedire.' pp. 178 sq.; Lingard, iv. 256 sq.; 5 See Walsingham' s indignant and Vaughan, pp. 207 sq., the last language on the cowardice or mild- of whom makes merry on the oc- ness of the prelates. Ibid. He casion, it would seem to many says, among other things, that readers, at Wycliffc' s own expense. rmd the principles there enunciated 406 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 EEtoryA" aPProached the questions touching church-property, the efforts. p0wer 0f excommunication, and the different orders of the ministry, his language was more candid and distinct. As tithes and all ecclesiastical possessions were but elee- mosynary,1 he maintained that to withhold them, in some instances at least, might be an act of duty and of genuine charity.2 His statement was, however, somewhat modified by intimating that such revocations should be only made in cases where they had been authorized by civil and by canon law.3 Respecting excommunications, he avowed that no effect was wrought by them unless the sentence of the Church accorded with the will of Christ. He followed several of the schoolmen4 in regarding priests and bishops of the same spiritual order1 though different in rank or jurisdiction ; arguing on this ground, that each of the seven sacraments might be lawfully administered by any of the sacerdotal class. He also reaffirmed his earlier statement, that ecclesiastics, nay the pope himself,5 might be on some accounts impleaded and corrected by their subjects, whether clerical or lay.8 1 The payments to the papacy- had always been spoken of as alms ('eleemosyna beati Patri'). Sir Thomas More, Suppl. of Seniles, (Works, i. 296) describes Peter- pence as * ever payde before the conquest to the apostolike sea to- war de the mayntenance therof, but only by way of gratitude and almes.' On the Responsio magistri Johannis Wicliff (1377) respecting this question, see the Fasciculus Zizaniorum (Bodleian MSS. No. 163) as quoted in Twysden's Vin- dication, p. 96, Camb. ed. 2 "Wycliffe, like the abbot Joa- chim, Hildegard, and the more rigorous school of Friars, now ar- rived at the conviction that the secularization of the Church was mainly clue to its abundant pro- perty. On this account he would have gladly seen ecclesiastics desti- tute of temporal possessions except the scantiest portion by which life could be sustained : cf. Le Bas, p. 194. 3 It is manifest, however, from the proceedings of the synod of London (1382), that Wycliffe was still charged with holding more extreme opinions on this subject : ' Item quod decimse sunt puroe eleemosyna}, et quod parochiani possint propter peccata suorum curatorum eas detinere, et ad libi- tum aliis conferre.' Wilkins, in. 157. 4 See Palmer's Treatise on the Church, part vi., ch. iv., sect. 1. 5 He does not even shrink from the supposition ' Si papa fucrit a fide devius.' 6 After his escape from his ene- mies at Lambeth, Wycliffe had a controversy on the same topic with —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 407 The death of Gregory XI. in the spring of 1378 was followed, as already noticed,7 by the schism which para- lysed the vigour of the Ronian court. Its jealousy was thus diverted from the struggles of the English Church, and Wycliffe gathered strength and courage for his work. He had been hitherto endeavouring for the most part to suppress the evils that grew out of mal- administration.8 If he called the papacy an ' antichristian' power, he only meant, as did a host of earlier writers who had used a similar expression, to denounce the practical corruptions then abounding in the see of Rome. But- after 1380 many of his protests went far deeper.9 He REFORMA- TORY EFFORTS. Wydiffc attacks the dogma of trarisubitan- tiation, 1380. an anonymous divine called ' mixtus theologus.' He there carries his opinions out more fully : see Le Bas, pp. 190 sq.; Vaughan, pp. 216 sq. 7 Above, p. 350. In Wycliffe's unprinted treatise, Schisma Papa? (circ. 1380), he thus writes of the dissension : ' Trust we in the help of Christ on this point, for He hath begun already to help us gra- ciously, in that he hath clove the head of Antichrist, and made the two parts fight against each other. For it is not to be doubted that the sin of the popes which hath been so long continued, hath brought in this division.' Quoted in Vaughan, p. 374. 8 Thus at the close of his exam- ination at Lambeth, in which no purely dogmatical question was discussed (Lewis, No. 40, p. 389), his protest runs as follows : ' Hce sunt conclusiones, qufe vult etiam usque ad mortem defendere, ut per hoc valeat mores Ecclesia? refor- mare.' Wycliffe, in other words, had hardly exceeded many of his prede- cessors in the area and vehemence of his critiques. See, for instance, A Poem on the Times of Edw. II. (circ. 1320), edited by the present writer for the Percy Society, No. Lxxxn., or the Vision and Creed of Piers Plowman, passim ; although the Creed may have been itself a Wyclifhte production. 9 The following are five of the twelve theses (Vaughan, pp. 560, 561 ) which he offered to maintain at Oxford on this subject (1381): 1. ' Hostia consecrata quam vide- mus in altari nee est Christus nee aliqua Sui pars, sed efficax ejus signum. 2. Nullus viator [i.e. Christian] sufficit oculo corporali, sed fide Christum videre in hostia consecrata. 3. Olim fuit fides Ecclesia? Romanse in professione Berengarii, quod panis et vinum qua? remanent post benedictionem sunt hostia consecrata. 4. Eucha- ristia habet virtute verborum sa- cramentalium tarn corpus quam sanguinem Christi vere et realiter ad quemlibet ejus punctum. 5. Transubstantiatio, idemptificatio, et impanatio, quibus utuntur baptiste signorum in materia de eucharistia, non sunt fundabiles in Scriptura.' These views are fully stated in the fourth book of Wycliffe's Trialogus (circ. 1382), a work which em- bodies many of his academical lec- tures. It was printed in 1525, at Basle, with the title Jo. Wiclcfi viri undiquaque piissimi Dialot/orum libri quatuor. In an English Con- fession, of the same date, preserved in Knyghton (inter Scrtptores X., 408 State of Religious Doctrine and ( Controversies, [a.d. 1305 reporma- repudiated the prevailing dogmas on the nature of the efforts. Presence in the Eucharist. According to his view there is no physical conversion of the elements ; they do not lose their proper substance after consecration : yet in some mode or other which he does not rigidly define, it is contended that the sacramental bread is simultaneously and truly the Body of Christ. In different language, Wycliffe seems to have revived the doctrine of Eatramnus, yElfric, and Berengarius.1 ^ulZ'xt'yf'ct When these tenets had been advocated for some time andemned at Oxford. in Oxford,2 they excited the hostility of William de Barton, the chancellor (1381), who calling to his aid twelve other doctors, eight of whom were members of religious orders and on that account the bitter enemies of Wycliffe, instantly pronounced the views of the re- former contrary to the determinations of the Church. They censured3 him, and with him all who were unwilling col. 2649), he deems it ' heresie for ; See the previous note, § 3, and to trowe that this sacrament is cf. above, pp. 181, 182, 186. Goddus body and no brede ; for it 2 The Diffinitio contra Opiniones is both togedur.' He also draws a Wycliffianas, here alluded to sharp distinction between his view (Vaughan, pp. 561 — 563), com- and that of ' heretykes that trowes plains that by the publication of and telles that this sacrament may ' pestiferous documents' at Oxford, on none wise be Goddus body.' ' fides Catholica periclitatur, devo- <'f. also a Latin Confessio, in tio populi minoratur, et lnec univer- Vaughan, pp. 564 sq. where Wy- sitas mater nostra non mediocriter cliffe taunts his adversaries on the diffamatur.' ground that they are ' secta cid- 3 Ibid. p. 562 : cf. Twysden's torum accidentium', and expresses Vindication, p. 234. They also ap- his belief ' quod finaliter Veritas ponded a prohibition, ' ne quis do vincet eos.' He also adduces seven csetero aliqucm publice docentem, witnesses from the Fathers of the tenentem vel defendentem pro- Church ■ ad testificandum Ecclesiae missas duas assertiones erroneas judicis hujus sentcntiam', ascribing ant earum alteram in scholis vel the establishment of transubstan- extra scholas in hac universitate tiation to Innocent III. and the quovismodo audiat vel auscultet Friars : cf. above, p. 323, Wycliffe' 6 Bed statim sic docentem tanquam Trialogu8, p. 196, and the "Wye- scrpentem venenum pestiferum lifrite Remonstrance, edited by emittentem fugiat et abscedat sub Mr. Forshull (Lond. 1851), p. 79. pcena excommunicationis niajoris' Neander has investigated the opi- etc. To set himself right with his nions of the reformer on these friends and followers at large, topics in his posthumous volume Wycliffe now published (1381) his ib. 18-52), pp. 289 sq. well-known tract entitled Ostiolum —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 409 to confess that after the consecration of the eucharistic re™^yA" elements 'there do not remain in that venerable sacra- efforts. ment the material bread and wine which were there before, each according to its own substance or nature, but only the species of the same, under which species the very Body and Blood of Christ are really contained, not merely figuratively or tropically, but essentially, substantially, and corporeally, — so that Christ is there verily in His own proper bodily presence.' Silenced by the academical authorities, the fearless culprit next endeavoured to con- found his adversaries by appealing to the king :4 but he g&SSSi was driven to suspend this measure by the intervention of John of Gaunt, who seems indeed to have been losing all his confidence in Wycliffe, when the latter animad- verted on the doctrine, as distinguished from the practical corruptions and the secular encroachments, of the Church. A communistic outbreak of the English peasants and villeins, headed by Wat Tyler and John Balle,5 occurred at this very juncture6 ; and although it was not instigated7 or Wyckett (printed first at Nurem- under the editorship of Dr. James), berg in 1546). He seems to have It is divided into four articles, retreated from the University at three of which relate to the vows the same time, but, according to of religious orders, the relations of Dr. Vaughan (pp. 571 sq.), he was the clergy to the civil power, and there again in the following year the withholding of tithes and offer- (1382). ings from unworthy curates ; while 4 See the extract from archbp. the fourth re-states the theory of Sudbury's Register in Wilkins, m. Wycliffe on transubstantiation. 1 7 1 , where the language is remark- 5 Of this person, who was a able: '....appellavit non ad papam, priest, Knyghton (col. 2644) says vcl ad ordinarium ecclesiasticum ; that he was a ' precursor' of Wyc- sed hacreticus adherens sseculari liffe, but never intimates that the potestati in defensionem sui erroris two were acting in concert : cf. et haeresis appellavit ad regem Wilkins, in. 152, 153. Kicardum, volens per hoc se pro- 6 Vaughan, pp. 300 sq. tegere regali potestate, quod non 7 This fact is well established by puniretur, vel emendaretur, eccle- the author of a History of England siastica potestate.' In the autumn and France under tfie House of Lan- of 1382, however, Wycliffe carried caster (Lond. 1852), pp. 16 sq., and 'his appeal to Caesar,' in a Com- notes: cf. Vaughan, pp. 260, 261. plaint which he addressed to the Mr. Hallam {Middle Ages, nr. 178, kin"- and parliament (printed at 179, 10th ed.) leans to the other Oxford in 1608, with other pieces, side. That incendiary principles 410 State of Religious Doctrine, and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 REFORMA- TORY KFFORTS. Synod of London, 1382: or fomented by the new opinions, it could hardly fail to prejudice the civil power against all further movements; more especially when, as in Wycliffe's, little or no tender- ness was shewn to the Establishment and other constituted authorities of the realm. The primate had been murdered in the recent tumults. To his throne succeeded Courtenay, the old antagonist of the reforming party, who availed himself at once of the alarms now generally felt in England for suppressing what was deemed by many of his school the surest pro- vocation of God's anger.1 By his influence a new synod* was convened at the house of the Black Friars, London, (May 17, 1382), in order to deliberate respecting certain strange opinions which were said to have been widely circulated both among the nobility and commoners of England. The proceedings had the sanction of eight pre- lates, with a sprinkling of canonists, civilians, and divines. Of twenty- four propositions3 there attributed to WyclifFe, ten were branded as heretical, and all the rest as execrable were not uncommon at this period may be gathered from the con- demnation of John Petit, a doctor of Paris, by the synod of Constance (July 6, 1415). 1 e.g. The zealot, Walsingham (p. 281), who never charged the Wycliffites with stimulating the insurrection, looks upon it as a judgment of heaven upon the pre- lates for not prosecuting the new heresy. 8 Wilkins, in. 157. One of the prelates was William of Wykeham. It is remarkable that, among the other accusations here brought against the reformer, one is to this effect, that after the death of Urban VI. no pope ought to be recognized, but that the people should be, like the Greeks, governed by their own laws : § 9. 3 Many of these were state- ments, somewhat garbled, of what Wycliffe really taught. The most preposterous of them ($7) ran as follows : ' Quod Deus debet obe- dire diabolo,' an inference drawn perhaps from Wycliffe's rigorous views of predestination. Of the ' erroneous' conclusions one is thus expressed : ' Quod liceat alicui etiam diacono vel presbytero, prae- dicare verbum Dei absque auctori- tate sedis apostolicae vel episcopi catholici, seu alia de qua suffi- cienter constet.' This charge ori- ginated in the fact that some of Wycliffe's disciples ('Poor Priests' ) itinerated, like the Friars, in all parts of the country, often bare- foot and in coarse raiment of a russet hue, inveighing against the corruptions of the Church, com- forting the sick and dying, and expounding the Scriptures. They formed a kind of ' home- mission.' —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 411 and erroneous. Some of Wycliffe's more distinguished RE|o^yIA" partisans, especially Nicholas Hereford, Philip Repington, efforts. and John Aston,4 were now called upon to disavow those condemnation of the tenets, or to suffer heavy penalties, — an ordeal which it wycUffites. seems but few of them had still sufficient constancy to meet.5 There was indeed no English law at present which inflicted capital punishment in case of heresy: but Courtenay had been able to procure a royal letter6 (dated July 12) which authorized their banishment from Oxford and the ultimate imprisonment of all who might defend the new opinions. Lancaster himself enjoined the leaders of the movement to throw down their arms; and after Wycliffe had in vain endeavoured to excite the king ^f^emmt and parliament in their behalf,7 he quietly resided on his e^^eath> benefice at Lutterworth, where he expired,8 in the com- munion of the English Church, Dec. 31, 1384. 4 Wilkins, in. 166. The follow- ing passage from Walsingham (Hypodigmu Neustria, in Camden. Scrijrtores, p. 535) appears to shew that Wycliffism was now most un- popular among the clergy. They granted the king a tenth in the autumn of 1382, but with the con- dition ' ut videlicet Rex manus apponat defensioni ecclesioe, et prse- stet auxilium ad compressionem hsereticorum Wicklevensium, qui jam sua prava doctrina pcene in- fecerant totum regnum.' 5 Vaughan, pp. 269 sq.; Hist, of England under the House of Lan- caster, pp. 18 — 22, and note xn. How far Wycliffe was himself dis- posed at this time to modify his statements on the Eucharist may be gathered from the documents enumerated in p. 407, n. 9. 6 Addressed to the Oxford au- thorities and also to sheriffs and mayors : see Hist, of England, as in the previous note, p. 360. 7 See above, p. 409, n. 4 : Vaughan, pp. 289 sq. His comparative im- punity now stimulated Urban VI. (the rival pope acknowledged in this country) to cite him to the court of Rome. Wycliffe replied excusing himself in a half-sarcastic letter (printed in Vaughan, p. 576), upon the ground of bodily infirmity (a paralytic affection of which he died at last) . Among other things he says : ' I suppose over this, that the pope be most oblished to the keping of the Gospel among all men that liven here. For the pope is highest vicar that Christ has here in erth. For moreness [i.e. superiority] of Christ's vicars is not measured by worldly more- ness, bot by this, that this vicar sues [i.e. follows] more Christ by vertuous living : for thus teches the Gospel.' 8 He was taken ill at mass on the feast of Thomas a Becket (Dec. 29) and died on the feast of pope Sylvester, from which his enemies argued that his death was a Divine judgment for the violence with which he had assailed both these prelates. 412 State of 'Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 REFORMA- TORY EFFORTS. His transla- tion of the Bible. Meanwhile, however, he had occupied himself in labours that were destined to immortalize his name. The earlier of those versions of the Bible and 'Apocrypha', which are known as ' Wycliffite',1 was then completed. Not a few detached portions, as we have already seen,2 were rendered into English at an earlier date : but never till the present period was the whole of the sacred volume generally unlocked and circulated freely among all orders of society. Though it is probable that many who resisted WyclifFe's movement as unauthorized were still in favour of vernacular translations,3 others seem to have regarded them in every case with horror and alarm.4 In putting forth their work it is quite obvious that the authors were anticipating the most active opposition.5 An attempt was 1 See on this subject the able Preface to the Wycliffite Versions of the Bible, published at Oxford, 1850, p. vi. The later and more popular version is mainly due to John Purvey, the second champion of the English Lollards ; Ibid. p. xxxii.; Vaughan, p. 359, note. 2 Above, p. 317, n. 7. SirThos. More {Works, p. 233, ed. 1549) actually asserts that Wycliffe's ver- sion of the whole Bible into English was not the oldest : but no one has ever verified the assertion : cf. Vaughan, p. 334. The extract given in Ussher {Hist. Dog mat., Works, xii. 346, ed. Elrington) states that an earlier version was put forth by John of Trevisa, chap- lain to Lord Berkeley ; but this theory is also untenable : Pref. to the Wycliffite Bil>lc, p. xxi. :i Even archbishop Arundel (C'cm- stitulions against Lollards, § 6 ; with notes in Johnson, n. 466, 467, Oxf. 1851) does not absolutely forbid such translations (in 1408), but requires that they shall first be submitted to the diocesan, or if need be, to a provincial council. He also praises Anne of Bohemia Cthc queen of Rich. II.), 'quod quamvis advena csset et peregrina, tamen quattior Evangelia in linguam, Anglicam versa et doctorum com- mentariis declarata assidue medi- taretur'. Quoted in Ussher, as above, p. 352. Richard of Ham- pole's version of the Psalms (circ. 1340) was not prohibited. 4 Thus Knyghton, the anti- Lollard, has the following charac- teristic passage (col. 2644): 'Hie magister Johannes Wyclif evange- lium, quod Christus contulit clericis et Ecclesia? doctoribus, ut ipsi laicis et inferioribus personis secundum temporis exigentiam et personarum indigentiam cum mentis eorum esurie dulciter ministrarent, trans- tulit de Latino in Anglicam lin- guam, non angelicam, unde per ipsum fit vulgare et magis aper- tum laicis et mulieribus legcre sci- entibus, quam solet esse clericis admodum literatis et bene intel- ligentibus : et sic evangelica mar- garita spargitur' etc. 5 For their mode of defence, see Preface to the Wycliffite Bible, pp. xiv, xv. note: Vaughan, pp. 338. The title of Wycliffe's own treatise onthispoint is sufficiently startling : How Antichrist and his clerks travail to destroy Holy Writ. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 413 made accordingly, soon after it appeared^ to check its RES5|^A" circulation :6 but no measures of that kind were carried efforts. out till twenty years later, in a synod7 held at Oxford 1408). The general views of Wycliffe on dogmatic questions summary of , . , \ ><'* theological may be gathered partly from the evidence adduced above, opinions; and partly from the multitudinous tracts8 he composed at Lutterworth immediately before his death, but none of these are so distinct and comprehensive as the more scho- lastic work entitled his Trialogus? Accepting the con- ciliar definitions of the ancient Church10 as they related to the central truths of our religion, he professed to be desirous of reverting in all other points to Holy Scripture and the early standards of belief.11 The prominence awarded in his system to the Incarnation and Atone- ment of the Saviour,1" led him to renounce all trust in human merit, to suspect, if not to discontinue invocations of the saints, and more especially to fulminate against the impious sale of ' pardons', or indulgences. Though he persisted to the last in speaking of the ' sacraments' ew»AaUy on ments. 6 See the remarkable protest of tural] reesoun,' and experience. John of Gaunt, when an attempt ' Also holi doctouris bi a thousand •was made to suppress it by act of yeer and more taughten not this Parliament (1390), in Ussher, as opinli, but expresli the contrarie, above, p. 352. as it is opin of seynt Austyn, Jerom, 7 Wilkins, in. 314 ; Johnson, as and Chrisostom :' p. 78. in note 3. n The following prophecy in the 8 Vaughan, p. 405. The number Trialogus (p. 271) is very remark- ed them (see the Catalogue, Ibid. able: ' Suppono autem, quodaliqui pp. 525 — 544) appears almost in- fratres, quos Deus docere dignatur, credible. ad religionem primsevam Christi 9 Above, p. 407, n. 9. It is devotius convertentur, et relicta analysed in Turner's Hist, of Engl. sua perfidia, sive obtenta sive pe- *MiddleAges,'v. 185 — 193, ed. 1830. tita Antichristi licentia, redibunt 10 See the extracts in Massing- libere ad religionem Christi pri- berd, Engl. Reformation, pp. 127, msevam, et tunc gedificabunt eccle- 128, 2nd ed. The Wycliffite Re- siam sicut Paulus'. monstrance (ed. Forshall) occupies u Trialogus, pp. 171 sq.: cf. Le the same ground. It contends that Bas, pp. 321, 322. He is most the doctrine of transubstantiation emphatic on the subject of indul- is not expressed in Holy Writ and gences in his treatise On Prelates, is unproved by ' kyndeli [i.e. na- (1383) : Vaughan, pp. 428 — 430, 414 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D. 1305 REtokyA* as seven m number,1 he arrived at clear distinctions with efforts. regarcl to their necessity, importance, and effect. The Eucharist, according to his view, while it is ' sacramentally the Body of Christ' is also ' in its nature truly bread' f and consequently the supreme worship of the host ap- peared to him idolatrous.3 In baptism, which he thought was properly administered to infants, he could recognize the ordinary channel instituted by the Lord Himself, and therefore commonly required, in order to the remission of sins.4 He was in doubt as to the scripturalness of con- firmation,6 shocked by an excessive ritualism with which it had been loaded and obscured. The ministerial ' orders', he contended, were originally two ;6 on which account the bishop ought to be included in a category with the pope, the cardinals, and others, who had no existence in the apostolic age. The first genuine penitence,7 according to his view, is thorough change of heart, and though he did not question the established usage of auricular confession, he denied its absolute necessity in every case. His speculations on the nature and intent of matrimony8 are peculiarly erratic. On the one side he conceived it to have been ordained for the filling up the vacancies occasioned in the court of heaven by the apostacy of Satan and his angels :9 on the other, he regarded stipulations 1 Trialogus, pp. 180 sq. etc. In his treatise on Obedience to * Ibid. p. 192 : cf. above, p. 407, Prelates (1382), he defends the n. 9. irregularities of ' poor priests' (cf. 3 See Neander's remarks on this above, p. 410, n. 3) by urging that point, posth. vol. pp. 295, 296. the ' worldly' bishops had no right 4 Trialogus, pp. 213 sq. to prevent them from instructing 5 Ibid. p. 222 : cf. LeBas, p. 340. the people: Vaughan, pp. 485 sq. 6 Cf. above, p. 406. The passage ' Trialogus, pp. 254 sq. Of con- in the Trialogus (p. 225) runs as fession he adds : ' Sed non credat follows : 'In primitiva Ecclesia. .. . aliquis, quin sine tali confessione suffecerunt duo ordines clericorum, auriculari stat homincm vere con- scilicet, sacerdos et diaconus.... teri et salvari, cum Petrus injunxit Tunc enim adinventa non fuit dis- generalem pcpnitentiam.' tinctio papas et cardinalium, pa- 8 See the Trialogus, pp. 238 — triarcharum et archiepiscoporum, 250, and Le Bas, pp. 342, 343. episcoporum et archidiaconorum' 9 Cf. above, p. 303, n. 6. —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 415 which forbid the marriage even of the nearest kindred REl9^yA" as deriving all their force from human maxims and de- efforts. crees.10 The last in order of the ' sacrarnentsr, extreme unction, was verbally retained : but he had looked in vain for traces of its institution in the Holy Scriptures.11 While diverging thus at numerous points from the Purgatory. tradition of the Mediaeval Church, it is remarkable that Wycliffe still continued to believe in purgatory,1,2 and at least to some extent in the effects producible on saints departed by the prayers and alms of holy friends surviv- ing, and the service of the mass. A late, if not his very Tripartite , it- is ir*M /» /-« t • n division of the latest, publication represents the tamuy ot Crod in three Church. divisions: (1) the holy angels and beatified men, (2) the saints in purgatory, who are doomed to expiate the sins committed in the world,14 and (3) the remnant of true- hearted Christians who are following while on earth the footsteps of the Lord. As a result of his belief in ab- 10 After speaking of the marriage 12 In his MS. treatise On the of brothers and sisters in the in- Curse Expounded (13S3), he writes fancy of the world, he adds : ' Nee as follows : ' Saying of mass, with superest ratio, quare non sic liceret cleanness of holy life and burning hodie, nisi humana ordinatio, quae devotion, pleaseth God Almighty, dicit non solum ex cognatione, sed and is profitable to Christian souls in ex affinitate, amorem inter homines purgatory, and to men living on dilatari ; et causa haec hominum earth that they may withstand est nimis debilis'. More sober temptations to sins'. Quoted in views, however, are expressed in Vaughan, p. 438 : cf. Le Bas, pp. An Apology for Lollard Doctrines, 327, 328. attributed to Wycliffe, pp. 70, 71, 13 De Ecclesia et Membris ejus, ed. Todd, 1842. edited by Dr. Todd (Dublin, 11 See the brief discussion in the 1851). next chapter of the Trialogus, (lib. u The words are remarkable, iv. c. 25). He maintains that St. particularly as indicating a distrust James (v. 14) is not speaking of of prayers for the dead: 'The ' infirmitatem finalem, sed consola- secound part of this chirche ben tionem faciendam a presbytero, sentis in purgatorie ; and thes dum aliquis infirmatur, et quia per synnen not of the newe, but purgen viam naturae oleum abunuans in her [i.e. their] olde synnes : and illis partibus valet ad corporis sani- many errours fallen in preiying for tatem. Ideo talem meminit unc- theis seyntis ; and sith thei alle tionem, non quod illud oleum agat ben deede in body, Cristis wordis in animam, sed quod oratio effusa may be takun of hem, Sue [follow] a sacerdote devoto medicat quern- we Crist in our liyf and late the quam, ut Deus infLrmitati anhnse deede berie the dede' ; p. iv. suffragetur' . REFORMA- TORY EFFORTS. Absolute re- probation. Development of h is princi- ple* by the LolUirds. 416 State of Religious Doctrine, ami Controversies, [a.d. 1305 solute predestination,1 he confined the members of the Church to those who will eventually be saved.2 The reprobate he held to form a class essentially and irre- versibly distinct ; although as long as men are in the body none (it was maintained) could feel assured of his eternal destination.3 Many germs of error and extravagance may be de- tected in the theories of Wycliffe, much as those were overbalanced by the noble witness he had borne to long- forgotten truths and by the virtues of his private life. The anti-social principles avowed by some of his descendants (known as early as the year 1387 by the opprobrious name of ' Lollards' )4 had been logically drawn from his extreme positions on the nature of property and the inherent vice of all ecclesiastical endowments. Part, indeed, of the success5 attending his own labours would be due to this peculiarity of his creed : but there we also find an ele- ment conducing more than others to its premature decline. The upper classes of society were alienated,6 and a number of the more distinguished clerics, who had joined the move- ment in its earlier stages, now withdrew and took the other side.7 Soon after WyclifFe's death complaints were made 1 See Nean tier's investigation of this point, posth. vol. pp. 316 sq. One of the charges brought against Wyeliff at the council of Constance (1415) was, that ' omnia de neces- sitate absoluta eveniunt' : cf. Len- fant, Hist, du Concile, liv. II. ch. 59, Art. xxvii. 2 ' This chirche is modcr to echo man that shal be sauyd, and con- tcyncth no member but oonly men that shulen be sauyd' : De Ecclesia, as above, p. iv. 3 Ibid. p. v. He adds, that ' as eche man shal hope that he shal be sauyd in bliss, so he shulde suppose that he be leme [i.e. a member] of hooli chirche'. 4 See above, p. 371, n. 9; and Turner, Middle Ages, v. 198, where the bishop of Worcester (1387) de- nounces the 'Lollards' as 'eternally- damned sons of Antichrist' &c. 5 This was so marked, that Knyghton, in speaking (col. 2660) of knights, counts, and even dukes among the ' Wycliviani sive Loi- lardi', adds : ' Secta ilia in niaxiim> honore illis diebus habebatur et in tantum multiplicata fuit, quod vix duos videres in via quin alter eorum discipulus Wyclefi fuerit'. 6 Hist, of England under the House of Lancaster, pp. 36, 37. 7 Instances are given in Le Ba . pp. 386 — 390. The same occurred, and for similar reasons, in the convulsion of the sixteenth ccn- —1520] State of 'Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 417 REFORMA- TORY EFFORTS. On more than on& Attempts of the crown to that ' Lollards' advocated tenets like the following :8 They regarded absolution as sinful and even impious : pilgri- mages, invocation of saints, the keeping of saints'-days, and the use of images they branded as idolatry : they ques- tioned9 the lawfulness of oaths, and undervaluing all epis- copal jurisdiction, went so far as to ordain their ministers10 and organize an independent sect. occasion members of it were obnoxious to the charge of repress them stirring up sedition ;" and the English court, at length relieved from other adversaries, entered on a vigorous course of action for repressing every kind of misbelief. The same repressive policy was followed out by Henry IV., who on dethroning Richard (Sept. 29, 1399) had found it more than ever needful to secure the aid of the ecclesiastics, monks, and Mars.12 At this epoch, it would tury. Heath, for instance, an especial favourite of Melancthon (153.5), became the Marian arch- bishop of York (1555). 8 See the catalogue of these ' novi errores* in Knyghton, col. 2706. 9 The words are ' Quod non licet aliquo modo jurare': cf. the charges brought against the Waldenses, above, p. 314, n. 5. 10 Walsingham, Hypodigma Neiis- trice, as above, p. 544, alludes to this feature of their system in the following terms : ' Lollardi se- quaces Johannis Wicliff in tantam sunt evecti temeritatem, ut eorum presbyteri, more pontificum [i. e. bishops] novos crearent presby- teros, asserentes quemlibet sacer- dotem tantam habere potestatem conferendi sacramenta ecclesiastica quantum papa' : cf . the Apology for the Lollards, pp. 28 sq., and Dr. Todd's remarks, ' Introd.,' pp. xxviii., xxix. Bp. Spencer, of Norwich, persecuted them on this account : Wharton's Anglia Sacra, n. 359 sq. 11 e.g. they placarded the churches in London with scurrilous attacks upon the priests. Hist, of England, as above, pp. 29, 30. The boldness of their tone at this period is at- tested by the remonstrances which they addressed to the parliament of 1395 (Wilkins in. 221). The substance of their manifesto was then expanded and published in the English language ; and Mr. Forshall has apparently identified the larger treatise with the Eccle- sice Regimen, or so-called Remon- strance, which he edited in 1851 : see his Pref., pp. ix., x. In the following year (1396), eighteen propositions taken from Wycliffe's Trialogus were condemned by a synod held in London (Wilkins in. 229), and answered in the treatise of Woodford above cited, p. 401, n. 7. 12 Soon after his accession he put forth a proclamation with the sanc- tion of the House of Lords, directing the seizure and imprisonment of all persons who dared to preach against the Mendicants (March 21, 1399) : Rymer's Fcedera, vm. 87. EE 418 Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 REtouyA" secm5 tne tenets of the Lollards1 were expressed with effokts. greater boldness and pursued more generally into their Further Pmnt$ logical results. They lost all reverence for the sacra- oj controversy , . . 1 1 i it • -, , opened. ments aclnimistered at church, and characterized the mass itself as the watch-tower of Antichrist. They absolutely rejected the doctrine of purgatory ,:! though retaining, with conditions, certain prayers and offerings for the dead.4 They carried out their views of matrimony so far as to require that monks and nuns should marry, lowering at the same time its importance by dispensing with the in- teiwention of the priest. Their strong antipathy to saints' days now extended to the weekly festival of the resurrec- tion, which they treated as a merely Jewish ordinance.5 Of other features now developed, none was practically more important than the circulation of a host of semi- political prophecies,6 suggested by extravagant ideas re- specting the secularization of the Church. Persecuting It was to meet these later forms of Lollardism that Henry and his parliament devised the sanguinary statute7 De hceretico comburendo. Trial in the civil courts was hereby superseded ; for certificates from any bishop or 1 See Hist, of England, as above, p. 32. 2 Wycliffe himself is charged (but, as it seems, unfairly) with disparaging 'the Mass and Hours.' Thus, in the Articuli Joh. Wiclcfi condemned at Constance (in Brown's Fascic. i. 276), we read among others of this kind : ' Utile foret ceclesiae poni in pristina liber- tate : et sic cessarent missarum su- pcradditarum solennia et orationes cum horis canonicis adinventae. Licet enim istae tres adinventiones humanae per accidens prosint eccle- siressor nimice Cleri reprehensi- bury in the following year (1416), onis. In the first part, he discusses followed up these censures in the at great length the principal objec- same harsh and narrow spirit tion of the nonconformists, that (Wilkins, in. 378), aiming more nothing is to be received as true, especially to prevent the Lollards or obligatory on the Christians, if from holding ' secret conventicles.' it be not fully and expressly stated 1 See Le Bas, p. 390. in the Bible. 8 Lyndwood (Provincial, p. 284, 10 His obnoxious statements had Oxon. 1679) mentions these bar- appeared in his Treatise of Faith. barous proceedings with apparent The second book of it, in which he satisfaction. shews that Scripture is the only 9 See Lewis, Life of Pecock, pas- perfect and substantial basis of be- sim : and Wharton's Append, to lief, was published, London, 1688. Ulterior in- Jlnmcc of the Lollards. 422 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 REFORMA- tion, and was finally immured in Thorney Abbey where efforts. he died.1 Although it is not easy to trace out the fortunes of the Lollards during the political convulsions from which Eng- land suffered in the fifteeenth century, nor to determine whether they were still surviving at the outbreak of the Reformation,2 we can scarcely doubt that strong predis- positions were excited in its favour, by their preaching and their works. John Wycliffe may indeed be taken as the prototype3 of one important school of English, and still more of Continental Church-reformers. In the natural bias of his mind, in the unwonted clearness of his moral intuitions, in his rude but manly style, and in the fear- less energy with which he struggled, almost single-handed, to eradicate the gross abuses of the times, we see an agent . qualified to censure and demolish errors rather than to strengthen the dismantled fortress of the Church, and beautify afresh the ancient sanctuary of truth : while some of his opinions, even where he was not conscious of the slightest wish to foster insurrection, were too easily convertible for such an end by over-heated crowds or by less scrupulous disciples. It is found, accordingly, that the Reformers who at last succeeded in the sphere of labour where his patriotic piety had failed, drew little, if at all, from his productions:4 and in Germany, the Lu- 1 He was allowed no writing materials, and ' no books to look on, but only a portuous [i. e. bre- viary], a mass-book, a psalter, a legend, and a Bible.' Harleian MS. quoted by Turner, hi. 143, n. 47. The suspicion with which he was regarded is further seen in a sup- plemental statute of King's College, Cambridge (founded 1441) ; pro- vision being then made that every scholar, at the end of his proba- tionary years, abjure the errors or heresies ■ Johamiis Wiclif, Regi- nalds Pecock,' etc.: Lewis, as above, p. 173. 2 Traces of their influence are found in the Acts of the Convoca- tion of 1536 : see Hardwick's Hist, of the Articles, pp. 42, 43. 3 Sec Prof. Elunt's remark on the aiflnity between the Lollard and the Puritan, in his Sketch of the Reformation, pp. 87 sq., Cth edit. 4 Dr. Todd, in the 'Advertise- ment' prefixed to his edition of Wyclifle's treatise Ue Ecclusia et —1520] Slate of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 423 theran, as distinguished from the Swiss divines, appear REforma- to have regarded Lollardism with positive distaste.5 efforts. The feverish impulses, however, which that system had simultaneous . i . .i i ... n ,, inurement in communicated to the general spirit ot the age were soon Bohemia. transmitted to a distance. They not only tended to en- lighten England, but ' electrified' Bohemia. Some indeed of the reaction there produced is traceable to other causes,6 for example to the freer element in the original Christianity of the district ; to the old antagonism between the Slavic and Germanic families, of whom the latter was in close alliance with the pope ; and even more to individual preachers,7 who, anterior to the age of Huss or Wycliffe, started independent measures for the exaltation of their mother-Church. Of these precursors, three at least deserve a special notice. Milicz, a Moravian of Cremsier, was the archdea- mUez con of Prague, and secretary to the emperor Charles IV., xford (circ. 1398), and on returning home imported numerous copies of the Wycliffite tracts to circulate among the students in Bo- hemia. Huss had not been favourably impressed with some of these productions ; but a change9 at length appears 6 See the particulars in Neander, cognomen, Putridum Piscem, i. e. pp. 453 sq. foetidum verus in cives suos evo- fi This may be concluded from muit.' Palacky, however, seems references to Grosseteste in the to think that the noble here men- works of Huss. tioned was Nicholas von Faulfisch, 7 According to Huss himself a less distinguished follower of (Contra Anglicum Joan. Stokes: Opp. Wycliffe (in. pt. 2, 192, n. 245), 1. 108) who informs us that as early 9 Vaughan's Wycliffe, p. 509. as 1381 some of the Wycliffite tracts Yet it is obvious from the language were known in Prague, and that used by Huss himself (Opp. i. 330) he was acquainted with them that he did not acquiesce in some before 1391. These, however, may of Wycliffe's opinions even at the have been chiefly philosophical in close of his career. He says that their character. he holds to the ' sententiae verse' 8 The authority on which this of the English reformer, ' non quia statement generally rests, is .ZEneas ipse dixit, sed qiua Divina Scrip- Sylvius (Hist. Bohem. c. 35), whose tura, vel ratio infallibilis dicit. hatred of the Hussites will be Si autem aliquem errorem posuerit, gathered from the following ex- nee ipsum, nee quemcunque alium tract : ' Imbutus jam ipse [Le. intendo in errore, quantumlibet vir quidam genere nobilis] Wide- modice, imitari.' On the other vitarum veneno et ad nocendum hand, .ZEneas Sylvius, as above, paratus, turn quod erat families suae declares that Huss carried his ad- 428 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 REFORMA- TORY EFFORTS. Quarrel of the (it rman and Bohemian academics. Huss attacks the corrupt ecclesiastics, 1407. to have come over him, and he stood forth as Wycliffe's pupil and apologist. The ground-tone of their minds, how- ever wide they may have been apart on isolated topics, was the same: they both were Realists,1 and both in- tensely anxious to promote the reformation of the Church.2 A numerous party3 now began to cluster in the chapel and the lecture-room of Huss. In him the natives saw an able type of the Bohemian as distinguished from the other class of students; and accordingly the advocacy of the new opinions in religion was ere long identified with politics, and irritated by the national dislike of every thing Germanic. In the midst of this unhappy war of races, nearly all the foreigners withdrew from Prague (1409), transfusing into other seats of learning the an- tipathy which most of them now cherished both for WyclifFe and the new reformers in Bohemia. One of the most glaring evils on which Huss insisted from the opening to the close of his career, was the degeneracy of the ecclesiastics.4 His invectives roused miration of WyclifFe to the highest pitch, asserting of his books that they contained all truth, 'adjiciens- que crebro inter praedicandum, se postquam ex hac luce migraret in ea loca proficisci cupere, ad quae Wyclevi anima pervenisset, quern virum bonum, sanctum, cceloque dignum non dubitaret.' 1 Neander, p. 462. The German students, on the contrary, were Nominalists, which introduced another element of strife. 8 Huss {Opp. i. 109) mentions this as the great bond of sympathy with the English reformer : ' Mo- vent me Bua Bcripta, quibus nititur to to conaminc omncs homines ad legem Christi reducere, et clerum pnecipue, ut dimittendo saeculi pompam et dominationem vivat cum apostolis vitam Christi.' 8 Neander, pp. 466 sq. iEneas Sylvius (as above, c. 35) puts the matter thus : ' Rexerunt scholam Pragensem usque in ea tempora Teutones. Id molestissimum Bo- hemis fuit, hominibus natura fero- cibus atque indomitis.' After the secession of the Germans, vvho are said to have numbered, at the least, five thousand (others have it forty- four thousand) students, there were only two thousand left in Prague. The malcontents established them- selves at Leipzig. 4 Cf. above, n. 2. In 1407 he preached before a diocesan synod from Eph. vi. 14 {Opp. II. 32 sq.) and betrayed his leaning to the views of WyclifFe and Matthias of Janow with regard to the ecclesi- astical endowments. He also in- veighs against the dissolute habits of many of his audience ('praslati, canonici, plebani, et aliiprcsbyteri,' p. 38). —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 429 the anger of his former friend, archbishop Sbynco,5 who BE,™™A- imputing the sensation thus produced to the diffusion of efforts. the Lollard tracts, commanded them to be collected and committed to the flames6 (1408). A series of complaints were also lodged at Rome,7 which finally evoked a bull of Alexander V. (Dec. 20, 1409). He there enjoined a fresh inquiry, in the hope of burning all the other books of Wycliffe and suppressing every form of Lollardism. But Huss, like his precursor, was at first in favour with the court :8 and this advantage, added to a keen perception appeals to a , ... . . P°Pe better of the weakness and injustice of the papacy, induced him informed . to appeal from the decision of ' a pontiff well informed' to one 'better informed'9. So confident was he in his integrity, that on receiving news of Alexander's death (May, 3, 1410) soon afterwards, he promptly brought his case before the new pope,10 the monster John XXIII. The culprit was now cited to attend in person at Bologna ; but his friends, who knew the danger he was in, dissuaded him from such a step,11 and on his failing to appear, the is excom- ■municated, 1411: 5 Neander, pp. 478 sq. A formal sermons. This was to be obviated treatise (' Antiwickleffus' ) was by forbidding any one to preach in composed at this juncture (1408) a private chapel, such as the Beth- by Stephen, abbot of Dola (in lehem. See Alexander's bull in Moravia). It is printed in Pez, Raynald. ad an. 1409, § 89. Thesaur. Anecdot. iv. partii. 149 sq. 8 Stephen, the abbot of Dola (as where the Antihussus and other above), p. 390, ascribes the pro- cognate pieces may be found (pp. tection of Huss to the ' popularis 361 sq ). vulgi favor et ssecidare brachium.' 6 Two hundred copies, of which 9 ' A papa male informato ad many had been richly bound, were papam melius informandum' : see thus destroyed : cf. Vaughan's Neander, p. 498. Wycliffe, p. 404 (note). The Uni- 10 His Appellatio ad sedem Apos- versity of Prague declared (June tolicam is printed in the Hist, et 15, 1410) that it was not a con- Monument, i. 112. Respecting senting party to the act of archbp. John XXIII. , see above, p. 354. Sbynco and the rest 'in combus- u The following is part of his tionem librorum magistri Johannis own version of the matter : • Ci- Wicklef :' Gieseler, § 150, note ». tatus autem personaliter ad Roma- Neander (p. 500) places this com- nam curiam optabam comparere bustion in the summer of 1410. humiliter ; sed quia mortis insidiaj 7 Another ground of complaint tarn in regno quam extra regnum, was that the new reformer exer- praesertim a Teutonicis sunt mihi cised pernicious influence by his posita5, ideo multorum fretus con- Indulgences sent into 430 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 EFtokyA" Ben*ence °f excommunication (Feb. 1411) was launched Et-yoitTs. immediately against him, notwithstanding all the interest employed on his behalf by Wenceslaus and the queen.1 Their influence was, however, more successful in promoting ht"\Zc™ci!-d an accommodation between him and the archbishop ; bishop. Huss avowing his respect for the ecclesiastical authority and his determination to adhere in all things to the will of Christ and of the Church.2 But in the following autumn Sbynco breathed his last, and when a legate was dispatched from Rome with the accustomed pallium for the new archbishop, John annexed to it a parcel of indulgences, which purported to be at once available for all persons who might volunteer to execute the ban that had been issued for dethroning his opponent, the king of Naples. The enormity of this procedure stirred the vehemence of Huss3 and of his col- league, Jerome, to the very highest pitch. The latter, hot and sanguine, lost no time in propagating his enthu- siasm among the students, who, in order to exact a kind of vengeance for the seizure of Wycliffe's writings, or- ganized a mock-procession in the streets of Prague and burning of the burnt the papal instruments.4 Though Huss had not documents in A x ° Prague. silio judicavi, quod foret Deum mandata apostolica et ipsis omnino tentare, vitam morti tradere, pro- obedire, sed voco mandata apos- fectu Ecclesia? non urgente. Igitur tolicadoctrinasapostolorumChristi, non parui pcrsonaliter, sed advo- et de quanto mandata pontificis catos et procuratores constitui, concordaverint cum mandatis et volens Sanctis sedi apostolicse obe- doctrinis apostolicis, secundum re- dire.' See the rest of this Con- gulam legis Christi, de tanto volo fession of Faith, correctly given in ipsis paratissime obedire. Sed si Pclzel, Lebensgeschichte des Kunigs quid adversi concepcro non obediam, Wenceslaus, Documents, No. 230 ; ctiamsi ignem pro combustione mci Prag, 1788. corporis meis oculis prseponatis' : 1 Neander, pp. 518 sq. Neander, p. 529. His views on 2 Ibid. p. 523. He now put forth indulgences may be seen at length the Confession quoted p. 429, n. 11, in a remarkable Quastio devoted to vindicating himself in the eyes of that subject (1412) : Hist. etMonu- the University. ment. i. 215 sq. "■ He justified his resistance on 4 See Pelzel, as above, II. 608 sq. the following grounds : * Ego dixi It seems that the violence connected quod aflecto cordialiter implere with this act estranged the king -1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 431 directly sanctioned this irregularity, and though he after- REtqry A" wards regretted its occurrence, the most formidable cen- EFF0RTS- sures of the Church alighted on his head.5 He could Huss retreats. no longer prosecute his public mission, but addressing an appeal to Jesus Christ Himself,6 the only righteous Judge, retreated from the theatre of strife. The works7 which he composed in his retirement have enabled us to mark the final stages in the growth of his belief. To many of the characteristic dogmas then pre- vailing in the Church, he yielded his unwavering assent,8 confining his denunciations mainly to those points which he regarded as excrescences, abuses, or distorted forms of truth. His principles,9 indeed, had they been logically apprehended and consistently applied, must have con- strained him to relinquish some of the positions advocated opinions at this time. from Huss. According to Stephen of Dola (inPez, Thesaur. Monument. iv. part ii. 380), he published a decree, ' ut nequaquam aliquis audeat rebellare et contradicere occulte vel publice, sub capitali poena, indulgentiis papalibus'. Three youths were after Avar ds exe- cuted for interrupting preachers, who invited their flocks to purchase indulgences ; see Neander, pp. 551 sq., and Lenfant, Hist, du Concile de Constance, liv. in. c. 11. 5 He was excommunicated afresh, and all the place in which he lived was stricken by the papal inter- dict. Even the chapel in which he preached was to be levelled with the ground: Palacky, hi. pt. i. 2S6. 6 See the Hist, et Monument, i. 22. 7 One of the most important, and indeed his very greatest work, is the Tractatus de Ecclesia (in the Hist, et Monument, i. 243 sq.). His division of the Church, like that of Wycliffe (see above, p. 415, n. 13), is tripartite. The 'ecclesia dormiens' he defines (c. 2) to be ' numerus prajdestinatorum in pur- gatorio patiens'. By recognizing some of the finally condemned as members of the Church on earth, he shews that he did not follow Wycliffe blindly (cf. above, p. 416, n. 3). The following are his words (c. 3) : ' Dupliciter homines pos- sunt esse de sancta matre Ecclesia, vel secundum praedestinationem ad vitam a>ternam, quomodo omnes finaliter sancti sunt de sancta matre Ecclesia ; vel secundum prsedesti- nationem solum ad prsesentem justitiam, ut omnes, qui aliquando accipiunt gratiam remissionis pec- catorum sedfinaliternon perseverant' . He insists upon the fact {e.g. c. 4, c. 13 sq.) that Christ and He alone is the 'Head of the Church', but also urges the importance of obey- ing the pope and cardinals (c. 17) ' dum docuerint veritatem juxta legem Dei'. Another source for ascertaining his opinions at this juncture are his Letters {Ibid. i. 117 sq.: cf. Palacky, in. pt. i. 297, 298). 8 See Lenfant's Hist, du Concile de Constance, liv. in. c. 50 — 55 ; and cf. liv. i. c. 27. 9 Neander, pp. 576 sq. 432 State of Religions Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 ^tory A" ^y ^e western schoolmen : but, milike his English fellow- EFFoiiTs.] worker, Huss had not been largely gifted with the logical faculty, and therefore he continued all his life unconscious of his own divergencies. So far was he indeed from meditating the formation of a sect, that he had hoped to renovate the Western Church entirely from within. A reference to these facts may well explain the readiness1 to\te"coeuncii ne snewed to vindicate himself before the council of Con- qf^constance, stancej whither he was now invited to proceed. That great assembly constituted in his eyes the lawful repre- sentative of Christendom ; and as he had no longer any hope of finding justice at the papal court, he went in search of it elsewhere. We see him starting for the council" (Oct. 11, 1414) amied with testimonials of his 'orthodoxy' from the primate of Bohemia (Conrad), and the titular bishop of Nazareth, who was officiating as the inquisitor of heresy in the diocese of Prague.3 He also bore the passport (or ' safe-conduct') of the German ' emperor Sigismund,4 which guaranteed his personal pro- tection in the very strongest terms. He reached Constance5 on the third of November, attended by a party of his fellow-countrymen, especially the noble John of Chlum, his pupil and unwavering friend. But others, who were labouring to repress the holy movement in Bohemia, had 1 After his arrival at Constance 4 Ibid. i. 2. The violation of this he stated that he came with joy, promise was subsequently justified and added, that if he were con- (Sept. 23, 1415) by a decree of victed of any error he would im- the council (in Von der Hardt, iv. mediately abjure it. Lenfant, liv. 521 ), on the ground that Huss, by i. c. 36. impugning the ' orthodox faith , 2 Ibid. liv. i. c. 24. had rendered himself ' ab omni 3 In this document (Tlist, et Mo- conductu etprivilegio alienum ; nee nument. i. 3) the inquisitor declares, aliqua sibi fides aut promissio de among other things, ' Collationes jure naturali, Divino vel humano, plurcs[i.e. with master John Huss] f tier it in pr« judicium eaiholiccR fidei de diversis sacra? Bcripturse materiis observanda' . faciendo, nunquam aliquom in ipso 6 According to Lenfant (liv. i. inveni errorem vel lneresim, sed in c. 26) Huss immediately notified omnibus verbis et operibus suis his arrival to pope John XXIII., ipsum semper veram et catholicum who promised to lend him every hominem reperi' . help in his power. —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 433 arrived before him.6 One of them, Palecz,7 his former re™rma- colleague in the university of Prague, was actively en- efforts. gaged in circulating rumours to his disadvantage : and as many of the clerics there assembled had been prejudiced against him, partly through his recent quarrel with the German students, partly through his firmness in declining to pronounce an indiscriminate condemnation of Wycliffe and the Oxford school of church-reformers, he was treacherously taken into custody8 (Nov. 28). The scenes fAer? he ** . J . treacherously that followed are the most revolting in the annals of the imprisoned, Western Church. The oral explanations9 of the prisoner, even as reported by his adversaries, and the tracts10 which he composed while languishing in chains, evince that to the last his own opinions coincided in almost every point with those professed by members of the council. They were zealously employed in limiting the power and in denying the infallibility of Rome :u they all of them ex- hibited a wish to elevate the morals of the clergy, and advance at least in some degree the reformation of the Church, — the very measures that lay nearest to the heart of Huss: yet so infatuated were they by their national 6 Lenfant, liv. r. c. 35 : Neander, cellor of Paris, also extracted nine- pp. 615, 616. They had been teen articles from the treatise Be alienated from him chiefly by his Ecclesia, and called upon the council vigorous opposition to the papal to condemn them {Ibid. pp. 29 sq.): indulgences. cf. above, p. 382, n. 4. His fellow- 7 In a formal reply, Ad Script. countrymen expressed their indig- Steph. Paletz, he had been con- nation at the imprisonment of strained to speak as follows :' Ami- Huss {Hist, et Monum. i. 9 sq.), cus Paletz, arnica Veritas, utrisque and they were seconded by the amicis existentibus, sanctum est Polish nobles who were present prsehonorare veritatem' . at the council (Krasinski, Reform, 8 Neander, pp. 625 sq. Some of in Poland, i. 62). the loose charges brought against 9 e.g. in his three public hear- him may be seen in Lenfant, liv. i. ings before the council (Lenfant, c. 42. One of them was, that he liv. m. c. 4 sq. ; Neander, pp. 655 taught the necessity of administer- — 682). On the second of these ing the Eucharist in both kinds ; occasions (June 7) he actually but we shall see hereafter that the spoke of the view of Berengarius on accusation was groundless : cf. his the Eucharist as 'magna hasresis'. own replies in Hist, et Monum. i. 10 Lenfant, liv. i. c. 43. 15 sq. Gerson, the famous chan- u See above, pp. 354 sq. FF 434 State of Religious Doctrine and Controv>ersie$. [a.d. 1305 EEtohyA" prejudices, or so blinded by their hatred of a man who efforts, -would not disavow all sympathy with Wycliffe1 (much as he receded from the doctrines of the Lollards), that they d"uthft0 sentenced him to perish at the stake.2 As soon as the 1-16- executioner had done his barbarous work, the ashes of the victim were all flung into the Rhine, ' that nothing might remain on earth of so execrable a heretic' (July 6, 1415). 3&ST 0/ The ardent Jerome of Prague, who shared his senti- i4iQUe' ments, and who appeared at Constance hoping for a prosperous issue, was at first so panic-stricken by the fate of Huss that he consented to abjure the errors which the council charged against him8 (Sept. 23). But his courage afterwards revived. He publicly revoked his abjuration (May 16, 1416), in so far as he had offered violence to truth or had defamed the memory of Huss and Wycliffe. He was therefore handed over to the civil power, and several of his most infuriated enemies were struck by the unearthly joy that swelled his bosom even in the flames4 (May 30). 1 A charge on which the council verunt, et jam nonnullis ex vobis placed peculiar emphasis related to insidiantur. Sed quia Anser, ani- this point : ' Quod pertinaciter ar- mal cicur, avis domestica, suprema ticulos erroneos Wicleff docuisset volatu suo non pertingens, eorum in Bohemia et defendisset' . On laqueos [? non] rupit, nihilominus his reply, see Lenfant, liv. in. c. 5, alia? aves, qua; Verbo Dei et vita and Neander, p. 664. The former volatu suo alta petunt, eorum in- of these writers (liv. in. c. 57) sidias conterent'. Hist, et Monum. shews that partial sympathy Avith i. 121. Wycliffe was the ground of his 3 Lenfant, liv. iv. c. 31. See condemnation ; and it is remark- also the Narratio in the Hist, et able that the order of the council Monum. Johan. Huss, n. 522 sq. for burning the bones of the Eng- 4 Lenfant, liv. iv. c. 85. As he lish reformer immediately preceded went to the place of execution he the examination of Huss : cf. above, recited the Apostles' Creed, and at pp. 420, 421. the stake his voice was heard 2 Hist, ct Monum. i. 33 sq., and chanting the Paschal Hymn, ' Salve Lenfant, liv. in. c. 45. The fol- festa dies' etc. The astonishment lowing passage indicates a hope of Poggio, the Florentine scholar, that reformation would come at on listening to his defence before last : ' Prius laqueos, citationes et the council, is expressed in a letter anathemata Anseri [a play on his to Leonardo Arctino, translated in own name, Hus = Goose] para- Lenfant, c. 86. —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 435 The ashes of these two reformers lighted up a long EE£°™A- and furious war.5 Their countrymen had already expos- efforts. tulated with the council, in the hope of rescuing the Rise of the Hussite zvcfrt** martyrs from its grasp ; and when the tidings of their execution reached Bohemia, disaffection to the Germans and the emperor expressed itself anew in revolutionary acts. Another element of strife had also been contributed. It seems that Huss, who held the mediseval doctrine of concomitance,6 had acquiesced in the propriety of the com- munion in one kind : but his disciple, Jacobellus de Misa J"^>ueiim de (Jacob of Mies), incited probably by some expressions in the works of Matthias of Janow,7 had begun as early as the autumn of 1414 to lay unwonted stress on the importance of administering the chalice to the laity.8 The other side was taken quite as absolutely by the council of Constance9 (June 15, 1415), and ' The Chalice', therefore, grew at length into a watch- word of that numerous party in Bohemia who revered the memory of Huss. For several years the forces of the empire were completely kept at bay : but the development of the religious dif- ferences among the Hussites was hereafter fatal to their arms. One section of them, the CaUxtmes10 or Utraquists,11 ^SafiST' 5 See Lenfant, Hist, de la guerre practice is defended on the ground des Hussites etc. Amsterdam, 1731, that it serves 'ad evitandum pe- with a Supplement by Beausobre, ricula aliqua et scandala'. The Lausanne, 1735. doctrine of concomitance is also 6 Above, p. 324. The question affirmed in the strongest terms is fully investigated by Lenfant, (' cum firmissime credendum sit, Hist, du Concile de Const, liv. II. et nullatenus dubitandum, inte- c. 74 sq. 7 Cf. Neander, p. 646. grum corpus Christi et sanguinem 8 That he was the first to ad- tam sub specie panis quam sub minister in both kinds is expressly specie vini veraciter contineri'). stated in the Apologia verm Doc- For the Apologia of Jacobellus in trince drawn up in 1538 by the reply to this decree, see Von der ■ Moravians' (in Lydii Waldensia, Hardt, m. 591 sq. He was sup- ii. 292, Dordreci, 1617 ) : ' Magister ported by the university of Prague Jacobellus primus omnium com- March 10, 1417), whose manifesto munionem utriusque speciei in Bo- is printed in the Hist, et Monum. hernia practicare ccepit' : cf. ^SSneas II. 539. Sylvius, Hist. Bohem. c. 35. 10 From Calix = chalice. 9 See the decree in Von der u From the phrase ' sub utraque Hardt, in. 646, where the modern specie'. FF2 436 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 REtoky A" ma^ ^e cau"ed ^e moderate party They adhered to Husa efforts. an(j Jacobellus, claiming1 that the Word of God should be freely preached in all the kingdom of Bohemia, that the Eucharist should be administered according to the terms of the original institution, that the incomes of the clergy should be lowered, and a more rigorous discipline enforced on all the members of the Church. This section of the Hussites, after many sanguinary struggles with the empire and their brethren, were eventually absorbed into the Western Church, negociations with them having been conducted through the medium of the council of Basle" (1433). But the resistance was kept up much longer by The Tab&rites. the Tabo rites (so called from a Bohemian mountain, Tabor, where they pitched their earliest camp). While they adopted many theories like those now current in the sect of the Waldenses,3 they diverged at other points into a gloomy and morose fanaticism.4 They ventured to destroy all sacred literature, with the exception of the Bible; to denude religion of all pomp and every kind of ceremonial ; to deprive the clergy of their property ; to pillage the religious houses ; and, confiding in the hope that Christ 1 See the whole document in in Bohemia at this time : see above, Brzezyna (al. Byzynius), Diarium p. 398, n. 6. Belli Hussitici (in Ludewig's Re- 4 On their actions and opinions, liquice Manuscr. vi. 175 sq.). see Brzezyna (as above, n. 1), pp. 2 See the documents in Martene 145 sq., 190 sq., and the Reforma- and Durand, Ampl. Collect, vm. tion and Counter -Reformation in 596 sq. The Compact at a now drawn Bohemia, i. 14 sq. Lond. 1845. up concede the points on which Their chief leaders were Ziska (d. the Calixtines had insisted, but 1424) and Procopius (see Brown's with many stringent limitations: Fascic. n. 632 sq.): but after 1453, for instance, the priest who mi- when they had been defeated by nisters in both kinds is neverthe- the Calixtines, they disappear as a less to teach the people that ■ sub political body. About the same qualibet specie est integer et totus time (1450) they seem to have Christus' : cf. Mansi, xxx. 692. In opened negociations with the pa- 1462, -(Eneas Sylvius (Pius II.) triarch of Constantinople : Ibid. -p. declared the Compactata invalid, 29. A section of the Taboritcs were but they kept their ground in spite now entitled ' Picards' (». e. Be- of his denunciation (Gieseler, § 152, ghards), a name of reproach already note * and note r). given to Milicz, and to the early 3 Members of this sect existed followers of Huss. —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 437 would soon return in person as their king, they bade re£°,SyA~ defiance to the constituted rulers both in church and state, efforts. They were suppressed, however, in the end, by the Bo- hemian government (circ. 1453), or forced to sue for tole- ration as a sect. From their communion, after its fanatic origin of the element had been expelled, arose the peaceful and still United i - • n • * • i i i -K a • • Brethren, thriving confraternity entitled the Moravians, or United (circ. 1450). Brethren, who thus constitute the chief historic link be- tween the times of Huss or Wycliffe and our own. It seems that efforts had been made to propagate the ^forming Hussite doctrines in the neighbouring state of Poland. Polanid. i. 92 sq. rnahrischen Bruder, Leipz. 1712: 8 Ibid. p. 113. see also Lydii Waldensia, u. 1 sq. 9 Ibid. p. 124. When the papal Dordreci, 1617. They separated legate came to this place, and was entirely from the Church in 1457, proceeding to burn a portrait of not ' propter cagremonias aliquas Luther, he was pelted away by the vel ritus ab hominibus institutos, crowd. sed propter malam et corruptam 10 Seethestrikingwordsof Luther doctrinam'. They denied transub- in the Preface he contributed to the stantiation and condemned the Works of Huss, ed. Norimb. 1558 adoration of the host, affirming (quoted by Lenfant, Hist, du Cor ■■ that Christ is not in the eucharist cile d<; Constance, liv. i. c. 21). He 4 corporaliter' but ' spiritualiter, po- speaks of his ' incredible astonish - tenter, benedicte, in veritate'. See ment' on reading a copy of the the Responsio Excusatoria Fratrum Sermons of John Huss, which he Waldensium (1508), in Brown's found (circ. 1506) in the convent Fascic. i. 184. Other doctrinal pe- at Erfurt : 'I could not compre- culiarities are enumerated in two head', he adds, 'for what cause kindred documents {Ibid pp. 162 they burnt so great a man, who — 172). explained the Scriptures with so 438 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 REFORMA- TORY EFFORTS. had perished in attempting to diffuse. Their characters, indeed, had many traits in common.1 Both were strongly indisposed to vary from the standard teaching of the Church :2 yet both were ultimately driven into a posture of hostility by struggling to suppress the sacrilegious traffic in indulgences. Their conscience sickened and revolted at the spectacle. A power that authorized proceedings so iniquitous, and did not scruple to employ its engines for exterminating all whose moral nature had impelled them to protest, could hardly (so they reasoned) be of God. Al- though the Saxon friar had not anticipated the ulterior bearings of this thought while he was posting up his theses on indulgences3 (Oct. 31, 1517), his future interviews4 with Cajetan, Miltitz, Eck, Wimpina, and the rest, all tended to develope his opinions, and convinced him more and much gravity and skill'. In 1519 Luther exchanged letters with some of the Utraquists of Bohemia, one of whom addressed him as follows : ' Quod olim Johannes Huss in Bo- hemia fuerat, hoc tu, Martine, es in Saxonia. Quid igitur tibi opus ? Vigila et confortare in Domino, deinde cave ab hominibus' : see Gieseler, ' Vierte Periode , § 1, n. 50. 1 One of the most important dif- ferences was in their philosophic modes of thought. Huss (we saw above, p. 428) was a determined Realist ; while Luther seems to have inclined in early life to No- minalism. His favourite authors were Peter d'Ailly, Gerson, "Wil- liam of Occam (cf. above, p. 377, n. 3), and Gabriel Biel, preferring them to Thomas (Aquinas) and Duns Scotus. He was marked, however, like his great Bohemian prototype, by an intense love for biblical studies (' fontes doctrinse ccclestis avide legebat ipse' ) ; while they both were strongly Augusti- nian. jVIelancthon says of Luther f Vita Lutheri, p. 7, cd. Heumann), after mentioning the above particu- lars : • Sed omnia Augustini mo- numenta et saepe legerat et oj^time meminerat': cf.above, p. 381, n. 10. 2 They were also ardently de- voted to the pope. Luther has informed us that in early life be was so infatuated by the papal dogmas, 'ut paratissimus fuerirn omnes, si potuissem, occidere aut occidentibus cooperari et consentire, qui papa? vel una syllaba obedi- entiam detrectarent' . Pre/, to his "Works, dated 1545. 3 See them (ninety- five in num- ber) in Loscher, Reformations- Ada und Documenta, i. 438, Leipz. 1720. One thesis (§27) ran as follows: ' Hominem predicant, qui statim ut j actus nummus in cistam tin- nierit, evolare dicunt animam' [»*.•« out of purgatory]. The papal bull enforcing the generally received doctrine of indulgences is dated Nov. 9, 1518 : see it in Loscher, ii. 493. 4 An account of these discussions is reserved for a future volume, when the gradual change in Lu- ther's views will be exhibited more fully. —1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 439 more that something must be done to purify the Western ^f^y A" Church. When cited to the court of Rome, he entered efforts. an appeal,5 as Huss had done before him, to a future and more evangelic pontiff (Oct. 16, 1518), and soon after indicated his intention of applying for redress to what he deemed the first tribunal of all Christendom, a general Council6 (Nov. 28). A further series of discussions, held at Leipzig7 (June 27— July 16, 1519), ended in his formal condemnation by the pope (June 15, 1520) : yet Luther, differing from a host of his precursors who had not been able to withstand the thunders of the Vatican, intrepidly arose to meet the danger, pouring forth a torrent of de- fiance and contempt.8 The bull of excommunication which had branded him as a heretic was publicly burnt without the walls of Wittenberg, together with a copy of the pope's Decretals (Dec. 10, 1520). Every chance of compromise and reconciliation9 va- A new Q"** mshed at this point : it forms the most momentous epoch History. in the history of Europe, of the Church, and of the world. The deep and simultaneous heaving that was felt soon afterwards in Switzerland,10 in Spain, in Poland, and in 5 'A papa non bene informato M. Luthero combusti sini) in his ad melius informandum' . See the Works, ed. Walch, xv. 1927 : cf. document in Loscher, as above, n. Roscoe's Leo the Tenth, n. 218, 484. 219, Lond. 1846. On the following 6 Ibid. ii. 505. He renewed this day he told his college-class, ' Nisi appeal Nov. 17, 1520. toto cov&e disse?itiat is a regno papali, 7 Ibid. in. 215 sq. Luther was non potestis assequi vestrarum supported on this occasion by Carl- animarum salutem'. His treatise stadt (Bodenstein) ; their chief an- De Captivitate Babylonica Ecclesice, tagonist was Eck. Immediately which appeared in the October of afterwards Melancthon wrote his 1520, shews that on the doctrine Defensio contra Johan.EcMum: Opp . of the sacraments he had now i. 113, ed. Bretschneider. In the broken altogether from the Me- following year Eck betook himself diseval Church. to Rome in order to stir up the 9 The nearest approximation to pontiff (Leo. X.). The bull against it, so far as the Saxon reformers Luther (in Raynald. ad an. 1520, were concerned, was at the diet of § 51) was due to his exertions. Ratisbon (1541): see the present 8 See the reasons he assigned for writer's Hist, of the Articles, pp. 37, this act (Quare Pontijicis Romani 38. et discipulorum ejus Libri a Doctore 10 According to a statement of 440 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 REFORMA- TORY Scandinavia, in the British Islands and in Hungary, in efforts, france, in Belgium, and the Papal States themselves, as well as in the German provinces extending from the Baltic to the Tyrol, prove that all things were now fully ripe for some gigantic change ; the Reformation had arrived. Capito (1536) in Hottinger's Hist. Eccl. sodc. xvi. pt. ii. 207, the Swiss reformation sprang up more inde- pendently : ' Antequam Lutherus in lucem emerserat, Zuinglius et ego inter nos communicavimus de Pontifice dejiciendo, etiam dum ille vitarn degeret in Eremitorio. Nam utrique ex Erasmi consuetu- dine et lectione bonorum auctorum qualeeumque judicium turn sub- olescebat'. In Switzerland also it was the scandalous traffic in indul- gences that fired the soul of Zwin- gli {Ibid, part iii. p. 162): cf. De Felice, Hist, of the Protestants of France, Introd. pp. xxix. xxx. Lond. 1853. -1520] ( 441 ) CHAPTER XVI. ON THE STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY. Enough has been already urged to warrant the as- g1^^9^ sertion that this period in the lifetime of the Western jg^T Church is eminently one of twilight and transition. It— — - •> ° . Transitional may altogether be esteemed a sort of border-province that character of J o j. this penod. unites the Mediaeval to the Modern history ot Europe. Many of the old traditions, whether social, civil or re- ligious, had been rudely shaken in the conflicts of an earlier date ; but it was only in the fourteenth, and still more the fifteenth century, that we behold them tottering to their fall or actually dethroned. Then also that ro- mantic ardour, — the enthusiasm so characteristic of the Middle Age, producing its phantastic modes of thought and action, and diffusing over it an irresistible charm, — was more and more exhausted.1 Popes and preachers, for example, sought in vain to organize a fresh crusade : their motives were no longer thought to be above suspicion, and accordingly, when armies of the ' paynim' hovered on the confines of the Western Church itself and made the potentates of Hungary and Poland tremble for their safety, few could now be stirred to raise a hand in their behalf. The spirit of religious chivalry was dying, or at least had forfeited the strong predominance it once possessed: it yielded to the cold, and often the contemp- tuous, voice of reason or the maxims of prudential state- 1 The chief exceptions will be found in Spain : cf. above, p. 340. KNOW- LEDGE. 442 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1305 gba^and cra^ > while the failure of the public faith in Romanism was tending to produce lukewarmness in the many, and in some a rabid unbelief. A different but no less por- tentous revolution had come over all the other faculties of man : he grew more conscious of his freedom, of his personality, and of his power. The dim and cir- cumscribed horizon of his thoughts, which heretofore he never dared to pass, and which his fathers deemed im- passable, was every day expanding on all sides. A prospect wider, grander, and more full of hope seemed stretching at his feet. The causes that had been conspiring to produce this mighty change were various, and were also acting through a multitude of independent channels. Some may be enu- merated thus : — the bold discussions of the later School- men,1 which, however heartless, had not failed to sharpen and evolve the intellectual powers ; the restoration of a purer taste,'1* exemplified in literature by men like Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, and Chaucer, and in art by Giotto, Michael Angelo, and Raphael ; the frequent intercourse3 between the eastern and western Christians, more par- ticularly in negociating a reunion of the Church ; the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks (1453) ; the west- ward flight of scholars bearing with them Greek and other manuscripts ; the spread of commerce ; the discovery of long-forgotten Continents, unveiling wider spheres of intellectual enterprise ; the cultivation of the modem lan- guages, and the invention (or at least extended use) of 1 See above. 8 Miller's History philosophically illustrated, II. 407 sq., ed. 1848. Mr. Hallam {Lit. of Europe, I. 109 sq., ed. 1840) regards Petrarch as the restorer of polite letters. The rcanimation of Architecture had preceded that of the other fine arts by many centuries. Indeed it was the renaissance of heathenizing in- fluence in the age preceding the Reformation that led to the de- parture from the ancient types in Italy and other countries of the West, and interfered with the de- velopment of Christian architecture in the unreformcd as well as the reformed communities. 3 F. von Schlcgel, Phil, of His- tory, pp. 386, 387, ed. 1847. —1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 443 paper4 as the common vehicle of writing. But the g^kSa°nd mightiest agent was the press; typography, or printing ledge. by the aid of moveable metallic types,5 originating at the ^~Unf nne middle of the fifteenth century. By means of it the 'f^r^ ancient sources of instruction had been multiplied inde- finitely; reading had become more easy and luxurious, while the rapid diminution thus effected in the price of books6 had made them more accessible to every grade of life. We may compute the influence of the new in- vention by considering that in thirty years, from 1470 to 1500, more than ten thousand editions of books and pamphlets issued from the press.7 The number of these publications may be also taken ff^muuLi as an index to the growth of schools and other kindred %£J%?r institutions. It is true that as the monks degenerated8 many of the old establishments connected with religious houses were involved in their declension ; and the same, though in a less degree, is often visible among the dif- ferent ranks of Friars :9 but meanwhile a considerable compensation had been made in every part of Europe by the founding of colleges and universities as well as minor seats of learning. Not a few indeed of these were planted on the very site of convents which had been legally suppressed through the notorious profligacy of their inmates. At the time when Luther was engaged in giving lectures at Wittenberg, as many as sixty-six universities were organized in different parts of Europe, sixteen of them in Germany itself;10 and even in the 4 See Mr. Hallam's remarks on p. 336. More than half of theso this point, i. 73 sq. appeared in Italy. The editions of 5 Ibid. pp. 206 sq.; Miller, n. the Vulgate were 91. In England 446 sq. Tabular or block-printing all the books printed in this inter- was much older. val amounted to 141. 6 The price was immediately di- 8 See above, p. 367. minished four-fifths : Hallam, Ibid. 9 Above, p. 369. p. 341. 10 Mohler's Schriften etc. II, 6 : 7 See the statistics, as above, Schrockh, xxx. 64 — 127. 444 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1305 JF;}£S SSL fourteenth century we know that such as then existed OKA I h AND J ledge literally swarmed with students.1 It is symptomatic of the influence exercised by institutions of this class that they invariably produced the chief antagonists of Roman absolutism ;2 WyclifFe, Huss, and others being numbered with the foremost academics of the age.3 In very many, doubtless, no desire of reformation was awakened by the subtle exercises of the schools ; and it is certain that no aim was further from the thoughts4 of those who in the latter half of the fifteenth century were loud in advo- cating a return to every class of pagan models and were eagerly engaged in studying the aesthetics and philosophy of Greece : yet even there we must remember that the critical faculty was stimulated in a way unknown to former ages. Some at length were bent on turning this new light directly to the Church. The copies of the Holy Scriptures and the Earlier Fathers were sought out, collected, and in certain cases printed, more especially by 1 Before the plague of 1348, no puerorum circumventio [i.e. by the less than thirty-thousand students Friars] sestiinatur' : cf. Vaughan's were congregated at Oxford in Wycliffe, pp.32, 33 ; and on the vast nearly four hunched seminaries. number of students who seceded The following is a portion of the from Prague in the time of Huss, statement made by Richard, arch- see above, p. 428, n. 3. bishop of Armagh, an Oxford- 2 This, we have seen, was re- man, in Brown's Fascic. n. 473, markably the case in the model- 474 : ' Item consequitur grave dam- university of Paris : and accord- num in clero, in hoc, quod jam in ingly writers like Capehgue {e.g. Studiis [i.e. the scholastic insti- n. 169) always regard it as pro- tutions] Angliae propter talem sub- fessing ' une theologie equivoque stractionem a suis parentibus pue- et un catholicisme mixte, osant rorum [i.e. their absorption into quelquefois la negation partielle de the Mendicant orders], laici ubi- l'autorite du pape.' que retrahunt suos filios ne mittant s Even Gerson, while deploring eos ad Stadium, quia potius eligunt the abuses of the period, turned eos facere cultores agrorum eos with comfort to the thought that habendo quani sic in Studiis eos education might eventually uproot taliter amittere : et sic fit quod ubi them: 'A pueris videtur incipienda in Studio Oxonicnsi adhuc meo Ecclesise reformatio.' Opp. II. 109, tempore erat triginta millia studen- ed. Du Pin. tium, non reperiuntur sex millia 4 See above, p. 379 : and cf. his diebus; et major hujus minu- M'Crie's Reformation in Italy, pp. tionis causa sive occasio, pra-missa 12, 13. -1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 445 scholars like Erasmus,5 who were thus unconsciously means of ' J GRACE AND supplying food as well as armour to the champions of a know- later day. Men needed little penetration to discern that Christianity, at least in its ordinary manifestations, had receded far from its ideal ; and although by some these changes were explained on what has since been termed the theory of development,6 another class of minds' would labour to retrace their steps, in bringing back the creed and ritual of the Church into more perfect harmony with those of Apostolic times. The growing taste for purely biblical studies8 has been study of the noted in a former page. That taste was chiefly though not altogether fostered by the anti-Roman party, — in the Church itself9 by those who urged the need of reforma- 3 See above, p. 385. It was indeed a characteristic of the re- forming party, that they encouraged learning and carried with them the chief scholars of the time, at least in earlier stages of the movement (Roscoe, Life of Leo X., n. 303, 304, ed. 1846). Yet, on the other hand, we must remember that the anti reformation school was by no means destitute of learn- ing. For instance, the decree which condemned Luther as a heretic, was drawn and signed by the elegant pen of cardinal Sado- leti. 6 Such, for instance, was the way in which Gerson reconciled himself to one prevailing doctrine of the age : see above, p. 397, n. 5. 7 This was the conviction of arch- bishop Hermann of Cologne, among others : see his Simple and Religious Consultation, 'Epistle', A, iii. Lond. 1547. 8 p. 384. 9 e.g. by Nicholas de Clemenges (in the De Studio Theologico, as above, p. 351, n. 9), who, after urging the study of the Fathers on the principle that they are streams which bear us up directly to the fountain, has remarked in reference to the Sacred Writings : ' Quoniam in his quae Divina sunt nihil debe- mus temere definire, nisi ex cosles- tibus possit orandis approbari ; qua? divinitus enuntiata de his, quse scitu de Deo sunt necessaria, aut ad salutem opportuna, si diligentex investigarentur, nos sufficienter in- struunt' (p. 467). Dr. Abendon, an Oxford-man, who preached at the council of Constance (1415), exhorted the prelates in particular to cultivate this study (Lenfant, liv. iv. § 36) : and the reforming cardinal D'Ailly, in like manner, recommends it on the ground that ' ipsum fundamentum Ecclesiae' is ' ipsa Sacrse Scriptural Veritas' (in Brown's Fascic. n. 510). We see the effect of the revival of letters in the following passage of Pico di Mirandola, (quoted by Ussher, Opp. xn. 366, ed. Elrington) : 'Ad hanc notitiam divinorum capessendam veteres theologi omnes exhortantur. Huic juniores, Innocentius, Joan- nes Gerson, aliique nonnulli assidue monent incumbendum : et non modo his qui ex officio ad id ne- gotii sunt obnoxii, ut sacerdotes et clerici, sed omnibus cujuscunque gradus et ordinis extiterint.' 446 State of Intelligence, and Piety. [A.D. 1305 KNOW. LEDGE. grace and tion, and still more by sectaries who justified their own abnormal acts by combating the errors and abuses that had long been festering in Christendom at large. Nor were the many absolutely destitute of sacred knowledge and of access to the oracles of God. The blow1 which had been aimed at the vernacular translations of the thirteenth century had ceased to operate, or was at least evaded, in all quarters. Several, it is true, including the more gifted ecclesiastics, looked upon those versions with an ill-concealed distrust,1* and some of the more acri- monious partisans of Rome denounced them altogether:3 yet in spite of this occasional resistance, they could never be displaced. In England numerous copies of the Wyc- liffite Bibles4 were long cherished, even as it seems by many who did not embrace the Lollard doctrines; and in all the second half of the fifteenth century5 translations Continued vse of vernacular translations. 1 See above, p. 319. To the in- stances there adduced, in note 6, it may be added that an English prose version of the Book of Psalms and certain Canticles was made (circ. 1320) by William de Schorham, and that another was contributed by Richard of Ham- pole (cf. above, p. 381, n. 10), who added a brief commentary : see Preface to the Wycliffite Bible, p. v. 2 Even Gerson is to be reckoned in this class. He desires (Opp. i. 105, ed. Du Pin) ' prohibendam esse vulgarem translationem libro- rum sacrorum nostras Bibliae, prce- sertim extra moralitates et historias,' adding, ' claras rationes ad hoc plurimas invenire facile est.' y See, for example, the offensive language of Knyghton (Wycliffe's antagonist), above, p. 412, n. 4. 4 See above, p. 412, and the Preface to the Oxford edition, p. xxxiii. In the Constitutions of archbishop Arundel (Johnson, n. 4G6), the reading of such ver- sions is prohibited, under pain of the greater excommunication, at least until they have been formally authorized. 5 The numerous editions of the German and Italian Bibles have been mentioned above, p. 384. Attempts were made, however, to suppress all vernacular transla- tions, for instance, by the archbp, of Mayence in 1486 (quoted in Gieseler, § 146, note0). In Spain the lovers of the Sacred Books evaded the Inquisitor by trans- lating portions of them into Cas- tilian verse (e.g. Job, Psalms, Proverbs, and the Life of Christ, drawn from the Evangelists) : A. de Castro, Spanish Protestants, p. lxii., Lond. 1851. On the im- portance attached to the verna- cular dialects and to the general diffusion of the Scriptures by the Waldenses, see Neander, posth. vol. pp. 748, 749. The price of the Sacred Books, however, would be long a serious bar to their progress in the lower orders of society. Thus a copy of Wycliffe's Bible, at the beginning of the loth century, —1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 447 of the Scriptures found a multitude of readers, both in graciPam) Germany and northern Italy, and some in Spain itself. ledge. We should remember also that a larger fraction of LnUWujence the whole community were educated at this period, having ^S^6^ learned to write6 as well as read. The operation of Crusades had proved most favourable to the growth of civil liberty : they had relaxed the trammels of the feudal system.7 Artisans and traders had sprung up on every side, and the inhabitants of towns, supplying the prolific germ of the important middle-class, were far more nu- merous than in all the earlier ages of the Church. Amid the humblest order of society, the peasants, where the bulk appear to have continued in a state of villenage, some scanty tokens of amelioration and refinement8 were discernible. The powers of thought had been more com- monly aroused, and as the natural effect of such awakening the masses had grown conscious of their own importance. They were often most impatient of the yoke which both in secular and sacred matters goaded them at every point and bowed them to the earth. The strength of the con- victions was peculiarly betrayed in all the fourteenth century, when it is easy to observe the rapid growth of self-assertion, breaking out into political discontent.9 Besides the other tracts and ballads that were cir- other hooks of devotion culated for the gratifying of these intellectual wants, there ?nd religious . . ' instruction. was a constant issue of ' religious' publications. Thus cost four marks and forty pence repress a number of ballads and ( = £2. 16s. 3d. of present money) : other pieces tending ' to cause dis- Blunt's Sketch of the Reformation, cord betwixt king and people' p. 69, 6th edit. (Warton, Engl. Poetry, i. 45, ed. 6 Hallain, Liter, of Europe, i. 1840); and in the time of Wycliffe 70, 71. and subsequently (see above, p. 7 See Sir J. Stephen, On the 409, n. 7) the spirit of disaffection History of France, Lect. vi. showed itself in the most violent 6 History of England and France forms (cf. the Preface to a Poem under the House of Lancaster, p. 10. On the Times of Echo. II., ed. Percy 0 e.g. in England, as early as Society, No. lxxxii., pp. vii. sq.). 1275, it was found necessary to 448 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1305 ceans of^ m England a vernacular book of devotion for the laity GRACE AND KNOW- LEDGE. was furnished by ' The Prymer',1 which contains the — Matins, and Hours of our Lady, the Even-song, the Compline, the Seven Psalms, the Fifteen Psalms, the Litany,'2 the Placebo and Dirige, the Commendations, the Pater Noster, the Ave Maria, the Creed, the Ten Com- mandments, and the Seven Deadly Sins. The authors or translators of religious poetry3 were also very numerous, choosing, for example, as their subject, an affecting passage in the life or sufferings of our Blessed Lord, expounding Psalms or Canticles, or not unfrequently embellishing the passion of some primitive or mediaeval saint. A deep impression must have also been produced by tracts like those contained in Wycliffe's ' Pauper Rusticus' or { Poor Caitif, which were now disseminated far and wide in English, with the hope of leading ' simple men and women of good will the right way to heaven'.4 The same idea was extensively adopted on the Continent, especially,6 as 1 Edited by Mr. Maskell, in the the seven sacraments, the seven Monum. Ritualia (11. 1 — 178), from gifts of the Holy Ghost, the seven a MS. belonging to the close of the works of mercy, the joys of heaven fourteenth century. and the pains of hell. The date 2 This formulary contains the is about 1330. germ of the English Litany now in 4 For an account of it see use. Vaughan's Wycliffe, p. 533, new 3 The Cambridge University Li- edit, brary is rich in this kind of litera- 5 See Delprat (as above, p. 372, ture, as will be demonstrated by n. 1), pp. 306 sq. The Mendicants the Catalogue of MSS. now passing opposed this practice of the ' Com- through the press. A remarkable mon- Life Brothers', affirming 'quod instance occurs in MS Dd, i. 1, laici libros Teutonicales habere non § 7, entitled ' Memoriale Creden- deberent, et sermones non nisi ad tium', which is said to be ' wreten populum in ecclesia fieri deberent'. in englisch tonge for lewid [lay] The chronicler, John Busch, in his men, that nought understond latyn De reformatione Monasteriorum (as ne frensch, and is drawn out of above, p. 367, n. 7), II. 925 6q., holi writte and of holy doctors be- did not justify the translation of forn this tjmie'. It contains an the ' Canon' (of the Mass), and of account of the plagues of Egypt books which he thought • altos ct and the giving of the law, expo- divinos'; yet he adds, ' libros mo- sitions of the Ten Commandments, rales de vitiis et virtutibus, de the seven deadly sins, penance, Incarnatione, Vita, et Passione transubstantiation, the Lord's Christi, de vita et sancta conver- Prayer, the four cardinal virtues, satione et martyrio sanctorum —1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 449 it would seem, by the new order in which Thomas a MEAjNS of ' •> GK-VCh A-\D Kempis had been reared. Indeed the unexampled po- led^e" pularity of his own treatise ' On the Imitation of Christ'6 will furnish a delightful proof that thousands of his fellow- men could find a pleasure in his simple and soul-stirring ixims, — maxims which, in spite of their asceticism, are ever animated by the breath of genuine Christianity. The sermons preached at church on Sundays and saints'- sermons. days must have varied with the piety and knowledge of the curate or the friar who supplied his place. In England many of them in the fourteenth century were metrical] consisting, as a general rule, of paraphrases on the Gospels throughout the year, enforced by anecdotes or stories which the preacher borrowed from the Old and New Testament, from Legends, and from other sources. Some of these pro- ductions are both simple and pathetic ; but the great majority are pointless, cold, and nearly always full of puerilities. If we may judge from the severe remarks of Gerson8 in his Apostolorum etc.; homilias quoque Constance, liv. vu. c. 8. Gerson et sermones Sanctorum, ad emen- adds, that there was no greater dationem vita?, morum disciplinam, rarity than to hear ' good Gospel- inferni timorem, patriseque ccelestis preaching'. ' Seeds of error', he amorem provocantes, habere et continues, ' are scattered abroad, quotidie legere cunctis doctis et and the people are fed with imper- indoctis utilissimum est'. tinent and frivolous tales'. Richard 6 Above, p. 372, n. 2. This work Ulverstone (above, p. 352, n. 1) in is said to have gone through 1800 like manner expresses a hope, that editions : Hallam's Liter, of Europe, when abuses had been taken away i. 188, ed. 1840. the pontiff would preach the Gospel Thus in the volume of sacred himself, and would depute sound I poetry above mentioned (n. 3), preachers to all parts of Christen- there is a long series of metrical dom : Ibid. c. 9. The language of sermons belonging to this class John of Trittenheim, immediately (pp.48— 402). They proceed, with before the Reformation (circ. 1485), two exceptions, in the usual course evinces that this hope had not been from Advent onwards. Many other realized. After speaking of the copies exist ; e.g. one in the same secularity and vices of the clergy repository, Gg, v. 31, and a third generally, he adds, ' Romana lingua in the Ashmolean collection, No. scribere vel loqui nesciunt, vix in 42. For specimens of the English vulgari exponere Evangelia dicli- prose sermons in the following cen- cerunt. Quantos errores, fabulas tury, see the Liber Festivalis printed et haereses in Ecclesia prsedicando by Caxton. populis enuncient, quis nisi ex- 8 Lenfant, Hist, du Concile de pertus credere posset !' Instit. vitce GG 450 State of Intelligence and Pi< ty. [a.d. 1305 •r(,,w\!u^ sermon before the Council of Bheims in 1408, the office 1 1 1 ? .\ S A IS JJ I abuses, of preaching was now generally disparaged ; bishops having almost everywhere abandoned it to their stipendiaries or to the vagrant friars. In the age anterior to the Re- formation it was often made a subject of complaint1 that preachers spent their strength on empty subtleties, or even interlarded their discourses with citations from the pagan authors rather than the Word of God. A better class indeed always existed, such as we have sketched'' in Ger- many and Bohemia, but the evidence compels us to infer that members of it were comparatively few.3 f'X'lTental ^ne ODservations made already on the ritual and the sacramental system4 of the Church apply still further to the present period. Much as individual writers5 called in question the scholastic arguments on which that system now reposed, and much as others might protest0 against the notion that a sacrament can operate mechanically, or without conditions on the part of the recipient, it is plain that Western Christendom7 had, generally speaking, ac- sacer dotalis, c. 4: Opp. Mogunt. 2 See above, pp. 380 sq., and pp. 1605. 423 sq, 1 See the last reference, and other 3 Even Bossuet allows that many- passages in Gieseler, § 146, note6 of the preachers 'made the basis and note c. A like charge hatl been of piety to consist in those prac- brought against the preachers of tices which are only its accesso- an earlier date by Nicholas de Cle- . ries', and that they 'did not speak menges, in his De Studio Theolog. of the grace of Jesus Christ as (as above, p. 351, n. 9). He writes, they ought to have done'. Quoted ' Hodie plurimi exercentur, quffi in De Felice, Hist, of the Protestants licet intellectum utcunque acuant, of France, Introd. p. xvii. Lond. nullo tamen igne succendunt af- 1853. 4 Pp. 321 — 325. fectum, nullo alimento pascnnt, sed 5 e. g. Durand de S. Pouivain frigidum, torpentem, aridum re- (above, p. 376, n. 2), Wycbffej linquunt'. Many of the Sermones Trialogus, lib. iv. c. 1 sq. de Tempore, the Sermones de Sanctis, 6 e.g. John Wessel (Luther's the Sermones Quadrigesimales, etc. prototype), inUllmann's Life of him of the period amply justify this (Hamb. 1834), pp. 322, 323. comment. Immediately before the " The Eastern Church (cf. above, time of Luther several mendicants p. 321, n. 9) had also manifested adopted a sarcastic and quasi-comic a disposition to accept the Western style of preaching, e.g. Geiler of view, at least the representatives Kaisersberg, and Menot, a Fran- whom it sent to thr council of ciscan of Paris. Florence were committed to that) course : Mansi, xxxi. 1054 sq. -1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 451 CORRUP- TIONS AND ABUSES. quiesced in the conclusions of the earlier Schoolmen ; or, in other words, adopted the positions that were fixed and stereotyped hereafter by the council of Trent.8 Almost the only symptom of resistance, on the part of those who held the other doctrines of the Church, related to com- munion in both kinds; but we have seen that the council of Constance9 strenuously adhered to the prevailing usage, and at length, when some apparent relaxation had been made at Basle, the non-necessity of such communion (or the doctrine of ' concomitance') was quite as strongly re- affirmed. The worship of the Virgin, which had been developed W09^.^ in preceding centuries to an appalling height, was carried even higher by the sensuous and impassioned writers of the present. She was invoked, not only as the queen of heaven, our advocate, our mediatrix, and in some degree the moving cause of our redemption,10 but as the all-power- ful, the single, and the all-prevailing intercessor.11 High and low, the scholar and the peasant, generally esteemed 8 Hence the phrase 'scholasti- corum doctrina' in the English Ar- ticles of 1502 = ' doctrina Romanen- sium' in the Articles of 1562. 9 See above, p. 435. A treatise tvas composed in the name of the council by Maurice of Prague (Len- fant, liv. vi. c. 19), in which the chief weight of the argument is made to rest on the authority of synods. The populace were easily reconciled to the withdrawal of the Cup, especially when stories of 'bleeding hosts' were circulated afresh: see Gieseler, § 145, note*, where Nicholas Cusanus (1451 ), as papal legate, denounces the fabri- cators of this ' miracle' for their profaneness and cupidity. In the MS. volume referred to above (p. 448, n. 3) there is a story of an abbot who argued that 'the bred in the awter is not kyndeliche [na- turally] Goddis body but a tokne thereof (p. 522). He is confuted by a miracle, in which appeared ' in the awter a child ligging beforn the prest', &c. 10 These expressions were used even by John Huss, in 1414 ; see Lenfant, Concile du Const, liv. I. c. 27. 11 Instances occur, not only in poets like Chaucer, whose Priere de Nostre Dame contains the line ' Al- mighty and all merciable queene', but also in the Mariale of an Italian Franciscan, Bernardinus de Busti^, on whose works see Wharton's Append, to Cave, ad an. 1480. One extract (Part. xn. Sermo n.) will suffice : ' A tempore quo virgo Maria concepit in utero Verbum Dei, quandam ut sic dicam juris- dictionem seu auctoritatem obti- nuit in omni Spiritus Sancti pro- cessione temporali, ita ut nulla creatura aliquant a Deo obtineat gratiam vel virtutem, nisi secundum Jpsius pice matris dispensationem' . GG2 452 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1305 CORRUP- TIONS AND ABUSES. and of the other saints. an ' Ave Maria' as equivalent to a ' Pater NosterV It was therefore easy- to predict that the hostility'2 evoked by efforts which had long been seeking to exact belief in the immaculate conception of the Virgin, had grown feebler every day. Although the spread of scholarship3 had frequently ex- cited men to criticize the older Legends, and on more than one occasion to dispute the title even of the favourite saints of Christendom, their worship, generally speaking, had con- tinued as before. They occupied the place of tutelar di- vinities,4 however much the holier class of Christians shrunk 1 See examples in Gieseler, § 145, note ". It is painful to observe an archbishop of Canterbury (Sud- bury) enjoining his clergy (1377) to supplicate in one breath ('de- votissime exorent') God, His Mo- ther, and the Saints : Wilkins, hi. 121. Two new festivals were in- stituted at the same date (1372, 1389) in honour of the Virgin, the former called Festum Pra-sentatioms, the latter, Faslum Visitationis. An- other indication of the blindness with which the worship of the Virgin was now practised is sup- plied by the currency of the fable respecting a miraculous transfer of her house from Palestine to Lo- retto : see Gieseler, Ibid., note"1. 2 See above, p. 326. The way hi which the credit of St. Bernard and other writers was now saved is indicated by the following extract from Gabriel Biel, the schoolman (Collectorium, lib. hi. distinct, ill, qmest. i. art. 2) : ' Auctoritas Ec- clesire major est auctoritate cujus- cunque Sancti, saltern post canoni- cos Scriptores .... Nee propter hoc culpandus est D. Bernhardus, sed nee S. Thomas, S. Bonaventura, ca'tcrique Doctores cum magno moderamine opposita opinantes, quoniam eorum tempore hoc licuit, quoniam nulla determinatio vel Concilii vel Apostolicae sedis facta fuit'. The conciliar authority to which he alludes is that of the synod of Basle (Mansi, xxix. 183); yet even the decree there issued, owing to the quarrels of the council and the pope, was not regarded as a final settlement of the question. The Dominicans still protested, and went so far as to charge the advo- cates of the immaculate conception of the Virgin with the name of heretics : see a bull of Sixtus IV. (1483) in the Canon Law (Extra- vagantes Commun. lib. Ill, tit. xu. c. 2). 3 Thus Gerson preached a striking sermon at Constance on the canoni- zation of St. Bridget (cf. above, p. 350, n. 5, and Lenfant, liv. i. c. 71.). The title is De Probatione Spirituum (Opp. I. 37 sq.). Jaco- bellus, the Hussite (Lenfant, liv. iv. c. 74), disparages without ab solutely rejecting some of the Le- gends ; for instance, that of St Catharine of Alexandria. Gobe- linus Persona (circ. 1420), and after him Nicholas Clopper (1472), were still more sceptical respecting her, although her name in some places was admitted into the ' Canon of the Mass.' See An, Historical Inquiry respecting her, by the present writer, among the Publications of the Cambridge An tiquarian Society (1849). 4 Gerson admits (Opp. in. 947) that some Clu-istians whom he) terms ' simpletons' worshipped the very images of the saints, but he -1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 453 from their complete association on a level with the King j^m^a-nd ABUSES. of saints Himself. It was indeed a gross exaggeration of the reverence paid to them in earlier times that stirred the zeal of Wycliffe.5 Not content with placing them in a subordinate position, he impugned the custom of ob- serving special festivals in honour of the saints : but few if any members of the Church were now disposed to follow his example. This repugnance may have been increased in him by ItPa?t J- o J J again: witnessing the multiplicity of such observances ; for it is ^'^Hesm 0j remarkable that in the present period indications of a wish to simplify the public ritual frequently occur and are be- trayed by earnest men of very different schools of thought. They felt that true devotion ran the risk of being suf- focated,6 and the memory of Christ Himself obscured, by ion st the excuses this impiety on the ground of their invincible ignorance, or becaxise they intend to do what the Church does in the honour she bestows on images. Huss, though censuring such worship, did not object to certain marks of outward reverence ('licet pos- sint homines genua flectere, orare, offerre, candelas ponere,' etc. ) : Opp. ii. 343. 5 Trialogus, lib. in. c. 30. The ' reforming' party at Constance (including D'Ailly and Gerson) were in favour of abolishing all festivals ' not instituted by the old law and the decrees of the Fathers, especially the inferior holy-days,' on the ground that they were generally devoted to drunkenness and every species of excess: Lenfant, liv. vn. c. 62. A catalogue of the feasts which were rigorously observed by the Church of England in 1362, will be found in Wilkins, n. 560 (cf. Johnson's Notes, n. 428,429). The first in order is the Lord's Day ( ' ab hora diei sabbati vespertina inchoanduni, nou ante horam ip- sam prseveniendum, ne Judaicas professionis participes videarnur'). The festival of Trinity Sunday, or at least its universal observance on the octave of Whit Sunday, also dates from the present period : see Guerike, Manual of Antiquities, ed. Morrison, p. 161. 6 See the remarkable extract from Jacobus de Paradiso, a Car- thusian (d. 1465) in Gieseler, § 145, note °, and the whole of another of his treatises De Septem Statibus Ec- clesice, in Brown's Fascic, u. 102 — 112. The same point is urged by Nicholas de Clemenges in his De novis celebritatibus non instituendis (Opp. pp. 143 sq., ed. Lydius). Matthias of Janow in like manner, in the De Sacerdotum et Monachorum abonunatione (as above, p. 425, n. 9), c. 60, complained as folloAvs : 1 Multiplicata sunt ad haec mandata et ceremoniae hominum infinitse, et ut tantum essent tremenda et tantse auctoritatis, quemadmodum Dei summi prascepta, praodieantur et docentur et cum magna distric- tione imperantur.' The gentler in- fluence of the ' Friends oi God' 454 State of Intelligence and PLfy. [A.D. 1305 CORRUP- TIONS AND ABUSES. a complexity of rites that were too often altogether un- intelligible to their flocks. These rites they also felt were celebrated only for filthy lucre by a multitude of hypo- critical and sacrilegious priests.1 The mind of Western Christendom had thus been predisposed for the avenging outbreak of the sixteenth century, which shewed its ve- hemence in nothing so distinctly as in the abolishing of ' dark and dumb ceremonies,' — prelates not uncommonly included in the number. But a darker blot, and one that was almost ingrained into the constitution of the Mediaeval Church, is found in the prevailing theory of penance. At the basis of it lay the thought, that, notwithstanding the forgiveness of sins, a heavy debt is still remaining to be paid by the offender as a precondition to his ultimate acceptance with the Lord. The liquidation of this debt, according to the Schoolmen, is advanced not only by the self-denial and the personal afflictions of the sinner, but on his removal hence, may be facilitated more and more through various acts of piety which others undertake in his behalf.* Among (above, p. 380) was tending to the same result. Even the papal cham- pion (cf. above, p. 347, n. 7), Al- varus Pelagius, De Planctu Ecclesia, lib. II. c. 5, is forced to acknow- ledge: ■ Nostra autem Ecclesia plena et superplena est altaribus, missis, et sacrifices. ' 1 e. g. Alvarus Pelagius, as in the previous note : ' Tot enini hodie dicuntur missae quasi quses- tuariae, vel consuetudinaria?, vel ad complacentiam, vel ad scelera co- opcrienda, vel propriam justificati- onem, quod apud populum vel clcrum sacrosanctum Corpus Domini jam vilescit.' And Jaco- bus de Paradiso (in Brown, ir. 110), after inveighing against a number of superstitions, adds, ' Al- taria aut ecclesias in conventiculia locorum, sub spe miraculorum aut sacrorum erigentes propter turpem qiuestum'. The conclusion of the paragraph is very striking : ' Et quis omnia enarrare ac enumerare sufficiat, quibus Ecclesia modernis temporibus cernitur deformata ? Putamusne haec omnia aliquando posse reformari ?' : cf. the observa- tions Concerning the Service of the Church and Of Ceremonies, prefixed to the English Prayer-Book. 8 Gabriel Biel, Expositio Missa (see above, p. 378, n. 2), Lect. lvii. states the question thus : ' Cum enim defuneti implere non possint opus, pro quo dantur indulgcntise, dum illud pro eis fi: ab alio, jam opus ttllcrius suffragatur eis, ut pos- sint conscqui indulgentias, non minus quam si ipsi per se opus illud implevissent.' So far was this idea of substitution carried, that some of the Franciscans thought every member of their —1520] State of Intelligence and Piety, 455 the more intelligent3 it was asserted that relief is only TiomxsD possible to those who have already manifested true re- abuses. pentance and are truly justified before their death. The soul which has not in the present life been made a sub- ject of this holy change will pass immediately into the prisons of the lost, where it can profit neither by its own compunction nor the suffrages of other men. But in the popular discourses of the age we look in vain for such discrimination in the handling of these awful subjects ; penance is too generally confounded with repentance, while the commutation and vicarious fulfilment of it are at least assumed to be available for all, however hardened or corrupt, and whether numbered with the living or the dead.4 A penance was awarded either publicly in case of fla- Ascetic view grant and notorious sin, or privately in the confessional ; its nature and degree depending on the customs of the diocese, or on the will of the spiritual adviser.5 But the work of penitence was prosecuted by the several classes of delinquents in a very different spirit. Some, exceed- ing the most harsh requirements of the Church, en- deavoured to allay the consciousness of guilt by various methods of self-torture, stimulated6 now, as heretofore, by own Order safe, expecting that admits that such prayer might be St. Francis would descend annu- answered. ally and rescue all who had died 5 In the MS. volume, above that year in the habit of the Order. quoted, p. 515, three 'degrees of See the account in Eccard, Corpus penance' are enumerated: (1) ' be- Hist. Med. jEvi, n. 1101. forn the busschop in the begyn- 3 Cf. above, pp. 328, 329. nyng of Lentone, in the cathedral * e. g. a plenary indulgence is chirche,' (2) ' dryuyng about the said to be effectual ' pro vivis et sinner, about the chirche or mar- defunctis,' and its common defi- ket, or other pilgrimage, with nition is ' omnium peccatorum et tapres and canclelis,' &c, (3) ' be- pcenarum, quas quis in purgatorio forn the prest whanne a man deberet pati, remissio.' Although schryueth him of his synne and the metrical preacher ( Camb. Univ. takcth his penaunce therfor.' MSS., Dd. I. p. 361) condemns 6 Guerike, Kirchen-gesch. i. 820, praying for those who are in hell 5th edit. A more healthy form of on the ground that it is ' unskilful' piety had shewn itself in others of and ' unworthy to God to hear,' this period, many of both sexes 456 State of Intelligence and Piety [a.d. 1503 coKKUP- apprehensions, that the end of all things was at hand, abuses, particularly by the frequent wars, by famine, pestilence, or other national calamities, and by the desolating in- roads of the Turk. By none had this conception of the penitential discipline been carried to so terrible a length as by ' Flagellants,'1 who, although eventually excluded from the Church, were faithful to its real principles, and in respect of their unnatural austerity, had won the ad- miration'2 both of scholars and the more enthusiastic of ?iewof'ii.pcn the crowd. The gloom, however, which had been dif- fused in every quarter by the rigorous theory of penance was now dissipated, partly through the wider spread of knowledge, partly by a wish to substitute less onerous kinds of ' satisfaction' for the discipline exacted in the ancient canons of the Church. A favourite remedy was that of vowing pilgrimages to the shrine of some pre- eminent or wonder-working saint. The crowd of devo- tees that travelled to and fro on errands of this nature was prodigiously3 enlarged; while it is obvious that the Years of Jubilee,4 as oft as they revolved, would keep and of all ranks devoting at least n. 3) was 2900 : see the statistics an hour every day ' summum hu- in Turner, Middle Ages, in. 138, mano generi impensum beneticium, n. 28. Of domestic pilgrimages Christi Passioncm, meditari ac re- which stood in high repute in all petere, ut exinde, Deo grati, mala the fifteenth century, the most mundi ferant patientius et virtutes popular was that to Beckct's operentur facilius.' See Neander's shrine at Canterbury, to Wini- posth. vol., p. 730. frith's Well, and to the image of 1 See above, p. 399. Our Lady of Walsingham. On the 2 On the reasons which influ- continent multitudes resorted to enced the council of Constance to Loretto, Einsiedeln, the Seamless deal gently with this sect, see Leu- Coat of Treves, &c. &c. fant, liv. v. c. 50—55. It found 4 Cf. above, p. 330. Clement, a patron in the Spanish worthy in 1343, had fixed the recurrence Vincente Ferrer (above, p. 341, of the Jubilee at the end of fifty n. 12). years (see the Extravagantes Com- 3 e. g. the number of royal munes, lib. v. tit. 9, c. 2), esteem- licences granted in the first seven ing it an act of amnesty to all who months of 1-1 45, to authorize the were ' verc pcenitentes et confess!.' exportation of English pilgrims to Urban VI., however, in 1389, short- the shrine of St. Iago of Compos- encd the period to thirty-three tella in Spain (cf. above, p. 215, years ; but died soon afterwards. -1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 457 alive the public prepossessions by attracting an enthusi- Tio^Y5n astic stream of pilgrims out of all the countries of the abuses. west to worship at the ' tomb of the Apostles.' One of the chief baits by which the multitude were JS*??™" captivated at this period was the grant of fresh indul- gences (remission of unfinished penance). But these grants could also be procured in other instances by money-pay- ments, and without submitting to the dangers and discom- forts of a lengthened tour. The 'pardoner'5 had in the middle of the fourteenth century become a recognized official of the Roman pontiffs, and as such he introduced himself at every turn among the numerous chapmen of the age. The merit of his wares may have been sometimes questioned,6 while the purchaser had no explicit warrant of their universal applicability, — that is, in favour of the dead as well as of the living. But this point was definitely ruled in the affirmative7 by Sixtus IV. (1477) : and during all It was the sight of the enormities connected with the jubilee of Boni- face IX. in the following year that roused the indignation of Theodoric de Niem (see his oft- quoted treatise De Schismate, lib. i. c. 68). He declares that the papal quaestors realized immense sums of money by the sale of indulgences, ' quia omnia peccata etiam sine pwnitentia ipsisconfitentibusrelaxarunt.' This conduct of his agents was, however, soon repudiated by Boniface him- self: Raynald. ad an. 1390, \ 2. 5 See Chaucer's well-known pic- ture (or, in some respects, carica- ture) of the ' pardoner' . He also dealt in charms and relics, palming on the simple many bones of which the genuineness was more than questionable : cf. the Secreta Sacer- dotum of Henry of Langenstein (quoted by Gieseler, § 119, n. 14), who, after speaking of the sale of precious relics, adds 'forte est os alicujus asini vel damnati.' Many timid efforts were made to put down unlicensed traffickers, and those quaestors who had exceeded their commission : cf. above, p. 369, n. 7, and Lenfant, Concile de Con- stance, liv. vn. c. 64. 6 The affirmative side was gene- rally taken (above, p. 330, n. 1), but Gerson, Sermo II. j>ro defunctis, still denies ' indulgentias acquiri posse pro mortuis.' Gabriel Biel, in like manner, had once doubted (Lect. lvi.) 'utrum indulgentiae prosint defunctis ;' but, cf. above, p. 454, n. 2. It was, in fact, es- teemed a heresy (in 1479) to advo- cate the other side, ' Romanum pontificem purgatorii pcenam re- mittere non posse' : Raynald. ad an. 1479, § 32. 7 See his Declaratio, with many other facts relating to this question, in Amort, De origine, progressu, valore, et fructu Indulgentiarum, n. 292, August. Vindel. 1735. His argument is the following : ' Quo- niam orationes et eleemosynae va- lent tanquam suffragia animabus 458 State of Intelligence and Pity. [a.D. 1305 CORRUP- TIONS AND ABUSES. Controversy respecting their efficacy. the next half-century the traffic in indulgences had grown into the most gigantic evil of the times. An inexhausti- ble supply of pardons,1 unrestrained by explanations as to their distinctive import and effects, were sold by vagrant commissaries,2 chiefly friars, like so many articles of dress or food : ' redemption for the sins' not only of the buyer, but of families and even districts, being advertised for sale by public auction, and at last made purchaseable in advance. How many and how tangled were the roots of this impiety is gathered from a judgment of the theological faculty3 at Paris in 1518. Those doctors, it is true, had found themselves unable to concur in a prevailing notion, that all souls indifferently escape from purgatory at the instant when a contribution of ten ' testons' sterling has been made on their behalf, to funds collected for a charit- impensa, nos, quibus plenitudo potestatis ex alto est attributa, de thesauro universalis Ecclesiae, qui ex Christi sanctorumqiie Ejus meritis constat, nobis commisso, auxilium et suffra<>ium animabus purgatorii afferre cupientes supra- dictarn concessinrus indulgentiam, ita tamen, ut fldeles ipsi pro eisdem animabus suffragium darent, quod ipsae defunctorum animae per se nequeant adimplere.' When it was demanded why the pope, who claimed a kind of ownership in this treasury of merits did not make more copious grants to Christians generally, the answer was, that as the minister of God he must dis- pense the good things of the Church with judgment and mode- ration (' discrete et cum mod era- mine'). Luther revived this ques- tion in the 82nd of his theses on in- dulgences, as above, p. 438, n. 3. 1 Gabriel Biel accounts for their prodigious increase, partly from the fact that charity having waxed cold, ' nee satisfactiones condignae injunguntur, nee modice injunctae perficiuntur.' Exjjosit. Missce, Lect. LVII. 3 See, for instance, Luther's theses, § 21 sq., as above, p. 438, n. 3: and ef. De Felice, Hist, of the Protestants in France, Introd. p. xix. The diplomata with which Tetzel was furnished for sale were printed forms with blank spaces for the names of the purchasers, which he filled up with his own hand, as occasion required. A copy of one is preserved in Gerdes, Scrinium Antiquarium (documents relating to the Reformation), i. 73, Groning. 174S. 3 Ibid. p. 113 : cf. Smedley's Re- formed Religion in France, i. 6, Lond. 1832. The Sorbonne had in 1483 rejected the proposition that all souls in purgatory are 'de juris- dictione paps', and that if he wish he can evacuate the whole region : see D Argentrc, Collectio Judici- orum quivalet.' the 'temporalis poena.' The fol- 1 Even F. von Schlegel {Phil, of lowing clause is unmistakeable : History, pp. 400, 401, Lond. 1847) ' Ac propterea omnes tam vivos admits that the strong necessity of quam defunctos, qui veraciter ora- some regeneration was then uni- nes indulgentias hujusmodi con- versally felt, and that Luther secuti fuerint, a tanta tcmporali seemed to numbers the very man poena secundum Divinam justitiam for the work. —1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 461 had consequently grown distasteful to the Roman pontiffs : it was so with hardly an exception in the fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries; and in the sixteenth we shall find them concentrating all their virulence to blast alike the Foreign and the English Reformations in the bud. INDEX. Abelard, theNominalistic schoolman, his life and writings, 278—280 ; an amorous poet, 317, n. 4. Abendon, Oxford-doctor, 445, n. 9. Absalom (bp. of Roskild), 228. Absolution, Peter Lombard on, 329, and n. 4. Abulpharagius (maphrian of the Ja- cobites), writings of, 294, and n. 3. Abysinnia, interference of the Portu- guese, 337, n. 12 ; 395 ; negociations respecting at Florence, 395. Abbots (lay), 159, and n. 11. Adalgar, northern missionary, 114. Adaldag (archbp. of Hamburg-Bre- men), 115. Adamites, sect of, 399. Adamnan, 15, n. 7 ; his writings, 63, n. 12. Adelbert (an anti-Roman prelate), 22, 23, n. 9. Adelbert, German missionary in Bohemia, 124, 125 ; his attempts to convert the Prussians, 124, n. 6. Adelbert (first archbp. of Magde- burg), 128. Adelbert (archbp. of Bremen), 115, n. 11; 129, n. 5. Adelmann (bp. of Brescia), on the Eucharist, 182, n. 2. Adoptionist controversy, 66 — 69. Adrevald, on the Eucharist, 181, n. 6. JEgidius (archbp. of Bourges), on the limits of the papal power, 273, n. 7. .ZElfheah (archbp. of Canterbury), 142, n. 2. JElfred (king of England), 93, n. 6 ; 142 ; his patronage of learning and religion, 186, 187; his works, 186, n. 4; his coadjutors, 187, n. 5. .ZElfric (English archbp.), on the Eu- charist, 181, and n. 4 ; his other writings, 187; difficulty of distin- guishing between the ' iElfries', 187, n. 8 ; his ' Lives of Saints', 209. _), 152, n. 4 ; of Chdlons, (649), 47, n. 6 ; Ibid. (649 ), 95, n. 7 ; Ibid. (813), 47, n. 4 ; Ibid. (813), 152, n. 4 ; of Clarendon, (1 164), 269 ; of Clermont (1095), 265, n. 12 ; of Cloveshoe (747), 22, n. 6 ; 48, n. 3 ; 49, n. 7 ; 60, n. 2 ; of Cologne (873), 156, n. 4; of Constance (1414— 1418), 354 sq.; of Constantinople (680), 42, n. 5; Ibid. (754), 80; not oecumeni- cal, 80, n. 2 ; Ibid. (867), 197 ; Ibid. (869), 197, 198; not oecumenical, 197, n. 15; Ibid. (1054), 201, n. 6; Ibid. (1140 and 1143), 305, n. 9 ; of Cordova (852), 144; of Coyaco (1050), 209, n. 10 ; of Douzi (871), 148, n. 1 ; of Eanham (1009), 157, n. 7 ; Ibid. (1009), 209, n. 10 ; of Ferrara (1437), 360, 361, 390; of Fimes (881), 159, n. 10 ; 166, n. 2 ; of Florence (1439), 361, 391—395; of Francfort (794), 68, 84; of Gran (1114), 260, n. 2 ; of Hertford (67 '3), 15, n. 11 ; of Ingelheim (948), 114, n. 5; of Kiersij-sur-Oise (849), 171 ; Ibid. (853), 177; of Latcran, (1059), 158, n. 1; Ibid. (1123), 266; Ibid. (1139), 309, n. 7; Ibid. (1179), 258, n. 6; 313; 316, n.2; Ibid. (1215), 258, n. 7 ; 261, n. 6 ; 282, n. 3 ; 297, n. 7 ; 316, n.2; 323; 325; Ibid. (1512— 1517), 364, 368, n. 5 ; 379; Ibid. (1444), 395; of London (1108), 260, n. 4 ; Ibid. (1107), 265, n. 14 ; Ibid. II H 2 468 INDEX. (1237), 327, n. 7; Ibid. (1382), 410 ; Ibid. (1396), 417, n. 11 ; Lom- bers (1165), 309, n. 7 ; of Lyons (1274), not oecumenical, 300, and n. 2; of Mayence (848), 174; Ibid. (847), 206, n. 2; Ibid. (813), 95, 99; of Melfi (10S9), 327, n. 8 ; of Merida (666), ibid.\ Ibid. (863), 147, n. 10 ; Ibid. (888), 153, n. 6; of Mete (863), 147, n. 10; Ibid. (888), 153, n. 6 ; Ibid. (859), 166, n. 2 ; Second Council ofNicaa (787), 81, 82; Sixth (Ecu- menical Council (680), 74, 75; of Orleans (611), 51, n.8; Ibid. (1022), 203, n. 3; of Oxford (1160), 308, n. 4; Ibid. (1408), 419, n. 13; of Paris (615), 55; Ibid. (829), 153, n. 6 ; 154, n. 1 ; Ibid. (825), 189, n.6; of Pavia (850), 154, n. 1 ; 155, n. 6; Ibid. (850), 213, n. 6; of P&a (1409), 353; Ibid. (1512), 363, n. 11; of Poitiers (1076), 184; n. 5 ; of Prague, (1388), 426; of Ratisbon (792), 67; of Ravenna (1311), 257, 11; of Rheims (624), 55 ; Ibid. (991), 149, n. 8 ; Ibid. (1148), 309, n. 7 ; of Rome (745); Ibid. (601), 45, n.8; Ibid. (595), 49, n. 10; Ibid. (799), 68, n. 4; Bid. (649), 73; Ibid. (680), 74 ; Ibid. (769), 80, n. 2 ; Ibid. (826), 162, n. 2; Ibid. (1050), 182; Ibid. (1078), 185; Ibid. (1079), 185; Bid. (863), 196; Ibid. (869), 197, n. 15; Ibid, (826), 206, n. 5; J6irf. (1059), 257, n. 8 ; 76u*. (1075), 262 ; of Sa- vonieres (859), 178, and n. 1; 205, n.7; 207, n.8; of Seligenstadt (1022), 214, n. 2; of Sens (1140), 280; of Seville (618), 45, n. 8 ; of Soissons (744), 23; Ibid. (1092), 278; Ibid. (1121), 279 ; of Spalatro (1069), 208, n. 4 ; of Tarragona (1234), 319, n. 6 ; of Toledo (633), 43, n. 6 ; 49, n. 9 ; 50, n. 7 ; 60, n. 3 ; Ibid. (653), 49, n. 9; Ibid, (675), 49, n. 11 ; Ibid. (681), 56; of Toulouse (1119), 309; Ibid. (1229), 310, 319; of Tours (813), 95, n. 9 ; Ibid. (1163), 309, n.7; of Trosle (909), 159, n. 11 ; 166, n. 2; 207, n. 6; in Trullo (691), 40, n. 3; 49, 50; of Valence >), 103, n. 6; 167, n. 7; 177 ; 206, n. 3; 207, n. 8 ; of Whitby (664), 14 ; of Winchester (1076), 260 ; of Worms (1076), 263, n. 9 ; of York (1195), 327, n. 7. C'ourland, temporary conversion of, 230. Courtenay (bp. of London), Wyc- liffe's antagonist, 403, 410. Cracovia (Matth. de), reforming work, 353, n. 4. Croats (Chrobatians), conversion of, 135. Cross, reverenced even by Iconoclasts, 78, n. 7 ; 86, n. 3 ; festival in honour of, 101, n. 5 ; 'adoration' of, 170, n. 2 ; abhorred by the Bogorniles, 305, n. 6. Crusades (eastern), 235, 236; 265; 295, 296. Crusades (Albigensian), 252. Culdees, a Scotch order of canons, 256, n. 5. Cunibert (bp. of Turin), 157, n. 9. Cup in the eucharist, withdrawal of, 213, n. 7; 323, 324, and n. 1. Cusanus (Nich.), his writings, 358, and n. 5. Cuthbert (archbp. of Canterbury), 22, n. 6 ; 38, n. 2. Cyril (a Greek missionary), 121, and n. 9; translates the Scriptures, 121, n. 10 ; evangelizes the Chazars, 134. Cyrus (patriarch of Alexandria), a Monothelete heretic, 70. D'Ailly (De Alliaco), reforming car- dinal, 354, n. 4 ; 356, and n. 2 ; his theological writings, 378, n. 3. D'Allemand, reforming cardinal, 360, and n. 5 ; 365, n. 6. Damascus (John of), 61 ; his theo- logical system, 76, 77 ; vehement defender of images, 77, n. 8 ; 78, 79. Damiani (Pet.), the ally of Hilde- brand, 157, n. 10. Dancers, sect of, 399, n. 12. Danes (see Northmen). Daniel (bp. of Winchester), 20, 24, n. 5. Dante, 274, n. 1 ; 345, n. 8. Deans (rural), 48, n. 5. Decretals (Pseudo-Isidore), 43, n. 10; origin of, 145, and n. 1 ; their influ- ence in extending the papal power, 145, 146, 164; quoted with tins object, 147, n. 11; 148, n.l ;196,n.5. Denmark, mission to, 110, 113, 114, 117; mythology of, 18, n. 6; 113, n. 10; conflicts with the Germans in propagating the Gospel, 230. INDEX. 469 Deutz (Rupert of), 281, n. 9. Devil- worshippers, 202, n. 1. Didacus (bp. of Osma), co-founder of the Dominicans, 251. Dinant, a heterodox philosopher, 283, n. 7; 319, n. 5. Dinoot (British abbot), 6, n. 4 ; 8, n. 6. Dionysius (Pseudo-), influence of his writings, 69, n. 9 ; 172, n. 3. Dionysius (Bar-Salibi), a Jacobite author, 294. Diuma (bp. in Mercia), 13. Dobrin, Knights-brethren of, 232. Dola (Stephen of), anti-Hussite writer, 429, n. 5. Dolcixo, 315. Dominicans (see also Mendicants), rise and progress of, 251. Deuthmak (Christian), work of, 171; views on the Eucharist, 180. Dunstan (archbp. of Canterbury), the nature of his policv, 158, 165 ; 214, n. 2. Durand (de S. Pourcain), the Nomi- nalistic schoolman, 376 ; some of his peculiarities, 376, n. 2 ; on indul- gences, 459, n. 5. Dubanti (Durandus), the liturgical writer, 289, n. 8. Eadbald, 9. Eadwine, 12. Easter, modes of reckoning, 7, n. 8 ; 13, n. 10; 14, n. 3; 15, n. 10. Ebed-Jesu, Nestorian writer, 293, 294. Ebland, 381, n. 10. Ern-Nassal, work of, 292, n. 4. Ebbo (archbp. of Rheims), 109; 112, n. 2. Ecgberht (archbp. of York), his pa- tronage of letters, 65 ; writings, 65, n. 5. Ecofrith (king of Northumbria), his conduct towards Wilfrith, 16, n. 1. Eckart, a Neo-Platonist, 380, n. 1. Eddius, 63, n. 13. Elfeg (archbp.) : see JElfheah. Eligius (Eloy), missionary bishop, 18, n. 7. Elipandus (archbp. of Toledo), his part in the Adoptionist controversy, 66, 68. Elmham, Latin poet, 420, n. 2. Emmeran (missionary bishop), 18. England, growth of the Church in, 6 — 16; its comparative civilization before the incursions of the North- men, 93. English missionaries to the Conti- nent, 19—26 ; 115, n. 10 ; 116, 117, US, n. 2; 119, and n. 7; 222, n. 2. Erasmus, his opposition to the school- men, 378, n. 5 ; his edition of the Greek Testament, 385, n. 9. Eric IX. (of Sweden), labours to ex- tend the Church, 222. Erigena: see Scotus. Erimbert (northern missionary), 113. Essex, conversion of, 10. Esthland, conversion of, 230. Etherius (bp. of Othma), 67, n. 10. Eucharistic controversy, 178 — 186. Euchites, sect of, 202, 302. Eulogitts (patriarch of Alexandria) writes against the Bogomiles, 302, n. 3. Eustacitjs (missionary), 18, n. 3. Eustathius (archbp. of Thessalonica) , writings of, 293. Eutychius (patriarch of Alexandria), 194. Excommunication, 217. Faroe Islands, conversion of, 119, 120. Fasts, annual, 99, n. 5. Felix (bishop of Dun wich), 12. Felix (bp. of Urgel), leader in the Adoptionist controversy, 66 — 68. Ferrara, council of, 390 ; presence of the Greeks, 390 ; transferred to Florence, 391. Ferrer (Vincente), 341, n. 12; 456, n. 2. Festivals, 99, 100, 192, 218; 320, n. 1; 324; 453, n. 5. Ficino (Marsilio), a Christian Plato- nist, 379, and n. 6. Filioque (clause so called), 61, n. 4; 199, n. 4; 298,299; 390; 391, n. 5. Finan (Irish missionary), 10, 13. Finns, conversion of, 222, 223. Fitz-ralph (Richard, archbp. of Ar- magh), defends the clergy against the mendicants, 369, n. 7, 10. Flagellants, 215, and n. 6 ; 327, n. 6 ; sect of, 399 ; their number and ex- travagancies, 399, n. 12; 456. Fleming (bp. of Lincoln), 421. Florence, council of, 391 — 395; trans- lated to Later an, 395. Florus (deacon of Lyons), engages in 470 INDEX. the Pra?destinarian controversy, 176; views on the Eucharist, 18*0. Fraxcis (of Assisi), 236, 219. Franciscans (see also Mendicants), their rise and progress, 249, 250 ; third estate of, 250 ; growth of an extreme and anti-papal party, 250, 251, 370 ; their extravagant notions respecting purgatory, 454, n. 2. Fratricelli, 251, 398 Fredegis, 171. Frederic I., Barbarossa, his struggle with the popes, 268, 270 ; appeals to a general council, 273, n. 6. Frederic II. (emperor), continues the struggle, 270, 271 ; his personal character, 271, n. 12. Friars (see Mendicants). Friars-regular, 370. Frieslaxd, conversion of, 19 sq. Fulbert, bp. of Chartres, 188. Ft;rsey (Irish monk), 12; 102, n. 3. Gallus (Irish missionary), 17. Gauxt (John of), his connexion with Wycliffe, 404, 409. Gegn^esius, a Paulician leader, 88. George (of Trebizond), writings of, 3S6. Gerald (count of Aurilly), 210, n. 2. Gerbert : see Sylvester II. Gerhard, a ' Manichaean' leader, 204, n. 6. Gsrhoh (of Reiehersberg), 259, n. 11. Germanus (patriarch of Constanti- nople), deposed for advocating image- worship, 78 ; his theory of ' relative' worship, 78, n. 4. Germany, conversion of, 16 sq. ; its heathen mythology, 18, n. 5. Gerson (John), chancellor of Paris, his reforming efforts, 353, n. 7; 356, and n. 3 ; his theological writings, 382, 385 ; his theory of develop- ment, 397, n. 5. Gezo (abbot of Tortona), on the Eu- charist, 181, n. 8. Ghibellines, conflict with the popes, 267 sq. Gislemar (missionary to Denmark), 110. Giutmund (archbp.), on the Eucha- rist, 183, n. 9. Goslar (chapter of), stronghold of the German imperialists, 263, n. 9. Gottskalk (king of the Wends), his martyrdom, 128, 129. Gottskalk. (monk of Fulda), revives the Praedestinarian controversy, 173 — 175; his firmness and violence, 174, n. 4 ; defended by Remigius df Lyons and others, 176 ; his contro- versy respecting the phrase Trina Deltas, 178, n. 2. Gower (English poet), 372, n. 5. Gratian, his ' Decretum,' 242, n. 3. Gregory VII. (pope), his ' reform- ing' tendencies, 151 ; 155, n. 3 ; 156, n. 2; endeavours to restrain the marriage of the clergy, 157 ; attacks 'lay-investitures,' 163, 164; symbolizes with Berengarius on the Eucharist, 183, and n. 9; 184; 185, n. 9 ; his leading principles as pope, 240, 241, 262; exasperates the peo- ple against the clergy, 241, andn. 7; his struggle with Henry IV. of Ger- many, 262 — 264; his sober views on penance, 327, n. 8. Gregory (of Utrecht), missionary abbot, 24. Gregory the Great (pope), 6; con- troversy with John the Faster, 41 ; enlarges the dominion of the papacy, 41, and n. 8, 9 ; 42 ; his writings on theology, 61 — 63. Gregory (of Tours), 97, n. 5; 99. Greenland, the Gospel in, 119; sup- pression of it by the Esquimaux ; 119, n. 8; reintroduced by Mora- vian missionaries, ibid. Groot (Gerhard), founder of the • Common-life Brothers,' 371, and n. 12. Grosseteste (bp. of Lincoln), opposes the pope, 244, n. 4 ; warns him of his tendency to produce a schism, 246, and n. 4 ; his conduct with regard to the Mendicants, 252, n. 8; his complaint of the corruptions of the clergy, 259, n. 1 1 ; his commen- tary on Aristotle, 283, n. 8 ; influ- ences Wycliffe, 399, n. 13; and Huss, 427. Gualbert, founder of the Coenobites of Vallombrosa, 161. Guazbert (or Simon), missionary in Sweden, 111 ; 113, n. 8. Guelphs, allies of the pope against the emperor, 267. Guiscard (Robert), 264, and n. 4. INDEX. 471 Guibert (abbot of Nogent), on relics, 327, n. 4. Guinea, coast of, partly christianized, 338. Guthlac (hermit), 97, n. 3. Hacon (Hagen) introduces Christianity into Norway, 116. Hadrian I. (pope), his activity in favour of images, 81, 83. Haimo (bp. of Halberstadt), writings of, 171 ; views on the Eucharist, 181, n. 7. Hales (Alexanderof), life and writings, 284. Hallam (Robert), bp. of Salisbury, at the council of Pisa, 3-33, n. 5. Haltigar (bishop of Cambray), 104, n. 3; 109. Hamburg (archbishopric of), 108, 111 ; 112, n. 4. Hampole (Richard Rolle of), his writings, 381, n. 10 ; 372. Hartwig (archbp. of Bremen), 227, 229. Heathenism, remnants of, 48, n. 3 ; 94, n. 1. Henry IV. (German emperor), his struggle with Gregory VII., 262 — 264. Henry (of Upsala), an English mis- sionary, 222. Henry (the Cluniac monk), propa- gates the Petrobrusian tenets, 310 ; is condemned, 311. Hemming (archbp. of Upsala), 336. Heraclius, eastern emperor, drives back the Persians, 31 ; favours the Monothelete heresy, 70 ; his Ecthcsis, 71. Hereford (Nich.), 411. Herigar (abbot of Lobes), on the Eucharist, 181, n. 8. Hermann (of Cologne), a converted Jew, 238. Hesse (Henry of), 350, n. 6; 352, n.2. Hessia, conversion of, 20 sq. Hesychastic controversy, 387, 388. Hieronymites, order of, 368, n. 3. Hiedebert (archbp. of Tours), his works, 276, n. 4; 281, n. 10. Hildebrand : see Gregory VII. Hildegard (abbess), prophecies of, 273. Hincmar (archbp. of Rheims), op- posed to the ultra-papal claims, 147, 148, 151, 152, n. 2 ; and also to encroachments of the crown, 163, n. 6 ; his activity in the Prredesti- narian controversy, 174 sq. Hincmar (bishop of Laon), 148, n. 1 ; 151, n. 8. Hirschau, monks of, 160, n. 7. Holcot (Robert), 378, n. 3 ; 385, n. 3. Holy Places (at Jerusalem), contro- versy respecting, 298, n. 4. Homilarium, what, 95, n. 9. Honorius I. (pope), a Monothelete heretic, 70, and n, 3 ; 75, and n. 8. Hospitallers, Knights, their rise and fortunes, 255, 256. Howel the Good (of Wales), 186, n. 2. Hungarians, antiquities of, 137, and n. 6 ; inroads into Europe, 114, 136 ; evangelized, L 37— 139; their union with the "Western church, 1 39 ; their bishops appointed by the crown, 161, n. 11. Humbert (cardinal), his fierce oppo- sition to Berengarius, 184 ; his mis- sion to Constantinople, 200 ; and his attack on the Eastern church, 200, n. 5. Humbert (de Romanis), on preaching, 321, n. 7. Huss (John), life and writings of, 426 — 434 ; his early influence and re- pute, 426 ; studies the Wycliffite tracts, 427, and n. 7 ; his general sympathy with Wycliffe, 427, 428, and n. 2 ; his quarrel with the Ger- man students, 428, and n. 3 ; ap- peals to a pope ' better informed', 429 ; his excommunication, 430 ; reconciled to archbp. Sbynco, 430 ; condemns the papal indulgences, 430, 431 ; his religious opinions, 431, 432 ; his reputed ' orthodoxy', 432 ; proceedings against him at Constance, 433, 434. Hussites, war of the, 435—437. Hutten (TJlrich von), chief contributor to the ' Epist. Obscurorum Viro- rum', 378, n. 5 ; 385, n. 8. Iceland, conversion of, 118; remnants of heathenism, 119, n. 6. Iconoclastic controversy, 77 — 84 ; re- vived, 189—192. Ignatius (patriarch of Constantino- ple), deposed, 195 ; controversy with 472 INDEX. Photius, 19C, 197 ; assisted by the pope, 196; 197, n. 16. Ildeeonsus (of Toledo), 63, n. 11 ; 99, n. 4. Images (see also Iconoclastic Contro- versy), how used in the time of Gregory the Great, 77, n. 10 ; op- posite decrees respecting, 80, and n. 4 ; 82 ; views of the English church, 84, and n. 2 ; of the French, 84; 189, n. 6 ; worship of, estab- lished permanently in the east, 192 ; its extravagancies, 191, n. 8; pre- vailing theory, 212, and n. 1. India, early traces of Christianity, 29, 30. Indulgences, 216, 329, 357, n. 6; 369, n. 7 ; condemned by Huss, 430, and n. 3 ; by Luther, 438, 460 ; ultimate development of the doctrine, 457 — 459. Infidelity, rife in Italy before the Re- formation, 376, n. 1 ; 379. Innocent III. (pope), carries the papal power to a climax, 240, and n. 1 ; 242, 243 ; his immense in- fluence in temporal matters, 270, 271 ; on reading the Bible, 319, n. 5. Inquisition, origin of, 310 ; its early labours, 310, n. 2. Interdict, 217, and n. 6. Investiture, confused ideas respecting, 162 ; right of lay-investiture denied, 262, 2G3 ; how the controversy was settled in England, 265, n. 14 ; and on the Continent, 266. Iona, 7, n. 5 ; 13 ; 15, n. 7 ; 142, n. 3. Irish missionaries, 7, and n. 8 ; 9 ; 10, 11, 12, 13 ; many of them withdraw from England, 15 ; their orders dis- puted, 15, n. 10 ; future traces of their influence, 94, n. 4 ; 152 ; some penetrate to Iceland, 118, n. 4 ; 119. Ireland, conspicuous for its learning, 10, n. 8; 16, and n. 3 ; 19, n. 11; 63, n. 12. Irene (empress), an ardent image- worshipper, 81. Isidore (of Seville), his writings, 63 ; see also Decretals (Pseudo -Isidore). Ivo (Ives), bishop of Chartres, 156, n. 5. Jacou (bishop of Tagritum), a Jaco- bite author), 294. Jacobites (of Egypt), their missionary efforts, 30 ; patronized by the Mu- hammedans, 34, n. 2 ; attempts to reabsorb them into the church, 294, n. 6. Jacobellus (of Misa), contends for communion in both kinds, 435, 436; questions some of the legends, 452, n. 3. Janow (Matth. of), a Bohemian ' re- former', 425, 426. Jaruman (bp.), 10, n. 5. Jerome (of Prague), 427, and n. 8 ; 430 ; his martyrdom, 434. Jews, forcible conversion of, 30, n. 6 ; 237 ; condemned by some, 237, n, 9; their copious literature, 237, and n. 8 ; 341, n. 9 ; their abhorrence of images, 78, and creature-worship, 237 ; occasional conversions, 238 ; 341, n.12; 342; writings against, 237, n. 11 ; fresh persecutions, espe- cially in Spam, 341, 342. Joachim (abbot), prophecies of, 273. Joan (the female pope), 147, n. 7. John the Paster, controversy with Gregory the Great, 41 ; his Peni- tential work, 63, n. 13. John (the Chanter), introduces Ro- man psalmody &c. into England, 94, n. 4. John the Grammarian (patriarch of Constantinople), opposes image- worship, 192. John (king of England), abject sub- mission to the pope, 271. John (a Dominican of Paris) writes on the regal and papal power, 273, n. 7. John III. Vatatzes (emperor), en- deavours to unite the Eastern and Western churches, 297. John V. PalyEologvs, submits to the pope, 389, and n. 7. John VII. Paljeologus, negociations with the Western church, 390. John IV. (pope), opposes Monothe- letism, 71. John VIII. (pope), his policy in the case of Photius, 198 ; 199, n. 5. John XXII. (pope), his contest with the German emperor, 345 — 348; taxed with heresy, 348, and n. 5. John XXIII. (pope), appointed by the council of Pisa, 354 ; deposed at Constance, 355. INDEX. 473 Jonas (bp. of Orleans), on images &c. 170, n. 2 ; on penitence, 215, n. 4. Joseph (patriarch of Constantinople), opposed to reunion, 299, 300. Jubilee, year of, 330, 456, and n. 2. Juliano (cardinal), 358, 360, n. 2; 390. Justus (bp. of Rochester), 9 ; 10, n. Jutland, mission to, 109. Karbeas, a Paulician leader, 90. Kempis (Thomas a), 371, n. 12 ; a 'Common- life Brother', 372; author of the 'De Imitatione Christi', 372, n. 2 ; 449 ; his mystical tendency, 381, n. 10. Kent, conversion of, 8, 9. Kilian (Irish missionary), 18. Kumanians, conversion of, 336, 337 ; united with the Eastern church, 337. Laity, their right to elect bishops de- nied, 256, n. 5 ; their influence in synods, 346, and n. 3. Lamaism, what, 234. Lanfranc (archbp. of Canterbury), his controversy with Berengarius, 172, n. 1 ; 184, 185. Langenstein, Henry of: see Hesse. Languages, variety of, 94. Lapps, partial conversion of, 336. Latins, effect of their empire at Con- stantinople, 297. Laurentius (of Canterbury), 9, and n. 10. Lebwin (missionary monk), 24, n. 6. Legates (papal), their vast influence, 243, 244 ; peculiarly obnoxious to the English, 243, n.*10 ; 364, n. 3. Legends (see Saints, Lives of). Leidrad (archbp. of Lyons), 68 ; 93, n. 8. Leo the Armenian (emperor), op- posed to images, 189 — 191 ; perse- cutes the Paulicians, 90. Leo the Isaurian (emperor), opens the image-controversy, 78 ; his ad- visers, 78, n. 2 ; patronizes the Pau- licians, 88. Leo IV. Chazarus (emperor), opposed to images, 81. Leo X. (pope), 363, n. 6 ; on indul- gences, 459, and n. 6. Libri Carolini, account of, 83. Lieflanders, conversion of, 228, 229. Lindisfarne (or Holy Island), 13, 14; 15, n. 11. Lithuanians, nominal conversion of, 334—336; through a Polish channel, 335 ; dependence on Rome, 335 ; n. 11; traces of heathenism, 335, n. 10. Litjdger (missionary), 26, 108. Lollards, English, followers of Wyc- liffe, 416 ; their number, 416, n. 5 ; their development of Wycliffe's prin- ciples, 417, 418 ; incur the hatred of the crown, 417 ; their persecutions, 418 sq.; attempt to reclaim them, 421 ; remains of, 422. Lollards, foreign, their origin and office, 371 ; meaning of the word, 371, n. 9; suspected of heresy, 371, n. 11. Lombard (Peter), his ' Book of Sen- tences', 282, 283. Louis of Bavaria, conflict with the popes, 347—349 ; grants a divorce 349, n. 9. Louis-le-Debonnaire, his interest in northern missions, 109; 110, n. 5. Louis IX. (of France), his unconsci- ous limitation of the papal power, 272, and n. 3. Luciferians, sect of, 399. Lull (Raymond), life and labours, 236, 237; 283, n. 5. Lullards (see Lollards). Luther, on the decline of scholasti- cism, 378, n. 5 ; recognizes many of his precursors, 380, n. 6 ; 381, n. 10; 384, n. 1 ; his early career, 437 — 439 ; his original moderation, 460. Lyra (Nicholas of), biblical writings, 384. Macarius (patriarch of Antioch), ad- heres to Monotheletism, 75. Magna Charta, 271. Mahomet (see Muhammed). Mainots, conversion of, 135, n. 9. Manichgeans, so called, 202, and n, 2 ; 203, 204. Manuel II. (emperor), visit to the west, 389 ; his Arm adherence to the Eastern church, 389, n. 9. Mark (of Ephesus), defends the East- ern church, 391, and n. 6. Maronites, account of, 76 ; fresh at- tempt to reabsorb them into the church, 395. Martial (St.), controversy respect- ing, 212, n. 2. 474 INDEX. Martin T. (pope), his opposition to Monotheletism, 72, 73 ; his banish- ment, 73. Marsilius (of Padua), 344, n. 1 ; his ' Defensor Pacis', 346, 347 ; asso- ciated with Wycliffe, 403, n. 7. Massilians (see Bogomiles). Mary, St. (see Virgin). Masses (for the dead), 102. Masses (private), 103 ; condemned, 103, n. 8. Matilda (countess of Tuscany), 264. Mauretania (Walter de), 279, n. 8 ; 281, n. 12; 282, n. 3. Maurice (of Prague), on communion in one kind, 451, n. 9. Maximus (the Confessor), strenuous opponent of the Monotheletes, 72 ; his barbarous fate, 73 ; the character of his theology, 72, 76 ; his works, 72, n. 2. Meixhard (canon), missionary in Li- vonia, 228, 229. Melchites, Egyptian catholics, 34, 70. Mellitus (bp. of London), 9 ; 10, n. 3. Melux (Robert de), an English me- taphysical "writer, 282, n. 1. Mendicants, mutual jealousies of, 252, n. 5 ; their amazing progress, 253 ; their conflicts with the university au- thorities, 253; their zeal as preach- ers, 320, 321 ; Wycliffe's attack upon them, 401 ; 417, n. 12 ; their ultimate decline, 368, 369 ; Erasmus respect- ing, 369, n. 11. Mercia, conversion of, 13. Merits, treasury of, 329 ; 330, and n. 1. Methodius (a Greek missionary), 121, and n. 9 ; misunderstanding with German missionaries, 122; vindi- cates himself at Rome, 122, 123; his influence in Bohemia, 124 ; and perhaps in Bulgaria, 132, n. 3. Metropolitans (see ArchbishojJs). Michael II. (emperor), tolerates the image party, 191. Michael Pal^eologus (emperor), tries to unite the east and west, 298 — 301. Milicz, Bohemian ' reformer', 423, 424 ; insists on very frequent com- munion, 424, n. 2. Minors (see Franciscans). Miracle-plays, 318, and n. 1. Mirandola (Pico della), 379, n. 7 ; 383, n. 10. Missi, what, 57, n. 5. Mongols, their invasion of Russia, 233 ; attempts to convert them, 234, 235. Monks, importance and privileges of, 45 ; great varieties of in the East, 45, n. 10 ; order of St. Benedict, 46, and n. 1 ; peculiarly ardent in defending images, 79, n. 9 ; degene- racy of, 159, 247 ; exemptions of, 45, 159, n. 10 ; 247, n. 7 ; the fa- vourites of the pope, 247 ; how ill- adapted to the wants of the 13th century, 248, 249 ; state of the eastern monks, 291, and n. 7 ; 367, n. 7 ; further degeneracy of the western, 367 ; their superabundant property, 367, n. 5 ; vain attempts to reform them, 368. Monotheletism (heresy), 69 — 76. Moxte Corvixo (John de) , missionary in Eastern Asia, 235. Moxtfort (Simon de), 309, 310. Moors, attempts made to repel them from Spain and Africa, 236 ; suc- cessful with regard to Spain, 340, 341 ; projects for converting them, 236. Moravia, conversion of, 120 — 123; by Greek influence, 121, 122 ; final as- cendancy of the Germans, 123. Moravians (or United Brethren), their origin, 437. Muhammed, origin and character of his religion, 31 — 33 ; its rapid con- quests, 34 ; curtails the Eastern pa- triarchates, 35 ; and thus augments the papal power, 39, 40. Muhammedans, persecute the Spanish Christians, 143, 144 ; their literary labours, 35 ; 168, n. 2. Mystics, western school of, 380. Nations, vote by, 355. Nerses (Armenian catholicos), writings of, 294. Nestorians (Chaldaeans), their vast missionary settlements, 28; 139, 233; 235 ; patronized by the Muhamme- dans, 28, n. 3 ; 34 ; and Mongols, 233, 234 ; their internal condition, 234, n. 3 ; attempts to reabsorb them into the church, 294, n. 6 ; fresh overtures made at Florence, 395. Netter (Thomas, of Walden), writes against the Lollards, 419, n. 13; 420, n. 2. INDEX. 475 Nica?a, second council of, 81, 82 ; not oecumenical, 82, n. 1. Nicephorus (Callisti), historical work, 386, n. 1. Nicephorus (patriarch of Constanti- nople), advocates image-worship, 190. Nicephorus (Blemmidas), aLatinizcr, 298, and n. 3. Nicetas (Acominatus), writings of, 293, and n. 5. Nicetas (Studite monk), writes against the Latins, 200, n. 2. Nicetas (archbp. of Nicomedia), 296. Nicholas I. (pope), quarrel with the Greek missionaries respecting Bul- garia, 133, 134 ; his instructions to the natives, 133 ; commences a new epoch in the papacy, 147, 165 ; approves the ultra-prsedestinarian synod of Valence, 177, n. 10 ; con- duct in the case of Photius, 196. Nicholas (Cabasilas), writings of, 388, and n. 3. Nicholas (bp. of Methone), writings of, 293, and n. 6. Niem (see Theodoric), Nilus (Cabasilas), writes against the Latins, 388. Nilus, a Calabrian recluse, 161. Nilus (Daniyla), an anti-Latin writer, 388, n. 4. Nisibis, Nestorian seat of learning, 29, n. 6. Nominalists, what, 277. Norbert, founder of the Prsemon- strants, 256. Northmen (Danes and Norwegians), ravages of, 112, 114, 115, 140—143. Northumbria, conversion of, 12. Norway, converted, 116 — 118 ; through English influence, 117 ; 118, n. 2. Notker (a monk of St. Gall), 208, n. 6. Notting (bp. of Verona), engages in the Preedestinarian controversy, 173, n. 6; 174, n. 1. Nubia, partly christianized, 30. Occam (Win. of), his anti-popery, 347, and n. 6 ; 349 ; his views on divorce, 349, n. 9 ; founds a school of theology, 377 ; how far approved by Luther, 377, n. 3 ; condemna- tion of Occamism, 377, and n. 6 ; but in vain, 378. GZcumenius, his writings, 193, and n. 8. Offa (of Mercia), regulation respect- ing tithes, 51, n. 12. Officials, 258. Olaf (the Holy), demolishes Paganism in Norway, 118. Olaf Tryggvason, reintroduces Chris- tianity into Norway, 117. Oldcastle (Sir John) : see Cobham. Olga, Russian princess, 130, andn. 3. Oliva (John Peter de), leader of the ' spiritualist' Franciscans, 250, n. 4 ; 370, n. 4. Ordeals, 167, and n. 7. Orders (religious), 247 sq.; 368. Orders (military), 254 sq. Orkney, conversion of, 119, 120. Oswald (bp. of Worcester), patron of the monks, 158, n. 4. Oswald (of Northumbria), 10, 13. Oswiu (of Northumbria), 10, 13 ; joins the Roman party, 14 ; 15, n. 9. Otho (bp. of Bamberg), missionary labours in Pomerania, 224, 225. Palamas (Gregorius), writings of, 387. Pallium, its nature, 39 ; worn by all eastern bishops, 39, n. 8 ; oath ex- acted at the conferring of, 152. Pardons (see Indulgences). Paris, university of, 253 ; its inde- pendence during the papal schism, 352, n. 2 ; 354, n. 4 ; 358 ; and gene- rally, 441, n. 2. Parishes, 47, n. 6. Paschalis II. (pope), his humiliation in the investiture controversy, 266. Passagieri, 306, n. 1 ; 308, n. 4. Paterexi, who, 204, n. 5 ; 305, n. 12. Patriarchs, eastern, how affected by Islamism, 39, 40 ; those of the Nes- torians, 28 ; 39, n. 9 ; of the Jaco- bites, 30 ; 39, n. 9 ; original limits of the Roman, 40, n. 1 ; title (Ecu- menical Patriarch, 41 ; mostly no- minated by the emperor, 53. Patronage, right of, 48, and n. 1 ; how abused, 162, and n. 2. Paulicians, history and creed of, 84 — 91 ; their vitality, 201 ; 302, n. 2 ; 305, n. 11 ; 306.' Paulinus (patriarch of Aquileia), writes on the Adoptionist heresy, 68, n. 6. Paulinus (Roman missionary), 12; 13, n. 6, 7. 476 INDEX. Pauperes Catholici, who, 314. Peacock (Reginald), opinions of, 421, and n. 9, 10 ; 422, n. 1 ; his troubles, 421, 422. Pelagivs (Alvarus), a Franciscan, 347, n. 7. Penance, doctrine of, 104 ; 215; com- mutation of penances, 104, n. 4 ; 216; systematized completely, 327 —329 ; 454, 455. Penda, 13. Persia, Christianity of, 28; almost eradicated, 235, n. 5. Peter (Comestor,) his ' Scholastic History', 317, n. 7. Peter (patriarch of Antioch), me- diates between the east and west, 201, n. 7. Peter (the Venerable), 248, n. 5 ; 280, and n. 6. Peter (the Hermit), preaches the first crusade, 265. Peter (Cantor), treatise of, 259, n. 11. Peter-pence, 406, n. 1. Petit (John), condemned at Constance, 409, n. 7. Petrarch, 344, n. 2 ; 350, n. 4 ; 376 n. 1. Petrobrusiani, sect of, 310; opinions of the founder, 310, n. 3. Philip-le-Bel (of France), humbles the papacy, 272, 273 ; appeals to a general council, 272, n. 4. Phocas, establishes the papal primacy, 41, n. 7. Photius (patriarch of Constantinople), his cooperation in missions to Bul- garia, 132 ; his quarrel with pope Nicholas I., 133 ; his literary la- bours, 194; his controversy with Ignatius and the Western church, 196—198. Picards (=Beghards), 436, n. 4. Pictures (see Images) . Pilgrims, 44, n. 2 ; 101, n. 8 ; sober views respecting, 102; to Pome, 214, and n. 2 ; to the Holy Sepul- chre, 214, 218, and elsewhere ; 214, n. 3 ; 327 ; 456, and n. 3. Piligkin (of Passau), a missionary in Hungary, 138. Piphiles, 305, n. 11. Pirxa (John of), founder of a Silesian sect, 399, and n. 11. Pisa, council of, its history and effects, 353, 354. Pitts II. (see Sylvius). Plato, favourite of the church, 283 ; revival of his philosophy, 376, n. 1 ; 379. Pluralists, 155, n. 3; 259; 365, n. 8. Pcenitentiaries (officers), 258, n. 4. Poland, conversion of, 125, 126 ; final ascendancy of German influence, 126 ; reforming party in, 433, n. 8 ; 437. Pollen (Robert), an Oxford preache? and writer, 282. Polo (Marco), Venetian traveller, 235. Pomeranians, conversion of, 223 — 225 ; gradually Germanized, 226. Poor-priests, followers of Wycliffe, 410, n. 3. Popelicani, 305, n. 11. Popes (see Rome), entire series of, 41 — 43; 146— 151 ; 240— 243; 344— 363. Porretantjs (bishop of Poitiers), an erratic schoolman, 281, and n. 7. Portuguese, effect of their discoveries, 337 ; their interference in the church of Abysinnia, 337, n. 12. Pragmatic Sanction, 272 ; 358, n. 2 ; 362. Prpedestinarian controversy, 172 — 178. Proemonstrants, order of, 256. Prasmunire, statute of, 351, n. 9. Prester John, who, 140, and n. 4 ; 233. Primates (see Archbishops). Printing, invention of, its effect on the Reformation, 443. Procession of the Holy Ghost, contro- versy respecting, 195 ; 298 ; 388, n. 5; 390, 391, 392. Provisions, papal, 344, n. 3; 364, n. 2; English statute respecting, 350, n. 3; 351, n. 9. Prudentius (bp. of Troyes), engages in the Proedestinarian controversy, 175. Prussians, conversion of, 124, n. 6 ; 230—233; mythology of, 231, n. 9 ; gradually Germanized, 232. Prymer (English), what, 448. Psellus (Michael, the younger), writings of, 292. Puiter (John), a 'reformer', 383, n. 14. Purgatory (doctrine of), 62, 63, and n. 7, 9 ; 102 ; 329 ; effects of a belief in, 217, 218; how defined at Flo- rence, 392. INDEX. 477 Purvey (John), second leader of the Lollards, 412, n. I. Pyrrhus (patriarch of Constantinople), a Monothelete, 71, 72, n. 1. Rabanus Maurus (archbp. of May- ence), his writings and influence, 168, 169; takes part in the Praides- tinarian controversy, 174, 175 ; op- poses transubstantiation, 179, and n. 6. Radbert (Paschasius), 109 ; intro- duces the theory of transubstantia- tion, 178, 179, 181 ; maintains the miraculous delivery of the Virgin, 179, n. 5. Ratherius (bp. of Verona), 149, n. 5; 156, n. 1 ; 157, n. 10; 187, n. 6 ; 211, n. 8. Ratramnus (monk of Corbey), en- gages in the Prsedestinarian contro- versy, 175; opposes the theory of Paschasius Radbert on transubstan- tiation, 179, 180. Realists, what, 278. Recluses, 45, n. 5; 213, 214. Reformation- college, what, 356, n. 5. Reformation, general cry for, 396 sq. Relics, 100, andn. 4; traffic in, 212, and n. 2 ; other abuses, 212, 213. Repington (Philip), 411. Reservations, papal, 344, n. 3 ; 365, n. 6 ; 402, n. 3. Reuchlin, restorer of Hebrew litera- ture, 385, and n. 8. Rimbert, northern missionary, 114, 115. Robert, founder of the Cistercians, 248. Rolle (see Hamjjole). Rollo, 142, 143. Rome, churcb and bishop of, their as- cendancy in England, 14, and n. 2 ; 15, 44; occasionally checked, 16, and n. 1 ; rebuked by Columbanus, 17, and n. 7 ; their power extended to Germany, 20 sq., 38; Spain and Prance, 42 ; and augmented by the Saracenic conquests, 39 ; rivalry of the church of Constantinople, 40, and n. 3 ; rapid progress of the papacy under Gregory the Great, 41, 42 ; and Hadrian I., 43, n. 10 ; popes often Greeks and Syrians, 43, n. 6 ; their temporal possessions, 43, n. 9 ; how long dependent on the Eastern empire, 52 ; struggle with the emperor respecting Mono- theletism, 73, 74, n. 1 ; temporary suspension of communion between Rome and Constantinople, 74, n. 2 ; the pope defies the imperial edict, 79, and n. 8 ; fresh quarrel between Rome and Constantinople, 132, 133; extension of the papal power under Nicholas I., 147, 196, 197; resist- ance to it still offered, 151, 152, n. 3, 4 ; the nomination of the pope wrested from the civil power, 163 ; his temporal encroachments, 164, 165; 262—272; permanent breach with the Eastern churches, 197, 199 201 ; culmination of the papal power, 239, 240 ; introduction of the phrase ' court of Rome', 244 ; last instance of the pope's ' confirmation' by the emperor, 262, n. 1 ; papal power augmented by the Crusades, 265 ; commencement of reaction, 271 sq.; negociations with the Eastern church, 297—301 ; fruitless, 301 ; fresh ne- gociations, 388 — 393 ; ultimately dis- appointed, 393 ; general growth of anti-papal feeling, 343, 344 ; strug- gles with the German emperors, 262—272; 345-349; effects of the residence at Avignon, 344 ; and of the forty years' schism, 350, 351 ; recognition of the papal power at Florence, 392, 393. Romtjald, founder of the Camaldu- lensians, 161. Roscellintjs, author of the Nomi- nalistic philosophy, 277 ; abjures, 278, n. 1 ; opinions on clerical mar- riage, 260, n. 3. Roswitha, Latin poetess, 188, n. 1. Rubruquis (Win, de), missionary in Tatary, 234, n. 3. Riigen, isle of, stronghold of Slavonic heathenism, 227, 228. Ruprecht (missionary bishop), 18. Russia, conversion of, 129 — 131 ; by Greek influence, 130 ; intimate union with the church of Constan- tinople, 131, n. 5 ; incursion of the heathen Mongols, 131; 233, andn. 11 ; position of the monks, 159, n. 1 0 ; relation of the church to the state, 161, and n. 1] ; attempt of Hildebrand against, 295, n. 8 ; its independence, 296, n. 2 ; 300, n, 2 ; 478 INDEX. repudiates the council of Florence, 390, n. 2 ; more recent attempts to ■win over to Rome, 394. Ruysbroek (John), life and labours, 381, 382 ; opposed by Gerson, 381. Sacraments; lax usage of the word, 213, and n. 7 ; restricted to seven rites, 322; doctrine of, systematized, 288, 321 sq.; 450 ; eastern enume- ration of, 321, n. 9 ; 450, n. 7 ; intro- duction of the phrase ' ex opere operato', 323, n. 6. Sagarelli, 315. Saints (see also Virgin), exaggerated honour of, 98, and n. 3; 209, 210 ; 326; prevailing ideas, 211; 'apo- cryphal' saints, 210, and n. 3; 326 ; canonization, 211, and n. 9. Saints (' Lives of), very numerous and influential, 97 ; their general character, 97 ; attempts to suppress apocryphal stories, 97, n. 4 ; ' Golden Legend', 317, n. 6. Salisbury (John of), 281, n. 9. Salodeti (cardinal), 445, n. 5. Samaites, conversion of, 336. Samson, Irish opponent of Boniface, 23, n. 10. Sancto Amoee (William de), writes against the mendicants, 253, n. 11. Sanctuary, right of, 58, and n. 1. Savoxaeola (Girolamo), sketch of his life and writings, 382, 383. Sawtee (Win,), his opinions and exe- cution, 419. Saxons (continental), conversion of, 20, n. 1 ; 24, n. 6 ; coercive measures of Charlemagne respecting, 24, 25. Sbyxco (archbp. of Prague), 426, 429, 430. Schism, Papal, origin of, 351 ; divides the Western church into equal fac- tions, 352, and n. 2. Schism of East and West, 194 sq. Schleswig, conversion of, 114; rem- nants of heathenism, 115, n. 11. Schola Saxonum (English college at Rome), 44, n. 2. Scholasticism, 172, n. 1 ; its general drift, 276, 277; its chief luminaries, 276—289, 375—378 ; development of sceptical tendencies, 375, 376, and n. 1. Schools, 93, and n. 10 ; 168, n. 2 ; 205, n. 7 ; 206, n. 5 ; 207 ; 316, n. 2 ; 443. Scotland, conversion of, 6 ; 7, n. 5 ; 13, n. 9; 15, n. 11 ; Norwegian in- fluence in, 142. Scotus (John Erigena), the character of his theology, 171, 172; takes part in the Prsedestinarian contro- versy, 176; his writings condemned, 176, n. 3 ; views on the eucharist, 181 ; his work confounded with that of Ratramnus, 181, n. 5 ; 182, n. 1. Scotus (Duns), life and writings, 288, 289 ; some peculiarities of his school, 288, n. 4. Scotus (John), a monk at the court of king ^Elfred, 171, n. 8 ; 187, n. 5. Scripture (Holy), continued reverence for, 60 ; 208 ; 425, n. 1 1 ; vernacular translations, 95, 96 ; 208, andn. 4, 6; 317, and n. 7; scarcity of copies, 208, n. 2, 3 ; decline in the study of, 209, and n. 7 ; 318, and n. 2 ; Roger Bacon's views respecting, 290, and n. 4 ; vernacular translations pro- hibited, 319, and n. 6 ; but not uni- versally, ibid. 384, n. 2 ; 446, and n. 5 ; revival of Scriptural studies, 384, 385 ; 445 ; Wycliffite versions, 412. Semgallen, temporary conversion of, 230. Sends (? synods), 48, n. 3. Serfs, manumission of, 58. Sergius (patriarch of Constantinople), a Monothelcte heretic, 70. Seegius, second founder of Paulici- anism, 89, 90. Sermons, in the vernacular, how fre- quent, 94, 95, and n. 9 ; 206, and n. 2,3; 320; 321, andn. 7; 449,450. Servatus Lupus (abbot of Ferrieres), engages in the Pnudestinarian con- troversy, 175, 176. Servians, conversion of, 135, 136; their ecclesiastical independence, 136, and n. 5. Severinus, a German missionary, 16, n. 2. Shetland, conversion of, 119, 120. Sigeberiit (the Good), 10. Sigeberht (of East Anglia), 12, and n. 2. Sk.ehert (of Gemblours), against the ultra-papal claims, 266, n. 1. Silvester (see Sylvester). Simeon (monk of Thessalonica), writings of, 336, and n. 3. INDEX. 479 Pimeon (Metaphrastes), his writings, 193, and n. 7 ; the influence of his • Lives of Saints', 209. Simony, crime of, 154, 155, and n. 3 ; 156, n. 1; 162, n. 1. Sixtus IV. (pope), his political turn, 362, n. 3 ; his special patronage of the friars, 368, n. 5. Slave-trade (Negro), how commenced, 339, n. 7. Slavic races, 120; 135; 223 sq.; an- tiquities of, 120, n. 5. Sophronius (patriarch of Jerusalem), a champion against the Monothe- letes, 70, 71. Spain, persecutions in, 143, 144. Spencer (bp. of Norwich), persecutes the Lollards, 417, n. 10. Stedingers, sect of, 310, n. 2. Stephen (king of Hungary), his zeal in propagating the Gospel, 138. Stephen (see Dola). Stercoranism, what, 180, n. 3. Stiekna, mistake respecting the name, 424, n. 6. Strabo (Walafrid), writings of, 171, and n. 5 ; views on the eucharist, 180. Strigolniks, Russian sect, 386, 387 ; 399, n. 11. Sturm (of Fulda), missionary abbot, 24, 26. Styria, conversion of, 27. Sunday, rigorous observance of, 95, 209, n. 10 ; 453, n. 5 ; how regarded by the Waldenses, 314, n. 5 ; and the Lollards, 418. Suso, a mystical writer, 381, n. 10. Sussex, conversion of, 1 1 . Sveno (or Svend), scourge of Christi- anity, 115. Sveno (Estritson), a zealous propagator of the Gospel, 115, n. 11. Sweden (mission to), 110, 112, 113; imperfect conversion of, 115, n. 13; 222, n. 2 ; mythology of, IS, n. 6 ; 113, n. 10. Swinshead (Robert), 378, n. 3. Swithberht, missionary, 20. Sword-brothers, military order, 229, 230. Sylvester II. , a 'reforming' pope, 149, n. 7 ; on the eucharist, 181, n. 8; 188. Sylvius (.Eneas), his popedom, 362, n. 4 ; 363, and n. 9. Synods (diocesan), 48, 49 ; regulations of the council of Basle respecting, 366. Synods (provincial), action of the Frankish revived, 22 ; 37, n. 6 ; of England, 48, n. 6 ; of Spain, 48, n. 6 ; nature of their acts, 49 ; combined with civil courts, 53, 56, 57 ; by whom convened, 56 ; to be held every year, 258, n. 7 ; 366, n. 2 ; in England called ' convocations', 259 ; early traces of the representative principle, 259, n. 8. Synods (oecumenical), 61, n. 4 ; 258, n. 7 ; sixth of this class held at Constantinople, 74, 75 ; declared su- perior to the pope, 355, n. 8 ; 356, n. 3; 358, 359. Taborites, a Bohemian party of re- formers, 436, 437. Tajo (of Saragossa), 63, n. 11. Tarasius (patriarch of Constantino- ple), 81, and n. 7. Tatwin (archbp. of Canterbury), 43, n. 8. Tauler (John), life and labours, 380, 381. Templars (Knights), their rise and dis- solution, 254, 255 ; charges brought against them, 255, n. 10. Teutonic knights, influence of in Prussia, 232, 233. Theodora (empress), restores image- worship, 192; persecutes the Pauli- cians, 90. Theodore (the Studite), an ardent advocate of images, 190, 191 ; other works, 190, n. 3 ; his repute as a theologian, 192, 193. Theodore (archbp. of Canterbury), 15; his writings, 63, n. 13. Theodore (bp. of Pharan), author of the Monothelete heresy, 69, and n. 9. Theodoric (de Niem), 351, n. 9 ; 456, n. 2. Theopaschites, 206, n. 5. Tkeophanes (archbishop of Nicrea), writings of, 386. Theophiles (emperor), represses image-worship, 192. Theophy'lact, writings of, 292, and n. 2. Thontrakians (sect of), 201. Thuringia, conversion of, 20, 21. 480 INDEX. TlMTJB (Tamerlane), 334, n. 3; 389. Tithes, 51. Tostatus (of Avila), 385, n. 3. Transubstantiation, doctrine of not held in the 7th century, 103, n. 4 ; established, 1S4 sq.; 323; practical results of this belief, 324, 325; Wycliffe's attack upon it, 407. Treva', or Treuga Dei, what, 167. Trinitarians, order of, 247, n. 10. Trinity Sunday, festival of, 435, n. 5. Tkh'mphi's (Augustinus), defends the papacA', 347, 348. Troubadours, 261, n. 7; 309, n. 5; 317. Trullan council (see also Councils), its importance, 92. Turlupines, sect of, 399. Tyler (Wat), 409. Ulfilas, 96. Ullerton (or Ulverstone), his 're- forming' paper, 352, n. 1. Unction (extreme), gradual elevation of, 213. "Universities, number and influence, 443, 444. Urban II. (pope), stimulates the first crusade, 265. Urban VI. (pope), his connexion with the forty years' schism, 352. Urolf (archbp. of Lorch), 120. Valla (Laurentius), 378, n. 5 ; 385, and n. 6. Vasillo, a Franciscan missionary in Lithuania, 335. Vaudois (see Waldenses). Veccts (see Beccus). Vikings (northern pirates), 112. Vicars-general, 258. Vicelin (bp. of Oldenburg), mission- ary labours among the Wends, 226, 227. Victorines, school of theologians, 281. ViRGiLirs, Irish opponent of Boniface, 23, n. 10. Virgin (the blessed), story of her Assumption, 99 ; festival in honour of it, ibid, and 100, n. 2 ; and of her birth, 99, n. 7 ; other festivals, 326, n. 2 ; excessive veneration of, 210, 211 ; 325; 451, 452; Hours and 'Psalter' of the Virgin, 211, and n. 6 ; 326, n. 1 ; dispute respecting her immaculate conception, 252, n. 5 ; 289; 326, and n. 2; 452, n. 1. Vladimir, promotes the spread of Christianity in Russia, 130, and n. 4. Waldenses, different from Albigenses, 311, and n. 7 ; founded by Peter Waldo, 312, andn. 1; fail to pro- cure the papal sanction, 313; pe- culiar tenets, 313, andn. 7; 314, and n. 5 ; their rapid diffusion, 313 ; after-fortunes of the sect, 314, and n. 4 ; 398, and n. 6. Waldensis (see Netter). Waldhausen (see Conrad). Wazon (bp. of Liege), opposed to per- secution, 204, n. 2. Wends, conversion of attempted, 127 ; but in vain, 129; new attempts, 226; more successful, 227. Wesalia (John de), a ' reformer', 383, n. 14 ; on indulgences, 459. Wessel (John), life and writings, 383, and n. 14 ; 384. Wessex, conversion of, 10. Wigheard (archbp. elect of Canter- bury), 15, n. 9. Wilfrith, 11, 14; his appeals to Rome, 16, n. 1 ; foreign missionary labours, 19. Willehad (English missionary), 26 ; 108, n. 1. Willebbord, his missionary labours, 19, 20; sanctity, 100, n. 4. William (the Conqueror), his inde- pendent language to Hildebrand, 262, n. 4. Willibald (English traveller and mis- sionary), 24, n. 1. Williram (schoolmaster at Bamberg), 208, n. 6. Winfrith (see Bonifacius). Witiza, 'reforming' king of Spain, 42, n. 3 ; 50, n. 3. Wolsey (cardinal), 364, n. 3 ; 365; 366, n. 1. Woodford (Wm.) defends the friars against Wycliffe, 401, n. 7. Wvlfram, missionary bishop, 19. Wulfstan (English bishop), 187, 188. Wulfstax (monk), 188, n. 1. Wvrsixg, missionary', 19. Wykeham (Wm. of), 410, n. 2. Wycliffe (John), life and writings of, 399 — 416 ; his movement uncon- nected with others, 399 ; his pro- found respect for Grosseteste, n. 13; his ' Last Age of the Church', INDEX. 418 400, and n. 5 ; assails the friars, 401 ; diplomatic mission to Bruges, 402 ; summary of his earlier opinions, 403, 404 ; especially on church-pro- perty, 403, n. 4 ; proceedings against him, 404 ; his line of defence, 405 ; his 'Poor Priests', 410, n. 3 ; as- sails the dogma of transubstantia- tion, 407, and n. 8 ; his teaching condemned at Oxford, 408 ; 420, n. 3 ; and London, 410 ; his version of the Bible, 412; his final creed, 413 — 416; his death, 411; condemned afresh at Constance, 420 ; burning of his bones, 421 ; Oxford testimo- nial respecting, 420, n. 8 ; influence of his writings in Bohemia, 427 sq. (see Lollards, English). Ximenes (cardinal), 340; his biblical studies, 385, and n. 7. York, regains its archiepiscopal rank, 13, n. 9. 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